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COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 



OF THE 



INDO-GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 



A 



COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 



OF THE 



INDO-GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 



A CONCISE EXPOSITION 

OF THE HISTORY 

or Sahskrit, Old Iranian (Ayestic and Old Persian), Old Armenian, 
Greek, Latin, Umbro - Saknitic, Old Irish, Gothic, Old High German, 

Lithuanian and Old Church Slavonic 

BY 

EARL BBUGMANN, 

PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE PmLOLOOT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG. 



VOLUME n. 

MORPHOLOGY (STEM-FORMATION AND INFLEXION). PART L 

INTKODUCTION. NOUN COMPOUNDS. REDUPLICATED NOUNS. FORMATIVE SUFFIXES. 

ROOT-NOUNS. 

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN 

BV 

R. SEYMOUR CONWAY, B. A. and W. H. D. ROUSE, M. A. 

PKLLOW or GONVILLB AND CAIU8 COLLEGE, FELLOW OP CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, 

CAMBRIDGE, AUTHOR OP ^ERNRR'S LAW IN ASSISTANT MASTER AT CHELTENHAM 

ITALY'. COLLEGE. 



NEW-YORK. 
WESTERMANN & CO., 812 BROADWAY. 

1891. 



../U 



I 



r>., 



.11 



•1.1. ii 



TO 



JOHN PEILE, 



DOCTOR OF LETTERS, MASTER OF CHRIST'S COLLBOB, THE FOUNDER OF THE 
STUDY OF COMPARATIYE PHILOLOGY IN CAXBRIDOE 



THIS TRANSLATION IS DEDICATED 



IN TOKEN OF THEIR GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION 



BY 



HIS OLD PUPILS, 



PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION. 



In consideration of the length to which the Second Vulimie 
of this Grammar was likely to extend it seemed desirable to 
publish it in parts'). Those which are still to appear will first 
complete the Morphology of Nouns and Pronouns, including the 
history of the Case-Endings. The latter section will be com- 
paratively brief, since the ablaut of the inflexional syllables 
has been diacueeed in all its most important points in connexion 
with the Formatiye Suffixes. Then will follow the Morphology 
of Verbs (Stem-Formation and Inflexion), and finally a list of 
Additions and Corrections to the First Volume, [and an Index 
to bothj. 

A third and last volume of smaller dimensions will contain 
the Syntax. In this part of Comparative Grammar very little 
work has been done, at least very little that can be called 
scientific, and hitherto no one has tried to give any systematic 
account of the subject as a whole. For a long while, I confess, 
I could hardly make up my mind to include it in the present 
work, but I have been greatly encouraged to make the attempt 
by the appearance of the fifth Volume of Delbriick's Syntak- 
Hsche Forsckungen (Altmdiscke Syntax 1888), which, though it 
is not directly concerned with Comparative Grammar, has done 
a great deal to prepare the way for a general history of Indo- 



1) The different parts of the OermBn edition will appear as aoparate 
TolBinei in Englieh. 



ym Prefaoe to the Original Edition. 



Germanic Syntax. And in my work for the third volume I hope 
to have the help of 0. Behaghel's Ch'undzuge der germanischeii 
Syntax which has been announced for some time. 

I have accepted as necessary one or two alterations in the 
transcription of Avestic; f9 instead of ^ (before r, see vol. I 
§ 558 p. 415), jf for all three signs jf, ^ and i. As regards these 
sibilants we ought still, in all probability, to make some dis- 
tinction between the sounds in such words as histaiti = Skr. 
ti^ftMti (I § 556 p. 410), maSya- = Skr. m&rtiya- (I § 260 
p. 212 f., § 474 p. 350), Syaopna- = Proethnic Aryan *cia^tna^^ 
(I § 448 p. 333, § 473, 4 p. 350). I accepted with other scholars 
the theory which Bartholomae advanced in Bezzenberger^s Bei- 
trdge VII 188 ff. as to the respective value of these three signs 
in the Zend alphabet, and, so far as I can see, it is not disproved 
by Geldner's recent edition of the Avesta. At the same time 
it is certainly not confirmed by the results of Geldner's work, 
and Bartholomae himself, with Hubschmann and others, now 
follows him in writing S indifferently in all cases. Thus I had 
no alternative. 

In Celtic Prof. Thumeysen has given me the same generous 
assistance as in the first volume. My pupil Dr. W. Streitberg 
has helped me in correcting the proof. To both I may here 
offer my hearty thanks. 

LEipzia, Oct. 1. 1888. 

Karl Brugmaiiii- 



TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. 



In the two years that have followed the translation of the 
First Volume of the Crrundriss der vergUichenden Sprachtoissen- 
schaft by Dr. (now Professor) Joseph Wright, the difficulty of 
the task has sensibly diminished. The methods and the nomen- 
clature of the scientific school of Comparative Philology have 
found their way more and more into the work of English 
teachers, and it has become far easier to decide what innovations 
can, and what cannot be reconciled with established usage. Such 
words, for example, as 'thematic*, *ablaut*, 'analogical', 'conta- 
mination, *proethnic' are completely naturalised. The last we 
have universally adopted as the clearest equivalent of the German 
ur- prefixed to the name of a group of languages: 'proethnic 
Greek* is Greek older than the rise of its various dialects; 'pro- 
ethnic Indo-Germanic', or more simply where there is no am- 
biguity, 'the proethnic language* is the parent of the various 
families of Indo-Germanic speech. 

On the other hand the new subject-matter of the present 
volume involves new difficulties. On almost every other page 
of the original the word Grundform is used to denote the original 
form from which any particular word has been developed by 
phonetic change, and considering the frequency of its occurrence 
we could see no alternative but to adopt it bodily into English. 
Again some such expressions as 'fertile* (produktiv) and 'ex- 
tended* (erweitert) were indispensable to describe the history of 
the different suffixes. The process of deriving a feminine form 



X Translators' Prefaoo. 

from the moacflline stem of an adjective (Germ. Motion) we have 
called 'differentiation'. To cxprosB the change by which a sub- 
stantival compound becomes an adjective, or in terms of Sanskiit 
grammar, by which a karma -dharaya- compound becomes • 
haku-vr^hi German scholars have created a new verb mutiertn, 
i. e. the Lat. tnutare; the word 'epithetised' which is used for the 
first time in this translation is an attempt to describe the nature 
ijf the change a little more explicitly. Thus in English blackbird is 
a simple or 'non-epithetised' compound, Greatheart, rosy-fingered^ 
in Latin tnagnanimua, in Greek Qoiodd*iv).o^ are 'epithetised' (see 
p. 92). The ambiguity of the word 'formation' which like the 
German BUdting does double duty, to denote sometimes aa 
abstract process and sometimes its concrete result, is a source 
of considerable difficulty, which might well be avoided by using 
such a term us 'formate' to express the second meaoiug; and 
the convenience of words like trans-formate, re-formate affor- 
mate (Umbildung, Neuhddung, NackhildungJ is at once obvious. 
But the change is not absolutely necessary and therefore, siuoa 
this is a book of general reference, it seems fairer to the 
reader to suggest it in the Preface rather than to introduce it 
directly into the text; perhaps however we may assume the 
licence iu the following volumes. 

A small but perpetually recurring difficulty of which the 
reader should be warned, has been the translation of the pre- 
position zu in its technical sense, for which we have no exact 
equivalent in English, except such phrases as 'directly related 
to', "connected in accidence with' and these would be, to say the 
least, a little wearisome, if they appeared twenty times on a 
page. It really covers several shades of meaning ; in 'amat>% zu 
oma* 'tull zu fer/f it means tised as a tense of; in 'ansatus' xa 
ansa', a derivative of; in 'modeslus zu modus', used as a d«rv- 
vatise of; in 'Lat. inelutus zu Gr. nXto)', containing the root of- 
and so on. The nearest English equivalent in the first two 
cases would be the preposition from, in which there 
serious ambiguity, used as it is to denote both historical 
logical connexion , 'ttdJ from the root tel~\ 'tull from 




I aud^J 



Sometimes of course the two coincide, but only in the caae of 
worcb of which the first was in use in the form in which we 
qaote it before the second came into existence, suamor 'comes 
from' suattis historically as well as logically because it is a 
special formation in Latin (iu place of the Indo-Oermanic stem 
*syad-iios-); whereas the genitive patris can only be said to 
*come from' the nominative pater in the logical sonse, oot tho 
biatorical, since both are descended from proethnio forms. The 
rule therefore that we have adopted has been to write from 
in the logical sense only where there can be no possible doubt 
that that is its meaning; where there would have been any 
danger that the reader should infer from it a historical, derivative 
relation that was not implied in the German, wo have used 
heside. Thus in the examples given above we should render 'luR 
from ferS' but 'modestus beside modus' (see p. 418). The line 
is of course hard to draw, but for safety's sake, we have used 
beside in all cases of doubt. To do 30 universally, i. e. to have 
written always 'patris beside paler' instead of 'from pate?^ 
seemed a little pedantic. On the other liand from has of course 
its proper derivative significance in such phrases as 'ans/Uus 
from anaa', where in German con and zu are used indifferently. 
The German aus connecting a form with its immediate phonetic 
antecedent, e. g. 'Lat. fissus aus *fid-to-s' vfa have followed 
prevailing usage iu rendering by for, 'fisaus for */id~to-s'. The 
reader will find that for is used only in this sense of direct 
phonetic connexion; to describe an analogical substitution 
(Germ. fUr) wo have regularly kept to 'instead of. 

In minor matters, such as abbreviations, and details of 
printing we have followed English rather than German precedent. 
For obvious reasons however wo have retained the order of the 
original in such phrases as 'Gr, Att. ^titto^' 'Skr. Ved. ^ray-i^(ha-' 
(cf. p. 244), where they occur in a list of forms from different 
languages. But we have ventured to retab tho symbol ; which 
occurs on every page, and denotes that the forms that it 
connects stand iu a definite relation to one another, and this, 
when it is not otherwise explained by the context, is always 



XII Tranfllators* Preface. 



one of regular phonetic correspondence; for instance it is invariably 
used to connect an Indo-Germanic form with the words which 
represent it in the derived languages e. g. Idg. *Su-^-« : 8kr. 
iru^td-Sj Gr. xAv-ro-* etc. A modification of this symbol, for 
which it was equally impossible to find a substitute, \* cp.* meand 
'partly related to' *in some respects to be compared with' ; it is 
employed where the forms compared are not completely parallel, 
but only to some extent, e. g. on p. 39, § 23 *Skr. (in-Apto-5 : cp. 
Lat. in^eptU's'; here the two words are parallel, but not identical, 
as the Latin form is derived from *ap-^(J-, the Sanskrit from 
♦«/>./<{-, see Vol. I § 97, 3 p. 91. Similarly on p. 60, § 34 
'Lat. sim-plex : cp. Gr. d'nXoag* implies that the compounds are 
parallel, but identical only in their first member; p. 193, § 75 
Gr. TJfid-Tfpo'Q : cp. Lat. noS'ter\ that the use of the suffix is 
the same in both. It would be difficult to enumerate all the 
varieties of positive meaning that may be implied by this 
practically colourless symbol; to remove it altogether would be 
to re-edit the whole Grammar, not to translate it The symbol : 
is also placed at the end of a general statement which is im- 
mediately followed by a list of illustrative examples, but other- 
wise it is not used as a mark of punctuation. On the other 
hand where the scientific brevity of the original made the con- 
nexion of the argument a little difficult to follow, so that some- 
times the meaning of a whole [Paragraph turned on the signi- 
ficance of a comma or a brackets we have felt less scruple in 
giving it more oxplioit ox|m^s*ion. 

In the first hundriHl |vig\v^ and in the sections on the Meaning 
of the Suffixec^ the rt'^der will find a few additions to the text 
isyr which the translati^rs ar<^ n^ponsible. With Prof. Bnigmann's 
pamit$»on we have inst^n^nl illustrations fh>m Modem English 
beside his own fnnw Mortem lIxMrman. wher^ the latter are 
SKTea to iUustmtx^ *i\me |£»\vnorjil jmneipKv These interpolations 
■re all endv>s>ed in square hwiokoisj^ 

Ai his T>es}uoi^ wv havy* depart^ t?\>ni Dr. Wright's usage 
a «ie iin}v\Ttdmt res)>e<^ by usiiig vMo* Chuwh Shvonic in- 
fcietid of Old l^lj^uiaii as the naan^ of Ae hmnutge of the 



Translators' Preface. XIII 



Slavonic apostles Cyril and Methodius. We hesitated for some 
time between 'Welsh' and ^Cymric', but decided on the whole 
to keep the latter in conformity with the first volume. The 
Corrections and Additions' of the German edition are embodied 
m tlie text, together with several other minor alterations, mainly 
of misprints, which Prof. Brugmann has sent us. To him we 
would offer our hearty thanks for his constant help in matters 
of difficulty. We owe to Dr. Wright's courtesy a list of Corri- 
genda in Yolume I. 

The translation is a joint work throughout, but Mr. Conway 
is everywhere responsible for its final form, as Mr. Rouse will 
be in the remaining volumes, which we hope will follow the 
parts of the German edition as they appear, at much shorter 
intervals than has been possible so far. 

The present volume has demanded a year's continuous work 
and a good deal of anxious consideration from us both. But 
we shall be more than rewarded if it can do anything to extend 
the share which English-speaking students can claim in the 
marvellous increase of exact knowledge which the book itself 
records. It is the boast of modern discovery to have made the 
world more thinkable and human life more full of meaning in 
a thousand ways; and before the century reaches its close. Com- 
parative Philology, that is, the History of Language, will have 
attained no mean rank in the great sisterhood of sciences whose 
task is to explore the history of man. 

R. Seymour Conway. 
W. H. D. Rouse. 



Cambridge, Aug. 1. 1890. 



CORRIGENDA. 



VOLUME I. 

P. 1J2 L 6 Read tite variation instead of the opposite. 

P. 350 last line but one. Remove the comma after cases, 

P. 529 Rem. 2 1. 2. Read velars palatals and dentals instead of lingual 

palatals. 
See also the footnotes to pp. 118, 167, 274, 367, 432, 434, 441 in Vol. 11. 



VOLUME II. 

P. 153 /. 5 road should perhaps for must ultimately. 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME E. 



Page. 

PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION VII 

translators' preface IX 

C0RRIOEia>A XIV 

MORPHOLOGY (STEM -FORMATION AND INFLEXION). 

Introductory Remarks (§§ 1—8) 1 

Stem-Formation and Inflexion of Nouns (and Pronouns). 

Preliminary Observation (§9) 21 

Noun-composition (Compound Nouns). 
Form of the compounds. 

Division into four classes (§10) 21 

Indo-Germanio (§§ 11 19) 23 

Aryan (§§ 20—27) 37 

Armenian (§ 28) 45 

Greek (§§ 29-32) 46 

Italic (§§ 33—36) 57 

Old Irish (§§ 37-39) 64 

Germanic (§§ 40-44) 69 

Balto-Slavonic (§§45-47) 78 

Meaning of the compounds (§§48-50) 87 

Reduplicated Nouns (§§ 51—54) 94 

Nouns with Formative Suffixes. 

General Remarks (§§ 55—58) 101 

L Suffixes in -o- and -a-. 

General Remarks (§59) 109 

The Suffix -o- -d- (§ 60). -t^'O- -t^a- (§ 61). -tr-o- -tr-a-; -tl-o- 

-tl-a- (§62) 109 

The Suffix -jo- '%&', -iiP' -tj(a- (§63) 122 

The Suffix -1^0- -t««-, -uuo- -u^- (§64) 133 

The Suffixes -tio- -na- -^no' -^w5- nnd eno' -end-^ -onO' -ond- 

(§§ 65-67) 138 

The Saffixes -two- -jwfi- -iwo- ind- and -a'ino' -a'ind' (§ 68) . 155 



XTI Contents. 



The Suffix -Itio- -Ina-, -l^no- -f^nd- (§69) 

The Suffix Skr. -fvand- Or. -ovto- -ovro- (§70) .... 
The Suffix -mno- -mtiS' (-nifno- inyna-F) and -m#MO- -mtHi 

-moiiO' •mono- (§ Tl) 

The Suffix -mo- -ma-, -^imo- -ftmO- (§ 72J 

The Suffix -t^imo- -iipinri- (§73) 

The Suffix -ro- -r.i-, -fro- -p-a- (§74) 

The Suffixes -ero- -era- and -lero- -ItrO' (§ 7S) .... 

The Suffix -lu- ■!,-,-, -Ho- -_H.i- (§76) 

The European SufSies -dh-ro- -tU-ril* and -dk-lo- -dk-la- (S 77) 213 

The Suffix -bho' -bk&- (§78) 21S 

The Suffix •(»- •/S- with -I'l-fo- and -mf^ -tttr'o- (§$ 79—82) 218 

The Suffix -to- -£il- (g 83) 251 

The Suffixes -go- -qS; -rgo* 'tqd-, -iqe- igS-, iqo- -tigd and 

-Oqo- -aqa (§§ 84-69) S5S 

The Suffixes -sib- tio- aod (Oenn.-Balto-SlaT.) -idco- -itlea- 

(S 90) 274 

The SafSx -go- -gt- (§91) 276 

U. Smffixta in -i. 

General Remarks (§93) 278 

The Suffix -*- (§93) 278 

The Suffixes -ni- (-ynj- and •*»■- (oni-) (§§ 94—96) ... 284 

The SufBx -mi- (§971 289 

The Suffixes -ri- ^f-i-) and -ii- (-pi-) (§98) 890 

The Sut&x -ti- (§§ 99-101). The suffixes -tali- i-iSi-) and 

-rtif.- (-*«(-) (§ 102) 293 

ni SujySit* in -u. 

Oenerat Benwrks (§ 103) 311 

The Suffix -«- (g 104) 312 

The Suffix -in- (8 105) 318 

The Suffix .»«- (-^K-) (8 108) 320 

The Saf&xes -m- and -In- (§ 107) S21 

The Suffix -tu- (§ 108) 823 

IV. The tt.//* 4- (-if-) (gS 109-111) 882 

T. Suf/irfa t'H -M. 

General Renurks (g$ 112-113) 340 

The Suffix -*n (§ 114) »*4 

The Suffix -iff- (§ U5> 857 

The Suffix -^H- (8 list 882 

The Suffix ^m- (g |17) 36S 

Tl. Snfjirrs in -r. 

Kom. aw neuter, in -r l-f -f) (g 1181 375 

The Suffixes -«^ aud -/«-- (i§ I19-I2S) 876 

Til, S¥/Jii*t in -«. 

The Suffix ^ (§ 1331 889 

The Suffiie* V«- an<J -lit- {§ 1241 394 

The Suffix -M-lSS iaj-136i 394 



1 


^^^^H^ Conlents 


XTII ^H 


TOf 
IX. 
X 
XL 

1 
1 




411 ^^1 

411 ^^1 
484 ^^H 
4aG ^^1 








Sufixta in -a. 


The Suffix -8- (-»-*-, -i-jp, -I.-*-) (S I34) 




of vieu: 


44T ^H 
44K ^H 




AdjectWes with ComparatWe Meauiiig ("S '33) . . 
Terbal Adjectitea (g HO) 

With Diminutival Meaning (§142) 

AdjectiTts with primary suffiMs whose uHginal nieHning 






SubMsn tires). 

Male and Female Sex (§ U5I 


458 ^^1 

45» ^H 
46<) ^^H 

4(:i ^^M 

4Ti^ ^^H 
4T» ^^1 

48U ^^M 


KameB ot Animals (§ U7) 

Hamcs of Parte of the Body (§ 148) 

L Jfomina agenlie (§149) . 

B Xomina instruMfvli (g 150) 






Tlie Relation of the >\<men aelionie to the Infinilire (Supinel 




The Reiation of Adjeotives to Abstrnot Substaiitirefi (nomind 
aelloms or BubslatitiYea which denote a quality 1 formed with 


Nouns without Formative Suffixeii (Root-Nounii), 


Root-nouns uncompounded (i§ 160-161J 

The ntmina iKtiotun as Infinitlres (§162) 


^^^^B 



SIGNS AND ABBREVIATIONS. 



* prefixed to a form indicates that it is not on record, but only inferred 

from other forms in the same or kindred languages. Prefixed to a 

root it implies that that form of the root does not oconr in any word 

of which we have record. 
V^ = root. 

: =: 'to be directly compared with'. 

: cp. -- *to be in part compared with* (see the Preface, p. XII). 
. . . after a form denotes that its final sounds cannot be exactly determined, 

(e. g. in *nign-fi-r... p. 186 all that is said of the suffix is that it 

began with r). 
a* denotes a sound which was either n, e^ or o but cannot at present be 

more closely identified. 
A small figure added to the name of a book denotes the edition referred 

to; e. g. Paul, Princip.* 
Hom. A, B, . . . .fi = Hom. II. book 1, 2, ... 24. 
Hom. a, ^, . . . (D = Hom. Od. book 1, 2, ... 24. 
cp. = compare, 
lit. = literally. 

orig. = original, or originally, 
esp. = especially, 
scil. or sc. = scilicet, i. o. the word which follows it is to be supplied in 

the preceding phrase, 
ib. = ibidem, 
loo. cit. = in loco citato. 
Pr., O., Mid., Mod. prefixed to names of languages denote Proethnic, Old, 

Middle, and Modem respectively, 
poss. •= possessive (adjectives), 
dimin. = diminutive (adj. or subst.). 
donom. = denominative (noun or verb). 
There remain the usual abbreviations of Gender (m. f. n.). Number (sg. 

du. pi.), Case (nom. gen. etc.), Degree (pos. conip. superl.), Mood (ind. 

impv. etc.), Voice (act. med. pass.), Tense (pres. impf. etc.) and Part 

of Speech (subst. adj. parte. 8up(ine) ger(und) etc.). 
It is unnecessary to add a list of the abbreviations for the names 
of the languages. The latter are fully enumerated in the Introduction to 
the First Volume (p. 4 ff.). Observe only that A. S. — _ Anglo-Saxon, 
O.Sax. — Old Saxon. 



§ 1. All the dev elopements of language denoted by the 
terms St em -formation and Inflexion are based upon one common 
principle, the juxta-position and more or less intimate fusion of 
elements which were originally independent'. The units of speech 
produced by this kind of composition became in later ages the 
types on which new words were made; and many such standard 
forms, which were in use long before the dissolution of the pro- 
ethnic Indo-Germanic community, still serve as models for new 
words. But this process of blending groups of independent words 
into single forms has been continually repeated all through the 
centuries; and thus new types have been successively evolved, 
to be in their turn the means of further developement. Yet 
these new- types have never brought about any material change 
in the general method of forming words which had been 
adopt'ed by the Indo-Qennanic language in its proethuic stage. 
Certain primitive types, which were characteristic of the morpho- 
logy of this family of languages, remained io constant use 
wherever they were spoken ; and the forms which have arisen 
in lab-r limes, hora the coalescence of words grouped in some 
syntactic relation, have always been cast in the mould of one 
or other of these prescribed models. 



1) 8ee Vol. I § 13. U. 



Morphologj: Btem-romiAtioti *iid 

It ia therefore the business of the ^ammarian. in thi 
division of his subject, to exhibit these processes of composition,] 
and the new formations to which their analogy gives rise. 

In this department of the history of language, the main linff' 
of division is that which separates Noun and Pronoun on the 
one hand from Verb on the other. In dealing with the former 
class, we have to discuss terminationa of Case, and the many 
different methods by which nouns or pronouns form their sterna; 
in the latter class, we have to consider terminations of Person, 
and the equally numerous methods by which verbal stems are 
formed. These two departments, however, constantly overlap. 
Verba are formed from nouu-stema, aa Gr. iifiam 'I honour' 
from Tlfiij 'honour' Lat. plants from plartta ("Derivative Verbs") ; 
and, on the other hand, nouns often contain verbal stems (for 
example, the so-called participles, gerunds, infinitives, and 
supines, e. g. Gr. part, iuiaiav inf. iutaetv aa compared with StDOu 
'dabo'). Forms of this double nature are accordingly discussed 
in both divisions of Morphology, 

In eitlier case we shall begin with those words whose 
structure oxhibita moat clearly the principle of composition, 
which is the basis of the whole formative system of the Indo- 
Germanic languages; we shall begui, that is, with compounds 
in the common acceptation of the term, such aa Gr, InnoSt^uf^ 
"horse-tflraing' nna-^ii\i,ia 'I cast away'. Last of all will be 
treated those elements of words whose original independence ia 
now least obvious, i. e. the signs of the cases on the one hand 
and the persimal -endings on the other. 

Throughout our discussion wc shall i«nsider both the 
forma MS such and the meaning attached to them. Here we 
shall meet with questions of Syntax, which however includes too 
many heterogeneous elements to bo fully treated in connexion 
with Morphology. 

It is necessary first to offer a few ri.'iiiarks on the genoral 
principles of formation wlioae action cau bu ti'aced iu the history 
of luilo-Germanic. To a certain extent these will merely repeat 
iu greater detail what has been already said in the General 



« 




i 



it- 



Horpholog]' : Btem-formfttioii and Inflesioii. 



Introduction (I § 13. 14} to exftUu the uae of hyphens, and of 
a few special terms, which will he found in this work. 

§ 2. When a group of words connected hx some syn- 
tactical relation is fused into a single form , it is called a 
'compound'; c. g. Gr. JioaKovgoi 'sons of Zeua' from Jiog 
xrwpoi, Mod.H.G. hungersnot 'pressure of hunger' fiom Mid.H.O. 
hunijtrs uot, [Eng. commonwealth from common ivealth]. The 
compound — to restrict the term for the moment to those 
consisting of two members — becomes a simple word when 
either its first or its second member has lost its connexion 
in the mind of the speaker with kindred words which are un- 
compounded, and consequently the comparative independence 
which it formerly had. This process may give rise to a word 
which to the speaker's consciousness is absolutely simple, e. g. 
Lat, nom. aing. qui for 'ffuoi') i. e. 'quo 'who' + I (deictic par- 
ticle, cp. Umbr, ^o-« sing, 'qui' pur-t pi, 'qui'), O-Pers. nom. 
sing, hauv this' from *Ao = 8kr. sd + the particle u = 8kr, A, 
Lith. bu-k "be it, as though' which contains the particle -ki -k, 
Lat. s-ub no doubt for *(e)x-jib (I § 568 p. 425); or else the 
element in question loaes its full meaning, and being used 
with the same value in a considerable number of words is reduced 
to what is called a suffix or a prefix; aa -heit, a suffix which 
forms substantives denoting a quality, found e. g. iu schdnheit, 
which originally meant 'beautiful condition' (in O.ll.G. and 
Mid.H.G. heit is still an independent word), [Germ, heit = A.8. 
kdd Mid. Eng. kOd Mod. Eng. -hood in maiden-hood eto.], Lat. 
-iter, a suffix used in forming adverbs, c, g, bfevUer, which ori- 
ginally = breve iter 'short -way" (iter 'way'), (^.H.G, aln- (omni-) an 
intensive prefix, e. g. in ala-fesH "firmisaime', Mod,H.G, stock-, 
also intensive, e. g. stock-fitisler 'pitch dark' stock-dumm utterly 
stupid' (cp. Eng. stone-deaf, stone-blind] (see Tobler, liber die 
Wortnuaammensetzung p. 116 if.). If a word is compounded with 
itself the process is called reduplication, e. g. Or. nafi-nar en- 



1) It IB a moot qaeetioD whether </di' in flie DuenoB-iiiAcription is 
«T cul; see Zvetaieff, Inecriptiones Italiae inferioriB, IBBS, p. 80 gqq. 



tirely'. Hore nUo either of tlio two parts may be degraded bw 
a, process similar to that which given rise to a, suffix or a prefixH 
e. g. on the one hand AIod.H-G. mur-mel 'murmur' (Lat. mHr-mw)^^ 
where the terminutiou -me/ has the diameter of a sufiix, and J 
or the other hand Skr. d-kil- 'oomjirehi'uding, aware', where J 
ci- is a kind of iirefix. 



g 3. No hard and fast line cau be i 
or group of words connected in 



rawn between a phraae^ 
lome syntactical : 



latiou, and a compound. 

It is no doubt a fair definition of a compound to say that'^ 
it is fully formed when the whole beconieB in any way isolated n 
from the parts of which it is composed as used independently 
(I g ly p. 14). Lat. maijnOpere, for instjince, was isolated from 
its component elements m&gnd opere by its vowel contraction; 
Lat. dinud, from de nopS, by the weakening of -on- to -«- due 
to its enclitic position; and Honi. nav-rjfia^ 'all day long' by 
the circumstance that the neutrr *:iav (for *n<tvT) when used 
independently took a long « from nat; naaa. In Gr. ^ing'icmipoi, in 
Jjat. plAUritu-m, und in i[od.H.(j. (fross-vater grandfather', susa- 
holz 'licorice' the isolation was ciiuse<l by thu meaning of tJie 
whole being more definite and limited than the meaning con- 
Teyed by the mere syntacticBl grouping of the parts [ep. Eng. 
best man, lilackbinl]. Agalii in Attic Greek dnn-^nlvro 'I go away' 
ix-ftiiW" 'I throw out' Lat. ab-ed, e-jiciS the cause (or rather one 
of the causes) was the restriction of each one of the prepositional 
adverbs to use within a particular series of combinations. Thus ■ 
the causes of isolation , and of the accompanying change of A I 
phrase into a compound, are very diverse and quite easy to 
appreciate. But isolation is a matter of very gradual develope- 
ment; and we cannot fix a point at which the phrase passes 
into the compound, least of all in ancient languages, where we 
cannot appeal for help to the consciousness of any living speaker. 
At every stage in the developement of language we find com- 
pounds in process of formation; and, naturally enough, it is often 
impossible to decide whether in any given instance a compound 



8M 



Morphology: 8tem- formation snd Inflesion. 



is completely formed or n»t. Thus opiutona may and do (iiffer 
whether the gpellia^ to be adopted is ditifiXo^ or Sit ifiXo^, 
ttai/tjYOftoiovTtg or Jtrt'pi; y.ofioinvTn;, and 8o Torth, in Homer (see 
La Roche, Horn. Textkr. 311 fF,), senafuscSnsttltmn or senatas 
cOnsultum in later Latin, and in Mod.H.G. aus himmelskokn or 
aus himmels hShn (in Schiller, compaie his phrase an ufers rand), 
moglichenceise or mSglirher weise, wenngleich or wenn gleich. 



Bemarlc Aocording to a very ooinmon view, if a phrase is included 
aoder on? accent, it ia proved p" ipso to be a oompuuiid: but this is in- 
correct lu that case every ayntactioal combination of two wordB where 
the second word is an enclitic Cap. 1 § 669 p. ^34 g 672 p. 5»8 and 
elMwhereJ would be a oompound, whioli no anif would tiiHintain. Not 
ema the formation of derivatives from a ^vcn phrase bj means of b«- 
eondary suffixes be taken aA a certain proof that the group 'vt a true 
oonpotind (e. g. Or. ilioi'Kuifnar from ^lo; xoZgui'). For the need of ■ 
derivative often creates a compouud where the orif^lnal is only a phrase; 
cp. Or. nlotiYaSia from iiii.ld; xiyaSo;, Mod.H.O. langiceilig from laHjt 
w*fle, [^Dg. fretlrader from Free Tradr], Or, ^r-'Tv^Jo; adj. "in the head' froa 
Ir ttvaiii, ntgaSaUnaio; 'situated by the sea' from mtfa SaHjiaiim, 8kr. an H- 
iatya-» 'oonsiateut with truth' from dnu aattfAm fop. g 15), O.C.Sl. obon-A- 
potfnH 'situated on the further shore' from oba onii polii (§ 4TI. Thus a 
derivative of this kind, itself a true compound, may be formed while 
the urt^nal phrase is only on its way towards becomini^ one: cp. also 
hat- SaeraviittKee as compared with sacra via; quarladeeurniini as com- 
ptu-«d with i/narta decuma, O.C.Sl. ^^ in inffs^nu 'fifteenth' compared with 
p{rt «n deaete 'fifteen'; A.vest. aspa-vira-joti- 'striking horses and men don 
to the earth' compared with a»pa t'ira (a Dnnl combination, cp. § 37 1. 

Where a compound consists of parts each of whioh can be used 
as an independent word, the following arc the surest signs that it ■ 
a true compound: 1. If the termination of one member of the phrase 
is transferreil to words which are incapable of taking it when unoom- 
pounded; e. g. when Or. 3i6a-foioi (^loe gen. sing.) gives rise to sueh a 
fortn as 9nia-SiiTat fcp. § 17). 2. If the case-ending or other infleiioa 
of the first member, which was essential to the meaning of the original 
compound, loses its force in analogioal formations; when for instanoo 
'Afijl-lvwoi (Horn.) 'Affi-9uoavos 'fimbria Marttalis' (Aeschyl.) are formed ia 
nnitation of Sfijl-ipaia; afiiipaToe 'slain in war'. 3. If the phrase is 'epi- 
theli«ed' (§ 50), as aift-oamt 'having one's dwelling in the air', not 'a 
dwelling in the air'. 

§ 4, It in equally impo-ssihlc to draw a hard aud fust line 
liftween a compound and a simple word. One part of a 
r-umpoimd is reduced or degraded to a But'fix or prefix, 



6 Morphology: Stem- formation and Inflexion. §4. 

or generally to an inflexional element, by losing in some 
way or other its connexion with the simple word in the con- 
sciousness of the speaker. This isolation may affect the meaning 
only; take e.g. the Lat. suffix -i/er in breviter longiter and the 
like, which were originally compounds (for breve iter^ longum 
iter, see p. 3 above), the O.Ir. intensive prefix bith- (originally 
*w' irld-' cp. bith *w>rld') in such forns as bith-beo 'semper vivus, 
immortalis* bid^sULn 'semper salvus* etc.; or it may affect only 
the form, e. g. Mod.H.G. -tel in drittel mertel etc. as con- 
trasted with teil'^ or it may affect both at once, e. g. Mod.H.G. 
-lich in weiblich (orig. = 'having woman's form) beside leiche 
leich'dorn [= Eng. -ly in wife-It/ A.8. lie, Eng. lych-gate. The 
suffixes in hat-red, friend-ship bishop-ric etc. were independent 
words in Old English]. Isolation is most complete when the 
simple word passes out of use altogether, e. g. Gr. Tiod-ano-g 
Lat. long-inquO'S pro^y-inquo-s ^ the second part of which is 
the Skr. -anc- 'directed somewhither (§ 163), Mod.H.G. schofi- 
heit, whose second part was still an independent word in 
Mid.H.G.; the same thing has happened in the first part of 
a compound e. g. in Germ, ala-, as in Goth, ala-mans pi. 'all 
men' O.H.G. ala-war 'quite true' (the only form used independently 
is alla-f for ^al-no). Thus even in the proethnic Indo-Germanic 
period the temporal adverb *e, seen in such phrases as *i bherom 
1 bore' *^ dxh)m *I saw' (Skr. dbharam ddfSam, Gr. tfpsQov 
c^paxov), had no doubt sunk to the level of an inflexional 
prefix, because it was no longer used except in these combinations 
with enclitic preterite forms. Sometimes the conscious con- 
nexion with the simple word is lost because one member of 
the compound chances to resemble some common suffix in 
sound; the compounded word is then treated as equivalent to 
this suf^x, and the whole becomes a simple word: for instance, 
Gr. xa&'iCoi 'I set down' (jtro for *si'2d'd, \^sed') was associated 
with verbs in -ilfo^ as noXs/LiiCofy hence the fut. Att. xa&tw Dor. 
xn&tito; O.H.G. gom-man (gen. gom-mannes) 'married man, man' 
was associated with simple nouns like eban zeihhan^ hence such 
new formations as gen. sing, gommanes nom. ace. pi. gommana. 



g 4. Uurphology : Stein-furniatiou nod Inflexion. 7 

Bwt in all these cases the change of function is very gradual; 
in every period we find compounded words in course of be- 
*'oming simple inflexional elemenfs. Compare further Skr. id-aHc- 
'apw&rds' prat^-dHc- 'backwards' prAUt- "forwards' anil the like (see 
§ 16i{, and observe their later aaaoeiatiun with the suffix 50-, § 86); 
Armen. -a-cor in bis-<i-vor 'eienr' etc., corresponding to the 
Or. -youo-c (§ 28); Gr. -etiJtjc in t^tn-uS^g 'godlike, divine' etc.; 
Lilt. -^1-0- (cp. gm-v») in benJgnu-s, malignu-s and similar forms, 
-ig'a- (ep, ctgere) in navignre UHgdre fiammigare and so forth 
(Leo Meyer, Bezzenberger'a Beitr. VI 130 ff.); O.lr. -mSr {mar 
'great') in ordd-mUr 'very high' Mod.lr. hvadk-mkar 'vietoriosua' 
(Gluck. Kelt. Namen 77. 80 ff.), O.Ir. -lack (slOg 'troop') in 
teg-larh "household . familia' luckt-lach 'ihe gens in lolo, the 
district community* etc. {Zimraer, Kelt. Stud. II 25 ft'.); Mid.H.G. 
nit-hart trii/-hart, Mod.H.G. aller-hand gevrisser-massen and aUfr- 
htsi aUer-meist. 

Rem&rk. The reverse process does not often ocour, i. c. when an 
•rlfneni once a BufBx or a prefix ia rused in the speaker's aonseiouBnesB 
to xht! digoity of a compounded word; but we find it e. g. in Mod.H.Q. 
Uu-muad 'repute, uharnuter' (popularly conneoteil with nmnd 'mouth') ~ 
8kr, irS-mal.i- ig 82J, br6-aame 'the crumb of the loftf" finfluenoed bj 
gAoir "seed") from O.H.G. hroama , Avest. yuraf-r.a tdi'lf, where the latter 
fonn was abstracted from gurne-ISi-, and bHowb how the flufSx -(ri(- was 
r»^rded in the speaker's mind, (g 102 Rem. |. A further example is Mod.H.Q. 
rnhH-iinu ifuhn-iiilz, whose first part was the prefix imii- pr. Oerm. *]fana- 
laoking, without'. [So the suffix in En|;. wtii-lock has nothing to da with 
the verb tu Icrk, nor that in eray-fiih (from Fr, frrtoiKu) with /«A. Bi- 
milarlir rofindi^lag = Fr. rondfh']. 

It has already been pointed out in § 2 that the transition 
from a compound to a simple word docs not always give rise to 
iin element of the nature of a suffix or prefix. The following 
conditions are necessary for the production of an element 
of this kind: 1. the principal member of the compound must 
be etymologically clear; it must be associated with a kindred 
word or a kindred group of words: 2. the part ao degraded 
must appear not in isolated words only but in a group of 
words, and in alt of them it must have the same meaning: 
3. this meaning must be more or less abstract and general 



(Paul Princip.^ 294). When these conditioDs are not fulfilled, 
the resultant fonns may be called obscured compounda. To 
the speaker's conaciousnesH they may appear absolutely aimpk- 
words (apart from the endiugs of declension or conjugation 
which were ultimately affixed), as Mod.H.G. welt for O.II.G. 
wer-alt [Eng, world, A. 3. uioruld]^ Lat. suri/0 for *stib-rego. 
Or even if they produce the impression of a word containing 
a sufBx or prefix, it is only because their initial or final part 
has become associated with real suffixes and prefixes tlirough 
some phonetic resemblance, e. g. Mod.H.G. adler for O.II.G. 
adal-ar fnoble bird of prey'), Mod.H.G. wimper eye-laah' for 
O.II.G. unnt-brSwa 'wind-brow', Mod.H.G. albern 'foolish' for 
O.H.G. aUt-toari, 'very friendly' whose terminations resemble 
those of such words as sattler, schtieider, sUbem and the like 
[cp. Eng. righteous for riglU-unse, as though its formation were 
the same as that of duteous plenteous, window from Icel. vittd- 
auga 'wind-oye* compared with ineadow fallow, scabbard whose 
second part is identical with -berk in huu-berk, Mod.H.G, 
berg-en, not with the -ard of poniard petard etc.]. A third 
group consists of polysyllabic words like Mod.H.G. brdutigam 
(O.H.O. br&ti-gomo 'bride-man') Lat. ilsUrpO 'I use' for *itsii-rapO 
[cp. Eng. nightingale A.S. nUtte-gale 'singer of the night', 
wiseacre = H.G. weissager, watershed whose second part is Mid.E. 
sclteden A.8. sceddan Mod.H.G. scheid^n]. Here the second 
element has not become clearly associated with previously exis- 
ting suffixes, while ou the other hand such words as these are 
not conceived as absolutely simple. No general definition can 
express the way in which the instinct of the speaker regards 
them; each case must be treated by itself. 

Obscured compounds undoubtedly existed as early as the 
proethnic period of Indo-Oermanic; and in its later stages they 
are nowhere rare. The following examples may be assigned 
to the proethnic vocabulary: sitelcuro- 'father-in-law' (Skr. 
ivdiura- Gr. fxwfio'-^- Goth, soaihra), *sy4sor- 'sister' (Skr. svdsar-- 



VbTpIioIo^: Stetn'fonnatioR and Inflexion. 

iMt, aoror etc.)'), *ui&^ti- 'twenty' {Skr. vidali- Or. fixitn (ikoHi 
etc), no doubt also 'nizdo- i. e, *m-3d-o- (\/^sed-) 'settling 
place, neat' (Skr. njdd-s Annen. nisi etc.), *per-ut(-i) loc. 'last 
year, comjected with Gr. ffT-og (Skr. parut Gr, Ttepvai etc.), 
'ffstO' 'pfsti- *per-sti- 'prominence, something prominent' be- 
side v'^sM- 'stand' (8kr. p^^hd-m 'prominent ridgn, height, peak, 
top" L.Germ. and Dutch vorst f. O.K.G./Vs( m. A.8. first fyrst f. 
'roof-ridge'), *soy 'this' L e. *so + the particle u (CPere. 
haup Gr. rn> in ol-io^), *nei 'not' i. c. *ne + the deictic par- 
tide r (Avest. Mop-ci* 'no one' Lat. nf Lith. net, cp. § 15). 
Eren where this obscuration is found in more tliau one language 
it may often have ariaen during the individual developement 
«f the languages in question: e. g. Skr. ptddyami 'I press' (pf. 
fifSd?) for *pi-zd-, Gr, ni^io '1 preas' for *pi-8ed-, originally 
'■it upon'; Lat. i:rSdo O.Ir. crelim '1 believe' beside Skr. irdd 
diulhami '1 believe, trust' (cp. § 160, 1). Examples peculiar to 
■ngle groups of languages are: Skr. ntd-fyas- Aveat. nazd-yah- 
'nearer for *na-zd; originally either 'eiflKuiv, nQoiiijfitvog {y^sed- 
'rit*) or approaching' (\/^sed- 'go, move', Gr. dJo'-f). 8kr. hhiidj- 
'l^yaician'. no doubt to be resolved into bhi-^dj- 'conjuror, ma- 
giciiui', cp. abki-^ajati 'he bewitches, cursca'. Or. httto/i-tit}, cp. 
8kr, iata-gu- 'having a hundred cows'. diu-noT-rj-c originally 'lord 
of the house', dii-ntio-v originally 'house-floor', see § 160, 2. 
muani-g probably to be resolved into w'-xtum'-^ 'ying around', 
ami compared with Skr. d-isie, see § 66. nnnuK; onta^- 'how 
(■oever)', orn on 'what (aofver)' for •a/d<l ntut,-, afod n, ep. 
H-G. so hwto, Side 'howsoever' s6 hwer, swer 'whosoever', Lat. 
ih6 $uper for orig. *(e)ks-upo *(e)ks-tiper, cp. Gr. t|-w7«p&s. 
■p-md op-eria beside Skr. f-niti 'he moves something, makes 
■way with it', with apo 'he makes away with, removes, opens'. 
ftr^j for *per-reg6. surpul for 'stdi-rapiH. pr6mS for *pro-em5. 
moemum itdn for *ne-oinom. superbu-s for *super-f\f-o-Sy y^bheu-, 
ep. Or. vnso-^.-lalo'q I § 166 p. 147. Goth, preterite frit 

1) The -nor- in 's}itaor- Beeras to have been a root-Hyllable, but the 
«atd appears to have attached itself to nouna tike *bhrdior-- 'brother' 'dOlor- 
*pitr'(g Its a.}, jiut as Gr.»9-^u was asaouiated with naitul^a, etc. (p. 6). 



H) Morphology: Stem-formation and Inflexion. ?i 4,5. 

O.H.G. /rfl; *hc devoured* from pr. Oerm. *fraStij O.H.G. hiutu 
O.Sax. hiudu *to-day* beside O.Sax. hiudiga A.S. heddw^ for 
VuH-dgu = Goth, hia dac/a on this day' (cp. Kluge, Paul 
Braune's Beitr. XII 376 f.). Mid.H.G. bange adv. anxiously* for 
*bi-affgo, Mid.II.O. gunnen for O.H.G. gi-unnan 'to give freely'. 
Mid.H.G. niht nothing for O.H.G. nMht Goth, ni vailits not a 
whit'. Mod.H.G. amt Goth, und-bahfi, [Eng. huzzy O.E. hus-ttif.] 

Obscured compounds of this kind will be treated along with 
the rest, although no doubt by this method words will often be 
classed together which were very differently regarded by the 
speakers of any given period. 

liastly, it should be observed that the terms Suftix and 
Prolix, particularly the latter, are sometimes used in the science 
of language w^ith a far wider sense than that which has been 
here assigned to them. One of the members of a compound 
may be called suffix or prefix, iis the case may bo, simply be- 
cause it appears with the same meaning in each one of a group 
of words. Thus we meet with such phrases as *the compound 
ano-paivio with the prefix a-no, 

§ 5. When one member of a compound has become a prefix 
or a suffix, the group of words which contains it generally 
creates similar forms, and is thus enlarged by analogy. The 
more general the significance of such an element, the more 
readily are words of the same type formed; take for example 
th(» extent to which -heit -lich (mann-heit mdnn-Uch) have spread 
in Mod.H.G., and in Latin the future ending -bO (cale-bd)^ 
w-hich is derived from Idg. *bhu'd (y/^bheu- become'). 

If a suffix or a prefix at a given epoch can be employed to 
produce new forms on the analogy of those already in existence, 
it is called fertile or living, and if not, barren or dead. 
Suffixes or prefixes w^hich once had great vitality may die out, to 
be perpetuated only by memory in a certain number of examples, 
and no longer used for the formation of similar words. Thus 
the suffix 'ti' (§ 99. 100), used in all the Indo- Germanic 
languages to form nomina actionis^ was still fertile in proethnic 
Germanic, but in the High German period w^as restricted to a 



Morpholoey : StoDi-furDiatjitri bikI Inflpxi 



11 



I Utnttcd group of nouns, such as sucht "breeding, discipline' <in- 
I kuttft "advent' geburt birth'; its place has been taken principally by 
-tmg (as in schmkung donation"), which etill maintains its vitality. 
I fin English it has bet-n largely replaced by -»iess, e. g. drought 
I dryness, dearth deamess, sloth slowness]. In like manner the same 
I BufSx wae dead in Tiatin by the begianing nf the literary period 
I (e. g. messi-s, mors stem wiorti-), and its place ha-I been taken 
I by -tidrt- (as JissiO natid captati5), which is fertile even in late 
I LsHn. Again, -o-, in Homer still a living conjunctive suffix for 
I verbs in -/« (lo-fitv, ni.F-Tat') came down to Attic Greek only 
r in a few forms which had a fnturo meaning, such aa 'iioftai x^m: 
b in its place we find -fri-, which remained in active use throughout 
1 the classical period. 

In a historical accunut of Indo-Qernmnic morphology this 

\ point must always be kept in view; and we iire further bound 

' to look for the reasons why one element used in forming worda 

had died ont and another taken its place. Thus for instanoe 

tJie soffix -ti- just mentioned fell out of use because it had 

I split into several different forma by phonetic change; cp, Ooth. 

k OHtH- ffa-la^rpi- gti-mundi- t/a-dSdi- (pronounced ga-dedi) ws- 

ttassi- (cp. § 100 under Germanic); ho that the unity of het 

group was destroyed. But language always seeks like phonetic 

expression for like functions; and thus new suffixes of other 

lUid usually fuller form were preferred, and eocroiiched more 

and more upon the old ones. 

An adequate consideration of this aspect of Indo-tJermanic 
Morphology is here iuipoaaible. I' n fortunately the present 
position of the science of language precludes such an attempt, 
and, in liny case, regard must be had to the due limits of 
this work.') 



1 1 In monographs on Word-Formntion full justice has been done to 
it; MP ■•. g. K. voD Bahder in hi» work 'Die Terbnlnb etc acta in den german. 
SpTMhrn', 1S80. I may record m; complete agreement with the principles 

lud d<iwn in hie Introduction (pp. 1—91. 



1 ^ Morpholoj^y : Stem-formation and Inflexion. ^ 6. 

§ 6. Id § 2 reduplication was mentioned as one of the 
factorrf in tlie formation of words in Indo-Germanic. This subject 
also calls for a few preliminary observations.^) 

Hero too we start from the juxta-position of two originally 
independent words. The same word is repeated twice or 
still often er, to express repetition or lengthened duration of 
a process, or such ideas as universality and intensity. At every 
stage of the developement of the Indo-Germanic languages, 
so far as they can be traced, we find this process going on; 
and it is undoubtedly as old as human speech itself. Now no 
hard and fast line can be drawn between the mere repetition 
of a word independently and the new single word arising from 
the coalescence of the original with its echo, if only because the 
aim of the repetition is nearly always such that the resulting 
form has the nature of a compound. Cp. Skr. piba-piba 'drink!' 
(Rgv. II 11, 11 pibd'pibM indra Sura sSmq *drink, drink the soma, 
mighty Indra*), divS-dive *day by day', prd-pra on and on', ydtha- 
yatha howsoever'; Gr. nuju-nav 'altogether', Trpo-npo-yvXtvioinsroc 
rolling on and on' (Hom.), jnuXXov /ndlXov *magis magisque', nXioy 
TrAtW more and more'; haX. mane mane, audi (Plant. Asin. 229); 

1) Compare: A. F. Pott, Doppelung (Reduplication, Gemination) als 
eines der wichtigsten Bildungsmittel der Sprachen, beleuchtet aus Spraohen 
aller Welttheile, Lemgo und Detmold 1862. — G. Gerland, Intensiva und 
Iterativa und ihr VerhSltniss zu einander, Leipz. 1869. — The Author, 
tiher die sogenannte gebrochene Reduplication in den indogermanischen 
Sprachen, Curtius' Stud. VII. 185 ff. 273 ff. — H. Osthoff, tfi)er Xai- und 
lul'^ zwei Ffille gebroohener Reduplication, ibid. YIII 449 ff. — Id., Zur 
Reduplicationslehre, Paul und Braune^s Beitr. YIII 540 ff. — A. Bezzen- 
berger, Zur Beurtheilung der attischen Reduplication, in his Beitr. Ill 
309 ff. — H. Colli tz, Cber eiue besondere Art redischer Composiia 
[Iteratiycomposita'J, Yerhandl. des 5. internat Orientalisten-Congresses II, 
Berlin 1882, p. 287 ff. — Leo- Meyer, YergL Gramm. d. griech. und lat. 
Spr. I' 1093 ff. — Hainebaoh, De Graecae linguae reduplioatione praeter 
perfectum, Gissae 1847. — R. Fritzsche, Quaestiones de redupUcatione 
Graeca, Curtius' stud. YI 277 ff. — C. Jacoby, Die Reduplication im 
Lateinischen , Danzig 1878. — £. Wolff lin. Die Gemination im La- 
teinischen, Sitzungsber. der bair. Akad. 1882, p. 422 ff. — Fr. Diez, 
Gemination und Ablaut im Romanischen, H5fer's Zeitschr. ffir die Wissensch. 
der Sprache, 1851, p. 397 ff. — A. Bezzenberger, Zur Lehre yon der 
Reduplication im Litauischen, in his Beitr. I 252 f. 



5«. 



Morplioto^j : Stcm-fiT 



itiJ Infli^xioij. 



Vi 



jam jam, semper vemper. quis-guis, ut-ut. Ital. colpo colpo, piccolo 
piccoio. 

In this way repotttt-d words had been fusoil into single forma 
even before the inflcxiuDol period of the Indo-Germanii; parent 
Umguage: anrj there is nothing to prevent our referring immedia- 
toly to this oldest type of reduplication any words in the descen- 
dant languages in which the whole root is repeated; e, g, Skr. ffdr- 
gar-a-s 'eddy' ddr-darti "he shatters, breaks up', Or. fidp-^aQ-o^ 
■gpea king unintelligibly' «/-«;■-('»' 'lead on', lja.t.gtier-quer-tt-s mur- 
mur, O.C.91. glagolu 'noise, word" for *gol't/ol-6 (I § USl p. 224). 
"Where, however, the reduplication is part of the structure 
of a simple word, full reduplication Creduplicatio Integra') is 
com para lively rare. As a rule there is hardly more than a 
BUggestiou of the repetition, 'reduplicatio mntila', e. g. in the 
perft'ct forms Skr. ri-ric-a Or. Xt-iaiTi-c he has left". Lat, Iti-tud-if, 
Goth, git-rai-rop 'he applied himself', and in Skr, M-Hr-a-a 'cold, 
frost', O.H-O. fi-fnUra TDutterfly'. 

It is usually the former of the two syllables which has this 
L*bbreviated form. It is then regarded in the speaker's conscious- 
ness BM a prefix, like the adverb i, the so-eallcil 'augment' (cp. 
r.e-(ptvyoy : nd-ifHiya) and other degraded initial elements of 
propound words freduplieatio praefixa). This mode of regarding 
; was supported by the unreduplicated forms which usually 
tdated aid.* by side with it; these the speaker's thought conuec- 
into one group (e. g. ntftvyn beside gifvyw iptvioftat ffvyi^ 
C.). Where the simple form corresponding to a reduplicated 
[ liad died out, or if it survived had lost all connexion with 
\ in the mind of the speaker, the reduplication had not so clearlv 
) stamp of a prefix; e. g. Skr. ja-gar-mi 'I watch', Gr. fi-yc, 
pT-j-arr-), Lat. tng-mor me-moria, Skr. da-dni- A..S. le-ler Litji. 
oine pustular eruption'. 
Less frequently the second element of the reduphcated form 
( debased freduplieatio snffixa"). The commonest example in 
(liat is called 'broken reduplication', e. g. Skr. dar-il-n- 'eruprion 
I the akin' Lat tUrbiSsu-t for der-ii-u- (I § 170 p. 150J beside 
kr. dar-dar-a 'hurst' and the Skr. da-dru- etc. already mentioned, 



14 ISorpnoio^^BUm-forinBitioit and InfieiioQ. 

Gr, fiOp-ft-<u 'bogie' beaido /tiifj ftoo-n-Q fear', nog-n'T] ueedle, 
clasp' beside nspov?; 'claap' ns^ata 'I pierce', Lat. hcd-b-u-s beside 
Skr. bal-baldr-lcar/imi '1 apeak stammoringly', gur-g-es beside jfur- 
gul-iS, Lith. JMtir-m-iw 'I growl' beside Lat. mtir-mur. Here 
uothing of the uature of a suMx could arise because there 
were no clearly defined groups of words with which these 
sangle forms might have become respectively connected, as was 
the CI180 in the reduplication of the perfect. Only where there 
was some accidental phonetic resemblance to an already existing 
aufSx did the element of reduplication assume the character of a 
suffix; e. g. Goth, val-v-ja 'I roll' (resembling ufar-akad-p-f'aji 
cp. Or. ei-jl-i'ffo; and this often occurred in examples of 
reduplicatio integra and of redupticatio praejixa as well, if the 
last element happened to sound like some sufRx: e. g. l[id.H.G. 
Mod.H.G. murmdn = O.H.G, murmuldn mur-mur-6n (Lat. mur- 
mur-are) like lisp-eln sckauk-eln hand-eln; Skr. cakrd-m 'circle, 
wheel' Gr. xvxiti*? circle' A, 8. htceowol wheel' (Idg. *qe-ql-o-) 
like Skr. abh-ra-m 'cloud" Gr. a^-Xr^g 'contest' A.S. tun^-ol 'star'; 
Mod.H.G. zitlere zittre (for pr. Germ. *li-lr5-m%) like schnatl-ere 
»chnatt-re zimm-ere simm-re; Mod.H.G. thSl (for O.H.G. tela, 
reduplicated perfect) like srhau-t'. j 

Remmrk. How are the types ilr-iier- (lii-drr-) and <Ier-<l- relatei ^^\ 
their origiD to the full form dtr-dei- f First as ref^ards dr-der-. Pott and 
other BOhoUra ma; bo right In aMuming that this ia not & phonetic ooi^ 
rnption of ilrr-der-, but > mere 'anggeation' of the complete sjUable, which 
was felt to bo enough, dr-det^, thej maintain, is equiTalent to drr-dei-- 
in intention though not in fact, and there is no Deed to assume that 
such a form as df-drr- preceded it, Thej point to »uoh words in 
ooUoquial French as me-in-'-re 'little mother' W-W/< 'beastie' Ba-ltarpe 'Bab' 
(dimin. of Barbara') Chti-cHnlf 'Charlie' as examples of the same principle. 
In single instances, however, phonetio change maj have prodnoed this type 
of formation, suuh a form as dfi---lr-i>' beooniing df-ilr-o b; dtssimilBtion. 
AgHin, in the prauoss of broken reduplication different agencies msT have 
been at work, and in an; case the examples of this kind have not 
all the same hislorj. Here too dissimilation maj sometimes have been 
the cause; drr-d-o- may stand for drr-dr-t*-. And sometimes der-der-o 
may have been unconsciously resolved into fI'f-<(-m>-, and thus being 
associated with words of the same type as Skr. )fU-ar<i- ■fljing', may have 
given rise to new formations in which ittrd- was taken as the 'root'. 



Morpha 



ITi 






It Rhoald be remeoibered that we are here dlacussitig only the ulti- 
wite origiD of theae different kinds of reduplication. When for inetance 
HKh B foriB n dr-dei'- had oDoe been evolred it became a creative type, and 
Ott later examples (e. g. all extant reduplicated perfect farm«) are -~ directly 
•r indireetly — mere analugical formations . made on the model of thuste 
m which the genuioe process of develnpement had taken place. 

We hitve still to mciition one moro reaemblance between these 
forms and i^ompounds io the strict sense. In reduplicated words, 
. M well R8 compounds , the reul nature of the Tunn muy be 
sbacured in some way or another, especially by phonetic change, 
ud the result is & word which tho speaker supposes to be 
■beolutety simple (dtsregarding of course derivative sufSxes, 
and any case-oudings that may be iii existence at the time); 
e. g. Skr, aflrf- (in the perf. indie. 1. pi. sSd-imd opt. 'A. sing. 
Ud-ifd't = Avest. ha-zd-ya-J> etc.) Lat. sed- (in sSd-imuB sSd-are) 
for Idg. 'se-zd- i. e. *se-8d- from \^sed- "sit"; Lat. ser-S I 
■ow' for *si-aS cp. Or. lijfii for *rn-if>]-fti , \^sS-; Mod.H.G. beb-t 
^ O.H.ti. bibe-t, Skr. bl-bhi-ti 'he fears' ; aauther example which 
miut be aa old as the proethnic period is the perfect stem *eH- 
(I, pi. Skr. ad-imd Lat. Sd-imus Goth, et-nm, Lith. part. ed-<^) 
For *e-ed- from \^ed- 'eat'. 

§7. Lastly, we must consider Vowel-Gradation (Ablaut, 
•ee 1 § 307 ft', p. 244 ff.) as a factor in the formation of Indo- 
Qermanic words. 

This appears m elements of all kinds: in root syllables, 
e, g, i- ei' 'go' Or. i-utv (}-/*' ; in suffixes used to form uuun- 
il^ns, e. g. -tr- -ter- Or. na-rp-of nn-ifg-fc, or verb-stems, e. g. 
the present sufEs -nu- ney- Skr. ci-tiu-wds ci-nS-mii in case- 
endings, e, g. the genitive ending -s -es -os Skr. sanS-^ O.C.Sl. 
wifs-f (for *-es) Gr. vtifi-o^; in personal endings, e. g. 3. sing. 
-ti -tut Gr. diioMii iiio-Tni^ and in the redupliialio praefixti, e. g. 
Skr. pres. imper. act. ri-kiddki indie, med. (intens.) rc-kiti from 
et- "perceive". 

Wo saw in vol, I (loc. eit.) that vowel -gradation, a mechanical 
Consequence of shifting accent, lias quite as little to do with 
morphological differences of function as any other phonetic 
nrlatioufl which arose within a given group of forma through 



l^> Morphology: Stem-formation and Inflexion. §7. 

the action of what is called phonetic law. For instance, the 
o-form of ablaut which appears in the root-syllable of perfect 
forms like ^de-dorli^ ^le-loiq-e (Gr. didofj^s XiXomt)^ as distin- 
guished from ^derJc- *leiq- and *rf|'A:- Hiq- in other forms of 
the verbal system, had originally no more connexion with the 
meaning of the perfect, nor had the ^-form of ablaut, found in 
the formative suffix in the accusatives *p9-^Hj» *fn(Uter'fp (Ghr. 
naTSQa (nrjTiga) etc., as distinguished from -<r- -tf- in other 
cases, originally any more connexion with the notion conveyed 
by the accusative, than (say) the a of the second persons ola^&a 
io'Xf^ as contrasted with the i of the 1. and 3. persons olSa 
I'ifufv o7if, had to do with the distinction of persons. But the 
arbitrary phonetic differences produced by ablaut in the varioot 
groups of forms often acquired in time a special meaning, the 
particular phases of ablaut becoming closely attached to the 
particular idea conveyed by the whole word, and appropriated to 
this or that function in connexion with it. This is most clearly 
seen when such formative elements as had served, either solely 
or primarily, to distinguish the meaning of a particular form from 
that of other members of the same group, have been lost, thus 
leaving only the ablaut to indicate the meaning; e. g. Mid.H.G. 
1. pi. pros, bindefi we bind* pret. bunden 'we bound* = Goth. 
bindam bundum^ Idg. present stem *bhendho' preterite stem 
^hhebh^h-; Goth. ace. aAhsan dat. (loc.) aiihsin (nom. aiihsa 
ox) = Skr. uk^dn-am (ttk^dn-am) uk^dn-ii Goth. ace. f(idar 
}yrdpar dat. fadr hrdpr cp. Or. naxsQ-a naxQ-L Thus even in 
proethnic Indo- Germanic the vowel -grade -<5r- e. g. *p9tir 
father* (Gr. naxijo) had become in the nom. sing, the chief ex- 
ponent of the special meaning of the case, as opposed to the 
voc. sing., Gr. ndTsg, and differences of ablaut like Hqmito Sooku^ 
Xeinot Xinoi had become connected with different kinds of action 
(continuous as opposed to momentary). In the same way other 
phonetic differences which had arisen accidentally became the 
exponents of different meanings. For example, in the masculine 
i-declension in Old High German it so happened that the whole 
plural had come to have the modified vowel : gesti etc. as opposed 



Horphologj: Stem-rornuitian and Inflexion. 



17 



I the siiig. yast. The lasea ol' the plural had originally been 
iffiuiently distinguished fruni the singular by other means. But 
1 final -e was loat in Upper Germany, and partly so in 
Centnil Germany; and hence the modified vowel became, and 
Itill ia, the sole sign of the distinction of number in the Dom. 
■nd ace: sing, gast pi. gest (t/ast). Afterwards on this analogy 
iSff was fonned as a plural for tag, and arm for arm etc. 

In this way a definite phase of vow el -gradation in the Indo- 
GnrDianic languages has often become the mark of some definite 
gteaning; so that the relatione of Ablaut are of special impor- 
moe in any account of their morphology. 

In accordance with what has been previously said (I <j S\0) 
Wff distinguish 'Strong' and 'Weak' forms in the elements of which 
words are built up. The weak form shows the vocalism of the 
Lower or Weak Grade of Ablaut, the strong form that of the 
Higher or Strong Grade, and in each class again there are 
differences, which in forma of the strong grade may be very 
wusiderable (cp. e. g. 1 § 311). 

The simplest of all the phenomemi of vowel-gradation are 
'tiuwc which appear in the terminations denoting case aud person. 
In the formation uf stems, especially those of nouns, very 
WnipUcated relations have sometimes arisen, chtefiy becauae the 
viginal ditfereuces of gradation have been readjusted in course 
of the various processes of 'levelling' which the forms have 
undergone in one direction or another. Some such readjustments 
nust have taken place soon after the differences in gradation had 
first appeared, i. e. long before the proetlinic language had broken 
op; and since then the process has been continually repeated, 
in this branch of our enquiry we can scarcely hope for anything 
lik« complete success in investigating the original distribution of 
the different phases of Ablaut. 

Vet in a considerable number of groups of forma we have 
itlaineH to a fair degree of eertaitity, and can even now reproduce, 
ia all esaential points, the vowel -gradation shown by the stem 
at the period of the first separation of the tribes. In many classes 
nf noaQ-Btems the formative suffix bad Strong-Grade vocalism in 



18 Morphology: Stem-formation and Inflexion. § 7,8.. 

the nom. ace. voc. Inc. sing., in the nom. ace. du., and in the 
nom. (no doubt also ace.) pi., e. g. Gr. na-rrjo nu-Tig-a nd-xfo 
71 a-Tt Q't , TTa-Tco-t, 77«-r/(>-fc na^Tsp-ag; and in the other cases 
that of the Weak Grade, e. g. nn-Tij^, ■na-xQ'-ijtiv Tra-r^a-cTf. And 
similar distinctions hold good to some extent in the stem-syllable 
of root-nouns, e. g. Skr. pAt pdcl-am pdd-as as opposed to pad-^ 
pcui'ds etc. The terms used to distinguish these forms are Strong 
and Weak Cases respectively ; a more detailed account is reserved 
for the sections dealing with Case-formation. In the verbal system, 
the three singular persons of the active generally had the strong 
form, and the plural and dual of the active with the whole of the 
middle had the weak form; and indeed this difference appears 
equally in root-syllables, e. g. Gr. el-f^u i-fuv, in suffixes of Tense, 
e. g. Gr. Sdju-vrj-iii Scifx-va-fitv , and of Mood, e. g. Gr. t-Htj-v 

§ 8. We have seen in the foregoing pages that the Indo- 
Germanic formative system in all its branches is really based 
upon composition. This being the case, the task of systematic 
morphology is to exhibit, first the processes of composition which 
gave rise both to what are usually known as compounds, and 
to all formations containing elements of the nature of suffixes 
or prefixes; and secondly, the developement of the analogical 
formations which are associated with these. It is clear however 
that this task can only be very imperfectly accomplished. 

The furthest point to which we can trace the past history 
of Indo-Germanic speech, without entering upon a region of the 
merest conjecture, is an epoch when, so far as we can judge, many 
elements originally independent had become so completely lost 
in composition as to show no vestige of their original character 
either in meaning or in form. The instinct of the language for 
the particular kind or kinds of composition by which these 
elements had assumed the shape in which we find them had 
by that time completely died out, and it is hence very probable 
that there had already been a good deal of shifting and dis- 
placement. It is therefore impossible for us to say whether 
any given formative element ever existed independently in 






SS- 



Uorpliotogy : Stem-furiUBtiaD and Inflexion. 



19 



precisely the form which it has when we remove it fi-om tta 
suTTounilings. or whether one or other of its sounds may not 
have been a later accretion which originally formed no part of 
ii (cp. Mod. HO. -keit, T § 14 p. 16, [Eug. -ologt/ in ge-ohgt/, 
cji. theo-lofftf\, Lat. -cStu-m in Imcetu-m busticStu-m, which waa 
abstracted from such forms aa nuc-Bu-m Uic-Hu-m). By that time, 
too. hundreds of complex forms may have become simple units 
both in use and in appearance, so that, strictly speaking, we 
cannot be sure that any one formative element which we regard 
as a unit in morphology was really a simple form to start with. 
In modern times we are not in a position to determine what the 
actual processes of composition may have been — they were 
certaialy many in number — whose work began and ended before 
the proethnic community was dissolved : all that can be done ia 
to accept as data their after effects, direct and indirect. 1 would 
take this opportunity of once more calling attention to a point on 
which I have already laid stress (vol. I p. 17 f.). The formative 
elementa which date from the proethnic period we call by such 
names a» 'root', 'auOix', prefix' ; but this does not imply that they 
were originally independent words. Thus the division of a word 
liy hyphens, e. g, 'seq-e-tai (Or. in-t-Tat 8kr. sdc-a-tP.), merely 
indicates the parts which the speaker probably regarded re- 
spectively as the kernel of a whole group of forms {seq-), or 
u a formative element used in different words with the same 
special function {-e- and -faj). 

Amimft the forms that serve to show the method of formation 
which prevailed in the parent language there are comparatively 
few in which we can feel sure that our analysis actually agrees 
with the original process of composition, so that the hyphen really 
marks the point where the word originally divided. We feel moat 
confidence in analysing reduplicated formations like Skr. ddr- 
darU; next, in the caae of the augment, e. g. *6-dfkom 'I saw' 
I (Gr. ^iptator) : and the same may be said of some of the personal 
I esdiogs, as -mi -tnai, -ti -tai, e. g. ej-mi 'I go' {Gr. sl-^i), since 
ee are no doubt connected with "me- '1' *to- 'the, that". 
The caae is different with later compounds formed after 



^0 Morphology: Stem-fonnation and Inflexion. § 8. 

the first divisiou of the language had taken place; e. g. Skr. 
ekacittl'bhavanti they become of one mind* Lat. caU-bd for *ctile 
ftio. Here, unless the contrary is expressly stated, our hyphens 
always imply the assertion that in the case of the oldest examples 
of any formation which gave the type for the whole group, each 
of the parts thus separated was once really an independent word- 
Remark i. Of late years much labour and ingenuity has been npent 
in the attempt to determine the original form of Indo - Germanic 'roots', 
especially since the publication of de Saussure^s suggestive M6moire sur le 
syst^mc primitif des voyelles (Leipz. 1879). This subject, important as it 
undoubtedly is, I must dismiss with only a reference in passing, because 
of the grievous uncertainty of the theories hitherto advanced ; nor do I wish 
to suggest to the beginner that he need at the outset give any special 
attention to the question. I still feel wholly uncertain whether Idg. ^aije- 
ago- (Gr. pres. nye-Tt ayo-juev^ subst. ay/ ayo'^) was earlier or later than 
*ag- (Gr. fn-ax-To-,) and Idg. *§en9' (Skr. jani-tdr-) than *§en' (Skr. 
jdn-man'\ whether the shorter form came from the fuller or whether the 
latter was derived from the former by the addition of -«- -o- and -a-. The 
relation of Idg. ^pll- (Lat. iM-nu-x) to *pel' (Goth. fiUu Skr. pl'imr-U) 
is also quite obscure, ^ple- may be regarded as standing for an older 
form *pelt-^ and its -e- as an element not originally belonging to the root. 
But we may equally well regard *pelt' as the original simple root-word 
from which all shorter forms have been derived. The authorities are cited 
by Hubschmann, Das indogerm. Vocalsystem p. 181 ff., Johansson, De 
derivatis verbis coutractis linguae Graecae p. 82 sqq. 93 stjq., Bezzeu- 
berger, Gotting. gel. Anz. 1887 p. 417. 

Remark 2. Another question much discussed is that of the so-called 
'root determinatives*. Certain consonants frequently appear as the final 
sound of roots in a larger or smaller number of the words which belong 
to them. E. g. -f/A- in Skr. rd-dh-a-H *bringd about, prepares, satiHfieb* 
Goth, ga-re-d-an *to reflect upon something* O.C.Sl. ra'd-iii *to reflect upon, 
care for' beside Lat. rg-rt, ra-tio Goth. ra-pjG 'ratio* ; Gr. nv-S-ta *putrefy' 
beside nv-oy 'pus'; O.C.SL i-u-a'l go* beside Gr. fl-fu *I go*; further, in 
the suffixes -i/h-ro- -dli-lw -dli-mo- (see § 77j. -«- in *t/eif-«- *to hear* 
Skr iru-^'fi-s 'courtesy, readiness* part. irO-s-a-ntana-a O.Ir. cluas *ear* (I 
§ 51(; p. 377) A.S. IihfS't 'hearing* O.C.SL slu-ch-u 'act of hearing, hearing* 
beside *!U€U' Skr. part, iru-td'8 Gr. xiv-To-g etc., and in ^ten-a- 'extend, stretch 
out* Skr. t^sdyati 'he pulls this way and that* vi^taati-i 'span* O.H.G. dinsau 
'to drag, trail* Lith. tesiii 'I stretch* beside ten- Skr. fut. tani^d-ti Gr. 
revtl etc. The use of this -a- became widely extended in the Aorist and 
Future and also in Desiderative formations; it may also be etymologically 
connected with the ^es- in Gr. (-fn- (^^w 'I scrape, smooth* aor. f^Bc^om) 
beside ^-v- (|i;cu) and qea- (Lith. kas-aU 'I scratch' O.C.SL cea-cUi 'to comb, 
curry*) ; in afi-ta- (a/3ia~nai 'to quench*) beside a/S-tj- if-ofiij 'was quenched*) 
and seg' (Lat. aegni-s etc.); in u-es' (Lat. vea-ti-a) beside ei*- (Lat. ind'Ud 



gIS — 10. F,-i 



n nnd Intl^xiuii urNomii.sl CnniJ Prunui: 



iiUlsien 



■2\ 



Uth. r-n-RJi atl-(t), and mnny similar forms, -ev- -u- mfty sometimes b« 
regarded ii) the same way, e, g. in irfv- 'flow' (Skr. srrfr-n-'i' (Jr. |(i) 
lie«i>]« 8«-- 'moTe fopwsrd' I'Skr. »dy-u-li 'goes, Howb' Or. Dp-»^ "hftsle, Im- 
puUc'l. There need be no hesitation in assuming that in auoh instancea we 
nrr- dealing with elements which were imt oriprinally intogrol purti ot the 
[pripnilit." word, or root*, and that therefore, in parallel forms which we 
find without them, they have not been lost, but simply never existed. The 
name we ghe them — determinatirea, formative euf&xcft, or what not — is 
a mmtter of no importance. Their origin and their original value nra 
obMntre. Whore, an -«- in the noriel, they have a deflnite grammatioal 
runelion, lliey may be iiained occordingly. TIiub I denoribe -*- in Irfi.r-n-a 
M an aDri«t-Bunix. although 1 tnlce it fur granieil that this clement hivd 
••rigiaallv nothing to do with the meaning of the aoriat; but in doing ao 
I imply no more than in calling e, g. -mini in Lat. lei/hnhil 1=^ i/yd-firre, 
IS 71 1 B iuffix of the second person plural. 



F01!MATIOX AND LNFLEXION OF NOMINAL (AND 
I'HONOMINAL) STEMS. 

!j 9. < iiir (liscusBion so fur haa led m to the eoncluaida, 
'Iwi in rill' Inilo-Oermanit' languagpe the first step towarda a 
'■umjiletv iuHctiiiutkl ayetem ia to he «t>en in the nomliial coin- 
ptiuudE whose first momher U aa unlnfiected stem, and redu- 
|ilkMted noims iii which aeithor of the two members has sunk 
1ft th<> level of aii inflesirjoal element; that is, if we consider 
'hem upart from flieir case-Muffixoa and froui siny further deri- 
T»tive elements or other particlea which may liave become attached 
ro ih«m. It seems appropriate, then, to begin our account of 
the MorphoIoj:;y of Nouns, by treating firat of (!'ompnund Words 
unil iif Redupliujitcd Forms. 

CliMPOSfTIUN Oh' NOUNS (NOUN-COMPOUNOSi.'i 

THi: lOMPOUSBS fOHSIt>EREi> W RESPECT Of THKIK FOKM. 

g 10. We may diatinguish four classes of iionipoiind forms: 
I. Compounds whose first part ia the stem of au infleeted 
Donii or pronoun, e. g. (ir. iiofo-yir^g compared with finfo-^; 



1} F. Bupp, Vorgleioh. Or. 
■nmeDfclxuiig d«r Nomina i 



. rii 



g !ie2 ft. F. JuBti, Cher dir 
idg. Sprachen, OSttingen IB6I. 



22 Noun Coinpoiinde: their Form. 

II. C'ompouuda wbose first part is a word whifih never 
admits of inflexion in auy period of the history of the Indu- 



L. Tobler, fiber die WortzuBammensi^Uaiig iiebst einem Aiihaag uber die -' 
verstSrkenden ZusKmincngetzungeu, Berlin 1868. F. Heuuier. Lea coni- 
pOB^s sjDtaotiqueH eaOrec. en Latin, un Fran^ais etc., Paris 1872. G. Meyer, 
RMtrage iur BtammbitdunpilehrB de« Gri"ch. nnd Latein., Curdue' 8tud. V 
Iff.; Die Drandva-ZaiiammenseUung im Urieoh. und Latein., Kubn's Ztsohr. 
XKII 1 E L. Sohraeder, Cber die formelle Unterscheidung der Rede- 
theile im Orieoh. luid Latein. mit besonderar BerOokBiohtiguiiK dpr Noiainal- 
oompDsita, Loipz. 1874: Die AcccntgeBotze der homer. NomtnaloonipoBila, 
dargeatellt und tnit denen deB Veda vergliohen, Kuhn'B Ztauhr. XXIV 101 ff, 
IL OBthofr, Das Verbum in der Nominal compuBi lion im Deutacb.. Oricofa. 
Blai. und Roman., Jena 1878. The Author, Rrsturrte Nominative, Curt. 
8tnd. IX 259 ff. — Aryan: W. D. Whitney, Sanflkrit Grammar g 1246 ff. 
R. Oarbe, Das Aocentuationnfiystein dee aind. NominHloompoeitome, Kuhn'8 
ZtBehr. XXm 470 ff. F. Knauer, Obcr die Betonung der Compp. mil n 
priv, im Sanskrit, ibid. XXVII 1 ff. F. Spipgel, Oramm. der altbaktr. 
Sprache p. 102 ff. F. Jasti. Bandb. der Zcndspra'-he p. 377 ff. F. Spiegel. 
AJtpere. Keilinschr.* p. 171. ^ Greek: D. Pezzi, La lingua greoa antioa, 
1888, p. 16fl sqq. R. Ro4:digpr, De priorum membrorum in noiuimbUB 
Oraecis oompoaitia oonformatioiie, L«ipx. 1866. W. Clenim, De aompp. 
Graeols quae a Terbia inoipiunt, GieBsen 1867: Die neuesten FomobungBn 
Huf dem Oebiete der griech. Compp., Carl. Stud. VII 1 ff. F. Hoerdegen, 
De nominum compoaitorum GrjteeQrum inprimis Homerieurum generibuB, 
llerl. ISG8. O. He<fer, De numinibus Oraeois compositis, Brealau l'-7l; 
Zur griech. Nominalcomposition, Curt. Stud. VI 247 ff. K. Zauher, De 
prioria nominum compositoruin Oroecorum partis formatione, Kalle 1873: 
Zur grieoh. Nominaloomposition, Breelaucr philoL Abhandlungen I, Bresiau 
18S6. F. FQgner, De nominibus Graooi^ oum praepoaitlone oopuUtLi 
capita seteota, Leipz. 1878. O. Neokel, De nominibuB Graecia oompoBttls 
qaorum prior par«i easuam formas oondnet, Leipz. 1882. R. Sobroeter, 
Quas formaa nominum thpmata sigmatica in vocabulis compositis Graeois 
induant, KGthcn 188». For other refereiioea xee E. Htibner's Gnmdr. ku 
Voriesungen ttbcr die grieeh. Byntai, p. 29 ff. — Latin: R. KQhner, 
AuaRlhrl. Qramni. d. latein. Spraohe I p. 693 ff. F. Stolz, Die l&tein. 
Nominaloomposition in formaler Hinsioht, Innnbruck 1877. F. Ulricb, Die 
CompoBJte br'i Plautus, Hallo 1S84. F. Skutsch, i)o tioniinuni Liitiiiortun 
(lompositinnu quaestionps selectae, Neiaae 1888. For other referouces see 
E. HilbnRr's Grundrias lu VorleBungen Uber die lateiii. Granim,* p. 43 f, — 
Keltio: J.C. Zeusa, Oramm. Celt.' p. 853 sqq. - Germanic: J.Grimm, 
Deutsche Gramm. 11 (1878) 303 ff. F. King.', Terbalpartikeln in der Zu- 
Eammenaetzung, Kuhti's Ztsolir. XXVI 68 ff. and 328, Lautverachlebuog in 
KosammengesctBten Worten, ibiil. 82 ff. J. Kremor, Bebandluug der ensten 
Compoaitiunsglieder im gcrman. Nominnluompositum , Paul und Brauue's 



8 10,11. 



nipouvids : tlji!i. 



2'.i 



Qermanic lati^u^>!9 accessible to our mvestigutioii , and only 
uppearii in cuin]niuDd», v. g. Gr. i^-finrac: 

III. t'onipnuudfi whose first part is an old adverliial wonl 
(with or without caae-ondiug), which wait also used nncom- 
poiudcd, e, g. (Jr. tni-fiiro^ compared with tni (ini); 

IV. Compounds whose first part is either a eaBe-forni which 
when it first enten^d into compoattinn was ii living member 
i>f some cnae-eysteni, or aa adverb which had only become such 
(luring the developt-nient of the separate languages, nnd had the 
force of an adverb at the time when it was compounded; e. g, 
l!r. Jton-iiovpoi and niti-niolog. 

No difforencee in principle are implied by this classification. 
It ia chiefly intended as a convenient means of survey. In the 
course of the dcvelopement of the different languages, the boun- 
daries of the various classes often wavered considerably, and 
heru and there new formations arose which departed widely from 
the type origin nil y proper to their particular class. 

Clause ! and IV are often contrasted as 'genuine' and 
'spurious' eumpuunds. The latter are also called Juxtii|>osita. 

I'roethnic Indo- Germanic. 

§ 11. Class 1. This type of formation was certainly re- 
(iresented by a large number of examples in the Indo-Oermanic 
period, although there are not many compounds which occur 
simultaneously in different branches of the derived lan- 



Beitr. Yllt ilTI S. Th. Storch. AngelBSnhB. NominBlcompoiita , Strassb. 
I8B& — Bslto-SInvonic: J. Krcmcr, Behandlang dor Suffixe in der 
Knge nominBler Zosamm ease Czun gen im Litttuisoliea, UeEieuberger'a Beitr. 
VH 8 fT. V. Psuli, Die Compogicioii li" Pniaaian], Kuhn-Sohleicher'a Beitr. 
VII 209 IT. A. Aleisandruvf , LitBuiaohe StnUicn I, NominalzuBsinmeii- 
Mtzangeu, Dorpat 1886. - F. MikloBleh, Vergleioh. Qramm, II 347 ff.; 
We nominale ZuBBnunensiiUung im Serbischon, DenkBclir, der Wiener Akad. 
XIU I ff. BsudoDiD de Courtenur, Wortformen und aelbal SBtie, 
wekhe in der poliiiBchcn Sprachc zu Sciimniern bi-rab^c^unkcn siod, Kuliu- 
iichlMeh«r'« Bcilr VI 204 (T. 



24 Noun Compounds: their Form in Indo-Germanic. §11,12. 

guages, and therefore may reasonably be classed here. Several 
have a numeral for their first member; e. g. Skr. dvi'pdd- 
Gr. Si-novg Lat. bi-pes A.S. twi-fite two-footed*; Skr. tri'dant' 
tri'ddnt" Lat. tri-dSm 'three-toothed*; Skr. Sata-pdd- Lat. centi- 
pBs Tiundred-footed*. O.Pers. hama^pitar' Gr. ojuo'ndrcoo o/uo- 
TidvQiog O.Icel. sam-fedr 'having the same father, a common 
father'; Gr. ouo-yviog Goth, sama-kunja- see 1 § 142. p. 128. 
Avest. poum-nar- Gr. noXvavotg rich in men*; Skr. puru- 
dqsaS' *rich in wondrous deeds* Gr. TroXvdtjvfu' noXvpovXov, 
nokv/LirjTiv (Hesych.). Gr. wtw-novg Lat. acu-pedius swift-footed*; 
Skr. aiu'pdtvaU' Gr. (okvtt&tt]^' 'swiftly flying* Lat. *acu'piter, 
which popular etymology changed to accipiter, as though from 
accipid, and even to acceptor, Skr. nf-mdnas- 'having the 
mind of a man', Gr. 'AffSgo^uhti^. Skr. navdjd- i. c. nava + 
ajd- 'driving ships, seaman', Lat. ndvigO 1 navigate* from *nav' 
igO' 'driving ships'. It is to be noticed that these formations 
scarcely ever correspond exactly; we have usually to suppose 
that analogy has modified the forms in the separate languages 
(e. g. Gr. 'Avdoo'fiivrji^ instead of ^avdoa-^ ser § 29). 

§ 12. The termination of the first member. 

Stems in -o- had -o-, cp. Gr. innd-daiifK; 'taming liorses. 
Gall. DSvO'f/ndta (dSvo- *god*), (foth. gnrda-valduftds 'master of 
the house*, lAth, gera-dejis O.O.Sl.rfoiro-rf^/^ 'benefactor. Whether 
-e- occurred as well as -o- (cp. Gr. 'Ayi-Xaoc beside dyo-g, see 
g 29. 30) is doubtful. The final vowel of the stem seems to 
have remained unchanged even where the second part of the 
compound began with a vowel: Skr. Ved. yuktd-aSva- 'who 
has horses yoked*, O.C.Sl. bdlo-okti 'white-eyed* (cp. also I^russ. 
dago-augis *y^^^^g sprig of a tree deina-algenika-mam dat. pi. 
'to day-laboun^rs*), see I § 600 p. 453. 

Stems in -d-, in compounds formed in the separate 
famili(»s of language, sometimes end in -(X-, and sometimes have 
the same form as the o-stems. The former is frequent in Aryan 
and Greek, rare in Latin and Lithuanian: Skr. urvara-Jlt- 
'gaining arable land' Avest. dapid-vazah- (proper name) from 



fix. Noun Cumpouads: their t'orni in Indo-Qermunio. '25 

liatttO,' 'liiw, faith', Gr. ((oi/i9j-y<opiic 'giving couospr, Lat. 
faba-ginus 'proceeding from beans', Lith. aztkazHd-spamis 'bnt' 
(propwly "leather-winged creature). The -o-form ia not un- 
cominnn in Aryan and Greek; it preponderates in Latin and 
Lit)iu»niiin; and in Keltic, Germanic and Slavonic it is the 
only form found: Skr. Vcd. ukhii-chid- breaking' the pot' 
from ukhd-, Avcst. yada-vara- 'wielding a club' from i/ada- 
(= 8Icr. ijadd-)^ i'n\ vXo-t6iii>^ 'felling timber' from rijj, Lat. 
oH-fiis from Ola, (i:ill. Tettto-bOdiacJ boNlde O.Ir. tuath f. 
'peof)!*'' {tround-fonn "tf^ll. Gnth. alrjiu-kvnds 'of earthly origin' 
from alrfa, Lith. ffoicH-raiezlis headband' from galvii, O.O.Sl. 
ylai'o-boUje 'headaehi-' from glum. From these data T do not 
ventur*' lo draw iiuy definite eoDcliision for the proethnic period_ 
It eeems t<i me, howiwer. improbalile that the transition from 
-d- to -0- look place independently in all the different languages. 
Indeed it is certain that the latter was the regular form in proethnic 
Indo-Uermnnic when the compound consisted uf an adjective -^ a 
feminine substantivi': Skr. ^riyo-AAarf/fl 'beloved wife', Gr. ffKoo- 
aoit(C 'upper part of u city'. O.Ir. sen-maihir 'old mother, grand- 
mother' from •jrcHO- (cp. however § 39), O.II.G. junc-Jrouwa 'young 
lady' for 'iungo-, Lith. JHuna-mdrte 'young woman' sen-mote 'old 
mother, arand-mother' tor 'ama- (cp. O.Ir. sm-matkir), f).C.8l. 
pHiHO-liina 'full moon'. 

Stems in -i- and -u- had -i-, -il before consonnnts and 
»j.. -«t*- before sonants. Skr. dhi-^'dvana-s 'exciting devotion, 
intipiring'. hhrn-kufi-^ "(rown'. Skr. iriy-aditya- fntuns name) 
frftm in-, Gr. m'-ay/og 'choking swine' from m-c. Compare Skr. 
iiutr. |»i- dhi-^ beside inatr. sing, ilhiy-d. 

Stems in -(-, -u-, nasals, Iii)uids, and snch of the 
^inii in exploHivea as were declined with vowel-gradation 
hiul regularly the weak form of ablaut, from the proethnic 
period onwards, in compounds as well hb in derivativee (e. g. 
Hr. /(aprj-dft/nwc like ffn/iij'-tr,^ , Skr. pitf-deta-s like pitf-tufi-m). 

Stoma in -i- and -w- had -»'-, -u- before consonants. Skr, 
tri-pdd- (tr. rpr'-noiv Lat. Iri-pla A,8. dri-fHe 'three- footed', (fall. 
tri-garanuf: 'with three cranes', Litii, tri-kojis 'creature with threw 



20 Noun Compounds : their Form in Indo-Germanic. § 12. 

I _ 

feet' O.C.Sl. trX-zq^ 'trident, three-prong*. Skr. agni-dhdna-m 
receptacle for fire', Lat. Igni-fer, Proper names containing 
*^e8U' good': Skr. vasu-rOci^' Avest. vohu-raocah', Gall. Visu- 
rfx (woman's name) O.H.G. Wisu-rJch. Skr. paiu-pd-s *cattle- 
keeper' Goth, faihu-friks 'covetous Gr. fj6v'(F)s7ir}Q speaking 
sweetly* Skr. svOdu-rdH-^ 'bestowing beautiful gifts*, Lat. manu- 
festus. Gall. Caturrlges ('battle-kings') O.Cymr. Cat-inor, O.H.G. 
Hadti-mdr^ Lith. virszu-kalnis 'mountain peak*. Before sonants 
we find sometimes -i0-, -uiu)-, sometimes -i-, -ff-, cp. I § 120 
p. Ill fF. The first form is certainly original in such words as 
*tri' 'three*, ^dru- \vood': op. Skr. Ved. tHiijyam^a- 'marked 
with red in three places*, Gr. xQi-oQoq 'three-branched*, Lat. tri- 
enniuni, GalL Tri-obris, O.H.G. dri-orter 'triangulus*; Skr. Ved. 
dru(v)-ann(i'S 'having wood for food*, Gr. Aqv^o^k Op. further 
Skr. Ved. hdriiyyaiva-s 'having golden-yellow steeds* kfstiiyydjas- 
Vanquisliiug the nations' beside ahy-dr^u-^ 'falling upon dragons', 
puru(v)-anika'S 'having many semblances* madhuivydd- 'eating 
sweet things* bahu(v)'0jas' n. 'strength of arm* beside pulv-ayhd-s 

'harming much* (examples with -y-, -r which alone occur 

in classical Sanskrit — are rare in Veda; see Edgren, Journal 
of the Amer. Orient. Soc. XI 71); Gr. Pitm-avsiQa fem. 'nourishing 
men*, voXv-nmos; 'rich in horses* ; O.C.Sl. has an isolated example, 
medo'Mi 'bear* ('honey-eater) from medu -— Lith. medii-s honey*. 
Stems in -n- may have sometimes had forms in -^-, before 
consonants, and forms in -;/- or -t»>t-, before sonants. -9- may be 
inferred from Greek compounds like ^Qrj'dffxvov 'head-band* for 
*x()<sffi)-«-, o)o,«a-xAi ro^ with famous name* (I § 224 p. 192). 
We may set beside them Lat. nOmen-clatar nOntm-ctdatus and* 
Skr. compounds like Slr^a-bandhana f. 'head-band' nama-dha-s 
'name-giver*, and also vf^an-vctsu-^ 'strong as an ox* (cp. vf^an-vant- 
jind vfian-ydti' for *ufs^- 1 § 225 p. 192). As examples of-n- before 
sonants might b(» given Gr. a^i'-cuJoV 'singing for the prisie of 
a lamb* (late), xwamtg Mog-eyed', Lith. szun-obAlei pi. 'hawthorn 
fdog-apples*) , and for -^w- Ved. v^an-aivd- 'having stallions 
for steeds, drawn by stallions' (said of a chariot). Yet it is 
very uncertain whether those forms are the direct representatives 



§12. 



Noun Compounds: their Form in luJo-Oern 



27 



Iff original types. "Wliat wr^ must uomimiDly fiud is a 8ub- 
BtitutioD of o-steniB for tho ateuu in -»-, imd this modn of re- 
preseatiDg the M-stemH iu composition appeurs to me undoubtedly 
procthnio, (ir. xio-»(iayiir 'capital of a colunm' from xtiav, 
axiio-itf'ioy 'anvil-block' from aKfu-iv, nino-fiatpij,- 'dipped iu blood' 
from uifin. Lat. homi-rfda , eangui-suga, numi-vlutori (inscr.), 
Xid. It. talamchumscuijud 'earthquake'' from talani gen. lalman 
(§ 37), Goth, gumu-kundi 'of ttie male sex" from guma gen. 
gumine. duga-dwArO n. 'window' ('eyo-door'} from dtigO gen. 
dugms; Skr. compounds like iirm-bandhana may also be 
riassed herf, and all tiio more conlidently because sucli forms 
ax Skr, uksdmm- = uk^u-atma- 'devouring oxen' (from uk^ath) 
Aveat. ervdgu- = zrva-agu- 'specified time' (from ervan-) 
cWrly sliow the type of the o-atenis (cp. guktdh)a-). This 
aabsCitution of o-stema for stems in -n- m obviously connected 
with a similar change in the finnl members of rampounds, as 
Skr. tri-parva-e 'with three (bilges' from pdrean-, priyd-dhamas 
'occupying a charnjing position' from dhdman-, Gr. ix-n^po-c 
'boundless' beside d-itn'ixtiv (stem *ni(ifoy-), ni-ai/io-c 'bluodleBB' 
beside av-itifieav, Lat. ex-mngui-a for nn older *eJ--sanguo-s (see 
fi 93, under Italic) from sanguen, BubUmu-», later stib4lmi-8 
(properly 'reaching up to the lintel') from tlmen.') 

Stems in -m-. Skr. sa-kft 'once' Or. d-nXiinc 'single' Lat. 
tim-plex, Idg. 's^-, from *sem' 'unus' Gr. slg ueut, *v. Gr. 3d- 
tttiai' "floor in a house', then 'grouud' generally, for *dr/i; from 
*d0m- 'house', see § 160, 2. 

The Indo-Germanic type of formation in r-stems is shown 
in Skr. pilf-Srdvana-s 'gaining glory tor one's father' and pitr- 
artham 'for one's father's sake', Cp, also Gr. TfTyii-yvo-j; 'con- 
taining four measures of land', from the Idg. stem *qetuer- 
ixtTga- = Idg. *qetiif-, cp. I § 285), Ooth. brspi-u-bUiO 'brotlierly 



1) No infervnoe can bo drawn Trom suoli Gcnnamo examples as Ooth. 
hauh'lmtrla- 'haughtj' buside Imtrlan- n. 'heart'. For eren ^Rating that 
•Imur like thane had alwaya been I'-ateiuB , the a-iofleiioii must in any 
eaM have been forced upon them by tha analogy <if the »U<mg deolensiou 
ut idJKCtivpi. Cp, Leo Meyer, Got. 9pr. p. 247. 



28 Noun Compounds: their Form in Indo-Germanic. §12,13. 

love' (? sec § 40) and CIr. jiaxQ-dyvvuto-q named from the father', 
i\vd()'ay(jia *8poiIs of an enemy'. 

Stems in -nt- had -^^-: Skr. b^fhcui^rathd- 'having a great 
car, Idg. *bhfghr^U, 

Stems in -s-. Or. uVa-c^ovog ^killing mice', Lat. mus-dptda 
*mou8e-trap\ Idg. *ma8'. Stems in -es- no doubt had -«s-: 
Or. naxf(T'(fd()og *shield-bearer', Goth. sigis4dun prize of victory*, 
Skr. rajaS'tiir- 'hastening through the sky', -s- no doubt 
occurred as well, cp. Skr. mandhdtdr- thoughtful, devout 
])erson' for ^mam-dhatar-y beside mdnas- Gr. fnivoc. The use 
of -o-stems in their place, which is found in Greek, Latin, 
Keltic, and Slavonic (§ 29. 34. 37. 47, cp. also the Germanic, 
S 40 Rom. 5) may be an independent developement of the 
separate languages. 

§ 13. The action of analogy produced many changes in 
what we must tissume to have been the original forms of the 
initial members of compounds. 

On the one hand, we find one kind of stem taking the 
place of another, e. g. a stem in -a- replacing a stem in -»-, 
jis Slav. gostO' instead of gostl- (§ 47). We have just seen 
(in § 12) that changes of this kind arose even in proethnic Indo- 
Germanic. Thus it may well be the case that *d|ff- *two' (be- 
side nom. ace. du. *du^u' Skr. dv^u etc.) was formed in this 
{leriod to correspond with *tri' 'three* (cp. e. g. *dyi'pod- 'two- 
footed* l)eside ^tri-pod") just as Gr. diG-xomot was modelled on r(^#5- 
xoatoi, TTfrrrt'-Tfovc (for nfvTf'novc) on 67rra-7roiv, and so forth ; a 
different explanation of *dt*'-i w'hich does not seem to me con- 
vincing, is given by Uartholomae (Ar. Forsch. Ill 39). In the 
developement of the separate Linguages the use of -o- as the 
oonneoting link in compound words was especially frequent; 
hence this ending has been called the 'vowel of composition' 
(Vom posit it>nsvoca D. 

On the other hantl, the stem is sometimes replaced by a 
case-form (the compound tims parsing into Class IT). Of this 
kind are new forniatii»ns like Skr. agri^gd^ (h>c- sing.) beside 



f 13.U. 



II Cutii|>oiuidn : their For 



1 Indo-OermBnic. 



Bemnrk. Cp. the 
«-eiidinK8 Skr. -S-bht/dm Lat. - 
i-karxid- ete.f tiai Lat. wlr- fgeei 

'abo', from which the dual v 



the iiwre tiFuhaiu agra-ya-s 'goiug at the heud*, (jr. nvXniytv^i; 
(loc sing.) 'horn in Pyltie', Mod.J£.(j, befehls-haher lands-manu 
(gea. sing.) for the older forma hefeleh-haber land-mann. In 
Ibis vlaan iiLto a few ezaiuplea nmy be procthnic, cp. Skr. 
a^fA-pad- aifa-paia- Gr. ilxiitl-ttoii; 'eight-foyted', Lat. octO-ptgis 
(Qoth. ahtdtt- seen in ukldu-dOgs 'sLght-day' (adj.) for *ahtS-, 
foUowing th(^ uucompounded iihtdu) with the form of the nom. 
nee. dii.. and similarly, with the form of the nom. aec. uing., 
Gr. ijcataa-nov^- -niin^ Lat. centum-petia benide the more archaic 
Skr. 6ata-pdd- Lat. centi-pes -peda (cp. also Outh. handa-faps 
W'Dlnrio', Lilh. szimtn-kdjis 'hundred-footed'). 

of the -3- of the nom. aoc. du. in the 

/Hj (<iiisb>i«). Skr, ofi/«- (seen in Ted. 

n ucll-iten eto.) do not represent the Idg. 

B formed, but they follun the Analogy 
of tafiUt- and ntpli; cp. Or. ana- bo«lde oinai- in imitation of htia-. 

The same substitution of case-form for stem is seen in 
certain derivatives formed by nieana of auffixea ; examples of 
thiii are Skr, totl-iyu-s 'belonging to that' tad-mnt- 'provided 
with that' {td-d nom. ace. neut.) ii-yti-^ 'desiring what?' 
(U-m num. aec. aeut.), 81tr. ditxt-ttma-s "diurnuB' (i/iufl instr. 
nag. "by day', § 69), Skr. uccdia-iard-w 'higher' (uccOi^ instr. 
p). 'Itigh', § 75), (ir. fiv/m'-raio^ "furthest back in the comer 
(flvxol loc. sing, in the corner, within', ■; 75), Gr. I'/io^ powerful' 
(7-^ ujatr. sing, 'with power, with might'), Lat. ertri-rnvrs i^extm- 
ady., § 72. 2) , Goth, /a'i-n-s 'that* (m.) i*M Idc. sing., § 66). 

§ 14. Class II: Idg. *p- 'yw- 'un-', connected with *ne- 
•ne'not' (Skr. nd nd etc.) : Skr. a-mfta-a d-martit/a-s immortal an- 
akodrs 'vi-ithout horses', Armen. ati-gft 'unknowing'. Or. H'/tpgoToc 
a-fi[lgoato-^- {cp, I § 120 p. Ill) av-tn-no^-, Lat. m-aonmis (Skr. 
a-tvapnd-» 'uleepless'), O.Ir. S-tromm 'not lieavy, light*, O.H.U. t»i- 
aiwien.'endlessneHH' (Skr. afi-an(u-s 'endless'), cp. I^227p. 194: and 
the parallel form "§- 'uu'- = tir. ve- vtj- etc., see I § 2.53 
p. 207, Idg. *dua- 'mis- ill-': Hkr. dur-manas- 'illwill, male- 
voiencp', jlrmcn. t-gSt 'unknowing', Qr. dva-fifi-ij(; ill-disposed', 
'l.lr. do-ckruih 'deformed, ugly' (from cruth 'form', the c being 



□ Compoundu 1 their Fonn In Indo-Germauio. 



§14,tS>J 




changed to ch an the analogy of so-chruth 'beautifully formed',., 
see I § 658 p. 510 f.), H.H.G. sur-lusf 'wilfulnesB, illwill*. 

These initial memliera of compoiixid words may once have 
been independent adverbial wovda wLich were restricted even in 
the proethnic period to use in composition ; just as Idg, *su 'well' 
and *eSiHi half, which in Aryan still occur as independent words, 
in the other branches of Indn-GermaDJc only survived in com- 
pounds. 

§ 15. Class III. This class may be split up into nume- 
rous subdivisions; only a few of them can be noticed here. 

Adverbs used in the separate languages as verbal pre- 
positions are compounded with verbal nouns. Idg. *ipi-dhat(h* 
added': 8kr. dpi-htta-n 'shut, enveloped' Gr. t-ni-^fTo^ added'. 
Idg. *dpo^Ui-s 'expiation, punishment': Skr, dpa-citi-^ Gr. dno- 
uaii. Idg. *ni-zdo-s 'place for sitting down' (y^aed-) : Skr, nldd-s. 
Arm. nist, Lat. nidus, O.Ir, net, O.H.G. nest, see I § 590 p. 447. 
Idg. *peri-sroiio-s 'a. flowing round'; Skr. pari-srava-s, Gr. ntpl- 
ppoog. It was not before the period of separate developement 
that adverbs of this kind were closely united with the finite 
verb, as in Gr. 'mi-tl&rnti, and it is clear that the older practice 
of compounding them with nouns gave considerable impulse to 
this tendency. 

Remark. The group of purely verbcil oompounds then reacted upon the 
oIash oF DOminal compuundg. It ia true enough to a».y that e. ^. Or. ifn^o; 
'aminent, prominent' is not a compound of i£ and o^o;, nor Qoth, nfttlii 
'remission, forgiveness' a oompound of nf and le<a, but that those wordt 
are simple dBrivaliveH from the verbs ilexai and nfieta (J. Grimm, D, Gr. 
II [1878] 694, Znoher, Zur ^iooh. Nominalcomp. S); and there is after all 
good reason for adopting Zaoher'a name for them, 'psoudo- com pounds'. But 
it must not be forgotten that in creating saoh forms the language is merely 
adding new ezamplea to old olafises, whose types have come down from 
the proethnic period, ami that by far the greater number of the su-oaliad 
oompoanda in tlis Idg. languages were aartainlj not farmed hy any real 
prooeas of composition, but merely through analogical imitation of old 
typical forms ; that ia to aay, they are only 'pseudo-compounds'. 

Adverbs, used in the separate languages as prepositions 
governing a case, are compounded with nouns which are found 
governed by them; iyxe^/alo-t; = fc xttfoXij tiiv. In the proethnic 



I 




S 15,16. NoDii CompuutiilB: their Furm in Indu-GerinaDio. 



31 



period, wheu this group of forma began to developo, prepositional 
pfarHse» like 8kr. dmi satt/dm 'conformably to truth' Gr. t'r xfynljj 
"in the head' L&t. ante poriam oau hardly, as yet, have become 
a reeogiiiitPil construction. The need of derivatives, however, 
bad already given rise to conipounda, exactly in the same way 
as iu Moii.H.li. lang-weilig is derived from lange u-eile, in Lat. 
SacraviSns^s from aocra via etc. (cp. § 3 Rem. p. 4 f.). Then, 
the more firmly the prepositional conBtmctirju estahlished itself 
in the separate languages, the easier was it to form correspon- 
ding compounds, and the more freely were they coined. Skr. api- 
-hnnfd-in 'that which is situated by the ear, the region of the 
ear'. Or. Ini-ytuoc adj. 'on the earth'. Skr. updri-tnartya-s 
'rising above mortalu'. Or, imB(/-avS(iainoc vntp-lji/io^ {the same). 
Ijttt. inter-vallum 'that which la situated between two palisades 
{inler natlos). intermediate space', 8kr. antar-kastd-s adj. 'in 
ihe band'. Goth, uf-dipeia 'under an oath, bound by an oath', 
Skr. _upa-kak?d-3 'reaching to the armpit'. Lith. p4r-galve f. 
*th«t which is laid over or around the head, cowl', Or. nefw- 
tifaXoi' ntpt-xfifaXuia head- covering'. It is noteworthy that 
Sanskrit and Oreek agree in using as adverbs the ace. sing, 
ueut. of these adjectival compounds, e. g. Skr. praty-dk^a-m 
from prrUy-iik^a-a 'lying before the eyes', ati-matrd-m from ati- 
-matrd-B 'exceeding the proper measure", Or. Bf4-TitSor from *'/(- 
■^fiw; 'situated on the earth, firm', vnifi-nopov from *v7tg(i-ftopa(; 
■beyond destiny'. 

The negative particles *«e, *Me} (cp. 0. firugmann, Uber 
den GJebrauch Jes condicionalcn Nl in der alteren Latinitat, 
1887. p, 32 (,), *n^ are compounded with the pronoiiiinal stems 
*<ji- *qo: '*ne: nd-ki-S 'no one, nothing, not' [k-i- instead of the 
regular ci-, see I § 448 Rem. p. 333). *nei: Avest. uaf-ci-s 
'utinc'. Lith, H?-kas O.C.Sl. ui-lcwto 'none*, •mff (prohibitive) 
Skr. mrf-Ari-p, Or. fi^-rn;. 

§ le. Class lY. Compounds of this kind do not appear 
ill any great numbers until tbe later periods of the history of 
the languages. Of these, too, by far the greatest number are 
due to no real process of composition, but merely to the ana- 



32 Noun Compounds: their Form in Indo-Germanic. § 16,17. 

logy of already existing types. The following may be regarded 
iis formations which had the character of compounds as early as 
the proethnic period. 

The words for the tens from thirty upwards, as Gr. r^ia- 
Mvra, TeTvagd'Mvva, which have a nom. ace. pi. neut. as their 
initial member. 

Idg. *du6'dekfij^ *duu6'dehjt 'twelve': Skr. dvd-dctia duDdr 
daia, Avest. dva-dasa (with a instead of <J, following dt?a), Ghr, 
dw'dsxtt dwJ-Jfxa, Lat. duo-decim (with o instead of 5, following 
duo); compare Skr. dvddaSatna-s Lat. duodecimu-s 'twelfth*, 
rdg. *trijfiZ'dek^ 'thirteen*: Skr. trdyd-daia^ Lat. tredecim (I 
}^ 594 p. 450), Mid.H.G. drl-zehen (the sounds at the junction 
of the two words have been modified on tlie analogy of the 

» PiCt #1 two uncompounded forms, for -2?d- would have become -s^ 

^L^^ ^in Germanic). 

^^fii(fpJ^ Remark. We may generalise bo far as to assume that in proethnie 

^ Indo-Germanic there already existed compounds for all tho numbers 11 — 19l 
/^l^* Yet it must be noticed that the names of the numbers up to nine are not 

all genuine case-forms, e. g. Idg. *pet9qe *fiYe* seen in Skr. pdficadaia 

Lat. quindecim Goth, fimftaihun. 

Possibly there were also in the Indo-Germanic period com- 
pounds containing case-forms of *diu' 'heaven*; cp. Skr. divd-ruc- 
*shining from heaven' Gr. Jio'a-Jorov,' 'given by Zeus', Skr. divi- 
jd'S divi-jHta'S 'born in heaven*. The Greek compound S&s- 
Tiorrjg master of the house*, whose first member was the Idg. 
gen. *dem'S (I § 204 p. 171 and § 160 below) may also have 
been inherited from the parent language. 

To this class also belong such forms as Skr. tdd-vaid'S 
'having a desire for that*, Gr. nod-ano-i; 'whence coming?* with 
the form of the nom. ace. sing. neut. See I § 228 p. 195 and 
§ 163 below. 

§ 17. The forms of this class, like those of Class I, gave 
rise to many analogical innovations. The most noteworthy of 
these is that the case-ending of the first member of the com- 
pound ceased to be regarded as a case -ending, and was used 
in composition with nouns which could not be joined with 



^^, 



$ 17^8. 5oui Cofupoiuidi : their Form in Indo-OenMnic 



33 



it uncompoundod: o. g. Gr. i^niaSoToc (beside tffo-c, gen. ^for) 
«»n the analog}' of Aotf-dbroc, Mod.H.G. hilfstruppeu auxiliary 
force (beside die hilfe, gen. der hilfe) on the analogy of forms 
like hnniitrs-Hot. See ^ 24. 82. 44. 47. 

§ 18. C«»mpt^»iinds of all classics have been used from the 
earliest period as personal names'), and it must be assumed 
that even in the parent language this was the commonest method 
tiesiguating of persons. 

It remained in living use amongst all the Indo-Uermanic 
peoples except the Italic*). Examples are: Skr. aSva-midka-ji 
iaicti' *horse*). dnr-Mitrd'S (dns- 'mis-^j, M/xi-(//i'i-.< iupa 'hither, 
this way*), dirihddsa'S {ditds gen. of rfir- 'heaven"): Gr. hrro' 
iiaj^, A^dur^ttK;, Ywo-Axoc, ^ior^i-krwoc'^ Gall. Deco-ffHdta (deco- 
*god*). Sy-carNS Sa-caria O.Bret. Hu-car Ho^ar {su- 'well*. 
Skr. 8u, #M*, cp. 1 f5 573 p. 43U) , Ro-^merta (r- : Gr. mjin) : 
Goth. Atistro-raldus with Latinised termination {auMro- Vast), 
O.H.G. Wolf-f»^o droif' wolf), O.ll.G. Vn-forht {hh". Gr. «-); 
IJt!i. Vnisz-nor^s. Xor-bMia-s, But-mUi-s (*vais2H'S or *tai$2U'ii 
':rue»t* cp. cni^ziuu I rect»ivr as a guest, entertain*, nora-s 'wilT, 
hhta-s 'house*)'), Pruss. Buti-l'dtes (biita- hous4*'j Aiisti-gafuiis 
iaNsta- *niouth*) Sa-bute (na 'after, in accordance with"), Serv. 
Vuko-mir \rulc nj'.Sl. cluku 'wolf), Ljidfo-mir I'D.C.Sl. Ij'uln 
Mf*ar*). 

Th«*s»* com|>4»uud> had In many n*spects a peculiar history. 

Amongst the iirerks and the (temianic |»eoples, it was a 
custom to insert in a «*hild's name one of the words which wen* 
found C4im|M>uiid('d in th»» name of the father or the mother : 

I) See in p«iticaUr A. Fiek, Die ^ech. PenonenDftmen naek ihrer 
Bildong erklirt, nit den NmmensT«temen Tenrandter Sprmchen Ter^iehen 
und STstematisch geordnet, Gdttingen 1874. 

2j And perhaps the Armenians. On the sabjeet of personal names 
in Annenian I have reeeiTed oommonicationt from Prot Hfllwehmann, 
and I am satisfied chat in the present state of our knowledge it can 
neither be affirmed nor denied that this people retained anj genuine 
Indo-Oermanie compound names. In the case of geographical names^ 
howcTer, the old principle of nomenclature maj be said to be still fuUj 
in force. 

3) In Lithuanian this mode of forming Camflj names is now obsolete. 

Hru.'Biaan. Oaieat*. II. 3 



• ■1 : Indo-Gcrmanic. § 1"*. 

-X'l.irf.c son oi /u fn-ynfcT) :. 
» » - » * « ■ 

■•• "^'^ ooiiturv A. I), we !ijv ■ 

■-"r*7 and Wo/ f -J erf son- •.- 

I .. 'ftin't/i.'i (Stark. I)i" K-.s- 

Fiiis r\})liiin:> iii" i'-.-j-x t:;..: 

^ a-'aniim* W*".'" nl'lrii r i:Oi':il -(l 

*0 wliolr -lilPl" 'rll '^■' : ' = ■■.:1!'.' 1 

■ • i >iir"li\ '- ''XM-' ^li-i : V . ■ I ••: ':: 

^ \\ ' riiii' \ » I'ii- ■'.■:' -: ■ : . T i-- 

w 'irii -^i; »xv>: II- -..,!■ . .:. ..: 

/" ^ ■. ::. ill .^lo,l.! I.< i. hii.1,1 ' '- .'/■'... 

' / / */ 

S" 'If iSSt i', 1 'I /./''■ .'•'■. ' . •' 

' '■ .■ /.' •' // ''' /'• ^. \ L . . . : ■:, 

I I • • • 

. . « • I • » •; « . -'■ . I /'/:••- 

M ^! Nv.l. . i' :> ^- ::'.:\'.:.^ wa-- 



I ■ 



■ * N 



• ,;.\^H..«^ V.*..», ^., ,..V A ■. \r ^.■»tl I' 

^. v.. I .*u: *L"M l«0*' I'.. ■..•> vir:V>. I ". . '^7 

, ^«^sM«\ »» » ■■■* •' *•» ''^ ..v.. 



e. g. Gr- Klifroi; = '^vtixXr/TOi (a bishop in the first century), 
Vvlfus = Hun-til/iiS, Sciroruni primaa, eaee. V, JomaQdes c, 54. 
Where this kind of abbreviation took place the feeling for 
the etymological structure of the compound was sometimes lost, 
and so the initial consonant or consonants of the second 
member remain in the curtailed form. Gr. Nixtytioi; ^ Niko- 

Oolv-iaj = IIo),v-^in]. 0-H.O. Adal-bo = Adel-bero and Aflel- 
boldus, Silo = Sibold Sigi-bald, Eat-po = Rat-poto, Tkiemo = 
Titiet-martig, Ercam-bins = Ercant-bei-tus. 

Remark. I do not knuw ivhat view to take uf the frequeut 
■Irengtheiiing of a medial oonsonant iii abbreviated names in Greek and in 
^ermania; e. g. Or. Sirrti, 'jlfa»»,a, d<.x*ii, Kali^nJ., Kifi-fifi.;, eto-rmi, 
JViMBTTii. Kito-9»it, O.H.G. llta — Ita-beryi, Sieeo = Sige-riek Sig-bfrtun 
Sig-fridu», Atjgo — Ago-bardus. Cp. Fiok, Die grieoh. Personcnoamen 
p. LIX gq. Hod Bezzenberger'B Beitr. in 277 f., Baunack, Stadia Kiooli- 
tfuna iLlps. 1884) p. il f., and Studien auf den Qebiete des Orieoh. I 1, 
60, Stark, Gogenamen p. 19 ff. 

The student should cotiipare the examples of abbreviated 
names in other languages collected by R. Mowat, in hia essay De 
la duforiimtion dans les noras propres {Mem. de la Soc. de 
Ling. 1, 171 If.). 

§ IS. Accentuation of Compounds. In languages where 
the free ludo-Gerraanic accentuation can still be observed, the 
poaitiiin of the accent in compounds varies considerably in many 
ways, and it is certain that even in the proethnic period a 
fom plica ted system had been developed. Certain principles, 
however, can be everywhere recognised, and must probably bo 
assumed as holding good for that period. 

1. Where the meaning was not epithotiaed' (§ 50) the 
compounds of Class I (ace above) were usually oxytone if the 
second member waa a nometi agentis : Skr. raJkru-c6Jd-3 "driving 
on the weary' (cSdd-s 'driving on') u&va-hayd-s 'driving on the 
steeds' {kayd-s 'driving on'), Or. ipT/o-no/fnii^ 'conducting souls' 
(no/inoi,- 'conductor') naido-r^o^Oi; for *7iaiio-rooif6g (I § 676 p. 542 f.) 
'nourishing children' (rpoyo't,' nourisher'). On the other hand, 
where the meaning was 'epithetiaed', the first member usually 

3« 



36 Noun Compounds: their Form in Indo-Germanic. §19. 

bore tlie accent, no matter of what parts of speech the w ord wh«» 
compounded : Skr. Iidriiyyctiva-s 'liaviug golden-yellow steeds 
hiranya-ksSa-8 'golden-haired*, Avest. stehr-jfafsah- adorned with 
stars' = pr. Ar. *8tf-paiia8' (I § 260 p. 212, § 288 p. 229 f., 
JJ 674 p. 539), Gr. ^a^v-xoXnoq *with deep, full bosom* nXvxo^ 
nuiXo^ 'having glorious steeds' /aky.o-Titwg 'bronze-footed' (as regards 
instances like svQV'0€t&^^ 'with wide stream' for *6iov'(}ff&po^' 
see I § 676, 2 p. 541 and Wheeler, Der griech. Nominalacc. 
43 tf.), A.S. fifder-fSte Your-footed' for pr. Germ. Jipur- (I § 529 
J). 384 f.) like Skr. cdtu^'pad-. Thus we find existing side by 
side forms like Skr. raja-putrd'S 'king's son and rdja-putra-fi 
having kings for sons', Gr. vavroono^ turning all' (cp. xoono^ 
'tumor, strap by means of which tlie oar is turned') and voXv- 
T()07io; of many wil(»s' fc]). rntinoc a turn') with many shnilar 
examples. 

Remark 1. The exceptions to these rules still need careful investi- 
fi^ation. Thus for example, Sanskrit compounds of -pafi- *lord*, though they 
belong to the immutato or unepithetlsed class, accentuate the first member, 
as f/and'pffti'S *lord of a troop* pdr-pati'^ 'lord of a stronghold*, and the 
*/ of Gotlu "fadi- in hunda'/adi' 'leader of 100 men' points to the »ame 
accentuation, pr. Germ. */undd'fadi' (I § 580 p. 886 f.). May not thi-* 
substantive have been originally a nomen actionia meaning *rule, lordship' 
(cp. § 149), so that the compounds in question would originally have beon 
tMiiata (epithetised)? 

2. Compounds wirli *ii- ^yn- 'un-' acc(»ut(Ml this pn»fix if 
they were tlic same i)art nf s|)(»ech as their final member. Skr. 
d'kumHra-s ^non-boy, matured vontli* (himard-s), d-dirgha-s iior 
long' (dJrghd-s), d-k^Ua-s imperishable' (Lsitd-s). dn-andlia-s *not 
blind* (andhd's), Cir. u-douKt gifts that are no gifts' (dfoga), 
d-drjXfk; nut plain* (J/yAo^-) , r/.-<y,V/nv ==■' ^kr. d-k^tta-s, uvaXvoz 
'insatiable*. 

Remark 2. If the phonetic law for ^l, which was laid down in 
I § 226, is correct, Skr. dh- and Gr. ur- must once haye been regular 
eTeu where the next part of the compound began vrith a consonant. 
In that case the unaccented a- a- of epithetised compounds like Skr. 
a-immU- 'without darkness* Gr. d^f^fj^t 'fearless*, must haye passed into 
more general use, thanks no doubt to the fact that before a sonant eyery 
*^f;-, accented and unaccented alike, regularly became «»/- rri- (op. 4//- 
-^ndha-H and an-enda- "sinless*, Hvalroi and ar-aiSfl; 'shameless*). 



§19 — 21. Noun Compounds: their Form in Aryan. 37 

H, Compound?* consisting of adverbs -f- |>arricipl(»s in -fo-, 
.ibstnict substantives in -//-, or similar vorbal nouns (Class III), 
had the accent upon the adverb, just as the corresponding forms 
of the finite verb in a principal clause throw back their accent 
upon the adverbs which qualified them (cp. I § 669 p. 534). 
Skr. prd'ttU'S given up' Or. nfiO'dnro^ abandoned*, Skr. prd-tti-^ 
Gr. 7r(j6'0o(Jt^'; A.S. frd'cod Goth, frd-kunps 'despised', O.ILG. 
frd'fdt 'transgression*. In Greek the accentuation followed new 
rules; thus we have aTro^Tsk&vrrjrog instead of ^ujiO'TtXevtCctoc, 
(iTin'Titiic, for ^dnO'Tiai^', cp. evov'pf€i^()oc above, 1. 

4. Cumulative numerals {Dvandva) had the accent on the 
first number, as Skr. (Ivd-daSa Gr. JrJ-tUxa 'twelve*. 

Aryan. 

S 20. In the proethnic period of Aryan the existing 
typos of formation underwent no important changes. 

In certain forms, as Skr. diva-ma glia-a, we find -a- when^ 
wo should expect -a-. These no doubt arose by analogy in 
proethnic Aryan , if they are due to the infiuence of Indo- 
(Jormanic stems in -^, or if they contain the form of the 
instr. sing. See § 22, with the Remark. 

Examples of compounds which accurately represent the Indo- 
(fermanic types are: Skr. vira-hdn- Avest. vtra-jan" 'slaying 
men'. Skr. dva-hata- Avest. O.Pers. ava-Jata- *beaten off, struck 
down, killed*: cp. Lat. au-, Skr. diirB'Sruta- proper name, Avest. 
dUrcie'SrilUt' 'far-famed', containing the loc. sing, of the stem 
dura-. 

§ 21. In Sanskrit, nominal compounds were freely 
'lev(»lopod. In the Yoda and the Brahmana compounds con- 
taining more than two members appear but rarely; but in 
the classical language, especially in th<» artificial style, stem- 
compounds (Class I) consisting of several members are quit(? 
wmimon, e. g. salc^la'ntti'iastru'tattva'jfia-s 'knowing (ffta-) 
the essence {tattva-) of all (sakala-) manuals (sastra-) of deport- 
ment (mtl')\ Later poets created compounds which were ab- 



38 Noun Compounds: their Form in Aryan. §21,22. 

solute monstrosities; see the examples given by Justi, Uber die 
Zusammensetzung der Nomina, p. 17. 

§ 22. Class 1. 

o-stems. aSva-yuj' 'yoking horses': Gr. Imto-'CvyoQ, Ved. 
yukta-aiva'S and yuktdiva-s *for whom horses have been yoked'; 
in classical Sanskrit only the contracted form occurs. No satis- 
factory explanation has been given of the -fl- in Ved. dSvd- 
-magha-s rich in horses* gurtd-vasU'S 'possessing agreeable things* 
and other similar examples. 

Remark. Cp. -a- beside -a- in Iranian (§ 25) Here we may con- 
ceivably have either 1. the feminine -a- (op. Gr. &avaTr^^(p6eog beside 
^avaro-tpo^og § 29); 2. Ar. a = Idg. o in open syllables (I § 78 p. 69); 
3. the effect of some principle of rhythm (cp. Avest. aco. ver^prd-jan-eni 
beside gen. ver*pra-yn-6 nom. ver^pra-Ja -^a); or 4. the instrumental in d 
taking the place of the stem. The origin of the a need not, of course, be 
the same in every instance. Cp. also Skr. divd-vant- and the like, § 127. 

(I-stenis. Ved. jiyd-vdja-s 'liaving the speed of the bow- 
string': Lith. gijci 'cord*. Parallel to these arc forms with -a-, 
Ved. ukha-chid' 'breaking the pot {ukhd-y etc., see § 12 p. 24 f. 

*-, w-stems. SacT'VasU'S *\>oy^^erful\ tanU-tydJ- 'abandoning 
life and limb'. Cp. § 12 p. 25. 

*-, w- stem 8. tri'pdd'^ paiti-pd-s^ triiyyaru^a- etc. (§ 12 
p. 25 f.). Cp. also dyu'k^a- 'dwelling in the light of heaven* 
beside div-it- going to heaven* (cp. instr. pi. dyii-bhi^ : instr. sing. 
div'd): nom. sing, dydti-s^ Gr. Zsv^'. 

Nasal stems, nama-dha-s etc., see § 12 p. 26 f. sa-kft 
Gr. «-7iAdos", see ibid. p. 27. 

r- stems. piff'Srdoana'8 'bringing honour to a father', 
pitr-artham for a father's sake*. Cp. § 12 p. 27 f. 

M^- stems. bfhdt'kctU'^ 'having a lofty bnnnor': ace. sing. 
bfhdnt-am. Cp. § 12 p. 28. 

es-stems. rajas-iur- 'hastening through the }itnios])here*. 
The -5- in rajo-megha-s 'cloud of dust* cucd-vhl- skilhid iu 
hymns* {vdcas: Gr. anoc), like tli(» -o* of the ins(r. pi. (rd/'o-bhis), 
is taken from the nom. ace. sing, in -0 {rdjo), s('e 1 § o'Jl p. 417 f., 
and § 24 below. 



It is not iincommon to find the types of Classea I and IV 
confused, a caae-form taking the [iIhco of a steDi. Examples arc 
pT*-n in § 24. 

§ 23. Class II. a-ijata-s 'not gone, untrodden': iir-u-^nro^ 
'untrodden'; dn-apta-s not reficheil, not reaeliing to. unskilful': 
op. Lat. in-eptu-s. dui-pOra-s hard to make one's wny over, 
hard to pase': Or. JiVn opouj the same. The opposite of tl-e 
latter fomi, sii 'well', was not restricted to use in compounds 
until the poat-Vedic period (as in su-h'uvas- 'famous'); ep. § 21'. 

Class III. prd-tata-s 'outspread' prA-tati-^ 'an outspreading': 
Or. npo-Tonis' 'a stretching forward, assei-tion'. 

d»ti-iffha-m 'the space over against (before) the house': Or, 
avti-S^'^nv 'the space over against (before) the door', owm- 
9aijfA-s 'eonffirmahle to truth (ami salaam)'. pari-haBtd-s 'placeil 
round the hand {pari hdslaw)'. d-<ISva-s 'going to the deit^' 
(dffrdm rf)'. 

§ 24. Class IV. pita-malid-s 'grandfather on the father's 
side* (gen. pitSmah&sya) from pitd mukd-s 'pater grandis'; from 
which came the feminine derivative piianiahf 'grandmother on 
the father's side'. Cp. Lnt. rOs-marTmis gen. rSsmarJm § ;)6. 

divS-jA-s 'child of heaven" (gen. of div-). dasyoh-putru-s 
son of a slave-woman' (gen. of rfflsT). brtihmafios-ptiti-$ 'lord nf 
prayer', iubhds-pdti-i 'lord of adornment' (gen. of brahman-, iiibli-). 
j/udhi-ffhiro-s proper name, 'firm iii battle' (loe. of t/iidh-). diva- 
kttii/a- 'to lie reijoatod by day* (iastr. of dip-). 

This group of forms was considerably enlarged because 
tase-forms were sometimes substituted for stems in compounds 
of thn type of Class I ; e. g. dipi-k^U- Vhvelliug in heaven' (loe. of 
div-). npau-lr4ii' 'dwelling in the waters' Oo*"- pl- "f "P')- "{/fS- 
aa-t 'going at the head' (loe. of «^m-, ugra-ipt-s is also found), 
vajtiw-bhard-s "carrying nff booty* (ace. of vaja-), agnim-ifidh&s 
kindling fire' (nee. of agni-). In such compounds as those there 
nin have been no transition from a phrase to a compound word. 
Iiut merely an analogical imitatiim of compounds already in 



40 Noun Compounds: their Form in Aryan. §24. 

existence; for at the time when these were formed, their final 
members were no longer in use as independent words. 

The same holds good of all such 'epithetised* compounds of 
this class as had that meaning as soon as they came into 
existence; cp. rayds-katna-s 'having desire for wealth* (gen.) from 
kdma-s 'desire', duri-anias *ended, ending in the distance' (loc.) 
from dnta-s 'end' (compare dUrS-irutas, a proper name, 'far- 
famed'), Satdm-uti'^ 'furnishing a hundred (ace.) aids' from uti-s 
'help' (with the simple stem: iafd-vdjas 'furnishing hundredfold 
sustenance'). 

It often happened that the case-ending of the first member 
was used in new formations after it had ceased to be recogni8e<l 
ti8 such, so that one part of the new compound shows a case-form 
which does not appear when the word is independent: thus vdnas- 
pdti'$ 'lord of the wood' (stem vdna-^ gen. vdnasya-) is formed 
on the analogy of compounds ending in -as-pati-^^ whose first 
member was the genitive of a consonantal stem, as brdhnianas- 
f)dti'^; vasun-dharu'S 'concealing treasure' instead of *vasu- 
dhara-s (cp. vasu'dhara-s) from vdsu n. 'treasure*, on the ana- 
logy of forms like dhuran-dhara-s 'bearing a yoke* (ace. dhnr-am) 
kulan-dJiara'S 'sustaining one's family' (ace. ktda-m), 

A further consequence of the dull appreciation of thes** 
case-forms was their use in new formations without their proper 
meaning, i. e. as though tliey were simple stems. Thus e. g. 
apsn-y loc. pi. of ap- 'water' (upsu-k^H-^ see above), was used in 
place of ap' in apsu-yogd-s 'the binding effect of water* (Ath.- 
Veda X 5, 5 beside sdma-yogd-s the binding effect of soma';, 
cp. the adjective apsacya-s 'situated in the water , which was 
formed from ap-sti as madhavya-s from mddliu Csweet draught'). 

In imitation of old pronominal compounds like tad-vaid-s, 
containing the neuter element -d (§ 16), neuter pronominal forms 
in -?n were made to serve as the initial members of compounds, 
as idq-rupas 'having this form' beside masc. aydm 'this', kitd- 
kdrana-s having what cause?' beside masc. Ad-s 'who?' (cp. the 
parallel Vedic form kdd-artha-s 'having what purpose?' kad- = 
Lat. quod). 



§24,25. Noun Compounds: their Form in Aryan. 41 

From the proothiiic Aryan period onwards combinations of 
rw'o dual forms were common; e. g. mitrd vdrutjd, *Mitra an<l 
Yaruna', properly *Mitra and the other (sc. Variina) and Varunfi 
jvnd the other (ac. Mitra)'. Each dual form was inflected in- 
(lependently. Side by aide with them, however, we find mitrd- 
odrundbhyam inUra-vdrutiay^^^ which should be compared with 
such forms as dva-daiabhi^ trat/O-dc^abhis, In these the process of 
<*ompositiou is complete, find the same may be said of the new 
(.impounds formed on the model of those whose first member 
is a dual form ending in -a, as agnavi^fiu *Agni and Vishnu' 
(Ath.-Veda) instead of afjuT-o^tna (cp. agm-^Stna in the Rig- 
Voda); which is shewn also by the substitution of -a- for 
-el, as th<^ termination of the first member, on the analogy of 
Class F; 5is parjdnyu-vdtd beside jxtrjdnyH-vdtd 'rjiin-cloud and 
wind*. Cp. also the derivatives in -vant-, mitrd-vdruna-vanf' 
aceompanied by Mitni and Varuna*. 

The compounds pitd-putrCtu 'father and son' nidttl-pitardu 
mother and father' hdUl-potdrdu 'summcmer and purifier' nuist 
havr been preceded by older phrases sudi as pitd pHtrah, mdtd 
pita, hotd potd, which did not receive tlu* dual inflexion until 
the process of composition was complete Cp. O.C.Sl. bratn- 
-fiCRtrfi ^ 47. 

When anyo-nyam and ^xiras-param alt(?r alterum' had 
become compounds, the inflexion of th(^ initial member was 
dropped and the form of the nom. sing. masc. wiis applied to 
all the cases; h(»nce e. g. imyOnydm altera alteram' instead of 
*(inyd anydm^ tayOh . . . kdmo 'bhut . . » anyonyam prati (Nala 1 , 
17) 'eorum (in eis) amor enatus est alterius in alterum' instead 
of *anya8ya anyam pratL Cp. Gr. dXkrjKov^ § 82, Mid.lLG. 
ein-ander § 44 and Lith. kits kltq J} 46. 

§ 25. Iranian. 

Class I. Stems in -o-. Avest. rer*^ra-;V/- victorious' : 
Vftra-hdu'. Avest. ytixta-aspa- and ytixtdspa- for whom 

I- 1 1 ^_ 1 1> . Ol ....I.aJ. _i— .. I.AjiA^^ A ^ -^ 



Skr. vftra 



oKr. vpra-nau'. Avesr. yuxia-aspa- ano yiLxiaspa- lor wnom 
steeds have been yoked*: Skr. yuktd-aSva yuMdiva-. Avest. 
^Traoxsan- (proper name) = srJra + iixsan-, O.Pers. xsasa- 



42 Noun Compounds: their Form in Aryan. §25. 

pdvaii' ^guardian of tho land, sah'aj)': Avost. jrsaprfi- Skr. ksatrd" 
lordsliip, kingdom'. O.Vi}v^, xsayarsan- (proper nanio) r= xsai/(i- 
i- arsttn-. Soniotinios -d- is found in place of -<;-, as Avest, 
asd'dd giving what is pure', ace. ver^pra-janein beside uoni. 
ver^'pra-ja-, O.Pers. arir/d-rafmia- (proper name), perliaps also 
iwd-marsii/u- *dying by suicide' (cp. Avest. xwd-da^na- Miaving 
one's own faith'); on this point see § 22 Rem. In Avestic -5- 
is often found instead of -a-, the form of the n(miinative being 
used instead of the stem (cp. the Author, Curt. Stud. IX 269, 
liartholomae. Die Gajia's 81); e. g. daeod-data' *mado by the 
demons' (beside da^va-ydza- 'demon-worshipper'), even where 
th(^ o-stem was neuter, as xsaprd-ddh- ^bestowing lordship' (nom. 
xsapre-m). This -o- spread still further; see below. 

Stems in -(J-. Avest. da^nd-vazah- (proper name), from 
daend 'faith'. At the same time we have forms witli -a-, Avest. 
ffada-vara- 'wieldhig the dub' (ffadd-) etc. (see § 12 p. 24 f.) 
and with -a- instead of -a-, compounds like difend-disu' 'teacher 
of th(» Liw'. 

Stems in -i- and u, Avest. (tzhcipra- 'sprung from the 
serpent', pri-ai/ara- space of three days'. Avest. potini-nar- 
*rich in men', urv-dpa 'with broad stream*, per^pu-aimka- 'with 
wide front', O.Pers. parriv-zano- (read parmana-) 'rich in people'. 
Mere too we sometimes find in Avestic the form of the nomi- 
native in place of the simple stem : e. g. yiasiis-pacya- 'burning 
of corpses* or 'arising in the burning of corpses', hdzus-aojah' 
*strong-armed*, vafdhns-ddta- 'well mad(.»'. 

Nasal stems. XvQiit asava-frazanti- 'pious offspring* from 
asavnu-. Forms with -o- instead of -a- on the analogy of 
the o-stems: Avest. bar^smo-zasta- 'holding twigs for offering 
in the hand' from bar'swan-, Avest. zetti-frapah- 'encompassing 
the earth' from zrnn-. 

Stems in -r-: Avest. stehr-pu^sah- 'adorned v.ith stars'. 
tter'-bar^zah' 'man's height': Skr. nf-bdhu-^ 'man's arm'. Com- 
pounds in which the strong form of the stem is inserted: ;mr*- 
(jar- 'devouring men', dtar^-carana- 'belonging to fire', with others 
like them; cp. dat. abl. pi. sUir^-byo beside fier'-bj/D. The form 



32&,S6. Noun CompouiidB: tlieir Form in Aryan. 4-) 

r tlie nom. sing, has repiiicod the simplo Htom in nturs-cipra- 
?sidfi tUar'- cipra- 'sprung from fire, (^Jinbustiblo'. 

StemH in -nt-. Aveat. ra^vas-cipni- of splondid fiuuily' 
M-«c- for -IC', see I § 473 p. 349) from rafmmt-. O.Pers. 
Wdoraya-Vftii- (pniper mime) 'posnessin^ property' (gen. dilraya- 
m.taluttis) fv>r "darayud-vahu- : ep. 8kr. diuirayat-k^Uis 'sustaining 
Itbe mces of mankind': cp. Uubsehmanu, Kiihu's Ztachr. XXVI 
|>R0» f. 

Avcst. fffs-pali- 'Imci uf a Yillage : Str. eii'iidli-^. sm-z-dah- 
f'gmag the heart' witli -?rf- for -d + d- (cp. 1 § 476 p. ^I'll), 
»m zar^H-: 8kr. kfd-. 

As Gsamplos i)f thi- nnrninativi.' usi'd in placn nfrhf' simple 
tem w«! may notice here Avost. oUxs-n^m- 'the ikiNire of the hyimi' 
tem Pdc-), afs-eipra- sprung from water' awx-dAta 'resting 
I wafer' (stem op-), ker'fs-nmr- Vmting ficsh' (stem kekrp-). 
Stpms ill S-. Avest. vacas-tasti- 'preparation of wnrdu, 
test", tfuias-ripra- 'sprung from darkness", not/az-dastema- 'inowt 
helpful*. Compounds with -S-, wliich was taken from the noni. 
«ug., are ayS-sni/a- 'with iron weapon' ayO-eer'Pra- with offensive 
weapon of iron' ayd-nym- 'iron arrow' (8kr. aijS'gni- "poMtle') 
from ayah- : Skr. dyas-. O.Pers. vahyaz-ddto- (propi'r nanu'), like 
Aresl. panhitz-dalt- 'giver of the best', beside the comparntive 
Avest. pauli-'k- 'hotter: Skr. vdsyas-. 

Remark. The iludmit aliould cumpsre the Aieetlc use af the noini~ 
Mtire form insleiid of thi- stem in derivfttjres made b^ rormativc suffixes 
ud pven in the aimple oaBos; lu-lrO-Kirn- 'more beautiful' (srtca-J, uptnW- 
•ttiia''taintho\y' (apenlu-), like di'irro-datii ', hiiddnuS-teiita-' mBWt^ \bii-dunu-\ 
like tuitui-paeifa-; daC nbL rS/i-bifO from riTc- like vdci-atii-. Cp. § 13 
|., 29. 

§ 36. Clasn II. Avest. (I-jtu- 'not pregnant, virgin": 
Skr. d-yni-; O.I'ers. •t-hsntii- 'uniujured': Skr. li-k^dta- ; Avest. 
tm-as'ican- 'impious' : cp. Skr. dn-j-ta-. Avest, dttS'iiianah- 'think- 
ing iir Skr. dur-tnaniis- Or, iSvo-/ifnJ^. The Idg. "sii 'well' 
(Aviist. hu-her'ta- O.l'ent. u-barta- 'well horn, well elieriahed': 
Skr. sii-fihjrla-)y the opposite of Idg. 'dug-, appears in Avestic, 
jiiiit na ill the Veda, as an independent word (hi). 



44 Noun Compounds: their Form in Aryau. $26^7. 

Clnsd III. A vest, vpa-f/ata- *8ubactii8, married': Skr. w/xi- 
f/ata-. O.VoAti. fra-farftt' Mrawn away': cp. Skr. prd'tlrna-. 

Avcst. paiti'bisi' directed against the enemy, conquering 
the enemy, aiitar'-daxi/u- adj. 'within the country, pairi- 
daxyU' lying around the country', npdpa- adj. in the 
watei*'. 

§ 27. Class IV. The use in Avestic of the form of the 
nom. sing, instead of the simple stem, as in daf^vO-ddta ^ has 
l)een spoken of in § 25 p. 42. 

The Avestic adjectives atdrdntalnyaDa- and spent^nainyava- 
were no doubt formed from the plirases afdrd mainyu^ 'the evil 
spirit' and spento inainym *the holy spirit': cp. Skr. piUlmaht 
sj 24, (Jr. JVfanoliTr^i; § 32. O.Pers. anra-mazdd (with ace. 
aura-mazdam) 'Ormuzd' should be regarded merely as a con- 
cretion of two nominative forms, not a compound of two stems 
{aura- *lord*, mazdCLh- Svise one'): Avest. ahurO mazdA, 

Avest. dnijim-vanant- 'overcoming the fiend' (ace. of druj- 
f.). vlrefi-Jan- witli the ace. sing, beside vira-jan'^ see § 20. 
(ihUiH-me/nC' 'life-destroying' with the ace. sing., beside ci/iw- 
'fYier*C', vlspd'hisant' 'able to do everything' (ace. pi. neut. of 
vlspa-). duraf^'fraddta- 'made in the distance' (loc. of dura-). 
rapOf-star- 'standing in the chariot (loc. of rapa-)^ warrior : cp. 
Skr. savyS'^thar- 'standing on the left', 'sthur- for *s^-far-, see 
I § 316 p. 255. Epithetised compounds: dar^yeiu-jlti- 'having 
one's lif(» long (ace. sing. neut. of da/ya- used adverbially), long- 
lived'; z^nas'clpra- 'having an earthly origin (zUnas- gen. of 
zani'); ayra^-rapn- (proper name) 'whose chariot is at the head' 
(loc. of aynt'), 

Avest. afvan-dasa- 'undecimus' from ^a^mn-dasd- 'undecim': 
the first half of the word is no d(mbt afvem^ the form of th(» 
neuter and of the masculine alike. 

Combinations of two dual forms occur in Avestic as in Sanskrit 
(§ 24 p. 41), e. g. ahura- mipra and mipra ahtira 'Ormuzd 
and Mithra', dpa urvaire 'water and plants' (a/?- 'water, nrvard- 
'plant'), pasu vlra 'cow and man*. But the fusion of these 
elements is not by any means so close as it is in Sanskrit, 



$27^. Noun Compounds: their Form in Armenian. 45 

sincc! the first member always retains ita own inflexion, e. {!;. 
(lat. ahura^ihya mipraeihya, Cp. Bartholomae, Bezzenberger's 
IWtr. X 267 ff., XI 11 oT f. 



A r m o u i a n. 

§ 28. Class I. PIcre the Indo-Gemianic differences in the 
termination of the stem of the first word were largely obliterated. 
Where the second member begins in a consonant we find an -a-, 
the so-called vowel of composition*, whose origin is as yet un- 
explained. 

Compounds in w^hich the second member begins in a sonant: 
dr-and 'door-post, threshold* from *dMr-, pi. durlt. hair^nun 
'liaving one's father's name' from hair^ gen. haur. skesr-air 
'mother-in-law's husband, father-in-law* from skestir^ gen. skesri. 
hmg-aineay adj. of five years', from king. 

Compounds in w^hich the second member begins in a consonant: 
lir-a-kic Mtior-eompanion, neighbour. Isn-a-r/oin whitish' from 
hi$n^ pi. fusini'ff, ^XtvuLi'ifiara and (join 'colour . lus-a-vor 'clear' 
from lot's, gen. Imoy, light', -vor innng a suffix which corresponds 
to the (jr. '(f^nonc 'bringing ; a later compound is lua-a-ber 'light- 
bringing, enlightener (cp. I g 485 p. 358 for an accoimt of Idg. 
W). inff'O'ker 'eating flesh' from mis, gen. msoy, 'flesh*, mi-a-chi 
imigeuitus', from mi, gen. mioj, 'one'. Combined with the ter- 
miuati4>n of stems in -j^o-, -a- became -e-, e. g. aye-vor wearing 
.1 tail' from agi. This -a- was (^v(»n introduced into com- 
pounds whose first member was the case of a noun ; see below, 
(Tass lY. 

Remark 1. This Towel of composition, -a-, no doubt formed the 
original ending of some one form or set of forms when used as the first 
Bember of a compound, and then became general. Phonetic laws, however, 
forbid our assuming that this represents the Idg. suffix -o-. I conjecture 
that it first occurred in words borrowed from the Iranian (e. g. bar-a-pau 
'doorkeeper* = Oilran. ^dvara-pdna- or *iivdra-panit-), and thence spead 
farther bj analogy. Compare the -o- borrowed from the Greek in Latin 
eompounds like Mo-galerus, § 34. 

Remark 2. It is not clear whether such compounds as stii-^H 'sucking 
the breast, suckling' {jstin, gen. sttan, *woman*s breast'j nhii-hd 'in one's 



46 Noun Compounds : their Form in Greek. § 28,29. 

eye, visible* belong to Glass I, but have never had the oomposition-vowel 
-a-, or whether they contain oase-forms (Class IV). 

Class 11. an-han Varens ratioDe ot verbo': cp. Or. a-qprwi'ot;; 
an-kin Svithout a wife, widower': op. Gr. ri-yvyog; an-anun 
Wv-onriLtnc'; (in-arg *uDhonoured'. t-get *not knowing' (beside 
an-get): Skr. dur-veda- 'unlearned'; t'2or not mighty, weak' 
(bossi^le (iH'Zor). Its oj)posite, h- = Skr. sfi Svell*, is found only 
in eomposiiion : e. g. Ii-zor Vxcellent in strength, mighty'. 

(Mass III. Excluding ni-st,, which has become a simple 
word (v:J 15 p. HO), 1 know of no compounds containing pre- 
])ositi(>ii:il words that are certainly proethnic. I strongly suspect 
that ham- 'with, together' (e. g. han-dart 'quiet, soft': cp. Skr. 
sq-dliffa-; han-des 'proof: cp. Skr. sq-deia- 'information*) was 
borrowed from Iranian (A vest. ham-). 

(Mass IV. haur'e)Jbair 'father's brother', haur gen. sing, 
of hair, dhic-azn 'divine race, he who is of divine race, demi- 
god, hero', dittc gen. pi. of dev, which was borrowed from 
Iranian. T\w vowel of composition, -a- (see above, Class I), is 
insertrnl e. g. in arn-a-Jiin 'husband's wife', aHi gen. sing, of 
fl/r; meks-a-siT 'loving sins', meks ace. pi. of mek. 

air-ev-ji 'man and horse, knight' sometimes inflected both 
of its parts, e. g. gen. arn-ev-jioy^ sometimes only the final noun, 
gen. oir-ev-jioy; ep. Mod.II.G. der tvert deities grund und bodenSj 
'the value of your estate*. 

Greek. 

§ 29. Class I. 

Stems in -o-, where the second member began in a con- 
sonant, had -0-: n)go'v6/noc dwelling in the country' (dypo-g). 
It must be left an open question whether the -f- in such 
compounds as 'Aytk^og (from dyo-g 'guide*) agxe-T^ohg (from 
dg/d-q 'governor') was derived from Indo-Germanic stem-forms 
in -e-, or whether it was substituted by the Greeks for an 
older -0- in consequence of the association of the first member 
with a verbal stem (for which see § 30). 

Where the second member began in a sonant, elision was 



I tiie ntle (I § COO. 603 p. 457): inn-ayioyii-i; "transporting horses' 

[ {Jjum-f). This elision dates from the proelhnic period of Greek, 

I mkI th« typo then ostnbliehed gave rUe hiter to such fornut as 

IxB/f'irVi 111 condition" (e'/id for *atx«i, 1 Sj 'iQi p. 421) t/iX-tnyOi; 

laviiijf Wttrk" ( ayw for J-i-uynr, i Ij 1G4 p. 145), by the sidt^ of 

MloU We iti>") find phonetically reguhir forma like piifi^wxo^ 

ninltlfllg^ )l AtaH" (fur *i'^liio~{ti)n%nc) y.Kf.6-(ijY<ii: jt'txovayng 'doiajf 

nifilV I''"nii» iikf H'_ni/rn-i>'fi'jc VoveTi by spiders" (Philo) are 

mt)vl»ii«ly m-w fonn^uions nf a later date; cp. Lut. mitlfi-itngulHS 

\ Sri. (iiHli- f/aliuffa-a/>aiistaiilu8 § 40. 

Tim si'-ni-final -o-, as we aliull soon see, was estendod from 
s l» uthcro of the most widely difforent tibiBBOs; niouo- 
ViiyllMhii! slt'iiw were lenst affected by tbi- tirndency {i'. g. ;»yNi", 
^mv^fiu/n^i iti'f beluw). 

-ih (Ion. Alt. -1]-) often apjieiira lostead uf -o-; c. g. Hiiruri;- 
tififvs Iwwde liiii-nrnifiifin^ 'death-l.riii^'Iiiy' (-VHVwrn-^-), niififjij-yn'ijc 

Bcnikrk. This -.7- iippvaru side bj side with -.,- even where Ibi- 
tr wo* du'' to rorm-nMOGiiitiuD, Ui iln.ii^-n-ipoaoi boaide a'i-n,i-6.Aovnoi 
B flo.iiffl-. «i'P below. 

A« rogiirds the urrgin of this -.i-; the wide extent of its lunge in 
nrtHinly duo lo Iht action of analogy, and it is uonoeiTtible that iin origin 

M to be found I. in forms liko rra-ytni^ (_rfi-yirii;) ok'yrniUar, whioh con- 
tained adrerbti Ijlce Dor. a»ia a^rl, *fv<in (Westphal, Heth. Oraram. II B f., 
Mahlciw, Die lang. Voo. A RO 131 f.J ; S. in a number of inetanoes whuro a- 
■nd 'i-stemt existed side by side ; 3. in Hucli compound* as itkij-tdpo-- ffauir)- 
fiJfo. •il9girr"''!i "I" fi "/"■'?■' "'" terminations -jjipopos -v/ffij,- being regarded 
■s indiviaible and tliuH coming into genersil use; Ju»t hs in Attiu, eompounds 
Dte ^ftiouioi iiifiHii':) and compounds like tiinvgYo; {tati-r), being vir- 
tnallj analysed ^apS-aSj(o; *ax-oSgYo^. gale rise to new formations, noli' 
tiz^i lai-uvfyo; and the like; and just a« feininines from /i-stems, suoh aa 
titiiira I P. *tfnrar-if, (from rinTWf), suggested new formations lilte ii*- 
•.n. ifrim JMu-;) eg 110). I feel certain thai a great pHrt at least of the 
insuiMceg where -s- is found in place of -u- are to be explained in tliis 
UM way. Cp. also -7-".' (-a-ffn-) in g I2T. 

8tctus ia -a-: followed by those whose nom. sing, ends 
in -Id ($ 109). iixij-tfogos 'bringing victory' (fw';). viQta-fogVs' 
'hearing a water-vessel" {i-dffia). lou. nninri-ytv^t; 'born to good 
fortune' (Hoipi for •/(opja). By the .siile of -a- there are a few 



48 Noun Compounds : their Form in Greek. § 29. 

iiistauci^s of* -«- ; i\H ^Ikxa-lfnoc, Ttno>o6c iov *riua'0(HK; 'gnarding 
a man's Iiouour, jH'otectiDg, helping' (Wackemagel , Kulm*8 
Ztsehr. XXYIl 2G:i, XXYIU i:32); the historical relation <»f -«- 
to -a- is obscure, -o- frequently appears instead of -«-: NTxo- 
iia/O'i^: vtxTj] 7ToXiTO-(f*if(ioog Mestrojring the citizens': yfoi/ny-;; 
Dor. baxiO'Tia^LKov 'house-owner' : i^xia; aB^ko-noq 'storm-footed': 
asXht, The influence of o-stems is seen also in the loss of the 
final vowel of the stem when the second member begins in a 
sonant, e. g. JViymno^'. C]>. § 12 p. 24 f. 

Stems in -T- and -tJ-. An original type of formation 
may be preserved in such compounds as av-ay/o^ 'choking swine' 
(6v-^), Cp. >{ 12 p. 25. Where the second member begins in 
a consonant we find the vowel short, thanks to the analogy of 
the ])rec<Mling group: e. g. (Jv'rfofjfjri^- swineherd'; in the same 
way we havi^ loc. ])1. avm for *tn''iu following av-o^ av-wv etc., 
sec? § 1 60, 4. 8ome forms insert -o- : v-o-fiovma 'swine's music 
fft'-o xrovo^' 'killing swine', //.*/r-o-#/.«;'Oj,* 'eating fish' betiide t/^r- 
rldkoc 'striking fish' : i/'fv'^. 

Stems in -/- and -?<-. /imiti-tioaos; busied with prophecy': 
i/aiTi-t,-. (iutri-avHoa f. 'nourishing men' : *li(0Ti'g *act of nourish- 
ing'. wnvynTun' living near the city': aarv. -nokv-avi^rig 'with 
many blossoms': Jioh'-c, ('p. S ^^ P- 2*^* With -o-: »/.r<7i-o-AoV<v 
'investigator of nature : ffioi-^, 

vav'Tf}jync 'shipbuilder' for *nau' (1 § t)ll p. 461): cp. Skr. 
Hau'cara-tt going by ship'. From such forms vav- came to be 
used even where the following member began in a sonant, e. g. 
rru!-«^;^ov,- ship's commaudcr', instead of va(/)- (cp. Lat. ndv-igo 
vj 11), which is contained in Nta^ixo^ if this is for Nia(jx^^', 
from *jy^]'(ioxf>^ (cp. I § 611 ad fin.). Examples of inserted 
-M-: yfj-o-aaoo^ 'preserving ships', which may be compared with 
(iO'O'icXtxp 'cattle-thief (fio-rj' 1*0 fine 'pasturing cattle') beside (iov- 
infwc ; henci» the corresponiUmce of pfjo- /lifoo- with the Skr. forms 
ftCLvu' gavu'^ which appear as the initial members of compounds, 
is an accident. 

Stems in - // -. W itli a = Ing. 9 : nynud'Kkvto^ *with famous 
nainc'. We should no doubt compare Kvrduvia Mog-fly'; the regular 



TToim Compounds: their Fonn in (Ireak. 



form would be 'nva-iivta; the -*- came from forniB like xvv-6g kvv- 
lyos: 'xva- = Skr. hiva- {inatr. pi. iuvd-bhi$) Idg. *fMjj^. It ia 
questionablo whether audi compounita as avv-toTJis 'dog-eyed' are 
the immediate reproaentativea of any original type of formation. 
With -o- instead of the n-aufBx : e. g. jiro'-xpavo-v 'capital of 
a column'. See § 12 p. 27. 

Compounds in which we have a strong form of the ti-stem 
are a new formation in Greek. K their aecond part began in 
a consonant, -o- or -a- was inserted. ^Qiv-o-/iuytjs 'mad'. kIov-6- 
x^drop beaide Kto-xpsrov (aee above). ^Tjv-o-tfoniv^ 'bearing a 
sheepskin'. ayi'ir-o-S^Ttjg 'director of a contest', h/iev-^-o/pi 
.closing in the harbour' (cp. noAi-a-oyog) beaide liniv-o-oxortog 
'watching the harbour', axtTv-rj-poXla 'the shooting of rays' be- 
ride amlvo-^oXUi. Probably the only example without -o-(-e-) 
18 ^ffift-nagog 'with impaired und era tan ding' Heaych, {the correct 
spelling is due to Lobeck) , which appears beside yptv-o- 
ftarrji; and the like aa ftBXay-xponjg /iBi-dy-x^oog beside ^tKav-6' 
Zpoog 'with dark skiu' {f*ti.as gen. ^t'Aav-o;, compar. fifXai'-TtQog), 
cp. aleo z^9-''^'P beside /M-o-wnrpnv p. 50. Where the second 
member begins in a sonant: <pgti^o>i.t}g 'distraught in mind'; 
TtxTot-apxoi 'presiding over the artificers'; ayniv-aQ/}}^ 'director 
of the contest'. 

(t-na| 'once': 9kr. sa'kft 'once', Idg. 's^i-. ;f9»v-o-ip(yuj5 
'nouriahcd by the earth', beaide Skr. k^am-, a new formation 
like Niop-n'-ir^tjvof; as to v instead of /t see I g 204 p. 172 and 
below, § 160, 2. 

Stems in -r-. Whilst the Indo-Germanic type was faith- 
fnlly followed where the aecond member began in a sonant, 
e. g. naTQ-mvvftiog avig-dyoia (§ 12 p. 28), where this began in 
a consonant it was the rule to insert -o-, as vntg-o-ifoyoQ 
'patricide'. This was preceded by a form *7iarpa-i[nyoi, cp. loc. 
pi, naiod-ai and Skr, pi^-irdiiana-s. Thus we still find zti^d- 
Yvog = Idg. *qetff,f-^ where « waa preserved by the parallel 
compounds with tTna- etc, ') The strong form of the stem is 

1) I no lunger cunpare the Srat p^rt of the pi. it/lfi^trnSa with 
Skr. wf- (G. Mejer, Gr. Or.' p. 231, but I regard tho word u a new for- 



60 



Noun CompoundB : thair Form in Orsek. 



often found instead of the weak , as amep-o-tii^ 'ator-like'j 
from atn^p aOTipog; this ia regular in nomina affetUis such 
X«ftTiTr]^-o-(popog 'bearing lights {kafinitjg) p^rog-o-iiSdnxalog 
'teacher of rhetoriciana' (pifrrop); the original type ia shown 
by 9kr. hstj^-fddatut'm 'aeat of the ofiferer' {h6tar')i sei 
Monosyllabic (j-stems sometimes have and sometimes have not' 
'O- or -6-: j^i^-mrp 'water for washing the hands' and x^^^ 
nnT^ov x^Q-o-vmrgov wash-hand basin' (for the etymology of ;;e(pi 
cp. § 132), nvp-Koiij 'burning-place' and nup-o-HiIjj! 'fire-liks' 
nup-j^-Toxog 'producing fire". 

Stems in -n(- show here as in their declension (§ 125. 
126) their strong instead of their weak form. dQaMvt-d- 
tinXki^ 'with snaky locks', the weak form of the stem being 
*ijp(«wir-. iSovx-o-tpv^s 'sprung from teeth'. Yiyapr-o-qdvog 'kilting 
giants'. itarr-o-filoijs 'all-hateful'. Before sonants: 7tdvz-apx<m 
'aU-goveming'. 

Stems ending in other explosives, tivy-ftdxog 'pugilist', no^j 
lox'/js 'swift-foot, swift- footed'. These usually have -o- or -ff-; 
tploy-O'tidi^g 'flame-like'; vi<p-6-lioXo^ 'pelted with enow'; aaniS-o- 
-JovTio? 'clattering with shields' aanii-ij-ipnpoi; "shield -bearing'. 

Stems in -s-. fiva-ipovoi; "killing mice': Lat. mus-cipttla. 

es-fltems have -la- in poetic diction, as f7ifg-lini.og 'hurling 
words, speaking boldly', iyxfo'tfopos 'spear- bearing'. At the 
same time we find -o- instead of -to-, sometimes even in Homer, 
and regularly in prose: ilpv-KOfiog 'spinning wool', eno-nouiq 'epic 
poet', ai.i]&6-/iarvii: 'prophet of truth'; similarly yKv3-dyyiXos 'mes- 
senger of falsehood', where the second part begins in a sonant 
-0- for -fir- no doubt aroaa from the similarity of the nominative 
forms, hiog: inno-5. Examples with -a- instead of -0-: ^uytj- 
ipopog *fl word- bearing' (beside ^itpo-qiopog), 9vi-n6lo$ 'busied widi 
sacrifice'. 



I 



matiDD modelled upon rnfanoSa (Iw. HOller'a Bandbuoh II 70 Rem. 1}. 
Of oourBe it ia ooaceivable that this form aroaa at a time when 'mcrrv- 
9ion); was atill Spoken and tbat afterwards the -u- in orS^a-no'l- remained 
beoaiuo it was supported by the -a- of tnea-nai- Cp. also Waokernagel, 
KuhD'a Ztsohr. XXX 298. 




J 



§t9^ 



Nonn Componnde: their Form in Greek. 



51 



Stems in -aa- were treated in much the same w&j. asXaa- 
-tpopos 'light-bringing', ntgaa-ipogog 'hom-beariag' (cp. 8kr. jySti^ 
fdk^a-s Vinged with light', § 134, 2). At the same time we 
find forms with -o- -c-, as xfpo-^opog, xpeo-SojfOQ and Kpetj-ioxoe 
"holding or containing flesh'. There la no example amongst 
-stems analogona to Hom. tttpa-o-ioog 'worker in horn' (with 
regard to the apparently similar Hom. iXfoSptnTog beaide to 
Slog see p. 34 ff. of K. Schroeter's treatise cited on p. 22). 

§ 80. From the phrase xaX6g ndya^o^ was formed the 
abstract substantive xaloxdyaSSa 'character of a naid^' x^yaffo'e'- 
Cp. 0.C.S1. osmo-na-dea^Jv, § 47 and the use of the bare stem 
in Mod.H.Q. phrases like frewid- und terwandtsckaft, gold- und 
mBterachmid. 

In Greek, as in Qermanic and Slayonic (§ 41. 47), a large 
Bomber of compoundH came to be regarded in a new wa^. 
Their first member now appeared to the popular oonaciousness 
to have a verbal instead of a nominal force. This gave rise 
to many new formattona in which real verbal stems were 
employed as the initial members of compound words. 

Thus Tavv-Yl(uaao-^, whose meaning originally was 'with 
oatetrctched (adj. 'raW-i; = Skr. tami-§) tongue', was explained 
to mean 'stretching out the tongue' (and compared with law-tat), 
^iXo'Styoi to whom a stranger or guest is dear (i/iUng)' was 
explained as 'loving oae's guest' (and compared with fiUio), 
tfvyo-nriiXtiioi; 'unfriendly {*ifn'YO-g: cp. Lat. lilci-fugu-s) to war' 
as fleeing from war' (and compared with efvyo-v), and so forth. 
Ueoce arose new formations like /imi-'^tro^ (first modelled upon 
the form ^lio-lfcoe, cp, fil'^rtu : ifii^w) hating a stranger', rpaiim- 
l"lfii 'showing the hips' (jpaino) , idiXa-novag 'willing to work' 
(.''Sjifli), Ab to the -(■ oi'Ayi'Uios, apxi-xa^og etc. see § 12 
p. 24, § 29 p. 46. If this is not the e-form of the suffix, 
uid BO derived from the pre-Greek period, we must assume 
that it was borrowed from forms like ayt-i aye-Ts when the 
firrt part of such compounds came to be regarded aa a verbal 
aimi. 



New formations of all kinds were introducGd by eompotmds 
like Tfpipi-filipoTOi; rawoi-itri^os aQxeai-yvioi;, the initial members 
of which wore abstract nouns formed with the suffix -ti- (§ 100) 
iSQXp-\q 'delight' rwiiai-? 'outspreading' opxem-? 'help, strength- 
ening', because these were associated with the aorista in -<r- 
{etiQXpa hdyvaa ^pxiaa), and were consequently regarded as 
having a verbal force, 'delighting men' 'spreading the wings* 
'Btrengthening the Umbs', The new verbal signification was all 
the more easily established in these forma because of compounds 
like iftvyo-nToXffiog, whose first member had been identified as 
an aoriat-atem at an earlier stage of Greek. Thus in the first 
place, where the abstract noun and the rt-aorist showed different 
grades of ablaut in the root-vowel, that of the latter was intro- 
duced: by the side of irinai'Ctpxo^ (tizdaig) arose ^r/jni-xo^o^ 
'bringiug on the chorua' (on the model of tun/iu); y-SftH'-./i^poro; 
'destroying men' (on the model of f(f-tlaa) as contrasted with 
ifS-iaig. Next, the connexion of these aoristic compounds in 
the mind of the speaker with such others as hmo-ipvxtio 
fpvyo-n-roXifiog ap/i-xccxoi (pvy-cuxfiiji; led to an imitation of the 
ending si^en in the initial members of these latter forms. Hence 
compounds like AdV/o-^pi? 'having lost one's hair' mpai-iiohs 
'destroying cities' JS'Tjjn-fij'o'ojjc (contrast ovaal-ctQXot; from (iraoi-c). 
But on the other hand the -(- of compounds in -at- crept into 
compounds whose initial member was the stem of a present or 
a strong aorist. Hence such forma as aXtXl-Koxog 'keeping off 
harm' («J.^J(iil Xad^i-niSijs 'forgetting caro' {iXadov, cp. Xrirrl- 
fi^ffOTOi;). This prooRsa of mutual assimilation may have been 
aided by the double type of the ff-aoriat, e6fi'$a and Tjoi' existing 
side by side. Many other new formations were cauaed by 
the association of these -ffi- corapounda with those of Claas FV 
whose initial member was a loc, pi, in -rfi, as o^eai-Tnogiot; reared 
on the mountains' ; see Osthoff, Verb. i. d. Nominalc. 193 £f. 
Lastly, we must notice certain other new formations: ITgwieui- 
-kaoQ (beside JT^H'iro-Xaog , from nprnrrtg 'first") formed on the 
model of 'Ayent-Xsa^ 'A(/xfai-}.sog and the like, find'E<jfit;ai-)^vt^ 




A 



S 80-82. 



Noon CompoundB : their Form in Qreek. 



53 



fi(i/ojoi-uVu| 'Elofir/n-aydfjot; (from 'Bp/jij;) modelled on eticb 
forms as 'Aytjai-Xaos 'Hy7}(n~avai '.■iyrja-aviSpoi^, 

§ 31, CItisB II, a-yvioTf-Q ■unknown': Skr, d-jfiSias Lat. 
ignOtus for *i7t-gnOtus (I § 506 p. 370); eiv-vJffog 'waterless': 
Skr, an-udrd-s. On the analogy of forms like «-vjr»io5 aleepleBs' 
a-MVOs' 'wineless', in which the hiatus was duG to the loss of 
some consonant (the older forms were ^d-avTiyo-g , *d-fmvo-y, 
though the latter can hardly have been developed regularly from 
a pre-Greek form *p-voino-, see I § 225 p. 193), there were 
formed several other compounds like a-oifioi a-o^og (with oJ- 
cp. Lat. od-or; o^O'£ =^ Goth, asts) by the aide of the forms 
uvodfioq av-otoi; whic)i are also fountl. dio-yopo; 'hard to bear'; 
ep. Skr. dur-hhara-s "hard to bear, to nourish'. 

Class III. v7i6-&sTog placed under vno-tfeuiQ 'groundwork, 
fauodntion': Skr. lipa-hita-s 'placed under, situated' Lot. sub-ditus 
mb-ditiS (sub- for *x-iib-? see I § 568, 2 p. 424, II § 2 p. 3). 

npon-ca^egog "towards evening' : Skr. prati-dS^d- 'towards 
evening", napa-fiaxigog 'situated near one's atflfif", Tiapa-voftog 
'contrary to law'. ara-Xoyng 'corresponding to ioj'ot,'', f^-xiifHiloc 
*beiiig in the head, brain'. These compounds generally end in 
the suffix '10' , as vji-a<fnld-io-g napaSaXaaa-io-g ty-ayuiy-io-g ; 



ov-Ti^ 'no one' beside fi^-n^, no doubt took the place of an 
Idg. form *ne-qi-s at the time when *ne was driven out of use 
by ot>, a form whose origin is still obscure (cp. § 15 p. 31). Later 
arose ovd-ffg 'no one' and the like. 

§ 82. Class IT. By the side of ^w-dey.a (§ 16) arose 
fv-dixa "eleven' (tv- nom. ace. neut.), t(tfia-xai-dcxa 'thirteen', 
iirrapf a-nai-dsxa fourteen' (nom. pi. masc. fem.); another word 
for 'thirteen' is the Att, ipTa-xal-dtxa (ace, pi.), note also the 
form rpnaxatditiaiog 'thirteenth', and others of the same sort. 

From Nie noXig ('Newtown') were formed gen. Mag TioXttag 
aod Ne&noXftog, and further JVeaiioXtTT]g. Similarly rpirtj^iopiog 
"making the third part' was probably based on iptTJ; /iripa. 

/iioa-xovpoi "sons of Zeus", hence Jioanmignov , Aoa-iang 
'given of Zeus', properly "one given belonging to Zeus' (gea. 



of Zm'c), Miu'o-oixoi 'ship's houses, arsenal' (gen. of vavg). tiott- 
xvafio^ P'gs' bean' (gen. of ig). lltXoTinyi'tjaog for IliXonoi 9ij6ai 
"bland of Pelops (cp. I § 565 p. 422 f.). Ji/-y'in? or Hit yiio; 
"dear to Zeus' Q.oa. of Ztvi;). iovpi-xr7]iog 'won in battle' (loc. 
of Aj(w). tafti-intnTog 'plucked in spring' (loc. of eixfi). Lii>:i- 
;<l(Jwf 'ruling in might' (loc. reiK-i'). Kt]peani-if6pj;T0t; 'driven or 
impelled by the Kerea' (loc. pi. of Kj/'p). naai-ftilu)v 'of interest 
for all' (toe. pi. of nag). 'Iifi-ftiiovna (proper name) 'ruling with 
might' (instr. of f-g Lat. tS-s). nayfj/iag 'the whole day' (ace. 
neut. of TiSg). vow-txnvTfoi 'in an intelligent way' (ace. of vovg). 

This group of forma was considerably enlarged by the 
employment of case-forma instead of the first stem of the original 
atem- compounds (Claas I). Among mixed formations of this 
kind are compounds whose final member has survived only in 
forma belonging to Claas I, and no longer exiata as an in- 
dependent word, as Tivltu-ytvi^g 'bom in Pyloa' (loc. of IlvXa-g), 
doifl-fia^fK 'fighting with the spear' (loc. of i6(ni), '/yi-xftetTJjf 
proper name (cp. 'i'fi-/iF<S(ivaa above), vovt-tx^^ 'having intel- 
ligence, intelligent' (cp. vnvv-txovti<i^ above), Axua-ndioe 'admi- 
□istrator of justice' (ace. pi. of SUt], cp. I § 204 p. 171). 

As these words were formed not by any real process of 
composition but on the analogy of already existing compounda, 
MO also were those which never had any but an 'epithetised' 
meaning; e. g. atgi-oixoi; 'having one's dwelling in tho air' {dtp-il 

When the termination of the first member was a case-ending 
whoso true character was no longer clearly perceived, it often 
happonod that it was applied to sterna with which it properly 
had nothing to do, as Sfoo-iforoc 'god-given' (also S^to-doiog, 
from !h6-g) on the analogy of Ao'ff-dorog; jivjtnaovpa a town in 
Arcadia CWoIfa-tail', from it?xo-s;) on tho analogy of forms 
liko Kvvoa-ovpa Cdog's tail"); nofaitQotpog 'nourishing grass' and 
noio/cpoof 'grass -colon red' (from niifi Tjoirj 'grass, herb') on the 
Analogy of forma like opfoi-Tgotpog and avS^tai-xQ<a-^ (with loc. 
pi. of ro opoc 'mountain' and m' ayftni; "blossom"). 

A further consequence of the obscuration of the case- 
■nding of the initial member, was the use of this ending in 




A 



QBw formations aa though it were only the ending of a 
simple stem, and therefore with no trace of the function 
properly belonging to the case; e. g, amio'-yowv 'with un- 
troubled mind' (cp. araln-ippnt'eiiir, oraJei tfpOf^MV, acc. pi. uent. 
of iTal6-c), ag(i-ft%'anvoi; 'fimbria Martialis' (cp. dpti-ifarog 'slain 
in war", loo. of^iprjg), nvpt-^xr/i; with fiery point' nvpi'-nrooi 
'breathing fire' nvpi-nais 'fire-child' (cp. nvpZ-nautftog 'burnt with 
(in) fire', loc. of nvp), 'Ahd-vno-t; 'AXA-fpiov (cp. 'AXxi-fifJ'or\ 
xoloi-flopoi "consuming gall' or 'consuming like gall' (cp. x'>^ol- 
fSaftx; "dipped in gall' beside xo\6-^aifio,i yn\o-&aip-^<;), KijpWt-fnpoi; 
'death- bringing' (cp, KJjptant-fnprjtoi; p. 54), ix^vni-X^ioijjff 'fish 
stealer* (I'/Si^tf) etc. 

Remsrk I, Cbinpoands containiui; real stems in -r^, a» unrti-nolni, 
ma; also have giTen Ihe appearance of eimple stema. to initial memberB of 
oompoundB whioh were looativoa ending in -i- like nuf.-. And in dis- 
nuBUig those forms wliich contain locatiT«B pi. in -"r-, stem-oumponnda 
like r(gU«-^/ffnrnc Btrr-'f-yvioi rafviZ-nTtpos (see g 30 p. 52) muat not be 
fOTgotteo. Cumpftre also the fact that th-e Bbbreviatod form ^Hft-s vas 
OAde from 'Hf—yii'ia ^Hp-yort; and the like, whose initial part waa the loc. ^p> 
'ewly*, no doubt on the wialogj of ZtZl—i: Znji<-^ii,uni\ and in the'same 
way the abbreviated form '/rjn-; was made from 'fipi-arania and like, which 
contained the tnstr. I-^i. 

It should be obBorved, however, that a large proportion of the new 
formations we are now considering are onl; found in late poets whose 
dielioD contains muoh that ia arlifloiaL 

The form nav-, found in use as well as 7iavT-(o-) , is the 
neut. ndv which stands for •nnvr, and was used originally with 
the force of an adverb in compounds like Tia,v-alt>Xoq 'all-gleaming' 
navaofot; 'all-wise* nn'^-nporoc 'quite the first, the very first". 
Prom these forms it spread to othcra,with the sumo meaning as 
notT-fiv), e. g. Hizv-fkXijvig "the united HellenoB' ndr-dtjfioc 'con- 
cerning the whole people' nufi-fiTjvoi; 'lasting through all the 
months', lav-ovpyo^ 'clever in any business' folloiived the type 
of forms like xaxoSfiyoq i. e. 3!nM-(f)epyos. 

Bemark 2. In some oombi nations, nur- may possibly be the regular 
phonetio reprenentative of the stem Tmn- ^cp. ^f^- beside jfi^-o- and the 
like). So muoh may be admitted; but it seems to me improbable that this 
a generally the origin of the form. 

Other examples with adverbs : axala-pfhiji; 'flowing quietly" 



(ace. pi. neut.), a^a-rpo/ia ■colliBion of wheels' (inatr.), naXiti- 
(paTo^ 'told from of old, foretold' (loc), 

ly-XKgi-3^erog 'p'i<^ed in the hand'; i/x-jtvoi-fi^rris 'standing 
in the fire' derived from the phraaes fvx"&^ duvai, iv nvpi fii)vai. 

aXK'^XovQ 'each other", which was used aa readily of two 
single things or peraons aa of two pairs or two larger contrasted 
groups, muBt imply a proethnic Greek phrase *aXhig'a.X\ov, du. 
iiDjD-aXho, pi. *aXXai-ai}.ovi. *a}^XX- arose by contraction in 
the combinations ^i.i.'Ka-aXXav *a'kXa-u).'ka, and then spread through 
the other cases. Next the dual and plural inBexion watt used 
even where only two aingle things were spoken of. Lastly -sXl- 
became -SX- Ion. -j?i- (ep. Wackernagel, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 
294 f.). A more detailed discussion may be found in Fleckeiaen's 
Jahrb. 1887, p. 105 ff. J 

Similarly we have ovna-avrn- (also ava-a.vr6-) in the DelpbiM 
dialect and elsewhere. Originally the phrase avzon-avTov was ■ 
used only in reference to a. nom. sing. masc. in the sense of 
'ipse sui', with the parallel forms *av%&avzd^ etc. But when 
the phrase passed into a single word, the first member became 
incapable of inflexion, and the form of the nom. sing, masc, as 
occurring most frequently, was used throughout. Hence e. g. 
Delph. iuscr. tiv^ifvavaa avToaavta^ and mQifvovxtz uvzoaavrtav, 
Heraci, inacr. ^wfr' nvroOnvziZv. 

The genuine forms norf-ano'-? iiioi-ano'v, whose etymological 
structure had become obscured (§ 16 p. 32), gave rise to new 
formations like ijfifianai; "born in our country, couutrymanl 
mtviodano^ 'of all aorta or kinds, manifold', as though the second 
member of the compound were -Jano-. The same J occurs in 
oTTig o'lTi 'who (whoever)' for *af6'd ng, *afo-iS n, see § 4 p. 9. 

■covTo =^ 'to v to, where u is a particle = 9kr. ii. The 
forms masc, *or- and fern. *6v- = Idg. *s6 u, *sd w, date from 
the pre- Greek period and perhaps these were pronounced aa 
monosyllables *86^ 'sd^ even in proethnic Indo-Germanic : cp. 
masc. Skr. s6, O.Pers. kauv. Then the neuter to was added to 
these with the force of an adverb (cp. 0.C.91. ka-to 'who?")' 
giving the forms •wro *avTo (for *6lio, by the regular change, 





I|611 p. 461) and a uew formation rouro (instead of •rmJ-w-ro). 
Tben these forma, whoso ending was invariable, were influenced 
by other pronominal forms whose endings were inflected, and 
thus we have finally oiroi itvia etc. Cp. Delbruck, 8ynt, Foraoh. 
IV 139 f., OsthoiF, Morph. Unt. IV 257 f., G. Meyer Gr. Gr.* 
p. 396. 

The phraso tfiavrov = tfii airav 'me ipsum' gave rise in 
Attic to the new formations tftaviov Ifiavrtp, while in Ionic 
fftfiavroi = ifito avrov (cp. rwvro ^ rd avto) produced tftsaniT^ 
and iftmniio^. 

Italic. 

§ 33. In the Italic group, especially in Latin, the practice 
of compounding noun-stems by the method of Class I survived 
in popular speech, though only to a small extent. Ajnongst 
the Homans it received an artificial stimulus and attained a 
certain degree of importance through the close adherence of 
Latin poetry to Greek models. But vminpnt stylists and gram- 
marians of the classical period recognised the spurious character 
of words coined on Greek types, and protested against en- 
cumbering the language with new formations of this kind. 
The dcvelopement of the Fourth Class of compounds, howeyer, 
was by degrees extended all the more widely for this restriction 
in Class I. As regards Classes II and III, Itahc stands in the 
same position as the other branches of In do-Germanic, 

§ 34. Class I. Wo may discuss the Lsttiu forms first. 

Stems in -o-. AVhere the stem-final of the first member 
vaa not entirely lust before an initial consonant in the second 
part, it took the the intermediate form of the irrational voweL 
Accordingly it usually appears as -i-, o. g. betti-yer (beside 
helium) ; before labials and before t as the sound intermediate 
between « and i, e. g. centu-peda centi-peda, magnu-jicus mUgni- 
ficus, cunu-ligtis. Where -o- appears instead, as in alho-ga!Srua 
Cno-ntammia sexcento-plagus (Stolz, Die lat. Nominate. 19 £f.), 
we must assume that it is due to the influence of words bor- 
rowed &om the Greek, or sometimes to the influence of Gallic (op. 



58 Koun CompoondB: their Fomi in ItaMo. §84. 

the Armenian -a- in compounds, which — if our conjecture 
be right — was borrowed from Iranian, § 28 Rem. 1 p. 45) ^). 
The final of the stem has completely disappeared in prfn-ceps 
from jwfmo-, oin-vorsei (S. C. de Bacch. 19) from oino- Uno-^ 
and some other instances; see I § 633 p. 474. Where r, fol- 
lowing a consonant, preceded the final vowel of the stem, it sank 
with the latter to f, perhaps as early as the proethnic Italic 
period, whence the er which appears in the historical period of 
Latin; e. g. sacerdos^ which was directly preceded by the 
form *sdcf-dd(t)'S (see vol. I loc. cit. and Stolz, Wien. Stud. IX 
304 f.) ; such words as sacru-fex sacri-fex, agri-cola were formed 
afresh at later period 2), just as dcri-tds took the place of *(lcerUl8j 
which would have been the regular form, and facUi-tCls arose 
by the side of the older form factd-tOs, Where the second 
part began in a sonant, the vowel was elided, as somu' 
ambtdus^ r^-ex^ magn-animus ^ flex-animus (^touched to the 
heart*); such forms as multi-angulns (beside mult-angulus) came 
into use later on by analogy (like (Jr. apnx^O'vqrjg, § 29 p. 47) 
see I § 604 p. 458. 

Since compounds like albo-gaUrus cannot count as genuine 
Latin formations, we are left in doubt whether the -i- (-M-) of 
historical Latin stands for Idg. -o- or -€-. . The probabilities 
however are in favour of the former. Cp. § 12 p. 24. 

Stems in -I'o- regularly show -f-, as medi-terrCLneus from 
mediu'8^ offici-perda from officiu-m. Cp. capis I § 135 p. 122, 
also Goth, arbi'uuwfa § 40 and the remarks on the gradation 



1) The -0- of ho-dii most be regarded as of genuine Latin origin^ 
if Danielsson (Stud, gramm., UpsaL 1879, p. 51 sq.) is right in his ex- 
planation of the word; he supposes that an old form ^hC-dii (Class lY) 
was re-modelled on the analogy of Class I (cp. multi'inodis § 36), and that 
the was preserved from being weakened to -t- or -u- by its position in 
the acoented syllable. But perhaps we ought rather to derive Jio-dii from 
an instr. sing. *A9, with its shortened on the analogy of modo and similar 
words (op. quo-que). A third deriration is suggested by L. Haret, M6m. 
de la Soo. de Lingn. lY 229 sq. 

2) 8ac€rd08 was not transformed into *iiaeHd&8^ because its com- 
ponent parts had ceased to be clearly recognised. 



of the suffix -io- which will be found in § 63. If this -«- 
stands on the same footing as the -f- of *sacT'di}8 (see 
above), the derivative socie-tds (from sociu-s) must bear the 
same relation to the above mentioned compounds as sacri-fex 
to sacer-dOs. Med-amna 'Minonoiiftia follows the analogy of 
m&gn-anxmu-s (sec above), trit-avo-s then might be referred 
either to a form *tritlo- (cp. tertiu-s, Aveat, piiiya- etc.) or to 
'trito- (cp. Or. rp/ro-;). 

-i- correaponds in Latin to the -o- which serves in Greek 
as the 'vowel of composition' after moat consonantal stems, cp. 
e. g. oiovt -ofpw^i 'sprung from teeth' and dent-i-frangibulus. 
It aeema probable that the Lat, -i- here sometimes represcnta the 
Idg. I of i-stems (cp. Igm-fer from ignis), especially when we 
consider how frequently the consonantal stems pass into the 
i-declension, e. g. nClv-i-8 and dent-i-bus dent-i-um § 93 (Italic). 
Then e. g. nat-i-fragus (beside the older nau-fragus) will have 
be^i formed from nflo-j-s, that is from an t-atem. 

Stems in -a-, -a- is hardly to be found except where the 
second member haa sunk to the level of a suffix: faba-gimts, 
q>. fahalis fabaceus; oha-ginus -gineus. Elsewhere the forma 
are treated like the o-stems. tubi-cen : tuba; aqui-ducus : aqua. 
tiUm-lustrium and tubi-liistrium : tuba, -o- (a Greciam): pio- 
e&rusiiria; hlatto-sSricus : blatta (cp. holo-sSricus). gidri-ficus : 
gloria like offici-perda. The I of (iSi-cen (: t\bia) has not been 
explained ; is it parallel to 9kr. iacf-uasM-j P 

Stems in -i- and -u-, angui-cornis : angui-s. tri-dSns : da.t. 
tri-bus. mor (i-/er : gen. pi. morli-um, 9kr. m^i-^. The disap- 
pearance of the final -i- of the stem in fun-amtmlus from fUm-s 
is to be explained as due to the analogy of o-stems ; fUni-am- 
Mm was a later analogical formation like multi-angulus (p. 58) ; 
cp. also sSm-ermis sem-uslus beside sSmi-ermis semi-ustus from 
stmi- = 8kr. sOmt 'incomplete, half, -u- occurs in u-atems 
only before labial sounds, as in acu-pedius (cp. Gr. I'mv-g 'awiff) 
manu-festtts (tnnnu-s), and since io such inatances t ia some- 
times written as well aa u (mani-festm) the sound must have 



been iDtermediate between u and i (I § 49 p. 41 f.). Thus the 
u-steiDB also were treated in the same way as those in -o-. 

nan-fragus, like Or. vavurjyo^, is no doubt a complete, not 
a syncopated form; nOD-igO is of the aame kind, cp. § 11 
p. 24 ; ndv-i-fragus and ndv-i-ger are new formations. Similarly 
we have ba-caeda and lov-i-cfdium: cp. Gr. fiov- and (io-o- § 29 
p. 48 ; yet we must notice, firat, that bou- was probably bor- 
rowed from Oscan (I § 432 Rem. 1), and secondly that the 
meaning 'great' in bu-mammus etc. points to Greek influence. 

Nasal stems, nomen-dnior like Gr. ow^io-jtAvrog? homi- 
tfida (ace, homin-em): Goth, guma-htnds of the male sex' {gama, 
gen. giimins), sangni-sUgn (sanguen), inscr. numi-clatori. See 
§ 12 p. 27. "With the last group we should probably com- 
pare nuncupS for *nOmi-cupli, cp. princepa p. 58. There is a 
third group, the largest and the latest formed, consisting of 
words like irndgin-t-fer gennin-i-seca AniSn-i-cola a^iliin-i-gena, 
cp. Gr. ifiin-o-fiu-Tj^ etc. (§ 29 p. 49). 

aim-plex : cp. Gr. a-nio'of, § 12 p. 27, We must also 
mention here septem-fluos decem-peda nUn-dinae, beside which 
are found sepH-remis sept-ennis, dec-mnis (cp. octi-p?s oct-entas 
from octn). 

Stems in -r-. fratV'i-clda sorSr-i-clda, cp. Gr. jiatg-o- 
g/orog eijTOQ-o-^dnoKaXog (§ 29 p. 50), 

Stems in ExplosiveB. dent-i-frangibulus aerpetit-i-gena. 
ped-i-sequos frond-i-fer. vSc-i-feror. r&g-i-fugium. 

Stems in -s-, nas-turtium m^-cipula. judex for *iquS' 
dies, ju(s)-slilium, and beside it jur-i-dicus. Stems in -es- 
show 'i- and -er-i- : foedi-fragus volnt-Jieus and foeder-i-fragus 
mUner-i-genilus. The forms with -i- only aie no doubt due to 
the similarity of the nominative terminations of the two stems, 
foedus : haedus. Nouns in -3s -dris (§ 133) : labdr-i-fer odBr-i- 
sequos; the form rumi-ficS by the side of rumor, implies, as 
does also rSnius-cttlu-s, an older word *rumus -eris or -oris 
(cp. decus beside decor), cp. also horri-fer -ficus beside 
horror. The form cini-JtS, from cini3 -eria, ia due to the 
nominative-ending -ia (cp. angui-s), since we could hardly derive 



jS4^ 



Noun Compounds: their Form in Italic. 



61 



it pboDeticaliy from a form like *c'mis-flS; cp. the new formations 
euciim% cucumim beside cttcumis -eris, and another word which 
miut also be explained by reference to the form of the nomi- 
native, lapi'CTda from lapis -idis. 

RemaTk. We mutt no doubt HMnme the Iobh of -i'- througb sjllsbio 
diMtmilation in the following; irueulare, for •'riiefi'-cjirfare, arcuhn ('qui 
exeubabaut in arce') tor *arc[i-c]iibii^ cordoHinn for *cor<l\i-d\olium. Bee 
I § M3 p. 4S2. The monogjllabic stems oontaiaed in pelliivhe for *ped- 
lupiaf (1 § 369 p. 280), sol-siilium (beside s6l-i-fer) and other suoh ooni'- 
poanda may or ma; not haTe dropped an -i- (I § 633 p. 474). With 
ptllvtiat oompftre malluriae for 'man-lamae. 

In the iDonumeuta of the Umbro-Samnitic dialecta this 
fllaas of compounds is very scantily represented. If we dis- 
regard compounds containing numerals, and uncertain instances 
like the Oec. .wfrikunuss, whose initial part is mutUated (Pauli, 
Altit. Stud. II 118), there remains only the Osc. med-diss 
med-dis, whose first part is the same as the Umbr. mei'-s mers 
"iuo, fas' (§ 132. 163). 

du- for Idg. *dui- 'two' is peculiar to the Italic languages : 
Lat. du-plus du-plez du-centT du-bius (I § 170 p. 150), Umbr. J,j^i»n,iH'\* 
du-pla 'duplas' dti-pitrsus 'bipedibus'. I regard it eib a new 
fonnation of proethnic Italic, suggested by jMarfrw-; hat. quadru- 
plu9 -plfx -pSs, and in early Latin *quadru-cenli for quadrin- 
gmtf (Waokemagol, Kulm's Ztaehr. XXV 283); quincw-plex etc. 
are formed on the same model. Umbr. petur-pursus 'quadru- 
pedibua' was a new Umbrian formation. 

§ 38. Class II. Lat. in-jugis: 8kr. a-yuga-s Gr. n-^vyog 
'unyoked'; in-eptus : cp. Skr. dn-apta-s 'unattained, unskilled'. 
tlmbro-Samnitic has an- 'un-', which soems to correspond to 

^ Gr. raj- = Idg. *§- (I § 253 p, 207): Umbr. antakres 

' *uitegriB' Osc. an-cmsto fern, 'inceusa, not valued'. 

In Italic, Idg. *ne not' waa also restricted to use in com- 

f poaads, as Lat. ne-fds. 

Class III, Lat. com-n^Uis Umbr. comokota 'commota', 

I Lat eon-cepbts Falisc. cun-capium 'conceptum', Lat. con-veHti5 

I eoH-ventus Osc, kiim-bennie(a gen. 'conventus'; O.Ir. com- e. g. 

I ro co-sead 'correptus est'. Lat, per-emptus per-veraus Umbr. 



pw-eiom 'peremptum' : Ski. pari-vftta-s 'turned about' Lith. pir- 
versta-a 'reversed , changed'. Lat. ab-ditus : Gr. ano-Stzog 'aet 
aaide, secret', ab-ducti6: Mid.H,G. abe-zuhi 'a drawing away'. 
Lat. por-tmtuni por^evtum llmbr. pur-ditom 'pro Jituni" : no doubt 
to be compared with Gr. napa (Stolz, Arch, f, lat. Lexicogr, II 
498 f.). 

Lat. inter-me(n)3tris inter-mSnstruoa Umbr. aoter-menzaru 
'mtermenstruarum', cp. Lat. inter mSnsSs. Lat. amb-urbium, 



■ 'that which lies on 

ilatea' (cp. Biicheler in 

ox per-dius (per noctmt, 

eub-jugu-s {sub jugS). 



^^^H day 

^^^B a diffei 



Osc. am-vfanud abl. of the stem am- 
both sides of the way', hence 'vicua, j 
Nissen's Pomp. Studien 499). Lat. per-n 
per diem); per-Jidus (per fidem fallere). 
arUe-novissimus (ante noBissimum). 

Idg. 'm 'not', as has been said above {Class II), was restricted 
in Italic to use in composition, as Lat. ne-fus. 

Lat. ad-madum. in-oirem. af-fatim 'to aatiafaction". cU-nta 
for dS noes I § 172 p. 152. ilicG for *ln alocO "on the spot'. 
I § 81 p. 73. pro'fectd for *prti facts properly "as good as 
something done' I § 682 p. 549. Many such phraaes were 
reduced to single words largely tlirough the cncliais of the 
noun and the isolation caused by phonetic change. 

§ 36, Class IV. In Umbrian deaen-duf corresponds to the 
Lat. duo-derim (§ 16 p. 32), cp. Gr, Sha Svo beside dui-dtxei. 
Lat. Hn-decim, explained in I § 633 p. 474 aa standing for 
*4tiu(s)~decim , may contain other caso-forms; according to 
Wackemagel (Kuhn'a Ztschr. XX V 284) it stands for 'Unurn- 
decim, cp. Gr. tvdfyiu. 

Lat. Ja-piter JuppUer ia said {no doubt correctly) to be ^ 
Or. Zev Jiaxfp, and is therefore a vocative used as nomiuatiTe 
(I § 612 p. 463), Umbr. lu-pater. Lat. Dies'/nter, gen. Dtga- 
pitria; an analogous form ia Mtlrs-piter, also Maspiier (I § 269 
p. 217). The words poatri-dil cottl-diS (cotti- for *yueHE-, see 
I § 419 p. 307, § 431 p. 320, originally meaning 'on which-soever 
day of a aeries'; Waokernagel, Kuhn'a Ztachr. XX TX 147 gnet 
different explanation), and meri-diS (properly 



I 



17 givet ^ 
le oleai^^l 

J 



Noun Compaundi: their Form u 



63 



day*, from meru-s, see Stowaaaer, Archiv f. lat. Lexicogr. I 
273 if.) Goutain two locatives. The nom. merldiSs is like the 
Mod.lLG. die mitternacht 'midnight', which cornea from the gea. 
liat. mitter nackt 'at midnight', aiid coitldianu-s meridianu-a like 
mittemachUg. 

"We have a group of words which did not become com- 
potmds until the literary period of Latin; holus atrum, rds 
marfnus, fSnum Graecum, Jus jurandum, rSs piihtico, alter uter 
etc.: gen. holusHtri beside holeris dlri^), rdsmarinl beside rdris 
marInT, alterutrius beside alterius ulrius and so forth (Neue, 
Formenl. I" 590 f.). 

SacraviStisSa from sacra via, quart ad ecumanl from guarta 
decuma (leyid). 

Id some cases the initial member follows the analogy 
of ClaBs I: Aquiflavi&iaBs from Aquae Flaoiae; equiferf 'wild 
horses' ovifer 'wild sheep' instead of eguos ferus and oeis fera, 
influenced no doubt by the typo of Greek compounds like luy 
aygoq 'wild goat' av-aypos 'wild boar' (cp. the Author, Rhein. 
Mus. XT.TTT 404); mulH-modU, omni-modts instead of rnuUts 
tnodls, omnibus modls (Daniclsson, Studia grammatica, Upsal. 
1879, p. 51). 

In the literary period of Latin, phrases like aquae ductus and 
oquae ductis, agri culfura, pWHs sntum., ftdta commissum, capUt 
cSnsf, jure cSnsuUus etc, became compounds. Then, by a tran- 
sition to Class I, aqui-ductus, cp. aqui-dHcus 'vHpaytoyoi;'. pater- 
familias, like Mod.H.O. muUer-gottes, 'mother of God' Uib-br6t 
■loaf of bread' {O.H.G, leip prUtes) Pol. stuka-mi^sa "piece of 
meat'. 

*quot anni, *quot mSnsSs, originally relative clauses (cp. Gr. 
iariftfpai 'daily*), in course of time ceased to be regarded as 
each, and then the compounds quotannis, quotm&isibus were 



1) The I of the form hoUxOtra (Apioios) was dae to the aaalogj of 
«OBpoimde of Clmia I like mulli-aonua; lot the formation IB too late to 
admit of the giippotttjon that it was oauBed bj the natural oouTBe of 
phonetie obamge, a« in the aeoond syllable of llieO for *in»loeS (I § 81 p. 79.) 



flouD Compounds: their Form in Old Irish. 



§ 36,37. 



04 

formed, like hU annts fWackernagcl , Kuhn'a Ztschp. XX|X 
146 f.). Cp. Lith. kas-va/carq § 46. 

breve iter, lontftim iter became hreviter, longiter, and ao 
forth. Thu8 aroae the adverbial suffix -iter -ter. See Osthoff, 
Archiv f. lat. Lexiogr. IT 455 ff. 

nu-dius tertius 'the day before yesterday', properly eqniTalent 
to 'nuae dies tertius' (mm = Skr. nii Gr. vi etc.). Heuce nudiux- 
tertiOnu-s 'belonging to the day before yesterday*. 

male-volSns, male-dicSns (from which were formed malevolen- 
tissimus, maledTcentior, cp. Mod.H.G. tieffUhlendst^freigelegener). 
bene-volSns. Derivatives of these ore malevolentia benevolentia, 
and on their analogy were formed malevoltts benevolus, malleus 
beneficus for the older forms mali-vuhts beni-volus, mali-ficus 
beni-ficus (Ciasa I, cp. betif(fnus for *beni-gnu-s, I § 619 p. 466 f.), 
A compound found in Tertullian, altSijradius = alts gradiSns, 
shows the same type as male-volus. 

In later Latin, as we have already seen (§ 33 p. 57), 
this class grew more and more cxtoDsive. Especially where 
the inflexional differences of the cases had disappeared, and 
the first member of the compound consequently lost its 
proper meaning as a case, compounds of Class TV came 
more and more into favour. By far the greatest part of the 
nominal compounds now found in the Romance languages 
belong to this class. This disuse of Class I, in favour of Class IV 
is most clearly seen in 'epithetised' compounds, as French 
rouge-gorge 'red-gullet' pattepelue 'hairy-paw' i. e. 'fawner, sneak*. 
See A, Darmesteter, Traite de la formation des mots composes 
dans la langue fran^aise etc., Paris 1875. 

Old Irish. 

§ 37. Class I. The final vowels of the stem of the initial 
members were accurately preserved only in Gallic. In Irish 
they sufl'ered syncope and disappeared (I § 634). 

Stems in -o-. O.Ir, ech-rad fern, (collective) lioraea': Mod. 
Cymr. eb^rwydd quick' Gall. Epo-rsdia, pr. Kelt. *ek^-reda- (as to 
the second part, see Zimmer, Kelt. Stud. II 24), beside O.Ir. ecli 



1131. 



Sunn Compounikr their Form i 



65 



f ^otBe', Skt, diva- Gr. Iitio- i-tc. O.lr. dafj-duine 'boDUs homo', 
from dag "bonus''): OaU. Dago-vassus. O.lr. Doman-gart: 
O.Cymt, Dofn-garth, Gall. Dubno-rlx Dumno-r%x, from dotnun 
'world'; doman- for *domno- through the intermediate stage 
•dwiTO-, see I § 62if Rem. 1 p. 469. Gall, vergo-bretus name 
uf a magistrate nmougst the Aedui, = 'cuiu» iuilidum eFRcax 
eet*, beside O.Cymr. guerg 'efficax'; Nerto-marus from nerto- 
"streugth. might'. In Irish the change of (, c to _f , / (th, ch) at 
the beginning of the second member indicates that the first 
originally ended in a vowel (I § 514 p. 375 f., § 658 p. 510), 
us /tr-threbaire 'true wisdom' from trebaire, nocht-chenn "bare- 
beaded' from renn. The same is true of the fax such com- 
pounds as jind-folt 'white hair' from folt, and the a in com- 
pounds like macc-slabrad 'plaything' from slabrad 'chain' (I g 576 
p. 431, § 658 p. 510). "Where the second member began in 
A sonant, -o- disappeared in proethnic Keltic: e. g. O.lr. find- 
-airgit 'white silver' (cp. Gall. Vindo-magus) flr-aingliu 'veros 
angeloe'; so in Gallic we find Art-albinitum beside Arto-briga 
as compared with O.lr. art 'stone'; here too should be classed 
compounds like Mid.lr. {h)uasal-athair "patriarch' ("august father'), 
if the elision of -o- in this position was later than the loss of 
initial p- (\ % 339 p. 268). 

Remark. !□ OalL -ii- is sometimes found instead of-u-, e. g. Virdu- 
marvt and Virdo-mSras , Adiatii-indni-g nnd j4'lii)!o-fiJ', and sometimeB 
•a-, ae Rrila-genua jEsaer, Beitr. zur gallo-kelt. Namenkunde I 5. 6 f.). 
rbese differences are due in part to an ineisot representation of un- 
(OMDled rowels in writing-, but in part also to dialeotio Tariation. 

O.lr. aili-thir 'stranger, pilgrim' from alio- and tir 'terra'. 
HOe-litridi ace. 'dovob, recentes litteratores' : cp. Gall. Novio- 
dunum "Newtown*. 

Stems in -a-. It may be assumed that -o- was regularly 
found even in proethnic Keltic (g 12 p. 24 f,). Gall. Teuto-bodidcl 
Touto-bocid beside O.lr. tuatk f. = Goth, piuda f. 'people', com- 
mon ground-form *teuta, so that no doubt O.Ir. TuatH-char and 



1 I With this combination of adjective 
to be menlioiied below compare § 39. 



iubstantive, and wit' 



66 Noun Compounds: tlieir Form in Old Irish. §37. 

O.Cymr. Tut-ri originally had -o-. O.Ir. ddUtech *forum* (house 
of assembly') dal-suide *forum' (*seat of assembly*) from rf4/ f. 
O.Ir. briathar-chath 'battle of words' for ^bretro- through the 
intermediate stage *brBtf'^ beside briathar f. Vord' for ^brEtrOr- 
(I § 623 Rem. 1 p. 469, § 634 p. 475). 

Stems in -i-, O.Ir. muir-bran *mergus' fsea-raven) from 
O.Ir. muir n. *sea' for *mori : Gall. Mori-tasgu^ Mort-dunum. In 
these and other words the palatalisation of the last consonant of 
the first member is an obvious trace of the -?'- which once stood 
before it (cp. buaid-lia 'fornix , properly 'triumphalis lapis' from 
buaid n. Victory', sain-chenelos proprium genus'). 

Stems in -w-. O.Ir. cath-itutdach 'victorious in battle* catk- 
lack 'battle-host, assembled fighting men' cathrcharpat 'battle- 
chariot' from cath *battle' : Gall. Catu-sWgus (= cath-lach) CatU" 
rlgSs^ O.II.Ci. hadu: bith-beo 'semper vivus', from O.Ir. bith 
'world', which when used as the first member of a compound 
took the meaning 'everlasting, ever' (cp. § 4 p. 6) : Gall. Bitu- 
rJgSs. fid'bocc *ligneus arcus', from fid 'wood, tree*, O.H.G. 
witu Vood'. 

To determine the chronology of the loss of the final vowel 
in the first member, we have the evidence of such forms as the 
nom. pi. gnlmartha beside sing, gnlm-rad 'act, deed', compared 
with the w-steiu gnlm , cp. ech^rad above. Since -ar^ came 
immediately from -f-, and this came from -rS- (I § 634 p. 475), 
the stem-final of the first member must have already disappeared 
before the process of samprasdrana began. Indeed, even in 
Gallic we find Lugdunum for Lugu-dunum (Dio Cass. XL VI 
C. 50 ro Anvyovdnvvov, vvv Ji jiovydovvov yiaXovftsvov). 

Stems in -n-. For these the form in -o- is substituted, 
as in Gr. yj6'X()avov (§ 12 p. 27); e. g. Mid.Ir. talani-chwnscugud 
'earthquake' from talam, gen. talman^ f. 'earth*. 

Stems in -r-. The examples of these stems are not free 
from difficulty. O.Ir. athar-gein 'procreation (of the father)* 
mathar-marbthach 'matricide' mOthar-lach 'matrix*, the -thar 
being no doubt for *^tr^o^ (cp. Gr. uiyr/^-o-xroVo^). athr-amil 
'patri similis* madr-amil 'matri similis' beside forms like sain- 



g:n38- Nouii Compounds: their Furm in Old IrUli. iii 

samait aaUt-email. Where the final member begins in a sonant: 
athir-oiraiid 'patricide', sethar-oiraiid 'murderer of a sistei"' is 
no doubt modelled on forma like mdtliar-marbthach, where the 
gen. sing, determined tlie type. 

Stems in Explosives. All of these must have had -o-. 
O.Ir. carat-rad 'friendship' from mra, gen. carat; compare 
GaU. Caretit-o-magus. Mid.Ir. oiged-chitlre 'friendship between 
guest and host' from ocy/, pi. oegicl guest'. O.Ir, rcg-thech 
'king's house' rJg-faith 'royal poet' from ri, gen. rfg, 'king', 
cp. Lat. rSg-i-fugiiim. Cp. also Gall. Chiget-o-rJx beside Cingea 
gen, -e(w O.Ir. fiwy, ace, cingiU, 'vir fortis, heros' ; Gall. Bi-ig-o- 
hatine and *Brig-o-gHuiii (wlienoe the modem Brigueil and 
BrieuUes-8ur-Bar) , beside O.It. bri, gen. l-reg, 'rising ground'. 

Stems in -es- show iu Irish the same type as Or. eipo- 
xo.uoc. O.Ir. teg-lack 'household, faniilia' (O.Cymr. teulu 'familia*), 
beside tech n. 'house' ^ Gr.ortVoe, 'erwafe "domeatious, familiaris' 
for *Uch-gnate (the spirant having boon assimilated to the initial 
cooaonant of the second member) a derivative from *tech-gnalh 
{gnOth 'consuetus'). O.Ir. lelk-chn&a 'the pillar by the side, the 
second pillar", led-murh 'half dead', from leth n. 'side, half. It is 
probable that Gallic names hke Cartis-mandna Civis-marus (sec 
Zetus' 785. 853) represeot the same tj-pe of compound as Gr. 
iata-fioXog; yet it is at least possible that a vowel has fallen out 
after the -«■, cp. e. g. gen. Viscari for "Visu-carl. 

§ 36. Class II. Idg. *{i- 'un-' appears in Irish in different 
forms according to its phonetic surroundings. S- before (, c; 
O.Ir. e-trotnm 'not heavy, hght' e-cain 'indecena' ; but in Cymr. 
on-, as annheilicng 'unworthy' : O.Ir. SCaahig-ithe 'indignatus", cp. 
Mod.Cymr. cant: O.Ir. cSt 'hundred', I § 243 p. 201. in- for 
'm- before rf, g (cp. I § 520 p. 378): O.Ir. in-derb 'incertus' 
in-gnad 'insolitus'. an- before vowels, Idg. 'pn- I § 243, 4 
p. 202: O.Ir. an-evlas 'inacientia', beside eola 'gnania', an-se 
'heavy" beside asae 'light'. By analogical transference an- came 
to be used before explosives, even in 0,lr. : an-cretem 'infidelitas', 
an-daeh 'nequitia', an-glati 'immundus'. Further examples of this 



tift 



Sou 



Ci'iiipuuiiils: iheir Foi 



g 38,au. 



kind are an-jiss ■inscitia', an-bsnd "instabitis' (foss "quietude)', 
Mid.Ir, aiii-mine 'roughness* and tlie like. 

do- du- in do-ckruth 'deformed' etc.: Skr. du^-, cp, § 14 
p. 29. The opposite of tliis, so- stt- = Idg. •51*-, ia kept ia 
Keltic (as in Armenian, g 28 p. 46) only in i^umpositian : O.Ir. 
BO^irt 'good in strength, strong' from nert 'strength', su^tham 
"everlaating" from tan 'time'. 

Class III, O.lr. ctiim-reclUa 'alligatus' beside con-riuff 
'alligo': cp. Lat. com-esus. es-arte 'caosus, oxpalmatua' beside 
es-arcon 'excisio': cp, Gr. tJ-«if(*roc 'selected', etar-scarthi 
'divisft': cp. Lat. inter-fectus. acsiu 'act of seeing' dat. acsiu 
beside the pres. ad-chiu : cp. Lat, ad-eiiiptiO. 

O.Ir. es3-amin Mod.Cynir, eh-of'jn 'fearless' Gall. Ex-fAmts 
Ex-oinnus , from pr. kelt. «,t 'out' ^ Lat. ex and (O.Ir.) omun 
'fear'. Gall. Ambi-rBnits Caround the Rhine"), Ad-lsdus ("by the 
ive r Ledus'), Are-morica Cbefore the sea'). 

O.Ir. ro-, an intensive particle, as ro-mor 'ycyj great" n>- 
cha'm 'very beautiful", stands for pre-Keltic *pro- (I § 339 p. 268) : 
cp. Gr. npo'-)(rtXo5 "very beautiful' 7i(i6-xur.t><; 'very bad'. O.Ir. Jr- 
«■-, also an intensive particle, as Sr-chosmil 'very similar' Sr-ckian 
'very long', comes from *ex-ro- ; fur tlie loss of the -o see I § 634 
p. 475. 

§ 39. Class IV. Besides compounds in which an adjectival 
stem was followed by a substantive (Class I), in Irish, as in the other 
Indo-Germanic languages, inflected adjectives were combined 
with substantives. Such phrases often developed into compounds, 
and this process was all the more natural because tlie adjective lost 
the characteristic inflexion of many of its cases, and thus the 
phrase looked like a compound of Class I. Hence the two groups 
overlapped, and in particular instances it is dif6cult to decide how 
the compound arose. In none of these words have we any clear 
traces of the destructive induonce which the accent elsewhere exerts 
upon the final members of compound words, e. g. drog-scela 'mali 
nuntii' dag-gnlm 'good work' (I § 685 p. 552), and therefore 
we might in all cases decide in favour of Class lY. But there 



is nothing to prevent oiir (issuiiiing that compounds belonging 
to Claan IV influenced the accent of those of Class I. See 
Zimmer, Kuhn'e Ztachr. XXIV 224 f., Kelt. Stud. II 19 ff. We 
shall find a similnr confusion of two ditFereut types of compo- 
aicion in High Ciermnn, g 44. 



g 40. Claaa I. 
Stems ill -0: Where the second member began in a 
(lODBonaut the vowel seems always to have survived in proethnic 
Germanic. In Gothic we find sterna sometimes with -a- and 
sometimes without, but no rule has yet been discovered to 
auoount for this difference, although it must be connected with 
dome variation of accent ') : (fiida-faiirhts 'God fearing' gnd-has 
'God's house' from rjup 'God', iina-haur 'innate, native' din-falps 
'simple' from a'tws 'one', Idiisa-eaurds 'speaking folly' Idus-giprs 
'with empty stomach' from Idus 'loose, empty, null', ahrana-ldtis 
'fruitlfiss' from ahran n. 'fruit', pivdan-gardi f. 'king's house* 
from piudatts 'king'. In Wi>at (iermanic, where the vowel still 
appears as o iu the oldest monuments (I § 83 Rom. I p. 77), 
the law of syncope ileacribed in I § 635 p. 476 was in operation ; 
but its results were largely obscured by new formations. The 
following are examples of the regular developement. O.H.G. 
tago-aterno taifa-stern "daystar, niorniug star', spito-man spila-man 
'player*, wego-wlso wfga-wUo 'guide'. On the other hand we 
find boum-gnria 'oruhard', wln-relie 'vine', himil-zungal 'stars of 
heaven', houbU-band head-baud'. Parallel to these stand such 
forms as ehan-lth 'uenualis' regan-vidnOd 'rainy month' atum-zuht 
'respiration' accar-bigengo 'ngricola' vogal-chfilt 'chick-weed', 
which come from prehistoric ground-forms containing "efcrto- 
*rezno- *Sdmo- *akkro- "fii^^o- (cp. Goth, ilma-leiks, Jiggra-guip 
'finger-ring' and Austro-raldns, C'ouot of Toulouse, 588 a. d.). 
However, it has still to be determined {cp. Kaufmann, Taul- 

1} See Holtzmann, Altdeutsclie Qr. I 2, 55; Kluge, Kahn's Ztaohr- 
XXVI 81; Kremer, Paul-Braunes Beitr. VUI 381.438. Kremer's theory 
IB the leHSt galiifaclory. 



Brftiioe's Beitr, XII 537 ff.) how far the historical form of tlio 
first member may have been due merely to the influence of the 
uncnnipouudcd word (eban regan etc.). ■ 

Remark 1. In O.H.O. through the pArtkl coinoidenoe of the ^ 
and the n-decIenBion, ••• often iotruded in place or -o- -a-, aa ut0i-rik\ 
beside ivego-rih totija-rVi 'wafbread, plantain' (properly 'way-ruler^. Op. 
Rem. 3 infr. 

The ti-eatment of -o- iu proethnin Germanic, where the 
second member began in a Bonant. is uncertain (cp. I § 606 
p. 459). It is possible that in some forms the hiatus remained 
(see above, § 12 p. 25), cp. Goth. galiuga-apaustaiUus 'false 
apostle' (from galiug n. lie"), O.H.G. sigo-Sra sige-ira beside aig- 
Sra 'honour shown for victory'. Elision is by far the most frequent : 
Goth. Aafo-agrja 'curve of the neck, nape' from halsa- 'neck', aU-andjO 
'complete' from aUa- 'all'; O.II.G. xcer-alt O.Sax. wer-old A. 
wor-old O.Icel. ver-qld *flge of men, period, world' beside Gotl 
valr (stem vatra-) 'man', O.II.G. ein-ougi A.S. Sn-ed^e O.Icel. 
ein-et/gr 'one-eyed' beside Goth. dins. O.II.G. eban-alt 'equally 
old' Mid.H.G. oster-ahent 'Eaater-eve, day before Easter' fur 
*ebn- *Sstr; show the same analogical change as is seen in O.II.G. 
ehano ebftnOn (see I § 215 p. 182 f,); the regular type is pre- 
served in Vestr-ttlpus, an Alemanuic chief (Ammian). 

Forms containing the suffix -f'o-. Goth, alfa-hma "of other 
origin, strange', frapja-marzeins 'derangement of mind' (frapi n.), 
and on the other hand, with a long syllable before the suffix, 
arbi-Huinfa 'receiver of an inheritance, heir' {arbi n.), aglditi- 
-vaiirdei 'improper speech' (aglditi n. 'impropriety"). Cp. the 
contrast of gen. sing, katy'is and hairdos, I § 120 p. 112 f., 
g 143 p. 128 f., II g 63. In West Gothic -i-, not -ja-, is found 
from the sixth or seventh century onwards even in the former 
class of words. In Old High German -(- is universal, as tU- 
-Unti 'foreign' ell-boro alienigeua' heri-ierga 'camp, shelter' arpi- 
los 'without inheritance'. It is questionable whether we should 
assume that -/- had appeared after short syllables, as in eli- (cp. 
0.8ax.eii-/eti(/iO.Pri8.«/i-/fi»*rfe), before the consonant-strengthening 
(I § 143 p. 129) and the syncope (I § 635 p. 476) of West 
Germanic (Sievers, Taul-Braunc's Beitr. XII 488 ff.) ; see 



1 



S40. Nomi Cinipouiid*: ili-ii- Funu in eermiuiic. 71 

Saufnianu ibid. 537 ff. -io- -iiV are frequontty found in proper 
names belonging to different Oernmnrc stocks in the first centurieB 
1. D., as Xamn-fir.rioc Hario-baudes^ Inguio-merns. 

Steins in -a-. It mny be aKsumeil thnt even in propthnic 
Uemunic -a- was regular {§ 12 p. 2h). Uotli. airpa-hinds 'of 
earthly origin' from airpa 'earth', hveila-hvairhs 'a u com mo da ting 
<nieself to the time. TuinoraipnJ from hveilu "time, while'. O.H.G. 
Uto-man 'one who prays' beta-hUs 'house of prayer' from beta 
prayer'; on the other haiitl erd-rfliht 'kingdom of earth' from 
frda. hrdrh-mdnU 'montli of tlie first ploughing, June' from 
hfOcha 'land broken up'. O.H.G. alrsal-pein 'shoulder-bone' from 
ahsla 'shoulder', like vogal-chrilt. O.H.G. erd-aphil f earth-apple") 
'cueumber, melon" from erda-^ scab-Jsen 'shaving tool' from ncaba 
"shnving tool, plane', like leer-alt. Mid.H.G. nadel-aete 'needle's 
fytn' from O.H.G. iiadlu Gotli. tiSpla 'needle', like Sster-dhent. 
Compare p, 70. 

Words c^utauiing the suffix -ie-, -ia-: (lotli. p&sundi-faps 
'leader of a thousand' from prisundi f. (nom. pi. pUsiwdjOs) 
'ihonsand'; O.H.G. sutiti-lss 'sinless' from suittia smitea sunta 
'«in', redi-hafl 'eloquent' from rediii reita 'sppecli', like eli-letiti; 
see above. 

Remark 2. In these feminiaes -u- aad -"- often uocdt bh well as -f-, 
e. g. rtda-haft reihi-hafi, htlV'-jiiir 'heU-flre' ("from helhi Ooth. hiiljii "heU"). 
Here analog has been at nork; this new formslian sprtnd in the -{r-('-ia-) 
stenif, not in those with -[D-, because the sunaiii -'<- which nlciod st the 
point of juncture was not supported in the formor class of Bt(>inH as it 
w«g in the loller (op, heri-hergii beeide nom. aoc. heri} by the csse-forms 
uf the nil com pounded word; the -r- of the compouJid was eiipeoiallj liabla 
to alteration after the / of the original word hud been complete]; esaimi- 
laled to the preceding group of consonants. 

Stems in -t-. In proethnip Germanic -/- was no doubt kept 
in all compounds whose second member began in a consonant. 
Goth. -»-, as gasti-gOps 'hospitable' from gasts, dra^ti-viusp 
'flervice in war, fight' cp. ga-draiihts (stem ga-dro^ti-) 'warrior'; 
rarely the -i- is lost {cp. the loss of -a- above): brt^faps 
'bridegroom' from briips 'bride', piit-hatim 'horn for blowing' from 
'Puti- "noise, sound' = O.Ieel. pytr Mid.H.G. du^. In O.H.G. 



4*J Noun Compounds: their Form in Germanic. §40. 

the foroid are syncopated according to rule, steti-got 'genius loci' 
turi-stll 'doorpost, post*, but tat-rahha narrative of what has 
happened* gast-hus 'strangers' shelter' truh-sd^o trnt-saTfi (Mid.H.G. 
hiiht^aeie) 'lord high steward*. 

Remark 3. In O.H.G. through the partial coincidence of the t- and 
the o-declension -o- -«- often took place of -/-, as scrita-mSl heside acfiti- 
-jmU/ *paoe, step' from scriiy pi. scn'ti, Cp. Rem. 1 above. 

Stems in -W-. In proethnic Germanic -w- always appeared 
ia compounds whose second member began in a consonant, 
(hkthic has always -M-, as faUm-gairns 'covetous* from failw 
\ittttlo, possessions', filu-fdilis Very various' from filu *much, very*. 
In ( ).]1.0. the forms were altered by the law of syncope : fihu-wiari 
\».attle-pond*, filu-sp'dhhi filo-sprahhl 'speaking much', witur-hoffa 
wito-hoffa Cwood-hopper') 'hoopoe' from wUu wito Vood', Hadu- 
mar proper name {hxdu' 'battle': Gall, catu-)^ but on the other 
hand tdd-lth 'mortalis, mortiferus' from tOd = Goth, ddupu-s 
Meath', hungertag 'day of fasting* for *hut9gni' (cp. accar-fngengo 
p. iW)) cp. Goth. huhrU'S 'hunger'. 

•Stems in -«- in proethnic and later Germanic show the 
mww type as Gr. xio-xadyov (§ 12 p. 27). Goth, guma-kunds 'of 
tlio irmle sox' 0.I1.G. gomo-heit goma^heU 'persona* beside Goth. 
gumu O.H.G. gomo m. 'human being, man\ cp. Lat. homi-clda p. 60. 
i).H,(r hatio-crad hana-crat 'crowing of a cock' from hano Goth. 
hana m. *cock'. O.H.G. fiatno-haft tiama-haft 'having a name* 
from namo m. Goth. namO n. 'name', Goth, duga-dauro n. 
('ny(!-(loor*) 'window' O.H.G, ofig-f^rihra 'eyebrow' from Goth. 
nugO O.ILG. ouga n. eye'. O.II.G, herc-blTdi heartily agreeable* 
f'roffi herza Goth, hairto n. 'heart'. When the second member 
lf(<^inN in a sonant; 0,H,G. 6ri#w«-<i<fcini 'vein of a spring' from 
hrunno (Joth. brnnna m. 'spring, broi>k\ 

U«mark4. It is noreworthy that the type of compoimd containing 
« %mM\sti TCUm IV •, such a< A.fwi«-rV#o5. Frouch^no-latit i § 44), common 
itnouf(h er^n in O.ELG^ in later time!» oontinuaUy encrxMiched upon the 
NUm-compouDdK of CU» I. particularly in the Modern period. The chie 
twUtf In thi« derelopement was the cirv^umsiaiice that -rn cane ultimately 
to !)• the ending of other ca*« be«ide$ the jt^nitire, and hence lost its 
orlKhiAtlr definite character. Cp, J. Orimm, D, O. II 0^"S» p. 528. 591 ff. 



t«. 






Stems in -r-. In Gothic we have tho form hrOpru-lnbS 
"brotherly love'; it is uncertain whether the first part reprpseuts 
Hg. •Wra/f- (I § 299 p. 237 f.), or wliether, like the nam. pi. 
irl^;us, it was a iiew form modelled u[)on the u-stoniB. br6pr-a-luhs 
tlso oepurs, ep. Gr. Tiar^-o-ipi'iyoq etc. O.H.G. pruodar-llh "brotherly' 
may be variously expktned; fatar-erpi 'piitrinionium' is in nay 
tase a new form instead <if "fair-. "We also find prua>ler-lTh 
fater-Uh and the like, where e ia due to the influence of the 
inflected forms of the uncompuuuded word. 

O.H.G. flant-lih 'hostile' friunl-llh 'friendly', fuui-seami} 
'ibotstoor, like Gr. tTptwoiT-o-^niioc, nnJ-o-arpdlii]. At the same 
time it must be observed that in O.II.O. many of these con- 
'Honantal stems have gone over bodily to one of the vowel- 
declensions, e. g. manod 'month' (Goth, still has dat. sing. mStiSp 
nom. pi. menOps), with which compare e. g. manOd-sioh 'luuaticus'. 
Stems in -s-. Goth, sigis-ltiun 'pvizc of victory' (cp. Goth. 
Siffis-mSres Burg. Sigis-tnundiis O.Frank. Siffis-liertus etc.) from 
jijM n, 'victory' (stem Btgis-a- or sigiz-a-): 8kr. sdhas n. O.H.G. 
tgis-lih 'horrible' beside Goth, itgis n. 'fear' (stem agis-a-), ep. 
O.H.G. egis-o m. 'fright' egis-Sn 'frighten' like Gr. auyfa- 
V- The following may also belong to this group, if they 
IJwve lost the vowel of the sufKx -es-: GotJi. firals-JiU A.S. 
drust-fe/ (for *(intls-) 'scab' and A.S. Bfns-brOc, name of a 
.place, compare probably O.Icel. hotis (only in pi.) 'fowls'. 
llatfaer more frequently we have -es- stems extended by -o-: 
Ooth. diz-a-smipa O.H.G. Sr-smid 'copper-smith', O.H.G. Lembir- 
(cp. Kelbiris-bach with the gon. sing., Class IV) Mid.H.G. 
lur-vtl (A.S. a'ger-felma) 'skin of an egg', Mid.H.G. rinder-hlrte 
'cowherd' (A.S. hryder-heord 'herd of cattle'). After -er- became 
Jl sign of the plural (§ 132) the first member of these com- 
pounds took a plural meaning (rinder- hirfe =^ 'herdsman of 
cattle'). 

Bemark 5. The traunfereDce of (lie^e atema to tlie n-iieclenjiuii 
Xl 133), cmu9ed by tlie loss of the final -'o.-' in the nom. and ace. sing., 
to Allerstians of the stem in compouads, on the niod«>l of the 
^<1«m; thus O.H.G. rhul-ninl. Th? oldest example of this type is perhaps 



74 Xoun Compounds: titoir Form in Germanic. §40,41. 

the form requa- Markness* (cp. Goth, riqt's Skr. rrf/ow-), seen in requa- 
lirnJuiHo^ which occurs on an inscription of the second or third century 
A. D. (found in the District of Cologne), if Holthausen is right in ex- 
plaining it as 'living in the darkness'; but perhaps it is better to refer it 
to the analogy of nom. *reqwfz : *ivolfa'Z. 

§ 41. In many compounds, in Germanic as in Greek and 
in Slavonic (§ 30. 47), the popular conception of the first member 
underwent a change, and the latter was regarded as having a 
verbal instead of a nominal force. 

Thus in O.II.G. first of all nominal stems in -/- (for an 
original -/-, -io-, -id- or '%€-) came into immediate connexion 
with verbs in -ten, e. g. spiiri- in spiiri-hunt *hunting-liound' 
(Mid.II.G. spur spur f. n. 'trace, track*) came into connexion 
with spurien spiirren *to trace'; smelzi-gold f melted gold') Vefined 
gohl, standard gold' {smelzi n. *gloss produced by melting, enameO 
with smelzen (Goth. *smalt;an) 'liquefy'; deche (older *decchi^) 
seen in deche-lachefi *cloth or sheet for covering' {decha^ older 
*decchia, 'covering') with decchen (O.Icel. pekja) *to cover'; 
slenffi'Stein *8ling-stone' {slenga^ older *slengia^ sling*) with slengen 
(O.Icel. slongta) *to sling, hurl'. Hence numerous new formations 
whose initial members were real verbal forms, as deni-lachan Vloth 
for spreading out, tent-cloth' from denen *to spread out', icezzi-siein 
^whetstone' from icezzen *to whet'. The next step was to give a 
new verbal signification to nominal stems ending in original -o-; 
thus i^.H.G. strft'tniiot 'eagerness for the fray' strU-lou/t *race' 
{strlt m. 'strife') was referred to sMtan 'strive', scelt-wort 'abusive 
word' (sreUa f. 'abuse') to sceltan 'to abuse', giving a type which 
was followecl by largi^ member of new formations like welc-fai 
*milk-vesser fnuu uielchan 'to milk'. Then, when the and S in 
inflexional syllables had sunk to e, which also represented a 
and i\ when e. g. heta-lnls 'house of prayer and betdn *to pray' had 
hoo-mio l»et€'h9ls hetfn^ and /•im-/w</(i railing, trellis' and linSn 
liad become Ihie-hrnift lineii rivpootively, the numerous forms of 
this kind giue a fri^sh impulse in High German to the verbal 
interpretativui of the initial members of ci>mpounds, and the new 
type of formation already established was taken into yet wider use; 
e. !:. Mid.II.G. lebt-siU 'manner of life* from Ifben 'to live'. 



Rtunarb 1. In Mid.H.a. the Klems of nil cUnses of verbs h«d 
be^n to be nse<i in the initinl part of compauiHln , and the number 
of such Terbol onmpounds hag been oonnirlernblj on the increase down to 
modern times. There wore alnsys n number of words which to the 
pupnlar consoioaBoesB appeared hnlfway botween iiominnl and verbal cont- 
pODnds; BC do even now 8uoh words as gtrfit-lii»l , I'lnt'Iaai, seliliiminer- 
-alSHr. rnub'T'oiitl, op. xIrHI and elrfilen, tfnz and ti'vxrn etc. [Similar 
oneertaintjr itt felt in Enf;liHh with regard to compounds like nhoir-i-oom 
paint-brnth leateh-loiprr alniiffhtar-hoiiiii'.] Bat such forma ioevitflbly came 
to ho rofrarded as verbal when the noun wna tio lonf^er used uncom- 
ponnded, e. g. in M)m"», which was formed from O.H.G. hr/ii Mod.H.G. 
Mr 'prayer', but, when this noun was lost, was of necessity conneoted with 
Ihp verb btUn. 

Remark 2. The same procens of analogioal fui-iuntion arising from 
a new iiilBrpretalion of nominal stems is found in the other Weal Germanio 
(Ustects and in those of Seandinavin; whether it aUo took place in Gothic 
is donbtful. See Osthoff. Verbum in der Nominale. p, 10 ff. 

Remark 3. Connected with this is another characteriBtic of High 
German which may be mentioned here; — the new moaning given to the 
initial member of adjectival eompoiinds in -bar, -He.h, -linfl, -turn. E. g. 
O.H.Q. iloHc-b&ri Hid.H.O. danr'hnrrf at first meant exactly 'gratiaa fre-) 
ferens' fO.H.O. dane Goth.^offts "thanks'). O.H.O. uAn-b/iri Mid.H.O. arhln- 
Uert literally meant 'bearing an appearance, having an appearance'. Now 
wben the second member bad acquired the ohnraotrr of a suffix, the first 
waa referred to the verb to which it was akin (Uid.H.G. ilimkrn and 
wchinrn). Henoe further new formations like Mid.H.G. hi-l-biiere 'seekini; 
to hide oneseir Hod.H.G. frink-bnr nmrtnd-bur etc., in which the eeoonJ 
member is used like a primary suffix. See Osthoff loo. cit. p. 112 If. 

§ 43. Claes II. Germ, km- 'un-' before cimaonnnts and 
before sonants: Or, a- ir- etc. Gotli. un-kunps O.H.G. un-kund 
unknown': cp. Gr. a-yviTo^. Goth, un-veis O.H.G. un-wTs 'in- 
experienced'; Lat. tit-cl^us; Goth. Wtt-UMS 'uncertain' : Gr, a-inrft,- 
'unaeen, unknown' (cp, a-myo^ § 31 J, cp. I § 527 p. 382. Goth. 
un-atfanda 'not fearing'; O.H.G. un-e»de n. 'endlessneau': 9kr. 
an-anld-3 'cndlesM'. Germ, tuz- 'ill-, mis-' ^= Gr. lUa-: Goth. 
tus-vSrjan, a denominative formation, 'to doubt' ('bo chary of 
faith'}, O.H.G, zur-wari 'siiBpiciosus, auBpectus'. 

In the course of the separate developement of Germanic 
twveral particles were restricted to ubr in composition, e. g. fra- 
= (fr. nun in Gothic and in West Germanic. 

S 43. Class in. Gotli. fra-kmips A.S. /ra-co5 'despised': 
cp. Skr. i>rd-Jiiata-s 'different, recognisahlp'. O.H.G. frd-tat 



i<j Kuuu C(iin|>uiinds: ihcir I'urui in (iiTmimic. |< -IM 

'transgrosBion' : cp. Gr. 7rpo-fl«T*c 'n setting forth', Lith. pfa-d^Um 
'to begin" prS-dzia 'beginDiDg'. Aa regiirds the accent see § 1 
p, 37. Ootli, af-stass f. 'separation, defection; cp. Or. i 
-irnOTf 'aoparation, defection', O.H.U, in-siht f. 'accusation': hat. | 
in-dictlo^ Gr. fV-Jfilfs 'an information'. 

Goth, anda-nahfi n. 'the time towards night'; cp. Lith. afti- i 
ItaHi 'that which one has ou one's neck {ant kSklo), burden', Gr. I 
ana, avrt. uf-dijtels 'under an oath, bound by an oath'; cp. Or. 
vn-aaniiioi. fatira'dauri 'tliat which is before the door, street': 
cp. Gr. TtaQa-d-nlaaUiO^. 

Goth. mip-(/asinpa in. 'travelling companion', Mid.H.G, niit- 
erhel'mc 'co-heir': Gt. fdrn. Goth, ufar-fullei O.H.G, uhar-fuUi 
f. 'superabundance': Skr. tipdri. 

O.H.G. viwiht Mid.H.G. niht 'nothing' contrasted with Goth, I 
ni t>a{hts "nothing' nl vaiktdi 'in nothing, not at all': Goth, Vaihta \ 
'thing, something'; we have also O.H.G, veowiht 'nothiug' for i 
ni So wilit 'no thing at all'. O.H.G. neoman Mid.H.G, nieman 'no 
one' for ni So man, cp, Goth, hi manna and miinna ni 'no one". 



§ 44, Cl;i,s3 lY. O.H.G. <irl-2ug A.S. M-ti^ 'thirt)-' = 
Goth, preis tigjiis, ace. prins Hguiis; O.II.G. zwein-zug A.3. 
twwn-tij IwSn-tig 'twenty' was derived from old phrases con- 
taining a dative, cp. Goth, tvdim tigum 'duabus decadibus'. 
Other iustnnces of this kind do not occur until later periods. 
Thus Mod.H.G. pmg-geselU 'bachelor' neu-jahr 'Xew Year' dber- 1 
rock 'overcoat' are from the Mid.H.G. phrases June geselle 'young ; 
oumrade' niuice Jdi; ober roc, aud these forms are therefore stem- 
compounds (Class I) only in appearance. ilod.H.G. jeder-mann 
every one", gen. Jedermaniis, from jeder minin every niiin'. From 
the common phrases in which a preposition («, in etc.) was 
combined with a place-name consisting of adjective and sub- 
stantive, arose new nominative forms, as Mid.H.G. Ushen-burc, 
Hoiien-Dels ; cp. Hie nom. sing. Schwaben from zen Siraben 
(dat. pi.). 

Many compounds in Germautc contain the geuttive. In 
High German these continually grew more numerous; their 



devvlwpemont out of mere phraseH mny often be tracod in 
tlie literiiry moiiuineDts of tLe Inngimfie, c. |;. iloii.H.G. htmgers- 
iiBt from Mid.II.dr. hungers not, Bukrlnml fiom O.H.G, Beiero 
hnl. 

O.RM. (Alemann.) Z!os-t"c A.8. Tiwes-due^ O.Icel. Tys- 
■4agr' Tiu's (Zio's) day, Tuesday", cp. gen. Or. Ji(f)-nc, Skr. dic-ds. 
Similarly OMSi, donares-tag K.i^, tlunres-d<t^ O.lce). pors-dac/r 
Thursday', 

Ooth. baurgs-vaddjus 'wall of a fortress or city' from ba^ry- 
Tortreas, city'. Inatettd of dtUgis skiila 'he who haa a debt 
{diUy-s m.) to pay, debtor' (Luke 7. 41) it is perhaps better 
to write duigisskula. Criin.-OoHi. kcemis-dep would do doubt 
in Wulfila's Gothic appear as "hditnis-hldifs 'house-bread'. 

O.H.G. gotes-hUs 'God's house', hundes-ffiuga {beside kunt- 
fiiuga) 'dog-fly', Suoho-lant 'Swabiu', hnnin-fuoT, 'erow-foot' (uame 
of a plant, lit. 'hen's- foot"), ohsin-2unga 'ox-tongue' (name of a 
plant), gerstuH-korn 'barley eoru', FranchSno-tal 'Frnukenthal' 
(valley of the Franks); with these latter forms containing the 
gen. sing, or pi. of »i-stems cp. § 40 Rem. 4 p. 72. In this 
elaas (not in Class I, § 40) should no doubt be placed the further 
examples O.U.G. truhti-gomo 'follower' brUii-gomo 'bridegroom'. 
In the ilid.H.G. period firwl occur compounds with the gen. pi. 
alter, aa oiler-best, aller-grd^est; in O.H,G. we have the phrase 
aUero 6e;;ts(. Prom the beginning of the Modem period 
substantives are compounded with adjectives in forms like 
manns-toU (Mid.H.O. mannes tot) 'av3rtofiKi'ij<;' geiftes-arm {cp. 
(cp. Mid.II.G. lusters arm) 'poor in spirit'. 

In Mod.H.O. it was often forgotten that -s was a sign of 
the genitive in such compounds aa kumla-ftiege. Hence many 
new formations ; on the one hand , forms like hilfstruppen 
'auxiliary troops' nalir ungsmitlel 'means of subsistence, pro- 
visions' from kilfe and nahrung, gen. sing, hilfe, nakrung 
(Orimm, B. Gr, U 922); on the other hand fonns like baiters- 
mann reilersmann instead of bauennann 'countryman' reilermann 
'cavalry-man'. Similarly in English occurs doomsday. A. 9. d6m- 
dirj, herdsman: Jlid.Eng. herde-man. Cp. § 17. 



<•' Xouii C()m|mui](N: rlioir . itiL-SaTonic. §44 



*tranH«|;nJS8ion' : cp. Or. Tnm-^tai; ... ^*^ •"" accusative govt»m^ 
*i. !.««.:«» ....a jz' «i . • '^ • V . ■'•uue nor in the older peri o<^ 

S [ « r"^'* ^^® ^*®^ (Mahlow, I>^* 

p. ;J7. (lotll. af-sfasa f. \s('|)^^ . . ^ '.piuri/To** (gloss on 2 Ti r»^^ 

-Trrtrwc 'rtopanition, defection'. .; '^r Wa own, i. e. for himself ' 

in-dicfio, (Jr. fr.*iSu- an in! ..:- -*-^Jl»", like the reading 

Hoth. andn-nahh n. tl..' ■ _ ^ ^^^ ^3^^^ to represent tU^* 

kakU *tliat which ouo lias 'v ^ ^^ Tnimnoiation of his day; cf- 

«iTa, aVn'. uf-dipeh ^lu.l, ; =• ^*P»« Document (Wulfila ed- 

,,. ^ , J , .-^1 :tt be read as ^. 

.>( ^ , , . ,^..a :he nom. sing, ein and the 

op. lir. 7inon'xfn},u(Tnni^. . *=* 

.^ ^1 * .^ . , ^ui was established in O.jr.G., 

Uoth. mip-fiaswjm m 

, ,. * 1 .'1 /. *u^lJ.T. etp^amer. In O.Ii.G. we 

erbeuHc co-hoir : dr. *<. " . , 

i. « 1 1 . ^ sMt/ em anef^^n iinueUh thov 

f. superabundanot^ ; "^i ' . . /-, * ' 

,v ,, ,, . 1 i ^ u* w others). Cp. Skr. a/iw5- wvor- 

fii vaShts *uorhiiii:' 

♦*i • J.I ' • .-Slavonic, 

tiling, Ronu'tliiMi: 

9n So wiht 'n<i i'.. v. ^tM&ittuc period of Balto-Slavonic only 

(»no* for hi fo 7" ^' > ^*^ hiden developed. Two points 

§ 44. (*^ j^aiHiwtuanic compounds with *y- un-' 

(Joth. /in/s- ' ^ ^ .J cMipounds with *w^ not*. Cp. Lith. 

tfnvn-tij fivr ..±j»Mi Jwoaae* 0.C.81. ne-most^ 'feebleness, 

taining a <' .^ ^^AiMif^ O.H.G. un-fnaht. Besides ^fie-, 

Orhrr insi '" ..,4^:14 dippears in Lith. as W, in O.C.Sl. as 

'riius Mo.' "^"^ ...jbwwi *i*l^ Skr. bahi^ outside, without', had 



rork 'ovf. " "^ ., .»^ jimU aa a negative prefix; cp. Lith. be- 

ronir.nl. *** -. . .>^i»ii 'jsnmndless*, Lith. be-dSris O.C.Sl. bez- 

(•om|iiin*" 

\'v< rv < " ^ n^^ "^^ awy^vtival declension came into use, as 

th ■ .^ ^^if^ V^uaai\)' ^^ {/eras ;ls (I § 147 p. 131), 

,.,„. .*. -^ ^^ ^^^^. „^.^. ^niaso.)' (I § 84 p. 80). 



^ ^ Vt^ IKMU. »iug. of compounds of this group 

.,A ^ „# uia80. Igon. -io) and -r fern. (cp. § 63). 



. :«, !i>MaKi K^H8 and Io$s frequently in the course 



ik -''^ XVhort^ the siH\md member begms in a 



irtV*" 



s» 



J Cifiopiiunds; thfir Form i 



of tbe litenrj* period; tlie condttiuns of its loss still need careM 
timwtigatioii (ep. I § 636 p. 477, § 664, 1. 2 p. 522). The old 
Form weiiia-mamit is now veid-uiaiitys fchanging the GounleanDce') 
"hjfoaite' &otu vHda-s 'counienmici'''. Old form uuksa-kasis, 
nodem dnlca-tasis 'goM-digger' from duksa-s 'gold'. darba-ceU 
'place of work' from ddria-s 'work', scetima-szalis 'foreigner, 
stnogCT* from gvetima-s 'strange', gera-di/is 'benefactor', vi$a' 
gaiis (beside cis-galis) 'all-powerful, almighty' (or perhaps the 
bst two contain an ace neut., and belong to Class IV-*). szdn- 
lofHlis ("Mde-bono'j 'riV from ac^na-s 'side of the body', vitk-poiilis 
'wolTs egg' (a kind of malodorous fungus) from viihi-s 'wolT. 
mimisat-prdtis 'weak in mind, soft-head' from tninkssta-s 'soft, 
tender*. In Prussian -a- la generally kept, e. g, lauca-gaio 
'pattrid^' from tauka-n ace 'field*, UMta-ugftna-n ace, 'benefit* 
from UAbo'S 'good'. 

Wliere the second member begins in a vowel, -a- is always 
dropped, e. g. v?n-3kig 'one-eyed man" from vena-» 'one'. In 
Prussian on the other hand (as in Slavonic, § 47) the stem-final 
i> kepi; dago-augig 'summer shoot or sprout' beside daga-yaydit 
'vaxama wheat' (cp. dtina-algenika- below, p. 80). 

Forms containing the suffix -io-. We still find -ja- in the 
older aatborities, e. g. Houja-pedit 'newly married man' from 
nntfa-g 'new'; cp. I'russ. cana-irogtis iarige-wayie 'review' (g in 
karig^ ^ f), cniHtfa-trirps 'blood-letter' from erauyo krawia 
"blood'. In the modem language -jo- stems are treated as tbongfa 
they were stema in -o- or h'-. The stem-final has been lost 
0. g. in jatU'Pede leading-rope (or oxen', Jdut-atU 'ox-eye' (a 
pUoi) from f'dutit -ciio 'ox', teUtge 'cancer' from c«'iy-< 'cravfish', 
hrum-ltidgs 'blood-lelter' from kra&ja-t 'blood'; examples with 
-a- an grAt-AJMis 'rake-handle' friim gretJg-s, brotS-vaJtm 
Ipratber'a aoii' from broli-t. Cp. also nanji^caulia 'bony ex- 
craacence'. 

Remark I. We «a«l will) tpcUingt like Hini-vt-la bende nau'ttJi 
^■wlj aumed bmh', trjmj-giftU 'Teia oi blood', rij-wviJ-mHU 'viodnutl' (ef. 
kain^-llmi/ beaiie biiatyl-t!mU b«lo*>. The«e form* caanAt be laid to 
refimeni tbe tUf« pre«eduig ihe loo* of the j, wlu«h U onl; rcMond in 
tfceM tntm Ihe soeawponded word. 









1 Litfaut 



ReniBrk 2. This tredtmeot of io-alems in oampodtion , 
also found in Lettio, reminds as of the treatnieat of the same ste 
ihe^ are extended bj derivBtiTe suffixes : jd»t-akia like jaul-iisiB jaiit-diti* 
'little ok". The form ietn'obalpe (from ilmi), which will be uoticed Torther 
un, should be compared with I'art-uie fcarp-uile 'little oow' from kdrre 
'dow'. In PruBsian ^-el-Jn^ii* 'spear- shaft' (beside kelia-u 'apesr') seems to 
oorrespund to these Lithuatiiati compounds. 

Stems iu -a-, -d- h quite rare; the example sziksznA- 
sparnis bat' was iiicutioned ou p. 2^. These stems are usually 
treated like stems in -o-. galca-iudys and yalv-zudys 'murderer' 
from galeh "head'- vasarS-ssillis 'warmth of summer, harzd- 
xkutys 'beard-shavei', barber' from hursda 'beard'. nugar-kauUs 
'backbone' from nugarh 'back', bal-iipe 'moorland stream' from 
bath 'moor, marsh', vasar-augis 'thia year's shoot' from vasarA 
'summer', like vSn-Skis; tm. on tho other hand Pruss. demO' 
atgemhamans dat. to day-labourers' from deina-n ace, f. 'day 
(Lith. nom, diind). 

Femioines in -ia -e -i are treated liko the -io- sterna. 
parszis 'little wild pig' from gXria g\re 'wood'- haemjt- 
(also bamycz-kemis, see Rem. 1) 'village with a church' froi 
bainyczia 'churcli' (borrowed from Slav.), iim-sfare 'landmarl 
field-boundary', zem-ohUys 'earth-apple' from ihnS 'earth'. 
■merge 'bridesmaid" from tnartl, gen. marczios, 'bride' 
example with -a- is kregid-a-eole 'swallow- wort' from kregt 
'swallow'. In Prussian, the feminines which correspond to ' 
Lith. feminines in -i show -e- and -i-, the equivalents of Lith. 
e. g. ape-wilwo 'river- willow, osier' from ape, Lith. tip^ 'Btream. 
wosi-grabis 'spindle-tree' from wasee 'goat' (Lith. "oie, op. m 
ogy-s). 

Sterna in -t-. tri-raiis 'three-pronged'. In words of n 
than one syllable -i- is rare, e. g. naktikovis 'roving at night 
The forms are usually without -t'-, as ak-mirkis 'twinkling 
an eye, moment' from akl-s "eye", dnt-ldauazis 'duck's egg" fi 
dnti-8 'duck'; cp. Pruss. perst-lanata-n 'dust-window, wind* 
shutter' beside O.C.Sl. prUstX f. 'dust'. Here and there we have 1 
-0-, as ugii-d-eHe 'fireplace' from ugni-3 'fire' (cp. darbd-vSt^)^ J 



H 



i«. 



Noun Compounds ; their For 



1 LithuaniaD. 



81 



RemaTk 3. Those stems ma; have first followed the analogy of 

US In -0- (uj/n-n-J and then dropped the -a- {ak- ««(-), or else the -i-, 

ore it does not occur, may have fallen out bj regular phonetic ohange, 

' iMviag tht forms to be remodelled bj the analog; of compoonds like 

iarbi-mlt. In any case this group of compounds also (see Rem. 2) most be 

compkred with diminutival formations like ak-liii 'little eye' uijn-iiiis 'little 

fire etc. 

Remark 4. nkg-mojin = akiu moji» 'moment, twinkling of an eye' 
aky-moju 'instantaneously' (which we can sosrcely suppose to have been 
influenced by (onus like aky-H aky-la-a etc.) may perhaps contain the nom. 
M«. du. used as the dual stem, ail') for *oki. see I § 664 p. 523. Cp. the 
retention of the original i in Iry-lika 'thirteen'. Whether ie in Bretken's 
oHe-mirbmiis 'moment' (Beizenberger's BeJtr. zur Oesch. d. lit. 6pr. 2T0J 
itands for t'l ia doubtful. — It may be asked In passing hovr we should 
how regard the y in abypiisel 'ou both sides', which oontaina the dual 
M puti, where abi comes (rom 'nbi'. Should we compare (in Kpite of 
the different accentuation) the relation of npy- to api- ape, of pry- to 

Stems in -u-. -«- was on the whole rather better preserved 
than -o- and -»'-. alU-daris 'brewer' from alu-s "beer', virszft- 
galvis 'upper part of the head, crown' from virszu-s 'upper (part)'. 
The loss of -u- (-iM-) and the intrusion of -a- in its stead 
appear to be connected wit)i the partial transitiun of it-steme 
into the o-decL: pSt-valgis 'midday meal' from pfflSs pi, 'midday', 
imoff'iudys 'murderer of men* imog-edys 'devourcr of men' from 
mogit-s 'man', gyr-pdnys 'ambitiouB person, braggart' from 
gyriu-a 'fame', pig-a-kalbis beside pig-katbis 'proficient in 
■peaking' from pigii-s 'easy, cheap'. The form placz-kojis beside 
plat-kojis 'broad-foot' (plaiii-s 'broad') is explained by reference 
to the cases which have -io-, as dat. sing. j>laczi4-m, cp. bain^cz- 
kSmis beside bainyt-kemis p. 79. 

Amongst consonantal stems there is scarcely a single 
example of a genuine type which has not undergone some 
destructive change in the course of its developemeat. szim- 
■obMei pi. ("dog's-apples") 'hawthorn' from saw , gen. s^tiAfi, 
'dog*, like Gr. xvv-dimg, can scarcely be considered a direct 
representative of an original type; this is shewn by the 
forms s^m-tnuse 'dog-fly' szun-ssildis 'stercus caninum', which 
hy the rules of formation in ludo-Germanic should have been 
'ssvin- {= Skr. ha- Idg. *£w^-)- moter-ioles pi. 'mother-wort' 

BtaisiBD. KlcaanU. U. 6 



Noun Compouuds: their Form in Lithuaman- 



(trom mots, geu. motefs, 'woman') shows the strong form of thil 
stem, in contrast to the original type. 

ClasB II. Of this class there is no trace in Baltic. 

Class III. pra-miAtas 'aa,mei' : Skr. prd-mafa-s "contrived,! 
uttered', pir-pinfas 'plaited crosswise': 0.C.31. pr^-p^u 'drawn J 
outwards, outspread'; pir-j^sttas 'giit over, girt about': Or. nep^ ,1 
OooToc 'girt about'. 

pir-galve 'that which is laid over or around the head, hood's 1 
cp. Gr. nfpi->ii<pui.ov nepi-xetpaXaia 'head -covering', apy-cakariit^ 
'the time towards evening' (api vSkarq). pa-stale 'drawer undn 
the table (po staUt)'. 

St-laikas at-lekas 'remnant': 0.C.S1, otH-Ukit. sin-dot 
'concord', sq-S2lam3 pi. 'sweepings': cp. 0.C.81. sq- 8kr. sam-.^ 

ne-Ms 'scarcely any one, hardly any one', tie-cena-s 
only one, not alone', but Pruss. rte-aim ni-aiiis 'no one', e^^, 
Lat. noenu-m nOn. 

Class IV. du-ssimtu'two hundred' (ry-Mfm(ai 'three hundred* J 
(for *trys-sziintai according to I § 664, 6 p. 524) beside ditm 
sstimta = try(s) azimtal. tr^-lika 'thirteen' keturio-lika 'fourtean*!^ 
no doubt contain the nom. ace. pi. ncut. Accusative forma; 
sz\-tnSt 'this year', se^-nakt 'this night', ana-syk 'that time' for 
s^ mSiq, 52^ ndkt\, crnii si/ki- We have no doubt instrumentals 
in szi-pus 'on this aide' ana-pus 'on that aide' from p^se 'half*. 
aby-pHSei 'on both aides' is formed from abi pud 'both sides' (cp. . 
Rem. 4). Du. noni. muse, j^-du fern, ji-dvt, dat. instr. masc. /&»- \ 
-dchn fern. jom-dvSm, from /Is 'he' and dH 'two', similarly du. | 
pacziii-du from pits 'self, with other forma of the same sort. 

In some dialects we find kas-t>&karas adj. "every evening* j 
kas- m?ts adj. 'every year", originally subordinate relative clauses, 1 
i. e. 'which ever evening (year) it may be" (the Author, Lit. I 
Volksl. u. March. .320, and for a similar usage in Slavonic seftJ 
Mikloaich, Vergl. Or. U 376, IV 87). In other dialects thej 
analogy of accusativea of time like tq (sz{) vdkarq 'in thel 
evening (this evening)' gave rise to kasp&karq , kasmetqA 
similarly kasdSnq 'daily' and other forms; and, with loss of ths,^ 



eadiDg, kasmet kaidSn etc.; and further, derivatives like kasdSnis 
kaadetAms 'daily*. Cp. Lat. quotannifi § 36 p. 63. 

Compounds having a dependent genitive for their first 
member are rare ; e. g. szuns-MBffiiis Cdog-tailed person') 
'flatterer, fawner' from ssivt, gen. asutia^ 'dog'. There are more 
examples ia Lettic, as /emes-mSte 'earth-goddess' from /erne = 
Lith. ieme 'earth'. 

Bemark 5. How are we to regard biUs-angS 'house-door' (b&ia't 
'house'), and Lett, gads-kd'^a 'time of jtar' (_gada 'year", Btem gada-} 
wbioh Beema l<i be a form of the same kindP Was there a Btem *biife»-Y 
(5o ^reat importance perhaps should be attaohed to the Prussian form 
htittat-laue beside butli'ti-lSma and butla-tawas 'house-father'), 

Further, what is the origin of the y in karaxl^tmtis 'hot time* 
(IcdraxtO't 'hot', kafsiti-n m. 'heat'), brang'^etis 'dear time, dearth' 
{bra»gii-B 'dear'), darbymttie 'nork-time' [dArba-9 'work*), vaiatymeH» 
'mniner time' (cagard 'summer')? Should we atart from the nom. pL 
jtorstf) mBni (cp, ahy-puatl from abi jius), Rem. 4) or a form *karait\i«~ 
mriai? For the general use of the ending -i/metis cp. Gr, -t/ipofos -^firiit 
§ 29 Hem. p. 4T. 

kits kitq 'one another' ia now regarded so much as a 
Hiogle word that the first part retains its masculine form even 
when the subject is feminine. In Bretkon (16"" century) we still 
find moterisskes geddja press kitd kitq 'the women sang against 
each other'. 

§47. Slavonic. Class I. Many of the following examples 
&re not popular combinations, but a scholar's translations of 
Greek compounds. 

Stems in -o-. The stem has -o-, whether the second 
member begins with a consonant or a sonant. O.C.Sl. boffo- 
•rodica 'mother of God' from bogU 'God', crino-vlasH 'black- 
haired' from (H«H 'black', ^rino-okii 'black-eyed', bogo-izbranU 
chosen of God". bogo-udenU 'taught of God'. 

Forms with -je- from -jo- (I § 84 p. 80) : voje-voda 'leader 
of a host' from voji pi. 'warriors, soldiers', lUse-prorokU 'false 
prophet', from liiSi 'lying, fabe', (/noJe-iTnenilU 'xongnivvfiog' 
(nickname of a Byzantine emperor) from gno^t dung', mqie- 
•ubijica 'homicida' from mq^ 'man'. Through the preponderance 
of the forms with -o-, this sound often took the place of pr. 



84 Noun Compounds: their Form in SlaYonio. §47. 

Slav, -e- in later Slavonic, e. g. Serv. konjo-zohica Cequum 
nutriens') *bag of fodder'. 

Stems in -a- always show the ending of the o-stems. 
vodo-nosu Vater-vcssel' from voda *water', rqfco-pXsanije (x^i^- 
ygatfov) *bill of debt, bond' from rqJca *hand'; rqfeo-cby&nu ac- 
customed to the hand, tame'. zemlje-ftiMje land-measurement, 
geometry' from zemlja *land', zmije-noztnu 'snake-footed, with feet 
of or like snakes' from zmija *snake', duse-gubtnu 'destroying 
the soul, annihilating' from dusa 'soul', zmije-obrazinu 'having 
the form of a snake', duse-tdnftca 'murderer of souls'. Serv. 
ztnijo-glav 'snake-headed' for the older and true form zmije-. 

Stems in -i-. tri-zc^ 'trident' from tri 'three*. Many 
examples have -o-, following the analogy of o-stems: as gosto- 
lj%d)wu 'hospitable' from gostX 'stranger, guest*, zv^o-vidtnU 
'having the appearance of a wild beast' from zv6rl 'wild beast', 
sumrlto-nosivu 'death-bringing from sUfnrit^ 'death', zv^o- 
obrazXnu 'having the form of a wild beast*. We often find -e- 
(but this is late), e, g. zvire-vid^nu beside zviro-vidXnu^ zvire- 
-imefiitXpiU beside zv^ro-imenittnU 'named after an animal', pate- 
'Voidt guide*. 

Remark. It is a question whether in the latter examples -e- is 
the e of the stems in -j[o- (vojV- etc.) , as Osthoflf assumes (Verb, in d. 
Nomiualc. 213), or the e of forms like pqteml for pe^imi (I § 36 p. 36, 
Leslden, Handb.' p. 21 ff.). Osthoflf ^s yiew seems to be the true one. 

Stems in -w- have -o-. sgno'tvarjenije 'viod^saiu, reception 
into the position of a son* from sgnu 'son'. medo-toSinu 'sweet- 
streaming from medU 'honey*. Compare the transference of 
M-stems to the o-declension , which is foimd in the very 
earliest authorities; such forms as synochu instead of synuchu 
(I § 52 p. 44, and Leskien, llandb.2 p. 21 ff.), need hardly be 
taken into account ; see th(» last Remark. As regards medvedl 
see § 12 p. 26. 

kriiD-O'politije 'bloodshed* from the stem kruv 'blood', gen. 
sing, knio-e, Idg. stem "^qruu- *(jfil', cp. Gr. i/&t-o-^dyo^. Yet 
the forms with -o- may not have sprung up until after some 



!«■ 



Soan CompoundB: their Form to SUtodi 



85 



of the cases of the wurd had been formed afresh in the i- 
declensioD, as nom. kriiv-t. 

Stems in -«-. kamen-o-vidittU 'having the appearance of 
B Btiine' from kamy 'stone'. imen-o-ttostnU 'bearing a name' from 
im^ 'name'. The original types of formation seem to have 
completely li i sap p eared. 

Stems in -r-. matere-dosaditeH and matere-ubifica 
'matricide' like ivire-vidmu (see p. 84 above). Beside these 
we have, without -o-, 6etvrS-guhu 'qundruplus' for "^etver-f/ubii. 

Stems in -s-. Generally -o- appears instead of -es-; dudo- 
-to^nU 'sending forth wonders, spreading them abroad' from 6udo 
'wonder', vko-isinelinit 'casting out the eye' (on the other hand 
Russ. and Serv. have oce-, Russ. oie-oidnyj 'nppearing to the 
eye') from oko 'eye'; compare the transference of forms from 
the cs-decleusion to that of o-steuis, aa inatr. sing, nebomt 
beside nebeslttil. More rarely we find -es-o-, as dudes-o-lo£Xmi 
beside iudo-toilnS, nebes-o-podrnmteltnu 'imitating heaven', cp. 
loc. pi. nebes6cji^ instead of nelieSfchU. 

Of Class II no examples remain in Slavonic. 

Class ill. pro-strttu 'outstretched': ep. Skr. prd-stirna-s 
'stretched forth, outspread', u-p^stii 'crowned' u-v^i 'to crown": 
cp. PrusB. au-klipt-s 'hidden' Skr. At>a-hata-s 'struck back, 
driven off; slain'. i>-^fi 'taken out' is-^ti 'to take out': Lith. 
iaz-imta-s isz-imti. 

pri-morije 'the region by the sea* (pri mori). na-glavije 
'turban' (that which is on the head [na glavil). Cp. Miklosich, 
Denksehr. d. Wiener Ak. XIII 19 f. 

iq-logvi, 'consors tori': cp. Gr. n-Ao/og, Idg. *som- *s^- 
'to^ther, with'. pa-dusU 'step-daughter': Lith, p6-dukra. 

Class IV. In-atU-sestra 'brother and sister'; this was in- 
flected like the nom. du. of an o-stem, hence brat&sestroma; 
oorapare the dimin. bratUsestrJca. JisusU-Chrhtosu has gen. 
Jiaueii-Christosa. duDa-des^thtU 'twentieth' (beside dvo-des'Jtnu), 
derived from dUoa des^i ("two decades') 'twenty'. Many 
similar examples occur in modern Slavonic dialects; e. g. in 
Polish tcielka-noc ("great night') 'Easter' has gen. dat. tcielkanocy. 







in riB middLe floe.) ef tjkt mg^ (g^^)y at 

-wmtiit miVimgfcc' p^sbtSmirim 'wMArr^ iMfc»-««BWI adl 'of 
■iiisidii;' fobt-immm idj. «rf nUsf '. l i i iTf i Pr i i 'atnted <hi 
Ae finrdier iMuik'. darned frvm «fti «Hii yafi ''ok tiM^ ade, on 
die fintfaer iMuik". p \ ^ ■ • rffjl Ml 1lt>>Bit^ d ciiic d frmn ji^ 
«i doete rfire oa tcii7 'fifte^'. Wift -#-, As '^mrri of eom- 
fwtioii*. maerted: MBMHi«-^ae#i 'c^^tecH^^ cpL Gr. saulo- 
-wijwAU I 90 p^ 31. Cooipwe m Hm idkject Bndouiii de 
CmtenT m Kab^-ScUacker's Bciir. IT 2fM C 

ibiivHfr«Jil|/tf (iMnde i i ■■ • j w ai a i / tf^ we sboTe) 1>loodBhed\ 

loe. of dosti iMwae'. iri<»-o^ (beside ir«l»-^edb) "brother's 
dn^tter'. dis. (poneaare dat.) of tnii 1xotber\ fa y Wfte ate 
(besde &oyi ■ilaahi) "baaed ofOodTlija ■ilj (beside ioyo-stiiS) 
'desr to CrodT (proper ttsme), dst. of isfi "GodT. d osw dp i fey 
'dond nstoa^ TemsadoB' dM^-Jiricf "firiB^ st a pisce^ inbabitant', 
dMMB adr. 'at home' finxn dosriL As die qiecial meaning given 
bj the case of die first member became obscsored, there sprang 
np formations like Cieeh. BAnt-^mi on die anah^y of Boku^-mSL^ 
cp. O.CJSL 60^0-jqdSW adr. 'd« iadicio'. 

The "%' appearing in die cases of the f-st«ns {bitoi^prolitije) 
was connected in popular usage widi verbs in -M and treated 
as having an imperatival force. Sndi a fiNrm, for instance, as 
MUU-drugk (Czedu JMi-dmi) was property 'ultionis socius', 
mi$U being gen. of mMT 'vengeance'; but since wHsti was also 
2. sing. impv. of mUtiti 'to avenge^ the word came to be 
regarded as meaning 'ulciscere socinm*. This change of 
meaning produced a large number of compounds which were 
either formed on the new type, or altered to suit it, e. g. 
Serv. Ljubi'voj (Xo^e the warrior, Ijubiti 'to love") instead 
of ^Ljuba-voj^ cp. Ljubo-brat *^hiisXifog\ See Osthoff, Verbum 
i. d. Nom. p. 209 ff. CJp. § 30. 41. 



Noun Compoanda : their Ue«Jiing. 



SOUK COltPOOSDB COHSIDERED U 

§ 48. In Stem- Compounds of the proethnic Indo-Gei 
type (e. g. Skr. aiva-kayd-s Gr. in7ro-,jorn-i,-) the nature of the 
relation whioh the first member of the compound bore to the 
second was quite undefined to start with. It was implied solely 
in the particular meaning which happened to be assigned to 
iiny one such combination. The logical relation between the 
two parts must naturally have assumed a different character in 
different cases. If the parts of a wnipound meant 'sun' and 
'moon' respectively, the logical connexion between them would 
not be the same as if they meant "«un' and 'beam': "sun and 
moon' in the first case, 'beam of the sun' in the second. If 
words meaning 'man' and 'slaying' were compounded, they would 
be related in one way Cslaying a man'); words meaning "spear 
and "slaying", in another ('slaying with the spear"), A number of 
compounds whose parts had the same logical connexion would 
fonn a group, and many such groupa arose in the proethnic 
Indo-Germanic period. Hence even the proethnic compounds 
of noun-stems may be arranged in a. series of Classes according 
to their meaning. These Classes, we shall find, need no serious 
extension to include all the compounds uf this kind formed ut 
lat^r times in the separate languages. 

The compounds whose initial member was a definite in- 
flexional form have a different history. From the first this 
inflected form gave to the relation between the parts a per- 
fectly defined meaning, e, g, Skr. divi-ji- 'born io heaven*, 
dirfl-rfic- 'shining from heaven*. It must be obse^^■ed, however, 
that in later times the special meantng attached to the inflexional 
ending of the initial member was often forgotten. Cp. § 17 
p. 32 f. 

The native grammarians of India and modem students of 
language in Europe have devoted much labour to the task of 
claBsifying compounds according to their meaning. 



Noul 



Compounds ; tliuir Heanin);. 



desire for logioal By[nineer}r, and too little to tbe true hietorioal tuetl 
whioh abstains from all oriticism that is merely a priori and i 
not directly suggested by and limited to the nature of the faclK 
studied. In particular it is often forgotten that in most compounds the 
mutual relation of the tvro parts in the mind of the speaki 
scholar has to reproduce in a conception far too indefinite and variable 
to be confidently assigned, as too often it is, to this one or that 
the numoTous classes of meaning. Hence there has often been 
needless amount of contention as to whether a compound belong* 
one class or the other, whether for example Skr. sakhi-nann- (at 
'friend', gann- 'band' I is one of the Dependent [Whitney, 8kr. 
§ 12S3] or of the Desoriptive [ib. § I2T9] compounds fnhether 
equivalent to 'amicorum oaterva' or 'arnica caterra'); or whether m 
in Ttarpo-iporrvt 'patrloide' is to be regarded as genitive or accusative. 
Bs a rule these precise relations of meaning wore simply imported iato 
the words by the granimarion — a mistake natural enoogh where 
a paraphrase was needed to render the compounds into other languages 
— whilst the speakers thomseWes were content with a general impression 
of the meaning. If the established canons are to be strictly maintained, 
we must at least allow a large number of intermediate stages, in which 
the different classes meet. 



t of^H 

m 



§ 4B. There are two leading principles by which we 
distinguiah the different kinds of compounds, which go back to 
the proethnic period and which are of primary importance 
any attempt to classify the compounds according to their meanings. 
First 'coordinating compounds, (called in Sanskrit doai 
are opposed to 'subordinating compounds'; and 
'non-epithetiaed' (nicht muticrte) are opposed to'epithel 
ised' (miitierte) compounds'. But in neither pair were 
contrasted classes ever absolutely distinct; there were alwai 
rariouB intermediate stages between one class and 
other. 

lu the first of the two contrasted classes, the coordinating! 
compounds, the two mombera stand side by aide on the 
level, nothing more being implied than the addition of two itei 
these may be regarded as joined together by 'and', whence aui 
compounds have been called 'copulative'. In aubordtnatiaj 
compounds, on the other hand, one member is defined mi 
closely by the other; the one coutaiua the principal idea 
other is merely an adjunct subordinated to it. 







The subordinating compoiinda cerhiinly formed by far 
the larger group in Hie Indo-OeniiaTiic period, and so it has 
renuined in nearly all the subsequent developements of the 
sefwrate languages (Sivnakrit is an exception, see p. 90 f.). The 
way in which one of the two members was defined by the other 
was shewn in each case by their meaning or grammatical character, 
and in all perioda it has varied between very wide limits. We 
may instanee the following groups of compounds with parallel 
meoniagB in the different languages. 

1. Skr. rafa-rfi-? 'a eage who is a king, royal sage', Or. 
btipo-ftarriQ 'a seer who is a physician', Lat. angui-pSs Itavtng 
a foot which ie a serpent, serpent-footed', O.Ir. rig-faith *ii 
prophet who is a king, royal prophet" ban-chu 'a dog which is 
a. female, bitch'. Goth, ptu-ntagtis 'a boy who is a servant' 
(translation of noug) O.H.G. gold-rintf 'a ring which is gold, gold 
ring', Lith. 6bel-medis 'a tree which in a pyrus malus (obelis), 
tpple-tree'. O.C.Sl. konje-ilovSim 'a man who is a horse, centaur'. 

2. 8kr. mCAf-^vasar- 'mother's sister', Armen. skesr-air 
mother-in-law's husband', Gr. T^ntQ-aSfhfni; 'father's brother', 
Lat. m&s-cerda 'mouse's dung', O.Ir, rig-tkerh 'king's house'. 
Qoth. piudan-gardi f. 'king's house', Iiith. brol-a-vaikts 'brother's 
child' ().C,3!. hrato-6^da 'brother's daughter'. Op. compounds 
eootainiDg genitive forma like 8kr. mCLtuk-^vasar- 'mother's sister'. 
Armen. Aaur-ciftoir 'father's brother'. 

3. Skr. adhara-kand-^ 'lower jawbone", Armen. BaJ-air 
"valiant mun'. Or. MQn-noh^ 'upper city, upper part of the eity', 
ImX. fiSni-luniwn 'full moon' limgi-pSs 'having n long foot', O.Ir, 
Jind'foH 'having white hair', Goth, hrdinja-hairts 'having a pure 
heart", O.H.G. junc-frouu:a young lady', Lith. j&'d-vamis 'black 
lavra* rvd-kSklis 'having a red neck' 0.C.81. krivo-nosfi 'crook- 
Boaed'. 

4. Skr, eaptd-r^iiy-as pi. 'the seven wise men' (name given 
to the Great Bear) tri-rCUrd-jn 'space of time including thi'ee 
nights', Armen. hing-am 'five years, quinquennium', Gr. rpi-nnvc 
'three-legged frame' rtSp-innw 'team of four horses', Lat. bi'P&i 
tri-noctium, O.Ir. tre-choste 'tripod' Gall, tri-garanus 'provided 



Noun Compoundg: tbeir Meaning. 



%i9. 



with three cranes', O.H.G. zwi-ltoubit "having two heads', Lith. 
tri-rqiis 'having three pronga' 0.C.81. trJ-zqbii 'having three 
teeth". 

5. Skr. tamra-dhSmrd-s 'dark tan- coloured', Gr. lu/go-iay&o^ 
'pale yellow', O.Ir. dub-glass 'dark blue', Mid.H.G, bleick-^rHene 
'pale green', Lith. j&'d-hfris 'black-brown' Kuss. svitlo-zdenyj 
'light green'. 

6. Skr. veda-vid- 'knowing the Veda, Veda-knower', Gr. 
/iJoy-nAjfl 'goading oxen, ox-goad', Lat. jQ-dex 'declaring right, 
judge'. 

In this way a large number of categories may bedistingiiiahed; 
but the boundary line between any two is never clearly marked. 

The coordinating compounds have nowhere been largely 
developed except in Sanskrit, and there only in the post- 
Tedic period. Probably there was a time in proethnic Indo- 
Germanic when no compounds of this class existed except those 
which had a case-form for their initial member, e. g. *du6-dekigt 
twelve' (2-1- 10): 8kr. dpd-da^a etc., see § 16 p. 32; and 
dcandva compounds with a stem for the initial member only 
arose when compounds containing a case were ro-modelled on 
the analogy of the older subordinating class, which had the 
simple stem. This process of conversion may often bo traced 
with certainty in historical times, e. g. Skr. parjdnya-vdia in- 
stead of the older form parjdnyCt-vdtS, 'rainelond and wind' (§ 24 
p. 41), cp. also Gr. xaKn-tt^ya^la , vrjhniyxaitiXtni'Kamt;, O.C.Sl. 
osmo-n(vies^t^ {§ 30 p. 51), and Skr. purea-purvas for pArvaa- 
■parvas and the like, § 53. The nse of the stem instead 
of a case cemented the combination mure firmly; and such a 
process would be all the more natural because many com- 
pounds of the subordinating class approach very closely to the 
coordmating compounds in regard to the particular relation 
subsisting between their parts, and there was never any sharp 
distinction between the two groups (cp. p. 91), 

Whether dpandna compounds were formed with the simple 
stem in proethnic Aryan is doubtful. Even in the Rig- 
Toda, coordinating compounds containing the simple stem 




^ 



' 8«>. 



KouD Compounds: their Meaning. 



91 



occur only rarely by the side of those coDtainiiig a case; e. g. 
aj&vdyas (aja-avdyas) pi. 'goats and sheep'. The extension of 
the class is a special developement iu Sanskrit, spreading 
only by slow degrees, until in the ctosHical language we &id 
any namber of nounit thus strung together into what was gram- 
matically a single word, as mukh^Ohurupadatas {mukha-bahw 
■uru-pddatax) 'from countenance, arms, thighs, and feet'. In 
non-Aryan languages, coordinating compounds containing a 
stem are, on the whole, comparatively rare. In Greek no clear 
examples occur until rather late, e. g. h-p-ttamJi- 'lyres and 
shields' seen in TopvfvTo-lvpnt}niilo-tr7]y6^' 'joining together turned 
lyres and shields'"), w^d^-^fieoo>''diem noctem(|ue', Xnvi^d «»(tpo- 
-ypua 'baths for men and women alike', XfVKO-/i^)Mc "white and 
black'; in Modern Greek there are many fommtious of this kind, 
u yvfwico-naida "women and children', finxnipo-!"'i"»-(t 'knives and 
forks', Lat. red-procu-s, originally 'going backwards and for- 
wards' (§ 86 a), su-ove-taurllia (the form su-ovi-tauillia ia perhaps 
more correct) 'a sacrifice in which a pig, a sheep, and an ox are 
slain'. In Keltic and Germanic I know of no examples except 
those whose initial member may conceivably be a case, as Mid.Ir, 
hrat-gaiiced 'mantle and weapons' gorm-gel 'blue and white' 
O.H.G. sunu-fatar-unyo Hild. 4 'people of the son and the 
father' (-unga- is a suffix which denotes 'belonging to' something, 
cp. g 88) and O.Sax, gi-sSn-fadtr 'aon and father', whose initial 
member may be nom. sing, (cp. 0.C.81. brat^-seatra , where 
it is certainly so), Lith. vyr-moterinis 'concerning man and 
wife, concerning married people', Lett, mi/ch■d^/as 'barley 
and oats'; 0.C.8I. nmh-ienU 'having the nature of man and of 
woman, avdpoYvyog (Gregor. Naz,), Kuss. bUo-nimjanyj 'white 
and red' (of the face). 

We have already remarked that there is no fixed boundarj' 

between coordinating and subordinating compounds. The Greek 

I i6rp6-ttarziQ, which was placed in the latter class od p. 89, may 



1) Thii would be a datn^va compound 
I planstion were correct ; <li TOfrtiuuoi ivfa; lo) d 



. if the seholiost'a ez- 



02 Noun Compounds : their Meaning. § 49,50. 

be also taken to mean one who is physician and seer', and 
similarly there are two possible explanations of such compounds 
as Tgay'sXafjpog *goat-stag yXv^v^myigog *bitter-sweet*, Lat. dtdc- 
acidua^ and many more in all the Indo-Germanic languages. 

§ 60. The distinction between the two classes of compounds 
which we term non-epithetised* and 'epithetised' (other terms 
widely used are primary* and 'secondary', compounds of lower' or 
of 'higher order' ; the second class is called by the Sanskrit gram- 
marians bahuvrfhi) depends upon a certain change of meaning in 
the compounds, developed in proethnic Indo-Germanic, and since 
that time constantly repeated in new-examples. For instance, 
*du8'merteS' *evil mind* (immutatufn) acquired the meaning *an 
evil-minded person* (mutatum) (nom. sing. Skr. durmands Gr. 
OvfT/if )'//^) , and in Modern German dick-kopf *thick-head* 
means 'a thick-headed person* [cp. Eng. redbreast etc.] The 
essential point in this process is the conversion of a substantive 
into an adjective ; the concrete meaning was disregarded, so that 
the idea remaining in the word was solely that of the quality 
or qualities which belonged to the concrete person or thing. 
This developement of meaning is one which may often be 
traced even in uncompounded substantives, and it will often 
meet us again in the course of our investigation. The substantival 
origin of these forms is still sometimes shewn in the deficient 
expression of their adjectival function; e. g. in Greek po^odaxrvilo- 
'rosy-fingered* was used in spite of its -o- for the fern, as well 
si8 the masc, and /^rao-xoiiT- 'golden-haired' in spite of its -17- 
for the maso. as well as the feminine. But extended formations 
were very soon developed to give fuller expression to the ad- 
jectival character of the compounds: for instance the adjectival 
'iq- had come to be used as a convenient affix in the proethnic 
period: ep. Skr. ddia-rnds-i^Q' 'happening every ten months' etc., 
§ 63, 2. It is probable, as we saw in § 19 p. 35, that there 
was even then a difference in accentuation between the mutata 
and the immntata. 

The student must be on his guard against the idea that 
evory epithetised compvmnd in the Indo-Germanic languages 



{M. 



Noun CnmpouDilK: their Meaning. 



9a 



bas pasisod tlirougli this course of dcvelopement for itself. By 
fer the gruatest number were fonin;d with the derived seDee, 
on the model of older forms. 

Both suburdinatiiig and coordinnting eumpounds coutaiuiug 
niMtantives are found with the epithetised meaning; e. g. Gr. 
MOkv-tuvtK; 'having much wine' and dvigo-yvioc 'intended for men 
and women' (iovTQov). Examples have been given in the pre- 
ndiog Hcction, and to these a few may be added from 
llie group of Bubordinatiug compounds. Skr. hirunya-ksia-s 
jfolden-haired', Armen. hast-a-bazuk 'atrong-armed', Or. iUv>r- 
tiitvo^ 'white-armed', Lat. mat/n-animus, O.Ir. nocht-chenn 'bare- 
keaded', Goth, krdinja-kairts 'who has a pure heart', Lith. minkszt- 
galvis 'who has a weak head' ^= 'soft-headed' O.CSl, criiio- 
wla»U 'bUck-h aired': cp. the non-epithetised eompounda Skr. 
mOiara-hanii-^ 'lower jawbone', Gr. dxQo-noh^ 'upper city' etc. 
Skr. a-putrd-s who has not a son, sonless' Armen. an-Mti 
who lias no wife, widower', Gr. u-tiou; 'childless', Lat. im-berbis, 
Kod.Cymr. an-tiiwedd 'endless, unending' (from Mid.Cymr. 
aid' = O.Ir. dead); in Germanic and in Balto-Siavonic 
sre is no group of epithetised compounds with *p- 'un-', but 
. Mod.II.G. eiite terfolgte unschild = innocent person', lit. 
persecuted innocence', Lith. ne-kalba 'no-speech' = 'wlio says 
tothing*. Parallel to these are the non-epithetised compounds, 
U-. d-kumara-s 'no boy (any longer)', Lat. in-imtcti-s, O.H.G. 
m-ehraft 'weakness', etc. 

Finally we must observe that even between mwtata and 

mmulata no sharp line can be drawn. Take fur example the 

}n3ek (itlbjpn ic7iaa 'gifts that are no gifts' (Soph. Aj. 665). 

lere nJwpn may he regarded equally well as a. substantive or 

1 adjective; so also n6h>i vtoninXi^ (Aesch- Eumen. 690) and 

mikr instances. In these the feelmg of the language may be 

I uudecided as it is e, g. in the Mod.H.G. phrases es ist not 

> is need of it, it is needed*, er ist eckuld 'he is the guilty 

mtie, it is his fault' and the like. Speaking generally, no sharp 

tinction between substantive and adjective can he drawn in 

> Indo-Germanic languages (§ 138), 



KEDUPUC&TEO KOUKB.') 

§ 61. We distinguish three groups: 

I. Forma in which the first element of the reduplication 
ifl a. more or lesa complete form of the root, e. g, Skr. gdr- 
-gar-as eddy"; 

n. Forms in which it is a noun-stem, e. g. Skr. sukha- 
sukhSiia (inatr.) very gladly'; 

III. Forma in which it ia a case-form, e. g. Skr. divi-dwS 
'daily, day by day' (loc). 

"With the second group should be compared auch compounds 
as Skr. sukbasvClpa-s 'pleasant sleep'; with the third, compounds 
like Skr. divS-jds 'child of heaven* (§ 10 ff.). 

§ 63. Class I. A number of the words belonging to 
this class may have been either formed directly as nouns, or 
derived from older reduplicated verbal forma. No certain line 
of distinction can be drawn; and though we shall here take 
no account of verbal nouns in the strict sense, i. e. participles 
etc. (e. g. Gr. M-npfij-w's), yet we must include many nouns 
which were certainly formed in connexion with the verbal 
system (e. g. Gr. Kt-xpfiy-^id-g). 

As regards forms with 'broken reduplication' see § 6 p. 13. 

1. Many reduplicated forms derived from roots beginning 
in a consonant stand in more or leas clear connexion with in- 
tensive verbal formations, as Skr, ddr-dar-ti 'rends asunder, 
shatters'. 

Skr, gdr-gar-as 'eddy', Or. ya^-yag-fiuv 'uvula' yto-yBfi-o-'i 
'throat, gullet', Lat. gvr-gid-iB gur-g-es, O.H.G. quer-chal-a quer- 
-ch-a O.Icol. hver-k 'throat' (for the interchange of r and / see 
I § 282 p. 225 f.): cp, the Skr. intensive verbal forms, part. 
Jdr-gur-flna-s and 2 sing, fal-gul-a-s. Skr. bam-hhar-a-s 'bee'. 
Gr, Tieft-tpp-tidiiv a kind of wasp: *bhem-bh(e)r- for *bher-bher', 
see I § 282 p. 226. Gr. z^-»ri 'grandmother' rf}-^l'S 'aunt', 
Lith. de-de 'uncle' 0.C.81. d^-rfft 'grandfather'. 







11, footnote E. 




in. 



Beduplioated No tine. 



85 



Skr. gad-gad-as 'stammering', beside gdd-a-H 'pronounces'. 
■lA-cal-cas 'moving to and fro' beside 3. sing. caA-cal-ya-tS. 
Avest. rq-rem-a- 'resting, reposing', from \/^rem-. Skr. iS-rik- 
•d-3 'licking' tS-v'tj-d-s 'haatening'. 

Or. jSap-fJap-o*,- 'speaking unintelligibly': Lat. bal-b-u-s, cp. 
Skr. bal^l-a-karOms 'I stammer'. yoy-yvX-o-i: 'round', beside 
yavlo-^ 'milk-pail, vessel'. nat-ndX-t] 'flour-dust', beside nriX-i] 
'flour- dust, dust", Lat. pollen. 

Lat. ipter-quer-u-3 'cold, so as to make one shiver'; com- 
pare perhaps Goth, faiirht-s timid' (Bezzenberger in his Beitr. 
Xn 77, and above, I § 444 p. 329). Mar-mar (Song of the Arval 
Brethren) : Gr. fidp-fiapo-Q 'gleaming, shining'? (Pauli, Altital. Stud. 
TV 56 ff.). derbiSsu-s 'full of scabs or sores' for *der-d-v- 
(I § 170 p. 150): Skr. *dar-dr-u- dar-d-ii- 'eruption on the 
sktii'. ean-cer (I § 269 p. 217): Gr. xap-x-t'co-s Skr. kar-kafas 
'aab'. 

O.Ir. dor-d 'susurrus' (cp. 3. sing. mid. derdrethar 'there 
is a Bound, a cry'): Or. T6p-9p-«'a 'empty chatter' lov-SQ-v-q 
'murmur'. gTaiij 'drove of horses' for *gra-gi-?: Gr. yip-ytg-a' 
voXkd Hesych., yti^-yaa-a 'swarm, heap' {yup-yaip(0 'I swarm'), 
Lat, greJr stem grt-g-; cp, § 160 Rem. 1. 

Mid.H.G. mur-mer mur-md 'murmur, growl, dull sound' 
(O.H.G, tnur-mur-5» mur-mtil-6n 'to murmur"): Skr. mar-mar-a-s 
'roaring, roar', Lat. ntur-mur, cp. Gr. fwpfiipio for "noQ-ftvQ-^oi 
1 murmur, roar", Lith. miir-m-iu 'I growl". O.H.G, muo-nm 
'mother's sister' : Lith. mo-mh 0,C.8I. ma-ma 'mother'. 

Rubs, pele-pd-ka pere-pel (1 § 25 1 Rem. 2 p. 224 f.) Lith. 
fi'pal-a (or pS-pal-a) Lat. pdi-pal-a Pruss. pen-pal-o 'quail': 
ep, Lat. pid'pul-dre pul-p-dre 'cry, shriek' (of birds)? O.CSI. 
glO'golS 'noiae, word' for *gol-gol- (loc, eit.): Skr. gar-gar-a-s 
R musical instrument, Gr. yap-yap-l-^' tfoow/Koj,- Hesych. (cod. 
yti^apjjg). Lith. kan-kai-a-s 'bell' kaA-kl-gs 'guitar' 0.C.8I. kla- 
M-ii 'bell' foT*kol-kd- (loc. cit.): Skr. Arar-^or-f-^ 'sound'. Serv, 
pj^ver-ica Mod.Slov. ve-ver-iea Lith. vo-ver-e vat-ver-i-s Lett. 
»6-vef!-s Pruas, we-war-e: Mod.Pers. var-var-ah Mod.Cymr. 
pvg-wvr 'squirrel'. Mod.Slov. Mod.Bulg. pa-prat Pol. pa-pro6 



06 Reduplicated Nouns. §52. 

Ru88. pa-porof and Lith. (borrowed?) pa-pdrti-s *fem', cp. O.H.G. 
var-n *fem'. 

2. In other nouns from roots beginning in a consonant the 
form of the reduplication must be compared with that seen in 
verbal forms with Idg. e, such as Gr. ^i-^ogx-a xd-Kk-sro; and 
there is no doubt that in some cases there is a direct connexion 
between the verbal aud nominal forms. 

Skr. ba-bhr-U'^ adj. *brown', (when used as a subst. it means 
a largo kind of ichneumon) Avest. banor-i-i 'beaver, O.H.G. 
hibiir (cp. filu *much' ground-form *pelu) Lith. bebru-s O.C.Sl. 
bebru 'beaver', Idg. *bhe'bhr'U'\ Gall. Bibrcuo and Lat. fiber 
belong to 3 (infr.), so also perhaps Com. befer 'beaver' (which 
however may very possibly be a word borrowed from A.S-). 
Skr. ca-kr-d-ni 'circle, wheel' Avest. ca-xr-e-m Vheel*, A.8. 
hteeo-wol hwedl SvheeV, Idg. ^qe-ql-o-, cp. also Gr. kv-xX-o-q vol. I 
§ 427 p. 814 and the unreduplicated O.C.Sl. kolo (stem kol€S') 
u. Svhccr. 

Skr. va'Vr4'^ 'covering' va-vr-d-s 'hiding oneself' Avest. 'Vaoiri' 
'husk' (for *i4a-tfr-t-, 1 § 160 p. 144), cp. the Skr. perfect stem 
va-vr- from var- 'cover over . Skr. cdrkr-i-^ 'effecting' ca-A;r-u-^ 'ac- 
complisher', cp. tho perfect stem ca-kr-. Skr. da-d-U^ 'giving* 
dd-dh'i'^ 'bestowing', cp. the present and perfect stems da-d-, 
da-dh', With those compare Ved. sa-scih-t'^ victorious', with the 
perfect stem sa-sah-. Skr. da-dhf^-d'S 'bold, courageous'. Avest. 
^a-ccir-«/*- 'raging'. 

Gr. rt-rrtr-o-s,' 'tension of the limbs', from v^<«t-. Tt-rpoS 
probably 'guiuoahon', beside TS'T(}(iZio cackle'. Ks-Kpiif-aXo-g and 
xi^xiiCif-aXo-^* net-headdress, hood', beside xi-x^vifa. (ii-prj-Xa^ 
'accessible, profanus*, beside ^it-fit^-xa, xf-xgay-ino^ cry', beside 
xt^x^Hiy-a, nf^noti^r^ot-c 'trust' (late), beside ni-noi&^a. ai^wfrn-q,' 
napovoyo^ llesych. nf-.iA-o-^ 'outside garment, cloak, covering, 
tho peritonaeum', probably to be compared with ndkXa 'skin, 
leather' nbkfut 'sole of the fiH)t or shoe\ 

Irtit. me-mor: op. Gr. /if<>-iif^o-v 'noteworthy, horrible' and 
Skr. perf. sa-;>^mdra (Osthoff, Paul-Br. Beitr. YIII 549 f.). 



Bedapli dated Nouob.' 



97 



fe-hr-i-s, compare Skr. bhur-d-ti 'ia unquiet, throbs'. sed-Ss for 
*se-ed-, v^serf-, cp. I § 314 Rem. p. 253. 

O.H.O. zittar-oh A.8. teter 'pustular eruption', pr. Germ. 
*to-ir-«- : Skr. da-dr-u- Lith. de-der-vinc 'pustular eruption', op. 
I.at. dtr-b-iHsu-s etc. formed on the type of 1, p. 95. 

Lith. t^-tercina-s 'heathcock' 0.C.81. te-Mpl 'pheasant*: Or. 
r»-rw| r£-rp«| re-tpdiov a, kind of fowl, cp. also Skr. ti-ttiri-$ 
ri-ttird-s 'partridge'. O.C.SI. pe-pelu (beside po-pelu) 'ashes', cp. 
Czech. pld-pol'RAme'. Lith. te-ta O.C.SI. te-ta 'aunt, nurse': Gr. 
rt-rrn little father, dad', cp. Skr. td-td-S, a word used by parents 
in addressing children aad vke versa, Lat. ta-ta, Lith. te-ti-s 'little 
father'. 

3. In another gi-oup of formations from stems beginning 
in a conaonimt, the reduplication resembles that of verbal forms 
with Idg. (, such as Or. l-CTtj-pu, and there ia no doubt that 
sometimes they stand in direct connexion with them. On the 
whole, however, such forms are rare. 

We have no doubt a genuine In do-Germanic example in 
Skr. ii-Mr-a-8 'cold, frost; cold (adj.)' (ground-form •^-^f-o-), 
with which Bugge (Arkiv for nord. filol. n 355) o^nnecte O.Icel. 
klla f. 'rime' for pr. Germ, "xi-xl-Sn , and possibly another in 
Skr. ^-iu-& 'young creature, child' if it ia identical with Gr. 
ut-xv-ii 'strength' (compared with Skr. ha 'to swell out', Gr. 
nvibt) ? 

Skr, ci-kit- 'comprehending, aware', cp. prea. cikSt-ti. H- 
-iat/-d-s 'driving onwards'. ii-indthU'S 'grasp', ci-kttr-a-s 'hair of 
th* head', beside Lat. cirru-a? 

Gr. it-S^vt] Ti'zSfj 'nurse' rZ-rSo-.,' 'mother's breast', beside 
.•*i7-l»J 'mother's breast', ^i-paaig a kind of dance (\ttto), beside 
[It-fidltii. i-ffro-i,- 'weaver's beam, mast', beside 1-azti-fii. i-aj^rj 
"cry* beside t-dxw for '/c f n^w. it-Saxij 'instruction' beside A-ilaoxw 
(for the X cp. Si-Aiiaxu). yi-yao-To-r 'grapG-stoue", beside Lat. 
yrfl-n«-m. 



RpDikFk. In r.-si/iK^i.-; 'woirB-milt" (a plant), 7',-i 
Skr. /ii-;ii-ina-^ 'strong') and the like, it a possible that i 



.- a ginot Tup. 



98 Reduplicated Nouns. § 52. 

Lat. qui'SquUriae, beside Gr. y.0'6%vX'fidTia 'shreds of leather'. 
ci'cer ^ compare no doubt Skr. kar-kar-a-s Gr. xap-xotp-o-^- 
(Hesych.) *hard'. ci-conia^ Praenest. cdnia. d-cind-Ha^ besido 
cande6, 

O.H.G. fi-faltra {fr-falfra? cp. Mid.H.G. vX-valter) A.8. 
fi'foldara O.Icol, Ji-frildi 'butterfly'. O.H.G. wi-wint Vhirlwind', 
beside a present *t<t-t^-fwi? O.H.G. wiumman *to swarm* for 
*wi'iviinman (Kegel, Literaturbl. f. germ, und rom. Phil. 1887 
n. 3). 

4. Even nouns derived from roots beginning in a sonant 
stand side by side with parallel reduplicated forms in the verb. 

Skr. ul'Ul'i'^ 'ululabilis' or *ululatus', Gr. oX-oX-v-c *howler, 
womanish man' iX-oX-vytj *shriek, cry of mourning', Lat. ul-uUa 
'little screechowr; cp. also Skr. ar^ar-e used as a sudden call, 
Gr. Dor. aX-aX-d 'battle-cry, Mod.Bulg. ol-el-e, an exclamation 
of sorrow. Skr. Ved. my-dn-a^-^ 'piercing, Gr. nod-i^v-sx^tj^ 
'reaching down to the feet*, beside Skr. perf. an-c^-a Gr. iv- 
-eyx-sTvy Gr. -fx- in words like nod-BV-sx-rig no doubt stands in 
place of the regular form -ax- = .-^- through the influence 
of the syllable -f/x-. 

Skr. ar-ar-f-i? ar-ar-d-s 'leaf of a folding-door, no doubt 
from v^^''- to arrive at anything, fit oneself in* Gr. dg-dg-ians 
'he fitted on*. di-iS-i^i-^ 'hungry* beside the desiderative di- 
iS'i^ati *he wishes to eat'. 

Gr. rtx-f£x-ia 'acacia' ax-wx-// 'point, edge', beside dx-avo-^ 
'thorn' part, dx-a/'fuvo-^ 'pointed'. dX-dXay^' ^ nXdvrj Hesych., 
beside dX-do/nat 'roam about', dy-ayvprfjv' dyvgvrjv Hesych., cp. 
nav' r^yvoi-g 'general assembly', ay-wy-o-^ leader* dy'ioyij 'guidance', 
beside aor. dy-ay-f-iv. 6iV-iy<^(Jf* (payidwva Hesych., tJ-coJ-?;' 'food', 
besido perf. f cJ-i/J-oxa part. tJ-iyJ-cJ?. OTr-wTr-jy sight' Trap&fy'On" 
'in-f^'g 'ogling the maidens', beside perf. OTr-wTr-a. ox-w/-;; 'sup- 
port' like the Homer, part. dw-ox-io/'OTf is a late formation, 
since the root was segh-. 

I Alt. lip-up-a 'hoopoe*: Gr. oji-rc^^-o-j; and in-oip. The vo- 
calism of these words seems to have been influenced by analogy : 



}SS^ Bedaplickted Honns. 99 

ana^o-g Tas no doubt popularly cuDDected with animal names 
in -a^o-g {§ 78), hioif; with adjectives in -ot/' like al9-oyt. 

§ 63. ClaBB II. This class is scantily repreaeoted; and 
although it is probable a priori that such forms should have 
come into use in the same period of the proothnic language 
in which stem-compounda like Skr. dm-pdd- Gr. ii-noi- had 
arisen (§ 10. 11, p. 22 ff.), yet all extant examples seem to 
have come from compounds consisting of repeated case-forms 
(Class ni), which were afterwards re-modelled. This latter would 
he the same process as we assumed for coordinating stem- 
compounds such as Skr. par/dtiya-vdta (§ 49 p. 90), which these 
reduplicated forms approach very closely in usage as well as in form. 

Skr. uttarSttara-s for *utara'^tara-s 'always increasing' 
uttarottara-m adv. 'ever higher and higher' sukha-ankhSna inatr. 
'very gladly' (Pinini). piiroa-pilrra-s 'he who from time to time 
is first, precedes', superl. pilrvapurvaiama-s , instead of which 
to the Teda we have pHrva-s-parca-s . ekaika-s 'one at a time' 
for *aika-aika-B, comp. Bkaikatara-s, instead of which in Vedic 
we have eka-Bka-s ^ "eto-6ta-s, pr. Ar. *aj^a-s-aika-s (I § 556 
p. 411 f., § 647 p. 401). 

Armen. mec-a-mec 'very great' dar-a-iar 'very bad", with 
the same -a- as e. g. dr-a-ki? g 2H p. 45, which would not 
prevent our assuming that the first part was originally a caae- 
form; see p. 46, under Class IV. 

Gr. (late) avt-avro-g with the meaning of avriintToi; and of 
Lot. ipsitnus ipsismmus^ cp. O.II.G. selb-selbo § 54. 

A Keltic form which should no doubt be mentioned here 
is O.Ir. al-aile 'alius', from which ur-aile arose bydia similation; 
also Gymr. ar-all {Zeuss^ 359. 40;i); further the form alaaili 
with indala ti-ai in Zeuss, p. '6W. 

§ 54, Class III. It may be assumed that this type 
dates from the proethnic period of Indo-Germanic. It is however 
difficult to say how far the words of this class in the separate 
Indo-Germanic languages were merely analogical formations 
modelled upon older forms already existing, and how far they 



100 Reduplicated Xouns. §54. 

arose from an actual repetition in which the repeated word 
was still independent (e. g. poor poor child). In all languages 
and at all periods such doubled forms might very naturally 
arise. Moreover it must be once more observed that the 
boundary line between a phrase consisting of a word used 
twice in succession (as Lat. me me^ Vergil Aen. IX 427) and 
a new single word (memd, tete^ sesB) cannot be regarded as 
constant. 

8kr. toq-tvam *thou\ a strengthening of fvdm^ Lat. mS-tm 
iS'te se-sB^ Mid.Cymr. mi-vi for *mi'miy a strengthening of mi 1', 
ti'di for *ti'ti, a strengthening of ti *thou', ni-ni a strengthening 
of Ml *we\ Skr. ydd-yad *wliatsoever', ydtha-yatha 'howsoever, 
like Lat. quid-quid qua-qud quantus-quantus. Cp. also Skr. 
prd'pra and Gr. ttoo'Tjoo (Horn. -nooTioo'^vXMo^im) on and on, 
ever forwards'^). 

In Sanskrit we frequently meet with doubled forms like 
dhar-alutr *day by day', pade-padS \step by step, at every step', 
ddniB'dame *in every house', priyd-s-priya-s very dear'. 

Gr. ndii-nav 'entirely': cp. Skr. SdivaccJiaioat *on and on, 
ever anew' for *SdSoat'saivat (I § 852 p. 274); Sd-ivant- = Gr. 
d'TzayV' see I 166 p. 147, i^ 884 p. 289. 

In Latin wo find only the pronominal forms; such as fw^-/«/T, 
quis-quis and the adv. jam-jam, ips-ipsus (for *ips(e) ipse) is 
uncertain ( Wolff lin, Gemin. p. 472). In later times were de- 
veloped such forms as Fr. bon-bon 'sweetmeat* jou-jou *toy'; 
Ital. futufto 'entirely' stands for *tuto-tuto (tutto tutto) through 
syllabic dissimilation (1 § 648 p. 481 ff.). 

Mod.Ir. mor-mhdr great, chief, principal'. ilod.Cymr. mtey- 
-vuy 'more and more* ywell-uell 'better and better'. 

( ).JI.(f. selh-selbo 'idem ipRe\ Mod.II.G. dial, all-all ^complete, 
at an end' ur-ice (Hhine-Fr. , i. e. iceh-weh) n. 'small wound'. 

1) Tho oomparisoii of Skr. m-sam Hojjether' with Mod.Bulg. sii-s 
Russ. ^o-.v *with* is oortuinly not warranted. I regard the latter as a con- 
taminated forniution, occasioned by the phonetic changes of pr. Slav, sii, 
which in certain positions became x. Similarly we have Hod.B:ilg. vu-v 
*in*. Soo the Author, Morph. Untors. Ill 71. 



8M^5. 



Formative Suffixes: geii^rt^V^'imiLrks. 



Cp. aleo O.H.G. sfl-so, a strengthening of »B.•■3o'^^■pos9ibly instr, 
of *»ito-). "'/:• .'■ 

Lith. ,;'t-/t /i^'Jo fi"*)'" f\ "''uni' /Vj 'ems', mid Hie 'TikJ', ,•' 



SOUNS CONTArSINO FORMATIVE SUFFIXES.' 

QESEBAI, REMARKS. 

§ 55. We have already lemtirked (I p. 1(5 ff., 11 p. H fT.) 
ihat no sharp line of diaHnctioii mu be drawn between what is 

1) Besides Bopp's Vergleich. Gramni. ni. Bohteioher's Com- 
pendimn, nnd the grammars of Btn);le lan^unges bj Whitney (Skr. Oram.) 
Spiegel (O.Baotr. 0mm. and O.Pers. cuneiform Insor.). Justi {Hdb. der 
ZendRpr.) Leo Heyer fVergl. Ornmrn. der gr. uod let. Spr. U), Kahner 
(Aiwf. Oromm. d. gr. Spr. I und Ausf. Oramm. d. lat, Spr. I), Peaai -Lh. 
liaguB grecB antlcal. Zeasg (Oram. Celt.), Orimm (^D. Oram. 11. Ill}, 
Sohleicher (Lit. Oram ), Kurachnt (OraiD. d. lit. Spr.], and Hiklosioh 
fVergL Gram. U), the reader i.s here referred to the following works: 

G, Meyer, Zur Oeaohichle der indogerm. Stammliildung und Decli- 
nalion, Leipz. 1ST&. K. Brngniaun, Zur Qesohichte der Nominftlsuffixe 
-a*-, -jas- und -p(M-, Kuho'a Zeitschr. SXIT 1 ff. F. Weihrich. De 
fradibns cnrnparatioaiH linguarum SansiTitiifi Gmecac Latinae Oothicae, 
Qm. 1969. H. Collitz, Die Flexion der Nomina mit droifaolier Stamm- 
abatufniig im Altind. und im Griech., Bezzenberger'g Beitr. X 1 <f. O. 
Ueyer, fieilr. zur S tn mmb tl dun gale hrc! des Grieeh. und Lat., Curtius' 
Stud. T. H. Ebel, Slarke und sehwaohe Formen grieohiaoher und la- 
teinisaher Nomina, Kuhn'a Ztsuhr. I 2B9 ff. E. FSrstemann, De com- 
parfttivis el superlativin 1. Graeoae et Latinae, Nordh. 18*4. Th. J. Oonnet, 
Degr^ de aignificatiDn en ffreo et en latin d'apris les principea de la 
graroinaire compar^e, Paria ISTS. L. Schwabs, De deminutlTia Graecia 
, et Latinis, Oias. )H59. A. Leskien, Dii> DeolinatioD im Blavisoh-Li- 
iBoiscfaeD und Gcrmanisolien, Leipz, 1ST6. — B. Lindner, Altind. Nomi- 
nalbfldang, Jena IST?. Chr. Barihuluni«e, Zur ariflchen Flexion der 
e auf -r, -n, -m, -J, -r, Ariache Forachuugen I 25 ff. — O. Curtiua, 
leconim fomiatione linguamm oognatarum ratione habita, 
Berol. 1842. Cbr. A. Lobeck, ParaJipomenu grammatiaae Graocae, 2. vola, 
Lip». 1937, Pathologiae aermonia Graeci prolegomena, Lipa. 1843, F. Stolz, 
BeitrSge lur Declination der grieoh. Nomina, lunsbr. 1S80. Kretsclimar, 
Bildung der Comparationaformen der griech. Sprache , Bromberg 1942. 
S. W. QStlling, De gradibua oomparutioms Gr. linguae, Jena 1852. 
J. La Roche, Die Comparation in der griech. Sprache, Linz 18S4. 
Jansun. De Graeoi sermonia nominum derainutioDe et ampltGoaCionB, 
Leipiig 1S69. — H. Dilntzer, Die Lehre too der latein. Wortbildung und 
CompoRitiou. K5ln 18.16. C. Paueker, Materialien zur latein. WSrter- 
bildongageBchichte (adjectJTea in -oriui, -biliii, -oaua, -kiiit, -Irug) in 'Vor- 






102 FormatiTe^ Affixes : general remarks. §55^. 






i • 



called the ropWpo)i;};ion of a word and the formatiye suffixes. Some 
of the Ql^Bfuuits' which are treated here as formatiye suffixes may 
haV.e otigtnally been the last sound or sounds of a root, that 
.''\% .of a word which does not owe its existence to composition; 
•.•'.•* -and this may be true of the whole group of sounds of which 
the suffix consists , or it may be only its initial part which 
belonged to the root. I must exclude all conjecture as to which 
of the particular Indo-Germanic suffixes had this origin. 

In the following pages only those suffixes are discussed 
which had already become suffixes in the strict sense at the 
time when the separate Indo-Germanic languages began to 
be developed. 

§ 66. Many formative suffixes whose meaning is simple 
can be resolved into distinct elements ; e. g. 'tro- into -fr- + -o-, 
cp. Skr. ari'tra- m. n. *oar* beside ari-tar- ari-tr- m. 'oarsman* 
(§ 62), 'isto- into -is — | — ^o-, cp. Skr. ndv-i^a- *novissimus* 
beside ndv-yas- *novior' (§ 81). 

Generally speaking we find that compound suffixes of this 
sort in the later periods of the history of language are due to 
either one or other of three causes. 



arbeiten zur latein. Sprachgeschiohte*, BerUn 1884. G. Hilller, De linguae 
Lat. deminutivis , Lips. 1865. E easier, Die lat. Deminutiya, Hildburgh. 
1869. W. Corssen, Cber die Steigenmgs- and Yergleichimgsendnngen 
im Lateinischen und in den italischen Dialekten, Euhn^s Ztschr. HI 241 ff. 
— Wh. Stokes, Bemerkungen fiber die irischen Deklinationen , Kuhn- 
Sohleicher's Beitr. I 333 ff. 448 ff. Id., Celtic Declension, Transactions of the 
PhUological Society for 1885, and in Bezzenberger^s Beitr. XI 64 ff. — 
Th. Jacob i, Untersuchnngen aber die Bildung der Nomina in den german. 
Sprachen, Breslau 1847. F. Klage, Nominale Stammbildungslehre der alt- 
german. Dialekte, Halle 1886. G. Burghauser, German. Nominalflezion, 
Vienna 1888. E. von Bahder, Die Yerbalabstraota in den german. 
Sprachen, HaUe 1880. L. Siltterlin, Geschichte der nomina agentis im 
German., Strassb. 1887. H. Falk, Die Nomina agentis der altnordischen 
Sprache, Paul-Braune*8 Beitr. XTV Iff. — A. Leskien, Sporen der stamm- 
abstufenden Declination im Slayischen and Litaaischen, Archiy f. slav. 
Philol. Ill 108 ff. C. Pauli, Preassische Formlehre, Eahn-Sohleicher's 
Beitr. VII 155 ff. 

Works which treat of a single suffix will be cited below 
in the sections deToted to the separate suffixes. 

See also the lists of authorities on the history of case-formation. 



fse. 



FormatiTe Suffixos : gciieral remariiB. 



103 



First, a word or a group of words may have been trans- 
ferred from one declension to another. Tlie formative suffix 
is then amplified at the extremity nearest the ending of the 
word. This enlargement of the stem was usually lirought about 
by the coincidence of two declenaions in one or more forms; 
these fiimilarities gave rise to new analogical formations. Thus 
e. g. the origin of the Avestic participial suffix -ant-a- (nom. 
KJng. baranlS, gen, baraniakf) was that the accusative termi- 
nation -em (barant-em : cp. Gr. iptpovi-a) waa placed on a level 
with that of aape-m {stem aspa-) and similar forms ; the origin 
i)f the Gothic suffix for names of kindred , -tr-u- (nom. pi. 
ffOiftrjus) , was that the dative termination -trwn (brSpru-m: 
cp. Skr. instr. bhrdtf-bhi4) was placed on a level with that of 
9unu-m (stem suhu-). In this way nouns which at first had 
no formative sufRx often came to possess one; as e. g. Goth. 
fSt-ii- was due to such case-forms as the ace. sing. /St-u = 
'pSd-^ (see § 159). 

Secondly: a suffix sometinies coalesces so completely with 
a part of some word to which it is added that the point of 
junction can no lunger be perceived, and accordingly when it is 
used afterwards, the suffix appears in new words with jiart of 
thia preceding word attached, as though it were a single element 
in the formation. Thus in High German the suffix '{i)narja- 
(e. g. O.H.G. sculd-indri 'debtor"), which is found parallel to 
-Orja- (e. g. O.H.G. mad-an Mid.H.Q. mddtBre 'mower, reaper*) 
and has the same meaning, came from words like gurtin-Ori 
'gardener' [garto gen. gartin 'garden") weidin-ari 'hunter 
{wddinOn 'to hunt') , and in Greek the feminine formative 
BQffix -aiva in Xv)i-mra xdnp-cuva and so forth, came from words 
like ythitiva i. e. *yeiT«v-ia (from yfiriM'), Ximva i. o. *Xifa>-ta 
(from Uufv); see § 110. 

Thirdly: two elements used in forming derivatives, which 
are nearly allied in meaniug, are combined into one ('contami- 
nated'). An accumulation of suffixes like this often arises simply 
from the attempt to give fuller or more distinct expression to the 
chamcteristic meaning (such as that of comparison, or a diminutival 



104 Formatiye Suffixes: general remarks. §56^7. 

sense and so forth). Thus we have comparatives and superlatives 
like Skr. jyt§tha-tama'S from Jy^^fha-s, Gr. afisivo'veQag iXayiovo- 
'xaxog^ compared with a/Ltslvcov iXaxtOTo-q^ Lat. super-tor extretn- 
"is^inms from superu-s extrSmu-s^ O.H.G. hinter-lh'O from hinterOy 
Goth, hindum-ists from *hinduma^ the H.G. diminutive-suffix 
-l-ina- in kitz-Uin kind-lein and the like (O.H.G. chizz-Ua and 
chizz'ln)^ the (rare) Skr. abstract-suffix -ivd-id as in puru^a- 
-tvatdr- 'mortality, the manner of men' (parallel forms are 
puru^'tva- and puru^d^ta)^ the Lat. -n-eo- in adjectives of 
material, such as a^neu-s pdptdneu-s (beside these we have 
a^i4S pdpulnua and aereu-s pdpuleu-s) with other examples. 

It may be assumed without hesitation that the second 
and third processes gave rise to compound suffixes even in 
the Indo-Germanic period. In the second class should be 
placed e. g. -«f- beside -Z- in ^pot-nT- *lady* (Skr. pdtnf Gr. 
Tiorvia), which came from such forms as Hefcsn-i' (Skr. takfiif' 
Gr. rfxTttiya), the fem. of ^teJcson- 'carpenter' (Skr. tdk^an- Gr. 
rixTCDv); see § 110. To the third class belong the superlative- 
suffix 't'lfiniO' (§ 73), the abstract-suffix -^a-rt- (§ 102), and others 
of the same sort. 

§ 67. The original meaning of a suffix used in forming 
nouns can only be decided in instances where it became a suffix 
in the course of the developement of the separate languages 
e. g. in the case of Mod.H.G. -KcA, Fr. -ment. In the case 
of the proethnic suffixes, their etymological origin, and there- 
fore their original meaning is altogether obscure. In order to 
keep within safe limits, we shall confine ourselves to determining 
where and how these suffixes were employed at the period 
when the parent language split up into its different branches; 
beyond this we cannot go with any hope of certainty. 

If a suffix becomes fertile (see § 5), the direction in 
which its meaning developes is often decided not by the idea 
which it properly and originally contained, but by the meaning 
of the complete word or group of words on the analogy of 
which the new words are formed. Special stress must be laid 



5 51. 



Formative Suftiies; general r 






105 






oo this point because it h seldom sufBcieutlf recognised in 
attempts to establish the origiiial meaning of the proethQic- 
saffixes, and because it helps to show the great difficulty of such 
OD uDdertaking. 

In Littm. for example, /iioen-^a 'time of youth" {Goth. y«Brfo, 
Lon ground-form "iu^^-td) suggested setiec-ta 'time of old 
\ and aeptetitn'On-dlis 'northern' gave rise to mertdilHidlis 
southeni'; in A.S, wf-ni 'evening' was formed in imitation of 
morz-«n, while on the other band in Mod.H.G. we find a dia- 
lectic form morg-ettd like abend; in O.H.G. hief-allra 'hip-tree, 
wild dog-rose' (from hiufd), ma^^-altra 'maple tree' were formed 
in imitation of afftil-tra aphol-tra 'apple-tree'; and in Greek 
Konp-aifu (fern, of xanpo-i; 'boar'), Xv^-tuvn {fem. of Xv^o-^ "wolf") 
ID imitatiou of Uatiu 'lioneas' (for *Xifav-^n). Here then we have 
examples of suftixes dcnotmg time «f life (Lat. -W-), the points 
of the compass (Lat. -iOMJ/i-), time of day (A.S. -en) and so 
forth in course of developement. The specialising process has 
fODo further in the case of«e. g- -yo- (§ 64) in Latin and 
Germanic as a suffix for forming names of colours, Lat. kelvo-s, 
ifStfo-s, fulvo-s, furvo-s, fldvo-a (?), O.H.G. gelo 'yellow', salo 
'black, dirty', falo 'fallow, pale', A.S. baso 'purple*, O.Ieel. hqss 
'gray', O.H.G. grao 'gray' and others (Kluge, Worn. Stammb. 
81), which perhaps arose simply from the two forms *§hel-^o- 
(Lat. hdms O.H.O. geh) and *poUuo- O.H.G. falo O.C.Sl. plav^). 
Cp. further the Greek -at/o- used as a suffix for names of 
Rjiimals, § 7S. In all these instances the special meaning of 
rhe sutBx is imported into it, and not a natural outgn>wth of 
it» original meaning; in the same way it is certainly due to a 
secondar)' analogical developement that -en- so often recurs 
in words denoting parts of the body which can be traced back 
lo the parent language, as in the words for head (Skr. ifrg- 
■an-, Gr. awp'-xp^yoi 'two headed', O.Icel, hfarse), for eye (Skr. 
tiki-da- Goth, dug-an-, cp. I g 444 Rem. 3 p. 331), for ear 
(Goth, dus-an-. Or. oi'ar- for 'ovn-at- *oys-^-'- "ud so forth; 
see § 114. 

In the same way many functions of the proethnic suffixes 



106 FormatiTe Suffixes: general remarks. §57,58. 

are no doubt derived (even where it cannot be distinctly proved) 
from analogical extensions of their use, with which the 
meaning originally inherent in the suffix had nothing whatever 
to do. 

Remark. Thus I think it probable that the use of the suffix -a- to 
denote female sex (e. g. Idg. *ek\ia' 'mare*: Skr. dita- Lat equa Lith. 
aszvdi) did not spring from the original meaning of the suffix, but that 
some one or some few words in cl, perhaps ♦g/ia- *£[^w5- *Qend 'woman' 
rSkr. gnd' etc., see I § 428 p. 315 f. § 437 p. 325) and *m&md 
'mother* (Lat. ntattima O.H.G. muoma Lith. momii etc.) — in which 
the feminine gender was sufficiently implied by the root-part of the word, 
just as much as in * mater' 'mother' (Skr. maid etc.) — gave the suffix 
its special function, the expression of female sex; and that these forms 
were then followed by new formations like ^efe^a- beside *e£)fo-. Many 
things whose names contain an S-suffix assumed in the popular con- 
sciousness the shape of female beings though they have nothing to do ¥nth 
animal sex, e. g. Gr. atXtjvr] 'moon*. In these words we shall generally find 
that the gender to begin with was purely 'grammatical', and that the d-suffix 
by which the fword was associated with words like *e£t*a, was the real 
oause of the fancy which represented the imaginary personality as a woman 
and not as a man: conversely, for example, the Greeks imagined j/nro; as 
a male being, solely because of connel^ion of the word in form with male 
names in -o-;, such as ^fd^. The notion that primitive man was endowed 
with so marvellous a wealth of fancy as to regard the great majority of 
things devoid of life and things immaterial as persons, nay more as 
persons belonging to one of two distinct sexes, and that the whole 
system of gender in nouns sprang from this source, is a one which by 
this time should surely have been abandoned. Cp. the Author, 'Das 
Nominalgeschlccht in den indogerman. Sprachen*, Teohmer^s Internation. 
Ztschr. f. allg. Sprachwiss. IV. p. 100 ff. 

§ 58. Following the example of the Sanskrit grammarians, 
scholars divide the suffixes used in noun-formation into Primary 
and Secondary. The former are employed in deriving words 
from n)ot8 or verbal stems, the latter in derivatives formed from 
noun-stems. Thus e. g. -tor- is a primary suffix in nom. pi. 
Skr. da-tdr-as Gr. Jft>-ro(>-fc Lat. da-/5r-g5 ^givers', Skr. Ja«i-f<Jr-as 
Or. yivi'Too-B^ Lat. geni'tOr-^s 'begetters', Skr. bodhaffi-tdr-as 
^awakers' Gr. fjyrj'Tog-sc ^leaders* Lat. ara-tdr-Ss *ploughers\ but 
-r- is a secondary suffix in Skr. cfk-f Mid.H.G. wulpe 'she-wolf 
(beside Skr. vfka-s Mid.H.G. wolf 'wolf) and in Skr. vidu§'i 
Gr. I Jrm f. 'knowing (beside the masc. Skr. vidcdn Gr. aidwg perf. 



a &8,59. 



Formative Suffixes. 



107 



pfttt. Irom v^y*id-'3ee, know'). Occasioaally secondary suf&xee 
are added even to inflected case-forois, e. j^. -tero- in Skr. uccAia- 
'tara- and so forth; see § 13 p. 39 above. 

In an historical account of tho developement of the Indo- 
Germanic Unguals, this difference furnishes ua with no useful 
basis of classtticatioQ. In the first place, it is to aay the least 
very questionable whether every suffix was orif^inally restricted 
to one of these two functions. In any case the distinction 
hardly applies at all, even in the earliest times, to many of the 
most widely used suffixes, e. g. -io- -iio-; cp. Skr. yaj-ya-s 
"venerandua' Or. oy-io-y 'holy', and Skr. pitr-iya-s Ur. naT^ia-g 
Lat, patT'tu-s 'fatherly, father's'. Again, we often find that 
suffixes which were at first restricted to the primary or the 
secondary use change their function in the course of their 
history (for other instances besides those which will be discussed 
below see Whitney, Skr. Granun. § 11.30 and Osthoff, Verb, in 
der Nominalcomposition p. 116 fF.); and this change sometimes 
seems to have taken place even before the separation of the 
languages. One example of this is -ies- -ties- -is-, the suffix of 
the comparative {§ 135), which, originally primary, seems to 
have become secondary even in proethnic Indo-Gernianic, the 
twtnparatives formed by its means being regarded as derived 
from the corresponding 'positive' forms (cp. Skr. svdd-Tt/an Or. 
r,i-tav beside stOd-ii-^ i/S-t<-s). In later formations however 
found only in the separate languages, such as brdhm-lydn 
from hr<ih-mdn-, Lut. amTc-ior from amicus, -ies- is undoubtedly 
a secondary suffix. 

1. Suffixes in -o and -0. 
The o-8uffixes uniformly show the ablaut o: e (e- 



§ 80. 
serien. I § 311—314)1). 



the nom. 



■ smg.. 



-o-s, 



I ) As we are accusConied to cite the Butfiies whoBe localisin a 
th(^ Tsrioua forma of the e-Berien in their i-form (-ra — Ur- etc.), we ought 
CDQiistenElj' to epeak of the Buffiies -e- -je- -[«■- instead of -o- -io- -vo- 
and M forth; btit as tiiis point iB in itself of little importance, I am 
unwilling to depart from the usual nomencIatur(!. It will be enough tu 
hate drawn atteotioii to the inconaiBteiicy. 



103 1. Noun-suffixes in -o and -cl: general remarks. §59. 

'O-m, e in the voc. sing, -e, gen. -e-sioj instr. -^, loe. -e-i; the 
last three cases also have o: -o-sio^ -5, -o-j(. Parallel to these 
must further be assumed an ^unaccented weak-grade form', where 
the suffix disappears altogether, if we suppose that a case-suffix 
-ad is contained in the pr. Bait-Slav. gen. (abl.) ^uUq&d *of a 
wolf (Lith. viiko O.C.Sl. rlnka\ and a case-suffix -a in the 
nom. ace. pi. neut. *juQa (Ved. yugd) (sec I § 113 Kem. p. 107, 
p. 108 footnote), if secondary formations like *e£jf-fio- 'equinus' 
from *ekuO' *equus' lost the final of the stem by some 
regular phonetic change (see § 63 Rem. 3), and the -i'- of the 
Lat. CornU'i'S Ijith. mid-i-s etc. was the weak-grade form of -je- 
-io' (see the beginning of § 63). It is hardly possible from the 
data at our command to trace the connexion between these phases 
of vowel gradation and the variation of the accent. But there 
is nothing to prevent our assuming that e stood originally in 
the syllable which bore the principal accent, and o in the 
syllable which followed it, whilst the case-suffixes -flrf and -fl 
themselves took the principal accent (cp. I § 311 p. 248 f.). 
These phonetic relations were afterwards obscured by many 
different kinds of analogical developement. 

The a-suffixes show the ablaut a: a (a-series, I § 318): 
a e. g. in the nom. ace. sing., -a, -a-m ; a in the voc. sing, -a, 
nom. ace. du. -«-/, cp. also instr. sing. Skr. -aya O.C.Sl. -o/q. 
By the side of these the 'unaccented weak-grade form* perhaps 
occurs in such words as Gr. ri/H'io-g from rTju/j pr. Gr. and Dor. 
rT'ud (see § 63 Rem. 3). Here also the recorded accentuation 
shows no variation from which we can reconstruct the original 
connexion between Ablaut and Accent. 

In proethnic Lndo-Germanic the o-stems were all masculine 
or neuter, the a-stems all feminine. And the process of 
differentiation (technically called Motion) of Masculine stems to 
express the variation of gender in substantives and adjectives 
had come into regular use for o-stems in the same period; e. g. 
*elc^O'S *horse' fem. *ekiUl *mare* (Skr. divas diva Lat. equo-s 
equa)y masc. *n<dhrO'S fem. *rudhra neut. ^rudhro-m 'red' (Skr. 



5M,«0. I. The SatBx -o -,i. 10!) 

rtidhird-s -ir<t -ird-m Or. ipiuVpo'-^ -pa -iiii-y, Lat. ruber rubra 
ruhru-m 0.C.81. rudrii riidra rUdro'). 

But the original differences in gender did not always 
remain unchanged in the separate languages, A number of 
E>-fitem8 became feminine in Greek and Iialif, that is, they were 
constructed witli feminine forma in attributive or predicative 
rambinations, aa Gr. r, f]yi>i, podoOaxmifv j/w'g, Lat. haec fagus, 
a change of usage which was introduced in different ways (see 
A. R. Lange, De Subatantivis feniiniuis Graecis secundae decli- 
natioois. Lips. 1885). On the other hand, in tho classical 
languagCB and in Slavonic'^ d-stems became masculine, words 
»r abstract meaning formed with a being used to denote mule 
persons; as Gr. nun'G- 'young man' orig, "youth', ertj- 'kinsman' 
orig. "kinship', Lat. agri-cola ' husbandman' orig. "husbandly", 
O.CjSI. junota 'young man* orig. 'youth'. In Lithuanian, neuter 
aabgtantival stems in -o assumed in the nom. and ace the masc. 
form, e. g, nom. sing, dr-kla-s 'plough' beside Or. u^o-r^o-v, 
and so forth. 

The 0- and a-stems form by far the largest of the Indo- 
Germanic declensions. Nowhere have these classes auffored any 
8«rioua loss except in Armenian and in Germanic. In Armenian it 
would seem that the d-declension wholly died out, and in Oormanic 
msny o- and fl-etema paasc-d into the »-decleusion (§ 112 tf.). 

§ eo. The Suffix -o- -a-3). 

From the earhest period, the suf^xes -o- and -fl- were used 
fur many ditferent purposes. Besides thoir use to denote phy- 
sical sex we way notice in particular the following functions: 

1. -0- is found ui certain abstmct root-uouns (nomitta actiunis) 



li See § d7 Rem. p. UiG, and (he Author's Ebsay on Oender cited 

2,1 Ed. Wulter, Raiyakimija pa Toproau o grammatiLeakom rodje, 
PMcnburg 1882 (eee the notice of it by H. Haupt, Berlin, philolog. 
Woeheiuchr. 1885 p. 312 S.) 

3) H. Zimmer, Die NominalBuMxe a und » in den german. Spraohen, 
etTu«biirg 1B76. F. Miklosicb, Dae Sufai u im AltBloyeniechen, Kuhn- 
8eiileicher's Oeitr. I 222 (T. 273 IT. 



110 1. The Suffix -0 -a. §60. 

(the root-syllable usually bears the accent), e. g. *§dfi»6» *a be- 
getting, coming into being' Skr. jdna-m 'birth, origin' Gr. yora-v 
*birth', also concrete 'offspring', Gr. ;ifpo/«-o-ff 'noise, muifmar, 
neighing' O.C.Sl. grom-u 'thunder', Goth, ga-foh-s m. 'capture' 
(ground-form *pdfiko'8) dragk n. 'drink'. 2. -o- is found in certain 
nomina agentis (the accent falls usually on the suffix), e. g. 
*tor'6' 'he who penetrates' Skr. tdrd-s Gr. ropo-g, Lat. procu-s 
'suitor' (beside precan)^ Goth.J5»if/«, geii.piubiSj 'thief (ground- 
form *teup6-s). 3. -d- is found in certain abstract root-nouns 
(nomina actionis)^ e. g. Gr. (pvy-tj Lat. fug-a 'flight', Gr. fii'^f} 
'bleating, cry' O.H.G. chlag-a 'lament', Skr. bhid-d 'separation', 
Goth, bid-a 'request, prayer'. 

Differentiation of Adjectives (Motion): e. g. masc. ^ni^^O'S 
neut. *nit^'0'm fem. *niu'a: Skr. ndva-s ndva-m ndf>a^ Or. 
vio^ vio'V vta^ Lat. novo-s novo-m nova^ O.C.Sl. novu novo 
nova. 

In most of the Indo-Germanic languages we find more or 
less frequently the transference of stems that do not end in 
o or a, e. g. stems ending in explosives, into the o- or A- 
declension, without any modification of meaning. The change 
in any particular case may be due to any one of a large number 
of causes ; indeed, to any association either of sound or of sense. 
Analogy of form, for example, produced in Sanskrit a nom. 
ddnta-s (cp. p. Ill) beside ace. ddnUam (stem ddnt- 'tooth*), 
and in Greek xrjv xdor^v (Callim.) beside nom. ace. neut. xap^r 
*head' (for *x«pa(J-«, a neuter subst. like a^cf9)-a). On the other 
hand, the change was due to an association of meaning when in 
Latin aurdr-a Cdawn') and Fldr-a were substituted for ^aurds 
'Oris (§ 133) and fids -dris (§ 134); so in O.H.G. pi. tohter-a 
'daughters' for the older form tohier^ in Lith. dukr-d 'daughter* 
for dukte -ers, and in Pruss. swesfr-o O.C.Sl. sestr-a 'sister* be- 
side Lith. sesS -ers (§ 122). Often both principles may have been 
at work together, e. g. when in Prakrit moda 'mother* and 
dtthida 'daughter' (Idg. 'tP(r)) passed over to the d-declension 
(cp. § 122 Rem. 1). The attraction to the o- or to the a- 
declension often affects only single cases, e. g. Gr. dial. dat. pL 



§». 



Ill 



jTo'iJ-iKi,' (like Ivx-oii^) for noo/, ace. pi. nn'ir-rei'e (like navoK-vj) 
for na'vr-a?, and there is perliaps iin example of such a trans- 
f«ence into the tt-deelension even in the proethnic language, 
where the genitive ending -dm, which comes from -o-om, waa used 
with other stems than those in -o-. With regHrd to all these 
must remember that the speaker had no clear 
) of the point of junction between stem and case- 
ending, least of all where vowel- con tract ion had taken place 
(toL 1 p. 106 tf.). 

Idg. Mnsc. *ulq-o-s 'wolf" (v^u^lq- "tear'): 8kr, vfka-s 
Armen. gen. sing, fiailo-y (cp. 1 § 455 p. 336) Gr. iu'xo-s (Lat. 
lupu-s) Goth. dat. pi. euifa-m Lith. vilka-s 0.C.81. instr. sing. 
eliiko-mf. Neut, *jug-6-m 'yoke' (v^/fiyg- 'yoke, put to*): Skr. 
ft$ffd-nt Gr. tuj'o-v Lat. jugu-m Goth. dat. pi. juka-tn 0.C.9I. 
iBstr. sing, igo-trH. Fern. *geM-fl- *q^n-a- *g»-fl- 'woman' 
(V^gen-): Skr. gnd- Gr. Att. -/w^ Boeot. ^u.va O.Ir. nom. bm 
gen. inna Goth. qinS O.lcel. kona (in Germ, it has passed over 
to the w-deolenaion) O.C.Si, lena. 

Aryan. Skr. gh^-a- m. 'sound, noise' Avest. gaos-a- m. 
'ear' O.Pers, gat4S-a- m. "ear", nom. sing. pr. Ar. •jAoyi-a-s. 
Skr. bhdg-a-6 m. 'distributor, bestower of blessings' Avest, bay-a~ 
m. 'God': 0.C.81. bog-& 'God'. Skr. nld-d-s 'resting-place, couch, 
nest': Armen. nist 'position, seat, possession', Lat. mdu-s^ O.Ir. 
Rd O.H.G. nest 'nest', Idg. "ni-zd-o-s 'settling-place'. Skr. mfih-a- 
n. 'urine' Avest. gao-ma^-a- n. "cow's urine'. Skr. pad-d-m 
'vtan ding-place, place, position': Gr. nid-iy-v 'ground, field', Lat. 
Ad-11-fM, oppid-u-m. Skr. jy-d- Avest. jy-a- 'bowstring': Lith. 
jTiy-d 'string, cord*. Skr. jaragh-d- 'upper part of the foot': cp. 
Lith. pra-iang-a 'transgression' {\'^ ghewgh-). Skr. wMrf-d- 'joy'. 
Avest. der'z-a- 'bundle, basket'. 

Adjectives. Skr. dirgh-d-n -d-m -d Avest. dar'y-6 -e-m- a 
0J*er3. darg-a -a-m -d 'long': Gr, JoAi/-o'-c -o'-v -ij. 

In Aryan, transference into the o-declension is common. 
In many cases no doubt this must liave taken place in proethnic 
Aryan; cp. e. g. Skr. mds-a- Avest. mdwk-a- with Skr. mda- 
'month' (cp. § 134), Skr. ndr-a- Avcat. tiar-a- with Skr, «or- 



112 1. The Suffix -0 '(L §60. 

*niaii' (Gr. uvsq-)^ Skr, pdd-a- Avest. pad-a- beside Skr. pad- 
'foot\ In other cases however, it belongs to the developement 
of the separate dialects : o. g. Skr. Ved. pu^dn-a-s from pu^dn-^ 
name of a god, Prakr. part. nom. carant-0 gen. carant-assa et<5. 
instead of Skr. cdrant' *going, moving' (and so often in the popular 
dialects) ; Avest. loc. sing. vTs-?. O.Pers. instr. pi. vTp-aibis from 
oJS' vTp' S'illage', Avest. gen. sing, stdr-ahf from star- *8tar\ 
<lat. sing, ainjamau'di from airt/atnan-j the personified spirit of 
prayer, part. nom. sing, jaidi/ant-d etc. 'beseeching'. The point 
of contact from which this metaplastic process sprang was the 
phonetic similarity of the accusative endings -am = Gr. -a and 
-rt-m = Gr. -0-1'- (p. 110). 

In Sanskrit there is a large group of denominative adjectives 
formed with -o- -a-, with the meaning 'related to, or connected 
with' that which is denoted by the noun from which they are 
derived, especially with the meaning, 'sprung from'. The first 
syllable of the word usually has what is called the Vfddhi 
grade, that is the second or 'highest' form of the strong or Tiigh' 
grade. E. g. inanas-d-s 'related to the mind (mdnas-y^ sdvitr-drs 
sprung from the sun {savitdr')\ sdindhav-d-s 'sprung from the 
Indus {sindhu'^y. If the contained stem is itself an o-stem, the 
adjective is formed without modifying the suffix; e. g. dmitrd-s 
'hostile' from amitra-s 'foe'. Similar derivatives are found, though 
more rarely, in I nmian; as O.Pers. fMrtrz/ap-a- 'inhabitant of Margiana' 
from marf/H'S 'ilargiana', Avest. dr*zca (or flr^ara) 'good works* from 
e/zH' 'just, right', kavay-a- 'kingly' from kavi-s king', temafdh-a- 
'dark' (-u/i- for -i?-, see I Jj 558 p. 414) from temah- 'darkness' 
(ep. Skr. famas-a- from tdtna-s)^ airyav-a- 'off'spring of Airyu*. 
Although the particular forms that furnished the type for this 
category of nouns in Aryan, and the origin of the vriddhi- 
strengthening , which occurs also in other derivative nouns 
(cp. Ji 93), are still undiscovered, yet it is at least probable 
that tlu» class took its rise in such o-stems as had undergone 
a modification of meaning similar to that which we find in 
the epithetised compounds (see § 50), and that o- was then 
added to other stems in imitation of these. The use of 



8w. 



113 



the suffix was extended by the desire to render eaaier the 
DifTerentiation (or modification to express gender) of adjectives ; 
and we fiod an unmistakable parallel in the treatment of the 
final members of compound words; compare -tamas-a- irom 
tdmas- 'darkueaa', -aiman-a- from Mnian- 'stone', -bhruv-a- from 
A/iriJ- 'eyebrow', and especially instances like daiatsguld-m "length 
of ten fingers' from awgni/t-s 'finger' (Whitney Skr. Gr. § 1315 ""j, 
which are on a level with formations like nitirftd- 'belonging to 
nfrrti-. 

Bemark 1. Cp. tod Bradke, C^er die Vfddhi in der aet^undfirSD 
NominslbildoDg, Zlechr. der deutsch. morgenlfind. OoBollBch. XL, 361 ff. — 
The Bnggestion Ihat Lat. flFo-iii 'egg' ia related in the awne waj to ari-s, 
and meana 'that whioh proceeda from a bird', ia imsatisfaotory. Bather 
we iDM]' eompace such iaatanoes aa Or. rtyt/inn; beaide Sn^o-t, afup-ifioro-t 
beside iffiii^. Doublets that had ariseu with different grades of ablaut in 
the root-ajllable were in Arjao adapted to convey two dietinct meanings, 
while in Greek they subgerred a partionlar prinoiple of rhythm. In either 
case, our endeaTour must be to diaoover the oldeat forms which gave the 
type for the whole series. 

^Armenian, orb, gen. orbo-y, 'orphan': Lat. orht-s, (Jr. 

Hrtjz 'one who brings up orphans', gore, gen. gorco-y, 
|F: Aveat. var'z-a- m. 'working, action', Gr. egyo-v O.H.Q. 
. 'work'. Adj. Mn, gen. htt-o-y, 'old*; Skr. sdn-a-s Gr. 
ir-o-g O.Ir. sen Lith. scti-h-s 'old'. 

The a-deelonsion , as we have already remarked in § 59 
p. 109, was entirely lost. 

Greek, iffjy-6-i; "oak': Lat. /flsr-w-s 'beech'. o7)!-o-ff 'house': 
Lat, ^c-u-s. rtop-o-^ 'a penetrating, passing through, passage' 
»0(>-cs 'p'"'^*™':"'g' {o^'iioffos for "dJoi-Ttnpo-s, I § 076 p. 542 f'.): 
Skr. par-a- 'navigation, passage by sea' pir-d-s 'transporting'; 
tofi-n-i 'cut, sUce' lo/x-o-g 'cutting, sharp"; ay-ri-g 'guide, leader': 
Skr. aj-d-s 'driver', tvy-o-v 'yoke': Skr. gug-d-m. nX»jy-j;' 'blow': 
Lat. pUlg-a. po^ Corcyr. phofa "stream, flowing' from ^iot: Lith. 
srav-A 'a flowing, bleediug". anovJ-tj 'zeal, earnestness' from 
OTifvAo, <fno(i-ij 'nourishment' from «ffp^w. 

Adject. iuff6-g oift'd-v oifi-tj 'raw': Skr. dtn-d-s -d-tn -d 'raw'. 

Observe that i^oig 'people' stands for Ae(/)-o-L,- (^iafo-ttoffov 
is preserved by Priscion); see I § 611 p. 462. 



114 The Suffix -o- -a-. §eo. 

The endings of o-cases are often transferred to other classes 
of stems; as onv in no^oTiv -o7f, -oig in noi^otg for noal, •ov in 
noXtr'Ov, 

Italic. Lat. popul-u-s popUu-s^ Umbr. popl-o-m ace. *po- 
pulum*. Lat. dol-n-s Osc. dolud abl. *dolo*: Gr. Sok-o-g *wile'. 
Lat. dotn-u-s: Gr. iof^-o-g 'house*. Lat. unc-u-s: Skr. aiok-^-s 
'hook', Gr. oyn-o-q^ 'something bent or bowed out, hook, extended 
circumference*. Lat. for-u-m^ Umbr. furo 'forum': Skr. dvar-a-m 
'door, entrance, exit' (rf- instead of dA-, see I § 480 p. 354), 
O.C.Sl. dvor-U m. 'enclosure'. Osc. ter-o-m 'terra, territorium*. 
Lat. porc-Gj fem. of porc-us^ Umbr. purk-a porc-a 'porcas*. 
Lat. lump-a {lymph-a^ cp. I p. 42 footnote), Osc. Diump-afs 
'Nymphis'. Lat. deiv-a dlv-a (fem. of deiv-o-s), Osc. deiv-ai 
dat. *divae'. Lat. Ifr-a 'furrow, ridge between two furrows': 
O.H.G. wagan-leis-a 'cart-track, road' O.C.Sl. Uch-a 'ridge of 
earth'. 

Here should also be mentioned the Umbr.-Sanm. infinitives 
in -o-m^ as Umbr. erom Osc. ezum 'esse', Umbr. a-ferum a'fero 
'circumferre', Osc. deicum 'dicere* moltaum 'multare' (cp. § 156). 

Adject. Lat. rob-u-s -u-m -a, Umbr. ace. pi. masc. rof-u 
'rufos' fem. rof-a 'rufas': Goth, rdup-s rdup rdud-a 'red*. 

Old Irish. Masc. dwi, gen. d^, 'God' pr. Kelt. ♦deHf-o-«: 
Skr. dSV'd'S Lat. deiv-chs deu-s (I § 172 p. 152) Lith. dh-a-s 
'God', cp. Skr. div- Gr. z/i/- 'heaven, god of heaven*, ore 'pig' : 
Gr. 71 o(>x-o-^ Lat. parc-u-s O.H.G. farh farah Lith. pafsz-a-s 
'pig, sucking-pig'. O.Ir. at-trab w- Mid.L*. ait-trA n- 'possession, 
dwelling' no doubt to be compared with Goth. paUrp 'field, land' 
O.H.G. dorf 'village'. Fem. Jew, gen. twn-a, 'wife': O.C.Sl. 
zen-a etc., see p. Ill above, ooss, pi. coss-aj 'foot': Lat. cox-a^ 
O.H.G. hahs-a Tiollow of the knee', ferg fercj gen. ferge^ *wrath': 
Gr. opy-iy 'impulse, passion'. 

Adject, caech m., caech w- n., caech f. 'blind': Lat. caecu-s 
-ii-fM -a, Goth, hdih-8 hdih hiUi-a 'one-eyed' Og 'integer, from 

Germanic. Goth, sfiiiv-s O.H.G. snEo m. 'snow': Lith. 
snSg-a-s 0.C.8L mig-U 'snow*, y/^sneish-. Goth, dags OJLG. 



The Suffix - 



115 



I 



tag m. May": Skr. ni-dctgb-d-s 'hot apason', Lith. fiag-a-i 'harvest'. 
O.H.G. teig m. O.Ieel. deig n. 'dough' : Skr. dsh-n-s 'body', Or. 
roJUr-**^ Vail, •i/' dhei§h' 'besmear, cement', O.Icel. draug-r m. 
'ghost': Skr. drSgh-a-s 'injury inflicted deceitfully". Goth, juk 
OJI.G. joh u. 'yoke': Skr. gug-d-m etc. Goth. d(d O.H.G. lot 
a. 'Talley': Gr. ffo'^-n-; 'cupola, dome', 0.C.8I. dol-^i Valley". Goth. 
iihv-a O.H.G. ah-a 'water' : Lat. aqu-a. Ooth. gib-a O.H.G. gdi-a 
gift', beside Goth, giban tu give", Goth, stdig-a 'path, way', 
bffiide steigan 'to olimb'. 

Adject. Goth. logg-!f lagg lagg-a O.H.G. long 'long': Lat. 
hng-u-8 -ti-m -a, Goth- liuf-s liuf liub-a O.H,G. liob 'dear, 
beloved': 0.C.81. IJub-U -o -a. 

Transference into the o-declension is fre<)ueut, into the d- 
declension more rare ; e. g, nom. sing. Goth, frijBtids O.H.G. 
friunt 'friend' gen. aing. frijSttdls friuntes and other foi-ms with 
terminations of the o-declenaion, contrasted with the nom. pi. Goth. 
frijSnds O.H.G. friunt etc. which have not modified the original 
-nt- stem (§ 126), O.H.G. nom. pi. tohtera 'daughters' dat. pi, 
to/UerSn beside the older pi. tofiter = Gr. ^vyaiip-Eg {§ 122). 

Balto-Slavonic. Maac. Lith. mus-a-s 'film (on liquids)' 
O.C.Sl. much-u 'moss': O.H.G. mos n. 'moaa'. Lith. S.t-lSk-a-a 
O.C.Sl. oti^lSk-^ 'remnant, remainder': Skr. ati-rSk-a-s' rcmaaat, 
exceaa' Gr. ioi^i-o'-j 'remaining'. Lith. ^z-val/c-a-s 'outside covering, 
bed-covering' 0.C.8I. oblak-n 'cloud" (for *ob-vlak-S, cp. I § 184 
I>, 160): Gr. olx-o-g 'a drawing, thing drawn'. O.C.Sl. glagol-U 
'sound, word' (for *gol-gol-u, cp. I § 281 p. 224): Skr. gar- 
gar-a-s, a musical instrument, Neut. O.C.Sl. igo 'yoke'; Skr, 
yiiy-H-i»; O.C.Sl. tU-o 'ground': Skr, tal-a-s 'surface, ground' 
[y/^tel-); in Lith. the maac. termination is found in the nom. 
sec.; e. g. jhng-a-s 'yoke', a modification of the Idg, *jug-6-m. 
Fem. Lith. vaps-a 'gadfly' O.C.Sl. eos-a "wasp' (I g 545 p. 399): 
O.H.G. wafe-a 'wasp'. Lith. rank-H 0.C.8I. ra^-a "band', beside 
Lith. renkii 'I gather, collect'. 

Adject. Lith. sam-a-s saus-a saus-h O.C.Sl, sweA-fi -a -a 
'dry': Skr. iOg-a-s -a-m -d 'drying, parching' (i- for s-, I § 557, 
4 p. 413), Gr. Ion, atl-o-s av-o-v av-t) 'dry'. 



116 The Suffix -fu-o- -t^O'. §60,61. 

Remark 2. It may not]be premature to notice here that the Lith. 
neuter form in -a arose from -O'd and not from -o-m, and is therefore 
a pronominal termination. See R. Garbe, Litau. und lett. Dracke des 16. 
u. 17. Jahrh., IV p. XLI. 

§ 81. The Suffix -^^-o- -tu-a- {'tuu-o- -tuu-a-y) 
This is an extension of -tu- -teu- (§ 108). 

Originally it was no doubt primary, and used to form ad- 
jectives (cp. e. g. Skr. kdr-tuva-s kdr-tva-s 'faciendus', beside 
the inf. kdr-tu-m) whose neuter and feminine forms were used 
as abstract substantives, on the analogy of which derivative 
abstract substantives were also formed from nouns (§ 158). 

The accentuation of Sanskrit formations like dBva-tva-m 
'divinity', and the d of the Goth, piva-dv 'servitude (see I § 530 
p. 386 f.), shew that *-t^6-m was the form assumed by the 
suffix in these secondary abstract substantives in Indo-Germanic. 

Compare Ar. -tvana- Gr. -owo- § 70. 

In Aryan, the suffix is frequent. In Skr. it appears in 
gerundives like kdr-tuva-s kdr-tva-s 'faciendus* jdn-tuva-s jani- 
'tva-s 'procreandus*. The neuters of these gerundives are often 
used substantivally , as kdr-tva-m 'task, work to be done*. 
Compare also Avest. vars-tve-m work, action (beside ver^z- 
-yj-mi 1 do*), stao-ptve-m 'prayer* (beside stao-nU *I praise, pray*). 
Secondary formations in *-^i(J-m : Skr. diva-ivd-m 'divinity* {dSvd-s 
"god"), iatru'tvd-m 'enmity* (Sdiru-^ 'enemy*), rcPcias-ivd-m 'de- 
moniacal nature' (rak^- 'monster, demon*), Avest. atdhu-ptoe-m 
'lordship, might* {aiohu-s lord*), fratema-ptcem a being first, 
nobility {fratema- 'first*). 

As to the interchange of -tva- and -fwca- in Sanskrit see 
Edgren, Journal of the American Orient. Soc, XI 82 sq. 

In Latin it is rare. We can scarcely count mor-tuo-s (for 
"^mf-tuo's): O.CSl. wrWHl 'mortuus* as an example, cp. I § 170 
p. 150; seo § 64 Rem. 3 below. But Fa-tuo-s Osoothsayer*) 
and mU-tuo-s no doubt belong here (with the suffix in the form 
-fwi^-); see I § 170 p. 151. 



1) Benfej, Indog. Part Perf. aof iMo oder /ra, Kaohr. der G9tt 
Q^seUsoh. d. WitMnsoh., 187a, n. 7. 



The Suffix -t^a- -(tf-S-. 117 

In Germanic it ia not common. Goth, vatirstv n. 'work' 
for pr. Germ. *iiurx-s-tya-n, whose -s- must be compared with 
that of 'S-trO' (§ 62), -s-/o- (§ 76), -s-ti- (§ 100), -s-lu- (§ 108), 
■s-men- (§ 117) '). ahtsiS f. 'morning twilight' for *«w/-(y3- 
{transferred to the n-infiexion), ground-form *wy-(y<l-, compare 
directly Skr, aktii-^ 'brightness' for *t^q-tu-s, and less immediately 
Skr. ail)-l-$ 'ointment, adornment'. pak-tvS or vah-loa (only the 
dat. pi. eahtEdm is actually found) 'watch, guard', from cakan 
io watch'. A.S. Ss, gPD. [aswe, f. 'letting blood' for *lSs{iO- i. e. 
'Ut + /sO-, beside Goth. IStatt 'to let', ras, gen. raswe, f. 'counsel' 
for ^risyS- i. o. Ved + tifO-., beside Goth, redan 'to counsel' 
(cp. I § 527 p. 382). As in all the instances given, so in Goth. 
fri/a-poa Uove' and fija-pva 'enmity' from frijon 'to love' BXiAfijOn 
'to hate' the suffix is to be regarded as primary; yet frija-pva 
(in imitation of which fija-pva was afterwards formed) was 
originaUy a secondary formation, from the adj. frija- Cfre)'e, 
which in the prehistoric period had meant 'dear', cp. Skr. priya- 
-ted-m 'a being beloved' from priyd- 'dear, beloved'. Goth. 
piva-dc n. 'servitude' from piii-s 'servant'. 

In Slavonic it is frequent. Primary: Masc: O.C.Sl. mH- 
-teH 'mortuua'? (aoe above), O.C.Sl. ri/bi-ivU 'fisher'; Neut. Russ. 
jaS'lvo 'food'. Rubs. Si-tvo 'sewing', O.C.Sl. 6um-teo 'organ of 
sense'; Fem. O.C.S\. j'as-tva 'food' e^-lva 'harvest' moH-tva 'prayer' 
goni-iva 'pursuit'. Secondary -(l)S'tvo (cp. the suffix -feiii § 90) : 
z&'istvo 'violence' {zilik 'violent'), dSitaleo 'childhood (dSt^ 'child) ; 
probably this form of the suffix started from stems in -i-, cp. 
taClslvo 'theft', from tatt m. 'thief, U^dlstvo 'boasting, bluster' 
from bi^dt i'. 'deceit, farce' (cp, -Ifia § 78). In Lithuanian 
Leskien is probably right in tracing this suftix in the group 
of names of tools formed with -luva-, such as kosz-lkva-s 'strainer, 
filter' {kosziu '! filter'), rH-titva-s "roller for winding yarn' [rScziU 
'I roll, wind'), karsz-Utoai pi. 'woolcarder's comb' (kafs2iiivilnas 



1) Ooth. gAidv n. 'lack' no doubt belonKS rftther to ^/^Qkeidh' 'desire' 
(O.H.O. gU 'eagerneBS, greed') ibaa Vi gei-gan, i. e. it should be analjied 
gaid-t, not gdi-dt. 



tra- 
amo 



I card wool), min-tuval pi. 'a macMnc for breaking flax, brake' 
(muiu liniis 'I tear flax'). Cp. also Pruas. /tre-artue 'ploughshare' 
and ar-ttces 'ship's voyage'. 

§ 63. The Suffix -tr-a- -tr-a-, -tl-o- -tl-a^). 
is an oxteneion of -ter- -tor- {§ 119 ff.), cp. e. g, Skr. ari-tra- 
'oai'' from ari-tar- 'rower'. Perhaps t arose from r by some 
process or processes of assimilation or dissimilation (partly i 
proethnic Indo- Germanic , partly in t 
cp. I § 282 p. 225 f.2). 

The meaning is generally that of the instrument or the 
place of the action. 

Indo-Germanic, Skr. bkarl-tra-m 'arm' (that with which 
one boars), Gr. ifigt-Tpo-r y^'p-ipo-* litter, bier', Lat, prac- 
-feri-culu-m 'wide sacrificial dish' {regarded as the instrument 
for carying something offered) fer-culu-m 'litter, bier'. Skr. m. n. 
ari-tra- O.H.G. n. ruo-dar Lith. \r-lila-s 'oar', cp. also Gr, 'Egi- 
■zQ-ia 'Oaratown'. Skr. md-tra Gr. ^f'-rtjo-v 'measure' {or should 
we follow de Sauasure, M^m. de la Soc. de lingu. VI 248, in 
assuming this to stand for Idg. *metro- i. e. 'med -]~ tro-?). 

Aryan, Skr. k$a-trd-m Aveat, xia-Pre-m 0,Per8. xsa-m-m 
'lordship'. Skr. vds-tra-m Avest. vas-tre-m 'garment, vesture'. 
Skr. dhdr-tra-m 'support' Avest. dar'-pre-m 'an upholding, holding 
fast'. 8kr. vahi-tra-m 'ship': Lat. f>ehi-culu-m. Skr. h6-lra Aveat. 
zao-pra 'libation, offering': Gr. ;(v-tqQ pot' j^i'-rAo-* 'libation*. 

Armenian. arQr araur, gen. araurn-y, 'plough' for * 
-tro- (I g 360 p. 276, § 483 p. 357); Gr. aoo-TQo-v 'ploi 
Lat. ara-tru-m, O.Icel. ar-pr m. ploughing', Lith, dr-Afa-s 'plougti^ 



ll 8. Bugge, Bemcrkungen Qber den UrHpruag der 1. 
Sufflxe do, cvlo, cro; da, aula, era, Kuhn's ZtBchr, SX !34 ff. 
Asooli, Die latcinisohen Formon dee uraprilngliohen InBtnimentailgul' 
-Ira (1867), Krit. Stud. 123 ff. H. Osthoff, Die mit dem Snfflie - 
'Culo- -cr^ gebildetcn nomina instrumenti das LateiDiachen, Forsob. im 
der, nomin. Stammbildung I 1 ff. 

3) In I p. 226 1. S instead of 'the tiominat mffixea -tro- and ■ 
betide -dhro- and -dh!o-', read 'rt« Mominal sufjires -tlo- and -dhlo- I 
-tro- and -dliro-'. 



sea. 



The Suffii -Ir-o- -trd-, -ti-o- -tl-d: 



119 



aXaur-i 'mill' (from aXaiii i grind') was a secondary extension 
of a fro-atem : cp. Gr. akt-rg-io-g 'bRlonging to grinding' aXs- 
-[p-fi'io 'I grind to powder' aXtrptliavoi; for *uXiTgo-rf>Tpavo-s 
'pulverising by grinding, pestle'. 

Greek, po'n-rpo-v 'tambourine, lever of a trap' A. 8. rcBf- 
-ter m. "beam". eXv-rgo-v 'covering, that which contains': Skr. 
earu-tra-m 'upper garment'. Xfx-v^-r 'couch, bed': O.C.SI. UUr 
Tair of wild animals' pr. Germ. Hax-tra-. HiXt-zpa-v 'bait, 
lure', compare no doubt O.H.G, guer-dar 'bait, lure' (J. 
Schmidt, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 153). vin-igo-v 'water for 
vaabing'. gij-T^ 'agreement, treaty'. 

ar-iko-v av-rlo-Q av-rli] 'bilge - water , dead-water, baling 
Bcoop': cp. Skr. dma-tra-m 'vessel, jug, drinking-cup' {Lat. ex- 
anttare ex-anclare is the Greek i^uvrXtiv borrowed, cp. I g 367 
p. 278). ixf-rkT] plough-tail'. 

Italic. Lat. cas'tru-m and fem. cas-tra; in Umbr.-Samn. 
the word has paased into other declensions , i;)bc. castrovs 
gen. 'fundi' castrid abl. 'fundo' Umbr. kastruvuf 'fundos'. Lat. 
r6s-trv-m {rSdd I gnaw), ara-tru-m^ fulijS-trii-m fulgg-tra. Umbr. 
kic-tram 'leeticani': Goth, klei-pra 'hut, tent", y^klei-. 

-Ho- became -klo- in pruethnic Italic, except where s pre- 
ceded (I § 366 p. 278). Lat. pia-du-m -vKlu-m, Umbr. piha- 
-klu 'piaculorum'. Lat. sae-du-m -culu-m: Lith. se-klA 'seed', 
Lat. ind-Q-cula sub-U-cula: Aveat. ao-]>re-n> 'sandal', Lett, du-kla 
a kind of string (in Lith. the declension has changed, ati-kle 
'bandage for the feet'). Umbr. eh-vel-klu 'edictum, docretum', 
mantrah-klu 'raantele'. Osc. aakara-kliim 'sacrum', -tlo- 
a kept after a in Osc. pea-tlii-m 'sacellum. templum': Umbr. 
per$-du pes-du 'supplicatione'. -do- became -cro- in Latin by 
dissimilation where an / preceded (I § 269 p. 217): lavCt-cru-m: 
Gr. \o6-rQa-v Aotirfjo-f bath, water for washing'. Gall, lau-tro 
'balneo', O.Iccl. lau-dr 'soap'; /M-crw-w; in-volU-cru-ni. 

Rarely wc find -s-tro-, as mOn-s-tru-m capi-s-tru-m (op. the 
Oermanic); whence also nouns in -Uster -datra -Sstru-m, like 
formaiter, oleaster oleastnt-m (see Sock, Archiv f. lat. Lexicogr. 
I 390 ff. achnorr von Carolsfeld, ibid. 404 ff.). 



Old Irish, lo-thor l5-thur a. 'alveua, canalio' Gall, lau-tro 
'baioeo': Lat. lavd-cru-m etc., see above, tara-thar n. 'boring 
tool, gimlet' : Gr. Tf^t-r^o-v gimlet', criathar a. 'sieve' : O.H.G. 
lirT-ttara 'sieve'? (see the end of the aectiou, p. 122). ara-thar 
a. 'aratrum': Armen. aror etc,, see p. 118. bria-tkar f. 'word'. 
cetaf n, 'song' {cello- for *can-tlo-). With regard to the 
devetopement of -thar from *-tro-m and from *-(rO, and of -tal 
from *-ilo-m, see I g 623 Rem, 1 p. 469 and § 634 p. 475. 

cmSl n. 'family, race' O.Cymr. ceite-U. sdi a. 'narration, 
tale" Mod.Cymr. ckicedl for pr. kelt, "sty-«-(/o-n , y^seq 'aay'. 
anal f. 'breath' Mod.Cymr. am-dl. Cp, I g 110 p. 104, g 518 
p. 371 f., § 620 p. 467. 

Germanic. The p of the pr. Germ, -pra- -pla- indicates 
that the sonant next preceding it bore the principal accent 
(1 § 529 p. 384 f.). O.H.G. Ho-dar A.S. hUo-dor "sound, noiBe', 
pr. Germ. hUu-pra-: Skr. ir6-tra-tn 'hearing, ear'. Goth, smair-pr 
n. greaee, fat', y^smer- 'besmear'. Goth, hlei-pra 'tent': Umbr. 
kle-tram 'Iccticam', \/^klei-. O.H.G. sta-dcU m. 'shed, barn*: 
Skr. sthOr-trd-m "standing-place, position', 0,H,G. lea-dal we-dil 
m. n. 'fan, tuft', y/^yB- 'blow'. Goth, nS-pla and nfl-d/o 'needle 
(cp. Bremer, Paul-Br, Beitr, XI 5, 277 f.), 

0.1I.G. blhal n, 'hatchet' pr. Germ. *htpla-^ Idg. *bheitlo- 
for ^bhe'id -{- tlo- , y/^bheid- 'flndere' (is O.Ii". biail, gen. bsla, 
'hatchet' connected with this?); O.II.G. sedal n. m. 'seat' pr. 
Germ. *sepla-, Idg. *setIo- for *sed + tlo-, \P sed- 'ait'- I follow 
de SausBure, Mem. de la 9oc. de lingu, VI 247. 255'). 

After spirants, t is kept (thus the original accent cannot 
be determined) : Mid.II,G. wes-ter f, 'baptismal robe' Skr. vds- 
tra-tn 'garment'; Goth, gilstr n, 'tribute' from gild 'tribute' 
V^Qheldh- ; O.H.G, bluostar a. 'offering' (Goth, derivative blsstreis 
offerer) beside Goth. blsUin 'offer'; 0,H,G, riostar n, and riostra 
f. 'ptougahare' beside Mid.H.O, r(ri(e» 'root out'; O.H.G. hlahtar 
a. O.Icel. hlmtr m. 'laughter'. 



1) Germ. *hijila-, like Qr. i»rpo'-! 'log, piece of wood', which de Saussure 
simiUHy derives from bhtjd-, miglit oertainl; be oonneoted with O.C.SI. bi-li 
'strike' u-boj-'i 'deathblow'. 



I«a. 



The Suffix - 



121 



Pr. Germ, -di'a- -3ia- indicate that this bu^ bore the 
accent (cp. Skr. as-trd-m da-lrd-m etc.), see I §530 p. 386 f.; 
yet theee pr. Germ. sufGxal forms may also represent Idg. -dhro- 
■dfUo-y see p. 122. Idg. -tro- is probably seen e. g. in Ooth. 
/S-dc scabbard' OM.G. fuo-tar A.S. fn-ddor n. 'case, sheath": 
8kr. pdr-tra-m 'that which contains, vessel'. 

-S'tra- is fairly frequent; ae O.H.G. f/al-s-tar n. 'song' from 
galait 'sing', compare A.S. ^eal-dor n. O.Icel. gal-dr m.; Goth. 
htdi-a-tr 'covering' from huljan 'cover'. Cp. Osthoff, tJber das 
eittgedrungene s in der nominalen Suffixform -sira-, Kuhn's 
Ztechr. XXIU 313 ff., and -s-tuo- {§ 61), -«-/o- (§ 76), -a-ti- 
{§ 100), -s-tu- (§ 108), -s-mefi- (§ 117). 

Balto-81avonic. -tro- is found only in a few uncertain 
examples, aa Lith. r>i-tra 'storm' 0.C.81. p5-/rfi 'air, wind'. The 
uncertainty is caused by the possibility of a later transference 
into the o- or fl-declension, which has undoubtedly talion place 
in 0.C.81. bratr-u brother' sestr-a 'sister'. 

-th- occurs only in Baltic, where it appears in Lith. and 
Lett, as -kla- (I § 377 p. 285 f.). Pruss. *sen-tla- 'token, sign' 
in the partic. ^-senlliitns 'having betokened, marked' Lith. Sin- 
•kla-s 'token, sign": cp. Skr. ;&a-tra-m 'ability to recognise' O.H.G. 
be-cnuodelen 'give a sign of recognition' ir-chmtodileti 'become 
perceptible'; from which we may deduce a pr. Germ, form 
'knS-pia-. Pruss. sper-Ua-n 'cushion of the toes', beside Lith. 
aptr-iii 'strike with the foot'. Lith. s^-klA Lett, si-fcla 'seed': 
Lat. sae-culu-m. Lith. ba-kla 'home' bu-kla-8 (u?) 'lair of an 
animal': Skr. bkavl-tra-m 'world* (this meaning is not certain) 
A.8. bold (for *bodl-) O.Icel. bsl 'house" pr. Germ. *bii-pla-. In 
Slav. -Uo- was replaced by -dhto-, see below. 

In the European branches, -dhro- dhlo- are found side 
by Mde with -tro- -tlo-, and with the same meaning; and the 
former often displace the latter. Cp. e. g. Gr. yfVf-&}.o-i' ytvt- 
•9Xti 'origin, race, scion, birthplace': S'ki. janUtra-m 'birthplace'. 
cie-SXo-r 'seat' : Lat. sedi-cuht-m, Lett, side-kli-s 'seat' (with the 
additioQ of the suf&c -io-). Lat. tere-bra: Gr. ifQt-t^o-v 0.1r. 
tara-tkar n. 'borer'. Lat. ata-btdu-m: O.H.G. sta-dal 'bam'. 



122 The Suffix -jo- -id-, -lio- -ltd-. §62,63. 

Pr.Germ. -dfra- -d/a- is ambiguous (seep. 121): is for example 
O.H.G. hri-ttara 'sieve* connected with O.Ir. cria-thar or with 
Lat. crf-6ri/-mP In Slav, only -rfWo- occurs, as Cssech rd-cUo 
0.C.81. ra-lo ora-lo plough': Lat. ara-tru-tn etc. (see p. 119), 
Czech bjf'dlo 'dwelling' Pol. by-dlo 'cattle, means': Lith. bUMh 
'home. Cp. § 77. 

§ 88. The Suffix -io- -i^-, -lio- -ii«-^). 

With regard to the fluctuation between -lio- and -ip' see 
I § 117 p. 110. § 120 p. Ill ff. A parallel form -liq- is also 
found (e. g. Skr. tft-tya-s Gr. npo^Vfi-iT]) y whose relation to 
the two other forms is obscure; it resembles the Skr. -fycu- 
Gr. -tfor (§ 135), forms of the comparative suffix. 

In the nom. sing, we find in different languages -ji- or -i- 
-I- instead of and parallel to -io-. Thus Goth. har-Ji-s^ brOks 
for •6rilA:-*-5, haird-ei-s; Umbr. Trutit-i-s Truttidius* (also in the 
ace, Fisim 'Fisium' and neut. terti 'tertium*), Osc. Viinikifs 
'Vinicius' (f), Puntiis 'Pontius' (for -it-), Hefrennis 'Herennius' 
(also neut. medic-i-m 'magisterium*), O.Lat. Com^i-s (and ace. 
ComA-i'm^ cp. also voc. fili)\ Lith. med-i-s and gaid-y-s^). 

From the earliest period this sufKx was both primary and 



1) H. Kern, Le Soffixe ya da Sansorit olassiqae, ia de TArieii, 
M4m. de la 8oo. de lingu. 11 321 ff. F. G. Benseler, De nominibiu 
propriis et LatinU in ia pro itts et Graeois k <«" pro lof tor terminatis, 
Cortias" Stud, in 147 ff. G. F. AIt, De nominibus to suffixi ope fonnatis, 
Berol. 1873. J. Akens, Ober die A^eotiya anf moc, «u>;« ffio^^ owg^ aft'o^, 
Emmerioh 1873. G. Mejer, Das Nominalsaffix »o im Griech., Kohn^s 
Ztsohr. XXII 481 ff. A. Fick, Zam sogenannten /n-suffix im Griech., 
Benenb, Beitr. IlSOff. K. Zaober, De nominibns Graeois in -uio^ .<ua 
~€nor^ Halle 1877. A. Fritsch, Zam Vokalismos dee Herodotischen Dia- 
lektes [on -f«o> and -#to- in syllables containing deriTatiTe suffixes], 
Hambarg 1888. Th. Aufreoht, Cber die lateinischen Suffixe tia^ tio^ 
Kabn's Zlsobr. VI 177 ff. W. Scblater, Die mit dem Soffixe ja ge- 
bildeten deutscben Nomina^ GtSttingen 1875. 

i) In I § 84 Remark 1 p. 80, I assumed tbe existence of -ft- as a 
form of the Idg. snffix beside -(o-. As my pupil Prof. W. Streitberg has 
recognised^ it is preferable to assume -i- -i- as the original forms (-i-: 



The Suffix - 



- -id-, 



123 



eeoondary. and its neuter and feminine forms are frecjnently used, 
ae substantives (§ 158). 

Three chief functions of this siifHx may be ilistinguished. 

1. It forms verbal adjectives with the mciiniog of the 
so-called fut. pass, participles or participles of necessity, or »-ith 
a simple participial meaning, active or passive. In Sanskrit, but 
nowhere else, these adjectives appear as a class of forms in active 
and extensive use. The neuter and the feminine are 
often used as abstract substantives (see above). 

Idg. Skr. tfdj-ya-s Gr. liy-wt; Venerandus, fern. ydj-yO, 
ay-le^ V^iag' revere'. 8kr. sdc-iya-s 'whom one must help, 
must value', Gr. noaojjDj'p 'helper' from •oooo- which stands for 
*8ok*-jfi-, Lat. soc-iti-s, \^seg- 'be together with, follow'. 

Aryan. In Skr. -jo- appears as a living participial suffix; 
e, g. <ifi-ya-s tldri-iya-s 'visibte, worth seeing' ctt-iya-s 'per- 
ceptible'. Examples of substautival usage are: neut. v/tc-iya-m 
t>de-ya-m speech, word', fern. vid-yA knowledge'. For the 
fluctuation between -ya- and -iya- see Edgren, Journal of the 
Amer. Orient. Soc. XI 74 ff. 

Following a root ending in a short vowel the suffix assumes 
the form -tio- instead of -}0-, as kf-tya-s 'faciendus' kf-ty-am 



•I- = -fo- ; 'iio-j, 80 that (his form represents tbe weak-gr&de phase of 
the gafflz which ire arc dUcunBiiig, in tbe tojnc way as -i- represents (hat 
of -i*- (§ 109). Streitberg is nertainlj' right in Ujing especial atress on 
OcUiio forms like brukii iiii-huIk, The form -ji*- arose through the -{- 
being Kdd(Ml from oases which had -{o- -ji-. Just bo we hare in Lith. 
Ji-B jl for •!-.' 'I on the model of jv etc. Such forms as Lith. mS-jt-a 
are of the same kind as O.C.SI. ladi-ji g 110 and Skr. iwadha-tfln- g n&. 
B«aide the Idg. steins formed with -io- •ii": -i- f-i'to- -ii»-; -i-) there 
probably existed from the pr. Idg. period onwards invariable -jo- »tenM 
which noTer had -/•. To these however wr must not refer nominatiTo 
forms like Skr. r/ty-j-oa Gr. Hy^io-t Lat. txim-iu-a, which were new 
formalioDB (cp. Ooth. brvilc»\ and similarly Skr. ya-a Or. o~t (ep. Lith.yl-a). 
I do not belicTO thni ihe late Greek nouns ending -« -ir instead of -idj 
-tor shonld be clasied here as containing an original form of thair suffix. 
Tbey were crpateil on the model of personal names belonging to the 
olasaical period, such an 'Miiit Zilln lop. R. Wagner, Quaestioncs do epi- 
gnmntatii Qraeois, Lips. I3S3, p. m). 




formation ba8« 



'busiueBs' kf-tyd, 'infliction, bemtchment', a 
upon such sterna as -Icf-t- 'faeienH* {§ 123). 

In Avest. -ya- is rarer, e. g. dar'a-ya- visible', vairya- 
'worth choosing or desiring", i&ya- 'desired, dear'. 

Armenian. Here no doubt should be classed li, gen. Hoy, 
'full' from *ple-lo-. 

Greek, ffrt'y-io-e 'abominable, odious', noy-io-g 'established, 
firm, durable'. a<f,d'/-ia-z 'slaying, killing". Substantival usage: 
tpfiti-m pi. 'ruins, debris', aipay-io-v 'offering, victim for offering". 

Italic. Lat.eJ'im-iM-s'eximeDduB, exceptional, distinguished". 
In-fer-iu-s "presented, offered": cp, Avest, bairya- 'presenting'. 
Substantives ; frag-iu-m 'breach , fracture', sttid-iu-m 'zeal, 
eagerness, desire', exuviae pi. clothbg, cast-off skin'. 

Old Irish. Subst. fern, in-sc-e 'speech' v^sej-, neut. suide 
"seat", \/^sed', frecre for 'frith-gaire {1 § 514 Rem. 2 p. 376) 
'answering, answer' -i/^gar-. 

Germanic, Adjectives with the meaning of the fut. partic. 
pass, are commoner than in other European languages. Goth. 
brUkJa- (nom. bruks) O.H.G. prUchi 'useful, serviceable'. Goth. 
un-witfa- (nom. un-ituts) 'useless" O.H.G. niuzi A.8. nyt 'useful'. 
Goth, un-qspja- (nom, un-qSps) 'unutterable'. O.H.G. gi-fuori 
suitable, useful. Here perhaps should be classed Goth, havi, 
gen. hdtip's, O.H.G. hewi a. 'hay' pr. Germ. *_cay-(0-n. i. e. 'that 
which is to be cut". Abstract nouns: neut. O.H.G, gi-fuori 
'suitability, usefulness' compared with the adj. gi-fuori; Fern. 
A. 8, nyt O.Icel. nytr 'use' compared with adj. A.S. nyt, Goth. 
brak-ja 'fight' (origmally 'breach') with hrikan 'to break' 

Balto-Slavonic. 

In Lithuanian there are only a few adjectives; o. g. sriaU' 
-ja-s 'flowing swiftly', iala-s Sales (Pruss, ace, saligan with y = j) 
'green", properly being verdant*, from zil-ti 'to be verdant'. The 
following may be adjectives used substantivally : vS-ja-s 'wind' 
fhe who blows'), gaid-y-s 'cock' (Tie who crows"), from ged-ili 
'crow*), etc., all masculine. Forms formerly neuter used as 
substantives: idd-is 'word' (cp. Skr. vdc-ya-in), kaHd-i-s 'bite', 
kift-i-s 'cut or blow' vrith a cutting instrument (8kr. kart-ga- 



i 



les. 



The Suffix -jii- -JO-, -iio' -I'id-. 



125 



lo be hewn or cut off') and other such forma; feminine forma 
used as substantives are pradzia 'beginning' for *pra-d-ia beside 
fra-di'ti 'begin' (v^rf/tfi-), iin-i(i knowledge' and others. 

Slavonic. Adjectives which should no doubt be classed 
here are lu£f deceitful' for Hng-iX: O.H.G. luggi lukki 0.8ax. 
luffffi 'deceitful' pr. Germ, •/uj-ja-; also tiftrdf knowing, aware' 
for *ped-it and other examples. Substantival usage: /ften 'lie' 
for *lutf-iil: O.H.G. lugT 'lie' which implies a form *lu^-i5 ; jaida 
'food, victuals' for 'ed-jfl: Lat. in-ed-ia Skr. ad-ya-s eatable' 
OJcei, atr 'eatable' for 'at-ia-z; sta-ja position, atanding-place, 
4taU'; daida 'gift' for •rfflrf-jd from the reduplicated form da-d- 
'give*. 

Remark 1. There is often room for doubt whsther an -{o-form should 
he clasBed here, or whether it be a Deoondarj fortnatiou (2). Thug, for 
•xunple, Or. aipaf-io-f may also hsye been formed from ti/pny-ij 'a alajing, 
irfferiiii;', O.H.O. luggi lukki from Uiy m. 'lie'. It sliould further bo obserTed 
that tlie popular conception of the meaning of a word whs very liable to 
change; a form which was originally primary might be regarded as a 
deriTative, and rVcc terga. Thus e. g, Lat. riy-iti-s, which the Romans 
Mrtainly looked upon as derived from rtf , may very well have been 
primary to start with ; cp. Skr, rSj-ii/d-e, subst. raj-lya-iii, beside raj- 'king' 
1 rdi-li rdj-a-li 'shines forth, is oonspiouous, roles, governs'; the verbal 
m from which reytu-a was originallj derived died out in Latin, and thus 
! form was firmly established in the popular conception as a derivative 
of the DOnn rex. Cp. Rem. 3 p. 132. 

'. -io- AS a secondary suffix, forming adjectives 
which denote possession, origin, and other ways in which one 
thing may be connected with another. In these adjectives as 
well a8 in the former group the neuter and the feminine 
were often used as substantives with abstract meaning, 
and then -io-m and -jO- were taken to form substantives of this 
lind even where there was no corresponding adjective in -io-. 
It is specially important to notice that in compounds with 
•pithetiaed meaning, the so-called bahuvrlhi (§ 50), and also in 
jwljectival compounds containing a governing preposition (§ 15 
K 30 f.), 'io- is often the sign of the adjectival character of the 
word; e. g. Gr. ofio-TidrQ-io-s beside ofio-nditup from the same 
bther', Skr. dnv-antr-^a-s 'situated in the intestines'. 

Idg. 'p3tr-iio-8 'belonging to a father' from *poter- 'father': 



1 26 The Suffix -to- -i^-, -i io- -/ifd-. § 83. 

Skr. pUriya-s Gr. Tiar^wo-^ Lat. patriu-s. When the sufifix was 
added to o- and S-stems, the final vowel of the stem was 
dropped (cp. Rem. 3 p. 132); examples are *e£j#-t|0-« 'equinus* 
from *e^o- *equu8* : Skr. dhiya-s Gr. ?rr7rio-$; *a§r'ii^'S 'situated 
in the fields* from *a§'rO' *field' : Skr. ajrlya'S Gr. ayguy^ Cwild*). 

Substantives: Skr. svdpnya-m Lat. somniu-m 0.C.81. sUntje 
sunije *dream* beside Skr. svdpna-s Lat. somnii'8 0.C.81. sUnU 
'sleep*, ^ghi^i-ia *a slaying* seems to be an Idg. fem. of this 
kind ; Skr. hatya 'killing O.Sax. guSea 'fight' Lith. ginczid, 'strife*, 
beside the part. pass. *g/t^^o- (Skr. hatd-) 'struck, slain*. 

In adjectival compounds: Skr. ddSa-mC^s-iya- Avest. 
dasa-mdh-ya- lasting for ten months* (beside Gr. J^xa-^iyyo-^), 
Skr.fipo-mas-ya- 'monthly', Gr. ifi'/nTJV'iO'g (beside ifi-fjirpKh^) 
'running its course in a month* im-fxtji'-io'g 'calculated for a 
month, lasting for a month*; Gr. o/nO'TidrQ-io^ O.Icel. sam- 
fedr 'from the same father' (compare O.Pers. hama-pitar' Gr. 

Aryan. Skr. gdv-ya- Avest. gao-ya- 'bovinus' from gav- 
'bos': Armen. kog-i 'butter* (see below). Skr. Sravcts-fya- 'glorious' 
from SrdvaS' glory* Avest. mandh-ya^ spiritual, invisible* from 
manah' spirit': cp. Gr. tsXho'^ TsXto-g complete, having reached 
its end' for *rf Afa-^o-c beside rsXog n. 'end, goal*. Skr. mdrt'tya- 
Avest. mas-iya- O.Pers. mart-iya- 'mortal, a man' beside Skr. 
tnarta-s 'a mortal, man*: cp. Gr. d'/upgoo-to-g Immortal' (I § 120 
p. 112). Skr. bhS^aj-yd-^) Avest. iof^a^-ya- 'containing healing 
power, medicinal' from bhS^af-d-m ba^az-e-m 'healing power, 
medicine'. Skr. gram-iyd- 'belonging to a village* from grdma^s 
'village, small community*, k^afr-iya- 'holding lordship, lord' from 
k^atrd'ffi 'lordship', sen-iya- provided with missiles' from s^fUi 
'missile. 

The group of participles in -fav-ya- was a new formation in 
Sanskrit, which did not become at all common until the post- 



1) For trpographioal reasons the sran'ta accent is represented in 
this Tolnme bj the sign of the grare accent, and not as it was in toI. I 
p. 539. 



!0. 



The Suffix -Yt- -i*-, -«t»- -ti*-. 



I2T 



Tedic period : t. g. kar-tav-jfA- 'facteodos' from the nometi a 
lar-tw. 

Sabstuitives. Neat Skr. k$afr-{^a-m 'lordahip. sovereign 
Dugfat', d&t-iyn-m mesaafe, doty of a me«senger' {dwtd-s 'mea- 
teoger'), Arest. KlsH-ya- 'announcement, <Iictate, command' {sCLxna- 
Vord, aonoun content*). Fem. Skr. pdd-ya footstep' {pdd-ya- 
Vlatiag to the foot'J '), iarav-iya 'bowahot' (beside ^rav-yd-m 
'goal of the arrow', from idru-s 'arrow'). 

In adjectiral compoundB the suffix is rare. Skr. su-hdat-iffa- 

(bedde eu-hdsta-) 'with beautiful hands' mddhu-hast-iya- "holding 

iweetneM in the hand' ddhi-gart-ij/a- 'situated on the driTcr'a 

f, Avest, deuhnanah-i/a- 'cherishing evil sentiments, evil-doer 

(q», Skr, dur-tnanas- Gr. iva-uirijs). 

Armenian. This suffix appears to be contained in the 
Bunna in -i- hoyi 'butter' fcoming from the cow') with y for 
K (I § lfl2, 2 p. 145) from kov 'cow': Skr. ffdv-jfa-. To this 
|;roup no doubt belong the further examples giu-t wine", i. e. 
^that which comes from the grape' (cp. Or, oivo-i^ Lat. tfintim ; 
for the auflix cp. Lith, ap-vy-n-y-a 'hops'), orj-i 'not castrated' 
•orj-i 'ftovopx's from orj 'male', etc, 
Greek, va-wi; y^-io-? 'belonging to a ship', from vaCs 
*diip': Skr. nap-iya- 'navigable'. iTo-g 'heavenly, glorious' for 
•A/-IO-S from ^if-: Skr. dtv-yd-s 'heavenly', nt^o'-^ going on 
lnot" for *jtfd-io^ beside nov'g noi-oi; 'foot': Skr. pdd-ya-s 'relating 
Id the foot'. jJoMi-s- 'early, eastern' for *-oa-t(i-g, from ^oi? 'rosy 
dawn': Skr. u4as-ya-s "dedicated to the dawn', yofiq-io-s 'molar 
tooth' (orig. an adj. joined with o'doti't;) from ^'/iyo-? 'plug, peg': 
Cp. Skr. Jdinbhya-s "molar tooth' or 'incisor tooth' from Jdmbha-s 
"bite'. Lesb. /f W-ioi Ion. Att. /dhm (/iLot) 'thousand' for */£oA-i« 
from */n}\o- (cp. diKii-;;jXm): Skr. sa-hasr-hja-s 'thousandfold' 
from ae^hdsra-m 'thousand'; parallel to this is Dor. -xnr-ioi Arcad, 
-xaff-uM in iiS-xaTioi 'two hundred' from i-xaro-v 'hundred'. 



t) With this Or. n^a 'bottoin, Qxtremitj, «df;e, border' is nanollj 
BcmpMed. Perhaps we shoald aaaume the existence of an original subat. 



atiiitjp-io-s saving, delivering' from lan^fi 'eftviour'. Ati^uiw-io-; 
'belonging to the meadovra' from Xnftaiy 'meadow'. Ion, (and 
other dial.) jSarfiiijCfl-io-;.' 'kingly' from ^aaiXeii-Q 'king' and the 
like (Att, -fio-), whence the ending -t}io-q spread to other atema, 
e. g. avSp-jjio-q, Tiot.cfi-tiio-s. ii/j-io-q 'held in honour' from ilfiij 
'honour'. 

Remark 2. There remniD oertajn groups of noune, ending' in 'ois-.- 
-ao-j -fio-,-, and retaining tha i fe, g. tomo-.-, alio'to-:, oJrtio-t). wUicb ooonr 
in several aitenaivc claaaes of fonnatioiiK ; but their origin and derelopement 
ia still in many reHpeota obsoure, in spite of man; atCempta to inveatig&te tbe 
BubjoDt thoroughly (aea p. 122 footnote 1). Tliey cannot be directly con- 
nected with Sanskrit forme like hirntiifd-yn-s 'golden' from hirapya-m 'gold', 
gavgd-i/n-g 'bovinus' from gatyd-m 'boiinum', nor with Lith. raaar6-Ji-» 
'field Bown with gpring-oorn' from vasarA 'Bummar'. aUa!o~i eto. may 
well have been formed od the analogy of ztaio-; loto-:, whioh probably 
arose from -oi-jfi-s. Thna -ma- -no- (the latter only in some words) perhaps, 
go haQk to -ai-ip -ri-io-. HttTe they any connexion with 8kr. •ei/a-? 

Substantives, fft Axrijo-io-v 'delight , magic charm' from 
&Ei.xrijp-w-s 'enchanting' fftlxrjjp 'charmer' aldoTo-v 'pudendum' 
from didoTo-f "he before whom one feels shame', aldais 'shame, 
modesty'. After the time of Homer neuter forms like these 
often asaumed a diminutival meaning, as opwS-io-c 'little bird', 
fTtuQid-io-v 'little mistress', aoniS-in-y 'little shield' (hence -iSio-v 
broke off as an independent suffix; aieXif-iSio-v 'little brother' 
^trp-lAo-v 'little sword'); the intermediate stage between these 
two meanings was that of belonging to a kind ; cp, the suffix 
-ino- in Germanic (§ 68). acortjp-ia 'deliverance' from amr^^-to-j;- 
^tv-is 'hospitality' from ^iv-io-i; 'hospitable', r/avx-ia 'quietude" 
from ^avx-io-i 'quiet'. The endings mentioned in Remark 2 
were also used ia the same way in substantives; e. g. Ion. 
uvayyaiij 'necessity' from avayttalo-^ 'necessary' (compare avaytn] 
necessity"). 

Adjectival compouucEs: Ivffd-fio-to-^ 'worth nine oxen', 7ia»- 
-^jufp-io-u (beside nar-TJ/Afpo-^) lasting the whole day*, yjtvi-opx-io-g 
(and v«if'rf-opKo-?) 'forsworn'. Where the compound coDtaina a 
preposition which, in sense, governs the latter part, -io- is fairly 
regular; e. g. m-amiiiuo-^ situated under a shield', iiapa-9ahitj(i- 
~io-g 'situated near the sea' (§ 31 p. 53). 



A 



Italii^ Lat. Joo-iu-s 'belonging to Juppiter' Umbr. /ou-iw 
abl. 'Jovio' Oac. liv-iia 'Joviam'. Lat. eensSr-iu-s from censor. 
praecOn-iu-s fnim praecS. lucr-iu-s from lucrit-m. nox-itt-s 
Trom noxa. 

Substantives. Lat. augur-'m-m beside augur-hi-s from auijur, 
depertSr-iu-m hesidG deperaOr-iu-s from deversor, kSred-iu-m from 
liSre.s (stem. hSrSd-), coUSg-iu-m from coltSga. nox-ia beaide 
txxt-iu-s from noxa, custod-ia from nustOs (stem custdd-), famU-ia 
Cmbr. famer-ias nom, 'familiae' beuide Lat. famultt-s; Oac. 
medikk-iai loc. of modikk-ia- "funotion of a medix:' (cp. Lat. 
vindic-ia from mjfferj. 

Adjflcrival cumpoimdB. Lat. aru-ped-iu-s ttwiftfooted", fald- 
ped-ius: cp. A.9, an-fete 'onci-footed' (cp. below under Germanic); 
[ f(ti»i-jUr-iu-s ; eenti-nod-iu-Si in-vln-iu-s. Where there was a 
governing preposition . other adjectival Huffixea were generally 
employed , cp. ante-iac-anus- , exti-a-or din-arms and similar 
oompounds. 

Old Irisb. Besides the adjectives id -de -(e, which shew 

1 extension of the suffix (as dal-te 'foreuais' from dal 'forum', 

daur-de 'quernus' from daur 'quercus'), it cau hardly be said 

that any derived adjectives remain which are formed simply with 

-id-. But manyof the substantives connected with these adjectives 

I have been preserved ; e. g. aue Sa 'grandson' — O.C.Sl. h-/! Pruae. 
•i-g 'uncle", beside Lat, ai)o-s 'gi'andfather'. Neut, orbe orpe 

I raheritance, heritage' = Goth, arbi 'heritage', common ground- 
fcrm *orbh-iio-m (I § 139 p. 124 f., fj .^35 p. 267, § 524 p. 380), 

I beside Armen. orb 'orphan' Lat. orbu-e "set free, bereft, orphaned' 
(the original meaning therefore of the Irish and German word 
was probably 'something, i, e. property, bereft, left behind'), 
cenSle 'genus' from cenSl 'genus' (cp. Or. evvctTo-v tvvais beside 
w>»j 'couch', livayaii] beside dvdyinj 'necessity', mxia-v oiji/fi beside 
elxo-; "house", 0,C,9I. ognist« n. 'fireplace, hearth' for •-isi-je 
beside Pol. o^nisko n., and the like). Fern, lane 'plenitude' from 
lOn 'plenus', 5ye 'integritas" from Og 'integer', ^alarclte 'aegritudo' 
from gairach 'aeger'. 



130 



Tho Suffix -to- -in-, -Up- -iid-. 



g« 



Op. also Gallic proper names like Cintugnat-iu-s bcaidi 
Ointugnalu-s , Toiit-iu-s beside Toutu-s (cp. Gr. 'Aynyivs-m 

Germanic. In the adjectival uae it is no lunger a liviut,' 
suffix, its place having been taken by -Ttta- -ja- etc.; but ir 
is frequently retained in BubatautiveB. Goth, nip-ji-s 'couBin, 
kinsman' O.lcel. nid-jar pi. 'desceodants, offsprmg" A.S. nidSan 
pi. 'men' for "neipMo- (I § 527 p. 382) beside O.H.G. nefo 
'nephew, kinsman', Idg. stem (in the weak form) *nept-: Avest.4 
napt-iya- 'kinaman', Gr. avstp-io-^ 0.C.81. nd-ifi 'first cousin'. 
Goth, hatrdeis O.H.G. hirli 'herdsman' ("he who belongs to thf 
herd') pr. Germ. *xirS-iia-, beside Goth, hairda O.H.G. heria 
'herd'. Goth. gupblOstr-ei-s "offeror beside O.H.G. bluostar 
'ofTering'. O.H.G. ouwu O.lcel. ey (pi. ey/ar) marshy land, island' 
f watery' f- scil. 'earth', cp. Gr. noXsfiia "enemy's land") for 'afj>»-i<( 
{I g 444 c p. 330). beside Goth, ahva O.H.G. aha 'water. 

Seuter and feminine forma used as substantives. Goth. reiA-t 
O.H.G. rthh-i u. 'realm, lordship' beside Goth, reik-s 'lord, ruler": 
9kr. rdf-iyd-m, yet cp. Rem. 1 p. 125. Goth, aniibakt-i n. 
'aervice' from attdbakts 'servant', piub-i n. 'theft' from piufs 'thief. 
Goth, hduhlsti n, 'the highest height' from hdtiJiists 'highest': 
op. 9kr. jyniffh-t/a-in 'highest power' from jye^as 'most power- 
ful'; Goth, unhdili n. 'illness' from unitdils 'ill'. O.H.G. di^-(i)H 
f 'theft' beside Goth, pivhi n. Goth. ga-riud-j5 f. shame' (trans- 
ferred to the n-decl,), beaidc ga-riud-i n., from ga-riups modest, 
chaste'. 

It is probable that some of the adjectival compounds of 
West-Germanic (aud Norae) like O.H.G, keii-muot-i 'hot-tempered, 
passionate' lang4ib-l 'longaevus' are old jo-stems (cp. Kluge. Noni- 
Stammb. p. 77. 104). We must certainly claas here Goth. 
uf-dip-ei-s 'imdcr an oatb, bound by oath', and the Goth. 
substantival neuter forms fdura-iiauH 'that which is before the 
door, street' utida-tiaht-i 'the time close on night', 

Balto-Slavonio. In Lithuanian the suffix \a no 
longer m use to form adjectives; but it often occuru in groups 
of compounded suffixes, as -itt-i-s {mtd-\n-i-s 'wooden'). 



The BulSs -io- -id-, -ijo- -I'ld-. 131 

Masculine forms used as subHtanfives. arkl-y'S 'horBe' from 
drlUa-s 'plough'. To this class also belong musG-ji-s "he who is 
oure' from gen, musH oui-' {cp. O.C.Sl. tmSl 'our' for "naa-^ 
beside the gen. ««s«), PrftsaicsiH-Ji-s 'he who belongs to the 
family PrOsaicziat, and the like. 

Some masc. forma are derived from substantival neuters: 
ilg-i-a 'length' from Uga-s 'long', s^att-i-s 'coldness' from szdtta-a 
'cold' etc. (cp. the Slavonic below). 

This -io- appears in adjectival and indeed in most other 
compounds ; e. g. trl-rqS-i-s 'three-pronged' from rqm-s 'prong', 
mitAtzt-gah-i-s 'soft-headed' i. e. 'weak-headed" from galcti 
'head', apy-vakar-i-s 'the time towards evening' (an adj. used 
as a subst.). The general practice of forming compounds with 
-JO- may have sprung from this group of words. 

In Slavonic it is still hving as an adjectival formative 
(iuffix {-je- = orig. -jo- and -Xje- -ije- = orig. -iio-, I § 36 
\>. 37), forming adjectives from the names of living beings, e. g. 
niaterJ 'motherly' from mati, clovicf 'human' from Slovf/cU, oiffdi 
and oeKcljJ oxri^jX 'ovium' from oclcu, synovR 'filii" (for the / see 
I § 147 p. 132) from sy/iii (sywop-, cp. Skr. i^ac-yi'i- relating 
to an arrow' from iiu-, Gr. aartTo-c: for VaattZ-io-f 'town-like' 
from aarv), boe-ljt boB-iJf 'divine' from bogU, ditfjX dSvifl 
'maidenly' from d6va, 

Seuter forms used as substantives: ostrtje 'sharpness' from 
oslrU 'sharp', lakomXje 'greedinesa' from lakomu 'covetous, greedy' 
(cp. Lith. ilgi-s and the like), poUlzije 'usefulness, use' from 
pottza 'useful', ziiatnmije 'designation, mark, token' from 5M«mf 
mark, token' and (with collective meaning) kamen^e stone-work, 
stones' from kami/ 'stone', dr({£ije 'timber-work, beams' from 
drugs 'beam', and so forth. Feminine forms: susa 'dryness* 
from suchii 'dry', tiroida 'folly' from f^odii 'foolish', bratrXja 
braitja 'brotherhood, brothers' (cp. Gr. yprfro/o). In all these 
instances the adjectives from which the substantives ciime have 
fallen out of use. 

Only isolated examples of adjectival compounds have this 
suffix ; 0. g. hez-otU) 'without a father, fatherless" {oiXci 'father') 



132 The Suffix -io- -Art-, -iio- -iiS-. §63. 

heZ'iimVi 'without sense, unintelligeut' {umu 'sense') like Litli. 
be-tet'is be-proti-s. 

Remark 3. The fact that in many oases we cannot tell whether 
-j(o- is primary or secondary (see Rem. 1) naturally suggests the question, 
whether its use as a secondary suffix may not be wholly due to a relation 
accidentally established between io-formations which originally were primary, 
and nouns containing the same root, as for instance between *rig-%io- and 
*reg' *rulcr, king*. In this case it would be questionable whether the 
disappearance of the -o- and -d" of the stem was a real phonetic process, 
or whether, which is far more probable, some originally primary formation, 
e. g. *juQ'iO' (y/^JeuQ- 'joke to, unite*) was brought into connexion witli 
a noun like *jug6-m *yoke\ and that this alone caused the apparent loss of 
the stem-final wherever it takes place. Such instances as Skr. hhuran-yd^H 
'he is active* derived from bhurana- 'active*, Gtr. fttiXloaio for */itdiX'^ ^'^"^ 
fifOuxo'; must also, no doubt, be taken into account. I must content myself 
here with directing attention to these questions, which are still unsettled. — 
On these points the student may now be referred also to Windisch, tl'ber 
die Yerbalformen mit dem Character i?, p. 55 f. 

3. There are some adjectives in wiiieh -i'o- appears to have 
had a comparative meaning (ep. super), ^medh-^mo-s § 72 
b(»side *medh'lO'S *mediu8*), so that -ies- -is- (e. g. in Skr. compar. 
ndv'ijas- superl. ndv-i^-tha-y § 81. 185) may b(? regarded as an 
extension of -/o- by an 5-suffix. 

^al'iO'S alius*: Armen. aU^ Gr. aklo-i;,* Lat. alius O.Ir. aile 
Gotli. alj'is; ep. Ar. "^an-ia- alius* (Skr. anyd- Avest. anya- 
O.Pers. aniyu') , which is derived from another root but is 
similarly formed. • ^medh-lo-s *medius*: Skr. rnddhya-s 'medius', 
Armen. inej^ gen. mijoy^ 'midst', Gr. (.Uaao^^ utGo-c^ Lat. tuediit-Sy 
Gall. Medio'Uiatrici ^ O.C.Sl. fem. used substantivally mezda 
'boundary* for *medla (ep. (J.Sax. middect O.Icel. midja — a 
weak fem. — *midst*). *Heij io- beside ^neu-o-s new, young' (ep. 
Skr. mi, Gi\ rr etc.): Skr. ndi^ya-s, (XIr. nile (Gall. Novio- 
dunu'm)s Uoth. uinji-s, Lith. nauja-s, Skr. sav-^yd-s O.C.Sl. 
67(./7 'left* (cp. I § 185 p. 11)1). Gr. JfS-io-c nght*. 

Certain possessive pronouns with -/o- should be placed 
in this grou]): e. g. Lat. meu-s for *me'io-s (I § 134 
p. 121) Pruss. metis (stem ina^ia-) O.C.Sl. mo-jX *my', Osc. 
tiium *ru' Vmbr. tin tiom *te*, properly *tuum*, Pruss. ftvais 



S 63,64. 



The Suffix - 



133 



(trtem twa-ia-) 0.C.81. tvo-fi 'thy', and further Skr. mad-iya-$ 
'my' tad-tt/a-s 'hia, eiua'. Then e. g. 'tne-io- would be related 
to *mo- (AvoBt. ma- Cfr. t/io-) as Or. vftd-rt(>o-g to r/io'-i,-. 

Wc should also include certain ordinal numerals with -io-. 
Skr. paro-itid- pArt-iya- 'previous, first', Avest. pavirya- 'first', 
(.Jr. ngiur^v 'lately' for 'npbif-iS-r (I § 306 p. 242). Skr. dvit-fya- 
Avest. bit-ya- 'second'. Skr. tft-tya- Aveat. prit-ya- Lat. tert-iu-a 
(Joth. prid-ja-n- Litli. treczias for "tret-ia-s O.C.Sl. Iret'tji 
third' beside Gr. rpt'ro-c. Ski", ttir-ya- tur-tya- Avest. tuirya- 
fourth' for *ktur- (I § 471 p. 343). 

This third funotion of the auffix -io- appears also in active 
use in sopte of the separate Indo-Gernianic languages, E. g. 
tJoth. fairneis O.H.G. frni 'old' and Goth, alpeis 'old' may have 
been formed on the model of muji-s. 

§ 94. The Suffix -yo- -U&-, -nyo — utja-. This is 
both primai7 and secondary; it is found in siibstantives and 
adjectives, but no special meaning can be assigned to it. In 
Latin and German we must notice its frequent use in forniiug 
adjectives to denote colour, a function it acquired simply by 
analogical extension. In these and in some other languages -yo- 
nppeare still as a living sufKx. 

Jdg. *ek-^-s 'horse', fein. "eh-ija (often referred to Skr. 
(U-ii-l Or. iiJx-tJ%- 'swift' Lat. acu-pediu-s, but it is difficult to 
reconcile the vocaUam): Skr. dhia~s n4t>a, Gr. iVnoj,- (the fern, 
perhaps survives in Innij-fioXyot 'milkers of mares'), Lat. equo-s 
ejiw, O.Ir. ech. Goth, alhva- seen in ailiva- fundi 'lidto^', Litli. 
aazv&. "si-u^- 'hring' {v^gei- 'to be astir, to live'): Skr. ;'lpd- 
Let. tfco-s Mod.Cymr. byw Goth, qiu-t (stem qiva-) htth. g^cas 
O.C.SL itpS. *uidheifO- -eyd- beside Skr. cidk- 'become empty, 
lack': Skr, vidhdva-s 'unnmrrted' vidhnva 'widow', Gr. riiS&o-q 
'unmarried' (the explanation of the ^- is doubtful; see Wheeler, 
Der grieeh. Nom'malaco. HO), Lat. viduo-s vidua, O.Ir. fedb 
Mod.Cyim'. pwtddw (I § 174 p. I.i4) Goth. vidurS (M-atem) 
",C,91, tffdoDfi 'widow'; the word should no doubt be analysed 
*uid/ie-vo- anil compared with words like Skr. yaj-a-ld-s darS- 



134 The Suffix -t^o- -3^-, -Mtfo- -wtfa-. §64. 

-a-^rf-s Gr. fpzr-f-roV Aa^-^-m-^*, containiiig the -e- of thematic 
verbal stems (§ 79. 100), cp. Lat. vac-uo-s etc. below. 

-tfo- occurs as a secondary suffix in *p9tf'U0- ^p^tf-uo- and 
*pdti''U'iO' (a derivative form with -io-) 'fathers brother, uncle*: 
Skr. pitpoya- Gr. (Ion. Cret.) nuLXQODq for ^natpw-ft^g (pco- = -f-, 
I § 306 p. 241 f.) Lat. patruo-s O.H.G. fetiro and fatureo 
{^fadur^la-n')'^ for the Avest. tuirya- see Bartholomae, Bezzen- 
berger's Beitr. X 271 f. 

In the form -uuo-, Skr. dhr-uvd- *firm' beside O.C.Sl. ^- 
'dravu zdravu *sound, healthy* for ^-dor-vti. 

Aryan. Skr. vU-va- Avest. O.Pers. rrspa- (I § 159 !p. 142J *air 
(in Skr. it also means 'containing or pervading all'), beside Skr. vH- 
'enter, penetrate, take possession of* (orig. 'completely filled* or 
'filling', cp. Skr. Sa-Svant- Gr. nag § 126). Skr. fk-vd^ praising*. 
Skr. pak'Vd' *ripe* (from pac- 'to cook*). We have already noticed 
that Skr. dhruvd- 'firm* should be classed here, i. e. dhr-uvd- 
with the dissyllabic form of the suffix, cp. O.C.Sl. sU'dram- 
'sound, healthy' for *''d(n''VU^). 

The suffix is also denominative in some instances; e. g. 
Skr. k^a-vd-s 'long-haired* from ksSa-s 'hair*, rOsna-vd-s 'provided 
with a girdle' from rdsnd- 'girdle', aHji-vd'S 'slippery, smooth' 
from o%*M unguent*, rajX-vd^s 'striped' from rajt- 'stripe'. 

In some cases it is doubtful whether the suffix is primary 
or denominative: Skr. pAr-va-s 'former, earlier' Avest. pourva- 
O.Pers. paruva- (read parva-) 'earlier': Qr. *7r(>oi-/o- seen in 
Dor. ngdy 'formerly* for ^ngw-fd-v and in ngiovo-g Dor. nQaxa-g 
'first' for *7r(>w-/-aro-^ (I § 306 p. 242), O.C.Sl. prX-ty-jX 'first'. 
Similarly Avest. a^-va- O.Pers. ai-va- 'unus': Gr. ol-fo-g oTo-g 
'alone', cp. *ai-MO- in Lat. oino-s Unu-s etc. 

Armenian, fea-, seen in kea-nS (gen. ken-ac) 'life' and 
other words, seems to have been developed from ^kiva- and 
accordingly to belong to the stem *si'UO- (see above). Compare 
Ilubschmann, Armen. St. I 35. 



1) Elsewhere -uva- for -en- in the Rig -Veda is *a sporadic aud 
doubtful exception*. See Edgren, Journ. of the Amer. Orient. Soc. XI 82. 



»M. 



The Sutlii -no- 



135 



Greek. o'pSo-c 'upright' for *6(j!>-/o-^: Skr. Urdhvd-s 
'upright', Lat. artluo-s, O.Ir. ard (ardd art) 'high, great, noble'; 
^ffith which we may compare Arduetma sUva, Idg. "frfA-yo-s, 
»top-fe (iu Thesaal. ? inacr.), lou. xov^t; Dor. ndipfi Att. ko^j; 'girl' 
a § 166 p. 146 f.). i«r(/>'-i.' 'left': Lat. laevo-s O.C.SI. Mwi 
'left'; compare no doubt Germ. *slai-va-s 'weary, weak, dull, 
slow' {0.n.G. sl?o A.S. slaw O.Ieel. sljSr), ao that this word for 
'left' would represent the opposite of the universal In do- Germanic 
■word for "right", Skr, ddk^na- Gr. <Je|io-c etc., in ns Tuuch ae the 
■ iriginal meaning of the latter involved this notion of strength, 
ability, or cleverneBfl, as is shewn by the Skr. ddk$a' 'strong, 
able, skilful', 'xtv-fo-i; 'empty' Leab. xhvvoi,- Ion. xtnn-q Att. 
ww>-c'); the by-form xete-fo-^, represented by Cypr. ytvivJ'ny 
Ion. wwo'-j;, IB parallel to if-po'-^- beside /-(jo'-c, and similar pairs 
t>f forms. 

-fo- us a secondary sufhx is no doubt to be traced iu verbal 
adjectives ending in -rjo-t,', which stands for *-ti-fo-^, as 3uu«Tfo-,- 
'lo be pursued', and in adjectives in -ai*o-i,, standing for -akt- 
-/o-$, as pioyaXto-Q 'fragmeotary, torn': tliese are bosed on stems 
in -TO- and -ako-. 



formed with -jo-, 
corruption uf a ti 



Heiiod'a jmtud'; either 
*-r*-/-io-i, or (which seel 
ae Hesiodic (onn ^arfwi-,- 
<ent in (-e.t<-r 
iDtjlic irords o 



repreeents on ex tended stem 
lems tu lUG less likelyj is a later 

a aboTP) suggests the oo:ijeotnre 
-r.o'-( (cp. I § 878 p. 542 f.), and 
same type. 



that -aito-; aftprwardj oontormed to 

-/o- as* )i secondary suffix is perhaps also to be recognised 
in iao-g Cret. f-iafn-c 'equal', since the word may be referred to 
•si(-j-, a weak from of the stem of •ycfd-es- *?^oc (cp. § 132); 
ihe pr. Gr. form will then have been *hza-fo-g, cp. Umbr. 
mersuva from *med-(e)s- cited below, inni; has already been 
connected with tHo/iai by Bechtel, Philolog. Anzeiger 1886 
p. 15, who jilso gives the pr. Gr. form as '*/ii!a/o^', but 
DO satisfactory explanation of the a. 



1) la the Att nrotigoi Mrroiara; the nse of o instead of u (oontrut 
iift«() is a Temiiiiaceiice of the older ronn 'avfoi. Cp. % 75. 



136 The Suffix -^o- -1^-, 'U^O' -utfa-. §64. 

Here too we should no doubt class ^ivfo-g 'strange, foreign' 
Ion. ^Biyo-g Att. f/vo-^ (I § 166 p. 146); yet it is not clear 
whether -/o- is primary or secondary. 

Italic. Lat. ar-vo-m^ Umbr. arvam-en *in arvum': 
Mod.Cymr. er-w 'cultivated land' Bret, er-v *furrow'. Lat. 
sal-vO'S^ Unibr. salvom saluvam 'salvum' salvatn 'salyam': com- 
pare Skr. sdr-va-s Gr. ovlo-g oXo-g (*o>l-/o-c) *all, whole*. 
Lat. v^vO'S Osc. bivus nom. Vivi': Skr. Jf-vd-s etc., see 
p. 138 above. Lat. ccU-vo-s: Skr. kul-va-s *bald\ Lat. scae-vo^s: 
Gt, axai'(J^)6'g 'left*, and add O.Icel. skeika *go awry, go 
wrong* (^skaikd- for *siaitia-, see S. Bugge, Paul-Br. Beitr. 
Xni 515). In words denoting colours: hel-vo-s: O.H.G. gdo 
'yellow', common ground- form *§hel-uo^s; gU^vo-s^ ftd-vO'S^ 
fta-vO'S (for Hhl^uO'Sy compare O.H.G. Uoo 'blue'?), rO-vo^, 
fur-vo-s (I § 569 p. 426). Such forms as vactw^Sj fiocuo^^ 
perspicuous y assiduo-s may be of the same kind as vidtio^s; 
vacuo-s^ for instance, will then have come from *«?ace-jfo-5, the 
intermediate stage being ^vacouo-s (I § 65 p. 52). 

The sufiix is secondary in Minerva for *meneS'Ua beside 
Skr. mdnaS" Gr. /itwa- n. 'mind, sense' (cp. Skr. manas-vhi^ 
'having sense, intelligent'); Umbr. mersuva abl. 'solita' for 
*mef8-ufi(d), i. e. *iM«d(e)s-tio- from mef-s 'ius*. Also in 
Lat. annuo-s from annti-Ss str^uo-s beside Gr. orp^ro-c 
'strength', cenmo-s from *cerfho^ (or *rerwrt-) for *cers-tio- 'head', 
op. Gr. x(Hivy6 nQfJrrj (a/^^i-xpiSri'O-c) for ^xQcta-ra; here too we 
should pn>bably place the examples of -110-5 from *-e-jfO-s, cp. 
Skr. A'^-wi-y Cir. cJift»Krf-(/)o-s>\ 

Remark 2. 1>o the ii<yectiT08 in -iro-s^ as capfiro-s furtico-^ semen- 
;ir%t'S nocirtf-s nuliro-**, come from feminine forms in -i- (cp. Skr. rdjl^rd-s^j 
or from deriT«tive verbs in -irr (^m*c$re\ like Lith. doli^ra'S from daly-ti^ 
SUt. chodi-tH from choHiti (see bi'low)y In either case there most have 
been a change of usage, fnun the primary to the denominative or rice tersu. 

Old Irish, tar-h Gall, tar-tihs Mod.Cvmr. tor-ir 'ox\ 
usually i*om|virod with Gr. rar^>o-c, which is said to stand for 
*ra^/o-^» (I § t>39 p. 479). mar-h MiHl.Cymr. Mar-w *dead', eom- 
parod with \ ""hiit- \lio* (op. Rom. ;U. 



3. Ogthotf regards marb an modelled on the form o( its 
nppnril* 'gi-vo-», O.Ir. bin beo Mod.Cjmr. fcyip, whilst Br^al iVLim. de In 
Sue. J« linsu. VI 127) holda that eion the Lat.-81av. *iitpv'>- "dead* (Lat. 
"orfiw-jr 0.C.B1. mrltTu} was (iriginally 'mfo- imd that it wa» altered on 
ihetime analog. This seems tt> me not unlikelr; and I would also 
tiUM that poBBibly the Kelt. -Germ, 'lietca-vo- 'dexter' (O.Ir. lUm O.Cjrar. 
''ftw, Qotli. li'lhava) ma; owe ite suffix lo one of the twu words for the 
oppoiile idea., '/aitw- •(loj-jto- (see pp. 135, I36J (cp. Gf. ^!t.r(p<f-c on the 
mil);; cf afirrgi!-;. late Lat. senexter instoad of ainialer ou the aualof;; 
il iltiltr, and manv sinilnr examples, Ber. der aBohs. Oegellnch. der WiM., 
IMS, p. mi f) 

Germaaic. (joth, hldi-v n. O.H.fJ. klSo, gen. hliwes, 'grave- 
nwund ground-form •Woi-wo-: Lnt. di-vo-s, \^Bei- 'lean, incline'. 
A.8. taro O-Icel. qrr Wift' from whicli Finn, areas in borrowed; 
tp. 8tt. dr'Van- 'hasting;, awift'. O.H.G. rdwa ruowa 'quietude, 
f«l' pr. Germ. Vg-ye- Vfl-wfl-; Gr. tpio-(f)ij 'letting loose, ces- 
wtion, re«t'. Words denoting colour; O.H,G. gelo: Lat. helvo-s, 
'*.H.G. solo 'black, dirty', O.H.G. bloo 'blue' (compare Lat. 
'''Iw-jF), A.S. baso 'purple' etc. (Kluge, Nam. Srammb. 81). 

Balto-Slavonic. Litb. py-«a-s 'beer O.C.Sl. jn-vo "draught, 
intoiicating drink", compared with pi- 'to drink' (O.C.Sl. jh-U 
'"drink" Skr. pi-tH 'draught' Gr. m-vM 'I drink' etc.); and 
"'"w this is no doubt identical witii pi- 'swell, be fat' (Oathoff, 
ilorph, XJat. IV 41. 167), the word must be closely related to 
Skr, pi-ca-s Or. 7iHf)D-q 'fat'. Lith. pat-t>a-s O.CSl. pla-v^ 
yeQowiBh white, tawny' (it is possible that the Lith. word was 
""rrowed from the Slav.): 0,H.G. falo 'fallow, tawny'. Pruss. 
'?-M- O.C.Sl. 81-vfi 'g^fty': related to Skr. iya-va- 'dark brown'. 
'W ptt-wo O.C.Sl. pU-va 'chafi", beside Lith. petat pi. 'chaff'. 
f'i'h. pil-va-8 'belly'; kal-vd "hillock' (from kH-ti 'to lift"). 
'■^■■%krava "cow' for *kor-Vfl (Lith. kdrve, containing a further 
""•ffix), compare Lat. cer-rn-E: ffri-va'av.in'.'': Hkv. grT-t>d 'nape, 

In Lithuanian it occurs in adjectives in -tf-va-s, connected 
""a wrbs in -y-ti, as daly-vc-8 'sharing in' (dalyvu IMt he a sharer 
"I ) from daly-li "to divide', ak^-m-s 'provided with eyea, in- 
'liwitiTe' from akyti 'U\ get eyes, become poroua' (cp. akijla-s 
I'tijerrant'). In Slavonic there are adjectives in -i-Du •ii-vii. 



138 The Suffix -no- -ndr^ -^«o- -^mo- and §64,65. 

connected with verbs in -i-ti ^a-ti^ as chodp-vu 'moving' from chodi-ti 
'to go*, Ijidn-vu loving' from Ijubi^ti *to love*, Ictska-vU 'coaxing, 
flattering' from laska-ti \o flatter', d&a-vu ^effective, active' from 
dSla-ti *to effect, work*. These adjectives in -y^va-s -uvu are 
parallel to the Latin adjectives in -TvO'S; see Rem. 2. 

§ 66. The Suffixes -no- -n5-, -^no^ ^^na^ and 
-eno — end-j -ono- -on(Z-^). 

With regard to the relation of -^no- to -no-j see I § 227 
p. 193 f. 

It is often maintained that the first vowels of -eno -owo- 
are tlie same as the verbal thematic vowels e and o, so that e. g. 
the stem of Skr. bharana-m act of bearing* is to be divided 
into bhara-na-^ and compared with the bhdra- of the 3. sing. 
bhdra-ti] and that of Goth, balran *to bear', into baira-na-^ 
and compared with the baira- of the 1. pi. baira-'tn. This 
analysis cannot be justified by reference to forms like ^ddno-m 
act of giving (Skr. ddna-m,, Lat. ddnu-m) beside Hher- 
eno-m ^bherono-m *act of bearing', or to such as part. pass. 
*dhSn0'8 seen in O.H.G. gi-tdn *done' O.C.Sl. o-d^u *done round 
with, set round with, clothed' beside O.H.G. gi-zog-an 'drawn' 
{'Ono') O.C.Sl. nes-enu *bome' (-e»o-). In these forms it is very 
far from certain that the suffix is -mo- (stem *ddnO' = y^d^ 
+ suffix -W0-, and so forth), since there is good reason for 
believing that the initial vowel of the suffix was contracted 
with the vowel of the root in proethuic Indo- Germanic, in 
just the same way as, for instance, the 3. sing. conj. *d(^ti 
(Skr. ddii) from *rf^-e-rt (see I § 115 p. 107). Now if wo con- 
sider that it is just in tenses which have no thematic vowel 
that -eno' -ono- has firmly established itself as a participial 
suffix (Skr. biblwI-and'S Goth. bU-an-s from y'^bheid- split, bite'. 
Goth, fulg-in-s 'hidden', O.C.Sl. nes-enxi 'borne*, Skr. dm^-and'H 
beside tho indie. dvLs-te^ dvi}- *hate', Avest. yn-ana- beside the 
indi'". ;//-(% /an- 'slay*) it will be seen that for our purpose it 



1 ) Schnorr von CarolstVld, Da^ lat. Suffix anility Aroliiy f. lat. Lezioogr. 
I 177 ff. 



»tJ,M. 



im 



is abeolutely npceaaary to regard -eno- -one- as a simple iudivi- 
sible mfGx. From its usage it is clear that this suffix is very 
closely related to -ho- -^tio-; and there is nothing to prevent 
ijur aasuniing that -wo- -^no- are the weak-grade forms cor- 
rNponding to -etio- -onu-, just as we have aide by side -uino- 
(■«|(no-?), -nieiio- -mono- (g 71) and -tro- -i^ro-, -tero- -toro- 
(§75). The assumption of this ablaut-relatinu, i. e. that -no- 
urae from -eno- (-ono-), would still hold good even though we 
regsriled -eno- as ultimately divisible into two elements l-e-, -o- 
T -NO-) , cp. *nid^t- the weak-gvade form beside *rudo->it- 

This H-8uffix formed chiefly verbal nouns, partly adjectives 
apd psrtly substantives ; the latter especially in the neuter and 
frniinine, with abstract meaning (see g 158). 

The sufBx -(e)>io- ia character is ed by its fertility as a 
piirticipial and infinitival suffix io several languages, and 
»Miii' i»f the groups of adjeetives and participles which it formed 
vm. very extensive. 

As a secondary suftLv it did pot spread far until the Indo- 
Oerinanic languages had begun their separate developement. and 
then only in a few branches. 

Hcmiirk. Sometimes . 
puiirulir word «e have the 
"^ ••>: i. e. an example 
'"Itr LI UDdoubtedly tlie cb' 
?»Mn-i-* beside pil^dn- nun 
*H' (or •ii.^-i beaide O.C. 



s not easy Cu diittingtush whetlicr in uny 
iffix -(fjna- or an en-item exteniteU bj the 
r transference into the. o-devleasion. The 
B. g. in Skr. I'liii-o-s beside d^iitt- m. 'stone', 
of a. deity ig 60 p, 1I2J, Qr, fM- . 'young 
jeleu' 'stag', ix-'ir-rj 'whetBtone' beside Bkr. 



-. Lat. iiullu't for 'piibi-o-a beside Goth. X"''"' 'iosi', l^ith. Jekn-oa pi. 
'li'H' lieBide Skr. ifihn-. On the other hand it is doubtful wFielber Lai. 
"yia-in rantBtns the sufHx -no-, or is an fj-atom which has passed oTcr 
••flieo- declension, and is therefore identical with Sltr. rilj'iin- 'govern- 
■*«, regimen'. Cp. g 71 R«ni., g 94 Ilem. 

§86. I. The Suftix iu the form -no- -{}no-. Tlie 
•unn -no- is found especially hi verbal adjectives, which, like 
■iiiiBe in -to- (§ 79), veTe made froin the verbal stem (not from 
' particular tense-stem). In Sanskrit these adjectives formed 
' 'airly large class of participles by the aide of the to- participles 
*ii'l of similar character. They are chiefly passive in meaning. 



140 The Suffix -no- "lyio-. §66. 

Besides these there are numerous substantives, many of which 
can be shown to have existed in the proethnic language, of 
different genders and generally abstract in meaning. 

The form -^tio- has on the whole the same value as -no-. 
Yet it must be observed that not -no-^ but only -^no- appears to 
occur as the medial participial sufBx of non-thematic present forms. 

The nouns formed with -no- -^no-, when used as adjectives 
(participles), have almost always the weak grade of ablaut in 
the root-syllable (the suffix bearing the accent, e. g. *;?|-wo- 
'filled* y/^pel-^ Skr. pur-nd-)^ but as substantives more commonly 
the strong grade form (e. g. *qoi'n(l requital', y^j^i-, Gr. woi-Kiy). 
Differences like ^sup-no- ^suep-no- *s\/u>p'nO' *sleep' are indications 
that the strength of the root-syllable varied within the case- 
system of the same word. 

Idg. *pl'7i6' *pl'n6' 'filled, full', from y/^pel- 'fill': Skr. pOrnd-s 
Avest. per^na- Gr. perhaps noXXoi many* (see I § 306 p. 242), O.Ir. 
ton, Goth, fidh pr. Germ, ^fulna-z^ Lith. pUna-s O.C.Sl. plunu\ 
cp. Skr. pur-td'S Lith. pU'ta-s 'filled'. ^pU-no- 'filled* from plB- 
'to fill*: Skr. prdnd^s hsit plenu-s ; cp. Skr. prO^td^s Lat. im^pU- 
'tus 'filled*. Skr. dnna-m 'food* for ^ad-^ia- (I § 477, p. 352) Gr. 
IS-avo-g 'eatable* sd-avo-v 'food* {vdih -^wo-, see below), y/^ed- 
*eat*. Avest. pe/nd- f. Goth, fullo f. (which has passed over to 
the fi -declension) 'fullness*, ^qoi-na- f. requital* from y/^qei- 
(Skr. cay- Gr. r^x*)- Avest. ka^nO- 'punishment*, Gr. Tiotrf] 
'requital, punishment, reward', O.C.Sl. c^na 'price*, ^sup-no- 
^s^p-nO' sf^op-nO' m. 'sleep, dream*: Skr. svdptm-s^ Arm. Jtun 
i^suop-no', I § 162 p. 145, § 201 p. 169) Gr. v7rvo-^>, Lat. 
somnU'S (probably *Buep'nO'^ I § 172 p. 152) O.Ir. suan O.Cynu". 
huH (cp. 1 § 339 Rem. p. 269), O.lcel. svefn^ Lith. sdpna-s 
O.C.Sl. sihm, 

*letiqsnO' or */oj«j*vjo- shining*: Avest. raoxsna- 'shining*, 
Lat. liVm O.Lat. inscr. lospia for ^laucsndj O.Ir. bmn 'moon', 
Pruss. lauxfios pi. 'stars', compared with leuq-s- in Skr. ruisd- 
'shining*, liUt. iUasiri-s for *in'loi^S'tri'S ^ A.S. Ifxan lyxan 
give light' for Viuhs-jan, from \'^leuq'\ on the other hand, 
without -5-, O.Sax. log-ua (o probably short) 'flame*. Words 



S«- 



TliB Suffix - 



141 



of thii kind with -s- gave rise to a form -sno-, regarded as a singit; 
(nffis, which occurs in a few words; sue below. Cp, -s-ni- § 94. 
Pres. medio-pass. part, with -pno- {beaidp this is founil 
■om-, cp. § K7). *!cei-^no- 'lying' beside the indie, 8kr, i^ts 
Gr.MJ-rac Avest. satf-ana- lying' (Skr. upari-iaifand-m 'resting- 
ykec"), (tf. ii-itfaro-Q 'he who surrounds' (c|*. Skr. d-SetS; vou 
Fierlinger. Kuhn'e Ztsclir. XXVTl 477)- Or. tJ-ay6-^ eatable' 
bmide the iudic. Skr. tid-mii Jrefo'-i,- 'drees, clouk' for "fta-arn- 
beaide the indie. Skr. cds-te. 



This T 



r of Ar. - 



- ftud of Gr. . 



fat at thaj 

kitr the Bune m^arnng ah -uiiiHi- -mtio- and -^fro-, caunot be called 
'tnm. A.i my pupil Herr U. UJrt remindB me, they may be regarded as 
luriag trUen from •-^iio-, just 4U< th« participial Ar, -aim- can be referred 
Wibu)-; see g 67, b. Rem. p. 152. 

The meaning of -no- is not clear in *oi-no-a 'unus': Gr. 
<"Vf oiy^ ace on a die', Lat. oino-s oenu-s unu-3 O.Ir. oett Goth. 
dim Lith. D^tia-s O.C.Si. inu. 

Aryan. Skr. M-«a- "where something is lacking, defective' 
Ami. Una- 'empty" from V^ey- (Gr. fv-t-t-i; 'needing, bereft'). 
8tr, j^wf- 'diminished, vanished, waning": compare perhaps Or. 
^1-m-xa.oTTog 'with fruit vanishing or vanished' (cp. Pick, Worterb. 
I' 2311, Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 115). Skr. dTtnd- 'torn to 
pitces, scattered, beheaded' Avest. dar'-nd- f. Vleft, ravine': 
".H.O. eorn A.S. lorn o. 'indignation, auger', properly 'a torn 
"f rent eimdition of the temper' (ground-form *d^-riQ-m). Skr. 
'tmi- 'hound' (da- 'bind'), bhvg-nd- 'bent' {hhuj- 'bend'), bitinnu- 
'plit' for *bkid-tm- (bhid- 'split') ; thus it frequently appears 
« » living participial suftix. Skr. u^-\\d- 'hot', alao aubst. m. 
«il n. as well aa f. (Kj-«(l-) "heat'. Skr. bradh-nd-s 'palo', 
''•C.SI. bt-onil 'whitish' for *brod-}m. Skr. tunas 'sheath, quiver', 
gniUDii-fnrm *tl-m-s, \/~'tel- (Gr. rfia;uw»' etc.) Skr. yaj-ad- 
■>'(«(. jfiis-tKi- m. 'worship, aacrihce', y'^iag- 'to honour' (for 
'fip ■>■ of the Avpst. form see I § 403 Rem. p. 298); Or. iy-^h 
f^'erod. hallowed, pure'. Skr. praS-nd- Avest. fras-na- m. 
■"CMiitin', \^ preK-. Skr. slhvtna- 'post, pillar' for *»M«r-(iB-, Avest. 
'Mufl. iu haiaMrii-stana- 'with UKHI piiinrs', ground-foi-m *s/|-»(I-: 
''r. ffr»/ijj, see p. 1415. 



With -*- between root and suffix: 8kr. llk-^d- 'sharp' (cp. 
tig-mi' 'sharp'), Aj-^-anrf- 'whole, complete', and other examples. 

The existence of Aryan -ana- = -y.na- is hard to verifj-, 
because of its coincidence in form with orig. -eno-. Besides 
examplea like Ved, yaj-and- beside yaj-fid- (I § 227 p. 193 ff.) 
and the above mentioned medio-pass. prcs. part. (ep. also Avest. 
aoj-ana- beside impf. indie, aox-ta, ku-tw-ana- beside pres. 
indie, hti-nu-itf and others), we sliould perhaps add here- 
Sanskrit oxytone adjectives like krSi-and- 'screambg', rSc-nnd- 
'shining' far-ana- 'perishable', with the abstract substantives 
ioet-and 'the dawning' jarand old age' (cp. Gr. <TTf/nv6-i and 
nztY-dyrj)\ the palatal sound instead of the guttural in rdcand- 
sacand- and other words was taken from such forms as rScatc 
(see 1 § 448 Rom. p. 333). Cp. -nni- = -^ni- § 95, and -anu- 
= -p«M- g 106. 

It is only occasionally usud as n secondar)- sufHs. Skr. 
strai-ijo- 'femala' from stri- 'woman', pdiis-nd- 'male' from 
pifs- 'man', purtl-iui- 'former, old' from purd adv. "formerly*. 
Here also come vadkasnd-m 'deadly weapon' beside tadhd-s aud 
vddhar, of similar meaning, and kfirdma-s 'foreami' (cp. kard-s 
'hand'), if they contain -««-stems, cp. Goth. klditHisnas pi. f. 'grave' 
beside neut. hldiv with similar meaning: the Sanskrit ending 
is in most cases explained as -(i-sma-. 

Armenian, hin 'sleep' from •*j.(0/»-«o-, see p. 140 above. 
gi-n, gen. f/-no-t/, 'cost' from "ttes-no- or *uSs-no-: Skr. vas-nds 
Gr, wro-y wvt'i "sale-price, value' for *fiuo-vo- -v6-, Lat. vSnu-m 
for *pes-tio- or *vSs-no-. Perhaps we should add vasn 'ou 
account of (beside O.Pers. vas-na- and Avcst. vas-na- 'will, 
favour', Y''ifeli^; the Avest. form is for *vai>ta- through the 
influence of the pres. vas'-mi), and the derivative tifi-aiw 'empty' 
(beside Skr. tJ-«H-; Armen. w- for Idg. ey-, cp, Gr. tr-H-g). 

Greek, nzvy-vo-^ 'hated', tinnp-i'd-c 'scattered, rare, thin', 
beside nntiQuj. affivti-^ 'revered' for *aeii-vn-c, VfjfQ- ' 8 49'i 
p. 362). oTj^-co'-ff 'covered, covering'. o/ffpiJ-*")-; terrible'. ...^k- 
'fog 'sprinkled, motley, dark': O.H.G. forhana f, 'I'-'ut', ground- 
form 'p^%-ft(l. id'vog n. 'loan' is no doubt based upon a form 



J 



fiW. 



The Suffii - 



143 



*da-»<i- from y^dS- 'give' (up, § 132). kay-vn-g "lewd, wanton': op. 
Lat. Una for *l&r-tia (beside laxv-s). Xiy-vo-i; 'dainty, greedy': 
cp- 03.G. hcchSn 'lick', for pr. Germ. *likks»a-n from stem *lij-na- 
I § 538 p. 394. ?.pt-.-o-ff <f,(,i'-r)} 'toftd': O.H.O. bra-n "brown". 
»w-i«-i; 'throng, battle': Skr. dka-na-s 'violently moved', of-co-s' 
'wine' oi-vij 'vine' o7-wi-c 'vine-leaf, vine-branch': Lat. Bi-nu-s vi- 
-nu-m and the derivative Arnien. gi-n-i 'wine' (§ G3 p. 127), from 
\-^tfei- to wind', and henoe we should place in the same group 
Ruts, trfn 'wreatir and the derivative O.C.SI. vdn-Xd Lith. t«i«- 
-ika-s wreath'. :ivp-avvo-g ■ouvo-*' 'that with which fire is held. 
Src-tongs, coal-pan' for '-uva-vo- (see Osthoff, Zur Geacli. d. 
Perf. 488) , to which add posBibly Ksp-avvii-g 'lightning flash'. 
rat-ii>-r 'child' fthat which is begotten', from rfunv): O.H.G. 
degan m. boy, servant' pr. Germ. *pej-tid-s. aiip-vo-v breast': 
Skr. sttr-Hti- 'outspread', cp. also O.H.G. stirtia f. 'star' ground- 
form 'stei'-n-ia, \'^sler- 'spread'. *iefi-i'o-, whence i'/iyio-r 
"bedstead', as being a place built' for a bed, from y^dem-. nl^-vt} 
'ooncb, bed': O.II.G. H-na le-na 'support', \^klei- 'aeclinare'. 
ttrijiT] Lesb. aialle 'sepulchral pillar for *atdi-vs ground-form 
*sti-tia- (by-form uiijlit] = *(Trniv-(-fi ?) : Skr. stkiivfl 'post, 
pUlar'see above p. 141, Wy] 'girdle" for*ftiw-co, ^/^jSs-. iftg-vr, 
'dowry' 7i6g-yrj 'whore' beside niQPtjfu 'I sell', ground-form *por-na- 
or 'pf-nd: 

^ra- = -ptto: There are a considerable number of 
Itorticipial words besides those given above on p. 140. urty-atv-^- 
beside nnyiti-g. mS-avo-i; 'easily persuaded, persuasive', aziq- 
-m«-g -a>"] 'wreathing, wreath', /orf-nno-g 'buttocks' (from xi^-to). 
Jpin-aro-v -anj 'sickle', o/-ttro-v -uvt] 'sliield handle' (fifom f/w). 
S't^yavo-v -afJ] 'whetatone'. (T»in-ttvo-v 'covering' (beside oxen- 
-nrn-i;). xoTi-aro-v 'pestle, hatchet'. lOK-di-ij ogx-iivrj 'enclosure'. 
As a secondary suffix it is not uncommon: 
First should he mentioned the words in -lU'Vo- {Lesb. -n-m-, 
Ion. Att, -Hfo-, Dor. -»;ro-) and -uo-io- (Leob. -«if")-. Ion. Att. 
-jjm-. Dor. -e»o-). dXyfii'6-g 'paining, painful' from alyoi^ n. 
'pain', tpafivo-g 'shining' from ^liog n. light', etc. Homeric 
(Lesb.) ipayrn-i; 'lovely' beside epwe (see Solmsen, Kuhn's Ztschr. 



144 The Suffix -no' -^no-, §6e. 

XXIX 70. 109). OfkTJvT] *moon' (Lesb. asldyys) from aiXag n. 
'brightness'. In the oldest adjectives of this sort, which were 
participles of denominative verbs, -no- may have been primary ; 
compare noi^fivo-^ xorsivo-g with nod-iaou Hordaai {^no&sa^oag *xot€C- 
-aai^ and ipao-io-g beside igawo-g. 

Further, under this head come adjectives of time like iugtv6-g 
fjaoivo-g (misspelt eiaQivoq) Vernus', rj^sgivo-q 'daily* vvmsQivo^q 
*nocturnus' ns^aivo-g 'from last year, a year old'. These appear 
to have been formed from locatives, sapt, nigvai (cp. also ijfiag, 
yvnTMp), Then -ivo- broke off and became an independent suffix, 
hence dsd-iv6-g *of the evening', and the like. For analogous 
adjectives in Italic, see below. 

With -aro- as a secondary suffix : xong-ayo-v 'stool' (xongo-g)^ 
^dp-avo-v 'seat' (idgS) and others. Was the suffix -Jaw taken 
from ovTidav6-g 'useless* = ov-n^-avo-g (*nJ = Lat. quid)? Cp. 
-S-ano-g, taken from nod'ano-g and the like (§ 16 p. 32). 

Italic. Lat. pU-nu-s Umbr. plener plenis': Skr. prU-na-Sj 
see p. .140 above. Lat. canu-s for ^cas-no-s^ Osc. Pelign. 
casnar 'senex' (extended by an r-suffix). Lat. vl-nu-s -nu-ntj 
Umbr. vinu 'vinum' Volsc. pinu abl. vino'. Lat. uma for 
*urc'n{i^ Urabr. urnasier *urnariis, feriis'. Lat. fUnu-m for 
^fas-nO'tn^ Umbr. fesnaf-e fem. pi. 'in templum', Osc. ffisnam 
Yisnam fern. ace. *templum', Pelign. /^sw. (abbreviated) *templum', 
beside Lat. fes-UirS fer4ae^ in the ^-series of Ablaut. 

Lat. dJgnU'S as compared with decet^ for *dec-no-8 (1 § 65 
p. 53, § 500 p. 366), or with O.Icel. tTgenn 'distinguished* tfgn f. 
'distinguished rank', for *dic'no-s (v/^rfej£- 'show') dgnu-s: Gr. 
d^vo-g 'lamb* for *«/!?-vo-i?, O.Ir. nan Mod.Cymr. oen 'lamb' (I § 428 
p. 315, § 437 p. 325), also O.C.Sl. *jagn\l^ implied by the formation 
jagnq 'lamb'. pUgmi-s, pugndre^ beside Gr. nvy-pij 'fist, fight with 
fists', gra-nu-m *grain, kernel', ground-form *gf'nO'fn: Skr. ;fr-n<i- 
'ground, crumbled', Goth, kaiir-n n. *grain', O.C.Sl. zrX-no 'grain, 
kernel, berry', compare also O.H.G. kerno O.Icel kjame m. 
'kernel', formed from the ^ grade of the root (ger-). tignu-m 
is no doubt to be compared with legd-^ tignu-m: cp. Gr. rtx-r?] 
'power of production, art, skill*, lana for *j^-w^, ground-form 



. 4 



IH. 



The Suffix - 






145 



*llf-nd: Skr. Ur-na 'wool' Or. oiiJo-c 'curly' for foX-vo-i;, Ooth. 
wflflVool' pr. Germ. *vul-nd, Lith. vit-na 'fibre of wool' 0.C.81. 
tiU-na 'wool'. The same suffix appears to be contained, though 
leea obYiousIy, in fundus: Skr. bitdh-tui-s 'ground' (I § 221 
p. 169). 

With -S-: Lat. «h««-8 for *at-sno-s; cp. Goth. aPm penna 
OAjaL pesiia for *pet-ana, v^pet- 'fly''), and other exaraplcB. 

Lat. -(MO- unaccented = -i^no-. It is of course hard to 
say what forms are to be classed here, since unaccented -ino- may 
equally well repreaeut Idg. -^no-, -eno- or -ono-. The words 
we have to deal with are such as dom-inu-s paij-ina sarc-ina, 
probably also vema for *ves-ina (v^ycs- 'live'). 

As a secondary suffix it is not uncommon: 

Lat. aenu-B for *aes-no-, Umbr. ahes-nes 'aenis', beaide Lat. 
, tuns, Skr. dyas- n. 'metal, iron'. Lat. ttlgnu-s for Uec-no- 
tiex, sallgnH-8 from salix (the ending was referred by 
etymology to v^jen-, cp. ubUgnu-s, fabaginu-a and so 
forth), acer-nu-8 from acer , ebur-nu-s from ebur; the final 
vowel of the stem has been lost in popidmt-s from pdpulu-s, 
qitemu-s for 'querc-nu-s from quercu-s etc. Besides these wc 
have pater-na-s, tMter-tiu-s ; aUer-nu-s, infer-nu-s, exter-nu-a. 
Stems in -d seem to have given rise to -anus: silv/lnus (silva) 
Ittsuianus (inaula) Capuanu-s (Capua); hence in other local 
adjectives, urbdnus, cismontanus BhSnanus etc. 

vlmus, noclurnus, hibemus, cesperna and the like are 
{>arallel to Ur. iagtyo-^, yv«Tfpiv6'^, jfEi^ittpn'o-g, tonepivo'-e (see 



I) Penna muet be dietiDguished from pi'ina. The latter, with ;iiiiinit£ 
Or. nif.u-s (oommon ground-fona 'p^no-, see I S 253 p. 206 f.) belongs 
to A.8. Jinn Mod.H.O. Jimie 'fin', a. Qermanb word which MoUenhoff (Alter- 
twnskiinde II 54) oonneots in an Interesting way with the name of the Fenni, 
klthough he is certainly wrong in taking a ground-form 'pet-tid aa his atarting- 
poinL The words most nearly akin to it are O.B.G. spaiman 'to stretch', Qoth. 
/own 'doth, rag' (Mod.H.O. fahnej, 0.C.8I. phtq 'I stretch, hang* o-jwno 
'onnun'. On y^ spen- and pm-, see I g 689 p. 445 f. The bird's wing 
•ad the fin therefore receired their name as being something 'ont- 
■tr«t«hed'. 

Btatmtai,. Elcin>o». II 10 



146 The Suffix -no- -t^m?-. §66. 

p. 144), and perhaps in Latin also -no- was added to the 
locative in -j, and this vowel afterwards lost '). 

Umbr.-Osc. ^kom-no-m *rd koivov from kom *cum*, Umbr. 
kumne loc. *in comitio* Osc. cotnenei loc. 'in comitio* comono pi. 
'comitia (for the Oscan anaptyxis cp. I § 627, p. 471). Osc. 
amnod *circuitu' from am- *amb-'. Lat. prOnu-s no doubt for 
*prdd'no-j compare pr6{d). 

Lastly, there are the distributive numerals derived from 
adverbs, like Lat. bim from His-no-^ trJnT from *tris>'iu>', ter-m^ 
quater-m. 

Old Irish, la-n 'full': Skc. pur-nd-s etc., see p. 140. sldn 
'whole, sound, complete, full* may be for *sf-tW'^ as Lat. 
sal'VO'S for *sj-ti0-. cloe-n *awry, unjust, bad* : cp. Goth, hldi-n-s 
'hiir, v^^fei- *to lean*, whence also Gr. xkl-vrj O.H.G. li-na (p. 143). 
suan O.Cynir. hun sleep: Skr. svap-na-s etc., see p. 140. uan 
Mod.Cymr. oen lamb*: Gr. a^ivo-g etc., see p. 144. domun m. 
'world*, Gallic Dubno-rlx *world-king'; with this should probably 
be compared fu-domain *deep' Mod.Cymr. dwfn 'deep* (I § 520 
p. 878): O.C.Sl. duno n. 'ground* for *dub'nO'^ Lith. dUgna-s 
'ground' (with g for ft, I § 346 p, 271). ^n m. 'bird* (I § 518 
p. 377 f.), O.Bret, etn 'bird': cp. Lat. penna for *pet'$na p. 145, 
y/^pet' 'fly*. fSn m. 'waggon' (I § 526 p. 381): O.Icel. vagti^ 
m. 'waggon', \^uegh' 'vehere*. du-n n. 'walled stronghold*. Gall. 
-dmiu-m in place-names like Novio-dUnu-m 'New-castle, New- 
town*: O.Icel. tU'fi n. O.H.G. zU-n m. 'fence, hedge*, ni-n f. 
'secret* : Gotli. O.H.G. ru^na f. 'secret*, with which, in a different 
grade of Ablaut, cp. O.Icel. rau-n f. 'attempt, proof, test, ex- 
perience'. This suffix, though less clearly discernible, appears 
to be contained in bond bonn 'solea*: Skr. budh-nd-s 'ground* 
(1 § 221 p. 189). 

Pr.Kelt. -ano' == -i^no-. Since this, if unaccented, became 
in Irish identical with orig. -ono-, it is hard to say which of 
the examples should be classed here. Perhaps lethan O.Cymr. 

1) Doeii hlhernu'8 stand for '^htbrino-Sy as in-certU'S for *hi'a'ito-8 
(I § 33 p. 33 f.)? The word is undoubtedly conneoted with hiemSy but the 
b has never been explained. 



(M. 



The Suffii -no- -pno: 



147 



litan 'broad': cp. Or. TiXdravo-^- 'plane' (named after its broad 
leaves, compare nlait'-c). Infinitive nouns like hlegon m. 'milking' 
may ako perhaps be referred to -pno-. 

As a secondary suffix it is found in Gall. Arebrig-nu-S 
Ipapta) 'lying on a hill' compared with Arebric/m-m^ beside 
O.Ir. fcri, gen. hreg^ 'liill'. Also no doubt in Keltic words in -er-no- 
-ar-no- (Zeuss-Ebel G.C. 774), as Gall. Ttgerno-, isarno- 'iron', 
O.Ip. iarn O.Bret, hearn {I § 57(i p. 431), whence perhaps were 
borrowed Goth, eisam O.H.G. Isam 'iron' (the suffix in O.H.Q. 
dioma 'wench" Goth, vidueairna 'one bereaved' etc. cannot be 
held to prove that this is a real Germanic word.) 

Germanic. Goth. /«Ws O.H.G. vol (gen. voiles) 'full*, pr. 
Germ. *ful-nii-z: Skr. pUr-^d-B etc. see above p. 140, Goth, 
aUs O.H.G. al (gen. nlles) 'whole, all' (beside aln-) groimd-fomi 
*al-no-8, beside nlati 'to grow up, increase' (cp. Cir. 7r«; 'whole, 
all' compared with Skr, ha- 'swell out', g 126, and Lat. oinni-B 
for *op-ni-s beside opf, § 95); Osc. alio is the same word if it 
is to be translated 'tota' and not 'alia' (Fick, liczzenberger's 
B«tP. I 170; DanielsBon, PauU's A^tital. 9tud. lU 177 f.). 
Oath, ib-n-s 0,H.G. eban 'flat, even'. O.H.G. sd-n 'visible, 
abiniiig', as subst. m. "visibility, brightness, sheen'- Goth. «3- 
-lak-n-8 'opened, open'. Goth, faihu-gair-n-s 'avaricious' O.Icel. 
gjam 'greedy'. O.H,G. mei-ti false, ti-eacheroua', as aubst, 'false- 
ness, wickedness'; Lith. mal-na-s 'barter' O.C.Sl. m6'nn 'change, 
exchange', common ground-form 'miri-no- nfl-, cp, *moi-nu § 95. 
O.H,G. loc (pi. loccka) O.Icel. lokkr m, 'lock' pr. Germ. *lug'itd-B 
(I g 534 p. 3&1): Lith. lug-na-a 'bent'. O.H.G. sker-n m. n. 
'jest*. Goth, ap-n n, 'year': cp. Lat, annus for *at'Sno- p. 145. 
Goth. haiir-n O.H.G. AorK pr. Norse honia n. 'horn": Gall. 
xaQfo-v ace, 'trumpet' (Hesych.) beside Lat. cornu (also 
ctrmo', § lUtJ), Goth, har-n "child' ("that which is born'): Lith. 
itir-na-B 'serA'ant', diniin. berttPU-s 'little boy' (cp. a simUar 
change of meaning in Gr. TB>tyo-v: O.H.G. ilegan). Goth. Idu-u 
O.H.G. l6-n a. "wages", beside Gr. ano-lavta 'enjoy' 0.C.8I. lopu 
'prey, booty'. O.H.G. seibhnn O.Sax. tskaii n. 'token' pr. Germ. 
'tajk-mi' (compare Goth, tdikna (., stem tdik-ni-, 'token'), from 



148 



The Suffix - 



"- -P""-- 



SM. 



\/^ de0c- deig- (Goth, ga-teihan 'poiot out). O.H.G./et'AAow O.Sax. 
fekan n. 'deceit' pr. Germ, *faik-na-, from y^ pej^- peig- (Goth. 
fdih n. 'deceit'). O.H.G. hug-m O.Icel. lau-n f., in O.H.G. 
also lougan (eiibst. m.) 'giving the lie, denying': the root baa a 
different grade of ablaut in Goth, liug-n n. 'Ue'. O.Sax. log-na 
(o probably short) 'flame': cp. Lat. iQna for 'louesnd etc. p. 140. 

Germ, -uno- ^= -^no- cannot bo identified with eertiiinty. 

In Mecondary use the suffix only occurs in Goth, jdi-n-s 'that, 
yonder' from loc. 'ioj (beside it stands a pr. Germ. *i<-na- from 
tlie locative form *iei in A.S. bs-^en m. 'both' according to Holt- 
hausen, Paul Braune's Beitr. XIII 372. 500), unless Goth, kldi- 
vasnSs pi. f. 'grave' from hldw n. 'grave' and nrhvatna f. 'arrow' 
beside A.S. earh n. 'arrow' are to be classed here, as derivatives 
from es-stema, cp. 8kr. vudhasnA- p. 142. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. j»ii-na-s 0.C.81. plu-nu full': Skr. 
pHr-vd-s etc., see p. 140 above. A few other adjectives of this 
kind occur in Baltic, as Lith. kil-na-s 'lofty' beside kil-ti 'ti* 
raise' (kdlna-s 'hill' should perhaps be divided kaln-a, see the 
Author in Morph. Unt. II 173), sJi/w/a-a 'weak, powerless" 
beside silp-ti 'to grow weak' ; liid-na-s 'sad' beside lusti 'to grow 
sad', Lett, wif-n-s 'glimmering' beside w{f-it 'to glimmer', Lett. 
faiis-n-s 'straight, right' beside Lith. taisgti 'to direct'. Lith. de-na 
f. adj. of C(»ws 'in calf: Skr. dh^na 'milch cow', from y^dhei- 
'suckle' (I § 150 p. 136). 

Lith, pel-na-B 'merit' O.CSl. pU-nH 'booty': Skr- pana-a 'wager, 
stipulated wage' for 'par-tia (I § 259 p. 211 f.). Lith. Dor-na-s 
'raven' vir-na 'crow' O.CSl. pra-Htl 'black, raven' vra-na 'crow', 
possibly to be compared with Skr. Edr-va-s 'colour'. There secmi^ 
to be some connexion between the roots of Lith. szS-na-s O.C.SI. 
s^-no 'hay' (the Lith. word was no doubt originally neuter) ami 
Skr. it/a-iia-s 'grown dry' iitia-a 'curdled'. Lith. sml-na O.C.SI. 
sla-na 'rime', beside Lith. szdUta-s Skr. Si-iir-a-s adj. 'cold', 
Pruaa. spaag-no f. 'foam' or 'scum' O.C.SI. p6-na 'foam': Skr, 
phi-na-s 'foam', cp. also Lat. spRma for *spoi-ma (for the initial, 
see I g 599 p, 445 f.) 




J<S,67. 



The Suffix - 



149 



With -8-; Lith. Up-s-na 'flame', varsiiH 'length of a furrow' 
for •part-wifl (cp. varsma-a length of a furrow' for *vart-8tna-). 

Lith. spaf-na-s 'wing': Skr.par-Md-m Ving", v'^sper- 'strike 
away, push off, jerk', skut-nin 'shaved place', iar-nd 'intestine': 
O.Icel. garnar pi. 'intestinae'. dai-nit 'folk-Bong': Aveat. da(-tUi- 
{. Taw, teaching, faith'. 

O.C.Sl. trtn& "thorn' : Skr, tf-na-m 'grasa-stalk', Germ, 
with -nu- Goth, patir-nu-s 'thorn', aynil suttH 'tower' no doubl 
stands for pr. Slav. *sitp-no- *soup-no- 'that which is piled up' 
ep. sUpq 'I pile' sUpQ 'heap'. tV^nfi 'limb' for *cd-iiO: tris- 
-trii 'fimbria' for '/r&fc-Kfi, beside tr^akH 'noise' trisnt^i 'to strike'. 
Kffff-Ho 'shank', ru-no 'fleece', beside rHv-q 'evello'. sukiio 'woollen 
garment', beside mkaii "to twist'. vSrio 'dowry' for *v&l-no-: Gr. 
ti-vn ifi-va 'bridal gifts', i/^ yedh- tfed- 'lead, lead home' (I § 469, 
8 p. 34C f.). vlU-na 'wave'; O.H.G. wella 'wave' ground-form 
•t*e/-M(l, with -ni- Lith. eil-iii-s 'wave'. sH-na 'spittle', beside 
Mid.H.G. A.S. sll-nt 'slime', atrana 'eide, region' for pr. Slav. 
*$tor-n(l, i. e. Idg. 'atf-tut (8kr, slir-^d- 'outspread') or Idg, *stor- 
'Ha,^ster- 'spread out'. stS-tia 'wall": Goth, stdi-ti-s O.H.G. 
stei-n m. 'atone'. 

Lith. -ina- Slav. -Ino- = -pno- may perhaps be traced 
in Lith. kup-hia-s 'heaped up', fek-ina-s 'running', O.C.Sl. do-kos- 
-Tnfi 'that can be touched or held' dO'Slii-itiii 'that uan be rea- 
ched', etc. 

-no- in secondary use. Lith. Jdwtia-s O.C.Sl. Ju-nU 'young 
from jau }u 'ab-eady', just like 9kr, ndva-s Gr, rifo-^ beside 
Skr. n6 nu etc. 'now': from the same adverb come also O.C.Sl. 
ju-tro u-tro 'morning', see § 75. It is doubtful how far, if at nil, 
the common secondary suffix Lith. -itia- Slav, -ino- represents 
Ug. -pno-. 

§ 67. 2. In the form -eno- -ono-. This is almost 
entirely primary, and it occurs chiefly in participles and abstract 
noaiiti. It is used to form classes of words with special 
meanings, most commonly in Aryan, Germanic and Slavonic, 
-eno- ia in active use as a participial suflix in A.S., Noree (O.Icel) 



150 The Suffix -eno- -ono- §'67. 

and Slavonic, as an abstract nominal suffix in Aryan; -^ono- is 
a participial sujfHx in Aryan, Gothic and High German, and an 
abstract nominal suffix (infin.) in Germanic. 

The suffix bears the accent where the root-syllable has 
the weak grade of ablaut; e. g. Skr. vavft-dnd-s O.H.G. gi-wart-an 
(I § 530 p. 387). 

a. "eno- added to stems ending in a consonant: 

Indo-Germanic. *ue§h'eno-^ \/^ ue§h' Wehere : Skr. wh- 
-anas 'carrying' vdh-ana-m *act of carrying', O.C.Sh vez-enu 
'carried*, ^ed-eno-^ y/^ ed- eat': Skr. dd-ana-m *food, fodder', 
O.Icel. et-enn 'eaten', ^uefi-eno-^ y/^^ert- 'vertere': Skr. vart-ana-s 
'setting in motion' vdrt-ana-m *a turning*, O.C.Sl. vrit-eno n. 
'spindle*. 

Aryan, cet-ana-s 'visible', fdn-ana-s 'begetter', tdp-ana-s 
'afflicting'; O.Pers. drauj-ana- 'lying'. Skr. ctt-ana-m 'an appearing, 
appearance', jdn-ana-m *a begetting' and other substantives of the 
same kind. Avest. ^f?-an«-w 'pressing, pressure*: Skr. sdv-ana-m; 
O.Pers. ham-ar'ana-m 'encounter, fight', Ar. y/^ar- 'go'. In 
Avestic we find the masc. zav-ana- 'call, summons'; contrast Skr. 
neut. hdv-ana-m, 

Armenian, jaune-m 1 offer, dedicate' from the noun 
stem *jauno-^ which must stand for ^ja'^eno- (Skr. hdv-ana-m 
'offering'), or for ^jau-ono-. 

Greek. Here perhaps should be classed Aeol. (ffpsva 'dowry' 

(qpf(?6va, if it be the more correct reading, would at all events 

imply a form *(f€QEr6) beside (pep-vfj: cp. Skr. bMr-ana-. 

Remark. -«vo- may perhaps be traoed also in ^nrlto-t; (with sparioas 
diphthong) Dor. xr,>o'i Hhat* for •(^)jrAjt-«yo-ff from fxn *there'. Similarly 
Dor. T^yo-f, 'is iste, ille* would stand for ^rfp-tro^a from r*r ; or it might bo 
analysed tiJ-»o-? and derived from the instr. •r^ (cp. Goth, jdi^n-s § 66 
p. 148). It must be admitted that -eno- is not elsewhere used in this way 
as a secondary suf&x. 

Italic, beno- (in beney benlgnu-s^ beUu-s for *6en-/o-), the 
by-form of bono-^ duono-^ should be classed here, if it stands 
for *du'enO' and belongs to the root seen in Skr. div-as n. Reve- 
rence, honour' and other words, so that the original meaning 
would be 'that which is held in honour, enjoys recognition* 



f«T. 



151 



(see Osthoff, Morph. Tnt. IV 370 ff.)- dom-hm-B (cp. Skr. 
dam-anas 'horse-tamer') and the like are ambiguous; eee § 66 
p. U5. 

Old Irish. 1 know of no noun-formations whirh fall under 
tbh head. 

Crermnnic. Goth, fulg-in-s 'hidden' (beside /I'/Aan 'to hide"), 
with the aceent on the siiflix in pr. Germ. (I § .^30 p. 386). O.Ieel. 
Sg-^nn 'distinfruished' (y^deilc- 'show"). O.H.G. acff-in 'sheriff", also 
KtfjinOy which has passed over to the n-deelension ; its original 
sense was no doubt 'arranger, orderer', compare O.H.G. scaffen "to 
ihape, set in order". Add such participles as A.S. btind-en OJcel, 
bvnd-enn 'bound'; cp. below, under -ono'. Goth, di^-in O.H.G. 
eiyin a. 'property', the original sens'? being no doubt 'the having 
for one's own': Skr. U-ana-m 'rule, control'. Goth, rag-m ii. 
'founael. decree'; if it belongs tcj Skr. rac-ana-m 'au arranging, 
regulating', we must assume, as in the case of Goth. fulf/~im, 
that the suffix originally bore the accent. O.H.G. Ivg-ina f. Tie', 
O.Sax. drng~ina f. 'treachery' jt^M^-ino f, 'theft' thec-ina f. 'covering, 
roof. 

Balto-SIavouie. Here should be classed certain Lettic 
ndjectives like glud-en-s 'smooth', (compare glod-eii-s 'blind-worm') 
beside glaud-H 'to stroke'; alidd-en-s 'smooth, where one slips', 
beside slidd-it 'to slip'; slepp-en-s 'secret' beside sUp-t 'to hide'. 
Were the Lithuanian verbs in ~enu, like f/ab-entt 'I bring', 
developed from noun-atems of this kind, in the same way as 
krvvinii 'I make bhiody' from hrito-intt-s 'bloody'? 

In Slavonic we have the common past part, pass, in 
-«•«, aa nea-enu 'carried' (from nes-ti 'to carry), sa-b^v-enU 
'forgotten' (from sa-hyti; cp. Skr. bhuv-ana-m 'being, thing, 
world'). The neut. crit-mo: Skr. mrt-ana-m has been already^ 
mentioned on p. 150. 

1). -ono- added to stems ending in a consonant. 

Idg. Pres. or aor, part,: 'qr-ono- from jej- 'make', beside 
indie. Skr. A-kar: Skr. Ar-(l«ti-5 'working, eager, busy' (frequent 
epithet of deities), Gr. K^ovo-g; *gvs-oiio- from §e^8- 'ta*te', beside 
the indie. Skr. d-jul-ran (3. pi. med.): Skr. ji^and-a Goth. 



kusan-s. Part. perf. *bhe'hhid-on6-s from bheid- 'split, bite' 
beside indie. Skr. bibked-a Goth, bait: Skr. bibhid-and-s (Goth. 
bit-an-s). 

Hemttrk. This view of llie Aryan forms with -dnn- cnnnot be oslled 
certain. Ab n purticipial suffix of the middle we niaj fwith Hirt1 refer 
-(1110- to *.ipno-, US the anHlogons -ana- to *-ipjjO- (see § fl6 Rem. p. HI). 
The inme -fllinJ- ni«)' also be concealed in Or. TjrSni-t m^to'-i 'fledged' 
(cp. Osthoff, zur Geach. dea Perf. 409) and the udjectiru hvo-t (or is this 
for *inni-!?). In the Ar. -'iiia- it is possible that -ijino- nod -one- haxe 
ooaleaced. The consid emtio as urged by FrSbde (BeEicnberger'a Beitr. Til 
322 S.) against my comparison of Keara-t with krand-a are not sound. The 
different accent of Kadro-i ia explained by the faat of its being a proper 
name. See what is said below in the Greek section on xliro-i etc. 

AryRn. Prea. aor. med. pass. part. Skr. duk-dnds dHh- 
■anas , also digk-ana-s , the gk being phonetically regular 
(I § 445 p. 331, § 452. 453 p. 335), beside d6gdhi 'he milks', 
jMv-atia-s beside ju'hS-ti 'he offers', su-nv-and-s beaide su-ni-ti 
'ho presses out', and so forth. Similarly Avcst. yn-ana- beside 
jdin-ti 'he slays', and the like. 9kr. li-and-s ts-ana-s 'having 
for one's own, possessing, ruler' Avest. is-atta- 'ruling, mighty' 
beside Skr. tie f^-te 'he possesses, rules': O.H.G, etg-an 'own', 
beside Goth, dih 'he has', cp. Skr. iS-ana-m Goth, diif-in p. 151). 
Perf- med. pass. part. Skr. riric-and-s beside rirfc-a 'he let loose, 
removed, abandoned' : O.H.G. gi-liw-an, v^ /ejj-; Avest. vaver'z- 
-atia- beside indie, med. Gathic vHver'z-lH from var'z- (ufr§-) 'work'. 

It is an open question whether the denominative Skr. Sna-, 
as in vdsav-iina-s 'possessing goods' from edsu n. 'goods', falls 
under this head (cp. Goth, piud-an-s). 

Armenian. Perhaps jaune-m, see above p. 150. 

Greek. Besides Kp-ovD-g (see above) we should probably 
class here til-ovo-g 'stir, turmoil', beside Kf).-ofiai, 9^-6tm-g 'seat, 
throne' from dker- 'hold, support', /p-o'vo-e 'time' orig. 'a limit of 
time which contains, span', beside /fp-; for the meaning cp. efiero-^ 
'a vomiting' beside e/isTO-g 'vomited' and the like, § 158.') Of 

1) The accent may have been assimilated to that of yar-o-t iag-o-i 
ifon-o-c and similar words. Frohde's assumption (in the article cited in the 
Remark abore) that 3f6yn~s xe^*"-' 8t*nd for •*op»o-; '^oiro-i, cannot be 
justified on phonetic grounds, in apite of Cret. »6qral. 



A 



f«. 



1^3 



feminine forms we ehottld perhaps claaa here ^i-orij jojr'. but in 
Mtpiri} 'oUsp, buckle aqtvi-nrr, 'sling' and others we must re- 
cognise -on-a, an extension of -on- by -a-, ep. Slmv-jj 'whetstone* 
b«ade 8kr. a^n- 'stone*. 

Italic. Lat. b-oHo- must ultimately be clawed here; aa 
to btno-, see p. 150. dom-inu-s and the like are ambiguous, see 
g 66 p. 145. 

Old Irish. On account of the coincidence of -grto- and 
•cno- in Irish there are ao examples that can be assigned with 
eertaioty to this section. 

Germanic. 0,H,G, eig-<in, see above, p. 152. Goth, r-aw-s 
O.H.G. tr-an 'wanting, lackiDg', \^ ev- (Gr. ti-n-^, Skr. u-ni-e). 
O.H.G. offan A,8, opan 'open'. O.H.G. ttes-an 'decayed'. O.Sai. 
fag-att 'glad', the accent being on the suffix in ptGenn,, cp. 
Goth, fah-fps f, 'joy'. Participles like Goth. tiaurP-ans (the re- 
gular phonetic form would be 'cairdatts, I § 530 p. 387), 
O.H.G. yi-irort-an 'having become": Skr. vacrt-Otid-g; Goth, qum- 
~m-$ O.H,G. 0i-k(m-an 'having come': 9iVt. jagnt-andsi Goth. 
fra-mtoih^ 'areoged': Skr. pid-and-s; Goth, ana-bttdnns 'com- 
manded, enjoined' O.H.G. gi-bota>i: Skr. budh-Ona-s. Instead 
of this we find in other dialects -ina- = Idg. -tno-. We may 
conjecture that in Germanic -^ito- and -ono- were originally 
distingaished as in Sanskrit. When the reduplicating syllable 
in the perfect fell off, the two t)-pefl were no longer clearly 
•eporated. and -eno- drove out -ono- in one part of the Ger- 
manic area. We have -ana- in eecondary use in Goth, piud-an-t 
'king', from piitda 'people' (cp, Skr. raS'iD-aa/ts?). 

-fmo- ocmrs as an abstract sufiix in the Germanic infinitiTes 
formed with pr. Germ, '-ana-m, as tioth. dih-an O.U.G. ei^Hiii 
'poaaesft. have'. Goth, vit-an O.H.G. wi^-an 'know', Goth, bair-^in 
O.H.G. ber-an 'bear, bring, forth*. 

Balto-Slavonic. 

Lith. dii-/ina~> (fem. aik~ana) 'rather hungry, fasting' from 
itk-ti 'to hunger', uk-anas 'gloomy, overclouded' (ukanos dSnoa 
'gloomy days') beside Hk-ttyti-g 'to become gloomy, cloud orer*. 
Lett, plakk-an-t 'flat' from plak~t 'to grow flat' etc. Lith. 



154 The Suffix -eno' -ono-. §67. 

dov-anh Lett, ddtc-ana gift' beside dH'^ti d&^t 'to give*, Lith. 
fik^ana 'mass of cloud, cloudy sky*. 

Whether Slavonic forms like Mod. Sloven, jah-on 'fortis 
equitator , beside jaAwtt Vchi' (Miklosich, Vergl. Gr. 11 140) should 
also be classed here, is doubtful. We cannot analyse O.C.Sl. 
zvonU 'sound' as zv^onU (cp. zov-q zv-ati *to call') and compare 
it with Skr. kr-and-s etc. (cp. Fick, Wtb. I ^ 84, Osthoff, Morph. 
Unt. rV 373), unless we allow that the whole verbal base zven- 
in Slavonic (O.C.Sl. svtn&i 'to sound') has been developed out 
of a noun formed with -eno- -ono-, 

c. -eno' 'Ono- added to stems ending in a vowel. It 
has been already remarked on p. 138, that the contraction 
was complete even in proethnic Indo-Germanic. 

Skr. sOma-dhana-s 'containing soma' vasu^dna-s 'giving 
good' vi-mdna-s 'traversing', like c^t-ana-s. ddna-m *a giving' 
(Lat. ddnU'tn)^ sthdna-m *a standing, standing -place' (A vest. 
stana- m. 'position', Gr. dvavi^vo-Q 'in a bad position, unhappy', 
Lith. stdna-s O.C.Sl. stanu 'position*), ydna-m 'a going, moving' 
like cet-ana-m. Pros. med. pass. part, ydna-s beside indie, ydti 
'he goes', like dugh-dna-s. Perf. med. pass. part, jajfiand-s 
beside indie, jajndti 'he knew' (Slav. part, po-znanu 'known*), 
like ririC'dnd'S. 

Gr. ivaxTivo-g^ see above. *fii-^J7yo-5 *in good position 
whence tt/^?;v5o> am in good position': add also El. aw&ijvm 
pi. 'compact' (CoUitz' Samml. d. gr. Dial.-Inschr. no. 1168). 

Ital. Lat. dOnU'W^ Umbr. f unu Osc. diinu-m Mars, dnno-m 
'donum*, see above. 

Ir. Perhaps ban 'white, pale*, from y^JAfl-, Skr. iftd-^f 'he 
appears, shines' bhdna-m 'an appearing or growing visible'. 

German. O.H.G. perf. part, gi-tan 'done' (O.C.Sl. 0'd6nu 
part, of O'd^ti, *to put round, clothe'), like gi-tcort-an. O.H.G. 
inf. tdn tnon 'do' gdn 'go', like ber-an. 

Balt.-Slav. Lith. stdna-s O.C.Sl. s^awtt, see above. Lith. 
kUna-s 'space behind the barn' beside klo-ti 'to spread out 
O.C.Sl. perf. part, po-znanu (see above), danu 'given* beside dati^ 
s^nU 'sown* beside s^ti,, like nes-enU. 



istjK. 



The Suraies - 






155 



Id Bome of these vowel-stems we may conjecture that forms 
with -(to- and forms with -eno- -ono- once existed side by side. 
It is no longer possible to ascertain exactly how far this was 

ilic case. 

g es. The Suffixes -i»o- -itia-, -7no- -Ina-, and 
■u'j'bo- -d'jml-. These suffixes arc found side liy aide with 
pwoticaliy the same moaning. They are used espoeinlly to 
form secondary adjectives, with such meanings as 'made or con- 
tiating of, 'springing from", 'belonging tn tbe same kind as' that 
irhich is denoted by the noun from which they are derived, 
Thoy are used very much in the same way a» the secondary 
wfRx -j^ (§ 63, 2), compare e. g, Lith. at-yna-s with Pruas. 
«^t-» O.CSl. u-/r 'uncle' beside Lat. avo-s grandfather', tho 
mewing of these words being Tie who is descended from the 
grandfaiher'. Whether it bears any very close relation to the 
Winination of Gr. en(«Ko'-tf Lat. rSrnu-s and the like (§ 66 
p- 144), and what etymological relation subsists between the 
initial Boundij of the three forms -ino- -Jno- ta'iiio- (cp. Osthoff, 
Hurph. Unt. IV 357) I cannot here decide. The connexion 
u wnae (compare e, g, Gr. dpv-ivo-Q 'of oak' — Goth, triv-ein-s 
wooden' — Avest. drv-aftt-i- 'wooden') , combined with their 
WinexioQ in point of sound, justifies us in discussing the three 
"iflixes together. 

Idg, 'dftEs-irto- 'dexter'; Skr. rfdAjiVta-s Avest. rfosiMo- O.CSl. 
^Mlttfi, in Lith. extended by a further suffix dessiti-e the right 
''wJ': cp. Or. dtiio-g Lat. dex-ter O.lr. (less Goth, taihs-va 
•'sjter'; tbe word is closely allied to 8kr. ddk^-a-s 'able, strong', 
akr. aj-ina-m 'skin' 0.C.8I. az-ino beside Skr. ajd-s 'he-goat' 
"'^ 'she-goat', Lith. ofy-s 'he-goat', cp. also Lith. oi-lni-if 
•^longing to a he-goaf. 

In Aryan -inO' was not fertile. Forms like Skr, malind- 
sputted' (mala-m 'dirt') Avcst. nom. raocak-inO 'shining' (raocah- 
I'Sht) can scarcely be classed here : it is moat probable that they 




only aroae in later times through a trausference of -in-stems to 
the o-declension {cp. § 60 p. Ill f.). 

In Greek we have many adjoctives, denoting material, origin 
or kind : fTiy-wn-q 'beechen' from fiyo-^ {: Lat. fag-jnu-s). 
^v(i}.-ito-g 'made of papyrus' fi-om ^v^ktt-i;, av^-ivo-g 'consisting 
of flowera' from avSo^ n., Id-ivo-^ 'of atone' from kua;, xvrif- 
-ivo-g 'of clay, earthen like a pot' from ^fVoo-e, jji-ivo-c 'earthen, 
earthly" from j-i?, aip-n-o-q 'eonsiating of air, airy" from «j/'pi 
ix9v-ivo-g 'derived from fish' (e, g, slntny) from t;(9v-^, av9giait- 
-iro-g 'human' from nv9^no-g, intiy-iro-q 'of that kind, of the 
aame kind as that' from txeTm-i;, ned-ivii-^ 'found in the level 
country' beside 7rf3i'a-v, ilktjB-iro-i; 'true' beside akjj&tjji. 

In Latin Idg, -itio- c:iu hardly be diatinguished from Idg. 
-pno- -eiio- -otto- (§ 66. 67.) Here should be placed adjectives 
like fag-inu-s (see above), laur-inti-s, jitnc-inus , lentisc-inu-s, 
which are not very numerous. 

Keltic. Perhaps Gall. Mor-inl pi., name of a seaboard 
tribe (cp. Lat. mar-l/tu-s), and others to be found in Zeuss-Ebel 
G. C. 772. JM 

In Germanic the suffix cannot be traced. '^^M 

Balto-Slavonic. ^^ 

In Lithuanian adjectives of material, origin, kind, are 
only rarely formed with -inas, usually with -ini-s, which 
shows the further suffix -io-: duks-ina-s 'golden' from duksa-s 
sidahr-inis 'silvern' from sidahra-s 'silver'. medAni-s 
from medi-s 'tree , wood', lem-ine bitis 'humble-bee' 
from zcmf 'earth', mksstUns obAUia 'a sour kind of apple' from 
riiksztas 6b&las 'aome apple'. 

Slavonic -XitU: i«Wz-Tn« 'of iron' from iel&zo 'iron' (Litti. 
gelei-int-s 'of iron'), medv-inU medov-inu 'of honey, like honey' 
from medu 'honey', zem-inu 'earthly' from zemlja 'earth'. Further, 
aome of the adjectives in Ani may belong to this section. 

2. -fno-. The accentuation of the suffix was original, as 
shewn by the Sanskrit accent and by O.H-G, magat-in beside 
ma gad. 

Indo-Germanic. Cp. Lat. Jilr-Xnu-s, O.H.G. bibir-Xti 'of 




JU. The Suffixes -ino- Hno- -a'ino-. 157 

begw' beside Avest. hawr-af.iii-i Lith. bebr-ini-s 'of beaver'. 
I«L m-lKU-s, Gotb. sc-eiw n. "swine', 0.C.8I, sd-i«m 'Huinuit'. Lat. 
hti-fnus, Goth, giii-ein-s 'of goats , relating to ^ats', Skr. 
Mr-fno-g 'new', 0.C.81. nov-ina f. 'newly ploughed land, fallow'. 

Aryan. In Sanskrit it forms adjectives whose meaning 
implieit relation to something, witliout specifying the nature of the 
fflntion, sqvataar-ina-a 'yearlong, yearly' from saenlsurd-s 'year', 
prStfj-tiia-s 'belonging to the rainy season, rainy'. viSoajnn-ina-t 
'oataining all sorts of people, ruling over all people, blessing all 
fte world' from si&va-jand- 'all the world', aat-lnd-s 'genuine' from 
nW- "true' {cp. akr)» ifii-i; and O.H.G. loar-ln). A;ow-(»a-* 'young' 
from kand f. 'young girl, maiden' (cp. O.H.G. jung-^ii). nao-tna-s 
net' from ndoa- 'new', anfas-fiia-s 'leading straight on' from 
«ijam- 'direct, immediate'. E.ttended formations with -Jna- 
froffl ailjectives of direction in -anc- itre especially common ; e- g- I 

ttpie-iua-n 'leaning back' from dpaAc-, pratlc-tna-s and pratlc- I 

■Iho-i 'turned towards' from pratf/dAc-. I 

(ireek. Here we have adjectives and substantives derived I 

from adjectives, implying more or leas clearly the meaning 
powessing the character or attributes denoted by the original 
iwiin'. uyxiot-Tvo-g 'very near together' from ayxiaco-t^. *piF*p- 
-Tio^-, 'red mullot' (cp. Mod.H.Germ. roiling 'rudd'). xopax-rvo-i,- 'a ^ * ' 

«» fisli black as a raven', also young raven*, from xnjxij 'raven'. '^ . 
Muto-rn)-^- a kind of fish, from xiai^a a kind of hammer, 'pick'. ^'••^'*•*"■ 
'Kpl-JMi-i,- a kind of snake, from ivifko-^ 'blbd', yt'kan-li'o-'^ iLfi^ fiiy' 
■"Uglier' from y^ Iwk-l,' ; iAf^-l-rfO-c 'blauier' from iXty^i-s (cp. ■> _ 
Goth, ga-ldub-ein-a 'believing' O.H.G. huor-ln Ubidinosus'). f^rrn^i^^ 
*tWoJ-f>^ a small kind of polypus, fiolfi-lvri a kind of bulb. 
"V^-fVij from iHt/ia^ 'swine, sucking pig' (cp. O.H.G. sw-in 
™ide iS). xtHQ-iri), a kind of sea mussel, from yviQO-^ 'sucking 
pig'. 

Italic- The suffix is frequently used to indicate material, 
'"'gill, kind, that to which anything belongs, Lat. capr-lnu-s 
""n captr capra, Umbr. cabritier gen. 'caprini'. Lat, equ-lnu-s 
^ tquo-s, Umbr. ekvine loc. 'equini' (borrowed from the 
Ut.? I § 431 p. 320). Lat. bov-lnu-s, can-lnu-8, mlp-Tnu-s, 



i 



158 The Sttf fixes -two- -two- -n'ifkH. §68. 

columb-inU'Sj noctU'lnu-s; dlv-Tnu-s, fur-inu-a, sutr-inu-Sy sobr- 
lnU'8 for *$08r'tn0' from soror (I § 570 p. 428); mar-fwfi-5, 
vTc-^nU'S (cp. Lith. kaim-yna-s neighbour*), cisalp-inu-B, peregr- 
"Jnti-s, LaU%nU'8y Umbr. Ikuvinus pi. 'Iguvini*, Osc. Nuvki- 
rinum *Nucerinoruin\ A few neuter substantives occur like 
terg-lnu^m Svhip of leather*. Feminine substantives are more 
numerous, as capr-Tna 'goat's-flesh' haed-lna *kid's flesh', su-ina 
*pig*s flesh* (cp. O.C.Sl. bibrov-ina *flesh of beaver, Lith. oi^enii 
*goat's flesh'); saUina 'salt works, salt mine*, moletr-^na *mill', 
pisc-lna 'flshpond*, cSp^tna *onion field*, rapAna 'turnip field* (cp. 
Lith. aviz^na 'oat-field' and Skr. dum^ina-m *flax-field' from liiwa 
flax); cp. § 154. 

Keltic. Here perhaps may be classed Gall. 2Yc-fww-s name 
of a river, ground-form *tSq-Jno^, y/^teq- run, flee, flow* (O.Ir. 
techim 'flee*, Lith. tek^me 'small river, O.C.Sl. toku 'stream'). 

In Germanic it forms numerous adjectives denoting 
material, origin, and quality. Goth, gulp^eins O.H.G. guld-tn 
'golden* from gulp gold n. 'gold*. Goth, stdin^ns O.H.G. stein-Jn 
*of stone* from stains stein m. 'stone*. Goth, airp^eins O.H.G. 
ird-Jn 'earthen, earthly' from airpa erda 'earth'. Goth, lariz- 
-eins 'of barley*; pdurn^eins 'of thorn'; riqiss-eins 'dark'. O.H.G. 
riudir-Tn 'of cattle'; swln-Tn 'suillus*. Goth, sunj-eins 'truthful' 
from sunji-s 'true'. O.H.G. tear-in 'truthful' from tear 'true' 
(cp. Skr. saMnd-s). O.H.G. huor-Jn 'wanton, dissolute*. Goth. 
div^eins O.H.G. i^w-ln 'everlasting. 

"Ino^ was added to adjectives formed with an /-suffix, e. g. 
luzzil-Jn from luzzil 'little', whence there arose in O.H.G. an 
independent suffix -i70i ^aUn^ as in hxior-iUn 'wanton' (beside 
Awor-7w), luog-alin 'spying, lurking'. 

The neuters of adjectives of material , used substantivally, 
gave rise to diminutives in Germanic; from the meaning 
^belonging tt> another thing in respect of kind* it is only a short 
step to that of 'subordination*, of 'having its attributes only io 
a limited extent* (cp. Gr. -lo-y % 63 p. 128). So Goth. gdit-Hn 
O.ILli. gei^'Tn 'kid* from gdit^ns yei^-ln 'haedinus', Goth, yum- 
^in 'mannikin* qin^ein 'little woman' from guma 'man' qind 



188. 



The SuflizeB - 



- -ino- -a INK-. 



159 



woman', O.H.G. magat-m A.S, mtB^d-en 'little maid, girl' from 
O.H.G. tnagad 'maid, girl'. It is doubtful whether the diminu- 
tlTal sense ever existed in Goth, sv-ein O.H.G. sw-tn 'avrine', 
vhich Btrictly belongs to thia class of neuters: it would aeem 
that it was isolated iu form by the accentuation of the suffix 
(which in a. monosyllable could not but be regarded as part of 
the root), and so separated from the others in point of meaning. 
lialto-SIavonic. 

Lith. htim-ynn-s 'neighbour' from klma'K 'precinct, court' 
(I § 84 Rem. 2 p. 81), cp. Lat, »rc-f««-8. Old neuter forms 
^ipear to be represented by aaldtitn-pnai pi. 'sweetmeats' from 
utdftma-a 'sweetness', kartum-ijjiai pi, 'bitter things' (kariii-s 
"bitter*) , and also by collectives like auiuU^na-s 'a number of 
oaks standing together, oak gi'ove' from duiSXa-s 'oak', ki'iim-gna~s 
'thick shrubbery' from kruma-s 'bush', akmen-yna-s 'heap of 
stones' from ukmti 'stone', ang-yHa-s 'nest of adders' from anr^-s 
'adder'. In these latter cases, the special meaning seems to 
have been devploped through the contrast of the idea of the 
ipecies with that of the individual thing. 

In Slavonic we find adjectives of kind and connexion, like 
nator-tnu 'motherly, of the mother', neprijazn-inii 'devilish, of 
die devil', zBir-hiU 'bestial'. Also feminine substaiitives like 
ttir-ina 'flesh of wild beasts', bXbrov-ina 'beiiver- flesh' (cp. Lat. 
nipr-^M, Lith. ai-Siia); vlQc-inn wolfskin', ovii-ina 'sheepskin'; 
ntcJDO-ina 'an intoxicating drink' from tnedU., nvSsiiS'ina 'moon- 
Ught' from mis^rX (cp. Lith. menes-enit)^ and others of the same 
NTt, cp. g 134. 

3. -a'ino- C41U be traced with certainty only in Aryan 
ind Baltic. 

In Sanskrit we find only samidkStid-s 'relating to fire- 
wood' from sumidh- 'firewood*; no doubt, however, it is con- 
*Mi">d in the suffix -intjn- (an extension of it by -io-) : vTr- 
"^fjfa-s "manly , heroic' from clrrf-s 'nrnn , hero', jirfli^-^riyw-s 
'Wny' beside /iranj-^-fna-s (see above, p. 157). 

•n^a- is common in Avestic to denote material, origin and 
"ic like, 08 ayarah-aina- 'of metal, iron' from ayah-, 



-aftta-- "golden' from *zarana- = Skr, htrana- n. 'gold', er'zat- 
'Ofna- 'silvern' from ei'eata- {cp. Lat. Argeni-inu-s) , temaiah- 
-afna- 'dark, murky' from temah- 'darkness' ; neut. frai'OxS-a^ne^m 
'woodwork, pieces of wood, beams' from fravOxsa- m. 'branch, 
twig'. TniDsferred to the j-declensiou it becomee ~a^i-, as 
zaran-ttfni-$. 

Lithuanian, -eva- is common in names of inhabitants, to 
denote thoir beloDgiug to or springing from a place, as Tili-ittas 
'a man from Tilsit (Title)'. Subst. fem. ; oe-ena 'goatafleah', jaut- 
-enit 'beef, sqS'SnA 'gooseHesh (cp, Lat, capr-ina, 0.C.81. svir- 
-ina) ; avii-enti 'oat-field', rug-ena 'rye-field', mei-ena 'barley-fieU 
(op. Lat, cSp-ina); menes-enii 'moonlight' from mhi& 'moon' (cp. 
O.C.Sl, mS»^6-ina), and other examples. 

RamRrtc. It is a point far further ioveatigation whether Lat alienu-a, 
tetTiait-K belong Co this group. The Slavonio adjeoCiveii of material in 
•enii- like drec-ertu 'wooden' oiur-enu 'leaden' must in any case be left out 
of oonBideration, since the change o[ -je- to -[a-, aa in lirozdijana 'of 
yeast' fur *ilroidi}-enu proTea that their -i- repreaenta Idg, -c-, see 1 § 76 
p. 66. 

§ 68. The Suffix -tno- -itia-, -t^no- -t^nd-. 

1. This appears in Sanskrit, Latin, Lithuanian, (and 
Greek?) in adjectives formed from adverbs of time, and in 
Sanskrit also in some cases from stems with similar meaning. 

Sanskrit. From adverbs; pra-tnd-s 'former, old' from pra 
'before*, nU-tna-s nii-ta?ia-s 'present' from nd 'now', sanS-tdna-s 'not 
transient, constant, lasting' from sdna 'from the beginning', 
prStas-tdna- "in the morning, early' from pr/itdfi early', dicd- 
-tana-s diva-tdna-s 'diurnns* from rf/pii 'by day', cirdn-tana^ 
dran-tdna-s 'coming from olden time' from cird-m "long ago', 
itas-tana-s 'of to-morrow' hi/as-tana-s 'of yesterday'. Formed 
from stems: sanii-tna-s beside saita-tdna-s , cira-tnd-s besidt> 
cirtiti-tana-s. 

Greek. in^s-Taro-a 'lasting for ever'P The etymology of 
the word has not been satisfactorily explained. 

Latin, diu-tinu-s, pris-tifiu-s, cras-tinn-s, sero-tinu-s, prtntO- 
tinu-s. 

Lithuanian, dabar-tina-s 'present' from dabar 'now'. 



f ss. 



161 



2. Further, it is a primary suffix in j\ryau, Latin and 
Balto-Slavtiiiic, in participteri and infinitives, beiug prubably an 
csIenBJon of -to- (§ 79) by a secondary suffix -no- (cp. O.C'.Sl. 
-enlwfl beside -ttnu). 

Old Persian showB infinitivca in -tanaiy, aa car-tanaitf from 
kar- "do, niake', katanaiy {read kanlanaiij, see 1 § 197 Rem. 
p. 166) from kan- 'dig'; with these Persian infinitives Barthulomae 
coDOects AvGst. aiwi-mipn^ 'for dwelling in". To these should 
no doubt be added 8kr. ct/au-tnd-m 'preparation, undertaking' 
Avest. iyao-pna- m, 'deed, work' beside 8kr. cydva-tS 'bestirs 
itself, moves', perhaps also Skr. pdt-lana-m 'city', orig. 'strong- 
bold', compare pad- in pi-bd-awi- 'standing fast, firm', cp. also 
Lat. op-pid-u-m 'J. 

In Italic tno- appears in the form -ndo- after vowels,^) in 
the gerund and gerundive, ae *piiA-tno-, Lat. piando-, Umbr. 
pihaiier 'piandi' Osc. lipsannam 'operandam' (for the assirai- 
ItUion of -nd- to -»n- -«- in Umbr.-Oac. see i g 506 p. 371). 
Lat. ditndo- for 'da-tno-, im-pUndo- for '-plS-tno-. So -bundo- in 
vagOiwttdus Iranebutidus etc. for *-fu-tni>- = Lith, h^-tina-s, cp. 
•:agn-bor. secumlo- for secU-tno-, cp. secU-tu-s (J. Schmidt, apiid 
Bersu, Die OulturaUn und ihre Verbindung mit v itn Lat. 
p. 134), rotundits for *roi(J-ino- from a verbal stem rotH- 'to rotate'. 
Further, we have the group of forma in -CM«dM-a, as ruit-cunrfu-s, 
ir&-cwtdu-s, fft-cundtt-s, fS-cundu-s for '-cS-two-, derived from ad- 
jectives in -co-, such bj* Vttiico- (whence ri^icdre^Ruhicd) etc. Witli 
the forms in -6-tno- compare aei/r6-tu-s from aegro-, Gr. xocrw- 
-rn-^' and the like. The change to -ndo- was impossible in forms 
iwming from verbal stems which ended in a consonant (e, g. 



.amples have survived, e. g. 
msy perhaps be identified with Lith. 



riiilo, Umbr. 



IJ lit Greek only a Tbv 
y^narv-i' int6f.ryOi (Hesych.!, 
4tktiHa-» (_\'^ ilhfgh-). 

2) Op. IM, jiiiniid for *paln6, beude p-i'eO, an 
oiieadito*. fur *lt-ltt-S, ^Irii: That the d of Iriiilo I'a not the 'rool- 
ileteraiDatiTe' d (rfA), •s in fri-i.-dd cd-rlo ehu-Oo, is shewn by (fii-tn-s 
contrasted with Xtt(s}sii-s, in-ciisi'-x elarmii-f. This 'determinative' was in 
fact used to furm not present stam« but verbal atema, tiHMu-t was formed 
later hy niialo^j. 



ib'I The Suffix -tno- -l^fiio: 

*veelno- or *i>ecleno- = Lith. eisstina-s, beaide vehs Lith. veM), 
and this gave rise to a variatioD in form, which was removed 
by a procesH of levelling; on the analogy of the relation of 
piando- to pians piantis, of dando- to dans dantis^ of iw- 
-plendo- to im-pletts -plentis etc., ferens produced a gerund-atem 
ferendu-, faciens the stem faciendo- and bo on. The Umbr. 
an-fermer 'oireumferendi' makes it probable that this develope- 
ment was complete in proethnic Itahc. The Latin by-forms witli 
-0- (-U-) like ferundo' faciundo- etindo- must be explained as 
imitations of the variation -ent- -ont- in the present participle, 
as G. g. in tftis euntis^ JlexuntSs and the like (§ 126). 

Lith. PartUipia necessitatis ia -tina-s. A!t^--f tna-s 'torquendus' 
beside inf. sitk-tt. JSsko-tina-s 'quaerendua* beside jSszko-ti. min6- 
-tina-s 'memorandus" from mi»e-ti. oSry-tina-s 'credendus* from 
very-ti. Without the implied meaning of necesBJty we have 
W-(i'm»-3 'being, remaining, actual' from biti 'to be' : Lat. -bitndti-s. 
la Slavonic we have -(?«»-, an adjectival suffix, e. g. pri-J^Xnii 
'pleasant' (we also find -enino-, as ne-ix-d-reientnH 'inexpress- 
ible'). 

There waa therefore in Indo-Gfermanic a verbal adjective 
in -tno- -t^no-, whoae neuter was used as an abstract substantive 
{nomen actionis). The adjectival meaning appears in Latin and 
Lithuanian, the subatantival in Old Persian and Latin. Cp. 

§ isa 

Remark. Compure the Authur, *Der ITraprung dor Ut. OorandiH 
und GeruTidiva', Amprioan JournsI of Philology VIII (1887) p. 441 ff. In hU 
recently publiBhed dUaertatioD 'Die Etymologic der aogen. Oerundivrormen' 
(EBnigsberg 188BJ, A. DobrJDg connects the Latin -ndo~ t'orma with the Or. 
nouDR in -of^o-j -u3o-t-u»*o-; -arSo-;, as Siiitr»o-iSiyir9o-t- and accordinglj 
argues for an original Idg. ■ndhii-. But besides the fact that these Or. words 
show no connexion in meniiing with the Lat. gerund and gerundive, the 
Umbr.-Oso. forms with -nn- (-n-) can hardly be rooonoileil with this iheorj , 
By the phonetic laws hitherto discovered in the Italic dialects Ihc forro!* 
in -lino- can be referred only to pr. Ital. -ndo', not to -npo-. The most 
recent theory is that of L. Haiet (M6m. de la 8oc. de lingu., VI 6 ff.) who 
ideiitiReB /rniiii'M-» with Or. j-iga/iiro-,; ; from 'frroniftio- by disainiilatioD 
he would derive a eupposed form 'fcromnlo- (what of ferimini?), from Oua 
'feromdo- 'ferondti ferundo- \ which is simply incredible. 



|70Ji. 



Tho BuflU ■ 



n SaDBkril, - 



,1,1- in Orecl;. 
nskrit and 



iHA 



g 70. The Suffix 
■tfvfe- in Greek^). 

These suffixes arc no doubt rightly regarded as very closely 
connected. 

9kr, -tvatid- (ueut.J is a secondary suffix having the same 
me&ntng as -tvd- (§ 61); as vasu-teavd-m beside vaau-tvd-m 
nchea', pali-tpand-tn married state', tnartya-tvand-m "the manner 
of meo*. la Avestic -pwana- is primary in d-stao-pwatie-m 'praise, 
gaerdoD'. 

Gr. -owo- is secondary in adjectivea like dovJ^-avto-^ 'serving', 
jTj9o'-ot'ro-5 'glad, joyful', &dgavn)-^- coafident' for •Saprto-irtiw-c 
(I § 643 p. 482), and in substantives like dovlo-ovyr] 'service', 
xitTtTO-avvT] 'thievery', fivfj/m-avyt} 'memory' {cp. g 158). The 
endiDg 'O-avtv- became general, whence we have /lamavv}) from 
/lavri-f, dtftioT-oavrj} from Otfug, ispmiawa (ueut. pi.) and 
iffftmavy?} for *ifg?](/)-o- from <tp*i'v (Wackemagel, Philol. An- 
aeiger 1886 p. 73 f.). 

Remnrk. It must be oanfessed that the phonetic relations of the 
Greek SDii Sanskrit auffiiea are not clear, sinoe -ovro' cannot be refj^alarly 
derived from •nr.o- (which would be related to Skr. -trirna- rb vnro-i: 8kr. 
atdpna-9 , an Indo-Germajiio variation of ablautj. Should we suppose a 
doublet in Greek, ^-ij-rro- beside •_r„i'o-, and that the n-eound which wm 
re^nlarlj developed in -rfira- (I § 166 p. UT, g 480 p. 36t) afterwards 
invaded •-rwo-F Cp, Alt. ai, for tii beoauae of o.', Horn, nlavfct beside 
Hew-Ion. T/un»p.( (Lith. kttter'i), G. Mejer Or. Gr.» p. 258, Oathoff Paul-Br, 
Beitr. Xin 425. Or may we assumo for Skr. -Iraaa- and Gr. ^'<iiro- a 
oolBiiion Kroood-Comi -/(f-^tio-P Cp. Gr. Ion. ovqav6-: for •/op/nro-f and 
Skr. rifrnwi-, for which von Fierlinger (Kuhn'a Ztsohr. XXVII 475) Msumes 
'ynntfinti- a« thi^ oommon groand-fonn (here, indeed, the relation of the 
Greek and Sanskrit forms would be exactly the reverae) ; add Skr. caftir' 
-iha- and Lith. KeMTIa-t for 'qnlvf-lo- (I § 165 p. 140). 

§ 71. The Suffix -mno- -mna- {-m^na- -mpnt-?) 
and -menO' -meita-, -mono- -moni^-^). 

In proethnic Indo-Gormanic, this suffix formed middle 
(passire) participles from tense-stems containing the thematic 

1) Th. Anfrecht, Das Affix »vyo,. nur,,. Eahn's Ztsohr. I 481 S. 

2) Bechstein, De nomioibus anffixo mino (iiino-) instructis, Curtias' 
Stud. Tin 37B ff, 



1<i4 The Suffix -mno- -i/t//u- (-m^fno- -wfJid-J aad $71. 

vowel, cp. pres. Skr. bidha-mOna^ Ghr. Tuv^i-fuw^^^ fat. Skr. 
bhoisyd-mana-s Gr. ;if fc^o-^cyos, from M^mi^-, *be awmke, aware*. 
We find it in Aryan occasionally, but in Gre^L muTenally 
extended to non-thematic stems, which originallT had -9110- 
-enO' -otW"'^ see § 65 — 67 and observe the Remarks on pp. 141 
and 152. 

It is now impossible to trace the original distribution of 
the forms which differ in their grade of Ablaut. 

In the Ilmbro-Oscan dialects, and in Balto-Slavonic, ^mo^ 

appcuirs w^ith a similar function: we are hardly justified in 

regarding tliis as a regular phonetic variant of -iiiiio- (§ 72, 

I p. 1G6). 

Hum ark. Sometimes it is difficult to decide whether a pardeiilar 
form contains this suffix or a later extension of -mmi^ by means of -o- -A-, 
as must certainly be assumed in e. g. Ayest airya^wuma" beside airyo- 
ffid/i-f Or. ytovu'uvo-Q beside Svojua (§ 117), no^-f/rtj "herd' beside ntn-fuiv "herds- 
man*, tjyffituvt) 'loader* (f.) beside ^yf^wr^ Lat edw^nna beside co2ti-«teif, 
Uuth. nti'fnno' (dat. pi. iiatnna^ni) beside namO. Cp. § 65 Rem. p. 139. 

Aryan. 

In Sanskrit only -mana" occurs. Pres. thdra^mdnct^s 
Iwmh'i iiidio. mid. bluiratS (bhar- 'bear'), ju^a^mdna^ beside 
intlic. mid. ju^d^t^ (/w^- 'taste, enjoy*), kriyd^manas beside 
iu(Uc. ]uxHH, krii/d-ts (fair- 'make'). Fut. yaksyd-mana^ beside 
indie, mid. pass. yak^yd-tS {yaj- 'revere'). The Ved. perf. part. 
m»f'm(lnd^s beside sixsr-and-s ^ from indie, med, pass, sasr-i 
(mi' 'flow*) is unique. 

In AvoHtic we find -miia- and ^mana~\ the latter should 
no doubt be referred ratlier to ^mi^no^ than to -meno^j since the 
forms vary merely in accordance w^ith the requirements of the 
metn». Pres. yaza^mna- beside indie, mid. yazaii^ (yaz- revere, 
prairtt^*), har'ze^mna^ bar'ze^tnana" 'being great or high', ahha^ 
'iHamt' beside indie, mid. ahh^UP. = Skr. dsya-U I § 558 p. 415 
(d/i- *tlirow*), vafitdya-mna^ beside indie, mid. (cans.) nci^Sayfit^ 
(Did' *kuow\ eausal 'make to know, show*). Fut. var^sya-mna- 
besidt^ indie, mid. pass, var'sycitf ground-form *jf^£-fl^je-toi I § 401 
p. 200 f. (var'z' 'work'). Sonu>times also in non-thematic stems, 
as myu'inna beside say-atiU'^ from indie, mid. sof-^ (^^y~ 'lie'). 



Greek. As a living participial suffix only -inro- occurs. 
Prea, gttpo-fuyo-^ beside indie, mid. pass, iftpf-tai {iffy- 'beaiOi 
•fiXfO'fiiro^ (fdtyvfitvihg beside indie, mid. pass, ipd^trai tfiXBiriu 
(ifiJjw 1 love'); side by side with these we find Delph. Loer. 
xalii/tfro-g Arcad. dinnjfievo-t;, and similar forma elsewhere, whose 
ending presupposes n form *-f-tf-fifn)-i;. Fut. Aiion-f/ti-n-g beside 
indie, raid, iiaat-Tat {Jw- 'give'), -fin-o- also estnbtished itself 
in all non-thematic tenses: contrast e. g. pres, Ti.t^'/ityn-q liewide 
indie, mid. pass, xiitt-Tai with Skr. dddh-ana-s {y/'^dhf- 'set, 
lay*), perf. ysytvfiivn-g for 'yf/fva-fiivo-i; beside indie, mid. puss, 
1.8, yiytvftai with Skr, jup4-and-8 O.H.O. parte, -koran (i/^getts- 
"tasteO, The accentuation in the perfect- (Att. -fdvoi;) was no 
doubt originally -invoi, see I § 676 p. 542 f. 

The form -/fio- fcp. the last Remark) perhaps occurs in 
certain formations no longer felt to be participial, as [i/lf/iro-r 
'mi»ile' (rs' (Icti.i.ofiftvt'') beside ti^hx;, nrri-/iii)-5 'crock' beside 
Itmjfii 'I place'. 

Italic. In Latiu we must refer to this suffix the ending 
of the 2. pi. -mini, as Ugi-minJ (sc. atis) ^ Ityo-ufvoi. The 
omission of eslig, which a priori would be somewhat remarkable, 
is easily explained if fwilh Wackemagel. Verhandl, der 30. Phi- 
lologenversammlung p. 281 f.) we compare the imperative form 
ttyiminl with the Greek infinitiTe i-f/infr-ai fg 117); the indie. 
tegiminl representing both Ityrifitrot ami Xtynfuraf, cjiiuted the 
impcmt. Ugiminl to be used nnly as plural and sh mid.-paiis.; «« 
conversely, when Ugiminf repreaendng Xf/iutriu had been M 
pfltahliafaed in the imperatiTe ayiteiD it caiued the onaanita at i 
the eopuU in ihe indicadve, -nnif bring r^arded aa the enduif I 
of the 2nd, pen. The auffix oontn slao is fl-mina, L e 'alie 
who saekle«' (cf. Or. 9^l*-i 'gnrtog rack, fennle'), dimtM 
according to OtthM (WSMMn'a Arehir IT 463) eane from 
*etemtHOa Tin 'tifi-t-memo'*, ef. -ctMf: Hki. irdifa-mana-». It 
i» doubtful wbetb'T tlua M ImL -otm^- waa origtBaDy -m^M9-, 



-mmo- is seen peffacpe m Lat. aUammt^, V ff tt n m mi §, . 
rtlmmmu-* and aurihr bnm (ep. the lai* Bnurk). 



166 



The Suffix -mo- -ino-, -ipmo- -iji'iiil-. 



Pru88. po-klausi-matia-s (f) part, 'becoming heard' beside 
Lith. klaus^'ti 'to hearken' is the only form of this kind in the 
Baltic dialects. 

§ 72. The Suffix -mo- -ma-, -i^imo' -i^trnfl-. 

There are three claaeea of forma: 

1. -mo- occurs as a participial suffix in Umbro-Sanmitic 
:ind in Balto-Slavnuic, with the same meaning; as -meno- (§ 71). 
It may be related to the -mo- in adjectives hke Avest. iw~ma- 
■fltrong", Gr. 9f«-/<0(; Lat. for-mu-s 'warm' {see below, 3). A.t 
the same time it is perhaps a possible alternative to refer it to 
■mm- (cp. I § 219 p. 187). 

In the above-named Italic dialects, the suffix is found in 
imperative forms like Umbn persnih-inu 'precamiuo, supplieato' 
Osc. censa-mu-r 'censemino'. 

In Bait. -Slav, -mo- is a Hving sufRx in the pres. part, 
pass., in Lith. in the fut. port. pass, alao, though this ia now 
obaolote. In Prusa, we have -mana- instead; see § 71. 

Lith. pres. Beza-tnas 'being or capable of being carried', 
beside the indie, veiit 'veho', j6ja-ma-s beside }6-ju T ride', 
jSszko-Ma-s beside jeszkau 'I seek' (!, p\. jeszko-me). Fut. vissi- 
-ma-8 j6ai-ma-s jiszkosi-mn-s beside indie, tisziu (ground-form 
*W*^A + si3) Jo-sitt jSszko-siu. 

O.C.Sl. cezo-mH beside indie, mzn 'veho', znaje-mv, beside ana- 
-jq 'I know', fhtali-mii beside chcaljq 'I praise' (1. pi. chpalt-mU). 

2. -mo- 1JMM0- is a superlative suffix in words denoting 
number, rank, order iu apace and time, and the like. Thia 
sufBx is the second element in -t^tno- f§ 73). The corresponding 
comparative suffix is generally -era-, as -tero- beside the 
superl. -(ijimo- (§ 75). A possible derivation is suggested in 
the Remark on p. 167. 

In do-Germanic, "septmo- (*sepdm6- *sebdtn6-9 seel § -169 
p. 345) sept-^m6- 'septtniua': tikr. saptamii-s Gr, 'efidofio-.i (see 
under Greek) Lat. septimii-s (J.Ir. sechtm-ad Lith. sekma-a PrusB. I 
atpima-s O.C.Sl, sedmt/-fl\ similarly *dek^im6- 'deeimus' (see 
under Aryan) and 'oktmd- *ot(^inio'- octavus* (see under BiUto- 
Slavonic). *up-m6' ^up-^nio- 'uppermost, highest'; Skr, upowp-s. 



§72. 



The Suffix 






l(i7 



Ijit, sumwu-s for *s-up-mo-s (for the s- see I § 568 p. 425), 
A,S. ufem-est, cp. comparative Skr. tipara- Lat. s-tipero-. *medk- 
-^md- midmoBt' beside *>neflh-io-s 'mediua' (§ 63, 3 p. 132) : Avest. 
inadeina- midmost', Wotli. miduma subat. 1'. 'middle' (qi. § 158) 
O.H.G, metamo metemo 'mediocria'; beside these are forma which 
have beeu readjusted to suit the parallel •wierfAio-, Skr, inadh- 
-gamd-s 'midmost' and Ooth. midjuma- or midjttman- in midfun- 
■gards 'the globe' for *midjum(a)-gurda fcp, § 40 p. 09), O.H.G. 
mitiamo m. 'middle' (cp, O.H.G. tvittil A.S. middel beside the 
more archaic O.H.G, metal 'medius' and Gr. vtiain-Q beside viaxo-^, 
'novissiniiis, oxtremus' from *vfJ'io *re/o-). 

Keiuark. *seplijim6- ma; be related to the oardinal *srpl^ ah the 
Or. njofd-,- lo niif, 'ndr&- rSkr. iidrd-H etc.) to Mwf (8 74), The ordiaal 
nnmeral appears to have been formed bj the addition of -ri-, cp. l.at. 
i(onu-s from 'iieypnC- from *iifw (I § 232 p. 187, g 233 p. 198, § 249 
p. 205). It is possible therefore that the superlative sufliz -mo- wus taken 
bodily from the the ending uf thu numerals. Cp. the suffix -lo-, whioh 
'erveH in the iame wilv to form bath iirctinal nuinernls and auperlatives, § SI. 

Aryan. Skr. daiamd- Avest. dasema- 'decimus': Lat, de- 
cimu-s O.Ir. deckm-ad, common ground-form 'dehpin6-. 8kr. ap- 
•amd- Avest. ap-ema- 'most distant, last' beside Skr, dpa 'from, 
ivway'. Skr. av-amd- 'lowest, uest' from dca 'off, down', adh- 
-amd- 'uDdermoat' (ground-form *^dhtnm6-) bouide adhds below : 
ih<' relation of this word to Lat, Infimu-s and Jnfent-s is not 
idear ; aee Ascoli, Sprachvnssensch. Briefe 83, and above I g 389 
Kem. p. 292 '), par-amu- 'furthest, last, beat' from ixira- 'further'. 

In Greek it is rare. i^infiO'% 'septimus' and Heracl. Delph. 
ifiitft^xona for *i^ifi- with anaptyctic -o- and -e- (see I § 626 
p. 470) : 0.C.8I. sedmy-jl etc., see p. 166 above. wpo-;io-i; 'fore- 
most' from Tipo' 'before' : cp, Ilmbr. promom, Goth, fra-m. Perhaps 



l) In this Remark there is an error in the (ranalation. The seoond 
■entenoe ahould read: "we might regard the f n% regular in in-funds eon- 
-funil6 and thenoe substituted for h in the uncotnpooudcd verb , if there 
were more evidence for the suggestion that the word Infamua itijiiiiua aroes 
from ftii old phrase *in fiimo 'in humo', eto." [i. e. if we could prore that 
pr. Ital. ^ ID Lntin passed through the stage /' on its yiaj to h initially, 
fuid that the compounila infiimlo cniifnndo infimtis were formed just at 
that period.] 



168 The Suffix -mO' 'ma-, -^imo- 'ffima'. §72. 

also nv/Li-ato-g last* (cp. efiiofi-aro'g beside l/?(fo^o«c> Tplv^aros 
beside rg/ro-g), although its base is certainly obscure (in J. 
Schmidt^s derivation from ano, as though it came from *(a)7rv-/io- 
(Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 24) the v presents some difficulty). 

Italic. Lat. decimu-s Osc. dekmanniois 'decumanis': Skr. 
daiamd' and similar ordinals (see p. 167 above). Lat. summu^ 
Umbr. somo *8ummum' pr. Ital. *«-ifp-wo-« : Skr. upamd^s upper- 
most, highest*. Lat. prfmu-s Pelign. pris-mu *primo' or 'primum* 
beside prius. Lat. tmu-s Osc. imad abl.*ima'; the word no doubt 
belongs to O.Ir. is 'below* Tchtar *the lower part' 0- Lat. min-dmU'S, 
plur-imU'S^ brUma (beside brevi^s); formed from adverbs in nJ, 
extrS-mu-s postrB'tnu-s suprB-mU'S. Osc. pos-mo^m postremum*, 
cp. Lat. pGne for *po8~ne. Umbr. prumum promom primum': 
Gr. ngo'/uo-g Goth. /ra-m; simu simo 'ad citima, retro*. Umbr. 
nuvime adv. nonum*, a later formation like Skr. navamd^s and 
O.Ir. ndma-d nonus*. Umbr.-Osc. nesimo-' proximus* for *ti«05tmo-, 
no doubt connected with Lat. tiedd nexus: O.Ir. nessam *next* 
beside the comparative nessa. 

'ipmO' is probably also to be traced in Lat. superlatives 
like pulcerrimU'S celerrimu-s faciUimu^s simillimti^ (Danielsson, 
Pauli's Altital. Stud. Ill 153). ^ptUcr-is-etno- *facUi8'emO' {'is- 
is the weakest form of the comparative suffix, cp. pulcr^iar 
facU^ior) became ^ptUcfsemO" ^pulcersimo- and ^faclsetno- ^facil- 
simO' (I § 633 p. 473 f.) and then pulcerrimO" faciUimo- (I § 571 
p. 429). 

Old Irish. The ordinals in -ijimo- appear to be extended 
by -e^o-, as sechttnad septimus* for *«ep^gnne^o-s, dechmad *deci- 
mus' for *dehj[imeto~8 ^ undoubtedly through the influence of 
cOiced quintus* sessed 'sextus* (§ 81); similarly in the other 
Keltic languages, e. g. Mid.Cymr. seithuet 'septimus*. Cp. Gr. 
€(id6^iaro^ on the analogy of JtxaTo-i,-, etc. rem- ante, prae*, 
which has lost an initial /> (I § 339 p. 268): Goth./rtiiwa Lith. 
jArma-^ 'primus*, common ground-form *pf-ma-. 

1) See Lothf M^m. de la Soc. de lingu. Y, 231 f. and d'Arboifl de 
Jubainville, ib. VI 55 f. It is better to refer it to ^ik^mo^ or ♦i^-mo-, 
than to *lA*«-mo-, from which we should expect in Oso. isnio-. 



m 



The Suffix - 






ltt» 



In Keltic this suffix was regularly used to form the superlative. 
Id 0,lr. neasam neKt', and some other tbritis, -am corresponds to 
Lst-iHW-; aee above. Ou the other hand, -em cannot be identified 
with -^ino- in p. g. dilem 'pleasantest' (conip. diliu pos. dil) coemetit 
fsireat' (oomp. coimiu poa. coem) toinif/em 'first, most excellent' 
tamp, toisiffiu poH. toisech) lugetn 'smallest' (coiup. laigiu) 5am 
for *6-etn youngest' (comp. oa) mOam for *»nfl-cm greatest' 
(fomp. tndo). Probably Thiimeyaen is right in comparing these 
funiis with Lntiu superlatives like pulcerrimw-s (see above); 
'ii^t^mo- became 'dilisamo- *(lilih'im(o}-, finally dilein '), To 
BUcli superlative forms the same ~etn waa sometimes added a 
second time, as uaiiUimem 'highest' beside the comp. utiisliu pos. 
M«a/, cp. Gr. -r-aro-s § 81. 

Germanic. In proethnic Germanic this suffix passed 
WW into the M-declension in adjectives; the Gothic feminine 
^tled in ei gen. -cms, aa in the comparatives in -iz-a (see 
S§ no, 135), in ("Othic the forms in -uma also acquired a 
coBparntive meaniDg, so that c. g. inii-tima was sometimes 
p^oinlent to the O.H.G. inn-ero (cp. de Saussure, Melanges 
Renier 3S3 fF,), Goth, fru-ma 'prior, primus' (whence frum-ists 
ptimua'). O.H.G, /n/mn f, 'use, advantage': O.Ir. rem- Lith. 
I^r-ma-s common ground-form *pf-tno- ; contrast with these Goth. 
'1H.(J, fra-m adv. 'forwards', further'; Or. Ti^-/in-g. Goth. aiiA- 
"nia "higher, highest', compare aiih-m-iats and a^k-um-iats 'highest', 
*'3, ymtst = Goth, aukmists. Goth, inn-tinm 'inner, innermost' 
A8. im-etn-est 'inuernioat', Goth, spid-um-ista 'latest, last' be- 
^^* tpid-iats. Goth, hleid-uma "left, aoiattQoc, compare no doubt 
'^'H.G, (hiU'ta 'slope, declivity' Gr, xU-nK' 'hill", A.S. siet-em-est 
"■^i beside sUt-est, laet-em-est 'latest' ; nord-m-esf 'northernmost' 
^M-eat 'southernmost'. 



1) "The iDBS of an i i» indicated both bj the medial A of U.Britiah 
"'itaiN 'eldcBl' for "aenr'Biim-, ftnd later 'hfniliom- (— Ir. 'ainfin), and 
''I <be reCcnlion of the older tenuis before this suffix in Cymric, as In the 
•"PMUtiire rhalof for 'raf-finm beBide the poH. ihail 'eheap' Whether 
'''II. flfJhfnma (a goddesaj and Triffieavio- (tlie river 'Treisaiu') belong td 
"ui group ifl doubtful." Thumej-sen. 



no 



The Suffix - 



- -mi-, -IJIIHO- -^Nld-. 



vt 






la Bftlto-Slavonie the sufBx is rate. Lilh, dsztna-s Prusa. 
!icc. asma-n O.C.Sl. osmy-}% "octavus" pr. Bait.Slav. *Qs(t)-mo-: 
Skr, aifamd- Avest. astema- O.Ir. ochtm-adt tliiB word, in spite 
iif the agreement of several [aoguages, can scarcely have been 
formed until after the separation of the In do -Germanic families, 
ii8 was Skr. naDatnd- Umbr. nuvime. Lith. pir-ma-e Lett 
pir-md-is Pruss. pir-mais primus': O.Ir. rem- Ooth. fruma. 

3. -tno- with other fuiictiona. It forms substimtiveB, 
iind adjectives. There are only a few groups of words which 
by their parnllelism in form and meaning constitute a special 
class, as e. g. the Greek abstract substantives in -po-g. The 
Hubstantives are generally masculine, more rarely feminine, and 
the neuter very seldom appears, 

-mo- is used as a denominative suf^x in several laogm 
but this use is on the whole rare and no doubt a seconi 
dev elopement. 

Where the anflix is primary, the root syllable, from the very 
oarliest period, varies between the weak and the strong grade of 
ablaut ; in the latter case, in roots of the e-series, the o-form 
seems to have been regular in the proetlinic and later periods. 
It is common to find forms of the strong and weak grade in 
the same word, e. g, Gr. ir-^io'-c .- Xoi-fin-g, Skr, dku-tnd-s: O.H.O, 
tou-m, Or. jfC-iio'-c: Skr. h6-ma-s, Skr. idh-md-s: Avest. afs-ma- 
(I § 94 p. H^) ; this indicates an original variation of ablaut withu 
the same paradigm {cp. Osthoff, Morph. Unt. IV 127 f.). j 

In a large number of cases •mo- is closely connected viiA 
-men- (§ 117), In c-roots, where both suffixes are found side 
by side and the root-syllable has p, as in tir. nfv9-/t6-Q be- 
side xtvU-iiMv 'hiding-place', O.C.Sl, zi-ma 'winter beside Or. 
;(n-fiiiiv 'storm, winter, the presumption is in favour of the 
greater antiquity of the me«-fonuation. In many instances there 
has obviously been a confusion of the two. In compound words, 
the )«o-form was substituted for mm- both in the Indo-Germanic 
period and later (§ 12 p. 27)'). 

1) For this process of aubNtitutioD in the use of the auffiiea & rafereaot^ 
ia«y now be added to J. WsckernBgel, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 2B8 ff. 



!Tl 



The auffii -wo- -itO-,- 



171 



Idg. 'dhu-mo- 'ebullition, emoke': Skr. dkiimti-a, Gr. Svfia-g 
("spirit, paflsion"), Lat. fflmu-s, Lith. pi. liiimai, O.C.SI. dymfi, 
add O.H.G. tu-mOn 'to turn one's self in a circle'; beside thia' 
wehiive *dhou-mo- in O.H.G. toum 'vapour, fume', "tu-mo- *tii-mo- 
ftoffl \/^tfV- 'swell, grow strong': Skr, reiiupl. tU-tumd- Aveat. 
(Swa- 'stroDg', Mod.Cymr. fw/ 'vigor' (a borrowed wordP), 0.C.8I. 
Wfiw f. '^eat niimber' (there are many extended formations 
fr<Ba tbp -mo-atem, as Skr. ttim-ra- 'fat, strong', Lat. tumeO, 
fl.H.G. diimo m. 'thumb'); with theae compnre *toif-mo- in 
(I.H.(t. thaum doum 'vapour', which was confused with toum. 
'f-mi- 'arni, something bowed op bent' : Hkr. Trmd-s Avest, ar'ma- 
Annon. orm-fiAn hat. annus 0.11.G. aram O.C.SI. ramo. *§ki- 
-iHO- •jjAi-nul : Skr. himd-s 'cold' hf-via 'winter' Avest. ziwta- m, 
winter", Armen. jm-em (gen. Jm-eran) 'winter' for *jiiH-er' (for 
'ne suffix conipiire amahi 'summer"), Gr, ih'o-xi.iwa' 'exposed to 
ditng(Tou» storms, fearful', Lat. blmu-s for *bi-hi7nu-s (I § 510 
P-3U § e04 p. 4bS) ; the vocaUsm of Idg. *Shei-men- (Gr. j[-h-/<(uV) 
sppiHfs m Lith, tema 0.C.81, simu 'wbter'; and we can trace 
'he form *§hiem- *§him- in Avest, tijA, gen. zim-6 'winter's frost' 
'". j^KuV 'snow' Lat. hxiins {§ 1 60, 2). *sii-m6- (cp. Skr. s(yfl- 
"Wdle, thicken', also connected witli Goth, stdi-n-s) : Skr. stlmd- 
Iwy, creeping' prti-stlma- "pressed, heaped', Mid.H.G, sKm m, 
""nle. confused mass' CIcel. sl'tm n, 'wrestling, trouble' (Lith, 
''jBiM and stymu 'shoal of moving fisli' are no doubt borrowed 
'fodiScaBdiuaviun, cp. 9wed, sHm 'tnmult, shoal of tumbling fiah"); 
"'d.H.O, slei-m 'turmoil' shows a stronger fonn of the root. 
^r-m-s (v'^gAer-) : Skr. i/haimd-s 'heat' Avest. gar'ma- 'warm' 
9<^mt-m 'warmth' (see eapeeiany I § 78 p. 60, § 445 p, 331), Lat. 
fonm-s, O.H,0. warm 'wiirm', Pruas, yorm-e 'heat' ; beside these, 
""li*, Armen. jerm 'warni', Gr, S^p/io'-i,- 'warm' ^^^pfi'j "warmth". 
"Wbo- "way' (v''^i-)' Skr. e-ma-s way, path' Or. o'-/io-tf ot-ftT/ 
'flh, tract'. 

frV its use as a secondai-y suffix there seems to be only 
""fl esample which we can regard aa proethnic: Skr. dru-ma-s 
"w; Or. iiir-ii'i pi. 'wood' il{iC--fii)-g 'woodland', beside Skr, dru- 
'''■ 1^ 'wood'. 



I 



Aryan. In SaoBkrit it is nearly always masruUne. Skr. sfl- 
-md-m 'milk, water', s^ma-s Avest. liao-ma- 'sap, aoTDa-drink'. 
* from su- 'press'. Skr. \^-md-s i$-md-!t "god of love' Avest. afs-ma- 
m. 'chidin;;, wrath': cp. Gr, f/Mpo-g 'longiug, desire'. Skr. blid- 
-mas 'light, sheen' Mod.Pers. bSm 'light' Aveat. bdmya- 'shining, 
clear. Skr. lOk-ma-s 'green stalk of com' O.Pers, tauma- 'famil 
for Haitxma-. cp. Skr. t6k-man- n. 'green stitlk of corn' (older' 
t:han mk-ma-s) Avest. taox-man- n. 'seed, kernel, offspring'; the 
O.Pors. tau-ma- however should perhaps be explained otherwise, 
see § 117 under Aryan. Skr, df-tna-a 'path- eourse' (beside 
dj-man- /-ntdn-. which mean the same): Or. ny-ni)-; 'path' (wilfci 
prothetir. o-?). Skr. 4-ma-ii S-nitt'S 'helper, companion' besi 
S-mdn- 'help, support', compared with riva-ii 'he helps". 
-tnd-s 'terrible', cp. Lith- bdi-m-e 'fear', tig-md-g 'sharp', riik- 
'shining, ornament', yudh-md-s 'fighter'; cp. Or. vrr/ifrtj 'fif 
battle' from *tltf +o/(- (cp. p. 173). yug-md- 'even, forming a pf 
neut. subst. 'pair', dar-md-s (beside dnr-mdn-) 'he who shattenl 
dhdr-ma-s (beside older dhdr-man- n.) 'order, law, institution^ 

It is secondary only in Skr. dru-ma- face above p, 17l)ij 
and dyu-md' 'clear, shining* from dyu- div- 'brightneas, dafw 

Armenian, arm-ukn 'elbow', ym-ern 'winter', jerm wai 
see above under Idg„ p, 171. 

Oreek. Ar-/"''%" hunger ioi-/'"-? plague, pestilent 
Skr. sH-ma-a nightly spectre' from v^s/ej- hurt'. Hubstantiv) 
witli the strong-grade of the root-syllable are not uncommon; 
oQ-titj 'onset' : Skr. adr-ma-s 'flow, flowing perhaps also f).H.Q-. 
stur-m storm, fight' (attir- for jg--, cp, I S 580 p. 433 f.)f> 
rnp'iio-g what is bored, a hole': O.H.G. dar-m O.IcaL: 
par-m-r intestine' (i. e, that which goes right through 
body', or the channel through which the food passes')) 
tploy-fio-Q brand' (fXeyio); n^jf/io-f lock of hair {nXtKu] 
nl-tio-t; 'cylindrical body, mortar (ilrra); oft-iio-^ 'cord, neck lai 
(cp. %*a); io;f-fii} "thicket, bushes' (i*]fo^). Further we hai 
examples with weak voealism: xpe^o'-g frost' (for Npfo-/*! 
beside ttpva-Toirm) , dpi'/iii-g 'drink, drinking-plaoe', 
aneese'. In forming abstract verbal nouns -no- was very ft 



i«^ 



m 



The Suffix -mo- - 



173 



V. g. Iivy-fto-i fivx-fto-i groan" (beaide /it'^w fiBfiDxa), ivy-fto-g 
'shriek' (beside is'Cio), 6ivo-/t6-Q kmentation' (beside oiS6^ftat), 
ifiay/i6-^ 'plundering' (beside apnixCw), xr/(ivy-fio-g 'calling out' 
(beiide uTipiaaoi — for the y aee I § 486 Hem. p. 359), /itpiofiii-i; 
'diviiion' (beside fitpt'C*" — for the -d- see below). Femmtaes 
of the same kind ave: nvy-fuj fight with fists', Ti-fnj 'esti- 
mrtioQ, honour, xap-fti) joy of battle, battle', ax-ft^ edge, 
"hsrpnesa', yrru-fitj 'intent, opinion", fn-rj'/irj 'memory, (m-arifftij 
wonce'. 

Sometimes we find -c-fio- {up. -i-fuv- § 117): ipi-t^io-y 
W beside igiaaio ipi-Trjg, iffttfi^ injunction' beside iip-t-ji]-^ 
If^fu, etc., cp. O.S. braklum and the like, p. 175, More fre- 
quently '9~(io- (up. -d-ftfn- § 117) : d(ti-3/id-^ number' (no doubt 
connected with O.H.(J. ri-nt 'orderly succession, number'), 
"p-Sfio-f tie', ota-Sfiii-g standing-place, stall, posts' ard-l^ftt} 
plumb-line", gvS-fio-Q rhythmical motion', xlrtv-9n6-^ 'crying' 
"ll^tf/fo'-f bowitchiag', fir,vl-Sn6'^ wrath' etc., cp. -y-oo- -■'*-Ao- 
(5T7). 

■s-mo- according to Morph, Unt. 1 81, occurs in Saafio-c 
iiwion' beaide iurioitm, ui'o/io'-k,- 'push' beside fitf/iw, aipXowfto-^ 
loim' beside ntif^Xwia, ooiii) beside older oi-fn] 'smell', aytcfio-c 
•pUt' beside o/tXiJi And in substantives in -tafto-q and -ao/io-f,- 
Mnnceted with derivative verbs in -iCfn nCu}, as fnpiufiry^ dxovi- 
niii-f ii/Sovtaafi6-Q. Yet it may also be assumed (cp, Solmsen 
KiJui'b Zb4chr. XXIX 123) that in auch forms there was ori- 
pBslly only -mo- (which would give us *iaz/i6-i *itiSfi6-g o'J<j»j); 
that then, where perfect forms in -o/iai -o/is!ta -a/uro-i (the a 
MBefrom -atat, 6f^aa,u^u being formed on the model of Jfilnurai) 
IWuned in the paradigm of the verb, the (7 from these forms 
''"t the place of the explosive; and that afterwards, on the 
Ualogy of such words, the explosive was replaced hy o in other 
fitances (e. g. od/nj). The occurence of -/lo- aud -a/io- side 
"J Bide in derivatives of these dental stems led to the sub- 
•titntion of -a- for i> in several of the forms in -&uo- mentioned 
•wve, as porj/io-j- instead of pv^-^io-;,-, Jtrtui? instead of dv-^fnj, 
''u/io-,' for (Lacon. and other dial,) »i-3nn<;. Cp. -d.Ktv- § 117, 



1 74 The Suffix 'tno' 'md-, -^>no- -ijimfi-. § 72. 

-mo- is secondary in J(>v7io- (p. 171), and also in the ad- 
jectives in 'i/iiO'^, which were derived fromi-stems; as tpv^ittO'g 
'protecting, whither one can flee' (from (fvh-g 'flight'), t^daif^o-^ 
*that can be traversed, safe' (from paai-g 'a going*), Xvaifio-g 'that 
can be ransomed* (from Xvai-i; 'ransom') ; on the model of these 
were formed aXxijuo-g strong*, roottf^io-g relating to one's return', 
po/tiifio-g law^ful' and others. It occurs also in hv-fw-g 6TjyTv-/io-s 
true, genuine' (cp. itsog for ^hsfo-g). 

Italic. Lat. If-tnu-s crooked' li'mU- crossway, dividing 
line, boundary, Osc. liimitu[m] limitum': the Oscan word 
cannot have arisen from Vixmo- (cp. lutula) which would have 
become Hismo- in Oscan, and if this derivation is correct, it musi 
have been borrowed from Latin. Osc. eg-nio res', stem eg-md-, 

Lat. It-mu'S 'grease, slime, mud': O.H.G. 1%-m 'glue' lei^m 
'loam*. fi-mU'S fi-mU'tn: no doubt connected with Gr. ^'-/lo-t 
'scented plant' (see I § 49 p. 41 f.). ani-mu-s ani-tna: Gr, 
ave-fio-g 'wind*, cp. also O.Ir. anim^ dat. anmain^ 'soul*. fd-ma\ 
Gr. 9?/-//^ 'news, rumour*, for-ma : cp. Skr. dhari-mdn 'figure*. 
spUma for ^spoi-ma: O.H.G. fei-m m. 'foam' (cp. § 66 p. 148). 

Lat. dumu-s (dusmo in loco Paul. Fest.), rdmu-s no doubt 
for *rad-mO' ground-form ^yfd-mO'^ beside radix ^ with other 
examples. The neuter is rare: p^-WM-m, ar-rna. There are a 
fairly large number of feminines: If-ma, rU-ma (beside ru'tnen), 
rf'tna, gem-ma etc. 

-md' is secondary in lacru-ma lacri-ma: cp. Gr. Sdxpv 'tear. 

Old Irish, le-m m. 'elm' ground-form *|-wo-): Lat. nl-mu'S^ 
O.H.G. el-m O.Icel al-m-r 'elm'. Id-m f. 'hand': Gr. naXa-^tf) 
Lat. pal'fna O.H.G. fol-ma 'hand, flat hand', rf-m f. 'number*, 
dram f. 'number, counting for *ad'rfmd (cp. I § 623 Rem. 1 
p. 469, § 634 p. 474 f.): cp. O.H.G. rf-m Gr. dpi-^^ta-g p. 173. 
O.Ir. gor-m 'blue' Mod.Cynur. gwr-m 'dusky': Skr. ghf-ni-mi 
1 shine*? (see Curtius Grdz.^ 494). O.Ir. lua-m celox': cp. Lith. 
plaU'S-ma-s 'raft'. 

Infinitival nomina actionis are formed with -md- ; as cretenx 
'faith, believing', sechem *a following*. 

Germanic. O.H.G. bodam m. 'bottom*: cp. Gr. nvd^'/nijv 




'gtouod. bottom', (cp-i 

Ooth. /ka-Mos pL (am. 

'dvdling: Lhli. J 

Qlwla(ra»im-r OM.Q.M 

(witli otig. Off) LiMt. i 

^j^f a wwn OB tb« I 

(g 117). AA. fmr-m » £««. pra 

Wl": cp. Or. 3n^-/^tmf. ftM.G. i 

')(»«': (ir. xala-ff^ 'reed, Mklk'. Lat. iW — I. Len. j 

O.C^L sla-iPM t *MaJk'; pr. Gsv. '^a^M*- an iqwfm 

'U^M- or *k{-mo- a §906 p. 2^ L). OlH£./Mm a-l 

du' A^. fatAmOt pL "botk ii^Hiilihil ant' OJcd. /Mbr 

'tord, bibooi. embrace': q». OX^rvr. iicv 'faAoa'. Gotk. A-*4 

0£.6. fMO-w 'sentence, trial. iMib^bs. wmA': Gr. ; 

*«Mk', from \^dKi- 'set, place'; bendr it »e hare 

(! IIT). 

Goifa. rQ-m-t 'mom. rooraj'' O.H.G. ri-at m. 'roan': cp. 
Atm. nir-aA' 'road, free way*. QAG. anHa m. OJod. ikA-m a. 
Gam'. Forms with the lugli' grade of abbot (o-^^ade id -4~ 
-foots) ftre far commoner. We may luld O.H.G. &ar-M O.Icel. 
tar.ffi-/- 'womb' fthat which bean'. V^Mcr-): O JI.G. £OM-ai OJceL 
UN-iii-r 'bridle, rein' pr. Germ. *to|fjv-ai^ 'that wfaicfa palh or 
it pulled", v^rfewi'- dncere"). 

A smaller number of forms hare e in the root srllable; 
nti Bahder (Verbalabstr. 136 f.) &^ume« that tfae^e were 
originally m«n-etema; as O.H.G. nuim m. "dust' beside O.IceL 
■flimr 'mt'tar and Lith. metmu, gen. melmrAs. 'nephritic stone". 
Cp. further O.U.G. atum A.S. athom "breath' pr. Germ. *ip-ma- 
(fcr the history of the original tenuis in Germanic aee Kfigel, 
l^tenturbl. f. germ. u. rom. Phil. 1887 no. 3) beside O.Fris. 
**na 'breath', Skr. *«-m<fw- "breath, soul'. 

Several intitaDces of -t-mo~ occur (cp. Gr. -t-wo p. 17H), 
•• tioth. mdi-pm-s A.S. mS-thom 'present, jewel' beside Or. 
W-ro-; thanks, payment', Lat, mii-dio-s, Lith. mai-nas 'barter' ; 
".Ssx. hrah-tum 'noiae' beside O.Sax. G.H.G. hraH 'uoiso'; 
O.H.O. bra~dam 'vapour, steam, exhalation" beside A.S. brad 



f. vapour (cp. Bremer, Paul-Br, Beitr. XI 279); O.H.G. kro- 
-dam 'Hhriek' beaide O.H,G. hano-krOt 'cock-crow' (cp. Bremer 
loc. cU.); Mid.H.G. bladein wind' beside O.H.O. bla-f 'bi 



Balto-Sluvonie. Lith. pi, dti-mai O.C.Sl. dy-mU 'smoke* 
Skr. dku-md-s etc., see p. 170 above. Pruas, irmo 'arm' (perhaps 
noni. sing, of an M-stem, like Lith. -m^) O.C.SL ramo besidi' 
ramti 'shoulder' ; Skr. ir-md-s etc., see p. 171 above. Lith. szdl- 
-im~s 'helmet' (Prusa. salmis) : Ooth. hilm-s O.H.G. helm 'helmet'. 
Skr. idr-man- a. 'shelter, protectioo, armour'; may we therefore 
nasume Idg. "kol-mo- and *^-mtf«-? 0.0,81. sramu 'shi 
O.H.G. haram O.S. hurm 'iusult, outrage'. 

Lithuanian. Masculinen are rare; a^dr-wia-.'i potash 
-szlai-ma-s 'fore-court' {i/^lclei- 'clioare'). Femininea are more 
commoD, as tar-mci (also larmS) 'statement', szar-ma 'rime, frozen 
dew", eai-mi 'payment of fare'. On the other hand, there are 
many maaculines formed with s-ma-, as garsma-s 'call' from 
^gard + sma- beside gafso-s 'noise' from *gard -i- sa-s {gird-mi 
gird-Silt 'I hear'), varstnu-s 'the length of a furrow' for *vart- 
laflk-sma-s 'bending', valk-sma-s 'piiU, draught', kaHk-smas 'howl 
rek-ama-a 'roar', cp. also -s-mc in drauame 'training', Lett, drdusi 
threat' beside Lith, draudziit 'I protect, forbid', 6ai(sme'puni 
ment' beside baadiiii 'I punish', gSstne Lett, dfisma 'song' 
side Lith. ged~mi 'I sing', etc, Adj, szif-tna-s Lett, st'r-tn-s 'grt 

-imas -}jma-s form abstract verbal substantives from 
liny given verb, aa sukhna-s "a turning' from auk-ti 'to turn', 
aSkyma-s 'saying' from aaky-ti 'to say'. How (i, e. from what 
model) this group of forms took ita riae is doubtful 
jatmimu-s 'the dance of youth, company of young folks' froi 
Jduna-a 'young', miiiksztima-s 'soft part of bread' from mlwfcsrf* 
'soft'. 

Secondary: <o7i-rn(i-s 'distant' from toll adv. 'afar', drltf-mi 
'near' from arti adv. 'near'. 

The secondary suffix -iima-s forms abstract aubatanti' 






of^l 



[-mi 

I 



|TI,7S. 



The Suffix -tinmo- 'I^hhO-. 



177 



This aroee in forma like graiu-ma-s "beauty' from graiu-s 
Wntifiil', on the model of which were formed such words as 
tnumma-s 'dryoess' trom sav.sa-s 'dry'. By the side of this we 
find -tfffui used to denote some part of the land, as lygu-ma 
'b lerel place' (beside l^gu-ma-s levelness, the being level') from 
%K-s 'even, level', sattsumit 'dry place'. 

0.C.81. koB-mu and kos-ma 'hair'- u-mft 'thought, under- 
itanding', no doubt connected with 9kr. av- Lat, aofre and 
llierefore similar in formation to Skr. tJ-wn-s 'helper' (p. 172). 
jiw-iwu 'sport, acena' glu-ma 'lice ntiouan ess', -s-mo- is the suffix 
in utmv uatna 'indumentum, corium', if the word is connected 
with lA-u-ti 'to cover the feet', 

§ 78, The Suffix -tt^mo- t^ina-, forming BUperlatives, 
We may analyse it as -t-qimo-, and the second element -tgimo- 
is itself a superlative suffix (S 72, 2 p. 166 ff.). As a single 
indiviaibte suffix, -t^imo- must have been rare in the Indo- 
Heimanic period. 

-(-ipmo- is linked with the comparative -lero- {§ 75) in the 
wtne iray as -i^o- with -ero-, cp, Goth, af-tuma: 0.H.G1-. aftro 
«fl«rv and Skr. ap-amd-s: Skr, dp-aras Goth, afar, further 
8b, ut'lamd-s: Skr. iU-tara-s Or. va-iE(}o-g and A.9. Ut-em-est 
(u extension of an original *iit-ema}: Skr. ud-arii- Ud-ara- 
flwlly') O.H.G. a^-ro. -tero- however had become an independent 
iifBx earlier than -t-i^mo- and it appears from the evidence of 
■iie different languages that it was widely used even in the 
pMethnic period. 

Indo-Germanic. 'trlhut'-t^mo- or *trilc^t'-ttiimo- 'tri- 
'^fiwinns' : 8kr. tri^at-tatnd-s {\ for l is hyaterogenous) Lat. tricSn- 
'"Xiw (rtcfisimw-s (-S- for -ss-, see I g 501 p. 367 f.): compare 
(ami contrast) Or. rpimworo'-i; i, e. TQiSkoyi+ro-. Similarly Avest. 
^^Vtma- {Skr. Vfiati-tamd-s) 'vicesimua' Lat. vTcensitnu-s VicS- 
compare and contrast Gr, Att. ttxoato-g Boeot, J'iKaoTo-^- 
p. 199 f., § 501 p. 367 f.). 

dn-tatna-s innermost, nearest, intimate', Lat. itt-timu-s: 
<p. the comparative Skr. dri'tara-s 'inner' Gr. h-rego-y entrails', 
Ut. intef'ior, beside Or, h/ and Lat. i»; beside these we 



178 



The Suffix -l^imo- -t^imd-. 



§Ta.'" 



have Qr. iv-roq Lat. in-tws, so that we may fairly compare the 
relations of 8kr. adk-amd-s : ddh-ara-s : adh-ds and 'pf-mo- 
(Lith. pirma-s Goth, fruma) : *pp--6» (8kr. purda Aveat. pars Gr, 
TTn'po;). Aveet. ni-iema- "loweat, Binalleat', A.9. neo-Sem-esi 'lowest, 
undermost'; cp. the compar. Skr. ni'taram A.S. ni-der-ra. 

Skr. ka-tamd-s 'which (of severfll)?', Lat. quo-tum»~-s beside 
quo-tU'S: cp. compar. 8kr. ka-tard-s Gr. no'-rfpo-j. 

Aryan. Skr. pra-thami-s Avoat. fra-tema- OJers. fra- 
-tama- 'primus' {the th of the Skr. form followa cathur-thd- 
and the like) beaide the compar. Skr. pra-tard-tn Avest. /ro- 
-tara-; Gr. •nQO-fiO'.,- Umbr. pro-mo-tn Goth, fra~m § 72, 2 p. 167 
show a more ancient formation. Skr. sahasra-tatnds Avest. 
hasa^rO-tema- 'millesimus', Skr. iata-tamd-s 'centesimua', aixti- 
-tamd-s 'octogesinius" etc. The feminines of these numerals 
have in Sanskrit -tam-i instead of -tantd. 

Skr. itt-tatnd-s 'highest, uppermoat, best' Avest. us-tema- 
'outermoBt', beside Skr. tirf 'up, out' compar. dttara-: cp. Or. 
var-ato-q 'latest' compar. Sa-ii^o-g. 

Even in proethnic Aryan -lama- was the regular superlative 
ending for adjectives whose comparative waa formed with -tara-. 
"Where it was added to a-atems, their final -«- was in Avestic 
almost entirely replaced by -8-; cp. the same phenomenon in 
compounds, as dafV6-dMa-, § 25 p. 42. Skr. ynjfiiya-tatna- 
Avest. ytsnyH-te^mt- 'most honourable', Skr. ugra-tmna- Aveat. 
uyrH-tema- 'strongest, mightiest'. Some worda however have -a- 
in Avestic, e. g. aiwySma-tema- 'most helpful'. Skr. vdhni-tatna- 
'carrying best", Avest. hiAaoiSt-tema- 'with awoetcat scent or per- 
fume'. Skr. ama-vat-tama- Avest, aina-viis-tmna- 'most violent, 
strongest, mightiest'. Skr. mldh-d^-^an\a- 'moat gracious', Avest. 
jaymus-tema- 'moat helpful'. Skr. vf^an-tama- 'manliest, strongest'. 

-tama- is sometimes added as an intensive suffix to auper- 
lative forms in (Ar.) -tsMa-, as Skr. iri^ka-tama- from iri^ha- 
'brightost, most glorious', Aveat. vahiSfB-tema- from vahtita-' 
'beat'. 

It was affixed to substantival stems, as Skr. motf-tama- 
'most motherly', Avest. da^^S-tema- "moat devilish'. 



^ 



573. 



The Suifix -/(finto- -ti/tma-. 



179 



Skr. ka-tamd- "which (of aeverul)' beside kd-tara- 'which (o- 
two)', interrogative, ya-tamd- 'which (of many)' beside ya-tardt 
'which (of two)', relative. 

Italic. i^cSstmu-s tfidismu-s, see p. 177 above. Later 
aoalogical forms are cent'Ssimu-s miU-esimu-s muil-esimu-s. 

in-timus, ex-timus, dr-timu-s, ul-timu-s. dex-timu-s, sinis- 
-timi*-8. inari-tmu-s, ftni-timU'S, ISgi'timu-s, originally meaning 
'moat closely coDnected with the sea, with a boundary, with law'. 
op-limu-s, in inscr. also opi-ttimu-s (differently regarded by von 
Fierlinger in Kuhn'a Zeitschr. XXV 11 478, who derives it from a 
verbal stem a-pet- 'strive after, wish'). soRis-timu-s. Umbr. hon- 
-domu 'infimo' beside compar. hon-dra 'infra' Osc. hu[n]trni8 
'inferia', beside Lat. htitnu-s, see I § 207 p. 174. 

-simo- occurs as well as -timo-, but its -s- cannot be derived 
from -t- merely by phonetic change, maximus, archaic SximS 
(beside dcissttn^, tnedioxtmu-s (cp. medioc-ri-s). The most com- 
mon ending is -is-simu-s (cp. soUis-titnu-s), which no doubt drove 
out an older -is-to-s (§ 81), as pot-issimw-s, alt-issimu-s. -issitno- 
waa also added to superlatives with intensive force, especially 
in later times, e. g. postrSm-issimu-s, tttinim-iasimu-s. It is 
added to the stems of substantives in the language of the 
comedians, as patru-issimu-s. But it is doubtful whether the 
formation with -simo — issimo- is in any way connected with 

Remark. In Horpii. Unt. m 135 I explained thsBe forme aa mo- 
delled upOD the -en>(e}iino- of the nnineTalg. We might also with Oatboff 
(Znr Oesch. d. Perf 542] regard pmnimu-ii beeide p^r cm another form 
tbat ser»od aa o type for the new devolopoment in -issimo-, ainoe the ti 
in this word aa well aa in the ouraerala arose by a regular pfaonetio proeeaa, 
-whether «e aooept Coraaen's or W. HchalKe'a derivation (bob Oethoff toe. 
eil., Behulze, Kuhn's ZtBohr. XXVII 426, Btolz Lat, Or. p. 221)). On the 
otber hand, Stolz (lac. cil.) holds that -simo- was taken from 'pluaimo- 
(pmrinuf) beforo the law of rhotaciam came into operation. According to 
S 72 p. 168 we oonld alao regard forms like *piiIcr-i»-emo *pulcjsemii- m 
prototjpea of the formation. DanicUaon on the other hand (Fauli's AJtitaL 
Btnd- in 153. 192) starts from the two words maximua, oxime, which he 
analj^aes maea-imo- Ocs-ime, regarding the first elements aa oomparative 
st«iUB for *mahi»-, *Ccie- (cp. ploir-ume plur-imii-s and the like § 72 p. 168), 
and suppoaing that it was these forme which led to the analogical 

12* 



180 The Suffix -ro- -ra-, 'fro- -fra-. §73,74 

ebange of ^istimo' to 'issimo', Danielsson bompares i^th these fomu 
Umbr. Osc. neat mo- O.Ir. nessam 'next' (beside the compar. O.Ir. nessa). 
But the assumption of syncope, which is required bj the supposed 
forms in -t^^imo- {^mah'ts^mo-y *^-t>-i^mo-) cannot be allowed without 
considerable hesitation (see p. 168); hence it is Tory doubtful whethei 
DanielsBon^s explanation of maximU'S etc. can be allowed. Can *neJc8' and 
Lat ^tnax' contain the weak form of an old eastern (cp. Skr. tndhas- 
'greatness* mahda- 'great') ? The whole question needs further inyestigation. 

Germanic. What was said of -uma- (§ 72, 2 p. 169) 
also applies to the inflexion of -tumd- and its meaning in Gothic. 
Goth, af-tuma 'hinder, hindmost, latter, last', A.S. cef'-tem^esi 
'hindmost'. Goth, hin-^dum-ists 'outermost' A.S. hin-denia 'hind- 
most, last'. Goth, if-tuma 'next' : Gr. em 'on, to'. A.S. neodetn- 
-€5^, see p. 178 above. 

§ 74. The Suffix -ro- -rfl-, -fro- -frfl-^). 

On the variation between -fro- and -ro- see I § 287 p. 229. 

This suffix was both primary and secondary from the earliest 
period; but the latter use is comparatively rare. 

In its primary use the root syllable has generally the weak 
grade of ablaut; as we should therefore expect, the accent falls 
on the suffix, e. g. *5pa-ro-. Sometimes we have a variation of 
ablaut in the root, as Skr. chid-rd-s 'perforated': Lith. sked-rA 
*splinter'; Gr. i&'apd'Q 'clear, bright': (u&'qQ 'bright weather'; 
Gr. i^'QO'i Lett, swid-ri pi. 'sweat'; O.H.G. bitt-ar: Goth. bdU^r-s 
'bitter'; O.H.G. munt-ar 'cheerful': O.C.Sl. tnqd-ru 'wise*. 

In some words -ro- seems to be connected with the -f -f 
ending of the nom. ace. neut. (§ 118); cp. e. g. Idg. *wrf-ra-: 
Gr. vd'{0() O.H.G. wa^'-ar^ Gr. nl€'()6'g ma-Qo-q *fat': 7ira(> *fat' 
(subst.); rjjud'Qa: rj/tiap 'day' (cp. also Armen. aur^ gen. acmr, 
'day'); Or. w-fto-g Goth. jS^ra- 'year': Avest. yd-r* 'year' (for 
further examples see Morph. Unt. II 232). It is also connected 
with -«r- (§ 119), cp. e. g. Idg. *i4s-ro-: Skr. «^-a>- 'early light' 
Gr. /}(>-i 'in the early time' from *(Jt*s-er-; Gr. ai&'^a: cdd-'ijg 



1) H. Osthoff, t^ber -ra^ -la- als instrumentales suffix der indo- 
germ. Sprachen, Forsohungen I 157 ff. G. Curtius, De adjeotiyis Graeois 
•t Latinis / litterae ope formatis, Leipz. 1870. 



m 



The Suffix -ro- ■ 



lai 



'the pure light of heaven'; further with the comparative -((Jn-o- 

This suffix formed adjectives and substantives both in the 
proethnie and in later periods of Indo-Germanic; the substan- 
h"T« were chiefly concrete. In the separate languages -ro- was 
rarely fertile to any great extent; Gr. -tj-oo- in 7<oyi^fin-i; etc. 
is ao exception. 

Indo-Germanic. •mcMi-ro- (in Skr. -frd-) 'red': Skr. rudh- 
-iVd-j, Or. i(tv9-n6-g, Lat. ruAer ruh-ra, O.Icel, roti-ra t. 'blood", 
O.CSl. r^-rii. *^(k)id-r6' and -p-o'-: Skr, ckid-rd-s 'perforated* 
fhid-ra-m 'hole, interruption, break' ckid-ird-a 'ase, sword', Gr, 
MiJ-Dpri-5 'thin, weak, breakable', O.H.G. scet-ar 'thin, defeotire", 
Ijith, (with a dift'erent grade of ablaut) aked-rA 'Bplinter'. 's^w-rd- 
from y"spe- 'to expand" (IM. spSs spaiium Sen.): Skr. sphi-rd- 
fat, great, rich', Lat, prosper- -spera (for *-spa-ro-, like rid- 
■dm-.ddre, aee I § 97 p. 91), 0.C.81. spo-rn 'rich". Skr. ij- 
■ird-s "quick, lively, fresh", Gr, Horn, /po'-y Lesb. Zpo-g for 
lo-po- (Lesb, Igo-g beside ???<>-?, hke gen. fiiivot; beside fiijvr-oq 
Bnd the like) and Corcyr. tap6-g Boeot. lapo-g for *irt-npo- 'lively, 
fresh, strong, healthy'; for Att. 'Epn'-;,", aee below. Skr. us-rd-n 
belonging to the morning' beside us-r-iyd 'brightness', Gr, iiy^- 
■wpn-^ 'near morning' (adj.) avQ-io-v 'on the morrow' for "awu-tio- 
f*ow- or '(lys-); cp. also Lith. ausz-ra 'red of the morning', 
''hosn sz no doubt was borrowed from auszo 'it dawned' (cp. 
I § 414 Rem. p. MS f.). *ud-ro- (in Gr. also -fro-) beside Skr. 
wi-dtt- 'water": Skr. an-ndrd-s 'waterless' »am-udrd-s 'billowy, 
'hfi sea', Or. v3-ti(jn-q 'watery' i'lr-v^pa-i; 'waterless'; and meaning 
» Vater-cre^ture", Skr. ud-rd-s 'a creature that hves in water', 
')r. t'J-po-e i'J-()fi 'watersnake' O.H.G, ott-ar O.Icel. ot-r 'otter', 
^. id-ra O.CSl. vyd-ra 'otter'. Skr. tH-rd-s 'man, hero', Lat. 
''■*■. 0.ir. fe^ Goth, vai-r Lith. v^-ra-x 'man', •o^-ro-s 'pasture, 
wel meadow, field' from V^ag- drive': Skr. dj-ra-s Gr, dj-po'-ff 
'*f- ay-er (gen. aj-rl) Goth, afc-r-s. 

TO- in secondary use. *teimx-ro- 'dark' (the neut, or 
■^m. can be used as an abstract subst., see § 158) beside Skr. 
tam-gj. n. Lith. tam-s-() f. 'darkness': Skr. famis-ra-m tdmis-rd 



182 The Suffix -ro- -ra-, -p-o- -fra-. §74. ' 

darkness, dark night" Avest. tqp-ra- for *(oms-ro- *tansra- 
dark'i), Lat. ieneh-rue pi. (cp. I § 570 p. 429), Mid.Duteh 
dwmster (-9s-ro) O.H.G. dinstar (s-ro-) 'dark" with parasitic -t- 
{I § 580 p. 433 f.), Lith. thns-ra-s 'light bay coloured' of a horse 
(the root has the weak grade of ablaut). 

Beside Skr. pt-vati- Or. jii-(f)<uy 'fat' (adj.) and 8kr. pt-ma- 
u. fat' (noun) we must recognise \Ag.*pl-^-ro- 'fat' (adj.): Skr. 
fAva-rd- Gr. nrt-po'-? (fern. pTsa-rt, nittga for *nl/fp'ia), ep. also 
Or. TiTo-Trji; nio'-Kpo-g; for niaQo-g Bee below. Similarly Gr, 
^-iH^-po 'day" compared with the stem ^-/^ev- implied in the 
pi. i/'fiu'ia. For the -e- of these compound suffixes -ve-ro- 
-me'TO- cp, Gr. yojle-pd-c 'fearful', from yo'/ifo-5, etc. (Skr. phena- 
■las 'foamy' from phSna-a 'foam'). But -ro- can hardly be 
secondary in Gt. nr-f-po'-* 'feather, wing' Skr. pat-a-rA- 'flying' 
Avest. pat-a-ra-, which is implied in hu-patar'ta- 'well winged", 
(contrast *petr<l 'feather' in O.lcel. fjti^r O.H.G. fedara); it is 
far more likely that here, as in Skr. pdl-a-tra-m 'wing', -e- 
is the 'thematic vowel' (cp. Gr. Jir-e-a&iu, ndr-t-aSta) ; cp, also 
Gr, oyf-i-pd-!,- 'continuus' beside ox't-to-g ax-t-at-<; ox-i-g- It 
is quite poaaiblo that originally -e-ro- was always a primary 
suffix, and only became secondary when it was popularly con- 
nected with nominal e- : o-stems. 

Aryan. Since Idg. r and I are indistinguishsble in the 
Aryan languages (I § 254 p, 207 f.). it is often difficult to 
separate -ro- iind -lo-. In some cases the meaning vouches for 
■lo-, e. g. vr^a-ld-s 'mannikin, auiall man' (sec § 76). Often the 
other languages give us a criterion, since in them Idg. I and r 
remained distinct. 

Skr, kil-ra- Avest, s&-ra- 'strong, grand": Gr. a-niJpo-g 
'weak , ineffective'. Skr. jl-rd- lively , quick , active' Avest, 
pauru-jlra- 'very active' dafma-jira- 'quick of eye, with quick 



I) If this explanation of the ATBRtio vord U oorreot, we tniglit 
OcmpaTe the ^ with the same sonnd in aitci-pAro- from sOra-, (see 
Bartbolomae Hdb. § 144). No other example of -msr- -nnf- eppeara to 
occur, and thug there aan bo little serious ubjeotion to our Bsauming that 
it ir«a just in this group of I'onsonanls that p was regularly derctoped. 



eyea': Lat, vi-reS be fresh, strong, green', O.C.Sl. zi-rH pasture', 
Lett, d/i-ras pi. f. banquet". 9kr. ud-rd- Avest. ud-ra- m. a 
water animal: Gr. vd-Qo-q etc., see p. 181 above. Skr. dt-rd- 
'ehining, glorious, wonderful' Aveat. ctp-ra- 'wonderfiil' ; O.H,G. 
h«H-ar 'sliming, clear, bright'. Skr. iubh-rd- "shining, fine"; 
Armen. surb 'pore'; no doubt the suffix is the aame in Skr. 
htk-r& htk-ld- 'clear, pure' Avest. sux-ra- 'flaming, red' O.Pers. 
pyx-ra- proper name. Skr. vdj-ra-a Indra's thunderbolt, Avest. 
t>az-ra- 'club' O.Pera. vazra-ka- 'great, mighty', beside Skr. vAja- 
Avcat. vaza- m. 'strength': cp. O.H.G. wahk-ar O.Icel. vah-r 
lively, quick, fresh, alert" and Goth. vOk-r-a 'profit' O.H.G. 
wuohh-ar 'increase, gain, profit'. Skr. ain-Ia- and amhla- (I § 199 
p. 167 f.) aour": Dutch amper 'sharp, bitter O.Icel. apr 'sharp' 
O.H.G. amp/aro 'aorrel' (adj. used aa subst.) no doubt for pre- 
Genn. *(im(6)-ro-, cp. also Lat. am-drtt-s. 

Skr. Mth-ird- iith-Ud- loose, unsteady' : Or. xa^-a^o-i open, 
frffe, pure". Skr. mand-ird-m lodging, dwelling, room, house' 
Gr. navd-Qu 'fold, pen, staU'; Skr. mand-urd 'stable' either has 
-Mfyl- for -p-a- (cp. however I § 290 p. 231 f.) or may be an 
extension of a stem *mandu-. 

With Skr. pata-rd- 'flying' (see p. 182) compare drava-rd^ 
'running', ny-oca-rd- 'suited to, belonging to a place', 

-ro- in eecondary use: Skr. tamis-ra-, plvard-^ see above, 
p. 181 f. vjf-ad-vard- 'gnawing, rodent' beside ad-van- 'eating': 
cp. Horn. *(5/ap (tJiap), gen. eJ/aroi,-, 'food". 

Examples of Aryan words with -ra — la-, which, ao far as 
■we can tell, may represent either -ro- or -lo-, are given in 
Ji 76 Rem. 1. 

Armenian, surb, gen. srboy, 'pure' for *sub-ro-3 (I § 263 
p. 214): Skr. Subh^rd-a. /lirtn, gen. Srtan 'sweat' for *Sitr-an': 
Gr. (J-po- Lett, awid-ri pi. 'sweat*, tu-r 'gift': Gr. SiS-^v 
O.C.8I. da-rvt "gift*. 

The -aro- of adjectives in -ar, which no doubt cornea from 
-fro-, appeara to be sometimes primary, sometimes secondary. 
It ia primary e. g. in dal-ar 'green, fresh' (cp, Gr. 9akt-p6-g), 
and secondary e. g. in ard-ar 'just' (cp. Skr, f-td-). tnecar-em 



184 The SufBx -ro- -ra-, -fro- -^Sr, § 74. 

*I exalt, praise a denominative verb like Gr. ftsyodpo) 1 rate 
highly, admire' (from ^fusyapo', cp. fxiyaQo-v large space, chamber*), 

Greek. iXafp-Qo-q light, brisk' : O.H.G. lung-ar quick, active', 
common ground-form *li9qh-r6~s, atc-go-g 'pointed' ax-(>o-v ax-pa 
'point, peak': Skr. catur-dkra- four-cornered', O.C.Sl. os-t-ru 
'sharp'. 'QfO'Qo-q 'unmixed' (of wine), ^sveQyrjg^ '^axvg (Hesych.): 
no doubt to be compared with O.C.Sl. fc^ru 'amarus, iratus' 
Serv. ;ara 'heat of a stove', atp-po-g 'foam': Skr. abh-rd-^m 
'cloud' (cp. also Lat. imber gen. inUMris in the t-declension), 
common ground-form *ipAA-r({-; beside this o/afi'go'g 'rain' with 
Idg. b like Skr. dmb-u- 'water', see I § 469, 8 p. 346 f. xa7i-(>o-v 
'boar : Lat. cap-er cap^ra^ O.Icel. haf-r 'he-goat', vscp-go-g 'kidney, 
testicle' : Ital. Praenest. nefr-dn-es^ Lanuv. nebr-undin-es 'kidneys 
testicles', O.H.G. nior-o 'kidney, testicle' O.Icel. 7iyr'a n. 'kidney* 
(I § 443 p. 329), common ground-form *neqh'r6~, fS-ga *8eat': 
O.Icel. set-r n. 'seat*. htfin-Qo-g 'shining'. tran-Qo-g 'rotten'. 
(pouS'Qo-g 'beaming, happy, vsk-qo-q 'corpse', rdtp-go-g 'ditch, 
trench', xon-gn-g 'dung', ritp'pa 'ashes'. 

Adjectives were formed in proethnio Greek in -jy-^o-^ (a 
fertile suffix) from verbs in -^w, as novrj-po^ toilsome' from 
noviofiou^ oxv7]'p6-g *slack' from oxviw, oh(Td'7j'p6'g 'slippery from 
the fut. oAia^^rTw (pros. ohoS-divw). 

-fro-, tapo-g beside tgo-g see p. 181 above, hn-apo-g 'fat*: 
cp. Skr. rip^rd-m 'smear, stain, impurity . ^ivHiLpo-g beside aiv^S'^Qo^ 
(for the d, see I § 204 p. 170) 'harmful', and other examples. 

-TO- is secondary in Att. (Aristoph.) olCyV-po-q 'woeful' 
from oll;{)g^ gen. oi^voq 'woe, and similarly in hyv-po-q beside 
hyv-q 'clear, ringing' and f-naXvpo-g beside fKDXvg 'enfeebled*, 
unless these are derived from *XiyvXo'g *^ioXvh>^ (cp. na/y-Xn-g 
§ 76) by dissimilation (I § 266 p. 215). Further, m many 
adjectives in -f-po-^; e. g. (pops'po-g 'terrible' from (pofiorg^ dpooi'po^g 
'dewy' from Jporro-^, whose termination -spo^ was regarded as an 
independent suffix, and added to other than o-stems, as (nusgo^ 
'shady from amdj aparspo-g 'strong from xpavog n.; cp. p. 182. 

-(>o- can be considered either a secondary or a primary 
suffix in adjectives in -ff-(>o-, as o^vftjpa-g Dor. ofwapo-g 'painful* 



beside oivvt] Dor, nOiim aud oJinmx, dariftii-^ Lesb. affafMr^ cuusing 
disgust, disagreeable' beside am] Leeb. aW and aadu, and in 
those in -v-po-, aa Horn. intv-(/6^ 'woeful* beside niT^dg and 
mt^i (Att. oiirpo'-c, see p. 184 above), iajrC-go-^ 'strong' beside 
iax^>-^ ^nd taxvoi- 

Remark. The reUtioiia of -f^o- and -a^a- Bra not quite clear in 
■Doh ioataDces M Ugo-t - Iv^'l-! (Skr. i^-ird-a); nrutS-s (from nna) ;<irii^-;; 
7i>fn-,- (Skr.jiirani-): ntafd-; fiee Horph. tint. II 241 ff.). I shotild oompBre 
niufo-i (Bnd also nSala~t) with nIa(W Tor V"i't»"i^i eiaotly aa //.nfri-,- 'defiled' 
is lo be derived from malrvi, %o that the relation in the same S8 that of 
.*MU^<w-ra-t li. e. '»aaun-To-:): Smualrat. Theti new formntionB aroee, i'*^'-« 
fmodelled upon nirfo-t o/ttgo-i) on the one hand, nnagii-i (modelled apon 
viBfo-; jTiupD-:) on the other. 



Umbr. rufru 'mbroa' rufra 
p. 181 above, Lat. vi-r gen. 



Italic. Lat. rub-er rub-rc 
'rabras': Or. igv9^-n6-(; etc., i 
ri-rt, Umbr. eeiro 'vitos': O.Ir. fe-r Skr. vT-ra-s etc., see p. 181 
above. Lat. cap-er cap-ra, Umbr. kaprum caprum': Gr. xan- 
-po-5 etc., see p. 184 above. Lat. w//-er gen. ag-rl, Umbr. agre 
gen. agri': Skr. dj-ra-s etc., eeo p. 181 tibove. Lat. sac-er 
sae-ra, Falisc, san-t* 'sacrum', Umbr. aakra 'sacras', Osc. «jax-(tj» 
'sacrum* aak-arater 'sacratur' (I § 627 p. 471). Lat, mac-er 
mac-ra: Gr. fuix-pn-g 'long, lean, far, O.H.G. mag-ar O.Icel, 
maff-r lean' pr. Germ, maj-rd-. Lat. ob'ScQrus 'dark', properly 
'covered over' : O.H.G. «fc*!-r 'shelter, covered place, lodgbg'. Lat. 
pti-ru-s plSrl-fjue: Gr. nl^ij-tjg 'full', which is a modification of 
an older form •jrJ.jj-po- (cp. ni^piliu), but its accent, in contrast to 
the analogous idapi^ (itnFa^o-;), followed Chat of compounds in -JJQris 
like iiljpi}?. Lat. pS-rus. dl-ru-s. cla-ru-s, gnO-ru-s (op. I § 253 
p. 207), in-teger (cp. intactu-ff). nig-er. glab-er (wo may con- 
jecture that the original form of the stem was *gladh-ro- or 
*^9dh-ro-, cp. O.CSl. gladUkU 'smooth'), scab-er. stup-ru-m. 
{ab-ru-m 'lip', acalp-er and scalp-ru-m. fiag-ru-m. At the same 
time in words where an I occurs before the auflix -ro-, it must 
be remembered that the latter may have come from -lo-, cp, 
lu-crum for *lu-clum I § 269 p. 217. Sabin. cttpntm 'bonum' 
Cupra 'bona dea', Umbr. Ciibrar gen.'Bonive deae', beside Lat. 
cup-iS. 



The Saffii ■ 






No certain examples of -^ro- can be found; perhaps it may 
be traced in Lat. camur camura, cp. Gr. nufid^o 'vault'. 

-e-ro- occurs in Lat. iJber libera O.Lat. ioeber-tcUem, which 
is usually compared with Gr. tlivS^-f^o-g {see I § 49 p. 42, 
g 65 p. 52), puer gen. pjieri, getter gen. generi. 

The relation of Lat. amU-ru-s: 8kr. aw-/a-'eour' is obscure. 

-ro- in secondary use. teneb-rae: Skr, famis-ra- etc., aee 
above p. 181 f, cerebrn-m for *ceres-ro-, cp. 9kr. Mraa- 'head', 
fUndiri-s inatead of *funes-ro-, transferred to the i-declension, 
beside fitnus funes-tu-s, see I § 570 p. 423, U § 93 under Italic 
metnhru-m membr-atta for *mSms-ro-: O.Ir, mir 'piece of flesh' 
from pr. Kelt. *mS>ts-r..,, beside Skr. tniisd- Goth. mUma- 
0.C.8I. m^o- 'flesh' fl § 570 p. 428, § 574 p. 430, § 585 
Rem. 3 p. 440). 

Old Irish. iJ-r Mod.Cynir. ki-r "lasting long' (comparatave 
O.Ir. sia) : Lat. sS-rus, common ground-form *sS-ro-, beside 
Skr. s&ya-s late time, end', la-r Mod.Cymr. llaw-r 'flooring, 
floor': A.S. fid-r 'floor' Mid.H.G. oluo-r 'level, floor', ar Mod.Cymr, 
aer "battle, fight' for *ag-ro- (I § 523 p. 380): Skr. ghOs^-ajra- 
'attractive to the taste, creating appetite' Or. ay-pa 'game, prey', 
from v^ag- 'drive', cp. Idg. *a§-ro- 'place where cattle are 
driven, field' which was formed from the same root, p. 18t. 
bod-ar (ace. pi, boA-ra) : Skr. badh-ird- 'deaf, md-r mS-r 
Mod.Cym. mauj-r great' Gall, -vtaro- in Virido-mdru^s and other 
proper names, beside the compar. O.Ir. mdo nio 'greater ; Gr. 
^yjffoi'-^to-po-g 'great or distinguished in throwing the spear', and 
the like (Bechtel, Uber die Bezeichn. d. sinnl. Wahrnehm. 101; 
Osthoff', Paul-liraune'a IJeitr. XIII 431 ft^.), common ground-form 
*mO-ro-. uar Mod.Cymr. oer 'cold' pr. Kelt. *og-ro-. 

-ro- is secondary in O.Ir, mfr^ see above. 

Germanic. O.H.G. sfl-r O.Icel. sU-r-r sour, 'bitter': Lith. 
si-ra-s 'salt' (adj.) O.CSl. sy-rU 'raw'. O.II.G. munt-ar 'fresh, 
lively, hasty, Goth, mund-r-ei 'goal, object'; 0.C.81, mqd-ru 
'wise' (Lith, mattd-rii-s "conceited, overbearing' instead of *mand- 
-ro-s). Goth, gdu-rs "troubled, sorrowful' beside gdu-»On 'to 
sorrow, lament' : Skr. ghS-rd-a 'horrible'. O.H,G, weig-ar 'teme- 





rarius' pr. Germ, 'yoij-rd-, beside Goth, veilian 'to fight' : Lith. 
eUc-rit-s "brisk, lively' instead of *vik-ra-s. Goth, jS-r 0,H.G. 
Ja-r n. 'year' : Gr. lu-po-e 'year' iH-pe 'aeason' O.C.Sl, ja-rU ja-ra 
springtime', by the side of wliich we find Avest. yO-r' n. 'yea^, 
cp. Skr, yd-ti 'he goes, travels', O.H,Q, fed-ara OJcel, fj<id^ 
f. 'feather' pr. Germ, *fep-r5-: cp. Gr, vir-f-po-c etc., see p. 182 
above, Goth, akei-rs A.S. skt-r 'pure, clear' f:RuBB. sciryj 
'pore', see I § 414 Rem. p. 303 f). Goth, fag-r-s 'suitable* 
O,H.0. fag-ar 'fair pr. Germ, "/aj-nt-, V^paH^: cp. Umbr. 
paerer pi, 'propitii' § 98, O.II.G. he-r "grand, exalted, sublime* 
pr. Germ, •;f«f-ra-, no doubt to be compared with Goth, hdi-l-s 
"healthy", O.H.G. sS-r 'painful, sore' O.Icel. s(l-r-r 'sore, bad', 
Goth, tdi-r O.H,G. se-r n. 'pain' pr. Germ. *sa^ra-. O.H.G. 
sang-ar 'biting, sharp' pr. Germ, "tatsg-rd-, cp. O.H.G. zanga 
'tongs' Skr. diii-atia-m 'a. biting, bite'. O.H.G. bu~r m. 'dwell- 
ing' O.Icei. bS-r n. "room, storehouse', beside O.H.G. bit-an 
'bolld upon'. O.H.G. scol-ar m. stack, pik-d up heap of com', 
V^ifteyp- skei^ 'shove, push*; Lith. akub-rh-s 'haaty'. Goth. 
ske-ra f. 'shower, storm' O.H,G. scu~r m, 'shower'. O.H.G. 
zuni-ra zunt-ara f, O.Icel, lund-r n. 'tinder' beside O.H.G. 
zafU-ro zant-aro m. 'glowing coal' O.Icel. tand-re m. 'fire' (pr. 
Oerm. 'tand-r-eti-). Goth, lig-r-s m. O.H.G. leg-ar n. 'couch'. 
O.H,Q, zimbar a. 'timber, dwelling' A.S. timbar n. 'building', 
West Germ, *timbra- for *tim-ra-, Goth, tim-r-jan 'ta do car- 
penter's work', v^dem-. O.H.G, eii-ar n. O.Icel. ei'f-rn. 'poison', 
beside Or, nJS-og oW-/(o 'swelling'. 

-fro- pr. Germ, -ura- occurs perhaps in O.H,G. ebur A.S. 
e«for O.Icel. j<iforr (pi. jqfrar) "boar': cp, Lat. aji-er gen, 
ap-rl^ O.C.Sl. vep-rf (stem vcp-r-je-) 'boar', -e-ro- is even more 
difficult to identify in Germanic. 

-TO- is secondary in 0,H,G. dinsfar Mid.Dutch deemster 
"dark"; Skr. tamis-ra- etc., see above, p. 181 f. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. asz-t-rii-s (isz-ru-s,\Bste&d o{*-ras, 
0,C.S1. os-t-rii "sharp" (for the -t- see I § 544 p. 398 f,, § 545 p. 400) : 
Gr. an-po'i; etc., see p. 1 83 f. above. Lith. piJ-roJ pi. 'wheat' O.C.Sl. 
py-ro n, 'spelt': Or, nv-po-g 'wheat', Lith. denomin. szvit-r-initi 



188 The Suffixes -ero- -era" and -tero- 'tera-. §74,75, 

*to glimmer' ssvyt-rSfi 'to gleam': Skr. Svit-rd-s 'white'. Lith. 
kujh-rib *knob, boss' : O.H.G. hov-ar A.8. hof^er m. 'knob'. 0.C.81. 
ved-ru 'clear, bright* ved-ro n. 'fair wather*: O.H.G. taet^ar n. 
'weather , common ground-form ^uedh-rb-, O.C.Sl. dob-ru 'good': 
O.H.G. taph-ar Mid.H.G. tapf-^r 'heavy, weighty, fast'. O.C.Sl. 
da~ru gift*: Armen. tu-r Gr. Sm-qo-v 'gift'. 

Lith. bud-ru-s instead of *-rci~8 O.C.Sl. bud-ru 'watchful'. 
-ra-s is seldom kept in adjectives in Lithuanian (e. g. Hk-ra'S 
'suitable*); they generally passed over into the n-declension ; 
cp. § 107. In O.C.Sl. we have only a few adjectives, cp. besides 
those quoted above, pistru *gay' for *p1's-ne (\\kQ os't^tii) from 
V^peiR'. 

Lith. stnilib-ra-s ^aurochs', stamb-ra^s and stemb-r-y-s 'stalk*. 
gais-ra-s gais-ra 'distant gleam on the horizon , beside gis-tu 
'exstinguor (cp. Leskien, Der Ablaut der Wurzelsilben im Lit. 65). 
O.C.Sl. pi-ru *convivium'. ra-ru sonitus*. m^-ra 'measure . reb-ro 
'rib' (beside O.H.G. rippi n. rib', pr. Germ, ^rib-ja-). 

-ro' in secondary use : Lith. tims-ra-s 'light bay coloured' (of 
a horse) : Skr. tamis-ra- etc., see p. 181 f. above. Lith. vidury-s 
'middle', no doubt = mdu-r-ia- a derivative of vidu-s 'the in- 
side', similarly dubury-s *depth' from dubii-s 'deep and hollow*. 
It seems to me doubtful whether we should compare with these 
the -ro- of Lith. nas-raJ pi. 'throat* O.C.Sl. noz-dri pi. 'nostrils* 
(beside Low Germ, niistsr 'nostril* and Idg. *«as- nose'), and 
of O.C.Sl. m^Z'dra 'fine skin on a recent wound, the fleshy part 
of anything' (beside m^so 'flesh'), cp. I § 585 p. 439. 

§ 76. The Suffixes -ero- -erd- and -tero- -terd-^ 
forming Comparatives. 

These are closely parallel to the superlative -mo- -ijifno- 
(§ 72, 2 p. 166 ff".) and -t^imO' (§ 73 p. 177 ff.). 

'(t)erO' shows a close etymological relation to the' adverbs 
in '(t)er and (loc.) -(Oer-i^ e. g. *uperO' beside Gr. vnig Skr. i^rij 
*en'terO' beside Lat. in-fer Skr. antdri-k^a-. On the other hand 
'(t)erO' is often connected with -ro- (see § 74). Per Persson's 
suggestions for its etymology (Studia Etymologica^ Upsala 1886, 



p. 94 ff.) are more extensive, but for the moat part exceedingly 
bold. 

Beside -(Oero- is found -(Doro-, e. g. Avest. ka-tara- Goth. 
hva-par O.C'.Sl. ko~tory-ff, -(t)ro-, e. g. Skr. an-trd-m Or. dXXo- 
-rjrio-i,- Lat. in-trO 0.C.S1. j^-tro, and -(typ-o-, e. g. Gr. vt(f)- 
-wpd-C A.8. ea/bra ') The original distribution of these different 
grades of ablaut can no longer be traced; the difference of 
soceot however should be noticed, e. g. Skr. dn-tara- an-trd- 
an-idri-k^a-. 

-(wo- shows the greatest fertility in Aryan and Greek, 
where it was a regular comparative suffix for adjectives. 

Indo-Germauic. *upero-, beside Skr. up<iri 'above' Gr. 
inip, untip {i. e. *vjitgi, see I § 645, 2 p. 489) Lat. s-uper 
OJLG. ubir 'over' (compare further Skr. lipa 'towards' Gr. iino 
'under' etc.): 8kr. lipara- nearer, behind, under' Avest. upara- 
'opper, Or. vnt^o-g vntpo-v 'pestle' vniga 'upper rope', Lat. 
»-up9ru-s s-upra s-uprS-mu-s , A.8. u/er-ra 'upper' (~ra = 
Ooth. -iao); cp, superl. Skr. upmnd-s Lat. g-ummu-s. *^dhero- 
Tower' beside Avest. adairi under' and Skr. adhda 'below': 
Skr. ddhara- 'lower', Goth, undard adv. 'underneath' O.H.G. 
ttndaro tindero lower'; cp. superl. Skr. adhamd-s. 

'm-tero- 'inner', subst. n. 'intestines', beside Lat. in-ter Skr. 
antdri-k$a- 'that which lies in between heaven and earth, sky': 
Skr. drUara-s 'inner, dearer, more intimate' antrd-m Ontrd-m 
'intestine', Arnien. ender-S pi. 'intestines' (posalbly borrowed 
from the Greek), Gr. iriiQo-y 'intestine', Lat. inter-iar intrd 
itUrS, O.Ir. e(er fliir 'between', O.C.SL j'^-tro n. 'liver'; cp. super!. 
Skr. dntama-s Lat. intimti-s. *ni-tero- 'lower': Skr. nitardm 
'downwards, down*, O.H.G. nidaro adj. 'lower*; cp. superl. Avest. 
nitmia- A.S. neodeni-est. Avest. fra-tara- Gr. nj*o-i*po-y 'former, 

1) -rf (cp. -ter beside -tero-) flsenu to ooour in Skr. aani-tur 'beside, 
except, witbout' Or. o-irij 'sed' O.H.G. aiin-lar 'by itaelC, eBpeoiBlly, bat, 
however' beaiile Skr. xanu-l&r 'away, aside' Or- a-ite 'without' (is the ir- 
regular tpiritua Itnia in nicii' and arig dne tu tbe influence of alrJii and 
iff?) A.S. min-dir 'except, without'; cp. also Gatb. aitn-drH 'aeparated, 
klone'. The root-syllable of the Greek and QeriDaiiia words is *s(i-. Cp- 
Bngge, Beiieuberger's Beitr. Ill 120 f. 



190 



The Suffixes -ero- -er'l- and - 



§75. 



earlier', beside Osc. pritter-pan nportpof 17, priusqiiam'; compare 
further Aveat. fra Qr. npii 'before'; cp. superl. Avest. fra-tema-. 

"qo-iero- from the stem *qo- whoP': 8kr. ka-lard- Aveat. 
ka-ttlra- ') Gr. nii-rfpo-? 'which of two ?* Umbr. podruh-pei 
'utroque', Goth, hva-par 'which of twoP' Lith. ka-tr&s 'wbieh 
of two P which? who?" O.C.Sl. ko-teri-fi ko-tori-jt 'vho?'; op. 
supcrl. Skr. ka-tamd-s, Lat. quo-tumu-s. 

U can hardly be an accidental coincidence that several 
In do-Germanic languages have a word for 'left' which shows 
the suffix -tero- added to a stem formed with the comparative 
sufBx -jes -is- {§ 135), and contains the idea of 'goodness* (cp, 
Gr. tvoiyvfio-^' 'left'). Aveat. vairyas-tdra-, beside tara- 'desirable, 
excellent' compar. Skr. vdriyas-. Gr. upi(r-repo-5, beside npjn-ro-g 
'beat' aQBumi 'better' (not connected with Ar. vara-). O.H.G. 
winis-tar, beaide wini 'beloved' wimsc 'wish, desire'; cp. alao, 
from the same root, Skr. vdtna-s "left', identical with vam&-9 
'worthy, dear, good', from a ground-form 'y^-mo-s, v^ycn-, Lat. 
sinis-ter., which should surely be compared with Skr. sdn-St/as- 
'gaining more' \/^sen~ 'to reach a goal (which ia striven after 
or longed for), to succeed' {see Kuhn'a Zeitachr. XXIY 271 f.), 
and not with senior smiii-m (when the intermediate stage of 
meaning would bo 'weak, incapable); for the t of the first 
syllable cp. simili-s. One at least therefore of these formationa 
must date from proothnic Indo- Germanic, and at the time of 
the separation of the peoples must have still retained its original 
meaning as well as the secondary one of 'left', and ao become the 
model for the rest. Cp. the Author, Rhein. Mus. XLIII p. 399 ff. 

Aryan. 9kr. ddh-ara- Aveat. ad-ara- lower', see p. 189 
above. Skr. dp-ara- 'more distant, later, smaller, other', ap- 
-ard-m adv. 'later' Avest. ap-ara- 'the other' O.Pers, ap-ara-m 
adv. 'afterwarda, beside Skr. dpa 'from, away*: A.8. af-era 
eafora O.Sax. td>aro m, 'successor, offspring' (Goth, afar 'after' 
O.H.G. abur avar 'again, anew; on the other hand, howeve^; 



1) The quantitj oF the a i 

78 p. 69 ia correct, might be 




syllable ka-, if the law giren in 
xplnined hj referenoe to a bj'form 



(op. the Ital. and Lith. fonnB). 



J 



with which compare O.Pers. apa-tara-m 'further' aad Goth, af- 
-tarO adv. 'backwards' aftra adv. 'hack, anew, further' 0,H,G. 
afUiro m. "hinder part' A.8. teftra adj. 'hinder', Skr, dv-ara-$ 
'lower' Aveat. aora adv. 'down, off' (cp. Avest. naotara- = Skr. 
nacatara- compar. from Skr. ndva- 'new'), cp. Skr, dva 'off, 
downwards*. 

Skr. dn-tara- Avest, an-tara- 'Lrmer Skr, an-trd-m an-lrd-m 
'ioteBtine': Or. sfripo-v etc., aee p. 189 above. Skr, tU-tara- 
Tiigher, upper' from ud 'up, out': Gr. vaT((io-g 'later' varpo-i; 
"belly'; beside thia we liave Skr. ud-ard- nd-ara- 'belly, 
swelling' Or. oifpa-^ belly' Hesych. (probably Cyprian, with o = v 
as in fioxoi = fwxoT and other words), O.H.G. iip-o 'outer'. 
-tara-m ia especially frequent in Aryan as an adverbial termi- 
nation. 8kr. vi-tard-m Avest. vT-ture-m 'further' (lu Aveatic also 
an adj.) beside 8kr, vi 'away, apart': Goth, vi-pra adv. 'against, 
with-' (in composition); compare alao Lat. m-fr-icu-s 'atepfather', 
Uie termination being like that of O.H.G. ent(i)rig 'atrange' = 
•aii(rijd-s from ander "other. Skr. pard-tard-m paras-tard-m 
'further away' from pdra pards "away , forth'. Inatead of this 
later Sanskrit has generally -tard-m, aa uccais-tardm 'higher' 
from uccai^ 'liigh', ianais'tardm 'more softly, more gradually', 
from iandis 'aoftly, gradually'. 

Skr. ka-tard- Aveat. ka-tara- 'which of two?": Gr. no-rsgo-t; 
etc., see p. 190 above. Skr. ya-tard- Aveat. ya-UXra- 'which 
(of two)' (rel.), beside Skr. yd-s 'qui'. Aveat. a-t&ra- from the 
stem a- 'that'. 

-tara- was also the regular comparative ending of adjectives 
in Aryan where -tama- formed the superlative. The same rules 
of formation hold as for -tama-, ace § 73 p. 178. Skr. CLmd-tara-s 
'more raw' from amd-s: Gr. (Ofio-re^o-g 'more raw, more rude'; 
Ukr. t/ajaiifa-iara- 'more deserving of reverence'; Avaat. aka-lara- 
'worse' from aka-, srirS-tara- 'nobler' from srlra-. Skr. ire^ha- 
-tara- 'more excellent' from superl. ire^ha-, garlyas-tara- 'heavier, 
weightier' beaide compar, gdriyas-^ Avest. vairyas-tara- 'left' see 
p. 190 above; cp. also A\esi. fratars-tara- irom fralara- 'more 
prominent'. Skr. duhkha-tara- 'more painful, more unpleasant', 



192 



g7&| 



and as subst. n. 'greater fiaiii', from dulikhd-m 'pais'. Avest. Hiaa- ] 
tara- 'easterly' from usah- 'red of the morning', daosa-tara' 1 
westerly' from daosit- 'evening', 

Armeniao, nor, gen. noroy, 'new': cp. Gr. yfa^6-Q 'young, 
youthful' ground-form "ne^-frd-s^ see p. 189 above; it is doubtful 
whether *nej^fro- was also the ground-form of the Armenian 
word. Gen. nier 'our' jer 'your' {nom, nte-S 'we' dti-/! 'ye') ; cp. 0,lr. 
possess, ar n- our' far n- 'your', Goth, unsar 'our' izvar 'your'j 
and further Or. jj/ii-repo-i vftS-ngo-z, Lat, nos-ter ves-ter. 

mder-R pi. 'intestines' cannot be quoted without suspicion, ] 
as it may perhaps have been borrowed from the Greek (ivzf^a), f 
cp. p. 189. 

Greek, iin-fpo-g 'pestle': 8kr. upara- etc., see p. 189 j 
above. oJ-fpo-i,- 'belly': 9kr, udard- etc., see p, 191 above. 
fWpot 'inferi' (properly those within, those dwelling within the i 
earth) from iv 'in", cp. also ^('(.-Tspo-e >'*{>■'■*?""*.■ 'deeper' beside j 
ivtp-^e 'apud inferos" and ej^rt^o-v 'intestine*, vtago-q 'young, 
youthful' : cp. Armen, nor (see above) and Lat. noverca | 
meaning *r/ riuQDiil. 

iv-rspo-v 'intestine', see p. 1 89 above. voTfffO-:^ 'later', jlotpo-^ 1 
"belly": Skr. uttara-, see p. 191 above. nj>o-rspo-! 'earlier': AvesL I 
fra-tara-, see p. 190 above, Greek has many new formations j 
modelled upon old comparatives derived, like these, from adverbs, ' 
tinep-T*po-s 'higher' from ii-nifj. xardi-Ttpo-s; 'lower' from Karto. 
vy>i'TB(}o-i; 'higher' from v\pi. napoi-rffio-g 'more prominent' be- 
side TidoQi-^t "before". ^v;ro/-rfpo-f 'further back in the comer' 
(only nvxtU'ta-to-^ is actually found) from /iv/oi" in the comer, ^ 
inside'. TiaXni-reiJO-^ 'older' from nilhu. naiai-rtpo-? was referred , 
to nahu6-q and hence arose the forms yfaai-TfQO-i; 'older' from 
j-spoMi-e, ff/oAai'-rejio-t,' 'more idle' from tryoitnio-s, and when 
-MTfffo-^ further came to be regarded as an independent suffix, 
it produced the forms ^(rvx-ttkeiio-i; quieter' from ^oi/o-^-, 
lA-ntrtsKt-i; 'more especially one's own" from (Ao-^-, and many 
more. With the adverbial termination -rf'pw : avufiiQio from 
dvii) 'up', nqoaio-TBQtu from ^(touiu 'forwards', tyyv-Tt^oi from iyyvs , 
'near', and many more. 



175. 



The Soun Suffineg -rro- -. 



- And -tero- -leril: 



19; 



wv-Tt^o-c "which of twfi?': Skr. ka-tard-s etc., see p. 191 
iibovo. Dor. Bouot. etc. axtpo-i; 'one of two, the other' ground- 
form *Btp'tero- from ^aem- (ir, th 'unue' {cp. «-na? etc.); the 
Attic form Sxtgo-i; uo doubt aroee through an assimilation to the 
vowel of iv-, juet aa t-nnroy 'a, hundred' replaced *o-xorof' for the 
t*aqie reason. ') t)(«'-r*(>o-c"eachoftwo' beside Ixa's', cp. Wackernagel 
in Kuhn'B Ztschr. XXIX 150 f. 

I'/fit'-ifoo-f; our' vfu-TBpo-t; 'your': cp. Lat, nos-ter ees-ter. 

The form -fro- occurs in aiAd-rp-io-i' 'belonging to another, 
strange'; tin extension by the suffix -lo- is no doubt duo to the 
form of its antithesis liio-Q. 

-r*po- was also the regular conipariitive termination in 
adjectives whose superlative was formed in -roro- (§ 81). 
ti'fiV'ifpo-i; 'more raw, more rude' from iofio-i;: Skr. Omd-tara-s. 
>M»nf-6-tigo-^ 'lighter' from xoi/yo-e. yln-v-Ttpo-g 'sweeter' from 
ykmv-^. nll-Tfpi)-^ fatter' from jifwi" -ovos, imkrjafio-TeQo-i^ 'more 
forgetfdr from intXijafiav -oi'ty, cp. vTo-tt^z and anf»6-9tTn-y 
(cp. g'I2 p. 27, § 29 p. 49). mXay-zego-^ 'blacker', from /iel&i 
-^tfog. jfapifortfjo-j; 'more charming, more gracious', i. e. *x(ipf 
-ftv + Ttpo-, from ;(aping -Evtog; -fti- took the place of the 
regular phonetic -/«t- ^ Idg. -tf^i- (§ 127). ax»piartQo-g 'more 
ungraceful' i. e. 'a/of/ir-'rztpo-, from «/op'e -«rof. «AJ)S*'<i-Kpo-ff 
'rmer' from (iijjffs;; neut. -*',■. 

Comparatives with m like aotpo'i-Ttpo-g 'wiser', from ao<f6'Q, 
were formed from adverbs in -w (cp. the Germanic comparatives 
in -52-CTi- formed from the instr. sing, in -o § 81. and the Slavonic 
comparatives in -S-jJ which came from the instr. sing, in -ff 
§ I3i>), and their use became gradually restricted to words in 
which the to followed a i^hort syllable. A few remaining 
L-xampIes uf the freer use occur in literature, as mCvpi'iTf^og 
(Horn.), Svonoi/^miepo^ (Eur.) and several others. The -o- of 
K^worrpo^ attvortfog in later Attic is a reminiscence of the 
early Attic forms •K*»/n-g ^ffTtrfo-a, see p. 135 footnote. 



1) A different eiplBaation of Sjtgo-i frieo-t it ^veii hj PerPenion, 
Sradia etjinol. p. 102; but his ftrgumentE do not a 



1»4 



The Suffixes 



•tiiztpn-g was sometimes grafted upon uther cltiaaes of stems, e. g. 
ini/a(iit-o'iTBffri-q 'more charming' irom inigaiu^. 

The termination -tote(fi}-^ {aXrjiyic-Tt^c) was very largely 
extended in use as an independent sufliK, e. g. fvSaitiov- 
-f'fTTfoo-? 'happier' from ivdaiutov, KHpur-eanfjo-; 'more unmixed' 
&om anpsio-s, i(i^iiiiify-tiitfQo-^ 'strongev' from tpptoftiyo-z. 

Comparative auMxes were often combined. Parallel to 
off-ia-Tign-c {see p. 190) arose XaX-iaripn-g 'more talkative' from 
laio-tf, itlsnT-iartoo-Q 'more thievish' from xAtTiDjv. ^Xoin-iaT nio-^ 
'lazier', from /JiUeE, etc.; the spread of these double suffixes was 
furthered by the similar sound of the termination of K/Bpi'nrfjw-s 
= V/repir-t-rspo-;. 'ifitivti-TiQo-Q from a/it{Muv 'better', (Jpfio- 
-Ttpo-B' from afiEi'Dv 'better* etc. nvvtEQiu-zt^o-.; from wv-repo^ 
'more like a dog, more impudent', viit()Tfoiu-Ttpn-g from vntp-rfpo-^ 
'upper', Trpoifoni-Tego-a from npri-rtpo-; 'earlier' (cp. Avest. fratarS- 
tara- p. 191), with other examples. 

Comparatives are frequently formed from substantives, xvr- 
-rfpo-5 from xvtuv dog'. ^aaiXsv'Ttpo-t; "more royal' from ^aatXtv-f 
'king', drjiii'i-Tttjo-i; 'belonging to the people' from itjao-L; 'people', 
epBa-Tspo-.; 'of the mountains' from o^og 'mountain' and the like, 
where the comparative suffix, just as in I'lfii-TBpo-q Avest, usaa- 
'tara O.n.G. ni-daro, only served to contrast the words with their 
oppositea (cp. § 139). 

Italic. Lat. s-aperu-s 3-iipra s-uprS-mu-s Umbr. subra 
"supra' Osc. aupruia 'superia', beside Lat. s-uper, with the by- 
form s-up-ter (written subter), like O.II.G. aftar beside Goth. 
afar (for the s- of s-ub s-uper see I § 568 p. 425) : 8kr. upara-s 
etc., see p. 189 above. For Lat. Tnfent-s infra, which are 
usually connected with Skr. ddhara- Goth. undar5, see § 72 
p. 167, under Aryan. 

Lat. in-ter-ior in-trd in-trO, Osc. entrai dat. fem. 'mteatinae, 
iftipvh'ia' : Skr. dti-tara- etc., see p. 189 above. Lat. i-teru-m, 
the stem of which is contained in Lat. motertera ('quasi mater 
altera") for "mater-ilera, Urabr. etram-ii 'ad alteram': Skr. l-tara-s 
'other', perhaps also Goth, idr-eiga 'repentance" O.Icel. idra-sh 
'repent'. Lat, ex-ter ex-tra Osc. eh-trad 'extra', beside Lat. ex: 





875. 



The Suffixea -. 



Ta- find -tero- -, 



IEI5 



O.Ir. ecktr-ann 'foreign, stranger'. Lat. ci-ter d-trO ci-trS: Goth. 
hi-drS 'hither', Lat. pos-tent-x postri-diS postrS-mu-s Ilmbr. postra 
ace, fem. 'poateriores' Osc. puBtiris 'posterius', from Ital. pos 
pos-t ; it is perhaps better to analyse the word post-eru-s. Lat. 
con-tra contrB-versIa Ose. rontrud 'contra', beside Lat. cum Osc. 
con. I'mbr. bon-dra 'infra' Osc. hu[n]-trui8 'inferis', cp. Lat. 
hiimu-s, and Umbr. superl. hon-domu § 73 p. 179. Umbr. pretra 
ace. fem. 'priores', beside Lat, prae-ter. 

Lat. u-ter v-tra (I g 431 Rem. 3 p. 321) Umbr. podnih- 
-pei 'utroque' Oac. puturiis-pld 'utrique' (for *potro-, aeel§ 271 
p. 218, § 627 p. 471): Skr. ka-tard-s etc., see p. 190 above. 
Lat. aUter altera altrin-secws Osc, alltram 'alteram', beside Lat. 
al-ius {cp. § 63, 3 p. 132). 

Lat, nas-ter nostra, ves-ter vestra, Umbr, veslra abl. 'vestra', 
Osc. nistruB 'nostros' (according to Bugge ; 'propiores' according 
to Bucheler): cp, Gr. jjfa-Ttpo-i^ Ifxi-tt^o-q. 

Lat. dex-ter dextera and dextra, Umbr. destram-e 'in dcxtram': 
ji- O.Ir. Dechter a woman's name (Zimmer, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 
y and Or. Jf5(-«po'-; "dexter' (formed like ptji-rifio-g). Umbr, 
. abl. 'siniatro': Gr, rtQ-cum-q tVfp-Tfpo-s- 'deeper' beside 
^*e (ep. p, 192); as to the meaning 'left', see BQcheler 
Umbrica p. 76 f. 

Here perhaps should also be classed pal&s-ter, from palsd-, 
yemg»-tr-Tnu-s y from nemus, Volsc, Vetes-trom 'Veliternorum', 
beaide Or, ilm; 'low ground'; eo also Lat. campester terrester 
Silvester and the like, which are to be compared with the Gr, 
ivdmitov-fifTtpog (p. 194), 

Combinations of comparative auffixea. -is-tero- : Lat. sin- 
-is'ler -ira see p. 190, Lat. magister magistri Umbr, mestru 
fem. 'maior', beside Lat. magis Osc, mais 'magis'; Lat, minister 
mitmtrl Osc, minstrm minoris', beside Lat. minus; cp. § 135, 
Lat. inter-ior dexler-ior and the like, Osc, pfistir-is, Lat. 
supre-tn«-» extri-mu-s and the like (cp, § 72 p. 168) and postrS- 
-m-igsimu-s (cp, § 73 p. 179). 

Old Irish, ar ii- far n- poas. 'our, your', orig, gen, pi. 



196 The Suffixes -ero- -era' and -tero- -(era-. §75. 

like Lat. nostrum vestrum: ep. Arraen. mer jer Goth, unsar 
izvar.^) 

in-a-thar Corn, enederen 'intestines' O.Ir. eter etir 'between : 
cp. Skr. an-trd'tn etc., see above p. 189. dchtar uachtar n. 'that 
which is above, the upper part', beside ds uas above*, echtrann 
*a stranger* from ech-tar 'extra' (-tar for *-tra): Lat. eztero- 
extra, air-ther 'former, the east*, from ar air 'ante*. 

cech'tar 'each of two* from cech adj. 'each*, nech-tar 'one 
of two* from nech *one'. 

'ther is also found side by side with -iu (§ 135) in adjectival 
comparative forms, yet it is comparatively much rarer than in 
Aryan and Greek: huithi-ther from luath quick', libri-ther from 
lebor 'long' and so forth. It occurs also in comparatives formed 
from substantives: Mid.Ir. mUither 'larger* from wHt f. 'size*. 

'is'tero'. sinser 'older, oldest', ground-form ^sen-is-tero-^ cp. 
sin-iu older' Lat. sen-ior. dser 'younger, youngest' ground-fomi 
*ia'ti-is'ter0'y cp. oa younger* Skr. ydv-lyas- ydv-i^-tha-, 

Germanic. Goth. uf-arO 'over A.S. tif-er-ra 'upper': Skr. 
up-ara- etc., see p. 189 above. Goth. und-arO 'underneath' 
O.H.G. unt-aro itntero 'lower' (adj.): Skr. ddh-ara- etc., see 
p. 189 above. A.S. af-era eafora O.Sax. aharo 'offspring*: Skr. 
dp-ara- etc., see p. 190 above. O.H.G. ui-ro uiaro uiero A.S. 
ut-ra Uter-ra 'outer*: Skr. tUl-ara- ud-ard- etc., see p. 191 
above. O.II.G. sid-ero A.S. sTdra 'later' (adj.), beside O.H.G. 
«fd 'late, later*. 

Goth, tins-ar 'our' fem. unsara^ izv-ar 'your fem. izvara,, 
O.H.G. unsBr ii(wer\ unsro (nom. pi. fem.) unsrSm (dat. pi.) and 
the like, show the West-Germanic syncope: cp. Armen. wer 
Jtr^ O.Ir. ar w-, far n-, 

Goth, vi'pra O.H.G. tvi-dar 'against, with-* (in composition): 



1) *\ir n- and far w no doubt stand for *(sJurom *(s)v^aroni^ since * 
disappears before a vowel which precedes the accent (cp. U = *stnti), 
We find in Mid.Ir. aar^ accented, in Ps. 2, but nar in Ps. I. I suppose ^sarotu 
*isuaroni to have arisen in proclitic positions, from forms like the Goili. 
uiisar iziar, by loss of the initial sonant (uns- for (t^-), just as Romance 
lo came from i7/««/, loro from iVorum,^* Thumeysen. 



Skr. vi-tard-m. O.H.G, ni-daro A.9, ni-der-ra 'lower' (adj.): 
Skr. ni-tardm. O.H.G. for-dro fordaro fordero A.8. fwdra 
'fiirmer' gn»und-form *pj[-tero; beside Gotli. faur faura 'before'. 
o.H.O, kin-taro 'hinder' beside Goth, hin-dar "behind', cp. A.9. 
nupfri. AiM-rfcma. Gotb. af-tarn 'from behind' aftra 'back' O.H.O. 
a/tro aftaro aftero 'hinder part' beside Goth. afar. Several ad- 
verbial termitiatioQt) derived from -tero- show- considerable fertility, 
v.. g, Goth, hi'drc "hither' (Lat. ei-irs ci-tra) jAin-drf 'thither, 
Jdut-prS 'thence', alja-pro 'from some other place' dala-prS 'from 
beneath'. "With regard to several adverba in -or, like Goth. 
of-ar hin-dar, we cannot toll whether they are ace sing. neut. 
(<:p. Skr. praiardm Or. npo'rrpoi' Lat. itennn) or are parallel to 
forms like Gr. t'nso Skr. updrt. 

Goth, hva-par G.H.G. hwedar wedar (wederemo icederan) 
"which of two**': Skr. ka-fard-s etc., see p. 190 above. Goth, 
nn-par O.H.G, andar (andremn andran with West Germanic 
:iyncope) 'other': Litli. arl-tia'S 'other'. 

Combination of comparative aufflxes, O.H,G. win-is-tar 
'left', see p. lyO above, -(t)ero- + -iea- -is-: 0,FI.G. unt-arOro 
beude unt-aro, for-drSro beside for-dro and the like, A.S. Ut- 
-iT-ra beside flf-rc, after-ra beside mft-ra, etc. O.H.G. superl. 
unl-ar63to from unl-aro, for-darSsto from for-dro fordaro, af-trislo 
from af-tro and the like. 

Remnrk. O.Ioel, aug-lr 'east' O.K.O.0»-lra Ha-lam f. 'Easter' oalnr 

eut«rlj', uIbo Ooth. Oairo-gmha: op. Lat. aua-lir ausli-ali-n, and further 
Aresl. I rsiis-.' or o- 'eaaterly'. Should we oonnidpr the Germanic and the 
Latin word as the eitpneioii of a noun-stem 'ave-to- by -rro-, or as 
deriTatiires in -tero- from an ad»erb '"t'*, or as the regular phonetic re- 
presvntatiTeg of a form *uvs-(t)»-'{r)''i-^ I" Germanic the names fur the 
other quarters of the heavens are exactly parallel to the word for east, 
so fkr OS their inflexional part is oonoerned, cp. e. g. O.Ioel. ictslr iiordr 
tudr, A.S. compar. tieelcrru iiorSti-ru nHdei-ra. iior(ti- appears to be con- 
nsrted with Or. v/jufo-j Umbr. nti Iro: In proper names we find also 
Aug,- Auri- beside A-isIra- Au»la,-, and Wrsf Wiai- i Wtsfgolhae Wigi- 
■lotliat) beside Wetlar-. 

Balto-Slavonic. -era- cannot be identified with certainty. 
Perhaps in 0,C.S1. seo-eru Lith. sziaw-r-y-s 'north wind'? 

O.C.SI. j^-fro 'liver' from Idg. *eti 'in', and beside it (t-tro-ba 



198 The Suffix 'lo- -la-, -lie -|/a-. § 75,76. 

f. mtestineB, belly' c^tr-^l adv. 'inside' beside O.C.Sl. vU for *on, 
cp. p. 189. O.C.Sl. ju-tro u-tro morning' loc. jtdri tUri 'to- 
morrow', from ju u Lith. jau *iam* (whence also O.C.Sl. junu 
Lith. jduna-B young*, see § 66 p. 149). 

Lith. ka-trh'S which of two, which, who?* O.C.Sl. ko- 
'tery-jX ko-tory-jX Vho?': Skr. ka-tard' etc., see p. 190 above. 
Lith. afi'tra-s other, second' fern, anird,: Goth, an-par; in 
O.C.Sl. vu-toru^ which corresponds in meaning, the form of the root 
is unexplained. O.C.Sl. je-teru 'any one', from the pronominal 
stem je-: Skr. ya-tord-, relat. 'which of two'. 

§ 76. The Suffix -Zo- -/a-, -f/o- -|ia-.0 

For the variation between -y^o- and -/o- see I § 287 p. 229. 

In the proethnic and later periods it is both primary and 
secondary, forming adjectives and substantives. Li its primary 
use -Zo- serves especially to form nouns of the agent and in- 
strument; as a secondary suffix it is used especially to form 
diminutives: in the latter use -to- was exceedingly fertile in 
Latin, Germanic and Lithuanian. 

Indo-Germanic. Skr. tu-rd- 'mighty, strong* tu-la-m 
'panicle, tuft, reed, cotton' tU-lO, 'cotton plant', Gr. ru-Ao-v,' n'- 
"Xtj (also xt-Xrj) 'swelling, lump', Lith. tu-la'S 'so many', i. e. a 
good number of O.C.Sl. ty-lii 'neck*, y/^te^- 'tumere . Skr. ci-rd- 
long*, ci-rd-m 'delay, delaying*, Goth, hvei-la 'while, time*. 
Armen. dai-l da-l 'beestings*, Gr. v^iy-iif 'mother's breast', Lat. 
fUdre^ O.Ir. de-l teat', O.H.G. ti-la 'woman's breast', Lett. diA-s 
(stem di'la-) 'son' Lith. pirm-d^-l-e 'one that has borne a child 
for the first time', y^ dh^i)- 'suck* ; cp. also Gr. d^ij'Xvg 'suckling, 
female' Skr. dha-ru-^ 'sucking* with -/m- (§ 107). Gr. Lac. &XXa 
'seat' for Hd-Xa (I § 364 p. 277), Lat. seUa for *8ed'la (I § 360 



1) Besides the authorities given in the footnote on p. 180 cp. Osthof f, 
Die Suffixform -sla-, vornemlich im German., Paul - Brauno's Beitr. Ill 
335 fT. ; Yogel, Lateinisohe Deminutiva anf -tUuSy Mitau 1876; Lissner, 
t^ber den Suffixoomplex 'ti-U- im Lat., Eger 1874; Ton Paucker, Die 
Pat] Deminutiva mit dem Suffix -c-mZk^ a, wm, Ztschr. f. Osterr. Gymn. 
1876 p. 595 if., and tlie same writer, Die \\At,] Deminutiva mit doppeltem 
/ l-f//N«, -i7/ii«, 'uUus etc), Kuhn's ZUchr. XXIII 169 ff. 



p. 280), Goth, ffi^^a 'seat', O.C.SI. selo fundus' (Lower Sorb. 
Hdio seat" Upper Sorb, sgdlo 'abode' Czech sed-l-dk peaaant") 
for *sed'lo- (I § 548 p. 402). Idg. *ghes-lo- *§heS'l-iio-: Skr 
sa-kdara-m 'thousand' sa-kasriya-s 'thousand foM', (it. itm-xlKoi 
ten thousand' Lesb. /e'iAioi Dor. ;c'?'^'" Att. gihoi 'thousand' from 
*Xta-Xo- (1 § 585 p. 423) ; for the r of if*u-xn<» and )^tlwi I can 
nnw refer to Thumeysen, Kuhn'a Ztschr. XXX 353. 

Gr. Horn, o/ti^-ij; Lith. mig-la myg-lii (also myg-la with the 
sufHx 'is,-) O.C.SI. mig-la 'mist'. Skr. aj-ird- 'mobile, quiek', 
compare Lat. ag-ili-s (transferred from the o- to the »'- declension), 
which may represent either *aQ-y,o- or *a§-lo-. 

In Italic, Germanic and Balto- Slavonic we frequently find 
-«-/o-, which was taken from forms where -s- was the so-called 
root-determinative, like Lat. cUa for *axla (cp. axilla) O.Sax. 
aAsfa O.H.G. ahsala ahouIJer' beside Skr. dk^a-s O.H.G. ahsa 
Lat. axis Lith. uasH-s 'axle' for *a§ + s- from *fl^- 'drive, set 
in motion'; O.H.G, dehsala 0.C.91. tesla 'axe' beside Avest. taSa 
,axe' Gr. io?o-v 'bow' O.H,G. dehsa 'hatchet, trowel' from •/el--+s-. 

In the same way were formed e. g. Lat, v?lu-m 'sail' (cp, 
cacillu-m) O.C.SI. veslo 'oar' from *v«Sh + slo- Craeans of mo- 
™g')- v^»«^^- 'vehere', 

-lo- as a secondary suftix. 8kr. nObhila-m 'pudenda, navel', 
(Jr. ofitpaXo-^' 'navel, boss of a shield', Lat. MmiiV-fcit-s, O.Ir. imhl-iu 
'navel*, (5.H.G. nabolu O.Icei. nafU m. 'navel', be8i<ie Skr. ndbki-4 
'nave, navel', Lat, Hmb5 "boss of a shield", O.H.G. naba 'nave', 
Pniss. nabi-s 'nave, navel' Lett, nabba navel'. Skr. Uim-ra- 
'swelling, fat, strong', Lat. tumulus, O.Icel. pumall m. 'thumb', 
beside Skr. iU-tu-md- Avest, i^-ma- 'strong, powerful' etc., see 
S 72 p. 171. Skr. bahu-ld- 'thick' Gr. na/y-Xd-^ 'rather thick', 
beside Skr. bahu-^ Gr, Ttn^v-^ 'thick'. Skr. anku-rd-s 'a swel- 
ling, tumour', Gr. ojTdi'-Ao-b- 'swollen, proud' (whence nynvkkofiai) 
n/m'-io-i 'crooked' (older accentuation *o;T(t'Ao-s' *dy*vXo-t;, see 
I § 676, 4 p. 542 f.) ; we should perhaps also compare O.H.G. 
angid O.Icel. qngiill m. 'fishhook, angle', pr. Germ. "ataj/wW-, 
'p. Skr. ataku-id-s 'hook'. The dimmutival sense is clearly 
tiiarkcd e. g. in Lat. porculus porcil-ia O.H.G. farhel-i n. Lith. 



,> »•••• • 



200 The Suffix -to- 'la-, -|/-o- -fte-. § 76. 

parszel-i'S 'little pig, sucking pig' compared with porcu-s farah 
pafsza-s 'pig', Lat. rotula Lith. ratel-i-s 'little wheel' beside 
ro^a r5to-s Vheel' (the diminutival sense of the /-derivative in 
Lithuanian is certainly older than the addition of the further 
sufRx -10-, although the latter is also a diminutive suffix, see 
§ 63, 2). Here belong also pet-names like Skr. bhanu-la- Or. 
@Qa6v'h)'g O.Ir. Tuath-al Goth. Vuifi-la Pruss. ButiU for which 
see below. 

The termination -e-?o- is exceedingly common and certainly 
dates from the proethnic period of Indo-Germanic, but in many 
cases we cannot tell whether the stem to which it is added is 
verbal or nominal. 

Aryan. Skr. sthu-rd- sthU'ld" 'massive, strong, rough, 
stupid' : Gr. ovv-ka-g 'pillar . Skr. has-rd- 'laughing', with which 
Windisch would compare Gr. /sTXo^g n. 'lip* for *x^a'X'og. A vest. 
tiy'Ta'' 'point' : Goth, stik-l-s^ see below. Avest. stax-ra- 'strong, 
firm*: O.H.G. stah-aly see below. Skr. sa-hasra-m Avest. ha- 
'zafdre-m 'thousand': Gr. Lesb. xiXl-m^ see p. 199 above. Skr. 
(jfO-la-s 'ball*, gO-la-m gd-ld 'spherical water- vessel': Gr. yavko-g 
'pail, vessel' yav-Xo-g 'trading ship' (O.H.G. chiol and O.Icel. 
kjoll 'ship' can hardly be compared with this group of words; 
their vocalism seems to shew that they come from a different 
root). Avest. zaf-ra- n. (beside zafar*) 'mouth, throat': O.Sax. 
kaf'l A.S. ceaf-l m. jaw' (of animals). 

-y^O', Skr. ajird'8'y see above, au^-ira-s ^a^-ird'S (see I § 557, 
4 p. 413) 'hollow, a reed*, n. 'hole, wind instrument': Gr. uvX-6g 
'reed, pipe, flute' for ^oava-Xo-g. Skr. duagira-^ name of di^one 
beings who were regarded as mediators between men and 
gods: Gr. uyytXo^ 'messenger': the g of the Skr. form implies 
that the original form was not ^dfdg^'lo- (cp. Skr. dni-la-s 
'wind' Gr. ave-juo-g for *a«9-, beside Skr. dni-mt)^ but ^dnq-llo-j 
see I § 445 p. 331, § 450 p. 333 f. We should no doubt 
add tum-ura- tunt'tda' 'loud, noisy* beside tum-'ala'^ with the 
same meaning (cp. tTpd-la beside fyp-rd- 'restless, anxious') : Lat. 
tumul'tU'S: the word is usually connected, and perhaps rightly, 
with Skr. tum-ra' 'swelling puffed up* (see p. 198 above.) 



|7«. 



The Saffii -to. -Id; -J(-o- -{la-. 



•lo- in socoudary use. Skr. nabhila-m, ttim-ra- (ultimately 
also tum-ura-), hahu-ld-, atakii-rd-s ; see above. Further, with 
diminutive seuae, vf^a-ld-s 'uiannikin, finiiill man' {vf^an- 'man'), 
l»At-/a-« littlR child' (ilhi-^ child'), ialaka-ld 'saiall splinter' 
iaiAka 'aplinter'). Add pet names like bhanu-Ui- cp. bhanu- 
^atta-y pitf-la- cp. pitf-datta-, dStila- cp, dSea-datta-. 

Remark I. We may add here a number of forms from A-ryan, in 
'hiofa it is doubtful whether the suffix is Ug. -ro- or -lo-, cp, g H p. 1^2. 
Skr. dA-i-ii- Avest. O.Pere. OA-n<- "distant'. 8kr. trii-rrf- 'bloodf, 
WOvnded, cruel, gruesome', Aveet, JTit-rct- 'vroiindtng, horrible'. 8kr. tn-M- 
"hewrtiful" a-irird- n-ilila- 'not beautiful, ugly' Aveat. si-i-ri' 'beautiful', 
4p. oompar. Skr. kri-yan-. Bkr. ny-ni- Avest. «y-ra- 'itrong, might;'. SIcr. 
«e-rii-m Avest. ayft-m 'beginninj;'. Skr. k^ip-rti- 'quick', niik-rd- 'mined' 
*-"rf(o- 'intermingling', v'tk-rds 'crooked', pa-lii-t 'protector, herdsman', 
rtarfA-ro-iH 'openiu^. Atent, Mx-i-e'ni 'fluid, impurity'. 

•p'o- -Ito- Skr. dhvaa-ird- ( beside elhvtis-rii-] 'scattering*, maii-ii'i- 
gluldeniDg'. nar-ird- »nl-it6- 'flowing, undulating', n. 'wave, flood', Iril-ilA- 
'pi'furvted, porous'. In Iramaa the regutar phonetic developement reduced 
-fro- .J/o- and -e-ro- -r-lo- lo one form -off-, and they are tliua indis- 
■iiiKuiahible. 

ro- -J.I- in seoondarynse ; 8kr. ojim-i-h- Atest. oAii-rn- O.Pers. uii-ra- 
lid mra-maidtth-) meaaing perhaps 'lord', epithet of divinities, compared 
vithSkr. dcif- 'vital spirit'; for the etymology of the word see von Bradke, 
^hr. dar deutach. morg. Ges. XL. 347 ff. Skr. pi\iu-'-ii- 'dnaty' (paai-i 
Iwtl, madhu-rii- madhtt-id- 'sweet' fuitfi//iM 'sweetness, houey'J. miijto-cif- 
k*"!!!! teflticles* (mt^kd-s 'testicle'j. plilna-id- 'foamy' Iphina-s 'foam'). 
'" lbs foUowing words the primary stem has no final -"- : dhitm-ni- 'gray' 
Mina-t 'smoko'J, rallt-ird- 'trurelling in a ohHriot' iritha-a 'chariot'), pliin- 
-ih- btaie phina-14- "foamy'. 

The addition of -ra- -la- to stems in -ran- Is particularly oommun. 
16« eoBibiaation -iwirn- -tain- (op. p. 182 for Skr. pleura- Gr. ntit6-i = 
%■ *fi-^-ri-) was taken into common uae as an independent suffii, Skr. 
'M«ri-i 'festal gathering' (rfd/iran- 'way') iV-rord- "going' {ilmn- 'going"), 
•"^ftinher cid-culd- 'clever' (v!d- 'know'), kj-^-mld- 'husbandman' (ftrf'-f 
""'Wadry') and other words, ■I'nci is a common feia. termination from 
"WetiTM in -run-; e, g. yiSj-rari from ydj-mn- "piou8',pui'(iri Avest. nsdritiVi 
'"■ pdtan- nidran- 'pious'. In Avestic, certain nom.-aoo. neut. end in -pni-", 
*-t mlpigar' from ixi^-iiiaH- n. "pair", tori-var' from l-ari-faii- n., the name 
'"'UniBveo divisions of the earth: op, Gr. ni-(/)nri 'fat' beside Trimn'-i 

Oompare with this -uura- -viila- Skr. ndmaiii- 'ravenous' from ill- 
■"""•• n. 'food', tidhmatd- 'leprous' from sid-mnii- sld-mit- 'leprosy'; further, 
"■8,0. 0.8m. I'imil beside Goth. I,imin-g 'heaven', A.S. /ti/md "thumb-stall, 
H«t-g«ard' beside duma m. face, du'tian) 'thumb'. 



202 The Suffix -/o- WS-, -}/o- -J/ff-. § 76. 

Armenian dai^ da-l ^beestings': Gr. (hj'Xr} etc., see above 
p. 198. 

Here too no doubt belong infinitives in 4, as ta^l *to give* 
(indie, to-m), bere4 *to carry' (bere-tn), tnerani4 'to die' (mef'ani-m)^ 

Greek. atv-Xo-g 'pillar': Skr. stka-^rd- 8thil4d', see above 
p. 200. m-Xo-g *felt': Lat. pi-lu-s 'hair' and the derivative pUeu-s 
*felt* (also written pilleus, see I § 612 p. 463^). xar-Ao-^ 'stalk': 
Lat. caU'lae pi. 'cavities' (cp. also Lat. cau^li-s stalk'), Lith. 
kdu^a-s T)one'. ^svy'ltj yoke-ring, thong : cp. Lat. jug-ulae pi. 
'Orion's girdle of stars'. rvy-Ao-^ 'blind'. argsfi-Xo-g 'twisted'. «e- 
nayXo'^ 'awful, terrible' for *ix'nXayAo^, from ix-nXay-ffvai, see 
I § 266 p. 215. (pv'Xo'V 'stem, race' tpv-Xij 'community' afd^-Ao-c 
a&'Xo-g 'contest' a€&'X(Mf a&^Xo'v 'prize'. argifi^Xfj 'roll, roller'. 

By the side of the adjectives in pr. Gr. -fj-Qo-g (§ 74 p. 184) 
there were others in -17-Xo-^, like Horn. xara-ptyiyAo-g 'making 
one shudder, terrible' (aara-pQlyBO})^ jLiTjLifjXo'g 'imitative, imitated' 
(jiTlLisouai)^ including such substantival nomina agentis as xdnijXo^g 
'huckster', Lac. dnxtjXa's (and the extended form isixTjXuiTa'^) 
'actor*. Cp. Lat. cicindSla (below, Remark 2) and Lith. teke-la-s 
beside tekS-tT (see below). 

71 tuXo-g 'fat*, like nlaQo-g, from nlcUvcj (see § 74 Rem. 
p. 185), extended maXea-g 'fat' (see § 64 p. 135); like the 
latter are formed l^^iaXio-g 'damp', from hfnalvut^ x^/naXio-g 
'frosty', from xgvfiamo^ ^H/naXio-g 'timid, terrible' from Jfi/ioiVw, 
and many other similar words. 

-|/o-. y-erp-aXt] beside xi^'Xrj *head': Goth, gib-la m. 'spire' 
O.H.G. gebal m. 'skull, head', y/^ghebh-, nivuXo^g 'outspread* 
Tter-aXo'v 'leaf. aix^-aXo-g 'soot*. ngb/u^'aXo'V 'rattle'. 

-Zo- -JZo- in secondary use. Tia/v^Xo-g, oyxv-io-?, see p. 199. 
7jSv'Xo-g 'sweetish' (ijdv'g 'sweet'), ^pT/tiv-Xo-g 'somewhat sharp' 
(d()lfW'g 'sharp'), both with shifted accent like oyxvXo-g (see 
I § 676, 4, p. 542 f.). SavXo^g 'thickly overgrown' for ^daOv-Xo-g, 
from ^aav-g 'thickly grown', rpavXo-g 'lisping, snarling, stuttering' 



1) In the first sentence of this section of the English edition (p. 462) 
instead of *nasal liquid explosive or sonant', read 'nasal liquid explosive 
or spirant' (Gerftuschlaut). 



for *Tfiaini'lo-ii beside 8kr. tj-^s 'brisk, impetuous' (Wheeler, 
Der griech. Nominalaccent 63J. ou-ako-c "smooth, even', from 
0/10-; Iiat, simili-s. for older 'sem~to~ or *sem-llo-. x^ttn-al6-(; 'low', 
beside jfSo^ 'earth' for 'z^oit- (I g 204 p. 172, 11 § 160, 2): 
Lat. kum-ili-s. Words like Tiajf I'-io'-j,' , where -Xo- acts as a 
diminutive suffix , gave rise Ut a number of new formations, 
most of which however appear only in later Greek; as /mxx- 
-t'io-!,' 'amair, from funx6-g, ripxr-t'/o-i; 'young bear', from agxTo-g; 
and to extended formations with -jo- like »(«9n:(i-it'iiti-5 'cleanly' 
(*aitapo-c 'clean'), to which again a further diminutive suffix 
waa added, e. g, wcff-i-ii-io-v 'floweret' («'v3oc), in-vlk-ta-v "small 
|H>em' (tno;). Pet nnmos with -Xo- are common, 'Onjoi-Xo-i,- 
«p. 'Ovrfifn^aTfji;, Tu^i-Xn-s cp. Tii$i-kX^^; hence -lio-ff hecame an 
independent ending, e. g. Su-Vio-c cp. ^it-ypar/jL,-. Further, we 
liave names of this kind extended by -jo- as Tt'oipi-iio-i;, cp. 
7«pi/i-/A^;; then -liio-; also became an independent ending, as 
^op-iXXo-c cp. ^npi'-Xaoi^. &gaut'-Xn-s cp. Qgnav-fia/_o-g, BaSt-Xo-c 
«p. fitt9v-X6o-s, lience such forma as './j'-i'Ao-g f//-tt'io-5 cp. 'Ayi- 
-orpuro-j; 'Wyj-frrpuro-^; with the -to- extension we have e, g. 
flaSi-JUo-5 beside B«9t'-io-c, henee forms like Nix-vXXo-^ cp. 
flTfBO- II i; J Jjg. 

We may regard either as primary or as denominative forma- 
tions adjectives in -a-Xo-, such as oTytjXo-g (Pind. aiyaXo-c) 'silent, 
quiet' beside oiyini 'I am silent' and tffj'i; 'silence', «narij-Ao'-,- 
'deceitful' beside anrtxam 'I deceive' and dndri] 'deceit', cp. 
'O-po- § 74 p. 1S4 f. The same is generally true of forms in 
-f-Xn- := Idg, -e-lO', e, g. "rQun-t-^.o-t; 'turning' in ev'-rpo7reilo-c 
'taming easily': Lat. iorcMiw-s for •(orcy-^o- {Ig431c p,320f.); 
otrft'Xo-i: beside ori^-io'-e 'solid, compact, firm, hard'; citf-e-Xo-^ 
like, similar"; /iP-t-Ao'-g 'marrow'; oxon-t-io-e 'rock'; rsip-i-Xti 
'cloud': Lat. nebula, O.Ir. »gi 'cloud' for *neh-lo-, O.H.G. neh-ul 
la. 'cloud'; ttyt'Xrj 'herd'; cp. O.Lat. ngolo- n. 'pastorale bacu- 
lom, quo pecudes aguntur (Paul. Feat.). The -Xo- of -t-Xo- 
can be more certainly identified aa a secondary Biiffix in nl-fu- 
-Xrj 'fat* and Sffti-Xt} 'place of offering", to be compared with 
i;-/n-aa and similar words, but in no other examples. 



204 The Suffix -/o- -la-, lie -Wd-. § 76. 

Italic. Ital. *fe-lO' in Lat. fBl-are fxl-iu-s^ XJmbr. feliuf 
filiu ace. 'lactantes* fel. (abbreviation) *filiu8*: Gr. ^jy-Aif 'mother's 
breast*, Lett, di-l-s 'son* etc., see above p. 198. Lat. sella for 
"^sed'ld: Gr. elXd etc., see above, p. 198 f. grallcte 'stilts', com- 
pared with gradior. rallu-m (d?) 'ploughshare* beside rOdula 
'scraper* (is this for orig. ^rdd-j^d^ or a new formation of later 
date?) from radO\ also r alius (d?) 'close shorn*, caelu-tn 
'chisel* from caedo. pllu-m 'pestle' for *piHs-lo-fn (I § 208 
p. 175 f.). exem-p-lu-m (from eximd^ 'something taken out*, hence) 
'specimen, type*, tem-p-lu-m (cp. Gr. Ts/nyio^ 'something cut off', 
hence) 'holy precinct, temple*, with -p- as a glide sound (I § 208 
p. 175). assecla, from asseguor. 

'ulO' ula- are very frequent in Latin. In the forms assec- 
nla beside assecla^ vinculu-m beside vindu-m, torculu-s [tor- 
queO), coctdu-m (coqud), as in trdgula (trahoj^ -ulo- -uld- were 
developed from -Zo- -Id- during the Latin period, see I § 269 
p. 218, § 431 c p. 320 f., § 509 p. 373. Elsewhere it is doubt- 
ful, whether Idg. -/o- or -|to- or -«-/o- was the original suffix; 
e. g. in the nomina instrutnentiy like capulu-s captdu-m ex- 
'Ciptdu-m (cp. O.H.G. hev-ilo 'yeast*, the means of making some- 
thing rise), cingulu-m cingula, t^gtdu^m tBgulUj cdpula^ rSgula. 
Further, in substantival nomina agentis^ as Jigtdu-8 'potter' 
legulU'S 'gatherer*, and adjectival nomina agentis^ which usually 
imply a culpable tendency to some action, as bibulu^s, 
credulu'S, gemulu^s, tremulu-s, pendulu-s: cp. Goth, sakul-s 
'quarrelsome* and the like ; see below. In a few cases also it is 
conceivable that the suffix may represent Idg. -w-/o-. Where 
there has been a transference from the o- to the i- declension, 
'Hi" appears, instead of -ulo-. Thus we have agili-s: Skr. ajird-s, 
see above, p. 199. Similarly bibili-s^ fragUi-s, facili^s, docUi-s, 
habiU'8 etc., and by an extension to the to- participle coctili'Sf 
fissili-Sy flexUi^Sy versdUli-Sj voldtili-s etc. 

-5-/o- is of common occurrence, dla, velu-m, see p. 199 above. 
dlu-m 'wild garlic* for *an'8-l0"fn, cp. O.C.Sl. qch-ati 'to give 
fi)rth smell* for *ow-.9-flff, beside Skr. dni-ti, prHxi^m for ^prem- 
'S'lo-m, from premO, pdlu-s pdlu-m for *paC'Slo' or ^pdc-^lo-, 



Vt. 



The SufHx -to- -la-, -lU- -Ita-. 



■im 



from pac-tsior^ \^pilk- 'fasten': cp. Gr. nttaaalo-ii peg, nail' 
as though from a present *ndaau3, for *vnxtt'i (cp. nt'ioain), and 
hmce to be compared in point of formation with O.H.G. deckel 
fwm deeken = O.Icftl. pekja, sc&ta for *)icantsla, from scando. 
For tlie phonetic changes in these words see I g 208 p. 175 f., 
S 570 p. 428. 

Remarks. Otthoff (Paui-Brauiie'* Beitr. Ill 346J would nlao deri»o 
trim •t'lo' -i-lS- the femiiiiae fmbstantiTes like finjeln ntquela qiitretn, and 
Mnltja nillla, referring, -tin in tho former group to *'«-iifd ("cp. fuge-re), 
h lit Utter to '•e-sla (cp. eaN(fe'i*«), snd he cotnpareB such Germ, fonns as 
0,H,0. ruonii-siila t.hruonii-aiil n. 'buuHtiiig' (see belowj. This i« poasible. 
Btill lher« is aolhing to prevent our deciding them from Idg. -i-la-^ and 
I rilher prefer this eiplBDution on account of cieiadila 'glow-worm'. This 
wi (he femininp of an adjective *ciciiiilrlo-, which maj be compared with 
^. yiMi-iu -t- Aooordinglj' we should regard randela and the other parallel 
dmiia u hating been originally adjectiral. 

-lo- -^Q- is secondary in simili-s, humUi-s (with change 
"f lieclension, see p. 203 above); similarly paHli-s from par, 
ptslili-s from pesti-a, berbili-s from herba. imbilii-s from mlbSa. 
osjuIm, Umbr. anglom-e "m anguhuii' for *onc-lo-, compared 
'iithLat. ancv-s; Bimilarly O.Lat. ungula-s compared with uncii-s\ 
wl g 499 p. 3(56. Whether -lo- k also secondary in Lat. fatnul 
ftnnliu Osr. famel 'aer\'UH' fumelo f. 'familia' (compare Lat, 
finS-ia Umli. famer-iaH pi. 'familiae') may be left an open 
qnHtion; see Danieixsou in TauJi's Altit^il. Stud. ILl 178. 

This suftix was very fertile in fonning diminutives. Lat. 
foMii't Umb. katel 'catulus' katlu 'catiilum'. Lat, porculu-8 
P^fol-ia beside parens: O.H.G. farbel-i n, Lith. parsz^-i-s 
ncking pig', rotula beside rota: Lith. ratel-i'S. Other substan- 
•i^Ware: rlgulu-s, adulSscentultt-s, uTrulu-s, scuttilu-m, glattdula, 
■S'fCH/a, animula, mSnsulai semolu-s, cKlvola; filtolu-s, glOriola, 
"""^fa. Adjectives : loquaeutu-s, valeittidu-s, frli/idulu-s. bar- 
**"'«■«; helvotu-s; ebriolu-s, aureolu-s. Umbr. fondlo- 'fonti- 
"iluu' {/ottdlir-e 'in fontieulis') for *font-to-, cp. adro- I § 499 
I'- 366. Osc. Niivla- 'Nola' in Niivlaniis pi. 'Nolani' corre- 
■pondg to a Lat. form *novola (beside novo-s). We should notice 
"W M examples of different phonetic changes; Lat, stella for 
•Itr-Zd (Gr. anrij'p 'star'), puella for 'puer-Ia, ageUus fur *ager-lQ-s, 



nic/ellu-s for *niger'lo-s^ satuUtt-s for 'salur-lo-s, pauUu-s paulu-s 
for *paur-lO'S (Or. -nnvitos 'amall, little'), see I § 269 p. 216, 
§ 633 p. 473 f.; further asellu-s for *aBe)i-lo'S, femella for "fSmeti-la, 
beUu-s for *be»-h-s (he»e), gemellus for *gBmen'lo'», suUlu-s 
for *sulH-lo-s, corolla for •cwfin-lJ, see I § 208 p. 175; lastly 
lapillu-s for *lai>id-lo-s, see I § 369 p. 280. 

In Latin -to- was often added to thnae dimmutives an a 
further diminutive suffix, e. g. coteUtt-s from aitulu-s, cistella from 
cislitla, {cafello-: orig. *cal-lo- = *ager-lo- agelio-: agro-), agel- 
lulit-s from agellu-s, puellti-la, paullii-lu-s, tetielltdu-s, beHulu-s. 

Another suffix in which the diminutive sense was doubly 
expressed, but which in the historical period of Latin waar egarded 
merely as a single diminutive suMx, arose in proethnic Italic 
through the addition of -lo- to the suffix -ko- {§ 88)'): 
Lat. dif-cula, Ose. zi-colois 'diebus' zi-culud 'die' (see I § 73 
p. 63 f., § 135 p. 123). Other examples from Latin are: mRs- 
-culu-s 'little mouse, muscle' (cp, 8kr. muf-kd- 'testicle' mS^-aka-t 
m6^-i&a 'rat, mouse', Armen. mulai 'mouse, muscle'), ji'is-culu-m, 
corcidu-m i. e. *corrf+cM/M-m, mater-cula, latrilnciUu-3, corpus- 
-culu-m, melitis-culu-3, Tgni-culu-s, resti-ctila, letii-culu-s. 

Old Irish. O.Ir. de-l 'teat': O.H.Q. ti-la etc., see above 
p. 198, cS-l O.Cymr. cot-l 'augurium': Goth, kdi-l-s 'sound, healthy', 
O.KG. hei'l 'sound, whole', A.S. kM O.Icel. Iieill n. (for 
*Ant/w-) "luck, favourable omen', I'russ. kaU-ustika-n ace. 'health' 
0.0,81, ci'lii 'whole, complete'. }iel 'cloud' for *neb-lo-, Cymr. 
nitd 'cloud' : Gr, vnf^iXr, etc., see p. 203 above, coll m, 'hazel* 
for *co8-l(i-: Lat. cor-ulu-s {corylu-s) for *cos-^ O.H.G. lutsal 
O.Icel. haal 'hazel', lemel 'darkness'; Skr. tam-rd- 'dnrkening'. 
^■l n. 'seed', v^sc-. gabul giMd Mod. Cymr. gaft, 'forked branch 
or twig, fork of the thighs'. 

-s + lo-. uall f, 'exaltation, haughtiness' uasal 'high, exalted, 
noble' Mod.C'ymr. uchel 'high' Gall. VxeUo-dunu-m 'High-town', 
compared with O.Ir, 68 uas Mod.Cymr. uch 'above' for *avq-s- 
{cp. Lith. duksz-ta-s 'high') from v^ayg- 'increase'; mill there* 

O. Cartins (Stud. I 1, 259 ff.) treata thiR eombinatioa fts older than 
the Italic period. I oamtot regard Ihia as oouDletelj demonstrated. 




The. Suffix -lo- -la; -tl<^ -fid-. 



■201 

fcre = *ay5-«-/a, on rtia other hand uasal must be compared 
with Lat. auxiliu-m, which represents u form *auxulo-, cp. 
faini-ia : famulus, Caecil-tu-s : Caeculu-s. ciall Mod.Cymr. pwyll 
'wit understanding' orig. *qei-sla-, cp, Skr. ci-ke-ti ci-n6-li 'ob- 
■KTTea, finda out'. Perhaps we should add giall 'hostage' pr. Kelt. 
'fiiio-: O.H.G. glsal O.Icel. gtst m. 'prisoner of war, prisoner 
iiAi as a surety', common grounJ-form *gheislo-; the etyiiiidogy 
rf the word has not been explained ; the vocalism of the Keltic 
wori) is against its connexion with Lat. kaereS, which OsthofF 
(onsidered certain (Z. Gesch. d. Perf. 630), 

occurs with diminutival force in pet names, such as 
lualhal op. Tiiath-char ; cp. iilso (tall. Teidalit-s , Camulu-s, 
TeutUlu'S, Cdtullu'S. 

Germanic. Uoth. fil-l-s O.H.G. /w-/ 'foul': Lith. ;«i-/CT pi. 
ya, matter', stem pu-l-^'a-. O.H.G. siu-ia f. 'awl, punch': Lith. 
lH-la-s 'thread for stitching' siii-l-e 'seam', perhaps also Or. i-X-i'ai 
pi. 'pieces of leather for shoe soles' (Hosych.). O.H.G. O.Icel. 
•W n. 'rope' O.H.G. sl-lo m. 'straps for draught cattle, harness': 
Mh. it-aet-l-i-s 'the irou which joins thp connecting rod to the 
Ble, the crank", at-sai-l-e "counecting pole between the splinter-bar 
id the axle'. Goth, std-l-s O.H.G. stuo4 'stool, seat': Lith. 
ft^64a-s 'stand', pi. 'carpenter's scaffolding', Goth, stih-l-s 0,H.G. 

il m. 'drinking vessel, goblet' (properly used of drinking 

^ORu thai run to a point, then of other drinking vessels) : Avest. 

Hf-ra- 'point*. O.H.G, Hag-al m. O.Icel. hag-l d. 'hail' is pre- 

■ to be compared with Gr. xa/A-jyJ 'small stone, pebble'. 

OiI.O. gtali-al m. O.Icel. sta( n. 'steel': Avest. stax-ra- 'strong, 

i', Prusa. pamt~stacla-n ace. 'steel for kindling tire', 

Goth, ag-l-s 'terrible', beside Sg 'I am afraid*. Mid.H.G. krd, 
. leroUea 'in ringlets, curled' pr. Germ, 'krus-la-, see I § 582 
f. 436. O.H.G. zf-ia 'line, row', beside sl-t pr. Germ. *tl-3t- 
%ae'. Qoth.fug4-s O.Il.(}. fog-al m. "bird", for yuj-la-?, see 
I § 277 p. 221. Goth, peah-l n. 'bath'. Goth, fair-veit-l n, 
^tage play". O.H.G. scilv-ala A.S. sveof-l f. Dutch schoff-l 
ihoTel', beside O.H.G. scioban shove, push'. 

The following examples probably contain -llo-: Goth, hakul-^ 



208 The Suffix -lo- -IS; -JJo- -pa-. 



O.Icel. ki^ttll m. 'mnntle' beside OJcel. hek-la 'mantle'. O.Icel. 
st^dull O.H.G. satul m. 'saddle'. O.H.G. mabtd in. 'enout'. Ad- 
jectival nomina agentls geaerally imply an inciination to i^omethiii^ . 
Oiifh. sakttl-s 'quarrelsonie', slakiU-s (beside slakal-s) 'apt tn 
strike", O.Icel, hugull (beside hugalV) 'earefu], thiiughtful*, O.Sax. 
slSpol 'lethargic' flu^ol 'fleeting' (in O.H.CS. -at, as eg^al 'nivenoUB'. 
sprungal 'saliens'); forma like A.S. hla^-ol 'inclined tn laughing" 
{beside hiiehhan 'tu laugh') indicate that the suffix was origioallv 
accented. Also in secondary use, aa Goth, vein-nl-s 'bibulous' 
from vein n. 'wine' (O.H.G. wort-al 'talkative' from wort n. 
'word'). 

-s-lo- is frequent; it is nowhere so fertile as in Gernianic, 
O.H.G. ahsala, dehsala, see p. 199. Goth, preihsl n. 'distrtSB'. 
from preiha 'I press' for pr. Germ, ^prets^o (I § 214 p. 181). 
Gotb. skdk-sl n. 'evil spirit'. Goth, hunsl A.S. hSsel O.Icel. hust 
n. 'offering' for '/uttnt-da-, compared with Avest. spent-a- O.C.SI. 
sc^tU 'holy', cp. I § ISO p. 158 (where *)ryHnt-3la-m should be 
read for *xmnt + tla-m) and § 413 p. 303. O.H.G. wehsal m. 
0.1cel. clxl n. 'change", compared with O.H.G. h^/fok. O.H.G. 
knuosal A.S. cti6sl n. 'family, r,p. Gr. yvo-ro'-s' 'a relative', O.Icel. 
beisl n. 'bit, curb' ground-form Hhoid + slo-. beside Goth. Jei(a 
'I bite'. In particular many nouns were formed in -igla- in 
connexion with verbs in -jan. as Gotb. svartizl u. 'blackness, ink' 
hoaide *st)artjan O.Icel. eoerta 'to blacken', O.H.G. irrisal "error' 
beside irren, Iruobisal 'afHic^tion' beside tnioben 'to trouble", 
ruomisal and hruominala "ostentation, boasting:' beside hritomen 
'to boast'. Later the suffix was added to noun stems, as in 
Mid.H.G. twanc'sal 'restriction' from iwatic force', flttht-tal 'a 
fleeing, escape' from flukt 'flight'. From the Middle High German 
period onwards it was regarded as a distinct word in composition. 
Cp, -s-iuo- § 61, -s-tro- § 62, -s-ti- § 100, -s-(m- § 108, -s-num- 
§ 117, 

Pr. Germ. -Ua- is very frequent, and difficult to explain 
with certainty. K Paul (in his Beitr. IV 235) is right in holding 
that pre-Gerraanic -Jio- in the proethnic Germanic period 
passed sometimes into -ula-, sometimes into -^a- later -Ua-, 



in. 



The Suffix -lo- IS; -}lo- -lid: 



209 



according to the varying intenaity of the accent, then some of 
the forms in -ila- must be added to the examples given above 
of Ulg. -llo- (with pr. Germ, -ula-), and we could derive Goth. 
mikil-s A.S, mikil O.H.G. mikhil O.lcel. mikell 'great', with 
Gt. ^e/«'Ao-, from a ground-form *meg-llo: But this law does 
nut seem to me clearly establiuhed. In any ciiae some of the 
forms with pr. Germ. -Ua- are to be referred to Idg. -e-lo-. 
A certain number may represent au Idg. -i-lo-. It' we exclude 
more or lesa isolated formations, like the already mentioned 
mUctl-s, Goth. itbU-8 O.H-G. lAil 'evil, bad' (perhaps the meaning 
'going beyond bounds, transgressing rules', so that we should 
compare O.H.G, lAir over' Gr. vnrg), and Goth. in-Us f, 'excuse, 
motive' (beside fair'ina f. 'charge, ground of complaint'), pr. Germ. 
•Qa- is foimd especially in substantival nomina agentis and in 
diminutives. Hence these two classes may be placed here: 

Substantival nomina agentis. O.H.G. brut-pitil 'wooer, suitor's 
•dvocate' O.Iecl. bideH 'one who asks'. O.Sax. crupel O.Icel. 
irgpeli 'cripple' ("creeper'), beside O.Icel. krjOpa "to creep". 0,H,G. 
/rip»f "charioteer ('driver'), putil 'beadle' ("summoner'), tregil 'carrier', 
drahsil 'turner'. Names of creatures like O.H.G, wihil CIcel.w/istf 
'chafer, beetle' (Mid.H.G, tcebeleti tmberen, wahelen tvaberen 'move 
iiither and thither'): cp. Lith, vdb-ala-s "chafer", 0,H.G, tuhhil 
Wrgus'. Further, names of tools (cp. § 150), like O.H-G, meisil 
OJceL meitell "chisel" ("cutter"), beside Goth, mditan 'to cut', 0,H,G. 
^USSU O.Sax. slutil 'key' Cahuttcr'), O.H.G. slegil 'mallet', 3lS$il 
'peetle, beetle', driscil^ also fern, driscila,' flail', spinnila 'spindle'. 
So- occurs also as a secondary suffix: O.^i.G. reitU wagan-reitit 
'charioteer' from reita 'car, carriage'. We have also examples 
of nomma agentis without an i preceding the /-suffix: O.H.G. 
tVhhat beside tiihhil, sfapkul 'grasshopper", scUvala 'shovel'. 

Diminutives. O.H.G. bendil O.Icel. bendeU m. small band, 
redimicula' Mod.H.G. dial. (Rh. -Frank.) hendel, which has lost its 
dimiuntive meaning. O.H.G. atengil 'stalk' (no longer regarded as 
B diminutive), from stanga 'pole'. The forms have for the most 
pan passed over to the n-declension : O.H.G. scalckilo m. 'aer- 
tuIub' from scalch m, 'aervus*, lihhamilo m. 'corpusculum' from 

Bi*tm»ao. ElcBWDM. II. 14 



210 The Suffix -to- 'Id', 'llO' -IZ«-. §76. 

Ithhamo m. 'corpus'; Goth, mavilo 0. Icel. meyla f. /little maiden' 
beside Goth, mavi f. 'maid, damsel', O.H.G. niftUa f. mece* 
from nift f. *niece', ttirila f. *small door from turi f. *door ; 
Goth, barnild n. little child* from bam n. 'child*. Add pet 
names like Goth. Vulfila O.H.G. Woljilo cp. O.ILG. Wolf-hart, 
O.H.G. Gundilo cp. Gund-harf, Examples of diminutives without 
an i before the Z-suffix: Goth, magu-lu m. 'little boy' from 
magU'S m. *boy*, O.H.G. morhala f. moril, edible mushroom* 
from moraha f. 'carrot', O.H.G. Bodulo Bodalo by the side of 
Bodilo^ O.Icel. Sinfjqtli by the side of O.H.G. Sintarfi^ilo. 

The diminutival /-suffix was extended by other diminutival 
elements. O.H.G. turill {turilln) Mid.H.G. tiirUn from turUa^ 
chindilt {chindilln) little child*; for the origin of this extension 
see Kluge, Stammbild. p. 29. O.H.G. jungaUing O.Icel. ungl- 
-ingr *a youth*, O.Icel. myslingr from mjfsla 'little mouse', which 
itself is derived from mils 'mouse'. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. gai-la-s (and with changed declension 
gairlii'S) 'ill-tempered, liable to bite (of dogs)' O.C.Sl. (d)z6'lH 
'violent': O.H.G. gei-l 'ungovernable, petulant, wanton'. Lith. 
mig-lh myg-la O.C.Sl. niig-la mist*: Gr. Hom. o////-A^ 'mist'. 
Lith. dk-la-s 'blind': Lat. aquUu-s. O.C.Sl. str^^la f. 'arrow*: 
O.H.G. stra-la f. 'arrow, flash of lightning*. O.C.Sl. si-la 'might, 
strength' Sloven, si-la 'haste', cp. Pruss. sei'li- 'earnestness, 
endeavour, diligence* seiliska- 'devotion*: it is not clear whether 
we should compare Skr. it-la-m 'custom, character' or Lett, si-t 
'to bind*. Lith. au-la-s leg of a boot' beside au-ti 'to cover the 
feet*. Lett, e-la 'road', beside i-t 'to go*, cp. Lith. ei-l^e f. Lett. 
af-l'i-s m. 'series, row*. O.C.Sl. qz-lu vqz-lu 'knot*. 

-|/o- may perhaps be traced in the following instances. 
Pruss. sirs-il'i-s O.C.Sl. sfrfs-tlu beside Lith. szirsz-lry-s 'hornet*: 
Dutch horzeL Lith. sprdg-ila-s 'flail', beside sprag-eti 'to rustle'. 
O.C.Sl. koz-^lu {kozlu) 'he-goat', from koza 'goat*, o^^lu 'eagle', 
beside Lith. erel-i-s O.H.G. aro m. 'eagle'. O.C.Sl. sedlo n. 
'saddle' for *sed^lo (are O.H.G. satul A.S. sadol 'saddle* borrowed 
from some Slavonic language?). sv6tlu 'luminous* for *sv6tXlu^ 
from svUu 'light'. In considering the last two words itl shoud 



S76. 



The Soffli -/o- -Id-, -llO' -lla-. 



211 



be noted that pr. Slav. *sedlo, •sr^Hii would necessarily have 
appeared in O.C.Sl. as 'selo, 'sdHu (I § 545 p. 399, § 548 p. 402). 
Cp. aiso Pruss. names like Butil {btita- 'house'), Canlil {caxta- 
'eadurance'). 

-s-lo- i3 not uncommon fcp. -s-li- § 98). O.C.Sl. tesla veslo, 
see p. 199 above. Prusa, san-insl-e f. 'girdle' O.C.Sl. su-v^slo 
n. 'band, fetter' u-vi^alo n. 'diadem' for *^§h+s-lo-, v^nflgA- 'tie, 
press tight', cp. O.C.Sl. qi'lu 'knot'. Lith. mok'sln-s 'teachbg', 
krista-s Lett, krisl-a 'refuse, fragment' for *krit-sla-; messia-s 
Lett, misl-s, both usually in pi., 'dung, sweepings' beside Lith. 
mfi-iu Lett. mf/chH 'I cleanse out' (I § 414 p. 303); g^-sla 
'rein, sinew', cp. 0.C.81. /t-?a "vein"; &sl-y-s 'one who scents out' 
6»/-f 'nostril' for *iktsl- beside A'dsiu I smell': m{-sl-e 'riddle'. 
O.C.Sl. Sislo 'number' for *£it'slo (cp. 6ism^ § 117), pr^slo 'gradua' 
for 'prentslo from Slav, prend- or prent- (see Miklosich, Etym. 
Worth. 262), maalo 'oil, salve' beside maz-ati 'to smear' (I loc. cil.). 

■e-lo-. In Baltic this is preserved in -e-l-io-, as Lith. did-eli-s 
'great' (beside dldi-s 'great' like Or. fnydi-o- beside fiiyag), er- 
-eli-a 'eagle' (cp. O.C.Sl. ordU) ; usually with dimmutive meaning, 
as in Lith. parsseli-s 'little pig" </alvtle 'little head'. Cp. also 
Pruss. names like Dargelo Dargds (darga- 'dear'). In Slavonic 
the simple -elo- also occurs, though rarely : e. g. dr^selU (beside 
dr^t&ku) 'sorrowful, peevish', cpftelU 'flower', pMvelii 'weed' beside 
pliva Pruss. pelwo 'chafl". 

-0-^0-, -a-lo- or -3-lo-. In Baltic -ala- is fairly common, 
as in Lith. miealdi pi. Lett, mi/als 'urine', Lith. itz-valkala-a 
'bed-cover' (cp. O.C.Sl. ablSklo 'clothing' for *ob'Velk-lo), avala-s 
'foot-covering' (cp. aulas p. 210), velkala-s 'business', snaigaia 
'snowflake'. In Slavonic it is rarer; 0.0,91. sokolU 'falcon', 



Remark 3. For the combitiationB -o-lo-, -a-lo; -9-I<^ I can find no 
tufBcieiitlj certain paraUeU in the other Innpiages to prove that they 
are gonuina pre-Stavonic suffixea. In the vase of -o-lo-, Qt, fa-roirit and 
the like niiut be disregarded; on the other hand 8kr, karmdra- 'smith' 
raeOia- 'talkative' and Ooth. slakal-s might be regarded as positive 
eridence. -3-lo- appears in Skr. ani-la-s 'wind' (beside diji'-i;ii). 

14' 



212 



The Suffii -to- -la; -Jlo- -lis-. 



§76. 



Bait. -S-la- -e-l-ja: This is derived from a verb in -i-H 
in Lith. lekela-s teke-t-i-s 'grindstone, running on an axle' (Lett* 
fezzel-i-Sy usually fern. te^zeU), from tekiti 'to run'; and is 
also found in the numerous iiomina aijentia, which often imply 
contempt, e. g. pakl^deli-s 'rover, gad-about' from klydeti 'to 
wander about', netikeU-s 'ne'er-do-weel' {tVcti 'to suit"), paduk4lM 
'raving madman' dxi-dukti 'to go mad') nudegili-s 'one ruined by 
a fire' {nu-deg^s 'burnt out'). Cp. 0.C.8I. paxt. seU-lU beside 
eel&i 'to wish', vidflQ beside viditi 'to see'; see below. Examples 
of -e-l'Ja- aa a secondary sufiix are kirmele 'worm' from 
O.Lith, kirmi-s, gen. kirmio 'worm', musele 'fly' from mttae 
'fly'; further, diminutives formed from words of more than two 
syllables, like avineli-s 'little ram' from SvinO'S 'ram', kepurele 
'little hat' from kepure 'hat', kirnti'lcle 'little worm' from kirmele. 
The origin of this secondary -Slja- is not clear. 

-T-lo-, Lith. aky-la-s 'observant' (beside aky-la-s 'fumbhed 
with eyca' and aJcy-va-s 'furnished with eyes, inquisitive'), beside 
akij-ti 'to get eyes, become porous". Cp. O.C.Sl. part, chvali-lii 
beside chvali-U 'to praise'. 

In Slavonic the suWix 'lo-, which formed nomtna ngentis, was 
used very freely, and henve was developed the so-called part, 
praet. act. II; as it'-M beside bi-ti 'to strike', with ^'esjnT practi- 
fally equivalent to a perfect, 'I have struck'. Other exam- 
plea are nes-l& beside nes-fi 'to carry', fty-Zfi beside bif-ti 'to be' 
(cp. Gr. rfv-Xn-K, ffV-iij), 3/ia-l& beside sna-ti 'to know', dSa~lu 
beside dSla-H 'to do, make', iel(-l^ beaide zel&ti 'to wish', ckvaH-lU 
beside clwali-ti 'to praise'. Cp. Lat. legulu-s 'one who picks 
(fruit)' O.H.G. essal 'ravenous' (O.C.Sl. jalU for ^M-lu), tre^l 
'bearer', Gr. aTyohi-g 'silent', filinjlo-g 'imitative', Lith, fekela-9 
('runner') 'grindstone', ak^la-s 'observant'. 

Diminutives. Lith. -t-l-i-s and -e-l-i-s have been meotioQed; 
with parszeli-a compare Lat. poreuhts porcil-ia O.H.G. farhd-i 
n. 'sucking pig", with rateti-s, Lat, rolula. rageli-s 'little bora' 
may be directly connected with O.C.Sl. rog-l-i Mod.8Ioven, rogelj 
beside rogU 'horn', though in the Slavonic languages the diminu- 
tival sense is lost. The pet names, however, in Slavonic belong 



ST7. 



The Suffixes -dh-ro- -dh-ra- and -dh-li- -,lh-la.. 



213 



to thiB class; e. g, Serv. BozUo beaide Bozo BorfO-ljub, Bratilo 

BrajUo beside Bralo Brafo-ljub; cp. Pruas. Bulil Dargelo p. 211, 

§ 7*7. The European auffixps -dh-ro- -dh-ra- and 

-dh-lo- -dh-la-^). 

In Greek. Italic, Slavonic, and perhaps also in Germanic, these 
suffixes are found beside -tro- -tlo- (§ 61) and -ro- -lo- (§ 74. 76) 
with similar meaning. They are used in substantives mainly to 
d^iote the means, or a tool, or a locality. They sprang from 
the coalescence of the so-called 'determinative' dh (8kr, rd-dh- 
-ami, Gr. Tzltj-S-o), Lat. pu-bSs. 0.C.31. i-d-q, cp. § 8 Rem. 2 
p. 20) with a following -ro- -lo-^ and are therefore parallel 
to sQch combined forms as Or. -d^-fio- (§ 72) and to -s-lo- (§ 76), 
and others. Cp. Or. ap-^-pn-v joint, timb*: n^-9-/i6-<; "joining, 
connexion'; iSa-d-po-v "step, threshold, seat, foundation': (ia-^-iid-^ 
'«tep'; mc't-^-po-g 'exact, precise, careful': ax-c-S-ifnv 'to hold, 
have' (ojf-f-tf- for the normal fyi-t-9- is due to association with 
i-OX-a-y and similar forms, cp. I g 496 p. 364 f,); xf/ijj-S-po-i- 
'magic drug': x?iXrj-9-fi6-Q "enchantment"; xn-Tj-S-^o-v 'winnowing 
fan': xlyt^d-fio-i; 'movement'; Lat. sta-b-ulu-m , Czech, std-dlo 
Lower Sorb, sta-dto 'herd, drove': Gr. ara-&-fi6-i; 'standing place', 
O.C.SI. Pol. ata-d-o Czech sfddo 'herd'; Lat. /a-i-«-: Gr. it- 
-&-ft6-i Qt-&-fio-g 'statute' (for the initial r- &■ cp. axt&po-g 
ajrt9t/tty) ; Italian (Tusc.) pevera a wooden funnel' = Lat. *plS- 
-b^ra (beside Lat. 'pli-tra implied in Milanese pldria 'wooden 
funnel' and other forms, cp. Lat. palpe-bra beside palpe-tra): 
Gr. nA»j-3-w 'I am full'*) and many similar examples. With the 
forma baring f, a Lat. e after the root syllable, as Gr. nx-s- 
-9po'-c, #(l-(-9io-f, fifX-a-9pri-y, xpffi-u-&ga, Lat. illec-e-bra mand- 
-i-iuiu-m cotiduc-i-bifi-3 should be compared (besides Ojf-t- 
-9ffity mentioned above) ytjSiai for *yaf-i-&iiu = Lat. f/audeS 
for 'gdp-e-deO, tpXty-t-9«}, nfi-i-Dnftai, fgy-a-^w, dioiK-a-Qw etc. 



l>Cp. Aacali'a essay cited in footnote 1 on p. 118; aodFr. Hsnsaen, 
Die Aktiibedeutung der AdjectiTB aof bflls im arohajschen Latein, Philo- 
logns N. F. I 274 ff. 

2) Add here Of. ni^9fB-t' dJo,- ti''TQOu in HeBfchios, if the reading is 
right. 



214 



The Suffiies -rf/.-r 



-d*-r 



and -dh-Io- -rfft-ts. 



The great mnjority of the nouns that belong to thia claaa 
are certainly later formations which arose independently in 
the course of the separate growth of the various families 
of language. Isolated examples may dale from older times, 
cp, Lat. sU-buUi, in-suhulu-m, Czech si-dlo Pol. szy-dlo O.C.Sl. 
H-lo_ 'punch, awl', common ground-form 'siii-dhlo- -dhlit-- Gr. 
Horn, Ai'-tfpo- 'contamination', Lat. dB-lu-bru-m pol-lu-brtt-m, 
common ground-form *lii-dkro-i Lat. sta-bulu-m (*ste-}, Czech 
sld-dlo (*stii-). 

In consequence of their equivalent functions and similar 
sound 'dhro, -dklo- were in many cases confused with -tro-, 
■tlo: On this point see § G2 p. 121 f. In Slavonic the older 
f-suf^x was completely ousted by the d^Buffix; the substitution 
of the dk for ( is especially clear in the word for 'plough' O.C.Sl. 
ralo oralo Czech, rddlo Pol. radio, where all the other languages, 
even Lithuanian, show -tro- -tlo-. 

Remark. Home have wished to derive thia suffix from -thro-, -Ihlo-. 
To this hypotheiiig, it muet be confessed, no phonetic objeotions aaa be 
r^sed (I p. 40T footnote). Bat its only object is to re-establish the theory 
of the original identity of this suffix with -tro-, -tlo-, and 1 do not see 
how nny probable grmind con be given for assuming that the latter had 
epiit into double forms at so early a period. In other forms the aspirated 
tenuis appears for tha tenuis in Aryan only (cp. I g 475 p. 350 f., g 558 
p. 405 ff.J, and hence we may at least demand evidence for the existence 
of an Aryan suffix -thru- = -trn-. 

To the examples given above a few may be added from 
the separate groups of languages. 

Greek. okf&po-Q 'destruction', Aoiij-^^po-j 'talkative', /iviM- 
-3po-e 'miller', r*p-*po-v 'end, point', ?iA-(-5po-* neX-i-Spo-y "acre, 
hide of land' (cp. Tir-i-po'-c: Skr. pat-a-rd- p. 182), pi{f)t-3-go-¥ 
pEt^po-v 'stream*, ni'K7ir,-^^o-v 'delight', xo'pjj-^jw-v 'besom*, im- 
'^liSpa 'means of climbing, ladder', Koifi^-S^ps sleeping-place', 
dXivdfj-Spa 'place to roll in, place of exercise (for horses)' v-9lo-i 
'cant, empty talk' (from vu 'it rains'), <a-&Ao'-; 'excellent', S*ue- 
-ffAo-v 'foundation', yifs-^io-v and /fm'-SAjj 'descent, family, 
offspring'. "Where i. precedes, the form -9go- may sometimes 
have arisen from -SXo- by dissimilation, cp. I § 266 p. 215. 



51T- 



The Suffiiea -dh-ro- -dh-ra- and -dh-lo- dh-la-. 



215 



italio. In procthnie Italic -dhro- -dhlo- became -fro-, 
■fia-. These remained in Umbro-Samnitic, while in Latin they 
passed into -iro-, -bio-. See I § 370 p. 281. For the 
MiaptyKia in Lat. -buh-, -bili- see I § 269 p. 218. Pr. 
Ital. *8ta-jio-: Lat. sta-hulu-m sta-biU-n^ IJmbr. sta-ftarem 'ata- 
IniUrem' Pelign. pri-stafalacirtx 'antiBtita for *'atafla-crTx = 
Lat. *prae-stabula-lriz, 

Lat. crT-bru-m, ftd-brit-m, ventila-bru-m. dola-bra, verte-bra, 
kre-bra and e-Uce-lra ('enticer', feni.). crl-ber (from crS-scS), 
eandsla-ber (beside candSlS-bru-m), Mulci-ber (gen, -berX, a new 
forination instead of '-irl); occasionally the forms have been 
transferred to the i-declension, as ancld-bri-s, ale-bri-s (beside 
ttii-bili'S). tri-bulu-m, pd-bulu-m, roca-bulu-m, medica-bulu-m, 
lati-hulu-m, mttndi-bulu-in and mandi-btda, fd-bula. Once or 
tvice we find -i-bulu-m as a secondary suffix; for example 
Hssibttlu-m {sessu-s sessili-s), iiiribiilum (tiis). From this auFfix 
are formed a large number of adjectives whieh have passed 
into the i-declension, as sta-bili-a, no-bili-s, mO-bUi-s, Jle-bili-s, 
i!-le-bili-3, sanO-hUi-s, ad-mirO-bili-s , sepell-bili-s , pola-bUi-s, 
inltl-liffi-bili-s, ht-tetidi'bili'S. In a few cases -i-bili-s is a se- 
condary suHix; e. g. odibiU-s (odiu-tn), illulibili-a {H-lUtu-a), 
fierihili-s (flexu-s), persuOsibiU-s (per-suaau-m). 

.Tusl as 'clo- became -cro- by dissimilation in Ittcrtt-m (for 
*tu-clo-m) and in other words (1 g 269 p. 217), so it may 
sometimes have happened that after a preceding I, -hto-, -bli- 
became -fero-, -bri-. 

Germanic. The procthnie Germanic forms -dra-, -Ma-, 
e. g. in O.H.G. hri-ttara f. riddle, sieve', may represent Idg. 
-tro-, -tlo- quite as well as Idg. -dAro- -dhlo-; cp. § 62 p. 121. 
O.H.G. hri-ttara may be compared equally well with Lat. 
cri-bru-m 'sieve' (which contains Idg. -dhro-) or with O.Ir. 
criathar 'sieve' (Idg. -tro-). I know of no case where the 
(^-Buftix could be identified with any degree of certainty. 

Slavonic. O.CSl. i^lo 'point, sting' Pol. ii\-dlo. Czech 
bydlo Upper Sorb, btf-dlo 'dwelling' Pol. by-dlo 'cattle, property, 
me&ns'. O.C.SI. iirfpalo 'scoop' Pol. czerpa-dlo. 0.C.81. klepah 



216 



The 8uffii -bho- -bhS: 



§78. 



'sounding- board (of an instrument), bell' Pol. klepa-dlo. 0.C.81. 
cidilo 'atraiDer, fitter' Pol. cedzi-dlo, O.C.Sl. h&ilo 'means for 
whitening, white paint'. 

§ 78. The Suffix -hho- -hha-. 

Thi^ suflix was confined tu n small aroa, and it is only in 
Bal to- Slavonic {and possibly Gemianic) that it shows any degree 
of fertility. As a secondarj' suffix it was no doubt used even 
in the proetiinic period of Indo-Gernianic, to form namea of 
animals. To judge from Sanskrit, in this usagre it was generally 
or always accented. 

Indo-Germanic. Skr. f^a-blid-s 'bull' points to an Idg. 
*fs^bh6-s {*ersp-bk6-s) 'bull' beside Avest. arSan- 'male, man' 
Gr. fjjojji' apaijv 'male"), and we could at once accept the form 
as really proethnic, if the suggested connexion of Gr. Eipitip- 
-iftirij-i' Lesb. 'Ep^aifKuzS-?, a title of Dionysus, with Skr. ^^abhd-s 
is correct. It does not seem to me, however, that Wackernagel 
(followed by Solmsen, ace Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 126 ff. 352 (f.) 
has satisfactorily removed the difficulty of assuming an assimilation 
of rs to (/(I in proethnic Greek. 

Aryan. Here the suffix ia almost confined to names of 
animals. In Sanskrit besides j^^a-bkd-s we have with similar 
meaning Vf^a-bhd-s, beside vf^ati- 'male, man, bull', iarahhds 
a fabulous creature with eight legs, enemy of the lion and 
elephant, suggests Gr. Xfpoyo-g 'fox', xopayo-g a bird, in Hesych. 
(compare no doubt nopwuj, so that the bird must have belonged 
to the raven family), xaX.uif.O'i; aaxd}.aii,n-Q a kind of owl. ierabka' 
name of a snake, rdsabha-s 'ass' (the only Skr. form with the 
accent upon the root), from ras- 'shriek, roar, bray'. 

sthula-bhd- beside sthiild- 'large, massive'.- 

Grcek. EifMUfMozi}-^ , Ki'^atfo-^, xaXaifo-^ Ka*aXatf.o-i , see 
above. i'kafpo-Q 'stag' ground-fonn *el^-bko-s, beside *).).o'-s- for 
^iky-o-i, O.C.Sl. jeleii- (gen. Jelen-e) stag', Lith. Sbi-f-s stag, 
elk' (cp, § 114). Thus nopaifo-ii too (see above) no doubt stands 
for *kort}-bho-, cp. Lat. corn-Tx. yiiiipr] nutiifri 'fox'. ipKpo-f 
'kid*, with which Stokes would connect O.Ir. heirp erb (pL 
herbind) 'capra, damma' ; this word however cannot hare lost 



iTa. 



The Sufflic 'bho- -bhS-. 



217 



A vowel beetwen r and b (p) (for the p c\i. I § 524 p. 380). 
wamxfo-q Att. xornyio-j,- 'thruah'. 

mht<fio-Q 'blow with the fist, box on the ear', xporagw-g 
'temple' (of the forehead) beside xpo'ro,; vporsw, (named from 
the pulsation ?). Denomin. ipijXafdfu 'I p-ope'. xtpaifo-^ a*^pnfa-g 
'abuse, calumny'. tfiXiji'afo-^ 'chattering', subst, 'chatter', idafog 
n. 'ba«e upon which a thing rests', no doubt transferred to the 
M-stema by assimilation to fSoq n. rnpvtp^ 'peak", cp. xo'pr-ff- 
Tielmet' Kiipv-ilo-; 'tufted lark', apjiyo-f 'gleaming like fiilver*. 

Other examples of this kind are given in Lobeek Proleg. 
p. 291 ff. 

Italic. Perhaps wc should class here Lat. mor-lm-s, be- 
side mor-ior, cp. Lith. ddr-ba-s and the like (see below). 

Old Irish. Perhaps heirp erb 'capra, danima'; see above. 

Germanic. From this suffix are no doubt derived the 
Gothie adverbs in -6a, as ubUaha 'badly, wickedly' bditraba 
'bitterly*, agluba 'hardly, scarcely", ana4dugtnba 'secretly'. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. ankszt^-ha-s 'of an early kind, 
appearing early', beside anksztl adv. 'early', and, modelled on this 
word, velyha-s 'of a late kind' beside velol adv. 'late'. Further, 
numerouB abstract substantives in -y-b-e, derived from adjectives, 
as auksztybi 'height, highness' from dnkszta-s 'high', jaunybe 
'youth' from jduna-s 'young', bail^be 'timorousness' from bailU-s 
'timorous', kavtrybe 'patience' from kantrU-s '])atient'; Lettish 
has preserved the older unextended -tba, as dugst'iba, Jdunfba. 
Again we have primary noniina adionia in -yba -ybe, as dal^bos 
pi. 'division of an inheritance' beside dali/ti, 'to divide', tikyba 
tikybe 'faith' beside tiklli 'to believe'; cp. Lett, tizziba 'faith', 
mdzlba 'teaching, instruction' (nidzH 'to teach'). Lastly there 
are a few substantives in which we have the suffix added im- 
mediately to the root: ddr-ba-s 'work', hence darbii-s 'diligent' and 
dirbu 'I work', beaide darijti 'to do'; gur-ba (Szyrwid) and garbf 
'honour', hence ijarbtt't 'honourable' and gerhiu 'I honour', beaide 
^riii 'I praise'; similarly Lett, schkir-ba 'a split, rift', beside 
8chiir-t (Lith. skir-ti) 'to split, part, divide'. 



218 



The Suffi* - 



§ 78,79. 



In Slavonic the suffix appears in substantivea in -ba. 0.C.81. 
qtro-ba 'intestines, belly' beside jij-iro 'liver', seeg 75 p. 189. 197 f, 
ziUo-ha 'wickedness' from sSlU 'wicked'. Serv, rugo-ba 'dis- 
graceful character' beside rug 0.C.81. rqgii 'disgrace', grdo-ba 
indecency" beside O.C.Sl. gridU 'proud, arrogant'. O.C.Sl. tatt-ba 
'thievery, theft* from / alX 'thief, gosfi-ba 'entert-ainment, cheer* 
from goaU 'guest'. Starting from forms like these -fba became 
an independent ending, e. g. druz^a 'companionship, friendship', 
from drugii 'companion, friend', sStlba 'embassy' from sfUii 'am- 
baaaador'. Cp, latl-stvo, giving rise to s&i-istvo § 61 p. 117. 
The use of -'(lia was extended by the fact that the form became 
associated with verbs in -i-ti (like gosti-ti druet-ti); after tlua 
connexion had been established, abstract substantives in -iba 
were made directly from these verbs (cp. Miklosisch, Vergl. 
Gr. II 213 ff.). A few nouns in -tba were formed from the 
participle in -til (-to-), as ienit-tba 'wooing, marriage, wedding' 
(also ienitAsteo), gostit-tba 'hospitality', orat-Xba 'tillage', sfl-l£o 
'sowing'; this group of forma arose during the time when the 
part. pass, was still formed with -to- in these verba. 

§ 79. The Suffix -to- -ta-. 

Thia suftix was both primary and secondary in the proethnic 
and later periods. We may classify its usage under four headings. 

1. -to- -ta- aa a primary suffix in participial ad- 
jectives and substantives connected with them'). 

The suffix was used to foi-m a participial noun immediately 
from the root, e. g. *Ji}il-t6- 'heard' from Me^- 'hear'. This for- 
mation must have been very common in the Indo-Germanie 
period. 

The root (in the strict sense, op. § 8 Rem. 1 p. 20) might, 
generally speaking, he replaced by any element or combinatioa 
of elements which acted as a verbal stem; hence forma like 
*yewi3-io 'vomited' Skr. vaini-ta- Gr. ifti-ro-g (tftt-To-g) Lat. 



1) Bordello, De lin^ae Latinae odjectiTiB euffixo to a nomiDibuft 
derivatin, Bilgseldorf 1B73. Birt, De pirlioipiia Latinu quae dicuntnr p«r- 
feoti passivi, Index lect. Marburg. 1883— S4 (cp. with this treatise Ostfaoff, 
Zur Oesch. .1. Perf. 550 ff.]. 



8 79. 



L'19 



Bomi-tu-s, or liko *dorIci-to- 'brought to eight', 8kr. darii-td- 
Goth. ffit-tarhi-p-s^ partic. of *do>-fceid, causal of i/^ derk- 'see*, 
and tiiose developed in the separate languages like ayanij'io-i; 
(aya:idtu) Lat. pisca-tu-s (piscdrl) Goth. fiskC-p-a (fisko-n). 

The addition of -to- to thematic present stems was no 
d^tubt a later process, even though it may have begun in 
the procthnic period; cp. e. g. Skr. darS-a-td-s 'visible, worth 
seeing' Gr. ipn-t-jo-v 'creeping thing', Gall, tiem-e-io-n O.Ir. 
Memtd a. 'aanetuary' (properly 'what is revered"). Cp. -e-ti- 
§ lOO. -o-to- also may be a proethnic form: Gr. fHo-ro-i; jifio-nj 
'life, livelihood', O.Ir. biad n. 'livelihood', Lith. <jyoa-la "life, 
livelihood' 0.C.81. iioo-m 'life, living thing'. 

The meaning of theae participial forma was generally 
passive, and with the exception of the last group {daHa-ti-s 
etc.), that of a perfect participle passive. But the passive 
nenae can hardly have been originally attached to the suflix 
itself. Numerous forms occur with an active- in transitive sense 
which dates from the earliest period, such as 'bhS-td- 'become, 
grown', *st3't6' 'having a position, standing', *8ru-l6- 'having 
a flow, flowing'. The idea of completion or being complete, 
and hence of being in a particular condition seems to have 
been the essential element in the meaning of the forms 
ilerived from the verbal stem. Hence we have also active 
i«-participles from active verbs, such as O.H.G. wis 'skilful, 
wise* Or. w-tnro-t; 'unskilful', Gr. rAijro-c 'enduring' vn'onro-g 
'entertaining suspicion'. Lar. cSn-slderdtu-s 'considerate, tliought- 
ful* cfnotu-s 'who has dined' fcp. JIod.H.G. eia </elenUer schlosser 
'a trained locksmith' lit. 'who has learnt', ein erfahrener 
matin 'an experienced man", em ehrDenjessener imnsch "a dis- 
honourable fellow', lit. 'one who has forgotten honour' etc, ') 



1) It n«ed hardly be usumedtbat tliis senatt wm fiwl introdueed into the 
p«Tticiple« "hen they were cumpounded with olher words and the meaning 
cf the compound »m epithetised (miUalmii, f 50); e. g. Or. J-.nri--; "being 
without anything known, without knowledge', Lat. Ui-eontidtraiii-i 'bi'ing 
withonl anything roDEidered, without consideration'; and that it wa« only 
OB tho model or this group ot words that the aignificalion wa« ext8nd»d 
to Mme o( the participles when uncompounded. 



220 Thfr fiuffix -/->- -U1-. 

At the same time, 1 do not suppose that the use of the ^o-par- 
ticiples is original in Latin deponents, where they share all the 
constructions of the present nt- participle and the finite verb, e. g. 
omnia confessus like omnia cdnJitSna and omnia cOnfiteor. This 
usage arose only after compound tenses like cSnfesstts sum had 
become part of the system of the finite verb. 

The idea of completion and of bebg brought to an end is 
often replaced by one of capacity or possibility, aa in Gr, Xv- 
-li'C 'capable of being freed'. This change of meaning is no 
doubt proethnic in Idg. *morto-3 'mortal' (Skr. mdrta- Gr. ^poro-^). 
But we find that in the separate languages this usage is seldom 
or never found except in participles compounded with the privative 
particle, or in some other form of negative espression. Compare, 
for examples of the first kind , Skr. d-marta-s a-mfta-s Or. * 
u-iM(Syoro-? 'immortal', Skr. a-t4rta-s 'unsurpassable', d-jTta^^ 
'unfading', d-dabdha-s 'inviolable, infallible', d-parTtas 
conquerable', Gr. u-lvro-g 'indissoluble', a-ftefimo-g 'blamelessV^ 
nv-t'uffijjxr-D-s 'not to be confounded, or terrified', Lat. jM-cirfM^j 
'invincible' in-fectu-s not to be done, impossible', tn-nutnerd/w-ca 
'innumerable', Goth, nn-sakt-s 'incontestable', un-algdht-s 'uD*l 
approachable', ep, also O.Ir. dl-brilke 'importabOis' ; and of t 
second, ot'x avtxro-g 'not to be borne', ovu omfiavro-^ 'i 
to be named' in Homer. Hence we may infer that tlii*l 
meaning first arose in negative expressions. It spread most 
widely in Greek; further examples are voijro-^ 'comprehen- 
sible', d^avfiauTO'S 'wonderful', (!tti6-^ 'passable, practicable (of 
roads)'. 

In every language wo meet with a number of forms in - 
which stand in no actual connexion with any verbal syatem, 
are therefore simply adjectives, as Skr. il-td- 'cold', Lat. a/-tu-4'1 
'high', Goth, raihls 'right'. Some of these may date from i 
period of the proethnic language in which tho adjectives formed] 
with -to- had not yet been associated with the verb, and thiwa 
may never have been participles at all. 

Even in the Indo-Germanic period these (o-formationa weM 
often used as substantives, partly to denote living beings ( 




979. 



The Suffix -'0 



221 



fetn.) and concrete material things (neut.), partly as abstract 
flubaiantives (§ 158). In the latter usage tliia suffix, like -o-, 
is often found in the masculine. The feminine -ta-, forming 
abstract substantives, had even then become secondary. This 
point will be further diseuaaed in the next section. 

Tlie /o-stems formed immediately frum the root uaually 
have the weak grade of ablaut in the root-syllable, e, g. H'lu-t6- 
*fUu-t6-. Beaide this, however, wc often find the forms of the 
strong grade, especially in substantival uses. "With this is 
generally united a difference of accent. Cp. o. g, *'kUu-to-m 
"hearing' beside *1dii-H-s 'heard', m6r-to-s 'mortal' beside *mf-t6-s 
'dead''). Here too it is not clear how the different grades 
were originally distributed. Compare the relations of the different 
grades in ft-atema, § 99. 

Remark 1, Analogj often gave rise to mixed farnu. For example, 
Ocnn. 'm&f-pa'H n. 'murder' beside Skr. mf-td-m has the accent of 
*mir-lo- or 'mir-to- (Skr. miir-la-). Germ, '^il-pa-n n. 'gold' that of 
•^it-lo- (Le«. /eUt-a) or 'ghiil-to- (0.C.81. zlato), and rice rfyaa, Gr. ^op- 
To-,- (HesTch., — if the word is rightly accented) beside Skr, mtir-ta-s 
luw the accent of mr-ld- ( 9kr. vtr-la-M) ; Gr. fi^oii-t is a contuaion ol 
'fifatB-; (i= *iHf-/i}-;<) and •uo'p-fD-;. There are many other instances. 

So far OS 1 can see, we are not warraated in referring forms like 
Or. uo^rO-; pripro-!, O.H.G. hol-d = pr. Germ, •^lil-^m-z, 0.C.81. sinto = 
pr. Slav. *Mi-(o, to ground-forms with f, I ('mf -to-s eto.l, though it would 
be pfaoneticallj possible (see I § !t06 p. 241 ff.). Cp. Or. iroT-ro-c noi-i^ 
beside mi-rm, oi-To-i beside fi-ji<, i-dn-To-i beside rio/"", fleow-Tr, beside fig/fn., 
Ulh. bi-ag-ti beside bredii, and so forth. 

Where partioiples of this kind have strong-grade voealism, we can 
hardly help suspecting in many oases that it is due to the analogy of 
other forms of the verbal system ; e. g. Or. 3nir~Ta-e beside ISeila etc. 
contrasted with Skr. dii-tt\-a (from y/^dfik-). 

Indo-Oermanic. "UH-to- 'heard, famous", \^Ue\i-- Skr. 
irntd-s (Avest. sritta-), Gr. xXtTo-g, Lat. iu'clutu-s, O.lr. cloth 
(O.Br«t. clot 'giory'^ perhaps f.), O.II.G. Hlot-kari Lothair 
{•KitTooTpurnj would have the same meaning) iilut ('loud'); 



Ij The use of strong-grade forms as substautiTes no doubt indicates 
that originally the Noun had but one set of forms for both its adjectiral 
•nd its substautiTal meaning. Isolation from the adjective in use brought 
with it isolation in form. Cp. § 15S. 



222 The Suffiji -to- -is-. S T9. 

*hl^-to-m 'hearing': Avest. srao-te-m, Goth, hlitt-p, and do 
doubt Mod.Slov. slti-t 'suspicion ' Serv. slu-ta 'who sunn is es*. 
•sr«-(cS 'flowing', \/^sre«-: Skr. sru-td-s, Gr. pu-ro'-;; Skr, sru- 
tti-m 'a flowing, flood' Lith. srii-tfi f. 'filthy liquid'; Lith, srau-ta-s 
'stream, torrent', compare Skr. sr6tas- n. 'stream', extended by 
-es-. *^-t6- 'burnt', y^eys-: Skr. u$-fd-s, Lat. iis-tu-s, *i-t6- 
'gone', y/^ei-: Skr. alTta- from ati+ila- 'diaappeared, fled away', 
Gr. it/io^'izo-g f. (sell. 6i6-g) 'road passable for waggons', Lat. 
i-tu-m (est), ad-itu-s; Skr. e-ta-s 'hastening', Gr. ol-zo-g 'fate'. 
*qi-t6-, V^qei- 'pile, range, count, pay": Skr. citd-s 'arranged, 
piled' Or. n-ro'-c 'requited' (in Homer also with t, a-rTio-g); Skr. 
ci-ta 'layer' O.C.Sl. dT-ffi 'number' po-^lii 'enumeration'. 'yii*(rf-, 
V^^ff- 'see, observe, know": 8kr. vittd-s 'found, perceived, 
known' (Aveat. vTsla- "found*), Gr. a-iaro-^ 'unknown, unskilful', 
O.Ir. ro/ess 'scitum est', Goth, tin-vis (stem un-vissa-) 'uncertain'; 
Lat, olSM-s, Goth, un-vets 'unwise, unskilful' O.H.G. uns 'wise' 
for Idg. 'uTt'to- or "yeilfh- (O.C.Sl. vSstU 'known, clear' is for 
*uoxt'to-) ; and also O.H.G. tcfsa f. 'way, kind'. 'mf-t6- *mor-t6-, 
\P mer- 'die' : Skr. twf-fd- 'having died, dead' a-mfta- 'immortal' 
mdr-ta- 'mortal, man', Armen. mar-d 'man' {= *mr-t6-, see I 
§ 291 p. 232 f-), Gr. //op-ro'-j /ipo-ro-N,> "mortal, man' u-^ySporo-j 
'immortal', Lat. Mor-ta goddess of death, one of the Parcae; ] 
Skr. m^td-m 'death' O.H.G. mwrf n. 'murder': ep. Rem. 1 p. 221. ' 
*stf-t6' *slf-l6- 'spread out, stretched out': Skr. stf-td- Avest. 
star'-ta-, Gr. orpoj-ro-^, Lat. stra-tu-s, O.C.SI. -strf-iU; Gr. orpre- 
-ro-s 'camp, host'. *yj'f'((J- 'versus', v^yerf-: Skr. vfttd-s, Lat. 
vorsu-s versti-s ; Skr. tjttd-m a. O.C.Sl. vrJsta f. 'condition, state, 
position, stage', Lith. vafsta-s 'a furrow-length'. *ni^-ta- 'milked', 
y/^md§-: Lat. mulc-tu-s, Lith. mUsz-ta-s: Mid.Ir. mlicH Uicht 
m. 'milk'. *s^i-t6-, y/^gefn- 'go': Skr. ga-td- 'gone, gone out, 1 
come' d-gata-s 'unti-odden', Or. (ta-ra-s 'trodden, passable', n-^an>-5 * 
'untrodden, impassable' JSva-flaTo-c 'hard to pass over', Lat. circtim- 
-venlu-s, and no doubt Lith. pri-glmtii-s 'inborn' (cp. I g 249 
p. 204). *m'^-t6- 'thought, meant', v^mew-: Skr. ma-td-, Lat. 
coni'meiiUi-s, Goth, mun-d-s, Lith. mUt-ta-s O.CSI. rn^Uk; Skr. 
ma-td-m 'meaning, opinion, purpose' Gr. etija-fiaro-g 'of one's 





grouQct' 



own desi^D, willingly', Lat. com-mentu-tp 'idea, iuvention, plan", 
O.Ir. der-met n. 'forgetting'. *gg-t6- *§^-t6- 'begotten, born'* 
■^§en-: 8kr. ja-t&- 'bom, son', Lat. gnd-tu-s na-lu-s 'hora^ son , 
Gall. Ciiitu-gnatu-s ('first-born') , Goth, qina-kund-s 'born of 
woman* O.Sax. god-cund 'bom of God, divine' O.Icel. ftuti-d-r 
'son*; Skr, ja-ti-m 'birth, origin, race'; O.H.Q. kin-d n, 'child', 
ground-form *§in-tQ-m. *Ji^s-f6; y/^Hens- "to mention, praise 

xoiT/(o-( indicates that this belongs to the e-series of ablaut ; 
Solmsen, Knhn's Ztsdir. XXIX 123. 329): 8kr. ia8-((l- 'spoken, 
Osc, an-censto nom. sing. fem. 'incensa' cmstom-en 'in 
(Lat, tOnsu-s instead of *cemtu-s, Rem. 2 p. 231). 
*set't6- 'seated', i/^sed-i Skr. sattd-, Lat. ob'sessu-s; Avest. pasu- 
-sasta- m. *cow-pen' A.S. O.Icel. aesa m. 'seat', Lat, sub-sessa 
'ambuscade'. *peq-t6-s 'cooked', ^^peq- : Skr. pa/c-td- Gr. Tten-tn-s 
Lat. codu'S for 'cuec'to-s (I § 172, 3 p. 152, g 431 a p. 319 f.). 
*dh3-(6- *dhe-to- 'set, placed, laid', \^dhs-: Skr. -dkitd- hi-td-, 
Gr. 3f-rri-4,', Lat. crsditu-s for *credato-s (cp. Skr. srdd-dhita-fn 
neut. "trusted, believed'), Lith. de-ta-s 'laid'. *d3-t6-^ *-t'to- 
(i. e. *-d+to-) and *dd-to- 'given', v^rfo-: Skr. cy-a-dita-s 'sepa- 
rated, opened', dSvA-tfa- 'god-given' Gr. do-ro'-;, Lat. da-tu-s; 
Skr. tvd-data- 'given by thee' Avest. dd-ta- 'given', Lith. d&'-ta-s 
'given'. Skr. d-kuta-m 'intention', Lat. cau-tu-s, beside Skr. 
a-kutalg 'he intends' kae-i-§ 'seer, aage', Lat. cav-eS, Skr. ap-ti- 
reached, attained, adapted, fit', Lat. ap-tH-s ad-eptu-s, beside 
Skr. dp-ni-ii 'he reaches' Lat. aplacor. *siu-to- 'sewn, beside 
Skr. sh-yd-mi 'I sew': Skr. syu-td- Gr. vfo-nuTzvro-g fnewly 
Bolod'), Lat. sU-tit-s, Lith. siH-ta-s O.C.Sl. st-(fi; Skr. syu-ta-s 
'ttack' Mid.ILO. siu-t sU-l m. 'seam'. *jfe-lo- %S-td- 'blowing, 
wind': Skr. vd-ta-s, Gr. a^-tij f. arj-ri]-^ ra,, Lith. denomin. 
vi-tau 'I winnow, fan". 'plS-t6- 'filled', pie- 'fill': Skr. prO-td- 
Lat. im-plstu-s. *§n5-t6- 'known, recognised', gnO- 'Imow : Skr. 
jHO'td-, Gr. yim-i6-g, Lat. no-tu-s, O.Ir. gnd-ih fknown, accus- 
tomed'), Skr. d-jfUUa- Gr. li-jnoro-; Lat. ignotu-s. 

*^em3~t6- 'vomited', beside Skr. vimi-mi Gr. */<t-(>t 'vomit': 
Skr. cami-ta- Or. ifif-ro-^ Lat. vomi-tu-s; Or. i/is-x-o; 'vomi- 
ting' (aubst,), *§ens-to- 'begotten', y^gat'i Lat. geni-lu-s; Gr.- 



224 



The Suffix -lo- -IS: 



yfvt-Tij 'birth, origin', made maaculine yifi-zij-g 'begetter, off- 
spring' (cp. under Greek p. 229). With respect to the vowel- 
gradation of the stem these forms stand on a level with such 
others as Gr, ysp-rd-e, while such forms as Gr. xftij-ioi; (beside 
iidfia-To-Q) no doubt correspond to the Skr. thf-td-. 

Causative and Denominative formations: *dor}ci-t6- from 
*dorhiili "I bring to sight, show', y/^derk- 'see'; Skr. darii-td- 
'shown' (darMydmi), Goth, t/a-tarki-p-s 'blameworthy, notorious' 
(ga-tarhja 'I point out, blame'), *!.iosi-*('-, from *^s4i5 'to make 
put on, clothe', \/^ues 'put on something': Skr. edsi-td- 'clothed' 
(vOsdydmi) , Goth, vasi-p-s 'clothed' (vasja). "'moni-to- , from 
*mon4iO, v^wen- 'think, intend': Skr. MflmW- 'honoured' fwflmi- 
ij&n»)^ Lat. moni-tu-s 'made aware, reminded, taught' (wjomcSJ; 
Skr. manita-m a showing honour to'. The character of the form- 
ations in the several languages is so ditferent, that it ia some- 
what doubtful whether fo-participles were formed from true 
denominatives in Jndo-Gennanic; cp. e, g. Skr, tnantri-ta- 'ad- 
vised, discUBsed' {mantrdt/ami, uidntra-s). Or. rfwpjj-ro'-e 'presen- 
ted with, given' (diaptm, diiipo-v). 

In the separate languages these participles served as 
model for a number of adjectives iu -to- derived immediat 
from substantives or adjectives, and meaning 'furnished with, 
made into* and the Uke; e. g. Skr. atakuritd- 'with young 
shoots' from aiQh(ra- 'young shoot', anojtita- 'reddened* from 
"red', Gr. ii^vauvuito-g 'tasselled' from Sinavo-^- 'tassel', 
Lat. eordatU'S from cor (cord-), atratu-s from ater, Goth, un- 
-^eiiip-s 'unmarried', from ySn-s 'woman', Lith. kalnSla-s 'moun- 
tainous' from Mlna-s 'mountain', bradafu 'bearded' from hrada 
'beard'. 

In Aryan, Greek and Italic -lo- is used also as a secon- 
dary suMx, and added immediately to the noun-stem, just aa 
if this were a verb-stem. In Aryan this only occurs in com- 
pounds, 80 that here -to- has the same function as -io- in ad- 
jectival compounds {see § 63 p. 126); e. g. Skr. dn-ap-ta- 'not 
watery" from ap- 'water' Avest. hu-patar'-ta- 'well-winged' from 
a form 'palara- 'wing' {§ 74 p. 182); cp. Lat, auro-clapatu-s, 



sen- 

M 




«7». 



225 



Eng. harf-liearted, Uly-lieered , and tho like (see under Germ, 
p. 234). Similurly Gr. i-ydpaa-io-Q unhououred by gifts, un- 
rewarded' from ytgug 'gift of honour", a-xtifiay-ro-i 'without stornu, 
without cold' from ^ti'/ia x^t-fiuy 'storm, winter's cold'; but along 
with these we have ytiao-ro'-g from yi}.aitt, a denom. verb from 
'yiXm;- 'laugh' (Solmsen, Kuhu's Ztschr. XXK 109), MttO-io-i; 
from a*iofiai, denom. from nxog n. 'remedy', and the like. Lat. 
W)er-tu-s (Faliae, lofer-ta 'liberta'), from Lnt. W)er , sceles-tv-s 
from scdiis -er-ts. We may conjecture that the participial -(o- 
Was added immediately to noun-atems in the chiss of Indo- 
Germauic substantives in -m^-to- and -jf^-to-, which will be 
discussed separately in § 82 p. 249. This group of words un- 
(tftubtedly belongs to the proethuic period. 

Examples of -e-to- -o-lo- are given above, p. 219, and under 
ibe separate languages below. 

Aryan. 8kr. ci/ii-td- Avest. sfi-ta- 'driven, shaken': Gr. 
hi-aavTo-^ 'pressing forward", ground-form 'qiu-ld-. Skr. hu-td- 
he-td- Avest. sH-la- 'called upon, invoked': Goth, gu-p n, 'God' 
pr. Germ. *^u-iid-n u. 'a being that is called upon'. Skr, stu-td- 
Avest. slu-ta- 'praised, lauded'; 9kr. atutd- n, 'praise' Avest. 
tlulii- m. 'praise, prayer'. Skr. iidhd- 'carried', for pr. Ar. *uidhd- 
i, e. 'u§h-\-lo-, Lat. vec-tv-s, Lith. viaela-s 'carried" y/~'^e§h-. 
Skr. drugdhd-m 'insult' Aveat. dntxta- O.Pers. duruxta- 'be- 
tmyed, deceived' (cp. I g 482 Rem. 1 p. 356), \/^dhreugh-. Skr. 
■i-ta- Avest. O.Pers. Ma- 'gone'; Gr. a/ioJ-ird-e etc., see p. 222. 
6kr, si-lii' 'bound" Avest. ki-ta- 'bound, seamed'. Skr. prl-td- 
"beloved, dear, glad' Aveat. fri~ta- beloved, kindly': A.S. frt-d 
O.Icel. fri'd-r 'lovely, beautiful'. Skr, pij-td- 'adorned, equip- 
ped' OJers. ni-ijis-ta- 'written': Lat. ptc-tu-s, y/^pejlc-. 8kr. 
(pr. At.) kf-td- Avest. lier'-ta- O.Pers. kar-ta- 'made', i/^qer-. 
8kr. dfbdhu- 'fastened, wound' Avest. der'wda- 'a twist, braid', 
^derbit-. Skr, Aur-td- 'destroyed', Aveat. a-sar'-ta- 'unhurt', 
ground-form *Sf-l6-. Skr. ha-td- Aveat. O.Pers. ja-la- 'smitten, 
•tain* (cp. I § 454 Rem. p. 335): Or. y«-ri>-ff 'killed', common 
ground-form 'gAp-fo-, A.S. ^ud f. 'battle' pr. Germ. *3iin-_pfl, 
V^g/iCTi-. Skr. hhaddii- Aveat. O.Pers. hasta- 'bound' (cp. I § 482 

B • U « B ■ II a , KlMBtUU. II. Ig 



224 Tfi..: s , . ■■'■_ §2^- 

yw-Ti/"birth, ..ri-riu", iiii:..- ... ■•'"'i-r^o-i Vbhendh-. Skr. 
Bpring' (cjK imdor (iivok .. ..—/-v/a- 'watched for, beset by 
gradation <^f tlu; stem • .,„;.. i; rr.'and-forni *speJc-i6-, y^speH-. 
others as Or. ./m,)-!..-.-. ■ ,r!.in">'o"- -^veat. sas-^n- 'made known', 

x«««-ro.c) no <loubr ■ _^, ... iv-mmands'. Skr. di-td- 'bound': 
('ausativL' iiiul ' .orJ»«^'- \^rf^-- Sl^- sthi-td- Arost. 

*dovf:virj 'I briiiir p .-s-rrv Lat. «^a-<i/-« 'standing prar- 

'shown* [ihtrintf^i ^ ^^ r»'«d>- pr®*- ^^^'P *I 8^«od* (developed 

(ffa'turhj'j 'I ]\v\ ^ ^jNhStatU 'adversarius, foe\ v'^sta-. 

put on, clrulir' ^ .-fc- V^wed, defended*. Skr. ira-/a- 

(vasff//th)fi). j-^ j»itt3L*<J*. Avest. **rt?(X^a- n. ^determiua- 

(I § 157 p. 141): Gr. fgrrro-g 



*ttWHf'lo, 


V 


jfdh/i). I. 


'}' 


Skr. }, - 


• ■ 


;Ui"! ■ 




wi..- ^ 




•I-- 






k .^ 


\ '. 





CEjtf of -^0- was restricted by that of the 
^ftii.'O: had a similar meaning; see § 66, 1 



«v«ara not only in vami'ta- (p. 223) but 
V^' (aor. vani'^l^-fa), dhami'td- 'kindled* 
.^•^'^c*^ J5irr-|<i-m 'course* (inf. cdri'tum). 

.:4iAait^v« and Denominatives. Skr. vedttd- *in- 

^^, •dtf^Mli gives to understand, informs'. Avest. 

r/a» md' 'grow*. Formed directly from the 

**tung* from afohtid- 'sting, hook\ kania- 

y^%f^cu(ihes from kanjaka-s 'side -branch', kar- 

,,j^< hf&\ katiurd' 'speckled', Avest. masita- 'great' 

iNA^sM* n. 'size' (the connexion of dsita- 'quick' 

V«uv^' i» uncertain); perhaps also Skr. hdrita- 

)^«. s^^wish' Skr. palitd- gray' rohita- IShita- 'red' 

i^tei. li^** SJ^r. dpi-ap-ta- (see above p. 224) we 

^^ ^^jmtfmm'tit' 'harbouring no enmity', from manyii-^ 

4J. *^.fir^, 2>kr. dari-a-td' Avest. dar*s-a-ta- 'worth see- 
'^^ V^^\ Skr. //(i/-(i-/«- Avest. i/az-a-ta- 'worthy of 
^ *^«*l^ Vxiunir\ Skr. pac-a-td' 'cooked', y'^peq- 'cook'. 
^rt.,'*..*y:- >T»)j^t for, desired', beside hdr-tfa-ti 'he desires, takes 
•, it, » T>;ias'' ^'P- ^'^''- <//***-«-^'-? und the like, § 100. 



-to- participles have quite the character of adjec- 
L few examples may be given. 8kr. rf|^4- 'firm' (Lat. 
■ansferrod to the I'-decl., y/^dhergh-), h/S-td- 
[', iT-td- 'cold', ffdr-fa- clear', ffs-fa- 'rough', tig-itd- 'sharp', 
ndupL ra-fd-ta- dear'. Avest, sar'-fa- 'cold, cool': Lith. sz&l- 
I 'cold'. 

Farther examplea of the substantival value in these forms 
are: Skr. tifi-ta- Avest. dil-ta- m. 'messenger' ("one gone into 
the distance'); Skr. sti-td-s 'soma-juice' ("that which has been 
prewed out'): Skr. ghata-s 'blow, killing'; Skr. ifiir-ta-s 'high 
thair"; Aveat. ka-ta- ni. 'grave': Skr. kha-td-tn 'grave'. Skr. 
hiak-td-tn 'food, nourishment' ("that which has been allotted") ; 
Bkr. gbf-ta-m 'fat'; Skr. f-id-m 'right'; Skr. ds-ta-m 'home'; 
Skr. flvi-td-m life'; Skr. er-a-td-m 'will'; Avest. ias-ie-m 'the 
implements of sacrifice'; A.\e»i.fra-3ate-m 'help, prosperity '. Skr. 
li-ta 'furrow': O.H.G. sl-ta O.Icel. sl-da f. 'side' ("bounding line, 
boundary'); Skr. ak-td 'night' {aHj- 'anoint, adorn*); Avest. cistd 
Viadom': Skr. i*i(f«-m 'thought, spirit'; Avest. rfi-(a- 'look': Skr. 
ik(-td-m 'thought'. 

Armenian, mar-d 'man' ground-form •;wj'-((f- : Skr. mf-td- 
etc, see above p. 222. has-t 'firm': O.Sax. fas-t 'firm', root- 
form Idg. pas- or p^s-. A doubtful form is dr-and 'door-post, 
tiiresbold': Skr. d-tO, 'setting, framework of a door' Lat. an-ta 
four-cornered door-pillar, pilaster' (cp. I § 253 p. 206 f.). 

In extended formations: ard-ar 'upright': Skr. f-td- 'right, 
properly made", erd-nu-m 'I swear' : Osset. or-d ar-l 'oath', 
.C.S1. ro-ta f. 'oath'. 

Greek. Here the to- participles were less closely con- 
nected with the other forms of the verbal system than in Aryan, 
Italic and elsewhere. They wore restricted to the attributive use. 
Xv-io-f 'that can be loosed' pov-Xviii-g 'time when the 
aica are unyoked': Lat. so-lu-fu-s, O.Icel. lil-d-r 'crushed to 
powder, exhausted", n-nutrro-e 'unknown, ignorant': S]ir.buddhd- 
Wakened, enlightened, made acquainted, known', \/~'bhevdh-. 
i-Q 'yoked, put to': Skr. j/uk-fd- 'yoked', Lat. jSnr-lu-s 

16* 



(with » from jumjd), O.H.G. gi-jokt "yoked*, rw-ro-^ 'prepared' 
veo-Tivxxo-q 'newly prepared', yim-ro'-c ^tvx-ro-; "that cau be 
escaped'. ySi-To'-g 'disappeared, dead' : 8kr. k^i-ld- 'exhausted, 
deoayed'. niaro'-j 'trustworthy, true, trustful, trusting' ev-nnava-^ 
'easy to persuade': Lat. /Tsk-s, y/^bheldh-, dpn-ro-g ilap-rJ-j 'skin- 
ued, flayed': Avest. f/er'-/a- 'eut, mown', h'lth. tni-dirta-s 'skiiined'. 
yf(t-ro'-s- 'bearable, ydp-io-i- 'burden': 8kr. bhr-td-s 'canifd, sus- 
tained, hired', O.h. ed-haH ed-part f. "oblatio", xJjw-ro'-s- "shat- 
tered" («XcnJ-, aar, Horn. xXdaaat) : Lat. per-culsu-s , common 
ground-form *!(ltfl6-, i. e. *AJrf+(o-, rn-ro'-s "ductile": Skr. ta-td-s 
'stretched, extended', Lat, ten-tu-s, common ground-form *t^-t6-s, 
^/^ten-. Kv-tKi6-g 'tolerable': Skr. sodha- 'overcome' for pr. Ar. 
*sazdha- (I § 404, 2 p. 299), y/^segh-. Cfff-ro's 'boiled': Skr. 
prd-t/aslti-a 'boiling over', i/^jes-, Ofn-rov 'before which one 
recedes, honoured with reverence, holy': Skr. tyak-td- 'forsaken', 
nv-tio-i; 'loosened, let go' : Lat. sa-tu-s^ 0.C.8I. na-aitu 'sown", 
y/^aS- 'throw, cast, sow', a-oto-g 'insatiable': Goth, sa-p-s 'sated', 
Lith. so-ta-s 'repletion', v^art-. fft-n^ijuio-g 'struck, amazed' 
TiXtjx-rtis 'striker': Lat, planc-Ui-s with the nasal of the present 
CplangS) inserted, Lith. piuk-ta-s 'struck with the rod', i/^ploq- 
plCtg'. *na%-ro- in najtro'ui 'I make fast' jujx-ro'-s 'fast joined 
njjx-iij 'net fixed in its place*: Lat. pac-tu-s, (com~pectus) 
and pac-tu-s {? Osthoflf, Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 178 f.), \rpak- 
pQg-. tn-uKTo-g 'brought in'; Lat. Ac-tu-s, Gall, amb-actu-s orig. 
'he who is sent about, messenger' {ep. O.Ir. imm-agim 'I drive 
about'), \^a§-. ir'-»>i'i;ro-^'weII spun, woven': Lat. nS-lu~s, com- 
1 ground-form *snS-to-». /SAij-to-i,- 'tlirown, struck', cp. Skr. 
pai't. gla-fia- 'exhausted, ill', Idg. g?e-. hXio-to-^ 'swmiming, 
navigating, navigable', cp. Goth, flc-dti-s 'flood' (suffix -(«-). 

a-Ja/iQ-ro-5 'unsubdued' beside i/iij-io-g 'subdued': Skr. 
dam-i-td- 'tamed'. xdfta-TO-e 'toil' beside noXt-xfiriTo-^ 'wrought 
with toil'. &anfTo-g 'death' a-Sdvaio-g 'immortal' beside 9yj]-T0% 
mortal', u-6apa-ro-g: ifii]-io-g = <fsp-To-g: Skr. bhf'td~S, see 
p. 224 above. 

ayanri-ro-Q Dor. dyanS-n-g 'beloved' from liyundut. xoaftr}' 
-rov 'set in order' MirfiiJ-rtj-g 'orderei' from xoOftdui. jfoiiK-rd-t 




in. 



The Snffix -T^ -ta-. 



223 



'enraged' from jfoio'w. fitivf-Ttj-Q 'wrathful man' from ftrpilio, apm- 
■lo-Q '^TejmTed, scasoueH' (of meate) from apnat. nopev-xo-s 
'wandering' from no^njio. dxtrj-ro-g 'curable' from ajtio/tai for 
*nx»(J-(o-/ieu. i/jfp-ro-s' 'longed after, lovely' from i/jtloui, ttfaif'ta-g 
woven* ryat-TJj-s' 'weaver' from vipnlvu}. Xtji'tno-i 'captured' from 
Xrji^o/iai. ivofiuOTO's that can be uamed from ovo/ia^i'i. 
Examples of words formed direptly from nouus are: Kovruno-i 
'fumiahGd with punting poles' (xoFro'-c) xapvoiTo-g 'shaped like 
t nut (xagvo-v)'; words like these gave the type from which 
oaXniyyiitTo-i 'shaped like a trumpet' {aiiimyy-) and others of 
flie same kind wore formed; further, a-ytQaOio-g 'without gifts 
of honour' (/^p«?], aTpifiaaro-g not worn, unharmed' (hesidc 
arptfi^s), and other words, 

Idg. -e-to- (cp. -e-fi- g 100). iXt-zo-g 'that can be grasped*. 
(ppt-To-g 'to be found', ti jit-rij-g 'inventor*. Denominative forms : 
rtuf-raiD 'dwell*, api-ifiMTO-g 'worth aceing, remarkable'. Saxt- 
-i6-f 'biting creature". Cp. also dy-ijyvio-g 'that cannot be com- 
pleted' beside d-rv'W (Skr. sa'ii6-mi), ni-wTo-g "wise' for *ni^ 
■yv-in- I § 48 p. 41 (cp. Skr. pu-nd-mi 'I purify, clear up'); 
these words therefore contain the -wejf — mm- which is used in 
forming the present stem. With -o-to-: /i/o-ro-; (Jio-t// 'life, 
livelihood": O.Ir. biad etc., see above, p. 219. 

Further examples of substantives formed with this suffix 
siT<-: yoa-io-g 'return home': Skr. ds-ta-m Avest. aS-te-m 'home' 
for *i^-to-m (Bartholomae, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 483), O.H.G. 
nea-t a. 'provision for the way, support', filaa-ro-g ^Xda-rt} 'bud, 
shoot'. KoF-ro-g xoi'-Ttj 'couch', afitj-xo-g 'mowing, harvest', ata-ro-g 
'wool, flock (of wool)', aX«Xt}-r6-g 'battle-cry', xoijciJ-ro-s 'wail', 
ffii-To-g 'vomiting', vt-TO-g 'rain', rpv-ro-v 'growth', andp-io-v andp- 
-xij 'rope*, wo-ro'-v drink', tda-rrj 'chest, box", fipxri; tpxt^ 'P0.ge, 
prison', ^pov-i^ "thunder", tt^tri/ 'brooch', dx-r^ 'rugged coast", «i/-r)? 
blast, wind', «e-nf 'shout', nXsv-r^ 'ending", dgs-Ttj 'virtue', yafit-iij 
'wife', ff(w-ri; 'understanding'. Abstract lu- stems were employed 
to denote persons of the masculine gender (§ I4!>. 157); hence 
came the large class of masculines in -ra-g, like yeyi-rjj-e act. 
begetter', pass, 'he that is begotten' beside yexf-Tr} 'origin, birth', 



230 The Suffix -to- -tO-. 

and Kpi-T»)'-e judge', isM-Tij-g 'receiver', npo-yjjnj-c 'interpreter of 
oracles, soothsayer*, noiTj-ryj-g 'maker, poet', ^fdwu-uj-g 'bride's 
father', txs-rij-^ ■suppliant'; cp. § 80 p. 239 f. 

Italic. In this group of languages the to- participles filled 
a larger and more important place than in any other. 

Lat. i-tu-m i-(are, Ilmbr, ctato 'itate'; 8kr. -i-ta- etc., see 
p. 222 above. Lat. scnp-lu-s, llmbr. screilitor pi. 'gcripti' Osc. 
scriftas pi, 'scriptae'. Lat. flsu-s, cp. Umhr. Fisiu Fissiu (a. 
derivative in -io-) abl. 'Piaiit': Gr. maxo-s, y^bheidh-. Lat. 
mulaU'S part., moUa multa piiniBhment', Umb. inotar gen. 'multae', 
Osc. moltam multam' pr. Ital. *molk't(l-: Skr, m^-ld- part, of 
mx?dmi 'I take hold of, touch'. Lat. or-tu-s, Umbr. ortom 'ortum' 
ground-form "f-to-: Gr. W(/)-opro-g 'newly arisen' xow-opro'-v 
'raising of duat, cloud of dust', ground-form *f-t6-, cp. Skr, Jr-tia-, 
Lat. census, Osc, an-censto fem. 'incensa' : Skr. ias-(a-, see p. 223 
above. Lat. Sm-p-tus, Umbr, mtps 'emptus' da-etom demptum', 
for the p seo I § 207 p. 174, Lith. isz-imta-s 'taken out", Lat. 
asU'S, Pclign. oisa abl, 'usa, consumpta', beside the pres, Lat, 
oetor ator. Lat. sa»k.-(«-8, Umbr. sahta s(iAa/a»» 'sanctam', Osc. 
saahtum 'sanctum', Lat, sfa-tu-s prae-stSiu-s, Umbr, PrestoUir 
[o = a, see I § 105 p. 98) gen. 'Praestatae' Osc, stattim 
'statum, statutum' Staatiis 'Statins': Skr. sf/i(-f(i- Avest. stO-to' 
etc., see p. 226 above. Lat. piu-fu-s, Umbr. pihaz pihos 'piatua', 
Lat, ISffd-tu-s, Osc ifgatuls 'logatis'. Lat. finl-tu-s; Umbr. 
stati-ta pi. 'statuta"; Osc. namdiTM/i i. e. ^aptd-i-to-m "ollariuni' 
(beside Lat, capis -idis). Lat. geni-tu-s, Osc, Genetai 'Goue- 
trici'; Gr. j-ew-rj; 'origin, birth'. Lat, taci-tu-s, Umbr, tasez 
'tacitus' tasetur pi. 'taciti'. 

Lat. ex-iitu-s: Lith. iss-ailta-s 'stripped* au-ta-s 'rags for 
the feet', ci-ttis Skr. ^-td-s 'excited, put in motion', in-certu-s: 
Gr. a-xpiro-ff 'undistinguished' {cp. I § 33 p. 33 f,), re-llciu-s: 
Skr, Wi-fd-s Wt-((i-s 'cleared, empty'. Or. a-rf(0->lnnro-s 'uninter- 
rupted', Lith. prl-Ukta-s 'allowed by fate, allotted', tortus for 
*lorc-tti'S : Gr. rpen-rn'-tf 'that can be turned, moved round', 
pulsus from pello. tlnctu-s: Gr. r*y>c-ro'-i; 'wetted, softened*. 
Uc-tu-s: Gr. Im-m'-; 'collected, that can be spoken', esu-s: O.H.Q. 




A 



The Suffix -rfl- -(«-. 



231 



(b n. 'food for animals', Lifh. su-esta-s 'eaton up' 0.C.81, f'as-to 
food*, v^erf-. ca-tu-s: Skr, iMti-s 'whetted, sharpened'. Unctu-s: 
Skr. ah-ta-a 'anointed', scissu-s Or. <iyi(Jro-e 'split'. quiS-tu-s: 
Avost. AHa- 'happy' i. e. 'sijata- for "(^a-(o- (q). Saiti- = O.Pers. 
sigati' and I § 448 p. 333). frS-tu-s, con-ftaUi-s. 

Remnrk 3. The ondiog -so-s^ whbh had a regular phonetic ori^ 
iu triiau-a tUu-e isu-e morsu-s ptr-aileii-s and similar forms, eprend bejond 
lis proper sphere, e. g. lajisu-s, fixu-g, aparsu-s, muIsKs (beside mulela-i\ 
renan-d, haimu-s (beside hauelii-e). This was furthered bj the aoslogy of 
the »-perfeot. The parallelism of con-cusau-a : eon-cuaai, laesu-s ; heii, sin- 
ru-a : sAui gave rise to /^ii-s beiide /i^, spami-a bci^ide sparai, etc. 
On the uialogy of jifuds -. pinsu-e^ we find in-lenau-» formed beside ttn-tn-s 
(pree. tends), cp. p. ISI footnote 2. Conversely we have com-istu-a instead 
of nm-iau-a on the analogy of lunia-tii-a gea-tu-a. 

In Latm the terminatiooB •a-to- -i-to- -e-to- became in- 
distinguishable, nioli-tu-s (molere), ali-tu-s beside aUtu-s (atere), 
pi(n)si-tu-s beside pl(n)sii-3 (pT>iser£), O.Lat. ad-gretu-s for 
*-gr€d(i)-to-s (I § 501 Rem. 2 p. 368) beside ad-gressu-s (ad- 
-gredi); moni-tu-s (monSreJ; haU-tu-s (habere); domi-tu-s 
(domarej, veti-tu-s beside vetO-tu-s (vetare), im-p/kitu-s beside 
m-plicatu-i (im-pUcare). Cp. the abstract nouns in -itio g 100. 

prJvO-tu-sa ma-tu-s etc- olUu-m 'ordure', moni-ta, vesU-Ut-a, 
fini-tu-s etc. 8tutii-hi-3, tribn-tu-s etc. Participles were formed 
ilirectly from nouns more frequently in Italic than in the other 
;froup8 of languages: Unsfi-tu-s from ansa, barbH-tu-s from 
barba, atra-tu-a from (iter, aurJ-tu-s from aari-s, t^tictU-tu-s 
from citictu-s (gen. clnctSs) and, by a further transference of 
ending, e. g. gradatu-s from gradu-s (gen, ijradns), arcttottt-s 
from arcu-8 (gen. arcBs), dentiitu-s from dSm (gen. dmt-is), 
galerUu-s from galeru-s, putrTtu-8 from pater, nOsutus from 
iiHsu-s. Ad isolated example has -Stu-s: aegrHUi-s from aeger 
(stem aegro-), -to- is also added immediately to the stem as a 
secwndary suffix ; e. g. tlber-tu-s Falisc. loferta 'Hberta', Jils-tu-s^ 
xceUs'lu-s, Umbr. mersto 'iustum' =^ *mers-(e)s-to~ *>ned-(e)3-to- 
from mer-s mers 'ius', Lat. onOs-tu-s, vetus-tu-s, itber-tu-s> 
ienec-tu-9; often to denote places which contain anything, as 
arim-tu-m, cdrec-tu-m , virgul-tu-m. Ilence come also the 



adjectives in -Stisu-s -(Jsh-s, as form6(n)su-s Ttfrdsu-s, for -otfeitsso- 
i. 0. -o-u^t + to- (see I § 238 p. 199 f., § 501 p. 368, II § 127): 
cp. Avest. aeavafta- 'pure, upright' (n. purity, uprightness' fnim 
asn-vant- 'pOBsessed of purity, pure, upright". 

Adjectives. Lat. sanctn-s Umbr. sahta Osc. sftahttim, ace 
p. 230 above. Lat. citu-s, catn-s, ciirttis, stlcUu-s IMus 'outspread, 
wide' (for *st^-to-, cp. O.C.Sl. stelj'q 'aterno'), et-celsu-s, pSnsus, 
at-tentu-s, alius, beatu-s argUtu-s, and other examples. 

Substantives. Lat. iSgOtu-s Osc. Hgatuts 'legntis'; Lat. 
hortn-s Oso. hiirtum: Gr. ;fop-ro-s grass, place for grazing, 
courtyard', O.Ir. gor-t 'aeges' lub-gort "vegetable garden" (cp. 
I § 389 p. 291); Lat. Uclu-s leHu-m 'lying-place', ItUit-s lutu-m, 
cubitu-3, palatu-3 palaiu-m. Lat. dicUt-m, jussu-m, strdtii-m, 
IStiu-ni, in-ceshi-m, oletu-m, Lat. mutta Umb. molar Oac. molium, 
see p. 230 above, Lat. Vesta, of-fensa, im-pSnaa, re-pulsa, siifi- 
■sessa, secta, fossa; Umbr. lotam 'civitatem'. Oac. tovto rn»/fn 
civitas' pr. Ital. *tout(i-: O.Ir. tuath f. people", Goth, piiida 
'people', ground-form *tevia-, v^fey- "tumere*. 

Old Irish. The participial -to- still survives as a 
verbal suffix, in tlie preterite passive, a periphrastic formation 
which is only found in the 3. sing, and 3 pi, (the verb sub- 
stantive has been dropped), ro alt 'educatua eat' {alim 'educo'): 
Lat. al-tu-s. ro clist 'cantus est' {cattim 'cano') : Lat. ran-tu-s. 
do-breth Mid.Ir. 'datum cat' {do-hiur 'I bring, give): Skr. bh^- 
-td- etc. ro fess 'scitum est'; Skr. vHtd- etc. ro both 'one was': 
Gr. ffv-n-v 'growth' Lith. bii-ta-s 'dwelling, house" Skr. bha-td- 
'become'. ro chloss 'audituni est', \/^kleu-8-. ro erhad 'cominissum, 
creditum oat' beside pres, 3. sing, erhaid 'credit'. This group of 
forms no doubt sprang from the impersonal use of tlie neuter. 

In Bomo words the old participial form has a purely ad- 
jectival value, necht pure": Skr, nik-td- 'washed', Gr. n-wnro-? 
'unwashed', cloth 'famed': Skr. iru-td- etc., see p. 221 nodU 
'naked': Goth, n^jqap-s, gyidih 'known, accustomed': Skr.j'fld- 
-td- etc., see p. 221. Generally the participles which wore used 
as adjectives were not also used as the pret, pass,, cp. cloth 
lieaide ro chloss. 




233 

The participial moaning still sumves in -the, an pxtcneion of 
the suffix by -io- (cp, Gr. afippomo-g : aiijiQOTo-g, Skr. mdrti^a- : 
ndrta-^ O.H,G, tPtsi Viae' Mid.H.G. sTkte 'shallow'), brithe hrefhe 
'brought': Skr. bhf-td-. cfie 'cantus'. er-th 'susceptus' beside 3. sing. 
pros. conj. -air-eina suscipiat': Lat. Em-p-ttts. tuicse 'electus' 
beside to~gu 'choice", from -gus-t'iio-: Skr. ju^-td- ju^-fa- 'beloved, 
deeired', Gr. yn'o-ro-^ 'tasted, to bo taated', A.S. ^e-cost 'valuable* 
V^geys-. Sometimes the idea of capacity, possibility is implied, 
as in rithe vendible' (also 'sold, given up') beside re-nim 'I give 
Bp, bpIV, dl~britbe 'importabilia'. There is certainly a connexion 
between the use of -/Ae-forms aa participles, and the conversion 
of the predicative -/o- participle into a preterite passive. Pre- 
ference was given to the existing -fio-fornia in order to make 
i distinction in form answering to the distinction in sense; and 
then new -/('o-forma were made at will and used as participles. 
The same thing happened in Cymric; only the suffix employed 
ihere for the participles was not -f-io-, but -(e)tic which came 
from -t-lco- {Zeuss-Ebel, Gr. C. p. 532). 

On the other hand, we have the simple -to- -tfl- in partcc. 
used aa substantives, gor-t m. segea' : Gr. )r6p-To-s, see p. 232 
above, mlicht blichl m. (Mid.Ir.) 'milk': Lat. mulcfo- etc., see 
above p. 222. der-met n, 'a forgetting': Skr. ma-td-tn, see 
p. 222 above, nemed (Gall, neme-lo-n) n. 'sacred thing' {'some- 
thing honoured'), \'^iiem-. dliged n, "law". Had n. 'means of 
livelihood': Gr, (Ho-To-g ^lo-itj 'life, livehhood' etc., see p. 219 
above, both f. 'dwelling-place, hut'; cp. above ro both, loth f. 
'tilth': Lat. lu-tu-n lu-tu-m. bretk f. 'judgement, sentence', im- 
■ihecht f, 'going round, change', ed-bart ed-part f. 'oblatio'. 

Cp. Gall, amb-actu-s 'bondman, servant' orig. 'one sent about, 
messenger' (aee p. 228), Celtu-s Crestu-s Ate-gnatu-s Ate-gnata, 
Piuoaiot pi. (pilati), Sematus Cirata, and many similar forma. 

Germanic, -to- was a living participial Buffi.x in derivative 
terbs (Causative and Denominative), e. g. Goth, nasip-s O.H.G. 
gi-nnrit 'saved* from nasjnn nerien "to aavo'; Goth, ga-tarkip-s 
blame- worthy, notorious' from ga-tarhj'an 'to mark out, blame' ■ 
8kr. dariitd- 'shown'; pairsip-s 'thirsty' from paurseip mik 'I am 



thirsty', lit. 'it thirsts me": Skr. tf-sitd- 'thirsty*; Goth. aaibOP'S 
O.H.G. gi-salbSt 'anointed' from salbOn 'to anoint'; Goth, hahdip-t 
O.H.G. gi-kabst 'had' from hahan habSn 'to have". Further in 
Gothic, we have such partcc, attached to the proterite-presente, 
e. g. mund~s 'meant, thought' beside man 'I think, mean": Skr. 
matd- etc., skiild-s 'owed* beside skal 'I ought, iiiaht-s 'able, 
possible', beside mag I can*. Lastly they oceur in certain strong 
verbs which have preterites in -ta, e. g. Goth, vadrlil-s O.H.G. 
(ji-worht -woiaht beside Goth, vaiirkjan O.H.G. wurcheii 'work' : 
Avest. varsta- 'worked, done' Gr. a-ppwro-j 'undone' \^^er-§~, 
Goth. *paht-s O.H.G. gi-daht (pr. Germ, ^l>lmx't(^-, I § 214 
p. 181) beside ptigkjan dutiken 'to seem', Goth. *brakt-s O.H.G. 
liroht (pr. Germ. *brat3/-ta-) beside briggan bringan 'to bring'. 
In all other cases -eno- -ono- was the participial sufiix in 
use (§ 67 p. 149 tf.), and in O.H.G, it appears also in preterite- 
presents {gi-wlg^an from loei^ 'I know', gi-torran from gi-tar 
'I dare', and occasionally in the strong verba with f-preterites 
(bningan, side by side with braht). 

The suffix also formed participles directly from nouns. Goth. 
im-qeitip-s 'not having a wife', from qen-s 'woman*. 0,H.G. 
gestimdt 'having a brow or front' from gistimi gestinie a. brow', 
Mid.H.G. ge-jaret 'aged' lit, 'be-yeared', O.Icel. hard-r 'covered 
with hair'. In the dovclopement of Anglo-Saxon and Norse 
there appears a special group of adjectival compounds derived 
in this way, e. g. Eogl. hare-hearted, hare-Upijed, bare-foated, 
bare-headed, O.Icel. bjart-UtaS-r 'bright-coloured', sex-hqfdaS^^^ 
'six-headed', gull~bitlad-r 'with golden bridle': cp. Skr. an-aj 
'not watery' Lat. auro-claeatu-s p. 224. 

Idg. -e-to- is no doubt to be traced in O.H.G. hulid 
'velamontnm', egida f. 'harrow' (:Mod.Cymr. oged O.Corn. ocet 
'harrow') and other words. -O'to- in Goth, naqap-a beside O.Icel. 
nekkoed-r nokkvid-r O.Ir. nocht naked' (cp. Skr. nag-na- with 
the participial suffix -mo-), Goth, liuhap n., aide by ride with 
O.H.G. lioht D. 'Ught'. 

It is common in adjectives. Further examples are : Goth. 
vun-d-s O.H.G. wiint 'wounded': Or, /ai^- in fataiM. w'W 






(Hwych.)- Goth. bi-u}U-s 'ncciistomed' : Lith. j-unkta-s '»c- 
ciwomed" (cp. Osthoff, Paul-Br. Beifr. VIII 269). O.H.G. 
torth-t O.Siix, toritt torokt 'clear, bright': Skr. df^td-a 'seen', 
common ground-form *dgJc-(6-. Ooth. faurh-t-s O.Sax. for)U 
"timid'. O.H-G. zar-t 'dofir, fine, beautiful' beside Skr. a-dfta-s 
■Mnaiderate, treated with consideration, honoured'? Goth, kal-d-s 
U.H.G. halt "cold': cp. I^t. gehi, O.C.Sl. j/o^-oK 'ice' '). Ooth. 
raih-t'S O.H.G. rehl 'right': CPers. rOata "upright, just" (for 
•fllsto- 'on the aunlogy of forms with ros-), Or. opexro'v 'ex- 
truded, outstretched', Lat. rlclti-a, ground-form *re£-fo-, y/^reg-. 
Goth, bairh-t-a O.H.O. heraht 'bright'. O.H.O. lioh-t 'beftuiing', 
Ooth. ddu-p-s O.H.G. tO-t 'dead', from O.II.G, touwen 'to dio'. 
Goth, haf-t-3 O.H.G. haft 'captured, fettered': Lat. cap-Ui-s. 

Substantives, Goth. mS-p-a (atom mfl-rfn-) 'anger' O.H.G. 
mtiot m. 'spirit, mind, courage', beside O.C.Sl. sii-m4-ti 'to dare". 
A,8, Srok-t m. 'work' O.Icel. prStt-r 'strength', cp. O.H.G. driiccken 
'to press". O.H.G. haf-t ni. n. A'.S. baeft m. O.Ieel. Impt n. 
"bond, fetter', cp. Goth, kaft-s 'captue'. O.H.G. O.Sax. fros-t 
A.S, forst m. O.Icel, frost n. "frost', beside O.H.O, frtoaan 'to 
freeze'. O.H.G, gi-waht m. 'mention, fame', beside t/i-wiiog "he 
made mention of: Skr. uk-td- 'spoken', y/^ysq-, O.H.G, tnor-d 
n. O.Icel. tMorf? n. murder, killing': Skr. »w|'-ia-wi- 'death. Ooth. 
gvl-p O.H.G. gold n. 'gold': Lett, /e'l-t-s O.C.Sl. zla-h 'gold', 
y/^^htl- 'to shine with a yellow gleam'. O.H.G. pro-d u. O.Icel. 
brod n. 'broth*: Lat. dU-frii-tam -friltu-m. Goth, piu-p O.Icel. 
pjod n. 'good' (subst.). Goth, hliu-p 'listening to, attention, 
silence' O.Icel. hljSd n. "hearing, sound': Avest, arao-le-m, see 
p. 221 f. O.H.G. ferid n. ■navigium' zimbrid a. "building". 
Goth, akanda O.H.G. acanta f. 'Bhamo' beside the adj. O.H.G. 
ican-t 'ashamed' (cp. O.H.G. scama 'shame'). O.H.G. wun-ta 
'wound', beside mnttt 'wounded', scar-ta 'notch, wound', beside 
Kort 'injured, mutilated', forah-ta 'fear", beside Goth, fawht-s 



\) Do the last two wards, sart and halt, oome from Idg, *df-lO- 
'^-lo- or 'dor-in- 'gol-to-i There is the same doubt ut to O.H.O. Bcar-t 
'injnred, mutilated'. 




'fearful, timid'. Gofh. rus-ta 'a length of road' O.II.G. rasta 
'rest, ropose, a length of road". O.H.G, slah-ta 'killing, slaughter. 
A.S. -gild r. battle' pr. Germ. 'jiin-^iJ; Skr. ha-ta- "elain". Goth. 
us-fartD f. (n-dofl.) 'a going out' (usfarpdn ijatdujan us skipa 
i. e. 'to suffer shipwreck"). Goth, piu-da G.H.G. diola pcopla'jH 
Obc. tovf-o etc., see p. 232 above. H 

Bftlto-Slavonic. % 

In Lithuanian the /o-participlo ia etitl in regular use 
with a passive sense in verbs of all classes, ifir-ta-s 'famed': 
Skr. gjir-ia-s 'approved, welcome, pleasant', ground-form •gf-to- 
and *^-/o-. jAl-la-a 'poured, shed': Skr. pwr-((t- 'filled', ground- 
form *pl-to- and *pl-to-. kifsta'S "hewn' (pres. kert-fi): Skr. 
Affia-s 'cut off, split', ground-form *qrt'-t6-, y/^qert-. sftk-ta-s 
'turned' (pres. suk-ii), at-ailcta-s 'traced out. found out': Lat. 
sec-ia sedan, di'-ta-s 'laid' (pres. dedti): Skr. -dhi-ta- etc., see 
p. 223 above, jiszko-tas 'sought' (pres, Jiszkau), }>a-veizdeta-s 
'examined, revised' (pres. pa-vSizdmi). fdiky-ta-s ('properly united' 
(pros, tdikau). dtiksin-ta-s 'gilded' (pres. duksinu). baln&'-ta-a 
'saddled' (pres. baln&'ju). Also act.-in trans., but only rarely, as 
bd-ta neutr. 'been', e. g. ezioii yrd Mta 'people bave been here' ') : 
Skr. bliR-td- 'become'; valia-ta-s 'riding (in a carriage)' (pres. 
vaSi&'ju 'I ride'), 

Partcc. in -^-ta-s and -■&-ia-s are often formed directly from 
nouns, didkdta-s dusty' from didki'S pi. 'dust'. skyUta-s 'per- 
forated" from skyle 'hole', kaln&'ta-s 'mauntainous, full of moun- 
tains' from kdZna-s 'mountain', gaur&'ta-s 'with delicate hair.— 
from gaurai pi, 'delicate hair', <\s&,'ta-8 'with a handle' from Wil 
'handle', hip&ta-s 'lipped' from lupa 'lip'. ^| 

In Old Church Slavonic -to- was but little used as 
a participial suffix. It occurs regularly in forms from roots 
ending in a nasal, e. g. i^-(fl 'hewn, mown': Lith. gi^-ta-s 
'hunted, driven' (used of cattle), Skr. hd-ta-s etc., see p, 225 
above; p$-(ii 'stretched, huug': Lith. /;Jn-/(i-s 'twisted' ;_;^(ii 'taken': 

1) JU rUdo eeliimo bCua 'he found that there was a atra&ger' properlj 
'tbe existing of a atran^r', with the same nominal oanatmotion as the 
paaoiie partioipleB have. 




ST9. 



The Suffix -lo- 



237 



Lith. im-tas 'taken'. Besides these, it occurs in certnin roots 
with ril, I, i before the suffix, e. g. i>ro-aMtu 'outstretched': 
Ski. s^-td-s etc., see p. 222 above; vi-lti 'wounded': Lith. vy-la-s 
'twisted' (of cords); pi-tu 'sung'. Elsewhere -eno- (-no-) was 
ihe usual forni, see § 67 p. 151 aud p. 154 f. 

Partcc. in -n-dt, from nouns, are common, bradalit 'bear- 
ded' from bradif 'beard': Lat. barbatti-s, cp. also Lith. bars- 
dStas. ro</utu homed* from rot/ii 'horn': cp. Lith. ratf&'ta-s. 
ieiiatii 'having a wife' from sena 'woman', maiata 'niaritata' from 
iHH^f 'man'. 

-e-to- -o-fo- in Balto-Slavonic. The former is some- 
timea found in Slavonic, as O.C.SI. trep-etu "tremor" Little-Russ. 
trej>-eta 'aspen'; O.C'.Sl, lire6-eiu 'cicala', -o-to-: Lith, gycat& 'life, 
liTelihood", O.C.SI. £jiiotii 'life, living being': Or. /J/o-rct-c etc., 
see p. 219 above; Lett, luppata-s patch, ahred' (liip-t Lttli. lUp-ti 
to pare, flay'); Lith. s^ata giddy sickueas (of sheep)' stt^fi 
"lo turn*), adut& Lett, addata 'needle' (Lith. ad-^ti 'to stitch'); 
0.C.S1. Hukotu "bubbling (aubst.), klopotH. 'noise' Pol. Mopot 
unrest', Czech blekot "yelping' (aubst.) (O.C.SI. blekotitti 'to bleat' 
Rubs, bUkotaf to stammer'), dusot 'roar', sikot 'hiss', takota 
'eager desire'. 

In Adjectives it is common. Lith. s^sla-a 'pressed, thick' 
fbeeide spitttU spisti "to fly out in swarms', of beea) : Lat. spissu-s. 
Lith. skys-fa-s 'with a thin stream', dialectically also 'pure, clear' 
of liquids, skdis-ia-s 'clear, shining', O.C.SI. cis-tii "pure, holy', 
beside Lith. skedeiu 'I part, separate, rarefy*. Litii. gel-ta-s 
0.C.8I, Hu-tQ (pr. alav. 'ffM-iU) 'yellowish'. Lith. sziU-ia-s 'cold': 
Ave8t. sar'-ta- 'cold'. tiAr-ta-s 'firm', driu-ta-s 'firm, lasting", cp. 
no doubt 0.1I.G. IrO-l 'beloved, dear" and trf^i "to trust, be- 
lieve'. fAk-ta-8 'angry', biil-ta-s 'white', nikse-la-s 'aour'. kdrsz- 
'ta-B 'hot', duksz-ta-s high'. O.C SI. tlHs-tii 'fat', ieslu ieslokU 
"hard", no doubt orig. 'burnt', for *gek-s-to- beside iegq 'I burn" 
(cp. I § 545 p. 400). is-tU "certain, true'. Iju-tU 'violent, grim, 
terrible', ct^s-tii 'thick'; Lith. port. kimsz-tU'S 'stuffed', (kemss^ 'I 
Btalf). otH-vfXslii 'opened, open' (otQ~vrXizq 'I let loose, open"). 



K-ees-tU wreaili 



erowned' [u-e^sq 'I wreathe, crown'). 



In BubatantivGfl. Litli. pifsz-tas O.CSl. prJs-tS "finger" 
ground-fonn *pj'S-to-s, cp. no doubt 8kr. spf^-fd-s 'touched'. 
I'russ, i/ei-t-s ncc. gei-ta-n 'bread' 0.C.8I. zi-to 'fruit, coru', 
common ground-form *qei-to-: A.S. ei-d ni, O.Sax. lii-lh m. 
or n, Mid.H.G. kt-t n. 'offspring' pr. Germ. kUpa-, V^gei- 'live, 
come to life'. Lith. sc-ta-s O.C.Sl. si-to 'aieve', Lith. var-iai 
pi., O.C.Sl. vra-ta (pr. Slav. *por-W) n. pi. 'door', beside Lith. 
v^r-il 0.C.8I. urcH 'to sbut'. Lith. guaz-ta-a (jusz-ta 'neat of 
fowls aud geeae': Skr. gudhd-s bidden', common ground-form 
*iiktigh + to-, or the Skr. word may come from *g,hii§h + to-. 
l\l-ta-s bridge', mll-tai pi, 'meal', tvdr-tu-a 'enclosure', swars- 
-iu-s 'etencli' (stnard-). 3par-ta-s 'boud', ilauk-tai pi. ■husks', 
!cp-ta-s 'footway', latp-ta-s 'scaffolding, gangway', maisz-ta-s 
tnaisz-ta 'uproar': Gr. ftTx-ro-g 'mixed', aosta-s 'seat' bcBide aedmi. 
geUUi 'yellowness', beside gel-ta-s 'yellow', bank-toa pi. fem. 
'violence, tempest', beside hank-ta-s 'violent' (hangh 'wave'), sni-ta 
filthy liquid': Skr. sru-ld-s 'flowing'. nasz-tA 'burden', vaas-ti 
cart', bras-ta. wading through, ford' (bredt't). O.CSl. podu-j^tu 
grasp, support' beside parte. j'^H*. /»s-(w leaf. o(ii-rdiu answer', 
cp. Pruaa. loay-te parley, conference', mos-iii bridge*, mlatH 
'hammer' (pr. Slav, *ttiol-tu). sS-vito 'linen' beside parte, vi-tu. 
jas-to 'food'; Lat. esu-a etc., see p. 230 f. U-to 'summer, 
year' orig, rainy aeason*, cp. Lith, IS-tu-a ly-tUs rain', pq-to 
'fetter', beeide the parte. p^-/fi. !>)-&/« position, stage, age': Skr. 
f>fUd-m, see p. 222 above, krasta (pr. Slav. *kor3-ta-) 'itch, 
scab': Lith, ka^sz-ta-s combed, curried', p^-la heel', 

§ 60. 2. -ta- as a secondary suffix, forming ab- 
stract subatantivea '), 

The suffix -ta- which, as we have seen, formed primary ab- 
stract substantives in the proetiinic and later periods, as Avest. 
cis-ta- wiedom', Gr. api-rr) virtue', Lat. mulla punisbmont', O.lr. 
ed-hart f. 'oblatio', Goth, akun-ila 'shame', Lith. gel-fa 'yellownoss', 
O.C.Sl, vris-la 'position, stage', (see § 79), had also begun to 

IJ O. BQfalcr, Dub Qrienhisoho SeoundBrsunx r?;, OQttingeii 1858. 
. Ebel, Die Haacnlina auf. -ii,:, Kuhn'a ZtBohr. IV lfi5 B. Brand- 
:Bieter, Dio paronymU Craecis in -irijc, Danzig 1B53. 





iio. 



The Suffix -id- 



be used in tlie proethnic period as a secondary suffix, and 
formed abstract substantives from substantives and adjectives 
ilike. It seems to have been even then extended to -tat- 
-tsti- (§ 102), and in some languages it was [lartly ov wliuUy 
superseded by this suffix or by -ftV'(i}- (see loc. cit.). 

-/a- was fertile in Aryan, Greek, Germanic, and Slavonic. 

Indo-Germanic. Lat. jitven-ta, Goth, junda 'youth' pr. 
Germ. *itttfini-d6, ground-form *iuy,p-td, beside 9kr. i/tipaw 
'joung, young man" hat. juven- ; cp. *iutf^-fis, § 101. Before 
-(d-. o-stems hud eiHier -o- or -e- ; the difference was doubtless 
connected with a difference in accent (cp. especially Germ. 
-i-ps- and -e-do-). 8kr. panja-id- "a being full, fullueas', O.H,G, 
fvlii-da O.Sax. fulli-lha O.C.Sl. plBno-ta 'fulness*, beside Skr. 
ji*7Ki-« Goth, fulls O.C.Sl. p/fiMfi 'full'; 8kr. ghSra-ta- 'awful- 
Dea«', Goth, gauri-tha 'trouble, beside ghdrii-s 'awful' gdurs 
'troubled'; Skr. k^ina-ia- O.C.Sl, ih-'ino-ta 'blBckness', beside 
il^s, drinii 'black'; Skr. dirgha-fa- O.C.Sl. dlUgo-ta 'length', 
bende dlrghd-s, dlugil 'long". 

Aryan. Skr. devd^ta- 'divinty' from devd-s 'god', nagvd-la- 
'nakedness' from nagnd-s 'naked', cp, O.C.Sl. nago-ta 'nakedness'. 
atrtra-ta- 'want of sons, or children' from a-vtm-s 'without sons, 
or children'. Avest. y^smja-ta- 'adorabloneae' from ygswya- 
'adorable'. Skr. bandhu-ta- 'relationship' from bdndhu-^ 'relative, 
relationship'. ag6-ta 'want of cattle' from d-gd~ 'without cattle', 
cp. Gr. nolv[iov'TJ]-g 'one rich in cattle'. aprajds-tA- 'want of 
offspring' from d-pra-jas- 'without offspring'. 

Greek. Here these abstract substantives were used of 
persons (cp. Skr. dHd-td- 'divinity' then 'deity, god', O.C.Sl. 
juno-ta 'young man', orig. 'youthfulncss') ; and they were altered 
to look tike masculines by a change of form in the nom. and 
gen. sing., just as ysvsiij became ytverrj-g (see g 79 p. 229 f.). 
It ia now impossible to distinguish the forms in which this 
change first took place and which theu served as models for 
the rest. The feminines in -td in their abstract meaning fell 
listoric times, 



I prehis 



replaced i 



■ by I 



-UU-; compare e. g. (lu^v-ij^g -riji-og 'weight' with Skr. gnru-tS- 



24U 



The Suffix -fa 



'weight', Goth, kauripa 'burden', fi(jadv-rj;g -T^jr-oe (alao -Tijg 
TtJTos) 'slowuesa' with Skr. nifUu-ta- 'softness'. The following 
are examples of this ohange to the masculine gender: — 

dyfo-Ti]-g 'dweller in the country' from ay(i6-g, iitjfiri-rtj-i; 
'fellow dcmesraan' from iSijfio-g, 'ntno-ru 'charioteer' (-r« is tlie 
vocative form, which was also used as nominative, see the Author 
Morph. Unt. II 199 f. Fleekciaen'a Jahrbb. 1880 p. 660, G. 
Meyer Gr, Gr,^ 318) from Inno-i;. oixi-rr}-^ 'member of one's 
household" from oJko-^, which served as the type for tvvi-r^-g 
'sharer of ono'a bed, hualiand', beside evvi; and the like. noXv- 
llovTi}-g 'one rich in cattle' from {iov-^. vav-iTj-g 'sailor' from yavs- 

The primary and aecondary formations had two points of 
contact. Firitt, e. g. oixt-cjj-g and ytvi-i7}-g had the same ending 
•trfj-g ; and secondly certain of them could be regarded equally 
well as denominative or aa participial formations, e. g. yopva-rij-g 
'helmed, armed man, warrior' KtQaa-Ti)% 'horned creature, ram' 
alxfi?}-TJ]-q 'javelin-thrower'. 

Italic. Examples are rare, juvcn-ta (see above, p. 2<t9j 
and its opposite senec-ta, Msjes-ta Vulcan's consort. It is clear 
that -ttlt(i)~ and -tiU(i)- have spread at the expense of -ts~. 

Latin perhaps, as woll aa Greek, may have had masculines 
in -ta-: eques equifis like Inno-ra and the like. See on this 
point § 123 Rem. 1. 

Germanic. All the forma excepting Goth. J un-da (see above, 
p. 239) had -ipo- or -ids-, (the latter is rare, e. g. Goth, dupida 
'wilderness' from ««^-s 'waste, desolate'), -i- represents the idg, 
-e- of the o-stems; hut here and there Idg. -i- may have been 
the original sound, as in O.H,0. gi-meim-da 'community' beside 
Goth, ga-nidini- 'connnou, communis'. Even in proethnie Ger- 
manic -ipo- (-ids-) was transferred to other classes of stems, e. g. 
to those in -«- ; the word jun-da escaped this change merely 
because the atem from which it was derived (^= Skr, yiivan-) 
had fallen out of independent use. 

These abstract substantives were far more fretiuently dei 
from adjectives than from substantivea. 




i«o. 



The Buffix -: 



241 



Goth, vargipa 'daiiiijatiou' from *varf/a- ni. O.H.G. warg 
m, 'outlawed crimiDal, baniehed evildoer'. Goth, peitcddipa 'evi- 
dcDoe' from veitoSp-a 'witness'. A.S. Syfit O.Icel. p^3 'theft' 
fnmi Seof pj'Of-r 'thief. Goth, hduhipa O.H.G. hohida "height" 
frum Muh-s hSh 'high'. O.II.G. heilida O.Icel. heild "health' 
[nun O.H.G. heil O.Icel. heill 'healthy'. Goth, niujipa 'Dewneas' 
frtiin nittji-s 'new', faimipa 'age' from falrtiei-s 'old', tulgipa 
safely, fortification', from UUgu-s 'firm'. 

In West-Germanic and Norse -ip5- was asBociated with the 
Terbs in -jan, since verbs of this kind were often connected 
with the nouns from which the -ipo- forms were derived and 
-i- waa a characteristic mark of their conjugation, cp. e. g. 
C.ll.G, hohida beside hshtn (Goth, hauhjan) "to exalt". Hence 
(iri<»e analogical primary formations, which were moat common 
in High German, as O.H.G, gi-hirida liearing' formed from 
P'haren (Goth. ga-hAusjan) to hoar', ir-losida 'release' (aubat.) 
from ir-losen (Ooth. us-ldusjan) 'to release". Later on these 
were formed from other verbs than those in -Jon; as O.H.G. 
(ar-manida 'contempt' from /ar~mano?i, gi-habida bearing, 
b*'haviour" from gi-habSn, attt-findida feeling' from ant-findan. 

Baito-Slavonic. 

la Lithuanian -ta- is quite rare in this use, e. g. sveika-ta 
licalth' from weika-s 'healthy'. Possibly -ta was not pure 
Lithuanian, but borrowed from Slavonic; cp. nogata (vugata) 
'uakedoess' from Pol. nagota, siratit 'orphan* from Pol. sierota 
Little-Rufls. syrota. 

Old Church Slavonic, rahota 'servitude' from raWi 'ser- 
vanl", gnusota 'dirtinesa' from gnusfi 'dirt', sramota shame' from 
eraiaii 'shame', dobrota 'goodness' from dobrU 'good', pistrota 
'motley colouring' from pUlrU 'motley', bilota 'whiteness' from 
W(fi white', zestota 'hardness' from zestu hard'. Some have 
become 'concrete: sirota f. orphan', orig. 'bereavement', from 
tir6 'bereaved, orbus' and junola m. young man', orig. 'youth' 
from Juna young", Cp. above, p. 239, Gr, uypn-iTj-i; etc., 
•nd § 157. 



.. . jiax 01 Comparison. §81. 

. riii'ix of Comparison. This class 
.- .'.anal uumcrals, and the superlative 
.uatou ot' the primary comparative-suftix 

...- y -wo- forms the supcrlative-suffiv 

..^uaoea in § 78 p. 177 ff. 

_ . "\:f.' numerals in this period had some- 

^o rf.j, sometimes -fo-, sometimes perhaps 

-*4MAf/- ;uiJ *dehjiUo^ 'tenth*. The latter form 

T. Jtxu^ro-^, Goth, taihun-da^ Lith. dessim^ 

:-^.:, >kr. cathur-thd-s, Gr. r€ra(>-ro-^* Ttrpw 

..-•.?-.» ■'.►r *i*^car-/o-s, O.H.G. ^r-rfo (w-stem), 

■. S. .■ff^rn-iii 'fourth'. Skr. ^a^-iha-s^ Gr. tx- 

-^, iofii. Siiilis-ia (w-stem), Lith. szesz-ta-s O.C.Sl. 

c JJ>5^ Kem. 2 p. 44G. Gr. ttxocj-ro-^* Boeot. 

-v-^b.MU contrasted ^rith Avest. visas-tema'' Lat. 

, .K^vvi', p. 177. 

^(atmi 'teu* has the parallel form *dehiit (Skr. daidt- f. 

..>fc.., Lith. d^tizitHt, pi. dBtizimt-8, 0.GJ91. pi. detf^t'e, see 

^ ; >»< i p. 522, II § 123) ; this naturally suggests the com- 

.;^.^ '^'iffU — *d(ktiimo'8 : dekiii, Cp. p. 167 Rem. And it 

.*ik«.-«i :hat this -/o- and the 'to- of the cardinal numeral 

.^^«i« >kr. <iit(i'M etc.) are identicaL I should have more 

„,^«»4iii^ this view of *dehiitO', but that the -^o- of the 

. ..,jk^ tM> also be the participial suffix; the tenth might be, so 

■ -..■•-. II u*p. Skr. dn-ap-ta- etc. p. 224J, i. e. *he to whom 

..■«« .^ M» be^n assigned in an enumeration*. 

* ■, iiv !iumerals proper is connected Skr. kati'thd^s 

. , >*TK*«^)?' beside kdti Avest. caiti 'how many?', Lat. 

;i ^-^t *)-/<(- (loc.) on a day of whatsoever number, 

.w'i A* J^^^'^'^^r* every day beside quo-t for *qiio-ti (I § 655, 

V. Ot*. I S 501 Rem. 2 p. 368 § 633 p. 474. It is 

^ ^ .^ ix iu> same way as Skr. P{iati-tamd-s 'twentieth*. 

«-..v<« iu the proethnic language, was the usual superlative 

^av% '^^KJix^ the comparative was formed in-ies-. ^Itoqlnsto-s: 

Sfc, j^-rt^^-x* nimblest, smallest', Gr. iXax'taro-g 'smallest*. Skr. 

^^ ,»«xaiA^< ^»r. iji-iOTO'^' Goth, stit-ist-s 'suavissimus*. *plci$t<h$ 

-siu^i****^ '" ^*» •/i^"i-/i^^c>-: Gr. TiksTaro-g; as regards Avest. /rafi^a- 



uomparuon. 



243 



O.Icel. Jle$tr see p. 244. 247 f. Th* root-Byilable had origi- 
nally the weak form of Ablaut, and -to- was accented; this 
IB shewn on the one hand by Gr. Xinit-iaTO-i beside xgtaatuy 
jtotinatov, nXiy-iaro-i; besido olii^wf and the like, on the other 
hand hy Ski. jyefffid-s kani^thd-s and O.Fiies. ISrest, with r for 
pr. Germ, z, beside iBssa and the like (see Kluge, Paul-Braime's 
Beitr. Vin 519 S., Wheeler, Der griech. Noniinalacc. 40 f.); 
cp. also the accentuation of -to- in numerals like Skr. catur- 
-thd'8 Gr. ii')iofl-ro'-s' O.H.G, sibun-to (pr. Germ. *-d6). In the 
separate branches of language, both the vocaliam and the 
accentuation of these superlatives were intluenced more or leas 
strongly by the comparative forms, themselves at the same 
■time reacting upon the latter. 

The new suffix -isto- was primary to start with, like the 
comparative -ie3-. But in all the different branches in which it 
"Was fertile, i, e. in Aryan, Greek and Germanic, it was very 
Boon used along with -ies- as a denominative (cp. § 58 p. 106 f.). 

Aryan. In Sanskrit we find -tha- and -ta-, and (always 
with the aspirate) -i^tha-. In Avest. -tha- is represented by 
^ux-da- 'fifth' (cp. Skr. paaca-ilid-) and haiita-pa- 'seventh' (Skr. 
saiAd-tka-). -tha- therefore certainly dates from proethnic Aryan. 
Cp. I § 4T5 p. 350 f. 

[iKrk S, I osiinot follow those who would infer from this another 
suffix -tho', BO long aa no undoubted example of the aepiraCe 
found in the European branch. Whence comes the aspirate in 

ibiSo-; 'iast'F — The quegtiun of the Indo-GcrmauJc Tenues Aapiratae 
Wt decided exeu b; Houtton's esaaj', ingeDious as it is, in the American 
Jonmal of Philology VIII 207 ff., Hinoe he 'a only concerned with the 
erideuee in Greek. What, for ingtanoe, do we gain by deriving Cir. ruagio-s 
tnm *jitaf-So-i and thus reconciling it with Skr. eaiur-tlid-a, if all the 
while IjAL quar-lu-a h left out of oonHideration ? (Moulton p. 203. J Why 
ii not the Latin word 'ijuarbuti, with b for pr. Ital. p? 

-ta- occurs e. g. in 8kr. tf-t-iya- Aveat, pri-t-ya- O.Pera. 
n-t-iyu' 'third'; beside which we have also Skr. tri-ld-s (on 
which tf-t-iyo' is based), the name of a divinity to which 
another, dviid-s, was created as a contrast (cp, the Italic forms), 
81tr, ^ai'td- 'sixtieth', aapta-td- 'seventieth' and the like; cp. 
also Skr. paUcdt- f. 'a group of five' daidt- f. "a group of ten'. 

16' 



244 -/&- as a Suffix of ComparisoxL §81. 

With Skr. kati'tlwr (see above, p. 242) are connected 
tavathita- 'such and such a one (in a series)* bakutithd- 'manifold*. 

'UtO'. Skr. vuih-i^tha- Avest. Maz-iita- greatest': Gr. /<^/- 
-/aro-c. Skr. di-i^fha- Avest. cLs-ista- quickest': Gr. cSx-iaros*- 
O.Pors. map-ista- greatest', beside Avest. maB-yah' 'greater : 
Gr. ftTJX'iaro'<s; 'longest, greatest*. Skr. vde-i^ha- Avest. vah^ista- 
*best\ Skr. ydo-i^fha- youngest', compar. ydv-lyas-j pos. yuvan-. 
gar-iiiha- Jieaviest', compar. gdr-lyas-y pos. guri-, sth^iha" 'most 
constant*, beside sthi-ror (O.H.G. stara-blint *stone-blind'), for 
pr. Ar. "^sthaishta- Idg. ^std-is-tO' (just as the optative stem 
Skr. sthv' is for *st9'i'^ see I § 116 p. 108); similarly sph^flia 
richest, fottest' beside sphi^rd- (O.C.Sl. sporu rich*), for *«/»- 
'isio ; tlic c spread to the comparative, and sthtyas- and spheyas- 
took the place of ^stho-yas- and "^spha-yas- (we can hardly as- 
sume a form ^sthO-JyaS" or *sthariya8'). On the other hand the 
analogy of Sr^-yus- and pre-yas- gave rise to the superlative 
forms srekha- 'fairest* pri^t^a- 'dearest* (which Avest. srafsta- 
shows to bo as old as proethnic Aryan) : in the Veda occur the 
regular sray-isfha- or Sriy-i^iha- (pos. Srl-rdr Avest. sri-ra-) 
and pray-ikha- or pny-i^fha- (pos. priy^-).^) It is also possible 
that Skr. yy(\s/Aa- 'mightiest' (comp. Jyrf-yas-) and Avest. /rafsto- 
'plurimus (comp. fra-yah- Skr. pra-yas-) was formed on the 
analof,^' of sthe^tha-; for the Gr. TiksTa-To-g points to an Idg. 
*plU-isio-, jiiid the character of these stems, as we know it, in 
otlior words, justifies us in restoring this form.^) It cannot be 
shown that pr. Ar. dl (^jiaistha- ^praistha-) became ai by any 
regular plionctic change. The words dhe^ha- 'most generous* 
and yi^thii' 'swiftest*, to be read in Veda as trisyllables, I should 
perhaps r(»gard as written for dhdyi^tha ydyi^ha- (or perhaps 
dhi'yiiflw' yvyi^tha-^ the original d being replaced by e), cp. 
hhiiyi^tha. 

1) One of the two forms must be inferred for metrical reasons. In 
the pa88a(^e8 of the Kigveda which concern us the forms of the later 
Innguflge, ^ri^ha- and prijfha'^ are the traditional reading. 

2) Osthoff now takes a different view (Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIII 443) ; 
however, he supposes an Idg. *pl^iii1v'S. On O.Icel. flestr see below, 
p. 247 f. 



A. few noun stems form auperlativea in tho anme w.iy, with 
-iffha- in place of -tama-. Skr. hrdhm-i^ia- 'a Br;iliman in 
the highest degree' from brdh-man- (simikrij- compflr. hrdlim- 
■ii/tts-}. drddh-jstha- 'Simcat' (instead of ddrh^sfha-) tnim rfrd/id- 
ground-form *dh]r§h\to- (aimilarly compar. drAdh-fyaa-) ; thia 
formation was modelled on such forms as /iTffijH^/ia-: iT-*"'" 'l^'""'! 
hhra&i^ka'i bhj'ia- 'strong, violent'. 

Greek, ern-To-i; 'ninth' for '^r/w-ro-i;: Goth. himh-(/(i, LIth. 
dmA-ta-s 0.C.S1. rfep/;-m- (cp. I § 152 p. 138). The uiiulogy 
of (ixoo-rd-ij 'twentieth', rp/fixoo-ro'-i- 'thirtieth' gave rise tn such 
forms as knaToarii-g 'hundredth', diSttnaioCrn-g 'two- hundredth*, 
^(iXioaTo-s 'thousandth'; and also, nouro-g 'which (in a series)?', 
noUoirro'-s' 'one of many, multesimiis' nXiyoaro-a 'one of few'. 

The -oro-; of tvaio-g dittxro-g spread considerably by jina- 
logy: *nnwf-aTi>-^ (Att. etc. T^^uixii-^ Dor, vparo-:) "first' instead 
of *j,gw-fo-g (I § 306 p. 242 II § 64 p. 134), r^('r-«ro-e 
'third', tfiioii-aTO-i 'seventh', oy36-«tO'q 'eigllth'; i'n-aro-? 'upper- 
most', Eax'"TO-g 'outermost', ftiaa-ato-t; 'midmost', ts'-nro-j- 'novia- 
simus'; fitkr-nn-t; 'beat' (for its etymology see Wackernagel 
Kuhn's Ztachr. XXX 301 f.), y.f'pr-MTo-ff 'most eminent'. The 
-laro- of rp/ruto-? ^ikiaxtt^ etc. was regarded ns a simple suffix 
and taken into general use as the common superlativt- suffix 
for stems whose comparative was formed in -«po- (cp. § 75 
p. 193); e. g. (il/io-raro-s, ffoyf.i-rnro-;, 7inii«(-r«ro-e, tiiaifiav- 
•ioTaia-q, xvr-Taro-g. A further accumulation of 8Uj)erlative 
elements is seen e. g. in ^iijf-arw-raro-;, Kwrozatn-g, whicli looka 
like an attempt at •xuv-rarw-raro-; (cp. xvv-rtiini-rfpn-^) ynXJ.- 
-njto-r«ro-f, fyy-iGTri-TuTa, and conversely 7J^u!r-inrn-c. Cp. Ascoli 
Curtius' Stud. IX 339 ff. 

Remark 3. Beiieoberger (Beitr. V S4 ff.) attempts a different ex- 
plkiMtion of -Tsro-; but I am convinced that it is unCenable (gee Morph, 
Unt in 68 f.). 

-islo-. lax-itrrn-q 'quickest': Skr. di-i^ha-S. /Ko'pJ-irfro-; ("'pi'J- 
-iffro-? 'slowest': 8kr. mrad-i^ha-s (a later formation for '(/fj-rf- 
•iffka-s). Td/-ifrTO-i 'quickest', ftiil-iara 'most' (adv.) nlsTarn-j 



^^ 'to- ftg a Suffix of ComparisoiL § 81. 

{rromid-fonn ^pti-isto-s; see pp. 242, 244 above. Later on, 
analogical formations were made from nonn stems: xaXX^nrth^ 
'fairest' from ro ndXXog^ alTtr-toro^ loveliest, most agreeable' 
beside ht-oArrro-Q, TtpTtr-idro-^ 'most delightful' from ts^-po-^, 
»(>Hj;?-«aTo-<j 'oldest, most honoorable' from npia^v-g. Here lorro- 
took the place of -mro-, as was also the case in syy-taza beside 
f;'jr-raT« 'nearest', Ttc^-tnxa beside jro^io-rarfo nopaw-raTa 
'ftirthest forward'. 

Italic. Lat. sex-ius^ Umbr. sestentasiaru sextentarianim' 
Osc. ^icTig 'sextius*: Skr. ^-fha-s etc., see p. 242 above. Lat 
qHlHtu-s QnlHCtiH^Sj Osc. flounrn^ 'Quinctius': Avest. ptix-da- 
(tho H is remarkable), Gr. niun-xo^ (Joth. fimfta- (in our records 
found only in composition), Lith. penk-^tc^B O.C.Sl. p^tu. Lat. 
<er-<-iii-*, XTmbr. tertiam-a *ad tertiam', by the side of which 
stands Lat. trit^aco^s (if this and not ^rit-ai>o-« was the true 
form of the word), for the first part of which either *irita»s or 
*tntio^ may be assumed as the earliest form (see § 34 p. 59) : 
Skr. tri'td'S tft-iya-s (p. 243), Gr. rgi-TO-g Lesb. rtg^o-g, Goth. 
Pri-iija Lith. ireczia-s O.C.Sl. trettjX In any case the forms 
^ter-to- *tf'tO'^ which are connected by ablaut are older than 
*tr'i^tO'^ which was derived directly from the cardinal (tr-i" 
tr-e'ir)^ though there would be nothing in the least irregular 
in its formation, if the -to- of the ordinals is really the parti- 
cipial suffix, as was suggested in Rem. 1 (p. 242). We 
have it extended by -io- in ter-t-iU'S etc. as in Skr. dvi- 
't-hja- 'second' and Uir-ya- tur-iya- 'fourth' (§ 63 p. 133). 
Side by side with cottl-diS (see above, p. 242), we have quo-tu-s 
tO'tU'8 qtcO'tumu'S (§ 73 p. 178). In Latin the superlative suffix 
-istO' gave place to the new formation -issimo"^ contrast e. g. 
dC'issimU'S (comp. oc-ior) with Skr. dS-i^iha- (di-iyas-) Gr. cSx- 
'tnrO'C (frJx-iVrii'). It is not clear in what way this substitution took 
place, see § 73 Rem. p. 179. 

Remark 4. It must be left an open question wheter -isto- is still 
preserved in proper names, whether e. g. Nostiu'S stands for *Novt8t'iu'8 
and is to be compared with Skr. ndcf^fka'S, as Pauli (Altital. Stad. 11 140 f.) 
assumes. 



J^U -fo- as a SafBx of CompariMs. 24* 

Old Irish, cdired O.Cvinr. pimf»hii 'fifth: <.p. Skr. / 'm-a- 
-rta-*. Similarly sesse^l Mod.Cvmr. chirerhed sixt:.": ;:* : ■ :h»? 
cause of this new formatioD see Zimmer, Kuhn's Zrschr. XXX 
2\4. We frequently find the terminatlMU -m^vJ. whi« h ;ir«'r»»? 
from an extension of older fomis in "tpitio-: as s^chtt»'i'* Mo«l.- 
Cnnr. mthuet 'seventh' (cp. Lat. septimf'-SK 'h'hmnd M'^Lrymr. 
^^hH 'tenth* (cp. Lat. decifnu-sK cttmnd Brot. havhfd *):unil- 
RHith', see § 72, 2 p. 168. In proerhnii- Ci'lri*; -^fo-s \\\x< the 
termination of all these words, and tlie differ'-n';** "f vnortli-im 
bf»tween O.Ir. coieed (with e) and *sechtmad (with n) dej»»nds 
U|>cin the kind of sound in the precodinjr syllabi**: se'^hfmad is 
due to the older form *8echtaniet(os). tres.^- 'thir«r in «.-..inp|i. no 
diiubt stands for *fr*s-/o-, i. e. Vri^ (= Skr. tri'> Hr. roi-^) 
T'to- (beside it in Mod.Cymr. we find tho fnrm fnj'hjfhl from 
*tri'ti;fhft) cp. Lat. trJnJ for *trh-HO' $ W p. 14r. and <MI.<.f. 
iris'ki 'temus' ztcis-ki 'twofold'. 

'into- in Keltic gave place t«» -w/o- (-h-wmo), <••«• ^ 72. 2 
p. 169, cp. e. g. (^.Ir. lugem 'smallest' (compar. laitjiu) as con- 
trasted with Skr. Idgh-i^tha-s Or. fka/'tfrro'^: 

Germanic. The numerals pass<.Ml into tho //-<l«?flensiou. 
l"»th. s/ijA^« ( ).H.G. sehsto O.Icel. sme mti 'sixth': Skr. sas-thd' 
'■tc, see p. 242 above. Goth, niunda O.H.( i. munto < ).l(ol. uTtnide 
n'mdi ninth', pr. Germ, ^niuun-di-n- (I S 179 p. loH): op. Gr. 
"■^ro-j:. In Goth, ahtu'da O.H.G. ahtodo Vighth\ we have 
« formatiim peculiar to Germanic, cp. Gr. nydo(/)fl'Xf)iTft Vulg-ar 
'-iit. ortufV-ginta, 

'IstO', In the oldest West-Germanic the infloxiou <»f the 

superlative was almost exclusively weak (w-declonsion) ; in (lothic 

ftnd Xorsc it was both strong and weak. Goth, std-ist-s O.H.G. 

^tt'ti'isto 'sweetest': Skr. sodd-istha-, Goth. hiuh-isUs O.H.G. 

kh'isto 'highest*. Goth, mdist-s O.II.Ci. meisto ^most' (oonipar. 

Wiea mSro)^ cp. Umbr. mestru fern, 'maior*, common ground- 

f'Tm *m*'istO' beside the pos. O.Ir. tml-r Goth, -wer-s 'great'. 

The O.Icel. flest-r 'plurimus*, together with tho compar. /7e/W, 

which cannot be referred to *plciS' (Osthoff, Paul-Braune's Boitr. 

XIII 444), I suppose to have been altered on tho analogy of 



248 'to- as a Saffix of Comparison. §81. 

mest-r metre; cp. pp. 242 f. 244 and § 135. We often find 
new formations from noun-stems: Goth. *jtih''ist'8 (inferred from 
jahiza) O.H.G. jung-isto O.Ieel. erst-r (for *0st'r^ r being 
inserted from the compar. dre) and yngst-r 'youngest*, from 
Goth, jugg-s etc. = pr. Germ. *ii4iiw9-gd'S Skr. yuva-^d'S; this 
new form took the place of another which answered to the Skr. 
ydv^^ha-S', tliis must have been before Vomer's law came into 
operation, as the word has -A- instead of -^-, which shews that in 
the noun from which it was formed (*iilf9xd-) the breathed spirant 
had not yet become voiced (I § 530 p. 386 f.). Goth. *alp'ist-s 
(inferred from alpiza) O.H.G. altisto oldest' beside Goth. aUpei-s 
O.H.G. al-t *old'. Accumulated endings of comparison are seen 
in e. g. Goth. af'tum-ist'S A.S. aef-tem-est 'hindmost, last' bedide 
Goth, af'tumaj O.H.G. af-ir-isto 'last' beside af-tro- af-teto. 

Since --ista- and 'iz-en- became denominative so early in 
proethnic Germanic, it is not surprising that before that period 
ended they were added to 5-, the adverbial termination of the 
o-stems, just as was the Gr. -raro- -xf^o- in aoffW'TfQO'g aVw- 
TbQO) etc. (§ 75). Thus arose forms like Goth. 8?iiumundd8 more 
hastily', from sniumundd 'hastily', frodoza 'more shrewd* frddOst-s 
'most shrewd', from frdp-s 'prudent*, O.H.G. blintoro blintdst 
from blint 'blind' (aftr-Dsto beside aftr-isto (see above) and the 
like), O.Icel. spakare spakast-r from spak-r 'intelligent*. In 
Gothic this formation was always strictly confined to o-stems; 
in Old High German was occasionally extended to other ad- 
jectival stems. Pr. Germ. -tJ-i>o- -O-ista-z became -Dzd. -Osta-Zy 
cp. I § 142 p. 127. Slavonic has a similar group of compara- 
tives, the forms in -<J-/T; see § 135. 

Remark 5. This explanation of the comparatiTe suffix in Germanic 
has not been universally accepted. (Johansson, De deriyatis contractis, 
p. 182). But it is certainly not disproved by the forms mdizn div-s ffor 
*mai8' aiifo-). It is quite possible that ai had here become e?.t (see 
I § 614 p. 464) before this new method of forming comparatives had been 
adopted in proethnic Germanic. Each period has its own phonetic laws. 

Balto-Slavonic. hith, deszhh-ta'S O. C. SI. desf^-fu 'tenth*: 
Gr. diyiU'To-g etc., see above, p. 242. 

'isto' in Lithuanian gave place to -ia?/s-ia- which (in spite of 



J. Schmidts objections, Kulin's Ztschr. XXVI 378) ia no iloubt 
eonnected with Slav, -ucbii -iwhU {Miklosich Vergl. Graiiim. II 
289 ff,); whilst in Slavonic the comparative displaced the sujier- 
Intivc formation. 

§ 82. i. The Suffixes -m^-to-, -yp-(o-'). 

In profthnic Indo-Gernianic there wcroacertain number 
*if fonnutioDa in -to- wliich wpre extensions of stems in -nteti- 
and -uen-. *Bev->n9-to- : Hkr. i»-i{-ma(o-»i 'renown' O.H.G, hliu- 
munt 1X1. 'report, reputation" beside Avest, srao-inan- n. Goth. 
bliu-ma ni. 'hearing', \^ilejf- 'to hear'. Gr. dvo'-^o:ra pi. "names' 
Lat. cSgnO-mentH-ni, beside Skr. nd-rnan- d. 'name' Lat. nS-mm 
n. etc. Gr. yaa-nv-fiazn pi. 'something stitched together, soles; 
contriTanccs, plots' (prep, iwr), Lat. as-sU-mentu-m 'patch put 
on', Skr. beside ByH-mnn- n, 'band, strip, row', Gr. v-ft^v -if-oi,- 
'skin, sinew'. *2>er-up-to- : Skr, pdr-vatn-s 'mountain, rock' Gr. 
ntipattt Lesb. 7(:'(jpor« pi, 'extremes, boundaries', for *nep-/Kr« 
(I § 186 p. 146 f.), beside Skr. pur-van- n, 'knot, joint, break, 
section' Gr. a-ntlpai' 'boundless' for *a-nfp-ftav. 

Probably this use of -to- is to be connected with that dis- 
onssed p. 224, where we saw that the participial -lo- could be 
ttdded directly to noun-stems. From "HeM-meti- was first formed 
*}dei!-wp-to- {hliumunt indicates that -to- was accented) 'called, 
famed' (cp. Gr. 9avfia-t6-Q beside t)ai\tia, orig. stem *9av-/ifr-)i 
the neuter, used substantivally, had the meaning 'a being called, 
reno\«'n', and then in High German the gender of the word was 
altered to match that of ruof, ruom. Gr. ''6vo-/iaio-v orig. the 
being named, having a name'; Lat. cognomentu-m 'the having 
a surname', beside c!ign6min0.tu-s, like sceles-tu-s beside sceler/ltu-t, 
tther-tus beside llberHlH-s. Skr. pdr-vata-s is easily explained 
88 an epithet of gir!-§ 'niountnlQ'. 

Remark. The following romations are akin to those just diaouMed: 
Bkr. ti-iiidii-iii-ti 'crowo of the lieud, boundarj' beside ii-iiidii- m. 'parting 
of the hair, orowii of the head' f. "boundary", Gr. 'i-fmr- (t) 'strap' beside 
i-rrnt-Li! 'rope of a driiw-vfeU' O.Sa». si-mo 'band, rope' 0'-/nirt- instead of 
*i-ti'^rrn- see p. 250 (.); Skr. lic-m"i^-t'i-» 'winter' beside he-man loo. 'in 



)> The Aiiliior, Morph. Unters. II 220 ff. 




250 The Suffixes 'mi^'ta-^ 'V^'to-. §82. 

winter*; ai'mnn-tn-m *firo place* beside dl-wrrw- m. 'stone*. In the first 
word the Idg. ending was perhaps 'm^-tO', see I § 230 p. 196; the accent 
was shifted from -to- to -w^ doubtless through the influence of *«i-i«f'w-, 
the stem from which the word was formed, just as in Sanskrit the accent 
of ^ird-mati' n. changed *irdmatd'tn to sromaiam. On the other hand, 
htmaitfd'S and aimanlO'ni may bo later analogical forms dating from the 
period after the separation of the languages and based on the strong form 
of the parent stem, as in vfHati-tanw- and the like. Or has hemantd'S any 
immediate connexion with the Or. a-x^tfiarro-i mentioned on p. 22^? 

In most laDguages these combined suffixes, even when they 
did not die out, survived only in a few old forms and were no 
longer in living use ; in Gennanic besides hliumunt the only other 
example is Goth, snivrinundd hastily' (from "^snef^mefi- 'haste*) 
which presupposes an adj. ^sniu-munda- cp. Gr. ^av^a-xo-^. 
But in Italic -w^i-fo-, and in Greek -imgrto- and -w^-^o- became 
exceedingly fertile. 

Greek. Forms like ovdiiaxa are: sl-fiaxa 'clothes' (cp. *t5- 
'siiKov *well clothed' Skr. vaS'tnan- n. 'covering'), dtp^fiara 'hides, 
skins', vno^dfjfiaxu 'sandals', juvr/'iinra 'memorials', xaAr/i-jtmra 'veils', 
vofj-^iara 'thoughts', hg/nrj-fifXTa 'longings'. Like *nsp-faTa we have 
fidura 'food' in Horn., i. e. sd-fara or (with assimilation) s^dara 
(cp. I § 166 p. 147), (pQijava tf>()tara 'wells' (for *q>QT)'faxa)^ 
axbaxa 'lumps of fat' (for *6Ta-Faxu^ y^std- 'to stand'). Stems 
in -meyi' and -uen- were regularly extended in this way; and 
-^0- also attached itself to neuter stems in -en-: e. g. ^Ty-ara 
'livers' (Skr. yahin- Lat. jecin-)^ ovO^-ara 'udders' (Skr. tidh-an-)^ 
y.{)dia }id()/]xu 'heads' for *x()(xO'axu *xa(?(5(J-ar« (Skr. Slr^-an-); 
to which ygt/vT] Lesb. xodwG and xd()7]v(Mf (for *xQao-v^ 
^y.noad'V-O') are related in the same way as Wflrv/o'-o-i,* to 
ntojuata. The nom. and ace. sing., e. g. oro-f-ia, and the loc. 
pL, e. g. ovo'uaGi^ must be forms of the original n-declension 
without 'to-. But along with these there were in use such 
case-forms as tn'oua-Ta, nyoua-rrtn' , and nvona-xog (= Skr. 
adverbial ablative iiama-tas)'^ and as though these were 
really to be divided nvouar-a ovoiidx-rov orounx-og^ a new 
form was made for the locative, ovo/naxt. Thus the ro-stem 
passed over to the r-declension. In the same way /-/i«vt- (see 



|ea^ 



The SuCfii ■£«- -&i-. 



251 



p. 250 Ufni.) was no doubt developed from *'-!icir-Tnc, cp. Skr. 
Blma-ttis. 

Italic. Lat. tesia-iiientn-m, Obc. tristaamentud abl. 
'testamento'. In Latin wo sometimes find only the original form 
in -men, as agmen, crimen, certamen; sometimes -tnento- as well, 
e. p. augtnen and attgmentu-m, mf-fimpntu-m, regimen and regi- 
mmttt-m, funddmen and funililmtntu-m ; sometimes only -meitto-, 
as nrmentu-tn, ca^metttu-m, dSleclflmentu-m, argumentu-m, vestl- 
maitn-m. Further, imguen-tic-m was formed from ungiien as 
•mentu-m from -wen-, jnet aa in Greek ^'71-ara arose on the 
model of ovo-finxn, *}tf(i-faTn~ etc. 

§ 83. The Suffix -fco- -ta-. This is shewn to he pro- 
ethnic by tlie word *iHr/.^'1i6-s or 'juw^Ho-a 'youthful, young', 
hoside Skr. gt\v-an- Lat. jue-en- (for tlie initial sound see I § 117 
p. 103 f. § o98 p. 4ri2 f.): Sltr. yumt-kii-s^ Lat. jtwm-cit-B^ O.Ir. 
Bar St., Goth, jugg-t '), Compare also Wpd-ifUs 'fox, jackal', Armen, 
aiuls 'fox', Gr. dXforttj-'i -fii-ng and (in the Iambic writer Ananios) 
-rpi'Oii 'fox', with -K- for -xo-, with the same change of inflexioQ 
as in /itTna-^: Skr. marya-kds etf. (§ 84. 129), beside Skr. 
lOjUt-ka-s 'fox' (-to- had originally a diminutive force), Gr. 
aXmnti-xpovi; 'fox-coloured' aiwno'-g- 'sly', Lith. Idpe'tox; in some 
of the languages, no doubt, the word may have been borrowed 
and naturalised, nor can we be certain that the suffix of Gr. 
ttinjTTjjJ is not -qo-, and so identical with the -ka- of Skr. 
iSpa-kn'. 

Beyond these words a few examples from Aryan are all 
that can be ascribed with certainty to the suffix -Tio-. 

Aryan. In Skr. ama-Sd-s droa-ia-s 'hasty, travelling 
quickly' from drvan- (same meaning); etn-Sa-s 'hasty', from etas 
(the same); l>nbkru-Sii-s bahklu-id-s 'brownish' from babkri-§ 



I) Here perhaps iiii-it.io^! hIeo ghoald be claB^ed (for the diminntiT&l 
force ot -irlto- see A. DGhring, Pro^ramm doa FriedrichH-CollegiuinB, 
KSniR^borg 188.^ p. 15.1. The youth HyiLCinthuii and liis earlir death represent 
the life of the physical world, where maturity is at once followed by decs;'. 
If this etymolo^ is correct, it proves the existence of an In do -German io 
«em 'iintrji- with an initiul i (not ;'), aee I g a99 p. 4i2. 



252 The Suffixes -go- -gS-, -iqa- -iqa-, and the like. § 83,84. 

'brown' ; rdma-Sd'S Wma-ia-s 'hairy*, from rtman- ISmav^ n. 'hair 
of the head'; afQku'Sd-s *hook* beside afoku-ra^s (p. 199)- 

Armenian. aXues *fox, see above. 

Greek, ahtlni^l *fox', see above. 

Italic. Lat. pwen-cU'-s^ Umbr. ivengar pi. mveiicao', see 
above. 

Old Irish. 6ac 5c 'young', Mod.Cymr. ieuanc O.Corn. ionene 
Bret, iaouank, see above. 

Germanic. Goth, jugg-s O.H.G. O.Sax. jung O.Icel. frng^r 
*young', pr. Germ, ^itiuufo-gd^ (I § 179 p. 156), see above. 
For Goth, juliiza O.Icel. 0i*e 'younger see I § 530 p. i{87, 
n § 81 p. 248. 

Balto-Slavonic. We can scarcely place in this group 
Lith. pdhza-s 'tawny* O.C.Sl. pdesu 'dark grey' beside Lith. 
pal'va-s O.C.Sl. pla-vu 'ta^^Tiy*. These forms no doubt arose 
(as we may infer from the Russ. pelesyj 'variegated' polosa 'stripe, 
streak*) thi'ough a confusion of y/^pel- with y/^perR- (Gr. TJeoxo-^ 

§ 84. The Suffixes -qo- -jfl-, -fjo- ^iqa-^ -Tqa- 
'Tqa^ 'UqO' -nqd"^ and -aqo- -aqa-^). 

The velar character of the k- sound in the suffixes which 
we are now to discuss appears regularly and unmistakeably in 
Aryan, Armenian and Balto-Slavonic (see I § 417 ff. p. 305 ff.). 
In Greek, Italic, Keltic and Germanic it can be identified with 
certainty only in the comparatively rare cases where we find 
the i-sound labialised (k^)^ as in Lat. an/J-jwo-s, Mod.Cymr. 
hys'p 'dry'. The remaining examples in this group of languages 
have only k without any following u; yet it is clear that these 
forms, except of course such as we have already seen reason 



1) J. Budenz, Das Suffix x6c (t»o;, uWc, vxdi) im Griechischen, OStt 
1858. C. von Paucker, Die [lat] Deminutiya mit dem Suffix -c-nhis^ a, 
um^ Ztschr. f. osterr. Gymn. 1876 p. 595 fP. L. Meyer, Das Suffix ka ira 
Gotischen, Euhn's Ztschr. YI 1 if . Id., Die deutsohe Abstractbildung auf 
ung, Bezzenb. Beitr. Ill 151 f. Fr. Eauffmann, Die innere Stammform der 
Adjeotiva auf -ko im Gcrmanischen, Paul - Braune^s Beitr. XII 201 ff. A. 
Bezzenberger, Die lett. Gradations for men auf -dk-Sy in his Beitr. V 97 ff. 



(W. 



The Suffixes -go- -qa. 



253 



to refer to the suffix -Ho- {§ 83), did originally contain q not 
1, because a largo number of them ijorreapond exactly to forma 
b the Eastern group which vouch for -qo-\ thus examples like 
Lat. MiHs-vulu-s : 8kr. mai-kd- Armen. mtikn prove that the 
lAtin diminutival suffix -cu/o- is derived from -ijo-. It must 
be confessed, however, that do real difference of meaning can 
be fouud between the suffixes -Ito- and -70-, and it is therefore 
(uite possible that amongst the examples of -ho- in the Western 
languages which are given in this section, there may be some 
few forms which are really derived from -ho-. 

-qo- is used both a» a primary and as a denominative 
mffix. No general definition can be given of its orig^al 
Innotion iu its primary use. In derivatives -qo- and -iqo- 
wcre used to form adjectives {and substantives based upon 
adjectives) meaning 'related, or belonging to' the thing or 
person denoted by the original word, which was generally 
either an adverb or some case of a noun. Further, -50- was 
added to substantives, without altering their substantival or 
adjectival character, but to give a slight modification of 
Beaoing; the derivative signified 'a thing tantamount to' or 
"that which merely resembles' the original. Hence it was often 
Used to form dimiuutives. This modification of meaning agaiti, 
■iraa often l)8t, so that the derivative was simply equivalent 
4o the original word. As to the functions of -Tqo-, -itqo- and 
>-, Bee below. 
Analogical changes of many kinds, affecting the final sound 
of the stem to which -<yo- was added, arose even in proethnic 
Indo-Oermanic, and still more freely after the separation of the 
languages, but we can seldom trace the course of their deve- 
lopement in early times. The facts are exceedingly confused, 
and the claasificatien which follows must be regarded simply 
an a attempt to reduce them to some kind of order. 
In Greek, Italic and Keltic -qo- was often transferred to 
Ifce consonantal declension, e. g. Or. titTpa-i: 8kr. mari/a-kA-s. 
Cp. Gr. aA<.i7.)jE g 83 p. 251 and § 129. 



254 -qo' as a Primary Suffix. §B5. 

§ 85. 1. -30- as an original primary suffix. On the 
whole it is not common. 

In do-Germanic. None of the forms to be mentioned here 
are found in more than a few languages. Skr. dhOr-kd^s Recep- 
tacle', Gr. ^7j-x?7 'receptacle*, y^dhB- 'u&eyai*. Skr. pfva-sphakd-s 
'swelling with fat*, Lett, spi-k-s 'strength', (beside spS-t *to be 
able'), y/^spS' 'extend, become rich'. It is no doubt also primary 
in Lat. siccus O.Ir. ses-c *unfruitfur Mod.Cymr. hys-p 'dry* pr. 
Kelt. *mArj«o-s, common ground-form ^sit-qa-Sj cp. Lat. sU-i^ 
(I § 419 p. 307). 

Aryan. Skr. h^-kd- iu^'ka- Avest. hu^-ka- O.Pers. us-ka- 
*dry' y^saus- (I § 557, 4 p. 413). Skr. dt-ka-. Avest. a-^ka- 
m. 'garment, covering'. Skr. stu-kd- *tress'. Avest. sao-ke-m 
'advantage'. 

Armenian, bok 'barefoot' ground-form ^bhos-qo- (I § 561 
p. 417), cp. O.H.G. bar naked, bare' O.CSl. bosu "barefoot'. 
Or is -30- here a secondary suffix? 

Greek, drj-xtj receptacle*: Skr. dhO-kd^Sj see above. 

Italic. Lat. siccus j see above. Beside it we have also 
tesquO'S^ for *ter8^uO' (I § 269 p. 217), \^ter8' 'to become 
dry, arid*, cas-cu-s beside cdnus for *cas-wo-5 (cp. Osc. ccisnar 
*8enex'); for the function of the suffix cp. ptis-cU'S § 88. A 
stem *fa'CO' is implied in -fex {arti-fex etc.), hence fa'C^id. 
facundus and fScundu-s imply ya-co-y ^fS-co^^ see § 69 p. 161. 
tru'C'S beside truare is no doubt another example, see 0. 
Ribbeck Archiv f. lat. Lexicogr. 11 122 f. 

Old Irish, ses-c^ Mod.Cymr. hys-p^ see above, bris-c 
Bret. breS'k 'brittle' no doubt from \^bherdh' (Gr. nfg&o)); 
the ground-form will then be *bhfdh+qo-j see I § 298 p. 236. 
For Celt, -sk' coming from -tk- see I § 516 p. 376. 

Germanic. O.Icel. IqS'k-r *soft, lazy', pr. Germ. ^IcU-kua-Zy 
beside Goth. Wan *to let, permit*, lat-s lazy, idle', y^toi- torf-. 
O.H.G. raS'C and ros-ch 'quick, clever, strong' O.Icel. r^Jk-r 
*bold, brave', pr. Germ, ^raskua^z and *ruskf^':^j ground-form 
*rot-qo- and *f^-}0-, y^ret- (O.H.G. rado 'quickly' Goth, raps 
"easy"). O.H.G. A.S horse 'quick, cutting, clever' O.IceL harsk^ 



I8S^ 



-qo' aj B Secondary Suffix. 



255 



■cierer*, Goth, and-hruskaip 'he investigates', grouud-form pro- 
bably ^kft-go-, ep. Goth, hard-u-s 'hard' Gr. Kf»ttr-u'-s' 'strong' 5 
cp. also Mid.Eng. and Dun. harsk 'rough, hard' with another 
grade of vocalism. O.IciiI. hets-k-r 'sharp", beside Goth, bdit-r-s 
'biting, bitter', v^bheid-. For -sk- from -tk- see I § 527 p. 383. 
Here should alao be classed O.lcel. prosk-r- 'bold' vask-r- 'bold' 
O.H.G. frisc 'brisk, lively, alert' and other similar words (Kluge 
Norn. Stamnib. p. 89), though only, perhaps, as later formations 
with a sufhx -8k{xi)o- abstracted from the older forms with sk 
= tk (cp. p. 18 f.). 

O.Ioel. lau-g f. 'bath' from pr. Germ, '^a^-■^6-, cp. O.lcel. 
laui'T 'soap' Lat. lavere. 

fialto-Slavonic. Litli. jAl-ka-s 'grey' beside peleti 'to grow 
monldy' pele 'mouae', cp. also peUka-s 'mouse-grey'. Lith. plita- 
■hi-t 'one that has ruined himself, spendthrift'. Lett, plus-ka 
iloveoly vagabond, scamp' plUs-kas f. pi. 'aluice', beside Lith. 
piii»-ti 'to begin to swim, run over". Lett, rusch-ka 'filthy 
feDow' pe'lnu-ntitclik-i-s 'Cinderella', properly 'ash-stirrer' (Lith. 
pfien-rmd and -rusi-s), beside Lith. ritsinti 'to rummage, stir'. 
Lett, lisekk-i'S 'flatterer' properly 'licker' kriima-laisch^-i-s 'cream- 
iicker', a name of the fore-finger. Lett, spi-k-s 'strength': 8kr, 
pfvasphakd-s; see above, p. 254. 0,C.8I. sfla-ftw 'token', bra-kU 
riage, wedding', which we may perhaps derive from berq 
btrati Vbher-. 

§ 86, 2, -qo- as a secondary suffix forming adjec- 
tives (and substantives based upon adjectives) from adverbs 
snd inflected nouns with the meaning related, or belonging to' 
vhat is denoted by the original word, where the nature of the 
relationship or connexion may vary very widely. 
a. From Adverbs. 

Indo-Germanic. Skr. auti-kd-s 'coming to an end with 
or at something, near' (dnti 'over against, in sight of, near'), 
Lat. aidi-quo-s aiitl-ctis preceding in space or time or order, 
more important, earlier, old' (ante for *anti). Skr. dnl-ka-m 
^that which is turned towards one, the side turned to one, 
front, face, point* Avest. ainika- m. 'front', Gr. f^f-juf 'attack, 



256 -qo" as a Secondary Suffix. §86. 

rebuke' (Osthoff, Morph. Unt. IV 223). Skr. nT-ca- low, going 
downwards', Gr. vi-xacu Cbring low, fight down") 'conquer' (hence 
vi-xfj with the meaning Victory', like Lat. pUgna from pugnare^ 
H.G. handel m. from handeln^ opfer n. from opfem)^ Lith. denom. 
ny^k'Stu 1 disappear, pass away (aukszty^naika adv. 'backwards* 
and others, with non-original ablaut) O.C.Sl. m-rff 'pronus' for 

Aryan. Skr. ucca-s Avest. uskci- adj. on high, high* Skr, 
li/A-a-s longing for something' ground-form *tid + 30- *tid+qe'^ 
beside Skr. ud up'. Skr. dbhi-ka-s dbhuka-s 'coming after a 
thing, lustful' beside abhi ahht. Skr. dnu-kchs 'coming after a 
thing, desirous, dependent' dnQ-ka-m 'backbone', beside dnu. 

Such forms as these in -fka — Ukot- were in Sanskrit assoc- 
iated with compounds in -y-afic — v-a^c- (-a^- 'directed to- 
wards something', cp. § 163), and this led to a number of new 
formations. See Osthoff loc. cit. 249 ff. 

Greek, nipt-^ adv. 'around', TthoiaOo-g nepiTZo-s 'superfluous, 
extraordinary, superabundant' for ^nepi-x-ifi-^ , beside nigt. As 
in the case of the adverbs luovvd^ and odd^ from '^fiwva-x^'^ 
•o Jar-xo- (§ 88), a nom. in -x-c instead of -xo-^ was first formed, 
Tif^ii instead of ^nspi-xo-g (cp. /«rpa-5 § 84 p. 253, § 88 pp. 263. 
265), and then on the analogy of adverbs like nag-iS t'7r-6| dp 
etc. it came to be regarded and used as an adverb. 

From a stem •Tipd-xo- (cp. nipcc 'beyond' nig&'V 'on that 
side') arose ngaaau), the oldest meaning of which was 'press 
through, go through' (Hom. dXa ngTJaaovTsg)^ see Leo Meyer 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXH 61 ff. 

Italic. Lat. red-procu-s orig. 'directed backwards and 
forwards* from *re-co- and ^pra-co-^ cp. O.C.Sl. pro-ku. proevi 
is an extension of the stem ^proco- by -/o- cp. simxd '). 

Germanic. O.H.G. abu'-h aba-h O.Sax. abhu-h 'turned 
away, perverse, wicked', (the neut. is used substantivally, 'per- 



1) Detailed arguments in support of this explanation of reciproeui 
and procul will be found in Rhein. Mus. XLHI 402 ffl, where, unfortuna- 
tely, I oTorlooked the fact that the same deriration had already been sug- 
gested by Corssen, Krit. Xaohtr. 136 f. 



Terseness, wickedness) OJcel. qfti-g-r "turned away, perverse', 
beside af "from, away': cp. 0.C.81. opako opa&y opace adv. 
rrtrorsum, contrarium' paie 'contra, potius'^a^y 'iterum' (opaie: 
paie = (it. ana : O.H.G. fo-na, a regular example of proethnic 
ablaut); cp. also Skr. dpaka-s 'lying behind, remote", which 
need not necessarily be regarded as a compound of -aiic- (cp. 
p. 256 ander Aryan). 

Balto-Slavonic, 0.C.8I. pro-kU 'remaining over', from 
pro. prS'kii 'transverBua' for *per-krt, from pr6, 

b. From Nouns. The terminations -o-qo- -e-<jo- which 
arose when the auftix was added to o-stems were in Aryan and 
Slavonic also used as primary suffixes. 

Indo-tiermanic. Skr. dvi-ka- "consisting of two' (beside 
this dva-kdr 'two by two, joined in pairs'), A.8. twi-'^ O.H.G. 
ivX-g and zwi gen. zttles^ pr. Germ. *(yf-jj«i- 'twig' (cp, 0.C.81. 
m-ga "twig' from roz^ rasfl 'dis-'), O.H.G, zteeho Zicjfo "doubt', 
pr. Germ. *iyi-jfyo-n- *(yi-;ifyo-«- (I § 444 p. 329); to which no 
doubt we should refer Gr. iiaoo-g iirio-g 'twofold', for *»J/<-»i-j[0-s. 
Similarly 9kr. tri-kd- 'three by three, threefold' and Gr, rffiaaa-g 
iftoTO-t; 'threefold'. The Ion. A|d-; rjM^o'-? are perhaps to be 
explained as standing for •J/cx-rto-; *rp(-»-no-t;, Lat. ilni-cu-s, 
Goth, dina-h-s O.H.G, eina-g 'single', 0.C.81. ino-k& 'solus'. 

Aryan. Skr. suct-ka-s adj., 'stinging', siibst. 'stinging ver- 
miu', from suet- f. "needle", dnla-ka-s 'making an end, he that 
makes an end', from an-ta-s 'end'. urv<lru-k&-m 'that which 
teloBgs to the gourd-plant (urvani-^)^ or comes from it, fruit 
of the gourd', slndhu-ka-s 'coming from the Indus (slndhu-^/. 
ripO'ka-s 'in (an assumed) form', from Hlpd-m 'form', Aveat. 
katDt-ka- 'rather small, rather poor', from kasvi-S 'smallneas, 
dwariub stature". Skr. mdma-ka-s 'my', asntdkas Aveat. ahtnOka- 
'our' (b the termination of this word Idg. -o-qo- or the sufSx 
•ago-?). Hence Ar, -ka-, so frequent in Sanskrit in adjectival 
(ppithetised) compounds as 8kr. viyata-^-ka-s 'whose beauty 
is past' (cp. Avest. darae-sTj-ka- 'beautiful at a distance') a-bhratf 
•ko'S 'brotherlesa', a-rStis-ka-s 'without seed', sa-patnt-ka-s 'with 
one's wife'; cp. also Avest. hu-mayd-ka- 'possessing good wisdom' 



258 -qo' as a Secondary Suffix. § 86. 

{hu-maya-J. These compounds however may also be classed 
under § 88 p. 264. 

From dnta-ka-s and similar forms arose a primary suffix 
-aka^^ as Skr. sdyaka-s *meant for throwing' neut. 'missile', 
nayaka-s guide', pOcaka^s *cooking, cook', pfchaka'S who asks*. 
Cp. Slav, -oiw, p. 260. 

To these no doubt should be added vartaka-s vdrtika 'quail': 
Gr. o(}Tv^ (g^n. 6oTvy,'og and o^^rvy-og, cp. OsthofF, Zur Gesch. 
d. Perf. 620) 'quail', with i; on the analogy of xoxxv^, Ifiv^ and 
the like. 

Greek. iVi-aao-i," r(>/-aa6-$ p. 257 above, -^if/v-xo-^ 'Libyan*, 
from ^lifiv-g; d^rjlv-xo-g 'feminine*, from &i}Xv'g, as the opposite of 
d()atv-iii6'g'^ in ceP^rxo-t; adj. 'salt' from ciX^g (dh' ako-) the -v is 
surprising, (pvoi-xo-q natural', from (pvai-g, /miri-xo-c 'belonging to 
a seer, from ^idi'Ti-Q; cp. Idg. -ujo* in /tttt-ixo-? etc., § 87. onTo-xa-^^ 
'lobster' no doubt for *08t^'q0'S, cp. Skr. asthdn- *bone*. The 
termination -laxo-i; in r^haxo-g 'belonging to the sun* (/^ho-g), 
<Txiaxo-i,* 'shady* (crxia) and the like has not been explained : are 
the forms based on -e^j- stems (such as, say, *^iifr-), or should 
we compare Umbr. curn-ac-o 'cornicem* ? ') 

Italic. Lat. amni-cU'S^ from amni^s^ cf»f-CM-s, from cTvi-Sy 
aedUi'C'tK'S^ from aedJli^. Cp. Idg. -ijo- in bdl-icu^Sj patr^ 
-fcw-5, patr-ic-iU'-s and the like, § 87. 

The following forms appear to be connected with the same 
suffix: Umbr. Kastrusiie 'Castricii (beside kastruvuf 'fundos' 
Osc. castrovs gen. 'fundi') and Osc. Iiivkilui '*Jovicio', beside 
Osc. Viinikiis 'Vinicius'. 

Old Irish, suile-ch *oculeus* for *s?77f-co-s, from suil n. 
*oculu8', O.Kelt. are-mori-cT 'those who dwell before the sea* 
(O.Ir. nmir n., Lat. mare for *mari). Cp. Idg. -iqa^ in aiimn-^ch 
*mindful of and the like, § 87. 

Germanic. Goth, stdina-h^s (stem stdina-ha-) O.H.G. 
steina-g *stony', from Goth, stdina- m. stone*, Goth, vairda-h-^ 



1) Mahlow, Die langen Yocale 102, assumes that ^ax6-^ with Lat 
'IcU'S Ooth. -eig-s represents an Idg. -iako-^ an inference which I cannot 
accept. 



'verbal' from vailrda- a. 'word', m6da-'j-s (stem niSda-ga-) 'wrathful' 
O.Sax. mSda-g 'excited, epirited', from Cloth, moda- m. 'courage, 
wrath'. The forma -a-ha- a-^a- alternate according to the place 
of the accent, by the rule given in § 530 p. 386, cp. 8kr. asmdka- 
Ondfka- on the one hand, and Skakd- urrdrtikd- on the other. 
The termination -n-ja- was transferred to other elaasea of atema, 
e. g. O.H.G. votag beside Germanic naudi- naupi- 'need', O.Sax. 
traftag beside krafti- 'strength'. 

Goth, handu-g-s Viae' (O.H.G. hantag 'sharp') from hnndus 
'band', though it ia quite possible that the two words are not 
connected historically but merely by popular etymologj' {see 
Elu|>e, Norn. Stammb. 86, Kauffmann, Paul-Braune's Beitr, XII 
202)0- 

ChlruscJ is explained by Bremer (Paul-Brauoe's Beitr. SI 
3) as coming from *xSni8-ka- 'hairy', cp. O.H.G. har pi, harir 
Tiwr'. For -us- cp. O.H.G. angus-t % 101, 

In proethnie and later Germanic we find adjectives in -ija- 
regularly corresponding to -(-stems, as Gotli. mahteig-s O.H,Q. 
mahtXg 'mighty' from mahti-, O.H.G. cre/tig 'strong' from krafH: 
But the same termination appears also in adjectives derived from 
other classes of stems and equally dating from the oldest period 
of Germanic, as Goth, murstvsig-s 'active' from vdursloa- a. 
'worlt, activity', 0.fl.Q. jdrtg 'yearly' {rom jara- n. 'year'; and 
it must therefore bo referred to the Idg. suffix -fqo- (§ 89); 
there is no need to suppose an original -ei-qo- {*maxti- *ma)ftei-)y 
nor can any argument for such a form be based on the ohscure 
Gothic word iihtivg 'seasonable'. We conclude then that in pro- 
ethnic Germanic -1-30- from I'-stems was replaced by -Ija-, just 
as in Gothic we have also the older form gabig-s altered to 
giAeig-s (§ 87), The influence of other derivatives with t in 
KCtual use (e. g. Goth, vduratvei f.) was a factor in the change. 

Baito-91avonic. In the Baltic languages the suffix hardly 
occurs at all in this use; "Lith. peleha-x Lett, ^Je/^t-s mouse-grey" 
(Lith. p^€ Lett, pele 'mouse') was no doubt formed on the analogy 



1) OathofTs Inst BuggeBtion a« to Tiitriditga fPaul- Bra line's Beitr. Xin 
419) does not conunend itself to me. 



260 ./go-, a by-form of the Suffix -70-. § 86,87. 

of adjectives like j&ddka-s (from j&' das 'black', § 89 c). In Slavonic 
we have -oku as a primary suffix, e. g. O.C.Sl. sUvMokU *privy 
to something, witness*, Russ. chodik 'goer, foot-messenger', M6k 
*eater'; it probably began in derivatives from noun-stems in 
(cp. Russ. chod way, path' beside chodok)^ cp. Skr. -aA»- p. 258« 

§ 87. 3. -*30-, a by-form of the Suffix -jo- (§ 86). 
This suffix forms adjectives from nouns in Aryan, Greek, Italic 
and Keltic, and it is so common that it can hardly have arisen 
independently in the separate languages from the ending of such 
forms as Gr. ^vm-xo'-s* ((fvai-g). Further in Germanic and Balto- 
Slavonic, as well as in Sanskrit and Latin, -tjo- is a primary 
suffix, and this usage must have been derived from its denomi- 
native use; so that clearly it had become a single independent 
suffix in proethnic Indo- Germanic. But of course there is 
nothing to prevent our supposing that it did originally sprmg 
from noun-stems in -/-. 

Aryan. Skr. parydp-ikd'S 'strophic from paryayd-s 'ro- 
tation, strophe*. It occurs most frequently after the vriddhi- 
strengthening, which serves also to form adjectives without the 
addition of any suffix (see § 60 p. 112 f. ; cp. mama^kd-s^ *my' 
beside mdma-ka-s, § 86 6 p. 257), as vdsant'ika- 'belonging to 
spring' (vasantds)^ vdr^'ikc^-s 'belonging to the rainy season* 
(wrr^a-m), ahn-ika-s *daily' from a/ta;t- n. 'day'. But 'ika- was 
not adopted in general use as an adjectival suffix, cp. rApa-ka- 
urvaru'kd' etc., § 866 p. 257. 

It is primary in Skr. vfSc-ika^s 'scorpion, tarantula', from 
VfScdmi 1 split, cut asunder*. 

Greek, innuxo^g 'belonging to horses* from 7n;io-^', nap&ey 
HTiO'i; 'maidenly* from naQ&ivo-c, vvftq>'tii6-g 'bridal' from vv^ipT], 
daruTiO'g 'of the city' from aarv, i&y-ixo'g 'national' from i&vog 
n., aywv-ixo'-i,^ belonging to contests' from aytiv, avJp-fxo-4,- 'manly* 
from dvTJQ gen. oivdp'6i,\ From participial stems in -fo- there 
arose a new suffix -t/xo-; e. g. x()it/xo-c, jua&rjrtxo'g, cp. Lat 
'ticO' p. 261. 

By the side of -txo'-s^ we find, though only rarely, -xo'-^^ as 
Ai§vx6»Q\ see § 86 6. 



Italic. Lat. mod-iru-s from modus, hell-iai-s from beltu-M, 
fabr-ica from faber (stem fabro-), gmit-ieu-a from gem (stem 
gtnt-), hislri5n-icu-s from histriO (stem histnOn-), patr-icu-s from 
/>(rt«r (atem pa(r-); participial steins in -to- gave rise to -tico- 
an independent suffix, e. g. c^naticn-s, herbaiicu-s, voiaticu-8, 
rOslicu-s, domestku-3, cp. Gr, -ritio- above. Similarly -ic-iu-8 
caemenf-iciu-s, sStOr-tciu-s, patr-icius etc. 

The Umbro-Samnite dialects shew- that -ico- was proetbnic 
Italic, so that (say) modkti-s was not developed in Latin 
t of *modo-fo-s: Osc tdvtiks 'pu^'licus' tovtico nom. fern, 
'piiblica', Volflc. tolteu abl, 'publico', Umbr. fotcor pi. 'urbiot' 
fcom *tStico-, a derivative of tovta- 'eivitaa, urba'; Umbr. 
fmtreks fratrexs 'fratricus, fratrum magister" fratreca 'fratrica' 
(e from i, see I § 33 p. 34). Cp. also Osc. Vilnikils 'Vini- 
eius' and miiinfkad abl. fem. 'communi', multasikad abl. 
fern, 'multaticia'. But we also tmd Umbr. Eastrusiie and 
Osc. lAvkiiui {§ 866 p. 258), which are hard to explain with 
certainty. 

~iqo- is a primary suffix in Lat, fnord^icus mord-ex, med- 
•ieu-s, tiert-ex; and no doubt also in pfidex for *pozd-eJ: \^pezd- 
'pedete' (I § 59i p. 450). Compare the root-vowel of this word 
■with flotb. yaUri-s (pOdexipHere = gahigs:giban). 

Old Irish. As in Latin, -ico- is a general derivative 
Buftix, i. e. it forma derivatives from all manner of stems, cu'imn- 
-ffA "mindful of from nimati 'thought, remembrance', crelm-ech 
^delis' from creiem 'fides'; leminines in -khe = Lat. -ic-i», as 
iairistniche 'immobility' from tairism-ech 'immovable' {tairissem 
a standing fast'). It is possible however that some of the words 
in -ech -iche (Zeuss* 810 stj.) eontaiu -idco- or -flco-. 

Germanic, The fertility of -ija- was limited on the 
one hand by the use of -a-x"- -a-ja- (§ 86), on the other by 
that of -rjn- (§ 89 h). In Gothic it does not occur as a se- 
condary suffix, but it does in Old High German; e. g. mtot'ig 
beside nmota-g 'furious". It is primary e. g. in Goth, (fab-ig-a 
"rich' beside ijiban gaf 'to give', cp. Lat. pSd-ex), O.ILG. htb-ig 
'•t which one must strain or heave, heavy (beside Goth, fiafjan). 



262 The Suffix -go- in a special class of DeriTatiTes. § 87,88. 

But here too other suffixes encroached upon its use, cp. Goth. 
gabeig^s beside gahig-s^ OJcel. gqfug-r hqfug-r. 

On the other hand, -ija- is sometimes found where -ja- 
must no doubt have been original (§ 88); O.H.G. entrig 'strange* 
(pr. Germ. *andr'i^d"') from ander 'other'; possibly however -ija- 
may here represent Idg. -^-jo- (§ 88 p. 268). 

Balto-Slavonic. Here it is not uncommon as a primary 
suffix. In Lithuanian the root has the vowel of the preterite (cp. 
Lat. podex, Goth, gabigs). Lith. szer-lka-s 'one who gives fodder 
from szeriu 1 give fodder' pret. szerian, kirt-ika-s 'hewer' from 
kertu 1 hew* pret. kirtau, skundAka-s 'who loves to lament', 
tupAka-s 'squatter*. Lett, jum-ik-i-s 'tile-setter from ju'mt 'to 
cover', glA7i'iJc-i-^ 'spy' from glAnH 'to lurk', u'rh-ik-i-s 'borer 
from u'rbt 'to bore'. O.C.Sl. zez-Xku 'burning' from zegq 'I burn* 
(trans.), tqz-lku 'burdensome, heavy' from t^ziti 'to burden*, 
skacAku 'grasshopper Cspringer ), mei-iku 'bear* fgrowler*), «myd- 
-Tiw 'fiddler* ; more frequently we have -IcT, as yad-lcX 'eater' 
pis-^ci 'writer* stv-Xct cobbler', zXr-XK^ 'offerer, priest'. 

There is a class of substantives derived from adjectives 
which may contain this Idg. -i^o-, though I do not feel certain 
that it is so, such as Lith. jaunlk^i-s 'betrothed husband' (jduna^ 
'young'), Lett. melniR-i^s 'black horse {meln-s 'black*), O.C.Sl. 
rozatitci 'bow* {rozanu 'of horn*) bradaficl bearded man' (bradatu 
"bearded') junict 'young bull' {junn 'young'). 

§ 88. 4. -(70- is added to substantives and ad- 
jectives without altering their substantival or ad- 
jectival character; the meaning of the new word bears to 
the old much the same relation as Mod.H.G. schwdrzlich to 
schwarZj [Eng- blackish to black] ^ i. e. it denotes something 
'tantamount to* or something which is merely like' the original. 
From this a diminutival sense was often developed, and hence 
-<yo- was used in forming familiar and pet names. Yet this 
modification of meaning frequently died out, so that the new 
word meant simply the same as the old. 

The boundary between this class of words and those given 
under 2 b and 3 (§ 86 and 87) fluctuates considerably. It is 



often doubtful wljether any particular word belongs to one or 
the other category. 

The diminutival -qo- is often combined with other diminutival 
elements, e. g. Lat, -culo- ^= -qo- 4- -lo-. 

Indo-Germanic. 8kr, mwj'-ia'-s 'testicle' musaka-s mii^ikO 
'mouse, rat' (wi«^- mu?a-s m^^a 'mouso'), Armen. mu-lc-», gen. 
mkan, 'mouse, muscle', Lat. mus-culu-a (mUs}, 0,0.91. mj/sica 
'arm'. *sfi-qo- from *stl- 'bow': Skr. sii-kard-s 'pig, hoar' (po- 
pularly derived from kar- 'to make' iia 'that which makes the 
noiae sft), Lat. stt-ctdns su-cula, O.Cjmr. hu-cc 'sua* Corn, ho-ch 
'porcus', A,9. su-^u f. 'sow' (unless we accept Bugge's derivation 
of thia A-S. word from Idg, *SMy-=, Paul-Braune's Beitr, XIU 
509 f.). Lat. bu-cula, Mid.Oymr. hu-ch cow'. Armen. ju-k-n, 
f!en. jkan^ 'fish', Pruss. stickans i. e. zu-ka-tis acu. 'fishes', Lith. 
St-k-iniaira-s 'fish-master', beside Gr. ix^v-q Lith. zuvl-s 'fish' 
(for the initial sound cp. I § 554 Rem. 1 p. 407 and Bartholomae 
Ar. Forsch. 11 56). Skr. ajaka ajika 'little goat' {ajd-n 'he- 
-goat' ajd 'ahe-goat'), Lith. oszkA {oi^-s 'he-goat'), Skr. avi-kd-a 
ari-kd 'sheep' {dei-^ 'sheep'), Lat. ovi-cula, Lith, aoi-kynd 'sheep- 
pen (avl-3 'sheep') 0.C.81. ovX-ca 'sheep'. Skr. marya-kds 
'mannikin' (mdrtfa-s 'man, young man'), Gr. fiiTpa^ girl', later 
also 'boy' fiupiix'tn-v "boy". Skr. pqsu-kit- m. pi. 'dust' (p4^~^ 
'dust% O.O.Sl. p^u-kii 'sand'. 

In names of persona: Skr. dcpaka-s dSvika-s beside dSva-s 
deca-datta-s, Gall. DTvicO Dlvicia beside DJv5 Devo-gtiata ; 8kr. 
iutiakas beside ^nas-karna-s, Gr. xu'vaf beside Kvv-ayo-^; Skr. 
sana-ka-s beside sana-iruta-s, Gall. SeniccO Seneca beside Bret. 
Hen-car, CII.G. Sinigus (Latinised) beside Slno Sin-hart, 

'aene-qo- (^seno-go-) meaning probably 'oldish', fi-om *seno- 
old' (Skr, sdna-s &c.): Skr, sana-kd-s former, old', Lat, senex 
gtnica, (Gall. SeniccO, Seneca^ 0,lr. sewcftos 'antiquity', see § 108), 
pr. Norse sitggSstSK nom. pi, masc, 'oldest' from *sinig- (cp. 
P. Burg, Die altteren nord. Runeneinschr, 1885, p. 130 f.). 
PrankiBh Sinigus (Goth, sineig-s 'old' see § 89 b), Lett, sem-i-s 
(i for it) 'old inhabitant, a man of olden time'. Armen. ancu-k 
anJU'k O.C.Sl. qsu-kii 'narrow', beside Skr, ifAt!-^ 'narrow'. 




264 The Suffix -qo- in a speoial class of DeriratiTes. § 8a 

Aryan. Skr. aiva-kd-s 'little horse' from (Uva-s 'horse', 
SiSu'kd'8 'little child' from Siiu-$ 'child*, rOja-kd-s 'petty king' 
from rajan- *king . Avest. drafsa-ka- m. little banner from 
drafsa- m. 'banner', aper^ndyu-ka- m. little child* from a-per^- 
ndyu' m. child' (orig. 'not of full age*), kaini-kd- 'little girl' 
beside kainin- f. 'maid, maiden*. 

Familiar and pet names, e. g. Skr. vtuu'ka-s O.Pers. vah%i--ka 
beside Skr. vam-^ vasu-datta-s Avest. vohu-dCUa-^ Skr. datfa- 
ka-s dattika-s beside datta-s datta-iatru-^ agni-datta-s. 

No difference of meaning can be detected in the following 
examples. Skr. viidha-ka-s and vadhd-s murderer', dsta^ka-m 
and dsta-m *home', i^u^kd^ and i$u^ f. 'arrow*, uda^kd-m and 
iiddn- n. Vater*, Avest. masydka- and mctSya- m. 'mortal, man , 
pasu'ka- and pasu-S m. 'cow' (cp. Skr. paSu-ka- a small animal), 
O.Pers. fjnaxa (Herodotus) and Avest. span- 'dog*. 

Similarly there is no serious difference in meaning between 
Skr. arbha-kd-s and drbha^s small', ndgna-ka-s and nagndrs 
'naked', BjCLt-kd-s and ejant- 'trembling, quivering', anlyas-kA^s 
and dmyas' 'thinner, finer' (cp. Lat. meliiiS'-cidU'S). Thus ad- 
jectival compounds like vigata-Sn-ka-^ which we noticed in § 86 
p. 257, may also be classed here. In Sanskrit, forms like ^t^t«- 
'ka-8 'imparting, generous' (Mk^u-^ the same), prmndyu-kas 
'falling into ruin, perishing' (pram/i-yu^^^ the same) and the like 
gave rise to an independent primary suffix -wfca-, e. g. dq^ukas 
'biting, vi'kdsuka^s vi-kasuka-s 'bursting*. 

For feminine substantives the usual suffix is -ikd- (corres- 
ponding to masc. -aAra-), as ndsikd- du. beside ndsd' du. 'nose', 
iyattikd- fem. of iyattakd- 'so small'. Whilst the forms in -akH- 
express the fem. by simple differentiation (Motion) of the masc- 
neut. stem -aka-^ -i-ka- was originally derived from fem. t-stems 
(cp. also Avest. ndirikd- beside ndiri- wfltrf- 'wife', carditikd^ 'girl, 
wife' beside caraiti- carditl- 'wife"). 

Armenian. A further suffix -en- was added to the stems 
of the substantives formed with -jo-. We have already noticed 
muhi 'mouse, muscle* from ^mus-qo^ or ^mus-qo^ (I § 561 p. 417) 
and ju'k-n 'fish*. To these should be added armukn^ gen. 



1 88. The 8affiz -go- in a special class of DeriTatires. 265 

armkan 'elhow, hend' (beside Lat. armu-s Goth, arms); per- 
haps its resemblance to muhi is more than accidental. 

ancu-h anju-k narrow' see p. 263 above. 

Greek. With a diminutival or contemptuons sense, more 
or less obscured: junpo^ 'girl' (p. 263), JfA^o^'pig, sucking pig', 
fi(iSfia$ 'small altar', Xi&a^ 'stone', Xsifia^ 'meadow'. Attached to 
these are unmistakable diminutives like //apax-io-y 'little boy' 
aniv^TjpaxtO'V 'little spark* (cp. uffnlS'iO'V 'little shield* § 63 p. 128). 
Add also pet names like TTr/iaxo-^ beside '^Inno-g "/jr/r-a^jifo-v 
"jig/'inno^, HvQQitxo'q beside Ilvgpo'g, Aii^oai beside Ad^oo^, 
0wfya$ beside (PoTyo-c, 3fo?.i;xo-5 MoXvi beside M6hi'(; ^lol-oo/a^ 

The a which precedes the -x(o)- in 'axo-^ -a? points to -^-qch 
as the earlier form (cp. oaraxo-*,- § 86 p. 258 and Skr. rajakd- 
for *raji9-ka'^ Germ, -ww-ja-). Thus "/jr/ra-xo-g {:'' Inniov), uTfia-^ 
(iX^tf^fov) and the like may have set the t}'pe for this group of 
forms; "/7i7i«xo-i;: "hmoy = O.H.G. Berhtung : Berhto (see below, 
p. 267). fieTpai for */i*ox«"5 (• Skr. marya-kd-s) may perhaps 
be an extended form from a stem *fisQii^'. 

ida% 'with the teeth, mordicus' was derived from a stem 
^oiar-no' •oJaKx(o)- 'tooth': Skr. a-datka- 'toothless*, A.S. tusc 
or tUsc O.Fris. tusk O.Icel. tosk-r *tooth* pr. Germ, ^tuns-ka-^ 
common ground-form ^dift^qo-^ beside oA>tv Goth, tunp-u-s 'tooth' 
(cp. I § 527 p. 383). But ddxrot obviously influenced its mea- 
ning and perhaps its form also. In the same way we have yrv-^ 
with bended knees' from '^tv 'knee*. As to their use as ad- 
verbs see § 86 p. 256. 

Tir^jJ'XO'g how great? how old?' rjyiLi-xo-^ 'so great, so old' 
from *n6h' *xah' = Lat. quali'S tdH-s: similarly O.H.G. Ale- 
mann. tce'Ur 'how produced?* so-lir 'thus produced' pr. Germ. 
♦-Ji-/a-, cp. also O.C.Sl. koUku toliku § 89 a. Beside Att. jj/Ao-^- 
f^Xi^ stands {iahxioirrjq Cmore correctly 'tag)' ovraffrj^og. Koi^vtg 
in Hesychius, which points to a form ^stjali-. 

Italic. Lat. homun^-iO 'mannikin' from homO. ^alhi-co- 
'whitish* *nigrico' 'blackish* in aUAcare nigricdre, pris-cv-f* beside 






266 The Suffix 'qO' in a special class of DeriYatires. § 88. 

prius. paucU'S for ^pavi^cos (cp. pauper for ^pam-per). sene^ 
seni'Ca: Skr. sana-kd-s see above, p. 263. 

The usual suffix is ^culo-j i. e. -30- + -/0-, the second of 
which is itself diminutival (§ 76 p. 205 f.). This extension of 
the suffix dates from proethnic Italic, and in many words was 
no doubt intended to revive the diminutival force which at the 
time was disappearing or had quite disappeared. Lat. ovicula: 
*ovica (Skr. avi-M) = lupula : lupa ; similarly paucxdu-s : paucu-s 
= frlgidulu-s : frlgidu-s, 

bu'cula: Mid.Cymr. bu-ch 'cow', su-culu-s: O.Cymr. Au-cc 
'sow', Lat. die-cula^ Osc. zi-cdom 'diem* (the diminutival sense 
of 'Colo- has disappeared). Lat. funi-ctdtis, classi-cula^ sp^cula^ 
nuhE'Cula^ frater^ctUu-s^ amator-ctdti-s^ homun-cidu-s^ aedificCUiun- 
'Culay muS'Culu'S, corpus-adu-m^ arbus-cula^ corctdu-m (i. e. 
*cord + culum). 

Remark 1. The i in crdticula^ febncula^ apicula and similar wordi 
may be variously explained. The first analysis must certainly be cr^ic^ula 
not crdH-cula, Cp. § 89 a p. 271. 

senictdU'S : sefiex^ nigriculu-s : nigricdre^ levicidu^s^ dtdciculu^s^ 
pauperculU'S ^ melius-cnlU'S ^ tardiua-ctdu-Sj (cp. prls-cti^s and 
Skr. anJgaS'kd's). 

Keltic. O.Cymr. hu-cc *sus* Com. ho-ch porcus*: Skr. su- 
"kard-s see p. 263 above; we must no doubt add O.Ir. socc plough- 
share', properly 'pig's snout', see Thumeysen, Keltorom. 112 f.^). 
Mid.Cymr. hu-ch *cow' : Lat. hu-cida. aire (gen. airech) 'princeps* 
for *ariak'S, Skr. drya-ka-s 'honourable man', from aryd- *devoted, 
pious*. Proper names : Gall. Dwicd Divicia^ see above, p. 263. 

Remark 2. Here may also be mentioned O.Ir. menicc Mod.Cyinr. 
mynych 'frequens', though their relation to Goth, manages 'much', and 0.C.8L 
miinogu *muoh' is not clear. Does the Slav, word contain Idg. -^ (§ 91)? 
Or should we regard it as a word borrowed from Germanic? Cp, Schleicher 
in his and Kuhn's Beitr. V 112 f. 

Germanic. A.S. tmc or ^7sc 'tooth' ground-form *dp^JO-, 
see above, p. 265. 



1) Cp. Gr. tV(-( vw¥j 'ploughshare', which is usually connected with 
Z^i (cp. Solmsen, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 81). 



9»». 



The Suffix -qo- in a specifil vlaeD of DGriTatives. 



267 

-qo- waa ailded to -en-, which formed suliatantivee denoting 
a thing or person standing in some characteristic relation to the 
idea of the original word; hence arose in proethnic Germanic 
the suffix -KW-jn- (and beside it -iw-jo-, wth no difference 
in meaning). The siifSx -qo- in this use in historical times 
is merely au amplification of the suffix tu which it is added, 
and has no special meaning of its own ; at most we may credit 
it with some part of the idea of pity or contempt implied in 
words like 0.11,6. arming 'homo pauper, miser' abatisting 'homo 
tnvidos', which are common enough. We may compare the 
relation of O.ll.G. Berhttmg Berhiing : Berhio (gen. Berktin), 
arming: anno (gen, armin) 'poor' witli thut of Gr. Jlvppaxo'c: 
Bvp(Moy. This compound suffix was soon added to stems with 
/-suffixes, e, g, O.II.G. sidd-ing 'settler' from sedai 'seat', edil-ing 
'man of noble blood' from edili 'noble'. Thus there arose an 
bdepeudent suffix -(/J/i/wga- -(Dliwja-, which was fertile in 
N(ffth and West Germanic. 

Remarks. It ia difficult to determine t1ie riilation between -itt^a- 
ud -ui93'i-. The latter form sppenrs to be older, e. g. in tribe namea 
like Greidhangi (A.mm. Marc), The most natural aasamption is that at 
Ute time when the connexion between •iii»^a- and the rii-atema was still 
Koof^nised, e (later i) was introduced through the influence of the caees 
vhioh hod the otrong form -en- (later -in- J. Yet it n quite oonceirable 
Hull -ii»3"- and -13a- were contaminated (g 87 p. 261J, or that -nagn- 
narted from sterna in -in-, which exiated in the pre-Qermanic period (see 
J 115); -jwgo- -h>ga- would come Crom -iwgcr- -iiai/"- just as •j"'^3""J'"*tf"" 
'jomig* from V""3"-i »eo S 83 and I g 179 p. 158; op. Bei-hting, O.IobL 
Birtiitji-r 'a brilliant, famous man' b; the aide of Qoth. bairhtti O.H.O. 
prrnAfi f. 'brlghtnesa'; O.Icel, aprkhiu-r 'wise man' beaide »peke -i f. 'wia- 
dom'- There in a good deal of evidence for the last explanation, which 
tMma to me the be§t; if it be correct, then the -1M31- forms must haTs 
bwn origioallj adjeotival (§ 86 6 p. 259); Rem. i. p. 26S. 

Examples. O.H.G. husingd pi, 'penatee' ('those wlio belong 
to the huuse") O.Fris. hiistng 'member of the household', O.H.G. 
chainarling 'chamberlain' hofl'ling 'courtier', biiring baling Afiwe- 
tin^ 'peasant* from. 6flr, bu 'babitatio', sidiling 'settler' from 
seda/ 'seat', A, 9. bedlin^ 'be who lies lazily in bed, effeminatus', 
O.H.O. sarling 'who is hidden in armour (saro), soldier', fusU- 
ling Mid.H.G, vimtinc 'mitten', Mid.H.G. heiidelinc 'glove', CIcel. 



268 The Suffix -go- in a special class of DeriTatiyes. § 88. 

fingrung-r 'finger-ring\ Mid.H.G. betiinc 'lay brother* from bart 
'beard', O.H.G. wihsding 'changeling, zwineling 'twin', O.Icel. 
vetrung-r 'a beast one winter old*. A^/ifmjr-r 'chieftain, captain'; 
names of families and tribes like A.S. Skyldunjas O.Icel. Sk^ql- 
dungar; A.S. HrSdUnj *8on of HrSdeF; O.Icel. dttung-r 'kins- 
man' from att 'race', O.H.G. chunniling 'kmsman' from chunni 
'race', O.Icel. systrung-r 'mother's sister's son' O.Fris. susterling 
sister's child', O.H.G. sunufatarungo pi. 'the people of the son 
and the father*. These is but one example in Gothic, gadiligg-s 
'cousin': O.H.G. gatiling gatuling O.S. gaduling. 

The use of these forms in the feminine as abstract sub- 
stantives in Norse and West-Germanic was no doubt etablished 
by the same process as in e. g. O.H.G. forahta 'fear' contrasted 
with foraht Goth, faurhf-s 'full of fear' (§ 79 p. 235 f.) ; simi- 
larly Lat. fabrica 'formation manufacture', (from faber) ; cp. also 
§ 158. O.Icel. hadung 'an insulting' from had 'insult, scoflT, 
launung 'secret* from lau7i (the same), with which primary for- 
mations like kvisting 'murdering' (from hmsta *to murder') be- 
came associated. O.H.G. werdunga 'dignitas* from tverd; primary 
in e. g. hantalunga 'handling', from hanfaldn 'to handle'. In O.Icel. 
we have also side by side birfing-r 'bright one' and birting 
'brightness', ginnnng^r 'deceiver, impostor' and ginning 'deceit*, 
and the like. 

Remark 4. If 'h^^O' -1W30-, were deriyed from the suffix -fw- which 
is itself used to form abstract substantives (see Rem. 3), we should further 
have to consider whether the fem. -tfS-gJ-, as in OJceL birting, was not 
formed immediately from the in-stem by the addition of -^e;- merely 
as an amplification. 

Adjectival stems were extended by -30-, e. g. O.H.G. gdra-g 
'pitiful beside Goth, gdur-s 'sorrowful', O.Icel. qrdug-r 'steep' 
beside Gr. otjdo-,^ Lat. arduous (I § 306 p. 241). Here must 
be classed also O.H.G. entrig 'strange' (from ander other*), if 
the termination is Idg. *~tre-q6'^ not *''tr-iq6' (§ 87 p. 262). 
-Ijo- was generally substituted for the original ending as in 
Goth, sineig^s 'old' (contrast Skr. sana^k-d-s p. 263), see § 89 a 
p. 271. 



The Suffix - 



a a, speciaJ class of Derivalivee. 



O.H.O. AlemanD. welSr 'how made?* see above, p. 265. 

Remark 5. The origia of this word is therefore distinct from that 
uf O.B.a. Kit-lVi Ooth. Iiri-leik-s 'what sort of, a compound of Oerm. 
-iika- 'bodj, form'. But the terntinntion -li-gn- was asaociated with this 
by popular etymology, just as in Skr. -i-C'o- -A-l:a- -H-hii- were asBOoiated 
with -QHC- (lee p. 2561. 

Balto-Slavnnic. -uqo iB common to Baltic and Slavonic 
u a <liminutive sufKx. There can be no doubt that it first 
appeared in M-stems, cp, O.CSl. sytifiiit 'little son': synii, gen. 
lym* 'sod'. So Lith. paratuka-s 'little sucking pig' beside parssa-s, 
wied&kas 'little tree' beside medis, O.C.S!, cvitUkU 'floweret' 
^ide ccitii gen. cv6ia. In Slavonic the same suffix was also 
nsed for the extension of adjective stems, yet with the loss of 
vhat was originally its special sense: ttzSHi 'narrow': Armen. 
OBCttJc anjuk 'narrow' (Skr. ((Afi-p'), sladiiku 'sweet' {Lith. saldit-s); 
others are not derived from ((-stems e. g. bridi^cii 'bitter', tSpUkU 
'ornament'. Cp. further Pruss. names like Banduke (banda- 
'useful') Wyrticke {viva- 'mftn*). 

Similarly the diminutival ~'i-qo-^ which first appeared in 
j-ctems, waa extended beyond its original sphere in both Baltic 
and Slavonic. Yet -i-^o- itself is not used with this function, 
bat only -l-q-io- -i-q-ict-, which contains the additional suffix 
-jo-. Proethuic examples are; O.CSl. ovl-ca 'sheep', cp. Lith. 
wsi-k-yne 'sheep-pen': Skr. avi-kd etc., see p. 263 above; 
O.CSl. myS(ca 'arm' orig. 'little mouse, muscle' : Skr. nni^ika 
'mouse, rat', cp. loc. cit. In both these words the original dimi- 
nutival sense was lost. Other examples arc : Lith, ranHke 'little 
liand', kumel\kK 'little (bad) mare', mamlke 'little mother' (in Lith. 
only feminines), O.CSl. kamenXcX 'little stone', korabHc^ little 
ihip", d6(ica collective 'little children' (ditl 'children"), dtXrica 
little door" {dmrl 'door'). Compare also Pruasian names like 
TtoOco (tewn- tflwa- "father"). 

Here should also be classed Lith. -in-inka- Lett. -(i)n-tka- 
in-ika- {I ei^mes from en), combinations of suffixes which denote 
uy kind of relation to the original word, c. g. Lith. darb-iniAkas 
(Lett, da'rbinik-s) 'worker' from ddrba-s 'work', dafi-ininka-s 
(Lett. da>/nVc-s) 'gardener' from dafia-s 'garden', piis-ininka'a 



270 'iqo- -I^a-, 'Uqo- -tiya- and -ff^o- -Sgfi-. § 88,89. 

'owner of half a measure of land, small proprietor , lauk^-iuifikci'S 
'dweller in the fields, countryman , LetUv-ininkc^s a Lithuanian* 
from Letuvd Lithuania, Lett, gudrinik-s 'wiseacre' from gudrs 
wise', sweschinik'S 'stranger* from swesch 'strange', Rldfinik-s 
'man of Riga' from Rtga 'Riga', uppenik-s 'dweller by a river' from 
nppe river*. By the side of this suffix, with a similar meaning, 
stands Lith. -in-yka- Pruss. 'n-ik-i^ O.C.Sl. -fi-tto-, which I refer 
to Idg. -Z30-, see § 89 a. The second part of Lith. 'in^inka- 
should no doubt be identified with Germ. -w»-ja- (cp. I § 249 
p. 204 f.), and it must be assumed that in Baltic there once 
existed forms like *dvarinka-8 *dvarenka^8 'courtier (should we 
add here the forms m(Js^cT *month* ;eo/^df 'hare, which are quite 
isolated in Slavonic?) and that their suffix was confused with 
'(i)n-tka- (dvdrinyka-s O.C.Sl. dvorHniku) producing Lith. -m- 
-inka- (dvarininka-s) Lett, (^'fi-efika-) -n-ika-. 

Remarks. I prefer this view to that proposed in I § 219, 4 p. 186, 
which I have now abandoned, that Slav. -ikU is the phonetic eqniralent 
of Lith. 'tnka-8. I have to thank Leskien for suggesting the abore ex- 
planation. 

§89. 5. ^Tqo — Iqd"^ -Uqo- -ilqa- and -aqo — fljJ-. 
The long vowels preceding the q may, like the i of -{qo- (§ 87), 
represent the final of a noun-stem; but it is not clear in what 
particular words these forms of the suffix first appeared. No 
general definition of their functions can be given. 

a. 'Tqo'. Cp. Skr. dnf-ka- § 86 a p. 256, sdct-ka- sa- 
-patnl-ka- § 866 p. 257. 

Aryan. It is rarely denominative : Skr. and-tka^s 'bearing 
eggs', from andd-in *egg\ More frequently it is primary: Skr. 
df^'tka-s conspicuous' dfS-tka-fn 'aspect' dfS-Tkd appearance', 
Vfdh'lkd'S augmenter', mfd-ikd-m *pity, grace'. 

In Greek it is rare, nigd-l^ 'partridge* (properly 'peditor*^ 
though its resemblance to negdu) may perhaps be due merely to 
a freak of popular etjinology), fiifA^'ll *top'. 

Italic. Denominative forms: umbiUicu-s (cp. Gr. ofLKpako-g^ 
rubr-lcu-s rubr-fcOj lecMca and others. Primary forms: am- 
-f c«-s, mend-lcti'Sy pud-Tcu-s^ and others ; add also pSdtcOre from 



J 69, -iqo- -igS-, -uqo' -wju- and -ti^o- -ffga-. 271 

ft stem *ped-Tco- with the same moaning as p3dex (§ 87 p. 261). 
io- and -t-tc-ia- (cp. -t-ico- § 87 p. 261) are derived sufBxes 
e. g. vovTciu-s, ad-veutTciti-s. Some nouns in -Tqo- have passed 
into tlie consonantal declension: fsllx, pernTx, 

Perhaps we should also class here craticula and the like, 
see § 88 Kcm. 1 p. 26G. 

In Germanic, -rjrt- appears with various functions. It 
forms adjectivfs from eouds, e. g. Goth, ttiahteiij-s 'mightj-' from 
mahti- "might', O.II.G, spensfXff 'allurbg' fnim spaiist f, 'allure- 
ment., pnticement ; here -ija- has taken the place of an older 
-JB- {-»-3a- -a-^a- etc.), eee § 86 p. 259. It extends adjectiTal 
stems without altering their adjectival character, e. g. Goth. 
aHdatiimeig-s:anda-nS>n-s'p\9asiiat\ O.II.G, wrrfryir/wd 'worthy', 
rSUTff-.rekt right'; -3«- has the same function, e.g. in O.H.G. 
g(Sra-ff: Goth, gdiir-s 'troubled', see § 88 p. 268; there can be 
no doubt that in this use also -T^a- has spread beyond its ori- 
ginal sphere, cp. Goth, sineig-s instead of orig. *sene-qo- or 
*9e»o-qo- (p. 263). Finally it occurs as a primary suffix, e. g. 
in Goth, j/alieiff-s beside the older gahig-s, see § 87 p. 261. 

Balto-Slavonic. Both branches have -Tqo- as a secon- 
dary suffix, in substantives which are generally derived from 
■djectives, and e-tpress any kind of relation to the original word. 
In Baltic (Lith. and Prusa.) these forma are nearly always derived 
from nouns with an «-8uffis, Lith. -in-yka-s Pruss. -n-ik-i-s, in 
Blavonic from others also. In Lithuanian -ininha-s is exactly 
equivalent to -inykas, but the two suffixes are distributed 
amongst the various dialects; in some the first, and in others 
the second was alone in use; in many of the districts bordering 
m Slavonian territory the Slav, -fni/i^ may have helped to 
establish the form -ingka-a (there arc a large number of such 
words borrowed from Slavonic, e. g. metelnyka-s 'impostor' = 
PoL mifUlnik). Lith. darbinyka-s beside darhimiika-s, etc., see 
g 88 p. 269 f. Pruss. taukinik-i-s 'vassal, feudal dependant' (Lith. 
iauki»gka-8 laukininka-s), slideritk-i-s 'leading hound', stuhonik-i-s 
fbooth-owner' hence) 'cupper, surgeon". O.CSl. slatikU a gold 
eoin {zlatii 'golden'), slrehritiiku slrehrhiika "silver coin' {sirehriti& 



272 -igo- -IgS-, 'Hqo- -Uqd" and -figo- -flga-. §89. 

'silvern'), knivXniku murderer (kmtanu bloody*), gri^ikU 'sinner* 
(gr^piu 'sinful*), vlcis^iku who has a hairy (clMinU) garment'; 
from participles, e. g. uceniku 'scholar, disciple', {u6enU 'becoming 
learned*) izbranikU 'one elected, chosen' (iz-branU "elected"); 
from subst. e. g. Russ. babik 'fop, ladies' man* (baba 'woman*), 
s^verik north wind* (;^iver 'north*). In Lithuanian we have only 
isolated examples of derivatives without the n-suf&x, as dalyka^ 
'piece, part* from daVi-s *part'. 

O.C.Sl. siku 'talis* (also sici^ cp. IJubimici beside IJubimikU 
and the like) from sX 'hie', tolikU 'tantus' koliku 'quantus*, com- 
pare also veliku 'great' beside velift 'great*: cp. Gr. nTjXixo-^ 
O.H.G. welSr § 88 p. 265. 

Further -iku forms diminutives and pet names in Slavonic, 
as Russ. doniik 'little house* wjaOk 'little baU', Lower Sorb. 
gaiik 'little pond*, gjamyk 'little pot*; Czech VolUe beside Fcrf, 
Vladlk beside Vlad^ Mod.Slov. NanHea 'Annie'. 

Primary: O.C.Sl. -ica, as Ijuinca 'amator*, Sirica 'sacerdos*. 

b. 'Uqo-. Cp. Skr. dnUJca- § 86a p. 256. 

Aryan. Li Sanskrit, it is found primary adjectives con- 
taining reduplicated verbal forms, as dafi'dcii-ttka-s 'biting' (cp. 
dqSuka^s 'biting § 88 p. 264), JO-Jar-ilka'S 'watchful*, vO-vad^ 
^uka-s 'talkative*. 

Greek. It is found in isolated words as a primary suffix: 
mrjiJvS, (Dor. etc. magvt) 'herald', cp. Skr. ca-kar-ti Tie extols' 
kdru'^ 'praiser*. 

Italic. In Latin it occurs a few times in primary use 
e. g. cad-Uc%^s^ fldHc-ia^ and not more often as secondary, e. g. 
aerUca (beside aerugd) from aes^ Uictilca from lac (lact-is). 

In Slavonic it is a primary suffix in a few words, e. g. 
O.C.Sl. f^'1/kU 'tongue, speech* (:Pruss. in^-utr-i-^ 'tongue*), 
vlad-yka 'ruler, lord', Russ. U-yk *hewer*, pol. bzd-yk 'peditor*. 

c. ^dqO'. 

Aryan. Here -aka- is ambiguous, so that no forms can 
be said with certainty to be derived from -^o-. Besides Skr. 
oBrndka-s etc. (§ 86 & p. 267) the following may be examples: 
pavdkd'S Yed. 'clear, pure* (to be read, as the metre indicates, 



m 



The Sttffli -ilgo- -aqil- 



278 



for the pavaM-s of the Mas.), jdlpoka-s beside jalpaka-s 'tal- 
kative', hhVc^aka-s 'beggar'. 

Greek, viQ% 'youth': O.CSl, no»flA^Q 'novice'. I'^ni^fif Ion. 
Suipijl "breastplate", opnjjj Lesb. ogitat 'little sprout or shoot'. 
aii'iif^ 'helmet', nif^t 'wasp', which no doubt is for aif'^x- i, e. 
'i creature that lives in swarm', compare Skr. sabh-d 'assemblage' 
(Joth. sih-ja 'kinsman' (Baunack, Stud, auf dem Geb. des Griech. 
1 25). 

Italic. In denominative fommtioiis: ruerilvu-s from merti-s, 
linffuUlca fniin linfiubi-s, verhSndca from terbitia \ opdm-s is no 
doubt to bo compared with op- oh. -ax is common both in 
primary and secondary use: blbox, lotjitilx, persequOx, mordar, 
audSx, pufftUlx, verOx. 

Old Irish, -ako- ia common tn all Celtic languages, for- 
ming adjectives from substantives, as in marcack Mid.Cyrar. 
tmrchawc 'equester' from marc 'horae', cumacbtach Mid.Cymr, 
kyfofthaiec Com. chefuidoc 'mighty' from cuvtaclUa 'might'. It is 
itlso found in proper names, aa Gall. Dtimnacus Mid.Cymr. 
DyfnaiDC, Gall. Tetdo-hodiaci (pi.) Mid.Ir. Buadhack, Gall. jSewd- 
eS-«; its originally adjectival character appears clearly in place- 
names in -flcKtw like Gall. AvilSrifm i. e, 'praedium Aviti' 
(Zeuaa< 806). 

Germanic. Gotli. ditiBkiJ Luke 8, 42, fem. of dinaha 
'onicus', which is usually adduced here, is most probably nothing 
but a scribe's mistake (perhaps caused by dinChun?). 

Balto-Slavoaic. Lith. tok-g gen. tok-io O.CSl. taM 
'lalis'; similarly kok-a kaJeii 'ijualisP', Jok-s 'any one jakH "qualia*, 
(moks 'of that kind' onako adv. so", dvejika-s dnojctku twofold' 
trt}6ka-» trojaku "threefold'. There are only one or two exam- 
ples to add from Slavonic: e. g. O.CSl. Jedinaku 'aequalis' dni- 
yujto adv. 'otherwise' (cp. Lith. vSnoka-s venok-s "of one kind' 
kUok-s 'of another kind'), but in Baltic this suffix was very 
fertile in forming new adjectives from those already in use to 
fxpress an approach to the meaning of the original: lj\th.j<Mo- 
ta-» 'blackish' OiS'rfa-s 'black'), siV/JMo'fco-s "weakish, rather weak' 



274 The Suffix 'S&O' -«£a- and 'isJco- -iskO-. § 90. 

{silpfia-s 'weak'), satddka^s sweetish, rather sweet' (saldii'S 
*8weet'), didoka-s 'rather large* {dldi-s large*); in Lettish it 
became the ordinary comparative suffix, as in salddk-s 'sweeter 
(sald'S), labbdk'S 'better' (labs). 

-aqo- was further employed in Balto- Slavonic to form 
substantives from adjectives to denote something characterised 
by the quality which the adjective expressed. So Lith. naujoka-s 
O.C.Sl. novaku novice* (Serv. novak new moon') from nauje-s 
novu *new': Gr, I'taf ; Lith. treczioka-s 'threepenny-bit* (strictly 
a coin worth three copper groschen) szesztoka-s (twice as much), 
O.C.Sl. tretijaku 'a three-year-old*; O.C.Sl. junaku a youth*; 
O.C.Sl. biijaku 'fool, blockhead*; finally personal names in -oiti, 
as Buss. Gojaky Czech Lstak, Modlak. 

The difference in accentuation between trejdka-s and 
treczioka-s should be noticed. The Gliding ^) (geachliffen) ac- 
cent in toks replaced the Incisive (gestosien) in consequence of 
the loss of the final syllable, cp. tdkio. 

§ 90. The Suffix -slco^ ^sJca and (in Germanic and 
Balto-Slavonic) -isko — iska-. We have to consider chiefly 
the primary noun -suffix -s^-, which is identical with the verbal 
suffix 'sJcO' forming present stems. Occasionally we meet with 
forms which point to an original -sqo^. I must leave it an 
open question whether to regard these as two entirely distinct 
forms, or to suppose that the velar was substituted for the 
palatal in the original suffix by some secondary process, cp. 
I § 467 p. 342 f. I confess however that the latter view seems 
to me more probable. 

Indo-Germanic. *yf^s^ 'question, investigation, enquiry' 
(cp. Skr. pjrchdmi hatposcd^ y/^preh-): Skr. pfchd-^ Armen. hare 
(gen. harci^ transferred to the i-declension), O.H.G. forsca. *i8''sKd' 
*ais-sM- (cp. Skr. iclidmi 'I long for, desire*, y^ais-): Skr. ichd- 



1) I am very eorry to depart from Dr. Wright's translation of these 
terms in VoL I (p. 558 f.) but the rendering 'slurred' for geschliffen and 
'broken' for gestossen seem to me a little misleading. r. s. c. 



S M. The Suffix -sio- -sSo- and -isk-o- -I'sfrs-. 275 

'loDging, wish", Armen. aic 'enquiry' (only found in the accusative 
and then only in certain phrasea), O.H.G, eisca 'an asking, 
demand in g'. Skr. vSAcha 'wish' O.U.G. wunsc m. 'wish, desire", 
beside Skr. pflficfiflmi 'I wish', y/^^en- 'find pleasure in somethiDg'; 
in Sanskrit, the naaal is due to the analogy of kindred forms 
(Bartholomae Ar. Forach. II 91), *i'3~ch is for *y|(-sA-, and 
for *up^&o-. 
Aryan. There are but few examples to be added froro 
Sanskrit, mtlrcha- weakness' beside mttrchdmi 'I freeze, grow 
t<Mpid' (compare tnilrkfid- 'stupid, dull, unintelligent' which may 
be classed with sargd- and the like, I § 467, 1 p. 343 f.), beside 
tmOr-tds 'curdled'; if Goth, un-tila-malsk-s 'thoughtless' and 
O.Sax. malsc "haughty" come from the same word, its form in 
pr. Idg, would be •»rt^s^-. mISchd-s foreigner, barbarian', 
beside mtfchdmi 'I jabber"; the Pali form milakkha- is still 
obscure, in spite of £. Kulin's attempt to explain it in his 
Ztschr. XXT 327. 

Armenian. See above. Perhaps also p'u^ 'breath, flatus' 
beside pcein 'I breathe, blow", cp. Gr. (fvaxa 'blister, weal' (pvatiij 
'intestine, sausage' beside ipvira 'blowing, blast', y^phu- or spku- 
(tlie weak form). 

Greek. Siaxo-g 'quoit' for *ifni-aKo-g, beside SiKeTy 'to throw'. 
fiffiKij 'fodder, pasture', beside /Soffxcu 'I feed'. 

Here apparently we must class the diminutives') in inw 
(which do not occur in Homer), as naidiaxo-g 'little boy' TtmSitjxr) 
'little girl', otximtog olniaxj} 'little house', /oip/mio-; 'little pig', 
vigtaxi; 'little pitcher'. These may be connected with presents 
in -iiTKtu (like tvpianui), and the (primary) forms on which the rest 
were modelled (cp. ageaxo-g 'pleasing' beside dgiaxia) may have 
arisen when such presents still had the sense of becommg, of 
gradual realisation, compare veavi'axo-^ with Lat. adxtiSscSns. 

Italic. Lat, £sca for ^Sd-\-sca and its opposite pUsca. Also 
vescu-s properly 'eaten away') , beside vescor, if this group of 



1) Janaon, De Oraeci 



276 The Suffix -sio- -a£*a- and -isko- -tska-. § 90,91. 

words contains -sRo- (cp. Osthoff, Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 606; 
Baunack, Kulm's Ztschr. XXVII 561 ff.). 

Germanic. O.H.G. for sea eisca fvunsc Goth, -malsh^ see 
above p. 275. O.H.G. frosk O.Icel. frosk^r 'frog* for pr. Germ. 
*fru/'ska^^ cp. A.S. fro^^a 'frog. — 

Here must be classed the secondary adjectival suffix, Germ, 
-wia-, Lith. -iszka-^ Slav. -TsA;o-. It denotes origin and con- 
nexion, or fitness and quality. 

Germ. Goi\i. judaivisk-s 'Jewish*, piudisk-s 'l&vixo^* O.H.G. 
diutisc 'German'; O.H.G. frencisc 'Prankish', Goth, mannisk-s 
'human', gudisk^s *divine', funisk-s 'fiery', O.II.G. irdisc 'earthly', 
anf arise 'sti^ange', dor/isc 'belonging to a village, rustic, clownish', 
mordise 'murderous', altLse 'old*. 

Lith. prusiszka-s 'Prussian', letuviszka-s "Lithuanian', 
dSviszka^s 'divine', teviszka-s 'fatherly', dafigiszka-s ^heavenly; 
substantives are formed from it by -xo^^ e. g. namlszki-s m. 
namlszke f., 'member of a household', musiszki^s 'one who is 
ours', KlaipSdlszku-s 'inhabitant of Memel', teviske 'patrimony or 
father's house, fatherland, home'. O.C.Sl. rumTsku 'Roman', 
zidovtskii 'Jewish*, kunf^ztsku princely , ddtYsku 'cliildish', fiebeslsku 
'heavenly'. 

The history of this suffix involves considerable difficult)'. 

Remark. It may be suspected that the Balto-Slavonic suffix was 
borrowed from Germanic (see I § 587 Rem. 2 p. 442) : in Romance indeed 
-iitco- (Ital. grechesco, donnesco) was borrowed from Germanic and Slav. 
-flrT Lith. -oriU'S came from G^rm. 'Oria-. It is quite possible that it is 
a compound suffix 'i8-{-k(i- (compare § 86) (cp. Skr. aritds-ha- masUska'); 
and if so it would be a question whether O.H.G. alfisc and other forms 
derived from adjectives did not contain the comparative stem (op. Skr. 
anli/as-ht' p. 264). Finally it is conceivable that it is an analogical mo- 
dification of Idg. 'iqo- (§ 87). 

§ 91. The Suffix -^o- -g<l-. The following forms may 
b(> ciuoted towards proving the existence of a suffix -qo- in 
proothnic Indo-Germanic. 

Skr. drbha-f/a-s 'youthful' beside drbha-s arhha-ka-s 'small, 
young'. Sffoga-m 'horn' may be regarded as derived from a 
form *spia- = (Joth. haurn^ just as O.H.G. scincha f. 'hollow 



891. 



-3"-- 



277 



of the thigh, shank': scina 'leg-splint*, Dan. manke: O.H.G. maiia 
'mane' (Kluge, Festgruse an Bohtlingk, 1888, p. 60). 

Armon. krun-h 'crane': O.H.Gr. ckrana-h A.S. comu-c 
crane" beside A.S. cran Or, yigufiy-q 'crane'. Also srn-kun-R 
(gen. sruHi-c) pi. 'shinbones, calves'? Armen, -k however also 
represents Idg. q. 

In Germanic -ka- ia a common suffix. With chramih 

*e may compare certain other namea of birds, such as Goth, 

oAai-s 'dove' O.H.G. habiih A.S. hafac 'hawk', which resemble 

tirijek bird-names in -y, like xiixxvy- (see Bugge, Paul-Braune'a 

"eitr. SII 424 f.). In other words it has generally more or 

'^Bi of n diminutival force, as O.H.G. armihha paupercula', 

/**Hhha 'ahe-foal', snurihha 'little daughter-in-law', and adjectives 

^ke O.H.G. altUi 'old' O.Sax. luUic CFries. Utik 'small' (cp. Skr. 

*»'iAa-y(i-s). By the side of the O.H.G. scincha mentioned on 

P- 27C should no doubt be placed O.H.G. 2inko 'tooth, prong', 

*"liich is connected with Mid,H.G. zitit O.Icel. tind-r, ground- 

'^rm *denc{-QO; from the stem *dent- 'tooth'. 

In Balto-Slavonic also -go- is fairly frequent; but this may 
**Hially well represent Idg. -g/io-. Lith. iss-ei-gel or isz-ei-ga 
^Xat' beside isz-elti 'to go out', O.C.Sl. slu-ga 'servant' from 
V''~^f/ey- 'hear (slu-Hj'e, slovo etc), stru-ga 'current, slup' from 
»r»y- flow' (atni'/a, o-atrovii etc.). Lith, mddg-i-s m. melSg-e 
^- 'liar', compare -iii-ffa-s in such words as varginga-s 'pitiful, 
"miserable' from varga-s 'misery' (and -j»-A-a-s g ti8 p. 271). 
'J.C.Sl. roz-ga 'twig' beside roxu ra^ti "dis-'. O.CSl. mq.-zi 
*i«n' for -g-ie, cp. Skr. mdnii- Goth, mann- 'human being, 
*taa', Lith. keioer-y-i-s adj. 'of four years', trei-g-y-s 'of three 
Tears' and the like, O.C.Si. ietvri-gu Russ. 6ftver-g Thursday'. 

Bemark. We mast remember that the sufflx -go- may hsve been 
d«Teloped from -qo- ■□ the proothnic period. See I § 469 , T p. 346. 
B)' the side of -go- we may perhaps recognise a similar suffix -gu- Or. 
••pU-^u-: fBi.a-Sa-; 'old' and in Lith. imo-'jit-s 'human being"; ir^iin- 
-fv~; whould Htand beside Lat. prisfo- Tcp. § 135) bb Skr. drbliii'ga' 
beside arb/ia-kd- and as O.H.O. ;iinko beside A.8. luae or lusk § S8 p. 26S. 
K different eiplanktian of -fv- ~^v- is given bf Bezzenberger iti his 
Beitr. IV 345. 



278 Suffixes in -/ . § 92,93. 

n. Suffixes in -i. 

§ 92. In the i-suffixes we have a triple Ablaut: «', ej, oi 
(^-series, I § 311 — 314). $ e. g. in nom. and ace. sing. masc. 
fem. 'is -i-m; ei e. g. in nom. pi. masc. fem. -ei-cs; oi in 
gen. sing. -oi-s. We have not enough evidence to determine 
exactly the connexion between these grades of Ablaut and the 
varying conditions of Accent in the original declension. 

In the proethnic period the i-stems were masculine, feminine 
and neuter. The first two had originally the same declension. 
Differences only arose after the separation of the languages, 
e. g. Skr. ace. pi. dvin m. dvt$ f. 'oves*. 

i-stems often pass into the inflexion of the -F-: -jf^- 
stems (§ 109), and into that of the monosyllabic -7-: -ii-stems 
(§ 109 Remark 2). 

§ 93. The Suffix -i-. This was always a primary suffix. 
It is secondary only in nouns originally belonging to other 
declensions which have been transferred to the inflexion of the 
i-stems. The change of declension is due sometimes to a mere 
association of similar forms which leaves the meaning unaltered, 
as in Lat. nav-i-s ndv-i-um ndv-i-bus ^) (contrast Skr. naii-l ndv- 
'dm ndU'bhjfds) 'y sometimes it denotes a change of meaning, 
the new signification being taken from that of other i-suffixes 
(as 'ti' -wi-), as in O.C.Sl. zestoM 'hardness* from zesfokii 'hard*. 

-/- as a primary suffix is found in substantives and ad- 
jectives. The substantives are most commonly masculine and 
feminine, and they may be either abstract or concrete. 

Indo- Germanic. Substantives. 

Masculine and Feminine *o^m 'sheep*: Skr. dpi'$ m. f. 
(instead of *avi'$ on the analogy of the cases which began with 
avff'? see I § 78 p. 69 f.), Gr. oi-c ol-g m. f., Lat. opi'S m. f., O.H.G. 
ou f., Lith. aol'8 f. (O.C.Sl. ovU-ca § 88 p. 269). Skr. dh-i-^ m. 
Avest. azis m. 'snake, dragon*, Armen. iz (gen. ti-t) 'viper', Lat. 



1) For the transference of -i-stems into the f-declension, see § 109 
Bern. 1. 



«». 



The Sutti - 



279 



<i«jw-i-s m. f. (O.Ir. esc-ung eel', a compouod with esc 'swamp"), 
liith. ang-l-s f. 'adder'; cp. also Gr. j^i-s,- m. f. 'adder, viper' 
i>fi-g m. 'snake, dragon'. Avest. er'3-i-S Gr. op/i-s m, 'testicle'. 
*ps-(-8 m. 'sword': Skr. asl-§ Lat. Snsi-s. Skr. -jan-i-$ jdn-i-$ 
JiveBt. jaini-S f. 'woman', Goth, qins (stem qSn-i-) f. 'woman', 
Vside 8kr. gn-d- etc., see § 60 p. HI. 

yeut. 'o^i- 'eye': Armen. ad-Ji (gen, a^flfi) pi., Gr. tinae 
ftr *ol^-i-e du, n. (Att. rpi-oni'-i,' must have arisen through a 
idsion of ott- = "oqi- and on- ^ ^o^-), in Gothic in and- 
Aiffi-ba adv. 'coming into sight, openly' (for the du cp. 1 § 444 
Hem. 3 p. 331), Lith. aki-s f., O.C.Sl. oci du.; add Skr. dk^ n. 
There were a few other proethnic neuters, as O.C.Sl. tiS-i 'ears' 
Bat only a part of the cases were originally taken from these 
stems, the rest wore formed from atoms in -en- (up. e. g. Skr. ak$n-d 
(mstr.) beside Ak^-i etc., § 114). In several languages, however, 
the i-declension was carried through all the cases and the gender 
was changed. In others however the i-inflexion remained defective. 
Cp. § 114 and Joh. Schmidt, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 16 ff. 

There appears to be no one adjectival stem which is 
found simultaneously in more than one language. Here however 
wo must notice *tr-i- 'three' (cp. Skr. i^-thja- 'tertius' etc): 
Skr. trdy-as loc. (ri-^ii, Armen. ere-R instr. eri-O'f! (I § 263 
p. 214), Gr. rpir^ rjii-(ii, Lat. trSs tri-bus O.Ir. trJ dat. tri-h, 
Goth, preis dat. Pri-m, Lith. trya loc. tri-si O.C.Sl. MJ-e tr^j-e 
loc. M-chU. 

Aryan. Substantives. 

Masculine and Feminine. The suffix is especially used 
to form nomina agentis (m.) and abstract verbal substantives 
(fer more commonly f. than m.). Skr. v-i-$ Avest. v-i-§ m. 'bird': 
Lat. aV'i-s (the loss of the root-syllable in Sanskrit is a trace of 
the Ablaut of the original declension). Skr. kav-1-5 'sage' Avest. 
kav-i-s m. 'king', Skr. gir-i-$ Avest. gai-ri-S m. 'mountain' (should 
we connect it with yui-ii- 'heavy'?) Skr. pa-er-Hm.'husk, covering' 
Avest. vaoiri- {cp. I § 160 p. 144) in M-vaoiri-s 'shelled, without 
shell'. Skr. /?-i-p m. 'singer, sage*, i-?r-/-j m. 'singer of praises, 
arf'i'$ m. 'beam', dhvav-i-^ m. 'tone, sound', nidh-i-s m. 'establish- 



ment, store, treasure* {ni-dha-) ; riic-i-j f. 'gleam, light", kj$-i-i 
f. 'ploughing', r6p'i-9 f. 'violent pain", grdh-i-^ (. 'seizure', ndhh- 
-1-? f. 'middle'. Avest. vaetd-i-s m. 'amiouneer', vair-i-s m. 'canal, 
pond'; baoid-i~s f. 'smoU, perfume' vaid-i-s 'flowing, atream*. 

The dative of the womiwa actionis is used as an infinitive 
in Vedic and Avestic, e. g. Ved. dfidye 'for seeing', yitdhdyl 
'for fighting', Avest, savaydi 'to use' (cp. Bartholomae, Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXVUl 20), 

Neuters, Skr, dk^- Avest, asi- 'eye', see above p. 279. 
Skr. dstlii- 'bone', dddhi- 'curds'. Avest. u§i- 'understanding, 
thought'. 

Adjectives. Skr. hdr-i-^ Avest. zairi-$ 'golden yellow'. Skr. 
itic-i-^ 'shining, pure', gfbh-i-$ 'containing in oneself, kfp^-^ 
'trembling', mdh-i-y 'great'; often in reduplicated forms, as rd- 
-ir-j-K 'making', dd-dk-i-^ 'bestowing', td-tur-i-^ 'overcoming', 
ba-bhr-i-^ 'carrying', da-d-i~$ 'gi\-ing', s/l-sak-l-^ 'conquering, 
victorious'. Avest. darS-t-S 'violent, mighty' e.p. Skr. dd-dkfj-i-^ 
'courageous, bold', Avcat. da-dqS'i-S 'biting'. 

We find a class of words transferred to the i-declension 
in order to denote relation of any kind to the original word. 
In Sanskrit they generally imply origin. The initial syllable 
has the vriddhi strengthening regularly in Sanskrit, and often 
in Iranian. Skr. sdratk-i-$ 'charioteer' from aa-rdtha-s 'ridiag 
in the same chariot", paiirukittsi-^ 'descendant, son of purukiilsa-s'. 
Avest. tnasdat/asni-^ 'belonging to the worshippers of Kazda', 
from maiida-i/asna- 'one who worships Mazda' var'prayni-S 
'victorious' from ver'pra-jan- 'victor', dOstayani-S 'son of rffls- 
tayonor'; O.Pera. patiSuvari-S 'a man from Patishuvar', It is 
difficult to say on what model this class of ibrms was made, 
cp. Lat. deeemjugi-s 'and the like (p. 281). Compare the vriddhi- 
formations in -a- § 60 p. 112 f. 

Armenian. »i (gen. u-i) 'viper": SliT. d3t-i-^ etc., see p. 278 
above, aic (gen. aic-i) 'goat": Gr. uiyi- in axyi-(ioio-<^ 'pasturing 
goats'. From old neuter forms are derived ad-H pi. 'ey«' 
(see p. 279 above) and sirt (geu. srl-t) 'heart': Lith. szird-is 
"heart' beside Goth. kairtS. 



The 8uffii -.*-. 



281 



Greek. Here it is not common. Substantives. Maacu- 
n6 and Feminine, o-i-y m. f., fjr-'-v m. f. oV'v ™-i see 
) p. 27ft f. Tpo;f-'-y m, 'runner', or^^(p-i-g 'adroit, sly fellow', 
m. 'cimex', ep-1-5 f. 'strife: 9kr. dr-i-^ 'enemy'; Tro'p-'-S 
maiden', pa/-'-? f. 'backbone, back', T^^tin-i-t,- f. ship's 
, ftiji'-i-i; f. 'wrath'. There remains one original oeuter, 
ra, see p. 279 above, whilst all the other proethnic neuters 
! class were driven out of use by new formations. 
Tie Adjective rpo'y<-(-B- 'thick, fat, strong' was no doubt 
lally a substantive, 'thick, strong appearance', 
[talie. Substantives. Masculine and Feminine. Lat. 
I m. f., L'mbr. obi ace. 'ovea': Skr. dc-i-i etc., see p. 279 
Lftt. avis f., Umbr. avif ace. 'avea': 8kr. v-i-^ bird*. 
ax-i-s m.: Lith. asz-l-s O.C.Sl. os-t 'axle'; torris m. 
■^fars-), orb-i-8 m., corb-is m. f., crat-i-s f.; ap-i-s f., tmd-i-s 
ab-is f., sit-i-s f., rav-i-s f. Osc. slagfm 'regiouem'. 
Seuters, Lat. mar-e: O.Ir, muir n. O.H.G. meri n. 
sps however the Idg. form is *ma-ri, cp. Gr. (J-pr)j sal'e 
L sal-i; also m.): Armen. a/ (gen. aJ.-i) 'salt', Gr. liic in 
o-g 'sea-purple', 0.0.81. sol-X f. 'salt' ; coticlaD-e, prae- 
t (also praesaep-i-s f.). aur-i-s too was originally neut. : 
EdJr. au 6, dat. pi. auib, O.C.Sl. tiS-i du., Lith. ausA-s. 

Adjectives: rud-i-s, jug-is, dulc-i-s, grand-is, turp-is. 
In Latin the j-declenaion was invaded by a large number of 
■ds which did not belong to it originally, as ped-i-bus, nHv-i-bus 
-i-um ndv-is, jueen-i-s. This is especially note-worthy in 
idjectives, and particularly in compound words. In these the 
W~i- often seems to be merely a sign of their adjectival character. 
rwimiU'S 'like': Gr. bftaXo-g 'even', humi-li-s: Gr. jfffK/wtio'-; 
■^w', see § 76 p. 202 f. in-ermi-s (also m-er»jM-s) from arma 
|pl., exsomnis from somntts, im-belU-a from beUu-m, im^berbi-a 
I (also im-herbus) from barba, multi-formis froii: forma, bi-cornis 
f from cornu. We have examples of a similar transference in 
I o^er languages; witlt the change in itiermis etc. compare 
} especially the parallel change in liisii. 

The proethnic variation between -tat- and -tdti- {clBitOt-um 



282 



The Satfix -i'-. 



aod clvitfUi'Um), noct- and nodi- and the like must have } 
an important factor in enlarging the i-declension. 

Old Irish, aird m. or f. 'p'^int at the comer or eod': 
apd-i-s f. "arrow-point, flting'. aig f. 'ice', muir n. aea" (Grf 
Mori-iasgus): Lat. mare n. O.H.G-. meri n. (though the Idg. I 
waa perhaps "ma-ri); gein n. 'birth', guin n. 'wound', buaid i 
'victory'. 

air-dire 'famed' i-cndirc 'absent': cp. Skr, dft-i-^ 'a aeeiag^d 
maitk 'good' (Gall. Mati-dotmu-s), tats 'soft, gentle' (Gall. Taxi- 1 
magulu-s), tin 'tender' (Gall. Teni-genonia.) 

Adjectives, especially compound adjectives, frequently p 
over to the i-declenaiou ; as S'»irt 'strengthlcss, weak' from n 
'strength', so-choisc 'docibilis' from cose 'an inBtmcting', 
'fearless' from omun 'fear' (cp. Gull. Ex-obnu-s Ex-omnu-s). A1m>| 
substantives, as samail 'likeness, picture' and therefore i 
derivative co-smil 'like'. The same may be seen in Latin (p. 281). 

Germanic. Substantives. Masculine and Feminine. 
The verbal abstract nouns are much more commonly m. than 
f. Goth, batir A.S. byre m. 'son*. Goth. ?tdu-s (ace. pi. 
-wis) m. 'dead man': 0.C.8I. nav-i 'mortuus'. O.H.G. win-i 
'friend': Skr. vasu-vdni-} 'desiring riches' vam'$ 'desire, longing. 
O.Icel. kott-r m. 'one who belongs to a family, relative', elg-r m. 'elk*. 
Goth, balg-s m. 'leather bottle, skin'. Goth, hugs O.Sax. kug-i m. 
'thought, spirit' pr. Germ, */ii3-i-8 , Goth, gums 0,Sax. kum-d ' 
O.H.G. chutit-i m. 'a coming', Goth, tnun-s O.Icel. tnun-r iBi^ 
'view', Goth, slah-s O.Sax. sleg-i m, 'blow' (the diiference betwsMv 
the -k- and the -g- corresponds to the original variation of acoratl 
in the different cases of the same declension), O.H.G. 613 O.SaX. I 
bit-i m. 'bite', O.H.G. fang A.S. fen^ O.Icel. feng-r m. 'capture'. 
Goth. fjiti'S f, 'woman': Skr. -jani-^. Goth, ems f. 'hope' O.H.G. 
tpdn m. 'faith, hope', unless it is to be analysed as *uS-(e)ni- and 
so belongs to § 96 (p. 288). O.H.G. chur-i f. 'choice'. O.H.G. , 
chur-i f. 'choice'. O.H.G. mtrt f. O.Icel. Vrd-r f. fate' pr. ) 
*^ur3'i~s. For the treatment of the nominative ending - 
these forms see I § 660, 1 p. 514, § 661, 2 p. 517. Neut 



. than ^^^ 
>t-iiB.i^H 

E*. 

n. 

i-f ^B 

i 



OS.Q. meri 'sea' (cp. Goth, mari-sdiv-s) : Lat. mare n, OJr. 
win' n. (though perhaps the Idg. form was *ma-ri). 

Adjectival i-Btems were confused with io- stems in pro- 
ethnio and later Germanic. 

Balto-SIavonic. Substantives. Masculines are rare. 
Lith. poy-i-a 'thief; O.C.SI-nap-l'dead': Goth. ?iiiiw 'dead man' (see 
slw'e); O.C.Sl. medo-Cd-l 'bear' ('honey-eater'), cp.Jad-i f. 'food'; 
jiirf-I 'hunger'. The feminine is more frequent. Lith. asz-l-s 
0.0.81,08-1 'axle'; Lat. ax-i-s. Lith.pi7-l-8 'stronghold, castle': cp. 
Skr.pKr-f-j 'town', though these two words may be independent ex- 
tenwons of an orig. stem *pli: Lith.a/-ifo-(-a 'repose, ease', rUd-i-s 
W. O.C.SI. m-1 'He': O.H.G. lug A.S. If/se (pr. Germ. *luzi-) m. 
1»'- O.C.SI. vid-T 'knowledge : Avest. vafUt-iS 'herald'. 0.C.81. 
*M 'urine', o-stei'f 'clothing', ckot-l 'desire, craving', bli^d-i "error, 
•""Mit', rii-l 'speech', podo-teci vodo-todi 'water-courae, channel*. 
■TDe following imply old neuter forma: O.C.SI. da. o£i 'eyes' 
(9' Skr, akst) and tdi 'ears', Lith. akl-s f. and auA-8 f., see 
P- 281. 

Adjectives in -i- are not foimd in the historical period 
*" Lithuanian, so that Lith. dldi-s 'large' loc. didi-mh cannot be 
«8Med here. The word was no doubt a substantive originally, 
Iilte Gr. jaotpt-^ (see above p. 281). In Slavonic too the ad- 
jectives in -I- have died out. Possibly however they are represented 
By indeclinable forms in -T, such as O.C.SI. »s-piS»il beside piUmu 
fill]' sugulA beside siigubU 'doubled', svobotR 'free', which Mahlow, 
(Die lungen Vokale, p. 121) compares with Lat. i»-ermi-s O.Ir. 
^fMrt (p. 281 f.); see however Luskien, Handbuch* p. 72 f. 94 f. 
In Balto-SIavonic, as in Latin, the forms of the I'-declension 
bvaded other classes of stems. E. g. dat. pi. Lith. akmen-l-nts 
O.C.SL kamen-X-mU (nom. sing. Lith. ak-m& O.C.SI. kamg 'stone") 
like Lat. hotnin-i-bus, Lith. nioter-i-nis O.C.SI. mater-i-mu (nom. 
nog. Lith, tM(We' 'woman' O.C.SI. mtiti 'mother') like Lat. matr- 
■i-bus, Lith. debes-i-ins O.C.SI, nebes-X-mfi (nom. sing. Lith. debes-i-s 
m. f. 'cloud' O.C.SI. nebo n. 'heaven') like Lat. gener-i-hus. Many 
words were thus transferred entirely, or almost entirely, to this 
declension, as Lith. daiit-\-B f. 'tooth' (gen. pL dant-H), zqs-l-s 



284 The Suffixes -ni- ^d -eni-. § 93,94. 

f. 'goose' (gen. pi. ios-tl), debesA-s ; O.C.Sl. Tcruv-X f. *blood' (gen. 
sing. kruv'e\ hamen-X beside kamy^ vts-^ village* (Skr. vU-). 

In Slavonic -i- is a secondary suffix in feminine abstract nouns 
like zestoci 'hardness*, from zestoku hard', zele}ii Viriditas*, from 
zelenu viridis', zuK ^wickedness*, from zUlu wicked', topK 'warmth*, 
from toplu 'warm' (cp. § 98). The type for these new formations 
was set by such pairs of forms as da^n^ *gift* and da^nu given*, 
bra-hi *fight' and bra-nu 'fought', p^-ft 'fivefold character, five* 
and p^tu *fifth'. 

§ 94. The Suffixes -«t- (-t^«i-) and -«wi- (-owi-).^ 

The two forms are related in the same way as -no- and 
-enO'. Hence we analyse e. g. *ddni'8 (Lith. d&ni-s O.C.Sl. danX 
gift') as ^dO+eni". Sec § 65 p. 138. 

These suffixes appear to have been always primary. 

Amongst the substantives formed with -nt- -ewt-, the verbal 
abstract nouns are a prominent class, widely represented in 
Aryan, Germanic and Balto-Slavonic. These stand in the same 
relation to the participial suffixes -no- -eno^ (-ono-) as the noun 
suffix 'ti'j which also forms verbal abstract nouns (§ 100), to 
the participial suffix -/a- (§ 79 p. 218): e. g. Skr. lU-ni-^ 'a 
tearing away': lu-na-s *torn away' = hu-ti-} 'call': hu^ta-s 'called*. 
And it is certainly not an accident that these nouns in -ni- are 
most common in the languages in which the t20-stems occupy 
a prominent place among the forms of the infinitive. 

In Germanic and Balto-Slavonic we often find -5wf- instead 
of -n/-. The origin of the -5- is not quite clear. Possibly it 
should be sought in forms like Veuqs-ni'S 'gleam* (Avest. 
raoxSni'§)j cp. -s-fio^ § 66 p. 140 f. With Lith. deksrAs 'burnt 
patch of ground* cp. O.C.Sl. zestu for ^gek-S'tO' p. 79 p. 237. 

Remark. Sometimes it is not easy to decide whether in any particular 
word we have this suffix or an ^n-stem extended by -t- (i. e. transferred 
to the t-dedension). The latter is certainly the case e. g. in Skr. iun^i'^ 
Ayest. 6un-i-^ Lith. «2ruM-i-« Pruss. sutfha 'dog' beside Skr. icd gen. iun^as, 



1) H. Ebel, Die Abstractsuffixe -m and -ant (in Gt>thic), Kulin^s 
Ztschr. y 302 fif. Losch, Die mit dem Suffix Ni gebildeten Verbalabstracta 
im Gotischen, Germania XXXII 223 ff. 



Lit. carn-i-s beiide enrS earn-is, O.C.SL dJn-l 'day' jthu-l 'stag' beside 
gen. itng. dln-e jrlen-t, srWrn-IbeBide Lith, nzirgzi. gen. szfVfzctU, 'hornet, 
fadfly'. Perhaps also in Skr. rf^nf-^ vf$ni-^ 'male, strong, mighty' rfjnf->f 
m. 'ram' AvesL vnrinl-a 'ram' benide Skr, rrsan- 'male', 8kr. prtnt-S 'full 
of love' beaide instr. pren'S 'through love, through affeotion', Or. fffn-f 
(pi. C^.>.i) 'fowl' O.H.U. tii-j. (pi. et-H.M 'eagle' beside Goth, ara, gan. nn'ns 
'«»gle'. Cp. g 65 Item. p. 139. 



g ee. 1. -M.-- C-{?»i-). 

Indo-Oermanic. 8kr. ag-ni-v m. Lat. lg-ni'3*m. Lith. 
ii^-n)-A f. 0.C.81. og'hi m. 'fire'; the reladon of the differcDt 
root-vowels U obscure. Skr. Sr6-ni-$ m. f. 'hinder parta, hip", Lat. 
du-ni-s m. f., O.Icel. hlan-n f. 'hip-bune, liinder-part', Lith. szlaw 
-ni-S f. "hip, upper part of the thigh, shaft-bar (of a carriage)'; 
how IB this related to Gr. xXovi-^ 'oa eacrum'? (cp, the Author, 
Zum iiout. Stand dor Sprachwiss. 1885, p. 70 f., Holthauaen, 
Paul-Br. Beitr. XIU 590). *lU-ni-s f. 'a loosing, tearing loose'; 
Bkr. lu-ni-^ 'a tearing loose, cutting otf', Goth, lit-n-s 'means of 
loosing, ransom' (von Bahder, Verbalabetr, 81, Osthoff, Morph. 
Unt. TV 121). Aveat. raSni-s 'truth' pr. Ar. *raz-niS (I § 403 
p, 298), Goth, r/a-rih-sn-a f. 'intent, plan', V^reg- (A vest. 
rUzayfiti 'he arranges'), 8kr. irSni- 'light, pure' (in hrhii-dant- 
'with bright teeth'), Goth. Ara'wi-a 'pure'; cp, also 0.C.81, sH-nH 
'white' (Kluge gives a different esplanatinn, Paul-Br, Beitr. VIII 
525j. 

Aryan. Skr. &r6-iti-^ m. f. Avoat. srao-iii-S f. hinder 
parts'. Lat, clii-ni-s etc.; aee above. Skr, pdh-ni-$ m. "beast 
of draught', y6-ni-i in, "lap, womb', ghf-ni-$ m. 'heat, sun- 
eJiinc*. Skr. jur-ni-v 'glow', sj"-*'^-^ sf-ni-4 'sickle', fftfi-tit-j f, 
"offensive weapon, missile", ire-ni-$ f. 'row, line', gTr-tii-^ f. 'a 
BwaUowing'. Aveat. raoj-s-ni-s f. 'gleam, brightness", fsno-ni-S f. 
probably 'riches, food, nourishment'. 

Adjectives. Skr. ireni- bright, pure', see above, t6r-7}i-4 
liasteaing', bh^r-ni-$ 'hasty, fiery', pfi-ni-^ "spotted, variegated', 
Avest. raoxs-ni-s 'gleaming, clear'. 

The Aryan suffix -ani- may in some words be referred 
to .y«i- ; perhaps in k^ip-ani-^ f. 'blow' and other words in -ant-. 



286 The Suffix -ni' (-^f-). § 95. 

Compare Skr. -dna- from -^ficJ- § 66 p. 142, and -anti- for -^»t<- 
§ 106. 

Armenian. srun-U (gen. 5rwm-(;) pi. shinbones, calves*, 
compared with Lat. crUs. 

Greek. Here the suffix is extremely rare. For idovi-^ 
see p. 285. sv-vt-q *bereft, mulcted* is a certain example, cp. 
Skr. w-«a-5 'deficient in something' Goth, v-an-s 'absent, lacking'. 
But vvi-g vwi-g 'ploughshare (cp. Solmsen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXIX 81), onivi-g rarity, want' and one or two others are very 
doubtful. 

Italic. Lat. Fl^i&s 'dei silvestres' (Gloss.) beside Faunus^ 
Umbr. fons (pi. foner) propitius, favens', cp. fav-e^^ the 
word seems to have been originally a substantive, meaning 
'favour*. Lat. fy-wi-s m. : Skr. ag-ni-^ etc. see p. 285. pBni-s 
m. f. for ^peS'tii'S beside Skr. pds-as Gr. niog n. 'penis* (I § 570 
p. 427). amni'S m. f. for *a6-fit-s, compared with O.Ir. abann 
'stream' (I § 511 p. 375). funics m. f., /ffit-s m. f., crTni-s 
m. f. 

It is not clear how far the Adjectives in -ni- were brought 
into this class of stems merely through a secondary change 
of declension, cp. § 93 p. 281. cwn-moini'S com-tnuni-s (Osc. 
mufnikad abl. 'communi* see § 87 p. 261) corresponds to 
Goth, ga-mdin-s 'common* pr. Germ. *ja-fwaim-2r. omni-s for 
*op'ni'8j beside ops (cp. Goth, alls § 66 p. 147), s&g-ni-Sy 
leni-8^ muni'Sy im-mani-s^ in-clIni'S and others. It must not be 
forgotten that the uncompounded words may have been origi- 
nally substantives. 

Old Irish, tain 'a harrying, raid* for *tU'ag'ni- or *fM- 
-ag^ni'^ similarly imm-^iin 'a driving, riding' (passing into the 
analogy of the f-stems, see Stokes, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIU 290), 
from V^a§' 'agerc', cp. I § 523 p. 380. buain 'harvesting' for 
^bong-ni^^ beside bongaim 1 gather, make harvest', cluain 
'meadow, mead*, -^wt- may be contained in O.Ir. colinn (gen. 
colno) f. 'corpus, caro' Mid.Cymr. celein Mod.Cymr. celain cdan^ 
which point to ^colani- (or ^colanm-^ cp. § 117 Rem. 3). 

Germanic. The Substantives in -wt- and- stii- are femi- 



1(5,96. 



- (-t.«.-). 



287 



stoe and mostly abstract. 0-Icel. hlau-n 'hip-bone': Skr. ^6- 
-tii-p etc.; see above, p. 285. Goth, siun-s 'looking, power of 
aght, visage, appearance' pr. Germ. •si(3>y-Mf-s , beside Goth. 
tatiwan 'to nee", \rseq-; see I § 441 p. 'All f., § 444c p. 330. 
Goth. anda-viz-n-B 'sustenance, aupport' vdila-viz-ti-s 'welfare, 
good condition' from visan. sSA-w-s 'disputed question', idik-n-s 
'notice, token' i/^de^- deig-, ddu-n-s 'vapour, smell'. Goth, ana- 
•huan-s 'bidding, charge, command' for *-biitsni-, beside ana- 
■imdan , us-beisn-s 'expectation , patience' for *-hllsHi-, beside 
la-beidan (I § 552 p. 404), ga-rPh-sn-s 'intent, plan' (cp. Arest. 
ras-ni- p. 285), rSh-sn-s 'court, courtyard'. 

The adjectival -ni- corresponds to the adjectival -i- {§ 93 
p. 283), and, like -i-, was confused with the jo-decleusion. 
Cloth. hrditi'S O.Sax. iireni 'pure': Skr. ireni- 'bright, pure'; see 
p, 285 above. Goth, ga-mdin-s 'common': Lat. cowi-ffiot«t-s com- 
mni-a, see p. 286. Goth. a«B-S)««-s 'visible', skdun-s 'beautiful' 
Cnoticeable, worth looking at' b^ide O.H.G. scoutv6n)y ar-ni-ba 
idv, 'safely, heedfully'. 

In Balto-Slavonic we find only substantives, which in 
both branches are almost exclusively feminine, often with s or 
(in Slav.) z prefixed (-sw/-, -zni-). 

Lith. M^-ni-s f. 0.C.81. og-tH xa. (the only masc.) 'fire': 
8kr. ag-ni-^ etc., see above p. 285, Lith. bar-n\-s f. 'quarrel' 
0.C.S1. bra-nl f. 'battle'. Lith. hd-nl-s f. 'heel', vil-nUs f. 'wave', 
Mai-ni-s f. root', pus-n\-s f, 'snow-drift', hros-ni-s 'stove, oven', 
itk'Snls f. 'burnt patch of ground* lup-sril-s (and lupasni-s f. 'shell 
peeled off', ziuk-ani-s f. 'step'; the forma are frequently transferred 
to the io-declension (maac), as iitU-sni-s ^au. ziUksnio ^^ imksn\-s. 
O.C.SI. 3(rt-ni stem' stig^X 'way, road', po-jas-nX 'girth', pri- 
•kaz-nX 'tale, history, example', siJ-Mif 'shade' (no doubt to be com- 
pared with Skr. cMtj-d shade', I § 393 p. 293 f., § 414 Rem. 
p. 303 f.), pHr-sni 'song', kU-zni 'deceit', zi-znX 'life', 

§ 96. 2. -eni- {-oni-). 

indo-Germanic, *bham-s : Armen. ban (geu. bani) 
'Ufos\ A.S. bm O.Icel. bSn bTm f. prayer' pr. Germ. *bani-z, 
O.CSl. basiit f. 'fable, spell" (the s is a later insertion). We 



288 The Suffix -«wi- (-owi-). §96. 

may place here, but with more hesitation, Goth, c^'an-s f. 
'harvest, summer (op. asneu-s O.H.G. esni 'day-labourer), Pruss. 
as8~ani'S 'autumn' O.C.Sl. jes-enl f. autumn'. 

Aryan. Skr. -dni- beside -anf- (is the latter for -^nU? 
see § 95 p. 285 f.). i^-dni-s f. 'impulse, motive' Sar-dni-^ 'injury, 
transgression', aS-dni-$ f. 'missile', car-dni-^ mobile', caks-dni-^ 
'brightener, illuminator', rtiruks-dni-^ 'able or willing to destroy'. 
Skr. sarva-ji/dni'S f. 'complete ruin* Avest. zyOni^s f. 'harm', 
Skr. hani'S f. 'abandonment, decrease, loss', gldnp-^ glani-^^ f. 
'relaxation, discouragement'. 

Armenian, han 'Xdyog: A.S. ftgw etc., see above. 

Italic. IjiLt. pdni'S m., also pdne n., beside pd-bulu'tn. 

Germanic. Goth, as-an-s f. 'harvest, summer*?, see above. 
A.S. hen O.Icel. bon bim f. 'prayer': Armen. ban etc., see above. 
The comparison of Goth, ven-s 'hope* with O.H.G. wOr (Bremer, 
Paul-Braune's Beitr. XI 274) is still uncertain ; see § 93 p. 282 
The suffix was fertile in forming feminine abstracts connected 
with weak verbs and derived from the present stem ; these words 
end in -!;«/- -dni- -aini-^ as Goth. Idisein-s 'instruction* from 
Idisjan 'to instruct', lapdn-s 'invitation' from lapOn 'to invite*, 
puhiin-s patience, endurance' from pnlan 'to endure*. The form 
of the suffix was -eni- (as opposed to -o»o- in the infinitive, 
which appears in Idisjan and pulan) : Idisain-s = ground-form 
Holsei-eni'S^ pr. Germ, -ii-ini'^ cp. B. sing. Goth. Idiseipj puldin-s 
= ground-form "^tlUi-mi'S pr. Germ, -ei-inij cp. 8. sing, puldip^ 
lapdn-s like 8. sing, lapop; see I § 142 p. 127. These abstract 
forms were very numerous even in proethnic Germanic; but the 
separate Germanic languages differ in the extent to which they 
made use of the established types. In Gothic the three methods 
of formation were in full use together: the form in -e*n-« was 
the most, that in -^n-s the least common ; further examples are 
af'lagein-s 'remission*, ga^hrdinein-s 'purification', frijdns 'caress, 
kiss', pahdin-s 'silence'. But in High German the only forms 
which appear are those in -7wi-, and these are very numerous; 
but they wore phonetically modified by confusion with secondary 
abstract nouns in -Z«- (§ 115), as O.H.G. toufin and touft 



|J9e,97. The Suffix -«(.-.. 289 

laptum' ^ Goth, ddupein-s, mendin metidi joy', resthi restl 
'real, repose'. 

Balto-Slftvonif. Pruss. ass-ani-s (J.C81. Jes-etfl I". "autumn'P, 
see p. 288 above. Worda m which the suffix was contracted 
with the Towei CDtliug of the steni to which it waa added, often 
Aqv an ineei'ted s (s), Lith. d&ni-s dSsni-s f. O.C.Sl. danX f. 
'pft'. O.C.SI. basni f. 'fable, spell': Armeo. ban etc., ace p. 287 
i^ve, j»'&-stan^ f. 'omiaaion' from prS-stati 'to omit, ceaao'; «o- 
dizH^ 'hope' fnim dSH 'poncre'. Theae nouiia are alao formed 
from derivative verba, and are based upon the atem of the 
nJimtive; as bojaztii f. 'fear' (bojati «f), kajaznt f. 'repentance' 
^jati «0, prXjazm prijaznX f. 'love, friondahip' (prijati prijati), 
Mistii f. 'paiti, Bickneea' (hoUHi). Compare Pruss. biOsna-n ace, 
'fear* beside hid-twei 'to fear", eb-^igndsun-n aec. 'blessing' beside 
hesigtUIt-s part, 'blessed'. 

§ 87. The Suffix -mm'-. There are a few original sub- 
Btantives in which -mi- is primary, but the suffix never became 
fertile. Nearly all apparent examples from later periods are 
obviously nothing but -ino- -md- forma which have passed into 
the i-declension. 

No general definition t*u be given of the function of this auflfix. 

Indo-Germanic. *9^-mf-s 'worm' (compare Lat. cw-po-s?): 
Skr. if-mi-$ m., O.Ir. eruitn f. Mod.Cymr. priff pr. Kelt. *kuri- 
•mi-, Lith. kirmi-s, gen. kirmio, transferred to the io-declension 
[and now obsolete) from which was formed hir-m-ele (§ 76 p. 212). 
With the same suffix, and formed in imitation of the word 
'qi'-mi-s, but from other raots, we have Lat. ver-mi-s m. 
OJLO. »pwr-m (pi. iPMnni) m.'worm' and Qt. 'tl-/ii-i^ f. 'intestinal 
worm'. *ui-«ii-s: Skr. ilr-inl-$ m. 'wave', A. 8. ivielm ict/hn m. 
'veiling up, wave' pr. Germ, *(fo^mi-^ (I § 'MG p. 243). Aveat. 
dd-mi-i 'creation, creature' {dami-dsta- 'gracious to created 
beings'?). Or. !^^-flt-c f. (with secondary formations which have 
invaded its declension) 'ordinance, right', i/^dM 'set, establish*. 

Aryan, Skr. k/-mi-S, ilr-nil-S, Aveat. dd-mi-S, see above. 
9kr. bkii-mi~j f. (also bktlml-, see g 109 Rem.) Avest, bu-mi~§ 
t O.Pers. butni- f. 'earth'. Skr. roi-mi-$ m, 'rein, strap', tfir-JMi- 



290 The Suffix -r#- (-f ri-) and -li- (-«»-j. § 97,98. 

'action, performance' in tuvi-kurmi-s 'mighty in action', sur^fni'^ 
f. 'light, shining flame'. Avest. da-mi-S (dq-mi-Sj see I § 200 
p. 169) f. 'wisdom, insight*, from dd- 'know, understand'. 

Greek. iX-fti-^; ^t'/ta-g, see above, (pij-fifq 'speech, talk, 
report* beside </'//-/«^. 

Italic. Lat. ver-mi-s^ see above. A change from the o- 
to the f-declension produced iVi-ermZ-s, suh'limi''8 and the like; 
see § 93 p. 281 and § 95 p. 286. 

Old Irish, cruim^ sec above, cndim m. 'bone* pr. Kelt. 
*c«(I-mi-, beside Gr. xvjj'^tj 'shinbone', compare Aeol. xva-iu-v 
ace. (pi. Ilom. Y.vrjuidiq) 'greaves'. 

Germanic. O.H.G. wur-m^ A.S. wid-mj see above. By 
a change from the o- to the t-declension, Goth, hdi-m-s f. village' 
beside pi. hcn-md-s, ar-mi-ns m. ace. pi. 'arms' beside the old 
o-stem O.H.G. aram O.Icel. ar-m-r (§ 72, 3 p. 171). 

O.C.Sl. sedmib f. 'the number seven', ostnt f. *the number 
eight' were formed from the ordinals sedmu, osmu on the analogy 
of p^ft : pqiii and so forth. 

§ 98. The Suffixes -ri- (-fW-) and -»- (-JZt-)^). 

There are a few original nouns in which these suffixes are 
primary, -li- is very fertile in Italic. A large number of the 
examples of -ri- -li- which date from later periods, just as those 
of -wi-, arise simply from the transference of other stems into 
the i-decleusion. 

No general definition can be given of their function. 

Idg. -W-. Skr. di-ri'S f. 'the sharp side of a thing, corner, 
border, cut edge*, Gr. un-gt-g f. 'point', esp. 'hill-top* ox-qi-^ f. 
'point, comer, border, Lat. oc-ri-s m. 'hill-top'; compare Gr. 
ax-(^o-c etc.; see § 74 p. 184. Gr. Id-pi-g 'knowing', O.Icel. 
viUr 'wise* (pr. Germ. *uit-ri-z)^ y/^U^ld-. Skr. vadh-ri-i^ 'gelded, 
castrated' Gr. hiy-oi-^, the saino (cp. G.Meyer, Gr. Gr.^ p. 68). 



1) C. Yon Pucker, Die [lat.| nomina derivata auf 'alia (^-arh) und 
-ar/MS, Kuhn'8 Ztschr. XXVII 113 ff. 



-li-, Lat, (Otis quali-s, O.C.SI. totl adv. 'so much, tantum' 
'kott adv. 'liow much, quantum", and (derived from -^i-atemB) 
Gr. Tijli-M-^- nijii'-xo-tf, O.II.G. Alomann. wdSr so/?r, O.C.SI. 
liilika kolikft; see § 88 p. 265, § 89 p. 272. 

Aryan. Only the evidence of the kindred languages can 
determine whether in any particular word we have Idg. -n- 
tr -li-. 

-ri-. Skr. 6i-ri-s see above jT-rS-^ 'flowing water", beside 
fi^A-s 'lively, rough": Lat. t'l-refi O.C.SI. ii-rfl, see § 74 p. 182 f. 
kubk'H-'' with the some meaning as iubh-rn-s 'gleaming, beautiful' : 
Armen. enrh 'pure", see § 74 p. 183. jis-n'-s with the same 
meaning as us-rd-s 'of the morning' (adj.) : Gr. ttv-p-io-t; see § 74 
p. i81. 

-li-. Skr. t4-li-$ f. 'brush', beside tu-H f. 'cotton, wick, 
bniBh' ta-h-m 'panicle, tuft': Gr. li-kt} r6-l?}, see § 76 p. 198. 
8tr. dka-li-$ f. 'dust': cp, Lat. fulJgD 'soot', Lith, dlilkd f. 'mote'. 
Iveet. tiy-ri-s m. 'arrow, missile' beside iiyra- 'sharp, pointed' : 
Goth, stik-l-s, § 76 pp. 200, 207. 

In the following examples it is not clear whether the sufflx 
originally had r or I. Skr. bhu-ri-s 'abundant, great, many", 
aeut. bM-ri Avest. hnirl. Skr. dragh-ri-^ m. "foot", oaoi-n'-p 
m. f. 'rib', iib-hri-^ f. 'hoe, spatula'. Avest. maoiri-S m. 'ant' 
for pr. Ar. *ffl(iif-n-s (I § 160 p. 144), cp. Skr. vam-rd-s m. 
vam-ri f. 'ant'. — Skr, afag^-rl-i n-^gti-li-^ f. 'finger' beside 
aagu^a- Avest. a^guSia- m. 'toe'. There are also a few ad- 
jectives in -Mri-j(, where we can hardly assume either -jri- or 
-(/i-, a8 sdhiiri-s 'mighty', jdsuri-i "exhausted, weary'. 

Greek. Here it is very rare, ax-(H-^ oK-(ii-g, iS-Qi-g, see 
above. No doubt we should add ti|Sp«-?. 

Italic. Lat. oc-ri-s m. , Umbr. ukri-per ocri-per 'pro 
oore': Or. oK-pi-s', see above. Lat. ui-ri-s m., to be compared 
perhaps with uterus, sec&ri-s, cp. figara and similar forms. 
liat. sac-ri- (e, g. sa<rem porcuin) beside sac-ro-, Umbr. sakre 
a. 'sacrum, hostia' beside sakra saeraa", Lat. acer acri-s, 
beside Or, dx-ffo-g; Osc. akrid 'acri' or 'raptim' might also be 
referred to a stem akro- (cp. amprufid 'improbe'). Lat, put- 



292 The Suffixes -ri- (fr/) and -li- (-JZi-). § 98. 

-W-s. Umbr. pacrer pi. 'pacati, propitii', cp. Goth, fag-r-s 'sui- 
table' pr. Germ, ^fa-^-rd-s § 74 p. 187. Cp. -6r»- beside -bro^ 
in anclabri'S etc., § 77 p. 215. 

In Italic tali'S quaU-s (p. 291) served as the types for a 
large group of adjectives; as Lat. cBqudli-s, llberali-s, nCUdli-s, 
venali'S^ vitali-s, ddtalls; Umbr. ver/ale Verbale, templum\ 
sorsdlem *porciliarem', Tefrali abl. *Tefri proprio*; the change 
of Z to r by dissimilation seems to have taken place in pro- 
ethnic Italic when there was already an ^ in the word (cp. 
I § 269 p. 217): Lat. alari-s, palmari-s, mUitdri'S, lUndri^s, 
llmUiari-Sy Umbr. sfaflarem *stabularem\ The analogy of vtta: 
vTtali'S gave rise in Latin to the forms fideHs (fid^-s), famHicH'S 
(fames) \ ovTli-s (ovi-s), hostllis (hosti^s), and then further, 
to virJli'S (vir)f imerlli-s (pt4er), hasttU-s (hasta); tribuU-s 
(tribu-s), Iduli'S (TdUs) pi.), whence pedrdi-s (pes). Cp. Gr. 
ToTo-q noTo'C : ttuvtoTo-^ akXoTo-c: § 63 Rem. 2 p. 128 and O.C.Sl. 
takil kalcH : jedinaku drugako § 89 c, p. 273. 

-//- in I^atin adjectives frequently arises from the transference 
of o-stems into the f-dedension, and the group of original forms 
in dli'S (-eli-s -iU-s 'Uli'S) may have helped to effect the change. 
simili'S: cp. Gr. hjnaXo'C (in Celtic also an /-stem, O.Ir. samail^ 
see below), hiimili'S: cp. Gr. ;^^«^/aAo-i,*, pestili-s etc., see § 76 
p. 202 f. 205. Further agili-s: Skr. aprd-s, bibUi-s, coctili'S 
etc., p. 204. Cp. also stabili-s ndbili-s etc., § 77 p. 215. 

There is one substantive in -/i-, Lat. WlBs pi. m. 'wen on 
the ncek*, for HonS'li-^ from tens- *stretch* (Goth, at-pinsan *to 
draw towards on(>*, Lith. tf^s-ti *to stretch by pulling*); td^nsUlae 
'tonsils' points to an older form Hons-lo- or "^tons-Id-, 

Old-Irish. All the apparent examples of this suffix known 
to me may have originally been ro- /o-stems (cp. § 93 p. 282). 
leir 'diligent', duil f. 'creature, element* (beside del/), biaily gen. 
fe^ia, f. axe', samail 'likeness, picture' with the adjectives 
derived from it, as co-smil 'similar': cp. Lat. smili-s. 

In Germanic the suffix is extremely rare, and forms only 
jidjoctives, in which as in other i-stems, there is a confusion 
with the /o-declension. O.Icel. vit-r 'wise': Gr. TJ-pi-c, see 



^A_ ^«^1. 



'thin'. 



, 230. Goth. 



* ■flectinj 



periahable' O.Icel. r,yr-r 



Balto-Slavonic. O.CSl. tm-rt f. 'ravine. Lith. «hj-/1-s f. 

O.C.SI. qg-tl m. 'coal". O.CSl. by-ti f. "plant, vegetable' beside 
pftrt. &y-fii, r^b-tl f. 'bud, shoot', so;)-^? (beside sopSti) f. 'flute', 
^bAcA-A f. 'dry wood, bruahwood' beside u-s^h-lu 'dry' (cp. 

[ § 588 Rem. 2 p. 444), tek-H I 'reaic*, pniperiy outflow", bp- 
tlide part, tek-la. In -S-li- (cp. -S-Zo- § 76 p. 212 f.): gyMti f. 
"destruction', kqpili f. 'batli', pe6atl f. 'care, grior, sop&U f. 'flute', 
0eiritf f. "flute', o6j"K^ f. 'dwelling', ofiwf^ f. 'shoe', rf^^ft f. 'deed'. 
-s-/t- (cp. -s-lo- g 76 p. 211): jasli pi. f. 'crib' for *St'S-li- 
beside jastii 'he eats', gqsli pi. I", 'zither' beside gqdq 'I play on 
the adther", mysti f. 'thought' beside Goth, ga-mdud-jan "to remmd', 
OtS-raslf f. 'aprig' beside raslq 'I grow'. Some of these fomiB 

(rith -li- must no doubt be explained in the same way aa ies- 
fear {§ 93 p. 278. 2S4); lopli (beside topm) has already been 

uontiuQed in that uection. 

§ 99. The Suffix -/*-, In Indo-Germanic this was a 
common primary siiffis, and formed feminine nomma adionU. 
I Aryan, Balto-Slavonic, (and Keltic, cp. ij 156) regular in- 
Bnitives were developed from these abstract verbal nouns: e. g. 
Ikr. pitdg-e G.C.Si. pi-ti 'to drink'. 

Here and there we find nomina agenth also formed with 
-(/-, and some of these occur in more than one language ; as Lat. 
ho3-ti-s Goth. <}as-t-8 O.C.SI. gos-tX, 0.1r. laid O.C.SI. ta-tt All 
these forms may originally have been nomina actionis, the word 
which denoted a state or capacity being applied to the person 
in whom it was realised; thus Skr. cHti-^ f. 'understanding, state 
F beiug intelligent' also means m the Rig- Veda 'he who is in- 
lelligent'. And even adjectival stems, like Skr. p&-ti-^, 'stinking', 
were developed from these abstract nouns. Cp. § 80 p. 238 f., 
g 108. 149. 155. 

In denominative abstract nouns, -fi- is rare; examples are 
nerals like *pa3q-ii-s 'fivefold character'. The -ti in Skr. 
Id-h' seems to be connected with thia use of the suffix. 



294 'ti' in Primary Abstract Nouns. § 100. 

§ 100. 1. -ti' in primary abstract nouns (nomina 
actionis). 

The root-syllable nearly always has the vowel in its weak 
grade. The accent is sometimes on the suffix, sometimes on 
the root, and in Sanskrit and Germanic the same word often 
shows both, as Skr. mati-^ and mdti'^^ O.H.G. gi-burt (pr. Q-erm. 
^burdl') and Goth, ga-ba^rp-s (pr. Germ, ^birpi-). It is there- 
fore probable that originally the accentuation varied in the 
different cases and corresponded to the different grades of the 
root; say nom. sing. *min-ti-8 nom. pi. *m^^'-es. In the pro- 
cess of levelling, the weak form of the root-syllable generally 
prevailed, and as the same readjustment happened also in the to^ 
participles (§ 79 p. 221), the two are no doubt connected. In 
the Slavonic infinitive, ^fnin-ti- was the type usually followed; 
which is due to the influence of the supine in -tu (§ 108). 

These ^f-stems were extended by the suffix -en-, and hence 
were formed a large class of abstract nouns in Italic and Keltic 
such as Lat. men-tid beside m5ws*), O.Ir. er-mitiu 'honour'; these 
were not unknown even in Germanic and Greek, cp. Goth. 
ra-pjd = Lat. ra-tiO^ and Gr. ^oTtv^ij. Cp. § 115. In Italic 
and Keltic a large proportion of the ft-abstracts were replaced 
by this newer formation. 

These nouns could be derived from any form which served 
as a verbal stem, not merely from the root (in the strict sense 
of the word); hence words like Skr. iHdi^tu^ f. 'speech* (beside 
part. ndi-td'S)^ Lat. mofii-tio (beside moni-tU'S) and Gr. opee-oi-g f. 
'seeing', Lat. satids occupatio, O.Ir. saigid 'a searching', Lith. 
sedeti O.C.Sl. 8^d6ti 'to sit'. 

The addition of -ti- to the stem of the thematic present or 
aorist as in Skr. romd-ti-s Gr. ku/e-oi-^ was no doubt a secon- 
dary developement, although perhaps it may have begun even 
in the proethnic period; cp. -e-to- § 79 p. 218 f. 

Indo-Germanic. *8rU'ti'S f. 'a flowing, streaming* from 



1) Leo Meyer, Die latcinische Abstractbildung duroh das Suffix fron, 
Benfey's Orient und Occident II 586 ff. 



-ti- in Primary Abstract Noi 



V^srejf-: Skr. sru-ti-S Gr. pu'-m-f. 8kr. ju$-fi-S f. 'mark of 
Affection. faTour*, Gr. ytvat-g f. 'tasting, taste' (a later formatiou 
from ytviu for 'j'edW), Goth, ga-kust-s f. "trial, testing', \/*'gey8-. 
Skr. Hdki-s f. 'a leading, carrying', Lat. vecti-s m. 'lifter, lever' 
vectid, inf. Lith. cfo^' O.C.SI, cesti 'to carry, vehere'. *qi-ti-s f,, 
from v^yei-: Skr. upa-citi-i 'requital, punishment', Gr. ri-m-g 
'estimate, atonement, punishment' ano-iiai-g 'requital, punishment'. 
Avest. vai'-ti-s f. 'willow twig', Lat. vJ-ti-s f., O.Ir. fsith f. 'sinew', 
Xith. B^-ti-8 f. 'twig of willow-tree' O.C.SI. w'-ff f. 'res torta in 
xuodum funis' pa-viti f. no doubt = 'vitis', inf Lith. v^-ti 
O.C.S1. ei-ti 'to wind, turn'. Skr. vitti-s 'consciousness, the fin- 
ding, becoming possessed of a thing'. Avest. e-visti-i f, 'ignorance', 
Lat. t>isi6 f., O.C.SI, za-vistX f. 'envy, hatred' visR f. 'news', 
V^tfei'i- 'videre'. *bhf-ti-s f. from y/^hher- 'ferre': 8kr, bhfii-^ 
*carrj'ing, austenance, support', Lat. fore, O.Ir. hrith inf. 'to carry, 
^tarrying", Goth, ga-ha^rp-s O.H.G. gi-hurt 'bu-th'. *dhfe-ti-s 
fcoldness' from y/^dhers- 'be bold': 8kr. dkf^fi-$ 0.11.0. ga-turst. 
'Gr. afitXit-i; f. 'milking', Lith. inf. mUsz-H 'to milk', y/^melg-. 
'ggi-ti-S f. from y/^gem- 'go, come': Skr. gdti-$ (older *ya((-, 
«p. 1 § 230 p. 196). "gait, going', Or. ^n'm-^' (older *fiari-, cp. 
1 § 235 p. 198 f.) 'gait, step", Lat. in-vrntio, Goth, ga-qump-s 
a meeting' O.H.G. cumft CMn/( 'a coming' and O.Icel. sam-ktmd 
meeting' (the difference is due to ihv variation of accent in 
'proethnic Germanic), Lith. pri-gimti-s innate peculiarity' (cp, 
a § 249 p. 204). Skr. ma-tH md-ti'^ f. "thought, mind", Gr. 
fair-Ti-i; m, 'one inspired, seer", Lat. mens men-tio, 0.1r, er-mitiu 
noDOur', (Joth. ga-mund-s f, 'remembrance' ana-minds f. 'gueBs", 
Ijth. Qt-mint\~8 f. 'memory' O.C.SI. jia-m>fl f. "remembrance', 
■^men- 'reflect'. *gp-ii-3 *g^ti-s *gen-ti-s from y^^ew- 'gignere': 
Skr. /iMi-^ f. 'birth' Aveat. fra-zaatti-s f progeny, children', 
IjbX. gens nattS (cp. gnatu-s natu-s: Skr. jatd-a). ^Jc^s-ti- from 
Y^&ens-: Skr. iasti-^ "praise, glory*, Lat. cSitsio (instead of 
*ctns-tia, cp. cSnsu^s § 79 p. 223. 230). *peq'ti'S f. from y/^peq- 
Mok': Skr. paktl-f 'cooked dish', Or. 77ftfii-u; "cooking', Lat, 
ncti5 for *cuec-tiS, O.C.SI. pestt 'fireplace' pesti inf. 'to cook'. 
'■d + li 'd^ti *dd-ti f. from v^rffl- 'give': Skr. bMga4ti-$ 'gift 



296 -ti' in Primary Abstract Nouns. § 100. 

of fortune' diti'S 'riches, possessions' ddti'tdra-s 'loving to give, 
generous', Gr. doOi-q duiri-g 'gift', Lat. datid dds (gen. ddtis), 
Lith. d&ti'S O.C.Sl. doH gift'; inf. Litli. duti O.C.Sl. daft 'to 
give*. *dhd'ti' *dhe'fi' f. from y/^dhS *ponere': Skr. d^vd-hiti'S 
'divine law, ordinance', Avest. ni-daiti^S f. 'laying aside, drawing 
off (of clothes), Gr. .Vfai-^ 'setting, arranging, position', Lat. 
con-dim, Goth, (ja-dep-s (st. -d^di-) O.H.G. tat Meed', O.C.Sl. 
blar/O'ddti 'benefit, favour'; inf. Lith. deti O.C.Sl. d^ti 'ponere'. 
Skr. dp-ti'^ 'reaching, attaining', Lat. ad-eptio for *'ap'tid, Skr. 
sj/U'ti'S f. 'a sewing, bag', inf. Lith. siu-fi O.C.Sl. si-tl 'to sew*. 
*ple'ti-s f. ^filling' from plS- 'fill' : Skr. prcL'ti-^, Gr. TiXrjOt-q (late), 
Lat. eX'pletio, Skr. prd-jna-fi-^ f. 'recognising' jfia-ti-^ m. 'kins- 
man', (ir. yvto-ai'^ f. ^knowledge', Lat. no-tid, O.H.G. ur^chndt 
f. 'agnitio' (ground-form ^gfte-ti-), O.C.Sl. po-znatX f. 'cognitio'; 
cp. Av. a-zahdi'S f. 'knowledge, understanding', Gt)th. ga-kunp-s 
f. 'acquaintance' (abstr.) ga-knnd^s f. 'a making acquainted, per- 
suasion' O.H.(r. Ivunst f. 'wisdom, mental capacity*, O.C.Sl. 2f-/T 
m. 'son-in-law* (cp. Lith. senta-s 'son-in-law', Gr. yvmrog 'near 
relative'). 

Examples of -g-//- are given under the separate languages. 

In Aryan -ti- is a living suffix. Skr. ^ru-tU^ f. *hearing, 
sound, news, tale' Avest. fra-si'iliti'S 'recitation, declamation': 
O.C.Sl. inf. slu'ti 'to be called, nominari' x^JUe^-. Skr. soma- 
-suti'S f. 'pressing of the soma' s^A-ti-^ Avest. huiti'S 'pressing, 
preparation (of the soma)'. Skr. huddhi-^ f. insight, observation, 
understanding Avest. paiti-busti-s f. 'observing': Gr. nvfTTi-g f. 
'inquiry, news', y^hhe^dh', Skr. uii^^ f. 'going* Avest. paitUi-§ f., 
i. c. paitUi'S, \i running against, regret': Lat. i-tid, Lith. 
pri-eitl-s f. 'suburb', \^ei- 'ire'. Skr. ksi-ti-^ Avest. Si-ti-i f. 
'dwelling, settlement' Gr. xTZ-ai-i,' f. 'founding of a colony*. Skr. 
di^'ti'S f. 'direction, dictate' Avest. d-dis-tUs f. 'direction, in- 
struction' : Gr. dsT^i'c; f. 'showing', Lat. dic-tid, O.H.G. in-ziht f. 
'accusation'. Skr. bh^-ti-s f. 'carrying, sustenance, provision* Avest. 
ber^ti'S f. 'offering, fostering care': Lat. fors etc., see above 
p. 295. Skr. df^-ti-^ df^-fl-s Avest. darS-ti-s f. 'seeing': Gr. 
iigS^i'g f. 'seeing, x^derk-, Skr. apa-^pti-S f. going out, de- 



S 100. -U' in PrimarT Abstruot Nouus. '29 1 

partnre': Gr. Iprpi-,,- f. 'creeping', Skr. gd-ti-^ f. 'a going' Avont. 
€titci-gaiti'k f. 'arrivftl': Or. ,'ia'-(jf-i; etc., y/^ gem-, see abitve p. :*fl5. 
Skr. rd-ti-^ rdn-ti-$ f. 'a pleasant tarrying, pleasure, delight': 
Or. epnti-fifiyno-c 'taking pleasure in aong", Litli. inf. rim-ti 'to 
be calm in spirit*, y'^rem-. Skr. ka-li-^ f. 'blow, killing' d-hati-^ 
ti-hanti-9 f. 'inviolabilitj-' Xvcst. jatti-s jainti-s f. 'striking, kill- 
ing': Lith. ap-gititi-s f. 'vindication' inf. giU-ti 'to tlrivo (cattle)' 
O.C.SI. inf. 2{-(t"to hew, mow', v'^a^"'-- Skr. ^s-(/-j f. 'praise, 
glory' Avpst. sas-ti-s f. 'inattuction' : Lat. cSnaiO, eeo above p. 295. 
Skr. ni-^ttl-^ test, inactivity': Lat. sassiS Lith. sis-ti (J.C.81. 
«&f( 'Ut sit', \^sed- 'ait'. Avest. nea-spaSti'S f. 'espying': Or. 
«n(^V'*v 'inspection, examiuation' (insteft<i of *(ijj(Si-c), Lat. Tii-speHiS. 
Skr. stM-ti-^ {. Avest. staiti-s f. 'standing': Gr, acd-tst-,; "poai- 
don, place, uprising', Lat. sta-tiS, O.H.G, sta-t (pi. steti) f, 'place, 
O.C.SI. po-statT f. "pars, modus' inf. Lith, sto-ti 'to tread' 
.C.81. $ia-ti 'to place oneself; a form *-si-(i-, to be compared 
ith Skr. -Hi- 'g^ft' (p. 2!*.'j f.), may be concealed in Germ. *fir-ati- 
roof-ridge" (cp, § 4 p. il), which would then be parallel to Skr, 
<avyi-^ar- i. e. -st^-tar- (§ 122). Skr. mi-ti-^ f. 'measure, 
torth, right judgement': A.8. mig-d f. 'measure, relation", \/"m^. 
Ikp. bhak-ti-$ Avost. bax-ti-s f. '(iistribution', ^^hhaq-. Skr. 
J-fl-^ Avest. is-ti-s Ts-ti-S f. "wish', V^ajs: Skr. f^-tH f- 'offer- 
Bg*, \/"iag~. Skr. ghra-ti-^ f. 'odour, smell' beside parte, ghra- 
id-s. Avest, SiffUi'S (gen. SatOis) f. 'well-being, place of delight, 
home' O.Pers. Hya-ti-S f, 'place of delight, dwelling-place pr. Ar. 
'eyCt'ti': Lat. qvUs, gen. quietis, Idg. jic- 'be at ease'. Avest. 
'gaiti-s f, 'life' : cp. Gr. ?,^ 'he lives'. Avest. upa-maiti-s f. 'a 
iraflhing', beside 8kr. snn-ta-s 'washed'. We may add a few 
more examples of the variation of the accent in Sanskrit (there 
ire more words with the accent on the root-syllable in classical 
Banskrit than in Veda): ffp-tl- tfp-H-, l:Tr-ti- ktr-H-, hkn-ti- 
\h6-ti-, ht-ii' M-ti: Masculine and Adjectival forms are rare; 
besides those given under Indo-Germanic cp. Skr. dh6-ti-^ m, 
shaker' (f, 'shaking', Gr. ttS-ai-',- f. 'raging, roaring'), vdj-fi-j 
'desirous', Avest, rai-ti-§ m. 'distributor' (f. 'distribution, alms', 
Bkr. ra-a-s 'alms, gift)'. 



298 'ti- in Primary Abstract Nouns. § 100. 

With reduplication we have e. g. Skr. car-kfM-^ f. lauda- 
tory mention , praise', dt-dhi-ti'^ f. 'devotion', Avest. za-zdUi-S 
f. 'throwing away'. Cp. the Greek forms p. 299. 

Sometimes we have -«-<i-, e. g. Skr. vas-a-ti-^ f. 'nest', 
drS-a-ti'^ 'aspect', ram-d-ti-^ f. 'place of pleasant sojourn' rdm-^- 
'ti'S *gladly tarrying', ar-a-ti-^ m. 'servant', v^k-d-ti-^ m. 'des- 
troyer, robber', Avest. pav-aitl-s f. 'rottenness, filth'. Cp. Skr. 
dars-a-td'S and the like § 79 p. 226. 

In Aryan tlie dative of the -ti- abstracts served as an in- 
finitive, e. g. Ved. pT'idye 'to drink' Av. ker^-t^ 'to fulfil' (cp. 
Bartholomae, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVm 20 f.). 

Armenian, z-gest^ gen. z-gesti^ 'garment': Lat. ves-ti-B. 
sas-t^ gen. sasti^ 'abuse, reproach, threat, anger, sternness': Skr. 
SdS'fl'S iis'fi'§ f. 'punishment'. 

In Greek it is a living suffix, especially fertile in forming 
nomina actionis from derived verbs, x^-m-g ^outpouring, gush, 
libation': Skr. d-huti^ f. 'the offering of oblations' Xv-ai-g f. *a 
loosing' beside Xv-ro-g. (pvii-g f. 'flight': Lith. inf. biikti 'to be 
cast into fear', (fi^l-ai-g f. 'a waning, wasting': Skr. k^l-ti-s f. 'de- 
struction*. TTiart-g f. *trust* beside Tuard-g Tiaid^'io, Jd^at-g f. flaying': 
Skr. df'ti'S f. 'leatlier skin or bag', Goth, ga-taurp-s (stem ga- 
taurpi') f. 'destruction', Lith. inf. dir4i *to skin' ground-fonn 
*djr-ti^ X^der- 'tear'. ^Qdiat-c: f. *food': Lith. gir-ti^s f. 'drink, 
feast', ground-form *gf-/i- *gf-^*- V^g^-. fidgn-n-g m. 'seizer, 
robber', rigifft-g f. 'contenting, delight': Skr. ifp'tl-^ tfp-ti'^ f. 
'satiating, contenting', Goth, pa^rf-t-s O.H.G. durft f. 'requisite, 
want', (id^at-g f. 'gait, step' : Skr. gdrti-s etc., see above p. 295. 
rd-ai-g ^stretching, straining': Skr. ta-^ti-^ tdn-ti-s f. 'row', Lat. 
m-tentid, udi^n-g m. one inspired, seer': Skr. ma-ti^^ etc., see 
p. 205 above, ih-g f. 'condition, state', beside df-fxro-s,* fX'^* 
dv'KTi'C f. 'a slackening, loosing' avv-sat-g f. 'understanding" f/at- 
-oJo-^-, uv-rjai'dcioo-g 'sending forth gifts, letting grow' (of the 
earth), Lat. sa-tid, Goth, mana-sep^s (st. ^sSdi-) f. 'seed of men* 
nmltitude, world' O.H.G. sd-f f. 'seed*, Lith. inf. se-ti 'to sow', 
V^5(J- 'throw forth, sow'. JZ-m-^ f. 'binding, knot*: Skr. d^diti-^ 
^boundlessness, state of being unconfined*, \/^d^- 'bind'. y«-n-^ 



f, 'story, news' f>d-ai-g f. 'assertion': Skr. bha-ti-^ f. 'gleam', v^bko- 
'shine, cause to appear, show", xaS-m-g f. 'burning', from kowo 
ler'-oiu. 7i^Ji-5 f. 'fixing, setting in': Liit, pac-tiH, y^poH- pa0-. 
oifn-c f. flight, countenance', ei/i-rfiuti-? f. 'ebb': Lat. pS-tiS, cp. 
ako Skr. pl-ti-$ f. 'drinking' O.C.Sl. pi-ii 'to drink', VpUd)-- 
ni^-tri-; f. 'blowing', v^-ai-g f. 'spinning': O.H.O. «a-( f. 'seam'. 
M-flr-5 f. 'speaking, word' for "forj-at-g: Avest. urcditi-s f. 'law 
(cp, I § 157 p. 141), From derivative verbs: o^Q<n-i; 'seeing' 
(op«a), turrjOffi 'prayer, demand", (ahtoi), aiiwai-g 'thinking 
Worthy' (a|(o'w), xd&apai-s 'purifying' (xaSai'pw), vifav6t-<; 'weaving' 
(I'ym'wu), K^fivii-,^ 'proclamation, announcing' (njjp^otffu). 

With reduplication: e. g. Tiolipv^t-z a snorting' from no*- 
TWAow. Cp. the Aryan forms p. 29 S. 

With -e-ti- we have e. g, a^-i-ot-i; 'holding, condition", i«y- 
-»-«-5 'lot, fate', tvp-e-m-g 'finding'. Cp. also u-vv-m-^ 'complet- 
•og'. In correap on donee with these nouns we find the partcc. 
"-c^Efov. «tJps-r«s', rtv-ijru-io-; § 79 p, 229. 

■((- was so widely used in Greek and formed so many 
Qow words that it is often impossible to tell whether a given 
^"^Jnl arose iu Greek or is really Indo-Germanic, It is not 
***«bablc that forms like if>tv%i-^ pevai-Q ^«u|i-c Arcaci. Ba-reiai-g 
*-^«3ide fvh'g peVi-s' Ti'tfi-g), in which the root-syllable is in the 
**oiig grade, are to be referred simply and immediately to the 
^■Ijlaut variation of the stem in Indo-Gormanic (see p. 294), 

As to the association of the -/(-stems in compounds like 
"*pi/»»-;<j*poro-L,' with the o-aorist, sec g 30 p. .'J2. 

In Italic, ~li- was no longer a living suffix. But its 
Extension -tiSn- (-tin-) was very fertile, 

a. -ti-. Lat. eu-ti-s f.: 0,H.(i. ha-t O.Icel. ku-d f. 'Bkin' 
Pt. Oerm, 'x^^di-. tussi'S f., no doubt to be connected with 
hrnds. ftts-ti-3 m. vT-tUs f,: Avest, sa^ti-s etc., aee p. 29.^5 
above, fors f., Osc. fortts adv. 'forte' Pelign, forte gen, 'for- 
hmae' : Skr. bh/^-tU^ etc., see p. 295 above, mors {. : Skr. m^-ti'$ 
f. 'death', O.Lith, mir-ti-a f, O.C.Sl. s&-mritx f, 'death', common 
^und-fonn *mj;-ti-s. aors, also sor-ti-s f., beside sero. ars t: 
Skr. f-tl-i f. 'method, kind, way*, pars f., beside por-tiS, see 



iWi) 'it' in Primary Abstract Nouns. § 100. 

I § 306 p. 242. gra-fes pi. f., beside gra-tu-s. mens, beside 
pien-tio, see p. 295 above, gtins^ beside na-tio, see p. 295 above. 
messi'S f., beside mefO, res-fi-s f. : Armen. z-gest^ gen. z-gedi^ 
^garment*. Umbr. ahtim-em *in actionem* beside ahtu *actui\ 
Lat. ago. Lat. hos-ti-s m. 'foreigner, enemy': Goth, gas-f-s m. 
*stranger, guest', O.C.Sl. gos-tt m. 'guest, companion, friend* (the 
root meaning is perhaps *injuiT, harm', compare Skr. ghas- 'to 
consume'; see the Author, in Curtius' Stud. V. 228 ff.). nox f.: 
Skr. ndk-ti'S f. Goth, nah-f-s f. Lith. nak-tl-s f. O.C.Sl. noS-tH f. 
'night*; yet this word *fwq'ti- may not belong to the oldest 
stratum of ti- nouns, but be only an extension of ^noq-t^ (§ 123). 
rds^ gen. cDtis, f., cp. Skr. kd-ta-s Svhetted, sharpened*, Gr. xoT- 
-vo^q *cone'. qxiies^ gen. quiet is^ f. : A vest. Sg^Ui-s, see above, 
p. 297. From satiare : satias^ gen. satiatis^ f. 'sufficiency, repletion*. 

forti'S O.Lat. forcti-s originally followed the o-declension : 
Skr. dfdhd'S 'established, firm', y/^dhergh-, 

b, 'tion-, hat JmiC'tio: Skr. guk-ti'^ f. 'a yoking, setting 
going', Gr. tsv^i-i; f. 'a yoking, putting to', Lith. inf. Juuk'ti 
*to yoke'; the nasal of the Lat. and the Lith. form came from 
the present stem (ImL jiingD Lith. jungiu), circum-Utio: Lith. 
inf. I'e^ti 'to pour*. Jissio: Skr. bhittl-^ f. 'a breaking', por-tid 
beside pars^ sec p. 299 above, ctd-tio^ from colo for *ct*eto 
(I § 427 a p. 313, § 431a p. 320). ^m-p-tid (the regular form 
would have been, ^e^i-tid^ see I § 207 p. 174): O.Ir. inf. o/r- 
'itixi 'accipere', O.C.Sl. r({ko^j(^ft f. *manipulu8, sheaf inf. Lith. 
iili'ti O.C.Sl. jn-ti *to take*, men-tid beside mBuSj see above, 
p. 295. na-tid cog-na-tiD Umbr. natine 'natione, gente', beside 
gMs^ see above p. 295. of-fensio^ from of^fendd. coctio: Skr. 
pah'ti'^ etc., 8(?e p. 295 above, gestio^ beside gero. messid (cp. 
messi's) see above, lec-tid: Gr. keh-g f. 'speaking, expression*. 
sta-tid; the stem from which this is derived, *ste-^i-, may 
be contained in Umbr. s tat it a 'statu ta': Skr. sthl'fi'^ etc., 
see p. 297 above, ra-tio: Goth, ra-pjo f. 'reckoning, account', 
beside Lat. re-rt ra-tu-s. ac-fid beside Umb. ahtim-em 'in 
actionem'. cap-tiO: Goth, anda-haft-s f. 'rejoinder, answer* 
Mid.It.G. haf-t f. 'a holding, hold*, caum Skr. d-kfHH f. 



Sioa 



I Primary Abstrs&t Noans. 



301 



btentiuu'. auetisi Lith, inf. duk-ti 'to rtow'i V^nyg-- acansiS, 
beside scando. nS-tiu : Skr, prd-}iiati-$ etc., see iibove p. 296. 
mn-cr^ti0. From derivative verbs; Lat. ocaipatio (hmindtiO 
taptatiS Oac. medkalinom judicatiouem' fruktatiuf 'uaus, fruc- 
tns', Lat. lurgTtiS sortitio, tribut'tQ. It should be observed how- 
ever that the great fertility of -tiOtt' ofteu makes it doubtful 
whether auy given word really represents an original tf-stom, 
e, g. Jissia aiictiO. 

Lat. monUio, voinitis, sorhiti5, ex-sptiiUO, ;Oae.ij!ttiuf 
'uaio, uaus' for *oU(i)tiuf, Moe I § 501 Rem. 2 p. 308, S 633 
p. 474. Cp. tnonitu-s and ao forth, § 79 p. 231. 

Old Irish. fSith f. 'sinew': AvQBt. Eoe-ti-s etc., see above 
p. 295. laid m. 'thief: O.C.Sl. ta-fl m. 'thief. 

-ti- waa a tiviuj^ aul^x, and furtaed abstract verbal nouns 
which were feminine (for the infinitives see § 156). buitlt 'being'; 
8kr. bhii-ti-^ JAd-(i-j f. 'jrood condition, well-being', Gr. t/*'-ii(-e f. 
nature', 0.C.91. za-byH f. 'forgetting, i'orgetfulneaa', inf. Lith. 
h&-ii Slav, hy-tl 'to be', br'ith 'carrying': Skr. bkf-ti-^ etc., aee 
above p. 295. blifh 'grinding, molere', beside melim 'I grind' 
(I g 212 p. 179). deitk (Slid.Ir.) 'cont'caiment, hiding', beside 
« 1 conceal', saigid 'seeking out', beaide saif/im I aeek 
oof, compared with Lat. sagio. iar-Jigid 'questioning', cp. Lat. 

Adjectives in -ti-, like hlaUh 'soft, gentle' (ground-form 
•wif-d-s, I § 306 p. '243), e-cm-ailt 'insoiena', may have originally 
b«longeil to the o-declonaion. Cp. § 93 p. 282. 

Some of the feminine abstract substantives in -tiu are also 
t to form infinitives {§ 156). er-mitiu 'honour' toitn-tiu 
'meaning, iutent': hat. mentia, see above p. 295. air-Uiu 'acci- 
pero*: Lat. Smptid, see above p. 300. eldsi(u) 'healing': Skr. 
inti-ti-$ f. a gratifying, courtesy'. O.Sax. O.Ieel. bltia-t f. 'hear- 
ing", Lith. inf. Wtiis-li "to ask' (I g 467, 2 p. 343). epett(i)it 
'death', sinking', l>eside at-bail 'he dies, perishes', aicsiu 'seeing' 
Irom *-cas-tid, beside ad-chess 'visum est', aigthin 'fearing', for 
'-agithiu. Hometimea we find this extended form aide by side 



I 



302 -/t- in Primary Ab8tract Nouns. § 100. 

with the shorter form in -fi-; c. g. dat. do saichtin and do saigihin 
(both MidJr.) = do saigid 'to seek out*. 

Germanic. In proe^hnic Germanic -K- was fertile; but 
later on it passed almost, ifti ot entirely out of use. This was due 
to trv'o causes ; to the variation caused by phonetic change (cp. 
e. g. Goth, anda-hafti'^ ga-mundi^^ ga-dSdi- (pronounced ^dedi-)^ 
ga^qumpi'^ ga-vissi-)^ and to the almost complete loss of the 
tO' participles, which broke down its formal connexion with 
the verb. 

Goth. uS'tauht'S^) completion, fulfilment' O.H.G. zuh-t 
'drawing, training: hat duc-tiDj x^deuk-. Goth, fra^lttst-s *lo8Sy 
destruction' (compare O.H.G. lus-t 'pleasure', perhaps in the 
sense of 'being free, unrestrained*), beside Goth, ^liusan : cp. 
Gr. Xv-at-g. Goth, sauh^t-s O.H.G. suh^t 'illness*, beside Goth. 
siukan 'be ill*. Goth, lis-t-s O.H.G. lis-t 'craft, trick' beside 
Goth, leisan 'to experience, learn': O.C.Sl. Rs-^ f. 'deceit, trick'. 
Mid.H.G. trif't 'driving, pasturage, meadow' O.Icel. drip-t *8now 
drift*, beside Goth, dreiban *to drive'. O.H.G. scur-t 'shearing' : 
Gr. mp'Oi-g f. 'shearing', \^ (s)her^. Goth, gc^fa^rd^s 'a meet- 
ing , high council* O.H.G. far^t 'travelling' ground-form •yf-rf- 
and ^pf'ti'^ y/^per-. O.H.G. ga-turst A.S. -^e-dyrst 'boldness*: 
Skr. dh]r^'t^'^ 'boldness', x^dhers-. Goth. fra^vaurht'S O.Sax. 
far^umrht 'misdeed, sin': Avest. anvarSti^S i. e. anuvarsli-s f. 
'suitable conduct'. O.H.G. gi-dult patience': Lat. ob-ldtio {-tUUi" 
for *tl'ti')^ y/^teU, Goth. ga-qump'S 'meeting' O.H.G. cumft 
cunft 'coming O.Icel. sam-Jcund 'meeting': Skr. gd-H-^ etc., see 
above, p. 295. Goth, anda-numt-s 'taking up, reception' O.H.G. 
numft nunft 'taking', beside Goth, niman. Goth. ga-Jcump-s 
'a being acquainted' ga-ktind-s *a making acquainted, persuasion', 
O.H.G. kunst 'wisdom': Avest. a-zainti-s f. Imowledge, under- 
standing', see p. 296 above. As to ft and st in the last-named 
forms see I § 214 p. 180 f. and § 529 p. 386. O.H.G. ana- 
daht 'devotion' for *paf9X'ti'^ beside Goth, pagkjan (pret. pohta) 
*to think'. O.H.G. sih-t 'sight, power of sight', beside Goth. 



1) The forms which follow are feminine unless it is otherwise stated. 



saihvan 'to ace': cp. Lith. se^--(( 'tu follow'!' {cp. I § 41!) p. 307). 
tioth. /ra-yi/V-s 'bestowing' O.H.tl. gif-t 'gift', beside Goth, giban 
'to giyv'. Goth, ga-qiss 'agreement', beside ga-qipan (pret, ga-qaP). 
O.H.G. afa-t 0.8ax. sfe-di 'place, atead': Skr. stki-ti-^ etc., see 
above p. 297. Goth, ga-dvp-s (st. -rferfi-) O.II.G. ia-t 'deed*: 
ATest. «i-(faji»-s etc, , see above , |i. 296. Goth, anda-haft-s 
'rejoinder, answer' Mjd.H.G. haf-t 'hold': Lnt. cap-fis. Goth. 
ga-skaft-s O.H.O. gi-scaft 'creatioii, creature', beside Goth, ga- 
'Skapjan 'to make. Goth, mah-t-s O.H.G. mciA-( 'might': 0.C.91. 
moid f, 'might' inf. moSti 'to be able or capable'. Gotli. gas-t-s m. 
OM.G. gas-t ro. 'guest': hai. ho?-ti-s, see above p. 300. Goth. 
Uauh-t-8 'slaughter' O.H.G. slak-t 'striking, slaying": Gr. io'»r-r(-e 
'pestle for pounding, pounding' (Arexi'fru, Lat, lacerd)? Goth. 
dih-ts O.H.G. eli-t 'property, possession': Av. U-ti-s f. 'goods, 
riches' (Skr. li-). O.H,G. w-chn(lt 'agnitio': Skr. prii-jM-U-^ 
, see p. 296 above. O.H.G. nCl-t 'seam': Gr. yij-ai-^ f. 
'spinning'. O.HG. hauo-crat 'cock-crov' (A. 8. crdtcan 'to crow') : 
Jjith. inf. gri-ti 'to croak'. O.H.G. bluo-t 'blooming, bloom', 
beside Lat. flo-s. Mid,H,0. gruo-t 'a being green', beside Gr, 
jfiM-pQ-i light green, yellow". The following no doubt come from 
weak verbs : Goth, fahip-s [st. faksdi-) 'joy' (see Bremer, Paul- 
Br. Beitr. XI 32), Goth, ar-hdip-s (at. arhdidi-) O.H.G. arabeit 
'work, need'. 

Now and then we find -s-H- instead of -((-, as Goth, an-sl-s 
O.H.G. an-st "favour, grace' (compare O.Icel. qf-un-d 'ill-will'), 
beside O.H.G. tmnan 'to bestow', O.H.G, span-st 'enticement', 
beside spanan 'to entice', Goth, hdif-at-s A,S. A«s( beside 0,IceL 
Meip-t 'strife", 0,H,G. trust for *truh-st beside truh-t O.Icel. drOtt 
'troop, following'. This s came originally from forms like 0.8ax. 
Clcel. klu-s-t 'hearing' = Skr. h-uf-l!-$ (p. 301), Mid.II.G. bluo-s-t 
(cp. A.8. blOstm and Lat. Jf6r-?re) beside bluo-t 'bloom': in West- 
Germanic, forma like kunst must also have had some influence, 
if the conjecture given in I § 529 Rem. p. 386 is correct. Cp. 
s-tvo- § 61, -s-tro- % 62, -s-lo- % 76, -s-tu- § 108, -s-men- 
§117. 

In the Germanic dialects many of these words became 



304 'ti- in Primary Abstract Nouns. §100. 

masculine without any change of meaning; this must be dis- 
tinguished from the change of gender in such words as gasti 
*guest\ Cp. von Bahder, Verbalstr. 76 f. 

Goth, ra-pid 'reckoning, account': Lat. ra-ti-dj see above 
p. 300. 

13alto-Slavoiiic. Here -ti- was very fertile, forming all 
the infinitives of Lithuanian, Lettic, and Slavonic. And it should 
be noticed that in this group of languages the phonetic changes 
which the suffix underwent were very slight (O.C.Sl. noStlC for 
pr. Slav. *notJct, I § 462 p. 338). 

Lith. plu'ti *to become flooded, overflow* O.C.Sl. plu^ti 
Russ. ply-f *to flow, swim*: Skr. plu-ti-^ f. 'overflowing, flood*, 
Gr. TiXv-oi-q f. washing, ^ple^-. Lith. isz-auti O.C.Sl. iz-iUi 
'to uncover the feet*: Lat. ex-Utid (late). Lith. Jdu-ti aquam 
fervidam super infundere* Lett, ^'dti-t *to make dough, mix' JA-tis 
pi. joint where two bones are connected': Skr. f/u-U-^ f. 'meet- 
ing together' yu'ti-s f. 'bond* A vest, gao-jaoti-s f. 'meadow-land, 
cattle-pasture*. Lith. muk-ti 'to slip away' mauk^ti 'to graze*: 
Skr. muk'ti'S f. 'loosing, freeing, giving up', Gr. ano-fivh-g f. 
'blowhig the nose', Lat. e-munctio (the nasal comes from the 
present). Lith. prUeitl'S f. 'suburb* inf. el-ti O.C.Sl. i-ti 'to go': 
Skr. i'ti'^ f., etc., see p. 296 above. Lith. szli-tl-s f. 'heap of 
sheaves' inf. szU-tl 'to make one thing lean on another: Gr. 
xkl-at'^ii f. 'bending, inclining, lying', x^Uei-. O.C.Sl. si~tl f. 
'life* inf. zi-ti 'to live' Litli. gt/'ti 'to revive, get well': Avest. 
jl'ti'S f. 'life'. Lith. ny-ti'S f. 'weaver's instrument, slaie': Skr. 
m-ti'S f. 'leading, guiding*. Lith. llk'ti 'to leave' : Gr. ix-Xtttpt-i; f. 
'ceasing, failing', Lat. re-lictiD. O.C.Sl. cts-tl 'honour' inf. ^ti 
Russ. cesi (i. o. '*ctsti) 'to count, reckon, honour*: Skr. clt'ti^^ f. 
'thought, intent, intelligence'. Lith. dir-tl 'to skin* Little-Russ. 
derty (i. e. ^dlr-ti) Slov. dreti (i. e. ^der-ti) 'to tear, skin*: Skr. 
df'ti'S etc., see p. 298 above. Lith. gir-ti-s f. 'feast* gir-ti 
'to drink' O.Croat, po-xrti Little-Russ. zerty (i. e. ^Mr-ti) O.C.Sl. 
zrdti (i. e. *zerti) 'to swallow': Gr. pQio-ai-g f. 'food, victuals* 
(ground-form *g[''ti'S), Lith. pir-<}-s f. 'bath-room' perM 'to 
bathe' (trans.), pres. ^;erm. Lith. kifsti 'to strike sharply, strike 



8100. 



1 FriToarj Abstract Nounfl. 



305 



hard': 8kr. kftm f. 'hide, ekin" (kart- 'cut off, looaened"). 0.C.81. 
rrfed f. 'condition, state, Bituation" Lith. mfsti 'to upset, be upset'. 
eefiti 'to turn'; Skr. lyWi-*' f. 'rolling, proceeding, conduct', Lat. 
in-ctrsiS. Lith. pdl-ti-s f. 'aide of bacon' 0.C.81. plu-ti f. 'meat'. 
Lith. pil-ti 'to pour, shed'; Skr. pur-ti-§ 'filling, fulfilment', 
y/^pel: Lith. kil-ti-s f, 'race, stock' hil-ti 'to lift, transport, 
help forward". Lith. miUz-ti SIov. molsli (i. e. *mils-ti) 0.C.81. 
mlisti (i. e. *mels-ti) 'to miUc': Or. afiilh-s f. 'milking', i/^melg-. 
Lith. skVsti-s f. 'cloven foot of an ox' (skild-u and skildiiu 
crash, break myself in tuo'): cp, Gr. xXa'ai-^- f, breaking' 
beside xi«or/-tf xlui-uQo-s (cp. I § 369 p. 280). Lith. at'mint\-s 
f. 'memory' 0.C.81. pa-m^i f. "remembrance' Lith. min-ti 'to 
remember': Skr. ma-H-^ etc., see p. 295 above. Lith. lifik~U 
to bend' (intr.) leAk-U 'to bend' (trans.) 0.C.S1. l^Sti "to bend' 
(trans.), v^letaq-. Lith. bliati 'to grow dark' bl^ati 'to darken' 
(intr.) (pres. blendsi&'-s) 0.C.3I. bl^sli 'to go astray' (pres. bl^-^i, 
V^bhlendh-. Lith, ugna-dekti-e f. 'piercing cold' </^t-(i 'to bum' 
(trans, and intrans.), O.C.Sl. ieSti 'to bum' (trans.), beside pres. 
deg-ii ieg-ti (pr. Slav. *(feg-f{ for *deg-q), i/^dkeqk-. Lith. Ssti 
lo devour' O.C.Sl. Jasti 'to eat': Gr. rijort-^ 'fasting', Lat. com- 
■istiO (instead of the regular •-esitf, cp. I § 501, Kern. 2 p. 368), 
V^ed-. Lith. d&-ti-3 f. O.C.Sl. da-a f. 'gift', Lith. d&'-ti O.C.Sl. 
da-ti "to give': Skr. daii- etc., see p. 295. Lith, api-U 'to have 
leisure, bo quiet enough' O.C.Sl. spe-ti to go forward, have 
succest)': Skr. splUl-U-^ f. 'a making fat, prospering' sphl-li'^ 
f. 'prosperous condition', O.H.G. spuo-t f. 'progress, success', 
)/^8peU)-- Lith. nak-tl-s f. O.C.Sl. nostl t. 'night': Skr. ndk-tH 
etc., see p. 300 above. Lith. prS-zaati-s f. 'cause', beside xad-il 
Ipromise'. 0.C.S1. na-/)oafT f. 'danger', beside j»orf(f'Ifair, 0.C.81. 
U'd f. 'cord', Lett, st-t 'to bind*, y^ sal-. Lith. j(!-ii 'to ride' : 
Avest. vasS-^aiti-S f. 'free course, progress after one's desire'. 
Lith. £io-ti-s f. 'cleft, ravine' -zid-ti 'to open the mouth wide": 
Lat. kiO-liS. O.C.Sl. po-snafX f. 'coguitio' £na-(i to know': Skr. 
prd-jRati-^ t. etc., see p. 296 above. O.C.Sl. grS-ti 'to warm', 
beside pres. gri-Jq. Infinitives in Baltic and Slavonic were 
closely connected with the finite verb ; hence the action of ana- 



306 -/i- in Primary Abstract Nouns. § 101. 

logy caused many changes in the grade of the root-vowel. For 
the phaenomona in Slavonic cp. Leskien, Archiv f. Slav. Phil. 
V 497 flF. 

In Lithuanian we sometimes find -^-^t-, as ugnd-dekstM 
beside ugnd-dekti-s (p. 305), cp. dek-s^nUs § 95 p. 287. -rt- 
stems frequently passed into the analogy of -/a- and -e- stems, 
e. g. kryM'S gen. -tes f. and kry-ti-B gen. ^czio m. 'purse-net, 
hoop-net*, szli-tl-s and szli-te f. 'heap of sheaves*. 

Infinitives of derivative verbs ; Lith. jSszkO'ti O.C.Sl. iska-ti 
'to seek*, Lith. s^d'S-ti O.C.Sl. sSdi-ti 'to sif; Lith. gany-ti 0.C.S1. 
goni-ti *to protect, tend'. 

§ 101. 2. 'ti' is used to form secondary abstract 
substantives. This use is exactly parallel to that of the 
participial suffix -to^ and the abstract nominal suffix -to- -ftf- 
(which were originally identical) ; both of these, as we have seen, 
could beadded directly to uoun stems in the proethnic and later 
periods (§ 79 p. 224 f. § 80 p. 238 flF. § 82 p. 249 flf.). 

The forms which can be most confidently referred to the 
proethnic language are a group of abstract nouns connected with 
the ordinals in -to- (§81 p. 242 If.) *pef9q'ti'8 f. 'fivefold 
character, the number five, a group of five*: Skr. pafQkti-^^ O.Icel. 
Jimtj O.C.Sl. pqH'^ with these should no doubt be compared O.H.G. 
fust f. 'fist* pr. Germ. *fnf9/8ti^z and O.C.Sl. p^ f. 'fist* (-5f- 
for 'kst' as in Uste^ see I § 545 p. 399 f.), common ground- 
form *p^q'Sti'$^), Skr. ^o^-^f-^ f. 'sixty' (a. six-fold quantity*, 
i. e. of tens), O.C.Sl. ses-tX f. 'a group of six*. Skr. nava^ti-^ 
ninety' (a nine-fold quantity* i. e. of tens) Avest. navaiti-s f. 
*a group of nine' and 'ninety*, O.Icel. nJun^d f. O.C.Sl. devti-fl f. 
*a group of nine*. Skr. daia-ti"^ 'a group of ten* and *a hundred*, 
O.Icel. tinned f. 'a group of ten', Lith. deszim-ti'S f. O.C.Sl. 
dese^'ii f. a group of ten*. These numeral forms naturally suggest 



1) Cp. "^pi^q- in OM.O.funfiu and elsewhere (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 
193 f., Paul-Braune's Beitr. XII 512) and for meaning, Goth, figgr-s *finger\ 
which is doubtless connected with this numeral. — Vol. I § 249 p. 205 
should be corrected accordingly. 



Iiui. 






1 Primftry Abitniot Noimg. 



307 



Ihe conjecture, that wo have the same suffix in 8kr. id-li (nom. 
ace.) 'so many' kd-ti (nom. ace.) 'how many?', Lat. tot toti-dem, 
qtioi: these words may have been originally neuter. 

Bemnrk. In Greek we And numeraU in -ru-; in place of such forma 
Bi *pti»q-li-s (see g 108J. Id proethnic Indo-QermaiiiD there were fomu 
in -(- panaiel to theee in -li- (»ee g 123 J. 

Beside Idg. *iuu^-td 'youth' (§ 80 p. 239) there seema to 
have been a second form "iuyt^-ti-s f, with the same meaning: 
8kr. t/uvati-^ 'maiden, young womau' {the abstract is used for 
the concrete, § 155), O.H.G. jugmid A, 8. ^eo^od 'youth' (EngL 
youth both as the period and the person), prehiat. Germ. *iMgtiMf »- 
for "itiyiJn^i- (Bugge, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XTIT 504). Lat. 

Jalmen-ti-s f. 'seed, seed-corn , seed time', originally 'the being 
wnra*. 
Further it is possible that stems in -es-ti- -os-ti- (cp. Lat. 
aceles-tu-s onus-tu-s and the like) date from the proethnic period. 
In the words in which they occur, the termination -esti- -osli- 
IB used aid a simple and indivisible suffix. Skr. gdhhaiti-s f, m. 
'a thing separated into different parts^ band, fork, shaft (of a 
carriage)', pulasti-i 'hair of the head, wearing smooth hair', 
jiolasti-s 'gray with old age* (dubious). Lat. at/resti-s, orig, 'a 
lieloDging to the country, rusticity'? O.H.G. angusf f. 'anxiety 
O.C.SI. qsostl 'strait, narrowing', cp. also Lat. augustu-s 
L nngMstiae. In Lithuanian we have -esti-s, which passed over 
I to the -JO- declension; kalbeat is f.'apeech', beside inffiesMt-s m. 
I'talk' and kalbesi-s ni. 'dialect' kolbese f. 'speech'; mokeati-a m. 
L(gen. -esczio), beside tndkeani-s ni, 'payment*; liikestis i. awaiting, 
I hope'; rUpesti-s f. m. 'care'. In Slavonic there are a large 
I number of feminme abstract nouns in -oat^ (but -j-esti, see 
I I § 84 p. 80) formed from adjectives, and, more rarely, from 
I nibBtantives : besides O.C.SI. i^osH (cp. qzuku 'narrow'), which 
LW been mentioned, other examples are dlUgosit 'length' from 
1 d/Qyu 'long', dobljesti 'bravery' from dobli 'brave', £v6rosiX 'wildness' 
I from zvirl 'wild animal', boljestt 'illness' from boH 'one who is ill*. 
Other forms are more isolated, e. g. Skr. addkiI-ti-$ (con- 
I Erete) 'one who has learnt the truth, sage' beside addhd 'in 



308 The Suffixes 'tati- {'tat') and -ttUi- (-/«-). § 101,102. 

truth', Goth, gamdin-p-s f. *commuiiity* beside ga-mdin'S 'common, 
joint' (cp. gamdin-dap'S § 102 below, and p. 311). 

For 'ti- in -tdti- and -^utf-, see the following section. 

§ 102. The Suffixes -tati (-tat-) and -tUti- 
(-tut")^). The former occurs in Aryan, Greek, and Italic; 
the latter in Italic, Celtic and Germanic. They formed feminine 
abstract nouns from adjectives and substantives, -^^tf- appears 
to have arisen through the addition of -<t- (§ 101) to -/a- (§ 80 
p. 238 ff.), cp. Skr. dSvd-ta- and d^d-tati-^ Skr. gum-tn- and 
Gr. ^aQV'TTjT'y Lat. juven-UL- and juven-tdti-. The accumulation 
of suffixes would be like that in Skr. -ivd-td-j cp. § 56 p. 103 f.; 
ItRtJuven-tati' ijuven-to- : Skr. yuva-ti" =purti$a'tvdtd- : purti^a- 
'tva- : purti^d'ta-, -tuti' may have come from -^f«-stems (§ 108) 
rather later. The parallel forms -tat- and -tut- beside -tati- 
and 'futi' resemble doublets like Idg. ^noq-t- : ^noq-ti- night', 
^dekffi't' : *dekfp,'ti- 'ten-fold character', Skr. sam^i-t- f. beside 
sdm-i'ti' f. (§ 123), and the shorter forms no doubt contain the 
suffix -f-. 

Most of the words which occur in more than one language 
have 'tat(i)': Skr. sarvd-tdti-^ sarvd-tdU 'perfection*. Avest. 
haurva-tat' safety*, Gr. oko-Trjg 'totality, entirety', beside Skr. 
sdrva-s Gr. olo-g whole'; Gr. vs6'T7]g *youth*, Lat. wopf-f fls, beside 
Gr. vw-g Lat. fiovo-s. With 'tilt(i)' : Lat. juven-tus^ O.Ir. Oiiiu 
youth' (dat. oitid) for *(i)ouBtu(8) (-iu for -u is due to the 
palatal character of the preceding syllable). A form with- tnf(i)' 
in one group of languages sometimes corresponds to a form with 
'tat(i)' in another, as O.Cymr. dtiiu-tit 'deltas': Skr. d^vd-tat-; 
OJr.heO'thu 'life': Gr, pio-Trjg; O.lr.oen^tu 'unitas': Iteit uni-tas ; 
Goth. ga7)min'dup'S: Lat commum'ta-s. In many words -tut(i) 
may have ousted 'tat(i)'^ which on the whole is certainly older. 

For the loss of a syllable in forms like Avest. amerU/U- 
beside am^rHa-taU 'immortality', Gr. tjot^t- 'drink' for *7foro- 

1) Th. Aufrecht, Das Affix t^jt tat^ Kuhn's Ztsohr. I 159 ff. C. 
Angermann, Das Suffix t^jt in Prim&rbildungen, Curt. Stud. Ill 122 ff. 
K. Walter, Das latein. Suffix -tat and -hi/, Kuhn'g Zeitsohr. X, 159. C. 
von Pauoker, Die [lat.] substantive abstracta auf -tas^ ibid. XXIII 138 ff. 



110 



The SufftieB -laii- (-tdl-) md -mi- (-liii-). 



309 



-rffr-, Lat. ace. l&culentatem beside lUeulmti-tdtem, see I § 643 
p. 481 f. 

Aryan. In Sanskrit, -Utti- and -tat- (the latter ia rarer) 
are only found in Veda, and even there not frequently. In 
Avestic we have only -t&f, where it is comparatively commoner 
than either form in Sanskrit. Skr. vpard-tat- 'neighbourhood, 
environs', Aveat, vpara-tdt- 'superiority', beside Skr. iipara- 
'nearer'. Avest. upara- 'upper'. Skr. fffbhxtd-tali-^ 'state of 
being caught' from gj^bhltds 'caught', jyf^hd-tati-^ 'sovereignty 
from jy^(ha-8 'mightiest', satyd-tatl-^ and satt/d-tfU- 'truth- 
fulness' from satyd-s 'truthful', Asta-tdti-^ 'homestead, home' 
from dsta-m 'home', i^-tatt-^ 'health, bliss" from idm~ n, 'health, 
blisB*. Avest. drva-tat- 'durability, 8oun<lne8s' from drta- 'durable. 
Bound', fratema-tat- 'sovereignty' from fratmia- 'first', fivnarUat- 
'iirtue' for "hunar'ta-tat-, compared with Skr. siinfla'S 'beautiful, 
glorious', ftsla-tat- 'prosperitj-, welfare' from ustd- 'well-being', 
yataf'tat- 'eternal duration' from yavli adv. 'always*, dat. of yti- 
u. 'eternity' (cp. yumf-ji- 'ever linng). 

Remark. From the last word we once find the phtHse yavat-ea 
lAitf 'for ever' fuBaally the word in yaturiaUf). Thus -kit- was regarded 
11 A eompoDnded word (this appears aUo in other waya)* and it Beeini to 
liaTe been popularly connected with iai\- 'stretch out'. Cp. Mod.U.0. 
hriiame (O.'K.O. bronma), which has no etymological connexion with 
i[IiR«(VO> tiut has been associated with 'it; furthermore we find even in 

Oreek narrW-i^: like nan-o'-^iopv"-'' ^"^ Ooth. tuihil'dHp-s = *mlkila- 
-dap-t like gud-hils = 'i/uila-li^ p. 311. 

Greek. Here we find only -rfir-, which was substituted 
for the -W- used in forming abstracts (§ 80 p. 239 f.), and appears 
only in the combinations -o-rar- and -ti-rar-. op5o'-TT/5 'straight- 
forwardness, rightness' from opSo'-^': Laf. ardui-tOs. anam-TTjg 
'awkwardness' from araw-i; 'awkward' : Lat. scaevi-tas. xaxd-njg 
'wickedness' from xaxo-s. ayyo-irj^ 'purity, chastity' from ayvo-g. 
jlia-rtjQ 'life' from jiio-g. 9i6-Ti]s 'godhead' from 9i6-g. si^i-ri;; 
'imity" from ('a 'one'. Ttav-in-ri^^ 'totality' from Tidq. Horn. 
avA-o-T fjT-oi acc. 'manhood' (more correctly no doubt iffOTijTu; 
see I § 204 p. 170) from artig uvd^og. In the last three 
examples -o- appears as it does in compounds, e. g, nair-o- 



310 The Suffixes -tati' (-f«-) and -tiUh (-<«-)• §102. 

fioiMfo-g] cp. also Lat. lihldin-i^tCLs. (iaov-xri^ 'gravitas* from 
(iagv-g : cp. Skr. guru-td' (§ 80 p. 239 f.). yXvxv-Tfjg sweetness' 
from yXvxv'g. figadv'Ttjg (^ppadvrrjg) 'slowness' from ftaaiv'g. 
xayv'TTj-q 'swiftness' from ra/i'-c. 

Italic. In Latin we cannot distinguish -tctti^ from -^^-, 
"tuti' from "tut^ since in very many points the consonantal 
declension was assimilated to that of the i-stems. It may have 
been these very suffixes, with their double forms taken along 
with such doublets as nod- nocti- etc., that helped to establish 
the confusion. The variation in the gen. pi. (cTvitathtm and 
cJvitatum) is of special importance (§ 93 p. 281). 

boni-tas from bonus. dUri-tds from duru-s. dnxie-tds from 
anxiU'8. guali'tas from qualis. civiMas from cXvi-s, liber- 
tas from Uber. uber^tOs from uber (in imitation of which 
was formed viduertas from viduos; notice the parallelism in 
meaning). facul-tOs from facilis^ with the later by-form 
fadli'tas, volup'tas from volupe volup. tnCLjeS'tds from tndjor 
(cp. § 135 Rem. 1). hones-tos from hands, tempes-tds from 
tetnpu^. vetuS'tds from vetus^ or for *vetu8ti't(l8 from vetus- 
'tU'S. voluntas for *volHnti'tCL8 from voUns. Ubidin-utOs from 
libido^ cp. Gr. tv-o-Tr^g (see above). Pelign. Herent(z$ 'Venus 
Osc. Ilerentatefs 'Veneris, Volupiae', from herest 'volet', formed 
from the part, pres., like Lat. voluntas. 

-tuti' 'tut' is very much rarer, hsit. juven-tUs (: O.Ir. Ditiu)^ 
senec-tus beside juven-tds juven-ta^ senec-ta^ from juven-is^ senex. 
virtus from vir. servi-tus from servo-s. There can be no doubt 
that 'tudo (gen. -^w-rftn-s), e. g. in servi-tddd alti-tudd^ is 
closely related to this suffix. 

In Old Irish we have -tut', which we may ascribe to pro- 
ethnic Celtic, ditiu 'youth': heit. juven^tHs; see above, p. 308. 
oen-tu 'unitas* for ^oen-thu (th (p) after n was replaced by 
the tenuis by a comparatively late change), beo-thu (gen. be- 
-thath) life*. The suffixes -atu -etu^ in derivatives from ad- 
jectives in -e (i'o-stems), are especially frequent; as torbatu 
*utilita8' from tor-he 'utilis', dommetu 'paupertas' from donifne 
'inops', oendatu 'unity' from oen-de 'single', ildatu 'pluralitas 



i I0£,1< 



311 



from il-de 'pluralie', fihichaidatu 'humiditas' from ftiuchaide 
'humidus'; the orig;m of this -atu -etu is doubtful'). 

Germnnic. It occurs only in Gothic, in certain eubetan- 
rives in -dupi-, derived from adjectivoB; as Mikil-dcp-s 'greatness 
from mikil-s fmikila-) 'great', gamdrn-dup-s 'community' from 
ga-titdins (ga-tndini-) 'common'. The Iobb of the vowel before 
the sufTix is like that in ga-mdin-p-s {§ 101 p. 307 f.) and in 
compounds, e.g. gud-kiis brnp-fap-s (§ 40 pp.69, 71 f.). 

m. Suffixes in -«. 
§ 103. The M-suffixes have a triple ablaut: m, ev, 
((-series, I § 311 — 314). u e. g. in nom. and ace sing, niaac. 
fem. u-3 u-m. eji e. g. in nom. pi. masc. fem, -ejf-es. oy in 
gea. sing. -00-8. The connexion of this ablaut with the original 
conditions of accent in th*; different cases cannot be exactly 
determined from the evidence now at our disposal. No clear 
rxplanation has been given of Or. rava(J')-6-^ compared with 
T«*-i'-, Lat, grav-i-s compared with Skr, a-jrr-M-, Skr. p^ihie-i 
i-ompared with pftk-ii', which seem to imply -3U- as one of 
^he proethnic forms of the suffix. The best analysis of the 
'Words is Tava-fa-^;, gra-ci-s, pfthi-ti , i. e. to suppose that 
■fhe root-syllable was extended by a, as in Wija'-rjjp and the like 
<1 § 110 p. io;i ff.). 

From the proethnic period downwards we find w-stems in 
nil three genders. The masculine and feminine stems had 
originally the same inflexion; differences only arose during the 
Jevelopement of the separate languages, as in Skr, ace. pi. 
«ufiiJn m. 'fions', hdnfik f. 'jawbones'. 

Remark. For ti-steniB like 8kr. hati-u-? 0.C.81, wtefcn/ Or. riwO-t, 
«ee % 109 Rem. 2. 

1) "It ia hard to decide whether -alu camo from -oiilii^ or from the 
nnioD of two dental suffixes (perhaps -oia-fiii-), Zinnner (Kuhn's Ztsohr. 
XXVII 461) regards the ace. corp'liadid as a true phonetic spelling (cp. 
I S 212 Rem. p. 1791; yet, aa he himself remarks, it may be merely a 
mistake of the scribe's. Mid.Ir. sochmallH 'possibility' perhaps supports f 
rather than d. Unfortunately the modern Celtic languages have lost the 
nfSx. Personally I incline towards the second assumption: compare e.g. 
lO'trladaigiie 'thej obeyed' beside aurlatu "obedience'," Thurnejaen. 



312 The Suffix -U-. §104. 

§ 104. The suffix -w-^). This is always primary, and 
most common in adjectives. The evidence of Sanskrit, Greek, 
Germanic and Lithuanian proves that in Indo - Germanic these 
adjectives were nearly always oxytone and had the root-syllable 
in the weak grade. But the strong grade must have been at 
one time regular in a certain number of the cases. It is true that 
such forms as Skr. prathi-^ Lith. fitath-s beside Skr. pgihii-^j Skr. 
svddii'S Gr. ijdv-g O.H.G. suo^i beside Goth. sut'S^ cannot be 
taken to prove this, since a certain amount of assimilation be- 
tween the forms of the three degrees of comparison (positive, 
comparative, and superlative) may be assumed in all these cases, 
and must be assumed in some; but it is fairly shewn by the 
variation between e. g. Goth. Jilu and Skr. purii'S. Notice 
also the variation of form within the weak grade itself, e. g. 
*gfr-w- and ^-qr-u 'heavy' (I § 313 p. 250 f.). The feminine 
of these adjectives was differentiated by -j^ -f- in the proethnic 
and later periods ; e. g. Skr. tanv^t beside the masc. tanni'^ 
(see § 110). 

The substantives were masculine, feminine, or neuter. The 
variations of ablaut differed in different words. Note *ffon-u- 
*gen'U' *§n'U' *knee' and the like, and ^pek^ti- and *-2>J-m- 'cow* 
(vol. I loc. cit.). 

In do -Germanic. Adjectives. *gfr-ti-s *-gr-M-» (cp. the 
compar. Skr. gdr-Tyas): Skr. gur^ 'heavy, violent, hard' 
Avest. gouni-s adverse* Skr. a-gru- Avest. a-yru- 'unmarried' 
(non gravida'), Gr. fia^'-g 'heavy' (Lat. gravis see § 103 p. 311), 
Goth, kaiirus 'heavy' (I § 290 p. 232). *ff»-ti-s, from y/^ters- 
'be dry, arid': Skr. tfsA'$ 'parched with thirst', O.Icel. purr 
O.H.G. durr-i Goth, patirsu-s (instead of ^paiirz-us) 'dry, arid' 
(cp. I § 582 Rem. 1 p. 435 f.). Skr. pur-i-s Gr. nok-v-g (cp. 



1) 0. Weise, De linguaram Indogerm. saffizis primariis, I De ad- 
jeotiyis Boffixo -m- formatiB, Getting. 1873. A. Bezzenberger, Eine idg. 
Aooentregel, in his Beitr. II 123 fL B. Tharneysen, Weibliohe n-Stftinme 
im Irifloheo, Eohn's Ztsohr. XXYIH 147 ff.; Wh. Stokes, Irish fenunine 
stems in m, ibid. 291 f. I. Schmidt, €l>er das litao. Nominalsuffix -«, 
Enhn and Schleicher's Beitr. IT 257 ff. 



ii(M. 



The SafBs - 



3t3 



I p. 306 p. 244). O.Ir. il Goth, fil-u (n.) 'much'), V^pel-. 8kr. 
lyiA-ii-^ pmth-li-^ Or. niar-il-s- 'broad', Gall. LUu-gma lAttt- 
■m/lra, Lith, piaWt-s 'broad', beside the compar. Skr. priUh-Jyas-. 
't^n-H-s 'stretched, thin' from y/^ten- 'stretch out, lengthen': Skr. 
tan^^ (pari-tatn-ii-? 'encompassing' redupL), Gr. znt^-ylfoijifo^ 
'with tongue outstretched, long-tongued', Lat. tenu-i-s, O.Ir. 
tan-a, O.H.G, dttnn-i, O.C.Sl. fftiiJ-frfi (from which come on the 
one hand tinl-kH, Czech lenk^, on the other fUnS-kU, Rusa. 
tmkij). *l^gh-iis 'quick, small', y^'leagli- in 8kr. rqhdj/n-ti 
(I § 454 p. 335) : Skr. ragliii-^ Gr. iX(t)tv-g, *a&§h-tl-s 'narrow", 
y^aAgh- 'make narrow, bind together': Skr. fihti-^, Armen. 
mju-k uncu-k, Goth, aggm-s (instead of *aggu-s, see p. 316), 
O.C.Sl. qsH-kii. Skr. svOd-^-^ 'sweet, pleasant', Gr. tji-v-g 'sweet, 
^ileosant', hat. stUlvi-s for *stf{td-u-i-s, Goth, sut-s O.II.G. suo$-i 
-A.S. swet-e 'sweet'. Skr, si-u-^ 'swift', Gr. o'lx-v-i; 'swift', Lat. 
mtcu-pediu-s beside 5c-ior. 

Substantives. *pe}i-ii-s *-plc-u-3 m. and *p^u n. 'cattle': 
Skr. paM-i Avest. pasu-S 'cattle' Avest. baurva-fsu- 'all the 
wattle' (I § 398 p. 296), Lat. pecw-s, witli its oblique cases re- 
Airmcd by analogy, on the one hand gen. pecudi-s etc, (§ 128), 
■^n the other (when pecus was regarded as neuter) gen, pecor-is 
^tc.; Skr. pd^, Lat. pecu, Goth. faUiu ('money'). Skr. hdn-u-s 
^. 'jawbone", Gr. yiy-v-g f. 'jaw, jawbone', Lat. genu-Tnu-n 'be- 
longing to the cheek', O.Ir. giun m. 'mouth', Goth. kinnu'S f. 
^'cheek, jowl' instead of *kinu-s through the influence of ktttn-, 
'which stands for 'tiny-, cp. I § 469, 8 p. 346 f. Skr. A5(-ii-p m. 
^phenomenon caused by liglit, picture, form', Goth, kdid-u-s m. 
"Tdnd, way', ''bh&gk-u-s m, : Skr, bCl-kii-$ arm', Gr. naxv-^; Tfixv-^ 
"fore-arm, something bent' O.Icel. bSg-r 'something bent'. *medh-u 
B. : 8kr. mdd-hu 'sweetness, honey' (the Skr. adj. mddku- was 
derived from this subst). Or. fii9v 'intoxicating drink, wine', 
O.Ir. mid (gen, tneda) O.H.G, melo m. mead', Lith. medit-s m. 
O.CSl, medU m. 'honey'. *gon-u- *§eii-u- *§n-u- n. 'knee': Skr. 
jdtt'U 'knee' jAu-bddh- 'bending the knees' Avest. ^anv-a pi. 
'knees' fra-Snu 'knee bent forward' (I § 403 p. 298), Gr. ydfv, 
ytwiar- yovdroyv Heaych. (Cp. I § 639 p, 479), j-vw-ffsTtic 'to sink 



S14 



The Suffix - 



311 



on one's knees, become helpless', Lnt. ffenu, Goth, iniu (4 
kn-iv-a-) "knee" knu-s»jan 'to kneel'. 

Aryan. Skr. /jwr-il-j Avest. pouru- par-ao O.Pers. par-u- 
'much' (I § 290 p. 231 f.): Gr. noW-c etc.; see p. 312 above. 
8kr. Hf-ii-j Aveat. vouru-S 'Itroad' common ground-fomi "bjt-w- 
(I § 157 p. 141): Or. typv-^; 'broad' no doubt for 'A/pt- with 
prothetic *; the relation of the Aryan to the Oreek form is 
therefore the same as that of Skr, gurti-: -gru-. Skr. rj-ii-^ 
Avest. er'z-U'S "straight, right'. Skr. pfth-H-^ Avest. pefp-u-s 
'broad': Gr. 7i}.at-v-( etc., see above p. 313. 8kr. cds-u-s Avest, 
vatsh-u-i O.Pers. valiu- (in the proper name vahu-ka-) 'good', 
the neut. in Skr. and Avest. = 'goods'; the substantival use is 
perhaps older than the adjectival (cp. Skr. mddhu- p. 313): 
O.Ir. fiu 'suitable' or 'suitability' (cp, under Old Irish). Skr. 
dj-fi-^ Avest. as-u-s 'swift': Gr. tuK-iJ-i; etc., see above p. 313. 
Skr. j4A-ii-^ 'clever, artistic', iay-ii-4 lying', ddr-ii-^' 'breaking', 
/fly-rl-p 'victorious', su-^k-ii-^ 'standing well, in good condition' 
(sthO-J, tdp-u-$ 'hot', tdr-u-4 'passing through'; ci-kit-ti-$ 'skil- 
ful', ji-gy-ii-4 'victorious'; there are many adjectives from desi- 
derative stems, as di-dfh^-u-^ 'wishing to see' ci-kita-ti-^ 'clever, 
crafty', di-ts-i-^ 'ready to give". Avest. driy-u-S 'poor', /a-« 
-yauru-§ 'avfake, watchful'. 

Skr. i^-U'$ m. f. Avest. is-ii-s m. 'arrow'. Skr. as-w-^ d 
'sph'it of life' Avest. ank-u-s m. 'the world, the sum of Uvi 
beings', O.Pers. au-ra-, g 76 Keni. 1 p. 201. Skr, bak-A-s i 
Avest. bai~»-s m. 'arm': Gr. n^/-t-5 etc, see above p, 31% 
Skr. a/jif/A-M-j m, f. 'stream, Indus, region of the Indus', Avec 
hind-u-^ m. O.Pers. ki(n)d-S-s 'India'. Skr, mddb-u n. 
mad-u n. 'sweetness, honey': Gt. }tl&-v, etc.; see above, p. 31^ 
Skr. ddr-u n. 'wood, piece of wood, beam, plug' Avest. ddi 
n. 'wood, spear' Skr. dar-v-l-^ dar-v-f 'spoon' dr-tt- n. 
wooden implements' m. 'tree, branch'. Avest. dr-u- n. 'wood, spesxa 
Qr. dop-v n. 'wood, beam, spear-shaft, spear' Jpv-rri^io-^'cutting w 
ttpr-« n. itpr'-fc f. 'oaks', O.lr, daur, gen. daro dara, Mod. 
deric-en 'oak', O.Ir. dentcc 'acorn', Goth, triu (st. tr-iv-a-) : 
'tree', Lith, der-v-H f. 'pine-wood' O.C.Sl. drAw n. 'tretf i 



Slav, 'der-v-o) dr-uc-o (usually in pi. rfr-fip-o) 'wood', Idg. 
*dor-u~ *der-n- *dr-u-. We have a correspoading variation of 
ablaut in another neuter word, Skr. sdn-n- sn-u- n, m. 'peak'. 
Skr. bdndh'U-^ m. 'relationship, relation*, qi-ti-j m. 'stem', d- 
-kH-ii-$ f. 'insight, underetanding', pdr^-n-i f. 'rib' : Avest. per's-it-s 
m, "rib', tdl-u n. 'palate', tr&p-u n. chin'. ATpat. sftaA-w- sctagh-u- 
f. 'instruction'. 

Armenian, barj-r, gen. barju "high", ground-form "bhf^h-u-. 
anj'u-k onai-k 'narrow', (extended by -yo-, see above p. 313). 
hazH-k 'arm' has the same addition, compare Skr. bakiu-? (see 
above, p. 313), but the word may have been borrowed from 
Persian. Other derivatives from tt-stems : cn-aut 'jawbone, cheek', 
beside Skr, Aa'ti-w-j etc. (see above, p. 313), cun-r (pi. cunh-S) 
'knee', beside Skr. jdn-u etc. (see above, p. 313), and other 
words. 

Greek. SpnoV-^'bold': Mid,H.G. (flrr-e 'bold'Lith. drqs-u-s 
'bold' (this word like dr<ia-d 'boldness' which is closely akin, 
was modified through the influence of dris-; see I g 285 Rem. 
p. 228), V^rfAers-. j*p((J-i'-; 'slow'; Skr. »n^r]?-ti-^ 'tender'. n«^-il-c 
'thick': Skr. 6tiA-ii-j' 'thick, much', common ground-form 'bh^^k- 
-ii-8; can we compare Lith. binff-it-s 'stately, stiff, proud' in 
Bpite of the palatal §h (cp. Avest. bqzah- a. 'size, strength')? 
»ee I § 467, 2 p. 343, hy-v-^ 'clear-sounding', yXvu-v-s 'sweet', 
Tiip<fi-v-s 'thick' ^aS-i'-; 'deep', iaa-v-q 'thickly overgrown', rjv-g 
Iv-^ 'stout, good', t^ax-v'-c rpw'-w 'rough, uneven, rugged", 
fiplS-v's 'heavy', o^-v'-^- 'sharp, piercing'. 

Tifjx-i-i; m. 'fore-arm, something bent': Skr. fiaA-ri-j m, etc., 
see above p. 313. tiiXsK-v-^ m. 'axe': Skr. parai-tU^ pari-u-$ 
m. 'axe*, ora^-r-f aorwjf-r-s m. 'ear of corn", y^p-v-i; m. 'voice'. 
rir-%-^ f. 'chin, jawbone': Skr. hdn-u-§ etc., see above p. 313. 
apa-f-c f. 'hunter's net'. ni9-v, yow , Jo'p-u n., see above 
pp. 313, 314. nom n. 'herd' for * 77 toi' i< : cp. Skr. pag'H-^ 
'guardian', beside Gr, nm-ftfjv Lith. pe-in& 'herdsman' (cp. g 105 
Bem. p. 318), yia'^n-ti n. 'grotto, cave'. 

Italic. "We eeem to have a trace of the old adjectival 
tt-stems in Lat. idUs pi. fern. 8C. noctes, 'the bright (nighta)', 



316 The Suffix -u-. §104. 

from y/^aidh' *buni, be clear . Compare also acu-pediu-s beside 
Skr. ai'fi-s Gr. cQ/.-v-g swift*. The other Latin forms of this 
class have gone over to the /-declension : grav-i-Sj ten-u-i-Sj 
suavi-s for *suad'U'i'8^ see above pp. 312, 313; and no doubt 
levi'Sy pingui-s. The form of the feminine (cp. Skr. tanv-t) 
must have had something to do with this change of declension. 

Masc. laC'U-8 : O.Ir. loch *lake' n. ; compare Gr. Aaxxo-^ 'hole, 
pit', which according to the rule given in vol. I § 166 p. 147 
implies a stem *kaxv. im-petu-s^ alg-u-s^ grad-u-s, Fem. trib-us 
Umbr. trifo tribum', which can scarcely come from tri- *three' 
+ v^ftAw-; dom-U'S: O.C.Sl. dom-u *house; ac-ti-Sj coUu-^ 
(also m.). Neut. pec-u^ Umbr. pequo 'pecua' beside Lat. pec-u-s^ 
see p. 313 above; gen-u see p. 313 f.; veru Umbr. berva Verua' 
berus Verubus': O.Ir. hir 'sting, spear, common groimd-form 
*ger-M-; spec-u (beside spec^u-s m. f.); gel-u. 

Old Irish, tiug (gen. tig) 'thick': O.H.G. dicchi *thick, 
dense' (Goth, ^pik-u^s or ^piq-u^s), t/*much': Skr. pur^$ etc.; 
see p. 312 above. Jiu 'suitable, worthy' or 'suitability' Mod.Cymr. 
gtoiw proper, fitting, worthy Gall. Visu-r^ pr. kelt. *ueS'U-: 
Skr. vdS'U'^ vds-u (p. 314), see Thurneysen in Euhn's Ztschr. 
XXVIII 148 f. duh 'black', fliuch 'wef. From an Indo-Ger- 
manic f/-stem come also tana Corn, tanoto Bret, tanav 'thin', 
cp. Gr. Tay-V' Tavu'(f)o' etc., p. 312 f., and § 103 p. 311. 

Masculine, giun O.Cymr. genou Com. genau 'mouth' : Skr. 
hdn-u-} f. etc., see above p. 313. mug 'slave, servant' for 
*mog'U'S: Goth, mag^u-s 'boy, servant'; fid 'tree': O.H.G. tcitu 
*wood'. Feminine, mticc 'sow', deug 'drink'. Neuter, mid mead*: 
Skr. mddhu etc., see above p. 313; loch lake': Lat. lac-u-s m. 

Germanic. The adjectival t/-stems were partly absorbed 
into the io-declension, the point of connexion being the original 
feminine formation with -i5- -i-. Goth. kadr-U'S 'heavy': 
Skr. gur-U'^ etc., see above p. 312. Goth, pairs-u^s O.H.G. 
durr-i 'dry, arid': Skr. ^f^-ii-^ etc., see above, p. 312. Goth. 
aggvus 'narrow* instead of ^aggu-s through the influence of the 
weak form aggv- = Skr. qhv-y O.H.G. eng-i O.Icel. qng-r: Skr. 
qh'U'$ etc., see above p. 313. Goth. O.H.G. Jil-u (A.S. feah 



= pr. Germ, *fal-u, Fris. fut = *ful-u) 'much': Skr. pwr-ii-y 
etc., aee above p. 312. Goth, hard-u-s O.H.G. hart hert-i liard': 
Lith. kart-H-s 'bitter'. A.S. myr^-e 'lasting a short time' O.H.G. 
murff-filri 'caducus, fragilis, transitoriue' : Gr, ^(lax-v-g 'ahorf, 
rommon groimd-form ^mfghii-. Goth, tulg-us 'firm', qalrr-u-s 
'soft'. A.S. spit-H O.H.G. SjH^ m. 'spear', properly something 
'pointed', compared with O.H.G, sptzzi 'pointed'. 

Goth, mag-u-s O.S, wag-u m. 'boy': O.Ir, mug 'slave, ser- 
vant'. Goth, hair-ii-s m. Word': Skr. ^nr-M-s m. f. 'missile' 
Goth, kdid-u-a m, 'kind, way' 0,H,G, heit ni, f, 'persona, sexus, 
rank, position' A.S. Add m, 'family, position, nature': Skr. ifif-ii-^ 
m, 'phenomenon due to light, picture, form'. A.S, aelf Mid.H,G. 
o/;) (alb-) m. 'goblin, elf was originally, no doubt, an -w-stem: 
8kr. fiA-ti-j 'artistic, a sculptor', Goth, kinnu-s f. 'cheek' instead 
of 'Hhm-s, A.S. cin f. 'chin': Skr. hin-u-^ etc, see above p, 313. 
Goth, haud-u-s f. O.H.G. hant (dat. pi, kantum) f. 'hand'. 
Goth. /a/Aw n. 'money' O.H.G. fih-u n. 'cattle' : Skr. pdi-u etc. ; 
*ee p. 313 above. 

In Germanic the K-inflexion of consonantal stems largely 
increased the number of the substantives in -«-; the point of 
cuntact is seen in forms like (Goth.) ace. sing. fSt-H ace. pi. 
fiH'uns. Cp. § 56 p. 103, § 160, 1, § 161. 

Balto-Slavooic. Adjectives in «-have survived only in 
Lithuanian, but there they are very common; and their 
number waa considerably increased by the fact that a 
parallel form in -us could be made to any adjective in -a-s^ 
e. g. asztru-8 § 74 p. 187 f,, ffuiUis § 76 p, 210, gSdrii-s be- 
side gMra-s, drungnii-8 beside drungna-s. Most of the cases 
passed into the -io' inflection; cp. the Germanic section, p, 316. 
ptatit-s 'broad': Skr. pflh-i-s etc; see above, p. 313, dri^-ihS 
'bold': Gr, ."/pno-u'-; ; see above, p. 315, sald-Us 'sweet*: 0.C.81. 
sladu-kii 'sweet', dub-fi-s 'hollow', dyg-ti-s 'prickly', baug-ii~s 
timorous', staig-iis 'hot-tempered', sma.y-il-s 'malleable'. It is only 
rarely that the root has the accent, as in tdnk-u-s "thick'. The 
csistence of pairs like drqsti-s 'bold' and drffsA 'boldness' led to 
the use of -u- as a denominative suffix ; e. g. tamsit-s 'dark' from 



318 The Suffix •iw, § 104,105. 

tam-s-ct 'darkness', cz^sit-s 'timely* from C8zl$a-8 'time* (a borro- 
wed word). In Slavonic adjectival u-stems are found in deri- 
vatives with -JO-; besides sladu-ku we have e. g. ttnU-kU qzU-ku 
(p. 313). 

In Balto-SIavonic the substantives in -u- are all masculine. 
Lith. med'U-s O.C.Sl. med-u 'honey': Skr. rnddh-u n. etc.; see 
above, p. 313. Lith. virsz-i^s *the upper, outer part' O.C.Sl. 
vrichru adv. 'above*. Lith. dang-urs 'heaven' beside dengiit 1 cover*, 
vid'ii'S 'the inner part*, al^u^s a drink like beer. O.C.Sl. dom-u 
'house*: Lat. dom-u-s (v^rfem- 'build*), i?o/-u 'ox', poM 'side*. 
In Slavonic all u-stems were inflected as o-stems. 

§ 106. The Suffix -iu^. This must be regarded as 
proethnic, even though we cannot point with certainty to any 
one example which dates from the Indo-Germanic period. It 
should be noticed how frequently we find -iti- and -io- side by 
aide, as Skr. va-yu-^ Lith. v'e-Ja^s 'wind*, Qr. v-ii/-^ and v-io-g 
'son*. Skr. ydj-yu-^ 'revered as divine' and 'revering, pious' and 
yaj't/a-s 'venerandus*. 

Remark. The explanation of Skr. pdyu'i pr. Ghr. ^ntojrv (§ 104 p. 315) 
as containing the suffix 'U-^ not -i'm- (similarly Skr. siSyii'^ fdy-u-,5 
Ayest. tSy-u-s *thief cp. Skr. st^nd-a^ Skr. dhay-u-f 'thirsty* op. dhi-nd") 
is based on the hypothesis mentioned in voL I § 150 p. 186, which 
would allow us to assume such a root as e. g. *p<}i-, not *pa-. If this 
hypothesis be correct, it is natural to conjecture that the suffix -iw- may 
have sprung from these nouns, ^pOiu" being analysed as ^p6'iu' etc. 
On this model then were formed e. g. Skr. vd-yu-if (J^» 1^)i dhd-yu-^ 
'generous' (Idg. dhe-), and later on -j(w- was added to consonant stems, as 
Skr. dds-yu'^. So far as I can see there is nothing to prevent our assu- 
ming that this process took place in proethnic Indo-G^ermanic. 

Aryan. Skr. dds-yu-^ m. , a title both of the gods' 
enemies, the demons, and of the unbelieving tribes, Avest 
dahhu'S f. (cp. I § 125 p. 115, § 558 p. 415) O.Pers. dahyu- 
(nom. sing. dahydu-S) f. land, district, neighbourhood*. Skr. 
man-yu"$ m. 'excited thought, zeal, displeasure, anger Avest. 
mainyU'S m. 'spirit, genius'. Skr. vdryfi-^ m. Avest. va-yu-S 
m. Vind*: the Avestic form is no doubt for *t^-iu-, see I § 109 
p. 101. Skr. mf't-yi'^ m. 'death': perhaps identical with the 



Armen. u-stem mark mah (gea. marhi mahu) 'death', sei? I § 360 
p. 276; it ia basetl on a stem m/--'-, see § 123. 

Skr, bhuj-yu-s 'flexible', iundk-yti-^ 'aeat, pure', dhd-t/u-} 
generoua', sih-yu-^ 'strong'. The commonest fornis are adjectives 
which are connected with derivative verbs, and mean seeking 
after, desiring something' or 'possessing, performing, exhibiting 
something' and the like. Examples are aivai/ii-s 'desiring horses', 
iravastfu-^ 'ambitious', divayu-4 'revereiicing the goda', udanifu-f 
'containing water' clrat/u-§ 'behaving Uke a hero'; cp. part. 
ilvaydnt- 'reverencbg the gods' and feminines like ahayd 'desire 
(or horses'. Avest. a'tahu-yu-i a jiroper name, beside atahuy^nii 
'I govern' anhuyd- f. government'. 

Armenian. Perhaps we should class here mark 'death'; 
»ec above, under Aryan. 

Greek. Lac. Arcad. r-'iv-'^ 'son', Cret. v-tV-i,', Att. liu-; 
(inscr.), Uom. gen, v'lto^ etc., beside wJo'v v6-c> which can scar- 
cely have come from the former by dissimilation : cp. Skr. su-ta-s 
'begotten, son' (cp. W. Schuize, De reconditioribus quibusdam 
nomtnuni in -V— exeuntium formis, (.^mmentationes philologao 
Qryphifiwaldonsea, Berol. 1887, p. 17 ff.). 

According to Wackemagel {Kuhn'a Ztschr. XXIV 295 ff., 
XXVII 84 ff.) substantives in -tv-^ like nsfuv-i; herdsman' (nom. 
pi. Cypr. -ijf-f^) also belong here , and should be compared 
immediately with the Sanskrit nouns in -ayu-^. Yet some 
difficulties still remain ; should we, for instance, assume Idg. 
■tius or -Pius for the nom. sing.? The latest discussion of 
these stems is by Johansson (De derivatis verbis contraetia linguae 
Graecae, 1886, p. 73 ff.). 

Germanic. Goth, drun-ju-s m. 'noise', »tub-ju-s m, 'dust', 
(cp. O.H.G. stuppi dust'); perhaps also -taddju-s f. 'partition, 
wall, rampart' (O.Icel. vegg-r, O.Sax. ace. pi. wegos i. e. weijos), 
where ddj came from i (I § 142 p. 127). 

Baltic. In Lithuanian -fu- la common, both in primary 
and secoodary use. It forma only masculines, yyr-iu-s 'praise, 
^ry', vyr-iu-s 'eddy', skyr-iu-s 'aeparation', vy-tu-3 'enticement, 
trick' 8pec^iu-s 'swarm' cp. spcceiii inf. spesti 'to swarm' (of bees). 



320 The Suffix -mm- (-^m-). § 105,106. 

There a large number of nomina agentis, as ptrdHu-Sj 'peditor' 
SiikcziU'S 'trickster', audeju-s 'weaver, rdcziu-s Vheelwright', 
bezdalu'S 'who sends forth many blasts', and other appellations 
of living beings to denote a particular characteristic, as skar- 
mdlu'S *scamp' {skafma-ta-s 'rags torn off) bSdiiu-s 'poor crea- 
ture' (beda 'need'), kytridu-s 'wiseacre, coxcomb' {kytru^s 'clever*), 
ragucziU'S 'horned thing' {rag&ta^s 'homed*). In Lithuanian -^m- 
was far more fertile than in the other European languages. 
Bruckner assumes that the whole group of nouns in -/u- is a 
purely Lithuanian formation (Archiv f. slav. Phil. HI 254 f.), 
but this is improbable. 

§ 106. The suffix -ww- (-pnu-). This is rare in most 
of the languages. It usually forms substantives. 

Indo-Germanic *s«-ntt-s m. 'son': Skr. sUnH-^ O.H.G. 
sunn Lith. sunu-s O.C.Sl. synu. 

Aryan. Skr. sU-nth^ Avest. hunu-s m. *son': Lith. sQ^nU-s 
etc., see above. Skr. &Aa-nti-^ 'gleam, sun* Av. bO-nu-S m. 
'gleam, light'. Skr. dht-n^^ f. 'milch cow' Avest. da^nu-8 f. 
'female (of animals). Skr. ddr-nu Avest. do^nu n. 'trickling 
moisture, dew', also Skr. dd-nu-?. Skr. vag-nu-^ m. 'sound, cry*, 
8thClnii'$ m. 'stick, stump'; dhf^-nii'^ *bold', gfdh-ni'^ 'eager, 
greedy*. Avest. taf-nu-s m. 'heat, heat of fever', bar'S-nu^s 
f. peak, height'; zae-nu-s 'equipped*. 

In Sanskrit we find also -anti-, as krand-ani-^ m. 'bellowing' 
nad-anu'^ m. 'din', vi-bhafijani-S 'breaking to pieces'. This 
-anU' is parallel to -awf-, as is shewn by J^p-awi-^ 'missile' 
k^ip-anls 'a cut with a whip'. Hence no doubt it should be 
derived from -^ww-. See § 95 p. 285. 

Forms like Ay-f-riw-^ 'active* {loka-kft-nfi-^ and Idka-kf-t- 
'making a clear space*, see § 123) gave rise to the fairly common 
adjectival suffix -ffiu- (cp. -t-van- § 116 and the like): dar^tnih^ 
'breaking to pieces', dram-tnu-^ 'running', mOdayi-infi-^ 'intoxi- 
cating'. 

The adjectival suffix -sww- was no doubt derived from 
more than one typical form, kravi^i^ 'greedy of raw flesh' 
(kravi^- 'raw flesh'), rOci^nti-^ •shining {rdcl$' 'light*); cari^nu-^ 



giOS. The Suffix -iiu- (gaii-). 821 

'wandering', ffumtsnii-s 'going', ct/aoatfiinii-S 'setting in motion', 
jiinU-s "victorious*, ni-salsnii-i 'sitting down', vadhasnii-i 'earry- 
ing a murderous weapon' beside vadhasm-m 'murderous weapon' 
(see § 66 p. 142), as Avest. zafnu-s 'equipped, beside za^e-m 
'equipment, weapon', 

Greek. Here -w is very rare. Hem. 9ffTJ-w-q 'footstool' 
beside Att, tfpn-co-? 'aeat, bench'. Xiy-vv-i,- 'smoke, vapour'. 

Italic. The suffix is rare, Lat. ma-nu-s f., Umb. manuv-e 
'in manu', no doubt standing for •ma-»K-, from v^ me- 'measure', 
Lat. cor-nu n. and cor-mi-s beside the rare cor-no- n.: Gall. 
m^vv-t (schol. liUd, JS 219, Eustath. 1139, 57) beside xdo-t-o-y 
ace. 'trumpet' (Hesych.), Groth. hatir-n a. 'horn' (§ 66 p. 147); 
cp. Danielsson, Pauli's Altita). Stud, III 188. pT-nu-s f., also 
pl-no- f., cp. Gr. m'-rr-s. The dative c^«> beside t^iS vSnu~m 
fiom 'vea-no- or *vSs~no~ (g 66 p. 142 under Armenian) is certainly 
a late change of declension. 

Old Irish, ll-n 'number' ground-form *plS-nu-. Cp. also 
virgun orcun f, 'killing, to kill' for *orgonu *orffunu according 
to Stokes, Kuhn'a Ztachr. XXVIII 291 ; but *oryma- might 
«4]uaUy be assumed as its original form. 

Germanic. Goth, su-m-s O.H.G. aunu O.Icel, Bvn-r m. 
'son': Skr. «ij-»ti-s etc., see p- 319 above. Goth, ^aiir-nM-s m, 
'thorn' beside the -o-atems O.H.G. dorn Clcel. Jiorn; there is, 
however, no reason why we should not assume that *pur-nu~ 
was the pr. Germ, form ; O.C.SI, tfl-nu may also be an original 
u-stem, but note Skr. tf-na-m 'stem of grass'. Goth. asUu-qairnu-s 
X. 'nvXos ovixo;, millstone' (its suFiix may he compared with that 
of O.CSi. erl-ny f. 'mill') beside O.H.G. chwir-m 'raillstODe, 
mill' O.Icel. kter-n 'mill', Lith. fflr-nos pi. 'millstones, mill'. 

Balto Slavonic. Lith. efl-nii-s O.CSI. ay-nu m. 'son': 
8kr. fiu-flti-^, see above p. 319. O.C.SI, di-nu m. 'rank, order', 
beside Skr. ci-td- 'ranged, trooped'. In Lithuanian there are a 
few adjectives, which however may be simply modifications of 
forms in -na- (see p. 317): e. g. drung-nb-s 'lukewarm' (beside 
druHg-iias), gad-nii-s 'useful', ssvet-nit-s 'tender, soft to touch*; 
with -8', d^snu-s do-snii-s 'generous'. 



322 Tbo Suffixes -r»/- and -hi-. § 107. 

§ 107. The Suffixes -rw- and -Zm-. These are original 
in a few nouns. They are more or less fertile in Baltic as 
adjectival suffixes. 

Indo-Gcrnianie. -r«-. ^dak-ru n. 'tear': Gr. idxgv, Lat. 
dacru-ma lacru-ma lacri-ma (I § 369 p. 279 f.), Corn, dagr 
pi. dagrou; hence no doubt Germ, ^tdxra- (O.H.G. zahhar 
O.Icel. tar) and Ha'^rd- (Goth, tagr A.S. teajar) originally had 
^ru- ; another word which no doubt was formed in imitation of 
this, though from a different root, is Skr. dS-ru n. *tear', cp. 
Skr. kf-mi's: cp. Lat. ver-mi-s: cp. Gr. eX^/di^g § 97 p. 289. Skr. 
imdiru n. *beard, moustache' for *smaS'ru (I § 557, 4 p. 413), 
Armen. morula (mdru-/i muru-RJ *beard* (though this comparison 
is not quite certain); compare Lith. Sfnak-rd *chin' (I § 467 p. 343). 

-Zw-. Skr. dha-ni'^ sucking' Gr. ^rJ-Xv-g 'giving suck, 
female', beside Gr. &t)'kri 'mother's breast* Lat. fe-ldre etc.^ see 
I § 256 p. 210. Skr. bliJ-ru-i bhUlu-s Lith. bai-ius 'timorous*. 

Aryan. Only the evidence of the cognate languages can 
decide whether the suffix is Idg. -rw- or Idg. -/fi-. Idg. -rw- 
may be assumed in: Skr. dk-ru Av. as^ru n. *tear' beside Skr. 
ai-rd-tn 'tear* (see above), and Skr. Smai-ru n. *beard' (parallel 
to this we find hdri-sfnaSaru-s 'with light coloured beard*) ; see 
above. 

In the following instances it is doubtful whether we have 
Idg. r or /. Skr. pe-ru-s no doubt meaning making to bubble, 
sweir. Avest. duz-vandru^S 'desiring evil*. Skr. patd-ru-^ 'flying', 
like pata-rd-s § 74 p. 182. Skr. vatidd-rn-S 'praising, glori- 
fying*, jAya-rH'S despising, scorning , pataya^lu-^ *Rying\ Is Sat- 
-ru-^ 'foe* = sdt-ru' or Mt-tru-? 

Greek. Sux-qv n., see above, xay/^v-g f. xd/pv (j^dy^Qv) 
n. 'roasted barley* and fioTQvg m. 'bunch of grapes' may be classed 
here provisionally. 

Italic. Extended by -mCL-: Lat. dacru-ma (see above). 
Perhaps we should class hore tonitru-s m. tonitru n., whose 
formation seems to resemble that of Skr. stanayi-tnu-s (com- 
pare § 106 p. 320) and tanyatu-s 'thunder' (§ 108). 

Germanic. Goth, di-ru-s O.Icel. ^-r-r d-r-r m. 'messenger', 



v^Q- go"; also A,8. ar 'messenger', which is no longer reuog- 
nisable as an M-stem. Goth, huh-ru-a m. and O.H.G, htmgar 
m, (of which tiie same may be said) 'liunger', pr. Germ, '/lifsy-rw-z 
nad •;FM»j-r«-s. Pr. Germ. *fiO-ru- Mid.K.G. vluor m. f. 'corn- 
field, ground' A. 8. 0r m, f. 'house-floor, bnrn-floor'; O.Ir. lfi~r 
"flooring, floor'. 

Balto-Slavouic. In Lithuaoian there are a considerable 
Dumber of adjectives in -nV-s and -lii-s: bud-rii-a 'watchful, 
tuk-ru-s 'active', kant-rit-s 'patient', ed-rit-s 'rayenous' {ettrd 
'fodder") isz-mairit-s 'sharp-sighted' (cp. O.C'.Sl. mot-r-iti 'to look"), 
buk-iii-s "crafty, aly' isz-telclu-s Uz-tenklit-s 'Bufficing', Parallel 
to these we sometimes have forms in -ras -las, aa gSd-rtis 
and gSd-ra-s 'bright, clear', and tiai-Ui-s gai-la-s 'ill-tempered, 
snappish' (of doga). The ff-form appears in most cases to be 
older than the other, and it must aometimea be pre-auppoaed, 
even where it does not occur, e. g, in asztrii-s 'sharp' beside 
0.C.S1. oftru Skr. catur-aSra-s Gr. «x(>o-e (§ 76 p. 184 and 
p. 187). 



§ 108. The Suffix -/h-1). This was a common primary 
suffix used in forming abstract substantives (verbal nouns, nomina 
aetionis) even in the proethnic period. These were masculine; 
but through the influence of the gender of other abstract 
nouns, they became feminine universally in Greek, and some- 
times in Aryan and Germanic. In Aryau, Latin, Balto-Slavonic 
(and Keltic, see § 156) they are found attached to the verbal 
system as infinitives (gerunds, supines); and it ia possible that 
this association with the verb, which gave rise to a large number 
of new formations, began at least in part before the end of the 
proethnic period. And in this connexion it is especially im- 
portant to observe that we find the ace. -tU'tn used after verbs 
uf motion in precisely the same way in Sanskrit, Latin, and 
Baito-Slavonic ; e, g. Skr, kdiwn SH 'he goes make sacrifice', 



1> Th. Benfey, Die Suffice i 



, Kuhn'B Ztscbr. II 



324 The Suffix -/M-. § 108. 

Lat. cubitum if, Lith. eXksz vilgytu 'come and eat', O.C.Sl. ceso 
izidoste viditu? 'quid exiistis visum?* 

Only a few masculine and feminine substantives formed with 
this suffix are other than notnina actionis^ and their uses can 
easily be derived from the meaning of an abstract verbal noun. 
The nomina agentis (as Skr. mdn-tU'S m. 'counsellor' beside 
mdntU'S m. 'counsel, advice', Goth. hliftU'S m. *thief, O.Icel. 
vqr&r m. watcher, waiter' beside vqrd-r m. Vatch*) show the 
same change of meaning as Lat. hosti-s O.Ir. taid ; and the few 
adjectives that occur (as Skr. tapya-tii'S 'hot, glowing*) are 
parallel to such forms as Skr. pH-ti-^ 'stinking'. Cp. § 99 p. 293, 
§§ 149. 155. 

There are a few neuter substantives as Skr. vds-tu Gr. aa-rv. 

Originally the accent varied in the different cases in con- 
nexion with differences in ablaut, e. g. *ii'tU' *i-^|^-- (from 
*ei- 'go') ; such a distinction is preserved in Skr. *S*tt^m : i-tv-d. 
In Sanskrit the variation survived in these cases, which had 
been incorporated into the verbal system, because, through the 
difference in their use, their connexion in form was forgotten, 
but in the complete declension of any one noun the differences 
were levelled ; in some cases the type ^ei-tu- was adopted (e. g. 
mdntU'S)^ in others *itU' (e. g. ftu-s). Other survivals of the 
old gradation are seen in (e. g.) Gr. xXei-Tv-^ and xAf-rr-c, Lith. 
U'tU'S and ly-tu-s. In Latin and Lithuanian the supine was 
influenced by the fo-participles and the abstract nouns in -f/-, 
so that the type */<w- prevailed: e. g. Lat. c&r-^«-m da-tu like 
da-tU'S (da-tO'S) da-tid^ Lith. mllsz-tu like mllsz'ta'S mllsz-ti 
(s^ntelg-J. On the other hand, the corresponding form in 
Slavonic generally shows the type *eitu- and itself influenced 
the ^/-infinitive (e. g. O.C.Sl. mlSs-fu and mliS'ti) ; this is cer- 
tainly connected with the comparative disuse of the -to- parti- 
ciple in this group of languages (§ 79 p. 336). 

These nouns could be based upon any form which serv-ed 
as a verbal stem, not merely on the root (in the strict sense); 
hence forms like Skr. vdmi'tu-m inf. 'to vomit'. Lat. vomi-tu-s m., 
Skr. jivd'tU'S f. 'life' (cp. Av. Jya^tu^S f. 'life'), Gr. (ioTj-vv-g 



f. 'cry', Lat. apparO-tu-s m. andl-tu-s in., O.Ir. searad 'a aever- 
ing" Goth. vrat&-dH-s m. journey", Lith. fSssfeo-til 0.C.3I. i8ka-t& 
'to seek". 

-e-tu- is found like -e-to- § 79 p. 219 and -e-ti- § 100 
p. 294), e. g. Skr. 4r-d-W-| 'power, strength' vah-a-tH-s m. 
'bridal procession', Gr. tm-/(o-i,' 'truthful' from *i-Tv- instead of 
'fi-fT-v- 'existence' (\^e8-). 

Indo-Germanic, Skr. inf. bhdm-Ui-m gerund bka-tv-A 
from bhdva-H 'he becomes, is', Lat. fu-tu-6, sup. Lith. bii-tu 
O.C.Sl. bt/-tu to he' ; we may add, witli hesitation, Gr. ifT-rv-g 
"begetter' <fi-Tv 'ahoot, scion' (see I § 5G p. 46). Skr. }u$-fv-lt 
gerund of /osa-f* 'has pleasure in something', Lat. ff^us-tu-s m., 
Goth, kuS'tit-s m. 'trial, proof. Skr. pt-tli'S m. 'sap, drink, food* 
Dourishment' pitu-dam- m. 'pine tree* n. the reain of this tree, 
Gr. ni-rv-e 'pine', Lat. pitu-'ita, O.Ir. i-th m. 'corn', Lith, p?-tua 
pi, 'midday meal, midday'. Skr. inf. vittu-m c^ttav-S ger. vittv-d 
from vinda-ti 'finds, becomes possessed of, vidi-tu-m vidi-tv-d 
from vStti perceives, knows' (the root is the same), Lat. vlsu-s m., 
OJr. fisa m, 'knowledge'. Avest. pesv-s m. 'ford' (-s- for -rt-, 
see I § 288 p. 229 f.), Lat. por-lu-s m., O.H.G. fur-l m. 'ford' 
(it has lost its character as a w-stem) O.Icel. fjqrd-r m. 'firth, 
gulf. Skr. gdn-tU'S gd-tu-s m. 'course, way', inf. i/dn-tu-m 
gdn-tav-S ger. ga-tV'd, Lat. ad-ve)i-t«s m., sup. ven-lu-m veti-tu, 
Litli. sup. giih-tu 'to he born' {cp. I ij 249 p. 204), v^gftn-. 
Skr. iMtf«-/H-^ m. 'counsel, counsellor' inf. man-tav-i ger. ma-tv-d, 
Lith. sup. fMi»i-(« 'to think of, i/^men-. Skr. inf. iqsi-tiim get. 
hs-tv-d from iqsa-tl "he recites', Lat. cemii-s m. instead of *ce»s- 
-t«'8 (cp. S 100 p. 295), \/^J«is-, Skr. inf. i>dk-tum pdk-tav-e 
ger. pak-tv-a from pdca-ti 'cooks', Lat. coc-tu-m coc-ta, O.C.Sl, 
sup. pesif 'to bake' for 'pek-t9i (I § 462 p. 338). Lat. sup. rfc- 
-Umii rSc-tii, O.Ir. recli-t n. 'right', O.Icel. rStt-r n. 'right'. Skr. 
dhd-tu-s m. 'constituent part, element', inf. dhd-lu-m ger. dhi- 
'h-d lii-tp-d, Lat, con-ditus m. sup. con-ditu-m -ditii, sup. Lith. 
M-ln O.C.Sl. d6-tu 'positum'. Skr. aktu-» m. 'salve, light, night' 
ground-form *igq-tu-s, Lat. f7«c-(«-») Unc-tu. Skr. inf. ap-tu-m 
ger. ap-ti'-d from ap-nS-ti 'attains, gains', Lat. ad-eptu-s m. Skr. 



826 The Suffix -'M-. § 108. 

vds^tu n. 'dwelling-place, house', 6r. fda-rv aO'Tv n. *city*. 8kr. 
ya'tU'S m. 'traveller, time* (no doubt identical with yatu-^ 'ghost', 
see below), Lith. j6-tu 'to ride*. Lat. sup. nd-tti-m nd-tu (Ignd' 
tu-m tffndtu)^ 0.C.81. sup. zna-tu 'to know'. 

Aryan. Skr. pi-tih^ m. 'sap, drink, food, nourishment' Avest. 
pi'tU'S m. 'food': Gr. ni'Tvg etc., see above p. 325. Skr. inf. 
car4U'tn cari-tii-tn ger. cTr-tv-d car-tv-a cari-tv-d from cdra-ti 
'goes, travels', Avest. car^-tu^s m. 'horse's course, distance a 
horse can gallop'. Skr. gdn-tU'S gdrtd-^ m. 'course, way', Avest. 
gd-tU'S 'place, room, throne' O.Pers. gdpu- 'place, room, throne* 

{p arose regularly in the cases which had gd-pw^ see I § 473 

p. 348 f. — and from these it spread to the rest): Lat. ad-ven* 
'tU'S etc., see above p. 325. Skr. jan-tii-s m. 'creature, being, 
child, people, family, stock*, Avest. zan-tti'S m. 'alliance, stock*, 
Skr. inf. jdni4d$^ adv. Jd-tu 'generally': Lat. gem-tu-s m., sup. 
geni'tu-m geni-tu^ nd-tu-s m., y^ gen-. Skr. dd-tu n. 'part, task' 
Avest. vl'ddtii'S m. 'breaking up of the body, dissolution, death', 
beside Skr. dd-ti dyd-ti 'cuts off: cp. Gr. dai-vv-g 'meal' (orig. 
'portion') daixvuMv 'guest'. Skr. si-tu-s m. 'connexion, bond, 
chain, bridge; binding' (adj.), Avest. ha^-tu-s m. 'ford, bridge': 
Lett. sup. sf-tt4 'to bind*, v^sa/-. Skr. gd-ti-s Avest. yd-tu-^ 
m. 'ghost, demon*, no doubt (like ydtu- above) from yd- 'go, 
foil upon something' (cp. yd-tdr^ 'pursuer'). Skr. f-ti-s m. 'fixed 
time', Uin-tU'S m. 'cord' (was O.Ir. M Mod.Cymr. tant 'string' 
an ff-stem ?) d-tu-s m. 'woof ; su-tu-^ f. 'pregnancy' inf. su-tav-e 
ger. sU-tV'd: O.Ir. su-th n. 'fetus'. Avest. fner'-tu-s m. 'thought'; 
Jgd'tii-$ f. 'life*. Skr. jTvd-tu-s f. 'life' (no doubt with the same 
d as Avest. jgd-tti-s; though we might also regard it as a = 
Idg. 0, cp. Lith. gyva-ta O.C.Sl. iivo-tu Gr. /^to-ro-g), inf. d-kod- 
myi-tu-m 'to cause to breathe again, console' from d'SVds-aya-ti 
'makes to breathe again, consoles'. 

With -e'tti'i Skr. kr^d-tu-s m. 'power, strength, power of 
mind', Avest. xr-a-tu^s m. 'understanding, insight', from kar- 
'set at work*. Skr. vah-a-fu-s 'bridal procession', tan-ya-tu-s m. 
'thunder', tap-ya-tti'S hot, glowing'. Avest. r-a^tu-s 'fixed time* 
beside Skr. f^tti-s. 



In classical Sunskric the accUBative, in Tcda also the dative 
and genitive-ablative served aa infinitives; e. g. irS-tu-m, iri- 
-tavS, ird-tOs. The f()nnation of compounds like SrOtu-kama- 
"dpsire to hear' shows that even in later times the feeling that 
the form in -turn was a case had not quite died out. The 
instrumental {irK-(pd, orig. 'with hearing") was used as the 
(so-eailed) gerund, logically connected with some noun in the 
tientence to denote an action accompanying or (generally) pre- 
ceding the action of the verb, e. g. irutva cUbrucun (ca tdiruvan) 
'»nd hearing {or having heard) they spoke'. All such forms 
could be used in this way, except those derived from thematic 
Btems (ir-d-fw- etc.). 

Armenian, Amongst the (K-atems (e. g. zar-d, gen. zar-dti 
adornment') there seem to be none which can be ascribed with 
certainty to proethnic Indo-Oermanic. Hiibschmann (Arm. Stud. 
I 46) with some hesitation connects orf, gen, orCii, 'calf with 
Skr. pjrthu-ka-s 'the young of an animal, child, boy' (Gr. nop- 
-T(-s jio'p-ra| 'calf^. 

Greek. The Substantives in -ni-c, except the late form 
i^'Tv-i; (p. 325), are all feminine, and occur for the most part in 
die Ionic dialect. xXi-iv-i; xXti-n'-^ 'slope, hill': Skr. iri-tv-d ger. 
of Srdy-a-ti 'leans', jii-iv-^ 'pine*: Skr. pi-tti-S etc., see p. 325 
above, i-rv^ 'circumference, circle of a wheel, felloe", Lat. pi- 
■tus TO., sup. Lith. Vff-tS O.C-SI. vi-tU 'to wind', j^pm-rv-g 'food, 
meal': Lith. jf^tti 'to drink'. ypan-Tv-c 'a scratch', from ypifm. 
ag-iii-c 'bond': Lat. ot--(M-s ar-tu. an-tatv-c 'absence', foi-ru'-c 
meal', aito-innrv-g 'division'. KTirrrr-^ 'founding' from xirfw, 
ittomaiv'c 'javelin -throwing, fight with missiles', from «'xofr/Cw, 
lijinri)-!,' 'making of booty' from ifjiZofiai, ff.gaaiv-g 'reflection* 
from tffidCio , daTHtarv-^ 'greeting' from aonato/iai , cp. Germ. 
-MSU-S from verbs in -atjan p. 331. kgnuxn-i; from hpna^io 
flit, apnii^iu. uj'opjjTiJ -s" 'harangue' from dyoniio/iai, (tojjTv-g 'cry, 
call' from jiod(u, tihHtjtv-^; 'desire' from tio.Ww. 

Neuters: only ifT-rv and orO-ri', see above pp. 32.5, 326. 

In the other lado-Germanic languages, we find numerals 
in -ti-i, as *pe*3q-ti-3 f. 'fivefold character, the number five* 



328 The Suffix -tu-, § 108. 

(§ 101 p. 306 f.). The corresponding forms in Greek are femi- 
uines in -iV-g; as nsvTfjKOiftv-Q, Ixarotfrv-^ rairv'g {vQiXTv-g is 
due to the influence of TQixr6»g) also rpixTt^g rtrpaxTi/-^, cp. 
Baunack, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 249 ff. 

sTV'juo'g 'truthful* from *«rt;- 'existence* (instead of *A-€-rv-, 
cp. Dor. svTsc, Lesb. sgau) ground-form *5-e-<w-, from \^ es- 'esse*. 

Italic. The Substantives in -tu-s arc masculine. Lat. ac- 
-/w-if, Umbr. ahtu actui*. Lat. adi'tti-s: Skr. svaitu-^ (svd-^U'S) 
'having its own course* inf. e-tu-m ger. i-tv-d, Lith. eUtii O.C.Sl. 
i4U 'to go*, ruc'tu-s : Lith. ruk-tu *to belch*, y^ re^g-. duc-tu-s, 
or^tU'S. marsu-s beside morded. e-ven-tunS : Skr. gdii^tu-^ etc., 
see above p. 825. sEnsu-s beside sent-w. con-spectu-^. tex-tu-^ : 
*Lett. tes-tu 'to hew with an axe*. Ssti^: Skr. dttu-m *to eat', 
Lith. estU 'to devour*, O.C.Sl. jastu *to eat*, y^ed-. s^a-^ti-^, 
sup. sta-tu-m sta^tu^ prae-stUu-m and prae-stdtu-m: Skr. inf. 
sthd^tU'tn ger. sthi-tv-d from ti^d-ii 'he stands*, Lith. pa^stotu 
,to become' O.C.Sl. s^a-^i* 'to place oneself*. 5a-^M-s : Lith. «^ttt 
to sow*. fE-tu-8, cap'tu'3. rap-ttis. can-tu-s. quaes-du^a. auo- 
'tU'S: Lith. duh-tu 'to grow', v^affg-. haus-tu-s. fid-iu-s. fU- 
'Ui^s. gemi'tU'S. fremt-tu-s. strepi'tti-s. crepi-tu^s. domi-tt^^. 
habi4U'8. exerci-tu-s. cond-tu-s. ap-pardtu-s. audi-tu-s. vestl^ 
'tU'8, Words like jUdicdtu-s (jUdicdre judex) gave rise to an 
independent sufKx ^dtU' for denoting an office or an official 
organisation, as principdtu^a , ducdtu-s, pontificdtu^s , sendtus 
(cp. German, -^pu- -ddu-). 

The ^w-stems (i. e. the so-called supines) form a very 
large group in Latin, -tu-m was orig. ace, -tu loc. or instr. 
Most of the substantives in 'tu-s were also used as supines, e. g. 
SsU'S 'eating* and Ssu-m Ssu] on the other hand, it is only a 
small proportion of the supines beside which we find independent 
declinable substantives. The freedom with which supines were 
formed was practically unlimited. 

The gender of the neut. subst. ar-tu' beside masc. ar-tu-s 
was no doubt fixed by that of membru-m^ and testu^ n. (*ter$- 
-^u-, y/^ters' 'dry*) by that of testur-m (stem testo-). 

Old Irish. Masculines. 6t-fA, gen. ie^Ao, 'world*; Mod.Cymr. 



Ay-rf, Gall. Bitu-rTgSs Cworld-kings') : Lith. gy-m 'to revive '0.C.81. 
si'tu 'to live', v^gei'-. i-tk "com'; Skr. pi-tu-s etc., see abuvc 
p. 325. fisB 'knowledge, knowing', ground-Corm *wid+tu-: Skr. 
wHhu-m etc., aoc above ibid, gu-th 'voice', cru-th 'form' mess 
judgiog, judgement' beside midiur 'I judge'. 

Neut. su-th 'fetus' : Skr. sA-iu-s f. 'pregnancy'. srK-(A 
'stream', v^afey-, recA-( 'right': Lat. sup. rSc-tu-m etc.; see 
above p. 325. 

Like ties and megs, the numerous masculines in -ad (for 
-a-tU') formed from verbs of the 2. conj. are used as infinitives 
(cp. § 156), as nertad 'strengthening' from nerfaim denom. verb 
from wert 'strength' (cp. Or. nyoQrjrv-q, Lat, cfinalu-s), and similarly 
those in (ijud (for -{i)e-tw-) formed from verbs of the 3. conj., as der- 
ekoiniud 'despair, despairing' from der-ckoinim 'I despair', foillsigud 
'showing' from foillaigim "I show' (cp. 8kr. vaha-tii-s ant/a-tii'§). 
-tu- is a secondary suffix in the termination -es-tu- (-os-(M-). 
aia aes ois (gen. aisso aiea aesa) m. 'age' ground-form 'fliyes- 
— fti-«, cp. (ir. ai(f)iq 'always'; yet Mod.Cymr, oes, since i^ is not 
Usually lost in Cymric, perhaps indicates that the word is to 
l>e derived from a stem corresponding to the Skr. dyus-, which 
afterwards, we must assume, was confuned with the es-stem, 
aettckas m. 'antiquity (O.Cymr. hencass^ pi. hencassou 'old tale') 
tiuy be an extension of *seno-qO' (cp. Skr. sana-kd-s etc., g 88 
p. 263), the ground-form being *se»o-q-os-tu-, or a compound 
*seno-cas.tu-. dorits n. 'door' (cp, Mod.Cymr. drws Corn, daras), 
dat. pi. doirsib for *doressaih, and therefore from a stem "dftores- 
^tu- in proethnic Keltic. foUus 'clear'. 

Germanic. In West Germanic most of the (w-stems (which 
were common in proethnic Germanic) hist their distinctive 
character; there was a confusion between the (masc) tu- and 
llic (fern.) (i-stems, e. g. O.H.G. luf-t m. and f.. A.8. Igf-t m. and f. 
The original form of the /M-stems is best prt^served in Gothic. 
O.H.G. fri-d» A.S. fri-thu m. 'joy' pr. Germ, "frl-pu-z. 
from Germ, frj- fri 'cherish, spare" (whii:!i appears in Goth. 
frtidjan 'to spare' and other words. Gotli. li-Pu-s m. 'limb', 
cp, O.Icel, li'tn-r *limb'. Goth, kus-tu-s m, 'trial, proof, O.Icel. 



330 The Suffix -/M-. § 108. 



hoS't-r (ace. pi. kosto kostn) m. ^condition*, O.H.G. kos-t A.S. 
ctfS't: Skr. juts-tv-a etc. see above p. 325. Goth. luf-tU'S hl 
O.H.G. luf-t m. *breeze, air . O.H.G. fur-t m. 'ford* O.Icel. fjqr-d^ 
'firth, gulf: Avest. pesu-s etc., see p. 325 above. O.H.G. durs4 
A.8. durs-t fSyrS't) m. 'thirst*, v^^^s-. Goth, vul-pu-a m. 
glory*. Goth. luS'tu-s O.H.G. liis-t m. 'desire, for */s-<u-s, if 
it is connected with Skr. la-las-a-s (I § 299 p. 238, H § 100 
p. 302). Goth, puh'tii-3 m. 'thought', from pugkjan 'to think*. 
O.Icel. r^tt-r m. right': Lat. rSc-tU'tn etc., see above p. 325. 
O.Icel. hi^tt-r hatt-r m. 'way, sort, kind*, beside haga 'to arrange*. 
Goth. vahs-tU'S O.Icel. vqxt-r m. 'growth*. Goth, ddu-pu-s O.H.G. 
t(hd m. 'death*. O.H.G. blOs-t O.Icel. blQst-r blost-r n. 'blast*. 
Goth. fld-dii'S O.H.G. fluo-t m. 'flood*. With the meaning 
changed to that of a nomen agentis we have e. g. Goth. W^- 
-fw-s 'thief, O.Icel. vqrd-r 'watchman*. 

'S-tU' is rare (cp. -s-ti- § 100 p. 303 and 'S-tuo^ -S'tra- 
etc., see § 61 p. 117). Goth. watt-5-^M-s O.H.G. mist m. 'or- 
dure*, beside O.Icel. mJga 'mingere*. O.Icel. Iqst-r m. 'mistake* 
for ^la/S'tu-j beside O.H.G. lastar n. 'crime, vice* (suffix -S'tro-^ 
§ 62 p. 121), cp. O.H.G. lahan 'to blame*. 

The termination -d-pu- (also -5-5m- through the original 
variation of accent), which appears in derivatives of the weak 
verbs in -5n, became an independent suffix (cp. Lat. -(ttu^ 
p. 328). Goth. (jdundpU'S m. 'sorrow' from gdundn 'to sorrow', 
vratddu'S 'journey' from vrat^n 'to travel'; O.H.G. tveglkl m. 
'help* from wegdn 'to help*, klagod m. 'lament* from klagdn 
'to lament* ; O.Icel. ladad-r m. 'invitation* from lada *to invite*. 
The following are examples of nouns beside which there is no 
corresponding verb in -^n: Goth, gabairjopu-s 'desire* mannis- 
kddu'S 'humanity*, O.H.G. strUOd 'strife' leichod 'hymenaeus, con- 
cubitus', O.Icel. unad-r 'delight*. In O.H.G. the formations in 
'isDd inOd -ilod -cUod are especially common, as rJchisdd 
'lordship' from ffchison 'to govern', eUindd 'zeal, emulation* from 
ellhidn 'to be zealous', swintildd 'giddiness' from swintildn 'to 
become giddy*, hantaldd laying on of hands' from hantaUn 
lay hands on, handle*. On the other hand in Anglo-Saxon and 



Norae we find the teriruDation -ndpii-f which came from verbs 
in -»Sn 'nan (e, g, A.S. haftn54 'hold' bcBide Imftnian, O.Icel. 
batnai^r 'improvement' from batnu) ; this became fertile and 
nsurped the place of the older -spu-; e. g. A.8. /kjc/mo^ instead 
of, and parallel to, fu^eloS "fowling-", from /wje/jow, OJcel, 
duynad^r 'strength, help', from duga. 

The weak verbs in -atjnn (Gr. -ul^tiv) gave rise to the 
Buffix -asm- (Or. fiannarv-s from aantiio/mi, p. 327), which was 
very fertile in all branches of Germanic except Norse, especially 
in iho extended form resulting from its addition to n-stems, 
■n-assu- (Goth, -in-assu-). In West Germanic we have also 
(-n)-iss(u)- and (-n)'tiS8(u)-, whose »' and u are variously explained 
(von Bahder, Verbalabstr. 119 ff.) ; and farther various modi- 
fications of the final -«-, due to the analogy of feminine and 
neuter abstract substantives: fem. (-ii)-tss-0- (-n)-uss-f>-, (-n)-iss- 
•)0- (-lO-vss-fO; (-n)-ass-t- (-n)-iss-f- (-ti)-uss-J-, neut. (-n)-aas-ja- 
{-n)-is8-}a~ (-n)-uss-fa-. Examples are Goth, ibnassu-n 'equality, 
fairness' (A.S. enmessj, beside A,8, emnetlan 'adaequare' = Goth. 
'ibnatfan; ufarrassu-s 'overflow, abundance' from ufar. These 
forms are especially frei|nent iu connexion with verbs in -inOn; 
as hSrin-assu-s 'adultery' beside hSrinBn, which gave the type 
for words like hl6t-nuissu-s 'divine service' (from blStan). O.H.G. 
r/H-ussa f. 'riddle' offan-ussi f, 'opening'; ir-moeknissa f. 'ex- 
[lerimentum' gi-miscnissl f, 'mixture' gi-hSrnissl f. 'hearing', -nissa 
■nmsT had often the appearance of a denominative suffix, and hence 
it gave rise to a large number of formations like <].Ii.G. got- 
nissa f. 'godhead' rein-nissa f. 'purity' churt-nasst f. 'shortness'. 
In Upper Germany those suffixes were extended by -ipo- 
(§ 80 p. 240), hence -nissida -nussida, as in (O.K.G.) Jir-loraitissida 
lose', fiilnussida 'idleness'. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. li/-lu-s le-tu-s m. 'rain' (supine 
Ig-lii 'to rain' te-tS 'to pour'): Lat. sup. U-tii-m ti-ta, Goth. ace. 
sing, lei-pu O.H.G. ll-d- m. n. 'fruit-wine'. Lith. p^-tu-s pi. 
'midday meal, midday': Skr. pi-t^-s etc., see p. 325 above. It 
is II moot point whether the adjectives in -tu-s, as sta-tU-s 
"blunt, impolite', druma-tii-s "dark, troubled" (of water), were 



332 The Suffix -i- (-je-). § 108,l(W. 

originally abstract substantives (p. 324), or whether they were 
modifications of old adjectives in -ta^s (see p. 317). 0.C.8L 
kra-tu a time, occasion' {duva kraty 'twice'): Skr. ace. pL 
kf'tv^as *so many times'; Lith. kafta-s may have also been 
originally a w-stem, from which we could then directly derive 
the form in dii kartU *twice* szeszis kartus 'six times' and 
the like. 

The largest group of ^w-stems are the infinitives (supines), 
which were formed at will from any verb. The Lithuanian 
supines in -tu -tu (the quantity differs in different dialects), 
which should properly be 'written -ftf (their final nasal is still 
kept in the compound form of the optative, e. g. 1. pi. stSrft^tim- 
-bime)^ and the Slavonic forms in -fw, are ace. sing.; cp. Lat 
'tu-m. Lith. d&'4u O.C.Sl. da4u *to give', bii'tu bfj4u *to be', 
estii 'to devour' jastu *to eat', feszkd-tU iska-tu 'to seek*, s^dS^u 
sM^'tu *to sit*, gany-tu goni-tu *to tend, pasture' ; cp. also Pruss. 
da-tun da-ton *to give' maitd-tun *to nourish' with other exam- 
ples. In Old Church Slavonic there is a rare parallel form in 
'tu^ (as by-tu)^ which may be regarded as gen. or loc, and 
Prussian has dative forms in -twei^ as dd-twei. 

IV. The Suffix -f- r-i^->>^). 

§ 109. This suffix was used to form feminines in the 
proethnic and later periods. It served to differentiate the gender 
in the same way as a beside o (§ 59 ff.). In this function it 
was a secondary suffix, since these feminines were derived from 
the masculine and neuter stem. When a feminine of this kind 
was formed from o-stems, the stem-final -o was dropped in 
exactly the same way as before the suffix -^o- ; e. g. Skr. vfk-f 
'she- wolf the feminme o{ vfka-s 'wolf (cp. § 63 p. 126, Rem. 3 
p. 132). More rarely -f- has the appearance of a primary suffix, 



1) £. S levers, Cber die Feminina auf urgerm. i, Paul-Braune's 
Beitr. V 136 ff. 0. A. Danielsson, Om die indoeuropeiska feminin- 
stammarne pd -tj Upsala universitetn arsskrift 1881. W. Burda, Das slar. 
Suffix ynjaj nom. sg, ym\ Kuhn-Sohleicher's Beitr. VI 194 ff. 



1 109. 



- ('it-). 



ass 



as in Skr. idm-i 'work' Gr. rfvCa 'flight' (for *tf,v/'ttt); it cannitt 
be shewn with certainty that such primary fpmmine forms 
existed in the proethnic language. 

It is diflicult to determine what was the strong form of the 
mffix -T- in the Indo-Gennanic paradigm. For though as a rule 
the clones of feminine nouns which contain the suffix are easily 
distinguished in the different languages, yet they show important 
differences in form which cannot have arisen simply and solely 
through the operation of phonetic laws. Indeed it is obvious 
that its declension has been influenced in very many ways by 
fiiat of other stems. To me it seems most probable that -/e- 
(aometimeB -ye-) was the form of the strong-grade in Indo-Ger- 
aanic. Cp. -if — iiS- : -i- in the optative, as in Lat. s-i'g-s : s-i- 
iHue, and the masculine suffix -ie- -io-, -tie- -Uo- : -i-, -;- (§ (13 
p. 122 f.). 

Remark 1. The following oonclueioiiB seem to rae fairly probftble. 
In proelhnio Indo-Gennanic the nom. sing, ended in *-i; 6r. -lu was 
fennod on the Bnalogy of -.u)-; Lnt -li-s Lilh. -fiW (beside -1) come 
ifrom the extension of the form -ie- {'Hi-) to alt the cases. The sco. 
'^Ang. ended aometimeB in *-i-ni fSkr. -i-ni) aometimes in *-ii-iji op. the 
j«pL 3. pi. Lat. g-i-eiil for "a-ii-^'. I § 226 p. I93J, frum the latter we 
'^ta^e Lat, -iVm (m*er-i>»i>, 8kr. -iiiam (atr^ii/aiiO, Gr. -lar {noiwun-l, the 
iBkr. ftnd the Or. form haiing -m -> added oti the analogy of the termi- 
|Wions •i-m •a-iii etc. Similarly the aco. pi. generally, perhaps always 
Md«d in *-ii-^ tHkr. -lyas i^slr-iyaa), Lat. -!ia (mdter-iei) : In Or. -ii-i^ 
il perhaps represented by -idfc, the by-form of -rm.- -ij; before consonants 
The so-catted Wenk Cases with a oaKe-sufGx be;;inning in a consonant had 
:•*-, a« loc. pi. *-l-tii (Skr. -i-Rii). Elsewhere the form was -fr- or -ije-, 
•■ g- Ren. wng. '-(i^iis. This form of the suffii in regularly represented in 
lAtin, Balto-Slaronio, and Aryan, Lat. mulrr-ie-, Lith. zem-l- for 'ittn-ijg: 
(I S 147 p. lai}, O.C.SL BfmO)->- (ep. mjafi for 'tlojili, I g 76 p. 66J, 
Bkr. elduf^-. The Ablaut m thus precisely parallel to that of the opta- 
tire sutfis -ie-, e, g. Lat. rnb-li-s (gen. sing.l : rab-i-em ; datrH-x ^ s-i'i-a: 
•-i"-m( ; nH-mue. In Hevcral languages confusion with the ja- stems led 
lu ihe subititnlion of -(i)jo- for -(Oit"-; e. g. gen. sing. Gr. norf-za* Hwae 
(this change was probably due in part lo the influence of the heavier form 
of (he nee, sing, and pi. -,avi -.a^.J O.Ir. Bi-ii/'e (cp. Star. iffto(yS».l, Goth. 
moMJUx beside nom, sing. no'i«« iXviir , Srtgit (8kr. b^halx), mavi; SO 
alM) Ljlh- mnrezi'jg beside mart}. Different views as to the form of the 
Hrong grade in this suffix have been mainlained bj Kluge, Paul-Braune's 
Beiir. VI 391 f. and by Osthoff, Zur Gesch. d. Pers. ;-(38 f. 

-i- was the regular form of the suffix when other suffixes were 



^3*34 -i- (-}€-) as a Suffix of Differentiation. § 109,110. 

added to it: e. g. Skr. poUn%»vant- 'accompanied by one's wife*, Gr. mi2/- 
-Tjy-.- beside Dor. noiiu-ra-i Ion. -noXiri-rri^g 'citizen*, Lat vktri'X. 

There was a confusion with the /-stems (§ 92 ff.) as well as widi 
the id-stems. Compare e. g. Skr. ndr-i- and ndr^i- Voman* (see Benfey, 
Nachr. von der gott Ges. d. Wiss. 1876 p. 644 ff., Lanman, Noun-Inflection 
p. 370), Gr. Ifiarq-i',; (gen. XrjnTQiSot) 'female robber* beside rpdlr^ut *girl 
who plays the guitar', Lat. uept^i-s beside O.H.G. nift (= Goth. ^nifUt) 
Skr. napt't', sudvi-s for *8^dd't^i'S beside Skr. svSdfhi^ Skr. a/^.? Lith. 
dnti^s beside Gr. r^aoa *duck* for *yaT-ia, In these cases the -i-declension 
was the older, but the conrerse change occurs in Sanskrit, stems in -t 
being inflected in the same way as those in -f- in order to mark their 
feminine gender, e. g. gen. sing, gatyas beside gdtin from nom. gdti-s, nom. 
sing, bhumi gen. sing. bhumySs beside nom. bhumi-^ (§ 97 p. 289), yuvati 
beside yuvati-s (§ 101 p. 307). 

Finally these stems were confused with the inflexion of monosyllabic 
stems, such as Skr. bhi- Gr. xl-. in which -t- and -tj[- alternated (nom. bhi-^ 
gen. bhii/'dif, Gr. xl-g xt-o^). Hence e. g. Skr. nom. napi't-f gen. napt'iy'as, 
Gr. TToXi'^ ndZi'Oi. 

Remark 2. To this last remark I must add a oo^llary, lest it 
should be taken to imply the existence of a third »-suf&x, -i- -/](-, in In do- 
Germanic (-/- in all cases whose case-suffix began with a consonant, '^ir 
where it began with a sonant) in addition to -t- («j(-) and -i- (-i^*) There 
would be just as much and just as little reason for supposing a parallel 
suffix -u- -ut4- on the strength of such forms as Skr. ivcArd-f ivcAniv^m 
O.C.Sl. svekry svekfUv-e Gr. reMi-g vfMv^, As a matter of fact it seems to 
me very probable that all these polysyllabic -i- : f j[-stem8 and -i<- : -nii- 
stems have simply abandoned their original inflexion in order to conform 
to the type of such monosyllabic stems as Skr. bhi' Gr. xr-, Skr. bhru- 
Gr. o<pQU', in which -i- and -u- are part of the 'root' (cp. § 8 Rem. 1 and 
2 p. 20 f.). This change of inflexion will call for further notice when wc 
come to the formation of the cases. 

§ 110. Differentiation (Motion or Feminine -for- 
mation) of M-steras (§ 103 ff.). Originally the no doubt nom. sing 
was -eu'i gen, sing, -u-^^s (yet notice also Avest. t?afdAM-y4), loc 
pi. 'U'l'SU. Skr. svadv-t Gr. ij^sTa for *afeci€f'i^a Lat. suav-i-s 
beside masc. Skr. svodu-^ Gr. ^jdv-g *sweet*. Skr. gurv-t Gr 
fiagsTa 'gravis*. Skr. pfthv-t Avest. per^pw-f^ Gr. nkarsTa 'broad 
wide*. Skr. tanv-i Lat. tenu-i'S, Jn Germanic and Baltic post- 
consonantal u was dropped before -i^- (-jfl'): Goth. kaAr-jd- 
'gravis' (ace. sing, katirja nom. pi. kaurjds) for *itin*-i^- (<^P 
O.Icel. ylg-r I § 444 p. 329) ; Lith. saldzid- (gen. sing, saldzios] 
for *saldu'id'^ on the analogy of which was formed the nom. 
saldl instead of *saldv4; Goth. hard-Jd- *hard' Lith. karczid- 



Jllf. 



.- t-je-j a 



a Suf<iE of Diff«reii 



;i35 



'hitter' (nom. lartl) from masc. fiard-n-s kart-^s. In this claas 
uf adjectives, the unexteDiied furm, without -T-, could also bt- 
osed for the feminine; e. g. Skr. tanu-s, Gr. lidti'-f tfijit-g (in 
Homer and elsewhere), Goth, kauru-s {only -m-s is ever found 
in the nom. sing,). The noin. in -» ia found in Gothic in the 
eubst. mnvi 'girl' for *ma^u-i, beaide the masc. magus; the 
analogy of the cases witli this form of the stem, *ina(jju-i' 
gBve rise to the gen. mdu^'ds instead of *magjSs. 

Differentiation of «-stema {§ 112 ff.)- Skr. tak-a^-t 
Gr, T^xTtura (for *Ttxvay-ia) : Skr. tak^an- Gr. rttcTtar 'worker in 
irood, carpenter'. Skr. rdjii-% from rdjan- king' O.Ir. rigain 
'queen', whose ground-form was *yi§^n-t. Skr. yiin-l from yivan- 
'young, young man' Lat, jun-l-x. We may probably infer from 
Skr. pdtni Gr. norna 'lady' and Gr. dtanwva 'mistress* for •-nori'ia 
(I § 488 |». 360), as compared with the masc, Skr. pdti-s Gr. 
TOGii;, that -n-f- could be used as an independent suffix, even 
b the proetbuic period. 

Skr. ^M-i from ivdn- ^«- 'dog'. jKiflca-rfflmn-f from paiica- 
•damatt-. inagMn-X from maghdean- maghdn- 'giving bounti- 
fully, diapenBer'. A vest. asaoti-T fr'im a§avan- aiaoti- 'pure' 
(Skr. ftdcati' 'holy, pious'). With Skr. pdt-ni we should no 
doubt compare Skr. pdlik-nT hdnk-7fT, beaide ^o(»(«- gray, hoary' 
hdrita- 'tawny' (as to k for (, see the Author, Morph. TJnt. II 198), 
pdms-nt beside parus-d- 'knotty', 

Gr. yiirtiira from ytlnuv neighbour', ttfpdnatra , boBide 
Stgan-t-i;, both from ittQUTKOv '8er>"ant', Xtiartt from Xiittv lion' 
(Uieae masculines were originally n-stems; see § 114, under 
Greek), -aivu was taken into general use as an independent 
tuffix, denoting female creatures: Xiviaiva, xiingaiya, jjfii-S^amt, 
etc. Notice further if.aymi'a Voracity, ravenousness' beside i^ayoiy 
"devourer". a}tti)ira (Att.) beside liyxiiiv 'bond of the arm'; we 
should no doubt compare Hom. fn-i/yKtr'id-fi 'side-planks of 
R ship'. 

Lat. JUn-T-x., gee above, com-l-x beside Gr. xopiuy-i; 'crow', 
cp. also Umbr. eum-ac-o 'cornicem', 

O.Ir. rlgaln 'queen' : see above. 



386 -t- ('%€') as a Suffix of Differentiation. §110. 

In Germanic we have -wn-Z- -m-l- (Idg. -^n-l^ -en^U) and 
-«-*-, -wn-I- is contained in Goth. laiih-mun-i 'flash', O.H.G. 
mrtun (beside loirtin) 'hostess*, O.Icel. apynja from ape O.H.G. 
affo ape', and, without any masc. n-stem, ds-ynja 'goddess* (masc. 
ass) and other forms, -in-l^ appears in Goth. SaiHr-ini- 'Syrian 
woman' (m. Smlr) ; it is frequent in West-Germanic, as O.H.G. 
herzohin from herizogo 'duke*; hence came new formations like 
chuning-in from chiming 'king*, esiUin from esil 'ass*. -n-I- in 
O.ILG. birn (Hrod-birn etc.) from masc. bero Tbear*, Mod.H.G. 
ricke 'roe (female) for *riA:-n/ (I § 214 p. 181, § 530 p. 388) 
beside O.H.G. reh n. 'roe' (male and female) pr. Germ, ^raix-a-. 

The Slavonic feminines in -ynji no doubt belong originally 
to this class (; has come in from the other cases, as ace. -yn/q): 
bogynji goddess' blagynji 'kindness*. They appear to have arisen 
through an analogical extension of the use of -n-i- (cp. the 
Author, Morph. Unt. H 200). 

The original inflexion of these feminines was perhaps nom. 
sing, -en-l, gen. sing, -w-ies and -ff-i^ loc. pi. -n-^su. 

Differentiation of r-stems (§ 119 ff.). The original 
endings were doubtless nom. sing. -«r-l, gen. sing, -r-^g*, loc. 
pi. -r-l'Su. Skr. dd^tr-t Gr. do'vstfja for ^ithTsg-idn Lat. da-^r-f-x, 
beside Skr. da-tdr- Gr. do-tfjp iw-vajQ Lat. da-tor 'giver'. Skr. 
Jdni'fr^J Gr. yev^-vstga Lat. gene-tr-l-x 'mother. Skr. bhar-tr^t 
Avest. bar'pr-i' ber^pr-l 'supporter, mother*. Skr. s-tr-t Avest. 
s-tr-l- wife, woman*. Skr. nS-tr-t 'she who guides*, d^-fr-l 'she 
who shows*, codayi'tr-i 'she who drives on*; dhd-tdr-l f. 'shaking*. 
Gr. fvvrj'Ttipa and sivfj-vQ-ia 'wife*, (Jrv'Tfipa 'saviour lady*, tpdk' 
'TQ'ia 'guitar girl'; we also have 'ig -U'Og, as XTjotQ-i^^ 'female 
robber', aXs'TQ-ig 'female miller', avXfj-vp-ig (beside avkfj-To-ia) 
'flute-girl'. Lat. obste-tr^l-Xj mere-tr^T-Xj imperd'tr-h-x^ cp. also 
the Osc. Fuu-tr-ei 'Creatrici, Genetrici'. It is still doubtful 
whether this Indo-Germanic formation in -tr-l- can be directly 
connected with the West-Germanic feminines like A.S. baecestre 
*baker-woman', O.Sax. agastria 'magpie' O.H.G. fwgastria 'lance', 
Goth, hmlf^tri f. 'coffin' and Lithuanian feminines like duhU 
'children's attendant* (i. e. *iuk''klej from dugu 'I grow up*) 



r (-lE-J fl 



Lt Suffii of Differentiation. 



337 



l^tn-kU 'bpoi)d-heu' (see Kluge , Kom. Stammb. p. 24 and 
J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Ztachr. XXV 29). They can also be cx- 
pkined as extensions of sterna with the sul'iix -tro- -Ho- (§ 62 
p. 118 ff.). 

Different iittiou of Hi-atems (§ 12.) ff.). It is certain 
that the feminine participles of non-thematic tenace which end 
in a consonant !iad -^i- in all their cases, e. g, *s-'^t-l f, 'being'; 
ximilarly the feniuiines of -tfenf-stema had -^'^t-l-. On the other 
hand, we find -nt- throughout the paradigm in forms like Qr. 
luiaa ;-wirn« (from bj;/« 'I blow' pyviav 'I perceived') ground- 
forms *if6-»t-l *yno-nt-i (for Skr. vOtl, whicli seems to contradict 
(faia, see below). It is not clear how far there was any variation 
(if ablaut in the elements immediately preceding the -i-suffix 
in the -o-nl- participles; but it is certain that -^t- sometimes 
appeared oven here. 

Skr. s<it-t AvDst, hait-l- Gr. Dor. saaaa Att. wan 0.C.8I, 
M^li, besirle maac. Skr, s-tini- etc. 'being', indie. 3. sing. Skr. 
tit'ti 'ie'. Skr. b^hat-t Avest. ber'zaiti-, O.Ir. Brigii' (O.Celt. 
Srigantiae dat. sing, with Latinised ending), from niasc. Skr. 
itfh-ditt- "being great, exalted'. Skr, vdnt-l (eOt-t Avest. odrtl- is 
Jio doubt 11 re-formation following the analogy of 3at-t . sdtit-am^ 
«pe V. Henry, Revue Crit., I8S7, p. 100), Gr. aewa, beside masc. 
Skr. vd-nl- Gr. Sh^- Hfvi- 'blov.-ing', Skr. tu-dd-nt-l and tudat-t 
beside tudd-nt- 'tundens', Gr. iiniait beside iVw'f iJo'-Kr- 'be- 
holding'. Skr. bhdra-nt-l Avest, bare-nt~J Gr. ip^oovna 0.C.81, 
Jiert^i, beside bhiiru-nt- Gr. tf^tiiwy ifi'(jo-vT- O.C.Sl. bery 'ferena'. 
<Jotb. huluntl-i 'cave' Ccovering, hiding'), friJStid-i 'female friend'; 
the participles which were in actual use as such had passed 
nver to the Zw-cleolension, as bairandei gen. balrandeins. Lith. 
*uka«l-l gen. sukanczios from masc. sttkqs 'turning'. O.C.Sl. 
ieritsti, instead of •fcerqii, where s has forced its way in from 
the other caaes, aa gen. iejvfsii;; in these -§t- came regularly 
from -t{- a § 147 p. 132 f.). 

-^t-t. Skr. dpa-oatl from dpa-vant- 'rich in water', Gr. 
oTio-eiiaa from ono-ni: uiiri-ii'j:- 'rich in aap'; in Greek -ffi- appears 



338 .». (-ie-) as a Suffix of Differentiation. § 110. 

for fat', see § 127. Skr. sdras-vat-^ rich in water' f. Avest. 
haraxwaitl' O.Pers. harauvatl^. 

Differentiation of s-stems (§ 131 ff.). 

-«s-l. Sk. rSdas-l from rSdas- 'world', iavas-t f. *the strong 
one* from Mvas- 'strength'. Gr. Att. ivalitui shamelessness' 
aXfj&Ha 'truth' from avcudr^i^ iXij&^i^. Lat. temper-U-8 from 
tempus. 

The original forms of the part. perf. act. were doubtless 
nom. sing, -ues-i gen. sing. -us-iSs loc. pi. -m«-I-«w. Skr. vid^iii^X 
Avest. vT&uS'l' Gr. Id^Ta, beside masc. Skr. vid^vdn Avest. 
vid'vd Gr. ni-oig 'knowing*. Similarly Lith. viik'-us-i O.CSl. 
vluk'Usi 'having drawn*. A feminine of this kind is implied in 
Goth. b^'U8-j68 parents* fthose who have borne*): on the model 
of the feminine (*-wsi -mjOs) was formed a masculine with -jut-. 
It is natuiKil to infer a nom. sing, -tfes-l from the Gr. (Dor. Att.) 
by-forms in -(/)««, as ytyop-eta^ i^Tjy'cTa: yiyovcTa ^ycyowwg 
was levelled on the hand to ysyovsTa -sfdg, on the other to 
ysyowZa ysyowictg (cp. § 136 Rem. 2). 

Similarly in primary comparative forms : -ies-i -M-i^s -*8-f-5w. 
Skr. fyd-yaS'l from jyd-yHn 'mightier*. Avest. fra^yah-t' from 
frd-yd 'more'; an isolated -isl is perhaps contained in Skr. 
mdhisJ mahist beside tHdh-lyas-l ; see J. Schmidt, Euhn^s Ztschr. 
XXVI 386. Goth. jOh-iz-ei 'younger' (cp. bairandei p. 337). 
O.C.Sl. bolfisi beside neut. bolfe 'greater*: nom. bolflsi gen. 
bolfts^ instead of *bolj€si *boRsq (cp. § 135 Rem. 1). 

Differentiation of o-stems (§ 59 ff.). -I- was in use 
as well as -a- in proethnic Indo-Germanic. Skr. Vfk4 O Jcel. 
ylg-r O.H.G. u^uipa *she-wolf (pr. Germ. *^ul4ht *uuljCu)i4sy 
I § 444 p. 329), beside Skr. vfka-s Goth, vtdf-s wolf; cp. also 
A.S. wylf f. beside urnlf. Skr. dSr-* 'goddess' Avest. dofp-f- 
' witch' Gr. Jm 'divine lady* for *A/-xa Lith. deiv-e 'ghost' dev-e 
*goddess\ beside Skr. der-d-s Lith. d?c-a~s *god*. Skr. plvar-i 
Gr. TTiHQa, beside pl-card-s (ir. jiTfoo-g fat' (cp. § 74 p. 182, 
§ 76 Rem. I p. 201). Skr. dfd-f 'female messenger' from rfiT/a-,<f 
'messenger, yam-f from yamd-s akin*. Gr. IrutQa 'female com- 
panion* instead of *i^rai(Ht, beside Iraoo-g 'companion* (Wheeler, 



fin^ii. 



•i- (•ii-) u a PriDiBrjr Suffix. 



Nominal jicc. 59). Goth. ^ir-i, gen. piu-j5a, 'female servant', beside 
piu-s, gen. pivis, 'seiraiit', O.Icel, mer-r 'mare' beside mar-r 'horae'. 

Sporadic examples. Sanskrit. >irt^-/('feinaledescendant' 
OJI.G. nift (Goth. *nift-i) 'neptis, privigna', beside Skr. niipai- 
'offspring. Skr. -ghn-t beside -Han- 'killing'. Greek, /iwra for 
*;tvn-ta Lith. mus-e 'fly', beside Lat. mus-ca. Sijatta 'female 
labourer' for *9ijT-ta, beside masc. Sjj'i,', gen. 5jj-r-o'g. ntta 
(for *jiti-ia) 'foot, lowest part', beside tjov^- 'foot' (cp. g 160, 1). 
niaaei Att. mrra 'pitch' (for *niK-ia), beside Lat, pix. tn'aaa Att. 
w'rta 'jay* (for •mm-zk), beside Skr. kiki-s 'jay', tf/daaa (for 
'tfiax-ia), "wild pigeon', beside (piiyj (gen. (pa^-og) the aanic, cp. 
I § 486 Rem. p. 359, g 495 Rem. 364. /ua, gen. fua^-, 'una' 
for *aii'i-, beside tv- (nom. ir.^ i',) "unus for *sem' (I g 204 
p. 172, n § 160, 1). Latin, pauper-is-x beside pauper, like 
harbar-ii-s beside barbarws. O.Ir. s-l 'ea' Goth, s-i 'ea';ep. 
Skr. s-yd. sUig 'female companion, wife' for 'smtic-i. Gothic. 
M8-(-i 'garment', Af5f-(-M/i 'fame'; A.S, AiiM/icje 'huntress' beside 
hunta "hunter' and the like, see Kluge, Nom. Stammb. p. 22. 
Lithuanian, sem-i- 0.C.81, zem(l)-}a 'earth', beside Skr, fr^'um- 
jm- K\.z'm- GT.y»av (I g 204 p. 172, U § 160, 2). Lith. srf 
O.C.Sl. si 'hnec' beside aft-s sX 'hie' (gen. szio^ sego instead of 
'itgo). Lith. pcA, gen. jhicsIos, lady, ipsa', beside masc. patl-s 
(pAts) gen. patSs. Lith, mart), gen. marixios 'bride'. 0,C,SI. 
lad\ji (aldiji) 'ship', and with masculine gender (which is not 
original) baliji 'physician' sadiji 'judge' (cp, the Slavonic mascu- 
lines in -0, § 59 p. 109); -it- like -i»"- (Lith. nw-ji-s) p. 122 
footnote 2 and -iin- § 115 (under Aryan). 

§ HI. Of the words in which -?- appears to be a primary 
sufGx, none sliow it in more than one language simultaneously. 
Examples are: Skr. ^tn-f 'work'. k\c-i 'strength', 

Gr. ^iiJCa 'flight' for *tf,v)-t,a. axi^a 'wood split small, billet" 
for "a/n)-to, 

Lat, ac-^. scab-iS-s. spec-ie-s. prO-geniea. di-luviS-s. 

Lith. sine 'knowledge', srov-e 'stream'. rSk-e 'slice of bread'. 
di&-e 'hollow, pit'. 

Many examples are doubtful, as Gr. Haaa 'rumour, prophecy' 



340 Tho Suffixes in .«. §111,112. 

(beside nyj Voice, speech'), /ttoTQce, 'appropriate share, fate* (beside 
.lio^o-t; *lot, fate'), Goth, bandi 'bond, chain' (beside O.H.G. 
O.Sax. band n. 'bond'). 

V. Suffixes in -w'). 

§ 112. The parent language had four sufBxes ending in 
a na«al: -en-, -i^t-, -|e«»-, -me>j-2). They liave a good deal 
in common with -o-, -io- -/- -i-, -tio- -M-, -wo-, and it is not 
improbable that the forms -i«w-, -j^e/«- and -tnefi- were formed 
in the proethnic period merely by the addition of -(e)n- to such 
older suffixes. 

This process of extension can be seen at work in the 
separate languages as well; and we must there regard it as a 
continuation, or renewal, of a tendency which first appeared in 
proethnic times. Compare, for instance, the developement of 
the «-declensi()n in Germanic. 

The oldest point of contact between the four n-suflixes and 
the corresponding o-suffixes is found in the representation of 
w-stems by o-stems in compound words, which began in the 
proethnic poriod ; o. g. Gr. «//io-/^a<y:7yV and av-uijuo-^* beside oT-aa 
(av'uu(f'tv); further examples are given in § 12 p. 26 f. This 
shews that there were even then many parallel stems in -#i- 
and -0- with no difference of meaning; for some reason or 
other the o-form of these words w^as preferred in composition, 
and by degrees this established a general rule for compounds 



1) H. Ebel, Suffix -ion and -tion [in Old Italic]. Kuhn's Ztschr. V 
p. 420 f. R. Fisoh, SubstantiTa personalia auf 0^ Onin [in Latin], Arohiv 
fttr lat. Lexikogr. und Gramm. V 56 ff. W. Meyer, Das lat. Suffix o, 
onis^ ibid. 223 fif. H. Osthoff, Zur Gesohiohte des schwaohen deutschen 
Adjectivums (Forschungen im Gebiete der idg. nominalen Stammbildung II) 
187G. Idem, Zur Frage des Ursprungs der german. n-Declination, Paul- 
Braune^s Beitr. Illlff. The Author, Die schwache Form der Nominal- 
st&mme auf -;i in suffixalen Weiterbildungen und Zusammensetzungen, 
Morph. Unt II 148 ff. 

2) One form with m is quite unique; ^ffliiem- ^ghiif^m- (Ayest. zya 
Lat. hiem'8\ which, having due regard to Skr. himau Gr. /f »-/*», we ought 
apparently to divide ^yhi-em' *ghii'em; I have attempted to explain this 
rare word in § 160, 2. 



of -«-atema. Anotiier principle of foi'ination, exemplified in most 
of the languages m forms like Skr. aSm-iya-s beside d^-mati-, 
Gr. x^fi-iT] beside x^T-iiit /fi-idrlr, seems to have arisen in the 
proethnic period. Further in almost all the languages, in some 
of them very frequently, we find parallel forms in -it- and -o- 
each of wliich is completely decHued, some of them indeed linving 
a slight difference of meaning (to this point we shall return later 
on); o. g. Skr. vdk-van- and vtik-va- 'turning, rolling' (intr.), 
{IKdr-man- and dhdr-ma- 'law, ordinance', Gr. aTfiiifi-w 'aquinter' 
and arQii(f-6-g 'squinting', Hvfiav-iMf "heavenly being' and oi'sj«V-(i)-!,' 
'heavenly', f&fATJ-fii'if tind t&i).r,-!in-i; 'willing', Lat. in-ctth-o and 
nt-cu&-u-s, lan-io and lan-iu-s, ulluoi-d and aUuvin-nt, Goth, aa 
riuda 'the red one' iind ruup-s 'red', in-tjard-ja 'member of a 
household' and in-gnrd-ja- 'in a house' (adj.) , O.Fris. Sth-ma 
lieside O.S. atkom 'breatJi', O.C.Sl. ru-mt^ beside ra-mo 'shoulder'. 
And it often happens that the two forms do not appear in the 
same branches of the Indo-Germauic family; e. g. Goth, ga- 
Juk-a 'companion' beside Lat. con-jug-u-s^ 8kr, dy-un- 'life, time 
of life' Gr. ai-(f)uiv 'apace of time, eternity' and Lat. ae-vo-m, 
Gp. tiv^-ii^v 'ground, earth' and O.H.G. boilum 'ground'. 

In Aryan, single cases of the -o- -a- -i- -ii- -l- and -r- 
stems were transferred iuto the inHexion of the M-dcclensiou ; 
e. g. Skr, nom. aec. neut. yugdni (from aing. yugd-m 'yoke', on 
the analogy of ndrndn-i), gen. pi. Skr. dSvdnam Aveat. dafvanqm 
(Skr. dSmi-s 'god'). See J. Hanusz, Uber das allmahliche Um- 
aichgreifen der n -Declination im Altindisclieu (Sitzuugsberichte 
der Wiener Akad. d. Wiaa. CX.), 1885. Similarly in West 
Qermaaie we have O.H.G. gen. pi. jrcASwo (from nom. sing, jeiu 

f. gifi'). 

The vvorda formed with theae suffixes aro generally mascu- 
line or neuter, as Skr. tdJi^-an- m. 'carpenter yak-dn- n. liver'. 

A large j;roup of feminines appears in Italic, Keltic, and 
lieriDanic consisting of abstract substantives formed with -ien- 
(-}()B-); as Lat. cap-Id men-tiO, O.Ir. er-mitiu 'honour', Goth. 
ya-run-jd 'flood of water' ra-J}j5 'ratio'. It may be assumed that 
these n-8tems, which represent a comparatively modern stratum of 



342 The Suffixes in -/*. §112,113. 

formation, owe their feminine gender to their character of ab- 
stract nouns. And all the other feminine w-stems which appear 
in Germanic, are as such undoubtedly modem ; they are due to 
a connexion which grew up between the Indo-Germanic suffixes 
-on- -i^w- -I/i- and the Germanic feminine forms in -5- -id- 
(= Idg. -a- 'id') and -F-, through the analogy of the relation 
between Germ, -a;/- ^ian- on the one hand and Germ, -a- on 
the other. In many words, where the languages vary between 
masculine and feminine, the masculine is clearly the older ; this 
is true of Skr. sl'mdn- ^boundary' (cp. § 117), Gr. xicav pillar, 
Lat. margd. In Skr. ydsan- f. Virgin* (beside yo^H yisanO) 
the gender was determined by the sex. In Skr. vfsanq 
tvdcam ace. 'streaming, raining cloud*, Gr. d^fijyoiv d-fu *adiutrix 
dea' TOfj()fov niksia 'tunid dove*, as in the case of Skr. tanu-s 
Gr. fjiv-gj we see the masculine form used unaltered in con- 
nexion with feminine words (§ 110 p. 335). And in other 
examples there are similar reasons for regarding the feminine 
gender as a modern developement so that we may fairly assume 
that nouns formed with n-suffixes were originally only masculine 
and neuter. For the feminine there was the special form with 
-r-, as Skr. taks-n-t Gr. Tsav-atva^ § 110 p. 335. 

§ 113. From the earliest times the ?i-8uffixes show a verv 
complex variation of Ablaut. What are called the strong cases 
had -en — on- -en- -()/»-, -ie«- -/on- 'iefi- -/5w- (-yen- 'iion^ etc.) 
and 80 forth; the weak cases -n- -^t-, -/n- (-m-) -i|t- (-ti^-), 

in the weak cases, the form of the suffix ending in a 
consonant preceded the cuso-endings beginning with a sonant, 
e. g. Skr. gen. sing, tdks-n-as of the Ciirpenter nd-mn-as 'of the 
name'; and conversely the form ending in a sonant preceded 
the case-endings beginning with a consonant, e. g. loc. pi. tdk's- 
-a-su nd-ina-SH (-a- -wa- for -{,*- -/ny-). Originally also the weak 
form of the suffix was regular in all extensions of the stem, 
0. g. taks-n-t fem. of tdksan- {^ 110 p. 335), f/uva-Sd-s youthful* 
from i/uv-nn- young* (g 83 p. 251), Sro-ma-ta-m 'hearing* beside 
Avost. srao-tnan- 'hearing' (}f 82 p. 249). This deserves especial 



3113- 



343 



notice, because in Beveral languages thf woiik forniB of the 
soffix were banished from tlie actual dcclensiun by levelling and 
other kinds of re-formation, ao that it is only in derivativoa that 
we have any evidence to shew that such forms ever existed in 
the paradigm. Thus we have e. g. Gr. •yfn-v-ia 'neighbourhood' 
hmide ^(/r-f.^o -ot-oc, ni'(f)aifiu 'I make fat' for *-UJ^0- beside 
ni-(f)tiiv '(f)oy-og, noi-fiv-tj iioi-uv-io-v herd' noi'ftaivia 'I pasture 
[leeide ntu-fiiji' -/lifng, Lat. ju-n-J-x beside juv-en- (Juv-en-is 
jut>-en-um etc.), colu-mn-a beside colu-mm -min-is, O.H.O. -bim 
'she-bear' beside fier'O -in 'bear', blhi-mun-t 'call' beside Goth. 
ktiu-ma -min-s 'hearing", Lith. el-ti~i-s stag, elk' beside O.C.Sl. 
jfUtt- (gen, sing, jden-e) 'stag'. 

It is more difficult to determine how the strong forms of 
the BufKx were originally distributed. The following points may 
Ite regarded as certain. 

1. The uora. sing, masc. (fem.) ended sometimes in -flfn), 
and sometimes in -S(n), cp, Armon. aim Gr. kv-kiv Tii-(f)wv 
ax-ftntf , Lat. cds }iien-liii ter-mS O.Ir. cU er-wi-Hu brithe-m 
Oall. casa-mo, O.H.G. egg-o skx-mo, Lith. sz^ for *s»ji5 ak-m^ 
O.C.Sl. ka-my and Gr. arx-i/y nai-ftip; Lat. li-en, O.lcel. ox-e 
ux-e (Skr. uk^-A) skl-me. 

2, The nom. ace. neut. liad -5(») and -SfH) beside -^ -§, 
cp. Goth, Dat-5 na-md hairt-5n-a, Lith. vnnd-& (originally neut.) 
und O.C.Sl. i-me (cp. Avost. na-mqn Skr. nd-tnan-i). 

3. A certain number uf masculine stems liad in the ace. 
aing. and nom. du. pi. -en-, cp. Gr. nv/-iv-n Ttot-iitv-n, Lith. 'pS- 
Bwn-i O.C.Sl. ka-mefi-'i (compare tliii exception nl f-iniis Hts-an- 
-am arya-mdxi-am in Sanskrit. 

4, There were locatives singular iu -en -tn-i, cp. Gr. avy 
-*'(-« id-(fUy jioi-iit'vi I'li-iiir, Ooth. aiihs-lii (cp. Skr. wAs-dn-i 
ni-tnan-i). 

Further the following aasumptionu fii'ciii to me probable. 

1. A certain proportion of the maaeuline stems had -on- 
m ace. sing, and uom. du. pi., cp. Gr. rtxr-oj-'i 7ii-(f)or-« ok- 
liorii. Gall. Lin;/-3n-es (nom. pi.), Goth, alt-an ah-man, Skr. 
lik^On-am (U-mSn-am. The variation between e and o in these 



344 The Suffix -<?;/-. §113,114. 

cases, like that between e and in the nom. sing., depended 
upon the different position of the accent in the word ; \ve have 
e. g. nom. pi. -ew-es and -on-es like nom. sing. ~e(n) and '- 0(n), 
cp. Gr. ff(f'n''f^' tfO'/ji' as contrasted witli «-y)(>-oi'-f»" a^tfO'iiip. 
Cp. I § 311 p. 248 f. 

2. The loc. sing, always ended in -en or -ew-t, even where 
the strong cases had -on-. Notice especially the Goth. loc. ah-iti 
ah^min contrasted witli ace. ah-an ah-man^ as Skr. rdjan-iirdj- 
"dn-am. Compare also Gr. nt(f)Lv ai(f)(6i\ 

In certain instances, the d (and e?), which appear in the 
European languages in other cases than the nom. sing. masc. 
and the nom. ace. sing, and pi. neut., had perhaps encroached 
upon the province of tlie other forms of ablaut before the end 
of the proethuic period (should we regard this as a dialectic 
variation in the parent language?); cp. e. g. ace. sing. Gr. ov(jai^ 
-iiov'tx, Lat. Ubell'idn-em rat-i^-eniy Goth. ga-run^jGn ra-P;dn^ 
O.C.Sl. nom. pi. grazdan-e for *gord'ian-e(s). Yet this form of 
the stem cannot have spread through the whole case-system, as 
we see from such forms as Umbr. abl. trihris-in-e na-tin-e, 
O.Ir. dat. er-nnt-in. 

We should compare with this the ablaut of the -er- and 
-^er-stems, which is on the whole parallel; see § 120. 

Remark. For different viewB as to the strong forma see CoUitz, 
Bezzenberger^s Beitr. X 1 ff., and the authorities there cited. It is perhaps 
not superfluons to insist here that eyen if Collitz should be right in sup- 
posing the existence of Indo-Germanic looatiyes in -onC^i) (cp. Gr. rt^ow), 
this would not be an argument against the hypothesis that in open syllables 
Idg. became a in Aryan. For the i7-stems had originally locatives without t, 
and e. g. Skr. loc. kar-man can bo derived as regularly ftom original 
*'mon as from original *'mett. 

§ 114. The Suffix -«n-. This was used from the earliest 
period to form primary nmnina agentis^ as Skr. takS^an- Gr. 
TtxT'Oiv 'carpenter, worker in wood, architect*. The root-syllable 
is usually in the weak grade, but the accent varies between 
the suffix and the root; cp. Skr. uks-dn- beside vfi^an-^ Gr. 
'fp'?lv (tjoXv-qotjv) gen. ao-y-6g and (/>ny'(6v jawbone* beside 
ciga-tji* and avod^-utv , Germ. *^«j-^- beside *<ti/-«ii- (O.H.G. 



§114. The Suffix -en-, H4r» 

heri'Zogo and heri-zoho), ^mb-Sn^ (O.Iccl. ef'S-rofe) bosido *r/.«- 
-«fi- (O.H.G. hetti'inso). Cp. Eauffmann, Paul-Brauuc's Boitr. 
XII 544. The -e^j-stema were substantives when there wen* 
adjectives in -o- parallel to them, and hence in some groups of 
languages, particularly in Germanic, this suffix acquired the 
function of forming substantives from any given adjective; it 
had the effect of specialising the idea conveyed by the ad- 
jective, by applying it to some one person or thing that poss- 
essed the particular quality in an exceptional degree. Hence 
it is oft^n found in personal names, whether they were formed 
from a noun consisting of a single stem, or obtained by abbre- 
viation from a compound consisting of two stems (cp. § 18 p. 84 
and OsthofF, Forsch. auf dem Geb. der Idg. Nominalstamm- 
bildung, II 50 f.). Thus Gr. avQaii-o-i; ^squinting: avon(i'(or 
'squinter', ^loafi-ow proper name, Lat. multi-hih-u-s : hibd, ruf- 
-u-» : Rilf'd^ Goth, raup-s red' : rdud~n 'the red one*, Lith. fitd'a^s 
'reddish brown' : rtid-ti m. 'autunm*. Thus -«w- came to be used 
as a secondary suffix, as Avest. mar^-t-an- mortal* (subst.) be- 
side mar'-ta- mortal', Or. Tntj'O'wy n^'htfx beside rnrf-oo-y; 'timo- 
rous, shy', Lat. Ca-Ud beside ca-tu-s, Cp. further Lat. hom-o 
Goth, fftim-a O.Lith. zm-u *human being, man*, properly 'tlu; 
earthly one, beside Skr. Ic^dm- jm- Avest. z^m- Gr. /.^(ii* Lat. 
hum-H'Sy Gr. yaav^-mv 'glutton' from ycAarijo belly', Lat. cachiun-o 
from cachinnu-Sy capit-O Capit-O from caput, Goth, vaiirstv-a 
worker from vaiirstv 'work'. 

Almost all the neuter forms containing -e/i- denoted some 
part of the body (cp. § 57 p. 105). In some of them, as we 
shall see -ew- was a secondary suffix. 

Indo-Germanic. Masculine. Hkr. tdH-an- ('an-am) Or. 
TixT'Ov (ov'og), beside Skr. iaks-a-ti *does carpenter's work'. Skr. 
tdc^'dn- C'dn-ainJ Mod.Cymr. ych (pi. ychen) Goth, auhs-a 'ox, 
orig. *the impregnator', beside Skr. uks-d-ti 'emanat, emicat'. Avest. 
ars-fiw- (-an-em) 'male, man', Skr. pa-fjhd-s 'bull', for "'fs-^i-bho-s, 
Armen. gen. arn 'of the man* (nom. a/r), Gr. a(}a'fji' ann-i^v Ion. 
iipa-zyi' (-f K-Oj,') 'male*, orig. 'making fruitful*, beside Skr. drs-a-ti 
'flows, streams'; cp. Skr. vfs-an ('(in-am) 'man, bull', beside vdrs-a-ti 



34 1) The Suffix ufi: § 114. 

makes to stream, rains', ^iu-en- *£ttt«-en- C^hi-n- *£"-{?- *J^U^^) 
*dog' (according to Benfey *that which produces young often and 
in great numbers' compared with Gr. xv-og 'fetus' Skr. M-Su'^ 
'young creature') : Skr. ir-a«- Suv-dn- (ace. sing, iv'dn-^m gen. 
sing. Sti-n-as loc. pi. ir-o-sw), Armen. sun gen. saw (I § 405 
p. 301), Gr. TiV'ftiv (voc. xv-ov gen. xv-v-of), O.Ir. cu (gen. eon), 
Lith. s^M (gen. szti-n-s). A vest, spas-an- 'watchman* O.H.G. 
speho spy', y/^speK-. Lat. ed-d (-On-is)^ O.H.G. egg-o 'devourer, 
V^^ed-. Lat. aS'sedO cDn-sedd (-Qn-is)^ O.H.G. ana-segff) 'assessor 
O.Icel. drdtt'Sete 'lord high steward', y/^sed-. 

Denominatives. hotn-D ('dn-is 'in-is) Goth, gum-a O.Lith. 
im-w ^) 'human being, man', see above. Gr. l^ovy-tov-sg (= Att. 
*fv;'-(c/v-fi,). fioBq hQyavui, yIdxwvsQ Hesych., Goth, ga-juka *com- 
parison', beside cr/o-r juk 'yoke*. 

In some Indo-Germanic words in which -e»i- is primary 
there is no trace of any original use as nonien agefitis, ^iuwen- 
*ia-«- *iMtt-p- 'young, young man': Skr. yuv-an- (ace. sing. 
yuv-an-am gen. sing. yA-n-as loc. pi. yuiha-su\ Lat. juthen* 
(-en-is)^ cp. also the form *ii/?f-^-^^'-« which is more widely 
used, § 83 p. 251 ; the word is no doubt connected with Lith. Jafi 
O.C.Sl. ju 'already' see § 66 ad fin. p. 149 2). Skr. d^^an- 'stone, 
sling-stone', Gr. ax-wv (-ovr-oc, by a change of declension, see 
p. 350) javelin', cp. also Gr. dx-avt] 'whetstone' and ax-cuvu 
'point, thorn'. Skr. mUrdh-dn- m. A.S. mold-a m. 'head' (ground- 
form *mldh'e7i' *mldh-efi', cp. also I § 306 p. 243). Skr. ptlJi- 
dn- plth-an- pUh-an- Lat. li^en (-mis) 'spleen' are among the 
neuter words which denote parts of the body. 

Neuter. Skr. t(d-d«-, Goth. f?a^-5, Lith. mnd-u and uiid-fl 

(which have become masc), Gr. rJ^w-ro- with a = ^ (nom. t'd-fop), 

'water*. Skr. tidh-an- (nom. iidh-ar) Gr. or^-«-ro- (nom. oi d-afj) 

udder*. Skr. yak-dn- Gr. fJ?r-«-ro- (nom. r^n-uo) Lat. jec-in- (in 

1) zm-oiit) *wife* and zm^ditts 'human beings' are not parallel to this 
but contain the suffix of the Latin hum'&nU'S (cp. § 160). 

2) I see little probability in Danielsson's assumption (Gramm. and 
etymol. Stud. I 49) that the word is merely an ablaut-Tariant of Or. ai(f)mr 
Skr. dyutt'. 



8114. The Suffix -^;/-. 347 

jecin-or-is etc., the -or- having forced its way in from the nom. 
jeC'Ur^ cp. also I § 431c. p. 321) Lith. jehn-os f. pi. liver, -en- 
was secondary in the word for head: Skr. ^Irk^an- n. Gr. mga 
n. for *xap6a'a (-a = -^), u^uqii-xpCcvo-g *two-headed' for *>fpffa- 
-F-0-, xdp<Jvo-K 'head' for *xaoGa'V'0'V (cp. the Author, Morph. 
Tnt. II 173 f. 227 ff., Solmsen, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 69, 
Danielsson, Gramra. und etymolog. Stud. I, 1888, p. 40 ft.), 
Lat. cemuO'S for ^cers-n-tio-s^ O.Icel. hjars-e m. *head'; the words 
contain a neuter stem ^ker-es- (*Tcjrr~eS' *Jcr-e8-)^ cp. Skr. ilras^ 
Av. sar-ah- 'head' Lat. cerebru-m for ^reres-ro- (I § 570 p. 428) 
and below § 134. In like manner, Gr. ovaro- n. for *auS'^tO' 
Goth, diis^ n. 'ear* no doubt implies a neuter -e5-stem, which 
appears in Greek in the nom. oJ^ Uor. (og, if this represents 
*oih08 ami not *ou8'08 (O.C.Sl. uch-o) (J. Wackernagel, Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXIX 141, Solmsen ibid. J)2). Skr. aks-dn- Armen. 
ak-n Goth, dug-o (cp. I § 444 Rem. 3, p. 331) •ey(5', O.C.Sl. 
ok-n-o n. 'window* ^). For the use of -i-stoms to supplement 
these neuters in -en- as Skr. dsks-i gen. akn-ii^ds^ see § ^3 
p. 279. For the nominatives in ?•, like Skr. 4d/t-ar, see § 118. 

If the Greek infinitives in -^n'- (Dor. Lesb. ^k), lik(' 
ifkoHV 'to bear, are to be derived from ^-ensy (which is more 
in accordance with known phonetic laws than to assume they 
came from *'f'/fy), we may infer an lndo-(iermanic inf. in 
*-$-en *-s-e/i-i, which was loc. sing. Compare the Skr. inf. in 
'S-an-i^ as ne-s-dn-i from ni- 'lead*, (jf-nl'S-dn-i beside gar- 
(pres. gr-ijd-mi) 'praise*. 

Aryan. Masculines (and the few F<;minines that occur) 
are nxre in Aryan as compared with the classical languages, 
Celtic and Germanic. Skr. tdkH-an- *carp<'nter* Avfjst. taH-an- 



1) The *c of Skr. fd-i/ui' pr<»scnt« c«;rcain <lifficulti';f!. It Um b*f«fff 
assumed that this is alwo an ext«n>iion of an -^A-Btern Tcp. O.C.HI, oko f^en. 
oces't); but this theory is not supported by Avest. #m7- - ■ Hkr. ^/^•?l- (cp. 
I t$ 401 with Rem. 1 p. 296 f.. JS .VJ6, 1 p. 411; it mu-t Readmitted howefer 
that s is sometimes written for yi, see liartholomae, Handbueh i lOt) Rem. 2 
p. 43) nor by Gr. hfj&n. oV/'z/yo-.- *eye' Top. I j5 't:>4 p. 40^> Compare 
also I § 427 Rf-m. 2 p. 314. 



..^AaaM 



348 The Suffix -«w-. §114. 

'sculptor', see above p. 345. Skr. uks-dn- Avest. uxS-an- ox\ 
see above p. 345. Skr. sv^dn- Avest. sp-an- *dog' see above 
p. 346. Skr. yxiv^an- Avest. j/v-an- (read yuvan-^ Bartliolo- 
mae's lldb. § 91 a p. 40) 'y^ung, young man ; see above, p. 346. 
Skr. ds-an- Avest. as-an- 'stone*; see above, p. 346. Skr. rdj-an^ 
'king* beside rflj^dn- government*: cp. O.lv. rlrjain § 110 p. 335; 
cp. also Lat. iSgnu-m § 65 Rem. p. 139. Skr. mUrdh-dn- 
(^dn-am) *head': A.S. mold-a, see above p. 346. Skr. vi-thv^n- 
vi'lkv-an- 'excellent' beside vi-bhH' and vl-bhc-a-^ words of similar 
meaning. Avest. arS-an- male, man' O.Pers. xsaydrsan- 'Xerxes* 
(for xSaya- 'ruler* + arsan-); see above, p. 345. 

In Avestic there are a few examples of -en- in secondar)' 
use: marU-an- beside mar*-ta- 'mortalis*. piipr-an- 'father of 
a family* beside pu-pra- 'sou*, vls-an- 'member of a clan' beside 
vTS' 'clan*, hazatdh-an- 'robber' beside hazah- 'deed of violence*. 
Forms like these originally existed in Sanskrit*), but they were 
driven out by the forms in -iw-, see § 115. 

Remark 1. In Sanskrit, the nom. sing, in -r? sometimes led to a 
transference to the a-declension; e. g. pllh-a- f. beside pWt^an-. Cp. -/m^ 
§117 Rem. 2, -td § 122 Rem. 1, and Gr.Ion. xuot;^ whioh in the oldest 
period was neuter (see p. 347 above), but appears later as feminine (gen. 

xagt/^ etc.). 

Neuters. Skr. ud-du- Adh-an- and other words; see above, 
p. 346. Skr. mah^dn- 'size': compare no doubt iiv. fdya *mag- 
num', which must be a substantive used adjectivally (^itya^ 
/itiyav are later forms), dadh-dn' 'sour milk* (nom. dddhi): ep. 
Pruss. dadan 'milk' (an a-stem ?). asth-dn^ 'bone (dstht)^ sakth- 
-an- 'thigh* (sdkthi), as^in- 'mouth', dds-dn- 'fore-arm*, odAr^an- 
*eye* (cp. aks-dn-), dh^an- 'day* (nom. dhar)^ gdmbh-an- 'depth'. 
Avest. ay-iin^ 'day' (beside ay-ar')^ ndtBh-an- 'nose*. 

For the Sanskrit infinitives in -s-an-f, see p. 347 above. 

Armenian, arn 'of the man* (Avest. arS-nO)^ see p. 345 
above. 6?m, gon. sr/n, 'dog*, sec p. 346 above, ahi^ gen. aJca», 



1) The assumption of a nom. sing, krand in Vedic (stem A-ray-^iw-), 
from kt'^nd" 'working, actiye', is based upon a wrong view of the particular 
passages where the word occurs. 



§ 114. The Suffix -c/<-. 349 

*eye', see p. 347 above, garn^ gen. garin^ 'Lamb' for *up'-en': 
Skr. tir-a?»-a-s 'ram' (transferred to the o-declcnsion), Gr. -fp-ijv 
in 7iolv'OQ7]y *rieh in sheep' nom. a^fjv gen. dp-v-oc etc. ram' 
(I § 290 p. 232, § 291 p. 233). ekn, gen. eXin, 'stag': O.C.Sl. 
jd-eti' (gen. jelen-t*) *stag'; it is also found in the extended forms 
Clr. tX-n'(fiO'i; *stag' tAXo-v,- *young stag' for *tA-i'-ov (I § 204 
p. 170 f., II § 78 p. 216), Mod.Cymr. elain 'hind', Lith. el-n-i-Sy 
gen. ilniOj 'stag, elk'. 

(jreek. The masculine (rarely feminine) -^i-stems are 
numerous. Through the generalisation of certain forms of the 
suffix five types of inflexion arose: «p-r- ram' (ace. ao-v-a gen. 
M(>-K-oc) *); ud'iV' *gland' doo'ti" *male' {dd-by-u -^Vov,•, d^-ev^a 
'iv-oc) ; ajjf-oV' 'nightingale' rtxr-oi'- 'carpenter' {drji'dy-a -ov^og, 
ThxT-ap-a -ov-fv) ? TjfvO^'iji- 'inquirer {jifvd^-'^V'a -fjv-o^^'^ aj'-oiv- 
'struggle' xkid'itn'- 'wave' (dy-ior'n -cr'i'-oc, xkvd-wi'-a -n/i'-oc). No 

flifTerence of function however was attached to tliese different 
tbrms of the suffix. 

Nomina agentis. ^^xT-a;l', d(j(S'rji', y.v-on; see above p. 345 f. 
€i(}fjy'iov (-01'-) 'helping, helper', ^fwd^'t/n' (-oV-) 'liar, slanderer'. 
9^uy'o\v ('OV') 'jawbone' (ffay^tiv 'to eat). xoZy-otv (-oV-) f. 'turtle- 
clove* (xovChv 'to coo*). x««;7-rrJi' (-oV-) f. 'jay' (x{>ajcii 'I cry"). 
^€i9'(ov (-0P- and -atv-) 'burning*, axodfi-wv {-htv) 'squinter. 
'^'vjif'fov (j(ov') 'niggard', (rxuf-iof or Oxijun'tof (-rur-) 'staff* {jnMim'Xat 
*I support'). Y.ouvy'(t)¥ {'(ov) 'cryer, wood-pecker. Tifvty-rjv (-^r-) 
"inquirer. Often it is used as a denominative suffix, denoting 
line who stands in some special relation to what is denoted by 
the original word. Torj()foy (-cai'-) epithet of the dove, 'little 
trembler' beside T(tri-o6'^ 'timorous'. TioQd-iov (-o>»'-) 'peditor*, 
beside tiooSi] 'poditum*. Mfid-vav (-nn-) 'workman who purifies 
metals from the dross', beside Y,ilidt] 'dross', dpo/n-ioi' i^-wv-) 
*runner, term applied to a light kind of ship and a kind of 
lobster, beside dpoiio-g 'course'. ydoTp-oty (-wv-) 'glutton', beside 
yaorrjfj paunch'. yvdd'(ov {-(ov-) 'thick-cheek, puff-cheek', beside 



1) The nom. J^^'r occurs in an Att. inscr. earlier than 450 B. C.> 
C.LA. I 4, 22. 



350 Tho Saffiz -en-. % 114. 

yyad-o-g *cheek*. (fvoK-tov (-roF-) 'fat-paunch, pot-belly', beside 
ifvaxrj ^stomach, great-gut*. We should add a nuDiber of per- 
sonal names, such as ^rgdfi'cuv (iSTpipojv, atoaj^O'q), XQifitav (cp. 
O.H.G. Chimmo)^ 'Ayd&'wy (aya&o-g), ^iX-tov ((plko-g), //(id/«-oir 
(igo^wv, J(>o//o-^), AvX'iav (cp. O.H.G. Wolfo), 

Other -^n-stems are more isolated, and it is not clear how 
they are to be connected with the different uses of the suffix 
which we can trace in the parent language. Ace. nvx-K-a gen. 
Trvx-v-d^ (nom. ttw^ is a new formation) a place of public assembly 
in Athens (cp. the Author, Morph. Unt. 11 169). xi^^ (-cf-) 
^tender*. av^-jfi^-tK-) 'neck*, slx'tiv (-oV) *image*. oray-w 
(-oV) f. 'drop*, nvy^civ (oV-) f. length of an ell*, dy^vv (-oik-) 
"contest*. xXvJ-cov (-wk-) *wave, billow*. Xctx'ijv (-lyv-) 'scab, 
eruption*. 

In consequence of the similar termination of the nom. -cor, 
stems of this kind sometimes followed the inflexion of stems 
in -oiT-. ax'cov, see above, p. 346. dfgivwv (-okt-) 'servant 
beside &fgdn'V7j d^sQan-aivu 'maid-servant*. Xitoy (-okt-) lion 
beside Xto^naQSthQ 'leopard (like aifdO'pagfTJg ax^o-^rro-y § 112 
p. 340), Xioura *liones8* and Lat. leO ('(fn-). Cp. the Author, 
Morph. Unt. H 168 f. 197. 

The neuters were associated with the neuter stems in 
-lf«n- and -men' and all alike underwent a change of inflexion 
due originally to their extension by the suffix -^o-. See § 82 
p. 250. iuxpS "head* for ^Mtgda'a gen. xgCt'tog, xgij^efdyo'y *head- 
band*; vJ-a-rog, nom. vi'(OQ 'water; ovd-^a'tog, nom. ov^-a^ 
udder'; ijn'a-rog, nom. ijn-ap liver*; ov-a-ro^ d^Tog, nom. wg 
'ear*; see p. 347 above. aXinp-a (also dXst(p»aQ), gen. -a-ro^ 
*oil for anointing*, like Lat. ungu-en. 

Infinitives in -tiv for -*-tv-; for these forms see above, 
p. 347. It is possible, but it can hardly be proved, that the 
Doric infinitives like tpipsv are the locatives of an abstract root- 
noun in -en- {aysv for instance, beside ay-cw, as ai-ifjiv beside 
ai'(f)(6v, § 116). 

Italic. Masculine (rarely feminine) -en- stems are nume- 
rous. Lat. car-eJ car-n-is f., XJmbr. kar-u 'pars* kar-n-e'eame 



carni' Osc. car~n-eis "partis', beeide I'mbr. kar-tu 'dividito, distii- 
buito': O.Ir. car-n-a 'fleali'. Lat. Iiom-S -Bn-is and -in-is, Ilmbr. 
Aom-on-us (d) 'hominibus' Oac. humuas (tt) nom. 'homines': 
Goth, gum-a etc., see p. 346. Umbr. abr-un-u (Q) 'aprum' 
(like Lat. bitrds beside bttrdtt-s and the like); cp. Lat. aprun~ 
-cuius. Osc. Bvernin-ei (C) dat. sing, the title of a magistrate. 

If we except carO^), the different forms of the suffix were 
levelled in Latin in such u way that all the cases but the nom. 
mng. had either -en- -in- or -On-, -en- is found only in juven-, 
bnt there it is not phonetically reg:ular, see I § 65 Item. 3 p. .^3. 
"We eannot determine how far Lat, -in- represents Idg. -en- or 
lig. -on- respectively. 

In Latin it forms primary nomina uffentis, all with ~Sn-. 
td-5 ed-Sn-is, «s-.«erf(5, see p. 340 above, in-cvb-6: O.H.O, Aa/^ 
Tieap'. tfer-6. vol-0. bib-o. rap-o. mand-d. err-6, -On- is also 
found in denominativc^s, some of which are also nomina agentis, 
while some denote persons or things which stand in some other 
special relation to the thing denoted by the original word; such 
formations were suggested by groups of words like cachinn-& 
beside cachinndre carhinnu-s, fObtd-S beside fabui&rl fdbula 
wd others. Examples are : gerr-o from tjerrae. simpul-0 from 
vmpttlu-m. mer-5 from meru-m. Hnte-o from IxTUeu-m. nebul-H 
from ttebwla. bucc-6 from bucca. cox-S from coxa. petr-O from 
pelra. strig-6 from striga. The same -5n- forms many personal 
names, as Capit-d from caput, JVds-o from n^u-s, Cat-o from 
tatu-3, R(if-0 from rufu-s. The following nouns denoting in- 
uimate objects are nearly related to these appellatives: ptaS (-tJn- 
oblique cases and so in all these words) 'mortar' (pi(n)sere), 
runc-6 "hoc" (rwncAre), sabul-6 'coarse sand" from sabulti'M, pSrS 
'a boot rather too loose at the top' from pera (ep. O.H.G. gSro 
from gSr and the like p. 3.'34); and no donbt pant-O 'pontoon' 
from pOns. — In hotn-o -Sn- gave way to -in-, when the cons- 
of its original meaning (see p. 346) had died out. 



r beside ITmbr. c 




.'352 The Suffix -«!-. §114. 

Other -e/i-stems are more isolated in point of meaning. 
juv-en- (iiom. juven-i-s^ see § 93 p. 281), cp. juven-cu-s Umbr. 
ivengar pi. *iuvoucae' § 83 ip. 2ol^ juven-ta § 80 p. 239, jUn-^x 
!:{ 110 p. .-JHr): Skr. yuv-mi- etc., see p. 346. pect-en (-iw-), li-en 
(-^-) (Skr. pllh'dn^^ p. 346), perhaps the Idg. nom. ended in 
*-e« ; cp. also sangiieu, the older nom. of sangu^ifu-is etc., after- 
words replaced by *san(/nin-8, whence sangtds. turb^ ('i^'J» 
ord'O (-in-). Some few were feminine, as aspergO (-hi-)^ cam- 
pagO C'in')y grando {-hi-^ also m.), margo (-m-, also m.), virgO 
('in-). Lastly, there are some masculines formed with -d>i-, 
w^hich may or may not be connected with the class of -(J«- forms 
just discussed, as ciidoj carbd^ truO. 

Neuters. ungu~en (-in-) Umbr. um-en unguen (umen 
is otherwise explained by Pauli, Altital. Stud. V 102 f.) : O.Ir. 
imb imm, gen. imme (stem iw6-en-) n., O.H.G. anch-o m. (no 
doubt originally neuter) *butter . iugu-eti ('in') : Gr. ad-ijv gen. 
ad-ivog *glaud', common ground-form *j9g-e«-, cp. also O.IceL 
tikk-r 'swelling', polleti (-in-)^ originally *poUeti ^pol-n-ts; see 
1 § 208 p. 175. fecur *jecin'i8 produced the form jecin-or-is; 
see above, p. 346 f. 

Old Irish. The masculines (and the rarer feminines) 
have partly -on- (Gall. Ltngon-es, Smon-es and the like), partly 
-0W-. We do not find any thing like a large group of fiomina 
ngentis. 

The following liave pr. Celt, -ow-, nom. sing, in -o (cp. 
'tin for "fio, § 115). eu (pi. coin) Mod.Cymr. ci (pi. cirw)*dog': 
Skr. hd etc., see p. 340 above, esc-ung 'eel* fbog-snake*) : 
cp. Lat. aucjii'en n. beside angui-s, derucc (gen. derc-on) *acom\ 
Miliuc (geii. Milc-on)^ Glaisiuc^ proper names. Cp. also tricUh^ 
gen. frethaUj 'sea' = Gr. Tfjir-fov. 

The following have pr. Celt. -cJ/?-, nom. sing, in *-5n-8 (cp. 
Osc. -iuf -If, § 115 Rem. p. 360). dr-n (pi. arain) 'kidney* is 
no doubt to be compared with Lat. Praenest. nefrlhi-^ Lanuv. 
nebr-un-din-SSy O.II.G. nior-o (pr. Germ. *nc(j)j^r-tfw-) *kidiiey* 
even though tlie form of the root-syllable in Celtic (Mod.Cymr. 
eirin) is difficult to explain, lecc-o 'cheek*, id-u 'pangs of travail*. 



Jiad-u 'witneBB*. lack-n 'duck'. An-it 'mater deorum HibemeB> 
siutn'. Many of the BubatantiveB of this group were feminine; 
but I do not know how far the gender has been ascertained 
in particular instances. 

It is not probable that ing-e 'nail' (gen. ingan) is a for- 
mation of the same sort as men-me 'mens' (gen. menman) for 
*-nien-s (§ 117). 

"It can soaroely be n 



in O.Ir. V 

XI 92] does not agree with the faotg ii 
nore likel; ; — Insular Celt. *en.qv*"<t 
■ gioaa to 'ungtila' (hitherto taken t 
ingnib for * 



intained that the word for 'nail' 
9 Btokes' paradigm [Bezxenb. Beitr. 
3 Old Irish. The rolloning is much 
Cymr. ewi'ii f., O.Ir. noro. ingen, 
g.) , dat. fngin , dat. pi. 
ib. In Mid.Ir. the word was declined, though not entirely, 
u an n-stem. The num. sing. wa« i'n<"< '"S' j"s' ai peria ~ O.Ir. peraan 
(persona). For Ihe nom. pi. wp still have ingnf, which ia regularly devel- 
oped from 'inf/itia, bat cannot be satisfactorily explained as any cose of 
the n-infleiion". Thurneysen. 

Neut. imb 'butter': Lat. ungu-en etc., see above p. 352. 

Oermanic. Here the -e»-8uf&c attained its widest use in 
a mass of new formations. Its fertility is especially remarkable 
in the class of namina agentis and the nouuB connected with 
them, in which -en- appears as a secondary suffix with what 
may be called an 'individualising' function, i. e. that of eon- 
verting adjectivea into substantives. Any adjective could be 
so converted by adding -en- to its stem. Theae derived forms 
were brought into close syntactical connexion with the definite 
article (demonstrative-stem "to-X and so aroae what iB known as 
the 'weak' declension of adjectives. Further Idg. and Germ. 
-On- was aHsuciated with Germ, -a- (Idg. -a-) on the analogy 
of the relation between Germ, -an- and -a-, and so a weak 
declension was developed for the adjectival fl-atems parallel to 
that of the o-stems. 

Masculioe. domino ayentis. Goth. dtiAs-a O.H.G. olis-o 
OJcel. w-e ux-e 'ox': Skr. uks-dn- etc., see p. 345 above. 
O.H.G. speh-o fgg-o -se22-o see p. 346 above. Goth, akul-a 
0.H.0, scol-o 'debtor'. Goth, un-vita 'ignorant one, fool' O.H.G, 
wigj'f 'knower, sage'. Goth, nuta 'fisher'. O.H.G. heri-zogo O.Icel. 



354 The Suffix -f«-. §114. 



her-toge 'duke' pr. Germ. */wj-ew- and O.H.G, heri-zoho pr. Genn. 
*fiix-en~, O.H.G. hot-o O.Icel. bod-e 'messenger'. O.H.G. geb-o 
O.Icel. -gjaf-e 'giver. O.H.G. wdr-queto veridicus* O.Icel. hrSdr- 
"kvede 'praedicator laudis' pr. Germ. *kf^'in'. Mid.H.G. schad-e 
O.Icel. skad-e 'damager' pr. Germ, ^skap-en-. Goth, han-a O.H.G. 
han-o 'cock', beside Lat. can-ere. O.H.G. sceid'4> 'sequester'. 
Further we find denominative forms, some of them also nomina 
agentis, and some denoting persons or things which stand in 
some other special relation to the idea of the original word (in- 
cluding many epithetised compounds with ga-). Goth, guinea 
O.H.G. gomo O.Icel. guni-e 'human being, man': Lat. liom-d 
etc.; see above, p. 346. Goth, vaiirstv-a 'worker from vaurstv 
n. 'work'. Goth, spill-a 'announcer from spill n. *tale\ Goth. 
ga-razna 'neighbour' from razn 'house'. O.H.G. stiur-o O.Icel. 
stjdr-e 'steersman' from stiura f. 'rudder'. O.H.G. urteil-o judge' 
from urteU 'sentence*. O.H.G. hliv-o 'spouse* O.Icel. hy-e 'atten- 
dant' beside Gotli. heiva- 'house*. O.H.G. heim-o 'cricket on the 
hearth' from heim 'house, home*. O.H.G. gi4anto 'fellow-country- 
man' from lant 'country*. Further we have names of peoples, 
such as Teutffn-es^ O.H.G. SaJiso, Franko^ and names of per- 
sons, such aa O.H.G. Wolfo^ Harto^ Berhto. The follo^ving 
have a close connexion with the nomitia agentis: A.S. drop-a 
'drop* Cdripper*), O.H.G. chleb-o 'sticker, glue* and the like. 

The following are substantives formed from adjectives: 
Goth, liuta 'hypocrite* from liut-^ 'hypocritical', veiha 'priest' 
from veih-s 'holy*, O.H.G. ivT^ago 'soothsayer* from wTiag 'mark- 
ing, surmising*, and others. 

Through the popularity of the -«-declension substantival 
o-stems denoting persons were sometimes made into -€;t-stems 
without any alteration of meaning, e. g. Goth, svaihra beside 
O.H.G. swehur Skr. hdiura-s Gr. exvQo-g 'father-in-law'. 

We find another class of denominatives, akin to those 
already discussed, denoting objects of the same shape or form 
as the thing described by the original substantive (cp. Lat. 
sabulO^ pSro p. 351). O.H.G. ger-o O.Icel. geir-e 'wedge-shaped 
piece, instrument, or territory*, from gir 'spear*. A.S. ftmd-a 



OJeel. mu?in-e 'orifice', beside mud 'moutli'. Mid.H.G. kamb-e 
kamm-e "comb-like instrument', from kam 'comb', O.Icel. nagl-e 
'cail', from nagl tinger-nail'. OJcel. odd-e m. "triaogle', from 
odd-r 'spear-point'. Add certain words in -On- (f.), aa O.H.G. 
bart-a 'axe, broad-axe' beside hart beard'. Cp. Kluge, K'omia. 
Slammbildungslehre § 79 p, 37. 

Tbe most numerous of tlte remaining substantives are the 
abstract nouna and the names for parts of tho body. Abstract 
nouns: Goth, ah-a 'thought, understanding', ga-taira 'cleft', O.H.G. 
tcad-o O.Icel. a/.aiJ-e 'harm', O.H.G. .WHff/'i-o 'pain*, gi-feho'}oj; add 
alao some words in -5m- (f.), aa Goth, lub-o 'love', brimi-6 'fever', 
O.Icel. fak-a 'taking in, asaumption". One or two of the names for 
parts of the body are pvoethnic: A.S, mold-a 'head' see p. 346, 
OJeel. hjars-e 'head' see p. 347, O.H.G. nior-o (O.Icel. nyr-a n.) 
Ttidney' ; aee p. 352. With these, others were associated : Goth. 
lof-a 'flat of the hand', O.H.G, nabol-o O.Icel, nafl-e 'navel', 
O.H.G. dam-o (cp, g 72 p. 171). Alao feminine forma in -5m- 
as O.H.G. gall-d 'gall' (on the other hand A.S. jealla is m.), 
Goth, tttgg-6 O.H.G. zung-a O.Icel. tung-a 'tongue', O.H.G. 
i?h-a 'toe'. 

Feminine. The original stems in -On- were asaociated in 
Germanic with those in -a-, not ao intimately indeed as were the 
-}dn-fitema, but closely enough to be attracted into the feminine 
gender, though we must observe that aomo of the abstract nouns 
in -On-, like those in -iSn-, may have been feminine before they 
passed into Gonnanic. On their analogy feminines in -fln- were 
formed at will from the masculine -ew-atems which denoted 
living beings. O.H,G. maga-soha 'nutris' from -toho -zogo. 
OJcel, kveld-riSa 'noctivaga, atrix' from -ride. Goth. ga-rasnS 
'neighbour (f,)' from ga-raztm. O.H.G. gi-mahha 'wife' from 
gi-mahho. O.H.G. Mtsa 'wife' from kltco. O.H.G. wTiaga 'aooth- 
sayer (f.)' from vajago. Goth, svalhro 'mother-in-law' from 
svaihra. Goth, qino O.Icel. kona 'woman' contrasted with Gr. 
jTjvjj. Goth, viduvo 'widow' contrasted with Lat. vidua. As an 
example of the weak adjectives we may take Goth. hlind-O be- 
side masc. blind-a 'caecua'. 



356 The Suffix -e«-. § lU. 

Neuters, in the genitive and other cases always with -eti-. 
Goth, vat'd water', Goth, dus-d O.H.G. dr-a 'ear', Goth, dug^ 
O.H.G. oug-a *eye', see above p. 347. Goth. halrUO O.H.G. 
herz-a 'heart*. O.H.G. toang-a 'cheek,. O.Icel. tiyr-a 'kidney* 
beside O.H.G. m. nior^o (on the other hand O.Icel. hjars-e m. 
beside Skr. n. MrS-dn-j cp. also O.H.G. anch-o m. 'butter' beside 
Lat. ungu-en n. O.Ir. imb n.). Along with these names for 
parts of the body we find a few other substantives, as Goth. 
Pairk'd *hole*, duga-daurd 'window' and kaumd 'com' (a deriva- 
tive of kaum^ parallel to masculines like O.H.G. gSr-o and to 
feminines like O.H.G. Jar^-a p. 354f.). In the weak adjectives: 
Goth, blinds beside masc. blind-a. 

Balto-Slavonic. Here the -en-stems are rare; a large 
part of them have fallen out of the n-declension through various 
processes of re-formation. Generally the suffix appears in the 
form -en- in all cases except the nom. sing. 

Lith. el-n- in iln-i-s 'stag, elk' O.C.Sl. jden- m. (nom. jelen-t) 
*stag': Armen. eXn etc., see p. 349 above. Lith. szirsz-u m. 
O.C.Sl. srXS^en-X m. 'horse-fly, hornet*, common ground -form 
*%«-ew-: cp. O.H.G. hornai 'hornet' pr. Germ, ^/urz-n-ata-z 
(I § 303 p. 240). From an original *(fei-en- (^dii-en- ^di-en-) 
^di-n- (*dei'7i') 'day' were developed Lith. f. de-n-^ Pruss. ace. 
dei-n-a-n O.C.Sl. gen. dX-n-e (nom. dt^nX m.): cp. Skr. din-a-m 
Lat. nufi'dinae (J. Schmidt, Euhn^s Ztschr. XXV 23). 

Lith. 82U (aus *«ejf-w, I § 184 p. 160), gen. ^u-^8 ace. 
S2tl-n~i^ m. 'dog*, also sztup-i-s m. : Skr. h-d etc., see p. 346 
above, rud-u m. 'autunm* beside rdd'as 'reddish-brown' : cp. Lat- 
Ruf~6 Goth, rdud-a^ see p. 345 above. We have an old neuter 
in vand'U m. 'water* (Lett. ud—e'ti'S): Skr. ud-dn- etc., see 
above p. 346. 

O.C.Sl. Stephen- m. 'step', kor-en' m. 'root*, nom. stepen-X 
koren-X. vod-a f. 'water* (inflected as an d-stem) perhaps comes 
from an Indo-Gcrmanic nominative in -5. 



§ lis. The Suffix -ien-')- This Suffix, which appears 
he forniB -jew- -ioii- -iSn- -lOn-, -iieti- -iiwi- -iiSn- -ixSn- and 
-In- (-i^' -ii'^-) arose in derivatives from the steins in -io- 
and -f-. We must distinguish two strata in thia class of 
nasal stems. 

1. Forms corresponding to denominatives like hat. hotn-d 
Lith. rud-& Av. mar't'On- C§ 114), as Skr. ahhtmatln- 'piottiig' 
{ai^l-m<lti-& 'plot'), ovpavioiv 'the heavenly one' (cp. ov^uvio-^), 
Lat. vulpiS (vulpSsJ, Goth, arbja Tieir" {arii a. 'heritage'). 

2. Abstract Substantives like those mentioned on p. 341 f. 
e. g. cap-id, which, if we may judge from iimiy-r) and other 
examples, once existed in Greek aa well as elsewhere. 

The custom of extending all kinds of stems by an -«-suffix 
remained in full force through most of the stages in the history 
of the separate languages, and hence the class of stems which 
ve ore now considering was continually enlarged. But we are 
justified in referring all such nouns as Goth, arbja to the 
suffix -^- rather than to -m- (§ 114) — although a priori 
the word might he analysed either arhj-an- or urbja-n quite- 
aa naturally as arh-jan- (cp. e. g. caurstv-an- or m^ret 
va-n-) — simply because they created nu new variety of sufBx, 
that is, none which was not in existence in the proethnic period, 
but merely reproduced the original -jfin- type in one or other 
of its forma. 

On the other hand it must be admitted that this sufhx had 
only just begun to bo used independently before the separation 
of the languagea. Indeed there appear to be no examples of 
particular words that contain it which are certainly proethnic; 
notice however such parallels as Skr. p?'a^-(n- "questioner' A.8. 
fricjea 'herald' and abstract nouns like Lat. ratiSn- ^ Goth. 
rapj&n-, Lat. mentis = O.Ir. er-mitiu, which are mostly derived 
from Indo-Germauic stems in -d'-, see § 100 p. 294, 

Aryan. Here we find only denominatives with the suffix 

IJ Cp Leo Meyer* IreatisL' ([uol^d p. 29* footnote. 



358 The Suffix -iew-. §115. 

in the form -tV^), which spread through all the cases in the 
proethnic period of Aryan ; e. g. nom. pi. -in-as instead of •-jf&i-a«, 
loc. sing, -fn-i istead of ^-ian-L During the same period -/- 
replaced '^- (= -i^-) in the 'middle' cases (e. g. 8kr. arci-bhyas 
Avest. kaini-bjd) and -I- replaced -jfl in the nom. sing. (Skr. 
arct Avest. kaini) on the analogy of the -«n-stems (Skr. dat. 
abl. pi. -a-bhyas^ nom. sing. -a). 

Skr. arcin- 'beaming from ard-S *beam', ciUin" 'intelligent' 
from dttl'S 'understanding', Urtnin- 'billowy* from Urmi^ 'billow', 
atithin' 'wandering' from dtithi-s 'guest'. Ayest. kainin- f. 'girl' 
from kanyd' Skr. kanyd *girr. Gr. TLouvo-g 'new' (*xai^i^o-g) ; for 
the meaning of the suffix compare Lat. puS'iO little boy*. But 
we find that the use of -m- as a derivative suffix has spread 
by analogy to other than -o-stems, almost exclusively however 
to those in -o- (cp. 6r. juahtx-nov from ficcXaxo-g, Lat. libell^ 
from lU>dlU'8, Goth, vadrstv-ja from vaArstv); it ousted 'an--^ 
which remained only in Avestic (see § 114 p. 348). Skr. parn-in- 
Avest. per'n-ifp- 'winged', beside Skr. parnd-m 'wing'. Skr. 
yav-ln- 'rich in corn*. Avest. y^-in- m. 'fields', beside Skr. 
ydva-s 'corn*. Skr. han-in" leading dogs*, from han^ dog'. 
O.Pers. vtp'in- 'belonging to a clan' (Avestic shows the older 
form f?l5-aw-), from vtp~ clan'. Skr. -yin- after vowels, e. g. 
svadha-yln- 'he to whom the svadha belongs' is like -ii- (Lith. 
mo-ji-s) p. 122 footnote 2, and -$i- § 110 p. 336. 

In Sanskrit forms like mad-in- 'intoxicating, rejoicing' (from 
mdda-s 'intoxication, joyous excitement') were referred to kindred 
verbs (mddaM)^ and honcc -in- acquired the character of a 
primary suffix. Sec Whitney, Skr. Gram. § 1183. 

-mm-, and -mn- were no doubt special formations in 
Sanskrit; examples are fg-min- 'singing, jubilating* (beside 
fg-miya- 'worthyof praise), namas-vin- 'paying reverence.* Cp. 
below Gr. oxa-^iV'. 



1) Prof. W. Streitberg was the first scholar who clearly recognised 
that Ar. -/;}- was derWed from the original "ir^n-, I have foUowed him 
also in regarding -/- as the weak form of -j[o-, in § 116. 



S115. 



The Suffix - 



;j59 



Greek, -loti- -any- appear beaide -lo-, as in oipav-iwi' (-kui^) 
the heavenly one, dweller in heaven' beaide ouoaj-io-; 'heavenly', 
K(iav-l<iv (^-lav and fiuv-) 'the descendant of Kronos' beaide K^ov- 
-la-c 'belonging to Kronos'. Generally however -iw»- is an in- 
dependent suffix, '.Jrpf-ihrt' 'eon of Atreus', from 'Arptv-,;, fioXar- 
•Um 'weakling', from fiakuxd'g 'weak'. <Jt(J.«xp-/wv wretch, miser- 
able creature', from (TsAaxpo-i,- 'very wretched'. , 

-Jf- appears in -'/(JpijoT-if-jj 'daughter of Adiestos' ^ijc-^i'-)? 
daughter of Euenos' beside '^x(iia-ii6v-^ 'daughter of Akrisios'. 
Further, in iiuziy-ij 'gift' beaide Jiu-rr-; 'gift*, ep. Lat. datiO be- 
aide das. This form justifies us in classing here the words 
StiAftv- m. "belly-fiBb, dolphin' (cp. Skr. garbk-in- 'pregnant'), 
an-Ty- f. 'beam, of light', nijp-Tv f. 'acrotum', wJ-ri- f. 'travail', 
ylw/'F*^ f. 'point, end' (cp. yhaaaa for *j'J(u/-xn}. The weak 
form of the sutflx was adopted in all the cases, as -in- in Aryan. 
Closely parallel to these are words in -im-: aza'^iir- and or«- 
-.iii't'- m. "wood that stands upright', pTjy-fth- f. 'aurge, breaker* 
(beside p^y-fia 'a breaking'), vautv- f. and vnfiiv-i; 'fliglit' (for 
the -o- cp, § 72 p. 173.). The noni, sing, ends in -Is for 
*-r»-fi-, for which -ly waa substituted in later Greek. 

Italic. -i<in- in the masculine is aeeu iu Lat. vttlpiO from 
caipSs, pellio from pelH-s. restid from resti-s, cUriO 'head of a 
curia', from curia, centuriO from centuria, lania from /antu-s; 
and it is common as an independent sufBx, e. g. Iibdl-i5 from 
Ubellu-8, cUr-iO 'one wasted by sorrow' from cUra, tenebr-il) from 
tenebrae, mtr-iO from tniru-s, and the substantives formed from 
the numerals, un-is bin-id fern-id and so forth. Some of theae 
masculines had a diminutival aense, as kotnunc-io senec-iO piis-iO 
fmmU~is, cp. Avest. kainin- p, 358. The Umbr. Vuf-iun-e 
Vof-iott-e should be mentioned here. 

Secondly we have the feminine abstract nouns in -ifln-, 
and -iti- (-In-?) in Umbro-Samnite ; this establishes a variation 
in the form of the suffix in different cases for the proetJmic 
Italic period. Lat. com-tttunio beaide com-mitni-s ; Goth, ga- 
'ifidinei 'community' beside ga-mdini- 'communis'; al-Utv-i^ be- 
side al-lut-iu-niy al-luv-iS-s, con-tag-iS beside con-tOg-iu-m ob- 



360 The Suffix 'ien-, § 115. 

'Sid-id beside ob'Sid-iu-m^ cp. Goth, ga-riud-jd beside ga-riud-i. 

The following examples show -iGn- in independent use, so that 

it appears as a primary suffix: Lat. leg^id re-ligio Osc. leg-in -ei 

*legioni, cohorti' leg-in-um legionem, cohortem', Lat. cOn'Spic'idj 

reg-idj cap-id usU-capid, opfn-i5; Umbr. fer-in-e perhaps 'feretro*, 

tribfisu *ternio* abl. tribris-in-e^ Osc. tang-in-om 'sententiam' 

gen. tang'in-eiSj tribarakk-iuf *aedificatio'. 

The form -tidn- -tin^ (-^w-P) is especially frequent and 

largely superseded Idg. -^t- : Lat. men-tiO (O.t. er-mitiu 'honour*), 

ra-tiO (Goth. ra-pjO 'ratio*), da-tid (cp. Gr. iahtivrj gift')? June- 

-rtC, occupOrtid, tribil-tid] Umbr. na-tin-e natione, gente*, Osc. 

medica-tin'Om 'indicationem*, uit-tiuf *usio, usus*, frukta-tiuf 

*usus, fructus', statif 'static, statua*. Cp. § 100 p. 300. With 

Lat. exerci-tio compare exercp-tiu-m^ with dicAiO the Osc. med- 

dixud 'iuris dictione', which no doubt comes from ^med^ihtio- 

as Bansae from *Bantia- (I § 502' p. 368 f.); see § 163 under 

Italic. 

Remark. The ' Umbrian nominative termination • i u stands for 
pr. Ital. and pr. Idg -^d. On the other hand. Osc. - i u f and - f f stand for 
^idns *'ina (*'ina?). The latter were later dialectic formations (cp. Lat 
sanguis Or. Mtp^; and other similar forms, and see § 114 p. 352, § 117 under 
Old Irish). The late origin of the ending -ns explains the special treatment 
of this group of sounds in these words see I § 209 p. 177, § 655 p. 506. 

Li the Sabine dialect we find also the form -j(^n- n^r-t^-em 
'fortitudinem', nom. ner-io^ gen. also Nrjpiv'ijg (Lydus de mens. 
IV 42), parallel to wer-5 'brave' Nerd (cp. Gr. \4vdQ-(av) from 
Idg. *«er- *man'. An-io gen. -i^-is (amongst the Romans 
declined after the Latin fashion, -idn-is). Should such forms 
be regarded as derivatives from words with the suffix -|^- (§ 109) 
(cp. Ner-ia)^ which would explain the g? 

Old Irish. Besides Enu 'Ireland' (gen. Erenn; for the 
isn cp. § 117 Rem. 3) the only certain examples are the forms 
which correspond to the Latin feminine abstract nouns in -tid: 
air-itiu f. *accipere': Lat. SinptiOj aig-thiu f. Year' and others. 
All the cases, except the nom. sing., have -rtw-; there is 
only the dat. (loc.) sing, with its by-form in -te to vouch for 
*'tum in early Irish. See § 100 p. 30L 



In Gallic -ion- is conmon : we li&ve names of towns like 
Brigantio {compared with the participial stem brigant- 'pro- 
jecting', O.Ip. Brigil = Skr. b^hat-i § 110 p. 337), Divio, 
Cabeliio; names of tribes liko Sitessidn-es, Kovouoi'-bi;. 

Germanic. Moac. -fan- (like -an-). Goth, arbja O.H.O. 
firpeo 'heir, beaide Goth, arb-i n. 'heritage'. Goth, bandja 
"priaoner", beside hand-i f. chain'. Goth. vdi-dSdja 'evildoer' 
Mid.H.G. ubel-t<ete A.S. yfel-dada 'evildoer', beside Goth, ga- 
-dedi' i. 'deed'. Goth, ga-mdinja 'partaker', beside ga-mdini- 
'commuDis'. The suffix ia more frequently independent. Goth. 
vtana-maurjyrja O.H.G. murdr-eo 'murderer', from Germ. *mur' 
_^a- 'murder'; Goth, timr-ja 'carpenter', beside O.H.G. zimbar 
'timber'; fisk-ja 'fisher', beside fiska- 'fish'; vadrstv-ja 'worker', 
lieside eaUrate 'work'; IXH.G. scim-o 'buffoon', beside seem 'jest'; 
xcar-io scare 'head of a troop' beside scara 'troop'. It has the 
character of a primary suffix in e. g. Goth, afbi-num-ja 'inheritor, 
heir', O.H.G. tist-num-eo 'raptor', O.H.G, scepJi-eo scaffo 'couditor', 
■"er-io /ero 'sailor', Femininea (cp. O.H.G, maga-zoha i?te. § 114 
p, 355): Goth, orfc/5 heiress', O.H.G. ge-betta O.Icel. bedja 
Tjedfellow (f.), wife'. 

The form -iOn- became incapable of denoting male persons 
(notice that masculines like Gr. vesvio-i; Lat. agricola O.C.SI. 
9luga are foreign to Germanic). It was preserved on the 
other hand in names of things which in form are parallel to 
Goth, arbja etc. (also in a few names of animals), which then 
became feminine. Goth, snorjc basket woven out of string', 
tieside O.U.G. stiuori- f. 'string'. O.H.G. hulga 'leathern sack', 
beside balgi- m. 'bag'. O.H.O. hdrra hair garment', beside kHr 
"hair*. Goth. ga-timrjS O.H.G. zimbxrra 'building', beside O.H.G. 
2tm6ar 'timber'. O.Icel. birkja 'birch-sap', beside bfqrk birch". 
O.Icel. gedda 'pike', beside gadd-r 'thorn, spine' (cp- Lat. sttelUS m. 
'star-lizard, newt' from stella). 

Feminine abstract nouns in -I'fln-, whose gender dates from 
tbe pre-Germanic period. Goth. gariudj6 'modesty', side by aide 
with ga-riud-i n. (same meaning) (cp. Lat. alluvid and alluviu-m), 
beflide ga-riup-s 'modest, decent'. Clcel. vitra 'sagacity' beside 



36L' The Suffix ^*en-. §115,116. 

vit-r 'sagacious*; scela *luck', beside soell 'lucky*. The sofiBx 
has the character of a primary suffix in Goth, ga-runjd 'inun- 
dation', 8akj(^ strife', A.S. cesce 'question*, O.Icel.j^yii/a 'love*. We 
also find -/i^-, but this was not fertile in Germanic, which con- 
trasts with its history in Italic and Irish: Goth. ra-fjO 'reckoning' 
(Lat. ra-tid)^ O.Icel. prcetta 'strife*. Parallel to rdpjO is O.H.G. 
redia^ a strong feminine, cp. Lat. exercitiurtn beside exercUid. 
Side by side with 'idn- is the form -Fn-, found in abstract 
denominatives, especially in those derived from adjectival stems: 
Goth, aglditei rudeness* side by side with aglditi n. (the same), 
magdpei maidenhood* beside tnagapi- 'maiden', Goth, gamdinei 
O.H.G. gimeim community' beside Goth, ga^mdini- 'communis' 
(Lat. commUnid f. beside com''mUni-8)y Goth, gddei O.H.G. guotl 
'goodness, excellence' beside Goth, g^p^8 *good*, Goth, managei 
O.H.G. menigl 'crowd' beside Goth, manage many, much*. We 
have seen reason for believing that the same -In- is contained 
in the suffix -ita-jfa-, as in O.H.G. Berhting^ § 88 Rem. 3 p. 267. 

Slavonic. We find -i^w- in the plural of denominative 
names of inhabitants and classes, as zetnljan-^ 'countrymen' from 
zemlja 'land*, grazdan-e 'citizens' for *gord''jfln'e from gradU 
city', seljan^e 'country folk' from selo cultivated land', mir-Jcm-e 
laici* from miru 'world*. See I § 585, 3 p. 440. 

§ 116. The Suffix -t^^it-. This appears in the forms 
-uen" "Uon- (-u^-) -?^- and -uw- -t«^, and appears to be 
derived from the m- and lio-stems, just as -ie«- from those in 
-i- and -io-. 

The meaning of the suffix cannot be reduced to any general 
definition. Amongst the substantives it forms arc nomina actionis^ 
which were used as infinitives in Aryan and Greek. 

In do-Germanic. Skr. dg-un- (e. g. instr. dgun-a) n. 
'life*, Gr. m'(f)wp {-wv) m. 'space of time, eternity' al'(f)iv (loc. 
sing.) 'always*, common ground-form ^di-uen- (cp. I § 611 p. 461): 
compare Lat. ae^vo-m^ Goth, di-r-s m. 'time, eternity' ground- 
form *ai-j^- (cp. I § 612 p. 462, § 614 p. 464). Skr. pt-mn- 
Gr. 77 i-(f)(oy (-or-) 'fat': compare ^pl-n^'rO" Skr. p^oa-rd-s Or. 
nU'QO't^ 'fat' Skr. pt'VaS" n. Gr. nJo-TTjg etc., see § 74 p. 182. 



The SutriK -u«»-. 



.H63 



. par-van- n. 'knob, joint, pause, break', Gr. d-Titigf-M' i-o»-) 

"boundleBB* for *nFp-J^tov, Tteipaivio '1 bring to an end' for 'wep- 

I -/n*-(w, Skr. pdrvata-8 Gr. nd^^ta uti^aru (see § 82 p. 249): 

beside these we huve Gr. a-neipa-c. Skr. agrndvan- 'eating 

I ftra^, Gr. Horn, i^-fac- or (A^ar- n. 'fuod' (^tJdai- ia a wrong 

I spelling, cp. I § 166 p. 147 on dnift/fer). Skr. grd-van- iii. 

'soma-Btone' O.Ir. hroo brd, pen. broon brdn, 'millstone'. 

Dativea in -tten-ai are used as iDfrnitives (this appears to 
I iMve been a modification of the original -vn-ai -un-ai introduced 
the proethnic period on the analogy of the loc. in -ywif-i); 
I «p. -men-ai § 117). Skr. da-vdn-e 'to give', Gr. Cypr. io-fevnt 
lAtt. iovvni. Aveat. vTii-can-fi 'to know', Gr. tidivai for *Ftii- 
t-fcy-iu (cp. g 136 Remiirk 1). 

Aryan. The original relations of ablaut are preserved 
I most nearly in Skr. sinj. nom. mnghd-va fgeneroua') ace. -tiJm-am 
I loc. -ean-i instr. maf/hSn-d, Aveat. sing. nom. a&a-va ("pure') 
I ace. -vaH-etn gen. asaon-0. In Snoskrit, levelling t^ok place in 
I two different diret'tiona. On the one hand the form with -Ban- 
epreafl into the weakest cases; e. g. dthar-vfl -vdn-am -vaii-i 
produced -pan-S -van-as instead of ^un-a etc. (cp. the form 
cfaurun-? dat. preserved in Avestie), a change which was 
supported by the pftrallelism of the Hian-stems (di-man-d etc.). 
And the v of forms like ftd-vn-6 (wc should expect ^ftoun-a) 
came from the otiier forma with -con- -vdn- (cp. I § 160 p. 144), 
while such a form as pt-vn-, and (here also) the type of the -man- 
stems (arya-mn-d) may have influenced the re-formation. On 
the other hand, in some neuter words (e, g. dy-iin-) a new 
paradigm was formed by a confusion with M-stema which were 
parallel to them, (from which came e, g. the nora. ace, (fyft, cp. Goth. 
aju'ka- in njuk-dup-s 'eternity'). An interesting aurvival of -uti- 
«n Indian ground appears also in mUh-un-6- 'paired' beside Aveat. 
mip-wan- n. 'pair'. Op. the .Author, Morph. Unt. 11 187 ff. 

Skr. tdk-oan- beside tak-vd- Idh-u- 'shooting on, quick'. 
fbk-can- beside fbh-va- fbh-u- 'capable, aristic', fk-can- beside 
I fk-ed- 'singing, praising', pdd-eon- m. beside pdd-va- m. 'way'. 
\ dr-Kin- 'runner' beside Aveat. aurva 'quick' A.8. ar-H 'prompt, 




364 The Suffix -nen-, § 116. 

ready', dhdn-van n. beside dhdn-u- f. 'dune, sandy land'. Avesi 
er^d'wanr raiser, helper* beside er'd-wa- 'uplifted, raised up'. 

Skr. ddh'Van- m. Avest. ad-wan- m. *way'. Skr. yd-van- 
*going, traveller Avest. yaon-a- m. path, way'. Skr. pat-van- 
*flying', idk-van- 'able', rd-van- 'bestowing'. Avest. is-van- able', 
der'z-van- m. 'fetter*. Skr. snd-van- n. 'bond, sinew*, tug-pan- 
n. 'rapid stream', Avest. kars-van- n. (nom. ace. karS-var*) name 
of the seven divisions of the earth. • 

-t-van- : Skr. kf-t-van- 'eflfecting' Avest. ker^-p-wan- 'one who 
brings about', Skr. sH-t-van- 'pressing*, sa-jl-t-van 'victorious'. 
These are based on ^-sterns like -k-f-t- 'effecting', see § 123. 

Skr. ftd-van- 'holy, pious' Avest, asa-van- 'pure', Skr. dthar- 
-van- Avest. apra-van- (apaur-un-) 'fire-priest*, Skr. dhitd-van- 
*rich in gifts', amatl-vdn- suffering want', samdd-van- 'eager for 
the fray'. 

Infinitives. Skr. ddrvdu"^ 'to give', Avest. vld-van-Gi 'to 
know', see above p. 363. 

Armenian. 5iun, gen. sean^ 'pillar for early Armen. *«F-ran- 
or *s6l-»aw-: Gr. yiunv m. f. (-oi^) 'pillar' for *ici-f(uv. fi-cases 
were no doubt originally formed from aXbeur^ gen. aXber^ 'spring 
(I § 263 p. 214): cp. Gr. tpgiao tpQearog (p. 365). 

Greek. al'(f)iuv al-{f)iv^ 7it-(f)u}v, antiQcov for ^-ntQ-fftiv^ 
see p. 362 f. 

xBV€-(f)(ov (-(WV-) m. 'hollow space from xfvs-fo-g 'empty' 
(§ 64 p. 135), with which we must certainly class the masculme 
names of places as olvsoiv olvuiy wine-bin*, nagd-svaniv nug&fvdv 
'maidens' apartment*, dvipaiy 'man's apartment', innaiv 'horse stall', 
Xaauuv 'place with thick bushes' (ru Xdma 'thicket'). 

The form -un~ is no doubt to be seen in ei&vva f, *legal 
procedure, punishment' for *€vd'vv'(.a, fidivw 'I guide straight 
for *-vy-i(o ; cp. Avest. aSaon-i fem. of asa-van-. Cp. also Horn. 
i&vv-rara 'in the straightest, truest way' beside idv-g. See 
Osthoff, Forsch. auf dem Geb. der Idg. Nominalstammbildung 
II 24 ff., and the Author, Morph. Unt. II 190. 201 ff. 205 f. 

The neuters show the same course of developement as those 
belonging to the -men- and -ew-stems (like ovd'-ag -axog § 114 



g]ie,ii7. 



365 



p. 350); but there appears to be no nom. ace. sing, in -fa ^ 
-l^{f. Tieiga-ja for *ntp-f n-ia (: Skr. pdr-va-ta-a) and si-fa-ra 
(trf-/«p), 8ee above p. 363, if-oiap tfipt^og 'well' with -ta- for 
-ijB- (I § 611 p. 462) Hom. (fp^aza (wrongly written ipptiara) 
for 'ifQtj-fa-ta: cp. Armen, aXbeur, see above p. 364. ojiOQ 
arioxoc congealed fat', poet. ariTap i. e. uzfj-ag: Skr. athn-vard- 
'standing, immovable'. Other examples of the kind are given 
by the Author, Morph. Unt. II 225, O. Meyer, Griech. Gramni.* 
p. 325. 

Infinitives, do-fiv-ai iovvai, HH-iftti; see above, p. 363. 
This formation was very fertile in Ionic, Attic and Arcadian, 
StTitu 'to place' for *9i-Ifv-at. t-ivai 'to go', df-rfi-^vai 'to fear'. 
iijtiat 'ta blow' for *af>}-ftvM, yvnjycu 'to recognise' for *yv(i)- 
•ft¥ui. From the contracted forms was taken a termination -yai, 
which usurped the place of -[tfv -ftevat: thus iSvuai, that (fl-fttv 
for *ia-fity}, ifnivai, dtiovai, dmtw'vai. Many scholars refer ^epHv 
to *tpf^-Ftv, see § 114 p. 347. 

Old Irish, broo brd 'millstone': Skr. grd-van-, see above 
p. 347. 

Germanic. Ooth. spar-va A.S. speanea O.H.G. sparo m. 
'sparrow'. Vesper- 'flutter to and fro'. 

§ 117. The suffix -men-. This was used from the in 
the proethnic and later periods to form nomhta acdonis, which 
often varied between the meaning of the thing and the action 
^Bs Gr. ^fv/ia 'a streaming' and 'that which streams'); more 
Tttrely to form nomina amentia. The nomina actionis were used 
in Aryan and Greek as infinitives. The gender varied between 
neuter and masculine; sometimes even in the same word, aa 
Gr. x^T-/ia '. i;n-f,w>'. 

The root-syllable had generally the strong grade (the e- 
(iorm in the e-series). Originally, no doubt, both this and the 
weak grade stood side by side in each paradigm (cp. Gr. Xfi-f^ui': 
ii-ft^y, atr-fia : dvt-iitjr, O.Icel. IJS-me: Goth, laiih-mtm-i), but 
a process of levelling ennued, generally in favour of the strong 
form. 



366 The Suffix -Dwn-. § IH. 

There is difficulty in ascertaining what was the weak form 

of the suffix in the ground-forms of certain cases of the noun, 

as Skr. vdrt-tnan-a vdrt-man-as (beside nd-mn-a aryci-mn^). 

Remark 1. From the analogy of Skr. arc^n'd ('i/M''^ and Ayesi 
afaur'un-l {r%^en-) — see § 115, 116 we should expect *|i«r/-ij»n-, and 
therefore St. *rarf'an''d. This is supported by Goth. vund'Ufti'i f. 'wound' 
vit-uhn-i n. 'knowledge' (-/w- -6w- for -mn-, I § 215 p. 182) beside te^i*- 
'tnun-i f. 'flash'. The original paradigm of the latter would have been 
nom. *IaiSih'u/n'i gen. lauh-mun-jda, as in Skr. •rarf-a«-a (-^»-) vdrtina' 
'bhif (-my-)- See the Author, Morph. Unt. II 201. 209. 217 ff. We might 
therefore suppose that vdri'maw^ was a re-formation in Aryan due to the 
analogy of the other cases, vdrttnart't vdrt'ma^hhif etc. But although 
it must be allowed that the weak stem had both these forms in derivatiTea, 
yet even in the proethnio period the post- consonantal form -ffin- may have 
been displaced by -m^n-. There is at least a very strong probability thai 
some such leyelling process had taken place in proethnic Indo-Germanic 
in such infinitiYcs as Skr. vid'fndn'i Or. i^f^fity-^t, (op. also Lat. imper. 
legi-mift't below). The form of the stem represented by Skr. rorf-man-d 
would then be ^^rt^meri'. I should give my judgement with greater con- 
fidence, if there were a satisfactory explanation, of the absence of m in 
Skr. hhUnd prind and the like (Lanman, Koun-Infleotion p. 533). 

Indo-Germanic, *£tej^men- from y^^fojf- 'hear': Avest 
srao-man- n. Goth, hliu-ma m. 'hearing', op. also Skr. Sri-fna- 
'ta-m O.H.G. hliu-mun't § 82 p. 249. Skr. hi'mafi- n. Gr. 
XBV'fjia x^'f^^ X^'/^^ ^' 'gush*. Gr. gev'/na ^t;-/ua n. O.Ir. sruaim 
n. 'stream* common ground-form ^sre^-men', Skr. hhA-man- n. 
'existence, earth' bhu-mdn' m. 'crowd, fulness', Gr. (pv'/na n. 
'growth*, Lith. bu-men-e (no doubt with u) f. 'the present*. Skr. 
he-man loc. 'in winter', Armen. jiun^ gen. jean 'snow*, Gr. x^^'f^ 
'storm' ;^f/-/<wV (-/<wv-) m. 'stormy weather, winter*. Skr. bhdr' 
-man- n. 'support, fostering, care*, Gr. (pig'/na n. 'fruit of the womb', 
0.C.81. bri-mq n. 'burden*. Skr. tdr'tnan- n. *top of the sacri- 
ficial post*, Gr. rdp'^a n. 'goal, end' rtp-fnov (-ok-) m. 'boundary', 
Lat. ter-men ter-md (-mdn-). Skr. vdrt-man' n. 'road', 0.C.8L 
vrS-m^ n. 'time' for *vert'fnq. ^men-men' 'mind, spirit, thought': 
Skr. mdn'man' n., Gr. &paav'f^sfiva)v 'Aya-fiifivcoy for ^'fjuv/jtoih 
(De Saussure, M6m. de la Soc. de lingu. IV 432). Skr. ro*- 
-man' n. 'covering' Gr. sl-fxa n. 'garment, covering' fv-eifionf 'well 
clothed'. Skr. dd-man n. 'food', Gr. s^'/tiev^u dat. inf. 'to eat', 
Lith. pi. ed-men-ys (stem ed-men-t-) m. 'mouth, chaps'. Skr. 



§117. The Sjffix -men-. MV 



dh(Lma»' n. statate, action, seat, dwelling', Gr. ard-^rua n. 
'erection, something set up, offering' ^r-'&ruifiy ^keeping some- 
thing in good order d^Ji^fitor {-uotr-) m. 'heap' ^t-«a 'something 
set up, deposit, pledge*, \^ dhi-. Skr. dd^man^ n. 'gift' da-mdti- m. 
*gift, giver, Gr. Jo-/ia n. *gift' inf. AJ-iifrai, \^rf^. Skr. sthd-- 
man- n. "standing-place, strength*, Gr. iTii-oTr^ua n. 'what is set 
up upon something else* arij-iuur (-uoy- warp in the upright 
loom*, Lat. sto-men n., Goth, std-ma m. 'constituent part, ele- 
ment*, Lith. std-mu m. 'stature, height of body', \^$fa-, Skr. 
di'-mati' m. 'stone, heaven' Gr. ax-ftaw 'anvil, thunderbolt'. Skr. 
dj-man- n. 'road, train', Lat. agmen n. for ^ag-mefi (the vowel 
owes its length to the foUoniing -gm-) and ex^fnen n. for *-^(/- 
-men (I § 506 p. 371 '). Skr. dj-man- m. 'strength', Lat. aug- 
-mm n., Lith. aug^mu m. excrescence upon bodies or trees'. 
Skr. sT-mdn" m. 'parting of the hair, crown of the head' f. 
•boundary, mark' (as to the fcm. gender see Rem. 2 below), 
O.Sax si-mo m. 'bond, cord, rope', cp. also Gr. Ufiav-r- (?) 'strap' 
UuoviS 'well-rope' (§ 82 Rem. p. 249 f.) ; Gr. aiuaaia 'enclosing 
wall, hedge' seems to be derived from a stem ^sai-men-, Skr. 
tgHrman' n. 'bond, stripe, row' Gr. ti-^/iy'r (-fv-) m. 'hide, sinew', 
xaaaifiata n. pi. 'patchwork, soles; plots* (prep. xaVj, Lat. as- 
-sUmen-tu-m 'patch se^n on*. Skr. nd-ma n. Armen. anun Gr. 
imhfia n. Lat. nd-men n. O.Ir. am-m n. Goth. na-mO n. Pruss. 
t^n-a- 0.C.S1. i-mq n. (I § 219 Rem. 2 p. 187 f.) 'name'. Gr. 
yvvj'fia n. 'token' yvoi'/uwv ('/hop-) 'one who knows or shows, 
sundial, measuring-rod', Lat. agnOmen n. for "^ad-gnd-tnen (con- 
nected by popular etymology with ndmen), O.C.Sl. zna^mq n. 
'token'. 

Skr. jdni-man^ n. 'birth' Lat. geni-men (late) beside Skr. 
jdn-man-. Of the same sort are Gr. rska-uciv 'shoulder-belt', 
O.Ir. men-me 'mind! and other examples. See I § 110 p. 104. 

Datives in -men-ai used as infinitives (cp. -uen-ai § 116 
p. 363). Skr. vid-mdnS 'to learn, experience* (side by side with 



1) In the English translation, 1. 6. of this paragraph, instead oi^hefore 
originally long vowels*, read \ttUr etc.'. 



308 The Suffix -men. § 117. 

which we also find other cases of vid-mdn-^ Gr. Xd-fisvm *to 
know'. Skr. dd-nmnB *to give' (cp. p. 367), Gr. So-fisvcu 'to. 
give*. Lat. imper. legimin-l, in form identical with Gr. ktyifuv^i 
(see below). 

-men- seems further to have been used even in the parent 
language as a secondary sufKx: Skr. arya-mdn- m. 'conurade, 
friend', Mid.Ir. Airem^ gen. Areman Eremon, beside Skr. aryd- 
'devoted, attached* O.Ir. aire (gen. airech) princeps, primus*. 

-mefi' and -wo-, are often interchanged from the proethnic 
period onwards (see § 112 p. 340 f.); and this led to a certain 
confusion, which can be sometimes traced in the separate 
languages, between the -men' forms and the substantives in -nuh 
which have the o-grade in the root-syllable (see § 72 p. 170). 
Gr. ol'i^a n. assault' instead of *tUfia (Skr. i-man- n. 'course*) 
through the influence of ol'/no-g ol-^itj, O.H.G. lei-mo m. loam* 
instead of Hl-mo (Gr. Xsi'^iaiv) through the influence of fhe 
form fei-m ra. 

In all the Indo-Germanic languages -tnen- was a fertile 
suffix, most of all in Aryan, Greek, and Latin. 

Aryan. Skr. tSk-man^ young blade of com' Avest. taox- 
-man- n. 'bud, family, offspring*. Skr. h^i-mdn- m. 'impulse* 
Avest. zae-man- n. zeal*. Skr. dhd-man- n. 'statute, action, seat, 
dwelling* Avest. dcf^mati' i. e. d^-iwan- n. 'creation, creature* 
(I § 200 p. 168): Gr. dvd'&rj/na etc., see above p. 367. Skr. 
dS-man- Avest. O.Pers. as-man- m. 'stone, heaven*: Gr. ax-fiotv 
'anvil, thunderbolt*. Skr. nd-man^ n. Avest. nq-man' C^ °- 
O.Pers. na-man- n. 'name*: Armen. anun etc., see above p. 367. 

In secondary use : Skr. arya-mdn- m. 'comrade, friend* Avest, 
airyarvnayi' obedient' beside Skr. arydr^ see above. 

Sanskrit, dhdr-inan- n. 'support' dhar-mdn m. 'bearer, feroA- 
'fnan- n. 'devotion' brdh-mdn- m. 'one who prays*, sodd-man^ n. 
svUd-mdn- m. 'sweetness, loveliness*; vdri^man n. mtri-fnan" m. 
'extent*. Sd-man- n. 'undulation', e-man- n. course*, vdrS-man'- n. 
"height, surface*, sad^man- n. 'seat, abode', sd-man- n. hymn', 
trd-man- n. protection', yd'tnan- n. 'course' ; jdni'man- n. 'birth*, 
hharhman- n. *a carrying*, havf-man' n. *a calling upon*, ui- 



-mm- uS-man- m. 'heat', 0-ntdn- in. 'favoor, help', jB-mdn- m. 
'mperiority'; prathi-mdn- m. 'breadth', dd-mdn- m. 'g^er', sO- 
•mdn- m, 'preaaer, preparer of the soma', FormB like prathi- 
-ffldti- were popularly connected with the parallel adjectives 
such as p^hu- prdthiyaS', and hence -l-man- became a bgcod- 
pary suffix, as in dradh-imdn- va. "firmness' from dfdhd- 'firm' 
compar. drddh-^yas-, dkUmr-imdn' m. Mark colour, gloom' from 
dh&mrd- 'dark'. 

Avestic. a-pisman- without art, without skill', maps- 
mart- n. urine', daf-man- a. "eye", pa?-mati- a. "milk, mother's 
milk*, dUn-ntan- a. "cloud, vapour' do doubt ^ dii-man- (cp. 
di^-man above), beside Skr. dhU-md-s smoke', stao-man- u. 'song 
of praise, laudation', bar's-man- a. 'bundle of consecrated twigs 
for offering', caS-man- u. "eye*, ras-man- m. 'army in line, line 
of battle': Or. optj--/'" n. 'a stretching out, stretch', urvda- 
-man- "one who makes others glad, joy-giver'. 

Infinitival datives. Skr. cirf-man^, dd-manS, see p. 367 f. 
above. Skr, dkdr-mann 'to support', trd-mai^ 'to protect'. Avest. 
sfao-fKaiMe 'to praise', xsna-viainf 'to content'. In Avestic the 
locative also appears as an infinitive, e. g. cas-mqn caS-mSiSff 
'to behold' beside dat. cas-main^. 

Remark 2. The Domina^ve lermiDStion -mS (m. and n.) appears 
(ometimes to haTe led lo a trangference to the feminine (I-decleiuion; this 
praceaa maj have been aided bj the close oonnexion between the -mm- 
ind -mo-sleme, which dates from before the Aryan period. Thua e. g. Skr. 
li-mS- = ai-mdn- 'boundary' {st-md- in its turn inSuenced H-mdn- no far 
M to give it the fem. genderj, ila-md- beeide dd-man- n. 'bond' (alao f., 
according to the grammarianB ; the change of gender aame about in th9 
■ame way as in si-mdtt' f.J, O.Peri). tau-ma- 'family' = Atest. taox-man-, 
Cp. § 114 Rem. 1 p. 84S, g 122 Rem. p. it88. 

Arnienias. Jiun 'snow', anitn 'name', see above, p. 366 f.; 
for the phonetic changes see I § 202 p. 169. geX-mn, gen. 
jftX-mtm, "wool, fleece': to be compared either with Skr. vAr-man- 
'defenaive armour' Ur. ep-io-v 'wool' (v^yer-) or with Lat. vellus, 
Ooth. suUa 'wool' fv^ye/-;. ntarmin {-min- for -nten-, I § 63 
p. 50), gen. mar-m»-o-y, 'body, flesii' (which is extended by the 
Huffix -0-): Skr. mdr-man- n. membrum, joint, open part of 
the body which is especially exposed to mortal wounds'. 



370 The Suffix 'mew. § 117. 

Greek. The history of the neuter forms is the same as 
in the case of the -en- and "Uen-stems; see § 114 p. 350. 

ytV'^ia /vv^« )^V'/na^ /M't^^ X^^'l^^^f ^^9'H^^ rig^fia rig^fKOv 
and others; sec above, p. 366 f. 

nvsv'/na n. 'breath', nvsv-iuioy ("fiov-) m. *lung*. asr^^a n. 
CyidJ', beside asT/ud-v 'nvtvfxa Hesych.), avT-jnijv {'fisv-) m. 
'breath, exhalation, vapour* (a^-r-^aP ep. p. 372). ^-/<« n. 
missile', ^'/nwv (-^ov-) ra. 'thrower, slinger : Lat. sS-fnen n. O.H.6. 
sd'ind m. O.C.Sl. s&m^ n. *seed*, y^s?-. fjivij-fia n. 'memorial', 
/nvrj'ficov {'/Lioi") 'mindful*, vdrj-^a n. 'thought', vorj-iitDv (-^ov-) 
^thoughtful*. 

Isvy'/Lta n. 'bond, bridge of boats*: Lat. jumentu^m for ^jug- 
^men-tO'^ common ground-form ^jeug-men-, dsT-^a 'fear*. XsTfitta 
for *Xu7i'fia *remnant*. xXf-fia xXi-iua 'inclination*, fuy-fjia mix- 
ture', dto'/tia 'skin torn off, hide': Skr. dar-mdn- m. shatterer. 
iO'fia *ear-ring'. orofZ-jna 'something strown, bed, covering' : Lat. 
strd'tnen n., common ground-form *8if'men ; cp. Skr. stdrl'man- n. 
'a spreading out, strewing abroad' stari^mdn' m. 'bed*, ntk-ua 
'sole of the foot' : ep. A.S. fiUmen 'membrana* O.Fris. fil-me^i-e f. 
*8kin\ ffikiy-na 'brand*, yiwa f. 'race, family' probably was neuter 
originally, and stands for *ysv'fia: Skr.^'cfn-maw- n. nsiajua 'cable, 
rope' for *7iBv<if.ia from y/^hhendh- 'bind*; as to (t for & see 
p. 372: cp. Lat. of-fendi-nteniu-m, pfj-fia 'step, grade, platform': 
Skr. vi-gaman^ n. 'step*, common ground-form *gflli'-men'^ y^gefw-. 
nif-ifia 'pastry' for ^nen-fiu, vn6'6t]f4a something fastened beneath 
sole* ^i'fia 6B'<5fjia 'bond' : Skr. dd-tnan^ n. 'bond*. «!-//« 'blood*, 
beside O.H.G. sei-m m. 'virgin honey*, old-^ia 'swell of the 
sea . dfifia 'eye, visage' for *6n'fia, vd-fjia (Dor. form) 'stream', 
y/^snd'. ^Xrj'fAa 'missile, shot*, gij-^a 'utterance* for *fpfj'/4a. 
ad'^ta aij-jLia 'token*, to be compared no doubt with Skr. dhyd- 
^man- m. 'measure* n. 'thought*, beside dhyd- 'think of* rfAf- 
*appear, resemble, observe, think*. Dor. jra-^a 'that of which 
one has the disposal, over which one has power, possession*, 
for *£jfa-meM-, compared with El. fjn^nuw 'bring to effect, accom- 



tin. 



371 



pliah' and vrith jtv-po; (cp. ndfi(,i)/o^ ■ o nviiiog llesych-J '). axfi-fta 
'demeanour, form'. ngS-uK 'sight'. '6(jfn;-fia 'solicitude*, fda&ot-fia 
'stipulated payment'. 

The Dom. ace. sing. neut. of one or two -mett-atema ends 
in r>, as in some of the neuter stems in -eti- and -yen-: ^^i»p, 
gen. ij /utTitii, day', fivfiafi ftiSftag 'blame, Xvpiag beside kvftit 
'pollution', rixftoi(i and tek^kp proof (-^wp for -wf, cp. vda^ 
1 § 306 p. 243). Cp. § US. 

KtvS'ixc'iv {-ftiov-) m. 'hidiflg-place'. nv&-/i.i}V {-/isv-) m. 'depth, 
ground*. Isi-fiiiiv (-fiior-) m. 'damp place' and i/-/*i/v (-fisv-) m. 
'harbour'. M-iWWv (~(iov-) having knowledge of {li/io^vti}). 4ni- 
■hjafiuir {-fiov-) 'forgetful' (o instead of 3, p. 372). tioi-^^v 
(•/JM-) m. 'herdsman'; Lith.pe-WM m, 'herd-boy'. tXtj-fttov (-fiov-) 
'stead fast, enduring', alij-ftwr (-/lov-) 'wandering about* {alSadia). 
iis^-ftfiiv ('ftoy) 'pitiful', ztht'fiurv (-fifov-) m. 'shoulder-belt, 
baldrick' properly bearer', v"fel-. Ttga-/to)v (-^oy) that becomes 
soft by boiling', r/ys-fio'n- (-itof-) m. 'guide', xtjdi-fimv (-fiov-) m. 
'one who cares for' a person, -fimv acquired the character of a 
secondary suffix, just as Skr. -i-mdn- : axpffnuv (-/^o*-) m. 'end fo 
a branch, top' from nupo-?, iaiTv-/4i'iv {-fiov-) m. 'he who sits at 
meat, guest' from rfaitu'-;. 

The dative, in -^itv-«i, and the locative, in -fttv, served as 
infinitives, -fxtvai occurs in Ionic (epic) and Lesbian, td-ficrai, 
io-/iiran see above, p. 367 f. ij-fiti-ai 'to eat' (Skr. dd-man-, 
p. 366), »t'fttvai 'to place' {-S^ua iH-fia, p. 367), ttr,'/x(rai 'to 
blow', li^-fitrta 'to go' (^ij'fin, p. 370), i6-fitya.i 'to press in, 
enter' (h-dCfia 'garment taken off*), ^X^-fitvai to strike' {^Xfj-fia, 
p. 370), Sa-^-^ifvm 'to be versed' (doijV""' 'versed'). On the 
model of these were formed: <pav^-fitvat tfiXd-/ifvai, tivyi-v' 
-ftcvai, atidf-ftfvai, eiut-(iivai a%i-ficvai. -/^sv is found in Ionic 
(epic), Doric, N.W.Qreek, Elean, Thessalian , and Boeotian. 
ii^/itv, 36'ftiv, &i-ttsv, i-(iEV, Sfi-fiBf (tJ/4fv ijfiff), lerXd-fitr, oprv- 
•fity, qiQt-fiiv, cint-fiev, aSt-tJfv. 



t cognate B of n 



3 collected by J. Bauiiack in hi» 



372 The Suffix -m««-. § 117. 

Corresponding to -r-/«o -^juo- -a-/MO- (§ 72, 3 p. 173) "we 
find 'T'^sv' -^-/ifv- -<r/ifv-. 'VfjiBv- occurs in AoT-r^a 'gulf of 
the sea , no doubt to be compared with hu^fio-g 'throat, gullet*, 
and perhaps in aeT/aa dvrfiTJy, -^-/m«i'-: t'&^a course*. '-aii^V'i 
nXdOfjia 'image, figure' from nXdaao), xXwa/na 'something spun' from 
xXci&(o, TtHo^ta 'cable* for *nsvd^'fia (a had not displaced & in 
the earliest period of Greek, see I § 204 Rem. 2 p. 171), im- 
'XTJa/LKov 'forgetful* from Xi]d(o, epsio^a 'support' from igsiiot, 
axic/4u 'split* from oxi^a), and the neuter forms in -iCfia and 
'aofia compared with derivative verbs in -iCw -oCfi>> as vo/utofia 
'usage, institution, from vojuiXo)^ aonanjua 'caress* from aand- 
Cofiai; also d()juo6fia joined work' from ag^io^oj. 

Italic. The neuter forms were often extended by -fo-; 
see § 82 p. 249 ff. 

Lat. no-wen n., Umbr. nome n. 'nomen' nomner nominis': 
Skr. nd-man- n. etc.; seep. 367 above. ItSLt prae-dicdmentu-m, 
Umbr. tikamne 'dicatione, invocatione*. Lat. testOr^mentu-m^ 
Osc. tristaameiitud abl. testamento'. Lat. S^md (-mdn-) 
'seed-god', fem. SS-mdn-ia^ Pelign. Semunu 'Semonum', beside 
Lat. sB-men n. Umbr. armune dat. 'alimoni*. 

Lat. nU-men^ n.: Gr. vsv'fia 'nod'; lU-men for Hue-men^ later 
Vagmen (I § 500 p. 367, § 506 p. 371 1), or for nuc-s-men (cp. 
aiUstri'S and luna 1 § 503 p. 369): Goth, lauh-mun-i f. 'flash' 
O.Sax. lio-mo O.Icel. l;d-me m. brightness, light, gleam*: the 
u in nU'tnen Itir-men may be either Idg. U or Idg. eu^ crumen : 
Gr. ^QX'fxa K^i-//a 'decision, sentence*, ger-men. sarmen for 
*sarp-nien^ sar-mentti-m, cul-men. sSg-tnen for *sec-iwefi, sBg- 
mentu-m. Ugmm tegmentu-m, Ugmen: Skr. dj-man- etc., see 
above, p. 367. caementu-m for *caed-mew^M-m. tiB^men: Gr. 
vfj'fia 'something spun, yam', x^snS-, com-pUmentu-tn: cp. Gr. 
7fXij6iia 'filling, what fills*, flagmen fld-fnentu-m. certa^men. 
mdlT-men fnOll'mentu-m, volu^men^ statu-meny hence were formed 
leg-umen leg-umentu-in^ alb-Umen and other similar derivatives. 



1) See footnote to p. 367 above. 



regi-men reg'tmentU'm. tegi'tncn beside tigmtn. of'fendi~mentu-m. 
monu-mentu-m. caiu-men (cotnmna) beaide ctd-men. 

Masculine forms are rarer. ter'tnU C-mOn-) beside (er-»i«in.: 
Gr. TfQ-tiwv etc., see above p. 366. ser-ni6 (-won-), put-md 
(-mUn-), 

The dat. sing, in -min-t was used in Latin as the 2. pi. imp. 
med.-pass., e. g. legiminJ {= Or. liyifitrai), seyuiminf. The 
restriction to the plural, and to the medio- passive meaning was 
caused by the indicative legim'mT = Gr. kfynfurot and = Ityo- 
fityiu. See § 71 p. 165. 

Old Irish. Neuters, gniaim, ainm; see above, p. 366 f. 
deilm "noise", cuirm 'beer*, gairm 'call, cry", drum 'back' for 
*dro8'mea, compared with Lat. dorsu-m. cUmm cSim 'stepping, 
step', beside eingitn '1 step', leimm Isim- 'spring' beside lingim 
1 spring", grSimm griim "progressus' beside in-grennim 'I pursue' 
(grend-), see I § 523 p. 380. Agi'm 'strikiDg, blow" beside benim 
"I strike*: did this come regularly from *beti-me)i- or was it in- 
fluenced by the form of these other nouns? With -it-men-: 
feid-nt 'strain', fo-naidm 'bond, compact'. 



Remark 3. The origin uf nii i> 
pi. on- man nail, is still quite obacurc. Tlie 
eolt qnestion is by Stokes (Bexienbergpr'n 
(Ubcr die VerbalConaea mit dem Clisracter 



titrme like noni. pi. aii-nidnii, dat. 
riie latest discussion of tbis difl^- 
Beitr. XI 9a) and Windiach 
R p. 40 f.). 

men-me m. (gen. men-man) 'meos' for *mm-^-meit- (cp. 
8kr. man-man- n. 'minii. thought"). The nom. in *-men-s was 
a re-formation like Lat. sanguis (Jr. Oely/*-, for *dtX<pli'^, cp. also 
O.Ir. ant, § 114 p. 352, § 115 p. 360. 

Masculine and Feminine forms with pr. Celt, '-wfl in the nom. 
sing. (cp. Gall, casa-mo, Sego-ma), gen. Ir, -mon -mini dat. -innin. 
The masculine forms appear to be all denominatives: Aire-m: 
Skr. arya-mdn- m., see above p. 368, orbe-m "heir' from orip n. 
(which reprosents a ground-form *orbh-ii-o-vt) "inheritance", flat- 
the-m "ruler* from ftatth "rule', diiU-m 'creator' from dnil 'element', 
brithe'm 'judge' from brelh 'sentence', olla-m, gen. oUa-man, 
'princeps poetarum* no doubt connected with oil 'great, mighty'. 
tala-m (gen. talman), f. 'earth' no doubt for *t^mS, y'^tel-. 



374 The Suffix -m«»-. §117. 

anim f. 'soul' (dat. a;i-mm) may have been originally a -m^stem 
(cp. Lat. animOr') and have been transferred to this declension 
through the influence of menme, 

Germanic. The old variation between neuter and mascu- 
line was almost entirely obliterated in favour of the masculine. 
The neuter survives only in Gothic and Norse in a few exam- 
ples: Goth, na-md n. name* (O.Icel. na^fn n. by a transference to 
the o-declension, O.H.G. wo-wo m.): Skr. nd-man" n. etc., see 
p. 367 above; O.Icel. ^ma beside sl-tne m. *rope' (O.Sax. 
si-mo m.): Skr. sf-mdn- etc., see p. 367 above. 

Masculine. Goth, hliii^ma 'hearing* O.H.G. hliu-mun-t 'call*, 
Goth, std-tna Constituent part*, see p. 366 above. O.H.G. sO^tno 
*seed', see p. 370 above. O.Sax. lio-mo 'brightness*, see p. 372 
above. Goth, hiuh-ma *heap'. Goth, skei-ma 'light*, O.H.G. sci~mo 
'brightness, sheen*. O.H.G. kT-mo 'the bursting bud*. O.H.G. 
glizemo 'brightness*, Goth, glit-tnun-jan 'to gleam*. Goth, milh-ma 
'cloud*. Goth, ah-ma 'spirit*. Goth, bl^ma O.H.G. bluo-mo 
*bloom*. This masculine suffix was fertile only in Old Frisian 
and there only to a limited extent; it became denominative as 
in Sanskrit etc., e. g. werth-ma 'taxation* from werth Value*. 

-s-me»-, like -s-tro- -5-Zo- etc. (see § 61 p. 117). O.H.G. 
rosamo 'aerugo* for *rot8-md beside O.Sax. rotOn *to rust*, cp. 
O.H.G. rotamo 'redness*. O.H.G. dthaamo 'prosperity* fram^ 
'dehsmo 'increasing prosperity', beside dlhan 'to wax great*. 
O.Sax. blicsmo 'flash' beside htican to 'gleam*. The s came from 
forms like O.H.G. wahs^amo was-mo growth* (wahs^an 'to wax') 
and O.Sax. brOsmo 'soft part of bread, crumb' (A.S. brys-an 'to 
break in pieces'). 

't-men-^ like -/-wo- § 72 p. 175 f. O.H.G. wi-damo 'price 
of the bride, dowry* from ffl- 'bind*; A.S. bldsttna 'bloom', cp. 
Mid.H.G. bluoS't beside bluo-t 'bloom*. 

The feminine -m<Jw- is rare and certainly a late formation : 
e. g. O.H.G. bltio-ma beside the masc. bluo^tno. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. ak-mu m. O.C.Sl. ka^my m. 'stone*. 
Lith. szel-mum. 'gable* O.C.Sl. sl^m^ n. 'beam*: cp. Lith. szaUma 



long beam'. Lith. a^-men-s pi. m. 'seed', especially linseed^ 
O.CSl. sS-m^ a. 'seed': Gr. ^-fta etc., see p. 370 above. 

In Lithuanian only masculines appear (uoni. -mu gen. -tneAs 
etc.) ; the neuter has died out in the same way as in other 
classes of stems, sto-m^ 'stature, tallness', aug-7n& 'excrescence', 
see p. 367 above, pe-mu 'herd-boy', see p. 371 above, rau-m^ 
'flesh of the muscles', no doubt to be compared with O.H-G. 
rio-tno 'strap, band*, common ground-form *re^-men- (cp. Osthoff, 
Morph. Unt. IV 142). re-inti 'heart-burn'. lS-m& trunk, stature'. 
$2ef-mm-3 pi. 'funeral meal' (no doubt from szir-ti 'to feed'), 
iel-mu 'sprout, plant'. te8Z-m& 'udder, «s^-»l«l-s pi, 'cutting 
edge'. 

0.C.81. brS-m^ n. 'burden', cri-mq 'time', i-m^ 'name', zna-mfi 
'token'; see above, p. . pis-m^ 'tetter', y^pej^, p^i^, 'stem, 
family' no doubt for *pled-mq, compare plorlH 'fruit', ro-m? be- 
side ra-mo 'shoulder' (cp. I § 306 p. 241). pym^ 'udder' for 
•eyd-Mij a § 547 p. 400 f., g 666 p. 526). mwii; 'number' for 
*eu-atit^, cp. disto § 76 p. 211. 

planiy m. 'flame' for *pol-mi/y beside pol-iii 'to burn, uri' 
pla-nqti «f 'to blaze out'. In a few other examples the only 
form of the nom. sing, which occurs is one which shows a trans- 
ference to the »-declension; e. g. pra-mett-X 'thread' (gen. pramen-e, 
like ptamen-e)', in others we have both forms, plamen-1 beside 
plamy, kamett-l beside kamy. 

Remark 4. The original weak form of thin snMx perhaps appears 
in euch exainpleH aa kamluXja kitmni, which Leitkieo haH eullected in hii 
Handb." g 43 p. 68. 

VI. Suffixes in -r. 
§ 118, Nom, aec. neut. in -r (-f -f). We may fairly 
class among the elements from which noun stems were formed 
the -r of neuter words like Skr. 4dhar Ur, nvSnp Lat. Uber 
(0.11,0, Ular m.. but there can be no doubt that it was ori- 
ginally neuter) uddor' — for further examples see § 1 14 pp. 347, 
850, § 116 p. 364, § 117 p. 371; etymoiogioally it must be 
connected in most cases with the enffix -ro-, in some words 
perhaps with -er- and the comparative suffix -ero-. See 



376 The 8ut6xo8 -er- and -fer-. § 118,111 



§ 74 p. 180. How these forms in -r came to be included ii 
the paradigm of w-stems (e. g. Skr. Mhar gen. abl. Mh-tHi^^* 
loc. Mh-^n-i) is a question we cannot answer. The difference:^ 
in meaning, which (to judge fi:om the variation of the stem^ 
must once have existed between the nom. ace. and the other*" 
cases, had probably disappeared before the dissolution of th^ 
proethnic community. With this we may naturally compare th^ 
loss of the distinction in meaning, which once existed over 
and above the difference in gender, between the stems of the 
masc. Skr. pUvan- Gr. nT'(f)ov' and the fem. Skr. pf-co-r-f Or. 
7it'(f)siga f. *fat\ 

In Aryan this nom. ace. form was also used for the pi., 
just as (e. g.) Skr. ndtna 'ovofia and purA 'nokv were plural 
as well as singular ; it also served as loc. sing., cp. loc. kdrtnan. 
This plurality of function may be regarded as proethnic. In 
Avestic however we have a still freer use; the forms in -^^r^ 
appear indifferently for cases of the most widely different 
meaning; e. g. karsvar' 'division of the earth* is used for the 
gen. sing., dasvar* 'strength, health* for the dat. sing., as well 
as for the nominative. 

In several branches of language the form in -r was made 
the basis of a new paradigm, though the change never affected 
any very large number of words. Thus in Avestic we have 
dat. sing, zafr-^ nom. pi. zafr-a gen. pi. -zafr'-qm from zafar* 
'throat, mouth* beside gen. sing. zafan'^\ instr. pi. ho^ar^-h^ 
from ba^ar' 'myriad', Gr. fag 'blood* gen. ita^-og beside Skr. 
asdn- n. 'blood*; Lat. Hber gen. Uber-is beside Skr. ^han-; 
femur gen. femor-is beside femin^is^ Jecur gen. jecor-is and 
jecin-or-is beside Skr. yak-dn\ O.H.G. wa^ar gen. %oajg,art$ 
beside Goth, vato gen. vatitis 'water*. 

§ UO. The Suffixes -er- and -ter-^). The two forms 
of the suffix are found side by side without difference of meaning, 

1) The Author, Die Nomina auf -ar- und -tor-, Gurtins* Studien 
IX 361 ff., D^Ooge, On the use of the suffixes -rt^ ~ro^ ^rrif ^ra in Homer, 
Leipzig 187S. £. Sohftffer, Vber den Ghebrauch der DeriTatira auf for 
4ind trix, Prenzlau 1859. 1860. 



)Ila,12«, The Suffixes -«■- iind -(er-, ;i77 

''ke the comparative suffixes -ero- and -tero- (§ 75 p. 188 ff,). 
« is probablB that the form -ter- arose through the addition of 
■**■ to a stem formed with a (-suffix. 

The nouns in which these suffixes ocem' are, with com- 
P^i^tively few exceptions, nomina agentis or names of kindred, 
•■oe former class has -ter- throughout, e. g. *jeffq-ter- harnesser", 
'"6 hitter both -er- and -ter-, e. g, *daiu-er- 'levir' and *pa-ter- 
lather'. -er- is also found in a few subatantives which belong 
'" neither of the two groups, aa *ji-er- 'man' and *u8-er- 'dawn'. 
The nomina agentis are masculine, ami even in tho proethnic 
Pfiriod feminines were formed for them by means of -%- -ie-, e. g. 
fib, jdui-tr-T Gr, ytvi-Tciitii Lat. getie-tr-l-x 'she that produces, 
mother*, see § 1 10 p. 336. The names of kindred were masculine 
or feminine according to the aex they denoted, aa 'pa-te-r "father", 
*wi4-(er- 'mother'. It was not till later periods that apecial 
gnunmatical signs were added to mark this, and then only in 
a few words; e. g. Lat. jani-tr-I-f-es beside Skr. yA-tar- 
'busband'a brother's wife' Gr. thd-reQ-t^- 'women married to 
brothers', 

§ 120. The forms assumed by the suffix -(t)er- in its 
different grades were very numerous both in the proethnic and 
later periods. The so-called atrong cases had -(t)er- -(t)or- -(t)Sr- 
-fijffr-, the weak cases -(t)r- -(t)f-. 

First aa regards the weak caaes: -(t)r- appears before the 
case endings which begin in a aonant, e. g. Skr. dat. sing. 
pi'tr-i dd-tT'i, fi!)f- before thoae which begin iu a consonant, 
e. g. loc. pi. ;«-(/-sM d<f-(f-JH, The same forms of the suffix 
were originally regular in derivatives; e. g. Skr. datr-t-^u loc. 
pi. fem. beaide dd-tar- dO-tdr- dator", bhratr-ted-m 'brotherhood" 
beside bhrfUtar- 'brother'. In several languages the weak forms 
of the suffix were aoon driven out by the strong in the declension 
of the -(t)er- stems, eapecially in nomina agentis ; and all that 
remain to show that weak forma had ever existed in the case- 
eystcm are derivatives which contain the weak atem. Compare 
e.g. Gr. iijo-rp-15 'female robber' Xi^n-ig-atd-^ "inclined to robbery' 
beside Aiji'a-rwp (-ki^-) and Xi^la-Tr)^ (-»'';?-) 'robber', Lat. dO-tr-T-r 



378 The Suffixes -er- and -ter-, § 120. 



beside da-tor (-^5r-), mole-tr-ma beside molp-tor (-^5r-), Umbr. 
uh-tr-etie 'auctoritate* beside uh-tur 'auctor', Lith. dukr-eU 
'little daughter, po-dukr-a po-dtikr-e 'step-daughter (Pruss. po- 
-ducr-e) beside duk-te {-ter-) 'daughter , Pruss. swestr-o O.C.Sl. 
sestr-a beside Lith. ses-u (-er-) 'sister. 

With regard to the original distribution of the strong forms 
of the suffix the following points may be considered certain. 

1. The nom. sing, ended sometimes in -(O^r), sometimes 
in '{t)d(r)^ cp. on the one hand Gr. na-rrJQ do-rtjg Lat. pa-ter 
(I § 655, 4 p. 508), O.Ir. a-thir (I § 657, 6 p. 509), O.Icel. 
fa-der fa-dir, Lith. duk-te O.C.Sl. dUSti (Skr. pi-td da-td) and 
on the other Gr. (f^d-viog ftrjTQo-ndrfog d(ji'T(og, Lat. sor^or da^tor 
(I § 655, 4 p. 508), O.Ir. siur for sues-dr (I § 657, 6 p. 509), 
Lith. seS'U (Skr. bhrd-ta dd4a). 

2. A certain number of these stems had in the ace. sing. 
and nom. du. pi. -fO^r-, cp. Gr. Tra-rf^"^ O.H.G. fa-ter^ Lith. 
dilk'ter-\ (Skr. pi'tdr-am). 

3. There was a loc. sing, in (-er) -eri^ cp. Gr, Tia-xiq-i 
(Skr. pi'tdr-i dd-tdr-i). 

Further conclusions which I think probable are as follows. 
All the -fO^^'Stems had originally the same inflexion; the 
difference between -^- : -^- and '-o- : '-5- was caused solely by 
difference of accent. Gr. nanjo navaga : ^rjTgo^naTwg', ndroga, 
avfjg : avegu : aytjviotj -tjvoga and so forth, just as (pgtjy (pgiva : d^qioww 
oi'ffpova. Moreover the same variation appears where the words are 
uncompounded ; Gr. Jco-rjy^^ iTo-rifo beside Sm'Two, gt^vfJQ beside 
gtj'TW(j and the like, and Skr. nom. dd-td beside dd-td^pdtd beside 
pd'td^ Avest. ace. bar^-tar-em = Skr. hhartdr-am beside bosdr-etn 
= Skr. hhartar-am (I § 260 p. 212 f.). In Greek there is no 
trace of a difference in meaning between these latter pairs of 
forms; in Sanskrit, on the other hand, the nomen agentis as a 
rule has the character of a participle when the root-syllable 
hears the accent (the governed nouns being usually in the ace, 
vdsUni ddta 'bona dans'), whereas, when the suffix is accented, 
it is a noun pure and simple (usually governing the gen., vdmnq 
ddtd 'bonorum dator*). This distinction may be original, and 



fiI20. 



Tlic Suffixes 



.■}(9 



at one time have prevailed in Greek ; indeed, the Lat. da-tHr-u-s 
Touches for the fact tliat these nomina ayentis had a participial 
character in tlie parent language , aa they actually have in 
Iranian. It follows that the diil'erence of accent iu this class 
of words may been originally based ou a difference of accent 
in the sentence. Hence it is probable that 

1, The ace. sing. noin. ace, du. had -(t)or- under some 
conditions, parallel to -(t)er- nnder others; cp. Gr. 6iu-Tog-a 
tfgd-tog-a foo-ig (§ 122), Mid.Ir. siair^ Goth. brd-Par svist-ar 
*>,H.O- bneo-dar, Skr. dd-tdr-am srd3-ar-am. 

2. The loc, sing, always ended in -(f}-er-i, even where 
-(t)or' occurred in the strong cases of the same paradigm, op. 
Skr. dd-tar-i (with -»- as much as do-tdr-i) , svds-ar-i beside 
dd-tdr-am svds-dr-am ; cp. Goth. loc. dh-min: ace. ah-man. 
Similarly in all the feminine derivatives in -I- -is- (§ 110 p. 336 f.) 
-ter-t was no doubt the original form in the nom. sing. ; cp. Gr. 
fv-miictpa nufi-ft^riiQa (from fv-naiitii} jiaii-fiiJTitig) as well aft 
itii]-niga (beside tSfirj-Tr/o). 

Remark. The asaumptiun Hint all -frr-stems had originnlly the ataoa 
inflexion is further supported by the Gr, tog. mS-tip from aiu-r^ (just as 

Considerable readjust in cut lunk plnoe in Aryan and Greek in the 
ioBesion of nomina agfiilU which aoeentaulcd the suffix. In Sanskrit we 
have da-'dr-ani Instend of *da-ldr-iim through the influeoce of lia-tar-ami 
timilarly in the other Btrong caaes. In Ureek, the form -ri;; of the iiom. 
•JDg. spreiLd through nil the eases; Jo-rjp-n instend o{*Sa-iig-a, So-T^f-o; 
instead of 'Sa-rf-ii and ho forth; only a few Tucatirea singular are ex- 
cepted, as atH-Ttf above. On the other hand, the -lir- of the nomina 
Ofertis is preicrrod in the Slaionio 'let'' (% 122): nom. pi. if-lel-e 'onttem, 
rPBpers* = Idg. *gh^-lire-s. 

Amon^t the nniues of kindred, *bhrd-tor- (Gr. ^^o-io^-n, Goth. br6- 
-P«r) seem* to have been assooiated even in the parent langua^ with 
TonnB that had -Ifr-, such as *pa-tir- ; e. g. an noc. *bhrd-ttr-m was formed 
beside 'bhrd-lor-m. Henee in Greek we find the by-forms tffi-Tiie ipfi-Tte-rf, 
in Saniikrit bhrd-lar-aw, in Latin /rtt-ter; henee perhnps O.H.6. aoo. hruo'der 
ai *ell BB bruo-daf. Tet while */./trd-tfr-m arose by the side of *blir4- 
•IW-m, no such fomi as 'ajt(>tr-m uame into use beside *iivi»or-m fSkr. 
stdtdr-om, Lat. »or-or), the reason perhaps being that the absence of t in 
the word prevented ita ngsooiutioii with forms like 'pt-trr- 'mS-tir-. But 
Aie-(ic, West-Germsnic and Lithuanian ultimately brought the word 'sister' 



380 The Suffixes -er- and -ter-. §120.121. 

into close connexion with the other names of kindred; thus ace. Avest. 
xtoafdihar^em^ O.HLG. swester^ Lith. siaer^i (see below). 

In Latin the nominative termination 'C0(^ spread through all the 
oases: do'tOr^m da-tdr'is etc., aor-Or^em aoiHir^a etc. 

In Greek -noq- is only found in the nom. sing, except in an isolated 
example : Hom. ^^a^rm^^a ^ija^Tut^^tg. 

In Gothic fadar (contrast Trar^q^ was formed in imitation of brspar 
{tpqnroQ^a) svistar (cp. fog-t;); in Old High German the forms with e, such 
as fater muoter^ had prevailed over bruodar etc. before the date of the 
earliest monuments of the language. 

In Lithuanian we have sestl^ but aco. siser-i gen. sesef-s and so forth 
with -er-: here the analogy of diik^Ur-} {^vYa^rdq-a) duktef^s etc. has 
influenced the forms, aided perhaps by the original loc. sing, in ^^er^i 
(Skr. svdsar'i). 

Compare the relations of Ablaut in the «-8tem8, which are 
on the whole similar, § 113 p. 342fF. and what is said in the 
Remark there. 

§ 121. Ablaut within the root-syllable varied pari 
j)a88u with the variation in the suffix. *p9'tir' 'father Skr. 
duhitdr- etc. 'daughter have the weak-grade-vocalism; on the 
other hand ^md-tir- 'mother' has that of the strong grade. 
Cp. I § 670 p. 535. Skr. w^-ar- *dawn beside Gr. ^p# loc. 
*early' for *et;CrT)-fo- and aoiaro-v for *cri3(a)-f^ (see § 122 p. 381). 

In nomina agentiSj the strong form of the root generally 
prevailed in Aryan, and that with either accentuation (dd^tar- 
and da-tdr-); a few variations from this type seem to have 
survived from the period before varying forms were levelled; 
as Skr. savyl-^hav' *the warrior who stands to the left of the 
charioteer' {-Bthar^ = "^•sUtor-) beside sthO-tdr- sthd-lar-^ Avest 
d'frltar' 'magician' beside Skr. pr^-tdr- 'benefactor, lover, Avest. 
yux-tar- beside Skr. ydk^tdr- 'yokor*, Avest. her'-tar- beside 
Skr. kar-tdr- 'doer . In Greek we have A)-rjyp : JcJ-rcop, fio-Ttjg : 
/J?ci-ro)(^, cp. also 77o-ti7(> ^dbtiJQ ^wr^p and atp-iJTOip; but we also 
find diO'TTJp l^svK-tfjp and ia-rcoQ (ja-rcop) with exactly the con- 
verse accentuation. In Latin, where -tSr was displaced by -Mr 
i'tor)^ wo have stotor and sta-ior^ da-tor^ sc^tor^ cottdi-tor and 
pd'tor, Umbr. fertur (Skr. bhar-tar- hhar-tdr-). In the case 
of in-veiitor censor and the like it is impossible to say whether 
we have the weak or the strong grade. The Latin participles 



% I2I,1S2. 



Tlie Suffiiea -, 



:iwi 



da-tilrn-s etc. follow the perf. part, ( da-tu-s). In Slavonic we 
find botli the strong (da^teti, sii-d&elt, blju3-tell) and the weak 
grade (iri-teti). 

§ 132. Indo-Gerraanic, "dai^ir- "daiuf- and no doubt 
aleo *daiur- (I § 155 Rem. p. 140') 'husband's brother, brother- 
in-law': Skr, devdr-, Armen. taigr gen. tai</er {g for », I § 162 
p. 145). Or. (!«»?> for *iaiJ'^p (I § (16 p. 90), Lat. ISvir (gen. 
leviri) for *liver through popular association with sir {cp. also 
I § 369 p. 279 f.), A.S. tScor O.H.G. zeikhur (for the c and hk 
see Bugge, Paul-Br. Beitr. XHI 575), Lith. gen. sing. dSvef-s 
(nom. sing. dSver-l-s whence the by-form of the gen. dSver-is; 
the word ia also declined as an j'o-stem ; the true nom. *dSve 
= Skr. dSvd Gr. Ocjjp no doubt dropped out of use owing to 
ite gender and to avoid confusion with dSve 'goddess') O.C.SI. 
diver-f. Skr. ti-dr-. Or. liv-ijfi, gen, afdp-o^-, 'man', itp-m'</j 
"human being (Hesych.) for "vp- (I § 204 p. 170), Umbr. »er-f 
UPC 'procerea' ner-iis 'proceribus'. Skr. iij-dr- 'early light, dawn' 
Gr. ijpi adv. loc, 'early' for "ycQ-i *a^s-er-i {i/fp-io-g 'early'), 
beside which we have affi-atn-v doubtless for *au3-er- (I § ai2 
p. 249 f.), cp, also ay/-«upo-s,' 'close on morning' av^-io-v 'morrow, 
morning' (for *obs- or *ays-) and Lith. atiszra 'red of the morn- 
ing* (§ 74 p. 180). ^sttisor- *sve8f- 'a^esr- 'sister' (cp. p. 9 
footnote, and § 120 Rem. p. 379 f.) : Skr. scdsar- Armen. Hoir gen, 
Ser (I § 560. 561 p, 416 f.), Lat. sor-or and sohr-lntts (I § 570 
p. 428), O.Ir. siur Cymr. chwaer (for "chwear-), Goth, svistar 
iostoad of *si}isar through the influence of soistr-s etc. (I § 580 
p. 433 f.), Lith. sssu gen. sesers, O.C.SI. sestr-a (I § 585 p. 439) ; 
we must no doubt class here Gr. *op (vocat.)' ^tiyn'njp, uvf V'lV 
and top-H' ' Tjpoarjxorits, ovy/fiiT^ Hesych. (*- for *- I § .'JG4 
p. 421). where the meaning has changed. 

*p9-tSr- 'father': Skr. pitdr-, Armen. hair gen, hour, Gr. 
nn-rt/p (note its form in compounds, e. g. /is^tpo-ncirup), Lat. 
pat«r, O.Ir, athir, Goth, fudar. 'mH-tir- 'mother' : Skr. mStdr-, 

II Id tbiB Remftrk a full stop should be inserted after the word 
'formacion': and in the preceding pnragraph fg 155> 1. i read 'prim. Ar. 
'alAafun- Cfir«-prie«l'j not 'alkor^n-', instead of 'for nUarvn-'. 



382 The Suffixes -er- and -ter-. § 122. 

Armen. mair gen. mauvj Gr. ^iijTTjt} gen. ftfjt^og (the accent of 
firftriQ no doubt follows that of the voc. larJTSQ) (npo'fiiJTwp)^ 
Lat. fnateTj O.Ir. wathir^ Goth, muoter^ Lith. t»o<6 and tmS^' 
("woman, wife') O.C.Sl. mati. Skr. duhi-tdr- Gr. Svya-Tjjp (like 
Skr. dami'tdr- Gr. nav-dafid-rofp, p. 383) Armen. dti^r (the «f 
is obscure) Goth, dafih-tar (early Norse nom. pi. doh-tr-tR like 
Gr. Horn. ^t;}'a-r(;-fc) Lith. duk-te O.C.Sl. oli^fi 'daughter . 

*blird'tor' and later Hhra-ter- 'brother (cp. § 120 Rem. 
p. 379): Skr. hhrdtar-^ Armen. elbair gen. eXbauTj Gr. q^gavutQ 
fpgatriQ (*momber of a ^pavgia')^ Lat. f rater ^ O.Ir. ftffl^Atr, Goth. 
brdpar^ Lith. broter-eli-s (little brother*), O.C.SL bratr-u (from 
which came ira^ii by dissimilation, as prostu from *pro^strn^ 
Miklosich, Etym. Wtb. p. 321) like sestr-a, 

Nomina agentis (in Sanskrit the ace. always has -tflr-, in 
Gr. -rop- excepting (.ii^ox(ii(}', and -r^p-, in Lat. all cases have 
-^5r-). Skr. pura-etdr- *he who precedes, guide*, Lat. praetor^ 
\^ ei-, Skr. vSttar- *knower*, Gr. iarfop lovfag 'knower, witness', 
Lat. vTsor in-vTsor^ O.C.Sl. su-visteR 'conscius, witness' {€ in place 
of Idg. ai is not original), y/^ueid-, Skr. ydk-tdr- Avest. yux- 
"tar- *yoker', Gr. l^svx-Trjp yoke-strap' Isvx'TSiQa 'binder (f.)', 
Lat. jUnc'tor^ V^j^Q-- Skr. bdddhar- 'he who knows, or under- 
stands something*, Gr. nsvar^Q'to-g 'questioning, inquiring*, O.C.Sl. 
bljustel-t 'watchman*, \^ bheudh-. Skr. bhar-tdr- bhdr-^tar- 'bearer, 
supporter, nourisher, Lat. Tn-fertor XJmb. af-fertur 'infertor, 
flamen*. Skr. gdn-tar- 'he who goes, comes*, Gr, fia-Trjf}' 
fiatviov, (iudifTTiyog (Hesych.), im'^rjTODp 'mounter, coverer , Lat. 
in-ventorj y^getw-. Skr. han-tdr* 'he who strikes, kills, murderer*, 
O.C.Sl. z^-tel-t 'cutter, \/^ghen-. Skr. Sqe-tar- 'he who recites*, 
Osc. cens'tur 'censor', y/^Jcens-, Skr. pak-tdr-j 'he who cooks, 
broils, bakes', Gr. ntn-rg^ia 'cook (f.)' (late), Lat. coc-tor^ V^peq-- 
Skr. sdttar- 'he who sits', Lat. ad^sessor^ v^«ed-, Skr. dha-tdr- 
dhd'tar- 'he who places, creator', Gr. ^a-riyp 'placer' (late), Lat. 
con-ditor^ O.C.Sl. su-dStel-^ 'conditor', y^dM-. Skr. stho-tdr- 
'standing, not moving' sthd-tar- 'charioteer' savyS^^har- navya- 
'^ihdr- 'the warrior who stands to the left of the charioteer i. e. 
*'St + tar' (cp. Germ, yir-sti' § 100 p. 297), Gr. ara'Vijg a 



weight and a coin tino-ffr«r?;'(> 'apostate', Lat. Juppiler StS-tor, 
sta-tw ob-3tetr-l-x, \/^sta-, Skr. pd-tdr- pd-iar- 'drinker', Or. 
no-rtjg 'drinkiiig vessel, goblet' oiVo-jrorj/p 'wine- drinker', Lat, 
p6-tor. Gr. ait-rojp 'leader' ^7j-utcrr,o 'he who goes out for prey, 
hunter, Lat. ac-ior ac-ir-T-x, V^ag-. Aveat. sba-tar- 'panogj-riBt' 
O.C.Sl. zva-iel-X. Skr. jfUt-tdr- 'knower, acquaintance', Gr. yminri-ij 
'witoess for the truth of a statement' {-a- is an analogical id- 
sertion aa in yrmaro-^ beside yfoi-ro-g), Lat. nS-tor, O.C.Sl. sna- 
-tel-i 'knower', 

Skr. dami-tdr- 'tamer', Gr. nav-Aafid-rmg 'vanquisher of all', 
Lai, domi-tor. Skr. jani-tdr- Gr. yivt-Tiq(i ytvi-zfM Lat. geni-tor 
'begetter, Lat. gene-tr-J-x. 

Aryan. Skr. dee-dr-, Skr. n-dr. Avest. n-ar- 'mau', Skr. 
us-dr-, Skr. sms-ar- Aveat. xteatak-ar- 'sister' (§ 120 p. 379); 
see above, p. 381. Skr. ni'inind-ar- 'husband's sister' is an 
analogical formation, cp. nand-itii- the same. Ilere should per- 
haps be classed Avcst. Atar- (ace. Star-eiti, nom. (a re-formation) 
atari) m. 'fire' ; / is in place of pr. Ar. th, as ia sliewn by Skr. 
dfharvan- and Aveat. apravan-. 

Skr. pi-tdr- Avest. pi-tar- p-tar (I § 473, 2 p. 349) O.Pers. 
pi-tar- (gen. pi'sa, I § 2G1 p. 261 p. 213) "father, Skr. ma-idr- 
Avest. O.Pers. ma-tar- 'mother', Skr. dulii-tdr- Aveat. dug'dar- 
rfMj-^r- 'daughter', Skr. bkrd-tar- Aveat. O.Pers. hr(t-tar- 
brother', see p. 382 above. Skr. JdmOtar- Avest. samatar- 
'son-in-law'. 

In proethnic Aryan napOt- napt- 'offspring, deacendant, 
(§ 123) was associated v.Hh the names uf kindred, first in the 
weak cases: Skr. Mop^or- Avest. naptr- (cp. Czech neti below); 
yet the ace. sing, is Skr. ndptarain Avest. naptdrem, like 8vd- 
sOram. Skr. gen. pdtpir 'mariti' like pMr (see Wackemagel, 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 290). 

K#niark. In g 114 Rem. 1 p. 348 and ^ IIT Rem. S p. 369 mention 
naa made of the transference of nominatives in -a an<t -mil to the d- 
decleniioD: we see the aame thing in Prakrit, where (/ii/iid» 'daughter' and 
mada 'mother' were inflected like A-atems. Simtlarljr, in Lithoanian I'li-U 
'brotlier'« wife', and in some dialectal aIbo s!tf 'sister', which is found side 
lij side with aesu, were declined aa d'Steni§. 



384 The Saffixes -er- and -ter-. § 122. 

The class of nomina agentis was very fertile. Skr. t^a- 
'k^Stdr- adherent*, Avest. ocsa^-tar' *ruler'. Skr. ji-tar* 'con- 
queror*. Avest. vuda^ar- 'one who looks around, spy*. Skr. 
SrS-tar- 'hearer', Avest. srao-pr-J- f. 'hearer (f.)'. Skr. hS-tcir^ 
Avest. zao^tar- 'high priest*. Skr. atO-tdr- Avest. staxhtar- one 
who sings praises*. Skr. jd^-tdr- jdi-tar- 'lover, protector* CPers, 
dauS'tar- 'friend*: cp. Gr. ysva-rtjp-iO'y 'vessel for tasting, goblet', 
\/^§euS'. Skr. vSdhar- 'carrier, draught-horse' Avest. vaS-tar- 
'draught animal* (I § 482 p. 356); Lat. vec-tor-, y^f^^A-. Skr. 
han^tdr- *he who strikes, kills, murderer', Avest. janitor- 'killer, 
slayer* O.Pers. jatar- (read jantar-) 'slayer, foe': O.C.Sl. i^-UU^^ 
see above p. 382. Skr. bhar-tdr- bhar-tar- Avest. baf^-tar- 
bOsar- ber^-tar- 'bearer, supporter (cp. § 120 p. 378): Lat. Iw- 
f trior \ see above, p. 382. Skr. dhar-tdr- 'bearer, supporter', 
Avest. der^'tar- 'holder*. Skr. kar'tdr-- Mr-tar' Avest. ker^-tar- 
'doer . Skr. drc^^-tdr- 'he who sees', v/^ cforJ-. Avest haf^^tar- 
'guardian, protector*. Skr. adtiar- 'sitter*, Avest. a»trt-ja«tor- 
'he who sits': Lat. ad-sessor; see above, p. 382. Skr. ddgdhar- 
'incendiary x^dheqh'. Skr. dho-tdr- dhd^tar- Avest. da'4ar' 
'he who places, creator*: Gr. &f-TfJQ etc., see p. 382 above. 
Skr. md'tar- 'measurer*, O.Pers. fra-matar- 'master*, y^/it^. 
Skr. da-tdr- dd-tar- Avest. dd-tar' 'giver': Gr. do-r^p Sto^r^o 
daS-Tutg Lat. da-tor {da-tr-l-x) O.C. SI. da-^tel-^ *pver*> V^dO-, 
Skr. stha^tdr^ 'standing' sthd-tar- 'charioteer, driver* savyB^ 
'^ar- savya-^dr- 'the warrior who stands to the left of the 
charioteer', Avest. rapa§^Star^ 'the warrior who stands in the 
chariot': Gr. ora-Tfj^ etc., see p. 382 f. Skr. pd^tdr^ pd-tar- 
Avest. pOr-tar^ protector, guardian'. Skr. ya^-idr- Avest. 
yas'tar- 'offerer', y/^iag-. Skr. vi-bhakidr-- Avest. bax-tar- 
'divider', y/^bhaq-, O.Pers. a-yastar- 'possessor from Ar. yat- 
'strive*. Skr. ias-tdr- Avest. sas'tar- 'master*. Skr. jM^tdr^ 
'knower, acquaintance* Avest. znd-tar- 'learner, knower' (accor- 
ding to I § 403 p. 298 we should expect Sna-tar-) : Gr. yvwoxfjf} 
etc., see above, p. 383. Skr. tra-tdr- Avest. prO-tar" 'protector'. 
Skr. yd'tar- *he who goes, is on the way'. Avest. d^sndtar^ 
name of a priest who is responsible for ablutions. 



§122. 



The Suffixes ~er~ and - 



385 



Skr. dami-tdr-, Jani'tdr-; see above, p. 383. Skr. jari-tdr- 
'singer", Cp. Avest. a'dti-jar'tar- 'praiser'. Skr. pavi-tdr- 'purifier', 
vardhi-tdr- 'increaser' , vtdi-taf- 'knower'. Avest. daibi-tar- 
'deceiver'. Skr. pratUgrdhltdr- 'receiver' grdbhl-tar "seizer". 8kr. 
taru-tdr- Idfu-tar- 'subduer'. Skr. cSdayi-tdr- beside cSdi4dr- 
mciter'. 

Towards the end of the Vedic period of Sanski-it, the nom. 
sing. du. pi, maBc. of these nomina agentis began to be used with 
the present of as- 'esse' as a perjphaatic future (cp. Lat. daturm 
sum), which became a favourite construction in the classical 
period. In the third person the copula was usually omitted, 
iind the form of the nom. sing, which had become fused with 
the verb, was generally kept even in the first and second per- 
sons of the plural and dual. Sing, d&tasmi 'I will give' d/Udei 
datd, du. datdsDos datdstkaa datdrau, pi. datdsmas datdatha 
datdras. Karely 3 sing, datdsti, 1. du. datdrSu svas and the like. 

The adjectival character of the nomhia agentis created a 
neuter fonn for them in Sanskrit^ thus nom. ace. sing. dOrtf 
(in Veda also -iiir, see I § 285 p. 228), pi, -tfni etc. Cp. 
Lanman, Noim-Infl. p. 421 ff, 

Armenian. Here are found only names of kindred, all 
of which have been already mentioned : taigr 'brother-in-law*, 
floir 'sister', hair 'father', mair "mother", dustr daughter", eXbair 
'brother'; see above, p. 381 f. 

Greek, dat'/o brother-in-law', uvijV 'man', ^pi 'early' G<D()-;g* 
ap<w»/'xovr(e. see above, p. 381. ^jj'p, gen, SH^-oi^, f, m. 'air', 
Lesb. avJfpj compare avga 'air", oitfjjp, at&e'poj, f, m. 'aether', 
compare m^qO. 

jid-n/p 'father', fuj-ii}^ 'mother', &vyd-irjp 'daughter', qipa-irip 
'member of a ypurp/e"; see above, p. 381 f. Eivd-rep-ci; 'women 
married to brothers': Skr. yd-tar- (ace. -tar-am) 'husband's 
brother's wife' (probably for •ig-(er-, see I § 253 p. 207), Lat. 
jani-tr-i'C-is (% 11!) p. 377), Lith. in-te (gen. in-tes, cp, the 
Remark on p. 383) "brother's wife'; it is still doubtful what we 
fihoatd assume as the ori?inal form of the root-syllable; there seem 
to have been both a form with a following the root-syllable, 



386 The Suffixes -er- and -/ei^. § 122. 

and a form without, as in Skr. dtihutdr- : Goth, dauh-tar. yaa- 
"xriQ 'belly'. 

The nomina agentis in -rj^p-, -ro(>- were a fertile class. iCr€op 
lorraip 'knower, witness', im-iarmQ 'conscius': Skr. vEttar- etc.; 
see above, p. 382. (pv-rcog 'begetter': Osc. Puutr-ei *Creatrici, 
Genetrici', cp. also Skr. bhavi-tar- 'impending^ future', y/^bhew. 
fia-r^p • (ialvfov^ pa^ioziMq (Ilesych.), im'PTJriOQ mounter, covercr : 
Skr. gdn-tar- etc. ; sec above, p. 382. /Jo-nyp fioi-XiOQ 'herdsman', 
novXv'fioTHoa f. *much-nourishing'. aqp-^y'rwp 'slinger, shooter: 
Lat. sa-tor^ y/^s^-; some scholars add Skr. s-tr-t 'wife' (cp. 
Lat. sator 'begetter') which as regards the form of the root- 
syllable hears the same relation to sa-tor and -^-twq as Skr. 
savyB'^thar- to Gr. ora-Tijp and Skr. sthd-tdr- (p. 382 f.). diiia}J.o- 
'Sbtijp 'sheaf-binder : Skr. ni-ddtdr' 'fastener', y/^dS. ax^vwp 
'leader i7i'ay.TTJp *he who goes out for prey, hunter': Lat. (ic^tor, 
dXdffnoo 'not forgetful of punishment, avenying deity* beside 
a-Xaavo-^ kTjd^-u). Xa^un'Tijg 'lighter , on-riip St'Onr^g 'watcher, spy*. 
t^wa-TiJQ 'girdle*, ^la-ftk^rcop 'slanderer* (late). xpa-Ttjp 'mixing 
vessel*. dfxrj'vriQ 'subduer', Jfifj'tcoQ, Sfi^^rsiQa 'subduer (f.)'. 
&7jga'T^p &7]g7j-r^p, ^rjpa-Tcop &fjp7]'Ta)p 'hunter' {&r]pd(i})^ xvfiepyrj- 
'xfjg 'steersman' {yiv/ifpydco), avXrj^tpjg 'flute-player' fem. avXfj-r g-i^ 
(avXid)), >io(Tfi7J'T(og 'commander' (xoa^iw), (xia&W'Vg-ia 'procuress' 
{,ttta9^6o)), XrjiarrJQ Xfjiauog 'plunderer, robber' {Xr^i^o/ucu), a?]udv 
-TW(> 'commander' {(rrjuaivw). g)vXay.'TTJp 'watchman* {fvXuaoM 
for *-ax-j^w). 

nav'Sa/tid'Tiop, yeve-r^p ysvi-tcop, see above p. 383. «A-^- 
'Tp'iq 'miller (f.)': dX- for i^iZ-? cp. Lat. mol-i-tor. 

With -T(og' we find only fifja'tcjp, Homer, ace. -rwp-a, 
'counsellor' (but as a proper name Mijavop-a), beside fdrj^-ofiai. 

Italic. Lat. l^vir modified in form by popular etymology; 
see above, p. 381. Umb. ner-f 'proceros'; see above, p. 381. 
Lat. soror for *suesdr^ see above, p. 381. 

Lat. pa-ter Umbr. lu-pater 'Juppiter luve patre 'Jovi 
patri' Osc. patir 'pater pateroi 'patri' (I § 627 p. 471) Marruc. 
patres 'patris*, Lat. mO-ter Umbr. matrer 'matris' Osc. maatreis 



§ 122. The Suffixes -fr- mnd -fer-. 387 



"matris*, Lat. frU-ier Umbr. frater fratres' fratrom 'fratnim'; 
see aboYe, p. 382. Lat. ven-ttr. 

In the group of nomina agentu we may assume that -Wr- 
had preyailed in all cases even in proethnic Italic; only the 
derivatiYes show -fr-. The formation seems to have been in 
active use in all dialects. 

Lat. fn-/er/ar, Umbr. af-fertur 'infertor. flamen ace. ars- 
"ferturo dat. -ferture: Skr. bhar^tdr^: see above, p. 382. Lat. 
S^versor^ Osc. fe^ogu (o to be read long) "^Tersori, Tgonalfp^ 
y/^^erU. censor (cp. § 79 Rem. 2 p. 231), Osc. censtur keensztur 
(for the zs see I § 209 p. 176). 'censor : Skr. iqa-tar-^ see 
p. 382 above. Lat. tn-spector^ Umbr. speture 'spectori' speturie 
dat. 'spectoriae': Avest. spas-tar^ watchman*. y^speJ-. Lat. 
auc'tor^ Umbr. uhtur 'auctor' uhturu *auctorem* uhtretie 
*auctoritate'. Osc. embratur 'imperator, regaturei Vectori'. 

Lat. pfS'Uh^ pinS'tdr pUs-tr-T-x: Skr. pi^-far- 'grinder, crusher*. 
ftctor. viC'tor. due-tor. us-tor. di-sertar. tortor for *torc-tor^ 
from tarqued. cotn-mentor: Skr. man-idr^ 'thinker , Gr. Miv-rafp, 
X^men^. iex-tar: Skr. id^-far- 'foreman, architect, carpenter, 
V^tefo-. Bsar Sstr-f-x: Skr. attdr- 'eater, Gr. (Ofi^arTJp 'eating 
raw food' (late) vijaxHga f. 'fasting' (late), messor. cor^r^tor. 
rap-tor. can-tor. al-tor. oc-cfsor^ from caedd. su-tor. spr^-tor. 
im-plitor. viS-tor. JlO-tdr. curd-tor^ beUo-tor; fini-tor. 

Lat. dotni'tor^ geni-tor] see above, p. 383. meri-tor-iU'S 
mere-tr-T-x. dBbi-tOr. moli-tor. moni-tor. 

The connexion of the Latin participles in -turu-s^ such as 
da-turU'Sj with these nomina agentis can not be denied, but 
the u is obscure (I § 89 p. 85). 

In Old Irish only the names of kindred remain. 

siury ace. Mid.Ir. siair^ 'sister*; see above, p. 381 ; through 
the influence of names of kindred in 'ter- arose the forms gen. 
sethar ace. sethir dat. pi. sethraib. 

aihir 'father*, mOthir 'mother* , brathir 'brother, see above 
p. 381 f. To these the word for 'uncle' was assimilated, Mod.Cymr. 
ewi-thr O.Com. eui-ter^ cp. Lat. avun»culu'S. 

25* 



388 The Suffixes -er- and -ter-, § 122. 

Germanic, svist-ar O.H.G. swest-er 'sister, see above 
p. 381. 

Goth, fa-dar dauh-tar brO-par O.H.G. fater muoter tohter 
bnioder\ see above, p. 381 f. In O.H.G. another word seems to 
have been associated with these: swiger^ gen. swiger^ 'mother- 
-in-law' (Skr. hah A-). 

In Gothic, -tru-m (for ^^tf-mi) in the dat. pi. and -tr-'Uns 
(for *-^r-^) in the ace. pi. gave rise to the nom. pi. in 
"trjus^ as brdprjus^ after the analogy of the M-declension. In 
Old High German the names of kindred were also declined as 
o-stems and as a-stems (according to their gender), but the 
feminine forms occur only in the pi., and not until a late period. 
Thus we have gen. sing, /uteres beside fater ^ gen. pi. only 
fatera^ gen. pi. tohtera beside tohter. 

Of the nomina agentis we have only doubtful traces. A.S. 
bcecestre f. 'baker (f.)' and the like; see § 110 p. 336. A.S. 
healdor O.Icel. haldr 'chief, O.H.G. smeidar 'artifex*, see Kluge, 
Nominale Stammbildungsl. § 30. O.H.G. friu-dil fri-dol m. 'be- 
loved* O.Icel. fri-dill 'concubinus' : O.C.SI. prija-telA 'friend' 
Avest. a-frUar' 'one who pronounces a blessing' Skr. prc-tar- 
'benefactor, lover': I must have arisen in Germanic, as in Slavonic, 
{'tel'X) through dissimilation, cp. murmulOn etc. I § 277 p. 221; 
but there is difficulty in explaining the relation of the vowels 
in the root-syllable (cp. Brate in Bezzenb. Beitr. XI 187). 

Balto-SIavonic. Lith. dBcer-l-s gen. divers O.C.SI. 
diver-X 'brother-in-law*, Lith. sesu gen. sesers^ also nom. sese on 
the analogy of mote etc. (cp. the Remark on p. 383), O.C.SI. 
sestra 'sister*, see above, p. 381. 

Lith. mO'te and mo-te 'woman, wife* O.C.SI. mati 'mother, 
Lith. duk'tc O.C.SI. dii^ti 'daughter*, Lith. brO'ter-eli-s 'little 
brother. O.C.SI. bra-tr-u bra-tu 'brother*, see p. 382 above. 
Lith. in-te (gen. intes) 'brother's wife* {O.C.SI. j^-tr-g like svekry): 
Skr. gd'tar- etc., see p. 385 above ; a confusion with gentl-s 'a 
relative* (m. f.) gave rise to the form gent-e gen. genter-s or 
gentes 'husband's brother's wife'. In Czech the inflexion of 
neti f. 'niece' (= Skr. napt-f) was assimilated to that of the 



nantes of kindred, partly in consequence of tlie similar endin;; 
of the nom. sing,: thus goo. neter-e^ like ntatet'e; cp. Skr. 
ndptar- p. 383. 

The elaaa of nomitia ageniis is found only in Slavonic, 
where it was fertile. In Lithuitnian these forms were displaced 
by those in -toji-a = O.CSl. -taji, ns ar-toji-s = O.C.Sl, ra-laji 
ora-tafl 'arator'; as to Lith. -kle see I § 281 Rem. 1 p. 224. 
81av, -tel- aroao from -ier- !»y dissimilation; see I § 281 p. 224. 
-lei- without any additional suffix is still found in noni, gen, 
in8tr. pi., -tel-e, -tel-S, -tel-y although the two latter forms may 
also be regarded as belonging to the o-decl.) ; elsewhere we 
have -tel-je-. sii-vHsteli Vonscius, witness', hljusteU 'watchman', 
t^-tell "reaper, su-ditell 'conditor', ioa-telt'caXleT, sna-telt 'knover; 
see above, p. 382 f. da-teJi 'giver', see above, p. 384. prija-teli 
'friend', see above p. 388. irX-tett 'offerer, priest', vlas-teli 
'commander (vladq 'I command, rule'), zi-tett 'inhabitant', dela- 
-telt 'worker', sU-birateli 'collector*. um€-teU 'one who under- 
stands'. sfi-cWfieST'conseius, witness". ^wosi'-Zefi "beggar", goni-ieti 
'follower', -iteti was also used aa an independent suffix; e. g. 
pO'dad-Uetl 'lender, bail, securitj-', po-greb-itelt "burier". 

VII. Suffixes in -(. 
g 123. The Suffix -(-'). In the proethnic language 
this was a primarj' suffix; and it was most frequently found, aa 
its use in Sanskrit, CFreek and Latin shews, in the final members 
of compound words. These had the force of a participle, which 
was generally active and could be either an adjective or aub- 
stiintive. But -t- is used in this way only with roots which end 
in vowels, liquids, or nasals, such as ej-, dhS-, bher-, qhen-, 
Skr. arthet- (arlha-i-t-) 'busy, in haste', Lat. cmnes stem com-i-t- 
(properly 'one who goes with"), v^ei-. Avest. fratema-dO-l- 
'iine set first, set in front, chief, Gr. &<?';, gen. d^-r-o'g, 'hired 
labourer', y/^dhe-. Avest. praotS-sta-t- adj. 'in the rivers', Lat. 
titUS-sii't-, y/^sta-. 

II Do Sausaarc, Le guffisc -S Htfiuoiros de In Soe. de Ling. Ill 
1 197 IT. 



390 The Suffix -^. § 123. 

Here must be classed *nepDt' *nepU (Skr. ndpat 'offspring, 
descendant* instr. nddbhi^ for *nabd'bhisj Lat. nepdSy Mid.Ir. niae^ 
gen. niathy 'sister's son', O.H.G. nefo 'nephew, relative* Goth. 
nip-ji-s 'cousin, relative*, O.Icel. nid-r 'offspring*, O.C.Sl. net-^ifX 
'nephew, cousin', see I § 527 Rem. 1 p. 382, § 545 p. 399), if 
it belongs to the root of *p9'ter^ 'father* and if its original 
meaning was 'not having (a father's) protection, belonging to 
the family of uncle or grandfather, and hence 'nephew* or 
grandson'; see E. Leumann, Festgruss an Otto von Bohtlingk 
1888 p. 77 f. 

Next should be mentioned noq-t- night* (beside ^noq-^ti-^ 
cp. the suffix -tati' beside -tat- § 102 p. 308): Skr. ndk-t- 
(Gaedicke, Der Ace. im Veda 177, B. Kahle, Zur Entwickelung 
der Consonant. Decl. im Germ. 32 f.), Gr. WS wx-ro-^, Lat. nox 
(which also forms i-cases), O.Ir. in-nocht 'hac nocte*, Goth. gen. 
nah't'8 dat. nah-ty O.Lith. gen. pi. nak-t-u. 

We also find a few substantive numerals (with by-forms in 
-^i-, see § 101 p. 306 f.). *de&^-^- 'decade': Skr. daidt-^ Gr. dixaq 
gen. Jfxad-05 (for the J see p. 392), Lith. pi. deszimts O.C.Sl. 
pi. des^t-e. In this way were formed Skr. paficdt- Gr. nBuna(; 
nevrdci *a group of five' (I § 427 a p. 312) beside Skr. pdnca 
Gr. nivTB 'five', and other examples. 

Lastly we find a certain number of nouns in different 
languages with a short vowel between the root and -t- ; as Skr. 
sravdt- f. 'river*, Lat. teges^ gen. tegeUis^ f. 'covering', Goth. 
mitap'S^ stem tnitad- f. 'measure'. Sins, vdghdt- 'praying', Gr. 
agyBT' 'gleaming', Lat. tereSy gen. teret-is^ 'turned, round, long'. 
Not one of these nouns appears in more than one language. 
Nevertheless it is natural to derive them from a common source. 

In several branches of Indo-Germanic, particularly in Aryan, 
this suffix 't- was taken widely into use in combination with 
others by which it was extended. The new compound suffixes 
were used independently and became fertile, e. g. Skr. -<-ww-. 

Aryan. Skr. arthet-^ A vest. fratema-dcU' praotd-stdt^^ see 
above p. 389. Skr. viha-jl-t- 'obtaining all by conquest*, Avest. 
iSasem-ji't' 'subduing, suppressing one's wish'. Skr. deva'Stu-t" 



§ 123. The Suffix -/-. '^01 

'praising the gods', Avest. ahum-stu't 'praising the world*. 8kr. 
d^va-iri'U 'heard of the gods, audible to them*. Skr. vajra- 
bhf't' 'bearing the thunderbolt*, Avest. as-ber'-t- "enduring much* 
a-ber'-t' "purveyor* (appellation of a priest's assistant). Skr. sti- 
'kf't' 'behaving well*, Avest. yas-ker'-t- 'transacting business*. 
Avest. taxmCLr^-t" (taxma-ar'-t-) 'pressing on hard'. Skr. adhva- 
gd'U 'on the way, traveller*, v^gem-. Less often in uncom- 
pounded words : Skr. rl-t- 'nmning', hru-t- 'injurer, foe*, Avest. 
aiu-i- *praiser*. Moreover these -^stems are found in Aryan as 
feminine abstract substantives: Skr. sam-i-t- 'hostile meeting', 
ni-yu't' 'team', stu-U 'praise, song', vf-U 'company, following, 
troop, band', Avest. xmut- 'wisdom*. For the Skr. ndpat- ndpt- 
'offspring, descendant' Avest. napCLt' napt- (fem. Skr. napt-t- 
Avest. fuipt'J') see above p. 390, and for Skr. mptar- Avest. 
naptar- § 122 p. 383. 

Extensions of this suffix gave rise to the suffixes -tya-y 
e. g. Skr. kftya-8 'faciendus* § 63 p. 123 f., -^ww-, e. g. Skr. 
kftmi-$ 'active* § 106 p. 320, -tvan-^ e. g. Skr. kftvan- 'effecting 
§ 116 p. 364. Compare Skr. mf-UyH'^ 'death' § 105 p. 318 f. 

Skr. ndk-t' night*, see above p. 390. Skr. daidt^ \\ group 
of ten' paficdt' *a group of five', see above, p. 390. 

A few Sanskrit nouns have -at- -it-, sravdt- f. 'river'. 
tahdU f. 'stream'. saScdt- f. 'stopping, check'. vShdt- f. *a cow 
which yeans prematurely, casts'. vaghdU 'praying, one who 
prays*, sarit- f. 'river, brook*. y^^H- f. 'girl, maiden*, harit^ 
'tawny*. There is one word in -iif- : maruf- name of the storm- 
gods. 

Greek. &rjg, gen. d^rj^voc, 'hired labourer*, see p. 389 above. 
ttAov^ gen. -nho-T-oq, 'swimmer* name of a fish. olfio-^QOiq, gen. 
-/^(>aJ-T-oc, 'devouring raw flesh' {y/^qer-^ cp. I § 306 p. 242). 
ayviii^, gen. -yvcJ-T-o^*, 'unknown, not knowing'. niJo-liXfjg, gen. 
fiXfJ'T'Oi,', 'thrown forward, springing forward, prominent*, dogt- 
-x/£i7c, gen. -x/i^-r-og, 'subdued by the spear*. 

vvS, gen. vvx'T'Oc, 'night', see p. 390 above. 

^fudg, Tiffindg mvTug, see p. 390 above. So also inrdg *a 
group of seven' ground-form ^sepitp-t', hviag *a group of nine', 



392 The Suffix -K § 12 

6vdg TQtfiq (this word cannot be compared with Lat. triStis^ gen_ — 
trient'is), il^dg etc. In I § 238 p. 199, § 469, 7 p. 346 some 
thing has been said of the -<^- in these forms. In the Indo- 
Germanic case-system (dek^t- *8eptfiit' and so forth) there wa»=^ 
a variation between t and d, e. g. dat. *dehpt^i^ instr. ^dehpd — 
"hhiis). The only question is whether the Gr. -d- arose from oxm. 
assimilation of the cases with t to this latter form either iis 
Greek or earlier, or whether the S was a special Greek de- 
velopement, due to the terminations ^ag -acT/, which also belonged 
to the original d-stems (§ 128). The latter explanation now seems 
to me the more probable. Cp. laxay' § 130 Rem. 

dgyix' and apy^Jr- 'gleaming the nom. was perhaps originally 
-U^ gen. -et'OS and so forth (cp. below A.S. hmle 'hero' for 
pr. Germ. *xalep). xiXr^g^ gen. -rjv-og^ m. 'runner, courser*, e/jy^- ra. 
'possessor', 'kifitjg m. 'cauldron, bowl'. 

Italic. Lat. com-e«, anti-steSj nepds (gen. nepdt-is etc.; the 
weak form of the stem appears in nept^i'8)y see p. 390 above. 
sacerdos, gen. -ddt-is^ for *sdcrO'dd't' I § 633 p. 473 f.; where 
it must be remembered that -dd-t" can be derived not only from 
V/^d^-, but also from \/^dJiB (cp. Gr. ^a>-^o-s" etc. I § 315 
p. 254). locU'plSSy gen. ^ple-Uis^ whose original meaning has not 
been clearly determined (see Corssen, Krit. Nachtr. 253). man- 
-sw^s, gen. -stiS't'is (beside tnati'SiiB'tU'S). Add in-gen-U^ if it 
originally meant 'unknown, unheard of, and then extraordinary, 
huge', and so comes from \^§en' 'know' (Danielsson, Pauli's 
Altital. Stud. IV 149 f.). 

Lat. nox^ see above p. 390. 

With -^U: teges (gen. teget-is) f., seges f., merges f.; teres^ 
hebes. An isolated form is captd^ gen. capit^u. 

Remark 1. With -i7-: eques (gen. equit-is) m. («gMo-«), pedes m. 
(p^«), viles m. (vHti-m), miles m., circes m. (circu-s)^ palmes m. (palma)^ 
ales Bubst. m. and adj. (dla), K. Walter (Euhn^s Ztschr. X 194 ff.) holds 
that these correspond to such Greek denominatives as i/rW-ra (eques) 
ay^o-rtj^q (§ 80 p. 240). There seems to me to have been a confnsion in 
Latin between fa-stems and compounds wilh -i-/- *going' (see com-i-f- 
above), after the vowels preceding the -f- had become indistinguishable 
through phonetic change. The compounds attracted the /dF-stems into their 



own oODCOnantal deolension , a prtx^eas which wits asaiited \tj popular 
etjrmolo^. But it is doubtful wliether all tEieae formB [«7mm eto.) were 
lA-stems to start with. It may certainly bo assumed of a few exatnplRS, 
■nch as ped-it-, that (like cnrn-ra) they were real compounds of -I-t- "going". 

Old Iriah. nine, gen. niaih^ (Mid.Ir.) 'siBter'a son', in- 
-nochi 'hac nocte', see p. 390 aliovo. 

"With -et-: cing~, gen. cinged, 'hero, warriur' Gal!. Cittges 
-etis Cinget-o-rfx, trait/ 'foot', cin 'debt'. Inch 'mouse'. Compare 
Oall. ace. pi. Namnet-as, and further (with S) Atrebdt-es (beside 
0,lr, atreha i. e. ad-treba 'poaaidet, habitat') as well as Ir. ascad- 
(nom. ascae) 'rival, enemy' arad- 'charioteer'; in these words it 
is difficult to determine the original form of the suffix. 

Germanic. O.H.O. nefo 'nephew' for *nefS(d) has been 
attracted into the n-declension : Skr. ndpst etc., see p. 390 above. 
0,H.G. nift 'neptis, privigna' = Skr. napt-f. 

Gen. aing. Goth, nah-t-s O.H.G. nakt-e-s, dat. Goth. O.H.O. 
noK-t etc. (nnm. Goth, naht-s O.H.G, naht 'night'): Skr. ndk-t- 
etc, see above p. 390, In Germanic the various oases of this 
word followed different declenaiona. 

Bemark 2. Consonantal cases are found in the declension of the 
feminine nouns Ootli. vaih-t-a 'thing' brns-t-s 'breast' as froni nahi-e; and 

from s^Kiwr^-* (spaiir-rf-j 'raee-courae* dtdp-e (dul-p-) 'feast'. The 
two Litter should be compared with such Sanskrit fem. forma aa rj'-f- tli-l- 
(see p. 391), if their consonantal inflexion is original. 

There is a class of nouns which show a vowel before the 
■I- (pr. Germ, -p- or -3-, following always the position of the 
accent) , which have abandoned their old consonantal inflex:toD 
more or less completely. Goth, mitap-s (st. mitad-) f, 'measure', 
beside O.Sax. metod O.Ieel. mjqiud-r ni, measurer, orderer, artist, 
creator'. O.H.G. helid A. 8. hieled (also Areie, an old nom. 
ithout s, for 'y.alep) O.Icel. hqld-r 'hero', O.H.G. hehhit 'pike', 
tctfftd 'creator', leitid 'leader'. In Norse this class (wmina 
agentis) was fertile: e. g. katu-Sr hqtu3-r 'hater', skapadr 'creator' 
frami3-r 'gestor, tributor, dator'. 

Goth. menOp-s (dat, tnSnSp, pi. nom. ace. nwnop-s) O.H,G. 
mttnSd O.Icel. wianaif-r (pi. md^ad-rTn. 'month'. The nominative 
form *m?iiO(p) gave rise to Goth, mena O.H.G. mano, which 



394 The Suffix -«f-. § 123—125. 

then developed w-cases like nefo. In this word -^- was a 
secondary suffix, and so also in Goth, veitvdp^s (veitvOd-) m. 
'witness'; this form will be discussed below in § 176. 

Balto-Slavonic. The Lith. nom. sing. m'dnA (gen. mSnesio) 
may, with O.H.G. mano^ be referred to ^m^ndt. 

Lith. pi. deszimUs O.C.Sl. desf^t-e^ see p. 390 above. 

Remark 3. The Slav. maso. lakuti *elbow, eir, nogiUX 'angais', peeaH 
'seal* form cases according to the oonsonaDtal declension; e. g. gen. pL 
lakUtii nom. pi. pecat^e. Have we here a secondary transference to this 
declension? 

§ 124. The Suffixes -tat" and -tUt- formed feminine 
abstract substantives from Adjectives and Substantives, and had 
in the proethnic and later periods the parallel forms 'tdti- and 
'tuti'. They have been discussed in § 102 p. 308 ff. 

§ 126. The Suffix -w^i). In all periods this suffix 
formed all the active participles excepting that of the Perfect 
(§ 136). In most of the separate groups of languages it has 
remained in living use down to the present day. 

nt' participles became simple nouns in all the languages, 
though more rarely in some than in others. They became 
partly adjectives pure und simple (with comparative and 
superlative), such as Mod.H.G. reizend 'charming' and partly 
substantives, such as Mod.H.G. freund 'friend'. This change 
from one part of speech to another has taken place at every 
stage in the developement of the Indo-Germanic languages. 
Thus for example Mod.H.G. zahn (Lat. dSns) had become a 
substantive in the proethnic period, freund (Goth, frtjdnd-s) in 



1) H. Ebel, Das Suffix -ant und Verwandtes, Kuhn's Ztschr. IV 321 ft 
M. Breal, Origine du suffixe participial ant^ M^m. de la Soc. de lingo. 
II 188 ff. F. Baudry, Le t du suffixe participial ant, ibid. 393 ff. 0. Bech- 
stein, De nominibus Latinis suffixorum ent- et mtito- ope formatis, Curtius* 
Stud. VIII 335 sqq. (I have not been able to work through Ch. Bartho- 
lomae^s essay, Die ar. Flexion der Adjectiva und Participia auf -nt-^ which 
has just appeared in Kuhn^s Ztschr. XXIX 487 ff., so as to make use of 
it for the foUowint)^ sections, but a cursory survey has shown me, to my 
great satisfaction, that we have arrived at the same conclusions on certain 
main points). 



§ 125. The Suffix -nt-. 395 

proethnic Germanic, heiland (A.S. hcelend) in proethnic Wcst- 
Oermanic, and der vorsitzende (O.H.G. fitri-sizzando) president' 
in High German. Compare § 144. 

'fU' is sometimes added immediately to the root-syllable, 
e. g. *5-^f- 'being* y^ es- (Skr. s-dnt^ s-at-)^ sometimes to stems 
having a tense-determinant, e. g. pres. *ji-wjf-p<- V^<?^i- (Skr. 
cirnv'dnt' ci-nv-aU)^ ^rud-i-nU y/^reud- (Skr. rwd-rf-w^-), ^bhiudh- 
'O-nU V^bheudh' (Skr. 6eJdA-a-/t^), M. *dd'Si6-nt'' \rdO- (Skr. 
da-sj/dnt'). 

Remark 1. It is a plausible hypothesis that the 3. pi. in -m// and 
-»/ {^rudd'nti = Skr. rttdd'Hti *4 rudd-tU = Skr. fl-rwrfaw, op. Lat. rudu-^) 
is simply the bare stem of this participial formation, to which -t was some- 
times added on the analogy of the 3. sing, in -tf beside -t etc. If so, the 
3. pi. perf. (6r. Itloyx-Htii -antj Goth, vii^upi) was doubtless formed originally 
with some other suffix; and as a matter of fact the if/- suffix is not 
used in that tense in Aryan. 

» 

The original variation of ablaut is on the whole clear: 
In participles formed from non-thematic verbal stems, the 
suffix varied between -^^- and '\it- in the parent language; as 
Skr. sing. ace. s-dnt-am ci-nv-dnt-am gen. s-at-ds ci-nv-at'ds pi. loc. 
S'dt'Su ci'tiv-dt'Su (instead of *s-at'SU ^ci-nv-at-su)^ cp. I § 226 
p. 193, § 230 p. 196 etc. 

With thematic stems, on the other hand, the suffix assumed 
the forms -d-nt- and -(i<-; as Skr. rndd-nt-am rudat-ds rudat-SH 
(instead of *rudat'8ii) Gr. ftdovr-xa */icVar-oV *ftdaT-ai (replaced 
by fidovToq and ftdoym fidovai). It is certain that 'O-nt- and 
-^<- were original; but it is still a little doubtful whether the 
paradigm also contained -e-nt'. The nom. sing, ended partly in 
'(hnt-8 (and under certain conditions perhaps in -e-w^-6'), partly 
in -5h (Gr. iftgwy O.C.Sl. bery^ there was no loss of -^, contrast 
iyvov for ^i-yyoy-vt 1 § 611 p. 461). 

Remark 2. Special etidcnce for a form -e-Mf- beside 'O-nt' and -^- 
is given by Mid.H.G. zint O.Icel. tind-r 'tooth, prong' := ^d-en't' beside 
*d'On't' (O.H.G. zait, Gr. dSorr- etc.") and *d'^i- TGoth. iunp-). It is pos- 
sible to assume Twith B. Kahle, Zur Entw. der Conson. DecL, 13) that 
the loc. sin;;, was originally *dint(ij^ c]). loc. sing. -enC-i) -uienC-iJ J{ 113 
p. 344 and -(Oer-i g 120 p. 379. Another view is also possible, ^riid-^-nt- 
may one have existed beside *bh^iid'0-fit'^ *d'^-ni' beside *'^d'(hnt' as 
tf^'fy-f. beside a-^p^-or-^. ^ 113 p. .'{43 f. and Tta-r^q-fq beside ^qd^ro^-n 



390 The Suffix -wN. § 125,126. 

/jfjTQO'TraTOQ'ff § 120 p. 378 ; while in the -»^- stems also in either case the 
loc. sing, may have had -f-, ^dent-O), This latter assumption would 
explain very simply the varying declension of these stems in the different 
languages. Observe especially that in this case there would be no necessity 
to suppose any levelling of different forms of the stem in participles like 
Lat. rudevs rudentis etc., inasmuch as rudent' would come as regularly 
from *rudent' as from '*rudi^'. 

§ 126. Indo-Ger manic. Participles, ^hhir-o-nt- ^bher-i^U^ 
beside *bhSr'e'ti *fert': Skr. hhdranU hhdraU^ Gr. (pigtov (-or-), 
Lat. fer^ns {-mU)^ Goth, hairand-s (-awrf-), 0.C.81. bery (*-q/-). 
*dorMiO'7it- , from the causative *dorMie-ti 'causes to see', 
x^derJc'i Skr. durkdyant- 'causing to see' Goi}i. ga-tarhjand'-s 
'distinguishing ; Skr. tyajdyant- bidding one abandon something' 
Gr. aopHov 'driving away quickly, scaring oft'; Skr. nd^dyanU 
'causing to disappear, destroying* Lat. noclSns from *noceient- 
(indic. noceD), *rud~6'Ut-^^) *rt<d-9^ irom *riid-iM 'laments, 
howls': Skr. ruddnf- riidat- Lat. rudSns (-ent-); Skr. viddiU-- 
'finding' Gr. tduiv 'seeing' Goth, vitand-s 'knowing*; Skr. 
girdnt' O.C.SI. ztry 'swallowing' common ground-form* gfr- 
^d-nt'y v/^ger-; Skr. kpitdfU- 'cutting off* Lith. krintqs (-ant") 
'falling off*. *dd'Sid'nt'^ from *d6'Sii^ti fut. 'he will give*: 
Skr. dasydnU Lith. dils^s (-en<-). *tie-/tf- (the stem doubtless 
had this form in all the cases; for Aryan vdt- in the weak 
cases see § 110 p. 337), from *%^4i 'blows* (without vowel- 
gradation): Skr. vd-nt'^ Gr. astg a(f)BVT- for *d('/)i7i'r- ; add Lat. 
vmUu-s Goth, vind-s 'wind', which have been extended by -o-. 
^sthd-nt- *8t9nt~j from *8td-t(i) (Lat. sta-t^ Skr. d'Stha-f QT.E-arrj): 
Skr. std-nt'^ Gr. otaL; (atavt- may regularly represent either form 
of the stem), Lat. stdns (stant-, as in Greek); *d6''nU ^d^-nf^^ 
from d6't(i) (Lat. da-t instead of *d^-^, Skr. d-dM): Gr. <Jbtv 
(JoiT- for *Jfo-iT- or instead of *6a'VT-y see I § 109 p. 102), 
Lat. dans (da-nt- = *dd'nt-). In the following examples the 
tense-stem ends in a consonant. *«-pf- *s-^-, beside *isM\^*: 
Skr. 8'dnt' s-a<; in Greek the only trace of the orig. slem is 
*8-'t^t' in the fern. Dor. saaaa i. e. *iCa)-«r-xa § 110 p. 337 

1) Or *rt(d'e'nt', under other (more primitive) conditions, see § 125 
Rem. 2. So also in the cases which follow. 



The Suffix -»(-. 



39 T 



(elsewhere we find new foniiations, euch as Dor. tVr-*; Ion, 
ion-ig Att- ovT-sg), Lat. prae-sSiis {-sent'), Pruss. empriki-sing 
'present' (dat. -sentismu). *di-(l-^t- *dh6-dk-^- {-gi- no doubt 
in all the caees), from *di-do-ii 'gives', V~'dS', *dhi-dhs-ti 'ponit', 
\^dhe-: Skr. iMdal- dddfiat- (ace. dddat-atn dddhat-am), Gr. 
Adorr- tiitivr- new formations in plncc of *didai- *T(9ur- 
(J. Schmidt, Kulin'a Ztsohr. XXVn 394 f.). *qi-nu-fit- *qi-ni^ 
-^t-, from *qi-nKU-ti- i/^qei-: Hkr. cinv-dnt- cinv-ni- gathering, 
arranging', Sak-nttv-dnt' 'being iible'; in Greek we have a re- 
formation Bj-w'-iT- 'breaking' taking the place of *ay-nKivr- •) 
*uy-yv-aT- which would correspond to the 3. pi. ay-i'ii-ttfi. "m^- 
-n>tU- *w^-M-g(-, from 'mr-nd-li, v^jwer-: Skr. m^-n-dnt- 
mf-ri-ut- 'grinding'; Gr, 3a/i-vdvT- (nom. daftvag) 'faming', where 
this strong form of the stem is carried thi'ough the paradigm. 
A number of participles of this kind became simple 
nouns even in the parent language. Skr. j'dra-tit- 'frail, old, 



1) Id this section, as in Vol. 1 § 235 p. 198 f., I hftve regarded -a*- 
m» ihe regulor phonelio representative of original -p-. Tiiis view haa been 
rccentl; altacki^d by KSj^el in the Litevnr. Centralbl. 186S Sp. 1380, in Ilia 
orHicitm uf BorgliHuser, who maintained faa I do.l that Koi (for •(('')"'tO 
WM the normal form of the jj. pi. of the root es- ; the comparigon Skr. 
M&nU = Gr. lial (for "ntiT.) = H.G. siiiU 'ia', asys our orilio, 'almost 
miTerBallf (??) aaoepted'. In view of thia , I am bound to call 
•tKntiOD to the evidence of the word n-arr- ^= Idg-. 'Hn-i'ti- whioh 
if shortly to bo mentioned in the text ; a form whioh is of especial im- 
portsnce frum he i)iolation, and whiuh in m]r opinion decides the question 
of the representation of Idg. ij in Greek distinctly in favour of ar. Can 
•ay one maintain the alternative that in the proethnio period of Greek 
*:t-/ri- became n-oW- through the influence of the weak form *7i-ai- ^ 
*itv-9'"i' "^Ub form disappeared iu that very period, and in other instanceB 
of levelling between different caaes it is the reverse process and that 
only that has been established — e. g. -ftt~ for -/..r- on the analogy of 
— .^(rr-, -pf-t-ai for qrf.a-ot on the analogy of -pfiy-. Nor are the objections 
urged by Mcringer I Ztsohr. f. Oaterr. Oymn. ISSSp, 149 f.) against my theory 
•t all more serioua. I hope to find an opportunity elsewhere of dealing 
lailh his arguments in detail; suffice it here to say, that in maintoimng as 
fce doea (p. 150} that the i! of the Indo-Germnnio sound '/i, which he and 
3. Schmidt assume in place of i}, 'nattirelly' becanie n in Aryan , he has 
eomplctely overlooked the fact that before this 'n the Aryan A'-sonnda 
would necessarily appear as c-aounds, which no more happens here than 

■ before ir = Idg. ri: 



398 The Suffix -«/-. § 126. 

hoary', Gr. ytgwv (-o-rr-) 'old man'. Skr. sdrhant- Sd^at- 
'complete, whole, every* for *sd'Svant- (I § 557 p. 413), Gr. 
TiavT- (nag) a-navT- {a-nag) *all, every*, Idg. *£jf-^ *^|f-^- ori- 
gmally perhaps 'coming to fulness*, compare Skr. hd~ 'swell out' 
Gr. xvict) 'am pregnant* Kvog 'fetus* (to the same root belongs 
Dor. n&'^ia § 117 p. 370 f.) ; cp. Goth. aU-s § 66 p. 147 and Lat. 
omni'S § 95 p. 286. Skr. bf^hdnt- bf-hat- 'exalted, high, great' 
fcm. bjfhat'tj O.Ir. Brigit f. Cshe who is exalted*), see § 110 
p. 337. *d'6'nU *d-^t' 'tooth* (cp. § 125 Rem. 2 p. 395 f.) from 
\^ed- 'eat': Skr. ddnt- dot- (dat-ds dad-bhi^)^ Gr. oJbVr- nom. 
odovg and o^iuv; *Jar- appears in oJa$ § 86 p. 256, § 88 p. 265, 
Lat. dent' nom. dens (Osc. dunt- = dont' is uncertain, see 
Danielsson, Pauli's Altital. Stud. HI 184), O.Ir. d^ (Mod.Cymr. 
dant) dat. dSit, Goth, tunp-u-s O.H.G. zan (see p. 402 f.), Lith. 
dant-i-s (we still find gen. pi. dant-u beside dancziu) *) ; it seems 
more probable that Gr. Lesb. tSowsg was a re-formation, the 
original word being altered on the analogy of sdw, than that 
a by-form ^id-o-n-U 'tooth' should have existed side by side 
with *d'6n-t' in Indo-Germanic ; the o- of odotg however has 
yet to be explained ; the theory of J. Schmidt (Euhn's Ztschr. 
XXV 51) and G. Meyer, (Gr. Gr.2 p. 306) does not satisfy me. 
Aryan. Skr. t?d/?-a-nf- Avest. vaz-a-fU- (nom. tdhan vazqs) 
'vehens' : Lat. vehSns^ Goth, ga-vigand-s^ Lith. vezqs O.C.Sl. vezy^ 
common ground-form *ui§h'0'nU^ beside indie. *^6§h'€''ti Vehit'. 
Skr. dhdrdya-nt' Avest. dCLraya-nt- 'holding', beside indie, dhd* 
rdya-ti' dOray^iti] Skr. vdhdya-nt' 'causing to ride, causing to 
run* : Gr. o/ewv causing to drive, ride', Goth, vagjand^s 'setting 
in motion'. Skr. tid^-ya-fiU Avest. nas-ya-nt- 'becoming lost', 
beside indie. ndS-ya-ti na8'y(nti. Skr. pjrchd-fU^ Avest. per^sa-nt^ 
'asking : Lat. posc^ns for *par(c)'Scent-j beside indie, pfchd-ti 
per^saiti poscit ground-form ^pr^cyski'ti^ \^prek-. Skr. vindd-nt- 
Avest. vinda-nt' 'finding', beside indie, vindd-ti vindaitij V^ueid-. 



1) I see no sufficient reason for doubting that in dantU we still hare 
the old -nf-stem (Bruckner, Arohiv fiir slar. Phil. Ill 247). grindU beside 
grifidziU from grindi-s *deal board', only shews that the word has been 
influenced by the analogy of such forms as dantU. 



The Suffix -»( 



899 



Skr. udan-yii-nt- 'Btreaming' beside indie, udan-ya-ti. 8kr. vak- 
—$ifd-nt- Avest. vax-Sya-Mt- fut. 'about to speak', beside indie 
•mak-iyd-ti vait-§y$iU. Skr. vd-nt- Aveat, vd-nt- 'blowing', beside 
xnditi. vd-li vHiti: Or. afig, see above p. 39(>. Skr. md-nt- 
'waahing oueself, bathing', beside indie, sfid-ti: Lat. nans. 8kr. 
s-dnt- Aveat. h-ant- 'being, true', beaide indie, da-ti as~li 'is'. 
Skr. i/-dnt- Avest. y-atU- going, coming', beaide indie, c-ti afiti. 
Skr. ddd-at- 'giving, dddh-at- poneas', Aveat. dadant- "giving 
poDens', beside indie. Slcr. ddda-li dddhd-ti Aveat. dadaiti; the 
Avestic form waa a new formation, aoe above, p. 397. Skr. 
ni-fw-aHf- Aveat. hu-nv-ant- presaing out', beside indie. su-n6-H 
hu-naoiti, Skr, krlii-dut- 'buying', beaide indie. krl-nt1-ti. 

In proethnic Arj-an, participlea like vd-n-t- ' blovring" lost 
tbeir nasal in the weak cases on the analogy of sdnt-am: sat-ds 
etc. Compare § 110 p, 337. Beside Skr. mahat- Av. mazat-. 
{mahat-d makdd-hhi^, mazaji) great' we have a remarkable form 
9kr. mahmt- Avest. muzdnt- (mahSnt-um, maz&nt-em). Compare 
with it the Vedie ace. niaha-m and such compounds as mah<X- 
-gr/lmds 'great host', mahant- is doubtless a contamination of 
mahan- {mahan-J and mahat-; compare § 135. 

On the whole Sanskrit has preserved faithfully the vowel- 
gradation of proethnie Aryan ; e. g. aing. ace. p^ckd-nt-am su-»v- 
-dnt-am instr. pfckat-u m-nv-at-a pi. instr. pj-ckdd-bki^ su-nv- 
'dd-bhi4. On the other hand, we find in Avestic the atrong 
form of the atem constantly transferred to the weak cases, aa 
gen. pi. j'asent-qm contrasted with Skr. gdccliat-am, dat. pi. 
he/zenbyS contrasted with Skr. b^hdd-bhyas. 

Participlea used eimply as nouns. Pre-Aryan: Skr. ^'mVo»(-, 
Skr. id-ivant', Skr. bfhdtit-, Avest. ber'zant- 'exalted, high, 
great', Skr, ddnt- 'tooth' {Avest, dant-an- has the -en- which b 
eo common in names of parts of the body, cp. § 114 p. 345 ff.); 
see above, p. 397 f Aryan: Skr. maimt- Aveat. mazdatl- 
'great', see above, Skr. pf^ant- 'spotted, dappled', dhj^dnt- 
'courageous, bold', fkdnt- 'small, little" (the opposite of 6fA«w(-), 
Arest. sao'iya-nt- fut, part, 'who will help, saviour, preserver', 
Greek. Participles, pfmr (-n-i-r-) 'flowing', beside indie 



400 The Suffix -nt-. § 126. 

Qisi QsT: Skr. srav-a^nU^ \^8reu. ^opiiov 'bearing*, from tpogio} 
ifop(i5: Skr. bhardya-nt^^ y/^bher-. nixpaiv (-o-rr-) fiit. 'about 
to cook*, from niit*u), y^peq^. Ximov (-o-vr-) leaving*, from 
i'hn'ov: Skr. ric-d-nt" V^teij-. yvwg (-ofT-) learning' for 
^yvm-ft" (I § 611 p. 461), from e-yvm-v; juiysig (-tW-) 'mixed 
with, united with' for ^fuytj-vx', from i^/ntytj-v. nnsxaivuiv 'making', 
from ThTcraivw for *Tsy(Tav'^(t). rTfidwv 'honouring*, from xTfidia. 
iovkowv 'subjugating*, from iovXoco. arag (arair-) 'placing one- 
self, being in a position', beside S'Ottj'v; see p. 396 above, n^dg 
(ace. n-avT-a gen. n-avr-og) 'complete, all' for *A^^^, see p. 398 
above; the indie, would perhaps be *Kif^ti. nixpeg (-avr-) part. aor. 
'cooking', beside S'Trexp-a, instead of ^nen'O-avx' *;r*7r-<r-ar- = 
^peq-s^i^t- ^peq-S'^t' or perhaps instead of the single form *nin- 
-(7-aT- = *piq'S''\}t' (which may have been regular in all the 
cases) ; the latter view is supported especially by Ved. nom. sing. 
dhdk^t (dah" 'burn*). u-^Hg (-cVr-) 'placing' contrasted with 
Skr. dddh^at-; see above, p. 397. uyv6q (-vVr-) *breaking* (trans.) 
contrasted with Skr. Sak-nuv-dnU ; see above, p. 399. ^aft-v-ag 
(-ai/r-) 'taming, see ibid. 

In Greek only a few traces remain of the different forms 
due to the original vowel gradation. Beside (pigopv- a form 
*(fBQUT' = Skr. bhdrat' is implied in Heracl. loc. pi. npaaoov- 
xaooi and the like: such a form as *(pfQaaai for *(peQaT'Oi (Skr. 
bhdrat'Su) would be altered to rpsgoi't-aooi through the influence 
of (ptQovx- in the other cases. Dor. daaaa (Cret. dat. uzrra) = 
Skr. s-at-t has been already mentioned on p. 396. If we may 
trust a few corrupt glosses in Hesychius, a form /«jct-, fem. 
d'inaaaa once existed beside IxaJv irnvx-oq 'willing'. See R. Kogel, 
Paul-Br. Beitr. Vm 116, J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 
590 ff. 

Kern ark 1. It is very questionable whether ^d^juaaaa 'furnace, stoTe* 
comes directly from the partic. &i^fitav 'warming', as some maintain. It is 
important to notice that wo have the parallel form ^e^fAaCyw. Cp. nfto-ip^aaaa 
beside n^o-fp^tav* 

Participles used simply as nouns. Pre-Greek: yigonv, nag, 
oJbi/?, see p. 398. Greek: ipdxiav 'dragon* (Spaxcoy part, aor.). 



The Soffix -nl'. 



401 



(cj/wc 'ruler*, x()n'<ay 'ruler' (§t-pv-*(/n'(i}f ruling over wide realms') 
/liifDV "couusellor, lord' (iipti-fiid(oy) : Goth. mi&it«?-a 'measuring', 
opi^oiv 'the bounding line, horizon'; ixoiv 'wiUing*, if/adSatv 'shin- 
ing, bright*, /tflhav 'future'. 

Italic. Participles. Lat. sedens (-ent-), Umbr. zeref 
itrse "aedena*. Lat. pme-sSns. Osc. praesentid 'pracaente'. Lat. 
dwina: Goth, iiuli-a-nd-s 'drawing', v^rfeiiA-. agins: Skr, dj- 
•a-nt- Gr. ayiuv, y/^a§- 'agere', monSns for *moneient-y beside 
nioned (I § 1.^4 p. 121): 8kr, mandyant- 'honouring", i/^mm- 
"remember, think'. c5n-spici6ns : Skr, pa^-ya-»(- 'seeing', y^spek-. 
rudSns: Skr. rud-d-nf- lamenting", t^r^d-, varrens (verr&ts): 
0.C.81. vrtchy 'threahmg', l/sers-. rumpens: Skr. lumpd-nt~ 
breaking', im-pletis, beside im-ple-t (pie-), fl&ns, beside fla-t- 
(pl-). albens, beaide albe-t. plantSm, beside planta-l. slam, 
dang, see p. 396 above. mi-nu-Stis sler-nu-ms may represent 
immediately the original forms in -nv-fft- -fiKy-y^-; and similarly 
li-nSns gter-nim (li-ti-etit- ster-n-eni-), may be directly com- 
pared with Skr. m^ii-dnt' Gr. Haft-v-iiyT-; see above, p. 397. 

Few traces can be found of vowel gradation in the stem. 
B the form -e-nt- did not ever occur beside -o-nt- -^t- in the 
original paradigm of the participles from thematic stems (aee 
S 125 Rem. 2 p. 895 f.), then in alt the examples of participles 
of thia class in Latin, -ent' must be due to an assimilation of 
;a11 the cascB to those with Idg. -g/- (e. g. gen. rudent-is ^ 
Skr. rudat-ds). The grade -o-nt- is still seen in eunt-is etc. 
beside tins, ftexu-nt-Ss beside flexenfls, Koman knights on active 
service, voluntas for *mlont-i-tas beaide volSns, and other exam- 
ples; see Dechstein in Curtius' Stud. VIII 844. 348. 352; the 
forms femndtis faciundii-a also are indirect evidence for o-fU- 
fai the partic; see § 69 p. 102. In the participles from non- 
fliematic sterna, auch as prae-s-etit-, -ent- regularly represents both 
-fli- and -i^t- (I § 240 p. 200); and thia form, which appeared 
iin all the cases, may have helped to establish •etit' in the 
llbrmer class to the exclusion of -o-nt-. 

The purely nominal use of the suffix is here more common 
Bian in Aryan and Greek. Pte-Italic: Lat. dSna, see p. 398. 



402 The Suffix -nf'. § 126. 

Lat. prae^s^ns^ Osc. prae^sentid. Lat. serp^ns^ parhis, ad^ulBsc^s^ 
ciiSnSj oril^ns (sc. 8ol) ; E-loquEns^ con-gru^ns^ in-noc^8^ sapiens^ 
abundanSj in-tolerans. In its adjectival function the participial 
suffix was fertile even beyond its original sphere; thus such 
forms as bene-volenter -volentior ^volentissimu-s which were 
attached to bene-volu-s etc., produced magnuficenter -ficentior 
"ficentissimu^s (from -ficn-s). 

In Old Irish it is only used as a purely nominal suffix. 
Brigit f. = Skr. hfhat^t and d^t 'tooth*, see above p. 398. loche^ 
gen. Idchef^ 'flash*, [/^le^h-. brage *neck*. care cara, gen. carat^ 
*fpiend*, Gall. CaranUonus CaranUUlus. t€y pi. teitj 'hot' for 
*tepent- (I § 339 p. 269). 

Germanic. Goth, kius-a^nd-s O.H.G. chios-a-^t-i 'trying, 
choosing': Skr. jo^-a^nt- *being fond of, s^ge^s-. Goth, ns-- 
'Vakja-nd-8 *a wakening' O.II.G. wecche-nUi wakening': Skr. 
t;a/(iya-«^- urging, driving on', y^*?^^- 'move, be strong'; Goth. 
fra-vardja-nd-s O.H.G. far-wertte-nUi 'causing to disappear, 
destroying': Skr. varfdyor-nt- 'causing to turn, or run a course', 
y/^ijsrU, Goth, nasja-nd^s O.H.G. nerie-nt-i 'saving, y^nes-, 
O.H.G. feJi-ta-nt-i 'fighting* : Lat. pec-tens. Goth, vit-a-nd-s O.II.G. 
unii-a-nt-i 'knowing*: Skr. vid-d-nU 'finding*, Gr. W-6-vr- 'seeing*, 
V^t*^id-. Goth. ga-daiirs-a-nd'S 'venturing': Skr. dhf^-d-nt- 
'courageous*. Goth. saWd^nd-s O.II.G. salbO-nt-i 'anointing*, be- 
side indie. Goth, salbo-p O.H.G. salbCh-t 

The original vowel - gradation has disappeared. But an 
example of original -g^- survives in Goth, hulund-i 'cave, hole* 
§ 110 p. 337. 

The participles in actual use were declined in Gothic as 
weak M-stcms ; except that in the nom. sing, we have -tids i. e. 
*-wd-a-2: besides the usual form from «-stems : thus, nom. kiiisa-nds 
and -wda, gen. -ndins and so forth. In Old High German this 
participle was an -io-stem; -nti is the so-called uninflected form. 
Parallel to it is the inflected form: 'strong -nter^ 'weak* -w/o. 
See the sections on the cases. 

Participles becoming Substantives: 

Pre- Germanic. Goth. fuHp-u-s O.H.G. zan 'tooth', see 



0186. 



The SBffii -nf-. 



403 



above p. 398. This variation arose from the original ilouhlet, 
pr. Germ. *ldnP- = ^d-6-nt~ and *tiind- = *d-^~. Such caaes 
as ace. aing. tloth. tutip-u (instead of *lanp-u = *d6Ht-tp) gave 
rise to the u-inflexion; eee Kahle as already quoted, 12 fF. 

Examples common to all branches of Qcrmanic are: 
Goth. frijOnds 0,H.G. friunt 'friend' fwho loves'), Goth, fi/ands 
O.H.G. fiant enemy' ('who hates'J, no doubt also Goth, ofl- 
-teatdands O.Sax. alo-waldattd "All-ruler, Almighty' O.II.G. 
valtant 'ruler, director', and a few similar words. Other ex&m- 
plea are found only in single dialects or groups of dialects, 
as Goth, giband-s "giver", mSrjand-s proclaimer', O.H,G. wigant 
A.S. wi^end 'fighter', 0-H.G. helfant "helper". These parttciples, 
which became subatantdves only in Germanic, still show an un- 
extendcd nf-inflexion, though it ia nowhere found in all the 
caees: e. g. nom. pi. Goth. friJOnd-s 0,H.G. friunt O.Icel. 
frKfid-r = *-nt-ea (Gr. ->t-*s), loc, (dat.) sg. Goth, frijdnd 
0,U.G. friunt = *-nt~i- (Gr. -vr-i); whereas other cases in 
Gothic and West-Germanic follow the o-declenaion , as nom. 
aing. Goth, frijdnd-s O.H.G. friunt (thus in O.H.G. wo have 
nom. pi. friunta as woll as friunt), and in Noree follow the 
n-declension, as nom, sing, fr^nde frmidi. 

A still younger stratum ia formed by substantives like O.H.G. 
waltanto "he who rules", furi-siziando 'architriclinus', nerrendto 
"preserver, saviour'. Their substantival use was based upon 
the «-inflexion, to wbich as participles they were transferred; 
compare Mod.H.G. der reisende and the like. 

Balto-91avonic. Lith. veiqs O.C.Sl. oesy 'vchens': Skr. 
tdh~a-nt- etc., see p. 398 above. Lith. velk^ O.C.Sl. vl&iy 
'dragging, drawing': Gr. fXMif, k'{s)yeij-. hith.pinqs 'plaiting' 
0.C.S1. pfni/ "stretching , hanging' , ground - form 'p^n-o-nt-, 
^(B)/jen-. Lith. m^isi^ 'milking': Gr. Ufi f'Xyun' 'milking ; O.CSl 
mlSzg 'milking' : cp. 9kr. mfj-d-nt- 'wiping off, rubbing off. Lith. 
limpq^ 'cleaving, clinging": Skr, limpd-nt- 'smearing', y^leip-. 
Lith. his-^s O.C.Sl. 6y-i^ fut. 'about to be' (bySe^te-jt Vd /itUof', 
the only relic of the future participle in Slav.): Avcst. bu-iya-nt-, 
comniOQ ground-form *bhu-8i6-nt-, 1/" bkeu-- Lith. jeszkqa 'seek- 



404 The Suffix -uent-. § 126,127. 

ing*, beside indie. 1. pi. jSszkd-tne, for ^jeszh^nt- (I § 615 p. 465) : 
O.H.G. eiscdnUi 'inquiring, asking' Lith. tur\s (turint-) 'having , 
beside indie. 1. sing, turiu 1. pi. titri-me. O.C.Sl. chval^ (gen. 
chval^ta) 'praising', beside indie. 1. sing, chvaljq 1. pi. chvali^mu. 
The old vowel-gradation has disappeared. Participles be- 
longing to non-thematic vowel stems followed the analogy of 
stems in -o-nf-, e. g. Lith. esqs and esqfi O.C.Sl. sy 'being', 
beside indie, es-ti jes-tu. In Prussian however there is a form 
-sins = Idg. *5-^f- or *s-9^- (p. 396 f.). 

Remark 2. I cannot believe that Lith daHgujisia 'heavenly* = 
dangvje loo. + «/» "being* (J. Schmidt, Euhn's Ztschr. XXVII 393). Nor 
can I believe that 0.G.S1. dadq beside dady *dans* represents another non- 
thematic form corresponding to the 3. pi. dad-etu (= Skr. ddd'oH) ; as to 
dadq and other forms in -^ beside 'i/ see 0. Wiedemann, Beitr. zur alt- 
bulg. Conjug. 128 f., Leskien Handb^ p. 76 f. 

In Baltic and Slavonic most of the cases of the -nt- parti- 
ciples were attracted into the io-declension owing to the suffix 
of the feminine ; e. g. gen. Lith. veianczio O.C.Sl. vezq^ta. The 
ace. sing. Lith. vezant-{ still belongs to the unaltered conso- 
nantal inflexion. 

Lith. dant-l'S 'tooth*: Skr. ddnt- etc., see p. 398 above. 
Pruss. dllant'S 'worker*. 

§ 127. The Suffix -uent-^). This Suffix appears in 
Aryan, Greek and Italic in denominative adjectives; it usually 
denotes the possession of something, more rarely a resemblance 
to something. 

In the strong cases -uent- = Skr. "vant- Gr. -/*vt-, and 
in the weak cases "U^t- = Skr. -vat- Gr. *-/aT-. The latter 
was displaced by -/£t- (loc. pi. /agisat = ^/aQi-fsx-ai, fem. 
yaoisaaa = */a^i'/sT'ia), € being taken from the cases which 
had -(/)5rr-. Lat. -Diisu-s -dsu-s for -o-u^t + to-, a derivative 
form which also appears in Avestic, see § 79 p. 231 f. 

1) See EbeTs (and Bartholomae^s) essays mentioned on p. 394 
footnote. A. Goebel, De epithetis Homericis in tt? desinentibus , ^ien 
1858, Schuster, Die homerischen Adjectiya auf -rt;, Ztschr. fiir 58terr. 
Gymn. 1859 § 16 if. 0. Schonworth and C. Weyman, tJber die la- 
teinischen Adjectiva auf osus, Archiv fflr lat. Lexicogr. V 192 ff. 



In tJie proetlmic laDguago this suffix seenis to have been 
displaced by -j**;*- -yos- in & certain number of the cases. We 
have CTidence of this in the proethnic Arj-an nom. sing. maac. 
in *-yas (Avest. -v&, altered in Skr. to -vi{s -v&n, see § 136 
Rem- 2), tog, sinfj. masc. in '-was (Skr. -taa, Aveat. -eff) and 
the Greek *ro- f (v Horn, nj"; compared with Skr. td-vant- (see 
Hem. 1). Observe the similar phenomena in the Aryan -tnant- 
stems (Whitney, Skr. Gr. § 1235): nom. sing. Skr, -mq^ -man 
Avest. -md, voc. Skr. -mas (Avest. •-ma), and notice the Homeric 
forma rij-jio^- and ^-/jo^ (Dor. Tduo.; ufW':;) (which are probably 
to be compared with the Aryan sterna in -tnani-), beside which 
we have Ta-ftmi in Thesaalian ; Solmaen (Kuhn'a Ztachr. XXIX 77) 
and Eozlovskij (Archiv f. slav. Thil, X 657 f.) are no doubt 
right in comparing 0.C.81. la-mo 'tluther' ja-mo 'whither'. 

Idg. Skr. dpa-vant- 'watery', Or. ono-fi; 'rich in sap'. Skr. 
vi$d-vant- 'poisonous, poisoned', Lat. vlrOstt-s. Gr. doU-Big 'crafty': 
Lat. dolSsu-3. Or. otyo-n:^ 'made of or with wine', Lat. vinOtus 
'full of wine' or 'like wine* (sapor, odor). 

Bemark 1. Further exaniptei of the meaning 'like Bomething' are 
oeatuOmi-t catlacrr6au-a mOnstrii6su-a etc, f ArchiT EOr lat Lexikoj{r. V 216 ff.); 
exBtnplea from Aryan are Skr. tfmif-Banl- 'like u rr^nn-', iiidratvant- 'like 
lodra' (llie « ia due lo the analogj of Btema in -us-), ATest, drafiaka-vant- 
'like > small flag, fluttering, undulating' I K. Qeldncr, Kuho'ii Ztaolir. XXT 
401). This meaning it specially frequent in the Sanskrit adverbs in -edt 
(aoo. neut.j, auoh as oMjfiVns-pdf 'like angiras' piii-co-rrfi 'after the ancient 
fashion, as of jore', and in the adjeoliveB formed from prononiia auoh ta 
8kr. Ird-vant- ATest. jM-'(S-ran(- 'who is of thj nature, like iheo', Skr. 
td-vant- iid-vant- Aiest. nfta-vant- 'Eantus' Skr. ya-canl- Avest. ya-mnl- 
'qoautiu', itoni whioh we oannot separate Horn, t^bc ^b; Dor. a',- for pr. Or. 
•rJ-/of *i-fo,. 

Aryan. The accent in Sanskrit falls sometimes on the sufSx, 
but oftener on the word to which it ia added. Skr. dma-vant- 
Aveet. ama-caiit- 'acting with violence, conatraining with force, 
strong', from Skr, dma- Avest, uma- m. Violence, atrength'. 
Skr. ]ntlrd-sant- Aveat. pupra-pant- 'having a son or sons', from 
yutrd- pupra- m. son'. Skr. vastra-vant- 'liaving a beautiful 
garment' Aveat. cosifo-ra»i(- 'provided with clothing', from Diistratn 
tatlre-m 'garment, vesture'. 3kr. oyni-vdnt-, 'provided with fire', 



406 The Suffix -t^ii/-. § 127. 

from agn!'$ *fire\ Skr. dht-vant- 'devout' from dhir4 f. devotion*, 
udan-vdnt' 'rich in water from uddn- n. 'water , brdhtnan-varU-' 
accompanied with prayer* from brdhman- n. prayer (I § 229 
p. 195), nf'Vdnt- 'rich in men' from ndr- m. 'man, manU-vant' 
'accompanied by the Maruts' (niarilt-)^ pad-vdnU 'having feet', 
from pdd^ m. 'foot*, tdmas-vant 'dark* from tdmas- n. 'darkness', 
naS'Vdnt- 'with a nose' from nos- f. 'nose*. Avest. gaoma-vanU 
'provided with flesh* from gaoma- m. 'flesh', asi-vant' 'holy' from 
asi'S f. 'holiness', astvant- i. e. astU'Vant- (cp. I § 159 p. 143) 
'having a body, corporeal' from a^tu-s m. 'body*, d^his-vant- 
'hostile, hating* from *d'bis' Skr. dvi^- f. 'hate, enmity'. In Old 
Persian the suffix occui*8 in the feminine proper name harau- 
vat'U = Avest. haraxwait-l- Skr. sdras-vat-l (sdras-vant- 'rich 
in water*); cp. I § 159 p. 143. 

We have no certain explanation of the length of the final 
vowel of the contained stem in Skr. dSva-vant- beside dSva-vant- 
'possessing horses' from dSva^j siitd-vant- 'provided with pressed 
soma* from sutd-^ Sdktl-vant' 'mighty' from Sakti-, vi^^vdnt- 
which has or wears different sides, which is in the middle* from 
vi^u and the like. Cp. md-vant-^ yu^md'f?ant-, td-vant- in Rem. 1. 
p. 405 and dSva-magha-s etc. § 22 p. 38, and also Gr. -w-ti^ 
'^'€ig in the Greek section. 

This suffix was frequently added in Sanskrit to the passive 
participle in -td- (§ 79 p. 225 f.), as kftd-vant- 'factum habens, 
having done'. In the course of the Vedic period this was developed 
into a pcrf. part, act., which is very common in classical Sans- 
krit, where it is almost always used as a predicate; c. g. fnq 
na kaScid d^r^tavdn 'no one has seen me'. 

Greek. The / of -Ftvv- appears e. g. in Corcyr. inscr. 
oTovnfsaaav = Homer. OTOvostroav. a^nsko-ug 'rich in vines' from 
cijumko-g. Tljurj-ftg 'treasured, honoured* (Pamphyl. inscr. n.wc- 
fsiJa) from tT/liij. /afn-eig 'graceful* from x^9^'^ *cc. x^9^'^' 
vyi'Sig 'having growth, blooming' (cp. Osthoff, Morph. Tint. FV 
180 ff.). Hom. svpcostg no doubt meaning 'mouldy, musty' from 
fv^uig (post-Homerie gen. ivgiO'T-og etc.) 'mould'. raXing beside 
rsXfjftg (see below) having fulfilment, fulfilling itself, no doubt 



Tlie Suffix -d- C-fi,/-). 



407 



for *rtls(r-ffVT-, from Tti<v d. modni; 'horned' (late) from xipag, 
-n-nc:, proper to the derivatives from o-stema, hecame fin in- 
dependent suffix : /it}Ti-iing rich in -wisdom* from fjijzi-g, t/^-otis 
'foil of fiah' from tx^-g, ^6p-6tig'c\aaAy from ^jjp, viip-ong 'snowy* 
from ace. viip-ii, xXiu^iax-oeig 'rocky' from Khuueti, ftvoti^ from 
Hvog n.; this is found even where the word is derived from an 
(I-atem: among 'shady' from tfxiK, fitj^avnug 'fertile in resource' 
I'rom ftrixav^. On the other hand from o-stems we find -jj-ti? 
as well as -o-eiq: fttoijii^ 'moderate' from fidao-v, q)oivijng 'bloody' 
from rfOtvO'Q 'bloody'. The same -^-ng occurs also in HvtjfiQ 
beside Swfii;, Tfljjng 'having fulfilment, fulfilling itaelT beside 
TtXduq, fXn^fig 'full of wounds', from 'ilaoi; n., ^bJTtTJtig 'overgi'own 
with underwood' from pwi/;, etc, -oi-EiQ is found in other words 
besides n'^iutigi e, g. Horn. xt^roUii; 'full of hollows' (cp. ntjnuSiji; 
p. 409), lUTiottg 'eared' (fur-) and in late authors vi}i.ioftg 'loamy, 
muddy' (nijio-c), ^fvipiiUig "wooded' {idvdQii-y). 

ReniHrk 2. It cannot bo eeteblisheii that •fr^namn-f contains the a 
of tiie -J-aT- feee p. 404) which wc muat assume ns the weak form of Hie 
enffix (J. Schmidt, KuhiiV Ztachr. XX.T bdl). See WBokornagel ibid. 

xxviii 130 r. 

Italic. It is found only in the Latin compound suffix 
-dnsti-s- 8su-s, where the termination of forms containing o-stema 
became regular in all words. The suffix of Avest. asavasta- 
from aSa-vant- is exactly parallel ; see p. 404 above, verbosu-s 
from verbu^n, offidSsu-s from officiu-m; febnSsu-s from fama, 
hUfSsu-s from silva ; piscOsu-s from pisci-s ; aestuSBu-s from 
'lestS-s; crtminOsii-x from cn)ne?i; nhosH-s from ?iix, like Gr. 

VUI. The Suffix -d- (-ad-). 

§ 128. In Sanskrit -ad- occurs a few times, in Greek -ai- 
and -iJ- are found more frequently, in Latin there are a certain 
number of examples of -d- with a precedmg vowel, and in 
Germanic we have denominative verbs in -at-Jan, which seem 
to correspond to the Greek verbs in -«t«v (-£- ^ -^-x-). Side 
by side with these forma in Greek, Italic, Germanic and Balto- 



408 



Tho Suffix -d- C-arf-). 



Slavonic we find other suffixes having d for tlieir diBtinguisliing 
consonant wliich appear to be connected with them {-do- mt 
be related to -d- as -to- to -t-). Thus wo may be justified 
regarding this suffix as proethnic, although there are peri 
only two examples in which -d- appears in more than 
branch of language: O.H.G. gramizzSn A.8. ^remettan: 
/ew«A)-?, and O.H.G. albis O.Icel. alpt : O.C.Sl. lebedi. 

Remark. We muxt not disrepird the poasibllit}- that the -d- orihis 
suffii maj hove como from -f- in the proethnic period, and that not onlj 
in the caacH with bh-iii{&KBi, such as Skr. dr^M-Ohi^. See I § 4G9, 7 p. 346, 
and cp. II § 130 Kemarh. 

Aryan. There are only three certain instances, all 
Sansltrit. d^fdd- f, 'rock, great stone, millstone', bhasdd- f. 'bi 
parts, pudenda mnliebria', Sardd- f. 'autumn'. Add vandd-, 
doubtful word found in the Rig-Veda, meaning perhaps 'deai 

Greek. Adjectives and (feminine) Substantives in 
qivydg 'fleeing', niyds 'mixed', fiotrag 'raving', fiJ]>fds 'blcaf 
ronti^ 'bearing, bringing forth', vofidg 'pasturing', yvfivdg 
stripped for gymnastics, practised', vBippd^ 'ash- coloured', x'*'t 
'rising up, jutting out"; vitpdg 'snow-flake', njiihig 'reef, 
"cord, rope', ;joi«'i)-te 'entrails, intestines', In/indg 'torch', 
'rime, frozen earth', yeyfidg 'beard, hair of the beard', ntXtt 
"wild dovo'. Stems ending in -iJ- (fern.), the i of which 
many words certainly comes from tho i-stems: dgii- (spi 
etc.) 'strife' beside ace. egt-r, xa'^nicF- 'jug, vessel' (xdinii^l 
-og etc.) beside ace. xaini-v, Igi-g 'rainbow', avhg 'place 
passing the night', arj'iV 'atormcloud, shield of the gods', d 
'shield', yXvrpi^ 'notch in the shaft of an arrow', xf^u; 'weavf 
comb', uKp/ff 'locust', tniyovf'g 'upper part of the thigh'. C< 
iiected with those J-formations, and undoubtedly in great 
derived from them, are a variety of elements of the nature 
suffixes containing -i)-. Examples are /QOfmSo-s (mentioai 
above), to which ttilado-g 'noise, tumult' is parallel; xopvio-g 
'tufted lark', which in its formation comes very close to 
cognate Germ, word *xerut- 'stag' (Danielsson, Gramm. 
etymol. Stud. I 31); patronymics like 'AxxoplSr}!; m. 



thing 

1 



The- SulBx -d- (-lid.). 409 

'-JxToglq f.; adjectires in -wOije Bucli aa xjjrwili^s 'like a sea- 
monater' (for the m cp. tn^tolm;), which have been incorrectly 
classed with the adjectives in -eWij^ ') ; and the numerous verbs 
in -aCai and -t'fw with a characteristic dental which were derived 
from these J-nouna, such as CmaCio, vofii^iu. 

Italic. There are a few examples in -id-, no doubt with 
Idg. i: Lat. capis (-id-is) f., Umbr. kapire 'capide', Obc. 
3(07(1 JiTtu/t i. e, capid-l-to-m 'ollarium'; Lat, cassis f,, ctispis f., 
hpia m. Add pecus (-ud-isj f., Iie7-Ss (Sd-is) m. f., mercis f,, 
jpalUs (-iid-isj f. Hero too are found a variety of formative 
elements connected with this d-suffix: as in or-do -din-is {be- 
side or-d-ior), cp. Gr. fiiiiiuly fisXsAidvui, capSdS ffigedS fubedO, 
cp. Gr. a/fl ijJwv, j^aiQTjSwv. The -do- of such adjectives as imbridu-s 
lUcidit-s however cannot be classed here, if they were originally 
compoundu with d5- "give" (as Skr. jala-da-s 'giving water' ariha- 
-da-s 'bringing benefit, generous') (Corssen, Krit. Beitr. 97 ff., 
Oathoff, Verb, in der Nominalcomp. 121 ff.; see also the evidence 
given by Thurneysen in his essay, Uber die Ilerkunft und 
Bildung dor lat. Verba auf -to, 1879, p. 13). 

Old Irish. On account of the coincidence of ( aud d in 
unaccented syllables it is hard to say what Irish forma belong 
to this section. Yet it is clearly established that the adjectival 
suffix -de ^ *-dio-, e. g. coitde 'caninus' talmande 'terrestria", 
contains an original -d-, not -t-. 

Germanic. The verbs in -at-jan should be first mentioned, 
as Goth, lauhaljan O.K.G. lohazsen 'to sliine like lightning' 
iovgazzen 'to bum like fire', Goth, kdupaljan to box the 
ears, cuff' (pret. Aaupns(a), svSgatjan 'to sigh', O.H.G. blecchezzan 
'to flash", rofezzen eruetaro', ampfezzen 'to sob'. The following 
words may also be referred to old d-stema: 0,H,0. gremizzi 
'provoked' beside gramizzSn gremizzOn, einazzi, dat. pi. eitmzzSm 
'singulatim' ; O.H.G. albi^ m. O.Icel. dipt f. 'swan' (the Icelandic 



\) The complete ainiilsrity between the u&agf of -fiJi;,- tind -uiift 
onl; shews that eien in nnCiquity the two terminations had been connected 
b; popular etrmologj. I reserve a fuller disoueaion for anuther opporiunil)'. 



-" ' 's. 



;«., 




410 The Suffix -£•- and -g-. § 128,129. 

word still keeps the consonantal declension, see Norecn, Altn. 
Gramm. I § 327. 328) : O.C.Sl UbedX Wan\ O.H.G. hirui A.S. 
heorot stag' (cp. E. Brate, Bezzenb. Beitr. XI 18-tf.); Goth. 
stiviti n. patience*, O.H.G. fiscizzi 'fishery, fishing' and several 
other similar forms (von Bahder, Verbalabstr. Ill ff.). 

Balto-Slavonic. There are no examples with -rf-, only 
-rfo- -di- and the like; and it must be remembered that Balto- 
Slavonic d may also be referred to Idg. dh. Lith. pa-kiodc^s 
pa-klode 'cloth for spreading underneath* from pa-kloti *to spread 
out', and other examples. O.C.Sl. vrazXda enmity', krivtda 
wrong*, and other examples, d = pre-Balt.Slav. d seems to 
be certain only in lebedX *swan* (see above). 

IX. The Suffix -£- and -q-. 

§ 129. In § 83 — 89 we assumed that a certain number of 
Greek, Italic, and Old Irish words in -A:- had formerly been 
-Jo- or -^0- stems, e. g, Gr. ahonri^ (Skr. iDpdid-s)^ oprvi (Skr. 
vartaka-s)^ f.uT(}n% (Skr. maryakd-s) vsGi (0.C.S1. novaku)^ Lat 
senex (Skr. sanakd-s)^ vertex^ fthx^ bibOx^ O.Ir. aire (Skr. 
dryaka'S). In these cases it is sometimes certain and sometimes 
very probable that there has been an attraction from the 
o-declension to the consonantal; but we find in the same 
languages other similar stems in -i- which cannot be explained 
with any degree of probability as derived from an original -&>- 
or -qo-. For Greek and Italic the reader may be referred to 
Leo Meyer's Vergl. Gramm. II 409 ff., 508 ff. In Old Irish, 
examples of this kind arc nathir, gen. nathrach^ Vater-snake*, 
lair mare*, fol 'hedge (Zeuss-Ebel Gr. C. 805 ff., Wh. Stokes, 
Bezzenberger's Beitr. XI 84 ff. 155). In Aryan there is only 
one doubtful relic of these forms: vlpaS- f. beside vipoia- f. 
name of a river, which is referred to v^patS *is in trembling, 
whirling motion'. 

This being the case, it may be assumed that -£- -q- once 
existed as suffixes parallel to -Jco- -g'O-, bearing much the same 
relation to them as -t- to -to-. And further the transition of 
such classes of forms as aXainrji, ogrvi, senex^ aire to the con- 



sonanial inflexias idat iifcvt "t^^r tii-i :~ zi-r jlt.i z : *"i ": 

X- The Sxf::i -r- i- i -;-.- 

§ ISO. Ve &5d scSii** zi -r iz. Arriz i- : ''r-rk: ':-- 
Dot one of the vord* ^^nnrk'-^ - r izr:— i::-ejr» i- • :':. ^iz:.*- 
tane^iushr. Thuf ir i? u-ic itf-E- t »--iir lii- i^irix : : :>.- 
jarent kzuraare. 

Remark. V* idii«: uw : T*-rj>:i "i- t •:■?-.": .'-;*7 'ii: -•- ni- !-.i-f 
«mf from -l- in tb» profcnti* z»*'rj.'L *ii tii" i : .-If .i 'ir : i.* - ■■.■1 
W-suffiies stttB at 5kr- ti%p-f ##■■.*- S*-* I ; -*<'•. T t. --i--. I-. v.r ri^r :: 
Or. Urr.- ricTB? ' *djH.ij». dr<*-r*': 1*1. T-c:..— ^:--'^- 1: rii" r-f i---^'ri -ii: 

^r mm m 

o( O'Si^m^ jinrpH -strtiirti xb* :iii.«.« :f li- f r=. ;::"•- -;n. r.ir. i:. i 
of :be loe. pL '-«$ -e^ ?9. r«- iVr.i-i^ : •*? t. i""* i^i rrr_ '-ri---; 
^ lis p. ^?2': uid ulaxt ici*-r ii.-«iLZ.'.-r* ^.r* i:L-::il f:r tir -.kzir rrL*;r. 
Cp. i 125 E^rin. p. ♦■If?, 

Arvan. Str. «flrii<f ;'- "ili 'i-r?: ir ?:n:c.j-?. -"..Si- ■'.:', 
//>iw/- *thirsTT" rbesi d-? r/f frj- *:1 Lr?*" ■ . ■ ^^ .* -"- ". z j :z ^ . : - sir u - . 
ro«i/- mert-haBi'. ?/AirW,'- *irz:". Frni? likr- iz^rr. :'. • .^";-:^ - 
point TO -;- = Id?. -2"- 

Greek, iunal^ z^zl. H'^-^-j-'^jc 't. ■':''. iz^, rjTiii. '.;?'. "wh.z.r 
agid^i'j I'the ^ of Laz, rap'J^- szeT* :zj: :: :-? .yiiTt- a Mr- roz: 
word). #/«wc (-t--' 'ihrjaT. rzllr:". -rrwii -t;-) '-iszz^. t:z: l". 

are more frequeni: These maj >:»**:*•:•>.- hav.? ar:svz :>:•::: .-iz 
original fonmiTion in whj.i-h i zi5^i; f:iII»-K^*?d tb*? --surzx ov. 

I j 221 p. ISS ft I- e. ^- 7«'.a;J fihAlanx'. 7ff/>iT;; STvtp r->ok, 

gorge*, haiacyc 'iarrni' ''•imiiarlv y:«:/i;j i-? found :.i:vr for •/ i-i3 , 

(rrf;p5^ry'5 V»th, proas, point', cakrityz 'iruinpC'T'. i'h"Vi;j *we;\\ 

swellmg. 

XL Suffixes in -5-i. 

§ 131. The Suffix -e^--L The nouns farmed wiih this suffix 
in the parent lansroa^e were partiv neuter subsraniivos tironomriy 

1) The Aoihor, Ztr Ge*c}.:<hte dtr Xoii.ir.8l<u:fxe ii?-, -v#- iir.d 
-'■'M-. KuhnV Zurfar. XXIV 1 fL D'Arboi? ae J ubai:ivil!o. Los 
themes celriqnes en *. Mem. de la S«^c. de lin^ru. II 3*2T ff, 

2< Th- Avfrecht. Bildar.^es anf mi*, »r..- mi*, Kuhn's Zt<ohr. 

II 147 fif. A. Goebel- Da* .Suffiic >*.- in seinem Verhiln:x5se lam Suffix 



abstract), with which were associated adjectives like Skr. yakds- 
'glorious, majcBtic' Gr, vptvlSt}^ 'deceitful', and partly masculine 
or fGDiiniDe substantives, e. g. nom. Skr. u^ds Gr. ijot" 'dawi 
Those two groups bear very much the same relation to os| 
another as the group of ueuter aud the group of masculiae a 
feminine -ffWH-atemB, e. g. Gr. /«-/«»: /f(-/(iu'i' § 117 p. 365 i 
we sometimes find -ta-stema , as we found -mcB-stems, 
seem to have had both forms of inflexion from the earliest ttmei 
e. g. Skr. tfipas- n. "warmth': Ijat. tepor m,, Lat. tenus 
riyot; n. 'bond'; Lat. (en or m. At the time of the separation 4 
the languages the neuter forms greatly preponderated. We n 
begin with these, and the vowel-gradation of the sterna wJll 1 
separately discussed under each of the two classes. 

§ 132. 1, Neuter Substantives in -es- aud the adj 
jeotives connected with them. 

From the proethnic period onwards -es- is regular in aT 
cases of the subatantivea except the nom. sing,, which had -ot, 
and in the adjectives also except in the nom. sing., whose ending 
iu the masc. was -ea, in the neut. -es. The vocalism of the 
root-syllable is almost without exception that of the strong 
grade (the e-grade in the e-series), and takes the accent in 
substautives, while in adjectives it falls on the formative sufKx. 
E. g. Gr. i/'tuitoj- gen. ifnvSiog etc, /itvog gen. fUvtoi; etc. beside 
V'fvJ^Q \^|^vifg gen. 'rpEvifo^ etc. Hva-fttr^e -I'tri^- gen. -/tfrto^ etc. 

This double system of declension in the substantives and 
adjectives was no doubt developed out of a single one. The 
abstract substantive, denoting a quality, when it was used simply 
for the owner of that quality, formed a nom. sing, with the 
mark of masculine or feminine gender in the same way as nouns 
like Gr. noi-ftijv na-typ; so also, with a aimilar indication of 
gender, an ace. sing, -^s-gi, nom. pi. -Ss-es; and the different 
accent connected with the new meaning caused a differentiation 

(; Oder die Neutrs in ao;, ibid. XI 53 fT. IL Ebel, Ncutra suf -as im 
AltiriBchen, Kuhn-Sohleioher'd Beitr. VI 222 IT. Wh. Stokea, Iriab 
neuter stems in «, Kulia'a Ztgohr. XXVIII 291 ff. H. Kbel, Suflii -at 
im Ootbiaohen, ibid. V 355 fl. 



The Snffii -es-. 



413 



»f accent in the other caaes corresponding to the new function of 
flie word. There is evidence however that amongRt the caees 
«f the neuter substantive there once were also forms with -is- ; 
tilts is shewn by the datives like Skr, dohds-f 'to milk', which 
ire used as infinitives. There must also have been cases where 
.Ae Buftix was simply -s~ (the weak-grade form), namely, those 
I which the case-auffix bore the accent : compare Skr. ifr^-d-m 
lead' Gr. xopav) 'temple, forehead' beside Skr, Mras 'head' 
(I § 306 p. 242), Skr. d-s-a-s d-s-a-m Gr. ot/to-g for *iuft-ff-o-g 
'6otli. am-s-a m. 'shoulder beside Lat, utn-er-u-s, Skr. Dals-d-s 
*JBAT, calf* beside Gr. /eioq n. 'year', Skr. S^a-dhl- f, 'medicinal 
Iherb' for *a^-s-a- beside dvas 'help, comfort", man-dhatdr- 
'%oughtfiil, devout person' for *mnm-dkdtar- beside mdnas 
'thought', Lith. tatns-a beside Skr. tdmas 'darkness', Lat. farr- 
for *fars- beside Goth, hariz-ein-s 'of barley' {I g 571 p. 429) 
uid many similar examples (The Author, Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XSIV 10 f., J. Schmidt, ibid. XXV 26, Danielsson, Pauli's 
Altital. Stud. Ill 192) '). Finally we must observe the frequency 
of the instances in which tho root-syllable shows the weak 
grade; e. g. Skr. ^r-as beside Lat. cereirM-tw for *cercs-ro-OT 
Gr. A/no? 'fat' beside Skr. repas spot, stain', Gr. na'tfo^ beside 
niydog, Gr. nyog 'guilt' beside Skr. Agaa 'sin', Goth, ga-dtgis 
'atruoture, work' beside Gr. rtT^oi; 'wall', Gr. nvog 'pus', Skr. 
duB-ds- 'eagerly striving' and the like (OsthofF, Morph. Unt. IV 
182 f.). We may then reconstruct the paradigm of these neuters 
BB follows: num. ace. *ker-os 'head', gen. %-s-^s (or -6s), dat. 
*J^-8-di, loc. *^p--is -is-i ; nom. aco. *d-Q03 'sin, guilt' (Skr. dgas), 
gen. *aq-a-4s (or -6s), dat. *aq-s-di, loc, *ag-is -h-i (cp. Gr. 
ayog aytai;). The dat. *-is-a% (cp. Skr. inf bhig-ds-S jiv-ds-S etc) 
■was then formed on the model of the loc. -is -is-i. In most 
inatances however, and even in the parent language, the nom. 
Bcc. {"fiiros) gave the type for the position of the accent and 
the form of tho root in all the cases. With regard to the ad- 
jectives wo must further observe that the accentuation of the 

1) Cp. alio Lat. tttax-iihu-* beiide Skr. muhd-n 'great* atid Umbr. 
I. Celt *nfk*- in ntiimo- nraaam g 73 Eem. p. 1T9 f. 



414 The Suffix -««-. § 132. 

final syllable of the stem was origiDal in compounds also: Gr. 
av-ay^g 'innocent, pure' dvO'/usvTJg *ill-disposed', Skr. an-dgds 
'sinless* (beside dn-agas) a-rBpds spotless' su-plvds very fat' etc. 
Along with these there are other words which have the later 
accentuation , Gr. ovpavo^/ntjxTjg *heaven-high' fisya-x'^TTjg 'mon- 
strously great' Skr. sa-mdnas Veil-disposed' dur-vdsOs *ill dressed', 
with other examples. 

In do-Germanic. *MiU'08: Skr. Srdv-as Gr. xXsf og xT^'og 
'fame, glory', O.C.Sl. slovo 'word*. *§in'OS 'race, family : Skr. 
j'dnas Gr. yivog Lat. genus. Gr. areyog riyog 'roof, house*, O.Ir. 
tech leg 'house*. *sid'OS 'seat': Skr. sddas Gr. SSog O.Icel. setr 
(gen. setrs). *r6g'08: Skr. rdjas 'darkness, dust', (Armen. erek 
'evening*) Gr. eps^og Goth, riqis (gen. riqisds) 'darkness*, ^nibh-os 
'clouds, atmosphere': Skr. ndbhaSj Gr. v€<pog, Lith. debes-l^ (d- 
instead of n- .is difficult to explain; perhaps it is due to the 
influence of dangu-s 'heaven', Holthausen in Paul-Braune's 
Beitr. XIII 590) O.C.Sl. nebo. "^uiid-os : Skr. vidas 'knowledge*, 
Gr. eldog 'form, idea'; add perhaps (with the weak form of the 
stem) *^itS'^ lao-g Cret. flafo-g 'like'; see § 64 p. 135. Gr. ay^ 
awe', Skr. yaj-ds- 'honouring*, l/^ia^-. Skr. dndhros "plant*, 
Gr. avd^-og 'bloom*. Skr. d^s^as 'glorious deed' Gr. pi. dr^vsa 
'counsels, wiles', common ground -form ^ddns-os. Skr. idh-as 
'wood for burning*, Gr. oil&'og 'brand*. Skr. dj-as 'strength' Gr. 
ipt'avytjg (late) 'very bright* and *vy7Jg 'strong, sound* in vysis 
vysivo-g ^YyeTvo-g^ Lat. augus^tti'S. Skr. dp-as dp-as 'work, 
religious practice', Lat. op-tis. 

The dative and the locative of nomina ctciionis served also as 
infinitives, a usage which is doubtless proethnic. In Vedic in- 
finitives in -os-g the formative suffix usually bore the accent; 
this must be due to an early isolation of meaning. Skr. jlvds-B 
(dat.) 'to live' Lat. vTver-^e (loc). 

In several languages ^es- sometimes appears in close con- 
nexion with other formative elements, which precede it; as in 
Lat. pTg-nu8. These formations existed in the parent language ; 
indeed they were so well established that the compound suffix 
had the appearance of a primary formation (cp. Skr. hf-t-ya- 



§131 Tui ? 



and die inr#>, | 13S g^ ili-l ^ ?st V'-'-ah .-^ t;*^ - -f^ l. ^l: . ii 
the word •■K^-a-nf li- • tc iian^ *ii#f-*— nt il- r l iki. *■««" 

of the stem prerMlec TbrnMT iJ! "Oi* L-ii***^. ;:r •LL/iLr i3>t infcs:^ 

OJr. Ml gesi. •*# 'minni : ii TiTTraihi ;lt ^m-^r^-f^ ^dH strrrr^i 
in the gen. ■ < * « i o «^ ' - Tii* Azytx witf- li i Tiij^ '>!•£ Ctrrdi 

Idg. nom. ans. *««* f:r •iwSitf s*w- I ^ i!i*. t- I>>^ z^lt htTf 
been fcNrmed direwih- fricn. li*- r:»:n: «t^ ^ l:-4- I. 'li^h-n^'f 
Vemamder. vbix i* left :T*fr' ir:*iL 4 'Ith'- 1^±Trr : St- rH-^a^i- 
'riches* (beqnesi**- M.H-G- ^o* x. *['J^*tl ."5»* z_ j;»iz.\ 

Of the smpk a^^wstt** z»> *xm;l'*- 1? :>xr i ir ZDj.re 
one langoaige smnhjiZHE^KZ^i^ ii. rs fci^e^rril 5i:z.:Q:c: r. r. S 
makas- 'great* beside MAgfr- ^ 'rreAii*sj'. ynifii- zy.ari:-^ be- 
side ydias- n- 'glory'- Gr. v-iArc. <icyr^ •-»r niv ^^i^er hartd 
seTeral adjecthre* are *•:• f:4i£d irt o>r::i*:«=n>:'r- Sir. avr-nhraof^ 
1U-liiiiiioare>(f Gr. ^ro-^n^r^ IZ-'ikj^iiaifE*? . Sir. nr-MtiMaf- liATiiig 
a man's mind' Or. 'A^^^i^uirrc* fri-n *iii#«-^ir? n. Arest. oTks^ 
r-tavah" Gr. ^^»-xi*f^r of iH rep»>n\ fr:.m ♦iifw-M n. Sir. ymni^ 
'dqsaS' 'ricli in wondi^>as de^di*. Gr. ^c-lr^f^a* 7«u4 ic»t cxtt ,. 
noXvfiTjTiv (HesTch.). frrjm •afl»*-o# n- 

Aryan. Xcuters. Skr. irdr-as 'fame glorr", Arest. ^rwr-v 
Vord, prayer, glory, honoor* (with ca and' it has the form 
sravas-ca): Gr. ad/cv etc.: see abjTe. p. 414. Skr. yniy-os 
level, tract*, Avest. zran^ OJ^ers. dray-a 'sea'. Skr. ndm-as 
'obeisance, reverence*, Avest. nem-^ *prayer, invocation' (op. 
OJr. nem "heaven* p. 419), l/^nem-. Skr. mdn-as Avest. man-O 
'diouglit': Gr. ftiv^ 'courage, anger, Lat. JUner-ca (I § 569 
p. 426). Skr. tdc-as Avest. tac-o 'word, speech*: Gr. /i^.t-o? 
hi'og word, speech* |/tiej. Skr. sdh-as Avest. Ao^-o 'might*: 
Goth, sig^ (o-stem), 'victory*, l^segh-. Skr. prdth-as Avest, 
frap-d 'extent, breadth': Gr. wAar-<v 'extent, breadth* (the root 
in the weak grade, as in TiAar-r-^), O.Ir. leth 'side*. Avest. raooi} 

1) Another and less probable explanation of this word has be«»n 
mentioned in toI. I § 221 p. 1S9 f. 



'light, cleamesB, brightne-sB' O.Pers, rauc-a 'day', Skr. SDa-rScas- 
'ahining of itsGlf, l/^lejtq-- Skr. t|;-ofi Aveat. aof-S 'strength': 
Gr. ipi-ttvyiji; etc.; see above, p. 414, Skr. vdr-aa 'width' beaide 
lir-as 'breast' : Gr. rup-o; 'breadth', like ivQv-%; see § 104 p. 314. 
Skr, hdr-ns 'deed', Jdr-as "age", pe^-as 'form', jdt-as and jiiv-oa 
'swiftness'. Aveet. faic-5 course', drtl/-6 'length', Aafc-o 'dryness'. 

Examples of the dative used as an infinitive; pr. Ar, *-a3-ai. 
9kr. Ved. tlohdsS 'to milk' (dSh-as u. milking'), bharase 'to bear, 
spdrasS- 'to obtain". Avest. avanh?. 'to help' (ac-cl n. 'help, protec- 
tion') and by au extended analogy vaocatah^ inf. to the indie, aor. 
vaoc-a-p from vac- 'to speak', srHvayavih^ inf. to the indie, srflr- 
-aiffUi cans, 'causes to hear, announces'. 

At. -n-as, -i-as. Skr. rek-i^as 'riches', Avest, ra^x-nO Cg'^d- 
ness'?), see above p. 415. Skr. e-naa 'oppression, vrickednesa, 
sin', Avest. ae-M5 'enmity, hate, vengeance'. Skr. dp-nns 'pos- 
session', tir-nas wave'. Aveat. za^nB 'readiness, watchfulness, 
guard', xicar'-n5 'brightness, glory', raf-nS 'joy, happiness'. Skr. 
drdvinas 'property'. Skr. aro-tas O.Pers. rau-la 'river' (I § 558, 
3 p. 414). Skr. r^-tas 'seed'. Avest. vl-sqs-tS 'obedience, learning', 
parS-to 'fight, weapon for fighting', Ar. -u-as is found in Skr. 
ptvas, see p. 415. 

In Adjectives. Skr. tards- 'eagerly striving' beside tdras 
'eager striving', apds- 'active' beside dpas 'work*, rak^ds- 'injuring, 
injurer' beside rdk$as 'injury', tavds- 'strong'. Avest. deueiah- 
(nom. sing, doa^sd) 'tormenting, tormentor' beside dvafsS 'torment', 
rSdah- 'giving, giver" beside rCtdO 'gift', xtcar'nak- 'bright, glorious' 
beside xu-ar'nS 'brightness, glory', apiah- 'hostile, enemy' beside 
af«a 'enmity'. Skr. dur-manas- 'out of humour' Avest. dus-manah- 
'ill- disposed', Skr. su-miinas- Avest. ku-manak- 'well disposed', 
Skr. nr-mdnaS- Avest. nar'-manali- 'with a manly mind, heroic'. 
Skr. sti-cHas- 'having a good disposition, wishing well', puru- 
■bhijas- 'nourisliing many'. Aveat, dui-vfirhiah- 'evildoer", aiwi- 
-aojali- 'surpassing in strength, subduing victoriously', O.Pers, 
aspa-canah- proper name (no doubt to be compared with Skr. 
cdnas- n. 'pleasure'). — Skr. ccdhds- 'helping, gracious', Avest. 
asa-eazdah- proper name, and vohvazduh- i. e. Bo}m-eazdah- 





417 

proper name, groand-form *uedh -}- tes-, -v^yedh- 'lead', 8kr. 
su~a^hd8' 'intelligent', ground-form *m^dh + fes-, see I § 482 
p. 366. 

Armenian. Here the es-stems have been lost. A part of 
them became o-stems, as sar, gen, saroy, 'lieight, peak, declivity': 
8kr, Hras- Aveat. sarah- 'head', common ground-form "^p'-es-. 

Greek, jit'05 'membrum ririle' for*nfa-oq: Skr. pds-as tiie 
same. /^T-of er-oi,' 'year': Lat. vetus (originally a subat.), 8kr. 
eats-d-, aec p. 413 above, Sip-ni; "heat, summer' : Skr. hdr-as 'glow, 
heat', rdyog "sinew, bond': Skr. idn-as 'offspring', Lat. tett-us, 
Cfvy-oe 'yoke': Ijat. jUgera jUgerilus, cp. also Mid.H.G. jiuck a. 
'measure of land', ^il-a; 'raiasile', fyx-"^ 'spear', i'oit-oi 'enclosure', 
Mv9-og 'hidden depth', ilfoj 'fear' for 'Sffi-ot;, ffspn-o; (Acol.) and 
9pda-og ^dpa-og 'courage', uph-og (Aeol.) and xpaT-05 xdgr-os 
'rtrength', Tih^-OQ woe, sorrow' and nds^-oq 'suffering, experience, 
misfortune', ox-og 'vehicle' instead of s/-oc (which is preserved 
in Hesych.) through the influence of o 0/0?, V^ye^ft-; ep. Lat. 
modes-tu-a p. 418, O.H.G. faha p. 420. fiiju-og 'length'. ^<J-oc 
'pleasure'. aJ9-0Q 'brand': Skr, P.dh-as, ace p. 414 above, ayx-o; 
^faUey, ravine': Skr. diak-as 'bend, curve', adx-oi; 'shield'. ■>pv/_'Og 
'cold', xvd-og 'glory', giy-o^ 'frost': Lat. frig-iis. 

mo^ 'fat' for *7ir-/-oe: Skr, ptcas, aee above, p. 415. tlgoq 
'wool' for ^ftp'fot;, cp. Lat. serrSx (laniger"). ig-vo^ 'sprout, 
twig'. e9-ro^- 'multitude, race'. yX-tj-vot; 'show, marvel', iid-vog 
"gift, loan", \^dS' (cp. § 6G p. 142 f.). rtfievog 'piece of land'. 
vdxezog 'thickueHs'. eiuqoi; 'ground, foundation'. wiKXog 'beauty'. 

^ptvS^q 'deceitful, lying' beside ifitSiSoi;. oatf^g clear, plain*. 
«-ti&tv^g 'weak' beside adivog. tv-ftFr/jg 'well-disposed' beside 
^ifog. d-TiivSi}!; 'unaware, uninvestigated': Avest, baodah- n. 
'consciousness, knowledge'. re-AijS^j/'g 'unconcealed, true' beside 
Dor. Xa9ag 'forget fulnea a', ^vo-y^tp-^g 'hard to deal with': Skr, 
hdras 'grip'; we should alao add ;(tip 'hand' if Wackernagel is 
tight in referring xtip- to *y,tpa- (Kuhn's Ztachr. XXIX 131 if.); 
the gen. *xtp-6-6<; would then be explained in the same way as 
Lat. farr- p. 413. — TrXij-iii^c 'full' side by side with ni-rj-Qou) 'I fill" 
Lat. ple-ru-a. 



418 The Suffix -^«-. §132. 

Italic. Lat. op^os op-us op-er-is, op^er^a, Umbr. ose 'opere' 
osatu 'operato*, Osc. upsannam 'operandam' (I § 633 p. 474): 
Skr. dp^as dp-as^ see above p. 414. Lat. vet^us vet-er-is C^ged- 
ness, or being stricken in years; old creature', hence as an adj.) 
*old', vetus-tU'S^ Osc. Vezkei dat., name of a god, **Vetusco* 
(cp. vetusculU'S): Gr. far-og. Pr. ltd. ^tned^os 'measure' (Gr. 
fifd-i/uvo-g, Goth. nUt-an): Lat. modeS'tii-s moder-drT (the o in- 
stead of e is due to mod-w-s), Umbr. mer-s mers *ius, fas' for 
*med(o)s^ the o being lost by syncope, see I § 633 p. 474. Umbr. 
Vds vitium* for *t?aA:(o)s, beside . Lat. vacCLre. Lat. neSj gen. 
aer-iSy which can hardly stand for *ai-es-, but for *ais'j the 
weak form of the stem ^) (the nom. ace. aes instead of orig. *<i(i)'OS 
was formed on the analogy of the other cases), a^us Umbr. 
ahesnes 'aenis for ^aies-no^ (I § 134 p. 121): Skr. dy^as 
'metal, iron', Goth, ais (gen. dizis) ore, money*. 

Lat. nem-us {-or-) : Gr. vi^-og 'place of pasture*, dec-us 
(-or-): Skr. daias-yd-ti *he honours, is at the service of, is 
obliging*. Ven-U8 (-er-), originally n. love's enticement*: Skr. 
vdn-as- 'charm, sweetness*, scel-us (-er-). temp-tis (-or-), terg-us 
{"Or-): Gr. ars()fp'Og Tfp<p-og 'leather, skin', esp. 'the hard hide 
on an animal's back', corpus (-or^). pofidus and foedus^ like 
modeS'tu-Sy have exchanged their e for o (^pmd-os *feid'08y the 
latter still appearing in f%dus-tU'S\ through the influence of 
parallel stems in -o- (abl. pondd)^ cp. Gr. oxoq above, p. 417, 
O.H.G. fahs p. 420. 

Lat. infin. in -er-6 for *es-f (loc), as mvere (Skr. jivds^e)^ 
agere^ minuere; ferre veUe esse are discussed in § 162. Jiert is 
a new formation for (O.Lat.) fiere^ modelled on agi^ sequfj see ib. 

vol-nuSy mU-nuSy fu-nus^ ptg-nus^ f acinus -^ mi-nus must 
also be classed here; see § 135. pectus. 

The vowel-gradation which belonged to the -es-suffix in the 
pre-Italic period (preserved e. g. in gen-us ^er^is) was super- 
seded in many words in favour of the form -os- which prevailed 
over the other forms. This is seen in tempus -oris etc.; yet 



1) See Osthoff in Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIII 405. 



we Lave also -es- in the adverb tetnper-J, tempes-tu-s, and temper- 
-are. Similarly we have penus -oris etc., whilst the loc. aing. 
penes (cp, aitg), which had become a preposition (or postposition), 
retained the form -es-. -os- is also found in derivatives, e. g, 
rObus-tu-s {gen. rSbor-is) onus-tu-s (gen. oner-is), corpus-culu-m 
(gen. eorpor-is) opus-cutu-m (gen. oper-is) cp. 0.C.81. -os-tJ 
p. 422. 

Adj. pUbSs and piiber, gen. puberis. Further di-gener, bi- 
-corpor, both of them probably fairly modern formations having 
no direct connexion with the original Indo-Germanic type. Simi- 
larly the use of veti4s (also veter) as an adjective was of recent 
date; cp. vetus-tii-s like onus-lu-s, eeter-dtu-s like scelerSlu-s. 
Here we have a repetition of the process by which adjectives 
of this kind were formed in the original language. 

Old Irish, tech teg, gen. tige, 'house': Gr. aiiy-o^ HytK 
'roof, house', mm Ticaven', which we may either compare at 
once with Skr. ndm-as 'obeisance, reverence', so that the original 
sense was 'object of reverence", or suppose to stand for •«e6-os 
= Skr. ndbh-as O.C.Sl. neJ-o, its form having been influenced 
by words containing the ^/^nem- like Gall. vffiTjrov Ir. tiemed 
'sacred thing or place', leth 'side': Skr. pra'f/ios etc., see above 
p. 415. aw B (Mid.Ir.), gen. atie, 'ear': O.C.Sl. ucho 'ear'; should we 
add Gr. oig Dor. eoq 'ear'? (see § 114 p. 347). mag "level tract of 
oonntry', Gall. Ovivdo-fiayoi = O.Ir. Find-mag, lOg luach 'price, 
hire'. 

With -nea-: dU-n 'stronghold'; even aa early as in Gallic 
we have jtovyv-tSovvog beside jiovyov-iovfov, glil-n knee. 

In Germanic the old inflexion suffered great changes. 

The transference of these nouns to the o-declenaion, which 
appears so frequently in Gothic and Norse, seems to have taken 
place in proethnic Germanic, and to have been partly due to the 
analogy of forms like Skr. vata-ii- (beside Gr. /erof), p. 413. 
Goth, die (gen. ditis) O.H.G. Sr n. 'ore' pr. Germ. *aiJi-a- (Goth. 
dUa-smipa O.U.O. Sr-smid, § 40 p. 73): Skr, <iy-as etc., see 
p. 418 above. O.H.G. lefs m. 'lip' beside A. 8. lippa m. 'lip' 
(cp. I % 337 p. 267 f.) for pre-Gcrm. *lebeS' *leps-. Goth. uA* 



420 The Suffix -es-. § 132. 

(gen. ahsis) O.Icel. ax n. O.H.G. ahir eJiir n. 'ear of com' 
: Lat. ac-'US. O.H.G./a/w O.Icel. /a:c m. "hair*, no doubt due to con- 
tamination of a form *peJz'08 n. with ^pok^o^s m. (Gr. tioxo-c) (cp. 
Gr. o/Oi^ p. 417, Lat. modestu-s p. 418). Goth, veihs (gen. veihsis) n. 
'borough, vicus': cp. Skr. vSids- m. 'neighbour, vassal*. Goth.peihs 
(gen. peihsis) n. *time' beside peihan 'to thrive, grow', y^^ewj- 
(I § 214 p. 181) ; it is usual to compare Lat. temptiSy but I cannot 
think it proved that Lat. p is ever = Idg. q, Goth, plahs-jan 'to fear*, 
a denominative : Lat. locusta for *tlocu8-td (Osthoff, Paul-Braune's 
Beitr. XIII 412 f.). Goth, rimis (gen. -isis) n. 'rest', x^retn-. 
Goth, agis (gen. ^isis) n. 'fear', O.H.G. egis-lih 'terrible* egis-o m. 
(A.S. e^es-a m.) *fear egisOn 'to terrify* : Gr. a/'og 'pain at heart, 
grief. Goth, sigis n. O.Icel. sigr (gen. sigrs) m. A.S. sijor m. 
'victory' O.H.G. sigir-on 'to conquer, Goth, sigis-ldun § 40 p. 73: 
Skr. sdhas'y see above, p. 415. Goth, hatis (gen. -i>/5) n. O.Icel. 
hatr n. *hate', Goth. hatuDn 'to hate*. Goth, r/gts (gen. -izis) n. 
O.Icel. raiir n. 'darkness': Skr. rdf'as etc., see above p. 414. 
Goth, ga-digis n. 'building, work': Gr. TeT^-og 'wall', with vowel- 
gradation in the root-syllable (p. 413). Goth, bariz^eiti-s adj. 
'of barley' O.Icel. barr n. 'barley': Lat. /an*- for *far-s-] see 
above, p. 413. Goth, skapis n. *harm', O.Icel. setr (gen. setrs) n. 
*seat': Skr. sdd-as etc., see p. 414 above. 

No satisfactory explanation has been given of the variation 
between -s- and -2;-, as Goth. gen. agis^is beside riqiz^is^ Goth. 
valvis'dn 'to roll oneself, wallow' O.H.G. egis^dn beside Goth. 
hatiz-Dn O.H.G. sigir-Dn. 

Remark 1. Possibly it may be connected with the fact that in certain 
isolated uses some of the cases retained -rs-, e. g. in the Skr. inf. in 'ds-i 
(p. 413). Furthermore side by side with the neuter substantives there 
may have been adjectives with the accent upon the formative suffix, say 
*a^is- "fearing* beside ♦«3<?6- *fear', like Gr. ^'evSi-^ beside tpevSo:,, and the 
-«- may have been taken from them; compare further § 133 Rem. p. 424. 
Lastly in certain instances where the word was used as the first member 
of compound, -«- may have remained regularly voiceless even when the 
suffix -es- was unaccented. See von Bahder, Verbalabstr. 55. 

In West- Germanic we find beside this another entirelv 
different modification of the original declension, due to the 



synoope in final sylUbles. After a long raot-s jllable , the 
nom. ace. -oz was dropped (I § 661, 2 p. 517). This loas coupled 
with the influence of the o-declensioa, first eatablished a paradigm 
such as O.U.G. sing. nom. ace. kalb Ccair) gen. kathires dat. 
kalbire, pi. nom. ace. kalbir gen. kalhiro dat. kalhirum. Then 
in the gen. dat. sing. -I'r- was dropped, kalbes Icalbe being formed 
on the analogy of wortes worte from nom. teort; hence -tr- 
uaturaliy became the mark of the plural, especially in the nom. 
and ace. which had no other diatingnishiug sign. (A more remote 
consequence was that -iV-, Mid.H.G. Mod.H.G. -er-, was used 
for the sign of the plural in a multitude of words with which 
it had originally no connexion whetever). In the oldest period 
of West-Germanic this style of inflexion (kalb gen. kalbes, pi. 
hollar) is commouest in animal names; cp. besides kalb e. g. 
O.H.G. lamb (A. 9. tomb) 'lamb', and outside of tliis category 
a 'egg' pi. eigir (A,8. Sj pi. SjrM), rls 'sprout, twig', and 
other forms. Compare the use of these words as the initial 
members of compounds, § 40 p. 73. Other words however, 
through the same phonetic change in the form of the nom. ace. 
sing., entirely lost their iV-infiexion, e. g. O.H.G. mast n. 'mast, 
food, fattening": Skr. mSd-as d. "fat" (I § 591 p. 447 f.). 

Itomark 2. CertHia substantives which follow the i- and the h- 
deelenBioQ have also been regarded aa rcpreseDting original -es-stems; m 
OM.Q. sigi KS.aty m. 'victorf', OJA&xJieti X.S.helt m. 'hate' A.8.B^em. 
'fear*, A.8. »i/r n. 'siere' and O.H.G. aigu tigo m. = eiji, titu silo a. 
'oiutoin' (Or. tao;). The nom. sigi is said to stand for 'Bigiz, -0» -as hBTiag 
been replaced b; -ee -iz becauae of the other oases, and the analogy of 
the in. f- t-stemB having then come into play. This tranaferenoe must 
haTe been oomplete before the beginning of the Christian era; for the 
I'-stem appears in Strabo's ^jyi-firj^o; fcp. Stgi-mirti-a Stgi-mundii-t in 
Tacitus, O.H.G. tigi-nomo). But I can see no afttisfactory reason for the 
displnoement of -us by -its in these words and these only, and it seems 
more reasonable to assume that the; are original t-stems; in foot we 
have such parallel formn as Skr. van-i-? beside vdii-as. It h perhaps 
IcM improbable that -oi under certain candittoas should have become -lur 
in proethnic Germanic , whence the form sigtt (ep. O.H.O. angust § lOt 
p. 307); see Paul in his and Braune's Beitr. TI 187, and Bremer ibid. XI 3, 
who remarks'. 'I see in -us the representative of an Idg. sonant « (2), a 
subject vhtoh I hope to discuss in a aystematio form at some fntnre 



422 The Suffix -w-. § 132. 

-»es- -fes-: O.H.G. Wian n. 'loan', see above p. 415; A.8. 
hrS'dor n. beside hre-d (m.?) glory*. Cp. also A.S. Keel O.Icel. 
heill n. Yavourable omen, happiness' for *hailiZ' beside the adj. 
Goth, hdi-1'8 'healthy (§ 76 p. 206), A.S. Mcew n. 'grave-mound' 
for *hla%u)iz- beside Goth, hldi-v 'grave-mound* ground -form 
*}cloi-uO' (§ 64 p. 137) and the like. 

Adjectives like Gr. xpsviijg 8v6'U6vrig do not seem to occur. 
It is a question whether they can be inferred from the appear- 
ance of -s- side by side with -«- in the oblique cases of the 
substantives and in derivatives. See Rem. 1 p. 420 above. 
O.H.G. m<i8t 'mast, food' has also a secondary use as adj. 
'fattened*. 

Balto-Slavonic. Here we find only Substantives. In 
Lithuanian they have become masc. or fem. i- or io-stems : -««-i- 
and -es-ia-, 

Lith. debesA^s m. and f. 'cloud* (but we have the conso- 
nantal stem preserved in the gen. pi. dehes-u) O.C.Sl. neho 
'heaven*: Skr. ndbh^as etc.; see above, p. 414. 

Lith. Sdes-i'S^ gen. -io^ m. 'food (for animals)': cp. Lat. 
eder-e. katbes-i-s, gen. -to, m. 'phrase, proverb', beside which 
we have kalbes-e f. 'speech'. Gen. menes-io and menes^s 'of a 
month*; see above, p. 415. The original -es- is also seen in 
katbes-nUs 'talk*, mokes-ti^ 'payment' and the like: see § 101 
p. 307. 

O.C.Sl. slov-o 'word': Skr. Srav-aa etc., see above p. 414. 
uch-o ear': Mid.Ir. aw; see above, p. 419. ok-o 'eye*, tilo 
'body*. Gen. Ii6es-e 'of the face'; the nom. sing. *likOy is wanting, 
its place being taken by Ike, In consequence of their similar 
termination in the nom. ace. sing, e^-stems were often inflected 
like neuter o-stems ; e. g. gen. slova instead of shves-e. On the 
other hand some of the Slavonic ^-stems were perhaps o-stems 
originally, and became es-stems only because of this same simil- 
arity of form, e. g. dr^-o 'tree*, dSlo 'work'. The suffix -os- 
is no doubt also to be traced in abstract nouns like cysos-ti 
,strait', cp. Lat. angus-tu-S] see § 101 p. 307. 



§ 133. 2. Substantives, maaculine and Fominine, 
with the suffix in the form -os-. Side by side with the 
neuters in -os- there existed in the original language a certain 
number of masculine and feminine substantives with -os- in the 
Htrong cases, -6s in the nom, sing., -es -es-i in the loc. sing., 
and -s- in the weakest cases. It is only in Italic that this for- 
mation is at all fertile; and there the o of the nom. sing, was 
carried ttirough all the cases. The maeeuliue or feminine form 
and the neuter form often appeared side by side, as Lat. decor: 
ilecus (cp. p. 411 f.). 

Skr. i4-ds- f. Gr. jj'ujV f. (for *aus-os)^) Lat. aur-Or-a 
Aivn'. The ace, sing, was originally •-os-^i: Skr, v4ds-am 
Avest, us(l«/i-ejn, Gr, ijw for 'ijiin; Skr. ufds-am and tifdm were 
re-formations, the latter modelled on the nom. ti^ds, Loc, -es-i: 
Skr. u?ds-i; Gr. t/oT was a re-formation. Gen. Skr. Ted. v^ds 
instead of *Mfl-j-as, instead of which we find later u^ds-as, and a 
similar re-formation in Greek, ^ovq i, e. 'ijoog. Does the accent 
of the Att. HOQ (aco. tVu) indicate that the original accent was 
'dusds ? 

*aittoa- *ajyes- •flii/s- (cp. *aiy«i- *(liiin- § 116 p. 362 f.): 
Gr. ace. uii-l, a by-form of altZva, for *«j/o«, loc. nh'g adv. 'always*; 
the weakest form of the stem is found in Sanskrit only as a 
neuter noun, ayu^- life'. Cp. also Ir. ais aes m. 'age' Uod.Cymr. 
o« § 108 p. 329. 

Gr. fudwt; f, 'shame, modesty', ace. alSia, and parallel to it 
•liifO-, in aldrofini fllt, aUta-aofiai and lir-aiifj^: 

Latin. Masculines, decor beaidc decus Skr. daias-yd-H 
'honours, is at the service of; tenor beside tetitts Skr, tanas 'off- 
spring' Gr, r/i'oe 'sinew, bond' ; angor beside angus-tu-s &nx-iu-8 
Skr. (fAas 'distress'; tepor beside Skr. tdpas 'heat' and many 
other similar words. honOa honor (hones-tu-s), siidor, ador, 
amor etc. Compare also rUmi-JkH beside rUmor § 34 p. 60. In the 
nom. sing, -or (-or) took the place of -3s on the analogy of the 
other cases, where -r- regularly represented -s- between vowels 



1) ijoJc proTBB that the law 
p. 461 did not come into openitii 



vowel-shortening discusaed in I g 6 
until after the Iohb of intervooalio •■ 



424 The Suffix -s- (-a-s-, -»-«-, -m-ji-). § 133,134. 

(I § 569 Rem. 2 p. 426 f.). aurdr-a (see above), like FUfr-a 
hesido fids, cp. § 60 p. 110. 

Remark. It is possible that all these nouns, excepting the word 
for 'dawn*, were originally masculine ; if so thej kept their original gender 
in Latin, whilst Or. alStos became feminine, in the same way as the -^- 
stems (§ 108 p. 323. 327). 

It is uncertain how we ought to regard the Sanskrit masculine abstract 
substantives jards' 'weakness of age' bhiyds' 'fear' lavas' 'strength*. They 
belong to this section if their ace. in -daam is a re-formation like u^atn. 
Further : were such Latin substantives as 8Bdi8 mdlia plibia pUbes really, 
as is usually assumed, originally «-stems? Possibly we should assume a 
double class of masculine and feminine substantives in the parent language, 
corresponding to the two classes appearing e. g. in Greek, Sx^/uar con- 
trasted with not'uriv, Sto-rto^ contrasted vnth So'Tijg, distinguished by a dif- 
ference of accent and of Tocalism in the suffix. The accent of )/»; M»9 
would then have been shifted just as that of the forms in -oir -fttav. Ad- 
jectives like Gr. tptvSij^ (§ 132 p. 412 f.) would then bear a nearer relation 
to these m. and f. substantives in -& than to the neuters in -08. 

§ 134. The Suffix -s- (-^-s-, -»-«-, -m-5-). 

Side by side with the nouns formed with -es- (-o«-), which 
have been discussed in §§ 131 — 133, we find nouns which have 
the same s-sound in the suffix, but which cannot be shewn 
with certainty to have ever had an e (o) before the s. And 
we must remember that although -es- was certainly used as a 
single and independent suffix at the time of the dissolution of 
the proethnic community, it may nevertheless have arisen from 
the fusion of two distinct elements (-e-/J-, or rather perhaps as 
in *§ene'8'j see p. 20). 

The nouns here to be discused may be arranged in four 
groups. 

1. Skr. bhus- n. 'light, brilliancy* (nom. ace. bhds instr. 
bhdsd), Lat. fas n. (indccl.) originally 'utterance', y^bhc^ (Bloom- 
field, Amer. Journ. of Phil. IX 19 compares Att. <p(Sq with Skr. 
bhds), Ar. *das-' 'gift' in Skr. dds-vant- 'rich in gifts' su^dds- 
'giving richly' (ace. 'dds-^am- gen. -drfs-os-) Avest. vai9hi€-dah- 
'giving good* (ace. ^d&fdh-e^n gen. -ddtBh-O), v^d5-. Skr. ftids- 
m. 'relative', cp. jfUl-ti-§. Lat. flOs fldr-is, Fldr-a Osc. Fluusai 
dat. Lat. spB-r-are O.Lat. pi. spS-r-^s sp^r^ibus beside sp^-s. 
Should we class here the Greek *x(>e^ *^a^^ in xpoar- naQ^av- 



"head' (for •xpao-p- •/npfid-jj-, cp. § 114 p. 347)? There is uothmg 
to prevent our comparing with these words 9kr. mds- 'moon, month' 
0.C.8L miS'^cf 'month' from v^m?- 'measure', see § 132 p. 415. 
In these words it is possible that the e of -es- has been 
contracted with the preceding vowel, bo that *d5s-: *bheres- ^ 
*d6no-ni'. *bliereno-m, see § 65 p. 138. In this case we might 
regard the Sanskrit stems drat}in5-dda- 'giving riches' vayn-dhds- 
'beatowing life-power' candrd-mas- 'moon' (see Lanman, Noun- 
Infl. p. 555 f ) as the direct representatives of an original for- 
mation, and analysing them as '-rf-es- ^'dk-es- *-m-es-. *-d-es-: 

, *d6s- = Gr. Un-oi,-: 8kr. rep-as and the like; see § 132 p. 415. 
Lat. pl-r-e-s beside vis vi-tn cannot have suffered tliJs con- 
traction; but it is perfectly easy to assume that the ^-inflexion 

-in Una word may be due merely to the analogy of older types. 

2. -9-s: Skr, kravi^- n. "raw flesh', Gr. xp6'a^- n. 'flesh', cp. 
Lat, cruor. Gr. xfpag 'horn' beside Skr. iiraS' 'head' (originally 
'prominent point'); Lat. cere-hram may contain either *^res- or 
•foras-, y^putf 'old age', yii/a^ 'gift of honour*, Jt'^ag 'bodily frame', 
8kr. tdmis-rft tamis-ra-in 'darkness' beside tdmaa ; Lat. tenebrae 
instead of *te>nebrae (I § 570 p. 428 f.) and M.id,Dutcli deemster 
'dark' may contain eitlier *teme8- or *lemas-. Skr. racfj- a. 'light" 
beaide eea-rOcas- and Avest. raocah- n. light, clearness', O.Pers. 
raucah- 'day'. Avest. liadiS- O.Pers. hadi§- n. 'seat' beside Skr, 
sddas: As regards the Aryan forms, however, it must be borne 
in mind that -is- may represent Indo-Oerraanic -i-s-. 

To this class perhaps also belong Gr. maso. *{«nt,' 'love' and 
yikta^ 'laughter'. According to Solniaen {Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 

109), there was the same ablaut-relation between these nomina- 
tives and the stems tp«;- yt}.aq- seen in Horn, ipoc-vo'e jjpu'ff-oato 
Pindar, j-t-lficjj? Hom, iyiXaa-na, as between Si<i- *d6- and do- 
*(fo- 'give' (I § 317 p. 255 f.): yAw; *yti.a<j'Og *yt}.aa-i etc., 
thence by qualitative assimilation of the vowel *)*AoCff)-o? 'ytij>(a)-i; 
later on they passed into the o-deelension : ace. yiXo-v sqo-v and 

so forth. 

3. 'is-. Lat. cinis, puleis, gen. cineris for *ciniS'is cp. 
aiti»-culus (I § 33 p. 33). Danielsson (Gramm. u. etym. 8tud. I 



426 The Suffix '{es- iiea-. § 134,135. 

51) compares, perhaps rightly, cinis with Gr. xovi-g. The same 
scholar assumes a stem &s^u(T' 'ordinance, right' in d^s^ia-xgeav 
&e/uia'T' and so forth. Here might also be classed some of the 
Aryan neuters in -is- (see under 2) ; I will add only Skr. ard^ 
'beam* jy6ti$' 'light*. 

Was this -is- ever the weak form of an earlier -ies-? 

4. -W-S-. Skr. dhdnu^' n. 'bow' beside dhanA^^ m. dhdn- 
van- n. ; pdru^- n. 'knot' beside pdrvan- n. ; mddhu^ n. sweet- 
ness' beside rnddhu- n.; mdnu^- m. 'human being beside mdnu^ m» 
Goth, mann^ for *maw^. Lat. pecus n. beside pecti^ genus m. n. 
'knee* beside genu can hardly be deemed parallel examples ; se^ 
§ 104 p. 313. 

In a few instances we find the ablaut -«s-: -j^s- {-^osr). 
Mention has already been made of Skr. dyw^- n. 'life* compared 
with Gr. alig aluj § 133 p. 423. Another example is Skr. rfr«|- n* 
*wound' beside O.Icel. err n. 'scar' for *aruiZ', 

135. The Suffix -i^s- -ties-^). 

This is a primary comparative suffix, side by side with the 
secondary -ero- -tero- (§ 75 p. 188 ff.). The fact that it is 
contained in the superlative suffix ^is-to^ (§ 81 p. 242 ff.) in- 
dicates that its comparative meaning was wider then that of the 
sister suffix -ero- -tero-^ which from the earliest period to which 
we can trace it was used only in comparing two things (e. g. 
Gr. TJO'TtQoq 'which of two?*). So that originally the combination 
'i8-\'ter0' in Gr. dpiavf^o-g Lat. sin-ister and the like (§ 75 
p. 190 ff.) was probably not a mere pleonasm. 

Even in the proethnic language the comparatives and super- 
latives containing this suffix had been brought into connexion 
with 'Positives' formed with all manner of suffixes (-u-, -o-, -ro- 
etc.), and were regarded as being derived from them, e. g. Skr. 
svdd-lyaS" Gr. Tji-uov 'suavior* beside sydd-ii-^ iJJ-iJ-^ 'suavis'. 
Thus -ies- (-is-^o-) acquired the character of a secondary suffix, 
which appears very clearly in the new formations which are so 



1) J. Schmidt, Dns primare Coniparativsuffix, Kuhn^s Ztscbr. XXVI 
377 ff. 



commoD in the separate languages, such as 8kr. brdkm-tyas- 
Lat. amlc-ior. Compare § 58 p. 107» § 81 p. 243. 

As regards tlie ablaut of the root-aylkble, the general rule 
seems to have been that the comparative had the strong grade 
(ein the e-series), and the superlative the weak grade. Parallel 
to this there was always a difference of accent. The correa- 
poodiDg positive was generally a form in which the weak-grade 
was regular in the root-ayllable. Thus */^»g/i-ie«- ; *lt9gh-ist6-: 
*lf3gh-u- 'brisk, small, little' ^ Avest. renj-yah- Gr. iXaaamv 
for *ilayx-i,tav (I § 459 p. 360, § 497 p. 365, § 618 p. 466) 
instead of 'ektyx-ioH' through the influence of the form IXt^-: 
Skr. lttgh-i^ha-8 Gr. iXux-'oro-s (both with the accent shifted, 
see § 81 p. 243): Skr. lagh-^-? Gr. ^Xajj-tl-s ; Skr. prdth-Jyas-: 
Pftt-ii-?; Gr. KQtattMf.xQdt-inxo-i; instead of *J(?aT-Io^(i-5:xfl'^T- 
-«'-s; oi^il^ior : nUy-iOTo-^ instead of "oiij^jarn'-^,' : oJ.t'j'-o-j; O.H.G. 
Goth, sut-ista. These distinctions uf ablaut were to a 
extent lost through the influence of analogy; particularly 
Fh between the comparative and superlative. E. g. Skr. 
lAghJifas- instead of ^limghiyas- or the true phonetic form *Iq}i- 
-lyas (I § 454 p. 335 f.); and conversely prMhiffha- instead of 
*Pfthiiih&-, bqhUfha- instead of *bahi4tli<l- (compar. bqh-lyas- 
poait. bah-ti-); Gr. ra/'iov instead of SaaOov (rrixiara, rn^u'-g), 
and conversely iXdy/iOro-g instead of tXa/iata-q: in ituaai<w and 
ft^xiato-^ [fiax'po-g) the vuwel-gradea have exactly changed 
places; Goth, sut-isa instead of *svSt'iza (O.H.O. suo^-iro), but 
conversely O.H.O. suCi-isto instead of *sn2-is/o (Goth, sut-ista). 
In considering all such cases however it must be remem- 
bered that in the original paradigm of the comparative besides 
-ies- and -ios- the stem also appeared in the form -is-, before 
which the root-syllable must have had the weak-grade; e. g. 
dat. sing, 'lagk-is-di like the superlative */^gA-i«-(ci-; and this 
form of the root may also have appeared before -jVs- (see below). 
We have perfect right to assume if we choose that even in the 
proethnic language the strong form of the root (*Ut3gh-ios-) had 
prerailed in all cases of the paradigm of the Comparative, so 
that, e. g. *ti0shisAi had dropped out of use iu favour of *let9gh- 



428 The Suffix 'ies' -ties-. § 135. 

isdi'y but it is quite as easily conceivable that forms like Viogh- 
isii descended into the separate languages, and there assisted 
in levelling the forms of the Comparative and the Superlative. 
The latter assumption would also make it easier to understand 
such instances as judaawv : jLiTJxiaTo-g (A vest, tnas-yah" O.Pers. 
map'isfa-). 

There are some examples without vowel-gradation in the 
root : *plS'ios- ^pU-j^- : ''^pU'ls-to^ : ^pU-ro- = Skr. prd-yas Gr. 
nXi-eq for *7iA.77ia-: Gr. nXBia-TO-g: Lat. plB-ru-s Gr. nkij-p-r^^. 

As regards the different forms assumed by the comparative 
suffix itself in different languages many points are still obscure. 
The history of -i^- is in many ways parallel to that of the 
participial suffix -^es- (§ 136). 

Remark 1. It is absolutely impossible to maintain that 'iena- was 
tlie original form of this suffix. I attacked this view in Kuhn^s Ztschr. 
XXIV 54 fif., and J. Schmidt in the same periodical XXYI 837 ff. has 
again undertaken its defence. Schmidt imagines that -iSns (-j^^) in the 
nom. sing. masc. became -ids {'iSs) in the proethnio language by a regular 
phonetic change (cp. I § 220 p. 188) and that the nasal was dropped in 
other oases by analogy. To say nothing of the fact that no certain exam- 
ples of this proethnio phonetic law {-ids coming from -jfinB) hare been ad- 
duced (cp. also p. 415) \), the results which Schmidt's hypothesis involTes 
are altogether incredible and inadmissible : see the Author in Iw. MCLUer's 
Hdb. II 55 and Solmsen, Kuhn\s Ztschr. XKIX 83 (Collitz too declares 
against Schmidt, Bezzenb. Beitr. X 65). I therefore still belioTe in -ies- 
(and in -if««- also; see p. 43y). 

-ies- and -iies- stand side by side, just as -jo- and -tja- ; and the form 
-ties- which is represented by Skr. -lyas' Gr. Att. -ro(o)- may be compared 
with 'iio; see § 63 p. 122. 

The following conclusions may be considered as adequately established 
for the parent language (in what follows the parallel forms -iies^ -iK«- 
are disregarded). 

1. 'ids in the nom. sing, masc, -ips in tho nouL aoo. sing, nout: Avest. 
vah-yS, vah-yO^ Skr. vds-yas (n.), Lat. ma-jOr instead of -jds (I § 569 Rem. 2 



1) R. Meringer (Ztschr. f. Osterr. Gymn. 1888 p. 134) derives the 
aco. pi. *gd8 (Skr. gds Gr. /?«$) through *QQn8 from *ga)fifs. On p. 138, 
howeyer, he assents to my view that the ace. sing, was *g(Kff)"* before a 
sonant, but ^^oif^i before a consonant. I confess I do not see how to 
reconcile these statemente. I must still regard Meringer's ^Qj^na as a 
monstrosity, and the Tiew that g&8 fifa; are re-formations on the analogy 
of the aco. sing, as perfectly admissible. 



5135. 



The Suffix -K«- -'K»-- 



429 



p. 416 t) M^-Jutf O.Ir. mOo rm.)i Ooth. hduhit (n. adt.J for pr. Germ, -iait 
0.CS1. bot-jt (a.) for pr. SUr. -ios. 

2. -ioj in the toc. maao.: Skr. rd4-!/ae. 

3. -irt- in the loc sing.: Skr. t^h-yoa-i (the accent has been shifted). 
AIm> in the I'em. nom. -iit-l, gen. -is-iet etc. ; levelling in different directions 
produced on the one hand Skr. vda-t/aai ma-i/astiiU, on the other Goth. 
Jt«-i"rei iul-Ufin„. and O.C.Sl. bol-jlii bol-jiS^ (instead of *bo^tsi 'MUfi 
The Biif^ has also the -/es-form in Lith. t<rld-e«-ni-i 'sweeter' with -«- 
for TK«- fl § HT p. 13!), in the unique Prass. gen. pi. muU-fta-on "niai- 
onun' and perliaps in Lst. ntd-jes-taa beside ma-joi- (this may also be a 
new formstion modelled on honea-liU: honor and the like) and pe-Jtr-are 
iKside /jt-Jor (cf. Osthoff, Zur Geech. d. Perf. 115). 

4. -is- in the weak cases, e. g. dat. sing. -iVd) loc. pi. -is-sti. This 
form of the suffix has spread through the paradigm, wholly or in part, 

if. nit'i; niia; neut. nlia f,*7ileii~), Goth, aul-ii-a gen. eut-ix-ina, mdis-a 
gen. mdit-in>, O.C.Sl. gen. boljlsn 'maioris' for 'boljb-ia instead of *bol- 
•it-iS (sGS below). There were morfiover adrerbs in -i*-: 'nij-js = Ose, 
maia 'magis' Goth, rudia 'more', Lat. mag-ii, Goth, vaira for *ifira-ie, Gr. 
ttfia- =: Lat. pria- in nffia-yv-t wgiia^flv-t pria-cu-s. Further -la- oconrred 
in Ibe fem., gen. -ia-ih etc., see 3. Cp. snperL -ia-li-, % 81 p. 242 ff. 

Finally I regard it an probable. 

5 That the strong cases of the maac (except the nom. sing.) bad 
•; ace. Arest. vah-ij&nh-em Gr. Haaaiu for -ie(n)-o. The faot that in 
Greek -ipn- h confiaed to the strong eases (there in no such form as 
jeo-ot ii> the gen., for example) may be regarded as an additional 
proof that in the other cases another form of the suffix prevailed; for if 
• 11 the oases had originally had -fan-, ihcy would surely have all been 
treated in the same way. 

In Aryan, -W- was displaced by -yns- in the weak cases: dat. sing. 
kr. vdt-i;aa-e Avest. vah-yaah-i, gen. sing. Skr. rlta-ya»-aa Avest. vah- 
•gatih-O, Where -yaa- is also found in the strong cases in the same group 
«f languages, us Skr. kaniyaa-am 'iuniorem' Avest. vohhinh-em 'metioreni' 
(-liit-^ -Ay-, I § 55S p. 415), it is not otiginal, but due to a secondary 
ahange. Instead of -yas In the voc. sing. masc. -yan appears in the posl- 
ledio langQBge; this form is doubtless due to the analogy of -van (3 13S 
p. Ml). 

In Latin the -xOa of the nom. sing, was carried through the whole 
Mse-system; later it became -I'flr following the other cases, where -i- 
re^larly became -r-; md-jor -jui-ent -Jdr-is etc.; cp. fton-or -Sf-tm and 
■0 forth, g 13» p, 4S3. 

The Old Church SIsvonio nom. sing. masc. holjljl boljiji beside neut. 
holjr is probably not a compound word {holji + /E), but a modification of 
•W-Ijt which had the suffix in the form -iieg-; beaido it we find nofi-ji 
'With -jet-, boljlfl owes its form to the influenoe of the neuter bo(}f, ur of 
malt'olineB like doblji-/l, or of both together. The masc. terminations -yl 
and 'Ji (instead of *-y'a •-jc = Idg. "-ijos ''-ios) are due to the infiuence 
of the -jo- stems, such as doblfii nove-Jl bears to neut. noti-je the same 



relatioD ftS dch^fl : dobtjt. From the nom aoo. ring. neat, and nom. ring ^:^~ 
tnuc. V- pQsaed on to the other ca«es which had -Ijs- =: -b-i«-: gen. fio^rlli^^ 
instead o( 'boHia etc. See It. aboTe, fem. boljU^ instead of *botii(. 

But what in the origin of the nasal in Skr. vat-g^i- tjaom. v4a-fS* 
aco. rd«-j((s-niH) and of the Greek paradigm tlinata' -ot-et etc.!" ln§8S 
p, 132 we regarded -{rx- as an extension of the comparatiTe -(o- by -«»-; 
eomparo Bier, ndu-yos- Lat. noe-ior beside Bkr. natf-ya- Goth, niu'ji-t, L»t 
nim-ia beside tii»i-i'u-«. Now in some itiatanaes there maj have been a 
form -ten- parallel to -jo- and having the same foroo. The etems formed 
with this stood in Greek aide b; side with ihose which had -irr, and were 
tnken into more extended lue because they had an easier and clearer in- 
|]exion than that of the -ia- compnrntiTes, which had broken up into rerj 
dissimilar groups through the operation of phonetic laws within the cate- 
sritem; thus arose f,3-ia>r -/or-oc like rgor-lw -lor-as (S 115 p. 35S), ud 
gufo'-Tifo-iix'if^ ^ "'"'-"e"-!'-''!^'-^)- In Sanskrit however -jfa*- and 
-yltn- were oontaniDated, producing the form -yi|i-, just as mnha»t' (bends 
mabnl-) seems to have arisen from the fusion of an n-stem and a (-«t«BL 
(g 126 p, 3S9). Cp. Daniele»on, Gramm. and etym. Slud. 1 49. Thui we 
should have side by aide e. g. (1) *pti^o- (Gr. liim-; 7tlio-t Cret. ttJAw 
Annen. {/, gen. lioi/, 'full', Skr. prSi/ena prajfa-iat 'for the most patt, 
usually, mostly'), f2) *plS-ie»- *pli-v- (Skr. pra-yaa, Or. Tiiilm nifiim-t etc) 
and (3) •pfe-ien- 'pli-in- {nltlmr -oi-ot, neut, AtL ttliir, Cp. with the latter 
Cret. TTpiV Horn, n^fr Att. n^lr beside n^no-; nUtt'.jiliiot itiiot ^ Gotk 
tudis : hduhis). Compare further (1) Skr. kan-yd 'maiden' Or. mnrd-t 'new' 
for •jm>i-(o-(; (2) Skr. kdn-ii/ag- 'younger" kan-ijthd- 'youngest'; (3) AieM. 
kain-in- f. 'girl'; Gr. (1) ^owo- 'easy' {}^-l3,a-i. ^ij-l-rffo-t): (2| tfl^ JfM 
^ijurro't efino-t'- (3) fij-lar lifm fetymology doubtful, Bee Osthoff, Znr Ge«eh. 
d. Perf. <48 f,)'). Compare the parallel forma 'Hi-KO- (Lat. atvo-m Oolh. 
div-s) : 'aj-iff »- (Gr. alit o.'u 8kr. Si/uf') : 'ai-ven- (Gr. at«r aOw Skr. dgun-) 
§ 118 p. 362, 8 133 p. 423, Skr. fbh-va- fbh-nat- fbh-ean- 'arlistie' and 
other examples. 

Indo-Oeimanic. le)d^i-(i)io8- beside 'Itdqh-ii-: Skr. tdyh- 
-lyas- AveBt. renj-yah- Gr. ace. iXanow, op. p. 427 abuve, *»w4d- 
■<.i)ios- beside Skr. spfldti-^ Gr. ^rftl-f Goth, aut-s 'Buavis': Skr. 
svdd-lyas-, Gr. /}J-/w -ira, Lat. sudvior 'instead of *syad-ior 
through the influence of euavi-s, OJI.G. suos-iro Goth, sut-iza. 
*6k-(iHo8- beaide Skr. O^-ii-? Gr. wx-v'-;,' Lat. acu-pediu-s: Skr. 
di'lyas', Gr. oDi-iioy (this is not actually found, but may bfl 



1) We find also ^Bliw-Trfo-i CBolon) /SilTM-n^o-f (Telerilla) compared 
with ^aifOi ffihlmr formed on the same prinoiple as nofnl-rfeo-t % 7b p. 193. 

2) In view of this it may not be rash to see a further group of old 

-jo- forma in the Att. geu. sing, of the compar. in -loti (huo rov firfov, )j 
9ar7ov, Meisterhaus, Gramm. d. Att. Inschr. p. 67). 



§135. The .S;if£x -i-'*- -iV-*-- "^^1 

inferred firom ««-«ffTo-;j. Lat. &>jvr. */>/f-i«k«- {^l^H^- by a pro- 
ethnic c^Hitniction from *ple-is-: see I § IIB p. IDS) beside Lat. 
fti-m-s Gr. niiZ-^ij;;: Skr. adv. pnUifas Avest. /nl-jfaA-, Or. 
»4H« aa/f^, Lat. pleOr-es or pleor-es and piTs-ima carm. Arv.<. 
(OJr. /la, see p. 435), O.Icel. ;f«r-e (re-formed to oorrespond 
irith metr-f). ^md-ios- *»i^k*- beside O.Ir. md-r Gall. -iwlrM-s 
(in proper name^) 'great' Goth, -mer-s *great' (ep. § 81 p. 247): 
Qbc. mais 'magis', O.Ir. milo md, Goth, mdh-^ adv. mdis^): 
perhaps Gr. Hhuwr should also be classed here. 

Aryan. Skr. rds-yas^ Avest. raA-yaA- rox-yoA- (I § 558 
p. 415) beside vas-u^ vafdh-u- 'good'. Skr. ai-JyaS" Avest. 05- 
•jfoA- beside (U-u- Os-u- Wift': Gr. lox-iwr etc., see above. 
Skr. mdh'TjfaS' Avest. maz-yah- 'greater*: Gr. Ion. fiiZtor, Lat. 
major (cp. I § 135 p. 122) may-is may-is-ter (cp. I § 469, 8 
p. 346 f.). Skr. ned-lyas- Avest. nazd-yah- nearer for pr. Ar. 
^na-zd-', see I § 591 p. 447 and 11 § 4 p. 9. 

Skr. vdr^yas- beside tir-ii- Vide'. Sre-yas- beside irl-M- 
'iair, glorious': should we compare Gr. xpmav 'noble, princely, 
ruler' (which has passed into the -kf- declension, like &spdnfav 
etc., see § 114 p. 350)? k^ep-TyaS" beside kSip-rd-- 'quick'. 
ddth-JyaS' beside dfi-rd- 'distant*. tij-Jyas- beside tiy-md- 'sharp*. 
trdj-JycLS' beside sray-vin- 'crowned', tidr-yo^- ndv-lyas- beside 
ndv-a- 'novus': Lat. nov-ior^ O.H.G. niw-iro niuuhiro 'novior'. 
pri^aS" beside priy-d- 'dear*, jyd-yas-- 'mightier'. As regards 
Skr. stheyaS' instead of ^sthd-yas- beside sthi-rd-^ spheyas- instead 
of ^sphd-yas' beside sphi-rd-^ see § 81 p. 244. 

Avest. mas-yah- 'greater beside O.Pers. map-iSta- 'the 
greatest*: Gr. /ndaawv beside /nax-gi'g long'. Avest. iq^'-yah' 
'more warlike, stronger* ground-form *tef9q'ie8- (I § 200 p. 168, 
§ 473 p. 350), beside superl. ianc^ista-. In Avestic the metre 
often shows that the reading should be -iyah-j as renjiyah-y 
nazdiyah'j tna^iyah- (beside mah-)s,ya 

In Sanskrit we find occasionally new formations from noun- 



1) In the light of this paragra]))i what is said about this Gothic word 
in I § 635 p. 475 should be correc'ted. 



432 The Suffix -Kfi. -iiM-. § 135. 

stems, as tik^n-Jj/as^ from tlk^-nd^ 'sharp*, brdhm-iyas' like 
brdhm-iiiha-^ drddh-iyas- like drddh-i^fha-; see § 81 p. 245. 

Greek, -j^ofcx)- -?o-((3[)- occurs only in the ace. sing. masc. 
and the nom. ace. plur. masc. and neut. By its side we find 
through all the cases 'iov -r-ov- (-iv- in nXaiv, npsiv ttqiv npiv) ; in 
Rem. 1 p. 430 I have stated my conjecture that this form re- 
presents Idg. -io;j- and never contained 8. -rofcr)- -lof- occur in Attic. 

The examples are given in the form of the ace. sing. masc. 
in 'f,(o -?(&} for *'io(o)'a *'w(a)'a. 

ndaao) and nax-lfo beside nax'V-g *fat, thick*. &aaaG} for 
*^ayx'ifiO'a beside xax-v-g Wift* (we must compare Pol. d(\zy6 
*to press forward, aspire, hasten', see Bezzenberger in his 
Beitr. XII 241; the favourite comparison of this with Avest. 
tqsyah" has not been reconciled with phonetic law), cp. iXaaatav 
p. 427. ligad-io) hQside ^pad-v-g 'Aovf* : Skr. fwrod-fyas-. yAtWoi 
beside yXva-v-g *sweet\ nXsi^u) beside oXty-o-g little' oXiy-iaro'C, from 
which oA/f ffi was afterwards formed, xctx^lto beside xax-o-g 'bad*. 
f;jf^-/cu beside ix^'Q^'^ Tiostile*. ijamo mferiorem' beside ^x-a; 
rjTvda&cu instead of *r}Txovad'(u follows vTxda&ai, and from the 
verb r^Tvaa^ai the substantive 7;rra was itself formed (Wacker- 
nagel, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 299 f.). ol^bIvm for "^a^sv-iso 
'meliorem*. A form ^ayy-ipn- 'nearer may be inferred from the 
adv. aaaov for ayx'k^v (beside ayx-i) : Skr. qh-Jyas- O.H.G. eng- 
-ir-o 'narrower*. /<f/w 'minorem* for *^H'ip(oya beside *fm'no- 
*mi'nU'j Lat. mi-nus Goth, minniza for *mwitf-/s-, see below; 
the superl. /lisToto-q stands for *££6(^)-/(Tro-c (for the vowel-grade 
of the root cp. iXcy/'idro-g and the like p. 427) or else is a 
new formation in imitation of its opposite nXsTarthg. nXtico nXsio 
more' instead of *7rX'j]'(jiJo(o)'a has been affected by the form 
of nXsTavo-g (like Skr. sthe-yas- instead of *sthdryas' through 
the influence of sthe^fha^^ § 81 p. 244), and perhaps also to some 
extent by jluiu); by the side of it we find a form nXno' for 
^pleiS"^ belonging properly to the weak cases of the comparative, 
in Hom. nXi-sg nXi-ag Cret. TiXi-sg neut. nXl-a (i for f, I § 64 
p. 51 ^): Sk r. prd-yas etc. ; see p. 431 above. xgHoaco xpaVroi 

1) Here for 'in the Doric dialects' read 'in some Doric dialects*. 



Tha Suffix -ies- f-jies-). 



433 



beside Ion. xpiaato (: xp«z-i<fTo-g xpar-v-g Btrong' and /le^w beaide 
Ion. ^f'foJ (: fieytOTO-g ftif-a-i; 'magnus') owe their ^i to the 
Uialogy of xfipoi a/ieivia oXei^w, conversely Ion. taaia beside ijirio 
foUowB x^iaata, cp. I § 639 Rem. p. 479 and Ber. d. sachs. Oes. 
a. "Wisa. 1883 p. 193. 

In rare inetances we find nominal sufhxes preceding the 
comparatiTe -jiotf-, as xaXi-Au 'pulcriorem' beaide xai.X% n., pfk-t-Jta 
Weliorem'. Compare the superlatives, § 81 p. 245. 

In Cretan (Gortyn) we find ngeiyai (npeiyova) beside nQsTyv-Q 
%pHayv-g and xa'piw (xaproVav?) instead of *itQeitw =^ Ion. xgtaaco, 
beside yaprv-g. It remains doubtful whether these forma are 
regular phonetic representatives of *7i^eizy-ifi}, *xaQZ-ini (cp. Dor. 
wcfjMM' for •jcapffoiirt'), or new formations with -« instead of -(w 
on the model of some one or more forms where the j had 
legulariy disappeared. 

One example of an adverb in -is is ngtm- ("before") found 
a the compound Cret. jigsTa-yv-g (whence nptTyv-s by assimilation). 
ThessaJ. nptTo-fiv-Q (cp. I § 428 p. 316), which corresponds to 
fte prJs- of the Lat, pris-cu-s (beside prior pnus), cp. Rem. 1 
, 429 and for -yv- -fiv-, § 91 Rem. p. 277. Obviously "np^; 
related to Cret. n(tnv (Horn, n^tv Att. nptV) as niiio- (in 
nUeg nlsTa-to-^) to Att. nXetv and aa TiXn'ovg (i. e. *7iXeioa-fg) 
lo ■nXet'm-fg, Cp. Rem. 1 p. 430. If we start from an original 
*pr^i-jos- *pri(i)-is- (by analogy *pri-ios- and *pr^s-), Lat. 
prfs- may represent not only *nQeig but also *prii'is (cp. ^ptv). 
Jt must bo admitted that the forms nptayvg nQiafivg are still 
libscure'). 

Italic. CLat. minerimu-s for *minis-mo-8 {c^. plUr-imu-s 
8tc), minii-ter, Osc. minstr^ mistreis 'minoris' : cp. Goth. » 



1) The student who belieTes that the dootrine of 'hypbaeresis' (xt'axiro 

'«(t)nw»io, oTiiaai ^ *a-ntiaai) \a not a mere midsmnnier madueas, may 

And comfoit in Bupposing that 'nein- stands for an older form 'nf((0™-i 

analogical modifloation of an original loo. *iiri-\is. It is simploc 

kowever to aualjue 'nqe; into nj + -»( (the genitlTe ending), and to regard 

aa a bj-form of nn'o-o^ Skr. pur-iis (I g 394 p. 234); Prellwiti, Da dial. 

tbesBolica 1885 p. 11 takes a very aimilar view, bnt a different explanation 

J be found in Per Poresan's Studia etTmologioa, Upsala t8Sii, p. 9B. 

Brsrn'Bx. EKdsdIi. 1L 28 



434 The Suffix 'ies- 'iies-. § 135. 

"minor' for *ini'nu'is' O.C.Sl. mXnfijX 'minor* and the archaic 
Gr. fuio) 'minorem' for *^Bi'ipa-a (p. 432) ; minus was a neuter 
like vol-nus Gr. dd-vog (see § 132 p. 415 and p. 418); it originally 
meant 'minority', and then like vetus came to be used as an 
adjective; when it had thus become the opposite of mClJuSj 
tnajdris niajoi' etc. gave rise to the analogous formations minor-is 
minor ctc.^). XJmbr. mes-tru f. 'maior (cp. § 75 p. 195), Osc. 
mais magis*: O.Ir. 7nao etc., see p. 431 above. Osc. pustir-is 
*posterius'. 

Lat. Uc-ior beside acu^pediu-s : Skr. dk-iyas- etc., see p. 430 f. 
above, nov-ior beside novo-s: Skr. ndv-yas- etc., see p. 431 
above, sen-ior beside senex: Skr. sdn^yas^ beside sdn-a-s old', 
O.Ir. sin-iu older sinser *the elder, eldest' for ^senis-tero-s 
beside sew, Lith. senes-ni-s 'older beside sen-a-s^ cp. also Goth. 
sinista 'eldest'. meJrior. pS-jor, major majus with magis 
beside mdgnu-s: Skr. mdh-Tyas- etc., see p. 431 above; the 
evidence of the Gr. (ueya-g and the Goth. mikH-s shews that the 
root originally had e and hence it seems necessary to assume 
that the Latin word has been influenced by the pr. Ital. ^majs- 
= Idg. *m9^iS' (cp. Osc. mais beside Lat. magis^ Umbr. mes-tru 
beside Lat. magister)^ which belongs to a different root. 

pledres and pllsima ; see p. 431 above. It has not yet been 
<3learly shewn what relation the forms plotis plus^ plur-es^ ploer-a 
and ploirume (C. I. L. I 32) bear to *pU-ioS' which we must 
assume as the ground-form of the comparative stem. 

Remark 2. For a disoussion of these latter forms see Stolz 
<Iw. Mailer's Handb. II p. 164), Danielsson (Pauli's Altital. Stud. IV p. 164 
and Osthoff (Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIII 445 f.). Danielsson's proposal to 
assume a form *pl6'io8- parallel to *ple'io8' is the simplest from the 
phonetio standpoint. We should start from a stem */>/(^i«-, whence we 
should arrive at *ploi8' (according to I § 612 p. 462)'), and then At plus; 
In plous" ou would be merely a graphic representatire of the sound u. 



1) It seems to me less probable that even at the time when minus 
was still a substantive, there was also a masc. form tnitwr^ like decor 
beside decus and the like (§ 133 p. 423). 

2) In the third live of this paragraph read 'explosive or spirant' 
instead of 's o n a n t'. 



llflB. The Snffii -iea- -!■«-. 435 

Adverbs in -is-. Lnt. mag-is buside major, nimis. satis. 
prU in pns-cu'S beaide prior,, sec p. 433 above ; is it also con- 
tained in pridem?^). Osc. tnais 'magis': Goth. mdis. 

There waa in Latin a very great deal of levelling between 
the form of the comparative and that of the positive, which 
converted -ies~ into a aecondary aulBx. suamor inatead of *sytfd- 
•ior follows 8uav-i-3 for *sudd-if-i-3, cp. Skr. svdd-Tyas-. tmuior 
instead of *ten-ior follows ten-it-i-s, cp. Skr. tan-iyas-. levior 
imtead of *leg-ior follows levi-s for *leg\i-i-s. sSr-ior instead of 
*aS-(i)Bs follows se-rii-s; in the same way, in old Irish, side by 
:|ide with the regular sia there arose a, form sTriu sire on the 
Blialogy of tlio positive si-r 'long', jiin-ior juten-ior, cp. 8kr, 
■jfdv-ti/as-. audUc-ior. facil-ior. asper-ior. doct-ior. sapient-ior. 

Lat. super-ior inter-ior dexter-ior Osc. pilstir-is; see § 75 
p. 195. Late formations are pluriSrSs proxtmior and the like. 

Old Irish. Only the num. sing, has been kept. 

mSo m5 fur *mS-iOs, beaide mH-r "great": Osc. mats etc., 
see p. 431. sin-iu beaide sen 'old'; Skr. tdn-i/as- etc., aee p. 434. 
iaig-iu 'smalter' . 

It is ofteu a secondary suffix, aa in sTr-itt (see above), 
foiUs-iu from foUus 'manifest', uaisl-iu from nasal high'. 

Sometimes we find -u instead of -i» after consonants, as 
hig-u beside laigiu. This is perhaps a new formation modelled 
upon those forma in which i had been dropped between vowels, 
nich as mao (*-mau). 

The forms in -a have not been explained: examples are with 
nOd v%a aide by side mao; lia beaide il 'much': Skr. pra-yas etc.. 
Bee p. 431 above; sia beside sf-r 'long'; So beside tSoc 5c 
yonng*: Skr. ydo'jyas—, nessa 'nearer'. 

-is-tero'-. sinser Oser, aee g 75 p. 196. 

Germanic. As a rule, the siiftix is extended by ti-auffixes. 

I) pridie can onlj he regarded as *prU-dii it it is auumed that 
fvilridit stsnda for *i,ottria-die (cp. Oac. piistir-ia) (Havel's explnoatioD, 
is HSm. dc la Soc, do liugQ. IV 2£0, Beems to me untenable). But postri 
maj also be Ion. sinK- of pouiro-, and prldii mmj have been formed later 
is imitation of poslridie. 



436 



The Suffix 'ies- -iies-. 



These are absent only in such adverba as Ooth. hduH-is 'higher' 
nEkv-is 'nearer', hald-is 'more gladly, potius, rather' fram-is 
'further on'; the termination -is seems to be the original neuter 
termination -ios (Rem. p. 428 f.) , while such adverba as Goth. 
vairs O.II.G. wirs worse', for pr. Germ. *ifir8-iz, Goth, mitis 
0-H.G. min 'leas', for *mvi^i2 represent Idg. -is (see loc, cit-), 

Pr. Germ, -iz-en- (-ie-eti-) m. n, (f. Goth. -v!-ein- O.H.G. 
-ir-On-). Goth, sut-iza O.H.G. stto^-iro Bweetor"; Skr. svdd-tya*- 
etc.; see above, p. 430. Goth, miitza O.II.G. mero 'greater': Osc. 
«(iisetc.,Beeabove, p. 431. Qotb. hard-i^a OS.G. hart-iro kert-iro 
beside Goth, hard-u-s 'hard': Lith. kartes-ni-s beside kart-it-s 
'bitter', floth. hduii-iza O.H.G. hoh-iro beside Goth, hduh-s high'. 
Goth, bat-iza O.H.G. bes^-iro 'better'. Goth, cairs-iza O.H.G. 
wirs-iro 'worse, wickeder". The forms have often been levelled 
to match tbo positive, and secondary formations have arisen: 
Goth, juh-iza O.II.G. jung-iro and jug-iro beside Goth, jugg-s 
OMSi.jimg, as contrasted with 9kr. ydv-lyas- O.Ir. Sa, cp. 
O.H.G.>«^"s(o § 81 p. 248; Goth, alp-iza O.H.G. alt-iro beside 
Goth, ttl-p-ei-s O.H.G. al-( old". The origin of Goth, minn-iza 
O.H.G. itiinti-iro for *mi-My-ia-, compared with Gr. fie/at Lat. 
minia-ter O.C.Sl. mtnfiji, ia obscure. 

-oz- -Qz-m- appeared in proethnic Germanic side by side 
with -t^- -iz-en-; see § 81 p. 248. It is used only in the 
comparatives of o-stema in Gothic and (with rare exceptions) 
in Old High German, Adv. Goth, sniumwtd^s 'more hastily', 
aljaleikus 'otherwise'. Goth. frHma from frSJi-s 'wise", avinpdza 
from seinp-s 'strong, powerful', O.H.G. liobSro from Hob "beloved", 
liohtoro from lioht 'bright", gileganSro from gi-legan "apt, suitable": 
hohoro (also liShcro) from hsh 'high', kSr5ro (also heriro) ftam. 
kur 'grand, glorious'; this variation is frequent; iiurSro (l 
tiuriro) from tiuri 'dear, valuable". 

O.H.G. oharOro (obarSstoJ from ob-aro "upper", aftrSro 
CaftrSsto) from af-tro 'later', fordroro fordnroro (^fordarSsto) 
from for-dro for-daro 'former'. mSr-iro and mSrOro from mero. 

Balto- Slavonic. In Lithuanian the only form of the 
BU^ix is -jes-, in the combination -e-s-n-i-s •e-8-»-e; the origin of 



^ 



the Beoond pnrt (-n-io-) is difficult to explain (an attempt may 
be found in Schmidt's paper in Kulm'a Ztschr. XXVI 399 f,). 
In SlaTonic in the nom. ace. sing. neut. -je '= Idg, -jos; as 
regards -ftse- insteiid of -Tse- = Idg. -is-jo- and nom. sing. maec. 
-fl}i 0**^'' '^'f^i no doubt by the rule in I § 36 p. 37) -p, 
nee p. 429 f. 

Hemark 3. For tlie Lithaaninn comparative adrerbs in -intis, aaah 

taldilaHa 'more sweetly', whose euffii has nolliiiig to do with -i««-, 

§ 81 p. 248 f. 

Lith. sald-csnis O.C.Sl. fi/njrfT;"T,neut. slazde, beside sald-ii-s 
alad-ii-Jdi 'sweet'. 

Lith. geresni-s beside gera-s 'good*, didesni-s beside dldi-s 
'great'. It is clearly denominative in e, g. baltesni-s from bdl-ta-s 
white' jaunesni-s from jdu-nas 'young'. 

In Prussian a solitary example with -ies- is preserved (-ies- 
no doubt =: Idg. -ies-) : muis-ies-on 'raaiorum'. 

O.C.Sl. bolftJX boljifi neut. bo^je 'greater': Skr. bdl-tyas- 
'atronger, more powerful'. gorjXfX 'worse': Skr. gdr-itfas- 'gravior', 
nftnjtfS 'smaller': O.Lat. minei'-imu-s minta-ter, see pp. 433 f. 436 
aboTe. krSpljtji beside krgpwkU 'strong', chuidlfi beside chudu 
bad'. t>yS()i beside pysoAjfi 'high'. As to the effects produced 
by tiie first y oi -JtjX upon preceding consonants, see I § 147 
p. 132 ff. 

This formation however is not so frequent in Slavonic as 
that in -ff-^ls-: nom. sing. masc. -Sjl nom. ace. sing. neut. -ije 
gen. -SflSa and so forth, ttocifl from hovH 'new', sitlnift from 
8itin& 'strong'. munoSafi from munogu 'multus', for *mUnogijl 
according to the rule given in I § 76 p. 66. As the last example 
shews, the 6 of -^1' was Idg, e, and it can scarcely be doubted 
that this comparative formation arose from the addition of the 
Buffix -ies- to the instr. sing, in