A comparative grammar of the Indo-Germanic languages : a concise exposition of the history of Sanskrit, old Iranian ... old Armenian, Greek, Latin, Umbro-Samnitic, old Irish, Gothic, old High German, Lithuanian and old Church Slavonic

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ye
A
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR

INDO-GERMANIC LANGUAGES.

Da muss sich manches Rive! deen
Doch manches Ritsel knipft eich auch.

Goethe, Faust.

UIs
B89la
v.4

Printed in Germany by @. Otto, Darmstadt.

Author's Preface. xr

reviews and from private letters of fellow-scholars,’) among
whom I would specially name Messrs. Conway, Holthausen,
Leskien, Leumann, Osthoff, and Rouse. More detailed additions
which should bring the first parts of the work up to date, Iam
obliged to forego, since thanks to the rapid progress of our
science, whole paragraphs and pages would have to be
remodelled. Naturally enough I am now in a position to
improve upon many of the views I formerly exprest,
particularly in the Phonology (Vol. I) publisht six years ago.
Some of these I have expressly corrected, some tacitly. The
reader should therefore consult in each case the explanation
which I have given latest.

Letrzie, July 2. 1892.
K. BRUGMANN.

1) Lith. gal (‘I can’) and the like forms are not misprints or
oversights; see I § 26 p. 29. To avoid misunderstanding, I again calt
attention to the fact that while for (Ger. aus) denotes a regular phonetic
connexion, instead of (Ger. far), denotes anslogical substitution. ‘Thus
“plocuer for pdéouer”, but “Att. da(wom instead of pr. Gr. *Faya-o”.

n Geass Napliioa ecaependae
‘been broken down in the end. I ean only

Spears ‘A. good deal of the most
| indeed have included in this last volume

x Author's Preface.

the paramount object of this work, I would rather be blamed
for giving too little space to the newest speculations than
give any reason for the reproach that I have allowed them
too much.

A word is necessary as.to the principle on which the
labours of my fellow-workers have been cited or not cited in
the text. Complaints have not been wanting that in giving
various theories and views I have not always given the name
of him who first suggested them, or mentioned others who
before me had thought of much the same thing. My principle
has been as a rule not to mention the originator of each view,
or all those who ante me mea scripsere, except in such cases
as Verner’s Law, which I mention under his name. My book
does not in the least aspire to be a compendious history of the
new school of philology, or to display the part each of us has
taken in the gathering of the spoil. Where reference is made
in the text to the works of other scholars, this is done for
practical ends and no. other.

Tn these last two volumes I have had from Thurneysen
the same generous and ready help as before in all that refers
to Keltic. Here, as before, the reference to his advice in
a few special paragraphs does not in any degree express
my obligation to his aid. If the treatment of Irish questions
(for I have rarely touched on the British dialects) is at all on
a level with recent research, and sometimes even carried
beyond it, this is due to Thurneysen, But I must again beg
that he be not held responsible for any errors I may have
made in using his communications, or for anything but the
paragraphs in which his own words are given. I have also
to thank Hiibschmann for a number of communications on
Armenian.

In the text a number of corrections (mostly in unimportant
details) have been silently made, which I have received from

Author's Preface. XI

reviews and from private letters of fellow-scholars,') among
whom I would specially name Messrs. Conway, Holthausen,
Leskien, Leumann, Osthoff, and Rouse. More detailed additions
which should bring the first parts of the work up to date, I am
obliged to forego, since thanks to the rapid progress of our
science, whole paragraphs and pages would have to be
remodelled, Naturally enough I am now in a position to
improve upon many of the views I formerly exprest,
particularly in the Phonology (Vol. I) publisht six years ago.
Some of these I have expressly corrected, some tacitly. The
reader should therefore consult in each case the explanation
which I have given latest.

Lewzie, July 2. 1892.
K. BRUGMANN,

1) Lith. gala (‘I can’) and the like forms are not misprints or
oversights; see I § 26 p. 29. To avoid misunderstanding, I again oalt
attention to the fact that while for (Ger. aus) denotes a regular phonetic
connexion, instead of (Ger. fiir), denotes analogical substitution. Thus
“puloiper for gdiouer”, but “Att. daiwon instead of pr. Gr. *Faya-o.

TRANSLATORS PREFACE.

The lst of Adiiioas and Come
eomelnding part of tre German edition have &
their proper place in the text. Some few al

2 im tke

rat in
ns kave also
been made. with Prof, Bragmann’s sanction. by way of making
lear what from its tersenese might have been misandentood
A lint of misprint: is given. but I fear there mast be others:
I hope that these will be forgiven, in view of the exceeding
difficulty of correcting proof with so many different diacritic
marks,

It may be well t point out that the word “Reduplicator”
has been used as equivalent to Reduplicating Syllable or
Syllable of Keduplication; and that “Phrase” has been extended
ty apply to a short complete sentence which fuses into a single
word, as fert-Lbam, datdami (see page 444).

In this volume as before I have to thank Mr. Conway for
valuable help.

The Indices are nearly ready, and it is hoped they may
be publisht along with this volume, or at least with small delay
thereafter,

CugptesnaM, July 17. 1894.

W. H. D. ROUSE.

‘Contents

Class V (Skr. dd-dha-ti): Reduplication ending in -¢ (-2)
+ Simple Root forming the Present Stem (§§ 555—560)
Class ¥I (Skr. sd-ke-a-ti): Reduplication in -e (2) + Root
+ Thematic Vowel forming the Present Stem (§§ 561
a ivy av ara DEED rns Se nene teem
Class VIL (Skr. cdr-kor-ti Complete “Reduplication +
Root forming the Present Stem ($§ 567-569) . . .
Class VIIE (Skr. dar-dir-a-t): Complete Reduplication +
Root + Thematic Vowel forming the Present Stem
Wee BWaatitnieecn wees Glew a Ree sis «rx, =
(B) Clase IX (Ske. vden-iti brdée-tsi): Root + -- or Root
+ -i-, with or without Reduplication, forming the
Prosent Stom ($$ ST2—577) . . - 1. .
(©) Classes X and XL: Root + -d-, -é- or -0- forming the
Present Stem.
Genoral Romarks (§ 578). . - ... +. -.--
Class X (Skr. dr-d-ti): Unreduplicated Root + -d-, -&
or -d- forming the Present Stem. Root + -d- (§§ 579
—586), Root + -8- -d- (§§ 587-598)... ...
Class XI (Skr. ji-ga-ti): Reduplicated Root + -d-, -2-
or -G- forming the Present Stem. Reduplicator in -i-
(§ 594). Complete Reduplication (§ 595) . . . . .
¢D) Classes XI to XVII: Nasal Present Steme.

Goneral Remarks (§ 596)... 2. - + see eee
Class XII (Skr. mp-nd-ti): Root + -nd- -no- -n- forming
the Present Stem (§§ 597-608) . 2... 4
Class XIIL (Skr. my-nd-ti); Root + -no- forming the

Prosont Stem (§§ 607-615)... .- 22.
Class XIV (Skr. if-ana-t): Root + -yno- ~eno- -ono-
ing the Prosent Stem ($$ 616—624). . . . .

Class XV (Ske, yendk-ti): Root + Nasal Infix forming
the Present Stem (§§ 625-626)... -..-..-
Class XVI (Skr. yeiij-d-ti): Root + Nasal Infix + The-
matic Vowel forming the Present Stem (§§ 627-687)
Class XVIL (Skr. p-wd-ti): Root + -neu- -nu- forming
the Prosont Stem (§§ 688-647) . . . 1. 2 ee
Class XVIII (Avest. ker*-nav-a-iti Skr. p-ne-d-ti): Root +
=ney-0- or -nu-o- forming the Present Stem (§ 648).
Class XVIII A: suffix -ney-o- ($649), Class XVIII B:
suffix -ny-o- (§§ 650-654) 2... ee

(2) Classes XIX—XXE: Present Stems with -s-.

Gonoral Remarks (655). . 2 ee ee ee ee
Glass XIX (Skr. deé&j-ti): Root + -s-, =e or -ae-
forming the Present Stem (§ 656)... . 1... e
‘Class XX (Skr. (q-sa-ti tr-dsa-ti); Root + -so- or -ex0-
forming the Prosont Stem (§§ 657-665) . . . . -

108

110

m

us

id

m8

11

184

136

4

148

163

116

184

189

120

191

XVI Contents.

Keltio (§ 8083) . 2... 2. ee ee ee ee
Gormanic (§§ 804-806)... - . . . - eee ee
Balto-Slavonio (§§ 807-809)... .... 2...
The s-Aorists.
General Remarks (§ 810) .-...-..----204
(A) Btems in -s- and -so-.
I. Unthematio s-stems (§§ 811-832) - . . . . . .
II. Thematic s-stems (§ 833)... .. 2... .
(B) Stems in -es-, -as-, and -is-.
General Remarks (§ 834) . ee a oe ee
I. es-stems (Gr. jec, Lat. agerem) (§§ 885-838) . .
IL. as-stems (Skr. dstarifam) ($§ 889-840). . . . .
IIL is-stems (Lat. eidistis, Skr. dgrahtjam) (§ 841) . .
(C) Stems with -s-s- (§ 842)... 2... 2 ee
The Perfect.
General Remarks (§§ 843-845) . 2... 0. 2.
Proethnic Indo-Germanic (§§ 846848) |... .
Aryan (§§ 849-854). 2 2 2 2 ee
Armenian (§ 855). 0-0 ee ce ee ee
Greek (§§ 856-866)... 2.2... 2.2.
Italic (§§ 867-875). 2 2 2 2 ee ee eee
Keltic (§§ 876-881). 2. 2 2. 2. ee
Germanio (§§ 882-893)... 2.2... eee
Balto-Slavonic (§ 894)... 2. - ee ee ee
Periphrastic Formations (§§ 895— 008)... 2. ee
Unexplained Formations.
Preliminary (§ 904)... 2 1 ee ee ee ee
Aryan 8r¢ sing. aor. pass. in -i (§ 908). 2 2 ee
Armenian aor. gereci and the like (§ 9054) 2 2 6 67.
Trish ‘Secondary Protea We
Germanic Weak Bretate rg wh oe
Lithmanian Rwapeagend 8 cata ERD
The Mood Rive

Inierciity SN? e4ahs Gdcey oD AER iden Bg
Vombrviet tne
qtaal Romar (S YIU). Rae:

4 Yonyunouive whorg the ludioative stem wade ina a Con-
qwanst or has a thomatio Vowel
ct) ‘Bho ludig. Stom vuda in a Comsouant ($8 911-917)
(H) ‘Phy tndivs Stom bas a ‘Chematio Vowel (88 918
St) ay Ping
LL Gyujunotive where tho ludioutive Stem eid ina Long
Vowel.
C-)'The Undio, Stow oud in oa, -e- -0- without
Atradation (8 880)
(8) ‘Tho ladio. Stem hat aw Long Final Vowel, with
Qradation (HH VHB Ce

44
424

465

415

476

Contenta. XVII
Optative.
General Remarks (§ 988)... .......... 479
I. Optative with -{2- -i- (§§ 999-949) |.) 1) | |) 480
Il. Optative with -of- (§§ 950-955)... . 2... . 498
Imperative.
Genoral Remarks (§ 956)... 2... . 2... . 496
I. The Proethnio Imperative.
(A) Bare Tense Stem as 24 Sing. act. (§ 957-958) . 497
(B) 204 Person Singular in -dhi (§§ 959-962). 502
(C) Tho Forms in -t0d (§§ 968-987). . . . . . . 505
IL Some Imperative Forms peculiar to certain languages.
Aryan (§ 988) 2... 22... eee ee BO
Greek (§ 969) 2 2. 2 ee ee ee ee bl
Germanic (§ 970) . . ‘ Bll
Signs of the Persons and of Middle and Pa
General Remarks (§§ 9711-975). 2. ee ee ee ee BIR
Active Endings.
1% Person Singular (§§ 976-983)... ....... SIT
204 Person Singular (§§ 984-991)... 2. 2... 523
8rd Person Singular (§§ 992-999)... . . . . 528
1 Person Plural (§§ 1000-1008)... . . 1. 584
2nd Person Plural (§§ 1009-1018)... ....... 540
3rd Person Plural (§§ 1017-1028)... .. .... . 548
1% Person Dual (§§ 1027-1080)... ......... BBE
2nd Person Dual (§§ 1031-1036) ? 556
3r4 Person Dual ($§ 1087-1040). . 587
Middle Endings.
1 Person Singular (§§ 1041-1046) . . . . ~~ 558
ed Person Singular (§§ 1047-1053) . . . . . . ~~. 360
3rd Person Singular (§§ 1054-1059) . . .. 1... . 568
It Person Plural (§§ 1060-1062)... ...... . 566
2rd Person Plural (§§ 10683-1065)... . . ~~... 867
34 Person Plural (§§ 1066-1071) . 568
The Dual (§§ 1072-1075) . stl
Aryan, Italic, and Keltic endings with R (§§ 10761083) . . 572
Periphrastic Middle (Reflexive) (§§ 1084 - 1086) . 879
Tables of the Verb Finite. . . levees cole, Sh 582
The Verb Infinite (Verbal Nouns).
Preliminary (§ 1087)... . rds ee cheba ys 594
Verbal substantives (§§ 1088-1098) . .-..-.- - 597
Verbal Adjectives (§§ 1099-1108). . 2... 1 ee 605

TRANSLATORS PREFACE.

The list of Additions and Corrections given in the
concluding part of the German edition have been here put in
their proper place in the text. Some few alterations have also
been made, with Prof. Brugmann’s sanction, by way of making
clear what from its terseness might have been misunderstood.
A list of misprints is given, but I fear there must be others;
I hope that these will be forgiven, in view of the exceeding
difficulty of correcting proof with so many different diacritic
marks,

It may be well to point out that the word “Reduplicator”
has been used as equivalent to Reduplicating Syllable or
Syllable of Reduplication; and that “Phrase” has been extended
to apply to a short complete sentence which fuses into a single
word, as fer?-bam, datdsmi (see page 444).

In this volume as before I have to thank Mr. Conway for
valuable help.

The Indices are nearly ready, and it is hoped they may
be publisht along with this volume, or at least with small delay
thereafter.

CueLtTennam, July 17. 1894.

W. H. D. ROUSE.

TRANSLATORS PREFACE.

The list of Additions and Corrections given in the
concluding part of the German edition have been here put in
their proper place in the text. Some few alterations have also
been made, with Prof. Brugmann’s sanction, by way of making
clear what from its terseness might have been misunderstood.
A list of misprints is given, but I fear there must be others;
I hope that these will be forgiven, in view of the exceeding
difficulty of correcting proof with so many different diacritic
marks,

It may be well to point out that the word “Reduplicator”
has been used as equivalent to Reduplicating Syllable or
Syllable of Reduplication; and that “Phrase” has been extended
to apply to a short complete sentence which fuses into a single
word, as feré-bam, datdsmi (see page 444).

In this volume as before I have to thank Mr. Conway for
valuable help.

The Indices are nearly ready, and it is hoped they may
be publisht along with this volume, or at least with small delay
thereafter.

CueLtennam, July 17, 1894.

W. H. D. ROUSE.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV.

PREFACE... Leathe kat dbase Bote e Gade 8
TRANGLATOR'S PREFACE. | 0 oll. le le.
COBRIGENDA . . a.
‘VERBS: Formation of the Stem, and Inflexion or Conjugation,
General Remarks (§§ 460-4683)... 1... 4.
Reduplicated Verb-Forms (§§ 464—: 418). ay 9 val
The Augment (§§ 477-4883)... .. 2.2... we
The Tense Stem.
General Remarks (§$ 484—489) . ‘ Z ops!
The Present Stem (Imperfect Present and Aorist Prat
Introductory Remarks (§§ 490—491) es
(A) Classes I—VIII: Simple Root, or Root with -o-, for the
Present Stem; sometimes Reduplicated . . . .
Class I (Bkr. de-ti): Simple Root used for the Present
Stem. Idg. (§§ 493-497). Aryan (§§ 498-500). Ar
menian (§ 501). Greek (§§ 502—504). Italic (§ 505).
Keltio (§ 506). Germanic (§§ 507—509). Balto-Sla-
vonic (§§ 510-512). 2 6. et ee
Class II (Skr. bhdr-a-ti sphur-d-ti): Root + Thematio
Vowel forming the Present Stem. General Remarks
(§ 513). Clase II A: the Root Syllable accented and
in the Strong Grade (§§ 514—522). Class IT B: the
Accent falls upon the Thematic Vowel, and the Root
is Weak (§§ 523-535) . . . : ere
Clase IIT (Skr. 5i-dhé-ti): Reduplication ending in -t oF
-4 + simple Root forming the Present Stem (§§ 536
548) 2 2,
Class IV (Sks. azji-fan-at Gr. yi-yr-r-rei): " Roduplication
ending in -i or & + Root + Thomatio Vowel, forming
the Present Stem. Preliminary (§ 547). Class IV A:
Strong Root Syllable (§ 548). Class IV B: Weak Root
Syllable (§§ 549-554) 2 2

Page,

xn
xIx

33

48

51

51

18

105

‘The Verb: General Remarks. $460,

2

Finite Verb. The other class consists of yerbal nouns; the
forms of the Infinitive (including the Supine), Gerund, and -
Participle (including the Gerundive). The last class is called
the Verb Infinite.

‘Verbalendungen sus Hilfsverbon, Berlin 1871. Idem, Die Hilfeverba als
Flexionsendungen, Fleckeisons Jahrbb. 1874 pp. 145 f Idem, Bomer-
‘kungeo zur Jat. Formonbildung, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xu 141 ff. Pauli,
Die Ableitung der Verbalendungen nus Hilfsverben, ibid. xx 821 ff.
Leo Meyer, Ober Vocalsteigerung, insbes. in der Verbalflexion, ibid.
‘xxI341 & Westphal, Das indogerm, Verbum nobst einer Oberuicht
der einz, idg. Sprachen und ihrer Lautverhiltnisse, 1873. A. Korbor,
Goedanken uber dic Entwickelung der Conjugation; Erstes Heft: Einleitung,
‘Prisons, Rathenow 157% Grotemeyer, Ub. die Verwandtschaft der
idg. und semit, Sprachen, part S: Das Verbum, Kempon 1876 (compare
part. 4, ibid. 1877), W. Scherer, Zur Gesch. der doutachen Sprache®
pp 212 f& The Author, Das yerbale Suffix a im Idg., die grieoh.
Passivaoriste und die oxen. fiolische Flexion der verba contracta, Morphol.
Unters 11, J. Schrammen, Ober die Bodoutung der Formen des
Vorbum, Heiligenstadt 1884. Moulton, Notes in Verbal Morphology,
Amer. Journ. Phil. x 280 H. D. Miller, Zur Entwickelungageschichte
des idg. Verbalbanes, 1890.

Aryan, Bartholomae, Zar [ar] Vorbatfiexion, Ar. Forseh. 11
61%. Idem, Zur [ar.| Verballehre, in “Beitriige aur Flexionslehre der
idg. Sprachen’, 1888, pp. 1 ff (= Kuhn's Zeitvobr. xxiv 271 ff). Whit-
ney, Sanskrit Gramm. pp. 200 ff. Idem, ‘The System of the Sanskrit
Verbs, Proceedings of the Americ, Philol. Assoc, 1876, pp. 6 1 fdem,
Sanakeit Roots and Verb-forms (Supplement to Skr. Gr.) 1885. Delbrack,
Das altind. Vorbum aus den Hymnen des Rigveda seinem Baue nach dar-
gestellt, 1874. J. Avery, Contributions to the History of Verb-Inflection
in Sanskrit, Journ. Amer, Oriont, Soc, x 217 ff. Noisser, Zur ved.
Verballehre, Bezzenberger’s Beitr. vu 211 ff. Bartholomac, Handb.
der altiran. Dialekte pp. 113 ff. Jdem, Das altiran. Verbum in Formen-
lebre und Syntax dargestellt, 1978, Spiegel, Gramm. der altbaktr,
Sprache pp. 205 ff, Idem, Dio altpors. Keilinschr.? pp. 184 ff, Idem,
Der Organismus des neupers. Verbums, Kuhn-Schleicher’s Beitr. u 464 ff.
H, A. Barb, Der Orguniamus des pers. Verbums, Vienna 1860. Fr.
Miller, Die Conjugation des neupers, Verbums, sprachvergleichend dar-
gestollt, Vienna 1864. Idem, Die Conjugation des avghanischen Vorbums,
sprachvergleichend dargostellt, Vienna 1867. Idem, Die Grundatige der
Konjugation des ossetischen Verbuma, Vienna 1864, Salemann, Versuch
iiber die Conjugation im Ossetischen, Kuhn-Schloichors Beitr. vin 48 ff.

Armenian, Fr, Miller, Beitrigo zur Conjugation des armen,
Verbums, Vienna 1863 (¢ce the same scholar's Armeniaca II, Vienna 1870,

pp. 2).

4 ‘The Verd- Georrsd Eemaria $461.

wmgle word: this is the origm of all the finite -verb-forms.
‘The pronouns which specified the persons of whom the predi-
cation was made (it is these which we call the personal endings
of the verb) always come second in these combinations; as in

‘Arrate incypopsr eth, Athen 1888. A. Hogue, The Irregular Verbs of

Latin. KGkner, Ausfthrl Gramm. der Ist Sprache | pp. 425
Stolz, Let Gramm (1 Miller's Handb. der blew. Altertemswiss., 1*)
‘346 & Neue, Formeniehre der lat Spr, u* 523 & Merguet,
Eetwickelang der lat Vormenbildung pp 167 #. K. L. Strave,
Ober die lat Declination ued Conjugation, 1823. K. Hagena, Uber die
Einkeit der lat Conjug. Oldenburg 1533. Heffter, Ober den Ursprung
vou Bildangen von Verben und der Conjugationsformen in der lat. Sprache,
Seebode und Jahn's Jabrbb., rv. Supplement. (1536), pp. 114 f. Fuchs,
ber die sogen. unregelmassigen Zeitwirter in den roman. Sprachen, 1840.
Seemann, De conjugationibes Latinis, Culm 1846. A. Tobler, Dar-
#ellang der Int. Conjugation and ihrer romanischen , Zorich
1897. Westphal, Die Verbalfexion der lat. Spr. 1872. L.€.M. Aubort,
‘Deu Istinske Verbalfiexion, Christiania 1875. W. Eisenlobr, Das lat.
‘Verbam, Heidelberg 1890. Stolz, Zur lat. Verbal-Flexion; 1, 1852,
A. Probst, Beitrige zur lat. Gramm., « Zar Lehre vom Verbum, 1883.
M. Engelhardt, Die lat. Conjugation, nach den Ecgobuissen der Sprach-
Ks , 1887. — G. Koffmanne, Lexicon lateinischer
‘Wortformen, 1874. Georges, Lexikon der lat. Wortformen, 1889 (in

.

Keltic. Zeuss-Ebel, Gramm. Celt. pp. 410 & Windisch, Die
ir. Ausleutegesetze, Panl-Brasne’s Beitr. 1v pp. 204 ff. Lottner, Die
altir, Verbalclassen, Kuhn-Schleicher'’s Beitr. 1 322 ff. Stokes, Bemer~
kangen Gher das altir. Verbum, iid. 10 47 ©, v1 459, vf. Idem, The
Old-Irish Verb Substantive, Kuhn's Zeltachr. xxvmi 55 ff. Ebel, Celtische
Studien: Aus der Konjugation, Kuhn-Sehleicher's Beitr. m 257 ff., Das
Verbem, id. v1. Zimmer, Keltische Studien, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvut
‘318 M. (Das sog. t-Faturum); 328 ff. (Das sog. b-Priteritum); 335 #. (Das
sogen. u-Imperf.); 242 © (Deponentiale Conjunctivformen auf -ra); 348 ff.
(8. sing. prt. pass. auf -ox); 352 ff. (3. plur. pract. pass. anf -ait); 363
(3, sing. praet. anf -ta, -tha); xxx 112 ff. (Die Schicksale des idg, s-Aorists
im Tr. und dio Entstehung des kelt. s-Pritoritums); 198 #. (Das sogen.
i-Priteritum dor kelt. Sprachen). Loth, Essai sur le verbe néoceltique
en irlandais ancien et dans les dislectes modernes, son caractire, 805
transformations, Paris 1882. Ebel, De verbi Britannici futuro et con-
funetivo, Schnoidemih! 1866. Stokes, Dio mittelbretonischen unrogel-
miesigen Vorba, Kuho-Schleicher’s Beitr. 908 #. Loth, Lioptatif, los
tomps secondaires dans les dislectes britanniques, Mém. de la soc. de lingu.

6 ‘The Verb: General Remarks, $461.

the first personal pronoun). Personal endings make the chief
difference between Verbs and Nouns or Pronouns.

But it would be a mistake to explain all the Indo-
Germanic personal endings which we find actually used
as being without exception personal pronouns. Once the
Verb was created by aid of real personal pronouns, forms
of different origin might be associated with it, and used as
though they had a personal pronoun tacked on to the end.
In this way, to take an example, the Latin participial form
legi-mint = Gr. duyo-uevor -uevar was associated with the in-
dicative legor etc. (see IL § 71 p. 165); and the Romans felt
no difference between -mint and -mur or -ntur. Again, many
different languages employ infinitive forms, which are cases of
nomina actionis, as imperatives used of a particular person.
Tn the same way it is probable that some of the personal
endings which have come down from the parent language were
not really personal pronouns to begin with.

Another point is to be noticed. There are some forms
without any personal ending at all which have been used like
genuine verbal forms from the parent language onwards, The
2 sing. imperative pr.Idg. *bhere (= Sky. bhdra Gr. q'pe ete.)
is simply the present stem, It must be a survival from
the time when tense-stems could be used as independent
words. Undoubtedly *hhere had at first a wider use, which
narrowed by degrees to the use which it must have had ever
since the end of the proethnic period. In the end, the form
was quite clearly marked off from all others of its verbal
system by the absence of any inflexion, in the same way as
the voc. Taxs or the nom. zwe@ were distinguished from all
other of their associated cases (see III § 186 pp. 62, 63),

Remark. Although personal endings were a sine qua non for the
use of a verb form ns an ordinary sentence (except *bhere and a few
others like it), or a8 a copula in # sentence, still a sentence could exist
without them. At all periods, the Indo-Germanio Ianguages have
used sentences that had no finite verb at all, See Paul, Principien®
pp. 99 ff.

8 ‘The Verb: General Remarks. $462.

the whole, than the fusion of roots with personal pronouns
into verbal forms.

Whether the tense sign -s- in Gr. dstx-ow i-dewx-oa ete. was
the verb subst. es-; whether -dh- in Skr. sd-dhati Gr. todw
(yed-) é-azs-Fov O.CSI. i-dq etc. is the verb dhé- “ndevc' ;
and whether these originally acted as auxiliaries, are questions
which must be left alone. Even if this be the truth about
them, they must have sunk to the level of inflexions long
before the end of the proethnic period, and they could no
longer be the type for compounds consisting of verb + verb.

Nor do we find in the periods for which there is direct
evidence either noun stems compounded with genuine verb
forms, or genuine verbal stems compounded with nouns. We
cannot class under the second head words like Gr, égyé-xaxog
(from tozw), 2myapeé-xaxog (from entyaigw), Styo-ayoone (from
é-ornoa), H.G. wetz-stein ‘whetstone’ melk-fass ‘milkpail’ (from
wetze, melke). These are due merely to a perversion or in-
terpretative corruption, and the imitation of older compounds
which had a noun stem for the first member, They are not
real compounds of a verbal stem with a noun. See II § 30
pp. D1 #f., § 41 pp. 74 £, § 47 p. 86.1)

Forms of the finite verb are clearly seen in composition
only in the following classes of words; and here too one
of the two parts has usually sunk to « kind of suffix
or prefix,

1, A Verb form is compounded with Adverbial words; as
Gr. da-syu Lat. ab-eo, Lat. ne-scio, pr. Idg, *é-dykom = Gr.
é-dpaxoy ({ regard the augment as a temporal particle);
Pruss. quoiti-lai ‘he may wish, he might wish’, pr. Idg. *bhéret-u
Skr. bhdrat-u, — and also -i in *bhéret-i *bhéres-i (beside
“bhéret *bhéres) was probably a demonstrative particle.

1) There fs & new essay by W. Christ, Abhingigkeitskomposita des
Griochischon, Borichto der k. bayer. Akad., 1890 pp. 187 @. I cannot
agree with the theory for which Christ takes up the cudgela again
(pp. 184 1), that “Aymieo: arose from the imperative phrase dye dvdr,
and that dpy/weos came from dyys-9vey0; by phonetic change of « tos.

10 ~ Reduplicated Verb-Forms. $462.

REDUPLICATED VERB-FORMS.

Reduplication, the repetition of a word or other element
of speech with the same grammatical force, to express that an
action or state is repeated, or to intensify it, is certainly older
than the modes of forming cases or parts of the finite verb
which we actually see in use. It had at first no special con-
nexion with either verbs or nouns, but was used with both; verb
types such as Skr. ddr-dar-té ‘it bursts, breaks up’ da-dhy3-ima
‘we have ventured’ ci-kit-é ‘he knows’, and noun types like
Skr. dar-dar-a-s ‘broken’ da-dhyi-d-s ‘yenturesome, bold’ ci-kit
‘knowing’ may have been formed quite independently of each
other. Compare II § 6 pp. 12 ff, $ 51 ff. pp. 94 ff. 4)

Root reduplication in verbs came to be very important,
and this very early in the history of the parent language,
hecause it was turned to account in the formation of tenses.

1) Works on Reduplication in general have been cited in the foot-
note to vol. If page 12 On Verbal Reduplication see the following.
A. Williams, On Verb-Reduplication as a Means of Expressing Com-
pleted Action, Transactions of the Amer, Phil. Asgoc., 1875 pp. 54 ff.
Pauli, Das praoteritum reduplicatum der idg. Sprachen und der deutache
Ablaut, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xu 50 f&. Osthoff, Zur Goschichte des Por-
fects, pp. 264 ff, and possim. — Ernault, Du parfait en gree et en
Jatin, pp. 1. — Ebel, Reduplioierte Aoriate im Griech., Kuhn's Zeitschr.
u 46 ff, — Von der Pfordten, Zur Geach, des griech. Perf, pp. 42 ff.
— Deecke, De redupliouto linguae Latinao practorito, Lips. 1869.
Stokes, Reduplication im altir. Verbum, Kuhn-Schleicher’s Beitr. 1
396 ff. Windiseh, Das reduplicierte Perfectum im Ir., Kahn's Zeitachr,
xxi 201 ff. — A. Moller, Die reduplicierenden Verba im Deutschen
als abgeleitete Verba, eine etymologiache Untersuchung, Potsdam 1866.
Scherer, Die reduplicierten Practerita, Zeltsohr. f. beterr, Gymn, xx1v
295 f., and Zeitachr, f, dontsoh, Altert, xrx 154 ff, 390 f Siovers,
Die reduplicicrton Priiterita, Paul-Braune’s Beitr. 1 504 f. Pokorny,
Uber die redup!. Pract. der germ. Sprachen and ihre Umwandlung in ab-
lautende, Landskron 1874. Holthausen, Die reduplicierenden Verba
im Gorm,, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvu 618 f Hoffory, Dio reduplicierten
Practerita im Altnord, ibid. 593 ff — See aloo the works cited under
the head of Tense-atems.

B Reézpcated Vert-Forma $458.

sing. of mij- (v7 seig-) “wash. =-mu-mar I* pl of wx- ‘ery
a, CHAS O° ung of shu ‘core’, 4e-Sec-dna-s partic.
of duc- “light, brighten’, a-nd-sud-ys-ata S* pl of nud- ‘push’.
Avestic cor’ker’-maks 1* pl: of Ear- Yhak of (Gk. inmper.
ca-ky-dhi). doe-do-t 3* sing. of die (y~deik-) ‘show’ (Skr.
#* sing. dé-dij-{z). 2ac-zag-mi 1“ sing. of 2u- ‘call’ (Skr. jé-

Greek nog-plo- I move restlesly’ for *-gep-aw: cp.
-yéou ‘I roar, murmur for *-wep-ps: ep Lat murmurdre,
O.KLG. murmurtn (3 595). yee-zaig-w ‘I swarm’ for *-yeo-qw
(yépyepn neut. pl. ‘swarm. yey-yefren ~ vo were ylinsres ag00-
naituy Hesych. (Schmidt conjectures yayyurevie): ep. O.C.SI.
94-gnajq “IT murmur, grow! (adj. gagnivii). sax-guire ‘I shine
clearly’ for *-gar-se, Epic partic. sewpercer; the root was
tha-, and the nasal of the verb was therefore a present-suffix,
see §§ 601 i
ie. “FaeForus (I §
nected with Skr. cé-rij-yd-te (rij- ‘quicken, burst out’) by
assuming an Idg. wa"ig-wa"ig- (cp. I § 469. 7 p. 346).

Remark. The origin of a and « is obscure in the reduplicating

syllable of the following words: jea-uie, 0:-geooe, mar-malin, den-Séesea 9a:

(iisoou? Hesyeh.), sne-gérow, mov-avéw and others, The i-diphthong

recals » reduplicative ¢ in Skr. bAdri-bhr-ati and in Skr. bi-bhar~ti Gr. yi~

yre-we. See § 473 Rem. p. 17.

Latin. mur-murare (murmur): cp. Gr. noguipa O.H.G-

tin-tinndre tin-tindre, tin-tinnire beside tinntre.

Keltic. Mid. Ir. der-drethar ‘there is a sound, or a cry’,
s-pret. derdrestar, ep. IL § 52 pp. 94, 95.

Germanic. O.1.G. mur-mrdm mur-nuliém ‘1 murmur’
(Mid.1.G. murmer murmel ‘murmur, growl’): cp. Gr. sopudow
Lat. murmurare. O.H.G. révém ‘I bleat, bellow, roar’, pr. Germ,
1* sing. *rai-reio, cp. Litt. réju ‘I bellow’. This verb changed
its inflexion on the analogy of verbs like pr. Germ. *Dul2-{0
(Goth. pula O.H.G. dolém), see $$ 592, 708, 739; hence AS.

fetes

of
; 611. grr Hom. éisow ‘rash, run at something
96 p. 90, § 131 pp. 119 £) may be con-

is seen in dolian and some others.

Mu Reduplicated Verb-Forms, $408,409,

“leo of varying quantity, which characterises Class IIL of our
Renae deca at sak tom the Remark to § 473
conjecture as to its origin.

ha si 4. Gr. éye7-yoon “I am awake’ has the suffix -e

reduplicating syllable after the root (§§ 587 ff), op.

Sim T ona beside Zyp-s-ro ‘awoke’, rally peed

for *éyro-,0. Perhaps the same -2- is contained in Skr. carad-
-card-s ‘going far away, ghand-ghand-s ‘killing easily’ and
similar words (cp. sarv-sypd-s ‘creeping, crawling’ and the like).

§ 400. 4. The Root begins and ends in a consonant,
‘and contains un ¢ or w-diphthong. This diphthong is represented
‘in the reduplicator by i and w sonant, sometimes 7 and @, not
followed by any consonant. Skr. bi-bhe-mi'I fear’ 8" dual bi-bhi-tas
partic. bi-bhy-at conj. 8" sing. b-Dhay-a-t, O.H.G, bi-be-m ‘I
shake’. Skr. dé-dhy-@ ‘I behold’, Avest. dé-dagiti beholds’. Skr.
pret. a-ci-kgip-a-t from kgip- ‘throw’, a-ri-rij-a-t from rij- ‘be

strive’ (orig. “gaze at something’) for *di-dp-o-war (on diZjece see
§ 594): riche ri di-de-ht 8" pl. di-dy-ati, di- ‘shine,
be bright’ (dcha di- “direct one's mind to’). Goth. rei-rdi-p
‘shakes, trembles’: cp. Skr. lé-ldya-ti ‘moves, trembles’ with
reduplication of the type of a (1) above (§ 465); the inflexion
reira reirdis ete. is explained by the analogy of verbs like
Paha “taceo', see $$ 592, 708, 739. Ske. jushd-ti ‘offers, pret.

Remark I. Despite such forms as Skr, #-b-{ a-pi-plav-a-m

inant, or bu-bhute
“st Bosh eprone Pe iret ot
ue aie Seabed Liner) SF for sror et ‘end of perfect forms such a
eukrOdha eu-krudhur where cu- is instead of *ca- = Idg, *ze- (op. Rem. 2).

Peas Sak-Gs Riek eas} aa Maes & 5.
“I* pl. stdimd (I § 591 p. 447), and pr. Ar. *ia-jt- became

SES presenter igecieo tig cy

be explained on the same principle as Skr. pétimd. But of
Germ. forms like Goth. sétum (sat ‘I sat’) métum (mat ‘I mea-
sured’) gémum (gam ‘I came), and of Lith. forms like part.
séd-{s (sédu I sit’) bég-g= (bégu ‘I run’) Bél-ge (kelit i.e. *hel-
~jit 'T lift) vém-gs (vemiic ‘I break wind’), there is none which

clearly the perfect stem in Skr. sah-tds- beside pres. sdh-a-ti
= Idg. *segh-e-ti, and in Or. ro midar ‘dicavi’ beside
Gr. jrjd-erar, and others. See § 480 Rem., and § 494. mét-
in Goth. métum must therefore be identified with O.lr. mtd-

kind of unreduplicated form in the Germanic and Baltic
branches, and perhaps in Latin too, See further in §§ S48
and 893, |

The discovery of these doublet stems in the Idg. perfect,
se-zd- and sfd-, makes it anything but certain that *éd- was a
contraction of reduplicated *e-ed- in Skr. ddima Lat. adimus
Goth. -dum Lith. édgs O.CSI. jad (from yed- ‘eat’). *8d~
may have been a stem like *s¢d-; and this to me seems more
likely to be true. See § 848. 3.

Present and Aorist, Skr. 8" pl. sa-de-ati 3" sing.
sd-Se-ati Gr, i-on-oro, y~ seq- ‘sequi’, Gr, ea-« (Gort. a90-

—""|

20 Reduplioated Verb-Forms. $$ 474,475.

ju-hé-ti, a-cu-krudh-a-t, bu-bhut-sa-ti and similar formsas being
genuine proethnic types, and not as having changed i to w.

§ 474. IV. A fourth type, of unknown origin, is repre-
sented by a considerable number of forms in Sanskrit, and by
two in Greek. (Cp. Bezzenberger, Bezz. Beitr. ur 310),

Skr. desid. asisifa-ti from af- ‘eat’, the grammarians also
cite aninija-ti from an- ‘breathe’, arjihifa-ti for *arjhijhiga-ti
(I p. 480 p. 354) from a@rh- ‘deserve, be worth’ and others;
nor. arpipa-t (unaugmented) beside arpdyati ‘sets in motion,
shakes’ (§ 797), in grammars also dnina-t, arjiha-t, aubjija-t
(ubj- "keep down, squeeze together’) and others.

Gr. éptxexo-v from épdxeo ‘I hold back’ and qvfnano-» from
tvintw ‘I address’; beside evévino-v, type I ¢ (§ 470).

§ 475. A few remarks are now needed on the way in
which Consonant Initials are treated in Reduplication.

1. There was originally no difference between the be-
ginning of root and reduplicator, when the root began with
one consonant, as dd- ‘give’ Skr. dd-dati, Gr. di-doyu, Lat. de-
-dit Ose. de-ded, O.C.Sl. 8" pl. da-detii. But a great many
differences were brought about by phonetic change. For in-
stance, in Greek and Sanskrit the initial of the Reduplicator
was affected by the principle of dissimilation of aspirates
which held in those languages, e. g. Sanskrit dddhati for
*dha-dhati, babhiiva for *bha-bhiiva (I § 480 p. 854),") Gr.
Inu for *-Fhu, neqvan for *ps-quares (I § 496 pp. 364 f.).
We were introduced in vol. I p. 483 footnote 1 to a dissimilation
peculiar to Irish, -roinase for *-ré-nenasc, -roichan for *-rd-
-cechan; compare § 878, below. The Root-initial is changed
e.g. in pr. Idg. *si-2d-6 (ysed- ‘sit’) = Gr. uw (I § 590
p- 447, § 598 p. 449). It often happened, however, that a
difference brought about by phonetic change was obliterated
afterwards; as in Ved. perf. mid. si-sic-2 instead of si-ic-2

1) The perfect jo-bhdra is w mixture of ba-bhdra and ja-hdra, See
von Bradke, Zeitsohr. D. Morg. Ges. xu 665 f.

2 Reduplicated Verb-Forms. $478.
Avest. hi-staiti O.Pers. a-i-stata (I $ 558 Rem. 1 p. 410),
| Gr. Torn Eorrxe, Lat. si-st8 Umbr. se-stu ‘sisto’, OIr. do-
} -airissid sessam for “si-st- (I § 109¢ p. 103, § 516 p. 377),
from y~std- ‘stand’. Avest, partic. hi-sposemna- from y~ spek-
‘conspicere’. O.Ir. se-scaind “he leapt’.
There are several variations from this type, of which the
chief here follow.
The first is the commonest of them all (it is found
Sanskrit, Greek, Italic, Germanic), and perhaps began
ic period. When a root began with s+ an
; both were often taken on into the Reduplicator,
simply the s. Thus Goth. stal-stald from stalda
skaSskdip from skéida ‘I divide. In Sanskrit,
Italie dissimilation came in and destroyed the
F root

iilfee
vi

|
of
Et
HE
ile

parva ‘shreds of leather’ qui-squiliae, xa-oxdrdk "leek’ are examples
(Fritsche, Curt. Stud. vr 319 £). With s dropt in the root-
syllable Lat. ste-tt sti-tr Umbr, stiti-steteies Lat. spo-pondt
sci-cidt. Compare Osthoff, Paul Braune's Beitr. vin 540 ff;
I do not think that his hypothesis is overthrown by Meringer
in Zeitschr. jst. Gymn., 1887, pp. 371 f.

Remark 1. The reaton why the present Lat. si-st6 kept the old
method, while stefi siti did not, was that this was the only reduplicated
present with a root beginning in s + explosive, Observe too that all its

forms were once distinguished by the vowel ¢ in the reduplicator
instead of 4 (§ 471).

Secondly, when a verb stem beginning in two consonants
simplified these to one in its unreduplicated forms, the redu-
plicated forms were treated as though the verb began origi-
nally in one consonant (§ 475). Gr. Dor. né-n@yeu “I possess,
have authority over’ instead of *xe-nmaua i.e. *he-kya- (ep.

dd

24 The Augment. $477.

Remark 2 It is an obvious suggestion that in #fléernee etc. we
have the augment in place of the reduplication, since in verbs with a
yowel initial the augmented preterite and the perfect camo to have the
same beginning: ¢. g. jofMZor: FoéSeaume (Foe %5w), Faxyra: Foxmuar (daniv),
ey-txiunry 2 cyriyoe. But if so we should expect similar forms in verbs
which began with one consonant, and such forms a8 */-fyx« instead of
Bi-Prxa (see § 475).*)

‘We cannot suppose that the form Fpemye stands for *Fr-pomye, and
that it gave the type for 7-iisrpea ete., becuase the dialect of Gortyn
a has tyovwom, and this dialect kept initial £ before an ¢-sound.

The Cretan perfects cn-srredve y-yperrm mentioned in § 472 Rem.,
page 17 abore, with 7-, only give a fresh problem to solve.

THE AUGMENT.?)

§ 477. The Augment fcitjoc), as it is called, is a
syllable, Idg. *e- — Skr. a- Armen. ¢ Gr. £, which prefixed
to verbal forms serves to mark past time.

1) Forge instead of ifioyze in two Inte sepulchral inscriptions is
probably not a mistake in the graving, but a misformation, due to con-
tamination of the perfect iioyzr oF vidya at a time when this kind of
perfect had become unfamiliar. (Thumb, Mitteil, des deutsch. arch. Inst.
in Athen, xvr 176),

2) R. Garnett, On the Origin and Import of the Augment in
Sanskrit and Greek, Proceedings of the Philol, Society I (1844) p. 265 f.
Fr. Miller, Einiges ber das Augmont, Kuhn-Schleicher’s Beitr., Ut
20m ST. On the Temporal Augmont in Sanskrit and Greek,
Hertford 1385. Faust, Zur idg. Augmentbildung, Strassb. 1877, A H.
Sayee, The Origin of the Augment, Transactions of the Philol. Sooiety,
1885-1887, pp. 652 ff. Bréal, Do Vaugment, Mém. de la Soe. de
linga. vr 333 ff.

J. Avory, The Unaugmented Verb-Forms of the Rig- and Atharva-
Vedas, Proceedings of the Amer. Orient. 8oc., May 1884, pp. x1 £., und
Journal of the Amer. Orient. Soo. x1 $26 ff,

Ebel, Die scheinbaron Unregelmassigkeiten des grioch. Augments,
Kuhn's Zeitschr. rv 161 ff La Roche, Das Augment des griech. Ver-
bums, Linz 1882. P&éhlmann, Quomodo poctac epici augmento tempo-
rali usi sint, Tilkit 1858 Grashof, Zur Kritik des homer, Toxtes in
Bezug auf die Abwerfung des Augments, Disseldorf 1852. K. Koch,
De{augmento apud Homerum omisso, Brunswick 1868 Skerto, Uber
den Gebrauch (die Bedeutung) des Augments bei Homer, Graudenz 1874.
Molhem, Do augmenti apud Homerum Herodotumque usu, Lund 1876.
Bumke, De augmento verbi Horodotei, Braunsborg 1835, H. Lhardy,

‘ionum de dialecto Herodoti caput primum: De augmento, Berl. 1844.

26 The Augment. § 478.

Avest. a-berem O.Pers. a-baram, Gr. z-pegov. 3" sing. Skr.
d-da-dhat d-dhat Armen. e-d Gr. é-tide 1 pl. é-Seuevr, Y~dhe-
‘place’. 3" sing. Skr. d-bodhat a-buddha a-bibudhat Gr. 2-nev-
Gero é-nvGeto Enénvaro, Y~ bheudh- ‘awake, notice’. 3° sing.
Skr. d-dijta a-dikgat Gr. é-delxvi é-deke, y~dejk- ‘show, point’.
3" sing. Skr. d-yan Armen. e-kn, y~gem- ‘go, come’. 3° sing.
Armen. e-tes Gr. é-déoxeto, Y~derk- ‘sec’.

All that is left of the augment outside of these three
groups are a few obscure Germanic forms: Goth. iddja ‘he
went’ = Skr. d-yat (I § 142 p. 127), A.S. 3° pl. eddun =
Goth. iddjédun, cp. §§ 587, 592, 886 Rem. But these are
not free from doubt, because we find in Sanskrit epics the
unaugmented form iyd-t as well as a-yd-t (with iy- instead
of y- like iy-2, § 493). So iddja too may represent the un-
augmented Idg. *ijé-t.

In Greek, ¢- was often obscured by being contracted
with the following vowel, after o or F which once began the
root had dropped (cp. I § 165 p. 146, § 564 p. 421, § 603
pp. 455 f.); e. g. simouny for *é-()enouav from fox ‘sequor’,
elonoy for *é-(o)sonov from Egmw ‘serpo’, efor ‘T saw’ for *é-(F)idov
(Hom. éJov, Lesh. evidov), sioyatouny for *é-(Fleoyatoueny (an
inscr. of Hermione has éfegyacaro) from éyyaouex ‘I work’. On
i9itov ‘I was accustomed’, orig. *?-oF slo, sfixoy ‘I dragged’,
orig. *é-oFedxov, compare I § 563, 7 p. 420, and the Author
Gr. Gr.? § 13 p. 33. The aspirate of eindgny etdxov eignoy,
like that of fa jxa pl. eiuer (for &-()y- &-(ae-, from Tyee ‘I
send forth’ for *o:-onu:) is doubtless due to the transference
of the internal h (*2-henouay etc.) to the beginning; so it was
in iego-y for *ihegd-¢ (Skr. ifird-s) and other words, see
Kretschmer, Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxx1 421.

In Greek, again, the augmented preterites of verbs which
have lost their initial consonant are often treated like those of
verbs that never had any (§ 480). This is commonest in later
times. An example is Att. Wx7joa instead of *é-(AJo-xyou, from
(Foxém ‘I live, dwell’, following such forms as ¢'dxou (oidéo
‘T swell’: Armen. aitnum ‘I swell’ O.H.G. eig ‘sore, abscess’).

23 The Augment, $480,

§ 480. In verbs with initial Sonant the augment has
everywhere ceased to be a separate syllable. It was con-
tracted with the root-initial in the original language (ep, I
§ 114 p. 107).

Examples. Pr. Idg. *eem for *e es or *2 esm, ep. pres.
*esemi = Skr. dsmi ete,: Skr. dsam Avest. 3" sing. ds
O.Pers. aham i.e. dham, Gr. Hom. ja Att, 7 3" sing. Dor.
figs) ep. O.C.SI. -jachii for *esom in imperfects like nesdachit
(3§ 493, 510, 903). Pr. Idg.: *eim from *ej-mi ‘I go’: Skr.
dyam 3” sing. ait Avest, 3 sing. aip O.Pers. ayam i. e.
ayam, Gr. jo instead of *ja for "see (§ 502); compare Lith,
éjatt ‘I went’ from the stem *ej-d- (§ 586). Gr. zgtov from
Jofim ‘I strive’. O.C.S1. s-aorist jasti = *ét-so-m, yed- ‘eat’.

Tt is extremely probable that the same augment is seen
in Lithuanian present forms of the substantive verb beginning
with @, as pl. ésame dsate dunl ésava esata beside game ete.
and ésme (sme) etc, Like O.CSI, -G)achit -(ase ete. (see
above), these were originally imperfect. But after all the
other preterites of present stems with thematic vowel had
fallen into disuse, this imperfeet of es- was quite isolated; step
by step it gave way to buvai, while at the same time the
forms which ended like those of the present system came to
be used as equivalent to them; and later the participle ésqs
was formed and used side by side with ésqs, and in some
dialects dst ést beside esi esi. Perhaps Lat. és ‘thou art’ (also
%) is also an augmented form, and represents Idg. *és-s.*)

Remark. Osthoff (Perf., 184 ff.) assumos that Lat. de gst éstiv
from edé, and Lith. filmi édu eto. O.C.SI. jam¥ (éme) are forms of the
augmented imperfect used as present. I think that their é- may very
woll have this origin. But another supposition is quite as good, nay

1) We are certainly tempted to follow Bopp, Lagarde, and Bugge,
and add Arm. @ ‘eram’ 3* sing, ; but Idg. # seems always to become
Arm. i, Compare Hilbschmann, Kuhn's Zeitschr, xxi 12.

2) So too the augment hax crept into the present and future in
Modern Greek, a8 aa: (fi¢om, 96 oc; (wow (Hatzidakis, Kuhn's Zeitschr,
XXX 375); and so the augment of Armen, kw “he came’ and e-d ‘he

placed’ has found its way into allied forms, as fut. eki¢ and edi¢ (Hilbsch-

mann, Arm. Stud. | 28; Bugge, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxn 88).

380 The Augment, ‘$8 481, 482.

op. pres. 1" pl. Skr. s-mds, i-mds and the unaugmented imperf.
Skr. Ved. s-an Avest. h-en and Avest. ita Gr. f-rqr. One
such form is Avest, ahma Gathic gma = pr. Ar. *a-sma.
Otherwise we find only dsma dsan dima dyan, Avest. 3" dual
ditem, O.Pers. 3" pl. aha aya i.e. doubtless dha aya, Gr.
Tuer Fors, 0.0.8). 2"4 pl. -(j)as-te. If we suppose that the
augment here waa @ (cp. § 477 and Rem, p. 25, § 479 pp. 26 f.),
the sing. and dual-pl. agree in their initial syllable right back as
far ag the parent speech. However, it is possible, and probably
better, to assume that the long vowel came from the singular,
the initial of dsam ja as compared with dsnri sui being classed
in the popular imagination with that of the preterites djam
dnam jour ete, which had a long initial vowel in all persons.

Remark 1. 9 in jyer jee must be a re-formation (op. I § 611
p. 461). But there ia no need to bring in the influence of the sing, ja,
since “2 + i-enf may conceivably have been the 3* plural (op. § 1020.
1a).

Uenark 2. Osthoff’s view (Porf., 151 £) that Skr, dsta Gr. jore
came from *é esfé, and that *esté was the weak-grade form of |~ es- with
secondary or bye-aocent, is no longer tenable. See Bartholome, Bezz.
Beitr. xvn 105,

In Sanskrit, verbs beginning with @-, f, or y- have au-,
ai-, and dr- in their augmented preterite. dénat from undtti
‘wets’ (ud-). dsihat from thati ‘removes, pushes’. afchat from
ichdti ‘wishes’. fata from ‘até ‘owns’. drchat from yehdti
‘reaches, gets. The augment here was probably @; see § 479
above, on d-vynak etc. Other attempts to explain these are
given by Schleicher Comp.‘ p. 738 (cp. J. Schmidt, Vocalis-
mus, 1 44) and Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. 1 74 f.

§ 482. In Herodotus are a series of apparently un-
augmented forms, of which afree (airém ‘I ask’), evyero (edzopae
‘I pray), «dSsro (aim ‘T increase’) are examples. These may
be quite regular, and come from older forms with initial aj-,
€4-, Qu-, as laid down in yol. I § 611 p, 461.

The vowels in the first syllable of such forms as Att.
Grove (airéo), mWiduny (evizoun), bSov- (adsw), and jrryoa
(Garces “T meet’), Fexov (egxm ‘I lead’), Gevvov (oprige devia

‘The Augment, $483.

sing. e-d et e-kn, That the augment was kept or dropt
according to the number of syllables in the word is clear from
1" pl. tuak beside sing, 1" pers. e-tu 24 e-tur 3' et pl. 2m
etn 3° e-tun, and by comparison with 1* pl. e-dak e-kak
(beside e-di e-ki). The augment of edi and eki passed into
other parts of the verb, for which see page 28, footnote 2.

In the Greek of Homer and the later epic pocts,
the use of the augment is artificial, In the later epic it
is less and less omitted as the language approaches more
nearly to ordinary prose. In prose, augmented forms predomi-
nated from the very first. The only exceptions are the plu-
perfect, which shows the old variation, e. g. mendvdn mendvtew
With i-nendvdy i-nendvdev, and the iterative preterite in
-oxoy in Herodotus, as evyeoxov, which never has the
augment. Perhaps the reason for these exceptions was that
the forms of the 2° plural and dual pluperfect (§ 836) and
gevyioxere qivyioxstov could have only one meaning, while
Tyinere rosneroy, rodrere ToenEroy, ToeWare TeEwaroy could be
either indicative or imperative. This made the augment useful
to make the sense clear. In Sanskrit and Old-Persian there
was the same ambiguity (¢. g. Skr. bhdrata = dbharata, ond
also imperative); and there too a desire for clearness may have
caused the augmented forms to become by degrees the only
mode of expressing past action.

Tn all other branches of our group unaugmented forms
gained the day. ‘The scanty and obscure remnants of the
augmented class have already been given. Examples of un-
augmented forms are:

Latin. -bam in planta-bam for *fy-d-m ‘1 was’ ($ 583).
dizit: Gr. dite s-Jdnke ($$ 823, 867.3). scidit; Skr. chidd-t
dechida-t ($§ 523, 528, 867. 5).

Old-Irish. s-aorist ro-char ‘he loved’ for *-caras-t (§ 840).

Old High German. feta O.Sax. deda ‘I did’, if it is an
imperfect like Greek r/9qv é-r/9qv ($§ 545. 886), and O.H.G.
O.Sax. wissun ‘they krew’, if it be for *wits-yt (§ 837). Com-
pare Kluge in Paul's Grundr, 1 375.

34 Formation of the Tenso Stem. $454.
others which are in structure and derivation quite distinct
must be together. Questions of use belong to Syn-
tax. Here we have to examine the structure of the Indo-
Germanic verb, and to identify what is morphologically the
‘Vorbalstiimmo, iid, 1 392 ff, 455 # H. Osthoff, Obor cine bisher nicht
arkannte Prisonsstammbildung des Idg., Vortrag auf der Minchener Philo-
logenvers. 1891 (Zeitschr. fiir deutsche Philol. xxtv 215 (£, Anzeiger flr
idg. Sprach- und Altertumsk. 1 $2 ff). The Author, Die achte Con-
jugationsclasve des Altindischen und ihre Entsprechang im Griechischen,
‘Kahn's Zeitschr. xxiv 255 ff. J. H. Moulton, The -nd-Class of Un-
thematic Verbs, Amer. Journ. Phil x 283 Mf A. Ludwig, Die Verba
auf [lat.] -erere [germ.| -izon, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xvii 52 ff. Th. Benfey,
Kinige urepriingliche Causalia aus Bildungen durch sanskritisch paw,
iid. vn 50.

Aryan. The Author, Dio siobente Prisonsclasse des Arischen,
Morph, Unters. 1 148 f. Bartholomae, Zur dritten, achten, neunten
Prisensclasso, zur Desiderativbildung {im Arischen], Ar. Forsch. 1 69 ff,
86M, 89,908 Whitney, Numerical Results from Indexes of Sanskrit
Tense- and Conjugation-Stems, Proceed. Amer. Or. Soc,, May 1885, pp.
xxx ff. Lanman, On Moltiform Prosents and on Transfors of Con-
Jugation in the Sanskrit Verb System, /bid. pp. xxxviff. Whitney, On
the Classifleation of the Forms of the Sanskrit Aorists, ibid. 1875—T6
pp. xvii £ The Author, Ober einige ai. Verba der finften und
neunten Conjugationsklasse, Kuhn's Zoitschr. xxiv 286 ff. A. H. Edgren,
On the Verbs of the so-called fan-olass in Sanskrit, Proceed. Amer. Or.
Soc., May 1986, pp. xxxix ff. Van den Gheyn, Note sur la 8¢ classe
des vorbes sangorite, Brdayel 1880, Idem, Remarquos sur quelques
racines sunscritos de In 8* claste, Brassels 1884. Idem, Nouvelles
recherches sur In S* classe des werbes sansorits, Brussels 1886. A. He
Edgren, On the propriety of Retaining the Eighth Verb-Claas in Sanakrit,
‘University Studies Pablishod by the Univ. of Nebraska I 1 (1888). 8,
Goldschmidt, Bildungen aus Passiv-Stimmen im Prikrit, Zeitschr. der
deutech. morg. Geselleoh. xxix 491 ff, xxx 779 Jacobi, Ober un-
regelmissige Passiva im Prikrit, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvii 249 ff, EB, Wil-
helm, Zum Obergang von der unthematischen in die thematische Con-
jugation [im Aveat.], Bozzonberger’s Beitr. x 814 ff. fdem, De vorbis
denominativis linguae Bactricae, Jona 1878, Bartholomae, Zur
finften und neunten Prisonsclasse [im Iran.|, Bezzenberger’s Beitr, xur
60 ff.

Greek and Latin. Herm. Sohmidt, Dootrinae temporum verbi
Graeci ot Latini expositio historica, Halle 1886. Idem, De verbi Graeci
et Latini doctrina temporum, Wittenb. 1842. A. Kerber, Significationos
temporam verbi Gracei et Latini im uno conspectu collocantur, Halle 1864.
Dantzer, Ober die dem Grieoh. und Latein, eigentimlichen Tempus-
and Modusbildungen, Hofer's Zeitechr, f, die Wiss, d, Sprache u 76 ff.

ll

36 Formation of the Tense Stem. g 485.

§ 485. The first point to realise is that there never
was any real difference between the Present stem and
the Strong Aorist. There is no difference, for example,
between the imperfect Skr. d-bha-t Gr. Spy (ybha- ‘to

W. Schulze, Zwei verkannte Aoriste (fezor und dw], Kuhn's Zeitschr.
xxix 280 ff, Ebel, Reduplicierto Aoriste im Griech., iid. m 46 ff
G. Curtius, Dor erste Aorist dos Passivs, bid. 2) ff. J. Wackor-
nagel, Der Passivaorist auf -yr, sid. xxx 902 ff. W. Kihne, De
aoristi passivi formis atque usu Homerico, Marburg 1877 and Gistrow
1878. Walker, Groek Aorists and Perfects in +x, Class, Review, v
446 ff. Hatzidakis, Zur Priisensbildung des Nougricchischon, Kuhn's
Zeitachr. xxvii 69 ff.

Albanian, G. Meyer, Das Verbum substantivum im Albanesischen,
in M. Hertz zum 7). Goburtst,, 1888, pp. $1 ff.

Italic. Corssen, Zur Bildung der Priisensstimme, in Beitr. xur
ital. Sprachkundo pp. 475 ff. Cludius, Ober dio Bildung des Verbi
awm, Giinther und Wachsmuth’s Atheniium u (Halle 1817) 136 f J.
Darmestetor, Do coniugatione Latini vorbi dare, Paris 1877. Ph.
Thielmann, Das Verbum dare im Lateinischon, Leipz. 1882. F. Frihde,
Die Int. Priwentin auf lo, Bezzenberger's Beitr. m 285 f. K. F. Jo-
hansson, Nigra ord om de latinska verbalbildningarne mod #1 presens-
stammon, Akadom, afhandlinger til prof. 8. Bugge, Christiania 1889, pp.
219. Ch. Ploix, Des verbes latins en sco, Mém. d. l. Soc. d lingu.,
vi 899. K. Sittl, De linguae Latinae verbis incohativis, Archiv f. lat.
Lexikogr. I 465 ff. ©. Pascal, I suffissi formatori delle conjugazione
Jatine, Revista di filol. xxx 449 ff. RB. Thurneysen, Ober Herkunft
und Bildung der lat. Verba auf -/o der 8. und 4. Conj. und ihe gogen-
seitiges Verhiltnias, Leipz. 1879. ©. Peter, Uber die schwachen Verba
der lat. Sprache, Rhein. Mus. ur 95 ff., 860. M. Bréal, Verbes dérivés
latins, Mém. d. L Soc. d. lingu. vi 842 ff. F. de Saussure, Sur une
classe de verbes latins en -o, ibid, 1 279 ff. C,. Pauli, Geschichte der
lat. Verba auf wo, Stottin 1965. 0, I. Fehrnborg, De verbis Latinis
in wo divisas dosinentibus, Stockholm 1889. ©. Paucker, Die verba
denominativa auf -ore, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvi 261 ff, 415 ff. RB. Jonas,
De verbis frequentativia et intensivis apud comoediae Latinae scriptores,
(8) Posen 1871, (11) Mesoritz 1872. Idem, Gebrauch der Verba frequen-
tativa und intensiva in der Alteren lat. Prosa (Cato, Varro, Sallust), Posen
1879 und 1884. C. Pancker, Die verba frequentativa, Kuhn's Zeitechr,
Xxvi 245 ff, 409 ff. Wlfflin, Die Verba frequentativa und intensiva,
Archiv £. Int. Lexikogr. 1v 197 ff. Idem, Dio verba dosuperlativa,
2 855 f. G. Curtius, Uber die Spuren einer lat. o-Conjugation, Sym-
bola philol, Bonn. 1864 pp. 271 ff = Kleine Schriften 11 183 f Wlff-
lin, Die vorba desiderativa, Archiv f, lat, Lexikogr. 1408 ff. G. Curtius,
De aoristi Latini reliquiis, Kicler Leotionsverzeichn. 1857—58 = Qurtius’

40 Formation of tho Tense Stem. $497.

the stem is wholly verbal, as much as are the primitives; as
Sanskrit Desideratives and Intensives (ni-ni-Sa-€i nd-ni-yd-t2
from ndya-ti leads’), and Inchoatives in Latin (gemiscd from
gemd): (2) those which clearly contain a Noun Stem, called
Denominatives; as Skr. gatw-yd-ti ‘procures access’ from gati-$
‘acoess’, Gr, moceaive ‘I tend’ from moye7y ‘herdsman’, Lat.
planta-t from planta.

(1) The formation of Desideratives, Inchoatives, Intensives,
Iteratives, Frequentatives, Causatives and the rest is in
principle absolutely the same as that of the so-called Primi-
tive verbs connected with them. There is a distinction,
however, in the meaning of the present tense; in these
verbs the present had a second special meaning im addition
to that of time. This distinguished them from the pri-
mitives, which had a simpler meaning in the present, and
the formation with some special meaning became a more or less
fertile type. But they were not originally derived from their
primitives for the express purpose of conveying this new
meaning; the new meaning, indeed, does not always date from
the procthnic stage at all, but belongs to later period, and
it often has nothing to do with the form, but depends on other
circumstances. This is the case with Lat. inchoatives in -scé
{§ 674). Thus it is clear that we cannot use this different
meaning us a principle of classification; our aim is historical,
and we base our classification on the conditions which prevailed
in the proethnic stage, and as far as possible on etymology. We
must then be content to point out the special meaning where
it is of any importance, and, wherever it is possible, to explain
how the meaning came in,

(2) It is less easy to classify the second group of forms,
and to find out how far indicative stems, which we see com-
bined with personal endings into a word, are purely verbal,
and how far they are wholly or partly nominal. If we could
only see which were based on noun stems and which derived from
verbs, this would of course be the main principle of distinction.

There is no manner of doubt that the Idg. languages had

)

42 Formation of the Tense Stem, $487.

-sya-ti ete.) Gr. Ion. feBin-tae (aor, ej-caro etc.) with fem.
Skr. jy- jiya- ‘power, superiority’ Gr. pi@ from y7gei- (Skr.
jdy-a-ti ji-nd-ti and others). So also -es-, which extends the root
in *u-es- ‘clothe’ (Skr. ods-t@ Gr, éi-sorae and other words)
must be the same as the neuter suffix -es-, and the tense-
formative -ss- in Skr. d-jarij-ur ‘they have grown old’ the
same as -as- the neuter suffix (Gr, yjeas). Many other proofs
will meet us in the course of our enquiry.

It need hardly be said that these denominatives or noun-
verbs did not all appear at the same time. The different
types of formation belong to very different periods; and in the
earliest strata, e.g. in verbs of Class II such as Skr. dja-ti
Lat. agi-t, their noun origin was forgotten even in the proeth-
nic language.

But of what verbs, then, can we be certain that when their
stem was fused with a personal pronoun it was a verb and not
a noun? Of none at all. Even where the stem is the bare
root, reduplicated or not, as in *es-ti éo-rr, *std-t ary, *bhibhai-ti
Skr. bidhe-ti, the stem may be regarded as a nomen actionis
or agentis (cp. the Root Nouns, II §§ 159 ff., pp. 478 ff.).

In the formation of those verbs which are traditionally
called Denominative there is nothing to distinguish them from
what are classed as primary verbs. Lat. planta-s is just like
intra-s hid-s, Aecol. ériua-wer like Mod-yev Erdn-wev, Lith.
ji’sto like bijos lindo. Even the present formation with -jo-
is nothing peculiar to the denominative class. We see in Skr.
apas-yi-ti prtand-yd-ti Gr. dvouatvm etc. the same present
secondary suffix -jo- as we see in reduplicated forms such as
Skr. dédis-yd-t2 Gr. yapyaigw (Class XXVID), in forms such as
Skr. grbha-yd-ti, pass. trd-yd-t2, Gr. dod for *Nod-co, lducu for
*io@-yo- (Class XXVIII), and in futures such as Skr. tq-s-yd-t2
ved-is-yd-ti (Class XXX). Lat. planto (for *planta-j0) Skr.
priand-yd-ti are related to Lat. planta-s Lith. j#sto just as
Lat. intrd (for *intra-j0) Skr. tra-yd-t8 to Lat. in-tra-s Skr.
tra-ti trd-sva, as Skr. dédis-yd-té to dadij-f8, and as Skr. fut.
védig-yd-ti to aor, d-védi§-ma,

44 Formation of the Tense Stem. $6 487,488,

to mention that this criterion excludes verbs derived from root
nouns, little is gained by this mode of classification; for the
task of historical grammar is not so much to analyse the forms
and to deseribe their etymological structure, as to discover
their origin and growth. In numberless instances doubts arise
as to the correctness of our terminology. The commonest
example is that of two classes of verbs running together, a
primary and a denominative; e. g. in Greek, verbs in -éj0
and verbs in -e-j6 both become -‘; in Germanic, verbs in
-j6 -é0 and those in -e-26 -i-j6 both became (Goth.) -ja; in
Lithuanian, verbs in -é@ and verbs in -d-mi (-d-j0) both
became -au (inf. -y-ti). Here the question whether a given
verb is primary or denominative is absurd, because it may
quite well have been both. For instance, Lith. bradat bradyti
‘to wade about’ may be derived both from brada subst. ‘wading’
on the analogy of ja’stau 7i'styti ‘to gird’, a denominative from
7W’s-ta ‘girdle’, and from bredt ‘I wade’ on the analogy of
-manat -manyjti, the old “primary” 4jd-byeform of ment ‘I re-
member’; and Greek rgoméw may come from rpdxo-g on the
analogy of voortw : yéa-ro-g, and from toda on the analogy of
qgogew (= Skr. bhardya-ti): péow.

But however faulty our grammatical terminology may be,
we cannot afford to dispense with it altogether in a book like
this. I shall keep the term Denominative for verbs derived
from nouns in the later periods, when the verb stem was still
more or less felt to be originally a noun; for instance, Skr.
gitu-yi-ti, Gr, thud, and Lat. planta-t.

§ 488. Turn we now to the distinction drawn between
Root-Determinatives and Suffixes or other elements
used in forming the Tense Stem,

What is usually understood, or may be understood, by the
term Root-determinative has been set forth in Il § 8 Rem. 2
pp- 20 f A reference should be added to Curtius, Greek
Etymology® pp. 59 ff, and Fick, Wérterb. IV® 44 ff.*

1) Anothor work, systematic, and valuable in spite of muoh bold
conjecture, is Per Porsson's Studien zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung

46 Formation of the Tense Stem. $488.

trembling’ Gr. rp-duo Lat. fr-emd Lith. tr-imit “L tremble’, -es- is
called a “determinative”, whilst in Skr. vds-té ‘clothes himself" Gr.
Ent-eores (YP eu-, in Lith. au-nit Lat, ex-nd) -es- is not so called be-
cause these verbs are looked upon as parallel to forms like *es-ti,
But inasmuch as *tres- and *yes- run right through the whole
system of their verbs, they have become “roots”. And there is
no more reason for separating Skr. 1" sing. tr-ds@ v-ds2 from
I sing. yaj-ase yij-ase than for separating (say) *bhy-d (Lat.
-b5 O.C.S1. 3" pl. bq) Skr. d-ho-a-t Gr. &rh-e from *bher-6
(Gr. pip-a) Ske. d-vid-a-t. We always hear of an “s-suffix”
in such words as Skr. yaj-ase; but why? Simply because the
ending -asé is not the first syllable of the word. The @ of
*pl-2- ‘fill’ (Skr. prd-si Gr. ndj-ro Lat. -plé-s) is called part of
the Root; but it is the same @ which we have in *mpn-e-
Gr. é-navy Lith. min-é), “tak-é- (Lat, tac-2-s O.H.G. dag-z-s),
where it is called Inflexion. And the “determinative” -dh- is
called inflexional in Gr, garyidu vee Ponce neic9m, but not in
Edpa-Sov i-dag-Io-v, or ay-Fo-eer, The question whether a
verbal element, which can be analysed no further, is or is not
a separate syllable has, it is true, some importance; for it in-
fluenced the grouping of the forms in the speaker's memory,
and this affected the developement of a language in many
ways: e.g. the root in Lith. o-ej% O,C.SI. 0-¥jq ‘I wind, turn’
(= Skr, v-dya-ti ‘weaves’, since it formed in itself no syllable,
did not follow the course taken by the other verbs in -éjo
(Class XXXII) in Balto-Slavonic, But this cannot justify the
making a distinction, as is so often done, between things which
are clearly connected. Dealing as we do with the parent
language, and from this point investigating the growth of the
Verbal System, we must discuss together Skr. o-dsé and yaj-
asl, Grook wi-j-ro iBl-n and inpedsnn &-Piien,

Tf, as it seems right to do, a special Present Class is
given to *és-ti ‘is’ (Skr. ds-ti, yes-), another to *wems-ti ‘vomits’
(Skr. cdmi-ti, y~wem-), and a third to *bhsé-ti ‘chews up, devours’
(Skr. psd-ti, ybha*s- seen in ba-bhas-ti), it is only consistent
to distinguish each of the following as another class of Present

50 ‘The Prosent Stom. 49.

stem in active and middle; as 3” sing. act. doé§-a-t(i)
Ay-ndv-a-t(i) mid. doés-a-té ky-ndv-a-t#, The optative had in
the singular active -i2- -ij2-; in the other active forms and in
the middle it had -% before personal endings beginning in a
consonant and -ij- or -i- before a sonant; always with the
weak form of the present stem: e. g. act. 1" sing. drig-yd-m
Ay-nu-yd-m 1* pl. *doig-Femd *ky-nv-F-md (what we actually
find are dei§-yd-ma ky-nu-yd-ma, contrast Lat. s-f-mus beside
s-ie-m), mid, 3" sing. dvif-t-td ky-yo-T-td 1" sing. Avest. tanuya
i.e, ta-nv-iy-a.

§ 491. Great as is the importance of the difference
between thematic and non-thematic stems, it seems best not
to make it the chief principle of distinction in what follows.

Every class of non-thematic presents with vowel gradation
had parallel to it another class, which may be regarded as formed
by adding the thematic vowel to the weak stem. Very often the
same verb has both. Examples: Skr, vét-ti (oid-mds): vid-d-ti,
vo weid~ know, learn’; Gr. t-orn-o: Skr. t-sth-a-ti, ysta- ‘stand’ ;
Skr. 3" pl. sd-c-ati : 2" sing. sd-Se~a-si Gr, #-on0-1-r0, 1 seq-
‘sequi’; Skr. p-nd-ti: y-nv-d-ti, \yCer- ‘move’; Skr. my-nd-ti
:my-n-d-ti ‘crushes’; Skr, yundk-ti: yunj-a-ti Lat. jung-i-t,
Vv jeug ‘iungere’, These two kinds hang closely together, and
cannot be treated apart.') I therefore choose a mode of

1) Tho closest contact betweon them is in the 3° pl. active and the
partic. pros. active. I now depart from my previous view set forth in
1§ 296 p. 198, IL § 125 p. 395 (and elsewhere); I now hold with Stroitberg
(Idg. Forsch. I 82 ff.) that the strong suffix-forms of these parts of non-
thematic vorbs (3" pl. act., and pres. act, partic.) were -enti -ent and
~ent-, 0. g. *e-énti “sunt? partic. nom. pl *a-ént-es. It is possible that
there were variants, also of the strong grade, -onti -ont and -ont-.
‘Then -ent-:-ont-:-y!- as in the gen. abl. sing. -es:-o8:-s (IML § 228
pp. 111 £), If so, it is very possible that we should class together
with the non-thematic conjugation e.g. Lat. sont sunt, s6ns, O.0.S1. sqft
{sqfit) sy, and analyse them *s-onti *s-ont-a; that is to say, regard them
a parallel to forms like ex-t jes-fl (jes-tit), They would belong to both
conjugations. Thix is, however, only a possibility; and I have accordingly
troated forma with -o-, like Lat. sunt, in ench case as thematic) and
thematic only (below, 8§ 492 ff.).

EJ ‘Present Stem= Clee I — Sr. ieti $493.

ate ége+ (ep. indie, S* tee med. dye, Lat. 9 for *ei-0,
cunt for “ej-e-aiG) Optative: Skr igd-+ Weak forms also
found with — @= Sar I* ph abd tmake opt. Fyd-t, 3" sing.
mid Fyete (Class XXVIL") Gr. coaj I* pl Fe-per (but ep.
§ 914); Sir 1 sing mk tye (ep Avent. si), Lat. Hens,
Gr. perbaps S* pl Ham (ep. $ EL — With thematic vowel
Gr. opt. Fes partie. Keer pret. Hom Ge Sear (ep. conj-
Fone), Peliguinn afded “abit? for *afse-d (§ 867.5).

“Eéms-mi ‘I soothsay, praise. say” I* pl *Epeeés: Skr. 2
ph Saste (Avest. 2 pl sqefit with the masal of the sing.),
O.CSL 3* sing. si ie. “sq = *heuet + am siditional -tii,
like pri-jq@@ instead of pri-je ete. (S$ S12, S30). Albanian
gives us Jom ‘I say’, for “Kénsmi according to G. Meyer
QU. Hers 2 70. Gebartst. 1888, p. S86; Etym. Web. der alb.
Spr., 91: Alb. Stud. mr 13, 63).

yéid-mi “I see, know" 1* pl. *wid-més: Skr. edid-mi 1 pl.
vid-mds. Lith. cvicdmi instead of regular *vewd)-wi (I § 547
Rem. 1 p. 401). Conjunctive: Skr. 3° sing. efd-a-i Gr. Hom.
1* pL. <id-e-ner (ep. indic. Skr. eéd-a-te Gr. +i8-e-ra). Optative:
Skr. vid-yd-m, Goth. 1 pl. cit-ei-ma. Imperative: Skr. viddhi
Gr. fas, ep. Lith. veizdi ceizd (I loc. cit., IV § 962). Also perf.
3 sing. "udid-e ‘knows’, with which the above named mood-
forms were associated (cp. I] § 136 Rem. 1 p. 438, IV §$ 846,
912, 939, 959). — With thematic vowel: indie. *wid-é-, Skr.
” pid-d-ti Armen. e-git Gr. (3-2 eid-e d-s.

*és-mi ‘I am’ 1 pl. *s-més: Skr. ds-mi s-mds, Armen. ent
(I § 561 p. 417), Gr. sivi Leab. ge (G. Meyer, in the work
just cited, pp. 81 ff, Etym. Web. der alb. Spr. 160, Alb, Stud.
mm 63, 85), Lat. es-¢ Umbr, 3” pl. sent, Our. 3" sing. is
(1 § 66 p. 55), Goth. im (I § 582 Rem. 2 p. 437) 3M sing.
is-t, Lith. exmi 3” sing. G-fi Zt O.C.SI. jes-mt 3" sing.
jes-ti; on the 2™4 sing. Skr. dsi Gr. @ see § 984.1. Pret.
Skr. ds-am 3 sing. ds 1* pl. ds-ma Gr. j-« j 3" sing. Hs
1" pl. juer O.CSI. 2 pl -jas-te see § 480 p. 28, § 481

1) A different explanation of these Sanskrit forms may be found in
) Bartholomac’s Ar. Forsch. 1 73 f.

—s

54

——— Prosent Stem: Clase 1 — Skr. dati, 8 494.
A 2 :
‘vest. d-ya-f. Imperative: Lat. ce-do, Lith. dif-k..— With

rom Vowel: Skr. dda-t i.e. @+4a-d-a-t, Lat. red-d-u-nt,
aig sing. d-0i-8.")
é-sta-t “he placed himself’, 2°" pl. *sto-té: Skr. d=
> 3" sing. mid. d-sthi-ta, Gr. sory, mid. 3* sing. éxi-
“ore-rea®), 294 sing, d-ord-Ing == Skr. d-sthi-thas (§ 503).
Imperative: Lith, sté-k. — With thematic vowel: Skr. asth-a-t,
Aveat. @-wit-a-f mid. xit-a-ta (xat- instead of t-, see Bartho-
lomae Handb. ¢ 100 Anm. 3 p. 43, and st instead of st-
following compounds like paitisita-),

§ 494. As the examples in § 493 shew, roots of the
eseries took regularly the e-grade (1* strong grade) in strong
forms. But probably in the parent language there were forms
with the 3* strong grade, or é&grade, also in use,

First we notice Lat. és-¢ Lith. é&-t O.C.S1. jas-tit from
v~ed- ‘eat’, on which see § 480 Rem, p. 27; the normal form
was Skr. dd-mi dt-ti (§ 498). Ske, de-t@ Gr. jo-rwi ‘sits 3" pl.
ds-até jj-ara: are usually connected with *es-ti ‘is’. The rough
breathing in Greek must then be explained as due to the analogy
of the root iJ- = “sed- ‘sedere’ (I § 564 Rem. 3 p, 4214).
But some forms of the Greek word may be derived at once
from the root séd-, which occurs not only in the perfect Goth.
stt-um Lith, séd-gs, but in the Lith. pres. sédmi ‘I sit’ 3" sing.
sést, side by side with which in the usual fashion we have
Skr. 2°" sing. sdt-si. Skr. imper. mid. sdk-jva beside indie.
2-0 sing. sdk-gi from sah- ‘overpower’. Skr. tag-ti Avest. in-
junctive ta§-t beside Skr. tdkga-ti “shapes, forms’. Skr. dd-ti
‘pays homage to’ from ydek-, see § 639. Further, the Skr.

(cp. G. Meyer, Berl. Phil, Wochenschrift 1892 ool. 312 f., Thurneyson
Wochenschr. class. Phil. 1892 col 200 f.), it is a question whether zoo
shonld not be regarded as *dd-0 (op. the »-uorist zonasto ‘donavit’).

1) Probably to the same class belongs Avest., being daduye 2>4 pl,
indie, pres. mid, See Bartholomac, dg. Forsch. I 495.

2) Fick’s connexion of this verb with Skr. partic. cit-id-s is worthless
(Fick, Gott. gel. Anz. 1881 p. 1426, Wtb.* I 20 £.).

3) In the English translation of this note, ‘Spiritus Asper’ is a clorical
error for “Spiritus Lenis',

56 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. de-ti. $$ 496,497.

tbha-ta-s etc. We must therefore assume for this Skr, verb a
stem #h-a-, i.e. an extension of the root by the ungraduated
suffix -a- (bhd-ti: bhd f. = psd-ti: psd f.), which is also pos-
sible for Lat. fa-tur for and O.C.8I. ba-jq ‘fabulor’ (§ 706). 1)

§ 496. The strong stem is remarkable in Skr. 4é-t2
Avest. sag-t? Gr. xs?re ‘lies’ (ep. Skr. perf. di-dy-2, -St-§ ‘lying)
beside Skr. Sdy-a-t€ Gr. Hom. xé-o-vta opt. xé-o-r-ro. Very
uncertain explanations are suggested in vol. I § 598 p. 453,
and by Meringer in the Zeitachr. dst. Gymn. 1888, p. 134,
Perhaps the irrogularity was due to a very early change from
thematic to non-thematic conjugation, which was suggested by
ds-tt jo-ra ‘sits. I believe that this same change must be
assumed for yér-r0 éysy-ro (Hesiod and other poets) beside
yéve-ro é-yéve-ro (cp. 3 dual ysyd-rqv), and for ostrae (only in
Soph. Tr. 645) beside osv-s-ra (cp. ov-ro).*) It is beyond all
doubt seen in deser-ro = a@utifero in Nonnus, and other such
forms in late Greek poetry (Rzach, Gram. Stud. zu Apoll.
Rhod., 164), and in some Lithuanian presents in -mi (§ 511).

Remark. *ues-taj ‘clothes himself’ (Skr. vds-t@ Gr. tn—-orm Fo-r0)
is not of this class, aa it must be analysed *y-es-taj (8 656),

§ 497. Like fmahe (Gr. to-usy § 493 pp. 51 £, § 914),
many other forma show the weak-grade with bye-accent. ‘Thus
Skr. d-bhi-ma Gr. sp0-sv Umbr, fii-tu ‘esto’ Lith. bi-k
"be it’ from y~bhey- “become, be’; compare the sing. with the
same grade of root Skr. d-bhii-t Gr. sgo (cp. perf. Skr. 2"!
sing. ba-bhé-tha), without question somewhat influenced by pre-
verites of Class X (§§ 597 4f.) such as Skr. d-dr-a-t d-dr-a-ma
d-gl-a-t d-gl-a-ma Gr. -dp-a t-dp-G-pev E-Bl-n &-Bh-y-uew.

1) yObhd- means ‘to show, send forth, make known’. If we
connect with it Skr. bidnati ‘sounds, calls out’ (Osthoff, Perf. 353,
Whitney, Skr. Roots 109 f.), this must be taken as an extension *bh-en0-
or *bh-yno- (§ 619). With the same extension Moulton connects Lat,
fenestra (Proceed. Camb. Phil. Soo. 1890, May 22, p, 9).

2) The 84 pl. mid. Ved, defan-ata boside d-jan-a-nta may be simi-
larly taken. It ix true that the wort may quite well be derived from
*edyn-pto (op. d-jii-ote).

Ve

‘Present Stem: Class I — Skr. de-ti. $498,

Rem. p. 232, Hibschmann, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvm 112,
-Fierlinger ibid. 488, Bartholomae Ar. Forsch. u 67 f,

F

?
if
z
?
?
5
in
-

i
t
4
:

the analogy of *jhan- = *ghen-,

I §§ f. pp. 335 f, Skr. 1* dual Aanvas instead of *ghan-
vas = *ghy-wes (I § 225 p. 193, § 229 p. 195). -n- passes
by analogy into other weak persons: Skr. 1" pl. han-mas
imper. han-dhi (contrast jahi). Conjunetive: Skr. hdn-a-ti

Pr. Ar. *jan-ti Idg. *gem-ti, see § 493 p. 51. Imperative:
Skr. ga-dhi ga-hi Avest. gaidt. 3" pl. Skr. d-gm-an gm-dn
Avest. g’m-en. Skr. I dual gdnvahi regular for *gp-y-
§ 225 p. 193, § 229 p. 195), only with changed accent.
=m (for -m-) passing by analogy into other weak persons:
Skr. 1% pl. d-gan-ma 2 pl. gan-té gién-ta beside ga-té, g-
instead of j- in Skr. d-gan gén-tu (Avest. jantd), j- instead
of g- in opt. 3 sing. Avest. jam-ya- O.Pers. jam-fya (Skr.
gam-ya-t), see 1 § 451 p. 334,

a

60 Prosont Stem: Class T— Skr defi, § 498.

Vo wek- ‘wish, desire’: Skr. 1* sing. eds-mi 3° sing. vd§-ti
I" pl. ud-mdsi, Avest. vasmt vasti usmaht, conj. Skr. vds-a-t
Avest, vasap (cp. indic, Skr. vds-a-ti imper. vdé-a). — With
thematic vowel Skr. ué-d-mana-s.

Pr. Ar. *as-ti, Idg. *es-ti, see § 493 p. 52. Skr. sing.
ds-mi dsi ds-ti pl, s-mds s-thd s-dnti, Avest. sing. ahmi ahi
asti pl. mahi (I § 558.8 p. 414) sta henti, O.Pers. sing. amity
(L § 558.3 p. 415) ahy astiy 8" pl. hatiy i.e. hantiy; O.Pers.
1 pl, amahy with a- from the singular. Pret. Skr. 1 sing.
ds-am 3" sing, ds O.Pers, 1" sing. aham i.e. aham Avest.
3" sing. as (I$ 647.7 pp. 493 f., § 649. 6 p. 496), pl. Skr. ds-ma
ds-ta ds-an O.Pers. 3° pl. aha i.e, aha, ep. § 481 pp. 29 £.,
also unaugmented Avest, 3° sing. as 3° pl, h-en Skr. s-dn;
on the 2" and 38" sing. Skr. ds-t-¢ dst-t, sec § 574. Impe-
rative: Avest. s-di; Skr. @dhf for *az-dhi (1 § 591 p. 447)
instead of regular *dhi following the analogy of forms with
strong root. Conjunctive: Skr. ds-a-ti ds-a-t Avest. awh-a-itt
awh-a-f O.Pers. ah-a-tiy. Optative: Skr. s-yd-t s-iyd-t Avest.
h-ya-p.

Voed- ‘eat’: Skr. dd-mi dt-ti. So in all the weak persons
ad-, as 3" pl, ad-anti 2" pl. at-td imper. ad-dhi, obviously
because such forms as *ta *dhi were not clear enough (cp.
above, Skr. édhf), Conjunctive: *ad-a-ti *ad-a-t (ep, 2™4 sing.
mid. ad-a-sva Gr. iw Lat, ed-d Goth. ita). On the relation
between dd-mi and Lat. ést Lith. #st, see $ 480 Rem. pp. 28 f.,
§ 494 pp. 54 f

Skr. dhdk3i and others of the same sort, see § 493 p, 53.
Skr, bhi-gak-ti ‘heals’ (bhi- is a bye-form of abhi) was no longer
recognised for a compound, hence 3* sing. a-bhignak R.-V. x,
131.5, following Class XV, and bhegajd-s ‘healing’.

Vodhe- do-, Skr. dha- da- Tran. da- (in Iranian the two
stems ran into one, and it is no longer possible to distinguish
their meaning exactly), see § 493 p. 53. Skr. d-dha-t dhd-t
d-da-t pl. d-dha-ma d-da-ma, Avest. da-p da-ma O.Pers, a-da;
on @ in the plural, see § 495 p. 55; mid. Skr. d-dhi-ta d-di-ta,

62 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. ds-ti. $499.

as well as i was found in the same ablaut series with a.!)
Hence arose the above named forms ddhimahi instead of
ddhimahi beside ddham ete. and hence $i-$-hi *4-8-t2 in-
stead of *Si-Si-hi *4i-di-f€ (cp. fi-td-s) beside 4i-sa-ti (§ 538),
my-nt-mds instead of *my-né-mds (cp. Gr. -va-ysv) beside my-nd-
-mi (§ 597), d-stari-§ instead of *a-staris (§ 839). Last of all,
-& even pushed out a = 9 in the root of forms like pass,
“dha-ya-te = Aveat. da-ye-t? (I § 109. a. p. 101), and so we
have dhi-yd-te (§§ 707, 709).

Tt is true that there are other instances besides these of
variation between Idg. i and 7; for instance, in the syllable of
reduplication, §§ 467, 469, 473. Whether these had anything
to do with associating « with i = a, and if so, how far, I
leave an open question.

$499. A few more examples may here be added to those
already given of the confusion between weak and strong stem.

Strong Stem instead of Weak. Skr. 2" dual spar-tam beside
Spr-tam from spar- ‘save, win’.*) Avest. 3° sing. mid. man-ta
beside Skr. d-ma-ta from man- ‘think’. Skr, I" pl. d-he-ma
(cp. 3" pl. d-hy-an) from Ai- ‘impel’. Skr. 24 pl. std-ta (op.
2™¢ dual stu-tam) Avest. 1* pl. mid. stao-maide from stu-
‘praise’ (cp. Skr. stavi-ti § 494 p. 54). Skr. 2" pl. vart-ta
(cp. 8" pl. d-vyt-ran) from vart- ‘vertere’. Avest. 2 pl. sqs-ta
beside Skr. sas-ta from ykens- ‘foretel’ (§ 493 p. 52). Skr.
1* pl. chéd-ma from chid- ‘cut’. Skr. 2 pl. mid. vddhvam
beside @dhvam 2” dual act. vddham (I § 404.2 pp. 298 f.,
$482 p. 856) compared with 2™ sing. vdkji, ywegh- ‘vehere’.
Skr. 3" sing. mid. d-tak-ta beside tak-ti ‘runs, pushes, shoots’,
V teg-, cp. the weak grade fg- in Avest. partic. perf. ta-~ph-ui-
(I § 473.2 p. 849).

1) Bartholomae (foc. cif.) assumes @:i to be an orig. ablaut; he
believes @ came from aj in Idg., and e, g. Lat. eras (contrasted with Skr.
dst-§) in derived by him from *esdj-s. I cannot approve this theory.

2) Avestio mid. 8° sing. var?-ta 1 pl. var‘-maidi, compared with
Skr. d-vy-ta, ave not safe examples to cite in proof of this re-formation,
because rar*- may come from *of-.

fit Present Stem: Class I — Skr. de-ti. § 502.

the plural. The same is true of e-tu ‘I gave’: Skr. d-da-m,
see § 493 p. 53; 24 sing. e-tu-r 3" sing. e-t 2"4 pl. e-tu-
Br pl. e-tu-n; tu- = Idg. *do- (I § 87 p. 84). But ta- =
Idg. *do- is the stem of the present 1* pl. fa-mf ‘damus’,
whence a appears instead of « in the singular ta-m (I § 109. a.
p- 101).

gom “I am’ is compared by Hibschmann (Arm. Stud. I
25, 61) with Gothic visa ‘I remain, tarry’; and he conjectures
that it is derived from *yes-mi; Bugge (as cited, page 7)
offers another explanation, but hardly improves upon this.

§ 502. Greek. xrev- ‘kill’ = Skr. kjan-: 1* pl. &xra-
-nev, 3° sing. dn-t-xra-ro = Skr. d-kja-ta, 2° sing. é-xra-Iyg
= Skr. d-kga-thas (§ 503). The Homeric 3" pl. Exréy, conj.
1* pl. xréwyer, partic. -xrég follow the analogy of roots in -a
(&-gav ete.), like yéya-x« (Pindar) from \~yer- ete, (the Author,
Gr. Gr2 p, 47). — With thematic vowel é-xrar-o-v,

Remark. The Homeric 1* sing, -sray and 3 sing. fxra are
peculiar. « is cortainly short only in © 432 {rai", Fret dvdpa xaréxri
Kudjoom te9iow). Ia it ponsible that the original form were Fxrar Tert
with Aeolic , which would be re-formates of the same mature as St4 pl,
Freiy? Or is tera a ro-formate like Skr. d-opk beside vdrk (§ 499 p. 63),
and -sxray due simply to the analogy of fra?

V bher- ‘ferre’: 2" pl. géo-re instead of *poa-re *pag-re:
Skr. thdr-ti 2 dual bhy-tém, Lut. fer-t (§ 505).

Vo ger- ‘swallow’: E-gom * Epayey, Edaxe, deéonaaer; Bou =
*o7-, weak grade like go- in go, § 497 p. 56.

al-wa “L will go’, Idg. *éi-mi, see § 493 p. 52, 24 sing. ef
for *si-(o)), 3° sing. el-or; pl. 1" person i-wer 2™4 i-re; 3% pl.
fam either for *ig-uvre (ldg. *ij-énti) or instead of "ar (Idg.
*i-enti) with # prefixt following é-wer f-re. Pret. I sing. Ja
instead of *ja for *jy4-« (Skr. dy-am) following forms with a
personal ending beginning in a consonant, such as qj-ev (on
the augment see § 480 p. 28, § 481 pp. 29 f.); unaugmented
3" dual tyr. Imperative (2: Skr. i-hi, The old conj. and
opt. answering to Skr. dy-a-ti and ji-yd-t, are not found.
Partie. fem. ‘En-/adon, epithet of Demeter, for *i-ar-a: Skr.

66 Present Stem: Class I — Ske. de-fi. $502.
wai pvhoms jv (N 789). In the dialect of Herodotus j«
became se (f § 611 p. 462), whence by analogy fa-g éa-rs,
ep. $504, On qode and Hom. in0d« yr ynv, see §§ 583,
and 858. 2. Imper. io for Idg. *z-dhi with prothetie vowel
(1 § 626 p. 470); and Hecataeus has fod with the strong
stem introduced. The old conjunctive (Skr. ds-a-ti ds-a-t
Lat. er-i-t) was lost in the historic period, and in its place
we find iw immer @ csr like Skr. as-a-t. Opt. sig for
“to-sy-v or “So-r-v with the strong tense-stem (ep. § 943). —
There is connexion between 1" pl. ¢aé in Callimachus, the
Thess. I" sing. gut, and Hom. inf. iuev éuevae: either on
the analogy of sot: tis (Dor. geri: rftevze) and of sinr:
reSsiny, infinitives were formed to match with r/fsusy and
ritéuev redéuoven (op. Mess. conj. avrae and Hom. conj. pet-7j0
(§$ 934); or the parallel forms dao: itm, go: iw and so forth
gave the impression that the two verbs were distinguished by
having one » and the other « before the same endings, and
thus éudy and #usr(a) came into existence on the analogy of
yay (1" pl) and éuex(u), In any case, gui was not made
until after éuéy, — The enclisis of siui, as of qa, is due
to the faet that the finite verb was always enclitic in the
original language; see I § 669 p. 534, and Wackernagel,
Kuln’s Zeitschr, xxi 457 ff — On the thematic forms
(*e0- and *es-0-), see § 493 p. 53.

7 ‘said’ (with pr. Greek ) for *jx-r (1 $ 652.5 p. 496),
ep. Skr, di-a Lat. ajo. The ablaut in the root needs ex-
plaining (cp. Lat, ad-agium : prod-igium). In the mould of
phe igqyy, gnui, gor beside pi spn (pr. Gir. pa-) were cast
dry ini aieke

Vo dhe- ‘place’: é-dr-uer ete., see § 493 p. 53, Similarly,
from yse- ‘send forth, let go, sow’: sizew pr. Gr. *#-(a)e-ner
(op. § 478 p. 26), unaugmented xad-s-pev cig-é-rqv, Siv-2-r0;
Fiek’s comparison (Wtb. I* 13 f.) with Skr, s@- in doa-sa-
‘let go’ (3" sing. d-sa-t 2"* dual si-tam) is unsafe.

Voda- ‘give’: é-do-uey etc., see § 493 p. 53. Similarly
from y7ho- ‘to be sharp, have one’s wits sharpened by

68 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. cs-/i. $$ 404,505.

OF the same sort are the reduplicated qeeyx-« sreyxac
ete, and «a-« snag (Feer- = *ye-ug-); see $$ 557, 569.
Parallel to jvsyxa is the form y%v-axe, which is not reduplicated,
but is derived from another root and compounded with the
preposition 2 (the Author, Idg. Forsch. 1 174); sjvex« too
received the inflexion of the s-aorist.

It is easy to understand how this amalgamation with the
s-aorist came about, if we may assume that the first step was
to change the 3" person singular active. This would become
"ir-ne(xr), and if in its stead was used a form with the thematic
vowel, dvesxe (beside vy-svesxzerae Hesiod), and similarly éye(Fe
(from soy) replaced *z-yev, and goaeve (beside iaarwoenr)
replaced *f-soev, and so forth, the rest followed naturally: for
-e in the first and -+ in the third person brought the forms
into direct relation with the s-aorist. ¢uc éars are late, and
copied straight from éyeug iysare.

Remark, According to Fick (Gott gel. Anz. 1881, pp. 1432 f)
and others, in all these preterites the 24 ging. (-«-c), 284 pl. (-c-r+), ote.,
contain original dissyllabic roots ending with 9 (= Gr. «), in which onse
they will belong to our Class IX. For instance, yefu- in Fyrae is con-
nected by these scholars with Skr. /avi- in havij-. This view seems to
me lesa probable. Even granting it, however, confusion with the s-aorixt
is not by any means excluded.

§ 505. Italic. A peculiarity of Latin is the combination
of thematic and non-thematic forms to make up the persons of
the present indicative. A first pers, sing. in Idg. -mi cannot be
proved for Italic,

Vbher- “bear: Lat, fer-t: Skr. bhdr-ti; 24 pl. fer-tis
imper, fer-te have taken the strong stem, like Gr. pég-re
(§ 502 p. 64), and like Skr, 24 dual bhar-tdm beside the
regular bhy-tém. The 2** sing. indic, fer-s and the 2" sing.
imper. fer both represent the Idg. injunctive *bher-s: fer is
regular (as par for *pars and the like, I § 655 p. 506), but
Jfer-s has had -s added again.’) In the pres, indic., sero

1) That fer comes from *fere, aa Pauli asserts (Altit. Stud., IV 29),
I do not believe. If fere in the Song of the Arval Brothron really moans
“bring', this, and no other, would represent Idg. *dhere; and fere would
stand to fer ne Marruc. 3* sing. pres. fere-t to Lat. fer-t.

Ve be: F* wer Lat oot, Umibe. est est Occ. est ist:
Skr. dete, $495 p. 52. D* sing. 2 for "eos, ako &, the hitter
pethsps augmented (§ 450 p25). Wesk stem © im the * pl
Unbr. sent Ose set The 2 pl Lat epfis bes taken the

eo- belong 1* sing. Lat. s-u-m Ose. sim sum for *s-o-m,
the injunctive form, 1* pl. Lat. sumus simus (so too possumns
possimus, cp. columus volimus above) for *s-o-mos,") 3° pi.

Ved- ‘eat’: && det Estis este, pass. Estur (on -st- instead
of -ag- -s- see I § 501 Rem. 2 p. 368); with thematic vowel
ed6 edinus edunt, also edis edit ete. See $ 480 Rem. pp. 28 f..
§ 494 pp. 54 f., $498 p. 60. Optative: ed-i-m ed-i-mus instead

1) 18 110 page 105 should be corrected by this statement.

vl

7 Present Stem: Class I — Skr. dati. 9506.

is preferable to refer the whole present of this verb sto to
*std-j0; see § 584 Rem., § 706. This is supported by Umbr.
stahu ‘sto’.

§ 506. Keltic. es- ‘to be’) 3% sing, O.Ir, ix
O.Cymr, iss is for *es-ti. 3° pl, O.lr. it O.Cymr. int for
*s-enti (II p. 196, footnote), The a- of the Irish proclitic sing.
1* pers. am 2° at (3° relat. as), plur. 1" ammi 24 adib
(3" rel. ata), is from -e. The form am then had no -i at the
end; and since it is usually written am with one m, it seems
to have had m spirant, like Mid.Cymr. wyf. It must there
fore not be derived from *esmi. The 2°¢ sing. at Mid.Cymr.
teyt may contain the pronoun of the 2” person, and may thus
be explained as *esi--f-. Mid.Cymr. 1" sing. wyf seems to be
due to the analogy of the 2° sing. Is Ir. am the same?
Others regard these forms as coming from the root ei- ‘go’.
The 1* pl. ammi Mid.Cymr. ym may be *esmesi. In the 2™
pl. adib, -b is certainly an affixed personal pronoun, and -di-
the ending of the 2Ӣ pl. = -thi -the (ground-form *-fesi, the
suffix re-formed on the analogy of the 1* pl, see § 1014).
This brings us back to an imaginary ground-form °s-¢-tesi +-
so-, which would be a re-formate following the 3" pl. *senti;
and so perhaps the 1" pl. should be derived from *s-esmesi, a
later contamination.

Again, the Keltie ¢-preterite, as it is called, is partly of
the same kind. In the 3" sing. of this preterite, the ending
-t ix anid to represent the middle ending *-to (Strachan, Bezz.
Beitr. xm 128 ff., and Zimmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr, xxx 204 ff.):
e.g. O.lr. as-bert ‘dixit’ Mid.Cymr, kymerth ‘sumpsit’ for *kym-
berth from / bher-. When -t ceased to be understood as a
personal ending, the other persons which completed the tense
were formed on the model of stems ending in -t: O.Ir. sing.

1) Compare Zimmer, Kolt. Stud, 1 183; Stokes, The Noo-Celtic
Verb Subst. 43 f., Kuhn's Zoitschr. xxvii 93 ff.; d’Arbois de Jubainville,
Mém. Soc, Ling., v 289 f.; Strachan, Bezz, Beitr, xv 114 ff. In the text
I follow chiefly information received from Thurneysen.

4 ‘Present Stem: Class I — Skr. sie. $$507,508.
xxvii 440 footnote 2; Noreen, loc. cit.; Osthoff, Perf. 428 f.).
In the plural, the weak stem is seen in Goth. s-ind O.ILG.
s-int = Idg. *s-enti. Oleel. ero eru is pr. Germ. *iz-unp
(§ 1025.1 4), an injunctive in which the strong stem has taken
the place of the weak (op. Gr. yao, § 502 p. 66). As the
ending of *iunp agreed with the so-called preterite-presents,
such us Goth, mun-un (§ 508), on their analogy the 1* pl. O.Icel.
erom O.1L.G. (b-irum and the 2™ pl. O.Tcel. erod O.ELG.
(b-Jirut appeared. These forms then produced O.HLG. Frank.
sind-un O.Sax. AS sind-awn. Goth. sijum sijup are probably
transformed from *i2-um *ie-upb, caused partly by sind, partly
by the feeling that the opt. sijau sijdis ete. should contain a stem
sij-. — The optative has always a weak root: 1" sing. Goth.
sijau O.H.G, s-1 O.[eel. s-j4; on the inflexion, see § 947. —
Partic, *s-und- = Idg. *s-yl- in Goth. sunjis ‘true’ for *sund-
<ja- = Skr. sat-yi- ‘true’; also thematic *s-o-nt- in *sanp-o-
‘true, truthful’ AS, sod O-Icel. sannr (ep. § 493 p. 53).
ON.G, tuom T do’ (OSax. AS. dd-m) must be derived
from |/dhe-, along with the pret. fe-ta and the subst, ¢a-t
(Goth, ga-dé-di-) und others, but its vowel makes it impossible
to derive the word from “dhé-mi. Perhaps it contains *dh-d-
(Class X, § 584), found in other parts of the verb as a
conjunctive stem (Lat. con-da-m -dd-mus); cp. Lat. 2™ sing.
d-a-s “thou givest’ = vonj, fred-)das ($ 505 p. 71, § 937),

Remark. On O.H.G. stim stem “I stand’ and gdm gem 'L go’, see
§ 708 They certainly do not belong to this class of presents,

§ 508. Some Preterite-Presents may also be placed in
this class. Goth. mun-un ‘they think’, opt. I* pl. mun-ei-ma:
Skr. mid. 3" sing. d-ma-ta partic, man-dndes, / men- ‘think,
mean’. Goth. ga-datirs-un O.11.G, gi-turrun ‘they dave’, opt.
Goth. ga-daiirs-ei-ma ONG. gi-turr-i-m: Skr. partic, dhys-
-dni-s, V/ dhers- ‘dave’. Goth. viteun O.HLG, wigg-un ‘they
know’, opt. Goth. vit-ei-ma O.H.G. wigg-tmés: Skr. eit-ti opt.
vid-yd-t cte., see § 493 p. 52: the weak forms of this ver
were present and perfect at the same time.

—___Present Stem: Clase 1 — skr. dati

$$ 510,511.
= =

Pl. sqtit partic. Lith. sas sanczio O.O.S1. sy
partic. eae, 1 Lith. 1* sing. est 1% pl. deame 2” pl. esate
3 sing Sas tas Js not clear whether Lith. opt. (permissive)
Sebi) oF ae Lang” be analysed tes (op. Brass. 2 pl opt.
40.051 oe With augment pr. Balto-Slay. *s-o-m ete:
Skeont = Cccurs in the imperfects nesd-achit -ase -aSe pl.
too the Pach ~acha, unthematic 2° pl. -as-fe also found (so
in Lith. the a8 both -asta -aste and -aseta -adele), seo § 903;
Beanie Beats Preterite @- passed into the present, sit ési ésa
grit, Which nti’: “84% see § 480 p. 28. — On Lith. 3° sing.
Gr. 3 comes from the root of Skr. fr-é Avest. ar‘-sea
Swiee AS. ear-€, see J. Schmidt in Kuhn's Zeitschr.

for diss Present of {7 ed- ‘eat’ was in pr. Balto-Slay. *éd-mi;

a wee § 480 Rem. pp. 28 f., § 494 p. 54. Lith. sing.
1" pers. émi ‘I devour’ 8” sing. ésti get pl. 1" éme 24 éste
‘lual 1 Eden 26 deta (on édmi édme see 1 § 547 p. 401);
OOS sing. 1 pers. jamt 2” jasi 3% jastii pl 1* jamii
2m jaste 3 jad-ettt (on 1" dual javé instead of *jadeé, see
1 § 547 Rem. 3, p. 401), — Also thematic Lith. édu adi etc.,
Pruss. opt. 2" pl. idaiti O.C.S1. partic. jady jadqéta.

Other presents of this class are found in one only of the
two branches, Baltic or Slavonic, not in both:

§ 511. In Lithuanian there is a fine array of present
forms of this class, but nearly all are defective and have only
me or two persons left, chiefly the firet and third. Some
of them have come into this class quite late. Compare § 496
p- 56. Lists of mi-forms may be found in Schleicher
pp. 250 ff., Kurschat pp. 304 ff, Bezzenberger Beitr. lit. Spr.
198 ff. (a few more come from the dialects),

We begin with those which may be regarded as repre-
senting Idg. originals.

pa-velmi ‘L will’ 2" sing. pa-velt, refl. 1" sing. velmé-s:
Skr. d-vy-ta etc., see § 493 p. 51.

ei-m) ‘I go’: Skr. &mi ete., see § 493 p. 51, 24 sing.
ei-s} 3" sing. el-ti et, The strong stem passes into the

Observe also fenk-mi instead of tenkit ‘I last’ (pret. tekait

§ 512. Slavonic. The form only without parallel in
Lithuanian is s¢-fii ‘inquit’, explained in § 493 p, 52.

Class Il: Root + Thematic Vowel forming the
Present Stem.

§513. This class of present stems, invariably the largest in all
Indo-Germanic languages, falls into two divisions, according as
the accent falls (A) upon the root syllable or (B) upon the thematic
vowel. When the root carried the accent, it was of the strong
grade (1" strong grade in the e-series), but weak grade if the
aceent fell upon the thematic vowel: e, g. (A) *bhéudh-o- =
Skr. bédh-a- Gr, aeid-o- (bédh-a-ti asv9—-v-pa nev'9-£-0 9a);
(B) *bhudh-6- = Skr. budh-d- Gr. av9-0- (budh-t-nta 2-mi9-
-t-to mv9-t-69a1), from |“ bheydh- ‘wake, notice, learn’. The
i often gives both forms from the same root, particu~
en in Aryan and Greek. This we see in the above
others are Skr. ¢dr-a-ti : tir-d-ti “oversteps, passes’,

—

80 Prosent Stom: Class I — Skr. dhircasti ophurcdeti, -§ 814.

*bidudh-o-mos following *bhudh-<d-te, and so on.) This must have hap-
pened, if it did happen, in the proethnic language, because even then
the typo *bhudhd- had become associated with aoristic action, and
*théudho- with the meaning of the conjunctive.

To explain the relation of I A and B, others call attention to’ the
change of accout in the Balto-Slavonic present indicative, as Lith. vedi
vedi etda, But the original accent of the Balto-Slayonic verb, which
is the important point, has not yet been made out for certain; the only
certain point is that the I* sing, accented its final, Lith. vedit swhit =
Russ. vedi alc, And even if the accentuation varied then in the different
persons, how can it be proved that this mode was older than the
Sanskrit?

The same double forms are seen in Class XII (as Gr.
Powe : Buihouee, § 607), and Class XXVI (as O.H.G. wirk iu:
Goth. vatirkja, § 705). What may be the cause of the difference
is no less dark in these than in the other,

§ 514. Class Il A: the Root Syllable accented and
in the strong Grade. Some forms are used as both indi-
cative and conjunctive, as. indic. Skr. dy-a-té Lat. ed eunt,
conj. Skr. dy-a-ti dy-a-t (beside indic. éti); see § 493 ff.
Here we confine ourselves to o-forms with indicative meaning.

Pr. Idg. bhér-0 “I bear’ 8" sing. *hhér-e-t(i): Skr. bhdr-
~ami bhar-a-ti, Armen. ber-em (§ 978) beré for *ber-e-ti (1 § 48%
p- 357), Gr. yég-m, Lat. fer-0, O.Ir. -biur for *ber-d ber-i-d,
Goth. bafr-a batr-i-f, O.C.S1. ber-e-tit; pret. 8™ sing. *é-bher-e-t:
Skr. d-bhar-a-t, Armen. e-ber, Gr. &psg-¢; imper. 2™ sing.
*bhér-e: Skr. bhdr-a, Armen. ber, Gr. péo-s, O.Ir. beir, Goth.
bair; opt. 2" sing. “bher-o-j-s; Skr. bhdr--§, Gr. yép-o--y,
Goth. bair-d-i-s, O.C.SI. ber-i. *§én-0 ‘I beget’: Skr. jdn-ami,
Gr. ‘pret. i-yer-t-pyv (§ 518), O.Lat, gen-0. *wéi-d: Avest.
vay-¢mi ‘I drive, scare off’, Lith. vej-% ‘I pursue’. *pléw-d ‘1
swim, flow, sail’: Skr. 3" sing. mid. pldv-a-t@, Gr. wid(F-«,
Lat. 34 sing. *plov-i-t (imperf. plovébat Petron., inf. per-plovere

1) Such lovelling as this would not be extraordinary. For instance,
the present of Lat. vindicd becomes in O.Fr., regularly, venge venches
venchet evngons vengice venchent; from this we have two sories derived,
(1) venge wenges wenget vengons vengiex vengent, and (2) eenches venche
pencher venchons venchiex venchent (Neumann, Zeitsohr. Rom. Phil., xtv, 562),

82 Present Stem: Class If — Ske. bhdr-a-ti sphursd-ti, §§516—518.

‘wakes, awakes, is observant’ Avest. mid. baodaite: Gr. mvid-c-
ror learns, discovers’, Goth. ana-biuda ‘L bid, command’, 0.0.81.
bijud-e-tti ‘observes’, with secondary (Yj, ybheudh-. Skr.
padt-a-ti ‘fies’ Avest. pat-e-nti ‘they fall, run’ O.Pers. ud-apatata
‘he raised himself: Gr. wér-e-rar ‘flies’, Lat. pet-6. Skr. dj-a-ti
‘leads, drives’ Avest. azaiti: Armen. acem ete., see § 514 p. 80.
Skr. drh-a-ti ‘earns. deserves’ Avest. ar‘jaiti: Gr. pret. Jig-o-r
‘T earned’, yWalgh-.

$516. Sanskrit had so many presents of Class Il A with
@ in the root syllable, that other stems which had originally a
unaccented in the root, accented it on their analogy; e. g.
*dnk-é-ti “bites properly becomes ®dasdti, but what we find is
ddéati, cp. also das-a-ti from *defk-e-ti. See | § 672 p. 537.
But this retraction of accent is found with other root vowels
as well, not a only; as girami beside girdmi (§ 525); cp. hinv-
-a-ti hi-nv-a-nti in contrast with hi-nd-ti hi-nv-dnti § 651.

$517. Armenian. dberem ‘I bring, carry’: Skr. bhdrami
ete, see § 514 p. 80. celem ‘I split’, beside Lith. skelie (skel-
wh) ‘L split’. eker ‘he ate’: Ske. 3" sing. gar-a-t (should be
*jur-a-t, but follows gird-ti and others), y~ger-. e-tes “he saw’
(tes- for *ters-, 1 § 263 p. 214): Skr. @-dard-a-t, Gr. dépe-r-rer,
O.Ir. con-dercas: “conspicitur’, y“derk-. liz-em ‘I liek’: Gr.
dalz-w.

Remark. Whether the ¢ of gitem “I know’ was Idg. ei, which
would conneet the verb with Skr. réd-a-té Gr. rid-sra, or Idg. oj, which
would make it a transformation of the perfect (Gr. vida), is not to be
decided, Bartholomae's efforts notwithstanding (Bezz, Beitr. xvn %4 f.).
The meaning does not prove a perfect origin for it.

§ 518. Greek. dfp-m I flay’; Goth. ga-taira O.H.G.
air-u ‘I tear to pieces, I destroy, O.C.SI. der-e-tt ‘tears to
pieces’. org “1 groan, bewail’: Skr, stan-a-ti ‘thunders,
roars’. gé(F)-re get ‘Hows’: Skr. srdo-a-ti. 9¢(F)-o “I run’: Skr.
dhav-a-té “streams, flows’ (on dhde-a-ti see § 480 Rem. p. 29).
tégn-m “I satisfy, please’: Skr. tdrp-a-ti. autiy-m “1 milk’:
OALG. mileh-u, Lith. méld-u, sid-o-pae “I appear, am like’:
» pel-a-té neéd-m “I persuade’: Lat. fid-d, (oth, beid-a

84 Present Stem: Class 11 — Ske. bhdr-a-ti sphur-d-ti. §§520,521.

present from *fek-se-ti, and putting it in Class XX; see I § 554
p- 408, Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx1 433. Lat. ag-d,
Umbr, aitu aite Osc. actud ‘agito’ (1 § 502 p. 368): Skr.
dj-a-ti ete., ste § 514 p. 81. Lat, seab-d: Goth. skab-a
‘I serupe, shave’ (I § 346 p. 271).

§ 520. Keltic. Irish Presents of the 1" and 3" conju-
gations (0- and jo-stems) are so often confused that the
distinction between them cannot be made of any practical use.
This makes it quite uncertain whether the following specimens
belonged to Class II originally or not.

O.Ir. -biur ber-im ‘I bear, bring’: Skr. bidr-a-ti ete., see
$514 p. 80, cel-im ‘I hide’: O.H.G. Ail-w ‘I hide’ (it is
doubtfal whether to add Lat. oc-culd, as being for *-celd,
or to place it in IB). mel-im ‘molo’, / mel- (O.C.SI. mel-jq
inf. mlé-ti). con-dercar ‘conspicitur: Skr. d-daré-a-t etc., see
§ 517 p. 82. reth-im ‘I run’: op. Lith. rit-k T roll! (II B).
&rig (Mid. Ir.) imper. ‘raise yourself, rise’: Gr. dpéy-m
‘I reach’, Lat. reg-d. lengim ‘I spring’ 3° sing. lingid):
Skr. rdh-a-te ete., see § 514 p. 81. scendim (Mid, Ir.)
‘L spring’, Mod. Cymr. cy-chwynnaf ‘I spring up’, pr. Kelt.
“skyend-: it appears to be connected with Skr. skdnd-
-a-ti ‘springs’ Lat. scand@, but the vowels are not clear
(cp. Kretschmer in Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxxr 379, R. Schmidt
Idg. Forsch. 1 75 £.). tiag-im ‘I go’: Gr. oreiz-w ‘I go’, Goth.
steig-a ‘I climb’, 7 stejgh-. fed-im ‘T lead’: Lith. ved-i “I lead’
O.CSI. ved-e-tii, /uedh-. tech-im ‘I flee’: Skr. tak-a-ti ‘runs,
pushes, shoves’ (in the grammarians), Lith. tek-i ‘I run, flow’
O.CS1. teé-e-tit ‘rans, flows’. can-im ‘I sing’: Lat. can-d.

§ 521. Germanic. Goth. ga-tatra O.H.G. zir-u ‘I tear,
destroy’: Gr. dég-m ete., see § 518 p. 82, O.H.G, brim-u
‘E growl, roar’: Lat. frem-d (cp. Osthoff, M. U., V 93 ff., Per
Persson Stud. zur Lehre der Wurzelerweiterung, 288). Goth.
ga-pairsa ‘L dry up’: Gr. répo-ere: ‘dries’, O.H-G. wirr-u
‘[ mix up, confuse’ (instead of *wirs-w by analogy of gi-worran
and other such, where -rr- comes from -rz-, cp. I § 582
Rem. 1 p. 435): Lat. verrd for *vers-d (also vorrd). O.H.G.

86 Present Stem: Class Lf — Skr. bhdr-0-ti sphur-d-ti. $523.

*geg-e-tit and this for *deg-e-tii (cp. Russ, iz-gaga ‘heart-burn’):")
Skr. ddh-a-ti ‘burns’, VY dhegh-. Lith. pesz-i “I pluck’: Gr.
xéx-w ‘I shear’. Lith. kds-u ‘I cough’: Skr. kds-a-té ‘coughs’.

§ 523. Class I B: the Accent falls upon the
thematic Vowel, and the Root is Weak.

This class may have been produced by adding a thematic
vowel io forms of Class I with the weak stem; see § 491,
page 50,

Pr. Idg. *grr-6 ‘I swallow’ 3" sing. *gpr-é-t(), V ger-:
Skr. gir-dmi gil-dmi, O.C.SL. Zir-e-tii, *mjl-d- from (/mel-
‘grind’ (O.Ir, melim, IL A, § 520 p, 84): Armen. mal-em
‘L shatter, crush’, Lat. mof-0, Mod.Cymr. mal-af ‘I grind’.
*gmm-6- *qm-d- from y~gem- ‘go, come’ (Goth, gim-a): Skr.
opt. gam-é-t Avest. g'm-a-f ym-a-f O.Pers, mid. a-gm-a-ta,
O.H.G. cum-u (I § 227 p. 193); whether Lat. conj. ad-venat
(properly *-vem-a-t, but changed by analogy of venid -ventu-s,
see I $$ 207, 208 pp. 174 f.) and Ose. indic. kimbened ‘con-
venit’ (-n- instead of -m- as in Latin) should be placed here
or in Class II A is uncertain; — and a parallel stem, Idg.
*gém-ti § 493 p. 51. *upn-d- from |/yen- ‘win, love’: Skr.
opt. I" pl. van-é-sma (conj. van-d-ti), Goth, un-vunands ‘not
rejoicing’.*) *ym-d- from “nem- ‘take : Lat. emo, Lith. imi
O.C.SI. ima; see 1 § 219 Rem. 2 p. 187, § 288 p. 199;
Solmsen in Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 81; Briickner, Arch. slav.
Phil., x 183 (not so Fick, Wtb. 14 363, Wiedemann Lit. Praet.
118). *bhuy-d- *bhu-6- from (/bhew- “become, be’: Skr. 3
sing. d-bhuv-a-t bhiv-a-t (for the accent, see § 525)

1) Vol. I § 879 Rem. p. 286, should be corrected. It can hardly be
right to separate degq from dei, a8 Miklosich does (Etym. Worterb. 407).

2) A comparison of un-vunands with forms like kunnum = Idg.
"Gy-nu-mée (3 646) shows that n and m following g and as transition-
consonants or consonant glides were pronounced more weakly than when
they had their ordinary value Thus it would be better to write *yy"-d-,
and on the same principle *kuY-o- (= Ske. bhite-a-t), *du¥s (= Gr. Arn)
rather than *Uhuy-o- *duy-d. The difference is seen in pr. Gr. *hek*etuj
= Farras an (Ijikuor = ixnas.

88 Prosent Stems: Class Il —Skr.bhdr-asté sphursdeti, $9 525,526.

Idg. *bhpzg-é-ti or bhrzg-é-ti (op. Thurneysen, Kuhn’s Zeitschr.
XXX 353). d-vpt-a-t, /uert-: does Lat. vortd (beside vertd)
come from pre-Italic *wyt-d? 3° pl. spiirdh-d-n beside spdrdh-
-a-té ‘strives’, spiirdh- = “spfdh-, cp. partic. sprdh-dnd-s,
5” sing. (aor.) bhras-a-t ‘fell’ beside pres. bhrds-a-tz. vis-d-té
‘enters’, Avest. vts-ait?. Skr, d-sic-a-t ‘he poured out’; O.H.G.
stg-w ‘I full down, trickle’ pr. Germ, *stké, yseig-. Partio.
di§-d-mana-s, Vdeik-: ep. O.Tcel, tega ‘to show’ (beside ta =
Goth. teihan, IL A). bhij-d-ti ‘bends, pushes away’, Avest. bij-a-f
‘pushed away’: Gr. égvy-o-v ‘I fled’ inf. qvy-c7r, AS, biaiz-e
‘L bow’, (bheng- bheug-. Skr. 2° sing. druh-a-s, Avest. dru-
Saiti, ydhreugh- ‘deceive, lie’, Skr. gith-a-ti ‘hides’ (for accent
see § 525) 2 sing. guh-a-s, Avest. mid. d-guz-?. From |/dé-
“give’ Skr. dda-t (a +-a-d-a-t), Avest. 24 sing. opt. ddi-d: Lat.
ved-dd, see § 493 pp. 53 f. From |/ std- ‘stand’ Skr. astha-t
Avest. a-ait-a-f, see § 493 p. 54. Skr. -h-a-ti in ujha-ti
‘lets go’ for “ud -- jhati, beside jd-ha-ti ‘leaves’.

§ 525. Many forms of this class have in Sanskrit the
necent of ITA; as dd-a-ti /denk-, glr-ami beside gir-dmi
(§ 523 p. 86), bhiiv-a-t (p. 86), hyp-a-té ‘laments’, Compare
§ 516, page 82.

Remark, After what has been said in I § $13 p. 251 and other
places, it must scem doubtful whether such a word as Skr. pdo-a-t)
‘coquit’ represents original *péq-e-/i (I A), or orig. *peg-é-!i (II B) with
weak grade stem and secondary accent, the word accent having been
afterwards retracted. I hold that Bartholomae is right in allowing only »
as the woak grade with secondary accent for roots of the form peg- (Bezz.
Beitr., xvu 109 ff.), which brings presents like pdo-o-ti under II A. Bartho-

lomae, page 117, conjectures that an Ar, *aid-¢ = *sod-d- from 5” sed-
‘sit’ is contained in Avent. iid-a-iti.

§ 526. Armenian. mal-em ‘I crush, shatter’ ymel-:
Tat. mol-o ete., see § 523 p. 86. barj-i “I raised’ (pres.
harnam for *barj-na-m): Skr. byh-a-ti ‘strengthens, lifts up’,
Vbhergh-. e-git ‘he found’ (pres. gt-anem): Skr. d-vid-a-t ete.,
see § 523 p. 87. — e-Uik “he left’ (pres. U-anem): Gr. é-Jex-0-v
inf. dun-sir, Vleig-. e-fuk “he spewed’ (pres. f'-anem).

90 Present Stem: Class 11 — Skr. bidir-aeti sphur-d-ti. $527.

Vqd-. F-rap-o-v ‘T vat! rap-eiv from ytem-. F-deev-0-v ‘T died’
Yar-sty instead of *par, beside é-Isvo-v from Vghen- (I § 429
Rem. 1 p. 317): Russ, gw ‘I cut off” for *gin-a, see § 534.
F-xtav-o-v ‘L killed’ xrav-sty from xrev-, beside 1" pl. Exra-ter
Class I § 502 p. G4. aveofyo ‘I open’ for *é-Fry-m, ep. Hom.
arfy-veevto and Lesb. inf, o-sty-_v (§ 643). F-eo-v I drank’ mestv
beside n7-9 Class 1; xdu-m ‘I hear’ beside 240-3: Class I, § 408
p- 59 (ep. W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 240); it is not
certain, I freely admit, that these stems in -r-o- and -r-o- are
rightly classed here; see the Remark. gaz-siv* aveiivar (‘grasp')
Hesych.: Skr. my$-d-ti ‘touches, grasps’. ygdg-m ‘I serateh in,
incise, write’, 1” gerph- (A.8. ceorfan ‘cut, carve’ Mid.H.G. kerben
to notch, indent kerve ‘a notch’). Dor. reéa- ‘I turn’ (Att. rpéx-w
IL A), Att, étean-0-» rpan-si7v. xégp-« ‘T dry up, wither’, beside
Lith. skreb-it ‘I grow dry’. é-2ax-o-v ‘sounded, cried, spoke’
Raxetiv: Lat. logu-or (cp. Bartholomac, Bezz. Beitr. xvi 121).
f-aad-ov “Lexperienced’ na-s7v, beside név-0g, &nid-s-r0 ‘he
obeyed, listened to’ mit-2-c9a, ybheidh-; on Cioth. us-bida
(Romans 9.3), see § 722. ix-t-oice ‘to arrive’ beside pres, sxc.
F-org-o-v ‘L climbed, went’ oxiz-siv, ystejgh-. yavg-w ‘I dig in,
engrave, ineise’: A.S. claf-e ‘I cleave, split’ (O.H.G. chlinb-n,
I A); on Lat. glab-d see § 529. i-avi9-2-ro ‘he learnt’ avd-c-
-ada: Skr. 3 pl budh-d-nta, ybheudh- (§ 513 p, 79).
Havd-ow aor. “I came’ beside fut, stevcoua, xvde ‘he hid’
heside xsv9-w. &ay-o-v ‘he held, had’ ay-siv, beside f-m,
Vosegh-, tnr-s-ro ‘he flew’ ar-#-a9a beside aér-r-reer, Partie.
pucx-oiv ‘bleating, erying’ beside sepcopece.

With the secondary ending of the 2” sing. middle: ¢-o7-
stndys beside Faz-e-10; deacdnc rigédyc i, e Pe-urse-thes from
vower- ‘say’ (stom), see § 589. Whether these very forms
were some of the original types which produced the whole
series of aorists in -dyr, is of course doubtful; -thés seems
originally to have belonged only to non-thematic stems
(§ 1047. 2).

Remark 2 It is hard to classify forms in -w -so-v and -ew ~vo-r,
along with which forms in? and ¢ are common. There is nothing a priors

92 Prosent Stem: Class If —Skr. bhdr-a-ti sphir-d-ti. §§ 529,530.

Then again, it is probable the 3" sing. and 1* pl. of certain
Latin perfects, which were originally thematic aorists, belong
to this class of forma. fuli-t tuli-mus, see tuld above. fidi-t
fidi-mus: Skr. opt. bhidéy-am beside d-bhét ‘he split’. scidi-t
scidi-mus: Skr. d-chid-a-t ‘he cut off’, Compare § 867.

§ 529. In Itulic it is often doubtful whether a verb
belongs to Il A or IL B; as in the following instances, Lat,
oc-culé, which may represent either *-celd (op. O.Ir. cel-im
OELG, hil-w $520 p. 84) or *-cfld, ad-venat Osc. kim-bened
‘convénit’, sce § 523 p. 86, Lat. glab-d, ep, O.H.G. chlinbu
and A.S. clafe § 527, p. 90 (cp. p. 79 footnote 1, on ed rado),
This doubt is most common with verbs in -1d, because
-w6 in unaccented position may come from *-oud (*-eud) or
from *-ayd (I § 172.1 p. 152). Thus clu-d ‘I am called, pass
for’ (Gr. xia and xié(Aouc), ‘ru-4 ‘I snatch, tear, carry off,
root up’ (Gr. Zo’ ‘pull, draw’ O.C.SI. riiv-e-tt ‘evellit’ and
Skr. rdv-a-ti ‘he dashes to pieces’), nu-d (Skr. ndv-a-té ‘moves),
elu-6 ‘I purify’ (Skr, gruv-a-ti ‘melts’), in-gruo (Litt. grifvir
‘IT break down’ § 535), pln-i-t (op. plove-bat § 514 p. 80).
Lastly, some verbs may belong to the jo-class, as sud ep, Goth,
sin-ja ete, § 707.

§ 530. The quality of the thematic vowel should be
observed in the I" pl. sumus simus (possumus possimus),
volumus volimus, quacsumus as contrasted with ferimus ete.
In these u and f are used to represent a sound between the
two (as in magnuficus madgnificus, maxumus maximus), which
was here the regular descendant of Idg. -o- (op. Gir. gég-o-ner).
The assumption that -i- in leg-i-mus is due to the analogy of
leg-i-tis, and replaced u i, is not supported by ferimus beside
fertis a3 compared with volumus : vultis. stemus must in time
have got a distinct « (by analogy of swm and sunt, where «
is regular for o in a closed syllable); for the Romance languages
show sometimes a form which must come from snmus (Span.
Port. somos cte.), sometimes one which must come from stmus
(Roamanian semit ete.). On the whole subject see L. Havet,
Mém. Soe. Ling. vi 26 f.

94 Present Stom: Class If — Skr. bhdr-arti sphuer-d-ti. $532.

Goth, un-outands ‘not pleased’: Skr. opt. van-é-ma, Vuen-,
§ 523 p. 86. O.FLG. chie-a ‘I chew': O,CSI. Fie-e-tit
‘chews’ for “gitiv-e-tti, groundform *giwy-0. Goth, trud-a
O,lcel. tred (inf. troda) ‘I step, tread’ as contrasted with O.H.(.
trite TL A. Goth. ga-datirsan ‘to dare’ (indie, ga-dars): Skr,
dhy§-d-nt- ‘daring’, V dhers-, O.H.G. scalt-u ‘I thrust, hit’
ground-form *sk{dh-d as opposed to O.1L.G. seilt-u “I scold’ 11 A.
Goth. gagga O.H.G, gangu ‘I go’ ground-form *ghijgh-d, ep.
Lith. feng-it ‘I stride’. Goth. blanda O.H.G. blantu ‘I mix’
ground-form *bhigdh-o, op. Goth. blind-s ‘blind’, Lith. blendzitt -8(i)
‘I darken myself" (of the sun); O.C.SI, bled-a ‘lL wander’ for
*hhlendh- or *bhiydh- (§ 535). O.H.G. upar-wihit ‘exsuperat’
inf. -wehan, O.Icel. veg I conquer, kill’ inf. vega (pret. va,
transferred to the e-series): O.Ir. ar-fiuch ‘I fight’, V/ weig-,
op. Goth. veih-a ‘I fight’ HA; the O.H.G. is a contamination
of *uiz-6 and *uéiy-0, Goth, vitan O.H.G. wiggan ‘to know’
partic. vitands wigganti: Skr. d-vid-a-t ete. see § 523 p. 87;
add 1" pl, injunctive AS, eouton for *witon followed by the
infinitive = ‘let us ...., cp. witan ‘to take heed, follow a
direction, prepare to start’ (O.Sux. wita § 1029), Goth. bi-leiba
O.FLG. bi-libu ‘I remain’: Skr. d-lip-a-t ‘he anointed, smeared’,
Lith. fi-pit ‘I climb, clamber’ 0.C,SI. pri-lipit ‘adhacsi’, leip-.
O.lcel. sof sef “I sleep’ inf. sofa: op. A.S. swefan IL A, VY suep-.
Goth. lak-a O.H.G. lahh-u ‘I shut’: Skr. ruj-d-ti ‘breaks open,
breaks to pieces, O.H.G. brahh-u AS. brae-e ‘I use, enjoy’:
Lat. fruor for *frugo-or, AS, dit-e ‘I utter a sound’: Skr. tud-
c-ti ‘pushes’, A.S, sd O.Toel. sannr ‘true’ pr. Germ, "s-a-np-a-,
beside indic. *es-ti ‘is’, see § 528 p. 87. Ouleel. tek ‘I take’
inf. taka, cp. Goth. tk-a ILA. O.H.G. bahh-u ‘I bake’, ep.
Gr. peiy-w “I roast’ IT A. O.ELG. wat-u O.Lcel. ved (inf, cada)
“L wade’, ep. Lat. vdd-0 Il A.)

To this class also belongs the West Germ. 2™ sing. pre-
terite: — O.H.G. wurti AS. wurde ‘becamest’: Skr. d-nyt-a-s,

1) For these and other Germanic examples I refer to Osthoff, Paul-
Braune's Beitr. vir 287 ff.; Burghauser, Idg. Prisens-Bildung im Germ,
pp. 28 ff.; Bremer, Zeitschr, deutach, Phil, xxm 495 f.

a6 Present Stem: Clase El — Skr. bhdr-c-ti sphub-d-ti. $535.

Czech also indic. tu for *rtk-q; by analogy of rici were
formed fic-i pic-i Hai from tek-q ‘I run’ pek-q ‘I bake’ deg-q
‘I burn’ (cp. § 686 on Lith. géstu instead of gesti), Lith. suk-ic
Russ. sk-u (for *sti-q) ‘I turn, twist’, Lith. pis-& ‘coeo': Skr.
d-pig-a-t ‘trod, beat, ground’, (peis-. Lith, sus-% ‘I become
seabby’ Lett. sus-u “I become dry’: Skr. d-duj-a-t ‘dried up,
wore away’ (I § 557.4 p. 413). O.C.SL 2id-e-tii ‘waits’ beside
fid-e-ttt TL A, § 522 p, 85. O.C.SI. siip-e-tit ‘sheds, strewe',
inf. su(p)-ti. Lith, plake ‘I strike, whip’, |/plag- plag-
‘plangere’, cp. Goth. jlok-a ‘I bewail’ It 4.

§ 535. In Lithuanian, ¢ and u in the root syllable
were often lengthened. skyl ‘I fall in debt’ instead of
*skit-i, compare Goth. skulan, see § 532 p. 93; kylie ‘I raise
myself’ instead of *kit-h, 1/gel-; svyri “I get the better’
instead of *svir-it, suer-. gritivit ‘I break down’ instead of
*griuo-k: Lat. in-grud, see § 529 p. 92; blavi ‘I break out
into bellowing or bleating’ kldvi ‘I stick fast to anything, hang
on to’ beside O.C.SI. bljtv-e-tit kljlv-e-tii, see § 584 p. 95.
See Leskien, Arch. slay. Phil. v 530, and Wiedemann, Lit.
Priit. 71 ff., where the pretty conjecture is offered that on the
analogy of pairs of forms like pres. gyjt (gy-ji): pret. gijat
(gij-ai), a present skyli was formed for skitad, a present grifivi
for griuvat, and so forth.

In Slavonic, it is often doubtful whether a verb belongs
to A or B. This is the case with ptj-e-tit ‘drinks’, bij-e-tit
‘strikes’, whose -%j- may be orig. -ij- or orig. -ej- (I § 68
p- 60); cp. Leskien as above cited, pp. 501 ff.; Skr. pdy-a-tt
supports the derivation of ptj-e-tit from *pej-e-ti (§ 522 p. 85).
The same doubt meets us in forms with -e- in the root
syllable, since this may be orig. either -y- or -en-, ©. g.
*bled-e-ti ‘wanders’ from |/bhlendh- (see § 582 p. 94);
ep. led-e-tit bends’, § 637.

bo) Present Stem - Class ITT — Sir. bee ft

Skr. ju-hé-mi ‘I offer. sactifice’ 1* pl ju-hu-mis 3* pl
ji-ke-sti, comj. 2 pl. jwher-a-the, opt. 1 pl. ju-hu-yd-ma.
1% pl. ju-h@-mdsi from ha- ‘calf. 3* pl sé-je-ati from s-
‘press’.

Sometimes = strong stem has got into the place of the
weak (ep. § 499 p. 62), as Avest. 2“ sing. mid. ji-yor-de
from ji- ‘live’, Skr. 2 pl. ju-hé-fa from hu- ‘offer, sacrifice’,
2*! sing. yu-yo-dhi 2™* dual ya-yo-tam from yw- ‘keep off.

Remark. & i Skr. ci-té-oei (i~gei-), and y in Avest. ji-yer-ie
pe) ace Gckee dates "pacbink: ple Whey were reqdac tities oa
the sing. indic. active (I § 445 & pp. 331 &) In considering ji-ghar-ti
(§ 50), iff its root belonged to the ¢-series, we must remember that one
of the stems of this verb ix jipkr-, and oh was regular there; so with
$é-gar-ti {rom | ger- we must remember the stem ja-yr- (§ 560).

§ 538. Roots with other Vowels.

In Aryan, roots with = long a-vowel have generally in the
reduplication a = Idg. ¢ instead of i, when the weak stem in
the root syllable had not 7 Examples: Skr. dé-da-ti mid.
da-t-té from \>do- ‘give’, jd-ha-ti pl. ja-hi-mas from Ar. sha-
‘leave, give up’. But on the contrary 4i-éa-ti imper. $i-Sf-hi
mid. $¢-8r-t2 from |/k6- ‘whet, sharpen’. In the latter word
we see the Idg. root-determinative # which so often forced its
way into the place of Ar. i= Tdg. a (see § 498 pp. 61 f.); and
this T is regularly echoed by i in the reduplicator; compare
4i-de-hi with di-di-hi from di- ‘appear’. Skr. ja-hi-tam beside
regular ja-hi-tam (see Whitney, Sanskrit Roots, p. 204) has
been altered by the influence of the mid. ji-M-t2 (§ 540),
similarly ra-ré-dhoam by that of ri-ri-hi (va- ‘give’).

So too the /dhé- ‘place’ in Balto-Slavonic reduplicates
with ¢, as Lith. 2™ pl. dé-ste like O.HL.G. da-tthd.

‘These forms with ¢ belong to Class V, not like Gr. dé-doye
ri-Syue ete. Tt seems to me impossible to decide whether in
Idg. the same present stem had both i and ¢ in its reduplicated
forms, as *dhi-dhd-ti and “dhe-dhi-ti, or whether ¢ only came
in by analogy of Class V, and is of later date than the parent
language. [If the latter, then the influence of perfects with ¢
in the reduplicator must by taken into account (§ 555).

-

=

$5540,541. Present Stem; Class III — bi-bhé-ti. 101

Skr. si-fak-ti Avest. hi-dax-ti, y~seq- ‘accompany’ (ep. Skr.
2) pl. sdi-de-ati, Class V, § 555). Skr. vi-vak-ti from y~weq-
‘speak’. Avest. 2" pl. injunct. nista = *njsta i. e. *ui-nd-+ta
from mad- ‘roar, abuse’; — with thematic vowel Skr. 3™ sing.
ni-nd-a-ti § 550, Avest. 3" sing. injunct. di-dqs from dqs-
‘eonsecrate, offer up’,

Roots in Ar. -d reduplicate with ¢ in Sanskrit when the
weak forms have 7 as root-determinative (§ 538 p. 98). (/mé-
‘measure’ mid. 3° ging. mi-mt-t@ 3° pl. mi-m-ate; — with
thematic yowel opt. mi-m-2-t, 1/Fo- ‘sharpen, whet’ $i-$a-ti
imper. 4i--hi; — with thematic vowel 3” pl. di-t-a-nti, ji-
~ht-té ‘yields, departs’ 3° pl. jf-h-até beside act. jd-ha-ti ja-hi-
-mas (ja-hi-tam and other forms have # by analogy of the
middle, see § 538 p. 98).

Vdhe- ‘place’ and (/ do- ‘give’ (almost indistinguishable in
Iranian, because of the change of dh to d, I § 481 p. 355):
Skr. dd-dha-ti dd-da-ti Avest. da-dasiti O.Pers, pret. a-da-da.
1* pl. Skr. da-dh-mds da-d-mds Avest. da-d-maki, in the
Gathas da-d*-maht; mid. 3" sing. Skr. dhatté Avest. dazdé
from dhe- (I § 482 Rem, 1 p. 356), Skr. datté Avest. dasté
from do-. Imperative: Skr. dhéhi for pr. Ar. *dha-z-dhi from
dhé-, and déhi for pr. Ar. *da-e-dhi from dé-, Avest. da-z-di;
Skr. has also the re-formate daddhé instead of dhehi and of
dahé both (I § 476 p. 351, § 482 Rem. 1. p. 356). In Skr.
we also find da-dhi- (ep. Gr. r-9e-), ¢. g. da-dhi-dhvé da-dhi-
fod beside dha-d-dhet dha-t-sva, 8" pl. Skr. dd-dh-ati dé-dh-
até dé-d-ati dé-d-at® (Avest. da-p-enti da-d-entZ, op. § 500
p. 63, § 1018.1. 2). Optative: Skr. da-dh-yd-t da-d-yd-t
Avest. Gath. daidya-p. — With thematic vowel dd-dh-a-ti
dé-dh-a-t2 dé-d-a-ti dd-d-a-t, Avest. da-b-a-iti da-p-a-ité,
which forms are also conjunctive (§§ 931 £)

§ 642. Confusion of Strong and Weak Stem.

Strong instead of Weak: Skr. 2" pl. fy-ar-ta, imper.
Si-da-dhi, 2% pl. dd-dha-ta d-da-dha-ta dd-da-ta d-da-da-ta,

Weak instead of Strong: Skr. Ep. da-d-mi Avest. 3° sing.
dazdt (\/dhé-) and dasti. These forms are due to the analogy

102 Present Stem: Class Il — Skr, bi-dhé-ti. $542.

of dd-mi dt-ti and the like, the reduplication haying been lost
sight of in the (pr. Ar.) forms *dhadh-mas(i) *dad-mas(i)
opt. *dhadh-ya- *dad-ya- conj. *dhadh-a- *dad-a-, which were
conceived to be simple roota (ep. the end of § 540). This
also produced the forms Skr. pass, dad-yd-té partic. dat-td-s
from 1dd-, and Avest. inf. dast? from |/dd- and inf. dasde
from / dhé- (cp. Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. ur 48).

§ 542. Greek. From roots ending in -r and -/ we have
only the weak stem, the strong forms following Class XI.
Thus -ni-nie-pev ‘we fill’ -ni-ria-ra: Skr. pi-py-mds; *ni-qoa-
-pev “we bring’: Skr. bi-bhy-mds (§ 539, p. 99). But -ni-nay-
-ue instead of *arned-yu from the stem “pl-2-, ep. unreduplicated
Skr. prd-si d-pra-t Gr. whij-ro Lat. im-plé-tur, -ni-npu-uev
‘we kindle’, sing. -n/-79y-«, yper- (Mod. Slov. peréti ‘moulder’
O.C.S]. para ‘steam’). The nasal in aéy-rdausy mip-moauer
comes from myn2avor, see § 621. fade ‘be gracious’ Mare
Bayer for *or-ota- (I § 565 p. 422), ysel-, op. Lesh. tia-de
for *os-o4a-H:, Class V.

ri-Dy-pe ‘T place’ ri-e-usv té-e-rar, t-y-~1 ‘1 send forth’
for *oe-on-pu Teper Tet, di-dorje ‘L give’ dindo-psy di-dorrut,
Torys ‘I place’ -6ra-wev t-ore-rar, see § 539 p. 100, Hom,
3” sing. di-Jy imper. 3° sing. di-dé-vrow from yde- ‘bind’.
Tn the stems ri-d2- i-s- di-de- dedo-, © and o have taken the
place of a previous « = Idg. a, as in &Fepev E-do-uev § 493
p- 53, and in ré-e-rar dé-do-rue § 856: cp. Skr. da-dhi-dhvé
jo-hi-mas. The loss of forms without a, answering to the Skr.
da-di-mds ote., is a consequence of the different forms. which
some of the persons of this tense assumed in due course; we
should have by rule *reduev “Hore; *ddpev *hore, *insv *iore.
3" pl. Dor. ridevre didovre instead of *rr-9-are “Jeed-ars, see
§ 1020. Sometimes the strong stem prevails, or words follow
the analogy of Classes X and XI: Hom. partie. ri-i7j-sevo-¢
instead of rreie-yevo-¢, imper. Jé-Jdu-% (like Pali da-da-hi).
On the analogy of verbs in -ew -ow -aw: pres. rede duo7,
imperf. grits: fee 2Widov, imper. rida didov fora, inf. ndtv
ovv-uir, partic, Delph. Jdoveu:; and then again éridsg -e and

104 Prosent Stem: Class ITI — d/-bhé-té. 8548.

this and another cause together; the other cause was, that the
24 sing. middle, which originally had the weak stem, had got
an active meaning (see § 991 on Lith. desé-s dilsi O.C.SI. dasi).
And since *dhe-dh-mi became *dedmi in pr. Balto-Slav. (I § 549
p. 402), the two verbs were confused in the present, and the
same forms served for both (cp. Avest. dadaiti = Skr. dddhati
and dddati, § 540 p. 101).

However, it was only in the meaning of ‘I lay’ that *dedmi
survived for any time. Lith sing. 1" pers. démi for *dedmi,
2-4 reflex. dest-s for *de-t-sé-s, 3° désti dast, 2°¢ pl. deste.
Now the verb is mostly thematic, de-d-i dedi déda etc. And
démi 3° sing, désti too took é from non-present forms déjau
désiu and the like, just as Gr. Lesb, advo instead of adixtor
follows advj-ow, and yevo instead of *yém follows yevow ete.
(§ 775). But in Slavonic we have deddetit = “de-d-je-tii,
following the jo-class (§ 733).

In the meaning ‘I give’, *dedmi was changed to *dddmi in
pr. Balto-Slavonic by analogy of non-present forms with *dd-,
There is a reason why the vowel of the root got into *dedmi
‘I give’ and not into *dedmi ‘pono’. It is that the difference
between the vowel of the first syllable of the present and that
of the other tenses was in *dedmi ‘pono’ only one of quantity,
but in the other it was a difference of quality also; *dedmi:
aor, *dé-s- was backed up by such verbs as *tekd: aor. *ték=s-
(0.0.81, teka téchii), but there was no parallel for *dedmi: aor.
*do-s-. Lith. sing. 1* pers, ditmi, 2™¢ disi for *dii-t-si,
3" di’sti dist, pl. 1" di’me, 2™¢ di’ste; di’mi dit'me for
*didmi *diidme. Now generally thematic, di'du ete. (also
Lett, ditdu). O,C.SI. damit dasi dastii damii daste dadctit;
damit damii have -m- for -dm-. Partic. thematic dady (da-
dqgta) like Lith. di’dq@s, As regards 1* dual Lith. diva
O.C.SL davé, see I § 547 p. 401.

Remark. The forma of the 2%¢ pl. found in old Lith. books,
destit(e) and dilstit(e) inatead of déste and di’ste, were derived from the

84 sing. and pl. on the analogy of firi-t():tiri, to distinguish more
clearly 2°¢ plural from S*4 singular and plural.

106 Present Stem: Class 1V —Skr.a-ficjanrart Gr. yiryr-e-rms. $949,550,

$549. B. Weak Root Syllable.

Roots with i- and u- vowels, Avest. imper. di-dy-a
(conj. di-dy-a-), Gr. dilouce for *di-Jp-o-na beside Avest.
didagiti, see § 537 p. 97; di-Ty-ua (Class XI): dé-T-o-weu: Avest.
didagti = -ni-why-pu: Skr. d-pi-pr-a-ta: Skr. pi-par-ti. Skr.
ji-ghy-a-ti ‘drives on' beside hi-nd-ti Class XVII; gh instead
of h (I § 445 p. 331, § 454 p, 335) answers to & in the
3" pl. cl-ky-ati, see § 537 Rem. p. 98. Also Skr. aorists such
as d-i-Sriy-a-t from $ri- ‘lean’ (cp. d-si-Sré-t), d-ciekgip-a-t
from kgip- ‘throw’, d-ri-ri§-a-t from ri§- ‘take hurt’, d-su-drue-
-a-t from Sru- ‘hear’, d-cu-krudh-a-t from krudh- ‘grow angry’,
d-da-duj-a-t from duj- “grow bad, go to rack and ruin’,

$550. Roots with other vowels.

Pridg. *gi-Gn-0, ygen- ‘gignere’: Gr. yi-yro-yae Lat.
gi-gn-0, cp. “Gi-gen-o- § 548. %si-2d-0, ysed- ‘sit’: Skr.
sidati instead of *std-a-ti (I § 591 p. 447, § 598 p. 449, com-
pare Bartholomae in Bezz. Beitr. xv 117), Gr. a i. e.
hizdo (I § 593 p. 449), Lat. sida (I § 594 p. 450).1) *ni-nd-o
'T scold, blame’ beside Skr. nad- ‘shriek, roar’ Gr. dvoade ‘ye
blame, scold’ for vod- (cp. Avest. 2"! pl. nista = *nista, § 540
p- 101): Skr. nind-a-ti ‘scolds, abuses’, with which became
associated nid- ‘reviling, rebuke’ d-néd-ya-s ‘blameless’ and
other similar words, Gr. *vivda, whence dyrswdocg ‘blame’*)
Ssi-at-0, y7sta- ‘stare’: Skr. ti-jfh-a-ti Lat. si-st-i-t; *pi-b-e-ti,
V7 po- ‘drink’: Skr. pi-b-a-ti Lat. bi-b-i-t O.Ir, i-b-i-d, see § 589
p. 100.

1) Bechtel does not convince me that I am wrong in supposing the
Tdg. form to be *s-2d-0 (Bechtel, Hauptprobl. der Idg. Lautlehre, 254),
That aid/ya: comes form aizJ- or aisd- is unproven. Compare Idg. Forsch.
Tame.

2) This conjecture (cp. Osthoff, Perf. $94 f., and Bartholomae, Ar.
Forsch. 11 84, Bozz. Beitr. xv 116) seems to me more likely than that
sugested by others (as Fick, Wtb. I* 96), namely, that Skr. nind-a-ti wan
formed from a {“nejd- on the principle of Class XVI. The Skr. re-for-
mation perf. ni-nind-a etc. may be compared with perf. sid-atur fut. sid-
wifya-ti beside sid-a-ti.

108 Present Stem: Clans V — Skr, di-dha-ti, §§ 554858.
$554. O.Ir. i-b-i-d ‘bibit’ for *pi-b-e-ti: Skr. pi-b-a-ti
ete, see § 539 p. 100. As to -airissim -airissiur “I stand,
remain standing, exist’, see § 733.
Futures like do-bé ‘I will give’ may be also added; they
were originally d-conjunctives of this class. See § 565.

Class V:
Reduplication in -e -& + simple Root, used for the
Present Stem.

§ 555. This class has a very close connexion with the
Perfect. The two are distinguished in the indic. present
by different personal endings (cp. Skr. 8" pl. sd-Se-ati: perf.
3" pl. sa-Se-tir, from \seq- ‘be with, accompany’), and in the
vocalisation of the singular, as 3" sing. Idg. *se-seg-ti (Skr.
*sa-sak-ti): perf. *se-sog-e (Skr. *sa-sic-a). But there was no
difference at all between the Preterite of Class V and the
Preterite of the Perfect Class (pluperfect), nor between their
Conjunctive, Optative, and Imperative moods. Perhaps there
was originally only Class VI, which now appears complementary
to the fifth class (Skr. sd-se-a-ti Gr. fon-o-1-ro), but then had the
same relation to the perfect as Class II to I, Class IV to III;
and then perhaps the indic. present forms of the fifth class
were coined on the analogy of classes [ and IIL.

§ 666. Aryan. Skr. ja-jdn-ti (grammarians), Avest. za-
-2an-ti ‘gignit’ (Bartholomae, Ar. F. u 82); cp. d-fi-jan-a-t
sezan-a-f § 548 p. 105. Skr. 8" pl. sd-de-ati, see § 555;
ep. sigak-ti § 540 p. 100. bd-bhas-ti ‘chews, eats’ 3" pl, dd-
-ps-ati, conj. ba-bhas-a-t. d—ja-kj-ur ‘they ate’, imper. jagdhi
for *ja-gé-dhi, partic. ja-kj-at- from ghas- ‘eat’ (there is a
re-formed 3" sing. jakji-ti on the lines of Class IX); with
thematic vowel ja-kj-a-ti. Partie. jd-kj-at- from has- ‘laugh’.
Avestic ni-Sawhasti for “sa-sasti Idg. *se-sed+-ti, \~sed-
‘sedere’; — perhaps a parallel thematic by-form is Gr. fouae
i.e. S2d-o-yeae (§ 563).

110 Present Stem: Class VI — Skr. ad-fo-a-ti. §$ 561,562.

ja-gr-a-ti. Compare perf. ja-gdr-a Gr. éyij-yep-um. On the
g of ja-gar-mi, see § 537 Rem, p. 98.

Remark. The fut. jayarifydti perf. jajdgara may be compared
with Lofifyoti lolaja beside faSeti for *le-Is-e-ti, with jahifyati djtjohat
beside ja-h-a-té (§ 662), and others like thom; see § 752.

A Greek intensive of this sort is Hom. dy-Jéz-arc ‘they
welcome, greet’ imperf. dyj-dex-ro (read dy-, not Ja-, — 80
J. Wackernagel), from déxopeae déyouce “I receive’,

Class VI.
Reduplication in -e (-2) + Root + Thematic Vowel
forming the Present Stem.

§ 561. On the relation of this class to the last, see
§ 555.

Pr.idg, ‘*ghe-ghn-o- from | ghen- ‘strike, kill’: Skr.
partic, ja-ghn-a-nt- (cp. jf-ghn-a-té § 551 p. 107), Gr. é-ne-
~pv-o-v inf. ne-gy-é-uer; conj. Avest. ja-yn-d-p. *ye-wg-o- from
Vueg- ‘speak’: Skr. d-pvoc-a-t, Gr. Een-o-v elx-o-v inf, sin-siv
(on Feer- for *we-wg- see § 557), *se-sq-0- from | seg- “be with,
accompany’: Skr. sd-Se-a-ti, Gr. &on-e-ro opt. &on-o--ro inf.
bon-é-oFa. Skr. dd-dh-a-ti ‘places’, Lith, de-d-t, / dhé-.

§ 562, Aryan. Skr. partic. ja-ghn-a-nt-, Avest. 38" pl.
ja-yn-e-nti conj. ja-yn-d-p: Gr. E-ne-qy-o-v etc., see § 561.
Skr. d-vde-a-t, Avest. vaoc-a-p imper. vaoe-d: Gr. E-s7-0-v, see
§ 561. Skr. yé§-a-ti ‘boils’ for pr. Ar. "fa-{5-a-ti ground-form
*je-js-e-ti from jes- (Skr. yds-ya-ti Gr. Cém), cp. with
jo-extension Avyest. yagSyeiti § 783; Skr. d-ydj-a-t served as
model for d-né@i-a-t from nag- ‘to be destroyed’ (Avestic has
nasa-p, regular), and the perfect né$-ir follows s&d-ir yém-ir,
unless it is preferable to derive d-nésa-t directly from the
perfect stem, and regard it as a pluperfect (§ 854). Skr.
lajo-ti ‘desires’ probably for *la-ls-a-ti (I § 259 p. 212), ep. la-
-las-a-s ‘covetous’ Gr. JeAatoum “I desire’ for *AeAca-go-mas
(§ 738). Skr. d-pa-pt-a-t, 1“ pet- “shoot through the air, fly’.
Skr. sajjate ‘hangs to something, sticks’ for “sa-2j-a- (I § 591

12 Present Stem: Class VII — edr-kar-ti. §§ S65—n68,

§ 565. Keltic. In this class we may place the Irish
a-conjunctive with future meaning. O.Ir. dobér “I will give’
1" pl. do-béram for *bhe-bhr-a-, Vbher- ‘ferre’. fris-géra
‘respondebit’ beside pres. 3'4 sing. fris-gair. nad-cel ‘quod non
celabo’ beside pres, celim. Mid.Ir. fo-déma ‘patietur’ beside
fo-daim “patitur’, As regards the compensatory lengthening in
these forms, see I §§ 523, 526 pp. 380 f, It is true that the
Irish sound-laws do not make it certain that ¢ was the original
reduplicating-vowel of this conjunctive. It may have been j,
and Thurneysen (Kuhn's Zeitschr., xxx1 81) assumes this in
view of gignid etc. (§ 544 p. 103). Since in the reduplicated
present both e and i have always been used side by side (cp.
Skr. ja-ghn-a-nt- and ji-ghn-a-té § 561 p. 110), it is hardly
possible to draw the line.

§ 566. Balto-Slavonic. Lith. de-d-i ‘I lay’: Skr. dd-
~dh-a-ti; Lith. did-u ‘I give’ 0.C.SI. partic, dad-y ‘giving’.
See § 546 p. 104.

Class VIL
Complete Reduplication + Root forming the Present
Stem.

§ 567. On the form of reduplication used in this and the
following thematic Class see §§ 465—467, 470, 474.

§ 568. Roots beginning in a Consonant. Certain
examples only in Aryan (Intensive Verbs).

Skr. car-kar-mi imper. car-ky-tad, Avest. 1" pl. car*-ker*-
-mahi from kar- ‘think of, remember’. Skr. 2™ sing. ddr-dar-si
imper. dar-dy-hi, Avest. opt. dar*-dair-ya-$ from dar- ‘aplit’;1)
— with thematic vowel dar-dir-a-t. Skr. 3" sing. mid. sar-sy-té
sar-sr-é from sar- ‘flow’. Skr. jdt-ghan-ti conj. jan-ghin-a-t

1) The second syllable of the Avestic form shows irregularly the
strong grade, unless *-dy-je-t (I § 306 pp. 241 f.) is to be assumed for
the ground-form (cp. Skr. dir-yd-t d-dar-dir-ur dar-dir-e-t).

ii4 Present Stem: Class IX — Skr. edm-i-li brdv-i-ti. §§ 574,572.

an- ‘injure’ (pres. amt-ti) Gr. ijy-ay-0-v dy-ay-sty from ay-n
“E lead’.') 3" pl. dx-céz-o-vro from ax-ay-iSouu “I am troubled’.
Gh-alx-e “IT warded off. fy-eyx-o-v ‘I brought’, Zv-eyx-eiv
beside sjv-syx-« (§ 569). Compare $ 470.

Skr. dnin-a-t (pranina-t) from an- ‘breathe’, arjij-a-t from
arj- (xj-) ‘direct, procure’, dubjij-a-t from ubj- ‘keep down’, and
other examples, only found in the grammarians. Gr. égbxax-o-»
from #péx-w ‘I hold back’, gvéinan-o-v from 2vén-rw “I address’,
Compare § 474 p.

B, cuass IX.
ROOT + + OR ROOT +-i-, WITH OR WITHOUT REDUPLICATION,
FORMING THE PRESENT STEM.

§ 572. We have here two classes of forms to deal with;
examples of which are (1) Skr. vdmi-ti Gr. dya-oe, and (2)
Skr. amt-ti.

The first has a after the root, Whether this 9 was part
of the root, as some scholars too confidently assert, or a true
suffix (1 § 14 p. 17), is doubtful. In Greek along with « are
found both « and o. Bartholomae seems to be right in seeing
here the Idg. ¢ and o (Bezz. Beitr. xvit 109 ff.).

~d- was never found except before personal endings which
begin with a consonant; ep. Skr. rddi-ti pl. rud-anti.

Forms with - are only found in Aryan. This vowel,
Tdg. , was certainly a suffix of some kind (‘root-determinative’) ;
a general discussion of it has been given above, § 498 pp. 61f.
Used in the same way we find ai in Sanskrit (dj-ai-3), perhaps
the same as «& in Gr. dy-se-g ay-se (see p. 61 footnote). But
it cannot be made in the least probable that -% was ever
confined to the plural and dual active and the middle of all
three numbers, or -di- to the singular active, like Skr. ky-
~nu-mds etc, as contrasted with hy-nd-mi; -1- is particularly
common in the singular active in Sanskrit.

1) On Benfey's Skr. dj-ij-a-t, see Hilbachmann, Idg. Vooalayst., 66;
Bartholomae, Bezt. Beitr. xva 116 f.

_

$8519,574. Prosent Stem: Class EX — Ske. vim-i-ti brév-i-ti, 115

The spread of -7- in Sanskrit was due in great part to a
confusion with -i-=~-7-. We have therefore to compare, say,
$ami-Sva : Samt-gva with Skr. d-dhi-mahi : d-dhi-mahi.

‘Tt is not always possible to say whether -7- was attached
to a form in pre-Aryan times, or took the place of i = @
in Aryan itself. Thus -a- and -t- may here be comprehended
in one class,

§ 573. To forms without Reduplication we cannot
point with any confidence except in Aryan and Greek. But
Bugge conjectures that some such are contained in the Arm.
2" gorist mid., e. g. cnay from pres, cnani-m ‘pario, gigno,
nascor’: ena- for *geno- (cp. § 583 p. 125), See Bugge,
Indogerm. Forsch., I p. 439.

§ 574. Sanskrit. Forms with -i-. vdmi-mi odmi-ti
(8 pl. vam-anti, pret. d-varn-t-t), beside Gr. éuéw. dni-ti
“breathes’ 3" pl. an-dnti (pret. dn-i-f). Imper. stani-hi from
stan- ‘thunder’. Imper. Sami-joa from Sam- ‘take pains’.
rodi-ti ‘laments, cries’. 1" pl. rudi-mas 3" pl. rud-anti
imper. rudi-hi (pret. d-rod-t-t). svdpi-ti ‘sleeps’. — Svasi-ti
‘morts’ imper. dvasi-hi instead of “Sugi-hi cp. mid, sug
(pret. d-Svas-Ft). Also Sy-no-i-$é beside Sy-no-i-ré like ja-jA-
-i-% beside ja-jn-i-ré. On 18-i-t8 beside #-f2, see § 853.

-i- in these Verbs is not usually confined to the present
stem. Compare gami-Sva with Sami-td-s d-Sami-§-ta (Gr. xaeo-
-ro-g), jdni-§oa with jani-tir- jani-gyd-ti (Gr. yeri-rmg Lat.
geni-tor).

To these Ladd a few forms which both Indian grammarians
and European scholars call parts of the i+ aorist, to wit:
2" sing. varti-thas from vart- ‘vertere’, d~jay-i-t from ji- ‘con-
quer’, d-tari-ma from far- ‘move across, place or pass over’,
and like forms, along with the 2™ pl. mid in -idhvam instead
of -idhvam (§ 839) given by the Indian grammarians, e. g.
dbodhi-dhoam. It is true the popular feeling associated these
with the s-aorist, as it did the forms d-dhi-thas d-dhi-ta
a-ky-thas d-ky-ta; but neither of the two kinds had any real

=

116 Present Stem: Class IX — Ske. edm-i-ti briév-i-ti. $574.

connexion in form with it (§ 816).') Perhaps this apparent
connexion was cemented by the original 2” sing. of the ij-aorist,
ending in *-i§ (for *-i$-§) which may have been unconscionaly
analysed into *-i-§ (§ 839); cp. dndit following dndai$ for
*a-nais-§ (§ 816).

-t is commonest in the 2“! and 3" sing. pret. active (cp. the
above examples). am-t-ti ‘injures’ (3" pl. am-dnti) imper. am-
-I-jva. Imperative: dam-t-§0a -dhvam beside dami-jva (p. 115).
tav-F-ti ‘thrives, is strong’. 8" dual d-gyh-t-tam ‘they seized’
mid. 2° sing. gyh-I-thas gyh-t-sva, 3" sing. d-grabh-t-t,
cp. grbh-T-té-s grah-TSya-ti d-grabh-t-$-ur. ds-t-t ‘erat’.

The verb brdp-t-ti ‘says’ has -i- only in those persons
which elsewhere have -i-, and obviously follows the i-verbs:
thus brdv-t-mi -i-$i -i-ti, d-brav-1- -%-t, but d-brav-am
bra-mds bruc-dnti. Compare Avest. mraom i.e, mrav-em =
d-brav-am, mid. mruyg i.e, mruv-¢ (Bartholomae, Handb. § 92
p. 40) = bruv-é, mrait? mra-ta = Skr. bra-té d-bri-ta and
mrao-§ mrao-p as contrasted with d-brav-i-§ -t-t, like Skr.
8" sing. ds contrasted with ds-i-t; but Avestic itself has a
similar t-form in vyd-mroita (Y. 12.6.), if Bartholomae rightly
takes this as 8" sing, mid. imperf. (see Kuhn's Zeitachr.
xxvii 87, Stud. Idg. Spr. 1 127). By levelling we have
Skr. imper. bravt-hi instead of bra-hi, and brasmi instead of
brdv-t-mi.

From presents in -ays-ti: Skr. @nay-1-3 from #na-ya-ti
‘leaves unfulfilled’, dhoanay-i-t from dhoanaya-ti ‘envelops’,
cp. opt. mid. kamay-t-ta § 951.

This i- and 7-inflexion spread widely in Sanskrit because
it often served to renew distinctions which had been worn
away by phonetic change: dsti dstt are clear; ds for 2" and
3" person both, is not.

On the place which preterite forms in -i-§ -i¢ filled in
the s-aorist, see § 839.

1) dejayint: 8° pl. dzjayif-ata = Gr. Frgiva-ro (xorud-Ipa): 284 sing.
mid. Hxgrado-Ins (apraas-re'-¢), Bee § 840,

mm

118 Present Stem: Classes X and XI—@-@&-prosent. —-§ S78.

-T in the 2 and 3% sing. of some preterites which are
usually called pluperfect: as d-ja-grabhi-t (1% sing. d-ja-grabh-
-am) from grabh- ‘seize’, d-bu-bhoje-§ from bhuj- ‘bend’.

Intensive: pd-padt-ti from vad- ‘speak’, pd-pat-ti from pat-
‘fy’. Compare § 560 pp. 109 f. Intensive: dar-dart-ti from
dar- ‘split’ beside dér-dar-3i, tar-tari-ti (and with irreg. strong
stem, 2°¢ dual tartart-thas) from tar- ‘step over’, nan-namt-ti
from nam- to ‘bow, bend oneself’, ré-ravi-ti from ru- ‘roar,
ery’, jé-havi-ti from ha- ‘call’. Compare § 568 p. 113. The
root syllable is never followed by -i- when the reduplication
ends in f: ep. § 467 p. 13.

C. ctasses X axp XI.
ROOT + -d-, -2, OR -¢- FORMING THE PRESENT STEM.

§ 578. We have here to examine forms such as Gr.
Me-Gv, LPl-n-r, Eoper-v, Eyrorv. These vowels?) -a-, -€, and
-0- never had any gradation, and the long vowel always runs
right through all numbers of active and middle in the Indicative.
But some modifications have arisen by « certain law affecting
the European languages, by which long vowels were shortened
before n or i+ consonant; as Gr. 8" pl. é-yvov for *éy-va-v(r),
opt. 1" pl. yrotjer for *yrmg-wev (1 $§ 611, 612, 614, 615
pp- 461 ff).

Originally the root had always its weak grade. In the
aorists here cited it has ceased to be a syllable, But a syllable
it still is in some forms, as *bhuy-d-: Lat. (conj.) fud-s Lith.
bitco (beside *bhy-a- in Lat. -ba-s); “ij-d-: Skr. iy-d-t,
ep. perhaps Goth, iddja, whose i- may also be an augment
(e-) (beside *j-2- in Skr. y-d-ti); *myn-é-: Gr. éudvn Lith,
miné; *lig-@-: Gr. é-Aénn Lat. lice-t; Gr. é-Bad-n (beside &-f2-y).

‘These suffixes had properly nothing do do with either
aorist or present meaning, This is clear because they never
have been confined to one particular stem. We find them in

1) The newest theory on “Root-Forms in a" may be seen by rofer~
ring to Kretachmer, Kuhn's Ztechr. xxx1 408 ff.

| a

$578. Present Stem: Classes X and XI — a- é d-present. 19

the Perfect, as Skr. pa-pradé Gr. xé-nhy-vra; in the Aorist, as
Skr. 38" sing. ‘d-pra-s Gr. #-n2y-0-a; in the Participle, as Skr-
pra-té-s Lat, im-plétu-s; and in the Present, Skr. 2™4 sing. prd-si
Lat. im-plé-s from stem *pl-2- ‘fill’ y~pel-. Often it is just in
the present stem that the stems formed with these suffixes do not
scour; for instance, we have Skr. fut. hv-a-sya-té O.C.SI. aor.
site-a-chit Skr, he-a-tar- O.C.S1, 2tte-a-telt ‘caller’, but pres. Skr.
hdo-a-té 0.0.3). zov-e-tii ‘calls’; Skr, jf-a-ti-§ ‘near kinsman’ Gr.
xasi-ynro-¢ yew-rd-¢ ‘kinsman, brother’ Goth. knofs (Stem
kn-0-di-) ‘stock, tribe’ from ygen- ‘gignere; Gr. Zv-on7j-aw ‘I will
say’ O.Icel. skald ‘poet’ for pr. Germ, *ske-dld- (Lidén, P.-B.
Beitr. xv 507) from y~seq- ‘say’ pres. ¢r-dnw,

These forms with -a- in Italic, Keltic, and Slavonic are
also used for the Conjunctive. Besides Lat. fud-s given above
we may cite tud-s (cp. Gr. Dor. é-ri@-c), lt is no more
strange to find these suffixes in two moods than to find -e-
and -o- in both indicative and conjunctive.

So with the -é- which meets us in Italic future and con-
junctive series, as Lat, fut, s0-l0-2-8 conj, t-r-é-s Osc. sakraiter
fusid (§ 926), must be identified with -& in &Bi-2-v f-udry-v;
compare Lat. ed-e-t with Lith. pret. éd-é, Osc. fu-i-d ‘sit’
(i = @ with Gr. pret. E-qu-y.

Greek, in the mood answering to the Latin d-conjunctive,
has a variation, sometimes -7- and sometimes -w-; as Afy-re
Kixu-usr. Perhaps there were originally two sets of conjunctive
forms, one with -2- and one with -d-; and from these a mixed
paradigm was made, -- or -d- being taken according as the
corresponding indicative form had -e- or -o-. If so, the con-
junctive Aény-re must be really the same as the aorist passive
@béxy-re, Lat. fud-s the same as -bas, tuld-s the same as Gr,
(&)rha@-3. There was a closer connexion between -é- and -d-
than either of them had with -d-, as is proved by such forms
as *gj-& Gr. Cf: *gi-d- Cui-w, *bhs-% Gr. wij: *bhs-0- wo-po-y
{other examples in $ 587).

Tt would probably be much easier to thread our way
through this labyrinth if we knew which of the three sounds

ss

122 Present Stem; Class X — Skr, ariiti. $§ 580,531.

in their received sense. For example, Lat. ford fords,
O.H.G. bordm bords ‘I bore’, common ground-form *bhyr-d-,
beside O.H.G. bora f. ‘borer’ (ep. § 769).

§ 580. Aryan. Besides those mentioned in § 579, there
are few Aryan verbs which can fairly be supposed to have
original -d-, to judge from the cognate languages. Skr. $r-d-ti
(gramm.) beside srd-ya-ti ‘cooks, roasts’ from y7her- (Gr. xepdo-
oat, Skr. Sy-td-s); op. Gr. -xi-xpa-ue “I mix’ Class XI, perf. x¢-
oxpd-ta, t-xgG@ro-g “unmixt’ (= Skr. Srd-td-s). Skr. mil-d-ti
“softens, slackens, decays’ 8” pl. ml-@-nti (beside mld-ya-ti)
from ymel- ‘molere’, cp. Gr. Dor. phd-E ply-zod-¢ ‘slack,
flabby’ (O.Ir. mlaith blaith “soft, tender’ perhaps with [, I § 306
p- 243). Skr. opt. mad-yd-t ‘commemoret’ 3" pl. mnd-y-ur
from ymen- ‘think’, cp. Gr. Dor. perf. «é-ava-ra. Skr. dhy-
--ti beside dhyd-ya-ti ‘thinks of (perf. da-dhyau) beside d-di-
-dha-t § 587 p. 97, ep. Gr. o&ua of-ua == Skr. dhy-a-man-
If § 117 p. 870.1)

We subjoin a few more of the forms with -a- whose
suffix may be either Idg. -a- or Idg. -é- or -d-: ghr-d-ti
‘smells’ (perf. ja-ghrau partic. ghra-td-s) beside ji-ghar-ti
Class IIT (§ 540 p. 100); dr-a-ti ‘sleeps’ (da-drau drd-na-s)
beside Gr, dag-9avw Lat. dor-mid (ep. the Author, M. U,, 1 43);
dhm-a-nt- ‘blowing’ (da-dhinau dhma-td-s) beside dhdm-a-ti
Class Il A; khy-a-ti ‘looks, seems, makes known’ (ca-khydu
khya-td-s beside d-khy-a-t Class 11 B (see footnote).

Remark. Denominatives from a-stems of the later stratum in
Aryan form the present in -d-ya-ti, not -d-ti, see § 766. Forms like mald-ti
“he is like a wreath’ (mala-) are an artificial product of a late period.

§ 581. Armenian. mna-m ‘I remain, await’ 1" pl.
mna-mK (aor. mna-ci), from the root of Gr. uéy-w ‘I remain’,
and probably connected directly with Skr, mn-d- Gr. us-a-
($ 580). kea-m ‘I live’ ground-form *gij-a-mi (Bartholomae,
Stud. Idg. Spr., u 134) or *giwd-mi (ep. Skr, jivd-tu-g ‘life’,
beside Skr. jfea-ti ‘lives’ Lat. vied, which was derived from

1) Fick, Wtb. I* $2, connects oiue with Skr, kiyd-ti, for which see
below.

ll

$582. Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-d-ti. 123

¥ aei- by the suffix -yo-, but was regarded very early as a
verb of Class II; ep. § 488 p. 47). orca-m ‘I break wind,
belch’ for *orwc-a-m, ep. O.C.Sl, ryga-jq ‘ructo’,

Denominatives with -a- of the newer stratum are inflected
just as these are; as jana-m ‘I take pains, strive’ 1" pl. jana-mk
Gan ‘pains, excitement, diligence’), odba-m ‘I bewail’ 1* pl.
ohba-m& (ohb ‘lament’). xroxta-m ‘I am haughty, defiant
1* pl. zroxta-mk (xrozt ‘haughty, defiant’).

§ 582, Greek. fga-y ‘I ran’ 1" pl. &-dpa-nev 3" pl,
é-Nod-v: Skr. dra-ti, see § 579 p. 121. ray-v Dor, f-ria-w
‘I endured’ 1" pl, Hriy-uev 3™ pl, Fre-v, imper, rAj-d, from
Votel- (tor-pxj, rehaaou), Hom. xd7-ro ‘drew near’ (ep, Dor.
@-niG-r0-g mid-rio-v), beside asiatw “I bring near’, é&fy-v
Dor. #-Ba-v ‘I went’: Skr. d-ga-t, see § 579 p, 121, Att.
é-p7oe-v ‘I grew old’ inf. yypavar from pres. yyocoxw. Epidaur.
#Eepova: Lith, pa-sriwo ‘I flowed’. Hesych, igdia: anétavey
(cod. #p%@), Other forms of the same kind collected by Fick
in the Gétt, Gel, Anz, for 1881, pp. 1430 ff, and Bartholomae,
Stud. Idg. Spr, m 128 f.

Denominatives with -a- belonging to the newer stratum
were conjugated in this Class in the Aeolic dialect; e. g. pl.
ripd-pev ripa-re (but att. tiedev rtuate), The 1" sing. in
-ayu is a re-formation in place of -@-«:, and -owa instead of
ws. Cp. $$ 589, 775.

Forms passing from Class I to Class X: ?-ary-yer instead
of *-ord-uev, Hy Iy-pev instead of *é-pidé-per (but the middle
keeps gia-, as pIa-uevo-s), See § 495 p. 55.

Remark, Hom. nijrro instead of *:itrro following nd¢uny ete., 80
Gqrres Furiigrro instead of *derra *-xdevro. Similarly opt. ju-nijre and

wuriany xemriuny, tee § 944. But nome are regular, act. dao dereec
Agivres (on Pear Tyrov see § 1020, 2). Compare I § 611 Rem. p. 462.

$583. Italic. The 1 sing. pres. in *-d-mi is lost; in its
place Latin had always *-a-i0, which became -d. Lat. trans
Umbr. traf trahaf, Lat. in-tra-s -trd-mus: Skr. tra-ti; Lat.
I" sing. in-trd beside Skr. trd-ya-te, see § 579 p. 121. Lat.

a

124 Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-d-ti. 3582.

f-a-s fl-a-mus, op. O.H.G. bla ‘L blow’ for *bhi-2-j6 and Gr.
gi-vw ‘I abound’. Lat. 2-a-s n-d-mus: Skr, sn-d-ti ‘washes,
bathes’, see § 579 p. 121. Ital. *fa- for *fy-ad- from ybhey-
“become, be’, pret. *-fd-m:; Lat. ama-ba-s -ba-mus, Osc, fu-
-fans ‘erant’ (§ 899), ep. Lat. conj. fu-a-s: O.lr, ba ba ete.
(§ 579 p. 121). Lat. Ai-a-s hi-d-mus, 1 sing. hid = Lith.
#ié-ju ‘open the mouth’, ep. Lat. hi-scd, O.F.G. gi-nd-m
gei-nd-m ‘I gape’. Lat. inguam for *en-aq-d-m injunctive,
Vv seq- ‘say’, ep. in-qui-t in-quiuent (Class XXVI § 717) Gr. in-
ones (Class IL B) éveon-yj-ow.

d-a- from y~do- ‘give’ is found not only as a conjunctive
(Lat. ad-da-s, Ose. da-dad ‘reddat’), but as indicative too,
Lat. das dat. The last two are doubtless injunctive forms
(dat instead of *da-d), and d-a-s: ad-da-s = -ba-s; fud-s,
duld-s : Gr. &rhe-g.

era-m erd-s is to es-t what ea-m (used for conj.) is to i-t.
‘The use of the injunctive *fa-d- = Lat. -ba-m for the imperfect
certainly had something to do with the use of the injunctive
era- as imperfect. Some scholars (the latest is Bartholomae,
Stud. Idg. Spr. m 187 f.) connect eram with lon. xy ey0de;
wv would be the augmented form; for another possible
explanation see § 858. 2.

Other Verbs belonging to this class are: Lat. juvd-s
(partic. -jatu-s perf. javi) for *diugy-d-s: Lith. diitigo-s ‘he
broke out into rejoicing’ (pres. 1" sing. déiungi’-s); lav-d-s
(beside av-i-s), ep. perf. laot; dom-d-s cub-d-s mic-d-s é-legans
(beside é-ligere) sec-d-s (Umbr. pru-sekatu ‘prosecato’) and
others, cp. perf. domut cubut micut secut. Doubtless we
should also place here certain stems which have -@- all
through the verb, as ard-s perf. avdvi partic. ardtu-s, ep. Gr.
agéu ‘T plough’ (Hom. 8 pl. dedwor Heracl. épdoovrr, Siitterlin,
Zur Gesch. der Verba denom. im Altgr., 1 22), O.C.SI. ora-
‘to plough’ in the aor. ora-ch# partic. pret. act. ora-vit inf. ora-ti.

Tn Latin, there are a number of verbs which have the
4-flexion when compounded, but some other when not. Examples:

oc-cupdre : capid, suspicdrt : specid, profltgdre : fitgd, com-

126 Present Stem: Class X — Skr, dr-d-ti, § 585,596,

again, the same inflexion is used with the later group of
denominative verbs, as com-alnaim ‘I fill up’ (§ 778). Even
more clearly than in Irish we see this d-flexion in the British
dialects; 3" sing. O.Brit. -ot (with o = @), e. g. O.Bret. cospitiot
“titubat’ crihot ‘vibrat’.

Remark. Remarkable forms of the verb -tau -t6 ‘I am’ (= Idg.
“*std-{0, Class XXVI § 706) are the 3t4 sing. af-fa and the plural -fam
~tad -tat, which may correspond to Lat. sfa-t and sta-mus std-tis sta-nt.
‘That at-ta comes from *-stdi(iJe-t can hardly be proved, and the un-
accented -fam -fad -tat need not be shortened bye-forme of accented a/-
taam, atatd ataaith, at-taat, which may be secondary re-formates, Still
I do not believe that we need assume, parallel to sfa-, an original stem
at-d, ie. an extension of the root by the d-suffix of this tenth class; but
I think that in Italic as in Keltic there was a tendency for verbs to pass
from Class XXVI into this, caused by parallel present stems like (r-d-
and fr-@-jo-. Compare § 505 pp. 71 £., §§ 706, 716, 719.

§ 585. Germanic. No monosyllabic stems of the first
stratum, without -jo-, are found at all; unless indeed it be
represented by O.EL.G. tuo-m from y~dhé- (see § 507 p. 74),
But the said inflexion has many representatives amongst
disyllabic stems (mostly denominatives of the later stratum),
ep. Goth. mitd-s ‘thou measurest’ salbd-s ‘thou anointest’,
mitd-p salbo-p, -d-m -0-p, -d-nd, O.H.G. bord-m -d-s and so
forth (cp. $§ 739, 781).

§ 586. Balto-Slavonic. Monosyllabic stems are declined
in Class XXVIII; as Lith. #-d-ju ‘hio’ did-ji -j(a) ~ja-me
-ja-te, O.C.SI. tr-a-jq ‘I last, endure’ tra-je-di <je-tit -je-mit
~je-te ~jati (ep. § 740). But imperatives like Lith. #ié-& =
Lat. hid (§ 957) should be classed here.

Dissyllabic stems without -jo- spread very widely in Baltic,
To this class belong a very numerous group of preterites in -au,
as Lith. buvait ‘I was’ buvat bio biwo-me bitvo-te: Lat. -b-d-s;
pa-sriiwo ‘flowed’: Gr. Epidaur. Zeg’a (§ 582 p. 128); déiug-
-aii-s I broke out into rejoicing’: Lat. juv-a-s ($ 583 p. 124);
gij-at ‘I revived’ (cp. Avest. jyaiti-d ‘life’ Gr. Cy ‘lives’ for
*gi-t-ie-, from ygej-); kit-at ‘I raised myself’, vitk-aw
‘I dragged’, snig-o ‘it snowed’. With augment ¢j-ad ‘I went’

587. Presoat Stom: Class X — Skr. dredeti. 127

{§ 480 p. 28): Lat. ea- for *-ef-7- as conjunctive. Also
presents; as bij-aii-s ‘I fear’, lind-aw ‘I am stowed away
somewhere’.

These forms had originally secondary personal endings,
-a-m -d-s -d-t ete, like Lat. -bam bas. But the 1 and
294 sing. were transformed, the ending of suk-i suk-) being
added to -a-. See on this point § 991. 1.

In verbs like bij-aii-s lind-au, -d- was carried through
the whole verb (fat. bijd-sit-s lindo-siu etc). Thus they were
related to the d-preterite (buo-at beside fut. bi-siu, dfiug-ail-s
beside fut. d#iik-siil-s), as Lat. ar-d- to juv-d- (§ 583 pp. 124 f.).

0.081. has only one present of this sort, im-a-mit ‘T have’
imea-3i -a-tii -a-mii -a-te; parallel stem im-d- in partic. pret.
act. imé-vit etc., ep. Lith, pret. 3" sing. ém-é,

Amongst the later Lithuanian denominatives those in -aw
with inf. -yti, as ji’stau ‘I gird’ (ji'styti) from ji’sta ‘girdle’,
see § 782.4. Another group of later denominatives from
stems in -a- has -o-ju -o-ti; e.g. dovand-ju ‘I present’, inf.
dované-ti, from dovand, see §§ 769, 783,

§ 587. Root + -é- or -d-.

Pr. Idg. *gl-e-ti from ygel- ‘fall’ (cp. Gr. péd-og
‘missile’ fo2-7j) ‘throw’): Skr. gi-d-ti ‘falls off, loses strength”
(gld-ya-ti), Gr. =fhy-v ‘1 received a blow, I was
struck’, 1* pl. &fiy-uer mid. &Bdy-ro, opt. Bdelyy Bhetuer.
*pl-é- “pl-0- from ypel- ‘fill’ (Goth. jil-w ‘much’ ete.):
Skr. 2°¢ sing. hortative prd-si aor. d-pra-t, Gr. nij-ro
whij-veo (§ 582 Rem. p. 123), Lat. im-plé-s -plémus -plé-tur
(i* sing. pled for *plé-i6); parallel stem *pjl-2- in Lith. pyle
“he shed’ instead of *pilé (§ 593); “pl-d- in Lat. plorare
Goth. flé-du-s ‘flood’, and doubtless in Gr. éx-ériwy ‘I sailed
over’ pres. whi- partic. mw-to-c. *(s)n-2- *(s)n-D- ‘weave,
spin, sew’ ((s)n-ej- in O.C.SI. ni-tt ‘thread’? cp. Per Persson,
Stud. Lehr. Wurzelerw., 64): Gr. 8" sing. fv, Herodian 1
507 22 L. (véo from *sné-j0), Lat. né-s né-mus (cp. O.1LG.
niu “IL sew’ for *(s)né-i0); “sn-d- in O.Ir. snd-the ‘thread’
O.HLG. snuo+ ‘cord, band’; Skr. snd-van- Avest. snd-var*

=

128 Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-d-ti. $587.

‘band, sinew’ may be derived from *sn-é- on the strength
of Gr. vsigo-v ‘sinew’ (for *(o)yy-F-go-v). *gn-é- *Gn-d- ‘learn,
know’ from ygen- (Avest. @-zainti-§ ‘information’ Lith. pa-
-dinti-s ‘knowing, knowledge’, Skr. 2*4 sing, imper. jf-a
Class IT B): Skr. opt. jaa-ya-t and jnayd-t (§ 940), Gr.
ivan &yvurusy opt. yrorasv, ep. O.H.G, knau for *gne-i0,
O.CSI. znajetii for *9nd-je-9) *myn-e- from v7 men- ‘think’
(Gr. jév-og ‘mind’ ete.): Gr. d-uctwn é-nawy-ev, Lith. min-é
min-i-me, ep. Goth. 3" sing. mundip for *mun-2-{i-di (§§ 708,
739); also *mn-d- § 580 p. 122. *j-é- *j-d- ‘go’ from \ei-
‘go’ (Gr. ela): Skr. yd-ti ya-mds mid. yd-mahe, Goth. 24 sing.
iddjé-s (§ A78 p. 26), cp. Goth. j-@r ‘year’ and Gr. d-go-¢
‘year’ ci-g@ ‘season’ O.C.SI. ja-rii ‘spring’; Lith. jé-ju ‘I ride’
and Lat. ja-nu-s janua doubtless from *j-d-, from the same
vei- (cp. Lat. conj. e-d-s). *bhu-d- “bhuy-d- from y~bheu-
“become, be’ (Skr. bhdv-a-ti): Gr. i-qu'n é-qu'n-ne, O.C.S], 204
and 3* sing. imperf. bé for *bhwé-s -t (beside béchit béchomit ete.
like deléchti eto. beside Zelé, délachii eto. beside déla and the
like), the same stem in Lat, fe-tu-s; *bhy-d- perhaps in
Gr, gw-isd-g O.Tcel, bd-t ‘resting-place, position’; op. *bhy-d-
*bhuy-d- § 579 p. 121, *u-e- *w-d- ‘to blow’ (ep. the Author,
M. U. 1 27 ff, Per Persson, op. cit., 91, 225): Skr. vd-ti
pl. vd-nti (t-ya-ti), Gr. ay-o1 mid, ayrar, Lat. ventu-s Goth.
vind-s ‘wind’ for *yé-nt-o- like Gr, a-evr- for *aFy-ve- (I § 612
p- 462, § 614 p. 464), ep. Goth. vaia for *ye-jo0 O.C.S1.
vé-je-tii; *y0- in Gr. dw-ro-g “down, piece of wool (Goth. perf.
val-cd is doubtless a re-formate following sef-s¢ from y~ sz
so, see $§ 883, 884). *bhs-2- *dhs-o- (cp. I § 552 p. 403)
‘pound small, chew, grind up’ beside Skr. bd-bhas-ti Class V
(§ 556 p. 108): Skr. psd-ti, ep. Gr. wij for *yogee; *bhs-0-
in Gr, woi-w yo-yo ‘I grind or rub to powder’ yunapd-g
‘scabby. *lig-2- from y/eig- ‘leave’ (Gr. Asin-w ete.): Gr.

1) It is true that O.H.G. fxdu is not an unexceptionable example
for *gn-é-. It might be assumed that this present was formed in connexion
with & perfect Goth. *ha/-knd and on the analogy of *s8-id (Goth. saia
O.HLG. sau): sai-sd from [sé (s2).

7

130 Present Stem: Clase X — Skr. dr-d-ti. $589.

(Hom. oyoxivoner). 6f-7- ‘quench’ beside o3-r0- (§ 643) y~seg-:
E-of-y-~ e-of-r-wer. We must also mention in this place,
although it is true they are not all old formations, some forms
of the 2 sing. aor. in -92s — Skr. -thas (see below), as
EShij-Iys beside E-is-ro, E-vy-Iys beside Evry, see § 587
p- 127; &-pp7-9ng beside Fe ‘speak’ gy-re-y = Avest. urrdte-m
“determination, command’ (I § 157 p. 141) from yuer- (Gr.
sigco Lat, ver-bu-m);") i-xdaj-Fns beside xi-y- ‘call’ ae-xizj-
-pewo-¢ xi-xig-ywas opo-xd7, (see above).

Of dissyllabie stems we have already mentioned
Epder-y, é-qe-rv, and é-din-y-r in § 587. This é-formation,
with intransitive meaning, became fertile (this is what the
grammars call the “strong aorist"); a few further examples are
é-dag-yr “I was flayed’ yder-, i-pgv-y ‘flowed’ y~srey-,
é-rdga-rv ¢-rpda-7-¥ ‘I enjoyed myself, was glad’ yterp-,
d-den-y-v ‘I let myself be deceived, was deceived’ yglep-,
t-uiy-u-» ‘I mixed myself’ ymeik-, é-tiy-q-r ‘had myself
yoked, was joined’ y~jeug-, i-san-n ‘rotted’ from oyn-m “cause
to rot’, iSendayy-y ‘I was frightened’ from pres. éx-ndyjrrw
ep. Lith. plak-é ‘he struck’ (pres. plak-ii). There was a reason
why this category should become very large. Medio-passive
forms of the 2 sing. in -9y¢, as é-dd-Iyo — Skr. d-di-thas,
é-xrd-In¢ = Skr. d-kja-thas (Class I), é-Ba-j-dyg beside &fr-
-n-ro (Class X), ¢-o7-€-Ing beside é-cy-e-ro (Class II B); and
forms from the s-aorists, as égedadyg beside égeoaro (éoeid-w
‘I support, press against’), fyelyOys = *é-usm-a-ye beside
Eero = “é-uso-a-ro yely-wb-e “I mix’);2) — these were
all regarded as being on a par with éiiny-¢ ete., and
then, by analogy of éainy-» Edinn etc. we have idddy-r
£69n and so forth, that is, from this grew the whole series
of the “weak aorist passive’. Compare O.Ir. 1 sing. -burt
by analogy of 3" sing. -bert, where -t is the middle personal

1) ieeé9ne aigé ons ie. *e-yr-e-thes follows Class I B (§ 527 p. 90),
op, Ske. d-khy-a-t boside khy--ti, imper. jii-a beside jii-d-sya-ti, ete.
2) Compare § 836, on Fxogéo-9y¢ and § 840 on Fexgeude-Pye

$590, Present Stem: Class X — Skr. dr-d-ti. 131

ending -to (§ 506 pp. 72 f.), and Lith. 1* sing. eit by
analogy of 3™ sing. ei-t = Gr. «l-or (§ 686 Rem. 2).

Dissyllabic stems with -d-, are rare in Attic (op. é-yjga-»
§ 582 p. 123): Sdio-v for *j-hadw-y (§ 479 p. 27) ‘fell a
prisoner, was captured’ 1" pl. Séiw-mev partic, addve-; 2-Blorv
‘T lived’ 1" pl. #-Siw-pev.

The Aeolic dialect inflects the whole group of newly
formed denominatives in -éw and -sw, and the Causatiyes in -tw
(Class XXX) as though belonging to Class X; e, g. Lesb.
liars “I love, am wont’ from gito-s, popy-we “I carry’
(Class XXXID), orspave-pe “lL crown’ from orépavo-s (Att. qd
for gisw, good for qogiw, arspavd for orepavdw), 2% pl.
glin-re oreparu-rs, 3° pl. piknor drepavom for *-sv0e *-ova
(I § 205 p. 172), mid. gidg-pue orepdvw-pa, This was a
new formation entirely, which came naturally because other
tenses than the present were alike in the two classes, for
instance dyjosra : pidzjosra, yvol-oeta : orepaved-cera, and
because of the old Aeolic inflexion of a-stems (§ 578 p. 120);
for verbs in -y, another factor in the change may have been
reduplicated stems like x-yy-y« Class XI (§ 594), and the
singular indic. pres. of verbs in -nue or -apa may have been
influenced by réIy-s didw-ps respectively.t) However, it must
not be forgotten that puters orepavdouey would regularly
become gidyrs orepdvmpuev in Aeolic.

Remark, As regards » w in forms like dyvre, (Lesh) oreparwrra,
Fu-rafjro otc., soo § 582 Rem. p. 128; and for the 3" pl. act, pret. Fuyer
Fyror ote. see § 1020, 2.

590. Italic. Of stems originally monosyllabic I mention
a few others (cp. § 587): ji-é-s jl-d-mus, connected with
O.H.G. Wau ‘I blow Gr. gi-éw gi-vw ‘I overflow, trickle’
and doubtless with /i-d-s. Compare also spr-é-vi spr-é-tu-s

1) Compare especially 2°¢ 84 sing. pins ply like r/9y¢ ri9y, variants
piles gin; and orepdvog orepera like Sidog dido. Similarly, we have
rium: rho like fore: tora. Then the diphthong passes to the 1* sing.,
giving erepivoun thumyn (op. toraya).

a

bad

182 Present Stem: Clase X — Skr. dr-d-e7 $3 590,591.

from sper-nd; qui-t-ech qui-e-ei, connected with Avest. Syeiti-g
‘wellbeing, place of delight. home’ (IE § 100 p. 297) and
Gr. ra-ris-yos I am frightened’ (de Saussure, Mém. Soc. Ling.,
vit 86 £) beside Goth. hee-la ‘while, time’ O.CSI po-koj-+
“rest’; (gn-t-sc0 (g)n-d-0i beside Gr. Eyrare (§ 587 p. 128).

Dissyllabic stems, usually with intransitive meaning (ep. the
Greek “passive aorist” in -7- § 589 p. 130). lic-et, Ose.
Iikitud licitud “lieeto': Gr. #-Jénr, § 587 p. 129. vid-es vid
mus, ep. Lith. pa-cydé-ti “invidere’ O.CSI. vid-é-ti ‘to see’;
vided for *yid-2-id like Goth. vitdi-f “looks towards something,
observes’; notice Umbr. cirseto ‘visum’. sil-2-s; with sila
ep. Goth, siléi-B ‘silet. rubzs, ep. O.CSI. ritd-é-ti ‘redden,
blush’. far-z-s, ep. O.CSL goo-é-ti ‘religiose vereri, eGiaier
oa, venerari, aidsia9a: (see Ber. sichs. Ges. Wiss., 1889,
p- 47); fares like goréja. vals, ep. Lith. gal-iti ‘to be
able’ (not so Bezzenberger in his Beitr. XVI 256). tac--s:
O.WLG. dag-é-s ‘art silent’; tac-ed like Goth. pahdi-b; observe
Umbr. tatez tases tasis ‘tacitus’ pl. tasetur ‘tacit’, hab-2-s,
Umbr. habe ‘babet’ habetu habitu ‘habeto’: O.H.G. hab-z-s
(V7khap- khab- or Khabh- thab-). Further, Lat. clues
Vkley-; torp--s for “trp-2- (I § 303 p. 241); cand-¢-s
doubtless for *gjd-2- from y(agend- (Skr. fcand-ré- canil-
-ré-, cdni-$cad-a-t); liqu-t-s and others; Ose. loujit ‘libet, vel’
(Bréal, Mém. Soc. Ling. 1v 145 f, 404 f) beside Lat. lubet,
closely connected with Goth. lubdin-s ‘hope’, and, as we shall
see in § 708, with Skr. pres. libh-ya-ti; Umbr. trebeit
‘versatur’ from ytreb- ‘build’, which doubtless comes from
“treb-0-ti rather than *treb-f-té I" sing. *treb-io (in Class XXVI,
§ 715). With nasal suffix, Lat. Jangu-é-s from yslég- (§ 632).
On this present in -ed compare § 708.

In the same way are inflected a late group of denominative
verbs in -e0, and the Causatives in -ed (Class XXXII), e. g.
albed albé-s etc. from albu-s, and moned moné-s ete. See
§$ 777, 802.

§ 591. Keltic. I know nothing that can be classed here,
do-gniu. "I do, make, work’ 3" sing. gniith, inflected just like

134 Present Stem: Class XI — Ske. jing-d-ti. ca

(Wiedemann, Lit, Pract., 32, 184).") Compare § 586 p. 126

"on buewit Bucat, and § 991.1.

| ‘Lastly should be mentioned imperatives like miné-& ‘think
of’ pa-rydé-k ‘invide’; these answer to the Greek and Latin
‘imperatives judry-9e vide (§ 708).

Class XI.

Reduplicated Root + -a-, -é-, -d-, forming the
Present Stem.

§ 594. Reduplicator in -i (compare Classes III
and TY).

Reduplicated Root + -a-. Pr. Idg. “gi-g-a-ti ‘goes’
(cp. § 497 Rem. p. 57, § 579 p. 121); Skr. jlga-ti 2 pl.
jigt-ta (partic. jig-at- in Class II), Gr. pify-ce 3° pl. Dor.
Bifa-vn (op. G. Meyer, Gr. Gr2 p. 431), partic. pipes.

Gr. xiy-xp@-ya ‘L mix’ imper. ty-xéxoa, beside Skr. dr-d-ti
Class X (§ 580 p. 122); op. below, on néy-miy-me. Gr. dt-Sy-
~war 1 seek, strive’ for *di-dt-G-een beside §-t-o-nm, Class TV B
(§ 549 p. 106) and beside Skr. d-didé-¢ Class Il (§ 537
p- 97); *da- we infer from Aeol, férmu (Att. Sqrém) and
Dor. S@revw from the partic. *dj-a-to-.

Possibly Idg. -a- is contained in Germ. *ti-tr-d-mi O.1LG.
zittardm ‘I tremble’ O.Jcel. titra 'T tremble, shake’, from Vder-
‘burst’ (cp. Skr. dar- ‘push apart, lose one’s head, be
frightened’).

Reduplicated Root + -@-. Gr. -né-niapye alu-ndy-pe
imper. Hom. gu-ainiy 9 partic. -rutel¢ (Hesiod, Hippocrates)
beside a2-j-ro Class X § 587 p. 127. -al-npq-pe on-ue

1) I hold Wiedemann’s explanation of -iaw to be oorrect, nothwith-
standing Streitberg to the contrary (Idg. Forsch., 1 267). Stroitberg has
overlooked one fact: to wit, that the diphthong -éy in these words first
appeared in Baltic, and is not 80 old as the pre-dialect period of Balto-
Slavonic,

CC

136 Present Stem: Classes XII to XVIII — Nasal Stoms. — § 596.
indie. wl-al-d-ju (op. § 735). The Lat. 1* sing., munrmurd
tintinnd ululo for -a-i6 (cp. Lith, xt-Ad-6-ju) in Class XXVIII
(§ 741).

D. ctasses XU ro XVIL,
NASAL PRESENT STEMS,

$596. Specimen types of words which belong to this
section are Skr. my-nd-ti y-nd-ti yundk-ti with the thematic
my-nd-ti y-nod-ti yunja-ti; and Skr. krp-dna-te.

A few remarks are necessary on these nasal accretions,
which beyond all doubt are closely connected together.

(1) Skr. myp-nd-ti : mp-nd-ti my-n-dnti, r-pod-ti s p-nd-ti
Tone-dnti, yunjd-ti: yundk-ti yunj-dnti = vidd-ti : vét-ti vid-dnti ;
that is, there seems to be a definite relation between thematic
and non-thematic forms; the thematic stem may be derived
from the other by adding the thematic vowel to its weak form.
See § 491 p. 50.

(2) The suffix -ney- -nu- is made out of -nd- -n9- -n-
(Skr. my-d-mi Gr. ucg-vo-yeae Skr. my-n-dnti) by adding the
auffix or determinative ~ey- -u-. This -v- has been discussed,
§ 488 pp. 44 ff.

We often find -w- and -nu- in the same root; as *str-u-
(Goth. strdu-ja) and *sty-nu- (Skr. str-nd-ti Gr. ordp-vi-n1),
from \ster- ‘sternere’; “*hl-u- (Skr. ér-d-§i dr-u-dhé) and
*K-nu- (Skr. Sy-nd-ti) from a yka*l-, never found except with
one of these extending suffixes; *wel-u- (Gr. Um é-v-rgo-r
Lat. vol-va in-volacru-m) and *yj-nu- *uj-nu- (Skr. op-né-ti
fir-nd-ti) from y~yel- ‘turn, twist, wind’; Skr. d-dbh-u-ta-s
‘undeceitful, pure, genuine’ and dabh-nd-ti from dabh- ‘deceive’;
*qs-u- (Gr. S-v'm) and *gs-nu- (Skr. kj-nuv-dnd-s) from y“ ges- (I$ 8
Rem. 2 p. 20); *pi-u- (Skr. pi-vas-) and *pi-nu- (Skr. pi-no-
-a-ti) from pi- ‘swell, abound in’. The variant stems in Skr.
$r-6-$i and Sy-nd-§i may be compared with those in Gr. dpaa-
-v-s and Skr. dhy§-mi-§ (1" pl. dhy§-nu-mds). Probably one
of these parallel stems, say “gs-nu-, is a contamination of the

rr:

$596. Present Stem: Classes XIE to XVIII — Nasal Stems. 187

other two, *gs-y- (Gr. E-ainu E-av-w-v) and *gs-v-, and *str-nu-
of *sty-n- (Skr. sty-pd-ti Lat. ster-00 ete.) and *str-u-;1) but
this must not be taken to imply that the contaminated suffix
-n-t- arose in just these roots and no others,

Non-thematic w-flexion is very rare except in monosyllabic
stems like Skr. Sr-6-$i d-4r-0-t dr-u-dhi, where it was dominated
by the analogy of verbs with u in the root proper. Examples
of stems other than monosyllabic are Skr. far-u-t# (cp. tdru-
-Janté taru-tar-) beside tdr-a-ti, Gr. ip-v-uce (ep. E-v-na
Skr. var-ti-tra-m var-i-tdr-) beside Skr. vdr-a-t@ vy-b-ti
Goth. varja.*) No proof is forthcoming that present stems of
this kind were ever a numerous or productive class, It was
not until # was joined to », that the suffix ran through any
large number of forms.

Remark. Some scholars, led by de Saussure, hold that *syneu-
is *steru- with an infix or inserted element -ne-. That is all very well
on paper, but under what principle of language known to us it cam come
passos my comprohonsion. They refer, of course, to yundk-ti, from
1 jeug- *jug-, 28 a clear instance of inserted sounds. But I cannot admit
that the nasal euffix has been inserted here any more than in the stem
which I began with. See (5) below, pp. 139 f.*)

(3) After a root with final consonant yn, en, and doubtless
on are found a3 variants for the initial m of -nd- -no- -ney-
n=.

1) Compare Lat. populneu-s = populnu-e + populeu-s. A large
collection of such mixed forms containing formative suffixes of a similar
sort, is given by Per Persson, Wurzolerw. pp. 153 f.

2) On Skr, tandei, which tho Indians analysed as fan-d-t/, see $§ 639,
640. karoti I still hold to be o later re-formate, although Per Persson,
op. cit. p. 149, opposes this view. See § 640.

8) Fick is koonest about those “infixes”. Thus in one place be
apeaks of the “repetition of infixed s" in Greek aorists in -one and
Sanskrit aorists in -sifam (Gdtt. Gel. Anz., 1881, p. 1429). Page 1460:
infixion is the “oldest and most powerful agent which causes word to
grow out of word”. Page 1462: “Almost always, where hitherto acholara
have soon suffixes, that is, defining words added to the end of another,
it is far better to speak of infixes”. One question I should like to ask.
Where did these infixed sounds come from, and what were they before
they were infixed?

———

|

I 138 Prosout Stem: Classes XII to XVIII — Nasal Stems. § 596.

i For -nd- -n(@) take the following: Avest. 1* pL fry-qn-
-maht beside fri-na-iti ‘pleases, makes inclined’, ho-qn-maht
beside hu-na-iti ‘excites, produces’, For -no-: Skr. i-ana-t
‘Jet him set in motion’ ep. é§-anyd-ti = Gr. laévw for *lo-av-no
(-yno-), Armen, [R-ane-m ‘I leave’ (-wno-), Gr. xad-dv0
‘L honour, glorify’ (-yno-), Goth. ga-vakna ‘I awake’ (-yno-,
-eno-, or -ono-), Lith. kiyp-inu ‘T heap, hoard’ (-yno-), gab-enis
‘I bring’ (-eno-), O.C.SI. orig-nq-ti ‘to throw’ (probably -ono-,
see § 615 Rem.)

For -ney- -nu-: Skr. sdnanv-at- ‘liking’ for *wyn-yyu-
beside indic. vané-ti for *ya-ney-ti from yyen-: Avest. 2" pl.
dehe-naota for *db-anau-ta (-anau- instead of -anu- from the
singular) beside Skr. dabh-né-ti ‘hurts’; Avest. partic. mid. zar-
-anu-mana- beside opt. zar-anag-ma and Skr. hy-nt-té ‘growls,
grumbles. For -nyo-: Avest. xw-anva-inti ‘they drive on’
xw-tnva-f (pr. Ar. *su-anya-) beside hu-nao-iti hu-na-iti: Avest.
sp-inva-p ‘proficiebat’ doubtless the same as O.HL.G. sp-innu
‘L spin’ for *sp-enyd beside spannu ‘I stretch’ for *spa-nyd and
beside spanu ‘I lure, attract’ for *sp9-nd (§ 654); O.1LG. tr-innu
‘L separate myself from’ ground-form *dr-enyd beside Skr. dy-
-wi-ti. Greek examples are apparently Hom. ix-avw for *ix-
-avFu beside fx-véo-pa and xyévo for *x-z-avFo, whose ending
doubtless comes from -yyd (see § 652), and E-éyFo-g Eetvo-g
Sévo-g from the root of Lat. hos-ti-s and Goth, gas-fs
(ep. the Author, Idg. Forsch., 1 172 ff).

Similar groups of suffixes, fuller and weaker, are found
in other present classes. -eno- : -no- = -es0- : -s0- (Class XX).
~yno- : -no- = -ijo- : ~jo- (Class XXVI),

The only ones of these dissyllabie suffixes which were to
any great extent productive were -yno- -eno- (-ono-). These
we place in a class by themselves (Class XIV).

(4) In classes where the n-suffix comes after the root
syllable, it is not always as described in (3), just above,
The root often has attached to it some kind of determinative.
Thus we see -i- -& (cp. § 498 pp. 61 f), as in Skr. r-i-nva-ti
Gr. Lesh. é9-/-rvw beside Skr. y-ned-ti Gr. op-vi-m; Gr. nemi-

_— » = ‘

=

§ 596. Present Stem: Classes XII to X VIII — Nasal Stems. 139

-ueve-g for *aF-1-vv- beside vq-m'-t0-g Skr. pu-nd-ti; Skr. bhr-1-
-nd-ti (Avest. brdi-pra- ‘axe’ O.C.S1. bri-ti ‘shear, shave’)
beside Gr. gadg-o-c Lat. for-dre; Skr. Sr-t-nd-ti beside sy-té-s ;
Gr. Lesb. xg-i-»vw (Lat. dis-crt-men) beside Lith. skir-ii.
-s- -es- (cp. $§ 656 ff.), as Skr. i-g-md-ti i-gd-t2 beside i-nd-ti;
Gr. voua (fvipr) Armen. z-genum common ground-form "y-es-
-neu- *y-es-nu- beside Lat. ex-ud Lith. au-nik (§ 639). Other
examples will be mentioned anon.

(5) Most obseure of all has hitherto remained the “nasal
infix”, the nasal element, that is, in such words as Skr. yundk-
-ti yuitj-mds and yuAj-d-ti, and its relation to the nasal suffixes
in the other Classes.

The strong form, Skr. yunaj- for example, has hitherto
been found as a verb stem only in Aryan. Some other
languages have been supposed to show traces of it, as Gr,
xevim and Lat. conguinised friniscor, which are said by some
to be for *xvvse-m and *quenec-scd *frineg-scor; but this in
my opinion is the merest conjecture.’) If we must compare
something from European languages, the most likely forms are
the adjective Goth. manag-s 0.C.SI. miinogii ‘multus’ beside
Skr. mqha-t@ ‘is large, generous’ maghd-m ‘fullness, riches’,

Perhaps these nasal forms are merely a developement of
Class XII, by a change in the first instance of, say, *jug-n~
-més *jug-n-té (-n- the variant of -na-, op. Avest. ver‘-n-t? and
the like) to *jumg-més *jusg-té. Then, by analogy of Skr.
andk-ti and afj-mdés and other present forms with nasal in the
root*) we get the sing. yundk-ti. It should be remembered,
however, that it is a priori impossible to say whether @ in

1) See Johansson, Deriy. Verb. Contr. 108 f., Akademiske afhandlinger
til prof. Bugge, 24 ff.; W. Schulzo, Quacst, Hom. 15, 42; Fick, Vergl.
‘Wb. 1* 381; Krotschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxi 470. In discussing xuv'w
Fevove nO use oan be made of O.Corn. cussin and Mid.Cymr. cussan ‘kiss’,
which are loan-words from the Germanic,

2) With anaj- cp. Goth. anek-s ‘suddenly, at once’ (Skr. dijaz “quickly,
suddenly’). Skr. 204 Srd sing. prot. dno¢ 1 pl. conj. anakamahai, vy-anad-?
‘penetrate’ may be compared with Gr. dc-yrrx-qz (§ 569 p. 118).

—

a

No Present Stem: Classes XII to XVIII — Nasal Stems. $396.

‘Skr. yumaj- comes from Tdg. -a-, -e-, or -o-. This assumed
change of *jug-n- to *juwg- must have come about in the
parent language; and the singular persons may have been
made in the same period. If the forms did grow as I suggest
from the Class with -nd- -na- -n-, it would at once become
clear why of all the forms containg this suffix in any of its
three grades, none is taken from a root with final explosive
or fricative ($ 598): from these roots the parent language
would then show (say) *jusog-taj = *jug-n-taj (Skr. yusk-té),
while others would have the nasal suffix in its proper place,
and show the type of *yy-n-tai (Avest. ver*-n-tZ).

Another view is set forth by Per Persson, Stud. Lehr.
Wurz., 152 f. (ep. too Windisch, Kuhn's Zeitachr. xx1 407).
He thinks that in the oldest forms which set the type for
the class with Nasal Infix, the root final was a determinative,
and the nasal a suffix which was added to the root before the
determinative was added. Then forms with the determinative
and forms with the nasal were contaminated. Thus *limpo
(Lith. limp Skr. limpdmi) is a sort of combination of forms
answering to Lat. lind and Lith. li-pi. There is nothing
which makes this view impossible.

Yet another hypothesis, the latest, is offered by Osthoff,
Anz. fiir idg. Sprach- and Alterthumskunde, 183. He suggests
that Skr. kradtmi- may he y~ky- ~> present suffix -nat- (stronger
form of -nt) +- personal ending -mi; and by analogy rific-mds
produced rinde-mi. But that there ever was a simple suffix
Idg. -net- -nt- is, I hold, quite unproven; see § 685, Rem. 2.

(6) Nasal Present Stems are often found as bases for
Nouns. Examples are: Skr. vé-na-ti ‘longs’ v@-nd-s ‘longing’,
Avest. pes-ana-iti ‘fights’ beside Skr. pft-ana-m ‘battle’, Gr. yy-
-dvw “I sharpen’ beside Jyfy-avo-v ‘whetstone’, Skr. dhy3-d-ti
‘is bold’ dhy§-nu-md-s beside dhy§-mi-§ ‘bold’, Skr. pl-nva-ti
‘makes to swell’ beside -pi-nva-s ‘making to swell’, O.H.G.
bannu ‘regions under ban, forbidden places’ for “bho-nyo
beside ban, gen. bannes, ‘command enforced by pains and
penalties’, cp. Gr. tévFo-y p. 188. Compare § 487 pp. 40 f.

\ ll

$4 597,598. Present Stem: Class XII — Skr. wiy-nd-ti. 141

We shall now discuss the classes of nasal stems one by
one. Of these we distinguish seven.

Class XIL
Root + -nd- -ns- -n- forming the Present Stem.

§ 597. The strong suffix was -d-, the weak form before
a sonant was -n-, before a consonant either -na- (Gr. uag-ve~
rei) or -n- (Avest. ver‘-n-t2).

Sanskrit, with -r- before consonants (e. g. my-ni-mds),
stands alone. -nt- displaces *-ni- = Idg. -na- on the same
principle as changes *si-di-hi to di-di-hi, so that we have
myotmis : mynd-mi like Sis-hi : si§a-mi. See § 498 pp. 61 f

Remark. Wiedemann’s view (Lit. Pract. 49) that -ni- changed to
<ni- by quantitative analogy of -n@- I hold to be mistaken; and so also
Bartholomne’s, that my-nd-mi : my-yi-mda contain a pr. Idg. ablaut, -na-
being for -naj- (Stud. Idg. Spr., 75 ff.).

In Avestic, before sonants, not only -n- but -an-, seemingly
representing Idg. -en-: fry-an-mahi, see § 596.3 p. 138.

The Root Syllable has always, and always had, the weak
form.
§ 50s. Pr.Idg. All the forms which can be proved to
be Indo-Germanic come from roots with final liquid, nasal, or
vowel (cp. § 596.5 p. 139).

Skr. my-nd-mi ‘I grind, crush’ 8" sing. my-pd-ti 1" pl. my-
-at-mds 8" pl. my-n-dnti, Gr. ydg-va-nae ‘I fight’, partic.
Coreyr. and Att. fug-vd-nevo-g for “Ppa-wa- (I § 292 p. 233);
og-vd-wewo-¢ in Hesych. is either Aeolic for pag-va- (I § 292
p. 234) or all dialects of Greek for Idg. *my-no- (cp. Skr. mir-
-ud-s). — With thematic vowel Skr. my-nd-ti.

Gr, wop-vd-pev * xwAsiv, n09-va-eevae * awdodusvee (Hesych.)
are as ambiguous as popyaipusvoc; Att. aég-vyj-ue “I sell, transfer’
with changed root-grade (ep. xsgaw), O.Ir. re-nim ‘I give away,
sell’ (cp. § 604).

Skr. ja-nd-mi ‘I learn, know’ for */q-na-; compare perhaps
Lith. Zino ‘he knows’ for *jy-na-¢ (whence dinail Alno-me ete.

i

142 Present Stem: Class XII — Skr, my-nd-ti. $599.

by analogy of bij-ai-s and the like) — With thematic vowel
Skr. jd-na-ti Avest. 2°¢ pl. 2@-na-ta, Goth. partic. kunnand-s
{indic, kann).

Skr. li-na-mi ‘I stick close to, cower, disappear’ vi-lindmi
‘melt, disintegrate, go to pieces’, Gr. Aiva-ya roémopeat
Hesych., O.[r. le-nim ‘adhaereo’ (cp. § 604), O.Icel. li-na
‘I relax, grow soft — With thematic vowel Lat. li-nd
(ep. Gr. ddivw ‘ddeipa’ for *adergw § 611),

Skr. krt-nd-mi ‘I buy’, O.Ir. cre-nim ‘I buy’ for *eri-
-na-mi (cp. O.Ir. ert-thid ‘fond of buying’), ep. § 604.

Often a present stem is formed both in this twelfth class
and in Class XVII, particularly in Aryan; e. g. Skr. kgi-nd-ti
and Ayi-nd-ti ‘destroys’. Op. § 605 Rem.

The likeness of the endings in the strong singular persons
and those of the corresponding stems of Classes X and XI, in
-d-, caused a number of analogical changes. (1) -nd- passes
into the weak persons, as O.H.G. gi-nd-més beside gi-nd-m,
following zittard-més (cp. § 594 p, 134) and salbd-més.
(2) An extension with -jo- by analogy of the variation -a-:
-d-jd- in Classes X and XI, as Gr. daywde instead of daurnpe,
AS. Alinie ‘I lean’ instead of Ali-nd-jo.

§ 590. Aryan. Skr. oy-nd-ti ‘chooses’ mid. vy-nt-té,
Avest. mid. ver*-n-t@; — with thematic vowel Avest. 3" sing.
pret. mid. fraor‘nata = pr. Ar. *pra-oy-na-ta. Skr. py-nd-ti
“fills';*) — with thematic vowel py-nd-ti Avest. imper. per*-nd.
Skr, 4y-nd-ti ‘breaks up, crushes, grinds, splits up’; — with
thematic vowel imper. 4y-na; ep. O.Ir. ara-chrinim ‘difficiscor,
I decay, break up’ § 604, Ar. *ia-nd- ‘to know’ for *gg-nd-,
vy" gen- ‘know’: Skr. ja-nd-ti, O.Pers. 3" sing. pret. a-da-na:
Lith. fino, see § 598 p. 141. Skr. prind-ti ‘makes glad,

1) dind- may also be *jyn-d- (Class X).

2) One is tempted to identify this form with O.H.G. follém ‘I fill’.
‘This is probably at least a derivative from the adj. fol Goth. full-s, like
O.Ir. com-alnaim from lan, see § 760,

al

$600, Present Stem: Class XIL — Skr. mp-nd-ti. 143

makes inclined’, Avest. frt-nd-6. Skr. ji-nd-ti ‘conquers,
compels, y7gei-. Avest. injunct. zi-nd-p ‘draws away”
O.Pers. a-di-na; — with thematic vowel O.Pers. a-di-na-m.
Skr. pu-nd-ti ‘purifies, clears’, op. Ir. w-nd-d ‘to cleanse’?
(Fick, Wtb. I4 483, according to Stokes), Skr. dhu-na-ti
moves to and fro, shakes’ beside dhu-nd-ti dhi-né-ti. Skr.
grbh-nd-ti grh-nd-ti ‘grasps’, Avest. ger“te-nd-iti; — thematic
Skr. gyh-na-ti. Skr. badh-nd-ti ‘binds’ for *bhydh-, y~bhendh-.

Remark. Skr. muind-ti ‘steals’ is derived from the noun mig-
‘mud- mouse’ (IE § 180 p. 485). Similar words below in § 793.

§ 600. Strong stem instead of weak. Skr. imper. 2"
sing. grbh-na-hi instead of grbh-nt-hi, 24 pl. pu-nd-ta instead
of pu-ni-td. Compare Skr. ky-né-ta instead of hy-ru-té and
the like, § 641.

There was naturally a close contact between thematic and
non-thematic forms in Aryan, which made it easy for words
to pass from one to the other. The 1" person singular and
the 3" plural present, with other forms, and the conjunctive
mood, had regularly the same form in both: compare Skr.
myndmi myndnti from both my-nd-ti and my-nd-ti. Thematic
stems are specially common in Avestic; compare 3" sing. mid.
ster“-na-td opt. ster*-nag-ta beside Skr. sty-nd-ti ‘strews', and
2m sing. hu-na-hi beside hu-na-iti ‘begets’.

The Sanskrit 2™¢ sing. imper. active, besides -ni-hi
(-na-hi), has the ending -and, found in classical Sanskrit with
all roots ending in a consonant, as grh-and badh-and. Two
explanations of these are possible. (1) -ana may = Idg. -one,
which may be a thematic imperative of Class XIV, where
Slavonic has -ono- (see §§ 615, 624). Or (2), -ana may be
-d- = -J- + -na, — -f- being a weak form of the na-suffix,
and -na the same particle which we see with the 2 pl. in
-ta-na (beside -fa). The second view seems better.

Remark. Bartholomae now supports the view which analyses -dna
into -4+ na, and identifies -na with -na in -ta-na -tha-na (Stud. Idg. Spr.
1128), and cites by way of illustration the Avestic 24 sing. impor. bara~
na, « variant for the usual bara = Skr. bhdra. But he explains grha-
as derived from *ghybhaj-, whore I cannot follow him.

Mi

144 Present Stem: Class XIE — Skr. my-nd-ti. $8 601,602.

Exceptionally the root syllable has a strong grade: partic.
mid, dp-n-ana-e like ap-nd-mi Class XVII, ep. opt. aor. apeyam
and dpas- apds-. But ap- may be preposition @ + ap-.

A few isolated forms in Sanskrit show a change from this
class to -jo-stems: partic. kpnd-yd-nt- hyni-yd-mana-s beside
a-hy-nd-t wid. hy-ni-té. With forms like Gr. dauvaw (§ 598
p. 142), Apné-yd-nt- has no very close connexion.

§ 601, Armenian. baina-m ‘I raise’ for *barj-na-m
ground-form *bhygh-na-mi, ep. aor. barj-i. datna-m ‘I return’
for *darj-na-m, op. aor. darj-ay. bana-m ‘I open’ ground-form
*bho-na-mi from ybha- (p. 56 footnote), ep. aor. ba-c-i:
Gr. gaivn for *pa-rym § 611, O.H.G. ba-nnu § 654. sta-na-m
‘I possess, have in my power, buy’, op. aor. sta-g-ay; Gr. ora-
-rw ‘I place’ (G. Meyer, Gr. Gr.? p. 446) Lat. dé-stinare,
O.C.SI. sta-nq ‘I place myself’, lua-na-m ‘I wash’, ep. aor.
tua-c-i,

These are inflected like the d-presents mna-m and jana-m
(§ 581 p. 122). But the original quantity of the @ in -na-
eannot be determined; and -na- may be Idg. -na- or Idg. -na-,

§ 602. Greek. adg-vu-pce uap-vd-usvo-g, m0p-ra-wEv NE Q-
wwy-t, M-ve-per see § 598 p. 141. daye-vy-yu “TE tame’ beside
dduo-ooer; for the root syllable compare xé-va and Skr. sam-
-nt-t@ beside xdua-ro-g sami-td-s, du-vi-a beside dud-ry-s.
Ji=ra-uce “I can’ possibly connected with Lat. di-ru-s;
but Gortyn. rv-ve-~a ‘I can’, probably belongs to some other
root.')

The « of the root-syllabic is strange in the following stems.
xig-vy-ye “I mix’ beside aor. xdgaou. zid-va-ucu “I draw near
quickly’ beside aor. éxsdaga: ep, Lat. pelld for *pel-no, O.Ir. ad~
ellaim ‘I go to, visit’ for -(p)el-nd-. xofu-vy-ye “I hang’ (wrongly
written xpysansz) beside aor, éxptuana. doty-va-yecu “I reach or
stretch’ beside épsyu. afr-vy-ye ‘I spread’ beside aor. ixérava;
thematic &nt-vo-y mir-vo. utd-va-wae “I spread or widen,

1) Can this be connected with rsigo-» ‘sinew, tension, strength’?

$$ 608,604. Present Stem: Class XII — Skr. my-nd-ti. 145
disperse’ beside ¢oxédaoa. Various explanations are given: see
Osthoff, M. U. 20; Wackernagel, Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxix 126;
Moulton, Am. Journ. Phil. X 284 f., and Class. Rev. m 45;
Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitachr. xxx1 375 f.

With -jo-flexion: dauvaw, xigyaw, spryrdoua, aevaw,
Compare § 598 end, p, 142.

In du-va-~ar, the nasal was not confined to the present
stem: Jdvverdg sdvvnoduny idwvyPyy &vvdoInv, like ayatoc
dyntés HydoIn from aya-na. Compare § 643, and raviogae
(from ra-vv'-au).

§ 603. Italic. (1) We find in Latin the non-thematic
inflexion of Class XIN: ster-nd (contrast Skr. sty-nd-ti), li-nd
(contrast Skr. vi-lind-ti), pelld for *pel-nd (contrast Gr. xéA-va-
jeu), sper-nd (contrast O.H.G. spor-nd-m ‘I tread, kick’), and
no sound-law prevents our putting in this twelfth class
ster-ni-mus -ni-tis, deriving them from *-na-mos *-na-tes
(ep. § 505 p. 71, on red-dimus, and § 543 p. 108, on se-ri-
~muis).

(2) But some compounds are inflected as verbs in -dre.
con-sterndre, beside O.H.G. storném ‘attonitus sum’ (§ 605)
Gr. arfgw ‘I make shy, put in a fright’. in-clindire: O.Sax.
Hli-nd-n “E lean’, cp. Lett. sli-nu (beside sléiju) ‘I lean on,
support’. dé-stindre, cp. Armen. sta-na-m “I possess’ Gr, ora~
-vo ‘I place’ and ora-wiw (§ 601 p. 144). So too com-pellare
from pellere, aspernart from spernere, It is assumed that
a similarity in the endings -nd-s(i) -nd-i(i), in this class, and
~d-s(i) -a-i(i) in Classes X and XI caused a current to set in
the direction of the last two (cp. end of § 598). But this
floes not explain why only compounds were carried by it; and
apparently we must not separate pellere : compellare, spernere =
aspernart from fligere : profitgare, capere : occupare and others,
‘The -na- in cdn-ster-nd-s must therefore be kept quite distinct
from -nd- in Skr. §y-nd-mi Gr. ddp-vy-us. See § 583 pp. 124 f.

§ 604, Keltic. O.tr, re-nin ‘I give away, sell’ (perf. -rir),
le-nim ‘aihaereo’ (perf. ro lil), cre-nim ‘I buy’ (perf. -ciuir)
Mod.Cymr. prynaf, see § 598 p. 142. gle-nim ‘adhaereo”

10

Bragmaun, Elements 1¥.

146. Prosent Stem: Class XIT — Skr. mp-sd-ti. $$ 604,605.

(perf. ro giuil) Mod.Cymr. glynaf beside O.H.G, chli-nu
‘I cleave, stick, smear’ (Gr. yhoro-¢ ‘sticky dampness’ O.ILG.
chleimen “‘plasmare’). O.Ir. be-nim ‘I strike, cut’ O.Brit. et-
-binam ‘lanio' Mod.Bret. benaf’ ‘I cut’, beside Lat. perfines
‘perfringas’ (Festus) O.Bret. bi-tat ‘resicaret’ O.C.SI. bi-ti ‘to
strike’. The inflexion of these presents, as Thurneysen shows
(Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxt 87), points to pr. Kelt. *-nd-mi -nd-si
-nd-ti -nd-mesi ete., ie. the weak suffix -nd- = Idg. -no-
had got into the singular.

We must keep these presents distinct from O.[r. ara-
~chrinim ‘I decay, break up’ (beside Skr, sr-nd-ti § 599
p. 142), -gninim ‘I recognise’ (Y“gen-, ep. Skr. ja-nd-ti with
“g@- § 598 p. 141) and ro-chluiniur ‘I hear’ (beside Avest. sru-
-nao-iti Class XVII, filey-), which have jo-inflexion. Was
there any connexion between the -jo- of this last named present
and the old -nu-inflexion? There may be the same relation
between -chrinim and Skr. sp-nd-mi as between Gr. gaivo for
“pa-v-4w and Armen, ba-na-m (§ 611), or between Lat. li-n-id
{beside li-nd) and Skr. vi-lina-ti (§ 598 p. 142, § 743).

§ 605. Germanic. Here, as in Latin, we have
sometimes the thematic conjugation of Class XIII, and
sometimes the conjugation of Classes X and XI; see § 598 end,
p. 142.

O.H.G, spor-nd-m ‘I tread, kick’ O,lIeel. spor-na ‘knock
against’; thematic variant stem O.H.G. spur-nu and -spirnit
conj. -spirne (perf. spur-num O.Icel. perf. spar-n spur-nom)
like Lat, sper-nd. O.Sax. mor-nd-n ‘I trouble myself, care’,
A.S. thematic murne. Explanation uncertain: O-H.G. conj.
wolle beside Skr. oy-ni-té ‘chooses’ (Kluge, Paul-Braune’s Beitr.,
vir 515). O.H.G. gi-nd-m (also gei-nd-m) A.S. ginie ‘I gape’;
with -no-, O.lcel. gen O.C.SI. 3" sing. 2i-ne-tii, V/ ghej-.
O.Sax. hli-nd-n AS. hlinie ‘I lean, support myself’: Lat. in-
-cli-na-t, O.Icel. li-na ‘I soften’; Skr. fi-na-ti ete, see § 598
p. 142. O.Icel. fa-na ‘T rot, corrupt’ (partic. fa-inn “rotten’) :
thematic Lith. pi-nu ‘T rot’.

$$ 605,608. Present Stem: Class XII — Skr, my-nd-ti. 147
We must add a group of West Germanic verbs in which
-kk- -pp- -it- are due to assimilation of the n of -na- to an
explosive root-final (I § 530 p. 388, § 534 p. 391, § 541
p- 396); as O.FLG. lecchdm ‘I lick’ ground-form *ligh-na-mi,
20cchém ‘I pull hard, tug’ ground-form *duk-nd-mi, Mid.H.G.
hopfe (Rhine-Frank. hoppe) ‘I hop’ ground-form *qup-nd-mi.

Remark. Some forms of these verbs have not broken u and ¢ in
the root; as O.HLG, succhim, Mod.H.G. 2ucke beside socchOm, Mid. H.G.
rupfe beside ropfe (ground-form *rub-n-), Mid.H.G. stutze ‘I push, strike’
(ground-form *stud-n-), Mod.H.G. nicke (ground-form *knigh-n-). T suggest
as ® possible explanation that there may once have been bye-forms with
the present-suffix -nev- -nu-, as 1° pl. *duk-nu-mes. Compare Goth.
Runnum (*Gy-nu-mes) beside wf-kunna.

A third group of Germanic present stems is that exempli-
fied by Goth. Paha -dis. Goth. matirndi-p OTLG. mornet
beside O.Sax. morndn A.S. murne. 0.H.G. hliném beside
OSax. hlinin AS. hlinie. O.H.G. storném ‘attonitus sum,
inhio’, beside Lat. cn-sterndre § 603 p. 145. The trans-
formation in these verbs is due to their intransitive meaning,
see $ 781.3. The case is different with Goth. uf-kunndi-p
‘recognises’, as we shall see in § 646.

§ 606. Balto-Slavonic. The thematic type provaila;
e.g. Lett. g@-nu ‘I anatch’ contrasted with Skr. ju-nd-ti ‘sets in
quick motion, urges’, O.C.SI. zi-ne-tit ‘yawns, gapes’ contrasted
with O.H.G. gi-nd-t.

Traces of -nd- are perhaps left in Lith. Ano ‘he knows’
ground-form *9j-nd-t: Skr. ja-nd-ti, see § 598 p. 141; and in
Lith. ly-né-ja ‘it rains slightly’ inf. /y-nd-ti (Lett. li-nd-t) beside
lgna ‘it rains’, kilndé-ju ‘I lift this way and that’ beside
Lat. ex-celld for *-celnd, tasz-nd-ja ‘it drizzles, trickles a little’.

Remark. kitndju may also be quite well explained as a derivative
from klna-s ‘high’; and this makes it doubtful whother the “diminutive
frequentativex” in -ndju ought not to be estinated quite differently and
classed elsewhere. But here we must bear one point in mind — this I say
with a view to Leskion (Ablaut der Wurzels. im Lit., p. 174) — to wit,
that Baltic denominatives often put on the appearance of primary verbs.
See § 793. Thus eg. lyné-fa may quite well be a primary form by

analogy of which was formed keitné~ju from kWna-s.
10°

148 Prosent Stem: Class XIII — Skr. my-nd-ti. — §§ 607,608.

Class XII.
Root + -no- forming the Present Stem.

$ 607. Stems of this class seem to bear much the same
general relation to Class XII as Skr. ti-jfh-a-ti Lat. si-st-i-t
to Gr, Lory-or; see § 491 p. 50.

Bat certainly not all the stems of this class are stems of
Class XII which have taken to thematic inflexion. Amongst
them are many whose stem is found as a noun-stem, and was
probably only a noun-stem at the first. Take, for example,
Skr. ré-na-ti ‘longs’ beside oé-nd-s ‘longing’; pana-té ‘trafficks,
barters, buys’ beside pana-s ‘wager, bargain, loan’ Lith. pelna-s
‘gain, profit’ (I § 259 p. 211); Goth. frathna O.Jcel. fregn
‘I ask’ beside Skr. pragnd-s ‘question’. So too Class XIV
(-yno- -eno- -ono-), closely connected with this, is denominative
in its origin.

Since it is impossible to distinguish verbs like Skr. my-
-n-d-ti (beside mr-nd-ti my-n-dnti) from those like Skr. vé-na-ti
(from vé-nd-s), we shall treat them together.

Parallel variants such as Gr, Pwdouae Irjhouae “I wish’
("al-no- : *gel-no-), O.H.G. wallu ‘I heave, toss’: willu ‘roll,
wallow’ (*uj-no- : *yel-no-) recal similar pairs in Class II,
Skr. ky§-d-ti : hdr§-a-ti (§ 513 pp. 78 f), and in Class XXVI,
Goth. varirkja : O.FLG. wirk-(iu (§ 705).

$ 608, First we cite no-forms which occur in more than
one language,

*sty-no- from |/ster- ‘sternere’: Avest. 3" sing. mid. ster*-
-na-ta, Lat, ster-nd (with the root-syllable in the strong grade),
beside Skr. sfr-nd-ti (§ 600 p. 143), Lat, sper-nd, O.H.G. spur-
-nu “I tread, step, kick’, fir-spirni-t conj. -spirne (see § 614),
beside Skr. sphur-d-ti ‘quickens, throbs’. Lat, li-no, Lith. (j-na
‘it rains’ (cp. Gr, ddtvw for *dd-rym § 611), beside Skr, li-nd-ti
O.lcel. li-na § 598 p. 142, $ 603 p. 145. AS, gine OIcel.
gin ‘IT gape, yawn’ O.C.SL ci-ne-tii ‘gapes, yawns’ beside

150 Present Stem: Class XII — Skr. my-nd-ti. 8 611,612.

Dor. poitsrue Att. Bovdera ‘I prefer, I wish’ ground-form
*al-ne-, Dor. dojderar Delph. dsiierae (Thess, péaderss Boeot.
Beiter) ground-form *gel-ne-, see I § 204 p. 170, § 428d with
the Remark p. 316. Hom. Dor. rauvw Att. réuvw'T cut’, ep. aor.
rau-siv. Lesh, dx-éddw Dor. Frjiw Hom. sii ‘I press’ for *Fed-vo-.

As we find -y-io- (Gr. -avw) parallel to -yno- (Gr. -ava)
— Clasn XIV, §§ 616 and 621, Class XXIX § 743 — so we
have in Greek -n-io- instead of -no-. Lesb. xA‘vvw Hom. Att.
xhktvw “I bend, incline’ for *xArv-ya: Lat. in-cli-nd-re O.Sax.
Mi-no-n Lett. slirnu § 603 p. 145, xginvw xpivw ‘T separate,
choose out, decide’, atvwoju oivoza “I rob’ (cp. Kretschmer,
Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx1 420). d2évo ‘éieigo’ (aor. diva), beside
Lat. li-nd ete., see § 598 p. 142, § 608 p. 148. drgtvw ‘I drive
on’ for *¢-rpv-r-go from |/tuer- tur- (Skr. todr-a-té ‘hastens’
O.H.G, dwir-u ‘I turn quickly round, move’, Skr. turdna-s
“hastening’); with tru-: tur- compare Skr, hru-nd-ti : ju-hur-a-s
beside hodr-a-té, Avest. capru- Skr, catur- beside catvar-
and the like. gavm ‘I make appear, make visible, show’ for
*pa-v-y: Armen. ba-na-m OFLG. ba-nnu, see § 601 p. 144.
zalva "T gape’ for “ya-v-yw with the aor. é-ya-vo-v, beside yu-
ou zrrHn x0i-pG: ep. Skr. hi-nd-s ‘deserted, lacking’ ji-Wt-t2
‘yields, departs’ (§ 540 p. 101). By analogy of *xrev-so
(xrsivw) beside aor. e-xrev-ou (cxrewa) fut. "xreve(o)o (xrevdi),
there were made in pr. Greek the aorist *éxdwou *ipavoe
(&itva Eqyra) and the future *xiws(o)m *pave(o)w (xd gave)
from *xiuyo and *pavyo, and others in the same way.

Remark. gevw shews that xifw comes from *xh-r4. 0
doubts are unfounded (Stud. Idg. Spr., m 87 f.).

The origin of the Att. ending -crw is
as it may come from -vw, -o, or vFwo (§
puirs of variants such as Sérw Jéver ‘
produced i9tvw dorévw beside idiw .
analogy went further, and we
Compare Lith. keldunu §'615.

§ 612. Italic. ster-nd
pp. 148 f.

152 Present Stem: Class XII — Skr. wp-nd-ti. §§ 614,615.

‘I undulate, boil’, ground-form *yf-nd and willw ‘I roll’ O,Tcel,
veil T undulate, seethe’ ground-form "yel-nd. O.H.Q. fallu ‘I fall’
see § 608 p. 149. Goth, O.H.G. kun-nan ‘to know’ partic.
Goth, kun-na-nd-s O.HLG, kun-na-nt-i (indice. kann § 646):
Skr. ja-na-ti, see § 598 pp. 141 f. O.1LG. chii-nu ‘L stick,
smear: O.Ir, gle-nim, (glei-, see § 604 p. 146. AS, zine
O.Icel. g&n ‘I gape, yawn’: O.C.S1. 2i-ne-tii, see § 605 p. 146,
§ 608 p. 148, § 615 p. 153. Goth. kei-na (partic. kij-an-s)
O.H.G. chi-nn ‘I bud’: Lith. gy-nu, see § 608 p. 149,
0.H.G, swi-nu ‘T disappear’ (cp. Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitsehr.
XXxI 420), Art-nu ‘I touch, gain’, gri-nw ‘make a face, snarl’,
Goth. skei-na ‘I appear’. sct-nu O.LG. backu Upper-G. pacchu
‘I bake’ pr. Germ. *hakkd for ground-form *bhag-né (I § 214
p. 181, § 584 p. 391), ep. O.ELG. bahh-w ‘I bake’ Class IL B
Gr. poiy-@ ‘I roast’ Class I] A § 532 p. 94. O.ELG. spa-nu
‘I attract, charm, drive on’ (pret. spuon), ground-form *spa-nd;
also spannu ‘I stretch, widen, I am in eager excitement’
ground-form *spo-nu-d Class XVIII (§ 654), beside Lat. spé-s
spa-tin-m O.HLG, spd-ti ‘late’,

Besides O.HL.G. fir-spirnit and willu, other words have root
syllables of the strong grade. 0.1L.G. quillu ‘I spring, well up’,
Vgel-, O.LG. swillu O.Icel. svell ‘I swell, heave’, O.H.G. scillu
‘I resound, sound’ O.Icel. skell ‘I clatter’, O.HLG. hillu ‘I make
a sound’, O.11.G. gillu O.Tcel. gell ‘T yell, cry out’. O.TLG. sinnuw
‘IT go, think’ for *sind-nd ep. Goth. sandja ‘I send’, Mid.H.G.
zine T burn’ for *tind-nd ep. Goth. tandja ‘I kindle’. I suggest
that we class here verbs with -mm-, for -mn-, as O.H.G.
swimmu ‘I swim’, ep. O.Ir. sennim § 613. Goth. frath-na
‘Lask (perf. frah frthum partic. frathans) O.Icel. freg-n
(fra fragum fregenn) AS. friz-ne (frezn fruznon frugznen)
with pr.Germ, variation of x and z (I §§ 529, 530 pp. 384 f),
which was levelled down in different ways by different dialecta:
op. Skr. pras-nd-s ‘question’ |/ prek- (§ 607 p. 148),

§ 615. Balto-Slavonic. Here this class is more creative
than anywhere else,

154 Present Stem: Clase XIV — Skr. wep-ndeti. $§ 615,616.

In Slavonic the no-suffix is not confined to the present stem;
it appears elsewhere in the system of the verb, but then in
the peculiar shape -nq-. Examples are aor. mi-nq-chii partic.
pres. mi-ng-vii infin. mi-nq-ti sup. mi-nq-ti from mi-nq.
-nq- is regular only in the infinitive and supine (except sta-ti
from sta-nq).

Remark. The following I think is not improbably the history of
-ng-. Slavonic once had verbs in *-ona (1% sing. pres.), and their soriat
ended in -on-si -qzi and their infinitive in -on-fi -qli, parallel to Lith.
gyoent "TE dwell’ (fut -fsiu infin, -én-t/) kipinu ‘I heap’ (fut, -j-siu
infin. -in-ti-), see § 624. Now in the present, -no- levelled out -ono-,
which was only used with consonantal roots; but -ono- remained everywhere
except in the present, Hence a compromise: an infinitive *erivati, for
instance, would be transformed by analogy of vrigng vrignedi eto., and
become vrignati. Afterwards -ra- was extended to verbs from roots ending
in w yowel, such as mi-ng, and only sta-na kept clear of this change
(infin. sta-1i), Compare with this § 624 at end, and Wiedemann, Arch. Slav.
Phil. x 658 ff.

Lithuanian has no present stems with the suffix -no- from
roots with a final explosive or fricative; instead of these the
language has forms of Class XVI, such as bund as against
biing in Old Church Slavonic. But there are a few in Lettic, all
of them however with an interior nasal, which in most cases
certainly belongs to the present suffix and not to the root:
brinu ‘I wade’ for *hrid-nu *brend-nu beside Lith. brendi and
bredit (bridaw bristi), riimu ‘I find’ for *riid-nu beside riidu =
Lith. randi (radat rdsti), mi/-nu ‘mingo’ for *menz-nu beside
Lett. méét (\/ meigh-), line ‘I crawl for id-nu beside Nadu =
Lett. lendit (lindat listi). The origin of this kind is obvious;
the class with a nasal infix (Class XVI) has been contaminated
with the -no-class, like O.C.SI. seg-nq from seg- etc, (§ 636),
and like Gr. Ayndvw from [/ leig- ete. (§ 631).

Class XIV.
Root + -pno- -eno- -ono- forming the Present Stem.

§ 616. It is quite clear that this class is derived from
nouns; see § 487 p. 41, § 596.6 p. 140, and below. It is note-

al

$617. Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. mp-nd-ti. 155

worthy that the n-suffix is often extended by -jo-; as Skr.
an-yd-ti beside (Ved.) ana-t, Gr. dkwPaivw beside ddoParw,
O.H.G. giwahann(iju ‘I recount’. See §§ 618 and 743. This
is the same formation as Skr. eéthuryd-ti from vithurd-s
‘staggering, shaking’, Gr. aidddm from aiddo-g, see § 770.

§ 617. Along with -yno- -eno- we find -ynd- -end-,
inflected in the same way as denominatives from d@-stems,
To illustrate, take: Skr. prtand-yé-nt- ‘fighting’ beside Avest.
péeiana-iti Skr. pytan-yd-ti beside Skr. pftana-m pftana- ‘fight’,
Skr. bhandand-yd-ti ‘shouts, cheers’ beside bhanddna-s ‘shouting’
bhandina- ‘shout’; Gr. goxavdw beside égoxivw ‘I hold back,
bar, stem’ (cp. 9yyévo ‘I sharpen, whet’ beside Iyjyavo-r
Syyevn ‘whetstone’, and dazavaw “I spend’ beside danavo-y
‘extravagant’ Jandy ‘expense’); Lat. runcindre (cp. runcina
*plane’) coquindre carinare farcinare; O.Jcel. vakna ‘I awake’
pret. vakna-da, Goth. pret. ga-vakno-da beside pres. ga-vakna;
Lett. stiprind-ju ‘I strengthen’ infin. stiprind-ti beside stiprinu
(infin. stiprin-ti), gabendqju ‘L bring together’ (infin. gabend-ti)
beside gabenit (infin. gabén-ti); and besides, the Lith. group of
preterites, of which examples are 1" pl. sflprino-me gabéno-me,
must be added.

Seeing how clear is the denominative character of this
fourteenth class, no doubt can be felt that all these verbs are
derived from feminine stems. The nearest parallel is found
in the verbs which will be discussed in § 769, Skr. priya-yd-t=
Goth. frijo, Or. com-alnaim O.HL.G. follom, and such like.
That is to say, Skr. bhandana-yd-ti stands to bhanddna ‘shout’
and bhanddna-s ‘shouting’ exactly as O.H.G. follo-m ‘I fill’ to
folla ‘fullness’ and fol ‘full’, or as tountém ‘I make wounded,
T wound’ to rwunta ‘a wound’ and runt ‘wounded’,

Remark, The student must not suppose that I refuse to see the
parallelism between Fpccardw : Feoxdvw and mrvdw: mlrvw; O.Toel. vakna:
Goth. ga-rakna and O.H.G. gind-m: O.loel. gin; Lith. stiprindju : stiprinu
and iyndja:lgua. See the end of § 598, and §§ 602, 605, 606. The
origin of the d-flexion is different in the two sorts, but d-flexion in the
ome may well have influenced the other in different languages inde-

Mi

156 Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. my-nd-ti. §§ 618,619.

pendently. For instance, Greek verbs of the type of Fgexevdw may have
‘been supported by the uso of mavaw, or vice versa,

Ske. bhandana-ydete is not to bo classed with hynd-yd-nt-, a quite
isolated stem; we see this from a variant hppi-yd-mana-s (§ 600 p. 144).
Such forms as *hhandeni-yd-ti do not exist.

§ 618. I cite first forms which appear in more than one
language. Here, as below with forms belonging to one language
only (§§ 619 ff), the extension with -jo- must be cited too
(§ 748). a

Lat. cruen-tues partic. of a present 3" sing. *eruini-t,
Lith. kricoinu “I make bloody’ (partic. krivinta-s = cruentu-s)
from kri-vina-s ‘bloody’.

Armen. aroganem ‘I sprinkle’, Lith. srdvinu ‘I make
flow’, common ground-form *srouynd, Vsreu- (ep. Bugge,
Idg. Forsch. 1 451).

Skr. injunctive ijana-t ‘let him set in motion, arouse,
excite, quicken’ and ifan-yd-ti, Gr. iaivw ‘quicken, hasten,
warm’ for "io-av-yo.

Goth. af-lifna ‘I remain over’ (pret. -nd-da), Lith. lipini
“I cause to adhere’,

Goth. dukna ‘T increase, grow’ (pret. -nd-da), Lith. augini
‘I make grow, rear’.

Gr. avaivw ‘I make dry, wither’ for *oavo-cr-qo, Lett.
satisinu ‘I make dry’. Compare Alban. dav ‘I dry, wither’,
for *saus-nid according to G. Meyer (Alb. Wort. 85, Alb. Stud.
mi 43).

Gr. rsgoatva ‘E make dry, dry up’, Goth. ga-patirsna
‘I grow dry, wither’ (pret. -2d-da).

§ e19. Aryan. Avyest. opt. 1" pl. zaranagma and
zaranye-t? (partic. zaranimna-) from zar- ‘grow angry, ill’,
op. partic. zaranu-mana- Skr. hy-nt-té § 596.3 p. 188. Avest.
peSana-iti ‘fights’ beside Skr. pftana-m pftand- Ayest. pesana
‘fight, battle’ (cp. § 617 p. 155). Skr. kypdna-té ‘he behaves
pitifully, prays’ beside kypand-s ‘pitiful, miserable’ kypdna-m
‘misery’. ifama-t ‘let him set in motion’ and ifan-yé-ti: Gr. iaiyw,
see $618. Only with -jo-: turan-yd-ti ‘hastens, goes or makes

-

$§619—621. Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. wy-nd-ti. 157

to go quickly’ from turdna-s ‘hastening’ (pres. todr-a-té hastens’)
ep. Gr. érgévw § 611 p. 150; bhuran-yd-ti ‘he is active’ from
bhurana-s ‘active’, and others. Compare Skr, prtand-yd-ti
bhandand-ya-ti § 617 p. 155.

There is nothing to decide whether this Aryan -ana-
representes Idg. -yno- or -eno- (those who believe that Idg. 0
becomes a in open syllables in Aryan will say, or -ono-
either). ianyd-ti as compared with Gr. iafvw, so far as it
goes, favours -pno-.

-eno- must be the suffix in Skr. bhdna-ti ‘sounds, calls
out’, if this be derived from /bhd-, and analysed bh-dnati;
see p. 56 footnote. Perhaps the same suffix is used in some of
those forms which are cited by Per Persson, Wurzelerweiterung
pp. 70 ff., such as dhvana-ti ‘sounds’.

§ 620. Armenian. In this language -ano- — Idg. -yno-
is a very common present suffix. /2-anem ‘I leave’, aor. 3'
sing. efit, yleig-. gt-anem ‘I find’, aor. 3 sing. e-git,
Vueid-. ¢-anem ‘I spew, spit’, aor. 3" sing. e-fuk. kl-anem
‘L swallow’, aor. 3" sing. e-kul. hat-anem ‘T cut off’, tes-anem
‘L see’, yderk- (I § 263 p. 214). liz-anem ‘I lick’ for *lé2-
anem, V/ leigh-.

-anem, like Greek -avw, is found in some forms which
have another present suffix already. As for instance harganem
‘I ask’ beside aor. hargi, stem *pr(h)-sko- (§ 672), like Gr.
Givoxdem beside div-oxm; and very near akin to harganem is
Avest. per‘sanygiti ‘asks’, if its -s- = Skr. -ch- (cp. Skr.
prachana-m ‘an asking’) and not Idg. -k- (cp. Goth. frathna).

-anim (cp. § 711) is a variant of -anem as Gr. -aww of
-avw; @ g. mer-ani-m ‘I die’ (aor. mef-ay) like Gr. pag-atv
‘I make wither, decay’, mac-ani-m ‘I cleave to, hang on to,
curdle’, zerc-ani-m ‘I free or save myself, run away’.

§ 621. Greek, In this language too -avo- = Idg. -yno-
ig very common.

aip-avwo ‘L earn’. xcd-cvw “I honour, exalt’. xvd-dvw
Thide. day-avm ‘I whet, An9-avw ‘I escape notice’,

158 Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. my-nd-ti. $621.

The suffix is often used to extend other present stems.
For example take the following. /or-vw ‘I place’ beside t-ory-ue
(Class II). toz-cvm ‘I hold back’ beside i-az-w (Class TY).
nevd-dvouct “T learn’ Jyem-dvw ‘T leave’ from *nvvdw = Lith.
bund: y~ bhewdh- and *hyenw == Lat. lingud yleig-, and so
too xhayy-dvw ‘I ery out’ from *xtapy-o (cp. xhafw for *xdeyy=
-«w) = Lat. clang-6 beside Gr. perf. xéxdnya (Class XVI).
«it-avw ‘T increase’ beside avfw adx-ow (Class XX). divox-dvw
‘I avoid’ beside ddv-oxw (Class XXII). duapr-avo “I miss’
beside fuap-ro-v (Class XXIV). dugd-dvw ‘I sleep’ beside
é-Jap-So-v (Class XXY).

mpnhavo mungdva, a8 compared with al-nlg-t ai-ngn-pe
were made on the analogy of Aqeraévw, and this served to keep
safe the nasal in wianhyu niunonur xlyxoaue xtyyonue (§ 542
p- 102, § 504 pp. 184 f.). Perhaps there was once a form
“xha-vw, parallel to Skr. py-yd-ti, which on the analogy of
ni-nhy-ue ni-nhe-wev was transformed to *nutavw (ep. the
reduplicated rs-rg-a/vw, p. 159), and then came under the
influence of verbs like Ayuncdvm. The Greeks themselves saw
a close connexion between the ending -avw and a nasal in
the first syllable of the word which had it, if this syllable
contained a short vowel +- explosive; we can see this from
the transformation of Att. *xzéw (for *x-zavFo, Hom. myévro)
into xyzdévw (§ 652).

With -avaw (see § 617 p. 155): égixavadw beside zovxarw
‘I hold back, bar, stem’, dxxavdouer ‘I welcome’ beside dyxvi-
pesvog (§ 639), ioydvan beside ioyavyw, and others.

A large number have -aivw. dioFaivw beside oheodiva
‘I slip’. aedafvm ‘LT darken’ (beside jetdvo? see the com-
mentators on Iliad 12 64), and others (cp. § 776.6 5).

Amongst these verbs in -aivw are those whose root no
longer forms a separate syllable, some of which are certainly
old (cp. Lett. to-in-ti tr-in-ti § 624). -aivw ‘I scratch, comb’
(Fdvo-v ‘comb for carding wool’) beside Evw and Stu Edo-oue
(Class XX, § 661) from (/qes- (II § 8 Rem. 2 p. 20).
dx-gi-aivo ‘I bubble up’ beside ga-vm Lat. fl-a-s O.H.G, bi-a-«

ll

$§621—625. Present Stem: Class XIV — Skr. my-nd-ti. 159

(§ 583 p. 124). dp-atvw “I do, intend to do’ (dyo-Jgavioy
‘faint, weak’ § 801), beside do-a dg-@-ua (§ 737). daivn
'T besprinkle’ for *ag-nv-4 (garig -idog “drop') beside g-s(F)re
‘flows’ from {/ ser- ‘run, flow’ (§ 488 p. 47) cp. S-aivw beside
Sain; épodd-ara gpaocare (*sy-d-) belong to Class XXV
{§ 695).') zo-aivm “I touch the surface gently, stroke, soil’
beside zo-ém ‘I seize, touch’ zy-avu ‘touch superficially,
seratch’ yo-im ‘I anoint’. yoalvew* 2adiew Hesych., beside yedm,
which seems to be akin to Skr. gr-asa-ti (§ 659). xpalvar
‘T make, complete’ (1/ger- Skr. ky-pd-ti); this we should
probably place here. The alternative is to analyse it *xga-
-v-4o, from *gy-n-, and place it in § 611 (pp. 149 f.), but
xo-évo-g makes this the more likely place (see IL § 67 with
the Rem., p. 112). te-tg-alvo “I bore’ (rergaivw is also
found, see Veitch Greek Verbs s. v. rergaiyw): Lith. tr-init
‘rub’, Vter-.

Connected with noun stems in -avo- (§ 487 pp. 40 f.,
$596.6 p. 140). ddadivw skataivm: GAloPave-g ‘slippery,
smooth’, Syyava : Syjyavo-v Iyyavq ‘whetstone’. — weldvan
eaiva : ehavo- (ushav-) ‘black’. gqasyaverac’ Elpee avargetrae
Hesych.: gaoyavo-v ‘cutting instrument, or sword’. xvaéyuv *
Eyxvos cy Hesych.; Samian xvavo- in Kvavowry (the Author,
Gr. Gr2 p. 32 footnote 1). Compare 2evxuivw with Skr.
rocand-s ‘light, shining’, édgarw with Ske. arhana-m arhana
“tribute of respect’.

$622. Italic, Lat. cruen-tu-s beside Lith. krivinu, see
§ G18 p. 156. Osc. patensins ‘aperirent’ for *patenesént
ep. Lat. panderent (§§ 632, and 837. 2).

Latin verbs in -indre (§ 617 p. 155): coguindre beside
coquere, cirindre beside carere etc.

§ 623. Germanic. In this class fall Inchoatives formed
with an n-suffix (for the term inchoatives as applied to them,

1) By this correct vol. I § 488 p. 360, § 492 p. 863, § 689 p. 479.

160 Present Stem: Class XIV — Ske. my-nd-fi. § 623.

see Egge, Amer. Journ. Phil. vir 38 ff.); a8 Goth. ga-vaknan
O.lcel. vakna A.S, worenan ‘awake’, Since in these and many
other words » is not assimilated to the preceding consonant, it
follows that there must have been a vowel between than which
has suffered syncope (ep. I $ 214 p. 181, Kaufmann, P.-B.
Beitr, xn 504 ff), But whether this vowel was a, i, or w, and
the suffix accordingly Idg. -ono-, -eno-, or -gno-, remains a
question. Furthermore, amongst form like Goth. dis-tairna
‘L tear to pieces, crush to pieces’, there may be forms with Idg.
-no- (cp. Skr. dir-nd-s O.1.G. zor-n, II § 66 p. 141), which
would then have to be placed in Class XII.

The old unextended inflexion was regular Gothic only
for the present; ¢. g. ga-vakna ~is -ip ete. Elsewhere Gothic
has -nd-, as -vakndda. Old Icelandic carries -nd- all through
the verb, us vakna -nada. In Old High German, on account
of a certain change which will be set forth in § 781.3, most
of the words in question are absorbed into the @-conjugation
(8" weak conj.), as wesantm.

In addition to the words already mentioned — Goth. af-
lyna, duk-na (O.Tcel. aukna), ga-fatirsna (O.1cel. forna) —
the following may be named: Goth. ga-stavirkna ‘I become
stiff, dry up’ O-Icel, storkna O.H.G. gi-storchaném (beside Lith.
streg-iu ‘I stiffen’). Goth. -brukna intr. ‘I break, break to pieces’
(beside brika ‘I break’), Goth. ga-batna OIcel. batna ‘I improve
myself’, O.FLG. trunkaném “I get drunk’, Beside Goth. us-
-lakna I open’ (intr.) appears us-lakn-s ‘open’ (adj.).

‘These inchoatives are sometimes derived from an adjective,
in which case they run in parallel lines with the faetitive group
in (Goth.) jan; Goth, fuliman O.Icel, fullna ‘get full’ beside
Goth, fulljan O.Icel. fylla ‘make full, fill’ from Goth. full-s
O.Icel. full-r ‘full’ (ground-form *pj-no-s), Goth. ga-giunan
‘become alive’ beside ga-giujan ‘make alive, quicken’ from giv-s
(gen. qgivis) ‘alive’, Goth. mékilnan ‘grow big’ beside mikiljan
‘make big’ from mikil-s ‘big’; ep. Lith. linksminu from linksma-s
and similar forms, § 624.

i

624. Present Stem: Class XIV — Sher. mey-ndl-té. 161

O.ILG. gi-wahannen ‘mention’ pret. gi-touog, AS. wecnan
‘awaken’ pret. wdc, like Gr. dderatvn (aor. sdrro-).

§$ 624. Balto-Slavonic. Baltic has -ina = Idg. -yno-,
and -ena- = Idg. -eno-.

Lith. kriwinu ‘I make bloody’ fut. kriwj-siv partic. kriwin-
-ta-s = Lat. cruen-tu-s, augini ‘I make grow’, saisinw ‘I make
dry’, see $618 p. 156. Aitpinn I heap up’ from kiypina-s ‘heaped
up’. fripinu ‘I crumble, break into little bits’ from ¢ruping-s
‘eramb’. tainw ‘I make run (on a grindstone), polish’ from
tékina-s running’ (0.C.S}, teéini). bidinu ‘I awake’, lipini:
‘I make stick’, The form of the root is noticeable in tr-ini
‘T rub’ infin, tr-in-ti from yter- (Lat. terd), with which
compare Gr. ré-rguivw ‘I bore’, and ¢ojstu ‘I swell out’ instead
of *fo-inu, infin. tv-in-ti, beside Lat. tu-med; op. Gr. E-aéw, and
its like, § 621 pp. 158 f.

This extraordinarily fertile suffix was used to derive verbs
with a factitive meaning from adjectives too (as in Gothic,
fullnan ete., § 623); e. g. Rnksminu “I make glad, comfort’ from
lifksma-s ‘joyful’, véninu ‘I unite’ from véna-s ‘one’, trirtinu
“I make fast’ from tvirta-s ‘fast’; ep. Pruss. swintina ‘he hallows’
from swints ‘holy’.

From verbs like pri-d-inu vél-d-inu svil-d-inu was extracted
a suffix -dinu, which was largely used. See §§ 700 and 701.

Only Lithuania and Prussia have -ina- (-in-) with non-
present stems. For Prussian, compare infin. waidin-¢ ‘to show’
partic. pret. act. waidinn-ons from the pres. 3" sing. waidinna;
swintin-t-s ‘hallowed’ from 3" sing. pres, stwintina, Lettie has
for these parts of the verb -ina-, as dud/inu ‘I bring up, raise,
rear’ infin. dudfindt in contrast with Lith. augini auginti
(ep. Goth. lifna lifnoda). Lith. has also a few words with
~ingju -inoti, as stiprindju ‘I strengthen’ stiprindti beside stiprinu
stiprinti (Lett, stiprinu stiprindt), linksmindju ‘T make glad’
linksmindti (also accented linksmingju) beside Anksminu,

Rarer than -ina- is -ena-: Lith. gyveni ‘I dwell’ gyvénti
(ep. Goth. ga-giuna, § 623 p. 160) and graudeni ‘I remind,
admonish’; gabenu ‘I bring’, also gabendju gabendti.

Brugmana, Elements. IV. u

162 Present Stem: Class XV — Skr. ywndk-ti, $$ 625,626.

That Slavonic once possessed yerbs in *-onq infin. *-on-ti
*-qtt may be assumed, as we have seen in § 615 Rem. p. 154,
from such forms as vrg-nq-ti. With this -ono- compare zv-onii
‘sound’ beside z0-¥néti ‘sound’, containing the suffix -yno- (beside
zov-q 2v-a-ti ‘to call’, I § 67 p. 154); further, Gr. ator
‘dryness’ avovoy* Evhor Enodr (Hesych., MS. avovos) beside
avaivy “I dry up’ (beside Lith. saisin-ti O.C.SL. sitchna-ti).

Class XV,
Root + Nasal Suffix forming the Present Stem.

§ 625. Here fall such present stems as Skr. yundj-mi
pl. yuij-mds. This class has hitherto not been certainly proved
to belong to any branch but Aryan. Its origin and relation to
the other nasal classes has been discussed in § 596.5 p. 139.

§ 628. Aryan. \Vejg- ‘linquere’: Skr. rindk-ti Avest.
irinaxti (I § 260 p. 212), Skr. 1" pl. riac-mds 3" pl. riac-dnti
pret. 1" pers. sing. d-rinac-am 2" and 3" sing. d-rinak, conj.
rinde-a-t, opt. riie-yd-t; — thematic Lat. lingu-d Pruss. po-
-linka ‘remains’, Skr. bhindd-mi ‘I split’, imper. bhin(d)dhi,
V7 bheid-; — thematic Prakrit bhind-a-di Lat. find-0. pind§-mi
‘I pound, crush’ 3° pl. p@-dnti (op. I footnote), injunctive
2” and 8" sing. pindk, y“peis-; — thematic Skr. a-pjj-a-t
Lat. pins-0. Avest. cinah-mi ‘I give information’, cp. 3" sing.
cdis-t ‘he informed’. Avest. cinas-ti ‘he instructs’ 1" pl. mid.
conj. cinap-d-maidg. Skr. runddh-mi ‘I stop, stem’ 3 sing. act.
rundddhi mid. run(djdhé; — thematic rundh-a-ti. opndj-mi
‘L twist together’ 3" sing. mid. vywk-té, y~yerg-, op. Gr.
Otupoua § 681. trnédhi ‘shatters’ instead of *tpnddhi (for
*ipnaz-dhi), 3" pl. trh-dnti (see I § 404.2 p. 298); — thematic
tyh-a-ti, Avest. weak form mer‘wk- mer‘ne- from marc-
‘destroy’. 3" pl. act. mer‘nc-inti mid. mer‘nc-aité 2"4 pl. mid.
merng"-duy?, opt. 3" sing. merqs-ya-f, op. 1 § 448 pp. 332 f.,

—

$$ 627,625. Present Stem: Class XVI — Ske, yuilj-d-ti. 163

§ 478.4 p. 350, I p. vm, I $ 200 Rem. p. 168, Bartholomae,
Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxrx 483; — thematic Avest. mer“nc-a-ite.
Remark. On Skr. hinds-ti 3*¢ pl hjs-cnti seo § 867.
Strong stem instead of weak: Skr. 2" pl. yundk-ta instead
of yurk-ta.

Class XVI.

Root + Nasal Infix + Thematic Vowel forming the
Present Stem.

§ 627. This class stands to the preceding in the same
relation as Class IT B to Class I, ete., see § 491 p. 50.

As the nasal often spreads from the present to the other
parts of the verb, and then to nouns it is often doubtful,
where a Root does not contain i, w, a liquid or a nasal,
whether the nasal which we see is not really part of the root
itself. It is an infix in Lat. pre-hendd -hendt -hénsu-s Gr.
zeooun ‘I will seize’ (for yerd+to-) t&yad-o-» (yyd-) zavdavo
Alban. gendem ‘I am found’ Lett. gidu ‘I understand, conjecture’
(for *gendu), which is proved by Lat. praeda (for *prae-heda)
Goth. -gita, For Skr. spanda-té ‘throbs’ spandaya-ti spanda-s
‘a throbbing’ pani-fpadd-s ‘throbbing’ (spad- = *spyd-) Gr.
agewdorn ‘sling’ opaduond: ‘throbbing, eagerness, impatience’
(Toqyd-)!) the same is proved by Gr. opsd-avé-¢ ‘hasty, wild’
owpod-vo-c “powerful. But it sometimes happens that there are
no kindred words which can decide the matter. And then
again, to make the ground more slippery under our fect, roots
whose nasal we have a right to say belongs to the root itself,
make forms without any nasal by analogy. Thus Skr. mamdth-a
mathaya-ti instead of mamanth-a manthaya-ti from mathnd-ti
matha-ti, where math- comes from *myth- (§ 516 p. 82, § 852);
Gr. dyEoucs instead of *IeyEouc from dax-vw i-daxo-v, where
dax- comes from *dfik- (I § 224 p. 191).

§ 628. \leip-; Skr. limp-d-ti ‘smears’, Lith. limp-i
‘LT cling, hold’. |/peik-: Skr. pif-ci-ti ‘adorns, decks, arms’,

1) Connect Lat. pendé pependi, pondus?

li

ue

164 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. ywiij-d-ti. $628,

Lat. ping-d. /weid-: Skr. vind-d-ti ‘finds’, O.Ir. ro-finnadar
‘gets to know’ (see § 633), ep. Armen. giut ‘gain, profit’ for
*yind- (Hiibschmann, Arm. Stud. 1 26, 63, 75; Bugge, Idg.
Forsch. 1 443), Gr. ivd-cidopae ‘L show myself, appear’, Vseig-
sejg- ‘trickle down’; Skr. sific-d-ff ‘pours out, wets’, Goth,
sigg-a ‘I sink’ (part. sagg following band ete., I § 67 Rem. 1
p. 57), Lett. stu ‘I become exhausted, dry up, fall’ (of water)
for *sink-u, ep. Mid.H.G. sthte ‘shallow’ from *sing-to-. /Rueit-
Kyeid- ‘shine’ (Skr. Svit-and-s Goth. hveit-s): Skr. Svind-a-té ‘is
clear, or white’ (gramm.), Lith. szoint-i ‘I become clear’.
Skr. a-pjg-a-t ‘I crushed’ (beside pi-nd§-fi, § 626), Lat. pins-d,
ep. Gr, nriaow nvirrw instead of prehistoric “arna-4w (§ 631).
Skr, opt. chind-2-ta beside chi-ndd-mi ‘I cut off, tear to pieces’
(Class XV), Lat. scind-0, ep. Gr. aywd-aiuo-s ‘piece of wood
split off, splinter’. Prakr. bhind-a-di beside Skr. bhindd-mu
‘T split’ (§ 626), Lat. find-0. ysnejgh-: Lat. ningu-i-t, Lith.
snifig-a ‘it snows’. y~lejg: Lat. lingu-0, Pruss, po-linka ‘remains’
(Skr. rindk-ti § 626), op. Gr. Ayex-dvw § 631. Lat. string-d, Lith.
string-u “I remain hanging" (pret. strig-au), beside Lat. striga,
Goth. strik-s ‘stroke, line’ O.H.G, strthhu ‘I draw a line, pass
along’; O.C.SL. strig-a ‘I shave, shear’ for *string- (I § 229.4
p. 195) or for *streig-? Lat. dt-stingu-0, Goth. stigg-a ‘I strike,
push’ O.Teel. stgkk ‘I leap, push’, beside Lat, in-stigo Skr. téjaté
‘is sharp, goads on’, cp. Lith. sténgie § 637. Lat. mingo
V meigh-, op. Lett. mifchu for *minziu § 635. Skr, lump-d-ti
“breaks to pieces’, Lat. rump-d, Vreup-. Skr. lufe-a-ti ‘pulls,
plucks’ (gramm.: perf. Ju-lufic-ur is found), Lith, runk-i ‘I grow
wrinkled’, / rewg- reug- (Skr. iuk- ‘a falling off, disappearance’,
Lat. rag-a, Lith. raika-s ‘wrinkle), ep. Lat. runc-dre, Skr.
muhe-d-ti ‘lets go, frees, gets free, runs away’, Lat. &mungo,
Lett. mtiku ‘I make off, flee’ for *munk-u, / meug- meyg--
Skr, yufj-a-ti (beside yundk-ti § 625), Lat. jung-0 V jeug-,
ep. Lith. jiimg-iv ‘I yoke to’. Skr. bhwij-a-ti ‘makes to eat or
enjoy’ (beside bhundk-ti Class XV), Lat. fung-or. Avest. bunj-
-a-iti lays down, frees, saves itself’, ep. Gr. nepiyywr guyyarm
§ 631. Lith. bund- ‘I wake up’, ep. Gr. xvvP-dvona § 631.

ual

$628, Prosent ‘Stem: Class XVI — Ske. yuii-esd-ti, ca. 165

V gert- ‘cut’: Skr. kynt-d-ti ‘cuts, splits’, Lith. brind-% ‘T fall
off, drop’ (of leaves, fruit and so forth), Tdg. *gynt-é-ti,
ep. I § 285 Rem. p. 228. O.Ir. in-grennim ‘I pursue’ i. e.
“ghrendo? (cp. § 633), O.C.SI. gred-q ‘I come’, originally
*ghro-dh-o \/ ghredh-, cp. Goth. gridi- f. ‘step, grade’ Lat.
gradior for *ghrdh-io- (§ 717). 1 reg- “stretch, extend’: Skr.
pij-@-ti (beside 8" pl. mid. rhj-ate Class XV), ep. Lith. partic.
Esi-réies ‘having stretched oneself’ infin. ise-si-réseti ‘to stretch
ont’ rifau ‘I stretch’ derived from a stem *ring- = Skr. yaj-
(from riz- = yj- were derived réizids ‘I inflate myself’ and
rdigau-s ‘I stretch myself’, cp. below, Goth. Deiha pdih).

Formed from such roots with r we find in several languages
present stems with vocalism of the strong grade. These must
be regarded as new formations. Examples are: Skr. srambh-
-a-f€ ‘entrusts’, Gr. géf-o-~ “I turn myself round’, Mid.Ir.
dringim T ascend’, O.11.G. spring-u ‘I leap’, Lith. drés-i “1 am
brave’; details will be found under the separate headings.

VV plag- plag-: Lat. plang-6, Lett. pliku ‘I become flat,
full flat down’ for *plank-u, cp. Gr. alatw ‘I strike, knock
aside, lead astray’ (ZxlayS« miayzro-g) for *whayy-4w § 631.
Lat. clang-0, op. Gr. xlayy-crm and «alo for “xdayy-4o § 631
(pf. xéxtayya), O.Icel. hlakka ‘I ery out’ (-kk- for -nk-), beside
Gr. xiciG@ ‘I cluck, caw’ for *ximy-qo.

Roots ending in a consonant, without liquid, nasal, i, or «
(type peg- ‘coquere’) show an e-vowel. Goth. peiha O.HL.G. dihu
‘I thrive’ for *piny-0, earlier *Pewy-6 (cp. O.Sax. partic. thungan
and causative thengiu ‘I complete’), from which we have the
re-formates Adih deh etc. (I § 67 Rem. 2 p. 57), Lith. tenki
‘I last out, have enough’ infin. té-fi, compare O.Ir. tocad
Mod.Cymr. tynghed ‘luck, happiness’ (first for “tonketo-, cp. the
Latinised name Tunccetace, inser. in Wales), which also point
to a nasal present stem. Alban. gend-em ‘I am found’,
Lat. pre-hendd, Lett. gidu ‘I understand, conjecture’ for
*gend-u Vghed-, cp. Gr. zavdarn yzsiooucu § 631.

Several languages give jo-inflexion to this type (Class XXIX).
Examples: Gr. aréoow arirrw instead of *arwo-yu, wialo for

166 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. ywitjnd-ti. $629.

*nhayy-w0; Lat. vinc-id, sanc-id (cp. sacer); Lith. jiing-iu, Lett.
mifchu (beside mins) ‘mingo’ for *minz-iu. See § 744.

§ e29. Aryan. Skr. vind-d-ti Avest. vind-a-iti ‘finds’,
V weid-; Skr. sifte-d-ti Avest. hinc-a-iti ‘pours out’, / seig-;
Skr. Iynt-d-ti Avest. ker‘nt-a-iti ‘cuts’, see § 628 where
other examples are given. We may also mention the
following: Skr. sj-a-fi ‘leaves over’ beside dinds-ti; und-a-ti
‘moistens, wets’ beside undt-té; umbh-a-ti ‘holds together, holds
in custody’ beside 2" sing. wsap; frmp-d-ti ‘is satisfied’ /terp-;
byh-a-ti ‘strengthens’ |/bhergh-; 4ynth-a-ti from Srath- ‘to become
loose or soft’; Avest. mer‘nc-a-it? from marc- ‘destroy’ beside
2° pl. mid, mer'ag'-duy? (§ 626). Sometimes in Sanskrit the
accent is changed to the accent of Class II A, as Stimbh-a-ti
and Sumbh-d-ti ‘adorns’ (beside Sébh-a-t2), partic. mid. tifj-a-
-mana-s (3" pl. tuij-dte Claas XV, tuj-yd-t# ‘is struck, knocked’),
dfh-a-ti beside dyh-d-ti ‘strengthens’ (beside dfh-ya-ti), pfvic-a-ti
mingles’ (beside prndk-ti and pi-prg-dhi). With secondary
strong grade vocalism (cp. § 628 p. 165): Skr. sranth-a-t€
(gramm.) beside Spnth-a-ti, Srambh-a-t2 ‘entrusts (ep. ni-dmbhi-s),
anu-raijati ‘cleaves truly to, loves’ (cp. raga-s ‘colour, passion,
love’, Gr. dew geypna goyers), Avest. 3" sing. pret. mor'nd-a-p
for *mar‘nd-a-p (I § 94.3 p. 89) from mard- ‘kil? (or does
-ar- = -J-?); of the same sort may be Skr, odnd-a-té ‘praises,
honours’ beside vdd-a-ti ud-yd-t2.

Roots of the type peq- (§ 628 p. 165). Skr. spand-a-te
‘throbs’, beside Gr. oped-avd-c, § 627 p. 163. stambh-a-té
‘strengthens itself, stands fast, supports itself’, beside Lith.
steb-iti-s ‘I wonder’ stéb-ii'-s ‘I keep myself back’ stdba-s
‘apoplexy’. Sometimes the nasal is only found in non-present
forms. Thus from \/seg- ‘fasten, hang’ (Skr. sajjaté for
*sa-zj-a- § 562 p. 110, Lith. segh): Skr. perf. sa-safj-a aor.
a-sahj-i partic. -sawk-tacya-s; from Ar, dabh- or dhabh-')

1) The desiderative forms dhipsati dhipsafi are late re-formates
instead of Ved. dipsati, certainly not instead of pr. Ar. dhabh. Compare
dhak, p. 171.

=

$$ 690,031. Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. ywij-d-ti. 167

‘to hurt, deceive’ (cp. Skr. d-dbh-u-ta-s § 596.2, p. 136, desid.
Skr. dipsa-ti Avest. diwga-idyai § 667, Skr. perf. da-ddbh-a,
-dabha-s ‘hurting’, Avest. caus. dabaye-iti): Skr. perf. da-dambh-a
caus, dambhdya-ti dambh-a-s ‘deceit’. In such instances, one of
two explanations is possible. (1) Either a nasal present which
was the origin of these nasal forms has perished, With safj-
compare O.C.Sl. seg-nq § 686; dambh- may be illustrated by
Gr. dréupo ‘IT hurt, deceive’, if the root is dhebh-, and if this
Greck word is a contamination of de(u)p- and re(u)g-. (2) Or
the nasal came from other words; thus daddmbha, beside
dabknéti, was formed on the analogy of tastémbha : stabhndti,
and similar pairs.

§ 630. Armenian. Present stems of this kind I know
none; but ep. giut ‘profit, gain’, which seems akin to *yind-6
(§ 628 p. 164).

§ 631. Greek. Only a few examples of the unextended
stem can be found, Andioda* ajudidodu beside Rtover”
aaitovow Hesych. for *ivd-4?), connected by Fick with
Aoidogo-; and Lat. loido-s ladu-s. syéyy-w ‘I tie, fasten’,
compared with Armen. pirk, for *sphig-ro-s, by Bugge (Idg.
Forsch, 1 453). With secondary strong-grade vowel (cp. § 628
p- 165): géupfoua “I turn round, revolve’ (gonfo-¢ ‘bull-roarer,
wheel’) containing Idg. *wywa- from (/yerg-: Skr. opndk-ti ‘twists
together’ infin. eyij-dsé, Mid.H.G. runke A.S. wrincle ‘wrinkle’
O.ILG. rench(iw ‘I turn, pull backwards and forwards in turning’.
Root of the type peg- (§ 628 p. 165): eréupo ‘T shake, misuse,
handle roughly’ beside orofo-¢ orofitm orofaton

Passing over to Class XXIX (§ 628 p. 165). xricow
aritto ‘I crush, bruise’ instead of *wrevo-yo (the Author,
Gr. Gr.* p. 61): Skr. a-pj§-a-t ete., see § 628 p. 164. widlor
‘Lstrike, knock down’ for *ziayy-.o: Lat. plang-d etc., see § 628
p- 165. xtateo ‘I sound, cry out’ for *xdayy-qa: Lat. clang-0
ete., see ibid. Perhaps also oxianrw ‘I throw hard at
something’ for *oxiun-yo, beside Skr. kip-d-ti ‘throws, slings’.

ln

168 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. ywiij-d-ti. § 632.

Large numbers pass into Class XIV (§ 621 p. 158).
Jiux-ave ‘I leave’: Lat. lingu-d ete., see § 628 p. 164. pvyy-
-dévw ‘I flee’ (Leab. partic. wepvyywv): Avest. bunj-a-ti, see
§ 628 p. 164. nvvd-dvo-na ‘I learn’: Lith. bund-t, see § 628
p. 164. xdeyy-dvw beside xrdZw, see above. Syy-dvm ‘E touch,
feel’, cp. &9ty-o-v. éovyy-évw beside égeviy-o-eu “I belch’,
royy-dve, cp. &tuy-o-v. lavd-dvw beside 2f9-w Dor. 1éI—0
‘I escape notice’. The existence of AavIdvw beside Rador
produced dayxdwm “I bite’ beside iaxov ({/deitk-), rayyavo
‘I get by lot’ beside tayor (perf. astoyza), and farther,
zevdave I hold’ beside éyador, which was itself produced by
analogy of *zsvd-w (cp. fut. ye/oouat) from ghed- (cp. § 628
p. 165). Tam uncertain about AaSarw ‘I take’ beside aor.
FhaBor perf. sidnga Cret. AouBu (like sidnya Iéhoya).

Where no present formation has survived: taypac * LevEus.
@erraioi Hesych., beside Lat. vine-id Skr. vi-ryak-ti ‘embraces,
surrounds’ 3" dual vi-vik-td-s, cp. yy¢Bavm * Cevyeva (Hesych.)
i.e. Frufavae (like rienavo-r).

$632. Italic. Lat. ningu-i-t Umbr. ninctu ‘ninguito’,
Lat. df-stinguo Umbr. an-stintu ‘distinguito’, Lat. ping-0,
pins-0, scind-d, find-3, lingu-5, string-d, ming-0, rump-0,
&-mungd, jung-d, fung-or, see § 628 p. 164. Lat. vinc-0 perf.
vte-t, Ose. vincter ‘convincitur’, cp. Goth. veih-a ‘I fight’
Class If A O.ELG. upar-wikit Class Il B, Vueig- § 582
p. 94. Lat. fing-6 beside jic-tu-s fig-ulu-s, dheigh-: O.Ir.
dengaim ‘I oppress’ (80 Thurneysen). ling-6 beside ling-urrid,
Vlejgh-. tund-6 beside twtud-t. pung-6 beside pu-pug-7.
ac-cumbd beside -cubut cubare.

Lat. frang-6 for *bhymg-6 beside frag-ili-s, Goth. brika
‘I break’, ybhreg- (cp. Osthoff, M-U. ¥ p. 111).

Lat. pang-o beside pe-pig-7 Gr. aijy-v0-ru ‘I fix’, / pak-
pag-; akin are doubtless Goth. faha O.ILG, fahu ‘I grasp,
seize’ (ep. Skr, pdéa- ‘cord, line’) for pr. Germ. *fany-0, with
partic. O.ELG. gi-fangan. tang-0 beside te-tig-F _in-teger
(Umbr. antakres ‘integris'), con-tagiv-m. plang-d beside

170 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. ywiijnd-ti. geo.

O.Tr. ro-finnadar “gets to know’ is related to Skr. vind-d-ti
§ 628 p. 164, and seems to have adopted @-flexion; but compare
the Remark, below.

Remark. Thurneysen writes to me: “Grenn- and finna- appear
in Old Irish always with un and never with nd. I hesitate between two
explanations. (I) Either nd very early became nn before the accent (the
prefix which accented ia always fnd-, ia either snn- or in- when pretonic);
or (2) the nasal stood originally after the dental: flana- = *eid-nd- or
*eien-d-nd-, grenn- = *gred-n- (®grid-n-?) or *gre-n-d-n-. 1 am still
searching for evidence to decide the matter.” With *rindnd- *grendn-
compare Lett, drinu for *hrendnu, O.C.S1. segna § 615 p. 154, § 686,

§ 634. Germanic. Except standa: stop, all Germanic
stems of this class run the nasal right through the verb.

Goth. sigg-a O.H.G. sink-u ‘I sink’, Goth. stigg-a 'T strike’,
see § 628 p. 164, Goth. fra-slinda O.H.G. slint-u ‘I swallow’
(re-formed, O.1.G. stunt ‘throat’): ep. Mid.TL.G. slite A.S. slide
‘I slide, slip’, Lith. s?id-a-s ‘slippery, smooth’ Lett. slaid-s
‘steep’.) O.Icel. slepp ‘I make slide’ pr. Germ, “slimpd (pret.
slapp): cp. O.H.G, slifu ‘T slide, sink’, /slejd-. O.HL.G. climbu
‘T climb, clamber, ascend’: ep. O.Icel. Alef ‘I climb’ pret. kleif,
O.FLG. chlibu ‘I cling, hold’. (/ gleip- (gleip- and leip- are
p-extensions of y~glei- and lej-, cp. § 797). Mod.H.G. blinke
‘T glitter’ a weak verb, but originally doubtless strong
(re-formate O.HLG. blanch ‘bright’): ep. O.1.G. bithhu ‘I gleam’,
Lith. blyksztt “I turn pale’ blaiksztyti-s ‘to clear up’. From
O.Sax. mengian (Goth. “maggjan) ‘to mingle’ we must
apparently infer “mingan ‘to mingle’ akin to Skr. mis-rd-
“mixt’; see § 805. (Kluge in his Etym. Dict. explains differently).

Roots with -er- -el- show strong-grade vowels (cp. § 628
p- 165). O.H.G. spring-u 'T leap’ instead of pr. Germ. "sprutog-0
ground-form *spragh-d: cp. Gr. andpzoua “I hasten’ onsgz-r6-¢
‘hasty’. O.HL.G. ring-u ‘I move to and fro, writhe violently’

1) Osthoff compares fra-slinda with Gr. in-yo=¢ Ini-rya (Zeitechr.
deutsch. Phil, xxiv 215; Anz. fir idg. Spr. 1 82). According to this
etymology, we should start with a stem si-t- (op. r in 2airwa) which took
4 nasal infix. Compare below, in this section, on stande (p. 172).

—

634. Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. ywiij-d-ti. 171

AS. wringze ‘I turn, press’ (cp. Goth. vruggd f. ‘knot, noose’):
ep. O.LLG. wurg@u ‘I throttle, choke’ Lith. verd-ii ‘I tie
together, enclose’, “wergh- (I § 285 Rem. p. 228). O.H.G.
serint-u ‘I burst, blow up, split, rend’ (O.H.G. serunta ‘split,
tear, rent’): cp. Lith. skérdiiu ‘I burst, blow up, split’,
partic. su-skirdgs ‘blown up, burst open’, (/sgerdh- (i. 0.
sger+-dh-, § 689). Mid.H.G. schrimpfe ‘1 become wrinkled,
shrivel’: Pruss. sen-skrempaisnan ace. ‘wrinkle, fold’ (p, as
elsewhere, wrongly written for 4), ep. O.lcel. skorp-r ‘shrivelled,
dry’ skorp-na ‘I dry up’ intr. Russ. skorblyj ‘shriveled’, y sgerb-.
Mid.H.G. sprinza O-Lcel. sprett ‘I leap, burst, blow up’ doubtless
akin to O.C.SIL. pred-ajq ‘I leap, tremble’, y~(s)perd- (i. e.
(a)per-d- § 700). O.H.G. sling-u “I move, twist, swing to and
fro, crawl’ (cp. slango ‘sake’, doubtless with Lith, sleniit
‘I crawl’ akin to Lat. suleu-s ‘furrow, snake's trail’,

Root type peg- (§ 628 p. 165). Goth. Peiha O.H.G. dthuy
‘'T thrive’ pr. Germ. “*heny-d: Lith, tenk-t yteg-, see § 628
p. 165. Goth. jinfa O.H.G. find-1 ‘I find’, as we may con-
jecture, from ypet- Gr. nfarw (for the meaning ep. Zyrsasty),
ALS. 3e-finze “I hold on to, press’ ep. z¢-tenzan ‘to make fast,
add, join to’ O.Icel. tengja ‘tie or fasten together’, beside Skr.
dagh- ‘reach up to, touch’ y~degh- (Skr. 2" and 8™ sing. dhak
is an ad-formate of roots which had both initial and final media
aspirata): O.C.S1. degit ‘line, string’ ne-dagit ‘weakness, sickness’.

Goth. fah-a O.FLG. fah-u ‘I seize’ pr. Germ. *fary-0,
eonnected possibly with Lat. pang-0, pak- pag-, see § 632
p- 165. Compare O.Jeel. banga weak verb ‘I strike, knock’
Mod.H.G. Swiss bang(e) ‘I give a knock’ (Mid.H.G. bengel
‘eudgel’), beside O.FLG. bagu ‘I fight, strive’, Or. bagim
'T strive’, 1 bhégh- bhdgh-.

Secondary jo-flexion ($ 628 p. 165) must be assumed for
O.HLG. winch(iju ‘I move sideways, fluctuate, nod, beckon’
(pret. in Mid.H.G., pret. and part. in Mod.H.G. also strong —
wanc, gewunken), if it, along with the Lith. ving-i-s m.
‘deviation, bend’ ving-ii-s ‘crooked, bent (compare véngiu
‘T avoid, do not want to do something’ inf. vénkti), is related

~~

172 Present Stem: Class XVI — Skr. yulifoditi. $$ 634,689.

to O.H.G, wthhu ‘I shrink, yield’ Gr. oft: for *i-Fry- ‘T open’
{make yield’), But these comparisons are doubtful (ep. Fick,
‘Wtb., 14 541, 547 f.; G. Meyer, Et. Wort. der alb. Spr., 463;
Per Persson, Stud. Lehr. Wurzelerw., 174 f).

Nasal present stems from roots extended by -f-; see § 685.
Goth, standa ‘I stand’ pret. stop O.FLG. stantu pret. -stuot
{generally with intrusive nasal, stwont) for *standé ground-form
*sta-n-té from (/std-. Goth. vinda O.H.G. twintw ‘IT wind, turn,
wrap, enfold’ (pret. vand went), beside Goth. ga-vida ‘I tie up’
O.FLG. witu ‘I tie, bind’ from yei- Skr, v7-td-s ‘folded, enclosed”
Lith. vgj-% “I twist a cord’ (ep. § 790), O.ELG. swintu ‘T vanish,
disappear’ A.S, swinde beside O.H.G. swi-nu § 614 p. 152.
Compare above, O.FLG. serinte from sger-+-dh- p. 171,
Mid.H.G, sprinze from sper-+-d- (ibid.), Lat. funda from
Gheu+-d- § 632 p. 169, and again O.ELG. chlimbu from
gleit+-p- (above, p. 170), O.C.SI. tresq ‘I shake, shatter’ from
tr+-es- and Skr. dhvasa-ti “disperses, disappears’ intr. from
dhu--es- (Classes XIX and XX, cp. Per Persson, Wurzel-
erweiterung, p. 83).

§ 636. Balto-Slavonie. In Baltic, this present formation
is very productive.

Lith. limp-u ‘I cling, hold’ (pret. lip-aii), Lett. sfk-w ‘I sink
down, fall’, Lith. sevint-& “I grow clear’, snifig-a ‘it snows’,
Pruss. po-linka ‘remains’, Lith, string-u ‘I remain hanging’, runk-i
‘T grow winkled’, Lett. muk-u ‘I make off, flee’, Lith. bund-it ‘wake
up’ see $ 628 p. 164. Lith. stimp-i ‘I grow stiff’ (pret. stip-ai),
tunk-it ‘I grow fat’ (tuk-an), déiung-i ‘I become glad’ (déiug-aa).

Lith. krint-i ‘T fall off? (erit-ait): Skr. kynt-d-ti, ygert-,
see § 628 p. 165. drimb-i ‘I drop in thick drops’ (drib-ai),
heside dreb-it ‘I let fall in thick drops’ Gr. to¢g-s-ra ‘curdles'
Vdhrebh-. trink-i ‘I go wrong, do not come off’ (trik-ai),
beside frak-a-s ‘foolish fellow’ trak-it-s ‘foolish, mad’ Gr. é-rgsxzjc
‘uninjured, exact, true’. splint-i ‘I spread’ intr. (split-ait),
beside spleczit ‘I spread’, trans.

Roots of the type peg- (§ 628 p. 163). Lith. tenk-ir ‘I suffice
in some respect, have enough of something’ (tek-ait): Goth.

er

$635. Present Stem: Class XVE — Skr. yuj-d-s. 173

Jeiha for pr.Germ. *femyz-d, seo § 628 p. 165. Lett. gidu
'T take in, conjecture’, see § 628 p. 165. Lith. gend-i ‘I become
damaged, split in two’ (ged-ai).

Lett. plitku ‘I become flat, fall flat down’ for *plank-w:
Lat. plang-0, see § 628 p. 165. Lith. kank-& ‘I hold out,
suffice’ (kak-ait).

An indication of the fertility of this type in Lithuanian
is the forming of present stems of the kind from nouns
(ep. $ 793); ©. g. renti ‘I get thinner’ (retai) from réta-s
"thin, not close’, /empit ‘I pamper myself’ (lepat) from lepi-s
‘pampered’.

Secondary jo-Hexion (ep. § 628, p. 165) is found only where
the nasal spread beyond the present system. Lith. jimg-iu
‘L yoke, put to’ (inf. jimk-ti) beside Skr, yuaj-a-ti Lat. jung-0,
Lett. mifchu ‘mingo’ for *minz-ju (inf. mi/t) beside Lat. ming-0,
§ 628 p. 164. Lett. kamp-ju ‘I seize, grasp’ (inf. kampt), beside
Lat. cap-id.

Under the same conditions we have stems adopting to-
conjugation (§ 686), where the meaning is intransitive,
Lith. jimkstu (Lett. jiikstu for *junkstu) ‘I grow used’ (jimkau
jinkti) beside Lett. jiku for (junk-u, akin to O.C.SI. uéq
‘I instruct’ Skr. we-ya-ti ‘finds pleasure in’ dkas- n. ‘pleasure,
place of pleasure, home’; cp. 0.C.S1, eyk-ng and Goth. bi-ahts,
which likewise scem to have been nasalised (§ 636). Lith. stinkstu
‘T cardle, congeal, grow stiff’ (stingau stinkti) beside Gr. orrisu
‘I tread something hard’ orifage-¢ ‘firm, pressed, solid’ (op. Lith,
sténgiu § 637). skijstic ‘I flow apart’ (sklindat skljsti) beside
skiid-ina-s ‘full to overflowing’ skleid#ii ‘I spread’; a pret.
8” sing. sklidu (sklidd) is also found, pointing to a present
“sklind-r. Lett. stringstu ‘I grow tight, dry up’ (stringy
stringt) beside Lith. string-w ‘I remain hanging’ (strigau) and
streg-in ‘I crystallise, stiffen’ (op. § 628 p. 164). Lith. drfstic
‘Lgrow bold’ (drfsaa dristi), y~dhers-. linksti ‘I bend’ (linkatt
linkti) beside Gr. Asx-dvy ‘pan, fan’ iof6-g ‘crooked’; also Lat.
Janz with nasal (for “/raq-?). The model for these presents is

a

14 Present Stem: Clase XVI — Skr. yunj-d-ti, $8 636,037.

seen in blfsta ‘it darkens’ beside blind-d \/ bhlendh-, tystic
‘L stretch myself out’ beside #fs-ai stem ten-s-, and the like.

§ 636. This formation is much rarer in Slavonic than it
is in Baltic. 0.C.SI. strig-q@ ‘I shear, slave’ for *strimg-? see
§ 628 p. 164, gred-q ‘I come’ (inf. gresti) for ghyndh- or
*ahrendh-: O.Ir. in-yrennim, see § 628 p. 165. sed-q ‘E sit’
(inf. seéti), 1/ sed-, op. Pruss. sindats syndens ‘sitting’ beside
stdans stdons = Lott. sédqs. leg-q ‘I lie’ (inf. lesti), V legh-.
tresq ‘I shake, shatter’ inf, tres-ti from ¢tr-es-, unless it comes
from *trem-so- (cp. Lith. trimi ‘I tremble’ Lat. tremd), see § 657.
As regards gred-q lekq ‘I bend’ pred-q ‘I spin’ compare § 637.

Sometimes extended by ~jo- (§ 628 p. 165). Zezdq ‘I desire,
thirst’ for *2ed-ja (inf. Zedati) beside Lith. pa-si-gendi T miss’
and geidzix ‘I long for’. gleidq ‘I look, gaze’ for *gled-iq
(inf. gledéti) beside Mid.H.G. glinze ‘I shine’ O.F.G. glu
‘T glitter’. See § 637. With nasal confined to the present
system: ob-reita ‘I find’ for *-ret-iq, inf. -resti aor. -rétit (for
the etymology of this verb see § 687).

There is another extension, with -no-. vyk-nq ‘I grow used’
doubtless derived from *eyka = Lett. jriku for *(j)unk-u, beside
uéq ‘I teach’ (§ 635 p. 173). seg-naq ‘I long for’ beside Lith.
seg-it ‘I fasten’, cp. Skr, sa-sahj-a § 629 p. 166, kreng “deflecto’
for *kret-nq (op. kratiti ‘to twist, turn’), beside Skr. krndt-ti
‘turns the thread, spins’ Rdrtana-m. sek-nq ‘I sink’ beside
Lett. siku ‘I sink, fall’ for “sink-u, VV seig- (§ 628 p. 164).
reg-nq ‘hisco’ beside Lat. ringor (inf. ring-1) ric-tu-s. Compare
§ 687.

§ 637. Side by side with Lith. drimbi (ground-form
*dhymbh-d) and the like stand forms with ¢ in the root syllable
(ep. § 628 p. 165). drgs-% “I am bold’ (pret. drfs-ait) beside
dris-t ydhers- § 635 p. 173. brend (dialectic brindu for
brendu) ‘I wade’ beside bredic (brid-ait) O.C.S1. bred-q. lenk-ite
‘L bend’ (lenkiat lenkti) beside link-stie yleg- § 635 p. 173.
tréndu ‘I am devoured by moths or worms’ inf, trendé-ti, with
tridé beside Skr. trnatti tard-a-ti § 692. We may assume

$637. Present Stem: Claas XVI — Ske. yuiijnd-ti, 175

that drgs-n for *drins-i was coined to supplement drjs-a% on
the analogy of renk-it:rinkail, kerti: kirtad ote.; lenk-ite
appears beside linksti on the analogy of gr@é-ii ‘I turn, twist’
beside grjseti ‘I turn myself" ete. Slavonic verbs with ¢, gred-q
eka, and *kret-a which appears to be implied by kre-nq,
may quite well correspond to Lith, drimb-i or to Lith. drgs-tt.)

Baltic en Slay. ¢ is found in present stems from roots with
i-vowels both extended and unextended. Lith. senki ‘I fall,
sink’ (of water) 0.C.SI. sek-na ‘I sink down’ beside Lett. sfkw
for *sink-u Skr. site-d-ti ” seig- (§ 628 p. 164). Lith. sprénddin
‘I grasp with the hand’ (sprésti) O.C.Sl. predq ‘I spin’ (presti)
beside Lith. sprindi-s m. ‘span’ Lett. spraid-s ‘place where one
stands in a narrow compass’ debes-spraisli-s ‘vault of heaven’
O.H.G. spreiten ‘stretch out, separate, part asunder’, Lith. pa-
-si-gendi ‘I miss’ O.C.SI. Zeédq ‘I desire, thirst’ for *Zed-iq
beside Lith, geid#ii I desire’ Goth. gdido n. ‘lack’ O.H.G. git
‘eagerness, greed, avarice’. Lith, sténg-iu ‘I apply my strength
to something’ beside stinkstt ‘I congeal, get stiff’ Gr, ordfm
(§ 635 p. 173). Lith. m@2-i*) ‘mingo’ (mféai miszti) Lett.
mif-nu for *menz-nd beside Lett. mé/chu for *minz-j0 ($ 635
p- 173) Lat. ming-o Lith. migé f. ‘cunnus’ mig-ies ‘penis’,
Vomeigh-. 0.0.81. gleidq (inf. gledété) and gledaja (inf. gledati)
‘T look, gaze’ beside Mid.H.G. glinze ‘I shine, glitter’ (pret. new
formation glanz) O.1.G. gligu O.Sax. ghttu ‘I glitter’ “ ghleid-.
O.CSI. regnq ‘hisco’ (ragt ‘jest’, subst.) beside Lat. ringor
ric-tu-s, If the Baltic forms stood alone, the explanation
would be easy; we might say that the analogy of renk-:rink-
ete. produced senk- mend- beside sink- mind-; compare what
is said above on drgsi. But this explanation does not suit

1) The fact that we find kre’- and not éret- is not sufficient to prove
that the ground-form of kret- is the weak grade *grnt-. Such a form
mast have become Slav. *krinf-, as *dhrns- becomes Lith. drins-, and
“grni- becomes Lith. krint- (£ § 285 p. 227). There never was a form
*kirnt-, nor yet *grnt-, which Bartholomae suggests as the ground-form
of kr¢t- (Stud. Tg. Spr., 1 97).

2) Dialectic mindu = *mengu (vol. I § 285 Rem., p. 227, is wrong).

is

176 Presont Stem: Class XVII — Skr. p-nd-ti, $5 687,688,

the Slavonic forms, because in Slavonic, before consonants,
Tdg. in becoms 7, but Idg. »@ becomes ¢ (I § 219.4 p. 186).

Remark. Wiedomann’s view (Arch. Slav. Phil. x 652 f,, Lit. Pract.
58, 168 f.) — that Idg. in und wr before consonants become slay. ¢ and
% except In final syllables — can hardly be maintained in this connexion,
because we have tato = Lott. inkates, lyko = Lith. linka-¢ Pruss. lunka-n
and smrtde¢ (see below). Nor is Streitberg’s attempt satisfactory (Idg.
Forsch., 1 288 f.). Perhaps the problem may be solved thus. We may
suppose that originally in and un always became 7 and @; but that later,
when in and un were again produced in any way before consonants, these
became ¢ und a. Woe may suppose that sink= firat became *sik-, and
afterwards, as the principle of Class XVI still remained active, the nasal
crept into the stem anew; compare (say) Gr. Att. frrim for *feovd«y
which took the place of pr. Gr. *fervts. (= Ton. dvd) for orig. * Feo-v0-ue
(1 § 565 p, 422), Similarly bqdq may come from *bha-dhd or *bha-do,
and may have got its nasal only at a Inte stage of proethnic Slavonic;
though it may equally well be dorived from *bhy-d-dho or -do attracted
into the nasal class, or from *bhwon-dhd or -dd regarded as an extension
of a form *bhy-ond (op. § 701), Furthermore, for the 3" pl, smrtd-¢iit
beside smrtd-i-mit ote. we may assume that the old ending *-int(u)
(ep. part. smrid-¢t- Lith. smird- -int-) first lost its nasal, and then
recovered it by analogy of imatit ete.

The etymologios brought up by Wiedemann in his article in the
Archic by way of support to his view are all too uncertain to base any
theory upon. 0.C.81. nqéda ‘compulsion, force, necessity’ I connect with
Skr. ndidh- nath- ‘to be opprest, in need of help’; api ‘blunt, dull’, with
stemp- stemt- in O.H.G, stunpf, Lith. stamb-s ‘oonrse’ stamba-s ‘stump’;
-dagit “force, strength’ is to be connected with degit ‘cord, strap, bridle”
(Miklosich, Bt, Wort, p. 49a), and with O.H.G. gi-zengi ‘reaching to,
touching close’ and Skr. dagh- ‘to reach’ (§ 634 p. 171).

Class XVII.
The Root +- -ney- -nu- forming the Present Stem.

$ 638, -ney- is the strong form of the suffix; -nu-, -ny-
and -niey- the weak forms. -nuy- follows a root with final
consonant, op. 3° pl. Skr. aé-nuv-dnti Gr. dy-vi-Gor a8 contrasted
with Skr. ci-no-dnti, 1 § 153 p. 138,

Beside -ney- nu-, Aryan has -anau- -anu-. See § 596, 3,
pages 137 f.

vv

$639, Present Stem: Class XWII — Ske. p-nd-ti. iz

The Root Syllable had originally the weak grade, except
in Skr. dag-nd-ti Gr. dyx-vi-nevo-g,

§ 639. Pr.Idg. ‘y-new- *f-new-, yer-: Skr. r-nd-mi
‘I excite, set moving’ 1" pl. y-nu-mds 3" pl. p-ne-dnti mid.
3 sing. r-ru-té, conj. y-ndv-a-t, opt. r-nu-yd-t; Gr. d9-vi-se
‘I excite, disturb, startle’ 1* pl. og-ve-nev (o9- = 7-). — With
thematic vowel: Skr. r-no-d-ti.

*y-neu-: Ske. y-nd-mi ‘I fall in with something, reach,
attain’, Armen. ay-nu-m ‘I take’, Gr. ag-vu-uce ‘I attain, earn’.
Perhaps identical with the previous verb. dg-vv-uor as regards
the grade of its root vowel would stand to og-vi-y« a8 t-vi-
yer to ri-ve-vror, and Skr. sty-nd-mi to Gr. ordg-vi-a (see
below’).

*sty-ney- “stf-ney-, (/ ster- ‘sternere’: Skr. sty-nd-mi, Gr.
Ord g-y0-t.

*psty-neu-, VV pster- ‘sneeze’: Gr. ardg-ve-ra, op, Lat:
thematic ster-nu-d (sterniitare).

*ty-neu-, \/ten- ‘stretch, lengthen’: Skr, ta-né-mi Gr.
Te=vorres.

“sy-neu-, V/sen- ‘reach a goal, attain, end, complete’.
Skr. sa-nd-mi, Gr. a-vo- jj-vv-ro (the regular spir. asp. appears
in évé- and elsewhere). — Thematic: Gr. mw aw for
*a-v Faw,

“gi-neu-, qei- ‘pay a penalty’ ete.: Skr. ci-nd-mi, Gr. inf.
teri-uev, also with ¢ mid, ré-vv-yru. — Thematic: Skr.
ci-nca-ti, Gr. rivw tivo for *re-vF-o.

*ini-neu-, v7 mei- ‘lessen’: Skr. mi-nd-mi, op, Gr. pa-vi-Io
(§ 694), Lat. mi-nu-a.

Skr. Kji-nd-mi ‘I destroy’, op. Gr, g%-w-9u (§ 694),
thematic g3ivw givw for *pI-rF-w.

“*Ghi-ney-, V ghei-: Skr. hi-né-mi “I set in motion, drive
on’, cp. thematic Skr. hi-nv-a-ti, Goth. du-ginna ‘I begin’.
This comparison I regard as more likely than Bugge’s (P.-B.
Beitr, xu 405). This scholar, followed by several others,
has compared the Germanic verb with 0.0.8]. na-ding (cp. Fick,
Wort. I* 382).

Bregmens, Klemevis. IV. 12

178 Prosont Stem: Class XVIE — Skr. p-nd-i. $3 639,640.

*dhu-ney- “dha-neu-, V dhey=: Ske. dhu-nd-mi dhit-nd-mi
‘T shake, shatter’, ep. Gr, %év0 and divém ‘I move wildly,
storm’ (§ 652).

*dhys-neu-, Vdhers- “be bold, dare’: Skr. dhy§-né-mi
8" pl. dhy§-nuo-dnti, O.Sax. 1" pl. *duwrnum (inferred from the
later sing. darn conj. diirne) = Goth. *datir2-nu-m (§ 646).

“dek-neu-, \dek- (Skr. dagas-yd-ti ‘shows honour, is
gracious or pleasant’, Gr. Hom. dy-d¢y-arur dtx-o-uee § 560
p- 110, Lat, decus): Skr. da¢-ndé-mi ‘I pay homage to’, Gr. Hom.
d7n-wi-ysvors ‘paying homage, greeting’ (80 read, with J. Wacker-
nagel, in Il. 9.196, Od. 4. 59). The same grade of vowel as
in Skr. dag-ti das-vds- Hom. dyxavowvro, and other words.

*wes-neu-, stem *u-es- ‘put on a garment’ (§ 656): Armen.
z-genu-m ‘I dress’, Gr, eivo-ser (Evviyu).

We often see the same root forming a present both in this
class and in Class XII; as Goth. 1" pl, kun-nu-m and Skr.
ja-nd-mi ygen-, Avest. sri-nao-iti and O.Sax. hli-nd-n, Skr.
sty-nd-mi and sty-nd-mi, mi-nd-mi and mi-nd-mi.

§ 640. Aryan. (/ger- ‘make’: Skr. hy-nd-mi Avest.
ker'-nao-mi Skr, hy-nv-dntéi Avest, ker'-nv-anti, pret. Skr.
a-kp-nav-am .Pers, a-kil-nav-am') Skr, d-ky-nd-t Avest.
ker*-nao-p, conj. Skr. ky-ndv-ani Avest. ker*-nav-ani, opt. Skr.
ky-nu-yd-t Avest, ker'-nu-ya-p; — thematic Skr. 3" sing.
d-ky-nv-a-ta2) Skr. oy-nd-mi ‘I hide, cover, enfold’ imper.
vr-nu-hi Avest. ver"-na-idi; also Skr. ar-nd-mi for *viir-nd~mi
pr. Ar, *y-nau-mi (L § 157 p. 141, § 306 pp. 241 ff), like
Gr, orop-vi-ue beside Skr. str-nd-mi, Skr. dhii-nd-mi beside
dhu-nd-mi; — thematic Avest. ver'-nv-a-iti. Skr. ta-nd-mi
‘L stretch, lengthen’ (§ 639 p. 177), conj. Ved. ta-ndv-a@ Avest.
ta-nav-a, opt. mid. Skr. ta-nv-ty-d Avest. tanuya i. e. ta-no-iy-a

1) For ind-, soe I § 288, p. 280,

2) For Skr. kard-ti kuru-tha J. Wackernagol offers a very likely
conjecture (Kuhn's Littoraturblatt, mm 55 £.). He suggests that kpyd-
kyau- became in vulgar speech kand- kunw-, and these became kard-
kuru- by analogy of the other forms of the verb, which all had r,

=

$3 640,641. Present Stem: Class XVII — y-né-ti. 179

(§ 940). Skr. i-nd-ti ‘subdues, forces’ Avest. i-nao-iti, doubtless
akin to Gr, ai-rv-uae ‘I grasp, take’; — thematic Skr. #-no-a-¢i.
Avest. sri-nao-iti ‘bends, directs somewhere’, ¥flei-. Skr. su-nd-ti
‘presses out’, 3™ sing, d-su-nu-ta Avest. hu-na-ta; — thematic
Avest. imper. mid. hu-nv-a-nuha (= Skr. *su-nv-a-sva).
Skr. dhy}-né-ti ‘dares’, /dhers-, § 639 p. 178. Skr. ad-nd-ti
‘reaches’ Avest. a§-nao-iti, grownd-form *pk-ney-ti, opt. Skr.
ad-nu-yd-t Avest. ai-nu-yd-p. Skr. sak-nd-mi ‘T can’.

In Skr. kj-ydti-ti ‘whets’ partic, kj-yuv-dnd-s from \/ ges-
(II § 8 Rem. 2 p. 20), the root has ceased to be a separate
syllable; compare perhaps Lat, novd-cula, first for *s-nmey-d-
(Kretschmer, Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxx1 419, 470). au instead of
@ arose as in @rndu-ti (beside fr-nd-ti) by analogy of such
a present as stmi-ti, see § 494 p. 55. The diphthong was
regarded as part of the root proper, hence Ajnu-td- (Avest,
hwxinu-ta- ‘well sharpened’) kjiné-tra- and drnu-tya- -tirnavana-
(similar forms in Greek, see § 648 p. 183).

§ 641. Strong suffix instead of weak; Skr. 2 pl. é-hyno-
-ta kyné-ta instead of d-Kpnu-ta kpnwtd, hind-ta hind-tam
instead of hinu-té hinu-tdm, Avest, 2% pl. srinao-ta (O.Pers.
3" pl. a-kiinav-a a-kinav-ata I regard as thematic, see § 649),
Compare Skr. grbhna-hi instead of gybhyt-hi, and like forms
§ 600 p. 143. Vice versa, Avest. 2" sing. kernai-si contrasted
with Skr. kynd-gi.

The strong stem occurs along with the weak in thematic
conjugation; e. g. Avest. 2" sing, pret. act. ker*-nav-d. On
this matter, refer to §§ 648 and 649.

Tn the 1" plural and dual, -nw- may drop its -u- before the
personal ending, unless the root ends in a consonant; Aynds
Kynvds kynmahé ieruodhé beside kynu-mds ete. sunmds beside
sunu-mds etc. (but only as-nu-mds as-nu-rds ete.). The first
trace of this new developement is one example in Veda, iynmahé.
It is possible enough that kynrdnti : asnuvdnti suggested kynods
(instead of kynuvds) beside asnuvds; or that kpnuvds became kynvds

naturally (cp. Wackernagel, Kuhn's Litteraturbl. ur 56), which
12°

ie rc

180 Present Stem: Class XVII — Skr. p-nd-ti. §§ 41,642,

produced kypmds by analogy. If kynods did arise by regular
change, the variant kynwods must have been restored on the
analogy of kpwumds, as kpamas was coined on the analogy of
kynvds. However, some influence must have been exerted by
the relation of kurmds kurvds kurmdh® kurodhé to kuruthd
kuruthds kurudhvé. kurmds is as early as the Rig-Veda, and
*kurumds *kuruods never seem to have existed at all. I would
suggest that the forms with kur- are due to the analogy of
the opt. aor. kuryd-t mid. *kurt-td- (cp. vurt-ta murty-a);
and it would be all the easier to understand how the stems
kur- and kuru- = kynu- (p. 178 footnote 2) came to be
confused, if the imperative kwrw represents not only orig. krnu,
but a form *grr- + the particle « (ep. the particle -na in
Avest, 2! sing. imper. bara-nad § 600 Rem. p. 148).
Compare the references given to explain kurmds in § 498
p. 57.

Remark. Moulton (Am. Journ. Phil, x 288) thinks that -n- in
forms such as ky-n-mde is the weak form of -nd- (Clase xu), and compares
Avest. ver'n-t@ But if only he could point to a Sanskrit example of -n-
instead of -ni- in Class XII!

2" sing. Ved. y-nv-i-S¢ (beside r-yd-ti ‘hears’) is an
ad-formate of 3" pl. dy-nv-i-rd, op. jaji-i-ge beside jajn-i-ré
(§ 574 p. 115).

On the strong root of Skr. dp-nd-mi, see § 600 p. 144;
for that of Skr. dag-nd-mi, § 639 p. 178.

Reduplicated: Avest. 3° sing. mid. qs-ad-nu-ta beside
a3-nao-iti § 640 (Bartholomae, Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxix 309).

§ 642. Armenian. Verbs in -nu-m (sing. -nu-m -nws
-nuw pl. -nu-ml -nult -nu-n).

ar-nu-m ‘I take’ (aor. a7-i): Skr. y-nd-mi etc, see § 639
p. 177. Jer-nu-m ‘I warm myself, get warm, glow’ (ep. Jer-m
‘warm’ = Gr. Osp-n6-g): Skr. ghr-nd-mi (gramm.). (-nu-m
‘T fill’, ground-form “*plé-nu-, op. Lat. plé-nu-s. ait-nu-m
‘I swell’, ep. Gr. oiddw ‘I swell’. faR-nu-m ‘I hide myself’,
ep. Gr. xrijoow "I bow, bend’.

we
| ¢
$643. Prosent Stem: Class XVII — Skr. y-né-ti. 181

z-genum ‘I dreas myself’ (2- is a prefix) for "ges-nu-
(L$ 561 p, 417): Gr. siviu (Fd), see § 639 p. 178.

§ 643. Greek. -vc-, which we see in the strong persons
of the singular, seems to have pushed out Idg. -new-, because
of the analogy of the forms -v@-:-»d- (Class XII), ep. § 480
p- 29, on imeraiovy beside iuerad. Even if we supposed that
-vo- represents Idg. -nia-, a weak grade, used along with -nu-,
we should have to assume that the forms had followed -ra-:
-vé-; and Avest. -na- is not sufficient evidence for an Idg. -na-.
Tn the 3" pl, -re-arre (instead of *-n-svre = Skr. -nuv-anti,
see § 1021.3) seems to have become regular quite early; once
there were in use such forms as *revf-ovre “revf-wvte =
Skr. ci-nv-dnti (cp. § 638 p. 177); as to Ton. dyvior Att,
Gyrvvrat, see §§ 1020.2 and 1065, 2.

Besides the forms mentioned in § 639 — og-vi-~1, dg-rv-pat,
oréo-vi-p1, nTdg-ve-ne, Ta-vo-pcs, e-vO-ut, Ti-vd-uEvee TH-vy-vraE
— there are yet others with weak-grade vowels in the root
syllable. Sag-vv-var in Hesychius (-ug- = -y-) and Idp-rv-peu
(-og- = -f-) ‘I leap, cover (of animals)’ (I § 806 p. 241),
xi-ve-uae “I move myself’. Cret. 3° sing. a-Jé-vi-re = Att.
da-dedxvtoe (on m-, see the Author, Gr. Gr.® p. 219) y7deik-.
otyvoys “LE open’ Hom. wi-(F)iy-ve-vro beside Lesb. inf. 6-sty-ny,
originally ‘I make yield’, beside O.H.G, wthhu ‘I yield, give way’.
sly-vt-ye “T mix’ beside fut. pstto, v7 mejk- meig-. éuogy-vi-ue
‘I wipe’ for *mpg-, \/merg-. dz-vv-seue “I am grieved, troubled’,
beside Goth. un-agands ‘not fearing’ dg ‘I fear’, An old form
with strong root (third strong grade) is Hom. dyx-rv-nevo-y
“doing honour to, reverencing, greeting’, see § 639 p. 178.
Greek new formations with a strong root-form are dg¢y-vi-ur
‘T reach, stretch out’ y~reg-, defx-vo-su ‘I show’ beside Cret.
nedixvi-rt, Cevy-ve-ur ‘L bind’ yjewg-, mjy-re-ne ‘I fix’ y~ pak-
pag- and others. Ton. déx-ri=4 “I show’, coming, as we may
conjecture, from a |/dek-, but in use finally confused with
Siixeri-ye (ep. Fick, Wtb. I* 66). ou-vd-uc ‘I swear’ beside
Guo- (Gud-cou oud-ry-g), ordi-ue “I destroy’ for “6i-vi-ue

182 Present Stem: Class XVII — p-né-ti. $63.

(1 § 204 p. 170) beside oie (Gié-com), like JIdu-vy-m beside
Sapa-, xip-ro beside xaua- (§ 602 p. 144).

The place of (lon.) sfriue ‘I clothe’ for *f-so-vie =
Armen. 2-genu-m (§ 639 p. 178) was in Attic taken by a new
form ivrfjua; see I § 565 pp. 422 f. The following are forms
of the same kind: oférrou: ‘I quench, stop’ for earlier fetviye
i. e. 2dsivfue (Hesych.)!) from a stem *2g-es- / seg-, op. aor.
Hom. offo-om; Sdirreua: (gramm.) beside gd-% ‘pedo’ aor.
Bd-Loa for *38-r0-, earlier *320-eo-, / pezd- ‘pedere’ (ep. § 661).
Farther, Zaivrija ‘I gird’’) beside Lwa-rijp Idg. j-ts- (§ 656).
On the model of these were made xogévriza ‘I satisfy’, werarvoie
‘I spread’, goirrtx ‘I strengthen’, orgeivrte ‘I strew, spread”
and others; and the analogy of jjugi-soa -soum: dugetrriue
gave rise to xogévviue beside Zxopeoa xexdgsauar, etc.

A present *xé-riyu is represented by xuwvydrny * ovverijy
Hesych., compare 7-rv-ré-; ‘enlightened, sensible’ sautcow
alvvorg. This, along with yn-n0-ro-y ‘senseless, under age,
minor’ and yyjmo-¢ (same meaning) for *yy-7F-0-¢ (I § 166
p. 147), is akin to Skr. pu-nd-ti ‘purifies, clears up’ (for the
accent cp. Goth. hug-s ‘understanding, reason’ beside Skr. Stci-§
‘pure’, § 907). But mvv- does not come from *av-rv- (I § 48
p. 41); the ground-form was *py-i-nu-, haying the same deter-
minative F as we see in Ital. *py-t-jo-s (Osc. piihidi Lat. piu-s,
see Bartholomae, Stud. Idg. Spr. 1 185) Skr. pav-t-tdr-, and in
Gr. mig Umbr. pir O.ELG. fuir ‘fire’. It follows that *acrige:
Skr. pu-nd-mi = Skr. r-i-yoa-ti Gr, dgivw: Skr, y-nod-ti Gr.
69-v0-10 (cp. § 596.4 p. 138).

1) Hesychius has [rivawsr” oftrrvuer which is emended to [ero
This emendation is not necessary. There may quite well have been
parallel forms, one in Class XII and one in Class XVII, as so often
happens in Sanskrit, Then the form (ivo in the text should be marked
with an asterisk.

2) It is quite possible that Att. Uxo-fordre[s] C.J.A. 1 77.9 (second
half of the 5% cent. #.¢.) may represent the regular form (cp. Xwpsros,
Meistorhans, Gr.?, p. 148).

184 Present Stem: Claas XVIII — Ske. p-nv-d-ti, $8 646—648,

=mes (cp. p. 86 footnote 2) as contrasted with Skr. ja-n1-mds,
Class XII; the parallel weak form Goth. uf-kunna 8" sing.
-kunndi-p is a new formation from kann kunnum on the analogy
of vita vitdi-p to vdit vitum. Low Germ. darn ‘I dare’ conj. diirne
gives ground for assuming an O.Sax. *durnwm Goth. *datire-
-nu-m (I § 582 p. 434) = Skr. dhy3-nu-mds. O.1.G. unnum
‘we grant’ ground-form *y-nu-mes (cp. O.Icel. ¢f-un-d ‘ill-will’
beside Goth. ans-t-s O.H.G. ans-t uns-t ‘favour, grace’ IT $ 100
p- 308), from the same root as Gr. xpoa-yyxjg ‘inclined’ dn-yvij¢
‘disinclined’. As these plurals appeared to be of the same kind
as the preterite-present, they were conjugated in the same way.
Thus arose, by analogy of the singular, Goth. kann O.ILG. kan,
Low Germ. darn 0.H.G. an. The same principle is neatly used
by Kluge (Paul's Grundr. 1 877) to explain O.H.G. durfum
‘we must’, which he regards as a nu-form for *furpum with
-p- for -pp- Idg. -pn- (I § 530 p. 388) = Skr. trp-nu-mds;
the student should compare de Saussure, Mém. Soc. Ling. vit
83 ff. Some further uncertain traces of nu-flexion in Germanic
are given in § 605 Rem. p. 147, and p. 151 footnote 1.

Otherwise the Germanic branch prefers thematic con-
jugation (Class XVIII), as Goth. du-ginna (§ 654).

§ 647. Bulto-Slavonic. For the remains of the present
suffix -nu- in Slavonic see § 649 p. 185.

Class XVIUIL
Root + -neyw-o- or -ny-o- forming the Present Stem.

§ 64s, Side by side with -nyo- we meet with -enyo- and
~puo-; see § 596 pp. 137 f.

This class, which is based upon Class XVII, falls into two
divisions like Class II. O.Pers, a-ki-nav-a-t@ stands to Skr.
d-ky-yo-a-ta as Gr. dnvs(F)-e to eu-nvv-e. And just as Skr.
ay-a- is at once indicative (dy-a-t2, op. Lat, 6d), and conjunctive
to an indic. of Class I (dy-a-t dy-a-ti conj. of é-ti), a0 Ar, ky-

186 Present Stem: Class XVII{ — Skr. y-ne-d-fi. — $ 650-652.

$650. Class XVIII B: Suffix -ny-o-.

Prifdg. Skr. ci-nv-a-ti, Gr. Hom. riévo Att, rim for
*revf-o beside Skr. ci-nd-mi Gr. infin, re-vd-yevea 3™ pl. ri-
-we-rta, § 639 p. 177. Skr, Af-nv-a-ti Goth. du-ginna beside
Skr. Ai-nd-mi, § 639 p, 177, *r-i-my-e-ti with root deter-
minative -i- (§ 596.4 p, 138); Skr. ri-no-a-ti ‘makes run, flow’,
Gr, Hom. dgivw Lesb. dgivvm ‘I set in motion’ for *igenF-w
(the initial has perhaps been influenced by a word from the
same root, dg-vé-e, ground-form *j-nu-, to which it stands
related as Hom. dy/vw to Cret, ayvéw, see $$ 652 and 801),
Goth, xi-nna ‘I overflow’ pr. Germ. *ri-ny-d (cp. however for
the Germanic word § 654 p. 188).

With -enu-o- for the suffix (§ 596.3 pp. 137 f.), *sp-eny-e-ti
from yspe- spo- ‘bring onwards, stretch’ (Lat. spés spatinm
ote): Avest. spénva-p ‘proficiebat’ = pr. Ar. *spanya-t, O.1LG,
spinnu ‘I spin’ (ep. O-H.G. spannu = *spa-ny-d § 654).

§ 651. Aryan. Skr. y-nod-ti ci-nva-ti hi-nva-ti d-ky-pva-
-ta i-nva-ti ri-nva-ti, Arvest. ver"-nva-iti hu-nva-wuha see
§§ 639, 640, 641, and 650. Skr. pl-nva-ti ‘swells, makes
abound’ beside partic. mid. pi-ne-dnd-s Avest. fra-pinao-itt
‘swells, spreads’ (intr.). Skr. ji-noa-ti ‘sets in motion, pushes on,
hastens’ beside ji-nd-mi. Skr. imper. mid. du-nva-sva beside
du-nd-mi ‘I burn’.

Sometimes Sanskrit, like Germanic, has a verb which carries
the suffix of the present through the whole verbal system; as
pinva-ti : pipinva pinvayati, jinvati : jinvijya-ti jinvi-td-s,

Observe the different accent of 3° pl. hinva-nti, and hine-
~dnti in Class XVII.

Containing the suffix -enwo-. Avest. spénva-p ‘proficiebat’:
O.H.G, spinnu, see § 650; Avest. xwanva-inti ‘they drive on’
xwénva-f pr. Ar, *sy-anua-, beside hu-nao-iti hu-na-iti.

§ 662, Greek. On the treatment of -vf- in the following
words, see I § 166 p. 146. duo dvw for *évFu, rivw thw
for “revFo, piiva gXvuw for *pIevFo, doivo doivyw for
*opevFa, see §§ 639, 650. pidvw gidvu ‘I anticipate’ for

$652—054. Present Stem: Clnss XVIII — p-ne-di-ti. 187

*giavfu, beside pIc-uevog. diva Lesh. diva ‘I eddy’ for
"drrfo, beside Skr. di-ya-ti ‘flies’ Lett. déi-ju di-t ‘to dance’,
op. dives divy Lesb. divva for “di-vFo-y drvfe. Hom. dyin
"I lead, bring’ beside ayw Cret, dyvéw has the same root-
determinative as dégfvm (on this determinative, which is
contained in Skr. dj-ai-§, see § 498 p. 61); and therefore
ayiv too must be derived from *-»fm; on the bye-form
dyivio, see § 801, With dg-ivw ay-ivw ayivia compare the
Hesychian glosses Huw énsopivvesy and ive’ éneoptvvvev,
which point to *2g-F- as variant stem to *eg-es- (§ 643 p. 182).
Whether Homer's d¢vw ‘I move wildly, storm’, represent orig.
*dha-nud or *dhai-nd -n-jd, Class XII (ep. Skr, dhii-nd-ti dhu-
-n0-ti dhu-nd-ti) cannot be decided; in the former case divo-¢
‘fury, impetus’ should be compared with drvo-g for *di-nyo-s
(see above); for Iiviw dItvlw see § 801.

Hom. xyévw Att-xyzdvm ‘I reach, overtake’ for *-arFo
beside xi-yy-ye (§ 594 p. 135). xeyzavw has the first syllable
nasalised because, after £ had gone, the analogy of verbs like
Gryyave could act upon it (§ 621 p. 158, § 631 p. 168),
Hom. ixévm ‘I arrive, reach’ for *ixayFo, bye-form ixréouce
(§ 801). Both of these present stems may be regarded as
ad-formates of *ptavFw (pid gpévw), because they all had
something of the same meaning: on the analogy of gidrjaouce
to gidvw, xyévo was formed working backwards from
xizjooxer, and afterwards ixévyw. But there was another
suffix -yud before Greek became # separate language; and this
would become regularly pr. Gr. -«wFo (the Author, Gr. Gr.?
§ 21.3 p. 41), see § 596.3 p. 188.

The suffix is -enyo- in Coreyr. &¢vfo-g, whence Lesb.
Eévvo-; Ton, Scivo-g Att. ¢vo-g (I § 166 p. 146), since this
word seems to have the same root as Lat. hos-ti-s and Goth.
gas-t-8; see § 596.3 and 6, pp. 188 and 140.

§ 653. Italic. Lat. mi-nu-d, Osc. menyum ‘minvere’,
see § 649 p. 185.

§ 654. Germanic. Goth. du-ginna O.H.G. bi-ginnuw
‘T begin’, sec § 639 p. 177, § 650 p. 186. Goth. af-linna

i

183 Present Stem: Class XVIII — Skr. r-nv-€-1i. $654.

‘I go away, cease’, O.H.G. bi-linnw ‘I cease’, beside Skr. vi-
-lindti “goes to pieces, dissolves, melts’ ete. § 598 p. 142.
Goth. vi-nna ‘I suffer, feel pain, worry, O-H.G, gi-winnu
‘I reach something with trouble, win’ (ep. O.H.G. winna
‘strife’), beside Skr. v¢-ti ‘presses on in hostile fashion, conquers,
seeks eagerly, tries to win’, All these verbs came under the
influence of such others as Goth. binda; hence forms like
du-ginna -gann -quanum -gunnans,

O,H.G. ba-nnu ‘I order, command on pain and penalty,
summon’ (ep. O.H.G. ban, gen. bannes ‘command enforced by
pains and penalties’ A.S. bann ‘ban, banns, proclamation’),
ground-form *dho-nyd, vy" bha- bha-, ep. Armen. ba-na-m § 601
p- 144, Gr. gaivw for *pa-mem § 611 p. 150. O.ELG. spa-nnu
‘I stretch, widen, spread, I am anxious and excited’, ground-
form “spa-ny-0, y~spe- sp-, cp. O.H.G. spa-nu ‘I entice,
charm’ (§ 614 p. 152) and O.H.G. sp-innu (see below). The
preterites bian spian follow hialt : haltu and such like forms.

Containing the suffix -enyo- (§ 596.8 p. 188). O.HLG.
sp-innu ‘I spin’: Avest. spénva-p, see § 650 p. 186; a variant
form is spannu == “spa-nyd, for which see just above.
O.HLG. tr-innu ‘I separate from, part, depart from’ ground-
form *dr-enyd, y~der- ‘split’ (Skr. dy-nd-ti).

The existence of the two variants -myo- and -enyo- in
Germanic raises a question as to how Goth. rinna ‘I run’ and
brinna O.H.G, brinnu are to be disposed of. Instead of
deriving rinna from *r-i-nyd, and identifying it with Skr.
rinva-ti (§ 650 p, 186), we may assume *r-eny0 for its original
form, which would bring it closer to Skr. y-nv-d-ti. brinna
may come from *bhr-enywo, as it is akin to Lat. fer-mentu-m
Serves Or, ber-baim ‘I cook, boil’; but it may be for *bhr-i-
-ny6 with an i-determinative, cp, O.Icel. br-t-me ‘fire’ A.S. br-t-w
O.H.G. br-t-o ‘broth’, The first derivation, from *r-enwo
*bhr-enyo, is supported by Goth. r-wn-s ‘a run, course’ A.S,

br-yne ‘fire, conflagration’.

$655. Present Stem: Classes XIX to XXI — Pres. Stems with «. 189

E. ciasses XIX to XXL
PRESENT STEMS WITH -s-.')

§ 655. A large number of verb classes have an s suffixed
to the root. These are both thematic and non-thematic.
(1) Non-Thematic Stems: Skr. doé-s-ti ‘hates’ (cp. Avest.
deag-fa ‘terror’ Gr. Hom. dé-ddi-nev or dé-dFepev ‘we fear’),
Skr. aor. 1" pl. d-ta-s-mahi (y~ten- ‘stretch’), Skr. v-ds-té
‘dresses’ (y~eu-, Lat. ex-u0), Gr. jjds« i. @. x-Fed-so-a dg.
*es-m, Skr. d-ved-if-am. (2) Thematic Stems: O.ILG. din-su
‘T pull, tear’, Skr. d-ta-tq-sa-t ‘he tore, set in motion by force’
(yten-), Skr. desid. ji-gq-sa-ti (y~gem- ‘go’), Skr. tr-dsa-ti
‘trembles’ (cp. tar-ald-s ‘trembling, moving to and fro’ Lat.
tr-emd), Skr. desid, ji-gam-ija-ti (\/gem-), From these
develope extensions of the -s- suffix, which themselves run
through large groups: -s-jo- -s-jo-, fut, Skr. tq-syd-t2 gam-
~ijyd-ti; -s-ko-, Lat. (g)nd-sc0 Gr, yi-ynci-oxw (ep, Skr. desid.
ji-jffid-sa-t2); and others more isolated, as Armen. 2-genum
Gr. stvous (fvbmu) for *y-es-ney- (§ 639 p. 178, § 643 p. 182).

Tt cannot be definitely proved that in all these forms s has
really the same origin. But the negative cannot even be made
probable. The clearest indication of the identity of s in the
aorist with ¢ in verbs of Classes XIX and XX is given by
Skr. d-ky-j-i as compared with ky-g-¢, dk-§-i compared with
ak-Sa-té, d-myk-§a-t compared with mrk-Sa-ti, see §§ 656, 659;
compare too Lat. vis-t beside pres. visd (§ 662), Lat, aux-7
Lith, 1 and 2"¢ pl. injunct. (fut.) duks-me -te beside Gr, avtw
(§ 657). It should further be noticed that a close connexion
is often formed with the noun suffix -es-, as in Skr, bhy-dsa-ti

1) Compare Per Persson’s new work (Wurzelerweiterung, ete.)
pp. 77 ff, where the suffix or determinative s in assumed for other
forms besides those which will here be cited. Amongst these are some
in which we have regarded the # as part of the root itself; e. g. Skr.
edrja-ti ‘it rains’, which he derives from the root of Skr. dri ‘water,
wetness’.

190 Present Stem: Class XIX — Skr. dedi, 83 655,656.

‘is afraid’ and bhi-§-aya-té, used as causal of bi-bhé-ti, beside
bhy-ds- bhiy-ds- ‘fear’ instr. bhig-d (§ 658), in Skr. téh-Sa-ti
‘grows strong’ Gr. ev$w beside Skr, éj-as- ‘strength’ (§ 657),
and in Skr, indie. d-jai-f-am beside inf. ji-3-é, indic. yaj-as-2
beside infin. yaj-ds-@, Gr. i§erS«e beside infin. deta, conj.
ferrem beside inf. ferre, conj. agerem beside inf. agere (§ 824).
We must not forget that no clear line can be drawn between
primary s-verbs and verbs derived from s-nouns, any more than
between primary verbs with -a- and nouns having the same
suffix: e.g. Gr. &of-so-rae #-E-eo-re op-eo-r0-g E-ea-ro-¢ stand
to rerédsa-rar jpdco-rer aid-e0-r0-¢ d-xijJeo-ro-¢ related in the
some way as mé-ni-yra Dor. a-ni-G-r0-g to re-riuy-rat
Tuy-To-s-

In this section we take count only of present stems with
# final, and those which have a thematic vowel after the s.
The compound suffix -s-ko- fills Classes XXII and XXII; and
-s-jo- (the future suffix) will be found in the go-class, §§ 747 ff.
Stems like *y-es-ney- (stv) are discussed under the heading
-ney-, in §§ 639, 642, and 643.

Since the s-aorist in its common form adds the personal
endings directly to s, its proper place is here, in Class XIX.
It may, hewever, if preferred, be treated separately in the
traditional way, for the reasons given above in § 485,
pp. 38 f. See §§ 810 ff.

Class XIX.
Root + -s-, -es-, or -as- forming the Present Stem.

§ 56. Very few additional forms belong to this class
besides the preterites which will be discussed in $$ 810 ff.; such,
IT mean, as Skr. d-tq-s-mahi Gr. jjd-e-« Skr, d-véd-ij-am.
Some of them carry the s-clement right through the verb
system.

Skr. doé--fi ‘hates’ 3™ pl. doi-j-dnti, Avest. d'bis-entt,
beside Avest. dvag-fa ‘terror’ Gr. dfs ‘to fear’; — thematic,

ee

$657. Present Stem: Class XX — Skr. fq-2u-ti. 191

Skr. dei-Sa-ti, Skr. 3° pl. d-tvi-g-wr ‘they were excited,
amazed’ beside Avest. Jwyant- ‘terrifying’ Pwya- ‘terror’; —
thematic, Skr. d-tvi-fa-ta, Gr. partic. civ for *or-owy pres. asa
instead of *os-aw (op. aé-ceo-ra ete), sce § 657.

Skr. v-ds-té ‘dresses, clothes himself’ Avest. vas-f2, Gr. 2ni-
corre 24 sing. fo-oa from yen- Lat. ex-wd Lith. au-ni.

Avest, y-ds-ti ‘girds’ Lith. j-#’s-mi ‘I gird’ (Att. Convoy
instead of *Swo-vi-ya, § 643 p. 182), Idg. */-08-ti, beside Skr.
y-Mi-ti y-uod-ti ‘binds up’, like Ske. r-asa-ti ‘bellows, howls’
beside r-du-ti r-wod-ti.

Here come a certain number of Vedic middle forms with
-s- in the present, those which Grassmann has called “double
stems": 1* and 8" sing. -s-€ partic. -s-@na-. 1" sing. hy-$-é
from kédr-ti ‘makes’. 1 sing. hi-§-2 from hi-né-ti ‘drives on’
partic. hiy-and-s. 1" and 8” sing. stu-g-d from staii-ti ‘praises’
mid. sfu-t2, 1" sing. arcas- from drca-ti ‘praises’. 1" sing.
yajas-é from ydja-ti ‘honours, offers’, 1% sing. yAjas-2 partic.
yijas-ind-s from yijd-ti, y~reg- ‘stretch, reach’ (Class XVI
§ 628 p. 165). 1" sing. pu-nv-$-¢ from pu-nd-ti ‘purifies’ mid.
pu-ni-té. 1" sing. ga-yi-§-2 from gd-ya-ti ‘sings’, A similar
Avestic form is 1" sing. rdrzhawh-di from rds- ‘to grant’.

Class XX.
Root + -so- or -eso- forming the Present Stem.

§ 657. The s-suffix mostly runs through all parts of the
verb,

Pr.Idg. From y~ten- ‘stretch, lengthen out’: Skr. tq-sa-ti
“tears, sets moving by force’ (not actually found), aor. d-ta-sa-t
for *ty-se- (redupl. d-ta-tq-sa-t), Goth. at-pinsa ‘I draw towards
me’, ep. Lith. tgs-i ‘I lengthen, stretch’ (infin. ¢gs-ti), ué-tfsa-s
‘a shroud’, Lat. ton-sa; cp. aor. Skr, d-td-s-am 3" sing. d-tan,
Gr. irswa for *2-rev-oa. From ybhel- ‘shriek, ery, bellow,
bleat, low’ (O.C.S]. blé-jq): Skr. bhdja-ti ‘bellows’ (I § 259
p- 211), O.ILG. billu ‘I bellow’ (-l- = -lz-, I § 582 p. 436),

192 Present Stem: Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-ti. $657.

ep. Lith, bat-sa-s ‘voice, tone’, From ytueij- (Avest. Jrcyant-):
Ske. tod-fa-ti ‘is in violent motion, is amazed’ (not actually
found), pret. d-toi-g-ata, Gr. osiw ‘I shake, shatter, agitate,
molest’ for *ve-ow (cp. Solmsen, Kuhn’s Zeitachr. xxix 98),
oudy for *o-owv; cp. Skr. d-tvi-S-ur § 656. From y~preu-
(Lat. prutna): Skr. pld-Sa-ti ‘burns, singes’, O.H.G. friu-su
‘T freeze, am cold’, cp. Lat. prar-id. From y7leq- (Gr. éa-
-alz-siy ‘ward off’): Skr. rdk-§a-ti ‘guards, saves’, Gr. eeu
‘I ward off, help’. Connected with Skr. vajdya-ti ‘strengthens’
djas- ‘strength, power, might’ Lat. auged: Skr. wk-ga-ti ‘grows
strong, increases’ partic, wk-gd-mdna-s (perf. vavdkja) Avest.
vax-sa-iti ‘makes grow’, Gr. a(F)éSm avsw ‘I make grow, increase’,
ep. Lat. aus-iliu-m,}) Gall, Uxello-diinu-m “High-town’ O.Ir. ds
was ‘above’ (I § 517 p. 377), O.H.G, wah-su Goth. vah-s-ja
‘T grow’ (pret. vdhs), Lith. duksz-ta-s ‘high.2) Gr. fyw ‘L boil,
which, along with Armen, epem ‘TI boil’ (I § 561 p. 417),
we may assign to the root of fw ‘I see about, make right,
arrange’ (Il. 11. 776 epi Sods éxexoy xpéa) Skr. sdp-a-ti ‘makes
4 fuss about, carries on, sees about something’.

From y~ ter- (Skr. tar-ald-s ‘moving to and fro, trembling’
Gr. ro-éuw Lat. treemd § 488 p. 45): Skr. tr-dsa-ti ‘trembles’
{also tar-dsa-ti § 659), Gr. re-é(o)m ‘T tremble, flee’, O.C.SI.
tresa ‘I shake, shatter’ perhaps a re-formate instead of *tresq
(§ 636 p. 174); with -s-, Lat. terred for *ter-s- (op. Gr. éregoev*
2gopndev Hesych.), Compare Skr. gr-asa-ti hr-asa-ti bhy-dsa-ti
Avest. v-anha-il? § 659, Gr. Eé(ou pd-eow § 661, Lat.
qu-ero-r § 662.

1) According to Bréal’s convincing explanation, Umbr. orer ose ‘his
(donis) macte' will fall in this place too. ose = pr. Ital. *awkee may be
a yocative, which would make it necessary to start from an adj. *aukso-s
meaning ‘auctus’; it may also be an imperative like Gr. alge (cp. Lat.
auxim), The first view is supported by Lat. macte, a vooative (F.D. Allen,
‘Am. Journ. Phil, 1135 ff.). Pauli’s explanation of ose (Alt. Stud. v 128)
does not seem right to me.

2) On the relation between weg- aug- ayeg-, see Per Persson, Wurz.,
228.

-—

$$658,600. Present Stom: Class XX — Ske. tq-ancti 193

§ 658. In § 655 it was pointed out that these s-suffixes
are probably connected with the noun suffixes -es- -98- -3-
(S$ 131 ff). A few more examples of this may be given:

Skr. tq-sa-ti: Skr. fdnas- Lat. tenor. Sk, th-$a-ti
Gr. abfw: Skr. dase. Skr, srb-Sa-mana-s 0.0.81. slu-chit
(§ 659): Skr. Srdoas- Gr, xAé(Alos. Skr. dhi-fa-ti (§ 659):
Skr. bhavas- bhivas-. Skr. dék-$a-ti (§ 659): Skr. dasas-ya-ti
Lat, decus. Skr. sdk-ga-nt- (§ 659): Skr. sdhas-. O.Pers. patiy-
-argaiy (§ 659), Skr. th-§a-t2 (§ 667): O.C.SI, oko gen. odes-e.
Avest. vaxr-Sa-it@ (§ 659): Skr. odcas-. Armen. lugi (§ 660):
Skr. -rdcas- rocij- rucif-ya-s. Lat. visd (§ 662): Skr. védas-
Gr, og FioFos iao-g for Frro-Fo-g (p. xu). O.Icel. inf. hrjosa
(§ 664): Skr. kravi§- Gr. xoé(FJas. Compare also Skr. bhartsa-ti
(beside bhartsaya-ti) ‘attacks sharply, rates, scolds’, akin to
Lat. fer-id, Lith. bar-i “I scold’, and so doubtless derived
from some such stem as *bhar-tas- (cp. srd-tas- ‘stream’) or
*thar-dhas- (cp. rd-dhas- ‘grace, gift’). The nouns -tqsa-
dakjé- sakja- var-§a- which are connected with tqsa-ti
dakja-ti sikga-nt- vaxga-it? were therefore related to tdnas-
“ddgas- (dasas-ya-ti) sdhas- vdeas- in the same way as
vat-sd- to Gr. Féroc, Skr. sir-Sd- to diras-, hd-§d- to havis-,
and so forth (II § 132 p. 190).

Skr. dhdsa-ti (§ 659): bhds- Lat. fas.

Skr. hrasu-ti (§ 659): hdras-. Skr. yaj-as-2 (§ 656):
Skr. yajds-. These are like bhy-dsa-ti beside bhyds- bhiyds-
{already mentioned in § 655, page 190).

§ 659, Aryan. Skr. tq-sa-ti d-la-sa-t, bhdga-ti, twe-Ja-ti
d-toi-fa-ta (tvé-Jd-s ‘boisterous’ Avest. Pwag-sa- ‘terror’), plo-
-Ja-ti, rak-ja-ti, tik-ja-ti uk-sd-mdpa-s, Avest. vax-Sa-iti see
§ 657. Skr. dr-ga-ti y-3d-ti ‘moves quickly, flows quickly’,
from ar- ‘begin to move’ (y-nd-ti). Skr. i-ga-t2 ‘sets in motion,
sends forth’ Avest. agsemna- iSaiti, from i- ‘to send’ (i-né-ti).
Skr. 4ré-Sa-ti ‘hangs to something, clasps’ d-dli-ga-t, Avest.
sragsenna-, yklej- ‘lean’ (Lat. -cli-nd). Skr. 4ré-§a-ti ‘hears’

(redupl. dii-Sriat-ga-té § 667) Avest. sraosemna-, /Elew- one sing.
Bregmenn, Elements, 1¥.

194 Presont Stem: Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-li. 3659,

Sré-si), op. O.Tr, cluas ‘ear’ (1 § 516 p. 377) O.Sux. Alus-t
‘hearing’ O,C.SL. sluchit ‘hearing, faculty of hearing’. Skr. ghé-
-fa-ti ‘cries out, proclaims aloud’ (ghdga-s ‘confused noise, roar
of a storm, cry of woe’), beside Goth, gdu-ndn ‘to cry for woe’.
Skr. bhi-Sa-ti ‘upplies himself to, takes trouble about’, y~ bhey-
(Skr. bhdva-ti), Skr. siirk-§a-ti ‘is anxious about something,
takes thought for it, or account of it’, beside Goth. sazrg-a
‘care’, which must be connected with O.Ir. sere ‘love’ or with
Lith. sérg-iu ‘I protect’... Skr. mrak-§a-ti mrk-sa-ti ‘rubs, strokes’,
beside mdr§-fi 3° pl. mrj-dnti, Skr. akga-t@ ground-form
*iph-se-taj beside ad-nd-ti ‘reaches’ (§ 640 p. 179); from the
same root, ndk-ga-ti ‘reaches’ beside nd3-a-ti Lith. nesz-i; with
these must also be connected Goth. bi-nivhs-ja ‘I search out
niuhs-ein-s ‘visitation, affliction’, which come from *nuy-s- =
dg. *gk-s- (cp. gi-natihan ‘to suffice’). Skr. mék-Sa-t ‘gets free
from something’ (redupl. mti-muk-§a-ti § 667), beside muc-d-ti
munc-d-ti. Skr, bhak-ga-ti ‘enjoys, eats, devours’, Avest. bax-
-Sa-iti “divides, receives for share’, beside Skr. bhdj-a-ti.
Skr. dék-da-ti ‘acts so as to suit or satisfy somebody’ mid.
‘plunges, dips, ducks, is dexterous’ (dakgd-s ‘dexterous’) beside
dagas-ya-ti ‘is at one’s service, shows respect’. Skr. lak-ja-té
‘marks’, from lag- ‘fasten on’. Skr. sdk-Sa-nt- ‘overpowering’,
from sah- ‘to overpower’. Skr. injunct. ap-sa-nta ‘they sought
to get’, beside ap-né-ti (§ 600 p. 144), ep. the reduplicated
ipsa-ti (§ 667). O-.Pers. patiy-axsaiy ‘I inspect’, beside Skr,
dk-s-i ‘eye’ O.C.S1, oko (gen. odes-e) ‘eye’, ep. the reduplicated
Skr. ih-Sa-te (§ 667) and the Gr, imper. aor. dyeots,
Avest. var-Sa-itg ‘speaks’, from vac- ‘speak’. Avest, tax-Sa-iti
‘makes run’ beside fac-a-iti ‘runs’ Skr. tdk-a-ti. Avest, sax-Sa-
=iti ‘learns’, beside sdcaye-iti ‘teaches’ Skr. Sak-nd-ti ‘is able’,
cp. the reduplicated Skr. 4ikga-te Avest. a-sixsa-nt- (§ 667).
The preterite type belonging to this class is productive in
Sanskrit, where, with roots which made final kg when s was
added to them, it was used for the aorist; specially frequent
hen the root hady, i, or v. Examples: d-myk-§a-t ep. above,
k-Sa-ti from marj-, d-spyk-Sa-t from spar$- ‘touch’, d-ork-sa-t

_—

88 659,660. Prosont Stem: Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-ti. 195

from varh- ‘tear, tear out’, d-dik-Sa-t from dis- ‘show’,
a-lik-Sa-t from lih- ‘lick’, d-dhuk-Jat and d-duk-Jat (the
latter an ad-formate of the type dduhat, ep. Gr. fnewa instead
of *igeo« following asidw ete., L § 496 p. 364) from
duh- ‘milk’, The forms dhukgd-n dhuk§d-nta, and others
like them, are remarkable as having the accent upon the
thematic vowel. The aor. d-myk-a-t it related to the pres,
mrk-§a-ti not otherwise than the aor. d-ky-3-i to the pres, hy-s-@
(§ 656 p. 191). O.Pers. niy-apisam ‘I wrote’, with § = hs,
V peik- (I § 401 p. 297), seems to belong to the same class;
as no other persons are preserved, it is possible to assume
that this is non-thematic, but the root-vowel is in fayour of
believing it to be thematic. The aorist use in all these forms
is due to the weak grade of root syllable, just as with d-sic-a-t
and the like (§ 518 pp. 78 f.). But the imperfect meaning was
not excluded either with this type without s or with the
s-preterite which we are now dealing with: ddhukga-t is
imperfect as well as aorist (Whitney, Am. Journ. Phil. vi 281).
On this aorist type in general see § 833.

Skr. bhdsa-ti ‘appears, shines’, beside bhd-ti. Skr. rdsa-té
“bestows, affords’, Avest. I" sing. rdwh? beside Skr. ra-té.
Skr. hdsa-té ‘runs in a match’, from hd- ‘go’ wd ha- ‘to start
up’. rasa-ti ‘roars, bellows’ beside rdya-ti; as regards rasa-ti
compare further § 656 p. 191.

Skr. tr-csa-ti ‘trembles’, also tar-dsa-ti (partic. tardsantt
Rig-V.): Gr. rp-f(ow, see § GST p. 192. Skr. gr-asa-ti
"swallows, devours’, beside gir-d-ti (Class II, § 523 p. 86)
Vv ger-; akin to Gr. yoaw ‘esse’, perhaps for *ar-s0? Skr. hr-asa-
-ti ‘takes away, diminishes, grows less’, beside hdr-a-ti ‘takes,
takes away’. Skr. bhy-dsa-ti ‘fears’ (caus. bht-§aya-té) beside
bi-bhé-ti, op. § 655 p. 190. Avest. v-arha-it? beside o-as-l2
‘dresses’ § 656 p. 191. We should doubtless add vasa-ti
‘bellows’ beside rasa-ti and rau-ti, see § 656 p. 191,

§ 660, Armenian. Besides epem ‘I boil’ (see § 657
p- 192) may be named the aor. Zugi ‘I kindled’ for "leyk-so-
(pres. Zupanem), yleug- ‘lucere’, op. Skr. ruk-§d-s ‘shining’,

. :

194 Presont Stem: Class XX — Skr. tq-va-ti. $659.

$ré-Si), op. O.Tr. cluas ‘ear’ (I § 516 p. 877) O.Sax. hlus-t
‘hearing’ O.C.S1. stuchit hearing, faculty of hearing’. Skr. ghd-
~$a-ti ‘cries out, proclaims aloud’ (yhéga-s ‘confused noise, roar
of a storm, ery of woe’), beside Goth. gdu-ndn ‘to cry for woe’.
Skr, bhd-Sa-ti ‘applies himself to, takes trouble about’, v7 bheu-
(Skr. bhdva-ti), Skr, sark-Sa-ti ‘is anxious about something,
takes thought for it, or account of it’, beside Goth. satirg-a
‘care’, which must be connected with O.Ir. sere ‘love’ or with
Lith. sérg-iu ‘I protect’. Skr. mrak-sa-ti myk-Sa-ti rubs, strokes’,
beside mdr§-¢i 3" pl. myj-dnti, Skr. akga-t2 ground-form
*pli-se-tai beside as-nd-ti ‘reaches’ (§ 640 p. 179); from the
same root, ndk-Sa-ti ‘reaches’ beside nds-a-ti Lith. nesz-i; with
these must also be connected Goth. bi-niuhs-ja ‘I search out
niuhs-ein-s “visitation, affliction’, which come from *nuy-3s- =
Idg. "gk-s- (cp. gi-natihan ‘to suffice’). Skr. mék-Sa-té ‘gets free
from something’ (redupl. 2md-muk-ja-ti § 667), beside muc-d-ti
munc-d-ti, Skr. bhak-Sa-ti ‘enjoys, eats, devours’, Avest. bax-
-Sa-iti ‘divides, receives for share’, beside Skr. bhdj-a-ti.
Skr. dék-ga-ti ‘acts so as to suit or satisfy somebody’ mid.
‘plunges, dips, ducks, is dexterous’ (dakgd-s ‘dexterous’) beside
dasas-ya-ti ‘is at one’s service, shows respect’. Skr. lak-ja-té
‘marks’, from Jag- ‘fasten on’. Skr. sdiega-nt- ‘overpowe
from sah- ‘to overpower. Skr. injunet. ap-sa-nta
to get’, beside ap-né-ti 600 p. 144
psa-ti (§ 667). O.Pers. patiy~
dk-§-i ‘eye’ O.C.SI. oko (gen. o¢es-e)
Skr. t-ga-te (§ 667) and the
Avest. vax-ga-it? ‘speaks’, from
‘makes run’ beside tac-a-iti ‘
~iti ‘learns’, beside sdcay

‘The preterite type
Sanskrit, where, with
added to them, it

196 Present Stem: Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-ti. $661.

Lat. ilastri-s for *in-louc-s-tri-, A.S. lean Igcan ‘shine’ =
Goth. *liuhs-ja-n (ep. IL § 66 p. 140).

§ 661. Greek, sew, cddtkw ato aifo, syw see § 657
p. 192. xddw ‘I break, break off’ for **la-ow ground-form
“K-80, cp. xé-xlac-rar, Skr. Sy-nd-ti ‘breaks to pieces’; parallel
stems xi-@- in partic. dmo-xdég (Class X, § 582 p. 123), and
xha-J-. ygdw ‘esse’ for *gy-80 connected with Skr. gr-asa-ti?
see § 659 p. 195. dddkw sdaouce ‘I bite, itch, sting’, beside
dix, Ydeik-, ep. éditw sdayuseg. déyu beside dépor
T knead, soften’ (Lat. depsd is a loan word). ondw ‘I pull’
for *oxa-cw (cp. -onao-reu) , possibly = *spa-85, cp. O-H.G.
spa-nu spa-nnu § 614 p. 152, § 654 p. 188.

t9-é(0)m ‘I tremble, flee’: Skr, tr-dsa-ti, see § 657 p. 192.
£<(@)m ‘I shave, smooth’ beside Ev’w from y7ges- O.C.SI. ées-
-ati ‘to comb, curry’ Lith. Aas-yti ‘to scratch’ (cp. IL § 8
Rem. 2 p. 20). pd-e()w ‘pedo’ for *pzd-esw from y~ped-
Slov. pezdé-ti ‘pedere’ (I § 594 p. 450).

That some of the trisyllabic presents in -sw making aorist
in -roc« ete., such as xadéor (xaleooa) dléw (adecoav) orevéw
(orepéoc), had originally the ending -sow (cp. Skr. tardsa-ti
§ 659 p. 195, arcas-2 § 656 p. 191), is not improbable;
xahE(o)m : xddsooa = toé(o)w : reédou, Compare § 842.

In Greek this -s- is not only found with s#ata and like
aoriats, but elsewhere too it is a favourite tense suffix.
Compare é-oxeda-d-Inv L-oxéde-d-ou, xt-xéga-o-ta &-xé pa-o-oa,
Op-0)u0-G-Tea ypo-o-Su, Ev-o-rd-¢ 2-Ev=-0-Fyv, sipv-o-tar fgv-
-o-r0-g %ov-c-6a. No clear distinction can be made between
“Primary” and “Denominative” verbs (cp. ré-réAso-rar beside réoc,
aidea-ré-g beside aidaig, e-yehda-Inr beside yékag, &-pedio-Iyv
beside Skr. mddhug-), because s in these verbal stems is the
same as 3 in the stems of the cognate nouns, as has already
once been said (§ 655 pp. 189 f.).

Compare further the use of the suffixes -eo- and -7- in
stems of the same group, aj-e0-rd-¢ é-of-eo-o« : &-o8-7-¥
E-op-n-xa, d-xél-to-da : xah-y-twg xé-xh-n-na, xe-xOQ-Eo-Tar b=xdg~
“80-Gee 2 xe-KOQ-N=Mee G-KOQ™H-EO-C.

vr

$8 e62—ea5. Present Stem: Class XX — Skr. tq-sa-ti. 197

§ 662. Italic. Lat. vzso (perf. vist), near kin to Goth.
ga-veisd “I look after some one, I visit’, doubtless for *yejd + 30
(not *wrd-+-20, Class XXIV, as Osthoff will have it, Morph. Unt,
iv 77), cp. Skr. vi-vit-sa-ti § 667. quaesd (perf. quaestot) for
*quais-sd, beside quaer-d. in-cessd ar-cessd (perf. -cesstvt) from
etd-0 cesst. ac-cersé for *-cers-sd doubtless connected with
eurrd for *cora-0 kys-0.')

queror ques-tu-s) for °qu-esd(-r) beside Gr, xw-xtw “I bewail,
ery, shriek’ Mid.IL.G. hiwweln ‘to howl, lament, ery’ O.HLG.
hiuwila himita ‘ow! Compare § 657 p. 192,

§ 663. Keltic. No s-presents seem to occur, The forms
which Windisch (Wtb., p. 593 6) assign to a first person
gessim “I beg’ are more probably conjunctive of the s-aorist
of guidim (§ 826). On_ seiss ‘placed itself, sat’ and ‘sits’, see
§ 833.

§ 664. Germanic. O.ILG. dillu ‘I bellow, Goth. at-
-finsa ‘I draw towards me’ O.H.G. dinsu ‘I pull, tear’,
O.FLG. friusu ‘I freeze’, see § G57 p. 191. Goth. fra-liusa
O.FLG. vir-liusu ‘T lose’ (vir-lus-t ‘loss’), beside Goth. la-n-s f.
‘ransom’ Gr. Av-« Lat. so-lvd ete. O.Icel. hrgs ‘I shudder’ inf,
Arjosa, from \/greu- Skr. krit-rd-s ‘coarse, horrible, gruesome,
bloody’, ep. Gr. xgv-o-raiv “I cause to freeze’ Lat. eru-s-ta and
Ose. krustatar (‘cruentetur’ according to Biicheler), O,H.G.
wisu ‘I avoid, eschew, shun’ beside Lat. vfté, doubtless for
*yeit-30 (*yit-30), not for *yeit-+-to (*uit-+-t0) Class XXIV.

Goth. uf-blésa ‘I inflate, blow out’ O.H.G. blasu ‘I blow’,
beside O.FLG. blaw i.e. *bhle-j6, cp, Mid TLG. bluo-s-t A.S.
iio-s-tma beside Germ. *blo-j6 ‘I bloom’ and Lat. flds flored.

§ 665. Balto-Slavonic. Lith, tg-it ‘I lengthen’
containing *é@s-u = Skr. tq-sa-ti etc., see § 657 p. 191.
Lith. tres-it ‘I am in heat’, said of bitches, derived from
"tr-es-e-ti = Skr. tr-dsa-ti ‘trembles’ etc., see § 657 p. 192;

1) If Germ. *yrussu- ‘horse’ (O.8ax. O.Icel. hross) is connected with
currd, it stands to ac-cersd ag Skr. mpk-fi-s ‘comb, currycomb’ to
mrak-fa-ti,

198 Present Stem: Class XXI — Skr. fa-sa-ti. $$ 666,667.

add Slay. tresetié ‘shakes, shatters’ with a nasal infix, unless it
is really “trem-+-sd- (cp. Lith. trimu Lat. tremd), see § 636
p. 174.

The same s is sometimes found also with transformed and
derivative verbs, and in nouns; as O.C.Sl. q-cha-ti ‘to smell”
(ep. Lat. (alo for *an-s-lo-, I § 208 pp. 175 f., § 588 Rem. 2
p. 444), ja-cha-ti ‘vehi’ (op. ja-dq ‘vehor’ § 701), Lith. bat-sa-s
‘voice, sound, tone’ (ep. § 657 p. 192), O.C.SI. slu-chit ‘hearing,
faculty of hearing’ (ep. § 659 p. 194), O.C.SL gla-st ‘sound,
voice’ (I § 585 p. 441).

Class XXL.
Root + -so- -s80-, with reduplication ending in -f (-i)
forming the Present Stem.

§ 666. This class is represented by the Aryan Desideratives,
many of which have little or nothing of the desiderative in their
meaning (¢. g. Skr. ikga-t2 ‘sees’ from |/og-, from which a
desiderative stem %c-iks-iga- is made anew), and by an Irish
future series. The Homeric future dioi-oo and Attic con-
junctive aorist and future dddto can hardly have a direct
connexion with these formations.

Very rare indeed are non-thematic forms with reduplication,
such as Skr. partic. mid. di-@hi$-dna-s beside dé-dhiga-ti from
V dhé- ‘set, lay’.

§ 667. Aryan. The Desiderative type is very prolific in
Sanskrit. :

Vv ster- ‘sternere’ Skr. fi-stir-§a-t@. 7 yen- ‘win, like’
Skr. vi-vd-sa-ti, where -ra- = *-vj-; in jl-ghd-sa-ti (V ghen-
‘strike’) mi-mq-sa-té (/ men- ‘to think’) and some other words
the nasal came in afterwards by analogy, as it did in vaficha-
-ti instead of *vdcha-ti § BTL. gei- ‘compel, subdue’ Skr.
ji-gt-Sa-ti. ileu- ‘hear’ Sii-&ri-fa-t2, op. srd-Ja-ti § 659
p- 193. ygheu- ‘pour, offer’ Skr. ju-hit-sa-ti, (/ derk- ‘seo’

|. ll

$087, Prosont Stem: Class XXI— Ske. tq-s0-ti. 199

Skr. di-dyh-Sa-t@. yueid- ‘see, know Skr. vi-vit-sa-ti,
ep. Lat. visd § 662 p. 197. /meng- ‘loose, set free’
Skr, mid-muk-Ja-ti, ep. mdk-Ja-te § 659 p. 194. 1 dhegh-
“burn’ Skr, di-dhak-fa-ti. badh- ‘press’ Skr. bi-bhat-sa-té. /dd~
‘give’ Skr, df-t-sa-ti di-da-sa-nt-, 1/dhe- ‘place, lay’ Skr. dhist-
-sa-ti di-dhi-ga-ti. From gni- gnd- “noscere’ |W gen- (§ 587
p- 128) Skr. ji-jnd-sa-te Avest. 2%-3ndsshemna- (as regards -én-
see 1 § 403 p. 298).

On the reduplication of Skr. iJa-té (unreduplicated
O.Pers. patiy-azsaiy ‘I inspect’), fpsa-ti ‘tries to reach”
(unreduplicated apsa-nta), irtsa-ti ‘wishes to advance or
promote’, see $ 473 p. 17. Ved. iyakga-ti ‘wishes to honour’
may be regarded as regular for “yi-yakja-, since ji- doubtless
became i- as w- became u- (I § 157 p, 141); the forms
yi-yakja-ti yi-yasa-ti are reformates following si-sawkja-ti etc.,
just as beside the regular wr-a@ud-s we find the re-formate
vur-t-ta.1) The form én-akja-ti ‘seeks to gain’ is peculiar,
ef. perf. an-ds-a,

Roots beginning and ending in a consonant, and containing
no i, u, liquid, or nasal, drop the initial consonant after the
reduplicator if the root does not form a syllable by itself
(ep. Lat. dised for *di-te-scd § 678). Skr. sesate ‘learns’
Avest, a-sirgant- ‘not learning’ for pr. Ar, *Si-dk-Sa- beside
Skr. Sak-né-ti ‘is able’; for the loss of the sibilant ep. aor.
oki for *opsk-$i and the fut. erakgyd-nt- for *erask-sya-nt-
(beside vyded-ti ‘tears to pieces’ pra-vrask-a-s ‘slice, cut?
O.C.SI. eraska ‘wrinkle’). Similarly dfpsa-ti dhtpsa-ti Avest,
diwia-idyai beside Skr. ddbh-a-ti ‘injures’, Skr. bhikja-te ‘begs’
beside Skr. bhdj-a-ti, lipsa-t@ Upsa-te beside labh-a-t8 ‘seizes,
grasps’ and others of the same sort. Some of these forms are
certainly irregular. Instead of Skr. pitsa-ti, for example (from
pat- ‘fly, fall’) we should expect *pipsa-ti, to judge from
Avest. nafiu for *naptsu (I § 471 p. 348).

On the analogy of the forms here mentioned arose Skr.

1) The #- of f-yakja-ti is different from that of -ydja, see § 851.

=

200 Present Stem: Classes XXII and XXIII — sko-presenta. §§ 667—689.

hjsa-ti ‘injures, hurts’ from han- (ghen-), whose 3" pl. Ajsanti
caused the coining of a sing. hinds-ti following Class XV (the
8" sing. hjs-t2 is perhaps like didhig-aya-s § 660), and further
pert. jichis-a ete.

Instead of -sa- after roots with final consonant, the Sanskrit
has often -ija- (-o80-). |/qel- ‘to move’ ci-cariga-ti (beside
cicarga-ti). gen- ‘gignere’ ji-jani$a-t2. (/meld- ‘crush’
mi-mardiga-ti. _vi-vidija-ti beside vivitsa-ti (see above).
hi-badhija-té beside bi-bhatja-t2 (see above).

The productive power of this desiderative type in Sanskrit
is especially clear in forms like ti-tarpayija-ti pi-payayiga-ti
from the causals farpdya-té (from (yp-né-ti ‘satisfies itself’)
pa-ydya-ti (from pa-ti ‘drinks’),

The desiderative formation was itself often the foundation
for a comprehensive verb structure; thus from bhikja-té were
formed perf. bi-bhikgé fut, bhikj-igya-fé caus, bhikg-aya-ti, and
from mt-mdq-sa-té were formed aor. d-mimds-ijfa pass mimis-
-yd-te.

§ e68. Keltic, O.tr. »0-gigius ‘I will pray or ask’ for
*qi-get-s0 boside gess- from -guidiu, § 663 p. 197. fo-lilus-[s]a
from fo-long- ‘bear, endure’. Compare Zimmer, Kuhn's
Zeitschr. xxx 128.

F. ovasses XXII axp XXIII.
PRESENT STEMS WITH -sko-.

§ 660. The -s- of -sko- I regard as the same element
which we have discussed under Classes XIX—XXI; and
-s-ko- I believe to be an extension like -s-jo-. Compare
*meik-sk- Lat. misced and *mejkes- Skr. mékgaya-ti perf.
mi-mikgé from v7 meijk- ‘mix’; Lat. dis-pescd for *-pere-scd
and Skr, prk-s- (see Grassmann, Wtb., 8. v.); Gr. di-da(x)-
zoxw “I teach’ and Avest, dar-sa-t ‘he taught; Skr. p-chd-ti
reaches, hits, attains’, and y-Sd-ti dr-ge-ti ‘moves quickly’

$669, Present Stem: Classes XXI and XXII — eko-presents. 201

Avest. yd-sa-iti ‘goes, goes on’ and O.C.SI. ja-cha-ti ‘vehi’;
Mid. HG. la-sche ‘I lurk, watch for’ (O.FLG. *hla-ske-n)%) and
O.1L.G. la-s-tré-n ‘I listen, obey’ hlo-sé-n ‘I attend, listen to’
Skr. Sré-ga-ti Su-dri-Ja-té from ykley- ‘hear’; Armen. ba-gi
‘T opened’ Gr. pad-oxw ‘I make known, say’ and Skr. bhdsa-ti;
Gr, pvoi-ox ye-proi-oxm Lat. (g)nd-sed and Lat. gnd-ri-tur
‘cognitum sive compertum est’ (Stolz, Lat. Gr.* p. 375) Skr, ji-
jia-sa-té from gné- gnd- ‘learn’, and others. In view of these,
we may derive Lat. mizx-tu-s mis-tu-s beside misced, dis-pes-
-tu-s beside dis-pescd, pos-tuld Osc. pes-tli-m ‘templum’ beside
poscd poposct and doubtless Skr, prj-d-s prdj-tum beside
prehd-ti papracha from stems with no other extending suffix
hut -s-, *mejh-s- and so forth; and we need not regard Avest,
ter“sa-iti ‘is afraid’ Lith. triszu ‘I tremble, shudder’ as being *ty-s
+-sko- (cp. Skr. tr-dsa-ti ete., § 657 p. 192), but must regard it
as “ty-s-ko-, The compound suffix -esko- in O.Pers. a-r-asa-m
‘L came, arrived at’ beside Skr, y-chd-ti, in Avest. i§-asa-iti
‘wishes’ beside Skr. ichd-ti, in Gr. dptoxm ‘I please’ pev'ysoxo-v
‘T fled’ corresponds to -eso- in Skr. tr-dsa-ti tar-dsa-ti and
others (§ 655 p. 189, § 657 p. 192, § 659 p. 195).

-k- or -kh- (see below), without -s- preceding, seems often
to oceur in Greek words, The parallel diminutive suffixes
Boeot. -ryo-¢ and Att. -10xo-g, and a comparison of srai-§
nro-x-dg, nra-yo-g (nrvidaw), with atw-ox-afu*), and of yiézyo-
-ua ‘I stick, adhere’ with yAé-ay-g0-g, justifies our assuming
-kho- to be the suffix of yAl-zo-uer, of vj-zu ‘I swim’, of
ous-zu ‘I rub, stroke, wipe off’, and ogci-zw ‘I rub or grind to
powder’, for yj-zu ‘I stroke, curry’ and yo-yo ‘I grind to
powder’, for rgé-yw ‘I rub away, wear out’, and for oter-dyo
‘I groan’ (cp. xeAa9@ and such like words, § 694). In the

1) Connected, ns it would seem, with Armen. Jsem ‘I hear’ for
*Kiu-sko-. See Hibschmann, Arm. Stud. £88; Bartholomae, Stud. Idg. Spr.,
n 4i.

2) Compare Bugge, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxu $9 f., on Armen. fai'-nu-m
‘I hide myself, which is in any cage a cognate word.

202 Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. pd-cha-ti, $$ 669,070.

parallel group come verbs in -sow such as aty-oow 2yg7j-cou
dvenu-con; see § 763 Rem.

It appears that -sko- and -skho- were used as variants in
the parent language. Sanskrit has only -skho- (unless perhaps
-sko- is the suffix of npsed-ti ‘tears to pieces’), but both of
them seen to occur in Armenian and Greek. Armenian has
-sko- in Isem ‘I hear’ (see p. 201 footnote), -skho- in harganem;
Greek has -sko- in Pa-oxs, and -skho- perhaps in xdaym (see
§ 678), yAday-o0-¢ (ep. yt-zo-nar etc., above).

The k-sound was sometimes palatal and sometimes velar
in the original language. -sh(h)o- is pointed to by Avest. ter‘sa-
~iti, Lith. triseu, Armen. lsem harganem; and -sq(h)o- by Skr.
méiirkhd-3 (beside mfircha-ti) Avest. per‘ska (beside per‘sa-iti,
ep. Bartholomae, Stud. idg. Spr. u 49 £), Armen. adadem,
Lith, jésekd-ti O.C.SI. iska-ti, Lith. treszkk O.C.S), tréskit
troska; cp. Lith. teiska ‘it lightens’ beside Skr. tvij- ‘beam,
light’ Avest. Jwis-ra- ‘sparkling’. The variation of guttural in
-Ko- and -go- has already been touched upon in our discussion
of Noun Morphology, Il § 90 pp. 274 f. Compare however
vol, 1 § 414 pp. 803 f, § 587 Rem, 2 p. 442, and Bartholomae,
op. cit. 48 f.

On the difficult question of the original shape of the
sk-suffix we have a new paper by Zubaty, in Kuhn's Zeitschr.,
xxx 9 ff.

Class XXII.
Root ++ -sko- -esko- forming the Present Stem.

§ 670. Pr.Idg. In the following sections, I write the
original forms always with -sko-, without distinguishing the
variants -sko- -sqo- -skho- -sgho- (see § 669).

Roots that are capable of vowel gradation generally have
the weak grade before -sho-.

Vv ter- ‘move to and fro, tremble’ (§ 657 p. 192). "fy-ske-
-ti: Avest. ter‘sa-iti O.Pers. tarsa-tiy ‘is frightened’, Lith. trissu

$$ 670,671. Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gd-cha-ti. 203

‘T tremble, shudder’, cp. § 669 p. 201. ygem- ‘go’ *am-ake-t
Skr. gdcha-ti, Gr. imper. Baoxe. 7 prek- ‘precari’ “prk-ske-ti:
Skr. prchd-ti, Armen, aor. hargi, Lat. poscd for *porc-scd,
ep. O.H.G. forsca ‘question’. yais- “desire, wish’: Skr. ichd-ti,
Umbr. eiscwrent ‘poposcerint, arcessierint’, O.C.S]. iskq ‘I seek,
try’, ep. Skr. ichd ‘a desire, wish’ Armen. ai¢ ‘attempt’ O.1.G.
eisca ‘a demand, request’ Lith. jészkd-ti ‘seek, try’. yes~ ‘be’:
Gr. foxes ‘was’, O.Lat. escd. y7bha- “show, make appear’
(p. 56 footnote): Armen. ba-ci “I opened’, Gr. gd-oxw ‘I make
known, say, affirm’.

From *§n-2- gn-d- ‘noscere’ ygen- (§ 587 p. 128):
O.Pers. xina-sd-tiy conj. ‘noscat’ (I § 403 p. 298), Gr. Epir.
yrioxm (cp. Att. yr-yraioxn), Lat. gnoscd nosed.

Of -esko- there no example in more than one language.

§ 671. Aryan. Skr. p-chd-ti ar-cha-ti ‘hits, reaches,
injures’ (pluperf. dnarcha-t § 854) er-. . Avest. ter'-sa-iti
O.Pers. tarsa-tiy ‘is afraid’: Lith, triszu, see § 670. Skr.
mircha-ti ‘congeals, stiffens’ (perf. mumarcha ete,), beside
partic. martd-s. Skr. har-cha-ti ‘slides, glides, falls’ (caus.
hirchaya-ti), probably from hvar- ‘lead astray, disturb’ (2"4 sing.
mid. ju-hir-thas). Skr, gd-cha-ti Avest. jasa-iti (j- instead of
g-, see 1 § 451 Rem. p. 334): Gr. Ba-oxs, 1 gem= ‘go’, see
§ 670; Skr. yd-cha-ti beside yam-a-ti ‘holds, directs’, Avest.
yasaiti') and yasaité (the latter for *jm-); as regards the change
of accent in gdcha-ti ydcha-ti (instead of *gachd-ti *yachd-ti)
see I § 672 p. 537, IV § 516 p. 82. Skr. vafcha-ti ‘wishes’
(pass. vafch-ya-t2 ete.), which should regularly be *pa-cha-ti,
ground-form *y-ske-ti (op. desid. vé-va-sa-ti),*) Vwen- Skr, vdn-
a-ti, op. O.H.G. toun-se m. ‘wish’ (IL $90 p. 276). Skr. yii-cha-ti
‘keeps afar, wards off’ (with irregular accent, which should be

1) Connected perhaps with O.Pers, 34 sing. mid. ayasala, seo
Bartholomac, Bozz. Beitr. xiv 246 f.

2) The same analogical intrusive nasal in ji-ghd-ea-ti, seo § 667
p. 198.

204 Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gé-cha-ti, $$ 671,672.

compared with that of girdmi beside girdmi, and its like, $ 516
p. 82) beside yu-yd-ti. Avest. Su-sa-iti $a-sa-iti ‘goes, hastens,
rushes’ ground-form *gifl-ske-ti beside Skr. cydo-a-té (cp. 1§ 448
p- 333, § 473.4 p. 350). Skr. prchd-ti (perf. papracha and
so forth) Avest, per‘saiti ‘asks’ O.Pers. imper. parsd: Lat. posed,
see § 670. Avest. ner“*f-sa-iti ‘wanes, decreases’ (of the moon).
Skr. ichd-ti Avest. isaiti “desires, wishes’, y~ais-, see § 670.
Skr. uchd-ti Avest. usaiti ‘shines, flashes up’ from Ar, was-
‘shine’, op. Lith. afiszo ‘it dawned’ where se =sk. Avest, zwafsa-
-iti; VC suep- sup- ‘sleep’; tafsa-iti ytep- “to warm’, cp. Lat.
teptsco; for the fs in these two present stems ep. Bartholomae,
Bezz. Beitr. xm 74 f. Avest. ydsa-iti ‘goes, begins’ beside
Skr. yd-ti. O.Pers. xindsa-tiy conj. ‘noscat’: Gr. yrni-oxm ete.,
see § 670. Avest. cwisaiti ‘sweats’ for *xwitsa- (I § 473.2
p- 849) from ysueid- may be one of the same class of forms,
or it may contain -so- like cax-Sa-iti, § 659, p. 194.

“ -esko- (§ 669 pp. 200f.) only in Iranian. O-.Pers. a-r-asa-m
I came, reached’ conj. ni-rasatiy beside Skr. y-chd-ti y~er-.
Avest. iS-asa-iti ‘wishes’ beside isu-iti Skr. ichd-ti y~ajs-;
cp. acc. iSase-m ‘a wish’. Avest. hii-asa-iti ‘has authority over,
arranges, understands’, |/ ar. sajé-.

§ 672. Armenian, Here it seems that Idg. *-skh(o)- has
become -¢-, -sk(o)- has become -s-, and -sq(o)- or -sgh(o)- has
become -¢- (cp. § 669 p, 201).

(1) -e- in aorist and present both: hargi ‘I asked’ pres.
har¢ane-m (§ 620 p. 157): Skr. prchd-ti ete., see § 670 p. 203;
it seems to me questionable whether Bugge is right in con-
necting angi ‘I went’ (pres. angane-m) with Skr. gdcha-ti
(Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxx 33), Again, compounded aorists with
-¢-, or =a¢- -cag-. ba-gi ‘I opened’ (pers, ba-na-m § 601
p. 144): Gr. gd-oxm, see § 670 p, 203, mna-gi ‘remained,
awaited’ (pres. mna-m § 581 p. 122), stem, mna- from / men-:
ep. Gr. pu-pevj-oxw. L-¢i “IT filled’ 3" sing. e-li-¢ (pres. l-nu-m
§ 642 p. 180), stem lij- = *plz- from ypel-. ke-gi ‘I lived’
(pres. kea~m § 581 p. 122) from tgej-: similarly Gr. dve-
~fudoroun ‘L revive’. The aorist in -aci, as gitagi ‘I knew’

we

§$$672,673. Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gd-cha-ti. 205

(pres. gitem), and -eei (3" sing. -eag), as lizegi ‘I licked’ (pres.
lizem) seem to be of the same character as Lat. verbs in -ascé
-scd -Iscd and Greek in -aoxw -soxw.

But it must be admitted that an explanation is to seek
why this present suffix came to be used with the aorist, and
as an aorist suffix became productive. Something of the
same sort happened in Greek with the to-suffix; for hargi:
harcane-m = ¢-Bi.a0-ro-v : Bhaor-dvm, see § 682, It would follow
that first hargi as compared with Aareanem got the aorist use;
and afterwards bagi and others like it were used in the same
way. But the problem must remain unsolved so long as the
history of the Idg. s-aorist in Armenian has not been traced.

(2). Isem ‘I hear’ doubtless for *klu-sko- cp. Mid.H.G.
lasche ‘I lurk, listen, play eavesdropper’, § 669 p. 201.

(8) -¢- for -sq- or -sgh- in present stems with -ade-m, as
ahagem ‘I beg, pray’, and in other compound suffixes (Hiibsch-
mann, Arm. Stud. 1 94).

§ 673. Greek. fd-oxs fa-oxe-rs ‘go thou, go ye: Skr.
ga-cha-ti, y~gem-, see § 670 p, 203. mgo-fiwoxw “I come
forth’ for ‘*mJ-skd. dva-Bodoxmv' xarsaXov (Hesych.) for
*ay-skd (ep. PiBewoxm § 678); Igui-oxw ‘I leap for pr. Gr. *thy-
-8kd; ep. Skr. hiircha-ti mircha-ti § 671 p. 208. Adoxw ‘I make
a sound, cry out’ for *Aax-oxm, beside &dax-o-r, tox “I make
like, consider like’ for “frx-oxw, also redupl. éfoxm § 678,
beside foxa, y~weik-. gisyw ‘I mix’ instead of *0oxw for
*wix-oxo (y instead of x following yéyvope guiyqy), ymeik-
mejg-: cp. Lat. misced, O.Ir. con-mescatar ‘miscentur’. 2v-
-Hionw* evevyzdva Hesych. for *dux-oxw, ep. fut. avy-Duts*
avravrijos Hesych., beside trvy-o-y (cp. Osthoff, Perf. 304 f.).
El. dove ‘I suffer, experience’ i. ¢. *na(#)-oxm beside &na9-0-v
atv9-og; Att. etc. mécyw, which seems to be built up with
-skho- ($ 669 p. 202).

ga-dxw ‘I make known, assert, say’; Armen. ba-ci, y~bha-,
see § 670 p. 203. yd-oxw ‘I gape, yawn’, beside &zav-0-y
zi-i, see § 611 p. 150. fo-oxw ‘I feed, pasture’ beside
Boi-reg.

206 Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gi-cha-ti. § 673,

Epir. yr-c-oxm (Att, y-7ve-onm) ‘I get to know, learn’:
O.Pers. xind-sd-tiy eto, see § 670 p. 203. dyj-oxo-nue “I say”
stem uré-, YOuer-, Fo-z-oxw" vod, Fod-oxew' dvapenrioxew
Hesych., ep. Curtius Gr. Etym.§ 257. In dvyj-oxw Dor. Ind-ox
‘I die’ there is doubtless not really an d-suffix, as it may eome
from 1ghen- by way of *ghi-skd = *qa-oxw (Osthoff, op. cit.
366 f.).

Att. Fpyoxw, Foyjoxw Acol, Fratoxw Ton. yoxtoxouwa have
altered slightly in form by analogy of -coxw (sp-doxw ete.), from
which they get «; the same may be said of Att, puewjoxw
Acol. papvaivxw ($ 678).

agéoxw ‘I please’. xogtoxm ‘I satisfy’. yypdoxo ‘I grow old’.
yevedoxw ‘I grow a beard’. edvoxw ‘I make drunk’.

Tonic iterative preterite; qeviyxoxoy from gevyw ‘I flee’,
2ottecxov from Zoltw ‘L strive’, Pooxcoxouny from Booxe ‘I pasture’,
einsoxov from elnoy ‘I said’, avdijoaoxor beside aidyon “I spoke,
said’, paveoxoy beside épdyyy ‘Ll appeared’. As a possible course
of the developement I suggest the following. The first step
was, on the analogy of gy-si : pa-oxw qa-oxor to form Toraoxoy
from formu; again 7ocon ; éptoxw apsoxoy produced xuisoxouny
beside éxatzou; and yeverato : yeveedoxw ysveiuoxoy gave rise to
Gixtaoxoy from gintatw, and so forth. Each of these has
its direct analogue; the next step was to form similar iterative
preterites from stems which offered no such analogue among
forms with -oxo-.

‘The origin of -xw in forms like sigéoxw ‘I find’ ddfoxopeca
‘I am caught’ is not quite clear; compare the reduplicated
dg-ag-ioxm ‘I join’. I now offer a new conjecture, and give
up that which was suggested in vol. If § 90 p, 275. My
present view is that « is the same in this suffix as in ogi-ww
éplvm aylvw (§§ 650, G52 p. 186), that is to say, it is
the “root determinative” -i-. Then we analyse cpapioxw as
ag-agi-oxa, and connect it directly with dgePud-g vj-pero-¢
O.H.G. r-tm ‘row, series, number’, See further in § 841, on
aiod ‘I breathe’, for *aFt-o-9w, and others of the same kind,

aa

$674, Present Stem: Class XXIT — Skr. gd-cha-ti. 207

§ 674. Italic. Lat. ha-scd (beside hia-sed), beside hi-a-re
OILG. gi-no-m O.Icel. gi-n (§ 605 p. 146, § 608 p. 147).
glt-scd, beside Skr. jrdy-a-ti (I $ 402 p. 297). sctscd, beside
seid. ndscor for "gni-scd(r), ground-form *gi-scd, y~ gen-
(I § 258 p. 206). posed for *porc-scd: Skr. pychd-ti ete,, see
§ 670 p. 208. com-pescd dis-pescd for *pere-scd or “pare-scd,
Osc. com-parascuster ‘consultus erit’ beside O.Lat. comperce
‘compesce’ (Paul. D.) Ose. kii]m-parakinefs ‘consili’ or ‘con-
yoeatae contionis', doubtless connected with Skr. parc- ‘mix,
blend, unite, give in fullness’ (sam-parc- ‘communicare quid
eum quo’).!) misced is doubtless derived from *miscd ($ 802)
Gr. uioya, see § 673 p. 205. Umbr. eiscurent ‘poposcerint,
arcessierint’: Skr. ichd-ti etc., see § 670 p. 203. vescor for
*ve-tscdr i.e. éd-+-scd(r), y~ed-, ep. véscu-s and ésca (I § 90
pp- 275 f., G. Meyer in the Lit. Centralbl, 1890, col. 1513).
posed ‘I drink’ Cic. Verr. 1 1.66 (Stowasser, Wiener Stud.
xu $26 f.), ep. pd-sca. pa-scd, perf. pa-vt.

Tn pos-tulare Osc. pes-tlim ‘templum’ Umbr. pes-klum
‘supplicationem, sacrum’ (-klo- for -tlo-, I § 367 p. 278),*) die~
=pes-tu-s, miz-tu-s mis-tu-s, and pas-tu-s, the group -st- need
not be derived from -sk-t-. Compare O.H.G. la-s-tré-n as
compared with Mid.H.G. la-sche etc., § 669 p. 201. This
guides us in our view of Umbr. persnimu imper. ‘supplicato’,
derived from an abstract *persni- (§ 777) made with the suffix
-ni- (IL § 95 p. 286).

gn-0-sc3 nd-scd, pf. (g)nd-vt : O.Pers, xind-sd-tiy ete., see
§ 670 p. 203, er-é-scd, pf. cré&vi. qui-é-scd, pf. quié-rt,
ep. Avest, Sy@-iti-& O.Pers. siya-ti-§ IT § 100 p. 297. viné-scd,
part. vié-tw-s, ep. Skr. jyd-ni- “frailty, frailness, weakness of
old age’ (not so Per Persson, Stud, Lehr. Wurzelerw., 79).

1) dis-pescd was moroly coinod to express the opposite of com=pescd,
ax dis-jungé as the opposite of con-jungo. Compare tho Author, dg.
Forsch. 1.175. — Is Ose. parak- for *prak- = *prk- or for *prak- *ppk=?
See « new treatment by Buck, Der Vocalismus der osk. Spr., 140.

2) Umbr,-Ose. perk- is a contamination of pork- and prek- (Lat.
po(rjacé und precdri),

We

208 Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gd-cha-t?. §§ 674-676,

rub-é-scd beside rub-t-s O.C.SI. riid-é-ti, con-tic--scd beside
tac-é-s O.1.G. dag-é-s, and others, see § 590 p. 182. hi-a-scd
beside hi-d-s hi-d-tu-s Lith. 4i-d-ju ‘I open my mouth’, ep. hi-
-3c0 above.

A large number of new forms, the Inchoative or Inceptive
Verbs, were produced by the analogy of sct-scd : scid, rubé-scd:
rubed, hid-sed: hid and similar parallel stems from one root.
Examples of these are obdormiscd from dormid, flavéscd from
flaved, amascd from amd. By degrees the endings -ised ~éscd
-ascd grew quite independent of the character of the stem to
which they were affixed, and we get such forms as conticiscé
mitéscd. The inceptive meaning was probably not due to
anything in the suffix -sco-, but arose from the fact that
certain verbs which had it, eréscd ad-oléscd to wit, of necessity
implied an inceptive meaning. These verbs suggested a
distinction, which was carried on into others, and the
inceptive type arose; hence caelum rubescit was distinguished
from caelum yrubet, and so forth, In late Latin these verbs
had a causal meaning, e. g. innotéscd ‘I become known’, later
‘I make known’. On this see Sittl, Arch. Lat. Lexioogr.,
1516 ff.

Remark. It is very doubtful whether the Italic branch had forma
with Idg. -eskd or forms like Gr. edpiomw, See Sittl, op. cit, pp. 490 ff.,
Osthoff, Perf. 157, 257 f.

§ 675. Keltic. Only a few present stems have -sko-.
O.Ir, nascim ‘I bind’ perf. ro menase-sa, beside nase ‘ring’
O.FL.G, nuscia ‘clasp, buckle, brooch’, y~nedh-, ground-form
*ydh-+-sko- (see Osthoff, M. U. v p. vi). faiscim (which has
adopted jo-flexion) Mod.Cymr. gwasgaf ‘I press, squeeze’, pos-
sibly akin to Skr. vah-a-té “presses, squeezes’. With d-flexion
con-mescatur “miscentur’ (inf. do mescad), beside Gr. picym

Vomeik-, § 673 p. 205.

§ 676. Germanic. Only a few present stems have -sko-.
O.H.G. ir-lisku ‘I am extinguished’, originally probably ‘I lay

$867,677. Present Stem: Class XXII — Skr. gd-cha-ti. 209

myself down’, ground-form *legh+-skd, beside Goth. ligu ‘I lie’.?)
Mid.-I.G. krische ‘I shriek’ pr. Germ, *krit-sko, beside Mid.H.G,
dertge ‘I shriek’. O.H.G. wascu ‘I wash’ probably pr. Germ.
*yat-sko, beside Skr. undd-mi ‘I wet’ Goth. vatd O.Ir. usce
‘water’. Less certain is Goth. priska O.H.G. driscu ‘I thresh,
thrash’, which is compared sometimes with Lith. tresakit
"I crackle, crack, crash’ O.C.SI. fréskit ‘noise, crash’ troska
‘thunder-elap’, and sometimes with Gr. rgfpw ‘I rub’ (Idg.
“trggd according to Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx 952).
If we connect priska with Lat. terd (Benfey, Gr. Wurzel-lex.,
1 263), it might be derived from *tr-eskd and compared with
O.Pers. a-r-asa-m Gr. dg-é-ox etc. (§ 669 p. 201). Lastly,
it seems we must place here Goth. ga-orisga ‘I bear fruit,
rehogooa, which Diefenbach connects with A.S. wridan ‘to
grow’ and Skr. vardh- ‘to grow’ (Vergl. Wirterb. der Got. Spr.,
1 241),

Many present stems with -sko- have weak inflexion, and
apparently were derived from sko-nouns. O.H.G. twunsefi)e
‘I wish’ from twunse ‘a wish’: Skr. vafcha-ti, see § 671 p. 203.
O.H.G. susc(i)u Mid.H.G. ziische “exuro, oburo’, beside Skr. du-
-né-ti ‘burns’, Mid.H.G. lasche ‘I lurk, play eavesdropper’ beside
O.H.G. la-s-tre-n ‘I listen, obey’, V7 hlew- ‘hear’ (cp. § 669 p. 201).
O.H.G. forscd-n ‘I ask’ beside forsca ‘enquiry, question’: Skr.
prehé-ti ete., see § 670 p. 208. O.HL.G. eiscd-n “I ask, demand’
beside eisca ‘request, demand’: Skr. ichd-ti etc., see § 670 p. 208.
Mid.H.G. rasche ‘I rush, roar’, beside A.S. hrite ‘I rush, roar,
snore’. Mod.H.G. haschen ‘to snatch’ = Goth, *haf-skon from
haf- ‘eapere’. Very uncertain is the comparison of Goth. and-
-hruska ‘I investigate, attempt, essay’ 3" sing. -hruskdi-p with
Lat, seratart; see 1 § 527 p. $88, and Fick, Bezz. Beitr. vu 95
(Thurneysen, Kuhn’s Zeitechr. xxx 852 f.).

§ 877. Balto-Slayonic. Here too this class of present
stems has quite fallen into the background. We find sometimes

1) Aceording to Osthoff (Wiener Stud. x 174) for *lea-sko, akin to
Mid.H.G. er-lezwen “to grow weak’.
Urugmann, Clemeny, IV, iW

210 Present Stem: Clase XXIII — Gr. di-da(x)-ouw. $$ 677,678,

Lith. -se- 0.0.81. -s- = Idg. -sk-, and sometimes Lith. -sk-
(-s2k-) 0.0.81. -sk- = Idg. -sg-, see § 669 pp. 201 £.

Lith. triska ‘flickers, lightens’, ep. Avest. Jwisra- ‘gleaming,
shining’. Lith. treszki ‘I crackle’, cp. § 676. O.C.SL. iske ‘I try’:
Skr. ichd-ti ote., see § 670 p. 203, cp. Lith. jésskaw ‘I try’
inf. jészk6-ti (like O.HLG. cisedn) and 0.0.81. istq ‘I try’ for
*isk-iq (I § 147 pp. 133 £).

In addition, compare Lith. afiszo ‘it dawned’ (pres. aiise-
-ta), beside Skr. uchd-ti, § 671 p. 204; gaissat ‘I loitered,
tarried’ (pres. gaisz-tt), beside Lat. haered; driskat ‘I am torn
in pieces’ possibly from the y~der- whence nu-dirta-s ‘flayed’
Gr. Woo.

It is impossible to decide whether the sibilant in Lith.
su-miszaii ‘I meddled, mixed myself with, got into confusion’
(pres. su-miszti), maiszy-ti O.C.SL mésieti ‘to mix') from
Vo meik-) represents Idg. -f- or -k-s- (ep. Skr. mekSaya-ti) or
-k-sk- (op. Lat. misced otc.).

Class XXIL.
Reduplicated Root 4+ -sko- forming the Present Stem.

§ 678. This type is demonstrable only in Greek and
Ttalic. Gr. diddoxm ‘I teach’ for *di-dax-oxw ep. perf. de-diday-«
de-diday-uor, Lat. discd for *di-te-scd op. perf. didic-t, op. Avest.
daz-a-t ‘I taught’ § 669 p. 201. In discd the root syllable is
treated exactly as it is in Sanskrit desideratives of the type
dikgaté, see § 667 p. 199. For the « of diddoxm ep. Bartho-
lomae, Bezz. Beitr. xv 121.

Lat. discd is isolated in Italie; but Greek gives a number
of reduplicated forms besides ddiaxa,

With i as the reduplicating vowel: rervoxopxa “I make,
prepare’ (re-réoxero Hesych.) for "re-rux-dxo-, beside tvx-o-¢
“hammer, pick’ Skr. ték-man- ‘shoot, sprout’. i-fod-oxm ‘I cat,
swallow’, cp. foc-oxw for “ap-scd § 673 p. 205. yeyra-oxw
*noaco’, op. Epir. yro-oxm § 673 p. 206. yut-errj-oxm ‘I remind,

all

88 679,050. Prosent Stem: Class XXIV — Skr. c&ta-ti. 211

mention’ beside Armen. mna-ci § 672 p. 204. di-dpd-oxw Ton.
di-dp7j-oxm ‘T run’. On the iota of Att. ueryfoxm Acol. pupvatoxw
see § 673 p. 206.

Reduplicated with ¢: rervoxero beside rrtvoxoua, see
above. éé-foxw ‘I make like’ for *Fe-Fe(x)-oxw beside ioxw § 673
p- 205. ds-di-oxouee “I fear, am terrified’ from ydyei-
(cp. Osthoff, Perf. 888 ff.).

dg-ag-toxm "I join’, like stg-loxw § 673 p. 206.

G. cuass XXIV.
ROOT + ~o- (-t-) FORMING THE PRESENT STEM.

§ 679. The suffix -to- in verbs is often just as clearly
the same as the noun suffix (II §§ 79 ff. pp. 218 ff.) as we
found to be the case with -no-, -so-, and -sko-. Compare
Gr. E-Siao-ro-y with Piuo-rd-¢ Pido-ry.

Non-thematic forms are very rare, and only Aryan, so
that I cannot set apart a class for this group alone. Skr. dyu-
-tand-s beside dyé-ta-te ‘shines’, d-cé-t-i cl-t-dna-s beside
cé-ta-ti ‘takes notice of, observes, yd-t-dna-s ya-t-dnd-s beside
ya-ta-te ‘joins itself, strives’. Compare the nouns dyéd-t- cf-t-
-ya-t-, which belong to the same kind as ri-t- hri-t- If § 123
p- 891; the connexion of the noun suffixes -- and -to- is
obvious.

~to- is confined to the present stem only in Greek, Italic,
and Baltic, and there not always.

§ 680, Pr.Idg.1) *sp(h)J-té *sp()f-té from y~sp(hel-
‘burst, split’ (Skr. phdl-a-ti ‘bursts, splits in two’): Skr. sphuta-ti
(secondary form sphdza-ti) ‘bursts’ (ep. sphafita-s partic. ‘split,
burst), O.H.G. spaltu ‘I split’ (ep. Goth. spilda ‘writing tablet

1) In Per Perason's work on Waurzelorweiterang, pp. 28 ff., the
determinative ¢ is assumed for many instances not here given; amongst
others, for those in which we havo held that ¢ is part of the root
Proper: e. g. Skr. karta-ti ‘outa’ Lith. Kerth I hew, cut’, which aro
dorived from the root of Gr. xsgw; and Skr. edrta-té ‘vertitur’ Lat. verto,
which are derived from the root of Lat, ver-mi-s. é

i

212 Present Stem: Class XXIV — Skr. cé-ta-ti. $680,

Mid.H.G. spelte ‘lance splinter’). From 1gei- (Skr. ci-nd-ti
“ranges side by side, puts in layers, directs one’s notice
towards’): Skr. cé-ta-ti ‘takes note of, observes’, O.C.SI. c¥-te-tit
“counts, reads, honours’, cp. Skr. ci-t-dna-s § 679. Lat. plec-td
‘L twist, twine’ beside plicd, O.ELG. flih-tu ‘I twist’ (ep. Goth.
flah-ta ‘a braid, twist’), ep. Gr. nhex-té-g ‘woven, twisted’
widex-r7j, “rope, net’; the stem plek- which runs through these is
itself an extension of a |“pa*l-, see below. From 1 pel-
(Gr. 2&-w ‘I comb’ Lith. pesz-i ‘I pluck off, tear off, pull
out): Gr. aéxrm (and mexréw § 801) ‘I comb, shear, pluck, pull’,
Lat. pec-t6 ‘I comb, hackle, hack the ground with a mattock’,
O.HL.G. jih-tu ‘I fight, do battle’ (fehta ‘a fight’).!) O.HLG. bristu
O.Tcel. brest ‘I break, tear, burst’ is very nearly akin to the
O.Ir. weak verb brissim ‘I break’ (-ss- for -st-, I § 516 p. 376),
and both must be connected either with Gr. £99 or with
Goth, brika (cp. Stokes, Mém. Soc. Ling., v 419 ff., Per Pers-
son, Wurzelerweiterung 19, 38, and 45); whether brissim
originally belonged to the first conjugation and then passed
into the third, or whether it was originally denominative, is a
doubtful point.

In a few words, -e- is interposed between the root and
-to-; op. Gr. -oy-e-ro-g fgn-s-ro-y Skr. dars-a-td-s and the like,
Il § 79 p.199; further, Gr. a(F)-s-r-ya a(F)-r-r-u0-v from
*we- "u-0- ‘blow’. *m-e-td (beside Gr. duaw “I mow, gather’
ay-rho-y “bilge-water’, O.H.G. ma-t ‘math, mowing’, Skr, dm-c-
-tra-m ‘vessel, jug’): Lat. meto (messut messum), O.C.S1, mete-
-tii ‘turns, verrit’ (inf. mesti, sii-mett ‘dung, manure, ordure’),
ep. Mod.Cymr, Mod.Bret, medi ‘to reap’ Mid.Ir. methel ‘a party
of reapers’ O.Corn, midil ‘messor’, 0.C.SI, pl-e-te-tit ‘twines,

1) For the meaning ‘fight’ compare O.H.G. roufen ‘pull, pluck’,
reflex. ‘wrestle, fight, cut one’s way’, Kluge’s view, given in his
Dictionary, that fiite ia connected with Lat. piig-nus pilg-ndre, that from
the pl. prot. fuktum, which was regurded u4 uo similar form to fluitum,
‘*fuhtu was changed to shim by analogy of sliktu, does not convince my
judgement. On the contrary, I rogard fultum as an adformate of fluditum.
On O.H.G. filst, cited by Kluge, see IT § 101 p. 806, IIT § 164 p. 3.

§$681,682, Present Stem: Class XXIV — Skr. eé-ta-ti. 213

plaits, braids’ (inf. plesti) beside Goth. fal-ba ‘I fold’ ground-
form *p[-t0, beside Gr. di-nud-ro-g Skr. pufa-m ‘a fold’ and
Gr. a-nis-g (IIL § 182 p. 50), from the same root as plek-
Lat, plicd plectd (see above). If this view of pletq is not
accepted we must take refuge in the explanation suggested in
vol. I § 545 p. 399, For it is impossible, in my opinion, to
derive pletq from *plekta, notwithstanding the arguments of Jagié
and Miklosich to the contrary (Jagié, Arch. slav. Phil. x 196,
and Miklosich, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 88); compare Kluge,
Etym. Wart.® s. v. falten, and Wiedemann, Lit. Pritt. 193,

§6si. Aryan. Skr. sphuta-ti, cé-ta-ti, see § 680. nata-ti
‘dances, plays’ Ved. ny-td-mana-s (compare nftya-ti), beside
nar-md-s nar-man- n. ‘joke, sport’. kufa-ti ‘curls, twists itself’,
akin to Lat, cwr-vo-s. yd-ta-té ‘unites with, strives’, beside ya-
tas part. of. yam-a-ti, cp. ydtana-s § 679 p, 211. dyd-ta-te
‘shines’ d-dyu-ta-t, from dyu- dio-, cp. dyutdnd-s § 679 p. 211.
wi-fa-té ‘wraps itself up, clothes or shrouds itself’ (véifaya-ti
vistitd-s) beside vej-ta-s “band, cord, covering’, which doubtless
has nothing to do with eif- ‘enter’, but is connected with
Lith. eys-ta-s ‘woman's bodiee, stays’ oystaw ‘I swaddle or
swathe’ a child, from wei- ‘to wind’, cé§-fa-ti ‘is in motion’
(perf. cicesta) beside cé$-fa-m ‘motion’. 163-fa-t2 “heaps up’ beside
log-td-s lo§-tu-§ ‘clod or lump of earth’; if the same root is
contained in another -fo-form, Lith. ise-tu ‘I break’ intr.
(pret. ¢é#-an), — compare Skr. /é-fu-§ ‘clod’ from rif- lis-
“tear, break off? — [éstaté must be a derivative from the noun,
or at least must have modified its meaning in association with
(ep. § 794, on Skr. mandya-ti).

$682. Greek. There are numerous forms in -x-rw, and
a few which have -rw preceded by some other sound than =.
We begin with the latter. éx-rw has been mentioned already,
§ 680 p. 212. guogrev * dnédave Hesych., op. «og-rd-g ‘mortal’,
pagero-u beside podoooua (= *poax-co-uar) “I shut myself
in, fortify myself’. é-pAa0-ro-y, pres. Biad-ravw ‘I spting up,
arise’ (f2ac-r6-g “shoot, bud’), orig. probably “I get high’ (used

214 Present Stem: Class XXIV — Skr, cé-ta-ti, $6 682,688.

of buds and shoots), beside fim%-p0- ‘springing high, grown
high’ (I § 306 p. 242); jueg-ro-v Lesh. inf. dgBodryy (for
*aufoarny, I § 292 p. 233), pres. dzagravw ‘I miss, err’, pro-
bably from a-ap-ro- d-~Bpa-ro- ‘having no share’ (from the
root of pdp-og edg-0-s), op. duapsty* auaptdvey Hesych. (Curtius,
Verb n° 10 ff., and the Author, Sprachwiss. Abhandl. 160); on
the present stems fdaordvm cpaptravw see § 621 p. 158. Att.
dyirm beside a-viw évi-« ‘I complete’ (§ 639 p. 177) and
partic. dy-zvv-ro-¢ “that cannot be completed’, and similarly Att.
dev'rw beside agiw ‘I create’. ')

Of the numerous Verbs in -x-ra (Curtius mentions 48 of
them), as rvz-rm ‘I strike’ oxdm-rw ‘I dig’ 2éx-rw ‘coquo’, those
whose root originally ended in a velar have the first claim to
a place in our group; such stems are xéarw from y~peg-,
Pidwrw beside Skr. marc-. However, it is possible to see the
suffix -io- (Class XXVI) in every single one; and indeed the
denominatives zadéntm (from zaderd-g) and dorpantw (from
dorgany) in all probability come from *zaisn-cw and *éorpan-pu
(I § 181 p. 119).

Remark. I see no cogent reason for denying that ny may become
xr (op. Kretachmor, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. xxxr 486 f.). All that can be said
against doriving r¥m-rw (cp. rim-o-s) from *rum-tw is that it may just
‘as well contain the present suffix -fo-. But we cannot derive from forms
in -tw those whose root ended in , a8 xe’nrw, which comes from the
root of xpva; nor those whose root ended in g or g, a8 aéwrw beside
older mésow (1~ peg-), rinrowm beside older ww (1 neig-). Still, such
forms us xodnrw can easily be due to the analogy of rénrw, the point of
contact between the stems being xedyw réyw eto. (ep. new forms like
oparre instead of opétw, following ppdrrw, § 714); und thus again, in view
of méjo atc., wo have no proof that wémrw virrowm and all the rest aro
not simply adformatos of rimrw. It is also quite possible (in spite of
Krotschmer's arguments, as cited, p. 487) that Hom. irfrrw beside yéve
Grtoow?), and beside rrfmanor tvivtnoy, was also an adformate of rvnrw,
although in this vorb there is no tvfyw (for #viyw in IL 2 187 ete. is not
from this stem), and this as far as it goes is in favour of a stem with
orig. -ro-.

§ 693. Italic. Lat, plec-t0, pec-td, me-t0, see § 680
p- 212. oitor ator (cp, Ose. dittiuf ‘usio, usus’, Pelig. isa

1) réerw does not come in this group; see § 652, page 107.

alll

§$683—085. Present Stem: Class XXIV — Skr. cé-to-li. 215

abl. ‘usa, consumpta’) perhaps akin to Gr. ol-ro-g ‘fate, lot’ from
V ej- ‘go’ (Danielsson, Pauli’s Alt. Stud. m1 198f.). flec-t0 perhaps
from the root of falz. plec-to-r “I am struck, punished’, either
to be set beside plaga plangd, in which case we must assume
that it came from *plactor when used in compounds, without
an accent (cp. plicd, I § 65 Rem. 2 p, 53); or akin to Lith.
plész-iu "I tear, snatch’ (cp. Gr. déow ‘I flay’ and ‘cudgel’), in
which ease it must be pronounced pléctor. nectd belongs to
vonedh- ‘bind’, and in its ending probably imitated plecto;
see Ber, siichs. Ges. der Wiss., 1890, p. 286 foot-note 2.
With pleru-s i. e. *plect-4-to-, and ‘isus i. e. *oj-t4-to-, we
naturally compare fassu-s i. e. *fa-t+-to-, from fa-teor Gr.
-ga-ro-g ‘said’. Uncertain: Osc. krustatar conj. ‘eruentetur’
according to Biicheler, akin to Gr. xgvo-r-afvw, § 664 p. 197,

§ 684, Keltic. It is doubtful whether brissim ‘I broak’
originally belongs to this class, see § 680 p. 212.

Remark, The so-called ¢-pretorite, which came out of the 3* sing.
mid. in -to, does not belong to this class, See § 516, page 82.

§ 685. Germanic. O.HLG. spal-tu, flih-tu, fih-tu, bris-tu,
Goth. fala O.1.G. faltu see § 680 pp. 212f. Goth. ga-vida
‘T bind up’ 0.1.G, witu ‘I bind’ doubtless for *yi-td, ep. O.H.G.
wi-d ‘line, cord’ wi-da ‘withe, willow’ [Eng. withy) Skr. of
-té-s ‘enfolded, enveloped’ Lith. vej-2 ‘I twist a string’; as the
present got into the company of giba -gita and suchlike, there
were formed Goth. ga-vap O.ILG. wat; ep. below, Goth. vinda.
O4LG. lidu T suffer’ (O.L.G. leid Otcel leid-r ‘painful,
paining, hated’) probably orig. (pr. Germ.) *t-fd and connected
with O.H.G. léwes ‘alas’ (stem “laj-wa-), Goth, hal-da ‘I pro-
tect, guard’ O.ILG. haltu ‘I hold, guard’ ground-form *k]-td,
op. Gr, fov-xddo-¢ ‘cowherd’. Goth. fra-gilda ‘I repay’ O.H.G.
giltu ‘I pay back, give equivalent, offer, pr. Germ. *zel-po (if
we follow the indications given by O.Swed, gialla as compared
with O.Icel. gjalda, we must accent the root), akin to Gr.
aiegeho-v d-phetv, yghel-. Goth. us-alfan-s ‘obsolete’ and
O.Icel. aldenn ‘grown old’ point to al-fa- as the verbal stem,

216 Present Stem: Class XXIV — Ske, cé-a-fi. §§ 685,686,

ep. O.H.G, al-t ‘old’, beside Goth. a-la ‘I grow up’. The
ending of a few onomatopocie verbs, as Goth. kriusta ‘I crunch’
(krust-s ‘a crunching’), O.Icel, gnest ‘I crack’, seems to be of
the same sort as that of O.ILG. bristu O.Icel. brest (O.H.G,
brastin ‘to crack, crackle’); compare the Mid.H.G, weak verb
kristen ‘groan with pain or exertion’ beside trtgen Mid.Dutch
eriten ‘groan, shriek’ (-st- is not for -tt-).

Remark 1, O.H.G. wisu ‘f shun’, which is connected with Lat.
vitd, and which Kluge assign to this class (Paul-Braune's Boltr. 1x 152),
seems more likely to be of the so-class, See § 664 p. 197.

Extended by an j-suffix: Goth. faiirh-tja O.HLG. furiht(iju
‘I fear’ (pret. forah-ta), whence the adj., originally participle,
fatrh-t-s O.L.G. foraht ‘afeared, afraid’.

The suffixal ending -nta is common in Germanic: Goth.
standa O.H.G. stantu ‘I stand’ y~sta-, Goth. vinda O.ILG.
wintu ‘I wind or twist’ y7wej-, O.FLG. swintu ‘I disappear’
beside O.ELG. swi-nu. The forms pret. stop and pres. gavida
make it probable that the nasal is due to the analogy of Class
XVI. For the word swintu, but for no others, we have some
ground for assuming that a no-present (Class XIII) has been
extended by -to-. See § 634 p, 172, and compare Lith.
siunceit § 686, O,CSL ob-resta § 687.

Remark 2. Osthoffs view is that the Idg. had a simple suffix
~net- -nt-, which is preserved in the above named Germanic words and
in others. This to my mind carries no conviction with it. (Soe, for Osthof's
arguments, Zeitschr. doutach. Phil, xxiv 215 ff, and Anzeiger fir idg.
Spr. und Altertumakunde, 1 83.)

§ 686.') Balto-Slavonic. In Lithuanian (and Lettic) are
numerous present stems in -stw and -szfu with intransitive and
inchoative meaning. -sfw arose in roots or stems ending in a

1) Tho Lithuanian and Lettie verbs in -tw are very neatly explained
by Johansson (Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxu 507 ff.) as derived from middle
forms of the 3r4 sing. in -s-fo; ¢. g. Sf sing. rimsta for *ryp-s-fo, op.
Skr. s-nor, d-rq-s-ta; perhaps also forms with no 9, a8 wiFeta = *urt+to,
op. Skr. d-ryt-ran. When tho injunctive rimata vista had come to be
looked on aa parallel to béga sitka (see § 999. 2), the forma rimstu
virsti wore coined on the analogy of bégu suki, and so forth.

687. $687. Presont Btom: Clase XXIV—Skr. cdteti SAT Skr, cé-tasti. 217

dental explosive or s, and -setw in roots with final palatal
explosive, virs-ti ‘I fall down’, pret. virt-at. bljs-ta “evening
draws on’, pret. blind-o. girs-tih “I get to hear’ pret. gird-ait,
ges-th ‘I am quenched, go out’, pret. ges-ai.1) #s-t ‘I stretch,
lengthen myself’, pret. tjs-ai (cp. t2-s-i% § 657 p. 191, $ 665
p. 197). tuse-tw ‘I break’ intr, pret. @é-au. -setu may also
come from -stu by the influence of preceding r, as in mirsetit
"I forget’ pret, mirsz-ai, beside Skr. mar§- (I § 587.1 p. 442).

Verbs in -stw were the starting point for many new forma-
tions, as kil-stu ‘I raise myself’, pret. Ail-ait; styr-stit ‘I stiffen’,
pret. styr-ait; pa-#-stu ‘I know’, pret, pa-dinail; ritk-stu ‘I grow
sour, ferment’, pret. rig-au; dit-stu ‘I grow dry, wither’, pret.
dZite-au inf, d#it-ti. New forms in -sztu; mir-setu ‘T die’,
pret. mér-iat, cp. Gr. &uoo-rew § 682 p. 213.

Often the stems which serve as groundwork for these
words already have present formative suffixes; ¢. g. foi-stu ‘T
swell out’ (pret. tvin-a) derived from *ty-inu, sce § 624 p. 161;
jiink-stu "T grow accustomed’ (pret. jinkau) from *junku akin
to Skr. we-ya-ti, o7s-th ‘I increase, grow larger’ from *vinsu
cp. pret. vis-at, see § 635 p. 173; aiise-ta ‘day dawns’ from
a sko-present *ausza connected with Skr. uchd-ti, see § 677
p. 210.

Denominatives too were formed in this class. gelsti: ‘I grow
yellow’ pret. geltat from gelta-s ‘yellow’, Karsti: ‘I grow bitter’
pret, karfai from kartit-s ‘bitter’, brankstic I grow dear’ pret.
brangat from brangi-s ‘dear’, Zastu ‘I fish’ pret. Zevad from
Suv-i-s ‘a fish’. Compare § 793.

Remark 1. Bozzenberger (Beitr. 1x 886) and Wiedemann (Lit.
Priit., 60) deny that the Lithuanian fo-prosent series is connected with
those of the other Idg. languages. It cortainly is queer that only one
Lith. to-present has cognates in other languages, namely mirsst« ‘I die’,

which comes from the same root a3 Gr. Fyoers-v; and this comparison
‘is a very precarious foundation for any thoory.

1) Parallel stem, dial. gitv. The / in this and similar forms (see
Wiedemann, Lit. Prit., $) 1 regard as a re-formation on the analogy of
Lith, roots such as gris- glib- (beside gres- yleb-) with ri = pf
Similarly O.C.SL. fici ete. following viet, § 584 p. 96.

—

218 Prosent Stem: Class XXV — Skr. y-dhe-ti kar-da-ti. §§ 686—688.

siunezitt ‘I send’ (inf. sigsti) doubtless instead of *siunty
like jing-iu instead of *jung-u ete.; and if this word be
connected with Skr. sdv-a-ti suv-d-ti ‘sets in motion, drives,
sends’ (Wiedemann, Lit. Priit., 84) we should have in *su-n-td
a present like Goth. vi-n-da § 685 p. 216.

Remark 2 The 84 sing, e-t(i) ‘goos’ Wkt-(i) ‘remains’ méb-t(i)
‘loops’ «és-f(i) ‘site’ (§ 511, pp. 76 £.), gave rise to the dialectic forms
Lith. eit cith ettam eltat, lékti méktit séstu, and so forth, and similarly,
‘in Lettio, 1° pl. team follows t-¢ ‘goes’ (Bexzenberger in his Beitr. 1x 884 ff).
This re-formation, which has an exact parallel in Keltic (§ 506 p. 72),
‘was in some degree due to the fo-present stems: -((i) and -t(a) were
regarded as the same in structure.

§ 687. O.C.SI. é-tq, m-e-ta, pl-e-tg, see § 680 p. 212.
rasta ‘I grow’ inf. rasti (rastit ‘growth’, rastt ‘usury , interest’)
for *rad +- tq, cp. rodit ‘birth’. Mention should also be made
of ob-rétti ‘I found’, if this is to be connected with réjq ‘I
knock’; to this the present -reétq (§ 636 p. 174) would have
just the same kind of relation as Goth. sta-n-da to stop (§ 685
p. 216).

H. chass XXYV.
Root + -dho- and -do- forming the Present Stem.

§ 688. Although under certain circumstances dh could
become d in the parent language ([§ 469.8 p. _), that is not
the reason why I class -dho- and -do- together now. It is not
that I regard them as being always variants of the same suffix;
but simply because in some languages dh and d ran together
and became indistinguishable, which makes it often quite
impossible to say which of the two is used with a given form.

The dh-suffix which we see in forms like Gr. fot-dw 26-In
ah7j-3w gieyimu has often been derived from y~dhe- ‘place,
do’ (Skr. dédha-ti ete.), this being deduced from other compounds
of this root, both old and new, about which there can be no
doubt, as “swe-dhé- *syé-dhe- *syd-dhé- ‘make one’s own’ in
Skr. soa-dhd ‘custom, wont’ Gr. &-d-w» ‘consuetus’ é-F-0¢ 7-9-

=

§§683,689. Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yd-dha-ti kiir-da-ti. 219

og sim-t-, Skr. srdd-dadhami ‘I believe, trust’ Lat. crédo
O.Ir. cretim (IL § 4 p. 9, § 160.1 p. 479), Avest. yaos-daiti
yaoi-dadaiti ‘makes something right, purifies’ from yao’ = Skr.
y6§ ‘weal, luck, happiness’. This may indeed be the real origin
of all such stems. The consonant which began the second part
of the compound stem became practically the ‘root-ending’ in
Botta péseta, very much in the same way as the p in gdp-
-a-ti ju-gop-a gop-sya-ti etc. from gd-pd- go-p-d-.

Just so the suffix -d- may sometimes be the ydd-, which
in addition to its meaning ‘give’ had other meanings like those
of dhé- (Osthoff, Perf. p. 237), ep. I § 404 pp. 298 f, on
Skr. mydd-ti_ pr. Ar. *my-da-ti.

The thematic stems in -o- (-dho-, -do-) were originally not
the only ones which contained these additional suffixes. But
although not the only stems, thematic stems were commonest
of all in this connexion, and without doubt this was generally
true in the original language. We shall have occasion to point
this out when we find other stems parallel to those in -o-.

§ 689. Pr.Idg. -dho-.") yyel- ‘to wish, rule’ (Lat.
tel-le O.Ir. flaith ‘lordship’): Goth. val-da ‘I have power, rule’,
O.CSI. ola-da ‘I have power, rule’ (for *vol-dq), both for uf-dh-,
ep. Lith. vat-d-ai; parallel stem Lith. vet-du ‘I rule’ pa-vétdu
‘I inherit’ (Pruss. weldinai pl. ‘heritages’). From *sger-dh-,
beside Lith. skit-ti ‘to sever, part’: O.H.G. scrintu ‘I burst,
am shattered’ by transfer to Class XVI (§ 634 p. 171),
Lith. skérdgiu ‘l burst, or blow up’, which is derived from a
form *sker-du (§ 765). From the root of Skr, yu- ‘to mix,
stir, disturb’: Skr. yd-dha-ti ‘gets in motion’ (yudh-ya-té,

1) Per Persson, in his Wurzelerw., pages 95 ff, sees the determinative
dh and d in many instances besides those for which they are hore
assumed. Some of these are words in which dh or d is taken in this
book to be part of the root proper; ¢. g. Skr. gfdh-ya-ti, which he derives
from the root of O.HLG. yer ‘desiring’, and Gr, vido Goth. mita, which
he derives from |“ mé- ‘moasure'’. For a now discussion of forms with
determinative d seo Johansson, Idg. Forsch. u 42 ff., and 46 ff.

220 Prosent Stem: Class XXV — Ske. yd-dha-ti keir-da-ti. $8 689,690.

2° sing. yét-si), Lith. judd ‘I move trembling’, jundi ‘I get
into a trembling movement, into uproar’ (pret. judai inf. jist)
by transfer to Class XVI (§ 635 p. 172), compare Gr, topi'v-y
‘battle’ ie. “W9-+-ourv- (IL § 115 p. 859), Lat. juba jubeo
(Bugge, Bezz. Beitr. xtv 58 f.).1) From ré- (Lat. reor ré-ri):
Skr. d-ra-dha-t ‘brought to a happy conclusion, set right’
(rddh-ya-te rvadh-no-ti), Goth. ga-réda ‘I consider, I bestir
myself’ ur-réda ‘I give judgement, decide’ O.ILG. ratu
‘L advise, think of, conjecture, prepare carefully’, op. 0,C.S1.
raditi ‘to consider, care for’. From the same root as Lith,
té-ju'l spread abroad’: A.S. hia-de ‘I load, cover with portable
things’ (ground-form “glo-dhd), O.C.S1. kla-dq ‘I invite, lay
down’ (cp. Kluge, Etym. Wart. s. v. laden).

‘Two other forms, which others with less reason regard as
reduplicated, will also come in here: Skr. partic. dédhat- ‘shaking,
violent, storming’ (diidh-i-§ ‘violent’) and Gr. Drioooua (for
*v9-y0-nr) “I shake or stir myself’, both connected with Skr.
dhai- ‘to shake’.

§ 690. Prldg. -dé-. y(s)ger- (Gr. oxaiow “I leap,
jump, dance’): Skr. hwr-da-ti ‘jumps, leaps’, ep. Gr. xpad-ao
‘I swing, brandish’ xépd-at a kind of dance, Mid.H.G. scherze
schirze (weak verb) ‘I jump in a lively way’, y7mel- (Lat,
mold, Skr. mla-ti ‘grows soft, slackens’ O,[r. mlaith ‘soft, slack’,
see § 580 p. 122): Skr. vi-mrada-ti ‘softens’, A.S. mel-te
‘I melt, grow soft’ (Goth. ga-maltein-s ‘loosening, solution’),
ep. Skr. mydi-§ ‘soft’ compar. mrddiyas-, Gr, anaddéivw ‘I soften,
weaken’ Phad-agd-¢ ‘slack, loose, loosened’, Lat. molli-s for
*mold-y-i-s; Skr. mrad- = *mml-e-d- with the same intermediate
vowel ¢ which is seen in Gr. é-ay-e-Jo-r § 694 Lat. m-e-td
§ 680 p. 212; from the same root we have a stem *mel-dh-
Skr, mdrdha-ti ‘slackens, gets lazy or sluggish’ Gr. paddaxd-y
‘soft, tender’ (beside pataxd-c) uakdow (gen. -wv-0c) ‘weakling’

1) Another, but hardly better explanation of jubed may be soen in
Bezzonberger's Beitriige, xvr 216 (Froehde).

EC

§§690—e92. Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yO-dha-ti kareda-ti, 221

O.Sax. mildi ‘mild, gracious, gentle’, so that it is impossible to
decide whether -dh- or -d- is contained in O.Ir. meldach
‘acceptus, gratus’, Lith. meldéiz ‘I beg’, O.C.SI. mladit ‘tender’.
Connected with Lat. sal sal-is: Lat. sallé for *sal-do (I § 369
p- 280), Goth. sal-ta ‘I salt’. ghey- ‘pour’ (Gr. yw yri-rp@):
Lat. funds (perf. fadi) conjugated in Class XVI (§ 632
p- 169),!) Goth. giuta O.H.G. giuge ‘I pour’, ypley- ‘float,
swim’ (Gr. xAs(FJw): O.H.G. flingu O.Icel. figt ‘I flow’, Lith.
plaudgiu ‘I wash, purify’ (inf. plausti), pludziu ‘I chatter’
(inf. plusti), piste ‘I begin to swim, get swimming’ (pret.
phidau), cp. O.Ir. do-lod-sa ‘ivi’ 3" sing. do-luid § 697.
Vspreu- (Lett. sprau-jii-s ‘I rise, spring up’, of seed):
Mid.H.G. spriuge A.S, sprite ‘I sprout’ (AS. spredt ‘stalk,
shaft’ O.H.G. spriuga “prop, pillar” O.1.G. sproggo “sprout’),
Lith. sprdudiiu ‘I push forcibly into a narrow space, press’
(inf, sprdusti) spréstu ‘I push my way out of a holdfast or fix,
get out’ (pret. spridau). With Lat. clav-i-s: clau-dd, compare
O.Fris. slitte (for *sklit-) ‘I close’ (O.HLG. sliugu is doubtless
*slagu transformed by analogy).

Following the same lines of reasoming, I derive Skr.
sodda-té Gr. ids-ru from *sya-de-taj ‘enjoys with gusto’, and
Skr. sedda-ti Gr. idavd-g ‘suavis’ from *sy-e-de-ti (cp. Skr.
mr-a-da-ti above); these forms are obviously akin, and I can
see no other way of bringing them together.

§ ol. Aryan. (I.) -dho-. Skr. yo-dha-ti, d-ra-dha-t,
dé-dhat-, see § 689, Skr. d-kru-dha-t ‘got angry’ (kridh-ya-ti),
Avest. xrao-da-itt ‘is anxious’, greu- Skr. kri-rd-s ‘coarse,
rough, terrible, gruesome’. Avest. a-rao-ila-p ‘flowed’ (raodaye-
-iti) from srey- Skr. srdv-a-ti (r- = *sr-, ep, O.Pers, rauta-
I § 558.3 p. 414), cp. Skr. vi-srith- ‘stream, body of water’
(he = -dh-, 1 § 480 p. 354), Gr. gvd-po-g. Ske. sré-dha-ti
‘he goes wrong’, beside a-srémdn- ‘without error, faultless’,
Skr. sddha-ti ‘gets to the goal, puts in order’ may be derived
from {/ sé (Skr. sd- ‘to bring to an end, conclude’ vy-ava-sami

1) For f in funds, see Buck, Am, Journ, Phil, x1 215 f.

222 = Present Stem: Class KXW — Ske. yd-dha-ti hiimda-ti, — §8 692,699.

a-sa-t, Lat. sdru-s, O.Ir. si-r ‘lasting long or for ever’
Umbr. sevom Osc. sivom ‘omnino’ = *sé-yo-m).

§ 692. (2.) -do-. Skr. kar-da-ti, mr-a-da-ti, svd-da-to
sv-d-da-ti, see § 690 p, 220. Skr. tar-da-ti (gramm.) ‘pierces,
splits, opens’ (trndt-ti), akin to tdr-a-fi ‘traverses’, cp. Lith.
tréndu ‘I am eaten of worms or moths’ § 637 p. 174 and
tridé ‘diarrhoea’ pra-trgste ‘I fall ill of diarrhoea’ (pret.
-trijdau).) Skr. khd-da-ti “bites to pieces, chews’ beside khdn-
-a-ti ‘digs, grubs’. Skr. mpdd-ti ‘is gracious, pardons’ for
*my2-da-,*) op. Avest. mer*idika- n. ‘grace, pardon’, either from
the root of merg- ‘wipe off Skr. myjd-ti ‘wipes off, purifies of
guilt’, or from that of Skr. mf$-ya-te ‘forgets’ Lith. mifsz-ti ‘to
forget’ (cp. Lith, ué-mirse-dinu -mirgdinu ‘I cause to forget’).
Skr. rda-té “honours, praises, prays to’ (é-f2) for *i2-da-taj, either
connected with ydj-a-ti ‘honours, reverences, offers’ partic. i§-td-s
Gr. G-v0-¢ ‘honourable, sacred’, or with Lat. aes-tumare Goth.
dis-tan weak verb ‘to revere, observe, have regard for’ O.H.G.
ér-a ‘honour’; it should be remarked that the Gothic verb may
be derived from Idg. *aiz-d- or from Idg. *ajs-t-, either one
or the other, Avest. traog-da-iti ‘hardens’ (arugd-ra- ‘hard’)
beside Gr, xpvo-raivw “I make to freeze’, in which s is itself
an extension (§ 664 p. 197); perhaps from the same root,
Skr. kradaya-ti ‘makes thick’ krédd-s ‘breast, boar’. Lastly,
we are doubtless right to add Skr, héda-mana-s hida-mana-s
“being angry with some one, hostile’ Avest. 2diéda- ‘ugly,
disagreable, algyod¢’.)

§ 993. 3. -dho- or -do-, uncertain which. To this place
belong Avestic verbs. syaz-da-iti ‘gives place, disappears’, ep.

1) y in -tryjstu is not original. By analogy of é-roots were formed
trédéiu ‘I have diarrhoea’ traidint ‘I excite diarrhoea’.

2) Moro oxactly mfdd-ti, answering to lidhd- for *ligdhd- (I § 404
pp. 298 f.). The long f is certain from the metre; see Benfey, Vedion
und Verwandtes, pp. 1 ff, Oldenberg, Die Hymnen des Rig-Veda, 1 477.

8) The unextended root is not really contained in Lith. pa-deida ‘insult,
wound’ (op. Zubat¥, Bezz, Beitr. xv 827); this is against the known
laws, seo I § 470 p. 351 f., and Burg in Kubn’s Zeitschr. xxix 363.

=

$694, Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr.yd-dha-ti kir-da-ti. 223

siddye-iti stédye-iti ‘drives away’, seems to be akin to Skr.
4ij- ‘to be over, left behind’ (Sinds-ti $28-aya-ti). vdis-da-iti
“hurls, throws against something’, perhaps connected with
O.C.S1. vich-rit ‘whirlwind’ Russ, vichatt ‘shatter, agitate’. )
avawuhal-da-it? ‘falls asleep’, from Ar. swap- ‘to sleep’ (I § 159
pp- 141 f.), snd-da-iti ‘washes’, beside Skr. snd-ti.

§ 94. Greek. (1.) -dho-. 2dpa-to-» &dag-do-v ‘I slept’
(pres. dag-d-dvw § 621 p. 158), beside Lat. dor-mid Skr.
dr-a-ti. Tom. opt. Be-Bo0 doc ‘comedas’ (Od, 4. 85) from fe-Bod-
-oxae Yger-: ep. Lith. gir-d-inu gér-d-inu I give to drink’
(ger-it T drink’). 7j4v-o-y ‘I came’, beside xg00-7dv-ro-¢ perf.
294 pl. Zdijdu-re. 2géz-w ‘I pull to and fro, tear, hurl’, doubtless
akin to O.ELG. rue ‘jerk, jolt, sudden change of place’. ictw
“ease” (Z09-/m §§ 715, 765) beside é-w. ay-Fo-uer ‘I am galled
or wearied by burdens’, beside &y-rv-jot. 7Axj-9o ‘T am full’,
beside miu-niy-ju. xv7j-w ‘I shave, rub, scratch’, beside xvj
(§ 737). 26-9m ‘I make rot’ (perf. xéxbda), beside xio-v
‘pus’: Lith. pii-d-inu pri-d-au ‘I make rot’ Lett. pa-pti-d-e
‘fallow field’ beside pav-i ‘I make rotten’, foi-dw ‘I weigh,
press hard upon’ (perf. péfetu), beside Porapd-g Bap-v-s,

E-gy-8-to-v ‘I held’, beside Soy-e-¢ V7 segh-. xata-Bi-e-Fee*
xarenives Hesych., beside O.Ir. gelid ‘consumit’ O.H.G. chela
‘throat’. gaey-é-du ‘I burn’, beside gasy-m, veu-t=-So-nau
‘I pasture’, beside véu-o-ue. ted-/-9w ‘I am’, beside rédw.

-a-ti = *-0-dhd. neh-d-9o ‘I draw near’, beside méha-g
nshd-com. dwwx-d-Fw ‘I pursue’, beside deixew. apiva-Fo
‘I ward off’, beside cutvw. sra-n-d-Iw “I go after, pursue’,
beside xfw ‘I go’. Here perhaps should come y7Fouc«e Dor.
yadouce (pert. yéyn%a 74yG9a) and yy9dw I enjoy, am pleased’,
for *yaF-a-9-, beside yaiw ‘I take pleasure’ for *yaf-gw and
yat-go-s ‘proud’: Lat. gauded for *gavided (I § 612 p, 462), —
observe that gdvisus seems to imitate visu-s, which would show

1) Still more uncertain is Bartholomac’s comparison of the word
with Skr. vidu- in vidu-pdéman- (Bezs. Beitr. xm 87).

224 Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yo-dha-ti biir-da-ti. $§ 695,696.

it to have been formed at some time when there was a present
“gavideo still in use; as regards the ending -sw -e0, see
§ SOL.

uevi=w “minuo’ beside Skr. mi-nd-mi, gdvw-Im ‘I de-
atroy’ beside pIinw gdinw for *pIr-rF-w Skr. kgi-nd-mi, see
§ 639 p. 177, § 652 p. 186.

Bag¥-Iw “I am weighted’ beside pagiyw Bagi-g, cp. end of
§ 611.

§ 695, (2.) -do-. t-Jo-uer Hom. ##2dopae ‘I wish, desire’
for *Fei-do-, beside Lat. vel-le; ep. Goth. val-da O0.C.SI. vla-dq
Lith. vel-du with -dho- § 689 p. 219. &pda-dow ‘I popped,
burst’, beside Skr. phal-a-ti ‘bursts’ or beside gi-alvw § 621
p. 158, &pdeds-» ddogsev Hesych. (pdw-cver Hesych., pidy
‘superfluity, abundance’) beside Ares (Curtius, Gr. Etym.° 301).
révdu ‘1 gnaw’, doubtless for “rsz-do and connected with
tin-vw; op. Lat. tonded.

-J- is very common in other formations, both in verbs and
nouns. We may mention further xga-J-aw xog-d-@ and duai-
-d-bvm Pia-J-api-g § 690 p. 220. Other examples: xda-d-com *
sic Hesych., beside dxo-xdéc xAj-go-¢ ‘lot’ (a chip or piece
of wood, or other substance, broken off): Lat, per-celld for
*-cel-d-0 § 696. s-pou-d-arae, gacourte for *ead-+-ou-re, beside
gaivw ‘I sprinkle’ § 621 p. 159. xe-zAd-dr-a" dvdovvre Hesych.,
yiudy, “softness, luxuriance, wantonness’, duc-xezhoWwic” duapgewy
ind rovg7s, from yitw ‘Lam soft, effeminate’. je-d-aw ‘I smile’
geho-euedyc, akin to Skr. smdy-a-té: ep. Lett. smai-da ‘a smile’
ami-dind-t smi-dind-t ‘to make laugh’. xiv~w ‘I flood’ for
*xdv-d-qw, xdv-d-wy ‘wave’: Goth, hia-t-r-s ‘pure, clean’, connected
with O.Lat. cluere ‘purgare’ and cloaca, dx-pivitw ‘I break out’
(of a sore or abscess) for “pdv-d-gu, beside éx-piv'n.

§ 696. Italic. (1.) -dh- in Lat. ju-b-ed, see § 689 p. 220,
and probably gauded for “gdvided, see § 694 p. 223.

(2.) -d- in sallo for *sal-do, fundo fadt, clau-dé, see § 690
p. 221. per-cellé for *-cel-dd from the same root as clad-as
(L§ 306 p. 243), and connected with Gr. xda-Jd- xia, see § 695.

er

$$697—699. Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yO-dha-ti kitr-da-ti, 225

efi-dd, once also *cau-do (Conway, Verner’s Law in Italy,
p- 72), connected with Lith. kdu-ju ‘I strike, forge, fight’
O.CS1. kov-q 'T forge’.

(8.) -dho- or -do- (doubtful). frendd beside fremd (cf.
Osthoff, M. U. vy 94 f.), perhaps for */remidd. caedd, according
to Holthausen, P.-B. Beitr. x1 554 f., connected with Mid.Dutch
heie “hammering block’ heien ‘to strike, ram, stamp’ Mid,H.G,
heie f. ‘mallet, wooden hammer’. Other possible forms are
tendd from yten-, see § 564 p. 111, and dé-fendd of-fendo,
which may be connected with Gr. Ssivw, and come from
V ghen- (is fénu-m ‘hay’ for *fen-sno- or *fend+-sno-, meaning
‘something cut’?) ')

§ 697. Keltic. -d- is perhaps the suffix of do-lod-sa
‘ivi’ beside fuath luad ‘quick, fleeting’, beside O.H.G. fliug-u
§ 690 p. 221 (so Zimmer, Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxx 215 f.).

§ 698. Germanic. (1.) -dho-. Goth. val-da O.H.G. waltu
‘I rule, hold sway’, O.H.G. scrinte ‘I burst, blow up’, Goth.
ga-réda ‘I reflect upon, meditate’ O.ELG. ra-tu ‘I advise’, AS.
hla-de 'T load’, see § 689 p. 220. O.Icel. bregd ‘I set moving
quickly, I swing’ A.S. bregde ‘I swing, throb’ O.H.G. brittu
‘I swing, throb’ (for -tt- see Braune, Ahd. Gr.* § 164 Anm. 2
p- 185) doubtless for *bhreg- -dho, beside O.C.SI. briz-ii ‘quick’
briz-ati ‘to run quickly’; in Kluge’s view of the treatment of
pr. Idg. med. asp. + tenuis (Paul-Braune’s Beitr. 1x 152 f.,
Paul's Grundr, 1 327), another possible ground-form would be
*bhregh-+-to (Class XXIY).

§ 699. (2.) -do-. Mid.H.G. scherze ‘I jump quickly about’,
AS. mel-te ‘I grow soft’, Goth. sal-ta O.H.G. salzu ‘I salt’,
Goth, giv-ta O.F.G. giugu ‘I pour’, O.H.G, fliu-gu ‘I flow’,
Mid.H.G. spriu-ge A.S. spri-te ‘I sprout’, O.Fris. sla-te O.H.G.

1) If -fendo should be connected with Skr. badha-ta ‘compels, oppresses’,
the latter must be kept distinct from Skr. vadh- Avest. vad- (Gr. w9éw),
-fendd, which may have once been *-fandd, would then belong to
Class XVI § 682. Yet another explanation is given by Fick, Wtb. 1* 463,
‘who compares O.Icel. detta ‘to fall down’. Conway, Class, Review v 297,
explains tendo ~fendo ax being for *ten-j0 *ghen-j0 = Gr. reirw Ieive.

Brugmann, Blemonts, 1¥, 15

226 Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. yo-dha-ti kiir-da-ti. — §§ 699,700.

sliugu ‘T shut’, see § 690 pp. 220f. O.Sax. writu O.FLG. rigu
‘I tear, wound, write’, cp. Gr. gery ‘file, rasp’ pr-v0-g ‘hide still
on the body’ (but déoue from d¥om). O.Icel. vel-t ‘I roll’ trans.
O.H.G. walzu ‘I roll, turn myself’, the latter for *yJ-dd, beside
Lith. rél-ti ‘to full, mill’ Lett. we'l-t ‘to roll, full, mill’, compare
Lith. vél-d-inu I have something fulled or milled’, Goth. svil-
-ta ‘I die slowly away’, O.ILG. swilzu ‘I am devoured by fire,
I spend myself in coitu, pine away’, O.Icel. svelt ‘I hunger’,
beside A.S. swelan ‘to smoulder, burn slowly and glow’: ep. Lith.
svil-d-inu 'T get something singed’. O.ILG. sciu-gu O.Icel. skyt
“I shoot’: Lith. seau-d-j-klé ‘shuttle’ szdu-d-au ‘I shoot or move
again and again’ sedu-d-inu (causal of the last) Lett. schau-d-e-
-kli-s ‘spoolor bobbin’ schau-d-r-s ‘hasty, hot’, beside Lith. szdu-ju
“I shoot’. O.ELG. gli-gu O.Sax. glitu ‘I gleam, shine’, akin to
OSax. gli-mo ‘a gleam or sheen, a brightness’, O.EL.G. wa-gu
“L blow’ ground-form *yé-dd, connected with O.11.G. wa-u ‘I blow’
Skr. vd-ti: ep. Lith. vé-d-int ‘I expose to the air, I air’,
According Fick Wtb. 14 539 f., O.ELG. lagu Goth. /éta ‘I let’,
with which we have connected Gr. Andéyv (§ 521 p. 85), would
come froma /lé-,

§ 700. Balto-Slavonic. When Balto-Slavonic -do- comes
from Idg. -dh-o, and when from Idg. -do-, can only be made
out by help of the cognate languages.

(1) -dho-, Lith. vel-du ‘I rule’ 0.C.SI. vla-dq ‘I rule, hold
sway’, Lith. skérdéiu “I burst’ instead of earlier *sker-dw, Lith.
ju-di ‘I move trembling’ jundit ‘I begin to move all a-tremble’,
0.C.SI. ra-d-iti ‘to meditate or reflect upon’, see § 689 p. 219.
Lith. gir-d-inu gér-d-inu gir-d-au ‘I give to drink’, pui-d-inu
pied-au ‘I cause to rot? Lett. pa-ptide ‘fallow land’, see § 694
p. 228. With Lith. j-sté-d-in-ti ‘to give admittance to’ Lett.
etd-d-i-t ‘to set, place, plant’ std-d-s ‘a plant’ we may compare
Gr. ra-9-sod-¢ ‘standing firmly’ ora-9-uo-g ‘standing place’.
O.C.S1. i-da ‘I go’ (inf. iti) may be closely connected with
Gr. &3-y0 “course, way, step’.

(2) -do-. Lith. plau-d-#in “I wash, purify’ plu-d-div
“I chatter’ plistu ‘[ begin to swim’ pldu-d-in-ti ‘I cause to be

—

$$700,701. Present Stem: Class XXV — Skr. y-dha-ti kitr-da-ti. 227

rinsed’ Lett. plii-d-ind-t ‘I make overflow’, Lith. sprdu-d-siu
‘T compel’ spriistu ‘I rush out of a narrow place’, see § 690
p- 221. Lett. smai-da ‘a smile’ smf-d-ind-t ‘to make laugh’,
see § 695 p. 224. Lith. vél-d-inu ‘T cause to be milled or fulled’,
svil-dinu ‘I cause to be singed’, szaw-d-j-klé ‘shuttle’ Lett.
schau-d-r-s ‘hot, hasty’, Lith. vé-d-int T air’, see § 699 p. 226.

Some of these distinctions between orig. -dh- and -d-,
made by help of other languages, are naturally very little to
be trusted. As -d-ina- was a very fertile suffix in both Lettic
and Lithuanian, there need be no very real connexion between
such endings as those of svil-dinw and Goth. svil-ta.

§ 701. (3.) In many instances it is quite impossible to
distinguish between orig. -dho- and -do-.

On the doubtful points in the explanation of Lith. mel-d-dit
‘I beg’ O.C.SL. mla-dii ‘tender’, see § 690, p. 220.

Lith. oér-du ‘I boil’ pret. vir-iat inf. vir-ti. mér-d-diu and
mér-d-mi ‘I lie a-dying’ (inf. mér-d-é-ti), from mif-ti ‘to die”
(Lat. morbu-s for *mor-dho-s?). Lett. e’r/chu ‘I separate’ for
*er-d-iu (pret. erdu inf. e’rst), beside Lith. yr-i ‘I separate,
myself, set myself free’. Lith. skél-du and skél-d-iu ‘I split,
burst’ intrans. (inf. skél-d-2-ti), skél-d-in-ti ‘to make or cause
to be split’, from skelt, i. e. *skel-ji ‘I split’ (inf. skél-ti).!)
Lith. grimstic ‘I sink’ pret. grimzdai inf. grimsti, beside Lett.
grimstu grimu gri’mt, points to a pres. *grem-du or *grim-du;
and Lett. gi’nstu ‘I perish’ pret. gi’ndw inf. gi’n-t to a present
*gin-du. Lith, sru-d-diu ‘I make bloody’ (inf. srusti) beside
pa-srite-o 3" sing. ‘flowed’. Lith. gi-du ‘I sing’ and gi-d-mi
(8" sing. gésti), ep. gaida-s ‘singer’ yaidj-s ‘cock’, akin to
Skr. gdya-ti ‘sings’ gé-ni-§ gé-sna-s ‘singer’ (ep. Per Persson,
op. cit, 117, 197).

From the series containing -dho- and -do- were formed a
large class of Lith.-Lett. Causals and Frequentatives, ending in
(Lith.) -d-inu inf. -d-inti, and in (Lith.) -d-aw inf. -d-y-ti. Many

1) Per Persson (Wurzelerweiterung, 88) connects skéldeti with Gr.
ry Lat. per-celld (§ 695 p. 224). If 80, ite d would come from

1st

228 — Presont Stem: Classes XX VI to XXXI—jo-presents. — §§ 701,702,

of these howe been cited already, With -d-inw compare Gr.
Jug-9-dvw beside i-dap-Io-v (§ 694 p. 223), gred-iver beside
é-pl-de-v (§ 695 p. 224), The verbs in -d-an -d-y-ti, with
frequentative meaning, often show a root syllable of the second
strong grade (see § 790), as skdl-dyti ‘to split again and again’
from skét-du ‘I split myself’ skél-dinu ‘I cause to be split’.

To the same dental group belongs the partic. II. pres. act.
in -dama-s; here the m-suffix is the same as in véda-ma-s
fut. vései-ma-s ete. (Il § 72 p. 166), and had the original
middle meaning. Therefore the form skél-dama-s, for example,
which is now attached to the verb skelit, originally belonged to
skél-du skél-d-giu just as skél-dinu did.

O.C.SI. ja-dq ‘I ride, vehor'*) beside inf. ja-ch-a-ti (§ 665
p- 198).*) bqdq ‘fio’ may be derived from ¥“ bhey-, by assuming
*bhy-a-dho *bhy-a-do (ep. Lat. -bam for *hhy-a-m) or *bha-dho
*tha-do, which got a nasal in Class XVI (§ 637 Rem., p. 176);
or even if we suppose that a present *bonq for *bhy-ond
(Class XIV, § 624 p. 162) was extended by -dhd or -do
(ep. Lith. aitin-drinu ‘to cause to be heated’ derived from
kait-inu ‘T heat’),

I. ctasses XXVI to XXXI.
PRESENT STEMS WITH -jo-.

§ 702, This suffix appears in the forms -jo- -je- or -ijo-
-ije-. Examples of -jo- are Skr. Adr-ya-ti, Gr. zafow for
*yag-yo, Goth. vatirk-ja, Lith. spir-it sé-ju O.C.SL s&jq. Of
~ijo-: Skr. mr-iyd-t® Gr. 2o9-o, Lat. suf-fio (for *dhy-iid)
farc-io, O.Tr, b-iu (for *bhy-ija), A.S. bed (also for *bhy-ijo).
We are reminded of -no-:-nyo- (§ 596 p. 138); and the
same double forms reappear in the noun-suffix <jo- (I § 117
pp. 109f., § 120 pp. 111 f., If § 63 pp. 122 ff, TIT § 194 p. 74)

1) For the initial, op. Zubatf, Archiv flr slav. Phil., xm 628,
2) Tho derivation of Ved. ydda-mdna-s yddura-s from yd- ‘go’
(Grassmann, Wortb., 8. v. ydd) ia extremely doubtful.

vw

$702. Presont Stem: Classes XXVI to XXXI — jo-presents. 220

which must be the same suffix as this of the verbs (compare
such stems as Skr. pi-ya-ti ‘stinks’ p#-ya-m ‘ill-smelling discharge,
matter’, § 487 pp. 41 f).

Another point in common between the two suffixes is this,
In some forms of the verb-system we find a weak grade, -i-,
or -i-. Examples are: -i-, Lat, 2" sing. cap-i-s') from cap-id,
O.FL.G, 2° sing. hev-i-s from heffu (= Goth. haf-ja), Lith.
2m pl. Hk-i-te from tik-iit; examples of -7-, Lat. 2m sing.
fare-i-s from fare-id, 0.0.31. 2" sing. vel-i-si from vel-jq.2) This
-f is not found in the present system of Aryan or Greek; and
it is more than chance that these very languages have discarded
the weak forms of the same sort from their declension of noun
stems with ~jo-.

Details as to the Indicative Present will now be given.

Aryan and Greek as a rule have only -jo- and -je- inter-
changed, as in the other thematic classes. EB. g. Skr. hdr-ya-mi
hidr-ya-si_ hdr-ya-ti ete., like bhdr-d-mi bhdr-a-si_ bhdr-a-ti:*)
Gr. zatow zaioes zaipn ete. like pépw eps, and so forth.

Latin keeps only -jo- and -I-; e. g. cap-id -i-8 -i-t -i-mus
-i-tis -iu-nt, farc-id -t-s -i-t (for -7-t); parallel to farcts is
Umbr. heris ‘vis’.

In Keltic the inflexions are not all quite clear. With
~jo- we have nothing but the 1* sing. (O.Ir. -léciu) for certain;
and - can be shown in one or two persons (besides the
isolated forms Mod.Cymr. imper. bit bint, see § 719); thus
no doubt can be felt that there once existed a series of forms
with -jo-:-i-. We see -i- or -i- in 2" sing. imper. O.Ir. léic,
84 pL. O.Cymr. scamnhegint ‘levant” nerthetnt ‘they strengthen’
(= O.Ir. *nertaigit), op. 3° sing. istlinnit ‘he makes known’

1) The view that cap-i-t comes from *cap-ie-fi (I § 185 p. 122) must
be given up.

2) Goth. vadrkeis (1% sing, ratrkja) can hardly be compared with
such forms as Lat. farcis O.C.S1. velifi; it is formed on the analogy of
Sfra-vardeis = Skr. vartaya-si and the like (§ 781.2).

8) Porms like Avest. iridinti as contrasted with Skr. rij-ya-nti prove
nothing for Idg. -i- in Avestic, See Bartholomae, Handb. § 95a Anm. 1
p- 41, and § 290 p. 126,

230 Present Stem; Classes XX VI to XXXI — jo-prosents. § 702.

(OT. sluindid) Mid.Cymr. chiareid ‘plays’. Also O.Ir. 3" pl.
-lécet may be *-Tnt- (-*Into), and the 1 pl. -lecem may be
*Tmo(s); the 3™ sing. -léci may be derived from *-1-t or *-iie-t.
The 1“ sing. /aicim is a re-formate, like 0.C.SI. bimt Serv.
healim (op. scaraim caraim).

The same variation, -jo-:-i- (see above), is seen in
Germanic, But here not only the 1" sing. and 3" pl. have
-fo-, but the 1* pl. as well (O.H.G. heffe-mes Goth. hafja-m).
We should therefore assume as the proethnic scheme in this
branch, -j6 -i-si -i-di -ia-m -i-ii -ia-ndi, The Gothic forms
haf-ji-s haf-ji-) are in all probability instead of *haf-i-s
*haf-i-f, on the analogy of hafja hafjam hafjand on the one
hand, and satja satjis etc. on other; this view is supported by
liga ligis ete. found instead of *lig-ja *lig-i-s (ep. O.H.G. liggu
ligis).") Thus it cannot be shewn that Germanic once had the
same inflexion as Aryan and Greek.

This variation is found again in Balto-Slavonic; Lith. lé2-it
lei-i Ui-ia Ui-ia-me léi-ia-te like sukit suki sitka sitka-me
sitka-te, O.0.8). bor-jq bor-je-Si bor-je-tit bor-je-mit_bor-je-te
bor-jqtit like berq bere-si bere-tit bere-mit etc. Also the
variation ¥, and here Lith. has regularly -%- while Slavonic
has regularly z; Lith. smird-diu smtrd-i smird-(i) smird-i-me
smird-i-te O08]. smrigdqa smrtd-i-si- smrid-i-tit smrvd-i-mit
smrid-i-te smrid-ctit (§ 687 Rem. p. 176).

Lastly, in Armenian -i- (= Idg. -i- or -#-) runs through
all the persons, as zaus-i-m ‘loquor’ -i-3 -i pl. -i-mit -ikt -i-n.

In view of these facts it is likely that the parent speech
had a twofold inflexion, Some of the jo-presents had -jo- : -je-
analogous to the variation between -o-:-e-, and others had
-jo-:-I-. The latter was found, if we may trust the evidence
of the Balto-Slavonie group, in such jo-verbs as had an éstem
as well as a jo-stem, as O.C.S]. minjq miné-ti; and if this be

1) Tho same levelling in late Old High German, Iigu instend of Liggu
following ligis, Vitu instead of biti (Goth. bidja) following bitis (op. Goth.
us-bida).

| $703. Present Stem: Classes XXVI to XXXI — jo-presents. 231

50, -jo-;-I must be assumed for Greek stems like saévo-yae
(aor. Zudvyy), ep. §§ 708, 727. As regards the question, which
persons took -jo- and which took -i-, two points may be
considered certain, (1) The 1* sing. had -i0 or -ii0, and the
3" pl. ~jo-nt(i) or -ifo-nt(i).) (2) -T- was used with the 2"¢ and
3" sing. and the 2" pl., as also in the 2°? sing. imperative (Lat.
cape for *capi, farct, O.Ir. lic, O.KLG. ligi). The 1* plural
seems to have had -jo-. Further details may be sought below.

§ 703. There is none of the formative suffixes of the
present stem which is added so often as -jo- to stems which
have some other suffix already. Compare Skr. sn-d-ya-té
Lat. nd (for *snd-(j)0) beside Skr, sn-d-ti Lat. n-d-s, Skr.
Ji-d-yd-t2 O.F.G, kn-au (ground-form *§n-2-i0) O.C.S1. 2n-a-
<je-tit (ground-form *gn-0-ie-t(w)) beside Gr, &yr-a-», Lat. taced
(for *fac-2-i0) Goth. Pahdi-p (for “tak-é-je-ti) beside Lat.
tac-®-s O.FLG. dag-2-s (Class X §§ 578 ff.); Lesb. xilvvw (for
*xier-yo) beside O.Sax, Ali-nd-n ete. (Classes XIT, XII § 611);
Skr. -an-yd-ti, Gr. laivm (for *i(a)-cr-sw) beside Skr. ij-ana-t,
Gr. ohod-civo beside chod-évw, OH.G. gi-wah-annu beside
Goth. af-lif-na (Class XIV $§ 616 ff.); Greek wroom (instead
of *rtwa-u) Lat. pins-id beside Lat. pins-0, Lith. jing-iv
beside Lat. jung-6 (Class XVI §§ 627 ff.); Skr. -$-ya-ti beside
i-$a-ti, Goth. vah-s-ja beside Avest, vax-Sa-iti, Lith. tf-s-ite
beside Skr. tq-sa-ti Goth. -pin-sa, Skr. tr-as-ya-ti Lith. tr-es-tt
beside Skr. #r-dsa-ti Gr, ro-¢(a)o (Class XX §§ 657 ff.), with which
is associated the future of which we have examples in Skr. da-s-
-yé-ti and Lith. dit'-s-iv (§§ T4T 48); O.CSI. ista (for *isk-ia)
beside iskq (Class XXIII § 677), O.C.SL. ob-resta beside -ré-ti?
(Class XXIV § 687); Skr. yii-dh-ya-té beside yd-dha-ti Lith.
Judit, Skr. rd-dh-ya-te beside d-ra-dha-t, Gr. éc-9-lw beside
fo-9u, xhi-lo for *xdv-d-ym as contrasted with &gJi-do-v, Lith.
sprdu-d-3iu beside Mid.H.G. sprie-ge, Lith. skél-d-siu beside
skél-du (Class XXV §§ 688 ff).

| 1) I consider Lat, fiunt to represent the old inflexion, and not Oso.
| fiiet fifiijet. The Oscan form took the ending of verbs in -mi, as did
censazet. Cp. § 1022.

232 Present Stem: Classea XXVI to XXXI — jo-presents. —§§ 703,704,

As a secondary suffix -jo- originally bore the chief accent,
which is usually kept in Sanskrit; jn-a-yd-ti tra-yd-t2 gybha-
-yd-ti (8§ 734, 736); i-an-yd-ti; fut. da-s-yd-ti. Thus too the
intensive Skr. dé-did-yd-t2 is 2 secondary form as contrasted
with dé-di§-te.

This puts in the right light the present formation of later
denominatives, which generally have -io-, and that too with its
original chief accent; e. g. Skr. namas-yd-ti ardti-yd-ti prtand-
-yd-ti gopd-yd-ti Gr. rein for *redso-qw ete. We thus see
that denominatives had originally no special set of inflexions;
their present system was the same as that of the Primary
classes, Forms like 1" pl. Armen. jana-mit Gr. Aeol. riué-per
Lat, plantd-mus O.Ir, no chara-m Goth. salbo-m Lith. ji’sto-me
were originally on the same level as Skr. dr-d-mas Gr. &Jo-é-
-nev Lat, in-trd-mus; and presents like Skr. jfva-ti Lat. vtvi-t
O.CSI. #ive-ti (from ji-vd-s ote.) were the same in principle
as Skr. dja-ti Lat. agi-t. And to these such jo-forms as
Skr. prtand-yd-ti déva-yd-ti Gr. tiuéw qiéo bore the same
relation as Skr. trd-yd-t8 to trd-t@ (trd-sva), dédis-yd-te to
dédi§-té ete,

$704. So involved and so intricate are these questions,
that it is practically impossible to present the history of the
verbal jo-suffix in such a way that it shall be clear in every
point, and all the needs of the student be met at once.
Such an attempt would make it necessary to treat the same
material again and again from different sides; and for this we
have not the space. Be it then expressly understood that the
classification here given has been made with a view to giving
a general grip of the subject; and many important principles
have not been made so prominent as might be wished.

We classify Present Stems +- secondary suffix -jo- (§ 708)
according to the original stems; and we count as separate
Present Classes (viz, nos. XXVII to XXX) those in which the
jo-suffix, together with the particular kind of stem it may be
attacht to, has become a type for forms of some particular

$$704—706, Present Stem: Class XXVI —Skr. hdr-ya-ti dyf-yi-tz, 233

kind. This is not the case with the -jo- extension of present
stems in -sko-, -to-, or -dho- -do-; wherefore the said stems
are only mentioned in an excursus ($$ 762 ff.).

Class XXVI
Root + -io- -jio- forming the Present Stem.

§ 705. This Class falls into two divisions, in one of which
the root-syllable, and in the other the thematic vowel carries
the word accent. The root-syllable when accented has a
strong grade of vowel (1"strong grade in the e-series), when
unaccented is weak, (A) Accent on Root-Syllable: *ghér-jo-
(Skr. hdr-ya-ti Umbr. fat. heriest); (B) Accent on Thematic
Vowel: *ghy-id- (Gr. zaipw). Further examples of (A) are
Skr. tdn-ya-ti = Gr. orsivw, pde-ya-te, mdd-ya-ti (also Goth,
hafja O.1.G, hegfu ‘I lift’ pr. Germ. *ydf-jo = Lat. cap-id?);
and of (B), Skr. mr-iyd-te dy-yd-te tud-yd-té $-yd-ti (on the
obliteration of this orig, difference of accent in Sanskrit, see
§ 710). A similar double series is seen in Class I, as Skr,
kér§-a-ti and ky§-d-ti, and in Class XIII, as O.1.G, willu and
wallu (§ 513 pp. 78 £,, § 607 p. 148).

§ 706. Proethnic Idg. -- Type A., *ghér-io-.

Vo gler-: Skr, hér-ya-ti "takes pleasure in, desires’, Umbr.
heris ‘vis’ heriest fut. ‘volet’ Ose. heriiad ‘velit’ (like fakiiad
‘faciat’); cp. Gr. zaigm ‘T rejoice’, type B. Vuer- ‘hide, cover’:
Lat. op-(oerid ap-(vjerid (v dropt after the labial as in pines
for "pu-tio-s, suf-fto -bo -bam, see I § 170 pp. 149 f,),") Lith.
‘he-verin ‘I close, shut’ at-veriu ‘I open’ (ep. Osc. veru ‘portam’
Umbr. verof-e ‘in portam’ and Lith. var-tai pl. ‘door’). / sten-
ten-: Gr. oreévm (beside orévm) ‘I groan’ Acol. révve* oréver,
Bovzerm Hesych., O.C.SI. sten-jq ‘I groan, lament’ (inf. stena-
-ti); the Skr. tdn-ya-ti ‘groans, roars’ (cp. stanayitni- beside
tanayitmi- ‘roaring, thundering’) may come from *ten-jo- or

1) Another but loss probable derivation of these Latin verbs is given
in vol. 1 § 499 p. 366.

234 Prosent Stem: Class XXVI — Skr.hdr-yo-té dpi-yd-te. $708,

*ty-jo-. y werg- ‘work’: Gr. ipdm for *Fepy-,o (the Author,
Gr. Gr.* § 59 p. 71), O.ELG. wirk-(i)u; parallel stem Idg. *yyg-
~i6-, see § 707. (/lewg- ‘lucere’: Gr. Asvoow “I see’ for *hevx-
-to, Lith. tduk-iu ‘I wait, wait for. /reg- ‘colour, dye’:
Skr. raj-ya-ti ‘grows coloured, reddens’, Gr. ¢éfw ‘I colour’ for
*bey-u. V ghedh-: Avest. jaidyeiti ‘prays’ O.Pers. jadiyamty
‘T pray’, Gr. S4oascdor airety, ixerecery (Hesych.) for Ped-ps=
(IL § 4296 p. 817). VV peg- ‘cook’: Skr. pde-ya-te intr. “cooks,
ripens’ pass. pac-yd-t@ (see § 710), Gr. écow ‘I cook, soften’
for *2sx"-40. / spek- ‘spy, see’: Skr. pds-ya-ti Avest. spas-
~yé-iti, Lat. spec-id con-spicid. — jag~ ‘honour’: Avest. pass,
part. yezimna- (= Skr. *yajyamana-), Gr. mid. alone for
“ty-co-; cp. Skr. pass. ij-ya-t2, type B. plag-: Gr. xdzjaow
‘L strike, smite’, O.C.SL plaéq ‘I cry, lament’ for *plak-ja,
Gr. zouito “I caw’ for *xoay-pa, Lat. crde-id, Lith. krok-iie
krog-it “I rattle in the throat, grunt’ Lett. krdzeuw ‘I snore,
croak, groan’ (for *krak-ju).!) / spé- (spo-, Lat, spa-tiu-m) ;
Skr, spha-ya-té ‘grows, increases’ (not actually found), Lith.
spi-ju ‘I have leisure, room, space’ O.CSI. spéjq ‘I have
successful issue’. V sé (sa-, Lat, sa-tu-s): Goth. saia
O.HLG. sau ‘I sow’ pr. Germ. *sé-jo (I § 142 p. 126), Lith. ue
O.CSI. séjq ‘I sow. / do- (da-, Lat, da-tu-s) ‘give’: 8)
a-daya-mana-s, O.C.Sl. da-jq; variant stem Skr. pass,
type B. VV sta- (sto-, Lat, sta-zid) ‘stare’: Avest. a
myself’ O.Pers, niy-aitaya ‘he commanded’, Lat,
Umbr. stahu ‘sto’, O.Ir, -tau -t6 ‘T am’ 294
<jit-s ‘I place myself, take my place’ 0.
myself’; following type B we have the
stht-ya-té, O.CS1. sto-jq ‘I stand’,
(§ 708); op. § 505 p. 71, § 584
Gr. ga-piv) ‘cause to appear, a
Sor for *fa-(i)or, Lith,
ba-ja ‘fabulor’; still, these vi

1) Why, Tag. @ in
(Lith, 9) is unknown.

‘Prosont Stom: Class XXVI— Skr. hiir-yarti dybyd-re. 235

pass. bha-ya-té, not found in our texts), and their
be the same as *tr-d-jd (§ 735), compare § 495

§ 707. Type B: *ghy-i6-.
Vimer- ‘die’ *mr-ijo- and *my-jo-: Skr. mr-iyd-te Avest.
=ye-iti, Lat. mor-ior (I § 120 p. 112), ep. below *bhu-iio-
yjo-. /-der- ‘tear, flay: Skr. daryd-te for *dy-ie-, Lith.
“itt; type A, Gr. Jsigw Lesh. déoqu. ysper-: Gr. onaloo
t, struggle’, Lith. spir-it ‘I strike with my foot, kick’.
: Gr. oxdéddw ‘I scrape, hack’ for *oxad-yo, Lith. skilit
*skil-iit) ‘I strike a light, kindle. (/men- ‘think of,
e': Gr. “aivoya ‘I am wild, enravished, mad’, O.Ir. do
ivy “I think or believe’ (for *man-jo- *mp-io-), O.C.SI.
tu-jq “I think’; to either (A) or (B) may belong Skr. mdn-
‘thinks’ Avest. 1" sing. man-ya ,Pers. 2" sing. conj.
ahy (1 § 125 p. 116). V ghen-: Skr. han-yd-té ‘is struck”
nstead of *ghan-yi-te (I § 454 Rem. p. 385), O.CSI. 2n-jq
ut off, reap’; of type A from this root we have Gr. Pstvw,
gem- ‘go’: Skr. -gam-yd-té, Gr. Puiveo, Lat, ven-id (L § 204
p- 170, § 208 p. 174); venid might also if we wished be
classed as an example of type A, UW bhew- ‘become, be’
*bhy-ijo- and *bhit-io- (s0 above we had *mr-ijo- and *my-jo-):
*q(F)-im implied by qi-rv ($ 713), Lat. f% instead of
w-id with F following fis etc. (§ 717), O.lr. bein, AS. b-ed
p. § 722),!) Skr. pass. -bhi-ya-té, Gr. Lesb. gui (on Ion. Att.
glo qiw see § 523 p. 87, § 527 Rem, 2 pp. 90 f.); from the same
come Lat. feliu-s and Alban, bin ‘I bud’ (see G. Meyer,
Stud, ur 33, who however, as I think wrongly, assumes
48 @ variant ‘root’ as well as dha-). /dhew- ‘shake, stir

4) A different explanation of these verbs is given by Bartholomac,
idg. Spr., 1 189 ff, where we see *bhuiid *hhyisi *bhwité 3r4 pl
given as the proethnio forms. This does not agree either with
and O.H.G. bis (§ 722), nor with the ¥ of Lith. bi-ti -bi-me eto,
obviously the relation of Lith. -bi-me and O.C.8L di-mit is the
of smirdi-me and smridi-mi.

236 Present Stem: Class XXVI—Skr. hdr-ya-ti dyyd-t2. $707.

up’: Lat. suf-fid for *-fy-io, Skr. pass. dhil-yd-té ‘is shaken’,
Gr. Lesb. Sei “I storm, roar’ (d6 din like gim gitw, see
above), O.Icel. dg ‘I shake” (inf. dg-ja). gej-: Skr. ct-ya-té
‘is tried, respected’, connected probably with Gr. rim ‘I pay’
{parallel form tio, cp. § 527 Rem, 2 pp. 90 f.); Aread, redo
either for *ts-go (4), or more probably an ad-formate of
tHom éreoa. Skr. kgt-yd-té ‘is destroyed’ ksf-ya-te ‘exhausts
itself, disappears’; from the same root is probably Gr. Hom.
gitio T am destroyed’. Skr, pi-ya-ti ‘abuses, thinks little
of’, partic. Goth. jijands O.H.G. fient (‘foe’), V werg-
‘work’: Avest. verz-ye-iti, Gr. gw instead of “Foatw
*Foay-u (I § 299 p. 238), Goth. vadrk-ja; Gr. iodo O.H.G.
wirk(ju are of type A, § 706 p. 234. V gherd- (Lith.
gerda-s ‘ery, message, news’, Pruss, po-gerdaut ‘to say’):
Gr. poatm “I give to understand, announce’, Lith. gird-zit
‘Lapprehend, hear’, ground-form *ghyd-io. V ghredh- (Goth.
gridi- ‘step, grade’): Skr. gfdh-ya-ti ‘steps swiftly towards
something’, Lat. grad-io-r (cp. Osthoff, M. U. v p. im).
V leig- ‘linquere’: Skr. ric-ya-t? and pass. ric-yd-t2, Gr. 2éo-
owpsv Zascmurv Heaych.; ep. p. 129 with the footnote about
Latin licet. Skr. chid-yd-t8 ‘is cut off, Gr. oyitw ‘I split’ for
*oy-1. Skr. kup-ya-ti ‘gets in motion, gets excited’, Lat.
eup-i0, 0.0.81. kypljq ‘I flow in waves, boil’ for *kyp-ja.
Gr. *yvtw ‘I flee’, implied by Hom, nspugoreg (Curt. Verb 12
827), Lat. fug-id. Skr. Sij-ya-ti ‘dries up, withers’ (tr.),
O.C.S1. siéq ‘I dry’ (intr.) for *stich-iq (inf. sitcha-ti); of type
A we have Lith. saus-it ‘I dry’ (intr.).

Gr. x«cotm ‘I patch’ for *xat-oxd-co, Goth. siu-ja ‘I sew’,
Lett. schu-ja O.C.SI. sijq for *sig-iq ‘I sew’ (I § 60 p. 47,
§ 131 p. 118, § 148 p. 128, § 147 p. 182), Ske. siv-ya-ti ‘sews’
(part. syi-td-s). Gr. aréw ‘I spit, spew’ for *(s)pia-jo (I § 131
p. 119), OIcel. spg ‘I spit, spew’ (inf. spg-ja) for *spa-io,
Skr. sfhto-ya-ti ‘spits, spews’, not actually found (partic. shyt
-td-s), instead of *sthtp-ya-ti (§ came from forms like ftisthéva
abhi-{thyil-ta-s, and then spread all over the verb; Bartholomae,

$707. _Prosent Stem: Class XXWI—Skr. hér-yati drb-yé-te, 237

Ar. Forsch. ut 34);") of type A, Lith. spidu-ju O.C.SI. plju-jq
(I § 147 p. 182); Goth. speiva is either for *splyd parallel to
Skr. {hto-a-ti, or for “spiew-0 parallel to Lith. spiduju (a0
Streitberg, Idg. Forsch. 1 518 f.).

Remark. On these roots with the variants i@ and iy, see Bartho-
lomae loc, cit., Kretachmer in Kahn's Ztachr. xxx1 386, Per Persson's
Wurzelerweiterung 154 ff. As regards the variants *sia-j6 and *siu-i0,
*spid-i0 and *spi-id, it seems most likely that the ending -iu-jd is due
to the analogy of those forms where -iy- preceded some sonant; to take
an example, Skr. #hivya-ti being modelled after the fashion of #fhiva-ti
Hhivita-s, and sfeya-fi following sivaya-ti sivana-m; 80 also divya-ti
(beside dya-td-s) follows -divan- divana-m ete. (op. Osthoff, M, U.1v 817);
vice versa, Lith. rittv-a instead of *stu-6 is due to the analogy of sfii-ti ete.

V dhe- (dha-, ep. Lat. ad-fa-tim) ‘suck’ *dha-jo: Skr. dhd-
-ya-ti ‘sucks’ (I § 109 p. 161), Goth. da-ddja ‘I suckle’ (I § 142
p. 127), 0.C.81. do-jq ‘I suckle’; parallel forms of type A are
O.FLG. faw ‘I suckle’ Lett. dé-ju ‘I suck’ common ground-form
*dhd-j0, cp. Skr. dha-yi-§ ‘thirsty’. y7d@- (da-) ‘bind’: Skr.
d-ya-ti, Gr. déw for *de-sm instead of “da-gum, as ds-r0-¢ for
*da-to-¢ = Skr. di-td-s. \~std- (sta-) ‘stare’: Skr. pass. sthi-
-ya-t@ instead of *stha-ya-t@ (§ 498 p. 61), O.C.SL. stojq
‘I stand’, probably also O.H.G. stet (§ 708 p. 240); parallel
Ac-forms, Avest. d-std-ya ete,, § 706 p. 234.

With some roots ending in a vowel, the j of the present
stem, being regarded as the root-final, was allowed to spread
through other tenses. Side by side with Skr. d-ya-ti ‘divides’
(fat. da-sya-ti etc.) is the bye-form dd-ya-t2, i. e. *da-je-
(I § 109 a. p. 101), whence by analogy dayi-ta-s day-aya-ti;
80 too we notice cha-ya-ti chayi-tod chay-aya-ti beside ch-ya-ti
‘cuts up’ (partic. cha-ta-s). The pr. Greek form which answered
to dé-ya-t?, to wit, “Ja-uw, regarded as made up thus “Jas-w,
served as the starting point for Juf-ow dar-rgd-¢ Jal-v0-w, and
from these again we get Jai-oue, which became associated in

1) Why Sanskrit has --, and not -p- like the rest, is unknown.
This may be one of those pairs of doublets, such as Skr. skambh- and
stambh- ‘support’, which cannot be regularly derived from « single
original form.

238 — Prosent Stem: Class XXVI — Ske. idr-ya-ti dyt-ydete, — §§ 707,708.

one group with Jaconna ddoousPu, da--o-ua may be compared
with the Lith. gu-iji ‘I hunt: from gu-jik (gujai) = Lett.
gu-ju (bye-forms Lett. gfé-nw Lith. gdu-nu, § 615 p, 153)
sprang gul-six gii-ti; from these again come the presents
gui-jic and gui-nt, Similarly we find Lith. part. pret, séj-gs
jes from séju jé-ju (séjau jdjan). The principle here
exemplified throws light on such forms as Skr, dh@-nii-§
‘milking’ beside Skr. dhd-ya-ti O.H.G, tau. Compare Per
Persson's further remarks on this matter, Wurzelerweiterung
pp. 115 ff

Pairs of forms like Skr. d-yd-ti: dd-ya-té recal the two
forms of the ié-optative, seen for example in Idg. *dh-jé-t and
*dho-i€-t, § 939.

§ 708. A special class of verbs comprises those which
have -2- as parallel suffix to -jo-. Sometimes the -2- is found
only outside the present stem; sometimes both -é- and -jo- are
found in the present, in which case -éjo- occasionally takes
the place of -2-. The -jo- in Balto-Slavonic has regularly the
ablaut -1-; and I have already conjectured (§ 702 p. 230) that
this ablaut is proethnie in this very class.

-jo- in the present with -2- outside the present stem is
seen in Greek and Balto-Slavonic, ‘Take as examples: Gr.
Halvouce, epedvy-r wsuarpwg weudyy-uce pavij-oum, O.CSI.
minjq, miné miné-viti miné-chiti (Lith. miné miné-siu, on the
pres. meni see below). zagu, é-zdon-v xszagy-we xszapyj-ow,
xadeo (*xoF-o) é-xay-v. Lith. smirdiiu smirdé-ti 0.0.8). smridda
smridé-ti “to stink’. In Slavonic, beside govljq gové-ti ‘venerari,
vereri’ (; Lat. favére) we see also govéjq, a later re-formate,

In Germanic we have the much discussed class of which
one is Gothic haban ‘to have’ (the 3° Weak Conjugation).’)

1) See Sievers, P.-2, Beitr. vint 90 tf; Mahlow, Lang. Voo. A, E, 0,
pp. 12 f, 19 &, and 148 £.; Kdgel in P.-B. B. 1x 504 ff; Bremer, ibid.
xi 460; Kluge, in Paul's Grundriss 1 879 f.; Streitherg, Germ. Comp.
auf -z-, in the University Calendar of Freiburg in Switzerland, 1890,

a

$708. ‘Present Stem: Class XXVI—Skr. hdr-ya-ti dyf-yd-te. 239

Tts connexion with the Balt.-Slav. jo : dclass is shown by such
forms as O.FLG. dolém: Lith. tyléti, O.TLG. lebem : 0.0.81,
-lipéti (Gr. ahupy-var), Goth, muna mundis : Lith. miné-ti
O.C.S1. miné-ti (Gr. navj-vu), Goth. vita vitdis : Lith. pa-vydéti
O.€.S1. vidé-ti. jo-structure is seen in forms like O.Sax. 1" sing.
hebbiu libbiu pl. hebbiad libbiad AS. habbe libbe; libbiu =
OCS). -Npljq. Then we find -é in such as O.H.G. habé-m
habe-s ete., and -¢- -+ -jo- in Goth. 2™ sing. habdi-s 3" sing.
24 pl. -di-p (I § 142 p. 126).

Besides these, we find in Germanic other forms which an
impartial eritie cannot but regard as forms of our Class II;
such, for example, are Goth. 1" sing. haba 1" pl. habam
8" pl. haband, O.1L.G. habu AS. hafu.!) It is true that the
West-Germanie forms could easily be explained as due to the
analogy of other verbal forms; but the Gothic ones are
incomprehensible if so regarded.*) Now in Balto-Slavonic and
Greek, forms of Class If are found associated with é-forms, as
Lith. meni minéti as contrasted with O.C.Sl. minjq mindéti,
O.C.SI. part. vidomii beside vidimii from vidéti, Gr, itu
idshzjom (§ 727) — compare Umbr. neifhabas ‘ne adhibeant’
beside habe ‘habet’ habetu ‘habeto’.. Another explanation is
therefore possible, and to my mind more likely to be true.
It is possible that in Germanic as well, some of the verbs in
question had this form of the present stem, and that this
o-type was made the rule for all verbs in Gothic. In that
ease, the relation of Goth. haba (O.H.G, habu) and O.Sax.

pp- 15 £, 18 &, and 32; Sievers, in Paul Braune and Sievors’ Beitr. xvi
257 ff.; Bartholomae, Stud. idg. Spr. m 143 ff. Hirt, Idg. Forach. 1 204;
Streitberg, Zur Germ. Sprachgeschichte, pp. 73 ff.

1) Tho 24 and 34 sing. O.H.G. Aebis hebit may be oxamples either
of o-flexion or of jo-flexion. It is quite cortain that hedita and ge-hebit
are the latter.

2) O.FLG. habu AS. hafu may be instead of (O.Sax.) hebbin, as
O.ELG, ligu instead of liggfiJu following ligis ete. On the other hand, we
have no right at all to put Goth. haba on tho samo level as Jiga instend
of *ligja following ligis cto.

240 Present Stom: Class XXVI— hdr-ya-ti dyb-ys-t2. $708.

hebbiu might be compared with O.C.SI. vidomit and vidimii, or
with Lith. 3° sing. smirda and smirdi, There is yet another
possibility. With Streitberg, we may derive hab-and from
*-éndi,}) and assume that haba habam were formed on the
analogy of batra batram ; batrand. There is nothing at all to
be said for Hirt’s conjecture that 1" sing. haba comes from
*-g-m, with secondary personal ending.

That pr. Germanic also knew the inflexion with -& + -jo-
seems to follow from O.H.G. rérém ‘I bellow, bleat, roar’; this
word is akin to Lith. ré-ju, and points to pr. Germ. *raj-ré-jo
(§ 741). Compare farther § 548 p. 105, on Goth. rei-ra
‘I tremble, quake’ 2” sing. rei-rdi-s, which is connected with
Skr. le-ldy-a-ti.

Tn this group falls also O.H.G. stém stam ‘I stand’, which
varies between @ and @ in all its persons. This must be
due to an original series in which some persons had only @
and others only a. 4 comes from pr. Germ. 2, but @, as the
A.S. and O.Fris. @ shows, comes from pr. Germ. aj. The verb
is intimately connected with O.C.SI. stojq stoja-ti (for *stojé-ti),
in whose present stem stoji- (2" sing. stoji-di ete.) = Idg. sts-
~it-, the 7 is as regular as in ladi-ji Lith. md-ji-s and the
like (vol. II p. 122 footnote 2); compare Skr. pass. sthi-ya-té
instead of *stha-ya-té (§ 707 p. 287, § 709). The *stojé- of
the infinitive stem cannot be original, because this suffix -2-
which we are now treating was added to the Root (in its weak
grade), not to the present stem. *stojé- is then doubtless a
contamination of *st-é- and “sto-j&- (similarly la-jq la-ja-ti ‘to
bark, give tongue’ as constrasted with orig. Lith. W-ju 4-ti,
and Gr. yaigyow éyaignoa as contrasted with za/ew, instead of
*yap-uw, izaonr, zaondovnar, and xeyconua), The two stems,
*st2-jo- and *st-é-, are combined in the West Germanic present
scheme, which before levelling ran something like stam stés stét
stamés stét stant (see Bremer, as cited, p. 48), i. e. *st-&-mi

1) In view of vind-s for *y&nto-s, Streitberg assumes that 2 becomes
@ only in syllables not bearing the chief sccent (p. 18),

§708. Present Stem: Class XXVI — Ske. hdr-ya-ti dyd-ws-12. 241

*sta-ii-zi etc, stam stamés stant run parallel to habém habémes
habent, and stés sté to heois hevit (1* sing. heffu).

The verb gam gém ‘I go’ is the exact counterpart of stam
stém in every respect. As to the origin of this verb many
different theories have been set forth. If our explanation of
stam stém is right, it is advisable to link gam gém with Skr.
ja-ha-ti ‘deserts, gives up’ pl. ja-hiemas aor. d-hd-t, ji-hi-té
“goes, yields’, in which case we must assume the stems *gha~jo-
*gha-it and *gh-é. The latter stem reappears in Gr. xé-y-y-n0
xiz-n-uev, if this verb belongs to the same root (§ 594 p. 135).

In Latin, the whole present scheme has é-, and the
1* sing., but this person only, has -jo- in addition: vided for
*-20, 2" sing. vidé-s etc.: Lith. pa-oydiiu -vydé-ti Goth. vita
vitdi-P. Compare further rubed: O.C.S). ritédq riidé-ti, and
vale: Lith. galit galéti, and so forth, § 590 p, 182. Italic
likewise had at one time forms with -jo- (and without -é-) in
this group of verbs; this we see from Ose. stait ‘stat’ stahint
‘stant’ Umbr. stahitu ‘stato’. These imply a stem *sta-é-'),
which must be regarded as for *staj-2- and compared with
O.O.81. stoja-ti; that is, it is a contamination of *sta-jo- and
“st-t-. Again, the c of licet beside lingud may perhaps justify
our assuming an earlier “licid for *licy-id (Skr. ricya-t@ Gr.
isowusr); see p. 129 footnote. The o-present Umbr. -habas
‘habeas’ beside habe ‘habet’ has been spoken of already
(pages 239 f.).

What conclusion is to be drawn from a comparison of the
Greek and Balto-Slavonic with Germanic and Italic? It is
natural to suppose that the two former divide -jo- and -&
amongst their forms more nearly as the original language did;
and that the latter came to have @forms in their present on
account of their final confusion of Imperfect-Present with
Aorist-Present, and the loss of the augmented preterite as an
independent tense. Lat. vidé-s vidé-tis may be called injunctive,

1) For the proof that Ose. { must be orig. 2, and not orig. i, I have
to thank my pupil G. Broniseh.
Be Blements. IV. 16

a . = a

242 Prosont Stem: Class XXVI — Ske. hdr-yorti dpydte, — § 708.

and compared immediately with Lith. miné miné-te Gr.
@ucvy-s (udvy-re, the imperative vidé may be compared
immediately with miné-k, which stood to miné just as di'-k
to Skr, d-da-t; and the only difference between O.H.G. habém
habes etc., or Lat. videt vident, and these Lithuanian and Greek
preterites is that they have the primary personal endings,
Compare too Lat. tagit beside tangit, and others of the kind
(§ 583 p. 125); compare too dat with preterite sense
(Veg. Aen, 1 79, 1x 266, x1 172) like -bat (§ 505 p. 71 with
footnote 2). This state of things was partly due to the analogy
of é-verbs with non-syllabic root; these carried the é-suffix
right through the verb; for example, Lat. -pled for *pl-8-i6
-plés (Skr, pré-si é-pra-t Gr, nij-ro), Goth. vaia for *n-8-i6
(O.C.S1. vé-jq, Skr. od-ti Gr. dy-or). If in these the present
and preterite both had originally @ the connexion of the two
would be very close when the preterite ceased to form a distinct
category; it would then be quite natural for @verbs with
syllabic root to run the @ right through the present, and,
given Lat. vidérem (cp. 0.0.51. vidéchtt Lith. pa-vidésin Gr, Dor.
fdjon, § 813) and Lat. vidé-bam vide-bd, to form a present
vided vides ete. on the analogy of -pled beside -plérem plé-
-bam -bd; or suppose we say, quite natural for existing
injunctive forms such as vidés vidétis to be treated as if they
were the same in character as -plés ~plétis, and used for the
present, soon to be followed up by vided videt ete. which filled
the gaps in the system. This levelling and filling up of the
gaps was completed in Latin by the beginning of the historical
period; but in Germanic it never was completed at all. In
Germanic all monosyllabic é-stems, except two which crystallised,
were absorbed by the jo- conjugation (§ 592); so the action of
this principle can be clearly seen only with forms which contain
~@- + ~jo-, as (ioth. vitdis vitdip. The reason why Gothic
chose to replace “pitaia *vitaiam *vitaiand by vita vitam
vitand to complete the tense lay in the number of syllables in
these words.

Thus O.Sax. litbiu libda is a verb like Goth. vasirkja

$§ 708,109, Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr. hdr-ya-té dyf-ya-te. 243

vatrhta (§ 722). The reason why we find in parallel use
O.H.G. lebet and Goth. libdip ete. is simply that in these
languages there once was a non-present stem “lip-2-, but no
such éstem was ever connected with vaiirkjan,

‘We need not be surprised that it was jo-stems that became
joined with stems in one verbal system. Both these suffixes
have at all periods been used by preference in making forms
with intransitive meaning. Observe how jo is so used in the
Aryan ya-passive (§ 710), and # in the Greek aorist passive
with 7 ($ 589 p, 130),

Lastly, I must foreguard against a misconception. In
contrasting jo as a present suffix with @ in non-present
stems, [ must not be understood to mean that all non-present
forms originally had -2-. We have in Greek xtxevyae xavro-¢
beside xaéw: Zxayw xajoope, pavodua pulanve beside matvopc:
Zuarvyy weucdvnuas; 80 in Latin, vtdt visu-s beside vided, habui
habitu-s beside habed, in Germanic pret. O.Sax. habda O.H.G.
hapta O.lcel. hafda partic. hafdr beside O.Sax. hebbiu: O.H.G.
habem ete. How this @ managed to spread in non-present
stems (as xejoouc beside xevom, menavyuic beside pusunva,
O.ILG. habeta beside hapta), is a question which need not
concern us here,

Remark. In § 583, page 125, we assumed an d-aorist beside the
é-norist, and explained -d- in Lat, occupare on the same principle as -é
in videre. It is particularly easy to seo rexomblance between vfdare and
arére. ard ards, ardrem: O.C.81. orja orachii = vided vidés, vidérem:
O.OS1. vidda vidéchit.

§ 709. Aryan. Type A. Skr. hdr-ya-ti, raj-ya-ti pdc-
ya-té, spha-ya-t8, a-ddya-mana-s, Avest. jaidye-iti O.Pers.
jadiya-mty, Avest. yezimna-, Avest. d-stayd O.Pers, niy-astaya,
Skr. pdd-ya-ti Avest. spas-ye-iti, see § 706 pp. 233 f. Arvest.
urvaes-ye-iti ‘moves, proceeds’ (ure- for or-, I § 157 p. 141),
parallel B-stem urvis-ye-iti. Skr. ndh-ya-ti ‘binds’ y~nedh-
(part. naddhd-s). Skr. nd$-ya-ti Avest. nas-ye-iti ‘disappears,
is destroyed’ ynek-. Skr. pdd-ya-t2 ‘goes, falls’, Avest. pad-

16*

<<

244 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Ske. hdrewurti dpbydete. $709.

-ye-iti “goes, gets somewhere’ |“ ped-. Skr. mdd-ya-ti ‘enjoys
itself, carouses’ beside 2” sing. mdt-si Class L

Type B. Skr. mr-iyd-t2 Avest. mer*-ye-iti (it is uncertain
how we should read the O.Pers. 3" sing. pret., whether os
omariyata = dg. *e-my-ie-to or as amriyata = Idg, *e-mr-
-ije-to, see 1 § 289 p. 231), Skr. dir-yd-t8, han-yd-t8, -gam=
~yd-t2, -bha-ya-t2, dhi-yd-t2, ct-ya-te, kjt-yd-te kgt-ya-té,
pt-ya-ti, Avest. ver*z-ye-iti, Skr. gfdh-ya-ti, ric-yd-te ric-ya-te,
chid-yd-t8, kup-ya-ti, S§-ya-ti, siv-ya-ti, sthiv-ya-ti, dhd-ya-ti,
d-ya-ti ‘binds’, stht-ya-té, d-yd-ti ‘divides’ dd-ya-té, see § 707
pp. 235 ff.

Other, forms which have not the passive meaning. Skr. jfr-_
-ya-ti jtir-ya-ti ‘falls into decay’ beside jér-a-ti Class I A and
jwr-d-ti Class 1B. ddm-ya-ti ‘tames, conquers’ for *dip-ije-ti.
tdm-ya-ti ‘grows stupefied, faint’ for *tyi-je-ti. mi-ya-té ‘grows
less’. pit-ya-ti ‘stinks’, yj-ya-ti ‘rushes on’. —hy§-ya-ti ‘is
excited, or happy’. Avest. pedyginti ‘they fight’ pr. Ar. *py't-
~ja-nti (I § 260 p. 212). Skr. driih-ya-ti ‘tries to hurt’,
Avest. part. drujint- ‘lying, deceiving’ O.Pers. adarajiya (read
adurujya) ‘lied’. Skr. pra-disya-ti ‘points to’, Avest. dis-ye-itt
‘shows, teaches’. Skr. s-yd-ti ‘whets', Avest, s-ye-iti ‘cuts’, (/ ho-,

Passive. Skr. kr-iyd-t@ Avest. ker’=ye-t@ ‘is made’, Skr.
str-iyd-té stir-ya-té ‘sternitur’, Avest. strya-mna- i. e. striya-
-mna-. Skr, $r-ya-t2 ‘is broken to pieces’, O.Pers. asariyuta
‘was killed’, common ground-form ‘*hy-je-. Ske. bhr-iya-te
Avest. bairyet@ “fertur’, the Avestic form being for *bhp-je-
Skr. yam-yd-té ‘is held or inclined’. Skr. sra-yd-t# ‘is heard’,
Avest, sru-ye-t? ‘is heard, heard of’: cp. O.C.SI. po-slu-ja,
type A. Skr. ni-yd-t@ ‘is led, brought’. Skr. dyd-yd-te ‘is
seen. Skr. Sas-yd-t0 ‘is praised’, O.Pers. 1" pl. pah-ya-mahy
‘we are mentioned’, yThens-. Skr. yuj-yi-té ‘is yoked or
harnessed’, ur-ysi-t@ ‘is spoken’, y7ueg-. bhid-yd-té ‘ia split’
(bhid-ya-té ‘splits, goes in two'). idh-yd-té ‘is kindled’, / ajdh-.
aj-yd-t@ “is anointed’ from -afj-. Avest. da-yy-t8 ‘is set,
placed’ ground-form “dho-je-taj, (/dhé-; Skr. dhi-yd-té like
sthi-ya-té (§ 707 p. 237) with the determinative -7-,

_— a 4

$710. —-Prosent Stom: Class XXVE— Skr. hfr-weeti dyer, 245

§ 710. As a general rule, passive forms in Sanskrit accent
~io-, and non-passive forms the root. But this difference in
aecent had originally nothing to do with active or passive. It
depended upon the grade of the root, strong or weak as the
case might be. A few forms which are not passive still accent
the suffix, as S-yd-ti mr-iyd-t2, which is a relic of the former
state of things. The retraction of accent in dhd-ya-ti (earlier
*dho-ié-ti) dd-ya-té (instead of *da-ié-tai, § 707 p. 237) gfdle
-ya-ti ric-ya-té ete., which seems proved for proethnic Aryan
by the evidence of Avest. pedyginti, § 709 (I § 260 pp. 212 f),
may be compared with the retraction in ddé-ya-ti gir-a-ti
At-nva-ti gd-cha-ti and the like (§ 516 p. 82).

The reason why the Middle of this particular present class
became a Passive system in Aryan, is that the greater number
of the verbs in it were intransitive; so in Greek a passive
system grew out of an intransitive, I mean the passive aorist
in -yv, § 589 pp. 129 f. But not all the forms of the group
can be called passive, To mr-iyd-té ‘dies’, for instance, the
term cannot be applied; nor ean it to all aorists in -y,
Zoou7 ‘flowed’ for example.

So constant a mark of the passive did an accentuated -yd-
become, that the intransitive pdc-ya-t ric-ya-t@ were turned
into passives by accenting them pac-yd-t ric-yd-t@, and the
language even tolerated smar-yd-té, despite its strong root
(op. hdr-ya-ti).

In Sanskrit, as in the two Iranian languages, passive forms
occur with active personal endings, as well as middle; e. g.
Skr. epic dyé-ya-ti ‘is seen’ (Holtzmann, Gramm. aus dem
MBh., 26 f.), Avest. xwar-ye-iti ‘is eaten’. It is impossible to
understand the forms till we know their accentuation.

Remark. It is somotimes said that the intr, active ddhyati ‘burns
up’ us compared with the pass. dahydte ‘is burnt’, since both practically
mean the same thing, was the origin of the active forma with passive

moaning, dyfyati and the like. This we could only venture to say if we
knew for certain that the word was accented dffyati.

246 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Skr.har-ya-ti dpl-yé-tz. §$711—713.

§ 71. Armenian. Verbs in -im, which originally had
middle or passive meaning: xausim ‘loquor’, erevim ‘I appear’.
‘This i-suffix was put to the same use as -yd- in Sanskrit, for
making the passive conjugation. Each active verb in -em
became middle or passive by the simple change of ¢ to i.
This often resulted in i being added to stems which had
already some other present sign: e. g. arni-m ‘I am made,
I become’ from ar-ne-m “I make’. The endings -anim and
-anem are used side by side, as in Greek -a»w beside -arw;
thus mer-ani-m ‘I die’ (aor, meray) like Gr. «agairw ‘I wear
away, destroy’.

§ 712. Greek. Type A. oreiw, modw, ievoow, gto
‘L colour’, Hoorcdae, misow, GZoyue, aiyoow, xowlw, see § 706
pp. 233 f., deiou, redw, see § 707 p. 236. Att. gFeiw Arcad.
priow Lesb. ptéopm ‘LE destroy’, pr. Gr. *pt_o-uw (akin to Skr.
A§dr-a-ti ‘flows, dissolves’); parallel B-stem, Dor. gFaiom. Ton.
diigo Leah. dépgu (atéggw ?) ‘I raise’ for *a-Feg-ww; parallel
B-stem Hom. Att. aiow. xsipw “I pierce’; ep. O.C.S1. porjetit
‘cuts to pieces’ (inf. prati) for *pf-ie-, type B. oréida ‘I
arrange, equip’ for *orel-¢o. oxélaw ‘I dry’. xretvw Lesb,
xrivvw ‘I slay’; parallel in type B, Lesb. xrafvw. zétw “caco’
for *zsd-4 (perf. xtyodu). daiw “I kindle’ for *daF-su (perf.
didns): cp. Skr. pass. da-ya-té, type B. Of the same sort as
daiw are doubtless xem xdo “I burn’ and xialw xém T weep’;
see 1 § 131 pp. 118 f.

Remark. sist yew and the like, found in the text of Homer and
Hesiod (Curtius, Verb 1* 804 £.), can be explained *xief-gw (Lith. plduxjr)
and so forth. But there is practically no objection to regarding them, as
many scholars do, a8 corruptions for Avolic forms of Class Ul, miedo =
"nlefaws

§ 713. Type B. zuiga, onaieu, oxdiiw, patvoum, Salvo,
teio, tlw, gto, *édtu "I do’, podtu, Accomuer, syilw, mequtorec,
xavcbu, arto, dé, Jaiw "L divide’, see §§ 706 f. pp. 233 ff.
pialom, aiom, xralvw, see § 712. faddw “I throw’ for *Pak-po
*a-id, Vgel-. xadvw ‘T kill probably for *xau-yo, compare
xaudveey ‘the dead’ (then savoy got » from the present): Skr.

$713, Present Stem: Cluas XXVI— Ske. hir-yn-ti dpfeyie, — 24T
ddm-ya-ti “becomes still, is extinguisht’ for “hip-ie-ti (zaivm
differently explained by Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxr
428, 432; Fick, 14 48). arom ‘I make shy’, ep. Lat, con-
=ster-nd-re, atpw ‘I drag’ ep. oafgw “I sweep’ (with yj), oxvdhw
‘Ltear to pieces, towse, worry’ ep. Lith. skelt (*skel=ji) ‘I split’;
the v of this form needs explanation. déw ‘I beseech, fly, fear”
doubtless for *é-qw: Skr, df-ya-ti ‘flies’; of type A, Lett.
déi-ju “1 dance’ (inf. dé-t); the forms disre dierar and such like
were associated with Tere ferar, and this caused the formation
of 2edicoay dicna and others by analogy of the parts of Taya.
godcom ‘I enclose’ for *ppax-yw: Lat. farc-id with ar = 7,
connected with frequ-éns. ddow “I press, knead’ ground-form
*migg-i0 y~meng-, cp. the forms, belonging to Class XXXII,
O.C.S1. meéq (24 sing. medi-si) ‘I soften’ (inf. medi-ti) Lith.
minkaw ‘I knead’ inf. minky-ti). — axéfw ‘I limp’ ground-form
*aog-id, akin to Skr. khinj-a-ti ‘limps’. vw ‘I wash’ ground-
form *nig-i0: Skr. pass. nij-ya-té. oriZw ‘I prick, pierce’ for
*ory-qw: OFL.G. sticch(iju ‘I stitch’ (§ 722). Aooouae “I pray’
for Arr-o-nar, cp. dur-t-adcu, Class IB. xvitw “L scratch,
prick, stir up’ for *xmd-¢a, beside O.Icel. hnit ‘I knock against,
hurt with a knock’ Class II A. dgvoow “I dig’ for *bgvx-g:
Lith. rawk-it ‘I wrinkle’, (A). ano-wirtw ‘L blow my nose’ for
*uvx-co; Skr. pass. muc-yd-té ‘is set free’; Lith, mauk-itt ‘L
seratch slightly, touch softly’, type A.

The theory that ofw ‘lL swell’, for *dd-sm, does not
belong to type A, is doubtful, in spite of an appeal to
Lith, Wd-diw ‘I smell’; it is also uncertain to which section
belongs dvcoza ‘I see’, for *og-io- (cp. 1 § 319 p, 258). It is
risky to connect dodouae with Goth. ah-ja ‘I believe, surmise’.

Forms with Idg. -ijo-. 1é-iw ‘I sweat’ is usually connected
directly with Skr. svid-ya-ti O.H.G. swizzeu. If that is so,
#-0tou is due to the analogy of denominatives in -i-j0- and
itm (Aristoph,) is a reformate like xovfw (§ 775). eo%-fw be-
side fo9m ‘esse’ for *ed + dhd, cp. § 694 p. 228, § 765,
A form "plw = Idg. *hhu-iid follows from gi-rv ‘sprout, shoot,
scion’ gi-rv-g ‘begetter’, which must have been derived from it

a

248 — Prosent Stom: Class XXVI —Skr. hdr-yooti dpbendore, §§8714,715.

as though the verbal atem were ge (§ 707 p. 235); a similar
origin must be supposed for Lat. t-tv-m cupr-tu-s and others
(G8 715 ff).

§ 714. The identity of ending in opatw sopata (ogay-
‘slay’) and forms like gpaiw épgata (qmpax- ‘enclose’) produced
oparre as a bye-form to ogatu, by analogy with gpartw.
Vice versa, we have fedtm in late Greek instead of Sparrm
(Soar- ‘seethe, bluster, roar’) by analogy of such words as
goat (poad- “give to understand’), because almost all the forms
of verbs in -r-, -9-, and -J- are alike except in the present
stem, ‘foaolaja like épgao(a)a, and so forth. See Mucke, De
Consonarum in Greca lingua geminatione, 1 (1883) pp. 17 ff.;
Osthoff, Perfect 296 ff. and 822 f.

As regards the relation of putvoume to guarny pesudvyuce
HeuaVnig pavijoones, or of zelow to izdeny ezauniic xezaorau,
see § 708 pp. 238 ff.

§ 715. Italic, In Latin, post-consonantal -i0 became -id,
just as *mediv-s became mediu-s (L § 135 p, 122); thus morior
for *morjo(r) *myid. In Oscan, -ijo- is seen in heriiad ‘velit’,
and other words.

Lat. in-ciéns for *-cu-je- (as sociu-s for *socy-io-s, vol. I
loc. cit.) beside gu-ed = Skr. v-dyami (§ 790). So also farcid
for *farcu-id beside frequ-tns.

Why we have now -i- and now -t-, as in cap-i-s fare-t-s,
no rule has so far been discovered to show. Often enough
the same verb has both quantities, as mort-mur and mortmur;
so that we find in Latin both the peculiarities which we saw
divided between Baltic and Slavonic (Lith. smirdi-me 0.0.31,
smridi-mii). In Umbrian and Osean all the recorded forms
have -I- — doubtless an accident: Umbr. heris hereitu heritu
beside heriest ‘volet’ cp. Skr. hdr-ya-ti, an-ovihimu ‘induimino’
(ihi == 1) beside Lith. aviv ‘Ll wear something on my feet?
(1* pl. dvi-me).

As the present stems of which Lat. farcid is one were
inflected just like denominatives in -i-jo- (§ 777), it cannot be

=—

§§715—717. Present Stem: Class XXVI — Ske. hdr-ya-ti dri-yd-te. 249

wondered at that the analogy of these denominatives caused
non-present forms with -f to be coined, such as farct-tus
beside fartu-s from farcid; ep. § 713 on Gr, &idrou and
gre.

In the lists which follow below, i or tis added in brackets
to show the quantity of the weak-grade vowel in the 2"‘singular
etc.; and it is stated whether f is ever found outside the
present stem,

§ 76. Type A. Lat. ap-(oerid op-(ojerid (%, aper-ui
aper-tu-s opert-mentu-m): Lith. iZ-veriu, see § 706 p. 283.
Ser-i0 (%, ferit feri-tiru-s): Lith. bar-it ‘T scold’ 0.0.81. bor-jq
‘I fight’ and probably O.Icel. ber ‘I strike’ (inf. berja) from the
ground-form *bhy-j0, type B. Ital. her-jo- her-ijo- her-i- in
Umbr. heris heriest hereitu Osc. heriiad, see § 706 p. 238,
§ 715. Lat. spec-id (i, spec-tu-s): Skr. pds-ya-ti, see § 706
p. 234. Umbr. an-ovihimw ‘induimino’: Lith. av-it ‘1 wear
something on my feet (1" pl. do-i-me inf. avé-ti) and Lett. du-ju
‘[ put something on my feet’ (1" pl. du-ja-m inf. du-t) O.O.SL.
(ob-)u-ja, same meaning (1" pl. -u-je-mit inf. -u-ti), Lat. pav-id
(i, pavi-vt pavt-tus): Lith. pidu-ju ‘L cut, mow, slay’ (pit-ti-s
‘slice, harvest). haur-id (t, haus-tu-s hauri-tu-s). jac-i6 (i,
jac-tu-s). crdc-id (t, subst. erdct-tu-s), see § 706 p. 234.

To the same group must belong Lat. ndli ndlite, from a
lost verb *velid; cp. O.C.SI. veljq velé-ti ‘to command’, O.1.G.
1 sing. willu ‘I wish’ Goth. viljan viljands, see § 505 p. 69.

std (Idg. *sta-{0) came under the influence of presents like
in-tro for *-tr-d-i0; hence stds etc. See § 584 Rem. p. 126.
A similar explanation may be given of for fatur, see § 495
p- 56 and § 706 p. 234.

§ 717. Type B. Lat. mor-ior (i or 1, mor-tuo-s mori-
-tfiru-s), Avest. mer‘-ye-iti, see § 707 p, 235. or-ior (i or &,
or-tu-s ori-tarus), ground-form *p-jo-, akin to Skr. y-nd-mi § 639
p. 177. par-id (i, pepert par-tu-s pari-taru-s, partret) for
“pp-i0 (I § 306 p. 242), re-perio “I bring to light again, find’

250 Present Stem: Class XXVI — Ske. hdr-yuti dybydete. §$717—T19.

(® -pertu-s): Lith. per-iit (1* pl. pér-i-me) type A. fw fi-s fiere
fiert (fi-tu-m, op. Gr. gi-rv § 713 p, 247): O.lr, bein ete,,
Idg. *bhu-iid, see § 707 p. 235; f-10 f-tunt (instead of */-i0
*f-iunt) took 7 from f¥s ete., a peculiarity which is explained
by the unique character of this verb — it is the only one in
which the suffix -id carried the chief accent; Osc. fiiet ‘fiunt’
with the ending -ent instead of -ont (p. 231 footnote). suf-fid
(&, ~ft-ot -fi-tu-s) ground-form *-dhy-iid; op. Skr. dhii-yd-té ete.,
see § 707 p. 236. in-ciéns for *-cu-ie-, op. Gr. éy-mio ‘I am
pregnant’ and Lat. gu-ed (§ 715 p. 248); probably -cigas: -~«a
= fid (pr. Ital.*fu-iid): pico Lesh. qvio, cliéns, from V7 klej-
“clinare’ (Leo Meyer, Bezz. Beitr, v 182 f.), probably for
*eli-je-: op. Skr. pass. Sri-ya-t?. grad-ior (i, gressu-s; ag-
gredior with ior i): Skr. g¥dh-ya-ti, see § 707 p. 236. lac-id
(i, -lectu-s) for *Yk-, beside O.H.G. locchon ‘to entice’ (Osthoff,
M.U.v p.m). fare-id (t, fartu-s farci-tu-s), cup-id (i,
cuperet cuptrel cupi-vt cupi-tu-s): Skr. kup-ya-ti ete., sev
§ 707 p. 236. fug-id (i, fagt fugi-tiru-s); Gr. mepvtorns,
see § 707 p. 236, in-guid in-quiunt (i) for *sq-ii0, op. in-
-qu-a-m (Class X § 583 p. 124) Gr. demons ‘said’, y7seq-.

sud (si-tu-s) and spud (spit-tu-s) probably for *sa-()6
*spi-()d as ned for *né-(i)o: Gr. xacobw arbw ete., see § TOT
p- 236.

§ 718. It is often doubtful to which type, (A) or (B),
a word belongs. ven-id (1, vent in-ventu-s), beside Skr. -gam-
~yd-t2 etc., see § TOT p. 235. cap-id (i, cépt cap-tu-s): Goth.
haf-ja OWLG. heffiu ‘I lift up’. sap-id (@, sap-ut sapl-vi):
O.FLG. int-seff(iu “L mark’, ap-id coepid (i, aptu-s); ep. § 600
p- 144 on Skr, dp-nd-mi, sal-id (i, sal-wi salit): Gr. @idouce
‘I leap’ for at-co-. fod-io (i, fossu-s, fodi-ri),

§ 79. Keltic. It is difficult to understand the Keltic
inflexious, because the Third Conjugation in Irish has absorbed
all Denominatives in -j0 -e-i6 and -i-j6, and all Causals in
-¢i0. General remarks on the jo-conjugations in § 702
pp. 229 f.

$8 719,720. Present Stem: Class XX VI — Skr, hdr-yarté dpbyd-te. 251

An account of the confusion in Irish between the First
and Third Conjugations is given in § 520 p. 84.

Type A. O.lr, -léciu ‘I leave, let’ for *leiky-id (1 § 436
Rem. p. 325): Skr. ric-ya-te ete, type B, see § 707 p. 236.
midiur ‘I give judgement or opinion’, beside Gr, pddojce
‘L meditate upon’. -ciu ‘I see’ for *ces-jd.

-tau -t6 ‘I am’ for *sta-jo: Avest. d-sta-ya ete., see $ T06
p. 234. For the inflexion of this present stem see § 584 Rem.
p. 126.

Type B. O.tr. do muiniur ‘I think, believe’ for *man-jo-
Tdg. *my-io-: Gr. palvouas ete. see § 707 p. 235. -gainedar
‘is born’ from ygen-: ep. Gr. ystvouce, type A. biu ‘I am’
for *bhy-iid: Lat. f ete., see § TOT p. 235; the stem *bhyu-t
must be contained in Mid.Cymr. imper. 3" sing. bit 3° pl. bint
(but Mod.Cymr. bydd- for *bij-), while ~iie- -ijo- is the suffix
in Ir. 8" sing. biid bith bid 8 pl. biit bit and 1 pl. -biam
8" pl. -biat. -gniu ‘I make ‘for *gn-ijo v7 gen- ‘gignere’, goes
like bin.

Belonging to either (A) or (B): MidIr. airim ‘I plough’:
Goth. ar-ja Lith. ar-it.

§ 720. Germanic. On the jo-suffix here, see § 702
p- 280. There was a confusion between some persons of the
present in this class and those of Denominatives in -e-j6 or
-i-i0, and Causals in -e0. This caused a general commingling
of the forms, reaching to non-present stems; the course of
which it is very difficult to trace,

Verner’s Law (I § 529 pp. 384 ff.) proves that some verbs
were accented on the root in proethnic Germanic: Goth. haf-ja
OJLG. hef@u Goth. skap-ja (pret. skop), beside O.H.G. int-
-seff(iu. See § 705 p. 238. In skaf-ja the accent seems to
have been shifted, as in Skr. fj-ya-ti ete. (§ 710 p. 245);
for Gr. d-oxxdyjg ‘scatheless', which must be connected with
skap-ja (pret. skdp), points to a skath-. That Germanic
inherited forms with an accented suffix, type B (cp. mr-iyd-té
tud-yd-t@) seems to follow from O,Sax. thiggian AS. diczean

_—

i |

252 Present Stem: Class XXVI— Ske, hdr-yaoti dphyhre, SS 721,722.

‘to receive, assume’ from {/teg- (Lith. ték-ti ‘to reach’) and
AS. friczean ‘to experience’ from 7 prek- (Lat. precart).

On present stems with -jo- as bye-forms of the @-present,
such as O.Sax. hebbiu beside O.ELG. habe-m (Goth. haba
habdi-s), see § 708 pp. 238 ff.

§ 721. Type A. O.HLG. wirk(iju ‘1 work’ (pret. worhta
worahta); Gr. spd, see § 706 p. 234; parallel B-stems
O.FLG, wurk(ju Goth. vatrkja, O.H.G. liggh@u ‘I lie’
(pret. lag), O-Tcel. ligg (inf. liggja) from (/legh-; Goth. liga
instead of *ligja follows ligis etc., as in later O.H.G. we get
ligu instead of ligg(iju following ligis ete. (§ 702 p. 280).
O.LLG, sizzu ‘T sit? (pret. sag), O.Icel. sit (inf. sitja): compare
probably métw ‘I press’ (lit. ‘1 sit upon’) for *w-asd-eo (op. Skr.
puss. pidyaté for *pi-zd-je-), perhaps also Roum (see § 563
p- 111); Goth. sita like liga. Goth, ga-hvatja ‘I incite’
(part. hvassa ‘whetted, sharp’) O.11.G. wezzu ‘I whet, sharpen’
(pret. wazta), beside Skr. cud- (pres. céda-ti) ‘to inflame,
incite. Goth. hlah-ja ‘I laugh’ (prep. hloh). Goth. saia
O.H.G. sdu ‘I sow’, pr. Germ. *séj0 ; Lith. séju, see § 706
p. 234. O.FLG. taw ‘I suckle’ ground-form *dhe-id beside
Goth. da-ddja (B), see § TOT p. 237.

§ 722. Type B. O.Icel. ber ‘I strike’ (inf, berja, pret.
barda) pr. Germ. *bar-j6 ground-form *bhp-j6: Lith. bar-it, see
§ 716 p. 249. Goth. hul=ja (pret. hulida) O.H.G. hulltiju
(pret. hudta) ‘I cover, hide’ ground-form *&J-j0, beside O.H.G.
hilu ‘I conceal’. O.Icel. symja ‘to swim’ beside svima, pret.
svam, pr. Germ. “s(u)um-ja-. A.S. bed ‘I am’ ground-form
*bh(w)-ii6, 24 and 3" sing. bis bid 3" pl. bedd (part. bednde),
O.H.G. 2"! sing. bis bist (for its 1" sing. we haye bim, see
§ 507 pp. 73 f): Lat. ft ete., see $ 707 p, 235. O.lcel. dg
‘I shake’ (inf. dg-ja, pret. da-da): Skr. dha-yd-te etc., see
§ 707 p. 286. OvLcel. dg “I destroy, shatter, crush’ (inf. lj-ja,
pret. /a-da): Gr. iéw (ep. § 527 Rem.2 pp. 90). Goth. vatirk-ja
(pret. vatirhta) O.U.G. wurk(iju (pret. worhta) “1 work’ beside
O.ILG. wirk(iu, type A: Avest, ver"s-ye-iti ote., see § 707 p. 236,

i

$§722,725. —Peesout Stom; Class XXVI — Ske. hdv-yorti dpbyde. 258

§ 721. Goth. parirseip mik “I thirst’, lit. ‘it thirsts me’ (pret.
poirsida): Skr. tf§-ya-ti ‘thirsts’, O.HLG. gurt-@u ‘I gird”
(pret. gurta), beside Goth, gairda Class Tl A, O.HLG.
wourg(@u ‘I throttle’ (pret. wurcta): Lett. wirfehu ‘T jerk’
(inf. wir/t): parallel we have Lett, werfehu (we'r/chu and
wérfchu) i turn, twist’ Lith, verg-it ‘I tie’, type A. Goth. bugh-ja
‘I think’ (pret. pah-ta); parallel Jagk-ja, which may answer to
Lat. tonged, see $ 894. Goth, bug-ja ‘I buy’ (pret. badihta).
Goth. bidja O.H.G, bitt(u ‘I beg, pray’, ground-form *bhidh-id
Vv bhejdh-, whose pret. is bap bat following words like sat
(I § 67 Rem. 3 p.57); Goth, us-bida O.H.G. bitu a re-formate
like liga, see § 702 p. 230, O.H.G. int-rihhit ‘revelat’, later
-rihhit (part. int-rigan). O.H.G. sticch(iju “I embroider,
stitch’ (part. si-stickit): Gr. orf{m, see § 713 p. 247,
O.TLG. swizzu ‘I sweat’ (pret. swizta): Skr. svid-ya-ti ‘sweats’;
the suffix -ijo- is perhaps seen in Gr, t-fm (§ 713 p. 247).
Goth. skap-ja ‘I hurt’ (pret. skop), ep. Gr. o-oxnIr}¢ ‘unscathed’,
§ 720 p. 251. O.ELG. ita-ruch(é)u ‘rumino’; Lith. rdg-iu
‘I gulp, belch’. OHLG. seutt(u ‘I shake, shatter’ (pret. scutta)
ep. Lat, quat-id -cutio,

Goth. siu-ja ‘I sew’: Gr. xasote ete,, O.leel, spy ‘TL spew
{pret. spjé and spada): Gr. nrbw ete. See § TOT p. 236,
Goth. da-ddja ‘I give suck’: Skr. dhi-ya-ti ete,, see § 707
p. 287.

§ 723. We are often in doubt whether forms belong to
(A) or (B). “Goth. haf-ja O.H.G. hef@u ‘T litt up’ (pret. haf,
huob): Lat. cap-id. O.HLG. int-seffu ‘I mark’ (pret, -suab):
Lat. sap-id0. Goth. ar-ja O.H,G, er-ix ‘T plough’ (pret, O.H.G.
far ier): MidJr. airim Lith, ar-it O.C.SI. or-jq ‘I plough’.
O.ILG. swer-in ‘I swear’ (pret. swuor),

Tn quite a large number of the above named verbs with
weak preterites it is doubtful whether the original ending of the
present ought not rather to be assumed as -éo (Class XXXII).
Thus, for example, Goth. hulja may be derived from *kl-éi0,
with the same weak root-syllable as is found in Skr. turdya-ti
and elsewhere (§ 790).

PS

$726. Present Stem: Class XXVI— Skr. fiir-yo-ti dpbyi-te. 255

we must connect with them the Lettic preterites (éj-w sméj-w
sléj-u.').

Lith. verczit ‘I turn’ (veFs-ti). —verk-ite ‘I cry’ (veFk-ti).
szelp-iit ‘I help, support’ (szelp-ti). sreb-itt “I sip, lap’ srép-ti;
also sréb-it (by levelling with srébiaw srépti) and srob-itr
(srdp-ti). O.C.S1. érépliq “I make, create’ for *kerp-ja (érépa-ti).
plééq ‘I craw!’ for *pelz-jq (pléza-ti).

Lith. blend-git'-s ‘I grow dark’, said of the sun (pret.
blendZiat-s).

Lith. ¢duk-iu “I wait for, expect’ (tdwk-tt): Gr. Aevoom, see
§ 706 p. 234, raukeiit ‘l wrinkle’ radk-ti yreug-, cp. Gr.
sovoom (B) § 713 p. 247. mauk-it “I rub smooth’ (maiik-ti)
vo meug-, op. Skr. muc-yd-té ete., see § 713 p. 247. praus-it
‘L wash my face’ (prads-ti), op. Skr. vi-prugya-ti ‘spurts out,
trickles’.

Lith, léz-i (Wék2-ti) O.OSI. lizq (tiza-ti) ‘I liek’, ground-
form *leigh-io, op. Skr. par. lih-ya-té, (B). Lith. pész-iu (pész-ti)
O.C.SL. pisa (ptsa-ti pisa-ti) ‘I write’, ground-form *peik-io,
ep. Skr. pis-yd-té ‘is made ready, fitted up’, (B). Lith. éd-tiu
"I form, shape’ (#ésti), O.C,S1, sigdq ‘I form, build’ (2tda-ti).

Lett. ded/ie “I burn’ trans. for *deg-iu (deg-t): Skr. dah-ya-ti,
pass. dah-yd-t8, ydhegh-. O.C.Sl. éeSq ‘I strip off, comb’
(6esa-ti), > 4es-.

Lith. ré-iu ‘I cut, tear’ (rése-ti), O.0.S1. réq ‘I cut’
(résa-ti). Lith. jégri “I have power, I can’ (jék-ti), beside
Gr. iy. ‘Lith. @d-diu ‘I smell’ (isti), op. Gr. alu § 713
p- 247, 0.0.81. pladq ‘I ery, lament’ (plaka-ti): Gr. mijoom,
see § 706 p. 234. Lith. krok-it krogeit ‘I give the death
rattle, grunt’ (krdk-ti): Gr, xonitw ete., see § 706 p. 234.

Lith. spé-ju ‘I have leisure or space’ (spé-ti), O.C.S1. spéja
‘T succeed” (spé-ti): Skr. sphd-ya-t?, see § 706 p. 234. Lith.
sé-ju (sé-ti) O.C.SI, sé&jq (sé-ti) ‘I sow’: Goth, saia, see § 706
p- 284. Lett. déju “I lay eggs’ (dé-t), O.C.SI. déjq ‘I lay,

1) Zubaty"s derivation of 24jq from *zja-iq (Lith. fié-ju) is wild in
the oxteeme (Archiv slay, Phil, x11 623),

i ee ;

256 Present Stem: Clase XXVI— Ske. hdr-yo-ti dpb-yé-e. $§725,726.

set, place’ (dé-ti): Skr. 3 sing. mid. a-dhd-ya-ta “he placed
for himself Lith. sté-jd-« “I place myself, take my stand’
(st6-ti-s), OCS, stajq "I place myself’ (inf. sta-ja-ti): Avest.
a-#ta-ya ete. see § 706 p. 234.

Lith. spidu-ju (spidu-ti) O.C.SI. plju-ja (pljtea-ti) ‘I vomit’,
ep. Gr. =rtes etc.. (B); see § 707 p. 236. O.C.SI. fu-jq‘I chew’,
a bye-form of #r-q, Class II B, § 534 p. 95.

§ 726. Type B. Lith. dir-ik “I flay’ (dir-ti): Skr. dir-
=yi-t2, see § TOT p. 235. spir-itt ‘I kick’ (spir-ti): Gr. oxaiow,
see ibid. skir-it I part, eut’ (skir-ti) y~sger-. gir-itt ‘I praise”
(gir-ti), beside gér-as ‘good’. Lith. bar-it ‘I scold’ beside bar-
(bar-ti), O.CSL bor-jq ‘I fight (brati for *bor-tz), ground-form
*bhp-id: OIcel. ber ‘I strike’ (inf. berja) for pr. Germ. *bar-jo,
which probably comes from a form *bhy-i0; on the other hand,
we have Lat. fer-id following type A (§ 716 p. 249). Lith. shila
(*skil-jz) “1 strike fire, kindle’ (skil-i): Gr. oxadiw, see § 707
p- 235. Lith. kalit (*kal-ji) ‘I strike, forge’ beside kat-it (kdl-ti),
O.CS1. kol-jq ‘I slaughter’ (klatt for *kol-ti), ground-form *qf-i0.

O.CSL Zin-jq ‘I cut off, reap’ (ée-ti): Skr. han-yd-t2, see
§ 707 p. 235.

O.CSL ry-ja ‘I grub up, dig’ (ry-ti) beside riiv-q ‘I tear
out’, Class If B, O.H.G. riu-ti ‘land made fruitful by digging’;
Lith. rdéu-ju ‘I pull out of the earth, pull up’ (rdu-ti), (4).
Lith. ly-jit ‘I rain’ (ly-ti) with which O.C.SI. lijq is perhaps
connected; parallel Lith. é-ju, (A), § 725 p. 254. Lith. gy-i
'T get well, revive’ (gg-ti).

Lith. rig-iu ‘I gulp, belch’ (rd&-ti): O.HLG, ita-ruch(iu
‘rumino’. griéd-giu ‘I stamp’ (gris-tf). O.C.S1. siisq ‘I dry’ for
*such-iq (sticha-ti): Skr. Si§-ya-ti, see § 707 p. 236. litéq ‘Tlie’
for *lig-ja (litga-ti). piSq‘l strike, rub’ (picha-ti): Skr, pig-yd-te
‘is broken or crushed to bits’.

Lett. schu-ju for *siu-iu (pret. schuo-u inf. seh@-t), O.C.SL.
Sija for *sig-ia (Si-ti) “L sow’: Gr. xacatw ete. see § 107
p. 236.

—S=

g 727. Present Stem: Class XXVI— Skr. hdr-ya-ti dpt-yd-te. 257

§ 727, (2) Forms with -jo-:-f. here is no evidence
that -jo- was originally dissyllabic, This cannot be inferred
from the Lithuanian av-ih srav-it (1" pl. do-i-me srav-i-me) a8
contrasted with pldu-ju (1* pl. pldu-ja-me); these may have
been influenced by persons with the stem av-i- srav-i-. The
weak grade is regularly -i- in Lithuanian (compare future with
-s-i-, § 761) and in Slavonic regularly -i-. It appears also in
the 3" plural and the participle, Lith, smirdint- O.C.S1. smridet-,
while here the original form was most likely -jo-; on O,C.SI.
smrid-et- for -int-, see § 637 Rem, p. 176.

Idg. *bhy-ijo- *bhu-t- from y~bheu- ‘become, be’ (§ 707
p. 235) has many descendants in Balto-Slayonic, Lith. 3" sing.
bi-ti bi-t ‘erat’ (rant), which is irregular in having a primary
personal ending; plural 1* pers, siiktum-bime 24 -bite dual
1" -biva 2™'-bita, old injunctives, first used with preterite
meaning, now in clauses expressing « wish.!) With the
pr. Lith. present *4ij% is closely parallel the Lettie preterite
biju ‘eram' biji bija pl. bijém bijdt, which is related to Lat.
Stam (instead of *fiam) as Lith, bevat to Lat. fuam. Along
with these goes the Slavonic conditional (impossible condition),
originally a preterite injunctive formation, made up with bi-mt
bi bi bi-mit;*) the 1* sing. has got a primary personal ending,
like Lith, 8" sing. biti, For the 2° pl. they used biste, a
form of the s-aorist; to fill up gaps, the 1* pl. bichomit and
3" pl. bisg were coined by analogy (ep. O.C.S1, déchomit from
bé § 587 p. 128, and Lat. fitum Gr. qirv). For 8" pl. was
used bq (beside big), also injunctive in origin, Class Il B
(§ 523 p. 87). .

Remark. The view of these forms set forth by Wiedemann, Lit.

Pritt. 186 ff, is untenable. ©.C,8L bi-mi cannot be separated from Lith.
-bi-me; and to regurd this Lith. form aa an optative with orig. -i- is

1) The 264 sing. -bei admits of neveral explanations. It probably
is akin to O.C.81. 204 and 34 sing. bé Gr. dpiy-e Amen (§ 587 pp. 127 Mf).

2) In the same way were used the sorist forms bychit by by
bychoma ote,

Brugmann, Bements, 1¥.

; ay

258 Present Stem: Class XXVI— Skr.hdr-yarti dpi-yd-te. § 727.
opposed to phonetio law as completely as the assumption that Lith, diisim(e)
“dabimus’ is optative of the s- aorist (op, § 761).

With the remaining Balto-Slavonic verbs of this elasa we
find regularly an infinitive stem in -@, as Lith. smirdé-ti
O.C.S1. smridé-ti beside smirdgiu smriédq (cp. O.C.S1. bé béchti
béachit beside bi-mii, like smridé smridéchii. smridéachii: beside
smridi-mii). This, as we saw in § 708 pp. 238 ff., has a parallel
in Greek; for instance, pafvoum: duccrgy peruavnnig pwepdrnnan
ecrifdouc = O.CSL. minjq: mind mindvii minéchit (Lith, miné
minésiu). Tn Italic and Germanic, there are only some parallel
jo-presents, as Lat, ndlé O.H.G. willu Goth, viljan: O.OS1.
velja; OSax, pl. libbiad partic, libbiandi: 0.0.81. -liplia, Here
we usually find presents in @, as Lat. valed: Lith, gali,
O.ELG. lebém: 0.0.81. -lplia.

Lith, tylit (i. e. *tyl-it) tylé-ti ‘to be still’ (long tsound not
original): O.1L.G. dolé-m ‘I suffer, endure’, y~tel- ‘carry, bear’,
O.CS1. minjq miné-ti ‘to think’: Skr. mdn-ya-té, Gr. walvouc,
O.Lr, do muiniur Goth. muna ‘I bethink me, think of, wish’
2" sing. mundis, see § TOT p. 235. Lith. gird#i girdé-ti
‘Lapprehend, hear’: Gr. goatw, see § 707 p. 286. O.C.S1. driéq
driéa-ti ‘contain, possess’: Skr. dfh-ya-ti ‘makes fast’. O.C.S1.
-lipljq -lipé-ti ‘to cling to’: Skr. pass. lip-ya-té ‘is smeared or
anointed’, O.Sax. libbiu O,.H.G. lebé-m ‘I live’ (the O.Icel. lifa
‘to be over, remain, live’ helps to make clear how one meaning
came out of the other), Lith. pa-oydgiu -vydéti ‘invidere’
O.C\SL viida vidé-ti ‘to see’: Skr. vid-yd-té ‘is known,
recognised, found’, Lat. vided, Goth. vita ‘to look at a thing,
observe’ 24 sing. vitdi-s. O,C.SI. biigda biidé-ti ‘to wake,
watch’; Skr. bridh-ya-té ‘awakes, perceives’ pass. budh-yd-te.
0.0.81. ritédq riidé-ti ‘to blush’: Lat, rubed. O.C.S1. kypliq
kypé-ti ‘to boil, seethe’: Skr. kup-ya-ti, Lat, cupid, see § 707
p. 286. O.C.SI. stojq stoja-ti ‘to stand’: Skr. pass, stht-ya-fe
instead of *stha-ya-té, O.H.G, 2" sing. stés for *sta-ji-zi, see
§ 706 p. 284, § 708 p. 240.

O.C.S). govlja gové-ti “venerari, vereri’, pres. also gondjq:

§$727—729. — Prosent Stem Class XXII — Skr. dé-dikyd-z, 259

Lat. faveo, Lith. galas (i. e. *gal-iu) galé-ti ‘to be able’: Lat.
valed (otherwise Bezzenberger, in his Beitr. xvi 256).

OSI. celjq velé-ti ‘to command’: Lat. nals, O.H.G. willw
‘L wish’ Goth. viljan ‘to wish’, see § 505 p. 69, § 716 p. 249.
Lith. avih avé-ti ‘to be shod’: Umbr. an-ovihimu y~eu-, see
§ 716 p. 249.

Lastly it should be mentioned that in Balto-Slavonic the
non-present é-forms are found along with other than jo-present
stems: e.g. Lith. ment minéti ‘to think of, gélbu gélhéti ‘to
help’, gedit gedéti ‘to lament, mourn’, bundic budéti ‘to watch’,
sédmi sédéti ‘to sit, O.C.SL. part. pres, gorqt- beside goret-
‘burning’ from inf. goréti, partic. vidomti “dpuipsvog’ beside
vidimié from inf. vidéti. The same thing is seen in Greek, as
298ha 2 2hsdajow, vipw : vevéenuca ete. (Curt. Verb, 1* 384 1),
and doubtless in Germanic, as Goth. haba habam haband may
well belong to Class II (§ 708 pp. 239 f.).

Class XXVIII.

Reduplicated Root + -io- -ijo- forming the
Present Stem.

§ 728. (A). Pr. Idg, There was a jo-Class with complete
reduplication, closely connected with Classes VII and VIII, As
regards the type of the reduplicating syllable see §§ 465—467,
470, and 474. Compare, for instance, Skr. dé-dis-yd-té beside
dé-dig-te, vari~vyt-yd-t@ beside vdrt-vart-ti, Probably the mode
of conjugation with -jo- was occasioned by that of Class VIL;
ep. § 703 pp. 231 f.

Skr. v@-vij-yd-te ‘makes for, rashes against anything’ and
Gr. grrw Hom, disow ‘I rush towards’ for *Fai~Fur-gw, apparently
from yuatig- watig- (§ 465 p. 12).

§ 729, Aryan. Only a few examples in Vedic, but later
this type of Intensive spread very widely, car-cair-yd-t@ from
car- “to move’. nan-nam-yd-t@ from nam- ‘to bow, incline’.

it

|

260 Present Stem: Class XXWIL — Ske. de-didyd-te, $$ 729-783.

ne-ni-ya-té from ni- ‘to lead’. cd-gkil-yd-te from sku- ‘to cover’.
mar-myj-ya-t8 mart-myj-ya-t@ from marj- ‘to sweep off, wipe
away’. kani-krad-yd-t@ from krand- ‘to roar’, — vé-vig-ya-té
from vif- ‘to be active’. nd-nud-ya-t2 from nud- ‘to knock
away’. cd-kad-ya-té from kas- ‘to appear’, In Avestic there
seems to be only one example, rd-ris-ye-iti ‘hurts, wounds’,
op. Skr. rif-ya-ti ‘injures’.

$730. Greek. gerw for *fa-Fix-gu; see § 728 p. 259.
yue-yaigo (for *-yag-gu) “I awarm'; jsag-naigm ‘I shimmer,
glitter’. With wop-gigw ‘I well up, heave, change colour’
wog-ntom “I roar, murmur’ ep. rrdpw § 718 p. 247. mape-qaivm
(v7 bha-) shows a nasal suffix like qaivm for “pa-r-q; parallel
Hom. nanpavewaa. On naredcon, nacnddho, wor-giaow and
the like, see § 465 Rem. p. 12.

§ 731. Italic. Lat, tin-tinnio (8) beside tinnid. gin-grid
(®) beside garrio (op. § 466 p. 13),

Of Keltic forms may be placed here the isolated Mid.Ir_
der-drethar ‘sounds, cries out’ with the s-preterite derdrestar
{§ 465 p. 12).

§ 732, Slavonic. 0.0.81. glagolja ‘I speak’ for *gol-
gol-jq, 2 sing. ~je-si ete. (glagola-ti), with the same redupli-
cation as glagolit ‘word’. mrii-mitr-jq. ‘I gnaw’, 2™ sing. ~je-si
ete. (mrit-miira-ti).

§ 733. (B) It is rare in the Idg. languages to find the
jo-suffix with presents reduplicated in any other way; and in no
language has this class become a large one, All the examples
appear to be new formations, Skr. pass. dad~yd-té ‘datur’ (beside
di-yd-t@) by analogy of ddda@-mi dad-mds, ep. partic, dut-ti-s,
§ 541 p. 102. Skr. pass. nind-ya-lé ‘is scolded or blamed’, if
ninds-ti is to be analysed *ni-nd-e-ti, see § 550 p. 106.
Ayest. yags-ye-iti ‘seethes, boils’, which looks like a conta-
mination of Skr. yéja-ti i, e. *ja-jS-ati (§ 562 p. 110) and
yds-ya-ti. Gr. Att. deWircojea Hom, dediocoua i. e. did Fio-
ova “I frighten, or am frightened’ for *ds-dFex-xo-uer, beside

|

262 Present Stem: Class XXVIII — Skr. tr-d-yd-t2. §$ 735,736.

*hia-i0, Lith. id-ju ‘I open my mouth’ (inf. 4i6-ti), op. Lat.
he-scd O.H.G, gi-nd-m gei-nd-m ‘I gape’. Compare § 579-
Lat. ard for *ard-id, Gr. dégdw ‘I plough’ pr. Gr. *kga-(.)o
(§ 583 p. 124, § 775). With these primary verbs should bé
classed several very wide-spread onomatopoetic or imitative
verbs, as Gr. iam -@ ‘I roar’ Lith. ulé-ju ‘I call, shout for joy,
cheer’ (also reduplicated ulalé-ju = Lat, ululd): Gr. oyxcouu
~ajuer L bray, hee-haw’ Lat, uncd; Gr. udzdouar ~iua “mugio®
Umbr, mugatu ‘mugito, muttito’,

*sn-Z-io-: Gr. vfj ‘spins’ for *avy-yse (Mekler, Beitr. zur
Bild. des gr. Verb., p. 18), Lat. ned, O.FLG. nau ‘I sew.
*jn-2-jo- *Gn-d-jo-: Skr. pass. jAdyd-té ‘noscitur’ (-2 or -0-?),
O.ILG. kndu ‘I know’ (-2-, but ep. p. 128 footnote), O.C.SI.
ena-ja “I know’ (-d-, inf. zna-ti). Lat. fl-e0, O.ELG. blau
‘I blow’ pr. Germ. *hl-éj¢, perhaps too O,C.SI. bL-é-jq ‘I bleat’
(inf, bléja-ti). Skr. o-d-ya-ti “blows’, Goth. v-aia O.HLG. w-au
‘LT blow’, O.C.SL v-éjq ‘I blow’ (inf. oéja-ti). Lat. taced for
*tac-i-j6, Goth. fahdip for *pahé-ji-di. Lat. fav-eo, O.C.SI.
gov-éja ‘veneror, vereor’ (§ 590 p. 132). Compare §§ 587, 708.

$736. Aryan, Skr. fr-d-ya-té ‘protects’ pass, tra-yd-té,
Avest, pra-ye-iti ‘protects’: Lat. -frd, see § 785. Skr. dr-d-
-ya-ti ‘boils, cooks’, cp. Gr. xé-xg@-ta. Pass, mn-d-ya-t? “com-
memoratur’, ep. Gr. Dor. wé-uva-ra. Pass. ml-d-ya-ti ‘grows
soft’, ep, Gr. Dor. pa-d-£. — py-d-ya-té ‘swells’ beside pdy-a-té
pi-pdy-a pi-py-d-ni-s, y-d-ya-té pass. ‘itur’, op. Goth, j2-r and
Lith. jé-ju. khy-d-ya-té pass, ‘is seen’, cp. aor, d-khy-a-t. dy-d-
-ya-ti ‘curdles, congeals', cp. part. $t-td-s. Compare §§ 580
and 588.

Also yerbs in -a-yd-ti in which the root formed a complete
syllable. The speaker imagined these to be parallel with pytana-
-yd-ti mand-yd-ti and the like (§§ 617, 769) — there really
was no difference in character, if we are right in identifying
the verb-suffix -a- with the feminine suffix — and therefore
kept the old accent without changing it as in frdya-té. Skr.
grbha-yi-ti ‘seizes’ O,Pers. a-garbaya-m, Skr. dama-yd-ti ‘over-

rr

268 Pregent Stem: Class XXX — Ske. tq-a-yd-2, Sut

§ 747. (B) With Future Meaning.') Even as early
as the proethnic period =s-io- (or -as-io-) must have already
become a simple suffix for expressing the future. This group
of forms grew out of Classes XIX and XX, particularly forms
with the strong-grade of root syllable; compare Skr. tasyd-té
and tq-sa-ti (Goth. -pin-si-p) d-tq-s-mahi, Srdjyd-ti Gr. xde-
gipsta in Wesychins) and Srd-Ja-mana-s, vakgyd-ti and Avest,
var-Sa-ite (y~ueg- ‘speak’), sakgya-ti (Gr. Ma) and sik-fa-nt-
VO segh- ($8 657 #8); very rarely from forms with root-syllables
in a weak grade, as Avest. bagye-iti (pr. Ar. doubtless *bhisia-ti,
ep. Skr. si-gya-nt- § 748) Lith, bi-sie (Gr, gé-cw) beside
Skr. bhi-ga-fi (§ 659 p. 194), Sanskrit forms with ~ijyo-
were derived from the i$-sorist, compare védigyd-ti with the
aorist stem efdig- in d-vediz-am,

The oldest meaning of the sio- future was probably that
of Wish, which weakened to a mere future, Compare the
desiderative meaning of Skr. forms like fi-stir-ga-t@ (§ 667
pp. 198 ff.), and the future meaning of such others as O.fr,
no-gigius § 668 p. 200.

1) Hadley, On the formation of Indo-European Futures, 1859, in
his Essays, pp. 184 ff. [@. Meyor]. Th. Benfey, Uber die Entstehung
und die Formen des idg. Optativ (Potential) sowie fiber das Futurum
auf sanskritisoh syGmé u, s. w., Abhandl, d, Gott, Ges, d. Wissensoh,,
xvi 185m, L, Hirzel, Zum Futurum im Idg., Kuhn's Zeitschr. xiu 215 ff.
J. Schmidt, La formation des futura dans les langues indo-germ ,
Royue de linguistique ut 865 ff. — Beazenberger, Conditionalformen
im Avesta, in his Beitr. 1 160 f, — A, Franke, Das Futurum im
Griech., oin sprachgesohichtlicher Versuch, Gott. 1861. T. H. Key, On
the Formation of Greek Futures and First Aorists, Trans. Phil Soc. 1861,
pp. 1 Leskien, Die Formen des Futurums und zusammengesetsten
Aorists mit oa in den homer. Gedichten, Curtius' Stud, u 66 ff. P. Cauer,
Dio dor. Futur- und Aoristbildungen der abgeleiteten Verba auf ~fo,
Sprachwiss, Abhandl. aus G. Curtius’ Gramm. Gesellsch. pp. 126 ff.
J. Wackornagel Griech, xregoom, Tdg. Forsch, WH 161 ff. (In the
explanation of xrepod™ and the similar Homeric future forms I concur
with Wackernagel, see § 757 Rem. p. 277). Janson, De Graeci
sermonis paulopost-futuri forma atqueé usu, Rastenburg 1544. —
J. Schmidt, Uber das Futurum im Aksl,, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr, tv
239 ff.

270 Present Stem: Class XXX — tq-s-yd-te. $748.

stem, and we have Uksiu following Akti, instead of *leiksin
(pres. lékmi, lélit), and beside rem-siu (revi-ti) a variant rim-
-siu, inf. rim-ti (pres. rimstit), beside versiu (versti) a variant
virsiu, inf. visti (pres. virstt). In Greek, the vocalism of the
future always agrees with the s-aorist, and this was mostly
regulated by the present: régyw like srepyu from régaw,
yodwo like gyoawa from yedqm, yaiwo like gyhya from
yhiwo, dnooke like wovga from cudpyvi-«. Exceptions:
rsio@ like srswa, but pres. rivw (for *a-wfw); «sito like
Eusia, but pres. sely-v0-te.

\Crem- ‘rest’: Skr. rq-sya-té ‘he will rest’, Lith. rem-siu
‘I will support’ (rem-ti) rim-siu ‘I will grow calm (in mind)’
(rim-ti). ymen- ‘think’: Skr. maq-sya-te, Lith, mj-siu (mii-ti,
pres. men-i), ygei- ‘pay a penalty’ etc.: Skr. cé-gyd-ti
Gr. rst-ow (rstoa, pres. tivw). y~pleu- ‘swim, rinse, wash’:
Skr. plo-jya-ti, Gr, ndev-oo-nm (wiedoa), Lith. pldu-siu
(pldu-ti). y~uert- ‘vertere’: Skr. vart-syd-ti, Lith, veFsin
‘I shall turn’ (veFsti) viFsiv “I shall fall down’ (vifsti). ywerg-
‘to work, be active’: Avest. part. mid. varsya-mna-, Gr. iptw
(coku). v7 serp- ‘crawl’: Skr, srap-sya-ti sarp-sya-ti Gr, Egy
(Fora). ¥ terp- ‘give joy’: Skr. trap-sya-ti tarp-sya-ti (the
latter in the Grammarians), G@r, répyo (régwa), V derk-
‘see’: Skr. drak-gyd-ti, Gr, dépkouce (?degSéunv), 7 gert=
‘cut, strike sharply’: Skr. kart-sya-ti (instead of *cort-,
op. karta-ti § 522 p. 85), Lith. hifsiu (hiFsti, pres, hertii).
V0 leig- ‘leave’: Skr. rék-Sya-té, Gr. ded (Leta), Lith, Ak-
-siu (k-ti, pres, lékit). Vo ueid- ‘know, sce’: Skr, vét-sya-ti,
Gr. icone (siaas9a:), Lith. ise-ojsin (-nfeti). ydeik-
‘show’: Skr, dek-gya-ti, Gir, dei (dear). V bheudh- ‘awake,
observe’: Skr. bhdt-sya-ti, Gr. mevoovm, Lith, bisin (bisti).
VV jeug- iungere’: Skr. yok-sya-ti, Gr, CevSw (Sete), Lith. jtink=
-sin like jink-ti following the present jhngin. V peg-
‘coquere’: Skr. pak-Sya-ti, Gr. mewn, V dhegh- ‘burn’:
Skr. dhak-fyi-ti, Lith. dékesin (dék-ti). (seq ‘to be with,
follow’: Avest, hax-sye-iti, Gr. Fyouae, Lith. sék-site (sék-ti).
Ved- ‘eat’; Skr. at-sya-ti, Lith. éin (ésti). / says- ‘grow

ui

$§ 748-750. Presont Stem: Class XXX — Ske. tq-v-yi-t2. 271

ary’: Skr. sokgya-ti (pres. Séj-ya-té, see I § 557.4 p. 413),
Lith. satsiu (sais-ti). Vdhé- ‘place, lay’; Skr. dha-sya-ti,
Gr. dy-ou, Lith. dé-siu (dé-ti). VV do- ‘give’: Skr. da-syd-ti,
Gr. dui-om, Lith. dé-siu (di’-ti). 1 sta- ‘stand’: Skr. stha-
-sya-ti, Gr. aré-ow aryj-am (orjaa), Lith. sté-siu (std-ti).
V/bheu- ‘become’: Avest. ba-sy¢-iti, Gr. pt-ow (qeoa),
Lith. bi-siu O.C.81. *bysq (only in partic. bydqsteje bySesteje
‘rd wédhor’). Analogously, Skr. si-§ya-nt- beside s0-Syd-ti
Avest. hao-Sye-iti from 1 sey- ‘drive on, quicken, enliven’
(cp. perf. Skr. sastva like babhiiva). Compare § 747 pp. 268 f.

§ 749. (B) -osio- (-esio-). Skr. -ifya- for -asjo-. But
Gir, -eo- comes from -esio-, unless (more probably) -ro- is for -eso-,
and belongs to the conjunctive aorist (see § 747).') The Sanskrit
-i$ya- could be added to any root ending in a consonant; but
Gr. -so- was the regular future suffix only with roots in a
liquid or a nasal. So we have Skr. kgarijya-ti ‘it will flow,
dissolve’ (gramm.) answering to Greck p3egem ptcoad ‘T shall
destroy’ (Hom. gSégow), Skr. hanigya-ti ‘he will strike, kill’ to
Gr, deréo -G ‘T shall strike’ (/ ghen-), Skr. tanigya-ti (gramm.)
“he will stretch’ to Gr. reve -cF “I shall stretch’, Skr. klanigya-ti
‘he will hurt’ (gramm.) to Gr. xrevéeo -@ “I shall kill. A few
Greek examples have -ao- with -a- = -a-, as xgeycw -G ‘I shall
hang’, cp. xoseasea, xpeuctoa ‘hanging basket’. Compare
$§ 834 #f.

§ 750. Futures with -sjo- have also been formed, from
the proethnic period onwards, from stems consisting of / +-
Determinative. We may mention:

(1) Stems with -a- -2-, or -d- (Class X). *dr-a- ‘run’:
Skr. drd-sya-ti (gramm.), Gr. dpé-no-nar, *mn-d- think of,
remember’: Skr. mnd-sya-ti (gramm.), Gr. pra-ow pevij-ow,
*qa- ‘go’: Skr. ga-sya-t2 (gramm.), Gr. é-o-wee prj-ao-pa,

1) L now follow Bartholomae (Sexe. Boitr. xvi 109 ff.) in holding
that --- which follows the root in reve yersrovp and like words is Idg. -e-,
not -a (I § 110 pp. 103 ff.).

—.

272 Prosent Stem: Class XXX — Skr. fa-s-yd-i2. $750.

*we- ‘blow: Skr, vd-sya-ti, Gr. dyj-do-ua. *in-d- “nosere’:
Skr. ja-sya-ti, Gr, yrni-co-um, —*wid-é *yajd-2- ‘see, know’:
Gr, Dor, iyo Lith. pa-vydésin (invidebo’), Gr. 137-60
Lith, ceizdé-siv. *myn-é ‘think’: Gr. gecryj-so-uae, Lith, miné=
-siu, Compare §§ 578 ff.

(2) Stems with s-elements (Class XIX and XX). tr-es-
‘tremble’: Skr. fras-ifyd-ti, Gr, rpto(a)m, Lith. trésiu for *trés-
~siu (pres. tresiii). Skr. a-ifya-ti beside éga-ti ‘seeks, desires’;
dlékgya-ti beside Sti-g-ya-ti ‘clings to’ d-dli-ga-t; dakj-igya-te
beside ddk-fa-ti “suits, accommodates’; akj-igya-ti beside ak-Ja-te
"reaches. With Skr. aigigya-ti, bhasigya-té (gramm.) compare
the aorist forms dkgigur dbhasifta § 839. Gr. ostow for *os0-w
(perf. o2-crorc) from oxi (*tyej-s-) “I shake’; E¢o(a)w from kéw
{*qs-es-) ‘I scrape, smooth’, Lith. ¢@siu for *tes-siu beside
tg-s-it ‘I stretch’, Compare §§ 655 ff,

(3) Stems with dh- and d-elements (Class XXV). Skr. ydt-
-sya-ti beside ‘yd-dha-ti ‘gets into motion’, Lith. jisin beside
junds ‘I begin to tremble’, “iew-dh-. Skr. rat-sya-ti beside
ra-dh-ya-t ‘carries out successfully’; mrad-igya-ti beside vi-
-mrada-ti ‘softens’ (mr-ada-). Gr. zAdo(a)w from xia-d- “break
off’, But itis doubtful whether Ajow ‘T will fill’ is *nd79-om
(cp. 121/-900 néwdnotae mhnorée-g) or miyj-aw (cp. mAjro ménAyyear),
whether Zisvoouer ‘L will come’ is *éhevd-oopen (op. qivPor
Gsvortory) or ehev'-couar (ep. 2dyjhv-rs agoo-7ivro-g), whether
tom ‘I will make rot’ is *aé%-ow (ep. vé-Im) or aé-ow (ep. Lith,
pac-i). There is the same doubt in Lith. futures like plausin
from plau-d-iu “I wash’ (Idg. *pley-d-), spréusiu from spriéu-d-
-diu ‘IT subdue’ (Idg. *sprew-d-) gésiu from gé-du ‘Tsing’. As we
know not in what period of Lithuanian these verbal classes
arose, we are not compelled to assume that plausiu, say,
comes from a supposed form “plautsid. The fact may be that
plau-siv is really future to plau-ju; and then, on the analogy
of geiddiv getsiu getsti, and others of this kind, plausiu was
involuntarily associated with plaudiu plansti as its future.
Compare $§ 688 ff.

d

ll

$$ 751,752, Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. (q-s-yd-té. 278

Forms with other present-signs sometimes make a sjo-future
in different languages; as Skr. indhigyati Gr. xlayzm Lith.
jinksiu. See below, $8 752 ff.

§ 751. The indicative with -sjo- seems to have had in
procthnic speech a participle attached, but no more (Skr. da~
-syd-nt-, Gr. du-awv, Lith. dial. dif’sius for *désiqs, 0.0.31,
bySasteje). In Sanskrit grew up a conj. with Ar. -a-, and an
augmented preterite; and Greek developed an opt, with -j-.
See §§ 753, 759.

§ 752. Aryan. -sio- and -asio-, but the latter is only
to be found in Sanskrit (-ifyc-). There is no example of a
future in Old Persian; this is probably due to chance, In
Sanskrit and Avestic this future was a living and productive
type. It is used, true enough, less often in Vedie than later;
but then in Vedic injunctive and conjunctive forms were used
with future meaning.

To the exx. cited in §§ 748—750 may be added: Skr.
vakjyd-ti Avest. vaxiye-it? beside Avest. odk-ti ‘speaks’; Skr.
Skr. janifyd-ti Avest. purtic. zahya-mna- beside Skr. jdn-a-ti
“begets'; Skr. bhantsya-ti bandhigya-ti beside badh-nd-ti ‘binds’;
rocifya-té beside réc-a-té ‘shines’.

In Sanskrit we meet with specimens of this future made
from presents of any kind (ep. § 750). méarkgya-te (beside
mrakgya-té) from mdr§-fi Class I and mdrja-ti Class IL ‘wipes’
(ep. § 494 p. 55, § 514 p, 81). — sidigya-ti (beside satsya-ti)
from stda-ti Class IV ‘sits’ (§ 550 p. 106). dadigya-te (beside
da-syd-ti) from dd-da-ti Class V dd-d-a-ti Class VI ‘gives’;
jahigya-ti (beside Ad-sya-ti) from jd-hd-ti ja-h-a-ti ‘leaves,
deserts’. jagarifyd-ti from ja-gar-ti Class V ‘wakes’ (§ 560
pp. 109f.). indhigya-ti from inddhé Class XV ‘burns’ / aidh-.
agnupigya-ti from ad-né-ti Class XVIL ‘attains’; jinvigya-ti from
Jji-né-ti Class XVII ji-nva-ti Class XVIIE ‘sets in motion,
propels’. titikgigya-t2 from the desid. ¢-tik-ga-te Class XXI
from tij- ‘to be sharp’. Uhydyigya-té from pass. khy-d-ya-té
Class XXVIIL ‘is seen’.

Beugmann’, Bloments, 1¥. 18

214 Present Stom: Class XXX —Skr. iq-s-yd-ie. $$ 753755.

Rather commoner in the later language is the future of
denominatives in -yd-ti, Class XXXL fas gopayigyd-ti from gopa-
-yd-ti ‘guards’ (gopd-s ‘guardian’); and of present stems in
~dya-ti (Causatives), Class XXXIE, such as eyayifya-té trom
vy-dya-ti “enwraps, covers’, dharayigyi-ti from dhar-dya-ti
‘holds’. ;

§ 753. Sanskrit has an augmented preterite from the
future stem, meaning on the point of; as dbharigya-t ‘he was
just going to take away, wished to take’. But this form
usually stands as a conditional; and so Conditional it ix called,

There are a few scattered instances (in the Maha-Bharata)
of Injunctive forms, implying wish; as 2"4 pl. mid. bhavigya-
~dheam.

Similarly there are scattered Conjunctives; as Ved. 2™4 sing.
kariiyd-s.

§ 754. Greek. It is not quite certain that the Greek
e-future has any immediate connexion with the Aryan and Balto-
Slavonic sjo-type, as we have seen already (§ 747 p. 269).

With -oo- (§ 748) and -so- -ao- (§ 749), we find a third
suffix, -os0-,

§ 765. (I) -oo-, a productive suffix in Tonie-Attic and
elsewhere. Examples in §§ 748 and 750.

There is an apparent anomaly in keeping o after sonants
in the future otj-ow, as in the aorist goryoa, This is most
simply explained as being due to the analogy of dew Mea
etc., consonantal stems. Compare I § 564 p. 421.

Stems in Liquid or Nasal generally conform to Type IL
(§ 757): but roots in g have -ow as well in the language of
Homer and poets of the epic school: gpdigom (pres, pFsigw
‘T destroy’) beside poepem -a.

Remark. Why is it that bosido a fut. »%pow there is no fat. *preipw,
as might be expected from finding fnew side by side with Fergou? This
is explained without difficulty if we suppose Jere to be analogical, and
due to ferava tne and the like (1 § 568 Rem. 2 p. 419); for there

were no such futures as “xrelr for *xrevow. Wackernagel’s view of
Fenpe (Kuhn's Zoitschr. xxix 127 ff) ia not convincing, to my mind,

ee

3756. Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. fq-s-yd-12. 275

Wackernagel would anyhow have to meet the question whether, if pi¢eow
roally comos from *p%eouw, it must not have kept -go- under all eiroum-
stances, wherever the accent lay; op. rfeoua for *rwogoua contrasted with
Fereve for *herevoa (The Author, Gr. Gr.? p, 61).

§ 756. -oo- forms futures from all sorts and kinds of stems,
present, aorist, and perfect. Often there are parallel o-aorists.

(1) Hom, didu-aw (beside dai-cw) from di-dw-m ‘I give’,
Class TT, ddeeEw from di-ddoxw, Class XXIEM (aor, deka).
Hom. d&o Att. gw from disom “I rush’, noepitw from moe
-gicom “I pant, puff’, zo-nvéow from xor-aviw ‘I snort, pant,
puft’, Class XXVII (aor. 7a jSa ete.).

(2) xhaySw (exdaySe) beside xadtw ‘I ery, shout’ for *xiayy-eu,
Class XXIX, and xieyydvm, Class XIV (§ 621 p. 158, § 628
p. 165, § 744 p. 266). Tom. Adgewoues beside Att, Arjyorar
from Aaupdver ‘I take’, Class XIV (§ 621 p. 158). opiySu
togry$a) from ayiyyw ‘I tie, bind’, Class XVI (§ 631 p. 167),

(8) From the Denominative presents xygéoom ‘I announce’
domekm “IT carry off’ aainito ‘I trumpet’ jedécow ‘I soothe,
pacify’ redo - “1 complete’ we have the futures x7pifw
agndto dabntyiw wedisu redéo(a)w (aor. éxjgtta ete.), on the
analogy of agai: mpdoom, paso: opdt and the like
(cp. Pavan dyyskc § 757). What made it all the easier for
these futures to arise, waa that there existed in pre-Greek times
denominative participles like xyptx-ro-g (d-xijgt«to-g), which
seemed parallel to xod@x-ro-¢ opax-ré-¢ (LI § 79 pp. 224f,).

(4) The combination -y-00- was an especial favourite
{§ 750.1 p. 271). First, a class of futures from the stem of
the aor, pass, in -yr, — ear-yj-onuae beside z-uav-y-v ‘I grew
mad’ (y°men-), like Lith. min-&-sin beside min-é. of-y-ooua
beside &-op-y-» ‘L was quenched’ ([/seg-). dv-r-voum beside
2-ppv~y-v ‘I flowed’ (sreu-). uey-7j-couae beside 2-uly-y-v “I mixed
myself’ (\/ meik- meig-). With the same type, Jodyj-couce beside
£46 Fny ete., the set of forms due to the analogy of 2Jd-dyg =
d-di-thas. See § 589 pp. 129 f In Doric, this intr.-pass. future
has an active ending: parnasty ovvagd noovyt: (-oro~ instead of -do-,

§ 758), Further: -y-oo- occurs in forms like az-j-ow (beside
18*

a

276 Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. (q-s-yd-te. 88 756,757.

&w) from stem of &oy-o-v “I held’ (ep. dozqxe), ped-yj-oee from
pehe ‘it is a care’ (ep. dutigae usutdyxe), §9eh-7-00 from
é9édw ‘IT wish’ (EFAqoa WIzRa), s0d-7-ow from sidw ‘L sleep’
(cp. xa?-medjea); of the same kind are Lith, drebé-siu from
drebit ‘I tremble’, teké-siu from tekit ‘I run, flow. The same
type of future is seen in stems marked as present or aorist,
where it retains the special tense mark, as xc%-Lyaosce from Io
‘set’ for *si-2d-6 (op. Cijoae iyxa), Bovdyooud from fovlouar
‘1 wish’ ground-form *g[-no- § G11 p. 150 (ep. Pefov'dnas)
Pooxyjow from pd-oxw ‘I pasture, feed’, rumrgow from rim-rm
‘L strike’ (op, érinrqsa), zaegjow from zaigw ‘I rejoice’ for
*yao-w (ep. tzaipnoa), tiem from otm ‘1 smell’ for *od-pu
(cp. dtyoa), renPjaw from mé-ard-siv ‘to persuade’, nagrdzjoosae
from ms-prd-#-a9a ‘to spare’.

(5) The original identity of flexion in the groups typified
by *eiua@-4u (from riué ‘honour') and *dpa-yo (dea ‘I do’) —
compare Aeol, érind-psy like ésg@-ney ‘we ran’ — made the
later set of denominatives run parallel to verbs of Classes X
and XXVIII in other tenses besides the present, Hence
tidon givjaw jaoduicw like degow vijow yr@aouc; similarly
Lith. dovand-siu from dovand-ju ‘I present’ (dovand ‘gift’) like
Hid-siu from did-ju, and jakil-siu (jak -ju ‘I jest’ from jaka-s
‘jest’), in correspondence with Gr. juoPci-om, Following out
the analogy further we get xovi-om from xovlw ‘I make dusty’
{xov-c ‘dust’) dexgt-ow from daxpve “I cry’ (daxou ‘a tear’); 80
also Lith. daly-siu from daly-ji ‘I share, divide’ (dali-s ‘a part’).
Compare § 773.

(6) Futures in -a from perfect forms. forytu from foryxe
‘Latand’, Ashedwerar from Ardserran ‘is left over’. — ueperqoeri
from su'uvnra ‘remembers’. Hom. xtzaprjaw from xszagyig glad’.

§ 757. (IT) -s0- -ao- -o0- -vo-.

-so- (becomes -ro- in Dor., I § 64 p. 51) is the ordinary
future suffix in liquid or nasal stems, as pidegdw -G (beside
Hom. p2éoow), rsvéw -~a, see § 749 p, 271.

Hence -so- spread to the future of stems which had a
nasal formative suffix in the present; as garém -3 from gain

al

'

98 757,758. Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. ta-s-yei-t2. 217

‘I show, make appear’ for *pa-r-qm, xhuviw -@ from xhtva
‘L bend’ for *xAe-v-ea, see § GIL p. 150, Eeréw -@ from Ealvm
‘L scratch, comb’ for *S-cr-ge, avew?w -c from avatvo ‘I make
dry for *save-av-cw (cp. Lith. saist-siu); see § 618 p. 156,
§ 621 p. 158. It also spread to Denominatives with liquid
and nasal stems, as Iavuafyw ‘I wonder’ dyyéAdw ‘Il announce’:
Yavuavén dyysiéo -G, not like xxgifw from x_gtaow (§ 756.3
p. 275).

Where -ao- and -0- appear, the first vowel belongs to
other forms besides the future: and so too once or twice -
in -to-, xgende -cF from xoéua-ar “L hang’ xpeud-oom xpeua~
-IG, Jandw -3 from dand-cou naw-danu-rog. dnoonat duodpee
from ouo-cou ‘swear’ duwuo-rae an-cluo-to-g. diéo dk from
6ié-cout ‘to destroy’ bAwre-xa dherijg.

The analogy of xgeecdo : xorudofo)u, ddiw : 6d¢o(o)u, and
the like, produced from the sorists dexio(o)a ‘to judge, in-
vestigate’ (dixatw) doxpdo(a)a “probare’ (Somudtm) the futures
dodo doxuecn -G, and similarly we have duguw -d beside
dugesa(aje “to put on’) sayeouen -oduce beside pazto(ajacda
‘to fight’, reAém -0b beside reieo(o)ae ‘to complete’, tariw beside
tawo(o)a, and many others.

An exceptional group contains the Attic and Tonic future
in -&@ -«@ from a present in -(m, a8 xoma from xouttia
‘I bring’; for which *xouio might be looked for, to judge from
dice, We may conjecture that the type was once actually
*zoulm; and that *-iw became -u'w -« as the effect of the
constant use of -“w -0, -#w is an intruder also in duéogar
éystrae Dor, dcuduedta instead of 6p0d-oece,

Remark. There is some doubt whether -#m instead of *-d» be as
old as Homer; no argument can be based on the traditional accent of

come shed xesgotm, and dyluisiodn may be a mistake for dylateomm.
These are the only Homoric specimens of the type.

§ 758. (IL) -oso- (Doric Future).*) Whether -so- =
1) We can hardly regard dugi-éw as being *-Fro-w, and a conj. to

Skr. ede-t2 Gr. inimeoron.
2) For the Doric Future, see now Solmsen, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. xxxu 546 ff.

—-

278 Present Stem Class XXX — Skr. fa-syd-te. $$ 758—T61.

Skr. -sya-, or whether it is the conj. of the s-aorist, -as0- is
-co- transformed under the influence of -eo-.

-oso- is the ordinary Doric suffix answering to Attic -co-;
as apG3w -t0 Poatyatw -in, but Att. sedSa BonFyow. A few
instances of it occur in Ion.~Att,, as gevtotpa: beside gerbe
(ep. the Author, Gr. Gr.* p. 170 footnote 1).

§ 759. Greek, besides the indic., partic., and inf. future,
(dei deitwy defEav) had only the optative, as deSoyu, which is
quite a new formation (see the Author, Gr. Gr.* p. 188).

§ 760. Balto-Slavonic. Only -sio-, and nothing which
answers to Skr. -ijya- and Gr. -eo- -«o-, and so forth. In
Lithuanian the future in -siv lived on, and still lives and
forms a type; but in Slavonic it died before historic times
began, all but the sole form O.O.SI. bySqSteje (§ 748 p. 271).

§ 761. The Lith, fat. -siv is inflected differently in
different dialects. The 1* pl. is sometimes di-sia-m(e) like
veFczia-m(e) § 725 pp. 254 ff. (ep. partic. dial. di’sins =
*disiqs, and O.C.SI. bysqsteje); sometimes it is d-si-m(e) —
in High Lithuanian, for instance — like Gvi-m(e) § 727
pp- 257 ff!) The other forms which occur, pl. di’'sme dii’ste
dual dé'sva di’sta, like the 8" sing. bis gaiis, are injunctives
of the s-aorist (§ 828). The partic. di’sgs (cp. 0.0.81. bysesteje)
admits of more than one explanation; sce J. Schmidt, as cited
in footnote.

Examples of Lith. fut, are given in § 748 pp. 269 f.

Where marks of the present are retained in the future,
they are retained in the other forms from the Infinitive Stem,

Future from Present Stem with inserted nasal: jinksin
from jimg-iu ‘I put in the yoke’, skisin from skindiu ‘I weep,
bewail myself’, lenksix from lenkin ‘I bend’, § 744 p. 267.
Compare Gr. xAay$u ete. § 756.2 p. 275.

From Present in -inu -enu: saitsi-sin trom saisine “1 make
dry’, gyog-siu from gyvenic ‘I dwell’, see § 624 p. 161. Compare
Gr, asad § 757 p. 277.

1) J. Schmidt's assumption (Neutra, pp. 423 ff.) that divime is an
optative, is wrong. Idg. - would remain long in Lithuanian,

280 Appendix to Classes XXVII—XXX:; -sk-{o-, -f-io-, eto. $$ 764,765.

Cp. wrjasw "L frighten’ for *are-2-sw, typrinow ‘TE wake’ for # or
<z-4u, and verbs in -sfeow sack an dragsouw (drolgab) Snvetoow Teregsionw.
Tho »- and y-suffixes in these words were probably the same aa -ko- in
~s-ko-; see § 669 p. 201.

§ 764. -to-stems extended by -jo- ($$ 679 ff).

Skr. nft-ya-ti ‘dances, plays’ pass. nyt-ya-té beside my-td-
-ma-na-s, pass. yat-ya-te beside yd-ta-fé ‘joins itself, strives’
(§ 681 p. 213).

Lith. siunceit ‘I send’, perhaps from “*su-n-to- (§ 686
p. 218). O.C.SL. ob-regta “1 find’ perhaps from *ré-to- (§ 687
p- 218).

Romark. Gr. devoow (only Hat. v1 119) seems to be not an extension
of Att. dyv-rw ‘I pour, I draw water’ (§ 682 p. 214), but an analogical
form, suggested by dpdw, on the type of dpvoow: epdw ‘I pour, draw water’,

§ 765. -dho- and -do- stems extended by -jo-
(§§ 688 ff).

(1) -dh-jo-. Skr. yit-dh-ya-té “gets in motion, fights’,
ré-dh-ya-té “carries to a successful end’ pass, radh-ya-te (§ 689
p. 220), Ari-dh-ya-ti ‘scorns’, sd-dh-ya-ti “comes to its goal’
(§ 691 p. 221).

Gr. ‘vooouc ‘I shake or quiver, am frantic’ for *%v--go-uae
(§ 689 p. 220), 209-/m ‘I eat’ (§ 694 p. 225, § 713 p. 247).

Lith. skéred-Zin 'T burst, blow up’ (§ 689 p. 219).

(2) -d-go-. Only passives in Sanskrit; as myd-yd-té from
my-d-na-mi “I grind to pieces, crush’ vi-mradati ‘softens’ (§ 690
p. 220), khad-ya-t2 from khd-da-ti ‘bites up, chews’, 1d-ya-té
from #da-té ‘honours, praises’ (§ 692 p. 222),

Gr, xhaila ‘T flood’ for *xAv-d-u, ex-pavto “I spurt out’ for
*pav-d-u (§ 695 p. 224).

Lith, plan-d-giu ‘I wash, cleanse’, sprdu-d-siu ‘I compel,
press down’ (§ 690 p. 221, § 700 p. 227).

(3) Doubtful: -dh-jo- or -d-jo-. Avest. siéd-ye-iti ‘drives
away’ (§ 693 p. 223). Lith, mér-d-diu ‘I lie a dying’, skél-d-
-diu ‘I split or burst’, sru-d-Ziu ‘I make bloody’, Lett. e'r/chw
‘L separate’ for *erd-i-u (§ 701 p. 227),

$<

282 Present Stem: Class XXXI— Ske. déev-yd-ti. $768,

§ 768, (i) Consonant Stems.

Skr, rajas-yd-ti ‘turns ®% dust’ (in older Sanskrit only
rajas-yd-s ‘dusty’), Goth. riqizja ‘I darken myself’, common
ground-form “reges-ié-ti, from rdjas n. ‘dust’ rigis n. (gen.
rigisis, see Tl § 132 p. 420) ‘darkness’, Skr. apas-yd-ti ‘is
active’ from dpas n. ‘work” apds- ‘active’; namas-yd-ti Avest.
nemas-ye-iti ‘hows, reveres, worships’ from ndmas nemd n.
‘reverence’; Skr. avas-yd-ti ‘seeks help’ from dvas n. ‘help’.
Gr. Hom. rehetm rekior Att, -0 ‘lend’ for *redeo-gu (aor. tekeo~
-oa) from réiog un. ‘end’; Hom, dxefouce axtoum “1 heal’ (nor,
axéo-oarta from dog n. ‘healing’. Lat, fulgur-i6 from fulgur.
O.H.G. refs(iu ‘L blame, seold, chasten’, ep. Skr. rapds- ‘bodily
hurt’, — Avest. arvig-ye-iti i. e, xruvti-ye-iti ‘sheds blood’
from a stem *zr(u)pis-, ground-form *gruyas-, closely akin to
Skr, kravts- ‘raw, bloody flesh’, Gr, yeddw “I laugh’ for *yedao-yo
from stem js2ae- (nom, ydwc) ‘laughter’ ground-form *gelas-
(II § 134 p. 425).

Gr, svouaive Goth, namn-ja ‘Tt name’ from dvoue namd n.
‘name’, the former for *-mg-jd, the latter for *-mu-iid (op. Idg.
*my-id- and *mr-ijd-, *bheu-j6- and “bhu-ijd- § 707 p. 235).
All the following have Idg. -p-id-. Skr. vpsan-yd-ti ‘is in heat
or passion’ from rffan- ‘male’, brahmap-yd-ti ‘is pious’ from
bréhman- 0. ‘piety’ brahmdn- ‘pious person, one who prays’;
Avest, vydrmainye-iti ‘deliberates, thinks over’ from eydzman nu,
assembly, consultation’, Gir, rexraivw ‘I carpenter, make’ from
réxrow “carpenter, workman’; onegueivn ‘TE give forth seed’ from
onégue ‘seed’, Goth. glitmun-ja ‘I shine’ from *glitmin-
(ep. O.HLG. glizemo) ‘brightness’.

Skr. vadhar-yd-ti ‘shoots, lets off a missile’ from vddhar n.
‘shot’. Gr. rexpaipo “I mark, fix’ from r/xuag n. ‘mark, boun-
dary’. We may perhaps assign to this section Latin desidera-
tives like sortpturid from sertptor, tsurid from tor; -turid for
*-tor-id *-ty-i0.').

1) This explanation follows Thurneysen, Uber Herkunft und Bildung
der lat, Verba, p. 66. A different view is that of Kretschmer, Kuhn’

i al

$§ 768,709, Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. devo-ya-ti. 283

Gr, Batrrm ‘I cut the honey-combs’ (fut. @i/om) from jéher-
n. ‘honey. Lat, dent-id from déns. Goth, veitodd-ja ‘I certify’
from veitedd- ‘witness’. Skr. iudh-yd-ti ‘begs, prays’ Avest.
isud-ye-iti ‘confesses guilt’ from Avest. igud- ‘a ery by which
one acknowledges sin’, Gr. xoovaow ‘I helm, arm’ for *xogu3-por
from xépug -v9-og ‘helmet’. Lat, custdd-i6 from custds -dd-is.

Gr. Wate ‘L stone’ from Aedes -céd-og ‘stone’, puyelorae
I mingle with’ from sauydg -ad-o¢ ‘mixed, motley’. In Germanic,
‘verbs in -atjan answer to this Greek denominative group; but
the noun stems from which they came had disappeared before
the historic period; Goth. lauhatja O.H.G. lougazzn lohazzu
‘L shine’ (ep. Gr. Aevxcg), Goth. svdgatja ‘T sigh’ kaupatia
‘I box the ears’ (pret. kaupasta), O.H.G. blecchezeu ‘I lighten’
(cp. IL § 128 p. 409).

To the denominatives formed from cons. stems have always
belonged to-participles, as Gr. dxso-ré-g Lat, sceles-tu-s, Gr.
tavua-ro-g (Skr. Srdma-ta-m O..G. hliumun-t Lat. cognomen-
tu-m), Skr. dn-ap-ta-s ete. See I § 79 pp. 224 f., § 82 p. 249.

§ 769. (2) a@-stems: Idg. -a-i6-.

Tn a great many languages there are found other forms
without. -jo-, as 1" pl. Armen. jana-mi Gr. Acol. thud-asv
Lat. planta-mus O.Ir. no chara-m Goth, salbd-m Lith, jii'sto-me.
These kept close with the old primary a-verbs of Class X. In
principle, the two groups are really the same.

Gr, oodw -c ‘IT see’, O.H.G. bi-seardm “T observe, am ware’
heside Gr. *Fog@ in geovea ‘outlook, protection’ O.H.G. wara
“care, protection’. Lat. ford -d-s ete, O.1L.G. bordm ‘I bore’
from O.H.G. bora ‘borer’ (ground-form *bhyr-d-), but op. § 579
p. 122, Skr. prtand-yd-ti fights’ from pftana ‘fight’, mand-yd-ti
‘is attached’ from mand ‘attachment. Gr. ttm -03 “L honour’
from tivé (-7) ‘honour’, Pde -o “pubesco’ from ¥8@ (-y)
‘ripeness’, dowdm -a ‘I drive or urge’ from doné (-y)
‘movement’, Lat. plantd -d-s ete, from planta, eard from cara,

Zeitechr, xxx1 464: he starts with an adj. like *acriptu-ro- (op. Att. oifv=
=~; from oittes ulfvo; IT § 74 p, 184).

236 Present Stem: Class XXXI—Skr.deea-yd-ti. $5 T69,770.

As well as these present stems in -d-j0, most languages
have non-present stems with -d- just like those formed from
a-verbs in Classes X and XXVIII. The latter are the type,
the former copied from them, The commonest are verbal
nouns, always more or less closely connected with the verb
system, with the suffixes -fo- -ti- -no- and so forth; e. g. Gr.
Tun-r6-g tlun-oes from riedw, Lat. planta-tu-s planta-tio from
Wants, O.Ir. carthe “loved’ from caraim, céssad ‘suffering’ from
eéssaim, Goth. lapo-f-s ‘invited’ lapo-n ‘to invite’ lapo-n-s
‘invitation’ from lapo, Lith. dovand-ta-s ‘given’ dované-ti ‘to
give’ from dovand-ju, O.CSI. laka-nii ‘deceived Igka-ti ‘tw
deceive’ from Iqka-ja. Then we have certain tenses, as Gr.
Fiwj-ow, Lat. planta-rem, Lith. dooand-sin 0.C.SI. lgka-chit,
Compare § 756.5, p. 276, § 761 p. 279, § 822. 6.

$ 770. (3) From o-stems there were two ways of
deriving the present stem. One of them, doubtless the older,
suppresses the final vowel of the noun stem. This we have
already seen in Classes XIV and XXIX, exemplified by Skr.
turan-yd-ti from turdna-s, Gr. diodaim» from oMotare-¢
(§§ 616 ff. pp. 154 f., $ 743 pp. 265 f). This is just how
jo-adjectives are generally derived from noun stems in -0-, as
Skr. dée-iyo-s Gr. ixx-w-¢ from dépa-s txao-g (IL § 68 p. 126,
and Rem. 3 p. 132). The second, and commoner, formation
ends in -e-j6- (ep. voe. in -e, loc. in -e-j and so forth, Il § 59
p- 108). This recals Skr. hiranyd-ya-s ‘golden’ from hiranya-m
‘gold’, and Lat. aureu-s (awru-m), if it is to be explained
*aure-jo- (ep. Il § 63 p. 128).')

(a) With Aryan present stems in -an-ja-ti are associated
but few from other o-stems: Skr. adhvar-yd-ti ‘performs an
offering’ from adhpard-s ‘offering’, vithuryd-ti ‘staggers, reels’
from vithurd-s "tottering, reeling’, rathakamya-ti ‘asks for a
car’ from ratha-kama- ‘desirous of having a ear’, Avest. vastryg-
~iti ‘feeds’ from réstre-m ‘meadow, field, fodder’, avastrye-ite

1) It ke noteworthy bow well the isolated Ved. saréyd-ti ‘he woos

(reri-» “wooer’) agrees with the above mentioned adj. in -2ya-, pilirujéyo-s
from pirsja-s and the like.

—

$769. Prosent Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déea-yeeti. 285

‘dead’, derbaim ‘I prove from derb ‘certain’, forcennaim ‘I end’ from
cenn for-cenn ‘end’, biathaim I nourish’ from biath ‘nourishment’,
cp. Gall. Tao@ro pl. ‘pilati’ beside Gall.-Lat. gaesu-m ‘spear’,
Goth. vairpo O.1L.G. werdom 'T value, treasure’ from vairp-s
werd adj. ‘worth’, Goth. ga-vundd O.H.G. wuntom ‘I make
wounded, wound’ from eund-s wunt ‘wound’, Goth. ga-leiko
‘I compare, make like’ from ga-leit-s like, O,H.G. ebandm
‘I make even’ from eban ‘even’, Goth. bi-rdubo ‘I rob, plunder
O.H.G. roubim ‘I rob’ from O.H.G. roub ‘robbery’, O.H.G.
zeihhonom [ mark, draw from zeihhan ‘mark’. Lith. kilnd-ju
‘Llift to and fro’ from Alna-s ‘high (unless it be preferred
to class this verb in § 606 p. 147), mirksnio-ju I wink, twinkle’
from mirksni-s (gen. mirksnio) ‘glance, a single movement of the
eyelid’, Lett. at-jdundju I make young, renew from jdun-s young’,
giidd-ju 1 honour’, from gid-s ‘honour’ apfehitgdju “I enclose’
from /ehig-s ‘hedge, fence; O.C.SI. déla-jq I do, make’ from
délo ‘work’, pri-veslajq ‘adveho’ from veslo ‘oar, rudder’. The
beginnings of this series of derivatives from d-verbs from noun
stems in -d~ goes back to the proethnic stage; at that time there
were often subst. abstr. with -d- alongside of o-adjectives and
o-substantives. Thus the O.H.G. follom may be derived, if we
please, not from fol but from Germ. *full6- = Avest. per‘na-
‘fulness’, which appears in Goth. falls O.ELG. folla ‘fulness’;
or Lat. offénsare may be derived from subst, offénsa and not
from offénsu-s (ep. I § 158 pp. 473 ff). These and like verbs
were from the first closely associated with the o-atems belonging
to these d-nouns; and thus it became possible afterwards to
derive verbs in -a-j6 straight from o-stems, The ending -ajo
found favour for another reason too; namely, that there was
from the earliest period wnother group of verbs in -ai0,
originally denominative too, but with this character long since
lost: I mean verbs of Classes X and XXVIII, like Lat. hi-o
Lith, Zi-d-ju, Gr. oi-dm Lith, ul-deju (Lat. wlulo), Lat. juv-o
mic-0, O.Ir. scaraim, Goth, mit-0 O.H.G. meggom, Lith. lind-
-oju 0.081, raz-vrte-a-jq ($$ 579 ff. pp. 121 ff, §§ 734 ff
pp. 261 i).

—

|

286 Present Stem: Class XXXI— Skr. déva-yd-tf. $3 769,770.

As well as these present stems in -@-i0, most languages
have non-present stems with -d- just like those formed from
a-verbs in Classes X and XXVIU. The latter are the type,
the former copied from them. The commonest are verbal
nouns, always more or less closely connected with the verb
system, with the suffixes -fo- -li- -no- and so forth; e. g. Gr.
Tiuy-ro-g tiny-or-y from rinew, Lat. planta-tu-s planta-tid from
planté, OJr. carthe ‘loved’ from caraim, cézsad ‘suffering’ from
ecissaim, Goth. lapo-p-s ‘invited’ lapo-n ‘to invite’ lapa-n-s
‘invitation’ from /apo, Lith. dovand-ta-» ‘given’ dovand-ti ‘to
give’ from dovand-ju, O.0.S1. laka-nit ‘deceived’ Iqka-ti “to
deceive’ from Iqka-jq. Then we have certain tenses, as Gr,
tiz7j-om, Lat. planta-rem, Lith. dovand-siu 0.0.5). lqka-chit.
Compare § 756.5, p. 276, § 761 p. 279, § 822.6.

§ 770. (3) From o-stems there were two ways of
deriving the present stem. One of them, doubtless the older,
suppresses the final vowel of the noun stem. This we have
already seen in Classes XIV and XXIX, exemplified by Skr,
turan-yd-ti from turdna-s, Gr. dhisdaiv from édlatavo-g
(§$ 616 ff. pp. 154 ff, § 743 pp. 265 f). This is just how
jo-adjectives are generally derived from noun stems in -0-, as
Skr. dév-iya-s Gr. ina-to-¢ from déva-s taxo-g (I § 63 p. 126,
and Rem. $ p. 182). The second, and commoner, formation
ends in -¢-j6- (ep. voc. in -e, loc, in -e-j and so forth, H § 59
p- 108). This recals Skr. Airanyd-ya-s ‘golden’ from hiranya-m
‘gold’, and Lat. aureu-s (auru-m), if it is to be explained
*aure-jo- (cp. II § 63 p, 128).!)

(a) With Aryan present stems in -an-ja-ti are associated
but few from other o-stems: Skr, adhvar-yd-ti ‘performs an
offering” from adhvard-s ‘offering’, vithuryd-ti ‘staggers, reels’
from vithurd-s ‘tottering, reeling’, rathakdmya-ti ‘asks for «
car’ from ratha-kama- “desirous of having a car’, Avest. odstrys-
~iti ‘feeds’ from castre-m ‘meadow, field, fodder’, avdstrye-itt

1) It is noteworthy how well the isolated Ved. eargyd-t¢ the woos

(raré-s ‘wooor') agroos with the above mentioned adj. in -2ya-, padrueya-s
feom piirufa-s and the like.

iis

258 Present Stem: Clase XXXI — Skr. déra-yd-ti_ $770.

is a new formation, on the lines of Class XXVI, § 711 p. 246,
as Lat. custédi-s fimi-s follow verbs primitive like fore-t-s
(777). But the contained stems in -jo need not be compared
with Skr. turay-yd-ti: they may have arisen out of denominatives
from i-stems. Similarly Lat. catulid (beside catulu-s) blandior
(beside blandu-s) insamis (beside in-sdnu-s) may be ad-formates
of presents in -i-j6; and Germanic presents such as Goth.
hrdinja "I cleanse’ (hrdin-s ‘elean’) ldusja ‘I loose’ (Idus ‘loose’)
may be either this or derived from -ei0 (see 6, below).

(6) -e-i6-. Skr. vasma-yd-ti ‘haggles’ Gr. wrdoua: ‘I buy’
from rasnd-s -m vwo-c ‘price’ (for *Fea-ro-, ep. Solmsen, Kuhn's
Zeitechr. xxix 81 f.; for O.C.SL eéno, see Il § 66 p. 149).
Lat. seneo, Lith. senéju ‘I grow old’ (-éju instead of *-¢ju, see
below) beside Lith. sima-z ‘old’. Skr. anritra-yd-ti ‘is hostile’
from d-mitra-s foe’, kulaya-yd-ti ‘wraps itself up’ from kuldya-m
‘covering’; Avest. rdéa-ye-iti “draws the chariot’ from edga- m.
‘chariot’, aia-y¢-iti ‘is pious’ from aga- ‘pious’ (ep. Skr. rldya-ti
with different aecent, see $§ 793, 798), O.Pers. a-Saraya-m
‘I protected, watched’ from *sd-ra- (Skr. fr-d-), not actually
found. Gr. yséw -@ ‘I treat as a friend’ from gélo-~< “dear,
friend’, xooare ‘I rule’ from xnigaro-¢ ‘ruler’, voorée ‘I return
home’ from »oore-g ‘homeward way’, svgyém ‘I use words of
good omen’ from sv-grwo-g ‘of good omen’. Lat. dauded from
claudu-s, albed from albu-s, flaved from flaco-s, nigred from
niger. Irish: perhaps scorim scuirim ‘I unharness’ from scor
“enclosure for unharnessed animals. Probably forms in -e-j6
= pr. Germ. -ijd are at the bottom of Germanic stems like
Goth. rigneip ‘it rains’ from rign ‘rain’, hdurnja ‘I blow on the
horn’ from hasirn ‘horn’, Goth. ladsja O.H.G. lés(iju ‘I loose’
from ldus {ds "loose; the last verb, like all transitive denomi-
natives taken from adjectives in Germanic, can be counted to
Class XXXH; see § 806, Balto-Slavonic has -é-jo- instead of
-t-jo- (§ 782.2): Lith, giidé-ji-s ‘lam greedy’ from gida-s
greed’, keréju ‘I grow in stalks, like a bush’ from kéra-s
‘stalk’, kété-ju ‘I get hard’ from kéta-s hard’; *) O.C.SI. razumé-

1) Kurschat, apparently with less correctness, kétéju.

=|

$§770-—772. Present Stem: Clans XXXI — Skr. deen-yd-ti. 289

~jq ‘I understand’ from raz-umit ‘understanding, reason’, célé-jq
‘I get well’ from céli ‘well, whole’, o-Zestoéajq ‘I harden myself”
for *o-Zestokéjq (1 § 76 p. 66), from Jestokti ‘hard’,

Remark. Greck verbs in -dw have their parallel in Lith. verbs
with ~dju. I conjecture that these endings are special upgrowths in
these Innguages (§§ 778, 776.4, 782.2). Of oourse if Idg. o in open
syllables became Aryan @, there is « possibility that Ar. -dya-(¢ in some
words comes from *-o-je-ti.

§ 77. (4.) i-stems, Idg. -#j6-. Gr. wyrlo-pa ‘I devise,
contrive’ Lat. métior ‘I measure, sentence’,!) from uj-rey
‘counsel, resolve, cleverness’ Skr, md-ti-§ ‘measure, correct
perception. Skr. aratl-yd-ti ‘brews mischief for some one’
from drati-§ ‘ill luck’, jan¥-yd-ti ‘asks for a wife’ from jdni-§
‘wife’, kav¥-yd-té ‘acts like a wise man, is wise’ from kaoi-§
‘wise man, seer’ (on -tydti, see § 774). (ir. xovfw ‘I make
dusty’ from xdém-g ‘dust’, dnptouae ‘I strive’ from digg ‘con-
tention’, x7viw ‘I grow angry’ from jijyes ‘wrath’. Lat, finid
from fini-s, febrid from febri-s, erinié from crini-s, grandid
from grandi-s, lénid from léni-s, O-Ir. fo-dalim ‘I divide up’
(8" sing. fo-dali) from dail ‘part’. Goth. ddilja O.H.G. teil(iju
‘l divide’ from Goth. ddit-s stem ddili- ‘part’; Goth. vénja
O.H.G. wan(i)u "I imagine, hope’ beside Goth. én-s (stem véni-)
“delusion, hope’; Goth. dulbja ‘I observe a feast’ from dulp-s
(stem dulpi-) ‘feast’, anamahtja “I offer force to’ from ana-
-maht-s (stem -mahti-) ‘force’. Lith. daly-ji ‘I divide’ from
dali-s ‘part’, szifdy-jii-s ‘I take to heart’ (szirdi-s ‘heart’); as
regards -y~ju, instead of -i-ju, see $ 782. 2.

§ 77a. (5.) From u-stems, Idg. -w-j6-. Skr. gatu-yd-ti
“goes an errand’ from géti-§ ‘errand’, vasi-yd-ti “desires goods’
from odsu ‘goods’, datri-yd-ti ‘appears as a foe’ from sétru-g
‘foe’, yjii-yd-ti ‘is straight’ from gju-§ ‘straight’ (on -i-yd-fi see
§ 774); Avest. arehu-ye-iti ‘makes oneself master of’ from
awhu-§ ‘lord, master’, Gr. gira “I beget, produce’ from gitw

1) A different account of métior is given by Johansson, Beitr, sur

—_

230 Present Stem: Clase XXXI—Skr. dére-yd-ti © §§ 772,773.

“sprost, offspring’, qires ‘begetter, producer’, yyove ‘I make a
sound’ from yige-s ‘voice’, oifve ‘I lament’ from offs-¢ ‘lament’,
dergies I meee
from
tribu-s.

from dazee ‘tear’, i3vw "I go straight towards’
is-¢ ‘straight. Lat status from statu-s, tribud from
metud from metu-s.

$ 773. We have now given the main lines of this
teiatend Soremetcies tx Endl cCh i

Now we have seen im § 769 p. 286, that d-verbs of thix
formation very early yield to the analogy of d-verbs of Classes
X and XXVIII so far as to make such forms as (Gr. ripen-r0-¢
iciwroa. Next, corresponding non-present stems with -2., -F,
or -@- associated themselves with the presents in -¢-46 -i-jd and
-w-id; to which were soon added verbs with -o outside the
present and with -o-jo- or -d-go- in the present, formed from
o-nouns. In the case of Denominatives with -% and -d-, the
type was aided by & and o verbs of Classes X and XXVIII
as well. These non-present formations are all found in several
branches of Indo-Germanic. As far as our knowledge of the
relations of the languages to one another now goes, it is hardly
possible to say how many such forms are proethnic and how
many are later.

Gr, gua-ré-g éqidz-ou qpax-ow from gdée (pido-<), compare
wipti-g tryna vq-Ow, uthy-rto-y 2uthn-oe wehyj-oe ete. (ep. § 587
pp- 127f., § 589 pp. 129, §§ 735 and 737 pp. 261 ff., § 756.4
p- 275). Lat. claudé-rem (conj. of s-aorist) from claudeo
(claudu-s}, compare né-rem -pld-rem, vidé-rem tacé-rem (§ 587
pp. 127 f, § 590 p. 182, § 708 pp. 288 ff, §$ 735 and 738
pp. 261 ff). Lith. gildé-ti-s giidé-siii-s from giidé-jil-s (gilda-s),
O.C SI. cilé-ti céé-chit from célé-jq (célii), compare Lith. byré-ti
byré-siu (§ 740 p. 265). Gr. a-dijoi-ro-¢ éxdvi-oa xovi-ow from
xovlea (xon-s). Lat. finetu-< fint-rem from fini (fini-s).
Lith. dalj-ti dalj-sin from daly-ji (dali-s), 0.0.8). gosti-ti
gosti-chit from gosta for *gosttiq (gostt), § 782.5. Gir. a-daegi=
-to-g Wiixpi-ca daxpt-cm from dazpveo (daxov). Lat, stati-tu-s
from statud (statu-s).

-d- is commonest within the verb infinite; as Gr. sector

$713. Prosont Stom: Class XXX1 — Skr. dava-yd-ti. 291

-ré-g from sauodd-s, Lat. aegrd-tu-s from aeger (stem aegro-),
Lith. ragi’-ta-s O.C.S1. roga-tii ‘horned’ from réga-s rogit ‘horn’,
being forms like Gr. riy-ré-c from rtijej, Lat, barba-tu-s from
barba, Perhaps it was just verbal nouns of this kind which in
Greek were the starting point for éu/o%m-ou wodu-ow puaddm,
op. értpn-da rysij-ow tad; 80 in Lithuanian, jriki’-siu jAki ju
like dovand-siu dopandé-ju. Compare § 770 Rem. p. 289.

The shapes taken by present go-stems in different languages
will concern us in $§ 774 ff.

The meaning originally conveyed by this denominative
group was that the subject of the verb stood in some kind of
relation to the noun it came from. What this relation was
had to be gathered from the meaning of the noun and of the
context, But it often happens that we find in historical periods
some special sense attaching itself to a special denominative
ending (-a%0 -ei0 ete.). In Sanskrit, for example, -lyd-fi implied
desire; in Latin, -0 -d-s -a-¢ were factitive, and -e9 -2-s -e-t
intransitive. This special meaning always started with some
particular verbs, where it came from the essential meaning of
the noun these verbs were derived from. Then other verbs
followed the same pattern. To conform to the pattern, the
stem of the ground-noun is often quite neglected; thus we have
Skr. putriyd-ti from putrd-s on the model of janiyd-ti (from
jani-§). As we saw in § 769 pp, 284 f,, it is the ending -a-jo
which seems first to have trespassed beyond its own domain.

Asa result of this specialising of endings to some particular
sense, the same noun often served ag base for several denomi-
natives with different meanings; as Cr. iotiaw ‘I receive at the
hearth, entertain’ and ioxow “I make into a hearth, found a
house’ both from feria, doderdw ‘I am weak’ and agtevow
‘I make weak’, from dodsvjg, Lat. cléred ‘I am clear’ and claro
(-@-s) ‘I make clear’ from claru-s,

Remark. Considering how close was the tie between noun and
derivative verb, it is not to be wondered at that such vorbs often caused
the creation of nouns which looked a4 though the verbs were derived
from them (“noms postverbaux”). So, om the analogy of lacrimdre : lacrima,
rizdri: riza we have Lut. pigna coined to match piigndre, which was

19*

<5

292 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déra-yd-ti. §1T4,

derived from piignu-s; in Greck, similarly, we havo rie, ‘victory’ growing
oat of rine ‘I bring down, conquer’ (II § 86 p. 256) There sre many
certain examples of this retrospective tendency in modern languages, as
Ital. and Span. figa Fr. ligue from fiydre, Mod.H.G. wach from swachen,
See Bréal, Mém. Soe. Ling. rv 82 f.; Osthoff, M. U. rv 224,

§ 774. Aryan. The original forms leave the old groove
but rarely.

We shall treat below (§ 793) of the shifting of denomi-
natives in -a-yd-fi to the track of Class XXXII, which gives
rise to such a form as Skr. mantrd-ya-té.

Instead of Idg. -i-jé- and -w-jé-, we find in Vedic -i-yd-
~u-yd- and -Fyd- -a-yd-; see §§ 771, 772. It is not clear
whether the analogy of primary verbs like ni-yd-t# Sra-yd-t2 is
at work (§ 709 pp. 243f,), or if the t and @ came from feminine
stems in -7- and -n- (II § 109 pp. 333 £.); it might be held
that jani-yd-ti belongs to jdéni-§, jant-yd-ti to the byeform
jaént, kanda-ya-ti ‘scratches’ to the fem. kanda@- and not to the
masc. kandu-. Perhaps both these forces acting together caused
the vowel to become long.

The wider use of -d-yd-ti, which began in pre-Aryan times
(§ 769 pp. 284 f.), went further; and in later Sanskrit it took
a special turn, and the middle voice was used to mean that
the subject represented the noun which the form came from;
as Sakracdpaya-té ‘represents a rainbow, is like it’ from
dakracapa-m ‘rainbow’. Note for the typical form of the eon-
tained noun, Ved. dhiy-dya-té ‘is pious’ dhiy-ayd-nt- ‘attentive’
from dit- f. ‘devotion, piety’; similarly jm-ayd-nt- ‘struggling
earthwards’ from kjdm- f. ‘earth’ (Il $ 160 p. 482), unless it
be from jmdn- djma- ‘a way’ (‘way-making, carving a path’),

-E-yd-ti also was productive. On the model of durgybhi-
~ya-t2 ‘is hard to grasp’ (dur-gfbhi-§ ‘hard to grasp’), kavt-yd-te
‘is wise’ (Kavi-§ ‘wise'), tavigt-yd-té ‘is strong’ (tdvigt f. ‘strength’)
sprang up others, as adhvarfyd-ti ‘is present at the offering’
from adhvard-s ‘offering’, pitrtyd-ti ‘is fatherly’ (gramm.) from
pitér- ‘father’. On the model of jant-yd-ti ‘asks for a wife’
(jani- ‘wife’) we have putrtyé-ti ‘wishes for a son’ from putrd-s
‘son’, masiyd-ti ‘desires ineat’ from masd-m ‘meat’.

§$774—775. Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. deva-ya-ti. 293,

Thirdly, -s-yd- (from s-stems) once or twice leaves its proper
sphere. mdnavasyd-ti ‘acts after the manner of men’ from
manavd-s ‘human’ follows the type svapas-yd-té ‘acts nicely’
from sp-apas- ‘acting nicely’. wrugyd-ti ‘seeks the distance’
from urd n. ‘the distance’ follows such verbs as taru3-yd-ti
‘fights’ (from tdrug- n. “‘fight’).

Lastly, the ending -arya-ti grew into a type; beginning
with vadharyd-ti ‘lets fly a shot or missile’, beside vddhar- and
vadhd-s ‘missile’, it spread to rétha-s ‘a chariot’, and formed
ratharyd-ti ‘he drives in a chariot’,

Remark. I may mention hore another word, Skr. trudhiyd-ti ‘obeys’.
This is dorived from the imper. dru-dhi ‘listen’, which must have orystal-
lised into something hardly more than « particle; the form is then like
Gr. at-ctw from ai, ModH.G. bejahe 'T say yea’ verneine ‘I say no’ from ja
and nein, Lat, nego from some form like *ne-gi = Lith. ne-yi ne-gu,
contained also in neg-atium negeligd..

§ 774. Armenian. With jo-suffix only denominatives
like faram-i-m, § 770 pp. 288 f.

Without jo-suffix; Jana-m and the like, see § 581 p. 123.

Still unexplained are denom. in e-m, a8 gorce-m ‘I work’
from gore ‘work’, sire-m ‘I love’ from sér ‘love’, due-m ‘I break
up, depart’ from ¢w ‘a breaking up, departure’. As jana-m
answers to <Aeol. réu@-ye, one would be inclined to place
gorce-m parallel to gidq-yw, But i would be expected as
representing Idg. 2.1)

§ 775. Greek. The original ending -@m = Idg. -a-i5
became -éw, not by rule, but by analogy of -ra -«a <v0,

In several dialects we see -yw -ww -tw -iw instead of
the other quantity; as Lesh. ddierjs:, Boeot. d@umiovrec Delph.
oregavwdtu Hom. invoiorrec, Hom. xovfovres 2gyréovro, Simi-
larly -@w, as Hom. evows yo and qfdoyu or (with. Ton. 9)
nPjouu, which seems to haye been the form originally used
where the text has 7fdeqa. This @ is certainly not long because

1) Hfbschmann points out to me the possibility that the analogy
of, say, ber (‘pogd, latio’ ete.): berem (= Gr. pew) may have produced
gorcem in connexion with gore, Cp. the denom. Skr. marga-ti Gr. #/oue-
—to oto, § 487 p. 41.

294 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déra-yd-ti. $775.

the vowel was long originally (sce above), nor did the other
endings lengthen their first vowel by analogy of an a 80
preserved; the long vowel in all of them came from the
future, aorist, and other parts which had it, so that fam
follows 7fé-cw, adonjw follows adcxyj-ow.') At the same
time, some power must be ascribed to the influence of
present stems such as yoyjuv (§ 737 p. 263) and Hw
(§ 707 p. 286); for the other parts of these had the same
endings as the denominatives which now concern as (zo7j-couae
like padj-ow, té6-ow like daxgé-ow etc.). To hastily reject this
element in the matter would be all the more foolish, because
it is clear as day that Primitive verbs have had influence over
Denominatives in the futures dvouavéw -c beside donatm, and
tedtu instead of reiéoow (§ T57 p. 277). As regards verbs in
-Ta and -dw, we have also to consider that the contained nouns
often had -iy and -d-s (ep. fozém from isyt-c); this may have
had something to do with it, and analogy may have finished
the work. How far this influence acted must remain unsettled
while we have no exact statistics of -w -vw and -iw -fw.

Remark. yridw iosw gyww are to be kept distinet from Jawiniovres
‘eto, because they come from -wo-gw. yedww from yriwa (nom. yédms), the
atrong form of yelas-, whence yridw (§ 768 p. 282). idgoim from idence
(tyciw from a word parallel to Lat. rigor. These verbs in -wo-tw are in
all probability upgrowths of the separate period, when the languages
wore developing singly; in this they resemble the Latin group exemplified
by fudgur-io from fulgur (O.Lat. fulgus), and stand in contrast to the
really old forms Gr. reiséw rrdéw for *releanjo (§ 768 p. 282).

The origin of the ending in diz aev7 for <n is not clear;
op. Hom. Jiydwr, Ion. (Archil.) Siptwr, Pind. dz. Compare Wackernagol,
Philol. Anz. 1887, p. 288; W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr, xxix 269 f.

On the non-thematic present inflexion -é-s (-cmu) -7-m0
-w-se following Class X (instead of -aw -sw -ow) in Aeolic
and Arcadian, see § 582 p. 123, § 589 p. 131. The type
-@j in our d-denominatives came from the pre-Greek stage;
and in Greek itself its analogy produced -y-a« and -w-pr.

1) Cp. yew inatoad of *yéo following yrv-ow and the rest; the Author,
Gr. Gr. p. $1, Lithuanian: op. pros. démi 34 sing. désti instead of ddmi
dasti following dé-sin dé-ti otc, (§ 546 p, 104).

$776. Present Stem: Claas XXXI — Skr. déea-yd-li. 295

§ 776. Before turning to trace the way by which the
various denominative endings became general types in Greek,
we would quote some words of Siitterlin’s. He says, “In the
every-day language of inscriptions, analogy did not run riot aa
it did amongat the poets and orators, who were often forced
to adopt new words and terms, and depended partly on these
for effect”. (Zur Gesch. der Verba denom. im Altgr., 1 5).

(1) The type -aw, which could be made from o-nouns even
in pre-Greek times (§ 769 pp. 284 f.), did not spread so far ax
it might in forming factitives, because it was met by a counter-
current, the -ow class (4). Thus vsow ‘I renew’ may have
caused *veF@-cu = Lat. nord O.H.G. niuwom to drop out of use
(cp. p. 284 footnote). But in other directions -am was fertile;
it served to denote disease or diseased appetite, the production
of sounds, mechanical operations, and the like. Examples:
Aenode ‘I have an eruption on the skin’ (from afnge ‘eruption’)
and similar words give rise to idsgdw “I have dropsy’ from
Vdeo0-s “dropsy’; dpIaigaw “Ihave diseased eyes’ (from opFad-
-ui@ “disease of the eyes’) gives vdspuim from iJego-s (beside
vdegaw), ddovriaw “I cut teeth’ from sdovg ‘a tooth’; Soew ‘I call,
cry’ from Bor} ‘cry’ produces yoaw from yoog ‘lament’; whilst
xmvaw “I twist like a top’ from xcdvo-g ‘top’, drizaovre “they
arrange themselves in rows’ from arizor and orizsg ‘rows’,
onagyevaw ‘Ll wrap in swaddling clothes’ from ondoyavo-y
‘swaddling clothes’ follow teyvaw ‘I work skilfully’ from réyvy
‘skill’, enyavde ‘I set to work’ from pyyav7 ‘tool, means’, and so
forth. cw became another kind of desiderative suffix: orpa-
tyyie “I strive to become a general’ (orgeryyi@) and others
like it gave rise to such forms a8 &pyovriaw ‘I strive to become
archon’ from dgyey, wadyrdw ‘I wish to be a pupil’ from
wedyri-¢; and the last-named verb served as a model for
Bie-ytem ‘volo coire’ from Piréo “coeo’.

Remark. In certain Greek dialoots -ew is often found where we
expect -cw; it is not always possible to suppose that these are due to
the analogy of verbs in -rw from o-stema. Such are ffiw beside 7Adw,

Aanarie boride Savard. J. Schmidt, in his work on the Neuters (pp. 326 ff),
puts forward @ view that io pr. Greek ao aw became regularly eo +; that

296 Prosont Stem: Class KXXI — Skr. déna-ydi-ti, § 776.
thus so sw and oe stood side by side in sets of verb-forms, Pio iPins ato.;
‘and that there was levelling in two directions, (1) jdw sfdw eto.
following sfin: dn, (2) fine, -Fn following ¥Aéw —fourr.

(2) Many are the meanings given by verbs in -ew which
are formed from uncompounded o-stems; they stand in all sorts
of different relations to the contained stem. Here are a few:
xovgavico “I am ruler’ from xo/pevo-¢ ‘ruler’, ofxdw ‘I dwell’ from
olxo-g “dwelling, house’, cortyefo “I count’ from agetuo-¢ number,
pogtia “T toil from soz9o-g ‘labour’. This type was not very
fertile in analogical imitations, though we have jyruovw
‘T lead’ (jyeu0ir) modelled upon zopar'a, But when these
verbs were taken from compound stems, the case was different,
These meant mostly to be or to act as something; and the
type spread to an extraordinary extent. Examples of strictly
correct forms: oiveyo’w ‘I am wine-pourer’ from olvo=yoo-g, dn-
jovpyso ‘1 am a craftsman, artisan’ from dyurovoyd-¢, aduraréw
‘Tam unable, weak’ from a-Jdvvaro-g; by analogy — aroPodoréor
‘I am wage-giver’ from jaa9o-dérq-¢, apoorem “I am senseless’
from dggwr. It is true some of these verbs have meanings
both transitive and intransitive, but this depends on the meaning
of the ground-word; this radawgém means ‘I plague’ or ‘I am
plagued’ because raiat-xwo-g means either suffering misery or
inflicting it.

(3) With -sm-verba derived from o-stems, another group
originally ending in -so-go ran together. Only in Homer is
there a difference in form; there we have -:w, from -sogw,
and the intermediate -sw, side by side: retsfw and redéw
(I § 131 p. 118). The coincidence of these two classes in the
present caused analogy to act in other parts of the verb system,
Fven in Homer are found such forms as avdjoae from avtew
‘T bloom’ for *avPro-yu (aero n. ‘bloom’) on the analogy of
gaia from gaso, and reteryyjodm ‘to be armed’ from renysa
pl. ‘arms’. Then came a number of verbs in -sm fut. -yow _
from compound so-stems, a8 aneedim ‘I am disobedient’ from
G-ns9 jg ‘disobedient’, #%apa'm “Lam of good courage’ from
ai-Jaguys ‘courageous’; a step due partly to the fondness

— = |

$776. Present Stem: Class XXXK — Ske. déea-yé-ti. 297

which the Greeks showed for verbal derivatives in -em from
compound o-stems (for which see above, 2).

(4) The group of verbs in -ow, also from o-stems, is pro-
bably a purely Greek developement, on parallel lines to -«w =
Idg. -e-j5 (see § 773 pp. 290 f.). At first probably there were
forma of the verb infinite only, as those with the ending -w-ro-¢i
these soon produced all the rest. -aw -éow etc. may have been
the type for -ow -wom: there is a likeness between Mgryxico
‘T furnish with battlements or eaves’ (9pryxd-¢) orrpavow ‘I provide
with a wreath’ (arépavo-c) and asda ‘I furnish with a fetter
(adn) riucw ‘I provide with honour’ rz«e1; compare particularly
Orig (orepdvorg) otepavdw and rig (tigate) rida.

A favourite meaning for -ow is factitive; as arpidu ‘1 make
a cripple’ (oupio-c), ved ‘I make new’ (veo-c), ioow “I make
equal’ (foo-c). This function it seems to have taken from
pre-Greek -aj6; compare rréw with Lat, nopa@re O,H.G. niuwon
(p. 295); and in this sense -ow became enormously productive:
sa gaxcw ‘I make into rags, tear to rags’ from gdxoy n. ‘rag’,")
byw “I make well’ from vyg ‘well’, dgvidew ‘I turn into a
bird’ from opvic ‘bird’, mAaréw ‘1 make broad’ from mdarv=¢
‘broad’, yspupdw “I make into a bridge’ from yépuya ‘bridge’.

(5) Beside verbs in -vw (§ 772) sprang up a class in
-evw, a8 vouedw ‘I am a herdsman’ (vopav=c), qmoyeio ‘lam a
driver’ (qmoyev-). If, as we assumed in IIL § 261 p. 162,
eg comes from *-egu-g, then -rvm == *-egu-gm, -evow = *-e0-cur
are quite regular, and do not differ in principle from -v-(go
0-0 (daxava -baw).

The ending -2vw soon became a type for expressing one’s
usual calling or occupation: as eiveyosvw “I am cup-bearer’
from oivoydo-g, wavrevoum ‘I am a« seer’ from parr, Iypsvor
‘Lam a hunter’ from joe ‘hunt’, fovievo ‘I am a counsellor,
advise’ from ovaj ‘counsel’. Thus -rvw is partically synonymous
with -rw; we have oivoynéw and -yosi, and xopertm bears the
same kind of sense (see 2., p. 296).

1) One dare hardly derive this from *foxo0-», although this would
have wn analogue in Lat. fulgur-id (neo § 175 p. 294).

—

J

298 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr, déva-yd-ti. 8776.

(6) Amongst the many endings of verbs derived from
substantives with consonantal stems, three are particularly
fertile — -ulm, -u, and -aevor.

(a) -«tw, for -a)-~a, answers sometimes to a Germanic
class in (Goth. -atja (§ 768 p. 283), and sometimes -alw
eomes from -*ndjé, as in asuxatoum ‘I count by fives’ from
aeunag (IL § 123 p. 390, LIT § 169 pp. 18 f).

Following jeyafw “LT mix’, intr. in middle (aeyde ‘mixt’) were
coined yovyatw ‘T pacify, keep quiet’ from souzo-c ‘quiet’, dow
uatw ‘ET test’ from déxico-c ‘tested, genuine, correct’. Following
aqyodiméta “L give myself up to sensuality’ (appodioutc), yeveeiteo
‘I grow a beard’ (ysveuig) were formed oragdtw ‘I am in
tumult’ from ordo-y ‘tumult’, dviZu ‘I feel pain or trouble’
from «via ‘pain, trouble’, ¢mywgui{w “I am at home’ from
émyuipro-s “at home’.

-utw for -1d-4u; as 2hniZo “I hope’ from @nig -1-og ‘hope’,
geortica ‘Lt think’ from pgorric ‘care’, AxiCogee “I rob, harry,
earry off’ from Axi "booty’, gow ‘I strive’ from org ‘strife’.
On this model, aivifouct “I praise’ from alvo-g ‘praise’, Ssenvifee
T entertain’ from de7ryo-v ‘meal’, xavay(tw ‘T roar, rush’ from
xaveyy ‘rush, roar’, oved/w “I abuse, blame’ from dyvedog nu.
‘disgrace’, ixovriZw “L cast a javelin’ from axwy ‘javelin’, aipa-
rifw “I stain with blood’ from alse ‘blood’, paxagiCw ‘I bless’ from
paxag ‘blest’, decxtSo ‘T insult, torment’ from @snmjc ‘shameful’

In a few words -«tw and =u come from -ay-¢w and ~1y-¢w;
as conaly ‘I seize, carry off” (fut. dgndto) from aonat ‘greedy,
piratical’; and sasrif@ “I whip’ from sedort “a whip’. This
concidence of -y-4a and -d-~w in the present caused analogy
to act in two directions. (1) agndow ijoxaca beside agmakw
fiexuta following the dental stems; and (2) Dor. doxmatiw
Fok« instead of *doxmactém jorde following guttural stems. The
latter kind were very common in Doric.

(6) Verbs in -avm come from two sources, Some are
derived from nominal n-stems; as rexeaéyw ‘I carpenter’ from
réxrov ‘carpenter’, evipgaivm ‘I make glad’ from svgewy ‘glad’,
momaive ‘L tend’ from soyejy ‘herdsman’, oxsppaivw ‘1 give

$5 776177. Prosent Stom: Class XXXI — Skr. déva-yd-ti. 299

forth seed’ from onépye ‘seed’, xtuefvw “I undulate’ from xdpue
‘billow’ (§ 768 p. 282). The others are extended no-stems; as
taivw “I quicken, make live’ beside Skr. ifana-t, avaivw ‘I dry’
beside Lith. saisinu (§ 621 pp. 158 f., § 743 p. 266). As the
-uvw group spread, either of the two kinds might serve as a
type-form. Thus in making factitives from adj. o-stems, a large
class, like Peony ‘IT warm’ from Sepud-¢ ‘warm’, Asalvw
“I smooth’, from Aeo-g ‘smooth’, Aevxeivw “L whiten’ from Asvxo-¢
‘white’, the model might be either avaévw, which was popularly
derived from ado-¢ ‘dry’, or e’pgaivw ‘I gladden’ (e’gowy) and
miaivor “I fatten’ (ximy).

§ 777. Italic, Denominatives from consonantal noun-
stems, as Lat, cantur-id, dent-id, comped-id, custod-id, fulgur-i0,
in the present ran on parallel lines with primitives such as
Sarc-id -i-s (§ 702 p. 229, § 715 p. 248), and with denomi-
natives from i-stems like fimid (-f-s) for -i-i0; with the latter
this is true of the non-present stem, as custédipt -T-tus like
finivt -itu-s. The association seems to have gone thus far in
proethnic Italic; for we have Ose. xamdirou, i. ¢. kapid-t-to-m
‘ollarium’ (same stem as Lat. capis ~id-is); compare Umbr.
statita ‘statuta’ from *stafi- Gr. ordovg. Old participials such
as Lat. sceles-tu-s ltber-tu-s (II § 79 pp. 231 f., IV § 768 p. 288)
had fallen out of the verbal system, thus becoming adjectives,
before the beginnings of Latin.

‘The whole class of denominatives from consonantal noun-
stems was dying out in Latin. Only those which ended in
-turié were a group of any size (see § 778. 1).

Of the forms used for the present in scripfur-id -I-s etc,
the only ones which are a regular outgrowth of the Indo-
Germanic are the 1" sing. -70 and the 8" pl. -iunt. The others
cannot be derived either from -je-s -je-ti -jo-mos -ie-tes nor
from -ije-s ete.: to judge from the voc. filie (beside filt,
ILI § 201 p. 88), we should expect as an imper. *scrfpturie.
As a fact, these denominatives dropt their -i0 -je-s and so forth
simply because in Itulic primary verbs conjugating -j0 -ie-s

a

300 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Ske. deoa-yd-li. $777.

~e-ti exchanged it for -jo -f-s -Fti (§ 702 pp. 228 ff) So
scriptur-id took its type from suf-fid fare-id ete. (§§ 716 f.
pp. 249 f.), in the same way as Greek moulded the future
SeguurG ayyeho upon the primary class (§ 757 p. 277).

What is seen in seriptur-id, is seen in other verbs with
~id, as finid from fini-s. Tere, as before, only -id and -iunt
are regular. Here too the new forms sprang up in proethnic
Italic; evidence for which is found in Umbr. persnihi-mu
persnih-mu persni-mu ‘precator’ from a noun-stem *persni-
(§ 674 p. 207).

Again: verbs in =@-j0, -e-{0, and -u-jd run parallel to the
primary classes:

plants, for *-a-i0, has the jo-suffix only in the 1" sing.;
elsewhere unthematic -d-s -a-t etc., like nd nd-s ete, and jued
~a-s ete. This agrees with Umbr. furfant furfad ‘februant’
anstiplatu “instipulator’ Osc. faamat ‘habitat’ and others, beside
I sing, Umbr, subocau ‘adoro’ for -a(i)d (cp. stahu ‘sto’, and
§ 980); so the Latin type may be regarded as proethnic in
Italy, See § 583 pp. 128 ff, § 738 p. 263.

So also with clauded, for *-e-i0, the jo-suffix is found only
in the I*sing.: clauded -2-s etc. like pled pl-2s ete., video
~és ete, (§ 590 pp. 131 f., § 738 p. 263). And the same is
true of Causals, moned -é-s and so forth (§ 788). Two
remarks may be made, First, clauded and moned orig. had
~%0, while pled vided had orig. -#0 (cp. I § 612 p. 402).
Secondly, cland@s mons -et -eis may be derived without
violence from -e(j)es -e({)eti -e(j)etes, as easily as Lesb. pfayre
may be derived from grAe(@ere (§ 589 p. 181). To judge
from Lat. tres, pontés Umbr, puntes for -e(jjes (1 § 184
p. 121), ee became @ in pre-Italic times. It is possible that
this contraction in persons containing the suffix -je- may have
paved the way for the confluence of verbs in -e-i and -&j0
with those in -2-. It must also be carefully remembered that
Latin had no @-forms answering to plantavt plantdtu-s fintet
Jinitu-s, as it had no similar é-forma even in verbs with -2-j0,
such as vided.

§§777,778. Present Stom: Class XXXL — Skr. deca-ydeti. BOL

Remark. An exception is dénsed ‘I thicken’, which has dénsttu-s,
a bye-form of dénsdre (same meaning), It would appear that there was
once nothing but this participle dénsétu-s, and that the whole system dénsé-
<mus ote, sprang up by analogy of @énsd-mus to dénsd-te-s. This would
explain why dénsed, unlike albed clauded ete., had @ factitire meaning.

statud -uis -uit ete. may be directly compared with Skr.
gatu-ydmi -yd-si ete. Gr. girin ~#¢ ete.; on the other hand
the inflexion is the same asin sud suis suit etc. (§ 717 p, 250).

778. Particular endings becoming a type in Italie:

(1) The ending -turid, occurring words like serfptur-id from
sertptor (§ 768 p. 282), was made by the usual misunderstanding
into a type. Hence came a number of new forms, with the
sense of will, wish, intention, often where there was no con-
nected noun in -tor; as parturid taciturid, sullaturid (from
Sulla). In late Latin these words lost their distinctive meaning,
and parturid, for example, meant the same as parid.')

(2) The ending -i9 = -i-jo, found in many Latin verbs
from both subst. and adj. stems, gained no such distinctive
meaning as did -d (-are) and -ed. Add to the exx. given in
§ 771 p. 289 the following: partid and -ior ‘I divide, share’
from pars (stem parti-), circumrétid ‘I ensnare’ from réte,
inanid ‘I empty’ from indni-s, modlid ‘I soften’ from molli-s.
None the less did -i6 spread by analogy: catulid from catulu-s,
equid from equo-s, which with nuptetre remind us in form and
sense of the Skr, desiderative class putrfyd-ti (§ 774 p. 292);
blandior from blandu-s, raucié from vaucu-s, saevid from saevo-s,
largior from largu-s, &nid from tnu-s; poenid pinid from poena;
abortid from abortu-s, singultié from singultu-s. It is possible
that some of the verbs like catulid blandior are the same
formation as Skr. adhvaryd-ti Gr. ayyéidm; see § 770 pp. 286 f.

(3) Verbs in -a-j6 (Lat. -d), some of which, from o-stems,
belong to pre-Italic times (§ 769 pp. 284 f.), became very
numerous in Italie,

Many such, derived from a@-substantives, meant ‘to

1) Johansson (P.-B. Beitr, x 223) thinks that Goth. aiitron ‘to beg
for’ is a desiderative like these. He connects it with di "I possess’, and
thinks the orig. meaning was ‘I want to poxsons’.

— 5

302 Prosent Stem: Claas XXXI — Skr. déva-yd-tis. §778.

occupy oneself with, to practise, use, produce’ that which the
original stem denoted: Lat. card Umbr. kuraia ‘curet’ Pelign.
coisatens ‘curayerunt’ (Lat. cra), Lat. mult? Osc. moltaum
“multarc’ (Lat. muita), Lat. insidior (Insidiae), praedor (praeda),
Jacrimd (lacrima), maculé (macula), fortind (fortina). Then
verbs in -a@id were made from other substantive stems.
Examples: Lat. fermind from terminu-s termen, Umbr. termnas
“terminatu-s’ Ose. teremnattens ‘terminaverunt; Lat. loco
from Jocu-s, Pelign. locatin(s) ‘locaverunt’; Lat. dono from
donu-m, Ose. djuunated ‘donayit’; Lat. vinculé from vinculu-m,
Umbr. previilate imper. ‘praevinculato, praepedito vinculis’;
Lat. numerd from numeru-s, pagnd from pagnu-s (ep. § 178
Rem. p. 291), spolior from spoliu-m, cdnsilior from cdnsiliu-m,
rignd from régnu-m, fluctud from fluctu-s, tumultud from
tumultu-s, cOntionor from cdntid, némind from nomen, exdmind
from exdmen, coloro from color, fulguré from fulgur, onerd
from onus, scelerd from scelus, pulverd from pulvi-s, laudd
from laus, hiemo from hiems; Osc. deivaid ‘iuret’ deivast
‘jurabit’ from deivo- ‘deus’.

A few more exx. may be given of verbs in -ajé derived
from adjectival stems, like Lat. novd (pp. 284 f.): Lat. prioo
from privo-s, Ose. preivatud ‘privato, reo’ (for the meaning,
ep. Bréal, Dict. etym. Lat.? 281, Mém. Soe, Ling. tv 394 f.);
Lat. pio from piu-s, Umbr. pihatu ‘piato’ prupehast ‘ante
piabit’; Lat. probo from probu-s, Osc. prafattens ‘probaverant.
Hence by analogy Lat. gravd from gravi-s, levd from levi-s,
cicurd from cicur. Lat. sacro from sacro- sacri-, Ose,
sakarater ‘sacratur, sacrificatur’ from auxopo (‘sacrum’) sacri-.

A mass of Lat. verbs in -tajo are based upon to- Parti-
ciples; usually they have an intensive or frequentative meaning.
The following seem to have existed in pre-Italic times: Lat,
gusts = O.H.G. costim from Idg. *gus-té-, see § 769 p. 284;
Lat. itd Umbr. etaians ‘itent’ etato ‘itate’ = (ir. iry-réor
El. part. perf. act. ¢x-av-rrdxuip; Lat. putd ‘I deck, prune,
clean, reckon, think’ beside O.C.SI. pytajq ‘serutor, quaero,
indago' (Osthoff, M. U.iy 86f.), Formed in Latin on the same

§§ 778,779. Prosent Stem: Class XXXL — Skr, déva-yd-ti, 303

principle: hortor occulto adjitd cantd versd tractd dicts geste
pots, domits crepits habito. The ending -its was abstracted
from words which happened to have it, and became a type;
hence vocito from vocd (vocdtu-s), volito from vold (volatu-m),
agito from agd, sctscitd from set-scd, vtsitd from isd (Class XX,
§ 662 p. 197); and, by a combination of -itd with -10, arose
intensives or frequentatives to the second power, as ititd from
3-10, dictitd from dic-td, cursité from cursd.

The reason why this class derived from the ¢o-participle
increased to such a size, was that from the pre-Italic stage
onwards, the neuter or the feminine of these participles was
used as an abstract noun: as commentu-m ‘idea’ (hence com-
mentor), repulsa ‘defeat’ (hence repulsd), offénsa ‘blow’ (hence
aoffénsd). See Il § 158 pp. 478 fh, IV § 769 p. 285.

~igdre also became a fertile denominative suffix in Latin;
navigd rémigd jarigs jargs mitigo. Cp. Leo Meyer, Bezz. Beitr.
vi 130 ff.

(4) The -e6 = -e-id, of intrans. verbs like claudes (§ 770
p. 288), hardly touched any but o-stems; but an example of it
elsewhere is mol/ed from molli-s.

Observe that the same distinction of transitive and in-
transitive, which we see in the denominatives clarare and
olarére, is seen in primary verbs with those endings, as liguare
and liguére.

Remark. fateor seems to be another denominative in ed, Of this
yorb, Oscan has the inf. fatfum (f=2). The contained stem is *fa-to-s,
anaworing to Gr. perd-; ‘said’ (¢-poro-s), and meaning ‘having declared
something, open, confessing’; and the word doubtless borrowed its deponent
inflexion from fari (§ 495 p. 56). At first its construction waa fateor de

aliqué ré, and the accusative constr. came later, The partic. fessu-s follows
ewdisu-s from suaded, and the like.

§ 779. Keltic. The only distinct class of this kind in
Trish contuins the a-denominatives, as rannaim from the a-stem
rann (§ 769 p. 284) and marbeim from the o-stem marb
(p. 284). Somewhat as in Latin, the 1" sing. only is extended
by -io-, and all the reat lacks it: 1" sing. no charw for *cara-qo

304 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déra-yd-ti. §§ 779—T81.

(conjunct inflexion) like Lat. planté; 3'sing. no chara O.Bret.
cospitio-t like Lat. planta-t, Compare § 584 p. 125,

io-presents from consonantal stems (like Skr, apas-yd-ti)
there are none, Mid.Ir. ath-rigaim ‘I dethrone’ is an a-yerb
{inf. aith-rigad) from ri ‘king’ (stem rig-).

There are none either of the type of Skr. gatu-yd-ti
(§ 772 p. 289).

In the Keltic 3" conjugation, Idg. denominatives in -e-i0
{say scorim scuirim, § 770 p. 288), those in -i-id (say fo-ddlim
§ 771 p. 289), and causals in -ejd (§ 803) have all run
together, Then this new composite denominative type spreads
by analogy: 3" sing. ad-rimi ‘counts’ from rim f. ‘number’ (stem
*rima-), bagim ar-bagim ‘I strive, brag’ from bag f. ‘strife’
(stem “baga-).

§ 780. A denominative ending with -ag- became widespread
in Irish and British dialects: e. g. O.Ir. s@raigim or -sdraigiur
Mod. Cymr. sarhaf (= O.Cymr. *sarhagam) ‘I injure, offend’
from sdr ‘offence’, O.Ir. suidigim ‘I place’ from suide ‘place’,
Mid.Ir. intamlaigim ‘I compare’ from intamail ‘likeness, imitation’,
O.Cymr. scamnhegirt ‘levant. Some have wished to connect
this suffix with the nominal suffix -aco- (II § 89 p, 278), led
to this view by cumachtaigim ‘I make myself master of’ from
eumachtach ‘powerful’; but nothing clear is known about its
origin. °

Remark. “The British dialects point to -dg-, and before the a
Cymr. has an h. which I believe to indicate that the orig. sound was »
(i. ©. -sdgi-). But of this » there is no traco at all in Trish. Leaving

this out of count, we might imagine some formation like Lat. rémigdre
pergdre, only with f-flexion in Keltic.” Thurneysen.

§ 781. Germanic. (1) Here, as in Keltic, the most pro-
minent group consists of d-verbs, with inf. Goth. O.H.G. -dn
O feel. -a A.S. -ian, called in Germanic grammars the Second
Weak Conjugation. -a-jo-, with -jo-extension, is clear only in
Anglo-Frisian, A.S. 1" sing. in -ée, pl. in -iad, as sealjie sealfiad,
where i must originally have been a long and also dull yowel,
a0 that Germ. -d-ja- is quite out of the question. Without -jo-:
O.1.G, salbom -6s -dt -dmés -dt -int Goth. salbds -op -dm -op

~sail

781. __ Present Stem: Class XXXT — Skr. dera-ydeti. 305

-ond. The 1* sing, Goth. salbd is doubtless not for *-a-m
with secondary personal ending (neither is hab-a for *-&-m,
see § 708 p. 239), but a new formation following baira beside
batram and haba beside habam. Compare § 739 p. 264.

Examples of d-verbs derived from d-nouns are given in
§ 769 p. 284. Others are Goth. fairind ‘I accuse, blame’
O.H.G, jfirindm ‘scelero” A.S. firenie ‘I sin’ from Goth, fafrina
‘accusation’ O.H.G, firina ‘scelus’ A.S. firen ‘sin’, Goth. idreiga
‘I repent’ from idreiga ‘repentance’, O.H.G. ahtom (A.S. eahtie)
‘L notice’ from akta ‘notice’, O.H.G. gremizzom ‘1 look grim,
am gloomy’ from gremizza ‘dark look, gloom, despondeney’.
The ending ~-ind-(ia-), beginning in West Germ. verbs like
O.H.G. firindm, redindm (‘I set forth, recount, from redina
‘account, deseription’) became an independent suffix and went
further: e. g. O.H.G. wtg-indm ‘I punish’ A.S. witnie, O.1.G.
fest-indm “I affirm, make fast, promise’ A.S. fastnie, O.H.G.
heb-indm ‘I entertain as a guest’, and others.

For d-verbs from o-nouns, such as Goth. eairpo ona.
werdém, see § 769 p, 284.

a-verbs from s-stems (these joined the o-declension very
early in Germanic, see II § 132 pp. 419 f.): Goth. hatizd ‘I hate’
from /atis ‘hatred’, O.H.G. sigirdm ‘I conquer’ beside Goth.
sigis ‘victory’, O.H.G. egisdm ‘I am terrified’ beside Goth. agis
‘fear’, like Lat. onerdre scelerare (§ 778 p. 802). -is0-(ia-)
became a new independent suffix: Goth. ealp-isd ‘I roll, revolve’,
O.HL.G. rich-isom ‘I rule’ AS. ricsie, O.TLG. lUch-isim ‘com:
paro, simulo’ hér-isom ‘I rule’ (also hérrisdm by analogy of
hérro “lord, ruler’, which was originally a comparative), A.S.
bledsie “1 bless’ and others.

a-verbs from n-stems: Goth. frdujind ‘I am lord, I rule’
from frduja (gen. frdujins) ‘lord’, gudjind ‘I am a priest, fill
priestly office’ from gudja ‘priest’, which gave the type for
reik-ind ‘I rule over’ (reikes ‘ruler’) skalk-ind “I am a servant,
am useful’ (skalk-s ‘servant’) hor-ind ‘I commit adultery’ (hdr-s
‘adulterer’).

Many more new endings with the d-suffix, like these just
Bregmann, Elements. 1¥. 20

ye

206 Present Stem: Clase XXXI — Skr. azra-yé-ti. $751.

mentioned, are foand in West Germanic. The favourites are
-ard-, -alé-, and -akb-.

(2) Even in the prehistoric stages of Germanic three
classes of verbs, with endings originally different, came to have
the same ending; those with consonantal stems, with the ending
ease those from o-stems, with the ending -e-i6 (whence

Germ. -i-i6), and: those ending in -i-ié. Compare Goth.
iets glitmunja veitrédja lauhatja O.FLG. lougazzu lohazeu
and others § 768 p. oan each cipal oe
and Goth. gag Goth. c&nja O.1.G. wan(iu
aoe. 1) Besides, the causals in -40 (pr. Germ.
Goth. fra-rardja = Idg. *wortéo, fell into this con-
pane which is called the First Weak Conjugation in Ger-
manic grammar. It should be mentioned that in Germanic, as
in other Idg. languages, many verbs derived from nouns are
properly classed among Causals; for example, Goth. hdilja
OSax. héliu O.H.G. heil(iju "1 heal’ from hdil-s hal heil ‘whole’
(s§ 793, 806).

But the confluence of the various pre-Germanic conjugations
was not always due to regular sound-change. For instance,
Goth. glitmuneip laukateib (both only inferred) took the place
of *glitmun-ji-b *lauhat-ji-P on the analogy of such forms as
rigneip for *rigni-ji-d(i). Goth. vatirkeip (1" sing. vatirkja
Idg. *uyg-id) is a new form, instead of *eatirkip, following
fra-vardeip ete, (p, 229 footnote). On the other hand, O.1.G,
denit beigit (1 sing. denn(iu beizz@ ground-form *tonéié
*bhoid&is) follow hevit — Lat. capit,

There is often wavering between the first weak conjugation
and the second, the d-verbs. Sometimes there were originally
variant forms with different structure; e. g. O.H.G. follom
‘T fl? was a pre-Germ. verb in -d-i6 (§ 769 p, 284), whilst
fullfiju Goth. fullja “I fill’ is a causal; similarly we have O.TLG.
tardm ‘1 hurt, injure’ from tava ‘hurt, injury’ beside the causal

or

1) Whothor *-w-j0 loads regularly to Goth. <a, and say tagrja ‘T ery"
comes from pr. Germ. *fagru-id, ufarassja “1 exist in abundance’ for
*uforaasu-id, i doubtful,

1

3781. Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déva-yd-ti. 307
teriu (game meaning). How far these verbs altered their inflexion
in later times, and for what reasons, are questions which need
farther investigation (cp. for instance O.Sax. fullén beside fulliu).

(3) Verbs in Goth. -a (2"™ sing. -dis) O.1L.G. -2m, as
Goth. Baha O.H.G. dagém ‘taceo’ (Third Weak Conj.), as we
have seen in § 587 p. 129, § 592 p. 133, § 708 pp. 238 ff., did
not originally belong to what we have called the later stratum
of denominatives. However, we do find in Germanic quite a
number of later denominatives in this conjugation; as Goth.
arma ‘1 feel pity’ fasta O.H.G, fastem ‘I fast’; and one is
tempted to class those verbs along with Latin denominatives
auch as clauded, which were just in the same way associated
in conjugation with taces vides and the like (§ 777 p. 300).
Howbeit, this is inadmissible. Because by far the greater
number of the verbs in this class were intransitive (as are
aha dagém), it happened that their ending became a sign of
intransitive meaning; and as the orig. ineeptive verbs with an
a-suffix (as Goth. ga-vakna ‘to awake’) suggested inceptive
n-verbs formed from nouns (as Goth. fullna ‘I get full’ mikilna
‘I grow large’, § 628 p. 160), just so paha dagém were the
model for fasta fastim and many others. Since there was a
primary verb Goth. satirga O.ELG. sorgém T care’ side by side
with the subst. Goth. savirga O.HLG. sorga ‘care’, which seemed
to be derived from that substantive (§ 659 pp. 193 f.), so the
subst. (O.1.G.) fasta ‘a fast’ suggested the above named verb
Goth. fasta O.FLG. fastém; and furthermore the verb werném
‘L perplex or torment myself" was made to complement werna
‘perplexity, pang’, wartém ‘I watch, wait? was formed from
the subst. warta ‘watch, spying, waiting’, wahtém ‘I keep
watoh’ from wahta ‘watch’. In O.HLG. the process goes a step
further, and verbs like these are derived from adjectives; e. g.
O.ELG. falém ‘I cause to rot’ from fal ‘rotten’, altém ‘L grow
old’ from alt ‘old’. Compare some other verbs, belonging to
Class XIV, such as O.1.G. wesaném ‘I dry up, wither away’
(O.Icel. visna), trunkaném ‘I get drunk’ (A.8. drunenie), which,
by adopting é-flexion, gained a second sign of their intransitive-

20*

a

308 Present Stem: Chass XXXI— Ske.dleea-wd-ti, §8781,782.

inceptive meaning (§ 623 p. 160); and further Goth. madrna
O.H.G. morném instead of *maiirnd *morndm (§ 605 p. 147).

There are many and various waverings between -é- and
-d-fiexion, as O.1LG. @rém and érdm ‘I honour’, which need
farther investigation.

§ 782. Balto-Slavonic.

(1) Here it is no longer possible to distinguish beyond a
doubt verbs derived from consonantal noun-stems and containing
the suffix -jo-, of the type of Skr. rajas-yd-ti (§ 768 p. 282).
Instead of these, we find in cases where the forms are clear,
verbs conjugated in other denominative classes; as Lith.
akmenyjii-s “I turn to stone” from aki ‘stone’ (stem akmen-),
O.C.SL 2namenajq ‘I mark, term’ from zname ‘mark’ (stem
2namen-).

Remark. Perhaps the Lith.-Lettic verbs Kurschat calls “Punctiva”
— those onding in (Lith.) -teréli -teléti, as kiPsteré-ti ‘I rough-hew a little”
— are to be connected with Slavonic nomina agentie in -tel- (Idg. -ter-),
as dritel-t ‘offerer’ (II § 122 p. 389), Then comes the question whether
the Lith, present formation kifeter-iu szvifptelu (i. ¢. -elju) represents or
not the type of Skr. rajas-yd-ti. The conjugation in the dialects is
sometimes -ferdjan -teldjau, -terdti -teléti, and sometimes -teriau -telaw,
sterti -telti (Leskien-Brugmann, Lit, Volksl. and Mirchen, 318 £), the
Intter like takuriau lakurti boside takuriu ‘I wait quietly’.

(2) Beside the endings Lith. -o-j@ O.C.SI. -a-jq = Idg.
-a-ié, as Lith. tankicju O.C.SI. Iqka-jq (§ 769 p. 284), we meet
with Lith. -é-ju 0.0.1. -éjq instead of Idg. -e-id, ¢. g. Lith,
gidé-ji-s O.CSI. razuméjq (§ 770 p. 288), and Lith. -yja
instead of Idg. -iid, as daly-j% (§ 771 p. 289). In these
formations the long -@- and -- are to be explained on the
same principle as the long vowels in the Greek dialectic forms
adixijoy xoviw and so forth (§ 775 p. 203); they have been
imported from the nou-present stems; thus gidéji-s follows
-é-siu -é-ti-s, razumé-ja follows -é-chit -é-ti, and daly-j7h follows
-g-siu -y-ti, and so forth. At the same time, something is due
to such present forms as Lith. byré-ju 0.0.31. gové-ja, in which
verbs the non-present forms had the same endings as have the
present stema now in question (¢. g. byré-ti like gadé-ti-s,
gové-ti like razumé-ti); see § 735 p. 262, § 740 pp. 264 f.

Jer
|
Ie

§ 182. Present Stem: Class XXXI— Skr. déva-yd-ti. 309

Similarly sprang up the present in -d-ju, as jiuki’-ju, by
analogy of ~i-ta-s (§ 773 p. 291), due to the same principle as
the Boeotian déunovreg (§ 775 p, 293). This happened first
in Baltic, or at any rate in the proethnic stage of Balto-Slavonie,
The preterite of these verbs is odd; it ends in -avau (jékavai),
while we should expect *-i-jau; the latter ending appears in
Lettic as ~iju, the shape it would naturally take there. I assume,
with Wiedemann (Lit. Priit., 198), that -avau is due to the
analogy of verbs in -au-ti (pres. -au-ju pret, -avau, see
below, 3).

In Slavonic, where Idg, 6 and @ ran together, verbs of
the same kind as Lith, ja@/i’ju may be buried in the class
which has the termination -ajq. This is all the more likely
because such forms as rogati and ragi'ta-s cannot be well
separated (§ 773 p. 291).

(3) The denominative type exemplified by such forma
as Skr. adhvar-yd-ti (from adhva-rd-s) and Gr. dyyéhi
{from dyyeio-s) is represented, firstly, by Slavonic presents
like trepesta 24 sing. -eStesi (from frepetit), See § 770
p. 287,

Secondly, Lithuanian denominatives in -auju (inf. -au-ti,
pret. -avau), and those in Slavonic ending in -w-jq (inf. -ova-ti),
have to be examined; e. g. Lith, rékav-ju ‘I make a noise’
O.C.31. dliigu-jq ‘I owe’. They come from the most diverse
noun-stems, but it is impossible to tell offhand with what
stems the class began. If they are derived from w-stems
(ditigovati from dligit ‘debt’ gen. dliigu, sladovati ‘to be sweet’
beside sladit-ki Lith. saédit-s), they must be connected with
Idg. verbs in *-w-j5 (§ 772 p. 289), But if s0, one cannot ander-
stand why the stem-final -v- should have been exchanged in
the verb for the strong grade -ey- or -ou- (pr. Balto-Slav. -ou-
may be either, see I § 68 p. 59). I therefore think it far
more likely that the contained nouns had stems in ~e-4o- -e-d-
(ep. Skr. kesa-vd-s ‘longhaired’ from kéSa-s ‘hair’, ete., see IL
§ 64 pp. 133 ff). This view is supported by Slav, bésovati
‘to be frenzied’ beside bésovii ‘devilish, mad’ from bésii ‘demon’,

a

310 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déna-wé-ti. § 782.
kraljevati ‘to be king’ beside kraljevit ‘royal’ from hraljt ‘king’,
pradevati ‘to be a physician, to heal’ beside vradecié ‘pertaining
to « physician’ from vraé¥ ‘physician’, vinovati ‘to accuse’ beside
vinovinit ‘guilty of something’ from vina ‘cause, guilt’ (vinoo¥nit
presupposes “inovit), and many more; Lith. substantives in
-ava -java are collected by Leskien, Die Bildung der Nomina
im Lit, 199 f. In Lettic (and Prussian too) the verbs in
-auti do not appear at all; and partly for that reason, partly
because the large majority of Lith. verbs in -aufi are Slavonic
in origin, it is at least not improbable that this au-conjugation
has been borrowed bodily from the Slavonic. However, the
borrowing must have taken place very early, when Slav. @
was still ou.

Genuine Baltic examples of the type of Skr. adhoar-yd-ti
would therefore be impossible to find.

(4) Side by side with the ending -d-ju, Baltic has another
present inflexion with -a- and without -jo-. This oceurs, firstly,
in the 2™ sing. imper. always without exception; e. g. dovand-k,
which is to be compared with Lat. planta ete. (§ 957). Secondly,
in Frequentatives and Causals with -au (inf. -y-ti), some of
which were certainly derived from nouns; e. g. Lith. j#’staw
‘I gird (frequently) from 7#'sta ‘girdle’, petnat ‘I earn’ from
pelna-s ‘earnings’, vétau ‘I fan, winnow’ beside Skr. vd-ta-s
Gr. azj-ry (IL § 79 p. 223). The forms ji'sto ji’sto-me ji'sto-te
answer to Lat. planta-t -d-mas -d-tis Lesh. riu@uev O,Ir.
no chara-m Goth. salbd-m ete., but the 1" and 2™ sing, j#staw
jivstai show the same analogical change as do the primary
forms bijati-s ‘I fear’ buvatt ‘I was’, see $ 586 p. 127. This
Lith, present class, as the non-present forms show (inf. ji'sty-ti
pret. j@scziau), stands in very close connexion with the Idg.
verbs in -é6 (Class XXXIN), and we must discuss it again
in §§ 789 and 807. \

The orig. d-flexion without -jo- is also seen in Pruss. waitia
‘he speaks’ 1" pl. waitid-mai (inf. waitia-t) beside 0.0.SI. vésta-
~ja ‘I speak, advise’ (inf. véSta-ti), beside Prass. caria-woyti-s
karige-wuyte ‘address to the army, review’ 0.0.91. oéste n. advice’.

"$782,783. Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. deoa-yd-ti. su

(5) Slavonic has no distinct present elass to correspond to
the Lith. present class -y-ju (dalyji, no. 2, p. 308) which
represents the Idg. verbs in -i-go. These verbs in -i-i6 in
this branch of Idg. were merged in the class of Causals ete.
with -i-ti (Class XXXII); e. g. gosta ‘1 entertain, receive
hospitably’ 2 sing. gosti-si inf. gosti-ti from gost ‘guest’,
é%tq ‘I honour’ from é¥sf¥ ‘honour’, mista “I take vengeance’
from milstt ‘vengeance’, branjq ‘I strive’ from bran¥ ‘strife’,
mysijq ‘t think’ from mysi ‘thought’. The Idg. endings -¢io
and ~i-j6 in Slavonic were sure to run together after -ej-
became -¥- (I § 68 p. 60), and in both classes the endings
-ja ~i§i ~itit etc. have undoubtedly taken -% from the infinitive,
We shall see in § 789 p. 822 how very probable it is that
i first got into the Causals, and afterwards spread to
i-denominatives.

§ 783. Certain endings of the denominative verbs become
types.

(1) Verbs in (Lith.) -d-ju (O.C.S1.) -a-ja from a- and from
o-stems; as Lith, lanko~ju O.C.Sl. laka-ja from lanka laka
and Lith. kilnd-ju from kilna-s, mirksnio-ju from mirksni-s,
O.0.S|. prija-jq beside Skr, priyd-s, are cited in § 769
pp. 284 f.

Other Baltic examples are: Lith. kédpo-ju ‘L continue
kneeling’ from ‘dipa ‘kneeling, curtsey’, ddrgano-ja ‘it is rainy
weather’, from ddrgana ‘rainy weather’, Lett. jaudd-ju ‘1 have
power, I can’ from jauda ‘power’, sukkd-ju ‘I comb’ from sukkas
pl. ‘comb’, schduld-ju "I flutter’, from schdul-s ‘fluttering’, wajd-ju
‘I weaken’ from wdj-sch ‘weak’, jokd-ju ‘I jest’ from jak-s ‘jest’,
Lith. vald-ju (i. e. *valjd-ju) I compel’ from vala (i, e. *val ia) ‘will
vadéié-ju ‘I lead about’ from vdddios pl. ‘leading-string, leash’,
gylé-ju | prick repeatedly’ from gylg-s ‘sting’, eynidé-ju ‘I wrap
up’ beside kakla-vynj-s ‘necktie’; also derived from -jé-stems,
as Lith. pdinio-ju ‘I confuse, entangle’ from pdiné ‘a con-
fusion, entanglement, hindrance’, rénkio-ju ‘I keep picking up
(berries, for example) from ranké ‘a gloaning or gathering’.
The predominant meaning of Lith. verbs in -oju is ‘to do, to

$12 Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr, déen-yd-ti. § 783.

be oceupied with’ the thing denoted by the noun whence the
verb comes, as dovand-ju “I make a present to some one’;
and it is easy to see that where there was any verb of this
sort and a primary verb containing the same stem, the former
might get some kind of frequentative meaning by way of
distinction. Thus fonko-ju ‘I busy myself with bending’
means practically ‘I bend to and fro’ to make pliant or supple,
whilst lenkit means simply ‘I bend’, We shall soon meet this
same Frequentative cluss in Slavonic; and we may therefore
with some probability infer that it belongs to the proethnie
period of Balto-Slavonic. But I would suggest that the type
is still older, and was not produced at that time out of the
later stratum of denominatives; for there is no objection to
comparing forms like Lith. Uindo-ju O.C.SI. siin-édajq with
Lat. juvare Goth. miton ete., and placing them in the older
denominative stratum. See §§ 734 ff. pp. 261 ff

The ending -joju, both with and without some part of the
foregoing stem adhering to it, became an independent suffix.
Alone: lankioju beside tanko-ju, brddgio-ju “I wade about’ from
brad& ‘a wading’ (but Lett. has bradddju) tindéioju ‘I crawl
about’ beside (-landa ‘place to crawl into’ (but Lett. has léddju),
takiéju ‘I fly about’ from éaki ‘place to fly in and out of,
entrance to a beehive’, sakidju ‘1 follow, sagidju ‘I attach, fix,
sew on’. -loju (i. e. *-ljdju): pirszléju ‘1 woo, am a suitor on
behalf of some one’ from pirslij-s ‘suitor, wooer’ (perszit pifsti
‘to woo, to be suitor’), mirkloju ‘I blink’ from mirklg-s ‘blinker’
(mérkiu mérkti “I close my eyelids’) and others; by analogy of
these Zirg-ldju ‘I go straddling about’ (gergix “I step, stride’),
tep-léju ‘I smear or grease over’ (tepi ‘I smear’), meét-ldju
‘ throw about’ (meti ‘I throw’ métau ‘lL throw about’), -c2ioju
-szczioju: badmirszcziéju ‘I almost starve, suffer hunger’ from
badmirté ‘starvation’, and others; which set the type for such
forms as mirk-czidju mirk-szczidju ‘| blink’, triik-czioju trik-
-seczigjn “1 throb repeatedly’, rdisz-czioju ‘I keep tying’.
-urioju ~woju (with parallel endings -uritiju -uliiju by § 785)
for frequentatives: vyburioju “l wag my tail, fawn upon’ from

$783. Presont Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déva-yieti. 313

vyburg-s ‘one who wags the tail’, krituloju ‘I stir myself a
little’ from kritwli-s ‘a stirring of oneself, levy, militia’,
grimuloju “L chew the cud’ from gromulj-s ‘cud’, ete.; by this
analogy kyb-urioju'l kick or struggle a little’, edb-wloju ‘I chew
something tough’. -aloju is used in the same way: in this
ending -joju interchanges with -gajw far oftener than in the
endings -twrioju -wloju (§ 785):') sdrgaloju ‘I am sickly’
cp. sargal-inga-s ‘sickly’, darbaloju ‘I keep on working, I work
vigorously’, isz-vartaloju “I tumble down’ and many more,
Lett. pirkuldju ‘I buy by retail’ beside Lith. pirkala-s ‘wares’,
ep. Lith. svambalaju ‘I dangle’ from svambala-s “that which
dangles, plummet’.

Other Slavonic examples (observe that some of the
Slav, verbs in -a-ti may possibly answer to Lith. verbs in
~i-ti, see § 782.2 p. 309): O.C.S1. igra-jaq ‘I play’ from igra
‘game’, sit-oraska-jq ‘I am wrinkled’ from eraska ‘wrinkle’,
Klevata-ja ‘I calumniate’ (beside Alevesta, see § T70 p. 287)
from Kleveta ‘slander’, gnéva-jq se ‘I am angry’ from gnéoit
‘anger’, kastlja-jq ‘I cough’ from kaswt ‘cough’. As in Baltic,
these verbs were distinguished by a secondary frequentative
meaning from parallel primary verbs. They were associated
with the group of frequentatives derived from verbs, whose
beginnings go back to the older denominative @-series; thus
-éda-jaq, was associated with ja(d)-mt ‘esse’, -é°Ypa-jq with éripa
‘I make’, -gnéta-jq with gnetq ‘I press’, dila-jq ‘I read’ with
ita ‘I count, reckon’; some of these could also be conjugated
in the present like glagolja (glagola-ti) trepesta (trepeta-ti), ete.
{§ 770 p. 287), as na-ridq ‘I name’ (inf. na-rica-ti) beside
na-rekq. As some of these frequentatives had originally a
strong grade of root-vowel, it became a rule for new forms of
the same model, that if the primary verb had the vowels e, 0,
¥, or it, the frequentative had é, a, i, or y (see the comparisons
in Leskien’s Handbuch, pp. 14 £).

1) The distinction between o and # is in many Lith. writings so
incompletely kept, that it is often impossible to say whother an ending
be -oju or -tiju.

B14 Prosent Stem: Class XXXI -Skr.déva-yd-ti. _ §§ 783,784

In vowel-stems, -raja is found as a frequentative suffix;
e. g. o-ba-vajq ‘incanto’ beside ba-jq ‘fabulor’, o-dé-rajq
‘I clothe’ beside dé-ja degdq ‘I lay’, pi-vaja ‘I drink’ beside
pi-jq ‘I drink’; o-kleveta-vajq beside kleveta-jq klevesta ‘I slander’,
razumé-vaja beside razumé-jq ‘I understand’, The origin of
-eaja was the noun-suffix -yo- -yd-: piva-ja from pi-vo
‘a draught, pii-live-j@ ‘I pour in’ (beside bi-jq ‘I pour’) from
“lievii, Mod.Slov. liv ‘funnel’ na-lio ‘shower of rain’ Russ, na-
-lvit ‘the time when the corn grows full’ pro-livit ‘strait, channel’,
na-séoa-jq ‘I sow’ a field (beside sé-jq ‘I sow’) from Russ. sé-0it
‘sowing, seed time’. Other similar nouns having v-suffixes may
be regarded as derivatives with the suffixes -dkit -tika:
ep. 0.0.8]. pri-dé-r-iikit ‘cognomen’ Mod.Slav. 0-dé-v-ka ‘dress’
heside -dévajq, Russ, do-bi-v-ka ‘a complete driving in’ (of
stakes) beside raz-bivaja “I knock to bits, destroy’ (bi-jq
‘I strike’), Mod.Slov. po-mi-v-ek ‘rinsing pail’ beside u-myvaja
‘T wash’ (my-jq ‘I wash’). But the v of davaja ‘I give’ and of
stavaja ‘consisto’ may be taken as original, even if it is not
to be put in just the same category as the v-suffix of the
aforementioned forms; cp. Lith. dovand, Skr. davdné and
O.O.S1. stava stavit po-stavii:_stavlja = Goth. stéja, Lith. stona.
Since piva-ti dava-ti were regarded as intimately connected
with pi-ti and da-ti, the ending -vati became itself a type,
and hence we have -znava-ti beside 2na-ti ‘knows’, -klevetava-ti
beside klevata-ti, and so on. The endings -vajq -vati were
yery convenient for making frequentatives from verbs with a
vowel stem-final; hence their frequency.

Remark. Frequentatives of derivative verbs, a8 o-klevefaenti
rasumévati veliéavati, must be regarded, because of their meaning, a8
an imitation of primary Frequentatives, and must not be derived from
nouns in -aet and -éri (such as velidavis "grandiloquent’).

§ 784. (2) Verbs from o-nouns in (Lith.) -é-ju (0.0.81)
-&jq, us Lith. gadé-ji-s from giida-s, O.C.SI. razumé-jq from
razumii, ure cited in § 770 pp. 288 f.

Other Baltic examples are: Lith. szykseté-ju ‘Tam
covetous’ from szykssta-s “covetous’, Lett. labbé-ju ‘I better

=|

$784. Present Stem: Class XXXI —Skr. d&va-yd-ti. 815

myself" from lab-s ‘good’, prdtéju “I subtilize, play the wiseacre’
from prdt-s ‘reason’, galé-ju ‘I finish’ from ga'l-s ‘end’, mistré-
~ju ‘I mix, mingle’ from mistr-s ‘hotch-poteh’. In Lithuanian
these verbs mean ‘to be or practise’ anything. They are
formed from other stems besides those in -o-, as Lith. éygé~ju
‘T go an errand’ from agi-s ‘errand, course’, matonéju ‘I much
wish to have’ from matonit-s ‘gracious’, seiléju ‘I slaver, drivel’
from séilé ‘alaver’, Lett. bridéju ‘I delay’ from bridi-s ‘while,
period’, auréju “I blow the hunting horn’ from awre ‘hunting
horn’. They are linked with the older group of Verbs in -é/t,
as kyléju (§ 740 p. 265), in the same way as verbs like
dovandju are linked with those like Andoju (§ 783 p. 312).

In Lithuanian the ending -énéju was converted into a
new type for Frequentatives. First came verbs like tekiné-jr
‘T run about a little’ from téeina-s ‘running’, dilbiné-ju ‘I glower,
glare from beneath my brows’ from dilbina-s ‘one who
glowers. The next step was smil-indju ‘I keep cating dainties,
picking and tasting’, lind-indju ‘I crawl about’, vag-inéju
‘I filch’ and others, Verbs already frequentative often add
~inéju, and thus form a frequentative of the second power,
so to say; thus we have taist-ingju from Idistau tdistyti ‘to
pour repeatedly’, itself frequentative of /éti ‘to pour’, garg-inéju
from Zargat Zargyjti ‘to straddle or stretch the legs repeatedly’,
freq. of Zerk-ti “to spread the legs’; ep. pitst-aloju ‘to pour, shed
or drop repeatedly’ from pilstau pilstyti freq. of pil-ti ‘to pour,
shed’ (§ 783 p. 313).

Other examples from Slavonic, where almost all verbs
in -éq are intransitive and most of them mean to get into some
condition: o-slabé-jq ‘I get weak’ from slabii ‘weak’, o-malé-ja
‘to get little’ from mali ‘little’, buja-jq ‘I get daft’ from bujt
“daft’, obti-nifta-jq ‘I get poor’ from mitt ‘poor’, o-krilé=jq
"L wing myself’ from krilo ‘wing’; viiz-mq-iaja “I make a man
of myself, take courage’ from mqé¥ ‘man’. These too ean be
formed from other besides o-stems, as éeléjq ‘I wish’ from
Zelja ‘wish, longing’.

-léjq as an independent suffix. On the analogy of

816 Prosont Stem: Class XXXI — Skr, d@va-yd-ti, 9§ 785,736.

o-miidilé-jq. o-miidlé-ja ‘I am slow, linger’, from miidilit miidhi
‘slow, lingering’, and like forms, we find prokaztléjq ‘I make
eyil plots’ from prokasa ‘evil plot’, maéiléja ‘I become a man’
from amnqat ‘man’, pedatiléjq pecatléjq ‘I seal’ from pedatt ‘seal’.

§ 785. (3) The Lith. suffix -i-ju (§ 773 p. 201, § 782.2
p. 309), which began with o-stems, has the same function as
-o-ju. For further examples take the following: Lith. meli’-ju
Lett. melit-ju ‘I lie’ from Lith, metat Lett. meli pl. ‘lies’, Lith.
éala'=ju Lott. falii-ju “I grow green’ from Lith. édla-s Zale-s
Lett, fa'l-sch ‘green’, Lith. batni’-ju ‘I saddle’ from batna-s
‘a saddle, dagii-ju ‘I harvest’ from ddga-s ‘harvest’, piilii-ju
“I fester’ from puilet (piil-jai) ‘matter, pus. Derived from other
than o-stems: dszariju Lett. assariiju ‘I pour out tears’ from
aszard assara ‘tear’, Lith. vagitju Lett. waggiiju “I draw
furrows’ from vagi wagge ‘furrow’, Lith. dejiju ‘I lament’
from deja ‘a lament’, pravardéiéju ‘I furnish with a surname’
from pravardé ‘surname’.

In the Lith. frequentative endings -urigju wloju and -aloju
(§ 783 p. 312), particularly in the last, there are variants -tiju
and ~joju: here -joju must be regarded in general as the older
ending, Examples are: Ziburii’ju ‘I flare, flicker’ from diburg-«
‘light, torch’, skliduritju ‘L slide, swim’, tyouliiju ‘I spread
widely’; seam®balitju ‘{ dangle’ from svasibata-s ‘that which
dangles, plummet’, mafgalijju ‘I shine with varied hues’,
svaigalizju “I reel’.

We have already remarked (§ 782.2 p, 309), that the
Lith, verbs in -iju may possibly have their counterparts in
Slavonic, where the class -ajq may contain some of then.

§ 786, (4) Lith, verbs in -yju from i-stems have
been cited in § 771 p. 289; to Lith. szi?dyji-s answers
Lett. si'rdizjf-s ‘I take to heart’. Here are some further
examples: Lith. radyji ‘I rust’ from radi-s ‘rust’, kirmyji
‘L am eaten of worms’ from ‘irmi-s ‘a worm’, which was orig.
an i-stem although inflected as a stem in -jo- (IL § 97 p. 289),
Lett. dusi-ji-s I listen’ from dus-s (Lith, ausi-s) ‘ear’. From

§3 786,787. Present Stem: Class XXXI — Skr. déna-yd-ti. SIT

other stems: Lith. rémyju Lett. rdmiju ‘I castrate’ (properly
‘I tame’) from roma-s romit-s rém-s ‘calm, tame, gentle’, Lith.
vaidyjé-s ‘I quarrel’ from vatda-s ‘a quarrel’, ginezyjii-s
‘I strive’ from ginczia-s ‘strife’, gatdryje-s ‘clears up' (of the
weather) from gaidri-s ‘cloudless, bright’, krivyju “I heap’ from
kravt “a heap’, Lett. gidiju ‘I make myself decorous or
agreeable’ from gid-s ‘demeanour, honour’ (stem gida-),
skdustiju ‘T tighten, wedge tight’ from skdust-s ‘wedge’ (stem
skdusta-), meddiju ‘I hunt something’ from mesch (Lith. médi-s
-diio) ‘forest’.

Remark, Since there were Lith. denominatives in -inu, as [nks-
-minu (§ 624 p. 161), whose future -jei became identical with that of
the verbs we are now discussing, verbs in -inu and verbs in -yju were
mixed up together. Compare Leskien-Brugmann, Lit. Volksl. und
Mirchen, pp. 314 f. No special examination has been made to find out
the local distribution of this confusion, or how far it went,

On Slavonic verbs in -jq from i-stems, see § 782.5
p- 311, § 789 p. 822.

§ 787. (5) The Slavonic ending -ujq (inf. -ovati) we
have already traced to its beginning with the stems in -ovi
(§ 782.3 p. 309). As an independent suffix it became very
common, especially to denote condition, possession of a dignity,
and the like. Examples: mirtxuja ‘I am peaceful, keep the
peace’ from mirtinit ‘peaceful’, priouja ‘I ai first’ from privit ‘first’,
vojuja ‘I am a warrior, I make war’ (inf. vojevati) from aft
‘warrior’, siioédételjuja ‘I am witness’ from siivédételt ‘witness’,
sitoédéteNstouja ‘I give evidence’ from stivédételistvo ‘evidence’,
obéduja ‘I take a meal’ from obédit ‘meal’, imenuja ‘I name’
from ime ‘name’,

Remark, In the same way this ending was fertile in Lithuanian,
where it took the shape of ~auju (soe § 782.3 p. 309). On the model of

karaléuju = O.C.81. kraljuja “I am king’ we have vésspatduju "L rule’,
kavduje I make war’, and others,

—

318 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ead-dya-ti. § 788.

K. cass XXXIL
ROOT + -éo- FORMING THE PRESENT STEM.

§ 788. The Verbs which here come under our con-
sideration are those which are called Causal in Sanskrit gram-
mars, because in Sanskrit their prevailing meaning is causal.

‘The Skr. accentuation -dya- must be regarded as original.
Germanic also shows evidence that the accent lay after the root
syllable; compare Goth. fra-vardja with d, but cairba with p
(I § 580 p. 83), and Goth. maraja ‘I vex’ O.Sax. merriu ‘I stop,
hinder, disturb’ with pr. Germ. 2 for » (I §§ 581 f. p. 484).

In all languages except Sanskrit, -¢io- ran together with
other present suffixes without possibility of distinction. But in
Sanskrit this ending was differentiated by its accent from that
of derivatives from o-nouns: véd-dya-ti ‘gives to understand,
informs’ is contrasted with vasna-yd-ti from vasnd-s ($ T70
p- 288); on the later confusion of these two classes, see
§ 793. In Greek both are alike, and gogé-w ‘I carry about
with me, I wear’ looks just the same as gid¢-w ‘I treat as a
friend’ from giles (§ 770 p. 288, § 776.2 p. 296); how it
came to pass that the two classes agreed in the verb infinite
as well, where we should expect *gdsovreg in contrast to
gopéorres, has been explained in § 527 Rem. 1 p. 89. In Latin
there is no distinction either, but mon-ed (-és) is just like
claude-6 (-8-3) from claudu-s, and like vided for *vidd-j6 2"4 sing.
vidé-s (§ 738 p. 263, § 777 p. 300). In Irish, there was a con-
fluence of -éj5 (ad-suidim ‘I prolong, postpone’), -e-i6 (scorim
scuirim ‘I unharness’ § 770 p. 288), -i-6 (fo-dalim ‘I divide up
$771 p. 289), and -jo (-léc~iw ‘I let, allow’, § 719 p. 251). The
same is true of Germanic: Goth. fra-vardja ‘I bring to nothing,
destroy’ = Skr, vart-dyami like hatirnja ‘I blow the horn’ (-e-j6)
from hatrna-, like dulfja ‘I keep a feast’ (-i-jé) from dulpi-,
like glitmun-ja “I shine’ from *glitmun- (§ 768 p. 282), and
like vatirk-ja ‘L work’ (§§ 720 ff. pp. 251 ff.), compare $ 781.2
pp- 306 f, Slavonic examples: bugdq “1 wake’ budi-si (Skr.

§$ 788,759. Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. rad-dya-fi. 319

bodhaya-ti) like gostq ‘I entertain’ gosti-gi from the i-stem gosti
(§ 782.5 p. 311) and like biigdq ‘Lam awake, watch’ biidi-si =
Skr. biidh-yami (§ 702 p. 230, § 727 pp. 257 ff).

Lith. has -au, a wide departure from the original form:
vartad ‘I turn, keep on turning about’, 3 sing. varto, contrasted
with O.CSI. vraste orati-tii Skr. vart-dyami Goth, fravard-ja,
ep. bijail-s § 586 p. 217 and ji'stan § 782.4 p. 810.

To the same class, as we shall sce in § 790, belong some
verbs with a weak grade of root, and one of these is Idg. *w-4i0:
Skr. o-dyami ‘1 weave’, Lith. v-g O.C.S1. vq ‘I wind or
twist’. In this verb, and in this only, the original Idg. inflexion
has been kept in Balto-Slavonic,

1 therefore regard as original the inflexion -¢i0 -eje-si
veje-ti ete., with -ejo- and -eie- interchanging, as may
be clearly seen in Aryan and Greek. What we see in
Germanic may also be the same, with for the most part
only regular changes; only we must regard such forms as
O.H.G, 2° sing. denis legis (1" sing. dennu ‘1 stretch’ leggu
‘T lay’ = Goth. panja lagja) as being ad-formates of hevis
ligis otc. (§ 781.2 p. 306). In Latin, the only form directly
representing the Idg. is the 1" person singular in -ed; but
perhaps the persons with -eje-, which must have become -@-
in proethnic Italic, are also preserved in monés ete. But
monémus monent, like claudémus claudent, must be ad-
formates of tacé-mus tacent. See on this matter § 777 p. 300.
Lith. vartadi and O.C.S1. vrastq will be explained in the next
few paragraphs.

§ 789. The distinction between the io-verbs which we
have placed in Classes XXVI—XXXI, and verbs with -éjo-, is
that in the former the jo-clement was confined to the present
from the procthnie stage onwards; whilst in the latter the perf.
part. pass. and the forms closely connected with it show after
the root certain element which seems to be etymologically
akin to the present formative suffix. This element is -i- or -?.
Sanskrit and Germanic as a rule have -i-; e. g. Skr. varti-td-s
Goth. fra-vardi-p-s, and so in the Lat. smoni-tu-s qu-i-tum.

820 Present Stem: Class XXXIL — Sky, etid-dya-fi, $789.

-& is regular in Balto-Slavonic, as Lith. varty-ti (varty-siu)
0.0.81. prati-ti (vrati-chit). -i- is also seen in the following.
Gr. (f)-i-ré@ ‘willow (beside (F)-i-rv-g ‘felloe’), Lat. 0-F-ti-s,
0.H.G. w-i-da ‘willow’ (beside w-i-d ‘cord of twisted withes’), Lith.
v-y-ti-s “cane, switch’ O.C.SI, 0-i-ft ‘res in modum funis torta’,
which along with inf. Lith. p-¥-ti O.C.SI. v-i-ti are connected
with Idg. *w-éia (see § 788 p. 319). Skr. grbh-i-td-s (a-grah-
-t-$-ta grah-tjya-ti) beside grbh-dya-nt-, hdv-t-tavé beside
ho-dya-ti, myd-t-kd-m ‘pity, compassion’ beside myd-dya-ti.
Lat. noc-t-vo-s is doubtless related to noced as O.C.SI. chodivit
is to chodi-ti, or Yubivii to Yubi-ti (op. I § 64 Rem. 2 p. 136,
and pp. 187 £).!)

From these facts it follows that we have in this verbal
class what may be called a Root-Determinative -i-, parallel to
the determinative -u-; thus Skr. e-dya-ti: Gr. (A)-d-re-g
O.1.G, w-i-d = Skr. sr-dva-ti : sr-w-td-s (see § 488 pp. 46 f).
The only difference is that whilst -v- was restricted to some
few examples (compare however § 596.2 pp. 136 f. for what is
said on the present suffix -nw-), the ~i- was fertile even in
proethnic Idg. itself. If this view of the -éjo- class is correct,
the class must be very closely connected with present forms
like Skr. am-1-ti (§§ 572 ff. pp. 114 ¢f). Skr. o-dya-ti: am-ttt
= sr-dva-ti : tar-w-té (§ 596.2 pp. 136 f).

Now are -éjo- and -f connected in any way with the
~jo-suffix of Classes XXVI—NXXI? It is an obvious con-
jecture that there may be the same relation between -ejo- and
~jo- as between -ewo- and -yo- (v-dya-ti : hdr-ya-ti = sr-doa-ti: |
bhdr-va-ti, see § 488 p, 47), or -eno- and -no-, or between
-eso- and -so- (-esko- and -sko-), 1 do not venture either to
assert or to deny this; but seeing how uncertain the matter
is, I think it best not to group the -éjo-class with the ~jo-
classes.

1) Cp. Ske. d-mi-nd ‘pain’ beside ami-ti beside which we have
Arvest. amayard- ‘pain’, which form Bartholomae uses to postulate an
‘Avest. pres. *amaye-iti (Stud, Idg. Spr., m 178).

on

§ 789, Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-rya-ti. 321

We now return to the Balto-Slavonic present exemplified
by vartat vrasta.

‘The simplest explanation of the Slavonie present inflexion
is that -t- has come in from the infinitive stem: vrati-si prati-
-tti then follow vrati-ti, a process which has an exact parallel
in the change of “gostija -Yesi ete. to gosta gosti-si by analogy
of gosti-ti gosti-chit (§ 782.5 p. 811).

Remark, Another explanation of the origin of this Slavonic present
type is possible. Sanskrit has a mid. optative e. g. vaday-tta beside
reddya-té, injunctive dheanay-i-t (op. a-brae-i-t), and participle véday-
-dna-s. See § 574 pp. 115 f, $951, The indicative to réday-ita would be
*(a-védé-to, and Bartholomae conjectures that certain forms usually
rogarded as oj-optative may be this very indicative (Stud. Idg. Spr.,
4 127). ‘This would make it possible to derive 3* sing. erati-fit from
*uortei-tfi). I should give more weight to this explanation were it not
for a very strong suspicion that these Aryan forms are due to analogy,
and are not procthnic at all.

‘The Lith. inflexion -au -yti is found in Lettie too (-u -it)
and also in Prussian (billa ‘speaks’ inf. bill-t billt-twei); it
therefore is proethnic in Baltic. Its origin is a confusion of
the old inflexion of our class with both the earlier and the
later group of d-denominatives, that is to say, with verbs like
bijaii~s (§ 586 p. 127) and verbs like ji’staw (§ 782.4 p. 310),
But why was it this confusion went so far that the d-flexion
drove the ejo-flexion quite out of the present, but yet -@ did
not drive -7 out of the infinitive? (contrast bijai-s bijd-ti-s.)
I explain this by supposing that Baltic once possest verbs
like Lat. cubare sonare, which had the d-suffix in the present
only. O.C.SL. ima-mi ‘I have’ likewise shows d-flexion only in
the present (inf. imé-ti). The Lith. present stems containing
Idg. -o- in the root syllable, such as vartd- = “worta-
(Vouert-), seem to have a parallel in Lat. doma- (domo
domas) O.M.G, 2amd- (zamém zamds) = Idg. *doma- from
Vodem-, since this is best explained as a contamination of
*dmma- (Ske, dama-yd-ti) and *doméjo- (Goth. tamja O.H.G.
temm(iju). Taigait “I lick’ (tuidy-ti) is the equivalent of Goth.
bi-ldigd ‘1 lick over’,

Brogmenn, Elemente IY. 21

9

322 Present Stem; Class XXXIL— Skr. eéii-riga-/i. $$ 789,790.

The question next arises when -d- got the better of -ejo-,
as the Baltic shews it did at some time or other. 1 am inelined
to place the change in the proethnic period of Balto-Slavonic.
What inflexion came just before the type actually found in
Slavonic, vrastq oratisi and so forth, is not at all clear. It may
very well have been one answering to the Lith., that is 3 sing.
*vorta- 1" pl. *vorta-mii, cp. ima-tii ima-mii, and on this
supposition it is easier to explain the actually found 7-forms,
than if we suppose the Slavonic to have passed direct from
*vortije-ti to *vorti-t. But then we must also assume that
*gosttja *-ijesi = Idg. *-i-i6 *-i-jé-si (§ 782.5 p. 311) changed
to gosta gostisi only on the analogy of vrasta vratisi. For the
Baltic @denominatives like Lith. daly-ji szifdy-jii-s prove that
these forms sprang up within the Slavonic area.

A complete levelling of the Causal conjugation with the
i-Denominative is not unknown in Baltic. Here the #denomi-
native takes the lead. I find only a few examples in Lith,
as paisyju -yti instead of paisat -yti ‘to knock the beard off
the barley, thresh’ (cp. Skr. p@&dya-ti). There are more in
Lettic; e. g. ri/iju riifit ‘to stretch’ instead of Lith. rigaw
riiyti, pe'lniju pelnit “to earn’ instead of Lith. pelnait pelnyti.

§ 790. In éjo-verbs with roots of the ¢-series, the root-
syllable has and originally had generally the 2" strong grade,
o; as (ir. gopéw beside péponar, Lat. moned from ymen-,
Goth. safja beside sita, Lith. vartyti O.C.SI. oratiti for *nortitt
from yCuert-. This is why Aryan has @ in open syllables, as
Skr. bhdraya-ti Avest, barayeiti from y~bher-, if the hypothesis
set forth in vol. I § 78 p. 69 is correct.')

The European languages make it improbable that there
were in the very oldest times any forms with the root-grade e.
Aryan forms with -a-, as Skr. jardya-ti from y~ger-,
jandya-ti from y°gen-, may be explained by the admixture

1) No explanation of @ in bharaya-ti which is in the least degree
sntisfactory hax hithorto been put forward by those who deny this, ‘The
European forms adduced as parallel by Bechtel (Die Hauptprobleme der
fdg. Lantl., 169 f.) prove nothing at all, Compare § S48, Rem.

$790. Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. réd-dya-ti. 323

with denominatives derived from o-stems which will be described
in § 793; on this supposition, jardya-ti and jandya-ti would
belong to the nouns jdra- and jdna- just as much as mantrdya-ti
belongs to the noun médntra-. Or they may be explained in
another way: In Aryan, the éio- formation was often made
from the connected primary verb instead of being built up on
the root (see § 796), so that patdya-ti would stand to patdya-ti
(beside pdta-ti) as kartaya-ti to krntaya-ti (beside kyntd-ti).
On the other hand, éio-verbs with a weak grade of root
have been found from the proethnic period onwards. They are
commonest in Aryan, ¢. g. Skr. grbhdya-ti. The following are
proethnic Idg.: Skr. v-dya-ti ‘weaves’ Lith. v-ejt O.C.SL.
v-tiq v-ija ‘I wind, turn, wrap’, beside Gr. i-réa Lat. 0-7-ti-s
O.F.G, wieda Lith, vegeties vyeti O.C.S1 v-iett v-inti
and Gr. Gru-¢ O.H.G. w-i-d (§ 789 p. 320); root without
determinative in Skr, 6-tu-m u-td-s perf. 3" pl. fv-tir pass.
@-ya-té, extended by @ in v-d-favé and others (Whitney, Skr.
Roots, pp. 157 f.).1) Skr. se-dya-té ‘swells, thrives, is strong”
beside Gr. xv-éw ‘I am pregnant’, Lat. gu-ed, with supine
qu-i-tum (the resemblance of ed: itum made the conjugation of
qued run like ed — quimus quibo ete.); the same root in Skr.
8" pl. Sa-Suv-ur Si-nd-s d-Sv-a-t Sdo-as Gr, a-x6-gog x0-"a
Lat. in-ciéns for *-cu-iens (§ 715 p. 248, § 717 p. 250), and
with @-extension in Skr, go-a-trd-s Gr. El. éa-ev-nyjrm and
others (§ 737 p. 263). Skr. dhun-aya-té ‘roars’ (beside dhvan-
-a-ti ‘makes a sound’) O.Sax. duniu Mid.H.G. diine O.Icel. dyn
‘LT roar, rumble, groan’, Of the same kind are: Skr. he-dya-ti
‘calls’ Avest. 2b-aye-iti 2up-aye-iti beside Skr. hdv-a-té perf.
ju-hdo-a aor. d-ho-a-t d-huv-a-t, Lat. ci-ed beside ac-cid ci-tu-8
Gr. xd- xi-ve-nar; O.FLG. 2unt(iju ‘I kindle’ with Goth. tandja
‘I kindle’ beside Mid.f1.G. zinden (strong verb) ‘to burn, glow’.
Uneertain: Gr. qi-éw “I overflow’ beside éx-piaivw Lat. fl-e-re;

“rt

1) From this wei- ui wir, which had become » root again before
the end of procthnic Idg., a present was again formed by means of
-dio-; Skr. ey-dya-ti ‘winds ap, wraps up, covers, hides’, Lat. wi-e.

21*

ay

324 Present Stom: Class XXXII — Skr. e&il-dya-ti, $791,

Goth. ga-nsja ‘T cause’ from \nes-, originally I make to come
forward’; O.C.SI. brija (brijq) bri-ti ‘to shear, shave’ beside
Skr. bhur-fj- Gr. gdo-o-s, and others,

§ 701. In all branches of our group, the verbal class
now being discussed has two distinct meanings, both of which
must be regarded as holding for the original language. Each
of them serves to contrast a verb with a simple verb from the
same stem.

First there is the Causal sense; the subject of the éjo-
verb sets some one in motion, impels him to do something; in
fact, makes him do the action of the simple allied verb.
Skr. bodhdya-ti O.C.SI. budi-tti ‘wakes up, makes wake’ beside
bédha-ti bidi-ti ‘is awake’. Ske. tarfdya-ti ‘makes languish,
thirst’ beside #/§ya-ti ‘languishes, thirsts’, Lat. torred ‘l dry up,
make dry’, 0.H.G, derr(iu (same meaning) beside Goth. patirsei-p
mik ‘Lam athirst’. Gr. gofiw ‘I make to flee, scare away’
beside gépouc ‘I flee’. Lat. moned ‘I make some one think,
remind’ beside memini. Goth. satja ‘I make sit, I place’
(Skr. saddya-ti) beside sita ‘I sit’.')

Secondly, they express a meaning which may be called
Intensive, Iterative, or Frequentative. This is often weak and
elusive, and in many cases was certainly extinct at the time
when we find the verb actually used. Skr. oi-cthayati beside
vi-pahati ‘leads away (a bride), leads her home’ Avest. o@daye-ité
“leads home’, 0.0.51. voédq vodi-ti freq. of veda ‘Llead’, y7wedh-,
Gr. (Aozéopcu pass. ‘1 am taken backwards and forwards, I am
carried’, Goth. vagja ‘I move’ beside ga-viga ‘I move’, 0.0.51.
voiq voriti freq. of vezq ‘I carry, convey’, yuegh-. Skr. mar-
daya-ti beside mydna-ti marda-ti ‘presses, crushes', Lat. morded
beside perf. momord? =- Skr. mamarda, Skr. d-tanayati
‘stretches, makes stiff beside d-tandti ‘stretches, pulls up’ a picce

1) Sometimes these verbs are causal to the Passive of the simple
verb; as Goth. ga-tarhja ‘I cause to be seen’ fra-atja ‘I divide for food,
cause to be eaten’ O.H.G. sou ‘I cause to be grazed upon, use for
pasture’ (also ‘I lot eat, give a taste”).

$$791,792, Present Stem: Class XXXII — Ske, wéd-tyy-ti. 325,

of weaving, Goth. -banja ‘I lengthen, stretch’. Skr. péaya-ti
beside pindg-fi ‘treads or crushes to atoms’ Lith, paisy-ti ‘to
knock (barley, in order to free it from the beard). O.Ir. for-
-tugim T cover, hide’, O.H.G. decch(u ‘I cover’ beside Lat.
tegd. Skr. dhdrdya-ti, beside dharati (very rare), ‘holds fast,
keeps’, nddaya-ti ‘drives on’ beside nudd-ti ‘knocks, strikes
away, pulls’, rajya karayati and kardti ‘is king, uses lordship’.
Gr. gogém ‘I carry about with me, wear’ beside gégm “I carry’,
nortouar “I fly about, flutter’ beside x/ropee “I fly’, oxgopim
‘Lturn round and: round excitedly’ beside orpépor ‘I twist, turn’,
tooniw beside rpéam ‘I turn’, dyém “I hold fast’ beside im
‘L hold, have’. Lat, daced (in O.Lat. also causal ‘to make
shine’), Aaered, tonded, and others. Goth. uf-rakja ‘I reach up’
beside Gr. 6p¢yw ‘I reach out, Goth. fragja ‘I run’ beside
Gr. reézu ‘L run’, O,Sax. kenniu ‘I beget’ beside Skr. jdna-ti
‘begets’. The Intensive or Frequentative meaning is clearest
in Balto-Slavonic: cp. further Lith. gang-ti ‘to keep (animals),
pasture them’ ©.C.SI. goni-ti ‘to drive’ freq. of Zenq gna-ti to
drive, hunt’, y>ghen- ‘strike, kil’, Lith. grady-ti freq. of grétia
gréati ‘to turn, twist, bore’, O.C.SI. vladi-ti freq. to oléhq vlésti
“to pull, drag along’.

I shall not go into the question of the relation between
these two original uses. An attempt to explain it is made by
Gaedicke, Der Ace, im Veda, pp. 276 f.

§ 792, Considering the very real and living connexion
which existed between the éjo-present and the primary present
stems, e. g, Skr, bddhdya-ti and bédha-ti, vardya-ti and vyné-ti,
it is easy to understand why éjo-forms were often built up on
a complete present stem, not on the root. Thus Skr, jredya-ti
O.CS1. Fivi-ti beside jévami di-vq (inf. Zi-ti) ‘I live’ (§ 488
p- 47), Skr. dhitnaya-ti beside dha-nd-ti dhé-nd-ti ‘shakes,
shatters’ (cp. Gr. tivém § 801), Ayntaya-ti with kartaya-ti
beside Ayntd-ti ‘cuts’, Lat. misced beside a form *mised for
*inic-3cd > meik-, O.H.G. scein(u beside sctnw ‘I shine’,
Other examples will be given below.

ie. |

826 Present Stem: Class XXX — Skr. eéd-dya-ti. $9 793,794.

$793, There are often nouns which most closely resemble
these verbs both in form and meaning, The result of this was
that ¢io-verbs were formed from nouns direct. If, for instance,
people derived Skr, vaj-dya-ti ‘hastens, conquers, spurs on,
makes something use its power’ (= Goth. us-vakja ‘I wake
up’) from edja-s ‘speed, power’ — which was really inevitable,
as there was no such parallel stem as *yaja-fi — it was easy
to form mantrdya-té ‘advises’ from mdn-tra-s ‘advice’. It was,
as has been observed in § 487 p. 43, the action of the same
principle which produced in Gothic fudlnan from full-s ‘full’ by
analogy of af-lifnan duknan, in Lithuanian Gnksmin-ti from
linksma-s ‘glad’ by analogy of kriwin-ti kipin-ti, renti from
réta-s ‘thin’ following tenkt f&kti, gelstir gelsti from gelta-s
‘yellow’ following cirstic virsti mirsetii mi?s2ti (§ 623 p. 160,
§ 624 p. 161, § 635 p. 173, § 686 p. 217). Compare further
Skr. mug-nd-ti ‘steals’ from mi§- ‘a mouse’ § 599 Rem. p. 143.

These éjo-denominatives are commonest in Germanic and
Balto-Slayonic, and one or two of these new formations occur
in both branches: Goth, fulljan O,C.S1. pliini-ti ‘to fill’ from
full-s pliini ‘full’ *pj-no-s), Goth. hdiljan 0.0.81. céli-ti ‘to heal”
from hdil-s célit ‘whole, healthy’. But it is quite possible that
these two developements are independent.

$794. Pr. Idg. Examples with monosyllabic root, as
Skr. o-dya-ti Lith. -ej O.C.SI. v-ijq, Ske. $v-dya-ti Lat, qu-0d,
have already been cited in § 790 p. 323,

As regards the following examples, which shew a strong
grade of root, it is to be remembered that this formation was
always an active living type in Aryan, Germanic, and Balto-
Slavonic; so that it is not unlikely that all these languages
hit upon the particular forms independently. 1 therefore give
by preference such examples as are found in Greek or Italie
as well, where the type was less prolific,

*bhor-éi0 \~bher-: Skr. sam-bhdraya-ti ‘causes to be
gathered’, Gr, goof ‘I carry about, wear’. *tor-4i6 yO ter-:
Skr. fardya-ti ‘gets carried over, transports, furthers’, Gr. rogéw

——

$794. Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. rail-d B27

‘T make to pierce, shout loudly’, *yol-€i0 VO yel-: Skr. pra-
-vdraya-ti ‘appeases, offers, offers for sale’, Goth. valja ‘I choose’,
O.CSL voli-ti ‘to wish, to prefer’. *non-éi8 yOmen-; Skr.
mandya-ti ‘honours, shows honour'!) Avest. manayg-iti “causes
to believe, regards’ (for @ cp. 1 § 200 pp. 168 f.), Lat. moned
(O.LLG. maném mandm ‘lL imagine’ with different inflexion),
Lith. isz-mang-ti ‘to understand’, *ton-éi0 yten-: Skr.
a-tdnaya-ti “stretches, stiffens’ sa-tdnaya-ti ‘gets carried out,
brings to conclusion’, Goth. u/-Panja ‘I stretch, lengthen out’.
*qiou-éid V~ gieu- (Hom. sooeve): Skr. ey@odya-ti ‘sets in motion,
moves from its place’, Gr. do(F)éw in 2ogonuévoy* retoouinutvor,
Hounpivoy Hesych. (1 § 489 p. 360).2) “poi-4i0 ypei- (Skr.
péy-a-té); Skr. paydya-té ‘gives to drink’, O.C.S1, poji-ti ‘to give
to drink’ (1* sing. poja). *tors-é20 yters- ‘to be dry, thirsty’:
Skr. tarsdya-ti ‘makes to thirst or pine’, Lat. torres, O.H.G.
derr(ije (pr. Germ. *harzi(ijd) “I make dry, cause to wither’,
*mord-did \~ merd-: Skr, mardaya-ti ‘presses, oppresses, crushes’,
Lat. morded. “yort-é0 VO uert-: Skr. vartaya-ti ‘sets circling,
rolls, causes to take a certain bent or direction’, Goth, fra-
-vardja ‘I bring to nought, destroy, make away with’, Lith.
vartj-ti O.C.SI. orati-ti freq. ‘to turn, twist. *kroth-éio
Vo kreth-: Skr. Srathaya-ti (érathdga-ti) loosens, frees’, O.1.G.
rett(ju (Goth. *hradja) ‘I tear away, rescue’, *bhlog-id
Vo bhleg-: Skr. bhrajaya-ti ‘causes to gleam or shine’)
O.1LG. blecch(iju (Goth, *hlakja) “I make visible, show’,
“logh-&6 ylegh-: (Goth. lagja "I lay’, O.C.S1. lodi-ti ‘to lay’,
*month-&5 v7 menth-: Sky. manthaya-ti ‘causes to be stirred

1) The meaning of this verb was influenced by the subst, mdna-s
ména-m ‘opinion, high opinion, esteem, honour’, in the same way as
H.G. blenden (O.H.G. blenten “to daze, darken, blind? = O.C.8L. biqdité
sto wander” Mod.Sloy. bluditi ‘lead astray, deceive’) by the udj. dlind, whoxe
factitive the verb is now used for, though originally the factitive was
Goth. -blindjan A.8. blindan, Compare § 681 p. 218 on Skr. /difa-te,

2) Parallel verb coovuar = yuou, &% Aenominative, see W. Schulze
in Kuhn's Zeitachr. xxix 264 f.

3) This may also be formed from the pres. bhrdja-re = dg. *bMege-
-tay (§ 494 p. 55), by analogy.

328 Present Stem: Class XXXI1 — Skr. réd-dyw-ti. ‘gta,

up, O.CSL mati-ti ‘to bring into perplexity. “tomg-4io
Vteng-: Lat. tonged, Goth. Bagkja ‘Il think over, think
about, but op. § 804. *nok-éia y7nek-: Skr. naddya-ti ‘causes
to disappear, destroys’, Lat. noced.!) *loug-éi0 vy leug-: Skr.
rocdya-ti ‘causes to shine, lights up’, Lat. Mc-ed ‘I shine, am
bright and O.Lat. T make shine’. “*loybh-#id y~ leubh-: Skr,
lobhdya-ti ‘excites some one’s desire, attracts’ Goth, us-ldubja
‘Tallow’, 0.0.81. [jubi-ti ‘to love’. *Goys-4i0 v7 Geus-: Skr.
josdya-té “likes, takes pleasure in, approves’, Goth. Adusja
‘L taste, try’, “swop-4id VO suep-: Skr. sodpdya-ti ‘sends to
sleep’, O.H.G. int-swebb(ije ‘I send to sleep’ O,[cel. sef
“L pacify, quiet. *wogh-4i6 ywegh-: Skr. rdhaya-ti ‘conveys,
makes (a carriage or horses) go, drives’, Gr. éyéw “I convey,
make ride’ pass, ‘I am carried about, am carried, I ride on’,
Goth, ga-ragia ‘I move’, 0.C.S1. vozi-ti ‘to carry (in a vehicle),
vehere’, *yoid-4i6 yueid-: Skr. vedaya-te ‘gives to know,
informs’, O.H.G. weie(i)u ‘I give to know, I show’, *bhojd=#i6
Vbheid-: Skr. bhédaya-ti ‘splits, divides’, O.H.G. beiz@u
‘L make to bite, I bait. *pot-éis pet: ‘Skr. patdya-ti
‘makes to fy or fall’, Gr. worsoce “I fly, flutter’, *dhogh-¢i5
Vodhegh-: Skr. dahaya-ti ‘causes to be burnt’, Lat. fored
‘I warm, keep warm, cherish, take care of”.2) *bhog-4id v7 bheg-:
Skr. bhajdya-ti ‘drives away’,") Gr. gopém ‘I make to flee, scare
or hunt away’. *tjog-éi0 ytjeg-: Skr. tyajaya-ti “bids leave
alone’, Gr. uofiw ‘I drive off quickly, scare away’, “sod-i0
vosed-: Skr, sdddya-ti ‘gets seated, sits’, O.Ir, ad-suidim
‘L prolong, postpone’ (Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxt 97),
Goth. satja ‘I seat, place’. *od-éid y7ed-: Skr. adaya-ti ‘causes
to eat, feeds, fattens’, Goth. fra-atja ‘I divide up for a meal’
O.HLG. ezs(u ‘to make eat, give to eat, feed’. *pak-éo

1) The construction wocére alicut is doubtless due to the analogy of
obease officere otc.

2) Compare fOmes ‘kindling, tinder’ (for *forimes) with Lett. dagli-e
‘tinder’.

8) Skr, bhaj- ia contaminated of two distinct roots, that of gayrir
(Fick, Web. I* 87) and that of psfoum Lith. dégw (id. ib. 490).

: al

794. Present Stem: Class XXXIT — Skr, véd-dya-ti, 329

Vopak-; Skr. paddya-ti ‘binds, O.H.G. fuog@u OSax. fogin
‘I make fit, join, bind together’, Skr. hra@daya-ti ‘causes to
make a sound’ (hyada-té ‘sounds'), O.H.G. gruoz@u O.Sax.
grotin ‘I address, speak to’; if another, Goth. gréa ‘I wail
out’, is of this kin, then we must assume Idg. *ghrodéid.
Goth. af-daui-fs ‘exhausted’ pres. *ddja for *doyuid in the first
instunce (I § 179 p. 156), O.C.SL davi-ti ‘to strangle’. —

In the following, -45 was not added immediately to the
root; see § 792 p. 325,

*tons-di5 from the stem fert-s-: Skr. tasayo-ti ‘pulls
about, tugs, tears, shakes’, Lith, ¢asy-ti ‘to drag about’;
cp. Skr. tasa-ti Lith. t@sit § 657 p. 191. *uos-éi6 from stem
wes-: Skr, vdsdya-ti ‘causes to put on, clothes with something’,
Goth. ga-vasja O.1.G. weriu ‘IT clothe’; ep. Skr. r-ds-te
Gr, éai-so-tin § 656 p. 191.

*rodh-éi6 stem ré-dh-: Skr. rddhaya-ti ‘brings about’,
O.Ir. no raidin ‘I speak’, Goth. rddja ‘I speak’, 0.0.51.
radi-ti ‘to consider, care for’; ep. Skr. dradha-t Goth.
wr-réda § 689 p. 220. “iowdh-éi0 “indh-éid stem jeu-dh-
‘to stir, set in motio Skr. yddidya-ti ‘involves some
one in war, fights against’, Lat. jubed properly ‘I set in
motion’ (cp, Lith. jidinw ‘I move, cheer up, exhort’); ep. Skr.
yodha-ti etc., loc. cit.; the O.Lat. joubed is only onee found
(8. C. de Bacch., 27), and on was perhaps only caused by
the spelling of jousiset which precedes.!)

Goth. stdja ‘I direct’ for *stowio (I § 179 p. 156), O.C.SL.
stavljq ‘I place, stay, stem’ with Goth. stawa ‘court of law’
(see ibid.) O.C.SI. stavii ‘compages’ po-stavié ‘loom-frame, or
web’ sfava ‘joint, limb’ Lith. stovd ‘place’ from y~sta- ‘stand’;
to argue from Gr, oréw orv-ho-g Skr. sthi-ld-s, we had best
assuine sti- stay- (ep. § 488 pp. 44 ff).

The causal Skr. jfodya-ti ‘makes living, lets live’ 0.0.51.
Zivljq ‘| make alive’ is probably derived from the present

1) If jowbed is genuine form, it may be a variant of jilbed like
Skr. S6cdyanti beside ducdya-ti.

330 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-ti, $$ 794,795,

jt-va-ti Zi-ve-tit ‘lives’ (§ 792 p. 325), whilst Goth. ga-giuja
‘I make alive’ is a denominative causal from giu-s ‘living’
(§ 793 p. 826, § 806).

§ 795. Aryan. A pass, part. in -i-fd- formed from all
verbs with strong grade of root syllable; see § 789 pp. 319 f.

Skr. dhdrdya-ti Avest. daraye-iti ‘holds fast, carries,
supports, strengthens, preserves’, O.Pers, darayamty ‘I hold,
possess’, Vdher-, Skr. ofrdya-ti Avest. odraye-iti ‘holds back,
keeps off, hinders’: Goth. varja ‘I hinder, protect, defend’,
Vouer-. Skr, ndmaya-ti namaya-ti Avest. ndmaye-iti ‘makes
bend, bends’ (tr), ynem-. Skr. draviya-ti sravdya-ti
Avest. srdvaye-iti ‘causes to hear, recites, informs’, ykleu-.
Skr. cdyaya-ti caynya-ti ‘ranges together, collects’, ygei-.
Skr. ndyaya-ti ‘causes to be carried away’, Skr. vardhdya-ti
Avest. vardaye-ili ‘causes to grow, increases, furthers’. Skr,
bandhaya-ti ‘causes to be bound, chains’, Avest. bandaye-iti
‘binds’, v7 bhendh-. Skr. rahdya-ti Avest. renjaye-iti ‘expedites,
despatches’, (/ lengh- (I § 199 p. 167), Skr. jambhdya-ti
Avest. zembaye-iti ‘grinds to powder, destroys’, [/ gembh=.
Skr, rdcdya-ti ‘causes to shine, illuminates’, Avest, raocaye-tti
‘lights up, illuminates’; Lat. /aced, see § 794 p, 328,
Skr. récaya-ti ‘makes empty, lets free, deserts’, Avest, rageaye-
~iti ‘deserts’, / leig-. Skr. sdddya-ti ‘places’, Avest. ni-sadaye-
-iti ‘causes to sit down, brings under, subdues’ O,Pers. niy-
-aSddaya-m ‘I made sit down, arranged’ (for ¥ in the O,Pers.
ep. IT § 556 p. 410): Goth. satja, § 794 p. 328. Skr, bhayaya-
-ti ‘causes fear to, frightens’, 1“ bhaj-.

Many Skr. forms are proved by their root syllable to be
re-formates, E. g. arjaya-ti (us also drja-ti and suchlike),
from \Vreg- ‘to stretch oneself’ (rijifha-s, Gr. dotym), is
a transformate of fjya-té following ardhdya-ti : rdhya-t®
rdhnd-ti ote. — tlaya-ti “lifts, weighs’ formed from tul=
(tulaya-ti- ote.) = Idg. tl- (L § 287 p. 229, § 200 p. 232),
follows bodhdya-ti : budh- and the like,

Forms with weak grade of root, Skr, o-dya-ti ‘weaves’:
Lith. e-ejt, sce ¢ 790 p. 323, sv-dya-ti ‘swells, thrives, is

$$795,796. Present Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. eéd-dys-ti. 831

strong’: Gr. xv-s Lat. gu-ed, see ibid, Skr. ho-dya-ti Avest.
sb-aye-iti 2ne-aye-iti ‘calls’, Skr. dhun-aya-té ‘oars’: O.Sax.
duniu, see ibid. tul-aya-ti beside tol-aya-ti, see just above.
grh-dya-ti ‘grasps’. Suc-dya-ti “shines, beams’. pld-aya-ti
‘presses’ for *pi-zd-eje-fi (makes sit down’) from |/sed-, see
T$ 591 p. 447. Avest. uriipaye-iti “does harm’. Add doubtless
Skr. chad-dya-ti heside chandaya-ti from the pres. chant-ti
‘appears’.

§ 796. Many new forms from Primary Present Stems
(see § 792 p. 325):

Skr. irdya-ti “sets a-going, excites, arouses’ beside tr-té
Idg. *7-taj, pardya-ti fills’ beside par-dht dg. *pl-dhi, Class 1
§ 497 p. 57.

A group of fairly common forms, such as Skr. patdya-ti
Avest. pataye-iti beside Skr. patdya-ti, have been derived from
forms of Class If A, aa has been already said (§ 790 pp. 322 f.).
The following may be connected with stems of Class If B:
Skr. gahaya-ti Avest. queaye-iti (but not O.Pers. gaudayahy
24 sing. conj.), ep. Skr. giha-ti ‘hides’ Avest. mid. guza-t3;
Skr. furdya-ti') (beside tardya-ti), op, turd-ti ‘gets through,
makes oneself master of, But this view is not the only one
possible, since the éjo-verbs themselves could have a weak
grade of root syllable (§ 790 p, 323, § 795 p. 330).

Avest. titdraye-iti ‘seeks to overcome, or strike down’
beside Skr. ti-tar-ti Avest. ti-tar-a- Classes II, IV, § 540
p- 100, § 548 p. 105,

Skr. sajjaya-ti ‘fastens on’ beside sajja-té for *sa-zj-a-
Class VI § 562 p. 110.

Causal of the Intensive class, Skr. dadharaya-ti ‘causes
to hold fast’ from da-dhar-ti, jagardya-ti ‘awakes, enlivens’
from ja-gar-ti, Class V § 560 p. 109. Skr. dandagayi-toa
gerund ‘having caused to be severely bitten’ beside ddn-das-
-dna-s partic., from dag- ‘to bite’, cartearjdya-nt- ‘turning

1) O.Pers. atarayama may be the same formation (I § 290 p. 232).

|
332 Present Stem: Class XXXII — Ske. edd~fya-ti. $796.

backwards and forwards’ beside odri-ryj-at- partic., from earj-
‘to turn, twist’ Class VII § 568 p. 113,
Ske: prinaya-ti ‘gladdens, delights, makes inclined’ from
i, dhanaya-ti ‘moves to and fro, shakes’ from dhu-na-ti,
Class XI $ 599 pp. 142 f.: dhénaya-ti is perhaps identical
with Gr. dévéw, § S01.

Skr. ifanaya-nta from ijana-t Class XIV, and ifanyd-ti
Class XIX (§ 619 pp. 156£., § 743 p. 266), ep. Gr. ddyo-dparsan
beside dpaévw § S01.

From Present Stems of Classes XV and XVI, §§ 625
pp- 162 ff. Skr. kyntaya-ti (beside kartaya-ti) Avest. ker‘ntaye-
~iti ‘cuts, splits’ from Skr. Ayntd-ti Avest. ker’nta-iti, Skr.
rundhaya-ti ‘stems, holds back, torments’ (beside rddhaya-ti)
from runaddhi rundi-a-ti. Skr. sundhaya-ti ‘cleanses’ (beside
Sddhayn-ti) from sunaddhi Sundh-a-ti. Skr. limpaya-ti *besmears,
anoints’ (beside lépaya-ti) from limp-d-ti. Skr. bphaya-ti
‘strengthens’ (beside barhaya-ti) from byh-a-ti. Skr. drhaya-ti
‘makes fast, fixes firmly’ from dyh-a-ti. Avest. bunjaye-iti
“eleanses’ from bunj-a-iti,

O.Pers, 3° pl. a-ki-nav-ayata ‘they made’ beside a-ka-
-nav-am 3" sing. a-k@-nav-a, Classes XVIL and XVIII, § 640
p- 178, § 649 p. 185.

Skr. pinvaya-ti ‘makes swell or abound’ from pi-nva-ti,
Class XVIII § 651 p. 186.

From unreduplicated Presents, Classes XIX and XX, § 656
pp. 190 f. Skr. vdsdya-ti tasaya-ti, see § 794 p. 329. Skr.
vakjaya-ti ukgaya-ti Avest. vaxsaye-iti ‘makes grow’ from Skr,
tk-Ja-ti Avest, vax-Sa-iti. Skr, bhigdya-té ‘frightens, oyerawes’
(beside bhayaya-ti) from bhy-dsa-ti § 659 p. 195. Avest. aiey-
-drsayeinti ‘they inspected’ beside O.Pers. patiy-axsaiy “1 in-
spect’ § 659 p. 194.

From reduplicated s-Presents (Desideratives), Class XXT
§§ 666. pp. 19811, Skr. cikirgaya-ti from cf-kir-Sa-ti ‘wishes
to make, begins, purposes’, sidgaya-ti from sikga-té ‘learns’ for
*$i-dk-Sa-tai.

prachaya-ti (gramm.) from prychd-ti ‘asks’ ground-form

———

§8796,797. Present Stem: Class XXXIT— Skr. véd-dya-ti. BAS

*py(h)-ake-ti, ichaya-ti (beside @§aya-ti) from ichd-ti ‘desires’,
Class XXII $§ 670 f. pp. 202 f.

myddaya-ti ‘is gracious’ from mpdd-ti for “mpé-da-ti
Class XXV § 692 p, 222.

chayaya-ti from cha-ya-ti ‘cuts up’, Class XXVI § 707
p- 287. pydydya-ti from pyd-ya-te ‘swells’, Class XXVIII § 736
p- 262.

§ 797. Near kin to the éjo-forms cited in the preceding
paragraphs, are the Skr. groups ending in -payati and -apayati,
as sthd-payati and sn-apdya-ti.

In these endings, as in glei-p- and lei-p- ($ 634 pp. 170 f.),
-p- must be counted one of the Root-Determinatives which have
been discussed in § 488 pp. 44 ff1) In principle, these do
not differ from ordinary present suffixes.

(1) -payati. The following may be considered as the forms
which originated this type in Sanskrit, sthapaya-ti causal of
H-$th-a-ti ‘stands’, cp. Lith, stapy-ti-s “to stand still’ O.1L.G. stab
‘stalf” stab@m ‘I get stiff’, 1 std- sta-, dapaya-té causal of
dd-ti d-yd-ti “divides, gives a share’, op. Gr. daa-rw ‘I divide
up, tear in pieces’ Jan-avy ‘expenditure’ Lat. daps, /da- da-.
dipdya-ti causal of d-dt-dé-t ‘shone’ imper, di-di-hi, ep. dip-
-ya-lé perf. didtpé part. dip-ta-s. On the analogy of such as
these arose forms like dhd-paya-ti from dha- ‘to set, place’,
snd-pdya-ti from snd ‘to wash’, kgé-paya-ti (beside kgay-dya-ti)
from kgi- ‘to stay, dwell’, ar-pdya-ti from ar- ‘to raise oneself’,

Then again smapaya-ti beside smay-aya-ti from smi- ‘to
smile’, ma@paya-ti instead of *may-aya-ti from mi- “minuere’,
adhy-apaya-ti beside praty-dyaya-ti from i- ‘to go’. There
were two causes for this set of forms. Firstly, the participles
came in contact, smi-ta-s smi-tea seeming to be parallel with
e.g. sthi-td-s sthi-tod; secondly, pay-dya-ti ‘gives to drink’

1) Compare now Per Persson’s Wurzelerweiterung pp. 49 ff. In
this work p is taken to be a root determinative in many words where we
have regarded it as part of the root propor, as in Skr. aarpo-ti Lut. serpd,
which the writer derives from the root of Skr. sdr-a-ti ‘moves, flows’.

(beside pi-td- pdy-a-t) was Saupe with pd-paya-ti ‘gives to
drink’ (from pd-ti), and gd@y-aya-ti ‘makes sing’ (beside gi-td-
-gé-ina-) compared with gd-paya-ti ‘makes sing’ (beside g@-ti
g4-sya-ti). Then a further step was taken, and the resemblance
of sthi-td-s to cordhi-td-s diksi-té-s produced vardhdpaya-ti
from vardhdya-ti ‘helps, arouses, eauses a pleasant excitement’,
dikid-paya-ti from dikiaya-ti ‘consecrates’; and again we have
have on the analogy of these bhufjapaya-ti from bhdjaya-ti
‘gives to eat’ (pres. bhundk-ti), and others.

(2) glapaya-ti “brings to decay, ruins, exhausts’ (beside
gla-paya-ti gla-ti gld-ya-ti) beside opt. glapé-t (Whitney,
Skr. Roots p. 41), Gr. Bi-éx@ ‘I look, see’ (cp. BudeTr onuare
or dave sig re or xgdg ti)!) Vgel-. sn-apdya-ti ‘washes, bathes’
(beside sna-pdya-ti snd-ti snd-ya-té) compared with Lat. Nep-
-tinu-s. $r-apdya-ti “boils, roasts, burns’ (beside 4rd-ya-ti
ra-td-s) is connected with su-érdpa-s ‘easy to eook’; jA-apaya=
-ti ‘instructs’ (beside jfid-paya-ti jfd-sya-ti) beside jhap-td-s
‘instructed’ jfap-ti-§ ‘attainment of knowledge’. mil-apaya-té
beside mla-pdya-ti ‘makes languid, takes away the elasticity’.

Remark. Other forms with -ep- are: Gr. xi-én-rw Lat. el-epd
Goth. hi-ifa ‘I steal’ beside O.Ir. celim O,1.G, hile ‘I hide’; Gr. Ara
“I break off, cut off, pluck’ dorraro-» ‘sickle’ beside d¥p-w “I flay"; Lat.
tr-ep-idu-s, O.C.S1, tr-epe-tit “to tremble’ beside Skr. tor-ald-s
Compare the Author, Morph, Unt. 1 40, 48, 49; Per Person, Warselerws
50 ff.

§ 798. A Denominative égo-formation like Skr. mantraya~
-18 (§ 798 p. 326) can only be definitely maintained for Sanskrit ;
we know nothing of the Old Iranian accent, and therefore
cannot say whether Avest. frayraraye-iti ‘wakes up’ would
answer to a Skr. *grardya-ti or *grdrayd-ti. Other examples
from Sanskrit are: ytdya-nt- ‘behaving in due form and order’
from y-td-m ‘order, rite’, arthdya-té ‘allows oneself to be
persuaded’ from dr-tha-m ‘goal, business’; paldya-ti ‘watches,
protects’ from pa-ld-s ‘guardian’ is used in Sanskrit as causal

1) Aifpngov sooms to be a transformate of yipagor, which comes
from another root, on the analogy of Siémw.

$$ 798—801, Present Stem: Class XXXIT — Ske. v@d-Ayo-ti. 335

of pé-ti, and ghataya-ti ‘causes to be killed, kills’ (aor.
a-jighata-t) from gha-ta-s ‘blow, killing’ as causal of hdn-ti.

It may be mentioned that when a root-final k-sound is
not changed to ¢ before -aya-, this proves the form to be
denominative; for we have seen in vol. 1 § 445 p. 331 that «
k-sound must become ¢ before -eio- in proethnie Aryan, as it
does in rdcdya-ti. We know therefore that mygdya-té ‘sets on
the trail of a quarry’ is derived from mygd-s ‘wild animal, game’,
tarkdya-ti ‘conjectures’ from tarka-s “guess, and so with others,

§ 799. In Sanskrit, the present in -dya-ti served as the
foundation for a desiderative formation in -ayiga-ti, as lu-
-lobhayisa-ti from lobhdya-ti.

The passive is formed with -yd-té, -aya- being dropt;
e. g. bhaj-yd-t@ from bhajaya-ti. How this passive originated
is not at all clear, It may be supposed that it had no special
connexion properly with the éio-present, any more than had
the aorist of Class IV (§ 548 p. 105).

§ 800. Armenian. There are no clear traces of this
4io-group, which appears to have been absorbed into the class
of verbs ending with -em. For instance, lizem ‘I lick’ may
answer equally well to Skr. /éhdya-ti or to Gr. istyw. Compare
§ 774" p. 293, on gorcem ete.

§ 801. Greek. Here this 4jo-class ran into one group
with the denominative present in -e-i6, such as gdm from
gilo-s, Hence arose gogo pdgyoa ete., following gedzjow
2gidnow (§ 773 p. 200). Hence again, in the present itself,
Leab. aodyjw like ddoujse (§ 775 p. 293), and gpogma like minus
(§ 589 p. 131).

1 arrange the forms about to be cited according as they
had one or other of the two original functions of this class
(§ 791 p. 324).

Causal (or Factitive), rogém, (Flozém. ohio, sopém, seo
§ 794 pp. 326 ff.

Intensive (or Iterative). gogém, aogm (Zoa0nnévoy Hesych.),
orion, see ibid, dyéw ‘I hold fast, hold out, hold’ for *ooyem

336 Present Stem: Class XXXU — Skr. nad-dyo-ti. $801.

beside gu: Skr. wt-sthaya-ti ‘helps some one to endure,
strengthens, gives heart. oiéw ‘I desire’ beside SéocrPax
Avest. jaiilye-iti yCghedh- (8 706 p. 284): O.Ir, no guidiu
‘I pray’ first for *godiu. orpoyéw ‘I turn round and round’
beside oreégw. rooném “I turn, twist’ beside rpémw. gopew
‘I swallow’ beside Lith. sreb-it ysrebh-; Lat, sorbed seems to
be an éjo-form with weak grade of root, like jubed Skr. grbhdya-
-ti, and others (§ 790 p. 323). Boouéw ‘I hum, buzz’ beside
Boéuw. oxonéw ‘I watch, look at, ponder’ beside oxéaroya.
So perhaps sgygova ‘I hop, spring, jump, tremble, quake’ beside
sozouct I go’; in that case the word will be akin to Skr. rghayd-
-ti ‘quakes, throbs’. idea “I push’: cp. Skr. vadhaya-ti ‘strikes
down’ Avest. vadayp-iti ‘knocks back’; «éw will be equivalent
to Skr. badhaya-ti ‘subdues’, if in this word b is for v- (ep. p. 225
footnote 1).

Looking at these verbs in -ew from the (reek point of
view only, it must be admitted that they mostly look like
derivatives from substantives; ep. gogéw pégo-s, 2094w ad9o-s,
orgogim argopy and so forth. However, it can hardly be
doubted that they had their origin rather in this éjo-class,
in as much as the earliest verbs of the kind ended in -éja.
After the Greek verb had lost the original Idg. accent
(cp. § 527 with the Rem,, p. 89), present stems in -é{6 and
denominatives in -e-id were bound to run together.

However, another possibility must not be forgotten: to
wit, that before the time in question some few denominative
causals, of the type of Skr. manfrdya-ti (§ 793 p. 326, § 798
pp- 334 f.) may have been formed.

-sw is not uncommon after present formative suffixes
(ep. § 792 p. 325). So far as one can see, the new verb
meant much the same us the old unextended yerb.

aiiéw ‘L press’ beside sim for *Fsd-vw (§ 611 p. 150).
Ton. inser. conj. Zovdiora beside Sovsoua “I wish’ for *Bod-vo-
(§ GIL p. 150). mr-vew ‘L fall beside xfr-vo, whose preterite
survoy became aorist by contrast with arvéw (see Curtius,
Verb? 1268, 11 12); ¢ in the root syllable instead of « (ypet-)

§ 801. Present Stem : Class XXXII — Skr. caal-syw-ti, 337

as in xip-vy-yr ete., § 602 p. 144. dagver * dawatir (Hesych.)
beside ddp-vy-yt, ixvdouar ‘I arrive’ beside Hom. ixdvn for
“ix-avFo § 652 p. 187. oiz-viw “I go, go away, I am off’.
Cret. dy-vto ‘I lead, bring’.

Ghyo-dpavem “I am faint, weak’ beside dp-aiva (§ 621
p- 159) like Skr. i-an-aya-nta beside is-an-yd-ti (§ 796
p. 382).

With Skr. pi-nv-aya-ti § 796 p. 382 may be compared
the following. dyzew, beside dytvar “I lead, bring’ for *ay1-»Fm.
éiver, beside etve-v for *zgi-nyd. See § 652 p. 187. Perhaps
also dméw “I eddy’ beside divw, and di»éw ‘I move wildly,
storm’ beside Sivw, see loc. cit.; but still these may be
denominatives, derived later from divo-g and Jivo-g; Dive
moreover may be identified with Skr. dha-n-aya-ti ($ 796
p. 332). We are still quite in the dark whether -ny-éjo or
-n-¢i0 (-ne-jd) is to be assumed for xivém ‘I move from its
place’ beside xé-ve-na, fovréw ‘T stop up’ beside pérw and pio
fut. pvow, piréw ‘cowo’ beside Skr. ji-nd-ti ‘overpowers,
oppresses’ partic, jt-td-s.

nexté beside xéxtm ‘I comb’, § 680 p. 212.

yntéew beside 71/%ouc “I am glad’ seems to fall here along
with Lat, gauded for *gavided, § 694 p. 223. awvdéw (Hippocr.)
beside pov-9o ‘minuo’.

weoti (Hippocr.) beside yvSw ‘I suck’. zeyéopce (Chale.
zensiatw Boeot. xoeuTody) and Gort. dyiw (for *Anéa) beside
zorjouce “hijo perhaps like Skr. pydy-dya-ti beside pyd-ya-té
‘swells, see § 787 p. 263.

These forms in -ew are also found in association with
present stems which have no special characteristic, as fhadw
beside Sx ‘L pull’.

Now comes the question — are all these forms with -s
to be brought into close connexion with the Idg. -éj6, and did
they originally have an Intensive or Frequentative meaning?
We saw in § 578 p. 119, § 756.4 p. 275, that from the very
earliest period non-present forms with an é-suffix occur side
by side with present forms which have no é-suffix; as Eales

Bry n, Rloments, FV,

338 Presont Stem: Class XXXIE — Skr. véd-aya-ti. §§ 901,80:.
duédjae ueudhars beside aéier, trunrijow beside rinrer, It is
therefore possible, that at first the only forms used were, say,
fies Uaijow, xéxrw asxrjow, and that it was only their é-forms

which brought these stems in contact with the so-class, and
produced ftxéw nexréw,

§ 802. Italic. On the Latin present inflexion see § 788
pp. 518 f ‘The part. pass, ends sometimes in ~i-tus, see
§ 789 p. 319,

We have already mentioned moned, torred, morded, tonged,
noced, litced, foved, and jubed joubed, see § 794 pp. 326 ff.

Besides these there are but few words which can with any
certainty be called éi0-formations. sponded, beside Gr. anévdw
‘I pour « libation, offer it’, mid. ‘f make a solemn compact’.
doced, beside discd for *di-tc-scd (§ 678 p. 210), perhaps from
the same root as decet, and identical with Gr. doxéw (ep. Fick,
Wtb. 14 66, 452). voved, although there are doubts as to its
origin (ep. I § 428¢ p. 316; Fick, Wtb. 14 408; Osthoff,
Morph, Unt. v 82). tonded, beside Gr. révdem ‘I bite’ for
*reu-do (§ 695 p. 224). haered: Goth. us-gdisja “I frighten’
properly ‘I make stiff, or congeal’. Umbrian has tursitu tusetu
‘terreto’ tursiandu ‘terreantur’ from a pres. *torséid, beside
Lat, terred Gr. sregoer * igoByoer (Hesych.), all from 7 ter-s-,
see § 657 p. 192.

The root syllable has a weak grade in: Lat. qu-ed, identical
with Skr. dv-rya-ti, ci-ed, see § 790 p. 323; sorbed beside
Gr. pogim, see § 801 p. 336; jubed, parallel stem joubed once
found, see § 794 p. 329.

We should also add, it seems, the following: misced, see
§ 792 p. 325; anged, cp. Lith, dugu ‘I grow’; suaded ‘I make
a thing acceptable to some one’, ep, Gr. jdoxur § 690 p, 221.

Remark. It is hardly possible to prove that the ¢jo-formation
became denominative in Latin as it did in Germanic and Balto-Slavonio,
dined “L make thick’ beside desis i8 certainly not to be explained like

Goth. /ulljan beside full-s, and other such; tempting though it be to draw
this parallel. Sce § 777 Rom. p. 301.

3§ 808,804, Prosent Stom: Class XXXIT — Ske. ved-dyenti, 339

§ 803. Keltic. Only a few examples which are anything
like certain.

We have already cited the following: O.Ir, for-tugim
‘I cover over’: O.H.G. decch(u ‘I cover’, y7teg- § 791 p. 325;
ad-suidim ‘I prolong, postpone’: Goth, satja ‘I place’, y~sed-
§ 794 p. 328; no raidiu ‘I speak, say’: Goth. rddja (same
meaning), ibid.; no guidiu I pray’: Gr. nodéw “I desire, crave
for’, V7 ghedh-, § 801 p. 337. Further examples: do-uigim ‘I let
off, forgive’ perhaps connected with legaim ‘I fail, perish, go
to pieces’ (Thurneysen, Rev. Celt. vi 316). lwadim im-luadim
‘I set in motion’ beside do-lod ‘I went’, no-m-mdidim “I boast,
exult’ beside miad ‘pride, honour’. guirim gorim ‘I heat, warm’
from / gher-.

§ 804. Germanic. On the confusion of this type with
other present classes see § 781.2 p, 306. The present inflexion
in Gothie may be regarded as regularly growing out of the
original one (f § 142 p. 125 f.); but in O.H.G. such forms as
2” sing. denis (I" sing. denn(iu = Goth. panja) beigis (1" sing.
beiz(u == Goth. *bditja) are a re-formation following hevis and
suchlike (1" sing. heffljju = Goth. hafja), Class XXVI. The
partic. pass. in pr. Germanic ended in -idd-, as Goth, fra-
-vardips stem -vardida-, nasips stem nasida- O,H.G, gi-nerit,
see § 789 p. 319.

The class was productive, from proethnic Germanic onwards,
in the Causal or Factitive use, where the primary verb has
some simple meaning. Only a few examples, as O.1.G. decch(iu
‘L hide’, still keep the Idg. Intensive or Frequentative meaning
(§ 791 p. 324): but this meaning very early became so weak,
that soon no difference was felt between the original verb and
the secondary verb in -éjo-, for which reason the former was
generally dropt altogether out of use,

Goth. varja O.H.G. weriu ‘I hinder, guard’: Skr, vardya-ti,
see § 795 p. 380. O.H.G, zeriz O.Sax. teriu ‘I destroy, tear
to pieces’: Skr. daraya-ti ‘makes burst, splits’. Goth. valja
O.HLG. well@u ‘I choose’: Skr. pra-varaya-ti, see § 108 p. 827.

o

“9

840 Present Stom: Class XXXIL — Skr, rd/~dya-ti. $808.

Goth. uf-banja ‘I stretch out’ O.H.G, denn@u ‘I streteh’: Skr.
@-tanaya-ti, see § 794 p. 327. O.H.G. wenn@u O.Icel. ven
(inf, venja) ‘I accustom’: Skr. sq-einaya-ti ‘makes inclined,
accustoms to’, |/ yen- ‘to like’. O.H.G. flousfiju ‘I rinse’ (24 sing.
flewis, cp. Braune O.ELG. Gr.* pp. 84, 253): Skr, pldvaya-ti
“floods, pours over’, Serv. plovi-ti ‘to make flooded’, pley- ‘flow,
swim’. Goth. fra-vardja ‘| bring to nought, destroy, disfigure’,
O.H,G, wert(u ‘I destroy’: Skr. vartaya-ti etc., see § 794
p. 327. Goth, marzja ‘I hurt, vex’, O.H.G. merr(iu ‘I hold
back, hinder, disturb, mislead’ (orig. ‘cause any one to make
an oversight’): Skr. margaya-ti ‘looks after, carries off, lets
alone’ (mf§ya-ti ‘forgets, neglects, bears patiently’), mers-
‘forget, tuke no notice of’. QO H.G. derr(iju ‘I make dry, wither
up: Skr. tarfdya-ti ete., see § 794 p. 327. Goth. ga-tarhja
‘I mark out, blame’: Skr. dardiya-ti ‘shows’, (/derk- ‘see’.
Goth. uf-rakja ‘I reach up’, O.H.G, recch(iju ‘I reach, stretch
out’ from yreg- (Gr. op¢yw). O.ELG. (h)rett(iju ‘I tear away,
rescue’: Skr. srathaya-ti, see § 794 p. 327. Goth, pragja
‘Lrun’, beside Gr. re¢yw ‘I run’ (fut. Yocgoue) from y/threkh-.')
OALG, blecch(iju “I make visible, show’: Skr. bhrajaya-ti, see
§ 74 p. 327. Goth. lagja O.H.G. legg(iu ‘I lay’: O.C.SL.
logi-ti, see § 794 p. 827. Goth. agkja O.H.G. denchidu
‘I ponder, think’: Lat. tongeo, see § 794 p. 328; the irregular
pret. bahta dahta partic. *paht-s gi-daht (variant gi-denkit) —
for aw becoming a see I § 214 p. 181 — arose on the analogy
of the corresponding preterite of bugkja dunch(iju (Goth. pihta
ete.), which verb we have placed in Class XXVI (§ 722
p- 252); it is true pagkja may also be placed in this class, as
it may come from *g-id, which would have a grade of root
shown apparently in Ose. tamgin-om ‘sententiam’ (not so Bar-
tholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xvu 123). O.H.G. dlent(iju ‘I darken,
blind’: O.C.81. bladi-ti ‘to go astray’, orig. transitive like

1) We must believe that the root is Uirekh-, not thregh- (1 § 558
p. 406), becuuse of O.leel. fri for *prdy-ila-, Thon the Gothic verb,
like fra-curdja and marsja, shows in its rootfinal the regular roiced
‘consonant.

$§ 804,805, Prosont Stem: Class XXXII — Skr. ved-dya-ti. B41

Mod.Sloven. bluditi ‘to lead astray, deceive’ (Miklosich, Vgl.
Gr. u 437), Vbhlendh-; op. p. 327 footnote (1). Goth. as-
-léubja O.ELG. ir-loub(iju ‘I allow’: Skr. lobhdya-ti eto. see
$794 p. 388. Goth. kdugja 'T taste, try’: Skr. jogdya-t2, see
§ 794 p, 328. Goth. rdupja O.H.G. rouf(iu ‘I pick, pluck,
tear out’: Skr. répaya-ti ‘makes a tear, breaks off’, yreup-
reyb- (I § 343 p. 270, $469.7 p. 345). Goth, drdugja ‘T make
fall, throw’, O.H.G. tror(ijw ‘L make trickle, shed’, beside
Goth, driusa “I fall’. O,H.G. ént-swebb(iju “I lull to sleep’:
Skr. svdpdyati, see § 794 p. 328. Goth. ga-vagja O.H.G.
weggQiu “I move’: Skr, vahaya-ti ete,, see § 794 p. 328,
Goth. usvakja ‘I wake up’, O.H.G. wecch(iju “I wake’:
Skr. vajdya-ti ‘excites, drives on’, yeg-. O.H.G. weiz(iu
weig(ju ‘I give to know, show": Skr. védaya-ti, see § 794
p- 328; O.FLG. beiz(iju beig@u “I cause to bite, corrode, bait’:
Skr. bhédaya-ti, see § 794 p. 328; originally weiz(ju weigis etc,
beiz(iju beigis ete., whence by levelling in both directions
weiz(iu weizis and weig(iju weigis, bei2{iju beizis and beig(in
beigis ete. (ep. floz(iu flog(u § 805). Goth. Idigja O.T.G.
lér()u ‘TL teach’, (/lejs- ‘learn’, Goth. satja OFLG, sez2@u
‘T set, place’: Skr. sdddya-ti, sce § 794 p. 328. O.TLG. heng(in
‘L cause to hang, hang’ beside O.H.G. haku ‘I hang’ for
*hawhu (hiang gi-hangan). Goth, uf-hlohja ‘I make some one
laugh’, O.Icel, inf, hlagja, beside Goth. Alahja “I laugh’ (pret.
hidh), OW.G, fuogiiju OSax. fogiu ‘I make fit, join, tie up’:
Skr. pasdya-ti, see § 794 p. 329. O.HLG. gruoz(iu gruogliu
O.Sax. grotiv ‘I address, speak to’: Skr. hradaya-ti, see § 794
p. 329.

§ 805. Where the éjo-verb, and the primary verb from which
it was formed, had come to have a different articulation in the
final consonant of the root, through the action of Verner’s Law
(I $$ 529 f. p. 384 f. $581 p. 434), the final of the éio-verb was
very often in Gothic levelled back to match that of the other.
Of the examples cited in § 804, the following show this change:
Goth. -tarhja instead of *-targja following a lost *tafrha, kdusja
instead of *kdusja following kinsa, drdusja instead of *drduzja

342 Prosont Stem: Claas XXXII — Skr. ed-dyn-ti. $805,

= 0.HLG. tror(iju following driusa, Idigja instead of *ldizja =
O.11.G. lér(ju following [dis ‘knows, -hlohja instead of *-hldgja
= O.Icel. hlege following Alahja.

The following éio-forms arose from present stems with some
characteristic suffix (see § 792 p. 325).

O.FL.G. Alein(iu “I cause to lean’ trans, of Ali-nt-m O.Sax.
hli-nd-n, Class XIT, § 605 p. 146.

O.ILG. scein(u “I make visible, show’ beside scinu;
swein(iu “I make disappear, diminish’ beside swi-nu ‘I disap-
pear’; bi-swell(iu “I make swell, dam up’ beside svillw; scell(iju
‘T cause to sound, dash in pieces’ beside scillu: Class XITI,
§ 614 pp. 141 f.

Goth. saggja O.H.G, sench(iju ‘I make sink, push under’
beside sigga; O.Sax. thengin “I complete’ beside ththu ‘I thrive’
for pr. Germ. *penyd; O.F.G. mengfiju O.Sax. mengiu ‘I mingle,
mix’ beside a pr. Germ. *nringd; O.H.G. spreng@u “1 make
burst, I burst’ beside springu: Class XVI § 628 pp. 164 ff.,
§ 634 pp. 170 f. With these were associated éo-formations
made from presents with a ¢-suffix and a nasal infix: Goth.
pandja O.FLG. went(iju ‘I turn’ from vinda yyei-; O.1L.G.
swentu ‘I make disappear, I annihilate’ from swintu beside
swt-nu, sce § 634 p. 172, § 685 p. 216.

Goth. kannja ‘I make know, inform’, O.H.G. ir-chenn(iu
‘L make know, understand’, beside kann kun-nu-m, Class XVIL
§ 646 p. 183.

Goth. ur-rannja ‘I make arise’ O.H.G, renn(iju ‘I make
run, or make run quickly’, beside Goth. rinna; Goth. ga-
-brannja ‘I cause to be burnt up, I burn up’, O.1.G. brenn(iju
‘L make burn, I burn’ beside brinna: Class XVIII, § 654
pp. 187 f.

Goth. ga-vasja O.ELG. weriu ‘I clothe’ (Goth. -vagja instead
of *-vazja, see p. 342); Skr. vdsdya-ti, from y-es- (Class XIX)
V eu-, see § 794 p. 329.

: O.ELG. fror(u ‘I make freeze’ beside friu-su, Class XX
§ 664 p. 197.

ae - |

$$.806,807, Present Stem: Class XX XIE — Skr. véi/-diy-ti. 845

O.H.G, ir-lesk(i)n T canse to be quenched, I quench’ beside
ir-lisku, Class XXII, § 676 p. 208,

Goth. rddja ‘I speak, say’ beside -ré-da: Skr. rédhaya-ti
ete, see § 794 p. 829; O.LLG. floz(iju flogiu Mid.H1.G. olatze
vleze ‘I make flow, cause to swim off, to float (trans.)’
(ep. weis(iju weig(iu § 804 p. 341) beside fliu-gu; Class XXV
§ 699 p. 225.

§ 806. Denominative éo-verbs (see § 793 p. 326) are
common. We have already given some examples found both
in Germanic and in Balto-Slavonie (loc. cit.), to wit, Goth. fullja
O.W.G, full(iju “T fill from full-s ‘full’ and Goth. Adilja
O.TLG,. heil(iu ‘I heal’ trom hdils heil ‘whole, healthy. Other
examples are: Goth. hduhja O.LLG. hoh(iju “I make high, raise
aloft’ from hduh-s hoh “high’; Goth. ga-blindja ‘I make blind’

Engl. to blind (distinguish this from O.1L.G. blent(iju, see
§ 804 p. 340); Goth. ga-giuja ‘I make living’ from giu-s
(cp. § 794 p. 380); O.TLG. sterch(u ‘Il make strong, strengthen’
from stare ‘strong’; fest(@u ‘I make fast, fortify’ from festi ‘fast’.

If Germanic did not inherit éjo-denominatives from pre-
Germanic times, we have to turn for an explanation of their
existence in this branch to those instances, where, connected
with an old primary causal, there is some adjective having the
same grade of root-syllable, as Goth. gramja O.H.G. gremm@)u
‘to provoke, make angry’: O.H.G. gram O.lcel. gram-r ‘angry,
provoked’; Goth. hndinja ‘I lower, degrade’ O.H.G. (h)neig@e
‘L bend, incline, sink’ tr.: Goth. hndiv-s ‘low, humble’; O.H.G.
ga-fuog(iu ‘I make to fit, I join’: ga-fwogi fitting, suiting’.
Once these verbs came to be regarded as derived from the
adjectives in question, it is easy enough at once to explain
new forms like fullja.

§ 807, Balto-Slavonic. The original present system,
-eid -ejesi and so forth, is still represented by the Lith. v-ej%
O.C.S1. v-¥jq v-ijq ‘I wind, turn, twist’, as we have already seen
in § 788 p. 319, How the place of this series was usurped by
Lith. -aw -ai......, O.CSI. -jq@ -i8i...... has been explained
in § 789 pp. 321 f.

$808. Proaont Stem: Class XXXIT — Ske. e2d-dya-t. 345

§ 808. New formation from Primary presents, in which
a present root-extension of the éjo-form has been handed down
($ 792 pp. 325 f):

Class XVI $§ 635 ff, pp. 172 @ — Lith. ragaw ragy-ti
‘to reach’ (freq.) beside isz-si-rgs2ti ‘to reach out, extend,
resist’, /reg- (Gr. sodym). Lith. grdndaw grdndy-ti ‘to shave,
scrape’ (freq.) beside gréndu grésti ‘to rub, scour’, doubtless
connected with O-leel. krota ‘to dig in, dig down’ 0.H.G, chras-
20n ‘to scrateh’, O.C.SL. /qéq ladi-ti “to separate’ beside eka
‘to bend’, leg-. O.C.SI. rasta lerati-ti ‘to turn, twist’ (freq.)
beside kre(-nq “deflecto’, Vgert-. O.O.S1. iziiasaéa -sqéi-ti ‘to
make exhausted, dry up’ Pol, w-sqezy-¢ ‘to make trickle in’
(causal) beside O,C.SI. sek-na, ‘I dry up’, /seig-. 0.0.81. trasa
trasi-ti ‘to shatter’ (freq.) beside treset ‘I shatter’, perhaps derived
from tr-es- (Class XX, § 636 p. 174, § 657 p. 192).

Class XX, $§ 657 ff, pp. 191 M — Lith. tasaa tasy-ti ‘1
pull or tear about’ (freq.) beside té&s-i, yten- (§ 794 p. 329).
Compare too the above mentioned O.CSI, trasi-ti.

Class XXII, $$ 670 ff, pp. 202 fF. — Lith, draskat drasky-ti
‘to tear about’ (freq.) beside dreskit “I tear’ driskat ‘I am
torn’, Compare § 807 p. 344, on Lith. mais2y-ti O.C.S1. mésiti.

Class XXV, $§ 688 ff. pp. 218 f& — O.C.SL. raddq radi-té
‘to consider, eare for’: Skr. radhaya-ti ete., stem *ré-dh- (§ 794
p. 329). Lith, vatdaw valdy-ti ‘to rule’, beside vetdu ‘I rule’,
stem wel-dh-; skardau skardy-ti ‘to shred, cut about’ (causal)
beside skérdéiu ‘L burst’, stem sger-dh-: girdau “I give to drink’
(causal) beside gerit ‘I drink’, stem ger-dh-; piidauw ‘1 cause to
rot’ (causal) beside pao-% ‘I rot’, stem pa-dh-. sprdudaw
sprdudy-ti (freq.) beside sprdudgin ‘I push foreibly into an
interstice’, stem sprew-d-; szdudau sedudy-ti (freq.) beside
s2du-ju ‘L shoot’, stem skeu-d-. With -dh- or -d-, uncertain
which: maldait maldy-ti ‘to beg’ (freq,) beside mel-dsit “L beg’;
skdldau skaldy-ti ‘to split’ (freq.) beside skelic (*skel-it) ‘I split’,
both trans. (skél-du and skél-dZiv “I split’ intrans.). Starting from
verbs of this kind, the ending -dau -dy-ti became independent,
like -dinw -din-ti, and was the type for others: spdr-day ‘I kick’

S010 The s-Aorists: Genoral Remarks, 347

Classes XIX and XX. The reason why I treat these stems
again by themselves has been given in the first of those two
places.

Before -s- we have (1) either the bare Root, as Skr, d-dik-
-§i d-dik-ja-t Gr, &-dex-o-e Lat, dic-s-it, Skr. d-dhd-s-am
O.C.81. déchit, or (2) Root + Suffix of some kind (Root-
Determinative, or what not), as Skr. d-he-d-s-ta O.C.SI, 2itv-a-
-chit, Skr. d-véd-i-f-am Gir. (Fjeid-e-(0)-« Lat. vid-i-s-tis, Skr,
di-yd-t-s-am Tat, jussit for *ju-t-s-e-t (pres. yd-dha-ti ju-b-00).
Under the second heading, « special class is composed of forms
like Skr. dvedif-am Gr. (Fefde-e Lat. vidis-tis, and others

ov in den homer. Gedichten, Curtiua’ Stud, n 65 ff P, Cauer, Die
dor. Futur- und Aoristbildungen der abgeloiteten Verba auf -Zw,
Sprachwiss. Abhandl. aut G. Curtius’ Gramm. Gosollsch. pp. 126 ff.
G. Mekler, Die Flexion des activen Plusquamperfeets, in: Beitr. 2ur
Bildung des griech. Verbums, Dorpat 1887, pp. 43 ff.

Italic. J. ¥. Notudil, Ob noristach v Intinskom jazyké (The
Aorist in Latin), Charkow 1881. Corssen, Kein Aoristus I im
Lateinischen, in: Beitr, sur ftal. Sprachk. pp. 556 ff Idem, Dio syn-
kopierten Formen des Futuram IT und Conjunotivy des Perfeots auf ~)
~a-9si, ~¢esi, i, ibid. pp. 523 # Ch. Blinkenberg, Om resterno
af det sigmatiske soriat i Latin, Kort Udsigt det Kjébenh. phil. Samf. xxxr.
Madvig, De formarum quarundam yerbi Latini natura et uau [on fazd
faim and the like], Kopenh, 1836 and 36 = Opuse. ac. alt. pp. 60 ff.
G. Hermann, De I. N. Mudvigii interpretatione quarundam verbi Lat.
formarum, Leipz. 1843 = Opuso, vm 415 ff. G. Curtius, De verbi
Lat. futuro exacto et perfecti coniunctivo (issued in weleome of the
Congress of Philologers), Dresd. 1844. E. Labbert, Gramm. Stud. I: der
conj. perf. und das fut. ex. im dlteren Lat., Bresl 1967. Jdem,
Paralipomena zur Geschichte der lat, Tempora und Modi II [on faxim
and the like], Archiy f lat, Lexikogr. n 223 ff. Fr. Cramer, Das
Int. futuram exactum, ibid. tv 594 . P. Giles, The Origin of the Latin
Pluperfect Subjunctive and other etymologies, Cambridge Phil. Transact.
1889 pp. 126 ff — For other works which deal with the lat, s-Aorist
associated with the Perfect, soe under Perfect, § 843.

Keltic. D'Arbois de Jubsinville, Du futur sigmatique [in
Trish], Mém. d. 1. Soo, d. ling. v1 56. Tharneysen, Der -Aorist im
Tr, Kahn's Zoitsohr. xxvim 151 ff, H, Zimmer, Die Schicksale des
idg. s-Aorists im Ir, und die Entstohung des kolt. s-Priteritums, ‘bid.
xxx 112 M% Thurneysen, Zu don ir. Verbalformen sigmatischer
Bildung, ‘bid, xxx 62 ff

Slavonic. Miklosich, Zusammengesetator Aorist [in Old Slo-
yenian), Siteungsber. d. Wien. Akad. Lxxxt 110 ff,

$812. ‘The s-Aorista: Stems in -s- and -s0-. 349

(Hesych.), Lat, eonj. ferrem. el- ‘choose, wish’: Skr. 1™ sing.
mid. d-vyp$-i Avest. 1" sing. conj. mid. var‘s-anz, Lat. vellem.
V ten- ‘stretch out, lengthen, tighten’: Skr. d-¢ds-am 2°4 and
34 sing. d-tan mid. 1" sing, d-tas-i 1" pl. d-tas-mahi, Gr, s-rewa,
Vv men- ‘think, mean’: Skr, mid. 3° sing. d-mas-ta conj. mds-
-a-t@ opt. I" sing, mas-Tya, Lith. Land 2” pl, injunct. (fut.)
mis-me mis-te. ghen- ‘strike’: Skr. 2°¢ and 3° sing. ghan
(gh- instead of h-following *ghas- ~» *ahy-s-), Gr. edeva, Lith.
injunet, gis-me -te O.C.SL 2"4and 8" sing. po-dg. / rem- ‘rest’:
Skr. @ras-am mid. d-ras-ta, Lith. injunct. rems-me -te (trans,)
and rims-me -te (intrans.). Lat. démpst prdmpst opt. emps-i-m,
Lith. injunet, ims-me -te O.C.S1. jest. / gei- ‘to. inflict
punishment’ ete.: Skr. d-edij-am, Gr. &reo-«, Skr. ki- Gr.
po ‘destroy’: Skr. mid. kg@s-ta, Gr. &pIsva-a. pleu- ‘swim’:
Skr. mid. d-plag-fa, Gr, é&nheva-a, Lith. injunct. pldus-me -te
O.C.SI. pluch-i, Fleu- ‘hear’: Skr. d-sraus-am 0.C.81, po-
sluchit. (/ terp- ‘satisfy, content’: Skr. d-traps-am d-tarps-am
(gramm,), Gr. eregura, (/ yert- “vertere’: Skr. mid. d-vyts-i,
Lith. injunct, vers-me -te (trans.) and vifs-me -te (intrans.).
Vv serp~ ‘serpere’: Skr, d-sraps-am d-sdrps-am (gramm.), and
perhaps also mid. dsrpla for *a-srps-ta (§ 816), Gr. dow
(late), Lat. serps-. /derk- ‘see’: Skr. d-drakj-am 24 and
3" sing, d-drak mid. 3" pl, d-drk§-ata conj. dark§-a-t, Gr.
2-deyE-rueny (late). / yerg- ‘work’: Avest, conj. var*s-a-itt,
(ir, fgpE-u. = mergj- “stroke, brush’: Skr. d-markj-am, Gr.
autora oudok-ar, Vo melg- ‘milk’: Gr. aytaz-ar, Lat. muls-t,
Lith. injunet. milse-me -te. V/eig- ‘leave’: Skr. d-raiks-am
24nd 3aing, d-raik mid. d-rikj-i, Gr. &Asnp-a, Lith. injunct.
Tiks-me -te, /ueid- ‘know, learn, find’: Skr. mid. d-vits-i,
Gr. mid, #-si6-aro 3" pl. act, in-ev, Lat. vis-T (pres. ofsd § 662
p. 197), Lith. injanct, isz-cys-me -te. (/ leip- ‘besmear’: Skr.
mid, d-lips-i, Cir, ddeiy-ae, Lith, injunct. lips-me -te. (7 deik-
‘show’: Skr. mid. d-dik$i, Gr. &dek&a, Lat. diet dix-d
diz-i-m. Voneig- ‘wash’: Skr. d-ndikg-am mid. d-niké-i,
Gr. Eva, 7 steigh- ‘climb’: Gr, é-oreE-a, O.Tr, injunet.
3rsing. for-t2. V jeug- ‘yoke to, fasten’: Skr. d-ydks-am and

—

850 The s-Aoriats: Stems in =s- and -so-. gsiz

d-ydukg-am (geamm,), Gr. -evt-e; op, Ske. d-yumk§-mahi
Lat. janx-t Lith. injunct. jinks-me -te § 813. 1 meug-
meug- ‘strip off, let go’: Skr. d-mauki-am 2" and 3” sing.
d-mauk mid. d-mukg-i Gr, dx-éuvfa, Lith, injunct. matiks-me
-te; Lat. &manzi. / bheudh- ‘awake, notice’: Skr. mid,
d-bhuts-i, Lith. injunet. -biis-me -te O.C.SI. bljns-i. VV wegh~
‘vehere’: Skr, d-vaki-am 2° and 3" sing. d-vat conj, edkg-a-t,
Lat. véx-1, Lith, injunct. vdse-me -te O.0.SI. vés-i. _/ wedh=
“to lead’: O.Ir. don-fé ‘let him lead us’ for *vets-t, Lith. injunet,
wis-me -te O.C.SI. vés-it. / dhegh- ‘burn’: Skr, d-dhakj-am
d-dhak conj. dhakg-a-t@), Lith, injunct. déks-me -te 0.0.51.
Zach-it for *2éch-it (I § 76 p. 66) beside Zega for *deya ($ 522
pp. 85 f). V sed- ‘sedere’: Skr, conj, sdts-a-t, Gr. foo-«,
Lith. injunct. sés-me -te. WV peq- ‘coquere’: Skr. conj. pdkg-a-t,
Gr, Eney-«, Lat. coxt for *quex-t. Vseq- ‘to be with, follow’:
Skr, mid. d-sak§-i conj. sdkg-a-t, Lith. séks-me -te. reg-
‘regere’: Gr. ogéS-a1, Lat. rée-t, O.Ir. 2" sing. comeir for
*cdm-er=rer=8. Vleg- ‘legere’; Gr. é-iek-a, Lat, -lart
V plek- ‘fold’: Gr. énis3-a, Lat. pléx-t. (/ ed- ‘eat’: Lat. conj.
ss-e-m, Lith. injunct. és-me -te O.C.SI. jas-i, 1 dha- ‘set,
place, lay’; Skr. d-dhas-am mid. d-dhij-i, Lat. conj. con-derem,
Lith. injunct. dés-me -te O.C.SI. déch-u. spé- ‘help onwards,
further’: Avest, conj. spdrah-a-iti, Lith. injunct. spés-mne -te
O.C.S1. spéch-ti. / d6- ‘give’: Skr. mid. d-dig-i conj. das-a-t,
Lat. conj. dar-e-m, Lith. injunct. di’s-me -le O.C.SI. dach-it;
compare also Alban. Jage ‘I gave’ (G. Meyer, Kurzgef. alb. Gr.,
38). | sta- ‘stand’: Skr. mid. d-sthi§-i Avest. conj. stdwh-a-p,
Gr. é-nrgo-a 3" pl. Hom. F-crad-ar, Lat. conj. stdr-e-m, Lith,
injunct. stés-me -te O.O.S1. stach-i.

The following examples are a group by themselves, having
peculiar vocalism in the root (@, % 7). /bhey- ‘be, become’:
Gr. E-poo-«, conj. (fut.) Umbr. fust fust Ose. fust “erit,
Ose. conj. fusid “‘foret’, Lith. injunet. biis-me -te O,C.SI. bych-it;
cp. fut, Avest, badygiti ete, § 748 p. 271. 1 dheu- “shake”:
Skr. mid, d-dhiij-ta, Gr. ¢-900-a. VV gei- ‘live’: Lith, injunet.
ggs-me -te (inf. gy-ti pres. gy-ji) O.C.SL dich-ti (inf. Zi-té

ll

S813. ‘The s-Aoriats; Stems in -s- and -20-, 351

pres. di-vq). Skr. 3" pl. d-hir§-ata from kar- ‘scatter’. Gr.
f-orowo-a from oreg- ‘sterner’.

§ 813. Forms with the root-suffixes -d-, -2- -6- ($$ 579 ff.
pp. 121 ff, §§ 784 ff. pp. 261 ff). *dr-a ‘run’: Skr. conj.
dris-a-t, Gr. aa-tdgaoa (late). *tr-@- ‘to press through, succeed
in traversing’: Skr. 1" pl. mid. d-trds-mahi Avest, 2" pl. mid.
Praz-dam, Lat. conj. in-trarem. — *Gh(iji-d- ‘hiare’: Lat. con}.
hidr-e-m, Lith. injunct. #iésme -te. *gh(wu-d- ‘call’: Skr. mid.
d-hvas-ta, O.C.8). zitvach-it, ara- ‘plough’: Lat. conj. ardr-e-m,
O.CSL. orach-ii, *pl-8- ‘fill’: Skr. d-pras-am 2™ and 3" sing.
d-pras, Lat, conj. -plér-e-m; whether Gr. éAyjou comes in here
is doubtful (see § 750.3 p. 272). *sn-2- ‘weave, spin, sew’:
Gr. #-vyo-«, Lat. conj. nér-e-m. *bhs-é- ‘chew, devour’: Skr.
d-psas-i-t (gramm., cp. § 816), Gr. f-wyo-w. *Gn-2 gn-d- ‘learn,
know’: Skr. 4-jnas-am, Gr. dv-fyrona, O.CSI. znach-ti. *yid-2-
‘see’: Lat. conj. vidér-e-m, Lith. injunct. pa-vydés-me -te O.C.SI.
vidéch-i. *rudh-é- ‘blush’: Lat, conj. rubér-e-m, 0.0.81.
riidéch-ti, Lat. conj. favér-e-m, O.C SI. govéch-ti ‘veneratus sum’,
ep. § 590 p. 132. With these aorists are associated the
s-preterites of the later denominative group, as Gr. é-ripéo-«
Lat. conj. plantar-e-m Lith. injunct. Zankés-me O.C.SI. lqkach-ti
(ep. $ 769 p. 286), Gr. -pfayo-« Lat. claudér-e-m Lith. gitdés-
-mé-s O.OSI. céléch-ii, Gr. 2-xdvta-« Lat. fintr-e-m Lith. daljs-
-me OCS. gostich-ti, Gr. é-daxgia-a, Cir. ?-utodwo-a Lith,
jikei's-me (cp. § 773 p. 290 f.). Venetian zonas-to ‘donavit’
(cp. p. 53 footnote 2).

As this s-formation must be regarded as original for stems
with the suffixes -d-, -2- -d-, so too for certain roots with a
dental suffix, From gej-t- ‘to observe’ (§ 680 p. 212): Skr.
3" sing. d-cait, O.0.S1. dis-ti. Brom jey-dh- ‘disturb, set
moving, drive’ ($ 689 p. 219 f.): Skr. dydts-am yuts-mahi,
Lat, juss-t O,Lat. jous-t.

Of the remaining s-forms with roots having some extra
suffix. those which are associated with Classes XV and XVI
deserve particular mention, Skr. I* pl. mid, d-yumks-mahi
Lat. jana-T Lith. jimks-me beside Skr. yunk-té Lat. jungo

§§ 515,516, The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -s0-, 353

Avest, 2° pl. sdz-diim. Skr. ha- “go, yield’ (jd-ha-ti ja-hi-mas):
d-has-am 3" sing. d-has 1" pl. d-has-ma.

§ 815. There are many deviations in Sanskrit and
Avestic') from the original distribution of these three vowel
grades, as set forth in § 811.

The weak stem (as Skr. ta-s- from [/ ten-) is hardly
found outside its original sphere; but no longer in the plural
and dual indie. act., only in the Indic. Middle and the Optative:
e.g. Skr. d-dhij-i dhis-tya d-gas-mahi mas-tya, Avest. a-mch-
~maidt dig-yd-f. Irregular: Skr. 2" sing. conj. mid. dfkg-a-st
instead of *drakj-a-sé.

In Sanskrit the @-grade (as t@-s-) spread from the Sing.
indie. act. to the Plural and Dual; e. g. dchantsur djaigma
dbharjtam following the sing. dchantsam ete.; ep. ddhdma
instead of *d-dhi-ma following d-dha~m (§ 495 p. 55), spar-
-tam instead of spr-tam (§ 499 p. 62), and the like. But
beyond this line Sanskrit has very few other examples of a;
one is mid. d-yqs-i. In the Gatha dialect a is quite restricted
to its original sphere. But in later Avestic it has crept into
nds-i-ma, if this be the optative to an indic. *nas-em (O.C.S1.
nés-it); cp. Bartholomae, Stud. idg. Spr., u 166.

The a-grade (as Skr. tq-s-) spread from the Conjunctive,
where it is still the usual form in Sanskrit and Avestic, through
the whole Indicative and Optative moods; and in particular it
occurs with the weak stem; e. g. indic. 3 sing. Skr. d-maqs-ta
Avest. mqs-ta opt. Skr. maqs-i-mdhi (variant, Avest. Gath.
a-méh-maidt Skr, mas-iya) following the conj. Skr. mds-a-té,
Skr. 1" pl. jé§-ma (beside d-jaij-ma), Avest. Gath. 2° pl, braog-
-fa, 3" pl. véwgh-en: within the orig. sphere of the d-grade,
Skr. d-rqs-am d-yokj-am,

§ 816. In Sanskrit, the 2" and 3" sing. indic. act. became
identical by regular change (djaig = *a-jaig-§ and *a-jais-t);
and if a consonant preceded the aorist sign, the aorist sign was
dropt as well as the personal ending (draik — “a-raikg-§ and

1) Here we have to disrogard Old Persian, from lack of material.
Brogmuan, Elements. 1¥. 28

g$8i7—s19. ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -s0-. 355,

§ 818 p. 351; add to those Skr. d-yas-am conj. yds-a-t() from
y-d- “to go’, d-dhyas-am from dhy-a- ‘to think’.

With the suffix ~~ -ai- (§ 498 pp. 61 f£); Skr. d-grabh--
-j-am d-grah-di-§-am beside d-grabh-t-t d-gyh-i-tam from
grabh- ‘to seize’ (§ 574 p. 116).

Skr. d-yuwkj-mahi from yuj-, see § 813 p. 351, Skr.
d-stamps-am beside stambha-té ‘fortifies or strenghthens itself’,
V stebh-, see § 629 p, 166.

O.Pers. 3" sing. a-ki@-nau-§ ‘he made’ a-dard-nau-§
‘he durst?’ come from nu- presents (§ 640 p. 178). And
so doubtless 3" sing. -dis ‘he went’ 3" pl. -diga arose
in Persian itself in association with the present stem aj-
{imperf. -dy-am), and is therefore not an orig. s-aorist as
might be supposed from Skr. 3" sing. mid. adhy-aisfa (gramm.).
The origin of these new forms lies perhaps in certain pairs of
imperfect forms; 2™ sing. “ais 3" sing. *ai, 2" sing. *akanaut
3 sing, *akwnaw running parallel to 2™4 sing. *abara 3 sing.
abara, 2"! sing. *adada 3" sing. adada, and the like. If there
were connected aorist forms such as 2"and 3* sing. *a-naig =
Skr. d-naij, the above 2"‘sing. in -§ might easily be looked
upon as an s-preterite, which its use for both 2" and 3” sing.
suggested, After that, -ais would be complemented by
8% pl. -aisa.

§ 818. Armenian. So far no s-preterites have been
found. Compare the remarks on the ¢-aorist, § 672 p. 204.

§ 819. Greek. First, a few examples shall be added to
those given in §§ 812 and 813. Hom. é-xego-a Att. Hxsrg-a
from xefgw “I shave’ fut. xsed. Hom. éxedo-« from xéiim
‘L move, drive’. &-orsd-« (gorehoev in Hesych.) from ordiia
‘Lorder, arrange’. i-nyi-u for *é-nado-a mid. dito from adliw
‘I shake, brandish’. On the relation of Lesb, égSsgga Att.
igdeoa Dor. sptnpu to Hom. ixegoa, and of Lesb. iorsdia
Att. goruda Dor. iorgia to Hom. ¥xsioa, and such like, see
I § 563.3 p. 419, Wackernagel, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxix 127 ff.,
the Author, Gr. Gr.* p. 63. éeswa Lesh. susvva Dor, éeeqve
for *é-pevo-e from gave ‘1 remain’, So dxreva from xrstvw

23°

356 ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -s0-, $4 819,820.

“T kill’, foeuece from véuw “I divide’, &vevo-e from ri(F)-o
‘T swim’: Skr. mid. d-snds-fa (gramm.). i-mava-n from
ave(F-w ‘I blow, breathe’. — &neoe-a from mipto “I sack,
destroy’, &rorw-e from rofaw ‘I turn’: Lat. torst for *tores=t
from lorgu-ed. é-youry-e from yody- ‘1 write’, 1 gerph=.
E-qoao-« from goatw ‘I give to understand, show’ for *goad-po:
Lith, 1* and 2° pj. injunct. (fut.) girs-me -te from girstit
‘Lapprehend’, (/gherd-. Soda" ovidapeiy (Hesych,) beside
aor. foaxeiv: Skr, d-mrakj-t-t d-markg-1-t from mpéd-ti ‘touches,
grasps’ (§ 527 p. 90). Honsa-u Cret. f-cnevo-a from omirdw
‘'T offer, pour, f-nera-@ from sef9m “I persuade’, VY bheidh-;
Exsox instead of *Egsioe like Skr. d-duksa-t instead of d-dhukja-t,
which is also found (§ 659 p. 195). é&yevo-e from yaiw ‘T give
to taste’, 1 jeus-. eba-« from sim ‘T burn’: Lat, usst from
fir-0, Veus-. &yivit-e from yhiyo ‘I incise, engrave’.
f-lso-se sleow from fe(o)-w “I boil, bubble’. ocavro for
*Sero- from téoorada ‘to beseech’, ghedh- (§ 706 p, 234).
é-deE-cany déxro for *dexa-ro from dézouct “I receive’, s-xhave-0
from xhain ‘I weep’ for *ziaf-gu, 6-t:en» do-usvo-¢ from
dou ‘I rejoice’: Lat. suds-€ from suid-e, s-n7k-« afjxro for
*ayxo-ro from ayjyrive ‘IT fix’ Ypak- pag-, i-dno-u from
KIyeie T bind’, de.
§ 820. The « which is seen after @ came from the
I" sing. in -o-« and the 3 pl. in -c-a» (whence, by com-
plementary analogy, -oe-; -on-re -ou-0 ete.). According to
Osthoff, Perf. 407, @ is regular also in -oeusy -nausda -oayegr,
which endings he derives from *-s-ymen and so forth. The
8r* sing. in -o« properly belongs to the thematic conjugation;
t-ded-0 is like Skr, d-dikga-t Lat. diri-t (see § 833). The
2 and 3° sing, "uk = *2-der-0-y and *é-deex-o-r were dropt
for clearness; and it was the perfect forms (Atoms : Jédome)
that caused a thematic form to take root in the 3" singular
and nowhere else.
The Conjunctive in Homer and elsewhere still shows the
thematic vowel, as refao-wev, instead of which we have later
} riiow-usv (§3 914, 923). We have already seen (§ 747 p: 269)

a lb il

$9 820,821, The s-Ao

: Stems in -s- and -so-. 357

that the indic. fut. in -ow was in all probability partly the
conjunctive of the s-aorist: compare further in § 883.

The optative in -oaye is a re-formation on the analogy of
the optative in -oue; see § 944, On forms like deffaav, see
§ 836.

The Participle Active shows in all its cases -oavr-; see
Il § 126 pp. 399 £., and IV § 1099.6.

Even before « had spread by analogy in the system
of the o-aorist, o had dropt between a root-final consonant
(explosive, liquid, or spirant) and a personal ending with
consonant initial (I § 566 p, 423). Some forms of this kind
lasted into the historical period: Hom. déxro “laid itself’ for
*)sve-ro, imper. iio for *lexd-oo, partic. -i¢yuevo-g for *hex(a)-
-navo-g, beside sie$u @deSaro; Fcaucro ‘mixed itself’ for *2-emo-
-r0, tuatydyg for *8-pstx-0-Ing (§ 589 p. 130), beside tuka;
nairo for *nako~to, beside inka; dgpsvog for *ipd-pero-s,
beside joa.

In forms like toryoa Fdqou inryoa érlunoa 2ulodwoa
(8§ 819, 822), o seems to have been due to the analogy of
consonantal stems, as éregwa éxnotSe (op. I § 564 p. 420), just
as orjom rtajow got their o by analogy of régwa xyotSw (§ 155
p- 274). But o drops, as it should, in jdsa for *2-Fedeo~e
{§ 836).

Remark. EL. /rotje has not kept unaltered the Idg. sounds. It is
far more likely that » disappeared in Elean itself; in the same way the
change of o to h in Lac. événaé and Argive troffné belonged to these
dialects separately.
question might be asked whether the o of fuvyou furnoar may
not have returned to them unweakened at some time when the forms
Sipvao(=<) *¥yrto(-7) *¢-yvo0-re *i-pyaa-rov existed; just a8 Joar (beside
Bovot. nag-siay) got back its » by analogy of ore Jorov Foryy. 1 put
the counter question, why we have jdec, not ideoo. It cannot be made
probable that this es-formation was found in the singular only — if so,
the state of things would differ widely from the s-aorist.

§ 821. The pr. Idg. differences in root-gradation ($ 811
p. 348) were largely levelled out in Greek.

Often the vocalism of the whole aorist was decided by the
Present; and we saw in § 748 p, 270, that where this

358 ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -so-. Bs21.

dependence upon the present stem is seen, the o-future always
goes along with the aorist. Compare Fyeawa Eyhvwa muogka
Forika inyoa ingha (for *inadon) with yodpu yhiga duogyrius
oxitw oziln maiko, but srepya idxpa (for *2degoa) toreita ipFeiga
(%p%ep0a) sorsia (ioreida) beside répnw déow orsizo pFsiow
oréido, Thus there is no ground for believing that, say,
Zoywauny inherited from the parent language its grade ayer
(cp. Skr. dehitsi), or that the conj. dsfom inherited *Jego-
(ep. Skr. dér§-a-t).

The vocalism is independent of the present in freon beside
tivm, or idute beside Cret. -déxvir (Att. dafevdor), amongst other
examples. The © of these forms was carried right through
the aorist system. However, it need not come exclusively
from the Conjunctive; 7 may have been shortened to « in the
indie, MaSa now, and in isvte indevoa sxspoe ete., by the
rule laid down in vol. 1 $ 611 p. 461. In this case é€ente
would be equivalent to Skr. dydukjam, his shortening
cannot have taken place in the 1* sing. guswu ivaua for
pr. Gir, “e-usro-a *é-vena-2, as is proved by Lesh. ijryog
Att. nv-d¢ (see loc. cit.). But it may have come about in the
2" and 3" sing., at a time when these took the forms *#-anvo(-c)
and *-~yvo(-r), ete. On this view, the old vowel gradation
must have been kept, or undergone nothing but regular change,
in the conj. act. and mid. dsftm detZouc and in the sing. indie.
act. ike; while there has been analogical influence in the
plural and dual indic. act., and in the whole of the indie.
middle, édsitauew ete., sdetdngy ete,

Survivals of the original weak grade are ‘ay, jjoay for
*)Fidav') beside éeoauny, Hom, éoracav beside fornou, dousvo-g
beside ijaaunv oaodar (Lat. sudst).

1) On foam Dor, 1 sing, iran ete,, which are due to the analogy of
Toor, see § 863.

_ =

3522. ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -s0-. 359

§ 822. Many o-aorists come from roots with characteristic,
or from present stems of different kinds (usually these have a
similar o-fature associated with them).

(1) Forms with Reduplication. fdidete from dddoxe
‘L teach’ for *dr-dax-oxm Class XXIIE (fut. didatu). éxtryva
from rirafvs “LT stretch’ for “rerav-go Class XXVO B,
Hom. réroqva from te-roaivm ‘IL bore’, cp. *8va under (2).
Hom. ja Att. ja from éioow "E vush wildly’ for *Fa-~Fer-co,
tnxoiputa from zo-guaow ‘1 blow, snort’, ¢xofvvton from mo
-rvi ‘L puff, pant? Class XXVII A (fut. dé g&w ete.).

(2) With a Nasal Suffix, diva, fyyva for *é-xhwo-c,
*#-pavo-e, trom xiv “1 bind’ for xii-vegw, patror ‘I cause to
appear’ for *p-r-yn, #Eqva for *4-Savo-« from Eaivw ‘| scratch,
comb’ for *E-cr-ww. Synva from vg-atvw “I weave’ (on the @
of fg@va see the Author, Gr. Gr,? 58 p. 71, Solmsen, Kuhn's
Zeitschr, xxix 66 f.). Vor these presents in -#-g@ and -av-co
see under Class XXIX § 743 pp. 265 f. The aorists were
formed on the unalogy of fxrswa from xreivw, imda from addin,
and so forth (§ 611 p, 150), The futures of these are xd
quvd iqguve, § T5T p. 276 f.

Romark. avyv« for *(3)-aave-ar-oe should be compared with the
Lith. 1# and 2°4 pl. injunct. (fut.) sw@e-f-s-me -te. But these forms are
not equivalent. For *says-y-s-, which may be the ground-form of the

Lith. aorist stem, would become *uJ-eo— in Groek. The Greck aorist was
built upon the present, at a time when -y-i6 had become -ar-gu (-a»m).

(3) With Nasal in the root (ep. $813 p. 351 f). tdayEe
from wiate “L strike, beat’ for “*wAayy-uuo Class XXIX: Lat.
plane-T, — ixiaySa (fut, xddySo) from xdctw ‘E make a sound,
ery’ for *xieyy-u0 Class XXIX and beside xdeyy-cvw Class XIV,
FopeySe (fut. apiySu) from opéyye “I bind, tie’ Class XVI. See
§ 621 p. 158, § 628 p. 166, § 631 p. 167, § 744 p. 266.

(4) Later group of Denominatives. Following terrane: xredvor,
innla : ndike, Zorsla : oréhdm, inkySa: najoow, iopake : opeiten
were formed oivésoyva from dvosaiay I name’, érexrqvepny from
rexredvojun ‘T carpenter’ (foyuave beside 2ojunve like tyeve,
see above), Fyyed« from ayyeiaen “LT announce’, éxjoiSa from

360 The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -s0-. $$ 822,823,
—— eee eee

x7nptoom ‘I proclaim’, foxata from apratw ‘I seize’, todtimyta
from dadmitw ‘1 sound the trumpet’ (for *oadmeyy-qu), éréheooa
Att. irfdaca from redsw -c “I finish’ (for *redeo-4o). The futures
are proud rexravotuce eyysho like xrend ete., but xetto
&ondéw oakniysu redécom like iajéw ete. Compare § 756.3
p. 275.

Many analogical changes took place in the aorist forms
from presents in -Cw, because these represent both -d-s@ and
~y-4m: &. g. Fonasa instead of jenaka following éNixada (dexlor
for -ad-yw), and @4éxo%a instead of 28ixaoa following fonate.
The ending -« became very common for d-verbs in Doric and
the N.-W. Greek dialects. The o-fature followed suit.

(5) c-aorists from stems having the suffixes -a-, -@ or 0
go back to the pre-(reek period. To those cited in § S13
p. 351, add the following: faryoa Dor. fer@ou from mn-d-
yomen- ‘think, mean’; éyaa Dor. ‘Saou from g-d- ‘to go’
(§$ 497 Rem. p. 57); you Kwoa from gi-e- gi-d- V gei- ‘live’;
izono« from yo-y- ‘to give an oracle’. Amongst dissyllabie
aorist stems with these suffixes, those in -7-0- take a prominent
place; as gugkqoe from mathe “it is a care’, 29Ayre from 4ého
‘I wish’, fdéyoa Hom. Aeol. édevxoa from déw Hom. Aeol. devo
‘I lack, need’, with which were associated forms made from
present stems with some characteristic, as xadtyody from tw
‘I place’ for *si-2d-0, frv'ntyoa from ren-rw ‘I strike’, ézaionda
from atom ‘I rejoice’ for *yao-ew, wigan from sw “I smell’ for
*od-co, With these go similar futures, as sernaw Proomee
pedjon, see § 750.1 p. 271, § 756.1 p. 275.

(6) Along with the forms mentioned under (5) go the
aorists of later denominatives, as ¢rfuéoa Ion. ériunoa, ipidnoa,
iuintwsa, daxyisa;, éxdvioa, See § 756.5 p. 276, § 773 p. 290,
§ 813 p. 351,

§ 823. Italic. Three Italic categories fall here.

(1) Forms of the perf. indic. ending in -s-F (to the
building up of which a great many things have gone, see
§ 367). We have already mentioned démpst prompst serpst

2 =|

$923, ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -s0-. 361

torst mulst vist dit usst virt coxt -réat -léxt pli sudst
joust jusst, janet &-miinat planat; $§ 812, 818. Other examples
are: manst from maned. tempst from temnd. mizxi (mbxi?) and
minzxt from mingd (/ meigh- ‘to stale’: Gr. murka (¢?), Lith.
i" and 2° pl, injunct. (fut.) myse-me -fe. sertpst from scribd.
di-vtst from di-vidd. frtxt from frigd: op. Skr. d-bhrakj-am
d-bhark§-am (gramm.) from bhyjjd-ti (cp. § 524 p. 87), daiet
from died. clepst from clepd: Gr. exdewa from xhéa-rw
‘L steal’. peat from pec-td: Gr. énetéeny from nex-rém “I comb’.
con-spéxt from -spicid. ges-st from gerd for *gesd. aurt
from auged: Lith. 1 and 24 pl, injunct. (fut.) duks-me -te from
dugu ‘I increase’. haest for *haes-st from haered. With
internal nasal (ep. jamz? etc., above): O.Lat. ntnzi-t from
ningui-t ysneigh- ‘snow’: op. Gr. Everpe (Evtwe). — distinat
from distingud: cp. Gr, earka from otlfw ‘I prick, pierce’.
sdnxt from sancid beside sacer.

In the paradigm of dfzt there is not one form which ean
be held with any safety to be regularly derived from one of the
unthematic forms of the pr. Idg. s-aorist. We cannot connect
the 1 sing. with Skr. mid. hy-§-@ beside d-ky-$-i (§ 656
p- 191), because of its past meaning. It is as impossible to
prove that -imus in dfr-imus represents a proethnie *-gunos,
as it is to prove that -uzer in é-deéS-euey represents *-yimen
(§ 820 p. 356). The short forms of the 2" pl, e, g. dixtis
accestis exclistis, may, it is true, be regarded one and all as
s-aorist forms (cp. Stolz, Lat, Gr.* p, 372 footnote 3); but on
the other hand there is nothing against the traditional view,
namely, that they are contractions of diristis accessistis ex-
clfisistis (op. Osthoff, Perf. 216 ff).

{ would suggest that before the s-aorist had been drawn
into any close connexion with perfect forms like tu-tud-+ and
with aorists like fid-i-t, some thematic forms had intermingled
themselves amongst the non-thematie forms of the s-aorist, just
as happened in other branches of Indo-Germanie (§ $33).
I regard as thematic aorist forms, originally with secondary
personal ending, dizi-t and dixi-mus (ep. Skr. d-dikga-t

362 ‘The s-Aoriste: Stems in -e- and -s0-. $$ 925,824.

d-dikga-ma, Gr. &-de%, O.CSI. jeso-mii), whose ending is
equivalent to that of fidi-¢ fidi-mus; then between pret. visi-t
visi-mus and present vlsi-t visi-mus there was the same
relation as between pret. scandi-t and pres. scandi-t (the
preterite forms originally had « secondary personal suffix). If
aorists of this kind came to have the same syntactical value
as perfect forms such as ¢otondit totondimus, then dtr-P fid-T
might be made on the model of totond-t. To this group were
attracted ofdistis vidistt, which really belong to the is-aorist
(possibly ofderunt also, see § 1028), and on the model of them
sprang up déristis dixist) dixerunt (§ 841).

§ 824. (2) The Conjunctive with -e- -o-, and the Optative
with -t-.

Lat. dtro dézim: Gr, dsiko. azim: cp, Gr. dere § 888.
empsim, in-cénsim, capsd capsim, ob-jexim, fax6 faxitur
foxim, oc-ctsim, ausim. Conj. dixd beside indie. pres. vfsd
indic. pret. diri-t dtaxi-mus, like Skr. conj. tdsa-t(i) beside
indie, pres. fdsa-ti pret. (d-)tqsa-t, see $ 833.

The Umbr.-Ose. s-fature is also a similar conjunctive (on
the disappearance of the conj. vowel, see I § 633 p. 474,
§ 655.5 p. 503 and the remarks on the ending -e-d of the
3" sing. perf. in § 867.7 below). Umbr. fust fust Osc. fust
‘eri’ Umbr. 3" pl. furent: ep. Gr. sptoa etc., § 812 p. 350.
Umbr. pru-pehast ‘ante _ piabit’. Osc. deivast ‘inrabit’,
censazet ‘censebunt’. Compare the future with -es-, Umbr.
ferest Ose. pert-emest § 837. The ending of the 3" pl. Umbr.
-ent(i) stands for *-onti, see § 1022 at the end.

(8) Conjunctive with -2 (§ 9265). Ose. fusid “foret’,
ep. § 812 p. 350. Lat. essem, ep, Gr. fut. sooona. Lat. ferrem
vellen essem con-derem (vy dhé-) davem starem, see § 812
pp. 348 f. With the root-suffixes -d-, -€-: in-trarem hidrem
flarem narem ararem juvtirem, -plérem nérem flérem vidérem
tactrem: then denominatives as plantarem claudérem firtrem,
See $815 p. 351. Pelign. spsaseter ‘operaretur’ or ‘operarentur’.

il

$$ 8248286, The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -so-. 363.

Compare the forms with -es- Lat. agerem riverem, Oxo,
patensins for *patenestnt § 837.

This @-conjunctive from the s- and es-aorist was very
closely connected in Latin with the Infinitive in -se for *-9-¢
(loc. sing.); ©. g. esse ferre in-trare -plere plantare claudére
JSintre. The same sort of thing occurs in Aryan and Greek;
as Skr. inf. ji-g-€ beside indie. djaisj-am (mid. *d-jij-i), inf.
riij-ds-é beside indie. pAj-as-€ part. yijas-dnd-s, Avest. inf.
@ nas-— (to make away with’) beside nd§-tma (§ 815), Gr.
OeTSce pevyoue tipjom xovwtom beside dese ete. The infinitives
belong to nominal s-stems (II § 132 pp. 414, 416, 418, § 162
pp. 489 f.), and are a proof of the etymological sameness of the
s-suffix in the verb and in the nown; see § 655 p. 189, § 834.

§ 825. As regards the relation of the vocalism in the
root-syllable of the Italie s-forms to that of the parent language
(§ 811 p. 348), all is obscure,

The vocalism has been influenced by non-aorist forms in
many words; ¢. g. mulst beside menlged muletum, torst beside
torqued tortum, compared with terst beside terged (tergd)
tersum. Sometimes the aorist goes along with the to-participle,
and is different from the present; wsst: ustu-s, but ard;
di-visi : dt-vtsu-s, but -vido; howbeit, mist is different from
missus.

Whether @ in -léxt text vézt réxt in the Idg. € of O.C.SI.
téchii Skr. ddhakgam, is doubtful in the extreme. It appears
to have been imported from forms like lég-? beside partie. /c-
-tu-s, and suchlike, coat (for *quext) like Gr. inewa, ep. partic.
coctu-s (for *quectu-s).

As regards forms like serpst diet (for deiz-) it must be
remembered that @ may have been shortened to ¢ as set forth
in vol. I § 612 p. 462, serps- for *sérps- and s0 on.

§ 826. Keltic. In Irish the only indie, forms we have
are the 2" and 3° sing., but without augment, and therefore
really injunctive. The 2° sing. is only used as a conjunctive
(or hortative), the 3" sing. both as conj. and future, Examples:
24 sing. comeir ‘raise thyself’ for *odm-ecs-rece-s beside

|

—

364 The s-Aorists : Stems in -*- and -so-. $5 826,827.

con-érgim ‘I raise myself’: Gr. Wes€a, 2" sing. tair ‘vent for
*té-air-incs-3, 3° sing. tair ‘veniat’ for *-incs-t, co-tf “donee
veniat’ for *-t(0)-inca-t beside -icim: cp. Skr. pret. mid. dkg-i
beside pres. dkga-té from ad-nd-ti ‘reaches’ (§ 659 p. 194).
for-t@ ‘subyeniat, iuvet’ for *-steics-t beside tiagim ‘I step, go!
(for-tiagim ‘I come to the help’), ysteigh-: Gr. é-orsié-a;
perhaps by contamination of -t@ with the conjunetive #ais (see
below) arose -f2i, which is used as equivalent to -t&. do-n-/e
“let him lead us’ for *-vets-t') beside fedim ‘I bring, lead’:
Lith. vasme ete., see § 812 p. 350.

In all persons the Conjunctive is used with conj. meaning,
and more rarely as a future. Examples: — from téagim:
sing. I" pres. -tias 2" -t#is 3° (abs,) féis fés, pl. 1" -tiasam
2-4 -fasid 3° -tiasat. On account of the relation between
absolute and conjunct inflexion in the present, arose the new
forms sing. I" tiase 24 féisi, pl. 1" téisme 24 Wesit. Other
instances: no tes ‘effugiam’ from techim ‘I flee’: O.C.SI, téch=té
from teka ‘I run, flee’: at-resat ‘surgent’ from at-reig ‘raises
itself", cp. comeir above; co n-darbais ‘ut emonstres’ from
du-ad-bat ‘demonstrat’ (pass, -badar); ma fris-tossam “si
abjuraverimus’ from tongaim ‘iuro’,

Again, the so-called ¢-preterite comes in here, as far as it
was derived from the 3" sing, mid. of the s-aorist in *-s-to;
say do-bert ‘he brought for *-ber-s-to, celt ‘celavit’ for “cel-s-to,
ro-anacht ‘he protected’ for *anek-s-to. See § 506 p. 72 f.

§ 627. Germanic. A survival of the s-aorist is con-
jectured in O.TLG. seri-r-un ‘they cried’ opt. seri-r-i (part.
pret. gi-scriran) beside pret. sing. srei ‘he cried’ pres. inf,
serian ‘to ery’; -r- = pr. Germ. -2-, see I § 581 p. 434,
Later on, this r- formation got into the verb sptwan ‘to spew’,
the participle being changed from ge-spiwen to ge-spiren (but,
vice versa, O.H.G. 3" pl. er-scriveun follows spitoun). See

1) The long vowel in -/@ is not due to Compensatory Lengthening,
but to the fact that monosyllables bearing the chief accent, and ending
in w vowel, wero all lengthened in Irish (III § 440.2 p. 873).

|

85 827,828. ‘The s-Acrists: Stems in -s- and -so-. 365

Joh. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxv 599 f.; Kluge, Paul’s
Grundr, 1 875. But this view of scrirum is very questionable;
see G, Holz, Urgerm. geschloss. 2 pp. 47 f.; and Zarncke in
P.-B. Beitr, XV 350 ff.

A few s-aorist forms have perhaps contributed to the system
of the weak preterite, as Goth. rissa O.1L.G. wissa ‘he knew’,
whose plurals wissum twissut wissun may be compared with
Gir, ioav, Compare § 907.

$828, Balto-Slavonie,

In Lithuanian, we find the 1" and 2"? plural and the
1* and 2"4 dual injunctive used with future meaning. They
have run into one paradigm with the future in -siu (§ 761
p- 278), and in certain dialects appear side by side with the
future in -sime -site and -siva -sita. As the Lith, future could
be used hortatively in the 1" and 2°¢ persons, there is the less
reason for surprise at this commixture of the injunctive with
the future in -sio-. In addition, the 3" sing. in -s appears to
belong to our s-norist, at least partly. If, for example, we
assume that -* comes from -st, it is easy to understand the
vowel shortening in bis (1 sing. busiv) ris (1* sing. rysiu)
gaits (1" sing. gdusiu) and the like, of which more is said in
1 § 664.3 p. 523. Then we may compare the use of the future
in general statements as kas vdks nepratéps ‘the thief never
grows rich’ with the similar use of the injunctive in Greek
(§ 909.1). And further, this view of the 3" singular is
favoured by the Prussian forms, used exclusively as conjunctive,
boasai (boasei boase) ‘be he, be they’, and the like, which cannot
be separated from Lith. su-gausai beside su-gaiis ete., whose
-ai moreover is the same affix as we see in tasat beside tas
‘the, that’ (§ 999). This would be making *bas for *ba-s-t
procthnic Baltic.

O.CSL. s-aorist forms of this group are the 2" and 8" sing.,
plur., aud dual; as sing. je je, pl. jeste jese, dual jesta jeste;
but the I* persons are thematic (jesit jesoiti jesoné); see § 833.

Of s-forms preserved in both branches we have mentioned
in § 812 gis-me -te from gent ‘I hunt, drive’ O.C,S. po-ée from

366 The s-Aorista: Stems in =s- and -s0-, ‘$8 828,529.
Zin-jq ‘I cut, harvest’, Lith, ims-me from imi ‘I take’
O.C.Sl. jes-ti from ima ‘I take’, Lith, pldus-me from pldu-ju
‘L rinse’ O,C.S1. pluch-ti from plov-q ‘I swim, sail’, Lith. pa-
-biisme from pa-bundi “lL awake’ O.C\SI, bljusti from bijuda
‘L guard, protect, take care’, Lith. vész-me from vedi ‘I
drive’ (trans,) O.C.SI. vés-ii from vezq ‘1 drive’ (trans,),
Lith. vés-me from vedit ‘I lead’ O.0.SI. ods-ti from ved-q
‘I lead’, Lith. déks-me from deg-% ‘I burn’ (trans. and
intr.) O.C.SI. gachii from Zeg-q ‘I burn’ (trans.), Lith. é-me
from @d-mi @d-u ‘I eat? O.C.SI. jas-ii from jam ‘esse’,
Lith. dés-me from de-d-& ‘I lay’ O.C.SI. déch-it from dé-jq
‘L lay’, Lith. spés-me from spé-ju “I have leisure’ 0.0.81.
spéch-it from spé-jq ‘1 get on, have success’, Lith, dé’'s-me
from dit’dy ‘I give’ O.C.SI. dach-ii from damit ‘I give’, Lith.
stés-me from sté-ju ‘I tread’ O.C.SI. stach-ii from sta-n@
‘'T place myself’, Lith. biis-me from bri-ti ‘to he’ O.C,S1. bych-it
from by-ti ‘to be’, Lith, gys-me from gy-ji ‘I revive, get well’
O.C SL. dich-ti from di-vq ‘I live’, Forms with -a-, -é, and
denominative forms in § 813: Lith. pa-vydésme from pa-oyd-Siu
‘invideo’ O.C.SI. vidéchii from vigdq ‘I see’, Lith. tankds-me
from lanké-ju ‘I try to make soft or malleable’ 0,C.SI. lakach-it
from laka-jq ‘I cheat, deceive’.

§ 820. Lithuanian. Besides the examples given in
$ 828 others were given in §§ 812 and 813, as milsz-me from
méti-u ‘I milk’, sés-me from séd-u ‘I place myself, sit’, dids-me
from #iéju ‘I open my mouth’, gidés-mé-s from gidé-ja-s
‘Tam greedy’, jéki's-me from jiki'-ju ‘I play, sport’.

The voealisation of the root in the forms under § 812 is
always that of the sjo-future. There is no trace left of the
Idg. vowel gradation (§ 811 p. 348).

From present stems with internal Nasal: jinks-me from
jing-iu ‘I put in the yoke’, sk&s-me from skind-din ‘I lament’
(cp. § 761 p. 278), to be compared with Skr. d-yukf-mahi
Lat. janc-t. From presents in -inu -enu: satisjs-me from
sotis-inu ‘I make dry’, gabgs-me from gabe-nit ‘I push something

a

$3 829,890. ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -#-. 367

forward, help it on’ (ep. § 761 p. 278), to be compared with
Gr. avg for *(2-Jouvo-ur-a0 (§ 822. 2 p. 359), and again with
O.CSL vrignach-t, granting the correctness of the hypothesis
offered in § 615 Rem. p. 154.

§ 830. Slavonic. Some examples were given in § 828,
and more in $§ 812 and 813; as po-sluchii from -slu-ja ‘I hear’,
orach~it from or-jq ‘I plough’, rtidéch-ti from riiéda “rubeo’,
elléch-ti trom célé-jq “I get well’, On the aorist in -nqch-ti, as
vrichnachti trom orig-nq ‘I throw’, see § 615 p. 154 and § 829.

The general question of the s-aorist inflexion has been
discussed in § 829 p. 366. In the 2"! and 3™ sing. -s-s and
-s-t dropt entirely by rule, which gave forms like je the look
of a preterite of our I Present Class, those like 2na ora riidé
the look of preterites of Present Class X, and denominatives
like (aka the look of preterites without -io- such as Gr. Lesb,
iriua (for *-a-t). Probably, however, some of these forms
really are what they look like; for instance é ‘eras, erat’ may
come from Idg. *bhy-é-s -¢ as well, and da ‘thou gavest, he
gave’ may also come from Idg. *dd-s -t,

With roots in a consonant, the 2" and 3" sing, are found
only when this root-final was a nasal, r, or /; as je (jest), aré
and rt (Zréchit for *Zerchii and Zrichii from #ir-q ‘I devour,
offer’), Ala (klachit for *kolchit from kol-jq ‘I slay’); otherwise
the thematic aorist without s was used, as 2"¢ and 3™ sing. tede
beside téchit téchomi ete, The reason is that these roots were
the only ones which according to the laws of Slavonie did not
drop their final consonant.

The 2” and 3" sing. often add -ti, the ending of the
3" sing. pres.; as pri-jetit instead of -j¢, biti instead of bi (bija
‘L strike’), u-mréti instead of -mré (u-mira ‘I die’); dastit
instead of da following dastté ‘dat. his addition came up
first in the 8™ sing. aorist, and then went on to the 2™4 sing.
because the two persons had the same form. Compare imper.
jaédt both 2 and 3" sing. § 949, and again Skr. 2"* and
8" dual cakr-dthur -dtur § 1088.

368 The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -s0-, $$931,832,

$ 831. From what was said in § 811 p. 348 on the Idg.
gradation of the root syllable, it follows that @ is original in
such forms as vési nésit téchit récht (reka ‘I say’), and the
a = Idg. 0 in basit (boda ‘I pierce’, ep. Lat. fodio fodi); the
long vowel was originally confined to the singular. Since a
long vowel before i, w, liquid, or Nasal + Consonant was
shortened, as laid down in vol. I § 615 p, 465, the same vowel-
grade may be assumed for forms like bich-it (*bhéj-s-), cisit
(eH ‘I count, reckon, honour’, cp. Skr. caits-), po-sluchit
(Skr. Sraug-), mréch-it for *merch-ii (mitra ‘1 die’, *mér-s-),
orés- for *vers-t (vriz-q ‘T tie’, cp. Lith. 1* and 2"¢ pl, injunce.
werse-me -te from vers-ik ‘I tie’, \Cuergh-), mes-a (meta
‘T stir up’).

Where the root syllable has a weak grade, this is always
seen in the infinitive stem as well, so that we are not justified
in assuming that it comes from the Idg. weak form of the
plural and dual active. E. g. grich-ii (also Zréch-ti) beside ért-té
{also éré-ti), klach-tt for *kotch-t beside ka-ti for *kol-ti from
gl- like Lith. kdls-me -te (§ 726 p. 256), krych-it beside kry-ti
‘to cover’ as contrasted with Lith. krdus-me krdu-ti,

§ 832. Roots ending in a consonant also make aorists with
the ending -ocht in O.C.SL; e. g. beside nésii: sing. nesochit,
pl. nesochomit nesoste nesoSe, dual nesochové nesosta nesoste.
The W.-Slav. languages have -ech etc. instead of S,-E.-Slay.
-ochi etc, The conjecture as to this inflexion offered in vol. T
§ 110 p, 105, and supported now by Jagi¢é, is untenable
(Arch. slay. Phil, x 175, 191). It is far more likely that this
is some peculiar Slavonic growth; probably a transformation of
the aorist without s (wes) on the analogy of the s-aorist. The
relation of the 2" and 38” sing. déla to the 2 pl. délaste
2n¢ dual -asta 3™ dual -aste first caused the 2 and 3" sing. nese
to change its forms nesete -efa -ete into neseste -esta -este, as
the former were the sume as those of the present. Next,
nesochomit nesochoré miy have arisen beside nesomit nesoré,
and by and by the 1* sing. nesochii completed the group. Then

$9 832,833. ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -s- and -so-. 369

differences were levelled out, the West-Slavonic in all consistency
putting e- in all persons (mesech etc.), while the other branch
took -o-, and changed neseste to mesoste etc. A different view
is taken by Wiedemann, Beitr. zur altbulg. Conj., 109 f.

il. Thematic s-stems,

§ 833. The forms which fall under this heading belong
to our XX" Present Class. They bave been partly given in
§§ 657 ff., and the only reason for reverting to them here is
that they are yery intimately connected with the non-thematic
s-aorist.

(1) Indicative. In Sanskrit, as we saw in § 659 p. 194,
the use of the thematic vowel with the s-aorist was conditioned
by the form of the Root, as d-mykja-t; but non-thematic
inflexion is also found, as d-dikg-i beside d-dikja-t from dis-
‘to show, point’, d-draks-am beside d-dykja-t from dy$- to see’,
a-srakj-am d-srk§-i from syj- ‘to free’. O.Pers. niy-apisam
‘l wrote’ seems to be similar to d-dikj-a-m, see loc. cit. above.
An Avestie thematic form is a-sqsa-p from savh- (kens-)
‘speak’, with strong root.

In Greek, the 3" sing. act. was thematic from the pro-
ethnic stage; e. g. sJdage, see § 820 p. 356. In the Epic
dialect this is true of other persons, as f&s-g ifo-y beside fSo-
-uar “I will come’, 2-frjoe-ro beside #-fyo-« fut, Bioo-em from
g-d- ‘go’ (see Curtius, Verb I1* pp. 307 f,). Perhaps these
latter forms arose partly by analogy of the 3™sing. in -2, and
partly by that of thematic forms of the imperative (see below).

Remark. The Att. fnevor “I fell’ Zyrov ‘oucavi’ do not come in
here. They got their a from the fut. mesotwa yeroiwe. Seo ¥. Hart
mann, De aor. sec., 66; Wackernagel, Kuhn's Zeitachr. xxx 318 ff.;
the Author, Gr. Gr.? p, 169.

Latin. Aorists of this sort are forms like dfri-t dixi-mus,
see § 828 p. 861. These forms were related to the conj. (fut)
dixd and to the opt. dizim just as Skr. d-bhakja-t to conj.
bhakja-t, and Gr. &Byae to conj. Pijoo-ner.

Drogmann, Klemens. TV. cy

870 ‘Tho sAoriste: Stems in -s- and -s0-. $838,

Trish, Mid.Ir. seiss ‘has seated himself, sat’ and ‘sits’ for
*setse-t from sed-, ep. Skr. conj. sdts-a-t Gr. indic. foo,
From seiss a8 used for the present upsprang a redupl. pret,
siassair ‘he sat’ for *se-(s)ess- (Thurneysen, Kubn’s Zeitschr,
XXxI 99), to be compared with Skr. na-ndkg-ir from ndk-Sa-ti
‘reaches’ and others (§ 659 p. 194).

In 0.C,Slay. the 1 persons are thematic, as jest jeso-mit
jeso-vé. On the ch of dachtt trichit ete., see I § 588.1 and 2,
pp. 442 f.; on the Idg, sound-groups ks and gs in nésit (mesa)
and réchii (rekq), see ibid., and § 414 p. 303. The stype
spread into the ch-series, and thus we have forms like jachit
jachomit instead of jasii jasomii (ground-form *ééso-, / ed-
‘to eat’), a8 also in the 3™ pl. jase instoad of jase.

(2) Imperative. Aryan and Greek forms come in here.
Ved, 2"4 sing. né§a, ep. conj. né§-a-t@) from ni- ‘to lead’; parga,
cp. conj. pdr§-a-t(i) from par- ‘to bring over, transfer’; mid.
3" sing, rdsa-tam 3° pl. rasa-ntam, ep. conj. rds-a-t() from
ra- ‘to give. Avest. 3° pl. jamhe-ntu, ep. conj. Gath. jéagha-
-itt from jam- (gem-) ‘to go’. Gr, Ep. olos oioftm, op. fut.
oiow ‘T will carry, or bring’; éyeoFe (sing. dyeo in Hesyeh.),
cp. fut. dwouae “I shall see’; dere dfeade, op. fut. mw ‘I will
lead’; Znefizjoeo, AeSeo and others, These Greek imperative
forms were adduced in § 747 p. 269 to support the theory
that the o-future, at least in part, has grown out of the con-
junctive of the s-aorist. I admit that the parallel o-conjunctives
of Aryan and Greek, with which the imperative forms went
very closely, belong to the non-thematic indicative with s,
But I must remind my readers of the formal identity of the
Skr. conj. ¢ds-a-t(i) and the indic. tq-sa-ti Goth, -Jinsa,
Imperative forms with a genuine personal ending are really
Injunctiye, and these have been used in the parent language
and ever since both for the Indicative and for the Conjunctive
(wish, futurity); see § 909. Compare § 854, on the imper,
perf. Skr. muméc-a-ta Gr. xexpéy-e-te,

(3) Participle. Skr. dhija-mana-s Avest. dtSe-mna-
beside Avest. 2 sing, indie, dais from dhi- ‘to notice’, Avest,

al

$834, ‘The sAoriata: Stoms in -ea-, -a-, and -fs-, 871

xinaoge-mna- beside 3" pl. injunct. xsnaogen from z¥nu- ‘to join
oneself to, comply with’,

B. srems ix -e3-, -8-, ann -fs-.

§ 834, Between -s- and what is usually called the Root
there often appears -e-, -o-, or -i-. We have -e-s- in Aryan,
Greek,') Italic, perhaps Keltic; -a-s- in Aryan, Greek, perhaps
Keltic; -i-s- in Latin (-i-s- in Sanskrit). In view of the
connexion of verbal forms with -s- and noun-stems with -s
(§ 655 pp. 189 f., § 824 p. 363), we may identify Gr. *fedig- in
side-e yds-a with *Fedso- in gen. séds-oc, 24 sing. mid. e-nehdo~
-yc with ady. afieg, Skr. mid, d-rdcij-ta with neut, rdcif-,
3" pl. d-jarij-ur with Gr. yjoes, and Lat. etdis-tis may be
compared with cinis Gr. Ajuo- (IL § 134 pp. 425 f,). The
same intermediate vowels occur in the s-future: Gr. revém
tev, meham neha, Skr, rdcigya-té, see § 749 ff. pp. 271

Special vowel-grades for the root-syllable, as in the s-aorist
(§ 811), cannot be made out for the parent language; and
regard being had to the variants -e-s-, -9-s-, -i-s-, which
undoubtedly must often have been interchanged by form-
transference, we might expect without further argument an
intricate ablaut in the root syllable, The commonest grade in
historical times is the e-grade (1" Strong Grade), as yejd- in
Skr. vedig- Gr. side(o)- Lat. ofdis-, gem- in Skr. gami§-
Umbr.-Ose, benes-; cp. the s-future Skr. hanijya-ti Gr.
Savio eto.

As regards the tense, or kind of action denoted, we must
observe that whilst the s-stems described under (A) are
prevailingly aorist, so that we must regard this as fairly
representing the proethnic use, these -es- -93- and ~is-stems do
not have the aoristic use anything like so often in proportion;
for instance, Skr. arcas-€ Gr, jdse never had it. The verb-

1) L no longer regard « in Gr. dex a8 representing Idg. 2. Seo
Pp. 271 footnote 1.
a

BIZ ‘The e-Aorists: Stems in -es-, -o8-, and -fe-, §$ 884-896

‘suffix -s- therefore, in all its forms, had originally nothing at
all to do with tense. This explains the mass of instances in
all sorts of languages where s runs right through the verb
(cp. the s-verbs, in §§ 656 ff). Hence it happens that even
where s does not go through a verb, s-forms often enough
have no aorist meaning, as in Gr. sid-eo- (ydee eidéw sidelqy).
It certainly cannot be proven that here the meaning conveyed
was originally aorist. Here again we see how useful it would
be if we could keep Verb Morphology quite free from terms
borrowed from Syntax (cp. § 484 pp. 33 ff).

I. es-stems.

§ 835. There are no -es-preterites in Aryan. But we
may refer once more to the presents cited in § 656 pp. 190f.,
Skr. c-ds-te (Gr. éni-sorm) arc-as-€ Avest. rdrzh-awh-oi ete,

§$ 836. Greek. jjdea side “I knew’, served for a
preterite to olde ‘I know’, cp. O.Ir, ro-fetar ‘I know’ with -es-
or -is- (§ 838), Skr. d-védig-am with -ss-, Lat. vfdis-tis with
; conj. Ton-Att. eidéo sida (2"4 sing, sidéye side 8" pl.
aidéom sido by transfer to the é: d- conj.)") and (Hom.) Wie,
op. Skr. vadif-a-t Lat, vider-d, opt. eidsiuey for *frd-s0-7-eew
sing. eiqr, op. Lat. vtder-t-mus vider-i-m.

Hom, jjra (unless it be properly jjse — see below —, the
form in our texts is qm) Att. yew ‘I went’, imperf. and aor.
preterite to «ya, ground-form *é-es-g, ep. Umbr. conj. (fut.)
eest est ‘ibit? for *ej-es-e-t(i), Skr. mid. dy-ij-ta (gramm.), Lat.
dis- (i.e, *ej-is-) in dis-tis fer-6 ier-i-m. As in pr, Greek j
dropped between sonants, jjew (which should be “s) must
have got its iota subseript from iusy ete. (§ 502 p. 64);
and it becomes a question whether the Homeric form should
not be read jr. If Hom. siny is to be recognised for an

1) On the forms *ta sitge in the text of Homer, see W. Schulze,

Kubn’s Zeitsohr. xix 251,

$836. Tho s-Aorists: Stems in -es-, -2s-, and -ts-. 373.

optative of «fa (see Curtius, Verb u* p. 99), it is natural to
derive it from *4(,)-e(o)-yy-¥-

Remark. G, Mekler's theory (Beitr. zur Bild. des Gr. Verb.,
69 ff.), that dre comes from *yFedeie, an aorist of the verb sdém, in
untenable. See Wackernagel, Phil, Anzeigor 1887 pp. 240 £

é-nopis-Ing (stem xogso- ‘to satisfy’) é-cregéo-yg (stem
oroges- ‘sternere’) come in here as the 2™ sing. mid., if we
may venture to assume that they helped to form the %y-aorist
(§ 589 pp. 120 f). On éxdpen(a)a éordgso(a)a, see § 842.

Furthermore, the future in -ém, as xogém revéu, if it be a
conj. of the es-aorist and not for -ed-«m (§ 747 p. 269). The
difference in the use of this future and eldém is explained
because sid#o was bound fast to the indic. sidea.

-es- in Greek has been borrowed by perfect stems, as
nenoid-ea nsnoidew beside nénorda “I believe’, toryjxev beside
fornxa ‘I stand’, ixeriseyxew beside reréuyxa ‘I have honoured’
(side by side with the old perf. preterites like énémouer foraper
yeyarnr); the same with -is- in Latin, as totondis-tis totonder-d
totonder-i-m. I incline to think that this transfer is independent
in Greek and Latin, aenoldsa following sidsa and totondistis
following vidistis; but some hold that it took place before the
original language broke up. The matter is discussed by
Mahlow, Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxvi 583; the Author, Ber, d. kgl.
siichs, Ges. d. Wiss., 1883, pp. 178 f.; Thurneysen, Bezz, Beitr.
vill 274; and others. How obvious this re-formation was
can be seen from Irish, where im later times the perfect was
very largely transformed on the analogy of the s-preterite, as
tanacus “I came’ instead of tanac,

In the Indicative, -s« -sag -se(v) became in Ton.-Att. «7 -4g
-u(y). Then -e(%) by complementary analogy produces Att. -ew
-ig, op. jv ‘eram’ instead of ja 7 § 502 p. 65, The 3 pL
was -soay in older Attic; this followed *-co-rs *-s0-row *-s0-rny
as joav followed jore etc. (§ 1021), -souy similarly caused the
forming of -s4ev -ere, which are the endings of old Attic. The
endings -«psy -sre -aoay are firat found at a late period; so
it can scarcely be allowable to derive -ssv from *-souer, which

—

374 ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -es-, -as-, and -¥s-. §§ 636898.

has to be postulated for proethnic Greek. Probably -a- came
in from the singular.

A Greek new formation is doubtless the opt. deSuay, for
*-a-e0-av, which, on the analogy of the indicative, produced
deiFuag -ss; similarly Skr. d-yi-s-ij-am (§ 839) and Lat. die-
~is-tis dix-er-6 dix-er-i-m (§ 841). Compare §§ 944 and
1021.1.

§ 837. Italic has nothing but Conjunctive forms.

(1) o-Conjunctive used as future in Umbr.-Ose. (cp. fust
§ 824 p. 362). Umbr. eest est ‘ibit’ for *ej-es-e(ti): Gr. jew
§ 836; ferest ‘feret’, an-penes ‘impendes’. Osc. pert-emest
‘perimet’. The same future could be made from present stems
with some characteristic, as Osc. didest ‘dabit’ beside Vestin.
di-d-e-t ‘dat’ (§ 553 p. 107), to be compared with Skr. mid.
d-dad-i§-fa beside dd-da-ti dd-d-a-ti; Umbr. heries ‘voles’
heriest ‘volet’ beside heris ‘vis’ Osc. heriiad ‘velit? (§ 706
p. 283, § 716 p. 249).

(2) &@Conjunctive in Latin and Umbr.-Osean (cp. Lat.
es-s-e-m Osc, fu-s-i-d, § 824 p. 362).

Lat, ager-e-m ager-2-s: op. Skr, 8" pl. djig-ur. unguer-e-m:
cp. Skr. dajig-am, merger-e-m: ep. Skr. d-majjij-am. clver-e-m:
cp. Skr. d-jivij-am. 1 think it more likely that forem comes
from *fu-es-@ (I § 172.3 p. 152), than from *fu-s-é; it there-
fore belongs to -bd for *fud, as agerem to agd. The same
formation is made from characterised present stems; as sisterem
from si-st-d, jungerem from jung-d yjeug- (op. Skr. pij-as-€
§ 656 p. 191, Gindh-if-ta § 839), sternerem from ster-nd,
gndscerem trom gnd-scd.

Umbr. ostensendi ‘ostenderentur’ for —_*-tendes-2-ntér
(§ 1082.1). Oxe, herrins ‘caperent’ for *heres-@-nt from a
pres. “herd, patensins ‘aperirent’ for *patenes-@-nt from a
pres. *patend (§ 622 p. 159).

§ 838. Keltic, O.Ir. ro-fetar ‘I know’ 8" sing. ro-fitir
for *wid-es- (I § 521 p. 379, and Thurneysen Kuhn's Zeitsehr,
Xxxi 62 f., 98): Gr. idea conj, Hom. ids beside sidéw, § 836
p. 373. 1 conjecture that ro-fetar originally meant ‘1 have

— ll

§ ssa. ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in -rs-, -as-, and -Te-. 375

learnt’, hence its present meaning ‘I know’, ep. seiss § 883
p. 870. The phonetic rules however permit of another
derivation, from *yid-is-, in which case it would come near
to Lat. vidis-tis,

Il. as-stems.

§ 839. Aryan -is- in Sanskrit and in the Gatha dialect
of the Avesta.

{In the Gathas we find three forms, 1" sing. conj, znev-
-#8-a from xénu- ‘to attach oneself” (ep. xénao-se-mna- § 833
p. 371), indie, mid, civ-18-i civ-ii-ta from ku- ‘to look away to
something, to hope’; t is probably to be read ¥, as often.

The formation is common in Sanskrit. As regards the
2” pl. mid, in -idhvam, as djanidhvam, it is to be noted that
-idh- is due to the analogy of the other persons which have
~i§- instead of *-i@h- — *-igdh- (I § 591 pp. 447 f.).

Usually with e-grade (I* Strong Grade) in the root.
d-star-ig-am from star- ‘to strew’. 2” sing. mid. kgan-i§-thas
from k§an- ‘to wound’, 3 sing. mid. ydm-ij-ta from yam-
‘cohibere’, 2°4 dual cay-ig-fam from ci- ‘to put in layers, collect’,
3 sing. mid. d-nap-ij-ta from nu- ‘to praise’. d-dhar§-is-ur
from dhar§- ‘to be brave, dare’, Conj. jambh-if-a-t from
Jjambh- ‘to snap at. d-dqs-if-am from Sqs- ‘to praise’. 8 pl.
mid. d-bddh-is-ata, conj. bédh-ij-a-t from budh- “to awake,
notice’. 8" sing. mid. d-sah-i§-ta opt. sah-ij-l-mdhi from sah-
‘to subdue’, 3" pl. dj-ij-ur from aj- ‘agere’.

Other grades of root. d-bhar-ig-am from bhar- ‘to carry’.
d-tar-i§-am conj. tdrig-a-t opt. taré§-t-mahi from tar- ‘to carry
across, pass through’, 3" pl. mid. (pass.) d-nay-if-ata from
ni- ‘to lead’. Opt. idh-i§--mahi from idh- ‘set afire’. Opt.
gm-if-iya from gam- "to go’.

As the root of 2" sing. mid. pér-ij-thas (par- ‘to fill)
shows it to have been based upon verbal forms like par-dht,
80 also the i§-aorist is often made from a characterised present
stem. 3” sing. mid. d-dad-ij-ta beside dé-da-ti da-d-a-ti from

——=»

876 ‘The s-Aorist: Stems in -¢a-, -as-, and -Te-. $839.
Se

da- ‘to give’ (op. Osc. didest, § 837.1 p. 374). 3 sing. mid.
@indh-ij-ta opt. indh-ij-tya (also idh-ij-) beside in(d)dhé
pl. indh-te from idh-, d-drh-ij-am beside dfh-a-ti from darh-
‘to make firm’ (ep. Lat. junger-e-m § 837.2 p. 874). alps-is-
-am beside fp-sa-ti from a@p- ap- ‘to attain’, 1" sing. mid.
Jijias-if-i beside ji-jnd-sa-t2 from jaa- ‘to learn’. 3" pl. mid.
d-hladay-is-ata beside hlad-aya-ti causal of hlad- ‘to refresh,
give life to’, 2™sing. mid, pydyay-is-thas beside pyay-dya-ti
causal of pyd-ya-te ‘swells’ (§ 796 p. 333), Compare 1* sing.
pres. mid. gayij-2 beside gd-ya-ti ‘sings’ (§ 656 p. 191).

‘The origin of the sig- aorist is like that of the latter group of
forms. 3” pl. dkgij-wr beside pres. ak-Sa-t@ (§ 659 p. 194) and
beside aor, dk-$-i (§ 655 p. 189) from qS- aé- ‘to attain’. hasif-am
beside pres. hd-sa-t2 (§ 659 p. 195) and beside aor. d-ha-s-am
(§ 814 p. 353) from ha- ‘to go, yield’. 3'sing. mid. d-bhasig-ta
(gramm.) beside pres, bhd-sa-ti (wor. d-bhas-t-t, gramm.), from
bha- ‘to shine’. Compare the fut. akgigya-ti
§ 750.2 p. 272, So again d-jnd-sij-am beside 4-jAd-s-am
(cp. Lat. gndri-tur), d-ga-sij-ur conj, gd-sif-a-t beside 1" sing.
mid. ga-s-i from ga- ‘to sing’, ra-sif-am beside 8" sing. mid.
d-rq-s-ta from ram- ‘to be quiet’. Compare with these sig-
aorists, which had not become common in Vedic, Gr. defecay
$ 886 p. 874, and Lat, divis-tis diirer-0 dixer-i-m, § 841.

Remark. In Mas. of the Veda occur forms with -#i§- instead of
-sif-, as pyi-tifi-mahi, This shows the same phonetic change as
for *sugkd-s I § 587.4 p, 418, Compare Whitney, Am. Journ, Phil, vi 277;
Bloomfield and Spieker, Journ. Amer. Or. Soc. xur 118.

The 2" and 3" sing. of the aorists with -ig- and -sig- ended
regularly in -I-§ and ~t-t, as d-start-g -t beside d-starig-am,
d-yast-§ -t beside d-yasis-am. The original endings must have
been *-if(-§ and *-ig(-f). That of the 3" sing. is still seen in
injunctive forms like avig-¢- (§ 909), and the influence of the
2™4 sing. can be made out in aorist forms such as d-jay-i-t
(§ 574 p. 115). --¥ Ft cannot be got out of *-id-g and *-i-¢.
They rather belonged in origin to our IX" Present Class, and
were not sigmatic aorist at all; d-star-i-t is like d-rdd-i-t

$9 839,840, The s-Aorists: Stems in -a-, <9-, and =e. 3iT

d-brav-tt (§ 574 p. 116), As d-star-Tt is to stara-ti, so is
d-has-t-t to hd-sa-té, and d-bhas-tt to bhd-sa-ti.!) These forms
in -i -# took the place of ‘astarig *ahasif (2 and 3" sing.)
beeause it then became possible to distinguish the persons;
then -if and -t drove *-if *-it out of the field altogether.
Compare 7 instead of i in d-dhi-mahi, my-ni-mds and the like
§ 498 p. 62. How -si$ -sit passed afterwards from the sig-aorist
to the s-aorist, see in § 816 p. 354.

§ 840. Greek. Here -ao- = -9s- is found only in such
verbs as use the s-suffix outside of the aorist stem. Attention
should be called to the future in -am, if it was conj. of the
o-aorist (§ 747 p. 269, § 757 pp. 276 f.), and the indic, 2™ sing.
in -ao-9yg, if it had a share in originating the yv-aorist
($ 589 pp. 12978). E. g. xpeude exgeudadye from xpspao- ‘to
hang’ (xpepao-rd-g) beside xorua- (xoéua-nat xosud-Iea), xepdw
txeodotne from xsgad- ‘to mix’ (xegaa-ro-c xexégaora), axedaw
toxedaoIng from oxsdas- ‘to scatter’ (oxedao-to-c Edxtdaora). On
the oo-aorists Expduaotaja sxtpad(a)a Foxtdacon, see § 842.

In Keltic, -as- may be looked for in the s-preterite of
the 1* and 2™4 Conjugations, as O.[r. ro-charus Mid.Cymr.
cereis ‘I loved’. For the Britannic dialects only -ds(s)- and not
-as(s)- may be assumed. 3°4sing. O.Ir. ro-char for *-caras-t,
2™4 sing. depon. -asser for *-as-thés--r (Thurneysen, Idg. Forsch.
1 463). Also found, pl. ro-charsam ~-charsid -charsat for
*carassomo(s) *carassete *carassont(o). Thurneysen, who sends
me this explanation of ro-char, throws out the question whether
sé did not come from forms in which st originally was: the
24 pl. *caras-fe became *earasse, this was enlarged to *carassele
by adding the usual ending of the 2™ pl., and then by analogy
*carassomo(s) etc. May we venture to suggest a parallel with
the relation of Gr, é&xprudd-9yg (see above) and t-xo¢na00a
(§ 842)?

1) Jackson believes that he has found an Avestio 2%¢ sing. of this
kind in fra-dahis Yt. 3, 2, from 1“ da- (Proceed. Am, Or. Soc,, Oot. 1889,
p- CLxy).

$841. ‘The s-Aorists: Stems in ~ex-, -a9-, and -te. 879

dio “I hear’ for *ifio-m and in aia-9¢-09a beside Skr. do-a-ti
‘regards, favours’,') @F-t-0- in déd-9a “I breathe out’ beside dio-v
(doubtless for *dFeo-o-v) beside aF)-y-s2 “I blow, breathe’,
variant stem af-so- in aodua (dio-Iw : do-Fua = Lat. vidis- :
Gr. sids(o)-). Purther, aa-foxo-ya ao-ap-ioxm beside ap-io-xm
(§ 673 p. 206). Lastly, Skr. d-grah-t-J-am, where I hold -i-
to be merely an ablaut variant of the -i- now under discussion.
If, as we must assume, it was in proethnic Latin that -is- spread
from the verbs to which it properly belongs to all others,
then according to I § 33 p. 33, -er- in viderd ete. must be
derived in all instances from -is-. Thus e. g. verterd will be for
*vertisd (but verterem for *vertest-m).

videra-m shows the same d-suffix as -ham eram (§ 583
p- 124), and probably it is due to analogy, being made to
complement ofderd like eram: erd. Observe that déco dixim
have no *dizam.

The endings of ovidistis -istt viderd viderim videram
vidissem were transferred both to forms like totondi tetigt and
to those like dixt, so that we have totondistis totonderd and
dixistis dixerd ete. The former may be compared with Gr,
nenoiden (§ 836 p. 378), the latter with Skr. dydsijam (§ 839
p- 876). The efficient cause of these new formations may have
been that in the Indicative many of the original forms of the
24 sing. and pl. had become rather awkward, as 2” sing.
*totons(s)¥ 24 pl. *totons(s)is (or *totonstt “*totonstis with t
restored from estis) and 2™4 sing. “dtx(s) 24 pl. *dtrtis.

We proceed to mention the fs-aorists of Latin and Irish
belonging to jo-present stems (Class XX VI):

In Latin, those verbs whose 2 sing. indic. pres. ended in
-ts, had the @-conjunctive in -trem, as farcirem from farcid.
The only exception is fierem like agerem, § 837.2 p. 374.
But from verbs like capid -Is the conj. was -@rem, caperem;
and it remain suncertain whether this be for *-is-d-m or *-es-2-m,
ep. capis-36 and capes-86 § 842.

1) To assume aw ‘Root’ avis- for coy and a present *2faow I hold
to be wrong (Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxrx 249 ff.).

~~"

380 ‘The s-Aorista: Stems with -s-s-. §$ 841,842.

It must be remembered, in considering Lat. farctrem and
the like, that these went hand in hand with the original
denominatives in -i-j0, as finid, whose s-aorist, finirem, is to be
compared with (ir. sxovtoe O.C,SI, gostichié (§ 813 p. 351). Hence
the question presents itself — whether farctrem is really like
Skr. d-grahtj-am, whether it was not rather produced simply
by the analogy of the t-formation. In this case it might be
compared with O.C.SI. bichomi (§ 727 p, 267), which was
modelled upon gostichomit.

Tn the s-aorist of the go-present (8 Conjugation) in Irish,
the 3" sing, ended with *-i-s-t, as -[éic for *leikyis-t. A short
iis seen also in Mid.Cymr., which in this aorist had -yss-,
e, g. eistedyssant ‘they sat’. Compare § 840 on ro-char for
*caras-t. The question which there had to be answered
on behalf of ro-charsam, now crops up again for -lé@csem.
Hand in hand with these jo-verbs went those in *-i-j6 and
those in *-éi0, as 1" sing. do-ro-dalius from -dalim ‘I divide’,
1" pl. ro-moit-sem from moidim ‘I extol’,

C. sTEMs WITH -s-3-.

§ 842. As the s-suffix was in no sense a special aorist
suffix, but was used in the parent language with other tenses
of a certain number of verbs, it need not surprise us to
see that verbal s-stems often make an aorist with a second 3,
Analogous formations with -as- have been brought before us in
§ 839, the Sanskrit aorist series of which one is dk-Sig-ur.

Greek. Hom. éonas-o« Att. fonada from ondw ‘I pull
for *ana-om, i-onac-tat, &xhao-ow from xddw ‘I break off” for
*xhe-ow, ximxheo-tur. ¢-xptjead-(a)e I hung’ é-xépac-(o)a ‘I mixed”
é-dxedua-(a)e I scattered’ beside xpepao-rd-¢ xe-xegaa-rat é-axtdad~
-rat. (F)-¥0-(n)e ‘I clothed’ beside 24 sing, fo-du, i-o3-r0-(a)a
‘L quenched’ beside of-sa-ro-s &ofeo-rai, é-xdgea-(o)a ‘I satisfied”
beside xe-x0ged-rar, ap-éo-(o)agda ‘to come to an understanding’ ~

all

$§ 842,543. The Perfect: General Remarks. 381

beside agso-rd-¢. ¢-xéds0-(a)a “I called’ di-sa-(a)u “I ground’
éu-eo-(o)x ‘I spewed’ from the presents xaléuw digw dutw,
perhaps for “xalsow *dledw *éesou. — sipvo-(a)a tova-(a)a
‘I pulled’ beside sigvo-rm. Compare § 575 p. 117, § 656
p- 191, § 661 p. 196, § 836 p. 872 £, § 840 p. 377.

Remark. hore is too little support for the theory that these
Greek ov-norists stand in a direct historical connexion with the Sanskrit
sif-aorist, — that originally the singular active had -ses- (-sae-) and tho
plural -ss-, and that Sanskeit kept only the singular form, Greek the
form of the plural (W. Schulze, Kuhn’s Zoitschr. xxix 266 ff.).

Italic. With Lat. ots0 for *wejt-s0, quaesd for *qucis-s
{§ 662 p. 197), compare petes-sd O.Lat. ad-petis-si-s, capes-s0
O.Lat. capis-sa-m, laces-s0, faces-3d. And to the same group
as faxd faxitur faxim (§ 824 p. 362) belong amds-sd amassim,
turbas-situr, infin. averruncds-sere; habés-s0 pro-hibessim, lictssi-t;
amb-tssim; -ss- after a long vowel, which should be -s-, is due to
the analogy of forms with -ss- following a short vowel, cp. éssem
instead of *ésem (ed) on the analogy of e%sem (from sum).
With petissis capessam are associated forms like oldis-se-m,
@-conjunctives, whose analogy produced (1) totondissem and
(2) dixissem ete. The forms with -is-s- have their nearest
parallels in Gr. io(a)a from &F-0- (§ 841 p. 378 f.).

THE PERFECT.!)

§ 843. The chief marks which keep the Idg. Perfect
distinct from Present and Aorist are two. (1) Firstly some
peculiar personal endings in the Indicative; as from v7 ueid-

1) On the Indo-Gormanic Perfect in general H. Oat-
hoff, Zur Goschichte des Perfect im Idg. mit besonderer Riicksioht auf
Griech. und Latein., Strassb. 1884. C. Pauli, Das practeritum redupli-
eatum der idg. Sprachen und der deutsche Ablaut, Kuhn's Zeitschr.
xn 60 ff. Pott, Verachiedene Bezelchnung des Perfects in einigen
Sprachen und Lauteymbolik, Zeitachr, fir Vdlkerpaych. xy 287 ff,
xv 117 ff.

382 ‘The Perfect: General Remarks. $843,

“to know, see’: 1" sing. Skr. ofd-a Gr. old-a Goth. vdit, 2°4 sing.
céttha olada véist, 3" sing, véd-a olde vdit. (2) Secondly, the
participle active formed with the suffix -yes-, as Skr. vid-ds-

Aryan. Bartholomae, Die ai. &Formen im echwachen Perfect,
Kuhn's Zeltachr, xxvu 387 f dem, Der ‘Bindevocal’ ¢ im avestischen
Perf., Ar. Forsoh. 97 ff

Greek and Latin. Ernault, Du parfait en grec et on latin,
Paria 1886,

Greek. H. Malden, On Perfect Tonses in Greek, and especially
the First Perfect Active, Trans. Phil. Soc., 1865, pp. 168 ff. Loebell,
Quaestiones de perfecti Homerici forma et usu, Leipz. 1877. HH.
der Pfordton, Zur Gesch. des griech. Perfectums, Munich 18S2.
J, Stender, Beitriige ur Gesch. des grioch. Perfocts, 2 Theile, Manchen-
Gladbach 1883—84. R. Fritzsche, Uber griech. Porfocta mit Prisens-
bedeutung, Sprachwiss, Abhandl. aus G. Curtius’ Gramm. Gesellsch. pp. 43 ff.
H. Uhle, Die Vooalisation und Aspiration des griech. starken Perf., ibid.
pp. 59 f, Mahlow, Kinige altertimliche Perfectbildungen des Griech,
Kuhn's Zoitschr. xxiv 298 ff. J. Schmidt, Die Entstehung der griech.
aspirierten Perfecta, ibid. xxvu 309 ff. Idem, Noch einmal die griech.
aspirierten Perfeota, ibid. xxvii 176 ff. Alex. Hoppe, Ober das griech.
awoite Perfect, Festprogr. des Erfurter Gymn., Erfurt 1870, pp. 84
The Author, Der Ursprang des gricch. schwachen Perfects, Kubn’s
Zeitachr. Xx¥ 212 ff. F. Hartmann, Wieder cinmal das »-Perfectum,
ibid, xxv 284 ff. K. F. Johansson, Ober das griech. »Perfeot, inz
Beitr. zur griech. Sprachk., Upsala 1890, pp. 33%, F. W. Walker,
Grock Aorists and Perfects in 0, Class, Review vy 446 ff.

Italic, A. Harkness, On the Formation of the Tenses for
Completed Action in the Latin Finite Vorb, Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoo. ¥
14 ff, v6 Platzer, Die Lehre von den lat, Perfectis und Supinia,
Noubrandenburg 1840, Lattmann, Das Gesote dor Perfoct- und Supin~
bildang im Lateinischen, Zeittchr. f. d. Gymnasialw. N. F. 0 (1868) pp. 94 ff.
M. Kinke, Die Zeitworter der Intein. & Conjugation in ihren Perfeet-
formen, Hoiligenstadt 1843. Schleicher, Der Perfectstamm im La-
teinixchen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. vin 399 f Fr. Maller, Uber das lat, Per
fectum, Sitaungsber. d. Wien. Akad. uxvi 225 ff. Corssen, Zur Bildung
des Perfectuma, in: Beitr. zur ital. Sprachk., pp. 503 ff. W. Deeek
De reduplicato tinguae Latinae practerito, Leipz. 1569, E, Frohwein,
Die Perfectbildungen auf vf bei Cicero, ein Beitrag zum Sprachgebraach
©’s und zugleich cin Supplement zu F. Nouc’s Formenlehre, Gera 1874.
L. Havet, Les prétendus parfaits en -ae/, Mém. Soc. lingu. vi 39.
W. Schulze, Das lat. e-Perfectum, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvilt 266 ff
G. Curtius, Ober das Int. Perfect auf ef und ui, Bor, d. siichs, Gosellach.
d, Wiss, 1885 pp. 421 ff. P. Regnaud, Les parfaits composés en latin,
Lyon 1882, L, Scheffler, De perfecti in ei exeuntis formis apud

al

$543. The Porfect: Ganeral Remarks. 383
Gr. ed-wic O.CSI. sta-vii from ysta- ‘stand’ (I § 136
pp. 438 ff).

Except in Armenian and Balto-Slayonie, the pr. Idg. Perfect
remained in all branches of the language a large and com-
prehensive group. It was least changed in Aryan, Keltic, and
Germanic. In Greek it was mixt up with a x-formation, and
in Italie with a whole series of non-perfeet tense forms.

The proethnic perfect forms may be divided into two
groups according to the stem.

poetas Latinos dactylicos occurentibus, Marburg 1890. Th. Birt, Verbal-
formen vom Perfeotstamme bei Claudian, Archiv f. lat, Lexikogr. ry 589 ff.
H. Kern, Das ovk, Perfect auf -tle, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxi 240 ff.
Danielsson, Zum altital. t-Perfeot, Pauli’s Altital. Stud. tv 138 ff.

Koltic. Windisch, Das reduplicierte Perfectum im Irischen,
Kuhn's Zeitachr. xxi 201 ff.

Germanic. W. Scherer, Die reduplicierten Priterita, Zeitsohr.
f£. deterr, Gymnas, xxiv 295 ff, and Zoitschr, f, deutsch, Altert. xix 154 ff.,
890 ff. Siovers, Dic reduplicierton Priterita, Paul-Brauno’s Beitr. 1 504 ff.
Pokorny, Uber dio reduplicierten Practorita der germ. Sprachen und ihre
Umwandlung in ablautende, Landskron 1874. Holthausen, Die redu-
plicierenden Verba im German., Kuhn's Zeitechr. xxvii 618 ff. G, Burg
hauser, Die Bildung des germ. Perfectstammes vornehmlich vom Stand-
punkte der idg. Voculforschung, Prag [887. Ljungetedt, Anmirkningar
till det starka preteritum { germanaka sprik, Upsala 1887, R. BE. Ott-
mann, Die reduplicierton Praeterita in den german. Sprachen, Alzoy
1890. G. Holz, Die im Got. noch roduplicierton Porfocta, in: Urgorm. ¢
und Vorwandtes (Leipz. 1890) pp. 21 ff. H. Lichtenberger, De verbia
quac in yetustissima Germanorum lingua reduplicatum praeteritam
exhibeant, Nancy 1891. J. Grimm, Die ahd. Praoterita, Germania I
147 ff. J. Hoffory, Die reduplicierten Practerita im Altnord., Kuhn's
Zeitachr. xxvii 593 ff. C. Pauli, Ober die deutachen Verba practerito-
pracsentia, Stettin 1863. Osthoff, Das praeteritopraesens mag, Paul-
Braune’s Beitr, xv 211 ff. Aufrecht, Bino altnord. Aoristform, Kuhn's
Zoitsohr. t 474 ff. Von Knoblauch, Dic germ. Perfoote auf r, ibid.
1578 ff. Schweizer-Sidler, r im altdeutsch. Prasteritum, ibid, 11 400,
Millenhoff, Angebliche Aoriste oder Perfecta auf r im Altnord, und
Hochd., Zoitechr. f. deutsch. Altert, xt 397 ff. Zarnoke, Zu den
reduplicierten Praoteriten, Paul-Braune’s Beitr. xv 350 f. J. von Fier-
linger, Die 2 ps. ag. perf. s#tarker Flexion im Westgerm., Kuhn's
Zeltschr. xxvit 430), Works on the weak Germanic Pretorite are gives
under § 907,

384 The Perfect: General Remarks. $843.

(1) Reduplicated Stem, with o in the root syllable of the
8™sing. indie. act., if the root belonged to the e-series. E. g.
*yengon-, *Je-gn- *Ge-gye from y>gen- ‘gignere’: Gr. yé-yor-e
yi-ya-uev, Skr. ja-jdn-a ja-ja-ir.

(2) Unreduplicated Stem. Sometimes the ablaut is the
same as in (1), as *wojd- *yid- from ymeid-: Gr. old-« i-per,
Skr. véd-a vid-md, Sometimes different, as with @ in roots of
the e-series; e. g. *méd- from y~med- ‘measure’: O.Ir, ro mid-
-ar Goth. mét-um; *séd- from \~sed- ‘sit’: Goth. sét-um Lith.
sdd-gs; *ségh- from y~segh- ‘conquer, hold’: Skr. sah-vds-,

In perfect stems like *ge-Jon- or *yojd- the o-grade
prevailed in the 2" and 3'sing. Indic. Active (ola olde), and,
in the opinion of most scholars, the 1" sing. as well (oldu); the
egrade in the Conjunctive (sid-o-wev) Skr. ta-tdn-a-n), and,
according to some scholars, in the 1* sing. Indic. Active too
(aéqevy-a); the weak grade in the plural and dual Active, and
right through the Indicative Middle (yé-ya-pev F-1m-rov ré-rpan-
rue Skr, ni-ny-rir ni-ny-é), and in the Optative (Skr. va-pyt-ya-t
Goth. vatirp-ci-ma). To o in *fe-§on-e answers O in *se-sd-
(Gr. aip-éaxe Goth, saf-s6) from y~sé- ‘send forth, sow’.

Romark. Considering that tho ending of the 1% sing. indio. act.
was Idg. -o, while that of the 3*¢ ging. was Idg. -e, there is « difficulty
in the difference betwoen Ske. 1% sing. ja-fdn-a and 3*4 sing. jaxjdu-a.
I have identified jajdna with yéyorr (I § 78 p. 69). De Saussure (Mém_
sur le syst. prim. 72 £.) und Osthoff (Perfect, 61) equate Jajdnu -= Ig.
*Gegena, ou which view yiyors would be due to levelling and should be
“yyere; and a8 & matter of fact no difficulty worth mentioning faces
this view. From the standpoint of those scholars who deny that Idg. o
becoms Ar. @ in open syllables, no explanation of Skr, fajdua has been
found which is in the smallest degree satisfactory (see the last attompt in
Beohtel, Die Hauptproblome der idg, Lautlehre, 57, 165); op. § 790 p. 322
on the a of bhdraya-ti. It may be observed in passing that the means
lately used by J. Schmidt to combat my theory of this Aryan a are very
little caloulated to help in solving the point (see Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxx1
472 footnote). A long list of authorities and ex oathedra statements will
never decide the matter; this can only be done by constant and scrupulous
examination of the facts. Perhaps the question may be helped to «
conclusion by the study of Indo-Germanio accent which has lately been
taken up.

|

$844. ‘The Perfect: — General Remarks. 385

§ 844. When the root ends in a consonant, some part at
loast, large or small, of the indicative forms in all the different
languages haye a short vowel before those personal endings
which begin with a consonant.

Sanskrit. -i- in 2” sing. act. ds-i-tha ru-rdj-i-tha (but
vét-tha ta-tén-tha), 1 pl. act. pa-pt-i-md (but yu-yuj-md vid-
-md), 2™sing. indic, mid, ae-i-§6 ja-ja-i-s¢ (but da-dyk-sé),
i pl. mid. ja-ja-i-ré, to which answers Avest. vaoz-i-rem,
ep. Skr. partie. act. pa-pt-i-ods- (but da-dy$-vds- vid-vds-).')
In Vedic this ¢ is found only when the preceding syllable is
long. In Avestic, -ama in daiéy-ama beside pass. di-dag-iti
(§ 587 p. 97).

Greek shows -c- in the 1* and 2™ pl. re-rpdq-a-uev re
-rpag-a-re (but id-ev sidsjRovd-us» tors). Compare partic.
nentuig for “ne-nr-a-Fug, answering to Skr. pa-pt-i-vds- (but
id-(FJwg), and the mid. né-nt-a-nar beside mer-a-oom. On -ac
heside -9« in the 2"! sing., see p. 386.

Latin. 1° pl. fu-tud-i-mus séd-i-mus.

Old Irish. 1" pl. ce-chn-ammar 2™4 pl. ce-chn-aid.

Gothic. 1" pl. vit-um sét-um skat-skdid-um 24 pl. vit-u-p
stt-u-p skat-skdid-u-p.

It is hard to decide when or how this intermediate vowel
was to be found in the various perfect schemes of the parent
language (for the same scheme did not do duty for all perfects),
Perhaps then, as in the Veda, the quantity of the preceding
syllable had something to do with it.

What complicates the problem greatly is the suspicion that
so many forms may have been changed by analogy. In Aryan,
Greek, and Italic the question arises whether forms with the
intermediate vowel were not influenced by forms from a root
ending in a long d-vowel, as Skr. ta-sthi-md Gr. foreusy
Lat. ste-ti-mus (for stetimus cp. however § 869). In Greek,
Italic, Keltic, and Germanic the 3™ pl. has an nt-suffix, (ir.

1) J do not here consider the @ of the 24 and 3" dual active
viddihur eiddtur, because it may have been identical with that of the
ged and 9*¢ pl. vided and St sing. odd-a (§ 1088).

Bedgmawa, Slewesls. ly, 25

386 The Perfect: — General Remarks. ‘$9 844,845.

<vre -et: (mid, -«rm), Umbr.-Osc. -ens, O.Ir. -atar and
Goth. -un; and it is quite possible that the vowel of these
endings passed on to other persons. In Greek, there was
mutual attraction between the perfect and s-aorist, because
one or two personal endings were the same, rérpog-a -¢ having
the same suffixes as edet-« -e (beyond doubt rérgop-ag follows
edeE-ec, and in later Doric yéyoy-av follows édst-av); then
which came first, rerpap-a-yev -are or eeik-auer ers? In
Italic, again, as carly as the procthnic stage, the old perfect
had got mixt up with thematic aorist. If, for instance, ¢ was
the thematic vowel in fu-i-mus tetig-i-mus diz-i-mus as well
as with fu-i-t tetig-i-t dix-i-t (cp. pres. ag-i-mus), yet it is
uncertain whether the -i- of Lat. -i-mus, when used with
consonantal roots, was ever anything else but Idg. -o-. Even
in Keltie the question meets us whether the plural forms had
not the thematic vowel.

Since Avest. daidy-ama cannot be kept apart from optative
forms like jvm-y-ama (see § 1001), to assume an Idg. suffix
~mme as variant of -me in the perfect seems almost inevitable;
and therefore I am inclined to refer to this the Gr. -aus» in
rerpug-auey etc., and the Goth. -wm in skatskdid-wm ete.;
Lat. -imus and O.Ir. -ammar may also in some cases
represent the same. But again the conjecture offers
itself that the difference between Skr. papt-i-md and
yuyuj-md, between Gr. rerpd-pausy and slirjdovd-uev,
represents a difference of structure like that which exists in
Skr. rud-i-mds (Class IX §§ 572 ff.) and ud-miés (Class I
$$ 492 ff). It may be that once *papt-ami *sazd-amd (like
Avest. daidy-ama) and tasthi-md (= fora-usr) dadhi-mé existed
side by side, and that the former were transformed to match
the latter and became paptimd sédimd, But proved this cannot
be, not even by the Vedic law of quantity. There is always
the possibility that the parent language itself possessed perfect
stems like *pe-pto- (and thus 1" pl. *pe-pta-me).

§ 845. The preterite connected with the Idg. perfect —
pluperfect as it is called — which is only found with certainty

| ail

$$ 545,846. The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Germanic. 887

in Aryan and Greek, shows the same personal endings as other
augmented preterites. Like the conjunctive and optative of
the perfect, this cannot be distinguisht from the corresponding
forms of our V Present Class; see § 485 p. 39, § 555 p. 108.
In the same languages the pluperfect sometimes has
thematic inflexion. These forms are to be compared with the
corresponding forms of Present Class VI (§§ 561 ff.).

Proethnic Indo-Germanic,

§ 846, (A) Reduplicated Perfect.

With roots beginning in a consonant, the syllable of
reduplication originally ended in -e, no matter what ablaut
series the root might belong to. Examples: *ge-gon- *ge-gn-
Gr. yé-yors O.Ir. ro génar (for *ge-gn-) Skr, ja-jdn-a from
Vo gen-, *se-std- “se-sta- Gr. &-ora-uev Lat, ste-ti-mus Skr. ta-
-sthai from y~sta-. But even then there were not lacking
perfect forms with @ in the reduplicator, which one may call
the Intensive Perfect: Gr. éy7j-yep-uae Skr, ja-gdr-a from
Voger-, See §§ 471, 472 pp. 15 and 17. The treatment of
the initial root-consonants in the reduplicator has been already
described, §§ 475 and 476, pp. 20 ff.

It cannot be proved for the parent language, that in roots
beginning with a vowel, an e (or some other short vowel),
serving for the reduplicator, contracted with the root-initial (as
some have inferred frony Lat. éd-i Goth. fr-et Skr,. ad-a from
VYed-, Gr. qya O,loel. ok Skr. aj-a from yag-). It is very
likely indeed that all these forms belong to the unreduplicated
perfect type. See § 848.

Vv der- “eplit, tear, flay’, act. 3*tsing. *de-dér-e 1" pl. *de-
-dy-mé mid. 1* - *de-dr-dj (conj. “de-dér-e-t()) opt. *de-
-dr-jé-t or decdr-ije-t): Skr. daddra mid. dadré partic, da-dy-
-vds-, Gr. dédupra (Goth, ga-tar). 7 smer- ‘remember’: Skr,
sa-smar-a, Lat. adj. memor derived from a perf. *me-mor-F
(§ 476 p. 23). Skr. kjur- Gr. peg- ‘to cause to run off or

25°

38S ‘The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Gormanic. ‘§ 846.
disappear’ (§ 812 p. 348): Skr. ca-kSar-a, Gir. dedpdoge &pIag-
-tu. Skr, sa-dr-a ‘he broke up, crushed’ pl, Sa-dr-wr (gramm.)
mid. Sa-Sr-@ (O.Lr. do-ro-rhair ‘cecidit). yO ger- ‘awallow’: Skr.
ja-gar-a, Gr. Bé-fporta (Bom = *gf-). y"per= “bring, bring
forth, give a share’ (Lith. per-it ‘I brood, incubate, hatch’):
Gr, 2é&npm-rar, Lat, pe-per-t for *pe-par-t (mpw- par- = “pp-).
Volel- ‘carry, bear: Gr. ré-rha-pev, Lat. te-tul-t. ygen-
gignere’: Skr. ja-jdn-a ja-ja-tir ja-ja-é, Cir. yé-yow-e yi-ya-pay,
Ody, mid, ro génar (gén- for *gegn-). y~men- ‘think, mean,
regard’: Skr. 3° dual mid, ma-wn-dté (this may be from stem
mn-d- as said in § 850), opt, ma-man-yd-t, Gr. ué-pome
ui-uo-pev, Lat. me-min-t imper. me-men-td (= Gr. me-pc-tw),
Od, mid. do-menar instead of pr. Kelt, *me-mn- (Goth, man
mun-wn, Lith. part. min-gs). ghen- ‘strike’: Skr. ja-ghdn-a
ja-ghn-é conj. ja-ghdn-a-t part. ja-ghan-pds- ja-ghn-i-pas-,
Gir, ad-pa-ra, O.lr, sing. ro ge-gon, v ten- ‘stretch’: Skr.
ta-tdn-a ta-tn-® ta-tan-€ (tan- = “tyn-) conj. ta-tan-a-t, Gr.
ré-ra-rar, Lat. te-tin-t. Skr. kgan- Gr, xtev= ‘to wound, kill’:
Skr, ca-kjan-a ca-kgan-@ (gramm.), Gr. dn-éxrove, y gem- "go's
Skr. ja-gdm-a ja-gm-tr ja-gm-é Avest. opt, ja-ym-ya-b Skr.
part. ja-gan-vds- (I § 199 Rem. 2 p, 168, § 225 p, 193), Gr.
é-Ba-nev (Goth. gam, Lith. gim-@s ‘come into the world’ partic.).
V0 filej- “bend, incline’: Skr. di-drdy-a Si-driy-é, Gr. xé-xheerar.
Vlei ‘linere’: Skr. li-ly-ur li-ly-2, Or. 3° sing, ro lel 3" pl.
ro lel-dar. |“ kleu- ‘hear’; Skr. su-drdo-a Su-Sruv-é conj. $u-
-frav-a-t opt. Su-Sru-yd-t Su-Sra-yd-t, Gr. imper, xé-xdu-de beside
«é-chona (see $557 p, 109), O.Ir. 1" sing. ro chuala for *edla
*cu-clov-a Mid.Cyrnr. ci-gleu. 1 qieu- “to move, shift’: Skr. cx-
~eyuv-é Gr. éoov-rm. 4 gleu- ‘pour’: Skr. ju-hdo-a ji-huv-ur
ju-ho-é ju-huv-€, (itr, xé-yu-ren. / pleu- ‘to swim, float’: Ske.
pu-plur-ur pu-pluv-é, Gr, uk=whe-ta. — / dheu- ‘move violently,
shake, take hold’: Skr, du-dhdo-a du-dhuv-& opt. mid. du-
-thuc-t-ta, Cir, tév-ras, V bheu- ‘become, be’: Avest. ba-
-rdo-a 3" pl. ba-bo-ar® Skr. 8" pl. ba-bhao-tir opt, ba-bhi-yd-t
partic. ba-bhit-ods- (-iv- instead tof -uy- as in d-bhiie-am
§ 497 p. 58 £; with ba-bhéw-a ba-bha-tha compare d-bhi-t

al

3846. The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Germanic. 389

Gr, mb, loc. cit., and fut, Avest. ba-gye-iti Gr. gt-ow § 748
p. 271), Gr. meqv-ao ne-qe-wg (O.1r, 3" sing. ro boi, Lith,
bi-vés O,C.81. by-vit), VY derk- ‘see’: Ske. da-ddrs-a da-dys-sir
da-dys-é, Gr. dé-doox-2 (O.Ir, ad-con-dairc). — /werg- ‘work’:
Avest. 3" sing. mid. od-ver"z-di, Gir. éopy-. / merd= ‘crush’:
Skr. ma-mard-a ma-myd-wr ma-myd-&, Lat. me-mord-7 me-
smord-i-mus momordt momordimus. — / ters- ‘be dry, athirat’:
Skr. ta-ty§-vir part. mid. ta-ty§-dnd-s (Goth. ga-Pars -patirs-un
opt, 1" pl. -fatirs-ei-ma). \/ dhers- ‘be bold’: Skr. da-dhdrg-e
da-dhyj-ur — conj. da-dhdrg-a-t (Goth, ga-dars -datirs-un),
V wert- ‘turn, give a certain direction or inclination to’: Skr.
va-vart-a va-vyt-tr va-vyt-é pa-vdrt-a va-ort-tir va-ort-E (Goth.
varp vairp-um). kl-ep- ‘to steal’ (§ 797 Rem. p, 334): Gr.
zé-xdop-e part. Messen, xt-xdep-wg mid. xé-xAsx-rax (Goth. hlaf).
V bhendh- ‘bind’: Skr. ba-béndh-a ba-bandh-ur (Goth. bond
dund-un). V dejk- ‘show’: Skr, di-dé§-a di-dié-2, Umbr.
de-rsic-ust for *de-dic- (1 § 369 p, 279) fut. perf. ‘dixerit’
(Goth. ga-tdih -tath-nn). V bhejd~ ‘split’: Skr. bi-bhéd-a
bi-bhid-ir bi-bhid- & (Goth, bdit bit-wn). V lejg- ‘leave’: Shr.
vi-vécea ri-ric-é opt. ri-ric-yd-t, Gr. Lé-homn-s d¢-Aen-tae (Goth.
(diho laihv-un O.H.G. leh liw-wn). — V seig- ‘pour out, strain,
filter’: Skr. si-géc-a si-sic-® Ved. si-sic-ur si-sic-® § 475 p. 20
(O.NLG, séh sig-un). 1 geys- “taste, try, enjoy’: Skr. ju-jdj-a
jucjug-ur ju-jug-é, Gr. yé-yerear, O.tr, 3" sing, do-roigu
(Goth. kdus kus-wn O.TL.G. kos kur-un opt. 24 pl. kur-t-t).
VV bheudh- ‘wake, observe’: Skr. bu-bodh-a bu-budh-& conj.
(u-bodh-a-s, Gr. xé-nvora (Goth. ana-bdup -bud-un). / bheug-
bheug- ‘to bend’: Skr. bu-bhdj-a (gramm.), Gr. é-pevy-a ae-puy-
-névorg (Goth, bdug bug-wi). ' jeug- ‘iungere’: Skr. yu-yéj-0
yu-yuj-ma yu-yuj-E, Gr. ECewx-rer reud- ‘weep, lament’:
Skr. ru-rdd-a ru-rud-wr (O.ELG. dg rugg-un). suep-
‘sleep’: Skr. sx-fedp-a su-fup-ur (O-lcel. svaf). 1 wegh-
‘vehere’: Skr. u-vdh-a ah-ur (Goth. ga-vag, Lith. véé-gs
O.C.SL. vez-ii), pet- ‘fly, shoot through the air, fall’:
Skr. pa-pdt-a pa-pt-ir (pet-ur) part. papt-i-vds-, Gr. nenrais
doubtless for *2s-nru-Fuig. sed- ‘sit: Skr. sa-sdd-a séd-ur

> -
' ™—
390 The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Germanic. ‘$8 846,847.

for *sa-2d-, Lat, séd-t for *se-zd-? (Goth. sat). dhé- ‘set,
place, lay’: Skr. da-dhati da-dhd-tha da-dhi-maé da-dh-tir
da-dh-é, Gr. ré-Sera, Lat. erédidi (I § 507 Rem. p. 872),
Gall. de-de ‘dedit’ or ‘posuit’ (O.Sax. de-du-n opt, de-d-i? § 886).
sé- ‘send forth, throw, sow’: Gr. sfra for *&+rar Dor, ag-éa-
-tm with @ from the active (dg-éwxa), Goth. sai-26 saf-s0-un,
V do- ‘give’: Skr. da-dat da-di-mé dad-é, Gr. 3“ pl. Boeot.
dno-deddavd: mid. dé-do-rat, Lat. de-d-t. — po- ‘drink’: Skr.
pa-pai pa-pi-md pa-p-E, Gr. aé-no-rae (act. é-noma), Lat.
bibt instead of *pe-p-t (following bi-bo). 1 sta= ‘stand’: Skr.
ta-sthad ta-sthi-md ta-sthé, Gr. t-ore-uev xad-<orare, Lat.
ste-t-T ste-ti-mus. skhait- skhaid- ‘scindere’ (§ 521 p. 85):
Skr. ci-chéd-a ci-chid-2, Lat, sci-cid-t, Goth. skai-skdip skat-
askdid-un, (s)taud- ‘knock’: Skr. tu-tdd-a tu-tud-wr, Lat.
tu-tud-t tu-tad-t, Goth. staf-stdut stai-stdut-un, Ital. Kelt. kan-
‘sing’: Lat. ce-cin-t for ‘*ce-can-t, O.Ir. 1" sing. ce-chan,
day- ‘burn’: Skr. du-dav-a (gramm.), Gr. dé-dnfFj-e (yy =
pr. Gr. @) de-dav-pévo-<. Skr. dad- Gir. xad- ‘to distinguish
oneself’: Skr, $@-Sad-tir mid. 1* pl. $a-Sad-mahé, Gr, xe-xed-
-uévo-g (Pindar), Hom, xéxacaae xexaourta, WW pak- pag- ‘make
firm’: Gr, Dor. mé-n@y-s, Lat, pe-pig-t for *pe-pag-. plag-
plag- ‘strike’: Gr. Dor. né-rday-s, Goth, fat-flok. Skr, ja-hlad-2
(gramm.) from klad- ‘to refresh, give life to’, Gr. Dor. xeyiad-«
‘swells, becomes luxuriant’.

Skr. dn-déa ‘he desired’, dn-ad-ma adn-as-ir an-ad-é,
opt. an-as-yd-t, OI. t-an-aic ‘he came’ 1" sing. t-an-ae (-¢ =
-ne-, I § 212 p. 178, § 513 p. 375), op. aor. Gr, émayesiy,
§ 470 p. 15, Variant Skr, dnag-a Gir, xarjvoxe * xarevsjvoze
(op. od-yvex-j¢ “reaching to the feet’), On Skr, aé-a see
§ 851; on Gr. evrvoy-« év-rveyxrar, § 858.

§ 847. Perfect forms from Extended Roots.

Root + suffix -2-, ~@ -d- (§§ 578 ff pp. 118 ff).
Skr. ji-jyad, Gr. lon. fe-pin-re (Pe-Binxe) from *g(ii-d-, W gej~
‘compel. subdue’, Skr, ma-mndu (gramm,), Cir. Dor, aé-prd-tar
from mn-d- men- ‘think, mean’. Skr, ja-glau, Gr, pé-phy-rar
(#é-payxe) from gl-2- ~ gel- ‘fall’ (ep. § 587 p. 127). Skr. ea-edu,

ail

98 847,548. ‘The Perfect: — Proethnic Indo-Germanic. Bor

Goth. vai-vd from w-é& ay- ‘blow’. Skr. ja-jfdu, Gr. &yrord-
-tae with o added later (Hyvwxe), O.Tr. ad-gén (§ 877) from gn-d-
\ gen- know’. On the Sanskrit conjugation of these perfects,
see § 850.

Root + s-suffix (§§ 655 ff. pp. 189 ff.). ten-s- ‘pull, draw’:
Skr. 3° pl. mid. ta-tas-ré (Goth. at-bans -puns-un). — tuei-s-
‘shake’: Skr. ti-tvig-é, Gr. of-cero-rau,

Root + dh-suffix (§§ 688 ff. pp. 218 ff). ré-dh-: Skr_
ra-rddh-a ra-radh-ir (pres. rddh-no-ti ‘finishes successfully,
makes all right’), Goth, ga-rairop -ratrodun (pres. ga-réda
‘L consider, busy myself’).

Tn the same way, the present sk-suffix in seen in Skr.
pa-prach-a pa-prach-ur and Lat. po pose-t for *poporesct from
\ prek- ‘ask’; beside these we have Umbr, pepurkurent
‘rogaverint’, Mid.Ir. mid. im-chom-are-air, Goth, frah (§ 670
p. 203). Probably perfect forms with sk are not so old as the
“parent language.

§ 848. (B) Unreduplicated Perfect.

{1) First comes a group in which the vowel gradation was
the same as in the Reduplicated Perfect. No perfect of this
kind can now be recognised in particular forms of Italic, Keltie,
or Balto-Slavonic; and in Germanic, only with those roots which
do not belong to the e-series.

Skr. véd-a vid-ma Avest. Gath. vagd-a, Gr. old-< W-uer
from / weid- ‘know’!) Skr. #§-@ (and f-té) Avest. is-¢ ‘has
got something into one’s power, has power over’, Goth. dik
‘has’ pl. dig-un (ep. § 888). Skr. sarpa ‘he crept’ (upa-sarpa)
beside sa-sarpa, vig-i-vds- beside vi-vé-a vi-vis-é from vid- “to
enter’, ni-sidhur beside ni-gis@dha ‘he warded off, forbade”
-sigidhur. Gr. Lesb. Ton. ofx-e “is like’ ofx-a-uew beside some
for “Fe-For-e, Hom. dugu-(FJazvia beside fayw ‘I cry out’ for
*Fi-Fazo (§ 552 p. 107).

1) Skr. viréda ‘he found out’ does not ask for consideration here,
although it comes from the same root. It probably first arose when the
root had become differentiated into two — wid- ‘know’ and eid= “find”
(pres. vinddets vittd),

494 ‘The Perfeot: — Proethnic Indo-Germanio. $848.

Furthermore, Idg. perfect forms of roots beginning with e
and ending in a single consonant may also be brought under
this é&type, Gir. dd-nd-wic instead of *jd-we (§ 858), Lat, éd-6
éd-i-mus, Goth, freét -at-un, Lith. ad-fs O.C.SI. éd-ti jad-ii,
Skr. dd-a ad-ur from /ed- ‘eat. Gr. 2°4 sing. ja-9a (came
to be used for the imperf., see § 858), Skr. ds-a ds-tir from
Mes- ‘be’. Lith. dj-g fem. d-us-i from ej- ‘go’. ‘That @ is
due to a contraction of e-e- cannot be made probable.

(4) Roots with initial a-vowel, and ending in a single
consonant, seen to have made this perfect in all forme with a
in the parent language: *ag-e ‘egit’ from /ag-: Skr. aj-a
(gramm.), Gr. Jz-» jy-ue (y for &), O-Tcel. ok 3" pl. ok-o -u;
*an-e from an- ‘breathe’: Skr. an-a Goth. on dn-un; Goth.
dy ‘I fear’ beside agis Gr. aoc (Lat. Ey-t co-ept — Skr. dp-a
ap-tir- — are Italic re-formates as much as cépt, see $ 870).
Similarly with d- the perf. *dd-e from '~ od- ‘smell’: Gr. od-wd-e
instead of *ed-« (§ 858), Lith. Wd-@s. ag- dd- from ag- od-
seem to be formed on the same principle as éd- from ed-; and
if there is no reduplication in éd-, there was none in @g- or dd-.
Then again, some forms which never had reduplication are no
doubt to be found amongat the perfects of Germanic and Latin
from roots with initial Consonant, as Goth. skof skob-un Lat.
seab-t scab-i-mus (skob-un : sét-un == On-un : fr-tt-un).

Romark 2 In If § 136 p. 438 T have offered « conjecture on the
origin of the originally unreduplicated perfect; namely, that the participle
with the suffix -ues- nover had any reduplication, When these yes-participles
became associated with the Perfect system in the paront language, two
results followed: (1) either the participle itself was reduplicated, or (2) the
finite verb with which it went sometimes lost its own reduplication, That
the perfect participle once stood independent of tho reduplicated perfect
type, such as Gr. yé-yor-a yé-ya-sey, can be argued on the strength of
the root-vooalism in Gr. sidw: Fgonyria benide cite Foqwye oto. (IE p. 439).1)
Sanskrit shows »@h- and dad as perfect stems only in sdh-ede- and
-rdi-. Again, it may be mentioned that in Balto-Slavonic, which only
shows participles of the above type with the sole exooption of indic, Slay.

1) The Conjunctive with similar root-vocalism (eid-o-wer Skr. fo-
=tdn-a-t, § 543 p, 884), alao did not belong originally to the proper perfect
forms, being thematic.

ll Ni =

848,849. The Porfect: — Aryan. 395

eéd-é, all these are unreduplicated; and they include the large group
exemplified by Lith. sét-gs v2é-ge 0.0.81. vex-il. Lastly, it must be added
that it is easy to explain the wide diffusion by analogy of etems like séd=
and skip- in roots with initial consonant, displacing the oldor reduplicated
forms, by supposing that they were taken up in order to got rid of a
number of awkward aud unnatural sound-groups which had developed
amongst tho weak forms in (plural and dual indio., etc,),"

Aryan.

§ 849. We begin with a few additional examples
(op. $$ 846—848).

Mger- ‘make’: Skr. ca-kdr-a ca-ky-md ca-kr-ur mid,
ca-kr-é ca-ky-$é opt. (prec.) ca-kr-iyd-s part. ca-ky-vds- ca-kr-ij-,
Avest, 3" pl. act. ca-r-ar, O.Pera, 3™ sing. opt. ca-xr-iyd.
dher- “hold fast’: Skr. da-dhar-a da-dhdr-a da-dhr-é, Avest.
da-dar-a da-dr-2. Wwen- ‘win’: Skr, ea-vdn-a va-von-md
(ep. han-mas § 498 p. 58) va-en-& conj. rd-vdn-a-s part. pa-
-van-tds-, Avest. Gath, paon-ar? opt, vaon-ya-p part, va-can-od
vaon-us-, VM ej- ‘go’. Skr. iy-dy-a iy-&-tha ty-ir, — bhaj-
‘fear’: Sk. bi-bhay-a bi-bhy-ur part. bi-bhi-eds- bi-bhy-aj-,
Avest, part. bi-wi-rd, Rlew- ‘hear’: Avest, su-sru-ma su-
-sruy? i, e. su-srue-% (Bartholomae, Handb, § 90 p. 40), Skr.
$u-trde-a ete, see § 846 p. 388. teu- ‘be strong’: Skr,
t-tao-a, Avest. ta-tav-a 3" sing. opt. (prec.) td-tu-yd. Ar.
sard- ‘to let go’: Skr. sa-sarj-a sa-syj-é sv-spj-mahé part. mid.
sa-apj-dna-s, Avest. part. mid. hawher'z-ana-. Skr. vardh-
‘to grow’: va-odrdh-a vd-vpdh-t vd-vydh-é. Ske. kfip- ‘to
throw’: ci-k§ep-a ci-kip-ur. Skr. eyadh- ‘to pierce’: vi-ryddh-a
vi-vidh-ur vi-pyadh-wr vi-vidh-vds-. leyg- ‘shine’: Skr. ru-
-rie-a vu-ruc-tir ru-ruk-eds-. Avest. rud- ‘to grow’ (Skr.
rudh-); \* sing. “ra-raod-a part. “r@-rud-ug-. Skr. yam-
‘cohibere’: ya-yam-a ya-yan-tha yém-i-md yém-ir yém-2; yem-
for *ia-im-. jaj- ‘offer’: Skr. i-yaj-a y@j-é and -2; yej-
for *ja-jj-, 1 weg- ‘speak’ (pr. Ar. weak stem “wa-wh- ya-we-):
Skr. va-pde-a and u-vde-a u-vak-tha tie-ir ae-d, Avest. 3% sing.
va-vaca Gath. paor'-ma mid. 3" sing. vaoe-¢ part. vaok-nd-,

$850. The Perfect: Aryan. BOT

e-vhey-w¢ ré-th-n-xa), atu-mharusy and aluend-nepe (§ 594
p- 135. However, yayivds- at any rate is a new form,
following some such analogy as ta-sthi-vds-.

Root + Nasal Infix or Nasal Suffixes (§§ 596 ff
pp. 136 ff). Skr. ta-stdmbh-a ta-stabh-tir (stabh- = “stmbh-)
and ta-stambh-ur (§ 852) conj. ta-stambh-a-t beside stambh-a-té
‘makes itself firm, supports itself” from 1 stebh-, sa-sanj-a
from \ seg- “hang, affix’, da-ddmbh-a beside da-ddbh-a from
dabh- “to hurt, deceive’, see § 629 p. 167. ju-ghfirn-a beside
ghir-na-ti ‘wavers’. ji-jinv-a beside ji-nva-ti ‘sets in motion,
helps on’, pi-pine-a beside pi-nva-ti ‘swells, makes fat’.

Root -- s-suffix. Skr. ta-ta-s-ré ti-tvi-g-é see § S47
p- 391. Ar. dui-8- ‘to hate’ (§ 656 p. 190): Skr. di-dodj-a
di-doig-€ (gramm.), Avest. di-dvagg-a di-dvtS-ma, Skr. ba-
-bhaj-a (gramm.) beside bhdgati ‘barks’ for Idg. *bhel-se-ti
(the a betrays this as a later re-formate): op. O.ELG. bal(l)
hallun (§ 657 p. 191). da-daks-€ beside dék-§a-té ‘is able, is
of value, is brave’ (§ 659 p. 194). mi-mikd-é from 1 mejk-
‘mix’ (§ 669 p. 200).

With sk-suffix. Skr. pa-prach-a see p. 391. mu-mirch-a
beside mércha-ti ‘curdles, congeals’. ju-hirch-a (gramm.)
beside harcha-ti ‘slips, falls’. Compare too the thematic an-
-archa-t beside y-chd-ti ar-cha-ti ‘hits, attains’, like an-arg-a-t
§ 854.

With t-suffix (§§ 679 ff. pp. 211 ff). Skr. eci-t- ‘to notice,
recognise’ (§ 680 p. 212): Skr. ci-két-a ci-kit-ur ci-kit-€ ci-kit-
vds-, Avest. 3" pl. Gath. ci-koit-er§ (op. § 852) part. ci-kip-wd.
Skr. ya-t- ‘to join on to, strive’ (§ 681 p, 213), weak stem
*ja-jt-: Skr. yét-&, Avest. ya-yat-w yagp-ma (Gath. yoip-‘ma)
part. yagt-us-. Skr. na-nart-a na-nyt-ur beside ny-t-ya-fi
‘dances’. —pu-sphéf-a beside sphuta-ti “bursts, splits’ (beside
phal-a-ti, § 680 p. 211), vi-céSt-a beside cé§-fa-ti ‘is in motion’.

With dh-suffix. Skr. ra-rddh-a see p. 391. yu-ybdh-a
yu-yudh-é beside yo-dha-ti ‘gets in motion’ (§ 689 p. 219).

Skr. ji-ji-va ji-jiv-2 beside ji-va-ti ‘lives’ (§ 487 p. 41).

398 The Perfect: — Aryan. $850.

From a reduplicated Present is often formed a Perfect
having no further reduplication besides what the present had.
sid-atur (beside sa-sdd-a séd-tir) from sid-a-ti Idg. *si-2d-e-ti
from 1 sed- ‘sit’, nind-i-ma from ni-nd-a-ti ‘abuses, reviles’,
see § 550 p. 106. vivak-rds- from vi-vak-ti ‘speaks’. didas-i-
-tha from di-dasa-ti desid. of dd-da-ti ‘gives’. néndv-a
nonuv-ur from nd-nav-t-ti nd-nu-mas intens. of ndu-ti ‘praises’,
davidhav-a beside part. ddpi-dhv-at- intens. of dhilend-te
‘shakes’.') We may also if we choose place here jagdr-a
(op. Gr. éy7j-7ep-nam) beside ja-gar-ti ‘wakes, watches’, since
the present may be regarded as an intensive (§ 560 p. 109),
@ instead of a in the reduplicating syllable is found elsewhere
in Aryan too; and we have noticed in § 472 p, 17 that the
spread of this @ in the reduplication is certainly not unconnected
with the similarity in meaning of the Perfect-present and the
Tntensive. In later times another perfect ja-jagar-a was made
from jagar-ti. That a perfect bi-bhiks-2 was formed for

bhikga-té (desid, of bhéj-a-ti ‘divides, distributes, assigns’,
§ 667 p. 200), and for sajja-te ‘hangs on to’ (for *sa2-j-a-,
§ 562 p, 110) a perfect, sa-sajj-ur Mahabh, (beside sa-saj-wr
stj-ur and sa-safij-a p. 397), is not surprising in view of the
complete obscuration of the reduplication in the present,

As regards the above named perfects without special perfect
reduplication, compare § 848 p. 392.

Lastly, two more Skr. perfects shall be cited, which have
arisen from a root which has been completely fused into unity
with a prefix, pi-pid-2 beside prd-aya-ti ‘presses’ for *pi-ed-
(lit. ‘to sit upon’), see § 795 p. 381; ep, Gr, menteora from
nestw. ni-niydj-a (Ait, Beithm.) from ni-yuj- ‘to fasten on’.
So Gr. jugisora from dupe(Aeo- ‘to clothe, draw on’, The
same principle is exemplified in the Augment, see § 477
p. 25.

1) We should expect duvidhae-a by § 467 p. 13. The i seems to
me to be more simply explained by supposing that the perfect is a
comparatively late analogical form from ddvidhe- than by adopting
Wackernagel's conjecture, Deinungayesetz der gr. Compp. p. 18.

$851 The Perfect: — Aryan. 399

§ 851. The syllable of reduplication had originally a =
Idg. e with Roots beginning in a Consonant; the variant
@ = Idg. @ is also found (cp. § 850, p. 398).

This was changed in Aryan where a root had i or
u-vocalism,

(1) Of Roots with internal or final i- or u-vowel only
three retained the a in the reduplicator: Skr. ba-bhiiv-a
Avest. ba-rdv-a, Skr. sa-sév-a (beside su-§dv-a), part. mid.
Sa-Say-dnd-s (beside indic. $i-4y-2), In all others, i and u had
taken the place of @ in proethnic Aryan; as Skr. di-dot-a
di-dvig-2 Avest. dt-doags-a di-dotS-ma, Skr. vi-vyddh-a vi-
~vidh-ur, Skr. ru-ric-a ru-ruceir Avest, “ri-raod-a “rii-ruad-
-us-, Skr, su-fodpv-a su-Sup-tir, This tendency affected even
roots with initial diphthong: hence Skr. iy-dy-a ty-tir i, e,
“i-iy-ur instead of pr. Ar, 3™“aing. *aj-a 3 pl. *aj-r (op. Lith,
part. fem. éj-us-i) beside &ti ‘goes’; Skr. @o-wr i, e, *u-wo-ur
beside wtd-s ‘woven’ é-tu-m; Skr. u-vdc-a me-tir beside uc-
-ya-ti ‘takes pleasure in’ dkas- ‘pleasure, satisfaction’ (cp. the
archaic adjectival participle without reduplication dk-i-vds-
§ 848 p. 392).

One important factor in this developement we may con-
jecture to have been the influence of reduplicated presents
with # and « in the reduplicator. If the stems of Skr. d-
-dhay-a di-dhi-ma, di-ddy-a di-di-ods-, pi-pe-tha pi-pi-vds-,
bi-bhay-a are really and truly the same which are contained
in the present forms di-dhy-2 d-di-dhé-t, «t-dy-ati di-di-ht
d-di-dé-t, pt-pi-hi pi-pdy-a-t, bt-bhay-a-t (§ 537 pp. 97 f.) —
compare jd-gdr-a : ja-gar-ti, né-nao-a : nd-nav-t-ti § 850
p- 398. — then we shall have to connect e. g. bi-bhdy-a
bi-bhy-ur, iy-dy-a Ty-tr, ju-hdv-@ ju-huv-ur ju-ho-é directly
with bi-bhé-ti bi-bhy-ati, iy-2-ti (§ 537 p. 97), ju-hé-ti jri-ho-
-ati. Beginning then with perfects like these, the reduplication
with i and « could easily spread to other perfects from 7- and
w-roots to which there was no corresponding reduplicated
present.

4

400 The Perfect: — Aryan. $851.

(2) Roots beginning with j- and y-, of the form of Ar, jat-
‘join on, strive’ and wak- yae- ‘speak’, still had ja- and ya- for
reduplication right through the Perfect in proethnie Aryan:
Skr. yét-@ Avest. ya-yat-a yagh-ma, Skr. ya-ydm-a yer,
Skr. yéj-2, Skr. va-vde-a Avest. ra-vac-a vaor-"ma, Skr, va-
-vah-a Avest. vaoz-i-rem, Skr. va-vdm-a; with the weak stems
compare pres, Skr. yéa-ti = *ja-js-a-ti and aor. d-pdca-t
Avest. vaoca-p = *ua-we-a- § 562 p. 110. These forms stood
on the sume level as those like Skr, oa-vart-a va-ort-ur vi-
-vis-a vi-vis-tir and with Gr. é-dd-1 (§ 848 p. 392) s-opy-e
(§ 846 p. 389) é-oue (§ S48 p. 392) and Goth. vurvald.
Next, in Sanskrit, those verbs which had amongst their non-
perfect forms some in which the root, being of the weak grade,
began with i- or w-, substituted i and x- for ya- and va- as
the reduplicator; and thus we get i-ydj-a jr (i. e. *i-ij-ur)
beside ij-yi-te is-td-s ote., u=rde-a te-tir (i. c. *u-uc-ur) beside
ue-yd-t@ uk-td-s ote, on the analogy of iy-dy-a iy-tir beside
iy-é i-tds ete., vi-vyddh-a vi-vidh-ur beside vidh-ya-ti viddha-s
ote,, susodp-a su-sup-tir beside sup-ya-té sup-td-s ete!) On
the other hand, ya-yam-a yémair ca-vas-é (from vus- “to
clothe’), and other such remained simply because none of their
forms had such beginnings as im- or uj-. Only here and there
ilid u- transgress these prescribed limits: as in u-vam-a (Satap.-
Brahm.) instead of oa-vanmi-a from vam- ‘vyomere.

With this Sanskrit developement compare Lat. sei-cid-¥
from scindd as contrasted with ce-cid-t from cada, § 865.

Remark. ‘The reason why we have in Sanskrit vaer-ér and not
*eordr, und cavn-ts- not *ednif- Cop. Avest. vaonud-), as might have been
expeoted from maghdn-, the weak form of the stom maghavan- ‘giver,
offerer’, was the analogical influence of forms whose ending began with

& consonant, such as va-ey-md and va-van-md va-van-rds-, perhaps also
that of bye-forms with a weak-grade root syllable which still remained

1) I hold accordingly that the favourite theory which sees pr. fdy.
reduplications # u- or jé yur in i-ydj-a u-vde-a is incorrect, Observe
further, that the evidence offered by i-ydj-a i-é and the like for the view
that the -~ yuj- began in Idg, with i- and not with the spirant j is only
indiroct (T § 598 p, 453).

$§:851,852. ‘The Perfect: — Aryan. 401

a syllable by itself (op. fa-tan-@ i.e. *-tyn-ay beside ta-tn-€, ti-stir-e
i.e, *-styr-aj). Thus va-yn- in this way depended upon va-ran-; and,
by a contrary application of the principle, yém-imd yém-i-vas- instead
of *ya-yan-ma *ya-yan-vas- (op. Ja-gan-ma Ja-gan-rds~ from gam ‘to go")
depended upon yém-ur yém-uj- (cp. jagm-i-vas- instead of jayan-vas-
following jagm~if-).

Whilst Roots beginning with an a-vowel had in
Aryan d- through all forms of the Perfect, if they ended in a
single consonant, as Skr. ds-a Avest. dwh-a (§ 848 p. 394,
§ 949 p. 896), they have dv- (or an-) for the reduplicating syllable
if the root ends in a double consonant. Of these forms, the
following were inherited from the parent language: Skr. dn-
-qé-a with the weak stem dn-ad- (-ad- = -h-) in dnas-tir
anas-ya-t (pres, ad-nd-ti ‘uttains’): O.Ir. t-dn-aic, see § 846
p- 390; parallel Skr. dndas-a Avest. Gath. plpf. enaxita for
*ands-ta, which are similar to Gr. xar-yjvoxa (see loc. cit.), and
Skr. dé-a as-atur, which was formed for ad-né-ti aor. ad-yd-t
as-t-ma on the analogy of ds-a dd-a. Also dn-aftj-a an-aj-é
opt. Ved. an-aj-yd-t from afj- ‘to anoint, smear’ seems to have
formed part of the parent stock.

Hence afterwards arose dn-arc-a an-ye-tir from arc- ‘to
shine, praise’, an-ydh-ir from ardh- ‘to thrive’, dn-h-tir from
arh- ‘to earn’.

§ 852. Form of the Root Syllable.

The pr. Aryan distinction between Skr. 1" sing. ja-jdn-a
with @, and 8™sing. ja-jdn-a with @ (§ 848 p. 384), was lost.
Thus we have in later Sanskrit the 3" sing. form used for the
I" as well as 3° (still, jajdna was not dropt altogether), and
in Avestic the 1 singular form was used for both (e. g. va-
~vac-a beside the regular hi-Sdy-a).!)

In imitation of such forms as sa-sdd-a: std-tir (for
“sa-2d-ur) and ya-ydm-a: yém-tir (for *ia-jm-ur), arose the
Skr. forms sth-ur (sah- ‘to subdue’), séj-ur (saj- ‘to hang,
fasten’), péc-tir (pac- ‘to cook’), s%c-8 (sac- ‘to be with, ac-
company’, but alao sa-Se-2), pét-tir (pat- ‘to fly, fall’, but also

1) The Avestic change was natural enough because fafaja (Skr,

tatdkja) had got in amongst roots with single final consonant,
Brogmann, Klements. IV. 26

402 The Perfect: Aryan.

pa-pt-tir), ném-ur (nam- ‘to bow, bend’), tén-é (tan- ‘to stretch’,
but also ¢a-tn-é). This type recommended itself because it
avoided certain awkward sounds which had developed in some
roots, as was the case in Germanic with the type gém- (§ 893).
méthur beside ma-mduth-a (manth- ‘to shake, knead’), and
béedh-ir beside ba-bdndh-a (bandh- ‘to bind’), arose because
the weak roots math- and badh- in mdtha-ti badh-nd-ti ete.
(-a- = -y-) were conceived as being parallel to roots like
sad- or yaj-; which also explains mamdth-a beside mamanth-a,
mathigya-ti beside manthigya-ti and the like. That a Perfect
stem such as séd- or yém- was to the consciousness of the
speaker nothing more than an ablaut-form of the unreduplicate
root is shewn by forms with initial media aspirata like bhaj-ur
(beside ba-bhdj-a from bhaj- ‘to distribute’), and those which
begin with a double consonant, as tré-wr trés-ur (beside ta-
-trds-a from tras- ‘to tremble’).

The strong singular stem seems often to have invaded
forms proper to the weak stem. Skr, tastambhur (but also
tastabhir') following tastdmbha, ep. § 850 p. 397, babandhur
following babdndha. yuydpimd following yuydpa from yup- “to
obstruct’. vivégur (but also vivise) following vieéda from vid-
"to enter’. bibhédur (but bibhidur also) following bibhéda from

. Uhid- “to split. vavahatur (but ahatur) following vavdha from
vah-‘vehere’. nandmiré (but 2@m-ur) following nanama. sasasur
following sasasa (op. aor, d-#i$-a-t) from $as- ‘to order’: ep. pres.
8" pl. sds-ati beside opt, 4if-ya-t. dadavds- (but dadvds-
dadiods-) following dadad from da- ‘to give’. Avest. 3" pl.
cikoiter’s (but cikipwd) following *cikoita from cit- ‘to observe’
(§ 850 p. 397). 2" pl. haxhana following 3" sing. *hawhana
from han- ‘to give, earn’. But we may see, from what has
been said in § 848 pp. 392 f. on sa-sah-é sa-dqs-ur and sa-
-sah-é da-das-i-ma, that it is possible to hold that the germ of
these consists of unreduplicated forms with a strong root (such
as Skr. *stambh-ur) which received reduplication in Aryan.

In Skr. “and 3" sing. ta-sthat da-dhatk pa-prai ete., the
origin of -aw is obseure. Now and then we meet with variants

_— ill

$9 852-854. The Perfoct: — Aryan. 403

8™“sing. pa-prd and Avest. 3™sing. da-da.') Some regard -w
as a particle affixed to the perfect with final -@, as pa-prd -- «
== pa-praé; and others compare ta-sthaé with sthdv-ira-
phere sthii-rd-, or pa-prai with Lat. plée-i, ja-jhad with
Lat. ndv-. All these are thoroughly uncertain conjectures.

§ 863. As regards the -i- which precedes the personal
ending in -i-tha -i-ma -i-va -i-$€ -i-maht ~i-vahé, which is
much commoner in the later language than it is in the Veda,
the most essential facts have been pointed out in § 844,
pages 385 f.

The same i is seen in the unreduplicated i-@ (§ 848
p. 391): #-i-ge (beside th-82) t-i-dhoe like ja-jf-i-ké ja-jA-i-
-dhot. After what was said in § 574 p. 115, it is not strange
that beside 1-g€ we find -i-t2. Compare however the pres.
Sp-nv-i-sé beside Sy-nv-i-ré (like i$-i-ré jajn-i-ré).

§ 864. The so-called Pluperfect, and Thematic Forms of
the Perfect Stem (cp. § 555 p. 108, § 845 p. 887 f.).

Un-Thematic Pluperfect. Skr. 2"t and 8" sing. d-ja-gan
3" pl. d-ja-gan-ta (with strong stem like gan-td beside ga-td,
§ 498 p. 58) 3" pl. mid. d-ja-gm-iran beside ja-gam-a.
1* sing. ca-kar-am beside ca-kdr-a, Avest. 3" pl. mid. vaoz-
-irem beside Skr. va-vah-a (§ 849 p. 396). Gath. 2™¢ pl. mid.
odiz-dam (with strong stem instead of weak) beside vdista =
Skr. véttha, Compare Gr, ¢-ni-md-yev beside mé-aord-s, § 865.
We find in Sanskrit also the 2° and 3 sing, with -—, an
d-ja-grabh-tt beside 1" sing. d-ja-grabh-am, see § 577 p. 118.

Thematic Pluperfect. Skr. d-ca-kr-a-t beside ca-kdr-a.
d-da-drh-a-nta beside da-darh-a (gramm.) from darh- ‘to make
firm’. dn-arg-a-t from ar§- ‘to stream’; an analogous form is
an-archa-t (beside perf. ar-a ar-ur) from pres. y-chd-ti ar-cha-ti
‘hits, attains, seizes’ (cp. § 850 p. 397). Avest. ja-ym-a-p
beside Skr. ja-gdm-a. ta-tas-a- beside 1" sing, ta-tas-a =

1) On the assumed Avest. dodo = Skr. dadha@i, see Bartholomae,
Bozz. Beitr. x 301.
26*

404 ‘The Perfect: — Armenian. Greck. $3 854-856,

Skr. ta-tdki-a from takg- ‘to shape, form’. Compare Gr. é-sé~
=waroy § 865.

The Thematic Imperative, as Skr, 2% dual mru-mde-a-tam
24 pl. mu-mdc-a-ta (muc- ‘to loose’) 24 sing. mid. va-ordh-
-d-sva (vardh- “to grow’), stood beside the Unthematic mu-
-muk-tam mu-mug-dhi, as in Greek @, g. xe-xgdy-o-re xe-zrrere
beside xé-xe@y-t; and they were related to the Thematic
Conjunctive Skr. mu-mdc-a-t(¢) Gr, eid-o-nev a8, in the s-aorist,
Skr. 2" sing. imper. né-§-a to the conj. né-g-a-ti, Gr. 2™ pl.
imper. af-ere to conj. (fut.) af-ere (§ 833 p. 370).

The forms Skr. t-a-t@ Avest. is-a-it@ beside #-¢ is-3 ‘has
brought into his power’ doubtless first arose because the latter
had ceased to be looked upon as belonging to the Perfeet.
Thus they are classed along with Presents like Skr. han-a-té
Avest. janaiti beside hdn-ti jainti (§ 498 p. 58). Compare
$ 888 on Goth. dihan dihands,

Armenian.

§ 855. The old Perfect inflexion seems to be wholly lost.
gitem ‘I know’ may have been transformed from *yojd-a in
the same way as Lesb. oidye from olda; but it may also be
regarded as a present of Clase If A (§ 517 Rem. p. 82). For
another even more uncertain trace of the Perfect in Armenian,
see Meillet, Mém. Soe. Ling. vir 164.

Greek.

§ 856. We begin with a few examples in addition to
those given in § 846.

sonag-rae from orsign “L sow. e-od-e &eh-tar from sidm
‘L press’ / Fea- (§ 848 p. 392). é-orod-e (gramm.) &orad-ree
from ortidw ‘I place, ordain’. d¢-dpou-s beside s&Jpau-o-w
‘Tran’. Hom. dsidw i. e. *d¢dFw “I fear’ for *de-dFog-a, dette
Le. Wt-JFra, dsiduav ie, *dt-dFi-uev, dedireeg i, 0. *dt-d Fie
-éreg (I § 166 p. 147), Att, d-deusy dé-d-d de-de-vig de-dt-évae.

& i

$9 856,857. The Perfoct: — Greek. 405

xéexgr-rea from xgtvm ‘I separate, choose, decide’ (§ 611
p- 150). é-nopd-« from népdoua ‘pedo’. aé-gad-ra from
gottw ‘I give to understand, show’, ygherd-:; Lith. part.
isz-gird-@s from isz-girstt ‘I perceive’ (§ 707 p. 286, § 686
pp. 216f.). vé-rpop-e ré-toap-e ré-roun-rae from rpémo ‘I turn’.
Eine from énouae “I hope’, Feln~. né-novd-e nenad-vTa
beside fut. wsfoopa for *nevd+o-, pres. xetayo ‘I suffer’ (§ 673
p- 205). Som-e ‘is like’ érx-tov ijtx-ro Fory-ew b-0lx-0-nsr
siz-wg e-orxmoig, VY Fete. né-nord-e E-nd-med-uey ae-nold-a-usr
né-nsore from xe(9m ‘IT persuade’, re-reny-oig th-rex-rar
te-reriy-atae from revyo ‘I prepare’, — xé-yod-e from yélw
‘eaco’. ré-rox-e beside érex-o-v ‘I begat, bore’. ?-gomy-«
E-gony-ste from pyjy-vi-ue ‘L break’, Fony-. — bM-kyx-s he-dapr-cig
(-n- for -@-) de-hax-via beside -Aax-o-v ‘I spoke’. e-yenx-wg
(-9- for -@-) we-yax-vte beside yaxwy ‘bleating, crying’. ié-
~Jeun-s from hépnw “T shine’.

dé-vde-rae from di-dy-tr T bind’. The root-vowel ¢, like that
of ré-Pe-rar el-raa (for *s-ree) and that of dé-Jo-rar, is instead
of @ = Idg. a Compare § 493 p. 58 on é-de-pev é-do-usv,
and § 542 p. 102 on ri-de-new f-e-usv di-dév-rww di-do-pew.

Forms with so-called Attic Reduplication. Hom. stijouda
sidjlovdusy Att. 2ijlvda AyhiPauer beside 22evaouce I will
come’ aor, jhudov, élevt-. Ton. éo-no-e dgnouic &g-ag~vi« beside
7e-ag-0-v ‘I joined’.

§ 867. Numerous Perfect forms based upon Roots extended
in some way, and upon Presents of all sorts and kinds, Compare
§ 847 pp. 391 f.

(1) dé-dpa@-rae from dp-a- ‘to do’. xé-xpG-rae from xp-@- ‘to
mix’. re-rhy-we from rh-@- ‘to bear’. xe-xeen-aic from xu-@- ‘to
weary. té-ruy-ra from tu-@ ‘to out’, ré-rgy-re from re-n-
‘to wear away, pierce’. a#-xdq-ras from xi-y- ‘to call’, xé-yon-
-rac from yo-y- ‘to lend, borrow’. ré-rey-wic ve-tén-tae from te
‘to be still, overawed’ Idg. gij-8-, see § 590 p. 182. xe-yugn-oig
xi-zaon-rea from zatow ‘I rejoice’. — x-xapn-ul¢ “breathing hard’.
Je-déq-ra from Jéo Hom, Aeol. dsi-w ‘I need’. — vewvipen-ras

406 ‘The Perfect: — Greck. $857.
from véuc “I distribute’. S¢-Bovdy-rex from fovdopzes “I wish’
for *Bodvo-um. ré-rvnry-rae from rva-rw ‘I strike’. Compare
§ 750.1 p. 271, § 756.4 pp. 275 f, § 822.5 p. 860.

(2) Along with these go Perfects from later denominatives,
as Hom. xs-xor7-we, Boeot. gen. pl. Fs-Fixovonerrrwy (Att. gixo-
vounaicur, cp. § 866), te-riyen-ra (-n- = -G-), mepihy-re, we
-uiddw-ra, xe-x6vt-rea, Je-daxgt-ra. Compare § 756.5 p. 276,
§ 773 pp. 200 f, § 818 p. 351, § 822.6 p. 360.

(8) de-didaz-2 de-didax-rar dedidey-uoue beside dir-déoxor
‘T teach’ (§ 678 p. 210), op. aor. #didaa.

(4) né-qnv-e (Dor. né-pav-e) né-par-rae from gaivo "l make
appear, show’ for “ga-re-w. — x8-ynv-e (Dor. xé-zay-s) from zatveo
‘I gape’ for *ya-m-w. &Eav-re Haupen from E-afyw “I scratch,
comb’. On the forms aépaqgear faouae (= itauum), see § 862,
noo-fipovis beside Sorhouar (see under 1), Compare § 822.2
p. 359.

(5) Nasal Infix. x¢-xduyy-s, also x¢-xdyy-2, beside xayyave
and xAatw (for *xAayy-«@) “I make a sound, cry out’. The verb
yoawddve “I have room for’ (y“ghed-, § 631 p. 168) perhaps had
both xé-zavd-« and zé-zovd-e (like A¢doyzs from hayyavea) for its
perfect; see Mekler, Beitr. zur Bildung des griech, Verbums,
60 f.; Wackernagel, Berl. Phil. Wochenschr. 1891, col. 1475 f.
Aeol. part. xs-qpeyy-av (Att. ae-pevy-c) from guyydvo ‘I flee’.
Logyeta 1" sing. togeya (-yu- for -vgm-, I § 492 p. 363)
from op/yyw ‘I tie’. Compare § 822.3 p. 359.

(6) Sona-c-tar, xé-xda-d-res, xs-xéoao-rar, &-dxtdaa-raa; e-ap-
-fo-ra, xe-xdgeo-tm; f-Ev-d-rar, sigvo-rar. See § 661 p. 196
§ 842 pp. 380 f.

(7) Syrac. a¢nooys instead of néxovds from naayw (§ 673
p. 205). Compare Skr. papracha Lat. poposct from 1/ prekt-.

(8) xara-nénvda* xarsogvyxa Hesych., beside nt-Iw ‘I make
to rot’. ¢-Bpt9-s from Bei-9@ ‘I weigh down’. Compare § 694
Pp. 223. nénpiod-s beside é-plr-d-sr’ dépossy, dea-nezhoduig and
ducxszhidoic beside yitw ‘1 am weakly’. 8" pl. é-ppdd-arae
from ga/vw ‘I sprinkle’ for *op-arym (§ 621 p. 159). Compare
$ 695 p. 224.

$9 857,958. ‘The Perfoct: — Greek. 407

(9) Hom. nsgefires from *yritm for *puy-nm ($ TOT
p. 286).

(10) Perfects of later Denominatives whose verbal stem
ended in a Consonant, xé-x1joty-s xs-xnptx-rae xs-xyjoby-eee from
xnptocm “I announce, proclaim’ for *x@gix-4o. as-gvAaz-e
nepihen-ta nspihay-cu from peddcow “1 watch’ for *pviax-to.
jamotea from @ixitm “I hope’ for “feknd-o. hé-Anoree from
Ayitouar'l get booty’ for *Refrd-so-par. —_ve-réAsG-ree from rekem
‘L finish’ for *redeo-qo. Hyysh-rae from ayyétiw “I announce’.
e-Ajuav-ra from Adjuetvouc T treat shamefully, insult, torture’,
Compare § 756.3 p, 275, § 757 p. 276 f., § 768 p. 282 f,
§ 822.4 p, 359 f.

§ 858. The Reduplication with + im roots with initial
consonant has been more faithfully kept in Greek than in
any other language. The vitality of this type can be best
seen in its use with denominative forms like me-pvAaxrar di-
-dvortiznxt, tt-Iahacooxoarnxs, Boeot. Fs-Fbxovonsdveay.

Remark. On the analogy of compounds like iu-nemofyxe wore made
others such a8 éy-dediuyar exo-dedyuner instead of *frdqunxe *imodjugee
from év-Jnwo-g dmé-dnwo- The group was further enlarged by Sro~
<aenolgxe Mo-menotyrar inmo-rereépyxe and many other like them.

On the treatment of the initial consonant or consonants of
the reduplicator, see §§ 475 f. pp. 20 ff

Verbs with initial vowel were treated in two ways, as in
Sanskrit:

(1) By lengthening the initial vowel. 2" sing. qa-2e from
yo es- “to be” (op. Skr. ds-i-tha), which form came afterwards
to be used as imperfect because Ja jusv yore jorov belonged
to both; joe from foitw ‘I strive’. dy-© Fy-ua (y = @)
from dyw ‘I lead’: Ske, aj-a O.Icel. ok (here comes av-my-
from dv-eym according to Danielsson, Nord. tidskr. f. filol.,
ny rekke, vu 138 ff); goxy-ree from doxtw ‘I practice’;
Hox? joy-wae from aeyo “E begin’; juglsa-rar from aap
-ta-ce “to draw on, clothe’. diyxa-ree from dyxéu ‘lL grow
big, swell up’. This perfect formation has been treated in

§§ 859861. The Perfect: — Greek. 409

négevy-< nepev'y-c-usy, né-nhey-t, Aé-Dey-e; particularly often in
the Middle. as aéaiex-ra nénsio-ree. The original place of this
ablaut-grade was in the perfect Conjunctive, sometimes in the
Participle active (II § 136 p. 488 £.), and also, according to the
hypothesis of De Saussure and Osthoff, the 1" sing. Indic. active
(§ 848 Rem. p. 384). Again, &eA-ra: and like forms may be
based upon the unreduplicated (xara-\Feiuéve-g; see § 848. 2
with Rem. 1, pages 392 and 393. Lastly, non-perfect verbal
forms with s may have had a hand in it; thus gevym may have
influenced néqevye, or nslPoua nénuotat.

Sometimes the change which took place was that weak
perfect forms with « from roots of the e-series caused the
production of other forms on the analogy of a-roots. Thus
péuxhe (Dor. ueuaie) took the place of *uguoke (from she ‘it
is a care to’), because forms with «s-~ad- (ep. Skr. ti-stir- from
V ster- “sternere’) were associated with such others as re-Pad-vie
beside 19742 (Dor, ré9@ax). Similar considerations account for
péuyre (Viner think’) and dednydic dédnyueu (V defike ‘bite)
by analogy with pe-pav- = *me-myn- and de-dux- = *de-dah-
(ep. Skr. dadas-nds- beside dadas-a). But undoubtedly with
both these perfects other non-perfect forms, such as palvouar
tudvyy and daze Maxov, helped to change them over to the
new vowel-series.

The é-grade seen in O.Ir. mid-ar Goth. sét-um Lith. séd-¢
ete. (§ 848.3 p. 393), has been eonjectured for Gr. sarce ‘sits’,
whose aspirate is odd as contrasted with Skr. ds-fe. It is quite
possible that, in Greek, middle forms of *séd- were confused
with the verb *és-. Compare pres. Lith, séd-mi § 494 p. 54.

§ 860. On the -a of rérpog-a-c -a-usr -a-re, on Dor.
ytyoruv and part. nenruic, see § S44 pp. 385 f.

The 3" pl. ardor ‘they stand’ is contracted for *$-ord-am,
which had taken the place of a previous *fora@m. So also
Ep. yeydaor psndan pepaan Att. pepdor. See § 1021. 4.

§ 861. Aspirated Perfects like dédays (yds) mé-ndeye
(whex-) xexijodzs (xnotx-) rétpope retreagpara (rosn-) xdxhoge

410 The Perfect: — Greok. $9.861,962.

(xden-) ize (dy-) Réhize (iey-) dowoizara (Sgey-) ritoupe
terpigara (rpif-) have borrowed the aspirate, and put it in
place of media or tenuis, from perfect stems which properly
ended in an aspirate, such as yéypaqe ysyodpere and reteize-
ra. The cause of this change was that in some perfect forms
and in forms outside the perfect, these phonetic differences
disappeared, and the aspirate was no longer distinguished from
the tenuis or media. Thus rérpaupen rérpawe ete. and Erpswa
roiyus looked exactly like 7éyoappm yéypawe etc, and sypatpe
yoawur; hence the analogy of ysypapausr gives rise to
rerpageper instead of *rerpanauer, Compare Osthoff, Perf,
284 ff, 614 ff; Curtius, Zur Kritik der neuesten Sprach-
forschung, 58 ff,

§ 862. Perfects from verbal stems in s generally show
in the middle the endings -opm -opns%e -auevog, as steouce
Roouar frovopee seoswpene sopsouae rerékeoum sonagpee
xexégaope, thus traversing the law laid down in vol, 1 565 §
p- 422, by which we should expect forms without o, and with
a lengthening of the preceding vowel when this was short.
There are some of these regular forms, as Meas (y>jds-)
yéyeonue (vy Geus-) 2g-svuiivo: (yeus-). But the other set are
a re-formation on the model of those with -or-, as Meouce
instead of *sCeyeae following *sora, Keone following Moree.
On the contrary, Com and pty suggested Horm instead
of Xwarm, syfysvrro instead of *¢yzye(vs)-aro.

Similarly, in the Middle Voice of Perfects from Verbal-
stems in 9 and d, the @ of -aree spread into the forms in -eax
~waFa -pevog, as Akecue following Jéhaorae (act. Atdnde),
xéavoue following aémvota (pres. reiPouct) wénecoues following
wéneora (pres. aside), xsxaouete following <éxearae (xad-),
wéqoaoue following xépaorcs (aor. répoedor). Forms like Hom.
xexnquinivos negoaduivoc Pind. xexaduévos are regular. Similarly,
Att. inser (Hom. id-ysv) may be regarded as a re-formate
following iors; but it may also follow the pret. Japer i. e,
“j-Fer-d-usv just as iodo follows ioay joar (§ 863 p. 411).

$$ 962,568. The Perfect: — Greek. All

The agreement of forms like oefow fosoa (for *osvo-w
*ioxd-0a) égciow Fonoe (for *2psed+ow *jond+oe) with such
forms as teé-0m Ereeoe (V~re-) had this result, that the
endings -ora -quc ete. spread from aéosorat -omcu 2oyjonorce
-oum to the Perfect of verbal stems which ended in a
vowel: rére-orm -onar, xéxdav-ara instead of xéxdavrat,
fyvarora, xexéhev-ore. The same cause gave rise to dro-
-rsioréo-g EteloIny, xkavord-¢ instead of xduvrdc, Eyvwadyy etc.
Or the « of these forms from verb stems with final vowel
may have originated from the 2° sing. mid. in -o-Sye, as
tymiatye (= djnasthas) Eunjodyg (Wackernagel, Kuhn's
Zeitschr. Xxx 312, Henry, Précis de gramm. comp.* § 102):
op. § 589 p. 129 f., § 820 p. 357, § 836 p. 373, § 840 p. B77.

Lastly, we must place here forms from v-stems such as
nigasua beside népav-rae (patye “I show’), oso7juacuc beside
asonperror (onpecdvo “I make a signal’); but we also find
Haupu for *2-Sav-uar (talv “I seratch, comb’), Joyoxeca for
“joxvr-wo (uiozévm “I disgrace’), and others. We may con-
jecture that first *nspav-o9e “osoduav-o9s beeame regularly
*nsgaode *oroduaads, and then, since these looked like éonaads
xexioaode, the forms népaduee asojuacuae were made to match
fonaguae xexfgaona; on the other hand, aéparrar produced the
form xépavite.

§ 863. The 8 pl. of olds iuev was in Homer ‘oogor
(Att. foa@or Dor. ioayre by vol. I § 563.2 p. 419), an ad-formate
of the s-aorist *toowy isay, augmented yoav (§ 812 p. 349,
§ 821 p. 858). The formation of iso@o: was due to tore isrov
beside yors jjorov. Compare § 862, on Att. touer.

ioaver, associated with foravre ‘they place’, caused the Dorie
dialect to make the further forms to@ue toapev ioduever ote.
following ‘orgy and the rest.

In Heraclean, this « went on to the middle of the perfect:
yeyedwara. Then, on the strength of the relation of yrypewarus
to syodwavro, we get *ueuadwource beside iuiatwoarto — the
conj. msuiodwoumrra is found.

42 The Perfect: — Greek. $864.

$ 86a. There can be no doubt that the x-perfect, as
Foryxe, existed in all its important features as early as proethnie
Greek, although it only become a large group in Greek itself.
As to the origin of the formation very diverse theories have
been set forth; they are collected and criticised by Johansson,
Beitr, zur gr. Sprachkunde, pp. 56 ff. (compare Per Persson,
Wurzelerw., 209 f.).

Remark. The explanation which has most in its favour is the
following. x is onlled « Root-Determinative, which oame from the paront
language into Greek in « few verbs; and then it became @ fertile perfeot
suffix in pr. Greek just as ¢ became a fertile aorist suffix in the original
language. It was not confined to the perfect any more than ¢ was
confined to the norist: we have for instance aor. f%rrc as well as perf.
TéPqne, A0t. Wore Simo a8 will aa perf. déSaxe, Sléew aa well a& Gisldnec,
Bd Fisooyen for *Se-d Freyorwmn 98 well a8 54 Flows.

The favourite sphere of the x-formation lay from the
proethnie period of Greek in stems with e-, o- and a-vowels, as
riGopae Fecrns dt-Seonns S-ord-xe, Bi-Sd-y-xs E-yrumne dé-dpntiexs,
Forms like *re-32 *i-m (Avest, da-da) without -« and -+ in the
1* and 3'sing. may have seemed too unnatural and unlike the
rest of the system; this may have brought in some x-form,
which afterwards spread rapidly by analogy. s

Beside the above named perfect forms with the root-
suffixes -a- and -2- -d-, were formed others, such as xsyupyxe
yoytiunne Pinus Sideinvexs uspiaduoxe reriudxs deddxgOxs,
Compare xezaonoic xexornwe vevéuntar mepihnrae ete., § 857.1
and 2, p. 405 f

Again, the relation of fornxe to otijow sornoa, of Jigga
tu Jpaow idgaaa, produced perfects like wémexe beside aslo
inswa (asim “1 advise”), neépoaxe beside potaw kpoava (pedro
‘I give to understand, show’ for “ggad-4a), ysyvuvaxa beside
yonvdan éyépvace (yvuvdlo ‘IL exercise), gouoxa beside dgudow
Fouoca (apudte ‘I fit, join’), forexe beside oxstow fonsioa for
*ansvr-a- (oxévdu “Ll pour), gonaxa beside exaow tonaca (Onde
‘L pull’ for *ona-o-w).

By analogy of the perfect middle (op. ddpara : dédpaxa)
arose e.g. Phoo. réitexa (instead of rédyxa) following réerae,

§$ 964—s66, ‘The Perfeet: — Greek. 413

Att. sixa (*exe) following sira (*era:), dédexe following dédera,
épagxa following épdugras, xtxkaxe following xéxdrar, iyyedxe
following jyysirat. Vice versa, mid Dor. ag-dorae follows taxa
(§ 859 p. 408).

Following sive sir, the forms riPyxe rédspae were changed
in late Attic to ré92exa réIerrae.

Following foréxa:iorausy we get yéyd@xa (Pind,) beside
yéyawer (*§e-Gy-); vice versa qeiorausey (Comedy) beside
jolarnxa (Agra “I breakfast’).

§ 865. For the Pluperfect Greek, like Sanskrit, at first
had two formations, thematic and unthematie (ep. § 555
p. 108, § 845 p. 387, § 854 p. 403).

(1) The Unthematic type is found in the Active only
for Plural and Dual, e. g. @-1é-ned-usv ye-ya-rqv i-ora-psv; the
Spl. ends in -cav, e. g. i-ora-cuv pé-pa-oay *Mesldwar i. e.
*2Jé-JSFr-oay (§ 1021.2). Far oftener, and found in all three
numbers, this occurs in the Middle; as re-ry-peny ¢-ré-rax-ro
Be-Bhaj-ero xe-xdlu-v0. Compare Skr. 1" and 3“sing. d-ja-gan.

(2) Thematic Forms are e, g. 2-p%=7x-0-v (but je-seqx-0ic),
&nt=adny-o-v (but 2é-nAyy-a), av-ory-o-v (but dv-mya), deide i,
*dé-IFr-e (but pert. dé-de-psy); with x, é-né-pix-o-v (but 2/~pi-xa).
Compare Skr. d-ca-kr-a-t, Sometimes it is doubtful whether a
form comes here or in the VI™ Present Class (§ 563 p. 111);
88 Ae-has-o-vto (op. Aédqxa Ashaxvia and }-Lax-0-v),

(3) To these formations are added all which are based
upon an original s-aorist. (a) On the one hand, the forms
ydea and foavy Yoav (ousr yore); (b) on the other, those in
which the Aorist ending was affixt to the Perfect stem, as
ne-nold-su m-notd-ny éne-noid-ew beside at-nord-c, and s-ornjx-
-sv beside f-orn-xe, See § 821 p. 357 f., § 836 pp. 372 ff.

§ 866. Like the thematic pluperfect 2-yé-yx-0-r etc.,
mentioned in § 865.2, the thematic imperative x:-xpay-s-rs and
so forth belong to the parent speech; cp. Skr. mu-mdée-a-ta,
§ 844 p. 404.

But thematic forms occur more or less in all other
formations of the Greek perfect aystem. Indicative Hom.

—s

414 The Portoct: — Italic. $5 886,967.

né-upi-s-rar ‘it is dear’ beside prd-e (which may also belong to
Present Class VI, § 563 p. 111), 6g-ip-e-ras ‘is aroused’ beside
6o-wp-«, dv-oya beside av-wye, Syrac, ddold-w beside Att.
@-wh-«, And again, jx ‘I am here’ may have taken the
place of a perfect *jx«; the last essay to explain the etymology
of this verb is by Johansson, Beitr. gr. Sprachk., 62 f£., who would
connect it with a root -2- ‘to go’. Conj. Hom. ag-7o-y Att.
Bt-Biajx-y beside Hom. sid-o-uev, Opt. Att, Be-Pirjx-o- beside
Lore-i-usv, Inf. Rhod. yeyévew, in Pindar xezhader, Part. Leab.
neninowxur, Hom, (Acol.) xexdspyovres, Boeot, FeFixovousrvran,

Italic.

§ 867. The “Perfect” of Latin and Umbro-Samnitic is a
mixture of elements very widely different. Ten distinet types
contribute to make it up.

(1) Genuine Reduplicated Perfects like Lat, tw-twd-t =
Skr. tu-tud-é, de-d-t = Skr. da-d-é (§ 1044). In § 846 we
have compared with perfect forms of other Idg. languages
these others: pepert, tetul?, memint moment, tetint, memords
momordt, crédidt, bibt, stetl, scicidt, cecint, pepigt; to which
add Umbr. dersicust.

(2) Probable Unreduplicated Perfect forms. Fitat lag-t
vén-F and the like, with possibly @d-+, cp. § 848.3 p. 393.
Next scand-I, vort-T vert-t Umbr. co-vortus ‘converterit’, scab-f,
dd-f, cp. § 848.1, 2 and 4, pp. 391, 392, 394.

(3) Forms of the s-Aorist, both thematic and non-thematic,
as dix-i diw-i-t diz-i-mus, op. Gr. é-dat-« Skr. d-dikj-a-t. See
§ 823 p. 360 f,

(4) Forms of the non-thematic is-Aorist, as vtdis-tis (ondis-
-ti) vider-0 vider-i-m, op. Ske. d-védis-am Gr. ydea, See § 841
pp. 378 ff.

(5) Thematic Aorists of Class Il. Lat. fu-i-t fu-i-nrus,
Ose. fuid fuerit’: Skr. d-bhuv-a-t. Lat. scid-i-t: Skr. d-chid-a-t,
Sid-i-t; Skr. d-bhid-a-t. ex-wit for *-wy-e-t (Clauss IL B) or

ae i

$867. ‘The Perfect: — Italic. 415

*-ey-e-t (Class Il A). Ose. dic-ust ‘dixerit’ beside *dic-e-d
‘dixit’: Skr. imperf. d-dis-a-t. Ose. kiim-béned ‘convénit’
ce-bnust ‘hue venerit’'): Skr. d-gam-a-t Avest. ym-a-p, / geni-.
From Osc. pert-emust ‘peremerit’ the ind, *%me-d is to be inferred.
Ose. ana-saked or ana-zaked ‘consecravit’ (Bréal and Duyau,
Mém. Soe. ling., vi 51, 227) beside Lat. sancid. Pelign. afded
‘abiit’ for *a/-je-d (Thurneysen, Rhein. Mus. xuin 348), ep. Gr.
opt. Go. So also Lat. vort-i-t vort-i-mus (ep. 2) may be
connected with Skr. d-nyt-a-t. See § 483 p. 82, § 528
pp. 86 ff., § 528 p. 91.

(6) Possibly amongst forms like lég-i-t lég-i-mus (y~leg-)
were some like Gr. 2-p7jd-e-ro (y~med-) Skr. d-sch-a-t (y~ segh-).
See § 841 Rem. p. 378.

(7) Probably reduplicated thematic aorists of Class VI.
te-tig-i-t te-tig-i-mus: Gr. re-tay-y. pe-pig-i-t: Gr. ms-nay-o-ly-»
beside aé-nyy-«. cé-cid-i-t: xs-xad=s7v ‘to hurt, despoil’ xe-xad~
-o-vro beside ixcxidee* onexeywpyxee (pres. xjdu), — pe~pul-i-t:
at-nah-civ, pe-per-i-t for *pe-par-e-t: me-nog-tiv’ dodva beside
é-nog-o-v “T gave, brought’, op. 1 sing. pe-per-f and aZ-npw-ra
§ 846 p. 388. de-d-i-t Ose. de-d-e-d Umbr, te-t-e pr. Ital,
*de-d-e-t:*) Skr. imperf. d-da-d-a-t (§ 562 p. 110). Compare
§ 564 p. 111.

To these must be added (8) the Latin perfect in -vi and
-ut, (9) the Umbr.-Samn. perfect with f, and (10) the ¢-perfect
of Oscan, Pelignian, and Volscian; see $$ 873 ff.

This fusion of the forms of Aorist and Perfect implies that
the Idg. Perfect had become a historic tense as early as
proethnic Italic.

1) Conway (Amer. Journ. Phil. x1 808) defends the old view of
cebnust a8 reduplicated form.

2) The Umbr.-Oso. ending -r-d ix odd as compared with forms like
ust, where the short vowel of the last syllable is syncopated (I § 688
p. 474). Whether the law of syncopation allowed certain exceptions in
the case of a final dental (say, depending on what the preceding syllable
was, or the accent), or whether -e- in this -e-d ix due to some analogy,
T do not here discuss,

416 ‘The Perfect: — Italic. $9 867,868.

Of the endings of the perfect indicative, these belonged to
the perfect in Idg.: Lat. -@ in the 1* sing. = Skr. -€; -ff which
fused with the aorist element -is- made the 2¢sing. (: Skr, -tha
§ 988.3); and -imus in futud-intus vén-imus may be equated
with Skr. -i-ma, Avest. -ama Gr, -ayer Goth. -1m (ste-ti-mus
= Gr. fore-yev Skr. ta-sthi-md?). To the is-aorist belongs
Lat. 2™ pl. -is-tis, also -is-ff in 2™* sing. (see above), and
possibly -Zrunt in the 3 plural. To the thematic aorist belong
Lat. 3" sing. -i-t, earlier -e-d (vhevhaked), whose agreement
with Umbr.-Samn. -e-d is most important (the -¢ of the
3" sing. perf. Idg. must doubtless have given place to -e-d =
Idg. -e-f completely in pr. Italic), and partly -i-mus in the
1* plural. The 3° pl. Umbr.-Samn. -ens and Lat. -@runt are
ambiguous.

The precise way by which this fusion of different endings
came about is not clear; nor will it be made clear so long as
the 3" singular and 3" plural are the only endings we know in
Umbro-Samnitic dialects (as to Osc. manafum, see § 874).
Thus much only seems certain, that as early as proethnic Italic
some thematic forms had joined on to the old perfect system;
ep. Lat. de-d-i-t Ose. de-d-e-d beside Lat. de-d-t, pe-pig-i-t
beside pe-pig-t.

Beside -e-d = Idg. -e-t, Latin has also -id -#, on
inscriptions -eit, as fuueit redieit. Since interieisti also occurs
on inscriptions, the simplest explanation is that the F came
from the I" sing. which had -#.

Remark. Bartholomac (Stud, idg. Spr, 1 195) derives fuit from
Idg. *bhey--t or *bhuy-ej-t, which seems to me very far-fotcht, | T

Suit with Ske. d-bhue-o-t (Oso, conj. Suid for *huy-2-t § 872), and I regard
‘a4 (Ennins has faimus) 28 a re-formate like pliti (op. Osthoff, Perf. 254 £2).

§ 868, The Idg. ¢ of the reduplicating syllable seems to
have been kept without change in proethnic Italic. Compare
O.Lat. vhe-vhaked ‘fecit’ Ose. fe-facid ‘fecerit’, Lat. de-dt
Ose. de-ded Umbr. fe-Fe, Lat. me-mordt pe-pugt ste-tt, Umbr.
de-rsicust ‘dixerit? pe-purkurent ‘poposcerint, rogaverint’.

$56 The Perfect: — Italic. 417

But Latin, if the vowel of the syllable which followed
the reduplicator was the same as that of its present stem,
assimilated this e to it; as mo-mordt : morded, cu-currt : currd,
pu-pugt : pungd, sci-cidt: scindd, di-dict: disco, sti-tt : sisto;
whilst in Old Latin we still find the regular forms me-mordi
pe-pugt etc. (see above), Compare Skr. u-vde-a instead of
va-vde-a following ue-yd-te wktd-s and the like, § 851 p. 400.
However, ¢ remained if the vowel of the next syllable, and the
present vowel, were of the e-kind; as pendt: pendd pended,
pe-pedt : pedo; and the same if it differed from the present
vowel, as ce-cint: cand, ce-cidt: cado, pepult : pelld, pe-pert =
parid, ste-tt : std stas ete.

In compounds four syllables long (in the 1" and 3™ singular),
the reduplicator underwent syncope in proethnic Latin, as a
consequence of the accentuation then given to the first member;
as reppult rettult reccidt for *ré-pepult *ré-tetult *ré-cecidi,
décidt attigt incurrt for *dé-cecidt *dt-tetigt *in-cecurrt (I § 633
p. 474).

That both reduplicated and unreduplicated forms occurred
in pr. Italic within the perfect syatem of the same verb is shewn
by O.Lat. vhe-vhaked Osc. fe-facust as compared with Lat. fécr
Umbr. fakust, Compare further Lat. sci-cidt and scidt, te-tult
and ful, Umbr. de-rsicust and Ose, dicust, Lat. ce-cint and
Umbr. pro-canurent. Thus we have no right to assume that
Lat. tult was abstracted from compounds in which the
reduplicator had suffered syncope, as in rettul attuli, When
a form has only survived in compounds, as -cult (per-cult), it
is impossible to say whether it never was reduplicated or whether
syncope has hidden the reduplication.

This loss of reduplication in Latin compounds helped to
link reduplicated and unreduplicated forms all the closer.

Beside Lat. abs-condidt (from abs-condd) the form abs-condt
sprang up on the analogy of scandt : scandd, since condd in this
word joined with abs had ceased to be regarded as a compound;
cp. absconsum beside absconditum. On the contrary, OnE

Brugmana, Blomonis. 1¥.

418 ‘Tho Perfect: — Italic. $968,869,

cond6, crédidt : crédé and the like gave rise to perf. déscendidt
beside déscends.

As regards verbs with initial vowel, such forms as Skr.
an-di-a (§ 851 p. 401) and Gr. 69-wo-a (§ 858 p. 408) were
foreign to Italic. Lat. éd-4 ém-t (from ed-0 em-d), a8 well as
std-T vén-l, ég-t co-Ept coept (from ag-d ap-id), as well as c&p-F
peg-t, od-t (od-id), as well as fod-t, may be regarded as forms
which never had any reduplication at all, See § 848 p. 393f.,
§ 870.

§ seo. Of the old Ablaut in the Root Syllable of the
Perfect: little trace is left.

The reason for the variants ¢utadt and twtudt is doubtless
a difference of ablaut, such as we see in Skr, tu-téd-a tu-tud-tir
(cp. also Goth. staf-stdut); then tu-tid- will come from *ti-taud-,
as in-cladd for *in-claudo.

The o-grade of the sing. indic. appears in spopondt totondt,
which had run into one verbal system with the éjo-presents
sponded tonded (§ 802 p. 338). spopond-imus instead of *spe-
-pend- like Gr. nexovd-auev instead of m-na9- (part. rexadvic),
momord- in momordt momordimus (pres. morded like sponded)
may be both Idg. *me-mord- and *me-mpd- (Skr, ma-mard-a
m -ur). Similarly, we have cu-currt from currd for *corsd
*kysd (§ 662 p. 197). Umbr. pepurkurent from y7prek- may
like de-rsic-ust contain the weak stem (*pe-prk-), although
persklum persnimu, whieh have changed the position of r
(§ 674 p. 207), suggest some doubt.

Strong and Weak forms may be found, again, in meminé
letint pepult tetulr (memin-i-mus tetul-i-mus: Gr. wépo-uer
tithe-pev, as Skr, jagm-i-ma ;jagan-ma Gr. pépa-pev, and as
Skr. jagm-i-vds- ; jagan-rds-); only the weak form in pepigr
for *pepagt (but Gr. néxnys) tetig? cecidi, But it is doubtful
how far we are to look for the origin of these perfects in old
reduplicated aorists (§ 867.7 p. 415).

Doubtless it is the weak stem in Ose. fefacust beside Lat.
fect from \Cdhé-, The @ of Lat, chechaked is difficult,

ill

$9 869,870. ‘The Perfect: — Italic. 419

Remark. [If it is short, this seems to prove that at the time of the
Manios inscription (attributed to the 6% century 5. c.) the weakening of
*pépagt to *pépigt and the like (I § 680 p. 547) had not yet boon
completed. But hear what Bucholer says (Rhein. Mus. xu 817): “After
the second / the carver first put i, which he afterwards erased, though
not so completely but that the intent is clear”. Again, p. $18: “Tho
quantity of the a is not known, What wo know of the reduplicated
perfocts which aro preserved in Latin, makes it likely that the @ was
short. Possibly this is the reason of the i which was first engraved (cano
cecini, infacetus inficetus)”. If this i is rightly so explained, and if thea
put in on second thoughts was short, it must be a reversion to the old
type on the analogy of facié ote. (us with in-facttus); but such a reversion
in the perfect is hardly credible, If @ was meant, it must be assumed
that */efak- was made in connexion with *fefak- *fesik- on the analogy of
some such form as *pepdy- (beside weak *pepiig- *pepig-). — We may
now refer to Buck, Der Vocalismus der osk. Spr., 26 f.

The weak stem (regular) in Lat. de-d-t = Skr. da-d-é
(op. tu-tud-t = Skr. tu-tud-é) and in Umbr. te-i-ust ‘dederit”
= Skr. da-d-wg- (cp. de-rsic-ust = Skr. di-did-ij-), also Lat.
ste-t-t = Skr. ta-sth-@. The form *de-d-e-d, common to all
Italie dialects, and Lat. ste-t-i-t, correspond exactly to the
present forms Vestin. di-d-e-t ‘dat’ Lat. si-st-6 Umbr. sestu
§ 543 p, 103, § 553 p. 107. Uncertain it is whether Lat.
sistimus is *si-sta-mos answering to Gir. T-ora-wev, and it is
equally uncertain whether ste-ti-mnus de-di-mus are *ste-ta~mos
*de-da-mos precisely like Skr. ta-sthi-md Gr, f-ora-wev Skr.
da-di-ma.

§ 870. A word of explanation is needed on those
reduplicated perfects which have @ where the present has an
a-sound, Lat. feet (beside vhevhaked): facid, capt : capid
{cp. Goth. Adf), jéct : jacid, pegi (beside pepigt Gr. Dor.
néndye): pangd, fregt: frangd; Osc. conj. hipid ‘habuerit’ fat.
perf. hipust *habuerit’; hafiest ‘habebit’, sipus ‘sciens’: Lat. sapis
(cp. O.H.G. int-suab). With ial vowel Lat. égt: ago
(ep. O.lcel, dk), co-Ept coept: capid. @ is certainly original in
fe%,!) compare Gr. EFyxa (§ 864 Rem. p. 412), and doubtless

1) Bronisch sees sek- in Umbr, feitu fetu feetu fetw ‘facito’ =
“feke-tod. Another explanation, but loss probable, ix offered by Conway,
Amer. Journ. Phil. x1 307, Class. Rev. ¥ 300.

oT*

420 The Perfect: — Italic. $$ 870—872.

in frégi, compare Goth. brékum from 1“ bhreg- (on frangd see
§ 632 p. 168), and perhaps jéet (Johansson, Beitr. gr. Spr. 61).
Beginning with these forms, @ spread to those which originally
had a; in the causing of which not only the present with a,
but also the ¢o-participle had some effect, captu-s for example
being like factu-s; the reason why sedbt (= Goth. skdf)
remained, from scabd, whilst *capt (= Goth. hof) changed to
cépt, was perhaps the lack of any participle *scaptu-s. It was
natural, too, to make pzgt like frégi, simply because the verbs
had opposite meanings.

§ 871. Perfect from Present stems with stem-characteristic.
Compare § 847 p. 390 f.

Lat. po-posct from posed for *por(e)-scd, ep. Skr. papracha.
fe-felli for *fe-falls from falls for *fal-nd (§ 608 p. 149).
tetend-* from tendd, yten- (§ 564 p. 111, § 696 p. 225).

Lat. pre-hendt from -hendo from y~ghed-, lamb from
lambs beside O.H.G. laffu, pandt from pandd beside pated
(§ 632 p. 168 f). cidt from c&-dd (§ 696 p. 225). Ose, com-
-parascuster “consultus erit’ beside Lat. -pescd for *perc-sed or
*parc-scd (§ 674 p, 207). Umbr. eiscurent ‘poposcerint, arces-
sierint’ beside pres. Skr. ichd-ti ete. (§ 670 p. 203). If Bugge’s
explanation of the Osc. fut. perf. fifikus as ‘feceris’ is right
(Altital. Stud. 31), we must allow Oscan a present stem
“fi-fek-(o-), showing the same reduplication as Gr. cf-9y-n1,
and to be compared with Vestin. di-d-e-t ‘dat? Lat. si-std ete,
{§ 553 p. 107); ep. Skr. part. vivak-ods- from pres. of-vak-ti
(§ 850 p. 398).

minut sternut (pres. mi-nud ster-nud § 649 p. 185) keep
the present stem in the perfect; this being due to imitation
of ex-ut : ex-ud, plut: plud and the like. The same is true
of perf. statut from the denominative statu’.

§ 872. The Moods of the Idg. perfect, and its preterite
the Pluperfect, died out in Latin owing to the influx of
sigmatic aorist forms into the perfect system. Still, memento =
Gr, usudrm remains, because memint was used as as a perfect

present.

§§ 872,973, The Porfect: — Italic. 421

Umbro-Samnitic has an é-conjunctive (§ 926 ¢). Ose.
Sefacid ‘fecerit’ hipid ‘habuerit’ fuid ‘fuerit’, Umbr. stiti-steteiens
‘stiterint’, Krom the f-Perfect Ose. sakrafir ‘sacraverint’,
Umbr. pihafei = *pihafér ‘piaverint’, from the t-Perfect, Ose.
tribarakattins ‘edificaverint. This Conjunctive may be
derived from either conj. of the Idg. perfect (ep. Gr. mexdv9-y
Skr. papre-d-si) or conj. of the thematic aorist (Ose, fuid =
Skr. bhuv-d-t),

In the same area, the Idg. yes-participle held its own,
Ose. sipus ‘sapiens’ probably like nom. sing. Skr. vidiig Avest.
vidus (IT § 186 p. 439 f., II $ 198 p, 73). From this form was
built up the future perfect (ep. W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitachr,
xxvin 272 f., the Author, Ber. siichs. Ges. Wiss., 1890,
pp. 223 ff), by combining it with injunctives, used for future,
of the stem s-o- (from es- ‘esse’). 2"¢ sing. -us = *-us-ses,
3" ging. -ust = *-us-set (*-us-sed): Umbr. kuvurtus ‘con-
verteris’ dersicust ‘dixerit’, Osc. fefacust ‘fecerit’. Osc. fust
‘fuerit’ (beside fust ‘erit’) for *fu-nst from conj. fuid. If this
“fu-ust *fast existed in Umbrian too, this explains the form
amprefuus ‘circumieris’ (beside apr-etu ‘cireumito’)!), which
will be due to analogy of it. On the analogy of the I* future,
where -zent is the ending of the 3™pl., — as Osc. censazet
‘censebunt’ Umbr. fwrent ‘erunt’, — arose the plurals Ose.
tribarakattuset ‘aedificaverint’ Umbr. pepurkurent
‘poposcerint’. But we also find Umbr. covortuso ‘conversum
erit, converterint’ for *covortus so(r), benuso “ventum erit,
venerint’ for *benus so(r).

§ 873, The us-formation mentioned in the last section
was used with other preterite participles besides those described.

1) The u is doubtless long in Ose. trfbarakattuset too; if it
had been short, we should expect *tribarakattiuset (I § 49 p. 41)
I assume the same analogy here. — G. Bronisch, in his new work on
the Osc. i- and e-vowels, regards the nominative ending -us as ecatlier
*-098 *-y6s, and supports his view by amprefuus and tribara-
kattuset.

—

422 The Perfect: — Italic. $$ 573,874.

Umbr. en-telust ‘intenderit’ a-pelust ‘impenderit’ derived
from *tend-lo- *pend-lo- (Lat, pendulu-s ‘hanging’). Compare
the Slavonic part. pret. act. with -/o-, as nes-lii from nes-ti ‘to
carry’ (IT § 76 p. 212).

Umbr. sesust ‘sederit’ from *sesso-s ‘seated, sitting’ (Skr.
satté-3). So too the Osc. t-preterite, which we must follow
Danielsson in connecting with the to-participles, is derived from
the fut. perf. in -t-ws-. First arose forms like tribarakattuset
from partic. tribarakato-. On the analogy of *aamanafust
to ind. aamanaffed ete. arose such Indicatives as prifatted
profated ‘probayit’ and Conjunctives like tribarakattins, The
same new formation is seen in Pelign. coisatens ‘curayerunt’ and
in Volsk. sistiatiens ‘statuerunt? = *sistatens. The frequent
spelling with double ¢ in Oscan is the same in principle as
0 in the f-perfect: it is possible that it is entirely due to the
analogy of the f-perfect, which was the model for the whole
t-perfect system (§ 874).

Romark. In Umbr.-Oscan, as we shall ace in § 874, the @deno-
minatives oan make a strong porfoct. It may therefore be held that as
the perfect praffed was made for the present stem profd- ‘probare’, so
the porfoct prdifatted was made for *profata- “*probatare’. But I profer
the explanation given above, so long as no forms are found from a stom
*profata or anything like it.

An origin similar to that of these future perfects must be
postulated for Umbr. combifiansiust beside combifiatu ‘nuntiato’,
purdinsiust ‘porrexerit’ beside pur-ditom ‘porrectum’, which
presuppose noun-stems *combifiankio- *purdinkio- (see Johansson,
Beitr. z. gr. Sprachk., 84 ff., 147 ff).

§ 874. We pause a moment here to explain the origin
of the f-perfect in this Umbro-Samnitic. Examples are: indie.
Osc. aamanaffed ‘mandavit’ afkdafed “*aequidayit’, Ose.
manafam, which may be 1" sing. (‘mandavi’) or 1* pl.
(mandavimus'’), it is uncertain which; conj. Umbr. pihafei(r)
‘piaverint’ Osc. sakrafir ‘sacraverint’; fut. perf. Umbr. aterafust
andirsafust ‘circumtulerit’ ambrefurent ‘circumierint’.

This formation belongs to the Italic imperfect compounded
with *0/-d-m ‘I was’ (Lat. ama-bam Osc, fu-fans ‘erant’) and

ail

$8 874,875. The Perfect: — Italie. 423

the Latin future compounded with *bhy-d ‘I shall be’ (ama-a),
found also in Keltie (§ 899); the Umbr.-Samn. -fed is indic.
aor, = Idg. *bhu-e-t (Avest. bva-$), cp. Lat. fuit Ose. conj.
Suid, to be connected with Skr. d-bhuv-a-t (§ 867.5 p. 414).
If Ose. mana-fum is 1* sing., its second part must be =
Idg. *bhy-o-m. In the jf of Oscan, as aamanaffed, we should
perhaps recognise another effect of the which once followed f.
But it is possible to explain the sharpening of the consonant if
we take as our starting point f (for fx); see Danielsson, Pauli’s
Altit. Stud. ty 139 ff. For the Umbr,-Samn. conjunctive stem
-fé- = *fu-t- may be equated with O.C.SI, bé (§ 578 p. 119,
§ 587 p. 128),

The attraction of these forms into the Perfect called
up a future perfect with -us-. Umbr. ampr-e-fuus shows
that the « was long; and this may be explained as due to
the analogy of the fut. perf. “fast = Ose, fust for *fu-ust
(§ 872 p. 420 f).

No complete explanation has been given for the forms Umbr.
portust ‘portaverit’ beside portatu ‘portato’, Osc. upsed ‘operatus
est 3° pl. uupsens ovmceg beside ipsannam ‘operandam’,
priffed ‘probavit’ priiftii-set ‘probata sunt’ beside prifatted
‘probavit’, urust ‘oraverit’. They look as though formed after
the fashion of primary d-verbs with strong perfect, Umbro~
Samnitic perhaps had, as Latin had, primary d-verbs with
strong perfect (cp. juvdre javt § 583 p. 124); and thus the
a-denominatives may have followed their inflexion in some
particulars, as in late Latin we meet forms like part. probitus
or imper. probuntd from probare (see Georges, Lex. Lat.
Wortf., 556).

§ 875. We now return to Latin, in order to finish with
the perfect in -vF and -1, as ET scl-vt sé-vi plé-vt nd-0t
fld-vit_ fini-vt ama-vt and genut texut creput monut salut,

Of the attempts hitherto made to explain these, which are
summarised by Stolz, Lat. Gr.* 370 f., and more fully by
Per Persson, Wurzelerw. 210 (Ernault, Du Parfait, 63 and 92 f.
should also be consulted), the simplest and most credible is the

424 The Perfect: — Italic. $$ 875,876.

following. The analogy of mo-tu-s (Umbr. comoho-ta abl, ‘com-
mota’) ju-tu-s : mov-t jae-f, and the like, suggested (1) plat
nOvt amavi beside plétu-s notu-s amatu-s ete., to which were
added sévt tr ete.; and (2) e. g. *gene-wr beside *gene-to-s
(genitus), which became genui.!) Between genut and flavi,
then, there would be the same relation as between Gr. opawsoxee
and didpaxa.

The reason why moot javt had this influence, in spite of
their present moved juvd, is the specially close connexion
between the to-participle and the perfect active; mdtus sum
being the passive of moot, The Gr. ré9yxa dédoxa ete., it will
be remembered, caused the x-type of perfect to spread (as
Béplyxa Eyroxa), in spite of their connexion with the aorist
£9yxa done, which themselves were not fertile.

Remark. We must assume that 1dv-i goes along with Skr. ja-fnde,
nde-t with Skr. sndu-ti, and név-i with Goth. snée-wm. The old part. port,
aotive has also been brought in evidence, and sévistis derived from *st-wes
ates, soimus from *séves smos (though "séres-smos could regularly only
become *sév@mus); and others have connected genui with in-genuo-s, sic
with @ésivdre, and so forth.

The forms in -o¥ and -wi, like all perfect forms not based
upon the is-aorist, were attracted to take the endings of this
tense in the other persons: ndvist¥ ndvistis genuistt genwistis
ndverd genuerd ndverim genuerim niveram genueram ndvissem
genwissem.

A few original s-perfects were transformed to match genut:
perut néxurt instead of péxt néxt (§ 823 p. 861) from pecto
nectd (§ 683 p. 214 f.), messut instead of *messi from meté.

Keltic.

§ 876. Outside of Irish, few survivals remain of the Idg.
perfect, Gall. dede ‘dedit’ or “posuit’, Mid.Cymr. ciglef ‘audivi’
= O.Ir. ro chuala.

1) Boside pond for *po-s(ind stood po-sivi and since po-situ-s was
incorrectly analysed pos-itu-s, there arose the other Perfect form poswi.
See Osthoff, Perf. 261 and 611 £

$$ 876877. The Perfect: — Keltic, 425,

Of Irish examples, we have already cited, and compared
with perfect forms from other Idg. languages in § 846, the
following: do-ro-chair ‘cecidit, periit’, ro génar ‘natus sum’,
do-ménar ‘putayi', ro gegon ‘interfeci’, ro lil ‘adhaesit’ 3” pl.
ro leldar, ro chuala ‘audivi’, ro boi “fuit’, ad-con-daire ‘eonspexit’,
do-roigu ‘elegit’, ro cechan ‘cecini’; in § 847 im-chom-arc-air
‘interrogavit’, in § 849 ro ¢aich ‘fugit’ 3" pl. ro tachatar.

To these examples a few more may be added which show
the reduplication either retained, or changed only in accordance
with the phonetic rules. ro reraig ‘porrexit’ for *re-rog-e,
pres, rigim, yreg-: op, O.lcel. rak, ro memaid ‘he broke’
(intr.) 3° pl. ro me-md-atur, pres. mnaidim, ro de-daig ‘oppressit”
3™ pl. ro de-dg-atar, pres. for-dengat ‘opprimunt’. fris-racacha
‘speravi’, pres. ad-chiu ‘I see’. ro selaig ‘he struck down’ i. e.
se-slaig, prea. sligim: op. Goth, sloh § 888. ro cechladatar
suffoderunt’, pres. -cladar ‘he is buried’, ro sescaind ‘he sprang’,
pres. Mid.Ir. seinnim: Skr. ca-skdnd-a ‘he sprang’; on the
vocalism of this root see § 520 p. 84. ro sescaing ‘he leapt
out’, pres. Mid.Ir. scingim, Mid.Ir. ro leblaing ‘he leapt’ instead
of *lelaing beside pres. lingim O.Ir. lengaim (R. Schmidt,
Idg. Forsch, 1 48 f.). 10 cechaing ‘he stepped’, pres. cengaim.

The perfects fo nenaig ‘he cleansed’ and ro senaich ‘it
dropped, trickled’ beside pres. nigim yneig- and snigid
Vosneigh-, may be derived from *-nenoige *-sesnoige, a8
nothing certain is known of the treatment of of in internal
syllables, But perhaps they are modelled after perfects like
reraig, cp. Goth, bap from bidja $ 722 p. 253.

Mid.Ir. vo-fiu ‘he slept’, not from |“ syep-, but, as Thurneysen
holds, from |/yes- (Skr. vas- ‘to pass the night’ perf. u-pds-a),
therefore for *ye-wo(s)-e, which became first *fi-ui, 8" pl. -feotar
for *we-yo(s)-atar; cp. feiss ‘sleep’. Observe the analogical ¢ of
the reduplicator, for by I § 66 p. 54f. “yewos- must have
become *yowos-.

§ 877. Perfects based upon presents with stem-cha-
racteristic (ep. § 847). in-roigrann ‘1 pursued’ beside

_

426 ‘The Perfect: — Keltic. ‘§3877,878.

in-grennim from {/ ghredh- (§ 628 p. 165). do-sefainn ‘pepulit?
3" pl. do-sefnatar, if the present sennim § 613 p. 151 is rightly
derived from *swem-nd. ro nenasc ‘I bound, promised’ beside
nascim from \/ nedh~ (§ 675 p. 208).

ad-gén ‘cognovi’ 3" sing. -gewin 1 pl. -génammar 8" pl.
-génatar comes from the Idg. perfect *ge-gn-d- (Skr. jajhad
Gr. syroma éyvoorat, also perhaps Goth. *kai-knd, see p. 128
footnote 1), from “gen-. The plural may be derived at once
from this ground-form. The 1* and 3" sing., which point to
*ge-gn-a and *ge-yn-e, are later re-formates. Compare in
Sanskrit the forms jajtimd jujfhivds- beside jajnai etc. (§ 850
p- 396).

§ 878. The syllable of reduplication usually has the vowel
¢ quite clear; ©. g. ro ge-gon ge-guin like Gr. mé-para,
ro ce-chan ce-chuin like Lat, ce-cint.

By dissimilation, the initial consonant of the unaccented
reduplicating syllable was dropt after ro, after which the e-vowel
of this syllable was contracted with ro into the genuine diph-
thong of (I p. 483 footnote 1), Of the examples already given
do-roigu for *-ré-gegu, and in-roigrann, come in here. Others
are for-roichan beside ro cechan, fo-roiblang beside ro leblang,
arob-roinase beside ro nenase, fo-roichlaid beside ro cechladatar,

By a process of re-formation which cannot now be traced
exactly we have « in the reduplicator of ro chuala, for *eu-
-cloy-a; the Mid.Cymr. ci-glef (3" sing. ci-gleu) gives no help
in determining the age of Ir. cu-, because its ci- admits of
more than one explanation. In Irish, ¢ seems also to have been
used in reduplicating i-roots: ro lil ‘adhaesit’ pres, lenim / lej-,
ro giuit adhaesit’ pres, glenim (/ glej-, do-rad-chinir ‘redemit™
1* sing. -chér pres. crenim (/ grej- (§ 598 p. 142, § 604 p, 145).
‘The last attempts to deal with this difficult group of perfect
forms are those of Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr, xxx1 89, and
R. Schmidt, Idg. Forsch. 1 62 f.!) The forms which must be

1) Thurneysen informs me that he does not back his explanation
against R. Schmidt's, which he recognises as being right in all essentials.

§§ 878,879. The Perfect: — Keltic. 427

postulated as those which just preceded these show the personal
ending affixed immediately to the root-final consonant: 8" sing.
+li-Le *gi-gl-e *ki-kr-e, 1* sing. *ki-kr-a (-chér) 3" pl. *li-l-ontor
(leldar). And again the perfect of renim ‘I sell’ (for *pr-na-mi
from yper-, § 598 p. 141) shows this perfect formation,
8 sing. ro rir = *pi-pr-e (this first becomes “ir, instead of
which we get rir by § 476 p. 23), whilst what one would
expect is ‘reir = “pe-pr-e (with strong stem “pe-por-s).
R. Schmidt conjectures that this *pe-pr-e and *li-lo(j)-e ete.,
the present formation being the same for both, became *pi-pre
and *li-le by mutual analogy. Is it not better to suppose that
-rir is based upon a reduplicated preterite *pi-pr-e-t, in
Class IV? In Thurneysen’s opinion the Conjunctive of this
present class is represented in futures like do-bér (§ 565
p- 112), and we shall see anon (in § 879) that some of the
Keltic perfecta probably come from a thematic preterite (aorist
or imperfect), -ciwér too may be derived from *gi-gr-e-t, as
the “root” grei-, it may be conjectured, is possibly an extension
of ger- ‘make’.) If this be the origin of -rir (and -ciuir), the
difficulty of -liZ and the rest at once vanishes.

t-dnac ‘I came’ 3™ sing. t-anaic beside Skr. dndga, also to
be compared with Gr. év-rveyx-ra, if 2v- is the preposition and
not a reduplicator. See § 846 p. 390, § 85S p. 408.

§ 878, Beside the reduplicated forms appear unreduplicated
not a few. To those already cited, do-ro-chair, ro bdi,
ad-con-dairc, im-chom-arc-air, ro taich, we may add 3" sing.
ro scaich beside scuchim ‘I yield’, ro gaid beside gudim
‘I beg’, 1 sing. fo-ro-damar for -damar beside fo-daim
‘patitur’, 3° sing. du-fu-tharcair ‘wishes’.

There is no proof that these forms have lost a reduplicating
syllable in Keltic itself. Like ro-mfdar (§ 848.3 p. 393), they

1) See Per Persson, Wurzelerweiterang p. 108 (where Ir. taid-chur
“‘redemptio’ must be struok out; as I learn from Thurneysen, the word
rather means ‘return’).

428 The Perfect: — Keltic. $9 879,880.

are forms which never had reduplication; -daire may be
compared with Skr, dard-i-vas- (§ 848.2 p. 392).

Unfortunately there is nothing to decide whether in the
plural of the Irish perfect, in such forms as ro cechnammar
cechnaid cechnatar, the vowel preceding the personal ending
was the thematic vowel, or Idg. 9 (= pr. Kelt. a); in the
1* plural another question offers, whether a does not come from
the initial sonant of the personal ending (-ym-). If, as is most
probable, these are thematic, there may have been thematic
preterites amongst the above unreduplicated forms, and -dairc,
for instance, may be identical with Gr. idpaxe, bdi with
Skr. dbhavat; do-cer ‘cecidit’ too, beside do-ro-chair, gives the
impression of such a preterite. Compare the aorist forms
which have obstained a footing in the Latin Perfect, e. g.
scidit = Skr. dehidat (§ 867.5 p. 414). In § 878 p. 427.
T conjectured that -rir was a reduplicated thematic aorist. In
the 3” singular, the original endings *-e (perf) and *-e-¢
(thematic pret.) must have run together in Irish; so in the
1" plural with -a-m- (Skr. -i-ma), -yim- (Goth. -vm), and
-o-m-; and this may have brought about the commingling of
the different tenses.

§ 880. Of the Idg. vowel gradation in the Root Syllable
little now remains. Within the indie. active, the differences of
gradation between singular and plural were all levelled away
in Old Irish; e. g. 3" sing. ro geguin ‘vulnerayit, trucidayit’ for
*yegon-e (Skr. jaghdn-a) 2 pl. ro gegnaid for *gegon- (Skr.
jaghn-d), But the original middle shows in some forms the
weak stem proper to it; e. g. ro génar ‘natus sum’ for *ge-gn-,
like Skr. ja-ja-é.

The vocalism of some forms is exceptional: ro taich beside
techim ‘I flee’, ro raith beside rethim ‘I run’, op. ro scdich be-
side scuchim, ro gdid beside gudim, Except ro mtdar, all un-
reduplicated preterites with roots having a single initial conso-
nant show -d-.

-_ w

§§ $81,882, Tho Perfect: — Germanic. 429

§ 881. One thing yet remains to say of the personal
endings. The 1" and 3™ plural have a deponent formation
(-ammar ond -atar).

Germanic,

§ 882. I first give once again the forms cited in § 846,
and compared with perfects from other languages. Goth. ga-tar
‘he tore up, destroyed’ -térun, O.HL.G. zar zdrun. Goth. man
‘remembers, wishes’ munun, OJcel. man muno. Goth. gam
‘came’ gémun, O.H.G. quam quamun. Goth. ga-pars ‘dried
up’ -patirsun. Goth. ga-dars ‘dares’ -davirsun, O.H.G. gi-tar
-turrun, Goth. varp ‘became’ vavirpun, O.1.G. ward wurtun.
Goth. hlaf ‘stole’ hléfun. Goth. band ‘bound’ bundun,
O.H.G. bant buntun. Goth, gatdih ‘showed, recounted’
-tathun, O.H.G. 2h zigun, Goth. bdit ‘bit’ bitun, O.HL.G.
beig biggun, Goth. Idiho ‘lent’ lathvun, O.ELG. leh liwun.
O.HLG. sth ‘strained, filtered’ sigun. Goth. kdus ‘tried,
chose’ kusun, O.H.G. kos kurun, Goth. ana-bdup ‘bade,
commanded -budun, O.H.G. bot butun. Goth. béug ‘bent’
bugun, OTLG, boug bugun. O.ELG. dg ‘wept’ ruggun.
O.tcel. svaf ‘slept’ sv@fo. Goth. gavag ‘moved’ -végun,
O.KL.G. wag wagun. Goth. sat ‘sat’ sétun, O.FLG. sag sagun.
Goth. sai-sd ‘sowed’ sat-sdun. Goth. skat-skdip ‘separated,
parted’ skal-skdidun. Goth. staf-stdut ‘pushed, knocked’
staf-stdutun.

The Idg. difference in accent of singular and plural
(cf. Skr. véda : vidmd, cakdra : cakymd) has left its traces in
the final consonants of the root in O.HL.G. ward : wurtun,
2th: 2igun, kos: kurun and the like (I § 530 p. 386 f., § 580
p. 434).

Whether the ending of the 1* pl. indic. -wm represents
Idg. -yme, or is due to the analogy of 3° pl. -un and was
originally Idg. -me or -o-me, is doubtful; see § 844 p. 885 f.

Besides the indic. perf., the Optative is seen in Germanic;
e.g. 1" pl. Goth, vit-ci-ma O.LLG. wigg-i-més, Goth. skatskdid-

430 ‘The Perfect: — Germanic. $$ 882,883,

-ei-ma. Then there is one isolated Conjunctive form, used as an
imperative, Goth. dgs ‘fear thou’ (beside indie. dg ‘he fears’), and
# few substantives based upon the Participle, as Goth. bér-ws-jos
> ‘parents’ und A.S. @zesa ezsa O.Sax. écso ‘owner’ (II § 136
p. 445, Johansson Beitr. zur griech. Sprachkunde, 134).
The Germanic Perfect falls into two divisions, (I) Redu-
plicated and (II) Unreduplicated.

§ 883. (I) The reduplicating syllable of the Idg. redu-
plicated perfect is kept clear and true in Gothic; but this only
by roots which as far as Germanic is concerned do not belong
to the e-series.")

All Gothic reduplicating syllables have af, which is regular
for i = Idg. e before h and r; e. g. hat-hdit rai-rop (1 § 67
p. 58). Begining with those cases where it was regular, af
spread to the rest by analogy; hence skai-skdip; which regu-
larly would be *ski-skdip. As regards Johansson’s view that
Goth. ai is to be read as a long vowel, see Addendum to
page 17,

The fact that the analogy of af really did so act is clear
from the new forms af-duk (= O.Icel. jok § 885) beside duka
‘I increase’, and af-aidik beside af-dika “I deny, refuse’ (§ 473
p. 19).

The root syllable of these reduplicated forms is always the
same in the plural as in the singular; the strong grade of the
singular has become general. skaf-skdip skat-skdidun: Skr.
ci-chéda ci-chidur, y~skhajt- skhajd-. — stat-stdut stat-stéutun :
Skr. tu-téda twtudir, y(@tayd-. fat-flok ‘he lamented’ fal-
-flokun: Gr, Dor. né-ndaye, pres. floka Class I A in contrast
with Lith. plaki Class Il B, (/plag- plag- (§ 534 p, 96).
saf-s0 ‘sowed’ sai-sbun: Gr. Dor, apéwxa, pres. saia for *s€=6,
cp. Gr. f-y-m1, [/s8- s0-; saisdun, like lailown ‘they abused’,

1) “As far as Germanic is concerned”, because the analogy of these
attracted into the same group some others which in the parent language
did have ¢-vocalism; for instance, Goth. vafeald beside valda “1 rule’ for
*ddho trom 1~ uel-

_ = ili

§§ 883—885. The Perfect: — Germanic. 431

also shows itself not to be in its original form by the ending
-wn, taken over from the stems which had initial consonant.
las-lot ‘let’ lai-lotun, pres. lta, léd- (§ 521 p. 85).

§ 884. This Gothic reduplicated Perfect was also formed
from extended roots, or from presents with some stem-charae-
teristic (op. $§ 847, 889, 891).

vai-vd ‘blew’: Skr. va-odu from y-2- ‘to blow’, pres. vaia
= wid (§ 597 p. 128, § 735 p. 262).

fat-fah ‘grasped’ faf-fahun (cp. O.H.G. fiang jfiangun
§ 885) beside pres. faha (O.LLG. fahu) for *farzo, probably a
nasal present from |/ pak- (§ 682 p, 168, § 634 p. 171).

fat-falp ‘folded’ fai-falpun beside pres. falba ground-
form *pj-t6 (§ 680 p. 213); hat-hald ‘tended, pastured’ beside
pres. halda ground-form *k[-t6 (§ 585 p. 215). vai-vald
‘he ruled’ vat-valdun beside pres. valda ground-form *y[-dho
(§ 689 p. 219); ga-ratrap ‘considered’ -rafrodun beside pres.
ga-réda ground-form *ré-dhd (§ 689 p, 220), sai-salt ‘he salted’
beside pres, sal-ta = Lat. sallo for *sal-do (§ 690 p, 221).

§ 885. In West Germanic and Norse there are only a few
distinct traces of the reduplicated type, The most important
forms for our purpose are the following.

First some Anglo-Saxon forms, as reo-rd = Goth. raf-rop,
(leo-rt = laf-lot), leo-le ‘he leapt’ == faf-idik with long vowel
lost in the find syllable, as it is in hwyle ‘which? style ‘such’
= Goth, hwileiks svaleiks,

More uncertain are some forms which Bopp regarded as
reduplicated. O.H.G. Alemann. 3" pl, ind, pleruggun 3™ sing.
opt. ca-pleruggi beside pres, blwogu ‘I offer’, 3° sing. ind, ki-
-skrerot beside pres. scrdtu ‘I cut’ (= Goth, *skrduda), 3" sing.
ind. sterog beside pres. stdgu ‘1 knock, push’. According to
Holz (Urgermanisches geschlossenes 2, p. 28) *ske-skrdd- became
“skre-skrod- *skre-rdd-, *be-blot- became *hle-blat- *ble-lat~
“blerot-; this, he says, produced a perfect type with r, whence
“sterdt- instead of “ste-stol-, A different view is taken by
Zarncke, P.-B. Beitr. xv 550 ff; but his is more dubious even
than that of Holz.

O. Icel. sera ‘I sowed’ for *se-26- = Goth. sai-sd; sera is
inflected as a weak preterite in the singular (as is Goth. 2™ sing.
saisdet perhaps from *safsds); in the plural, serom. . Icel. jak
I increased’ (pl. jokom) for *eauka = Goth. ai-duk (§ 883
p- 430).

In these dialects we usually find, parallel to the Gothic
reduplicated perfect, forms whose structure is apparently diffe-
rent; on which works have been brought out of late by Ljung-
stedt, Ottmann and Holz, whose titles are given in the footnote
to page 383.') The facts about O.H.G. are as follows:

(1) Verbs with ow or 6 = Goth. du in the present, and
verbs with present wo = Goth. 3, have, instead of the Gothic
dissyllabic reduplicated stem, a monosyllabic stem with
whence io ia ie. eof liof tiaf lief “I ran’ leofun liofun
pres. loufu: Goth. haf-hldup hat-hldupun. stiog ‘I
knocked’ stiogun from pres. stdgu: Goth. staf-stéut stat-stdutun,
(iriof ‘I called’ (jriofun from hruofu.

(2) The others, instead of the Gothic dissyllabie redupli-
cated stem, show a monosyllabic stem with @, which becomes
ea ia ie ({ § 75 Rem. 2 p. 65):

(a) hiag ‘I was called’ hiagun from pres. heigu: Goth.
hat-hdit hat-hditun. sciad ‘separated’ from sceidu: Goth.
skat-okdip,

(6) jfiald ‘folded’ jialdun from pres, faldu: Goth. faf-
-falp fai-falbun. hialt ‘held’ from haltu: Goth. hat-hald.
wialt ‘rules’ from waltu: Goth. val-vald, sialz ‘salted’
from salzu; Goth. sai-salt. fiang ‘seized’ fiangun from
fahu: Goth. fai-fah fai-fahun; the difference between the
Gothic and Old High German, h : g, is explained by remem-
bering that in accordance with the old difference in accent, the
singular came to have A and the plural g (op. § 882 p. 429).
fial ‘fell’ from fallu for *fal-nd, wial ‘bubbled, boiled”

Zs

I

1) On Holz’ attempt, see Holthausen, Anzeig. deutsch. Altort, 1891,
p- 187; and Sievers, Paul-Braune-Sievers Beitr,, xvt 252 ff. Ljungatodt’s
work is not ncocssible to me; his views are only known to me by reviews
and citations.

$$ 585,888. ‘The Perfect: — Germanic. 433

wialun from wallu for *yal-nd, see § 614 p. 151; 7 for
because a long vowel precedes. spian ‘I stretched spianun
from spd-nnu, see § 654 p. 188; for nn has the same reason.
iar ‘ploughed’ iarun (part. gi-aram) from er-iu “I plough’ (the
perf. of Goth. arja is not found), see § 723 p. 253.

(c) liag ‘I let’ liagun from lagu: Goth. laf-lot lat-lotun.
riat ‘I advised’ from ratu: Goth. rat-rop. stiaf ‘slept’ from
slafu contrasted with Goth. saf-2lap sai-slép pres. slepa.

Remark. sdu ‘I sow’ passed over to the weak conjugation; hence
pret. sdta (part. gi-sdit), not like Goth. sass, See Braune, Ahd. Gr.?
§ 81 Anm, 8 p. 249, § 959 Anm. 8 p. 254,

There can hardly be a shadow of doubt that some at least
of these perfect formations, which are repeated to a great extent
in the other West Germanic dialects and in Norse, have come
from reduplicated forms such as we see in Gothic. But how
this happened has not yet been clearly made out. The eo-
preterite has been best explained, if explained be the word.
It is probable that the type of this group arose from verbs
which began with au-: 1" sing. *4-auka (Goth. afduk) became
*éoka *eoka (O. Icel. jok); then on the analogy of *eoka beside
pres. *auké was formed beside *hlaupd the perf. *hleopa ‘I run’
(O.H.G. leof 0. Icel. Aljop), and so forth.

Ljungstedt regards this whole perfect class as being com-
posed partly of Idg. reduplicated perfects, and partly of aorists
and imperfecta; for instance, he calls O. Icel. kom ‘I came’
(beside koam Goth. gam) an original aorist.

§ 886. Perhaps the West-Germ. preterite of |“ dhé- ‘to
place, do’ is a reduplicated perfect: O.H.G. indic, 1" and
8 sing. teta (24 sing. ¢ati) pl. tatwm tatut tatun opt. 1" and
8" sing. tati; O.Sax. 1" and 3” sing. deda 2™ sing. dedas pl.
dedun and dadun opt. dedi and dadi; AS. dyde dydes(t) eto.
like nerede, but pl. also dadon.

It is not clear whether this preterite is to be connected
with the Idg. perfect (Skr. dadhayé), or the Idg. imperfect (Skr.
ddadhat Gr. éidy, see § 539 p. 99, § 545 p. 103), or both.
In any case, however, there can be no “err of the

Hrugmann, Elemonte I¥,

$887. ‘The Perfeot: — Germanic. 485

beside dih ‘I have’, vitan vitands beside edit. Of the forms taken
from Class I] B, some few had come down from pre-Germanie
times; as viten munan skulan ga-datirsan (§ 582 p. 98f.). The
adj. wn-agands ‘fearless’ is related to dg ‘I fear’ as ws-anands
‘exhaling’ to «s-dn ‘Ll exhaled’, (3) A past tense was needed
for them. For this the ‘Weak Preterite’ was used, as Goth.
vissa O.H.G. wissa wessa beside vdit weig, Goth. ga-datirsta
0.H.G. gi-torsta beside ga-dars gi-tar. If, as has been assuned,
O.H.G. wiss-wm -ut -un belong to the s-aorist, they must be
related to weig just as souer yore yoay iour to oldu (§ 821
p. 358, § 827 p. 865, § 863 p. 411).

With the Preterite-Presents based upon the Idg. Perfect
were associated a variety of Present stems:

Three or four ney-classes: Goth. kun-nu-m O.H.G. un-nu-m
O.Sax. *dur-nu-m, to which were added, by analogy of the
Perfect singular, the forms kann an darn; see § 646 p. 188 f.

Then Goth. O.1.G. mag ‘I can, am able’ pl. magun is
probably a transformation of a present of Class ITB * =
O.C.S1. mogq ‘I ean’ (§ 528 p. 87); it belongs to the root of
Gr. wizos uenyar{ Dor. eéyard, and must have been an orig.
perfect *mdg *mogun. Its transformation into. perfect is easily
understood from its meaning. Beside magan magands were
formed mag magun following dih digun beside dihan dihands,
and ga-mdt -mdtun beside -mdtan -mdtands.!) The form mug-,
found in West-Germ. beside maz-, ¢. g. O.H.G. mugun beside
magun, is due to later re-formation, as Osthoff shows (P.-B.
Beitr. xv 213 ff.).

Remark. Osthoff (op, cit. pp. 217 f.) holds mag to be a genuine
perfect, and assumes that *mdg magun levelled out the strong stem.
This view is contradicted by 6g dgun (beside un-agands) dih digun
(beside Skr. if) skuf skdbun (beside skaban) and so forth, which all
show levelling in favour of the singular stem,

1) Similarly, in the Rhine-Frankish dialect of Mod.H.G. the identity
of inflexion in ich brauch(¢) wir brauche(n) inf. brauche(n) pret. broucht{e)
and ich muss wir mitase(n) inf. mitsse(n) prot. musst(¢) led to the coining
of m 3° sing. er brauch, instead of er brawecht, parallel to er muss,

a8*

—

436 ‘The Perfeot: — Germanic. $888.

§ 888. Group II A. The unreduplicated perfects which
had no gradation, with the single exception of mag (for which
see above), show ai or @ in the root.

ai only in Goth. dih ‘has’ pl. digun (by levelling also dig
and dihun) O.H.G. pl. eigun (from the participial stem *aiz-us-
comes A.S. ézesa 38a O.Sax. écso, see § 882 p. 430): Skr.
mid #2, see § 848 p. 391. As this Sanskrit form shews,
Germanic has levelled in favour of the singular vocalism, digun
instead of *fgun or *igun, That dik has no reduplication
(as af-aidik stai-skdip ete. have, §§ 883 ff.) shows that this
was lacking in pre-Germanic times, and makes the immediate
connexion with the Aryan verb certain. Inf. dihan part. dihands
are Germanic re-formates (cp. the thematic Skr. f-a-t2 Avest.
is-a-itf, § 854 p. 404).

All other examples have 6, which is the vowel of the
singular. These perfects, if we look at Germanic alone, all
belong to roots of an a- or o-series. Goth. skdf ‘scraped’ skobun
OFLG. scuob scuobun O.leel. skdf skdfo from pres. skaba
scabu skef: Lat. scabt from scabd. Goth. haf ‘raised’ Adfun
(instead of *hdbun) O.H.G. huod (instead of *huof) huobun
from pres. hafja heff(ju: Lat. capid. O.H.G. int-suab
‘Lmarked’ -suabun from pres. int-sefQu: Lat. sapio. Goth. skop
‘T hurt’ skopun from pres. skapja: op. Gr. d-oxn Fig ‘scatheless’
(7 = @. Goth. us-dm ‘exhaled’ -dnun from pres, us-ana:
Skr. dna, cp. Gr. dvruo-g “wind? qreudug ‘windy’ (% for @).
0. Icel. ole ‘drove’ oko beside pres. ek: Gr. dye jyma (y for @)
Skr. aja. O.H.G. buoh ‘baked’ buohhun from pres. bahin
(Class If B) beside backu (for *hak-nod Class XIE § 614 p. 152):
Gr. népoynae pros. godyo (Class IL A). Pret.-pres. Goth. og
‘fears’ dgun (2"4 sing. conj. dys § 882 p. 430) beside un-agands
‘fearless’: O.[r. -agur ‘fear’ may also have been originally
perfect.

A certain number of perfects of this group come from roots
of the e-series. Goth, for ‘drove’ forun O.ELG. fuor fuorun
from fara farn, y~per- Gr. aygde ‘I pass through’, Goth. mat
‘I ground’ 0.H.G. muol from mala malu, ymel- O.Ir. melim

$$ 838890. The Perfect: — Germanic. 437

O.C.8). meljq beside Armen, malem Lat. mold Cymr. malaf
($ 523 p. 86). Goth. graf ‘dug’ O.HLG. gruob from graba
grabu, yghrebh- O.C.S1. greba. Goth. sldh ‘struck’ slohun
{instead of *slogun) O.HLG. sluoh (also sluog) sluogun from
slaha slahu, slek- sleg- Ole. sligim. O.1LG. gi-souog
‘mentioned’ from gi-wahann(iju (§ 628 p. 161), youeg- Gr.
‘noc ‘word’. In most, if not all, of the Verbs of this sort, the
first step must have been for the present to get an a, and the
next to form a perfect with a on the analogy of skaf skobun
from skaba. See § 509, page 75. There is no need to
suppose that fér and mél were formed thas in connexion with
some present, if we suppose that they date from a period when
this whole class of perfects still had the weak stem in the plural
of the indicative, and so forth, At such a period, *far- and
*mal- = *pp- and *mf- may have been the weak perfect stem.
If so, then the sing. for and mal were formed beside them just
as in Greek uéna@ie took the place of *ueyode on the analogy
of forms with ae-nad- (§ 859 p, 409); a step further, and we
have forun and mélun following the singular.

§ 889. Some perfects of this class are based upon an
extended root or a present stem which already has some
characteristic (ep. §§ 847, 884, 891). O.HL.G. spuon ‘I enticed’
from spanu (§ 614 p. 152); Mod.H.G. bak instead of Mid.IL.G.
buoch O.H.G. buoh following backe O.H.G. backu for *hak-no
(§ 888 p. 486). Goth. vdhs O.H.G. wuohs ‘I grew’ from
vah-s-ja wahsu (§ 657 p. 192). O.H.G. towose “I washed’
from wascu probably for *yat-skd (§ 676 p. 209). Goth. stop
O.HLG. -stuot stuont ‘stood’ from sta-nda sta-ntu ‘I stand’
(§ 634 p. 172, § 685 p. 216). O.HLG. Iuod from (h)la-du
ALS. Ala-de ‘I load’ (§ 689 p. 220).

§ se0. Group Hf B. Perfects which ever since proethnic
Germanic have had vowel gradation in their root, but no
reduplication, were formed from roots of the e-series. We
divide them into two classes, (1) those in which the ablaut of
the preterite present agrees with that in other tenses, (2) those

438 ‘The Perfect: — Germanic. $$ 890,891,

in which it does not. Most of the following examples have
come down from the parent language, as we have seen above.

(1) Goth. bdit ‘I bit? bitun opt. 1" pl. biteima O.FLG. beig
biggun biggtm O.lcel. beit bite bitem. Pret.-pres. Goth. adit ‘T
know’ vitun O.HLG. weig wiggun O.Icel. veit vito. Goth. -bdup
‘offered’ -budun O.H.G. bot butun O.lcel. baud budo. Pret.-pres.
Goth. déug ‘valet’ O.HLG. toug tugun.

Goth. band ‘I bound’ bundun. O.HLG. bant buntun O.Ieel.
batt bundo. Goth. varp ‘1 became’ watirbun O.FLG. ward
wurtun O.lcel. card urdo'). Pret.-pres. Goth. ga-dars ‘dares’
-datirsun O.H.G. gi-tar -turrun.

(2a) Perfects with Preterite meaning. oth. bar ‘carried?
Brun O.H.G. bar barun O.Icel. bar bGro (baru). Goth. gam
‘came’ gémun O.1LG. quam quamun O.Icel. keam keqmo (kodmu).
Goth. sat ‘I sat’ setun O.H.G. saz sagun O.leel. sat sQto (satu).
Goth. brak ‘T broke’ brékun O.H.G. brah brahhun. Goth. frah
‘asked’ fréhun O.Icel. fra frégo (fragu). There are re-
formates following this class; one is Goth. bap ‘I bade’ bédun
O.ILG. bat batun from pres. bidja bitt(iju, y~ bheidh- (§ 722
p. 258).

(b) Preterite-presents. Goth. skal ‘shall’ skwlun O.H.G.
seal sculun O.Icel. skal skolo. Goth. man ‘thinks’ munun
O.Icel. man muno. Goth. ga-nah ‘is enough’ *-naithun O.H.G.
gi-nah AS. pl. ze-nugzon (probably akin to 0.C.SI. nesa ‘I carry’,
Vo nek-).

§ 891. Numerous perfects of this class are made from
roots already extended, or from characterised present stems
(op. $§ 847, 884, 889).

With n-suffix (§ 614 p. 151£). O.ILG. spurnun ‘they trod,
kicked’ (sing. *sparn) A.8. spearn spurnon from spur-nu.
O.S8ax. fragn ‘I asked’ frugnon AS. fraegn frugnon (cp. 1 sing.
ga-fregin in the Prayer of Wessobrunnen) from frig-nu friz-

1) Of the same sort is Goth, prask ‘I threshed’ Priskun O.H.G. drask
druskun, which probably contains the present suffix -sko-, Cp. § 676
Pp. 209, and § 891.

$891. ‘The Perfect: — Germanic. 439

-ne Goth. frath-na, Goth. skdin ‘appeared’ skinun O.H.G.
scein scinun from skei-na sci-nu; so too O.H.G, swein ‘dis-
appeared’ from swt-nu ete. O.H.G. qual()) ‘welled up’ quudlun
from quillu for *quel-nd; 30 also kal?) ‘sounded, rang out’ hullen
from hillu for *hel-nd, and other like forms.

With Nasal Infix (§ 634 pp. 170 ff). Goth. sagg “sank”
suggun O.H.G. sank sunkun from sigga sinku, vy seig- seig-.
Goth. stagq ‘struck, knocked’ stuggun from stigqga, y~steig-.
O.H.G, chlamb ‘climbed’ chlumbun from —chlimbu, from
glei-p-. O.H.G. sprang ‘sprang’ sprungun from springy,
V0 spergh-. O.H.G. serant ‘burst’ seruntun from scrintu,
sger-dh-. — Goth. fanp ‘found’ funpun O.F.G. fand funtun
from finfa jindu, us 1 conjecture from y~pet-. — Goth.
cand ‘turned’ ounden O.H.G. want wuntun from vinda wintu,
from yei-t-. The Goth. Petha O.H.G, dthu ‘I thrive’, for *benyd,
which is conneeted with Lith. enki inf. tk-ti (yOteg-), had
originally a perf. “pany “puwzun, which is now represented
only by A.S. dunzon (cp. part, ze-dungzen O.Sax. gi-thungan) ;
the regular phonetic change of the present led to the formation
of the perf. forms Goth. Jdih O.H.G. dzh following stdig beside
steiga ote. (I § 67 Rem. 2 p. 57).

From Present stems in -nd for -ry-d and in -innd for
~onu-5 (§ 654 pp. 187 f). Goth, de-gann ‘began’ -gunnun
O.H.G, bi-gan -guinun from du-ginna bi-ginnu = Skr. hi-
-nva-ti, Goth. rann ‘ran’ runnun O.H.G. ran runnun from
rinna rinnw = Skr. ri-nvdmi Tg. *ri-ny-d or = Idg. *r-enyd.
O.H.G. tran ‘I separated myself’ trunnun beside trinnu = Idg.
*dr-enwo.

Root with s-extension (§ 664 p. 197). Goth. -Pans ‘I pulled”
-punsun O.H.G, dans dunsun from pin-sa din-su, 7 ten-.
OHLG, bal) “barked? bullun from bille = *bhel-sd. Goth.
fra-léus “1 lost’ -lusun O.H.G. vir-lés -lurun from -liu-sa
~tiu-su ‘T lose’,

From the sk-Present O.H.G. ir-liskw ‘I quench’, the perf.
ir-lask *-luskun (§ 676 p. 208).

Root with t-extension (§ 685 p. 215 f). O.H.G. flaht

$803. The Perfect: — Germanic. 441

it must be */trwn (sing. jas), and from O.H.G. lesen it would
be *lillun (sing. fas). Thus the same difficulty had to be met
here a8 was met in Sanskrit by the spread of the type sed-
yem- (§ 852 p. 401).

{2) The pret.-pres. Goth. dik and probably also vdit which
answers to Skr. eéda and Gr. olde, see § 848 p. 391, § 888
p. 436.

Further, the following may be regarded as perfect forms
originally unreduplicate :

(3) Goth, fr-é -étun O.H.G. ag O.Icel. at, and

(4) O.lcel, ak oko, Goth, dn and og; see § 848. 3 and 4,
pp. 393 f.

As regards the Preterite-Presents in particular, we must
remember that the 3" pl, Goth. amunwn and ga-dadrsan were
in all probability injunctive, as we may regard vitun (§ 508
p- 74f). The two former may not have been associated in one
tense with man and ga-dars until the reduplication was quite
lost in the singular,

If, again, we remember that among forms like skaf (Lat,
scabr) there may very well be some which were unreduplicate
when they became part of the Germanic stock, it cannot seem
strange that Germanic has lost its reduplication to such a great
extent, Such forms as the perfect of hditan or valdan were
exempted from the change, and kept their reduplication, simply
because their present and perfect had the same root-vowels,
and without the reduplication there would be no sufficient
difference between them.

As in the Italie perfect system we find preterite forms of
our Present Class Il B (e. g. Lat. fid-i-t, § 867. 5 p. 414), so
we do in West Germanic. From this group we cite the 2
sing. like O.HL.G. biggi A.S. bite “thou didst bite’ (Skr. d-bhid-
-a-s Lat. fid-i-t), O.HL.G. sigi AS. tize ‘thou didst draw’ (Ske.
é-di8-a-s), sve § 582 p. 928; further perhaps those like O.1LG.
magi AS, m@te ‘thou measuredst’ (Gr. 2sefd-e-0), see § 514
p. 81. Such forms as these were at first quite rare. In
proethnic W.Germ. they had become identical with the 2”4 sing.

$894, The Perfect: — Balto-Slavonic. 443,

out the active. This perfect was transformed into a present,
giving vémt ‘I know’ 3™ sing. véstit; the 2” pl. véste opt. 1" pl.
védimit imper. védt (which keep € instead of ¥ by levelling
out all but the strong stem) may be real perfect forms; if so
their present inflexion is due to the attraction of the other
forms into the present system.

The Participial forms are all unreduplicated. Examples
are Lith. kift-¢s (pres. kerti “I cut, strike’), O.C.SI. éritit (pres.
érita ‘It cut’): Skr. ca-kyt-vds-. Lith. dég-es (degi ‘I burn’)
O.CSI, Zegit (Zega ‘I burn’): Skr. déh-i-nds- déh-s§-, Lith. da-
-0@ (diidu ‘I give’) O.C.SI. da~vit (damit): Skr. da-di-vds-
da-da-vds-. Pruss, signd-uns beside signa-t ‘to bless’, O.C.SL.
Selé-vit beside Zelé-ti ‘to wish’, which must be compared with
Gr. xexorgoic. See If § 136 pp. 445. Along with O.Ir, midar
Goth, sétun go Lith, participles like séd-gs (from sédu ‘I sit,
take my place’), Again, with Lat, dt Goth. fr-é goes the
part. Lith, éd-¢s O,C.S1. jad-it, and with Lith. fem. éd-us-i
may be compared ¢j-us-i as being the regular descendant of
Tdg. *éj-ws-1.

How the first-named participles, Airtgs éritii and the like,
lost their reduplication, cannot be made out; the losses which
the Perfect System of this group of languages had undergone
before the historical period begins are too great to admit of
this being done. But anyhow the reason was not regular
phonetic change, any more than it was in Germanic.

‘The agreement of the initial syllable in Lith. d-ge hiFtgs
ete. and the connected present stems ¢j-0 kirt-o (§ 586 p, 126 £.)
caused the coining beside dé-jo sté-jo of the part. déjgs stdjes.
Just so the agreement between nir-gs gim-gs otc, and mird
gim-é (§ 593 p. 183) caused the coining beside ém-é of the
partic. ém-gs instead of *im-gs (Pruss. immus- 0.0.51. iit),
Vice versi, by analogy of participles similar to séd-g, as
vém-gs (from vent ‘I vomit’) gér-es (from gerd ‘I drink’) were
formed the preterites cémé géré with é in the root syllable,

$896. ‘The Tenses: — Periphrastic Formations. 445

‘dator') and the verb ‘to be’, but only in the 1* and 2" persons.
There is a difference in usage between this and the sié-future
(§ 752 p. 273 f.), the latter being used only for something about
to take place at a certain particular point of future time, without
any reference to the intention or hope of the speaker. On the
analogy of datdsmi instead of datd asmi we have 1* pl. datdsmas
instead of datdrah smas ete. (cp. Lat. potis sumus, not *potts
sumus), a certain token that the phrase has become a word,
Middle forms are found as well, ©. g. datdsmahé. Compare IL
§ 122 p. 385,

Again, it is not until the historical period that we see a
productive type arising out of the Periphrastic Perfect, the
union of a case inding in -dm with cakdra, dsa, or babhiva,
as vidq cakara ‘I knew’, gamaya cakdra ‘I caused to go’. The
outspread of this type was due to a lack which it supplied; for
there was need of a historic preterite to perfects which had a
present meaning, as véda ‘I know’ bibhdya ‘fears’. Such a
preterite was also wanted by Causals and Denominatives, which
originally had no simple perfect. Lastly, they were most
desirable where present and perfect were not clearly distinguisht
in form, as in ds- ‘to sit’. Following viddm dsdm and the like,
forms like gamaydm and bibhaydm were derived from the
present stem (pres. gamd-ya-ti bi-Bhé-ti).

Remark. Since in such formations cakdra is almost exclusively used
in the older language, und babhiva never, Delbritck (Altind. Synt. 426 f.)
infers that ~dm ix the onding of the acc, sing. of an abstract noun in
-a (op. bhidd “split’). ‘Tho accusative must havo crystallised, much as the
infinitive did, before dsa and babhilea could be used with it, But there
is such a striking parallel in Lat. dre facid and are fii (Deocke, Facere
und jeri in ihrer Composition mit andern Verbis, Strassburg 1878), aré-
bam, fld-bam, ama-bam and O.C.81. neséachii déla-achit, that we can
hardly separate the -dm of Sanakrit from the cases in -2 or -@ preserved
in these forms. 2 and -@ must surely be instrumental; be it observed
that the forms in -& can often be connected with o-stems (op, HIT § 275
p. 176), and often with Eatems like Lat quié-s Gr. yor duced; (§ 578
P. 120), e.g. ple in plé-tam, Tt may be that viddm when used with
cakdra is accusative; but when used with as- or dha it may be
instrumental. That viddm might bo inate. is shewn by O.C.SL rqkq
(IIT § 276 p. 179) and Skr. profardm (Hirt, Idg. Forsoh. 1 20) and the
like, Compare too the 3"! sing, imper mid. viddm § 968, 2.

$899,900, ‘The Tenses: — Periphrastic Formations. 447

§ 899. Italic and Keltic. In both we see the present
of bhey- ‘to become’ joined with a preceding infinitival word -to
express the future. Lat. dr2-bd vid@-bd albé-bo, cuba-bo fla-bo
planta-bo, (O.Lat.) sct-bd audt-b0, -bo da-bd, Falise. caré-fo
pipa-fo. O.Ir. no charud ‘I will lowe’ for *-bhy-0, elsewhere
stem *-bhu-d-, as in 3" sing. -carfa carfid; doléciub ‘I will
relinquish’ -léiefea [éiofid.

The Umbr.-Samn. Perfects like Osc. aa-mane-ffed ‘man-
davit’ contain the Idg. thematic aorist *(e-)bhy-e-t, see § 874
p. 422f, The pret. of Class X *(c-)bher-a-m (§ 583 p. 123f.) from
the time of pr. Ital. made Imperfects, e. g. Lat. aré-bam vide
bam albé-bam plé-bam né-bam dicé-bam (in O.Lat, also a future
Tike dtc#-b0), capit-bam farcié-bam finié-bam, cubd-bam fla-bam
planta-bam, (O.Lat.) sci-bam fini-bam, t-bam da-bam, Oxo.
fu-fans ‘erant’.

There is unquestionably some connexion between the first
word in Latin phrases like are facio and the case-forms in
-@ and -@ (instr. sing.) in the first part of the O.C.SL
imperfect, vidé-achit déa-achit; there is probably a connexion
with such a form as Skr. viddm in vidd carati. See § 896
Rem., § 903. Following the lead of Lat, planta-bd, we may
derive Outr. no charub from *card-bd (carfid from *cara-bat(i),
ete.), But there is no proof that @ was long; and as the s-
aorist ro-char comes from *carés-t (§ 840 p, 377), it is possible
that *card-bo was the pr. Keltic form. Still, that the first
member was originally a nomen actionis need not be doubted
whichever theory we adhere to,

§ 900. In Italie the Idg. perf. mid. passive gave place to
a periphrasis with sum and the fo-participle: Lat. ortus sum,
captus sum, plantatus sum, finitus sum, Umbr. screhto est
‘scriptum est’ screihtor sent ‘scripti sunt’, Osc. priftiiset ‘pro-
bata aunt. How firmly rooted in the verbal system this peri-
phrasis became is clear from two facts. (Whether the same
holds for Umbro-Samnitic we cannot say; there is too great
dearth of material.) (1) As the act. /frivit meant both ‘he has

$$ 900,901, The Tenses: — Periphrastic Formations. 449

In formation, at in meaning, there is no connexion between the
verbal adj. in -firws and the abstract noun in -fara; the latter has
nothing futuro in it, and contains a secondary suffix -rd-. As r
Dosidoratives like parturié cauturid, wee § 788 p. 282, § 778.1 p. B01.

Further, Latin has the periphrastic inf. fut. passive, datum
iri, mentioned above in § 898 p. 446. The complete fusion
of these two words is shown by the spelling -tuiri instead of
-tum iri (see Brandt, Arch. Lat. Lexicogr. 1 349 ff.; Schmalz,
Fleckeisen’s Jabrbb., 1892, pp. 79 f.).

In Umbro-Samnitic, we have the part. perf. active (suffix
~ues-) combined with an injunctive from es- ‘esse’ to make a
future perfect, as Umbr, dersicust ‘dixerit’ Osc. fefacust ‘fecerit’.
See § 872 p. 421.

§ 901, Germanic. The Idg. perf. passive in its original
meaning, that of a present perfect, used to describe what has
been completed in the past and is now a finished result,
has been superseded all through Germanic by the phrase
made up of the part. pret. pass. + the auxiliary bin; e. g.
Goth. gamelip ist ‘yéypenrar, it ia written’, O.H.G. ginoman ist
‘it is taken’; similarly pret. Goth. ana Jammei sd batrgs ist
gatimrida vas “ig? ob 1 ndlug abrdv wxodduento, was built,
stood builded’, O.H.G. ginoman was ‘it had been taken, was
in that condition’, Op. Lat. sertptem est ‘it is written’ sertptum
erat ‘it was written’ § 900 p. 447 f.

The same Idg. form in its later function of a historic
perfect was superseded by the same participle with the
auxiliary ward (wurde), e. g. Goth. fralusans vas jah
bigitans varf ‘anolwiug Fv xai nbosd», was lost and has
been found again’, O.H.G. ginomam ward ‘it was taken’.

Everywhere but in Gothic the present passive too had to
be superseded by a periphrasis: O.H.G. ginoman twirdit or iat
‘is being taken’ (Goth. mimada).

In the Active, the preterite present meaning could no longer
be clearly put by the old perfect, Goth, skatskdip ‘parted, divided’
nam ‘took’ for example, as this had become a historic tense.
Nor could it be put any better by the “weak” Preterite, as

29

Be » Blementa. 1¥.

$$ 902,903. The Tenses: — Periphrastio Formations. 451

§ 902. Baltic. In Lithuanian all the old middle forms
which were used passively dropt out of use, and the reflexive
with -si only partially did for the passive, as telp kalba-si
instead of teip kaltbama ‘so it is said’; hence a periphrasis
was used for the passive in all tenses. To express habit or
duration the pres. part. in -ama-s is used, as tat (yrd) sdtkoma
‘that is being said, that is usually said’, jis prakéikiams bis
nit visti ‘he is constantly curst by all’. For completed action
the participle in -ta-s is used; as jis (yrd) prakéiktas ‘he is
accurst’, diirys uidarytos biwo ‘the door was shut’. But it is
usual to avoid passive constructions and so to express the
idea as to make the active do for it.

Active Preterites like vilkad (§ 586 p. 126) and vdiriat
(§ 593 p. 133) combine the meanings of historic perfect and
present perfect: as ise-dugo ‘he grew up’ and ‘he is grown up’.
If it is needful to make the latter meaning clear beyond a
doubt, the part. pres. act. with es may be used; as dse (esi)
iszduggs ‘1 am grown up’, ds2 (esi) isemdkgs ‘I have learnt’,
jis biwo pavarggs ‘he was impoverished’. This participle with
ducati also serves for a more exact expression of pluperfect
time, ep. O.H.G. geman was “he had come’ § 901 p. 450.

Wish is expressed by the Injunctive forms 1. pl. ~bime
2. pl. -bite from (/bhey- preceded by the Supine in -tum, as
stktum-bime. See § 727 p. 257. The 8" sg. pl. and dual
siukta is without the auxiliary; for the 1* sing. we have
sttkeziaw sikeze. There are a great many bye-forms of this
mood in the dialects (see Schleicher, Lit. Gramm. 228 f.;
Kurschat, Gramm. d. litt. Spr. 800 f.; Bezzenberger, Beitr. 2
Gesch. d. lit. Spr. 212 ff.; Leskien-Brugmann, Lit. Volksl. u.
Miirch. 315 f.; for Lettic, see Bielenstein, Die lett. Spr.
IL 158 ff); we cannot here enter into the history of these,
which is sometimes very obscure.

§ 903. Slavonic. The Slavonic Imperfect is the imperf.
*jachii ‘cram’ for ‘*2s-o-m (§ 510 p. 76) added to the
Instrumental case of nomina actionis in -¢ and -a. To the
first members of these compounds there are parallels ie Ttalie

$§905—907. The Tenses: — Unexplained Formations. 453

usual, the unaugmented forms can have a conjunctive meaning).
Examples: Skr. d-vde-i vdc-i Avest. Gath. a-vde-t vde-i v7 yeq-
‘speak’; Skr. d-dhar-i O.Pers. a-dar-iy y~dher- ‘hold fast’;
Skr. djani ygen- ‘gignore’, ddarsi yderk- ‘see’, dydji
Vjeug- ‘yoke’, d-jfd-yi stem Gn-2- Gn-0- ‘noscere’; Avost. jaini
V ghen- ‘strike, slay’.

It has often beew assumed that -i is identical with the
ending of the 1" sing. mid. -i (us in d-tr-i), just as -2 in the
perfect did for both 1* and 3” singular. The difference of
vowel grade in the root syllable is generally compared with that
in the 3" sing. u-vaec-a: 1" sing. u-vde-a., Compare § 1054. 3.

§ 905, The Armenian verb is permeated with ana-
logical formations, which have largely destroyed the original
structure of it. Specially difficult are the Conjunctive, Aorist,
and Future forms characterised by -¢-, such, for instance, as
conj. pres. gericem (for *gerécem) aor. gereci (for *gereagi,
3" sing. gereac) fut. gereci¢ from gerem ‘capio', where not only
does ¢ need further explanation (ep. § 672 pp. 204 f.), but
also the vowels that go with it.

§ 906, In Irish, no explanation has been found for
what is called the Secondary Present (indice. and conj. impf.),")
as no berinn 2"* sing. no bertha ete. The 3" sing. no bered
is perhaps for *hhere-to = Gr. piige-to.

§ 907. In Germanic, explanation is still to seek for the
much discussed Weak Preterite,2) whose chief mark is a &
sound.

1) Windisch, Das ir. praos. secundarium, Kuhn's Zeitechr.
Xxvu 156 ff.

2) Begemann, Das schwache Priteritum der german. Sprachen,
Berl. 1873. Idem, Zur Bedoutung des schw, Pritt. dor germ. Spr., Berl
1874, Fr. Carter, On Begemann’s Views as to the Weak Protorite of
the Germanic Verbs, Transactions of the Am. Phil. Assoc. vi (1875)
pp. 22 ff. Wiokberg, Uber den Ursprung der schwachen Praterital-
bildung in den german. Sprachen, Lend 1877, Bugge, Das schwache
german. praoteritum, Kuhn's Zeitachr. xxnr 523. Amelung, Die Perfocta
dor schwachen Conjugation, Zeitschr. deutsch. Altert. xt 229 ff. Paul,
Zur Bildung des schwachen Priteritums und Participiums, Paul-Braune's

454 ‘The Tenses: — Unexplained Formations. 8907.

This is found alongside of the so-called primitive Presents,
as often ag their part. pret. pass. is formed with the suffix -fo-,
as Goth, rairhta O.H.G. worhta from catirkja wurk(iju “T work’,
Goth. Jakta O.H.G, dahta from Goth. pugkja O.H.G. dunk@u
‘T think’, Goth. O.H.G. brahta from brigga bringu ‘L bring’.
Next, the Preterite Present has also this preterite, as Goth.
ga-dairsta O.H.G. gi-torsta from ga-durs gi-tar ‘I dare’, Goth.
skulda O.H.G, scolta from skal scal ‘I shall’, Goth. munda
from man ‘I think’, kuafa from kann ‘I know, learn’. Lastly,
it is found with all weak verbs, as Goth. nasida O.H.G. nerita
from nasja neriu ‘I save’, Goth. salboda O.H.G, salbota from
salbd salbdm ‘I smear, anoint, Goth. habdida O.H.G. hapta
habeta from haba haben ‘1 have’.

In the Indicative, the dental was followed by @ sometimes
and sometimes 0, as Goth, 24 sing. nasidés contrasted with
O.H.G. neritds (but also chi-minnerddés like O,Sax. habdes);
1 and 3" sing. Goth, -de O.H.G. -ta; Norse Run. 1* sing.
worahto ‘I made’ 3™ sing. eourte urte “he made’; in the plural
O.H.G, -tum -tut -tun (Alemann. -tdm -t0t -ton), Goth. -dédwm
-dedup -dédun. Opt. Goth. -dedjau -dédeis etc., O.H.G, -t
tis ete,

The connexion with the fo-participle is unmistakable, if
the treatment of the participial ¢ under Verner’s Law be borne
in mind; e. g. Goth. kunpa like partic, kunfa-, munda like
partic. munda-.}) But is does not follow that the dental of the
weak preterite was always Idg.t. Not so; but forms with Idg.
dh, d, or th may be included in this group, and the relation to
the participle may be secondary, Indeed, there must be some

Beitr. vu 196 ff. Mller, Kenpo und das ¢-Priteritum, ibid. vn 457 ff.
Sievers, Zur Flexion dor schwachon Verba, ibid. vin 90 ff, Collite,
Das achwache Priteritum des Germanischen, Am. Journ. Philol. 1x 42 ff.
= Bezzenbergor’s Beitr. xvn 227 Johansson, Zur Flexion des
echwachen Priteritums im Got. Kuhn’s Zeitschr. xxx 547 ff. Other
works are cited in those here enumerated.

1) For 0.H.G. forah-ta ‘feared’, whose old participle is the adj.

ferah-t Got. faithr-t-s ‘timid’, the present ¢ must be taken into sccount

Cfuriht(Ju Got. fotrhija). See § 685 p. 216.

‘§§ 907,908, The Tenses: — Unexplained Formations. 455

such forms in the group; for example, O.Sax. libda ‘lived’
from yleip- cannot have had Idg. ¢ in the ending, and the
partic, ge-libd must be instead of *-lift and due to the analogy of
the preterite.') Just as the Latin Perfect included « variety of
quite different tense forms, to which similar use has given the
same inflexions, so the Weak Preterite in Germanic may have
absorbed alien elements, That Goth. iddja (pl. iddjedun) is
the Sanskrit d-ya-m or perhaps its byeform iyd-m we have
seen in § 478 p. 26, § 587 p. 128 (compare § 886 Rem.
p- 434). Preterites of our Present Class 1. may be included in
the weak preterite, since ¢. g. Goth. mun-dés*) oil-dés may be
equated with Skr, 24 sing, mid. ma-thds (d-ma-thas) or-thds
(d-vy-thas), compare Gr, é-ta-dag = Skr, d-ta-thas § 503
p- 67, Again, O.H.G, wissun as an s-aorist may be compared
with Gr, four (§ 827 p. 365), and forms like salbd-ta may be
compounds of the same kind as Lat. amda-bam O.C.SI, déla-achit
(§ 899 p. 447, § 903 p. 451 f), having for the second member
the preterite of dhe ‘do’ *(e-)dhé-m, or the preterite d-injunctive
*dh-a-m (§ 507 p. 74, § 937).

§ 908. In Lithuanian, the growth of the Imperfect of
habit in -davau is obscure; examples are pidu-davau ‘I used
to cut’ 3“ sing. pidu-davo part, pidu-davgs (fem. -davusi), sitk-
-lavau ‘I used to twist’, maty-davau ‘I used to see’. The
ending -avaw recals baltaraw pret. of battijn ‘I gleam white’,
and recals d in the present endings -d-inu and -d-au, treated
in §§ 700 f. pp. 226 ff.

1) Nothing prevents our putting this re-formation of the participle
back to proothnic Germanic; and so Goth. go-hugd-s O.Sax. giehugd
‘thought, reason, understanding” beside pret. O.Sax. hoyda hugda O.HLG.
hocte part, O.8ax. gi-hugd O.H.G. ge-huct does not weigh against the
connexion of Germ. hug- with Skr. duc- (I § 439 p. 827, § 447 p. 382).

2) For Goth. mwu-és = Skr, ma-thde compare some recent remarks
by Streitberg, Zur Germ. Sprachgesch,, 79,

w

$909. The Mood Stem: — Injunctive.

(1) Indicative Present. Skr. Ved. cddaya-t ‘he sets
afire’ and others (Delbriick, Altind. Syntax 354 f.). Gr, Dor.
and Cypr. gégeg ‘thou bearest’, Att, riIy-¢ ‘thou placest’; op.
also the Author, Gr. Gr.* § 160 Anm. p. 185 on the present
(timeless) use of the ind. aor, as in xardav dude 6 ec degyog
dvjo 6 re nohid Zogycic.') Lat, vehi-s im-plé-s t-s s-u-m (§ 528
p. 91). O.Tr, 24 sing. -bir ‘fers’ for *bhere-s 8" sing. -beir
for *bhere-t. O.Icel. ero eru ‘are’ for *iz-tinB (§ 507 pp. 73 £.,
§ 508 p. 74). Lith. bij-o-si ‘he fears’ for *bhij-a-t, ji’sto “he
girds’ for *josta-t, Pruss. waitia "he speaks’ (§ 782. 4 p. 310);
O.CSI. beretii ‘fert’ 8" pl. beratit for *bhere-t *bhero-nt with the
particle u (§§ 999 and 1026),

The only difference between these and the indic. forms in
-ti -nti is that the latter have the particle é affixed; and this
is apparently just what marked the new forms clearly out as
present indicative (§ 973).

(2) Indicative Preterite. Skr. Ved. bhdra-t ‘he bore’.
Gr. Hom. gége “he bore’; special mention must be made of the
Ionic frequentatives gev'ysoxor ete. (§ 673 p. 206), which
regularly lack the augment. Lat. -ba-s Oso. a“ pl. -fans,
Lat. era-s (§ 583 p. 124), Ose. kim-bened ‘convénit’ (§ 867.5
p. 415). O.Ir. do bert ‘he brought’ for some middle form in

»-to (§ 506 p. 72 f, § 826 p. 364). O.ELG. biggi ‘thou didst
bite’ = Skr. (¢-)bhid-a-s (§ 893 p. 441). Lith. biwo “he was’;
OCS). tekii ‘I ran’. Cp. § 483 p. 31 ff.

(8) Conjunctive.

(a) Conj. = Wish. The 2™ pl. and 2™ and 3 dual
were firmly rooted among the imperative forms as early as the
parent language: Skr. bhdra-ta “ferte’ bhdra-tam bhdra-tam,
Gr. yéoe-re gége-rov, Lat. agi-te; O.[r. 2™ pl. beri-d; Goth.
2™ pl. batri-p (2”¢ dual batra-ts with primary ending); beside
*es-ti ‘is’ Skr. std s-tdm s-tdm, Gr. to-re io-rov, Lat. es-te;

1) The use of the augmented forms in the same way may be
compared with the use of Skr. agdt instead of gat after ma in the Maha-
Bharata (Holtzmann, Gramm, aus dem Mahabh., 28).

$$ 909,910, The Mood Stem: — Conjunetive. 459

(6) Conj.= Future. Skr, Ved. ném (= nd tm) agha nasat
‘him no mischief will reach’ (ep. Delbriick, Altind, Syntax 358).
In Lithuanian, some dialects haye forms of the s-aorist like
di-s-me ‘we will lay’ déste désva désta (S$ 828 f. pp. 365 f.).

CONJUNCTIVE.')

$920. It hag been pointed out (§ 489 pp. 47 f.) that in
all the languages the same formative elements which mark what
from its use is called the Conjunetive are also found in the
Indicative. In this way we find used both -e- and -o-, the
“Thematic Vowel’, and also -d- and -é- (-d-). It follows that
these forms had originally a much wider use than they came to
have afterwards; and it was only by degrees that some of then
were appropriated to the Indicative and others for the Con-
junctive. Even in the parent language the rule held good
that forms with a thematic vowel were Conjunctive, where the
Indicative was distinguisht by having none; whilst if the
Indicative had a thematic vowel, the Conjunctive had the
suffixes -a- or -8- (-d-). If the Indicative itself had -a- or -2-
-0- (Classes X and XI, §§ 578 ff. pp. 118 f.), then Injunetive
forms commonly served for the Conjunctive mood (§ 930).

Remark, As stems with -e- -o- and stems with -d- .@ (-0-)
originally did for both Indicative and Conjunotive, we may suppose that

1) Moulton, The Suffix of the Subjunctive, Amer. Journ. of Philol.
X 285 £.

Bartholomae, Indisoh ai in den Medialausg&ngen des Conjunctivs,
Kahn's Zeitsohr, xxvir 210 ff.

Joh. Paech, De yotero coniunctivi Gracei formatione, Breslau 1861.
H. Stier, Bildung des Conjunotivs boi Homer, Curtius’ Stud. 1 125 ff.
Stolz, Zum Conj. des griech. sigm. Aor., 1dg. Forsch. 1 153 ff.

Thurneysen, Der italokeltisohe Conjunctiy mit a, Beazenberger's
Beitr. vill 269 ff.

Bréal, Un mot sur les subjonotifs latins en am, Mém. Soo, ling.,
vr 409 ff. L. Job, Le subjonctif Jatin en -am, ibid, vt 347 ff
V. Honry Esquisses morphologiques I; Le subjonotif latin, Douai 1885,
G. Curtius, Der lat. Conjunctiy des Imperfects, in his Stud. vii 480 ff.
Corssen, Die syncopierten Futurformen auf -s im Umbr., Osk. und
Volsk., in: Beite, zur ital. Sprachk, 593 ff.

=!

§§ 911,912. The Mood Stem: — Conjunotive. 461

I. CONJUNOTIVE WHERE THE INDICATIVE STEM ENDS IN A
CONSONANT OR HAS A THEMATIC VOWEL,

A. Indicative Stem ends in a Consonant,

$911. The Conjunctive from these stems had in the
parent language, and continued to have, the Thematic Vowel,
as *ej-e-t(i) (Skr. dyati dyat) beside Indic. *ej-ti ‘goes’. The
stemhad its strong form, the ablaut-syllable the 1“ strong grade
(e-grade in the e-: o-series): pres. conj. *ei-e-t() beside indic.
ei-i-, *y-new-e-1@) (Skr. r-ndo-a-t@) beside indie. *r-ney- *y-nu-,
*steu-e-tii)_ (Skr. stde-a-t(i)) beside indic. *stéu- *stu- (§ 494
p- 54f.); s-aor. conj. *gei-s-e-t() (Skr. c@-J-a-1() Gr. 2% pl. rei
-w-et1) beside indic, (¢-)g@i-s- *(e-)gi-s- (§ 811 p. 348); perf.
conj. *te-ten-e-t(i) (Skr. ta-tdn-a-ti) beside indic, *te-ton- *te-tn~
*te-ty- (§ 843 p, 384),

§ 912. Pr. Idg. Conjunetives of this group have been
touched upon frequently in our discussion of the Tense Stem.
1 therefore confine myself here to a few examples,

Present, Class I (S$ 492 ff.): *és-e-ti) beside *és-ti ‘is’:
Skr. dsat@, Gr. 1" sing. é&o (but ens yo ete. belong to B),
Lat. (fat.) er-i-t, Class ID (§§ 536 ff.): Skr. di-bhar-a-t beside
bi-bhar-ti ‘bears’, bi-bhay-a-t beside bi-bhé-ti ‘fears’, Class V
(8§ 555 #f.): Skr. ba-bhas-a-t beside bd-bhas-ti “eats, devours’.
Class VIL (8§ 567 ff): Skr. jar-ghdn-a-t beside jdw-ghan-ti
intons. ‘strikes, kills’. Class XV (§§ 625 £.): Skr. rinde-a-t
beside rindk-fi ‘lets go, makes empty’. Class X VIE ($$ 638 ff.) :
Skr. r-ndo-a-t beside y-n6-ti ‘excites, sets in motion’, Class XIX
(§§ 656): dv2-§-a-t beside doé-j-fi ‘hates’.

s-Aorist (§§ 810 ff). Skr. é-$-a-t() beside d-nai-g-am
‘I feared’, Gr. ref-a-o-nev. beside 3-re-c-a ‘I paid’, Lat. (fat.)
diz-0 beside dtx-t, O.Ir. for-tias ‘subveniam' beside injunet.
for-t@ ‘subveniat’ (§$ 826 p. 363 f.). Gr. sid-é-07 side (but
ddjg ote. belong to B) beside jdra ‘I knew for *y-Fed-so-c,

9$:915,914, The Mood Stem: — Conjunctire. 463

beside Skr. ci-ké-ti ‘observes, perceives’. Skr. yundj-w-té beside
yundk-ti ‘yokes’, Avest, 1" pl. mid. cinap-a-maidé beside cinas-ti
‘teaches’. Skr. ky-pdo-a-t(i) Avest. 1* sing. ker*-nav-d-ni beside
ky-nd-mi_ker*-nao-mi ‘I make’. s-Aorist. Skr. od-s-a-ti Avest.
véngh-a-itt from wen- ‘win, get, conquer’. Skr. san-ij-a-t
beside d-san-if-am ‘won’, Avest. 1" sing. xsnev-t-a from asun-
‘join oneself", Perfect. Skr. ja-ghdn-a-t() beside ja-ghdn-a
from 1“ ghen- ‘strike, kill’, mu-mdc-a-t beside mu-mée-a from
muc- ‘let go’, Avest. I" pl. droh-d-ma beside diwh-a (Skr. ds-a)
from [/ es- ‘esse’ (but the form may also be connected with the
38" sing. diwh-a-p, under B).

Rarely we find a divergence in the Present from the rule
of gradation which holds for this Conjunctive formation (§ 911
p. 461), as Skr, 3 dual afij-a-tas beside 38" pl. andj-an (indic.
andk-ti ‘anoints, adorns’) formed as though the indic. were
*dmk-ti, On the numerous analogical forms in the s-aorist,
such as Skr. dfk-j-a-st (ar-ig-a-t, sec § 815 p. 853 and § 839
p. 375.

For the @-Conjunctive with an unthematic Indicative see
§ 921.

$914. Greek. The I sing. act. in -o is regular in all
dialects and periods. With this exception, the Conjunctive with
& long vowel proved a formidable rival to the thematic formation.
The latter held its ground most tenaciously in the s-aorist,

Very little trace is left in the stem of the proethnic law
of gradation (§ 911 p. 461).

Present. This Conjunctive is fertile only in the oldest
poetical language. Hom. tower instead of *2(,)-o-nev and F-o-wer
from s?-su ‘I will go’; Youew is to be compared with Skr. timahe
(see § 493 p. 52, § 497 p. 56), or else it is due to the
analogy of #yj-0-~ev dui-o-wer and the like (cp. $ 934 on Messen.
jeu Hom. jerajm). Hom. pi-e-rae (instead of *pte(¢)--rar)
beside p9i-ro ‘was destroyed’, a-s-rar beside @d-ro ‘he leapt’
On the analogy of these were made similar Conjunctives for
indie. stems in -@ -@ or -3, a8 aryj-o-ney Syj-o-nEr di-o-psv
Bhij-e-ree (§ 934),

$5 914-018. ‘The Mood Stem: — Conjunotive. 465,

lead of those with long vowels, a8 fwusy, Giyra, nsxolPopev.
See § 923.

§ 915. Italic. Only found as a Future (ep. Att, 7-0-0,
§ 914).

Present. Lat. erd er-i-s: Skr, ds-a-ni Gr. é-w, see § 912
p. 461.

s-Aorist. Lat. dix-0 dix-i-s, fax-0 fazx-i-tur, cap-8-0 and
the like, Umbr. Osc. fust ‘erit’, Umbr. furent ‘erunt’ prupehast
‘ante piabit’, Osc. deivast ‘urabit’ (§ 824 p. 362). Umbr. cest
est ‘ibit’ ferest ‘feret’, Ose. pert-emest ‘perimet’ (§ 837 p. 374).
Lat. otdero Uquers, then by analogy sciderd totondera dizero ote.
(§ 841 pp. 878f). In the 3" pl. of these future perfects, the
ending *-erwnt, which was also the ending of the 3" pl. indic.
perfect, gave place to the optative ending -erint (beside 1" sing.
vid-erim), just as we find vidertmus instead of viderimus,
viderttis instead of videritis.1) Lastly, Lat. amasso turbassitur
habésso, for which infinitives were coined, as impetrdssere, on
the analogy of capessere to capessd (§ 842 p. 381).

In the Conjunctive use (Wish), only the @- and 2-forms
(B) remained fertile; these also spread into the thematic
conjunctive, as Lat. ¢-@-s beside indie. fs, plé-r-2-8 beside indie.
Skr. d-pra-s-am.

§ 916. Keltic. -aorist with meaning of Wish and more
rarely of the Future; as from fiagim I step, go’ the 1“ sing.
-tias, 8" sing. tés téis, see § 826 p. 364.

§ 917. Germanic. Isolated Got. dgs ‘fear thou’ beside
perf. dg ‘fears’ (§ 822 p. 430, § 912 p. 462).

B. Conjunctive to a Thematic Indicative.

§ 918. These Conjunctives have for the Suffix long vowels,
not subject to gradation, -d- or -é- (-d-), These are the same

1) With this contamination compare the use of sim edim as conj.
On the analogy of the fut. porf. ciderint itself wo have erint poterint
instead of erunt poterunt.
Bragmann, Element. IY. 30

466 The Mood Stem: — Conjunctive. $8 918,919.

as in the Indicative, Gr. i-dp-a-» Lat, pl-#s, which also have
no gradation; this has been pointed out in § 578 p. 119,

-a- ig a Conj. vowel in Italic, Keltic, Slavonic, Germanie (?);
-8- in Greek and Italic; -d- in Greek. -& and -d- (pép-y-re
geo-w-pev) are connected closely (ep. Gr. indie, Sj and Geo,
wej] and yrw-od-c); but their distribution in the Greek system
can hardly be original, through it is the same as -e- and -o-
in the Indicative. It is likely that they just imitated the
Indicative, differing only in length, for symmetry (ep. Are. conj.
Tor@-ror beside indic. t-ore-s T-ora-yer, Mess, conj. té-Py-vre
beside indie. ré-Py-yu ri-Fe-uev § 934), What was the quality
of sound which became Aryan -d- cannot now be seen, And
as long us this remains dark, so long it will be unknown how
the d- and @- (-d-) formations were distributed in the parent
language. No inference can be drawn from the different use
in Latin of ag-d-s and ag-2-s.

Remark, From the form of the 1% sing, act. Ved. dred (8r4 sing.
dre--t) Avost. per’s-a (3° sing. per‘s-d-iti) we may perhaps assume
some direct connexion with the Greck formation (gy-w beside 3. sing.
ote-n); compare Lat. ag-a-m O.[r, do-ber for *ber-d-m 0.0.81 bera for
‘her-a-m, The O.Lat. 1% sing. age may bo for *ago by qualitative
assimilation with ogéa cto.: *agd beside erd like Skr. dred beside brand.

§ 919. Pridg. Class Il ($$ 513 ff): Skr. bhar-d-t,
Gr. piprm-yew pép-y-rs, Lat. (conj.) fer-d-s (fut.) fer-ts, O.te,
do-ber for *ber-a-m, beside indic. Skr. bhdr-a-ti ete. from
VO bher- ‘bear’; Skr. vid-d-t(i) Gr. id-w-nev beside indie, Skr.
d-vid-a-t ‘found’ Gr, sfd-e id-» ‘saw’ from VY yeid-; Skr. bhur-
-d-ni Lat. fu-d-s Osc. fuid ‘fuerit’ (for *fu-ed) beside indie,
Skr. d-bhuv-a-t Lat. (perf.) fu-i-t from v7 bhen- “be, become’.
Class IV (§§ 547 ff): Gr. yl-yw-n-ree Lat. gi-gn-d-s gi-gn-t-s
beside indic. yi-yv-ereu gi-gn-i-t, Mid.Ir. gignid ‘nascetur’ ground-
form *gi-gen-d-ti (§ 544 p. 103) from y~ gen- ‘beget’, Class VI
(88 561 ff): Avest. fa-yn-d-p Gr. nf-pro-uew Mid.tr, 1 pl.
(fut.) ganam for *ge-gn-d-m beside indic. E-ne-qree from v7 ghen=
‘strike, kill’; Avest. raoc-d-$ Gr. ein-o-ner beside indie, Avest.
vaoc-a-p Gr, &en-s Lig. *(e-)ue-ugre-t from yueg- ‘speak’
Class XII ($$ 607 ff): Gr. né-v-o-uer from sé-rm ‘drink’,

$919. The Mood Stem: — Conjunctive. 467

Lat. li-n-d-s li-n-é-s from indice. lé-nd (cp. § 935). Class XVI
(§ 627 ff.); Ske. sitc-d-s beside sific-d-ti ‘sprinkles’ from 7 seig-,
Gr. ogiyy-w-uev from ogiyy-m ‘I tie, bind’, Lat. jung-d-s -&s
from jung-0. Class XVIII (§§ 648 ff): Skr. inv-a-t from
i-nva-ti ‘subdues, oppresses’, O.Pers. ki-nav-d-hy from a-Ki-
-nav-a ‘he made’, Gr, Att. vivw-yer from rive ‘IT pay’ for
“revFw, Lat. minu-d-s -é-s from mi-nu-d. Class XX (§§ 657 ff.):
Avest. 8" pl. baxi-d-nti from bax-sa-iti “divides, receives as a
share’, Gr. déf-w-ner atS-co-pev from dtx-aw atxow ‘I increase’,
rot-w-nev from ro-é(6)-w I tremble, flee’, Lat. vis-d-s -as
from vis for *oit-sd. Class XXIL (§§ 670 ff): Skr. prch-d-t
Lat. posc-f-s -&s beside prchd-ti posci-t from y~prek- ‘ask,
demand’, Gr. gdox-w-yer from go-oxm “I inform, say’ O.Dr.
1" pl. -nase-a-m beside nascim ‘bind’ from ynedh-. Class XXUT
(§ 678): Gr. ddiox--uev from de-ddfx)-oxm “1 teach’, Lat.
disc-a-s -&8 from discd for *di-te-scd. Class XXIV (S§ 679 ff):
Gr, néxr-w-sev from méx-ro ‘I comb’, Lat. pect-d-s -2-s from
pec-t6. Class XXV (§§ 688 ff.): Gr. aAyjF-co-wer from mwAyj-do
“Lam full’, 4d-y-rae from £4-do-ae ‘I wish, desire’, Lat. clid-d-s
-é-s from ca-do. Class XXVI (§§ 705 ff): Skr. har-y-a-s
Gr, yafp-w-nev Ose. heriiad ‘velit’ beside Skr. hdr-ya-ti yaiow
from /gher- ‘take pleasure in’; Skr. pddy-d-t(i) Lat, con-
-spici-d-s -&-s beside pds-ya-ti -spic-id from vy spek- ‘see’;
O.Ir. 3" sing, do-lécea beside -lée-iu ‘I let’. Class XXVII
(8§ 728 ff.) Gr. yapyaro-m-pev beside yag-yaipm “I swarm with’,
Lat. tin-tinni-d-s -2-s beside tin-tinn-id. Class XXVIII
(§§ 734 ff): Skr. 2™sing. mid. pyaya-sé beside py-d-ya-té
‘swells’, Gir, Coi-oveyeey (Gort. 3° pl. doi-w-vre) beside C-0i- “I live’,
Lat, -plea-s for *plati-a-s beside pled for *pl-8-(j)0, vided-s
for *vida(j)-a-s beside vided for *vid-2-(3)0 (hié-s for *hia(i)-é-s?
beside Aid for *hi-d-(i)0). Class XXIX (§$ 742 ff): Skr.
prtan-y-d-t from prtan-yd-ti ‘fights’, Gr. tufr-w-ssr from tative
for *i(o)aryo ‘I quicken, make alive’, Class XXX (§$ 766 ff);
Skr. apasy-d-t from apas-yd-ti ‘is active’, vasty-d-t from
vasii-yd-ti ‘desires wealth’, Gr. rexreéy-w-urr from texraivn

‘I fashion’ for “rextar-tm, rind-m=uev tlucper cinden-re tines

i

$921. ‘The Mood Stem: — Conjunctive. 469

2.4 sing, bav-d O.Pers. bav-d-tiy beside Skr. bhdv-a-ti ete.
‘becomes’. Avest. per“s-d-iti O.Pers. pars-d-tiy Ske. prchd-t(i)
beside Skr. prchd-ti ete. ‘asks’, Skr. many-a-t2 Avest. many-
+-itg O.Pors. 2"4 sing. act. maniy-d-hy beside Skr. mdn-ya-té
‘thinks’. Skr. pardy-a-t(i) Avest. pdray-d-p beside Skr.
pardya-ti ‘carries over’; O.Pers. 2” sing. gauday-d-hy from
gud- ‘hide’.

Not uncommonly we find aa @-Conjunctive to an unthematic
Indicative (cp. § 920); here we must bear in mind that in Aryan
the 1" persons of the Active and Middle were the same in the
two Conjunctive series, 1" sing. act. Skr. -d (-d-ni) Avest. -@
(-d-ni) mid. Skr. and Avest. -ai, 1" pl. Skr. act. -a-ma mid.
-a-mahé (-d-mahai). (1) Present. Skr. ds-d-t Avest. awh-a-
-iti 2¢sing. awh-d beside Skr. ds-ti ‘is’, cp. O.Pers. 3" sing.
pret. aha i.e. aha. Skr. ay-d-t Avest. ay-d-p beside Skr.
é-ti ‘goes’, ep. Skr. indie. dy-a-té. Skr. 2™ pl. han-d-tha
Avest. jan-a-p beside Skr. hdn-té ‘strikes, kills’, ep. indic. Skr.
han-a-ti Avest. jan-a-iti. Sk. brav-d-t Avest. 8" pl. mid.
mrav-d-ir? beside Skr. brdo--mi Avest. mrao-mi ‘I speak’,
op. Avest. indic, mrav-a-itt. Skr. bi-bhar-d-si beside bi-bhar-ti
‘bears’, ep. Avest. indie, bi-bar-d-mi. Avest. 3 sing. mid. vdi-
-vid-d-it@ beside Skr. part. of-vid-dna-s intens. of vid- ‘find’,
op. Avest. indic, nag-nig-a-iti (§ 570 p. 113). Skr. 3" pl. yunaj-
-ad-n beside indic. yu-ndk-ti ‘yokes’. Skr. ky-ndo-a-t Avest.
ker‘nava-p O.Pers. 2°4 sing. kéinavd-hy beside indic. Skr.
hy-né-ti ote. ‘makes’, cp. indic. O.Pers. a-kii-nav-ata and the
like, § 649 p. 185. (2) s-Aorist. Skr. 38" sing. mid. mds-a-
-tai beside indic, 1* sing. mid. d-md-s-i from md- ‘measure’,
Avest. jawh-d-) beside conj. Gath. jémgh-a-itt from \“ gem-
‘go’ (§ 814 p. 352), cp. the thematic Indicative Skr. d-dikj-a-t
Avest. a-sqs-a-$ § 833 p. 369. (3) Perfect. Skr. vd-ryrdh-
-a-ti beside indie. va-virdh-a from vardh- ‘to grow’, pa-pre-d-si
beside indic. 3" pl. pa-pre-wr from pare-'to mix’, Avest. divh-a-p
beside indic. dh-a from as- ‘to be’, cp. the thematic Ind. Skr.
d-ca-kr-a-t ete. § 854 p. 4038.

470 ‘The Mood Stem: — Conjunctive. $922.

§ 922. In Sanskrit an extra mark was added to the
Middle of the a-conjunctive; the final -2 of those persons that
ended therewith was changed to -di, as ~mahé to -mahai. This
came from the 1" sing., as bhdrai, which was all that had it
in pr. Idg. ($ 1042. 1).

Firat were formed 1* pl. bhdrdémahai 1 dual bhdrdeahai
instead of *bhdramahé *bhdr@vaha, to distinguish conjunctive from
indicative: 80 that bhdramahai answered to indie. bhdramahé as
bhdrai to indie, bhare.

Next -mahdi and -vahai took their place in other con-
junctives which had no confusing indicative of the same form,
both in a and a-conjunctives: ¢. g. aor. vdcd-vahai beside
indic. a-vdcd-vahi (vdct-vahi) 8" sing. a-vde-a-ta from vac- “to
speak’, pres, kyndv-d-mahai beside indie. kr-wu-mdh2. Amongst
these we find also the older -mahé used, as in kdr-a-mahe
beside indie. d-ky-ta from kar- ‘to make’, sani{-d-mahé beside
indic. d-san-is-¢a from san- “to get, gain’.

From the 1* pl. and dual -@i next went on to the other
persons of the @-conjunctive: 2™ sing. -d-sdi beside -d-sé,
8" sing. -d-tai beside -a-t€, 2™ pl. -d-dheai beside -a-dhod,
8" pl. -a-ntai. In the Rig-Veda two such new forms, but only
two, occur: yqj-d-tai from yaj- ‘to honour with an offering”
and maday-a-dheai from mad- ‘to enjoy’.

In the 2"and 3 dual the ending -ai is not found. Here
the endings were -aithé -/it2, in which -ai- on account of the
2” dual trdsathé (indie. d-trd-s-ta from tra- ‘to protect’) must
doubtless be regarded as also coming from the 1* sing. in -@i:
following bhdrai beside indic. bhdr® were coined the conj.
bhdraithe and bhdraite beside bhdérttht and bhdrtt2, See
Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvu 214 f.

Some few instances oceur of a 3 pl. in -antai beside a
thematic indicative; as ovartantai beside indice, odrt-a-nté
‘vertuntur’, The origin of this form is clear: bhdrai
bhdramahai bhéravahai are distinguisht from bhdré bhavamahé
bhéravahé only by the ending, which suggested a symmetrical
relation and caused -antai to arise in place of -ante.

$$ 923,924. The Mood Stem: — Conjunctive. 471

§ 923. Greek, Examples in § 919.

‘The Personal endings are nearly all primary. But in the
8" singular many dialects (amongst others Arcadian and Cyprian)
lave -y for -y-r, as ézn, instead of -yr (-7).

In the 3% pl gépovre (Att. gigmar) pégwrre, o is not
regular: there is the same analogical change as in dyytar
instead of *ientae ep. act, aart (I § 611 Rem, p. 462, IV § 582
p. 123),

In Attic the ending -yy -y (§ 987.1, § 995) ran together
with the indice. -s¢ -s, that is @foyg and gégee had the same
pronunciation; so too piaqy (for gens) and posts (for peers).
And since after contraction rZucye tive became the same as
tivdse rider, namely tings and rig, and since the 1™ sing.
in all verbs of this form was the same for both indice. and
conj., — gépm gad ripe mod — the result was that the
indic. peaPore pud9or came to be used as conjunctive too.

By degrees, the »--inflexion drove out that with « and o
from the Conjunctive Mood; as imesw instead of fousy (§ 914
p- 463 f.); the latter only held its own where any form was
used exclusively in the sense of a future or imperative. This
tendeney, which, as we saw in § 920 p. 468, may have begun
in the parent language, was made easier because the 1 sing.
act. in both these conjunctive systems ended in -w; as Ew («)
beside indic. fo-re (Lat. er-0 3" sing. er-i-t), pigm beside indice.
géoe (cp. Skr. drca beside indie. dre-a-ti).

It remains for the present a question whether the reverse
be true, and the thematic conjunctive ever took the place of
a long-vowel form; see § 914 Rem. 1 p. 464.

$ 924. Italic. The long-vowel Conjunctive drove out the
Optative in thematic tenses (e.g. ag-d-s is used as equivalent
to both &yy¢ and ayo), whilst in Germanic and Balto-Slavonic
the Optative won the day (§ 910 p, 460). The short-vowel
Conjunctive had a different fate. It remained only as the Future
{§ 915 p. 465), and its conjunctive use (Wish, Deliberation,
Doubt) passed cither to the long-vowel series, for which see
below, or to the Optative (as Lat. s-ié-s s-t-s beside eat).

472 The Mood Stom: — Conjunctive. $$ 924—926.

The suffixes -d- and -2- are both found, and the personal
endings are secondary: Lat, ag-a-m (like injunct. — pret. —
-b-a-m), 3 sing. Osc. piitiad fwid, 8° pl. Ose. putians
herrins (but Osc. has also 3" sing. tadait = *-a(j)é-ti, § 996).

On the spread of long-vowel forms in place of those with
a short vowel, as in Lat. e-d-s e¢s-s-8-s Ose. fefacid, see
§ 920 p. 468,

§ 925. The @-suffix appears in the Present only. To
the forms cited in § 919 add the following, Lat. fn-d-s beside
indic. fu-i-t. Lat. dfc-a-s Osc. deicans ‘dicant’ beside indie.
Lat. die-i-t. Umbr.emantur ‘emantur’, Lat. faci-a-s Umbr.
fadia ‘faciat’ beside indic. fac-id. Lat. fini-a-s beside indie.
fini-5 i.e. finiid, claude-a-s beside indie. claudes for
*claude-jd, mone-a-s beside indic. moned for *mon-eid.

In Umbrian -id- spread from fasia and like forms to the

* a-denominatives; hence kuraia ‘curet’ etaians ‘itent’.

Lat, e-a-s beside indic. i-t (like Skr, ay-d-t), whilst in the
verbs est vult est the Optative (s-i#-s s-1-s, vel-t-s, ed-t-s beside
ed-d-s) added the conjunctive function to their own. The
opt. of i-t may have been lost by the plural *i-t-mos becoming
*imos, and thus being identical with the indicative.

Romark. The only example of -d- outside the Present would be
Lat. dum-tarat, if Bréal be right in taking -foxo! ag the conj. of the
a-aorist of fangd (op. opt. tax-fs): ‘doneo tetigerit, jusquia ce qu'il ait
ntteint’, then ‘jusqu’a (et non plus loin)’ (Mém. Soo. Ling. ¥ 85 £, Diet.
étymol.* p, 385). As in the whole area of Italic the s-norist haa only
the @conjunctive (§ 926), it would be better to take -(azat a8 conj. of
an indie. *tax0, Clase XX (§ 662 p. 197),

§ 926. The é-suffix appears in all tense Stems.

(1) Present. Lat, (fut.) fer-2-s capi-8-s farci-és fini-t-s.')
Umbr. heriiei ‘velit’ or ‘volet’ (cp. Osc. heriiad ‘velit’ § 919
p. 467).

The following may also be examples: Ose. deivaid ‘iuret’
for *deiva(j)-é-t, tadait ‘censeat’ for *tada(j)-t-ti, sakahiter
‘sacretur’ for *saka(j)-8-ter; Lat. més plantés for *nd(j)-2-5
*planta(j)-é-s (indic, 1" sing. nd planté for *-a-(j)0); similarly

1) These forms are wrongly explained in vol. I § St Rem. 3 p. 74

$9 :926,927, ‘The Mood Stem; — Conjunetive. ATS

stés for “sta(j)-8-s (indic, 1 sing. std for *sta-({)0), by analogy
of which would come des (cp. § 946). The difference between
plantés and claudeas finias — the conj. suffix being in the
one group @ and in the other @ — may be explained by
remembering that *planta(j)-d-s must become *plantds, and a
confusion with the indicative would result (compare § 930
sub fin.); the loss of *claude(j)-8-s (ep. fTni-é-s plantés), because
it too would become *claudés like the indicative. But all
these é-forms may be optative: *deiod-jé-t *planta-je-s, *da-jé-s.
If, as is possible, the origin of these forms is double, the
intermingling of Conjunctive and Optative would be due to
formal analogy as well as syntax. See § 946.

(2) s-Aorist (op. Skr, md-s-a-tai Gr. detE-yere sidé-nore
§ 920 p. 468). Lat. es-s-2-s in-trd-r-é-s im-plé-r-t-s vide-r-8-8
planta-r-é-s Osc, fusid ‘foret’ Pelign. upsaseter ‘operaretur’
or ‘operarentur’ (§ 824 p. 362). Lat, ag-er-é-s gndsc-er-2-8,
Umbr. ostensendi ‘ostenderentur’ for *-fend-es--ntér, Ose.
herrins ‘caperent’ for *her-es-€-nt (§ 837 p. 374), Lat.
vid-is-s-t-3 totondissé-s dixisst-s ($ 842 p. 381). Compare
the short-vowel conjunctive-futures Lat. fax-i-twr vtder-i-s
Umbr. Ose, fust § 915 p. 465.

(3) Perfect Forms (ep. Skr. vd-rydh-d-ti Gr. de-dyjx-p
§ 920 p. 468) occur only in Umbro-Samnite, as in Latin the
s-Aorist had intruded in place of the perfect forms. Osc. fefacid
‘fecerit’ hipid ‘habuerit’ fuid ‘fuerit’; Ose. sakrafir ‘sacraverint’
Umbr. pihafei ‘piaverint’; Osc. tribarakattins ‘aedificaverint’.
See $$ 872 f. pp. 420 f. Most of these forms may be regarded
as belonging originally to a thematic aorist, as fwid to indie.
Lat. fu-i-t = Skr. d-bhuv-a-t (see loc, cit.); if so they belong
to (1).')

§ 927. Keltic. For Irish examples see § 919, Only -a-
is proved as the Conjunctive suffix. Conjunct flexion, e. g.
sing. do-ber, ~berae -bere, -bera, pl. -beram -berid -berat based

1) In regarding the Umbro-Samnitic forms in this section as @-conj.
I follow my pupil @. Bronisch. Meanwhile Bartholomae likewise explains
sskahiter ag @ conj. like Gr. dody-rm (Stud, Idg, Spr., 4 154, 185),

$$ 929,980. The Mood Stom: — Conjunctive. 415

first in perfect verbs whose present served for the future.
Compare § 955 on imperative pija-te and the like,

IL. CONJUNCTIVE WHERE THE INDICATIVE STEM ENDS IN A LONG
VOWEL.

A, Indicative Stem ends in -a-, -2- -d- without
gradation.

§ 930. We have here the Conjunctive to our Present
Classes X and XI ($$ 578 ff. pp. 118 ff), that is, stems such
as *dr-d- ‘to run’ (Skr. dra-ti Gr. ¢-doa-r), “pl-z- ‘fill’ (Skr.
d-pra-t Gr. nij-ro Lat. im-plé-s), *myn-é- ‘to think’ (Gr. é-uavy
Lith. miné), *tak-2- ‘to be silent’ (Lat. tacé-s O.1H.G. dagé-s),
with which are grouped denominative stems without -fo- like
Lat. planta- (planta-mus) O.Ir. cara- (no chara-m) Goth, salbd-
(salbo-m) Lith. jasta- (ja'sté-me) Gr. Aeol. riua- (réwa-uev)
(§ 769 pp. 283 ff.) and Perfects like Skr. jijyat Gr. pe-Bty-race
Bé-phyrrue te-riud-ra ($ 847 pp. 390 ff).

The long vowels of these stems we have already identified
with the conjunctive suffixes -d- and -2-(-d-), in § 578 p. 119 f.
Thus the Conjunctive and Indicative had here originally the
same stem.

In Aryan we get Injunctive forms with Conjunctive use;
as Ved. pr-d-s from pr-a- ‘to fill Forms with primary ending
in conj. meaning do not occur, except prd-si ‘let him fill’,
which however belongs to the group vé-3i kgé-$i ete. (§ 910
Rem. pp. 459 f.).

Greek. Messen. -ypap-y-vee conj. of e&yodg-q ‘it was
written’ 1" pl. @ypagey-uev, -oxevdaty-vre beside e-oxudady
‘was prepared’. Perf. Gortyn. aé-n-@-rae beside indic, mé&n-a-
-ra ‘he has gained, he possesses’ from ky-d- (IL § 117 p. 870 £.),
Ther. é-np-a-reu beside indic. x&-m9-@-ree ‘is sold’, also conj.
Heracl. oixodépy-tae from olxodouém “I build’, Gortyn. o-ceréxva-
-rat beside (Att.) éx-rsxvoo ‘L beget children’, For clearer
distinction between conj. and indic. these forms followed the

§§ 981933. The Mood Stem: — Canjunctive. MIT

vowel, as Skr. da-dh-a-tai, Gr. éni-or-c-ecu int-or-n-ree beside
indie. éné-ore-ree, Lat. si-st-d-s. The latter are not independent
of the fact that the Indicative so often has a thematic side by
side with the unthematic series, thus Skr. da-dh-a-t2 beside
indie, dé-dha-ti, da-dh-d-tai beside indic. dd-dh-a-ti (§ 562
p. 110 f). Cp. conj. dy-a-t and ay-d-t and the like (§ 920
p. 468).

§ 932. (1) Thematic Conjunctive Type.

Skr. da-dh-a-t 2™ dual dd-dh-a-thas mid. da-dh-a-t&
beside indic. dé-dha-ti ‘places’. 2" dual mid. dh-éthe 8" sing.
act, prdti-dhat beside indic. d-dh@-t. mi-n-a-t beside indice.
mi-nd-ti ‘lessens, injures’. The forms with secondary personal
ending, da-dh-a-t mi-n-a-t, may be regarded as injunctive to the
thematic indic. dd-dh-a-ti d-mi-n-a-nta; -dh-a-t as injunctive
is to be compared with dda-t (§ 524 p. 88). Avest. 1" sing.
wxét-@ (cp. indic. 3" sing. paiti-sta-~p Skr. d-stha-t from |/ sta-
‘stare’) may come in here as easily as under (2); cp. § 933.

Greek perhaps has specimens of this type of conjunctive
in the imperative 2" sing. O¢¢ (from rina) and fe (ima). If
so, their + is not the same as « in #-s-uev, which has displaced
« = Idg. a (§ 493 p. 53); they would be on the same plane
as oy-t-;. On the model of 9-f-3 (*dh-e-s): dé-re (Idg. *dho-te)
doc beside dére would then be coined. Or are dé Fe dig
transformates of *ig *j¢ *diie (which would be injunctive like
Skr. dhds dds) by levelling with 9frw fre ete. (§ 909 p. 458).

§ 933. (2) Long-Vowel Conjunctive Type.

Aryan. Skr. da-dh-a-tai da-d-d-tai beside indice, dé-dha-tt
‘places’ dd-da-ti ‘gives’, ep. indie, dd-dh-a-ti dd-d-a-ti Avest.
da-p-a-iti (§ 562 p.111). Skr. dh-d-ti d-d-ti sth-a-ti sth-d-thas
264 dual mid, dhaithe (op. $ 922 p. 470 on bhdraithé), Avest.
2"4 ging. d-a-ht 3" sing. d-a-itt mid. d-a-ite xst-a-ite 3" pl. mid.
d-A-nté beside indic, Skr. d-dha-t d-da-t d-stha-t Avest, da-p
-sta-f, cp. indic, Skr. dda-t (§ 524 p, 88). Skr. 2™ pl.
krt-y-d-tha mid. 3" sing. kri-n-a-tai beside indic. kri-nd-ti
‘buys’ (Whitney, Skr. Gr. § 720), Avest, mid, 3" sing. per*-n-
-d-it? ver'-n-d-ta (with secondary ending) 3" pl. ver‘-n-d-ntz

$9. 994988, ‘The Mood Stom: — Optative. 479

Delph. dvi-y, Booot. xa%-ards. Contracted Att, orm arj:,
iord ioris, tora Lorie, P65 Fig, da dig.

The relation of réPyjrre to indic. ré%evt: produced in
Messenian a conj. gyrae ‘sint’ beside indic. évcf, With this
must be grouped Hom. mer-sio (Il. 23. 47), for which read
uer-yu and place it parallel to 4yj-m ég-jw. Compare also
§ 502 p. 66 on 2uéy and suev fuevee and § 914 p. 463 on
Hom. fouer.

§ 935. Italic, Lat. si-st-a-s ep. indic, si-st-i-t y sta-;
serds for *si-s-€-s cp. indic. se-r-i-t y7sé-; red-d-d-s Ose.
da-dad ‘dedat’ (da- prefix) ep. indic. Lat. red-d-i-t (the
indic, forms das dat may contain the same stem d-a- which
with injunctive Flexion could also be indie. pres., op. § 505
p- 71, § 909 p. 456 f.), Pelign. di-d-a ‘det’ Umbr. di-rs-a ‘det’
ep. indic, Vest. di-d-e-t ‘dat’ y7dé-. Compare § 493 p. 53,
§ 524 p. 88, § 550 p. 106, § 553 p. 107.

Lat. ster-n-d-s li-n-a-s cp, indic. ster-n-i-t li-n-i-t, Compare
§ 603 p. 145.

§ 936. From Irish we may cite the Mid,fr. 24 sing, eba
‘bibas’, op. indic. ibid for *pi-b-e-ti y~po-. Compare § 539
p. 100, § 554 p. 108.

§ 937. Germanic, In § 507 p, 74 it was pointed out
as possible that O.Sax. dim O.ELG. tuo-m ‘I do’ may
represent the stem dh-d- of Lat. conda-s and be compared
with Lat, indie, d-a-s (§ 935). The same stem as Conj. is
seen in O.Sax. 1 2°¢ and 3™ pl. dua-n O.H.G. 2™ pl. tuo-t
3" pl. tuo-n.

OPTATIVE.")

§ 938. The Optative of the Unthematic Indicative has for
suffix in the Singular Active -jé- -ijé- (Strong form), in the
Plural and Dual Active and in the Middle of all numbers -7-

1) Th. Benfey, Ober die Entstehung und die Formen des idg.
Optativ (Potential) so wie tiber das Futurum auf sanskritisch sydimi u.s. w.,
Abhandl. der Gétt. Gosollsch. d. Wiss. xvi 135 ff. J. Schmidt, Die

§ 939, ‘The Mood Stem: — Optative. 481

I" pl. Skr. d-bhil-ma Gr. &go-uer from y~bhey- ‘be, become’:
Skr. bha-yd-t O.Pers, b-iya, Gr. Cypr. grity, 1" pl. Avest. buyama
i.e. bviyama for *bhy-ij-ym- (§ 942). “wid-je- *yid-t- beside
Skr, vdd-mi from y~yeid- ‘see, know’ (see § 493 p. 52): Skr.
vid-yd-t Goth, 1" pl. vit-ci-ma, *s-(i)jé- *s-t-: Skr, s-yd-t
s-iyd-t, O.Lat. s-ie-t 1 pl, O.Lat. and clase. s-t-mus, O.1LG.
1* pl, s-tm. *d-(j@- *d-i- beside Skr. dd-mi ‘esse’: Skr.
ad-yd-t Lat, ed-i-mus 0.0.51, jad-i-mii; in all three branches
a strong root-form has taken the place of the weak.
Indicatives like *é-dhé-t ‘he placed’ had two optative types,
one having the “unaccented weak grade” of root (dh-) and the
other the “weak grade with secondary accent” (dho-); compare the
two forms of the root in Skr. d-yd-ti and dé-ya-té, and the like
(§ 707 p. 238). (1) *dhaie- *dh-t: Avest. d-ya-p Osc. da-did
‘dedat’ (-% from the plural), ep. redupl. Avest. daidya-p mid.
daidi-ta. (2) *dhowjé- *dha-j- (op. *bheroi- and Skr. superl.
sthétha-s ‘the steadiest, most stable’ for *stajs-to- IL § 81
p. 244). Gr. pl. Oster dorpav orai-uev (Pe- do- instead of
and 9a- “Ja-, see § 493 p. 53), beside which we have delyy
Joiny oradyy instead of *9e-g7-v ete, like 3" pl. @éoorey -ofaro
instead of *-o(g)ev -o(Waro following g¥gouer etc. Skr. pl.
*dhéma') *déma *sthéma (cp. precative dé-§-ma § 942), whence
sing. dheyd-t déyd-t sthéyd-t instead of *dha-yd-t etc. (op.
bharéyam following bhdré-ma instead of *bhardy-am § 951,
and compar. sthéyas- following superl. sthéifha-s instead of
*stha-yas- IL § 81 p. 244), and hence again by further analogy
pl. dheyama deyama sthéyama like syd-ma following syd-t and
like Gr. rijuew following Seimw (§ 945); the root syllable in

1) The 204 pl. Ved, dharana, R.V. vin 56,5, x. 87. 12 (-tana as
often instead of -ta, see § 1010), probably does not belong to this place;
it is either a thematic form like Avest. 24 sing, doi-d Gr. tat-dore
-Soiueda, Or & new form coined beside dhehi on the analogy of attana
attd beside addhi, itana itd beside i-hi, ydtdna ydtd beside ydhi, and the
like, The latter view is supported by Pali pres, dhamé dhési eto. and
demi dési ote., which undoubtedly are new formates complementary to
the imperative dhéhi and déhi.

Brugmano, Elemente 1¥. at

$$ 999,940. The Mood Stem: — Optative. 483

s-Aorist (§§ 811 ff). Skr. mid. dikj-t-ta beside 1 sing.
dadik-j-i, Lat, dix-t-mus beside dix-*, V dejk- ‘show’; Skr. mid.
ma-s-t-ta Idg. *my-s-t-to, yomen- ‘think’; O.H.G. wiss-t-mes
‘we knew’ must be named here, if swissun ‘they knew’ is to be
compared with Gr, tsar ($ 827 p. $65). es-Aorist: Gr. s3dtusy
‘we should like to know’ for *Ferd-so-i-usr (cp. Lat. pfd-er-t-
-mus), deEsav for -0-e0-4-av or -o-s0-1-av see § G44. ae-Aorist:
Skr. 1" pl, mid. jan-ij-t-mahi beside indic. d-jan-ij-ta from jan-
“gignere’, pyd-s-ij-t-mahi from pyd- “swell. is-Aorist: Lat. etd-
-er-i-mus for *yejd-is-t- beside conj. vider-d (op. Gr. sidsiusy).

Perfect (§§ 843 ff.). *we-wyt-jé- -i- from y~wert- ‘vertere’:
Skr. va-oyt-yd-t 1* pl. mid, va-eyt-t-mahi, Goth. vatirp-ei-ma
(instead of reg. *vatirdeima) O.H.G. eourt-i-mis, *se-2d-(i)je- =
from [/ sed- ‘sedere’: Skr. séd-yd-t Avest. hazd-ya-p, op. Goth.
stt-ei-ma. Skr. 3" sing. mid. #-t-ta Goth. 1" pl. dig-ei-ma
heside indic. #-@ dih ‘has something in his power’ (§ 848
p- 391).

Often both types, -i2- and -oi-, occur together, just as in
the Indicative thematic and unthematic forms are found side
by side, and as in the Conjunctive we see both long-vowel
type and thematic. Examples are: Gr. éo Lith. tes? beside
sini es-mi ‘I am’, Avest, d-di-§ Gr. éxi-Forro beside indic. da-p
&9e-ro from y~dhe- ‘place’, Pruss, dais ‘give’ from y>do-, Gr.
papvoiusta beside jaag-va-ras ‘fights’, nenovdo beside aé-novd-«
‘T have experienced’,

§ 940. Aryan. In Sanskrit, the -yd- of the sing. active
is invariable for active plural and dual forms that have a
personal ending with initial consonant; as s-yd-ta instead of
*s-i-ta (Lat. s-Ftis), jnd-ya-ta instead of *jndi-ta (Gr. yrot-re):
in the Middle it is invariably absent. The same relation may
be seen in Indicative stems like dha- (Idg. *dhé-): as va-vyt-
-ya-t va-vyt-yd-ta mid. va-vpt-t-ta, 80 d-da-t d-da-ta mid.
d-di-ta (§ 495 p. 55). In Avestic -ya- preponderates for the
plural active, as Gath. tya-ta = Skr. syd-fa; but -I- seems to
ocour, a8 in srvimd i. e. sruv-t-ma beside imper. srao-t# =
Skr. drd-tu from v7 kleu- ‘hear’.

ai*

§940. The Mood Stem: — Optative. 485

dér-dar-ti intens. of dar- ‘to split’; the ground-form may be
*-dp-ié-t, see § 568 p. 112.

Class X. Skr. ya-yd-t beside y-d-ti ‘goes’. Avest. pa-ya-p
from pda- ‘protect’ (§ 588 p. 129). The forms Skr. mn@ya-t
jneyd-t beside the regular mnd-yd-t jid-yd-t (§ 939 p. 482)
are adformates of such as dhéyd-t sthéya-t (Class 1), just as
Skr. jy&tha-s ‘the mightiest’ beside comp. jyd-yas- is an ad-
formate of sthéjtha-s (IL § 81 p. 244); compare the precative
Jieam, § 942. Levelling in the reverse direction is shown by
Avest. da-ya-p beside d-ya-p.

Class XIT. Skr. mid. pp-n-t-té beside py-nd-ti ‘fills’; act.
prvt-yd-t with the same -t as indic. pr-nimds, see § 597
p. 141,

Cluss XV. Skr. rundh-yd-t mid. rundh-t-té beside
runddh-mi T hold back, stay’. Avest. meras-ya-p, see § 626
p- 162.

Class XVI Skr. ky-nu-yd-t mid. kyp-no-aetd Avest.
ker*-ni-ya-p beside ky-nd-ti ker*-nao-iti ‘makes, does’. Skr.
asknu-yd-t as-nuvt-tdé Avest. ad-nu-yd-p beside as-né-ti as-
-nao-iti ‘attains’, Avest. 1 sing. mid. fenuya i. e. tanv-iy-u
(beside Skr. tanvty-d), see p. 484.

s-Aorist. Skr. 1* pl. mid, dhuk-§-i-mdhi from duh- ‘to
milk’, 1 sing. mid. di-§-iy-a from da- ‘divide, share’; Avest.
digya-} from y7deik- ‘to show, point’ from a ground-form
*dik-s-ié-t, cp, Skr. mid. dik-§--ta. On the intrusion of the
strong root in Skr., as mq-8-t-mdhi beside ma-s-ty-a, see § 815
p. 353. The ij and sig-norist in Sanskrit: ruc-ig-Ty-a and
vic-ig-Ty-a from ruc- ‘to shine’, sah~i§-t-mahi and sah-i§-t-mdhi
from sah- ‘to overcome’, vq-sij-iy-a from van- ‘to gain’. Opta-
tives from sigmatic aorist are in Sanskrit only found in the
middle voice, and the 2™ and 3” sing. show regularly the
preeative form, as mq-s-Fjfhds mq-s-t-jta van-ij-F-ifa yd-sie-
-i-sthae (§ 942),

Perfect. Skr. ja-gam-ya-t Avest. jaymyam i. e. ja-ym-iyqm
beside indice. Skr. ja-gdm-a from gem- ‘go’. Skr. ri-ric-ya-t
beside ri-rée-a from ric- ‘let loose’. Avest. rdonya-p beside

§§ 944,945. ‘The Mood Stem: — Optative. 489

s-Aorist. Seigry sdduer (beside jjdew “I knew’) for *hud-
-s0-47-¥ OF -k0-0-¥ and -so-T-nEr, ep. Lat. vfd-er-t-mus; Att.
stdsinv is to be explained in the same way as sinv, page 487,
On the optative of eu ‘I go’ see § 836 p. 872 f.; the form isny
Tl. 19. 209 may, like Plato's dedrefyr, be an adformate of eidsinr,
ep. téwar Isdiévee : sidéveer,

deiZat-zu -ar-g ete. is a new formation following the optative
~o-ut -o1-z ete,, which sprang up when « in the g-aorist had
spread beyond its proper sphere; ep. § 820 p. 357.

It is likely that the forms Hom. Att. dsfSerag -se -sar
Arcad, deexwhtost and riwyeyesy (only preserved by Choeroboscus
Diet. 565, 2, and by him called Aeolic) contain the endings
-O8~{-y- oY ~a80-rm- and -as0-F, see § 836 p. 374. The 3™ pl.
say stands to the ordinary -sv (elev deter) as indic. Boeot,
nag-ttar to Dor. qv for *(o)-ev; 1" pl. <ormev for *-ora-T-per.
On the one hand, -cemer occasioned a 3 sing, -or on the
analogy of -oa : amper and -o : oer; on the other, -sear
produced complementary 2°4 and 3™ sing, -aereg -mee following
indie. -(@)ac -(o)e -(o)ar, just as Avest, buya-ta follows buyama
and Skr. duhtyd-t follows duhtydn (§ 941 p. 486).

Remark, For the latter developement (-aee; -one) there would be
a second motive if there ever was a 1% pl. in *-cnowy, answering to the
Avest, jam-y-ama (§ 941 p. 486); -msunwer toner as jamyama : ervimd.
And -onmev would make it easier to understand the 3*4 pl, ~ar beside
the usual form rr.

Perfect, torainv ioraiuey beside foraver ‘we stand’ like
igrainy iocatusy beside Torauer, Mid. «eerrrnr (beside uéurn-
-uae Dor. wépv@-oa “I remember’) xexryjany (beside xéxry-nae
‘L have gained’) instead of regular "uruvayeny *xexteqany, like
indic. 3° pl. uéuvyrtae xéxrqveae instead of *uejvarra *xexrevrer,
see p. 488, .

With perfect stems haying a final consonant the thematic
optative is always found; as nendvFo.

§ 945. In the Active of the Optative -rj- constantly passed
into the Plural and Dual, as sixuer beside slusr, oradjuer beside
ocalnev, sidefnuey beside sddeiusy, tarutnuey beside soratusr;

$947. ‘The Mood Stem: — Optative. 491

‘they would become’ Norse Run, vaxin ‘they would be’. The
history of the 1" sing. (Goth. -jau O.H.G, -i O.Icel. -a) is still
obseure (cp. § 953 on Goth. nimau); in explaining Goth. -jare
let it be remembered that j in viljau and j in vitjan seem to
be different (see below).

Present. A.8. cyme pl. cymen (from cuman ‘to come’)
would be Goth. *kemjau *kumcima: Skr. gam-yd-t, see § 939
p- 480. Goth. viljau vilei-s ete., ep. Lat. vel-i-m § 505 p. 69;
the 1" sing. viljaw may with O.H.G. wille have been originally
1* sing. conj. to indic. O.1.G. willu ‘I will! = O.C.S1. veljq,
whose tense stem is also represented by Goth, viljan and
viljands (§ 505 p. 69, § 716 p. 249, § 727 p. 259), ep. § 928
p. 474. O.HLG. si ‘I should be’ pl. 1" si-més stm 24 st-¢ Br
si-n beside is-t ‘is’: Skr. s-yd-m ete., see § 939 p. 481; Goth.
sijau sijdis etc. (like batrau bairats) is perhaps a transformation
of the dissyllabic Idg. *s-ijém etc. It is possible, that O.1.G.
1" pl. stén gén (sing. 1* and 3™ gé ste 2” ges stés) are
optative like Gr. orate.

The following may be counted amongst those parts of the
Preterite-Present system which are not really perfect. 1* pl.
Goth. vit-ei-ma O.H.G. wigg-t-més (Skr. vid-yd-t), Goth. mun-
-ci-ma, ga-dairseima O.H.G, gi-turrimés see § 508 p. 74.
Goth. kunneima O.LG. kunntmés (beside Goth. O.FLG. kun-
~nu-m ‘we learn, know’ Class XVII) for *gn-ny-t like Skr.
rno-T-td, see § 939 p. 482; similarly O.H.G. unni-més beside
indie. an ‘I grant’, N.-Ger. diirne beside indie, darn ‘I dare’,
see § 646 p. 184.

Perfect. Goth. skat-skdid-ei-ma O,H.G. sciad-1-més 1" sing.
skat-skdid-jau sciadi beside indie, skai-skdip sciad ‘I divided’,
similarly Goth. ném-ei-ma O.H,G. nam-t-més beside nam ‘I took”
ete. Similarly in the weak preterite (§ 907 pp. 453 ff.), as
Goth. nasidéd-ei-ma O.11.G. nerit-r-més. On O.Sax. dedin ‘they
would do’ sing, dedi (instead of regular “did-) see § 939
p- 482.

The intermingling of 2"! sing. opt. and 24 sing. indie.
preterite of strong verbs has been discussed in § 893 p. 441 f.

$$ 950,951. The Mood Stem: — Optative, 493

Il. oprarive with -oi-.

§ 950. The ending in the 1" sing. act. is -oi-m (§ 976.3),
in the 8" pl. -oj-pt (1017, 1. 6).

In all languages which have this optative at all it is a
living and creative type.

For pr. Idg. a few examples will suffice. “bheroj- beside
“bhér-e-ti ‘bears’, 2°¢ sing. *bheroj-s 2%" pl. *bheroi-te : Skr.
bhéré-§ -ta Gr. pégor-y -t8 Goth, bairdi-s -f O.C.S1. beri beré-te;
Lith. 34 sing. te-suké beside suki ‘I turn’. *yrdioi- beside
*urg-id-ti ‘works’: Avest. ver'zyae-ta Gr, déCor-rs Goth. varirk-
jdi-P; Skr. 3° sing. mid. sphaye-ta beside indice, sphd-ya-té
‘increases, grows’, O,O.SI. 2°¢ sing. spéji 2 pl. spéji-te beside
spé-ja ‘I succeed’, Skr. 3" sing. prtandyé-t beside prtand-ya-ti
‘he fights’, Gr. 2" sing. rfptorg tiu@s beside rizaw “I honour’,
AS. 3" sing. sealfie beside sealfie ‘I salve, anoint’, 0.0.81. 2¢
sing. lakaji beside l4ka-jq ‘I trick, deceive’.

$951, Aryan. For examples see § 950. No examples
of this optative occur in Old Persian, certainly a mere accident.

In Skr. 1" sing. act. bhéréyam 8" pl. act. bhdréyur 1" sing.
mid. bhdéreya 2" and 8 dual mid. bhdréyathdm bhdréyatam, =
has taken the place of a (*bharay-am ete.), coming from the
other optative forms (bhdré-§ etc.); in Avest. we still see 3" pl.
act. baray-en mid, 1* sing. Gath. vauray-a 3" pl. baray-anta.')
Compare Skr. vavyt-ty-a instead of *vavyt-y-a § 940 p. 484,
and possibly duhtydn instead of *duh-y-an § 941 p. 486; also
dbhite-am instead of d-bhuo-am following d-bhi-§ § 497 p. 57.

In the Brahmana and Sutra period verbs in -aya-fi some-
times show an opt. middle of the I* type, as véday-t-ta beside
veddya-té ‘gives to know’, kdmay-t-ta beside kamaya-te ‘wishes’.
‘These must be connected with participles like védayana-s beside

1) If & in open syllables represents Idg. o (I § 78 p. 68), we must
assume pr. Ar. *hhardj-am *bhardi-an, In Avestic, 4 will have been
exchanged for a following tho lead of these persons in which aj was
tautosyllabic. Compare § 989 Rem. p. 482.

§§ 956,957. The Mood Stem: — Imperative. 497

here’, Gr, fa ‘lay thyself’ (§ 910 Rom. p. 459f). (5) Forms
of the Verb Infinite: as Lat. 2¢ pl. sequi-mint (IL § 71
p- 165). Lastly (6) some are forms which, so far as we can
trace them, were never used for anything but the Imperative.

It is the last group, which I call the Genuine Imperative,
that will concern us in the following pages. But along with
them we shall include some others from the different languages
whose origin has not been clearly made out, amongst which
may be a few which properly belong to one of the other five
groups.

I. THE PROETHNIC IMPERATIVE.
A, Bare Tense Stem as 2" sing. act.

§ 957. The forms which come in this section are such as
Gr. Yorn ‘place thou’ péoe “bear thou’, which like the yoo. dye
axe do without any personal suffix whatever. I regard the
Idg. forms in -dhi (§ 959) and -tod (§ 963) and the Skr. forms
in -sea (§ 968) as being nothing but extensions of these,

(1) Unthematic.

Pridg. Class L “ej beside *ej-ti ‘goes’: Gr. éf-«, Lat.
ei t ex-t, Lith. elk. “dd beside *é-dd-t ‘he gave’: Lat. ce-do
(24 pl. cette for *ce-d(i)-te § 505 p. 71),") Lith. da’-k, ep. Gr.
di-d (Class TTT). — Class X. Lat. hia Lith. did-k ‘open thy
mouth’ beside indice, Lat. hid-mus; on the same principle Lat.
planta O.Ir. car Goth. salbo Lith. dovand-k (see below).
Lat. vide Lith. pa-vydé-k ‘invide’ beside indic. Lat. vide-mus,
Compare Gr. éy-xfxo@ afu-ngy (Class XI). — Class XVII.
Skr. sty-"u Gr. ordo-vd beside indic. sty-nd-té (sty-mu-mds)
Orép-vi-or ‘sternit’.

Aryan. This formation is clear only in the XVII Class
in Sanskrit, where however -dhi or -hi is usually affixt, 4y-né

1) Others, not so well, take ce-do as a combination of two particles,
“here-wards, hither’. cefte then is explained as derived from cedo as Slav.
ne-te from no. See Per Persson Studia Etymol., p. 71.

Brugmann, Elements, {¥. 82

$9 957,958. ‘The Mood Stem: — Tmperative. 499

Class I, ei-k indie, ei-ti he goes’: Gr. t- Lat. dak
‘give thou’ beside Skr. d-da-t (§ 493 p, 58); Lat. ce-do.
dé-k “lay thou’ beside Skr, d-dha-t (see loc. cit.). bii-k ‘be
thou’ beside Skr. d-bht-ma (§ 497 p. 56). — Class X.
ne-bijoki-s “fear thou not’ beside bijo-s ‘he fears’, 4id-k beside
4id-ju ‘I open my mouth’: Lat. hia beside hid-mus, jé-&
beside jé-ju ‘I ride’. kté-k beside ké-ju ‘I spread out’,
miné-k beside miné ‘he remembered’, twké-k beside tukiju
‘I wait a bit’, dovand-k beside dovand-ju ‘I present’, pasako-k
beside pasako-ju ‘I relate’: cp. Lat. planta. kété-k beside
kété-ju ‘1 grow hurd’: op. Lesh. qity. — batnit’-k beside
dalni’ju “I saddle’: ep. Lesb. avpa.

It is the rule that this whole Imperative formation takes
its stem from the Infinitive. The reason is that some of the
forms belonged to the aorist, whose stem differed from the
present stem and agreed with the s-future etc., that is, the
infinitive stem; the others then conformed to the same type.
Hence we have varty-k beside vartaa ‘I turn’, ji’sty-k beside
J#stau ‘T gird’, And similar imperatives are made for all
thematic present stems: thus the relation between dé'-k and
di'-ti suggested an imper. vésk from vésti ‘to lead’ (pres. vedit),
sitk(k) from sitk-ti ‘to turn’ (pres. suki), and so forth.

As the original meaning of these singular forms with -k(@
was forgotten, a plural and dual was made from them thus:
ditkime divkite ditkica ditkita from divki dik, on which see
§$ 463 Rem. p. 9. dithi-te: dill) as Lett, weddi-t : wedd(i)
‘lead thou’ (cp. § 958).

§ 958. (2) Thematic,

Prldg. *bhére, from indice. “bhére-ti ‘bears’: Skr. bhara
Armen, ber (ir, péos O.tr, beir Goth. bair; Lat. age, Skr.
ti-Sth-a Lat. si-st-e, indic. tf-sth-a-ti si-st-i-t from 7 sta- ‘stand’,
Skr. gécha Gr, Bdoxe beside gd-cha-ti from ygem- ‘go’.
Skr. namas-yd indie. namas-yd-ti ‘honours’, Gr. rédex rédee from
indie, redeio -¢0 =, ‘finish thon’, for -so-gw; Shr. gd-tu-yd
indie, gatu-yd-ti ‘goes an errand’, Lat. metue from metud.
Skr. sdddya Goth. sated from indie. sdddya-ti satji- causal

gee

gS The Mood Stem: — Imperative. — 501

Italic, Lat. age. Whether albf moné are for *albe(ije
*mone(ije is as doubtful as the derivation of albés monés from
*-eie-s (§ 788 p. 319).

Lat. cape for *capi.’) farct, see above.

Keltic. OIr. ib Mod.Cymr. yf 'bibe’ for *(p)i-be. [ic for
*leci or -1, see § 702. p. 229, § 719 p. 251.

Germanic. Goth. batr; in O.ILG. forms like Ailf ‘help
thou’ for *hilfi are regular, but e. g. bir stands for *biri
(L § 662.2 p. 520). O.HLG. aeri ‘make thou whole’ for
pr. Germ. *nazifi, see loc. cit.; Goth. nasei seems to prove that
*naziii had not yet become *nazt in pr. Germ. (cp. nom.
Srijondi 1 § 660.2 p, 515).

With dg. -i O.H.G. hei from heffu ‘I lift, ditt from
bitt(u 'T beseech’, like Lat. cape for *capi, see p. 500. But
Goth. hafet instead of *hafi *haf follows nasei ete.

Balto-Slavonic. In O.Lith. and Lett. -7 is found with
presents like Lith. redie ‘I lead’, as O.Lith. vedi ved Lett. weddi
wedd, gawiléji ‘I exult, shout for joy’. By the sound laws it
is impossible to explain this as the 2™¢ sing. opt. (ep. Pruss.
weddeis), or to assume that -i is -e weakened; and therefore

1) The forms fac and dic die may have elided -e as haec for haece has.
But the injunctive fer at the same time must have helped to make the short
forms current (§ 505 p. 68). [It is true Skutsoh has lately derived fer from
*fere, denying most distinotly that it comes from *fer-s (Forschungen zu
lat. Gramm. 55 4f.). But his reasons will not hold water. That ferre was
originally @ thematic present, and that forms like fert come by syncope
of the thematic vowel, is bare assumption and nothing more, And since
the scausion of ter as long by Plautus (Bacch, 1127) is taken as evidence
of the older pronunciation *ferr (for *ters, op. Bicheler, Rhein. Mus,
XLVI 286 ff), and since the same poet has fer twice short and once long
(Mil, 18486 fér aequo dnimo), any candid enquirer will see in this a
confirmation of my view rather than his. Why the M8. should be corrupt
in fér arquo dnimo, and genuine in the two examples of fér short, us
Skutach says, there is nothing to show. If in Plautus’ day people
spoke «rr = -re before a vowel, it is in the first degree probable that
this was not done always, but that the form with +, which was right
before consonants and at the end of a sentence, was sometimes used too.
In any onse Skutch ought to prove the contrary before unconditionally
supporting the transposition fér animo aéqguo. To transpose is simple; it
does not follow that it is necessary.)

§§.963,964. ‘The Mood Stem: — Imperative. 505

C. The Forms with -téd.

§ 963. These forms, for instance *yit’-téd from \~ ueid-
‘see, know’, *bhére-tdd from \bher- ‘ferre’, served originally
for the 2° and 8 persons of all numbers, as their use in
Sanskrit indicates. Thus -t6d was properly not a personal
suffix at all; probably it was an affixt particle, the abl. sing.
of the pronoun stem “fo- ‘this, that’ (Skr. fdd), used in the
sense of ‘from there, then’ (IIE § 424 p, 348). This theory suits
the use of the forms in Sanskrit and Latin, where they are
chiefly employed when the command is not to be straightway
carried out, but only after a particular point of time, or under
certain circumstances. Take, for example, udnaspdtir ddhi twa
sthasyati tésya vittat (Taittirlya-Sambhita) ‘the tree will fall
on thee; beware of it’; tu velim saepe ad nos scribas; si rem
nullam habebis, quod in buccam venerit scribito (Cie). Greek
also has often this manner of using it; but its use was much
restricted by preference for the infinitival imperative.

The basis of this fod-series is the imperative type described
under (A), $§ 957 f., of which it may safely be assumed that it
was not originally restricted to the 2 singular, which it is most
commonly used for: cp, Skr. ky-mu-tad Gr. orog-wi-r with
ky-nu orog-vt, Lat. im-plé-t0 with implé, Gr. ienj-co Lat. lict-t6
with vidé, Skr. bhdra-tad Gr. pepé-rv Lat. vehi-td with bhdra
qége vehe.

Remark, The argaments urged against this view by Windisch do
not convince me (Ber, sachs. Ges. der Wiss., 1889 pp. 21 ff.).

§ 964. Pridg.

(1) Unthematic Forms. Stems with gradation have the
Weak grade. Clasa I. Skr. vittdd Gr. ior beside Skr. rfd-mi
and véd-a from y~weid- ‘see, know’ (§ 493 p. 52). Gr. ca-rm
Lat. es-t0 beside #o-ri es-t; strong grade in the root as in éo-ré
es-te etc. Gr. dé-rm Lat. da-té beside sdo-wsy da-mus from
Vodo-, — Classes If and V. Skr. dha-t-tad Gr. ri-dé-rw

$968, ‘The Mood Stem: — Imperative. 507

proethnic Greek. Compare Skr. vdrayadhedd § 965, Lat.
fruimind § 967.

In Greek, the forms with -ra and -o9w are regularly used
for the 8“ singular. The active form is used as 2" sing., with
the additional suffix -s to make the person clear, in the word
ehGerdg* dvei cod 29! Ladhaulvio, a gloss given by Hesychius;
ep. § 987.1. The Corcyrean pepécdm, 8" plural, may be taken
ns evidence that once geoérm could be used for the plural.
But another explanation is possible; that the coincidence of
JdooFu 3" sing. and dIddotu = *ddovadm 3" pl. caused the
8" sing. gegtadm to be used for the plural too.

For the 3" plural, different dialects made new forms on
the basis of -rw and -odw: pepérm-» pepirw-cauv qpegovem (op.
Lat. feruntd) qeportu-v geporrm-oav and pspeatu-v gepéoIa-ony
pepsatu pepoatu-y (for *-orcIw *-oveFarv, ep. I § 204 p. 171);
see the collections of G, Meyer Gr. Gr.* pp. 498 ff. Two
remarks must be made here. (1) The origin of gegérw-v
prpovro-» geostw-oav peodvrw-ar is later than the change of
*-rmd to -ru (L$ 652.5 p. 498).9) (2) The forms with -rr-
Covre -ovrw-¥ -orrwoav), it may be conjectured, were not
based directly upon the indicative *bheronti *ebheront (Att.
géoovar speoor), but on the imperative-injunctive form *bheront
(cp. azé-¢ géoe-te wpége-rov gégs-o and 8" pl. Skr. bhdran
bhérant-u O.CS1. bad § 909 pp. 457 f.).

The active and middle endings of the 8" plural did not
always correspond; thus Arcadian has act. -rrw mid. -(#)owy
(S@sadvrm éxakaceodwr), In this and similar cases the expla-
nation is that it was attempted to distinguish the 8™ plural
from the 3" singular middle.

No certain explanation has been given for Lesb, 3™ pl.
wtgoveov gépradov; see the Author, Gr. Gr? 173, Windisch
Ber, siichs, Ges. der Wiss. 1889 p. 20, O. Hoffmann Das Priisens
der idg. Grundspr. 21, The medio-passive forms iord»dm and

1) 80 the identification of Goth. bafrandaw with Gr. pegdrrwr (Hirt,
lag. Forsch. 1 206) is wrong.

$967. The Mood Stem: — Imperative. 509

habetu-tu habitu-to “habento’. This -ta may be either Lat,
-te + some interjection (cp. s@oor o) Ar. Lysistr. 350, xarolo-
jvtac' vi Aesch. Ag. 1118, dringd drine Parsifal 220. 28), or an
ending of the 2™4 dual (cp. Lith. and O.C.SI, -ta) which, like the
dual ending -tis in Latin (§ 1013), got into the plural, Firat
futu ‘esto’ had the 24 pl, futu-to made for it, like Lat, agitd-te
from agito, and then since fut could be used for 3™ singular
too, futu-to came to be used for the 3" person (ep. O.C.SL.
24 sing. jagdt used also for 3" sing. § 949 p. 492), Still, -ta,
if it was a dual ending, may have been originally the ending
of the 3™ person too (cp. O.C.SI. -ta as 3" dual, § 1040);

in that case futu-to was originally a 3" person form as well
a on,

Remark. The ending -f@ seems to all appearance to be used in
its proper and original way in VIb 63 (=T b 21. 22) efeto Fioninur ‘itate
Tguvini', and this -t4 medialised into -ma (op. -mu(d) following -tu(d),
below) might be seon in arsmahamo caferahamo Jovinur ‘ordinamini
centuriamini Igavini’ VI®56 = 16 19. But I foar that it is only
appearance. For in the first place this medialising would be very
romarkable in itself; and secondly, it is natural to suppose that ¢toto
aramuhamo are shortened by dissimilation from *zaria-t5 (‘itatote')
*aramémiemd, and that the latter has cnused by analogy the shortening
of *caterdmi-mé which follows it.

(2) Complementary to datod datd danté there were formed
in Latin dator dantor, like damur beside damus. There also
arose a 5" ging. in -mind for the 2” pl. in -mint (II § 71 p. 165),
as fruimind famind profitemind beside fruimint ete,

Corresponding to the latter formation Umbr. has persnimu
persnihimu ‘precamino, supplicato’, and the relation of pl. habituto
‘habento” and habitu ‘habeto’ suggested a plural persnihimumo
‘pecantor, supplicanto’. On the 2" pl. arsmahamo caterahamo,
see the last Remark. Osc. censamur ‘censemino, censetor’ shows
the mid.-pass. -r added to the mid.-pass. m-suffix, As regards
the relation of the Umbr.-Ose. suffix -mo- to Lat, -mino-, see
IL § 72 p. 166.

§971. ‘The Personal Endings: — General Remarks. 513

What the meaning of each Sarto personal suffix may
have been we are not in a position to decide. Some of them
may originally have been a personal pronoun affixt to the

Aryan, Bartholo , Arica: Zur Bildung der 1. sing, praes.
act., der 1. plur., der 3. sing. perf. act, Zur Flexion des Conjunctivs, Zur
Bildung der 8. plur. pract. act., der 2. umd 3. du. med., Kuhn’s Zeitachr.
xxix 271 ff. Idem, Die 1. sing, opt. med. der thematlachen Conjugation.
[ot Aryan], Ar. Forsch. 1 65, Th. Benfey, Uber die Entstehung und
Verwendung der im Sanskrit mit r anlautenden Personalendungen,
Abhandl. der Gott. Gea. d. Wiss. xv 87 ff. J. Darmesteter, Des
désinences verbales en ws et des désinences verbales qui contiennent un
ry en sanskrit, Mém, Soo, Ling. 11 95 f& A. Bergaigne, Des troisibmes
personnes du pluriel en -rom, sid. 1 104 f. Bartholomae, Indisch ai
in den Medialausgingen des Conjunctivs, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvil 210 ff
A.J. Eaton, The Atmanepada in Rigveda, Leipz. 1884. Spiegel, Die
3. Person plur. des perf. red. med. im Altbaktr., Kuhn's Zeitsohr, xx 155 f,
Bartholomae, Suffix at und @f* in den 3. pl, das Personalsuffix ~tam
im Opt. [in Avestic), Ar. Forsch. 11 61 ff.

Greek. K. Burkhard, Die Personalendungen des griech.
Verbums und ihre Entetehung, Teschon 1858, Bollensen, Uber die
2. und 3. du, in den historischen Zeiten des Griech,, Kuhn's Zeitschr
xin 202 ff J. Schmidt, Die Personalendungen -%« und -oor im
Griech., iid, xxvii 315 ff. F. Misteli, Ober dio erste Pers. Sing.
Opt. Act. des Griech., Zoitschr. f. Volkerpaych. xu 25 ff. V. Henry,
La finale primaire de 2¢ personne du singulier de voix moyenne on
dialecte attique, Mém. Soc. Ling. yi 200 ff. Poppo, De Graccorum
verbls modlis, passivie, deponentibus reote discernendis ac de deponentium
usu, Frankf. a. d. 0. 1827. Heurlin, De signifiactione yverbis Graecorum
mediis propria iisdemque a deponentibus discernendis, Lund 1852.
L, Janson, De Graecorum verbis deponentibus vetustissimoram poetarum
epicorum usu confirmatis, Fostprogr. des Thorner Gymn., Thorn 1868.
Kowaleok, Uber Passiy und Medium vornehmlich im Sprachgebrauch
des Homer, Danzig 1887.

Italic sae Keltic, J. Rhys, The Passive Verbs of the Latin
and the Keltio Languages, Transact, of the Philol, Soc. 1865 pp. 298 ff.
H. Zimmer, Ober das italo-keltische Passivam und Deponons, Kuhn's
Zeltsohr. xxx 224 ff.

Italic. Corssen, Osservazioni sulle desinenze personali del verbo
italico, Rivista di filol iv 478 ff. Idem, Zur Gestaltung der Personal-
endungen itulischer Verba, in: Beitr. zur ital. Sprachk. pp. 564 ff.
Speijer, tis 2* personne du pluriel, Mém. Soc. Ling. ¥ 189. Iden,
Désinences moyennes conservées dans le yerbe latin (Parfait en -7@ (-¢i),
Singalier de Vimpératif en -re), Mém. Soc. Ling. ¥ 185 ff. Corssen,
Zur ital. Passivbildung, in: Beitr. sur ital. Sprachk. pp. 562 ff. Conway,
The Origin of the Latin Passive, illustrated by a recently besadh ae

Hrugmann, Klemens. IY.

§$§971—978. The Personal Endings: — General Remarks. 515

possible to deny a connexion between the endings -nt -1ti
-nto etc. of the 38“ plural and the participial suffix -né- (II § 125
pp. 394 ff, and IV p. 50 footnote 1).

§ 972. The etymological connexion of Middle and Active
ending is quite obscure. What, for instance, is the connexion
between 3" ging. mid. Gr. -ta: and 8™ sing. act. -r1?

Remark. It is probable a priors that the Active endings as a
class are the oldest, For these characterise an action simply, without
the secondary meanings which the Middle Forms convey over and above
those of the Active. On this principle we may regard the *-medhai or
*-medhai of the 1" plural as an extension of the act, *-me. *-80 *-fo F-nto
are doubtless extensions of the activo *-2 *-t and if's particle ¢ wore
added to those, the former would become *-waj *-taj *-ntaj or *-s2j *-foj
*-ntai, the Intter *-si *-£i *-sti. Bee be sha ata the plas Ea -dhee
-dhvam are obviously to be kept quite apart from the active -tha -te.
And who is to prove that *-sai *-faj did not become *-ai *-ti by loss of
accent, and *-s0 *-fo become *-s *-¢ in the same way? This explanation
is actually suggested by Bogemann, Zur Bedeutung dea schwachen
Priiteritums der german. Sprachen, p. 188, and Osthoff, Morph. Unt.
Ty 282,

For the Passive Voice there were originally no special and
characteristic endings in the Indo-Germanie languages. All so-
called passive forms in the verb finite are either middle or active.

§ 973. Each person, both Active and Middle, had in the
parent language at least two endings.

Sometimes there is no possibility of tracing any connexion
between these different endings, as between -ti and -e in the
3" sing. active (Skr. pres. ds-ti and perf. ds-a). In particular,
there were a number of special endings in the Perfect Indicative,
whose origin, it would appear, was quite distinct from that of
the endings in the other tenses and moods.

But the rest are obviously variant forms of the same thing.
This is true of -nei and -m in the I" sing. active, of -faj or
-taj and -fo in the 3™ sing. middle. The -i which distinguishes
the active endings 1" sing. -mi 2" sing. -si 3" sing. -ti 8" pl.
-nti from -m -s -t -nt in the same persons, may, I suggest, be
an affixt particle (perhaps implying present time). The same
-i, forming a diphthong with a preceding -a-vowel, is seen in
the middle endings 1" sing. -aj or -aj (Skr. perf. futud-é) and

3g

$9 975,976, The Personal Endings: — 1* Sing. Act. 517

§ 975. Amongst the suffixes of persons, 7 has a place to
itself. It is found sometimes alone as a personal ending (as
Skr, 3" pl. cakr-ir), sometimes in conjunction with others (ax
Skr. 3° pl. pres. duh-r-até Lat. 3° pl. sequo-ntw-r). As Italic
and Keltic have it in almost all persons, and as the forms
which contain it must be treated together, a special chapter
will be given to it after the other endings have been discussed
(S§ 1076 f).

ACTIVE ENDINGS.
1 PERSON SINGULAR.

§ 976, Proethnic Indo-Germanic.

(1) -méi, Primary Ending for Unthematic Stems. *és-mi
‘Lam’: Skr. demi Arm. em Gr. eiui Alban. jam (for *em *esmi,
$498 p. 52) Goth. im Lith. esm? O.C.SI. jesmt. Ske. déda-mi
Gr. dido-ju ‘I give’. Skr. sy-nd-mi ‘I break to pieces’ Armen.
bar-na-m ‘I lift Gr, dduery-ut “L tame’ O.Ir. glenim ‘I remain
hanging’ (for “gli-na-mi) O..G. gi-nd-m ‘I gape’. Most
languages came indepently to use this ending with Thematic
stems: Skr. bhdrdmi Armen. berem O.Ir. berim ‘fero’ O.H.G.
wirdon ‘I become’ Serv. nesem ‘I bear’.

(2) -d, the Primary Ending for Thematic Stems. *bherd
‘fero': Avest. Gath. ufyd ‘I weave, extol’ Gr. gégw Lat. ferd
O.Ir. as-biur ‘effero, dico’ Goth. baiva Lith. veg “veho’. Future
Avest, Gath, vax-ya ‘I will speak’ Lith. di’-siu ‘dabo’. Con-
junctive *es-0 from indic. *es-mi: Avest. Gath. awhd Skr. brév-a
‘dicam’ Gr. Zw @ Lat. (fut,) ed. -3 also in the Greek long-
vowel Conjunctive, as gépw (pl. gégu-yev géoy-re), and the
Aryan -@ seems to be identical in the forms Skr. dred (3" sing.
rc-d-t) Avest, Gath, per"sa (3" sing. per’s-a-iti), see § 918
Rem. p. 466.

(3) -m (after sonants) and -y (after consonants) Secondary
Ending for any Stem, *hhéro-m: Skr. d-bhara-m Gr. &-pepo-r
Lat, su-m 0.C.S1. nesit "bore. Conj. Lat. fera-m O.Ir. do-ber

a

Skr. ky-nd-mi ‘I make’ Avest. ker*-nao-mi.

Ae) The sen tne oe pre lk ge eee
dialect of Avestic for the indic. present, as spasyé
I watch’ (Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 3
Independently both Sanskrit and later yee
re-formation with -mi (§ 976. 1); as Skr. bhe
Avest. barami O.Pers, darayamty (Skr. ¢
reason for this innovation was that there were
forms, one thematic and the other unthematic, as

the number of syllables became the same in
of the singular. Another thing which may ha
influence is that in the 1* sing. mid. indic. pres. of
the same ending (-aj) was used from the proethnie 4
(3) The short-vowel (or thematic) ©
long-vowel both show the endings -a@ and -ani si
the former was proethnic Idg. (§ 976. 2 p. 517): Skr.
Ved. and class. brdvdni (3* sing. brdv-a-t)
mravani (3" sing. Gath. mrav-a-itt) beside indie.
‘speaks’ 1* pl. bra-més; Skr. Ved. vdca (Gr. (alm
class, vocani (3" sing. vdc-d-ti) beside indie. d
&(Fjen:) from pac- ‘to speak’, Avest.
per’s-d-iti) beside ee
az-a-iti ‘agit’. :
The origin of -ni is obscure. Pechnge 8 hould

$$: 977,978, ‘Tho Personal Endings: — 1" Sing. Act. 319
it with the Ar. -ra of Avest. 2™ sing. bara-na and the ending
of the 2" pl. -than-a -ta-na (§ 600 p. 148, § 1010).')

(4) -m. Skr. d-bhara-m Avest. barem O.Pers. abaram.
Skr. d-dadha-m Avest. dadq-m. Optative Skr. dadh-yd-m
Avest. daidyq-m.

(5) - appears in Aryan regularly as -am, which we may
consider the ante-sonant form (-mm), See I § 231 Rem.
p- 196, -am seems to have been helped in beating *-a =
Gr. -« out of the field by various causes: in Skr. d-han-am
and other such by the existence of thematic and unthematic
variants together (ep. d-han-a-t § 498 p, 58); in ds-am dd-am
by a wish to distinguish these from the perfect (ds-a dd-a);
in the optative bhdréy-am, by a wish to distinguish active and
middle (bharéy-a). Skr. d-brav-am Avest. mraom i. e. mrav-em
‘I spoke’; Skr. ds-am © Pers. ah-am ‘eram’. Avest. didaem
i.e. diday-em beside di-dag-iti ‘sees’. Skr, d-kgar-J-am (Gr.
f-pdug-a) from kgar- ‘to flow, pass away. Optative Skr,
bharéy-am (not found in Iranian).

(6) -a in the Perfect. Skr. véd-a Avest. Gath, pagd-a
‘L know’: Gr. ofda, On Skr, dadhaé see $ 852 p. 402 f

§ 978. Armenian. Perfect -a not found.

(1) -m = Idg. -mi. em ‘I am’ for *es-mi § 501 p. 63.
mna-m “L remain, wait for’ jana-m ‘I take pains’ $ 581 p. 122.
ba-na-m ‘I open’ $601 p. 144. jer-nu-m “T warm myself” $642
p. 180.

This -m spread to the Thematie stems (§ 976. 1), as berem
‘fero’; ¢ before the -m comes from the 2™ and 3" singular (as
in Serv. nesem, § 983), partly from the analogy of em. The
same innovation is seen in the 3" pl. beren, § 1019.

(2) The history of Idg. -m and -m is not clear. The
ending -m is believed to occur in e.g. etu ‘I gave’ edi ‘I placed’
teri ‘I bore’. Compare Bartholomae, Stud, Idg. Spr. u 36 £.;
Bugge, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxu 75.

1) What Mahlow suggests and Wiedemann approves (Lang. Yoo. 162,
Lit, Prat, 160) does not convince me in the least.

§8:981,982. The Personal Endings: — 1 Sing. Act. 521

Forms like lécim (beside -laciu) and berim (beside -biur)
are re-formed on the model of the verbs in -mi above mentioned.
Compare § 976.1.

Why is -m constantly doubled in Irish, thus shewing that
the nasal was not spirant (mh) as in Cymric? his is no effect
of the analogy of the Irish representative of Idg. *es-mi ‘I am’
(with mm for sm); because am (never written amm) has no
claim to be considered such (see § 506 p. 72). “Can it be
true after all that Irish -am- when following the accent
became -amm-?” (Thurneysen.)

(2) Idg. -0. biu ‘I am’: Lat. f¥. no guidin ‘I beg’.
-biur ‘I bear’: Lat. ferd. no charud ‘I will love’: ep. Lat. ama-
-bd. See I § 90 p. 85.

(8) Idg. -m. ba ‘fui’ for *hhy-d-m: Lat. ama-bam (§ 584
p- 125). Conj. -ber ‘feram’ for *bhera-m; the absolute form
bera is analogical, and no ground-form can be inferred for it.

Idg. -g seems to be quite lost.

(4) Idg. -a in the Perfect. ro seslach “I struck down’ for
*se-slag-a: ep. Goth. sloh.

§ 962. Germanic.

(1) Idg. -mi is common in West Germanic. Goth. im
O.HL.G, b-im b-in ‘I am’ for *es-mi (§ 507 p. 73). O.HLG.
sestd-m “sisto, I arrange’ (§ 545 p. 103), salbd-m ‘I anoint’
(§ 585 p. 126), habé-m ‘lL have’ (§ 592 p. 133), sta-m ‘T stand’
(§ 708 p. 240), gind-m gei-nd-m ‘I gape’ (§ 605 p. 146).

Goth. salbo doubtless has not the secondary Idg. -m, but
gets its ending from salbd-m -nd by analogy of bafra : batra-m
-nd. On Goth. haba see § 708 p. 288 f.

(2) Idg. -3. Goth. bafra O.H.G. biru ‘fero’ O.Icel, heito-mk
‘I call myself’, Goth. nagja O.H.G, neriu nerru ‘T save’; on
forms like O.H.G. hilfu see 1§ 661.2 p. 517. In High German
dialects, especially Rhine Frankish, the -n of verbs in -mi has
been spreading to the thematic class since the 11" century;
e. g. wirdon gihun instead of wirdo gihu, and so too O.Low Fr.
wirthon (cp. § 976. 1),

88 985-985. ‘The Personal Endings: — 24 Sing. Act. 523

junctive vezq = Lat. veha-m as indic, pres., see $ 929 p. 474.
Idg. -p is quite gone.

2°° PERSON SINGULAR.

§ 984. Proethnie Indo-Germanic. On the imperative
-dhi, aud imperatives without any personal ending like Skr.
bhdara, whieh we here disregard, see $$ 957 ff. pp. 497 ff.

(1) -si, Primary ending. “ej-#i ‘is': Skr. &$i Gr. sf for
*si-(o. Skr. bhdra-si O.Ir. beré for *bere-(s)i Goth. bairi-s
‘fers’. Conj. Skr. bhdr-a-si. O.Tr. cari ‘amas’ for *card-(s)i,
Goth. salbd-» ‘thou anointest’.

From 1“ es- ‘esse’ two forms, 1. *esi: Ske. dsi Gr. «2 for
*iae Alban, jé for *e(si) (G. Meyer, M. Hertz zum 70, Geburts-
tag, 1888, pp. 86 £). 2. *es-si: Armen. es Gr. Hom. éo-0t:
On the relation of the two Idg. forms, see IH § 356 Rem.
p. 258. On Goth. is see § 990.1; on Lith. est O.C.S1. jesi,
§ 991.

(2) -s, Secondary ending. ‘*e-s/a-s from // sta- ‘stare’:
Skr. d-stha-s Gr. E-ory-s; Skr. d-yd-s Goth. i-ddjé-« ‘wentest’.
*bhére-s: Skr. d-bhara-s Gr. pipers t-peoes Lat. ag-i-s O.1r,
do-bir O.C.SI. veze; Goth. dg-s ‘fear thou’, Opt. *hheroj-#:
Skr. bhdré-g Gr. gépoeg Goth. bairdi-s Pruss. imai-s ‘take
thon’ O.C.SI. beri; *s-@jé-s: Skr. syd-s Gr. sty-¢ Lat. sié-s
si-s Goth, vitei-s ‘acias’.

(8) -tha in the ind, perf.: Skr, vét-tha Gr, oloda "knowest’,
O.HLG. gi-tars-t ‘darest’.

§ 985. Aryan.

(1) -si, Skr. vdke$i Avest, vadi beside 3” sing. Skr. odg-fi
Avest. vag-ti ‘desires’, Skr. dddha-si ‘placest’, Avest. dada-hi.
Skr. bhdra-si Avest, bara-hi, Conj. Skr. bhdra-si, Avest,
bara-hi (also barai with h dropt) O.Pers. vaind-hy ‘videas’.
Imperative Skr. sdt-si ‘place thyself, sit’ see § 910 Rem. p. 459 f.

Skr. dsi Avest. ahi Goth. ahy ‘thou art’, see § 984.1.

(2) -s. Skr. dhd-s d-dha-s Avest. dé from dhé- ‘to
place’, Skr. dkar for *a-kar-§ ‘madest’, Avest. rar‘s ‘didst work’
ground-form *yerk-s, sqs ‘didst say’ ground-form *kens-s (§ 493

§§ 987—989. The Personal Endings: — 2°4Sing. Act. 525.

(3) -tha in the Perfect. Only two original forms are left:
— olada: Skr. véttha ‘knowest’ and jo-du from éo- ‘to be’. The
latter, which was afterwards used as imperfect (§ 858 p. 407),
was the origin of many analogical forms, for instance inode
fuadia riInade conj. EApota opt. Pahoa singde, olatda-g
jode-s are of very doubtful authority before the Alexandrian
age; olota-¢ occurs in Herodas 1 55. In the indie. perf. -a-g
was usual instead of -9a, ¢. g. rérgog-a-¢, also oldas beside
ola?a; this ending came from the aorist, and was recommended
by the ease with which it could be added to consonant stems
(§ 844 p. 386).

§ 988. Italic.

(1) -si cannot be traced. But since in the 3" sing, *-ti
seems very early to have become -t (§ 996), nothing prevents
our deriving Lat. es ‘art’ and és ‘eatest’ from *essi and *etsi

(2) -s. Lat. vis (§ 505 p. 69), vel for *vel-s (loc. cit.);
but in fer-s the -3 is due to analogy. nd-s né-s planta-s
vidé-s, ama-bas. agi-s farct-s, Umbr. heris heri heri ‘vis,
vel’ (p. 68 footnote, and § 715 p. 248). Conjunctive Lat.
érwins vider-i-8, ag-d-8 ag-é-s. Optative Lat. sié-s st-s, Umbr.
sir '3i sei ‘sis’.

(8) Idg. -tha in the Perfect. Lat. vidis-ti (inser. also -tei)
got its -t either from the 1" sing. with the middle suffix -T;
or else the middle ending existed in Italic in the 2>4 person
too (*-st for pr, Lat. *-saj) and -t? got its -t from this, in the
same way as -di in O.O0.S1. beredi is a mixture of active Idg.
*-si and middle Idg. *-saj or *-s9i (§ 991).

§ 980. Keltic. -tha (Perfect) is lost. The ending of
cechan ‘cecinisti’ is obscure.

(1) -si. Ole, beri ‘fers’ for *bere-si (1 § 576 p. 481).

(2) -s. Injunct. coméir ‘get up’ for *cdém-ecs-rec-s-s (§ 826
p. 363) -bir ‘fers’ for *here-s (L § 576 p. 431, § 657.5 p. 508).

In the a-conjunctive, berae bere and do-berae -e for a
supposed *berdsi; remember that even in the indicative the
primary -i kept on intruding more and more into the conjunct
flexion: only a few verbs, as -bir, kept clear of it.

89 990,991. ‘The Personal Endings: — 2%¢ Sing. Act. 527

‘darest’ (1" sing. gi-tar). By their analogy Goth. edist O.1LG.
weist ‘knowest’ (1" sing. odit weigz), Goth. gast ‘didst say’
(pres. gipa) with st instead of regular ss. Further, Goth. bar-t
‘didst bear’ skal-t A.S. scealt ‘shalt’ instead of *bar-p ete.
See I § 553 p. 406. The sole example of pr. Germ. -ba =
-tha is A.S. pres. ear-d ar-d ‘art’, which must therefore be
transformate of pres. mid. *ar-pés = Skr. tr-thds (§ 509 p. 75).

In West-Germanic and Norse -t spread from the preterite
present to the Present: O.H.G. bis-t O.Icel. es-t ‘thou art’,
wil-t ‘wilt, wishest’,

In West-Germanic, the Perfect as an historic tense
exchanged the form with -tha for that of the thematic aorist,
as O.ILG. 2igi = Skr. d-dis-a-s, whence followed intermixture
with the optative perfect; see § 893 pp. 441 f,

§ 991. Balto-Slavonic. -tha (Perfect) is wanting.

(1) Idg. -si. Lith. ei-st “goest’, diisi ‘givest’ for *dii-t-si.
Whether Lith. esi is to be compared with Skr. dst or Gr. éo-0i
(§ 984 p. 523) is still uncertain,

Starting from esi, -i spread to the other verbs, didi
instead of disi beside di'(d)-mi di’d-u, degi beside degmi degi,
suki beside suki, verti for *vertit beside vercsit, fut. di’si for
*disii beside dé-siu, Further, *lndd-i, which became ndai,
beside 3" sing. lindo which drew after it the 1" sing. Andau =
*lindd-u; this adoption of i and & by d@-stems took place first
in the present, whence it passed to the preterite d-stems
because both had the same ending in the 8" sing. and in the
plural and dual (e. g. diwo ‘he was’ like Rndo); from the
a-preterite, -? and -i then proceeded to the preterite with é.
See § 586 p. 127, § 593 p. 183, $ 983.2 p. 522. Another
thing may have aided the change of dési to didi; — disi
was also the 2™ sing. future,') and thus also the present */indo-si
{ep. O.C.Sl. ima-3i) may have been exchanged for *Ynd-i,
because the former agreed with the 2” sing. future.

1) lei ‘is and efsé ‘ibis’ are distinguisht by accent.

§§995—907. ‘The Personal Endings: — Sr Sing. Act. 531

last named conjunctive form, e. g. £9ekyor instead of étéhp,
cp. 2édw-pa § 979.2 p. 520, E9AyoFa § 987.3 p. 525.
(8) -e in the Perfect. ofd-«, yé-yov-e.

§ 996. Italic. e (Perfect) is wanting.

The endings -¢i and -t are nowhere left unchanged. It
is assumed that in all Italie dialects they became -¢ and -d:
these remain in Oscan; in Umbrian -t remains (but the
spelling varies, and we sometimes find -t and sometimes
nothing, just as happens with other final consonants), while -d
is dropt; in Latin, -¢ became the only ending, although
instances of -d are found in old inscriptions. But an
explanation has yet to be found why the -i of -ti (as of -nti
in the 3" plural) has disappeared without leaving a single
trace. Compare I § 655.7 p. 504.

(1) - representing Idg.-ti. Lat. es-t Umbr. est Ose. eat
ist. Lat. agi-t ama-t. Umbr, tidit ‘decet’ trebei-t ‘versatur’
habe habe ‘habet’; Osc. faama-t ‘habitat’ stai-t ‘stat’,
Marrue. fere-t ‘fert', Vestin, dide-t “dat’.

(2) -d representing Idg. -t. Thematic Preterite (§ 867
p- 414 £): Lat. inser. ohevhake-d “fecit’ fece-d; Umbr. fete Ose.
dede-d ‘dedit? Osc. kim-bene-d ‘convénit’ aamanaffe-d
‘mandavit’ (§ 874 p. 422). Optat.: Lat, inser. sie-d; Umbr. si
si -sei ‘sit’, Ose, da-di-d ‘dedat’ Marruc. -si ‘sit. Long-vowel
Conj. (ep. Skr. bhdra-t, O.Ir, -air-ema § 997.2): Umbr, fasia
‘faciat’ kuraia ‘curet’ Ose. heriia-d ‘velit’, Umbr. heriiei
“velit” Osc, deivai-d ‘iuret’ Osc, fusi-d “foret’; Ose. tadait like
Skr. bhdra-ti, and Lat, mitat in the Duenos inscr., beside sied
Seced (unless we should read with Conway, Amer. Journ. Phil.
X 452, mita(n)é).

Tn Latin -t early becomes the sole ending, fui-t amd-bat
sie-t si-t, like -nt in the 3“ pl. Something may be ascribed
to sentence-position, which would sometimes cause a change
of -d to -¢ (e. g. fuit tum for fuid tum).

§ 997. Keltic.
(1) Idg. -#i, whose vowel disappeared by I § 657.1
‘a4

$90 ‘The Peraonal Endings: — 34 Sing. Act. 533

in Old Russian both with these and with the thematic,
Lith. és-ti st Pruss. ast (astits = asti tas ‘est hic’) O.C.S1.
(Russ.) jes-tt ‘is’. Lith. oti eit Lett. &¢ ‘goes’ Pruss. ait.
Lith. di’sti reflex. di’sti-s O.C.S1, (Russ.) dast¥ ‘dat. O.C.31.
(Russ.) bere-t¥: Skr. bhdra-ti.

(2) -¢ dropt in both branches (L $663.8 p. 521). 0.0.81.
aor. veze: Skr. vdha-t, s-aorist -é ‘ate’ for *é#s-t (1* sing. -ésii).
Lith. injunctive used for indic. pres. and preterite: sdko ‘says’
biwo ‘was’, tiri has’. Optative Lith. te-ved@ O.C.S). vezi: Skr.
odhé-t. Another example is Lith. eéia ‘vehit’ for *veda-t. The
@ of this form, and of the 24 pl. véga-te and the 2" dual véda-ta,
came in from the 1" pl. réga-me and displaced ¢; this levelling
was helped by present stems which had ¢ all through, and
those which had o in the plural, dual, and 3" singular
(tiri-me etc., sdko-me etc); op. O.W.G, Alemann. 2"4 pl.
bera-t, § 1015.

In Baltie the 8" singular of all verbs served also for
3" plural and 3" dual. According to J. Schmidt (Kuhn's
Zeitschr. xxv 595), the form yrd ‘est’ (from the of Skr.
fr-t@, § 497 p. 57) was originally a substantive used
predicatively (‘existentia’), which did for all numbers; when
this idiom became familiar, the 3" singular of real verbs got
to be used for all numbers alike. To my mind it seems
likelier that the idiom is derived from that idiom of proethnic
speech which allowed a neuter plural or dual subject to have
a verb in the singular (cp. Homer's Jovga ofonns and doar
dedye1): this rule held in proethnic Baltic, and led by and by
to using of the masculine or feminine plural in the same way.

In Lithuanian and Prussian, another ending besides these
is found, namely -ai, Present Lith. pa-vystai ‘withers’ =
pa-vyst(a) and conjunctive (see § 909, 3a p, 457) te-lystai ‘let
him grow haggard’ = te-ljst(a), Pruss. swintinai ‘he sanctifies’
= swintina (also -ei -e instead of -ai) turrei ‘has’ = turri.
s-Future Lith. su-gausai ‘he will or must get’ = su-gaiis,
turésai ‘he will or must have’, in Prussian sient used as
conjunctive, as boasai ‘be he’ dasai ‘let him give’ (also -ei or

$$ 1000,1001. The Personal Endings: — 1* Plur. Act. 535

(such as Lith. -me and Gr, -usr) represent Idg. secondary
and perfect suffixes respectively, is not clear.

(1) Primary Forms.

(a) -més -mos. Perhaps originally -més e,. g. *i-més ‘imus’,
but © -mos e. g. *hhéro-mos ‘ferimus’, ep. IL § 228 p, 111 f.
on the endings of the gen.-abl. sing. -es and -os. Skr. i-mds
bhdrd-mas, Gr. Dor. ines groo-neg, Lat. tmus feri-mus,
O.H.G. tuo-més bera-més. Perhaps we should add O.tr,
do-bera-m (for *-mos), Czech js-me nese-me (for “=mes) Serv.
jes-mo plete-mo (for *-mos).

(6) -mesi -mosi, possibly for -mes -mos extended on the
analogy of the other primary endings in -i, Skr. Ved. s-mdsi_
bhdra-masi. O.1r, ammi ‘sumus’ for *esmesi or *s-es-mesi,
berme for *beromi *beromesi; but phonetic law would permit
us to assume for this language *-mési (ep. above O.H.G. -més).

(2) Secondary or Perfect forms.

(a) -mé -mt. Skr. d-bhara-ma bhdréma_ perf. vid-md;
Ved. also -ma@. Osc. manafu-m comes in too, if it is
1* pl. (mandavimus), see § 874 p. 422. Goth. vitum O.HLG.
wigzgzum, opt. Goth. bairdi-ma vitei-ma (for *-mé or *-md).
Lith. reflex. siko-mé-s, with variant sidko-me. Perhaps also
O.Ir. do-bera-m (for *-mo), Czech js-me nese-me Serv. jes-mo
plete-mo.

(b) -mem -mom or -men -mon.") Gr. é-pépo-per pégo-uer
id-nev, O.C.81. aor, neso-mit, Perhaps also O.[r. do-bera-m (for
*-mom *-mon); but there is no trace of a final nasal. O.C.S1.
neso-my may be derived from -mdm -mdn.

§ 1001. It is a difficult question how far the -m- of our
ending, and likewise that of the middle ending Skr. -mahé
Gr. -us%«, had a sonant pronunciation (-gum-) in the parent
language.

1) -mem -mom appear to deserve the preference to judge from
Skr. -tam beside Lith. -a 0.0.81. -t@ in the 2°4 dual (§ 1031), and Skr.
~tdm beside O.C.81. -fe -ta in the 34 dual ($§ 1038 and 1040).

_—

§ 1008. The Personal Endings: — 1* Plur. Act. 589

so too in the 2° plural there is contamination with dual forms
(§ 1016). Lett. -mi(-s) is to be connected with Pruss. -mai
(as-mai ‘we are’ turri-mai ‘we owe, should’), as also 2° pl.
-ti(-s) with Pruss, -tai -tei -fi (as-tai es-tei as-ti ‘ye are’
druwé-tai “ye believe’ turri-ti ‘ye should’): the diphthong comes
from the 1* and 24 singular (§ 983 p. 522, § 991 p. 528).

The following endings may be regarded as proethnic
Slavonic. .

(1) -me = Idg. -mes or -me. Mod.Bulg, sme ‘sumus’ aor.
nesoh-me, Little-Russ, dial, (in the Carpathians) vydy-me.
Czech js-me ‘sumus’ jime ‘edimus’ nese-me opt. nesme.

(2) -mo = Idg. -mos or -mo, _Little-~Russ. with the ind.
present in -mi, jeé-mo jimo. Serv, and Mod.Sloven. also
in other stems: Serv. jes-mo ijemo Mod.Slov. s-mo jémo,
Serv. and Mod.Sloy. plete-mo opt, pleti-mo.

(3) -mit = Idg. -mom or -mon. In O.C.SI, this is the
usual ending: jes-mii damit nese-mit aor. neso-mit opt. nesé-mit
dadi-mié. So in Great-Russ.; nese-m dadi-m “damus ; Little-
Russ. nese-m opt. nefi-m; Pol. niesie-m (see below); Czech
aor. nesécho-m imperf. nesjécho-m.

(4) -my either from -mdm or -mon (I § 92 p. 86 f)}, or else
modelled after my ‘we’ (cp. 1" dual -vé, as jes-vé, with vé ‘we
both’, § 1030), O.Bulg. e. g. vémy beside vémii, vidi-my beside
vidi-mii. Pol. wiemy, niesiemy beside niesie-m. East-Sorb. and
Mod.Sorb. vémy.

It is uncertain how these endings were distributed in
proethnie Slavonic. As regards -mo it should be observed that
the accents justify an inference that it at first belonged, as it
still does in Little-Russian, only to the indic. Present of verbs
in -nti, and that it is only their analogy which produced Serv.
plete-mo ete. The forms we find in modern dialects have
been often affected by the fact that -mii ran into one with the
-mi of the 1* singular; hence in Polish while niesiem exists
beside nicsiemy (1" sing. miosg), we have only wiemy (1* sing.
tiem) and dziatamy (1" sing. dzialam),

$§1010—1018. The Personal Endings: — 24 Plur. Act. 541

In Vedic we also meet with -thana and -tana, the latter
very common with hortative forms: e. g, s-thdna vdda-thana
i-tana puni-téna. -na is a particle, which, if my conjecture
be right, is contained in other forms, namely 2"4 sing. imper,
Avest. barand and Skr. gyhand (§ 600 p. 148), and which may
be akin to the -#i of the Aryan 1* sing. conj. in -ani (§ 977.3
p. 518).

(3) Pr. Ar. -a in the Perfect. Skr. ca-kr-d (38 sing.
ca-kdr-a ‘he made’), Avest. hawhdn-a from han- ‘to present,
earn’ (§ 852 p. 402),

§ 1011. Armenian. All tenses and moods have -# final;
e. g. bere ‘fertis’ for *here-ik, ai.ail ‘molitis’, aor. edilf ‘ye placed’.
The 7 of -i# appeurs to be the same as ¢ in -fe; for further
discussion refer to the Remark to § 1003, on page 536.

§ 1012. Greek. Always -re: do-r2 gége-re pégor-re tore
Tergopa-re.

Remark, The 9 of the Perfect forms Hom. ind, wiwoode (Ariatarohua
rdnaaite) impor. Fypiyoo9e drwy%e is not the Skr. -the, but a middle ending.

§ 1013, Italic. In Latin -te only in the hortative In-
junctive (Imper.): fer-te agi-te.

Elsewhere -tis: es-tis agi-tis agd-tis st-tis vidis-tis. That
the relation of agite to age produced agitis beside agis (Osthoff,
Zeitschr. f. dsterr. Gymn., 1880, p. 70), is less probable than
that -fis (earlier *-fes) is really a dual ending (Skr. -thas
Goth. -ts). Outside the imperative the forms with -te, which
often elided their vowel, became too much like those of the
3 singular; and so by the time that dual and plural had got
confused and the feeling for the special dual sense of the
endings in question was dulled, -tis was preferred to -fe be-
cause it was clearer. Of course the relation of agite to age
may have made it easier to use agéfis as a plural of agis. In
Lettie also, where as in Latin the dual number was discarded,
the 2™ dual ef-fa remained in use as a plural form: ‘ye go”
and imper. ‘go ye. Compare further under § 967 p. 509,
§ 1034 on Umbr. futu-to ‘estote’, and ¢ 1015 on O.FLG, beret
‘fortis’.

§$1016,1017. The Personal Endings: — St Plur. Act. 548

follows -mé-s beside -me in the 1* pl. (ep. § 1014). The endings
-to-s, sometimes found in place of -té-s, and -ta in Lett. ei-ta
‘ye go’ or ‘go ye’, are dual; just as -ma and -mo-s in the
1" plural of Lith., which sometimes take the place of -me
and -mé-s, and in Lett. ei-ma, have the dual vowel (§ 1008
p. 538 f). On Lett. -t-s and Pruss. -tai -tei -ti, see the
same place.

Slavonic: -te: jes-te nese-te nor, nese-te dé-s-te opt. nesé-te.

8° PERSON PLURAL.

§ 1017. Proethnic Indo-Germanic. We here deal
with the nt-suffix only. On Skr. perf. vid-tir and like forms
see $$ 1076 f. and 1079.

(1) After Consonants -énti -ént and -pti -yt, which appear
to be related in the same way as -és and -s of the genitive
singular. Compare footnote to page 50.

(a) -énti and -ént.

Primary -énti. *s-énti ‘are’: Skr. s-dnti (Armen. en, cp.
§ 1019), Gr. Dor. évei Att. stoi, Umbr. sent Osc. s-et s-et,
O.Ir. i¢ O.Cymr. int, Goth. s-ind. *d-énti ‘they eat’ y~ed-:
Skr. ad-anti O.C.S1. (Russ.) jad-ett. *my-n-énti beside 3" sing.
*my-nd-ti ‘crushes, grinds to dust’ ($ 598 p. 141): Skr. my-n-
-dnti. *y-ny-énti beside 3" sing. *y-néy-ti ‘excites’ ($$ 638 f.
pp. 176 f.): Skr. y-mo-dnti.

Secondary -ént. *s-ént: Skr. s-dn ds-an (cp. gm-dn
ti-gm-an), with the particle u, s-dnt-u, Gr. Dor. qv for *4(0)-er,
O.Bulg. jad-¢t-ti with the particle wv (but ep, § 1026). Skr.
d-3y-n-an, d-su-nv-an. Opt. *s-(i)j-ént ‘may they be: Gr. el-e
O.Lat. si-ent; of the same kind, apparently, is Skr. duh-ty-dn,
see § 941 p. 486, § 951 p. 493.

(0) -pti and -yt,

Primary -ti. ‘dé-d-yti from y~do- ‘give’: Skr. dad-ati
O.C.SL. (Russ.) dad-ett. In Greek -dor for the Perfect, as
hed yy-Gan.

Secondary -y¢, The type *dé-d-yt is preserved in Aryan only
as embodied along with the particle w in the Skr.dd-d-at-u.

$1018, ‘The Porsonal Endings: — 9°4 Plur, Act. 545

d-gmn-an Avest. g‘m-en; with d-stems of our Classes I and X
Sanskrit adopted the ending -ur, as d-sth-wr d-g-ur from stha-
and gd-; but in Vedic there remain a few examples of -an, as
vy-dsthan (Bartholomae, Stud. zur idg. Sprachg. 1 82 ff, 1 64 ff).
Skr. d-dy-n-an d-yufj-an d-kr-w-an. An Optative form of this
kind is apparently Skr. duhty-dn; otherwise we have Skr. s-y-tir
and Avest. h-yan = “s-yd-nt, no. (2).

(8) -yté and -yt.

Primary -pfi = pr. Ar. -ati. Skr. dd-dh-ati Avest. Gath,
da-d-aitt, Slr. sa-se-ati bi-bhr-ati ddvi-dyut-ati. Cp. part. nom.
pl. dd-dh-at-as Il $126 p. 400. In the Avesta, -ati is usually
exchanged for -anti, which showed the plural mark more clearly,
as da-p-enti (similarly in the part. da-d-ant- instead of *da-d-
-at-); ep. mid. -ant@ instead of -ait? § 1067. 1.

Secondary -yt = pr. Ar. -at, which remains in ~af- as
Skr. dd-d-atu ‘danto’, and also seems to be represented in its
unextended shape by four Avestie examples from the Gathas,
viz. da-d-ap 2a-2-ap jt-ger'z-ap daidy-ap (Bartholomae, Kuhn's
Zeitschr. xxix 280 ff., 291 f,), but elsewhere it is lost, It should
be remembered that whilst -ati corresponds to -anti and -nti,
-at stood in sharp contrast to -an and -n; and therefore -at
did not suit the general types of 3" pl. in the Aryan
verb. In Sanskrit this is replaced by -nr, as d-da-dh-ur
G-bi-bhar-ur,') s-aorist d-mats-ur d-tarij-ur —d-yasif-ur
(cp. § 1017.1. 6), opt. bhdrey-ur. But in Avestic we have
-an, in the same way as we have -anti instead of -ati;
da-f-en (cp. da-f-enti) opt. baray-en.

(2) After Sonants, Idg. -nfi and -nt,

Primary -nti. Skr. ed-nti Avest. vd-nti. Skr. dhdra-nti
Avest. bara-inti O.Pers, baratiy, Skr. bhardya-nti Avest. baraye-
~inti. The long-vowel Conjunctive in Avestic has -nfi and -n,
as patd-nti and patqn, but only -n in Sanskrit — pdta-n,

Secondary -nt. This form retains its -t before the particle

1) Ved. abibhran T rogard as a-bi-bhr-a-n, i.e. a8 & thematic form
(§ 589 p. 99).
Bragmann, Elements. [¥. a>

$1020, The Personal Endings: — 3" Plur. Act. 347

“dideors (Skr. bibhr-ati dddh-ati) we find (Dor.) Yora-ve ride-vee
dido-wri, a8 in (2). But -aee is preserved in the perfect, as Dor.
@9ax-att (Heaych.), Phoe, iegyrevx-ars Hom. de-Roxy-uor, and 1
May suggest that this ending was taken from reduplicated
present stems (cp. § 555 p. 108).

Secondary -yt = Gr. -a is lost; all examples of secondary
3™ pl. took -v. Sri-dev édedo-r like ri-de-vre, Similarly
*Fein-a(r) ‘they said’ = *wé-ug-yt gave way to Feinav, thus
following no. 2 (§ 557 p. 109). Again, -a» got into the
s-aorist, where originally either -ént (with roots that had
gradation), or -yt, seems to have been the ending; ¢. g. io-ur
é-dat-av (instead of *Froo-sw */-dt-sv?) *Feds-av (instead of
“Fee-a?); on the last see § 1021. The oj-optative took over
the ending of the jé-optative: géoor-er instead of *psaopra
following stv (El. -orav, @. g. wag-Paivorey, seems to have
arisen by regular change from -orsy a8 avy-éa» 2ni-tstav from
*-sev -Seuv); side by side with which Delphic has gépo-y,
analogical like mid. gégorvro (§ 1068).

(2) After Sonants Idg. -nti and -nt,

Primary -nti, aseor ‘they blow’ for *efy-ve: Skr. vd-nti;
Lesb, gitem “they love’ d/yucr ‘they thirst’: Lat, ple-nt vide-nt
juva-nt. Conj. Dor. gigw-vre Att. gégmot (§ 923 p. 471). Dor.
El. N.-W. Gr. gégo-vrs Att. pegovor,

Secondary -nt = Gr. -». Edpii-v &rid-y Eyvo-v euyew
é-yowade-v for *-dpa-rr etc., whence also é-gi'-v.

The vowel before the personal ending is sometimes long
instead of short, The reason is undecided. Examples are
Hom. suawityy Cret, desdéyny Hom. égty.

Remark. In Morph. Unt. | 72 f, I assumed in agreement with
G. Meyer and others that the Jong vowel was taken from other forma of
the paradigm, aa for instance it must be explained im sljrro dyyra: and
other like them. Solmson now tries to make out « case for believing that
-ny -or ete. arose at the sentence-end, and that Zieyey replaced the
regular in-sentence form *isyrrr on the analogy of #éy—r (Bexs. Beitr.
xvit 829 ff).

These endings -rr and -y spread to all stems with
35"

$$ 10221023. The Personal Endings:

(2) After Sonants -nti or -nt,

Primary -nti Ital. -nt(). Lat. ple-nt fla-nt vide-nt ama-nt,
Umbr. furfant februant. Hence by analogy Lat. da-nt like
ir, &-do-v § 1020 p. 548, i-nt (beside ew-nt). Lat. feru-nt
su-nt: Skr. bhdra-nti O.Russ, satt. Thematic Conjunctive
Lat. eru-nt.

Secondary -nt = Ital. -ns, instead of which Latin has the
primary -nt. Osc. fu-fa-ns ‘erant’ Lat. ama-ba-nt. Conj. Umbr.
dirsa-ns dirsas ‘dent’ Ose. deica-ng ‘dicant’, Lat. dica-nt; Oso.
herri-ns ‘caperent’ tribarakatti-ns ‘aedificaverint, Lat.
age-nt agere-nt. Also, with -n for -nt, Lat. ex-plén-unt etc.
according to Johansson’s explanation, for which see above
p. 550,

In Umbr.-Samn. often -ent, where -ont is expected. Ose.
fiiet ‘flunt’. Thematic Conjunct. of the s-Aor,: Umbr, furent
‘erunt’ Ose, censazet ‘censebunt’ ($ 824 p. 362), and these
served as the model for fut. pf. Umbr. benurent ‘venerint’ Osc.
tribarakattuset ‘aedificaverint’ (§ 872 p. 421), Of the same
kind are perhaps Umbr. eitipes ‘decreverunt’ Ose, prafattens
‘probaverunt’, op. the thematic 3° sing, prifatted (§ 867
p. 416, §§ 872 f. pp. 420). The spread of -ent (-ens) was
probably not due to the solitary form sent; probably there
also existed *ed-ent ‘they eat’ O.Russ. jad-eft, forms of the
XII Present Class in -n-ent = Skr. -n-dnti, of the XVII" in
-ny-ent = Skr. -no-dnti (-nuv-dnti), and again the form *did-ent
= Skr. ddd-ati (see above, 1. 6).

§ 1043. The Perfect in Latin shows the endings -erunt
-frunt and -@re; to which we must add from inser. ded-rot
ded-ro C, I, L. 1 173, 177, and some other forms which have
been gathered by Deecke (De redupl. Lat. lingu. praeterito,
pp. 17 £). Though it is natural enough to derive -erunt,
beside -is-tis -is-tt, from *-is-ont(i) (§ 841 p. 378), still the r
of these 3° pl. endings is doubtless connected in some part at
least with the Skr. -ur, Avest. -ar", Skr, mid. -ré, and others
of like nature (§§ 1076 ff.). With the extension of the -r-form
by -ont compare Skr. -r-anta -r-adé -r-ata (on the form -r-an,

a4 Plur. Act. 55Y

$$ 1025,1026. ‘Tho Personal Endings: — Sr Plur, Act. 553

*sind on the analogy of batrand herant; O.HL.G. also sint-un
sind-un (O.Sax. and A.S. sind-wn) with an additional ending
following 1* pl. birum 24 pl. birut. Secondary -ént is quite lost.

(6) Primary -pti is lost. Secondary -yf = Germ, -un is
perhaps original in O.Sax. ded-un ‘they did’ O.H.G. wissun
“they knew’ (§ 1017.1.6 p. 544). -wn is always found in the
8'@pl. of both strong and weak Perfect, and also sometimes in
the Present: e.g. Goth. skalskdid-un bér-wn O.H.G. seiad-un
bar-un, Goth. nasidéd-un O.11.G. nerit-un, Goth. vit-un O.H.G.
swiggun (§ 508 p. 74), O.Tcel. er-o er-u ‘they are’. Perhaps
these endings have been under the influence of the middle
*-undaj *-unda = Idg. -ytai -yto, which we may assume to
have lasted down to proethnic Germanic.

(2) After Sonants -néi and -ndé.

Primary -nti. Goth. salbd-nd O.H.G. salbo-nt, O.H.G.
habe-nt. Goth. bafra-nd O.1L.G. bera-nt; instead of the latter,
Frank. berent, formed doubtless like the 1* pl. beremés (instead
of beramés) under the combined influence of the 24 plural beret
(§ 1085) and present stems with ~o- (swoche-més -nt).

Secondary -nt. Perhaps it is old in O.H.G. conj. salbo-n
like O.Ir. -carat ‘ament’ (§ 980 p. 476). Further, *-né, but not
original, in all optatives, as O.H.G. s-t-n bar-tn, which are to
be compared with Lat. s-i-nt instead of s-i-ent (it is hardly
likely that stm is for *s+éi-inb = Idg. *s-ii-ént), and O.H.G.
bere-n (instead of Idg. *bhéroi+yt), which falls in line with Gr.
péoor-y (§ 1020.1.b p. 547). Gothie in the optative shows -na,
salbd-na bérei-na batrdi-na; and the -n of Old Swedish must
come from -na (cp. Kock, P.-B. Beitr. xv 244 ff), while the
W.-(ierm. - may possibly have once been followed by a vowel,
now lost, This -na displaced -» = Idg. *-nt on the analogy
of the 1 plural -ma (§ 1007.2 p. 588). I suggest that in the
1* plural of these forms there were first two parallel suffixes
-ma and -m, and that this fact produced -na beside -n; then
the fuller form won the day in all persons,

§ 1026, Slavonic'), The variation of (O,Russ.) -ntt

1) In Baltic, the 3*4singular did for 34 plural too; see § 999 p. 533.

$§1028—1090, ‘The Personal Endings: — 1 Dual Act. 555

§ 1028. Aryan. In Sanskrit only -vas and -oa, in Avestic
only -vaht and -va are found. That Sanskrit has no -pasi,
Avestic no -vd, may be considered an accident. For examples
see § 1027: I add Avest. injunct. jedva i.e. jted-va from Ar.
Jte- ‘to live’ (Bartholomae Handb. § 91a Anm. 4, p. 40).

§ 1029. Germanic.

The primary form appears to occur in Goth. bairds (3" sing.
bairi-b) salbos (3" sing, salbd-f), ep. 1" pl. O.HL.G. -més. salbos
perhaps for *salbd-ys (cp. Streitberg, Die germ. Compar. auf
-dz-, p. 9 as against I § 181 Rem. p. 159). Instead of bairds
we should expect *hairdus. To assume an Idg. ground-form
“berdues on the strength of Goth. bairds, as Streitberg does
(Zur germ, Spr., 108) seems to me to be open to criticism.

Secondary forms. Opt. Goth. bafrdi-va like 1* pl. bairdi-
-ma. Perf. béru see § 1027; similarly Norse Run. warite for
*writ-u “we both scratched, or wrote’.

A neat conjecture is that of van Helten (P.-B. Beitr.
xy 472), who sees a I" dual injunct. aorist in O.Sax. wite
‘come along, very well’ orig. ‘tendamus’, for *wita-w-. Compare
1" pl. A.S. wuton ‘come along’ § 582 p. 94.

$ 1030. Balto-Slavonic.

Lith. é@s-va sitka-va reflex. siika-vo-s, ep, 2" dual sika-ta
stika-to-s. -v0 is a secondary ending like -mé (-mé-s -me) in
the 1" plural. But -rd is doubtless not = Idg. *-ud (for which
we ought rather to have -of), but a transformation of the Idg.
secondary endings on the analogy of the 2°4 dual (cp. Slay, -va
below).

O.C.81. -vé: jes-vé veze-vé aor. vezo-vé opt. vert-ré, Ax
representing Idg. *-yé we expect -wi (cp. mati ‘mother’ I § 76
p. 66). There seems therefore to have been an imitation of vé
‘we two’ (cp. § 1008. p. 589 on 1 pl. -my). The ending -va,
rare in O.C.S]., more common in Mod.Slov. and Czech, I prefer
to regard as an imitation of -ta (2°% dual) than as representing
Idg. *-wo (ep. above Lith. -va). In Mod.Slovenian, which has
-vé and -va both, a difference of gender hus developed between
them, because it so happened that there were feminine words

§§ 1081,1082. Tho Personal Endings: — The Dual Middle. 5mT

active and middle, which always precede it (ep. Skr. 2™¢ and
8 dual -athur -atur § 1077 p. 574).

These forms may be either deponent or middle in Latin.
In Keltic, however, these two moods were distinguisht in form;
for in the deponent conjugation, 2 runs through all persons
except the 2” plural, but the passive forms only the 8" singular
and plural with such suffixes.

It is possible that once, in proethnic Italo-Keltic, r was used
only with middle endings; that in this use it came to be a medio-
passive sign; and that it was afterwards added to middle or
active endings with the effect of making them middle or passive.

§ 1082. (A) r added to Middle endings.

(1) Italic and Celtic 8" pl. -mtotr. Lat. depon. sequi-tur
sequo-ntur sequil-tur sequa-ntur ote., pass. agi-tur agu-ntur ete,
Umbr. e. g. emantur ‘emantur’, O.Ir. depon. -sechethar
‘sequitur’ -sechetar “sequontur’ perf. do-ménatar ‘putaverunt’,
pass. do-bertar “dantur, dentur’; in the 38™sing. indie. pass. this
ending is shown only in the 2"tand 8™Conjugations in Irish,
as no charthar ‘amatur’ do-léicther ‘linquitur’ (1% Conjug.
doberar, conjunct. -berar and -Berthar).') The absolute
forms sechidir ‘sequitur’ sechitir ‘sequontur’ Dertir ‘feruntur,
ferantur’ carthir ‘amatur’ [éicthir ‘linquitur’ ete. are analogical
like berir ‘fertur’ (§ 1080 p. 576),

No satisfactory explanation has been given of the Umbr.-
Samn. endings with e-vowels, which answer to Lat. -tur -ntwr.
Ose. vincter ‘vincitur’ sakarater ‘sncratur’ sakabfter ‘sanciatur’
comparascuster ‘consultus crit? karanter ‘pascuntur’, Pelign.
upsaseter ‘operaretur’ or ‘operarentur’, Marruc. ferenter ‘ferantur’.
Umbr. herter herte herti hertei “oportet’ ostensendi ‘ostende-
rentur’; for the form emantur, see above. The Oscan forma
had undoubtedly a short ¢; and I venture to conjecture that
parallel to -to -nto there were Idg. forms -te -nte (cp. 1" pl.
~mo(s) ~me(s), -mom -mem, § 1000 p. 535),2) Umbr. hertei points

1) See footnote 2 to § 1058, page 565.

2) If this be correct, there would bo no need to derive the -re

of Lat. sequere (op. Gr, ine-o) from Idg. *-s0; it might be derived from
Br a0, Blemonts. TY. 87

§§ 1083,1084. Poriphrastic Middle idioms, 579

(3) In the Irish deponent perfect we haye 1* sing. do-
-ménar 2" sing. do-menar beside the active forms 1* sing,
cechan for *ce-can-a 2” sing. cechan (§ 981.4 p. 521, § 989
p. 525). In 8" sing. do-ménair beside act. cechuin the non-
palatal pronunciation of the n is a difficulty. Is this due to
the analogy of other persons of the perfect, or because -génair
comes from *ge-gna-?

Romark 2, Neithor Italic nor Keltic have an r-form in the 204
plural. Latin has seguimint feriming (ace IL § T1 p. 165), The Trish

deponents have the active ending, a3 -midid beside -midiur, do-menaid
beside do-menar.

PERIPHRASTIC MIDDLE IDIOMS (REFLEXIVE).

§ 1084, In several languages, where the Idg. Middle
(Skr. bhdra-te Gr. pége-rax) either dwindled or quite died out,
its place was filled by the combination of the Active (or some
Middle form degraded until it could not be distinguisht from
the active) and an Oblique Case of the pronoun which
answered to the active form in question, and which referred
to it,

From a comparison of Sanskrit and Greek we may
believe that this roundabout idiom was general at the time
when the Idg. Middle was still in living use. For in Greek
and Sanskrit both periphrastic reflexive and middle are used
side by side; and this is true, both when the contrast between
the subject and object is important, that is, when there is a
contrast with some other person, which makes it necessary to lay
stress on the person implied by the middle form; and also when
the cases are not clearly shown by the middle, or where this
could be understood as a passive, so that there was every need to
make the expression as clear as possible. Thus we have Skr,
ydd yajamanabhaga prasndty atmdnam éod prinati (Taitt. Sah. T
7. 5. 2) ‘when he eats his share of the offering, he gets new
life in himself’ (otherwise it is his task to quicken others),
néd atmdng va prthivt va hindsani (Satap.-Brahm. T a. 4.7)

aT

§ 1086, Periphrastic Middle idioms (Reflexive). 581

and-bundnip ‘hoe lets himself go, gots froe, sets off’ beside pass. and-
-bindada ‘he is released’ set, and-bindip “he sete free’. There are more
of the kind.

Gothic gavandja mik O.T.G. gi-went@u mih ‘I turn
myself towards, converto me, convertor, return’, Goth, skama
mik O.H.G. scamém mih ‘I am ashamed’. Goth. dg mis ‘I fear’
(for myself). O.H.G. furht(iju mir, the same. Goth. gagimand
sik ‘they gather together’, reflex. In Norse, about the
8 century, the pronoun affixt itself firmly to the verb in a
contracted shape (-sk for sik, dat. -ss for -ser). Then -sk and
-ss were used for the 1" and 2"4 persons as well as the third,
However, in the oldest period we do find a I" sing. -mk (for
mik), as heito-mk ‘I call myself’ (whore the ending -d is kept,
though it drops with Aeit ‘I call’), This Norse type, much
altered and obscured by sound-change and analogy, was also
used as a passive. Compare Noreen, Aisl. und Anorw, Gramm,
pp. 185 ff.; Paul’s Grundriss 1 518 ff; Specht, Das Verbum
Reflexiyum und die Superlative im Westnord. (Acta Germ. ut 1),
Berlin 1891.

In Lithuanian -si (for *s#) became a universal reflexive,
and coalesced with the verb, being used for all persons. It
was originally only locative or dative, but afterwards came to
be used for the accusative (IL § 447 p. 385). -si at the end of
words has now generally become -s. kelii’-s(i) ‘I raise myself,
get up’ 24 sing. kelé-s(i), and so forth. bijait-s(i) ‘I fear’.
diiaugit’-s(i) ‘I enjoy myself’. birng prausii’-s() ‘I wash
my face’. Also birng sdu prausit’-s(i), like Gr. megnoujoaotat
me favrg (§ 1084 p. 580). misza-s() ‘they struck each other’.
When a verb has a prefix, si stands between prefix and verb,
as pa-st-kelu ‘I raise myself, rise’ (dial. also pa-st-kelil-s).
Compare Lett. bistd-s ‘I fear’ (in folk-poetry -si sometimes
survives, and has not yet become -8); Pruss. griki-si ‘they fall
into sin’ (III § 447 p. 385), with a variant -sin, obviously the
accusative case, as etlaiku-sin ‘let him abstain, forbear’. In
0.C.S1. we see the ace. s¢ answering to Pruss, -sin as a

(Continued on p. 594.)
[Here follow Tables of the Vorb Finite pp. 582—593.]

» Finite. *) 583
18 — 1086.
Latin Irish Gothio Lith.
am im ea-m)
rn (oe a
is (§ 990. 1) es) (991. 1)
t jet 20-5 2a-t
we ammi sijum @s-me je
‘Mod. Bulg. s-me,
Berb. jea-mo
tis] adi-b sijup ee-te Jea-te
t, Umbr. it a-ind [esté 2st] ast,
-ent sqtit
eiju 2-00
pl. es-tie aijute tata
~ [s-ind) [2s-ti 2s-t]

Spaced Type implies that the inflexion of any given form may be regarded as derived atraight from that of the
+ language.

584

2. Ind. pres. and injunct. (pret.) act. of Present Class X.

Pr. Idg. Sanskrit Greek
Sing. 1. |*yz-mi ‘I blow’ — |od- mi Ey-me
2. ee Jers
8, [yates le y-o8

*yd-te (-the):

Dor. dy-pec, At
erper

. udenti:

ae

a-vde

lod-thds

lzy-v, ¥-dea-r

ldn-5) F-de

én, F-dea

\fn-mev, F-dea-

wer

ldn-re, F-dea-vd

\d-0a-tam

\d-0d-tam

lde-y, F-Sea-r(
oar, F-dea-cer)

in-uer, U-dea-per)

ley-ron ares

es a es

Finite. 1) 583
— 1086.
vatin Irish Lith,
am es-mi
a jest
es) (991, 1)
~ io “lae-t5 @a-t O.Russ. jes-#5
O.Bulg. jesti
, ‘ammi jes-mil -my,
Mod. Bulg. s-me,
Serb. jea-mo
J adi-b tote jeo-te
Umbr. | it [esti 2st] O.Russ. 3
nt O.Bulg. aqtit
eo he 2-00 jee-ve
ee-tis Bs-ta jes-ta

jes-te, jes-ta

neaé-as-te

paced Type implies that the inflexion of any given form may be regarded as derived straight from that of the
inguage.

Finite. }) 583
2— 1086.

Latin Irish Lith.
am ea-m)
fo a
| jes? (901. 1)
TGs = ath ant
«| [amma ~ i jt irum b-iru-| Ze-me mil -my,
Mod.Bulg.2-me,
Berb. jea-mo
ia] adi-b eete
, Umbr. | it [esti eat] O.Russ. eqft,
ent O.Bulg. eqtit
7 ee-00
a a Tas-ta Tjewta
F 7 [zs-t @s-t) Tjeete, jea-ta

a)

nesé-as-te

Spaced Type impliee that the infloxion of any given form may be regarded as derived straight from that of the
language.

590 Tables of th
3. Optative pres. act.
Pr.ddg. ‘Sanskrit Avestic Greek
Sing. 1. |*s-{é-m *s-ijé-m ‘sim’ |s-yd-m s-iyd-m ety» 7
2. |ta-iée *s-iié-s: le-yd-s s-iyd-s rs

ty-jb-t #e-ijé-t:

le-yd-t

fon

s-i-mé(m) (mdm) ):

egdaas iyi

*a~i-té:

inénd *3-ij-ént:

ei-ud (-W0):

2. |*s-i-tdm (-tém 8):

\s-yd-ta s~iyd-ta

tydma
buyama i. ©. be-

-iy-ama

|

lipo, elgrper

lire, eiy-re

le-yotir s-iy-ir

le-yd-va s-iyd-va

einer, ely-oav

\s-yd-tam s-iyd-tam

Aeron, Hy-ror

*s-i-tdim:

Sing. 1,

*bhéroi-m(m) ‘fram?

is-yd-tam s-iy-tam

lbhdrey-am

lien abner

2. |*bhéroi-s: bhdre-§
8 | bhéroj-t: bhdre-t
Plur. 1. |*0héroj-mo(m) lbhdre-ma barag-ma péeci-pev, Dee.
(mé(m)): | mounts
—— y
2. |*bhéroj-te: lbhdre-ta borac-ta pieou-re
8. |"Ohérojent: ~ bdrey-ur pres
Dual 1. |*onéroj-nd Cue): |bhdre-va

8. |*bhdroj-tam:

*bhéroj-tom (-tem?):

bharé-tam

lbhare-tam

[péeor-nre, Dor. |
ws]

Ipégou-roy

pegot-rny

Finite.

Latin Irish Gothic 0.1.6.
nt, scb-t lo ce-chan ‘cocini’, rolhat-hdit ‘I called’, ‘hiag ‘I called’, weig
g&d ‘I begged’ edit
n-iaft, scib-ieti [ro ce-chan, ro gad laai-hdist, odiet
n-it, ecdb-it ro ce-chuin, ro gaidlhat-hait, wdit

n-imus, scib-imus

neistis, scab-istis

‘n-trunt, scab-Erunt|

ammar

iro ce-chn-ammar, ro gdd-|

ro ceehnaid, ro gad-aid

ro ce-chn-atar, ro gad-|

hat-hdit-um, vit-um — ‘Miag-um, —_seigg-um
Camas)
\aut-hdit-up, oit-up jag-ut, wiggmut

|hat-hdit-wn, vit-un ‘Aiag-un. wigg-wn

5) atar
hat-hdit-u, vit-w
lhat-hdit-uts, vit-ute —
[hat-hdit-un, vit-un}

Latin Irish Gothio O#HG. Lith.

~ led-k
lveizdi veisd
bear loatr bir vedi ved, vdsk
igiets

196-85 Joatradaw

tgi-te |berid batri-p lbera-t [beret] |etkite, odskite

agi-tote

i, agu-nto lbafra-ndaw

lbatra-ts 2=4 pl. bere-t letkita, vdskita
[batra-ndaw]

Finite.

593

Gothic Lith. 0.0.81.
[—; O.tocl, beste, Goth.| vel-mé-o(i)
(oalpada] pre 0)
op. desds(s)
5 [batra-nda]
5 pler-ooe =; [batra-nda]
eid dang: eieed =i balracnde
*
7} peed-medor
15 wlerodor ii wary: —
Lateef i
Greek Latin dl Irish
i peed-uny
ER wr ox BS ss Eee ere oe

2-86-9465 I+
deov

lop. re-re, ri
we-re, -ris

lop. cluin-te; -sechther

0; apéee-ro

idactu-r; sequi-tu-r — Oso. vinc-|

lop. as-bert; -sechethar

ster
ushers — :
i Diphectoe’ : a: ee
0, frre; Pepbeorrro — |da-ntucr; sequo-ntwr —
kara-nter
ori Pp pedor ames Sale

tugmann, Elemects Iv.

§ 1087. The Verb Infinite (Verbal Nouns). 595

adjective; these are the Infinitive, Supine, Absolutive, Gerund,
Participle, and Gerundive.

Sanskrit, welche den sogenannten Infinitiven im Griech. und Lat, ent-
sprechen, Essays rv 420 f. H. Brunnhofer, Uber Dialektspuren im
ved. Gebrauche der Infinitivformon, Kuhn's Zoitschr. xxv $29 f. Idem,
Obor die durch einfache Floctierang der Wurzel gebildeton Infinitive des
Veda, ibid, xxx 504 ff. Th. Bonfey, Zu dem aanskr. Infinitiv mane,
Oriont und Occident m 13%. A. Barth, Le gérondif sanscrit on tod,
Mém. Soe. Ling. 1 298 ff Bartholomac, Altind. Infinitive auf -man
und -mani, Idg. Forsch. 1495 ff. J. Jolly, Der Infinitiy im Zendavesta,
Kuhn-Schlcicher’s Beitr. vi 416 ff. Geldner, Kin neuer Infinitiv im
Avesta, Bezzenberger’a Beitr. xu 160 f. Bartholomae, Noch zwei
avest, Infinitive, iid. xv 12 f. Idem, Dic Infinitivbildung im Dialekt
der Githi’s, Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxvii 17 ff. Idem, Die Flexion dor
Adjectiva und Participia auf nt, ibid, xxix 487 1% H. Kern, Le suffixo
ya du sanserit olnasique, ia do Varien, Mém. Soc. Ling. 1 321 ff.

Grock. K. Eiehhoff, Uber den Infinitiv im Griech., Crof. 1831.
Delbrick, De infinitivo Geaeoo, Hallo 1868, Idem, Der griech. Infinitiy
auf -er, Kubn's Zeitschr. x1 S17 f. L. Meyer, Der Infinitiy der
hoi Sprache, Gbtt. 1856. Simmerle, Zur Bildung der homer, Infinitiy-
formen, Innsbruck 1874. C, Moierheim, De infinitivo Homorico, I. Gut.
1875, IL. Lingen 1876, Abel, De infinitivi Graoci forma, Budapest 1878.
L. Parmentier, L'infinitif péprodm, Mém. Soc. Ling. vi $91 ff. Bar-
, Das grieoh. Infinitivsuffix -s9, Rhein. Mus. xuv 151 ff
stzig, De adiectivis Graecia, quae verbalia diountur, Progr. von
Konitz 1844. 1868 etc. Ch. E Bishop, De adiectivoram verbalium
-rog terminatione insignium usu Aeschyleo, Leipz, 1889, A, Fanck, Das
Vorbaladjectiy auf -rsoc, Rhein, Mus. xxi 615 ff.

Italic, L. Lange, Ober die Bildung dos Jat. infinitivus praes.
pass,, Donkschr. der Wionor Akad. x (1860) 1 f. PF. Sandor, Obor dio
Bildung des lat. infiuitivus praes, pass, Stade 1864. G. SehUnberg, Ein
Erkliirungaverguch des lat. modiopassiven Infin. auf der und rier, Kuhn's
Zeitache. xvu 158 ff. Giacomino, Dell’ infinitivo pres. pass. latino,
Savona 1880 [G. Meyer]. V. Henry, Los infinitifs médiopassifs du
latin Mém. Soo. Ling. v1 62 ff. Zdem, Requisses morphologiques V, Lea
infinitifs latins, Paris 1889. A. Miodowski, Zur Erklirung der Infinitive
auf--ier -rier, Arch. f, Int. Lexikogr. vm 182. E. H. Milos, Tho Passive
Infinitive in Latin, Class, Review v 198 f 8. Brandt, Infinitivus futuri
passivi auf -wirt, Arch. f. lat. Lexikogr. 1 3491, 11 457, J.P. Postgate,
The Latin Future Infinitive in -turvm, Cambridge Phil. Soc, Proceed,
1889 p. 6 and Class. Reviow v 301, C, Pascal, La formazione dogl’
infinitivi latini, Rivista di filol, xix 471 ff E. Walder, Der Infinitiv bei
Plautus, eine sprachwissenschaftliche Untersuchung, Berl. 1874. KE. W. G.
Wachsmuth, Von dem Gerundio, Supino und den damit verwandten
Participien, Gtinther und Wachsmuth’s Athenium I (1816) 874. Deecke,

38°

88 1087,1088. The Verb Infinite; — Verbal Substantives. 597

§ 144 pp. 456 f., and § 156 pp. 470 ff. Their Suffixes, both
formative and case-suffixes, have been described each in its
proper place, It remains to pass them in general review, and
to point out certain peculiarities which have not yet been
touched upon, or others on which I have had reason to change
my view. ;

1. VERBAL SUBSTANTIVES.

§ 1088. Nomina Actionis, which appear in more than
one language as Infinitive, Supine, or Gerund.

(1) Root-Nouns. Dat. Skr. nir-djé ‘to drive out’, Lat, ag-7;
in Greek this type may be represented by infivitives such as
ete Evéyx-ca (§ 504 p. 67 f). See IT § 162 pp. 489 f.

(2) -s- -es- between Root and Case-Suffix; this cannot be
separated from the Noun-suffix -es- (-os- -s-) or -s- in the
aorist. Dat. Skr. ji-$-é ‘to conquer’, doh-ds-2 ‘to milk’, Gr. deté-ax
‘to show’, Lat. da-r-i (op. loc. da-r-e ag-er-¢). See I § 182
pp. 413, 414 f., 416, 418, § 162 p. 489 f, TIT § 251 p. 153,
§ 254 p. 155, § 272 p. 172, IV § 655 p. 190, § 824 p. 363.

(3) Suffix -men-. Dat. Skr. dd-man-@ Gr. dé-yev-a ‘to
give’ Lat, 2" pl, imper. da-min-t; Skr. vid-mdn-# ‘to learn’
Gr. id-er-ae ‘to know. Loe. Skr. dhdr-man ‘to hold up’ Gr.
dé-usy “to give’. See I § 71 p. 165, § 117 p, 367, TIT § 251
p- 153, § 257 p. 158.

(4) Suffix -wen-.. Dat. Skr. da-vdn-é Gr. Cypr, do-Fev-ce

Keltic. Windisch, Zum irischen Infinitiv, Bezzonberger's Beitr.
nu 72 ff. Loth, Lo particip de néoessité on oceltique, Mém. Soo. Ling.
vi 66 ff.

Germanic. A. Denecke, Der Gebrauch des Infinitive bei den
ahd. Ubersetzern des 8. und 9 Jahrh., Leipz. 1890. Paul, Zur Bildung
des achwachen Pritoritums und Participiams, Paul-Brauno’s Boitr. vit 136 ff.

Balto-Slayonic, W. Miller, Ober den letto-slavischen Infinitiy,
Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. var 156 ff Schleicher, -té (d. i. -taf) als
Endung des [nflnitivs im Litauischon, sid. t 27. Forssmann, Dor
Infinitiv im Ostromir'schen Evangelium, Featechr. des Protest. Gymn. zu
Strassb. 1888 p. 245 ff. Miklosioh, Das Participium praet. act. I (in
Old Slovenian), Sitzungsber. d. Wiener Akad, Lxxx1 (1875) 83 ff, Idem,
Das Partio, praes. act. auf ¢ statt auf y, did. 95 ff.

$1089. ‘The Vorb Infinite: — Verbal Substantives. 599

Sikov = Skr. -dj-€ Gr. zed-r: ji-G-é Gr. betas = Skr.
bhuj-yat : a-vydth-ij-yai). See II § 60 p. 114.

(9) There is a close connexion between the Aryan dative
infinitive in -dhjaj, as Skr. vdha-dhydi ‘to convey’ (other suffixes
with the same value are used, -dhéyaya -dhai and -dhé), and
the Greek dative infinitive in -oFar, as fxe-oFce ‘to follow’.
See § 1089.12, § 1093.8, Bartholomae in Rhein. Mus.
xiv 151 ff.

§ 1089. Aryan. Alongside of complete Infinitives
we meet many other forms which stand on the line between
infinitives and nomina actionis. Thus it is impossible to define
sharply the infinitive in this branch. In what follows no
attempt has been made to give complete lists, at least of what
may be called Infinitives in posse.

But it is only in the older dialect that Sanskrit shows this
rich variety of infinitive forms. The classical language knows
only that in -tum (9).

(1) Root-Nouns, see § 1088.1. Dative Skr. dré-é Avest.
dar*s-di ‘to see’. Locative Skr. dyS-f ‘to see’. Gen.-Abl. Skr.
@-tfd-as ‘to pierce’. Acous. Skr. Svbh-am ‘to shine, be
magnificent’, Avest. dam ‘to place’.

(2) -s- -es- between Root and Case-Suffix; see ¢ 1088. 2.
Dat. Skr. ji-$-é ‘to conquer’ doh-ds-t ‘to milk’, Avest. av-anzh-?
“to help’. Gen.-Abl. Avest. agnawh-d ‘to force’.

(8) Suffix -men-, see § 1088.3. Dative Skr. dd-man-t ‘to
give’, Avest. stao-maing ‘to praise’. Locative Skr. dhdr-man ‘to
hold up’; Loo, Skr. sdvtman-i ‘to uplift’, Avest. cai-maint ‘to
behold’ (so the new recension, in place of the form cas-maing
(given in II § 117 p. 369).

Remark. The Avestic loc. forms cad-maqn ete., which we classed
28 infinitive in II § 117 p. 969 and Ef $257 p. 158, comparing them with
Grot. inf. Jo-wxy, are now denied to be infinitive at all by Bartholomas
(Idg. Forsch. 1 495 £,).

(4) Suffix -wen-, see § 1088.4. Dative Skr. da-pdn-@ ‘to
give’, Avest. vfd-van-di ‘to know. Locatiye Avest, rdip-wan
‘to cause to flow together’,

§§ 1089—1003. The Verb Infinite: — Verbal Substantives. 601

as infinitive, vayd-dhéyaya vayd-dhai ‘for giving of strength’
and grad-dhé ‘for chorishing of trast’, When vdhadhyai had
got associated with edha-ti ‘conveys, carries’, Sanskrit formed
ifaydé-dhyai beside iayd-ti ‘is strong’, prnd-dhyai beside
py-nd-ti ‘fills’, Avest. sra@vayeidyat beside sravaygiti ‘causes to
hear’, ver‘n-dyai beside ver‘n-t@ ‘chooses’ (§ 599 p. 142),
mer'ag'-dyai beside mer*ne-inti ‘they destroy’ (§ 626 p. 162)
and the like. See § 1088.9.

(18) Suffix -ja-. Acc, Avest, xwairyqm ‘to devour’.

(14) Suffix -t-jo- (ep. -t-io- as a participial suffix § 1100. 4).
Dat. Skr. i-tyat ‘to go’.

(15) Suffix -yo-. Loc, Avest. da-vdi ‘to place, to give’.

(16) Suffix -teyo- (op. Gr. deox-réo-g § 1099.4). Dat. Skr.
dd-tavat ‘to give’, also sdr-tavd ‘to stream’ like sakhyd
(IIL § 246 p. 145). See Bartholomae as cited 224 ff., where
conjecture a is offered by way of explaining the double
accent,

§ 1080, The Sanskrit Gerund ({1 § 108 p. 827) in -y-a
-ty-@, a8 d-gam-ya d-ga-tya lit, ‘with a coming’ (ILL § 278
p. 182), and that in -ted as dreeted lit. ‘with a hearing’
(II § 108 p. 327, IIT § 279 p. 183), are Instrumental. There
is another group in -tvi, as bha-tof, which Bartholomae explains
as locative (Bezz. Beitr. xv 227, 240, 241); a group in -teaya,
which is dative, e.g. dy§-fodya (see Bartholomae, pp. 239 £.);
and an accusative “adverbial gerund” as abhy-a-krdma-m
‘approaching’.

§ 1091, Another class of verbal substantives in Sanskrit
consists of the forms which are found in the well-known
periphrasis with cakdra dsa babhiva, the accusative in -dami,
as viddm, See § 896, p. 445.

§ 1002, In Armenian, the Inf. has an /-suffix, as fa-l
‘to give’ from indic. fa-m, See IL § 76 p. 202, Bugge,
Etruskisch and Armenisch 1 15.

§ 1093. Greek Infinitive.

(1) It is doubtful whether zewt-«e évéyx-ce and the like

§§ 1003,1094. The Verb Infinite: — Vorbal Substantives, 608

meaning because this was the meaning of -ws9a -o9s and
similar personal endings with #.

§ 1094. Italic Infinitive.

(1) Dat. of Root-Nouns, Lat. depon. pass. segu-T ag-f, see
§ 1088. 1.

(2) Dat. in -s-¥ -r-t = *-s-aj, Lat. depon. pass. da-ri
(O.Lat. dast) fer-ri. Loc. in -s-e -r-e -er-e = *-s-i *-e3-4,
Lat. act. da-re es-se ag-ere. See § 1088. 2.

(8) In Old Latin, and later in poetic style, we meet with
deponent or passive forms with the ending -ier -rier, having
the same yalue as -% -r¥; e. g. ag-ier da-rier. In II § 162
Rem. 2 p. 490 f. an attempt is made to explain this type; and
my attempt has been followed by others, those of Henry,
Miodofski, and Miles (see footnote, page 595); compare further
Stolz, Lat. Gr.2 pp. 380 f. ‘The origin of these forms is still
not quite cleared up.

Romark. If wo agree with Fr. Maller (Grundr, der Sprachwiss.
m 2 p. 651) that -er is the exponont of the deponent and passive, and
that this was added to forms in -7, we must suppose that it has been
abstracted from forms like Osc. vineter 'vincitur karanter ‘pascuntur.

As pointed out in § 1082. 1, it is possible that the Latin language once
had likewise those indicative forms in -er.

(4) An infinitive with formative suffix -men- is probably
to be seen in the Lat, 2°¢ pl. imper. in -mint, as da-mint
sequi-mint. See II § 71 p. 165, § 117 p. 373, IV § 1088.3.

(5) On the Lat. inf. fut, in -tarum, as da-t@rum, see
§ 900 p. 448 and no. (7) below.

(6) An Infinitive type is also to be seen in forms like
dre in are facid, see § 578 p. 120, § 896 Rem. p. 445, § 899
p. 447,

(7) In Umbr.-Samn. the inf. pres. act. ends regularly in
-om, a8 Umbr. er-om Ose. ez-um ‘esse’, Umbr. fadiu “facere’
stiplo ‘stipulari’ (for *stipla-om), Ose. deikum ‘dicere’ moltaum
‘multare’ fatium ‘fori’, See IT § 60 p. 114, IV § 1088.8,
§ 1103 Rem., Buck, Der Vocalismus der osk. Spr. 123,
yon Planta, Vocalismus der osk.-umbr. Dialekte 111 f., 272+

$8 1098,1099,. ‘The Vorb Infinite: — Verbal Adjectives. 605

(loc.), as dekté déga ‘it burns fiercely’ (cp. Leskien, Bildung
der Nomina im Lit., 404). See § 1088. 6.

(2) The Suffix -tw- occurs in the Supines Lith. déa@ i. e.
dé-ty (cp. opt. 1* pl. détum-bime) O.C.SI. dé-tit (ace.) and
O.C.SI. détu (loc), beside which observe Pruss. acc, dd-tun ~
da-ton and dat. da-twei ‘to give’ used in the ordinary infinitive
way (the more usual sdiog for this meaning is -f, as da-t),
See § 1088. 7.

(8) A verbal ‘ibatene in -é is seen in O.C.SI. vidé-achit
‘T saw. See § 903 p. 452.

2, VERBAL ADJECTIVES,

§ 1099. As already explained, no clear line can be
drawn between Verbal Adjectives (Participle, Gerundive) and
other Adjectives. I mention first such suffixes as are found
in more than one language with verbal adjectives,

(1) -fo-, part. perf., mostly passive. *dha-td-s ‘placed,
laid’: Skr. -dhitd-» hitd-s Gr. dero-g Lat. eréditu-s Lith.
déta-s, MidtJr. do-breth “datum est Skr. bhy-té-s ‘borne’.
Goth. vaiihr-t-s Avest. vars-ta- ‘done’. O.CSI. Z¢-tit ‘out,
mown’ Skr, ha-td-s ‘struck, killed’. See IL § 79 pp. 218 ff,
§ 140.8 and 4 p. 452 f,

(2) -no- -eno- -ono-, part, pret., mostly passive. Skr, pir-
-ud-s ‘filled’, Alban. dene (Gegian dialect Jan) ‘said’ for *9ons-no-
(G. Meyer, Kurzg. Alban. Gramm., p. 42f,, Alban. Stud. 1 76,
ui 65 f.), O.TLG. gi-tan ‘done’ O.C.SI. o-dénit “done again,
turned over’, A.S. bund-en O.Icel, bund-enn Goth. bund-an-s
O.F.G. gi-buntan ‘bound’, O.C.Sl. nes-enii ‘borne’, See
If §§ 65—67 pp. 188 ff, § 140.8 p. 452.

(3) -io-, part. fut. pass. (Gerundive). Skr. dfd-ya-s ddrs-
~iya-s ‘conspiciendus, visible, worth seeing’, Goth. un-gip-s
‘nexpressible’ O.Sax. un-fdd-i ‘insatiate’ (cp. also Gr. &y-10-¢
‘venerandus’ Lat. ex-im-iu-s ‘eximendus, remarkable’), See
II § 63 pp. 128 ff, § 140 p. 452.

(4) -tewo-, -fyo- -tnyo-, part. fut. pass. (Gerundive).
Gr, Juox-red-g “to be followed’ for *=refo-g (Hesiod gared-¢ for

$1100. The Verb Infinite: — Verbal Adjectives. 607

Infinitive in -dy, as Sravdy-iya-s ‘laudandus, praiseworthy’;
next we have stujéyiya-s ‘celebrandus, praedicandus’ based
upon the Infin. sfw-§-é (§ 1089.2 p. 599). Cp, Mod.H.G, der
au lobende, ein zu lobender trom zu loben.

(6) Skr. -fva- -tuva- and -tavya-, part. fut. pass., kdr-tea-s
kdr-tuva-s and kar-tavyd-s “faciendus’, See § 1099. 4.

(7) Skr. -antya-, part, fut, pass., derived from nomina
actionis in -ana-m (II § 67 p. 150), as karanfya-s ‘faciendus’
from karana-m ‘a making’, ep. grhamédh-fya-s adj. of
grhamedhd-s ‘house offering’, tyt-tya-s ‘tertius’ (IT § 63
p. 122), hese gerunds did not grow common until the
later period,

(8) Skr. -éya- -éniya-, part. fut, pass., as
‘conspiciendus’, from an s-aorist y@s-énya-s ‘cohibendus’. A
suggestion may be offered that this form comes from the
infin. with -é; compare the remarks on -na- as a secondary
suffix in Sanskrit, vol. Il § 66 p. 142.

(9) -ent- -nt-, part. pres., fut., and aor. active. Skr. s-dnt-
Avest, h-ant- ‘being’, Skr. rdha-nt- Avest. eaza-nt- ‘vehens’,
fut, Skr. vak-Syd-nt- Arvest, vax-dya-nt- from vac- ‘to speak’,
s-norist Skr, dhdk-g-at- from dah- ‘to burn’. See § 1099. 6.

(10) -0-, part. pres. active. Skr. pra-mpnd-s ‘destroying’
with indie. -mynd-ti, Avest. pers ‘asking’ with indic, per“sa-iti,
See III § 198 p. 78.

(11) Skr. -w-, part. pres. active of s-Desideratives (§ 667
pp. 198 ff), as dipsi-¢ ‘wishing to hurt’ beside indie, dipsa-ti,
and from verbs in -dya-ti (§ 794 pp. 326 ff, § 795 pp. 3301),
as bhajayi-§ from indic, bhajdya-tf. See IL § 104 p, 314,
With the latter participles compare those from denominative
verbs, such as agvayd-§. IL § 105 p, 319,

(12) Skr, -wka-, part. pres. active, formed from -w- (11)
with -ka-, as dikju-ka-s ‘sharing’ (specially common in the,
Brihmanas). See If § 88 p. 264.

(13) -wes-, part. perf, active. Skr. ci-kit-pds Avest, ci-kip-
-wah- beside indic. Skr. ci-két-a ‘knows’. See § 1099. 7.

(14) Skr. -tavant-, part. perf. active, formed from -ta- (1)

§§ 1102,1108, The Verb Infinite: — Verbal Adjectives. 609

(5) -meno-, part. mid.-pass. from any mid.-pass. indicative ;
Jeiné-nevorg Ratd=~svo-g Aenpe-pevorg Aeeypo-psvo-g he-Asiu-uévo-g.
See § 1099. 8,

§ 1103. Italic.

(1) -to-, part. perf., mostly passive (for the use of this
participle with deponents see IL § 79 p. 219f.). Lat. sertp-tu-s,
Umbr. screiktor pl. ‘seripti’ Ose. seriftas pl. ‘seriptae’. See
§ 1099.1.

(2) Lat. -taro-, part. fut, active, as datiru-s. Possibly
developed out of the inf. in -t@rum. See § 900 p, 448.

(8) Ital. -endo-, part. fut! passive (Gerundive.) Lat, ferun-
-du-s ferendiues faciundu-s faciendu-s, juvandu-s, videndu-s,
Umbr. an-ferener gon. ‘cireumferendi’ pihaner gen. ‘piandi’,
Osc. ipsannam ‘operandam’. In the explanation suggested
in vol. IL § 69 p. 161 f. (cp. Bartholomae, Stud. idg, Spr. 1 96)
T went fur astray, chiefly because the Lith. participles in
-tina-s, which I compared, are probably analogical and belong
only to Balto-Slavonie (§ 1106.3). Of the explanations which
I have met with in the meantime, those of Thurneysen,
Conway, and Dunn (for references see footnote to page 596)
in my opinion none will do.

Remark. Weisweiler’s investigations (for which see same page) make
it extremely probable that ‘something to be done’ is really the original
meaning of this Gerundive; and that the Gerund (which is not found in our
rocords of Umbrian or Samnite) is a more outgrowth of the gerundive,
such a phrase as virtis colenda est suggesting colendum est (similarly
patriae défendendae causd suggested défencendt caus) a8 an imporsonal
construction with similar meaning (colites = ecultio fit, cultum est =
cultié. facta eat, hence colendum est = cultié facienda est). And since the
other Idg. languages, so far as wo know, have nothing which we can
compare with the suffix of the Italie gerundive, it becomes probable a
priori that the gorundive grow up in Italy, and was based upon the
infinitive of purpose, just as Mod..G. der su Iobende, ein su lodende
comes from zu loben, and Skr. dravdy-iya-s ‘luudandus’ from int. *éravat
(§ 1100.5 p. 102). On this I base the following conjecture.)

1) This waa written before I learnt that Pott (Et. Forsch. n' 289
and 1* 517) and Schroder (Kuhn's Zeitsehr. xiv $54) had already analysed
Serendus into feren-do-, and that in the final part of it, -do-, thoy saw the
Mod.H.G, zw (Engl. to). But their view of the first part of feren-do- ix

untenable,
Brugmann, Elements, 1¥. 39

$$ 1108,1104, The Verb Infinite; — Verbal Adjectives. 611

“rubicéndo- (op. 1 sing. rotO for *rotd-(i)0) — rotundus would mean
‘that which goes rolling, rollable’, Theso then will have kept the older
form of the infinitive more exactly than rotandu-s rubjcandu-s, because
they so soon became simple adjectives.

Of these two explanations I prefer the second.

The Lat. adjj, in -bundu-s cannot be directly connected with the
b-tuturo, as is shown by furibundues (boride furere) pavibuadues (boride
pavere) and like forms. If we are not to start from nouns with the
suffix -bho- -bha- (II § 78 pp. 216 ff), the best thing is to suppose that
they are compounds containing -bhy-o- (from |~“bheu- ‘to be come, bo’,
cp. Skr. d-bhv-a-m). We then compare the Skr. edha-dhydi and similar
compounds (§ 1089.12 p. 600). A

(4) -ent- -nt-, part. pres. active, Lat. prae-sins Ose, prae-
-sentid ‘pracsente’, Lat. sedéns Umbr. zeFef serse ‘sedens’, See
§ 1099.6.

(5) The part. perf. active with -wes- must have been living
in Umbro-Samnite, because it was used to make the future
perfect, as Umbr. dersicust ‘dixerit’; ep. also Ose. sipus ‘sciens’.
See II § 136 p. 445, IV § 872 p. 421, § 1099.7, p. 606.

§ 04. Keltic.

(1) The -to- of the part. perf. (passive), which is contained
in the pret. passive, e. g. Mid.Ir. do-breth ‘datum est’, was
exchanged for -te -the, which consist of -to- - -jo-j e. g.
O.Ir. brithe brethe ‘brought’, Cymric had in place of -to- the
ending ~(@)tic i.e. -t-Teo-. See I § 79 p. 232f,, IV § 1099.1.

(2) O.lr. -ti -thi,") part. fut. passive ("participle of
necessity”); ¢. g. messi ‘iudicandus’ carthi carthti ‘amandus’.
Mod.Cymr. cara-dwy Cornish cara-dow,

Remark. Tho last who has discussed this participle is Ascoli
(Sprachwiss. Briefe, 76 ff.); but he comes to no definite conclusion,
‘Thurneysen writes: “I know no plausible explanation. Ir. -thi admits
of no ending with orig. -os or -@ British has for final the diphthong
which has doveloped in stom-syllables from ef (or from ¢ in borrowed
words), ¢ g. O.Brot. in-aatoe, a gloss, ‘incundum’ (j~ag-) Mod.Cymr,
caradwy ‘amandus’. ‘The suffix perhaps originally had @ before the
dental even in primary verbs, cp, Brit. taga-foi, Ir. bethi for *biathi ‘to
cut’ beside part. passive bithe (this word eth? I have wrongly explained
in Kuhn's Zeitschr. xxxt 92), for-canti ‘to teach’ for *-canathi. Ita

1) The supposed ending -( -thi is due to a seribe’s blundor, dénti
“faciondum’ being written déntl.
39*

a]

§ 1106. The Verb Infinite: — Verbal Adjectives. 613

(4) O.C.S1. -lo-, so-called part. pret. active II, e. g. nes-lit
in neslit jesmt ‘I have borne’ (§ 903 p. 452). See § 1099.5.

(5) O.Preuss. -mana-, part. pres. passive: madlas
poklausimanas' ast ‘the prayers are heard’. See § 1099. 8.

(6) -mo-, part. pres. passive in Baltic and Slavonic; also
part. fut. passive in Baltic. Lith, vééa-ma-s 0,C.SI. rezo-mii
‘being carried’, Lith. fut. vészi-ma-s. Add the so-called Lith.
part. pres, active II in -da-ma-s, as sik-dama-s ‘turning’, which .
is closely connected with the imperf. -davau (§ 908 p. 455)
and must originally have been middle (deponent). Compare
Umbr. persnih-mu ‘precamino’, II § 72.1 p. 166.

(7) -ent- -nt-, part. pres, and fut. active. Lith. rézqs
O.C.SI. vezy ‘vehens’, Lith. fut. dialectic vészins for *vescians,
Tligh- Lith. vészés (O.C.SI. bySasteje bySesteje ‘futurum, to
Béddov’). See § 1099. 6.

(8) -wes-, part. perf. active. Lith, milz-@s O.C.SI. mliiz-t
‘having milked’. In Lith. also in the so-called part. imperf.
act. in -dargs, belonging to the indie. in -davau (§ 908 p. 455),
See § 1099.7.