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COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OS THB
MODERN ARYAN LANGUAGES
OF INDIA.
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OS THB
MODERN ARYAN LANGUAGES
OF INDIA.
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OF THB
MODERN ARYAN LANGUAGES
OF INDIA:
TO WIT,
HINDI, PANJABI, SINDHI, GUJARATI, MARATHI,
ORITA AND BANGAII.
BY
JOHN BEAMES,
BENGAL CITIL SERYICB,
PBLLOW OF THB UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA,
XBMBEB OF THB BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, THB GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
ETC., ETC.
VOL. III.
THE VERB
LONDON:
TRUBNER & CO., 57 aot 59, LUDGATE HILL.
1879.
{AU Rights reserved.)
ukripord:
stbpubn avstim and sons, printbra.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
BOOK III.— THE VERB.
Chapter I. — Structure of Verbal Stems.
FAOE
§ 1 . Structure of the Sanskrit Verb .... 1
§ 2. Begiimmgs of the Analytical System in Sanskrit . 6
§ 3. Conjugations of the Pali Verb .... 8
§ 4. Tenses of the Pali Verb . . . 11
§§ 5. 6. The Verb in Jaina Prakrit . . .16
§ 7. Scenic Prakrit Verb ..... 22
§ 8. Apabhran9a Verbal Forms . . . .25
§ 9. The Modem Verbal Stem .... 28
§ 10. Phases of the Verb . . . . . .29
§ 11. Single and Double Stems .... 32
§ 12. Single Neuter Stems from Sanskrit BHlt Eoots . 33
§ 13. The same from other Glasses of Sanskrit Boots . 36
§ 14. Modem Neuter Stems from Sanskrit Past Participles 37
§ 15. Single Active Stems ..... 40
§ 16. Treatment of Sanskrit Eoots ending in a Vowel . . 42
§ 17. The Stem DEKH . . . . . 45
§ 18. Double Verbs ...... 46
§ 19. Sindhi Double Stems Differing in the Final Consonant 48
§ 20. Double Stems Differing in Vowel and Final Consonant . 52
§ 21. Double Stems Differing only in the Vowel . . 54
§ 22. Examples and Illustrations . . . .58
§ 23. Laws of the Formation of Modem Stems . . 66
§ 24. The Passive Intransitive ... . . .68
§ 25. The Passive ...... 71
§ 26. The Causal ...... 75
§ 27. The Passive Causal ..... 82
VI
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
§ 28. The Causal in a I^euter Sense
§ 29. Secondary Stems
§ 30. Beduplicated and Lnitatiye Stems
§ 31. Gipsy Verbal Stems .
PAOI
84
87
89
95
Chapter II.— The Simple Tenses.
§ 32. Classification of Tenses . . . . .99
§ 33. The Simple Present or Aorist . . . 101
§ 34. The Imperative . . . . . .108
§ 35. The Future in Old-Hindi and Ghijarati . . 112
§ 36. T3irpe of the Active Verb in Sindhi and Marathi . .115
§ 37. Synopsis of the Simple Tenses in all Seven Languages 118
§ 38. Simple Tenses in the Gipsy Verb . . .119
Chapter III. — The Participial Tenses.
§ 39. Definition of the Participial Tenses . . . 121
§ 40. The Present Participle Active . . . .123
§ 41. Tenses formed thereby — the Sindhi Future . . 126
§ 42. Marathi Indicative and Conditional Present . .127
§ 43. Bangali and Opya Conditional . . . 129
§ 44. Hindi, Panjabi, and Gujarati Present . . .131
§ 45. The Past Participle Passive . . . .132
§ 46. Early Tadbhava Participles in Sindhi and Panjabi . 136
§ 47. The same in Gujarati and Marathi . . . 141
§ 48. The same in Old and New Hindi . . .144
§ 49. Tenses formed from the Past Participle . . 147
§ 50. The Prayogas . . . . . .151
§ 51. The Future Participle Passive . . . 152
§ 52. Tenses formed from it in Sindhi, Gujarati, and Marathi . 155
§ 53. The Future in Oriya, Bengali, and Eastern Hindi . 158
§ 54. The Hindi and Panjabi Future . . . .160
§ 55. Marathi Future compared with that in certain Hindi
Dialects ...... 161
§ 56. Synopsis of the Participial Tenses in all Seven Languages 164
§ 57. Participial Tenses in the Gipsy Yerb . . 168
TABLE OF CONTENTS,
TU
Chapter IV. — The Compound Tenses.
PAOX
§ 58. Definition of the Compound Tenses and Auxiliary Yerbs 170
§ 59. The Root AS— Present Tense . . . 171
§ 60. Imperfect in Panjabi and Gipsy . . .175
§ 61. AS, with a Negative ..... 178
§62. Compound Tenses formed with AS . . .179
§ 63. The Root ACHH— Discussion as to its Origin 180
§ 64. Tenses derived therefrom . . .184
§65. Compound Tenses formed therewith . . . 187
§ 66. BHl5— the Simple Tenses . . . .194
§ 67. n?.— the Participial Tenses .... 201
§ 68. Compound Tenses formed therewith . . . 203
§ 69. STHA ...... 208
§ 70. YA . . . . . .213
§ 71. Ancillary Yerbs Defined . .215
§ 72. Examples of Ancillaries . . . .216
Chapter V. — Other Verbal Forms.
§ 73. The Conjunctive Participle .... 229
§ 74. The Infinitive . . . . . .234
§ 75. The Agent ...... 238
§ 76. Sindhi Yerbs with Pronominal Suffixes . . 241
§ 77. Conjugation of Stems ending in Yowels in Hindi, Panjabi,
and Sindhi ..... 246
§78. The same in Marathi ..... 251
§ 79. The same in Rangali and Ofiya . . . 254
Chapter VI. — ^The Particle.
§ 80. Adverbs, Nominal and Pronominal . . . 256
§ 81. Pronominal Adverbs of Time, Place, and Manner . 257
§ 82. Adverbs Derived fix)m Nouns and Yerbs . . . 264
§ 88. Conjunctions ...... 270
§ 84. Interjections ...... 272
§ 85. Postpositions ...... 275
§ 86. Conclusion . . . . . .278
Qeitebal Ikdsx to the Thbsb Yolxjkbs . . 279
ERRATA.
PAOB LINE
3, 19, for this much read such*
10, 9, forlT^^rcad;R^t?f.
14, 28, for different read difficult.
19, 21, for y<<ini read ^Ijfif .
21, 26, for fiR^fTTTT^ read fwft-
34, 3 from be1ow,forPa/t read ProAm'^
36, 8, for 6Atf/a read Ma/a.
39, 26, for ftHns^ read ^9f^T^«
44, 2, for detu read dehu
47, 26, dele that.
50, 16, for 79^ read 79^.
50, 18, after word a fall stop instead
of a comma.
52, 13, for discharged read discharge,
56, 5, for 90 read 38 (ed. Stenzler).
56, 7, for •finn?* read •f^HR*-
67, 28, for Igm read ^re.
58, 5, after Pali a full stop instead
of a comma.
61, 25, for hladid read hlatu.
63, 4, for masf read ina;^;.
65, 9, for 7T3B read lf3?.
70, 12, for phrase read phase.
73, 16, for lirft read ITTT^.
83, 24, for 7mfT1[^ read ^mT^-
105, 6, for ^it read ^|^.
112, last but one, for TTT^ read ^r^
114, 21, for ^^ read ^f(^.
I PAOI LIMK
124, 1, dele comma after hearing.
134, 6, for^^%?^readf(^^^.
135, 29, after dielala insert /. ; for
dielaff etc., read dtflaf^ etc.
140, 31, for fwwnn read f^r^UTT*
141, 19, for 7f(f7% read ifhf .
149, 24, for asmdh read asma^.
154, 29, for WPNT read WT^lfr .
162, 7, for ^rni^ read TTT^^.
163, 2, the words * aorist^Tf' should
be put between brackets.
175, 29, for Ludhiana read Lodiana.
176, 5 from below, for Pr. read P.
178, 18, for Nuanti read NuhanH.
179, 24, for ^<^| read ^l^|.
196, 10, for 'Daug^hter 'read < Laughter.'
196, 17, for ^fif read '^;f^fi|,
202, 2 from below, for 59 read 60.
214, 4, for Imperfect read Imperative.
225, 29, for ^f?ft read "^^Ift-
250, 17, for Imperfect read Imperative.
254, 5, for Ortya read Aryan.
257, 3, for irniT read ''^TOT*
262, 22, for ^(IS^ read WB[\'
262, 23, for TTRTNT read ITTTnt-
262, 23, for Wt4 read fft^.
262, 23, for Us read as.
263, 6, for H..2>. read £:-/>.
267, 9, for:^|f|pfreadirff?f.
COMPAEATIVE GEAMMAE
OF THB
MODEEN ARYAN LANGUAGES
OF INDIA.
CHAPTEE I.
STKUCTURB OF VERBAL STEMS.
CONTENTS.— i 1. Stbuctubb op thb Sanskrit Ybkb. — } 2. BBannoNOfl op
THB Analytical Systbm in Sansk&it. — § 3. Conjitoations op thb Pali
Tbhb. — { 4. TsNSBS of thb Pali Ybbb. — § § 6, 6. Thb Ybbb in Jaina
Pkakrit.— § 7. Scenic Pbakbit Ybbb.— § 8. Apabhhan^a Ybbbal Forms.
— { 9. Thb Modbrn Ybrbal Stbm. — § 10. Phasbs of thb Ybrb.— } 11.
Sinolb and Doublb Stbms. — i 12. Sinolb Nbutbr Stbms prom Sanskrit
3SU Roots. — § 13. Thb samb prom othbr Classes op Sanskrit Roots. —
§ 14. Modbrn Nbutbr Stems prom Sanskrit Passiyb Past Participles.
— i 15. SnvoLB AcTiTB Stems.— { 16. Trbatmbnt op Sanskrit Roots
BNDINO IN A YOWBL. — § 17. ThB StBM DEKE, — { 18. DOXTBLE YeRBS.—
§ 19. SiNDHi Double Stems Dippbrino in the Final Consonant.—} 20.
Double Stems Dippbrino in Yowel and Final Consonant. — § 21. Double
Stems Dippbrino only in the Yowel. — § 22. Examples and Illustra-
tions.— { 23. Laws op the Formation op Modern Stbms. — § 24. The
Passitb Intransititb. — § 25. Thb Passtvb. — § 26. The Causal. — { 27.
Thb Passitb Causal.— § 28. The Causal in a Nbutbr Sense. — } 29.
Secondary Stems.- § 30. Reduplicated and Imitative Stems.—} 31.
Gipsy Ybrbal Stems.
§ 1. The Sanskrit verb, with its long array of tenses, intricate
phonetic changes, and elaborate rules of formation, seems to
haYe been subjected at a very early period to processes of
TOL. m. 1
2 8TKUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
simplification. Indeed, we may be permitted to hold that
some, at least, of the forms laid down in the works of Sanskrit
grammarians, were never actually in use in the spoken lan-
guage, and with all due deference to the opinions of scholars,
it may be urged that much of this elaborate development arose
in an age when the speech of the people had wandered very far
away from the classical type. Even if it were not so, even if
there ever were a time when the Aryan peasant used poly-
syllabic desideratives, and was familiar with multiform aorists,
it is clear that he began to satisfy himself with a simpler
system at a very distant epoch, for the range of forms in
Pali and the other Prakrits is far narrower than in classical
Sanskrit.
Simplification is in fact the rule in all branches of the Indo-
European family of languages, and in those we are now dis-
cussing, the verb follows this general law. To make this clear,
it may be well to give here, as a preliminary matter, a slight
sketch of the structure of the verb as it stands in the Sanskrit
and Prakrit stages of development.
In that stage of the Sanskrit language which is usually ac-
cepted as the classical one, the verb is synthetical throughout,
except in one or two tenses where, as will be hereafter shown,
the analytical method has already begun to show itself. By
separating the inflectional additions, and unravelling the
euphonic changes necessitated by them, we may arrive at a
residuimi or grammarian's abstraction called the root. These
roots, which have no real existence in spoken language, serve
as useful and indispensable pegs on which to hang the long
chain of forms which would otherwise defy all attempts at
reducing them to order. Some writers have lately thought fit
to sneer at the philologist and his roots, and have made them-
selves merry over imaginary pictures of a time when the
human race talked to each other in roots only. These gentle-
men set up a bugbear of their own creation for the purpose of
STBUCTURE OF VXKBAL 8TEM8. O
pulling it to pieces again. No one, as far as I am aware, has
ever asserted that at a given period of the world's history a
certain race of men used such words as bhii, gam, or kar, till
some one hit on the ingenious device of adding to bhUi the word
ami, and, modifj^g bhii into bhava, burst upon his astonished
countrymen with the newly-discovered word bhav&mi, " I am."
What has been asserted, and truly too, is that in Sanskrit we
find a large number of words expressing the idea of '^ being,"
in which the consonantal sound bh is followed by various
vowels and semivowels, which, according to phonetic laws,
spring from the vowel ii, and that as, for scientific purposes,
some common generic term is required to enable us to include
under one head all parts of the verb, we are justified in putting
together these two constant imvarying elements, and so obtain-
ing a neat technical expression bhUk, to which, as to a common
factor, can be referred all the words expressive of " being " in
its relations of time, person, and condition. Analysis and ar-
rangement of this sort is an essential part of every science, and
the native grammarians had done this much work for us before
European skill was brought to bear on the subject.
Verbal roots, then, are grammarians' tickets, by which actual
spoken words are classified and arranged in groups for con-
venience of investigation. The roots in Sanskrit are mostly
monosyllabic, consisting of a consonant followed by a vowel, as
bha, yd, ni, or of a vowel followed by a consonant, as ad, iah,
ubh, or of a vowel between two consonants, as kar, gam, pat.
Roots may also consist of a single vowel, as i, and in the place
of a single consonant there may be a nexus, as grah, pii\i, mlai.
Those roots which have more than one syllable are usually of a
secondary nature, being in some cases produced by reduplica-
tion, as J Agar, in others made from nouns, as kumdr.
Each verbal root presents six phases or grades of action:
active, neuter, passive, causal, desiderative, intensive. All
these are distinguished by certain modifications of the letters
4 STRUCTTTRB OF VERBAL STEMS.
of the root, and by certain prefixed and affixed syllables. Thus
» JAw, " to he," undergoes the following modifications :
Active ) . ,
-_ , } bnava.
Neuter )
Passive bhftya.
Causal bh&vaya.
Desiderative bubhiisha.
Intensive bobhftya.
The causal also is in some cases treated as primary stem, and
gives rise to subsidiary forms; thus from p&taya ''cause to
fall/' is made a passive pdtt/a, whence comes a desiderative
causal pip&tayisha.
Each of these six phases may be conjugated throughout
thirteen tenses, in each of which are nine forms representing
the three persons of the singular, dual, and plutaL It rarely
happens in practice that any one verbal root exhibits the whole
of these forms, but if we regard the general type, we may
fairly say that a Sanskrit verb, as an individual entity, is an
aggregate of seven hundred and two words, all agreeing in
expressing modifications of the idea contained in the root-
syllable, which is the common inheritance of them all.^ Of
the thirteen tenses, nine are conjugated according to certain
rules which, with some exceptions, hold good for all verbs in
the language, but the remaining four tenses are subject to
rules by which they are divided into ten classes or conjuga-
tions. These four are the present, imperfect, imperative, and
optative; and before we can determine what form a verbal
^ Namely, 6 phases x 13 tenses x 9 persons =702. Bat this is an extreme calcu-
lation, for the SubjnnctiTe (Let) is only found in Yedic Sanskrit ; and the two forms
of the Perfect (Lit) may be regarded as variations of the same tense. Thus the
number of tenses may be reduced to ten, yiz. Present (Laf), Imperfect (Laii),
Optative (Lin), Imperative (Lo^), Perfect (Li|), Aorist (Lun), Future (Lrt), Con-
ditional (Lrn)f Second Future (Lut), Benedictive (tUfir Lin), fiy this reckoning the
number of forms would be 6 x 10 x 9 = 540.
STRUCrUBE OF VERBAL STEMS.
root can take in any of these tenses, we must know wHat con-
jugation it belongs to.
Inasmuch also as the Sanskrit grammarians class the active
and neuter phases together, we must find out which of these
two phases any given verb employs, for the terminations of the
tenses and persons are different* Some verbs employ both, but
the majority are conjugated only in one of the two, and ad
there is no rule as to which of the two is to be used, the die-
tionary is our only guide. The active, or Parasmaipada, as it
is called, stands to the neuter, or Atmanepada, in the same rela-
tion as the active in Gh*eek does to the middle voice, and the
resemblance is the greater, in that the Atmanepada, like the
middle voice in Greek, uses the terminations of the passive.
Although each of the seven hundred and two words which
make up the complete typical Sanskrit verb contains the
common root-syllable, yet this syllable does not appear in the
same form in each word, but is subject to certain euphonic and
other influences which afiect both the vowels and consonants
composing it, and often materially alter its shape. Thus the
verbal root KAB, ^'do," appears in classical Sanskrit in the
f oUowing forms :
1. IT jffW, in 1 du. pf. Par. chakrtmy 1 pi. id. chakrima, 2 s.
pf. Atm. chakrishe, 1 du., 1 and 2 pi. id. ehakrivahe, chakrimahe,
chakridhve; in the whole of the 1 aor. Atm., as akrishi, akrithdhy
akrita, etc. ; in the pass. part, kritah, and gerund kritvd, and in
the benedictive Atm., as krishUhta^ etc.
2. f% kri, in bened. Par., as kriydsam, kriy&h, kriydty etc.,
and in the passive present, as kriye, kriyase, kriyate, etc.
3. 71^ kar, in pres. Par., as karami, karoahi, karoti, and before
all weak terminations.
4. ^r^ kur, in pres. Atm., as kurf?e, kurushe, kurute, and
before strong terminations.
5. liT^ kdr, in pf. Par., as chakdra, and 1 aor. Par., as
akdraham, also in the causal, as kdrayati.
6 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL CTTElfS.
6. IK ^^1 in 2 and 3 pi. pf. Par., ehakra, ehakruh^ and 1 and
3 8. pf . Atm. chakre.
In the same way the root CRU" hear/' appears in some parts
of the verb as gri, in others as gru, gr&, grin, and grdv. In the
whole range of verbal roots there is perhaps not one which
does not undergo more or less modification in the course of
being conjugated.
Not only does the root-syllable present itself in various
forms in the several tenses, but the terminations of the nine
persons differ in each tense, and sometimes one tense will have
two sets of terminations. Moreover, the endings of any given
tense in one phase, differ from the corresponding ones of the
same tense in another phase. Thus the terminations of the
present tense are in the active phase
Singular 1. ami. 2. si.
Dual 1. avah. 2. thah.
Plural 1. amah. 2. tha.
Sut in the middle phase the same tense ends in
Singular 1. i. 2. se.
Dual 1. avahe. 2. ithe.
Plural 1. amahe. 2. dhve.
This slight outline will suffice to show how vast and intricate
are the ramifications of the Sanskrit verb. The reader who
has followed the steps by which the noun has been simplified,
as shown in the second volimie of this work, will not be sur-
prised to find in the present volume how widely the modem
verb differs from that of Sanskrit. It was impossible to reduce
the verb to anything like the simplicity required by modem
speakers without sacrificing by far the greater portion of the
immense and unwieldy apparatus of ancient times.
§ 2. Owing to the want of a continuous succession of literary
documents, such as exists in the case of the modem Eomance
3.
ti.
3.
tab.
3.
nti.
3.
te.
3.
ite.
3.
nte.
STBUGTUBB OF VERBAL STEMS. 7
languages of Europe, it is scarcely possible to trace step by step
the changes which have occurred in the yerb. It is necessary,
however, to make the attempt, and to piece tc^ther such evi-
dence as we have, because the modem verb is an undoubted
descendant of the ancient one, though only a slight trait here
and there recalls the features of its parent, and its structure in
many points can only be rendered intelligible by tracing it
back to the ancient stock whence it sprung.
The first steps in the direction of simplification occur in
Sanskrit itself. Many of the elaborate forms cited by gram-
marians are of very rare occurrence in actual literature, and
some of them seem almost to have been invented for the sake
of uniformity. Three instances of this tendency in classical
Sanskrit may here be noticed.
The perfect tense in Sanskrit, as in Gh*eek, is usually formed
by reduplication, so we have from y/7(q^ "bum," pf. TRfm,
V '^^ " see" pf. ^?ri|i j^^ ^ Xc/tto) makes XiXmira and rphno,
rirpoifHi. But there are certain roots which cannot take re-
duplication, and these form their perfect by an analytical
process. The root is formed into a sort of abstract substantive
in the accusative case, and the perfect of an auxiliary verb is
added to it. The verbs ^"be," iRi; "be," and nr "do," are
the auxiliaries principally employed for this purpose. Thus —
y/ ^ " wet," makes pf. ^^ ^IfTl* ^^ ^^ or i^ nsff^.
V ^Wn^ " shine,*' „ „ "^ST^irErt WUKy «^-
V^it^ro "explain," „ » iftV^ ^RITC > «^-*
Another instance of the analytical formation is seen in the
future tense made out of the agent of the verb with the present
tense of the auxiliary ^Rj " be." Thus from V ^^ " know,"
comes the agent ^Wwn> which with the present of U^ makes
1 Max Muller*s Saukrit Gninmar, p. 172.
8 8TKUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
A third instance is a form of phrase in which the passive
past participle is combined with this same auxiliary ^^^ to
form a perfect definite, as ^vnnft^f^ ''I haYe come/' or, as
more faithfully represented by other European languages, ** je
suis venu," and as we sometimes say ourselves, " I am come."
Here an analytical construction supplies the place of the per-
fect. Closely allied to this is the frequent habit in writers of
the classical style of expressing the same tense by the neater of
the p.p.p. with the subject in the instruinental, as 7|i| ipt ^^by
him gone," i,e. " he went," instead of ^fiTRf •
These are the first faint indications of a method which, in
the course of ages, has developed to such an extent as to consti-
tute the leading principle in the organization of the modem
verb. By this system a greater facility for expressing nice
shades of meaning is obtained. IRTRT niay mean '' he went,"
or, " he has gone," but by the other system each of these two
meanings has a phrase peculiar to itself, ipftcf^ meaning ''he
has gone," and Ji^ ipf "te went." Precisely in the same
way the Latin had only ego amavi for "I loved" and "I
have loved," but the Komance languages found this insufiS.-
cient, and they have —
" I loved." " I have loved,"
French j'aimai j'ai aim^.
Italian io amai io ho amato.
Spanish yo ame yo he amado.
§ 3. The next step in the reduction of the niunerous Sanskrit
tenses to a more manageable compass is seen in Pali, originaUy
an Indian Prakrit, but which became the sacred language of
the Buddhists of Ceylon, having been carried thither in the
middle of the third century^ before Christ, by Mahendra,
son of King A9oka, and spread thence to Burmah and Siam.
^ Solm, Beiirage znr Pali G^rammatik, p. 1. But Tumour, Mahawaiuo zzix.,
giTOB B.C. 307. So (Jbo Childen, preface, p. ix.
STRUCrUKE OF VERBAL STEMS. 9
Although the Pali grammarians, in their anxiety to exalt their
sacred speech, tell ns that the verb has ten conjugations, yet
examples of all these are but rarely found.^ Four of the ten
Sanskrit conjugations, the first, fourth, sixth, and tenth, re-
semble each other very closely eyen in that language, and are
easily brought down to one in PalL The seventh of Sanskrit
also loses somewhat of its peculiar type, which consists in in-
serting i( between the vowel of the root and the final conso-
nant, or If before weak terminations. Thus in Skr. V ^^ rudh,
^'to obstruct,'' makes its present ^|q^ runaddhi, but in Pali,
while the if is retained, the present is rundhati, after the type
of the first class.
Five out of the ten Sanskrit conjugations are thus reduced
abnost, if not entirely, to one. Of the remaining five, the
second of Sanskrit in roots which end in a vowel exhibits some
traces of Sanskrit forms, while in those which end in a con-
sonant the types of the first, or BhUL, class prevail Thus
Skr. v^HT "to go," pr. Itlftl, PaK also ydti, but
Skr. %/ ^ «« to nib,'' pr. iVTff • Pali majfaH, as if from a Skr. vAfH •
\/ff "tomilk," „^ftfi^. » dohoH.
V^ftr|"tolick,»„%ft. „ lehoH.
The third conjugation occasionally takes the reduplication as
in Sanskrit, but in many instances prefers the BhA type. Thus
Skr. a/ ^ " to fear," fSntflf. Pali ^p^ .
W"to hold," ^^iHfH- f. ^^Vrfir and ^ff^.
The verb dd, " to give," which belongs to this conjugation,
has special developments of its own, and is discussed in § 16.
The fifth, eighth, and ninth classes are very similar even in
Sanskrit, for while the fifth adds ^ to its root, the eighth
adds ^; but as all its roots except one already end in i(, it
^ Seren danee are giren by KaocHyana. See Senart, Joiurnal Asiatique, yi. a^rie,
ToL xrii p. 439.
10 STBucrrintE of yerbal stems.
comes practicallj to pretty much the same thing as the fifth.
The ninth adds i(, ifTi and if^ to the root before yarious termina-
tions. Here Pali draws yery slight distinctions, making yerbs
of the fifth class take ^ and ifT indifferentlj, and both fifth and
ninth appear occasionally in the guise of the first. Thus —
Skr. V^ "heap," v. ^JHftf?!- Pali ^'llft »nd ^HTft-
Vir^do/^viii. ^rfrf?!- , t, W^Ctfif-
\/ ilH " think," viiL jpi^. „ H^rf?! .
The reason why the forms of the Bhd conjugation exercise
so great an influence, and, like the -a8-stem in noxms, so largely
displace all the other types, is probably that the first conjuga-
tion is by far the largest, containing upwards of nine hundred
out of the two thousand roots said to exist in Sanskrit. The
second conjugation has only seyenty-three, the third but
twenty-fiye, the fourth and sixth about one hxmdred and forty
each. The tenth, it is true, contains four hundred, but it is
identical in form with the causal. The fifth has only thirty-
three, the ninth sixty-one, while under the seyenth class are
twenty-fiye, and imder the eighth only nine. These figures, it
must be added, are taken from the Dh&tup&tha, a grammarian's
list of roots,^ which contains many roots seldom, if oyer, foimd
in use, so that for all practical purposes the first conjugation
coyers more than half the yerbs in the language. When it is
also remembered that the fourth, sixth, and tenth differ but
slightly from the first, it is not surprising that the terminations
common to these four conjugations should haye fixed them-
selyes in the popular mind, and been added by the yulgar
to all roots indiscriminately. Nearly all those yerbs which
retain the type of any conjugation, except the first, are words
of extremely common use, which would naturally keep their
^ Weftergaard, Eadices Sanskr. p. 342.
8TBUCTUBB OF TEEBAL STEMS. 11
well-known f onns in the mouths of the people in spite of all
rules and tendencies to the contraiy.
§ 4. The dual number has entirely disappeared from Pali,
and the Atmanepada, or middle phase, has practically merged
into the active, for although Kacc&yana (J. As., yoL xvii.
p. 429, s&tra 18) gives terminations for it, yet it is admitted
that those of the active may be used instead, and practically it
would appear that they are so used. The other phases, as
causal, passive, desiderative, and intensive, have their own
forms as in Sanskrit.
Among the tenses the chief is the present, and it is in Pali
that we first find a tendency to retain throughout the whole
verb that form of the root which is in use in the present. This
tendency grows stronger in the later Prakrits, and becomes an
almost invariable rule in the modem languages. Thus^-
Skr. V 1|^ " cook,** preseDt IJ^ft- ^^ ^Wfif-
future qiNni. „ ^rf^TOlf?!-
aorist 1|MI^^- $* liMffl-
gerund V[^. „ irf^IWT-
Phonetic influences in Sanskrit change this root as regards
its final consonant in the different tenses, but Pali, having got
hold of the form pack in the present tense, retains it throughout
the verb. It is still, however, only a tendency, and not a law,
for we find instances in which Pali forms are derived directly
from the corresponding tense in Sanskrit. One who should
attempt to learn Pali without reference to Sanskrit would find
it difficult to understand how the words karoti, kubbati, kayirA^
kdhdmi, akdsi, kattum, could all spring from the same verbal
root. It is only when the corresponding Sanskrit forms karoti,
kurvate, kurydt,^ kartdsmi, akdrshii, kartum, are put by their
^ Or more strictly from an older kaiydt not in use in daaeiqal Sanskrit Knhn,
Beitrage, 10^.
12 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
side, that the thread which connects them all becomes evident.
Just so in the Romance languages, Italian so, sa, sapete, sanno,
seppi, seem to have yerj little beyond the initial 8 in common,
till it is perceiyed that they come from the Latin sapio, sapit,
sapitis, sapiunt, aapui; thus, also, ho and ebbi can only be seen
to be parts of the same yerb when their origin from Latin fiabeo
and habui is recognized. In Spanish there is the same diffi-
culty, as will be seen by comparing hacer, hago, hice, hare, and
hechoy with their Latin originals facere, fado, fed, facere habeo,
and factum. In Portuguese, which seems to be the lowest and
most corrupt Apabhran9a of the Bomance Prakrits, the changes
are such as almost to defy analysis. For instance, ter, tenho,
tinha, tive, terei, correspond to Latin tenere, teneo, tenebam,
tenui, tenere habeo : also hei, houve, haja, to habeo, habui, habeam,
and Bou, he,foi, B^'a, to sum, eBt,fui, sit}
The tenses of the Pali yerb are eight in number.* These
correspond to the tenses of the Sanskrit yerb, omitting the
periphrastic or second future (lut), the benedictive (ft9ir lin),
and the subjunctiye (let). The present active is almost exactly
the same as the Sanskrit as regards its terminations in the BhA
form, and the middle only differs, and even then very slightly,
in the 1 and 2 plural. Thus —
Skr. 1 pi. M^l^¥- 2. ^T^^.
Pa. 1. iTvii^. 2. inr^-
In this tense, as in many others, Pali is not very instructive,
it clings too closely to the Sanskrit. It is, however, necessary
to give a sketch of its forms, because they exhibit the first
traces of that gradual change which has led to the modem con-
jugation. Even when the Pali conjugates a verb according to
^ Diez, GramsL d. RomaniBclieii Sprachen, toI. ii. p. 188.
s The materials for thiB sectioii aze taken chiefly from Siihn, BeitrUge, p. 93 $eqq. ,
with some additions from Childers's Diotionaiy, and a few remarks of my own.
ffr&UCTUBE OF VERBAX STEMS. 13
any class other than the BhA, it still keeps the personal end-
ings of Sanskrit for that conjugation ; thus from y/lf\ " go,"
we have-
Fa. s. I. TTrfif , 2. ^gnrfir, 3. jftfn; p. 1. j[t^, 2. ^rnr, 3. nffn.
which differs from Sanskrit only in omitting the visarga
inP. 1.
The imperative follows the type of the present, and may be
thus compared with Sanskrit Parasmaipada,
skr. s. 1. l^f(Tf^, 2. ir^, 3. inj^j; p. 1. wvm, 2. xr^if, 3. i^ij.
Pa. s. Lir^rfi!* 2.ir^, 3. vm^; p.i.ittr* 2.TnTi^, 3. iT^fn.
and with the Atmanepada, thus —
Skr. S. 1. Jfit, 2. H^^, 3. U^lrt ; P. 1. W^T^, 2. V^J^, 3. xri^.
Pa. S. 1. inl, 2. 1|^^, 3. H^; P. 1. ITTRf^. 2.xri|3ft. S.^tW-
Here the S. 1 Parasmai seems to have arisen from some con-
fusion with the present, as also P. 2. Noteworthy is S. 2, with
its ending ff , which, though only found in classical Sanskrit
in the second, third, seventh, and ninth conjugations, has crept
into all in Pali, and has continued on into the medisDval period,
thus Chand
**Sai/ thou a good word of them." — ^Pr. E. i. 9.
where Hfff =Skr. H^RJ (ff). In Vedic Skr. ff appears in
all the conjugations. Of the Atmane forms P. 1 seems to be
derived from an older form, masai. P. 2 should perhaps
be read hvOy not vho, in which case it is a regxdar resultant
from Sanskrit dhv.
The potential is the Sanskrit optative (lin), thus —
Parasmai.
Skr. 8. 1. I|%^, 2. XI^, 3. T|^; P. 1. V^, 2. jfif^, 3. 1?%^.
Pa. 8. 1. H%«ntif » 2. o^S^Tftr, 3. o^; P. 1. o^^jH, 2. •Z^T^, 3. o^.
14 STRUCrUBE OF VSBBAL STEMS.
Atmaiti.
8k. 8.1.H^,2.l|%WI^,3,i|^; P.l.q%«fff , 2.1|%^, 3.l|%^.
Pa. S. 1. Jf^, 2.q%lft. 3.1?^; P. l.q^i^Ti'?, 2. •«afr,3.H%t-
In this tense the point specially to be noticed is the tendency
to simplify not only the root-syllable, but the range of termi-
nations also. Having got the syllables e^pa as the type of the
tense, Pali seeks to avoid all further distinctions, and to use as
much as possible the personal endings of the present tense. It
sometimes conjugates the potential according to the types of
other classes, and in this respect follows the lead of the present
less faithfully in this tense than in the imperative. Thus,
though in the present and imperative of kar, it follows the
Sanskrit, and has karoti, karotu, yet in the potential it treats
kar as if it belonged to the BhA class, and has kareyy&mi as
though from a Sanskrit kareyam instead of the actual kurydm.
There are other peculiarities about this tense which are not
here noticed, as having no bearing upon the subject of the
modem languages.
The imperfect has been, to some extent, mixed up with the
aorist (lun), and both, together with the perfect, lead us into
considerations which are of interest only for Pali itself, not
having survived or had any influence on modem developments.
They may therefore be passed over as immaterial to our present
inquiry.
The future, on the contrary, offers many interesting peculi-
arities, especially, as will be seen hereafter, in reference to
QxLJarati and some of the rustic dialects of Hindi. The future
is a different tense in the modem languages, and every scrap
of information which can help to elucidate it deserves special
notice. It runs thus in Pali {V 1J»^ " go ") —
Skr. 8. 1. irfiTOTfiT, 2. oTI^ftf, 3. oiBlfir; P. 1- •tTRWC, 2. X^Rf, 3. ^fif.
Pa.s.i.^rfirorrfH,2.*wftr,3.o^i5a[ft5 p.i.«^Brm,2w^,3.^^.
STBUCTT7BS OF VERBAL 8TBMS. 15
Here the only noteworthy feature is the change of xq
into ^. The Atmanepada follows the same rule throughout.
Although the tendency to keep that form of the root which
exists in the present leads to divergences from the Sanskrit
future type, yet instances occur in which the Sanskrit type is
preserved. These occur in reference to that very troublesome
feature in the Sanskrit verb, the intermediate X^, which is some-
times inserted between the root and the termination, and some-
times not. When it is not inserted, the euphonic laws of
Sanskrit require that the final consonant of the root be
changed to enable it to combine with the initial consonant
of the termination. Thus ^/^^^ "cook," when it has to take
the future termination tqf?V, becomes i^i and im + i9f7T= xv^Rf?|.
Here Pali sticks to the form 1^1^, because it is used in the present
and makes its future lrf%wf^ as though there had been (as
there probably was in colloquial usage) a Sanskrit future
^f^^fd with the intermediate ^ inserted.
In a certain number of verbs, however, it has two forms,
one as above retaining the root-form of the present, and the
other a phonetic equivalent of the Sanskrit. Kuhn^ gives
the following examples, to which I add the Sanskrit for com-
parison.
Skr. v^WH "get," fatareW^. Pall ^ra^fif bat also irfi^^ErfiT.
v^ 1^ " speak,*' „ TT^n). „ ^cnnf^-
V^ "dwell," „ IRCTfTT- » W^l^ bat also ql^^MPf •
V^ fif^ " cleave," „ i^VmRl. „ %Q^ „ fC^fc^^AXld-
V^ "loose," „ 9f)'i!rf?r. >» ifrtgfir f> ^f^wfir.
V^ "hear," „ ^Tt^l?!- >» ^Wffl » ffwfir.
^ Beitrage, p. 115.
16 STRUCrUBE OF VERBAL STEMS.
The consonantal clianges are in accordance with the treat-
ment of the nexus as explained in Yol. I. p. 304. The striving
after uniformity is seen, however, in the retention of the alter-
native forms having the same type as the present, and it is,
moreover, worth observing that the forms which reproduce the
type of the Sanskrit without the intermediate ^ seem by
degrees to have been misunderstood. The illiterate masses,
and even those better instructed, seem to have missed the isaati
which so generally indicated to their minds the future tense,
and regarded those forms which had not this familiar sound
as present tenses. So they made double futures by adding the
issa to them. Thus from ^^^ " to see," future ||['^rf?f9 Pali
made a form dakkhati, but the people by degrees took this for
a present, and made what to them seemed a more correct future
dakkhiaaatu I mention this here as I shall have occasion here-
after to discuss the much-debated question of the origin of
the familiar modem stem dekh "see" (see § 17). Another
instance is
Skr. V in "be able," future l|l||fj|. Pa. ^pf^fjl, whence vnlgo
In one case Pali has a future which points back to a Yedic
form:
Skr. -i/^^'weep." Vedic future OAjfRl- Pa. O'^HV*
Qassic ditto Of<mft ' » fVf^Wfir.
Occasionally the ^ is softened to |[, as in ^rF(f7T> ^iffHl from
vR^Pl* Skr. i|(\iqni. This is noteworthy with reference to
Bhojpuri and the eastern Hindi dialects generally.
§ 5. It used to be held that Pali was a descendant of the
M&gadhi dialect of Prakrit, but this opinion is now, I believe,
exploded. Though the question is not yet set at rest, it would
seem to have been fairly established that Mahendra was a
STRUCTUKE OF VERBAL ffTEMS. 17
native of Ujjayin, and that the language which he carried to
Ceylon was the ordinary vernacular of his own province.^
This dialect was not very different from that of Magadha, and
Mahendra may have slightly altered the M&gadhi sayings of
the great master, by his XJj jayini pronunciation, while retaining
the name M&gadhi out of deference to the sacred associations
which clustered roimd the birthplace of Buddha.
Be this as it may, the nearest Indian dialect to Pali seems
undoubtedly to be the Prakrit of the Bh&gavati, a sacred book
of the semi-Buddhist sect of Jainas. If Hemachandra, him-
self a Jain and author of several works on Prakrit, were
available for reference, our task woidd be easier ; as yet, how-
ever, none of Hemachandra's writings have been printed or
edited. Weber's articles on the Bh&gavati are at present our
only source of information.^
In the Jaina Prakrit the ten conjugations of the Sanskrit
verb are, with few exceptions, reduced to the Bhd type. In
this respect it goes further than Pali, treating as verbs of the
first conjugation many which in Pali retain the type of other
conjugations. The fifth, seventh, and ninth conjugations,
which in Sanskrit insert i^^ with certain variations, are all
reduced to one head by regarding the H as part of the root,
as is also the case with the H of the fourth class. The a
inserted between the root and termination of the Bhd class
is used throughout, though occasionally weakened to t, or
changed to « from some confusion between this and the e = aya,
which is the type of the tenth class. The following examples
will illustrate the above remarks.
^ Knbn, Beitrage, p. 7.
' Pbchel's admirable edition of Hemachandra's Grammar (Orphanage Frees, Halle,
1877) has reached me just as this work is going to press, and too late to be of use
for this edition, except for a few hasty notes here and there. Mueller's Beitrage zur
Grammatik des Jainapralqit came into my hands about the same time. I find it
enables me to add a few illustrations to this section, which, howerer, was written in
the latter part of 1875.
TOL. m. 2
18
STBlTCrUBB OF VERBAI. STEMS.
Vl"take,'' IJK^
Jaiua
f^jfTC-
V t^« know/Mi. iff^
»f
^f!-
PL3fir^
f»
WT"pnt,'Mil. l^VTfif
with ^pft, HfM^^VIini
»
flf^ «« puts on (dotheg)"
andftfTT-
V ftr^ " succeed," iv. ^RqfTf
»
(tillV
but ^ir^" propitiate," m^^ln „
^Kl^V
V 'm^^ " gev V. wjftfif .
witii ir, irnc; imftft
»
irrS^t ^^ ^ being
treated as part of the
root
V f^ " gather/' v. f^rttf?!
»9
^fqfn, ^^, but alsof%r-
irn[> ^^b ^® same
confusion between the
ift 0^ V. and IfT of viii.
as occurs in Pali.
V^^"hear,"v.^lfrfif
with irft, MOivunn!
99
^rf%9^T " promises."
V ^ " touch," vi. ignfTf
>9
^F^-
V ^^ " break," vii. H^rfW
>*
^t^.
VW"do,"vai.H<tf?f
9>
^iTT-
t/llf «take,"ir.^[l^
»
iil(]^, here agrain the 1^
has passed into the root.
V UT " know," ix. ^ITTrfTT
»
WRTT-
The tenth class being identical with the first is omitted. It
will be seen that the present tense is formed throughout on the
model of the first conjugation, the Jain words given above
being phonetic modifications of words which would be in
Sanskrit respectively harati^ vedati, dhdti, drddhati, pr&panati,
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 19
chayati, mnati, bha^/ati, karati, grihnaii, and jdnati, if all tliose
verbs belonged to the first or Bh(i conjugation.
It is not so easy to draw out a full verbal paradigma in this
dialect as in Pali, because we bave as yet no grammars, and are
obliged to fall back on the words that occur in a single text.
The range of tenses appears to consist of a present (corre-
sponding to the Sanskrit lat), imperative (lot), potential (lin),
imperfect and aorist jumbled together as in Pali, and future
(Irit). The perfect (Ut) seems to be altogether wanting, as it
is in the modem languages.
The present runs thus i—V TH " bow."
8. 1. iTRTf^* 2. iTOftr» 3.if4|fi|; P.l.inrRft. 2.iWf , 3,intf?|.
Those terminations which contain the vowel e have crept
into the conjugation of all verbs from the tenth, to which that
vowel, as shortened from aj/a, must be held strictly to be-
long, or to causals. Thus in Bh&g. i. 60, we have phdseti,
pdkti, sohhetiy tireti, pireti, kitfeti, anupdlei, drdhei, for San-
skrit wrWn, iiTW^rfiT, iflii^rf?!, iTTC^, HT^Rt, <\^<lffl ,
^^Mmt^Hl? ^KIV|^ni> respectively. In the last word the
causal form becomes the same as the active given above. Of
the imperative we have only the S. 2 and P. 2, which are in
&ct the only persons which an imperative can properly have.
The S. 2 takes the ending f^ as in Pali with junction vowels d
and e, the P. 2 ends in ^, which, as "Weber points out, is from
the P. 2 of the present, in Sanskrit H". Thus—
Skr. \/^" shine," causal '?ff^> iinpv.'?ff^. Jaina ^ l ^ff .
^TfT " believe," „ ^(%f^, „ ^R^fTtf (pres.
V^"bind," impv.P.2.irtfhf, „ Wf.
20 STEUCTUKE OF VERBAL STEMS.
The potential, of whicli only the S. 3 is traceable, resembles
Pali in using the termination eyya with variant ^'a.
Skr. ^/ lf?( ''go,** 8. 3. ^iT^?^ Jaina 1V$?B|, "ifll^*
VlTf "take," „ ^qi^^ll^ » ^rt^^T-
But there exist some old simple forms deriyed by phonetic
changes from the corresponding Sanskrit tense, as kujja =
kury&t, dajja = dady&t (Mueller, p. 60).
The future resembles that of Pali, thus —
8. 1. irfirarTfi?, 2. ^icwftr. 3. ^i^i;; p. i. ^i;^?!^, 2. •ij'Wf .
3. ^^fif.
It also appears with a termination ihi produced by weakening
^ into f and the following a to », thus —
Skr. 4|nmni> Jain ifiHtfrfiT «nd ^fOlfff^f.
Moreover, there is a trace of the double future like Pali
dakkhmati.
8kr. y/V[^ "go," with ^q, ^SIRf "attain," future ^MMdjl'^ t
Jaina ^^^fauflfjl.
Here ^qi?^|7t would phonetically become ^fl|C|^'|;, and by
still further softening <d^^Hll,9 whence, as if from a present, is
formed the future ^S^RT^QW^ and ^q^f^fffJI.
§ 6. The reduction in the number of tenses necessitates a
greatly extended use of participles. This is one great step in
the transition from the synthetical to the analytical system.
The Sanskrit present active participle takes in that language
the characteristics of the ten conjugations, and is declined as
a noim in three genders. It ends properly in ant, but the
nasal is dropped before certain terminations, as
M. F. N.
IJ^H 1r^^ 1l^.
^t^ ^Iwft <w^.
STKUCrURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 21
The nasal, however, is retained throughout in Jaina Prakrit,
thus —
skr. vnn( ^i^^nrft ^inn^.
Jaina ^l^hrt 'Rhft 'rtW*
This peculiarity is worth remembering; much depends on
this retention of the nasal, as will be seen when we come to
the modem Sindhi and Panjabi verbs.
Very great interest attaches to the participle of the future
passive, which in Sanskrit ends in ^pfl. In verbs which do not
take intermediate X, this ending is added directly to the root
with the usual Sandhi changes ; but as Prakrit prefers to insert
the ^ in order to preserve the root-form of the present, it
comes to pass that the if of the termination stands alone be-
tween two vowels, and in consonance with Prakrit phonetics
is elided. The hiatus thus produced is in the Jaina writings
filled by IJ. If to this we add the regular mutation of ^ into
% we get from Ji;^ the form Jl^. In its original meaning this
participle corresponds to the Latin in ndus, as factendus, and
expresses that which is to be done, as T^^ffl ipfHl) ^^ by thee it is
to be gone," i.e, "thou must go." In this sense it occurs
frequently in Bh&gavatl, as for instance in § 56 :
Jaina H^ ^^I^HM^II 'hfll't Wf^. f^^ftfinRf* ^f«l*H|» etc.
"Thus, beloved of the gods, must ye go, must ye stand,
must ye sit, must ye eat," where the last two words postulate
a Sanskrit form with the ^ inserted, such as t^nlVfinn^y
It is obvious that it would require no great straining of the
sense of this participle to make it into an infinitive, and seeing
that as early as this Jaina dialect the use of the regular Sanskrit
infinitive in ?j has become rare, it follows that recourse should be
had to some participial form to supply its place. In this way
we find the past passive participle in l^f, with the if elided and
22 STRUCTUBE OF VERBAL STEMS.
its place supplied by ^, employed in a construction where we
should expect the infinitive. Thus Bh&g. § 64, 1[^(Tf^^9Tf^f
^^Tf*rt, %fTPnt> ftRrart^ (Weber, Bhftg. p. 274): "I wish to
wander, to take the tonsure, to practise austerities, to learn,"
as though from Sanskrit forms M^|(^<t, ^H^iImHi IhUPnt,
1U(^irMri> the three last being causals formed with dp, as is
frequently the case with causals in Prakrit, though of Course
these forms are not f oimd in Sanskrit. In that language the
formation of causals by means of i(^is restricted to a few stems.
More will be said on this subject in a subsequent chapter,
but it is necessary here to note an early instance of this process
which takes a much wider development in later times, the
infinitive in Ghijarati and Oriya and several participial con-
structions and verbal noims being derived from it.
§ 7. The scenic Prakrits represent a further step in develop-
ment. Despite the admittedly artificial character of these
dialects, they probably retain forms which were at one time
in general use, although that time may not have been the epoch
when the dramas were written, and without referring to them,
the structure of the modem verb coidd not be clearly under-
stood. It is expedient to avoid discussing this question, lest
attention should be drawn away from the real subject of this
work, namely, the modern languages. All this part of the
present chapter is merely introductory and is only inserted in
order to pave the way for a more intelligent appreciation of the
origin and growth of Hindi and its fellows.
In the M&h&r&shtri or principal poetical dialect all conjuga-
tions are reduced to the type of the first or Bhii class, and the
same holds good for the Qauraseni or chief prose dialect. Only
here and there do we find faint traces of the peculiarities of
other conjugations. Of the six phases only three remain,
active, passive, and causaL The passive differs from the
active only in the f onn of the root, the characteristic Jf of the
STBUCTUBE OF VERBAL STEMS. 23
Sanskrit passiye haTing been worked into the stem, and the
terminations of the active being added to it. The Atmanepada
and the dual are of cour&e rejected.
Of tenses these dialects have a still more restricted range
than the Jaina Prakrits. They have the present, imperative
and future, with traces of the potential. The past tense is
chiefly formed by the p.p.p. with auxiliary verbs. Thus from
V H^ " shine/'
Present 8. 1. O^lH^' 2. ft^fftf, 3. 0^f<-
P. 1. 0^ltf >> •^» •f » 2. ft^^, o^, 3. Tt^rtiw.
Here are observable those first indications of a confusion of
forms, and imcertainty in their use, which are always character-
istic of that period in languages when the synthetical structure
is breaking down into the analytical. In these dialects, as in
Jaina Prakrit, the practice exists of inserting 1[ as a jimction
vowel ; thus we have such forms as ii%f9f " I do," Skr. ^^(if,
instead of ^TTrf'T* which would be the regular result of treating
^ as a Bhd verb, ^r%^ for if^^TH, " let us go." The presence
of the ^ in S. 1 and P. 1 is accounted for by its being confused
with that construction in which the present of ^H^ is used with
a past participle ; thus we find ^IH^^V " I was made " = Sanskrit
9lit^flR> and^ftR[f^ " I have been sent " = Skr. ^fcnJt^flR-
The imperative has the following forms —
8.2. fhr 8.fr^- p. 2. Tct^v 3fW|y-
TT^TTt TTW- TrSrf-
The S. 2 has also forms ^f)4ji!|, Tt^r^> pointing to a Sanskrit
Atmane form "^^t^^ and P. 2 similarly ^-^vl = Skr. '^t^^,
though neither are used in a middle sense, but are equivalents
as regards meaning of the Sanskrit active.
24 SmtUCTURB OF VERBAL STEMS.
The following are a few examples :
T)%j|iAI ''look thou t" Skr. ^^1^.
UPV^ « bow thoa !" „ ifTf^.
^TfV " bear ye." „ ^npf •
Zfnj " go ye." „ ITRT-
^|i)\| " go away." „ ^V^-
"^V^lJirV^'get outof thewayt" „ ^nTOTV-
^r5N"do." „ yw.
The future most usually exhibits the form of the Sanskrit
present in f;5|= 1[W.
p. 1. oi^wnfr, 2. oiT^BfV, 3. oiT^ifi!-
etc. •T^BT?-
This form is used indifferently with roots of all classes as in
Pali, but here also there still subsist some traces of a future
formed without the intermediate ^. Vararuchi (vii. 16, 17)
gives the following : —
Skr. V^** hear," fut. AsTtmHl* Pr- ^fft^-
Vl?^ "speak," „ q^nfTT. „ ''ft^-
Vin^"go,"
V m^ " weep,"
Vf*r5"know,"
These forms are, however
ved.ft^rrfif. » ft^-
justly regarded as exceptions ; for
the rule in scenic, as in other, Prakrits is to retain throughout
the root-form of the present. The regular type of the future
is that in isaa-, aad the above words have also a future formed
in the regular way, ^fltrera;> ^rf^^WT* 'rf^ranC etc. This W
^ Some of these are M&gadhi Prakrit, bat for my present pnrpose it is not neces-
sary to draw a distinction between Magadhi and Qanraseni.
STBUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 25
is softened to f, and the following vowel 18 weakened to f,,
producing as characteristic the syllables ihi. Thus —
\/f^ "laugh," 8.1. ffflffni. 2. f Riff (41 > 3. ff^rffl^, etc
By a forgetfulness of the origin of such forms as ^ft^> the
ordinary future terminations may be added to them too, just
like dakkhissati in Pali (§ 4), so that we find ^ftf^^Wf?!* and
The various tenses which in Sanskrit indicate past time have
already in Pali and the earlier Prakrits been fused down into
one. In scenic Prakrit a further step is taken, and the
syllables ia, erroneously written ia in some MSS., are added to
the root for all persons of the past tense (Yar. vii. 23, 24.
Lassen, Inst. Pr., 363). This is probably the neuter of the
p.p.p. in Sanskrit, and its use is due to the frequency of the
construction with the instrumental. Instead of saying " I saw,
I went, I heard,'' the people said, " by me seen, gone, heard."
This point is one of great importance in modem Hindi and
Gujarati.
§ 8. While the Maharashtri smd (^auraseni dialects are con-
sidered the principal ones in the dramas, there are yet others of
great importance, such as the M&gadhi, with its sub-dialects.
Among these, however, it is necessary only to notice that called
Apabhran9a. I do not wish here to touch upon the question
whether the dialect called by this name in the dramas really
represents the speech of any particular Indian province or not.
I assume, for the sake of convenience, that Apabhran9a is
really a vulgar speech further removed from the classical idiom
than Maharashtri or (^auraseni. There may have been half a
dozen Apabhran9as, probably there were. In this section I am
merely seeking to put together examples of verbal forms in a
dialect one step nearer to modem times than the principal
scenic Prakrits, and having done so, shall go on to my own
special subject.
26 STBUCrUBE OF VERBAL STEMS.
All that we can expect in the way of tenses after what has
been said in the preceding sections, is a present, an imperatiye,
and a future. The rest of the yerbal work is done by participles.
VK^ "ask/* Present 8. 1. ^^fff^, 2. «^rf^, 3. ©ITC-
P. 1. Y^[m* 2. 5^p|, 3. oijtfjr.
onf.
t/ W " do/' Imperative S. 2. ^R^f, P. 1- ^«T*, P. 2. IR:^.
^>
In the future, although the form with the characteristio issa
is found as ^4|(\4MQ( = VR^H! . Skr. ^/ m, yet more commonly
we find the form in which ^ has been softened to ^; thus
8- 1- if^tffif. 2. l|kf\rfRr> 3. ^lrfT;ff1[, etc.
The grammarians also give a
P. 1. in 9f as ^f^||f= 1|f?;X9FR.
The participles resemble in most respects those in other
Prakrit dialects, but that in Tfc^ becomes J^, as ^i^1[^ and
'lrf^=^rf?;ilW (^l^fr^). The gerund ends in fig, fiqil, and
a softened form fif; the ordinary ^auraseni form ^Iff, which
will be foimd in several modem languages, is here also used.
To the gerund rather than to the infinitive, as the grammarians
would have it, seems to belong the form in J[!^, as ^^^9f , the
exact genesis of which is doubtful, though, as to the final ^,
there is an analogy in the true infinitiye ^^iQjf, which very
closely approaches to Chand's forms, as W^11f]f , ^T'l^*
In addition to the above forms which are f oimd in scenic
Apabhran9a, others and those more genuine fragments of
popular speech are to be picked out from scraps that have
STRUCTX7SE OF VERBAL STEMS. 27
been preserved by bards. It is mucb to be wished that we had
more of Hemachandra's works accessible, as in them we should
doubtless find a rich mine of such words. Thus for all past
tenses there is the participial form in ^ for all three persons, as
It has a plural in ^ or in> ^^
Sometimes also the u of the singular is rejected and a sub-
stituted, as iif[|^=: 9|ftnt. There are other forms to be foimd
in these poems which will be referred to hereafter when the
modem forms which they illustrate are under discussion.
As a general result from the preceding brief sketches it may
be asserted that Sanskrit, Pali, and the Prakrits taken collectively
as the languages of the earlier stage have a common structure,
though in different grades. Sanskrit, with its full range of
synthetical tenses, yet admits here and there analytical con-
structions. Pali does the same, though its synthetical tenses
are fewer and simpler. The Prakrits reduce the tenses still
further, and make greater use of participial constructions. The
treatment of the root-syllable also shows a gradually increasing
tendency to simplification, for whereas in Sanskrit it is changed
in form repeatedly in the various tenses, a practice begins in
PaU and grows more conmion as we go down the stream, of
using in all parts of the verb that form of the root which is
found in the Sanskrit present.
From the review of these languages given above the passive
and causal have been purposely omitted, because the parts which
they play in the development of the modem verb are peculiar,
28 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
and will be better understood when seen side by side with the
modem forms. The desiderative and intensive have left few
or no traces of their existence, and may be passed over un-
noticed.
§ 9. We may now approach the languages of the present
day, and the discussion becomes more minute and particular.
Though the verb of the new world has ways of its own, yet it
stretches out hands across the gulf of centuries to the old world
verb, and supports its claim to descent from it by still pre-
serving traces unmistakeable, though often faint and irregular,
of the ancient forms and systems.
As in the noim, so also in the verb, the first thing to be con-
sidered is the stem. The modem verbal stem undergoes no
changes, but remains absolutely the same throughout all moods,
tenses and persons. To this rule there is a small though im-
portant exception, consisting of some participles of the preterite
passive which are derived direct from the Prakrit forms, and
are thus early Tadbhavas. The number of these early Tadbhava
participles differs in the various languages. They are most
numerous, as might be expected, in Sindhi, which has ahimdred
and forty of them in a total of about two thousand verbs. In
Fanjabi, Gujarati and Marathi the number is rather less, while
ta ^di .4 i„. ^ m B.^ -d Ori^ o^y W« »«.
They will be found, together with their derivations, in Chapter
ni. § § 46, 47, 48.
With this slight exception the verbal stem remains unaltered
throughout. Thus, having got, by means hereafter to be ex-
plained, ihe word sun for " hear," Hindi simply tacks on to it
the terminations; thus mnnd to hear, suntd hearing, mnd
heard, sunAn I hear, mne he hears, suno hear ye I sunegd he
will hear, mnkar having heard.
Primary stems are ahnost always monosyllabic, but secondary
or derivative stems have often more syllables than one. The
8TKUC?rUKE OF VERBAL 8TBMS. 29
latter may be brought under three beads. First, steins derived
from Sanskrit roots with which a preposition has ab-eady been
oompoimded, principally ^?^, fif, J(, and ^, as utar "descend,"
nikal " go out," paaar " spread," sankoch " distress." Second,
stems formed by reduplication, as jhanjhan " tinkle," iharthar
"flutter." Third, stems with an added syllable, as gutak
" swallow," ghaait " drag," karkach, " bind."
It was seen above that in the old world verb there were six
phases, and that two of these, the desiderative and intensive, have
since been lost. The modem verb having to provide for active,
neuter, passive, causal and other phases, has been obliged to
have recourse to processes of its own, by which it arrives at
the possession of a much wider range than Sanskrit can boast
of, and does it too by far simpler means. Partly this result is
obtained by ingenious adaptations of Prakrit forms, partly by
modifications of, or additions to, its own stems, and pjirtly by
combining two stems together. It will first, therefore, be
necessary to examine what phases the modem verb has, and
then to proceed to examine the processes by which it has
provided itself with the necessary forms for each phase.
§ 10. Those phases which are expressed by one word may be
ranged as regards meaning in a regular scale of grades of ac-
tion, according to the degree and kind of activity they express.
In the following scheme we take the neuter as the point of
quiescence, and trace degrees which start from it towards a
positive pole indicating activity, and a negative pole indicating
passivity.
Negatitb —3 —2 —1 +1 +2 +3 +4 PosmvB
POLB. < < < * > > > > POLB.
• «
•a a .« -a-a 5 .b-^ > z '^ a
.0 fl
30 STRUCTURB OF VERBAL STEMS.
The foregoing table looks, I fear, somewhat fanciful, but I
know not how better to express a matter which is a striking
and very important feature in the modem Aryan verb. It
may be explained by considering each phase separately.
The neuter verb (0) expresses neither action nor passion. It
conceives of the subject as in a condition of mere existence, as
being something, not doing, and is therefore the simplest phase
of verbal description. Pure neuter verbs are ho "be," rah
" remain."
The next grade is the active intransitive (+1) which con-
ceives of the subject as indeed acting, but acting in such a
way that his action does not pass beyond himself to affect
an external object, as soch "think," chal "walk," phir "re-
volve."
The active transitive comes next (-1-2). In this the subject
is considered as acting in such a way that his action affects
external objects, as mdr "beat," khd "eat," pi "drink."
The next grade is the causal (-1-3), in which the subject acts
upon an external object in such a way as to cause it to act in
its turn upon a second object, as H. sund "cause to hear,"
H. phird " cause to turn."
In some of the languages there is a yet further grade, the
double causal (-1-4), in which the subject causes the first object
to set in motion a second object, so that it affects a third object,
as S. pherd " cause to cause to turn," S. ghdrd " cause to cause
to wound."
Eetuming now to the neuter or central point, and starting
off again in the opposite direction towards the negative pole, we
arrive at the passive intransitive (—1). In this phase the
subject not only takes no action, but is himself under the in-
fluence of exterior agencies. It differs as much from the
neuter on one hand as from the passive on the other, and is a
sort of middle voice. It is called in Sanskrit grammar Bhdva*
or Sahi/a-bheda, and is principally used in Gujarati, though ex-
STRUGTUBB OF YEBBAL STEMS. 31
isting in the other languages also, as G. ahhadi ''be polluted''
(be in a state of pollution), H. han "be built'' (be in process
of construction).
The passive (—2) is that phase which regards the subject as
no longer an agent, but as being acted upon, as S. dho{ja " be
washed."
Lastly comes the passive causal (—3), where the subject
causes an object to be acted upon by a second object, as M.
tndravi " cause to be struck."
It must not be supposed that all of these phases are found in
every language. On the contrary, in none of the languages
are there separate forms for each phase. It is only on re-
viewing the whole seven in a body that the full range of
phases is seen. Generally speaking, the eight phases are re-
presented by six sets of forms :
1. Neuter, including 0, +1 and —1.
2. Active, „ +2.
3. Passive, ,
, -2.
4. Causal, ,
+3.
5. Passive Causal, ,
. -3.
6. Double Causal, ,
+4.
The double causal and passive have separate and distinct
forms only in Sindhi. The passive, however, is found in some
rustic dialects of Hindi. Generally the use of the passive con-
struction is avoided by having recourse to the passive intransi-
tive (—1) or the neuter (0), the former of which has a distinct
form in Gujarati, Old Hindi, and Bengali, and in the construc-
tion of sentences in which it is used resembles the active,
like vapulo in Latin.
Of the above phases the neuter and active are the simplest,
the other forms being derived £rom them by the addition of
syllables or internal modifications ; the secret of the formation
32 STRXJCTUIIB OF VEBBAL STEMS.
of the modem verb is therefore to be sought for in the neuter
and active.
§ 11. Some verbal stems are found only in the neuter form,
others, again, only in the active, while a third and somewhat
large class has both a neuter and an active form. For con-
venience, the first two classes may be called single stems, and
the last double stems. Those double stems arise from the cir-
ciunstance that two separate but, so to speak, twin verbs, have
been made by the modems out of one old Aryan root, each
modem stem being derived from a different part of the old
verb, as will be shown further on.
Among single stems, those which are neuter (including
active intransitive and passive intransitive) supply the place of
an active by employing the causal, thus H. ^^^J (passive in-
transitive) "to be made," takes as its corresponding active
iprnn "to make," which is really a passive causal, meaning
'' to cause to be made." Those single stems which are active
mostly require no neuter, but should it be necessary to express
one, the passive intransitive is used, as iRfifT "to tell,"
ilf^TRT " to be called."
Moreover, in Sanskrit there is a class of verbs derived from
nouns, and called denominatives, which express the being in
the state described by the parent noun, and sometimes (though
more rarely) the action of the subject. Verbs of this sort are
common in all languages of the Aryan stock, and notably so in
modem English, where a verb may be formed almost at will
from any noun ; thus we say " to eye," " to mouth," " to beard,"
" to house oneself," " to shoe a horse," etc. In Sanskrit these
verbs take the form of the tenth conjugation, or perhaps it
would be more correct to regard them as causals. Ex-
amples are Sanskrit agadyati "he is in good health," from
agada "healthy"; chapal&yate "he trembles," from chapala
"tremulous"; pandit&yate "he is learned," or "he acts the
STRUCrUKB OF VERBAL STEMS. 33
pedant/' from j[>an^/to "a (so-called) learned man";^ yoktrayati
" he yokes," from yoktram " a yoke." Probably from this cause
it arises that there are in the modems neuter verbs with a
causal termination, as M. il^f^lPul ''to bang," ''crack,"
H. ^RTTPnr "to be amazed," ^^WRT "to totter." See § 28.
All these points will be noticed in detail in their proper
place, they are cursorily mentioned here as an introduction
to the general subject, and to show that there is an inter-
change and playing to and fro of forms and meanings which
is somewhat difficult to unravel, and the more so as in collo-
quial usage the verbs are often very laxly and capriciously
employed.
§ 12. Single neuter verbs are to a great extent early Tad-
bhavas as far as their stems are concerned, and consequently
retain the Prakrit type. Thus they exhibit few or no traces of
the tenfold classification of the Sanskrit or of the nimierous
phonetic changes that take place in the interior of the verb,
but follow as a rule the form of the root in the present tense
of the Bhii class. Here follows a list of some of the simplest
and most used stems in the modem languages derived from
verbs which in Sanskrit are £h(i. In the dictionaries the
modem verbs are generally shown under the infinitive mood,
but in the following lists I have thought it better to give only
the stem ; the reader can add the form of the infinitives if he
wishes to refer to them in the dictionaries, as H. "9(1^ P. h|t or
Tr> S. ^, G. ^, M. ^, 0. ^fifT- In the Bengali dictionaries
verbs are given under the stem alone.
Skr. y/ ig^"b€," pres. V[^, Pa. 1^^ and ftfif » Pr. )j^, ftf^»
iftT' ^" Tt and so in all, except 8. lir% , and in O. ^^t^ is contracted
' A pandit in the present day in India is an indiyidnal who is supposed to be
deeply read in all the most useless parts of Sanskrit literatore, and is densely
ignorant and contemptaons of all other branches of human knowledge.
TOL. m. 3
34
STBUCrURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
to ^. This verb will be treated at full length further on as the chief
auxiliary of these languages (see Chapter IV. § 66).
V^ "move,'' ^^ift. Pa. id. Pr. ^wnC» «• »• ^W» P. ^W.
V ^fH^ " stick/' lRf?f , Pa. IRf^ ««d lf7i|f?r, Pr. iri^> where the
JH is probably caused by the passive ^H^ or the p.p.p. W^, H. Klf ,
P* Wnif S. ipi, in the rest ^TPT* It ^8 neuter in the modems.
V ^PW( " tremble," Wrf?l, Pa- «., Pr. *TC, H. *J, ^rfq, P. ^|lf ,
8. in, G. M. B. ^rtq, O. W^.
Wi; "wander," Pa. ^^fnf Pr. H'TT (^^ ^^- P««^)» H- VI.
iff, ^, P. 1^1^, M^ or vri, 8. ^, im, ^«^» M^» G. wf, im.
M. ifrt, Ht^-
Th^re is little that is remarkable in the above list, the
modem forms being regularly produced by the working of the
usual phonetic laws. The yerb sthd '' stand/^ being one of the
common auxiliaries, demands a fuller notice. Here follow
some of the principal tenses in the old languages :
8KR.
WT and 7T {- 8. 3
pres. firet^
P. 3. t?rtfiT
Impv. S. 2. ftn
8.3. f?fl^
Future 8. 3. ^TT^RfTI
Infin. ^ITTJ
P.p.p. Ob^
Gerund fVlHI
PA.
PB.
I f^9f|[ (if4?.)> ftjf^ (9««*''0»
TPH;, ZnC (Var. viii. 25, 26).
t^» f^» 7Tff-
iMif <(. Tf^» rati.
Of the three forms in Pali that having 7T as its root-syllable
has survived to modem times, though in most cases with the
dental instead of the cerebral aspirate. In H. there is only a
STBT7CTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
35
fragmeat in the shape of a -past participle S. l|T ^* ^ /•> I^*
^ m. ^/. S. G. and 0. have a whole verb, thus —
8.
Infinitive
fW^"
Aorist
8.1. finit
(aSkr. pres.)
2.ftnt»^
B.f^
P.l. ftR*
2. ftnft
8. f^nit^
Present part.
^•<t
Pkistpart
tw^
Fatnre
8.8. ift^
P. 8. ^Y^
to be.
n
O.
^(^ni^)
fw¥F(trn^)
^rre
^mt
trm{wRr)
^T^
wnK^ro)
^m
^*T^
^T^
'fll^'
wm
^TO
wtfif
^wt
^T^
^^and^^lft
f^WT
^
t^
Hit
nril
0.
The structure of these forms will be found discussed in
Ch. IV. § 69. M. has an old poetical '^* " to be," but from
the Pr. form f^f^ there is, as far as I know, only one de-
scendant, and that is the modem Oriya adjective f^nTT " stand-
ing," which seems to point to Pr. f^f^lt, Skr. f^nt*
It is interesting here to notice the parallel treatment of
Sanskrit IRT and Latin sta in their respective descendants.
Both roots survive, but have almost entirely lost the sense of
"standing," and have come to mean "be," "become." In S.
G. and O. the above quoted verbs are used as aimliaries denot-
ing a more special and definite kind of being or beccmiing, and
are thus distinguished from the less definite auxiliaries derived
from l^or ^l^. Sindhi huanu and thianu, Gujarati hovun and
ihavun, Oriya hoibd and thibd, stand to each other exactly in the
same relation as Spanish ser from esse does to estar (from stare).
Thus Pedro es enamorado " Pedro is loving (by disposition)," but
Pedro estd enamorado " Pedro is in love (with some one)." So
el es bueno " he is good (by nature)/^ but el estd bueno " he is
36 STRXJCrURB OF VERBAL STEMS.
well (in health)." In Italian, although stare still means ''to
stand," yet it is constantly and regxdarly used in the sense of
being, thus %to kggendo " 1 am reading," does not imply that
the speaker stands while he reads, but merely indicates that he
is engaged in reading; just so an Oriya would say parhu thdun.
Stat bene ? " art thou well P " sta qui vieino " he is living close
by," would be correctly rendered in 0. by the exactly parallel
expressions bh&la thdii ? and ethi nikat thde. In French, as in
Hindi, the verb has been lost, and a Frenchman has to use the
roundabout expression il se tient debout for ''he is standing,"
literally "he holds himself on end," just in the same way as the
Indian has to say khard hat literally " he is propped up,"
(^rfT = Pr. 1OTT= Skr. ^Rf from V ^l^to support).
§ 13. Examples of verbs derived from roots which in Sanskrit
belong to other conjugations than the first are now adduced to
show how completely all traces of the peculiarities of those
conjugations have been abandoned.
Skr. V VJ "go," a. Tnfi!» Pa- *d'> Pr« 1Tfi[ and ^|l|f^ (the latter as
if from a BhCL verb fffHOl)* H. ^, P. M. B. id., G. and O. retain ^ in
some tenses, bat in others shorten it to G. 1|, O. f^.
V Wi^'' sleep," ii. ^fqfiT. Pa- ^g^rf^T, Pr. ^^, 'l^* ^|^, H. ^t .
P. ^. S. ^^, Q. g, B. and O. ^.
V^ "fear," iii. fw^tffi, Pa. in^rf?!, Pr. iftlli:, VTirfl^, ^ftfT
(Var. iii. 19), M. tH» ^> O. ^, ^ft, flff (not in the rest).
V^ "dance," iv. ^?qt?f. Pa. W^ffly Pr. H^nC H. 1|T^, P. Wff,
S. inr, G. M. O. B. ITPI^.
\/lf^"be able," v. l[l|ftf^ and iv. If^f^, Pa. ^nRf^> ^TOlfW*
4i|iunr^> Pr. ^rxT> ^akuHffl* «i>d ^•t H- irai» P- ^raf» s. ^[^,
G. M. 1f^.
In ndch, as in several other verbs derived from Div roots, the
characteristic Jf of the Div class seems to have got mixed up
STRUCTURE OP VERBAL STEMS. 37
with the root and has thus been preserred. Although in sak
both Pali and Prakrit retain some traces of the peculiar type of
the Su class, the modems entirely reject them and form as if
from a Bh(i root, thus H. ^|% ^' he can," postulates a Sanskrit
IfiifTT, and so with the other languages.
How the following verb came by its modem form I know
not, but all the authorities agree in referring it to V W. It is
a very common word, and it is just these very common words
that are the most difficult to trace. Perhaps V became vr, and
so ^ and wlw.^
Skr. V \'* speak,'* U. ipf^ and 1^, Pr. Tf^Wt (Mrich. 230, end of
Act vL) Old H. '^^[p is short in Pr.), H. iftW, S. iftlfy aU the rest IJtW*
§ 14. In the above examples the modem verb retains the
form of the present tense, but there is a tolerably large class
of stems which retain the type of the p.p.p. of Sanskrit as
modified by the Prakrite.' These verbs express positions of the
body, states or conditions whether material or mental, and the
possession of qualities. The past participle of the Sanskrit has
been treated as an adjective and a new verb formed form it.
just as in English we have verbs *' to contract," " to respect,"
" to edit," from the Latin contractus^ re»pectu8, editus, the re-
spective past participles of contrahere, re^picere and edere.
The modem Bomance languages often preserve a long string
of nouns derived from a Latin verbal root, while they have lost
the verb itself; for instance, French, while it possesses no verb
^ Since writing the aboTC I see that Hemachandra giyes hollai as one of the ten
Prakritisms of kaih; he means it eridently not as deriyed from kathy which is im-
poesihle, hnt as a popular equiyalent (Fischers Hem. iy. 2). In the same sCLtra he
gires also ionghai for kathy in which we see the origin of M. idngm^tn " to speak."
Hemachandra has also 3o//tai skathajishyati (iy. 860), do//ttim=lEathayitam, boUiem
sskathyante (?), ib. 883. But he giyes bruva as the equivalent of M in iy. 391, so
that the origin of hoi still remains doubtfoL
^ This process was indicated by me in Vol. I. p. 179. Hoemle afterwards
discussed it as if it was his own discovery in Indian Antiquary, vol. i. p. 357.
Perhaps he had not then seen my first Tolnme.
38 STKUCTURB OF YEEBAL STEMS.
directly representing the Latin sta ''stand,'' has nnmeroos
nouns from that root, as station^ itdge^ from statio. Hat from
status, Frcnn these nouns fresh verbs are derived, as staiumner
and the like. So also the modem Indian lang^uages, while they
have lost such roots as dip, kram, as verbs, have noons dipa,
dtyd, and derivatives, also krama as a noun with numerous
secondary formations.
Analogous to this is the practice we are now discussing of
forming verbs from Sanskrit participles, a practice which
begins 88 early as PnJcrit, and appears to We arisen from
the habit menticmed in § 2 of forming a definite preterite by
compoimding the participle with ^1^, as in inft^f^ '^I ^^^^^
gone." It was pointed out in § 7 that this practice had been
extended in Prakrit so widely that it had resulted in giving a
termination in fvf to the present tense, as in X)R|^(i-f . Ex-
amples are :
Skr. V ftir " enter,** with ^IJ, ^l|f€|^ " take a seat," Le. to pass
from a standing to a sitting posture, p.p>p. ^Mf^lK ''seated," Pa.
^Mf^$1> Pr. ^IfPl^'^, and later B^^^> wlience, by rejection of ^,
H. f|7> P- ^d,f M. ^^, wliere the last consonant is dne to a confdsion
between f|7 and ^1^. G. has %1(, which is from Skr. pres. ^Mf^^Ol-
Its p.p.p. is %7t* S* also f^ by softening of ^ to 1(, p.p.p. %7t-
With If, Tlft^, " enter," " penetrate," P. irt^Tjt* Pr. ^WJ^, whence H.
hZ* "to enter'* (generally with the idea of penetrating fordbly). G.
again^ from IVf^llflf , p.p.p. ^^, S. ftf , p.p.p. ^^.
Skr. ^/v[^ "cook," IJfrfTT, ppp. Vm> Pa- Pr. ^lat* H. IJIi "to
be cooked," to be in process of cooking (if you ask, " Is dinner ready ? "
your man answers, ISnUTT "It is being cooked'*), P. T^R, G. 1|T1|,
M. ftfll. It also means " to ripen," " to be in course of growing ripe,"
B. xrni. There is also a stem from the present ll^ffTT* as 8. T|^ "to
grow ripe," p.p.p. ^7^. H. and all the rest have JJ^y but in the sense
of rotting, decaying.
STBUCTURE OF VSHBAL STEMS.
39
®"- ^ ^ " ^'** PPP- ^' ^ ^- I'l^' H. ^ " to be dry,"
^' IW' S. O. M. ;|1|, B. o. ^.
Skr. V i|^ « break," p.p.p. Vn, Pa. Pr. i^HlV, H. 1TR "to flee"
(said originally of an army, *'to be broken np and dispersed"), G. Hfm,
M. ^rt^, *<to yield, give way," also ^If ^ "to break," O. ^t^. Here
again there are stems as if from the present form BhCL )t^rf?f , Pa. Vflff^,
Pr- ^t^> H. sin '< to be broken," and «|1|. (See § 19.)
Skr. V^H^ "go,** with ^, p.p.p. ^JgJI <' sprung up," Pr. ^SI^T^,
H. 5Pr> "to spring up" (as a plant), P. ^Tlf, 8. G. 5Pr> M. ^S^-
It is questionable whether we should here class some words
which come from V^ with '^. The present would be
i^i^riTy but though the p.p.p. in Sanskrit is ^¥7T> y^t in
such verbs Prakrit forms the p.p.p. on the model of the
present tense, and has ^411 (\^ as if from Skr. vj^fifly so that
the modem verbs ^IT^, ^9H^, and the like keep the type of
the present tense as much as that of the participle.
Another very common word is H^ " to rise/' but in this case
Prakrit has already adopted this form for all parts of the verb,
as has also Pali ; thus from V ^ + WT Skr. makes 55?Tr " to
stand up.''
PA.
^jlft> ^i \Ui
PR.
^rtf^^rff
^ljfi[,^f^, ^fic
Present S. 3. VpflBfil
Imp¥. S. 2. ^rf^HY
8.3. 5|f^T^
Future 8. 3. ^<mi(|(l|
Pres. part Hf^TO^^
P.p.p. "^TtHfl
Infin. ^9?BrT<^
€kmnd ^iWHT
Here, whatever be the form taken in Sanskrit, both Pali and
Prakrit assulhe a stem ^|p, and conjugate it as if it were a
Bh(i verb throughout. It seems as though ^^ being com-
40 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
pounded with TT had lost its final consonant, thereby making
a form ^OT, whence Prakrit ^|p. Sanskrit has adopted the
opposite course, and while keeping ^^ intact, has sacrificed
the 9 of 1ST in the non-conjugational tenses, retaining it in the
conjugational ones where it is prevented from coalescing with
the preposition by the reduplicated syllable. In the modems we
have H. ^97> P. ^^, S. ^^^ and ^97> and in all the rest ^7.
The stem '^ has undergone a change of meaning which is
explainable only by bringing it under this head.
Skr. V T? "desert," '<f(d, usually found in Prakrit only in
the p.p.p., Tff^ ( = Tft'f) in the sense of "deserted," then
almost adverbially, as " without," hence probably the meaning
which it bears in the modem languages, "to stop," "stay,"
"remain," from the idea of being deserted, left behind. It is X?
in H. and all except M. ^^Tfy Gt. X^. It is ancillary inmost
of the languages as XfwH TWt " go ^^ reading." (See § 72, 10).
§ 15. Single active stems exhibit the same method of forma-
tion as the single neuter stems given in § 12. A few examples
are given of roots which in Sanskrit are of the Bhd, or the
closely allied Div, Tud, and Chor clajsses.
Skr. V WTf " eat,*' ^^PT^, Pa. id., Pr. ^^rn; (Var. viU. 27, for ^R^),
H. 19T* and so in all. Gipsy kkava, Kash. khyun, Singhalese kanavd}
Skr. V^ «che<' ir^. Pr. ^fSHC' H- ^T^' P- "W* S. '^,
G. M. ^pr, O. ^fri|T» B. ^r»|.
Skr. \/ 1|^ " read,*' VTSf^, Pa. irf., Pr. T^C* H. IJf (pafh), P. M. G.
^•> S. T|^^ (which is only their way of ^Titing 1^), B. T^, O. t^^.
Skr. \/ Iff " ask," ^^ffif , Pa. Xf^fflT, Pr. J^i;, H. ^. P. 5^.
G. B. id., M. ^ (see Vol. I. p. 218), O. V^, ^^TT*
Skr. V ?n^ (and ^) " seek," i. irrffif . >c- 'fT'f^t Pa. TTTirf?!
and ^ni^, Pr. ifT^, H. iffF* P« ^» S. T[^ (mang), G. M. ITR,
B. iffF, o. mn.
^ Childers, in J.B.A.S. toL yiiL p. 146.
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 41
8kr. • ^"keep," ^nf?f , Pa. -^^fif, Pr. 1;^^. H. X^B " keep,"
also simply ** to put," ijt^ ^ 4¥^ ^T T^ *' P^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^®
stool,'' P. '^q^, 8. '^, G. M. B. TT^» O. '^y Singh, rakinavd.
Skr. VHf^ "say," IWlTfif, P. W^* Pr. qn|T» '•li;* H. Wf »
P. 8. B. O. id. In M. it is wanting. G. %f , Singh, kiyanavd.
Those roots wluch belong to other conjugations are ahnost
always reduced to the Bhd type, even if Prakrit retains any of
the conjugational peculiarities the modems do not. They take
in most instances the root-form of the present as it occurs in
Prakrit, and keep it throughout. Instances are :
Skr. V in " know," ix. HT^nt^* Pa- id., Pr. WTintTf » also WRHC {^*
keeps HTIIf throoghout, bat it and Pa. occasionally drop the initial, having
^mnf^> etc), H. B. Wm» the rest ^TTi^. Gipsy Janava, Kash. zdnun,
Singh. d4mnav(l.
Skr. V V ''do," viii. W^tf^T* Pa- id. (we ^ I and § 4), Pr. Vin[ and
^R^ and the stem If^ is adopted in most tenses. The modems universally
reject all forms but If^, which they use throughout except in the p.p.p.,
which is the phonetic equivalent of Prakrit (see § 48).
Skr. V^" hear," v. ^^WW, Pa. ^Wtfil. ^Hlfif » Pr- ^^. H. ^,
and in all W9i or ^^*
Skr. V uni *• get," v. ^inffrfll (but also L ^IHlfTT)* Pa. HiynKfl.
^ly^lRl and llUl^ni, Pr. (see § 5) KPT^, seldom used alone. Old H.
^§[f^ ''to obtain," also used in the sense of giving.
<< Having obtained wisdom and the aid of Saraseo (Saraswati)."
^Chand, Pr. R. i. xy.
Also G. Itfn "to give," which is the ordinary word in that language, may
be from this root or from ^^{(^ (^)* Par more common is the compound
with IT s TTR* Pa. as above. Pr. MI'^HII^ and later ITP^y ^^d H. and
P. ITRJ, H. ITR and VJ, S. m» O. id., G. Vim, M, ITR, B. qrtft. In
all in the sense of finding, getting, obtaining.
42
STRXrCTUKE OP VERBAL STEMS.
Skr. V H^ ** seize,'* iz. ^j^lfJI . The treatment of this root is pecaliar.
Pa. for the most part talces a form inX> and Pr. generally i)^. Some
of the principal tenses are given here.
PA.
Pres. S.3. HfSTTfll
Atm.Pres. S. 1. ^ft;
1 Aor. 8. 3. UllCt^
impv. 8.2. ^nnr
8.3. ^i;t9
Impv.Atm. P. 2. V^Vv|
Fnt. 8. 1. inf^^TfiT
8-3- ^(fl^Rl
Infin. ^nft^
Gerund ^if^TT
»
»
PB.
»
%i(f>ihlSf
^^ *v ^^ ^^ *^
There are thus two types in Pa. ganh and gah, and three in
Pr. genh, gah, and ghe. The double t in ghettutn and ghettiJina
arises, I fancy, from e being short in Pr., and is not an organic
part of the word (Var. viii. 15).
In the modem languages H. has ^ as an archaic and poetic
word. P. also ^. But M. ^ " take," is very much used, as
also S. fipf , and 0. ^ir> the other languages prefer the stem %
from Hlf. Singh, gannac&y perhaps (ivpvjgeJafxi^ is connected with
this root, though it means rather ^'to bring." (Paspati, p. 241.)
§ 16. Some Sanskrit roots ending in yowels hare undergone
curious and interesting changes in the modem languages.
Such is Skr. V^ "give," iu. ^^lOl. This is one of the
primitive Indo-European race-words, and being such we pro-
bably have not got it in its original form in Sanskrit. With
the idea of giving is intimately connected that of dividing, or
apportioning, and we find in Sanskrit several roots with this
meaning, all of which seem to point back to some earlier
STRUCrUKB OF TEBBAL STEMS.
43
common root which has been lost. Thns we have V ^, iii.
<firj| "give," V^ or |(t, ii. ifrfH and iv. wflf "divide,"
V ^FVy i* ^TQT) and ^ i. ^1^. Some grammarians, misunder-
standing a role of Panini's about rediq>lication, have imagined
a V^^> i. <^^i b^t this does not seem to be entitled to a
separate existence.^ It is also to be observed that in some roots
in d there are traces of a form in ^ or at, which may perhaps
be the older form, as ifT and S| 'f to sing," IQT and l) " to
meditate," I^ and 1% " to languish," i^ and % " to wither,"
"^ and % "to rescue," Jl[\ and ^ "to measure." Also roots
ending in d exhibit in the course of conjugation many forms
in which the root- vowel is changed to t or e. It is not within
our scope to do more than hint at all these points, as possibly
accounting for the fact that at a very early stage the root
^ began to be superseded by ^, and that in the modem
languages the universal form is DE. The principal tenses in
Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit are here shown together.
Pres. S. 1. ^[^ifa
8.8- «ini
P. 1. ?[w:
P. 3. J^
8.2. Iff
8.8. ^^ic|
P.2.^
8*3. '^IHlfll
Prei. Part ^7^
P.p.p. ^
Qeruod
Impv.
Attn.
Put.
lofin.
PA.
^ Westorgaard, Bad. Sander, p. 6, note.
44 STEUCTUKE OP VEKBAL STEMS.
Childers thinks the form deii has arisen either from Sanskrit
dayate, or from confusion with the imperatiye detu. The form
dc^ati he, with great probability, considers as a future on the
analogy of dekh (see § 4). In Qauraseni Prakrit the form ^ is
used throughout (Yar. xii. 4), as also in the modems. H. ^,
P. M. G. id.f S. f^^, B. alone has ^, O. ^, shortened in some
tenses to f^. Gipsy dofva, Kash. dyun, Singh, denava. This
is one of the few irregular verbs in the modem languages ;
being subjected to numerous contractions, and retaining seyeral
early Tadbhava forms.
Further examples are :
Skr. \/ m " drink,** L ft^rfif [Vedic qif7T> there is also \/ ^, iv.
TJNlt]* Pft. ftfftr and tlR^, Pr. fqtnC» H. ^, 8. and B. ft, in all
the refit ^. Gipsy pUknif Kash. chyun, perhaps through an old form
pyun, Singh, bonava, p.p.p. bt.
Skr. \/ ^ " l«ad,'* i. lR|f?t, Pa. lR|tH> %fil» Pr. i^, ii|^ (pres.
part liniTft = Skr. "VRn^, fat. l^^^ = Skr. i)mfif, Impv. %|[ = Skr.
im). Used in the modems only in composition, thus —
(o) With ^ = ^jnft "bring" Pa. ^witf?!, Pr. ^JRrt;. H. ^|pr
"bring,* in all the rest ^mf. Kashm. anuHf Gipsy andva,
(b) With 'qt^ = 1|f^[?fV "lead round the sacrificial fire during the
marriage ceremony," hence, "to marry,** Old-H. irC^>^T'n'»
P. "^TTrar* 8. vi^f o. M. incir-
Skr. V^ "fly/' with ^f = ^ "fly up,'* i. ^B|^, iv. ^^t^,
Pr. ^^, H. ^3Y (ur) " to fly," and so in alL S. has ^f^, probably
a diminutive. Kashm. umdun, Gipsy wydva.
The root ^ " to go," was mentioned above; with the preposi-
tion ^ forming 1ir7r> it means '^ to come,'' and it is from this
word that the following are apparently derived :
Skr. '^n^ " come,'* ii. ^HHTTfTt, Pa. id., Pr. ^"Vn^, ^inCf H. ^
" to come,** P. U., G. ^flpf, M . ^, Gipsy avdva, Kash. yun. The B.
STRUCrrUBB OF VERBAL STEMS. 45
"^niT^f O. ^mr, S. ^R^ seem to come from Wlf^(ffH> ^^t both in B.
and O. one often hears ^, thos O. (bild or dild, **ht came/' and
S. makes the imperv. tfa, so that there is some confusion between the two
roots.
In tlie roots ending in long i the modem languages have
words descended from compound verbs only, and in them the
final vowel of the root has dropped out altogether, while in
roots ending in long a there is a tendency to soften the final
vowel into t or e.
§ 17. A few words must be given to a verb which has been
somewhat hotly discussed of late. In all the modem languages
except perhaps M., the idea of seeing is expressed by dekh.
Kashmiri has deshun, Gipsy dikdva, and Singhalese dikanava.
The root is in Sanskrit V Yf^f but the present is not in use ;
instead of it classical Sanskrit uses irRrf7T> from which M.
derives its verb inV- Marathi stands alone in using this stem,
instead of dekh. From V \Jl comes future ^^rfTT) and it is
from this future that Childers derives the Pali ^^fjl. He
shows ^ that in the earlier Pali writings it is always used in a
future sense, and only in later times becomes a present. As I
hinted above (§ 4, p. 16), it is very probable that the vulgar,
•missing in this word the characteristic issa of their ordinary
future, considered it a present, and made a double future
dakkhissati. A similar process has been shown to have taken
place in several verbs in Prakrit. Pischel draws attention to a
fact pointed out in Yol. I. p. 162 of this work, that there is
much similarity between dekh and the Prakrit pekkh from
Sanskrit $^. He, however, goes so far as to assume that the
word dekh was unknown to the authors of the dramas, that
they naed pekkh, which has been changed to dekkh by the copy-
^ In Enhn's Beitra^ zur yergleichenden Sprachforschimg, toI. vii. p. 450.
J^heFs article is in the same work.
46 STBUCrUBE OF YEBBAL STBMS.
ists who heard this latter word used round them every day,
while they did not know ,of pekA. Unfortunately for this
ingenious theory, it happens that the word pekh is extremely
common in Hindi, BangaU, and Panjabi literature of the
middle age8, and is stiU used in many rustic dialects of Hindi.
The idea of a northern Indian scribe not knowing pekh is quite
imtenable. "Weber (Prakrit Studien, p. 69) has a long article
on this subject, controverting the views of Childers as supported
by Pischel. The learned professor would derive dekkh from
the desiderative of \^, which is f^f'^B» but I am imable to
follow the arguments adduced, or to see how a word meaning
"to wish to see" should come to mean "to see." Nor do
there appear to be any actual facts in support of this theory,
such as texts in which the word occtirs in a transitional state of
meaning or form. The few desideratives that have left any
traces in modem times retain the desiderative meaning, as
pij/dsd "thirsty," from pipdsu (see Vol. II. p. 81). However, I
must say to the learned disputauts —
"Non nostrum inter vos tantas componere lites."
For my own part the impression I derive from the controversy
is that dekh is derived through dekkh from dakkh, which is
Sanskrit future jp^irfTT turned into a present by a vulgar error.
The idea suggested by me (in YoL I. p. 161 et seqq,) must be
modified accordingly. It was not so entirely erroneous as
Pischel thinks, for Sanskrit K^^ represents an older i^, which
seems to be preserved in the future.
§ 18. The examples adduced in the preceding sections will
have sufficiently illustrated the most salient peculiarities in the
formation of the ordinary single verbs whether neuter or active,
and I now pass on to the more difficult subject of the double
verbs. As I mentioned before, there is a very large class of
these ; they appear in two forms, one of which is active and
STBUCTXTBE OP VBBBAL STEMS. 47
occasionally eyen causal^ the other is neuter or passive in-
transitive. It is after much consideration that I have come
to the conclusion that this is the right way to regard them. It
might be said that the forms which are here spoken of as
neuters are really passives, and a rule might be laid down that
these lang^uages often form their passive by what the Germans
call umlaut or substitution of weaker vowels. Childers in fact
takes this view as regards Singhalese in the article already
quoted (J. R. A. S. voL viii. p. 148). I do not know how the
matter may stand in Singhalese, but it is certainly open to
much objection a& regards the Aryan languages of the Indian
continent. The neuters differ from the actives in two ways in
the seven languages, either by a change in the final consonant
of the stem or by a change in the vowel only. The latter is
by far the more frequent. We must not be misled by the
accident that many of these neuters can only be translated
into English by a passive ; that is the peculiarity of our own
language, not of the Indian ones. In German or in the
Romance languages they can be rendered by the reflexive verb.
Thus H. ^[^niT is " to open/' i.e. " to open of itself/* " to come
undone/' "to be opened/' while i^t^niT, the corresponding
active, is ** to open," i.e. " to break a thing open," " to imdo."
Thus fl[TT ^[^nn " the door opens," is in German " die Thiir
offnet sich," in French " la porte s'ouvre." While fl[TT ^sftWTTT
"he opens the door," is in German "er offiiet die Thiir," in
French " il ouvre la porte." So that fti^TT is*" sich umkehren,"
while its active ^i?^ is "umkehren (etwas)." In English we
use verbs in a neuter as well as in an active sense, relying upon
the context to make our meaning clear.
Moreover, all i;he languages have a passive, in some a regularly
formed derivatiye from Prakrit, in others a periphrastic arrange-
ment. It is true that, owing to the large number of neuter
stems, this reg:ular passive is not yeiy much used; but it is
there nevertheless, and would not have been invented had
48 STTRXJCTURE OF VERBAX STEMS.
forms whicli I regard as neuters been true ^' umlautend ''
passives.
Of the double verbs, tben, as I prefer to call them^ some
differ only in tbe vowel, and the difference consists in this that
where the vowel of the neuter is always short, as a, i or u, the
corresponding active has d, e or o, occasionally I or u . As types
maybe taken, H. katnd, n, and kdtnd, a; phimd, n, andphemd,
a; khulnd, n, and kholndy a; lipnd, n, and llpnd, a; guthnd, n,
and giithnd, a. Of the other class, in which the final consonant
differs, there are so many varieties, that it will be better to
discuss them separately. Sindhi has the largest number of
them, and it is with Sindhi therefore that we must begin.
§ 19. Trumpp (Sindhi Or. p. 252) gives a list of these verbal
stems, but it would have been out of place for hiTn to have
offered any analysis. The following verbs I take from him,
but the explanations are my own. The first group consists of
these verbs.
(1.) Neater ending in ||. Active ending in Hf.
1. ^1^ " to be bonnd,** ^f\|1J " to bind."
2. ipi^ " to be heard," jjv^ «« to hear."
3. "^^IJ " to be cooked," -^^f^ «« to cook."
1. Skr. V lt\^, ix. irorfir, Pa. ^hsrfn, Pr. ^VT» ^^»ence S. ^,
H. irNli P- ^V(* In all the rest IftV o* Slu*. passive is W^^?!, whence
Pa. if^qt^, Pr. ir9m[, S. ^^, H.^q, nsed as a hnntiDg term <' to be
cauglit," also ** to stick, adhere," P. IV^Cfn. Here, though undoubtedly
derived from the passive, the stem ^Q is really a neuter or passive in-
transitive and its conjugation closely resembles the active. There is a
regular passive S. iffM^Sra^.
2. Skr. V ^^" to know," i. iftVT^y iv. ^^1^^, from the latter come
Pa* 3^ Hi and Pr. "^Om^y whence S. im, originally ''to know," but now
meaning ** to be heard," H. ^iV^ '' ^ understand," is active. So also
STRUCrUKE OF VERBAL STEMS. 49
0. ij^, B. ^, O. ^. Bat M. 1^ ig both a and n. The form of the
iv. coDJngation is identical with the passive, hence 6. makes inf a neuter
and i|V is probably due to a false analogy with iflal.
3. Skr. V '^^ or "^^ L (^\4f|| originally " to destroy," but in modems
always " to cook," Pa. id., Pr. t>IT> 3* 't^* H. '^t^ o, and so in all but
P. Passive "^iqTl, Pa. "^^ITfTT, Pr. '^^m^* 8. X^t not found in the
others.
(2.) Neuter in ^f. Active in f .
1- ^W^ " to be got," ITflJ " to seize."
2. ^nr^ ** stuprari " (de muliere), ITVUT ** stuprare • (de viro).
3. >|^ig « to be milked," >|firr '' to milk."
1. Skr. i/ W^ "to get," i. ^wJ, Pa. imfTT, Pr. ^TfT (^=f Vol. I.
p. 268), 8. lif. Old H. Iff, H. %, P. Htf and %, G. %, M. %, O. if,
B. 1i^, all a. Pass. IR^, Pa. If^^fTT, Pr. iri«T^> 8. ^W, Old H.
^fiVT, not in the others.
2. 8kr. V^Pfl "coire," i. ipUffi, Pr. ^(ff;, 8. Jff, Pass, ip^,
Pr.ipsy^, 8. ^|i|. Not in the others, except perhaps M. 1]1^, where
the aspiration has been thrown back on the 1|.
3. 8kr. V ^, ii. ^fjV|, Pa. i^ff^f, Pr. ^tVT *^^ ^fT» ^- .If »
^' ^V '^^^ ^^' ^°^ ^ ^'^ ^'^ ^* P^s. ^91^9 Pa. ^nffTf (Childers
writes duyhati, which can hardly be expressed in Devanagari letters),
Pr. ^|^iQl[- From this we should expect 8. ^%- The form x(^ recalls
a similar one in Jaina Pr. f%<Q^ for f^^^ (Weber, Bhftg. 389, 429),
Skr. Hr^QTf , but this seems to rest upon a doubtful reading of one of those
obscure composite characters sometimes found in MSS. written with the
thick Indian reed pen. See also Gowell's Var. viii. 59, note.^ Possibly we
have here again a false analogy with ^[^9 like jhSi with ijhtC-
' Hemachandra collects a number of passives in bh irom roots ending in A, dubbhai',
libbbai', yabbhai, rabbha'i, from duh, lib, yah, ruh (or raddhP).— Pischel, Hem.,
iT. 246.
VOL. m. 4
60 STRUCTURB OF VERBAL STEMS.
(3.) Neuter in IJ. Active in f .
^1P| " to be envioos," ^fi| « to torment"
Skr. si ^ "born,*' L l|[ffif , Ri. ^ffjf, Pr. ^f^;, S. Tf^, H. ^|Tf ,
^Tf , Pass. ;^fn|. Pa. ^irfTf (Oulders do^Aafi), Pr. ^^Hf, 8. ^.
(4.) Neuter in ^. Active in ^, H, if.
^- ^1^ " to be broken,** 91^ << to break.**
2. ^fl| " to be fried,** ^^ « to fry.**
3. f^^ <' to be plucked,** f^lT^ <' to pluck.**
^- ^^ " to be heard,** ^^ " to hear.**
^' ^¥5 " ^ ^ raised,** ig^ « to raise.**
1. Skr. V ^ " break,*' viL ?nrfW, Pa. l^lrfw, Pr. ^t^ ; ¥ becomes
in 8. ^, hence V^^, Pass. 9)^, Pr. ITWR^, 8. ^^ (TWr= ^), H. ;it^
and;^^,
" Manliness is broken, fame destroyed." — Chand, Pr. E. i. 172.
P. mar, G. Ht^.
2. Skr. V ^4^ or ^, L H^> vi. ^^irfif , Pa. HWf?r. Pr. would
probably be ^IRC- I have not met the word, ^^ (Bhftg. 278) is
from ^ "to enjoy,*' 8. ^ postulates a Pr. V^. In the other Ian-
guages the % occurs. H. ^ " to fry," and ^, P. ^, G. ^, M.
irni, but also ij^, O. irni, B. W., Pass. ipint* which would give
Pr. ^^inC> whence 8. ^, but the whole stem is somewhat obscure.
P. ^^11.
3. 8kr. Vt^ "cleave," viL fiprf%. Pa. f^i^, Pr. ftpi^
(Var. vili. 38), whence 8. ftflf by the process ^=: *^i^ (Vol. I. p. 299),
Pass. Ge^c), Pa. t^pn|f?r, Pr. f^^Vi;, 8. f|f^.
4. 8kr. l/ ^ " hear,** which, as already explained, is always mf in
Prakrit and in modem hinguages. Pass. ^fERf* Pa. ^^f^ or ^^VfTf ,
Pr. generally ^f«mnC (Var. vili. 67), also ^3fl[, but a form ^|^9in[ is
also possible^ whence 8. ^m.
>• •
• ■' ■ k 0^nW*^a
STBUCrUSE OF VERBAL fiTTEMS. 51
5. Skr. ^/ 1||;^ '< liM/' i. ^9t^f^> which would give a Pr.
whence 8. ^Q^, Pass, "^mi^, Pr. iqQi||^, 8. ^|^. This stem does not
seem to occur hi the other langnages, it is peculiar to 8., and must not lie
confonnded with ^Rra " t6 dig/' from Sla*. V ^Pt.* nor with Skr. ^T^
" to divide.**
(5.) Neater in ^. Active hi \[.
1. ^pr^ <' to be sbb," ^ft| *« to slay."
2. IFir^ '< to be rubbed.'* 9|f^ " to rub."
3. ^i1| '« to be scorched." ^ OT|^ '< to scorch."
4. ^ir^ ''to suffer loss." ^f^ <' to bflict loss."
1. Slcr. V V^and 1^ "tear" "drag," i. y|fi|, Pr. ^f^, 8. ^,
(^ = ^, Vol. I. p. 259), Pass. V^^i Pr. would be ^IW^> whence S. ^|9,
by rejection of one t . Persian ^^fJ^ ** to kill."
2. Skr. \/^"rub," L ^rffif, Pr. ^Rn;, Sw Hf , Pass. ^^, Pr.
r^^Mf^ <uid ^I^^» S. 1|9* The other languages have a different series
of stems. H. ^|9 <^nd f%nr» n and eh M^^t o> P* id,, G. ^|9 uid
Ja[WWf a, M. ^rW, JSfWZf ^rtH « and o, O. B. ^R.
3. Skr. l/ ^" bum," i. ^[JlfW, Pr. ^jBT^, 8. ^, Pass, i^^l), Pr.
4. Skr. V g^ " rob," L ^irfll, Pa. W^r Pr. g^, S. ^, Pass.
^J^> Pr. 4j4Mi> ®- ^*
There are several other pairs of stems which exhibit special
types; all, however, are explainable by the above noted process.
Thus—
(6.) Neuter in X^. Active in If.
jpi^ '« to be touched," ^fig " to touch."
Skr. V V^ ** touch," i. VlfTf » Pa. id.^ Pr. Vm[. X^ being unsupported
goes out and \[ is employed to fill up the Uatus, giving S. V^. Pass.
VQ|^, Pr. V^n^, whence 8. fp^t by rejection of one 1|. In the other
languages only the active is found. Old-H. V^, H. W, P. 9^ and 91 >
^' 1> ^» lft» O. ^, B. id.
52 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
§ 20. There is a group of words ruimmg tlirough nearly aU
the seven languages in which the divergence between the two
members of each pair is slighter than that just discussed. It
consists in the final consonant of the neuter being the surd
cerebral "Z, while that of the active is the sonant ^; the neuter
at the same time has the simple short vowel while the active
has the corresponding guna voweL
The words are in Hindi.
Kbutbb. AcriTB.
1. ^ " get loose," ^ft^ " set free.*'
2. ^ (^) « faU in pieces," tn (Tft^) " break."
3. 153 " burst, split," H^f " tear."
4. f^lZ '' be discharged," %^ " discharged."
5. ^Z *' be squashed," Mi^>f ** squash."
6. ^ « be joined," IJt^ «« join."
The process in these words differs somewhat from that in
the Sindhi stems in the last section^ as will be seen from
the following remarks.
1. Skr. V ^ (also ^, ^ Westergaard, Had. Skr. p. 128) 'Ho cut,"
^' WZf^9 but the Bhd type would be l^tzfTT, Pr. ^t^l[> H. Q^>i, and
so in all except M., which has ?6ft^> with its usual change of ^ to ^ (Vol. I.
p. 218). H., which is pronounced chhof, while M. is sod, is active, and so is
the word in all the other languages. It means " to release, let go, loose."
Pass. 9^^|^> Pr. &jl[, whence H. VZ* and so in all, but M. WZ' It is
neuter and means " to get free, be unloosed, slip out of one's grasp, come
untied."
The modem languages appear to have mixed up with this
verb one that comes from a totally different root, namely —
Skr. V V^ "vomit," vii. OI|ffM> also i« W^ft and x. ^^€|(7!> Pa.
15%fif, Pr- 1|^ and ^^, Old H. ^, P. ^, B. ^fT¥. O. id., H.
|(|4, M. 41I4. These words all mean ** to reject, abandon," and thus
STRUCTUKE OF VERBAL STEMS. 53
come round to the same meaning as Q^>i, with which in consequence B.
confuses it. So does Oriya. Even so early as Pali the meaning has
passed over from that of vomiting to rejecting, releasing and the like.
In modem H., however, ^|^l|| retains the meaning of vomiting, and M.
^rt^l means '*to spill,* with secondary senses of '* giving up,* ''letting go.*
2. Skr. V^ "break" («), i. ^JZfif, iv. ^J^^rfiT. Pr. g^, H. ^
and 7^, with abnormally long «, P. 73, S. ^^, B. id., M. WZ- It is
neuter in all and means '' to be broken, to break itself.'' Being neuter in
Sanskrit, a new process has to be brought into play, namely, causal
^ftZ^rf^y H. TTt^f <^ 80 in all but S. 7tV* It is active, meaning ** to
break in pieces, tear, smash.'*
3. Skr. V ^RIZ has three forms, each of which has left modem descend-
ants, and there is a different shade of meaning to each of the three groups.
(«) v^^ar^"8piit,*'i.^;irzfH,Pa.ii^andiiirf?f (z=w=ir),
Pr- ^W^ and HZ^, H. T^Z (rastic IfHT), P. S. J^ and 15TZ>
the rest only 1CTZ» neuter.
Causal ^l^^lHl, Pr. ^VT%^9 H. tirV and so in all. This group
with stem-vowel A indicates the splitting, cleaving, or rending
asunder of rigid objects. Thus we say in H. mVS V[^ ^ "^i^
*' the wood splits, or cracks, in the sun," hut ^TS ^ dWH %
1CTY " be cleaves the wood with an axe.'*
(*) V f^SK^ "hurt," X. f^RIZ^rfTf* but also vi. f^ST^flT' Pr- iMldit
H. rMid> and so in all but P. f^Rf neuter.
Causal ^dtlHl, Pr. ^Bl[ and ^^, H. ^,^ and ^, and
so in all but B. active. This group, with stem vowel I,
imi^ies, gently loosing or breaking up into small pieces. It is
used for beating up into froth, winding thread, untying ; also
metaphorically getting out of debt, discharging an obligation,
and in P. iigurlng.
W V^ "burst open," i. ^fTZft, vi. ^iZfiT, Pa. ^jzfif.
54 STBUCTUBX OF VERBAL STEMS.
Pr. i;^ or ^^ (Var. viiL 53)» H. ^ and J^, all tiie rest
iB^y except ?• 1R» neuter.
Causal ^Q|it7^Tf7r> Pr. 1itl^> H. litlt and so on in all bat
B. 1it7> Words with tiie stem vowel U imply the breaking
or bursting of soft squashy thlngSy as a ripe fruity a flower
bud, a boil and the like. Only in M . is there some idea of
splitting or cracking, but tliere also tbe more general idea is
that of squashing, as ^tt% ^7% ** ^^ eyeballs burst."
6. Skr. V WS or ITY, a somewhat doubtful root, looking like a
seeondary formation from ^V. It must have had a definite esastence in
the spoken language as its descendants show« They appear to have
treated it as a neuter pres. ^>|f?f, ^7f?l* Pe* And Fr. do not appear to
know this root, which, however, is very common in the modems. H. WZ
*' to be joined," also IKW* &n<l ^ >n all-
Causal WtZ^lf?f > H. irt^, and so in all except P. ^J and ^RTt
meaning '* to join two things together.**
These instances suffice to exhibit the nature of the parallel
that exists between twin T«rbs of this •class^ which is a some-
what limited one.
§ 21. More usual is the differeofce which consists simply in
the change of vowel of which I will now give scxne examples :
1. Skr. y/ H "cross over,** L WKfii, Pa. id., Pr. T^, in all J(^n "to
be crossed over,** metaphoricaUy " to be saved.**
Causal IfTT'rf^ " ^ **^® ®"® across, save,** Pa. Ift^fiT* Pr- ITTT
and iftXl, (Var. viii. 70). In all ;BTT " ^ ^^* The word is
one which belongs chiefly to religious poetry, but its compound form
with ^V is a word of every-day use ; viz.
2. Skr. V ^^> Pres. ^^<fi| "descend,** H. ^IPC, and in all except
S. It is II, and is used with a very wide range of meanings all akin to
STBUCrUBB OF VERBAL fiTTEMS. 55
that of comiog down ; as aUght, descend, &11 off, drop down, disembark,
abate, decrease.
Causal ^^K^^fJI ** take down," H. "^^rr^, and so in ali except G.
and O. Active, meaning ** poll down^ take off, onload, discbarge,
cast out.**
3. Skr. V ^ "^'* vi. fiRnt, Pa. ^f^, Pr. ITCT' H- '^» ^^ ^
inalL
Cansal IIKf|(fl, Pa. 4|HT^ni, Pr. 4f|^|^, H. WTK ^«* «^> ^"^ ""^^
neoessariiy meaning '' to kill." It ratber means ** to beat " ; tbe
sense of IdUing is generally expressed by adding to ifTT ^^^
ancillary ^JWf '* throw" (see $ 72, 12).
4. Skr. V^ "move," i. 4|4,ff|, Pr. ^r^« In H. ^J^ neater, means
'' to be completed,* and in all it has the general sense of being settled,
getting done. In O. to come to an end, be done with, as % 1|^ ^[f^ ^TUT
** that affair is done with."
Cansal 4IK^n !> ^' 4IK1 > H. ^TIT *' ^ finisb," and in all. In O.
this verb becomes ancillary (see § 72).
6. Skr. V 1 •* seize," i. f^fif , Pa. id., Pr. f^. This verb is peculiar.
H. ^a, "to seize," so also in G. P. B. In these languages it has the
sense of winning a game, a battie, or a lawsuit. In M. ^^ means first
to carry off, then to win. In this sense it is active, as wf^ mI^^T
WPITO HHK ^C'i^ Wtl^ % '^t ft^ "In the first game he staked
100 rupees, that I tpan.** When used as a neuter, it means to lose, as
^ ^TT^ Y^?if¥ " 1 1^^ ^^^ lawsuit" ^
Causal fTX?8rfif » P«- fTTftft and ff^, Pr. fl^, H. ^TT» •nd
so in all but M . ». In these languages it means to lose at play, etc.
M. is here also somewhat difficult, and Molesworth admits that ^TT
and ^ are sometimes confused. Thus it is active in the sense of
1 S6eMolflsworih*8ManihiDict.8.T. ^ and ^TT*
56 STKUCrURE OF YEBBAL STEMS.
winnlDg, as J^ Wl^ ^HK ^C^ THC^ " ^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^°^ 1^
rupees."
The use of the causal in the sense of loshig goes back to Sanskrit
times, where the meaning is ''to cause to seize/' and then "to permit
(another) to seize," hence " to lose." So also in Prakrit, in Mr. 90, the
Samvfthaka says : in^^^rf^npi^TIl <V^^^^ ^ flf^^ (Sl^r.
MT'T^^Brf^rannnn <Ktl^^4 ^ Tlfr't ^ '^^Vl) "By the unto-
wardness of fortune I lost ten suvamas at play." From this and similar
instances it would appear that in M. it would be etymologically more correct
to use ^^ in the sense of winning, and ^T^ in that of losing; which usage
would be more in unison with that of the cognate languages. In Kash.
h4run is stated to mean both lose and win, but there must be some way of
distinguishing the two meanings.
Some more examples may now be jriyen of pairs of words
derived from Sanskrit roots ending in f consonant
1. Skr. V ^ir^ and ^JT^ " tremble," i. I^T^;!?! , Pft. Hl<pf, Pr. ij^.
If I am right in my derivation, there roust either have been a third root
flnr^ (as in "^nr^, (Hh^, ^^)» ^^ ^^^ modems have softened a to t, the
former is the more probable. H. fqr^ » <' to turn (oneself)*" ** to spin
round," "revolve," and so in aU except G. It is perhaps on the analogy
of similar roots, and not directly from a causal of f^^, that all the
moderns have %^ a " to turn (a thing) round," ** to make it revolve."
2. Skr. V^J^ "to move to and fro" («). Allied to this is ^,
i* ^lNnt> apparently unknown in Pali, Pr. ^tWlC» H. ^9, P. M.
H35» B. ^1^, meaning to be dissolved by stirring in water, as sugar or
similar substances, ** to melt."
Causal MtUI^Plf Pr- ^tthC» H. ^tW> P- ^tW and ^t35> Q. M. O.
l|tdb> B. ^tWT "to dissolve substances in water."
3. Skr. V xr?t " faU," L XJlrfif , Pa. id., Pr. Iffi; (Var. viiL 51),
H. inr "to fall," and so in aU.
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 57
in 8. G. M. B., but somewhat rare in all.
4. Skr. i/ If^ " decay," i. and vi. ljhnt> Pr- ^BTIIC (^"^- ^- ^*)» ^•
U and in all " to rot.*
Caasal m^ilfjl , Pr. in%1[* P- and 8. ^9T¥ ''to destroy by de-
composition." This root is perhaps connected with Sanskrit Vl(Z
*' to be sick," whence H in Prakrit and the modems.
5. Skr. V inR( " bow," i. VfTV^. It is both a and n in Sanskrit, bnt
strictly would be active intransitive, as in the modems. Pa. vitffny
Pr. ^^f^, H. ^^ and ^^, p. iNr (oea), s. iw, b. ij, o. ^, ntr (»)
" to bow oneself down," " to prostrate oneself."
Caasal i||4|<iri!> P». Wl^fif, Pr. ICT^T* ^' 'H^' ^» ^- l^fTT*
S. if^, B. ITTR, ^pn» O. ^I^WIC " *<> ^^ ®' b«nd," used as an
active with the words "body" or '<head" as objects, H. ^(V^
ITRlfT " to incline the head." fl[TT ^H^ ^ WI^ ifm I
'< Coming to the door, bowed hi$ head to (the Gara*s) feet."— T. R.
Ay-k. 63.
In very common use is the diminutive H. fifirv> P- S. id,,
but in S., meaning "to bury," "press down." M. uses the com-
poimd form from Skr. V^«|4ini, Pr. ^tllT^ (P-P-P- ^iQlH^
^rq«nT> H&la, 9, Mr. p. 165), M. IVt^iPT ^^^ ^tWR n "to
stoop." Perhaps S. iStfT " to listen," a, is to be referred to
this, from the idea of bending the head to listen.
The following word is full of difficulties, and I am not able
to elucidate it clearly.
Skr. \/ flF^ " drag," L m^ and vi. mf^, Pa. Wjftiy Pr. ^rfT^»
80, at least, says Var. viii. 11, bat in Mf. 253 occnrs ^[Jffif = l|M|fl|.
The Skr. p.p.p is JSm, which would give Pa. and Pr. 1|^. Perhaps this
is another instance of a verb derived from p.p.p.^ H. ^^V o, *' to drag
^ Hemachandra gives six popular eqmTalenti of krsh — ^ka^^ai', sftaj^haY, anchai,
a^achcbhai, ayanchai', and &lDchai, as well as karisai. — Pischel, Hem. It. 187*
ITith regard to the four last, see the remarks on khttinch in § 22.
58 STRUCrUBE OF YEBBAL STEMS.
out/' ''extract," ''to take something oat" (from a box, etc.)» P. W^ <^d
^97» 8. ^n, G. B. ^nWt M. O. IfTV* H. has a oorrespondbig neater
'^n " to be taken oat," " to flow forth/' " issue," which is perhaps from
the p.p.p. Van viii. 40, gives Pr. %^^= Skr. %Cf^, which affords an
analogy for a Pr. V7^ iike the Pali, very much ased in the oomponnd
with fire[; thas —
Skr. firapif , i. fiim^fll, Pa. fXS^Ol ** ^ torn oat of doors, expel ;"
as to Pr. in Mf. 354 occurs fllSnt "begone!" and in the line above
Hll^l^f^ " turn him out" For the change of ^ to 9, Var. vilL 41
^ijmf^= HS^gp) affords an analogy, as the change in both words occurs
only in composition. Several of the modems have pairs of words, thus r
H. firarar «> "go out," p. finio5> s. firf^> o. f«iiicb» o. f«i1$ia5,
and H. flf^nW «> " turn out," P. f^rVTaS^ S. flfWC» f*l%i* ^ *^«
above quoted passages of Mf., the scholiast renders Ol^l^f^ by
ffm^mil, erroneously for fv|U||4j[i|, from fi|^ and 1|^, but this is
not the etymological equivalent, for V 11^ with (l|^ has left a separate
set of descendants, whose meaning is, however, almost the same as nikal
and its group. Thus we find H. flTBR «t, "go out," P. flTSR^, G. icf.,
and H. f^HVPET a> ** to turn out," often used in a milder sense, " to bring
out," the substantive Hi II 1 4i is frequently ased to mean the issue or com-
pletion of a business, also as a place of exit, as VJ^ W[ tH^iTif ^1^
" there is no exit for the water,* P. (ilSBI^*
§ 22. As exhibiting the phonetic modifications of the root
syllable, as weU as the treatment of roots in respect to their
phase, whether active or neuter^ the list which is here inserted
wiU be useful. In the next section will be found some remarks
on the deductions to be made from these examples.
Skr. Vfn,'* heat," i. mf7|> Pa- id., Pr. 7f^. In Sanskrit it is both
a and n, so also in Pali. In the latter the passive inxClf?T (Skr. inn)
means to be distressed, to suffer, and in this sense Pr. uses 1pn[* as in
8TRUCTUBE OF VSBBAL STEMS. 59
jtAa ditfho tavai khahf '' as the bad man is distressed when seen ** (Hftla,
229). Causal irnrsrfll " to canse to burn/' Pa. Iff^ ** to distress,''
^- IfT^^* The modems take it as a neater. H. in(^ », " to l>e heated,
to glow," and so in ail but B. ^fp|- H. Wn ''to beat,'' P. ITR, 1TT>
G- wn» M. id., B. mm.
Skr. V ftn^. " smear," ri. ^^Ifiqflf , Pa. W., Pr. fw^» ftWT> H. iftq,
^, P. finq', flnwi finfi s. Ww» ftw* o. fiRi m. %ii, b. %xj,
O. flni. Pass. flnV^f Pa- flniTfW>I^*tlni|^,H.f^^ to be smeared
with," M. flni» O. %1|, which is the rererse of the others.
Skr. V V?^ " cat,'* yL Vl||fH» also i. 1|^^, Pa. not given. If the
BhCl type be taken, as it generally is, then Pr. should have HIJT (^° ^®
analogy of 1f^= ^f^f^). I have not met with it. The Bhd type being
Atmanepada would result in a modem neuter, thus we get H. '^Z " to be
cut," P. I|^, 8. m, M. id.y B. m '' to wither," become flaccid, O. m.
The causal is fi^€|f||, whence G. pass, intrans. ( — 1) 1iZT> ^^^ ^ formed
on the usual type would give a Pr. qn$lC> whence H. IflZ " to cut,"
S. M. B. O. id.
Skr. Vm^ in^"tie," L ^9l|f?(, ix. ir^|Tf^» Pa- ^^^fif» ^J^filt
Pr. 43^* Hence H. G. irt?^* ** to knot," P. l)l, ITJ, S. l)l, M. Ift3,
lrtW> ^'>oth a and », G. Ift?^ B. Ht?|, ^t^t O. iTiJ. Passive IfS^
used in a reflexive sense, whence H. ^7 " to be knotted," or lf7 without
anuswara, P. If7, G. ITTT ( — !)• H. has also forms it^ii, and WtW^
the former from Pr. l|ir> ^f* 1'7»
The p.p.p. irf^RI appears in Pr. as W^» perhaps as if from a Skr.
Vf^nr* Hence we have a pidr of verbs, H. l[^ <' to be threaded (as beads
<m a string)," P. 1|7!| '' to be tightly plaited (as hair), to be strong, well-
Imit (as limbs)," M. ^ and Hm ** to become tangled, to be difficult or
involved (an afiair)," G. ipi|T> and H. TUT " to thread," G. ^.
81u^< V Zl[ ** totter," i. Zlfflf (perhaps connected with V im titubare,
see YoL I. p. 210). I have not found it in Pr. ; it is » in Skr. and thus
60
STRUCTURE OP VERBAL STEMS.
H. ZW «, "to give way, yield, totter," P. G. M. Z3B, S. f^, ^,
B.ZW"t0 8llp,8taggw,"O.Z3Birf. Causal ZTW^, H. ^TWa, "to
drive away," tw " to push," P. zidS, G. M. id., 8. ZTT» B. ZTW " to
delay, put off, evade," O. ZT3B id.
Skr. V gW, HW " raise," " weigh," i, Tftufif, x. ^^RffTf and iftw^o ,
Pa- TJflf?! , Pr. ^J^, H. iftw, rfNa, " to weigh," P. ?ftW, 8. ?ft^, G.
id., M. ^, both a and «, B. nhTT and ip, O. iftlf. Pass. 1J^,
would be Pr. gir^, H. HWfi, "to be weighed, to wci^h," i.e. to be of a
certain weight, P. id., S. ipc, B. O. ^.
Skr. \/^R("prop," v. ^r^ftfiT, Ix. ^THnfif. P*., the verb is not
given in Childers, it would be Jf?^, Pr. l*HT» H. ^^tH, also spelt
?rm and ^t^ a, "to prop, support," P. ^|97f or ^fi^, 8. li^, Q.
ThT» B. ^nn, O. ^X^. Pass. ^n^; there is also an Atmane conju-
gation ^Wnt. From this latter probably H. i^, ^f?! , ihC «, " to be
supported, to be restrained," hence « to stop, cease," P. ijlf , 8. ^m, G.
^, M. ^m, ^J;^, ^[f^, u also means "to stand," especially in G*
The p.p.p. is ^ra^, Pr. f^, whence Old-H. ^T^ "standing," as
^*Wt ^nr ^W%n S f%nrifif ^W Zrft I "AU the Gopls on the terrace
standing and looking."-8. 8. B41 Bla, 47, 14. On the analogy of this the
modem coUoquial H. ^nn « probably to be derived from a Pr. ^,
from ^|r«l|, V ^kH- P. bas IJIT o'O'. " standing," whence a verb ^QIT
" to stand."
Skr. V yj; with fif, fif^, i. ^TT^ ** to come to an end, be finished,"
Pr- Hh^-hv means "to return," na fiiattdi jotwafMrn dikkantam=ll
nWwT ^q^ ^rf^nirnrt ** Youth when once passed does not return
again " (Hftla, 261), but we may postulate a form ft^ffi;, whence H.
rn •!>««•, " to be finished, to be done with, used up," P. id., 8. fi(fi^ or
t^rf^T* B. fif^lTi O. id. On the analogy of similar words H. fipfrf >
fi|^ a, "to finish," P. id., 8. fifil^, B. O. fiRTf , it might also come
from t^mnfff = Pr. fiinNV^, but the meaning is less appropriate.
8TRITCTUEE OF VERBAL STEMS. 61
Skr. V ^ with flf, f^^Z, i. 'PTBTZ?! " be destroyed," Pa. (qVldHl*
Pr* niM4f,* With loss of aspiration, H. t^Hf^ii, "to become useless, to
be spoilt," P. id^ 6. fwf^lNf > O. Ifll^, M. retains the aspirate f^fCI^,
B. O. f^nrV. Causal f^l|Z^(flf » bat Pa. f^T^n^f^y with characteristic
long vowel of causal, Pr. I have not found ; it would be OlMl^f^f H.
f?|9rrf a» " to spoU," P. S. G. id., M. fWHI-
There are, as might be expected, many verbs, and those
often the very commonest, in the modem languages, which
cannot be traced back to any Prakrit stem with any degree of
certainty. Others, too, though they preserve traces of a Prakrit
origin, cannot be connected with any root in use in Sanskrit.
These are probably relics of that ancient Aryan folk-speech
which has lived on side by side with the sacred language of
the Brahmins, without being preserved in it. Sometimes one
comes across such a root in the Dh&tup&tha, but not in litera-
ture ; and occasionally the cognate Aryan languages of Europe
have preserved the word, though it is strangely missing in
, Sanskrit. An instance in point is the following :
H. WT7 O9 '* to load,'' P. WIT* more from analogy than anything else,
8. mf. In all the rest ITT?-
H. IT^ a, " to be loaded ;'' not in the others. Bopp (Gomp. Gloss, s. v.)
suggests a derivation from V ^ip(, P*P*P* ^TRf "tired," or V ^Pf , p.p.p.
WV^ ** tired." This would seem to be confirmed by Russian klad* " a
load," klaxha «' lading," na-kladevaf '«to load;" Old-Higfa-German
Madid, Anglo-Saxon hladan <<to load," hlad '<a load," Mod. High-
German ktden. The wide phonetic changes observable between various
members of the great Indo-European family so seldom occur between
Sanskrit and its daughters, that I am disposed to think that neither Skr.
^STRf nor ^n^ could well have given rise to a Hindi Idd, It seems
more probable that this is a primitive Aryan root which has, for some
reason unknown to us, been left on one side by classical Sanskrit.
62 STBUCrUBB OF YEBBAL STEMS.
Of doubtful, or only partially traoeabl% origin, are the
following :
H. Igt^ and IgVf a, « to dig/* P. «., 8. ^pTZ, Wtl. O. ^, M.
ia^, ^> B. ^. And H. 1|^, ^ « to be dag/' With this pair I
propose to connect H. l^ftW a» ''to open/' P. %jj^iff , ^W» 8. G. M.
lJtW» B. O. ^W) and H. Vlf n, "to come open/' P. ^If » S. laH* Q»
M. id. Pr. has a verb ^V» and this root is also given in the Dh&tap&tha
as existing in Sanskrit, though not apparently found in actual use. The
Sanskrit form is probably ^ ^nQ| ** to divide,* with which another root
^p^ «to dig," has been confused, unless, indeed, the noun ^TV* **^
portion," is formed from Vll^t ai^d is the origin of t/^TQ* Th®
Prakrit occurs in Mr- 346, Vlft^iT ^fC^MI^ ^RPf^Wnt W ^JWt
" Lake a golden pot with its string broken^ sinking in a well," where the
scholiast renders lA l^'HlSflMI^* etc. Also in Mf. 219, ^>||^^n^l|'4|^
^n^mV^li^'^n ^f%^> *' WhUe tike sun was only half risen the cow-
herd's son escaped* ue. broke out It is probable that the two senses of
digging and opening in the two modem pairs of verbs arose from a primi-
tive idea of breaking or dividing.
H. Vy| or WW M, "to dive, be immersed, sink," S. WM, G. WWt
M. B. O. id., and H. iftV a, " to drown, to immerse," S. id., iftV occurs
in M. and S., not as active of V^, but for 9ftV (^^) "^ shave."
Apparentiy, an inverted form of this stem is the more commonly used
H. W^ It, ** to sink," used in all ; it has no corresponding active form.
The origin of these words is to be found in Pr. WS (Var. viii. 68), which
appears to be the same as vudda in daravuddatmddanivudda mahuaro,
*' (With) the bee a littie dipped, (quite) dipped, undipped " (said of the bee
clinging to a kadam branch carried away by a stream). — Hftla, 37.' The
Sanskrit lexicographers give a t/ W^ " to cover," but no instances of its
use. The reversed form dubb is also in use in Prakrit, as in the quotation
^ Bu^^a^BmasjatL— Piflohel, Hem. It. 101.
8TRXJCTUBE OF TSRBAL STEMS. 63
from Mf . 346, g^ven wider l^ftV above, where the speaker is a ChaodUa
or man of the lowest caste, who may be held to speak a low form of
Apabhran^ It Is perhaps another of those Aryan roots which Sanskrit
has rejected. The classical language nses instead ma^, Latin mergerc,
H. ^, ^ a, " to meet ** (to johi any one), ^ a, <' to dose, shot," P.
^, S. ^ and iftv, G. i|z, M. fSfV* both a and n, B. ^, ^, O.
%Z ; and H. f4|'^ ** to stand dose to, to be crowded," P. uf., S. G. id,^
M. ^, B. fSfV "to approach near to," O. fSfV <<to be tight" The
general idea is that of closeness or a crowded state, lliere is also a sub-
stantive >f^ "a crowd." From the meaning I was led to suppose
(y<rf. I. p. 176) a derivation from a Sanskrit p.p.p. ^R^Vlf ** near," which,
however, has been disputed. The question must for the present be left
undecided.
H. %Z ^ to efface," P. S. tJ., and more common H. f^Z n, ''to be
effaced, to fail, wear out " (as a writing or engpraving), and so in all. Of
^is stem, all that can be said is, that it is probably connected with VS
** rubbed," p.p.p. of ^ ^ff^, though one would expect a Pr. {i\^ or V^,
and H. ^Vs* There are two other stems ending in 7, which present
nearly the same difficulty, vii. :
H. fro "to be beaten," ^?a[T ^Kl'l* ift ftZ^W "If you act
^us, yon will get a beating," P. f^S* ^* ftZ» both o and n, B.
and O. fi|7 a, and H. iftZ Ot ''to beat," not in th^ others. In
Prakrit there is fi|^ "to beaV ftff^H^ %t ftH^lUrt ''Having
beaten this slave, turn him out" (Mf. 354, again in the mouth of a
Chandftla), and fMf^^^O^ ^^ 3^WW ^Mfl^t "I m«Bt roll
about again like a beaten jackass * (Mf . 107). Here, unless this is a non-
Sanskritic <dd Aryan root, we can only refer to fifS " ground, broken,"
p.p.p. of t/ ^m " to grind," but this is hardly satisfactory, as this root
has a descendant, H. lf^ " to grind," and f^^ n, " to be ground."
H. KZ «, " to lie," " to be in a recumbent posture," and fini «, " to
64 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
wallow/' P. %;;, fWZt S. %Zf O, M. id. Probably connected with
if^ ; but there does not appear to be any Prakrit root to which it can
be traced. The nearest Sanskrit root is t/ fft "^ 1^® down;* lo^tai=:
Bvapiti. — Pischel, Hem. iv. 146.
There is next to be noted a small group of stems ending in ^»
concerning which also there has been some controversy.
Skr. t/ TsSt "buy," ix. 4tlinflT and 1SW?I» Pa. ^PITff^* Pr- ftWT*
H. iSt^f S« t^lPV (is not the ^ here dne to some confusion with Pr.
it^= ir( ''take" ?), B. O. f^Vlf. This is a single verb, the compli-
cations occur In the following compound with f^, f^lJV ''sell/' ix.
f^r#1infH> Pa. nufSiqifd, Pr. PffSHII^, S. fM^ a, "to sell/*
O. t^Rly Gipsy bikndva. But in H. f^^ is n, " to be sold, to be exposed
for saie,** as ^^T^H ^91 ^^^TT Ht^fll " rice is selling cheap to-day."
In M. f^m is both a and m, as fif%ir 7^ f^%W " when it is ripe it will
sell." So also P. 8. f^ « , " to be sold." For the active H. has %^
sometimes pronounced *if^ " to sell," as ^ini ^VT^TW ^^HfT " ^^ ^
selling rice to-day." P. %^, G. ^^, B. %^. When we remember that
all verbs are prone to take the forms of the Bhii type, it is intelligible that
fin should mean both " to sell " a, and "to be sold" n, for the Paras-
mai of the Bhd form would be p||||i|f^, and the Atmane Olfh^^s and
the final syllable being rejected as in \/ ^ and ^/ yft mentioned above,
the stem resulting in both cases would be f^ipi. S. and Gipsy have
retained the Hf of the Pr. fMSTQT* ^^^ whence comes the ^ in %^?
H. %^, commonly pronounced %^ "to pull, drag,* is a similar word.
P- f^m and fii^, G. M. %^, B. %^ and %^, O. id. Also H. f^9^
n, "to be dragged," B. f^^, f^jhf "to be dragged or distorted (the
face), to grin, make faces, writhe," M. t%^. From the meaning we are
led to think of Sanskrit ^ Igm " to drag," and although this root has
been shown to have given rise to another pair of verbs kafh and kdrh,
and in composition to ni-kal and ni-Mlt yet it is not impossible that, used
8TEUCTURE OF TEBBAL ffTEMS. ' 66
in a different senfie, it may have originated another set <tf words lilie
khench and its congeners.'
H. VPi^ *'to arrive '' m, written in various ways as 1T]^> ^IV^f
xan,, P. vei^, s. ianr> o. ift^» ^it^> m. «., b. v[$^ or inf^,
O. IQT^. In tlie dialects are some curious forms, as Marwari nsf and
VM* which also occurs in Cband, and in NepalL Chand uses also a form
I^, as f?lf ^i| i|l| ^f^ m^ I '' In two days one easily arrives
(there)." Pr. R. L 175. In Old-Gujarati also there is a verb IV^t7> e,g,
TO5 ^ *IK4l % ^^^T^ V[X^ ^ ^l^fWt "Says Nala to N&rada,
this story does not arrive at mind" ({.«. is not probable). — Premdnand
Bhai^ in K. D. iL 74. S. XR^^nf ^^^ P*P-P* ^Qnft* which latter looks as
if it were from H + ^TO, but this will not account for the ^. Hoemle
(Ind. Ant. L 358) derives this word from the old Hindi adverb XQf " near,*
and ^T^ <' make/' assuming a change of If into ^ ; but though this
change occurs in the ancient languages, there are only very few and
doubtful traces of its existence in medinval or modem times, and I do not
think we can safely base any argument upon so rare a process. Hoemle
goes so far as to consider H. ^^ITT ''^o call,*' as the causal of V9|, which
he says was (or must have been) anciently Tra|. There is another possible
derivation from Skr. IVpaij ** a guest," which becomes in H, xmnfT, but
this ffiils to explain the final ^.
Some light may perhaps be thrown on the subject by some
stems in the modems ending in ^, for as H arises from ^ + ^>
80 ^ arises from 71 + ^ (VoL I. p. 326). Thus :
H. ilH a, <<send," P. id. Here we have Skr. V^flf^ ''cleave,"
*' separate.** Causal S)^f|0|, which would make a passive ^^(^ "he is
made to separate," ue. "he is sent away." If we take the active causal as
the origin of this word, we must admit an elision of the vowel between d
^ See note to K|!sh in { 20. The cognate verb ainchnd if alio in uw in the
modenif.
VOL. m. 5
66 STRUCTUKE OF VERBAL STEMS.
and y ; or, taking the simple passive fin^, we may assume that there
was a neater flfl| '^ to be sent," from which the active ^1| ** to send," has
been formed ; hhij^ however, is not found.
H. ini It, <'to soand," P. ui, 8. '^^ and If^, G. 1TW» M. ITHI, B.uf.
Also H, irni <*> ** to play (masic)," and m, ** to sound.'' Probably from
Skr. y/ IJ^ " speak," causal ^H^^iOlt Pa» ^^f?T and ^f^fTf, the passive
of the causal is Skr. ^J^rI, Pa. ^r9^f?T ''to be beaten,* Le, "to be
caused to speak," as wyjanti hheriyo " drums are beaten." Hence the
modem bty. The short form bqj is apparently due to analogy.
§ 23. It is the business of the lexicographer, rather than of
the grammarian, to work out the derivations of all the verbs in
these languages, and even he would probably find the task one
of insuperable difficulty in the present elementaiy state of our
knowledge. It is hoped that the examples and illustrations
given above will have enabled the reader to gain some insight
into the general principles which have governed the modem
languages in the process of forming their verbal stems. To
conclude this part of the subject, I will now point out what
seem to me to be the laws deducible from the examples above
given, and from many others which, to avoid prolixity, I have
not cited.
Single neuter stems are derived (i) from the Prakrit present
tense of Sanskrit neuter verbs, or (ii) from the Prakrit passive
past participle, or (iii) Prakrit has assumed one form for all
parts of the verb, which form has been handed down to the
modem languages abnost, if not entirely, unchanged. Types
of these three processes respectively are Ao, baith^ and uih.
Single active stems are formed from the Prakrit present of
active verbs, and in cases where the verb in Sanskrit is not
conjugated on the Bhd type, Prakrit usually, and the modems
always, adopt the BhtL type. Here, also, Prakrit has oc-
casionally taken one form of root and used it throughout, and
STBUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 67
the modems have followed the Prakrit. Types of these classes
are park, kar, and ghen.
In the double verbs two leading processes are observable.
Where the root is conjugated actively, or is active in meaning
in the ancient languages, the modem active is derived from it,
and in that case the modem neuter is derived from the Prakrit
form of the Sanskrit passive, as in labhanu, lahanu, or as chhor,
chhuL Where the ancient root is neuter, the modem neuter is
derived from it, and in this case the active is derived from the
ancient causal, as in tut, tor, or mar, mdr.
These rules, if further research should eventually confirm
them, do not provide for every modem verbal stem, as there
are many whose origin is obscure and doubtful. It is highly
probable that as we come to know more about these languages,
we shall find out other processes which will throw light upon
the method of formation of many now obscure stems.
It should here also be noted that even where the same stem
occurs in the same, or nearly the same, form in all the lan-
guages, it is not used in the same phase in all. Marathi and
Sindhi have different sets of terminations for neuter and active,
so that the fact of the neuter and active stem being the same
creates no difficulty, the distinction of meaning being shown
by the terminations. Thus in M. 9(t7> if treated as a neuter,
would be conjugated thus: Present gdnthato, Past gdnthaid
Future gdnthel, etc.; but if as an active, thus: Present gdnthito,
Past gdnpiilen, Future gdnpiil. In this language, therefore, we
often find a verb used either as active or neuter ; while in
Hindi, which has one set of terminations for all stems, the
difference between active and neuter can only be marked by
the stem. In several rustic dialects of Hindi, however, and in
the mediaeval poets, we often find the neuter verb with a long
vowel, but confusion is avoided by giving to the active verb
the tenmnations of the causal, thus ^^ifT " to grow big," " in-
crease,'* makes its active i|<n^T '^ to make big," and rustic and
68 STBUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
poetical Hindi often uses WmT for the neuter, as %ft ^ 1RIZ
^ift^nN I ^n% ^ wA ^ftV^ l " Such a god is manifest in
Qovardhana, from the worship of whom wealth of cattle in-
erea8€sJ^^8,8, Govardhanlild, ii. 15, et passim. So also ^TTlTf Sl^f
^irre^ ^ " " ^* fffotP9 like the threads of the lotus."— Padm.
This subject will be more fully discussed under the causal.
§ 24. Gujarati, as will have been noticed in the examples
given in the last section, often wants the neuter stem with the
short vowel, but has in its place a form in which d is added to
the stem, the included vowel of which is short. This form is
not incorrectly treated by some grammarians as the ordinary
passive of the language. It should, however, in strictness, be
recognized as the passive intransitive (that form marked —1 in
the scale, § 10).^ The rules for its formation are simple, in
stems, whether neuter or active, having d as the included
vowels it is shortened to a, as —
Ht^ " read,*' l|^ " be read."
l^tW *' mark, test." ^t^J " be tested."
MiHdo ** bear," ^4^1351 " be beard."
The shortening does not always take place when the included
vowel is I or ii, though from the way in which short and long
vowels are used indiscriminately in Gnjarati, it is not safe to
lay down a hard and fast rule on this point, thus —
lf^» " learn,'' ifV^ (fll^) " be learnt."
ijt^ " sew," ^Jhrr (fl^T) " b« lewn."
Where the stem ends in a vowel, ^ is inserted to prevent
hiatus, as —
ifT " wash," ^firr " be wasbed."
1^ " eat," ^PTT " be eaten."
f^fi " fear," f^ftTT " be feared.*
^ Vans Taylor, Gnjarati (Grammar, P* 81, from whicb most of the following
remarks are borrowed, thongh I diTerge from him in some points in which his Tiews
seem to be open to correction.
i n» — rum, ,r *» ■fiS ^geaM^aggoawaacKJC
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 69
With regard to the meaning and method of using this phase,
it appears that its construction resembles that of the neuter,
while it implies either simple passiveness, habit, or power. As
a simple passive, XTfWt TWI ^<l^ " BAvana was killed by
^^&ma," ^ %7r^ Ht ^ ^f^T^ "^ ^^ ^^d seed has been
sown;'' as expressing habit, ll^ ^i^^lT^ % ^[^ 'Hhus it is
correctly said," i.e, " this is the correct way of expressing it ; "
W Wt'V^ 'W^ ^WrW% " this boy is (usually) thought to be
stupid ; " as expressing power or fitness, ?hrrft ^TWRI f^ " he
cannot walk," literally " by him it is not walked ; " ICTTT ^
^WTO ifrni 'rfl " a king cannot (or must not) do injustice ; "
I5I' ^rorrtt ^RTlS H^ ^rnO 4WrI lf|[ " the well has become
impure, therefore its water is not drunk." Some of the words
which take this form are, to all intents and purposes, simple
neuters in meaning, like abhad&yo in the sentence just quoted,
which means '' to be ceremonially impure," and points back to
a Sanskrit denominative, as though from ^ ''not," and 7S^
"good," there had been formed a verb ^4i^|€|A "it is not
good." So also ^TOTrt " to be used," " to be in use," as m
^|4 WT % TTIi^ ^nmv % "two affixes are in use with one
meaning," postulates from im^nT> a denominative 4||MK|€|7t,
or perhaps the causal of f^ + ^ + ^=^IMK€|p|. This seems
to be the real origin of this phase, though some would derive it
from a form of the Prakrit passive. At any rate, the two
stems just quoted (and there are several others of the same
kind) look more like denominatives than anything else, though
in others this form inclines more to the passive signification, as
^RHft ^TTRI I "Having seen the moon-like face of the
daughter of Bhimaka in its beauty — ^The moon wasted away,
having hidden itself in the clouds." — ^Preminand in K.-D. ii. 74.
Here ^ftHT is " to be beautiful," and looks like a denominative,
but ?A?rRr has more of a passive or reflexive meaning, " to be
hidden," "to hide oneself." Again, ^4|i|^ ^ ^^ ^^
70 STRUCrUBE OF VERBAL STEMS.
5^rrt ^O^i " Seeing the belly of Damayanti, the lake dried
up/' (ib. ii. 75), literally "was dried up." So also ^f^ WTV^
WT^ ^ft ^it^Pl U irf^r %if ^^<l|i| I "When the house has
caught (fire), he has a well dug, how can this fire be put out P"
— K.-D. i. 184.* The verb ^VtW^ is also written f^*, and is
probably the same as 0. lit^|T "to descend, alight," M. "^tf^B
"to trickle, flow down," which I take to be from im4-^=
^M^lHl) Pr. lihl(^f^ (M&gadhi), and with change of 9 to
^ = ^^^If , It is used in the sense of removing oneself, thus :
^ % ^^itirilV " ho there ! get out of the way ! " (Mr. 210),
and causal ^^|(fl4[| Tfll iniTT *' I have got the cart out of
the way," {ib. 211) = Skr. HM^lt\fl| . This phrase is conju-
gated throughout all the tenses, thus ^Itirr^ "to be lost"
Present ^Q^^qmi "he is lost," Future ^Wt^ " he will be lost,"
Preterite ^tTnvt» ^^ft^Tlft* or ^jft^TR^ % "he has been lost, "
and in active verbs it is used in the Bhava-prayoga, as a sort
of potential, as %«rnft l(tTRT " he can loose," ?lTnft 1^41^
" he could loose," TlWRft ^4li| " he will be able to loose."
As to the other languages, a similar form is found in the
Bhojpuri dialect of Hindi, used as a simple passive, as 1|^|n|
" seize," t^TT " be seized," as ^ M^>ill^<l WT " I am being
seized." In this dialect^ however, there are signs, as will be
shown further on, of a passive similar to that in use in classical
Hindi. In the old Maithil dialect of Bidy&pati, which is
transitional between eastern Hindi and Bengali^ this form is
found ; thus, f^iiTIT ^8W 8ft ^^rff ^pW^W " As water poured
out on the ground is dried up.** — Pad. 984. VTlft WtTRTW
jH^I^I^I^ I " (He who is) the moon of Gokul rolled himself on
the earth."— P.K.S. 77. ^TJ ti^ innT ^ftlW ^rflT ^
^^TZT^ I "As a lotus pressed down by the wind is tilted by
the weight of bees" (var. lect. ^f^= by a swarm). — Pad. 1352.
^ This is eqiiiTalent in meaning to our English saying, ''When the steed is stolen,
shut the stable door."
STEUCrUBE OF VERBAL STEMS. 71
There seems to be some difficulty in deducing tliis form from
a Prakrit passive. One of the methods in which the passive in
Prakrit is formed is by resolving the p of Sanskrit into ia or
ia, Skr. iST^ril "Pr. lSli,Vff(; and it is supposed that this f^ has
become ^rer> and subsequently ^, but no instances of inter-
mediate forms are found; it would seem, therefore, more correct
to suppose that this form originates from the caiuU of Sanskrit
in those instances where the causal characteristics are used
to form denominatives, and has from them been extended
to other verbs. Neither explanation, however, is quite satis-
factory, and the question is one which must be left for further
research.
§ 25. The regular Passive (phase —2) is found only in Sindhi,
Panjabi, and in some rustic dialects of Hindi. It arises from
the Prakrit passive in y[/a (Var. viii. 58, 59). Thus Skr. griiyate
= sunijjdi, gamyate = gam\jjdij hamate = ha^jjdi. In Sindhi the
passive is formed by adding f[l| or H to the neuter or active
stem.* Thus —
xr^ " to bury," Passive iriH} " to be buried."
^^V '' to lessen," „ tffz^ra '' to be lessened."
A passive is also made from causal stems, as —
nV^II^Q ** to lose," Passive f€|9|||^^lU " to be lost."
Here, also, we find denominatives which have no correspond-
ing active form, and have scarcely a passive sense, as ^^fUf^^
''to long for," where the causal termination used in Sanskrit
for denominatives appears to have been confused with the yija
of the passive. Thus Skr. ^97B|r9 "longing," makes a verb
^{^id^Hr " to long for," whence the Sindhi ukhandyam. So
<^ ^^rt^^ " to be entangled," which seems to be from Skr.
^ilVlf> or '^■Wf'C "^ fijig^r," whence we may suppose a verb
> Tnunpp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 258.
72 STRUCrUBE OF VERBAL STEMS.
11^4,^0! "to be intertwined (like the fingers of clasped
hands);" ^(14^^ "to be angry," from ^lYfl "anger," Skr.
Vr^ "uproar," of whicli the denominatiye would be Ifvrc^rfTf.
In cases where the vowel of the active stem is long in the
imperative, but shortened in the infinitive, the passive retains
the long voweL Thus
ift^ " drink thou," finn| " to drink/' l$t^ " to be drunk."
X(^ ** thread thou," ^^ *' to thread," ^[ji^^ *" to be threaded."
Vt^ " wash thou," ^^P^ " to wash," V|\^^n << to be washed."
A similarly formed passive is used in the Marw&n dialect of
Hindi, spoken west of the Aravalli hills towards Jodhpur, and
thus not very far from Sindh. Instances
99
»9
^T^lft " ^ ^o" 'Pft'Rft " to ^ done."
^rnraft ^ to eat," SlHI^uH " to be eaten."
%qft " to take," fll^fiqt " to be taken.
^^ " to give," (^^f|f^ " to be g^ven.
Iliqi^ "to come," H^l^lUt " to be come."
Thus they say ^^ ^r^ in^=: H. ^%inirT^ ^TTTfT "by
me it is not come," i.e. "I am not coming." ^ ^ ^pj^SNft ^iff¥
= H. ipi % inft ^SPSfl WRPrr " by you it will not be eaten,"
i.e. " you will not (be able to) eat it." This passive construc-
tion is frequent in the Indian languages, but usually with the
negative expressing that tile speaker is unable or unwilling to
do a thing.^ The insertion of "^ instead of ^ in $) and ^ is
peculiar and tmaccountable.
Panjabi also has a synthetical passive, though rarely used.
It is formed by adding |j to the root, and is probably derived
from that form of the Prakrit passive which ends in la, as
^ I have to thank Mr. Eellogg, of Allahabad, author of the best, if not of the
only really good Hindi Grammar, for communicating this form to me in a letter.
I was preTionsly unaware of it.
firrRucriTRE of verbal stems. 73
mentioned above. This form of the passive is only used in a
few tenses, thus IffTTfT " to beat," Passive present ?| mO^I
" I am beaten/' Future % HlO^NH " I shall be beaten,"
Potential (old present) If 4||^^| " I may be beaten."
With these exceptions, there is no synthetic form for the
passive in the modem languages. This phase is usually formed
by an analytical process. It is not much used, the construction
of sentences being more frequently reversed, so as to make the
verb active. The large nimiber of neuter verbs also renders
a passive for the most part imnecessary. It does exist, how
ever, and is formed by adding the verb ^ "to go," to the
past participle of the passive, ^ doing all the conjuga-
tional work, and the participle merely varying for number
and gender.
Thus from Wi^ "beat," H. Sing. ;rkt WT^ "to be beaten"
♦»•> TTTV 'ITfT /., Plur. m^ WTTT m., ifTfY TPfT/, P. •nR^
^TTTT w., W^f', Plnr. ;rt^ w., 4|l0^i/ Qujarati also uses this
method side by side with the passive intransitive, as M\^t ^
"to be beaten," with the participle varied for gender and
nimiber as in the others. M. ifTf^WT Tnif> B. ilTTT ^I|7), 0.
4IKI f^WT- 111 these two last the participle does not vary for
gender or number.
Occasionally in G. and M. a passive is formed by adding the
substantive verb to the past participle, thus M. ^rrf^ iltMlH
^t^ " the cow was tied," and G. ThT if^f ^ " the book is
made;" such a construction would in the other languages be
incorrect, or, if used at all, would have a different meaning
altogether.
The use of WTTT " to go," to form a passive, seems somewhat
imnatural ; IftfT " to be," would occur as the most fitting verb
for this purpose. I am tempted to hazard a conjecture that
the use of ^rPfT in this way has arisen from the Prakrit passive
form in ij;a» This, as we have seen above, has given a regular
tf4 STRUCrrURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
passive to Sindld and Marwari, and it seems possible that tlie
masses who had quite forgotten, or had never known, the
meaning of the added y, may nnconscionsly have glided into
the practice of confounding it with the H of the common word
WT, which would lead them to consider the verbal stem pre-
ceding it as a passive participle. Thus a form ifrfT^ " he is
beaten," would easily pass into M\i^\ Wni> as in modem Hindi.
The process must, of course, have been unconscious, as all such
processes are, but the supposition does not involve a more
violent twisting of words and meanings than many others which
are better supported by actual facts.
The non- Aryan party have something to say on this head.^
They point out that the Dravidian languages, like our seven,
largely avoid the use of the passive by having recourse to
neuter verbs, and that with them, as with us, the neuter is
often only another form of the same root as the active. Indeed,
the similarity in this respect is very striking, the process is, to
a great extent, the same in both groups, though the means em-
ployed are diflferent. The passive does not, strictly speaking,
occur in the Dravidian languages ; a clumsy effort is sometimes
made to produce one, by adding the verb padu *' to happen "
(Sanskrit t|?(, modem Aryan V[^) to an infinitive or noun of
quality. This process, however, is as strained and foreign to
elegant speech as the construction with jd is in the Aryan
group. It appears, also, that the verb pa^u " to go,*' is also
used in Tamil to form a passive, as also a verb meaning *' to
eat,'* which latter is parallel to our North-Indian expression
<RTT ^^rnTT " to eat a beating " = "to be beaten." In this, as in.
so many other instances of alleged non- Aryan influence, the
known facts do not justify us in saying more than that there is
a resemblance between the two groups of languages, but that it
is not clear which borrowed the process, or whether it was ever
^ Caldwell, pp. 358, 364 (first edition).
STBUCrrUBE OF VERBAL STEMS. 76
borrowed at all. There is no reason why it should not have
grown up simultaneously and naturally in both families.
§ 26. We now come to the Causal^ an important and much
used phase of the verb. Sanskrit forms the causal by adding
the syllable aya to the root, which often also takes guna or
vriddhi, t/lT "do," causal WTT^rf?!. There is, however, in
Sanskrit a small class of verbs which form the causal by insert-
ing T(^ between the root and the characteristic aya. These are
principally roots ending in a vowel ; but in Pali and the Prakrits
the form of the causal in !( has been extended to a very large
number of stems, in fact to nearly every verb in those lan-
guages. In Pali, however, its use is optional, thus t/TT^
" cook," causal pdchetiy pdchayatt, pdchdpeti, p&ch&payaii} In
Prakrit, also, there are the two processes, by the first of which
the aya of Sanskrit becomes e, thus ^I4,<|(7f = Pr. iiT^>
f lfl4f^ = Tr^ (Yar. vii. 26), and by the second the inserted
H^is softened to IT, thus giving ip^f%^ or i||<|^f^ {ib. 27).
It is from this form, and not from aya^ as I erroneously sup-
posed in Yol. I. p. 20, that the modem causal arises. Even in
Prakrit the e in k&rAvei is frequently omitted, as it is also in
kdreif and we find such forms as k&rdi^ tdrai, side by side with
kdrdvai (Weber, Hala, p. 60), so that there remains only dv
for the modem causal.
Among the modem languages Marathi stands alone in
respect of its causal, and, as in so many other points, exhibits
a hesitation and confusion which confirm the impression of its
being a backward language which has not so thoroughly
emancipated itself from the Prakrit stage as the others*
Whereas these latter have passed through the period in which
rival forms conflicted for the mastery, and have definitely
settled upon one type to be used universally, the former pre-
' Eaco&yana, Senart, Journal Asiatiqae, toI. xrii. p. 436.
76 8TEUCTTJBB OP VERBAL STEMS.
sents us with several alternative suffixes^ none of whicli appears
to liave obtained undisputed prominence. The authorities for
Marathi consist of the classical writers, the one dictionary-
maker, Molesworth, and a host of grammarians, all of whom
differ among themselves, so that one is driven to ask, ''who
shall decide when doctors disagree P''
The competing forms are : ava, ivay iva, avi, dva, Avi, and one
sees at a glance that they are all derived from one source, the
causal with t(^ modified in Prakrit to i^. The difficulty lies in
the vowels. Where one authority gives a causal in ava to a
particular verb, another makes the causal of that same verb by
adding tm, and so on. Stevenson (Marathi Grammar, p. 87)
teaches that ava is the ordinary form, as baaanen '' to sit,'' ba-
savanen '' to seat." This type, however, he adds, is peculiar to
the Konkan or lowlands along the coast; in the Dakhin or
centre table land above the passes the form iva is more used, as
karanen "to do," karivanen "to cause to do." A third form avi
is said to be "of a middle class," and not characteristic of
either dialect, as karavinen. It is to be noted here that the
causal suffix, strictly speaking, ends with the r, and the vowels
that follow this letter may fairly be regarded as mere junction
vowels, used to add the terminations to the steuL In those of
the cognate languages which use 4 as the causal suffix, the
junction vowel used is either t, as B. kard-i-te, 0. *ar4-t-64,
S. kard-i-nu, or u, as Old-H. kard-u-nd, P. kard-u-ndf or
hardened to va, as G. kard-va-vun. Dismissing, then, the final
vowel as unconnected with the suffix, we get for Marathi four
types, av, dv, tV, iv. Of these four dv approaches most closely
to the Prakrit, and may therefore be regarded as the original
type from which, by a shortening of the vowel, comes av,
which, all things considered, is perhaps the most common and
regular ; a further weakening of the vowel produces iv ; and
the fourth form, iv, probably owes its long vowel to the
Marathi habit of lengthening vowels at the end of a word, or
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 77
in a syllable, where the stress or accent falls. Thus all four
forms may be used, as
^1^* " to do," ^^, ^Frni%> if^CPj* IT^^S also li^f%|%,
And ^01^9 " ^ cause to do." '
Causals may be formed from every verb in the language,
whether neuter, active, active or passive intransitive. The
xneaning of the causal differs, of course, according to that of
the simple verb.
Those formed from simple neuters or active intransitives are
generally merely actives in sense, as
^^ " sit," ^^^ «« seat."
filcb " meet," f)|db4 (junction vowel \) ** mix."
ff|^ " sleep," fif^ra ** pit to sleep," " soothe."
Those from actives are causal in meaning, as
^rnC " strike," ^TTC^ ** ^^^^ ^ strike."
flpi '* teach," flpPT " cause to teach."
Those from passive intransitives are passive causals, as
ftf^ " turn " (Le. be turned), ftl^^ " cause to be turned."
*' be cut," mZ^» WZm "canse to be cut."
Simple roots ending in vowels insert a r between the stem
and the suffix to avoid hiatus, as
^rr " ^^" ^TRRT (junction vowel ^) ** cause to eat.*
So also with roots ending in ^, as
ftif " write," t^nW^ " cause to write."
The various forms of the causal suffix in Marathi may be
regarded as types of a stage of transition which the other lan-
1 Godbole*s Marathi Ghrammar, p. 102, § 279.
78 structuAe of verbal stems.
guages have passed by. The following are examples of the
causal in these latter :
fm^ ** write/' H. P. B. O. S. flTQT " cause to write/' (H. Pres. likhdtdy Pret
likhdyd, Aor. likhde, or Ukhdy^ or Itkhdve^
V[Z " read," id. I^TT ** cause to read.'*
ifif " hear," id. ^^ " cause to hear."
In Hindis as in the other languages, the causal of a neuter
verb is, in effect, nothing more than an active, as
^^HT " be made/'
IPTRT " make."
Iftwrr " speak/'
VirnfT " call" {i.e. " cause to speak.")
H^IT " move/'
^qr^TT^ " drive."
^TPPfT " be awake/'
^n^TPTT "awaken."
^^IfT "rise/'
^^TTT "raise."
IV^nirr " be cooked,"
xpirprT "cook."
So also in the case of double verbs given in §§ 20, 21, the
active form, with long vowel in the stem syllable, may be re-
garded as a causal. In fact, it might be said, looking at the
matter with reference to meaning, that the modem languages
have two ways of forming the causal, one in which the short
vowel of the stem is lengthened, the other in which d or some
other suffix is added. Looking at it in another way with
reference to form, the division which I have tidopted commends
itself, the forms with a long vowel in the stem being regarded
as actives, those with the added syllable as causals. In point
of derivation, however, both forms are causals. There is a
wonderful, though unconscious, economy in our languages ;
where Prakrit has more types than one for the same phase of
a verb, the modem languages retain them all, but give to each
a different meaning. For instance, Prakrit has three types for
the passive, one in which the final consonant of the stem is
doubled by absorption of the ^ of Skr. as gamy ate = gammdi,
8TBUCTUBE OP VERBAL STEMS. 79
a second in la, as gamt/ate =^ gamtadi, and a third in ijl/a, as
gamyate'=.gamijjad%. The first of these types, having lost
whatever might remind the speaker of its passive character,
has been adopted in the modem languages as the form of the
simple neuter verb, the second survives in the Panjabi passive,
as mdridd=zmdrtadi, the third in the Sindhi and Marwari pas-
sive given in § 25. So, also, it seems to me that the two types
of the Prakrit causal have been separately utilized ; that which
corresponds to the Sanskrit type in ai/a with long or guna
vowel in the stem, has become in the modems an active verb,
as h&rayati::^h&rei^zhAr ; trotayaU^=.torei^=>tor ; while that
which takes the i(^ causal is preserved as the ordinary causal of
the modems, as h&rayati (kar&payati) = kardvei = hard.
Often, however, both forms exist together, and there is little
or no apparent distinction between them ; thus from i||^f|| are
made both liTZWr ^^<1 ^i7RT> from If^ifT ^^ made fTT«rr ^^^
^^J^, and so in many other instances.
The causal, properly so called, namely, that with the suffix
d, dvy etc., has always a short vowel in the stem syllable, ex-
cept in a few instances where the stem vowel is vriddhi, in
which case it is sometimes retained. Thus in the double verbs
the causal suffix may be regarded as added to the neuter form,
as in
KBTJTEK. ACnVB. CAUSAL.
In such cases, however, we more commonly find the double or
passive causal.
Single verbs with a long or guna stem- vowel have causals
with the corresponding short or simple vowel, as in the
examples ift^iTT and ^WTTT, TRfT and ^TOTTT given above.
Verbs whose simple stems end in a vowel insert a semivowel
before the termination of the causal, and change the vowel of
the stem, if d, I, or &, into «, if u or o, into t^. The semivowel
80 STRTJCXXmB OF VERBAL STEMS.
used is sometimes ^ or X> ^ut more commonly W. Thus, %in
" to take," ffnrniT " to cause to take," but —
H. %yn " give," f^Wnrr " cause to give."
^ftiTT " live," ftlWPrr " cause to live,"
xftWf " drink," ftWRT " give to driak."
lar^ " eat," fiSWnm " feed."
^ft^ ** wash," ^Wnn " cause to wash."
^frlfT " sleep," ^WTWr " P»t to sleep."
0^1 " weep," ^Wnrr " make to weep."
In a few cases of stems ending in Y, or in aspirates, the ^ is
optionally inserted, as
H. IVfWI " sayt" IfTTI «nd llfWRT " cause to say,"
"be called."
^^prr**Mc," f^^qprT »> f<^ni«n"Bhow."
#iain "learn," fW^ « ftreWPIT " teach."
^^irr^Mt,** ftHPrT(orV) ,. t^raiTRT C^*) " seat."
A similar method exists in Sindhi, but with "^ instead of W>
as is customary with that language, as'
^f^lHf ** give," n^m^^ ** cause to give."
^ira " leak," ^^|\n " cause to leak."
fiffig " sit," t^TfTT^ " scat."
ftf^[V " learn," f^^li.^ ** teach."
^S^n ** rise*" ^WTTW " raise."
n^» « sleep," ^^li.4 " 1?^^ *® sleep."
Here the "^ is inserted after the causal suffix, and this was
probably the method originally in force in Hindi, for we find
in the mediaeyal poets such words as dikhdmd " to show," and
even in modem colloquial usage baithdlnd is quite as common
^ Trumpp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 256.
8TBDCTUKE OF VERBAL STEMS. 81
as bithldnd. Qtijarati forms its causal in an analogous way,
but uses V instead of "^^ as
VT7^ " suck," V^TT^? " 8^^^ Buck."
^ft^^ " «cw," ift^l^^ " cause to sew."
ITR^ " sound," ^^IT^ " strike " (a beU, etc.)
After words ending in a vowel, the suffix takes ^ to prevent
hiatus, and so also after ^, as
^ (ITJ) " W Wrre^ " cause to be."
^ « eat," ^RT^ " feed."
^^ " g^vc," ^^|>f 4 " cause to give."
%|[4 «« endure," ^fl^l^J "cause to endure."
litf^ " rot," ^9^14^ " cause to rot."
This language, like Hindi, also reverses the position of the
long vowel of the causal suffix, and uses such forms as dhavardv,
khamrdVf with change of ^ to '^.
There is nothing remarkable about the Panjabi causal, which
is identical with Old Hindi, merely retaining the junction
vowel u, as khild-u-nd, dikhd-u-nd. In both these languages
the old form du has, in a few instances, changed to o instead
of dy as
fiflftifT " to wet," from ^ftfTT " to be wet"
^JlftfT " to drown," „ ^^PIT " to be drowned."
Bengali and Oriya have only the causal form in d with
junction vowel i, as B. kard-i-te, 0. kard-i-bd, and use this
form in preference to that with the long stem vowel, even in
those causals which are, in meaning, simple actives.
There are thus, independently of the stem with the long or
guna vowel, which I prefer to treat as an active, two separate
systems of forming the causal in the seven languages : one
starting from the Prakrit causal in dee, and exhibiting the
forms dva, ava, iva, iva, dr , du, o, d ; the other starting, I know
ToL. m. 6
82 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
not whence, but probably from a method in use in early Aryan
speech, which has only been preserved by the classical lan-
guage in a few instances, and exhibiting the forms dr, dd,
dl, r<J, Id. Whether these two forms are connected by an in-
terchange between the two semivowels / and v, is a problem
which must remain for future research. Such a connexion is
not impossible, and is even, in my opinion, highly probable.
§ 27. The Passive Causal may be also called the double
causal. The use of either term depends upon the point of view
of the speaker, for whether I say, " I cause R&m to be struck
by Shy&m,'' or, "I cause Shyftm to strike R&m,*' the idea is the
same. As regards form, the term double causal is more ap-
propriate in some languages. In H. and P. this phrase is con-
structed by adding to the stem H. "^j P. ^T^, in which we
should, I think, recognize the syllable dv of the single causal
shortened, and another dv added to it, thus from sun ''hear,''
comes causal sund^ ''cause to hear^*' "tell," double causal aurwdy^
"cause to cause to hear," "cause to tell ;" here, as sund is from
the fuller form sundv, so sunvd is from sim&v+&v=sunav+& =
sunvd. This double or passive causal is in use mostly with
neuter and active intransitive stems, whose single causal is
naturally an active, as ipRT "be made," ^WTTT "make,"
ififirnrr " cause to be made." Thus they say, if^ WHIT " The
fort is being built ; " ^|^ if^ WTnTT " The architect is build-
ing the fort ;" and THTT wrt;% flCTTT 'W ^nWHTT "The king
is causing the fort to be built by the architect." In this last
sentence, and in all similar phrases, the nature of the construc-
tion is such that we can only translate it by the passive causal,
we could not render " The king causes the architect to buUd,"
etc., by ^H^rniT in any other way than by putting "architect"
I Generally, the semiTowel in this form is pronounced softly, almost like the
English w, so that tunufdnd would more nearly represent the sound than mnvdnd.
The V, howeyer, in all Indian languages is a softer sound than our r.
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 83
in the ablative with '9Ji,\ or %. When we are told, therefore,
that this phase means ''to cause to do'' (the action of a neuter
verb), the asserticm, though correcfly expressing the form, is
incorrect as to the meaning ; the dictionary-makers here halt
between two opinions. Thus
^3" "rise,* 5i3X "raise* (t.^. " cause ^T^T ** cause to be raised"
to rise *'), (i.tf. ''cause A to cause
B to rise").
iBfZ " be cut," ^JZ " cut," ^RT^ " cause to cut."
'^^ "be open," ?@ft^ ** open," ^^RT " cause to open."
In double verbs, like those just quoted, however, the single
causal in d may be used, as ^iZT " cause to cut." As a general
rule, the exact meaning of stems in this phase must be gathered
from the sentence in which they are used.
Sindhi makes its double causal by inserting rd (Trumpp,
257), as
fip^" be weary,* f'WT " "''ft^® '^®*'7»t^* f^WTTT "cause to make
weary."
^ " wound," V|4yl " cause to wound," %|I4,I4,I " cause to cause to
wound, or cause (another)
to be wounded."
Stack instances also passive causals formed on the same
model as ordinary passives, thus
inr " be on fire,* ^TRJ " bum,* 4114) " cause to bum,* Tmi^ " be caused
to be burnt."
One example given by him shows a full range of phases, as
^inilff "to be sucked, to issue" (as milk from the breast),
neuter ; ^TH^^ " to suck the breast," active ; VnC^SfHT " to be
sucked," pass. ; 141(11^^ " to give suck," neut. pass. ; VTTnpj
" to suckle," cans. ; \||<I1,^II| " to be suckled," pass. cans. ;
84 STRTJCrURE OF VERBAX STEMS.
VKKII^fJ " to cause (another) to suckle, '' double caus. ;
^KKIt^^ " to cause to be suckled by another/' double pass.
caus. The whole of these forms, however, are rarely found in
one verbal stem. The double causal is common enough, thus
from the causals mentioned in the last section are derived
double causals —
99
M4^\i^^ ** to put to sleep,* fl4-f |4^|^in ^* to cause to put to sleep.
VSHIK^in "to raise," ^1|TM1[^ "to cause to raise* (H.^4^|4||).
§ 28. Although the suflBxed syllables shown in § 26 generally
and regularly indicate the causal phase, yet there are numerous
verbs having this suffix which are neuter, active intransitive,
or passive intransitive. As mentioned in § 11, these stems are
probably buUt on the model of Sanskrit denominatives, and
owe their long vowel to the apa or dya of that form. Hence
they come to resemble in form modem causals.
In Sindhi these stems have a development pecidiar to that
language, and have a corresponding active phase like the double
stems mentioned in § 19. Trumpp gives (p. 252, et aeqq,) the
following examples :
MJCUTaa. ACTITB.
^IJIIiW "to be extinguished," ^|||f^in " to extinguish."
^Tf^ " to fly," ^"f 11^ " ^ ^Bke fly, to spend.
^'"^^ I "to be bom," IRinff " to bring forth.
^jpfxnff " to be satiated," TTIk^ " *® satiate."
1^(44 ly " to be on fire," ^TTl^ " to burn."
^^"^^ I " to be contained," ^^IVS " ^ contain."
f«|^|4|UI "to be passed, to pass " f^f |f^U| " to pass the time,
(as time),
^mijIU " to grow less," f{m|^^ " to lessen."
it
t>
STBUGTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 85
In this group the neuter stems have the type dpa and dma,
which, if we regard them as derived from the Prakrit type dbe
of the causal, will appear as respectively a hardening and a
softening of the b of Prakrit. In some cases the neuter form
is dearly derived horn the older causal, as in ^RT1[^ *' to con-
tain," rather, " to go into," Skr. V^ "to measure ; " but
9rni^> Skr. cans. 4||Miini " to cause to measure," where, by a
natural inversion of the sense, the causal has become neuter.
In the case of ^umif the process by which the meaning has
been arrived at from Sanskrit V^^Hl, is less clear. The other
stems are also obscure, and I possess no data on which to
establish any satisfactory explanation.
Sindhi stands alone in respect of this group; Hindi and
Panjabi have a number of neuter stems with causal termina-
tions, which stand on a different footing, and recall by their
meaning the Sanskrit denominatives, having no corresponding
active forms.
H. f^RTniT "to be abashed," " to shrink away."
f^PTPTf " to be worn out."
^llWPfT " to itch."
V^<l*ll " to be agitated/' " to be in fear " P. M^^I'dUII-
M4||l|| ** to bask in the snn."
^^^nrPTT " to tremble," " to be unsteady." P. id.
P- Mi^Mll^tlll "to grow
soft" (a scar).
ipf?iTWr '' to wither," to grow flaccid." P. id.
In words of this class, also, a syllable Jlf is often inserted, as
ftrftwpn " to grhu" p. ftifa^i'^i|i <^
This type is evidently closely connected with the passive of
Ghijarati and other dialects given in § 24, which I have been
led by the considerations here mentioned to regard as a passive
86 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
intransitiye. It seems also to be connected with the passive
intransitive in B. in such passages as "^TV^ 1^ 1^ ini%
ifPTRT I ''He must be a king's son, by his appearance
and marks (of birth) U is known." — Bh&rat, B.-S. 378,
where jdndy^^jdnde, "it appears/' "it is evident," a con-
struction exactly parallel to the Qujarati phrases quoted in
§24.
Marathi has similarly neuters with a causal type, which
recall the method of formation of the Sanskrit denominative,
inasmuch as they are referred by the grammarians to a nominal
origin, thus —
^|^i|T "a cracking or crashing sound;** ^^^if^lll "to crack,
crash ;" l|4^I^Uf " to roar at," **to make a crashing noise."
^[inn (from Persian J^) " deficient," WnTFR^ "to grow less."
^ir^lf^ " a grating sound," ^PC^ITCTf^T^ " to grind the teeth."
Urt^ (Skr.) " doubt," m^filfi i ai' " to be doubtfuL"
— but this may also be formed from the two words ^ "whyP"
^^rar "how P" and would thus mean "to why-and-how," "to hum
and ha;*' just as they use in Frdu the phrase \j< J^. f,z^
"to prevaricate," literally to make "would that!" and "per-
haps."
A distinction may apparently be drawn in many cases be-
tween forms in dva and those in dvi, the former being rather
denominatives, and as such neuter, while the latter are causals.
Thus from iflT^ " little," " few," ^l^^l^Ig " to grow less,"
and ^<iftir^%* " to make less," but the authorities accessible
to me are not agreed about this point, and I therefore hesitate
to make any definite assertion on the subject. Molesworth
gives, for instance, T^^TT^ ^, "to bellow," "bluster," and
^i^^lHl^ " to frighten by bellowing ; " also >f <iqij^ " the act
of roaring at," from 4<lOlUf or ^f^f?|^ "to intimidate," where
8TRT7CTXTBE OF YBRBAL GrTEMS. 87
the ft of the infinitiYe seems to be represented by a in the
noun.
On the other hand> the close connexion of these neuters with
the passive type is seen in S., where the passive characteristic
X^ is used, according to Stack, convertibly with the neuter,
having the short vowel. Thus ^(T^ or §||^^iy " to be satiated ; "
while there are also verbs of two forms, one with the neuter
*yp®> the other with the causal type, but both having a neuter
sense, as flT^ and ftTTT^ " ^ grow loose or slack.''
Further examples are —
IjM^ and f||(M^IU ** to grow less ; " also f|MI^^ " to decrease."
1]4I|,^^ And fjf^^W '* to fade," " tamish."
7rH[V and 4||f^^W '' to be contained in."
It is not certain how far later and better scholars like
Trumpp would confirm the accuracy of Stack's definition. He
seems to be somewhat inaccurate and careless in drawing the
distinction between the various phases of the verb.
I 29. Secondary verbs are not so numerous as secondary
noxms, and those that exist have, for the most part, a familiar
or trivial meaning. They are formed by the addition of a
syllable to the verbal stem, or to a noun. This latter feature is
especially common in H. verbs formed from feminine noims in
aka (VoL 11. p. 31), thus Behari L4L
** The splendour of childhood has not ceased, (yet) youth shines in
the limbs."— Sats. 17.
Here the substantive IJUll "glitter," "splendour" (probably
formed from \/^ITO), gives rise to a verb IPRPTT "to shine."
Similarly all the nouns quoted in the passage referred to in
Vol. II. have verbs formed from them as there stated. It is un-
88
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
necessary to give a list of them, and it may be here observed
that in languages which, like English, have advanced far into
the analytical stage, great freedom of formation exists, so that
many words may be used either as noims or verbs. Many
nouns have, in common usage, verbal terminations added to
them, and thus become verbs. We see constantly in modem
English, French, and German, new verbs thus formed, as, for
instance, by adding -ize, -iser, or -isiren, as colonize, coloniser^
cohnisiren, several of which have not found their way into
dictionaries. The same is the case with our Indian languages,
and it is impossible here to follow or set forth all these con-
stantly arising innovations. Those which have received the
sanction of literature will be found in the dictionaries, and
many more will probably be admitted to the dictionaries of the
future, if the authors of those works are wise enough to keep
pace with the actual growth of language, and do not permit an
overstrained purism to prohibit them from truly recording the
language as it exists in their day.
I will content myself with giving a few examples of this
class of verbs from Marathi, which, as I have before noticed, is
very rich in forms of this kind. This language has secondary
stems formed by the addition of ifZ, "HZ, ^RTZ, ^W, ^135, 195,
ir^, a series the items of which seem to indicate a progressive
softening from some earlier type. Thus—
lErra^ "to rub" (Skr. ^ ^W)> secondary stems ^^Z^ "rub," M^4,4f
" slip." ^EI^RZIjf (a potential form) *• graze the skin," '< be practised in "
(an art or science), Mfll^^ "scour" (pots), MI^^Hf a, "rub off,
deface,'' «, " be rublied," " be despoiled of.* Analogous is H. ^^fVzWT
"drag."
^[ll)f *'to sbk" (rarely used), 'tW^, ^H^> ^^^> ''to splash about
in the water," YW^PK ^m V^^HI^ *' to plunge into water," (causal)
« to dip."
STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 89
^itlf " place," l||J|Kljf ** to arrange."
^mi| ''pat," tQIM^*^ ** to P<^t»" lUMfnTK " to back water/' " to steady
a vessel by short strokes of the oars while working the sails."
^^ "sticky" ^^^ "to press, punish," ^^M^j "to compress," ^^T^|^
" to stiffen," compare B. 4|>f ||^^ " to stand op."
Materials are, unfortunately, deficient, so that in the present
state of research, no thorough analysis can be made. Kor can
any definite separation into classes be effected. As so many
verbs of this kind, however, are derived from nouns, the course
to be pursued would probably be to afiUiate each group of verbs
to that formation of nouns with which it corresponds, verbs
which add ^ to the primary stem being regarded as formed
from nouns in m, and so on. In this method no further ex-
planation is required for secondary verbs, as the origin of the
affbrmative syllable has been explained under the noun. Thus
the secondary verbs, whose added syllable is at, or mt, are ex-
plained under nouns so ending in YoL II. p. 65, those having
a/, a/, or cognate forms, are referable to the nouns in Yol. II.
p. 90, and so on.
§ 30. Reduplicated and imitative verbal stems are very
common. The former usually express sounds, or motions,
while both frequency partake of the denominative character
and type.
In Hindi the second syllable usually contains the same con-
sonants and vowels as the first, and the question arises whether
the first or the second of the two syllables is the original, in
other words, whether reduplication is effected by prefixing or
affixing a syllable. The following examples show that the re-
duplicated syllable, whichever it be, contains, as a rule, the
same vowel as the originaL
(a) with a.
^^^^\m ** to knock, pat, rap," from ^(Z^SJZ «•/• onomatopcea.
90
STRUCTUBE OF VERBAL STEMS.
^>«^^I«Ii " to clatter, rattle, jar,*' from ^QRHI «./• onomatopoBa.
• ^n^^a^TTT " to bubble, Bimincr," „
^%^^l«il " to mmble ** (of bowels, Gk. Kop/copvyimj fiopfiopv^ta!),
onamatop.
•iVi^l^tf "to quiver," probably connected with Iff q.d. "to be
seized and shaken.'*
^ITBEWRT **to matter, murmur.*'
U^W^TTT " to flap, flop," from min " to faU off."
llU|l|<m«IT " to tinkle, jingle, clank," Skr. IJiHI^-
H^HflRT " to glitter, glare, throb," Skr. g^?
Ui><Mi^T*fT "to flutter, twitch," Skr. T^U^?
'^\^M«H "to tremble, quiver," probably onomatop.
(13) with i.
V^mV^^mj " to giggle, cbackle, titter," onomatop.
f*i>«fi|>«l«H " to quiver, waver " (the voice in supplication), dimly
traceable to Skr. 5^, ^ifVRf ?
fymfvCUHlfT "to turn sick at," from f^ "disgust," Skr. ^MTl
there are also verbs f%|ftnrRT» t^R^^ and ffmrRT.
f^f^^nfT " to squeak," onomatop.
f^nrf^nrRT »^« >»
tij^fijTRT " to rave, rage, scold."
fifiifll^ "to twang," onomatop.
(7) with u,
^M^HI^ll " to envy, be spiteful," perhaps from Skr. ^^ through
H. ^HTT and ^^iTVfT " to pierce."
^^prnn " to mutter."
,^M^HI«1T " to be silent, to move about quietly," from TO " silent.
^^I^WRT " to itch, tickle.
TJ^T^^TRT " to be soft or squashy.
fflBUGTURE OF VERBAL STEMS. 91
Tpr^^irnVT " to whisper," onomatop.
91^^^|i|| ** to powder, sprinkle."
The above exhibit the ordinary type of this class, in which
both syllables are the same. In some cases, where the root-
syllable ends in a nasal, the first pliable of the reduplicated
word softens the nasal to anusw&ra, as in ^if«||«IT> ^t^WPIT "to
throb," and even with W, as ^WPTr " to be unsteady," where
the reduplication takes place already in Sanskrit ^t^fir* From
the analogy of this last word we may conclude that the latter
of the two syllables is the original one, and that reduplication
has been effected by prefixing a syllable. There is, however,
another class of such words, in which the second syllable differs
from the first in the initial consonant, which, for some reason,
is generally a labiaL Thus side by side with I^^IS^|«||,
^iPQirnn are f oiCnd i^^i|^|i|T and ^^W^WPTT with the same
meaning. So also ^n^raWPfT and ^^^^(ilfii, the latter with
the different, though allied, meaning of being restless or
fidgety. In other examples there is some slight difference of
meaning in the various forms, thus from ^T^, which has the
general sense of moving, come the adjectives ^^^TTT " talkative,"
^<,M<I "acrid, pungent," ^4,l|i<| "active," tllfl^l "expert,
alert," whence the verbs ^<^<|^| "to crackle, to sputter, to
scold," f|<M<l^l "to smart," %KMi<l«|| "to shake, swing,"
" to speak plausibly, to wheedle." Other instances
^^M^l^l " to toss, tumble, floander."
H^^'fMI " to be on fire."
rtr^fil^l^T " to flicker."
l1>iMk4l«ll " to flutter."
f<l<n<<l*l l " to dazzle, glisten."
WZIIZPIT" to stagger."
** to stammer, stutter."
92 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
In Panjabi, as also to a great extent in other languages,
there is a tendency to use a reduplicated substantive with an
ancillary verb, rather than a reduplicated verb itself. These
substantives are, to a large extent, imitative or onomatopoetic,
as 'jf ^ W^TT " to bang, to l>op,'' expressing the sound of a
gun going off, ^ ^ ^R^fT " to pipe," as young birds. It has,
however, a large number of the same words, as HindL Of
these, the following may be cited: f^ref^f^TT^^ "to prate,
sputter," riH4fi{>4|y<im " to smart," 'jm'^iJU^UH and ^BfW^*
"to flutter," nqilim^UII "to tingle" as the limbs when be-
numbed.
In Sindhi, also, I find reduplicated nouns, but few, if any,
verbs, and the language does not appear to be rich even in
those. From ^T^^ "blaze," comes ^f^Klf^ "to blaze;"
and a few more may be found, but the large group given in
Hindi, to which many more might have been added, is either
not existent or not recorded.
Gujarati is fuller in this respect, as C|>i44j and I|^4>il4
"to rattle," also ^9T^iM|4; ^^Md4 "to fret," ^m^iQ^ "to
throb, smart," ^qqjq j "to clink, clank," also igimjqd ;
lilfii^ " to flap, to scold," and Mi>IMk>il4; Wm¥4 "to shake,
rock." In its vocabulary Gujarati agrees in the main with
Hindi.
As might be expected from the genius of Harathi, there is
a great variety of such verbs, more even than in Hindi. In
examining only the first consonant of the alphabet, numerous
formations of this kind are observed. Thus from IfJWi for Skr.
qrpif " fatigued," by prefixing a shortened form Tt, they make
^InrtTT^ "to be distressed, to starve," and ^i^l^uf " to worry,
harass." From the onomatop. ^fff "brawl," "noise," "row,'*
comes first a reduplicated noun i|^t|^, and then 4*4^^% " to
gnash the teeth," i|^|M^ "to screech," ^^^T^ "to slip, give
way with a noise." With a second syllable added, beginning
8TRUCTUBE OF VERBAL STEMS. 93
(as we haye seen in H.) as such syllables often do with a labial,
is the imitative substantive inVHT expressive of *^ squashing/'
" muddling of soft substances/' also of '^ things grating on the
ear/* or "being gritty in the mouth/' whence inni^ (from
^mW^) "to dabble with mud," "to stir/' "to finger/'
which, from a sort of remembrance of lOS "dirt," is often
changed into il^UdbW "to make a mess by dabbling."
Another imitative syllable, which it is not necessary to regard
as formally derived from Sanskrit in^ "cut," or from WE
"trouble," though the existence of these words has probably
led the native mind in that direction, is MZ expressive of
"teasing, quarrelling;" whence liZWzW "to wrangle, tease
by squabbling," " to make harsh or cracking soimds." Allied
to this is the word if^n^ expressive of "the snapping of
little things," whence i|><W><lr> which may be generally
rendered "to go kadkad," that is, "to crash, crack, peal, to
squabble, to hiss and bubble as hot water, oil," etc., also, " to
be violently angry." Perhaps connected with this is i|k^4|>f^
" to be feverish, to glow, ache," which, from some remembrance
of ift^ "breaking," is also pronounced 4>f4^>flir- ^ these
outlying words, the irregular cavalry of language, forms melt
into one another, like a cloud of Pandours or Cossacks hovering
on the outskirts of an army, boimd by no law, and disregard-
ing all the acknowledged tactics. A list here follows :
Wl|4t||^* " to be feverish," from WIQf and ^fQ^Hf " feverisbness,"
" beat and tbrobbing," ** cramp."
4i,4Vlf " to caw " (as a crow), from l|4,^i, " cawing* or any otber
barsb soand.
* to glow witb beat, to be qualmisb " (as tbe stomacb), from
l|dbl|cb a word meaning *' all sorts of disorders brought on
by beat, or rage," possibly connected witb Sanskrit lilf^
« dispute."
94 STRUCTURE OF VERBAL STEMS.
ipnFQ^ "to acbe» shudder, pnlpitate/' from IHI^M ^ pains and
aches/'
Hdb^db^ " to writhe, yearn."
f^H(f^f|4|f ** to chatter " (as a monkey), from 0|^fl|fl ** any gritty
or sharp clacking sound."
9^9^^ "^ whisper, mutter, marmur," from S'^a^ *Mow, soft
murmuring."
Under other letters the following may be quoted :
U^ft'tUf '' to go to work smartly," firom f]^^^ *' smartly, quickly,"
connected with ||7, which in all the languages means
" quick 1" " look sharp I "
l]l|fjl||lif ** to tinkle, tingle, ring."
I|dbl|dbf|^ *' to glitter, sparkle."
Vran^ " to trickle, ooze, pine away."
Mi4,Mi^% " to twitch, flutter."
fil^Pl^^ " to sting, he pungent."
In Bengali such forms are less common, it is by nature the
language of a poor scanty population, and when Bengal became
rich and populous, new ideas were expressed by borrowing
from Sanskrit, instead of forming new words from the existing
resources. There are numerous reduplicated nouns, but these
are verbalized rather by adding the verb kar, than by making
a new verb. Thus, where M. makes a verb jhaijijhanaQen, B.
prefers to say IJH IJH or HHI^ ^(\?|. The following are a
few examples :
(ll^fV)^ ^rfr?^ " to hlaxe, glitter."
Z^^Z^ ^* ** to throh, ache."
fdMfdMli< ^ " to fidget, twitch."
CrrBUGTUBE OF VERBAL STEMS. 95
l|o « to backbite or qaarrel mutually."
^H^WT ^* " to rap, tap."
mr^H l|o ** to sparkle, shine."
V^^^fX^ ''to qaiver, tremble, shake."
If^if^TI^ " to buzz, ham."
H^iFni^ *' to murmur, whisper."
Many of these words are, as it has been seen, onomatopoetic,
and in a language so unfixed as BengaU, it is impossible to say
how many are really admitted into the proper stock of the
language, and how many are mere local or individual peculi-
arities. Thus Bharat Chandra adorns, or disfigures, his poems
by innumerable fanciful words of this sort, which probably no
one but he ever used, and which he has merely invented for the
occasion, e.g.
''The bracelets gojhanjhan / the anklets go ran ran /
Ohunu ghunu goes the girdle of bells." — ^B.-S. 299.
The remarks made about Bengali apply equally to Oriya, in
which there is not any very extended use either of reduplicated
or (momatopoetic nouns or verbs.
§ 31. Occasional mention has been made in the foregoing
sections of some of the stems used in the Gipsy verb. That
strange, wandering, low-caste people has, however, picked up
many of its words from Iranian and Slavonic, as well as
from non- Aryan sources. But true to the original instincts
of its race, it has retained Aryan stems for its .most common
words, only adopting new words to express the few new ideas
which, in spite of its nomad unsociable life, have been forced
upon it by circumstances.
Eejection of initial h occurs in many words, as aa&m '^ to
96 STRUCrUKE OF VERBAL STEMS.
laugh/' Skr. V^^, even when the initial h has arisen from an
earlier aspirated letter, as in uv&va "to become," Skr. V^,
Pr. ^. An a is also prefixed to roots, as arakdva "to guard,
to find," Skr. VT^9 H. "^^RT; and in the impersonal verb
ardttilotar "it is night," Skr. \jf^. As might be expected,
however, the Prakrit or modem form of verbal stems is that
generally adopted. Thus katdva "to spin," H. ^rnniT, herdva
"to do," H. iJTIT, kindva "to buy," Skr. V^, H. ^ftiRT,
ghoshdm " to clean," Skr. V^, H. tWRT " to rub," but ^
might give a Pr. ^^, whence this word, also pronounced kho-
shdva, Kovliovdm, from kovlo uvdva, Skr. litflfy with ^ " to
be," "to be soft ;" khdnjiovdm, from khdnjuvdm, "to scratch, to
itch," Skr. qn9 "itch," H. ^THI, ig^^. Khdaiovdm, also
khdadm, "to cough," Skr. V^IT^, but H. ^rt^RT- Khanddva
"to dig," Skr. y/wn^\ khdva " to eat," Skr. V^TTf , Pr. ^TT, H.
id,, but the nomads of northern Kumelia use a form khaderdm,
which preserves the d of Sanskrit. Khlniovdva for khino uvdva,
Skr. f^iff with ift " to be fatigued."
There are three very similar verbs which illustrate the
principle of stem-formation in this language well ; gheddva " to
assemble," gheldva "to bring," ghendva "to count." The last
of these three reminds us of Skr. ^T[^^, H. tinniT> for the gh
is only so written to secure the g being pronounced hard ; the
p.p. is ghendo, Skr. irflinT ; gheddva is apparently for ghen ddva,
the latter word meaning "to give," and being added as an
ancillary, just as ^ift is in H., so that ghen ddva = H. fijif ^fT.
Its p.p. is ghedino, and that of ddva is dino, Pr. t^ljt> Old-H.
^\fT and ^HT, which confirms this derivation. Similarly,
gheldva is ghen Idva, where Idva means "to take," H. ^^ From
these two examples, it would appear that the ghe of gheddva and
gheldva is not connected with ghendva, but is Skr. VVIfy I*r.
ilHf " to take."
Strange perversions of meaning occur, as might be expected,
thus chalavdva, Skr. V^^i S. ^"^iRi should mean "to cause to
STRUCrUKE OF VERBAL STEBCS. 97
move/' H. ^qirnTT* I* means, however, "to beat,*' timajd, dik
kan chalAvela o vuddr, "Go, see who knocked at the door I''
This is singularly close to the Indian languages. We might
say in H. yd, dekh kon chaldya dicdr ko. The confusion between
the two meanings of Skr. V^K ^ apparent here also. In Skr.
fT^ and ^ff mean " to move," and the former, by a natural
transition, is used also of cattle grazing. In H. they are kept
apart, ^IRT meaning " to move," and ^T^ifT " to graze." In
Gipsy chardva " to eat," makes its p.p. chalo, the causal chara-
vdva is "to lead out cattle to pasture," and a neuter verb
chdriovdva or chaliovdva "to be satiated." Again, chalardta "to
be satiated with," p.p. chalardo " full," " satisfied."
Frequently, as in the Indian languages, a primitive verb is
wanting, and its place supplied by a compound, thus they say,
chumi ddva "to kiss," Skr. V^^, H. ^JHTT, but the Gipsy is
= ^i! ^TI. So, also, chungdr ddva "to spit," probably to be
referred to Skr. V^ft^, and connected with H. ^^^, M. TjNl
" sneeze."
Under ^ occur words familiar to us in India, as jandva "to
know," Skr. VUTj H. ^TPHIT; J^^^^ "to go," Skr. ^ju, H. ^fPU,
with its old-Tadbhava p.p. gelo, B. i|if , H. f^RlT* 'RTT ; Jf^ngdva
"to awaken," Skr. V^TR, H. IRTRT, ^"^d tl^© neuter yaw^dnio-
vdva, H. ^TR^ftwr, ^rnnrr; J^t^dva "to live," Skr. V^ft't, H.
'fNwr, WNt, f'Jp'j'ivdo, Skr. ^f^f^nT-
Under 7f we find tavdva " to cook," Skr. 7^ p.p. tavdo, Skr.
mffm, also tatto "hot," Pr. ^HT, Skr. j(jf, H. inn. Con-
nected with this probably are tdp ddva, idv ddva, " to beat,"
where Skr. J{J^, H. JU^, has passed over from the meaning of
heat through that of vexation into that of beating. The neuter
is tabiovdva or tapiavdva "to be burnt," as in leskerd sheresid
tdbiolas shamddn "at his head burnt a candle." A more
modem form with the characteristic / of the p.p. in M. G. B.
and O. is tablo " hot," A derivative is tabardva (a causal) " to
cause to bum."
TOL. m. 7
98 STRUCTUKE OF VERBAL STEMS*
It is apparent, from these examples, whicli might he in-
definitely increased, that the base of Gipsy verbal stems is the
Prakrit, in its earlier as well as its more modem forms ; that
the phases of the Indian verb are also fairly represented; that
the practice of using ancillaries is also not unknown; and
that thus this wild and wandering race has carried with it,
wherever it has gone on the face of the earth, the principles
and sentiments of speech formation which it inherits from the
land of its birth, the deserts of the Indus and the Chenab.
CHAPTER II.
THE SIMPLE TENSES.
CONTENTS.—} 82. Classification op Tbnsbs.— } 33. The Simple Pbbsent
OE AoBiST.— { 34. The Imperatite.— § 35. The Futuke in Old Hindi
AND GUJABATI.— § 36. TyPE OF THE ACTIVE VeBB IN SiNDHI AND MaBATHI.
{ 37. Synopsis of the Simple Tenses in all Seven Lanouaoes.—} 38.
Simple Tenses in the Gipst Verb.
§ 32. The preceding Chapter has dealt only with the stem,
or that part of the verb which remains imchanged throughout
all moods and tenses ; we have now to consider the processes
used to express the various relations which the idea inyolved in
the stem is capable of imdergoing.
The tenses of the modem verb fall naturally into three
classes or grades, and it is surprising that so patent a fact
has not been noticed by any of the grammar- writers. It is
impossible to give, as some writers do, a fixed number for the
tenses in any of our languages, for the combinations are almost
infinite; but a broad, general classification would, one might
suppose, have suggested itself to the most mechanical compiler.
The grammar-writers, however, including even authors so
superior to the general run as Trumpp and Eellogg, have been,
for the most part, led away by giving their attention, in the
first place, if not exclusively, to the meanings of the various
tenses. This practice has led them to lose sight of the primary
idea as evolved out of the stmcture of each tense. Had the
structure been first considered, it would have been easy to dis-
cover which of the many conventional senses of a given tense
100 THE SIMPLE TENSES.
was its primary and legitimate one, and by adhering to this
process, a more simple and natural classification of tenses would
have been arrived at.
Kellogg does, indeed, clearly grasp the principles of the
structure of the Hindi verb, but he is too metaphysical in
his considerations about the meaning of each tense, and has
adopted a phraseology which cannot but prove bewildering to
the student, and which scientific linguists are not likely to
adopt.
In Sindhi Trumpp divides the verb into simple and com-
pound tenses. The simple present is by him called the
Potential, though he is weU aware of the fact that it is really
the old Sanskrit present indicative, and in his philological
notes duly recognizes the fact. His classification is sufficient
for Sindhi, though it would hardly cover all the tenses in the
cognate languages. As usual, he is, in this respect, much in
advance of all other grammar- writers on the modem languages.
In the Grammars of Gujarati, Marathi, and Oriya, the same
distinction between simple and compound tenses is preserved,
though in many cases erroneously worked out.
It appears to me, however, that for purposes of comparison
between all the languages of this group, a finer distinction still
is required, and I would suggest a threefold division, which it
will be my business in the following pages to substantiate and
describe in detail.
First, there are the simple tenses, — exact modem equivalents
of corresponding tensies in the Sanskrit and Prakrit verb, whose
form is due to the ordinary processes of phonetic change and
development, and in which the old synthetic structure, though
very much abraded, is still distinctly traceable.
Secondly, the participial tenses, formed from participles of
the Sanskrit verb, used either alone, or with fragments of the
Sanskrit substantive verb, worked into and amalgtunated with
them so as to form in each case one word only. In the latter
'■-. ^.
THB 8IMFLE TEKSB& 101
case these tenses haye a pseudo-synthetical appearance, though
the principle on which they are formed is really analyticaL
Thirdly, compound tenses, in which the base is a participle
with an auxiliary verb added to it, but not incorporated into it,
each person of each tense thus consisting of two words in juxta-
position.
A farther development of the analytical system produces the
large class of verbs with ancillaries, in which the master-stem,
80 to call it, remains imchanged, and the ancillary does all the
work of conjugation. Each of these classes will now be con-
sidered in its turn. The present chapter is devoted to the first
class, or simple tenses.
It must here also be noted that the seven languages have but
one conjugation each, that is to say, that the terminations and
methods of forming tenses in use in any one language are
applied without variation to every verb in that language. A
partial exception may, at first sight, seem to occur in Sindhi
and Marathi, in both of which there is one method for conju-
gating neuter, and another for active verbs. It will be shown,
however, that though at first sight the terminations of the
neuter verb seem to differ from those of the active, as in M.
ift ^ "I escape,*' n, but if\ H\4i "I set free,'' a, yet in
reality the scheme of terminations is one and the same for
both, and the difference is due to a process of preparing the
root to receive terminations, and to the abrasion of those termi-
nations, in some cases from euphonic causes, and not to the
existence of a double system of conjugation.
§ 33. First among the simple tenses comes, in all the lan-
guages, the old Sanskrit present indicative, which, in form,
preserves clear traces of its origin, though, as in its abraded
condition it now no longer indicates with sufficient clearness
present time, it has wandered away into all sorts of meanings,
and is given by grammarians under all sorts of titles. Con-
102 THE SIMPLE tenses;
sidering the very vague meanmgs whicli it now expresses,
especially in regard to tlie note of time, it has seemed to me
that the Greek term " aorist " more accurately describes this
tense in its modem usage than any other. The fact that it is a,
present, no matter what additional indefinite meanings may be
attached to it, is, however, necessary to be borne in mind^ and I
think that in modem grammars it should always head the list
of tenses, as the simplest and most genuine, and legitimately
first in order, of them all. In those languages of this group
with which I am personally acquainted, I can assert, from my
own experience, that it is far more frequently used in colloquial
practice as a present, pure and simple, than our grammar-
writers, basing their views too much on the literary aspects of
the languages, would have us believe.
The terminations of the aorist in the classical form of each
language in the present day are the following. (For the full
forms, see the tables at the end of this chapter.)
smo. 1. 2. 8. PLUB 1. 2. 8.
Hindi ^
11
n
t ^ t
Panjabi ^
t
ir
% ^ 1B^
Sindhi ^
t
11
^ ^ ^rf^t
Gnjarati ^
n
1!
T^(^) ^ U
Marathi 1^
1W(^H
^ ^ ^w^
Oriya l(
^
ir
^ ^(3)^1^
Bengali ^
1^
11
T ^(s)iw:(^>^
The third person singular is the same in all the languages,
ending universally in H. In Oriya poetry it ends in in[, and
this now somewhat antiquated f orai is stOl occasionally heard,
as in 1^ " he does," WZX " ^^ ^•" ^® form in ^^n[ is in use
in the rustic dialects of Hindi and Gujarati, as is also the in-
termediate form ^. It seems certain that this universal "Q
has been formed from ^in[, the termination of this person in
THE SIMPLE TENSES. 103
Prakrit, and corresponds to the Sanskrit nft. Thus ^Wffif
becomes ^TO1[> ^I%> and ^^« The rustic Hindi forms ^iWf^,
^IRT, are, I think, to be explained by the Prakrit process of
inserting ^ and ^ to fill a hiatus; thus ^(irfTf becomes ^irat^
and ^irflT- In the hill dialects of Eumaon and GarhwHl the
final vowel is lost, and they say ^^ for ^%. The same takes
place in Nepali.
The third person plural similarly points to the same person
in the Sanskrit present. Oriya has here preserved the termina-
tion unaltered, as ificf^ "they do," ifTTf'W "they beat,"
though in common conversation there is a tendency to drop the
final t, and to say karanf, mdrant P. S. and B. have lost the 7f ,
and with it P. and B. have rejected the vowel also, which
Sindhi retains. Hindi has softened the nasal consonant to
animcLsika, and Gujarati has rejected the nasal altogether, so
that the 3 pliiral is the same in form as 3 singular. This also
is the case in the dialects of Hindi spoken in Kajputana, which
have in^ " they strike," where classical H. has irf^. After
the rejection of the Tf, which is a phonetically anomalous,
though widely used process, the remaining form would be ^rfif ,
as 4114^ fi|, closely approximate to which is Garhw&li iTTTf'
The Braj form irf^ is deducible also from 4lK(i|, through an
intermediate fdtx ^^^ 'HT^. The last-named form is still in
use in the Eastern Hindi area, and has in Bhojpuri modulated
into irr^ ; while the type M'ix is preserved in the Oudh and
Riwa form l||4^«|, where ^ has been substituted for ^, and an
inorganic second anun&sika added, concerning which there will
be more to say presently.
Marathi stands alone in preserving the t of the Sanskrit antu
In old Marathi the final vowel is preserved and lengthened, as
^^Kf) "they rise;" in the modem language ^i7{. In the
Konkani dialect^ all three persons of the pliiral are said to end
^ Grammatica da Lingua Concani (Goa, 1869), p. 74.
104 THE SIMPLE TENSES.
in ti. Thus in tlie Portuguese method of transliteration^ wUcli
is not very accurate, the words are thus written^ ami asaati " we
are/' tum% asaati *' ye are," te assati " they are/' We should
probably write irafVT= classical M. 'WW^, The author tells
us, however, that one may also say ami assail " we are," which
is classical M. first person plural W^^ ^V^> though in Konkani
it may be used for all three persons of the plural.
The second person singular ends in l( in H. and G., and is
from Skr. irftr by elision of ^, thus xifiRj, ir^ff , ^RHC, 'rt
(Braj), ^^%. In B. it formerly ended in lrf%> but the final
Yowel has been rejected, and the a weakened to t, thus ^(l^^
" thou seest ;" this form has been excluded from literature, but
is extremely common in speech. In M. also the ^ has persisted,
as ^^ "thou dost get free," where the e is apparently due to
the epenthesis of the final i of an earlier ^|Zf%* The i may,
however, be dropped altogether, without leaving any trace, and
one may say ^Z9. P. and S. take anun&sika, as li^ " thou
doest," which is perhaps due to the influence of the %, which
has disappeared. The termination 1[9 is often heard among
the lower classes in the Hindi area, but always in a past sense,
and extended to all persons, as fi|f|p6r ^'he did," iiff<(r "he
said" (also I or thou). The O. termination ^ for this person
is abnormal, and I am at a loss to accoimt for it.
The second person plural in all but M. ends in o, for though
B. and 0. write ^, they pronounce 6, and when emphasis is
used, d. There is no difficulty in affiliating this termination to
the corresponding Skr. 2 plural in tha, through Pr. dha and ha,
thus ^ITf "ye go," where, by elision of h and conflation of the
two vowels, we should get ^^^HR and ^^WT* The final d has
been lengthened to o, as in the plural of nouns. Marathi also
forms this person on the analogy of its noun, in which the final
anusw&ra is typical of the plural, so that we get ^wt* The
process, however, is quite modem, for in the mediaeval poets
the second person plural ends in d without anusw&ra.
THE SIMPLE TENSES. 105
There is some obscurity about the first person in both num-
bers. In H. and G. the singular ends in ^ (^), while the
plural ends in ^ (l() ; but in S. M. and 0. it is the plural which
ends in ^, while ^ is in M. and O. the termination of the
singular. Now if we look to the earlier forms, it would seem
more natural to derive ^^ from irinf^> where the presence of
the final ^ accounts easily for the Jl, and so the plural ^TWHT t
with its Prakrit representative ^nrn^ would regularly result in
^. Moreover, in many dialects even of Hindi, the plural is
rtiU ^IH^ and ^^ft, ^, ^Wf. In the Rajputana dialects it
is ^fWty which agrees with the singular of modem P. and S.
For five of the languages Skr. ^TUlfV! softened to ^Wt^ would
become ^Wrtf, whence M. and O. ifif "I go," and further
shortened, B. ^iffl id., while the rejection of final ^ gives P.
^Wrt, S. ^irt " I go.'* The singular, therefore, in these five is
easily imderstood. So also is the plural, for Skr. ^nrni«> Pr.
^rin^> would become ^Wt^ and ^1IT^> whence dialectic H.
^mt (Rajputana), ^^m, ^niY> ^IWlf (ii^ the Himalayan dialects),
S. l|^, M. id,, G. ^i[. But how are we to accoimt for the
singijkr and plural in H. and G. ? It seems as if an inversion
of the two persons had taken place. It is probable enough that
a form originally plural should have become singular, because
natives imiversally speak of themselves as "we" even when
only one person is speaking. In this way the plural form may
have passed over into a singular. And this tendency would be
further developed by the fact that in H. and G. the languages
which make the singular end in un, the pronoun of the first
person was, in mediaeval times, and dialectically still is, ^ff, so
that it would be natural to say i(( ^pfY " I <io>" ^^ accoimt of
the identity of soimd. In the other languages this pronoun
has dropped out of use (see Vol. II. p. 302). Even if this con-
jecture be disapproved, and if it be thought that the singular
^PCt is derived from Pr. i|<,|fi| by loss of the final i and soften-
ing of the m into anusw&ra, we are still as far as ever from the
106 THE SIMPLE TENSES.
origin of tlie plural in en. I think that this might perhaps be
accounted for by the form of the third person plural haying
passed over into the first. That forms belonging to one person
or case do often get extended to other persons or cases, is
generally admitted. In the Riwa dialect of H. the 1 pL ends
in If , as 4114, if " we strike," which seems to be connected with
the 3 pi. of P. S. and B., and in most of the dialects the 1 pL is
identical with 3 pi. Now the 3 pi. has a right to an i, coming
as it does from a Skr. -anti, and the presence of the n in the
Kiwa, and other eastern Hindi dialects, points to the same
source. The inorganic anusw&ra in poetic Hindi, as ITITfil
" they strike/' and dialectic forms, seems to have arisen from a
feeling that final anusw&ra was the proper type of plurality,
and thus depends upon a false analogy with the plural of
nouns. The widespread Bhojpuri dialect has HfCt ^^^ for
1 pi. and 3 pi., where the ending retains the nasal and the t,
though the latter is lengthened. We may, however, also sup-
pose that ^ 1 pi., " we do," is really the singular, and that
the real plural having been used for a singular, the real singu-
lar became a plural. For though a native is fond of speaking
of himself individually as " we," yet the consciousness of only
one person being referred to might lead him to use the singular
verb, just as the Muhammadans in Orissa, in their corrupt
Urdu, say ham kar&ngd " I will do," literally " nos f aciam," a
plural pronoun with a singular verb. So, also, the French
peasant says "je faisons," "j'avons;" and the English one "we
goes," " he do," " they says."
The above remarks leave this difficult point still far from
elucidation. It is surprising that none of the grammarians
have observed the existence of the difficulty, or oflTered any
hints towards its solution. It is further complicated by the
fact that P. and G. insert t, f, ap or iy between the stem and
the termination of the 1 pi., thus P. X(^, irfl^, G. M<fl€| , J(^
*' we read." Here it has been suggested that the Apabhranfa
THE SIMPLE TENSES. 107
form in itno is the origin^ thus fflRft " we laugh *' became
^f^PJt Olid Yf%^, but the change from ^ to ^ is xmusual.
On the whole, then, the correspondence of the modem forms
of this tense with those of the ancient synthetical present is so
close that there can be no doubt as to its derivation therefrom.
The terminations, however, have been so much worn away, and
in some respects confused with one another, that the tense
itself no longer indicates present time with sufficient definite-
ness, and other forms, which will be treated of hereafter, have
been called in to supply the place of a present. This tense has
thus become vague, and in modem times is often used in both a
future and a past sense. In Marathi grammars it is set down
as an " Habitual Past," so that ^ vjt means " I used to get
loose." In Panjabi it is given as an indefinite future, as S|f
^Hft" " I would send," or, " I am going to send." It bears this
meaning also in Hindi. StiU, in literature, it is frequently the
present, and nothing else, while in Bengali it is used as an
*' historic present," namely, that tense which is used by his-
torians when, to give vigour to their style, they speak of past
events in the present tense, thus tatpare katak-guli loka git/d
pdthara sangraAa kare, emana samat/e ekakhdni hara pdthara kha-
siyd pare, " After that several people went and collected stones,
suddenly a great block of stone slipped and fell ;" where kare
and parCy though they must be translated by preterites, are
r^Jly the old synthetic present. This practice is extremely
common in modem Bengali, both in the literary and in the
colloquial style.^
It is unnecessary further to pursue the question of the
^ In the Gujarati grammars of Leckey and Edalji this tense appears several times
over. It is tiie first present and first habitual past of the Indicative mood, first
Aorist of the Subjonctive, first present of the second Potential and the Optative. All
this merely means that it is used in the senses which, in a Latin or Greek verb,
wonld be assigned to those tenses ; but as the words are the same in aU, it would be
quite as accurate, and much simpler, to record it once only, and note that it is used
in a variety of senses.
108 THE SIMPLE TENSES.
yarious senses in which this tense is now employed, as the
point is one which belongs not to the domain of comparative
philology, but to the grammar of each individual language.
The name ^^aorist/' which I have suggested, has the advantage
of being indefinite as to time, and in this way represents fairly
the scope of the tense.
§ 34. The next simple tense is the Imperative, and this, like
the aorist, is descended from the imperative of the ancient
languages. As might be expected, it closely resembles the
aorist or old present, and has the following scheme of endings :
D. 1. 2. 3. X . 1. 2. 3.
Hindi ^
v
ij
^
ift
It
Panjabi
V
^
Sindlii
^
ift
Chvarad
v'
^
Maratlii ^
V
irt
«
^
^tW
Oriya 1^
V
^
^
^(«)
^
Bengali
y/
ys%
^(8)
^^
In this scheme only the second persons singular and plural
have been given for P. S. and G., because the other persons are
the same as the aorist. This is also true of H., the aorist being
used as a potential in all these languages, the first and third
persons of both nimibers can only be considered imperatives in
so far as the potential is itself imperative, just as in Latin and
other Indo-European languages. So we may say in H. parhe
"he reads," or, "let him read." It was shown in §§ 4, 6, etc.,
that even in Pali and the Prakrits the present and imperative
had been confounded together, a practice that has paved the
way for the modem sjrstem.
It is only in M. 0. and B. that the third singular has a
^ This mark means that the 2 sing, is the simple stem, as kar ** do thon! " pofh
•'wadthonl"
THE SIMPLE TENSES. 109
separate form, which may in all cases be traced back to the
Skr. 3 8g. ^ff^, Pr. ire, which in M. becomes ift- In M., how-
ever, the termination ^ for this tense is also in use. To the
same origin may be ascribed the 0. ^ and B. mty the final if
of which, however, presents considerable difficulty. It will be
discussed along vrith a simikr termination in the future.
The third plural in M. 0. and B. is parallel to the singular,
and is connected with Skr. IP^, just as the corresponding
person in the aorist is with Skr. 'irfilf . In 0., owing to the
influence of the final ti, this termination is often written untu^
as karuntu "let them do,*' jduntu " let them go."
In all but S. the second singular is the bare verbal stem. In
H. a final ^ is heard, and slightly also in B. and 0. In the
dialect of Northern Gujarat a lEf is soxmded after the final con-
sonant, as H^ "do thou,** ^fil "speak thou," ^fPil "go thou."*
But in the rest this person ends vrith the final consonant, as kar
"do," dekh " see." In the H. mediaeval poets this person often
ends in f^, as stated in §§ 4, 5, 7, corresponding to which is a
plural in V, as
" Seize ye ! seize ye ! muttering of war." — Chand, Br. E. zix. 33.
This form is also found in G., and in Old-M. takes the shape
of it, as irRf "find thou!" for iTRlt* from imff, with in-
organic anusw&ra. Siudhi, which causes all its words to end in
a vowel, makes this person end in ^, which is apparently only
a weakening of the final vowel of the stem. The dialectic
forms of H. present few noteworthy peculiarities, in some cases
the forms which Kellogg gives as imperatives are really other
tenses used imperatively. Thus the form Wr^ "beat yel
common in the eastern area, is really a future, " ye shall beat.
Often, too, in colloquial Hindi, and in Urdu, in giving an order,
^ Yans Taylor, Grammar, p. 89.
ft
110 THE SIMPLE TENSES.
the future is used, as Jy^ ift ^ni% ^ WT^t^} " You will bring
Rftm with you,'* that is, "bring him with you!" So also the
infinitive, as ysff ^pf '^J^ ^nw(t WQTt " Do all this work to-
day," Kterally, " (Take care) to do," i;^ fcHT ^ ^^ t ^
^nR" ^UWt " Pay this debt, and then go away." '
Most of the seyen languages haye, in addition to the ordinary
imperative, a respectful form used in addressing a superior, or
in entreating and asking a favour. This, in Hindi, ends in
Sing. ^, Plur. \^. In P. this form is seldom employed,
and when used, may be considered as borrowed from H. In
the other languages are —
Sindhi Sing. 2. '^^y 1{]9{, Plur. 2. 1[^> ll^ift-
Giijarati „ ^R%, „ ^TBlt'
In a few stems in H. which end in e, IC is inserted between
the stem and the termination, the final vowel being changed to
I, as % "take," ^Vf^, ^ "give," i^tf^; the stem H^ "do "
is in this case changed to ^, making 4Vf^l^ "be pleased to
do." Sindhi sometimes takes in the singular l[^ instead of |^,
probably on the analogy of the simple imperative, which ends
in u ; and in the plural, instead of 1[^, the forms J^^ T'TT*
IJfT^j ^[TTF are used when great respect is implied, as ^rf^TSIT
" be pleased to go," ^fi(|^|f " be pleased to hear." Many of
the rustic dialects of Hindi have also this form ; thus Bajputana
T^l, J^, t^, or simply ^, as irT^^, Tr(t%, TJ^f "be pleased
to strike."
Vararuchi (vii. 20, 21, 22) teaches that jlfa and jl/d may be
optionally substituted for the afi^es of the present and future,
also for those of the imperative, in verbs which end in a voweL
In Old-Marathi, accordingly, a form with inserted ^ is found
in present, past, and future, as well as imperative, as 4fX5)d1
"he does," ^IfftW "he did," nftiilw "he wiU do," nf?^ "do
1 Pincott's Sakuntald, p. 12, a first-rate text-book in admirable idiomatic Hindu
THE SIMPLE TENSES. Ill
thou," in whicli the junction vowel between the inserted if and
the termination has been changed to e. As, however, the in-
serted If is also a type of the passive, this form has occasionally
been mistakenly used in a passive sense, as '^ 4||(\il^ ^' I am
struck," Lassen (p. 357) refers this increment to the Skr.
potential, which is confirmed by the Pali forms quoted in § 4,
and by the dotted ^ in S., which usually indicates that a
double letter has existed. The iBf of the Skr., as in i|%^, is
doubled in Pa. i|^m(4l, and hardened to ^ in Pr., whence
the modem if, with lengthening of the preceding vowel in H.,
and change of e to a in G. (cf. G. ^[^= ^?r). As Vararuchi,
in extending the use of this increment to present and future, is
writing of the Maharashtri dialect, it is not surprising that the
modem Marathi should show a wider use thereof than the
sister idioms, in which the sense of a potential has passed over
into that of a respectful imperative, or, as Trumpp well calls it,
precative.
To this tense belong the two M. words 7=1^11% and tnffii'
The former is the precative of W^ (Skr. t/H'C) "to speak,"
and means literally, "be pleased to say;" in modem times it
means " that is to say," " «.e.," " videlicet," as "^Rf VflQi) ^tlT
"agwa, that is to say, a horse." It has also a future form
VfT^iNfy meaning "in that case," as vn^m Xf^fTT f^prtf
ijt^ Vl4^ " If rain falls, then (or, in that case) there will be a
crop." The latter, with a plural Mlff^^> and a future MlffS^I^^
is from in!{% "to see," literally "please to see," and means
" it ought," as ^ m[^ ^i% ^7rff% " this work aught to be done,"
literally "please to see (that) this work is done;" "see"
being used in M., as in English, in the sense of " seeing to,"
"providing for," "taking care for."'
Similar to these is the H. Trff^, lit. "please to wish," but
1 See Molesworih's Marathi Dictionary under these words ; also Oodbol's Marathi
Grammar, p. 92.
112 THB SIMPLE TENSES.
meaning '^ onglit/' and, like inffil in M., used with tlie past
participle, as ysf^ m[^ f^RTT Trfl^ "this work aught to be
done." Colloquially, however, and even among good writers,
^mf|[^ is often, like other ancillary verbs, constructed with the
oblique form of the infinitive, and it would not be absolutely
incorrect to say li^ ▼rff^. In fact, the construction both in
M. and H. with the past participle remounts to a period when
the participial character of this form was not yet forgotten.
Since, however, the past participle in H. has come to be used
simply as a preterite, this construction has lost its significance.
Not so in M., where, as will be seen hereafter, the distinction
between the preterite and participle still survives.
Gujarati has an analogous formation in the word ^itl^ " it
is wanted," French "il faut," Italian "bisogna." It is from
the verb ^iftj "to see," and is used with a dative of the subject,
as ?fif ^Wt ^ 'itl^ T^ " I want no other blessing," like
Latin "mihi necesse est, oportet, decet," etc. It is conju-
gated throughout the full range of tenses, as ^TQRC ^ ^ ^itlC
oitl^^ ^ "Whatever teas required for the voyage," ^it Tf^
TW 'itlC^ ^ " Should I require venison, then . . . ."
§ 35. A simple future derived from the old synthetical tense
exists only in Ghijarati and in Old-Hindi. The tense is as
follows, taking the stem kar " do," as a type :
snra. 1. 2. 8. pl. 1. 2. 8.
»
Chyarati 1|T^ ^1^ ^IT^ ift^ VWt 1^«
Old-H. l|f^ ^rf^t ^if^t Hf^ '•f^ lf^-
Kellogg (Gr. p. 238) gives the following interesting tran-
sitional type from eastern Bajputana : —
BiNO. 1. 2. 3. PL. 1. 2. 3.
^iT^ ^1^ T^ ^^ ^it:^ 1^-
THE SIMPLE TENSES. 113
There are, in fact, four types of the future in the modem
languages, having for their characteristics respectively the
letters ^, ^, w, and if. The sa type has a variant ha^ The
ga, lay and ba types belong to the class of participial tenses,
and will be discussed under that head. The aa type, with its
variant Aa, found in G. and Old-H., with dialectic variations in
several of the modem rustic dialects of H., is the only one
which is directly derived from the corresponding Sanskrit and
Prakrit tense. It is the Sanskrit future in iahyay as in kariah-
ydtni, which, as already pointed out in § 4, becomes in Pali
karissdmi, and retains that form in the higher Prakrits. The
transition from this to the eastern Bajput li^^ seems to rest
upon the confusion between the first persons of the singular
and plural already noticed in H. ; for Bajp. ^1^^, though now
a plural, represents ^IX^lPl better than does ^^4, which
latter leads to Pr. plural Wf^CWT^y jnst as does G. ^rfT^» The
G. 1 sing, li^t^ has rejected all terminations, and lengthened
the preceding vowel; this form is also, in the general con-
fusion, due to the corruption of personal affixes, used for the
2 sing. The second and third persons of both numbers may
be traced back to the corresponding persons of the Prakrit just
as in the aorist, and the loss of the i in the second syllable is
probably due to the neglect of vowels in G., where the first
plural even is written in three ways, as ^^(ttf , 'ifT^j or 1T^-
The orthography of G. is, it will be remembered, stiU unfixed.
In most of the Prakrits the future has undergone a further
weakening, by which the ^ of the higher types has been re-
solved into Y, so that we get such forms as 4|f4lff(?| side by
side with ir^fi^fh* It is from this weakened form that the
Hindi type is derived. Thus 3 sing, ^rf^) represents Pr.
Hf?Cf1[ from ^rfT:if?f ; 3 pi. iif^'lfss nf^fif , and so on. Here
also come in the old Purbi forms iif^|[ff, qsR^ff , which are
transitional from Pr. to Old-H. In poems in the Braj dialect
occur such forms as ^(^l(¥, ^i^> where the ai has crept into
TOL. m. 8
114 THE SDCPLB TENSES.
the second syllable, probably from tbe analogy of the ga type
karai-gA. The commonest form is that given above^ with short
i in the second syllable. This is Chand's ordinary future, as
"We nobles all wiU fight,
(That) the kingdom of the Ohandel may not perish."
— Pr. B. zxL 94.
''Either I will yield my head to thee,
Or I mUput the nmbrella on my head." — Pr. R. i. 279.
{%.$. I will either die or conquer.)
'' Having plundered Kanauj, I wiU carry offeH. your riches,
After that, I will fight at Mahoba." — ib, xxi. 87.
It is also the ordinary future throughout TuLd Das's
Bamayan, as
iRf|[ Htfii fro %Tr ifr^ff •
irn^ «if*ni iRw V? ffrit i
"In every manner I will serve my beloved,
I wiU take away all the fatigue of the journey.''
— Ay-k. 899.
Also universally in Kabir, as
w[ wpfft WW Trf^ wr ^iT wr m<^^ i
" Te know not when he {i.e. death) wiH strike, whether at home or
abroad." — ^Ram. zix. 5.
wvtr w ^'^ft' ^ft WTWT I
" Tou will neYerfind such a place again. — ih. xUii. 2.
where ^= HTi:ft 2 pi. fut. of inWT " to find.''
When the ga future, which is now the ordinary type in
Hindi, arose, cannot be clearly defined. It is not in use in the
"^
THB SIMPLE TENSES. 115
medisBfval poets, and, as has been shown aboye^ it has not suc-
ceeded in expelling the old synthetical future from the rustic
dialects.
§ 36. In M. and S. the terminations of .the old present or
aorist, and those of the imperatiye in S., seem at first sight to
differ in the active from those in the neuter verb, and some
remarks are necessary in explanation of this peculiarity. The
neuter ^|Zl| " to get loose," and the active ^ftlfl|| " to set free,"
are thus conjugated in the present in M.
SIH6. 1. 2. 8. PL. 1. 2. 3.
Similarly in S. the neuter ^IflJ "to go," and the active
^^r|[ "to give up," conjugate the present thus : —
sure. 1. 2. 3. pl. 1. 2. 3.
lift ^ 1% ^^ 1^ fHfif.
WT^^ 9i\4^ Wi IfTMRr WtlHrT Wluf.
On comparing these two sets of forms, it will be seen that
the active differs from the neuter by insertion of i^ in M., and
of ^ in S. This inserted vowel has, however, disappeared in
some persons, as in M. first and second plural, and in S. third
singular, and, optionally, also second singular and third plural.
Some writers on Marathi seek to derive the forms of the neuter
from those of the Skr. Atmanepada, and the forms of the active
from those of the Parasmaipada. There is, however, a fatal
objection to this argument in the fact that the Skr. Atmane-
pada had died out of use so early as the Prakrits, and that the
neuter forms of M. agree closely with the forms in use in the
other languages, where there is nothing to lead us to look for
116 THE SIMPLE TENSESL
an origin from tlie Atmanepada^ inasmucli as tlie known changes
of the Parasmaipada afibrd a satisfactory explanation^ and in
those languages the type which in M. is restricted to neuter
verbs is used for both neuter and active. A more probable
supposition is that which would derive the forms of the active
in M. and S. from the Skr. causal, the characteristic aya having
been changed in Pr. to 6, and still further shortened in S. to t,
while in M. the personal terminations have been blended with
the ^ of aya into a long vowel ; thus M. 4Jl4^ presupposes an
earlier form ^Qft^71[ or ?5ftd« for it must be noted that the
termination H resulting from Skr. ^lrf?f, Pr. "^ffl^, has been
dropped in this word. So in the first sing. S. ^f^nvt repre-
sents an older ^^'€|lf4|j and is thus earlier in type than M.
?Bft^ for ^h1^^> through ^>i€||f(. The second singular in
which the personal termination is retained also supports this
view, for in it the characteristic f^ holds the same place in the
word as the characteristic aya of the Sanskrit causal, namely,
between the stem and the termination : so it does in Sindhi in
all the persons. The value of the comparative method is shown
in cases like this where a student, who is guided by the facts of
one language only, is liable to be misled, owing to want of the
light supplied by the sister languages.
It is only in S. that the imperative diflFers in the active from
that in the neuter. According to strict rule, the second singu-
lar of neuter verbs ends in t^, as HiM " to die,'' imperative i|^
" die thou ;" while in active verbs it ends in 1^, as XTRf^ " to
cherish," imperative infw " cherish thou." Trumpp, however,
gives a long list of active verbs whose imperative ends in ti,
while there are others which take both terminations. It is
impossible, at present, satisfactorily to account for this irregu-
larity, but it seems probable that active verbs in S. derived
from actives in Sanskrit form the imperative in «, while those
which are derived from S. causals form* it in ^. Should this
suggestion be confirmed by further research^ the ^ would
THE SIMPLE TENSES. 117
appear to be the representative of the Skr. aya of the causal.
Thus while Skr. ir^ produces S. ?n|, Skr. iniRI produces S.
llrtw, shortened from tn% (Pr. ^T%ff)* The second plural of
neuters ends in o^ as fift " go ye ! " while that of actives ends
in w> or yo, as ^^ift or IdCft* The earlier form in iho
(Pr. XW) is also in use as l^f^ft-
In the following list there is no reason why the imperative
should not end in u, notwithstanding the rule, for the words
are derived from simple Sanskrit active verbs of the BhA con-
jugation, or, if in Sanskrit of other conjugations, yet reduced
to the BhA type in Prakrit.
VaU^ ''to read," imp. J3^ Skr. \/ 1^^ imp. ^7.
fqf^" grind," „ finr „ ^/f^ „ ftftr, bat Pr. ij^H
(Hem. iv. 185).
^T^" graze," „ If^ „ Vlf^ „ ^.
T^'^keep," ^ T^ ,. Vt:^ „ X^»
1f^ « say," „ inr „ VH^ „ ^W^, bat Pr. ^
(Hem. iv. 2).
^Vranf ^'^ inform,'' makes ^Vin^ and Wf%> it is from Skr.
UPBITy imperative ^HWrfV^ from which comes regularly Wf^y
through a form unrff , but this verb may be also neuter, as in
'' tell ! tell I " and would thus, by the masses, be formed like
neuters, and have ^Vir^. M^TO ''to blow'' (with bellows),
makes \|^ and \}f^, it is from Skr. ^qT> imp* V^> whence
regularly \|^. Here the form \}f^, the ordinary form for
actives, may have been introduced from forgetfulness of the
special reasons for that ending in ti. As a general result, it
may be suggested that each of these peculiar verbs requires to
be traced back to its origin, in which case there will generally
be found some special reason for the divergence from the
normal type*
118
THB SDfPLB TENSBS.
§ 37. Here follows a table showing the siinple tenses in each
language. A common verbal stem in each is given to exhibit the
method of adding the terminations.
9
i
IS
^S'/iirS'iC'S'
^\fff\^f
i %
s
W^ W^ W^ PP9 Iff ^
3
o
I
'^f^»»
%
IfVIr
*5
W^ tP^ W^ W^ W9 ip9
I
i
Eg
9
P4
M)
Ittttt
P t
I
llflf
^ f
i
'4e
t^air^^a^'^
^ « CO ^ 0« CO
*X8IH0T
^rW'^/K'^^
I
7
7
•
9
o
^ « CO ^ « CO
*EALLyi[aaja
^ « €0 ^ « €0
* mrrixfiiy
THB SDfPLB TBV8B8. 119
§ 38. The simple tenses in the Gipsy verb^ as given by
Paspati and Miklosich, differ very widely from the Indian
type, and it is difficult to grasp their forms, so much have
contraction and a slurring habit of pronunciation weakened
the original terminations. The present among the Bumelian
gipsies has the following endings: S. 1. a, 2. aa, «, 3. /; PL 1.
«fl, 8, 2. fkx, ft, 3. na, n. Thus from kerdva "to do** —
Sing. 1. ker&yay or ker&v. PL 1. ker&sa, or ker&s.
2. ker&sa „ ker&s. 2. ker^na- ,, ker^n.
3. ker^la „ kerel. 3. kerena „ ker^n.
Of the two forms, those ending with a are the fuller and
more correct forms, and those ending in the consonant which
precedes the a are used in ordinary conyersation. The S. 2
sounds also keresa, ker^s. Here we distinguish two junction-
Yowels d and e, as ker-&-sa, ker-6-sa, a peculiarity which recalls
the practice in Prakrit by which the e originally proper to the
tenth conjugation is often used in yerbs of the Bhii and other
types, and as often omitted in causals ; so we have ^^Tf^ ^^'i
3%^> Ttrrfif and Tt^fif, fTTT and fT^, ITT ^^ '•TT*
But with regard to the terminations, there is much difficulty ;
we recognize, indeed, the termination dmi of S. 1. in Paspati's
dmy or dv, and aai in his daa, or da. So also anti, Pr. enti, re-
appears in ena or en. The ela, el of S. 3. may stand to ati in
the same relation as the ila of 0. and M. p.p.p. does to Skr. ita ;
but if so, it is a strange confirmation, and from an unexpected
quarter, of what is as yet little more than an imsupported
hypothesis. In the P. 2. the ena, en may have been borrowed
from P. 3, for we haye seen similar cases in the other lan-
guages, but the P. 1, with its ending in «, is entirely in-
explicable.
The Syrian gipsies haye retained a fuller form of the S. 1, as
jdmi "I go,** dvami "1 come,** at&mi "I am,** and the following
almost pure Prakrit words, bihemi " I fear,** chinemi " I cut,**
I2d
THE SIMPLE TENSES*
ddmi, demi "I ^yq^^ jdnami^jdnemi "I know/* enemi "1 bring "
(from ^inft)> kinimi " I buy " (lft)> and others (Miklos. iL 4).
The imperative is the only other simple tense^ it has the
forms ker " do thou," ker^n^ do ye/* me kerel " let him do/' me
keren ** let them do.'* The meaning and origin of this prefix
me is not explained by Paspati, and I am not aware ^ of any-
thing in the Indian languages with which it can be connected.
It is probably a construction borrowed from modem Greek, or
Turkish, or some of the languages spoken in or near Eumelia.
The imperative is, in its general form, precisely analogous to
the languages of our group, but there is nothing specially
noteworthy about it.
CHAPTER III.
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
CONTENTS.—} 89. Dbfinition of thb Pabtioipial Tbnbbb.— § 40. Thb
PaBTICIPUI AcTITB.— } 41. TbNSBS FOBXBD THBBSBT — THB SnCDHI FUTUBB.
— } 42. Mabathi Indioatitb and Conditional Pbbsbnt. — § 43. Bbnoali
AND Obita Conditional. — § 44. Hindi, Panjabi, and Gujabati Pbbsbnt. —
i 4o. Thb Past PABTiciPLa Passiyb.— } 46. Eablt Tadbhaya Pabticiplbs
IN SiNDHI AlTD PaNJABL — } 47. ThB SAMB IN GuJABATI AND MaBATHI. —
{ 48. Thb bamb in Old and Nbw Hindi.— { 49. Tbnsbs pobxbd fbok
THB Past Pabticiflb.— § 60. Thb PRATOOAa.-'i 51. Thb Futubb Pabti-
ciPLB Passiyb. — § 62. Tbnsbs tobmbd fbom it in Sindhi, Gujabati, and
Mabathi. — { 53. Thb Futxtbb in Obita, Bbngali, and Eastbbn Hindi. —
{ 54. Thb Hindi and Panjabi Fxttubb. — } 55. Mabathi Futubb com-
PABBD with that IN Cbbtain Hindi Dialbots.— { 66. Synopsis of thb
Pabticipial Tbnsbs in all Sbybn Languaobs. — { 57. Pabticipial Tbnsbs
Of thb Gipst Ybbb.
§ 39. So widely lias tlie modem verb diverged from its
parent, that the simple tenses, in which there still remain
traces of the ancient synthetic structure, are, as we have just
seen, extremely few. Far more numerous in all the languages
are those tenses which are formed by the aid of a participle
derived directly from the Prakrit. These tenses may be
divided into two classes, (1) consisting either of a participle
alone, as in H. chaltd "he moves,*' which is really "moving
(he is),'* or of a participle, to which are attached much-worn
fragments of the old Sanskrit substantive verb, aa in M. hasatos
"thou laughest,*' which is really "laughing thou art,'' Pr.
hasanto 'si (whether the remnant of the substantive verb still
appear, or whether it have entirely dropped out, in either case
the principle underlying the formation is the same, and words
122 THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
like H. chalid, and H. haaatos, belong, therefore, to the same
category) : (2) consisting of a participle, to which is subjoined
a substantive verb, the two words standing separate, but form-
ing one phrase, as in H. dekhtd hai "he sees,'' i.e. "he is
seeing," M. iihtt dhe "he is writing/'
Between these two classes there is this fundamental differ-
ence, that in the former the traces of the substantive verb
which do exist are still in the Prakrit stage of development,
whereas in the latter the substantive verb, which is combined
with the participle, is not in the Prakrit shape, but is a later
form, evolved by the languages out of the Prakrit.
The first of these two classes I propose to call " participial
tenses," and they will be treated of in this chapter ; the second
I shall call, following the example of the grammarians, " com-
pound tenses," and shall reserve their discussion for another
chapter.
The participle used in the formation of tenses may be traced
back to the Prakrit equivalents of the following Sanskrit
participles.
1. The present Active (Parasmai.), as in IT^p^ m., 1|inifVy*» ^1^^**
2. The past Passive (with inserted ^), as in VTV^ tn*» VTTT f'f V4 *•
(Pr. ^iPnit etc.).
3* The future participle Passive or verbal adjective, as in TTTHQ^ "**f
To these must be added certain much abraded forms of
special past participles, which are tised in a peculiar way in
three of the languages, as will be shown hereafter, and it must
be borne in mind that, especially in the case of the past parti-
ciple passive (noted as p.p.p.)^ ^t is the Prakrit forms that are
to be looked to, rather than those which occur in classical
Sanskrit. The classical language does not prefer to insert the
intermediate ^ in the p.p.p., but the popular languages do
prefer it to a very great extent, so much so, that it has almost
THE FABTICIPIAL TBKSB8. 123
become the role to insert it, and tbe cases where it is omitted
may be classed as exceptions.
S 40. The participle of the present active in Pali and the
Prakrit takes the forms of the o-stem of nouns, and retains the
nasal throughout ; thus ip^ m., irt^ft/., itW n. The varia-
tions introduced hj the conjugational peculiarities of the
Sanskrit verb are neglected, and all roots take this one form.
Sindhi reproduces this imiversal Prakrit form with softening
of If into ^, and declines it for gender and number thus (hal
«go")_
In active verbs, with which must be reckoned caiusals, the
characteristic i appears (§ 36), but here lengthened to I, as
(JAar"fill'0—
Sing. ^rPf^ m. Hffift/. H. VP^ m., iifft^/. "filling.''
There are some minor exceptions and contractions which may
be learnt from the special grammar of the language, but the
forms given above are the regular types.
Panjabi retains the nasal in verbs ending in vowels, as jd
"go/' mt^ "going," ho "be," jf^ "being,'' aeu "serve,"
%^^ " serving." In some of the rustic dialects the nasal is
retained also after stems ending in a consonant, thus I have
heard 4||^^| or niX^I "beating." In the classical dialect,
however, the nasal is omitted after a consonant, as singular
*iK<r w., M\i^4) /• y pl^iral iTR^ m., M\i,^m\ f. Not un-
frequently the ^ is dropped, and we hear ^nWf, SrvfT for Wti^,
Hindi has two sets of forms; one indeclinable originally
ended in ant, and still exists in several rustic dialects with the
termination at, Chand inserts or omits the nasal at pleasure,
to suit his metre, as ^^ ufH V[^^ "possessing three feet"
124 THE FABTICIPIAL TENSES.
(Pr. R. i. 61) ; ^(^^ ^Jini ftr MW I "the ear hearing, it is
broken" (ib. i. 169) ; l^ "shining," ^^ "arraying," ^giftr
" being beautiful," mt^ " being cut," etc. {ib. vi. 18), but inni
^* playing (music)," ^lp( " mounting (a horse) " (xix. 3).
Tulsi Das chiefly uses the latter form, as WW " going " (R&m.
S.-k. 7) ; ^Jinf "humming" (ib. 9); WRH "meditating," irTTO
** finding," ^TR^ "being pleased," WR?! "singing" (all in
Ay-k. 1) ; and this is also common in most mediaeval poets,
thus Bihari Lall V?7! "placing" (Sat. 6), ij^ (inm) " falling "
(*.)> BtfW "being beautiful," )5RRT "appearing," ^ffORI
"looking" (ib. 7, 9, etc.). Kabir fmV7( "Uving" (Rftm. 30, 5);
ihW "being boimd" (ib, 31, 3). It survives in all the dialects
of the eastern Hindi area, in Oudh, Riwa, and Bhojpur, and
even in the Gangetic Doab.
The other form ends in a vowel, and is in use in classical
Hindi, as sing. HIKfU w., WTC^ /• ; pL TTT^ w., *IK<ft /•
"beating." In the Braj dialect it takes the forms M\i,f^ fn.,
MXiXa /. ; pi. 4||4,n m. /. The Garhwali dialect preserves the
older form, as 4||4,int, but has also, as have the Bajputana
dialects, m^ifV. Eellogg gives also a Kumaon form 9IT^>
which probably arises from intuit > just as.Panjabi WTTT from
It would seem that, to account for the co-existence of these
two forms, one ending in a consonant, and the other in d (=o),
we must have recourse to Hoemle's theory of the ko" affix, and
derive W(j{, WKJI from Pr. ^I^ilft> while we derive H<TfT>
WKjn from a Pr. i|^^41* The Ajo- theory, however, thus
begins to assume rather formidable dimensions, and will, ere
long, require a whole treatise to itself.
Gujarati has also two forms, one indeclinable ending in ^,
OS ifCWTft " loosing," the other declinable, as sing. OH'^flTt ^^
ift/., irt n. ; pi. ift^rn w.» <St/.» Wt w. The terminations are those
of the adjective in this language (YoL II. p. 150). There is
also a form of the indeclinable participle in ^^ as ICtll)> which.
THE FABTICIPIAL TENSES* 125
like tlie Bangali, is apparently the locative singular, wliile that
in ?ft has the ending of the old nom, pi. neuter, though, in
sense, it approaches more to the locative, as VfTTT ^IV^ C(t^^
BTTT ^t?f HRIT "If *» loosing my bonds thy teeth should
break."' Vans Taylor, however, distinguishes two separate
words with this ending, one of which he would derive from the
locative singular of Sanskrit feminines, as 4^1^IH> ^^ other
he would derive from the Skr. infin., as l|^. The first form
he assumes to have been the origin of such phrases as i|T^
HT^irt " on my coming," the second, of such as H^Tff tl[^R^
" he teaches to do." This, however, is very doubtful.*
Two forms are also observable in Marathi, or rather two sets
of forms. The indeclinable ends in Zl, 7ft, and wNT, as ^Z?^,
^IZTft, ^^ZTTNT. The first of these agrees with Hindi, the
second with Gujarati, and the third is merely the second with
an enclitic particle ^ added for emphasis. In active verbs the
characteristic I appears, as iH^)^, ^ft^ftTft, il1>J\<lHl "loosing."
There is also a declinable form, which, however, is not now tised
as a participle, but appears in the third person of the present
tense, thus sing. HM\ m., ^znl/, wiH n. ; pL gzH w., ^ZWT/,
^^Z^ n.
Oriya has only one form for the present participle. It is in-
declinable, ending in ^ or ^, as ^^, ^^ " seeing." Of these
two forms, that with the nasal is the older, though now less
used, and probably comes from the Pr. neuter in i||, though
the intermediate steps are not easily traced.
Even in the earliest writings in Bengali there is no regular
present participle, but a form derived from the locative of the
Prakrit is in use. It ends in l^, as ^f^Rf , and is now used
as an infinitive, meaning "to see." Literally, it means "in
seeing," and is used in this sense by Bidy&pati, and the older
poets. Thus %![ Oltpif^T) ^ ^Hr VTKJ \ "-?w wringing {or
1 Leckej, Grammar, p. 179. > Grammar, p. 113*
126 THE FABTICIPIAL TENSES.
from wrmgmg) her hair there flows a stream of water " (Pr.
Z.-S. 13, 15) ; t^Jfli 1^ jmm Tt^nrnr l " On seeing (her),
love smote him in the heart'* {ib. 15, 7). Even here, how-
ever, it becomes almost an infinitive, as lirnt^^[^ ^TT^l^ ^0 i
" I saw the fair one go to bathe (i.e, in going, or ufhile going) "
(ib. 13, 13) ; m^ ^TUT^ 1^ ^W ^K:^^ I "In seeing (or to see)
Kinh, there has been now delight" (ib. 20, 10). So Bh&rat
^pm^ Vf^Tt XTTTW ^Rrnrrr "-^y catling to hear, and 6y hearing,
I shaU obtain news'' (Bidya S. 247).
§ 41. Having thus given the forms of the present participle,
we next proceed to exhibit the tenses constructed therefrom,
either with or without the addition of fragments of the old
substantive verb, and it will be seen that there is great variety
in the practice of the respective languages, though all the
variations are sufficiently alike to justify their being classed
generally as structurally present tenses. In some cases the
sense of present time is more clear and definite than that
afforded by the old present of the synthetic system, or, as we
now call it, the aorist, while in others it has wandered away in
different directions.
Sindhi,^ to begin with, makes this participle into a future.
In the third person of both numbers the participle is used
without any addition, thus
8>ng. fil^ «»•> Vt^f' ***• J^^ **•> f^r^^/- "he, §hc, etc.,
will go."
The second person, however, retains traces of the substantive
verb IV^ " to be," though much abraded and indistinct, it runs
SlDg. flf^* m., f^^f^ /. PI. f^^ »•.» f^r^^ /. " thou, ye,
etc., will go."
The singular masculine ends in*^, just as does the corre-
' This Bection follows, for the most part, Tramppi pp. 289, 291, etc.
THB PARTICIPIAL TENSES. 127
sponding person of the aorist, and we may resolve it thos,
halando asi = haland' asi = haland' di = haland^. The anusw&ra
is here, probably, as in the aorist, put in to fill up the hiatus
caused by loss of 8, and first stood oyer the a of en ; when these
two syllables were contracted into one, it took its place over
that one. In the singxdar feminine we start from halandi 08%,
where the final long i of the participle is shortened, and 08% =
at=e, giving halandie, a form still in use, though Trumpp gives
as the classical type the still further contracted halandid. The
plural masculine arises from halandd 8tha, where 8tha has be-
come tha, and then ha ; the h being dropped, we get halandda=
halando, subsequently resolved into its present form halandau.
The plural feminine is merely the feminine of the participle,
there is no trace of the substantive verb.
In the same way may be explained the first person of both
numbers.
Here, again, we meet an instance of the curious change of
IK into 9, which we observed in the Panjabi and Sindhi pro-
nouns of the first person plural ^|^ and ^nTT (Tol. II. p. 308).
Thus halando a8m% becomes halando 08%, then halandu *8i, the
final being shortened to u. In the feminine, however, the
elision of the a of a8mi cannot take place by the old laws of
Sandhi ; instead, the I of the participle changes to its semivowel,
producing halandt/ 08%, which the Sindhians in the present day
write either as above, or fHt^f^, or even fUJf^^lf^. As to
the termination ^ of the plural, I am disposed to regard it
as formed by analogy from a singular f^, rather than, with
Trumpp, as a derivative of Skr. ^:, which, if the if be re-
jected, would yield ^ or ^, but not, according to any known
processes, ^.
§ 42. Closely analogous to the Sindhi future is the definite
present in MarathL In this tense, as in the S. future, the third
128 THE FABTICIPIAL TENSES^
person preserves no trace of the substantlye verb, and in this
respect curiously resembles the periphrastic future of Sanskrit
(bodhitdsmiy bodhitdai, but bodhitA).
The participial form which enters into the composition of
this tense is, apparently, not used alone in a participial sense.
Hf^TJt or ilf^TlT would always imply "he does/' never "doing."
For the purely participial sense the indeclinable participles
given in the last section are used.
There is much more difficulty in tracing out the Marathi
persons than those of Sindhi, not only because the remains
of the substantive verb are more abraded, but because in the
second and third persons there are two sets of terminations, one
of which is used when the sense is that of the indicative pre-
sent, the other when it is conditional.
Beginning with the third person, we have these forms (mt
" escape ") :
Indicative. Sing. ^TSlft ^"^f ^/•>'^ *>. 1^. 4|d^lfl m** /•» *>.» ** he,
she, etc., escapes."
Conditional. Sing. ^THT ^•i 1U/*» n *• PI* W^ ^'i Iflf'* ^ m-»
'' were he, etc., to escape.''
Here the indicative strikes us at once as the older type;
adjectives do not now in M. end in o in the masculine singular,
though they did so in Maharashtri Prakrit ; the to of the in-
dicative therefore preserves the earlier form. So also in the
plural there is but one form for all three persons which con-
tains the verb aanti^ in Old-M. changed to d^l, just as in the
third plural of the aorist, but with disregard of the varying
terminations for gender of the modem participle. The con-
ditional, on the other hand, is simply the modem participle,
with its full range of endings for number and gender.
The second person runs thus :
Indicative. Sing. ^Z^ftif 'm** lft^/<»*^i^ *(• Pi* ^^^| m.,/., ii.
ConditionaL Sing. ^^q|4j m., iS^/**^ «•» PL ^ZTlt »•>/» «•
THE PARTICIPIAL TSNSBS. 129
Again, in the indicatiYe, the older ending in o, Butaio8=i8Utato
'si fast) ; while in the conditional, sufatds = sutatd 08%, with the
modem ending in A. The plural, however, is the same in both,
and agrees in termination with the aorist. The first person is
the same in both indicative and conditional, and is —
8«g- ^iflt »».,'W/, m n. PI. 4liflt «••/• »•
Final anusw&ra here represents probably Pr. sing, amhi, pi.
amho] but the mndhi is irregular, as/. 8utafd=:9utati amhi; the
variant autaty^, used in the Konkan, is more regular for mtaty
amhi. The pi. mitatd = 9utat& amho, where, again, the steps of
transition to mtatd are difficult to work out.
§ 43. A similar use of the participle, in a conditional sense,
occurs in Bengali and Orija. In the former, the present tense
is made up by using an auxiliary, and it will come under dis-
cussion in the next chapter, but the conditional has traces of
the old Pr. form of the verb, and therefore belongs to this
place. The tense is (dekh " see '') —
Stag. 1. ^f^nTnTf 2. ^flafira, a ^f^. pi. i. ^f^nrnr* 2.
The participle here has lost its tenmnations for gender, as
the Bengali adjective has (Vol. II. p. 147) : dekhitdm therefore
^dekhita asmi^^dekhita amhi in the sing., and dekhita amhu in
the pL, lit. "seeing I am ;" dekhiti$zzdekhita aai, where, on the
analogy of the aorist, the i has crept into the penultimate (now
ultimate) syllable ; dekhitd similarly = dekhita atha, whence
dekhita tha = dekhitaha = dekliitd. So, also, dekhiten = dekhita
{8)anti, with the same treatment of the verb as in the aorist.
The third singular is the simple participle.
In Oriya this tense runs thus :
Sing. 1. ^^fir. 2. ^, 3. ^Itm. PI. 1. t^ (^), 2. |^,
TOL. m. 9
130 THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
In tliis tense is preserved the older form of the participle
Pr. dekhanto, 0. dekhantd, which, as xisual, appears unchanged in
the third sing., as also the pL Pr. dekhante preserved in the
3 pL The other persons exhibit only slight modifications of
the terminations of the aorist, which are those of the Sanskrit
present asmif asi, etc.
In B. and 0. this tense is used with ^rf^ (^rfl[) "if>'* pre-
fixed, " if I were to do," etc. ; when used alone, it means " I
might or should do," and in B. narrative it occasionally ap-
pears as an habitual past, " I xxaoi to do."
It should also be mentioned that just as the Bengali pandits
have banished the old singular of the pronoun and declared it
vulgar, so they have branded the singular number of aU. their
tenses as low, and those grammarians who write under pandit
influence gravely assure us that ''the singular and plural are
the same in Bengali verbs, and it is the nominative case before
them which determines whether they are singular or plural "
(Yates's Or., ed. Wenger, p. 43). When they come to the real
old singular, their agitation is extreme, they are too honest to
leave it out, and too fastidious to put it in. So they preface it
thus, ''If a person speaks with the greatest humility of himself,
or with the greatest contempt of another, he employs this form ;
but it is not found in good composition. We should have been
happy to pass it over entirely; but to enable the student to
understand what he will but too often hear (alas ! yes, far too
often, in the mouths of ninety-nine out of every hundred
persons in Bengal), it seems necessary to give one example "
{ib. p. 47).
The best Bengali poets had not discovered that these forms
of their mother-tongue were low or vulgar down to the be-
ginning of the present century. In a page opened at random
in the Mahabarat of Easiram Das occur "^ffW "he remained,'*
iff^l^ "he said," f^nrrf^WT "he asked," f^tn$ "lie has
given," Vtl^ " he shall be." Eabi Eankan uses irflfw " thou
THE PABTICIPIAL TENSES. 131
shalt fall/' ^(f^ "thou diedst," ^mfl^ "I was;" and
Bharat Chandra, f^^fff " thou hast done," X[T^ " I found," and
imiQm^raUe other forms, which would be classed as vulgar by
the purists of the present day.
§ 44. In the remaining languages, Hindi, Panjabi, and
Oujarati, both forms of the present participle are used as an
indefinite present tense, without any trace of the old substan-
tive verb. The indeclinable form occurs constantly in Chand,
thus ^nf^Pi ^1^ ^W^iK ^PTR I ^t^ ^TfTJnf ^TIT ^HTf I " In
Eartik he performs ablutions at Puhkar, and hears with his ears
the glories of Gokam."— Pr. R. L 198. The long list of words
of this form in vi. 39, describing the fight at the darb&r, may
be construed either as participles or present tenses. It is one
of those scarcely translateable jingles of which Ghand is so
fond g^ ^rrr ^^nr ^ i 'nhf 'n??: 'tt?: €t i ^j^tt ^^tt vnc
^ I ?NR! ^rnC WIT ^ i ^nd so on for fifty lines. Perhaps the
meaning may be thus roughly paraphrased —
They thrust with sword-edge biting,
They shout the shout of smiting ;
They ciouch from weapons sweeping,
They watch the steel blade leaping.
The meaning is clearer in other places. ^W^ V[^ ^TPTl
?fi| I (Pr. R. Ix. 17), "The wind blows like to fire, distressing
the mind (as if with) penance, the tanks dn/ up, the mud is
stirred up, the fishes' bodies panf So in Bihari Lai, 4|i|4,|Q7f
^Jt^TW % ^J^nr ^ftfw ^fT^r i ^sRSf wft ff^ ^ ht^ ^ftit
mr?! f^flTTf i ^^ ^6 dolphin-shaped earring shines (sohat) in
the ear of Oopal, as the flag of love appears (lasat) at the
threshold while he enters the heart " (Sat. vi.). He constantly
uses the feminine Braj form in t^ both as a participle and a
present. iiff?T ^ ^^ ^ ^ppi ^^VHM 'WTf >l4,lf?! t itW?;
132 THE PARTICIPIAL TBK8BS.
IH ^hlTT ft^ ^m iff fj^fif WrfW l "The virtuous wife does
not repeat the bad words of her husband's younger brother,
fearing (dar&ti) a quarrel, but dries up with fear, like a parrot
when a cat approaches its cage " (Sat. xv.).
In classical Hindi both forms are used as a present tense, it
is unnecessary to give instances, as the practice is universal.
The same is the case in P., where ^ ^n(]^ " ^ send,'' is the
ordinary indefinite present. ^rar^^^Ttit ^^nfV^ ^^TT^
"They put a lump of sugar in the mouth of the boy and girl." *
Classical Hindi also uses this participle, with " if " prefixed
as a past conditional; thus they say nf^ % WnniT lit mft ^^TfY
irniT "Had I known, I never would have gone," — a similar
practice to that of 0. and B. mentioned in the last section.
The declinable participle is used in G. as a past habitual, or
as a subjunctive aorist, according to the grammarians, so that
# Wt^'Tt means " I used to loose," or, " I should loose." In
the former sense it is employed in the same way as the old
/ present or aorist 9f wt^- The example given is If^ ^4,H<
HPT TH^fTT (pi. masc.) if^ "you used not to keep a fair
share."' Most commonly, however, it is used with an auxiliary
verb in a variety of meanings, this language being very fertile
in the production of compound tenses.
§ 45. The passive past participle in Sanskrit has many forms;
the simplest, though least widely used, in the classical lan-
guage, is, however, that in ita (itas, itd, itam), as irfTfTf "&llen."
The H of the affix, as would be expected, becomes in the
higher Prakrits ^, and in the more common dialects falls out
altogether ; thus we have fTffr^= fTf^ "lost," ^f^r^= ^^f^:
" robbed," irf|[^ = ^Tl^ " taken," and many others.
But Yar. vii. 32 admits even in Maharashtri the form from
1 ^* Panjab Customs," in Appendix to Panjabi Grammar, Loodhiana, p. 91.
' Leckey, Grammar, p. 160.
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES. 133
which ike ^ has entirely dropped, and instances ^^f^lj for l|f|Rf
" langhed/' xrfM for MHlri " recited/' and this form has be-
come the type of most modem languages. In Old-Hindi this
participle regularly ends in sing. "^ i»., |^ /., pi. H iw., fj/., as
WiiV »>., ^rt^ /., etc., " burnt." Here the H represents the ^
of the Prakrit, hardened into a sefiiivowel before the final
YoweL In the feminine it is merged in the {^ of the affix, and
in the plural lost altogether, for ^(^ easily passes into ^|%.
Chand uses this form throughout, as if if "^^ ^VtfH ^RT ^
IfPf I '^ his body remained bright, he went to the abode of the
gods" (i. 299); ^rqf "done," ipft "gone," etc. It is, how-
ever, more frequently used as a tense than as a participle, and
further illustrations will be given in a foUowing section.
The form in ift lasts all through the medisDval poets, and is
still in use in the dialects of Bajputana and in Braj. In the
former a slight change has occurred, sing. TfT^, pi. <Hfiif,
while in Kumaon the form is sing. 4||(\4t> pi- ^ifi^T*
Modem classical Hindi has sing. ?rm ^'9 UtO /• > V^
JTI^ m., ifTT^/, " stmck."
Panjabi retains the l[ of the Prakrit, and has sing. 4||(\^T ^-^
mO/. ; pL inr ^^ *<l0^t/> " struck ;" so also does Sindhi,
«ng. Iff^Nt or f^ m., f^/. ; pi. fWT fn., fftf^/. Tnmipp
seems to be here in error in saying that the H has been inserted
to fill the hiatus caused by the elision of the ^. It is rather
the ^ of l[l^ hardened to a semivowel, as in Old-H. and P.
Oriya has rejected the final syllable, just as it has in its
present participle, and has an indeclinable past participle in i,
as dekhu This is never tised alone, but only in composition,
with an auxiliary forming a tense. The past participle used to
form the passive ends in d, like H., as dekhd jibd *'to be seen."
The same form is found in Gujarati, as sing, ifticft (chhodyo)
w., Wt€t/., Wtig (chhodyu) n. ; pi. ^fl^TT w., ^(ftA IftCTt n.
G., however, in common with M. B. and 0., has another
G. Sing.
if\^^ «.,
^1%^/.»
M. (neater) Sing,
• ^|3WT»».,
^e^/..
„ (active) „
^r«^i «»•>
^ftf%iFt/.,
GLPI.
wt%wr«».»
^^^/•»
M. (neuter) PI.
^[Z%m.,
^zwr/-»
„ (active) „
^ftf%%»«->
if^fnl^l/-*
134 THE PABTICIPIAL TENSES.
form of this participle ending in an affix, whose special type is
W* The forms may be brought together for comparison —
B. ^f^TWi ii> Old-B. ^O^fll (only used as a tense consibined wkli at),
^f|^% " having seen."
O. ^f^ (the same), ^fla% id.
The Bhojpuri dialect of Hindi has also an indeclinable past
participle ifTTW, in some districts also irrfTWr? from which it
forms a tense.
Here the junction vowel varies much. In B. 0. and the
active of M. it is l[. In Gt., on the other hand, it is H, while
in the neuter of M. it is a. M. has a long string of verbs, both
active and neuter, with the junction vowel d ; some of these are
causals by origin, as JJ3S "flee," p.p. MdblHI) for pM^ild (as
in B. and 0. tlWT1[^). Others, again, owe the long vowel to a
Skr. at/, as ^^ "fly," p.p. ^^TRiT, Skr. ^9^1^ V^ + ^ft.
Others are denominatives, as l^^^ "be dazzled," ;(\uil||, Skr.
^Mf^<1; there are, however, some which I am not able to
explain on any of the above grounds. The list comprises
about thirty verbs only, and in twenty-five of them participles,
with the junction vowel a, are also in use.
The usual explanation of this form in / is that it is derived
from the Skr. p.p.p. in ita, through Pr. ido, by change of 7 to
^, and thence to i^r. The change is undoubtedly possible as
far as ^ and W ^^o concerned, or as far as 7f and 7 are con-
cerned; but the change from ^ to IT is a great stumbling-block.
The great authority of Lassen (p. 363) is usually quoted in
THE PARTiaPIAL TEX8B8. 135
support of this yiew, but eyen he cannot avoid being struck by
the coincidence between this and the Slavonic preterites in /.
As regards the change from ;^ to V, it is observable that it
only occurs in those Skr. preterites which contain a cerebral.
Thus V7f becomes in Magadhi ^i% (M|r. 270). Here^ however,
there was evidently a form ^= ^^2= liV, so that there is no
question of a ^ at alL So also in ^TRV for iqT71T= ^QT^=
•TO= •H>f (Mr. 227). The only other instance known to me is
^ for ini (Mr. 276), but here we may fairly assume a false
analogy with ^i%= Wfl . So widespread a form as the modem
participle in / must rest upon some firmer proof than the rare
examples given above.
I am disposed to think that we have in this participle the
survival of an ancient form which has not been preserved in
classical Sanskrit, nor in the written Prakrits. Perhaps (but
here I tread on ground somewhat beyond my own domain) that
type of the passive past in Skr. which ends in if or Hf may be
the classical representative of this ancient form ; thus we have
from V^" cut," Wjif:, from Vfil^ " cleave," tiRr*> and in some
roots both forms, that in If and that in if, stand side by side,
thus Vq "fill," makes iqij: and ^:, Vw^ "push," ijff: and ^:
Even in the Slavonic languages, however, the characteristic /
of the preterite is thought to have arisen from an original d,
and that again from t.^ If this be so, we have here an ancient
change which took place before the separation of the various
members of the Indo-European family, and not a mere local
corruption confined to Indian ground. In Bussian the pre-
terite is a participle with forms for gender, thus from dielaf " to
make," pret. sing, dielal' m,, dielala, dielalo n., pL dielali m/n.^
In Servian the same form occurs, iris " to shake," has —
Sing, tr^sao m., tr^sla/., tr^slo n.
PL tr^sli m., tr^sle/., tr^sla ».
^ Bapp, Yerbal-organismiu, toL L p. 99.
' Beiff, Boss. Grammar, p. 97; Bapp, toL i. 187.
186 THE FABTICIPIAL TENSES.
Compare Maratlii —
Sing. trftsal&, tr&sali, tr&sal§.
PL trftsale, trftsalyi, tr&saH
from Tre%* "to trouble." The similarity is striking, and seems
to be more than a mere accidental coincidence. MoreovOT,
the connection between this Slavonic / and n is shown in
more than one instance. Thus, the Russian verb has from nes
"to drag'' a pret. past sing, nes^n m., nes6na /., neseno n.,
pi. neseny. The same form occurs in the Czech.
But we are getting beyond bounds. The comparison is
attractive, and, if there were time to study the Slavonic
languages as well as the Indian, might perhaps be worked out
to some conclusive result. All that can be said at present is that
two groups of the same family have a preterite in /, and that
there may be some connection between the two ; while, on the
other hand, the derivation of this preterite from a past participle
in t seems strained and ill-supported as regards the Indian
group, and if true for the Slavonic group, must have occurred
a long while ago, before the separation of the families, and has
strangely failed to leave any traces of itself in the most im-
portant language of the Indian group in its most cultivated
stage.
§ 46. Let us turn to matters more within our scope. The
passive past participle is the only part of the modem verb
which affords an exception to the general rule of the un-
changeableness of the stem-syllable. Each one of the modem
languages has a few such participles, which, being derived
from the Prakrit developments of the Skr. p.p.p., differ from their
respective verbal stems, which latter are derived generally from
the form of the root used in the present tense. These early
Tadbhava participles, as they may justly be called, are most
numerous in Sindhi. Trumpp gives (p. 273) a list of no
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES. 137
less than 140 of them, a number whicli far exceeds that to be
found in any other of the languages. They owe their existence
chiefly to the omission in Skr. of the intermediate l[, so that
the affix ^ of the p.p.p. is added directly to the root, and when
this root ends in a consonant, there arises a strong or mixed
nexusy which in Prakrit has to be dealt with according to the
ordinary phonetic laws. Sometimes, as we saw in § 14, the
stem of the verb itself is entirely borrowed from the p.p.p.,
and in that case the modem participle does not differ from the
rest of the verb ; but when the ordinary stem is derived from
the older present, and only the participle from the old p.p.p.,
the two differ so much that it is difficult at first sight to recog-
nize the connection between them.
The verbs given in § 19 have mostly old Tadbhava participles,
and it is through these participles that the clue is found to the
derivation of the verb. Thus —
STBM. SK&. p.p.p. 8UU PB.
mi«beboaiid» \ V^ ^ (quasi l|f%m i|^).
ip|<* be beard"
^"hear"
t9"be cooked'
t^"cook*'
Wf -get''
Vf "begot"
^ " be mUked '
^ « mflk "
^ « torment "
V[^ " be broken '
inr" break"
^ "be fried"
nvt w^ wft
^Vl
I^
V^
1^
^^
pfr
^^
^ •
VH5t
^
wi
Hnft
V«ns|
^
^J8
*|i (anaJogy of
138 THE PABnCIPIAL TENSES.
8XB. F^.P. 8KB. PK.
flf,«be broken"^
f^" break" ) ^^^ '^ * ^
^•« be heard'' \ V^ ^5^ ^
^""hear'' j ^f^l^ (regular modern form)
)QP(«« raise ** V^jt^ ^^1^ 19W ¥lfi|^
ira'^bekiUed"
irf " rub "
ira " be rubbed "
The exact coincidence of these participles with the Sanskrit
and Prakrit confirms the derivation of the yerbal stems given
in § 19. There are many others equally instructive as retain-
ing the Prakrit form ; thus, for instance, we can explain the
following :
8. 8KB. 8. P.P.P. 8KB. PB.
flt^ «' smear/' VfInC ^RTt flW t%^
l!H"warm," V Wl Wit Wfl ^Hlt
?pf "sleep," V^a^ ^fjft ^ ^^
^ipi" bring," v^n^ wl^ ysn^ftii
So also the origin of ^TETlf " wipe out,** is obscure, till we
look at the p.p.p. VIM^^ wjbich leads to Skr. ^SWZ, and then we
see that ughanu is for ugahanu=udgharshanam. The participles
in tho similarly explain themselves, as
8. 8KB. 8. P.P.P. 8KB. PB.
^9 "rain," V^ ^^tlfSti^^ ^ fft
THS FABTICIFIAL TENSES. 139
8. P^.P. flUL PB.
^"griBd,** Vfir^ 4^ fro ft^
g««bepl««ed» V^^ U^ ^ !!ft
The next three words have old Tadbhava participles in
almost all the languages of this group :
^^ "give,'* p.p.p. f%^, Pr. f^l^»
WKJ^ "do," „ #^, f^i^f ^Wt» Skr. ?r(T» Pr- ftwt, ^ee
under H.
in:^ « die,** „ 7^, ^ift, Skr. ^, Pr. ^ift.
Another class is composed of denominatiyes or neuter verbs
with the causal type Am (§ 28). These are
Infin. ^4)|44(U " to boil over," p.p.p ^HIOH
^|||4{Q " to be extingaished," „ ^|||t||1
53^nT^ " to fly," „ ^Rrnvt
IJMI^^ " to decrease," „ UlTHIlt
f> ^RiTf^'to be burnt," „ ^RUft
,f t^WnWJ " to be extinguished," „ f^^THlt
n ftUT^ " to be sold," „ fSpiTlVl
There is, as already mentioned, considerable obscurity as to
the derivation of these words : uddmanu is, however, certainly
from Skr. ud-dt, p.p.p. dina; ujhdmanu perhaps from Skr. uUkshi,
p.p.p. kshina; vikdmanu from Skr. vikri, p.p.p., however, not
krina, but kriia. On the analogy of those verbs whose p.p.p.
ended in na, may have been formed the modified p.p. in no for
all verbs of the class, regardless of the fact that in the classical
language the caujsal p.p. would end in dpita, e.g. athdpita. In
»»
»t
»»
140 THK FABTICIPIAL TENSB8.
Hindi, also, stems ending in d take this p.p. in no in the poets
as ftrcr, p.p. fi|<l«ft, or apocopated «, as tT^ P-P- t^^^TPT.
The above remarks explain nearly half the words in
Trumpp's list, for the rest the uncertainty is too great to
admit of satisfactory explanation. Trumpp, for instance, would
deriYC ^(TC^ "to satisfy," and ^(T^ "to be satisfied," from Skr.
VW^, Trff?!, but the p.p.p. ^TWt can hardly represent HH-
Others again there are whose p.p. is intelligible, while the
infinitive is not. w^ "engaged" (in work) explains itself by
Skr. 'OTf , Pr. ^pfft, clearly enough, but its infinitive should be
jujanu or Junjanu (Pa. ^TOf?T) . Whence then comes it that the
infinitive iajumbanu ? So also rudho "busily employed" is clearly
Skr. 1CT ( V(,)> one form of the infinitive rujhanu is regularly
derived from Skr. ^^iQT^, but what are we to say to another
form rumhhanu or rubhanu ?
Panjabi has several of the same early Tadbhava participles
as Sindhi, and a few of its own. The total number, however,
is much smaller than in Sindhi. The commonest are
BXB.
V<IT (dialecdcally also 'vit?T)*
;inf (also ^fRT = Skr. ITRI).
^H (also f%7T ^o"*^ Sindhicoy
Hfl^, Instead of classical IRf .
^.
TlOfcf, Sindhi id. through m[^.
MlXijifi? H. irff ^rpnrr.
^BR?»fT " do,"
P.P.
^rnm^'go,"
PnOfW^^
^VTHPTT " know,"
^»Tm
^laurr " see,"
^F
^IJT " give,"
f<^i>f^^
%iqT " take,"
^aif ftRH
^R:'WrT"rain,"
^¥T
^§rnirT"eat,"
^rrvT
^HT « fall,"
fniT
it^fUn " bind,"
wtj
y^iqill "recognize,*
* M^lfll
ftWllTT " WW,"
^ftTTT
litm " sleep,"
gm
THB FABTICIPIAL TBN8ES.
141
P.P.
iqi^^" arrive."
w<i1»^[^
?
ftfm^wwv
fWT
TV.
f^imr " many,"
ft^fflt
ft^lfflfl
^BflpiIT"«y/'
ftlfT
qifiid.
^(flUI "remain,"
f^
TfiPf-
In the two last the 1^ has leapt over into the preceding
syllable, and kiM^ rihd, are for kahid, rahid, respectively. The
above list nearly, if not quite, exhausts the early Tadbhava
participles of Panjabi, and Hindi influence is abeady at work
in favour of the ordinary type.
§ 47. Gujarati has, like Panjabi, a
participles than Sindhi.
smaller number of these
nrpiN.
"do"
%^ " take
MIiH^^ " »rri*^«
99
«
see'
99
99
41fl4 " fear "
^rrf " eat"
^11^|4 ** produce
^rrt " die
^"give
i|i^«8it
irref "flee"
99
99
99
>*>
.99
*>■•»*■»■ "^ •»■ "^
MtfT^rt 9 Miiini
e\ «^ *v ^ fN *».
WTfT'n9 WtftVT
'^rt^ •''it
SKU.
pa.
P
tirff^(§13)
(present utpadyate)
fifcqif (pres. nUhpadyate)
ire (precent natyati)
in
142 THE PABTICIPIAL TENSES,
In the instanoes of kidho, blhidho, khddho, pidAo, and didho,
we have probably formations based on the analogy of lidho, for
the exception of bihidho, which may owe its (/A to a com-
bination of the h and d of Pr. vihido, there is no older form
which would yield dh. The origin of these forms will be
more fully inquired into under Hindi, where they are well
illustrated.
So far does the original meaning of these participles appear
to have been obscured, that from them a participle ending in
elo is also formed, and they say kidhelo, ditheh, and the like,
where the participial element occurs twice. The ordinary verb
having two forms of participle, one in i/o, the other in eh, the
verbs in the above list were bound to have them also, and
instead of adding eh to the stem, and making kareh, tteh,
it has been added to the already formed early Tadbhava
participle.
There appears to be a slight difference in meaning be-
tween the two forms of the Gnjarati past participle, that
in eh being somewhat more emphatic than that in yo. Thus
9f ^Unvt # " I am come,*' but ^^ ^^Wt fl[ " I «w come,"
(emphaticaJly).
Marathi has early Tadbhava participles, and it has others,
which are accounted irregular by the grammarians from
other causes. The former are not numerous, and are chiefly
found in the same stems as in the other languages. Thus we
have —
wr "go/* p.p.p.^wr
^ "come," „ HrUT
^ " die," „ ^Wr
% "take" (wear), „ ^WHT
HT " do," „ %^
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES. 143
Stems ending in ^ exhibit Z in the participle, as
^^W " dig/' PPP- WZWT
Wf^ "fpeak," „ VfZWr
^T^ "sky," „ fTZWr
The explanation of these words is apparently to be found in
a contraction of syllables ; thus Skr. V ^PC " dig *' forms
regularly p.p.p. ^TH! , but the if being changed to ^ in Prakrit,
a p.p.p. ^Oflnr would be legitimately formed, whence ^p^, to
which, forgetful of the fact that this is already a participle, M.
adds its own participial termination wr> and by rejection of
the nasal arriyes at ^R^Wf- So also VWIS, P*P*P- Mf^> whence
Hiy and TfZ + WT- Skr. ^ has p.p.p. ^, but a Pr. form
^flflf would be, and is, used, whence ^1^, and the stem-vowel
haying been lengthened, |fTZ + WT.
To a similar retention of the J( of the Skr. p.p.p. may be
attributed the following, though the etymology is in some
cases yery obscure :
^ ** take,'* ^TIWT " taken."
^ " washed," ^^niT ** washed."
HH " »ce," ^(MAKII " seen."
ifW " »«k/' ifTPniWr " asked."
Wit^ " tel V ^itfiniin " told."
^mr " pat," tmnrr " pat."
^"eat," ^ailT" eaten."
In § 15 it was shown that Pr. inserts K in forms like
ghettum, gheMna, which may be a retention of tt in grihita.
In the next four words on the list there seems to be a double
participle, as in G. kidhelo, etc. The origin of ^W is unknown
to me, it looks like an early causal of ^ take. In ^ the p.p.
is apparently a contraction of 41^(^111, Skr. ^rrf^-
144 THB PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
§ 48. Hindi has yery few of these participles. In the
classical language only the following are in use :
^l^in " do," fiRn " done."
iR;irr " die," ^^ « dead."
%irr " take," ftRH " taken.
f9
>»
^IfT " give," fi^ " given.
'CPfT " go" Jpsn " gone."
All the other yerbs in the language form this participle
from the common stem used in all the other tenses, though
in the mediaeyal poets some of the old Tadbhaya participles are
found, as ditthau " seen,'* tutthau " pleased," {tmhta) in Chand.
The three yerbs kar, le, and de, howeyer, haye seyeral peculiar
forms in Old-H., and in the mediaeyal poets, which are still
heard in some of the rustic dialects. There are three parallel
forms:
^ has i. ift^ or fw^. ii. ^|Wt or t^lfft* ili. ^ftvt or flpfV.
^ » i. ^«n orflpjfV. ii. ^(t'ft' or t^^. iii. i^^^h* or f^l^.
% » i. ifWt or tlr?ft. ii. ifHt or f^nlt- iii. ^>ft or ftr^.
The curious thing about these three yerbs is that eyery two
of them haye borrowed a form peculiar to the third. For
kii/au is properly the participle of kar, Skr. fn!, Pr. Uk4^ ^^'^
f?R^. It has been borrowed by le and de. So dinau belongs
to de, Skr. ^ti, Pa. and Pr. t^ljt> and has been borrowed by
kar and le. Also lldhau belongs to le, Skr. W^y Pa* ai^d Pr.
Wlft> aiid has been borrowed by kar and de. We cannot
get kinau or kldhau phonetically from V 9, nor diyau and
dtdhau from ^/ ^, nor Uyau and linau from V Wi^i without
forcing etymology. These three yerbs are so constantly used
together, and fall in so conyeniently for rhymes in the poets,
that it is not surprising that, in the general decay and con-
fusion of forms out of which the modem languages sprung,
they should haye borrowed from one another. To begin with
THE PABTICIPIAL TENSES. 145
our oldest author, Chand, fi|ffV, flRft^ and flpcfV, all occur
frequently, with the first vowel both long and short, and the
final vowel occasionally out off if it happens to be in the way
of the metre. lliQT f^Rft ^t^^T Q " ^^ S^^ made lamenta-
tion " (Pr. R. i. 171). It is long in
** He then made reflection on all Bides." — xx. 20.
"He made preparation for going." — xx. 28.
Apocopated, as l^t^ and ift^ in
" He entrusted the fort to the castellan,
Made a going to the eastern coimtry." — ^zx. 29.
" Took all shouting and playing on drums." — tb.
A form with a occurs for le and de only, as wft fW^ IPC
^tM Q " Took Brahmins and gurus, saying" (ib. 20), and
i^ ^ ITT T^ ^ II " When the maiden gave her troth to the
bridegroom" (ib. 22).
Commonest by far is the second form with either long or
short vowel, in the latter case generally with doubling of the
following consonant, and very frequently with the last vowel
apocopated. Of these types that with the double consonant is
nearest to the Prakrit, and thus presumably the oldest, the
rejection of one consonant and lengthening of the preceding
vowel is a later feature. In Chand, however, there is no distinc-
tion between the two ; so that one rhymes with the other, as in
'iT'np^ninBiii^ ^nft ^^wTff^H^ II
^f^W XJZT tine ^TR WTT ^l3^ T^ 'ftf^ I
"In his private apartments Prithiraj dallied with his wives and
attendants,
In safEron robes and turbaned head he made the sport of love."
— xii. 22.
VOL. m. 10
146 THE FARTiaPIAL TENSES*
So also wfz VTW^ f'ff^ Vf[fn "having plundered the land,
he has taken treasure" (xxi. 89). In this passage the pre-
ceding line ends with f^nT?- (In Hindi ai?=au, so kinnav is
to be read kinnau, etc.)
ftffInT t( inpf ftiflV iR^ n
** Smiling the king accepted the espousal.'' — ^xx. 23.
^TfH ^ fllW ^^T ^it'ft n
** He poured (gave) a thousand jars over S^iva,
Then he took a vow to fast three (days)." — ^i. 189.
See also the quotation at p. 268 of Yol. II.
Instances of the apocopated form occur chiefly at the end of
a line; as
« Having gone ten kos he made a halt,
Tillages and towns between he plundered." — ^i. 208.
" Parimal gave the order for fighting." — xxi. 5.
The third form is more frequently found with de, to which it
least of all belongs, and has an additional termination ii/a
sometimes attached to it, as
'' He gave gifts and honours abimdant." — i. 342.
In this passage it rhymes with ir^TQ? which ought perhaps
to be read flrfv^ " having taken."
There is an instance of the natural change into the palatal in
** Carts and boats he went and stopped;
Alha and Tidal he suffered not to alight." — ^xxi. 86.
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES. 147
for fii^ and fl^lfV respectively. This latter occurs frequently,
in a slightly altered shape —
''Dhnndha gave a blessing to the king." — i. 305.
ftrfwTwnff i(t ^ t^ II
" Prithirij gave him two provinces." — th, 307.
All three types may be found repeatedly throughout the
poem. In later times, as in Tulsi Das and in Braj poetry
generally, these verbs take the forms iFt*^, ^i^^!^9 and ^WV*
and the last syllable is occasionally apocopated as in Chand.
Thus Tulsi Das—
"In this way he performed all the ceremony of cremation,
Having duly bathed^ he presented the offering of sesamum."
— Ay-k. 894.
ijttf ^^^^ i(W ^ ^ft'iT n
'* The ffuru hath given me good advice." — ih. 928.
ift^R! W^ ^ICTmC II
" Then why has he taken an army with him ? " — ih. 982.
The above examples may suffice for these special types,
which have no analogy with other preterites in H. Oriya and
Bengali have few such forms, for 0. KWl and IRTT are merely
contractions of iff^^Wf and WftWT* from ^ " die," and ^J^
"do," respectively. From ^ "go," 0. ^ITWT, B. iNf, is about
the only real old Tadbhava in those two languages.
§ 49. The participial tenses formed from the past participle
are analogous to those from the present. In ordinary Hindi
the participle itself is used as a past tense, without any relic of
the substantive verb ; it will have been noticed that in all the
])a8sages quoted in the last section, the participle must be trans-
lated as a preterite, and this is the case in the modem language,
148 THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
both for active and neuter verbs, as bold *'he said," kif/d "be
did/' In tbe medisBval poets, however, and to this day in the
rustic dialects of Oudh and the eastern Hindi area, there exists
a preterite with terminations retaining traces of the incorpora-
tion of the old substantive verb. Before these terminations the
long d and t of the p.p. masculine and feminine are shortened,
and the vowel of the masculine is often replaced by e. Thus
we have (mdr " strike ") —
BiNO. 1. 2. 8. PL. 1. 2. 8.
»«. TTT^ WIT:^ M\K^ Tl^f'f ^RT^ TftPf
/. infT* 'TTf^ ^RTftB i?Tftf*f 'nfor ^nftt^
Also in m, 4||4^Si, etc. In the sing. 2, 3, the syllable f^ is often
added, as 4||^(i|, and variated into f%, as 44JXff f»., 4||(\fil,
^rrfttf /• Thus ^q[%^ f^cft ff^ ^5lf^ T^TRT *'he went re-
joicing, holding in his heart Raghim&tha " (Tulsi Das, Ram.
Sund-k. 4), ^%^ W^m TJPR ^K X!^ "^ ^^^® ^^^^ ^*^ "^^
eyes the messenger of Ram'* {ib. 12). Tulsi does not observe
the gender very closely, if at all, — ^pf ^?ftf^ ^p5n% ^ xrIt I
"Again she gave up even dry leaves" (Bal-k. 166), I1%f%
Wt'R ITf ^WfTf II "She asked the people, why is this re-
joicing P" (Ay-k. 87). But the feminine is kept in flVimf^[fi|
f%^ ^fHl^ 7ftf![ II "The fiatteress has given instruction to
(has prompted) thee" (Ay-k. 101). The type ending in «t,
though used for both 2 and 3 sing., more strictly belongs, I
think, to 2 sing, from Skr. asi; but in this tense the traces of
the substantive verb are so much abraded that it is difficult to
speak with certainty about them. The following handful of
instances, tctken at hazard from one page of the Sundara-
k&nda of Tulsi's work, will show the various senses in which
this affix is used: ^J^f^ HW m f«RW ^m^ "He eats the
fruit, and tears up the bushes " (S-k. 40), ^ M\XiH ^ if^
^n[tc '^WT^f^ ^^ I " Some he slew, some he trampled under
foot, some he caused to mix with the dust," lif lfih( li^ ^
THE PABTICIPIAL TENSES. 149
'ft^ I %ff % WW WT%flr WW #twT I 'iWV www w5^ wft
Wlff I . . . . WirfW twfwWT %ff WWTTWT I " Saith the lord of
Lanka, who art thou, and what ? By whose strength hast thou
torn to pieces the forest, hast thou never heard of my fame, . . .
for what fault hast thou killed the demons?'* {ib.) Panjabi
throws no light on the subject, as it does not use this form, but
employs the participle simply as a tense, as ma?, tii, uh mdrid,
" I, thou, he, smote." Indeed, to such an extent in H. and P.
has this custom of using the bare participle as a preterite tense
prevailed, that it cannot now be used in any other sense, and if
we wish to say "smitten," we must not use H. mdrd or P.
mdrid alone, but must add the participle of the modem sub-
stantive verb, and say H. mdrd hitd, P. mdrid hdid. The only
trace in P. of the old substantive verb is to be foimd in a
dialectic form which I have often heard, though it does not
seem to be used in writing, as iflhitW "^^ did," which is
probably to be referred to S. 9?ft(twr- T^^e grammarians,
however, suppose that kitos is in some way a metathesis of us ne
kita, so that kitd+us = kifos. The instrumental, however, of
uh "he," is not us ne, but un; im ne is Hindi, and would
hardly have been resorted to in the formation of a pure
dialectic tjrpe like this. Moreover, in the 1 plural we have
such expressions as Wl^Wt^ which is evidently khdnde+'sa, for
asd :=■ asmdh.
Different from modem, but strikingly similar to medieval,
Hindi in this respect is Sindhi, which does not employ the
participle singly as a preterite, but, except in the 3 sing, and
pL, has relics of the substantive verb incorporated with it, thus
(hal " go ")—
siNO. 1. 2. 3. PL. 1. 2. 8.
•». fTWWTW fiWv ftWWT wTWWTWt frWWW fiWWf
y. flWWtW ITWW fWr fTWwBT fTW^ flW^
By comparing these terminations with those of the S. future,
150 THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
whicli is based upon the present participle (§ 41), it will be
seen that they are absolutely identical, thus :
halandu -si corresponds to haliu -sL
halandia -si ,, halia -si.
halandU -st ,, halii -st.
halandift -si „ haliu -st
etc. etc.
and the terminations may, in the case of the preterite, there-
fore, as well as in that of the future, be referred to the old Skr.
verb 08 in various degrees of decay.
Marathi exhibits the same analogy between the present and
the preterite ; to its p.p. in WT w., wt/., % »., etc., it adds the
same terminations as to the present p. in ?n ^-j ^/-j ^ »»•> etc.
Thus
Sing. 1. ^ZWt "••» ^Z^/-» ^Wt «•
PL 1. ^ZWt *>*•/• M*
2. ^psmt id.
The forms exactly agree with those of the present, as will be
seen by turning to § 42. There is no conditional as in the
present. When it desires to use this form in an adjectival
sense, M., having apparently forgotten its originally participial
nature, adds another l^irTy thus we get ^lt% ^HH^ *' & dead
animal," ^i%wr ^^ " a made (t.^. experienced) man." The
fact so well established for S. and M. may help us to under-
stand, if we cannot fully explain, the preterites of 0. and B.,
which are formed in the same way. From a p.p. ^f^9W> O.
constructs a preterite, thus —
Sing. 1. ^[f^^rf^ 2. ^^ai^ 3. ^flaWT>
PI. 1. tftr^ 2. ^f^ 3.*^^%,
THE FAKHeiPIAL TENSES. 151
where the te m iliiail ons correspond exactly with those of the
oonditionaly which is similarly formed from the present par-
ticiple.
Bengali does the same (pace the Pandits), as —
Here the 3 sing, has also ^fi8^4 with a final li, as in the
imperative and future, concerning which see § 53. The 1 sing,
in nil is frequently heard in speaking, and is very common in
the old poets, as ^V^^^ ^^QW TTRT "J^ ^aw the fair one looking
woe-begone " (Bidyapati, vii. 1), where some read ^f^V^.
In Gujarati the participle is used alone as a preterite in both
forms, that in yo and that in elo, but more frequently a modem
substantive verb is added for greater clearness. This language
has no traces of the old incorporated Sanskrit aa.
§ 50. In the past tenses of all but B. and 0. the prayogas or
constructions mentioned in Yol. 11. p. 264, are employed. In
most of the languages, indeed, their use is restricted to the past
tenses. The direct or kartd prayoga is used with neuter verbs,
and requires the subject to be in the nominative case, while the
participle, which does duty for a preterite, changes with the
gender of the speaker. Thus
H. ^ 'itwr " l»e spoke," % wt% " t^^ose men spoke."
^ ^ft^ " •h® spoke," if "^tlR " those women spoke."
So, also, in P. S. and G. In M. the principle is the same,
though there is more variety of forms :
lit *fZWr " l»e »a>d." 5t i^Z% " iUi dixenint"
ift VfZlft '' she sidd," mj YfZWT ** iU» dixerant.**
^ ?fZif " it said," iff »1Z^ " ilia dixenint"
And so through all the persons except 1 and 2 plural, where no
152 THB PABTiaPIAL TENSES.
distinction of gender is necessary, as the speaker is known. Tn
the active verb, however, the karma or objective construction is
used, where the subject is put in the instrumental, the verb
agreeing in number and gender with the object. Thus, H.
9i % ipr % ^% ^ratT T^nf ^ ^ " I have spoken very harsh
words to you" (Sak. 33). Here the subject mat n« is in the
instrumental, the verb kahe hat is masc. plural, to agree with the
object rnchan. %^ % ^^ ip" ^iff t'WT R[€(l {ib, 39) "Destiny
has joined just such a joining" (has brought about such a
marriage).
So also in M. the p.p. is declined for all three genders in
both numbers so as to agree with the object, as UtT ^fWt
mf^fH "he read the book," where v&chili is fem. sing., to
agree with pothL In M. and S. many verbs are both active
and neuter, in which case the preterite has a double construc-
tion, direct or kartd when the verb is used as a neuter, objective
or karma when it is used as an active. So also in G. The dis-
tinction appertains to syntax, and not to f ormlore, and need not
be more than mentioned here.
There is also a third or impersonal construction technically
known as bhdva, in which the object is not expressed, and the
verb, therefore, remains always in the neuter. In M., however,
this construction is used even when the object is expressed, as
Wf^ WTWT Trtr^ "he beat him," literally "by him to him
beaten."
§ 51. The participle of the future passive, which in Sanskrit
ends in Tp^, plays an important part in the modem verb in
some languages. It does not, like the two previously noticed
participles, form modem participles, but rather various kinds of
verbal nouns, such as in Latin grammar we are familiar with
imder the names of gerunds and supines, also the infinitive.
The Latin gerund itself is, however, closely allied to the parti-
ciple of the future passive, for amandi, amando, amandum, are
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES. 163
respectively the genitive, dative, and accusative of amandm.
There is, therefore, a participial nature inherent in these forms
which justifies their inclusion in the present chapter. The Skr.
iavya becomes in Pr. dawa, and with elision of the d, awa.
Thus Skr. ^tfWf^, Pr. iftftT^, ^tt%nW. So also Pr.
91X^9, ifr^rar^ which must be referred to a Sanskrit form
^IX^^q rather than to the classical form W^f^, for Prakrit, as
mentioned before, generally takes no heed of Sanskrit subtle-
ties about inserting or omitting the intermediate \, but treats
all verbs alike, as if that letter were inserted, and it naturally
gives the type to its modem descendants in all cases.
The treatment of the form so inherited from the Prakrit
differs in the various languages, both in form and meaning.
Sindhi uses it as a present passive participle ending in ibo,
^^' ^ifr^nfty losing the a and the first v of the suffix, becomes
iBf?[ift> meaninig "being done." The transition from the
original sense of "that which is to be (or must be) done," into
" that which is being done," is simple and natural. Examples
^raiTZV " to choke," jj^lfd^^ " being choked."
^t^lj " to cheat," ^ff 4t ** being cheated."
^ifV " to seize." IjfWWt " being seized." '
QxLJarati differs from Sindhi in rejecting the 1^ and retaining
the '^, thus making ^T^^ "being done," as ll^t^^ m., ^/.,
^ n., etc., "being loosed ; " wnpftj however, means "bringing,"
where the sense has become active. The neuter of this form
does duty as an infinitive, as ^ "to go," of which more
hereafter.
In Marathi the vowel preceding the w is lengthened, and
one V rejected, giving a form f^f^, which is the same for
active and neuter verbs. The meaning, to judge by the
* Trompp, p. 64.
164 THE PAKTICIPIAL TENSES.
examples quoted, has also changed, for although properly the
same as in the older languages, *' that which has to be done/' it
is used in constmotians where it implies ^&b doing'' of a tfain^
only. It takes all three genders, and is commonly used also in
the genitive and dative cases WTR^l^ ^^^ 4<l^^l€> or
i|X:T^T?er. Thus 7( ^ ^<|i|^|fl ftw ^ "I am ready to do
that " (ue. " to the doing of "), l|imi||4JFV ^rtft WtWW^T^ ^ifft
" I have something to say to you," i.e. " with you something of
that which must be said I am." Thus it approximates some-
what to the infinitive of G., as in the following passage :
'' It is proper not to associate, to be separated from the world ;
It is proper to preserve solitude, not to speak at all ;
People, wealth, self it is proper to consider as vomit."
— Tnkaram. Abh. 1885.
Here vdte (Skr. ^1^) means "it seems," i.e. "it seems
proper," like Latin decet, oportet, licet, used impersonally, and
the participle agrees with the object. Thus sanga and ek&nta
being masc., the participles are masc. kardvd and sevdvd ; mdi
(Skr. vrnrr) being fem., boldvi is fem. also ; jag, vaman neut.,
hence durdvdven, lekhdven neut. The original meaning of a
passive participle may be exhibited by supposing the sentence
to be " society is not to be made . . . this seems proper," which
is easily inverted into the rendering given above.
When used in the genitive or dative case, the if sometimes
drops out, and they say, for instance, Hl^-f |f| ^Ull^O TRTl^
i|^W " We shall have to go to another ooimtry," for WIliTy
literally " to us in another coimtry of going it will falL" Latin
would here use the corresponding passive participle, Nobis
eimdum erit, or Skr. gantavyam aati.
Panjabi has apparently no trace left of this participle, nor
THE PARTICIPIAL TBN8ES. 155
has classical Hindi, but in rustic Hindi, especially in the
eastern parts of its area, as well as in Bengali and Oriya, this
participle exists. In Bhojpuri it ends in % or ^, without any
junction- vowel, and means the doing of anything, as ^^ ^
9i^nf sunbe na kailan, "they did not make a hearing^" Le. "they
would not listen," HTf'l^ ^ iPd^ m&nve na karihdiy " they will
not make an obeying** i.e. " they will not obey." * It is more
emphatic than a simple preterite or future, and implies that the
persons referred to obstinately refused to hear or obey.
In B. and 0. it is a simple infinitive, but as a noun is de-
clined in all cases, thus B. 0. ^f^nT " to see," genitive ^f^RPC
'' of seeing," etc. As a noim, it also implies the act of doing
anything, as 0. W9 'ft^ ^fil^ ^^ ^ TTTTT K ^TR " the
hearing of, or listening to, obscene songs, is a fault, the singing
(of them) is a crime " (see § 74)*
§ 52. The tenses formed from this participle come next
to be considered. In Sindhi the old substantive verb is
incorporated, just as in the tenses derived from the present
and past participles, but it is used to form a future passive
from active verbs only, as {chhad "abandon"), "I shall be
abandoned," etc.
Sing. m. 1. ISFkgf^ 2. ^[ff^ 3. IB^ffWt
/. 1. WW^^rftr 2. Igfff^ 3. lB(f^^
PL m. 1. C(n^|4T 2. IgfllR 3. 9fll|T
/- 1. irf^t^RfrtPf 2. ^rfHi'A 3. ^f^r^^
Here the terminations are precisely identical in every respect
with those of the active future and preteiitCi exhibited in the
preceding sections.
In Gujarati this participle used alone, and inflected for
^ Kellogg, Grammar, p. 231.
156 THB PABTICIPIAL TENSES.
gender, constitutes what the grammar- writers are pleased to
call the second present of the second potential mood. It is,
however, really a construction of the objective, or karma, kind,
in which the verb agrees with its object, and the subject or
agent is in the instrumental or (as usual in G*. in this con-
struction) in the dative; thus they say in^ or^ l^tH^ "I
ought to release,'* i.e, " by me it is to be released,'* 7f^ or*^
^t^prni ▼^'ft " yo^ ought to have confidence," i.e. ** by thee
trust is to be made," Skr. ^en^x f^nm** ^l^^t.
The genitive case also, oddly enough, forms a tense of its
own, also with no trace of the old substantive verb, as
l^tl^qrnft w.> ^/.> ^ n. The meaning seems hardly, if at all,
distinguishable from that of the nominative, and the construc-
tion is objective, as in that tense ; thus i) IIT^ ^RTI^ I|'<^C||^
" the work which we ought to do." I am not altogether satis-
fied, however, with the explanation of this tense as the genitive
of the above participle, and would suggest that it may possibly
be derived from the Atmane. pres. part, in mdna, like bhava^
mdna. It is possible, I think, that though the Atmanepada
has dropped out of use at an early epoch, yet that this parti-
ciple, not being specially recognized as belonging to that phase
of the verb, may, in some dialects, have held its own. From
the want of documents of the intermediate period, however, the
question is one which must remain, for the present at least,
obscure.
Marathi combines the terminations used by it in the indica-
tive present and past, with this participle also, but, from a
memory of its origin, employs the tense so formed somewhat in
the same way as G., namely, as indicating that a thing ought
to be or should be done. From this strict and primary sense
other subsidiary meanings branch out, as might be expected.
The neuter verb uses the direct or kartd construction, also the
bhdva or impersonal ; the active uses the karma and bhdva. As
it is only in the direct construction that the verb is conjugated
THB PARTICIPIAL TENSES* 157
for person, it is only in the neuter verb that the verbal termi-
nations ociiiir. Thus {9ut " escape ") —
Sing. m. 1. ^;m^T 2. •^mr 3. •in n. 1. •% 2. •^^ 3. ^ii
«• i^fW •^ •^ •^ •^ •^
The 2 plural here differs from the other tenses in preserving
a separate form for all three genders, in which the final i
recalls the termination of the 2 plural of the Sanskrit opta-
tive.
In the active verb with the karma construction, the participle
is declined for all three genders of both numbers, but in the
nominative case only, and the agent is in the instrumental,
thus ^nt, it Qr urif ^ftTRT -''^ -^> etc., " I, thou, he, should
loose." In both neuter and active, when the bhdva construction
is used, the verb stands in the neuter singular with all persons,
as ^€,\H or ^hrf^*.
Stevenson (p. 101) distinguishes no less than fourteen dif-
ferent senses of this tense, but the distinctions seem somewhat
too finely drawn, and belong rather to the department of con-
ventional usage than to that which deals with the organism and
structure of the language.
With a short a preceding the characteristic ^, which is all
that remains of the participial ending, M. forms a whole po-
tential mood, which may even be looked upon as a separate
phase of the verb. Thus (sod " loose ") —
Aori8t(Pa8thabitaal) VflTT ^ft^^ " I ^^^ ^ ^^ f^^l® to loose" (rare),
Present „ ^ft¥^ " I ctLU loose,"
Preterite „ ^ft^f^ " I covld loose " (rare),
Future „ ^ETt^^W ** I shall be able to loose,"
Imperfect „ iH^^fl ^t^ '* ^ could have loosed,"
Pluperfect „ ^oFtV^I^ CT^' ** ^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^^1® ^ ^^^® loosed,"
158
THE PABTICIFIAL TENSES.
and BO on, througli all the range of compound tenses. The
construction is the Bh&va or impersonal throughout, showing
that the form originates from the participle, and is to be
literally rendered "by me to be loosed it is, or was," which
accounts for the neuter form being used.
§ 53. It is to this place that I would now refer the ba type of
the future as used in B. and 0., and in the Bhojpuri dialect of
Hindi. It has been usual to compare these tenses with the
Latin future in bo, as amabo, and the comparison is tempting,
but, as I now think, delusive. It rests upon the supposition
that the b of the termination represents the substantive verb
bh& ; but to this there are the seemingly fatal objections that
bhUL, in its modified form of bhava, had from very early times
become ho, losing its labial element altogether, and that the
present tense bhavdmi, etc., though much changed and worn
away in modem times, always retains its characteristic vowel o,
sometimes shortened to t« or resolved into ua. It is only when
an i follows the o, that the combination m is at times shortened
to ^, as in 0. hebd=lidihk.
Judging by the analogy of the cognate languages, it seems
that we ought now to see in the B. and 0. future the Skr.
participle in tavt/a, in combination with the present tense of
y/aa. The forms are {dekh, " see ") —
B.
Sing. 1.
0.
» *•
Bhojpuri.
M *•
B.
PI. 1.
0.
»» *•
Bhojpuri.
>» *•
3- ^fiS^*^
3.
3.^
2. ^fkm •il 3. ^f%^
tt^ -^ 2. |fl§R 3. ^f^
^^ 2. ^1§T 3. ^f^lft
The 3 sing, and 3 pi. of Bhojpuri may be excluded from this
THE PAETICIPIAL TENSES. 159
group, as they belong to the sa or ha type of the future (§ 35).
The dialect of Riw& has some forms of the ba type, as 2 sing.
41 iR^^, 1 pi. ^nf^W, M\K^, and 4ir(\^> 2 pi. 4||(\^|. The
dialect of Oudh (Avadhi) has 1 sing. ITT^, 2 ilTT^y TT^,
1 pL ?fT^, 2 UTTWtj and in the old Purbi dialect ^\i^^
m&rah is used for all three persons of both numbers.
There is thus apparent a general tendency to the use of the
ba type of future throughout the eastern area of the Aryan
territory in India, and it wiU be seen by comparing either B.
or 0. terminations of the future with those of the tenses
formed by those languages from the present and past parti-
ciples respectiyely, that they are abnost, if not quite identical.
ThusO.—
pRnflnNT.
PAST.
PUTUBB.
Sing.
1. dekhant -i
dekhil -i
dekhib -«
2. dekhant -u
dekhil -u
dekhib -u
3. dekhant -A
dekhil -4
dekhib -A
PI.
1. dekhant -H
dekhil -w
dekhib -u
2. dekhaat -a
dekhil -a
dekhib -a
3. dekhant -e
dekhil -e
dekhib -e
As the analogy of the other laaguages compels us to see in
these terminations abraded fragments of the present tense of
OBf when combined with the present and past participles, the
same process of reasoning leads us to see the same element in
combination with the future participle, and the 2 sing, of the
Riw& and Ayadhi dialects further confirms this view by having
preserved, like Marathi, the characteristic a of the Skr. 2 sing.
asi. There is the same agreement of the final vowel in these
three tenses of the B. verb, though it is not so accurately
preserved as in the more archaic Oriya. Thus B. dekhib-a
does not correspond with dekhit-dm, and dekhil-dm. So, also,
B. dekhit'is differs from dekhil-i and dekhib-i. There is, how-
ever, sufficient general similarity, aad the differences consist
160 THE PARTICIPIAL TBNSE8.
mostly in this^ that one tense has preseired a more archaic
form than the other, thus dekhUdm preserves Skr. asmi, Pr.
amhi, better than dekhiboj dekhitis preserves the s of asi, while
dekhili and dekhibi have rejected it. Thus, while the abrasion
of the substantive verb has been carried to so great a pitch in
these two languages as almost to obliterate all traces of it, yet,
from the general analogy of cognate forms, there is little doubt
that we have in the ha future the Skr. participle in tavya. The
final k in the 3 sing, of B. is a phenomenon for which I have
in vain sought an explanation; the most probable one is, I
think, that which considers it merely as a tag, or mecmingless
addition, but why a tag should have been added to this person
merely, and not to others also, remains to be explained.
§ 54. The two remaining types of the future may ap-
propriately be introduced here. They are certainly participial
tenses, though not participial in the same sense or on the same
plan as the other tenses discussed in this chapter ; they are, in
fact, exactly the reverse. Whereas, in the other participial
tenses, it is the modem stem which is the participle, and the
ancient verbal additions are a present tense, in the two types
of future, which we shall now examine, the modem stem is a
present tense, and the ancient verbal addition is a participle.
The first of the two is the ga type. This consists in adding
H. sing. J([ m., ift /., pi. i} w., iff /., to the aorist, and the
same iu P. except the pi./., which is iftllt. In the pL/. H. also
ordinarily drops the anusw&ra. This type is only found in H.
and P. The tense runs thus {sun " hear '^), *' I wiU hear," etc.
3. ^jSjif
3- 1^^
H. Sing. 1. ^^ITT
2. ^5)^
„ PL 1. '^^
2. 1^
P. Sing. 1. ^prt>rr
2. ^^m
„ Pi. 1. tlHlQ
2. ;gnft^
THB PABTICIPIAL TBN8B8. 161
If the reader will compare this example with thftt oi the
aorist in § 33, it will be at once apparent that this tense is
formed by adding the syllables gd, gi, etc., to that tense.
Among the Mahomedans of Delhi and other large cities, this
form is used even as a present, and one frequently hears such a
word as haigd, for hai "it is." There can be little doubt that
this gd is the Skr. p.p. ipf, Pr. W^9 TBhr> f^. In H., as
mentioned in § 48, the p.p. of jdnd " to go," is gayd m., and
this in the mediseval poets is often shortened to gd. The/, is
^ gaiy which easily becomes ift^ so also pi. m. int becomes %.
The meaning of the tense is thus, " I have gone (that) I may
do," a construction which recalls our English idiom "I am
going to do," and French "je vais faire." The participial
nature of the afiix is shown by its being inflected for gender
and number in concord with the agent.
This type seems to be of late origin. It is not much, if at
all, known or used by the early writers, who, except when they
use the future of the ba type, generally express a future sense
by the aorist only. As this method grew by degrees to be
felt insufficient, the participle was added to give greater dis-
tinctness.
§ 55. The second type is that which has / for its character-
istic. Among the classical dialects Marathi only employs this
form, and there has been much speculation about the Marathi
future by those who only looked to the language itself. It
had, however, long been known that a future with this type
existed in the Marw&ri dialect, belonging to the Hindi area,
and spoken oyer a large extent of coimtry in Western Rajpu-
tana. The able researches of £eUogg have recently placed us
in possession of two more instances of a future of this type
spoken in Nepal and by the moimtaineers of Garhw&l, and
Eumaon in the Himalayas, who are by origin Bajputs from the
YOL. m. 11
162
THB PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
plains. ThvLB, the Marathi future now no longer stands alone,
and we are in a position to compare the whole group of futures
of the la type {par "fall," mdr " strike/' ho " be," 9Ut, sod).
8INOULAB*
MarwftrL
GafhwftlL
Kumaoni.
NepalL
active.
ftin
2. ftwra
PLURAL.
2. ^nJtwr
2. iff^wr
2. ITTTWr
2. ft^
2. ^gzTW
2. ^itirv
8. nWt
8. frtrr
3.
3. ^>€^fi
3. IJ^WT
3. irncwr
3. UTTWr
3. JP'R^
8. ^ZlftV
3. ^f4Hlil
In these dialects the aorist has had added to it a form ift
sing, and WT pl«> which does not appear to be inflected for
gender, but has only sing, and pi. masc. So far as it goes,
however, it directly corresponds to H. and P. gd, ge, etc., and
like them points to a participial origin. In Marathi the
inflectional terminations have been dropped, and in some cases
even the la itself. The 1 sing, of the neuter aorist is ^, and
adding W to this, we get ^%ir, which, being difficult to
pronounce, has glided into ^^. In the 1 pL, however, the ^
has simply been rejected, so that it is the same as the aorist.
In the 2 sing, the aorist has WZ^, but, as has already been
shown^ this is a contraction from ^Zflfy and ^9ZfH + K=
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES. 163
'*y^4)fl> from the Marathi habit of lengthening the vowel of
a final syllable. In the 2 pi. aorist ^Zt> the K has neither
been fused with the anusw&ra into ^, as in the 1 sing., nor has
it altogether dropped out, as in the 1 pi. ; but there is no trace
of the anuswftra; the reason of this is that the anuswftra in
this person is not organic ; the older language has simply d, as
^ZT> and it is to this that the ^ has been added, and not to
the modem form. The third person singular and plural is
stiU simpler; aor. ?}^ + ^=^^> and (archaic) ^^7ft + ^ =
^ZlfVv. The. same process is followed by the active verb
exactly.
I look upon this ^ as the shortened form of a sing, ift ^•>
lIV/., pL WT w., iRf/., of which the feminine is apparently not
in use, and I derive it from Skr. V'lHI, P-p.p. ^R> Pr. WT9ft,
of which the gg has been reduced to g according to ordinary
practice, and the single g has then dropped out, leaving invt>
shortened into ift* This derivation is confirmed by the fact
that in all the languages this verb is used in the sense of
beginning to do any thing, as in H. Ipf 1RT> " he began to do."
In M. especially it is used in a very wide range of applications,
and 9^ appropriately means " he begins (that) he may do,"
in other words " he is about to do," " he wiU do."
1.
164
THE PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
§ 56. I give here, for oonvenience of comparisoii, a tabular yiew
I. — ^Pbesent Par-
Sanskrit ir^PC w., V^^/., ij^ n.
Participle.
(a) deelinaih.
(ft) ^niteUtUbU,
S. 1.
2.
i
3.
& PL 1.
2.
3.
HINDI.
^^TOT*lft
PANJABI.
1. «rt^ •^ •^ •ffNt
2. ifPC^ •^, etc
M
«TT^«^
8INDHI.
^^•ift
ilTT^ •^^l
fV f ■
etc
Hfti^P9rt,«tc.
^ On account of the multiplicity of forms in Marathi, the maaonlino
THB PARTICIPIAL TENSES.
166
of the participles and the participial tenses derived from them.
ncDPLS AcnvB.
Prakrit inflf^ m., •1ft/., •t n.
QVJARMTl.
wlmit^ift*^
ijt^nn •ift •Iff
UAMATEl.
jr§uUr,
•il •m •at
HOT •1ft •IftfT
1^
^zwnf^zif
Active.
^ftflnfT •ift •^
wniat^rnnfT
vrfwrt
OBITA.
BAirOALI.
^ftnfTR
t^
^^hfT
^fint
t^
^fiaflw
^^
^T^ni
^
nlj of tii0 indieatiTa and eonditumal are giyen in thii taUe.
M
GO
I
I
Ai
M l8*
I
M
s
H
•w
g
a
Ir
f ¥
Ir
If
I
73
:8
1 I?
£
r
<r
I& )&' )& 1& &
mil
pp ip> lr»
I
<& <& I <C' <&
JB
,4 e4 e« .4 ei e«
CD
1
I
■E,
.9
9
M
^
Q
168
THE PABTiaPIAL TENSES.
§ 57. The only participial tenses in the GKpsy yerb are those
formed from the past participle. This participle is sometimes
regularly formed from the modern yerbal root, and sometimes,
as in the other languages, is an early Tadbhaya, perpetuating
the type of the Prakrit participle.
There are, as in the other languages, three types of this
participle ending in (1) to or do, (2) lo, (3) no. Examples of
the first type are —
andva ** to carry," ando, Skr. &nl, p.p.p. &nita, S. &ndo.
jivAva " to liye, jiydo, „ jly,
kerdva " to do," kerdo, „ kri,
ito^Adm^^todepart," nashto, „ na9,
ehindva " to cut," chindo, „ chhid, „
jtyita.
„ kpta, Pers. karda.
nashta.
chhinna.
99
>9
Of the second type —
avdva ** to come/' alo,
99
Ayft,
j&va " to go.
99
gdo, „ yft.
99
99
dikdva '' to see," diklo,
Of the third type —
ddva "to giye," dino, „ d&,
Idva " to take," lino, „ labh,
rovdva " to weep," rovno, „ rud,
urydm " to fly," uryano, „ udd!,
>>
99
99
99
fty&ta,M.&UL,B.O.
yftta, M. gelft, B.
gela,0. gaUL
B. dekhila, 0.
dekhil&.
datta, Pr. diiHio,0.-
H.dinn&,din&
labdha,0.-H. linnft,
lin&.
rodita, Pr. runiao,
S. runo.
u44ina, S. u4&90.
The Aorist is formed by adding the terminations of the old
Bubstantiye yerb, thus &om lino ** taken " —
Sing. 1. linom, 2. linftn, 3. lin&s,
PL 1. hnka, 2. linftn, 8. lin&s "I took," etc.
THE PABTICIPIAL TENSES. 169
So from kerdo " done," comes
Sing. 1. kerdom, 2. kerd&n, 3. kerd&s,
PL 1. kerd&m, 2. kerd&n, 3. kerd&s ''I did,'' etc.
And from muklo ^* abandoned '' (Skr. mnkta) —
Sing. 1. mnklom, 2. muklftn, 3. mukl&s,
PL 1. mukl&m, 2. mukl&n, 3. mukl&s ''I left/' etc.
Tliis proceeding is strictly analogous in principle to the
method employed in Sindhi, to which, of all the Indian lan-
goages, that of the GKpsies bears the closest relation.
The future is formed by prefixing to the present tense the
word k&ma, Skr. k&m ^'desire," and thus means ^'I wish
to do," etc. Thus ker&ya "I do," kamaker&va "I will do," i.e,
" I wish to do." The prefixed word does not vary for nimiber
or person. This method of forming the future is, as Faspati
(p. 101) points out, borrowed from modem Greek, in which
diKto contracted to di and dh^ is used in this way, as dii vir6rf» *^1
will go." There is nothing strictly analogous to this method
in our seven languages, though the futures of the ga and la
types are formed on a not very dissimilar principle.
CHAPTER IV.
THE COMPOUND TBK8ES.
CONTENTS.— § 58. DuFDnnoM of thb Compound Tkksbs and Ajtixliaxt
Ybbbs.— § 69. Thb Root JJS, Pbbsxmt Tbnsb. — } 60. Impbbfbct in
Panjabi and Gipst. — ) 61. AS -with a Nboatttb. — § 62. Coicpound
Tbnsbs fobmbd with ajb. — § 63. Thb Boot ACES; BisorBsioN as to its
Obioin. — § 64. Tbnsbs db&itbd thbbbfbox. — } 66, Cohpoxjnd Tbnsbs
FOBMBD THBBBWITH.— { 66. BSff't'^TBM SnfPLB TbNSBS. — § 67. uf. ;— THB
Pabticipial Tbnsbs. — § 68. Compound Tbnsbs fobmbd thbebwith.— § 69.
STHj.-'i 70. r/.— § 71. ANdLLABT YbBBS DbFINBD.— § 72. EXAMPLBS OF
Anoillabibs.
§ 58. Further removed from the old synthetical type than
either of the preceding classes of tenses is that class which now
comes under discussion. It is by means of this class that the
seyen modem languages, after having rejected the numerous
and complicated formations of the Sanskrit verb, have secured
for themselves the machinery necessary for the expression of
very delicate shades of meaning. So numerous, indeed, are
these shades of meaning, and so fine are the distinctions be-
tween them, that it is very difficult for a foreigner to catch
them.
The tenses in question are constructed by adding to the
participles already mentioned various tenses of certain auxiliary
verbs, and in a few instances by adding these auxiliaries to
the simple present, or aorist. The auxiliaries themselves are
modem formations capable of being used alone, and are trace-
able to well-known Sanskrit roots through processes partly
Prakritic and partly post-Prakritic. Pali and the Prakrits
carry the verbs in question through certain grades of change,
THE OOMPOTTND TENSES. 171
and the modem languages either preserve the Prakrit form un-
changed, or subject it to further changes of their own, such
changes being often goT^med by laws unknown to the Prakrit
stage of derelopment.
The roots so employed are V^H^, i/lff, VWTt V^, and
another, whose origin is somewhat obscure in Sanskrit, but
which appears in Prakrit under the form mf • It will be
necessary first to examine each of these roots and draw out the
modem forms to be affiliated to each, after which the tenses
formed by them may be arranged in order.
§ 59. ^S. This root means '* to be," and is the simple copula
like Latin esse (see under sthd in § 12). Only the present tense
ca^ be clearly traced in the modem languages, though there
are some detached fragments here and there which may possibly
represent other tenses. These will be noted further on. In
Sanskrit the root belongs to the second or ad conjugation, in
which the terminations are added direct to the root, thus giving
rise to various euphonic changes in accordance with the laws of
Sandhi Pali and the scenic Prakrits, in contradiction to their
usual practice of employing the bhii type for all roots, retain
in this verb the ad type. Omitting the dual, the tense runs —
Skr. Sing. 1. asmi, 2. asi, 3. asti.
„ PL 1. smah, 2. stha, 3. santi.
p , p (Sing. 1. asmi, 2. asi, 3. atthi.
'( amhi.
!PL 1. asma, 2. attha, 3. santi.
amha.
In Prakrit the initial vowel is often elided as *tnhi, 'mha.
These forms, however, belong to the scenic Prakrit, which, as
Pischel has shown, is really almost as artificial a language as
Sanskrit, and on comparing the corresponding tense in the
modem languages, it seems difficult, if not impossible, to derive
it from the scenic forms. We are not justified in assuming
172 THE OOMPOUND TENSES.
that the modem tense was deriyed, according to different
phonetic laws, from those which have guided and effected the
transformations of other words in these languages. On the
contrary, in the absence of a continuous chain of documents
exhibiting the gradual changes that have taken place, we have
nothing to guide us but the general principles of phonetic
evolution, which we have been able to formulate for ourselves
from undoubted instances. We have numerous well-established
cases in which the Prakrit, followed by the modems, has conju-
gated a verb according to the bhU type, though in classical
Sanskrit it follows some other conjugation ; indeed, it may, I
think, be considered as proved that the forms of the bhU conju-
gation have swallowed up all other conjugational types, just as
much as those of the as stem in nouns have driven out all other
declensional forms. In this view there would be strong reasons
for postulating the existence of a present tense of t/H^ conju-
gated after the bhi type, thus —
Sing. 1. as&mi, 2. asasi, 3. asatL
PI. 1. asftmah, 2. asatha, 3. asanti.
It is only from such a form as this, the existence of which,
though I am not aware of any text in which it is found, may
fairly be inferred from analogy, that the modem forms can, in
accordance with the ordinary laws of development, be derived.
Beginning with Sindhi as the most archaic, or nearly so, this
tense runs thus —
Sing- 1- Wtflnrt» 2. "^ffl, "Witfff 8. ^n^.
Now, barring the troublesome superfluity of anun&sikas
which the Sindhians have seen fit to bestow on this aorist, the
forms are strikingly similar to those of the Sanskrit tense
postulated above. The 3 sing, dhe is contracted from a/uA,
which, again, is good Prakrit for asaii, but it could hardly be
deduced from asti, which, as we have seen, naturally results in
THE OOMPOUND TENSES. 173
Prakrit atthi. The terminations of the other persons agree
with those of the aorist of the active yerb given in § 33, and
those are obviously and admittedly derived from the termina-
tions of the bh^L type. I am nnable to account for the peculi-
arity of this tense using the forms of the active verb, where we
should naturally have expected those of the neuter, ^RTft^ etc.
like fWty etc. Trumpp does not notice this point, and as I
am not in possession of any docimients in mediaeval Sindhi, I
have no materials on which to form an opinion. It is to be
hoped that the learned author, in the next edition of his very
valuable grammar, will furnish some elucidation of this curious
anomaly. This tense is all that remains to us in Sindhi of the
Sanskrit substantive verb (u.
Only the aorist, also, has survived in Marathi, which has—
Sing. 1. ^, 2. Hn^ 3. ^.
PI. 1. mff 2. ^iTft, 3. win.
These are the regular terminations of the aorist in the neuter
verb, only the 1 plural differs slightly, having iff instead of ^.
In M., as in S., the initial vowel is lengthened, the reason for
which is not obvious, as there has been no loss of consonants
requiring compensatory lengthening. M., like S., has only
this one tense ham as. No traces of it are found in G. or O.,
except in a negative form, which will be treated of in the next
section.
Hindi and Panjabi agree very closely in the aorist Classical
Hindi represents, however, a modem development of this tense.
In the medisBval writers, and in the presenjb dialects of the
eastern and central Hindi area, the older form is preserved
thus —
SnrouLAB.
Old-H.
1. ^«1^
a-'^lfff
3-^Ilfl
AvadbL
l.lf|f^
2- ^i|ir
3.^
lUwtt.
1. <,Ut
2.%
3.%, HI
174 THB OOMPOUND TENSES.
Plubal.
Old-H. 1. llffil 2. ^Ifir 3. ^Bffl
AvadhS. 1.^ 2. HH,^ 3. id
Riwfil. l.\ 2.^lf9{,ft 3. ^^irt.
The 3 singular in the poets is sometimes written with, and
sometimes without, the last A, as in Kabir Olfd^l ^^ ift^ 1E9
irnC " Th^re is one line of duty in the world" (Bam. Ivi 1), or
written as a dissyllabic word, as JJ^ WTT ^ f^ FHI^I *'The
name of Ram is itself the true one" (ib. bdy. 5), or with long
i, metri gratia, \C^ ^ ^^if ^TPft "^Tf^ I ''Religion, he saith, is all
(one like) water" {ib. Ixxiii. 6). The 1 singular occurs in
Tiv ^Nf^ Tw r^mX 'n^ i»^ (for iif^) lit ^^nr ^ i
'' Pause and attend, ponder on Ram, thus / am calling aloud,
oh ! " {ib, Kah. 7). So also in Tulsi Das, Tift ^ffif ftnft ^iTHC
Hft irnfV I ''Thus her mind is changed as fate decrees"
(Ay-k. 117), XTR ^'ITT^ TRW ^Rfft I " Ram is lord of things
moyeable and immoveable" (ib. 445), fMv f^^'ni ^Wf^ ^BRT
ITf^ "The laws of duty are all reversed" (ib. 617), ^W^ ^nm
^ni g^ li^ HfVt " All roads are easy to thee " {ib. 674).
By aphseresis of the initial a we get the ordinary classical
Hindi tense —
Sing. 1. ft, if, 2. %, 3. %. PI. l.\ 2. ft, 3. \
The classical language uses if in the 1 sing., but |ft is used
in the poets, in Braj, and in the rustic dialects. Between ^,
used as a singidar, and^, used as a plural, there is the same
confusion as in the same persons of the aorist in the ordinary
verb (§ 33). The form ^ seems to belong more naturally to a
Pr. ahdmu, and^ to ahdmi, and we are led to suspect that an
inversion of the two words has taken place. Avadhi 2 sing.
ahes has, like M., a variant ahas, both of which lead back to an
older ahasi, just as 3 sing, ahai does to ahati. It is obvious that
had ^as not been treated as a bhU verb, there would have
THE OOMFOUND TENSES* 175
arisen no such types as ahai and hat; for obH goes into atthi,
which would have led to something yery different.
Panjabi closely follows H., having—
Sing. 1. ft» 2. % 3. %. PI. 1. ft, 2. ft. 3. flf .
It has also, as noticed in § 54, a form of this tense with the
participial addition 1(J m., ift/., etc., as —
Sing. 1. ftifT* 2. IflTTf 3. ^^,
m. 1. ft%i 2. f^, 3. fl|% "I am," etc.,
where the type of the future is mixed up with that of the
present. I have heard this form used mostly at the end of
a sentence, where the speaker seems to hesitate, as if he felt
the want of something more to say, and idtimately adds a gd.
It is also used doubtingly, as when you suggest a possible
explanation of some difficidty, and your companion answers
*' well, perhaps it is so " — \^\»
The same form occurs in the Kanauji dialect of Hindi.
The present of this verb in the dialect of the Rumilian
Gipsies (Paspati, p. 80) adheres more closely to the Sanskrit.
It runs thus —
Sing. 1. is6m, 2. is&n, 3. isf.
PL 1. is&m, 2. isan, 3. isi.
§ 60. Panjabi has also an imperfect in a great many forms
which must apparently be affiliated to this root. First there is
a purely participial form —
Sing. 1, 2, 3, in »»., ?it/.
H. % m., ^fHlt /» " h thouj he was," etc.
Then in is added as in the present, giving H\m, ^Ft^» Ir^»
4^4^ lit* I do not remember eyer to have heard this form,
but it is giyen in the Ludhiana grammar. One often hears
^y which is properly feminine singular, used for the mascu-
176 THE OOMPOTJin) TBN8ES.
line singular^ and plural also. Moreover, there is a defectiye
form having only some of the persons, which looks somewhat
inflectional The singtdar 2 and 3, and plural 2, are supplied
by parts of 1|rr.
Sing. 1. ^\. PL 1. ^\. 3. «if , IN.
To this, also, is added i(j, thus
Sing. 1. ^BtfT «.» ^t'ft/.
PL 1. 'qfii m., ^rHft^/. 3. irf% ^f vf'fNrt/.
Yet another and extremely common form in colloquial u.sage
prefixes % to this type —
Sing. 1. ^^. 2, 8. f#.
PL 1, 2. f% m., %^ft^/. 3. ^^R.
Most of these forms are dialectic, and, as such, in use only in
certain parts of the country. The participial form given first
is probably the original ; seeing how much the past t^ises of
the Sanskrit verb had fallen out of use at an early period, we
are, perhaps, hardly justified in looking for anything but a
participial origin for a modem past tense, and in this view we
might postulate a p.p.p. asita. On the other hand, however,
it so happens that the imperfect of a« is one of the few imper-
fects of Skr. verbs, which did live on into the Pali and Prakrit,
and the inflectional form of this tense can be phonetically de-
rived therefrom, thus —
Skr. Sing. 1. ^(rtf, 2. ^|^:, 3. ^4)^.
PL I. ^inir, 2. iw^, 3. ^mr^.
Pr. Sing. 1. ^, 2. ^, 3. ^.
PL 1. ^. — 3. ^^.
If we take this view it would seem that the tense was
originally inflectional, but that all other verbs in the language
having a participial construction, this also was, by the common
THE OOMPOXTND TENSES. 177
process of mistaken analogy, considered participial also, and I
being the ordinary termination of the feminine, ^ was
erroneously taken for a feminine, and a masculine in was
invented to suit it, together with the plurals % and ^Ht<
This reasoning will account also for the fact that ^oft is often
used for the masculine singular. Whether the origin of this
multiform tense be participial or inflectional, it is abundantly
clear that the present usage of the language presents a maze of
confused forms, which, their origin having been forgotten, have
Here, I woidd provisionally refer the imperfect in the Braj
dialect of Hindi, which is participial in form, and does not
vary for person. It is sing. ^ w., ijt /., pi. % »*., !Jf /.
A variation of this form in Western Bajputana (M&rw&r) has
sing. ^, pL ^. I think we must see in this form a p.p.p. of
08, with loss of the initial vowel, and change of ^ into 9.
So, also, here woidd, on the same principle, come in two
preterites or rather imperfects —
Kanauji. Sing. ^^ m., ^^ /.
PI. ^ m., ipft /., " I, etc, was."
Gigarati. Sing, f^ m., flft /., ^ n.
PI. ^?rr »».> ^^ft/'j ^^ «. id,
which appear to come from Pr. present participle ^rtt "being."
The change of meaning from a present to an imperfect has an
analogy in the treatment of the corresponding tense of the
verb ho (§ 67).
The Gipsy language has retained an imperfect of this root,
not directly derived from the Skr. imperfect, but formed by
the addition of the syllable as to the present.^
Sing. 1. isomas, 2. is&nas, 3. is&s (isi+as).
PI. 1. isdmas, 2. is&nas, 3. is&s.
' Paspati, p. 80. Miklosich, toI. ii. p. 15, has a long diasertatioii on the subject,
which, howeyer, is yery confused and bewildering to read.
VOL. ni. 12
178 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
This language uniformly makes an imperfect from eyery root
by adding as to the present, but the process is so foreign to our
Indian languages as to have no interest for us in the present
inquiry.
§ 61. The deriyatives of 08 in the present tense are in some
languages curiously boxmd up with the negatiye into a tense
which exists in those languages in which there is no trace of
the positiye form. Thus Oriya, which has no positiye present
08^ has a complete negatiye present, '' I am not, etc."
Sing. 1. ij^, 2. ^, 3. IJ^.
PI. 1. irnf» 2. ifTf , 3. MTfif^-
Here the u in the first syllable of the singular is due to some
confusion with the tense of bhUf to be noted hereafter ; but
though this form is common in writing, the peasantry often say
simply H%, " he is not." The insertion of this u is accounted
for by supposing it to haye slipped oyer from the following
syllable, thus, nuhe would be for na hue, and nuhanti for na
huanti. Nuaniiy and not ndhdnti, is the older form, as in —
" Merciful-hearted they are not, but pitiless." — Basak. yi. 18.
There being in O. no positiye present from as, the suryiyal of
the negatiye present has naturally been accounted for by
referring it to the only positiye present remaining, namely,
that from bh& ; but this seems to be a false analogy, because^
as will be shown later on, in many constructions the negatiye
is used without the u, and is generally so used by the rustic
classes.
G. has inft for all persons of both tenses, they say jf inft
" I am not," lj wft " thou art not," ?| inft " he is not." This
is a case of forgetfulness of the origin of a word leading to its
use being extended to cases where it has no right to be, for
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 179
inft is clearly derived from ^ff?lf , the Pr. form of Ijftr with ^
prefixed, and thus, strictly speaking, belongs only to the
3 sing.
The negative of as is kept distinct from that of hhit in
Marathi, the former runs thus —
Sing. 1. ifT^, 2. ^fTilNr> 3. ifT^. PL 1, 2. ifT^, 3. irnjtJT-
In Hindi i|fl[ and if^ are used to mean simply " not," and
if they ever had any verbal meaning, have now quite lost it.
In Sindhi the negative prefixed merely coalesces with it, with-
out in any way influencing it, or bringing about any change in
its form ; thus iff^ or i|^n$ " he is not."
§ 62. The present tense from as is added to the simple and
participial tenses of the neuter, active, or causal stem, to form
a class of compound tenses, having significations somewhat
more definite than the participial tenses when used alone. In
some cases, however^ no additional strength of meaning seems
to be gained. In the following examples it will suffice to quote
the 3 singular in each tense, from which the reader can form
the rest for himself.
Hindi adds the present oi as to the present and past parti-
ciples of the ordinary verb, to form a definite present and
definite preterite respectively, as —
Def. PreseDt ^4^9f| ^ << he is seeing."
Def. Preterite d^\ \ ** he has seen."
Colloquially, also, one sometimes hears a tense formed from
the aorist of the verb, and that of the auxiliary, as ^sn^ ^ " he
comes." This usage prevails more in the Western Hindi area,
where the language is transitional to Gujarati, and is not
approved of in classical speech.^
^ Kellogg, p. 206.
180 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
Panjabi Las the following : —
Def. Present Wt^ % " he is going."
Def. Imperfect Wt<?T ^ *' h® ^^^ going."
Def. Preterite flf^ % " he has gone."
Pluperfect f^^ ^\ *' he had gone."
Sindlii has, like Hindi, the two definite tenses : —
Def. Present flt^ ^% '' he is going."
Def. Preterite ^flRVt ^W^ " he has gone."
Marathi has a wider range ; it forms two separate tenses, one
from the indeclinable, another from the declinable form of its
present participle, a definite perfect from its past participle,
and a sort of future with its noun of agency (§ 75). In the
last-named instance, however, we have hardly a tense, but
rather a participial construction —
Def. Present ffl^t?f ^111% " he is writing."
„ (Emphatic) ftrffWt ^111% " he it writing."
Def. Preterite Huf^fll ^Hl^ " he has written."
Future HilfttUlK ^W% " he is about to write."
The other languages having no traces of this auxiliary,
naturally have no tenses formed by it.
§ 63. ACHE. This root must be taken next, in order to pre-
serve the natural sequence of tenses in the modem verbs. It
has been customary hitherto to accept without inquiry the
assimiption that the auxiliaries of this form are derived from
08 ; but there are considerable difficulties in the way of ad-
mitting this view, which appears, as far as I can trace it back,
to have arisen from Vararuchi, xii. 19 (oauraseni), asterachchha.
But the next s{Ltra gives tipdtthi, as far as we can see from the
very corrupt state of the text, and the parallel passage from
the Sankshipta Sftra (Lassen, App. p. 51) gives only atthi.
THB COMPOUND TENSES. 181
though fragments of a present tense achchhdi, etc., are quoted by
Lassen (p. 346) from the latter authority. By his reference to
p. 266, the author would seem to favour a derivation from asti
by inversion atsi, as ^ we know (Vol. I. p. 317) migrates into
^, but this will not account for the other persons of the tense.
It does not, however, foUow that Vararuchi, in quoting
achchh as an equivalent for as^ ever meant that the former was
phonetically evolved from the latter. He is merely giving us
the popular equivalent of the classical word. Just in the same
way he tells us (viii. 68) that vutta and khuppa are used for Skr.
fnoBjy but no one supposes that trntta can, by any known process
of phonetic change, be derived from tna^'. It is simply a
popular word used instead of a refined one. So, also, when he
tells us that achchh is used instead of aSy we are not bound to
beUeye ihat he means to say that the former is derived from
the latter, but simply tha^ it is in use side by side with it.
Hemachandra, in the same way, gives many popular equivalents
of Skr. roots, which are not derivatives from those roots.
Weber, Hala, p. 41, rejects, and with justice, the idea of any
connection between the two words, and suggests that acch is a
form of gach {y/ gam), " to go." This view is supported by
citations from the Bhftgavati (i. 411» etc.), as e.g. acchejja vd
dtthejja vd niaieyya vd uyattejjja, " Let him go, or stand, or sit
down, or rise up." In the examples quoted from the
Saptasatakam, however, the word bears more often the opposite
meaning of standing still ; and often may be rendered by either
one or the other ; thus —
tupp&nanll kino ac-
chasi tti ia pucchiii vahufti. — Sapt. 291.
Here Weber translates, " Why goeat thou with anointed face P "
but the scholiast has kim ti%hthaaiy '* why standest thou P " The
general meaning of the passage is merely ''why art ihou^*
thus, i.e. " why have you got your face anointed P " So in 344,
182 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
asamattamanorahaim acchanti mithunaitn, it must be rendered,
" They are (or stand) with their desires nnf ulfilled," In another
passage, 169, it has still more unmistakeably the meaning
of stay :
acchaii t&va manaharam
tagg&machettastm&
vi jhatti dittha suh&yei,
literally, "Let stand (or let be) the heart-entrancing, very
precious sight of the face of my love, even the boundary of the
fields of her village, when seen, straightway delights." He
means a sort of hyperbole, as we might say, **B[er face delights,
said I P not her face merely — (or, let alone her face) — ^why even
the sight of the village where she lives delights.'* Here aechau
is 3 singular imperative; the idiom is in ccmmion use in
modem speech ; thus in 0. they would say Mku dekhibd thdil,
tdhdr grdm almd madhya dekhibd dnand ate, " Let the seeing of
her stand aside, the seeing of her village boundary merely is
delight." It is like the use of the word alam in Sanskrit.
Parallel to the use of 0. lerr in this construction is that of Jfm
in B. Thus, Bh&rat Chandra —
** From long fasting the folk were nearly dead,
Zet alone food, they could not (even) get water." — ^Mansingh, 446.
Literally, " Let the matter of food stand (aside)," see S 69. In
the Ghingana or GKpsy also ach means "to remain," "to stand."
Thus, opr^ pirende achdm, " I stand on my feet," or simply,
" I stand," Paspati " se tenir debout ; " achilo korkoro " he re-
mained alone," ate achilom " here I am," literally " here I have
remained;" achen devUsa ''remain with God," "good-bye" (i.e.
" God be with ye"), Pasp. " Salutation trds-commime parmi les
Tchingian^s."
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 183
Not to multiply examples, the use of this verb in a sense
wHich, whatever its original meaning, has become almost
equivalent to that of '^ being/' is well established in the Jaina
Prakrit and in HAla. The aphaeresis of an initial consonant is
rare. In scenic Prakrit it is confined almost entirely to the
^^^^^ H U^^y &8 in AndM ^=jdnd8f, Anabedi = djnApayati^ etc.
Also in uno =puna^, and a few other words.
But I would suggest that this word may after all be nothing
more than a form of Skr. VlJ^ abfh, " to appear." This root
seems to have borne in Skr. rather the meaning of " to reach,
pervade " (see Williams's Diet. s.v.), but if we are to connect
with it ^rf^ "eye," as seems probable, the meaning of "to
see," or " to appear," would be natural to it. It will be
shown presently that the various languages have forms ending
in l(, 9, and 19, and all these three forms phonetically point
to an earlier ^.'
Leaving Prakrit scholars to decide whence comes this stem
^IT^ or ^iR| (Weber writes it in both ways), we may, I think,
start from the fact that there is such a stem in Prakrit, and we
have the opinion of a high authority for disputing its con-
nection with ^1^. Indeed, as has already been shown, ^|^ so
regularly passes into ^Tf in the modems, that it is difficult to
conceive by what process it could ever have become ^T^* I
1 Hemachandra's eyidenoe seems condunTO against any connection between aeh
and ffam, tot he has a sCLtra to the effect that words of the class gam take the
tennination eha; the list consists of the fonr words gaeehai (gam), ieeluA (ish),
jaechat (yam), and acehal (P). — ^Pischel, Hem., iy. 215. If aeehai were only gaeehai^
with loss of the initial consonant, it would hardly be given as a separate instance of
the role. In another passage occurs a use of this word exactly similar to that from
Hala quoted aboye—
jftmahiip yisamt kajjagai jiyahaip majjhe ei
tftmahim acchaii iaru jann sua^u yi antamdei,
« As long as [yonr] dronmstances in life go badly (literally * as long as a difficult
condition of affairs goes in life '), so long, Ut alone (acchaii) the base man, eyen the
good man keeps aloof (literally ' giyes an intenral'),*' ** Tempora si fuerint nubila,
solus oris." Kajjagai s k&ryagati, iaru » itara.
184 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
liave preferred to treat it as a separate stem altogether^ and
I think this treatment will be found to be to a yery great
extent justified by the examples from the modem languages
which I shall now adduce.
§ 64. Classical Hindi, Panjabi, and Sindhi, do not retain any
traces of this root. M. has, howevery a complete yerb ^Rg^^,
which we should refer, I think, to this root, resting on the
well-known peculiarity of M., by which it changes ^,
especially when deriyed from an earlier ^, into ^ (YoL I.
p. 218). The Sanskrit V as haying in M. become dhe, an
affiliation concerning which there can be no doubt, we are
driyen to seek for a different origin for M. ase, and we find it
appropriately and in full accordance with known phonetic
processes in ^^^* M. has the following tenses : —
1. Aorist —
Sing. 1. irf^, 2. ^m^, 3. ^,
PL 1. ^, 2. ^rat, 8. ^WR|»
where the terminations exactly correspond with those of the
aorist in the ordinary yerb.
2. Simple imperatiye —
Sing. 1. ^H^, 2. ^n, ^, 3. ^Wt.
PL 1. ^, 2. iwrr* 3. ^ratw.
3. Simple future —
Sing. L ^iB%ir, 2. mni^, 3. 1|%W*
PI- 1- ^r^f 2. ^nmr* 3. ^nn?)w-
4. Present formed with present participle and Sanskrit
substantiye yerb^
Masc. Sing. L mmt* 2. mmV^, 3. mnft-
PL 1. %H^f 2. ^nRlt> 3. muni-
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 185
5. Conditional similarly formed. Sing. 3 masc. ^re7fT> etc.,
as in the ordinary verb.
6. Preterite formed with p.p.p. similar to conditional. Sing.
3 masc. "^nrHTy etc.
7. Subjunctive formed with future p.p. Sing. 3 masc.
^RTRT, etc.
Oriya comes next, with an aorist of old simple present only^
which is thus conjugated —
Sing. 1. irfif, 2. 11^, 3. irfif .
PL 1. 1W|, 2. ^15, 3. ^BflpfT.
There being no formation from ^Ja% in 0., this tense does
duty for the simple " I am, thou art," etc. With lengthening
of the first vowel, in accordance with its usual practice, Bengali
has a present, and an imperfect ; but in modem times the initial
long vowel of the latter has been entirely dropped, so that we
now have —
Present Sing. 1. ^|(f|;, 2. ^l|Tfl^» 3. "VIF^ « I am," etc.
PI. 1. ^irfl;, 2. ^IT?f , 3. ^If^.
Imperfect Sing. 1. fl^, 2. fS(f%, 3. f^^«I was," etc
PI. 1. flfWP^y 2. fl(^, 3. f^%«(^.
Though used as an imperfect, this latter tense is in form a
preterite, corresponding to dekhinUy etc., of the regular verb.
The loss of the initial A is comparatively recent, for it is re-
tained in so late a poet as Bh&rat Chandra (a.d. 1711-1755).
mfft^ 'pRTT TT^ TWf ^l^% " She was {i.e. had been) very
wanton in her youth" (Bidya-S. 246). It is common enough,
also, in the other B^gali poets, % ITW ^^fW ftW ^rrfifH
iftfTC "What vicissitudes were experienced by you'* (Kasi-
M. 284), and the poets of the present day freely permit them-
selves the use of this form as a poetic licence when their metre
requires it.
Passing westwards from Bengal, we come to the extreme
186
THE COMPOUND TENSE&
eastern limits of Hindis in the Maithila province (Tirliut,
Pumia, etc.), where the rustic dialect has the following present :
Sing. L ^, 2. ^, 3%. PL L 1^ 2. li, 3. i|.
It has also a feminine singxdar ifty plural yft^ xminflected for
person.
Close to the Bengali frontier, near the jimction of the
Mahanand& and Eankai rivers, they speak a curious sort of
mixture of Hindi and Bengali, and have a present —
Sing. 1. f|[, 2. ftfir, 3. ip|[. PL 1. fi(f, 2. |f, 3. %.
Further west, in the same district, one hears —
Smg. 1. |{t» 2. ^, 3. m;. PI. 1. fif , 2. Bft. 3- ^fTi;.
In Bhojpuri, for the present is often heard %, which is un-
changed throughout both persons. This widely-used form
seems to confirm the supposition of the derivation from ^9^,
for ^ changes both to ^ and to Ipj.
From the Himalayan districts of £um&on and Garhw&l,
Eellogg (p. 201) gives a present of this verb, and it is in use
in Eastern Bajputana. It is also the ordinary substantive verb
in Ghijarati —
BINOULAA.
«ft, ^ 2. t
^ 2. H,t
t 2.t
^ 2.11
PLVBAL.
*» Wt 2. IfT
Knm&on.
Oarhwftl.
E. Rajputana.
Onjarati.
Kum&on.
Garhwftl.
£. Rajputana.
Oujarati.
3. 1(.
3. 1(.
3. ^.
3. ^Pf, ^.
^, IFTNT 2. ^pf, I^^Ort^ 3. ^if.
2. Wt
2. Wt
3. %.
3. %.
The first and third of these have also a preterite participle
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 187
in type like most of the preterites. Thus in Kiun&on they say
sing, f^^, pL flpcn or fipit> which seems to point to a Skr.
p.p.p. ^rf^=Pr. ^f^^n* In Eastern Eajputana there is
sing. f5t,pl. IfT.
Although modem classical Hindi does not use this root, yet
it is f oimd with the initial vowel in the shape of an indeclinable
present participle in the old poets, as in Tulsi's Ramayan —
'' Thyself remaining, giye the heir-apparentship to Ram, king ! "
— Ay-k. 11.
That is, " during thy lifetime," literally " thou being." The
dictionary-writers erroneously give this as a Tadbhava from
^i|^?T> with which it has nothing to do.
It is worthy of consideration whether the forms of the im-
perfect in P. given in § 60 should not be referred to this root
rather than to as. The change of ^ into ^ so characteristic of
M. would thus find a parallel in Panjabi.
Gujarati has also a present participle indeclinable lQ?Tt and
^ " (in) being," and declinable ^?ft m,, ift /., Tf n. ; pL
Wn w.i ift/., (Wt n. "being."
§ 65. The compoimd tenses formed by the addition of this
auxiliary are most numerous, as might be expected, in Marathi,
that language having a larger range of tenses of the auxiliary
itself than the sister-tongues. First, a present habitual is
formed by adding the present of the auxiliary to the present
participle of the verb, as 4,ltd IWWt " be is living," i.e. " he
habitually resides," fw^hf ^Wnft " I am (always employed in)
writing."
Next, a past habitual, by adding the aorist of the auxiliary
to the present tense, as ^^^ ^11% "he was in the habit of
sitting." It will be remembered that in M. the aorist has the
sense of a past habitual in modem times. This compoimd
188 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
tense seems to differ Very little in meaning from the simple
tense.
There is also a compound present of the conditional, wherein
the leading verb is in the present participle and the auxiliary
in the conditional present. It is used with ir^ ** if " prefixed,
either expressed or understood, as ^ip^ ^J;^ W^fi ira?TT " ^ ^^
were doing the work/' VJ^gm 1|^?| W9f(l " (If) ^^^ were to fall
(as it is now falling)." The same tense of the auxiliary, when
used with the past participle, serves as a conditional preterite,
as V[^Wl 1W?TT "he would have fallen (if, etc.)."
With the preterite of the auxiliary and the present parti-
ciple of the leading verb is constructed a present dubitative, as
ift ^rm IWrwr WC'H ^im Wnrr ¥t«rr " if he should be going,
then entrust this affair to him." Similarly, with the same part
of the auxiliary and the past participle of the leading verb is
made a past dubitative or pluperfect, as Ift "^rWT ^WWT ^
" Should he have arrived, then, etc."
So, also, with the future participle and the past auxiliary,
as IT 'ft' ^inHTT IWrwr ^ 'WT ¥tT " Should he be about to
go, then tell me."
The future of the auxiliary also forms three tenses with
the present, past, and future participles of the leading verb
respectively. It is difficult to give these tenses any definite
name ; the senses in which they are employed will be seen
from the following examples : —
1. Present participle of verb+future of auxiliary —
^VT WR ^Jlft WTZ ^nfcT IWNr " Your father mil be waiting
for you" (i.e. is probably now expecting you; rdta
l?dAa^= "looks at the road," idiomatic for " expects").
2. Past participle of verb+future of auxiliary —
ift ^^nWl lliNl " He wiU have come " {i.e. " has probably
arrived by this time").
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 189
3. Pature participle of verb+future of auxiliary-
^ r^ffllK ^'WN " I niay be now going to write " (i,e.
" I shall probably be writing presently '*).
The above is a fair illustration of the remark which I have
frequently made before, that the modem verb, while throwing
aside all the intricacies of the synthetical system of* tenses, still
manages to lose nothing of its power of expressing minute
shades of meaning. On the contrary, by its almost imlimited
power of forming compound tenses, it obtains a fullness and
delicacy of expression, which even the synthetic verb cannot
riyaL Indeed, this fullness is at times somewhat embarrassing,
for the subtle distinctions between one tense and another are
very difficult to grasp, and, as might be expected, careless or
uneducated speakers are unable to observe them accurately.
The minute analysis of these various tenses belongs to the
domain of syntax rather than to that of formlore, and a very
I.,^ ai»»Sn n^U be ™«en .pen ft. .^.ro« .1^ Z
meaning involved in each one of them. The -selection, for
instance, of the different parts of the leading verb and
auxiliary depends, to a great extent, upon the method of
reasoning employed unconsciously by the speaker. These
compound tenses are, in fact, rather phrases than tenses, and
much depends upon whether the speaker regards the action as
already past, or as actually being done with reference to the rest
of the sentence. When we translate one of these phrases into
English, or any other language, we do not really translate, but
substitute our own way of expressing the idea for the native
way. A literal word-for-word translation would be almost un-
intelligible. Thus, in the sentence above, Sdm jdt asaldy far te
kdm tydid adngdy the words are actually, ^'Bam going was,
then that afiGEur to him tell,'' where the speaker, as it were,
pictures to himself that his messenger, after receiving orders,
goes to Bam and finds that he was just going, and therefore
190 THE COMPOtJND TENSES.
tells him the affair. Complicated and of course uaconscious
uadercurrents of thought like this underlie much of the
elaborate mechanism of the compoimd tenses in all our seven
languages, and we often find natives of India who can speak
English composing in our language elaborate sentences of this
sort, to the entire disregard of our English idioms, because they
think in Hindi or Marathi, and then translate the idea into
English. This fact, which all observant Englishmen who have
lived long in India must have noticed, lies at the root of much
of the difficulty which our countrymen experience in making
themselves understood by natives. They think in English, and
render word for word into Hindi or Marathi ; thus probably
producing a sentence which means something widely different
from what they intended. It is the same with all foreign
languages; until a man learns to think in the foreign language,
and utter his thoughts in the shape that they have in his mind,
he can never hope to speak idiomatically. In seeking to
explain the compound tenses of the modem Indian verb, there-
fore, it is necessary to analyze the connection and sequence of
mental impressions to which they owe their origin, a task for
the metaphysician, and not for the student of comparative
philology.
Gujarati has also a plethora of compound tenses, but they
are less complicated than Marathi, perhaps because the language
has been less cultivated. In the simpler languages delicate
nnancea of expression do not exist, and if one wishes to trans-
late any such phrases into one of these simple languages, it
must be done by a long string of sentences. Thus, in trying
to exact from a wild forester of the Orissa hills an answer to
the question, " Did you know that Bam had run away before
you went home or afterwards P " one has to go to work in this
way, "Ram fledP" Answer, ho! (Yes). ''You knew that factf ''
ho ! " You went home ? *' ho ! " When you reached home they
told you 'Ram is fled,' thus?" answer nd ! nd ! (No ! No !)•
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 191
" When you did not go home, before that, they told you P '*
ho! So to get out the meaning of the Marathi sentence quoted
above, '' If he should be going, then entrust this afiGEur to him,''
one would have to say, " Near him you having gone, he ^ I am
now going * having said, this word having heard this matter
to him you will teU.*' Perhaps in citing an Orissa wild man
of the woods, I am taking an extreme case ; but the remarks
will hold good, more or less, for all the peasantry and lower
classes all over India, and it must be remembered that the
expression '' lower classes '' means in India eight-tenths of the
whole population.
The compound tenses formed with the auxiliary i| in G. are
the following : —
1. Definite present ; aorist of verb + aorist of auxiliary,
as i|^ % " he does."
Sometimes both verb and auxiliary lose their final vowel, as
H^ ^ for ^ % " thou dost," ^ ^ " he does." nfT W for
ffr " ye do," etc.
2. Definite preterite; p.p. of verb -I- aorist of auxiliary, as
irnt % "he has given," active used in karma construction
with instrumental of subject. ?)% ^ITiT ^Wf%^ % "he has
performed the work ; " neuter in kartdy as jf ^^^ ^ " I h&yQ
ascended."
3. Another definite preterite with the second form of the p.p.
in ehf as ^q%wt ^ " I have ascended." There seems to be no
great difference of meaning between this and the last.
4. Definite future ; future participle of verb + aorist of
auxiliary, as m«ll^ % " he is about to eat."
5. Another tense with the second form of the fut. part, in
v&nOy as jf i|<^|^ fl^ ^' I am going to do." The iminflected
form of the future participle in &r may also be used, as ^ if
i|<f||4, % "What art thou going to do?" These definite
futures differ from the simple future in implying intention and
192 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
definite purpose, mucli as in German er mil than differs from
er wird thun.
The auxiliary % is sometimes also used after another auxiliary
derived from bhijL, as ^^tmJt Tt^ % ^^ he is (now) loosing."
Of the tenses so formed more will be said farther on.
It seems from comparing the examples given of these tenses
that there is not for each one of them a distinct special
meaning, but that they are used somewhat raguely, the
auxiliary being added or omitted at pleasure. This is certainly
the case in Hindi, as will be seen below ; and in the poets, who
are our only guides for the mediaBYal period, metrical necessities,
rather than any desire to bring out a particular shade of
meaning, appear to determine ^ch form s^^
Those dialects of Hindi which possess tenses from this root,
use them also as auxiliaries.^ Eastern Rajputana has the defi-
nite present formed by the two aorists, that of the verb and
that of the auxiliary, YTP^ ^ " ^ ^^ beating,'' also a preterite
composed of the p.p. of the verb and aorist of auxiliary, as
4IT<€n ^ " I have beaten." There seems to be some anomaly
in this latter, for in the preterite of the active verb ^ is added
to all six persons, whereas, when used with the substantive
verb l|t " be," the auxiliary is participial sing. l8Et> pi- WT-
Perhaps we hardly know enough of these rustic forms as yet
to be able to draw accurate distinctions.
Gtirhwali forms its definite present from the present parti-
ciple and the aorist 4fH^ (or ^RTT^) ^ "I am beating ;" and
its preterite in the same way from the p.p. and aorist iTT^ ?(F
"he has beaten," H\K\ ^ff "they have beaten." So does
Kumaoni, present 4lTij ^, preterite H\i\ ^ ; but in these,
also, there is still room for more accurate analysis, and a wider
range of observations requires to be made in remote and little
known parts of the country.
^ Kellogg, Grammar, p. 240.
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 193
Bengali has four well-defined tenses. The definite present
and imperfect are formed respectively by incorporating the
aorist and imperfect of the auxiliary into one word with the
locative case of the present participle, thus —
Def. Present ^faT f ft ; " I am seeing" (dekhite + ^hhi).
Def. Imperfect ^f^9J^lfinT **I was seeing" (dekhite + [ftjchhinii).
In the latter of these tenses the 1 pi. has in ordinary speech
to a great extent usurped the place of the 1 sing., and we more
frequently hear —
^HflTtfitfllH " I ^A> seeing" (dekhite + [ft]chhil&m).
By incorporating the same tenses of the auxiliary into one
word with the conjimctive participle (see § 73), it forms a
definite preterite and a pluperfect, as
Def. Preterite ^fa^ l fit '' I l^Ave seen " (dekhiyft -)- &cbhi).
Pluperfect ^f^RTTf^n " ^ ^^ ^^^ " (d^khiyi + ^hhinu).
Here, also, ^f^^nf^WHR is common for 1 sing. Wonderful
corruptions occur in pronunciation in these tenses : 9 loses its
aspirate and becomes ^, so that we hear for i|(\^^ a word
that sounds kdrche, and may be written ^T^, for ftl[7t% " is "
vulgo kdche (f%), for ^fa^l^ dekhkhe ( ^fa^ ), and for
^fa^lfit^l*! dekhichil^m, or dekh'chil^ ( ^faNS ) 4< ?). So
also for mfillTiil " goes " chaldche (^^1J%). These forms are
freely used in conversation by educated persons, and some
recent authors of comic novels and plays introduce them into
the mouths of their characters. The same remark applies to
all tenses of the verb, and it is a curious subject for specula-
tion, whether the growth of literature will arrest the develop-
ment of these forms, or whether they will succeed in forcing
their way into the written language, and displace the longer
and fuller forms now in use. If the latter event takes place,
we shall see enacted before our eyes the process of simplifica-
yoL. in. 13
194 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
tion whicli has been so fertile a cause of the formation of the
present types in the whole neo- Aryan group. I anticipate,
however, that the purists, aided by the conservatiTe influence
of a literature already copious, will ultimately carry the day
against the colloquial forms.
Oriya has the four tenses corresponding to Bengali, but only
two of them are formed with the auxiliary we are now dis-
cussing, the definite present and the definite preterite—
Def. Present ^(^ ^9f^ ** I am doing " (pres. part, karu " doing ").
Def. Preterite l|f|[ nf^ « I have done" (p.p. kari ** done ").
Here, also, colloquially, the auxiliary is generally incorporated
with the verb, and they say ^i1[fl( and ^Vf^ct^t respectively. In
the south of the province, also, the older form of the present
participle in ^ prevails, and one hears ^Ptfip " he is doing,"
and contracted jffq^ '< he is.''
§ 66. BBU, This widely-used root took as early as the Pali
and Prakrit period the form SO; and in that form it has come
down to modem times. As the ordinary substantive verb " to
be," it has a full range of tenses in all the languages, and it
not only serves as an auxiliary, but takes to itself the tenses of
the other auxiliaries like any other verb. In the latter capacity
it need not here be discussed, as the remarks which have been
made concerning the ordinary verbs will apply to this verb also.
Although ho is the general form of this root in all the Indian
languages, yet there are one or two exceptions in which the
initial bh is retained. In Pali, both bhavati and hoti are found
for 3 sing, pres., abhavd and ahuv& impf., bhavatu and hotu
impt., and in Sauraseni Prakrit we find bhodu=^bhavatu, bhavia
znbhUttvd, and the like. Distinct traces of the retention of the
bh are still in existence in some rustic dialects of Hindi, and in
the old poets. In the latter, a p.p.p. sing. H'ft ^-j ^ /•> pl-
^, is extremely common, used alone as a preterite, or with the
THE C0MP0T7ND TENSES. 195
verbal endings, as vi^n, 'H^^f etc. It is also contracted into
hV; and in the modem form HHT "was/* may be heard
commonly in the mouths of the lower orders all over the Hindi
area of the present time. This form presupposes a Pr. Hf^HVt
= a Skr. Hf^y with elision of the '^, and if called in to fill
up the hiatus. I give from Kellogg the dialectic forms
(Ghr. p. 236)—
SDVQVLAIU
Kanauji.' 1. 2. 3. vpft >>»•> ^H^/-
Braj. id. Hf^ m., id.
01d-P(irbi. 1. ifsri m., Ifr* 2. Hfff^ m. 3. Vn^ m., m
Avadhi. 1. 4|<)^ m., ^^, 2. if^lT m. 3. ^^J9 Hm m.
Riwfti. 1. 2. 3. in> ^•
Bhojpari. 1. HtTlft.SWft, 2. SlW, 3. ^IW, ^.
PLX7&AL.
Kananji.' 1. 2. 3. 1|I{ m., ^rit/* ('^^^^ ^1% ^O*
Braj. icf.
Old-POrbi. 1. ^, ^ m. 2. H^, ?|^ m. 3. ^, % m.
AvadhL . 1. 7fifi( m. 2. 9)^ m. 3. nf^ m.
RiwftL 1. 2. 3. Tf^Vf, H^.
Bhojpari. 1. HtT^»^^> 2. S^irf, 3. ^ip^.
The verbal affixes are the same as those in the ordinary verb
explained at § 33. Ghand uses the same form as in Braj and
^ Kasauji may be taken to mean the speech of the country between the Ganges
and Jumna, the heart of the Hindi land; Braj, that of the right bank of the
Jumna ; 01d-P{b*bi, of the country north of the Ganges from the Gandak river
eastwards ; Avadhi, that of Oudh (Avadh) ; Biw&i, of the country south of the
Ganges and between the Chambal and the Son rivers. Braj and Old-Piirbi are the
dialects in use in the mediseval poets generally.
196 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
Kanauji, thus V[^ ^ftfz TTRTO 7(f^ I " He became violently
disturbed witL anger " (Pr. R. i. 48), ^RihRTW V[^ THI I
'^Anangap&l became King" (iii. 17), ^ ^WT wt ^ I ^'ft
^ 1^ ^^fJWf I " How the former matter happened, listen while
I teU the wonderful tale" (iii. 15), ^^ fm ^^ I " While
the son was being (bom), she became dead " (i. 170), l^t ^'Hfif
^TT if'nn ftnJ l " As many poems as have been (written) first
and last" (i. 10), Wl f^^n l?m ^nrW ^ mm "The folk fe.
came distressed, (being) wounded and heated " (xxi. 5). Con-
tracted ^ni ift fTO 'WiW 'jf'l ^WIC^ I " Daughter became (arose)
in her mind, then after pity came" (iii 10). The use of this
tense is so common in Chand as to supersede the other form of
the preterite 'S^m to a great extent.
A few examples may be added from £abir: ^fTTOT W[^
ilTT^rfTf ^^if^ I ?R if?C?!T ^^NT ^ ^^Rf I " Her second name
icas F&rvati, the ascetic (i.e. Daksha) gave her to Sankara"
(Ram. 26, 6), ^ii q^ %^ ifrft I, Tffif ^Sf^ TR hV ^T<^ I
" One male (energy), one female, from them were produced four
kinds of living beings " {ib. 6), Ifli li^ ^ftfR; ?l ^ ^R ^W
W^ M4IK " From one egg, the word Ow, all this world has
been created" {ib, 8). In these three quotations all three
forms of the participle are used side by side.
Tulsi Das does not confine himself to Old-Pftrbi forms, but
uses, also, those classed above under Braj, as Vl^ ^l^tf^ H^t
5tff ^Kl " !*• filled again and thus became salt {i.e. the sea) "
(Lanka-k. 3), l^pN illC HtT ^rf?T I " The Setubandh became
very crowded " {ib. 10). But the Pftrbi form is more common,
as in TTR Wn^ ^I^^ ^R H^Rf " Bowing his head, thus he teas
asking " (Kis-k. 2), lrfl[ ^m IfTI ^WT M^RT " Making salu-
tation, thus he was saying " (Ar-k. 259). The contracted form
is also very common, as ^ ifif ^jf^fl 'qri^ fiRT ^TW I " He be-
came (or was) enraptured at meeting with the beloved "
(Ay-k. 441).
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 197
Closely connected with the Bhojpuri ^^ is the form ^^,
used by the half-Bengali half-Maithil poet Bidyapati, as in
"Empty has become the temple, empty has become the city,
empty have become the ten regions, empty has become every-
thing ! " (Pr. K.S. 118), ^itfipr ^WnC% 'Ifif ^ HtTT I " From
the sound of the koil's notes my mind has become distracted "
(li. 120). It does not vary for gender or person.
I am not aware of the existence in any of the other
languages of this type with the initial bh. It is, as far as I
have been able to ascertain, confined to the rustic Hindi dialects
mentioned above. In all other respects Hindi keeps to the
type hOy like the cognate languages.
The aorist has the following forms : —
8nrOX7LA&. PLT7KAL.
ft^ 2. ftU 3.ftT!. Iftlt 2. ft^ 3. ffif.
ftrt 2.ffif 3.ft%. l.ft^ 2.fWr 3.ftW.
mrt 2. jf^ 3. jni. 1. if 2. jr^ 3. inrfif.
ft^ 2.fm 3.ft^. l.frt[^ 2.ft^ 3.ft^.
1^ 2.t^ Z.ff^. l.ft^ 2.J[t 3.fr<3!.
fnt 2.%^ 3.jni. i\i 2.jr^ 3.in^.
fi; 2.f^ ^.J^. i.fi; 2. flirt 3. fir.
In Hindi this tense, as mentioned before, is frequently used
as a potential in all verbs, and especially so in Ao, where, owing
to the existence of an aorist with signification of " I am,'' etc.,
from 08, the tense derived from ho is more usually employed to
mean " I may be." The P&rbatia or Nepali dialect also uses
this tense as a potential, thus-^
siDg. 1. ff , 2. frt, 3. fr. PI. 1. ft, 2. ft, 3. jnr.
Several peculiarities call for notice in this tense. In classical
Hindi there is the usual diversity of practice always observed
in stems ending in d or o, as regards the method of joining the
Hindi.
P.
8.
G.
M.
O.
B.
198 THB COMPOIIKD TENSES.
terminations. Thus we liaye for 1 sing, "ff in addition to
ft^; 2 and 3 sing, are written ^tV, ift^^ 1|1%> and ift; 1 and
3 pi. ftlt, ft^, ff^, ft; 2 pi. ft as well as ^Nt, which
makes it identical with the same person in the aorist of as.
Dialectically the chief pecnliarity^ which, like most dialectic
forms, is merely an archaism preserved to modem times, con-
sists in the hardening of the final o of Ao into r. This is
observable in the Rajpntana dialects, and partially also in that
of Riwil (Kellogg, p. 233).
SHCOULAB. PLITRAL.
R«JP. It* 2.t 8. t 1. t^ 2.t^ 8.t.
RlwftL 2. XTO 3. jn^. 2. XFT 8. JfW.
This peculiarity is more mcurked in the simple future noted
below. It also occurs in M., where the aorist, as shown above,
when used as a past habitual = '^ I used to be," takes the termi-
;[^ations of the active verb ; but when used as a simple present,
those of the neuter, as —
SiDgr.l.fm 2.frtr 8.ft^. PL l.JEf 2.Xt 8.frt.
The same combination occurs throughout this tense when
used negatively =" I am not," as —
Sing. 1. ijjf 2. ^r^ 8. If^.
PI. 1. iTXt 2. )if3rt 3. if^TT (laPT)-
and in other parts of the verb affirmative and negative.
In Sindhi this root is throughout shortened to hu, and when
the vowel is lengthened by the influence of affixes, it becomes
hii, rarely ho, except in poetry, where 3 sing. ||t^ is met instead
of sni. The J, which in some forms of Prakrit is inserted
between the stem and its termination, appears here also, as —
Sing. 1. jmt 2. 9f%f 3. 3r%. PI. I. V^ 2. 9^ B. J^tf^.
Oriya sometimes shortens o to u, but in that language the
distinction in pronunciation between these two vowels is so
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 199
slight that in writing also the people often confuse the two.
In a great part of this verb, however, the o is changed to a
very short e. This is generally, but not always, due to a
following i, where, from the shortness and indistinctness of the
o-sound, o + t = a + i = ai = e. Thus 2 sing, is in full %^,
though generally pronounced ho. In Bengali the o is generally
written a, that yowel having in B. usually the sound of short,
harsh o, like the o in English not^ rock, etc. Thus it comes to
pass that ^ and ^ may be regarded, either as shortened from
Y't^ and lft>r respectively, and thus derivable from ho, or as
equivalents of H. ^ and If, and so to be referred to o^. In
practice, certainly, the meaning in which they are used favours
the latter hypothesis.
The imperative in H. is the same as the aorist, except 2 sing.,
which is simply ft " be thou." In the Eajput dialects the
2 sing, is 1^, 2 pi. l|t^ ; the former occurs also in Chand as a
3 sing, in ign ifrfw lift St tlrfW flrfW » " All speaking, said,
*May there be success, success ! ' " (i. 178) The Riwa dialect has
2 sing. XT9' ^ pl- ZT^> ^^^ ^^^ present.
P. 2 sing, fty 2 pi- ift^* S. has 2 sing, ft and ft^, 2 pL
ft and 9r^. G. for 2 sing, and 2 pL both ft*
M. Sing. 1. ft^ 2. ft 3. ft^, ft^.
o. „ 1. jnt 2. ft 3. ^^.
B. „ 2. ft^ f^ 8.
M. PI. 1. ft^
2. an
O. „ 1. 1^
2. yir
B. „
2. J9
3. ft'it^f fl^w-
3. f^3'^.•
The respectful form of the imperative follows that of the
other verbs in the various languages. H. here inserts ^,
inakuig ftf^V% " be pleased to be," G. fti).
Nepali has somewhat abnormally 2 sing, f^, 2 pi. ft^.
The simple future in G. is formed according to the usual
200 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
rule ; but here again we meet the tendency so common in B.
and O., to express the o sound by a, so that side by side with
the regular forms iftlkiT* ^t%> ^^-j w® ^ayq also sing. 1. '^^^y
2. ^, 3. f^; pi. 1. f^^, 2. f^, 3. f^, which we must
apparently pronounce hdUh, hds/ie, etc.
The simple future in old and rustic Hindi is regularly
formed, as ^t^Vlf " I shall become," etc. ; but in this tense the
employment of the type Jt is "^©^y common, both in the poets
and among the peasantry of the western area. Thus —
8IN0ULAB. PLURAL.
Braj. l.t^ 2.Sf 3.Sf. 1. fflf 2. tfT 3. 3f|.
West Rajp. 1. ^9f 2.%ft 3. ^f^. l.^ft 2. Jft 3. J^.
We have also the curious transitional form of East Bajpu-
tana which approaches so closely to G. —
Sing. 1. ^^, ^^ 2. ^^ 3. ^55^.
PJ^ 1- S^» ^^ 2. ^^, ^hY 8. Jilt.
Further details of these dialectic forms will be found in
Kellogg's admirable grammcu:. When the wilder parts of the
coimtry, at present little known to Europeans^ shall have been
more fully explored, we may expect to obtain many finer gra-
dations of transition ; for all oyer India the Gujarati proverb
holds true, " Every twelve kos language changes, as the leaves
change on the trees.''
The Braj form is interesting to students from the fact of this
dialect having become at an early date the traditional literary
vehicle of the 'Krishna'CuIius, and thus to a certain extent a
cultivated classical language. Its forms, however, are found
in Chand long before the revival of Vaishnavism. He uses the
full form ^tf^> & shortened form ^tffi and the Braj |^.
Also occasionally |{Vi^ in a future sense, which is probably a
form of the 3 sing, aorist for iftlF (m)- Examples are T|4f
l^lll firf 'i^ S " His race shall become extinct " (Pr.-R. iii.
J' ■■■ '
/
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 201
29)> ^ftff l^^f^f ^^^ > " The Jadavani aJiall be with child "
(i. 249), nrwni^% imt I frri t^ ^ » "III tte space
of five days, he shall become lord of Dilli" (iii. 411), nm if ift^
1^ ^ ^itlC I '' There has not been, and there shall not be, wdlj
(like him) '' (i. 331).
To Tulsi Das, Kabir, Bihari Lai, and all the medisBval poets
^tl^» VWf » ^fttf » and ftf^ are the forms of the ordinary regular
future ; ^ifT is very rarely met in their pages, if at all. In-
stances are, is^ % ^ITfft ^ ftlft ^W?! I " They who have been,
are, and shall be hereafter " (Tulsi, Ram. Bal-K. 30), ft^ff
^nH" ^WTRir ^W I " Now this good fortune will be (will happen) '*
{ib. 82), ^iwlt Tft 'f^ TW ^ ftl[ff TRf ^inpf I " Henceforth,
Bati, the name of thy lord shall be Ananga" {ib. 96). The form
K^ does not appear to be used by Tulsi Das, though in Bihari
Lai the participle |^ is common ; this latter poet's subject does
not pve much occasion for the use of the future. iTFf^ ^nW
^ V^T^ ^rNit '' There shall not again be birth to him (he shall
escape the pain of a second birth)'' (Kabir, Bam. 57). Li the
majority of the poets the forms hvai and hoi seem to be regarded
as virtually the same, and they use indifferently the one or the
other as it suits their metre. There is unfortunately as yet no
critically prepared or corrected edition of the texts of any of
them, and owing to the mistaken policy of the Government,
by which artificial works written to order have been prescribed
as examination tests, the genuine native authors have been
entirely neglected.
§ 67. The participial tenses are formed as in the ordinary
verb. The present participle is in Old-H. 9r47T> as in Chand
l^f jnftr fRTft "Laughing being prevented" (Pr.-B. i. 6).
Li modem H. the classical form is iftWT ^•y iftift/^ Braj l|t^ ;
and in most of the rustic dialects simply iffT indeclinable. In
the Bajputana dialects the form ^^ft is found. The other
languages have P. jf^, S. if^, G. fWt, M. fm, ft^,
202 THE COMPOUND TENSBS.
f1^i<ll> O. ^, B. ^|tl[lt, though really the locative of a
present pcuidoiple is used as an infinitiye.
The past participle is in H. one of the old Tadbhaya class
mentioned in §§ 46, 47, and as such takes its type from Skr.
Vi^, H. inn. The vowel of the stem is in the present day
commonly pronounced short irw> and this practice Ib not un-
common in the poets. P. ^1l[W, S. JTlit, G. ft^> ft^>
M. has a strange participle |]TilT> which may be explained
as phonetically resulting from an older form inwr> shortened
from f^i||<|||. I can trace nothing similar in any of the cog-
nate languages, though the change from V to U is perfectly
regular. In the poets a form HTWT is found, and even vrtTfTT*
These types have led some writers to regard this participle as
derived from the root ^. This, however, is very doubtful.
Tukaram always uses ^•, as ^Rfftr ^^ H^^ | V^ ^(TWT fT
f^^H H " To-day our vows are heard, blessed has become (is)
this day'' (Abh. 508).
0. !J^, *|WT, B. ftr^, fi;w.
The future participle is in M. 3EFIT> O. ^, B. ^f%j^, con-
tracted to f^ (h6b5).
These participles serve as tenses, either with or without the
remains of the old substantive verb, just as in the regular verb,
and need not be more particularly illustrated.
One point, however, deserves a passing notice. The present
participle in M. forms with the aid of the substantive verb as
a regular present, as 3 sing, ^t^ *»• fWt /• TlR'lf ♦*• ^^* *^®
slightly different form of this tense, which in the ordinary
verb (§ 42) expresses the conditional present, is in the case of
ho employed as an imperfect. Thus, while the form just given,
hoto, etc., means ** he becomes," the conditional form hotd, etc.,
means *^ he was." This usage is analogouB to that of the G.
Ao^, etc., mentioned in § 59, and agrees with a form of preterite
used in Braj Hindi, sing, m^ m., jnft/. etc. It has beeu
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 203
suggested that this latter is derived from Skr. ^ ; but against
such a deriyation must be set the fact that bhiita had at a very
early epoch lost its t and become in Pr. hiam, hoiam, and the
like ; also that in Chand the antmodra of the present participle
is still preserved, as in ipi jhft ^^Pl4 HtT I (Pr.-R. i. 49),
'' Brahman became to Brahman hostile ; " and a few lines
further on in the same passt^ l[ii ^(hft f^lf^ f?^ " There
ipoa one Sringa Itishi/'
§ 68. The tenses of the regular verb formed by the additions
of parts of the verb ho are nimierous, but vary in the different
languages. In Hindi we have mostly tenses with a general
sense of doubt or contingency, in which those compounded
with the present participle run parallel to those formed with
the past participle. Thus with (if4,?VI "falling," and t'ITT
" fallen " (gir " to fall ")—
1. PkAI !ft^ (aorist of ho) " I may be falling," which may
be called a definite present subjimctive or contingent; as in
answer to a question fMlX ^ ^ ^^ " -Aje you going to my
house?" one might answer wniT Tt^ " ^ ^^^^7 ^ going (but
am not sure)."
2. finiTF iffT (future of ho shortened from Ijt^tTT) " I shall
or must be falling," a future contingent, or doubtful; as in
asking JJ^ ww(t ^TniT % "Is Ram coming nowP" the reply
is> ft WJfT TtTT "Yes, he will be coming," or, "he must be
coming," i,e. " I suppose he is now on his way here."
3. Oli^ll ift^ "(If) I "^^re falling," conditional present
definite. This is very rarely used, but it seems to denote a
phase of action which could not, when occasion requires, be
otherwise expressed. It may be illustrated thus: 1^ l|f^
Wnn ft^ 1ft ^ ^init TtlWr " if Ram were now running
away, I would stop him " (but as he is not, there is no need for
me to do so). It is the present participle of the auxiliary used
in a conditional sense, as in the simple verb.
204 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
4. fif'^T l|t^ "I may have fallen." Also somewliat rare. In
answer to IJi| % ^?9% TW IWlft ^^TT " Have you ever heard
his name P" one might say WiT{ ^t^ " I may have heard it "
(but have now forgotten it).
5. fif'^T 1^ " I must or shall have fallen.*' This is a very
commonly used tense. Thus WW[ ^tTT is a frequent answer
where a person is not sure, or does not care; and is almost
equivalent to "I dare say," "very likely," " I shouldn't wonder."
Also, it indicates some degree of certainty, as TJ^ % 4m^
m€|l % "Has Bam received the news P" Answer, mn\ ftfT
"He will have received it," meaning "Oh yes, of course he
has," or with a different inflection of voice, " I dare say he
has."
6. fiJTT iftWT " (If) I liad fallen." Hardly ever used, except
in a negative sentence. I do not remember to have heard it in
conversation ; though an analogous form with the participle of
"^ may be heard in eastern Hindi, as Ij^ irf^ ^(^ ^mi Tl^
"If you had come yesterday." The only instance Kellogg
pves is appcurently from a translation of the Bible (John xv. 22)
^^ If ^VRTT ftWT ^f ^ ViP^ f ft^ " If I had not come . . .
they had not had sin."
Panjabi makes a somewhat different use of the tenses of ho.
In this language ho, when used as an auxiliary, has rather the
sense of continuance in an act, than that of doubt or con-
tingency. Thus we find the ordinary definite present W\^ %
" He is going," side by side with a continuative present with
ho, ^(^1 Jjf^ ^"He kept on going;" also, "He ia in the
habit of going." So, also, there is a continuative imperfect
^it?[T if^ Wl " He kept on going," " He was always going.
Similarly, there are two forms of the future, one with the
simple future of ho (like No. 2 in Hindi pven above) Wl^
^t^9n " He will probably be going," and a continuative form
containing ho twice over, ^(^| jf^ ift^^ " He will probably
be always going.'* Thus, to the question ^ plflfll^ f^ ^|^
>9 1
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 205
Tft^ Tt^TT "How long will he be stopping there?" the
answer might be, %^ ^ "i^T ^ ^ ^ •fTT ^^ ^i*l<l %^
^ftf^l 3f^ ft^^ "His home is there, he will probably
always be stopping there." With % " if " prefixed, the tense
Wf^ jf^ means " If I were in the habit of going."
Parallel to the above are two tenses with the aorist of ho :
^t^ ^n\ " I may be going," and with " if " prefixed, " If I
should be going ;" and Wl^ 3^ ^fW " I may be constantly
going," " If I should be always going."
With the past participle they combine the present participle
of ho, as "^t^^ 3*^ " I would have put," and conditionally,
%^TfiW^*^ "If I liad put," "If I should have put;"
as in ^ i| ^(^lt^ ^^nfH ^ fW f^fl 3^ 1ft OT^ (ifftlHI
jf^ '* If he had g^ven the money into the care (lit. hand) of
the merchant, then we should have got it."
There is also a combination of the past tense with the aorist
of ho, as fifW ^1f% " He may have gone," or, " If he has (per-
chance) gone."
Colloquially, they frequently also insert |ftl[^ pleonasti-
cally in phrases where it is difficult to attach to it any definite
meaning. Thus ^if ^rfvm % "he has sent," and ^Erflnn
Iftr^ ^ " he is having sent." In this latter phrase there is,
perhaps, implied the idea of the action having been performed
some time ago, and being still in force, so that it harmonizes
with the generally continuative meaning of Ao as an auxiliary
in Panjabi. Also, though it is not noticed in the grammar, I
remember having heard frequently this word hcUd, repeated
probably for emphasis, as 4lir<lll Wt^^ Ttf!^ "beaten"
(repeatedly, or very much indeed).
In Sindhi the present and past participle are both com-
poimded with the aorist of ho to form potentials, thus — 1.
fli^ ini"hemay be going;" 2. ^flNtsni "he may have
gone." There does not appear to be in this language so strong
a sense of doubt, or of continuance, in these combinations, as in
206 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
H. and P., probably because ho plays a more important part in
S. than does a«, which is represented by only one tense, or achhy
which is not represented at alL
3. ^it^ ft " he was going/* This is the present pcuiiciple
of the yerb with the preterite of ho.
4. ftinit ift " he had gone." The past participle with the
same. These two are exactly parallel.
5* flt^ 9hft *^ he wiU be going." Definite future, made
up of present participle with future of ho.
6. fftnit Jf^ " he will have gone." Past future, the past
participle with the same. These two are also exactly parallel.
In the passive phase of active verbs there are also six tenses
formed by the same process, whereof 2, 4, and 6 are the same
as in the active, or, in other words, these two tenses may be
construed either actively or passively, )EU5Cording to the struc-
ture of the sentence. Trumpp pves them twice over, probably
for this reason :
1- ^Pf^fWt ini "he may be being released." Future parti-
ciple passive (§ 51) with aorist of ho.
3. Vf^fWt lit "he was being released." The same with
preterite of %o.
5. Vf^fWt 9^ "he will be being released." The same with
future of ho.
Gujarati employs ho in the following tenses (Taylor, p. 92),
mostly dubitative {chad " ascend ") :
1. Present participle + aorist, ^IRTt ift^ "^® ^ ascending."
Definite present.
2. The same + future, H^lit f1| "he may be ascending."
Contingent present.
3. The same + pros. part, indeclinable, ^IRTt l|t^ " (if) te
were ascending." Subjunctive present.
A parallel group with past participle :
1. Past p. + aorist, ^flf^jt ift^ "he has ascended." Definite
preterite.
THB COMPOUND TBNSES. 207
2. The same + future^ ^Rntt ^ '*^^ i^^J hsLve ascended.''
Contingent preterite.
3. The same + pres, p. ind., ^flf^ft ftff "(if) he had ascended."
Subjunctive preterite.
The same combinations may be formed with the p.p. in elo,
as ^V%lft lft^9 but there does not seem to be any yery great
difference in the meaning.
Also a group with future participle; in the form vdno
(see § 62)—
1. Fut. p. + aoristy ^l^lWI ift^ "he is about to ascend."
Definite future.
2. The same + future, ^^f^lWI ^^ "he may be about to
ascend." Contingent future.
3. The same + pres. p. ind., ^nWPft lt?f "(if) he were about
to ascend." Subjunctive future.
An example of the use of the last of these tenses is ?) ifif
9l^^l*n Wtf ^ Wt^ " If he were going to (or had intended
to) release me, he would have released me (long ago)." Three
similar tenses are formed by combining the three above parts
of the auxiliary with the participle in dr or dro, which, as in
Marathi, is rather the noun of the agent, and will be discussed
further on (§ 76).
Compound tenses in Marathi are formed so largely by the
auxiliaries derived from as and aehh, that there is comparatively
little left for ho to do. It is used in the following tenses :
Imperfect, made up of present part, and imperfect of ho, as
^ ^ itWI " he was coming."
" Incepto-continuative " imperfect, as the grammar- writers
call it, made from the present part, and the preterite of ho, as
lit 'itinn Unrr " be began to speak." This is rarely used.
Future preterite formed by the future participle and im-
perfect of Ao, as iit ftrft^CTT ^ftfft "I was to have written," ue.
" It had been arranged that I was to write under certain cir-
cumstances." The example given is ift ^^f ^VTWT ^ ^^ITTT
208 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
have called (yen&r hot&n) on you yesterday, but in my body
illness having been (i.e. feeling unwell), I stayed at home."
Future continuative composed of the present participle and
future of Ao, as ^ WVinn ^ttj^T " he will begin to speak (and
go on speaking)."
Imperfect subjunctive, from the subjunctive (future pass,
part.) and imperfect of ho used in the Karma prayoga, as Wt
^rhrf^ ^fW "you should have told," lit. "by you to be told
it was." This may also be expressed by using Tnf|^ " ought,"
as iHirr ^rra% ^nfl% llW " I ought to have walked."
Another preterite phrase is formed by adding the imperfect
of Ao to the neuter genitive of the future pass, part., as i^T
^nWRn^' Tf^ " I 1^^ ^ walk," i,e. " I was obliged to walk."
It will be seen that all these instances of the use of Ao as an
auxiliary are rather elaborate verbal phrases than tenses, in-
genious and successful attempts at filling up the gap caused
by the loss of a large range of synthetical tenses and participles
from the earlier stage of language.
This verb is not used as an auxiliary in 0. or B., though it
is used as an ancillary to form a pedantic sort of passive
with Tatsama p.p. participles, as B. UP^^I lft^> 0. ^f^?T^Tr
" to be sent." This, however, forms no part of the actual
living languages of either Orissa or Bengal, and may be passed
over with just this much notice.
§ 69. 8THA, The Pali and Prakrit forms of the various
tenses of this verb were given in § 12, where also the principal
parts of the verb in S. G. and 0. were given. In Hindi there
is only one part of this verb in use as an auxiliary, namely, the
participial tense thA " was," sing. Jf\ m., ^/. ; pi. ^ m., ^/. '
^ I had formerly connected this tense thd with G. and Braj halo and been thus
led to refer it to m; but farther research, aided by the dialectic forms brought to
light by Kellogg and others, has led me to abandon that view, and to adopt that
given in the text, — dist diem doeet»
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 209
This form is, I believe, shortened from ftfwt> and that again
from the Skr. p.p.p. f^Tf. It is therefore analogous to the
shortened forms of other p.p. participles so largely employed in
the modem languages. We saw in Vol. II. p. 275, how the
genitive postposition k& had been evolved by a long and
varied process from Skr. krita ; so, also, g& in the H. and P.
future from gata, bhd in Old- Hindi from bh&ta, Id and la in M.,
and other futures from lagna ; and in exact parallelism to these
is thd from sthita.
The Kanauji Hindi has sing. ^ m., ^ /.; pL ^ m., ^/. ;
but the Garhwali still preserves a fuller type in sing. Y(^ m.,
^rtC/ > pl« ^rar w. Nearer still to sthita, and with incorpora-
tion of the Skr. root as, ao as to make a regular imperfect, is
the Nepali " I was," etc. —
Sing. Lfir^ 2.ftr^ 3.fir^. PLl.t^ 2. thrift' 3.t^|Tn-
Nepali is not an independent language, but merely a dialect
of Hindi. The people who speak it call it P&rbatiya or
mountain Hindi ; it may therefore appropriately be taken into
consideration in arguing as to the origin of Hindi forms. ^
is used in Hindi in two tenses only.
1. With present participle, ^ftiniT Wl "was speaking."
Imperfect.
2. With past participle, iftwr ^ "had spoken." Pluperfect.
In P. W[ is occasionally used, though ^, in its nimierous
forms, is far more common. This verb is also used with a full
range of tenses in Sindhi. Trumpp* calls it an auxiliary, but
I can find no instances of its being used to form tenses of the
ordinary neuter or active verb like as or bhu, and it takes parts
of the latter to form its own compound tenses. There are,
however, two parts of afhd in use as auxiliaries in Sindhi, the
former of which ^ probably = f^nT« nom., and the latter
^ Grammar, p. 306.
TOL. m. 14
210 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
%=f|p^ loc. ift agrees with the subject in gender^ and is
used to form with the aorist an indefinite present —
Sing. 1. firt ift w. firt ^Z-
PI. 1. f^^ m. flj^f%r*/., " I go," etc.
This auxiliary differs from all others in the seven languages,
in that it may be put before the principal yerb. % has the
same peculiarity, and is used to make a continuative imperfect
with the past participle of the principal verb ; it does not vary
for gender or person. Thus —
Sing. 1. ^HH^dRl % 2. ffwit ^•
Pl« 1. f f^Vlilt ^» etc, " I used to go," or simply ** I was going."
Examples are —
^ Wrt WnC % WnC ^ f^mtf " two women were quarrellwg (the
vidahydn) about a child."
ffPWT ^ ^Snnr ^ M^^ff ^ twin "Two men were going (the bid)
to a foreign coantry." '
Here the auxiliary precedes, and with reference to the sug-
gested origin of this auxiliary from the locatiye sthite, it is
more natural that it should do so, for the verb, whether in a
simple or compound tense, naturally comes last in the sentence,
so that the phrase " I am (in the act or condition of) having
gone," is rendered " in having been, I am gone."
G. has also the full verb in all its tenses, and it may ap-
parently be used as an auxiliary just as Ao. As regards
meaning, ^ is more powerful than \ftj; the latter, also, is
more powerful than %. There are thus three grades of sub-
stantive verb. % "he is," is merely the copula; ^t^ "he
is, or becomes," is a definite expression of existence ; Jsn^ " he
remains," is positive and prolonged existence. The distinction,
^ Stack, Grammar, pp. 134, 136.
THE COMPOUND TBNSES. 211
as pointed out before, is analogous to that between ser and
estar in Spanish.
^^ forms compound tenses by taking parts of l|t4 as
auxiliaries, just as the ordinary verb, thus —
Imperfect ^|ft ^JTft* m in ?J WCTI^ ^^ ffft " That fight was going
on."
Preterite Hf^ |f^ %, as in ?|ij m WS'^ ^^ l|t^ % " His heart
has become hard."
Dnbitative present ^7|t ^f?|, as in it ipl ^ITOTRt ^Wt ^??| " There-
fore yon may now be regretting," and so on.'
In Oriya this verb plays a somewhat different part. It is
there used not as a second auxiliary side by side with ho, but
to the exclusion of it, and forms, with the participles of the
principal verb, a range of well-defined tenses, which cannot be
expressed otherwise.
1. With the present participle {kar "do") H^ "doing" —
a. Aorist of tM 1|^ ^rrQ> l^^^ru thft^ 'Mie is (or was) doing." Con-
tinaative present.
b. Preterite », If^f^flfTyl^iuruthilft, "he was doing." Imperfect.
c. Futnre „ ll^f^flf, kara thibS, "he will be doing." Con-
tinoative future.
2. With the past participle nf^ " done " —
a. Aorist of thd %TK ^mi " h® has (usually) done." Habitual
preterite.
b. Preterite „ l|f^ f^VWT " ^^ had done." Pluperfect.
c. Future „ ^rf^ f^^ " b® ^U have done." Future past.
The difference between la and 2a is very delicate, and rather
difficult to seize. Karu thde implies that a person habitually
1 The examples are from Leokey, Grammar, pp. 76, 81.
212 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
does an act, and thus that he was doing it at the time
mentioned, according to his usual custom. Thus, to a question
% f ld< ^ ftrWT "Was he sitting in the market P" the answer
might be ^ %f3 ^fT ^H "Yes, he ahcaya aits there ;" and thus
it is implied that he was sitting there at the time referred to.
So again, ^if^'HI 3i^ %§fe ^fflftrw ^ Wf|^ Wtt "When the
doctor came, / was getting well,'* implying that I had been im-
proving before he came, and continued to do so. Kari thde, on
the other hand, literally, "He remains having done," implies
a habit which is not necessarily in force at the time referred to,
as MT^^T irf^ TnfK W€ TR ftT VUl "He is always very
angry with his wife," not implying that he is actually angry
at the moment of speaking. It is also used of an act ion which
lasted some time, but has now ceased, as % i|4{e|^ ^WIT W9
•"Rtir 1^ VUl^ "At that time I had a bad cough," implying
that he had a cough which lasted a long whUe, but from which
he has now recovered. Both tenses thus imply continuity, but
the former indicates continuity still existing, the latter con-
tinuity in past time, which has now ceased.
There are similarly two imperatives formed respectively with
the present and past participles —
o* ^i^ W{ ''Remaio thoa doing."
6. 1|f^ 'WfJ *^ Remain thoa having done."
Here, also, the same fine distinction is drawn as in the other
tenses, iftf^^ % Wm ^1^ Wt^ " Let Gobind go on doing that
work." But, as Hallam well remarks (Grammar, p. 153), "The
Oriya very often uses a past participle in his mode of thought,
where we should use the present."* He illustrates this tense
1 Hallam, Oriya Gramnaar, p. 78.
* I had the advantage of assisting Mr. Hallam when he was writing his grammar,
and the definition of this tense was a source of much difficulty and discussion. He
consulted a large number of natives, both educated and uneducated, the former as to
the rationale, and the latter as to the practice. The latter, without knowing the
reason why, often corrected karu thd into kari thd instinctiYely, and a large range
of obserrations led to his adopting the definition in which I have followed him.
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 213
thus : " Suppose a person should say to another, ' Do that work
so/ and the person addressed should reply, ' I have done it so,
and the first speaker should then say, * Well, always do it so,'
or, * Continue to do it so,* this last phrase would be expressed
by this tense." Ex. gr. : —
^ %ff ITR %^rf7I ^ " Do that work so."
Aoswer W %lf?f l|f\f^ % " I have done It bo," or, "as (you order)
so I have done."
Rejoinder ^infT %iffiT if^ ^ " Well, always do so," literally, " thus
having done, remain."
Here, if we used karu ihd, we should imply that the person
addressed was actually doing the work while we were speaking,
while kari th& is used when he is not actually working.
Lastly, there is a pair of tenses with the conditional —
^1^ ^lirr " he might be doing," or, " if he were doing."
^^if^ ^rhn " h© might have done," or, " if he had done."
These explain themselves.
Bengali does not employ the primary form of this auxiliary,
but has instead a secondary stem derived from it. This is
irRi> which is conjugated throughout in the sense of remain-
ing, and partakes of the combined senses of continuity and
doubt peculiar to this verb. There are, strictly speaking, no
compound tenses formed by this verb, and the method of its
employment is rather that of an ancillary verb.
§ 70. tJ, This root takes the form ^, and is used in H.
P. M., occasionally in G. and B., and usually in 0., to form
the passive voice. G. having a passive intransitive of its own
(§ 24), does not often have recourse to this verb, and S. having
a regularly derived synthetical passive (§ 25), dispenses with it
altogether. When used as in H. P. and M. to form a passive,
214 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
it is compounded with the past pttrticiple of the principal verb,
as {dekh " see ")—
H. Aorist ^^ HTH " he is seen." P. f|[3T 'H^*
Imperfect ^?8T WT^ " be ye seen." f\i\ WWt •
Future ^iy( ^ITipn *' be will be seen." f^TT Wl%^*
So also in M. and 0. The various tenses of Wl are formed in
the same manner as other verbs. When compounded with any
other part of the verb than the past participle, y4 is ancillary,
and is used in various other senses.
There has been, in former times, much discussion about this
form of the passive, some writers declaring it inelegant, others
considering it imusual and opposed to the genius of the Indian
languages, while some have even gone so far as to deny its
existence altogether. The most discerning inquirers, however,
admit it as a form in actual use, though they point out certain
circumstances which obviate the necessity for recourse to it.
Such are the existence of a large class of neuter verbs, the
practice of changing the object into a subject, and figurative
expressions like " to eat a beating," mdr khdnd, " it comes into
seeing," dekhne men did, and the like. Speaking as one who
has lived in daily and hourly intercourse with natives of India
for nearly twenty years, I can testify to the use of this form
by speakers of Hindi, Panjabi, Bengali, and Oriya frequently,
and even habitually. Idiomatically, many other ways of ex-
pressing the passive idea undoubtedly exist, and in some lan-
guages, as Bengali and Marathi, ho may be used to form a
passive. There are phrases and occasions, however, where it
would be more idiomatic to use the passive jd than any other
construction, and we may conclude that, though its use is some-
what restricted, it is erroneous to describe it as always in-
elegant and xmidiomatic, and still more so to deny its existence
altogether.
THE COMPOrND TENSES. 215
§ 71. By usmg the expression " compound tense '* in a wider
sense than that in which it has been employed in the former
part of this chapter, we may legitimately include xmder it that
large and varied class of phrases in which two verbal stems are
used together to express one idea. In such a combination the
first verb remains xmchanged, and all the work of conjugation
is performed by the second, which acts, so to speak, as a hand-
maid to the first. For this second verb I have thought it
advisable to employ the term " ancillary," as expressing more
clearly than any other that occurs to me, the actual relation
between the two. The ancillary verb differs from the auxiliary,
in that the former runs through all the tenses of the verb,
and the principal verb on which it waits remains xmchanged,
while the latter only forms certain specified tenses in compo-
sition with several parts of the principal verb, being attached
now to the present, now to the past or future participle. Thus,
the tenses formed by the aid of auxiliaries are integral portions
of the primary simple verb. In the case of the ancillary, on
the other hand, it, together with the principal verb, forms, in
fact, a new verb, which, though consisting of two elements,
must be regarded for conjugational purposes as essentially one
throughout. Thus, the elements mdr ''strike,'* and ddl
"throw," combine into the compoimd verb mdr ddlnd *'to
kill," which is conjugated through the whole range of simple,
participial, and compound tenses of ddlnd, mdr remaining
unchanged.
Grammarians have invented many strange names for these
verbs with ancillaries, calling them Frequentatives, Inceptives,
Permissives, Acquisitives, and many other -ives. It would,
perhaps, be simpler not to seek to invent names for all, or
any of them, but merely to note the combinations that exist
with their meanings. Indeed, it is hardly possible to group
them into classes, because, in practice, some ancillaries may be
combined with any verb in the language, while others again
216 THE COMPOUND TENSES,
can only be combined with one or two specific verbs. More-
over, there are exceptions to the general rule that a verb with
an ancillary nms through the whole range of tenses, for some
ancillaries are only employed in one tense, or in two tenses ;
thus lag, in Hindi, is usually only employed in the past tense,
as kahne lagd ^^ he began to say." Some again are formed in
only one tense in one language, while they may be used in
several tenses in another language.
The subject is a very wide one, for the number of primary
verbal stems in the seven languages being small, they are
driven to express complicated ideas by combining two of them
together. They have also lost the facility of expressing such
ideas which is possessed by most original Aryan languages,
through the upasargas, or prepositions, and can no longer
develope from one simple root a variety of meanings by pre-
fixing pra, abhi, upa, or aam. Under such circumstances they
have taken a number of their conunonest verbs and tacked
them on to other verbs, in order to imply that the action
expressed by the principal verb is performed under the con-
ditions expressed by the added, or, as we may call it, the
ancillary verb. As might be expected, however, while the
principle is the same in all seven languages, the method
of its application, and the particular ancillaries used, difier,
to some extent, in the several languages. It will be better
to take each ancillary separately, exhibiting the general effect
of each as combined with different parts of the principal
verb.
§ 72. Ancillaries may be attached not only to other verbs,
but even to themselves ; the verb to which they are attached is
placed in the conjunctive participle, and remains in that form
throughout. Another class, however, exists, in which the
principal verb is in the infinitive mood, which, as Kellogg
justly observes, is not strictly a case of a compound verb, but
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 217
that of one verb governing another, and in this view would
more properly be regarded as a matter of syntax. Inasmuch,
however, as certain well-known and constantly-used phrases of
this kind have grown up in all the languages, whose use, to a
great extent, supplies the want of regular tenses, it will be
better to give them all here, so as to complete the survey of the
modem verb in all its aspects. It must be noted, also, that in
Hindi, and occasionally in P. M. and G., the conjunctive
participle loses its final syllable, and thus appears in the form
of the simple stem ; that it is the participle, and not the stem,
is shown by the analogy of the other languages, and by isolated
instances of the preservation of the participial form even in
Hindi.
1. ^ "give," and % "take,** are in H. widely used as
ancillaries, and the meanings which are obtained by their use
are somewhat varied. In a general way, it may be said that
de is added to verbs to express the idea that the action passes
away from the subject towards the object, while & implies that
the action proceeds towards the subject. Thus de can, strictly
speaking, be used only with actives and causals ; and in some
cases adds so little to the meaning of the principal verb, that it
appears to be a mere expletive. With active verbs examples
are —
^i^prr " to throw," ^ii| ^Wt " to throw away."
"Pl^nWrr ** to take out," f^^VTlT ^TT " to turn out, eject."
Thus ^ % vppf f^ilTWr " he took the rice out of the house/*
where the idea is, that the man being outside went in and
brought out the rice ; but in ^^ ijt ^ % f^raiW f^^H % " ^^
has turned me out of the house," it would be understood that
the speaker had been forcibly ejected.
"^igirr " to put," "^^ ^ifT " to put away, lay by."
M\i^n\ " to strike," ^FfTT ^'H " to beat off."
218 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
With caosals it is used very frequently, and with scarcely
any perceptible change of meaning —
fl^UI^I and ^7T1|T ^TT " to explain.**
fiKf«IT »» fWKJ ^TT " to cause to foil, or to throw down,"
^tTPTT 9> ^TT ^^ ** to seat, or to put into a seat.*'
Perhaps one can sometimes trace in the form with ^ a sense
of the action having been done with some force, while in the
simple verb the idea of force is wanting, but in the majority of
instances no such distinction could be traced. There is oc-
casionally some additional emphasis, as in the common phrases
^ ^ " give,'* and % Wt " take," where the ancillary is added
to itself, but these expressions belong more particularly to the
Urdu side of the language.
When attached to the infinitive of another verb, de implies
permission, as Wl% ^ "let (him) go,'* ^^ iff %^ ^W^
" please let me sit down."
P. uses de in the same way as H., but it does not appear to
be so used in Sindhi. In G. it is added to the conjunctive
participle of another verb to give emphasis, it also expresses
impatience, but, in both cases, like H., with a general idea of
the action being from the speaker towards the object. Thus
Tnrf "to abandon," ^ ^ifT "let (it) alone!" "let go!"
irnjrt " to throw," wniY ^^ " throw (it) away 1 " But as in
H., with the infinitive it implies permission, ^ " to go," ^^^
^^ "to allow to go," TTWT ^ "to let fall," W^^T ^ "to
permit to write."
M. has the same usage of ^ ; when added to the conjimctive
participle it has the same senses as in H., as f^npf ^^ " to
write," ^9^1^ ^l8f " to dig ;" in both of which phrases there is
only a little additional emphasis implied, or perhaps an idea of
finishing and having done with, as "write it off," "dig it up
and have done with it," as in ZT^ ^ " throw it away."
TE» COMPOUND TENSES. 219
With the infinitiYe it implies permission^ as TflTT WT^ ^
" suffer me to go/* fTTCI fW^ ^Jl Wl^ " the wind will not let
me write."
Precisely similar is the usage in 0. and B.^ as 0. ftlidlf, H^
" break it open," literally, "having caused to open, giro ;" but
with the infinitive jfft 1UR|I||^ ^HT Ift " he would not let
me come."
Bengali uses this verb with the conjimctive to imply com-
pleteness or emphasis, as ^?m ^|^^ flpTrfl( '^I have seen the
book," that is, " I have examined or perused it." With the
infinitive it, like the rest, signifies permission, as inin% ^Tf%^
f^[%«r TT " They did not allow me to read."
2. % is in all respects used similarly to ^, but with exactly
the opposite meaning, namely, that of the action being directed
towards the speaker, or the subject. In this construction its
meaning is often very slightly difierent from that of the simple
verb. Thus we may say, ^hfT " he drinks," and ift %lfT " he
drinks up," or "drinks down," in the latter case implying a
more complete action. With causals it is used when the action
is towards the subject, as JJ^ iff ffT^ Vn^ ^WT Wt "call Ram
to me," where the simple verb ^JWPfl merely means " to call."
The distinction between the use of de and fe is well shown
when added to I^^RT "to put;" thus 1^ 1ft means "put it
away (for your own use)," but "5^ ^ "put it down (and leave
it)." There is, as Kellogg has shown, a sense of appropriating
a thing to oneself involved in k.
P. follows the usage of H., but has less frequent recourse to
this ancillary. S. uses f^vnra^ which is the same word aa le, in
the sense of "taking away," which in H. is expressed by %
HTfT, as in ^ThftT ^^Prt^ il f'flft^ 'PnRT " In crossing the ocean
they were forcibly carried off" (Trumpp, p. 340). In another
instance, however, the meaning is more that of simple taking,
TTZTH t'HPJ "to bring back," literally, "having caused to
return, to take."
220 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
In Q., the meaning is the same as in H., acquisition^ or
action towards the speaker or subject, as in ^97n4^ %^ "to
understand/* i.e. "to make oneself acquainted with," TfNft'
%^ " learn (this)," i.e. " acquire this knowledge."
M., as before remarked, uses i(, where its sisters have i(.
It is used freely in all combinations involving the idea of
taking, and seems, like many other ancillaries, to be often used
pleonastically. Perhaps, however, we ought to make allow-
ance for the trains of thought which, in the minds of native
speakers, underlie the expressions which they use, and, in this
view, to admit that an idea of taking may be present to their
minds in expressions which, in our mode of thought, would not
involve such an idea. It is difficult to get a native to concen-
trate his mind upon what he is actually saying or doing, he
will always mix up with his present speech strange under-
currents of nebulous fancies as to what he did or said last,* or
what he is going to do or say next, and this habit influences his
speech and produces phrases which, to the practical European
mind, seem unnecessary and confusing. Thus Molesworth
(s.v. %) reckons as pleonastic the use of this ancillary in KlRi^
^TPT 'l^^'f Wr " quickly having bathed take." Here the word
"take" is probably inserted from a feeling that the person
addressed is wanted again after he has had his bath. Thus, if
you were about to send a man on an errand, and he asked (as a
native usually does) to be allowed to bathe and eat first, you
might use the above sentence. In Hindi one would use dnd
"to come," in the same way, as IJZ ^TOTR V^ ^Unit. If
you did not use some ancillary or other, it might be under-
stood that you did not want the man's services after he had
bathed. In another phrase iJtT.f'f ^Ui Mlcb^'M ^TWT "The
child burnt his hand," judging from the analogy of similar
phrases in the cognate languages, I feel that if %?TWr were not
used, the person addressed would be capable of supposing that
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 221
the child burnt the whole of his hand up, whereas, what is
really meant is, that the child got a bum on his hand.
The 0. verb i^T is used as in H., as ^rnnr V[^ ^flj ij^ "I
will take charge of the papers and accounts," where he means
that he will take them and study them, it is literally " having
imderstood I will take."
So also with B. W^, as f^^ M>ii|^^| in[lN " they took
and read the letter."
3. "UT " come," WT " go," as also the cognate stems in the
other languages, when used as ancillaries, stand to each other
in the same contrast as le and de. H. IJT is not very widely
used, and principally with neuter verbs; it implies doing a
thing and coming back after having done, and thus has a
certain sense of completing an action. Thus W^PTT ''to be
made," ^if ^IT, or sometimes colloquially, ^i^ ^mm " to be
completely done, successfully accomplished," %?f ijt ^^ ^RTflT .
if " Having seen the field, I am come," i.e. " I have been and
looked at the field," and he implies, ^' I have examined it, and
am now ready to make terms for the rent of it." The usage is
similar in P., though rarely heard.
The equivalent of d in S. is in^, pres. part. ^^^^ "coming,"
p.p. ^irrat " come." It is used with the infinitive to mean be-
ginning to do, and this usage is thus different from that of H.
and P. Thus 'iRIIf ^^1^^ " to come to rain," or, as we should
say, "to come on to rain," as —
" The lightnings have begun to rain, the rainy season has ascended
(his) couch." — ^Trumpp, p. 344.
G. "Wm is used in the sense of coming into action, or into
use, becoming, and is used with the present participle, as iRTWH
innr^ "to become spoilt." But far more frequently ^RJift, the
conjimctive participle, takes other ancillaries after it.
^ in M. is also used in a potential sense, but generally, as
222 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
far as I can learn, with the indeclinable form of the present
participle, and with the subject in the dative case; thus it
literally means " to me, to you, etc., it comes to do," as ifwr
irnrt ^^ " I can go,'* lit. " to me going comes.'* Similar to
this is the use of dnd in H. as an independent verb, chiefly in
negative sentences, as ^^cNPf Hi^lMf) ^Ipft T^ " He does not
know how to read and write," lit. ** To him reading-writing
comes not. " So also in 0. and B.
4. WT " go," is used more frequently, and in a wider sense
than d. In H. it implies completeness or finality, as Wl^
" eat," ^ ITRT " eat up," ^!C% WRT " go away," where the
principal verb preserves the termination of the conjunctive
participle. In the familiar compound ^ ^rpn "to become," the
ancillary adds a little distinctness to the idea of the principal.
So, also, in li^, or li^, WPIT ; thus, if a man is hesitating or
fumbling over a story or message, you say li^ WTVt, *.^.
"Speak out ! " or " Out with it ! "
When added to neuter verbs (especially the double verbs
mentioned in § 18), it seems to add no special meaning, and
one may say ^ZTT or ^ WRT " to be broken;" flf^ifT or flffr
IfPfT " to meet " or " be obtained." Colloquially, and especially
in the jwist tense, the form with jdnd is far more commonly
heard than that without it; thus, for "it is broken," one hears
w ij^ twenty times for once of ZZT. This practice seems to
confirm what was conjecturally advanced in § 25, concerning
the origin of the use of ITflT to form a passive, as compared
with the Sindhi passive in ya.
Sindhi uses, in a similar way, its stem ^TT^ " go " (impt.
W^9 p.p- ft^* pros. p. itcft,*^!^), from Skr. VV^^, Pr. ^.
Thus, ^ iRiJ " to take off," ifft ^fTJ "to be dead," i.e " to
go, having died." ^(it ^PTJ " to ascend," i.e. " to go, having
ascended." There is also a phrase in which it is added to
^iHnoj "to lift," as igift ^ "be off ! " "go away!" The
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 223
general efEect of tlds ancillary may tlius be taken to be that of
completeness. Trumpp gives the following examples (p. 340) :
^ 'rflft ^^ 'rf^fil "H^ f*rvt " When he was grown up, then
he died" (say "died off"). ^J[fn ^ ^TUTf ^ IT ^sftf^ li% ^'
" Take the advice of the pilots that thou mayst j^om over (or pass
through and escape from) the flood tide."
Completion or finatity is also indicated by j& in G., attached
to the conjunctive participle, as in H. and P. ; when added to
the present participle, it implies continuance, as IRgRTt ^ '^ go
on writing."
In M. B. and 0.^ this stem is not used as an ancillary.
5. ^m " be able," is attached to the stem-form or apocopated
conjunctive participle of all verbs in H. to imply power, as
'iW '^SWll^ "he is able to walk," HJ^ ^9^1^ " he will be able to
do." It is rarely, if ever, used alone in correct speaking,
though one sometimes, in the eastern Hindi area, hears such
an expression as \f{ '^^ fff "I shall not be able." This,
however, is probably to be regarded merely as an elliptical
phrase for ^ ^ ^l^i$ fft " I shall not be able to do.^^
In P. also it is used always as an ancillary, as ^THT ^m^ ^
*' he is able to read," and is conjugated throughout the verb.
In S. the corresponding verb ^T^ is used with the conjunctive
participle in the same sense, as m^ ^T^ " to be able to do."
In all these three languages this verb may be added to the
inflected form of the infinitive, though in H. and P. this con-
struction is avoided by those who desire to speak elegantly.
Still one often hears it, as in% ^RRTT f^ " he cannot go," and
in the eastern Hindi area it is very common, as well as in the
Urdu spoken by Musulmans in all parts of India. Among
these latter, indeed, hame saktA is much commoner than kar
saktd.
It is used in G. as in H., and may also be used in M., but in
this latter language the existence of another method of ex-
pressing potentiality (§ 54) renders its use less frequent.
224 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
B. and 0. do not know this ancillary. In its place they use
trrr ^ B. with the infinitive, as ^|f^ trrfT "I ^^^ do/' in 0.
with the past participle, and generally with the future of the
ancillary, as nf^ MlRf^ " I shall be able to do," where we
should use the present. Thus in asking, '^Oan you tell me his
name P" one would say WTfT?; THT ^rf|[ ^Tlf^, literally, "Shall
you be able to say his name P"
6. inr "begin" (see § 12). In H. and P. with the infini-
tive, as ^19% innn "he began to see." The ancillary is mostly
used in the preterite, indeed almost exclusively so ; for ^^|%
^nnn "he begins to see," would be inelegc^t, and, I believe,
quite unidiomatic. S. uses the same construction, as ^flRI^ Ht^^
" he began to cry." So also G., as irTTTT WPrt " to begin to
strike," and M. with infinitive of the principal verb, as ifnt
^irnrar "he began to strike," but also with the dative of the
future passive participle, as ^ncnRTRT HTfUl "he began to
do." B. the same, as nf^Tt WTf'W "he began to do," 0.
7. ^H " fail," hence " leave off, cease to do." In H. added
to the conjunctive part, in the sense of having already finished,
as 1^ ^^ "he has done eating," ^li| ^ ^[^jl^ "when he shall
have done eating." P. does not use this verb in this sense.
S. uses ^i|, as in li^ ^pP| " ^ haye finished doing ; " but it
has also other ways of expressing this idea, as by "^TO "to
remain," W^ " to take," t^vflj " to be ended," ^rflf ^R^ id.
G. ^15^ ^^ " to have finished doing." B. the same, as f^^l
^f^<llfl( " I have done giving." 0. uses mK> ^ ^TTT lnRHi
"I have done eating," % ^ ftT iJlfX^I "That business is
quite finished." B. also uses ^i^ " throw," in this sense, as
^rf^RTT %filMi*l " They have done speaking."
8. Marathi has two verbs not used in the other languages,
%^^ and zri$» which are employed in many senses, and the
distinction between which appears to be, at times, hard to draw.
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 226
The illustrations given, however, show that each word is faith-
ful to its original meaning ; %^% = 1|mM> and consequently
means "put," while 7^1^ = TOT^^ and means "throw away/'
These two words stand to each other in the same contrast as %
and ^ in H., thus^ ^im ^I^ W^^ %^ " Fold up this cloth
and lay it by,'* ^ft ifTO ▼t^ ^ " Tie up that cow" (having
tied, put), but im^ ^it^ WW ^^R TPi "Give him up his
book" {i.e, "give it him and let him go"), Ji IJT^ ^^^^^ ^T^
" Root up that tree " {ue. "uproot and throw away ").
9. ^ "do," is used in the sense of repetition or continuance,
in H. with the perfect part., as WT^ W(^ "he always comes,"
IP ^ %nr ftWT 1?!?^ ft " Why do you keep on doing so P"
In Sindhi this sense is obtained by repeating the verb in the
required tense after itself in the conjunctive participle, as ^t^
^ fT5 Mfi^l ^ vm\ " Even that, that letter I read over
and over again" (Trumpp, p. 343), where the participle has
the emphatic I added to it. G., like H., uses l|T^ with the in-
flected form of the p.p., as wi(l W^ "to keep on doing," ^ThlffT
H?^ "to keep on reading." The various uses of kamd in
forming compounds both with nouns and verbs are so numerous
and peculiar, that they cannot be inserted here, but must be
sought for in the dictionaries of the respective languages, and,
still better, by those who have the opportunity, from the mouth
of the people.
10. "^f "remain," differs from ^, in that it implies con-
tinuance in a state, while if^ implies repetition of an action.
In H. and P., with the conjimctive participle, as %Z TffT " to
remain sitting," %W Tf?f^ "They are going on with their play ; "
also with the present participle, as if^ ^f^ft ^^f^ " The river
flows on continually," lahitur et labetur. There is a curious
phrase in Hindi, wnfT TfTT (literally, "to remain going")
used for " to be lost and gone," as an euphemism for death ;
thus ^TT TR Wnn TIT ^ "My father is dead (has passed
TOL. m. 16
226 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
away) ;" also for loss of things; as ymwt ^^ V^ ^infT TTV'
*' All his property is gone.'' I do not find this idiom in the
sister languages.
Sindhi uses ^^CV^ ^ ^^^ sense of continuance^ as ^ft^ Kt^
f'Pff tirf%T ^TW " He goes on travelling in fatigue from Egypt
and Syria" (Trumpp, p. 344). The same sense is produced by
m(^ " to turn, wander," as ^^^^ ifl^ Tn(tl(t ^ "Bljalu
goes on grazing the horses" (ib.). In both cases the principal
verb is in the present participle.
G. employs ^, which is its version of ^ with conjunctive
participle for continuance, as W^ ^H^ " to remain doing," and
with the present participle in the sense of completion, as ^^ITft
^^ " he ascends completely."
This ancillary is truer to its original meaning in M., where
it implies leaving ofE, refraining, with the genitive of the
future participle, as 4i|4,|€||^| 4,lf^m "he left ofE beating."
This sense recalls that of Skr. "^^||= " deprived of."
B. and 0. do not use this verb as an ancillary. B. substi*
tutes for it ^m^, and 0. IfT.
11. V[^ "fall," implies generally accident, as in H. WRRTT
" to know," WCf WW^ " to be found out" (i.e. " to be known
by an accident "), as ^8^ i|T ift^ ^ IfR ^^ lit 1^ ^ flff
^^ "If his fault should be found out, then we, too, shall
not escape." So also in G., as ^135^ "to stick to," qdb4^
V[W^ "to become attached to, to get caught in." M. uses it
with the dative of the future participle, as TT 'tm<4JKi QTWre
'^^ ^IWT %^ ^TWRrra Vl^ "On account of your being
attacked with fever, I have to waste my time in travelling,"
literally, " to me the throwing away of journeys falls." Here
the sense is that of necessity, as also in iTRNft %lft ^ ^1^
^TNTOTO '^^if " If you marry a wife, you will have to set up
house." The same idea is expressed in H. by adding Xf^ to the
infinitive, as gif ijt Wl% ^H%^ " You will have to go (whether
THE COMPOUND TENSES. 227
you like it or not) ;" so also in B. nn^t ^lf%W> where it also
implies subjection, or falling into a state, as VU ^if^H "^^ got
caught/' as ^^ Y|%% vTT Ijf^ ftlUT ^ VTT "Hearing that
Sundar had berai caught, Bidya falls to the ground " (Bh&rat
B.-S. 359, where there is a pun on the double use of the
phrase), ^[fifin trf%ir "he fell asleep,** 4|i^| IV^H " he caught
a thrashing." The same in 0., as VTT ^rflf^ (for nf% ^Hflf)
*' he has been caught.'*
This yerb sometimes precedes the principal yerb in the sense
of doing a thing accidentally, and is then put in the past parti-
ciple. In this sense I would explain the sentence quoted by
Kellogg (p. 195) ipi irro ^TT PHfll ^ " A tiger happened to
be prowling about," literally, " a tiger fallen was prowling,"
the word " fallen " being used to express accidentally arriving.
In P. the yerb takes the form in^lQT ( = ^^f^)) and the p.p. is
finTT; thus they say ^ f^^J Wt^ 9 *' He is engaged in eat-
ing," where the sense is rather that of continuance ; when put
after the principal verb, it implies setting to work at a thing,
as IpCifT " to walk," JJ^ Vff^ " to set out on a journey." So
also in Sindhi, where the yerb has the form ipf^, the con-
junctive participle irf^ or ^^ precedes another verb with the
sense of emphasis or energy, as ^^ ?Bft t^fTT 'ft ^ ^TPlft 1
tfni[ "Buy those goods which do not grow old" (Trumpp,
p. 341) ; here irf^^ftni means rather "do not happen to become,"
"are not likely to become." W^, the conjunctive of ^m^ "to
lift," is used in the same way, but the two verbs appear to be
contrasted much as k and de in H., khani being used where
activity, pal where receptiveness or accident is implied. Thus
^raft fw^[^ "to set to work writing," >QI|ft ^^JTH "he sets
himself to play (music)." The past participle finit is also
prefixed with much the same effect, as 7tf\{ ^ ^TrfORIT fMfwOnni
Tt^ ft^ fW^rf'f " In it flashes like lightnings are found " (or
"take place," or "appear;" Trumpp, tJ.).
12. The above are the principal, if not the whole, of the
228 THE COMPOUND TENSES.
ancillaries in general use. There are^ indeed, a few others, but
their use is restricted to one or other of the languages. Thus
^TPrr " to find/' is used with an infinitive in Hindi in the sense
of being able, or being permitted, to do a thing. The yerb in
this construction is neuter, as 9( ^ToNPt ^^1^ W^ ^TRTT *' I was
not allowed to see him," ipi ^ % M^ITC 'H^ T|t ^TWlfSl " You
will not be permitted to go inside the house ; " so also in B.
Vlf^ VflX ^ " I ^^^^ ^ot able to read," that is, not because I do
not know how to read, but because I cannot find leisure, or
cannot get the book.
TTIRI "to throw," is used in H. with verbs implying injury
to show that force also was used, as —
M l i^m " to strike,** ;rt^ TTlRTr " to kilL"
^4^1 " to break,** ^jf^^ TTWfT ** to dash in pieces.'*
^ITZWr " to cut,*' HTZ TWn " to cut down, hack, hew."
There are, besides, numerous combinations of two verbs, in
which the latter of the two does all the work, the former re-
maining unchanged ; but for these the reader is referred to the
Dictionary, though, as far as I have seen, Molesworth's Marathi
dictionary is the only one where they will be foimd fully
treated.
CHAPTER V.
OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
CONTENTS.—} 73. Thb Covjwctm Pabticiple.— } 74. The iNPiNimrB.
§ 75. Thb Aobnt. — } 76. Sindhi Verbs with Pbonominal Suffixes. —
i 77. CoNJuoATioN OF Stbms Enddto nr Yowbls nr HnrDi, Panjabi, aitd
SncDHi. — } 78. Thb bamb in Mabathi. — { 79. The same im Bamoali akd
Obita.
§ 73. The participles of the present, past, and future, being
used in the f onfiation of tenses, it has been found necessary to
depart from the natural order of the yerb, and to discuss them
in Chapter III. There remains, however, a very widely used
and important participle, which is not employed to form a tense.
From the fact that it is used to connect one clause with another,
and thus helps the native speaker or writer to build up those
interminable sentences of which he is so fond, it has been
called, very appropriately, the Conjimctive Participle. It
implies " having done,'' and the sense of the clause in which it
is used remains incomplete imtil another clause containing a
finite verb is added ; thus, instead of saying, *' Next morning he
woke and arose, bathed, ate, dressed, collected his goods, loaded
them on his camel, bade farewell to his friend, and started on
his journey," the Indian languages would say, "Having woken,
having risen, having bathed, having eaten, having dressed,
having collected his goods, having loaded them on his camel,
having bidden farewell to his friend, having started on his
journey, he went."
Sanskrit has two forms of this participle, one in ^, as HFTT
" having been," the other inl|, as ^t^^T " having met." Each
230 OTHEB VEBBAL FORMS.
of these forms has left descendants in the modem languagee,
and although the form in ya is, in classical Sanskrit, restricted,
for the most part, to compoimd verbs, yet this peculiarity has
been overlooked in the spoken languages, and simple verbs, as
well as compoimd ones, are treated as having this form also.
Thus in Prakrit we find ^^irr= Skr. ^g?n "having heard,'*
as well as fiinRflnV = f^HSIFRT " having gone out." So also
^^=^TrT "having given," ^f|f?C^ = '^1<R(«I "having
stolen," 9r^ = in<n "having gone," f|(f^ = f9nrr "having
sprinkled," iiflX^=:^njV<OT "having taken."
In Old-Hindi this participle ends in e, as ivfT '^having done,"
'^fll "having gone," which is apparently the Prakrit form
with loss of the final a, thus —
" Having heard the paper, Xing Prithiraj was glad', being pleased."
— Pr. E. xii. 52.
Chand, however, in his more archaic passages, uses a form in
ya, and one in at/a, as —
^fRf ^f»f ftw >wrT I
" Taking possession of the earth, like a garden plot,
Irrigating it with the fullness of the Yeda, as with water.
Having placed good seed in its midst,
IJp sprang the shoot of knowledge." — ^Pr. R. i. 4.
Here f^i^ "having made," and ^9ff^ f^= mod. iffl ^FT^
"having made (or taken) possession," ftf^^ "having watered,"
miff = ^nC^ " having placed."
Mediaeval Hindi has regularly the form ending in l[, as "^TIT
1(^11 W^ ^ ^|fif ** Saving heard the gentle mystic speech of
Rama" {Tulsi, Ram. Bdlk. 113), iif%n ^ ^ ^'f^ I "Sages
liaving read the Yeda erred as to its qualities " (Kabir, Bam.
OTHEB VEKBAL FORMS. 231
34, 1), vtfn t%g?r lit V^ ^ ^rW ^«V^ ilfr Tnfr l "The re-
ligion that is opposed to deyotion (bhakti), all that having
made (i.e, having declared), irreligioii he sang'' (Bhaktam&l,
MiiL 30).
From the habitual neglect of final short yowels, it results
that this participle often appears in the form of the bare stem,
as in the yerbs with ancillaries given above, and this form,
appearing to be not sufficiently distinct, a secondary form has
arisen, which is now the ordinary one in modem Hindi. This
consists of adding %, WC, ^r:%, ^IT'IT* and even ^11:^1^^ to
the stem, namely, the conjunctive participle of Hl^ " to do ; "
as ^?l ^r^ " having seen," WRPC " having gone." The first of
these forms % is softened from %, which, again, is from nf^, the
older form of the conjunctive part, of ifl^^, and is used in the
mediaeval poets and in Braj and the rustic dialects to this day.
Thus Kabir ifipr twfV ^ f^ Wrn[% fft T^ WHtT TW I
*' Having made many kinds of appearances (mdyd), Hari has
arranged the sport and pastime (of the world ;" Hindola, 16).
It having thus become customary to add the participle of ^T^
to all yerbs, it has been added to if^ itself, thus making ip[%
and l|^i|^, and this reduplicated form again is added to other
yerbs. In all the dialects we find such forms as '4ITfX%, WR%i
TIT, Trfr* and even apocopated as Garhwali 4|ir\i| and 4(l04
'^ having beaten." Kumaoni has a curious compound form
<Hlf<^< " having beaten," which is probably the old form 4Ht\
with%T "time" (Skr. ^f|T), literally, "at the time of beating."
In the case of the common verb ho, the conjunctive parti-
ciple, like the future, takes in Old-Hindi the forms ift^ and |^,
especially the latter, as ^ HW IJ^ 'TITt f^t It ^ I " Ghiru-
bhakta alone could not remain apart " (aak ancillary with con-
junctive of Ao=" could be;" Bhaktam&l, 116, 1), J^ ^N
m It Vnt " The night becomes as dark as a well " (Kabir,
Bam. 16, 4), TT^ ^ ^ It ^W% " Very great men came "
(lit. "having become very great;" ib. 17, 6).
232 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
P. is the same as H.^ and with the latter closely agrees
0., which forms this participle by short i, as ^fli "having
seen." This form also appearing too indefinite, in ordinary
conversation they add nf^, often pronounced UlXKf ^ ^(^^(\
"having seen.'' 0. has also another, and in the classical
speech the only admissible, form in ik, as 4||f\% "having
beaten/' which is also used in B., and in both appears to be the
old locative case of the past participle, and is thus literally "in
having beaten." The old form of the locative case having in
0. fallen into disuse, the same has taken place in the participle ;
thus arise the forms ^f^mX " in having seen," and ^fi^WT^
"from having seen," which are respectively the locative and
ablative, formed after the modem fashion by adding 7f^ and
3n[, the initial syllable of which is rejected (Yol. II. p. 274).
B. has, besides the form in ile, one in tyd, which approaches
closer to the Prakrit, as T|f%^ "having fallen," ^Hl^JT
"having sat," vtWT "having seized." This latter form is
that which is used to string together long sentences, in prefer-
ence to the form in He, which is used more in short sentences.
Thus BhArat—
" Another craftily looks, repeatedly turning round.
Like a bird in a cage walks roimd and roimd."
— Bidya-S. 245.
literally, " having turned, having turned, looks," and " having
twisted round, walks."
S. has four forms for this participle. Neuter verbs take the
ending I, as ^T^ " having returned ; " active and causal verbs
have e, as ^ " having rubbed," both of which correspond to
the Pr. ending ia. Less widely used is a form in to or yo, as
<H^^<n " having returned," Vt^ " having washed," which ia
identical with the p.p.p. Thirdly, the inserted J/a of Prakrit
reappears here, as from la^^T^ " to lift," ^rfiK% " having lifted."
-■ - ■»!
/
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 233
Lastly, S. follows the example of H., and adds ^, the con-
junctive of m^ " to do," as ^nfl' ^i^ " having returned."
Ot. resembles S., having its conjunctive in I, as ^H^ " having
become." Ordinarily it puts this participle in the objective
case, adding the postposition*)!, often dropping the anusw&ra,
as fOfH or ^i^^ " having done," ^t^t " having given." As
Ot. makes no distinction between i and I, this is often written
with short t, as ^^•
M. stands quite alone, having its conjunctive in BPT> as
ITRPI " having gone," ft^vf " having been." This is some-
times written ^itt^, and in the poets takes an increment, and
appears as yftpint, ^tfn^t, as ^pfHITlf^ ^RFfV %Brf«Rrt ^TO I
(Tuk. Abh. 1888) "What is the good of my going to youP"
(literally, "I near you having come, what?") ^l^f«l^t ^$C
^JWf^ ^nr I ^rn'lTlf T^ ^ Wl l " Saving seen men in fine
clothes and ornaments, I am ready to die at once" (ib.).
This form is the old Maharashtri Pr. form in ^R|f , shortened
from '^, Skr. ?Tnl> accusative oiwi (Lassen, p. 367), and has
undergone singularly little change. I see in this a confirma-
tion of the belief that modem Marathi is really the represen-
tative of the Maharashtri Prakrit, for it is only in Maharashtri
that the conjunctive in una, tUna, is found. All the prose
dialects without distinction take forms of the conjunctive
derived from the Skr. -yez ; this consideration seems to be fatal
to the theory (Trumpp, p. 283; V. Taylor, p. 114, § 256) which
would derive the G. conjunctive in ine from M. Una, Setting
aside the absence of any analogy for a change from u to I in
such a connection, there is abundant evidence that Qc, is, by
origin, a Rajput dialect belonging to that large group of
dialects which we roughly class imder the name of Hindi, and
Sastri VrajM (G. Bh. It. p. 3) points out the great gulf that
exists between G, and M., as also the close connection of G.
with the northern dialects. We have therefore strong reasons
for not looking to M. for the origin of any G. form. The
234 OTHEE YEBBAL FORMS.
latter has, like the rest of the eastern Hindi group, Sanrasent
for its parent, and the form in -ine, when compared with that
in I in the same language, points clearly to the Saurasent con-
junctive in ia with a modem case-postposition ne or nen added.
§ 74. The Infinitiye is, in all the languages^ a yerbal noun
declined throughout all the cases of the noun. Its numerous
forms may all be grouped under two general types, which may
be called the Ba, and the Na types respectively.
The Ba type is found in the rustic dialects of Hindi, in
Bangali, Oriya, and Qujarati, and is declined as a noun. It
occurs in the oldest Hindi poems. Chand has it in —
" If any one makes delay, he comes to strike him." — ^Pr. E. i. 198.
" Rising up, rushed to fight." — ih, i. 254.
It takes the junction-vowel i, and in these passages is in the
accusative case. It may be rendered '^ to or for the purpose of
fighting.'' This form does not once occur in the Bamaini
(T^^) ^i Kabir, and only rarely in his other works. I have
noted flR^ ^ " to cross over," ^ir%^ (^TWr^fT) " to urge on,"
in the Rekhtas. It is more common in Braj, and in Tulsi
Das's Ham&yan, where, besides the form with junction- vowel i,
as irtf^ " to break," occurs also a shorter form in ab, as fT|^i|
"to return." In the dialects (Kellogg, p. 241) occur the
following {mdr " strike ") : —
Braj intT'ilff East Rajput 4IKli\ , West Rajp. id. Old-Ptlrbi TrPC^*
Avadhi, and Riwai id.
In Gujarati, this is the only form of the infinitive. It is
declined as an adjective for aU three genders, thus —
Sing, wnrit «•» wnpfV/.* wr^^ «•
PL ^(mm m., •^Z, •^ «. " to bring " or " the act of bringing.*'
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 235
and agrees with the ohject, as mentioned in § 52, where it is
used to constitute a tense. In the neuter singular it performs
the functions of a simple infinitive, as m^ ^'to sing/' W^
" to do."
In Oriya it is the ordinary infinitive, as ^flRT " to sit/* and,
though without gender, is declined for case,
Gen. ilfiRK "of ilttiDg^," |
Uff ^flRn; TRT "this is a place of
sittiDg/' U. **& fit place to sit in."
] ^flRT^ftrfW|W«npf "In sitting nothing
I^oc. Wf^RT^ "in sitting,*'! will become," Le. " yon will do no good
] by sitting still."
Ace. ^Rl^l^ ** to or for \ ^f^^\^ %W " for sitting it will become,"
sitting," J u. «* you will have to, or must, sit."
^fiBRTJ Hlf^tHl " be came to see."
Abl. WraWrC "^m sit- 1
^ \ there a chill will attack," i.e. " if you
ting," I
J sit there, you will catch cold."
Bengali does not use this form as its ordinary infinitive,
having utilized for that purpose the locative of the present
participle, as ftflf "to be'* (lit. "in being"), Wlf^ "to
remain," 9rn[% " to go ;" but it is used in the genitive case to
form a sort of gerund or verbal noun, as ^^\l| ifM^K ^iTW ^IT^
"It is the time of sowing, or for sowing, seed." More common
still is its employment withl|3|, ^IT^ or fi|ft% "for the sake
of," as ^ftRTT 'l^ " f^r the sake of seeing," lllX^K fifif^
" for the sake of doing."
The infinitive of the Gipsies ends in dm, and probably
belongs to this group. Paspati writes kerdva " to do," Idva " to
take," ddva " to give," sovdva " to sleep," mangdva " to ask,"
ruvdva "to weep," which may be transliterated perhaps i|7^,
Wnr, '^, ift^m, ^TT^, iPrW respectively. These are words
of the Chingana or Turkish Gipsies. Those in Bohemia ap-
236 OTHEB VERBAL FORMS.
parently drop the final a and shorten the d, as chorav ^^to steal"
(^frCf)> ^^^^^ "^ d<^" (^f^)> <^f^^^^M^ *'to tear" (ftjil^).
Those in Wallachia appear to pronounce the termination as
ao {%[itt or ^irotP), as jao "to go" (WPtft), A<w "to eat"
(fT^),;>^o "to drink" (^^y
In all these languages the idea of an infinitiye glides off
imperceptibly into that of a verbal noun, and the Ba form thus
reveals its origin from the Sanskrit future passive participle in
j{[^, from whichy as we have seen in Ch. III. § 51, many tenses
are formed.
The Na type occurs in Hindi, as also in P. S. M. It has
two forms in H., one archaic and poetical ending in ana^ the
other modem and classical in nd. The first of these two forms
I would derive from the Sanskrit verbal noun in anam, as
iin^ "doing," xm^ "falling." It is in frequent use, unin-
flected, throughout the poets, thus —
"Having plotted to step his virility.'* — ^Pr. R. i. 178.
"He made preparation to ^o" — tb, xx. 28.
" To jam battle a terrible warrior." — tb, xx. 31.
'TOT llff 'frff WR ^ in^ I
"I speak truth, suffer me to go^ mother." — Tulsi-Itam. S.-k. 7.
TTT iNr 'HI ^^OT writ I
" They go fe «w the hill and forest of Ram." — %b, kj-\, 91.
It is unnecessary to give more instances of this very common
form. It still survives in Kanauji, as 4<|4,<| " to strike." The
other form in ifT was anciently written ifV, and is always so
written in Braj, as 4||4,Wt "to strike," mfft "to come." This
form I now agree with Hoemle in deriving &om the Sanskrit
1 MikloeicH, Zigenner Enropa's, part ii. p. 9.
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 237
future participle in aniya, so that from 1PCW^> through Pr.
^i^^ wid ll^inty would come Old-H. iFC'ft* M!. il^, and
P. f^^. I> however, would refer the S. W^ ^ the verbal
noun in anam^ because the final vowel is short, and, as in all
similar nouns, reproduces the final o = t« of the a-stem (see
Hoemle's essay in J.A.S.B. vol. 42, p. 59, etc.). The two
forms of the infinitive are thus analogous in respect of their
derivation, and the fact of the existence side by side of two
sets of forms with precisely similar meaning is explained by
that of there being two participles of similar meaning in
Sanskrit, both of which have left descendants.
Under these altered lights I must withdraw the opinion
formerly held by me as to the origin of the infinitive in nd.
That in ana is now obsolete, except in Kanauji, and the nd
form is declined as a noun in d, maldng its obUque in e, as
karne hd "of doing," kame men "in doing." In M. the infini-
tive is also declined as a noim of the sixth declension (Vol. II.
p. 192), thus gen. karanyd chd "of doing," dat. karanyd Id "to
doing." In Sindhi, however, the infinitive vindicates its claim
to be considered as a descendant of the verbal noun in anam by
exhibiting the declension of masculines (t.^. neuters) in u ; the
oblique ends consequently in a, as ginhana jo "of buying,"
ginhana men "in buying," etc. This would not be the case
were the S. infinitive derived from the participle in aniya.
M. has an infinitive peculiar to itself ending in ^, as if^
" to die," which is comparatively little used, and only with the
present tense. I am unable to suggest any thoroughly satis-
factory explanation of this form which does not appear to have
any analogy in the cognate languages. It may be the only
descendant of the Skr. infinitive in tum^ with elision of the t,
but this is somewhat doubtfuL To this place must also be
referred the B. infinitive or verbal noun in d, as ^rU " ^ ^^>"
or " the act of doing," which, after stems ending in a vowel,
appears as ^, the y of which is not pronoimced ; thus l^lt^
238 OTHEB VERBAL FORMS.
pronounced "hdwft/' ^ift^ "dewft." The origin of this form
is not clear to me, but it is probably connected with the parti-
ciple in TTQ.
§ 75. On the basis of the infinitive in nd is formed the agent.
This, in Hindi, is made by adding to the oblique of the infini-
tive the words ?ITWTi fTTT ; as ir^NniT "a doer," ^^[^rfPCT
" a seer." Of these the former is apparently Skr. iTRRi " pro-
tector, keeper." Thus Skr. ^HMI^Hk " cowherd," becomes H.
WtWl ; as to the latter there is some difierence of opinion, some
would derive it from Skr. VT^ " holder," others from IITK^
" doer." I myself incline to the latter view ; the ^ would be
elided when it ceased to be initial, and its place supplied by |(,
which is often used to fill an hiatus. This is Trumpp's opinion
(Grammar, p. 75), who shows that in S. this form of the agent
exists as hdro or A(lru=respectively kdraka and kdra, as in —
fll^ " to create,'' fil<^U|flO (^ " creator,"
tll^ «« to write," tfreraiTTt W " writer,"
also in its original form of kdro or kdru, with noims, as ^^
" quarrel," ^TPIT^ " quarreller."
Kellogg (p. 245) refers to the phrase yaruyi ^K^t in Chand's
first verse as confirming the derivation from \ilTT^; but this
identification rests on a translation of that verse very confi-
dently put forward by a writer whose high estimate of himself
as a translator of Hindi has not yet been confirmed by the
opinion of scholars in general. The translation in this par-
ticular instance is extremely uncertain, and no argument can
be based on it.
Hindi has also an agent in %^, as iin;^irr ''a doer," ^^'^iH
" a keeper," which is shortened from TrfTTTj a dialectic form
of ^IWT* It is confined almost to rustic speech, though the
shorter form ^TITT is ^ot uncommon in the poets. H. "mwTt
may be added also to nouns, to imply the doer of an action, or
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 239
the person wlio takes care of a thing, in which latter respect
the original meaning of pdlaka is well preserved. Thus
^^^mi ^'one who takes care of a horse.'^ So also in P.
M<4im ^'hnshand,'' i.e. one who takes care of or maintains the
house, and still more frequently ii^^iiiH / " wife.** Sindhi
changes ir to "^ more sua, and has ^frtt, as Mi^ l O " house-
holder/* from ^1^ "house," and f^^l^^nO "giver,** from
t^ni^ "to give,** H. ^ir^rrwr.
Chand uses the form inl(T^, shortened from YnCT> to make a
sort of future participle, in the verb 1ft " be.** Thus —
" The rape of Sita, tohteh was to he, takes place." — ^Pr. R. iii. 27.
Also—
"Thou kaowing something oi futurity ^ — %b, xxi. 92.
"It is written thus as destined to he, the plan which Alha has spoken."
— f*. xxL 94.
Probably, also, to this place belongs the affix q f ^ in words
like Md^lO " * village accountant,** the ^ being an indication
of a lost ^, from npft ('itRTO " ^^r.**
In M. and G. this form loses its initial consonant, and ap-
pears simply as Ara. In G. it is incorporated into one word
with the verbal noim in ana^ of which, except in this con-
junction, no traces remain. Thus from ft^ " to be,** comes
ftHK " Olio who is.** But, just as in the Old-H. ft^flfnc, the
sense of futurity has usurped the place of the original idea of
agency, and hon&r now means " he who, or that which, is to
be,** as IrI ftfK ?l fn I ip! ift^n 1^ ^ ilt^ I "That
which in truth is (destined) to be, comes to pass, except truth
there is nothing else ** (Samaldas, Leckey, p. 64). It also takes
the long 0, as ^PTT^ or iprnct " that which is about to become,**
from Wf "to become,** ^JI^I^rTT "that which is able,** from
240 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
HW^ ^' to be able ; " and is in practice used simply as a remote
future tense, less immediate in its action than the simple future
of the sa type, but equally common. Thus KlZWr TfTZV ^H^
^ TTTTTT " ^^^ this very reason we are about to kill thee ; "
ift^rTTT M^ ^1^ oH't^K ^^ " H® ^^^ never forsake his
religion/* in other words, " he is not a forsaker (H. ?ftH%fTTt)
of, or one who is likely to forsake, his religion;'* ^ ^^sn^
TTO'^ ^^ HtflTnct Iffft " Having killed another, / teas about
to enjoy happiness,** literally, " I was becoming an enjoyer *'
(Leckey, p. 161).
It is probably owing to the absence of any derivative of the
verbal noim in ana that the grammar-writers have failed to
understand the true origin of this form, and have supposed it
to be composed of the verbal stem and a suffix nAr or n&ro, so
that chhodanAro is by them divided chhoda-ndro, instead of
chhodan (a) - (A) dro.
A similar misapprehension has occurred in M. In that lan-
guage, also, dr, drdf are used, added to the infinitive in %, to
make, not a noun of the agent, but a future participle, so far,
at least, a« the meaning goes. Thus from ^ come ^T^lIK
" a doer,** and ^f^igi^^i, obi. W^iWJ^. But these are used in
the sense of '' one who is about to do,** as in G. So i)^ | ^ i^f^
is "the people who are coming,** i.e. "who are expected to
come.*' Godbol, at p. 109 of his excellent Marathi Grammar,
indicates rightly the origin of this tense, and illustrates it by
such nouns as Skr. ^|nT^m:> Pr. ^^TIT, M. ^mT- Other
grammarians, however, still speak of "the participle in f||^ |/*
This noun, used, as above explained, participially, is employed
to form compound tenses, § 62. In H. and P. the noim in wdld
(not vdld) is used in a future sense, as n ^ | < ) q | tlH ITT "^^ '^^^^
just about to go.** This is not perhaps a classical phrase, but
it is one which one hears a dozen times a day from the mouths
of people of all classes.
In 0. one also hears a form in udld added to the infinitive.
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 241
as MH^^I^Hlim "a receiver." I suspect, however, that this is
a recent introduction from the Hindi. There is no ir in Oriya,
and in trying to express the sound, they imitate the Bengalis,
and put that form of i| which it has as the last member of a
nexus (the ya-phala as they call it), behind an ^. They pro-
nounce this extraordinary combination wa^ and not oya, as it
should be. The natural genius of the language has no form
for the agent ; instead of saying " the speaker," they would
say, *^ he who speaks," or, if educated, would use the Sanskrit
agent in n.
B. had, in its original state, apparently no noim of the agent.
In modem times, recourse has been had to Sanskrit agents,
which have been used whenever required, but colloquially it
is easy to do without a nomen agentis, by slightly varying the
arrangement of the sentence, and this is generally the course
pursued. Such forms as ^|^ "doer," ^WT "giver," used in
literature, are, of course, Sanskrit pure and simple, and as such
do not concern our present inquiry.
§ 76. The pronominal suffixes which are peculiar to Sindhi
among the languages of the Indian group are also affixed to
verbs, and, indeed, much more copiously used in that connection
than with nouns. At Vol. II. p. 334, these suffixes, as applied
to nouns, were briefly treated; they require more elaborate
handling imder verbs. It was mentioned, at the place cited
above, that in this respect Sindhi allied itself with the neigh-
bouring Aryan group of the Iranian languages, especially with
Persian and Pashtu. I am not in a position to analyze the
Persian and Pashtu analogies, and with respect to the latter
language, though Trumpp has shown (Zeitschrift d. D. M. GF.
vol. xxiii. p. 1) that it is in many respects more closely allied
to the Indian than to the Iranian group, yet it is so evidently a
border language, transitional between the two, that to admit it
to the present work would carry me beyond the limits of my
VOL. m. 16
i
242 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
undertaking. It will suffice merely to notice, without attempt-
ing to discuss, the suffixes of that language as they occur in
analogy with Sindhi
These suffixes are used to bring the object of the verb's
action into one word with it, and may be thus considered as
datives, accusatives, or whatever case expresses the nature of
the action of any particular verb. They are the same in form
as those attached to nouns, and stand thus in comparison with
Persian and Pashto :
PLURAL.
Sindhi l.fvr 2.x
3. ft.
i.^,if 2.^ 3.fif,ir.
Persian 1. J 2. l^j]
r
3-uil-
i.c; 2.ui 3.^\i.
Pashto 1. me 2. de
3. e.
1. ma, am 2. ma 3. e.
Taking the aorist of the active verb as the simplest tense, we
find the suffix simply added without efEecting any phonetic
changes in the termination of the verb. Thus —
Sing. 1. I^t^ l^ff^ ** I let go," with suff. of 2 sing, (^f^^lf^ " I let
thee go," Hff^tfil ** I let him go," with soff. of 2 pi.
QtHl^H " I let you go," Q((^l||fi| " I let them go."
Sing. 2. ^l^f^lt ** thou lettest go," with suff. of 1 sing. 4^fM||{f4| " thoa
lettest me go," and so on.
PI- 3. 1( ^f^f^ ** they let go," with saff. of 3 dng. ^fnlfi l fil " they
let him go," and so on.
The imperative is treated exactly in the same way. The
respectful form takes 1[^ in the singular in this connection,
not f^, as ^(f%Htf^ "Please to let me go,'* l(f%Wtflr "Please
to let him go.'*
In the participial tenses a still greater variety of forms re-
sults from the change of the termination for gender in the third
OTHEB VERBAL FORMS. 243
person singular and pluraL The first person, however, also
undergoes changes. Thus, in the present participle used as a
future, it^flr " I shall be,'' m., becomes l^^t^, and Hin^^ffl
" I shall be,'' /., becomes m^^i. So that we get forms —
*»• it^fiK '' ' *^^ ^ ^^ ^^^^" <<1fllfil " I shall be to him.*'
/• <^^l^ " I shall b« to yoo," |j^4ilO l " I sbaU b« to them."
So, also, the plurals if^^wY ^^y and |{f^*d(^ ''we shall be,"
become respectively l(^T^ and iff^^M. The second person
remains unchanged, merely affixing the personal suffixes. In
the third person m. 1^^ is shortened to 1^, and/. 1^1^ to '$^
or 1^ ; pi. m. 1^^ becomes l^, except with the suffix of the
first person plural, as lf^[T^ " they shall be to us," but l(^
" they shall be to you ; " pi. /. remains unchanged.
The past participle used as a perfect tense undergoes analo-
gous changes. Thus —
1 Sing.iri. ^|tf% "I was," becomes ^t^> as ift^lt^ " I was to thee."
» /. IT^lftr » »» Vifll> ». ¥t^rtflr " I was to him."
1 PI. m. y^lMf " we were," „ JT^I^, „ V^l^jHl " we were to them ."
ff /. Jf^sff " » » ^^^^ " '^^ll? " ^^ ^^^ ^ y®"'"
The second and third persons remain almost unchanged. In
active verbs, however, where only the 3 sing, is used, owing to
the objective construction, a somewhat difierent system prevails.
The subject, which in other languages is put in the instru-
mental, may in S. be indicated by a suffix, and the object being
also shown by a suffix, it arises that the verb may have two
suffixes at the same time. Thus *' 1 forsook thee," would be in
H. ^ % ^ ^ WtWT, lit. "by me thee forsaken," where the
subject is in the instrumental, and the object in the accusative,
case, the verb {i.e. participle) being left in the masc. singular,
because there is no neuter in H. In M., which has a neuter.
244 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
the Bb&va or impersonal construction is used, as iqt IJWr 41t4Mf
" by me to thee released," as though it were a me tibi relictum
(est). Sindhi expresses this sentence by one word vf^^Htf,,
i.e. chhadio'tn&n'i^ " forsaken-by me-thee." Thus there arises
a long string of forms for every possible combination of the
agent and the object. A few may be given as examples; a full
range will be found by those who desire to pursue the question
further in Trumpp (p. 371) :
((f^'^^iRl *' I have forsaken bim."
Q^QtV 11(^(41 ** be has forsaken him."
f^fl |f\^|f(ff| " he caused him to sit."
f^HNft '' they said to her.'
ff|^)|[ff| ** she said to them.'
99
99
The suffixes denoting the agent are ^ sing, and ^ pi., which
Trumpp considers to be shortened from l[if "by him," instr.
of ft "this," and ^9f^ "by them," instr. pi. of if "that,"
respectively.
A curious proof of the antiquity of these complicated forms
with suffixes is afforded by the fact, that in connection with
them the 3 sing, aorist of V^l^ appears still in its old Pr.
form of if^ (^lf?9)9 § 3d* This form exists only in combina-
tion with the pronominal suffixes, whereas the ordinary fonn
^n% is used both with and without suffixes. Thus they say
1lt^^ and ^Q^fTT " there is to me," as in the line —
" There ii to me & secret matter, come near, then I will tell it."
— ^Trumpp, p. 350.
It is used just as in Latin "est mihi," in the sense of "I have,"
as ^mifVT " I have," ^pift (for ^TinO " ^^^^ hast," ^Rf^ " he
has," ^H^ (for "^WlRlt) "we have," 1|R[^ "ye have," mffif
" they have." It is incorrect to say with Trumpp (loc. cit.)
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 245
that atha has in S. " been transferred to the plural." The verb
remains in the 3 sing, throughout, and takes suffixes of both
numbers and all three persons.
In the compound tenses the suffixes are attached to the
auxiliaries, leaving the principal verb unchanged. Both single
and double suffixes are used in this way, just as with the simple
and participial tenses. Thus fi|^ ftl[ " thou hadst made,"
% Olf Kl^ "He looked towards that servant whom he had pre-
viously instructed," literally, " Which servant previously by
him instructed, to that (one) by him looked" (Trumpp,
p. 379).
It is tempting to look for the origin of this habit of using
suffixes to the Semitic languages, which, from the early con-
quests of the Arabs in Persia and Sindh, may have had an
influence upon the speech of those countries. On the other
hand, however, the presence of a precisely similar habit in
Italian and Spanish, seems to show that there exists a tendency
to such constructions even in the Aryan family ; for I suppose
that even if we see in the Spanish forms a trace of Arab
influence, no such motive power can be argued for any part
of Italy, unless it be Sicily.
In Italian there are separate forms for the suffixed personal
pronouns, and when used with a verb in the imperative or
infinitive, these suffixed forms are incorporated into the verb ;
thus they say rispondetemt " answer iw^," parlate^/* " speak to
him,*' datefe "give A^," imaginary "to imagine tY," oSntoci
"ofler us." Double suffixes are also used, as assicuratem^n^
" assure me of it,'* dai^glielo " give U to him,*' mBudaieglielo
" send them to him."
So also in Spanish, vino & verw^ " he came to see me," vengo
& soccorrer^ " I come to help thee," quiero castigarM " I will
punish t/ou," dejem^ "let me go," pasandom^ "«« I was passing,"
escribafe " write to him," dife« " tell them." Here, also, double
n
^
246 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
suffixes may be used, as iecittelo ^^to tell it thee/^ mostradnosla
" show her to us."
It is noticeable, however, that this habit in Italian and
Spanish is modem, and does not exist in Latin, any more than
it does in Sanskrit. Is it, then, a result of the confusion of
forms that sprung into existence simultaneously with the decay
of the old synthetic system, or is it an adoption of a Semitic
principle P Diez finds the origin of the suffixed pronouns in
shortened forms of the dative and accusative of Latin, which
were already in use in the classical period.^ It remains, how-
ever, to be explained how this peculiarity arose in the Bomance
group, in one member of the Iranian, and two members of the
Indian group, only, and nowhere else in all the wide range of
the Indo-European family.
§ 77. Having now gone through all the forms of the modem
Indian verb, the subject may be closed by some remarks on the
way in which the terminations are added to those verbal stems
which end in a voweL So many of these terminations begin
with vowels, that a hiatus necessarily ensues, and the modem
languages, though they do not, as a rule, object to a hiatus, do
in this particidar make occasional effi)rts to avoid it.
Hindi stems end only in long vowels — d, I, 6, e, o. Some
grammarians caU those stems which end in a long vowel open
roots, and those which end in a consonant chae roots. This
terminology has nothing to recommend it, and there is no
advantage in retaining it. The tenses whose terminations
begin with vowels are the aorist, future, imperative, and past
participle.
Before terminations beginning with ^ or o, no attempt is
made to soften the hiatus, but before A and e there is sometimes
inserted a IT or ^. As types may be taken the stems W[ '' go,"
* Gramm. d. Bomanischen Spraohen, yol. ii. p.86, $t teqq.
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 247
ift « drink," i|^ " touch," ^ " give," and ift "sow." The aorist
of these five is as follows : —
BIMOULAB.
1. 'sirgJ 2. wvi, fln%. wfv 8. id.
1. ^h* 2. iftH, ^ 3. id.
1. ^^ 2. V||( 3. id.
1. ifit, ^ 2. ^, % 3. id.
1. ^t* 2. wtH, ^ 8. id.
PLUBAL.
1- 'iTTt* wf^» 'rt^ 2. wnrit 3. wnt»^rf^>^srhT
1. ijit 2. ^^ 3. ^
1. ^ifW» ^^H 2. ^t^ 3. iff^, ijtrt
The common stems de and le usually suffer contraction by the
elision of their final vowel, and one more commonly hears ch
" give ! " fo " take ! " d{ingd " I will give," I6ngd " I will take,"
than the full forms.
The future and imperative follow the same rule as the aorist.
In the past participle of stems ending in d, T(^ is inserted before
the d of the termination, as ^ " come," p.p.p. ^-^-^ (WOT)}
in "find," Vflfn, ^ "eat," IQT^- But in the poets, especially
in Tulsi Das, instead of ^ we find 1^ commonly inserted. Thus,
irff filtM TW ^^ff ^fj 1)1^1 " In this way Ram explained to
all" (Ay-k. 467). ^IWT "came," IPTRT "made," XTTTT "found,"
ITRT "sang," for W«n, ^nTRIT, IJ^TT, TRTT respectively.
£abir uses both forms indifferently. Thus in Bam. 48, i. mRTT
"caused to read," mm "found," but in the next. Ram. 49, UTTT
and ^(PIT* In the fem. sing., however, and in the pL m. and
f., the junction-letter ^ is not used, thus ^Hf)^ "she came,"
ilirrt^ "she made," fem. sing., Hl%, m^ masc. pi. As all
248 OTHER VERBAI. FORMS.
causals end in d, these forms are of frequent occurrence, and
sometimes even an l[ is inserted, as i|«ll|,€||. In the old ha
future, the d of the stem and the initial i of the termination
frequently coalesce into ^, as —
^raj^ f^TO ^8iirw^ v^ \ftTrr i
** For a few days, mother, sustain thy courage,
Eaghubir iciU eome with the monkeys,
Slaying the demons, f€%ll carry thee off\
The three worlds, K&rada and all %haU iing his praise."
— Tolsi, BaoL, S.-k. S6.
where ^=^inflf, Bf|[ = ^fni!lf> *^^ ^*lf = Tnclf > "80 also we
find^ "they will find,'' for UTtI* mod- ''l^ (Tulsi, Ram.,
S.-k. 10). In other places, however, we find the junction-letter
'T, as irraff , ^iinrff , etc.
In Panjabi the junction-letter for the aorist, imperative, and
future is regularly ^, as ^|f% " he goes," WT^WT " he will go,"
but before o it is omitted, as WPRt " go ye," WTRt^ " y© will
go." For the past participle it is l[, as Ytl[^ " been," masc.
sing., and is omitted before e, as iftll "been," masc. pL In the
three first-named tenses the ^ is regularly inserted in pure P.,
but in speaking it is now sometimes, under the influence of
Hindi, omitted, and ^9n is heard instead of the more cha-
racteristic ^%^T*
In Sindhi all verbal stems end in a vowel, those stems, which
in other languages end in a consonant, having in that language
a short a or i. In this class of stems, before the neuter infini-
tive in HIJ, a ^ is inserted, as i| "fall," infin. fn(^ ; fif "bow,"
infin. f^nV* Before the active infinitive in 1[^ no junction-
letter is employed, as if " measure," infin. in[^-
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 249
Stems, whether active or neuter, ending in i and ti, and some-
times those ending in o, shorten those vowels in the infini-
tive, as —
iJt " driok/' iDfin. fqir^
^« string," „ JiriJ
^"wash," „ ^g^
'?ft " weep,'* „ Ull^
ft "be," „ jnr^
but, on the other hand, ^ "cany," has infin. lit^l^; and
stems in d, including causals, retain the long vowel, as —
ITR^ " speak/' iofio. J[|^||^U|
%^ '' cause to tnrn," „ Mi4^lf,UI*
The aorist follows generally the type of the infinitive, re-
taining the short vowel. In the persons ^ is inserted as in P.,
except before ti or o ; thus XTrt " I fall," is declined —
Sing. l.lTJrt 2.li^ S.vm. PI. LIT* 2.1?^ 3. IJ^.
The ^ may be dropped before 2 and 3 sing., as ^^ "thou
sayest," or "he says." The common verb f^H^ "to give,"
undergoes contraction in this, as in all the other languages ;
thus 2 sing. ^ "thou givest," not f^, 3 pi. 'ftf'l, not
Verbs ending in d insert ^ before d, ii, and o, as .^^Hlt " I
grow old," JJTra^" we grow old," jJ^TRlt "y© grow old."
The imperative and other tenses foUow the general rule,
which may, for Sindhi, and, to a great extent, for the other
languages also, be thus stated ; the junction-letters are ^ and
1^9 ^ is omitted before vowels of its own organ, as u and o, and
j( is omitted before f and e ; before d both are employed, but
preferentially ^ after short vowels, and J( after long ones.
Thus, in the present participle, which is used as a future, ^ is
either inserted or omitted, as —
250 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
JmH^ " to fall," 1|lh(t " fiiUing.'*
finrf " to drink," fini^ " drinking."
^IT^ ** to wash/' ^^^ " wasbiog."
Contraction also occurs^ as ^CW^ '^to speak," ^it^ (^^t^)
inr^ " to be," if^ (W^) ttWJ "to give," ^ {ft^)-
The past participle regularly ends in l[lhr or ^, and the in-
serted ^ is naturally dropped before it, thus —
^im makes ^4^, not ^^^.
'PT^ 9» 'rat »> irat (Old-H. ITRTT)-
If the stem ends in a palatal vowel or consonant, the % of the
termination is dropped, as —
f^ni?5 "to become," f^|^, not ljt^= fw + T^*
1^1 " to speak," ^^.
^itl}l| "to inquire," ^ot^t-
Passives naturally drop the euphonic ^ of the active infini-
tive before their palatal junction- vowel, as —
^^V " speak," Lnperfect 5f^, Passive ^tnC^TO '' to be spoken."
innj"faU," „ q^, „ in^ "to be fallen."
The stems quoted above, as shortening their radical long
vowel before the termination of the infinitive active, naturally
retain the long vowel in the passive, as —
ift " drink," ^fhV^ " to be drunk."
ij^" string," ^JTO " to be strung."
Vt " wasb," Vtl^^ra " be washed."
There is very little to notice, in this respect, about G. The
orthography of that language is still in so imfixed a state, that
it is impossible to seize upon any principles as to junction-
letters. One writer will insert them, whUe another omits them,
or the same writer will insert them on one page and omit them
on the next. Thus we find ftHi ft^> Vt^y ft^ written in-
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 251
differently, also ^^^ and 9fl[. Until the natives of that pro-
vince make up their minds as to how their language ought to
be spelt, it is impossible for foreigners to evolve any laws or
rules on the subject.
§ 78. Marathi is slightly more sensitive to hiatus, and has
a greater fondness for the ^-sound than the other languages.
There exists, consequently, in some persons of certain tenses, a
system of Sandhi for Tadbhava words and forms, which differs
in its general principles from that prevailing in Sanskrit. The
grammar-writers, unfortunately, either omit entirely or only
casuaUy note these important combinations. The following
remarks are offered as a contribution to the subject.^
The tenses of the M. verb, whose terminations begin with a
vowel, are the aorist, imperative, future, and subjunctive, also
the participles present and past, the conjunctive and infinitive.
These are for the neuter verb ; in the active verb the ^, which
is inserted between the stem and termination, causes a collision
of two vowels in the other tenses also. Yerbal stems ending in
all the vowels except a have here to be considered (khi " eat,"
pi "drink," ghe*' take").
Aorist, (in modem usage past habitual) —
SnrOXTLAK. PLVIIAL.
1.^ 2.Wlk^ 3.^. L^n* 2.191 3.^mfT.
1.^ 2.^«3Br S.^. 1.4V* 2.1^ 3.4hf-
1.^ 2.%t^ 8.^. L^ 2.^BT 8.^.
But in the 3 sing. ^, ift are used, so also ^9, ^?Qr in 2 sing.,
and in the 3 pi. the final f^ is elided. In 2 sing, both ^ and If
are changed to the palatal semivowel before d, though not
before &, so that we have XfTy WT side by side with tft* (not
1^), ^ (not ^).
* For the iUnstrations to this section I haye to thank Captain 0. A. Jacob,
Inspector of Schools, Pmi&, who kindly foniished me with details which are wanting
from most of the grammars.
252 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
In tlie future there is similarly in 2 pL ^rTW> WfM> WTW>
and so also in the imperative 2 pi. iqT> WT ; % '' come," makes
aorist 2 pi. ^^ future VJWf, and occasionally one hears ^ aorist
3 sing, for the more regular ^|^.
In the subjunctive the semivowel occurs again, as i^PTTy
^mfT, hut irnrr simply from %. This last verb should, by
analogy, form ^VTTTy but the double y in such a position would
be unpronounceable, and a single p is therefore exhibited. It
must not be supposed that the ^ of % has simply been dropped.
For the potential the termination of the present ^ might
have been expected to be simply added to the verbal stem, as
no hiatus would thus be caused. But the origin of this form
from the Skr. part, in if^ renders this course impossible. The
71 of IT^ having suffered elision, there naturally results an
hiatus. Thus from Ifllf^^o^, Pr. m|^^s| gives ^rnrT> the first
^ supplying the place of the lost i^, so that in the potential we
get not ^TRH* but W^^i(' Similarly ift^^'i %^^, ^^fW,
and even in stems ending in f , as fw[% '* write," fl|f€|ij)f.
Stems ending in u preserve the hiatus almost throughout,
thus dhu " wash " —
Aor. ^, ^. ^; ^. ^iprr (but WT).
Fut. y^, y^* ^5 ^^wir» ^^ftn-
Subj. ^1HI«|T or ^^TRT*
Pot. Vl^^.
In the present participle only if is added, not |^ or ^Rf , as
^rnr, ^fhT> %W, ^> ^> f^d in the past participle the semi-
vowel is generally used, as —
^ p.p- ^rnn"«aten.'^
%
9>
vrwr " put on.*'
^
*>
^Jrrar " feared.'*
tn
»»
l^TWr " brought forth."
^
»
Jtrrwn or ftir " drunk.
»»
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 253
Some stems avoid the hiatus by insertion of If, as ^^nfTy
VTTWr (see § 47), which is also used in some stems ending with
a consonant.
The conjunctive is laT^Rfif, ift^Tf, ^^ff, ^^3nf. These are
all the forms in which an initial vowel of a termination comes
in contact with a final stem- vowel, and it will be observed that
the change of the latter into a semivowel occurs generally
before a or 4, but not before i or 6. When the stem- vowel is u
or 0, the semivowel is added to, not substituted for, the vowel,
as in ^pnW(> iiot ^^CFTT* From this and other instances in
word-building, and in the formation of the case of the noun, it
would appear that the labial and palatal vowels are more per-
manent and less liable to change in Marathi than the guttural
voweL
It is somewhat difficult to follow the author of the Portu-
guese grammar of the Konkani dialect, in consequence of the
peculiarity of the system of transliteration which he uses, and
only half explains, but there would appear to be several forms
peculiar to that dialect. Thus he tells us that % makes its past
part, pelo or ailOy which latter he caUs ** marattismo," as if all
Konkani were not Marathi. ^ makes gheih (perhaps ^flfT),
as well as ghetlo (^TfWT)* Qhaid (l^) makes qheh (%wr)
** outros dizem qhailo " (^nTWT), ^^ adds, "ambos irregulares,"
though the latter, from a Marathi point of view, would be more
normal than the actually used ^grniTT* Perhaps the author
would call it a " marattismo." Generally speaking, it would
appear from the specimens of Konkani given by Bumell,^ that
the termination of the p.p. consists of ift> ift^ %> ^tc., added
to the stem without an intermediate vowel, as ^iV^[]9ft '' sat "
(M. ^^TOT), 11^ "feU" (M. inm), TT^ "remained" (M.
TTftlPjV), and the like.
The differences between Konkani and Marathi do not, I
^ Specimeiu of South Indian Dialects (Mangalore, 1872).
254 OTHER VERBAL FORMS.
think, entitle the former to be considered a distinct member of
the Aryan group, but rather a dialect of the latter, which has
been subjected very largely to Dravidian influences. Parallel
to it, on the opposite coast of India, is the Oriya spoken in
Ghoijam and Yizagapatam, which, though radically Oriya, has,
nevertheless, been much Dravidianized by the influence of the
Telugu which surrounds it. Both Ganjam Oriya and Kon-
kani Marathi show traces of this influence not only in pro-
nunciation, but even in structure. There is much to be said on
this subject, were this the proper place for it, and, from the
known results in languages under our own eyes of Dravidian
influences on Aryan speech, we might base considerations as to
the probable extent and nature of those influences in former
times. The subject would require a whole treatise to itself.
§ 79. In Bangali no attempt is made to avoid hiatus, the
verbs ending in vowels simply add the terminations without
any change. Thus ^ " go '* (pronounced yd), makes—
8INOULAB. PLUBAL.
Present ^m[5tf8f , subjunctive ^rnj^TfTT, and so on.
Contraction, however, takes place in the 3 pi. of the aorist,
as in ^if for ^QTiPfi IPI (hdn5) for ftiPI > and in the familiar
verb ^ " give," almost throughout ; thus we have —
BINOTJLAR. PLTJRJO..
Pres. 1. f^^f^, etc
Pret. l.fi^ 2.t^[fira 3.t^, Lf^lTR 2.t^ d.f^%ir
Fat. l.f^pr 2.f|[fir 3.t^. l.f|rir 2.fi[HToi 3.fi^%ir,
contracted from ^, ^f^^Hi^, ^l[^, ^l^'C* etc., respectively.
As a rule, however, though in ordinary speech many of the
forms of stems in vowels are very much contracted, yet in
OTHER VERBAL FORMS. 255
writing the full forms are always used. It is only in a few
very familiar words that the contractions are admitted into the
written style of the present day. The old poets, however,
writing more freely and naturally, employ them frequently.
Thus Bh^t Chandra, ^^^R ^ t'fUT WtTT ^€11,^1 " He
took Majumd&r along with him, having mounted him on a
horse '* (Mansingh, 417), where fifllT is for inCWTi from IH7I
"to take.** So he constantly uses IRI for ^ "says," as ^itZTfT
fTftRn ^m I ^rf|?l WR m f^ I "The Kotwal laughing, says.
Are you not ashamed to say so ?" (Bidyft-S. 356), also in for
^rffW> as fT9 fnr f^ ^^n f^/^^S^ " Alas ! alas ! what shall I
say to fate?" (ib. 360), and f^ for ^ aorist 3 sing., as ^VPl
n^^l ^Wya T^ t^ I'f^^ " ^i^ having given how much
pain, they give in between how much pleasure " {ib. 359).
The contractions admitted in Oriya are similar to those in
Bangali, but the language does not avoid the hiatus in any
way; and in both 0. and B. the terminations are almost
imiversally preceded by short i, which does not combine with
the preceding vowel, but in pronunciation often disappears
altogether. Thus they say, 0. i^TJ "wilt thou eat?" for
^nf^. In a few words the vowel of the root has gone out,
thus from WT " go,'* we have fwtf^ " I will go,'* for WTlt^ >
from "^ "remain,** infin. t%RT for ^rT^iTT; vn "find,** however,
retains its vowel, as iTT^f^, ^THCfW, ^ni[^. Also WT and 1|T
retain their vowels everywhere except in the preterite, future,
and infinitive.
CHAPTEE VL
THE PARTICLE.
CONTENTS.— § 80. Adts&bs Nominal and Pronominal.—} 81. Pronominal
Adverbs of Timb, Place, and Manner. — § 82. Adverbs Derived from
Nouns and Verbs.—} 83. Conjunctions. — } 84. Interjections. — } S6.
Postpositions. — } 86. Conclusion.
§ 80. The seven languages are rich in adverbs, and have a
speciaUy symmetrical range of pronominal adverbs, correspond-
ing to the several classes of pronouns. The forms were given
in Vol. II. pp. 336-38, in order to show their analogy to the
pronouns, but nothing was said in that place about their origin;
it will now be necessary to consider them more closely. The
pronominal adverbs may be at once assumed to have sprung
from the pronouns to which they respectively correspond, by
the incorporation of some noun indicative of time, place,
manner, and the like. On the other hand, the adverbs which
have no pronominal meaning are clearly derived from various
cases of noims, whether substantives or adjectives. Participles,
also, in virtue of their seminominal character, are used ad-
verbially, either in their original form, or with certain modifi-
cations. Adverbs, therefore, may be divided into two classes,
nominal and pronominal, with reference to their origin, and
into three general categories of time, place, and noianner, with
reference to their meaning. To these must be added adverbs
of confirmation and negation, and certain little helping words
which are more adverbial in their nature than anything else.
It is also to be noted that, while on the one hand simple nouns
are often used adverbially, on the other hand, adverbs are
THE PARTICLE. 257
capable of being uBed as noons with postpositions after them,
as in H. irW ^ WTW, lit. " the word of then," i.e. " the matter
that took place then," IR % ^J^ ^ff " the kings of now,"
i.e. ''those of the present day."
§ 81. (1). Pronominal adverbs of time. — ^The near demonstra-
tive is H. IR, G. ^, M. l[^ft> 0. in|. All these hang to-
gether, and are apparently compounds of the Skr. ^WT " time,"
with the tjrjw of the demonstrative K, ^, or H. The fuller
form in 0. shows this, it is 1^ ^(is, which is clearly the loca-
tive case of a masculine ^W^ literally, '' in so much time." G.
has prefixed a |[, but many words in G. may be indifferently
written with ^ or H; there is, therefore, nothing organic about
this letter when met with in this connection. In M. |Q[t also
the |[ seems to be somewhat anomalous. There are also, how-
ever, many other forms for " now " in the various languages,
which appear to be unconnected with ^ITT.
Hindi is mostly, however, faithful to the type in ^; thus in
Braj ^A, Marwari ^^, and still more clearly Bhojpuri '^hCy
which approaches to the 0. 1^. The same type runs through
all the pronominal forms, as HW " whenever," iflf " then," ^m
"when." Bhojpuri %^, ?ft^, i|ihC, Braj l|%, ^, n%. The
Skr. forms 1R[T, K^9 1^ appear in H. ^, ^, ^, and in
the dialectic forms, H^, W^, ^1^, ^R^ty ^nt ; &8 also if^, etc.,
1^, etc. ; the forms with the palatal and labial vowels have, I
think, arisen from the incorporation of the affirmative particle
^ or Jf " indeed," of which more further on.
Panjabi W^» Gt. S. YT%9 B. 1[^R, and a dialectic form in 0.
^s^, all meaning "now," are to be referred, as the B. form
clearly shows, to the Skr. ^Hf " instant, moment." For the
rest of the series P. has ir^, IR[, ^. S., however, has
another type flJ^IT, V^ "now," in which we may, perhaps, see
the Skr. ^nw " time," combined with the pronoun f^ " this ; "
VOL. m. 17
268
THE PARTICLB.
for the other members of the series it has llf%^ " whenever,"
Tlf^fY "then," ^if^ff "when P" which arise from the Skr. ^^,
etc., with the emphatic l|1f, which has changed the preceding
vowel into the i which is so common in S. They also write
^nff and ^TVlf as dialectic variations ; also Ift, lit (hut not ^),
where the ^ of if^ has suffered elision.
G. has, besides f^, also ^|7!irt» Y^rat> and for the rest iNl^,
Tlm^!, ^Tf^, commonly contracted into tCI^, etc., in which
we see the Skr. irnC "time." Owing to the G. peculiarity in
respect of initial ^, we have also ^Rmt^ and with a modernized
form of Skr. ^nr "here," ^nvi^ (^HT ^IT^) "at this time,"
" now."
M. is consistent throughout 1(!^, ^Bffy Tt^fty %^Sft- lu
Old-M. forms %V^9 etc., occur, showing that the modem ^
rA is an inversion from ^ ^^* ^^ suggested origin from Skr.
11^, by aspirating the ^ and adding ^, the termination of
the locative (Godbol, p. 75), is unsatisfactory. M. has also a
series ^, etc., meaning " while," " as long as," which recalls
H. HW with inorganic anun&sika.
0. has the fuller forms, %7| ^§^, etc., and %^ explaioed
above ; the former is quite as frequently used as the latter, if
not more so. " Time is made for slaves," and not for Oriyas,
B. irepf , TraR, etc., uniformly, pronounced /dMdn oxj6khbn6,
etc. H. adds constantly ^ for emphasis, as ^pfY ** i^^w "
(19^^), ipft " sometimes " (iHlf^), and with the negative ^nft
inpf " never."
For the indefinite pronominal adverb " ever," " sometimes,"
the other languages have, P. ^r^^ ('I^), ^I^, ^, S. WWH,
G. ^R^, M. wS\, B. 'WR, 0. ^, '^S^. All these are re-
peated to signify "sometimes," as P. 11^ ^R^, M. ^i^ ^wt.
The above express definite or quiescent time ; for progressive
time, whether past, as " since," or future " until," the adverbs
above given are used as nouns with case-affixes. Thus H. HW
% "from now," "henceforth," j^ % "thenceforth," in %
THE PAKTICLB. 269
" since when P*' ini % "from the time when," or with the older
affix If in the poets, as in nwlf JJR Wfff ^ ITf^ I "From the
time when Eam married and came home" (Tulsi-E&m,
Ay-k. 5), P. W^, S. ^rifT4t> ^rfifNt, «iftfl*<; ^liere
lit is probably a shortened form of W^, an oblique from 1|^,
which we may connect with HTW " time," as in tfW^ " now."
The long d or o oi jadihd, jadiha, as contrasted with the i
of ^ifVff, seems to indicate an oblique form. G. f4|^|^
" henceforth," ^A||<^, and appar^itly also 9I||^^, and the
rest of the series. They also say HMTT ^wft "henceforth."
M. uses ini or Tff^, which are not pronominal. Neither B.
nor O. have special forms for this idea.
To express "until" in Old-H. ^ffif, lft> ifti in modem H.
W^9 1!^m> and m, are affixed to the pronominal adverb, as in
Chand—
ifw ^fft n^ ^ff wni n
" Till then, pain and poverty of body,
Till then, my limbs were light {i.e. mean),
So long as I came not to thee,
And worshipped not at thy feet. — Pr.-R, i. 276.
Here, as always in H., the negative has to be inserted, and
we must translate HW Wt'T by " so long as." This idiom is not
peculiar to H., but is found in many other languages. In
modem Hindi ^ni <WI T'W ^IT 'it w(f ^C^ " So long as E&m
comes not home," i.e. " until he comes," and the same in P.
S. has ^^ or H^Rf?rrij " up to this time," "^liWRf or f)iil[^l\
" up to that time," where 7nij> as explained in Vol. II. p. 298,
is Skr. ^TPI, which, from meaning " in the pl4ce," has grown
to mean "up to." ^, I suppose, is a contraction of ^RRT
" time."
(2). Pronominal adverbs of place. — See list in Vol. II. p. 336.
260 THE PARTICLE.
The Hindi seriee llft> ^Tft) ^Ifty 7Ift> ^Ifty is composed of the
pronominal bases with ff^ which we are justified in referring
to Skr. ^in^ ; thus Hft^ IPVi^* ^^ dental is preserved in
seyeral dialectic forms (Kellogg, p. 265), as Marwari ^|^, ^f3t»
t^ " here," ^, etc., " there," Avadhi HfSnt^ ^iftfiwt* Bhoj-
puri ifart, imij. But the Braj ^, XjK, is, I tiiink, by
Kellogg rightly referred to the Skr. series ^fif , 7T^, etc. The
Bundelkhandi form ITnft is probably only another way of pro-
nouncing Wrl^y ^ we find in Old-Bengali such words as lifllf^
for li^rl^ (modem mil|,VO- "^^ athdne, also, are to be ascribed
the P. forms )|[^, ^^, etc. S. has not only jfii, f^lf^, etc.,
which may come from ^fif , ipf, but )|[^, which agrees with P.,
and ffp{, which is, I suspect, like fffii^ " one," an instance
of a ^ being put on to the front of a word without any etymo-
logical cause.
G. has various forms ^itft, ^Wft, ipfi, ^w(t^ "here," and
the same variety through aU the series. The adverbial part
agrees with H. Shortened forms W\f Wty Wt> aiid even l|t>
^, ^, are also in use.
M. agrees closely with P. and S. in its series ^fif , Ijjif, etc.,
where the final anusw&ra, like that of Bhojpuri 1C3T^9 preserves
the n of athdne. But lif^ " where," has the cerebral.
0. having first made athdna into 7r> proceeds with the de-
clension through its own affixes, and has thus a modem locative
"31^, in TCTT^, %3T^. The final ^ is often dropped, and H^,
%3T> or even shortened i[f^, %f7 are used. B. uses ^n%y
which seems to come from ^n^ on the analogy of ^|)ft=^thf
(Var. iii. 14) and ^rn|=Vnf (ib. iii 15). For "where,"
however, it has a more regular form ^it^> in older Bengali
'ft^TO, as TTTT 'Hf ^RnUrf^ "^TICW 'ft^TO " Where shall I
find a female saint like herP" (Bharat, Bidya-S. 399), where
the final IT for l( is a relic of the e of athdne. We also find
\lIT and^^ni " here," etc.
THE PABTICLB. 261
In the case of the adverbfl of this group, as in those of time,
the case-affizes are used, as H. ^Rft % " from where P "
"whence?" a.^lt|t^"hence/'P.ftRi^ "whenceP'' Butthis
practice is only in force to imply motion from a place. To
express motion towards a place a separate set is used.
In classical H. the adverbial element is \|^, as l[^
"hither/* ^Hl^ "thither.'' The dialectic forms are very
various. Bhojpuri has IFR|^, ^fT> ^ *^ "^^ ^^'^j ®^- 5 ^
eastern Behar one hears ipf^, ^TT' <^^ many others. Kellogg
quotes also a curious form from B.iw& K^ %9f , 1^ ^PJ^> or l^
H^. If we take the original of all these forms to be VT> ^^^^
is a word of many meanings both in Skr. and H. ; but I am
disposed to connect the series with M. VftT *' f^6," G. iftf^
id.f a diminutive from Skr. ^^, so that the older adverbial
element would be Vfi^, as in Bhojpuri, whence '^j which
would, by a natural process, glide into i^ and ^Jf^. For the
Illw& form I can suggest no origin.
The S. and M. forms seem to be connected, and with them I
would associate the common 0. expressions H m^ " in this di-
rection," "hither" (^ m^, lit ^n%, etc.), which are loca-
tives, and H ^OM, etc., "from this place," "hence," which
are ablatives. The Sindhi adverb, as usual in that language, is
written in a dozen ways, but the simplest form is |[% " hither,"
and l[lt " hence," which, like O., are respectively locative and
ablative. Marathi has what is apparently a fuller form l[^l%
"hither," locative, where the adverbial portion is ifl "a side,"
said to be from Skr. "^Z '^ hip, loin." It has also an ablative
series l^^ll^ " hence." May we not here throw out a crumb
for our Non- Aryan brethren P There is a long string of words
in our seven languages of the type adda, and our Sanskrit
dictionaries give V^OT "to join," also "to stop." On the
other hand, Telugu has ikkada "here," ikkadiki "hither,"
which looks very like M. ikade. So, also, in Telugu akkada
" there." All the Dravidian languages have a root add, which.
262 THE PARTICLE.
in varions forms, has a range of meanings sach as ''to be near/'
*' close," " to cross," " to stop," and the like. They may have
borrowed from the Aryans, or the Aryans from them. It by no
means follows, as the opposite party always assume, that when
a word is common to both groups, it must have been originally
Dravidian. In the 0. expression ^HT^ is a noun meaning
''direction," and is used in that sense independently of its
adverbial employmBnt with the pronoun.
(3). Pronominal adverbs of manner. — ^The Hindi series iff,
^^f Wff etc., and for the near demonstrative and interrogative
respectively softened forms yi and ^, vary very little in the
dialects. Marwari has ^, ^i^ "thus," and, together with
Braj and Mewari, has the far demonstrative, which is wanting
in the classical dialect, ^ or ^. Mewari adds if^ and in 9 as
ij^, k^ " thus," which Kellogg looks on as from Skr. IT and
iflf respectively, and rightly so ; for even in classical H. we have
^|||1^ "howP" and in Ohand and the poets ^jf^ or ^ (%) are
added to all this pronominal series at will.
The older form of this group is still preserved in the Purbi
form XjR or ffii, ^ifir, fiffi!* Chand has both this series and
the modem one in ^, as ^ Hf^ VcJM ^HTOJI I "Thus the
Rishi was absorbed in thought" (Pr.-R. i. 48), nff 1[f HIW
init'f I ^ WrPl ^M^ WW I " Thus this story is proved, its
learned folk know " {ib. xiii. 5), M^^l^lA 11? % ^W(t I fTft
TW HftrrW I " King Prithiraj, rejoicing, thus (ima) led away
Padm&vati " (ib. xx. 35), Hft^ ^f f^l^ iRni I "Sow can one
go there P" (ib. L 90). Tulsi Das has l[fif, f^tfi^, etc., as in
K^ ^^ ^i^^ f^lfiT W^ft "Her body was in a sweat, she
trembled as a plantain-tree (trembles)." — ^Bam. Ay-k. 131.
M. may be excluded, as it has no series of this type, but
merely the neuter of the adjective pronoun, as inf^ ^i%> ^»
All the other languages have closely allied words. B. ipRm^
ipni > ipi%> ipnij " thus," ^^^f etc. ; the first two are nomi-
natives, the last two locatives. O. ipifH, iNffVy locatives ; also
THE PARTICLE. 263
It ^rf^> *te pronominal type, with a postposition. G. ipf , ^^,
where the termination has been lost, also for demonstrative
'^^|^. This series is sometimes written W^, W^9 W^, hut %9f
is the more common, as in ^ftfn ^^ ^fBS ^ f^lj\i| i|if ^^W W[
Vl^ ^(^ n ''The fame of Nala was spread abroad, as spread
the rays of the sun " (Premftnand in H.-D. ii. 71).
Next in order comes the Old-Purbi H. jfil, etc., and, with
the nasal weakened, probably through an intermediate form
^, and change of the semivowel to its vowel, P. ^^ and ^^
aiun, and the full series fS|^, fTT^y f^i^y as well as one
without the «, H^, wi, etc., to which is allied H. wff, etc.,
for fwi' S. rejects the labial element in i[^, ifNl, f^t ^^^
the rest of the series.
In this instance B* and 0. preserve the fuller forms, and the
other languages f aU away by degrees, in the order given above.
The whole group points, in my opinion, clearly to a type in W[^
or in^. This is still more clearly seen by comparing the pro-
nominal adjective of quality in B. and 0. %iT^, iNf^, for
TfilJt is the regular Prakrit form of the masc. 7T?t> j^^^ ^ ^^
is of int ^ ^^' I^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^ the existing Skr. series means
rather quantity than manner, thus —
jytm,* X^(^f T^^ " «> much,'*
filing " how much ? **
IPTRT'C. •'nfV> •^ " 80 much,"
^n^^ " ^^ much as."
But the affixes mat and vat imply possession, and thus naturally
pass over into the idea of manner. It seems that we have in
the modem group this affix added to the ordinary range of
pronominal types, and thus a formation of a later kind, rather
than a direct derivation from the Skr. Kellogg's suggestion of
a derivation from a Skr. series in tha, of which only ittham and
katham are extant in the classical writings, fails to account for
264 THE PAKTICLE.
the Old-Purbi and Gt. forms, as well as for those in B. and O.
Also the S. form {^ seems to be more naturally referred to an
earlier emana, through et^n, than to iUham, unless, indeed, we
regard the anusw&ra as inserted to fill the hiatus left by elision
of tth. S. does, undoubtedly, insert anusw&ra to fill a hiatus ;
but as the cognate languages have a H just where the annsw&ra
in S. occurs, it is more natural to regard the one as a weakening
of the other, and the final anusw&ra in H. and P. as the same,
pushed one syllable forwards, so that H. Qiff would be for an
older form fH^, As the change, whatever it was, was com-
pleted before our earliest writer Chand's days, there is no
actual proof forthcoming.
§ 82. Adverbs derived from nouns and verbs. — Under this
head may be classed certain words such as those given in
YoL II. p. 296, which are either postpositions or adverbs,
according to the connection in which they are used. In either
case they are, by derivation, locative cases of nouns. Some are
peculiar to one or two languages, while others are common, in
one form or another, to the whole group. I do not, of course,
undertake to give them all, but only a selection of those most
commonly used, so as to show the practice of the languages in
this respect. There are, for instance, H. nnl " before," and
if^ ''behind," which are used adverbially in the sense of
" formerly " and " afterwards " respectively, that is, with
reference to time, and in this sense take, like the pronominal
adverbs, the case-affixes, as IRli) lit WHT '* the former matter,"
lit. "the matter of formerly," ift^ % f^ ?f ^tit^ ^ "I
will not tell the suffering that followed," lit. "the suffering
of afterwards." So also with ifti| "below," and the other
words given at Vol. 11. p. 296.
Strictly referring to time definite are H. W^ "to-day,"
P. imr, S. ^, etc. (Vol. I. p. 327), from Skr. ^IW; also
H. ^nr irom Skr. int ^^ dawn." This word has two meanings.
THE PAKTICLE. 265
it is used for both " yesterday " and " to-day." In rustic H.
we have the forms ^nw? Wlf^, ^KT^y and W^ (see YoL I.
p. 350). As the Skr. means only "dawn" in general, it is
used in the modems in the double sense^ but in oases where the
meaning might not be clear from the context, a word meaning
past is employed when '^ yesterday" is intended, and a word
meaning future when '^ to-morrow " is implied. It also takes
case-affixes, as ^nr ^ W¥rt^ W ^ETfUW JHH "^^ ^^^^ wounded in
yeaterday'B battle," but ^m *t WlfTi; % ^ifi^ ^TRW Wd " If I
shall be wounded in to-morroufB battle." G. in%, S. W^>
liPff , M. wwr.
So also are used the following : — Skr. TT^Cll^ " the day after
to-morrow." In the modems it has also the sense "the day
before yesterday," as H. iT^ihf, and dialects MillfV? ''iT^j ^HCt.
P. M<^9 S. i|ft^, MPC^^t) seem to be used only in the first
meaning. G. ^^, M. XT^^. 0. has IT^ always in combi-
nation with f^, and where the sentence does not of itself
sufficiently indicate the meaning, they add the words " gone "
and " coming " to express it more clearly, iRf ^ t^ " the
day before yesterday," and ^UrttWT ^T t^ "the day after
to-morrow."
H. goes a step further still, and has in;^ " three days ago,"
or "three days hence," where the first syllable is probably
Skr. f^ " three." Similarly S. Hf?C^, but also with rejection of
initial ^, ^Vf^. Kellogg quotes dialectic forms in H. l|?nc^>
T^> ^irt* In H. we have even a still further ii<^ " four
days ago," which is rarely, however, used, and the initial of
which, I conjecture, comes from ^Rf, as though it were for
^W 91 <^ " another day (besides) three days ago."
H. ^B^hC "early," "betimes," and ^%^, or more usually ^|ihq
" late," are Skr. ^ and K, compounded with ^ITT respectively.
S. ^BihC and ^li^, also ni)w> besides the adjectivally used forms
^%^ and H^nrt) as well as ^%fft* In this sense is also used
H. ?nn%> ^PH^* O. and B. M?. ; in 0. it is frequentiy used in
266 THE PARTICLE.
the sense of "early in the morning/* also "early t<hmorrow
morning," as ^Hfftr imc MlR^ fft ^WT% ftPj " To-day we
shall not be able to go, we will go early to-morrow morning.
H. here uses TRlil, conjunctive participle of IT^ifT "to break,
as we should say "at break of day;" also ^ftT "dawn,
is used in H. and 0., ift^ in B. for " at dawn ; " where Gt. has
^If ltn> M. ^9Wt (Skr. ^8^ " sunrise"). Common also is Skr.
IRTnl, B. id., Q, il^irn}, of which the Oriyas make iniT^ "^*
dawn;" in Eastern Bengal one hears VJ^* The H. ^ft^ is
probably connected with the Skr. V^n in some way not very
clear. G. has a curious word 4ldb^^ "at dawn," probably
connected with 4|db^ "to meet," and, like Skr. 1P6VT> indi-
cating the meeting of darkness and light.
"Rapidly," "quickly," "at once." — ^This idea is expressed
by derivatives of the Skr. VlT^, principally from the p.p.p.
Wt\d*i, which is used adverbially already in Skr. The forms
are : H. g<|f , M. 7J^, G. 7[KJ(> ^TT'f > W^> S. 1J^, 0. B. ^^,
Wf^. M. has a peculiar word m^ "at once, quickly,"
Skr. Wf (Vm "to cut") "a minute," M. W^ "to flash,
twitch, move quickly." It is not found in any other language.
Commoner, however, is H. ^[Z " quick I " reduplicated ^fZ^Zf
M. lT5<l«f, S. Ufiwft and ^ftirfz, 0. jfZ, HCTZ, B. ijfe,
from Skr. uf^tTT- " Immediately " is also expressed in M. by
IT^^nWy 0. and B. Wl^ ^raTP^^ ^nt these are pedantic. H. P. M.
and S. have also a word 1|'«||«|«| ; H. also ^^1^4 " suddenly,"
"unexpectedly," corresponding to which is G. 1WT^> ^lltf^n?t>
pointing to a derivation from K and Vt^'iJ "to think," though
I am disposed also to remember Skr. f|4|<^K, H. ^tm, in this
connection. 0* and B. use l|7n^, literally ablative of Skr. ^,
meaning "by force." It is used generally of sudden and
forcible action, but also in sentences where no force, only sur-
prise, or a sudden fright, occurs. Similarly in H. and G.
l[^rnE^ " all of a sudden," M. limil4Y> are used.
Among adverbs of place, considerable divergences exist, each
THE PARTICLE. 267
language haying a large stock of words peculiar to itself, in
addition to those which are common to the whole group.
Sindhi is rich in words of this class, most of which are of some-
what obscure origin. Thus we find a small group with the
typical ending in If, as ^R[^ "opposite," ^t¥t "near,"
^f^O diminutive of the preceding. Peculiar to S. is also
^Ijt "near," with its diminutive %fijft. ^IVt "accompanied
hy," O. WS[\, is by Trumpp referred to Skr. m^ " with," and
^nit "near," to itff?f, probably correctly. See the remarks
on the postposition % in Vol. II. p. 274, and on the Nepali
ablative in tlW, Vol. II. p. 235. From adverbs with the
affixes mft and ^^ are formed certain adjectives which may,
in their turn, be again used adverbially as well as adjectively,
that is, they may either stand alone uninflected, or may agree
with a substantive in gender and number. Thus —
Ifft^ " 00 this side," ^tTT^ " somewhat on this side.'*
^Vnl " in froot," 1||J||^ "somewhat in front."
iftl^ "behind," ^ftl[7TT^ " somewhat liehind.
9f^ ** upon," 4|m^ " somewhat higher up.
^ } " somewhat inside."
This last word recalls the old poetic Hindi TnjTT ^^^ ^
Chand (see YoL II. p. 293). They may also take the feminine
ending ^mft> as ^^imft, WTlff-^
Simple ablatives or locatives of noxms are also used ad-
verbially,
99
»
^T! ) " from behind," abl. of ^^ " the rear."
^f^Ht " from behind," „ jft " the haclc."
1 Trampp, Sindhi Grammar, p. 886.
268 THE PARTICLE.
Jm\ ** from apon," abl. of 9fWt ** ^^ head.
i|% id. loc. of id.
»>
abl. of id.
ifpj « at aU," „ ifTH " place.'
J(f^ « completely," „ WW " capital/' " stock-in-trade.'*
Si-
Yf^f^ ** before," loc. of <Rl|^ ** begtiiniog.''
^i^ id. abl. of id.
in^ ** on the other side," loc. of XTT^ ** the other side."
Ill^l "from the other side," abL of id.
i|f^ " within," loc. of ^^ ** the inside."
^^^' } « from within," abl. of id.
f^ '< in the midst," loc of f^ *' the midst."
VjY « at all," „ f^ " the core."
^ " below," „ ^ « the bottom."
\st "fr^m below," abl. of id.
Sindhi thus preserves the case-endings more strictly than the
other languages. The latter mostly take the Prakrit locatiye,
or ablative, and entirely reject the terminations.
Hindi has ^vn " elsewhere," Skr. ^pq^, f^T^H^ " near," also
i|^ (dialectically ij^ and iN^) ; "H^ " on the other side," iftUT
"within," Skr. Wn^, Wrflk. ^Tf^ "outside," Skr. 'qff^,
and others.
M., like S., has Tlf^, but in the sense of "before," also ^
" before," T|WRf " beyond," ^ " above," 1RT9S " near," which
are peculiar to itself. In the other languages there is nothing
deserving special mention ; the subject has already been treated
in Vol. II. p. 296.
Adverbs of manner. — ^While the adverbs of place, being also,
in their nature, postpositions, and as such used to form cases, do
not caU for special mention, adverbs of manner are not so used,
THE PARTICLE. 269
and it is to them that the term adyerb^ in its more special
sense, correctly applies. Such words as Age ** before/' ptchhe
"behind," and the others, may, indeed, be properly regarded
as adverbs when they are nsed alone, but when in conjunction
with nouns, they become true postpositions, giving to the rela-
tions of the noun a more extended application. Adverbs of
manner, on the other hand, are, for the most part, adjectives
used adverbially, and this practice is common in all Aryan
languages. In Sindhi, which preserves distinctions obUterated
in the other languages, adjectives may, as pointed out above, be
used adverbially by being undeclined, or, in their true use as
adjectives, by agreeing with the subject in gender and case.
Thus, to quote the instances given by Trumpp.-i
"By chance one mouse made a hole near that granary."
Here ochitchi is an adjective in the nom. sing. masc. with
emphatic I, and although by the accident of the construction it
is in the same case as the subject kiie " a mouse," yet it is evi-
dently used adverbially*
^^tS^^Sik ^m^ ^M&l ^MB^M ^^^^^ ^^L^ ^^B^B ^ ^ ^
11*11 W^ fTT WW ^WIT Tnt 'n^ *IKWRl
'' Then having shed tears much, having wept much, his mother
retnmed."
Here ghario is an adjective in the nom. sing, masc., and
clearly does not agree with mdu " mother," which is feminine ;
it must be regarded as used adverbially.
" The winds strike hot, the days bum fiercely."
In this sentence I do not think we should regard the
adjectives as used adverbially ; ^i* " winds," is a noun in the
nom. pi. f em. and ijlfll^ " hot " agrees with it, so also ^(ff
1 Sindhi Granunar, p. 3S6.
270 THE PAKTICLB.
" days," is nom. sing. masc. and TTIT " fierce, excessiye " (Skr.
fj^), agrees with it ; so that we might more literally translate,
'^ the hot winds strike, the fierce days bum."
In Marathi and Ghijarati also^ where adjectives have the
full range of three genders, they are often made to agree with
the noun in constructions, where in English they would be used
adverbially. When intended to be adverbially used, they stand
in the nom. sing, neuter, ending in*^ M. and ^ G. In Bengali
and Oriya, where no gender exists^ it is impossible to draw the
same line of distinction, and this remark applies also to that
numerous class of adjectives in Hindi and Panjabi, as also in
aU the other languages, which are indeclinable^ or which, ending
in mute a, do not vary their terminations. Those adjective in
H. and P. which end in d masc. and i fem., when used ad-
verbially, stand in the former gender and do not vary with
the noun.
§ 83. Conjunctions. — ^In Hindi the common word for " and "
is iftr, Old-H. ^RH, ^T^, from Skr. Hin; " other." In B.
and 0. it loses the final consonant, B. ^, 0. ^f^. In B.,
however, ipt, pronounced ebong, is very common; and ^RT^
" also." P. ^B, often shortened into %, probably from Skr.
irt?l "at the end," "afterwards," as well as IT^ (^HIT)-
S. "W^, '^T^, ^ or ^, in which the fondness of S, for the
t-sound comes out. G. uses generally TfRT literally "then."
It has besides K and ^ for " also," which belong to the group
from ^|xnC. G. ^|%, shortened if, I am disposed to connect
with P. "^y and ascribe to Skr. ^7). In the former case the
71 has been lost, in the latter the if. It may, however, be
allied to M. Wfl^> "VIP^ " and," from Skr. ^nif " other." In
all the languages, however, the shorter conjunction ^ is in use,
side by side with the words given above. The ordinary Skr.
ff has left no descendants. The Ghipsies use te or ta, which
agrees with P., also u, which is Persian J.
THE PARTICLE. 271
" Also."— H. Ht, Skr. lrfi| ff, Pr. t^ ff . The various steps
from ^vfi| downwards are all retained in S. fff, f^, fH (for
fwff )» and ^. The other forms ^, ^f^> f^!fir» <^^ trom Skr.
^ir^ ''again/' and show a gradual change from the u to the i, in
accordance with S. proclivities. P. WTafe means literally " near
to," locative of irRB " near." G. ^, meaning also " but," is
from ^^. B. uses ^, and 0. fif.
" But " is very frequently expressed even in Hindi by the
Arabic words %f^ {J^f Tirftl ^^4^> *^^ Persian '^WK.Ji^ ;
and in the other languages also. Pure Sanskrit are Xft^ &nd
f^iilj, as well as WTW (Skr. ^^. In Hindi IT^ (Skr. Vft) is
also used, and in P., which also uses ^l^nc, and a strange form
^IT^, in the initial syllable of which we may recognize an in-
corporation of the near demonstrative pronoun, so that it means
"rather than this." P. has also ?nprt, inff, probably cor-
ruptions of JU . Peculiar to P. and S. are the forms P. ^flrfj
S. !f^, f^> and emphatic fTtlt and Y'^tic "but rather."
These are ablatives from ^, and the idiom may be paralleled
by our English phrase " on the other hand." S. has also ir^
" but," and xi^, in which latter it agrees with G. It also uses
l|9lfX, having added a final i to JU. G. and M., in addition
to ITOT? use also m(7f, 0. f^VifT and IT^, B. f^ii|J and ^^.
" Or."— H. WT, ^PiniT, which are Skr., with ^ for ^. The
Arabic ^ b is very common, and commoner still is fi|,
probably shortened from Skr. fUmj. This fi| is colloquially
common in nearly all the languages. G. writes it %, where
e is short. M. lengthens the vowel and retains the nasalization
Iff, also using ^|^Tr> as does G. P. %, ^n^J, and ^. S. %
and lit. B. uses several varieties of f^im, as f^psfTy f^RTy f^f
and m, also ^mrwr* 0. the same.
" If." — Skr. l(f^9 generally pronounced and written ^|f^, is
universal. H. shortens it into K^ and % ( = ^, with loss of
}^ and ^, by rejection of final i, and ^ goes out, its place
272 THE PAETICLJB.
being supplied by ^ and ^; thus in[= m= ir9=: ^. Persian
^W^^ is also very common. P. i) and %1FIC- This last in-
troduoes ^ for nf^ " having done. '' S. i|.
" Although."— Skr. iRfir is used in B. 0., also in H., but
more common is lit ^ "if even." P. has wfif > literally " one
may think," or ''it may seem." B. also uses H^ iRt "if
even." S. ^ft%, ^^ft%> sometimes with i| prefixed, % ^ft%;
this, too, is literally '' if even," for 7ft% alone is used to mean
"either," "even," and is apparently really the correlative ift
(;if^=l|f^) with a diminutive affix. It is not found in the
other languages. G. ijt Vi^ " but if." In all cases there is a
correlative; thus to H. ^ or ^ ^ answers ift or ift ^
"then," or "even then;" to P. ^l^ answers IfflfV; to Q-. ^
jpf, answers ift V^f ^^^ ^ ^ ^ ^ S- ^^^ ^v ^ ^ written
H., the correlative is Skr. inqifll " yet."
" Because." — ^H. ^ijf^ literally " for why." B. and O. use
Skr. ^nrW "cause," and % f^ or % ^^. Gt- wH, probably
Skr. 7fTf^|%, which is also sometimes used in 0. in the sense of
" only," " merely," " for the simple reason that." Q-. has also
^|IT% ""for why," and shorter ^rt%» S. iNrt> %^, where the
last syllable is for WTlt " ^^^ " (see Vol. II. p. 260). S. also uses
a string of forms with IfJ " why ? " as I^T^y IfT Wn[, and
Ift Tn, ^ 'it. The correlatives " therefore," etc., take the "If
form ?J^ " etc."
These instances may suffice to show the general principles on
which the languages proceed in forming their conjunctions.
There is, as in other respects, a general similarity of process,
accompanied by variations of development.
§ 84. Interjections. — ^The various spontaneous or involun-
tary sounds, some of them hardly articulate, by which sudden
emotions are expressed, are scarcely susceptible of Hgid scien-
tific analysis in any language. Everywhere we find ha ! ho !
or ah I oh ! and the like. Surprise, fear, disgust, delight, and
THE PARTICLE. 273
otlier sentiments are often displayed by grunts, sliakes, turns
of the head, or movements of the hands, and among the people
of India the hands play so large a part in conversation that
they may almost be said to speak for themselves. It is only
the Englishman who can converse with his hands in his
pockets.
In Hindi the principal interjections are %, ^, ^ITft, ^
" Ho ! " or "Oh ! " % is used to superiors, as % ^jhStTOTT "
incarnation of justice ! " which is the common method of ad-
dressing a Magistrate or Judge, % T[^ " Lord ! " % fvRn **0
father ! " ft, ^nft> and ^, have no special tone of respect or
disrespect. Sorrow is shown by ^, '^n%, flU, ^ ^, ^V^
" alas ! " whence the common cry of native suitors, or persons
applying to a ruler for redress, ^t^TH literally " twice alas ! "
One often hears dohde khuddwand, dohde Angrez Bahddiir,
which is as much as to say " grant me justice," or " listen to
my complaint.*' Others are f^ f^ " fie ! " ^ " hush ! '^ ^ff ,
^Jtf " ah ! " a cry of pain ; .^ IJ^ disgust ; fTf %^, an
expression with a suspicion of indelicacy about it, like too
many of the native ejaculations, meaning "begone," and at
times with a menacing tone " how dare you P " I suspect the
word now spelt ipf was originally '^ from fZWT "to go away,"
" be stopped," and ?IkV ^'^ feminine genitive of H "thou," is
explained by such filthy expressions as ?|^ ?rr " thy mother."
Two men are quarrelling, and one says to the other " &h, terl
mft," " oh thy mother." The person addressed at once under-
stands that some gross and filthy insult to his mother is in-
tended, for indiscriminate foul abuse of each other's female
relations is a favourite weapon with the natives of India.
Thus the innocent word ^mTT or "IJTWT " brother-in-law," has
become the lowest term of abuse in these languages, the obscene
imagination of the people immediately grasping the idea in-
volved in this assumption of relationship.
Panjabi has mostly the same as Hindi. A very favourite
VOL. lU. 18
274 THE PARTICLE.
interjection of surprise with Panjabis, though it is also used by
the other languages, is ifTf , and doubled inV ^bHY* The simple-
minded Panjabi says " wfth ! w&h ! *' to every new thing he
sees, and this favourite exclamation helps to form the once
terrible war-cry of the fighting Sikhs, '^ %cdA wAh ! faMh
gurujl!**
All the other languages have these common interjections,
several of which are also Persian or Arabic more or less cor-
rupted. Thus the Persian ^b Jll shdd bdsh, " be joyful !'' is
used everywhere as a term of encouragement, "well done!"
and is used to stimulate workers to increased efforts, to express
approbation, or to kindle flagging courage. It appears mostly
without the J, as ahabdsh, shabdshe, sabda, according to the
language in which it is used.
A few special remarks are due to a very widespread word
which is claimed by the Non-Aryan writers, ^|%, H^ or ^.
This is used to call inferiors, to rebuke impertinence, in sodd-
ing or quarrelling, and in most languages takes also a feminine
form ^T^, >ft* ^. Dr. Caldwell shows* that this word is
also in use in the Dravidian group, and is there understood to
mean "0 slave!'' Hemachandra, however (ii, 201), knows
it as used in addressing (sambhftsha^e), and in dalliance
(ratikalahe). For reproach (kshepe) he prescribes f^. I do
not dispute the Non- Aryan origin of this word, but it must
have found its way into Aryan speech at a very early date, and
has there, to a great extent, lost its sense of rebuke, for it is
often used merely to call attention, and in friendly conde-
scension to an inferior, and there has sprung up beside it a
form ^1%, used also in the same tone. The interchange of ^
and ^ need cause no di£Blculty, being, especially in eeriy
writers, extremely common. There does not appear to be
any Sanskrit origin for this word, and the fact that in the
^ Dravidian Comparatiye Grammar, p. 440 (fint edition).
THE FABTICLE. 276
Drayidian group it can be traced to a definite meaning, is one
which carries great weight.
In O. and B. ^ is only used in calling males ; when address-
ing females^ O. uses wtt, and B, ift. Thus 0. m^ ^, m
^fUTT^ ftrtr " Come along, mother, let us go to the bazar ; "
B. fil^^f) Ijift ^W Wt frfw " The lady entreats, * hear me, oh
my mother*** (Bhftrat, Vid.-S. 338). ^, ijtwt are also used
in B. in contempt or reproof. Both these words seem to be
fragments of ift'ft* from Skr. ift^ in the sense of " person,**
the word ift^ or WtWll^ being used to indicate the women of
the speaker*s family, and especially his wife, whom it is not
considered proper to speak of directly.
§ 85. It is necessary to revert to the subject of postpositions,
although they were partially discussed in Vol. II. p. 295,
because in that place they were regarded in only one of their
two aspects, namely, as factors in the declensional system.
Here they must be looked at as parts of speech, corresponding
to prepositions in the western Aryan languages.
In Hindi, in addition to the postpositions mentioned in
VoL n., may be cited as very common the following, some of
which are also used as adverbs. Thus ^TT^^ " without ** (Skr.
irf^[^ is used as a postposition with the genitive case, as in[ %
i|Tf|[^ " outside the house,** or even without the genitive sign,
as TTT WrffT " outside the door.** So also HIT " across,'* " on
the other side of,*' is very commonly used with the direct form
of the noun in the phrase if;^ HIT " across the river,** " on the
other side of the river.** So also ^T^ " with,** " accompanied
by," as ?U^ irntlT ^7! " accompanied by his peers and pala-
dins," the meaning of the postposition from ^R^ -1-^-1-^
requires this construction.
ifh» "in," "in the middle of," ftj^ "at the end of" (Skr.
fin3C)» ^% "^^^ *^>" "a* ^^^ ^o^se of" (Skr. wj), ^
"with," fTir "by means of," ft "at," "at the house of"
276 THE FAKTICLE.
(Skr. ^rn^)?' ai^ &1^ colloquially common, both with and with-
out the sign of the genitive, but more frequently with it.
Panjabi has 4\d6 "near/' literally, "in the bosom of," ^dbt
" from the side of," ft^ " in," which is the regular sign of the
locative, UTT "o^^ ^^ other side," and ITT^ ^nj "on both sides"
(of a river, valley, etc.), as well as the Hindi words given above.
The postpositions in Sindhi are more numerous, and are
divided, more clearly than in the other languages, into two
classes, those which are added direct to the oblique form of the
noun, and those which are added to the genitive. Of the
first class are i|^ or v(fX "on," "leaning on" (Skr. iT^,
where in H. in! rather means " full," as lit^ HT " * ^"U ^ I "
lftf% and 7ftf% "up to," which Trumpp regards as an emphatic
locative from Tft^ "end;" nt, ftNli ^llNl, ftnt> "like" (Skr.
'WT) ; l[t, Ttf , % "towards," with an ablative form ^^
"from the direction of" (perhaps from Skr. flf*^ ; ^, f^!^»
"without" (Skr. ^) ; ^, W[^, %, %1J "with " (Skr. ^m ; cf.
B. ^).
S. ^^Klt " along with," H. ^VT and ^^ " with," O. ;gw or
^ ^[VT "together with," "all taken together," from Skr.
^Tf^T^, according to Trumpp and others, but the 0. usage
seems to refer rather to Skr. ^^, in the sense of ?t^V " com-
pleted."
S. ^PNT "up to," "tiU" (Skr. ^ftin), P. ^ and ^ft^, ap-
pears occasionally to be used as a postposition, and one or two
others of less importance complete the list.
> PlattB (Grammar, p. 195), from whom I take this list, is the first writer to give
the real origin and meaning of this word, which I, in common with most of my
countrymen, had hitherto confounded with yah&n " here." There was no need for
Platts to he so very dogmatic and arrogant ahout this and one or two similar small
discoTeries. He should try to hear the weight of his stupendous erudition more
meekly. We may he thankful, howe?er, to him for condescending to make a few-
mistakes occasionally, to hring himself down to our leyel. Such are the remarkahle
hit of philology in note 1, page 164, and his remarks on the intransitiye in notes to
pp. 171, 174. He who undertakes to correct others, should he quite sure he is right
himself first.
THE PARTICLE.
277
Of the second class are iJTljt, THJ* ^TTlff "without/' P.
Wnj, Wnjt td. This rather means "owing to the absence of/'
as in the passage quoted by Trumpp, TfTf ^(\f ^TWHT %^
^^rar Wnft ^1^ il "Then they were considered by the hero as
thorns in the absence of his friend." It is probably connected
with Skr. V'l^in the sense of being bound or impeded. Vn^i
" without " (Skr. finrr), is also common in H. P. B. and 0.
In M. fSpTT, and G. f^nfT and ipfT (t^tnd, tvand).
S. ^rn[ and Wl[ " for the sake of/' correspond to H. P. ftr^,
and are used like it, either with or without the genitive par-
ticle ; but in S. the meaning is the same in both cases, while in
H. it differs ; thus ^^ flr% " for that reason/' but ^^ il ftr^
" for the sake of him."
While in the other languages the postpositions, when not
used as case-signs, are almost inyariably joined to the genitive
with the masculine oblique case-sign, in Sindhi they may take
the ablative or accusative. Thus ^Rf^ " in front," may take
the accusative. It is probably like 0. "W^ "in the first
place," or with a negative ^IT^ if "not at all," " at no time;"
thus 'W^ %f^ IHT ffif literally "to begin with, he did not go
there," that is to say, " he never went there at all," locative
of Skr. Wf^ "beginning."
^^HL " within," Skr. ^tfTKy b^* more probably from Persian
jSj]' ^ftlt" near to," VRt " apart, without," m^ "for the
sake of," contracted from W^; f^ "upon," loc. of J^^
"head," ^rt^f "like to," ^l|t "near to," are also used in the
same way.
In Marathi, besides the postpositions which are exclusively
employed in forming cases, there are some which are added
direct to the oblique form of the noun, and others which
require the genitive case-sign.
Of the former kind are ipC "on" (Skr. 'JmR), which is
generally written as one word with the noun, as M<l^< " on
278 THE PARTICLE.
the house," ^VhnC "tiU to-morrow.** A longer form is ^Tjfn,
which is declioed as an adjective, generally meaning '^up."
Others are nf^T " out," ^rtlf " in," ^ " at," ^|^ «^l)y means
of," ^rt^ " without," finnft " about," " concerning," literally
"in the matter (of)," irf^ "behind," "formerly," ^ "before,"
" in future," ^9T^ " under."
There is nothing specially worthy of note in the remaining
languages which do not vary from Hindi very widely, either in
the words they use, or in the manner of using them.
§ 86. The survey of the seven languages is here ended; the
thinness of matter and illustration, in some respects, is due to
the want of material, the difficulty of procuring books, and the
absence of persons who might be consulted. Others, who enjoy
greater advantages in these respects, will, in future times,
supplement and supersede much that is defective and erroneous
in this outUne. Amru'lkais sings —
FINIS.
INDEX.
The Boman numeral indicates the yolume, and the Arabic
numeral the page. Only those words are here given which
form the subject of some discussion, or illustrate some rule. A
hyphen before a word indicates that it is a termination.
Note. — ^When the anuswftra precedes a strong consonant^ it
is not the nasal breathing, but the nasal letter of the yarga of
that consonant, and is therefore the first element in a mixed
nexus. It must be looked for at the end of each yarga.
-ai9, ii. 167
aiiijia, i. 193
aoin, ii. 311
aQyal&, i. 254 ; ii. 29
ans, aQsu (anga), ii. 174
OQBiL, a^si^Q (a^ra), i. 357; ii.
193
-aghi, ii. 223
aohri, i. 134
-ak, ii. 29, 111
aka, ii. 345
aka4, ii. 102
aka^ait, ib.
akatar, ii. 346
akat6, ib,
akard, i. 260
akavka, ii. 345
akkh, i. 309 ; ii. 173
akshi, ib,
akhi, ib.
agara, agare, ii. 296
agaro, ib. ii. 101
aga|&, ib.
agHu, ii. 296
agi&r, i. 260 ; ii. 134
agio, ii. 296
agun, i. 172
agunls, ii. 136
agiimko, ii. 115
agg, aggi, agi (agni), i. 300; ii.
52, 218
agg&ii, agg&du, ii. 297
agra, u. 288, 296
280
INDEX.
agla, ii. 101
ank, ii. 120
anka^ly ih.
anka, iii. 68
ankilr, ii. 232
ankhadii, ii. 120
ankhi, ii. 173
&ng, ii. 121
angana, ii. 17
angora, i. 129 ; ii. 289
angiy^, ii. 121
angurijapn, iii. 71
anguli, i. 134
anglalutno, ii. 288
acharaj, i. 136, 349
acharat, tb,
acho, achchhoy achchhH, ii. 12
VacLh, achcLh (as), iii. 180
achh^, ii. 80
achcLhario, achcLhero, ii. 286
achid, iii. 185
aju, ajj, ajja, i. 827
anjali, i. 252
anjhn, i. 357
-at, ii. 67
atak, ii. 31, 51
a^kn^, ih.
ata, ataii, ii. 120
atka, ii. 63
atk^na, ii. 31
atkelo, atkhelo, ii. 96
8k\^ i. 315 ; ii. 133
atthi (asthi), i. 317
atth&rah, ii. 134
athayanilik, ii. 44
athM, atMls, i. 253
athdyaa, ii. 141
a^ana, a^aijien, ii. 20
a<jLat, a^atya, ii. 53, 88
acjiavanxiky ii. 44
acjiahan, ii. 134
adiyel, ii. 96
a^i, a^tch, ii. 144
a^hat (ai-liat), ii. 53
a4hail, ii. 96
a4MI (arh&l), ii. 144
a4Mr, ii. 134
-aij, ii. 166
an^a, ai^KJiOQ (a?4a)) ^* ^
andada, ii. 120
'&iy iii. 123
atasi, i. 130, 179
-atu, ii. 63
adhasta, ii. 298
adhu, adhe, ii. 12
addha, ii. 12
-an, ii. 165
-ana, ii. 15
ani (anya), i. 341
antar, antariin (antra), ii. 174
-ando, iii. 123
andhakara, andher^, i. 299
andha, andhaja, ii. 12
andh^panu, ii. 73
-anh, ii. 206
annha, ii. 12
annhera, ii. 299
apachchhar (apsaras), i. 309
apiipa, i. 179
apna, ii. 329
ab, ii. 336
abhyantare, i. 182
abbra, ii. 21
amangala, i. 252
amaro (-re, -ri), ii. 345
ame, ii. 307
amen, u. 302, 308
amo, ib.
amb, ambd, ambn, i. 342 ; ii. 2 1
ambavapi, ii. 127
ambiyd, ii. 21
ambhe, i. 262
INDEX.
281
amhe, amhai;!, etc. (forms of 1
pers. pron. pi.), ii. 302
-amhi, ii. 223
-aya, i. 140, 204
-ar (genitive), ii. 276, 280
aranya, i. 179
aratti, arattutno, ii. 288
arahat, arafu (araghatta), i.
266
archi, i. 318
ari;ia, i. 341 •
ardhsl, ii. 12
aliam (alika), L 149
alsi, i. 130
ava, i. 178, 204
avaka, ii. 345
avasth&na, i. 178
ayalambana, i. 252
ava^y&ya, i. 356
avajo, ii. 73
avig, ii. 311
avljano, iii. 72
avgo, aygutno, ii. 288
a9l (a^lti), ii. 137
ashtau, i. 315 ; ii. 133
ashtada^a, ii. 134
l/as, iii. 171
a8&, ii. 302
asa^a, ii. 313
asi, ii. 137
aslQ, ii. 302
ase (as), iii. 184
asnan, ii. 17
asthi, i. 317
-ahan, ii. 220
aliaY, ahahi, iii. 173
-ahi, ii. 221
ahin, ii. 311
ahlr, i. 268
-ahuQ, ii. 220
ahy&Q, ii. 311
a, ii. 318, 336
Va, ais, &8, iii. 45
am, ii. 205
-am, aii^l, ii. 80, 1 69
'kin, ii. 166
ais4, i. 158
-ait, ii. 104
&Ma, aoia, ii. 29
&n, ii. 302
&Qig, ii. 311
&g\iQ, ii. 302
^noQ, ii. 113
anv, i. 254 ; ii. 173
anvaia, i. 254 ; il 29
anyiro, i. 254
a^sili, i. 357
anhin, ii. 836
aku,'i. 310
aklia4u, i. 259
akhu, i. 310
ag, agun, agi, (agni), i. 300 ; ii.
52, 191, 207, 209, 218
agal, agaH, ii. 101
aga, i. 142
agia, agya (ajsa), i. 303 ; ii. 159,
195
agion, aga, age, i. 296
ank, iii. 68
aiikh,i. 309; ii. 173
angan, angann, ii. 17
achhe, L 215, 218; iii. 185
aj, aji, i. 327
ajikara, ii. 279
anch, i. 318
anjn, i. 357
-at, ii. 65, 67
at (ashtau), ii. 133
atalo, ii. 336
ath (ashtau), i. 315 ; ii. 133
282
INDEX.
ath&ls, i. 253
&tluffa, iL 134
ithui^ ii. 247
-ft^ho, ii. 114
&4ai, ii. 144
&4at, &4hat (&rhat), ii. 53
&niko, ii. 115
&9<jLa, ii. 8
-&ti, iL 105
ttnum, L 830; ii. 76, 328
Hdfig, i. 158
&dh&, ii. 12
-an, ii. 69
&ao, ii. 8
ant, ii. 110
antacha, ib,
-ando, iii. 123
andhalo, ii. 12, 73
\/ap, app, iii. 41
ap, apan, apana (atman), i. 330 ;
ii. 328
apaia, ii. 330
apas, ii. 330, 348
apelo (apl^a), i. 156, 196
abh, ii. 21
am, i. 342; ii. 219
-amani, ii. 70
amara, i. 54 ; ii. 302
ami, ii. 54 ; ii. 302
-ami, ii. 77
amba, ambo, i. 342 ; ii. 21
amba^p, ii. 127
amha, ambi, ii. 302, 308
aya, iii. 16
-ar, -ara, -am, ii. 94
-ai, -aiu, ii. 90, 94
-aia, iii. 142
aiaya, i. 182 ; ii. 10, 93, 98
av, iii. 44
-av, ii. 63
-&Tat, iL 69
ayatto, L 334
-ayan, ii. 69
-avo, ii. 336
a9l, iL 137
agcbarja, L 136, 344; iL 286
aaha^ba, i. 259
asara, imo (a^raja), L 182, 3J
iL 10.
-abat, ii. 65
-aki, iL 213
-abiQ, abun, iL 220
ahe (Vas), iiL 172
abe4, aber, i. 266
-abo, ii. 213
-ai, -ajn, ii. 90
aiokb, ii. 104
i, ib, ii. 317, 319, 329, 336
-ia, -io, iii. 133
i{ig, iii. 262
ik, ikk, ii. 131
-ika, ii. 83, 34, HI, 156
ika^e, ii. 146
-ika, ii. 164
ikabat, iL 141
iksbu, L 135, 218, 310
igaraba, ii. 134
igyarabvaQ, iL 248
ingaio, (angara), i. 129, 250
ingia^no (ingitajna), 302
inam, i. 156
iijiaijiam, ii. 335
-ii^o, ii. 114
it, itai, iii. 260
-ita, ii. 102
iti, L 180, 196
ittbe, ii. 336, 346
INDEX.
283
itthl, itthikd (etri), i. 863
itna, ii. 336
idhar, ii# 336
-in, -inl, ii. 153, 164
-ini, ii. 84
imi, iii. 262
rmli, L 184
-iya, u. 84, 68, 156
iylbi^m, i. 186
-ira, ii. 118
-n, ii. 94, 95
-ila, -iia, iiL 134
ilsl, i. 130
iva, i. 180
1
1, ii. 317, 336
-!, ii. 83
-lo, ii. 83, 89
-in, ii. 223
)na, ii. 336 ; iii. 264
Ikh, i. 310
-In, ii. 170, 231
-ino, ii. 114
-Indo, iii. 123
-lya, ii. 84, 85, 156
-!ro, ii. 97
-11, -lia, -llo, ii. 95, 97, 98
tsar^ (l^vara), i. 358
.lhi,ii. 215, 218
U, ii. 98
u
u, ii. 318, 336
-ua, -u&, ii. 89
uajjh&ao, i. 328
-uka, ii. 35, 112
ukhan^ijanu, iii. 71
ng, ngg, ugav (Vudgam), i. 294 ;
iiL 39
ugfir (udg&ra), i. 179
ug&l, Tig&llm&, ib.
acliakk&, ii. 72
uchai, uchcMI, ii. 79
ucMn, ii. 80
uchcM, ii. 13
uohchhii (ikshu), i. 185, 146,
218, 810
uj&4n&, nj&^ii, u. 36
uncha, ii. 13
unchat, iL 122
unchal, ii. 79
uth (Vutth&) i. 294 ; iii. 40, 83
uthu, ii. 87, 92
^4 (iiTi y^440» ^4ir, iii- 44
u^ako, ii. 33
u4au, ii. 41, 48
u4^k, ib,
Ti4^y ii. 81
unih, ii. 134
ui^^kf ii. 81
utar (v'uttfl), iii. 54
ut&m&, ut&rii, ii. 36
nti, ii. 336
-uti, ii. 108
utthe, i. 314 ; ii. 336, 346
ntthon, ii. 346
utna, ii. 336
utsava, i. 317
utsuka, f3.
nda, ii. 21
udumbara, i. 133, 180
udg^, i. 139
ndra, ii. 21
udvo4h&, i. 245, 271
udliar, ii. 336
udhllA, ii. 37
Tin, i. 343 ; ii. 48
unaig, tmls, ii. 134
284
INDEX.
irnan, imh^g, ii. 318
unili ii. 93
uni, ii. 319
ungali, i. 134
imdir, ii. 231
unlio, i. 347
upa, i. 200
upajjhayo (upadhyaya), i. 328
upano, iii. 141
upari, ii. 298
upayishta, i. 179; iii. 38
uppalam, i. 284
ubaln^y ubHranu (ujjy&lana), i.
294
ubidako, ii. 33
ubh&m& (udbharapa), i. 294
umr&ii, ii. 152
umha}, i. 347
Tirl&, ii. 344
urfih, ii. 207, 219
-ul, -{ij, ii. 99, 100
ulka, i. 180
iilko, ii. 33
uvavajjhihiti (v^upapad), iii. 20
us, ii. 318
ushim, i. 172
ushma, i. 172, 347
ub, ubai, ii. 318, 336
i]ba<j[o, ii. 336
ii, ii. 318, 339
^na, ii. 336
iikb, i. 135, 218, 310
iingb, iL 82, 92
iingb&s, iingbas^, ii. 82
iingbalu, ii. 92
iicb^, ii. 80
\icbo, ib.
uncha, li. 13, 79
unch&i, ii. 79
-^niko, ii. 115
-690, iu 114, 115
-iin^o, ii. 81
U, ii. 21
.^t, ii. 108
M, ii. 21
iin, i. 343 ; ii. 48
{inavin9ati, ii. 134
Mh, i. 347
^par, ii. 298
urn4, i. 343
iis, i. 218, 310
-ubi, ii. 215
RI
rikaba, i. 159, 218, 310; ii. 14
jitu, i. 159
Vfidb, ii. 53
pddba, i. 159
fisbabba, i. 159
fisbi, i. 160
E
-e, ii. 262
e, ii. 317, 336
earaba, i. 260, 243; ii. 134
-en, ii. 262, 271
eka, ek, eku, ekk, i. 141, 156;
ii. 130, 245
eka- (in comp.), i. 253, 259, 288;
ii. 134, 141
ekottara, ii. 142
ekbana, ii. 336
ekblbie, ib,
egye (&ge), i. 142 ; iL 296
INDEX.
286
etalo, ii. 336
efha, ib.
e4, e^i, i. 134
ede, e^o, ii. 336
-en, ii. 169
eta, ii. 336
etiro, ete, ih,
-eto, ii. 103
etMkara, ii. 280
em, eman, emanta, ii. 336
-er, ii. 276, 279
eraijKJlA, i. 180
-er&, -ero, ii. 98
-er&, ii. 199
-el, -ela, -elu, ii. 95, 97, 98
-elo, iii. 134
eva^o, ii. 336
eve, evo, ih,
esu, -esun, ii. 219
eh, eha, ehan, ii. 317
-ehi, -ehin, ii. 219
ehvan, ii. 336
AI
ai, i. 185
aiQ9i, ii. 137
ai^an, ii. 336
ai4a, ii. 336
-ait, ii. 69
-ait^ ih.
-aito, ii. 103
-ail, ii. 95, 167
aisa, ii. 336
o, ii. 318, 336
-OB (ord.), ii. 143
-0© (pL), ii. 218, 243
-OB (loc.), ii. 236, 346
oka, ii. 345
-oko, ii. 112
okovka, ii. 345
okhane, ii. 336
oganis, ii. 134
og&i, i. 293
ojhfi^ i. 328
OQJa), i. 252
oth, onth (oshtlia), ii. 7
otharu, ii. 92
oihl, ii. 87
o^e, ocjio, ii. 336
oijav, on&v, oi;ia (\/avanam), iii. 57
on4^, ii. 81
otiro, ii. 336
-otl, ii. 108
odava, ii. 345
ovoka, ih.
08, i. 356
oshtlia, i. 317 ; ii. 7
ohi, ii. 204
AU
-ant, ii. 69, 106
-aut&, autt, ih.
-aun, -aund, ii. 69
aur, ii. 341 ; iii. 270
aushadha, i. 133, 252
aushtfika, ii. 87
K
ka, ii. 344
-ka, ii. 26
kaBVfld, i. 255 ; ii. 23
kanh, ii. 253
kashaiya, ka^ho, i. 163
286
INDEX.
kanliin, kanni, ii. 323, 326
kaka^Li, i. 130, 133, 318; ii. 35
kaka^o, i. 318
kakkho, ii. 7
kaksha, ii. 7, 87, 257
kakhana, iL 338
kankaa, i. 199, 296
kankar, i. 130 ; ii. 95
kankaiiU, ii. 95
kangai^, i. 296
kachak, ii. 31, 88
kachanen, ii. 68
kacMt, ii. 68, 89
kachiandh, ii. 126
kachim, i. 273
kachchh, ii. 7
kadichhapa, i. 153, 273
kachhii, ii. 328
kana, i. 341
kanjho, i. 356
kat, kat (v'krit), i. 333; ii. 13;
iii. 59
kat, i. 145
kat^it, iL 105
katdn, ib.
kat^ha, i. 199
ka^han (ka^^a), i. 145, 155; ii.
13, 82
kathaiia9, ii. 82
ka4, ii. 93
ka^ak, karkd, ii. 31, 38, 43
ka4aka4> ii. 104
ka^akha, ka^khait, ii. 103
ka<j[aiii, i. 199
ka<}ihln, ii. 338
ka^il, ii. 98
ka4h, ka44h (Vkrish), i. 353;
iii. 57
ka^, ii. 324
kanik, ii. 231
kaiii9, *b.
ka^taka, i. 297 ; ii. 29, 93
kanthaia, ii. 89
kaijtW, i. 270
kap^a, ka94iaia, i. 297 ; ii. 29, 93
kai^o, i. 343 ; ii. 7
kata^ ii. 338
kataran, i. 334
katt, i. 334
kath, i. 267 ; iii. 37
kad, ii. 338
kadala, ii. 345
kadali, i. 142
kania (kany^), i. a4l
kanu, i. 343 ; ii. 7
kanka^o, kaagan, i. 199
kankaia, kangdl, i. 198
kan^hi, i. 270
kandha, i. 297 ; ii. 9, 109
kann, i. 343 ; ii. 7
kannli, i. 300
kanhai^en, ii. 60
kanhayaiii, th,
kapa^a (kapra), i. 199, 318
kapadiandh, ii. 126
kapaida, i. 158, 209
kapata, i. 200
kapas, kapah, etc., L 259, 318
kapittha, i. 273
kapibra, i. 318
kab, ii. 338 ; iii. 257
kabara, kabura, etc., i. 130, 319
kamala, i. 255
kama{i, ii. 41
kamin, ii. 167
kamp, kamp, etc. (v^kamp), L 279 ;
iii. 34
kambaia, kammal, etc., ii. 23
kaya, ii. 344
kar (Vkri), i- ^8, 160, 181 ; ii.
17, 19, 38, 162, 179, 285 ; iiL
11, 16, 18, 23, 41, 72, 75, 77
INDEX.
287
kar, kara (genitiye), ii. 277, 279,
287
kara (hand), ii. 11
karapaneQ, ii. 67
karai, i. 199
karia, i. 247
kariandh, ii. 126
kaiiso, i. 150
karodhi (krodhin), ii. 167
karoh (kro9a)y i. 259
karkatika, I 133 ; ii. 35
kaijai, ii. 168
karna, i. 343 ; ii. 7
kartana, i. 333
kardama, i. 834 ; ii. 26
karpata, i. 199, 318
karpatan, ii. 127
karpasa, i. 259, 318
karsh (Vkpsh), i. 322, 353; iii. 57
kal (kalyam), i. 850 ; iii. 264
kaya^i, i. 200
kayala, ii. 24
kay&, ii. 344
kayi, ii. 191
ka^a, ii. 325
ka9mala, i. 348
ka9m!ra, i. 348
kashfa, ii. 90, 98
kas, kasaild, ii. 96
kas (pron.), ii. 844
kasak, ii. 31
kasa^en, ii. 20
kasata, kastidi, ii. 93
kasa, ii. 338
kasis, kasu, L 149
kah, kahii&, etc. (\/kath), i. 267 ;
iiL37
kah&, ii. 324
kahan, i. 355 ; ii 338
kah&r, L 299 ; ii. 127
kahiQ, ii. 323
kahun, ii. 253
kala, i. 244; ii. 13
ka^es, i. 171
ka, ii. 276
kaith, ii. 167
k&nMn, ii. 338
kanhin, ii. 328
kaka, k&g, i. 198
kaka, i. 210
k&kh, k&nkh, ii. 7, 257
k^nkada, i. 318
kachhe, i. 218 ; ii. 257, 258
kaj (k&cha), i. 199
k&j (kftiya), i. 849
kanchana, ii. 17
kat, k&tna (Vkrit), i. 333 ; ii 20,
36 ; iii. 59
kktd, ii. 36
ka^hna (t/krish), i. 353, 354 ; ii.
20, 32, 41 ; iii. 57
ka^a, ii. 13
kanta, i 297 ; ii. 29
kantll, ii. 98
katar, i. 334
kadua, kado (kardama), i. 384;
ii. 26
kan, ii 7
kana, ii. 13
kaiiku<}i, i 133
kdnga, i 198
kandh, kandha (skandha), i. 297,
300 ; ii. 9
kanh (krishna), i 163, 347
kapa4, i. 19*9, 318
kapiir, i 318
kapiis, i 169, 318
kabar, kabara, i 130, 146, 319
kabalo, kambaia, ii. 23, 89
kam (karma), i. 152, 345; ii. 41
kama (beam), ii. 195
kaya, ii. 324
288
INDEX.
-kir, ii. 126
kar, ii. 279, 284
kdranhan, i. 260
k&raj, karju (k&iya), i. 171, 249,
349
k&riso, ii. 825
k&ilgar, ii. 167
karo, i. 247
kfirtika, i. 334
karshapana, i. 355
kai, k&U,'kalh (kalyam), i. 350
kaia, i. 244, 247 ; ii. 13
klOikir, u. 279
k^ya^a, ii. 89
kavanja, L 105
k&^mira, i. 848
kHshta, i. 315; ii. 7
k^dls, i. 149
kah, ii. 324
kaha, kah&n, ii. 323, 326
kaM^aTun, i. 353
kahan, i. 355
k&har, kah&ri, ii. 327
kahavana, i. 855
k&l&, i.*244; ii. 18
ki, ii. 324
kia, ih.
kinon, i. 257
kika^e, ii. 338
kikkur, ih.
kichhi, kichhu, ii. 328
kitta, i. 145
kidi, kicjio, i. 199
kitak&, ii. 832, 338
kitaro, ii. 331, 338
kitek, ii. 333
kitthe, ii. 338
kitna, ii. 331, 338
kiddhau, iii. 144
kidhar, ii. 338
kin, kinh, ii. 323, 326
kiyau, iii. 144
kiran, i. 130; ii. 17
kiles, i. 171 ; ii. 7
kiUa, i. 150
kis, ii. 326
kisan, L 160
kise, ii. 824, 326
kisii, ii. 328
kilia4i, ii. 381, 338
kiha, ih.
kihi, ii. 323
kt (gen.), ii. 276
ki (pron.), ii. 328, 324, 326
kid, ki^o, L 199
kidri9a, i. 156 ; u. 323
ktnau, iii. 144
knnyar (kumara), i. 255
kukkur. ii. 184, 200
kukh (knkshi), i. 218
kachcbho (kukshi), L 310 ; ii. 218
kuchli, ii. 828
knnchi, knnjt, i. 199 ; ii. 35
knnja^a, ii. 165
kutam, i. 146
kuta^t, i. 273
kuttinl, i. 146 ; ii. 170
kntil, ii. 98
kuthara, i. 270, 273
kn^apn, i. 334
ku4i, kn^h, I 816
ku^ie, ii. 138
kup^y knn^aia, ii. 98
knn^ala, ii. 24
kutbo, iii. 338
kudape^ knddavun (\/kaid), i.
150, 384
knddal, i. 157
kuba4a, i. 286
kubiro, i. 130
kubo, etc. (kubja), i. 285, 286
kumad, ii. 163
INDEX.
289
kumbiyku^b), etc., ii. 87, 165, 170
kmnhir, etc. (kumbhakara), i.
144, 298, 346 ; ii. 126, 165
kurM, ii. 100
kola, i. 155, 244, 247
kiilath&, ii. 164
kuUi, kurli, ii. 24
kulhaii, kiLh^^ etc., i. 270
kushtha, i. 157 ; ii. 85, 167
kusana, knbanu, iii. 51
kusathl, ii. 167
kuhu41, ii. 167
kuja, i. 244
kiian. i. 203
kiinjl, ii. 35
kfidna (t/kurd), i. 156, 334
kiipa, i. 150, 203
kiis, ii. 218
kfipa, ii. 90
kfipalii, ih.
kfishaka, i. 160
krishna, i. 163
ke, ii.' 323, 326, 338
-ke (gen. aff.), ii. 260, 276, 278
kel, ii. 326
keun, ii. 323, 328
keunasi, ii. 326
ketaio, ii. 331, 338
ke4a, ke^e, ii. 333, 334, 338
keta, kete, ii. 332, 338
ketiro, ii. 338
ke^o, ih.
kebe, ih,
kemana, ih.
kemane, ii. 323
ker, kera, etc. (gen. aff.), ii. 281,
284
keriso, ii. 323
kera, ii. 323, 338
kela, 142, 202 ; ii. 24
keyat (kaivarta), i. 157
keva^o, ii. 334, 335
keva^bd, ih.
keykre, ii. 338
kevi^o, i. 202 ; ii. 24
keyo, ii. 331
ke^a, ii. 90
ke9aii, i. 259 ; ii. 85
kes&lCl, ii. 90
keba, ii. 327
kebarl, i. 259 ; ii. 85
kebaynn, (\/katb), i. 138, 243;
iii. 41
kebi, ii. 326
keby&n, ii. 338
kaiek, ii. 327, 333
kaicbbana, i. 85
kaisa, i. 158 ; ii. 325, 331
ko (objectiye aff.), i. 48 ; ii. 253
ko (pron.), ii. 328, 326, 338
koil (kokila), i. 187, 201 ; ii. 24
koi, ii. 326
koii, ii. 327
konyal& (komala), i. 197, 253
kokb, i. 157, 310
kot, i. 315, 316
kotba, kotbi (kosbtba), i. 315
kotb^, kotbee (ady.), ii. 338
ko^bl (kusbtbin), i. 157, 316 ; ii.
85, 89
kon, koQt, konbi, ii. 323, 338
koro, ii. 277
kos, kob, kobu (kio^a), i. 259;
ii. 7
kobu (pron.), ii. 33, 838
koliyo, ii. 24
koli, ii. 169
kaun, i. 48 ; ii. 253, 260
kau41, i. 158, 200, 333 ; ii. 164
kau9, ii. 328, 338
kaupaei, ii. 326
katm, ii. 322, 323
TOL. UI.
19
290
INDEX.
katila, ii. 91
katil&rii, ih.
kja, ii. 324
kjiin, ii. 388
kii, iii. 64
KH
kha^yo, iii. 138
khaggo (kha^ga), i. 285
khacharat, ii. 68
khajanu, iii. 51
khajiir, i. 319
khat (kha^), iL 48
khai&, khatta, ii. 82
kha^pan, ii. 72
khatas, ii. 82
khatiandh, ii. 126
kha^aka, ii. 31, 33, 98
kha^ag, i. 285, 299
kha4kha4at, ii. 68
khacjia, iii. 60
kha4i, ii. 35
khan, ii. 7
khana, ii. 98
khananu, iii. 50
khan&,' i. 299
khanani, ii. 20
khanil, khanereg, ii. 98
khan^a, L 299
khaiKja (kha4ga), i. 285 ; ii. 104,
105
khancjiait, ib.
kkatbrt, ii. 88, 156
khan, i. 130 ; ii. 7
khani, khann, i. 299
khano, i. 285
khandha, i. 300, 306 ; ii. 9
khapann, ii. 43, 53
khapanen, ii. 35
khapati, ii. 53
khap&ii, ii. 43
khapt, khapy&, iL 35
kham&,i. 174,310; ii. 159
khambh, i. 313
khara4y&, ii 35
khala4&, ii. 120
khavalyil, ii. 89
khava (VUi^)i iii- ^^
khaTijano, tb.
khaskhas, ii. 104
khft (t/kMd), L 202, 204 ; ii. 36 ;
iiL 40, 68
khau, ii. 36, 37
khan, ii. 166
kha^yain, ih.
kha^sna, i. 191
khaj, kMjaneQ, iL 191
khat (khatrk), i. 154 ; ii. 48
khanda, i. 285
khadho, iii. 140
khanora, iL 100
khanda, khanah, L 273, 306; iL 9
khar, L 310
khai (below), ii. 98
khai (skin), ii. 120
khavayineQ, iiL 77
khich, iii. 64
khichan, khiohav, ii. 63
khinj, iii. 64
khina, L 130; ii. 7
khitrl, ii. 88, 156
khima, L 130 ; ii. 159
khilauna, iL 70
khiia^, ii. 41
khillii, ii. 36
khisaiahat, ii. 65
khisiyahat, ih»
khir, i. 309
khujaiahat;, ii. 65
khn^ako, ii. 33
INDEX.
291
khudha, khuddhii, ii. 159
khnaa^anit khosrani, ii. 70
khusai^u, i. 322
khuhu, kh^u, i. 150, 191, 203;
ii. 202
khuhambOy i. 191
khe, ii. 253, 256
khechy kheQch, iii 64
khetn, i. 310
khe^y khedavnUy etc. (kshetra),
i. 310, 338 ; ii. 37
khet (kshetra), L 218, 310, 338
khetil, ii. 88
khep (Vkship), i. 196
khel, khel, i. 239, 240, 244;
ii. 36
klievna, i. 200
khogtr, ii. 232
kho4, khod, khol, etc., ii. 20 ;
iii. 62
G
gajak, ii. 32
gajanu, gajjnd (Vgarj), i. 319
gatho, iii. 138
gathiia, ii. 95
gathii, i. 120
ga4, ga4ba4, etc., i. 336
ga^ahu, ii. 164
ga4ba4&t, ii. 67, 68
gad4b, iii. 59
ga<jLha, ii. 95
ga^hai, ii. 62
ga^bel&y ii. 95
-gan, ii. 200
gaii4&s&, ii. 82
gaii4^ (Vgranth), iii. 59
gadha, gadahft, etc, (gardabha),
i. 335
gantait, ii. 105
gandhal^, ii. 101
gabbh, gabhu, etc. (garbba), i.
319; ii. 7
gabbhin, gabbin, etc. (garbbi^i),
i. 183, 319
gambbir, i. 81, 150; ii. 13
garanu, i. 247
garabbu, ii. 7, 1 1
garbban, i. 183
garbbinl, i. 165
gal&y, gal&a, ii. 63
gaTudno, ii. 288
gab, gaob (\/grab), iii. 42
gabak, gabako, ii. 31, 33
gabaii, gabira, i. 81, 150 ; ii. 13
g&u, ii. 26, 37
g^Ut g^Q^y etc. (gr&ma), i. 254 ;
ii. 7, 26
g&QvadeQ, iL 118
g&nTi, ii. 88
gajanea, g&jn& (Vgarj), i. 319
g&DJ&, i. 297
gatu, i. 337
g&ijianu, ga^ayuQ, etc., i. 336
f^i] ii. 149
g&41, i. 336; ii. 149, 192
g&4b&, g&4bo, ii. 13
gan4, i. 147, 227
g&t, L 337
g&d&mi, ii. 77
gddba, i. 335
g&n, i. 256
gantb, i. 267 ; iii. 59
gabb, i. 319; ii. 7
g&bbin, i. 145, 183, 319 ; ii. 165
gabb^, ii. 100
gam (gr&ma), ii. 7, 26
gama^un, ii. 119
gdvnn (Vgai), ii. 37
gaba, i. 267
292
INDEX.
gijh, i. 160, 337; ii. 21
gidh, giddhy ih,
ginni, i. 130
gimli, gim, i. 347
giyar&n, L 260
girllka, ii. 42
giha^u, ii. 19
gihu, i. 160
gid, gidh, i. 160, 337 ; ii. 21
gu&r, ii. 167
guj, gujho, i. 359
gu^o, ii. 33
gonapanS,, ii. 73
gudi, i.'240
gonis, ii. 136
gnnth (\/granth), iii. 59
gam, ii. 166
-gul, -guli, ii. 200
gasail, ii. 167
gusain, ii. 168
gas&ii, ii. 42
giij, i. 359
giith (v^granth), iii. 59
ge^li (t/grali), iii. 42
gera, i. 146
geb, ii. 14
gehun, i. 81, 169, 267
go, i. 267 ; ii. 245
gochh&Yt, ii. 105
go\k, ii. 245
gotn, i. 337
gotthl, ii. 218
gothu, ii. 110
gon^as, ii. 82
gon^a, ii. 82, 90, 98
got, i. 337
gom, i. 267
gor&, i. 158
goro, ii. 247
gol, i. 240, 244, 247
goia, ii. 148
gol&r4, ii. 94
goll, ii. 203
golo, i. 247
g08&in, i. 257 ; ii. 154
gosayi, ib.
gob, i. 267 ; ii. 48
goh&l, i. 260
gohAn, i. 169, 267
gy&raQ, gyteili, ii. 134
grasth, i. 166
gr&saneil, i. 164
grisatt, i. 166
giihastu, ib,
gwldin, ii. 165
GH
ghatanxL, iii. 71
ghsL%M, ii. 79
glia^avnQ, ii. 43
glia4&, gha^l, i, 199 ; ii. 91, 92
gha^&ii, ii. 43, 44
ghacjiyal, etc., ii. 91, 92, 94
ghanaghtuo, ii. 127
glia^agha^&ty u. 68
glian&, ii. 13
ghanera, ii. 98
glianti, ii. 93
gha^iori, ii. 100
ghar (griha), i. 192 ; ii. 14, 95,
183, 191, 206, 280
gliarach&, ii. 110
ghara^, ii. 64
gliarel&, ii. 95
gliasayaf, ii. 67
gh&, gMv (ghata), I 187, 202;
ii. 100
gh&il, gh&yal, etc. iL 100
gMt, ii. 89
INDEX.
293
gh&9, gM^elll, iL 98
gMiita4t, ii 119
gham, ii. 26, 99
gh&mel&, ii 99
gh&moli, ii. 100
gh&sanen, ii. 67 ; iiL 88
ghis&y, ii. 63
ghiii, ghi, etc (ghfita), i. 160 ; ii.
156, 167
ghimma, etc. (Vghtoa), i. 150,
344 ; ii. 64
gliani&, etc., ih.
ghnl, ghol WEh<^)f ii- 20, 41,
65 ; iii. 56
ghnsail, iL 96
ghe, ghen (Vgrali), iiL 42, 143, 220
gho, ii. 48, 151
gho4^ glior& (ghofaka), L 199;
ii. 29, 89, 125, 149, 164, 185,
186
^omt^ iL 38
ghor^ro, ii. 60
ghoro, ii. 30 •
CH
chaiitho, L 334
cha^ar, i. 148 ; ii. 22
chak, etc. (cliakra), ii. 23
chanchal&, ii. 24
chatak, iL 32
cliaiai, L 215
clia4, ch&4h, iL 43, 53, 64, 65, 69
chatnr, ii. 132
chand, etc. (chandra), L 297, 337,
338 ; ii. 21
chandan, iL 17
chapkan, etc. (chap), L 213
cliab, ohabl) (v^chary), L 352 ; iii.
40
cliabig, L 253
chamak, ii. 32
chamatk&ra, ii. 33
chamllr, L 183, 346; ii. 126, 165
cham&rin, i. 183; ii. 165
chamelo, ii. 97
chamk&yat, etc., ii. 65
cl;iainr&, L 345 ; iL 120
charu, iL 37
cbarchait, ii. 103
cbary&ito, ii. 104
cbal, chall, etc. (\/chal), iii. 34,
78
chal&yan, ii. 70
chayai^l, ii. 19
cbabnQpn^, i. 276
-cb&, M5hl, etc., ii. 276, 289
ch&n, L 182
chanyelo, ii. 97
ch&ngalepaQ, ii. 73
ch&tay^, ii. 39
ch&n^ii^o, ii. 114
ch&nd, L 297, 337 ; ii. 21
ch&ndalo, ii. 119
ch&p, cbdnp, etc., L 211, 212
chab, etc. (\/cbarv), L 352 ; ii. 68;
iiL 40
chdm (charmaii), i. 345, 346 ; ii.
61, 118
ch&m^, i. 346
chlbioti ii. 123
char, ii. 132, 245
ch&rdnl, ii. 20
ch&roQ, ii. 245
chaki^eQ, etc. (\/chal), i. 155 ; ii.
51 ; iii. 34
ch&lanl, ch&lun), L 133
chilis, iL 137
ch&8, L 210, 215
chito, i. 336
chitth (\/Bthft), i. 230
I
294
INDEX.
clu^iy^, ii. 159
chito, ii. 29
chitti, i. 310
clundli, etc., ii. 118, 122
chinli, chihan, etc. (cbinha), i.
358 ; ii. 94
chip, chipt^, etc., i. 212
chimk&t^, ii. 64
chimfa, etc., i. 212
-cluya, ii. 289
chirta, ii. 149
chirnd, ih,
chishth (Vstha), i. 230 ; iii. 34
chlk, ii. 91
chl4, ii. 191
chint, i. 336
chlk', ii. 29
chlro, ii. 30
chuk, iii. 224
chukauti, ii. 108
chutlla, ii. 95
chudijio, ii. 161
chunuk, ii. 44
chuna, etc., i. 344 ; ii. 9
chun^yat, ii. 65
chup, i. 212
chura, i. 343
chnliaiiu, chiiiia, i. 321
chiiii^ etc. (chi^a), i. 343, 344;
ii. 9
chiira, etc. (ch^lrna), ih,
chengarat, ii. 68
che4&, cheia (cheta), i. 240 ; ii.
9, 40
cbepat, ii. 68, 123
-cho, ii. 140, 276, 278
chok, ii. 247
chokh, i. 134
chonch, chont, i. 134, 215, 297
chotho, i. 144, 334
choba (t/chary), i. 352 ; iii. 40
choratii, ii. 166
choil, i. 158, 349 ; ii. 78
chor^yap, ii. 73
chor&90, ii. 114, 115
chor&ni^ii, ii. 141
chau (ch&r), ii. 129, 140
ohaunr, chaunii, etc. (chamara),
i. 148, 256 ] ii. 22
chaukh, i. 134
chaughe, ii. 245
diannk, ii. 31, 33, 96
chaut, chaufh, ii. ^3, 144
chau4ali&n, i. 334
chau^a (chaup^), ii. 80
chauthi, i. 144
chaudaha, etc. (chatordaga), i.
144, 334; ii. 134
chaudhaii, ii. 166, 167
chaubai (cbataryedi), ii. 87
cbaubls, i. 253
cbaur, cbaurl, i. 148, 256 ; ii. 22
cbauranjd, ii. 141
chauyi, i. 253
CHH
cbba, i. 261 ; ii. 132, 140, 246
cbbaka^a, i. 198
cbbattha, L 261 ; ii. 143
cbban4» iii- 52
cbbattis, ii. 140
cbbattri, ii. 88, 156
cbban, i. 130 ; ii. 7
cbbap, etc., i. 210, 211, 213
cbbappaii, ii. 140
cbbabil&, ii. 95
cbbabbts, i. 253
cbbam^, i. 130 : ii. 159
cbbay, i. 261 ; ii. 132, 140
cbbaho, i. 261
INDEX.
295
chhi, i. 261 ; ii. 824
cbh&Q^ii, ii. 141
chh&nv, ohli&Qli (chMy&), ii. 48
clili&gMr&, ii. 94
chhii, iii. 52
chh&pa, etc., i. 211, 212, 213
chhapirii, ii. 112
chh&ma, ii. 299
chhayelft, ii. 95, 97
ohhir, L 810
clili&Hy&, i. 261
chliaya^&y *b,
chhayo, ib,
chhijanu, iii. 50, 138
cliliitl,'i. 196, 310
chhin, ii. 7, 283
chhinanu, iii. 50, 138
chhinnai, i. 218
chhinno, iii. 138
chhip, etc., ii. 211
chhipanj^, ii. 141
cbhip&y, ii. 64
chhip^van), ii. 69
chhibard, i. 213
chhima (kshama), i. 130, 310 ; u.
159
chhlo, ii. 10
chhlnt, L 336
chhua, i. 261
cbhut, ii. 43, 70 ; iii. 52
cbhut&ii, ii. 43
chhut&pa, ii. 72
chhuto, iii. 138
chhuil, i. 218, 310 ; ii. 9
chhnhaQa, etc., ii. 65 ; iii. 51
chhe (shash), i. 261
chhe (\/as), iii. 186
chhekaii, ii. 42
chhenclia^&mi, ii. 77
clihe4hn&, i. 254
chhemi, ii 85
chheHya, i. 261
chheli, i. 142
chhelemi, ii. 77
chhey&n, i. 26 1
cbho, ii. 151, 190
clilioka4&, i. 215, 261 ; ii. 72,
120, 163
cliliokad&puii&, ii. 72
chho%i, u. 72
chho^y iii* 52
jaii, i. 81
jakhana, ii. 337
jag. jaggi «tc. (yajna), i. 803 ; ii.
15
jagatu, i. 81
jag&n&, iii. 78
jangal, L 248
jangh, i. 81, 296 ; ii. 48
jaj, jajan, etc. (yajna), i. 303;
ii. 15
jajm&n, i. 197
ja^a, i. 196
jati9t, i. 168
ja4kii, ii. 41
ja4&ni, ii. 70
ja44ho, ii. 161
ja4n&, ii. 41
ja4y&y ii* 35
jatan (yatna), i. 171 ; ii. 16
jatr& (yatr&), ii. 159
jatba^CQ, i. 146
jathd, i. 147
jad, ii. 337
janam, i. 171 ; ii. 60
janeii, janoi, janyo (yajnopavita),
L 303
japn&, i. 196
jab, u. 337
jam&), i. 192
296
INDEX*
amo, jambn, i. 297, 298
am (jala), i 247
all&dan), iL 167
avuii (Vyft), L 249 ; iii. 36, 213,
222
ashpt^, i. 304
asa, ii. 337
ah&Q, %b.
aluQ, ii. 321
alftni, etc. (Vjval), L 244
ajakat, ii, 122
alu, jalo, iL 151, 193
i (Vy&), i. 249 ; iii. 36, 213, 222
aQval, i. 255 ; iL 193
&Qh&, ii. 837
&g (yajna), L 303 ; ii. 15
aganu, etc. (\/j&gri)i ii. 36, 51 ;
iii. 78
igariik, ii. 44
&g{^ ii. 36
angh, i. 296 ; ii. 48
dchaniik, ii. 44
achii, ii. 37
kXo, i. 192
an, jan, etc. (i/jna), i. 303 ; ii.
104; iii. 41
anito, ii. 104
at, ii. 52
atk, ii. 159
amai, L 192
amaUo, i. 159
amu, i. 297
amotn, ii. 122
am, jai, etc. (jaia), L 81, 247 ;
iL 7, 199
aiapann, ii. 72
aiuyai ii. 40
asti, ii. 54
aha, jahag, ii. 321
ianu, i. 242
larana, ih.
jika^e, iL 337
jijman, L 197
jithut, iL 106
ji^ahio, ii. 337
jitaka, ii.
jiti, ib,
jitthe, ii.
jitha, tb.
jithe, tb.
jidhar, ib.
jindn, ii. 117
jindu^o, tb.
jin, jinao, ii. 321
jiba (Vya), L 249; iii. 36, 213,
222
jiiana, L 241
jio, ii. 321
jili, tb.
jiha, ii. 337
jihi, ii. 321
jl (jlva), L 252 ; ii. 156
jiii, ib.
jina, L 241
jtbao, ii. 17
jlbh (ji^ya), L 155, 185, 359; ii.
48, 191, 207, 209, 217
juaniQ, L 192
jugala, ii. 24
juguchha, i. 196
jugiit, L 172,173; ii. 232
jujh, etc. (i/yudh), L 268, 328
jut (Vynj), iii. 54
juna, junereQ, ii. 99
jurimana, iL 176
juyaia, juja, etc. (yugala), iL 24
jAth, L 267
j<Ui, tb.
je, ii. 321, 337
jeun, tb.
jekhane, ii. 337
jefalo, ib.
INDEX.
297
jetM, ii. 337
je^hakn, ih.
je^haat, ii. 106
je4&, je4e, ii. 337
jetiroy jete, (b.
jetheQ, jebe, tb.
jem, jemana, th.
jeva^o, jeva^hft, th.
jevo, jevMn, t^.
jeher, i. 139
jais&, ii. 337
jo (pron.), ii. 321, 337
-jo (gen. aff.), ii. 276, 289
joeto, ii. 103
jogita, ii. 79
joto, jot, etc. (yoktram), i. 249
jo4 Wt4), iii. 54
jot, joti (jyoti), i. 197
jodhapan, i. 268
jom, ii. 207
johi, ii. 322
jau, ii. 185
jann, ii. 321
jv&lg, 1 192
JH
jhagr&la, ii. 60, 94
jhangal), i. 192
jhanga, ib.
jhatak, ii. 32
jliafapu, ii. 52
jhatel, ii. 99
jha^&k, ii. 43
jha94^ i* 139
jhaojhan&hat, ii. 65
jhapak, ii. 32
jhap&s, ii. 82
jhamak, ii. 32
jhambely ii 97
jhaii, i. 272
jharokM, i. 177
jhalak, ii. 32
jhalavani, ii. 127
jhftnknd, i. 176
jh&t, ii. 52
jM^nft, i. 177 ; ii. 86
jha^avo, ii. 121
jM4ii, ii. 36
jh&ntnft, I 177
jh&ma, i. 272
jh&mp, i. 177,276; ii. 91
jMmpal, ii. 91
jhaiar, i. 332
jh&luya, ii. 40
jhia, jh), etc., i. 192
jhijhak, ii. 32
jhiijiak, ih,
jliilg&, i. 382
jhilmil, ib.
jhnk&yat, ii. 65
jhtmjhul&hat, ib,
jhuttlio, ii. 161
jhu^alo, ii. 93
jha44o> ii* 161
jhnlko, ii. 38
jhM, jhoia, etc ii. 158, 332
jhemp, i. 139
jhok, ii. 33
jhop, jhomp, etc. ii. 91, 120
takaii, ii. 43
take, ii. 247
tatak, iL 32
tatti, i. 237
fatho, i. 337
^an, tan, etc., i. 227
fanak, ii. 32
298
INDEX.
tap, tapp&, etc., i. 214
tapak, i. 214; ii. 32
t»mak, ii. 32
taln^, talane^, etc. {V\^)f i* ^^^ ;
iiL59
tasak, ii. 32
tahak, ii. 32, 33
tahai^u, i. 337
tahnt, i. 226
t&ka^eQ, i. 324 ; iii. 224
iat, i. 215
t&9, tkimi, etc., i. 227
tan4&, i. 231
t&p, etc., i. 214
tamo, i. 342 ; ii. 21
t&h&4, i. 231
tio, i. 150
tika^), tikalt, etc. (tilaka), i. 197,
226;'ii. 120
tikait, ii. 105
tikaCi, ii. 41
tip, etc., i. 214, 215
tilay&, i. 314
tih, i. 163, 347
tihat, ib.
tU&, i. 226
tika, (tilaka), ii. 120
tip, i. 214, 215
tih, i. 259
tun4, i. 226
tubanu, i. 276 ; ii. 30
tut, m, etc. (\/trut), i. 336 ; iii. 52
te, i. 337
teka^a, ii. 120
teknya, ii. 39
tekna, i. 142
te^a, \e4hi, etc., i. 237, 350
tep, i. 215
tehalyi, ii. 35
tokd, i. 215, 261
topna, i. 214, 215
tobo, ii. 30
tri, t^^, etc. (Sindhi-sSkr. tri), ii.
187, 139, 143, 245, 247.
TH
thag, I 814 ; ii. 165, 167
thagan, thagin, iL 165, 167 -
thagi, ii. 78
thagna, i. 197, 314
thathol, ii. 100
thaj^ak, ii. 32
tha^^a, i. 230, 237
tlian&k, ii. 43
thapak, thapn&, etc., i. 214; ii. 32
tkamak, ii. 32
tharaiLU, t^ahama, etc., L 231
thar&y, ii. 64
th& (t/stha), i. 230, 231 ; iii. 34
thak, etc. (derivB. of tM), i. 231
thakurain, ii. 166
-tharu, ii. 274, 295
-thare, ii. 295
thia, i. 231
thikana, ib.
thithak, ii. 32
thipka, i. 214
thir, i. 231
thtk, ih.
thuntho, i. 226
thekiii, ii. 87
thekuya, ii. 39
thentami, ii. 77
thep, i. 231
thelna, L 142
thevanen, i. 142 ; iiL 224
thonth, i. 215
D
4ansna, i. 225
4akar, i. 139, 179
INDEX.
299
4akait, ii. 69
dakaut, ii. 106
(jtank, dankh, etc, L 225
^ankiia, ii. 95
(jianga, ii. 12
(jiangapu, i. 225
dachak, ii. 32
4ajhanUy iii. 50
4atta,'i. 229
4atna, ih.
(jiadhu, ii. 175
4adlio, iii. 137
^andu, etc., i. 229, 230
dlab, 4^bn&, etc., i. 225
4abalo, i. 319
4abbii, i. 225 ; ii. 40
diamiijanu, iii. 72
daya, i. 237
(jiay^a, ii. 59
4ar, i. 225 ; ii. 60
4ar&la, ii. 60
4al, etc., i. 226
4a3anen, i. 225
4ah,*ii.'l33, 247
^ahanu, iii. 49, 137
-d&, -41, ii. 116, 118
iia,, i. 310
^^in, i. 237
4an9, etc., i. 225
^akuya, ii. 39
4ak<i, ii. 36
dakh, i. 182
4aiik, i. 225
ii4h, (Ja^bl, etc., i. 225, 237,
273 ; ii. 35
^apu, i. 237
iiB.% etc., i. 229
(jiand, etc., i. 229, 230 ; ii. 85
(Jabbero, ii. 97
4&1, etc., i, 226
(jiaiim, i. 240
4aliia, iii. 228
4iaiap, i. 330
i&hivi, u. 13
ikhkr, I 225
4&hn&, i. 225 ; iii. 50
4ianu, i. 242 ; ii. 19 ; iii. 80, 139
4iany&tu, ii. 109
^iara^u, i. 242 ; iii. 80
4io, i. 237 ; ii. 93
(jiighero, ii. 117
4ijanu, i. 242
4itbo, iii. 138
4inu, i. 237 ; ii. 194
4indim, i. 228
<Jiti, i. 162, 315
4ino, iii. 139
fjibiya, i. 225 ; ii. 159
<}i8a9U, i. 161 ; iii. 138
41th (diishti), i. 162, 237, 815
(Jukhu, i. 237
4udho, iii. 137
4ubiro, i. 319
4ubna, ii. 37
4ubha9a, iii. 49
4iimur, i. 133, 180
4iiliia, i. 227
4tilia9U, iii. 49
4eu, ii. 12, 194
4ekhanu, i. 242
4engay^, ii. 39
4e4aru, i. 334 ; ii. 22
4e4b, etc. (H), i. 237 ; ii. 144
4enua, ii. 40
4era, ii. 22
4esl, ii. 86
4ehu, ii. 86, 225
-4o, ii. 118
4o^ i. 286 ; ii. 14
4ob{i, ii. 86
4oma4&, i. 120
4ol, 40I7 i^h ^^'f ^' ^^^
300
ISVEX.
DH
4liakem, ii. 95
ihskki, etc., i. 227 ; ii. 95
0iAmi, ii. 95
41ialaity iL 102
4h&Yii, ii. 63
4h&L, ii. 144
41iaia, ii. 36
(Jhim, etc. (9ithila), L 155, 272 ;
ii. 24, 77, 120
(plena, i. 241 ; ii. 62
4holak, ii. 121
dhol&i, ii. 62, 63
N
9a, ii. 133
-ni, -9i, ii. 168
nia, i. 300 ; ii. 52
i^iattai, i. 164 ; iiL 60
^ichliam, i. 327
tain, ii. 311
takhaiia, ii. 337
tattuQ, ii. 192
ta^kk, ii. 32
tadata^^hat, ii 65
tan, ii. 131
-tano, ii. 287, 288
tata, ii. 337
tato, iii. 138
tath&k&r, ii. 280
tath&y, i. 314
- . V X
- \
V • 1 , «y •*. .
tad, ii. 337
-tan&, ii. 289 vf-^ --'^
tantu, tand, etc., ii. 174
tap, iiL 58
tapak, L 214
tap^ii, ii. 44
tarn, tame, etc., iL 309, 311
tar (Vtfi), iiL 54
tala, tale, etc., L 184 ; iL 298
tal&o, i. 240
talaiya, ii. 121
tav (\/tap), iii. 59
ta8&, tascQ, ii. 337
tah&Q, ih*
tahy\Uf ii- 309, 311
t&tQ, ii. 311
t&u, i. 198, 200
taQ9ii, iL 139
t&nli&Q, ii. 337
ta4, L 240
t&^nli, i. 229, 334
t&9, tkn, etc. (t&na), i. 227, 229 ;
ii. 7
t&nt, ii. 174
tdmba, etc. (tamia), L 342 ; iL 21
t&mboli, etc., ii. 86
t&r (t/tyl), iii. 54
tarii, iL38
t&rdn, L 247 ; iL 193, 206
tiro, iL 312
t&v (Vtap), L 198, 200 ; iii. 59
Uhi ii. 315, 319
t&l, i. 240
ti-, tir-, etc. (trtoi in comp.), ii.
139, 140, 141 *
ti&g (ty&ga), i. 324
tika^e, ii. 337
tighe, iL 245
tin, tiok&, etc., i. 160
titi, titthe, tidhar, ii. 337
titakd, titn&, ib,
tinro, ii. 345
tipauliya, i. 129
tiriya, etc. (strl), i 171, 314
tirUi&, L 163, 347, 348
INDEX.
301
tirpat (tyipta), i. 166
tila^a, ii. 129
tis, ii. 315
tih, ih,
tdWo, ii. 337
tih^ (pron.), ih.
tiha (tyish^a), i. 168, 347
tioa, ii. 337
tlkli&, i. 300
tljo (tyitiya), I 150 ; ii. 143
tin, i. 837 ; ii. 131, 245
tlnon, ih,
tlya,"tlml, etc. (strt), i. 171, 314
tis, i. 155 ; ii. 137, 140
tlsl, i. 179
tisra, ii. 143
tu, tu, etc. (tvam), u. 309, 310,
312
tutanen, etc. (^trat), i 227, 237,
336 ; iii. 53
tutho, iii. 139
tud, etc. (\/tud), i. 226
tun4, i. 227 ; iL 90
turn, tumlie, etc., ii. 309, 312, 345
turant (tyaritam), i. 324
turi, tM, etc., i. 349
tul (Vtul), i. 351 ; iii. 60
tus, iii. 139
tosa, tnha, etc., ii. 309
-te, ii. 295, 315
te-, tets, etc. (tiini in comp.), L
253; ii. 139, 140
tetalo, ii. 337
te4^ te^e, etc., ih.
te^hk, i. 237, 350
tetiro, ii. 337
tentuli, i. 146, 240
tebe, ii. 337
temana, ih.
temha, etc. ' (trayoda^a), i. 136,
243; ii. 134, 135,312
tel, i. 151 ; ii. 7
teli, ii. 86
teya4&, ii. 337
tey&ro, tevo, tevh^Q, ih.
tesi, i. 179
to, ii. 302, 310, 313, 337
-to, iii. 124
tolQ, ii. 298
to4 (Vtmt), iii. 52
ton4, tondal, etc., i. 227 ; ii. 94,
95
topn&, i. 214
tom&, etc., ii. 309, 311, 812
tol, tanl, etc. (\/tal), iii. 60
tyauQ, ii. 837
TH
thakail^, ii. 97
thakn&, i. 230
tbati, i. 237
thann, than, etc. (stana), i. 813;
U. 175
than4&, i. 237
thamb, etc. (\/stambh), i. 813;
iii. 60
tharelo, ii. 97
thavuQ ( t/stha), i. 230, 248 ; iii.
35
th& ( v^Bthft), L 230 ; iii. 208
th&4h&, iii. 35
th^pa, etc., i. 230
th^b, etc. (Vstambh), i. 313 ;
iii. 60
th&ro, ii. 312, 314
th&li, i. 244
thi, thia^n, etc. (VstM), i. 230 ;
iii. 35, 211
-thl, ii. 273, 274
thc^nt, i. 226
302
INDEX,
thoraTiy ii. 73
thoierOy ii. 117
D
da^s, ii. 12
dakhin, i. 310 ; ii. 13
dachhin, ib,
datt&, etc., i. 229
da4» etc.y ih.
da94> 6^*> *^'f ^* ^^
dabii&, etc., i. 224
day&lu, ii. 59
daii&u, L 152
dai^, daro (V^^)^ i- ^^2 ; iii. 16
dal, i. 225, 226
das, ii. 133
dahina, i. 225 ; ii. 13
dahi, i. 267 ; ii. 155
d&, ii. 276, 291 ; iii. 42
daQhi, ii. 85
d&kh, i. 182, 310 ; iL 48
d&t, etc., i. 229
d&4li, i. 225
d&4lit, i. 225, 237 ; ii 35, 92
d&4hi&lii, ii. 92
d&n4t, i. 229 ; ii. 85
d&d, ii. 175
dadur, L 334
d&na, ii. 152
d&nt, ii. 85
d&bii&, etc., L 224
d&m, d&T, etc., ii. 61
dam&d, i. 199, 210
d&l, i. 226
das, ii. 14, 195, 214
dah (\/dali), L 225
dlih&4o, ii. 118, 189
dai, i. 226
dikhana, dildOana, L 162, 241
ditthi (drishti), i. 162, 315
din, ii. 8
dinnao, diyau, iiL 144
diya, i. 203 ; ii. 9
diiijano, iii. 72
diiana, iii. 80
diya44he, i. 238
diya, i. 203
di9, dis (\/dri9), i. 161
dia, ii. 9
dl^h (drishti), i. 162, 237, 815
divo, ii 9
duY, ii. 131
duti, ii. 248
dudhaiii, etc., ii. 91, 94, 97, 98
dupura, i. 133
dubia, i. 181, 319
doritno, iL 288
dulhin, etc., i. 271
dusaUii, ii. 101
duseil, ii. 129
dushtumi, ii. 77
diia, dOija, i. 150 ; ii. 143
dCkghan, i. 257 ; iL 26
dOidh, L 286 ; ii. 14, 91, 94
dihia, L 188, 201
diib, L 182; ii. 48
ddbe, ii. 87
d^sra, ii. 143, 247
dp4hata, ii. 79
de (t/da), L 139 ; ii. 33 ; iii. 43,
140, 218
de (deva), L 253
deu, i. 253
de(4, deval, etc. (deyaiaya), i.
149; ii. 10,232
dekh, L 161 ; iii. 45
de4h, i. 237
deyar, L 253; ii. 22
dey, ii. 188, 189, 208, 216, 225,
263, 272
INDEX.
303
des (de^a), u. 8, 224, 225
desl, ii. 86
deh, ii. 173, 176
do, i. 824 ; ii. 129, 131, 246
doghe, ii. 245
dojlya, ii. 129
don, i. 824; ii. 181, 245
donon, ii. 245
dopatta, ii. 129
dobh&8hi7&, ih.
dor, iL 149
dol (t/diil), i. 227
dola^a, ii. 129
drum, i. 26
DH
dhak, dhakk, etc., L 180, 227
dhakeM, ii. 86, 95, 161
dhaj&, ii. 9
dha^ak, ii. 82, 88
dha4ay&i, ii. 168
dhanaru, ii. 92
dhanlanl, ii. 169
dh&ii^y iL 22
dhaniyii. 88
dhani, ii. 84, 88
dhamakd, i. 268
dhanun, i. 171 ; ii. 26
dhayala, i. 268
dhay^aynn, iii. 81
dh&94alyCii. 167
dhat, ii. 174
dh^, etc. (dh&nya), i. 341 ; ii.
dli4mpii&, i. 276
dh&y, etc., ii. 51 ; iii. 81
dHko, i. 130, 227
dht, etc. (dnhita), i. 192, 210 ;
103, 207
dhira, ii. 164
78
.*
u.
dhaanu, i. 242
dhu&rini, ii. 20
dhutali, iii. 148
dhatta (dhCdrta), i. 834
dhuiai, ii. 62
dhuiana, i. 241
dhulya^a, etc. (dh{il), i. 152
dhMn, etc. (dli{tma), i. 257 ; ii.
26
dh^ip, i. 152
dhApel, ii. 127
dho94a, ii. 90, 149
dhon^&jy ii- 90
dhoti, etc. (dhantra) i. 171, 838
dhonS, i. 241 ; ii. 62
dhobin, etc., i. 188 ; ii. 167
dhobi, etc., i. 183; ii. 154, 165,
167, 169
dhoiat, ii. 62
dholfbii, i. 241
dhoha, ii. 167
dholun, i. 268 ; ii. 82
dhannkani, i. 268
dhauia, ih.
dhy&n, i. 827
N
-na, ii. 884
nanyan (\/iiam), iii. 19, 20, 57
nakharelo, ii. 161
nangd (nagna), i. 191, 800
nachhattar, i. 171
nati, ii. 184
iia41naye, ii. 140
nan^p&l, i. 330 ; ii. 72
natait, ii. 103
nadi, ii. 190, 226
nadh&naye, ii. 140
nam, iii. 19, 20, 57
304
INDEX.
nar, ii. 226
narelu, i. 201
nayani, ii. 156
nay&st, ii. 140
nayye, navad, etc., ii. 137, 141
nasht&miy ii. 77
mhia (sn&na), i. 347
nahijar, i. 167
n&l, n&Oi, ii. 58
ii&kn&, ii. 40
n&ch (t/nyit), L 827 ; iii. 86
n&jo, ii. 161
n&t (latt&), 248
n&tt, n&tA, etc. (naptri)> ii 58,
155, 193
n&m, n^T, etc. (nftman), i. 254,
256 ; ii. 60, 152
n&rangi, i. 130
n^yal, etc. (n&iikela), i. 201
nail, ii. 185, 199
n&14, ii. 9
n&y (\/nam), iii. 57
n&haneo, L 347
-ni, ii. 334
niiin (nemi)j i. 256
nikat, i. 183
nikal, nik&l, etc. (i/nishkrisli), i.
354 ; iii. 58
nikas, nik&s, etc., (b,
nitas, etc., i. 152
mn4, i. 182, 337; ii 48
nind&Yto, ii. 103
nidr&la, iL 59
nininave, ii. 140
nind&s, ii. 82
nipat&ra, ii. 94
iiiba4, nibar (niyrit), iii. 60
nimna, i. 340
nirmal^t, iL 79
nivd (\/nam), iii. 57
ni9ala, ii. 89
niliachai, etc. (iii9clia7e), L 140,
307 ; ii 297
nilia^ (\/iiam), iii. 57
\/nl, iii 44
-nln, ii. 262, 271
nicha, niche, i. 184 ; ii. 297
n)j (nidra), i. 182, 337 ; iL 48
nit, L 152
nind (nidrft), L 182, 887 ; iL 48,
82
-nuQ, ii. 253, 261
nu^i (\/nani), iii. 57
nnpiir, L 168, 175
ni!k^, L 144, 248
-ne, ii. 262
-nen, ii. 253
neo, ney, etc. (nemi), i. 191, 256
nengU, L 248, 301
nenu, etc. (nayana), L 140; iL 17
nemaito, ii« 103
neval, nenl, etc. (nakula), L 139
187, 201
nevun (navati), ii. 137, 141
nehemi, i. 139
-no, iL 276, 287
no4i, ii. 226
noru, noliyno (nakula), i. 187,
201
nydv, etc. (ny&ya), L 341
nh& (Vsn&), L 148, 347 ; iii. 68
-pa, ii. 71
pak (\/pacli), iii. 38, 78
pakki, etc. (pakra), i. 153, 824 ;
ii. 25
pakh, L 310
pakhl, iL 154
paga^i, L 154
INDEX.
305
pach, iii. 12, 38
pacM^iiy ii. 141
paoh&yan, ih.
pachas, ii. 137, 140
pachts, etc., i. 253
pachpan, ii. 141
pachhatiy, i. 218
paclihim, i. 307
pachhe, ii. 297
pancMnna, ii. 141
panchht, ii. 154
panj, ii. 132, 140, 246
panjalia, ii. 137, 141
patakd, etc., i. 133
pat&ka, ii. 43
patvaii, ii. 154
patta, etc., i. 224, 336
pa4 (Vpat), i. 224 ; ii. 64 ; iii.
56, 226
pad&v (par&o), ii. 64, 66
pa4i (prati), i. 321
pa^isa, ii. 199
pa^ofil (parofit), i. 321 ; ii. 155
pa^chhaytl, i. 321
pa<jUi, paph (\/path), i. 270; ii.
37 ; iii. 40
pa^hama, i. 132
-pann, -pai^o, ii. 71, 75
pankappa4^, etc., i. 152
pan^it^, ii. 166
pan^ita,* ii. 72, 166
paDDarah, ii. 134
pati,* ii. 184, 190
patta, ii. 29
patthar, i. 148, 15^3, 313, 820;
ii. 97
pattbarail^ ii. 97
-pan, ii. 71, 75, 172
pan- (panchan in comp.), ii. 125
pandarah, pandhr&Q, etc., ii. 134
pandha^o, ii. 117
TOL. m.
pann^, ii. 137
par, pari, ii. 298, 344
parakh, etc. (pariksh^), i. 145, 182
parakliaM, ii. 187
para^, parn^n, etc. (Vpari-n)),
iii. 44
parab (parwan), i. 131, 171, 322,
352 ; ii. 60
paral&, ii. 344
paralokn, ii. 127
paras, i. 356
parasn^ (Vsprish), i. 171, 356
parosi, ii. 154
pargana, i. 320
parcbli&ln, i. 321
parjant, i. 136
parti, ii. 164
parta, ib.
pani&l&, i. 320
parbatiyd, ii. 86
parbhu, i. 322
parson, iii. 265
palang, i. 199, 349; ii. 119
palanga^t, iL 119
pal&n, ii. 349
pa^n, i. 135, 260; ii. 185
pasiba (Vpraviq), i. 316
past&ya^en, i. 218
pastis, ii. 140
paharii, ii. 36, 38
pabaryo, i. 267 ; ii. 142
pahira, i. 131
paliir^&, etc., i. 177 ; ii. 69, 70
pahil&, i. 131, 138, 267; ii. 142
pahnn, ii. 258
pahibDLchna, etc., i. 276, 343 ; iii.
65
-p&, ii. 71, 75
p&, p&v, p&m, etc. ( Vprap), i. 202 ;
iii. 18, 41
^pa, iii. 44, 228
20
306
INDEX.
p&i, i. 262
p&n, ii. 144
p&UQ, i. 256
pii)i9, ii. 144
p&e, th.
p&iis, payas (prdypsh), i. 165
p&^y, i. 255, 256
p&ka<j[, i. 133
p&khi, ii. 154
p&gal&mi, ii. 77
pachhe, ii. 297
plUich, ii. 132
p&nchy&n, ii. 248
p&t, i. 273
p&falo, ii. 119
p&tayinen, etc., i. 320
pata, i'. 153
p&th, i. 162, 815
pa4&, i. 224
p&4ah^, ii. 36
p&4o, ii. 150
p&dlm&, ii. 37
p&4hl, ii. 85
pa^, pan (parna), i. 343 ; ii. 14
pan (atman), i. 330 ; ii. 328
P&9I, p&nl, i. 149, 152 ; ii. 125,
156
papi, ii. 85, 165
pfiras, i. 356
p&reoho, ii. 110
p&rkhaneQ, i. 145
p&lana, i. 247
pfil&n, i. 349
p&8, etc. (p^rgve), i. 183, 355 ; ii.
25, 299
P&M4, i. 154, 260
p^htiQ, ii. 258
p^huna, i. 343
paho©, ii. 299
pi, (api), i. 175
pi (Vp&), i. 240, 241, 242; iii. 44
pin (pita), i. 165, 187, 202 ; ii.
58, 187, 194
pik, pika (t/pach), i. 129 ; ii. 25 ;
iii. 38
pichliaia, ii. 101
pichhe, ii. 297
pinanu, ii. 60
pinjara, i. 130
pit, i. 162 ; iii. 63
pitth, etc. (prish^), i. 162, 165,
315
pitiya, ii. 90
pindhiba, i. 177
pinro, ii. 345
pippala, ii. 24
piyara, ii. 94
piyasa, i. 187, 203; ii. 81, 82
pirthl, i. 145
pirbliti (parvan), i. 131, 322, 352 ;
ii. 60
pilsaj, i. 276
piiana, i. 240 ; iii. 80
pisai, ii. 63
pistalis, ii. 140
pih (V'praviq), i. 316 ; iii. 38, 139
pi^a^en, i. 240
pi (priya), ii. 156
pi (Vpa), i. 240 ; iii. 44
plchlie, ii. 297
pit, i. 162 ; iii. 63
pith, etc. (priflhtha), i. 162, 315
pitho, iii. 139
pid, ii. 48, 50
pinanu, etc. (V^P^)* i- 240 ; iL 50
picjha, i. 270
pidho, iii. 141
pipala, ii. 24
piia,i. 243 '
pilha, i. 323
pih, pis (t/pish), i. 259 ; iii. 139
pua, i. 337
INDEX.
307
pn&n, ii. 297
pntru, i. 103
pnfareto, ib,
path, puthi (prishtha), i. 315
pudhilt, ii. 104
-pun, -pu^d, ii. 71, 76
put, i. 337
putali, etc., i. 133
putura, i. 172, 158
purush, ii. 199
purushatan, ii. 76
pusa^en, i. 218 ; iii. 40
puhap, puhup (pushpa), L 191,
307, 331
puhukar, i. 307
piichh, etc. (prachli), i. 218 ; iii. 40
piijaii, ii. 58
pibiaii, ii 174
piira, i. 343, 344
pQrba, ii. 25
ptbjanu, iii. 71
pekkh, i. 162
petaii, petii, ii. 42, 112
petho, i. 316 ; iii. 139, 144
pe4i i* 135
penth, i. 139
penii, ii. 38
pern, ii. 61
pelan^ etc., i. 240 ; ii. 36
pelo, ii. 340
pe9 (praviQ), i. 316 ; iii. 38
peharavun, i. 177
pehelo, i."l38, 167 ; ii. 142, 344
pai, ii. 298
painsath, i. 168
paith (Vpravi^), i. 316 ; iii. 38
paiD4li^, i. 168
paintails, i. 168, 215, 292
paintls, ih.
pairdk, ii. 43
-po, ii. 71
poe, ii. 297
pokhar, i. 133, 306
pon&, ii. 144
pot&,i. 158; ii343, 344
pothi, i. 313; ii. 29, 202
poner, ii. 134
poh, i. 259
pohe, i. 135, 260
paune, ii. 144
PH
phakanu, i. 276
phat, etc. (Vsphat), i. 308; iii. 53
plia4, etc. (id,), ih.
phana, ii. 9
phanas, i. 192
phandrCd, ii. 100
phas, etc. (i/spyish), i. 307, 355
phaskemi, ii. 77
ph&Dsl, etc., i. 355 ; ii. 8
phdnk, ii. 191
phat (Vsphat), i. 308 ; iii. 53
phatak, i. 308 ; ii. 31
pha4, etc., i. 308 ; iii. 53
ph&ndnli, i. 307
ph&l, ph&r, i. 247 ; ii. 8
ph&hl, i. 355 ; ii. 8
phit, (\/spliat), i. 308 ; iii. 53
phut (\/8phut), i. 308 ; iii. 53
phup (pushpa), i. 307, 331
phul, i. 151, 152
phenkn&, i. 276
pher, iii. 56
pho4, i. 307 ; iii. 54
pho4&, i. 307 ; ii. 29, 30
pho4^> ii* 38
B
bak, i. 252
bakara, etc., i. 131, 144, 319 ; ii.
22, 150, 162
308
INDEX.
baga^l, i. 252
bagbitalay iii. 143
bacha, bachha, etc., i. 153, 317;
ii. 9, 121, 151
bachan^, etc., i. 178, 211
baj, baj (Vvad), i. 828 ; iii. 66
bajhanu, i. 328; iii. 48,137
bajbo, iii. 137
bate, i. 164, 216
batn&, etc., i. 164 ; ii. 62
bathan, i. 178
ba4(vata), i. 199; ii. 8
bada (vriddha), i. 163 ; ii. 72, 79
badha!, i. 334; ii. 155, 165
badhapai^u, ii. 72
ba^bin, ii. 165
banian, ii. 187
baniain, ii. 168
bat- (virtta in comp.), i. 151
battt, i. 154, 334
battls, i. 331 ; ii. 138, 142
badho, iii. 137
banana, iii. 78
bandhanu, etc., i. 300 ; iii. 48
banna, iii. 78
bapautl, ii. 107
bar, ii. 12
baras, bars^, etc. (varsha), L 173,
355 ; ii. 9, 14
baretban, ii. 165
barochu, ii. 168
barkb&, etc. (varsba), i. 261, 355;
ii. 9
barcbbait, ii. 103
bar], i. 352
barbyu, i. 355
balad, ii. 199
bala, ii. 206
baH, i. 182
bavanjd, i. 331
babattar, i. 288, 331
babangt, i. 131
bahin, i. 138, 155, 183, 202, 266 ;
ii. 170
babir&,i. 138, 267; ii. 18
babn, babft, etc. (yadh^i), i. 183 ;
ii, 55, 184, 216, 226
b&- (dvi in comp.), i. 253, 288,
331 ; ii. 138
bda (vdyn), i. 147 ; ii. 54
bauda, b&iila, etc. (vatula), ii. 100
bans, etc., ii. 8, 121, 164
bansuli, ii. 121
banb, i. 182; ii. 54, 173
bag, i. 183, 323 : ii. 49
bagun, i. 133
bagh, i. 320, 351; ii. 21, 165, 169
bacbburt, i. 133
bacbbna, i. 351
bajb, i. 359
banjba, i. 327
ba^bo, ii. 155
bat, i. 164, 182 ; ii. 49
bati, i. 182 ; ii. 49
badal, i. 145
bandbna, i. 300
bap, ii. 191, 215
baph, i. 191, 307, 331
baba, ii. 152, 192, 204
bayako, ii. 161, 192
bayan, ii. 26
bara^n, i. 324
barab, etc. (dvada^a), i. 243, 331 ;
ii. 134, 138, 246
baiak, ii. 199, 201
baiantapap, ii. 73
baiapan, i. 330 ; ii. 72
baU, baiA (baiuka), i. 147 ; ii. 89
baina, i. 324
babott, ii. 122
bi- (dvi in comp.), i. 331
bio, ii. 143
INDEX*
309
bikat, i. 182
bikav, ii. 64
bikii, ii. 10, 167
bikh, i. 261 ; ii. 8, 174
biga4, etc. (^vighat), i. 278 ; ii.
86, 70 ; iii. 61
bichhina, ii. 70
bichhud, etc. (vri9cldk&), ii. 146,
307
bijll (vidyut), i. 146, 181, 182,
327
bitapan, ii. 74
bitni, i. 351
bind!, i. 147; ii. 64, 174
bindhal, ii. 94
bir&nave, i. 831 ; ii. 139
birdsl, %h,
birt, i. 166
bilaito, ii. 104
bis, ii. 174
bib, i. 242
biban, i. 202
biban, ii. 16
bibl (vlbhl), iii. 68
biha, ii. 8
blj (vlja), L 331 ; ii. 143
bis (vinqati), i. 155; ii. 137, 140
bisY&Q, ii. 248
bujh (ylbudb), i. 273, 828 ; ii. 66,
107; iii. 48,137
bujbail, ii. 96
bujhanti, ii. 66, 107
bud, Mi, etc., i. 132, 276 ; iii.
62
bn44ha, etc. (vyiddba), i. 163;
ii. 159
bu4h&pa9, i. 330 ; ii. 72, 73
bund, bihid (Tindu), L 135 ; ii.
64, 174
bondbanu, iii. 48, 137
bul&na,'i. 211 ; iii. 78
be, i. 331
be&lls, i. 331 ; ii. 139
beusa, i. 143
beng, i. 351
becb, iii. 64
beta, ii. 186, 204, 228
betl, ii. 207
betu&, ii. 41
be4i!&, ii. 44
be4h&, i. 273, 316
bep^il, i. 351
ber, i. 142 ; ii. 22
bel, i. 157
beln&, ii. 17
behen, i. 138, 202
behedl, i. 138 ; ii. 13
baigun, i. 167
baith (^upavi9), i. 179, 241, 242,
316; ii. 31; iii. 38
bokar, i. 319 ; ii. 22
bona, i. 158, 200
bol (Vbrft), iii. 37
byontna, i. 144
byora, i. 143
BH
bhanv (-/bbram), iii 34
bbanvara (bbramara), i. 320; ii.
22
bbaQvai, ii. 65
bhago, iii. 137
bbagat, i. 287
bhang (vl)hanj), iii. 39
bbajanu, ii. 38; iii. 60, 137
bhanapu, %h.
bhanj, iii. 39
bbataku, ii. 37
bbatua^l, ii. 117
bbatti, i. 154
310
INDEX.
bba^na, ii. 39
bbatlja, i. 161, 165
bhanvai, ii. 155
bhab^t, i. 145
bham (v1)bram), iii. 34
bbay, ii. 10, 222
bbayaOy iii. 195
bhar, ii. 19, 20, 38, 51, 70, 108,
109
bharam (^bbram), iii. 84
bharyatu, ii. 109
bhaia, ii. 73, 79
bbayuQ, ii. 55
bb&ityo, i. 161, 165
bbaito, ii. 103
bb&l, hhi^, etc. (bbr&tri), i. 202,
320; iL 58, 103, 155, 193, 194
bb^i^j, i. 165
bbakh&, i. 261
bhag, bb&ng (V^banj), iii. 39
bb&g (bhagya), ii. 78
bbajayat, ii. 67
bbaji^, ii. 38
bbanii, ib.
bba4, bba4&, i. 199 ; ii. 29, 30
bba944, i. 199
bhan^^mi, ii. 77
bb^4o, ii. 29
bb^p^P^pi^, ii. 73
bbat, i. 286
bhapb, i. 191, 331
bh&r, u. 40, 199
bb&rad, ii. 40
hUlk, ii. 9
bbalii, u. 39
bb&v, ii. 14
bh&vl, ii. 170
bb&Ti^, ii. 170, 231
bhasha, i. 261
bbik&ii, i. 152
bbig, bbij, etc., i. 176; iii. 81
bbi4, iii. 63
bhinoi, iL 155
Vl)bi, iii. 9
bbikh (bbikshi), i. 152
bhltar, i. 176, 184
bhTikba4o, ii. 119
bbugo, iii. 137
bbuja^u, iii. 50
bbunano, ih.
bhnnikatn, ii. 64
bbulanu, ii. 52
Vbh^" iii. 33, 194
bb<i, bbiiie, etc. (bbibni), i. 257 ;
ii. 52, 89, 184
bbM, bbMnft, ii. 51
bbejna, i. 328 ; iii. 65
bhe4, iii. 63
bbe^a, i. 316
bbe4uy4, ii. 39
bhe^in, i. 187,202; ii. 194
bhe^t, iii. 63
bhai^s, i. 192
bbain, i. 187
bboli^o, ii. 117
bbaun (V^bram), iii. 34
bbaun, bbaunb (bhrCk), ii. 55
bbauQr (bbramara), i. 320 ; ii.
22
bbaui^l, i. 202
M
ma, ii. 302
makbi, i. 218, 810; ii. 34
mag, ii. 8
magbar, i. 323, 354
mana^n, i. 319; ii. 19
macbiy, ii. 64
macbbui, ii. 89, 40
maj (pion.), ii. 302
INDEX*
311
majjh, majhi, etc., (madhye), i.
327 ; ii. 305
majMr, ii. 293
majhol&y i. 327 ; ii. 100
manjan, etc., i. 149, 319
manjMro, ii. 100
matt), i. 162, 333 ; ii. 35
math, i. 270
manual, ii. 24
mat, ii. 52
matho, i. 313 ; ii. 29, 195, 213
madhn, ii. 191, 295
manauti, ii. 107
mandir, ii. 22
mandliia^o, ii. 117
mamatal^, ii. 91
mar (\/myi), iii. 55
maretho, ii. 169
marhanu, ii. 51
malna (9ma<j&na), i. 348
masCdr, i. 133
mahaiig&, etc. (mah^gha), i. 149
273
mah&tam, ii. 77
maMdeva^o, ii. 119
mahima, ii. 152
mahud, ii. 40
malii)i&, i. 150
mahob&, i. 317
mala^CQ, i. 243
ma, m&i, maii, etc. (m&t&), i.
165,202; ii 48, 58, 187, 191,
202
-ma, ii. 244
-m^n, ii. 292
manhi, ii. 294
m&QhaiQ, ih.
makhi, i. 310 ; ii. 34
m^en, ii. 110
magitaia, iii. 143
m^M, ii. 110
m&g, m&ng, etc. (Vmfig), i. 319 ;
iii. 40
micbhi, i. 218; ii. 84
m&clihti&, ii. 39
m&j (mr^), i. 319 ; iii. 9
majh, i. 327 ; ii 312
m^jll, ii. 293
manjhail, ii. 97
m&t)» ii* 35
m&th&, i. 267
m&nhipo, ii. 72
m&t, ii. 48, 217, 218
m&th&, i. 313 ; ii. 29
-m&n (plur.), ii. 199, 280, 316
m&pn&, i. 206
m&mu, ii. 39
m&m&, i. 181 ; ii. 36, 50 ; iii. 55
m&ro, ii. 306, 312
m&ia, ii. 48, 216
m&li, ii. 154, 165, 193, 195
ma^i, i. 218, 310; ii. 34
masiik, ii. 232
mdso (matsya), i. 218
-mi, ii. 334
michlia, i. 327
mit, mith, etc., 162 ; iii. 63
mittl, i. 162, 333; ii. 35
mith^s, ii. 82
miijiyoi, ii. 340
minro, ii. 345
mirikQ, ii. 72, 226
misar (mi9ra), i. 357
mi, ii. 302, 308
miQli, i. 266
michli, i. 327
mu, mui, ii. 302, 304
mu& (mpita), i. 165 ; iii. 144
munh, i. 266
mukhiii, i. 322
mukhi, ii. 88, 89
mugalani, ii. 166
312
INDEX.
mngdar, etc. (mudgara), i. 286
mujh, ii. 302, 304, 306
muthi, i. 315
ma94^, ii. 187
inn94&s4, ii. 83
muQ^^ ii. 86
mut&s, ii. 82
moreli, ii. 121
miLsa^u, iii. 51
miin, ii 302, 304
mi!kgar&, i. 286
miichh, i. 135
m^th, i. 191, 315
mii^h, i. 286 ; ii. 72
mat, i. 152, 338
miirldi, ii 72
miirclili, L 172
mM, i. 351
m^sal, i. 155
mdsa, iL 9
men, ii. 292
menhi, ii. 92
mejanen, i. 139
mer&,ii. 312, 313, 314
melen, i. 165
mo, ii. 302, 313
mokh, i. 307
motl, i. 287 ; ii. 34, 157, 206
modi, ii. 154
mor, i. 144
moho^nn, ii. 118, 189
mhananen, i. 192
mhatala, iii. 151
mh&tlira, ii. 73
mharo, ii. 312, 314
mliains, i. 192
ryal, ii. 100
yah, ii 317, 336
V^&, iii. 36, 213
-y&, ii. 83, 88
y&rahaQ, L 260 ; ii. 246
yahi, ii. 319
yih, ii. 336
yiio, ih.
ye, ii. 817, 319
yenen, ii. 249
-yo, ii. 83
yog, i. 249
B
raii, ii. 194
rakat, i. 171
rakh, etc. (^/rakah), iii. 41
rat, etc., i. 228
ra4, etc., ih.
ran4, i. 299 ; ii. 48
ran4&po, ii 72, 73
ratan, L 171
rato, i. 287
ran, i. 179, 341
rana, i. 299 ; ii. 48, 72
rass), ii. 148
V^rah, i. 131, 138; ii. 38, 42;
iii. 40
raha^, i. 179, 266
Tin, i. 202
r&ut, i. 202; ii. 127
raul, i. 202
r&kh (raksha), ii. 48, 119
raja, i. 202; ii. 60, 152, 184, 199
ra4, i. 228
lidh, r&cjhl, i. 228 ; ii. 86
ran4, i. 299 ; ii. 48, 72
ran4&p&, ii. 72
rat, i. 337 ; ii. 52, 112, 203, 206,
288
rit&, i. 287
INDEX.
313
lin, i. 179, 841
ran!, i. 303
r&vat, i. 202
ra8, i. 348
r&h, iii. 40
richh, i. SIO; ii. 14
rinu, i. 179, 341
richh, i. 218, 310; ii. 14
lis, (h,
-ru, ii. 273
ruanu, i. 202
rukhl, ii. 341
Vruch, iii. 19, 23
rudhl, ii. 222
Vrud, iii. 16, 24
l/rudh, iii. 20
rano, iii. 138
nilana, i. 241
msi^o, ii. 17
rudh, i. 316
-re, ii. 292
rekh, regh, etc. (rekh&), i. 272;
ii. 48
rent, i. 266
renta, i. 179
rendl, i. 180
ret, rati, ii. 92, 94, 101
ret&l, rettla, ib.
retua, ii. 40
reh (t/rah), i. 138 ; ii. 48, 49 ;
iii. 40
-ro, ii. 217, 281, 284
ro&n (roman), i. 267
ro^, ii. 82
rog), ii. 85
rona, i. 202, 241 ; ii. 82
lakhavun, i. 266
lakhojl, ii. 123
Vlag, i. 300 ; ii. 260 ; iii. 34, 216
lagatl, ii. 53
lagin, i. 172
lagnn, ii. 261
lajiJA, ii. 92
lajlia, ii. 97
latakna, i. 228 ; ii. 32
lath, i. 250, 315
la4k&, i. 228 ; ii. 72, 201
lad^u, i. 228
ladhanen, i. 228 ; ii. 44
lad, ii'. 2*0 ; iii. 61
ladho, i. 268 ; iii. 137
lanu, ii. 299
lablianu, iii. 49, 137
lahanu, i. 268 ; iii. 49, 137
lahar, i. 131, 138
-la, ii. 253, 260
-lal, th,
lakh, i. 152
lag (ylag), i. 300; ii. 51, 52;
iii. 34
lagtn, ii. 260
laj, ii. 49, 92
latW, i. 241, 250, 315
la4, ii. 100, 101
la41, ii. 85
lat, i. 248 ; ii. 49
latho, i. 269
mi, ii. 152
Uhanu, i. 269
likhna, i. 266
Ut, H4, iii. 64
Hto, iii. 138
Vlip, iii. 59, 138
lldho, iii. 141
lila, i. 228
luchha, ii. 72, 77
luhan^^) ii. 125
luha,* ii. 15
l{ik&, i. 173, 180
314
INDEX.
mt, i. 248
%, i. 144, 248
l^sanu, iii. 51
l^hanUi th.
le (Vlabh), i. 248, 268; iii. 49, 219
-lo, ii. 281, 287
lok, ii. 8, 28, 200
long, i. 143, 191
lop, I011&, i. 143, 144; ii. 33,
111, 156
loM, ii. 15, 30
lohi, ii. 92
lohu, ii. 15
lau, ii. 261
laung, i. 143
lau94, i- 22^
Far words not found under V, look
under B.
yakhad, i. 252
Taga^nll, i. 273
yanga}, i. 252
vati, i. 334 ; ii. 72
vato, i. 164
yatho, iii. 138
yadliai, i. 334
yanati, ii. 53
vathu, ii. 202
var, ii. 298
yarihoko, ii. 112
yaris, i. 173
yam, i. 182
yarttapnk, ii. 44
yarhyu, ii. 14
t/yas, i. 252; iii. 138
yasatt, ii. 53
yasandl, ii. 54
yastu, ii. 190
yah, ii. 118, 334
yaMn, ii. 336
yahitru, ii. 45
yahii, i. 183, 267 ; ii. 55, 161, 190
y&i*, ii. 54
yaii, i. 147 ; ii. 54, 158, 194
-y^n, ii. 244, 247
y^gli, ii. 170
y&gM, ii. 195
y&ch&lA, ii. 92
yachchha, i. 153
y&jatu, ii. 45
y&nch, iii. 68
yanjh, i. 327
y&tanoQ, i. 164
yatsarii, ii. 192, 217
y&4ho, i. 334 ; ii. 30, 202
yaniko, ii. Ill
y&t, i. 334 ; ii. 99
y&tM, ii. 99
y&da)a, i. 145
y&p^ko, ii. Ill
y&ph, i. 307
ydyaijl, ii. 119
y&il, i. 147
yary&8&, ii. 114
y&Ber&, ii. 99
yihipo, i. 330 ; ii. 72
yikin (\/yikri), iii. 64
^/yighat, iii. 61
-vicli, ii. 292
yichu, yinchii, i. 146, 307 ; ii.
193, 203
yijn, ii. 117, 194
yijul!, i. 327
yiiiiiijiu, ii. 42 ; iii. 71
yifthal, i. 347
yiijialiapu, ii. 38
yiraii, i. 166
yirchhanu, i. 351 ; ii. 42
vih, i. 242 ; iii. 139
INDEX.
815
viliu, ii. 8, 174
vinu, ii. 194
vili,i. 259; ii. 137, 140
Tutho, iii. 138
vuh, ii. 336
ve, ii. 318, 319
yekiro, ii. 81
vetho, i. 179; iii. 139
veru, ii. 112
vevasay, i. 143
V^ak, iii. 16, 36
9at&Yis, i. 289
^q&d, iii. 57
9anibliar, i. 297 ; ii. 137
^ah&napan, ii. 73
9aQy9l, ii. 140
9&9nay, ii. 140
9&9, L 358
9&}, ii. 50
9i41, i. 273
9ih, ii. 132
-9in, ii. 271
9lns, i. 354
Vqikh, iii. 68
\/9iv, ih.
9iin, sun (\/9ru), i. 357 ; iii. 15,
i8, 24, 28, 41
V9U8lik, iii. 39
9et (kshetra), i. 218, 310; ii. 35
90, ii. 324
90iba, i. 199
SH
sha'ith, i. 315
sliola, i. 243 ; ii. 134
S
sak, etc (\/9ak), iii. 36, 223
sagar, i. 198, 207
saga, i. 358
sagauti, ii. 108
saghanu, ii. 51 ; iii. 36
sange, i. 184; ii. 275
Bach (satya), i. 327 ; ii. 109
sajya, i. 136 ; ii. 49
sajhaito, ii. 103
satth, i. 315 ; ii. 137, 246
Ba4, iii. 57
Ba^sath, i. 289, 293
Ba9<jUiii, i. 356
Bat-, satt-, etc. (saptan in comp.),
i. 253, 288, 289, 290, 293 ; ii.
133, 134, 137, 141
sane, ii. 275
sannli, i. 299
sapn, i. 319
sapeijia, i. 149
sapota, ii. 121
sab, sabh, etc. (sarra), i. 351, 352;
ii. 25, 200, 258, 340, 341
samajhna, i. 211, 327 ; ii. 37, 107
samaran, i. 347
Bamundar, ii. 21
same, i. 140
sam^iha, ii. 200
sambaia, iii. 68
sar, s&r (\/sri), iii. 55
sarason, i. 355
sarahnd, i. 171, 266, 358
sava, i. 100 ; ii. 144
sasn, i. 358 ; ii. 194
sasur, i. 358 ; ii. 22
sabanu, ii. 38
sabanen, i. 155
s&in,*L 257; ii. 154
8&g, ii. 108
316
INDEX.
s&njh, i. 273, 328 ; ii. 50
sath, i. 315 ; ii. 187
BidhHy i. 356
sa^he, i. 273 ; ii. 144
s&t (saptan), i. 133 ; ii. 236, 288
samp, i. 319; ii. 121
samliiie, ii. 298
sisara, i. 358 ; ii. 198, 216
8a8<i,i. 358; ii. 192,216
sikliann, i. 242 ; iii. 80
Singh,' i. 160,262; ii. 14
sir, ii. 50
-sin, ii.272
sis, i. 354, 359
sukka, etc., i. 307 ; ii. 13 ; iii. 39
supai^ii, etc. (V9^)> ^* ^^^l iii*
50, 138
sunto, ii. 219, 235, 310
si^ar, i. 206
s<i1, i. 187, 191, 202
BhjU, i. 328
-se, ii. 274
se, ii. 318, 334
sekhane, ii. 337
setha, %b,
seiidh, i. 134, 299
80, ii. 314, 322, 887
so (Vsvap), i. 199 ; iiL 86
Bonsl (suvama), i. 241, 343, 358;
ii. 15, 30*
son&r, i. 201 ; ii. 126
solah, i. 243 ; iL 134
l/sthambli, iiL 60
Vstha, iii. 34, 208
Vsphat, etc., iii. 53, 57
H
liag&s, ii. 82
hacM, ii. 159, 203
hato, iii. 177
hattar, i. 291, 293
ham, etc., ii. 302, 307, 309, 312
halanu, ii. 19, 53
ha, ii. 317, 336
ha4, i. 317
han^a, i. 268; ii. 148
h&th, i. 268, 318 ; ii. 91, 109
hathl, i. 268, 318 ; ii. 153, 164
hani, ii. 52
hiya, i. 202; ii. 117
hundl, i. 268
hunto, ii. 219, 234
heth, ii. 298
ho, hua, etc., (V^h{l), L 268 ; ii.
236, 318; iii. 33, 197
hai (Vas), iii. 173
haun, etc., t^.
hvai, hvaihai, etc., i^.
Fn^is.
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By J. Muir, Esq. —II. Miscellaneous Hymns fh>m the Rig- and Atbarva-Vedas. By J. Muir,
Esq.— III. Five hundred questions on the Social Condition of the Natives of Bengal. By the
ReT. J. Long.— IV. short aoeoont of the Malay Manuscripts belonging to the Royal Asiatie
Society. By Dr. H. N. van der Tuuk. —Y. Translation of tbe Amit&bha satra from the Chinese.
By the ReT. 8. Real, Chaplain Royal Navy.— VI. Tbe initial coinage of Bengal. By Edward
Thomas, Esq. — VII. Specimens of an Assyrian Dictionary. By Edwin Norris, Esq.— VIII. On
the Relations of the Priests to the other classes of Indian Society in the Vedic age By J. Muir,
Esq.— IX. On the Interpretation of the Veda. By the same.— X. An attempt to Translate
fh>m the Chinese a work known as the Confessional Services of the great compassionate Kwan
Tin, possessing 1000 hands and 1000 eyee. By the Rev. S. BetU, Chaplain Royal Navy.
—XI. The Hymns of the GaupAyanaa and the Legend of King Asam&ti. By Professor Max
MOiler, M.A., Honorary Member Royal Asiatic Society.— XII. Specimen Chapters of an Assyrian
Grammar. By the Rer. E. Hincka, D. D., Honorary Member Royal Asiatic Society.
Vol. III. In Two Parts, pp. 616, sewed. With Photograph. 186a 22«.
CowTKNTs.— I. Contributions towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot.
—II. Remarks on the Indo-Chinese Alphabets. By Dr. A. Bastian.— III. The poetry of
Mohamed Rabadan, Arragonese. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. Catalogue of the Oriental
ManuBcripto in the Library of King's College, Cambridge. By Edward Henry Palmer, B.A ,
Scbolar of St. John's College, Cambridge ; Member of the Royal Asiatic Society , Membre de la
Soei^t^ Aslatique de Paris.- V. Description of the Amrarati Tope in Guntur. By J. Fergusson,
Esq., F.R.S.— VI. Remarks on Prof. Brockhaus* edition of the Kathisarit-K&gara, Lambaka IX.
XVIII. By Dr. fl. Kern, Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Leyden.— VII. The source
of Colebrooke's Essay •* On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow." By Fitzedward Hall, Esq.,
M.A., D.C.L. Oxon. Supplement : Further detail of prooft that Colebrooke's Essay, •* On the
Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow," was not indebted to the Vivddabhangimava. By Fita-
edward Hall, Esq.— Vlll. The Sixth Hymn of the First Book of the Rig^Veda. By Professor
Max Mailer, M. A. Hon. M.R.A.S.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions. By E.Thomas, Esq.— X. Ac-
count of an Embassy from Morocco to Spain in 1690 and 1691. By the Hon. H. £. J. Stanley.—
XI. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.- xn.
Materials for the History of India for the Six Hundred Tears of Mohammadan rule, previous to
the Foundation of the British Indian Empire. By Major W. Nassau Lees, LL.D., Ph.D.— XIII.
A Few Words concerning the Hill people inhabiting the Forests of tbe Cochin State. By
Capuin G. E. Fryer, Madras Staff Corps, M.R.A.S.— XIV. Notes on the Bhojpurt Dialect of
Hindi, spoken in Western Behar. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S., Magistrate of Chumparnn«
Vol. IV. In Two Parts, pp. 621, sewed. 1869-70. 16«.
CowTBKTs.— 1. Contribution towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Language. By H. P. Talbot.
Part II.— II. On Indian Chronology. By J. Fergusson, Esq., F.R.8.— III. The Poetry of
Mohamed Rabadan of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. On the Magar Language
of Nepal. By John Beames, Esq. B.C.S.— V. Contributions to the Knowledge of Parsee Lite-
rature. By Edward Sachau, Ph.D.— VI. Illustrations of the Lamaist System in Tibet, drawn
from Chinese Sources. By Wm. Frederick Mayers, Esq., of H.B.M. Consular Service, China.—
YII. Khuddaka P&tha, a FAli Text, with a Translation and Notes. By R. C. Childera, late of
the Ceylon Civil Serrice.— VIII. An Endeavour to elucidate Rashiduddin's Geographical Notices
of India. By Col. H. Tulo, C.B.- IX. Sassanian Inscriptions explained by tbe Pahlav! of the
P&rsls. By E. W. West, Esq.— X. Some Accotmt of the Senbyd Pagoda at Mengdn, near the
Burmese CapiUl, in a Memorandum by Capt. E. H. Shidan, Political Agent at Mandal^; with
Remarks on the Subject by Col. Henry Yule, C.B. — XI. The Brhat>8anbit4 ; or, Complete
System of Natural Astrology of Yarftba-Mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr.
H. Kent. -XII. The Mobanunedan Law of Evidence, and its influence <« the Administration of
4 Linguistic Publications of Trubner Sf Co.f
Juttlce in India. By N. B. E. BailUe, Esq.— XIII. Th6 Mohammedan Law of Eridonoe is eon
neotion with the Administration of Justice to Foreigners. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIV. A
Translation of a Baetrian P&li Inscription. By Prof. J. Dowson.— XV. Indo-Farthian Coins.
By £. Thomas, Esq.
Vol. y. In Two Parte, pp. 463, sewed. With 10 full-page and folding PlateB.
1871-2. 18*.6rf.
CoNTSMTs.— I. Two Jitakas. The original P£li Text, with an English Translation. By T.
Faosboll.— II. On an Ancient Buddhist Inscription at Keu>Tung kwan, in North China. By A.
Wylie.— III. The Brhat SanhitE; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology of Variha-Mmira
Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— IV. The Pon^ol FestiTal in Southern
India. By Charles E. GoTer.— V. The Poetry of Hohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Right
Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.— VI. Essay on the Creed and Customs of the Jangams. By
Charles P. Brown.— VII. On Malabar, Coromandel, Quilon, etc. By C. P. Brown.— VIII. On
the Treatment of the Nexus in the Neo-Aryan Languages of India. By John Beames, B.C.S. —
IX. Some Remarks on the Great Tope at SanchL By the Rev. S. Beal.— X. Ancient Inscriptions
fh>m Mathura. Translated by Professor J. Dowson.- Note to the Mathura Inscriptions. By
Major-Qeneral A. Cunningham.— XI. Specimen of a Translation of the Adi Oranth. By Dr.
Ernest Trumpp.— XII. Notes on Dhammapada, with Special Reference to the Qnestitm of Nir«
Tftna. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon avil Service.- XIII. The Brhat-Sanhit& ; or.
Complete System of Natural Astrology of Var&ba-mihira. Translated ftrom Sanskrit into English
by Dr. U. Kern.— XIV. On the Origin of the Buddhist Arthakathds. By the Mudliar L. Comrilla
Vijttsinha, Government Interpreter to the Ratnapura Court, Ceylon. With an Introducticm by
R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— XV. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of
Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley. -XVI. Proverbia Communia Srriaca.
By Captain R. F. Burton. XVII. Notes on an Ancient Indian Vase, with an Account of the En-
graving thereupon. By Charles Home, M. R. A. S., late of the Bengal Civil Scrvice.-XVIII.
The Bbar Tribe. Bv the Rev. M. A. Sherring, LL.D , Benares. Communicated by C. Home,
M.R.A.S., late B.C.S.— XIX. Of Jihad In Mohammedan Law, and its application to British
India. By N. B. E. Baillie.— XX. Comments on Recent Pehlvi Decipherments. With an Inci-
dental Sketch of the Derivation of Aryan Alphabets. And Contributions to the Early History
and Geography of TabaristAn. Illustrated by Coins. By E. Thomas, F.R.S.
Vol. yi., Part I, pp. 212, sewed, with two plates and a map. 1872. 8«.
CoMTKNiiB.— The Ishmaelites, and the Arabic Tribes who Conquered their Country. By A.
Sprenger.— A Brief Account of Four Arabic Works on the Historv and Geography of Arabia.
Bv Captain S. B. Miles.— On the Methods of Disposing of the Dead at Llassa, Thibet, etc. By
Charles Home, late B.C.S. The Brhat-Sanhiti; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of
Var&ha-mihira, Translated ttom Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— Notes on Hwen
Thrang's Acooimt of the Principalities of Tokhirist&n, in which some Previous Gec^raphioal
Identincations are Reconsidered. By Colonel Yule^ O.B.— The Campaign of iElius Gallus in
Arabia. By A. Sprenger.— An Account of Jerusalem, Translated for the late Sir H. M. Elliott
from the Persian Text of Ndsir ibn KhusrA's Safan&mah by the late Major A. R. Fuller.— The
Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.
Vol. y I., Part II., pp. 213 to 400 and lixxiv., sewed. Illustrated with a Map,
Plates, and Woodcuts. 1873. 8«.
CoKTBMTs. - On Hiouen-Tbsang's Journey from Patna to Ballabhi. By James Fergussoo,
D.C.L., F.R.S. - Northern Buddhism. [Note from Colonel H. Yule, addressed to the Seoretarr.]
—Hwen Thsang's Account of the Principalities of Tokh&rist&n, etc. By Colonel H. Yule, C.b!-
The Bfhat'SaAhilfi; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology of Var&ha-mihira. Translated
from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— The Initial Coinage of Bengal, under the Early
Muhammadan Conquerors. Part II. Embracing the preliminary period between a.h. 614-634
U.D. 1217-1236-7). By Edward Thomas, F.R.S.— The Legend of Dipankara Buddha. Translated
from the Chinese (and intended to illustrate Plates xxix. and l., *Tree and Serpent Worship ').
By S. Beal.— Note on Art. IX., antd pp. 213-274. on Hiouen-Thsang's Journey ftt>m Paina to
Ballabhi. By James Fergusson D.C.L., F.R.S.— Contributions towards a Glossary of the
Assyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot.
Vol. VII., Part I., pp. 170 and 24, sewed. With a plate. 1874. 8#.
Contents.- The Upa8ampad6-Kammav&c&^ being the Buddhist Manual of Uie Fonn and
Manner of Ordering of Priests and Deacons. The Pfili Text, with a Translation and Notes.
By J. F. Dickson, B.A., sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford, now of the Ceylon Civil
Service.— Notes on the Megalithic Monuments of the Coimbatore District, Madras. By M. J.
Walhouse, late Madras C.S.— Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. I. On the Formation of
the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.— The Pali
Text of the Mahdparinibbdna Sutta and Commentary, with a Translation. By R. C. Childers,
ate of the Ceylon avil Service.- The Brihat-Sanhit4 ; or. Complete System of Natural Astrology
of Varfiha-mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern. — Note on the
Valley of Choombi. By Dr. A. Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeding.— The Name of the
Twelfth Imtoi on the Coinage of Egypt. By H. Sauvalre and Stanley Lane Poole.-~Three
Inscriptions of Par&krama Bfiibu the Great from Pulastipura, Ceylon (date circa 1180 a.d.). Bt
T. W. Rhys Davids.— Of the KharfiJ or Muhammadan Land Tax ; its Application to Britisa
India, and Effect on the Tenure of Land. By N. B. E. Baillie.— Appendix : A Specimen of a
Byriao Version of the Kalilah wa-Dimnah, with an English Translation. By W. Wright.
57 and 59^ Ludgate Hill, London, E. C. 6
Vol. YII., Part II., pp. 191 to 394, sewed. With seren plates and a map. 187o. 8f.
Contents.— Stgiri, the Lion Rock, near Palastipura, Cevlon ; and the Thirty-ninth Chapter
of the Mahivamsa. By T. W. Rhys Davids.— The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I.
The Originee of the Mongols. By £l. H. Howorth.— Inedited Arahio Coins. By Stanley Lane
Poole.— Notice on the Dtn&rs of the Abbasside Dynasty. By Edward Thomas Rogers.— The
Northern Frontagers of China. Part II. The Ongine^ of the Manchus. By H. Hf Howorth.
—Notes on the Old Mongolian Capital of Shangtu. By S. W. Bushell. B.Sc., M.D.— Oriental
ProTerbs in their Relations to Folklore, History, Sociologr ; with Suggestions for their Collec-
tion, Interpretation, Publication. By the Rev. J. Long.— Two Old Simhalese Inscriptions. The
SahasaMalla Inscription, date 1200 a D.,and the Ruwanwasli Dagaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d.
Text, Translation, and Notes. By T. W. Rhys Davids.- Notes on a Bactnan Pali Inscription
and the Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson.— Note on a Jade Drinking Vessel of the Emperor
ah&ngfr. By Edward Thomas, F.R.S.
Vol. YIII., Part I., pp. 156, sewed, with three plates and a plan. 1876. 8«.
OoNTXNTS. — Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts is the Possession of the Royal
Asiatic Society (Hodgson Collection). By Professors E. B. Cowell and J. Eggeling.— On the
Ruins of Slgiri in Ceylon. By T. H. Blakesley, Esq., Public Works Department, Ceylon.- Th«
PAUmokkha, being the Buddhist Office of the Confession of Priests. The Pali Text, with a
Translation, and Notes. By J. P. Dickson, M.A., sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford,
now of the Ceylon Civil Service. — Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 2. Proofs of the
Sanskritio Origin of Sinhalese. By R. 0. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.
Vol. VIII., Part II., pp. 157-308, sewed. 1876. 8«.
CoNTRNTS.— An Account of the Island of Bali. Bv R. Friederich.— The Pali Text of the Mahl-
parinibbina Sntta and Commentary, with a TranMation. By R 0. Childers, late of the Ceylon
Civil Service.— The Northern Frontagers of China. Part III. The Kara Khitai. By H. H.
Howorth. — Inedited Arabic Coins. II. By Stanley Lane Poole.— On the Form of Government
under the Native Sovereigns of Ceylon. By A. de Silva Bkan&yaka, Mndaliyar of the Depart*
ment of Public Instruction, Ceylon.
Vol. IX., Part I., pp. 156, sewed, with a plate. 1877. 8«.
CoHTSNTS.— Bactrian Coins and Indian Dates. Bv E. Thomas, F.R.S.— The Tenses of the
Assyrian Verb. By the Rev. A. H. Sayce, M.A.— An Account of the Island of Bali Bv R.
Friederich (continued ftrom Vol. VIII. n.s. p. 218). — On Ruins in Makran. By Major Mockler.
—Inedited Arabic Coins. III. By Stanley Lane Poole.— Further Note on a Bactnan Pali Inscrip-
tion and the Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson. — Notes on Persian Beldchistan. From the
Persian of Mirsa Mehdy Khin. By A. H. Sohindler.
Vol IX., Part II., pp. 292, sewed, with three plates. 1877. 10«. 6^.
CoMTBKTS.- The Early Faith of Asoka. By E. Thomas, F.R.S.— The Northern Frontagers
of China. Part II. The Manchus (Supplementary Notice). By H. H. Howorth.— The Northern
Frontagers of China. Part IV. The Kin or Golden Tatars. By H. H. Howorth. - On a Treatise
on Weights and Measures by EliyA, Archbishop of Nisfbfn. By M. H. Sauvaire.— On Imperial
and other Titles. By Sir T. E. Colebrooke, Bart., M. P.— Affinities of the DialecU of the Chepang
and Kusundah Tribes of Nip&l with those of the Hill Tribes of Arracan. Bv Captain C. J. v.
Foc^. F.R.G.S , M.A.S. Bengal, ate.— Notes on Some Antiquities found m a Mound near
Damghan. By A. H. Schindler.
Vol. X., Part I., pp. 156, sewed, with two plates and a map. 1878. 8«.
CoNTiirrs.— On the Non-Arran Languages of India. By E. L. Brandreth, Esq.— A Dialogue
on the Vedantio Conception of Brahma. By Pramad& D&ra Mittra, late Officiating Profe8M)r of
Anglo-Sanskrit, Government College, Benares. — An Account of the Island of Bali. By R.
Friederich (continued from Vol. IX. N. S. p. 120).— Unpublished Glass Weights and Measures.
By Edward Thomas Rogers.— China vift Tibet. By S. C. Boulger.— Notes and Recollections on
Tea Cultivation in Kumaon and Garhw&l. By J. H. Batten, F.R.G.S., Bengal Civil Service
Retired, formerly Commissioner of Kumaon.
Vol. X., Part II., pp. 146, tewed. 1878. 6«.
CoMTBMTS.— Note on Pliny's QeographT of the East Cbast of Arabia. By Major-Ocneral
S. B. Miles, BomlMiy Staff Corp«. The Maldive Islands; with a Vocabulary taken fVom Francois
Pyrard de Laval, 1602—1607. By A. Gray, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.- On Tibeto-Burman
Languages. By Captain C. J. F. S. Forbes, of the Burmese Civil Service Commission.— Burmese
Transliteration. By H. L. St. Barbe, Esq., Resident at Mandelay.— On the Connexion of the
M5ns of Pegu with the Koles of Central India. By Captain 0. J. F. S. Forbes, of the Burmese
Civil ComnSssion. — Studies on Uie Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, with
Special Reference to Assyrian. By Paul Haupt. The Oldest Semitic Verb-Form.— Arab Metro-
logy. II. EIDjabarty. By M. H. Sauvaire.- The Migrations and Early History of the White
Huns ; principally fh>in Chinese Sources. By Thomas W. Kingsmill.
Vol. X., Part III., pp. 204, sewed. 1878. 8«.
CoMTVKTS.— On the Hill Canton of Silir,— the most Easterly Settlement of the Turk Race.
By Robert B. Shaw. -Geological Notes on the River Indus By Griffin W. Vyse, B.A^ M.R.A.6 ,
etc.. Executive Engineer P.W.D. Panjab.— Educational Literature for Japanese Women. By
Basil Hall Chamberlain, Esq., M.RJ^.S.— On the Natural Phenomenon ^own in the East by
8 Linguistic Publications of Truhner if Co.^
the Names Sab-hi-K&zilH etc., etc. Br J. W. Bedhoas^ H.R.A.8., Hon. Memb. S.8.L.^Oii
a Chinese Version of the Sinkhya KiriuL, eic, found among the Buddhist Books comprising
the Tripitaka and two other works. Br the BeT. Samuel Beal, H.A.— The Bock-out Phrygian
Inscriptions at Doganlu. By Edward Thomas, F.B.S.— Index.
Vol. XI., Part Im pp. 128, sewed. 5«.
CoxTBirrs.^OD the Position of Women in the East in the Olden Time. By Edward Thomas,
F.B.S.— Notice of the Scholars who have Contrlbnted to the Extension of our Knowledge of the
Languages of British India during the last Thirty Tears. By Robert N. Cust, Hon. Librarian
R.A.8. ^Ancient Arabic Poetry: its Genuineness and Authenticity. By Sir William Mnir.K.C.S I.,
LL.D.— Note on Manrique's Mission and the Catholios In the time of Sh&h Jah&n. i>t H. O.
Keene, Esq.— On Sandhi in Pali. By the late R. C. Chllders.— On Arabio Amulets and Mottoes.
By E. T. Rogers, M.R.A.8.
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CONTKXTS.
Vol. I.->Preface — ^Treatise on the Dramatic SyHtem of the Hindus— Dramas translated ftom the
Original Sanskrit— The Mrichchakati, or the Toy Cart— Yikram aand Urvasi, or the
Hero and the Nymph— Uttara RiUua Charitra, or continuation of the History of
Rdma.
Yol. II.— Dramas translated fh>m the Original Sanskrit— MaUti and Mftdhava, or the Stolen
Marriage— Mudri Rakshasa, or the Signet of the Minister— Ratn&vall, or the
Necklace — Appendix, containing short accounts of different Dramas.
Wilson. — The Present State of the Cultivation op Oriental
LiTERATURB. A Lccturc delivered at the Meeting of the Royal Asiatic
Society. By the Director, Professor H. H. Wilson. 8vo. pp. 26, sewed.
London, 1852. Qd,
Wilson. — A. Dictionary in Sanskrit and English. Translated,
amended, and enlarged from an original compilation prepared hy learned Natives
for the Collep:e of Fort William by H. H. Wilson. The Third Edition edited
by Jagunmobana Tarkalankara and Khettraraohana Mookerjee. Published by
Gyanendrachandra Bayachoadhuri and Brothers. 4to. pp. 1008. Calcutta,
1874. £3 3«.
Wilson (H. H.). — See also Megha Data, Big-Yeda, and Yishnu-
Parftai.
60 Linguistic Publications of Trubner Sf Co.
Wifle.^^CoMHENTART ON THE HiNDU StSTSM OF MeBICII^B. By T. A.
WisB, M.D., Bengal Medical Service. 8vo., pp. xx. and 432, cloth. 7«. 6</.
Wise. — Rettew of the History of Medicine. By Thomas A.
Wise, M.D. 2 yoIs. 8vo. cloth. Vol. I., pp. xcriii. and 397j Vol. IL,
pp. 674. 10«.
Withers. — ^The English Lanouagb Spelled as Pbokoukged, with
enlarged Alphabet of Forty Letters. With Specimen. By Gbobob Withsbs.
Eoyal 8vo. sewed, pp. 84. 1«.
Wordsworth. — ^The Chitrch of Thibet, and the Historical Analogies
of Buddhism and Christianity. A Lecture delivered at Bombay by W. Words-
WORTH, B.A., Principal of Elphinstone College. 1877. 8vo. pp. 51. 2#. %4,
Wright. — Pkitdal Manuals of English History. A Series of
Popular Sketches of our National HistorV) compiled at different periods, from
the Thirteenth Century to the Fifteenth, -lor the use of the Feudal Gentry and
Nobility. Now first edited from the Original Manuscripts. By Thomab
Wright, Esq., M.A. Small 4to. cloth, pp. xxiv. and 184. 1872. I5f.
Wright. — The Homes of Other Days. A History of Domestic
Manners and Sentiments during the Middle Ages. By Thomas Wright, Esq.,
M.A., F.S.A. With Illustrations from the Illuminations in contemporary
Manuscripts and other Sources, drawn and engraved by F. W. Fairholt, Esq.,
F.S.A. 1 Vol. medium 8yo. handsomely bound in cloth, pp. xy. and 512,
360 Woodcuts. £1 U,
Wright. — The Celt, the Kohan, and the Saxon ; a History of the
Early Inhabitants of Britain down to the Conyersion of the Anglo-Saxons to
Christianity. Illustrated by the Ancient Remains brought to Light by Recent
Research. By Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., etc., etc. Third Cor-
rected and Enlarged Edition. Numerous lUustrationa. Crown 8yo. cloth,
pp. xiy. and 662. 149.
Wriffht. — Anglo-Saxon and Old-English Yocabitlaries, HlastratiDg
the Condition and Manners of our Forefathers, as well as the History of the
Forms of Elementary Education, and of the Languages spoken in this Island
from the Tenth Century to the Fifteenth. Edited by Thomas Wright, Esq.,
M.A., F.S.A., etc. Second Edition, edited, collated, and corrected by Richabo
WuLCKLBR. [J#i iheprcM,
Wylie. — Notes on Chinese LirERATUEE ; with introdnctory Bemarks
on the Progressiye Adyancement of the Art ; and a list of translations from tiie
Chinese, into yarious European Languages. By A. Wtlib, Agent of tiie
British and Foreign Bible Society in China. 4to. pp. 296, cloth. Price, £1 16«.
Ysgnrveda. — The White Yajurveda in the Madhyandina Recen-
sion. With the Commentary of Mahidhara. Complete in 36 parts. Large
square 8yo. pp. 571. £4 10«.
Yates. — A BengIli Grammar. By the late Rev. "W. Yates, D.D.
Reprinted, with improyements, from his Introduction to the Beng&li Langniige
Edited by LWenobe. Foap. 8yo., pp. iy. and 150, bds. Calcutta, lft64. 3«. 64*
iTBPHBV Aumir axd BOirs, psurraas, HBBTroao.
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