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Full text of "A comparative grammar of the Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Gothic, German, and Sclavonic languages"


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716. In the dialect of the Vedas the Lit mood or con- 
junctive is also formed by the insertion of an a, in cases 
where, in the corresponding indicative form, an a is wanting, 
by the lengthening of which the mood in question might 
be formed. Thus, from the aorist abhut^ " he was," comes 
the conjunctive bhuvatf " he may be ;"' where, by the aug- 
ment being dropped, the meaning of past time is also re- 
moved, as is likewise the case in the potential and impera- 
tive : from akar, "he made'' (for akart, according to §. 94.*), 
comes karat, " he may make f from chikil-ih " he recog- 
nises" (R. kit. CI. 3.), chikitati, " he may recognise." So in 
Old Persian, ahatiy, " he may be," from astiy, ** he is" (Be- 
hist. IV. 38. &c.), where the Sanscrit T^^ » in Old Persian is 
retained before t, but before vowels becomes h. 

From the aorists also, in the Veda dialect, come con- 
junctive moods with the terminations of the present ; hence, 
karati, " he may make " (Rig V. 46. 6.), from akar. The Veda 
dialect even forms the conjunctive mood by the simple 

* Aorist of the fifth formation, which in the Veda dialect is more ex- 
tensively used than in classical Sanscrit. 


954 VERBS, 

annexation of the personal terminations of tlie present to 
the base of the aorist, thus e.g, vivmh/ifi (vi prep.). " he may 
announce," from vyavdchat (Rig V. CV. 1.). 


717. This mood, which, in classical Sanscrit, is formed 
only from the present indicative, is distinguished from the 
latter merely by the personal terminations (the first person 
of the three numbers excepted : see §. 713.), which have 
been already discussed. Tlie dual and plural, with the 
exception of the third person plural, have the secondary 
terminations ; so that e.g. bharatdm, " let the two carry ,^' 
is distinguished from abharatdnh ** the two carried,"' only 
by the omission of the augment. In Greek the diflei'cnce 
of the termination twv of ^eperwi', from ttjv of the imper- 
fect €<l)epeTrjv, is unorganic, as twv and ttjv are originally 
one, and both rest on the Sanscrit tdm. 

719. The second person singular of the Stmscrit first 
principal conjugation — i.e. that which corresponds to the 
Greek conjugation in co, to the Latin fourth conjugation, 
and to the Gorman strong and weak conjugation — is 
distinguished from the second principal conjugation, which 
corresponds to the Greek /x/, inasmuch as in the active 
(parasmaip.) it has lost the personal termination ; so that 
e.g. bhar-a, "let him carry**' (Zend, bar-a) terminates 
with the class-syllable, to wliich, in the dual and plural, the 
personal terminations are annexed (^TOH! bhar-a-tam^ 
0e/o-e-Tov, HUr 6/iar-a-/a=:^e/o-e-Te). The loss of the i)er- 
sonal termination appears of great antiquity ; as in Greek 
too, ^ep-e is said for tj^ep-e-di ; and in Latin leg-e* am-(U 
mon-^i and aud-u are likewise devoid of the personal sign. 

* I'he e of lege is, in its origin, identical with the t (from a, see 
§. lOO*. 1.) of leg-i-(e, and rests on the principle, that in Latin, at the end 
of a word, e is preferred to t ; hence, e. g. mare from 4he base mari. 


719. In German the strong verbs have, in the second 
person singular of the imperfect, rejected the class vowel, 
and terminate, therefore, with the final letters of the root,* 
without, however, in most cases, containing the actual root 
itself, as the vowel of the root, according to the analogy 
of the present indicative, appears at one time weakened ; 
as e.g. in Gothic, hindj from the root band, "to bind" = 
Sanscrit, bandh; at another time with Guna, hence, in 
Gothic, biug, " bend,*" from the root bug = Sanscrit, bhuj ; 
beiU "bite," from the root fri^ = Sanscrit, bhid, "to cleave'' 
(see p. 105). The Sanscrit also, and Greek, retain, in the 
present imperative, the Guna gradations of the present 
indicative, or, most generally, that of the special tenses ; 
hence, e.g. in Sanscrit, bddha, " know" (from baudh) from 
budh, and in Greek, ff>evye from ^1/7. The Grerman weak 
verbs retain their class character (see §. 109*. 6.) corre- 
sponding to the Sanscrit aya, of the tenth class : the sylla- 
ble ya, however, is contracted to i (Gothic ei = i\ as in 
general the syllable ya at the end of a word lays aside its 
vowel, and changes the y into one. Compare, e.g. the 
Gothic tam-eif " tame," from tamya, with the Sanscrit causal 
dani'-aya ; Latin dom-d ; Greek Sa/x-ae. In the second 
weak conjugation, let laig-6, "lick," be compared with the 
Sanscrit causal Hh-aya^ from lilu " to lick :" in the con- 
traction of a{y)a to ^, however, laigd approaches nearest 
to Latin imperatives like dom-d, as thye Grothic 6 = d (§.69.). 
In the third weak conjugation, compare hab-aU thah-aU 
sil-ai, with the Latin forms of like signification, hab-if 

* Thus in Latin die for dice. With regard to fer it is to be observed, 
ihaifero also, in the indicative, is to be joined rather with the Sanscrit bhar 
{bhri) of the third class than with that of the first. Thus, as fersyfef'tj 
fer-ti9^ corresponds to bi-bhar-shiy bi-bhar-ti, bi-bhri-thaj so fer answers to 
bibhri'hi (from bibhar-dhi), the personal termination being suppressed, as 
in ef=Greek, ta-Bi^ Sanscrit i-dhi from ad-dhi (for as-dhi). 


956 VERBS. 

tac-^f sil-if where the ^ is a contraction of aU and answers 
to the Sanscrit ay of aya (see p. Uo). In the second per- 
son plural tam-yi'th (from inm-ya-th) corresponds to the 
Sanscrit dam-aya-ia, Latin dom-A-te^ Greek Sa/n-ae-re. In 
Greek and German the imperative second person plural is 
not distinguishable from the present indicative. In San- 
scrit, however, the imperative has the termination of the 
secondary forms (to) opposed to the tha of the primary ; 
thus ^innr damayata, ** tame ye,'' opjwsed to l^tm damn- 
yatha, " ye tame/' In Latin domdte is distinguished from 
domdtiSf where the latter form answers to the Sanscrit 
dual indicative present (^^innw damayathas, Gothic tami/ats), 
the former to ^Pmf damayata, " tame ye " (see §. 444.). 
The termination /o, of the second and third person of the 
so-called future of the imperative, and the Greek termina- 
tion TO) of the third person singular, correspond to the 
Veda termination tdt, which answers for the second as 
well as the third person ;* and in the latter, as has already 
been remarked, is most correctly retained in the Oscan 
tud {licitudj estttd.) As in imr the expression of the per- 
son is twice contained, so it is in the Latin second person 
plural tdte, for which in Sanscrit Tmr tdla might be ex- 
pected, which, however, does not occur. In the third 
person plural nto answers to the Greek lo-wv (Jpyunto^ 
Key6vTUiv\ which was before compared with the Sanscrit 
middle forms in anfdm ((fiep6vTCi>v :=bharan1dm.) 

720. The Sanscrit termination w, plural WJT, is derived 
from the pronominal base w fa, by weakening the « to a 
vowel of middle weight, while in the present indicative, as 

* See §. 470. The edition of the First Book of the Rig V. by Fr. Rosen, 
which has appeared since this work was commenced, lias confirmed tdt to be 
the termination of the second person of the imperative. H. XLVIII. 15. 
occurs H rft xr^SWrW pfa no yachchhatdt^ " give us " and CIV. 5. ^4riM 
charkritdt from the intensive of the root V AW, '^ to make." 


generally in the primary forms the extreme weakening to i 
takes place. We have, therefore, the forms -ia, -tu, -ii, as in 
the interrogative, in the isolated case ka, ku, hi. In Zend 
the u of the imperative termination is occasionally length- 
ened ; e,g, in the frequently-occurring ^^q^m)^ mraotu, " let 
him say :" on the other hand, Vend. Sade, p. 142, ;c«as7a)^ 
kharatu, "let him eat,"" y^xs^^l^ vanhatUf "let him put 

721. The Sanscrit middle termination sva (from tva, see 
§. 443.) of the second person singular is in Zend corrupted 
with a preceding a to anuha (for anhva), where the v is 
changed into the vowel ti, and has stepped before the A; 
the nasal, however, which, according to §. 56*., is placed be- 
fore the h, remains, though otherwise j n occurs as a gut- 
tural nasal, only in direct combination with h. The com- 
bination nhv appears, however, too uncouth to be admitted 
in Zend ; and wherever^ therefore, it would occur, we find in 
its stead »»;j niJi : hence, too, ^^Ai^)^»jl^ vivanuhatd = 
Sanscrit fMq^dfl vivasvcdas, "of the Vivasvat" (Vendidad 
Sade, p. 40.). Several examples of imperatives in anuha 
occur in the eighteenth Fargard of the Vendidad, where, 
however, the text corrected by Burnouf (Ya^na, Note A. 
p. 17) according to the manuscripts is to be referred to, as 
the lithographed copy (pp. 457, 459) has, more than once, 
anha faultily for anuha : A»»»;3ui;^^»»jgJku>*o aj^ijo^ajC? j<2xfjA} 
aiwi vaMra ydonhayanuha* " put on the clothes f** axio^ 
AJ»»;3ui;^^AjyjJ aj^jjajj frd zasta sna^anuha, " wash thy 
hands ;''^ a5^;9ui;j9ju)/o (^^j^xias am d aismanm ydianuha. 

* Tills form is based on the causal of the Sanscrit root im yas '^ to 

1 1 take A^^)^^^MfM hnay anuha as a passive verb with a middle 
signification; thus Vend. Sade, p. 331, twice jo^xiAs^^ASij) ^ffxs^ ^) 
ui tanum inaya6ta^ "let him wash his body *' (Anquetil, p. 3C0, " t7 lavera 
son corps*) : on the other hand, p. 330, uki {use ?) tanum snaydita^ with 
a conjunctive vowel between the preposition ui (= Sanscrit 771 1<0 &^^ 


958 VERBS. 

" spread out wood "' (compare Sanscrit inf yam, in the spe- 
cial tenses ^ yachh with the preposition wr d, "to ex- 
tend"'). So also in the Vend. Sade, p. 39, for ^s^^y^p^ 
hunvanha we ought to read xi^)jjj»f)^ hunvanuha, accord- 
ing to the manuscripts made use of by Burnouf, and for 
As^jui;^^ viianha, ** hearken '' (Vendidad Sade, p. 123.), per- 
haps also M^)^^^ visanuha should be read. 

Remark. — In the Latin Edition of my Sanscrit Grammar 
of the year 1832 (p. 330) I have taken the form Mky)jjJ»)pw 
hunuvanuha, or, as the lithographed manuscript reads, 
xikyjjj»f)^ hunvanha^ as the imperative middle, and trans- 
lated /r^ma»m hunv(inuha khareleS (according to Anquetil, 
" qui me mange en m^invoquard avec ardeur,^'*) by ** me celebra 
ad edendum^ The root hxi is, as is remarked I c, added to 
the conjugational character of the first class, besides that of 
the fifth class nu, for without this unorganic adjunct the 
form would be hunushva ( = Sanscrit ^^^^ sunushva). It 
is certain that the Zend root hu must in Sanscrit be sm and 
the opinion which Burnouf ascribes to me (Journal Asia- 
tique, 1844, Dec. p. 467), that the Zend hu rests on the 
Sanskrit W hu, " to ofier," has been neither expressed by 
me at p. 781, nor in my Critical Grammar, p. 330, nor any- 
where else. That a Zend »» h never corresponds to the 
Sanscrit w h has been expressly remarked in §. 57. ; and it is 
also remarked in §. 53. that »» //, in an etymological respect, 
never corresponds to the Sanscrit » h, but always to the 
pure or dental ?r s. Had I wished to compare, therefore, 
/. r. its Sanscrit type with the Zend Am I could only have 
referred to one of the roots « »m, of which one, like the 

the following word (see §.618. p. 737). The transitive meaning of the 
root hid is, on the other liand, usually represented by (p^ijj hidtUi in 

the active ; e. g, Vendidad Sade p. 233, 8. : ^au^^j^as^ ^^jojo 
y^^^AS^AUij^AtJo actao vaitrao framadhayfn '*let them wasli these 


Zend hu, belongs to the fifth class. On the meaning 
** cekbrarej*'' which I have given to the Zend feu (according 
to Anquetil ** invoquer avec ardeur^^) I did not desire to lay 
any particular stress ; for my chief object was to settle the 
value of the grammatical forms which Anquetil mistook, 
and I wished to recognise, in the interrogative form, an 
imperative termination based on the Sanscrit a-sva, and in 
kharete^f the dative of an abstract substantive, while, accord- 
ing to AnquetiPs translation (" qui me manye"") it might 
be taken for a third person present. In both respects I 
now find myself supported by the Sanscrit translation of 
Neriosengh, which is given (/.c.) by Bumouf, which renders 
AJ%v;3ui;»i;^ hunvanulia by Vlftjk^H^'W^ pari^anskdram kuru,* 
and ^ccx)g^A)^ khareie4 by ^TT^tTR khddandya (" for the 
eating," or "the food.") The explanation of the appended 
commentary is KI^KIv} fl«HIH^ dhdrdrtluim sanmanayaj i.e. 
*' on account of the food honour (me)."t The root ;»» hu 
occurs several times in the ninth Ha of the Izeschne, from 
which our passage is taken ; and indeed in the third 
person of the imperfect hunuta (once hunvata with the 
addition of the character of the first class), which Anquetil 
everywhere paraphrases by " ay ant invoque et setant 
humUiir I have translated it (/.c.) by ** laudabat^'' and 
regret that Burnouf has not given us Neriosengh's trans- 

* Bnmouf remarks, *' Nos manuscrits sont tres-confiis en cet endroit : 
celui de Manakdji a fll^Kiy^ tahskaraicharu^ mais je ne suis par sur 
da ^ ich; le nnmero II. F. lit. 41 HK^ sahskdrahku avec ^ sch au- 
dessus de la ligne." However, I have no doubt that Bumouf is right in 
reading IR kuru, 

t So Bumouf reads for the 4l«^li4| sanmaraya of the manuscripts, 
which is unmeaning. 

I Bumouf translates ^^ honore-moi comme nourriiure,'^ in which I cannot 
agree with him; for dhdrdrtham, can only mean ''on account of the 
food," not " as foocf ;" and in khddanaya, as tlie translation of khareteS, the 
relation of cause is apparent. 

960 VERBS. 

lation of this expression also. Undoubtedly, however, 
the circumstance that the verb derived from hu every- 
where refers to as^J^aso* haania, the personified Soma-plant, 
speaks in favour of Bumoufs opinion, that the Zend hu 
has the same signification as the Sanscrit root tt su; viz. 
" to press out the sap,'' where it is to be further re- 
marked, that in Sanscrit the verb from this root is 
especially used in relation to the Soma-plant. I avail 
myself of the occasion which has led me to speak of the 
ninth Ha of the Izeschne, to correct an error to which I 
was led by a false reading of the lithographed manuscript 
of the Vendidad Sade. Four times in this Ha the mas- 
culine nominative of the interrogative occurs before the 
accusative of the pronoun of the second person. Tlie 
lithographed manuscript jreads once (^csido H^Ji)As^ kas4 
thwanm (p. 42), once ^^qj6^ io-H5A)4 kasi thwanm (s j^5 for 
M i, p. 40, by mistake), once ^^MOjdlsxiJDAs^ kasMhwanm (p. 4l), 
and once (^McsidAs^jjDAs^ kasithawanm (p. 39). Here, there- 
fore, two readings support the separation of the two pro- 
nouns, and two their combination ; and at first I supposed that 
the form of writing in which they were separated was the 
right one, where, in the ^ or i of kaU and kasU was to be 
recognised an appended pronoun, like the Greek demon- 
strative I (otrroaiy eKCtvoal: see §. 157*., and Gram, crit Add. 
ad r. 270). The i, however, I regarded as the sign of the 
nominative, and this it really is ; for though the Sanscrit 
termination as in Zend regularly becomes 6, but s in the 
middle and beginning of a word before vowels //, there 
might, however, be an exception in the case of the termi- 
nation as occurring before an enclitic, where as might 
retain its original form; for in 2^nd ji) j is not so 
much the palatal sibilant as the ^ in Sanscrit is, for the 
latter occurs before no other mutes but palatals only ; 
while M occurs before mutes of all organs (see §. 49.), and 
before mutes which are not palatals always corresponds to 


tlie Sanscrit ^ s, except before p, where this spriugs from the 
Sanscrit v, as e.g. in Mi(dM spd = Sanscrit^ sva. As, however, 
we learn from the notice of the various readings of the Paris 
manuscripts, w^liich have been in the meantime published 
by Burnouf (Ya^na, Note R. p. 134), that ^j^as^ kaie, and 
the combination of the interrogative with the following 
^^Q3S'<3 thfiHinm, "thee," is the prevailing reading (we find 
the words joined seven times, and separated only five times, 
and seven times e occurs — for i twice, and for ^ three times) 
it admits of scarce any doubt that the vowel w^hich stands 
between kai and thwahm is inserted only {o assist the 
utterance, and that we must regard kaithwanm as the 
original form ; so that, as is the case before the enclitic 
particle ha, the sibilant of the nominative has maintained 
itself under the protection of the following consonant, and 
remained too when a conjunctive vowel was inserted 
to aid the pronunciation.* 1 shall not decide whether 
this vowel must necessarily be an j e, and could not be 
either i oj^ a. Let, however, the quite similar case be 
considered, where, between the preposition ^y ui, and the 
verb j^jos^en)-^ histdnii, in the lithographed manuscript at 
least, at one time g e, at another j i, at another as a oc- 
curs as the vowel of conjunction (see §. 518. p. 737). We 
may indeed expect, that in all places where the litho- 
graphed manuscript has i or a some one or other of the 
manuscripts has e; and undoubtedly this, the shortest of 
all the vowels, is best adapted for insertion as a mere 
vowel of conjunction, as, too, it is regularly used for this 

* Thus, as ought to have been remarked at §. 47., the forms As^^^jii 
bityOy '•of the second,* and a$^^^j7o thritya^ '*of the third," point to a 
time when the t of the Sanscrit dvitiyoy tritiyay was still present, on which 
account the y has not communicated an aspiration to the preceding con. 
sonant, as is the case e, g. in merkhyUy where the combination of the 
T- sound with the semi- vowel is primitive. 

9(}2 VERBS. 

purpose, to prevent the direct combinatiou of r with a 
following consonant (§. 30.), without any other vowel being 
used for this object. Here, too, the question might be 
started, why no interposed vowel is to be found in the 
combinations kasli, ** who to thee,"" and Ical-vd, " which 
man?" (for "who'' generally: see p. 281,) mentioned by 
Bumouf I c. (p. cxxxix), while kaMhtuanm nowhere occura ? 
The reason of this, I doubt not, lies herein, that timanm, 
on account of its double consonant, less easily unites with 
a preceding i, than fS and nd ; while ^jj it and yju m are 
quite favourite and usual combinations. On the other 
hand, histdmif though its initial sound is one of weak 
consonants, required the interposition of a vowel when 
combined with us, because ih is an impossible combina- 
tion in Zend. At the beginning of the twenty -first 
Fargard of the Vend. (Vendidad Sade, p. 498) we five times 
find nemaie ti, i.e. "adoration to thee T' ( = Sanscrit tpm ?^ 
namas fS,)* each time written separately, though the two 
words evidently ought to be joined, as the vowel of con- 
junction ?, and the retention of the termination a,v, for 
which 6 w^ould otherwise be substituted, sufficiently de- 
monstrate. It appears, however, that on account of the 
polysyllabicalness of the word, to which in this case the 
enclitic tS is attached, the phonetic combination appears 
less intimate, and this may also be the reason wiiy the t 
cannot, as in kaiie, follow the i without an intermediate 
vowel. We may see how much the Zend inclines to use mo- 
nosyllabic pronominal forms enclitically, in that it attaches 
them even to prepositions, which have become detached 
from the verbs to which they belong : hence, (^^auo^ 
M^)^»p^ frdmanm httnvanuha in the passage cited 
above ; so xs^)jxiMMsj^ ^^^jm dmanm ydianuha, whicli 

* That Anquctirs translation ^^oddreMcz voire priere** is incorrect 
requires no proof. 


Neriosengh translates by ^^ W^[f^^, Le. "wish or obtain 
me ;" and Bumouf (Joum. As. Dec. p. 465) by ** ijwoque-moC* 
We may also here preliminarily remark tliat, for the first 
time, we have learned, through Rawlinson's late ingenious 
discoveries, that in Old Persian also the pronouns readily 
attach themselves as enclitics to the preceding word, and 
that if we read without the a (which in old Persian is 
sometimes contained in the consonants, and sometimes not), 
y, which is regularly added to the i at the end of a word, 
as well as to the diphthong ai, the old Persian enclitics 
will, in like manner, be all monosyllabic. For this, as 
for other reasons, I read auramazddmaiy, ** Auramazda 
to me," for Rawlinson's -maiya (former reading miya), 

722. The first person of the three numbers of the im- 
perative follows in Sanscrit and Zend a peculiar principle 
of formation, wliich, as has already been remarked, cor- 
responds rather to the conjunctive or L^ than to the 
other persons of the imperative. An d is prefixed to the 

* Anquetil altogether omits to translate this expression, for which, in 
the lithographic manuscripts (p. 39), occurs by mistake ydsanha. Bur- 
nouf thinks he recognises in the root yds, the Sanscrit irra y^f^y " to 
demand, ask ;" but a difficulty arises in the a) i for Sanscrit ^ cA, of 
which I have elsewhere met with no example. The root i^ yachJi, as 
substitute of ifR yam, answers better, on account of its final consonant, as 
^ chh in Zend is regularly represented by d ; on which account 1 have 
above (§.721.) preferred ayamnuha, ''spread out," to this root. Here, 
however, the meaning of the Sanscrit ipT yam, T^ yachh^ preposition 
^dy does not suit. Perhaps the d (mdhm) ydianuha in question is radi- 
cally identical with the freqnently-occuring dy£is, ^^ I praise " (or '' in> 
voke "?) which leads to a Sanscrit root yas^ which is only retained in 
;q^m yakis, " glory." With regard to the Zend £ for the Sanscrit a or 
a see §. 42. It is probable, however, tliat in dySis, as also in genitives in 
y^h£ for yahey and in present forms in ySjni, besides the preceding y the 
vowel also of the following syllable has an assimilating influence in the 
change of a or a to e: hence we find, indeed, dyiic, but not dyiscuitiha, but 

964 . VERBS. 

personal terminations, the terminations of the present indica- 
tive middle which end in S lengthen this diphthong to di, 
and the verbal theme keeps, in the second principal conju- 
gation, the strengthened form, which elsewhere enters only 
before the light personal terminations. The first person sin- 
gular has m for its ending, where n is clearly a corruption of 
m and is suppressed like the latter in the Sanscrit middle, 
while the Zend maintains this decided advantage over the 
Sanscrit, that it for the most part retains the personal 
character, and presents dnS to match the Sanscrit di This 
lOy^ dni therefore bears the same relation to the active 
jjjM dni, tliat, in the Greek present indicative, fioj does to 
fju. In order to exhibit the principle of formation of the 
Sanscrit first person imperative I here present the said per- 
son of the three numbers of the two active forms of the 
root fw^ dvish, " to hate,'' compared with the corresponding 
forms of the present indicative. 



Sing, dveshmif dvish-d-ni, dvishS, dv^shdi 

Dual dvishvaSf dv^h-d-va, dvishvahS, dvSsh-d-vahdi* 
Plur. dvishmas, dv&sh-d-ma, dvishmah^f dv^h-d-maltdi. 

So in Zend, Vendidad Sade p. 477, several times jyAwyAs^ 
jan-d-ni (= Sanscrit han-d-ni) "I will smite, destroy," f 

* The lingual /i occurs on account of the euphonic influence of the 
preceding lingual sibilant according to §. 04*. of my Sanscrit Grammar. 

t In Sanscrit also the first person imperative sometimes occurs in the 
sense of the future or present indicative, to express a decided volition of a 
positive impending action, e- g. Sunda and Upas. I. 26. Anqnetil takes 
Jandni as the third person of a preterite^ and renders it (p. 413.) by " il 
JrappOf" and once by ^' seront anSantis," It needs, however, no proof 
ihai jandni is really the first person imperative, for Zoroaster speaks to 
Ahriman the words ^»xiam^ xs^ms^ •>/->^/As^t^^^yjA)( Y^j^ J^<bj4 
^c^.U)4 duschda anro mainyo jandni ddina dacv6 (ldt*'m, &c., ^^ Vicious 



pp. 132, 479. J^/J^»Ajyg7jj kerenav-d-nS "I should make/' 
( = Sanscrit krin-avdni from karnav-d-n^). 

723. In verbs of the first principal conjugation and of 
the ninth class, as also in roots in d of the second or third 
class, the modal d combines with the preceding a or d; 
hence e.g. vi<|(Vj bhardm, "let me carry;" 2^nd jyW.^ bardni, 
middle joyJ^^A*| bardn^ (Vendidad Sade, p. 48o). So ^jjmm^I^ 
vtidn^, " I will obey ;'' * ^/^S^'^ yazdn^ (see p. 278), '* I 
should offer f ' jo/Aw/g^go) perendn6, " I should destroy '' (Ven- 
didad Sade, p. 335, compare Burnouf, Ya^na, p. 530, ff.) ; 
joyJ^«A$j<5oi^Aj^ yaoschdathdn^, "I should purify "I.e. p. 480)."'' 

Ahriman I wiU destroy the Daeva-created people." Upon which (p. 478) 
Ahriman says to Zoroaster, 

mdmS ddma m^r?chm\uha asMum Zaratustra 
•* Slay not my people, O pure Zoroaster ! 

* Vendidad Sade, p. 124. ^yja)ji)^(p j^^ 9yA* aai^ U vtsdnS^ "I 
will obey thee," bo L c. are other imperatives in the sense of the future, 
as jyxi^^(0^f7A$9 ^^xiasm h^^ ^(^fxs axi^ti gaith&ovarSdhaySni^ 
" I will make thy lands increase (" make fruitful," Anquetil p. 271. ^'je 
rendrai voire monde fertile et abondante"). 

t See §. 637. I am now, however, of opinion, in departure from what 
has been remarked at p. 112, that the th oidath is a substitute of </A, and 
I take da as the syllable of reduplication, as in the Sanscrit dadhdmi. The 
/V^>«>«5^-^'^S^'^/ ^idaithyahnt '' deponant," mentioned at p. 112, corresponds 
to the Sanscrit flf^um nidadhyus, A)C^^C3jfA34Ji ni-^aithtta to the San- 
scrit ftT^^tff ni'dadhUa. (§. 702.) In the genitive of the participle of the 
reduplicated preterite ij^jOJ)(^>AA dathusho corresponds to the Sanscrit 
dadhushas; while in the nominative cau»(2AS4 dadhvdo (= Sanscrit 

^fV^M £2a^A-i-van) and in the accusative 9P^j?-'^»(S*.^ dadhvdonhifm 
( = Sanscrit dadh'i'Vdhsam\ the alteration of dh to th does not take place, 
an alteration which most probably is found only in the weak cases. 
Perhaps in Zend th is considered weaker than dh and d^ and this may be 
the reason that the interrogative verb, where it appears without a prepo- 
sition or other incumbrance of composition, or even with compositional 
incumbrance, but without reduplication, also exhibits no th in the examples 


966 VERBS. 

After ^^ y comes 6 for A\ hence eg, ^fy^^ys^^<pjj^ varedhayinU 
"I will make to grow'' (Vend. Sade, p. 124) ; ^^xi^^7juso'aso^ 
fraMrayini* In the production of this ^, however, the i 
or ^ of the termination bears the most important part, for 
if the y alone was the efficient cause, it would also influence 
the following vowel, if i or ^ did not occur in the termina- 
tion ; this, however, is not the case, hence eg. aj^^^^j^aj^ 
varedhaya, "make to grow"' (Vend. S., p. 124); as^^aj^J^jj? 
radchayOf " make to give light, kindle'' (p. 457) ; As^Aj^^AsyjjA*^ 
yasnayata, "sacriftcio colUe" (Burnouf, Ya^na, Note A. p. 13.)f 
So in the second person plural middle, ^^(sSi^^^^m'^msI^ 
vdrayadhwem, "defend ye f' ^<^<^(^^^Ai7jMQ^dhdrayadhwem, 
"preserve ye'' (Bumouf, l.c. Note D. p. 38.) 

with which I am acqusdnted ; while, where the redaplicatcd verb is 
burthened by composition, th almost miiversally occurs in the base-syllable, 
though dh also is occasionally found, e.g. in yaoshdadhditi (Bumouf, 
Ya^na p. 360.) In cases where the forms with th follow the analogy of 
the Sanscrit first class, as e. g. in rddath^^ ** I have made," (Bumouf 1. c.) 
I regard the vowel which follows th not as the class vowel, but, as in the 
conjugation of the root ^qr *ihd^ JUiC^Ji) std^ as the shortening of the radical 
vowel (see §. 506.) I also now consider the verbal- theme snudha^ ^' to wash," 
as a compound of the root ind and dhd^ the radical vowel of the latter 
being shortened (compare Benfey Wurzel lex., II. 34.) The perhaps not 
numerous forms may appear surprising in which the vowel of the syllable 
of reduplication of the Zend root dha (without a vowel preceding, dd) is 
long, as in the example mentioned by Bumouf (1. c.) nidhdthaySn^ '* they 
may lay down." Here either the lengthening of the syllable of repetition 
is a compensation for the shortemng of the base-syllable, or the genius of 
the language takes ddth for a secondary root, without being conscious that 
the dj with its vowel, is in &ct a syllable of reduplication, as in Sanscrit 
the forms d^-hiy "give," (&om dad-dhi^ Zend dcusdi) and dhi-hi, ** place," 
(from dhad-dhi\ no longer give the impression of reduplicated forms. 

* Vendidad Sade, p. 82. ^^^m (g(en)->»'As(^ 9gyAW»7; j^o» 
JO/«,>,yAj2aJW»AJ0o hS urvdnSm vahistfm ahum frahdrayini^ " I will 
miJce his sonl go to the most excellent place ;" Anquetil, p. 139, ^^jeferai 
aUer Ubrement son ame aux demeurea cSlestes." 

t Yainayimi is a denominative ftomyaina = Sanscrit yctjnct^ *' offering. " 


Remark. — An explanation — and I am now much inclined 
to adopt it — might be given of the a of the terminations 
Ant, dvttf &c., in the first principal conjugation, as follows ; 
viz. by recognising in it only the lengthening of the short 
a of the class-syllable, while only ni, &c. is regarded as the 
personal termination. There is a twofold occasion, how- 
ever, for the lengthening of the a of the class-syllable; 
first, that in the Lit mood, or conjunctive, to which, ac- 
cording to its principle of formation, the first person of the 
imperative belongs, the a of the class-syllable is lengthened 
(see §.713.); and secondly, that especially before pronominal- 
consonants of the first person, in case of their being fol- 
lowed by vowels, an a originally short is lengthened ; and 
hence forms like amu avas, avce, &c. nowhere occur, where- 
fore ani also is not to be looked for. On the latter prin- 
ciple may be explained the d of dvesh^d-ni* bihhar^d-nif 
yunaj-drni, kinav-d-nif and karav-d-ni; so that we may assume 
that the a, which, according to §. 716. is added in the con- 
junctive, is lengthened simply on phonetic grounds. It is 
certain that the first person plural of the 1. c. cited, ^r^ 
bhuvat, "let him be/' can only be bhuvdmaf and this is at 
the same time the imperative of the fifth aorist-formation 
(see §. 573.). The first person plural of the Old Persian 
ahaty, "let him be," quoted in §. 716., is most probably ahdma, 
which would correspond to the Sanscrit imperative ^r^m 
as^ma. If this view be correct, then in the ninth class 
also the words yu-nd-ni, yurnd-va, &c., must not be divided 
into yu-nd'dni, &c., but we must assume that, as here, an d 
in the original word precedes the personal termination, no 
further a-sound could be added. The ninth class already 
meets the requirement for fulness of form in the first per- 
son in this way, that the syllable nd is not, as in the weak 
forms, weakened to nt The roots dd and dhd, which reject 
their d before the heavy terminations, retain the same in 
the imperative by reason of their inclination to fulness of 

968 VERBS. 

form ; thus e. g. da-dd-mot da-dhd-ma, not dad-mat dajdii-ma 
(compare §. 491.). 

724. Besides the middle termination dni, which surpasses 
the Sanscrit in correct retention of the original form, the 
Zend also recognises the abbreviated form dU of which, how- 
ever, it makes but unfrequent use. An example is jjuud^ 
viidi in the fourth Card of the Vispered (Vend. S., p. 55), 
where jjuij)^ ^iS^ azem viidi, occurs seven times, which 
Anquetil renders by "fobeis.'*'' With the preceding impe- 
rative ditdj/a, "bring,'"* the present indicative accords 
best ; so that, in the want of positive examples, we might 
believe ^jmm^ viidi, to be only a more energetic form for 
the present indicative fnsi. The form JJ^jmjC^ yazdi, 
which occurs several times in the twenty-second Fargard 
of the Vend., is rendered by Anquetil ** rendez hommager 
and the context requires also the second person, for yazdi, 
&c., expresses the command of Ormuzd directed to 2k>roaster, 
to whom he promises, as the reward of the reverence required 
of him, that which follows, datkdni, "I will give'" ( = San- 
scrit l^^rftr daddni, first person imperative). I see also no 
reason to assent to Bumouf in placing (Ya9na, p. 495) the 
words -JJUtfjAjj^ yo^rdi, &c., in the mouth of Zoroaster ; and 
I take yazdi to be the imperative active of the causal form, 
and, indeed, as a contraction oi yazaya; whether it be that 
this expression really has a causal signification, and means 
" let honour,'" or that the causal form has here the same 
meaning as the primitive form» as in Sanscrit also is not 
unfrequently the case. In a phonetic view, the relation of 
yazdi. to yazaya resembles that of Auiy ndi, " conduct," to 
the Sanscrit IR naya. With regard to yazdi, as well as to 
ndi, we must assume that, in compensation for the suppres- 

* Literally, "make to come/' the cauBal of ltd, **to stand," with the 
prepoflition d. Anquetil takes the adjoining aocusatiye as a nominative, 
and dkdya as the third person. 


sion of the final a, the a of the preceding syllable is length- 
ened, or» which comes to the same thing, the a of the final 
syllable is transposed, nearly as in the change of ashavan 
** pure," into ashdum (with m for n) in the vocative. The 
form jAif/ ndit ** conduct,"" occurs six times at the end of 
the ninth Ha of the Izesehne in combination with ndiem * 
(Vend. S., p. 47). Anquetil (p. 112) renders f gQ)A>»g3 jMis^cMjMt 
ndiemndi Icehrpem by *' enseigneztnoi le moyen d'anSantir son 
corps," The literal meaning, however, is "conduct the body 
to destruction," (e.g. axdist "of the snake,"' =^r^ ahis.) 
Here, perhaps, the composition of the imperative with the 
accusative Icehrpem may Have given occasion for the con- 
traction of naya to ndL This, however, does not prevent 
the assumption that, without any special occasion, a trans- 
position of the a of the syllable ya may also take place, 
since the Zend is particularly fond of transposing the a of 
the syllables ya and va, and forming them into a diphthong 
with the vocalized semi-vowel. I shall return to this sub- 
ject in the emendations to §. 42. 

725. In respect to Syntax, it deserves notice tliat the 
first person of the imperative in Zend not only, as has been 
already shewn by some examples, sometimes supplies the 
place of the future indicative, but is also used as the conjunc- 
tive, governed by ajwajjC^ yaiha, " that."" Thus, in a pas- 
sage quoted by Bumouf (Ya^na, p. 427) with a different 
object from the fourth chapter of the Yescht de Gosch, 
J/xi«>«>^,u^ ^8^*^ AJ^,C1^ yatha azem banday&ni, "that I 
bind;"" j/»aaa> <d amG (gc^*>)^ as;o; lUa bastem vddhayinU &c., 
"and (that I) beat those who are bound;"' (gc^*»)^ aj^; 
jm^^jxi^) via bastem upanayiru$ "and (that I) conduct 
those who are bound."" On passages of this kind Burnouf s 

* This word is not once written quite correctly in the lithographed 
manuBcript; the correct reading, however, may be easily foond by a com- 
parison of the several enroneons ones. 


970 VERBS. 

opinion may be based, that the forms in dni (or ini), in 
point of sense, belong as well to the imperative as to the 
potential, while he denies in toto tliat the middle form in 
dnS (or inS)f which was first brought to light by Fr. Win- 
disehmann (Jenaische Allgemeine Litt. Z. July 1834, p. 138), 
belongs, in point of signification, to the imperative, and ex- 
plains the forms in di according to their meaning as 
genuine imperatives middle of the first person ( Ya<^na, p. 530, 
Note). I cannot assent to this opinion, as e.g. ^f'^S^'^ 
ya::dn^f ** ofler," in the passage quoted above (p. 27s), has as 
imperative a meaning as tlie first person for the most part 
admits of, while visdi (§. 72-i), according to its signification, 
is rather a present indicative, and ycusdi (I.e.) is explained 
as the second person imperative active of the causal. 

726. Among the European sisters of the Sanscrit, the 
Gothic alone presents a first person of the imperative, 
but only in the plural, w^here, e.g., visam, " «mii«," (Luc. 
XV. 23.) corresponds to the Sanscrit vaftdma, " habitemust'''' 
without, however, being formally distinguished from the 
present indicative ; as the Sanscrit terminations mas and 
ma in Gothic are represented by mere m, except in the 
conjunctive, where ma corresponds to the Sanscrit ^ ma 
of the secondary forms. It has been already remarked 
that, according to its formation, the imi^erative of the 
Sclavonic and Lithuanian does not belong to the proper 
imperative (see §§. 677. 699.). 

I here give a general view of the points of comparison 
which have been arrived at for the imperative present 


1. p. 8g. act. han-d-ni, jan-d^ni, 

bhar-d-ni, bar^-ni,^ 

l.p. sg.mid. karav-di, karav-d-nS 

bar-di, bar-d-nS, 

1 Bardni cannot be supported by quotation, but is clearly deduced from 
the middle bardni (§ 728.) and the plural bardma (V. S. p. 208). 








1. p. pi. act. bar^-ma, 


• • • • 


2.p. sg.act. d&'hii^ 







• • • • 









a . . • 

2. p. sg. mid. dat'sva,^ 




( <l}epov, from 
( ipep-e-ao, 



2.p.du. act. bhar-a-tam. 


• . . • 


2. p, pi. act. bhar-a-ta. 

bar-a- ta^ 


... * 





• . • • 






2. p. pL mid. bhar-a-dhvanit 
3. p. sg.act. vas-a-tut 


, bar-a-dhwem 

, if>ep'e-GBe, 







> • • • • 

3. p. du. act. bhar-a-tdm, 
3. p. pi. act. bhar-a-ntu, 

bar-a-ntu ? 


• • • • 


2 Di-hi from dad dhi for dadd^hi from dada-dhi, Seo §§ 450. 481. 

3 j^^AJj daxdi from dad-di^ See § 450., where for dazdhi read j^^asj 
c2az£/t, as (o^*/* occurs only between two vowels. Thus we twice read in 

V. S. p. 50, ^^Jfi^^ dazdi-mS, " give to me," with m/, " to me," 
enclitic, where we must remember, that in Sanscrit, also, the forms ^ mS, 
" mei, mihi** and ?^ t^, " tui, tibi,*' are used only enclitically ; just as in 
Old Persian maty and taiy. We must therefore take the (in V. S. pp. 505, 
507, 508) frequently recurring k3^ jyuui^AS^ dathdni ti^ " I will give to 
thee," as = dathdnitS, since composites in Zend are frequently separated in 
writing. If, however, dathdniiS is to be taken as one word, I should then 
expl^ the th as being for dh^ on the same principle as that by which the 
root dd, " to lay," in the reduplicated forms, when they appear in compo- 
sition, regularly exhibits th for dh in ihe radical syllable. (See p. 964, 
Rem. **.) * From ad-dhi for as-dhi, s 95(5 Reni, 

^ Tot dadd-9va, (See § 481.) " See § 721. « See p. 653, 

Note f. 

727. In the Veda dialect and Zend occur forms also 
which correspond to the imperative of the aorist in Greek, 

3 R 2 

972 VBRBS. 

and, like the latter, have with the augment, which is the 
true symbol of past time, also laid aside the past signifi- 
cation. * To the Greek first aorist corresponds ^ bhiisha^ 
" be '' or " become '' (see Westerg. r. *r, pref- Wl) euphonic 
for bhu'Sa = <pv-aov. The v of the termination <roi/, if or- 
ganic, may be deduced from s*, and this from fl, as, e.g., Sog 

* See § 97. With regard to the transition of final s into v compare also rjv, 
" he was, "with the Doric ?f and WPff ^ of the Vedas : moreover the 
suff. 0€v = Sanscrit tas, Latin tus (§^ 421. 531.). The form -3€Vy as it 
approaches closer to the Sanscrit tas and Latin tus than 3f does, must be 
regarded as more organic than the latter^ which, as Buttmann remarks, 
(§ 116. 4. Rem. 1.), is of frequent occurrence only in certain particles, in 
which the original meaning ('' whence") is not so perceptible, and is foond 
elsewhere but seldom where the metre requires it {dvrpoBt Find-, KvnpoBt 
Calimm., XtfivaBt^ irayroOt Theocrit.). Observe, also, the complete rejec- 
tion of the V in the ace. of bases ending in a consonant (irarc/>a=Sanscrit 
pitaram, hBim patrem)^ as well as, in particular, the abundantly demon- 
strated fact, that final letters are the most exposed to weakening and 
complete extinction. The weakening of « to n is too, in itself, not more 
remarkable than that of s to another liquid^ viz. r ; which, in Sanscrit, 
so frequently takes place according to settled laws, and occurs dialccti- 
cally also in Greek (see §. 22.), and is found in several kindred lan- 
guages in certain parts of Grammar; as, e,g.^ in Irish the termination 
mar of the 1st p. pi. represents the Sanscrit mas^ Latin mt^, Doric /xcr, 
which latter, in the common dialect, is corrupted to ficv. The Sanscrit 
secondary termination ma, which also occasionally occurs in the present, 
is Y^Tj probably an abbreviation of mas (see §. 489.), which iirst appeared 
after the separation of dialects; an abbreviation which enters more 
extensively into Old Persian, since there the final 9 after a and a has 
become the weakened form of all terminations. Therefore I cannot 
agree with Pott (Etym. Forsch. IL 806.)— to whom G. Curtius (Forma- 
tion of the Tenses and Moods, p. 27) assents— in deriving only fic; from 
i»u», but ii€v from ma, as if the v were only a later suffix or echo. Why, 
it might be asked, have similar enduring resonant letters (not used like 
the V €<f>€XKv<mK6v to prevent the hiatus) not been suffixed to distinct 
vowel-ending forms, e.g. to the c of the voc. of the 2d decl. (§. 204.), or 
to that of the dual (§. 209.)? The Doric termination yra> in the 
dd p. pi. imper. (X€y6vTm, notovvTa>j mrori(rdifT<o) may be regarded with 



from S66t. We should therefore have to regard -o-afli as 
the original form, and from that -craf, and afterwards -<roi/, 
with the change of a to o, which is preferred before nasals 
(see p. 104). In this manner, if the v of Tuir-aorv appears 
to be the personal termination, and, in fact, in a place 
where the Veda dialect has lost the personal termination 
(bhu-sha from bhusha-dhi), then it must be remarked that, 
in Prakrit also, the termination hi, which is a mutilated 
form of dhi, is much more extensively used than in 
Sanscrit (see Lassen, p. 338. Hofer, p. I85). From aadt 
a middle termination aaaOt may be developed, according 
to the principle of rvx/rao-flw from Tin/raTw, rv\lra(r6e from 
Tv\JraT€ ; for as all terminations, which in the active be- 
gin with T, are preceded in the middle by <r, where t passes 
into (see §. 474.), so it cannot be matter of astonishment, 
if, from the to-be-presupposed rvylraSi is formed TvyjraaOtf 
and hence, by rejecting the ad, Tv\^ai, which presents an 
accidental agreement with the infinitive active of the aorist, 

at least equal justice as an abbreviation of vrcov ; as, vice verady vT<av may 
be looked on as a lengthened form of vra>, for the Doric dialect has not 
in all cases preserved the most ancient forms. Pott (1. c.) finds, in a 
physiological view, the interchange between r and v difficult to compre- 
hend ; as, though both are dentals, yet the difierence in their pronuncia- 
tion is vast. Still greater, however, is the difference between that of a 
mute and the nasal corresponding to its organ ; and yet, in Sanscrit, 
final mutes, if they occur before a nasal, pass into the nasal of their 
organ (atishthan murdhni, " he stood at the top," for -tm) ; and in Latin 
9omnus stands for wpnus ; in Greek a-efivos for a-efivos : while reversedly, 
in Lithuanian and Sclavonic, without Its being occasioned by the 
neighbouring letters, the n of the number nine (Sanscrit navan) has 
become d (see §. 817.) ; and in Grfeek the n of the suffix inT nutn, 
Latin men^ has become r (o-yofiar=«n'nT ndman^ nomen), I am also of 
opinion that the VSda termination tono, in the 2d p. pL, has arisen from 
toto, and therefore is only a reduplication of the common termination to, 
and rests, therefore, on the principle of the Latin imperative-ending t6te^ 
and the V^da tat of the 2d and Sd pers. singular. 

974 VERBS. 

as in Latin also, ama-re, ** be loved '' (the last syllable of 
which is only a fuller form of the reflexive, which we, 
see §. 476., have recognised in amo-r, &c.) is in sound 
identical with the active infinitive. If, however, the 
imperative rvTr-crai has arisen from Tinr'traaSt, the abbre- 
viation is only one degree greater than, in the indicative, 
that of eTinr-aa-ao to erw-o-o). We return to the Veda 
dialect to remark, that to forms like n/Tr-crci-Ta), irrespective 
of the personal termination, corresponds the i^^ nS-sha-tuish 
euphonic for s, see §.21.). which is cited by Panini (HI. 1. 81. 
Schol.) **let him conduct."" In the second person dual ^{^in^ 
hhtishatam (qM^MiIH upabhushatam, see Westerg., r. vr bhu^ 
prefix "5^ upa), corresponds admirably to (jyvaarov, and in 
the third person plural, ^jft^^iT srS-sha-ntv, " they shall hear "" 
(Rig. V. I. 86. 5), in respect of the aoristic suffix, to forms 
like hv-tra-vTciv. 

728. In Zend as yet no imperatives have occurred, which, 
like the Veda ijjl bhusha, &c., would correspond to Greek im- 
peratives of the first aorist ; on the other hand, j^^ ddi-di, 
"give" (Vendidad Sade, p. 311 twice, pp, 421, 422), corre- 
sponds to 80-9, from So'St, jo^axs^ dd-ia, "give ye" (Vendi- 
dad Sade, p. 224)* to Sore, and dd-ta "do ye,'' "make ye," 
(in comp. As^Ajy^b^AsjC^ yaoschddia, " purify ye," Vendidad 
Sade, p. 367, frequently) to Se-re. I think I discover a mid- 
dle imperative aorist in am^^^am^ ddonhd, "give thou" 
(Vendidad Sade, p. 222, 1. 1 from the bottom); But we re- 
quire to understand the passage where this expression oc- 
curs by the aid of Neriosengh's Sanscrit translation, as well as 
a comparison of manuscripts. It is probable that we ought 
to read jui^;^g^ ddonuhdf where the long d would present 
no difficulty, as in this passage other originally short as at 
the end of a word are found lengthened. In the Veda 

* I write data for ddtd^ as in this passage long a stands for short a 
everywhere at the end of a worxl. 


dialect the forms are very numerous which answer to the 
Greek imperative of the second aorist ; thus, srudhi, " hear 
thou,'' =K\vdt,* from srinomi (R.6tm, CI. 5, irreg.); sag-dhi, 
'* be able," from mkndmi (R. sak, CI. 5) ; pur-dhi, "fill thou," 
from finifS piparmi (R. tx pfi, i. e. par, CI. 3). To ^^jTr cd)hut, 
"he was'' (aorist of the fifth formation, §. 573.), corre- 
sponds bhu'tu, " esto/* Forms like ^^fr^ mumugdhi ** loose 
thou" (R.fnuch, third person, mumdktu), strongly resemble 
the Greek like KeKpa'xOt. The Sanscrit form, however, 
as appears (see Westerg.) from the indicative form amu- 
muktam, distinctly belongs to the aorist, which in the Veda 
dialect also exhibits similar reduplicated forms, combining 
the personal terminations direct with the root, which 
therefore stand in the same relation to the fifth formation 
(see §. 573.), which in the Veda dialect is used also in roots 
ending in a consonant, as that in which forms of the seventh 
formation (§. 579.) do to those of the sixth (§. 576.). The 
m^ij^ vdvridhasva, "grow thou" (Rig. Veda, 1.31. 1.), which 
has been differently explained above (§. 709. Note), is per- 
haps an imperative middle of the seventh aorist formation : 
it would then stand for vavridhasva, as from mrig, in the 
aorist indicative active, comes amamrigam. The lengthen- 
ing of the syllable of reduplication would, according to 
§. 580., be more authorised in the aorist referred to than in 
the Veda perfect indicative vdvrid^, (Rig- Veda, 52. 2.), for 
vavridhi of the common dialect. The circumstance that no 

* So long as a pres. of the 2d cl. Mmi does not occur, I am inclined 
to regard the forms of the indicative cited by Westergaard, cUravam, 
" I heard "; a*r6ty " he heard," as aorists of the 6th formation, with Guna 
of the short radical vowel, which appears lengthened in the Greek 
Kkv3i; as, in forms like dcixvOfu, the v corresponds to the Sanscrit u 
with Guna. Remark, that also in the Veda aorist akar^ " he made," 
akaram, ^^ I made," the broader and here the original, but according to 
Indian Grammar the Gimized, form of the root occurs, while the imper. 
kridhi, " make thou," has the shorter form. 

976 VERBS. 

iudicative occurs corresponding to vdvridhasva^ when re- 
garded as an aorist, would not be a sufficient reason for 
rejecting this view ; for hitherto no indicatives abhusham, 
anhham, airdsham, have been found to correspond to the 
aorist imperatives mentioned in §. 727., bhusha, bhwthatum, 
mhhatu, srdshantu. If, however, with Westergaard, we 
assume potentials and imperatives of the perfect, we can 
then, with him, derive vdvridhasva from the perfect indica- 
tive vdvHdM. But, according to the signification, the 
reduplicated imperatives and potentials, which all have a 
present meaning, are better derivable from the aorist 
(which in its moods lays aside its past signification together 
with its augment) than from the perfect, where the re- 
duplication expresses past time, and which, therefore, 
must remain in the moods likewise ; as, e. g., in Gothic, 
haiJiaUyau signifies " I was called,'' not *' I am called.'' If, 
however, in the Veda dialect the reduplicated modal forms 
spring, in part at least, from the perfect, we must then 
assume that they have, through a perversion, surrendered 
the past signification, which belonged to them, so that the 
German conjunctives of the preterite in this respect stand 
on older ground. The explanation of the reduplicated 
modal forms from the intensive, attempted in §. 709. Note, 
is now far from satisfactory to me ; and I now hesitate 
between the derivation of them from the perfect, and their 
deduction from the reduplicated aorist. To the latter 
might be referred ni . . s^da, " seat thyself " (see Westerg. 
pp. 177, 179.), as ^V^^i^ anisam (see §. 582.) presents an ana- 
logous indicative. To the avdcham mentioned in the said §. 
belongs the imperative sanvdchdvahdi (l p. du. mid. Rig. V. 
L 25. 17.). 

729. Traces of an imperative of the auxiliary future 
occur in classical Sanscrit. But the few examples hitherto 
found all belong to the 2d person pi. of the middle ; viz. 
PI prasavishyadhvam, " shew ye " (Bhagavad-Gita, 


3. 10.) ; )ff^nq«p^ bhavishyadhvam, " be ye '' (Maha-Bharata, 
III. 14394. Ramayana, ed. Sehl. I. 29. 25) ; and ^?9rsnr 
vStsyadhvam, "find ye," "obtain ye'' (Maha-Bhar. I. 1111.). 
The conjecture elsewhere expressed, that by sanvakshyata 
(in Stenzler's Brahma- Vaivarta-Purani Specimen I. 35.) a 
future imper. act. of the 2d p. pi. is established, I must now 
retract ; as, by repeated examination of the passage, I find, 
by the context, that for ^^^Efnr sanvakshyata, which Stenzler 
renders " aUoquiminir we should read sanraxhata (i, e. 
" arceie'"''). 


730. The Sanscrit conditional bears the same relation in 
respect of form to the auxiliary future that the imperfect 
does to the present, f . e. the augment is prefixed to the root, 
and the secondary personal terminations supply the place 
of the primary : hence, e.g., W^TFP^ addsyam," I would give," 
and also " I would have given," answering to ddsydmt, 
" I will give." We may therefore, as in departure from 
my former opinion I am now inclined to do, regard the 
conditional as a derivative from the auxiliary future; so 
that, although the substantive verb is contained in it, there 
is no necessity for assuming the existence of an obsolete 

* Observe, that in manuscripts written in Bengal, and especially in the ma- 
nuscript used by Stenzler, the r is frequently not distinguishable from the v, 
as is remarked 1. c. p. 10. The V y after the ^ hsh is added by Stenzler 
as an emendation. The meaning aUoquiminiy however, does not agree with 
the context, whilst arcete principem corresponds to the sense of the prece- 
ding SI. In SI. 32 of the same Spec, occurs a form worthy of notice in 
respect of syntax, viz. the imperative bruta as representative of the con- 
junctive governed by yadi : yadi satyam bnUa^ '^ if ye speak the truth." 
So in the fifth book of the Mah& Bh&r. the second person plural middle of 
the imperative /?rayacAcAAa£2Avam governed by chit: nachit prayachchha- 
dhvam amUraghatinS yudhiahfhiroiyd 'hiam dbMptHtan svakam, '' if ye do 
not give the fiend-slaying Yudishthir his required share." In the Rig 
Yeda (I. 27. 12) we find the first person plural of the imperative, or Lit^ 
after yadi : yadi kaknavama^ '^ if we can." 

978 VERBS. 

dsyam, " I would be," or ** I would have been f and even 
though such a form should have existed, we might still 
regard dsyam as a derivative of asydmU " I will be '' ( = Lat 
ero, eris, see. §. 650.), which has disappeared from use ; just 
as addsyam as a derivative from ddsydmi. The circum- 
stance, that in none of the European kindred languages a 
mood analogous to the said one in Sanscrit is to be found, 
might lead us to the conjecture, that it is of comparatively 
late origin, as in Latin the imperfect conjunctive (see 
§. 707.), which resembles it most, but has evidently sprung 
up on Roman ground. Compare da-rem from dd-sem, for 
dd'saim with ^T^WI'^ a-ddsyam. 

731. The Sanscrit employs but seldom its conditional, 
which, in the earlier period of the language, is commonly 
supplied by the potential : a few examples, therefore, may 
be given here (manuscript vii. 20.), yadi na pranay^dj rdjd 
dandan dandyishv atandritaK i suU matsydn ivd 'pakshyan 
durbaldn balavattardK, " If the king did not indefatigably 
punish those worthy of punishment, then the stronger 
would roast the weak on spits." But here follow four poten- 
tials, all standing in the same relation, which are nevertheless 
explained by the Scholiast by conditionals ; viz. adydJt, 
" would eat," by akhddishyat ; avalihydt " would lick," by 
avdUkshyat; sydf, "would be," by abhavishyat ; and pravartila, 
** would become," by prdvartishyat. In the eighth book of 
the Maha Bh. (SI. 1614) we read, vrijinah hi bhavSt kinchid 
yadi karnasya pdrthiva \ nd ""smdi hy a^trdni divydni prddd- 
syaJt bhrigunandanah\ ** If any fault attached to Kamas, O 
Prince, the son of Bhrigu would not have given him the 
heavenly weapona" The conditional occurs as well in the 
antecedent as in the relative sentence, and, in fact, the first 
time in the sense of the pluperfect conjunctive, I c. SI. 709, 
nachid arakshishya iman janam bhaydd dvishadbhir Svam 

♦ For arakshishyas on account of the • following, 


halihhir prapiditam \ tathd 'bhavishyad dvuhatdm pramSdanam 
" If thou hadst not freed from danger this band assailed 
by powerful fiends, then they would have been the joy of 
their enemies." Thus, in the Naishadha-Char. 4. 88, api 
sa vajram addsyata chH tadd tvadishubhir vyadalishyad asdv 
api, "If he (Brahma) had given also the thunder-bolt (to 
thee, the God of love, as a mark), so would even this have 
been rent in twain (have been split) by thy darts." 

Remark — In Zend I know of no instance of the con- 
ditional ; some resemblance to it, however, may be traced 
in the form (<^^^juv3^as»as?^ fravacsyanm, at the end of the 
44th Ha of the Izeschne (V. S. p. 359), which Anquetil 
translates **je park clairement.''^ I consider this form to be 
the first person of the auxiliary future, which, in the 
absence of examples, I formerly thought must end in yemi 
(see §. 664.). The fact, that the first person of the future is 
very frequently replaced by that of the imperative, is per- 
haps the reason of the rare occurrence of the former. If, 
however, I am right in explaining the form fravacsyanm 
as the first person of the future, it has lost the i of the ter- 
mination ; as in Prakrit, where, except in the form in 
himi (see §. 615.), the termination mi of the future auxiliary 
has everywhere dropped the i, whereby, however, the 
preceding a has been shortened ; hence, e. gr., ^nTft# 
sum^rissaii, ** I will call to mind," corresponding to the 
Sanscrit smarishydmi. In Zend, through the loss of the final 
i an occasion also for the mutation of the d preceding the m 
to S has disappeared ; the termination dm, however, must, 
according to §. 61., become ^^ anm ; thus, ^^^y^^M»xi7\ 
fravacsyanm = Sanscrit I(^\5i4lf)4 pravakshydmi. In the same 
Ha, at the end^f which occurs the form (^^^juv3^a)»as7^ 
fravacsyanm, occurs also six times the form fravacsyd (V. S. 
p. 356), which Anquetil, in like manner, translates by **jeparle 
clairement " or **je vous parte clmremenL^^ Then follow 
the words which Zoroaster (not Ormuzd, as Anquetil 

980 VERBS. 

supposes) speaks. If, however, fravacsyA is really a first 
person, it must still belong to the future only; and it 
would then, in this form, as compared with that in aiiw, be 
an abbreviation similar to that of the dual case-termina- 
tion hya — ^for which, in accordance with the Sanscrit bhydm, 
we should expect byanm — and to that of the feminine pro- 
nominal locative termination a (see §. 202.) for the Sanscrit 
dm. The occurrence in fravacsyd of a long a is in agree- 
ment with the fact that, in the Ha above mentioned, 
particularly at the end of a word, d is found for an origi- 
nally short a; e. g. in jus^^as^^j sraold, " hear ye." If, 
however, A3j^y^5^As»xi?^ fravacsj/d is not the first person of 
the future, it can only be taken as the second person of the 
future imperative, and must then be regarded as a com- 
mand addressed by Ormuzd to Zoroaster. 


732. The appellation " derivative verbs '' strictly belongs 
only to denominatives ; for passives, causals, desideratives, 
and intensives, stand quite as near the root as the ten 
classes of the so-called primitive verbs, excepting the second 
class (see §. 109*. 3.), which latter may be regarded as the 
base-form of all the rest. The passive, also, is identical 
in form with the middle of the fourth class, and the causal 
with the tenth class ; while that form of the intensive which 
joins the personal terminations direct to the root is dis- 
tinguished from the third class only by the strengthening of 
the syllable of reduplication, and in that this extends also to 
the universal tenses. And here we must observe that the 
tenth class also extends a part of its class character to the 
universal tenses. We might — as the pas^ve agrees with 
the middle of the fourth class, and the causal with the tenth 
class — reckon in all twelve classes of verbs ; so that, per- 
haps, the intensives would fall under the eleventh class, and 
the desideratives under the twelfth. It is, however, certain 


PASSIVES. • 981 

that the verbs called derivative in idea, and as regards 
their origin, must be classed under those which express 
only the simple verbal notion along with the relations of 
person, time, and mood ; and must also be regarded as 
later, and originating in the first place from these latter. 
For before there could exist a verb signifying, e.g., 
" I cause to hear,"' or " I wish to hear,'' or " I am heard," 
there must have existed one more simple with the mean- 
ing ** I hear ;" and though IffPnnftf srdva^dmi, susrushdmi, 
and sruyi, may be derived from the root itself, sru, more 
readily than from srinSmi, " I hear," or its theme srinu (a 
contracted form of srunu), still srunu may stand as the base 
form from which the so called derivative and secondary 
verbs have proceeded, by the suppression of the class- 
syllable mi before the characteristic affix of the derivative 
base referred to; just as the causal bases, when passives 
are formed from them, lose their characteristic affix ay 
before the passive character i/a : as, e. g„ from srAv-aya-ti, 
" he causes to hear," comes srdv-^a-tS (for ardv-ay-yati), 
" he is made to hear." According to this scheme the 
derivative verbs have, in point of fact, only the bare root at 
bottom as formative material ; but the sole reason of this is, 
that from the primitive verbs, whose offspring they are, 
all ingredients are removed which do not belong to the 
expression of the radical idea, in order that the derivative 
form should not be too unwieldy ; just as certain compa- 
ratives and superlatives spring, not from the full base of 
the positive, but from it abbreviated by the removal of the 
formative suffix (see §. 298. pp. 395, 396.) 

733. Let us now consider the formation of derivative 
verbs severally, beginning with the passives. These in 
Sanscrit, in the special tenses, annex the syllable it ^a to 
the root, and join thereto the personal terminations of 
the middle. The conjugation agrees exactly with the 
middle of the fourth class (see §. 500.), so that in the present. 



in the example given at p. 696, we have only to annex the 
middle terminations (see §. 512.) in the place of the active. 
I give below the 3d per. sing, and pi. with the corresponding 
persons of the middle (for the class peculiarities of which 
refer to §. 109\) of the roots budh, CI. 1, ** to know "" (Goth. 
ana-budf " to command ") ; tud, CI. 6, ** to push" (Lat. tud, 
tundo) ; vas, CI. 2, ** to dress oneself " (Goth, vcufya, ** I put 
on" = caus. vdsaydmi) ; bhar (bhrl, see §.1.), CI. 3, ** to 
bear r yuj, CI. 7, "to bind"" (Lsit.jug, Gr. ^vy); star (stri, 
stfi, see p. 680. Note), CI. 5, " to spread,'' ** to deck f pri, 
Ci. 9, " to gladden," " to love '' (Goth. /riyd, " I love "). 


budh, CI. 1. 
tud, CI. 6, 
vas, CI. 2, 
bhar {bhr\ CI. 3, 
yuj, CI. 7, 
9tar (stri), CI. 5, 
pri, CI. 9, 

3d per. singular. 


3d per. plural. 



















vas-ya-nlS, . 












^ See §. 459. ^ Roots in ar, which in the pare or light forms con- 

tract this syllable to r/ , when only a single consonant precedes the radical 
vowel, exhibit the syllable ri before the passive character ya^ which ri 
I consider to be a transposition of tr, and the latter a weakening of the 
old form ar^ which has remained after a double consonant; hence, 
Btar^ya-ti correspondiDg to bhri-ya-tS. With regard to the protection 
which two combined consonants afford to the primitive syllable ar^ com- 
pare the circnmstance, that the imperative termination hi (from dhi) 
remuns in verbs of the 5th class after two combined consonants, but 
cannot be supported by a single consonant ; thus, chinuy '^ collect," 
opposed to dpntihiy " obtain " (see §. 451.). By this principle I would also 
explain the fact that, the Latin root sta (=Sanscrit ^m sthdy " to stand ") 
has, almost in every case, preserved the original length of the base- vowel 
in opposition to d& (= Sanscrit (f^). The transposition of ftr^ bhir to 

See §. 169". 6. 



fif bhriy reminds U8 of Greek forms like irarpda-i, which has been ex- 
plained above as a transposed form of irarap-a-i : I am also now of opinion 
that in Gothic-plural bases like hr6ihru, dauhtru - whence come hrSthryu Sy 
"brother;" ^fouAMryM-a, "daughter* — we must assume a transposition 
of ur to ru ; so that the to-be-presupposed bases, brtShur, dauhtur^ corre- 
spond, as weakened forms of brdthar^ dauhtar^ to the Sanscrit genitives 
bhratur^ duhituTy which are deprived of their case-termination (see §. 191. 

734. It must be observed, that the incumbrance which 
the root receives in the passive by affixing the syllable ya, 
occasionally introduces irregular weakenings of the root ; 
as, €, g., the contraction of vach to uch {uch-yor-tit " diciiur '"'), 
analogously with some anomalous forms of the active 
(^uchimQj '* we spoke,'*'' from u-uchima) : so, too, the contrac- 
tion of the syllable ra to ri in the root ITff prachh, " to 
ask ;"" ij^il'fl prichchhyaii, " interrogatur C as* ^^|(h pri- 
chckhdmi, ** I ask f' paprichchhima, " we asked,'" compared 
with paprachcha, " I asked C prashtum, " ask ye/' This 
principle also explains the fact, that sonle roots in d change 
this vowel in the passive to the lighter i ; hence, e.g., diya 
is the passive base of the root c?4, "to give ''"' (diyat^, 
" datur "). The Zend, on the contrary, as a consequence 
of the same principle, shortens the long au <i to as a, at 
least in the examples which occur to me : (^c^^-J^A^Aj^^y 
nidhay^int^j " depanuntur '' ( = Sanscrit nidhiyant^) ; 
AJW»;^^^Ajy43 snayanuha, "be washed"^ ( = Scr. sndyasva); 

* Vendidad Sade p. 246 : (? M{^)\}j?j) AJ(e;og^-> y^*"^/ ^^^/^ 
i^At^ jA^^^y yamnya naro irSsfa {irista ?) nidhaySinchSy ** in qua 
{terr^ homines martui deponuntur ;** according to Anquetil (p. 326), 
" dans les quels on a mis des hommes morts^* see Note t. 

t With middle meaning, "wash thyself" {zasta, "the hands") (see 
p. 967, Note **). Burnouf (Ya9na, p. 361, Note) takes the syllable ya 
of this form not as the passive character, which according to him (1. c. 
p. 369) must be looked for in Zend little more than in Greek and Latin. 
It appears to me, however, that we may be very nearly right in regarding 


984 VERBS. 

A>^x»A)^^y4) snayaSta, " let him be washed/' or *' wash 
himself "' (see. p. 957, Note). In support of the view, that 
the forms snayanuha and snayaita may be taken as passives 
with a reflexive signification, it may here also be adduced 
that in Old Persian a similar phenomenon occurs ; viz. in 

^•TTrfr-^-Y<^-<fT-"T^-fTT P^'tpayanvd* (Beh. IV. 38.), 
which Benfey, in my opinion rightly, renders " guard thy- 
self " (Rawlinson by " te expeditum habe^), and refers to the 
Sanscrit root VX pd (with the preposition |K3rfi=|>ra<i,) which, 
therefore, in agreement with the Zend, has shortened the 
long d before the passive character. 

735. If, with the Indian Grammarians, we regard the 
Sanscrit jdyi (irregular tor janyi) ** I am bom," as a middle 
of the fourth class (see §. 500.), then the corresponding 
Zend verb may be explained in the same manner. As, how- 
ever, the meaning "to be born" is strictly passive, and 

the syllable ya in the form above mentioned as the passive character, 
and the whole as a by-no-means-surprising change of the passive into a 
reflexive or middle meaning, while in Greek, Gothic, Latin, Lithuanian, 
and Sclavonic, the reverse is the case. If the form jyja)CAAA>(g^ / 
nidkay^nti^ " Us deposent" which Bumouf has mentioned at p. 361, and 
which I am unable to quote, be only a different reading of the nidhaySinii 
mentioned above in the lithographed manuscript, I would also then re- 
cognise in it a passive, and di aw attention to the fact, that in Sanscrit 
also, in the passive, the active terminations not uncommonly take the 
place of the middle, so that the passive relation is to be discerned only in 
the syllable ya (see Lesser Sanscrit Gram., 2d Edit. §. 446). If, how- 
ever, we take nidhaySnti as active, we must then explain '^ they lay 
down" in the sense of '^ one lays down," and consider nard irista as the 
accusative (see p. 247). Constructions of this kind, as far as I know, are 
not confirmed by unmistakeable forms, and I therefore prefer explaining 
the verb as passive. 

* Rawlinson and Benfey read patipayutod ; I doubt not, however, that 
the a inherent in yx^ V "^xoAi be here read in conjunction with it. The 
termination uva, for huvd (euphonic for Ava), corresponds to the Sanscrit 
imperative termination 9va, 


the form of the middle of the fourth Qass is identical with 
that of the passive, I prefer to explain in both languages 
the forms with passive signification as really passives ; and 
I adopt for the Sanscrit a middle jan of the fourth Class, a 
kind of deponent with the active meaning " to bring forth/' 
of which, however, but few examples occur, as, e.^., Ramay. 
ed. Schl. I. 27. 3. irt ^«IN(f putran vy-ajdt/ata, ** she bore a 
son" (with the prep. vi). The Zend root yjoj zan, the 
passive of which frequently occurs in combination with the 
preposition ^) ui ( = Sanscrit ^TT ui)y likewise rejects the 
final n before the passive character ya : the preceding a, 
however, is not lengthened, or the long d, which had been 
introduced, is again shortened ; which cannot surprise us, 
as from the first the long A at the end of a root is shortened 
before the passive ya. Hence, e. (/., |0^)^^«A^a5jj3; us-zaytiniif 
"they are bom," corresponds exactly to the before-men- 
tioned nidhayHni^ (§. 734). Of the imperfect we find the 
second and third person singular; viz. Aj^jmf^^As^Asjs; 
usazayanha, " thou wast bom," (see §. 466. and §. 518.), and 
uszayata, "he was bom".t 

736. As the middle of Sanscrit verbs of the fourth Class 
is identical in form, and, as I believe, in origin also, with 
the passive, and therefore fiaijr mriyi, " rnarior,"' Um^ mrii/aiS, 
" rruyriturr may also stand for the passive, it may here be 
remarked, that the corresponding verb in Zend, the con- 
junctive of which, mairyditi, frequently occurs (Vendidad 

* Vend S., p. 136, aj^ajj aj>>^ AJ^Alg^fy aj^aj^ as^Jmas^ 
A}Ai4)A)^^^A)y AS^J^^J3 AjyAJQxfojf (^C^^-^ «A,)A5JJ3; dvoMbya hacha 
ni^i^bya dva nara uizayi inti mithwana kricha nairyaicha^ '^ duobus ex 
hominibus duo homines nascuntur, par^ feminaque masque" Anquetil 
(p. 278), translates ^^ de deua: hommes naquirent deux hommes distingues^ le 
male s'StarU uni ^ lafemelle.'* 

t Vend. S., p. 39, yat hS (so I read for c^ he) puthro usxayata, "that 
a son was bom to him." 


986 YEBBS. 

Sade, p. 24^), has replaced the middle termination by the 
active, as also in Sanscrit the active termination frequently 
takes the place of the middle in acknowledged passives. The 
above-mentioned mairyditi is so far older than the corre- 
sponding Sanscrit verb, in that it has experienced neither the 
transposition of ir to ri mentioned at §. 733. Note 2. (mri- 
yati, like bhri-yaii) nor the weakening of a to i, but mairyditi 
'* morialur "' stands for maryditiy in consequence of the assi- 
milative power of the y (see §. 41.), and affords us a new 
proof of the unoriginality of the Sanscrit ij ri ; and shews 
that in Sanscrit not mri, but mary is the true root, whence 
comes, in Latin, mor^ which presents to us in the to, iu^ of 
morior, moriuntur, a fine remnant of the Sanscrit passive 
character ya il. Compare iu in mor-iu-ntur with the Sanscrit 
ya of mri-ya-niL The conjunctive mor-ia-r, mor-id-ris, gives 
us still more exactly the character of the Sanscrit passive, 
only that here the Latin d appears long, inasmuch as it has 
absorbed the modal exponent i. The Lithuanian also has, 
in the said verb, preserved the passive character, which we 
have already (§.500.) recognised in gemmu from gem-yu^ 
" I am bom," gim-yau, " I was bom." So we have mir- 
taw, " I died," while the present mir-sztu, " I am dying,'' 
belongs to a different conjugational form. In Latin, too, 
may be mentioned /o as a remnant of the old passive. I 
divide the word thus,/-;©, and regard it as an abbreviation 
o{ fu'io, (just as in Old Persian 6-iyd,t "let him be" = 
Sanscrit bhuydt), and therefore analogous to the Sanscrit 

* The Gothic also presents a remarkably analogous form to the Sanscrit 
jd-yS^ "I am bom," in the isolated form tuMyanata, ^^enatum" (Luc. 
viii. 6.), which presupposes in the present us-kiya^ ^^enascor" and there- 
fore a simple verb, Art-ya, ^^ nascor," for kiny a, as in Sanscrit, 7'^^^ for 

t Euphonic for byd, as y unites very often with a preceding consonant 
without a preceding t. 


bhuy6 , exclusive of the middle personal termination of the 
Sanscrit. Compare, therefore, f-m-rdf with bhur-ya-ntS, f-ie^t 
"with bhu-yi-tOf f-ii-mus with bhu^yi-mahi. As the Sanscrit 
passive is frequently used impersonally in expressions like 
^ijinrn? sru^aidm, " let it be heard," instead of ** hear thou/' 
«llf4|rt|H dsycUdm, "let it be placed,'' 1?% mamri, "let it be 
dead,'' I will also here further observe, that in Georgic, 
whose grammatical relations with Sanscrit I have elsewhere 
pointed outt, such modes of expression are very common, 
viz. in the verbs or tenses called by Brosset "indirect," 
whose element of formgition, ia or ie, presents an unmis- 
takeable resemblance to the passive character; compare, 
e. g., 9^oa6o& m-gon-ia, " it is thought by me " ( = Sanscrit 
^^\ ^TO^ mayd jnA-ya-Uf " i^ is known by me ") for " I 
think," ^jdogjs^giSos shi-mi-qwareb-ia, "it was loved by 
me " = " I had loved " (see "The Caucasian members," &c., 
p. 69). But the common Georgic passive also, where it is 
retained, corresponds, in its principle of formation, to the 
here mentioned if ya, and most clearly in the third person 
plural, e.g., in ^Jogj^jiVosP she-i-qwarebian, " amantur,^^ 
answering to the active '^SPiSd^S^lfi she-i-qwareben, 
** amarUr the termination of which, in its abbreviation, 
corresponds to our German forms, as Ueben (from liebent) 
1. c. p. 56. 

737. Originally the Sanscrit passive character ya may 
perhaps have extended over the universal tenses ; and in 
roots ending in d or a diphthong I think, even in the pre- 

* The passive of bhu '^ to be," must be looked for as impersonal only in 
the dd per. sing., as we also find the nent. of the part. fat. pass, in con- 
Btmctions of this kind; e.g, (Hit. ed. Bonn. pp. 17- 20.), tava 'nudiarSna 
mayd bhavitavyamy "mine is it to be thy attendant "=" I must be thy 
attendant." The idea ''to be " is expressed by the active of bkii^ as 
hhavdmi means as well '* I become," as '' I am." 

t '' The Caucasian members of the Indo-European family of languages.*' 


988 VERBS. 

sent state of the language, I recognise a remnant of it, 
viz. in the y, which, in the aorist, the two futures, the 
precative, and the conditional, precedes the conjunctive 
vowel i; e.g., in addyishi, "I was given," ddyitdhS and 
ddyishyt, " I shall be given," ddyishiya, " may I be given,*" 
addyishyS, " I might be given.*" I am led to this view 
principally by the circumstance, that that form of the in- 
tensive which, on account of its passive form and active sig- 
nification, I term deponent, retains the passive character in 
the said tenses and moods after vowels other than d ; hence, 
€.g., achichij/ishi, "I collected,'' cUchfyitdhS, cMchiyishbyS, 
" I will collect," from fif chi* If the ^ y occurred only 
after ^ d, it might be assumed, as was formerly my 
opinion, to be a mere euphonic insertion (see smaller 
Sanscrit Gram. §. 49'.), as, e. y., in Tflfini V^'V'^^* " g<>i°g»^' 
from yd with the suffix in. The reduplicated preterite of 
the passive is in all verbs, like the corresponding tense in 
Greek, exactly like that of the middle ; so that, e. g., ^^^ 
dadrisS signifies, as middle, " I or he saw," and as passive, 
"I or he was seen." Moreover, the reduplicated preterite 
or perfect is that one of the universal tenses of the passive, 
which, with the exception of the third person singular of 
the aorist, is the only one in common use. I cannot re- 
collect to have seen in any author other universal tenses, or 
other persons than the third singular of the aorist.*!- 

* Before tlie y of the passive character t and u are lengthened, as gene- 
rally the y exerts a lengthening power over i and u preceding it, except 
when the iy is only a euphonic developcment of i or i, as, e,g,, in bhiyat^ 
" iimoris" from bhi + as. Ohserve, with respect to the lengthening in- 
fluence of the Sanscrit v, that in Latin also^ within a word alone pro- 
duces for itself length by position. 

t This ends in t, and wants the personal sign, e.g.^ ajaniy ^'he was 
bom." In this t might be recognised a contraction of the passive cha- 
racter If ya : to this view, however, are opposed forms like addyi^ *' he 



738. With respect to the origin of the passive character 
H ya, a .very satisfactory explanation, I think, is given of 
it by Sir G. Haughton, wherein he mentions that in Bengali 
and Hindustani the passive relation is expressed by an 
auxiliary verb, which signifies "to go": '^r^jdnd (from 
yAnd, see §. 79.), in Hindustani, and th yd in Bengali ; in the 
latter, e. jr., "jrj ht^ kard ydi signifies " I am made," as it 
were ** I go in making." Now in Sanscrit both ^ i and m 
tfd. Class 2, signify "to go"; but of these it appears best 
to keep to the latter root, which, in Bengali, also expresses 
the passive relation : and I believe that the shortening of 
the syllable ^ yd to it ya is to be ascribed to the root being 
burthened by composition, which rendered a diminution of 
the weight of the auxiliary verb desirable. The a of the 
passive ya is therefore radical, and not, as in the first and 
sixth Class, a conjugational aflBx : it follows, however, the 
analogy of the class syllable a, just as, according to §. 508., 
the root ^in siM, "to stand/' after its abbreviation to ^ 
stha subjects its final a to the analogy of verbs of the first 
and sixth Class. Through the middle terminations com- 
bined with the appended auxiliary verb, and expressing the 
reflexive relation, the auxiliary keeps the meaning " to go 
oneself"; and while the Bengali hard ydi signifies simply 
" I go in making,"' the Sanscrit composite implies more, 
viz. " I go (betake) myself in making." Compare the 
Latin constructions like amatum iri, " to be gone in love " : 
remark, also, veneo in opposition to vendo ; as also the ex- 
pressions of such common occurrence in Sanscrit, like " to 

was given," because here y is the passive expression : the t, however, 
most probably is identical with that of aday-i'Shi^ " I was given," addy- 
ishmay ''we were given:" addyi^ therefore, would be an abbreviation of 

* In his edition of Manu, B. I. p. 829, and in his Bengali Grammar, 
pp. 68 and 95. 

990 VERBS. 

go in joy/' ** to go in anger," for " to be rejoiced," " to 
be angered": we even find grahanan samupdgamat "he 
went in seizure," for "he was seized," in the Ram. (of 
Schl. I. i. 73.). 


739. The Sanscrit and Zend causal is, in its formative 
character, identical with that of the verbs of the tenth Gass 
(see §. 109*. 6.). In explanation of the affix ^n ay, in the 
special tenses ^cnr aya, the Sanscrit furnislies the roots ^ i, 
''to go," and ^ i, "to wish," "to demand," "to pray": 
from both arises, by Guna, before vowels w^ ay, and in 
combination with the character of the first Class, ^cnr aycu 
The meaning "to wish," "to demand," appears, perhaps, 
adapted to represent the secondary notion of the causal 
verbs, in which the subject completes the action, not by 
the deed, but by the will : thus, e,g„ IcAraydmi, " I cause to 
make," would properly mean " I require the making," whe- 
ther it were intended that " any one made," or " any thing 
was made." But if the causal character springs from a root 
which originally signifies " to go," we must then observe, 
that in Sanscrit several verbs of motion signify also 
"to make"; eg,, vidayAmi might properly signify "I 
make to know." 

740. Although, as has been remarked (p. 109), all Ger- 
man weak verbs are based on the Sanscrit tenth Class, still 
that form alone, which has most truly preserved the Sanscrit 
aya, viz. that which in Gothic, in the 1st per. sing, pres., 
terminates in ya (Grimm's first weak conjugation), is used in 
the formation of causal verbs, or of transitive from intran- 
sitive verbs, but not in such a manner that the language, 
like the Sanscrit, could form a causal from every primitive 
verb, but rather so that it is content with those handed down 
from old time. These, in Gothic, agree with the Sanscrit 
causals also in this point, that the radical vowel always 
appears in the strongest form that the primitive verb has 


developed*. Hence, the weakening of a to f, which the 
primitive or strong verbs have frequently experienced in 
the present, is not admitted in the causal ; and the vowels 
t and u, which are capable of Guna, are Gunized ; and, in 
fact, through the original heavy Guna-vowel a, not as in 
the present of the primitive through i (see §. 27.). Generally, 
in Gothic, the causal exhibits the vowel of the monosyllabic 
forms of the preterite of the primitive, yet without its being 
possible to say that it is derived from the latter ; but the 
causal and the singular of the preterite of the primitive 
stand, with respect to their radical vowel, in a sisterly, not 
in a derivative relation. Compare, e. g., satya, " I place,'' 
(R. saf) with sita, " I sit,'' sat, " I sate," and with the San- 
scrit causal sddaydmU from the root sad, perf. sasdda ; thus, 
hgya, " I lay," from the root lag (liga, ** I lie," lag, ** I lay"); 
nasya " I make whole," " I heal," from the root nas (ga-nisa, 
" I recover," pret ga-nas) ; sagqvya, " I sink, make to sink," 
from the root sagqv {sigqva ** I sink," pret. sagqv) ; dragkya, 
" I drank," from the root dragk (drigka, " I drink," pret 
dragk) ; ur-rannya, " I cause to go up," from the root rann 
(ttr-rinna " I go up," pret. ur-rann). Examples of Gunized 
u in the Gothic causal form are the following : ga-drausya, 
** I make to fall down," " I throw down," from the root drus 
{driusa, " I fall," pret. draus., pi. drusum ; compare Sanscrit 
dhvaiis, " to fall," §. 20.) ; lausya, ** I loosen," from the root 
lus (fra-llusa^ " I lose," pret -laus, pi. -lusum ; compare 
Sanscrit lu, ** to tear away," " to cut off"). So in San- 
scrit, e.g., bddhaydmi {6 = au), "I make to know," "I 
awaken," from the root budh " to know," " to wake up." 
The following are examples of the Gunizing of i to ai : wr- 
raisya, '* I set up," from the root r'ls {ur-reisa, " I stand up," 

* Those forms only are admitted which have arisen from the contrac- 
tion of reduplicated preterites (see §. 606.) : in Sanscrit, howeyer, the a, 
e.^., ofiddaydmi is heavier than the i (=0+1) oisMima. 

992 VERBS. 

pret, ur-rais, pi. ur-risum) ; hnaivya, ** I lower/' from the 
root hniv Qineiva, ** I bow myself/" pret, hnaiv, pi. hnivum). 
So in Sanscrit, e. g., v^daydmi (^ S = ai) " I make to know/* 
Zend. jfxj^^Aj^soAs^ vaidhayimi*t from vid, "to know.*^ 
Our new High German causal remains, such as setze, 
" place/' lege, ** lay/' senke, ** sink/' are, by reason of ab- 
breviations of their endings, no longer to be distinguished 
from their primitives, and furnish a remarkable proof of a 
corruption of form gradually reaching a point where it 
becomes imperceptible. Without the fortunate preserva- 
tion of Gothic forms like satya, and other formations of 
the Old German dialects, corresponding more or less, it 
would have been impossible to trace in the e of setze a re- 
lation to the Sanscrit ay&mi of sddnydmi, and hence an 
agreement in the principle of formation of the German and 
Sanscrit causals. So early as the Old German the causal 
character appears much defaced ; e. g., in nerent, " alunt ^ 
(vivere faciuni) to be found in Notker, for neriant, Gothic 
nasyand ; lego ^^pono^ for legio, legiu, Gothic logy a ; legent, 
^* ponunir for leglant, Gothic Ittgyand, 1. c. 

741. In Old Sclavonic that conjugation corresponds in 
which we, in §. 505., have recognised the Sanscrit tenth Class : 
it therefore corresponds also to the Indo-Germanic causal 
formation : it also contains the verbs which by their sig- 
nification alone rank as causals, and to which, as primi- 
tive, corresponds a non-causal or intransitive verb. In 
accordance with the Sanscrit-Gothic principle noticed in the 
preceding §. these casual verbs exhibit a heavier vowel than 
the primitive, or they contain a vowel, while the primitive 
has lost its radical vowel. Thus, as in Sanscrit, from the 


* It often occurs in combination with the prep, ni; j9xi^^aj(Ojoaj9Jj 
ivaidhayemi^ according to Anquetil, ^^jeprie;" according to Neriosengh, 
rHHv^^lfH Tumantraydmi^ i. e. " I summon" (sec Burnouf, Ya<jna, p. 419). 
With regard to the foundation of the S of the termination Smi see p. l>6d, 



root mart "to die" (in its abbreviated form, ^, which 
Grammarians regard as the primitive), comes the causal 
mdray&mh "I kill," ** I make to die"; so in Sclavonic, 
from the radically abbreviated ^^Ik mru, " I die," comes 
a causal, mo^^ moryuj "I cause to die" (Dobr. p. 36l), 
which perhaps no longer admits of citation in Old Sclavonic, 
but is confirmed by the Russian Mopio moryu. The same 
is the case with ba^hth var-i-th "to cook" (trans.), com- 
pared with B^'femii vr-ye-ti (intrans.), with b&ahth bttd-i-ti, 
"to wake," compared with B'bA'feniH 6W-ye-^«, "to awake" 
(Sanscrit hodhaydmi, "I wake," hudhyi, "I awake"). For 
the e of the primitive the causal receives the heavier o ; 
hence, e,g,<, hoaoAiith po-losch-i-ti, "to lay," compared 
with AE^kATH lesch-a-tiy "to lie." The a of sad-i-tU "to 
plant," properly " to set," corresponds to the Sanscrit d of 
sdd-ayd-mi (Goth, satya, " I set"), while the * ye of CfeCTH 
syeS'tu " to place oneself" (euphon. for syed-ti* see §. 457.), 
has probably first weakened the short a of the root to e, 
and then (as is commonly the case in Sclav.) prefixed a y. 
Compare the Lithuanian sidmu "I sit," answering to sodinu, 
" I plant," with the remark that the Lithuanian o frequently 
supplies the place of the long d, as, e.g., in the nom. pi. of 
feminine bases in a {aszwos = Sanscrit asvds, " the mares "). 
Here may also be noticed the Irish suidiughaim, " I set," 
"plant" (answering to suidbim, "I sit"), where gh, as 
generally happens in the Irish causal verbs, represents the 
Sanscrit y (compare p. 110, and Pictet, pp. 148, 149). Of 
Sclavonic causals notice also ^acthtii rast-i'tU "to increase," 
properly, "to make to grow,"" {rashye-ii, "to grow"), 

* Sanscrit vardhayami^ Zend vareday^mi^ " I make to grow," " I in- 
crease." Tlie Sclavonic verb has retained the affix t, whence the radical 
d must become s. As, however, the primitive verb had already an a, an 
augmentation of the vowel in the causal was impossible. Compare also 
the Sanscrit ridh (from ardh\ " to grow," which is probably an abbrevia- 
tion of xmrdh. 

994 VERBS. 

B^CHTH vyeS'Uti "to suspend," (w-ye-tt, '*tohang''), norpfh- 
i-tif "to give to drink'' (na prep., pi-ti, "to drink''), pa-ko- 
Uti, "to quiet," (po-chi-ti, "to rest"). As the Sclavonic 
% ye is the usual representative of the Sanscrit ^ 6=sai 
(see §. 255. e.), so is the vowel relation between vyea-i-ii, " to 
suspend," and the root vis, "to hang," like that of the 
Sanscrit vi^ayd-mi, " I make to enter," to visdmi, "I go in.** 
The Sclavonic root vis is also probably identical with the 
Sanscrit visf which, in combination with the prep, ftf m 
in the causal, signifies, among other things, " to adjoin," 
" to annex," and brings us, therefore, very near the sig- 
nification of the Sclavonic causal, viz. " to suspend," as 
generally the Sclavonic and Sanscrit roots meet one ano- 
ther in the idea of "approaching" (^iftn dvii means 
" to approach," "^iilft^ upavls, " to place oneself"). The 
formal relation of (na)poitU " to give to drink," to pith " to 
drink," cannot be correctly measured without taking in 
the Sanscrit ; for from a Sclavonic point of view it would 
seem as if poiti had arisen from piii by the insertion of 
an o, while, in fact, the o oi poili rests on the Sanscrit d 
of the root pd, to which corresponds the Greek w of ircj-di, 
neiroiKa, and the o of k-nodYjv, as also the Latin 6 of pd-tum^ 
pd-iurus, and the Old Prussian uo o( puo-ton, "to drink": the 
i of piti is based, like the 7 of the Greek m-di, v<Vc«), on the 
weakening which has already occurred in Sanscrit of pd 
to pi, whence the passive pi-yai^, " bibitur,'*'' the perf. pass, 
part pi'ta-s, " drunken," and the gerund pi-tvd, " having 
drunk." The Sclavonic causal has, according to the gene- 
ral principle, preserved in po the heavier vowel of the 
root, and that which stands nearer to the original d. The 
relation o{ po-koiii, "to quiet" {po-ko-i-lU po prep.), to 
po^hi-di, " to rest," is, however, of a different kind. For 
if, as I doubt not, Miklosich is right (Radices linguae 
Sclav, p. 36) in comparing the Sclavonic root mh chi with the 
Sanscrit ii (from ki), " to lie," " to sleep," it must then be 


observed that the said Sanscrit root, as also the kindred 
Greek root K€7fiou, assumes an irregular Guna augment, which 
extends throughout, and which appears in Greek either in the 
form of #c6i, or in that of koi (koitij, Koi-ro^t KotfJLa<M>9 see,%. 4.). 
To the latter form corresponds the Sclavonic ko of po-ko-i-tu 
where, however, the radical vowel is lost, for the following 
t is the expression of the causal relation. 

742. The form t, in which, in Old Sclavonic, the causal 
character for the most part appears, corresponds exactly 
to the form into which, in Gothic, the causal ya contracts 
itself before the appended auxiliary verb of the preterite 
(see §. 623), and before the suffix of the pass, participle ; 
therefore, as we have in Gothic, «a^-i-c{a, "I placed," sat-i-th'-s, 
"placed" (Gen. sai'i'di's) ; so in Sclavonic, sad-i-ti, "plan- 
tarer sad-i-iy, *' plantat,^'' sad^i-shi, *' plardas,'*'' sadA-m, "plan- 
tamus,^'' sadr-i'ie, '* planiatis.^'' In the 1st per. sing, and 3d per. 
pi. of the pres. I& yu (from yo-m), lATb yaiy (from yardy), cor- 
responds to the Gothic ya, yand* Sanscrit ayd-mi, aya-nti, 
provided that euphonic laws do not introduce an alteration, 
as is the case, e.g., in CAAifi^ saschdu for sadytL In the im- 
perative (see §• 626.) the causal character is -lost in the mood 
exponent; hence sadi, **plani€s,^^ ** planted'' (Goth, saiyais, 
satyai),^AA'^^T>sadye7n, **plantemus,^'' CAA'bTE sadyeie, **plantetis'* 
(Goth. satyaima, saiyaith), as nest, ^yeras^ ^yeraV With regard 
to the preterite of the Old Sclavonic causal, corresponding 
to the Sanscrit aorist see §. 561., where, however, the i of 
b&ah;^ bud'i'ch, ** I did wake,'' corresponds, not to the 
Sanscrit i of abSdh-i'sham, " I did know," but, as has 
already been remarked (§. 562.), to the exponent of the 
. causal relation ; while in Sanscrit the aorist is, with the 
exception of the precative active corresponding to the 
Greek aorist optative, the sole tense in which the Sanscrit 
divests itself of the character aya (in the universal tenses 
ay). As, however, all causals assume the reduplicated 
form of the aorist (see §. 580.), so the incumbrance of the 

91)6 VERBS. 

root by the reduplication, combined with the augment, is 
perhaps the reason of the loss of the causal character : 
perhaps even the reduplication is held as compensating for 
the causal expression, just as, in Latin, sisfo, opposed to the 
unreduplicatcd and intransitive sto, or as in (//^no = Sanscrit 
jajanmh " I beget,'' opposed to nascor from gnascor. 

743. The Lithuanian very seldom uses for the formation of 
causals from primitive verbs the forms contrasted in §. 506. 
with the Sanscrit mi aya. The only examples which 
occur to me are zindau, " I cause to suck," from iindu^ 
" I suck," and grdu-yu, " I pull down (make to fall in) a 
house," from grum-u, " I fall in like a house." The w of 
griiW'U appears to be only a developement from the d, as* 
in Sanscrit, forms like babhuvat " I was," " he was," from 
bhu. If we take gru as the root, the causal form gr&u-yu 
corresponds in its vowel increment to Sanscrit causals like 
bhdv'ayd-mh "I make to be," **I bring into existence," 
from bhu, '* to be." The usual termination of Lithuanian 
causals is inu (pi. ina-me), by which, as in Sanscrit by aya, are 
formed denominatives also, as e.g., ilg-inu, "I make long," 
a denominative causal from ilga-s, " long." The n of these 
forms, in departure from that mentioned above (§.496.), 
extends over all tenses and moods, as well as to the parti- 
ciples and the infinitive ; for I cannot agree with Mielcke 
(p. 98. 10.), in considering it to be a deviation from this 
rule, that before s (according to Sanscrit principles) it 
passes into the weakened nasal sound, which I express, 
like the Sanscrit anusvdra, by n (see §. 10.) ; thus, e.g., laup^ 
sin-su, *' I will praise." 

744. Tlie Lithuanian formations in inu agree with the 
Sanscrit, Zend, German, and Sclavonic causal verbs in this, 
that they love a heavy vowel in the root ; so that many have 
preserved an original a, while the primitive has corrupted 
that vowel to i or p ; whence they appear to us exactly in 
the light of the German Ablaut system (see p. 38, Note). 


Thus, as e.g.f in Gothic, to the intransitive sitd, ** I sit" 
(which is a weakened form from sata), corresponds a pre- 
terite satf and a causal satya, *' I place "' ; so in Lithuanian, to 
the neuter verb mirsztuy " I die,'' answers a causal marinu, 
" I cause to die" (Scr. mdraydmi, Sclav, moryu) ; and to the 
gem-mu (from gem-yu), ** I am born," represented above 
(§. 501.) as passive, corresponds a causal ga-minu, " I beget." 
The following are causals, with a answering to the e of 
the corresponding intransitive : gadinu, ** I ruin," " kill," 
opposed to genduf nagendu, "I am ruined"; kanhinu, "I vex," 
opposed to kcnvhiUf " I suffer." In the Lithuanian causals 
also, in place of the organic a, o is found answering to the e of 
the intransitive (as in Sclav., §. 742.); for example, in sodimt, 
" I plant," answering to sedmu ** I sit." There is much 
that is interesting in the vowel relation of pa-klaidinu, "I 
mislead," " bring into error," to pa-klystu, ** I mislead my- 
self" (euphon. for pa-klyd-tu), for the y is, in pronunciation, 
identical with i ; so pa-klaidinu, in respect to its Guna 
form, corresponds very well to the Gothic causals like 
hnaivya, "I humble," and Sanscrit, as vidaydmi { = vaidar- 
ydmi), "I make to know" (see 109.* 16.). The same is the 
case with at-gaiwinu, "I quicken" (properly "I make to 
live," compare gywast " living," Sanscrit jiv, " to live "), 
the primitive of which, ** I recover myself," " become fresh 
again," " lively," is probably an abbreviation of at-gmju ; 
waidinus, ** I shew myself" (see §, 476.), contains a stronger 
Guna vowel than weizdmu " I see," and corresponds to the 
just-mentioned Sanscrit causal v^daydmi. An example of 
the manner in which a Lithuanian causal has, just like its 
corresponding intransitive, corrupted an original a to e, is 
deginu, "uro,^^ answering to the intransitive degu , ^'ardeo^ 

* In Sanscrit the fourth Class of the root dah {dahydmi ^^ardeo**) 
represents the intransitive meaning, and the first Class {dahdmi " uro '*) 
the transitive. On the latter is based the Irish daghaim " uro.** 

998 VERBS. 

745. The circumstance that the Lithuanian formation iiia 
(1st per. sing. inu\ like the Sanscrit aya, forms as well eausab 
as denominatives, and that the causals so formed, like the 
Sanscrit, German, and Sclavonic, prefer a powerful radical 
vowel, gives us ground, (in variance from the assertion set 
forth at the end of §. 495. which I gladly retract), for seeking 
to compare the Lithuanian ina and Sanscrit aya. We might 
in the i of ina recognise the weakened form of an original 
a, as it appears also in the forms mentioned at §. 506. in 
iyu, iya. Tlie n, then, as semi-vowels arc easily inter- 
changed, must be held to be a corruption of ^ y*. The i, 
however, of ina, inu, as in the forms in iu, plural i-me 
{myl-i-me, " we love " §. 506.), might correspond to the San- 
scrit y of the derivative aya; so that, e.g., the syllable in 
of sod'in-ti, " to plant,'' would be identical with the i of the 
Sclavonic sad-i-ii of the same meaning, and with the Grothic 
i of sat-i'ia, ** I placed,'' (compare §. 743.). The n of the 
Lithuanian form would then be an unorganic afRx, like a rind 
which has grown upon the vowel termination of the verbal 
theme, according to the same principle by which, in Ger- 
man, so many nominal bases have received the affix of n; 
so that, e.g.9 to the Sanscrit base vidhavdf **a widow" (at 
the same time a nominative, see §. 137.), to the Latin viduot 
and Sclavonic vdova^ corresponds a Grothic base viduvdn 
(Nom. -1^, §. 140.) ; and to the Sanscrit feminine participial 
bases in anti respond Gothic bases in andein (Nom. andei). 
If this view be taken, we must then assume that the verbal 
theme of sodi (Sanscrit sddat/a), extended to sodiu, has taken 
up the character of the Sanscrit first conjugational Class, and 

* See §.20. As regards the transition of the y into another liqnid, re- 
mark the relation of the German Ldter (labial for guttural, as in Greek 
^ap, see Graff, II. p. 80) to the Sanscrit yakrit (from yakart) and Latin 
jecur. With respect to the transition of / to n, observe, e. ^., the relation 
of the Doric ^vBov to ^Bov. 


has thus entered into the Lithuanian first conjugation ; thus 
fodin-a-me, " we plant," as suk-a-me, " we turn,'' In favour 
of the first mode of explanation might be adduced the cir- 
cumstance that, together with szhwina, " I praise," ** extol," 
exists a 8zl6wiyu;\ which latter is clearly identical with the 
Sanscrit irdvaydmi, " I make to hear," and Russian CAasAio 
BlavlyUf " I laud." Since in Latin, as I think I have 
clearly proved, three conjugations — the first, second, and 
fourth — correspond to the Sanscrit tenth Class, we have 
reason to look among these for the Latin causals, as already 
(p. 110.) moneo has been compared with the Sanscrit mdna- 
ydmi and Prakrit mdnimU " I make to think." The causal 
meaning, however, is no longer apparent in the Latin moneo, 
as it has not any primitive verb corresponding to it, from 
which it might have been derived in a regular way, and 
one, as it were, often trodden for similar purposes ; for 
memini may be regarded as a sister form connected with 
it, both in sound and sense, but not as the parent of which 
it is the offspring. Sedo, which corresponds to the Sanscrit 
causal sddaydmi and its German-Sclavonic sister forms 
(sed-d'8'='^T^^pR sdd'a(y)a'Si), might, according to the 
sense, be regarded as the causal of sedeo; but the latter is 
in form likewise a causal, and there is a want of other 
analogous cases for the formation of causals by the change 

* Ruhig doubles the n of laupsinu in both the plural numbers and in 
the third person singular of the present and perfect. Mielcke, on the 
other handy makes no remark, p. 98, 10. with regard to the necessity of 
such a reduplication, where it does not already occur in the first person 
singular of the present. For the rest it may be remarked, that liquids 
especially are easily doubled, and that, e. g.^ in Sanscrit a final n, if pre- 
ceded by a short yowel, is doubled in case the word following begins with 
a vowel. 

t The kindred klatuau, '' I listen," has, like the Greek jcXvo), preserved 
the original guttural, which in szJawiyu^ as in the Sanscrit /ru, has been 
corrupted to a sibilant . ^ « . 

1000 VERBS. 

from the second to the first conjugation. In Latin, there- 
fore, the three verbs sido, sedeot and sedo, can only be re- 
garded as three kindred verbs, which, each in its own way, 
are referable to the Sanscrit root sad. To the Sanscrit 
trdsaydmi, (Prakr. tdsSmi), " I make to tremble,'' " to fear," 
*' I terrify,'' corresponds terreo by assimilation for terseo, 
from treseo. The fourth conjugation presents sdpio as a 
form fairly analogous to the Sanscrit causal svdpaydmu " I 
make to sleep," {svapimi, " I sleep," irregular for svopmi), 
Old Northern svepium, *' sopimus,"'' (singular svep), Old High 
German in-«i/f?peM, Russian yCbiHAaiow^ypfay/* . The causal 
notion, however, is lost in this sf^pio also, as there is no 
intransitive sopo of the third conjugation corresponding to 
it as a point of departure. The German dialects have, in- 
deed, preserved the primitive (Old High German sM/u). 
but it has become estranged from the causal by the ex- 
change of the semi-vowel v for I (see §. 20.). In Russian, 
on the other hand, chak) splyu, ** I sleep" (euphonic for spyu), 
corresponds, as verb of the Sanscrit fourth Class (sec §. 5t}0.), 
to the causative wsyplayii (u preposition), the y of which 
is based on the Sanscrit u of contracted forms like sushu- 
pima, " we slept," supta, " having slept ;" with which, also, 
may be compared the Greek im of wrvo^. I here place 
opposite to one another the corresponding forms of the 
Latin and Old High German languages for comparison 
with the Sanscrit svdpaydmi and its potential svApayi-y-am 
(see §. 689.) : 

sx)dp-ayd^mi, s6p-io, in-suep^iu, 

svdp-aya-sif sdp-i-s, in-suep-i-s. 

svdp-aya-ti, sSp-i-i, in-suep-i-L 

sydp^yd-mas, s&p-i'tnus, in-suep^ia-m, 

svdp^ya-tha, sdp-i'tis^ in-suep-ia-t. 

svdp-aya-nti, sSp-iu-nt, insuep-ia-nt 

The / is-Qii]^ a euphwc affix required by p ; ayu thcrefore=a^ami 

CADSALS. ' 1001 

8vdp-ay6^'am,* s^p-ia-nh in-suep-ie.X 

svdp-ay^s, sdp-iS-Sf-f sdp-id-s, in^tAep-iS-s. 

8vdp-<iyi4i sdp-ie-t, sSp-ta't, in-suep-ie, 

svdp-ayi-ma, sSp-ii-mus, sSp-id-mus, in-suep-ii-rnhk 

svAp-ayirta^ sSp-U-iis, 86p-id-iis, in'Stiep-i^-t 

svdp-ay&^'US, sdp-ie-nt, sdp-ia-nt. in-suep-iS'n. 

746. In the Latin first Conjugation, which has preserved 
the two extremes of the Sanscrit causal character aya in 
the contraction d, the verbs necdre, pl&r&re^ lavdre and cla- 
mdrCf as well as the above-mentioned seddre, present them- 
selves as genuine causals» both in signification and in 
origin, though they are no longer perceived to be such by 
the genius of the language, since their primitive has either 
been lost or estranged in form. Necare, which, specially 
regarded from a Roman point of view, must be taken as 
the denominative of nex (nec-s), corresponds to the Sanscrit 
nds-ayd-mi ** perire fador causal of nai-yd-mif CL 4. pereo. 
Another form of •n^nnfk ndsaydmi, with softened meaning, 
is noceo. In Greek vckvs and veKpos are to be referred to 
the Sanscrit root nas, from nak. I believe I am right in 
regarding pl&ro as a corruption of pldw for the reason 
mentioned at §. 20. It would consequently correspond to 
the Sanscrit pldvaydmi ; properly " I make to flow," fipom 
the root plu, ** to flow," which, in the Latin fluo, has ex- 
perienced an irregular phonetic modification ; while in pluit, 
which belongs to the same root, the original tenuis is re- 
tained. In lavare (Greek Xovo)) one of the two combined 
initial consonants is lost ; in other respects, however, lavo 
corresponds still better thsmpldro to the SsLnscrit pldvaydmi, 
" to wash," " to sprinkle " (in middle " to wash oneself,") 
on which also is based the Old High German flewiu,^ ** I 

* See §. 689. « See §§. 691, 692. t See §. 694. 

§ This is, like lavo when compared with its intransitive y7t<o, estranged 
from the primitiye^litMrti, ^'I flow," in that it has kept itself free from the 
inorganic z (see p. 114). 


1002 VERBS. 

wash." In Carniolan plev-i-m, " I water," " I dissolve " 
(Metelgo, p. 115.), is the regular causal from plav-a-m, " I 
swim" (= Sanscrit imfn plav^-mi). Chmo properly sig- 
nifies (if I am right in explaining its m as a hardened 
form of V (see p. 11&.), " I make to hear," and possesses, 
therefore, a concealed affinity to cfoo, icXtJo) and is identical 
with the Sanscrit srdv-aydfni (» from jt), '* I make to hear," 
" I speak," with the Zend hAthayi-mi of the same meaning, 
the Carniolan slavH-m^ " I praise," (sluyem " I hear "), the 
Old Sclavonic caoba& slovlyu (from blagoslovlyu, '* I bless "), 
the Russian slavlyuj ** I praise," and the Lithuanian szUwiyu, 
id. (see §. 745.). 

747. Roots, which in Sanscrit end in d, or in a diphthong 
to be changed into 4 receive before aya the affix of a p ; 
hence, e.jr., sthdp^ydfnif " I make to stand," from sthd; ydp- 
ayd-mU " I make to go," ** I set in motion," from yd. 
As labials in Latin are not unfrequently replaced by gut- 
turals*, I believe, with Pott (Etymol. F. p. 195.), that the 
Latin /ocio should be deduced fronjapiOf and be identified 
with the above-mentioned ydp^yd^mi; though properly only 
the io of the fourth, and not that of the third Conjugation 
( = Sanscrit i| of the fourth Class), corresponds to the San- 
scrit causal character. The agreement of forms like capio, 
capiunt, capianh &c., and the analogous forms of the fourth 
Conjugation, might, however, easily favour a transition of 
the latter into the third. The same appears to me to be 
the case with /ocio, which I compare with the Sanscrit 
bhdvaydmi, " I make to be," " I bring into existence ;" 
but in so doing I assume that the e is a hardening of 
the radical v\ (see §. 19.). as roots in u in the Sanscrit 
causal never assume a p. The Gothic gives us bau-a, " I 

* Compare, «. g,, quinque with ptmchan, trevrc ; coqtio with pachamit 
viaiTio, Servian jDec^em, " I roast." 
t From i2— for du, before vowels &Vy is the Vriddhi form of u; see g. 39. 

CAUSALS. 1003 

build'" (from bau-ai-m), as the kindred form to the Sanscrit 
bhAo^ydrmi and Latin /acto: in the second and third per- 
sons, therefore, the character ai of bcm-ai-s, bawai-th, 
answers to the Sanscrit aya of bhAvaya-si, bbdvaya-ti. 
From a German point of view, however, we could as little 
perceive the connection between our bauen, " to build,'" and 
bifif " I am,'" as recognise in Latin the a£Sbiity of the roots 
otfac-io andyii^t. If, however, I am unable to compare 
the c of the said form with the Sanscrit causal p, still I 
think I can shew in Latin one more causal in which c takes 
the place of a Sanscrit p, viz. doceo, which I take in the 
sense of *' I make to know," and regard as akin to disco 
(properly " I wish to know "') and the Greek iiaYiv^ hiaaKio. 
If the d of these forms has arisen from g (compare ArjfiYfTtjp 
from TfjfirJTfjp), then doceo leads to the Sanscrit jMp-aydmU 
** I make to know"" (jA-nA-mu " know,"" for jnA-nd-mi), and to 
the Persian dd-rw-m, " I know '\ As an example of the 
Latin causal, in which the original p has remained un- 
changed, let rapio be taken, supposing it to correspond to the 
Sanscrit rdpmydmi, ** I make to give,"" * from the root tT rd, 
" to give,"" which, in my opinion, is nothing but a weaken- 
ing of dd. There also occurs, J»gether with rd, in the 
Veda dialect, the form rdst just as, together with dd, exists 
a lengthened form dds. In its origin the root Id, to which 
are ascribed the meanings "to give,"" and "to take,"" appears 
to be identical with rd and dd, 

748. To the roots which, in Sanscrit, irregularly annex ap 

^ The derivation (elsewhere admitted as possible) from lup (/timp^mi), 
"to rive," "break," "destroy" (compare Pott. I. 258), to which rumpo 
belongs, is less satisfactory, as a in tlus explanation must be taken as the 
Gnna vowel, with the loss of the proper vowel of the root. The Latin, 
however, avoids the nse of Gnna, and generally retains the radical vowel 
rather than that of Gnna ; e.g. in video^ which is based on the Sanscrit 
causal vSdaydmu " I make to know," from the root vid. 

3 T 2 

1004 VBRBS. 

in the causal, belongs ^ ri, i.e. ar (see §. 1.), "to go/' whence 
arp-ayd-mif "I move," "cast/' "send'" (sardn arpaydmi, *' sa- 
(pitas miUo^*)t with which, perhaps, the Greek epetiro) is con- 
nected,* which, however, as causal, should be epenriu), or epei- 
Trao), or epeiva^ci (see. §§. 19. 109\ 6.). Inasmuch as the theme 
epetir has lost the true causal character, this verb has acquired 
quite the character of a primitive verb, just like iawrta, which 
Pott has referred, in the same way as the previously men- 
tioned Latin jacio, to the Sanscrit ydp-ayd-mi, ** I make to 
go.'' If |5/7r-T« does not belong to i«A/p,f ** to throw," but, like 
the others, to arpnydmi, it is then a transposed form of tpTr-ru), 
749. The Sanscrit root m pd, " to receive," ** to rule," 
assumes, in the causal, I ; hence paldydmL So, in the Greek 
fia}Oi(a, oreAAo), ia\Xa>, the second A of which appears to have 
arisen by assimilation from y, as aA\o; from oA^o^sGothic 
ALYAt Latin aliuSf Sanscrit anya-s (see p. 401). B&XKo), 
therefore, is for ^oKyta, from fia (see §. 109^. 1.), the radical 
vowel being shortened (e/SdKov), which, however, in the trans- 
position I3\iff (fiefi?oj'Ka) has preserved its original length; 

^ PcifT might be taken as a transposed form of ciprr, and the c as a 
vowel prefix, as, e.g,y in cXaxv-r= Sanscrit laghu-s. Observe, also, that 
the fr of o-dXfriy^, which Sonne (Epilegomena to Benfcy's Gr. Roots, p. 24), 
identifies with the Sanscrit causal^, belongs to a root, which in Sanscrit 
ends in tar (W), viz. to svar (wW), to which Pott also (Et F. p. 225) has 
referred it : crdXirtyf, therefore, properly=" making to sonnd." Should, 
too, the Lith. stnoilpinu^ " I whistle," notwithstanding its »z fi>r 8, belong 
here, then remark the shorter form adduced by Ruhig of the Sd per. sing. 
sasunlpya, ^the bird whistles," where pia corresponds to the Sanscrit 
forms mpaycUi, such as arpayatiy '^he makes to go," '^he moves." 

t The derivation of kahip pre-snpposes an abbreviation of ptnrw from 
Kpiwno ; so that p would have taken the place of the Sanscrit sibilant, as 
in Kptioov, which Fr. Rosen has compared with the Sanscrit root kihiy " to 
rule"; see his Rig Vdda Sanhita, Annot. p. xi., where, too, KpainvSv is 
compared with kthipra^ "swift" (firom kship^ "to cast"), and the Latin 
crepuMCulum with kshapd^ "night" (better with kshapas). 

CAUSALS. 1005 

OTeAXo), from oreAyco {eaToXKo), for (TTa\yu>, front ctto (icrra/u/, 
r(rr};fu)= Sanscrit «/Ad, which, in combination with various pre- 
positions, obtains the notion of movement*; }a7\\<a, from 
iaXytd, is to be referred, in a manner different from /aTrro), to 
the Sanscrit root m yd, *' to go,'' to which also belongs 
TrffjLt, as reduplicated form for yiyrjfu (fut ^o'a)=:tn9ITf«T yd- 
sydmi, compare Lithuanian yS-su, ** I will ride ''). Perhaps 
ice\-\a) from fC6\-ya)=: Sanscrit chdhydmh ** I move," causal 
of the root ^w chal, "to move oneself;"' perhaps, also, 
7ro\-\a), from wocX-yo), for 7ra$ya)= Sanscrit pddaydmi, causal 
of pad, ** to go,*' to the causal of which may be referred also 
the Latin pel-lo as by assimilation from pel-yo. All these 
forms, therefore, if our explanation of them be correct, have 
lost the initial a of the Sanscrit causal character aya of the 
special tenses, and are hereby removed, as it were, from the 
Sanscrit tenth Class to the fourth (compare Pott 11. 45.). 
As in Greek, verbs in eo), aco (for eyco, aytjn), aJQui, are the proper 
representatives of the Sanscrit causal form or tenth Class ; and 
as these extend their character also over the present and im- 
perfect ; so here, too, may fcoXeo) be considered as a concealed 
causal, which, like the Latin clamo, properly signifies " to make 
to hear," and answers to the Sanscrit srdvaydmt (s from k). 
Accordingly I take KoXeo) as a transposition of xAa-eo) for 

750. The Zend, it appears, has no part in the use of 
the p, which, according to §. 747., is, in the causal, to be 
added to roots in d ; at least I know of no example where 
it is found : on the other hand, we find evidence of the 
discontinuance of the addition of a p in as^^jui^^jui dkdya, 
" make to come," " bring " (Vend. S. p. 55. severil times) 

* Observe, also, that together with sthd there exists a root sthal^ and 
with pd a root pa/. To sthal belongs our stelle^ "place," Old High Ger- 
man stelUiy from stelyu; properly, " 1 make to stand"=Sanscrit stdkiydmi. 

1006 VERBS. 

= Sanscrit dsthdpaya, from FTT sthd, ** to stand," with the 
preposition 4 "to approach." In m^^mj^mjm dstdyoj from 
dstd-aydf the a of derivation has coalesced with the radical 
vowel; so in Old Persian ^.^^[JH.^.y^. 111^. fyy.y^^^.^yyy 
avdstdyam (from ava-astd'ayam), " I restored " (Beh. I. 63. 
66, 69.), In Prakrit, on the other hand, those roots also 
which end in a consonant frequently take, in the causal, the 
said labial, in the softened form of 5, where, however, the 
root is previously lengthened by the addition of an a ; 
e. jr., jivdMki, " make to live," jivdbidu, " let him make to 
live" (see Delius, Radices Prakrit s. r. jiv). In Sanscrit 
also, in the unclassical language of popular tales, forms of 
this kind occur ; and indeed jivdpaya, for the just-men- 
tioned ^'ird&^/ti (Lassen's Anthol. Sanscrit, p. 18), which latter 
surpasses the Sanscrit in the preservation of the imperative 
termination hi from dJiu In the 1st per. sing. pres. is 
found, L Ct jivdpaydmi (Prakrit jivdbSmi), and in the part, 
perf. pass. ^Vrd/>i/aA* = Prakrit jivdbidS. Lassen, in men- 
tioning these forms, remarks (Institut. linguae Prakrit, pp. 
360, 36 1), that causals of this kind still exist in Mahratta ; 
and I was surprised at finding myself able to trace the 
analogy of these formations even to the Iberian lan- 
guages* ; since in Latin, as G. Rosen remarks, the affix ap 
(only p after vowels) always gives a transitive meaning to 
verbs. Thus gnap, " to unveil," " to make evident," cor- 
responds to the Sanscrit jiidpaydmi, " I make to know," 
while gna, *' to understand,'" agrees with the Sanscrit root 
W^jnd, "to know." In Greorgian the said causal affix ap- 
pears in the form ab, eb, ob, aw, ew, ow, without, however, 
the very numerous class of verbal bases which so terminate 
being regarded as causals in meaning, which cannot sur- 

* See " The Caucasian members of the Indo-European family qf lan- 



CAUSALS. 1007 

prise us, as in Latin also, and German, the form of 
the Sanscrit eausals, or tenth Class, is so prevalent as to 
extend over three Conjugations in Latin, and the three 
Classes of the weak Conjugation in the German dialects 
(see §. 109*. 6.). 


751. We now betake ourselves to the examination of 
the Sanscrit desideratives, which, as has been already 
elsewhere remarked,* are retained also in Greek ; if not in 
signification, at least in form, in verbs like /Si/SpcSo-iicfa), yiyvu^ 
(Tica), fxtfiv^CKU), SiSiaKWp StSpiaKta, T/Tpco<ricca, irnria-KCD, iriirpi- 
(Tico), 'irt(l>avaK<a, where the guttural is most probably, as in ecKov 
and the Old Latin future escitt only a euphonic accompani- 
ment of the sibilant, which in all Sanscrit desideratives is 
appended to the root, either directly, or by means of a 
vowel of conjunction, L The roots beginning with a vowel 
repeat the entire root, according to the principle of the 
seventh aorist formation (§. 585.) ; e.g., dsis-i-sht'f " to wish 
to sit,"' as a weakened form of dsdsish ; arir-ish, " to wish 
to go,"' for ararish, from w^ ar (^ ri). So, in Grreek, apa- 
pl(rK<a, Roots which begin with a consonant repeat it or 
its euphonic representative, with the radical vowel, where, 
however, a long vowel is shortened, and the heaviest 
vowel a weakened to i (see §. 6.), J according to the same 
principle by which, in Latin, the a especially is excluded 
from syllables of repetition (see §. 583.). On this account 
the i prevails in repeated syllables, and the agreement 

* Annals of Oriental Literature (London, 1820), p. 05. 

t The appended sibilant is originally the dental (v s), bat, according 
to §. 21., subjected to a mutation into sh, 

X Though roots with ri in their middle receive an t in the repeated 
syllables, still this is based on the original form ar. 



with the kindred forms in Greek is thus the more striking. 
We find, e.g., yuyuisdrnU "I wish to contend*" (R. yiidA), 
bubhushdmif "I wish to adorn" (R. 6Au«/0» ^ut not jaga- 
dishdmi, hut jigadiahdmi, "I wish to speak"; not jafndsdmh 
but fHQI^lDl jfjndsdmi, Mid. jijnds^, ** I wish to know," "to 
leam," " to inquire." To finfPSlf^ jyndsdmi corresponds in 
form the Greek ytyvtixTKUi, and Latin (gjno-sco ; which latter, 
like all similar Latin formations, has lost the reduplication. 
To mim'nAsdmh desiderative of mnd (memorare, nunciare, 
laudare), corresponds fUfiv^aKta, and the Latin reminhcor^ 
In the special tenses the Sanscrit places an a by the side 
of the desiderative sibilant, which, according to the ana- 
logy of the a of the first and sixth Classes, is liable, in the 
first person, to production (see §. 434.), and also in Greek 
and Latin, in the same way as the said class-vowel is 
represented (see §. 109.* 1.). I give, for comparison, the 
present and imperfect active of iir9FfnfH jfjndsdmi over 
against the corresponding forms of Greek and Latin. 





Sing. jijnd'Sd''mU 









Du. jijnd-sd'Vas, 

a . • . 


yiyvui-c Ke-^ovt 



yiyvu^a K€-Tov, 


Plur. jijud-ad-mas. 









« Clearly only a transposed fonn of man, "to think," with the radical 
vowel lengthened, as, e.g,^ in Greek, ptffKrjKa from /3aX, Trenrowca from 









Sing. ajijnd'Sa-m, 


Du. ajijndrsd^va, 

ajijnd-sa'tamf e7<7vcj-(rice-Tov, 

ajijnd-sa'tdm, eyiyva>-^Ke-Tt)v, 

Plur. ajfjndsd-ma, eytyvuhCKo-fiev, 

ajijndsa-taf eyiyvuhCKe-Te, 

ajijnd-^a-n, eytyvu^aKo-v^ 

In the universal tenses Sanscrit desideratives lay aside 
only the vowel which is added to the sibilant ; while in 
Greek and Latin the whole formation extends only to the 
special tenses; and, e.jr., yvui-aia springs from the simple 
unreduplicated root, and hence stands in no closer analogy 
to the Sanscrit jijuds-i-shydmi. That in Latin the future 
noscam departs from the Greek arises from this — that the 
future of the third and fourth conjugations, according to its 
origin, is only a mood of the present ; and hence, e.g., noscSs 
corresponds to the Sanscrit /i^d^^^, and Greek ytyvilxTKoi^. 

762. It may reasonably be conjectured that the deside- 
rative form is no stranger in Zend, but I am unable 
to furnish satisfactory examples. Perhaps the forms 
M^)^MiJ^^ jijisanuha and j^jamj^vsj^^ jijisditi, in the 
Fifteenth Fargard of the Vend. (Vend. S., p. 431, Anq., p. 393), 
are to be referred here. The first-mentioned form, which 
Anquetil translates "est vivarder is evidently, like the 
Aj»»;9uu^g?fQ) j9?r?^anti/ia, "ask,'' which follows it, an impe- 
rative middle ; and j^JM^MiJ^^jijisditt, which Anquetil 
renders "on sapprocherar is, like the j^jjoj^c^jq) j)?resd?7«, 
" interrogetr which follows it, the 3d per. sing, of the con- 
junctive active. Perhaps as^^Jla/juo^h^^ jijisanuha may 
correspond to the Sanscrit ftf^nr^ jyndsasva, " inform 
thyself,'' and j^jMSJAiJ^^ jijisditi be based on a to-be-pre- 

1010 VERBS. 

supposed Let-form ftniTRrrfk jijndsdti ? I will not venture 
to decide this point, any more than as to the forms which 
occur in the same page of the Vend. S., j^W)^jj^^m^j^ 
mimarhanuha, and j^jauju^^j^^j^ mimarecsdUh which like- 
wise have the appearance of desideratives. As regards 
the origin of the desiderative character s, it is probable it 
springs, like the s of the auxiliary future and of the aorist 
of primitive verbs, from the root as of the verb substantive. 
Compare, e.g., didik-shdmi, "I wish to shew,"' with dSk- 
shydmi, " I will shew/' and adidik-sham, " I wished to shew,'' 
with the aorist adik-shanh and the imperatives of the aorist 
mentioned above (§. 727.) like bhusha, vAshatu, 


75a Besides desideratives, there is in Sanscrit another 
class of derivative verbs, which receive a reduplication, 
viz. intensives. These require a great emphasis on the 
syllable of reduplication, and hence increase the vowels 
capable of Guna, even the long ones, by Guna, and lengthen 
a to d; f-g^i vivSimi (or ~ v6vi&imt)t plural vSvismas, from 
vii, *' to enter ;" didipmi (or didipimi) from dtp, " to shine ;" 
IdlSpmi (or lolupimi) from lup, "to cut off;" bdbhushmi (or 
bdbhushimi) from bhush, " to adorn ;" sdsakmi (sdiakimi), 
from saky " to be able." As in Greek co is a very frequent 
representative of long a (see §. 4.), so, as has been else- 
were remarked Glossarium, Sanscr. a. 1830, p. II3), Tw^afco 
has quite the build of a Sanscrit intensive, only that it is 
introduced into the co conjugation. In TraiTraAAo), SatSaWu>9 

* After the analogy of verbs of the third Class, regard being had to tlie 
weight of the personal terminations (see §.486.). To the light termi- 
nations, beginnmg with a consonant, t may be prefixed as conjunctive 
vowel, when, however, the Gnna of the base syllable is dropped ; hence, 
e.g,y vMsimi. 


'trou(l>d(r(r<ji}f fxaifidCia, fiatfi&a'a'<a, the insertion of an i in the 
syllable of repetition supplies the place of the lengthening of 
the fundamental vowel ; so in ironrvvta (R. ttvv, Trveco, from 
irveFoi, fut. Trveucra)), fwijivaui, fxoifwWfji}, where the v of the 
root is, in the syllable of repetition, replaced by o, since vt 
does not form a convenient diphthong. On this analogy 
rests also SolSv^ and KoiKvTOua. 

754. Roots beginning with a vowel, of which only a few 
possess an intensive, repeat the whole root twice, in such a 
manner that the radical a is lengthened in the second place ; 
hence a(d/ from at," to go,'' aidi from ai " to eat'' I be- 
lieve I recognise a clear counterpart to these intensive 
bases in the Greek 07017, though this forms no verb, but 
only some nominal forms, as dyoayo^, iytayevs. The case of 
the o) for a is just the same as in the above-mentioned 
TU)da^(t}, On the other hand, in 6vlvrjiit, imnrrevu^ aTtT6f}0\.t»if 
the base syllable has experienced a weakening of the vowel, 
like that which enters into Sanscrit desideratives (§. 751. 
ad init), which does not, however, prevent me from referring 
these forms, according to their origin, rather to intensives 
than to desideratives (compare Pott II. p. 75); so also 
ahoLKil^ia and eKeKifyi exhibit the same weight of vowel in 
the base and in the syllable of repetition. 

755. Roots, also, which begin with a consonant and end 
with a nasal, in case they have a as the base vowel, repeat 
the whole root twice in the Sanscrit intensive, but lengthen 
the radical vowel neither in the syllable of repetition nor 
in that of the base. The nasal, in accordance with a uni- 
vefisal rule of sound, is influenced in the former syllable, 
so as to conform itself to the organ of the following con- 
sonant ; and in roots which begin with two consonants, only 
one enters into the syllable of repetition ; hence, e.jr., dan- 
dram from dramy " to run ;" bambhram from bhram, " to 
wander about ;" ^HPl jangam from ganif " to go." So in 
Greek, itafxipalvci) from (paivoa, the v of which, though not be- 

1012 VERBS. 

longing to the root, is nevertheless reflected in the syllable 
of repetition (see §. 598.). On H^fiV jangam is based, I be- 
lieve, the Gothic gagga (i.e. ganga, see §. 89. 1.); so that 
therefore ganh in the syllable of the root, has lost the ter- 
mination am , and gagg has entirely assumed the character 
of a root, which in High German has produced a new re- 
duplication (Old High German, giang from gigang, our 
gieng^ see §. 592.). And in the formation of the word, gang 
holds as an independent root; whence, in Gothic, jroA-fsf, 
"gait^' (inna-gahis, fram-gakts). The Lithuanian presents 
iengiu ** I step,'' as analogous form t. 

756. Some Sanscrit roots also, which do not end in a 
nasal in the intensive, introduce a nasal into the syllable 
of repetition ; e.g.^ chanchal (or chdchat) from chah " to move 
oneself ;"" pamphvl from pAai " to burst,'" with the weaken- 
ing of the a to II in the base syllable ; so chanchur from 
char, " to go."*' As liquids are easily interchanged, it may 
be assumed that here the nasal of the repeated syllable is 
only a changed form of the radical liquid / or r. So in 
many Greek reduplicated forms ; as, Tr/fiTrAjy/iu, TrtfxTrprjfjit, yty- 
•ypaiVco, ylyyKvfjLo^y yayya\i^u>, yayypatva, rovdopv^u), rai/- 
Ta\ev(a, TevdprjSci>v, ire/i^pT/^cov. The following are examples 
in which the liquids remain unchanged in the syllable of re- 
petition : fiapfJLatp<a, fiopfxvpu), fxepfxepo^f fxepfxaipc^, ^epfjLtfpl^cii, 
KapKatpia, yapyatpu), l3opl3opv^<iii, itopf^vpa, itoptfivpiti. Com- 
pare with these the intensives of those Sanscrit roots in at 
which contract this syllable in the weakened forms to ^ 
ri : these, in the active of the intensive, repeat the whole 
root twice, except when this begins with two consonants, in 

* The final a is the class syllable ; dd per. pi. yagg-a-nd, 

t Eaphonic for gag-ts, the nasal being rejected. With respect to the 

suffix, compare the Sanscrit ga-H-s, "gait," for garUx-a^ see §. 91. 

X In Lithuanian k often stands for the Sanscrit g or 7. Compare, e. g,^ 

xadaSy " speech," with the Sanscrit gcui, " to speak." 


which case only one enters into the syllable of repetition ; 
e.jr., dar-dhar-mu pi. dar-dhri-mas, from dhar, dhrU " to stop/' 
" to carry T' but s&smarmu according to the universal prin- 
ciple, from 9fnar, smri, "to remember.'* To dardharmi, 
potential dardhriydmt 3d. per. dardhriydt ([from dardhary&m, 
dardharydt), corresponds the Zend, daredairydt in a pas- 
sage of the Vendidad (Vend. S. p. 46a) . ^j7^^l^ . a)(xm>h9 

(»Mi^yj>sjl^9 yatha vehrkd chaihwarezangrS barethrydt hacha 
puthrem nischdaredairydt ** as the fourfooted wolf tears away 
(carries ofi) the child (the son) of her who bore him (the 
mother ?) : according to Anquetil (p. 407), " comme le loup 
h quatre pieds erdeve et dicldre t enfant de ceUe qui a porti 
(cet enfaniy''. If, however, MAAs^^jAs^^^M^cbjy nischdaredairydt 
does not come from the Sanscrit root dhart dhfu it springs 
from ^ dar (^ dfi), " to split,"' " tear asunder '' (Gr. Se/oco, 
Gothic taira) ; whence, in the Veda dialect, the intensive 
dardar (see Westerg. R. c df f), in classical Sanscrit dddar. 
The first derivation, however, appears to me fer the more 
probable : at all events, the form in question is a sure proof 
that in Zend also intensives are not wanting. 

757. Some Sanscrit roots, which have a nasal as their 
last letter but one, take this in the syllable of repetition ; 
hence, e. g., bambharymi from bhanj, " to break C dandansmi 
tromdansp "to bite" (Gr. Jaic); chan-t'skandmi from skand, 
"to mount'' (Lat. scando); the latter with i! as vowel of 
conjunction between the syllable of reduplication and that 
of the base, as also in some other roots of this kind, and 
at will, also, in those roots in ar which admit a contraction 
to ri, and which nevertheless may assume a short t instead 
of a long one; hence, e.g., char-i-karmU or char-i-karmi, 
with char-karmif from kar, Jtri " to make." 

* With regard to the e inserted in daredairydff see §. 44. 

1014 VERBS. 

768. The intensive forms pan-i-pad and pan-i-pat, from 
pad, " to go/' and pal, " to fall '" (Pan. VII. 4. 84.), appear 
obscure. In explanation of these it may be assumed, 
that together with "q^ pad and in^ pat there have existed 
also the forms pand and pant with a nasal, as together 
with many other roots which terminate in a simple mute 
there exist also those which have prefixed also to their 
mute the nasal corresponding to their organ ; as, e.g., panth 
with path, "to go.''* Together with dah "to burn,'' 
exists also a root ^ danh; and hence may be deduced the 
intensive form dandah (Pan. VII. 4. 86.), to which the 
Gothic tandyOf ** I kindle " (with the causal character ya, 
see §. 741.), has the same relation, as above (§. 755.) gagga = 
gangot *' I go," to Janganu'\ 

759. In Latin, gingrio has the appearance of a Sanscrit 
intensive, and is by Pott also referred here, and radically 

* With panth are connected the strong cases of peUhin, ^' way/' as also 
the JjOtin pons, pont'Uy as ''way over a river," and the Slavonic n^Tb 
puty, ''.way*' (see §. 226'^.): with peUh is connected, amongst other 
words, the Greek Traror (see Glossarinm Sanscr. a. 1847, p. 206). 

t With regard to the t for d of taniya, see §. 87. The retention of the 
second d of the Sanscrit form dandah is to be ascribed to the infloence of 
the n preceding it (compare §. 90.). Remark, also, the form satidya, " I 
send^" in which I think I recognise the causal of the Sanscrit root sad, 
"to go," {sddaydmi, ''I make to go,") with a nasal inserted. Graff sets 
up (IV. p. 685) for the Old High German a root zand {z for Gothic t, and 
t for d^ according to §. 87.), which he likewise endeavours to compare 
with the Sanscrit dah, but without finding any information as to the n 
and t through the intensive form 1^9^ dandah. On the primitive root 
dah, if not on the causal form ddhay^ is based also the Old High Crerroan 
dah't or tSh-t (our Dochty Dacht\ which by more exact retention of the 
radical consonants is completely estranged from the intensivcs (in mean- 
ing causals) zand or zant. Initial Medi» remain in German frequently 
unaltered, e. g,y in the above-mentioned gctgga^ " I go"=^angam ; while 
the Gothic root qoaniy ^'to come" (^mmo, ^vam), which is based on the 
primitive gam, has experienced the regular change of Mediae to Tenues. 


compared with gri, i. e gar, gir (whence gir, '* voice ''). 
The syllable of reduplication exhibits n for r, as in Sanscrit 
chanchuTf and similar Greek forms (§. 756.). To girdmi 
(also gUAmi), '* deglvJtior belong, amongst other words, the 
Latin guh, and gurgidio, which latter, in its repeated syllable, 
replaces the liquid / by r. 

760. The passive form of the Sanscrit intensive has 
usually an active meaning, and then, by Indian Gram- 
marians, is regarded according to its formation, not as 
passive, but as a particular form of the intensive, which 
I nevertheless call deponent, as in its origin it is evidently 
nothing else than passive. This appears more frequently 
in classical Sanscrit as the form without ya> yet still sel- 
dom enough. I know of no examples besides "^ra^ 
chanchuri/anti, " they convey " (Mah. I. 1910.), from ^r^ char 
(see §. 756.), lilihyasi, " thou lickest,'' from lih (Bhagavad-G. 
11. 30.); didipyamdna, "shining,'" from dtp (Nal. 3. 12. 
Draup. 2. 1.). In dddhuyamdna (1. c), from dhu or dhu, 
the passive form has also a passive signification. Of the 
form without ya there occurs the participle present UlihaU 
Mid. UlihAna " licking,'' Mah. III. 10394, 12240. The Veda 
dialect makes more frequent use of the active form of the 
intensive : the following are examples : ndnadaiU ** they 
sound,"* Rig. V. I. 64. 8. 11.; abhipra-nSnumaSf ** we praise," 
from nu (prep, abhi, pra, 1. c. 78. 1.) ; jdhavimi, "I sunmion," 
with { as vowel of conjunction (see §. 753. note), from hu, 
as contracted form of hv^, 1. c. 34. 12. ; d-navindt, " he 
moved," " stirred," from nud, " to move," " to drive " 
(prep. 4 Rig. V. V.f 

* AH reduplicated fonns, which combine the personal terminationa 
direct with the root, suppresa the n of the Sd per. pi. (compare §. 459.). 
To the root nod corresponds the Welch nadu^ " to cry." 

t See Westeig., Radices, p. 45, and root nt^ to which &nat/in6t likewise, 
according to its form, might belong ; the meaning, however, in the pas- 


1016 VERBS. 


761. Denominatives are not so frequently used in San- 
scrit as in the kindred languages of Europe. Their for- 
mation is effected either by the addition of the character 
of the 10th Class, or by the affix ya^ sya, and asya ; both 
which latter ought probably to be divided into s-ya and 
ca-yot so that in them the root of the verb substantive 
as is contained, either entire or after dropping the vowel 
(compare §. 648.). As the Latin verbs of the 1st, 2d, and 
4th conjugations are based on the Sanscrit 10th Class 
(§. 109*. 6.), forms like laudrA-s , nomin-d-s, lu-min-A-s, co- 
for-d-s, fludu-d'S, (ESturdrS, domin^&'S, regn-d-s, sorori-d-s'f, 
caen-d'S, plant^-d-St pisc-d-ris, oRi-i'Sf calv-^-s, can-^-s, miser - 
i-ris, feroc-i'S lasciv-i-s, lipp-i-Si aborf-i'S, fin-i-s^ sU^'i-s, 
correspond to Sanscrit forms such as kumdr^'aya'Sh " thou 
playest,'* from kumdra, " a boy f ' t sukK-aya-si, " thou 

sage cited leads to the root nud : the /, therefore, of the form in ques- 
tion is not a sign of the person^ bat radical (euphon. for (/), since the per- 
sonal character of the 2d and dd pers. sing, of the imperf., according to 
§. 94., cannot combine with roots ending in a consonant ; hence, e. g,, 
ayunah^ *' thou didst bind," and '' he bound,'' for ayunaJuhy ayunakt (see 
smaller Sanscrit Grammar, §. 289). With respect to the syllable of redu- 
plication, the form dhnavA-nJbt for dnSnSt is remarkable on account of the 
insertion of an f, as, according to grammatical rules, such an insertion 
occurs only after r and n, see §. 767>, and smaller Sanscrit Grammar, 
§§. 600. 601. 608. 

* I give the 2d per., as the 1st exhibits the conjugational character less 
plainly, and presents the least resemblance to the other persons. 

t From torariust not from soror ; for from the latter would have come 
9ororo^ not $orono. 

^ The Indian Grammarians wrongly exhibit a root kum&ry *' to play " — 
which, if only for the number of syllables, is suspicious — and thence derive 
kumdra, " a boy ;" in which I recognise the prefix ku, which usually 
expresses *' contempt," but here ^* diminution," and mdray which does not 
occur by itself, but is joined with martya, "man," as ''mortal." In 
general there occur, among the roots exhibited by Indian Grammarians, 



rejoicest,'' from sukha, " contentment f ' ydktr-^ya-si, " thou 
eneirclest,'' from ydkfra, " band" (R yuj " to bind") ; ksham- 
aya-si, "thou supportest," from kshama, "patience." 
From these examples we see that in Sanscrit also the 
final vowel of the base word is rejected before the verbal 
character; for otherwise, e.g., from ydkira-aya-si would 
come ydktrdyasi. That in Latin forms like coen-d-s the 
d does not belong to the base noun is seen from this, that 
the final vowel of bases of the second declension is rejected 
before the verbal derivatives d, S, and i ; hence, regn-d-s, 
calv-i-s, lasciv'i-s. As to the retention, however, of the 
organic u, viz. that of the fourth declension before d (aestit- 
d'S, fludu'd's), I would remark, that in Sanscrit also u shews 
itself to be a very firm vowel, inasmuch as it maintains 
itself before the vowels of nominal derivative suffixes ; and, 
indeed, it moreover receives the Guna increment, while a 
and t, 1. 6. the heaviest and lightest vowel, are dropped ; 
hence, e.g., mdnav-a-s, " man" (as derived from Manu), from 
manu ; ^Nw sauch-a-m, " purity," from vrf^ suchi, " pure ;" 
ddsarath'i'S, " Son of Dasaratha," from dasarathcu Before i, 
however, in Latin, the u of the fourth declension disappears 
in denominative verbs, as in the above-mentioned abori'-i-s. 
762. As a consequence of what has been said in the 
preceding §., I believe that a suppression of the vowel of 
the base noun is also to be assumed in Greek denomina- 
tives in aco, eco, oa>, a^co, i^o). I therefore divide, e. g., ayop*- 
afo)*, dyop*'ao'fiat, fiop^*'6ia, Kvica -ocj, iroKefi-ou}, iroKefx-eu), 

many denominatives, amongst them also sukk^ ^^ to rejoice," which con- 
tains the prefix su (Gr. cv), as certainly as ^v dulikh, ^* dolore afficere," 
(from duAkha^ ^^ smart,") contains the prefix fiftM=Greek bvs. By the 
Indian Grammarians, however, dtdUc/i likewise is considered as a simple 


* I have already, in §. 502., pointed out another mode of viewing the 
forms a^b) and (fa>, bat in §. 603. I have given the preference to the 

3 u above 

1018 VERBS. 

TfoXefjL't^u), and recognise in the a of a^co the Sanscrit a of 
ay&mU and in the f the corruption of i^ y, as in i^evyivfxi 
compared with the Sanscrit iny yuj and Latin jmigo (see 
§. 19.) ; while in forms in aa>, eco, oo), the semi- vowel is sup- 
pressed ; and, moreover, in the two last forms the very 
common corruption from a to e, o has taken place (§. 3.). 
It admits of scarce any doubt that in forms in t^u> also the 
I is only a weakening of a ; for though the weakening of 
a to t is not so frequent in Greek as in Latin and Gothic, 
still it is by no means unprecedented, and occurs, to 
quote a case tolerably similar to the one before us, in 
?t<Wi i^ofioup compared with the Sanscrit root sad, " to place 
oneself,"* Gothic SjiT. (sUa, " sai")- 

763. The lightness of the vowel i may be the reason why 
the form in i^a> has become more used than that in a^o), and 
that those bases which experience no abbreviation before the 
denominative derivative element by the relinquishment of 
tlieir final letter admit scarce any letter but i before f ; hence, 
e,g,f woJ-Zfco, dyiav-i^ofiatf aKOvr-i^ta, avSp-i^u), aifiaT'tXu>, 
d\ofc-/(ci), Yi/voi^c-Zfca, du>paK'i^<a, Ki/v-Zfco, /zi/wTr-ifw, Kepar-lJ^ia, 
KepfxaT'il^oit ep/LuxT-Z^o) ; e/o/x -afco, ovofi-di^ta, yovv-a^ofxou *, 
which, I think, ought not to be divided epfxa-^ta, 6vofxa-^u>; so 
easy is it, from the point of view of the Greek in particular, 
to identify the a of ipfia^cj, ovofxi^u), ayopi^ia, dyopaofxat, and 
the like, with the a of the base noun. For then the analogy 
of these verbs with lir-n^'d^ofiat, Kiff-a^ia, e/V-ofo) (from the 
base etKOT), ei/Ji'-ao), yevei^au), Tre\eK-a<o, ve/zecr'-da), and with 
the Sanscrit denominatives in aya, would be unnecessarily de- 
stroyed ; for as o and 17, and occasionally t; and 1, are dropped 

above, and do so now with the greater confidence, as the other members 
also of our family of languages, the denominatives of which I had not 
then considered, follow tlie sixmc principle. 

* Not from yow, but from the base yovvar, whence •yovvor-op, yovvttr-a. 


before the derivation aw, afw*, there is nothing more natural 
than that a also should give way before the same. But as 
bases in a and rj (from a, see §. 4.) produce principally de- 
nominatives in ao), a^o), and those in o principally such as end 
in oa>, (^(a, from this the influence of the final vowel of the 
base noun on the choice of the vowel of the derivative may 
be inferred ; a and if favour the retention of the original a, 
while o, which is itself a corruption of a, readily permits the 
a of the derivative to be weakened to o, in which it seems to 
re-appear unchanged, but which (if we wish to allow in its 
full extent the transmission of apparently autochthonic Greek 
forms from the time of the unity of language) presents no 
obstacle to our placing on the same footing as regards their 
principle of formation, verbs like •7ro\€/x(o)-oa), ;^i><j(o)-oa), 
ayKv\(p)-6(»), and such as aliiaTOG), dppev-ooi, Trujo-oo), KaTo<l>pu^ 
00), 9a\a(r(r(a)-oa>, fcvi(r(r(a)oa>,and to our recognising such verbs 
as dyop{ayao'fiat, To\/x(a)aa), 5i>/r(a)-d£0, i/iK(>;)-aa), as analogous 
with Kvv-acjt yevetipYacj, Ax>%(o)-da), dv7t(pyi<a, i/e/ie<T(/)-dc«), ttc- 
A.6fc(t/Vda>. The proposition appears to me incontrovertible 
tliat the Greek denominatives in a^w, au>, eta, ota, i^^ico, corre- 
spond to the Sanscrit in aya (1st per. ayd-mi, Zend ayS-mi) ; 
and that, as in Sanscrit, Zend, and Latin, so also in Greek, the 
final vowel of the theme of the base noun is, for the most 
part, suppressed before the vowel of thederivativef : where, 
however, it is retained, which is only at times the case with 
I and i;, the vowel of the verbal derivative also remains after 
it {Srfpt'do-fjLat, offipv-ou}, iydv-dtS), Forms like 8rjpl'0-fxai, fxvjTi" 
O'fxat, fjLfjvl-(a, iiedifia, iaKpv-ia, belong to another class of de- 
nominatives, which exists also in Sanscrit, of which hereafter. 
764. In German, also, the final vowels of nominal bases 

* Examples, in which t and v are retained, are icXavo-i-aoD, oicpt-do), 

t G. Cor tins is of a different opinion (^'•Contrihutiona to the Covparison 
of Language" pp. 119, 120). 


1020 VERBS. 

are suppressed before the vowel or y (for ay) of the verbal 
derivative, which is based on the Sanscrit aya; hence, 
in Gothic audatj-yoy ** I account happy,*" from the base 
audoga (nom. audag'-s, see §. 135), " happy f' gaur-ya, ** I 
sadden," from gaura, nom. gaur-s, " sad ;" slcnfC-ya, ** I 
make," from ska/ii, " creation,^' nom. skafl^-s ;" manv-ya, 
"I prepare," from manvu, nom. manvu-s, "ready;" maurihr- 
ya, ** I murder," from maurthrat nom. maurthr (see §. 153.) 
murder ;"f iagr-ya, "I weep," from iagra, nom. tagr-s, 
a tear," (Greek SuKpv, Sanscrit asruf from dairu). Among 
those Gothic denominatives which have retained in the pre- 
sent the last syllable of the Sanscrit derivative aya, the 
verb vfdrskadv-ya, '* I overshadow,'^ stands alone, since this 
verb has retained the final vowel of the base skadu (nom. 
-w«) before the verbal derivative (with euphonic change into 
v)f while other bases in u follow the general principle ; 
hence, thaurs*-yan, ** to thirst " (impers. thaursyiih mik, I 
thirst," literally, " it is a thirst to me,") from thaursu 
(nom. -M^), ** drj' ;" daviK-yth " I slay," from dawthu-s, 
** death ;" X as in Greek, davar'-oo) from davaro. Tlie follow- 
ing are derivatives belonging here, and springing from 
bases ending in a consonant : namn-ya, ** I name," from 
naman (nom. namd, see §. 141.) ; and aug^-ya, ** I shew," from 
augan (nom. aug6), *' an eye." The former, like the Latin 
noftiin-Of and Greek forms like a/'/naT-do), alfxar-l^u), preserves 
the final consonant of the base, but has, however, admitted 
an internal abbreviation, like that of the Sanscrit weakest 

* This does not occur in the simple form^ but compounded: ga- 
skaff-s, '* crt-atioii," "creature;" ufar-skaJV-s, '* commencement." 

t Compare Sanscrit mdr-ai/afni, " I make to die ;" the Gothic suffix 
//<ra==Sanscrit tra, of which hereafter. 

I Scarcely from dauth{a)-8^ " dead," for the Old High German clearly 
comes from tod (theme tCda), " death," not from tot (nom. masc. tot^r)^ 


case (ndmn-as, '* nomin is ''''): on the other hand, aug-ya (for 
augan-ya or augin-ya) follows the principle already men- 
tioned in §. 503., by which Sanscrit denominatives are 
governed, such as varm-fiyil-mu "I harness," for varman- 
ayd-mi, from varman. Compare, besides the Greek forma- 
tions discussed /. c, also derivatives from comparatives ; as, 
^eA.Ti{oi')-da), /Liei(oi')-oa), e\a(r(r(ov)-da), KaKt{ovy6u),* In Greek, 

also, bases in 2 reject their final consonant, together with 
the vowel preceding it, which is the less surprising, as this 
class of words has in the declension, too, preserved but 
few traces of the <t of the base (see §. 128.). Hence, itXyjp 
(e<r)-da), from itXrjpe^ (see §. 146.); a\7(e<r)-ea), from a^Yef; 
d(rdev(e<r)-ea), from daOeve^; T€U]^(e<r)-/fa), from reu^ej; yrjp- 
(a<r)-aw, from 7i;pa9 (§. 128.). 

765. We return to the Gothic, in order to adduce some 
denominatives from Grimm's second and third conjugations 
of weak verbs. Tlie second conjugation, which exhibits 6 ~d 
(§. 69.) for the Sanscrit aya, and has therefore, like tlie 
Latin, first rejected the tj y of ay a, and then contracted 
into one long vowel the vowels which, by the loss of the 
y, touch one another, yields, e.g,, Ji^ilc'd-s, "thou fishest," 
for comparison with the Latin pisc-d-ris. The Gothic base 
Jlska (nom, Jlsk^'S, see §. 135.) has abandoned its «, as the 
Latin pisci its i, before the vowel of the derivative (see 
§. 761.). The Gothic thiudan-o-s, ** thou reignest," from 
the base thiudana (nom. -n-s), " king,*" resembles, in its 
principle of formation, the Latin domin-d'S, as the Gothic 
first strong declension masculine and neuter and the Latin 
second on one side, and the Gothic second weak conjuga- 
tion and the Latin first on the other side, are in their 
origin fully identical. To Latin denominatives fix)m the 
first declension, like arn-d-s (see §. 761.), correspond Gothic 

* On the other liaiid, TrXeov-afo), not 7rV*-afa). 

1022 VERBS. 

verbs of the same class ; as, fairin'S-s, * thou blamest," 
from the base fairind (nom. ^na), " blame/^ To aesiu-d-s, 
fludu'd-89 corresponds lusf-d-s, from the base lustu, ** desire/' 
"longing,"' with the rejection of the u, however, of the 
nominal base. Bases in an weaken their a to i, as in the 
genitive and dative ; hence, frauyin-S^St ** thou reignest,'' 
from frauyarif ''lord**' (nom. yratiya, gen. frauyins), as in 
Latin, nomin^d-St lumin-A-s (§. 761.); so gudyinrd-Sy "thou 
administerest the priest's office,'' from gudyaih nom. fftuiya, 
" priest." Some bases terminating in a add n before the 
formation of a denominative, and likewise weaken the a of 
the base to i ; thus, skalkinrd-s, " thou servest," from skalka, 
nom. skalk^'St " servant," gen. skaUci-s (see §. 191.) ; hdrin-^'S, 
^otxevet^t from hdra, nom. hdr-Sf "adulterer;" reikin-d-s, 
" thou rulest," from reikya, nom. reiki (see §. 153.), " riclL" 
That class of weak verbs which has contracted the Sanscrit 
aya to aU and stands on the same footing with the Latin 
second conjugation (Grimm's third weak conjugation), pre- 
sents, e.g.f arrn^'Sf " thou commiseratest," from arma, 
nom. arm-a ; as, in Latin, miser -^rU from miseru (miser for 
miseru-s); gorhvciT-ai'S, "thou stay est," from hveil4, nom. 
hveila, "time," "delay." 

766. The Sclavonic uses, for the formation of denomina- 
tives, that conjugational form which corresponds to the 
Sanscrit tenth Class. But, as has been remarked in §. 505., 
not only Dobrowsky's third conjugation belongs to the 
Sanscrit verbal class just mentioned, but also the greater 
portion of those verbs which, in §. 500., I wrongly classed 
all, without exception, under the Sanscrit fourth Class ; 
whilst I can now recognise as sister forms of the Sanscrit 
fourth Class, of Latin verbs like capio, and Gothic like 
vahs-yOf " I grow," only such verbs of Dobrowsky's first 
conjugation as combine the formative elements commen- 
cing with a consonant ; for example, the ch of the preterite, 
the / and v of the participle preterite active, and of the 



gerund preterite, as also the suffixes th ti and Ti* t of the 
infinitive and supine, direct with the root, a circumstance 
which occurs only with respect to a few roots terminating 
in a vowel; e.g., from nw, **to drink" (Sanscrit j?^, Class 4, 
middle), comes niil&pi-yi/, "I drink'' (Sanscrit pf-y^), nuKmn 
pi-ye-shi, "thou drinkest'' (Sanscrit pi-ya-si), nn^t pi-ch^ 
" I drank," nuAi* j!>^-/, " having drunk," nuBi* pi-v (gerund), 
nuTH pi-ti, " to drink," sup. ohti* pi4. Those verbs, how- 
ever, in I& yu or AJ& ayu, which, in the said forms, inter- 
pose an a between the root, or the verbal theme, and the 
formative element which follows (Paradigm B. of Do- 
browsky), I am now of opinion must be compared with 
the Sanscrit tenth Class ; so that yu, and more fully ayu, of 
the 1st person, corresponds to the Sanscrit ayd-mi and 
the Lithuanian oyu, uyu, iyu (see §. 506.). Compare, eg., 
piiiAA^^ ryd-ayu, " I lament," with the Sanscrit causal 
rdd-aydmi, " I make to weep" (R. rud, " to weep"), and the 
Lithuanian raud-oyu*, "I lament" 




















* As the Sanscrit d is a contraction of au, so in this respect the 
Lithnanian form corresponds still more than the Sclavonic to the Sanscrit 
caosai. The Sclavonic 1*1 y corresponds (according to §. 225. c.') to the 
Sanscrit radical u. 

1024 VERBS. 



rdd-ayd-mcuf, ri/d-aye-m, raud-oya-me. 

rdd-aya'thOf ryd-aye-ie, raud-oya-fe. 

rdd-aya-nti. ryd-ayuly , raud-oya. 

767. Both in Sclavonic and in Lithuanian the y of this 
conjugational class is dropped before the formative elements 
which begin with a consonant, and then, in Lithuanian, only 
the is left, and, in Sclavonic, the more ancient a, which 
corresponds to it; hence, the infinitive in Lithuanian is 
raud'O-tU in Sclavonic ryd-a-fi, and the future in Lithuanian 
raudro-siu The Sanscrit, on the contrary, preserves the n y 
before formations beginning with a consonant, by the in- 
sertion of a vowel of conjunction, viz. i ; hence, rdd-ay-i- 
shydmi corresponding to the raud-o-su just mentioned ; and 
in the infinitive rdd^y-i-ium answering to raud-o-ti, ryd- 
a-ii^t sup. piyiAATi) rydr-a^t The verbs under Paradigm 
B. in Dobrowsky and Kopitar have lost, in the present 
and the forms connected therewith, the a of the class 
character, and retain only the y {ghgoUyu, " I speak," for 
gtagol-ayu) before formations beginning with a consonant, 
but exhibit the a in other places, in accordance wdth the 
verbs which have ayu in the present ; thus, e.g., rAAroAA^-b 
ghgol-a-ch, " I spoke,"" glagol-a-ti ** to speak,'" like p'biAA;^^'b 
ryd-a-ch, piJiAATii ryd-a-ti. The Lithuanian presents no 
forms analogous to verbs like glagol-yu, since forms like 
myl-iu, plural myl-i-me, correspond to Dobrowsky"s third 
conjugation (e.g., vol-yu, plural vd-i-m, see §. 506.), while 
forms like penu, hikau, plural pen-a-me, laik-o-me (see 
§. 506.), exhibit the Sanscrit aya in the abbreviated form. 

* From rydayo-nty^ see §. 265. g. 

t I do not mean by this comparison to assert that the Lithuanian and 
Sclavonic infinitive suffix is connected with that of the Sanscrit language. 


which in raud-oyu, pi»iAAJ& ryd-ayu, enters, save in the 
present indicative and its derivatives, only before suffixes 
beginning with a consonant. 

768. The Lithuanian and Sclavonic nominal bases, like 
those of the kindred languages already mentioned, when 
they terminate with a vowel, which is generally the case, 
reject this before the verbal derivative ; hence, in Li- 
thuanian baW'Oyu, "I appear white," baU'-inu, "I make 
white," from baU(h nom. -ta-s, " white ;" duwan-oyu " I 
bestow," from duwana fem. " gift ;" czysC-iyu, " I purify," 
from czysta, nom., -ta-s, " pure ;" "j* gaiaw-oyu and gataw'-iyu, 
" I make ready," from gaiatpa-s, " ready ;" doT-iyu, " I 
divide,'' from dali-s, " portion ;" apyok^-iu, " I deride," from 
apyoka-s "jest ;" didd'Anu, " I enlarge," from diddi-s; brang^- 
inu, " I render dear," from brangu-s. The following are 
examples of denominatives in Old Sclavonic : a'^aai^ 
dyeV-ayu, " I make," a*aa;(^i> dyet-a-ch, " I made," from 
A*AO dyeh, " work ;" noAOB^Tb podob'-ye^y, " it is fitting," 
infin. noAOBATH podoh'-a-ti, {rom podoba, " use ;" 3NAMENAI& 
J^namena-yu, ** I denote," from ^namen ^namerij nona. Knamya 
(see §. 264.), " mark ** (Kopitar Glagol. p. 73.) ; rAAroAl& 
ghgot-yu, ** I speak," infin. ghgoV-a-ii, from glagolo, nom. 
ghgoU " word." In forms in ifl& uyu, infin. ov-a-ti, the y 
u appears to me, in departure from what has been re- 
marked at §. 255. h. as a contraction of an or ou (§. 255. f.), 
and the v of av-a-ti as the euphonic alteration of the final 
element of the diphthong a u = ov. The corresponding 
form in Lithuanian is atiyu, the first u of which, before 
vowels, likewise changes into its equivalent semi-vowel ; 
hence, e. g», nasxt-duiju, " I live in widowhood," from naszte 

* Deuominatives in inu have all a causal signification, compare §. 744. 

t With the formations in iyu compare the Greek in iCfo=ziy<a, see 
§. 762 ; iyu and oyu have the same relation to one another as t(o> and o^cd 
have to one another in Greek. 

1026 VERBS. 

" widow," pret naszt-aw^auy fut. naszt-ati-su. So in Old 
Sclavonic; baob&I& vdov-u-yUf pret baoboba^^i vdav-ov- 
achy infin. baobobath vdov-ov-a-tU from baobA vdova^ 
*' widow "' = Sanscrit vidhavd. hmeii»I& imen-ur-yu, ** I name,"' 
infin. hmehobath imen-ov-n-ii, from the base hmen imeru 
Other examples of this kind occur in Dobrowsky, p. 372. 
We may regard the u, ov, of these forms as a lengthening 
of the theme of the base noun, and divide, therefore, as 
follows : vdovu-yuy vdovov-a-ti, imenu-yu, imenov-a-th where 
we must recall what has been observed at §. 263. regarding 
the unorganic introduction of Sclavonic bases into the de- 
clension in 1*1 y. In denominatives in 'h\Si yeyu, as, e.g., 
BorAT'bl& bogaf-yeyuj " I am or become rich,'' infin. 
bofatAth hogat^'ye-tU from the base bogato, nom. bogat, 
'h ye corresponds to the Sanscrit a of aydmU which will not 
appear surprising when we consider the peculiarity of the 
Sclavonic in constantly prefixing to vowels a y. The 
following are examples of denominatives from Dobrowsky's 
third conjugation (see §. 505.): AehI&Ca schen-yA-sya "I 
marry,'' infin. ^^nhthca schen'iMsya, from 2&eha schena, 
** woman f totobaI^ gotov*4y{i (euphonic for vyA)f '* I pre- 
pare," infin. roTOBHTH gotoxfA-ti, from totobo gotovo, nom. 
m. roTOB-b gofov " ready ;" ^I^aWL zyeP-yC, " I heal," infin. 
ql^AHTH zyeV-i'tit fipom ij'bAO zyelo, nom. q^bAi* zyeh 
" healthy." 

769. I have already, in §. 502., compared the Greek 
denominatives in aau^ as a2/iao'-(ra> from ai/iiaT-yco (see 
§. 501.), with those in Sanscrit formed with n ya. While, 
however, in Sanscrit* the final vowel of the base noun, if 
short, is lengthened, the same in Greek, acc<H*ding to the 
analogy of §. 762., is dropped; hence, e.gr., ayyeKKta from 
d77€A(o)-ya), irotKiWta from iroiiciA(o)-ya>, aiJcaAAo) from at- 
#ca\(o)-ya), fKxK&acia from fia\aK(pyy<a, ^eiKiaa-ta from /xci- 
A<x(o)-ya>. Bases in p, po, and v, transfer the y, vocalized to 
i, to the preceding syllable, instead of assimilating it to 


the preceding consonant ; hence, reKfiai-p-o-^ai from rcKfiap- 
yo-fiat, from reKfiap; KaOaip^o} from Ka6ap{o)'y(a, from Ka- 
dapo ; fjLeyalp'U} from fxeyap-yia, not from jxeya-^, but from the 
base of the oblique cases fieyaKo, the \ being exchanged for p 
(see §. 20.) ; fie\aip(t} from fxcKav-yu}, from the base fieXav ; ttoi- 
fiaivoi, ireiraivu}, TCKTaivoi^ a<ppatv(t}, evif^paivia, from Ttotfiav^ya), 
&c., from the bases iroifiev, irerrov, tcktov, a^pov, evtppov, with 
the retention, however, of the original a, instead of the unor- 
ganic vowels e, o (see §. 3.). In denominatives from substan- 
tive bases in /iiaT, as ovofiaivc^t KVfjLatvo}, tntepiiaivia, aTjiiatvoi}, 
%6//L(a/i/a), the v probably springs from the original form of the 
suffix fjLar, as this is a corruption of fiav, and answers to the 
Sanscrit man, and Latin men, min.* It appears, however, to 
me impossible to determine with certainty as to the case of 
the preponderating number of denominatives in atvoD, whose 
base nouns terminate neither in v, nor in a letter which can 
have proceeded from v. I cannot, however, believe that the 
Greek language has produced such formations independently, 
and that, therefore, they are entirely unconnected with the 
kind of forms handed down from the period of the unity of 
language. Perhaps the bases in v, and those which termi- 
nate in a consonant which is a corruption of v, have only 
supplied the type for the formations in atv<a ; and verbs like 
dXeaivu}, d^Ta/vo), yhuKatvoi}, depfiaivcj, epiSatvcj, Krjpatvci}, have 
followed the beaten path, in the same way as, in German, 
many bases have pressed into the so-called weak declen- 
sion, in that they have extended the original limits of the 
base by the addition of n, or the syllable an. Perhaps, 
too, afvo), in a portion of that class of verbs which have 
this termination, viz. those which have sprung from other 
verbs, is some way connected with the Sanscrit formation 
aya, with which we have before compared Lithuanian 

* Sec §. 497., and compare G. Cui-tius De naminum Graoofrum forma- 
tioney p. 40. 

1028 VERBS. 

causals and denominatives in inu (see §. 745.). If the v in 
those denominatives which have not proceeded from bases 
in V, or /xar for /xav, is a corruption of the y (compare §. 745.), 
then the at preceding might be regarded as representing 
the d (com{)are §. 753.), which, in most Sanscrit denomina- 
tive bases in ^ ya^ precedes the semi-vowel ; for though 
this d belongs to the nominal base, and is in general a 
lengthened form of short a (chird-yaii, " he delays,"' from 
chira, "long"), still the same, in course of time, might 
come to be regarded as a portion of the derivative, and 
be suppressed before its Greek representative at, as in the 
formations in aa>, a^co, &c. Those verbs in atvo) which ap- 
pear to spring from more simple verbs, might, in their 
principle of formation, be contrasted in a different manner 
with the Sanscrit ; as, e. g., avaiva (at/co), Spaivta {Sp&ul), 
KpaiaivoD {KpaSd(a), %a\a/i/a> (^ocAao)), stand in the same rela- 
tion to the corresponding short forms, as, in the Veda dialect, 
charanydmU " I go,'' does to chardmi. The broader 
forms come from the noun of action ^iTOT charanch " the 
going '' (euphonic for -•! -na, on account of the r preced- 
ing). Some Sanscrit verbs, however, of this kind do not 
exactly correspond to the noun of action, from which they 
spring, but exhibit a weakening or contraction of the 
vowel, or the pure radical vowel instead of the gunised 
one of the base word, seemingly on account of the incum- 
brance caused by the verbal derivative ; thus, bhuranydmU 
" I receive '' (Rig. V. 50. 6. bhuranyardam ana), from bha- 
rana, " the bearing,'' " receiving " (R bhar, bhri) ; tura- 
nydmi, " I hasten " (Rig. V. 121. 1. turanyan) from tvarana, 
'* the hastening " (R. tvar) ; churanydmU " I steal " (see 
Westerg. Radices p. 337.), from ch&rana, "the stealing" 
(R. chur). As, according to rule, a noun of action in ana 

* It occurs in corobination with the preposition «/, " out," in the 
Yajur Veda, see Westei^gaard Had. p. 337. 


may be formed from every root, and on this, too, are 
based all the German and Ossetian infinitives*, it cannot 
surprise us that, in Greek, a few denominatives of this 
kind remain, whose base nouns have been lost; and thus, 
e. g,9 avaivio, from avavyca, would come from a lost nominal 
base avavo, or avavrj, MapaiVo), which has no short verb 
corresponding to it, reminds us of the Sanscrit noun of 
action mara-na-m, " the dying," from mar, mri, " to die," 
causal mdraydmi Let attention be given to the Greek 
feminine abstracts in ovrj, which correspond to the Sanscrit 
in and, or and.^ Verbs in av<a may, in part, owe their 
origin to obsolete nominal bases in avo. 

770. How necessary it is, in the explanation of denomi- 
natives, to look back to an earlier state of language, and 
at the same time to examine the kindred dialects, is shewn 
by an interesting class of Gothic denominatives, in which 
the n likewise plays a part, though it is no way connected 
with that of Greek verbs in aivw, in whatever way these 
latter may be explained. I rather recognise, as already 
stated in my " Conjugational System," (pp. 115, 116), a con- 
nection in Gothic verbs like ga-fuUna, *' impleor,^'' vs-gutna, 
"i^i/rwfor," distauma, ** disrumpor,'*'* and-bundna, *' solvor,^^ 
ga-hailna, " sanorr fronqvisina^ " perdor,'*^ ga-vakna, " excilor,*'' 
uS'lukna, '* aperior,^'' daxdhna, ** morlor,^^ with the Sanscrit 
passive participles in na; as, bhug-na, "bent," to which 
the Greek verbals in vo-j correspond {crrvy-vog, a-efi-vog &c.), 
and from which the Gothic passive participles have some- 
what diverged, in that they do not append the suffix na 
direct to the root, but retain the class syllable ; thus, biug- 
a-^a)'S, " bent," answering to >n«T^ bhug-na-s ; while the 
verbs just mentioned point to a period of the language. 

* E,g.^ Gothic hindan, Osset. bathin, "to bind "^Sanscrit handhana, 
" the binding." 
t Examples are: ydchand, ^'' precatio /* arhand,^'' honoris testificatio.** 



1030 VBRBS. 

when the suffix was still, as in Sanscrit and Greek, added 
direct to the root ; so that, e. g., gaskaidnat ** I separate 
myself" (l. Cor.vii. 11. yaba gaskaidnai, eav x^/o/o'djj), answers 
better than skaid-a-ns, ** separated,"' to the Sanscrit fttW 
chhin-nas (euphonic for chhid-nas), ** cleft."' Compare, also, 
and-bundriia, " I am loosed (set free)," with bund-a-n^ays, 
*' bound ;" bi-auk-na, *' I am enlarged," with bi-auk^-niays, 
" enlarged ;" fralus-Tuat " I am dissolved, destroyed, lost, 
with lma'v{fl)-St " loosened " (Sanscrit lu-na-s " cut off, 
" torn off''); gattik-na, "I am closed," with ga'bik-a-n(ays, 
" closed ;" andrUt-na, '* I am unloosed," with W-a-nieLJ-s, 
" tranquil ^ cf-lif-na, *' I am left remaining," " I remain 
over " (TrepiAeiTTO/Liai), with the to-be-presupposed /i6-a-w(a)-5, 
" left remaining " (laibos, " remnant "), for ///'-a-w(fi)-s, as 
the law for the transposition of sounds (§. 87.) would lead 
us to expect, in answer to the Greek Ketiro)** from the lost 
verb leiba, laif, libum (Old High German, bi-Iibu, '* I re- 
main," bileibf ** I remained," bi-Vdyumis, " we remained ") ; 
vfar-haf-na, "I raise myself above " (yirep-alpofxai), with ufar- 
haf-ya-niays, "raised over," "elevated;" dis^taur-na, "d«- 
TumpoTf'' with dw-faur-a-n(a)-5, ** diruptus ;" gor-thaurs-nai **I 
dry up" {^rfpaivofxat), with ga-thnurs-a-niflys, ** e^fjpa/ifxevoSf'^ 
from the non-existing verb ga-thairsd, ga-thars, galhaursuTiu 
Dis-hnaup-fuit " dirumporr from the root hnup (hniupa^ 
hnaup, hnupunh hnupans), is so far irregular as it has the 
radical vowel gunised, whilst otherwise denominatives in 
nOf like the passive participle with the same termination, 
attach themselves to one of the lighter forms of the verbal 
theme. Us^geis-na, also, ** jtercellm,"'' " stupeor from the to- 
be-presupposed geisa, gais, gisuin (Grimm. II. p. 46.), is con- 

* In departure from what has been remarked at p-44], I now agree 
with Benfey (Greek Wurzellexicon II. p. 11) in taking the Sanscrit root 
rich (from rik)^ " to separate," " to leave," as the root akin to the Latin 
Uc (linquo), Greek Xin-, and Gothic lift lib. 


trary to the common analogy, and should be us-gisna. 
But dis-skrit-na, *' Jindor,'''' and tundna, ** uror^ the base 
verbs of which are likewise lost (skreita, skrait, skritum, 
iinda, (and, tundum), exhibit the regular vowel. 

771. After that na in Gothic, as in the above-mentioned 
instances, had once raised itself to be the exponent of the 
passive relation, it might also extend itself to the adjective 
bases, and thus denominatives in na and ya (for ya also at, 
see §. 109.* 6.), as passives (or verbs neuter) and transitive 
active verbs, stand mutually answering to each other. 
The final vowel of nominal bases are dropped as well before 
na as before ya ( = Sanscrit ay a, see §. 674); hence, eg,, 
from the base fuUa (nom. masc. fulT-s), *' full,*" fulf-na, 
" impletjTr futt-ya^ '* impleo f from mikilay " great " (nom. 
mikit'-s), mikir-na, " magnificor,^" mlkit-ya, *' 7nagnifi<!0 '"' 
(compare fieya\tX(a) ; from veiha (veili-s), " holy,"' veih'-na, 
** sanctificorr veili-a {veiK-ais) *' sanciifico f^ from ga-ndha 
{ganSK-s)t "enough,^' ga-^ndK-nay ** expleor^ ganoK-ya, "csc- 
pleoy^ from managa {manages), "much,*" Tnanag'^-na, ** abundo'''' 
("I am made much''); manag'^-ya^ '^augeoT from gcd)iga 
(gabig^-s)f " rich,'^ gaJjig^-nOj ** locupletatus sum,^^ gabig^-ya 
" locupletoJ*'' It cannot surprise us that the base words of 
denominatives in na cannot be all cited from the lingual 
sources which have been preserved to our time, nor that 
some were already obsolete in the time of Ulfila, but sur- 
vive only in the denominatives, of which they were the 
parents. Thus, e.g., an adjective base drdba (drobs), 
" troubled '"* (Anglos, drdf), does not occur ; whence comes 
drdb'-ya, " I trouble," " excite," " shake," and drdh"-^, " I 
am troubled." Inseparable prepositions precede the de- 
nominatives, as they do the primitive verbal themes, though 
the base word be simple ; as, e. g„ from blinda (blimits), 
" blind," comes ga-blind'-not ** I am blinded," and ga-blind- 
ya, '* I blind," " dazzle ;" from dumba (dumb'-s), " dumb," 
af-dundi-na, " I become dumb," " grow speechless " (Mark 

1032 VERBS. 

iv. 39. qfdumbn metpiyLoxro), It is possible, that from the 
simple adjective bases at first simple denominatives pro- 
ceeded, and from these, which no longer exist, or cannot be 
cited, compound denominatives ; thus, from dumbn came, 
at first, dumbnOf and thence afdumbna ; as, in Latin, from 
mutU'Sf mutescOf and thence obmuiesco> 

772. To return to the Sanscrit, we must remark that 
denominatives formed with il ya partly express a wish ; as, 
e. g,f pati-ydmU ** I wish for a spouse,'" from pati ; putrt- 
ydmif *' I wish a son, or for a son, or children," from putra. 
These forms lead us to the Greek desiderative denominatives 
in lao), which, however, in departure from the Sanscrit, 
reject the final vowel of the base noun, while the latter 
lengthen it, but in doing so weaken 6, to i^; thus, putrt-- 
ydmi for putrd-ydmi,* And Greek forms like dapar-ido}, 
(TTpaTrjy-i&cif KKava-idtt), are properly based on the causal 
form of the just-mentioned Sanscrit denominatives in ya ; 
thus, Oavar-iw, ^avaT-/ao-/Liev= Sanscrit forms like putri- 
yayd-mi, putri-yayd-mas, while putri-yd-mit pvirt-yd-mas, 
would lead us to expect Greek forms like 0ai/aT-i«, Bavar- 
lo-fieVf or, according to §. 502., Oavaaau}, Oavaa-aofxev, It de- 
serves, however, notice, that, in Sanscrit, denominatives in 
ya occasionally adopt the causal form without a causal 
signification ; thus we find, without a causal meaning, f 
the genmd asdyayitvd, which belongs to the causal form, 
but is used as coming from the denominative asii-ydmi, 
"I curse," "execrate" (intrans. "I am wrath," from asu 


* But we find in the Veda dialect asva-ydmi^ ^^equos cupio,*' from aiva^ 

a horse" (S. V. II. 1. 1. 11. 2.). 

t Nal. 14. 17. : krodhdd asuyayitva tarn, " ir<i exsecrando ewn" On 
the other hand, dhximdyaydmiy the causal of dhumdr^dmi, ^*'/umo,'* has 
also a causal meaning : dhumdyayan dikui, ^^ causing the regions of the 
world to smoke." 


773. With the causal form of denominatives in tt ya 
may be compared also the Latin in igd. The i would then 
be the final vowel of the base noun, either in an unaltered 
form, as in tniti-gdrSt levi-gd-Sf navi-gd-s ; or the weak- 
ening of a heavier vowel (see §. 6.), as in fumi-gd-s (for 

fumu-gd-Sf or fumo-gd's), remi-gd-s, clari-gd-s, castUgd-a (but 
pur-gd'S with i suppressed) ; or the unorganie extension 
of a base ending in a consonant, as in lUi-gd-s opposed to 
jur-gd-^. The g must be taken as the hardening of g, which 
indeed occurs, perhaps, nowhere else in Latin, but is not 
uncommon in the kindred languages (see pp. 110. and 993.), 
and with which is connected the fact, that in Greek C often 
stands as the hardened form of an original y (see §. 19.). 
The d of the forms in question, as generally of those in 
the first conjugation (except where it is radical), must be 
the contraction of the Sanscrit a{y)a ; and thus fumi-gd-s 
would be, as it were, the Latinization of the Sanscrit 
dhunid^f/Q(t/)a'Sh ** thou makest to smoke ^'-j-. If, however, 
we agree with the common opinion, which, however, is op- 
posed by Diintzer, ("Doctrine of the Latin Formation of 
Words '" p. 140,) in recognising in the verbs in igo com- 
posites with ago, we must then divide thus, mif-igoffurn^igo, 
&c., and assume a weakening of the radical a of ago to i, 
and a transfer of igo from the third conjugation to the 
first, both of which things occur in facere, which, at the 
end of compounds, becomes ficare. 

774. Bases which, in Sanscrit, end in n, reject that letter 
as well in desideratives as also in other denominatives in 
ya. Other consonants, also, are occasionally dropped before 
the denominative suffix i\ ya ; hence, vrikd-yi, ** I become 
great'' (Mid.), from vrihat, in the strong cases vrihant, pro- 

* I retract the conjecture expressed at §. 109^ 1. 
t See p. 379 and §. 772. note **. 


1034 VERBS. 

perly a participle present from varh, vrihs '* to grow/' Thus 
tripd-f/St rdhd-yif from the participles fripanU iripat, rdhant^ 
rdhat (see Westergaard Rad. pp. 337, 339). We might con- 
sequently expect from the participle of the auxiliary future 
forms like dd-syd-y^ for dds-yat-yi, or ddsyant-yg ; and it 
follows that we may regard the Greek desideratives in <re/a) 
as denominatives, u e. derive them from the participle, and 
not from the indicative future. The e, for instance, of 
7rapa-$a>-(r6ia> must then be looked upon as the thinning of 
the o of the suffix ovTf and Ttapa-Soixre'ioi must therefore be 
derived from 7ra/e>a$aHro(yT)-ia) ; just as above, §. 503., acK- 
a^ofievo^ from deKovr, But if Greek desideratives in (re/co 
spring from a future participle, then Latin desideratives 
in turiof as camaturio, nupiurio, parturio, emrio (from es-turio, 
see §. 101.), may be placed by their side as analogous 
forms in which the t appears to correspond to the San- 
scrit suffix J\ ya, though usually the i of the Latin fourth 
conjugation corresponds to the Sanscrit aya, while the sim- 
ple ya is represented by the i of the third conjugation. 
As, however, the i of the third conjugation is occasionally 
altered to the { of the fourth "j", it cannot surprise us that 
some denominatives of the Latin fourth conjugation should, 
in their origin, belong, not to the Sanscrit formation aya, 
but to ya ; and so equ-io, equ-is, both as regards its base 
word and its derivation, might be compared with the Ve- 
dian cuivdydmi, "equos cupio,^'' mentioned above (§.772. Note*). 
775. Denominatives with a dosiderative meaning are 

* The short u of verbs in turio occasions me no difficulty in deducing 
them from the participle in turus. The incumbrance of the verbal deri- 
vation appears to have occasioned the shortening of the vowel, as in deno> 
minatives like coWro, honoro, compared with cohr, colS-ris^ honor, honor-is, 

t See §. 500., and Struve On the Latin Declension and Conjugation^ 
p. 200 (fromyjwfio, in Plant., ./orfJri; fromgradiory aggrediri; from pario, 
in Enn., parire ; from morior, moi<mur). 


also formed in Sanscrit by the suffixes s^ya and asya ; e. g,\ 
vrishasydmi, " to long for the bull ;' ' aiva^sy&mh *' to long 
for the stallion'' (equio); madhv-ttaydmi, "to wish for 
honey/' We have already noticed the agreement of these 
forms with that of the auxiliary future, as also, as respects 
the sibilant, with the desideratives which spring from 
verbal roots. From Latin may be adduced imitatives in 
sso, as has already been done by Duntzer (" Doctrine of 
the Latin formation of words " p. 135). Whence, c. gr., 
patri'Sso would stand by assimilation for patri-syo (compare 
the Prakrit futures, §. 655.), with i as the extension of the 
base noun, as in patri-bus. The i of attid-ssOf grtBCP-ssOt is the 
weakening of the final vowel of the base noun. The first 
conjugation, however, does not admit of comparison with 
Sanscrit desideratives like aiva-sya-tU which leads us to 
expect the Latin third conjugation, as in derivatives from 
verbs like cape-ssot incipUsso, lace-sso, peH-sso, which admit 
of comparison with Sanscrit verbal desideratives in sa — in 
so far as their s really stands for sy — or also with the aux- 
iliary future. The e or i of Latin forms is, however, 
most probably the class vowel of the third conjugation, 
though usually this does not extend beyond the special 
tenses. Incesso, from cedOf is probably an abbreviation of 
incedesso ; and arcesso, if it comes from cedo, of arcedesso. 

776. Outwardly a similarity presents itself between the 
Sanscrit nominal desideratives in sya or aayuf and the 
Latin inchoatives in asco and esco : these, however, as re- 
spects their principle of formation, are scarcely transmitted 
from the time of the unity of language, but most probably 
first originated on Roman ground, by the annexation, as 
it appears to me, of the verb substantive with the meaning 
** to become " to nominal bases, which, when they terminate 
in a vowel, drop this before the vowel of the auxiliary 
verb (compare §. 522.). Thus, as pos^sum from pot-sum for 

poti'Sum, pot-eram for poti-eram ; so, e. g„ puelt'<iscot ir- 


1036 VERBS. 

ascor, puer^asco (from the base pu€ru,-ro), tener-asco, and 
tener-^sco, aceC^asco, geT-asco (from gelu), herV-esco, exaqii- 
esco, plunt'CSCOf flamrn-escfh amar^esco^ aur^esco, clar-esco, 
vetusf-esco, dulc-escOtjuven-escOf celebr^sco, corn -esco. Whe- 
ther we ought to divide long^-isco, vetiisf-isco, or lonyi-sco, 
vetusti-scOf may remain undecided. In the former case the 
i of the auxiliary verb might be compared with that of the 
Greek imperative iC'dn in the latter i is the weakening 
of the final vowel of the adjective base, as in compounds 
like langi'pes and derivatives like hngUtvdo. Bases ending 
in a consonant experience no abbreviation , thus, arbar^ 
esco, carbon-esco, lapid-escot mcdr-esco, noct-esco, dit-esco, but 
opul-esco from opulent-escOf which reminds us of the Sanscrit 
denominatives from abbreviated participial bases in ni 
mentioned above (§. 774.). The verb substantive, which I 
think I recognise in these formations, answers to the ob- 
solete future esco (escit, superescU, obescit), which, however, 
in composition, has occasionally retained the original a ; as 
in Old Prussian, also, in its simple state, as-mau as-saif as-f, 
corresponds to the Lithuanian es-mi, es-si, es-ii. How 
close the notions of futurity and of becoming, as of future 
existence, approach one another needs no mention. With 
respect to the guttural which has attached itself to the 
root of the verb substantive, asco, esco and the isolated 
future escit, resemble the Greek imperfect eaKov, which, 
with tl>e rejection of the radical vowel, enters also in- 
to combinations with attributive verbs (itveve-^Kc, KoKee- 
cTKov, eKiaa-aKe).* The Latin esco, also, when added to 

* I have no hesitation in ascribing the vowel which precedes the <r to 
the temporal base of the simple verb ; for the o of cVoXcoi^ is, in its origin, 
identical with c, and stands in place of the c of cVoXfcf, cVaXcf, only on 
account of the nasal which follows: the c of the 3d person of the 1st 
aorist is identical with the a of the other persons, which is everywhere 
retiuned where an ending follows it 


verbal bases, relinqaishes its initial vowel ; for the a {6)» e 
{4), and i (i) of forms like laba-scOf ama-soi, consuda-scOf 
generascOf paUe-sco, vire-sco, rube^sco, serdi-sco, obdormi^sco, 
are clearly the characters of the first» second, and fourth 
conjugations ; on which account we here divide differently 
than above, in puer-asco, dar-escOf dulc-esco &c. In com- 
pounds with bases of the third conjugation the i of ffemi" 
SCO, tremi-sco, must be regarded as by nature short, as it 
is identical with the i of gem-i'S, trem-i-s (see §. 109'. 
1.), which leads us back to the Sanscrit cu The i of pro- 
Jici'Scor, concupi-scorf is identical with that ot faci-s, profici-s, 
cupi'S ; nanci'Scor presupposes a simple nanco, nanci-s ; 
f rage-SCO exhibits e for the i oifrangi-s (compare §. 6.), and 
has lightened itself by the rejection of the nasal of the 
root. To Latin forms like laba-sco, ama-sco, paUe-sco, cor- 
respond, in their principle of formation, Greek forms like 
yr)pa'(TKijiif ^ISi-GKoy, IKd-^Ko/Jiat, aKdrj-cTKOi ; where, however, it 
is not asserted that the Latin S of the second conjugation 
is connected with the Greek ij of forms like trefpiKYj-Ka, 
^tKyjaiM), though both lead us back to the Sanscrit aya ; but 
of this the Latin contains the two first letters in the con- 
traction of at to S (see §. 109'. 6.), while the Greek tj of 
0f A^o-o) and ee, eo of ^iKeere, (l>t\eofi€v, contain the first and 
third letter of the Sanscrit aya, either separate (in ee, eo), 
or united in tj. The i of forms like evpi-^Kta, aTepi-^Kta, 
oKi-CKOfiai, afjLl3?J'(TK<a, is scarcely a vowel of conjunction, but, 
in my opinion, only a weakening of a heavier vowel ; thus, 
evpltTKcHf arrept'CTKia, for €vp^(TK(a, (Trepfj-aKia ; afil37U'<TKfa, a\/- 
cKOfiai for a/x^Aco-crfcci), oKithCKofiai ; to which, among other 
things, the futures evprj-ca), oXco-o-o/iai, &c., point. We must 
remark the weakening of o to i in ovl-vrjfu for ivovvjfju, 
otrnrrevoi for oTroTrrei/o)*; and, moreover, the forms dKOrj-aKta 

* See §. 754., and compare oTramri and ofra>irca>, which forms, by the 
lengthening of the radical vowel in the second syllable of the root, which 


1038 VERBS. 

and oKdl-iTKia which exist togetlier. I am now inclined, in 
departure from what was remarked at §. 751., to assume that 
the Greek reduplicated forms in (Tku>, in spite of their 
striking resemblance to Sanscrit verbal desideratives like 
jijMsdmi (compare yiyvtiHrKta), are nevertheless not histori- 
cally connected with them, but, as comparatively younger 
formations, have arisen from the junction of the verb sub- 
stantive in a form analogous to the imperfect ecKov and 
Latin future escUf but deprived of the radical vowel, to 
roots repeated according to the principle of the Sanscrit 
third class (see §. 109*. 3.). Thus, yiyvcixTKia, fjufivYJcKU)^ 
presuppose simple verbs like y/yvco/xi, ^i^vfffM, according to 
the analogy of S/Sco/xf, rtdfifju, I3il3ijfju, or such as ytyvou), 
Ijufiveta. And eyvcov and yvciHrta bear the same relation to 
the probably existent yiyvtafju that eia^v and $c3<r(i> do to 
SiStafii. If, however, the Greek reduplicated forms in oncco 
must, with regard to their principle of formation, bo 
looked on as distinct from Sanscrit verbs like jijiidsdmi, 
the same must hold as regards Latin forms like no-sco, di- 
sco (perhaps from dida-sco), pa-scor, na-scor {gna-scor by 
transposition from ganscor), which correspond to Greek 
unreduplicated forms like l3a'(TK(>}, 6vYJ<TK0i. 

777, In Sanscrit, denominatives may also be formed by 
annexing simply an a to the theme of nominal bases in 
the special tenses, which a, like that of the first and sixth 
classes of primitive verbs (§. 109*. 1.), is suppressed in the 
universal tenses. A final a of nominal bases is dropped ; 
hence, e. g., IdhiC-a-ti, '* he is red," from lohUa. I am un- 
able to quote from authors instances of such denomi- 
natives : there occur, however, among the roots exhibited 
by Indian Grammarians of the first or sixth class, several 
in which I think I recognise denominatives from bases in 

is twice repeated in its full form, correspond admirably to the Sanscrit 
intenslves there mentioned. 


a; thus, among others, bhdm, **to be angry,'' bh&m-aMy 
** he is angry,'' which I derive from bhdm-a, " anger f ' this 
latter, however, which also signifies " light,'' ** splendour," 
clearly comes from the root bhd, " to shine." As the 
Latin i of the third conjugation corresponds to the Sanscrit 
a of the first and sixth class, so metu-i'ty tribu-i-t, stcdu-i-t, 
minu-i-U correspond to the Sanscrit denominatives here 
mentioned. In Greek correspond denominatives, which 
in the special tenses add o and e to the nominal base ; 
thus, e.gr., fjLfjvl-O'fiev, fjajvl-e-re, itjpl-O'fJLou, yofri-o-yLats SaKpv- 
o-fxevt fiedv-O'fieVf iOv-o-fiev, dyKu-o-fiev, /SatTiKetho-fjieVf /Bpa" 
ISeC-o-fiev. What, however, are we to say of that rather 
numerous class of denominatives in euo), which are not 
founded on any nominal base in ev; e.g., Kop'-evo-fiou, "I am 
a maiden ;" iroAir -eu-w, " I am a citizen ;" ddK-ev-o), ** I con- 
tend," properly, " am in strife ;" larp^'-ev-iti^ ** I am a phy- 
sician ;" Kparta-T'ev-ia, **l am the best;" KoKaK-ev-u), **I am a 
flatterer, flattering;" Joi/V-eu-co, "I am a servant;" d\);6'- 
ev-Lj, ** I am true" ? If the verb substantive, which in most 
of these formations is more or less evidently present in 
spirit, be also contained therein bodily, we must then have 
recourse to the root (pv (see p. 115), which therefore, in 
these compounds, has preserved the original notion, while 
in its simple state the causal meaning of bringing into 
existence, " making to be," prevails. The e of -ei/o) would 
therefore be the Guna vowel, corresponding to the a of the 
Sanscrit bhav-d-mh " I am," " I become ;" and, with respect 
to the dropping of the radical labial evoy, would stand on 
the same footing with ue, vi, of Latin forms like pot-ui, 
mon-uh ama'-vif avdi-vi, (see §. 556.). In Gothic the verbs 

* The Ossetian also has, in its simple state, lost the labial of the auxi- 
liary verb under discussion, and gives, e.^r., ica-rf, " he must be," vxmlh, 
" they must be," corresponding to the Sanscrit bhavaiu^ bhavantu : see 
" T/ie Caucasian Members of the Indo-European Family of Languages^" 


1040 VERBS. 

in na (as fuUna, " implear "), mentioned above (§. 770.), be- 
long to the class of denominatives here mentioned. These 
verbs in na come from participial bases with the same termi- 
nation, which, like the Sanscrit bases in a (rdhif-a-di), reject 
their final vowel before that of the class ; thus, fuUri-Uth, 
** impktun'' from fullnoi-ih, for fuUnora-lh (see §. 67.), plural 
fuUn-d-nd^ as in Sanscrit rdhif-a-ii, rdhif-a-nti. But this 
kind of formation holds, in Gothic, only for the present 
and its derivatives, while in the preterite an 6 takes the 
place of o or t ; so that, e. y., fidln-d-daf " I was filled,"' in 
its principle of formation agrees with Latin forms like 
regn-d'Vi, the base noun also of which, regnu {" kingdom 
as ruled")* with respect to its derivative suffix, is con- 
nected with the to-be-presupposed Gothic hasefidlna (San- 
scrit ptJrrui, "filled"). 


778. With regard to the formation of verbs there re- 
mains nothing to be added to what has been already said 
regarding the structure of roots and the classes of verbal 
b^ses (§. 109*.) which proceed thence, and subsequently re- 
specting the formation of derivative verbs. The primitive 
pronouns, and the appellations of numerals, do not follow 
the oidinary rules for the formation of words (see §. 105.), 
and, with their derivatives, are discussed in the paragraphs 
allotted to them. We shall now discuss simply the for- 
mation of substantives and adjectives ; and, first, those 
which stand in close connection with the verb, and, both 
in the organization and in the application of language, play 
a very important part : we allude to the participles and 
the infinitive. It might be said that we ought to treat of 

pp. 4d and 82, Rem. 48. In Persian the present of the verb sabstantive 
may be combined with any substantive, adjective, as well as with the 
personal pronoun; e,g,, firam, ^seneop sum;" tnanatny ''^ego $um'* 


the formation of nouns before treating of their inflection, 
because words must be formed before they are inflected. 
But for practical considerations it appeared more useful, 
at first, only to lay down the principle of the formation of 
words generally, as is done in §§. 110. 111., and to defer 
the more full investigation of the subject to this place. 
At all events, the theory of the formation of tenses must 
precede that of the participles, as the latter, for the most 
part, irrespective of their nominal suffixes, rest on a prin- 
ciple of formation similar to that of the corresponding 
tenses of the indicative, and bear a sisterly, if not a filial 
relation to them. It will, however, be clearly seen from 
the following paragraphs how requisite an acquaintance 
with the forms of cases, and with the distinction of genders, 
is to the understanding of the theory of the formation of 

779. The participle present active forms a point of ob- 
servation as regards the representation of the original 
unity of the Indo-European languages; and it is here 
worthy of notice, that several of the still living tongues of 
our quarter of the world have, in some cases, preserved 
the original formative suffix in a more perfect form than 
the Sanscrit in its most ancient sources. The full form 
of the suffix is nt ; the Sanscrit, however, exhibits the n 
only in a few cases, which in all places, where a division 
of the theme into stronger and weaker forms occurs, has 
retained the original and full form of the base (see §. 129.) ; 
hence, e.g., bharan, bhararUam==:(l>€p(av, ipipovray fereniemt 
dual bhararUdth Veda bhararUd (nom. ace. voc.) = 0e/c)oi/Te, 
plural bharantds (nom. yoc.) ssipipovTe^fferentes; but in the 
accusative we find bhwatas, by the loss of the n in the Fatter 
part of the word, opposed to ^/oovr-ar, and so in all the other 
cases of the three numbers the n is dropped in Sanscrit ; 
and in the genitive singular bharatas stands, from this 
loss, in an inferior position when com])ared with the Greek 


^epovTos, Latin/eretifw, Gothic 6airan-c/in-* (see p. 138), and our 
German strong participial genitives, as stehendes, gehendes* 
The Lithuanian also has till the present time retained the 
nasal of the participle present through all the cases of the 
three numbers in both genders: it extends the theme, 
however, in the oblique cases, by the addition of ia; and, 
according to a universal law of sound, changes the t before 
I, when this is followed by any vowel but e, into the sound 
tsch, which Ruhig writes ch, Mielcke cz ; hence, e.g,, degnns, 
"the burning'" ( = Sanscrit dahan), according to the ana- 
logy of Zend forms like barahs, Latin Wkeferenst iEolic as 
Tidiv^f accusative degnntin (for degantien, from -ianX geni- 
tive deganchio. 

780. The Old Prussian, differing from the Lithuanian, 
extends the participial base in the oblique cases by the 
simple addition of i, and so far agrees entirely with the 
Latin, which, €,g., forms simply /ereiw from the base /eren/, 
which has not exceeded its original limits, but which, in 
all the other cases, follows the analogy of bases in t. 
Ferenti-a and ferenti-um belong as decidedly to the i de- 
clension SB facUi-a, facili-um. We are therefore right in 
dividing fererUe-m just as facUe-m (from /att7/-m), though 
from a base,/er^, the accusative could be in no case other 
than ferentem = Zend barhd-em. The participles present 
masculine which remain to us in Old Prussian are, dilants, 
"the worker,'' " working ;" f aidanSf ''sedensT empriki^sins, 
*' prtBsens ;^^ dative empriki'Senii^smUf according to the pro- 

* Verbs of tlie third class, in Sanscrit, owing to the incumbrance of the 
syllable of reduplication, haye lost the nasal in the strong cases also; 
hence, e.t/., dadatam compared with dtdoi^a, dadatas with didovr€£ (com- 
pare §. 459.). 

t According to the mode in which the two following examples are 
written we should expect dilans ; but as respects the retention of the 
T-sound, dilants corresponds to Gothic forms like bairands. 


nominal declension (see §. 170.); niaiJnUinii'S, "of the under 
age," ** not speaking" (ir^atdis);* ripirdi-n, *' sequentem f '\ 
empriki waitiainti-ns (ace. pi.), " contradicentes ; " wargu- 
seggienti-ns, " mcdeficosy The following are adverbial da- 
tives, giwanteif ** living," and stanintei (also stanirUi) ** stand- 
ing," from the bases giwanti (Sanscrit jtvant), stanintl (see 
Nesselmann, pp. 52 and 76). 

781. Before the feminine character i, the Sanscrit, ac- 
cording to the difierence of conjugation of the respective 
verbs, either retains the nasal of the participial suiEx or 
rejects it, and in such a manner as that verbs of the first 
principal conjugation regularly retain, it, and but rarely 
reject it, while conversely those of the second .ordinarily 
reject it, and only occasionally retain it ; while the Gothic 
and Lithuanian have constantly preserved it Compare, 
p,g., with the Sanscrit vasantit "the inhabiting" (also ra- 
stiti, Nal. 13. 66.), from vas, Class 1, the Gothic visandei 
(Them, visandeirit see §§. 120. 142.), " the abiding or being ;" 
and with the Sanscrit dahanti, "the burning," the Lithua- 
nian deganti (gen. deganchids, see p. 174, Note *). In Greek, 
6epav6vTig is in form a solitary participle present feminine 
with I J = Sanscrit i, according to the analogy of the femi- 
nine bases in TptS=itri, Latin tri-Cf mentioned in §. 119. 
Tlie root iH^ as, Class 2, of the verb substantive,* forms in 
Sanscrit sati, "the being," never santi; the Lithuanian 
esanti therefore surpasses the Sanscrit both in the reten- 
tion of the radical vowel and in that of the n of the suffix. 

* BillL, ^' 1 speak." The inseparable preposition au^ combined with 
the negation ni, corresponds to the Sanscrit ava. 

t Also ripintinton, in the last syllable of which I think I recognise an 
appended pronoun or article = Sanscrit torn, Lithuanian tan, Greek t6v. 
As regards the o for a, compare the accusative of the participle perfect 
passive ddto-n^ ^^c/a/tt7/<"= Sanscrit dattam^ from dadatam, irregularly 
for ddtatn. 


In the masculine nominative, also, the Lithuanian esans 
has two points of superiority to the -Sanscrit san, the re- 
tention of the radical vowel, and of the nominative sign : 
the latter is shared also by the Latin sens, of prce- 
sens, ab-senst to which the abovementioned* (§. 780.) Old 
Prussian sins, of emprHd'sins, admirably corresponds. The 
Greek, for the most part, w^ith its a>i', contrasts disadvan- 
tageously with the Lithuanian esans ; for while the latter 
has, together with the case sign, preserved the complete root, 
we miss in tav both the entire root and the expression of 
the nominative relation. The epic and Ionic form etav, 
however, leads us to conjecture a formerly existing ecrcdi/, 
and the suppression of the o- in this position is not surpris- 
ing according to §. 128. It is, however, not less marvellous 
that a form which, in Greek, has been corrupted for thou- 
sands of years, quite up to remote antiquity, and which 
has been tolerably accurately retained by the Latin only 
under the protection of the prepositions proB and ob*, 
should have remained quite perfect in the Lithuanian up 
to the present day. 

782. The Indian Grammarians assume aJt, in the strong 
cases ant, as the sufEx of the participle present. I cannot, 
however, attribute to the suffix the a of forms like bharant, 
any more than the o of the Greek ipepovr : the vowel be- 
longs in both languages to the class syllable ; t. e, the o 
of (pep-o-vT is identical with that of <l>ep^o-fiev, ipip-o-vrt, and 
with the e of fpep-e-re, e^e/o-e-f, &c. That the Greek par- 
ticipial suffix is simply vt, not ovt, is clear from the conjuga- 
tion in /xi, where vr attaches to the final vowel of the root or 
of the verbal theme (5/5o-in-, ride-vr, fora-i/r, ietK-vv-vr) : the 
Sanscrit, however, in accordance with a peculiarity, which, 
in my opinion, first arose after the separation of languages 

* On the other hand, in potens, just as in the simple ens, the sibilant 
is lost. 


in cases, where the n/ or ^ of the suffix would be added to 
a letter other than a or d, prefixes to the suffix an a 
(compare §. 437. Remark, and §. 45a), or extends the ver- 
bal theme by the addition of an a ; hence, e. g,, strinvani, 
" strewing '^ (for strinunt\ answers to the Greek base 
(TTopvvvT, The e of Latin participles of the third conjuga- 
tion, c.gr., of veh-e-ns, veh^e-ntem ( = Sanscrit wih^a-n, vah-a- 
ntanif Zend vaz-a-nSf vaz-a-ntem), is in origin identical 
with the class vowel i (from a, see §. 109*. I.) of veh-us, 
veh-i-U &c. (see §. 507.), and is based on the circumstance 
that before two consonants the Latin language prefers / to 
i (see §. 6.). In the fourth conjugation, ie, e.gr., in audr- 
i-ens, represents the Gk)thic ya and Sanscrit aya of forms 
like sat-ya-ndSf *' placing " = Sanscrit sdd-aya-ns "making 
to sit'* (compare §. 505.). It does not require mention, 
that in verbs of the first and second conjugation the a and 
e, as in am-a-na, monre-ns, belong to the conjugational syl- 
lable ; the a, however, of da-ns, sta-ns, fa-ns, and fla-ns, to 
the root : and as little does it require notice, that in Ger- 
man and Lithuanian the vowel which precedes the n of 
the participle present is identical with that of the class 
syllable. Compare, in Gothic, bair-a-nds, " the carrying," 
pahs-ya-nds (Zend tLcs-yorfii), " the growing '' (see §. 109*. 2.), 
sat-ya-nds, "the placing," "making to sit,\ salb-d-nds, 
"the anointing,,' with bair^a-m (Sanscrit bhar-d-mcLs), 
" we carry,*" vaks-ya-m, " we grow,'' sat^ycHin, " we place '' 
(Sanscrit *dd-ayd-mas), salb-d-m, " we anoint ;" and in 
Lithuanian, toez-a-nsf " the conveying," with wez-a-me, " we 
convey ;" myl-i-ns, " the loving," with myl^i'-me, " we love." 
With regard to the non-correspondence of the Lithuanian 
es-a-ns, " being," to es-mh " I am," es-me, " we are," we 
must observe, that here an auxiliary vowel is necessary in 
the participle, which in the Sanscrit s-a-n (accusative s-a- 
rUatn) occurs in the same form, while the Latin -sens places 
in its stead an e, and the Old Prussian -sins an ?. 


783. In Old Sclavonic, the so-called gerundives corre- 
spond to the participles of the kindred languages, and that 
of the present to the participle present active here under 
discussion. In the nominative singular masculine, where» e.^., 
BE^i)! veQ/, " vehens^ answers to the Sanscrit vatian^ Zend 
vazanSf Lithuanian loezahs, and Gothic vigands, we should 
scarce observe the analogy of the Sclavonic form to those 
of the kindred languages, as, according to a universal law 
of sound, all final consonants in Sclavonic are suppressed , 
but in the dual» BE^&qiA ve^unshclia'\, corresponds to the 
Vedian vahantd and Zend vaxanta; and in the plural, 
BE^&^E (ve^nshche) answers to the Sanscrit vahxtrd'Os, 
and Greek ej^oi/r-ey (see p. 618, Note 3.) ; where it is to be 
observed, that ^I shch more frequently occurs as the 
euphonic alteration of t (Dobrowsky, p. 39, Kopitar, p. 63), 
just as d, under similar circumstances, becomes 2l(A schd : 
. a sibilant, therefore, is prefixed to the T-sound, and, be- 
sides, the original t is changed into ch, as in Lithuanian 
likewise the latter is used before i, with a vowel following. 

* See §. 255. 1. I now think that the monosyllabic words also mnst 
be subjected to the umversal law, as I no longer recognise in the forms 
nAC nas and BACb vas of the genitive and locative plural of the two 
first persons the Sanscrit secondary forms ruis and vas^ but I refer the 
Cb s of the genitive to the Sanscrit pronominal genitive termination sdrn, 
and that of the locative to the Sanscrit locative termination su. The fact 
that the s of these terminations is elsewhere changed into ^ ch (see 
§§. 255. m. 279. and p. 855, Note 6.\ and that in Sanscrit the genitive 
termination sdm occurs only in pronouns of the third person plural, con- 
ceals the causal nature of the ending of the forms NACb na-«, bAC1» 
VU'S ; but in Old Prussian also the ending '^m sdm, in the form much 
nearer to the Sanscrit wn, has made its way into the pronouns of the first 
and second person ; hence here are found nou-son^ W^v^ iou-son, vfAS>¥y 
after the analogy of stei^aon^ ra>i^=Sanscrit ie-^ham^ answering to the Scla- 
vonic NACb nas and BACb vas, 

t As to ;& =u^, see the Remark at the end of the preceding §. 


Compare, therefore, in this respect, the dual BE^&qiA 
veK^umlicha with the Lithuanian wezanchiu. It is probable 
that in Sclavonic also, as well as in Lithuanian, a y, or the 
syllable ya, has, in the oblique cases, mingled with the t of 
the participial suffix, and under the influence of the y 
the preceding t has become qi shch. So in Dobrowsky's 
third conjugation, in which, in the first person present, a 
y is found before the termination ten, forms occur like 
M&qi& munshchMfi, ** turbo^ euphonic for muntyun, infinitive 
mufUAM*. In the feminine singular the gerundive spoken 
of is BE^&qiH t?e^u^AcAf= Lithuanian toeiantif "the con- 
veying " (genitive toezanchids), Sanscrit vahardt 

Remark 1. Dobrowsky, to whose grammar I was clrcamscribed in 
treating (§. 155.) of the Old SclaTomc alphabet, makes neither an ortho- 
graphical nor a phonetic distinction between & and oy, or a^ and never 
uses the first- mentioned letter, as he everywhere writes lo for I&. It is 
now, however, generally supposed, and I think with good reason, that the 
vowels Si. (with ^, I&) and A (with y, ka) contain a nasal, as was first disco- 
vered by Vostokov, but still held by Kopitar (Glagolita, p. 52) to be doubtful. 
It is, however, certain that the vowels &, li&, A, lA, in the Old Sclavonic 
Grammar, as Kopitar has informed us, occur scarce anywhere but where 
the Polish has vowels with a nasal ; and comparison with the ancient 
allied languages leads us to expect a nasal, for which reason I have before 
assumed a corruption of on (firom an) to H (see §. 155. ?.). On the other 
hand, however, oy, or sf, and the <t contained in lo (^n), wherever these 
letters occur in Old Sclavonic in their proper place, in forms which admit 
of comparison usually, according to etymology, represent the Sanscrit 
^ 6 (for a+ti), or its resolved form av ; hence, e.y., oyCTA iista (neuter 
plural), " mouth''=<^^Ma," "lip" (Theme) ; C^oyru gru-ti, "to hear "= 
'r6tum (irrespective of the infinitive suffix); BOyAUTH bud-i-ti^ "to 
wake"=b6dayitum; uioyn8hui^leh*'=sat7ya. So in the termination 
of the genitive locative dual, where, e.y., OBOio '^ amborum^ in ambobus" 
answers to the Sanscrit vbhayot^ and Zend td>6y6 (see §. 273.). Now let 
us examine the cases in which nasalized vowels, the nasal of which I now 

« Miklosich compares the Sanscrit root manth, " to shake ;" and & un 
therefore stands for the Sanscrit an. See the note to the preceding §. 


express, as in Lithuanian^ by h (see §. 10.), in grammatical terminations 
or sufifixes, correspond to a Sanscrit n or m with a preceding vowel (a or 
&). There appear^ therefore, if I have not overlooked any thing, the 
following : — 

1. Accusative singular of feminine bases in a; eg.^ BAOB& vdovuiu, 
" viduam "=vid?iavdm,* 

2. Accusative singular of pronouns of the first and second person: M/\ 
mail, TJ^ toii=Sanscrit mam, tvdm ; like the reflexixe CA scm. 

3. Accusative plural of masciiline pronominal bases of the third person 
in ya^ and therefore also of definite adjectives compounded with the 
base 1/a. Compare y\ yah^ '^ eos" with the corre8i)onding Sanscrit 
yahy *'*'quo8" and Old Prussian accusatives like schans^ scld-ns^ 
^^kosy" vnransy ^^viros" Gothic vaira-ns (see §. 236.). 

4. First person singular present, where A uitsSanscrit ami; e.g., 
veCun=^aMm%; iA&. ayuiv=aydmif e.g,yrydayuh=r$daydmi (see 

§. 760.). 
6. Third person plural of the present, where &Tb t«>}/y= Sanscrit anti; 

e.g.y BE2&Tb veCuhty=^vaJianii; and in Dobrowsky s third conju- 
gation (see Kopitar, p. 61 ), M^Tb yafii/y = Sanscrit ayantL 
6. The abovcmentioned gerundive or participle present. 

The nasal vowel in the genitive singular and nominative accusative plural 
of feminine bases in ya, c.^r., in boa FA volyahy ^*' voluntatis^' and "wZmh- 
tates (nom. ace.), appears surprising. If we consider, however, that in 
the three cases spoken of the Sanscrit grammar exhibits a final «, which 
is also contained in the Lithuanian and Lettish, which approximate closely 
to the Sclavonic languages, as also in Gothic in all the words which cor- 

* Compare §. 266. The Polish also, in the corresponding forms, has 
a written nasal vowel, though now, at tlie end of a word, the nasals, 
though written, are no longer pronounced ; just as in the instrumental, 
where I regard the Sclavonic vdo-voy-uh^^axiacTit vidhavay-d as join- 
ing to the old instrumental termination the new also^ with a corrup- 
tion of the my (Dobr. gives only m) to the now probably very weak 
nasal sound n. Remark, that in the plui'al instrumental, the feminines, 
especially rather than the masculines and neuters, have the termina- 
tion mi (see p. 349) ; for which, in Lithuanian, both in masculine and 
feminine, stands mis, only that the masculines in a have contracted a- mis 
to ais. 


respond to the Sanscrit feminine bases in a ^, we are led to infer the 
nasalization of a final «, as in the Prakrit instrumental termination 
hih = Sanscrit bhis (see §. 220.). The y especially appears to have 
protected the nasalized vowels which follow it, as we may conclude 
from No. 8. and the gerundives mentioned below (Remark 2.}. A 
place where the Old Sclavonic has a nasal vowel at the end of a word, 
while the Sanscrit has a simple vowel, occurs in the nominative and accu- 
sative singular of neuter bases in n; in UMA imahy ^^nomen" (from the 
base imen from iman), answering to the Sanscrit ndma, from ndman. 
Here, however, the nasal of the Sclavonic nominative and accusative can- 
not surprise us, as it belongs to the base word, and the Latin also has firmly 
preserved the n of the base in the nominative and accusative singular 
neuter. Thus, as in Latin, nomen, semeriy opposed to homo, sermOf &c., so 
IIMA imah, C^MA gyemah^ opposed to RASfbi kamy^ " stone,** from 

Remark 2. The verb substantive gives Cbi «2^=: Sanscrit «an, Lithua- 
nian sehsy and in the feminine C&^H stmshchi^i'^flisati (for sarUi^ serUi. 
After the y in the nominative masculine the nasal and the old a re- 
mains; hence BUVK biyahy ^^eadens" feminine BHl&^H biyuhshchi. In 
Dobrowsky's third conjugation the lA extends also to the other forms 
withqi; hence BOAtA volyan, ''^volens/' BOAlAqie volyahshchey "vo- 
lerUes;" BOAMiqiH volyahshchi, iBikovaa. As regards the use of the 
gerund, it is limited to those constructions in which the participle present 
stands as predicate, and in German the uninflected form of the partici- 
ple is used; hence (Luc. xxiv. 13.) B'fePTA llA^^A byesta idunshcha^ 
" they (two) were going," is the translation of the Greek ^<rav 7rop€v6fi€voiy 
only with this point of difference, in which the Greek is inferior, that the 
Sclavonic has the dual of the verb as well as that of the participle. 
Where the participle stands as epithet or substantively, the Sclavonic 
uses the definite form of the participle (see §. 284.), and in this the 
participle is fully declined; thus, 1. c, KCi>fir)v dntx^va-av is rendered 
Bb(b 0*rbCTOIA^&l& vysyotstoyanshchunyuh, 

784. The same sufGx that forms the present participle 

* So, in Lettish, akka-s is both the genitive singular and the no- 
minative and accusative plural of akka^ *•*• spring of water " (compare 
Latin aqua, Gothic ahva^ ^^ stream,** genitive singular and nominative, 
accusative plural ah-vS-s ; Lithuanian uppe, '^ stream ;" Sanscrit a/i, 
" water ")- 



is added in Sanscrit and Zend to the theme of the auxi- 
liary future ; just as in Greek and Lithuanian, where 
5w-(ra)-v, Soy-crov-Ta, du-se-iis, du-se-ntm, correspond to the 
Sanscrit dd-sya-n, dd-sya-niam. In the feminine the Li- 
thuanian du-se-nii, " the (woman) about to give," an- 
swers admirably to the Sanscrit dA-sya-nti ; deg-se-nSf 
" the (man) about to burn,*" accusative deg-se-rdihy answers 

sir • 

to the Sanscrit dhak-shya-n, dhak-shya-nfam ; and in the 
feminine, deg-se-nti to dhak-shya-nli. The Lithuanian root 
6m, " to be," gives bu-se-ns, "fuiurus,^'' bu-se-ntif "futura,^'' 
as analogous to the Zend bu-sya-m, bu-syai-niL Some- 
what further off lies the Sanscrit bhav-i'sh^a-nj bhav-i-shya' 
niiy on account of the Guna of the radical vowel, the in- 
sertion of the vowel of conjunction, and the suppression 
of the nominative sign in the masculine. As regards tlie 
e of Lithuanian future participles like du-se-hst bu-se-iis, 
I see in it, not a corruption of the i of indicative forms 
like dti-si-me, ** dabimus '' (see §. 652.), but a corruption of 
tlie a of Sanscrit bases like dd-sya-nt : it is therefore iden- 
tical with the o of the Greek Sca-co-io-; and the Lettish 
also gives an o for this Lithuanian e, as to the a^ also, of 
the present participle it opposes an o, while for the i of 
the future indicative it has, in like manner, i ; e.g. 
buhschoiSf "/o/T/rw^' " = Lithuanian few^pw*; buhschotif '^futura^'' 
= busenti; as essots, '^ being'"' = esnns, feminine essdi = 

* See §§. 21. and 104. 

t The future participle in Lettish occurs only in paraphrasing the con- 
junctive, and the present participle also has the feminine form in ^t only 
in this kind of phrase, hut elsewhere scfia^ which, in my opinion, comes 
from schia, and this from schi; so that under the influence of the t, with 
a vowel following it, the t is changed into sch, as in Lithuanian into ch 
(genitive e5flncAio«= Lettish essochas). Refer to what has been said be- 
fore (§. 783.) regarding the origin of the ip shcfi in the Sclavonic gerund. 
The coincidence of the Lettish feminine termination $cha with the Greek 



785. The aorist tenses in Sanscrit have left us no par- 
ticiples ; and the Greek language, by forms like Kvcra^, 
KiTTCdv, (pvyiiv, TUTTcSv, maintains a superiority over the San- 
scrit. As, however, the first aorist in Greek contains the 
verb substantive (see §. 542.), we may compare <raj, 
cravra, aavre^, &c., with the Sanscrit san, santam, santas. 
The forms which appear in composition maintain a similar 
superiority over the simple w, ovto^, with respect to the 
more true preservation of the ancient form, to that which 
the Latin sens of proisens, absens, does over the simple ens. 
In respect to the accent, and the pure radical vowel, Greek 
participles of the second aorist like Ktiridv, (f>vyu>v, opposed 
to \ei7ra)v, (pevycav, answer to Sanscrit participles of the 
sixth class like tvd&n, " the pushing," accusative tuddntam. 
As in the Veda dialect many verbs occur in conjugational 
classes other than those which they follow in the common 
dialect, I still hesitate to concur with Bcnfey in consider- 
ing participles like vridhdntj " increasing,*" dhrishdnt, " dar- 
ing," in the weak cases vridhdt, dhrishdty as aorist partici- 
ples, though in no other case have the roots in question 
been shewn to belong to the sixth class. If, however, 
they are really aorist participles, then dhrishamdna-s (Rig. 
V. I. 52. 5. ; probably to be accented dhrishdmdna), also a 
middle aorist participle of the sixth formation, though in the 
common dialect, having no middle voice, belongs to this for- 
mation in the indicative. The root pd, " to drink," whence 
pivdmi (Ved. pibdmi from pipdmi), in the Veda dialect follows 
also the second class, as is clear from pdtlid, " ye drink " 
(Ved. thd for tha. Rig. V. I. 86. 1.) ; whence I cannot concur 
with Benfey in ascribing the participle pdlntam, " bibentem," 
to the aorist, and just as little can I allot to it the imperative 

ca, in forms like rvrrrova'a, rv^vcro, is also remarkable. This era was 
probably preceded by a form crw (compare rpta=SBnscrit M, §. 119.), so 
that the <r was produced from r by the influence of the i following. 

3 y2 


pdlitf " bibe,'*'* which likewise helongs to the present of the 
second class. With respect to the accentuation of the par- 
ticiple present active, I must draw notice to the bict that 
the Greek conjugation in /lu agrees with the corresponding 
Sanscrit conjugation in this (the reduplicated verhs ex- 
cepted), that it accents the second syllable of the par- 
ticiple in question, and that therefore, in this respect* 
OTopvig, oTopvvvra, stand in the same relation to tpepioy, 
^epovray as, in Sanscrit, strinvdn, sfrinvdntamf to bharaTi, 
hlidranfam. The Sanscrit, however, diflFers from the Greek 
in allowing, in the weakest cases (see §. 130.), the accent 
to sink down to the case syllabic ; hence in the geni- 
tive singular and accusative plural stri-nva-tds opposed 
to OTop-vv-vTog, oTop-vv-vTag. The Sanscrit differs from 
the Greek also in this, that in the accentuation of 
the participle present (the theory of the weakest cases 
excluded) it is governed by that of the corresponding 
tense ; thus, Mdh-a-riy tud-d-n, shuchyan^ chdr-ui/a-riy accord- 
ing to Mdh'd-mi, ind-d-mi, siich-yd^mU chdr-dyd-mu In 
the second conjugation (see §. 493.) the participle present 
is governed with respect to its accent by the heavy ter- 
minations, especially by that of the third person plural, 
and, in irregular verbs, participates also in the abbrevia- 
tions, which the root experiences before heavy termina- 
tions : hence from vdhnl, " I will,"' comes not rdsant, but 
usdntf "willing,'" according to the analogy of usmds, 
ushthd, usdnii The third class has, as well in the entire 
singular (with few exceptions) as in the third person plural 
and in the participle present, the accent on the syllable 
of reduplication ; hence dddtlmU ** I give," dddati, " they 
give '' (sec §. 459.), dddat " the giving " (see §. 779. Note), 
the latter opposed to the Greek StSovg, nOelg, while ddddmi, 
dddhdmif agree with o/^co/xi, rlOrjixu 

Remark. The principle of Sanscrit accentuation appears to me to be 
this, that the farther the accent is tlirown back, the grayer and more 



powerM the accent ; and I believe I may assert the same principle in 
Gi-eek also ; only that here, out of regard for the harmony and euphony 
of the word, the accent in polysyllabic words cannot overstep the limit of 
the third syllable, while the Sanscrit places the accent on the first s}' liable, 
without reference to the extent of the word, and contrasts bdrdmahi 
with the Greek <l>€p6fji€6cu A very striking proof of the dignity and 
energy of the accentuation of initial parts of words, and, at the same time, 
a very remarkable point of agreement between Sanscrit and Crreek ac- 
centuation, is afforded by the circumstance, that both languages, in the 
declension of monosyllabic words in the strong cases (see §. 129.), which, 
with respect to their accentuation, are, as it were, pointed out by the 
genius of the language as the most important, lay the accent on the base, 
but in the weak cases allow it to fall on the case termination. Here, 
however, the accusative plural, though in respect to sound it belongs to 
the weak cases, yet passes, as regards accent, in most monosyllabic 
words in Sanscrit, as in Greek, for a strong case * ; which cannot surprise 
us, as this case in the singular and dual belongs, in each respect, to the 
strong cases. Compare the declension of vacA, fem., ^'speech," ^' voice," 
with the Greek 6n (from Fott for f oic, Latin, voc). 







N. V. rife 



N. V. vdchas 

N.V. 5»r« 

Ace. vdcham 



Ace. vdckas 

Ace. Srras 

Instr. vdchd 


Instr. v&gbhU 


Dat. vdM 


D. Abl. vdghhyds 

. * • 

Gen. Abl. vdchiU 



Gen. vacham 

Gen. oTT&v 

Loc. vdchi 


t / 

Loc. vdkshu 

Dat. oifr/ 




N. A. V. vdchdu 


vdchd N. A. 

V. SjTf 

I. D. A. vdgbhydm 

D. G. 


Gen. Loc. vdchds. 


• » m 

I consider as a consequence of the emphasis, which lies in the accentua. 
tion of the beginning of a word, the circumstance that active verbs, to 

* See the exceptions in Bohtlingk, ^^ A first attempt as to the Accent in 
Sanscrit*' (St. Petersburg, 1845), §. 14. 



which the middle verbs also belong, in Sanscrit piincipally accent the 
first syllable, so that, therefore, the energy of the action is represented 
by the energy of the accentuation ; and I perceive an agreement of the 
Greek accentuation with the Sanscrit in this, that Greek verbs throw 
back the accent as far as possible. In dissyllabic and trisyllabic forms, 
therefore, the two languages usually agree most fully in their accentua- 
tion of verbs. Compare rt/u with imi, d/doafu with ddddmiy riBrjfu with 
dddhdmi^ (f>€po^€v with bhdrdmas^ t[<f>€pov with dbharam. In forms of 
more than three syllables the Greek approaches the Sanscrit as closely as, 
without a violation of the fundamental law of its system of accentua- 
tion, is possible ; hence the already-mentioned <f>€p6fi€6a compared with 
bhdrdmahS (from -madhi^ see §. 472.), and also €<t>€p6pL€6a compared with 
dbhardmahi. A quite similar agreement, together with a similar con- 
trast, appears between the Greek and Sanscrit accentuation in cases in 
which the Greek, in accordance with the Sanscrit principle, throws back 
the accent of the base word in the vocative.^ This evidently happens, in 
both languages, in order to give emphasis to the name of the person 
called, and to bring it prominently forward by the voice ; and in the voca- 
tive, in the three numbers of all words, the Sanscrit (where this case is 
specially accented) always accents the first syllable, however long the 
word be, and wherever the accent may fall in the other cases. To the 
nominatives pita, mdta, duhiia (ace. pitdram, mdtdram, duh%tdram\ cor- 
respond the vocatives pitar^ matar^ duhitar^ with which the corresponding 
Greek vocatives ndnp, /xjjrcp, Ovyanp — as compared with rraTqp, irmpa^ 
fi^TTjp (for p^ijTVp)* M'^^P^i Ovydrqp (for Ovyarrjp), Bvyaripa, — Stand in sur- 
prising agreement ; and this is the more remarkable, as the words denoting 
afiinity in our family of languages belong also, in another respect, to those 
expressions wliich have preserved the ancient stamp with astonishing 
fidelity. While, however, the Sanscrit also exhibits vocatives like vish- 
vamiira, the Greek, owing to accentual limits prescribed to it, can only 
shew such as *Aydfi€pLPov, which, however, docs not prevent us from re- 
cognising, even in forms of this kind, the agreement of the Greek and 
Sanscrit vocative theory ; and just as little, in my opinion, could forms 
like <f>€p6p.€da compared with bhdrdmahe cause us to overlook the afiinity 
of Greek and Sanscrit verbal accentuation. The principal part of the 
Sanscrit first conjugation (see §. 493.) is formed by the first class, which 
comprehends almost one half of the whole number of roots, and to which, 

* Compare Benfey in tlie '''Halle Journal of General Literature,*' May 
1845, p. 907. 


with few exceptions, all the German strong verhs helong (see §. 109*. 1.) : 
these in the special tenses throughout accent the first syllable. The sixUi 
class, which is properly only an ofishoot of the first, and contains, as it 
were, the diseased members of that class (abont 140 roots), has, with the 
Guna, put off also the accenting of the radical vowel, and accents instead 
the class vowel, ofily that the angment, as well in the imperfect as in the 
aorist in all classes of verbs, has the accent; hence, tuddmiy ^^tundo" 
tuddsiy *'^tnndis" opposed to hddfidmi^ "*cio," bodhdsi^ ^^scis" The passive 
accents its characteristic ya^ and therefore the second syllable instead of 
the first, undoubtedly because in it the energy of self-exertion is lost : 
this is evident from the £Eu;t, that verbs of the fourth class, though their 
middle is literatim the same as the passive, nevertheless accent the first 
syllable ; hence, laichyat^^ ^^purificat" opposed to suchydU, ''purifi- 
catur" It is also of some importance for the support of my view of the 
meaning of Sanscrit accentuation, that when the passive is used as re- 
flexive, the accent may be thrown back on the radical syllable, though 
only in roots terminating in a vowel, or which drop their final consonant. 
Desideratives and intensives, excepting the deponent of the latter, as is 
natural from the energy inherent in them, hold fast to th'j general prin- 
ciple of throwing back the accent as fiir as possible; hence pipasdmi^ 
" I wish to drink ;*' bebhMmiy " I cleave *' (intens.). As to the fact, how- 
ever, that verbs of the tenth class, though they Gunise the radical syllable, 
still throw the accent on the second {chordydmi, " I steal," not chvra- 
ydmi\ we may suppose that these verbs feel themselves to be compounds, 
and in a measure determinatives ; and as such, in accordance with the pre- 
vailing principle of compounds, accent the last member of the compound,* 
but the first syllable of it in order to comply with the fundamental rule 
of verbal accentuation. The same syllable, in my opinion, is accented in 
denominatives formed by ya for the same reason {puiriydti). I consider 
it as another consequence of the composition that the auxiliary future 
accents not the first syllable of the whole compound, but the auxiliary 
verb, whether it begins with the second or the third syllable of the whole 
expression ; while the Greek, through all tenses, retains the fundamental 
principle of verbal accentuation ; hence, doxro), doxrofiev, compared with 
ddsydmi, ddsydmaSi and forms like tanMydmi (*' extendam*)^ tanishydmas. 
So in Sanscrit the auxiliary verb, which is added in the potential (optative) 
and precative (aorist of the potential=optative), viz. the syllable yd^ 
draws the accent upon itself; hence, cfadf^d^, " cfe^ " (SiSoiiy), precative 

* See Aufrecht "i)c Accentu compositorum Sanacriticoriim,** p. 5. 


dhfat (do/*;), bhiiydma, ^*8imus,"* On the other hand, in cases where 
the modal element coalesces with the preceding class vowel into a diph- 
thong, the accent remains on the same syllable as is accented in the indica- 
tive ; thus, bhdris, bharet^ bhdr^ma=(f>€pois, <f}€poi, <f>€potfi€v : on the otlker 
hand, tudi% tudSt, &c., according to the analogy of tuddfi, tuddii. The 
analogy of the sixth class is followed by tlie potentials of the aorist of the 
uxth formation peculiar to the Veda dialect; hence, Hoktmoj ^^'posHmut** 
In the six classes of verbs belonging to the Sanscrit second conjuga- 
tion (see §. 493.), as also in the perfect of all verbs, the heavy personal 
terminations exercise a similar influence on the attraction of the accent 
to that manifested in Greek in all classes of words by the length of 
the final syllable, only that the heavy personal terminations in Sanscrit 
not only attract the accent, but appropriate it, and, if dissyllabic, to 
their first syllable. In this way 6mi {=€t^i), ddddmi {=biba>fu), jdhd- 
mi, '^ abandon," are in the plural irnds, dadmds (for daddmds, middle 
dadrndhiftjahirnds. In the fifth, seventh, eighth, and ninth class, as also 
in the perfect, the Guna syllable, or the heavier class affix or insertion, 
exercises an influence in throwing back the accent ; hence, chinomu '^ I col- 
lect" (plural chinumds); i/undjmi, "I bind" {plun^ yunjmds) ; tan6mi,**l 
extend *' (plural tanumds) ; yunami^ '* I bind " (plural yuiiirnds) ; tutuda, 
" I did thrust " (plural tutudimd), instead of the forms chinumu yiirmjmi^ 
&c., which, according to the fundamental principle of verbal accentuation, 
would be looked for. The heavy suffix of the participle present («/, ant), 
the a of which, just like that of the third person plural, is viewed, with 
respect to the accentuation, as an essential portion of the termination, or of 
the suffix, follows, in the just-mentioned verbal classes, the analogy of the 
heavy personal terminations, especially that of tlie third person plural ; 
but in the weak cases (with the exception of verbs of the third class) 
allows the accent to fall down to the case termination ; and the feminine 
f, in case the suffix loses its n, follows the analogy of the weakest cases. 
The same principle is followed by the participle present of the sixth class. 

• Sama Ved. II. C. 2. IG. 2. Remark the dropping of the s of the com- 
mon dialect {bhdydsma)^ as in Zend, see §. 701. 

t Reduplicated roots accent only those heavy terminations which begin 
with a consonant, and accord to those commencing with a vowel no in- 
fluence in casting back the accent. The vowel a, which precedes n in the 
third person plural, holds as regards the accentuation as belonging to the 
personal termination. Hence ydtiti, "they go," compared with iti; 
but dddati, " they give" (see g. 459.) not daddli, like ddddti, "he gives." 


I annex the nominative, accnsative, and genitive singular masculine (the 
neuter also of the genitive), and the feminine nominative in (: dvishdn^ 
dvishdntam, dvishatdsy dvishati; dddat, dddatam, dddatas, dddati ; yvn- 
jdrij yunjdntam^ yimfatds, jfunjati ; chinvdn, chinvdntam, chinvatds, 
chinvcUi ; tanvduy tanvdntam, toMoatds, tanvati ; yundn^ yundntam, yu- 
naids yunati; tunddn^ ttmddntam^ tundaids^ tunddnti, — As in Greek, par- 
ticiples present active of the conjugation in ^ in agreement with the pre. 
vailing principle in the corresponding Sanscrit conjugation, accent the 
vowel which precedes the v, instead of the first of the hase-word, and 
oTopvvs^ oTopvCyTOf (rropvvyT€f (rropvvvT€s^ stand for comparison with the 
Sanscrit #Mitv<i72, ^frwiv/fii/am, tf^rmvtf 71^^ (in the Veda dialect) strirwdntas, 
it might be conjectured that originally the heavy personal terminations, 
as they exercise (see §. 480.), as in Sanscrit, a shortening influence on the 
preceding syllable, have also, in like manner, attracted to themselves the 
accent. Then the Doric forms diB6im^ riBivn, iardim^ bciKvCvri, might 
be regarded as remnants of an older system of accentuation. In the op- 
posite case, we must look upon Sanscrit forms like strinumds, compared 
with the Greek (rr6pwfi€v^ as the consequence of an influence upon the 
accentuation exercised by the heavy personal terminations, and first ac- 
corded to them by the genius of the language after the separation of lan- 
guages. I have no doubt that forms like strinomi (from 8tarn6mi=s 
aropvvfii), yundjmi^ through the influence of the weight of the second 
syllable, first, after the separation of languages, transferred the accent from 
the first to the second syllable. This takes place also in some verbs of 
the third class, which we find, therefore, in this respect, as it were, in 
the period of transition from the original system of accentuation to that 
more recent, in which, in the second principal conjugation, the weight, 
of the second syllable has made its influence on the accentuation effectual. 
However, in the Veda dialect, in those roots also which admit the accen- 
tuation of the radical syllable, the accenting of the syllable of reduplica- 
tion seems principally to prevail. Benfey {Glossary to the Sdma-VSda^ 
p. 139.) cites from bhar^ briy Class 3, the forms bibharshi, **fersy" bibhrati, 
^^fererai" bibhrati, ^^ftrenUs^* (as Veda pi. fem. for bibkratycL$\ opposed 
to bibhdTii, '^fertr* 

* We must not infer from bibhdrii, and similar forms, that ar is really 
the Guna of ri: it is natural, however, that in parts of grammar where 
vowels^ capable of Guna receive it, that those verbs which admit of 
weakening should preserve the full form of the root, as vast ^^ to will," 
becomes contracted to ui only in places which do not allow of Guna ; 



A strong proof of the emphasis of the accentuation of the beginning of 
words (in Sanscrit always of the first syllable) is afforded in Sanscrit and 
Greek by the suffixing of the degrees of comparison, ^jl^nff ^ydhs (in the 
weak cases »ya*), «oi/, T^ ishtha, toro, which, where they are added, 
always require the accent to be thrown back as far as possible. Thus, 
in Sanscrit, from svadu^ ** sweet **=^8v, comes the comparative svddiydru^ 
nominative masc. svadiydn^ and the superlative svddishtha-s. To the latter 
corresponds the Greek fj^iaro-s, and to the nominative and accusative 
neuter of the comparative svddiyas the Greek rj^Mv ; while ribiap^ r^biovos^ 
for well-known reasons, do not exhibit an agreement of accentuation with 
svddtydn^ st^adtyasas. The Greek degrees of comparison in rcpo, raro, 
follow essentially the same principle, i. c. they throw the accent as far 
back as possible, by which, however, only the syllable preceding the 
suffix is reached, so that the accent is often necessarily transferred from 
the beginning to the middle of a word, as in /Sf/Satorepoy, /Sc^Saioraroy, 
compared with /3//3ator. In Sanscrit, on the other hand, the degree suf- 
fixes, corresponding to the Greek rfpo, raro, exercise no influence at all 
on the accent; and the positive base retains the accent on the base 
in whatever part of the word soever the same may occur ; thus the 

hence, usmds^ " we will," opposed to vdsml, " I will " (Comp. VocaUsmus, 
p. 168). When Benfey , who, in the ''^ Halle Journal of General Literature " 
(May 1845, p. 944) contrasts the Greek opwfti with the Sanscrit rinomi^ 
remarks, that in Greek ri is Gunised, because it is accented, and tliat u is for 
the same reason Gunised in Sanscrit, I cannot assent to him in either point. 
In the first place, I recognise in forms like opwfu^ (rropwyx (the latter = 
8trin6mi\ no Guna, but only the discontiimance of the abbreviation of ar 
to ri, which was admitted in Sanscrit, just as in rpiros compared with the 
Sanscrit tritiyas (Latin tertius, transposed from tretius, for tritius\ the 
abbreviation of the syllable ri has ceased. In the second place, I cannot 
admit that forms like rindini^ strinSmi^ have, for this reason, Gunised the 
second syllable because it is accented ; for if the accent occasioned the 
Guna, we should also expect for hihharshi and vivakti (in the Veda dialect), 
hehharshi^ vevakti^ and for desideratives like pipdsdmi^ p^pdsdmi. To 
me, therefore, the principle set forth above, viz. that the accenting of the 
first syllable belongs to the verb, but that heavy syllables have often de- 
stroyed the original accentuation, and appropriated the accent to them- 
selves, appears fiir more natural. The Greek replaces the Guna of rinSmi, 
stjindmiy by the lengthening of the vowel {ardppvfii opposed to crrcJpinJ/icv), 
but nevertheless preserves the original accentuation. 


comparatiye and superlative of mahdt (in the strong cases mahdnt) are in 
the nominative masculine mahdttarasy mahdttamas ; and the superlative 
of vfUhan^ " liberal," " giving freely " (in the Veda dialect), vfishantama'S^ 
genitive vHshantamasya (Rig* V. I. 10. 10.). The reason that tara and 
tamay in Sanscrit, exercise no influence on the accentuation lies, in my 
opinion, in this, that these suffixes are rather enclitic in their nature, 
and have not grown up so inwardly united with the principal word, 
as the other more rare suffixes of comparison; as appears, also, from 
the circumstance that the feminine accusative tardm^ tamdm^ may 
be added to verbs adverbially also ; e. g. yddatitamdm^ ^' he speaks 
very much." 

A consequence of the emphasis which lies in accenting the beginning 
of a word is this, that abstract substantives, which frequently are merely 
Intensifications of adjectives, affect, in Sanscrit and in Greek, this kind of 
accent Thus the suffix as, in Sanscrit, is used especially in forming ab- 
stracts, and requires an accent on the first syllable of the word ; as in ydiasu, 
"glory," compared with yasds^ "glorious" (the latter only in the Veda 
dialect, see Benfey's Glossary), whence the comparative yakdstara-Sy 
superlative yasdstamors; thus, dpas^ nominative "activity," "work," 
"offering" (Latin optu\ compared with apds masculine "the active," 
" the warrior," "the sacrificer." As to Sanscrit neutral bases in as cor- 
respond the Greek in or, ey, c(cr)-off (see §.128.), Benfey draws our notice, 
as regards the paroxy tone accent of the abstracts spoken o^ and the oxy- 
tone accent of the adjectives, to the relation of the Greek dyos to Ayris. 
It may also be observed, that Greek bases in or, e r, when they form pos- 
sessive compounds in combination with preceding words, usually throw 
the accent on the suffix, while other compounds of this kind accent 
the first member of the compound, or, at least, throw back the accent 
as far as possible ; thus cvpuo-^cv^r , fieyoXoo'^ev^r, fX€yaOapa-rjf, bvo-Kkerj^, 
rvicXe^r, compared with forms like fieydOvfiosy ficyadoapor, ficyoXcSdcupor, fie- 
ydk6^(os, cuo\6iJLOp<f>os, alo\6jr€n\oSy aioXoxacnjr. 

786. The suffix of the participle of t^ie reduplicated pre- 
terite or perfect (see §. 688.) is, in Sanscrit, in the para- 
smaipadam or active (see §. 426.), according to the diffe- 
rence of case, vdiis, vat, and mh, and in all these forms, 
according to the analogy of the heavy terminations of the 
indicative (see p. 1057), has the accent Indian Gram- 
marians, however, consider vds as the true form of the 
suffix, though it does not appear in this form in a single 


case, but the strong eases spring from vdiw* the middle 
from v&t, and the weakest from iish (euphonic for us). 
From mh comes also the feminine theme vshi, to which 
the Lithuanian iisi is an admirable counterpart; hence 
deffusi, "the having burned " = Sanscrit dih^shh for dada- 
hushi (see §. 605.). The oblique cases of the Lithuanian 
feminine participle spring, for the most part, from an ex- 
tended base usia ; hence the genitive singular degusids, 
as rankd-Sy from rankd, " hand." Compare herewith the 
Greek via of rervipvia, which has been already elsewhere 
compared with the Sanscrit tutupishi.'f 

787. With the weakest form of the Sanscrit participial 
suffix above mentioned are connected also, in Lithuanian, 
the oblique cases of the masculine, but with the same un- 
organic affix of la, which, too, the participle present has 
retained; thus, genitive degusio (as wilko from wiUca-^) 
corresponding to the Sanscrit dih'dsh-as, dative deg-usia-mtf 
accusative deg-usi-n for deg-usia-n* The nominative degehs is 
based on the Sanscrit strong theme dih-i-vAhs (t as conjunc- 
tive vowel) ; but the * of the Lithuanian form scarcely be- 
longs to the base, but is the sign of case, and extends, as in 

* The vocative singalar, which in general diflclaima long vowels (see 
§. 205.), ahortens the long d; hence, van compared with the nominative 
vdriy since annsv^ra (n) after the s is dropped (see §. 9.) becomes it. I am 
not inclined with Bohtlingk (Ded. p. 10) to represent vaha as the original 
form of the suffix ; for if, as we ought to be, we arc goided by the strong 
cases, which in general, where different modifications of the theme occur, 
have preserved the original form, we must then take v^yu to be the ancient 
form, and allow that the vocative, as is its wont, has shortened the vowel, 
which perhaps is only a consequence of the emphasizing the beginning of 
the word in the vocative by accenting it. Bohtlingk also, in his zeal for 
the vocative, represents xyans as the theme of the comparative suffix ty&ns^ 
iyoM (see §. 298.), the long d of which, in Latin, takes the form of ^ in all 
the oblique cases. 

t "On the Influence of Pronouns in (he Formatum qf Words," p. 4. 

X According to the analogy of the adjective declension, see § 281. 


the participle present, to the vocative also ; while the San- 
scrit, as it cannot bear two consonants at the end of a word 
(see §. 94.)> in both cases abandons both the nominative 
sign and the final consonant of the base ; thus, nominative 
(Uh'Uvdru vocative dih-i-^an, corresponding to the Lithua- 
nian deg-ens. The Zend, on the contrary, has retained 

* In the Old Prussian Catechism there occur two perfect participles 
in vmns very deserving of notice, viz. ktanttvouns^ " having cursed," and 
murrawunsy "having murmured,** which stand nearer to the Sanscrit 
vans than any other European kindred form. The u of wuns, as also that 
of the common form uns (after consonants also ons^ and sometimes ans)^ is 
evidently, like the e of the Lithuanian efis, a weakening of a, originally 
d; as in widdewu^ " widow "«= Sanscrit vidhavd, Latin vidua, and some 
similar feminine nominatives. The u of the plural -usis, accusative tisins^ 
and of the accusative singular usin, is, on the other hand, organic, and 
identical with the Sanscrit u of the base of the weakest case and of the 
feminine, as also with that of the corresponding forms in Lithuanian. 
Nesselmann ("TA« Lanffuage of the Old Prussians^* * p. 64) represents tlie 
participles in uns {oru, ans, umns) as indeclinable, and takes usU as ali 
independent form with declinable terminations. I, however, consider 
umns, uns, ons, ans, as the singular nominative masculine, with s as the sign 
of case, as in Lithuanian ens. This participle seldom requires declension, 
as it is principally used for a periphrasis of the perfect indicative, and thus 
occurs in the nominative relation ; e.g., asmai murrawuns bhe klanti- 
wuns, "I have murmured and cursed" (literally, " 1 am the person 
having murmured and cursed"). The nominative singular usually takes 
the place of the plural, as also in Lithuanian the present and perfect par- 
ticiples have lost the termination of the plural nominative, and in this 
case only have rejected the s of the nominative singular : hence, from 
sukejis, "having turned," comes the plural suken. Where, however, in 
Old Prussian, the plural relation of the participle perfect is really ex- 
pressed, it ends in usis, probably from a lengthened base in usi (compare 
§. 780.) ; so that is of the Lithuanian plural termination corresponds to 
the y-s of bases in • {jawy-s, " sheep," from the base avn). The examples 
occurring in the Old Prussian Catechism may be found in Nesselmann, 
p. 31, n. 84. : madliti, tyt wtrstai iaus immusis; laukyii, tyt toirstai Urns 
aupallusis, "ask, and ye shall receive (be having received) ; seek, and ye 
shall find (be having found)." The future, which is wanting in Old Prus- 


the nominative sign in its participles ; as, jJtti»(o^^ dadh^ 
vdo, "having made/' vid-vdio, "knowing" (ei5c5f), which it 
has also done in the participle present, a point in which 
it is superior to the Sanscrit, and agrees with the Lithua- 
nian, Latin, and Gothic ; for from ^t^ vAn is formed in 
Zend, not gAulp txlo, hut y^(? vaiiru It is clear, however, 
that the o of vdo does not represent the s of the theme of 
the strong cases, as the suffix vanl also, in the nominative, 
forms v&o (compare Bumouf Yacjna, Note R. p. 12S). In 
the accusative, 9gw»jgjaj»3^^ dudlivdonhem corresponds to 
the Sanscrit dadh-Uvdnsam ; in the w^eakest cases, and be- 
fore the feminine character i, the 2^nd suffix is contracted, 
like tlie Sanscrit suffix, to ush* ; hence, in the genitive 
\tfi)^^ dathusho (Vend. S. p. 3. for dadhushS, see p. 965. 

sian, is always periplirastically expressed by the auxiliary verb signifying 
" to be," with the participle perfect ; hence, p. 12, n. 15., pergubons tcyrst^ 
" he is come " (is the person having come). The oblique cases of the per- 
fect participle, from being little required, seldom occur, and spring Uke- 
wise from the theme increased by t, wliile the Lithuanian adds ia to the 
base. The only instances that occur are, au-lau-usi-ns^ ^' the slain" {mor- 
tuoSf for which) also, aulausins and aulauwussens), and ainan-gimm-tisi-n^ 
"to those bom in" (the place), the latter with passive signification, which, 
except in the root gem, g'nn, does not occur in this participle. If we 
should not admit a nominative plural in usis, the above-mentioned forms 
might then be taken as singular nominatives, with a plural signification. 
The circumstance, however, that the real and frequently-occurring singular 
nominative always terminates in iis, and that, too, the participle present 
leaves the old base (in nt) in the nominative singular unlengthened, and 
in the other cases lengthened only by t, is much opposed to this view. — 
The single feminine form of this participle which occurs deserves mention ; 
\nz. the nominative singular aulaus^, ^^mortiia" for aulauusi, as above 
aulausins together with aulauusins. Tlie final ^ corresponds, therefore, 
to the Sanscrit » and Lithuanian i of feminine forms iu usM, usi. 

* TJie lithographed Codex of the Vendidad Sadd has, almost in all 
places, Mi 9 ioT joj sh: I, however, agree with Bumouf in reading j^ 
8h as probably the sole correct reading. 


Note*); in the dative jot^y^s? vidusM, "to the knowing"" 
(1. c. p. 214.) = "Pi5^ viduM (elSoTt); in the genitive plural 
9'(ft^)^'>^'P'i iririthushanm, "of the dead'" (1. c. p. lOl); in 
the genitive singular feminine ^JJ^^^t^^^OM^i^jaghm fishy do 
(1. c. p. 91. twice, and 304. twice) * = Sanscrit jagmushyds, 
from gam, " to go '^ ; in the accusative feminine 9^CD^^^ 
r//A«*Ai?m= Sanscrit tf J usAtm, from rid, "to know'" (1. c. p. 469). 
788. With the contracted form T^ mh of the sufEx here 
spoken of is connected a word which appears in Gothic 
as a solitary remnant of an obsolete participial gender, 
and corresponds in a remarkable manner with Sanscrit 
forms like dihush (theme of the weakest cases) from dah ; 
I mean, Mrusyds, " the parents,'' occuring only in the 
nominative plural masculine, and which, I have no doubt, 
properly signifies " the having given birth to C and, with 
respect to its radical vowel, corresponds to the polysyllabic 
forms of the preterite of baira (bar, plural bSrum, conjuga- 
tional singular b^r-yan, plural bh'-ei-ma (see §. 605.). The 
theme is b^rusya, which corresponds in its unorganic affix 
yn to the above-mentioned (§. 787.) Lithuanian ia ; e. g. 
of deg-usia, dative deg-usia-m. The nominative singular, 
according to §. 135. would be b^r-useis, and the accusative 
bSrim, the latter like the Lithuanian degusi-n. 

* With rognrd to the long u of jaghmushydOy let it be noticed that the 
sibilant is here followed by a semi-vowel, since, as it appears, a lengthen- 
ing of the M, which is, in Sanscrit, always short, occurs especially before 
two consonants; hence, also, Vendidad Sade, p. 616, v^S^'^^^P;^^ 
jayhmuk^md (witli s> * for x^ «), a superlative formed from the weakest 
theme ; and p. 626, daduschhU^ an interesting form ; whence it is clear 
that in Zend also the middle cases (see §. 130.) of this participle spring 
from the weakest theme. There occurs, however, a long w in pipyushim^ 
without the occasion of two following consonants, as also in its negative 
apipyushlm (Vend. S. p. 429), from p6^ "to drink," with a causal mean- 
ing (" the having sucked "). Perhaps the circumstance that two conso- 
nants precede has its influence. 


789. To the form vdt, whence come in Sanscrit the 
middle cases of the perfect participle , belongs the Greek 
OT, which has preserved the ancient accent (see §. 786.) ; 
but after losing the digamma, which is generally lost in 
the middle of words, in case it does not assimilate with 
a preceding consonant (see Tetraape^, §. 312.), aSj for instance, 
also in the sufEx evT = Sanscrit txint (of the strong cases): 
thus, the same relation that a/L(7re\o(f)ei/T has to San- 
scrit forms like dhdna-vant (** endowed with riches," see §. 
20.), reTViff{f)6T has to tutupvdt, to which, as nominative, 
accusative, and vocative, in Greek, TeTv<f>6£ corresponds (see 
§. 152.). To the plural locative tuiup-val'su corresponds 
the Greek dative TeTi;0-d(T)-<r/. Mention has already been 
made of the feminine form in via, as abbreviation of xxna^ 
and of the affinity, as regards formation, of rervipvTa with 
the Sanscrit tuiupiishi (see §. 786.). The Latin, perhaps, 
in sec&rUs presents a remnant of these feminine participles 
in ushi (euphonic for usi\ and the proper translation, 
therefore, is, perhaps, " the cutting " (instead of ** the hav- 
ing cut "), the u being lengthened, and the sibilant being 
changed between two vowels into r.^ As several parti- 
cipial suffixes are often used also in the formation of de- 
rivative words, there is, therefore, ground for comparing 
the suffix dan in words like lapid-dsus, lumin-dsus, fructu- 
dsus, forin-dsu8, pisc-dsus, with the Sanscrit vdns of the 
strong cases, to which it has nearly the same relation that 
the comparative suffix idr has to ^i|TO fydiis (see §. 298.), 

* See §. 130., where it must be also noticed that the nominatiye, accu- 
sative, and vocative singular of neuters in the threefold theme gradation 
always are connected with the middle form. 

t See §. 22. In the Veda dialect there are abstract substantives in 
ushi^ with the accent on the radical syllable (see p. 1059) ; as, Uipushtj 
" ire " (properly, " the burning "), from tap, " to l^urn ;" tdrusht, " strife," 
from tar {tri ir), " to overstep.* 


only that the original sibilant is retained, though the v is 
lost, just as in sopio=svapimi; soro, sordrem^svasdr, 
svasdram; 861^= war j "heaven'' (from sur, and this from 
svar, "to shine"), Zend hvare, "the sun." With respect 
to the prolongation of the suffix by a vowel affix, compare 
the relation of the suffix turu to t&Tj Sanscrit iAr (see 
§. 647.). 

790. In Old Sclavonic the gerundive preterite corresponds 
to the participle here spoken of, as is most clearly apparent 
in the feminine singular form, in which, in verbal bases 
ending in a vowel, vhuiiiL vshi corresponds to the Sanscrit- 
Zend u«^^, and Lithuanian vsi. Compare BiyiBivmH by-ishi, 
" having been " (feminine) with the Sanscrit w^iyft babhuv- 
iishu and Lithuanian butv-usu In the nominative plural 
masculine (used also for the feminine), B'bmE vshe — ^with e 
as the termination of case = Sanscrit as, Greek ej — answers 
to the Sanscrit vdnsas, and therefore B'biBmE by-vshe to 
babhu-v&nsas ; on the other hand, in the singular the sibi- 
lant is lost in the nominative masculine ; thus, B'biB'b 6^-^ 
corresponding to the Sanscrit babhA-van and Lithuanian 
buw-em (see §. 787.), where it must be observed that gene- 
rally the Sclavonic has lost the original final consonant, so 
that the s also of the Lithuanian burv-ens belongs not to 
the suffix, but to the case sign. After consonants the t; 
of the gerundive suffix is suppressed ; hence, e.g., necb nes, 
"having carried" (for nes-v), plural NECbmE neishe (for 
HECBi>mE nesushe), feminine singular HECbmn neishi (for 

Remark. In the Sclavonic that tense of the indicative is wanting 
whence the past participle or gerandive has proceeded: on the other 
hand, I am now of opinion that the Lithuanian perfect (also aorist), which 
I formerly compared with the Sanscrit first augmented preterite (Greek 
imperfect), must be compared with the Sanscrit reduplicated preterite, 
Greek perfect and Gothic preterite of the strong conjugation. I assume, 
therefore, that in buwauy ^' I was," or '^ I have been," instead of the 



aagment; the syllable of reduplication is dropped, as in Gothic preterites 
like baugy " I bent," bugum^ " wc bent '*=San9crit bubhoja^ bubhtijimd; 
and I compare it with the Sanscrit babhuva^ to which, with regard to its 
medial m, it corresponds better than to the imperfect dbhavam, Buwau 
does uideed closely resemble also the Sanscrit aorist dbhuvam^ but in the 
third person buio-o answers better to bahhuv-n than to dbhut ; and in both 
the plural numbers the forms given above (p. 762) answer better to 
babhuv-i-vd (from -a-va) babhuv-a-thu^ (from -t?ias\ babhuv-i-md (from 
-Orma)^ babhuv-a-^td)^ than to dbhutam^ dbhu-ma^ dbhu-ta. The conjec- 
ture that the Lithuanian perfect belongs to the universal tenses, and not 
to the imperfect, is also confirmed by the consideration that the imper- 
fect in Sanscrit and Greek always takes part in the base of the present, 
i.e. in the class peculiarities, while the Lithuanian preterite, which is 
called perfect, does not; hence the perfect ofgdu-nu^ ^'l am acquainted 
with," which corresponds to Greek verbs like daK-vo), Latin like ster-no 
(see p. 718), is not gau-naUy but gaw-au (future gdu-su). In the perfect, 
too, / or nt of tlie present base is dropped, which formerly, when we 
sought to compare this tense with the Sanscrit- Greek imperfect, ap- 
peared a difficulty (see §. 498.). As to the circumstance that the y or t 
(see p. 722) compared with the Sanscrit fourth class is retained in the 
perfect, and that from liepyu^ " I order," comes the perfect liqftyau 
(future liep^u) ; ft^m traukiu^ " I draw," the perfect traukiau (future 
trauk'Su\ this may be explained from the near resemblance in form of 
the fourth class to the tenth, in which the retention of the y or i in the 
universal tenses is regular. In general the perfect loves a y, and often 
adds one in verbs which do not exhibit one either in the present or in 
any other tense ; as from dumi (for dudmi), or duduj ^* I give," comes 
daw-yau (future du-su) ; fix>m derni (for dedmi)^ " I lay," de-yau (future 
de-su—dhd-^dmi^ $Tj-a-Q))*; from eimi^ or et»M, "I go," eyau (futnre 
et-«{x= Sanscrit i-shydmi). In every case the form of the participle may 
be safely inferred from that of the perfect indicative ; but when the y of 
the first person singular indicative disappears in the other persons, it is 
lost in the participle also ; thus, from daw-yau^ second person daw-ei^ 
participle daw-ens^ feminine daw-usi; but from deyaUj second person d^et, 
participle dey-ms^ feminine dey-ttsi; from eyau^ ^^ivi^'* second person iyei^ 
participle ey-ms^ feminine iy-tm. It is beyond doubt, therefoi^ that as 

* If the Lithuanian perfect belonged to the Sanscrit-Greek imperfect, 
then the perfect of dudu and dedu would most probably be dudau^ dedau 
=^S(in8CTit ddaddm^ ad€Ldhdm^ Greek ihih<avy (riOrfv. 


the participle is based on the Sanscrit in vdhs, feminine usht^ so the pre- 
terite indicative, which is most intimately connected with it, must also 
be connected with the Sanscrit reduplicated preterite and its European 
kindred forms. The Old Prussian simple preterite also, which in signi- 
fication usually appears as aorist, appears to me to be a sister form of the 
Sanscrit reduplicated preterite, with the loss of the reduplication : hence, 
dai, '•^he gave," for £fa*= Sanscrit daddu^ for dudA. The present dcuU 
from dad4, is, on the other hand, like the Lithuanian d^-ti, a redupli- 
cated form (see p. 661 ). The ts which often terminates the third person 
singular preterite; as in daitSy "he gave," a form used together with 
dai; immatSy "he took," with imma ; hiUats, "he spoke,' with billa: 
this ts I regard as an appended pronoun, and abbreviated for tas (compare 
Lithuanian to*, "that," and the Sanscrit base to, "he," "this/ "that"). 
Let it be observed, that in general bases in a for the most part suppress 
this vowel before the nominative sign *- hence, deiwsy " God "= Lithua- 
nian diewasy Sanscrit d^va-s (see Nesselmann, p. 40). That the ts 
spoken of is not characteristic of the preterite is clear from this, that it 
also occurs sometimes in the present; for example, in a^^t/^, ''heis,"t 
aiidp(hquoitStSy "he desires." The former occurs twice, and once in the 
sense of the conjunctive : Nesselmann, p. 23, n. 51, nastan kai tans sports 
astitSy "on which he may have power." Here, therefore, the idea "he" 
is three times expressed, once by tans, then by the ancient personal ter- 
mination ti, of the meaning of which the language is no longer conscious, 
and lastly by the appended ts. This /*, however, can scarcely be 
admitted in reference to fominines : there are no neuter substantives in 
Old Prussian ; and in one place, where astits appears to mean " he is," it 
refers to the masculine unds, "water" (Nesselmann, p. 17): adder sen 
stesmu wirdan Deiwas astits aind Criatisnd, " but ynth the word of God 
is a baptism." Here, therefore, the appended pronoun, as the subject of 
the proposition, is correctly in its place. 

791. The middle and passive participles in Sanscrit, in 

* Ai frequently stands in Old Prussian for a ; as in the nominative 
singular feminine, where both a and ai correspond to the Sanscrit d, see 
Nesselmann, p. 48 ; and compare quai, " which V with the Sanscrit kd^ 
Lithuanian /ra, and Latin quae; so stai (also */4), "this," "the" = Li- 
thuanian ta. 

t Compare Sanscrit asti, Lithuanian esti, the t of which in Old Prus- 
sian is contained only in this compound (simply £ut) 

3 Z 2 


SO far as they attach themselves to any tense of the indi- 
cative, have the suffix mdna or dna. I consider the latter 
to be an abbreviation of the former, as it is represented in 
Greek, just like mdna, by fxevo : nor is it probable that 
the Sanscrit should have originally appropriated to the 
participle present of the middle voice two suffixes which 
resemble one another so closely as mdna and dna; and 
which, in use, are so distributed, that the former belongs 
exclusively to the first principal conjugation — only with 
the exception, that the tenth class, probably on account of 
its greater fulness of form, admits also dna — while the 
latter is fixed in the second conjugation ; and, moreover, in 
the perfect, to which, as it appears to me, on account of 
its incumbrance with the syllable of reduplication, the 
shorter form is more agreeable, where we must remark, 
that in the present participle active also the reduplica- 
tion has an influence on the weakening of the participial 
suffix (see §. 779. Note). The auxiliary future has every- 
where preserved the complete suffix mdna; hence, dd-syd- 
md-na-Sf both middle and passive = Ja>-<ro-/Ltevof. With this 
agrees the Lithuanian du-se-ma-s (feminine -wia), " qui da- 
bitur,^'* since in Lithuanian the said participial suffix has 
been abbreviated to ma, which nevertheless does not cause 
us to overlook its connection with the Sanscrit mAna and 
Greek fievo. In the participle present dud-a-ma-Sf " qui 
daiur,^'' corresponds to the Greek SiSo-fievog, and Sanscrit 
dddh'dna-s (for dadh-md-nas, and this for dadd-mdna-^) : 
the latter, however, is middle only, and the passive parti- 
ciple is <;1i|KH4;^ dt-yd-mdna-s* The Old Prussian, which 
approaches the Lithuanian very closely, has, in one of the 
two examples of the said participle which remain to us in 
the translation of Luther's Catechism, preserved the origi- 

* Several roots in d (among them da) weaken this vowel before the 
paasiye character ya to f . 


nal form of the suffix with astonishing fidelity, it may be 
said, in its perfect Sanscrit form, unless, perhaps, the a of 
the first syllable be short. The example I mean is, po-klaus- 
i-mana-s, " heard," or rather " being heard,'' aKovofxevoq : * 
in form, however, inoKKvofjLevog would be the correspond- 
ing word, as klaus or klus is the Prussian form of the 
Greek root k\v (Sanscrit irUf from (kru)f and po corre- 
sponds to the Greek uiro, Sanscrit {ipa. Besides poklausi- 
manas, the Prussian Catechism presents one more form, 
which, with respect to its suffix, evidently belongs, in like 
manner, to the participle passive present ; viz. eni-m-i/-mne, 
*' agreeable," properly " becoming accepted," as the parti- 
ciple perfect passive also signifies both "accepted" and 
*' acceptable." f 

* The participle present passive saits the passage where the expression 
occurs better than the perfect participle (Nesselmann, p. 16), stawldcu 
tiiadlas ast steismu tdwan en dangon enimmewingi bhe poklausimanag, 
'^ such prayer is acceptable to and becoming heard (=18 heard) by the 
Lord in heaven." 

t Nesselmann (p. 104) takes enimumne to be a typographical error, 
though he gives no reason for this opinion. The terminaUon tnne does 
not appear to me doubtful : the internal vowel is omitted, as in the Latin 
al-umnu8f Vert-u-mnus (§. 478. ), and as in the Zend forms har-a-mn^^ 
vaz-a-mrUhn^ of which hereafter. So in Old Prussian, from kermen-s^ 
^*' body/' comes the accusative kermnem (also kermenen and kermenan). 
This kermens for kermenas is, according to its formation, probably, in 
like manner, a passive participle ; so that, properly, its meaning is equi- 
valent to ^^ created," ^^made" (Sanscrit karomiy ^^I make," compare Latin 
creo, creatura). Pott refers the Latin corpus^ and Zend kere/s (accusa- 
tive k^brpifm^ to the root klrip, kalp ; which, however, is itself connected 
with kar (kri)^ as Pott also assumes (see my Sanscrit Glossary^ a. 1847, 
p. 84). As regards the final e of enimumney it is either an adverbial or a 
neuter termination. The passage wherein the expression occurs requires 
properly the nominative singular neuter (Nesselmann, p. 24, n. 66, sta ast 
labban bhe dygi enimumne prtki Deiwan nousesmu pogalbentkan, ^' this is 
good and acceptable before God our Saviour"), as labban also is really a 



792. With respect to accent in Sanscrit, the participles, 
middle and passive, in mdnQf dna, follow the same principle 
as the active participles (see p. 1057), i.e. they are governed 
by the accent of the corresponding tense in the indicative ; 
so that the suffix receives the accent only in cases in 
which the indicative has it on the personal termination, 
which happens in the heavy terminations of the present 
of the second principal conjugation (with the exception of 
the third class, see p. 1056) and of the perfect of all verbs. 
The Greek corresponds, in forms like rervfi-fxevo^ (opposed 
to TVJTTo/xevoy), to the accentuation of the Sanscrit cognate 
forms, only that the latter have the accent on the final 
syllable of the suffix, so that tutup-dnds corresponds to the 
Greek TeTir/x-/Liei'Of. 

neater, according to the analogy of Sanscrit neuters in am (see §. 162.). 
If, however, enimumne is a neuter, in that case the e stands, as frequently 
happens in Old Prussian, for a, and the case-sign is suppressed, as in the 
pronominal neuters, sta, " this," Ao, " wliat " (accusative ka and Aran), 
and in Lithuanian neuters, as gira, ^'bonum** (§.135.). If, however, 
there is a t^-pographical error in this word, which is an isolated one of 
its kind, we might perhaps conjecture eniviuTnnem=mnan, As regards 
the vowel a, it is probably like the Latin u of al-u-mntiSf Vert-u-mnus — 
for which we might have expected a/-e-m(t)iiM*, Fert'i-m{i)nus— the cor- 
ruption of an original a, and corresponds to the Sanscrit a of the first and 
sixth class (§.109^.1.). 

* At the time when the Sanscrit suffix dna had not yet lost its m, it 
will probably have had, like the Greek -fUvos of r€rv/x-/icw)r, the accent 
on the first syllable ; for that the circumstance of the suffix beginning 
with a consonant or a vowel may have an influence on the accentuation is 
clear from this, that the verbs of the third class in the present indicative 
have the accent only on those heavy terminations which begin with 
a consonant, wliile in cases where the heavy termination begins with 
a vowel, the syllable of repetition is accented (see p. 1080): hence, 
hibhri'Vah^^ "we two carry" (Mid.), but second person bibhr-dthSy third 
person bihhr dtS, so also in the participle present middle bibr-dnoy not 
bibhr-dnd : it is highly probable, however, that bibhrimdnd would be said 
if the m of the suffix were retained. 


793. In Old Sclavonic the participial suffix in question 
has experienced the same abbreviation as in Lithuanian : 
it is in the nominative masculine Miy m\ feminine ma mth 
neuter mo 7710, and, as in Lithuanian, has only a passive 
signification, but occurs only in the present Compare 
BE^OM'b t?ef-a-i»', "the being conveyed/' feminine be^oma 
vet^'O-ma^ neuter be^omo t?ef-o-mo,* with the Lithuanian 
wez-a-ma-Sf feminine -ma, the Sanscrit vuh-a-mdna-s, -et, 
-a-m, the Greek ex-o-zLtevo-f, -17, -o-v, and the Latin vehA-mini 
(see §. 478.). In the Grerman languages this participle, 
as such, has disappeared, but the Gothic lauh-mdni, ''the 
lightning," properly, ** that which lights,*" from the femi- 
nine base lauh-mdnyotj^ is a substantive remnant of the 
participle present middle, and, therefore, the y is an unor- 
ganic affix, otherwise indnd would correspond admirably to 
the Sanscrit feminine suffix mdnd, as 6 is the most common 
representative of the d, which is wanting in Gothic (see 
§. 69.). The nominative form -mdni, of mdnyd, is to be 
explained according to §. 120. + 

794. The Zend has either shortened or rejected the 
middle a of the Sanscrit suffix mdiia, and weakened the 
preceding class vowel a usually to g e. The form mana 
(mna) becomes, as it were, the step of transition to the 
Greek fievo, and Latin minu §• 478), and is identical with 

* It needs, perhaps, no remark, that the vowel which precedes the n 
m all the languages here compared belongs to the class syllable, and is 
therefore not to be referred to the participial suffix (see §. 507*). 

t Sanscrit r^ch-a-mdtidf " the shining," from the root ruck (from ruk), 
which is only used in the middle, according to the first class (see §. lOd^.). 
The Latin luceo is based on the causal form rSchdydmi (see p. 110). 

4! It may also be assumed that the Gothic mStiyd^ moniy is based on a 
to-be-presupposed Sanscrit form mdn^y as bases in a, especially in sub- 
stantives, form their feminines frequently in t ; as, <2^ri, ^^ a goddess," 
from d^a^ ^* a god." This 1 must, in Gothic, according to §. 120., take 
the form of y<$ or ein, nominative i, ei. 


the Old Prussian mana, of the (§. 791.) above-mentioned po- 
klaiis-i-mana'8 ; while the form wino, which has lost its in- 
ternal vowel, finds an accidental countertype in the Latin 
mnu, of alrU'-mnvjs, Vert-u-mnus^ and the Old Prussian mne, 
of enAm-u-mne (§. 791.). In Zend, also, this suffix, as in 
Greek, has, beginning even with the present, both a middle 
(or purely active) and passive signification, while the San- 
scrit in the passive prefixes the character ya to the parti- 
cipial suffix. Thus we find in the Vendidad Sade, p. 203, 
baremanem, ** being carried'"' { = €l>€p6fjLei'ov), and vazemnemt 
** being conveyed," as adverbial accusatives in reference to 
the nominative plural mazdayasncu At times the final 
vowel, also, of the suffix mana is suppressed, together with 
the middle vowel ; so that thus only mn is left, to which 
are affixed the case terminations. Thus, in nydiemn-df 
" celehrantes^^ ySzimnd, " venerantesr which indeed, according 
to their termination, might also be singular nominatives of 
bases in a, but in the passage where they occur clearly 
shew themselves to be plurals of bases in n.jf We might> 

y^jJAS^iAj/o ^;AMJi9A)i yat aSU yoi mazdayaina pddha ayant&m vd 
tachhitcin vd harhnan^m vd vaz^-vinilm vd tachi aipya naidum Jrajaicmnj 

"If those, who being worshippers of Ormozd, going on foot, or or 

carried, or riding approach a corpse.** Anquetil (p. 312) translates : 

" «S'i un Mazdeiesnan allant d pied^ ou en bateau^ parte (dans una voUure\ 
ou elevS de quelque fa^on que ce wit (aperfoit) un mart. In a similar pas- 
SHge (1. c. p. 279) occurs har^mn^i^ and likewise vazemnem, 

t Vendidad Sade, p. 482 : Naro auhen ashavano havoyazasta nyd&mno 
y^zimnC Ahuramazdahm ; " Viri sint puri, hsvam manum habentes {lavd 
manu tenentes)^ celebrantes^ vencrantes Ahuramazdam.** Anquetil trans- 
lates (p. 41G) : Qu*%l n*y ait que Vhomme pure qui coupe le Barsom; et que, 
le tenant de la main gauche^ ilfasse izeschnk a Ommzd. 1 consider n^di- 
emno as an abbreviation of ni ydi, and refer, on this hand, to the root ydi^ 
p. 90)3, Note. 


therefore, also distribute the forms baremnem and vazemnem 
into baremn-em and vazemn-emt as bases which end in a 
consonant have, in the accusative, em as their termination. 
That, however, in general in Zend the suffix spoken of has 
not lost its plural a, is shewn by forms like vazemna 
(Vend. S. p. 62l), which, as nominative plural, can belong 
only to a base in a (§. 231. Note) ; thus, csayamana (1. c. 
p 54d.) = Sapscrit kshdyamdnds, from kshi, "to rule," csa- 
yamndo plural feminine (1. c. p. 550) ; frdy(a)z€mnananmj 
genitive plural = Sanscrit prayajamdndndm, from n^ yaj, 
"to honour," "to sacrifice.'' An example of a form in dna 
(for mdna) in the second principal conjugation is id-dna 
(1. c. p. 543), as nominative plural for the Sanscrit usdnds, 
from vas, " to wish,*" with an irregular contraction of the 
syllable va to u. The following are examples of parti- 
ciples of the future passive : a)/a)^a5^^^^ zanhyamana or 
-mna, " about to be bom " (Vend. S. pp. 28 and 103)*, and 
-wy^Aj^iJ^oAWijj; tizddkhyamna, " being about to be raised 
up " = Sanscrit uddhdsyamdna (Vend. S. p. 89, see §. 669.). 
795. In close connection with the participial suffijc mdna 
stands the Sanscrit suffix manj the original form of which 
appears to be mdn, which has remained in the strong cases. 
The words formed with it have, like the kindred partici- 
ples, either an active or a passive signification : some are 
abstract substantives, like the Greek formations in fxovtf 
{(pXey/jLOv^y XapM^*"/' ''^^to'fjLOvrj, 7r\i]<rfJLOvrj, irrffiovYj, if>€tafJL0VYJ), 
which, in form, are essentially identical with the partici- 
pial feminines in /txevi;, as e and o are originally one (§. 3.) ; 

* See §. 668., where, however, we shonld read as^,)^^ xanhya^ for 

>s^^^^ezavhya ; and the remark at the end of the §. on the incor- 
rectness of the way in which the word is written must be cancelled, and 
the h of the participial forms referred to be really regarded as an euphonic 
alteration of the n of the root 9Mt afan. 




— and with regard to the accentuation of the last syllable 
of the suffix, they agree with the Sanscrit dndf and (for 
mdnd, mdnd), of the second conjugation (see §. 792.).* But 
few masculines in man remain to us in Sanscrit, and these, 
too, are, for the most part, but rarely used. The follow- 
ing are examples : sush-man, " fire,'' as " that which 
dries ;" ush-man, " the hot time of year," as ** the burn- 
ing ;" v^man, ** weaver's loom," as " weaving or apparatus 
of weaving ;" siman^ '* border," as ** binding," from ftr »t, 
" to bind," with the £ lengthened ; pdp-many " sin,'" as 
"that which is sinned" (peccatum), from a lost root 
Some masculines in man have a vowel of conjunction i ; 
as, har-i-mdn, " time," as " carrying away," " destroying ; 
sar-i-mdn^ '* the wind," as " moving itself," " blowing ; 
" dhar-i-m^m' " form," as " borne," " sustained " (thus the 
Latin /ormo, from the root /er); star-i-mdn, "bed," as 
" spread out " (compare stramen). Thus, also, the two 
abstracts jdn-i-mant " birth," and mdr-i-manj " death," 
which are likewise masculine, but are distinguished from 
the other forms in man by accenting their first syllable ; 
jdn-i-man, mdr-i-man — like sushman, &c. — opposed to 
harhndn, sarimdn, starimAny dliarimdnt bharimdn^'f 

* Compare (^Xtyy^ovf) with Sanscrit middle participles like yuiydnd^ 
"the binding," from yunjmdna, 

t See Bohtlingk, " The Unddi Affixes" p. 58. Wilson renders bhari- 
nukn by "nourishing," "cherishing;" Bohtlingk by "maintenance." I 
think, however, I may venture to deduce from the accentuation that it is 
not an abstract substantive; for otlierwise, like nukrimati, "death," and 
jdnimaii, " birth," it would have the accent on the radical syllable (see 
p. 1091). The ex]^reBsion '^!ZB kiitumbuy by which, in the Un&di Book 
oiKdumudt^ bharirndn is explained, according to Wilson also, signifies, not 
" nourislung,'' " cherishing " (though to the root kutumh, an instance of 
which has not yet been met with in books, the meaning "supported" 
{(UivUydm) is ascribed), but, amougst other things, "family;" and I con- 
jecture tliat ^/larima/i signifies "family," in the sense of ** tliat which is 



796. In Sanscrit the masculine bases in man are much 
more numerous than the neuter : they all have the accent 
on the last syllable, and express partly a passive, partly an 
active relation, or are abstracts. The following are ex- 
amples : dhdman, " a house,'' as " that which is made or 
built,'' from dhd^ " to place " (vi-dhd " to make ") ; vdrtman, 
** way," as " that which is gone upon," from vart, vrit, 
" to go ;" visman, " a house," as " that which is entered," 
from vis, "to enter;" addman, "a house," from sadt "to 
go," and "to sit ;" kdrman, " deed," "factum ;" vdrman, 
" harness," as " that which covers ;" rdmaru " hair " (abbre- 
viated from r6hman)j as "growing;" ddman^ "band," as 
" binding ;" sthdman, " strength," as " having conti- 
nuance," from std, " to stand ;" jdnman, " birth," from jaris 
"to bear;" priman, "love," from pri, "to love." The 
Zend furnishes the neuter bases yAs^Au^ ddman, " people," 
as "created" ( = Sanscrit VPT^ dhdman, "house ;") fM^d9»As^ 
maSsman^ " urina " (quod mingitur, Sanscrit mih, " mingere ;") 
and yA59s^A5^ chashman, " an eye," as " telling," " announ- 
cing." The last is radically connected with the Sanscrit 
chakshus, from chaksh, "to say." 

797. Adjective bases in man are rare in Sanscrit : one 
example is, ^{I^ sdrman, masculine, feminine, neuter, 
" happy " (as neuter substantive, " liappiness,") the con- 

maintained or supported," as the wife, bhdtyd, implies '^ she who is to be 
supported," and the husband bhartdr^ bkartri, " he who supports.*' Wil- 
son and Bohtlingk also regard l||f^iitT iartmon as an abstract substantive, 
and the latter renders it (1. c. p. 149) " to bring forth," " to bear." The 
explanatory Sanscrit expression (prcuava) is, however, ambiguous: I 
have, in my Glossary, assigned to it the meanings partus^ partura, and 
proleSy progenies, suboles ; and here, where karimdn is explained by it, I 
would adhere to the last signification, on account of the oxytone accen- 
tuation of the just-mentioned expression. 

* Without any root corresponding in idea. Compare the Greek dcoi, 
dcVfuxr, from htaybovy of which hereafter. 


nection of which with its apparent root (^l^ wrr, ^ sfU 
** to break,") is, as regards meaning, by no means clear. 
In Greek, adjective bases in [jlov correspond, both as to ac- 
cent and as to the non-distinction of the feminine base 
from that of the masculine neuter; as, fiv^fiov, rToj^v, 
XijcrjjioVf iSfiov, if>paSfjL0Vy htKTrfjyiov, To the paroxytone mas- 
culine substantive bases mentioned in §. 795., like sushman^ 
"fire," as "drying," correspond in Greek such as vi^eC/iov 
(" lung," as " breathing "), 7vtS/iov, SaifjLov (" god,**" ** god- 
dess," properly ** shining," * arrj/JLov, With the there- 
mentioned tri-syllable oxytone masculine bases like 
harimdriy "time," as "taking away," compare Kvfiefjiov, 
^yefjiov. Here, too, belong — as e, like o, is a corruption of a 
— some bases in fxev ; viz. Ttotfiev (" herdsman," as " causing 
to feed," compare pasco and the Sanscrit root pd, " to sup- 
port," " to nourish "), dfjTfjLev.f hifxev, itvdfxev (the two latter 
from roots now obscured). The suffix /xcov, /ncov-o^, of 
Kevd/JLci)Vt drjfjLidv, j^ez/xtii/, \eifxidv (from \eil3'fjwv), has pre- 
served, through all the cases, the long vowel, which, in the 
corresponding Sanscrit suffix, is retained only in the strong 
eases : so, too, the corresponding Latin mdn of the bases 
sermdn, termdn {^terminus, see §. 478.) timdrif and pulm4rui — 

* It belongs to the Sanscrit root div^ " to shine ;" whence d^a^ ** a god ;" 
diVf "heaven; divasa, "day," &c. (See Benfey, Gr. R, L, II. p. 207.) 

t VV^ith respect to the T-sound in dvr/ii)v and vraBii&Vj and which is 
often added to the root before the suffix p>, remark a similar circumstaDoe 
in Sanscrit, where, before the suffixes van^ vara^ and the genindial suffix 
ya, a euphonic t is always added to roots which end with a short vowel ; 
as from ji comeB jitvan and jitvara^ " conquering ;" jitya (with preposi- 
tions preceding), " after the conquest." 

X Compare Pott, Etym. Inq. II. 694. and I. 270., where ti-mo, as well 
as tig-nujtij is compared with the Sanscrit taksh, ^'^'fr'angere^findereffabri- 
cari ;" whence, also, taksfuin^ " a carpenter ;" and our Deichsel^ " a chip- 
axe" (Old High German dihsiUi^ and Anglo-Saxon dhixJ)^ and the Old 
High German dehsa and dehsaUiy feminine, "axe" (Graff, V. 125.), as 




It is also highly probable that to the Sanscrit formations 
in man belongs the Latin ho-mm for ho-mdn (in the old 
language he-mo, he-mdnis). I take the h, as has been 
already remarked elsewhere (" Berlin Annual Reg. ef Lit 
Cr'ii.^^ Nov. 1830. p. 791 ; compare Pott, ** Etym^ological In- 
quiries,"" I. p. 217 ; and Benfey, " Gr. B. L"" II. p. 105), to 
be the representative of the / of fui, &c., and therefore 
ho as==/o, in fo-re, fcnrem. Let reference be made to the 
Prakrit h6mi and havdmi, ** I am," for the Sanscrit bhavdmi, 
and the dative termination hi, of mihi, compared with the 
Sanscrit hyam, from bhyam (see §. 215. and §. 23. at the 
end). Man, therefore, according to the Latin expression, 
is simply "the being,"*' as in Sanscrit yana, "the bom "' (root 
ian, " to produce," " to bear "). There is also in Sanscrit 
an appellation of man, from ^ hhu, '* to be,"" viz. bhuvana 
(see Wilson) ; and two appellations of the earth, viz. bhu 
(the simple root) and bhumi (compare Latin humus). I am, 
however, not aware that bhavat, " being," also signifies 
" man,"" as Benfey 1. c. asserts. The resemblance of the 
Gothic base gu-man, "man," Old High German go-mon, 
ko-mon (nominative guma, gomo, kom^o), on which is based 
our gam, of Brdutigam, " bridegroom " (Old High German 
brik-gomon, properly Braut-Mann) to the Latin ho-min, 
he-mdn, is surprising : the relationship, however, I am now 
of opinion, is confined to the suffix, and the German ex- 
pression in reference to its root belongs to the above-men- 
tioned Sanscrit Jana (compare Graff, IV. p. 198), with the 
retention of the old medial (see §. 92.), and with the loss 
of the n, as in the radically, and, by suffix, related ki-mon, 
"germ" (see §.799. Note ), and in the Latin gi-minus (see 
§. 478. at the end). Properly, therefore, gu-man, go-mon. 

'' cleaviDg/* With the active signification among Latin formations in 
mGn only remains /m/m^ "lung," as "breathing," by transposition from 
pbtmSn (Ionic nktvfmv). 


signify "the bom." The circumstance that we have 
already the Sanscrit root jan contained in Gothic in the 
forms kin (keina, kairu kinunif whence our KinA " child "), 
kun (kunif " sex ") and qvin (qveins, " lawful wife," as " she 
who bears," compare yvvrj), need not prevent us from ad- 
mitting a form which has preserved the original mediaL 
I would recall to mind the fact that both the Grothic qvanh 
" to come " (qvima, (/vam), and gagga, " I go," are derived 
from the Sanscrit root gam, " to go " (see §. 755.). But to 
return to the Latin sufEx mdn — ^from it arise the forms 
mdnia, mdnm by the addition of la or iu\ as, tdria^ 
from idr (victdria, from victor), with this difference, that the 
primitives in mdn of derivatives like quer-i-mdnia, at-i- 
mdnia, al-i-mdnium, cer-i-mdnia (root cer = Sanscrit kar, kri, 
"to make") liave disappeared. From adjectivie and sub- 
stantive bases also spring, by this double suflKx, abstracts 
like acri-mSnia, <Egri-m6niay cadi-mdnia, miseri-mdnium, tristi- 
mdnium, testi-mdnium, matri-mdnium. I consider the i of 
forms like cctsti-mdnia, (Bgri-m^nia, to be a weakenings of 
the final vowel of the base-noun (see ** Vocalismusr pp. 
132, 162, and 223), and the i of matri-mdnium to be an ex- 
tension of the base, which, in the generality of cases, is 
added to all bases ending in a consonant I therefore now 
regard the S in the nominative plural as a contraction of 
ai, and as = the Sanscrit ay (from ai), of a^f-as: avis, for 
example, therefore, has the same relation to the Sanscrit 
avay-as that mon-^s has to mdn-aya-sit Prakrit mdn-i^ 
(see p. 119); and thus pedis, amant&s, come from the ex- 
tended bases pedU amantL Remark that bases in u also, 
in the nominative plural, have simple s for their termina- 
tion, and that here the lengthening of the u represents the 
Sanscrit and Gothic Guna ; e. g,, frudu-s, as in Sanscrit 
sunav'OSf and in Gothic sunyu-s, " son," from sunu, sunu 
(see §. 230.). Compare, also, what has been said before (§. 
780.) regarding the Old Prussian present participle. 


798. In Greek there are some bases in fiiv which pre- 
serve the long vowel in all cases, and resemble the San- 
scrit strong cases with mdn, to which, with respect to their 
7, they bear the same relation that, in Sanscrit, the plural 
kri-ni-rndsf " we buy,'' has to the singular kri-n^'mi (see §. 
485.). Compare the accusative singular prjyfuv-a, and the 
nominative plural prfyfiiv-e^, with analogous Sanscrit forms 
like sushmdn-am, Ssushmdn-as ; while in the genitive singular, 
which belongs to the weak cases, the Sanscrit sushman-as 
(with short a) stands in disadvantageous contrast with the 
Greek prfyfuv-o^. The suffix fxivo, feminine fuvrj, is con- 
nected with the Sanscrit participial suffix mdna, and, with 
reference to the retention of the long vowel, stands nearer 
the latter, than the usual fxevo. Here belong Kafiivo-^f 
" oven,'' as " burning," " glowing," from ica/iw, icdw, with 
the radical vowel shortened ; vtriJuvrj, '* strife," for which no 
root occurs in Greek, but which Pott (II. p. 594) rightly 
traces to the Sanscrit yudh, " to strive " (whence yudhma-s, 
" strife," which would lead us to expect, in Greek, uc/Lioy) ; 
KvkKafjuvo^, Kvk\dfjuvov, properly " rounded." 

799. To the Sanscrit masculine substantive bases in im 
man, mentioned in §. 796., correspond the just-mentioned 
masculine bases ahman, " spirit," as " thinking " (ahya, " I 
think ") ; hliuman, " ear," as " hearing " (Sanscrit root iru, 
from kru, "to hear,' Greek k\v); bUman, "a flower," as 
"blowing" (Old High German bluot, "floret;'' bluont, 
"florerW); milhman, "a cloud" (probably like the Sanscrit 
migha, originally ** mingensi'' see §. 140.) ; skeiman, "a lamp," 
as "shining," "lighting" (Sanscrit lean, "to light")*; and 

- ♦ 

I have no scruple indedacing skeiman from the root »kin^ "to shine," 
^' to light " {skeincLf skain^ 8kinum\ with the suppression of the final con- 
sonant of the root, as nm is a combination unsuited to the German ; hence, 
also, in Old High German, kt-mon^ chUmon (nominative -mo), '^germ," 



with passive signification, mal-mant "sand," as "triturated," 
also neuter (nominative masculine malma, neuter inalmd, 
see §§. 140. 141.) ; and hiuh-mant " heap,"' as " heaped up,'' 
from the root, lost as regards the verb, huh (euphonic hauh, 
see §. 82.), to which also belongs hauhs, " high '" (Grimm, 
II. p. 50). The Old High German places over against the 
Gothic-Sanscrit man the form man (nominative mo), and in 
this form corresponds to the Greek /xoi/. The following 
are examples : walis-a-mont and wahsmon, " vegetables," 
" fruit," as " growing," or " having grown ;" gliz-e-mon, 
" lustre ;" ka-smag-mon, " taste ;" with passive signification ; 
sd-mon, " seed," as " sown" (Latin «e-men).f As in Sanscrit 
the suSBjl man also forms abstract substantive or adjec- 
tive bases, as prath-i-mdrif " breadth," from prith'&f " broad " 
(from prathut compare Greek irXarv) ; krishn-i-mdn, " black- 
ness," from krishnd, " black ;" t we may also here mention 
the Old High German rita-mon (also rdto-mon, rdfe-mon). 

from the roots Wn, chin (chm-i-ty ^puthdat,'* ar-kin-i-if -diini-t, ^^giffnity" 
"germinat" see Graff, IV.450.)=Saiiacrit irayan, "to produce," "to 
bear" (Latin gen, Greek yev), whence ^'an-»nan neuter, and jan-i-man 
masculine, ^' birth," which agrees with kitnon in root and suffix. Gcr-meny 
for gen-men, corresponds in Latin. With respect to the rejection of the 
final consonant of the root before the m of the suffix, compare the (§. 706.) 
above-mentioned Sanscrit r6-man^ "hair of the body," as "growing," for 
T^h-man ; and Latin forms Vikefulmen, iorfidg-men ; lu-meny for luc-men ; 
as well as gS-minus (see §. 478. conclusion), which is probably, in root and 
suffix, connected with ki-mon. To lu-men corresponds, in root and suffix, 
the Anglo-Saxon iSo-man (nominative ISoma), " light," for ISoh-many com- 
pare Gothic lauh-mSniy "lightning" (§. 7d3.). 

t The kindred Sanscrit root vaksh, " to grow," would^ in the middle, 
form vdkshamdna as participle present 

* This has been already explained in the above sense in my Review of 
Grimm's German Grammar ("Berlin Ann, Reg. of Lit. Criticigm," Feb.' 
1827, p. 757 ; ''FocaUsmuer p. 131). 

X The final vowel of the base word is rejected before the vowel of con- 
junction t. 


" redness," from the adjective base rdtOf as a very remark- 
able analogous form. The Latin uses for this object the 
suffix mdniu, or feminine mdnia (see §. 797. conclusion), ex- 
tended from mdru 

800. In Lithuanian the suffix spoken of appears in the 
form men, nominative mu; and thus, from a Lithuanian 
point of view, the obscure piemen, nominative piemu, "shep- 
herd's boy,'^ corresponds to the Greek iroifxev, irot/i^v (see 
§. 797.) ; and akmen, — mS, " stone," to the Sanscrit, also ob- 
scure, dsman, — m4. From a Lithuanian point of view, the 
bases aug-men, zel-men, "sprout," "shoot," as "growing," 
(augu and zelu,"! grow"); yos-men, "apron-string," "girdle" 
{yds-mU "I have a girdle on;" ap^-yos-mi, "I gird myself"); 
sto-men, "stature" (stowyti, " I stand," compare Sanscrit sthhr 
man, " strength, from sthd, " to stand"), are quite intelligible. 
Semenys, " linseed," properly only " seed " {»eyth " I sow," 
future se-su), is a nominative plural, as akmeny-s, " stones," 
from the extended base akmeni,* and leads us to expect a 
singular semu ; and therefore corresponds to the Old High 
German base sA-mon (§. 799.), and to the Latin se-men. 
The Old Sclavonic presents a few masculine bases in men, 
which, in the nominative, contrast M'bi my with the Lithua- 
nian mu and Sanscrit md (see §. 260. at the end, and 
p. 348), but prefer, however, the form meny, from the pro- 
longed base meni (Dobrowsky, pp. 287 and 289, under EMb 
eny). From a Sclavonic point of view, however, only ph- 
men (nominative plamy, or plameny, " flame,", as " burning," 

* The suffix men forms the entire plnral, with the exception of the 
genitive (akmen-'d, '^/aj9t£ftim"=s Sanscrit ahnan-dm), from the extended 
ment In some cases of the singular the suffix is extended by the addi- 
tion of ia ; thus, in the genitive, akmenio (like toilko^ §. 169.), together 
with the organic dkmens; instrumental akmeniu (like wWcu), together 
with akmeni-mi; accusative dhmeni-n; locative akmemye^ according to 
the analogy of awiye, from the base atoi, "a sheep." 



is etymologically intelligible (oaAh^thCa jylanunii-sati, 
''comburir oaahth pal-i-ti, " urere^ &e. ; see Miklos. 
p. 62) ; RAMEN kamen, " stone " (nominative kamy, or kameny) 
answers to the Lithuanian akmen, akmu, and Sanscrit ai- 

man, &imd. 

801. To the Sanscrit neuter bases in tnan (nominative 
ma, see §. 139.), mentioned at §. 796., correspond the Latin 
in min (men in the cases having no termination beyond the 
base), the Greek in fiar, for /uav (see §. 497), and the Gothic 
and Sclavonic in man, men men. The Latin and Greek 
formations which come under this class liave, like their 
Sanscrit sister forms, either a passive signification, which, 
indeed, is generally the case ; as praefamen, stramen, shien, 
agmen, segmen, germen* irpayfjior, Troirjfxar, pijfiar, aKoxMTfiaT, 
ypa^fJLOT, y\vfifxaT, SofiaT, fipu^nuT ; or an active significa- 
tion, as flumen, lumen, (from lucmen), fulmen (from fulgmen). 
tegmen, teg'i-men,\ teg-Vr-men, reg-i-men (" helm,'^ as " guid- 

* Germen^ from genmen^ is founded on the fireqncnt interchange of 
liquids (§. 20.). 

t The t of trg-i'tnen^ reg-i-meny is identical with the class-vowel of the 
third conjugation, and leads us, therefore, to the Sanscrit a of the iirst 
and sixth class, which in Latin has been weakened to t or u (veli-i-muSf 
veh-unty sec §. 507.) : this is clear from the long t of the fourth conjugation 
(mol-i-menj fiiic-Umeny as mol't-miniy Julc-i-mini), and the d of the first 
(certdmen^ Itvdmen, &c.). Forms like agmeiiy fragment tegitien^ on the 
contrary, belong to tliat period of Sanscrit which combines the suffix man^ 
without reference to the conjugation of the verb, almost invariably direct 
with the root. In tho Latin aecond conjugation we should expect ^ 
before the said suffix, and the nieiUu derived from it : for it, however, we 
find, where the suffix is not combined direct with the root, according to 
the analogy of the third conjugation, t or u; hence, sed-i-men, doc-u-7iien^ 
doc-u-mentum^ mon-i'inentumj m<m-u-metUum, In general, the Latin 6 of 
the second conjugation does not keep its place so firmly as the two other 
representatives of the Sanscrit tenth class (see p. 110) ; hence, also, doc-ui, 
doC'tum, opposed to am-d-vi^ am-d-tuniy attd-Vvi^ aud4-tum. 


*°S If icafiar, pvfiar, irvevfxar, drjfxar, ^povTfjfxaT, eifiar, eadrj- 
fiar ; or are abstracts, as solamen, certameru levamen, tentamen^ 
regimen, moltmen, j8\);/xaT, /^oijfiar, fip^rjfiar, ia^ar, x^pfxar. 
At the end of compounds, the original v of the suffix /xar, 
which is corrupted from ^av, either remains in its original 
form, or is entirely suppressed : in both cases, however, 
the a is corrupted to o (nominative masculine and feminine 
/Ltcdv) ; probably because the heavy sounds t and a are 
found, through the incumbrance of composition, less ap- 
propriate than the lighter v and o ; hence, iro\tnrpayfxov, 
ifrpayfjLov, dvou^ov, and dvai^o, ukv/xov and aKVfxo, ava>vv/xo, 
avvfavvpLo. The form vuivv/xvo is interesting, because here 
we find intact the old n of the Sanscrit ndman, Latin 
nSmen, &c., which, in i-i/o/uar, has become t, but elsewhere, 
in the compounds of this word, is suppressed : along with 
its retention, however, we find the base prolonged by o, and 
the vowel of the suffix suppressed (i/covv/xi/o, from va>i/u/xavo, 
or i/a>vu/iovo) ; in the latter respect compare the weakest 
cases of the Sanscrit n&man^ the genitive nAmn-^iSt dat. nAmn-if 
and the Gothic plural namn-a* 'AiraKafivo points to a 
lost substantive TroAa/Kar, from iraKafiav (of which, also, 
iroXa/Kvaios' is a proof),which apparently has been disused for 
TroLKififj. I would also rather regard KprjSefxvo, ** head-band," 

* In §. 235. nantSna is given incorrectly, though this form would be 
the regular one (compare hairtSna), and would correspond well to the 
Sanscrit namdn-i (from namdn-cL, see S* 234.): The form namna^ on the 
other hand, answers to the Sanscrit weakest cases^ while the nominative, 
accusative, and vocative plural of Sanscrit neuters always belong to the 
strong (see smaller ^'Sanscrit GramTnar/* §. 177. Note). It appears, 
however, that in Gothic it is necessary, for the protection of the full form 
Sna^ that it be preceded by a vowel long in itself or by position, or by 
more than one syllable ; hence augona, attsotuh bamiBna, ubil6naf but not 
namdnOf and probably, also, not vat&noy from vatariy "water," as the 
dative is vcUnaniy not vata(n)'m ; compare Grimm, I. p. 609, Gabel. and 
Lobe, p. 67. 



with respect to its eoncludiug element, as a form analogous 
to -iovvfivo (and, therefore, as a derivative from Se/xar, from 
iefuxv), than as a participle for Scfievo : on the other hand, I 
look upon Siivfivo, which Passow takes to be analogous to 
ycSvu/xi/o-f and ofnaT^afivo^, as a participle (properly, there- 
fore, " doubled *") from a reduplicated verbal base SiSv, which 
has sprung from ivo, and from which a present indicative 
SiSvfu might have been expected; thus, SlSvfivo-Sf like 
iiSoixevo-^, only with the suppression of the middle vowel of 
the sufEx, as in the Latin al-u-mnut and in the above-men- 
tioned (§. 791.) enrim-u-mne. Compare, also, the participial 
substantive bases in /xi/o, feminine /xi^a, as, ^eKefxvo, fieSt^vo, 
fiept^vOf which have been already discussed by Pott (E. I. 
11. p. 594.) under this view, and which have no corresponding 
verb, any more than the above-mentioned SiSvfivo, though 
l3€\€fxvo, just like jSeXof, is visibly connected with fidXXu. 

802. The Old Sclavonic neuter bases in men men have 
in the cases, which in Sanscrit and Gothic drop the final 
n, retained the original a with a resonant nasal ; hence, 
iiMA imarit " names '' (see §. 783. Rem. 1. conclusion), from 
the base tme?i = Sanscrit nd-maru Here belong, also, the 
bases c^men sye-tnen, "seed," as "sown" (jti/e-ya-tU "to 
sow ''^) s Latin semens Old High Grerman sdmon masculine 
(see §. 793. Note 3), nucuEN pis-men, " letter of the alpha- 
bet," as "written" {pis-a-tu "to write");* ^hamen ^- 

* I cannot refrain from drawing attention hero to the strong agreement 
between the Sclavonic root pis and the Old Persian /?icA, with the prepo- 
sition m : ni'pishy " to write down," " to describe," properly, " to hew in." 

Rawlinson (Beh. IV. 47. 48.) translates ^^ • • ^ ^ • ft • << • ^f f f- ^]y\' 
mpUhtamhy ''ariptum;'' and,lV.71., ^^-ff •K'-.^.ff .<<.(K'^). 
*"l TI • ^^pi^^iy^)^ by " inicriptiJ' I think, however^ that we must, 
with the ^ />, read also the a contained in it ; thns, niyapaUhayam : for 
whether this form be taken as a causal — thus, '* I have caused to describe '* 
— or as a verb of the tenth clasSy in both cases Guna is indispensable. 



merif " a sign," as *' making to know " (X''^a-ti " to 
know "•'), and a few words from obscure roots (Dobrowsky, 
p. 288). The Gothic furnishes besides rui'fnaih " names " 
(nominative accusative namd, see §• 141.), which, in the 
other German languages, has become masculine, only cM6^ 
matit "age,'^ if this word really be, as Gabel. and Lobe 
suppose, a neuter, which cannot be discerned from the 
but once occurring dative aldSmin (Luke i. 36). As the 
neuter abstract of an adjective it would correspond to the 
above-mentioned (§. 799. conclusion) Sanscrit neuter bases 
like krishn-i-mdn, *' blackness,'" from IcrishnA, " black ;"" 
while the there-mentioned rdta-mon, " redness,**' like namanf 
"names" (nominative namo), has perhaps first become 
neuter as it was gradually corrupted. The 6 of the 
Gothic aldd-man I take to be the lengthening of the a of 
the base alda (see §. 69.), " old," which, indeed, does not 
occur, but may be inferred from the cognate dialects (see 
Graff, I. 192). If, however, aldd-man is derived, not from 
an adjective, but from a verb, we must suppose a lost de- 
nominative aldd-m, ** I grow old " (see §. 765.) ; and aldd- 
mon would then correspond to Latin formations like certd- 
men (§. 801.). We can hardly imagine any similarity of 
formation between the above and the Old High German 
compounds alt-duom, aU-tuom (see Grimm, IL 151.). 

803. From the suflSx merij^ min^ an extended form mentu 
has proceeded in Latin {argu-mentu-m, mon-u-meniu-mt incre- 
merdu-m^ co-gno-merdu-m, sed-i-merdnr-m &c.), in which I do 
not agree with Pott {E. L IL 594.) in recognising the aflfix 
of a participial suflSx tu {tus, ta, turn), but one that is simply 
phonetic ; just as, in Gothic, the base hun-da (nominative 
hunds) stands over against the Sanscrit iun of the weakest 

The causal form of the Sanscrit pish^ Class 7, '' to beat down," " to braise,* 
whence the meaning " to engrave," " to hew in," is easily deducible 
appears to me the most probable. 


cases, and Greek kvv {kvohv, kwo^), or as, in Latin, the San- 
scrit roots tan, "to extend/' and han (from dhan), ''to 
smite/" ** to slay '' (Greek 6av), has become extended to 
tend, fend (/"= dh, 0, see §. 293.)» and, in Sanscrit itself, kan 
and chand (from kand), '* to shine,'' are originally one. A 
mute is readily attracted to the side of a nasal, and the 
former as easily annexes a vowel ; and thus, for the Latin 
extended sufiix mentu, without reference to gender, we find 
a parallel in the Old High German munda (from mandaX 
nominative mund, but only in the solitary base hliurmunda, 
nominative hliu-mund (abbreviated liu-mund, our Leumund, 
" renown "), ** fame," as " that which is heard," as in Gothic 
hUurmany " ear," as " hearing " (compare Grimm, IL p. 243). 
The Greek base eA/xivd, " worm," as " winding itself," has 
added to the suffix /luv, mentioned above (§. 796.), only 
a 0, but in this respect stands as isolated as, in Old High 
German, the just mentioned hliu-munda. The form eXfuyy 
(eKfjuyye^) exhibits, instead of the T-sound, a guttural, and 
thus reminds us of the relation of our yung, "young" 
(Gothic Vugg-s, theme yugga = yunga), to the Sanscrit yuvan, 
in the weakest cases yun (genitive yun-as), and Latin j'are- 
nis, junior. Thus the Old High Grerman suffix tin^a (our 
ung) of abstract substantives, as in ar-find-unga, "inven- 
tion," warn-ungch "warning," may be identical with the 
Sanscrit feminine form of the suffix ana (and) ; so that the 
first a has become weakened to u, as in the polysyllabic 
forms of the preterite, as bunti, " thou didst bind," com- 
pared with the monosyllabic bant, " I bound," " be bound." 
In the same way our root sang, "to sing," (Old High 
Grerman singu, "sang," second person sungi), may be com- 
pared with the Sanscrit root svan, " to sound " (compare 
Grafi; VL p, 247). 

804. I think I discover the origin of the medio-passivc 
participial suffix mAna, and of the cognate nominal suffix 
man, in the combination of two demonstrative bases ma 


and na (see §§. 368. 369.) ; the vowel, therefore, being 
lengthened in mdnot and in the strong cases of man, and 
the final vowel in the last-mentioned form being sup- 
pressed. We must here observe that na readily combines 
with other pronominal bases, and then always takes the 
last place ; hence Vtf amh ^^ ina, in Greek Keivost and in 
Old Prussian tor-ns, for ta-na-Sf " he," * opposed to the Li- 
thuanian simple ta-s, "the." If the medial relation be 
really expressed formally in the suflSx mdna, /xevo, in that 
case the final element must express the nominative rela- 
tion, or that relation which, from time to time, belongs to 
the position of the participle ; and the unchangeable md, /txe, 
the dative or accusative {jsibU se) ; so that, therefore, tf nch 
vOf denote the person acting, and «n tnd, fie, the person 
acted upon, which, however, in the middle, are one and the 
same. The suflSxes of participles, as in general those of 
adjectives and substantives, represent the personal termi- 
nations of verbs, ue. those of the third person ; and I thus 
consider the t of the participle present and future active 
as identical with the termination of the third person, and, 
like the latter, a derivative from the pronominal base ta, 
the vowel of which, in the participial suffix, is dropped. 
The n of the active participial suffix probably serves only 
for the phonetic intensification and more emphatic desig- 
nation of the agent ; while, in the third person plural, plu- 
rality is symbolically denoted by the same nasalization 
(see §. 536.) : hence the coincidence of bh&rard, ipepovr, ferent 
Grothic bairand^ " bearing," with bhdranti, fpepovrt, feruntt 
bairandj " they bear," 

805. We recognise the simple pronominal base ma in the 
Sanscrit suffix H ma, which in adjectives or substantives 
denotes the person or thing which completes the action 

* Feminine tanna^ with the favourite repetition of the liquid. 


expressed by the root, or on whom that action is accom- 
plished. Abstracts, also, are formed by this suflSx, which, 
however, is seldom adopted in that state of the language 
which has descended to us ; while the corresponding suffixes 
of the Lithuanian and Greek (ma, fto) are of very frequent 
use. The following are examples in Sanscrit : mJErmd-m, 
"goW as "glittering" (ruch, from ruk, "to shine''); yug- 
md-m, " pair,'' as " bound together;" tigmd, adjective (-md-s, 
mA, md'm)f "sharp" (*' sharpened"), "hot" (root tij, from 
tig, " to sharpen"), substantive neuter (figmd-m) " heat ;" 
hhtmd, "fearful" ("feared," root bht "to fear"); dhumds, 
"smoke," as "being moved" (root dhu, "to move"); 
yudli-md'Sy "combatant," "contest," "arrow" (yudh, "to 
fight"); gharmd'Sf "heat," apparently as "moistening," by 
sweat (root ghar, ghri, "to sprinkle"); ishmd-s, "tone" 
(root ish, "to wish"); idhmd-s, "wood," as " being burned" 
(root idh, "to burn"). To the latter corresponds the Zend 
As^jjMAs aisma (nominative md). Remark the agreement 
of the above-mentioned Sanscrit words in the accentuation 
of the suffix with Greek formations like OToAfto-y, iroA/io-f, 
Kopfio-^, dSvpfio-s, KOfifjiS-s, TptfJifio-s, ^\oY/xo-ff, dyfxo-s, pvfxo-^, 
5^u/ia-^, *c\ai;-d-/xo-s', ^vKij-0-fx6^s, In Sanscrit, also, there are 
a few words formed with ma, which, like ttot/xo-^, ot/xo-^,* 
&v€fio-£, oX/Lco-$>, and some others of obscure origin in Greek 
(Buttmann, II. p. 315), have the accent on the radical sylla- 
ble. Here belong, for example, bhdmor-s, "the sun," as 
" giving light," hishma-m, " fever," as " drying." To the 
masculine nominatives in mas correspond nimierous Li- 
thuanian abstracts in i-mors, or, with m doubled, t-m7wa-»,f 

♦ ol is the Gnna form of the root t, "to go** (compare §. 609). Thus, 
in Sanscrit, vdriman^ " way," firom varty vriU " to go." 

t With regard to the doubling of the m, compare the doubling of 
liquids so common in Old Prussian. I believe I have discovered it to be 
a fixed law in Lithuanian, that the doubling of the m in the said sufHx is 



the i of which, as in Sanscrit forms like jdn-i-man, " birth '' 
(see §. 795.), is only a vowel of conjunction. The following 
are examples: gimfn-i-mfna'Sf '* birth f^ ey-i-mma-s, " going ^^ 
(ei-mit " I go f' ey-cai, " I went "); pa-gadinn-i-ma'S, " ruin " 
(pa-^adinut "1 mar^'). In this manner, in Lithuanian, 
abstract substantives are formed from adjective bases also, 
in which formation a final a of the adjective base is weak- 
ened to Uf while bases in u have their vowel unchanged. 
The following are examples : gudu-minO'Sf " avarice/' from 
gudu-s, "avaricious T' gra-zu-mma^s, " beauty," from graHi'St 
"beautiful;'' darku-mnas, "ugliness," from darku-s, 
"ugly;" drasu-mna-s, "boldness," from drasu-s, "bold" 
(compare Greek dpacvs, Bapav^, Sanscrit dharsh, dhrish, 
"to dare"); rietu-mna-s, "hardness," from rieta-s, "hard;" 
auksztu-mma'S " height " from aukszta-s " high ;" ilgu-mmc^s 
"length," from ilgUs (for ilgia-s, see §. 135.), "long."* 

806. The Latin has but a few words in mu-s, and those 
of obscure origin and etymology, to offer in comparison 
with the Indo-Lithuanian in mas and Greek in /xo-; ; as, 
an-i-^fnus, which, like the Greek dv-e-fio-g, has originated 
from the Sanscrit root an, " to breathe," " to blow " (see 
109^ 2.); fu-mus^dvixos, Sanscrit dhu-mds, "smoke" (root 
dhth dv, see §. 293.) ; perhaps pd-munm, " apple," as " nou- 
rishing," or "being tasted" (Sanscrit pd, "to support," 
and " to drink," compare pa-bulum, por-scot pd-vi, pd-tus, pd- 

only then permitted or required when, ezclasive of prefixes in combina- 
tion with the verb, the verbal base is monosyllabic. If, however, it be 
polysyllabic, the m is not doubled; hence, indeed, ^'mm-t.mi7ia-«, ''birth," 
and also uz-gimm-i-mma-s^ idem. ; su-gruw-i-mma'S^ '' circumstance " 
{gruwu^ " I occur ") ; but not graudhi-i-mma'S^ " warning," but grauden- 
umas {graudanuy " I admonish"). 

* Bases in ta, nominative m, drop their t before the u of their abstracts 
which has arisen from a ; hence middu-mmas, '^ greatness, from middis^ 


tiira) ; and the adjectives for-mtts (compare ferveo, fer-men- 
ium)t fir-mus (compare for-tis, fero), al-mus. In the Ger- 
man languages, also, the formations of this class are, for 
the most part, no longer conscious of their origin : they 
occur in Grimm, 11. p. 145, where, however, the bases in 
ma and those in mi, which have both lost their final vowel 
in the nominative singular, are not distinguished. I re- 
gard the suflSx mi, which exists also in Sanscrit and in 
Greek,* as merely a weakened form of ma, as in the Greek 
pronominal base fju (accusative /x/v) = Sanscrit ma (see §. 
368.). The Gothic bag-ms, " tree " (theme bag-ma), pro- 
bably means originally " the growing " (Sanscrit barh, brih, 
"to grow"'): the adjective base ar-wia, nominative arms, 
is perhaps an abbreviation of ard-ma>, and a shoot from the 
Sanscrit root ard, " to vex,'*'* with which I would compare, 
also, the Sanscrit dr-ma (nominative masculine drma-s, 
neuter drma-m) " a malady of the eyes :" bar-mi (nominative 
barms), " lap," springs evidently from the root bar {baira, 
bar) "to carry,*" In Old High German davrm, dou-m 
(theme -ma, or -mi ?) " vapour,*" corresponds to the San- 
scrit dhur-md'S, " smoke ;"' trau-m, theme trau-ma (Old 
Saxon drd-m, dro-ma), leads us to the Sanscrit root drd "to 
sleep ;*" sau-m (theme sau-ma), '* seam," to fire siv, " to sew " 
(Old High German siwu, *' suo'"'); hel-m, "helm,*" as "co- 
vering," springs from the root hal^ " to conceal " {hilu, hal, 

807. The feminine form of the suffix, viz. md, does not 
occur in Sanscrit in substantives ; but the Greek in firj, as 
yvuiyLYj, ^vYjuYj, <myyL^, ypafifxri, correspond to it ; as do the 
Latin, like flamma, from flagma,fdma, spuma, struma, gluma 

* E,g, ^f^m dal-mi'8^ masculine, Indra's '' thunderbolt/ from dal^ 
" to cleave;" ^rfim Ihu-mis^ "earth," feminine, from hhu, "to be," "to 
become;'' bvva-iu-s, (f}rj-fU'S, Bi-iu-s (Ion. genitive Oifu-os). 


for glvbma; and the Lithuanian in ma, mif;* as waima, 
"riding;" tuzmh, "grief {titzio-s, "I grieve"); sluzmh, 
"service" (sluziu, "I serve '0;t giesmS, " song'' (giedmi, 
"I sing"); bdime, "fear" (biyau, "I fear" Sanscrit root 
bhi, " to fear," bhtrnd-s, " fearful," and nominative pre- 
terite, whence the patronymic bUdima-s, feminine bhdimt); 
drausfne,X "prohibition." To this class probably belong, 
also, the Lithuanian and Sclavonic abstracts in ba, be, ba 
ba; so that the medial stands in place of the organic 
nasal, as in dewini, AEBATb devanty, " nine " (see §. 783.) ; 
and as in Greek l^poros, )8paWj = Sanscrit mrUd-s, mridu-s. 
Thus, in Lithuanian we find the forms tuzbh, "grief," 
sluzba, " service," side by side with tuzma, sluzma, which 
have the same meaning. Garbe, " honour," " fame " (gir- 
riu, " I praise "), corresponds in its root to the Sanscrit 
gar, gri (in the Veda-dialect, " to praise "). Abstracts in 
be from adjective bases, whose final vowel has been weak- 
ened to y ( = 0> are numerous ; as, silpny-hS, " weakness," 

* itfe from mia (see p. 174, Note *). 

t Thus drutu-md^ " strength," together with drutu-masy from the ad- 
jective base druta^ "strong* 

I For draud-mi (draudziuy " I forbid"), according to the analogy of 
the infinitive draus-ti, in which the change of the d before t into s is re- 
gular (see §. 457.)- 1^ ei-s-me, " going" (ei-mi, " I go"), the s is euphonic, 
as in Greek forms like be-a-firi, dc-(r-/idr. A euphonic s of this kind some- 
times precedes the masculine suffix also, but, I imagine, only after gut- 
turals, and then the insertion of the vowel of conjunction t, mentioned at 
§.805., does not take place; hence, (f^au^r-^-mew, "joy" (d£augios, "I 
rejoice"); werk-s-mas, " weepmg;" r^-«-wia«," clamour." Hence it ap- 
pears that, in Lithuanian, ksm or gsm is a more favourite combination 
than gm^ km. Compare, in this respect, the insertions of consonants 
mentioned in §§. 96. 96., from which, however, is to be excepted the * of 
the Old High German tarst, "thou venturest," torsta^ "I ventured," as 
here the * belongs rather to the root (Sanscrit dhar$h, dJirUh, " to dare"), 
see Sanscrit Ohssary, a. 1847, p. 186. 


from siUmchs, " weak ;" byaury-bi, " ugliness," from byaurit-Sy 
" ugly/' The following are examples of Russian abstracts 
in ba : MOAbCa motybOf " begging "" (moaio molyUf ** I beg"); 
CAyA6a sluschba, "service" (cAyAy sluschu, "I serve"); 
Cinpa;k6a straschba, "watching" (cmepery steregu, ** I 
watch ") ; RAqOa aliba, " hunger '" (aAMA alcuy " I am hun- 
gry "). Perhaps, as we have seen in Gothic m take the 
place of 6 in the dative plural (see §. 215.), so we may 
assume the converse mutation of m to 6 ; and, in fact, in 
the formations in u-bni (theme u-bnya neuter, urbnyd femi- 
nine, see Grimm, II. p. 184), occasionally u-fni. If we re- 
trace the 6, which is evidently the more genuine form, to 
w, then vit-u-mni (vit-Ur-bnU ** knowledge," would resemble 
Latin formations like al-u-mnus (see §. 478. conclusion); and 
in my opinion the Gothic like the Latin u is only a class 
vowel, and therefore a weakened form of a, or, in Grimm's 
weak form of the second conjugation, of 6 ; and therefore 
vund'U'fnu feminine, " wound," is for vund-d-fni, from vufid-df 
" I wound." It deserves notice, that, together with fraist- 
u-bnit feminine, " attempt," there occurs also the (ormfraist- 
6'bni (genitive plural fraist-S-bnyd, Luke iv. 13.), evidently 
from a weak verb fraistd (compare the Old Northern /rew^w, 
" tentare^^'' see Graff, III. 830.), which cannot be cited ; for 
the strong verb fraisa gives no authority to the f, and 
would make us expect only frais-u-bnl In fast-u-^ni, 
" fasting," the u represents the a sound of the diphthong 
at of the third weak conjugation, where we must observe 
that the i element of this diphthong is dropped also before 
personal terminations beginning with nasals ; thus, as fast- 
a-nij " we fast," fast-a-nd, " they fast,'' for fast-ai-my fast- 
ai-nd, so fast-u-bni, from fast-u-mni for fast-ai-mnu 

808. In order to exhaust the presumptive cognates of 
the Sanscrit participial suffix mdnat the Latin suffix mulu 
must also be here mentioned, the I of which, perhaps, like 
that of a/iu« = Sanscrit anya-s, "the other," rests on the 


favourite interchange of the liquids (see §. 20.). We divide, 
therefore, /a-mtxZti«, properly "the making" (for /ac-tnuZM*); 
or if, as Ag. Benary conjectures, it belongs to the Sanscrit 
root bhaj " to honour," " to serve '' (compare Gothic and-bah- 
ts, " servant," " he who serves ;" sti-mvlus (for stig-mulus), 
" sting," as " sticking *' (compare, according to Vossius, 
o-T/fo), (rriyfia, See.). Compare the Irish suffix mhuil, in/a*- 
a-mhuiU "growing" (fasaim, "I gTOVf''''):i=vdksh-a-mdna'S* 
If, however, the a of fasa-mhuil is not a class vowel, as in 
fas^-mar, " we grow " = Sanscrit vdksh'd-masy but to be in- 
cluded in the suffix (to be divided, therefore, /a*-am/iutO, 
in that case the last portion of the word properly means 
" like," and is most probably an abbreviation of the adjec- 
tive samhuilyj^ which occurs uncompounded. Words like 
fear-amhuil, " manlike," can scarcely be explained otherwise 
than as compounds of fear and amhuiL The Latin suffix 
mulu might, however, be also connected with the Sanscrit 
mara; whence, admara Sindjasmara, "voracious," from act 
jas, " to eat," srimara (Wilson), according to some authori- 
ties, " a young deer," from sar, srU ** to go," This suffix, 
however, as v and m are easily interchanged, is originally 
one with the more usual vara ; whence nasvara, " transi- 
tory," from nai " to be ruined ;" bhdsvara, " shining," from 
bhds, " to shine ;" sthdvara, " standing," " immoveable," from 
sthd, "to stand." 

809. Before we pass on to the consideration of those 
participles which do not, like those already discussed, be- 
long to any tense of the indicative, and make no distinc- 
tion between active, passive, and middle, we must mention 
one other participle peculiar to Latin, viz. the participle 
future passive in nSu. I have already, in my Conjuga- 

* It being taken for granted that vaksh is used in the middle. F for 
Sanscrit v is, in the Irish dialect of the Celtic, very usual, 
t Compare the Sanscrit sama, ^Mike," Latin nmilis. 


tional System (§. 109*. i.), considered this, with regard to its 
form, as a modification of the participle present active, 
and think I must continue to support this view, though it 
may be objected that, in this manner, the passive and fu- 
ture signification of the said participle will have no foun- 
dation as respects form. But words seldom express in 
form those relations, to denote which they are destined by 
the use of language ; and grammatical forms often change 
their original meaning, as, in Persian, the forms in tdr or 
ddr (faref'idr, " deceptor,"' dd-ddr "dator,"*), which are 
based on the Sanscrit nouns of agency in tdr, Greek in 
Ttjpf and Latin in tor, tdr-is, are used, contrary to their 
original intention, with a passive meaning ; also, gt-rif-tdr, 
" captu^f captivusy prcBda f res-tdr, ** liberatus ;" kush-tdr, 
"occi««;" yyf'tdr, " sermo'"' (see Vuller's Imt. L. Pers. 
p. 166) ; while conversely the participles in tah or dah, which 
are based on the Sanscrit passive participles in ta, have 
generally an active signification, and retain their original 
passive meaning almost only when in combination with the 
auxiliary verb shudan (** to be *'); hence burdah, " qui tulit " 
= Sanscrit britd-s (from bharta-s), **latus;'*'' but bvrdah mfsha- 
vam, "ferorr properly " lotus fio.^'' The Latin ferendus ap- 
proaches very closely the Persian present participle barin- 
dah, "bearing;'' and, like the latter, has weakened the 
original tenuis {pifereni) to a medial, and extended the base 
by the addition of a vowel, both which changes take place 
also in Prakrit and Pali (see p. 30l)f . This opinion that 

* The choice of ^ or / in the suffix depends on the preceding letter. 
Compare §. 01. conclusion. ^ 

t The Sanscrit also has a few words which, in their origin, are evi- 
dently present participles, but have added to the nt also an a, or have 
preserved the a of the base ta (see §.804.). They accent the suffix; 
hence, bhdsantd-s, " sun," as " lighting," opposed to bhasant (see §. 785.) ; 
rohantd-s, "a certain tree," as "grovring,** opposed to rohant; gada- 

yantd «, 




the future passive participles have proceeded from the 
active present participles is confirmed by the circumstance, 
that the class peculiarities, which do not extend over the 
present and imperfect, and the forms which spring from 
the present, are preserved in the form in ndu ; e. g. the n of 
sterno (see §. 496.), the t of pecfo, pkcto, the reduplication of 
gigno (gerir-ui, gen-i-tum) ; the gerunds also, which are in 
form identical with the future passive participle, point to 
an original active and present signification of the participial 
form ; docendU ** of teaching,"' docendo, ** by teaching, 
speak for the signification " teaching," which " docendus 
must originally have had ; for such abstract substantives, 
especially those which, like the Latin gerunds, express only 
the exercise of an action, spring naturally from active 
present participles ; as abundantia from abundant, procidentia 
from provident, and not from passive participles. Partici- 
ples in ttmij when they form abstracts, or rather raise their 
feminine form to an abstract, abandon their future mean- 
ing, and then pass as present participles or nouns of agency ; 
thus, rupiura, ** tearing," as the personification of " to tear,'" 
properly "the person who tears ;" yanc^uro, "joining;" 
mistura, "mingling;" genitura, "producing;" "having." 
It must be noticed that in Grothic, also, from adjectives 
spring feminine forms which are used as abstracts, as 
mikileif *' greatness " (theme mikilein), from the adjective 
base mikih^ to which it bears the same relation that, in 
Sanscrit, sandaru '* pulchra " does to the masculine neuter 
base >sRj^ sundara (see §. 120.) ; so, among others, also 
manageU " a multitude," from manag(a)8, " many ;" nuJcei, 

ydnta-Sy "cloud," as "making to flow," opposed to gadaydnt^ from gad^ 
" to flow," in the causal. So in Latin unguentum^ if it be not an extended 
form of ^^unguen" (compare §. 803.), and perhaps argentum, "silver," as 
"shining" (Sanscrit raja-td^m), apparently from rdj^ "to shine," witli 
the vowel shortened. 


" sickness,'' from «uJfc(a)-5 " sick," (see Grimm, I. p. 608). 
In Greek, too, there are a few adjectives, the feminines of 
which represent abstracts ; in such a manner, however, as 
that the latter is distinguished from the feminine adjective 
by throwing back the accent, in agreement with what has 
been before remarked on similar phscnomena in Sanscrit ; 
hence, depfirj, " heat," K&Krj, " wickedness," opposed to depfu]^ 
KaKYj ; as above, y&kas, ** fame," opposed to yaias, '* fiEimous " 
(see §. 785. Remark) ; jdnimaru " birth," mdrinian, ** death," 
opposed to words like sarimdn, " wind," as " blowing " (§. 
547.). But to return to the Latin participles in ndu, secunduSf 
** the following one," has correctly retained the original 
design of the suffix ; and the conjecture, therefore, that it 
is a contraction of sequebundus is unnecessary : yet, in my 
opinion, words in bundus in so far belong to this class, as 
most probably the verb substantive is contained in them 
in the same way as we have recognised it in the imper- 
fects and futures in 6am, bo (see §§. 526. 663.). When, how- 
ever, Voss derives the forms bundu from the imperfect, 
as, errabundus from errabam, vagabundits from vayabar, 
gemebundus from gemebajn, he appears to be in error, as this 
derivation is not supported by the sense ; as gemebundus 
signifies, not " qui^emebat,'*^ but " gemens.'*'' I allow, there- 
fore, between gemebam and gemebundus only a sisterly re- 
lation, and take bundus rather as the participle present of 
the root fu,* with the extension of the suffix nt to nduf as 
in the future passive participle under discussion. In Per- 
sian the participle present of the root but " to be," would 
probably be bavandah (for bu^andah, compare bavam, " I 
may be ") ; and in Sanscrit from bhu really comes bhdvant, 
"being" (base of the strong cases), to which the Latin 
bundu, exclusive of the suffix ti, has nearly the same rela- 

* Regarding b fory, see ^^ 18. 526. 


tion as bam {ama-bam) has to d-bhavam. The first u of 
bundu I take to be not the radical vowel otfu, but the cor- 
ruption of an original a» as in the third person plural (veh- 
M-n< = Sanscrit v&h-oHidt). As a proof that the forms in 
bunctu-s are, in their origin, participles, may be adduced 
also the circumstance that they occasionally govern the 
accusative ; thus, in Livy, vitabundus castra, mirabundus 
vanam spectem. But should these forms originally belong 
to a tense other than the present, we might recognise in 
them obsolete future participles, and assume that the use 
of the participle in turus has caused them to be less freely 
employed, given room for their being dispensed with, and 
changed their signification. An especial corroboration of 
this view is to be found in the fact that the majority of 
forms in bundua belong to the first conjugation, and that 
in old Latinity futures in bo occur also in the third and 
fourth conjugation, a form which may originally have be- 
longed to all classes of verbs ; as, as has been shewn, forms 
like legam and audiam are nothing but present tenses of 
the subjunctive mood, and used as a compensation for the 
lost futures (see §. 692.). We should consequently regard 
lascivibundus and sUibundus as analogous forms of old futures 
like scibo, dormibo, only with the vowel shortened, as before 
the suffix bundu'Sj with the exception of the d of the first 
conjugation, only short vowels are found, and, therefore, 
we have gemebundtis^ fremebunduSf opposed to dic&x), and 
pudibundus opposed to pvd&nt 

810. Let us now betake ourselves to the consideration 
of those participles which, without any formal designation 
of any temporal or lineal relation, have retained their desti- 
nation in this respect merely by the use of language. 
These are in Sanscrit the future participle in Mr, (ri, the 
perfect passive participle in ta or na, and the future passive 
participle in ya, tavya, and aniya. The first-mentioned 

participle, which is, at the same time, a noun of agency, has 

4 B 


been already discussed in §§. 646» 647 ; somewhat, however, 
remains still to be observed on the subject. And first 
must be noticed the coincidence in accent which exists be- 
tween the Sanscrit and Greek, since the formations in WF^ 
idr, like the Greek in rrfp, regularly accent the suffix ; thus, 
ddtdr, nominative ddtd (see §. 144.) dator and daturus, as in 
Greek dom^p ; janitdr, nominative janitd '* genitoff^ and 
'* gerdiurua'''' = y€v€Trjp. On the other hand, the suffix rop, 
which in origin and signification is identical with rtjpf and 
the long vowel of whose nominative rop, is to be regarded 
only as a compensation for the want of the case-sign, has 
lost simultaneously its organic length and its accent : it 
admits, too, of scarce any doubt, that, in Sanscrit, the 
weight of the suffix tdr is the cause of its being accented, 
according to the same principle by which, in the second 
principal conjugation, the heavy personal terminations 
assume the accent (see §. 785. Remark). The Greek forma- 
tions in Ttf'^, which in §. 145. have likewise been compared 
with the Sanscrit in tdr, have, in part, remained true to 
the old accentuation, since in forms of more than two 
syllables a vowel long in itself by position, with <r gene- 
rally, and occasionally also with #c, p, v, and \ preceding 
the suffix, serves like a dam to the accent which be- 
longs to the suffix, and prevents it from receding farther 
back ; hence, indeed, Sorijg opposed to Sor^p, ddtd; but iiayrj^ 
TrJ£, iroitpyj^^ 07\coTi7f, S/KOwm/f, iKOVTt(rrrj^, jSaoTaKT)}^, fjyop- 
fjuKTYj^, Av/xavT^j, evdvvTYJ^, TTOi/ciATjJr, KadapTTj^f opposed to 
forms like yafierrj^, yeveTrj^, vavSaKerrj^. The e of forms like 
7ev-e-Ti;r, yev'€-rrjp, 7rav5aK-e-Ti;ff, is most probably a corrup- 
tion of I ; for it corresponds to the i, which often occurs in 
Latin, and still oftener in Sanscrit, between the root and 
the suffix ; e, g. yev-e-rrjp and yeve-rrjg correspond to the 
Sanscrit ^an-i-Mr and Latin gen-i-for. 

811. In the weak cases the Sanscrit suffix idr suppresses 
its vowel, and the accent then &lls on the case terminations 


beginning with a vowel ; while before consonants the r be- 
comes ri, and the accent abides on the suffix ; hence ddtr-^, 
'* to the giver/' as in Greek yrarp'og,] TraT/t)-/, for vaTep-og, 
irarep-iy but ddtri-bhyas, " to the givers.'' The analogy of the 
weak cases is followed also by the feminine of the noun agent, 
inasmuch as before the feminine suffix i, which usually re- 
ceives the accent, the vowel of the principal suffix is sup- 
pressed ; hence ddlri, " the female giver." The Greek and 
Latin, which possess over the Sanscrit the superiority of 
retaining the vowel of the masculine suffix (rtjp, rop, t&r) 
through all the cases, follow notwithstanding the ana- 
logy of the Sanscrit in suppressing, in the feminine 
forms rpid, rpia, fri^ (see §. 119.), the vowel of the prin- 
cipal suffix, and the Greek rpiS agrees with the Sanscrit 
tri also in the retention of the accent, which the form 
Tpta (perhaps on account of its increase of syllables) 
has abandoned ; thus, Ktjarpid, oKerplSy av\ijTpiS, arffiavrplS, 
KaTsjp-plS, opxtfcrpii, (rreyaarpiSt as in Sanscrit ddtri. The 
base yaoTpi deserves especial notice, which, though also 
masculine, is properly nothing but the feminine of yatrrep, 
nominative yaarrip*, in which I think I recognise the San- 
scrit rootyo*, "to eat," whence might be expected a noun 
of agency jastSr, feminine jasin ; thus yaoTYJp, properly 
"the male eater," and yatrrpt-g (properly "the female 
eater") has indeed experienced a transposition of the accent, 
but has kept clear from the inorganic affix of a S. The 
feminine bases in ti5 seem to me, where they appear as 
nouns of agency, to be abbreviations of rpiS : they corre- 
spond, as respects the loss of the p, to their masculines in 
rrjipy^, but have throughout displaced the accent, even 
where the masculine has retained it in its original site ; 

* In shortening the vowel of the suffix, as also in declension, yatrrtp 
follows the analogy of the words denoting affinity, see §. 813. 

4 B^ 


thus, not only iicrn-y compared with iKenj-^, but also eupen-c 
opposed to evperrj'^, 

812. The words denoting aflinity in HT tdr, irU are evi- 
dently, in their origin, nouns of agency (see **Vocalismusr 
p. 182); for pit&r, weakened from patdr, and this again from 
pdldr, means properly " nourisher," or " ruler,'" from the 
root pd; and mdldr, ** mother,^' I regard as ** she that brings 
forth;"' while I dissent from the Indian Grammarians who 
derive it from mdw, "to honour," and prefer deducing it from 
the root mdt *' to measure/' which, with the preposition nisy 
" out of " (nir-wd), signifies " to make," " to produce," and 
even without a preposition is capable of this interpretation.* 
Duhitdr, "daughter," signifies properly "suckling," from 
duh, " to milk ;" ndptdr, ** grandchild," is in its final ele- 
ment essentially identical with pitdr, ** father ^' (this, how- 
ever, is perhaps opposed to my former opinion* see. p. 387, 
Notet)» here not in the sense of " father," but to be taken 
in its primitive meaning, while we regard the compound 
not as a possessive but as a determinative ; so that naptdr^ 
in opposition to pitdr, as " ruler," or " family chief," would 
signify the "not ruler," or "subject," and thus it might 
mean any member of a family but the father ; as also in 
the Veda dialect, napdtf which has preserved the original 

* I now find a strong confirmation of this opinion, which is elsewhere 
expressed {^'Vocalwnus^'* p. 182) in the V^a dialect in the First Book of 
the Rig. Veda (Hymn 61. 7.)> which has heen edited in the interim by 
Fr. Rosen^ where the genitive mdtur occurs as masculine, with the 
meaning ^^creatarU." The Old Persian furnishes the noun of agency 
frumdtdr (Jra preposition), which is connected in root and sufiix with 
mdtar, the accusative of which, framdidram, occurs repeatedly in the 
inscriptions with which w^e are acquainted, and is rendered by Lassen, 
^^ imperatarem/' I have no doubt that the above-mentioned Yedian mdtur 
has an accusative mdtdram (not mdtdram\ and that, therefore, the theme 
is properly rndtdr^ not mdtar, as the d is shortened only in words denot- 
ing affinity. 


length of the root pd^ signifies in the passages cited by Fr. 
Rosen (on the Rig. V. I. 22. 6.) " son," though in form it 
corresponds to the Latin base nep6t, as also its feminine 
napti, " daughter,*" to the Latin base nepti*. Old High Ger- 
man nifti (nominative accusativig nifl). Bhrd-tar, " brother,"" 
has clearly lost a consonant before the suffix, for there is 
no root bhrd. If, as the Indian Grammarians assume, the 
root is bhrdft "to shine," we must then observe that the 
rd^, which is probably related to it, and from which Pott 
deduces bhrd; (for abhi-rdj), signifies besides " to shine,'" also 
** to rule,"' and, therefore, " the brother "' may be so desig- 
nated as " ruler "" in the family, which, according to Indian 
manners, the eldest brother after his father"s death really 
is (see '* Vocdlismusr p. 182). But bhrd, in bhmtdr, may 
also have sprung from the root hhary bhri, " to carry,"" " to 
support,"" by the transposition and lengthening of the radi- 
cal vowel, just as in Greek from I3a\ : ^Kffaui^ fie/SXYj-Ka, 
/SA7-/UCX, &c., from -Trerss: Sanscrit pat, "to fell,"" "to fly"" 
(TTiVra) from frnrero)) : tttco and tttyj (Trrcicriy, Trrco/xa, irrrjo'ig), 
and in Sanscrit from marif " to think,"' mnd, " to mention,"" 

* This feminiue form leads to the conjectorc that the masculine napdt 
in the weakest cases (see §. 130.) rejects its d ; that, therefore, the geni- 
tive would be napt'OS, for napdt-€U, since feminine bases in ( generally 
follow the analogy of the weakest cases ; as, rupi.i^ ^* a queen," follows 
that of rafnSy to the king," rajn-as, " of the king," &c. Before termina- 
tions beginning with a consonant, where napt would be impossible, 1 
should expect napdt; thus, napad-bhyas, "to" and "from the sons," If 
such forms were coniirroed, I still could not assent to Benfey s (Glossary 
to the Sama Veda, p. 106) conjecture, that d in napdt, as also the 6 of 
forms like datSr-iSy &c., is a lengthening that originally belongs only to 
the strong cases, which, in Latin {nep6t)^ has entered into all cases. It is 
more natural to suppose the theme of the Sanscrit strong cases to he the 
original one, and therefore, also, in the classical languages, for the most 
part, carried through all the cases, as is the case in the example hefore us 
with the suffix t6r, rrjp^ contrasted with the Sanscrit strong /^ir (shortened 
in the vocative to tar) and with the participle present in nt. 


which is regarded by the Indian Grammarians as a dis- 
tinct root. If, as now appears to me more probable, this 
is the derivation of bhrd-idr, viz. from bhar, in that case the 
" brother " is properly *' the supporter," as the stay of the 
mother, sisters, and younger brothers after the father s 
death.* So the husband, also, in relation to the wife, who 
is termed bhdryd {" the female to be supported, to be 
cherished ''), is '' the supporter," and as such is called bhar- 
tdtf nominative bharid ; a word, the creation of which still 
lies within the clear recollection of the language, and 
which, therefore, in departure from its supposed cognate 
bhrdlar, follows the ordinary declension. The appellation 
of "sister," in Sanscrit svdsdr, has still preserved the long 
vowel in the strong cases, but has, on that account, like 
the Latin sordr from sod&r, lost a t, which has remained 
in the Grerman and Sclavonic languages (Gothic svistar, 
English '' sister," Old Sclavonic sestra), and in the Lithua- 
nian sesser (nominative sessih genitive sesser-Sf see §. 144.), 
has assimilated itself to the preceding s. Svd's(l)dr is 
properly **the wife belonging" (regarding the pronoun 
svQf see §. 341.), and is, in its final element, akin to strt, 
" woman," which Pott is undoubtedly right in deducing 
from the root su, m ** to bear a child" (E. I. I. p. 126) ; so 
that, like fe-mina (see §. 478. conclusion), it originally sig- 
nifies " the parturient," and is a regular feminine noun of 
agency up to the loss of the radical vowel. 

813. The shortening of d to a, which most words de- 
noting affinity have experienced in Sanscrit and Zend in 
the strong cases, appears to have existed so early as the 
time of the unity of language, as it is scarcely fortuitous 
that pitdram, pUar-4u (Veda -rd), pitdraSf stand in the same 

* So in a passage of SdvitH (p. 16 of my translation of " The Deluge'*) : 
^' When the husband (of the mother) is dead, that son is culpable who is 
not the protector of his mother." 


relation to ddtdram, ddtdrdu {-rdj, ddtdras, as, in Greek, 
iraTepa, irarepe, Trarepe^, to SoTfjpa, SoT^pe, SoTtjpe^, par- 
ticularly as the Latin makes a distinction between the 
declension of words like pater, patris, and such as dator, 

814. In the Veda dialect, formations in Mr, tri, occur 
also in the sense of the participle present or future go- 
verning the accusative ; and in this case the accent inva- 
riably is thrown back from the suffix to the radical syl- 
lable ; hence ddtdr, " giving,'" opposed to ddtdr, " giver ;'' 
pdtdr, "drinking,'' opposed to pdtdr, "drinker" (Latin pd- 
tdr-) ; hdntdr, " smiting," " slaying," opposed to haritdr, 
" smiter," " slayer ;" dstdr, *' casting," opposed to astdr, 
'* caster." These participles serve principally to represent 
the present indicative ; so that, as in the participial future 
of the classic Sanscrit, the verb substantive is either to be 
supplied or is formally expressed. The former is the case 
if the participle refers to the third person ; the latter if 
the first or second person is the subject The forms of 
this kind which occur in the Sama Veda are all in the 
masculine singular nominative ; and it is matter for future 
investigation, whether the feminine also occurs in con- 
structions of this kind, or whether, as in the participial 
future of the classic Sanscrit, the nominative masculine 
represents the other genders. I annex a few examples 
from Benfey's edition of the hymns of the Sama Veda : 
Hdntd yd vritrdn s&nitijtd {-td vi6) vdjan ddtd maghdni, "who 
(Indra) striking (cleaving) is the cloud, and distributing is 

* That in Zend, also, the form in tar occurs in the sense of a participle 
preseift, and governing the accusative, is proved by a passage in the be- 
ginning of the Ist Farg. of the Vendidad (V. S. p. 498), where ^g^(5^J^ 
bactem is governed by ^7oa^ ddthrdy " to the giving " (genitive in the 
sense of dative, as is frequently the case in Sanscrit): neniak et£ ddtfiro 
Imcteniy " worship to thee the giver of happiness (riches)." 


food, giving is riches '' = ** who strikes,'" &e. (I. 4. 1. 6. 4.); 
yd ddfiiyd iaiamdndya mmvaii ddtd jariird (euphonic for 
• . . . trS) vkthydm, " who is giving that which is com- 
mendable to the praise singer, who slays with care, and 
expresses the juice of the (Soma)"" (II. 1. 1. 14. 2.) ; tvdshtd 
nd ddivyan vdchat parfdnyd brdhvMn<updtiK, " Parjanyas 
Brahm is creating for us godlike speech ""* (1.4. 1. 1.7.); 
dstd Vi idtravS vadhdnh *' thou art hurling death at the foe"' 
(II. 9. 1. 13. a). I take pdtd as a future participle in the 
following passage: pitd vritrahd stddm d ghd gamait ** po^ 
tuTUS VrUri occisor sdnuB succum odeaV^ (II. 8. 2. 1. 3.).'}' 
As regards the cause of the retrogression of the accent in 
these expressions, I have no doubt that the aim which the 
language has in view is most emphatically to express, by 
the accentuation, the energy of the action, which, in the 
case where the form in f dr as a participle governs the ac- 
cusative, appears in its fiill force ; and I am of this opi- 
nion, as, as has already been remarked (see §. 785. Remark, 
at the beginning), the accenting the initial syllable of a 
word in Sanscrit is the most emphatic. 

* Tvdsktdr is paroxyton also as a noun of agency. 

t According to Benfey's translation; "let the Vritra-slayer drink the 
juice," &c., pdtd would=pdtd tydt, " bibens sU.** I doubt, however, that 
these participles can, without an auxiliary verb, represent the potential or 
imperative ; for the indicative only of the verb substantive is, in Sanscrit, 
very frequently omitted, as being by the sense itself understood. The en- 
clitic ghd (fur gha), which stands in the text in the common dialect ha^ 
which, as well as hd^ occurs in the Vedas, and attaches itself to pronouns 
especially (see F. Windischmann's Sankara, p. 73 ; and Benfey's Glossary 
to the S&ma Veda, p. 206), gives me occasion to remark, that I now, in de- 
parture from my former explanation (§. 175.)> regard the Gothic Af, and 
our ch in mi~k, thu-ky si-ky mi-ch, di^h, si-ch, as well as the Old High 
German h in unsi-h^ Vf^^i iwi-h, v/xar, as a particle which has grown up 
with the base, and as identical with the Sanscrit ha, gha^ and Greek yc 
(Dor. Mo\. ya), and therefore dich as^sSanscrit ivdh-ha, Greek <r<yf) ^y 
in a phonetic point of view, Mi^ Gothic ik=aham, cy». 


815. As to the origin of the suffix Mr, it may be re- 
garded as springing from the verbal root iar (w ^fi).* This 
root properly signifies " to overstep/' ** to transgress,**' but 
also "to accomplish,"' "to fulfil;" e.g. pratijndmf "a pro- 
mise." And it must be observed that several verbs of mo- 
tion express also " to transact," " to do ;" as, char signifies 
(1) " to go," (2) " to pass through," (3) " to do," " to prac- 
tise," " to arrange." Thus, ddtdrt ** datoTt dans, daturus,^'' 
may be taken as " the accomplisher," the " exerciser of 
giving," or, also, if we keep to the primitive signification 
of the root, as, " the man who passes through the action 
of giving;" as, pdragth properly "going to the farther 
shore," is used in the sense of " perusing." The verbal 
roots, therefore, in combination with the suffix i&r, are to 
be taken as abstract substantives, which cannot surprise 
us, as some of them appear as such without any annexa- 
tion of a formative suffix ; as, bhi, " fear," from bhi, " to 
fear f hri, " shame,'' from An", " to fear ;" yudK " strife," 
from yudhy " to strive." It may be requisite here to ob- 
serve, that in Latin several formative suffixes beginning 
with c can be traced back to the Sanscrit root kar, kri 
(with which creo is connected). Thus, for example, cri for 
ceri — nominative masculine cer, feminine cri-s — and era in 
volucer, " flying," properly " fulfilling the action of flying ;" 
ludicer, ludicru-Sf "sport," "pleasure," "causing enjoyment;" 
involucre, " that which envelopes or serves thereto ;" lava- 
crunnif " that which makes to bathe," ** to bathe ;" ambuUi' 
cru-m, " that which makes to walk out, gives occasion 
thereto," hence " promenade ;" sepul-cru-tn, " that which 
makes to inter," " a grave ;" lu-cru-m, " that which causes 
to pay," " gain ;" fut'cru-m, for fidc'cru-m, ** that which 
makes to support," " a support." As r and I are easily 

^ Compare Benfey, ^^ Greek Etymology j*' II. p. 2.57. 


interchanged, I have no hesitation in referring to this class 
also the suffix culu, and comparing it with the Sanscrit 
kara, " making ;" * thus, ridicU'lu'S, properly " making to 
laugh ;" pia-culu-m, " that which makes to atone ;" speda- 
culu-m, " that which makes to see,'' " gives to see ;" vehi- 
culu-m, " that which makes to ride ;" pd-cutu-m, " that which, 
makes to drink f' mira-culu-m, " that which makes to won- 
der ;" ba-culu'S, ** that which makes to go '' (fiifirjfu, ^l^^vj. 
816. From tdr springs, in Sanscrit, hy the affix of an a, 
and with the suppression of its own vowel, as in the weak 
cases, and hefore the feminine character i, the neuter suffix 
tra, and thence the feminine trd. The neuter form is prin-^ 
cipally used, and, like the feminine trd, of rare occurrence, 
forms substantives which express instruments, which are, 
as it were, the inanimate accomplishers of an action. They 
Gunise the radical vowel, and, for the most part, in accord- 
ance with the Greek analogous forms in rpo, Opo, rpa, Bpa^f 
accent the first syllable of the word. The following are 
examples : ne'tra-mf ** an eye," as " conducting,'' or " in- 
strument of conducting" (root ni); sri-ira-niy "ear" (root 
sru, "to hear"); gd-tra-m, "limb" (root gd, "to go'O; 
vds-tra-in, "garment" (root vas, "to put on"); sas-tra-m, 
"arrow" (root sas, "to slay"); yik-ira-m, "band" (root 
yuj, " to bind ") ; d&mhtrd, " tooth " (root dahi " to 

* At the end of compounds bhds'karas, ''making brilliance," "the 
sun;" bha-yan-hara-s^ "making fear," "formidable." 

t It is a question whether the 6 of 6po^ Opa, is produced by the in- 
fluence of the p, in analogy with the law of sounds in force in Zend (see 
§. 47. )> or whether independently of the p a change or weakening of the 
tenuis to the aspirate has taken place, as has become the rule in Ger. 
manic languages (see §. 87.)« The latter appears to me more probable, as 
the combination rp is very usual ; but 6 for an original r occurs also 
before vowels, as in the suffix dcK=Sanscrit tas, Latin tus (§. 421.), and 
in the personal terminations of the middle and passive which begin with 
aB (see §. 474.). 


bite"); ydtrd, feminine, "provisions" (root yd, **to go"). 
So in Greek, viirrpo-v, TrhSjKrpO'V, fioucrpo-v, \eKrpo'V (" bed," as 
•' means of lying"), ^icrpo-v ("stick," as " means for going"), 
fco-cr-TjOo-i/, apoTpO'V, OeKytjTpo-v, ^iXj/t/oo-v, eKyrpo^v, O^pa- 
rpo-v, apdpo-v, ^aBpo'V, T^i^tfipO'V, fidtcrpa, m-a-rpa, kolKutt" 
Tpa, fiadpa, Kpefiadpau The suffix in the class of words under 
discussion is, in Sanscrit, seldom accented, and still more 
rarely in Greek : the most common Sanscrit word of this 
kind is vaklrd-m, " mouth," as " speaking,'" or " instrument 
of speaking ;" so 'paktrd-m, " holy fire," properly " that 
which cooks" (root pack from pah) ; dhartrd-m, " house," 
as " holding," " receiving" (root dhar, dhri) ; vUrd-m, " a 
reed," as " moving itself" (root vi). In Greek, Koxnpo-v 
and Satrpo-v belong to this head. The latter, by its pas- 
sive signification, corresponds (" the distributed") to the 
Vedian ddtrdnif " gift," as " that which has been given," or 
" is to be given." * As respects its base syllable, how- 
ever, iairpov (SouiS) belongs to the Sanscrit root dS = dd, 
" to cut ofi*," whence ddlra-m, ** a sickle." As the suffix 
idr, in Sanscrit, is occasionally preceded by an i as conjunc- 
tive vowel, so also is tra, and then either the conjunctive 
vowel or the base syllable is accented : the former in khan- 
{'tra-m, "a spade" (khan, "to dig"), the latter in vdd-i- 
tra-m, " a musical instrument," properly " that which 
causes to speak or utter a sound" (root vad, "to speak," 
in the causal) ; gdr'i-4ra^, " rice," properly " that which 
causes to eat," " nourishes" (root gar, gri, " deglutire,''' in 
the causal). As we have above (§. 810.) compared the 
Greek e of forms like yev-e-Tfjp with the Sanscrit^Latin 
vowel of conjunction i of the corresponding jan-i-tdr, gen-i- 
tSr, so may also the e of ^ep-e-r/oo-i/ be taken as the cor- 

* Benfey quotes in his Glossary to the S&ma Veda, p. 88, the follow- 
ing passage of the Rig. Veda : (Ui bhdgS dsi ddtrdsya ddtd^ '^ thou art the 
Lord : thou art the distributor of alms." 


ruption of i* and the said word be contrasted with Sanscrit 
formations like khan-t-tra-m and yddr-i-tra-m. It may, how- 
ever, be the case, that the e of ^e/o-e-r/oov is identical with 
the class-vowel e of ^€/>-e-Te, ^ep-e-rov^ &c. ; then <f^f>-€rnrpov 
would correspond to Sanscrit formations like pdl-a-tram, 
"wing,'' as "instrument of flying;'' vddh-artra-m, "weapon," 
as "slaying;" krint-artror-m, "plough," as "cleaver" (root 
krU from kart, in the special tenses krintf compare Keipta) : 
for which, indeed, the Grammarians assume a suffix aira, 
the a of which, however, appears to me identical with the 
inserted vowel of the first and sixth class ; thus, pdt-ar4ra-m, 
like pdt-cL-ti, " he flies ;" krird-a-trorfih like krird-^-tU " he 
cleaves."* Thus in Greek the i; of forms like <l>i?af-Tpo-v and 
Kopfj-dpo-v evidently belongs to the verbal base, and is iden- 
tical with that of ^iXt^-o-co, Koprj-ana, The same is the case 
with the d and 6 of the corresponding class of words in 
Latin ar&-iru-my fulgi-iru-mi fulgA-tra, verS^tru-nit where it 
must be observed, that, according to §. 109\ 6., the 6 of the 
first as well as the 6 of the second conjugation are identical 
in their origin with the fj of the above-mentioned Greek 
forms. As, however, the 6 of the second conjugation is 
less permanent than the d of the first and the i of the 
fourth (see §. 801. Note), we cannot be surprised to find, 
not mvIgS'traf miUgi'trunh but mtdc-tra, mtdc-4rvr-m ; not 
moni-tru-m, but mon-S'trum. The s of monstrum corre- 
sponds to the euphonic s mentioned in §.95. A similar 
one is also to be found in lu-s-trum and fius-trum* Vi-trum, 
** glass," as it were, " instrument of seeing," or " making 
to see," has lost the d of the root We should have ex- 
pected vis-trum (see §. 101.) according to the analogy of 
ras^trunif ros-trum, claus-irumt cas-iram. In the third con- 

* The Indian Grammarians include the i of the above-mentioned words 
in itra in the suffix. 


jugation, the class syllable of which has, from the time of 
the unity of language, as a rule not extended itself beyond 
the present, with its derivatives, and the imperfect, the 
suffix is joined, for the most part, direct to the root, e.g, 
rurtrumf spec-irum. In the fourth conjugation we should 
expect i-trumf in accordance with d-trum in the first, and 
i'trum in the second ; but hauS'trum, from kauris, is in 
conformity to the other anomalies of this verb. 

817. The Zend has, according to §. 47., changed the t of 
the suffix ira into th, but leaves it unaltered after sibilants, 
which, in general, do not admit of th after them ; hence 
As?<^AM^iAsjCl^ yaoschddthraf " means of purification " (V. S. 
p. 263), nominative accusative -thre-m (see §. 30.) : ddUhre-m, 
"eye"^ (as "seeing")* is connected in its root and suffix 
with the Greek dearpov, although the meaning of the latter 
has taken a difierent direction, since it signifies the place 
which afibrds the spectacle. The corresponding Sanscrit 
root is most probably dhy&U with which Pott {*'E. L /.'" 
p. 23l) has been the first to compare the Greek deaofiai, 
although dhydi signifies not " to see *" but " to think," where 
it is to be observed that ^ budh, " to know," has, in 2^nd, 
received the meaning of " to see," as ft^ vid, " to know," 
has in Latin, while the Greek root iS (e?5c«), olSa) unites the 
two meanings. Remark, also, with Bumouf ("Fofna," 
p. 372), the New Persian root di, "to see" (infinitive di-dan)* 
and the contraction which the Sanscrit root dliydi has ex- 
perienced in the substantive dhi (nominative dhi-s), " un- 
derstanding," "insight." The following are examples in 
which the suffix spoken of has preserved its original tenuis 
under the protection of a preceding sibilant : vastrem, "robe," 
feminine vastra (see §. 137., Sanscrit vdsira-nh see §.721. 

* The present binam belongs probably to a different root, and, in fact, 
to the Sanscrit vid. 


Note **), and as^^^jus^ vA&tra (as theme), " the willow/' as 
"growing''* (connected in its root with the Old High 
German base wahs-a-mon^ ** shrub,'' " fruit," see §. 799.), 
whence the often occurring vdstravat, " willowy," as also 
vdstrya (nominative -y^), " farmer." The Zend uses the 
formations in thrch tra, also in the sense of abstract sub- 
stantives, which, according to what has been said (§. 809.) 
regarding the radically connected Latin formations in tura, 
cannot surprise us. The following are examples : ?g^<^f ?^ 
dar-e-thre-m, "possession," "reception," "retention" (San- 
scrit root dhar, dhrU "to keep"); fj^^j^Aj^ mar-e-dhrhn, 
"mention" (Sanscrit root smar, smri, "to remember"); 
^^?(3jM}A khdthrem, " splendour ;"f 9^^^^ju»^ khds-trem, 

* I doubt not that this expression comes from the Sanscrit root vaksh, 
'^ to grow/' which, in Zend, in the devoid of Guna special tenses of the 
fourth class, is contracted to ucs. With respect to the suppression of 
the guttural in the above form, compare the relation of the Sanscrit 
chash-t^y "he says," to the root chaksh^ and the Zend chashman, "eye" 
(as "saying," "announcing"), to the same root, and to the cognate San- 
scrit word chdkshus. 

f At the end of compounds pduru-khdihra^ " having much lustre " 
(see Bumouf, " Ya^na" p. 421). I consider khdthra to be an abbreviation 
ofkharthra (kharethra^ according to §. 44.), and derive it firom the root 
khar, "to shine," whence, also, ^yg7AJ^j kharend^ "lustre.* The root 
8ur (from svar^ see §. 36.) corresponds in Sanscrit. The loss of the final 
consonant of the root appears to be compensated by lengthening the vowel, 
as in the QaxiBcfiijdtd^ " bom," from jan ; khdid^ " engraven," from khan. 
Observe, also, the relation of the Zend j^ass^mj^ zazdmi^ " I produce," to 
the Sans, jdjanmi. Bumouf gives another derivation of khdthra, " lustre " 
(1. c. p. 419) dividing it into kha, ^^suus,** and dthra, according to which 
its literal meaning would be "^tim ignem hahens*' m^ therefore dthra 
would be connected with the word dtar, "fire," which is used in its un- 
compounded form, and the a of which is suppressed in the weakest cases ; 
hence dthrat, ^^igne" dthrahm, ^^ignium," Burnouf touches also on 
the possibility of the prefix ^ su, hu, "fair," being contained in khdthra^ 
in which case its proper signification would be ^'pulchrum ignem habens," 



** taste." The latter Burnouf (*' Vagna,"' p. 220) derives, 
undoubtedly with justness, from the Sanscrit root svtld : the 
transition of d into s is here quite regular (see §. 102. con- 
clusion) ; and khdstrem therefore resembles, both in the 
euphonic treatment of the radical d and in the suffix, the 
(§. 815. conclusion) above-mentioned Latin formations, as 

818. As regards the formation of abstract substantives 
through the suffix under discussion, the German languages 
admit of comparison with the Zend in several interesting 
forms. The Gothic furnishes us with the neuter base 
maur-ihra (nominative accusative maurthr, see §. 153.), " mur- 
der," properly " the killing,"' the obscure root of which 
leads us to the Sanscrit mar, mri, '* to die,'' causal mdrd- 
y&mif " I slay." * Besides the above, J. Grimm (II. p. 123) 
deduces from bldsheis a neuter bldstr, "oblation" (theme 
bldstra)f which I should be glad to admit did it anywhere 
occur. Nevertheless, I think its existence must be as- 
sumed, and I derive from it the existing masculine bids- 
trei'S, the base of which, bldstrya (see §. 135.), has the same 
relation to its presupposed primitive base bldstra that the 
previously mentioned Zend vditryd (theme vdstrya), " coun- 
tryman," has to its primitive base vdstra, " pasture." f The 
root of the Grothic base blds-tra is bldt, " to sacrifice," " to 

A derivation, however, in which khdthra would etymologically also sig- 
nify what the sense requires, and according to which it would be radically 
identical with a word (kharenS) literally meaning "lustre," appears to 
me the most natural. 

* The u of the Gothic form is a weakening of a, to which, according 
to §. 82., an euphonic a is prefixed. As most of the German languages 
have lost the r of the Gothic maurtkr, and consequently the agreement 
between them in suffix with the primitive suffix tra, tlira, is no longer 
recognisable, we should remark with care the English " murder.* 

t It is a rule in Sanscrit that ver])al bases terminating with a vowel 
reject their final vowel before vowels or y in an annexed derivative suffix. 


worship," whence, according to §. 102., bUs^rch in analogy 
with the Zend khdi-fra, " taste,'' from khAd-tra ; so gila-ira, 
"tax,'' nominative accusative gihtr, from gildrirtif gild-4r, 
from the weakened form of the root gold, with the prepo- 
sition U8 and fra, " to repay." The a of the Old High 
German gels-tar, kek-tar, gheU-tar (GraflF, IV. 194.), I take to 
be an auxiliary vowel inserted to remedy the harshness of 
an accumulation of consonants at the end of a word, and 
which, on the annexation of the case-terminations in these 
and similar words, is again dropped, hence genitive plural 
gheU'tro; so from bluos-tar, blos-iar, **oblation," dative blosAre; 
from hlah'tar, " laughing," " laughter," dative hlah-tre.f 
We have, therefore, in the common German expression 
Ge-ldch'ter, as also in the English ** laugh-ter," analogous 
forms to the Zend abstract neuter bases in thra, tra, as also 
to the Sanscrit formations in tra, Greek in rpo, and Latin 
in tru. Thus in English also " slaugh-ter," which in its 
radical part, graphically at least* is more perfectly retained 
than the cognate verb " slay." Probably, also, " thun-der" 
and ** wea-ther" are to be included in the class of words 
which are formed in Sanscrit by the suffix iroy though the 
^-sound of the suffix is lost in the appellation of " thunder" 
in the older dialects (Old High Grerman donor masculine, 
Old Saxon thunoTt Anglo-Saxon thunor) ; on the other hand, 
in Latin we have ton-i-trus, ton-i-trUf where the u of the 
fourth declension is matter of surprise, as the Sanscrit a 

* With respect to the interchaDge of t, th, and d (blds-tra, giU-tra, 
compared with maur-thra), in suffixes originally commencing with /, I 
refer the reader to §. 91. 

t Whether the gender be masculine or neuter is not to be determined 
from the cases which occur (accusative hlahtary dative hlahtre and hlah- 
tere) ; as, however, the perfectly analogous hlSstar shews itself, by the ac- 
cusative plural blSstar^ to be neuter, I agree with GraflF (IV. 1112.) in 
considering hlahtaraXso as neuter, in accordance with the analogous Gothic 
and Zend forms. 


would lead us to expect only the unorganic u of the second 
declension (see §. 116.). The corresponding Sanscrit root is 
stan, " to thunder,'" whence stanrayi-tniirSt " the thunder." 
"Weather'' belongs to the Sanscrit root t?d, "to blow," 
whence also the Lithuanian we-ira, ** storm." To return 
to the Gothic; /d-cfr, "sheath" (theme /d-rfra), and huli'S-tr, 
" veil" (theme htiH-s^ra), belong to the class of words here 
discussed. The latter proceeds from the verbal base htd-ya; 
its t, therefore, is the contraction of the syllable ya, as in 
the preterite htU-i-da. I regard the s as an euphonic affix, 
as in the Latin Ivrs-trurmt flu^-trum (see §. 815. conclusion), 
capi-s-trum. The following nominal derivatives are ana- 
logous : avi'S-trt " sheep-cote," as " place of the sheep," 
from the lost primitive base avi (= Sanscrit avif Lithua- 
nian aim) ; and navi'S-tTf " grave," as " place of the dead," 
from nau8, theme nava, with the weakening of the a to i, 
as in the genitive navies (see §. 191.) Observe that the 
Greek and Latin languages very frequently transfer the 
suffixes of verbal derivatives to nominal derivatives. Fd-dr, 

* Ai/ia the character of the tenth dasB, and Unu the suffix, which forms 
adjectives with the signification of the participle present and masculine ap- 
pellatives ; as, harshayitniuy '^ rejoicing," and as a substantive masculine 
^snn," as '^the causer of rejoicing" (so nandana, ''son/' from nand ''to 
rejoice"). The t is evidently merely a vowel of conjunction, as in the 
future stan-ay-i-^ydtiy ^ it will thunder :" there also exists, as well as 
i-tnu^ a more simple suffix tnuy as in hatn^s, masculine, <* sickness,'* and 
''a weapon/' as ^^ slaying," from hauy ^^ to slay." The t of tnu and itnu 
may be regarded in the same light as the euphonic t mentioned above 
(§. 797. Note) ; so that, therefore, only nu would be left as the true suffix, 
as appears in bhdn&s, ^^sun," as "giving light." The circumstance that 
the Latin ton-i-trus^ ton-i-tru^ stands in the class of words under discus- 
sion in a very isolated position, owing to its u of the fourth declension, 
may lead us to compare it, with respect to its suffix also, with the San- 
scrit stanayUnuSy by aswiming an exchange of the liquids ; so that tru 
would stand for ^nu, just as in the Latin pid-mS (for plu-md) an / stands 
over against the Greek nasal of frvcv/M>v (compare ^. 20.) 

4 C 


"sheath,"" theme /d-dra, in its obscure root corresponds to 
the Sanscrit pd, " to receive/" and in its entire form to 
pdlra-m, ** vessel,"" as " keeping."" With respect to the 
Gothic df for the th, which was to be expected, compare 
fa-drein^ "parents,"" with the Sanscrit pi-fdrdu (for pa-X 
which is also radically connected with fd-dr (see §. 812.). 
The Old High German fd-tar, fuo-tar, " fodder"" (for f6-4r, 
Anglo-Saxon, fd-dr, fd-dher, fo-ddart fo-ddur) is identical in 
root and suffix with the appellation of " sheath,"" which 
" supports,"" but only in a diflferent manner from that in 
which "fodder"" does. To this class of words may be 
added, with more or less certainty, a few other Old High 
German neuters which end, in the nominative and accusa- 
tive, in iar or dor ; viz. fiu-dar^ " float,"" from the root flu 
( = Sanscrit plu), which has generally assumed the affix of 
a z (seel09^l.); fld-dar, ** ftuar^* from the same root; 
ruo'daTf " rudder,"" apparently as '* making to flow or navi- 
gate,"" in root and suffix akin to the Latin ru-tramf and 
Greek pe-dpov (plw from <Tpe{f)iA, Sanscrit dr&vAmU from the 
root srut '* to flow,"" causal grdvayX and radically, perhaps, 
also with re^mus.ji Perhaps, too, we ought to class here 
umndar, vmntaVf " wonder,"" and fvuldan " glory,"" X as deri- 
vatives from roots now unknown. 

819. To the Sanscrit feminine suffix trd, as in ddnshtrd, 
"tooth"" (see §. 816.), corresponds the Gothic Aid, in nethld 
(nominative and accusative nithla), "needle,"" as ''instrument 
of sewing ;"" as in the Greek aKearpa, but with / for r ; which, 
according to §. 20., cannot surprise us, particularly as the 
Greek suffixes tAo, ^\o, tAi;, AAj; (see Pott, II. p. 655), are 

* The Sanscrit form for flu-dar^flS^dar, would be plo-tra-m {6=au). 

t Graff, II. p. 493, presupposes a root rod ; but the Anglo-Saxon ravan^ 
reovan^ revan, " reTnigare" mentioned by him, proves the contrary, and 
answers to the Sanscrit causal base gravSy, 

X Gothic vulthus, probably with thuj = Sanscrit ^ti, as suffix. 


likewise evidently to beTeferred to the Sanscrit tra, trd; 
as in ^^e-T\o-v, yy-rXo-Vf ftJ-cr-^Ao-i', ej^-e-rX)/, y^''"^^^- 
"Ox-e-rXo-v, in a Sanscrit form would be perhaps vah-t-tra-m, 
or vah'^-4ra'm. With regard to yeveShjj as an abstract 
substantive, I must remark, th^ in Sanscrit also the femi- 
nine suffix trd is occasionally used to form abstract sub- 
stantives ; thus, the ydirA mentioned above (§. 815.) means 
also "gait'' In Old High German the word for "needle'' 
exhibits in the nominative and accusative, in different 
Writers, nd-cUa, nd-dih, nA-dela, and ndrdal: the Anglo- 
Saxon form is ncC'dL We have further to mention, in 
Grothic, hleiihra (theme -thrdX *' a tent,'" which has retained 
the old r, though its root is obscured : it belongs, in my 
opinion, to the Sanscrit sri from kri, "to go"" (compare 
visman^ " house," from vis, " to enter"), whence driraya-s, 
*' asylum," ''house," and in Gothic also hliya, masculine, 
(theme •yan), " a tent." To this root belongs also, among 
other words, the Old High German htei-tara (for hleUrcif 
(which, on account of its suffix, also belongs to this class), 
Anglo-Saxon hkedre, hke-der, German LeUter, "ladder," as 
" instrument of mounting." 

8*20. Let us now consider somewhat more closely the 
perfect passive participle, which we have already had oc- 
casion to mention more than once.f Its suffix is, in San- 
scrit and Zend, usually ta (masculine and neuter), feminine 
/d, and is, I have no doubt, identical with the demonstrative 
base ta (see §. 343.). There is no ground, therefore, in the 
word itself for a passive signification, except, perhaps, in 
the accent ; for while, according to §. 786. Remark, the ac- 

* Graf (IV. p. 1116.) quotes for the nominative the forms leitra,hleitar^ 
leUera^ leiter, genitive hleitra. It admits of no doubt, that the forms in r 
have lost a final a, and that they cannot be classed with muotar^ tohtar, 
ftuestar^ of which the proper termination is r. 

t See ^. 513. 688. 



tive forms require the most powerful aceentuatioD, ue, the 
accent on the first syllable ; in the passive participle under 
discussion the suffix receives the accent: hence we have 
palctds, " codm^ accusative pdd&m, standing similarly op- 
posed to pdchan, " coqyens,^'' pdchardam, " coquerdenit^ as 
above (§. 785. Remark) suchydtif *' purificatur,^'' is opposed 
to iuchyati, " purificaV Grreek verbals in to-t, which, as 
scarce needs to be noticed, are identical with the perfect 
participles passive of the cognate languages, have retained 
the old accentuation, and thus we have woto-^, wotiJ, itotov,* 
standing in the same relation to voro^, *' the drinking"^ 
(compare §. 785. Remark, near the end), that, in Sanscrit, 
piyaii, " bibitur,"' has to piyati (Class 4, middle), " bibH:" 
The paroxytone or proparoxytone accent of abstracts in to 
appears to be preserved principally where, together with 
the abstract, the passive verbal is actually in use, and where, 
consequently, there is the more ground for bringing the 
abstract meaning prominently forward by the accent ; whilst 
otherwise the abstract follows in its accentuation the pre- 
vailing example of verbals with passive signification ; hence, 
indeed, itoTO^, aporog, a/xip-o^, rpiyifro^t efMeTog, a\eTO(, op- 
posed to TTOToy, aporo^, afufro^, TpuyijTo^^ e/xcrof, oAeroy (0X17- 
Tov) ; but not KoTreTOS", kw/cutoj, aKotp'os, but Koireroy, iccaicirros', 
oKotp-oSf as these abstracts have no oxytone passive verbals 
to match them. There are, however, some isolated abs- 
tracts, or words which express the time of an action, 
which have the accent thrown back, as ^iorog, iehyTf-c-ro^. 
821. The participial suffix ir ta is either joined direct to 
the root or by a vowel of conjunction •'. To the first kind 
of formation belong /nd-W-s, " known ''= Greek Yvca-To-r, 

« Compare the Sanscrit pHd$^ jAta, pttdm, from the root pd, ^^ to 
drink ;" which, in the paanve, has the d weakened to (. There is also a 
middle root pi of the fourth class. 





Latin (g)n6'lu-8, i'gn64ur8 ; dai^d-s, " given,''* Zend dd-td 
(theme ddta)t Latin doriu-St Greek io-ro^ ; iru-td-s, " heard/* 
Greek kXu-to-t, Latin clu-turs; bhu^d^s, **been,'' "being, 
Greek ^v-to-j ; bhri-id-s (from bhartaSf see §. 1.), " borne, 
Zend beretd (theme -to), Greek (0ep-Tp-y) a-i^e/o-To-j, Latin 
fevtus, " bearing/' " fruitful /' stri-td'S, " extended " (from 
startds), Zend fra^stdrk^ (fra preposition), Greek orpa-To-y, 
(transposed from ora/o-Tor), Latin strd-tu-s; pak-tds, "cooked,'' 
Greek tren-To-^ (root ven from ttck, Sanscrit pack, from joai, 
Latin coc, {rom poc), hBtin coc-tu^s ; tiJ!:-/d-9, "spoken" (irre- 
gular for vaktds), Zend ud^ (hucid, " well-spoken" (from Am- 
uctd) ; yvk-td'S, " bound/' Greek fevK-ro-j, Latin junc-tu-s ; 
bhrtsh-td-Sf "roasted" (from bhrashtdsy and this from bhrak- 
tds\ Greek ^pvK-To-g, Latin fric-tus ; bad-dhd-s, " bound " 
(euphonic for badh-td-s, root bandh), Zend 6as-^^ ;f lab-^hd-s, 
" obtained " (euphonic for labhtds), Greek Kipr-To-g ; jd-td^s, 
" born" (root /an), Zend ;;d-/d, Greek ye-ro-^, in the com- 
pound TtjKvyeTog ;% matd-s, "thought" (root man), Zend maid, 
(compare /Ltev-c-Toy) ; dish-ids, " shewn" (euphonic for dish- 
ids, from dik-tds, see §. 21.), Greek (Jencroy) avaird$€fKTo;, 
X^tpoSeiKTo^, &c., Latin dio4us ; dash-td-s, "bitten" (eupho- 
nic for dai'tds, from driAr-^<i*), Greek (Jj/k-to-j), aSrjKTo^, KapSio- 
SijKTo^; drish-ld-s, "seen" (from darshtds, and this from 

* From daddtcLS^ with irregular retention of the reduplication of the 
special tenses. 

t See 1. 102., and compare Greek analogous form, as wordr, irtordr. 
With regard to the Latin form of this participle in roots with a T sonnd 
see §. 101. 

X It is a mle in Sanscrit that before formative suffixes beginning with 
f, which require no Ouna augment, the n and m of the root are rejected ; 
jan^ " to produce, to bear/* and khaUf " to engrave," lengthen their vowel 
in doing this. From han^ ^' to snute, to slay," comes Jiatd8y with which 
we may compare the Greek -(Jxitos, as ^ENQ (<f)6vos, hr€(f>vov)^ like Bvria-K<o^ 
most probably belongs to the Sanscrit root han, from dhan (nidhana, 
" death "). 


dark-ids), Greek {Septcrig), hriiepicro^ ; ush-tA-s, ** burnt,"^ La- 
tin tts-tus. The following are examples with the conjunc- 
tive vowel i: prat-i-td-Sj*' extensus'" (root JT^pratK whence 
prithu^Sf " broad/' from prathi-St Greek ir\arv^, Lithuanian 
pla-tu-s) ; anch'i-^dSf " ereduSt" pat-i-td-Sf " qui cecidUr^ So 
in Latin, dom-i-^us, tnon-^-iust mot-i-iuSf gen-i-lus. In Greek 
the e of forms like /xev-c-Toy, <rKe\-e-Toy, e/wr-e-roj, corre- 
sponds, where we again leave it undecided whether this t 
be a corruption of an i or an a.j[ 

822. The Latin forms in idus, springing from neuter 
verbs, and for the most part of the second conjugation, as 
pall-i'dus, ferv-i-dtis, frig^-dust torr-i-dus, fim-i-dtts, tep-i-^us, 
spkndri-duSf nit-i'duSf luc-i-dus, fulg-i-dus, viv-i-dus, sap-i-dus, 
fltb-i-dus, correspond to the participles in id in Sanscrit, 
which spring from neuter verbs, and have an active signi- 
fication, and especially to those which have a present 
meaning ; as, tvar-i-tds, " hastening,"' sfhitds, ** standing,'" 
suptds, "sleeping" (also "having slept''), iaktds, "being 
able," t yat-tas, "striving," hhi-ids, " fearing," hri-ida, "being 

* Regarding the active signification of this participle in neater verbs 
sec §.513. conclusion; so, in Greek, orordr, '^ standing," = Sanscrit sthi- 
td» (weakened from 8thdtds\ which likewise signifies present time : on 
the other hand pra-sthitds means both ^' proficiscem" and ** profectus." 

t Compare §. 815., and Curtios ^^De Nominum Grcecorum formatione" 
pp. 38, 60. Indian Grammarians assume a saffix {uxtd^) atd, the a of 
which, however, is most probably only a class-vowel, with which the 
Greek c might be compared ; thus, fpn-f-ros (compare cpfr-r-rr) like 
pach-a-tdsj '^fire/' as ''cooking." The abstracts ^-a-ror, ** death," and 
fca/A-a-ro£, '^ fatigae," have preserved the conjunctive vowel in its original 
form, and thus correspond to the Sanscrit mar'a-id-s^ '^ death ;" where, 
however, we must observe that the Sanscrit root nuWf mrt, ^^ to die," 
in its verbal conjugation, does not belong to the first or sixth class any 
more than the Greek roots Bap and ica^. 

t The form with the conjunctive vowel {tak-i-tds) has a passive signifi- 
cation, so yat'i4ds^ '^ obtained by efforts, sought for," compared with yat- 
tdtf ^^ striving." In Latin, vice versd, rap-i-dua^ active, opposed to rap-tus, 



ashamed ;" and to the Greek craTo^, ** standing ;" fieverog, 
" remaining ;" epTreroy, " creeping." The opinion, there- 
fore, elsewhere stated, appears probable, that the d in the 
Latin forms just mentioned is only the weakening of an 
original tenuis,^ just as in qaadraginlcLj quadruphu* quLodrw- 
pleXf for quatrttgintch &c. An active and present meaning, 
though in a transitive verb, and with the retention of the 
old tenuis, occurs in the participle spoken of in fertus, 
" bearing,'' " fruitful," which corresponds in form with the 
Sanscrit bhritas, from bhart&s, "borne," Zend lleretS, and 
Greek -(jyepTo^ (see §. 818.). 

823. The Sanscrit verbs of the tenth class, and the 
causals identical with them in form, have all of them the 
conjunctive vowel i ; hence pid-i-tdSf " pressed," " pained ;" 
v^'i'id'S, '* made to enter.'' The circumstance, however, 
that the said verbs extend their character ay (in the special 
tenses aya) to the universal tenses also, and a great part 
of the formation of words, gives room for the conjecture 
that the i of forms like pid-i-tdSf vSs-Hds, is not the ordinary 
vowel of conjunction, but a contraction of ay ; or that such 
forms in i-td-s have been preceded by older ones in ay-i-tas, 
according to the analogy of the infinitives, as pid-ayi-tum. 
As, then, Latin supines like am-A-tumt avd-i-ium, are 
related to pid-dyi-tum, just such is the relation of am-d-tns, 
aud~t-tus, to the presupposed pidrdyi-ias. Although the 
Latin second conjugation also belongs here, and, for ex- 
ample, moneo corresponds to the Sanscrit causal mdn-dyd- 
mi and Prakrit mdn'S-mi (see p. 1 lo), I would nevertheless 
prefer to identify movri-ius with mdnA-tds in such a way 

passive. Observe, also, the active cup-i-dug together with the passive 
cupA'tus. These, however, are only arbitrary usages, which rest on no 
general principle. 

* Influence ofPronouM in the Formation qf Word$^ PP* 21> 22. Pott is 
of a different opinion, E. I. M. p. 567. 


that I could thence infer the existence of similar forms in 
the time of the miity of language, while I would prefer as- 
suming a casual coincidence in the similar abbreviation of 
a common element. In Greek the i; or o) of forms like 
<f>i\'rj'T6g, TtfJtrfj'To^ (from Ti/x-^Toy), x€'|0-c«>-Tof , corresponds to 
the character of the Sanscrit tenth class, and therefore to 
the Latin d and i of am-d-fu^, aud'(»tus. In Grothic, where, 
as generally throughout the German languages, this parti- 
ciple remains regular only in the so-called wedk conjuga- 
tion, the old tenuis, instead of, in accordance with §. 87., 
becoming an aspirate, has sunk down to a medial, in such- 
wise, however, as that before the s of the masculine nomi- 
native, and in the accusative, which has lost the final vowel 
of the base and the case termination, a th for d enters 
(compare §. 91.). According to the difference of the con- 
jugational class, an i (from ya\ 6, or at, i.c. the three dif- 
ferent forms of the Sanscrit character of the tenth class (ay, 
see §. 109*. e.) precedes ; hence the bases tamri'^a* ** domi- 
tus f'' friy^'day'f " amatus T ga-yuh^i-^a, " suHyugatus T 
nominative masculine tamiths, friydths, gayukaiths ; accusa- 
tive tamitK &c. ; genitive famidhs, &c. (see §. 191.). The 
direct annexation of the participial suffix occurs in Gothic 
only in certain irregular verbs, and in such a manner that, 
according to the measure of the preceding consonant, either 
the original tenuis is preserved, or has become d (see §§. 
626. 91.). Thus the base bauhUj,X ** purchased'' (bvgyOf 

* Compare Sanscrit datn-i-ids (from dam-ayi-tdsV) from damdydmi, 
causal of the root dam^ ^' to tame," but of the same meaning as the primi- 
tive and the Latin dam-itus. 

t It may be regarded as the denominative of the Sanscrit priyfl, " dear," 
^^ beloved ;" and it is also, radically and in its formation, akin to tlie 
Greek (f>iK'rj.T6s (from <^iXca>, denominative of <^iXor, transposed from 
ft>\ios\ the Tf of which has sprung, like the Gothic <5, frx>m d, 

I Euphonic for Imhta (see §. 82.), and this from bukiaf from the root 


** I purchase"), corresponds to Sanscrit forms like bhukld* 
** eaten "" (root bhuj from bhug), Greek like ^pufcrd, and Latin 
like junciu ; mun-da, " believed,'" answers to the Sanscrit 
ma't6, " thought,"' " believed,"' for man-td, as the feminine 
substantive base ga-mun-di (nominative -n-ds) does to the 
Sanscrit base m6(n)'tit " meaning." 

824. In Lithuanian the participial suffix spoken of is re- 
tained quite unaltered in form, and, indeed, in all verbs, so far 
as they have a passive. In the nominative masculine ta-s 
corresponds to the Sanscrit ids; e.g. sekta-s " followed" = 
Sanscrit saktd-s (root sach, from sak, "to [G. Ed. p. 1166.] 
follow," compare Latin sequor); seg-ta-s, " fastened " = San- 
scrit sak'fd-8 for sag-td-s (root ;ir^ sanj, from sang, " to 
fasten"); deg-ta-s, " burnt" = Sanscrit dag-dfia-s.^ In the 
nominative feminine sekta, segta, degta, correspond to the 
Sanscrit sakid, dagdha, only with the a shortened, as in 
Grothic, Latin, and Zend forms like bauhia (genitive 
bauhtd-s), junda, xi^^As^ basta (see §. 137.): to the Latin 
juncta corresponds literatim the Lithuanian junkta, from 
jungiu, " I yoke (the oxen) " : hept-as, hepia (from leppu, " I 
bake," see §. 501.), corresponds to the Sanscrit pak-td-s, id, 
Greek itenro-^, ttj^ Latin coctu-s, ta. Forms like xves-ia'Sy 
" conducted " (root wed), correspond in a euphonic respect 
to Zend like bas-td, " bound " (root bandh{, iris-td, " dead " 
(root irith), and Greek like ttict-toj, Kca-ro^ (see §. 102.). To the 
Gothic participles of the weak conjugation correspond the par- 
ticiples of those Lithuanian conjugations, which we have above 

* In the former parts of this work the accent is not given to Sanscrit 
woi*ds, as the subject of Sanscrit accent had not then been investigated. 
In 1843, Bohtlingk published a treatise on Sanscrit accentuation (as the 
Author of this work tells us in the Preface to his Fifth Part), which opened 
op a new field of inquiry. The mark over the a then, in hhuktd, is the 
accent, and does not denote vowel length. 

t Dh euphonic for /, sec §. 104. In Irish, dagfiaim, " I burn," corre- 
sponds to the Sanscrit dahdmi ; and dagte^ ^^ burnt," to the passive parti- 
ciple daghda'S^ Lithuanian degtas. 

4 D 


(§. 506., p. 704) compared with the Sanscrit tenth class ; thus, 
mylri'-tas, " beloved ;'* pen-e-faSt " nourished ;** laih^ytasy "held."" 

825. The Sclavonic languages have, if the opinion ex- 
pressed in §. 628. be well founded, transferred to the active 
voice the passive participle here spoken of — with the re- 
tention, however, of the meaning of past time — and luive 
weakened the original t to U probably by changing it in 
an intervening stage to c?. In the former point they cor- 
respond to the New Persian, where the participle in ques- 
tion has, at. least generally, an active signification: in the 
latter point they agree with the Georgian, where ^J^^gap^ 
jam-U'li signifies •* eaten*' (Sanscrit jamt " to eat"), and 
aybnicKoxi thbob-i-li "warmed" (Sanscrit tap, "to bum*')- 

[G. £d. p. 1 157.] The suflBx aoIo (n. m. ai> T, neut /b, f. la) is 
joined, in Old Sclavonic, either directly to the root or to the 
class-syllable, the latter in the verbs which correspond to the 
Sanscrit lOthclassand the German weak conjugation; hence, 
e.g. DbiAt byVt bliaa byla, BhiAO bylo, " been" = Sanscrit 
bhulds, td, i&m (pers. budeh) ; nuAi pi-f, nil a A pi-la, nuAO 
pi'lot 'Miaving drunk '' = Sanscrit pi~i6s, td,tdm, "drunk; 
NECAii nesP, NECAA nesla, necao ves-lo, " having borne ; 
BoyAiiAi> bM-i-T, BoyAiiAA bMA4a, BoyAHAO bM-i-lo, 
"having waked " = Sanscrit bMh-i-tds, t6, tarn, "waked.''* 
Should, however, these Sclavonic participles not be connected 
with the Sanscrit participles in /a, it appears to me almost 
impossible to compare them with forms in the cognate 
languages ; at least I do not believe tliat the suffix fa, which 
occurs in Sanscrit only in a few words, e,g. in chnp-a-ld-s, 
" trembling," or the suffix ra, the use of which is in like 
manner but rare, e.g, that of (lip-ra-s, " shining," can have 
served as the source from which the Sclavonic participial 
suffix lo is derived. 



» With regard to the chaiv?o of the old /-sound into Z, compare also 
the Gipsy mu-lo, •• dead," from mudo, Prakrit tnudo (nom, masc.). 


826. The Sclavonic languages, however, are not deficient 
in forms also which have preserved the old t and the pas* 
sive signification of the participle under discussion, although 
in all the Sclavonic dialects this participle is generally 
formed by the suffix no (fern. na) = Sanscrit na, of which 
hereafter. In the Old Sclavonic we find an example in to 
(nom. mase. tb t\ fem. ta fa, neut. to to) in otatb otan-C, 

** ademtus''' (prep, of, "from"'), which in root and formation 
corresponds to the Sanscrit yatd-s (for yan-td-s, from yam'^ 
td-s) and "Lotin emtus* In Slowenian [G, Ed. p. 1168.] 
or Camiolan the passive participles in t are very nume- 
rous; e.g. ster-t, "extended'' (compare Zend itarela, San- 
scrit sfritd), der-t, "flayed,'' bi-t, "struck," siu^/, " famed " 
(Sanscrit sru-i&'S, " heard," vUsru-td-s, " famed," Greek ic\i/- 
To-r).f In Russian the following are examples: niimbiii 
j)i-tyi, "drunk" (Sanscrit pi-td-s); npoAHmbiii pro-li-tyi, 
" spilt," po-vi-iyi, enveloped," po-bi-tyi, '* smitten, slain," 
kolotyi, "stuck;" luaHyiubiii tanutyt, "drawn."? The opi- 
nion, liowever, that the suffix f, la, lo is based on the San- 
scrit ta-Sy td, ta-m, is not refuted by these forms, as it is by 
no means uncommon in the language to find together with 
the new and corrupted form the original also existing, 
with regard to which I will here only refer to the division 
of the suffix here treated of into tu and du (see §. 822.), 
which, in my opinion, made its first appearance in Latin. 

Remark. — A. Schleicher, who, in his work, " The Languages of Eu- 
rope," p. 201 passim, oppose! the opinion that the SclaYonic participle 
referred to is, in its origin, identical with the Sanscrit in to, finds it inex- 
plicable that from the to-be-presupposcd forms like nest the favourite 
combination of consonants st should be changed into the much rarer sL 

* " Kopitor Vocab.," p. 78 ; and Miklosicli, " Doctrine of Forms," p. 47. 

t See Metelko, p. 105, passim. 

I See ReifF, " Grammairo Russe," p. 188. The termination yl, or 
rather the simple I (from i/o), fem. ya, is the affix mentioned above 
(§. 284.) of the definite declension. 

4 D 2 


I, too, bellcye, that had the to-be-presapposed form nest stood alone, it 
would, owing to the firmness of the combination st, and its being such a 
favourite, never have become nesL And though I assume ^ as a middle 
point between / and l^ and allow the language, in its corruption of the 
suffix referred to, to have proceeded from to to do, and thence to have 
arrived at hy I nevertheless do not think that in every individual verb 
this process has been de novo and independently carried on ; nor do I ima- 
gine that tliere ever existed in Sclavonic a participle nesd", nesda, netdo ; 
but I assume that the / of the suffix under discussion has, in the diffi;rent 
[G. £(L p. 1159] conjugations, and the majority of verbs, gradually 
been corrupted to /. Were, however, lo^ in the majority of Sclavonic 
verbs, once substituted for the suffix to, it might, as it appears to me, 
be transferred by the force of analogy to those verbs also with whose 
final letters a t agrees better than /. Only in the case that the combination 
«/ had been unendurable in Sclavonic would the roots in s and those in d, 
wliich, according to a general euphonic law in Sclavonic (see §. 457.), 
change this letter before « into /, have necessarily retained the elder form 
of the suffix. I must here recal attention to the fact, that the Bengali 
also possesses a preterite, which appears to be of participial origin, and 
hns / for its most essentially distinguishing feature; e,g. kdrildm, ** I 
made " QcGr-i-ld-m)^ Sd pers. kdriU, It is highly probable that, as Max 
M tiller ^ Report of the British Association for Advancement of Science 
for 1847," p. 243) assumes, the / of these forms has arisen from ^, through 
the intervention of a middle point d, and that the entire form owes its 
origin to the Sanscrit perfect passive participle in ta ; so that, therefore, 
kOrildm would equal the Persian kardam, from which it is materially 
distinguished only by the further weakening of the d to /, and the inser- 
tion of the vowel of conjunction t, which, also in Sanscrit, is very common 
in the participle referred to. In the 2d pers. sing, kdrili answers to the 
Persian kardt With regard to the use in Bengali of the Sanscrit pasdve 
perfect participle without alteration of form and signification, it is to be 
remarked that this is avowedly borrowed at a later period (see Haughton, 
§. 241.) ; and so, in general, in the Bengali lingual Thesaurus one has to 
distinguiiih between the words which have been, as it were, moulded and 
remodelled in the lap of the daughter language, and those which have 
been adopted newly from the Sanscrit. Should we, however, be desirous 
of seeking out in order to explain Bengali preterites like kdrildm, a class 
of words in Sanscrit to which they would in external form correspond 
better than to the passive past participles in /a, we must then betake our- 
selves to the suffix ih (properly fa, witli t ns conjunctive vowel), which 
has left behind only a very small family of words, to which belong among 


otlicrs an-i'ld'S, "wind," as " blowing ;" joaM-i-/<i-*, "traveller" (from 
pathy " to go"). One does not, however, see how this rare suffix with a 
present signification has arrived at the destination of forming a preterite 
in Bengali from every root. Another modem Indian dialect which far- 
nishes a corroboration to the Sclavonic languages with [G. Ed. p. 1160.] 
respect to the participle under discussion is the Marathl.* Here a perfect 
passive participle in Id (m.), U (f ), Id (n.),t springs from every verbal root; 

* It is very much to be regretted that the learned Professor lias 
been guided in his remarks on the MarathI language by Carey's 
Grammar, which was published half a century ago, and at a Pre- 
sidency where the Marath! language is not so well known as at Bom- 
bay. Hence he gives a past participle in ^ to transitive verbs, the 
^t being that this participle is never separated from the vowel which 
marks the gender, and must be, e.g. infi^^T pdhild, ^iff^^l pdhiliy 

mf^ pdhilen, never mf^^ pdhil. The sentence jm ^m^!\H mf^ 
myd hayakSs pdhil, " I saw the woman," is altogether incorrect. It 
should be ift' ^ WHHlft M l Hg^l mm « bayako pahiU, or jfV WT ^mnA^H 
l|ir^^ mxii tyd hdyakdld pdhilerk. With reference to the termination ^ 5 

and ^ Id in this case (be it the dative, or, as I regard it, the accusative). 
Dr. Stephenson rightly lays down the following rule : " When motion to 
a place is intended, then ^ a is preferred ; but when the dative is the 

object of a verb, then '^ Id ia more common ; as, jh TT^^p 7\^ to 
gdhwds geld, ' he is gone to the village ;' Wl^ WT ^TTTO^ H\Ci^ iydne 
tyd bdyakold mdrileh, ^ he beat that woman.' " I am at a loss to guess where 
the learned Professor found authority for stating that the Sanscrit short & is 
pronounced in Marathi like o ; for so far from this being the case, I do not 
believe that that sound of o exists in any of the modern languages of India, 
except Bengali, save, perhaps, before r.— [Note by the Translator.] 

t The Sanscrit short a is pronounced in MarathI and BengalF like d ; 
so that the neuters of the participle under discussion in that language 
correspond exactly to those of the Sclavonic, as neslo (see §. 255 a.). The 
long d in the masculine of the Marathi adjectives is probably based on 
the Sanscrit nominatives in asy so tliat for the suppression of the 8 com- 
pensation is made by lengthening the preceding vowel. On the other 
hand, the pronominal nominatives |ft <o, "he," and^I^'d, "which" (j 
from y, see §. 19.), are based on the corruption which the termination aji 
has everywhere experienced in Zend, Pali, and Prakrit (see §.666.). 
Adjectives, as such, are not declined in Marathi. 


e.g.pdhild, ^'haviDg seen/'* keld^ ^*' haying madey" the latter being, as 
it seems, from katll for karild. Compare the Bengali kdrUdm^ " I 
made," and the Pr&krit kada from kardoy ''made." The active con- 
struction of other languages is, in the Marathl, changed into the passive 
by a periphrasis in the past tenses, which are wanting in that language, 
as in most of the Sclavonic dialects ; and thus, e.g. myd t kildy myd kSli^ 
mjfd kildy which Carey translates by '* I did," is literally nothing else 
than ''a me factusyfacta, factum;** although Carey, in this and analogous 
tenses, appears in reality to recognise an active form of expression : for he 
remarks (p. 67)y ''It must bo observed that the gender of the verb, in the 
imperfect, perfect, and pluperfect tenses, varies, to agree with that of the 
object." That which, however, is here called the object, is, in £M:t, tlie 
grammatical subject, and the participle is governed by this, not only in 
gender, but also in number. At p. 120 it is remarked, '' It must be ob* 
served, that when the verb is used actively, viz. when the object is ex- 
pressed in the accusative, the form of the neuter singular only is used. 
When the object is in the nominative case, the verb is passive, and varies 
with the gender of the subject." Ex. 99|t WRRITNi Mlf^^' mydii bdydkCa 
pdhildy " I saw the woman ;" yqf WHT^ ^nff^ mydh bdydkopdhUi, ''tho 
woman was seen by me." I am convinced, however, that the first construe- 
[G. £d. p. 1161.] tion is quite as much passive as the second ; for were it 
active, the pronoun must have stood in the nominative, and have sounded 
therefore l^* mih, and not mydh,X as in the second. The difference be- 
tween the two constructions is only this, that in the first the neuter pas- 
sive participle stands impersonally, or contains the subject in itself, and 
governs an accusative ; while in the second the participle is the predicate 
of the subject, expressed by hdydkoy " woman." Could the first construc- 
tion be imitated in Latin it would be literally rendered by ^' a me femi- 
nam visum {est). In Greek, constructions such as row <f>ikovs am B^pa-' 
v€VT€op correspond to this. In neuter verbs, t.e. the substantive verb in 
combination with various ideas, the Marathl participle in Idy li, fif, like its 
Sanscrit prototype in ta-s, td, ta^m^ has an active signification, and has 
therefore also the pronominal or substantive subject placed before it in the 
nominative ; and thus we have, e,g. nifw gild^n^ " I went," properly *' I 
am having gone ;" nnce the substantive verb, in spirit at least, is contained 
therein (see §. 628. Rem. 1.), fem. mihgili-h; 2d pers. masc tuhgild-^. 

* H for Sanscrit sh of the defective root posh (puskydmi, " I see"). 

f Myd corresponds to the Sanscrit instrumental mayd. 

X Evidently only an inorganic extension of the above-mentioned myd. 


fum. gili'8 ; 3d pcrs. masc. id gSld^ fern, ti g^li, without a personal termi- 
nation. So in tlie verb substantive, mihjhdlo'hy " I was " (" I am having 
been"), fem. jhali-h, 2d ^x^jhdld-B, jhdlUs, 3d pcrs. tSjhdld, ttjhdlL 
Tiie Marathi, therefore, here appears almost in the dress of the Polish, 
which in like manner, in the 3d person, gives the bare participle, but in 
the 1st and 2d appends to it the personal terminations: masc. byt-em, 
byt-eky byt, fern, byta-tn^ byta^k, by-ta, neut. byto^niy byto-S, byto (see 
§. Qi^, Rem. 1.). Irrespective of the passive participles newly borrowed 
from the Sanscrit, and which for the most part remain entirely un- 
changed, as datVi, '^ given," yukto, "bound,* grosto, "swallowed," somdptb, 
"ended," there is in Marafhi perhaps only one solitary participle of this 
kind which has preserved the old t, viz. hStd, fern, hoti (or Iidti)^ neut. 
//^o, " having been "=San8crit bhutd-s, i, d-m, (see Prakrit hS-mt, « I 
am "), whence h6t6-n, " I was," as above, from another root, and with 
a corrupted suffix TI^J^*jhdl6'n, According to this analogy one should 
expect hSion from hS. The participle, which is found in the so-called 
2d aorist present, e.g. the form mih korto-n^ " I do " (*' I am doing," see 
Sanscrit kartdsmi, ^^/acturus sum")^ fem. mih karti, I derive from tlie 
Sanscrit participle future, or noun of agent in (dr, in, [G. Ed. p. 1162.] 
nom. masc. id, which frequently occurs in the YMa dialect in the sense of 
the participle present (see §. 814.}.* The 2d pers. masc. kortdt^ " thou doest," 
answers to the Sanscrit kartdsi, ^^faciurus m,** or ** factor «," but the sub- 
stantive verb is not contained in the Maratlu form, but only the character 
of the 2d person ; and this participle is treated in Marathi as if it had 
been formed in Sanscrit by the suffix ta (not by tdr^ tri). In the substan- 
tive verb, both the Sanscrit bhutdSy " been," and bhav-i'td, ''/utums," are 
represented in Maratlil by hold. The said language, however, is not want- 
ing in forms in which the form corresponding to the Sanscrit noun of 
agency, or participle future, appends its suffix by a conjunctive vowel r, 
^'ff' J^TSSih ichchhito, " wishing" (Carey, p. 80), fem. ichMiUi, As regards 
tlie 6 of the masculine form ichchhito^ it corresponds to the before-men- 

* That the participle which appears in the 2d4torist present is not, per- 
haps, formally based on the Sanscrit passive participle in ta is evinced in 
the case before us, by the circumstance, that not only does karto-h answer 
better to kartd than to kritd-s, but also, that beside the genuine Marathi 
kSld, *' made," mentioned above, there exists in Marathi a second bor- 
rowed form krotd (see Carey, p. 36, tsvdrbkroio^ " God-formed "), which, 
like the Pr&krit kada (for karda or krtida), is based on the original form 
karta^ of which krita is a contraction (see §. 1.). 


tioned (p. 1 1:25, Note t) pronominal nominatives, as t6, ** he," jo, ** which ;" 
while td in hoUi, ^' being/'* answers to the ordinary adjectiye-nomlna- 
tives in d. Carey, in the different verbs and anxiliaxy verbs which his 
garmmar exhibits, gives, in the 3d pers. maso. of the 2d aorist present 
nnder discassion, pretty indifterently either td, or to, or tim, only in hotd 
he gives only M, but elsewhere either ton or to. The nasal of the former 
is most probably only an inorganic affix, which the MarathI occasionally 
adds also to some other forms which end in a vowel ; as, e,g, in the in- 
simmental 7^i mydh, ''by me" (with tni/d), mentioned above (p. 1120), 
and the analogous tvdhj " by thee" (Carey, p. 127), together with the tvd 
from the base fva (see §. 158.) corresponding to the Zend Grammar. We 
most similarly regard, I doubt not, the Anusv&ra of the repeated participle 
in in tdn, as kdrtdh, kartaiu ^' doing, continuing to do," since this participle 
[G. £<1. p. 1 163]. is only by its repetition distinguished in formation from 
that by which the 2d aorist present is periphrastically denoted. The 
case is different with the termination t6h of the 1st person, in which 
the never-failing h is the expression of person=Sanscrit mi, and the pre- 
ceding portion of the word is the masculine nominative. The feminine 
allows in the 1st person the suppression of the n ; hence kor^ti, ^ I 
make,** opposed to sok-t^-h, " I can" (Carey, p. 79), with S for i, which 
appears in the 2d person kortiSf while the masculine form retains its 6 

827. By ta with the conjunctive vowel i in Sanscrit are 
formed, from substantives, also adjectives, which can be 
taken as the passive participles of to-be-presupposed de- 
nominative verbs ; as, e. g. phaF-i-t&Sf " furnished with fruit," 
from phaUii " fruit ;" whence might spring a denominative 
phnt-ayA-mU "supplied with fruits," which would form a 
passive participle phal-i-fd-s. CoiTesponding forms in Latin 
are such as, bnrbd-tus, alA-tus, Jimbrid-tuSf cordd-tus, auri-tus, 
iurrt-tus, versu-fus, veru-tus, astu-fus, cinciurtuSf jus-tuSf nefas- 
tus, sceles'tus, robus-tust (robur, roboris from robuSt robos-is), 
hones-tu^ Qionor-is from -s-is); and in Greek, forms like 
KpoKCi'To^, 6/L(^a\a>-Tdf, a^Aw-Tof, ^oXiSw-Tof, dvavipta-To^. 
Let attention be directed to the inclination towards a long 

* Carey, p. 02, to hotd, "he is" (literally, "ho being"). 


vowel before the suffix, evinced as well in Latin as in Greek. 
In like manner as the originally short u of the 4th declension, 
and the i of the 3d, is lengthened, so also is the inorganic u of 
the 2d in nasur-tus, and so is, in themes terminating in a con- 
sonant, the i which extends the base (see p. 1078), e.g. in 
mari-iu8y pairi-ius, which, according to form at least, belong 
here ; so also in Greek is the o which extends the base ; hence, 
e.g. <f)o\tS-u)-T6^. The word a/utaJ'-z-Tof stands alone, properlj', 
" furnished with a wagon," which, by the suppression of the 
final vowel of the base, and the assuming a vowel of con- 
junction I, corresponds admirably to Sanscrit formations like 
mudr-i'tds, "sealed,'' from mudrh, "a seal." [G. Ed. p. 1164.] 
Here belong also the Latin formations in ^-tu-m, arbori-tum, 
querc^'tum, Jimi'tum, pomi-tumf which, as Pott too assumes 
(" Etym. Inqui." p. 546), as it were presuppose denominatives 
of the 2d conjugation, in which we might well expect 
participles like monS-tus (see pp. 1107, 1108). 

828. In Lithuanian and Sclavonic also adjectives spring 
from substantive bases, which in form and signification 
correspond to the passive perfect participles here treated of. 
Examples in Russian are porambiii rog^-a-iyi, "horned 
(Lithuanian raguias), from por*b rog\ theme rogo, " horn ; 
voAOcauibiii volos'-a-tyi, "like hair,'' from volos\ theme 
volo8o\ " hair f ropGauibiii gorb'-a-tyh " humpbacked," from 
gorb\ theme gorbs, " hunch ;" iMCHiuibiii ime-ni-iyt, *' named," 
from IMH imya, theme imen " name ;" mpecHOviuibiii tres- 
nov-i'tyi, *' embroidered," ** covered with embroidery," from 
tresna, " embroidery ;" domov-i'tyi, " domestic," from aomi* 
dom\ "house" (see p. 348).* The words which belong 

♦ The above examples, according to Dobrowsky (p. 6*29), apply in part 
also for the Old Sclavonic : compare, therefore, the formations beginning 
with a consonant from the denominatives treated of in §. 766, e.g. tlie 
infinitives in a-ti, i-tij ov-a-ti (§. 768.), with which the insertions a, t (ov-i) 
(based on the Sanscrit cu/a) of the nominal participles above are identical. 



here have, part of them, inserted an s before the t of the parti- 
cipial character, according to the manner of the Greek verbals 
like aice-cr-Toj, aicoi/-(r-Td9, and of the Lithuanian abstracts in 
stft opposed to the Sanscrit in iA, and Latin in /a, iM^ ttii, of 
which hereafter. Thus, e.g. in Russian, KaMeHictubili kamen^ 
i'Styi, " stony" (Lith. aitmcn-S-/fi^); mepHicmbiii iern-i'sfyt, 
" thorny " (tern\ theme ierno, " thorn "*= Sanscrit trina from 
tarna^ " grass ^''); CopoAaciubiik borocT-a'Slyt, '* bearded, pro- 
vided with a heaTdy''\borodaf "beard,"" compare Sanscrit vard/t, 
[G. Ed. p. 1165.] vridlh " to grow," Lith. barzda, " beard," 
harzcC'U-^as, " bearded "). In Lithuanian an o usually pre- 
cedes the sufiix in of this class of words (occasionally 
instead of it u=^tio), after the analogy of the denominatives 
treated of in §§. 766, 767, in the formations beginning with 
a consonant (§. 767) ; and in fact so that here also the final 
vowel of the base noun is dropped before the vowel which 
forms the denominative verbal base; thus, e.g. migT-o^as^ 
" misty," " attended with mist," from migh, " mist ;" plauV- 
Chios, ** hairy," from plauka-Sf " hair ;" plunkm-o^tas, " fea- 
thery," from plunksna, " feather ;" dumbT-o-tas, " slimy," 
from dumbla-Sy " slime." In forms like akmetv-u^as, " stony," 
rag^^U'tas, " homed," from the bases akmen, raga, u is only 
a substitute for the simple o ; as, e.g. in wazu-yu, " I drive," 
opposed to dumoyUf " I think " (see p. 704). The verbs, 
however, in uyu for oyu, do not retain their u in the for- 
mations beginning with a consonant, but here exhibit simply 
o; whence waz^o-ias, ** driven," not wai-u-fas. In forms 
which admit of comparison in Sanscrit a long d fills the 
place of the Lithuanian u; as, e.g. in ddddmi, ''I give," 
ismd, "stone" (nom.of diman) for the Lithuanian dumi, 
akmu.* The simple o also is often, in Lithuanian, the 

* 1 see, therefore, no reason to compare the forms in uta-s, ota-s, with 
the possessives in Sanscrit like dhana^rant^ -vat, ''rich," from dhajia, 
'^ riches," which are formed by the snfiix vant (in the weak cases vat). 
Cf. Pott, II. p. 646. 


etymological representative of a Sanscrit long d; e.g. in 
the feminine plural-nominatives like aszwos, " mares" (sing. 
aszicaX contrasted with the Sanscrit d&vdsf and Gothic forms 
like gibds (see §. 227). We may therefore identify both 
the u of forms like aJcmen-U'taSf and the preponderating o of 
such as migt'O-taSt plauk^-tas^ with the d of Latin forms 
Hkecard-d-tus, as with the o, too, of Mielcke^s 4th conjugation ; 
e.g. that of yeszk-^hme, *' we seek/^ yeszk-S- [G. Ed. p. 1166.] 
tas, "sought/' is essentially identical with the Latin d of am-d- 
must am-d-ivs* The forms in e-ta-s, in Lithuanian, stand 
alone ; as dulke-tas, "covered with dust,'' "dirty," from dulkSs, 
"dust" (nom. pi. from the base dulki);^ as here the e of the 
base takes the place of the derivative o, which is found, e. g, 
in raukzt'O-iast " wrinkled," from raukszle, " wrinkle." 

829. The feminine of the suffix ir ta, viz. id, forms, in 
Sanscrit, also abstract substantives from adjectives and 
substantives. They accent the final syllable of the primi- 
tive base ; e.g. iukld-td, " whiteness," from iukh, " white ;" 
sarnd'tdj " levelness," from samd, " level ;'^ prithuid, 
" breadth," fi'om prithif, " broad ;" vadhydid, abstract from 
vddhya, " occidendus ;" stri-td, " womanhood," from stri, 
" woman." In Greek correspond the abstract substantive- 
bases in TtjT, and in general, in the matter of accentua- 
tion also, with the addition of a r (see §. 832.), which shews 

* Above, also (§. 506.), Mielcke's 4th coDJngation onght to have been 
identified with the Sanscrit 10th class: it is distingaisbed from the dd by 
this, that it retains the o in places where the latter exhibits y (=0 in the 
class-syllable; hence, e.g. yeazk-a-tas, "songht," yetzk-o-su, " I will 
seek," compared with laUc-y-toi, " held," laik-y-su^ " I wUl hold." 

t Feminines in e, like gteimcy '^ song" (Mielcke, p. 33), presuppose an 
older ia, hence in the genitive plnral tu or yu {zwdkiu^ giesmyu), as ranku^ 
^^manuum" from rankd (see §. 157. Note 3.). Remark, also, that 
to the masculine adjective-nominatives in is (from ia-a) belong femi« 
nines in ^; e. g. the feminine oididi-Sy " great," is dideor didi (Mielcke, 
p. 47). 


itself also in the corresponding Lntin sufExes tdl and tui;* 
hence, e,ff, la-o-TYp-, KaKorTrjr, aypio-TYfr, ir\aTii-TfjT{s=:prithd1d); 
[G. Ed. p. 1167.] facili'tdt, habUi-tdt, kvi-tdt, celeri-tdf, civi-tdt, 
puri'tdt, veri'tdtf anxie-tdlt ebTie-tdit socie-tdt, Uber-idt, (for libe- 
ri-fdt, as liber for liberws), puber-iAl, maJes^Al, (from mqfwt), 
retus-idt, venuS'tdt, eges-tdi, potei'tdi,'^ felic-i-idi, mrgin-i-idt, 
hpred-i'idi, juven-tut, seneoiut, vir-tut, servi-tuf. In senec-fa, 
juven-ta, vindio-ta, (from vindecs, vindic-is) the suffix appears 
without the addition of a t. The German, too, as has already 
been shewn, 1. c, is not wanting in analogous formations. 
Tlieir theme ends in Gothic in thd, which corresponds 
as exactly as possible to the Sanscrit td (see §§. 69. 87.), 
and in the noun is abbreviated to tha (§. 137.); hence, e.g. 
diupi-tha, " depth,'' hauhi-^ha, " height,'' gauri-tha^ " mourn- 
fulness," niut/i'tliat ** novelty," in the i of which I recognise 
the weakening of the a of the adjective primitive-bases 
ditipa, hauha^ gaura, niuya, in agreement with the principle 
observed in Latin, which, in like manner, weakens the inor- 
ganic a of the 2d declension, which corresponds to the 
Gothic 1st, to i (see §. 6.), or to e in case that another i 
precedes it (purHdt for puru-tdU varie-fdt for variu-idt). 
The organic u also of Grimm's 3d adjective-declension is 
weakened before the suffix under discussion to i;J hence, 

* See " Infiaence of the prononns on the formation of words," pp. 22, 23 ; 
where, however, from the classical tongues only tdtj n/r, are contrasted 
with the Sanscrit id. It, however, admits of no doabt that tut also belongs 
here, as the weakening of the ^ to u can no more surprise us, than that of 
a to u (of. ^7rM*=Sanscrit tdr, p. 647). 

t Eyes-tat and poics-tdt come from the participial-bases egenty potent , 
and, indeed, so tliat the nasal is thrown out, and the t changed to 9 before 
the t following (see §. 102.). On the other hand, volun-tdt for volen-tat 
(from volent) lias preserved the n in preference before the final consonants. 
This is also Pott's view (E. I., II. p. 502), who here refers to the Greek 
Xapifo-'Taros, from x^pi^vr ; he, however, admits the possibility ofpotes-tdt 
being derived from potis, 

I Regarding the weight of the u, see §. 5B4., and ^^ Vocalismus," p. 227. 


aggvi'tlia, " narrowness,'' from aggvu, " narrow ;'' manm-tha, 
** readiness," from manvut " ready \' c/grundi-iha, " abyss," 
from the base grunduf " ground ;" belongs, at least as regards 
formation, here. The bases in ya, with a [G. Ed. p. 1168.] 
consonant preceding, reject their a before the sufHx thd, and 
vocalise the y to t : hence, niuyi-iha, " novelty," from the 
base niuya; but not fairnyi-tha, huX/airni-tha, "age," from the 
base /airnyo, nom. msLSC, fairnn-s (see Gabelentz and Lowe, 
Grammar, p. 75 c.) ; so unhraini-tha, *' impurity," from the 
base unhrainyoy " impure." Tlie following are examples of 
this class of words in the Old High German (where d 
occurs for the Gothic /A, according to §. 87.) : hreini-da, 
" purity ;" herdi'da^ " hardness ;" sanrfH-da/* softness ;" ster- 
cJd'da, ** strength" (see Grimm, IV. 242). In English the 
following words belong here : heal-th, heig-th, leng-ih, 
dep-th, and some others. The New High German exliibits 
these formations only in local dialects, as in the Hessian ; 
e.g. Lang-de, Tief-de, BreUe-de, the latter answering to the 
Sanscrit priihu-td, and Greek TrXaru-TJ/r. With the sufHx 
under discussion the German languages form also abstracts 
out of the themes of weak verbs ; e.g. in Gothic, svegni-tha, 
"joy, exultation" (svegnya, "I exult"); mM-iha, "notice, 
rumour" (mirya, "I announce"); vargi-iha, "condemna- 
tion" (ga-vargya, "I condemn"). Here the i is the con- 
traction of the class-syllable ya (=Sanscrit aya, see §. 109**. 6.), 
as in the preterite and passive participles ; as, adk-i-da, " I 
sought," sdk'i'ths, "sought." So in Old High German.; e.g. 
hdni'da, "scorn" (hdniu, "I scorn"); hdri-da, ga-hdri-da, 
" hearing" (hdr-iu, Gothic haus-ya, " I hear "). The Gothic 
gaund'thcu ** mourning, complaint" (gaun-d, " I sorrow/' 
preterite gaun-O'da), is the offspring of a verb of Grimm^s 
2d weak conjugation. This, a solitary example of its kind, 
which first came to light by the publication of the transla- 
tion of the Pauline Epistles (2 Cor. vii. 7.), confirms the opi- 
nion that the i, which in all other places precedes the ///, 


belongs not, as is commonly supposed, to the derivative suffix, 
[G. £d. p. 1169.] but to the primitive base^ as I should have 
assumed even without the form gauno-thoj " to know/' * 

830. Bases ending in a consonant add» in order to lighten 
the combination with the consonant of the suffix, in some 
words in Latin, an t ; in Greek universally an o ; hence, e.g. 
virgini'idt, capdci-idi, felici-tdt, fiehavo-rrjTf ^a/oieiTcJ-Tj/r, in 
opposition to such words as juven-tdt, juvenrta, juven-iuf, vo- 
lun-tAt, seneda, senec-tut, vetus-tdl. To the latter corresponds, 
in Gothic, the solitary specimen of its kind, yun-doj ** youth,'* 
=Latin ^Mt?en-<a, with the contraction, however, which the 
Sanscrit sister-word yuvan has experienced in the weakest 
cases {e,g, gen. yun-^s, Latin yun-i, see §. 130.)> and the 
Latin in the comparative (jun-wr). With regard to the 
inorganic affix ga of the base yugga {=yunga), whence we 
might have expected yvggi-tha, see §. 803. The d for th in 
yurt'da must, I believe, be ascribed to the influence of the 
preceding n, although this liquid admits also of the combina- 
tion with th.'\ 

831. In no province of European languages has the type of 
Sanscrit abstracts, nshkld'-td, "whiteness,'' bahu^td, "plurali- 
ty,'' been retained so truly as in Sclavonic. In order to see 
this, we must not, with Dobrowsky (p. 299.), assume a suffix ota 
for words like dobrotat " goodness," but must place the o on 

[G. Ed. p. 1170.] the side of the primitive base, to which it 
in fact belongs ; therefore dobro-ta, not dobr-afa. So among 

* " Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of Words," p. 22. I liad 
in view there only the forms in which the t exhibits itself as the weakening 
of the a of the priroitivo base, as in diupi'tha from dlupa. The explana- 
tion of the I as the contraction of the syllable ya in forms Wkc fainu-thay 
" age," for /atm-ya-tha^ is here given for the first time. 

t See §. 91. The feminine Sanscrit suffix ti, which is there spoken of, 
shews itself three times in the shape ofdi after n {ffa-mun^iy "money," 
ana-min-di, *' conjectupp," ^a-A-Kii-r/i, "persuasion"), and twice in the 
form of ihi {tfa-kun-fhi^ " appearance," ga-main-thi^ " commnnity "). 


Others also CA^noTA slyepo-ta, '* blindness/' teoaota teplo-ta, 
" warmth/' tI^cnota tyesno-ta, ** narrowness," mafota nago-ia, 
** nakedness," from the indefinite adjective-bases slyepo 
(nom. masc. ca^h'B sly€p\ f. slyepa, n. slyepo), teplo, tyesno, 
nogo, the final o of which is the legitimate representa- 
tive of the Sanscrit a (see §. 257.). For comparison with 
tlie nago-ta, just mentioned the Sanscrit would present the 
form nagn&'tdt if nagnd, "naked," did not prefer another 
suffix for its abstract. The adjective-bases in yo (see §. 
258.), which, according to §. 255. n, change this syllable to 
ye or e, form abstracts in ye-ta or e-ta; e.g. CoyKTA suye-ta, 
"vanity," from the base siiyo, nom. CoyTi m, "empty." 
Dobrowsky (p. 30o) assumes for tliis class of words a suffix 

832. In the Veda dialect there is a suffix tdli, which is 
used for the formation of denominative abstracts of the 
feminine gender just as much as id, and these agree with 
those in td also in this, that they accent the final syllable of 
the primitive base; e.g. arishtdtdli'S, "invulnerableness," from 
drishta, " un wounded " (here with a meaning equivalent to 
" invulnerable ") ; ayakshmdidf is, " health," from ayakshmd, 
" healthy ;" (** void of illness," ydkshma and yakshman, " con- 
sumption"); vasutdli'S,** riches,'' from lasw," treasure, wealth;" 
divdidti-s, ** sacrifice," (originally "godhead, divinity'')* from 
dhd, sarvdtdti-s, " allness, entireness, the whole," from sdrva, 
"every, all;" kdntdti-s, "luck," from [G. Ed. p. 1171.] 

* On this sarvdtdti is based the above-mentioned (p. 221, §. 207. Note t, 

and p. 220^ §. 214. Note) Zend haurvaidi, which I there, without knowing 

its Sanscrit prototype, and especially the Vedic suffix /a/t, have translated 

** entireness ;*' and, in fact, for this reason, because I thought I recognised 

in its suffix, as also in that of amirHdt^ an affinity to the Sanscrit td, 

Greek n/r, and Latin tdt, regarding which, however, I had no occasion 

1. c. to deliver my sentiments more closely, because this circumstance 

belongs to the doctrine of the formation of words (see Bumouf, ^' Ya9na," 

p. 102, Note). As, according to Panini, IV. 4. 142., sarvatdli lias the 



&am of the same meaning. As regards the origin of the 
suffix tdti, I have scarce any doubt of its connection with 
the more simple td (§. 829), whether it be, as Aufrecht con- 
jectures (" Journal of Comparative Philology," p. 162), that 
in the appended /} the suffix is contained, which is em- 
ployed for the formation of primitive, i.e. verbal abstracts, 
of which hereafter, or that the tdli is a simple phonetic ex- 
tension of id; so that ti is properly only the repetition of 
td, with the weakening of the d to i, according to the prin- 
ciple of aorists, like dpipam for 4pdpam, from dp (see §. 584.), 
and of reduplication-syllables like ti, pi, for fd, pd, in tUh-- 
thdmU " I stand " (§. 503) ; pfpdsdmi, " I wish to drink,'' 
from pd (§. 750.)* It might be also possible that at first 
only a t was added to the suffix td, in the same way as to 
roots with a short final vowel, and in Greek to those with 
a long final vowel, where they are found at the end of com- 
posites a T-sound is added as a support* The t of tdli 
would, under this view of the subject, which pleases me best, 
be only an olT-shoot of later growth ; and the forms in tdt, 
which occur occasionally in the Vedasf must consequently 
[G. Ed. p. 1 172.] be recognised as the oldest. The analogous 
Zend abstracts in tdt would not, therefore, have lost any i be- 
longing to the base, but only dispensed with a more modern 
affix, which would also have remained aloof from the Greek 
and Latin, in case that the final T-sound of the suffixes Trjr, 

same signification as its primitive surva, we may regard the ^^ cntireness, 
totality" as tantamonnt to '^tho all, the whole." 

* Of this more hereafter. With regard to the Greek compounds liice 
dyvu>-Ty d>fioPpci>'T, and especially with regard to the inclination of the Greek 
to extend bases ending in a vowel by the addition of r, see Cnrtias, " De 
nominum Gracorum Jormatione^'* p. 10. 

t Benfey (Glossary to the S. V.) quotes several coses of d^vdtdt; and 
Anfrccht (1. c. p. 163) adduces from the 2d book of the Rigveda the loca- 
tive of vi'ikdtdt, " persecution," which presupposes for the primitive vrika 
(commonly " wolf") the meaning " following, pursuer.' 



tAtf t&U is an heir-loom brought from their original Asiatic 
home, and has not first sprung up on European soil. It 
would, however, be surprising if the suffix under discussion, 
in Greek, Latin, and Zend, liad sprung from the form i6th 
but the final i in the three languages just named had been 
lost without leaving a trace, as this vowel elsewhere, in 
Greek and Zend at least, has never allowed itself to ba dis- 
placed in the classes of words in i, which are common also 
to the Sanscrit. The abstracts in ^ju)^ tAt (mju)^ tAt ac- 
cording to §.38.), which hj^e hitherto been discovered in 
Zend, are, besides the frequently-mentioned haurvatdtt *'en- 
tireness,''' and ameretdt, " immortality ; * uparatdt, *' supi- 
rhritS,^' (see Burnouf, Ya^na, p. 285). from upara, " superusr 
(see Sanscrit upari, " over,"" Gothic ufarf &c.) ; drvatdi, 
"firmness,'" (Burnouf, Etudes, p. 261.). from drva "firm,^' 
= Sanscrit dliruvA (Old High German triut " true '') ; paaur- 
vatdf, " antermrith,''^ (Yagna, p. 285 Note 14l), from paourva, 
** anterior,'' — Sanscrit ptirva ; ustatdtt " greatness," (Aufrecht, 
Journal, p. 162), from usta, "high> great," =Sanscrit utiha, 
" standing up, raising oneself," (see §. 102.), for utstha ; 
^Mi^)^^i^ vanhutdi, ** riches," (Aufrecht 1. c.)=Sanscrit va- 
siiidti (see beginning of this §.) ; yavatdt, " duration," from 
ynva, idem (Buniouf, Etudes, p. 9) ; ^jm^m^^m arstdt, per- 
haps the Vedic arishf/ifdti (see beginning of this §., and 
Brockhaus, Glossary); rasanitdt, according [G. Ed. p. 1173.] 
to Anquetil, "droiture," of uncertain derivation, whence the 
signification also is uncertain.^ 

* I regard ai7i<?^r<?^ as = Sanscrit amara, " immortal." The word, there- 
fore, in Vedic form, would be amardtdti or amardtdt. Regarding haur- 
vatdty see beginning of this §. Note. 

t Ratsahs is, according to the form, a participle present, and signifies, 
perhaps, ''shining," and its abstract 'Mastre." Compare rui^ which lies 
at the root of the Sanscrit rahtii, " beam of light," which does not else- 
where occur, but is probably related to las, '<to shine." 

4 R 


833. If the Sanscrit suffix t6ti or tdt, as a formative of 
denominative abstracts, is really old, and if it existed in 
the period before the separation of languages, we may then 
refer to it another suffix from the province of the Euro- 
pean sister-languages, and one which is likewise feminine, 
viz. dulhit nom. duth-s, the use of which, on the presuppo- 
sition that it is short, would be to be so regarded as that 
the long d liad first been shortened and then weakened to 
u; as, e.g. the u of Anglo-Saxon nominatives of Grimm's 
first strong feminine declension (f/ifu) answers to the Go- 
thic short igiba) and Sanscrit long d (§. 137.). As regards 
the consonants, the law of the mutation of sounds in Go- 
thic would lead us to expect thulhi ; but in accordance 
with what was remarked at §. 91., we cannot be surprised 
that in the former place the old tenuis has been changed 
to a medial instead of to an aspirate. Formerly in this 
class of words ayuk-duihiiyst ** eternity^'' (sec Grimm, XL 
25o), from a to-be-presupposed adjective base ayuka, nom. 
masc. ayuk-s* stood quite isolated. But now the sources of 
language which have been lately discovered supply us with 
the bases manag-duthi, "a crowd " (nom. -duths, 2 Cor. viii. 2.), 
and mik'd-duthif "greatness'' (gen. mikil'duihai'S, ace. mikil- 
duih, Skeir.). From the final i of the Gothic suffix, in case of 

[G. Ed. p. 1174.] its being really connected with the Vedic 
tdli, idtt one must not, however, deduce the inference that tdii 
is necessarily the elder form, for the Gothic could easily 
further add to the T-sound, as the original final letter of the 
suffix, an ;; as the declension of consonants, with the exception 
of u in Gothic, and generally in German, is not a favourite, 
and the lightest vowel i is readily applied to transfer a 

« After removing the suffix ka^ we may so compare ayu with the more 
simple base aira, nom. aiv-s, as supposing tliat the syllable va has been 
contracted to u^ and tlien tliat the t, on account of the vowel following, 
has passed into its semi-vowel. 


theme terminating in a consonant to a more convenient 
order of declension ; hence, e,g. to the Sanscrit base chat" 
vdr, 4 (see §. 312.) answers, in Gothic, fidvdri (AkX, Jidv6ri-m) ; 
and the bases shash, 6, saptan, 7, navan, 9, dasan* 10, in Old 
High German form their declension from seksl sibunh niuni, 
zehani. If Grimm (II. 250.) is right, as I am much inclined 
to believe, in conjecturing an affinity between the Gothic 
suffix under discussion and the Latin tudo, tudin-is, we 
should also be able to compare this suffix with the Sanscrit- 
Zendian fdt or tdtu We must therefore regard tut (in ser- 
vituf, &c.) as = the Vedic-Zendian tdt (see §. 832.), and length- 
ened to tudo, tudin, with the weakening of the second f to d 
(see §. 822.). The addition 6n, in-is, would be less surpris- 
ing, as the Sanscrit suffix ti also, of which hereafter, is 
lengthened in Latin by a similar inorganic addition, and, e.g., 
the base pak-ti has become coo-tidru From tud6 we should 
expect in the genitive tuddn-is, but the ^ = Sanscrit d (see 
§. 139.), has, with the increase of the form, been weakened to 
i, as in homin-is (old hemdn-is, see p. 1077). 

Remark.— The VMic suffix tdli forms not only abstracts, bat has at times 
also the signification ''making, maker" (P&nini, IV. 4. 142.), and, indeed, it 
likewise accents the syllable preceding the suffix. An example is afforded 
in the Higv. I. 112. 20., where the masculine dual idntdti^ ''happiness 
maker," or perhaps "augmenter of happiness," is explained by Sdyana 
by mkhasya kartdrduy " gaudiifactores," In words of [G. Ed. p. 1 175.] 
this kind, on whose age a doubt is cast by their not being represented in 
tlie European sister languages, tdti is perhaps from a different origin from 
that whence it springs when it appears as a formative of abstract substan- 
tives. We might recognise in it a derivative from the root tan, " to 
stretch," without, on that account, extending, as Benfey does, this expla- 
nation to the suffix of abstracts also, although the accentuation of both 
kinds of words is the same ; since, perhaps, the accentuation of the pre- 
ponderating abstracts has exerted an influence on tliat of the concretes, 
after that the feeling with reference to the difference of origin had been 
extinguished. But if in the concretes in tdii a derivative of the root ton, 
" to extend," be contained, I would then, in certain cases, prefer to recog- 
nise a noun of agency rather than an abstract : for although ii be no 

4 E 2 


rejifular suffix for the formation of nouns of agency, it nevertheless forms 
several appellatives, which, according to their fundamental signification, 
arc nouns of agency; aB, c. ff, tantUs^ "weaver," properly "stretcher;" 
krUhti'8, " man," as " plougher" (Veda). According to this, the before- 
mentioned *an/<i/i-» would properly mean "extender," i.e. "augmenter," 
or ** grounder, creater of happiness," which gives a more satisfactory 
sense than if it be taken, instead of as dependent compound, as possessive, 
according to which it would signify "having the augmentation of happi- 
ness," which sense is not suitable in the passage of the Rigveda that lias 
been cited. But when, in a passage of the Yajurveda (VII. 12.), the 
Scholiast Mahidhara takes jyCshthdtdtim as an actual possessive (which, 
however, is not confirmed by the accentuation), in that lie explains iati as 
being a derivative from ten, " to extend," and therefore, according to the 
sense, as = vistdra^ " extension," we cannot thence infer tliat he recognises 
in the words formed by the suffix tdti in general, or in any particular 
branch of them, possessive compounds with tdtiy " extension^" as the last 
member of the compound ; for he adds to the explanation above given 
another and a more satisfactory one, and explains jyeghthdtdti as a simple 
word formed by the suffix tdii^ when he refers to P&nini, V. 4. 41. ; ac- 
cording to which the suffix under discussion, in combination whhjyMthei^ 
produces only a strengthening (praiansd, properly "extolling'^) of the 
meaning of the original word, and theref ore ji/i^ghthatdti-s would be equi- 
valent to " the best of all," or " the notoriously Ix-st.'* If we wish to 
confirm this signification of the (according to Paniui) isolated in its kind 
jyMthdtdtiy by the circumstance of its being in its origin a possessive 
[G. Ed. p. 1 176.] compound, we must then assign to it the meaning, ** the 
extension" (as it were, " most highly potent"), including " the best." 

834. We may here at once notice another sufDx, which 
in Sanscrit, just like (At tdf, tAti, forms abstracts from adjec- 
tives and substantives, viz. the neuter suffix tva, which is 
probably an extension of the infinitive suffix tu hy a ; fra 
therefore, from tu-a, as the hcreafter-to-be-discussed suffix 
(avya is from tih with Guna, and ya. The abstracts in tva 
are oxytone; eg. amritatvA-m, "immortality," from amrtta; 
nagna-tvd-m, ** nakedness," from nngnu ; bahu-tvd'Tn, as 6a- 
hurtd, " multitude," from bahu. This class of words has 
been retained with all possible exactitude, exclusive of the 
insertion of a euphonic s before the / of the suffix (see 


§. 825.), in Sclavonic, as i^ tva, according to §. 257., in Old 
Sclavonic could take no other form than tvo; and the nomi- 
native tva-m, in like manner, could be nothing but (vo. 
Tlie final vowel of the primitive base is rejected in Scla- 
vonic ; hence, e,ff. a*bctbo dyev-stvo, "maidenhood," from 
A'&BA dyeva, " maiden ;" baobctbo vdov-sivo, " widowhood," 
from BAOBA vdova, '* widow ;" Aoy Kabctbo lukav-stvo, " cun- 
ningness," aoctoiinctbo dostoin-stvo, " worth," from the ad- 
jective bases lukavo, " cunning," dostoino, " worthy" (see 
Dobrowsky, p. 303). The Gothic, in the only word which 
belongs here, has changed the old tenuis of the suffix i^ tva 
to d instead of into /A, as in fidvor, " four" = ^iinT chatvdr 
(§. 312.) — I mean the neuter base tliiva-dva, ** serfdom," 
nom. ace. tliiv-dvt from the primitive base thiva, nom. 
thiu'St ** serf." 

835. In the Veda dialect tva occurs also as primary (Krit-) 
suffix in the sense of the cognate taiya^ and forms from jfcar, 
hru ** to make," the paroxonytised kdrtva^kartavya, **facien- 
dus,'''' as neuter substantive (nom. ace. kdrtva-m), " work," 
as ''being to be done." So in Zend [G. Ed. p. 1177.] 
A5<anr(3f7f_l beretliwa, '* ferendus.'''' * Here belong, in my opi- 
nion, the Old High German masculine substantive-bases in 
don (nom. do), for the most part abstracts ; as, e,g. suep-i- 
do (or -rfw), ** sopor r irr-a-do, err-i-do, irr-e-do, " error i'' yuch- 
i'do, yuk'i'do, '* prurigo T hol-d-do, ** foramen T the interme- 
diate vowel of which I assign to the class syllable of the 
verb. The v of the Sanscrit suffix tva is dropped in the 
Old High German, with reference to which we may note 
also the still more marked abbreviation of the numeral Jhr 
compared with the Gothic fidvor and Sanscrit cliatvdr-as. 
Tlie Gothic has retained the semi-vowel in the suffixes 
which belong here : tvu, neut. (nom. tv\ from vaurs-fv, 

* Comparative with the prep, upa, upa-h^Sthwdtara (V. S. p. 256, 
ROC Bumouf^ Etudes, p. 215). 


" work ;''* thrd, fem. (nom. thva^ see §. 137.)> ivoui fri-a-thva. 
*^\ove\'*^ fi-a-ihva (for ^^-a-/Ai'a), " enmity;'' + ml't-thvdiSf 
pi. " harbour'' {sal-ya, " I turn in, remain," pret sal-i-dii). 
Old High German sal-i-tha, saUi-day sel-i-da ; ivSn, fem. (nom. 
tvo, see §. 142.), from vah-fvd, " watch," ga-tvd, " street" 
(Sanscrit root tj/l, " to go "), Old High German ga-za (gd-m^ 
" I go '') ; uh'tvd, ** morning, twilight," (Sanscrit vsh, " to 
burn, to give light," vshdst " aurora "). Here belong also, I 
have no doubt, some Sclavonic abstract feminine-bases (to- 
gether with nominatives) in /ca, which Dobrowsky (p. 2S6.) 
reckons with the formations in va, since he derives them, 
not from the root, but from the infinitive in H ; e.g. Aatba 
[G. Ed. p. 1178.] schan-tva, " mowing, harvest," (^bN& schy- 
nun, "to cut down" Kaatba klan-iva, '* execraiio,''' (kAbHA; 
klynun, ** caecror '''') ; aobhtba lovi-tva, ^^ venation {hv-i-th 
" capiare "). I now prefer to deduce also the above-men- 
tioned (§. 807.) Lithuanian abstracts in ba, be, and the ab- 
stracts in ba, whicli so frequently occur in the Sclavonic dia- 
lects, from the Sanscrit suffix iva, i.e. from its feminine tvA, 
and, in fact, so as to assume, after the /-sound is dropped, 
a hardening of the v to 6, with regard to which I would re- 
call attention to the relation of the Latin and Zend adverb 
of number bis, and that of the bi, which appears in both 
languages at the beginning of compounds, to the Sanscrit 
dvis, dvi (see p. 424.). From adjective-bases spring, in 
Slowenian, among others, the following feminine abstracts : 
sladko-ba, " sweetness," from sladeUp) " sweet ;" gerdo-ba. 

• It springs, perhaps, from varth, " to be" {vairthtiy varth, v^urthum\ 
with 8, therefore, for th, according to §. 102. p. 102. 

t From friyS, "I love," might be expected /r/y-o-Mua; yet the short- 
ening of 6 (=d) to a, according to §. 60., cannot surprise us. 

J We might have expected fy-ai^thva ; but only the first part of ilie 
diphthong of the clasB-syllable ai has remained, as in fiy-a, " I hate," 
^-a-iif, " we hate," for Jiy-aiffy^i'm. 


" ugliness," from gerd{o)t " ugly ;"" gnyilo-ba, " rottenness/** 
from gnyil(p), '* rotten ; tesn(>-ba, " narrowness," from ieaen* 

" narrow." 

836. The perfect passive participle is, in a comparatively 
small number of roots, formed by the suffix na, which is al- 
ways united directly to the root, and, like the more prevalent 
ta, has the accent. The following are examples : lu-na-s, ** dis- 
engaged forcibly ;" bhvg-nd-Sf " bent," (root bhrtj) ; bhag-nd-Sf 
" broken," (root bhanj) ; bhin-nd-Sf " cleft," (from bhid-nd-s) ; 
sdr-nd'S, "spread," (root star, m stri); pur-nd-a, ** filled up," 
(root par, Jf pri)''\ To these correspond, in respect of accen- 
tuation also, the likewise few in number Greek formations 
in I/O, feminine vrj; as, (nvyvo-s, areyvo^g, [G. Ed. p. 1179.] 
(refivo-g, (for (TejSvos), aKairaSvo-g, /(tx^o-j, airapvo-^t ^epvfj, 
CKTivYJ (Sanscrit 'Q[W^ chhannd-s, from chhadnd-s, " covered," 
(see §. 14.), reKvo-v, which has the accent thrown back. In 
Latin belong here, besides ple-nus, eg-e-nus (with active 
signification), regnum, several words which, from a Roman 
point of view, are of obscure origin (see Pott, II. p. 570.) ; 
as, magnus, properly "grown," (Sanscrit mali, manh, **to 
grow," whence mahdntj mahdl, " great,") ; lignu-m, as ** kin- 
dling," (Sanscrit c/aA, '* to bum ") ; iignu-m» as " hewed," 
(Sanscrit taksh, ** to break, to cleave," ; dignu-s, properly 
" shewn, marked out," (Sanscrit dis, from dik, " to shew," 
Greek Je/oc). Perhaps signu-m, is connected with the San- 
scrit root sanj, Lithuanian sej, " to affix," so that it would 
properly signify the "affixed." 

837. In German this suffix has extended itself over all 
the strong verbs ; but in such a manner tliat it is not, as 

• See Metolko (p. 44), who, however, in imitation of Dobrowsky's 
example, assigns the o (o stroked through) of the adjective base to the 
derivative snflix (oha), 

+ In the two last examples n stands for n through the influen:e of the 
preceding r. 


in Sanscrit, Greek, and several Latin expressions which be- 
long here, joined directly to the root, but by the interven- 
tion of a conjunctive vowel a (later e, Old Northern i) ; hence, 
e.g. in Gothic, bug'a'n{a)'S, " bent," (for Sanscrit bhuff-nu-s, 
(from the root bug, (biuga, bang, bug-u^m). The denomina- 
tives discussed above (§. 770.) point to an older period in 
which the n of this passive participle plays an important part* 
[G. Ed. p. 1180.] but is joined direct to the root-j* In the 
Sclavonic languages the suffix beginning with n of the 
perfect passive participle has obtained still wider difiusion 
than in the German dialects. The old Sclavonic verbs 
which are based on the Sanscrit 1st class, exhibit, in the 
place of the original W^ aya before the participial suffix 
under discussion, either A (a), or t {ye\ or K ; e.g. rAAroAAti'b 
glagol-a-n, ** said ;" ^b^tii-b ^yrye-n', ** seen f' voakni> iW- 
ye-n*, ** willed," (see §. 167.). The verbs which are based 
on the Sanscrit 1st class add to the root, as in most of the 
persons of the present, an e. Compare necehi* ne«-e-n', 
" borne," fem. nes-e-na, neut. nes-e-not with nes-e-shu nes-e-ty, 
nes-e-fH, nes-e-te, nes-e-va, nes-e-tcu Perhaps, however, in 
this class of verbs the e is not the old class-vowel, but an 
insertion of later date, like the a of the corresponding 
Grothic participles. It is to be noticed, with regard to the 

* It 18 an oversight, that, in §. 770., the a preceding the n ia identified 
with the class- vowel ; for were the class character retained in the passive 
participle, in that case the verbs (see §. 109^. 2.) belonging to the Sanscrit 
4th class would retain the syUablc ya ; the passive participle of haf-yOy 
" I raise," would be haf-ya-ns^ not haf-a^ns. Thus, from vahs-ya, " I 
grow/' the participle under discussion is vaM-a-ns, not vdhs-ya-nsy where 
it is to be observed, that in neuter verbs this participle has in the Ger- 
man languages, as in Sanscrit, an active meaning; thus, vahs-ya-ns, *'^qui 

t A direct junction of the suffix is found also in the adjective us-luk- 
na'if, '' open," properly " unlocked ;" so the neuter substantive-base bar' 
noy nom. torn, "cliild," as "born" (like tcV-vo-v), compared with tho 
actual participle baur'a-ns. 


verbs belonging to the Sanscrit 1st class, that, in Sanscrit 
also, the character aya (dropping only the final a) extends 
over the special tenses. This, too, is the case in German 
with the corresponding affix of the weak conjugation. It 
is surprising that the Lettish languages, although they 
border next on the Sclavonic, are nevertheless distinguished 
in the case of the participle under discussion, that they 
employ the sufiix ia more constantly than the latter do the 
suffix no, fern, na. In the Lettish languages, however, 
analogous forms in na-s are not altogether wanting : they 
are, however, no longer conscious of their origin, and pass 
for ordinary adjectives; as, e.g. the Lithuanian silp-na-s, 
" weak " (" weakened," see silpstuj ** I become weak,"' pret. 
silpau); pi7-na-*,(LithuanianpiZ-n -«),"full," [G. Ed. p. 1181.] 
properly " filled,'" = Sanscrit pur-nd-s, Zend perend, fem. 
perenS for perend (see §. 137.). 

838. Just as the passive participial suffix ia, in Sanscrit, 
forms from substantives possessive adjectives, like phaUi" 
td'S, " gifted with fruit" (see §. 824.), so for a like purpose 
is used the suffix na, in like manner, with the insertion of 
a conjunctive vowel i, which the Indian Grammarians 
include in the suffix. Examples are, phali-nd-s, "gifted 
with fruit f ' mat-i-nd'S, " covered with dirt." With these 
agree, in respect of accentuation also, Grecian formations 
like TreS'-x-vo- J (Buttmann, II. §. 1 19. 74.), properly " endued 
with evenness," hence (l) "flat, even," (2) "living in the 
plain ;" aKoreivo-g (from (TKOTea'-t-vo-g, see §. 1 28.), " endued 

* The u of the Sanscrit form owes its origin to the labial preceding ; 
otherwise its place would be fiUed by 1, as, eg. in slir-fid-s: the old form, 
however, is evidently parna-Sy and the true root is poTy whence plparmi^ 
'' 1 fill." On parna is based also the Zend base p^rifna, of which the first 
S is founded on the original a, while the second is explained by §. 44. 
The j of the Lithuanian pil-na-s is a weakening of the original a, as that 
of wilkas, ** wolf," compared with the Sanscrit vrika-s from varka-s^ see 
§. ]., and '' Vocalismus," p. IGO. 


with darkness ;" ^aeivo-^ (from ^-ec-i-vo-y), " endued with 
light r opetvo-g (from opetr-i-i'd-y), " gifted with mountains/^ 
The e of evBtetvo-g is the weakening of the a of evSia, where 
it is necessary to recall attention to the fact^ that the suffix ciii^ 
also is very frequently preceded hy an 6 as a weakening of the 
final vowel of the primitive hase; e.g. poieci^v from poSo-iav. In 
words which express a time, as e.g. in ^dea-i-i^o-;, ^fiep-t-va-^, 
SpSp'-i'Vo-Q, the fundamental signification lies more concealed ; 
but xOecivo-s properly means no more than " with yesterday,** 
" combined with yesterday^ " belonging thereto/* as our 
German expressions also, like " gestrig, heutig^ contain a pos- 
sessive sufiix. In spite of the difierence of accentuation, I be- 
[G. Ed. p. 1182.] licve that adjectives, too, like ^vKivo^^ "Kidt- 
vo£, aSafiivTivo^, are not distinguished in their formative 
suffix from the oxytone forms in /-vo-;, but that the language 
only aims at bringing these expressions prominently for- 
ward with more emphasis, and therefore gives the more 
energetic acccntuiition (sec p. 1052). There occurs also, in 
Sanscrit, a word among the formations in ina which accen- 
tuates not only the sufiix but the primitive word, viz. 
^^fipanj^^ sring-i-na-s, ** homed,'" from Wf sringa, " horn." 
In Gothic the conjunctive vowel has been lengthened in 
the corresponding class of words to ei (=t*, see §. 70.) before 
which the final vowel of the base word is likewise dropped ; 
hence, p.g, sUuhr-ei'n^a)^, " argenteus'"' (also silubrius, Math. 
27. 3.); filUei'n{a)'S, '^peUiceusf Uuhad'€i'n{a)'8, '* lucid us ;^'' 
8uny'ei'n(fl)'S, "veraxf'' from the bases stlubra (nom. silubr), 
&c. ; sungd (nom. sunya). The following are examples in 
Old High German: hulji-i-n^a), ^'UgneusT dcin-i-n{a), " h^ 
pideusf 6oMm-t-w(a), ** arboreustr rAr-i-nia), '' arundinaceus T 
eihh'i'n(a)f " quernnsr xiegnl-i-n(a), *' /a/rr/Z/u?." In New 
High German the vowel of conjunction i has been weak- 
ened to e, and, after r, altogether dislodged; hence, c.g, 
eich-e-n, tann-^-nt gold-e-ru iuch-e^n, led^r-n. From plurals 
in er (out of ir, see §. 241.) spring forms like holzer-m 


hdrner-ny glaaer'n, which have given occasion to misshapen 
forms like steiner-n for stein-e-n (Grimm, II. p. 179). From the 
Old Sclavonic here belong, in respect to their suffix, words 
like orNENi> ogn-e-n, "fiery" (*' fire-gifted"), from ovnhognyt 
"fire;" d^eaeni> vrede-n, "pernicious," from BjEA'b vrecT, "in- 
jury ;" iiiH^ENi> mir-e-n, " peaceful, pacific,'' from m[i^i> mir\ 
" peace ;" the e of which is evidently only a vowel inserted 
to combine the words, and is not to be referred, with Do- 
browsky (p. 224), to the derivative suffix. In Lithuanian the 
conjunctive vowel of the suffix under discussion has been 
retained unaltered ; and thus words like sidabr-i-na-s, 
"silvery," auksA-^na-s, "golden," miW-i- [G. Ed. p. 1183.] 
na-Sy " mealy," with the suppression of the final vowel of 
the primitive base {siddhra-s, " silver," aukaa-s, " gold," mil- 
tar, "meal"),* answer admirably to the above-mentioned 
(see beginning of this §.) Sanscrit formations like phaV-i- 
n&'Sj mal'-i-nd'S. From the bases in -na comes, by the 
addition of a secondary suffix, the form i-nia ({a = Sanscrit 
^ ya, of which hereafter), nom. ini-s for inia-s (see §. 135.), 
gen. inio; hence, e.g, auks-i-ni'S^auks-i-nia'S, "a florin," 
from auks'i-na-Sy "golden." This derivative form, how- 
ever, in general replaces the primitive, whereby the n is 
usually doubled.'!' Of the same signification with sidabr- 
i-na-s, " silvery " (also sidabr-i-n^'s), is sidabr-i-ni-s (see 
Ruhig, s. V. ** silbern''''). From wara-s, "copper," comes 
Mxzr'-i-nwa-s, " made of copper ;" from yowara^Sy " beech," 
yaivar-i-nni'S, " beechen ;" from szikszna, ** leather," szikszn- 
i-nni'S, " leathern." We find also the vowel of conjunction 
lengthened and written y(=i), and, indeed, in words which 
denote the place filled with a number of the things ex- 

* Plaral of a (o-be-presupposcd singular milta-s, 

t Regarding the doubling of consonants, which often has no otlier 
meaning than that of pointing out the shortness of the preceding vowel, 
see Korschat, ^' Contributions," &c., II. p. 32. 


pressed by the base noun ; as, e.g. from osi-St ** ash/'' os-y- 
na-s, "ash- wood;'' from uga, " berry," ug'-y-na-s, "a place 
where many berries are f' from akmu (theme akmenX ak- 
fnen-y-na-Sf "heap of stones." Words like Ixd'-na-s, "misera- 
ble" (properly "gifted with misery"), from ierfo, "misery/" 
dt/w'-na-s, "wonderful," ("gifted with wonder"), from dgwa-s, 
" wondrous work," appear to have lost a vowel of conjunc- 
tion ; for else the final vowel of the primitive base would 
hardly be suppressed before the suffix. Compare Russian 
formations like pyly-nyi, "dusty," from nbi Ah pyly, "dust;"' 
muclih-nyif " mealy," from muka ; bol4)i*-nyh ** marshy," from 
[G. Ed. p. 1184.] boloto, " marsh.'" There are, in Lithuanian, 
also formations in na-s, with o as conjunctive vowel, whicii 
run parallel to those above mentioned (§. 825.) in o^tt-s; eg. 
wiln'O-na-s, " to will," from wilnut " will ;" raud'O-na-Sf " red " 
("endued with a red colour"), from rauda, "red colour." 

839. In Latin the denominative formations in nu^s, fcm. 
na, which answer to the Sanscrit and Lithuanian forms in 
i-na-s, stand in multifarious relations to their base word, 
which do not require a detailed explanation here. The 
originally short conjunctive vowel t has been lengthened, 
as in the older German languages, and the final vowel of 
the base word is suppressed, as in the sister languages. 
The following are examples: sal-i-nu-s, Vejent-i-nu-s, reg't- 
nGf carnijic-i-na, dodr-i-na (for di)dijr'i'na)t textr i-nu-s, tonsir' 
i-nU'S (from U/nsion whence (onsor, see §. 101., cf. tonstrix) ; 
stagn-i-nu'St galt-i-na, discipC-i-na (for diacipnlina), orc-i- 
nU'Stfer'-i-nU'St tabut 'i-nu-St pigc-i-na, mar -i-nu-s, ati'-i-nu-s, 
UmV-e-na,*' pecn'i-nU'S»\ bov-i-nu-s. The conjunctive vowel 

* e for 2, to avoid two i-sounds foUowing one after the other. 

t The retention of the organic u of the 4th declension, in op|>osition to 
the suppression of the other vowels, agrees with the phenomenon, that in 
Sanscrit also u is retained before the vowels of the derivative suffix in 
preference to the other vowels, and, indeed, witli Guna increment, and 
with euphonic change of the 6 (=sat/) into av. 


is most commonly suppressed after r (as in German, see 
§.818.),; hence, ft^. ebur-nU'S, pai'^-nu-g, mater-nu-g, vcr-nu-g, 
voter-nu'S, quer-nu-s, iwt^-wi/-*, eotter-nU'S, infer-nU'St super-nu'S. 
Also after g (from c) ; salig-nu-s, iHg-nu-s, I/trig-nu-^, if we 
ought not here to divide thus, sali-gnu-s, and assume the 
dropping of the final consonant of the primitive base (see 
abie-gnU'S, privi-gnu-i), when gnus (for grnvs, ginus) would 
signify " produced "" (cf. Pott, II. 586.). The Indian Gram- 
marians assume also a suffix ina* the i of which is probably, 
in like measure, only a lengthened conjunc- [G. Ed. p. 1186.] 
tive vowel, so that i'-na would be identical with the above-men- 
tioned i-wa. Examples are : sarn-i-na-s, "yearly,"" from sama, 
" year;"' kur-i-na-s, "noble"" ("gifted with good family, good 
descent""), from kuld-mf ** race,"" The Latin d also, in words 
like monf-d-nU'Sf urb-d-nu-s, sol-d-nu-s, veter-d-nus (see veter- 
i-nU'S, veier-nu-s), Vejent'd-nu-s {J^pjerd't-nu-s), oppid'-d-nu-Sf 
insuF-d-nu'S, Born-dnu-^, ji/nc'd-nu-s, is probably only a 
vowel used to connect the words ; so that here also only nu 
is the true suffix, as e.g. tu in cord-d-tu-s, sceler-d'tu-s (see 
§. 824.), where we would recal attention to the disposition 
which the secondary suffix iu also has to be borne by a 
long vowel. We might, however, also so regard the forms 
d-nu-8 as though they bore the class-character of the 1st 
conjugation and presup])osed verbal-themes like montd, 
veterd^ after the analogy of amd, laudd. 

840. As the Sanscrit bases in a produce not only femi- 
nines in d, but some also in {, we may also regard such 
feminines as indrdni, ** the wife of Indra,"" rudrdni* " the 
wife of Rudra,"" varundnu " the wife of Varuna,"" mdtuldni, 
" the wife of an uncle by the mother"s side"" (from mdtula), 
kshatriydni, " wife of the kshatriya caste,"" as productions 
of the suffix tf na, nnd bring them into relationship with 
the Latin, Lithuanian, and German formations which have 

* w for n, tiirougb the influence of the preceding r. 


been described ; but in this class of Sanscrit words I hold the 
d, not, as in Latin forms like moni'd-nu-s, for a conjunctive 
or class-vowel, but for the lengthening of the a of the primi- 
tive base, which in all the words which belong here ends in 
[G. Ed. p. 1186.] a. I divide, therefore, thus, eg. mdiuld-nif 
for which we might also expect mditJdnd. To these 
feminines correspond in Greek Biaiva, KvKaiva, vatva, uKaiva^ 
^oKv^imvoL, 5e(r7ro/va,f from deaw-a, &c. (see §. 1 19.). Femi- 
nine patronymics also, ^Kpiaiirvrji admit of being referred 
here, with the lengthening, therefore, of the final vowel 
(o = Sanscrit a) of the primitive base, as in Sanscrit, in 
case we ought not rather to distribute it ^AKpiai-d-vrf, and 
look on the a> as the conjunctive vowel. Tlie latter view 
is corroborated by Latin forms like Mell-d-nia, together with 
McU-d-na (as it were, "the honey-bound"), Valt'd-nia, 
matr-d-na, patr-d-na. We divide, therefore, also Parn-d-na, 
BeW'dna, Morb'-d-nia, Orb'-d-na, although the 2d declension, 
in which the u and o are interchanged at the end of the 
base, authorises the referring the 6 to the primitive base. 

841. In Lithuanian the feminine suffix eneX corresponds to 
the Sanscrit d-niy Greek aiva, wvjy, and Latin 6-nia, dna. With 
respect to signification also, e.g. broV-ene, "brother's wife,^^§ 
corresponds admirably to Sanscrit formations like mdhilAnit 
'* wife of an uncle by the mother's side.*' Other Lithuanian 
formations of this kind are : bern-ene, " tlie serfs wife/' 
from berna-s ; kaliv*-en€, " the smith's wife/' from kalw-si 

* Indian Grammarians regard an in these words as an afiix inserted 
between die base-noun and the feminine ^, which they call dnuk, where 
the k probably denotes the accentuation of an. 

t A€<rn'oiva presupposes for dcoTrony-f a nominative masculine btairo-f^ 
the final syllable of which we may compare with Sanscrit compounds like 
nripa-8, " ruler of men" (from pdy " to rule"), 

I From enia (see p. 174, note). 

§ From brolis, " brother," from broUa-9. 


(for kalicya-s) ; awyn'-ene, " the uncle's wife/' from awyna-s ; 
asiV-ene^ " she-ass/' from asilas ; wiW-hie^ '* she-wolf," from 
wilka-s. In Old Sclavonic corresponds bmiA ynya, or, with 
suppression of the a in the nominative, ini [G. Ed. p. 1187.] 
(see Miklosich, " Doctrine of Forms," p. 12) ; e.g. gXEhimx 
rab'-ynya or ^AEbinu rab'-yni, "maid," from ^abi> rab\ theme 
rab(h ''servant ;" BorbmfA hog'-ynya or BorHMH boginij "god- 
dess," from bog\ theme bogo (Dobr., p. 291 ). In Old High 
German the suffix inna corresponds, probably by assimilation, 
from inya * for inia, so tliat to the Sanscrit feminine character 
{*, the common feminine termination a (from d, Gothic 6\ has 
also been added (see §. 120.). The following are examples : 
guf'innOj " goddess ;" kuning*'inna, " queen ;" meistar'-inna, 
'* mistress ;" wirf-inna, " landlady ;" aff'^'inna^ " she-ape ;" 
esirAnnay " she-ass ;" hen-bmaf ** hen ;" hundC-inne (for -m- 
wa), " a bitch.'* In the nominative and accusative singular 
exist abbreviated forms in in, as gutln^ kuningin (together 
with gulinnat kuninginna), on which are based our new 
German forms like GUtirit Konigin (Grimm, II. 319.), which 
extend over all the oblique cases of the singular ; while 
the plural (G'otiinnent K'dniginnen) point to a more full sin- 
gular, like Goitinne, Koniginne. So far, however, as one 
cannot cite a genitive, dative singular, or nominative accusa- 
tive plurals, as gidlni, I see no reason to refer the forms un- 
der discussion in in to Grimm's 4th declension, according: to 
which they would belong to bases in ini, the i of which must be , 
suppressed in the nominative and accusative singular. The 
Anglo-Saxon genitive-dative forms, also quoted by Grimm 
(II. 319.), asgyd-enne, " cfecp," can be as well explained from 
the 1st strong declension as the 4th : I prefer to refer 
them to the 1st, and take gyden, " goddess," as the abbrevia- 

* Compare the Assimilation in forms like quellu from queiyu (Grimm, 
I. 870), which so frequently enters into the 1st weak conjugation, and 
similar phenomena in Lithuanian (§. 601.). 


tion of gydcnu* from which Bosworth (" Dictionary of tlie 
[G. Ed. p. 1188.] Anglo-Saxon language "') quotes the form 
gydeiw (e as the weakening of w). Important are the Old 
Northern forms, as apynya, "she-aix^,"' vargynya, " she-wolf/'f 
for the support of the view, that the doubled w of the forms 
spoken of stand by assimilation for ny. Tlie y comes by 
*'Umhut " from «, which approaches closer to the Sanscrit A 
of Ani than the i of inna, which probably springs from it by 
still further weakening. For u-irtint in Old High German, 
wirtun actually occurs (Graff, I. 932.). In the circumstance 
that bases in on before the suffix inna, iii, drop the final 
consonant of the base, together with the preceding vowel 
(e,g. aff'^'innat aff^-irr for affon-inna, affon-in), the Grerman 
agrees with a similar phenomenon in Sanscrit, where bases 
in 71 generally reject this consonant with the vowel pre- 
ceding it before vowels and \y of the derivative suffixes ; 
hence, eg, r^hya-m (or, with the weaker accent, rAjhya-m)^ 
** kingdom,"' from rdjan^ " king.'" 

842. We return to the primary suffix na, in order to 
remark, that by it and its feminine ti/l, in Sanscrit, some 
oxytone abstracts also are formed direct from the root ; as, 

* Observe that also the al)Ove-nientioncd (§. 803.) formations in nnga^ 
in Anglo-Saxon, and even in Old High German (in Kero and Is.), have 
lost the final vowel of the base in the nominative (sec Giimm, II. ()02.), 
just as in New High German, through whicli, however, they nevertheless 
do not fall under Grimm's 4th strong declension, i.e. the bases in i. 
In Anglo-Saxon, on the other hand, the real feminine bases in i have 
nearly all passed into that declension, the final vowel of which ends ori- 
ginally in a (Gothic 6\ i.e. into Grimm's 1st declension, feminine of the 
strong form ; and thus drnd^ " deed," presents no single case, which we 
must necessarily derive from a base dtrdi ; and the nominative accusative 
plural d(pda, and dative d(pdtt-m, belong decidedly to the 1st declension ; 
just so the accusative singular dtede (like gefe)y as the final t has already 
been dro])ped in the accusative in Gothic {anst, "gratiant/' for amti). 

t According to the weak declension, see Grimm, II. 319. Compare the 
masculine varg'-r^ " wolf," with the Sanscrit vrika-s from rarka-s. 


e,g. injw yaj'M'S, " worship, sacrifice "' (Zend ^f'Sixij^ ya«*- 
n/j, theme -no) ; yat-nd-St " effort ;" pras-nd-Si '* question " 
(Zend AjyjJAs^A fras-nu, neuter, fras-ne-m, see Brockhnus, 
Glossary, p. 378) ; raksh-nd-s, " protection, support ;" ydch-nd^ 
" the request, entreaty ;" (rish-nd, *' thirst/' An exception 
as regards the accent is to be found in svdpna-s, '* sleep'* 
(2jend khaf-ruh see §. 35.), to wliich the Lithuanian mp-na-Sy 
" dream,'' very well corresponds, only with the rejection of 
the w. In Greek vTr-vo-g corresponds, in Latin som-nu-s (see 
§. 126. Note). To Sanscrit feminines like yAch-^d corresponds, 
irrespective of the accentuation, the Greek re^^i/);. In Latin 
we may perhaps refer here ru-i-na and rap-i-na, which, 
therefore, have retained tlie class vowel i (see §. 109*. i.), 
and, indeed, lengthened it, as in general this suffix, in Latin, 
loves to have long vowels before it (i-nu-s, d-nu-s, 6-na). 
The Old High German hug-na^ " falsehood, lying" (see 
Graff, II. 13 1), and the Old Saxon hof-na, " to weep, to la- 
ment,*' undoubtedly belong here. To the masculine ab- 
stracts in Tf Tia I refer the Old High Grerman loug-i-n or 
loug-e-rif *' negado^^ (Graff, 1. c), theme hug-i-na, loug-e-na, 
with a vowel of conjunction inserted (cf. §. 837.). 

843. There is a close affinity in Sanscrit between the 
participial suffixes w ta, tt noj and the suffixes ^ ti, ftf nz, 
which are used principally for the formation of feminine 
abstracts, in the i of which I recognise the weakening of 
the a of the pronominal bases ta, na. The suffix ftf ni 
appears only in those abstracts whose roots in the perfect 
passive participle replace the suffix ia by na ; thus, e.g, lu- 
ni'S, "tearing apart," ^/M-nz-,?, " exhaustion," jiV-nf-*, "old age,'* 
hd-ni'S, " abandonment," compared with the passive partici- 
ples lu-nd'S, " torn asunder," gld-nd-s, " exhausted ,"7Yr-w/i-*, 
"aged, old," hi-vd-s, "abandoned " (irregu- [G. Ed. p. 1190.] 
lar for hd-nd-s), to which, with regard to accentuation, they 
bear the same relation as in Greek, e.g. iroTo-g to ttotoc (see 
§. 820.). The comparison of cnra-w-y with cirarvo^t from an 

4 F 


obscured root cnra, is closer. In Lithuanian bar-ni'S, "quar- 
rer' (baru, " I quarrel"), is a fine remnant of this kind of 
formation of feminine abstracts : in Old Sclavonic this class 
of vocables is somewhat more richly represented by words 
like AAtib da-ny, " impost "" (for dani, see §. 261.), BgAub 
bra-n^t "war," properly **the contesting" (lio^ is; boryun, 
"I contend"), by transposition from ftar-Tiy = Lithuanian 
bar-ni'S (Dobrowsky, p. 290). In Gothic here belong the 
feminine bases lug-ni, " a lie ;" ana-bm-nU ** command " 
{s for rf, ana-biuda, " I command," root bud) ; vaila-viz-nu 
"subsistence" properly "welfare" (ar from 8, see §. 86. 6., 
root vas; visat vas, visum) ; taik-nU ** sign" (originally " the 
shewing," e,g. SeUvvfju, Sanscrit dii, from dik, "to shew'"); 
siu-ni, "the looking, viewing;" nominative liugns, &c. 
(see §. 135.). Moreover, the suffix r?j, in Gothic, is a com- 
mon means for the formation of feminine abstracts from 
weak verbs, the character of which is retained before the 
suffix, with contraction, however, of the syllable ya of the 
1st conjugation to e/, as in the 2d person singular of the 
imperative. The following are examples from the 1st con- 
jugation, which is here most richly represented : g6l-ei'n(i)'S, 
** aalutatior hauh'ei'n{i)'8t ^^ exaltation haus-ei-n^iy-s, ''audi- 
tioT gam4l'ei'n{i)'8, " scripiura,"'' The 2d conjugation fur- 
nishes us only with lath-d-niO-s, "invitation mit-d'n(i)'S, 
" cogifaiio n 8alb'6'n(i)^, unctio:'''* the 3d only Imu'ai'nii)^, 
[G. Ed. p. 1191.] *' €edificatio r at'vit'ai'n{j)-8t *^ observaiio f 
mtdya'sveip'ai-n{i)'8, ** diluvium ^ IVb-ai-niij-Sy ^^vita^ lub-ai- 
n{i)'S, "«/M»»" (the verb is uncited). 

844. To the Sanscrit oxytone passive participles in ta 

* It being presupposed that the only citable accusative with two 
meanings, Uugn, actnaUy belongs to a feminine }>a8C liugni (see Grimm, 
II. p. 157); othenis'ise the nentcr of the passive participle mentioned 
above (§. 837.) has most claim to this word, and then Uugn{a) would pro- 
perly signify '' the lied," and correspond to Sanscrit forms like bhugnd-m^ 
" the bent." 


correspond abstracts in /a, which have also the accent in 
the radical syllable; compare e.g. yHJc-ti'S, "joining,'^ 
pdk-ti-s, " cooking," uk'tis, ** speech,^' sthi-ti-s, " state," with 
yuk'td'8, "joined," pak-td-s, "cooked," uk-td-s, "spoken," 
sthi'td'8, '* standing" (see §. 821.). The following are exam- 
ples of analogous abstracts in Zend : j^jj^eK^^^jj kars-ti-s, 
" the ploughing " (karsta, " ploughed) ; J^?Jpf ^^o khare-ti-g, 
" the eating" (see p. 182.) ; j^jj^j-am^^asjC^ yadschddi'ti-St 
'* purification" (see §. 637.).* In Gothic this feminine suffix 
takes, according to the measure of the preceding letters of 
the root, either ti, or Mt, or di (see §. 91.), but with i re- 
gularly suppressed in the nominative (see §. 135.); hence, 
e.g. ga-skaf-tiiys, " creation," gen. gaskaf-tai-s (see §. 185.) ; 
fra-luS't{i\Sf ** loss ;" ga-baur'(h(iys, " birth ;" gamun-d{i)-8t 
** memory" (cf. Sanscrit md-ti-s, " understanding, meaning," 
for mdn-ti's). For examples in Old High German see 
§. 91. p. SO.f In the present condition of our language, 
at this day, too, there are tolerably numerous remains of 
this class of words ; as, e.g. Brun-s-t, Kun-s-U Gun-s-t (see 
§. 95), An-kun-f'ti Zu-kun-f-t, Zun-f-t (see §. 96.), Mach-t, 
Zuch't, Fluch'tt Sich't, Fahr-t, Schrif-t, Schlach-t, which have 
partly lost their plural, or introduced it into the »-(weak) 
declension, partly, however, retained it on the grade of the 
Old High German, corrupting, however, the i of the base 
to e, the power of whose Umlaut (vide p. 38, Note), how- 
ever, points to its predecessor i ; hence, [G. Ed. p. 1192.] 
e. g. Brilnste, Ktinste, Ziinfte^ Machte, compared with Fahrteru 
Schrifteru Schlachten. In Lithuanian here belong pyu-ti-s, 

* There is a misprint in the German text here in the word 
jtQjy jAM^^b^ASjf' where ^ is given for i^f. So, too, in §. 637. in the 
German, ^ is given five times for ^, a mistake which I have inad- 
vertently followed. 

t Where, however, in the First Edition, the word should be divided 
ki-tpolt, as its t belongs to the root (whence walht, pret. wicUt). The 
fault is corrected in the Second Edition. 

4 f2 


"the mowing" (pyauyUf "I mow"*); s-mer-ti'S, "death" 
(" the dying") ; pa-zin-ti'S, " knowledge, agnition, acquaint- 
ance" (z'lnnau, "I know"); pri-gini'ti-s, "nature" (gemv^ 
" fiflfjcor"). The Old Sclavonic has corrupted the i of the 
suffix under discussion in the nominative accusative sin- 
gular to b y (see §. 261.); and, in general, the ahstract 
feminine bases which belong here follow the declension of 
kosty (theme kostiy see p. 348). The base pa-mya-ti (oamath, 
" memory") I now read, according to p. 1048, pa-man-tU 
as A is an a with a nasal sound ; the Sclavonic man-tif 
therefore, has this superiority over the Sanscrit md-Zf, 
that it has not entirely lost the nasal of the root before 
the suffix. Compare, also, the above-mentioned Gothic 
base ga-mundi, nom. ga-mund^-s. The following are other 
Old Sclavonic abstracts belonging here, which I annex in the 
nominative: EA^roA^Th blngo-dafj/, "benefit;"* CbM^bTb 
s*'mri/'ty, "death" (pee Mikl., *' Radices," p. 52) = Sanscrit 
mri'ti'St from mar- f is; BAACTb ihs-gy, " dominion ;"•!• 
CT^ACTb stras-tyt '* suffering" (root strad) ; vyes-ty, " infor- 
mation" (root v^fed, compare Sanscrit causal vMAydmi, " I 
make to know, I inform," from the root vid, *'to know"). To 
this class of verbal abstracts belong most probably also the 
Sclavonic and Lithuanian infinitives in ti, of which hereafter. 
[G. Ed. p. 1 193.] 845. In Greek the t of this suffix, except in 
X7-T<-f, yLfj'Ti'^, (=Sanscrit md-ti-s, Sclavonic man-fy), 0a-Ti-f 
(together with ^a-trz-j), a/xTrca-rz-j (with a/itTrca-o-i-^, compare 
Sanscrit pi-fi-s, " the drinking"), has been retained unaltered 
only under the protection of a preceding <r. The protecting 

* Dat-y answers admirably to the Zend cf(i/7t-«, mentioned ahove (p. 1 1 55), 
from ya-Ssch-dditis, properly " making pnre," and to the Gothic base d^-di 
((f=<l, see §. 60.), Old High German td-tiy nom. tdt (our That). The San- 
scrit leads ns to expect dkdtisy from the root ^dhd, ^4o place, to make." 

t Miklosich (Rad., p. 10) rightly compares the Sanscrit root vridh 
(from vardli)y " to grow," from which vrfd-dkU (euphonic for vrtdh-ti-^)^ 
*' growth, increase, success." 


sibilant, however, as in the just-mentioned Sclavonic forma- 
tions, is the euphonic representative of an original ^sound : 
hence, e.g. w/ct-ti-j (together with wer-crz-y), wct^ti-j (with 
Tt^'iTi'^)^ A^(r-Ti-j. With respect to the weakening of the t 
to (T, which generally takes place after vowels^ compare the 
same phenomenon in the 3d person singular of the conjuga- 
tion in /Lu, and of the 3d person plural of all verbs : as, there- 
fore, SiSio-tTi, Tidyj'<rt, so also So-cri-j', de-tn-g. After gutturals 
and labials, with which the <r unites itself in writing to f , \fr, 
the weakening of the ^-sound to the sibilant is of most fre- 
quent occurrence; hence, e.g. feCfi-j (^feS/c-cri-r, euphonic 
for feGy-Ti-j) compared with the Sanscrit yuk-tis, Latin 
junc-tio; 7re\/ri-j* (=7re7r-{ri-j) for Sanscrit pdk-tis, Latin 
coc'tio. It admits of no doubt, that, in Greek, the i has 
obtained an influence on the r preceding, which does not, 
indeed, prevail completely throughout, but is shewn in its 
preferring an c to the t; hence e.g. the opposition be- 
tween feuK-To-f, TreTr-To-j-, and feuK-cri-s', weir-o'i-ff; while in 

Sanscrit, t/uk-ti-s, pak-ti-s, trip-ti-s (" satiating " = Greek 
TepTt-ai-^), with respect to the initial consonants of the suffix, 

agree with the passive participles yuk-td-s, pak-id-s, trip-td-s 
(Greek Te/cwr-vo-r for re/OTr-To-f, see §. 836.). Observe, that 
the Sanscrit, in accordance with the Greek, has retained 
the more energetic accentuation for the abstract (see §. 785, 
p. 1052), while the participle has allowed the accent to sink 
down upon the final syllable ; Xhiis, yvkti-s [G. Ed., p. 1194.] 
compared with yukld-Sy as feSf <-9 compared with feuKTo-j'. 

846. In Greek, from <ri, by the inorganic addition of 
an a, the form (na has developed itself, in similar wise as 
above (§. 1 19. p. 130) we saw -rpia, e.g. in ofyxT^trrpta, answer to 
the Sanscrit tru The extended form cr/a appears, as has 
already been elsewhere remarked,f to be most inclined to 
unite itself with forms which, by derivative letters or com- 

* IlfTr from 7rf«c= Sanscrit pack from pcJe^ Latin coc, 

t " Influence of Prononns on the formation of Words," p. 23. 


position, have enlarged themselves; while it rather avoids 
monosyllabic roots. We find, indeed, dvcrla, but not Kvaia, 
<l>wrta, pvtricL On the other hand, we find, e.g. ioKifxaaiaf 
hmatriaf d€pfLa<ria, aTjfiaaia, eirifiatrla (with eni^aa-i-^). Ex- 
ternally these forms approximate to nominal abstracts, which 
are formed by the suffix la from adjective or substantive 
bases, in so far as these change a r which occurs in the final 
syllable into c ; as, e, g. aKaOapa-ia from aKadapro-s, dOa- 
vaa-ia from aBavaTo-^* 

847. In Lithuanian, also, there occur verbal abstracts, 
which, like the Greek in (na, have given an inorganic affix 
to the suffix ii under discussion, and presuppose bases in 
tin, whence, in the nominative, comes te (see p. 174. Note). 
Thus, together with the pyu-ti-St " the mowing," mentioned 
above (p. 1192 G. ed.), there exists Bpyut-e of the same signifi- 
cation, and at the same time a masculine pyuti-^ (for pyu- 
tia-s, genitive pyuchio, euphonic for pyutio, see §. 783. p. 1046) : 
another example is beg-ie, " the running." The nominal ab- 
stracts in y-stp, as bagot^y-sie/* riches," from bagota-s, " rich," 
yaun-y-sle, ** youth," from t/auna-s, " young, '''^die/v-y-sie, 
'* godhead," from diewa-s, ** God," merg^-y-sie, " maidenhood," 
[G. Ed. p. 1 105.] from mergoy " maiden," represent the above- 
mentioned (§. 829.) Sanscrit abstracts in id (compare dietc- 
y-sle with dSva-trh ** godhead ''), but appear, with regard to 
their suffix, to belong to ti, and, like Sclavonic formations, 
as lOHOCTb yuno-sty, "youth," ro^ECTb gore-sty, "bitter- 
ness,^' have inserted before the t a euphonic s* Irrespec- 
tive of this, they already answer to the Latin nominal ab- 
stracts in tia or tie-s (see §. 137.), as cani-iia, cani-tie-s, pi- 
gri'tia, pigri-tie-s, jusli-tia, amici-tta, pueri-lia, pueri-tie-s, 
the i of which (before the t) I regard as the weakening of 
the final vowel of the primitive base (cf. p. 1167 G. ed.). An 
example of a neuter belonging here is servi-Hum, In 

* See Dobrowsky, p. 303, and compare the formations in </vo=San8crit 
tva (§. 834.) 


Latin the suffix ti here discussed has received, as a means 
of formation of verbal abstracts, a further extension by 
the addition of 6n; thus tidut nom. tid, with the euphonic 
alterations required by §. 101. = Sanscrit ti. Compare e.g. 
coc'tio with pdk'ti-St fracAio with bhdk-ti-s, junc-tio with 
yuk-tiSf fis'sio {hova fia-iiot and this for fid-tio^ see §. 101.), 
with hhit'ti'S (from bhid-ti-s), hta-tio with slht-ti-s, i-tio with 
i-ii-s. The latter hardly occurs in its simple state, but 
exists in sdm-iii'S, " fight,'" properly " the coming toge- 
ther, the conflict." In Latin occurs, together with i'tio, also 
i'tiu-m, in the compound in-i'tiu-m, which, in its formative 
suffix, answers to the nominal abstract servi-tium. Remark- 
able remains of the older formation of this class of words 
are supplied to us by the adverbs in tim (or sim, according 
to §. 101.), which I elsewhere (which Pott, E. I., 1.91., has over- 
looked) have represented as adverbial accusatives of lost ab- 
stracts;* thus, e.g. trac'ti'Tn, properly "with drawing;" 
cur-si-mf " with running ;" ccB'si-m, ** with [G. Ed. p. 1196.] 
hewing, smiting;" confer-li-m, "with pressing together" (San- 
scrit sdm-bhri-ti'Tn (from sam-bhar-ti-fn\ ace. from sdmbhriti, 
" bringing together, crowd"). Fassim, from pas-ti-mf I 
derive not from pando, but with pas-sus, ** step" (from pas^ 
tu-s), from a lost root " of going ;" and I would bring to 
remembrance the Sanscrit pad, " to go" (whence pada-m, 
"step"), as also path id., whence pathln, pdrUhan, "path" 
(Latin pons, see §. 255. (g.) p. 3 19). The following are declinable 
w^ords of the older formation : mes-si-s, from mes'ti-s, ** the 
mowing,*' tus-si-s, from tus-tis, " cough," whether the latter 
be connected with the Sanscrit root tus, **to sound," or 
with tundof when it would properly signify " the thrust- 
ing ;" semen-ti'S is probably derived from a noun,']' but is 

* " Inflaence of Pronouns on the formation of Words," p. 24. 
t From semen ; for from the denominative rerb semino we should ex- 
pect temin-d-ti'S (compare nojnin-d'tim). 


to be remarked on account of the pure retention of the 
suffix. M&r-s and mens have probably lost an i belonging 
to the base (therefore from moriist menti's) : the former 
answers to the Sanscrit mri'ti-s (from marM-s) " death/* 
the latter to md'ti-s for mdn-tt'S. 

848. With the suffix ti, in Sanscrit, masculine substantives 
also are formed, which, according to their fundamental sig- 
nification, denote the person acting ; as, e.g. t/d-ti-s, " tamer, 
binder (of the senses),'' from the root yam ; pd-ti-Sy " lord 
(ruler), husband," for pd-ti-s (root p4 " to support, to rule^'); 
sdp-H'S, " horse/' as " runner ; * jnd-/i-»,f *' relation.'' To 
[G. Ed. p. 1197.] pdti-s answers the Lithuanian paii-s in 
wiesz-paii'S (usually -paV-a), the Gothic fa-di, nom. fath-s 
(see §. 90.), the Greek Tro-trz-r, Latin po^ti-s. To this class 
of words belong, further, among other words, the Greek 
fjL&v^i'^, the Latin vec-ti-s (from vehojt the Gothic ga-drauh- 
i(iy8, ** soldier" (root drug, ** doing military service," pret. 
drauh, pi. drugum); gaS'i(j)-s, "guest," as it appears to me, 
as " eater," X Sclavonic gos-iy. Here belong, further, in 
Lithuanian, gen-fi-s, *' relation," and the following with a 

* Tho root sap, " to follow," akin to sack, id. (fipom sak), the Latin 
iequor, Lithuanian seku, " I follow," Greek errofuu, probably denoted ori- 
ginally ''rapid motion," as also other terms used to denote a horse, are 
based on the notion of rapidity. Compare Weber, " Yajasaneya-Sanhitaa 
Specimen," II. 54. 

t Perhaps from jan (" to bear, to produce"), transposed to jnd (com- 
pare dh7nd with dham). In the Veda dialect this suffix forms also ad- 
jectives with the signification of the participle present; e.g. vriddhi 
(euphonic for vridhti), " growing ;** JtijAM* (euphonic iov j{Uhti\ "lov- 
ing" (Rigv.i. 10. 12.). 

X Compare Sanscrit ghas, "to eat," to which the Latin hoa-ti-s also 
appears to belongs as, in Sanscrit, 7 h and ^ gh are often interchanged, 

and ^ ^ is represented in Latin also by h. In Lithuanian, gaa-padd, 
" house-keepinjj," appears, in respect to its initial syllable, to belong here, 
wid pculd seems to be radically akin to the Sanscrit ^cfe^-m, Greek frcdo-v. 
Compare also the Latin hos-pea. 


lengthening of the base by an inorganic a, which, however, 
is wanting in the nominative (see §. 135.) : kwes-ti-Sf, " in- 
viter" (gen. kwechiOf root kwet^ whence kwetu and kwechiUf 
"I invite"); rais-ti-s, "head-band'^ iriszu, ** I bind"); 
kamsz^ti'St "stopple'' {kamszaut " I stop"); ram-ti'S, "sup- 
port" (properly " the supporter/' pa^-remyu and rainstau^ 
** I support"); yau'ti'S, "ox" (Sanscrit yu, "to couple," 
" ydurmij " I bind"), compare Latin ^^ jumentum.^'' Perliaps, 
also, in the Latin nominal derivatives ccpk^sti-s, agre-sii'S, 
only ti is the true suffix, and s a euphonic prefix,* as in the 
Lithuanian formations like yaun-y-ste, " youth," and the Sla- 
vonic in S'tvo (see §§. 834. 847.). So the * of campe-stri'S, terre^ 
stri'St silve-stri'S, might owe its introduction only to the incli- 
nation a t has to lean on a preceding s; [G. £d. p. 1198.] 
so that here tri would present itself as the true suffix, and 
as a development from the above-mentioned (§. 810.) t6r=s 
Sanscrit tdr, fem. tri. If any one, however, would desire, 
with Pott (1. c), to recognise in the syllable sti of agre-di-St 
ccek-sti'Sy the root of "to stand," according to the ana- 
logy of Sanscrit compounds like divi-shthd-s, " standing in 
heaven/' " heavenly," I still see no reason to recognise in 
the above-mentioned Lithuanian and Sclavonic classes of 
words compounds with derivatives from the said verbal 
root, as a euphonic s in the forms spoken of does not sur- 
prise us more than in the Greek words d/cou-cr-Tof, aKot/- 
<r-T)79, d#cou-(r-T«coj.f The e of the Latin formations in e-sti-s 
and e-stri I regard as a corruption of i (see §. 6.), occa- 
sioned by the following combination of consonants. 

849. The Indian Grammarians assume a suffix ati to 

* Dome-sticus presnppofles a more simple dome-stis (compare Pott, 
£t. I., 11. 543.) ; and thii£, too, rus-ti-cm a more simple rus-tis. 

t -TiKos presupposes abstract bases in n, as a-t-fios (/Sd-o-i-fio-r, Kpi-o't- 
fjLo-s^ nTa>-o'i-/io-0 presuppose such bases in <ri. See Pape, " Etymol. 
Lexicon," p. 140 b. 


explain some rare words ; as, arati-s^ m.» " wrath/' and 
with the accent on the root, drati-s, f., "fear, care" (from 
the root art rU "to move oneself compare Latin ir€i)\ 
ramali'8, m., ** the God of Love,^' as *' sporter" (root ram, 
*' to sport") J vahaii'8, m., " wind,'' as ** blower." I believe, 
however, that in this class of words ti only is the true 
suffix, and a the retained class-vowel (see p. 1106). The 
Lithuanian presents as analogous forms gywa-sti-s^ " life,"' 
and rimm-a-sti'Sy " rest,'' the s of which is therefore euphonic. 
The latter answers also radically to the Sanscrit ram-a-Hs, 
as ram, with the prep, d (dram), signifies ** to rest." On 
the other hand, from gyw-a-sti'S (y = ^® ^^^ ^ expect 
jiv-a-ti'S. The circumstance that the said Lithuanian words 
form in the genitive gywaschio, rimmaschio, from gywaschia 
[G. Ed. p. 1199.] and rimmaschia {chia euphonic for -Ha, see 
§. 783., p. 1046), and are become masculine, which the San- 
scrit abstracts in ti never are, need not deter us from recog- 
nising the affinity of formation of the words spoken of in 
both languages, as similar extensions of the limits of words, 
as also changes of gender, are not uncommon in the Indo- 
European stock of languages. I refer, with respect to 
both these points, to the Latin in-i-tiu-m for in-i-ii'S above 
mentioned (§. 847.). Together with gt/w-a-sti'St " life," and 
rimm-a-sii'St there exist also, in Lithuanian, some analogous 
masculine abstracts which exhibit e for a as the middle 
vowel ; thus, luJc-e-sli'S, *' the writing ;" mok-e-sti-s, " pay- 
ing ;" rup-e-sU'S, ** care ;" gail-e-Bti-St " penitence ;" pylce- 
sli'S, "rancour" (pykstu, " I am wrath," pret. pykau). In 
Greek we find a few analogous forms which admit of com- 
parison with the above-mentioned Sanscrit abstract dr-aH-s, 
" fear, anxiety " in which e has been inserted : ve/x-e-o-z-y, 
Aax-e-<ri-s', evp-e-iri^^ (see p. 1098), where the agreement in 
accentuation is also to be noticed. 

850. The suffix nt, moreover, is, in Sanscrit, not only a 
means of forming feminine abstracts, but produces also 


some similar appellatives, which accentuate, some the root, 
some the suffix : e. g.t vrUh-nl-s, " rain,'' as " impregna- 
tor" (n euphonic for n);* ag-nl-s, " fire/' is perhaps an ab- 
breviation of dag-ni'S (compare ddg-dhum, " to burn,'' root 
dah), which reaches back beyond the time of the separation 
of language^, as dim is a more recent one of dairu (Greek 
SaKpv) ; vdh-ni'Sf in the Vedas, among other things, ** horse," 
as "bearing" or "drawing" (see Benfey's Glossary), in classic 
Sanscrit "fire;" yd-ni-s, masc. fem., ^* vulva" (root yw, 
" to join together"). An accurately-re- [G. Ed. p. 1200.] 
tained analogous form to agni-s is to be found in several 
of the European sister languages : in Latin, ig-ni-s, in 
Lithuanian, ug-ni-s, which latter, however, has become 
feminine ; while the Sclavonic orub og-ny (theme ogni) has 
preserved the gender handed down to it. In Lithuanian 
ni appears in some other feminine bases, the root of which 
is obscured ; thus, us-ni-St " thistle," is perhaps originally 
" the sticking," and radically akin to the Sanscrit vsh, " to 
burn " (Latin us, ur) ; •)• szak-ni-s, " root," may be named 
from " to grow," and be akin to the Sanscrit sak, " to 
be able ;" as, conversely, the Gothic mag, " I can," and 
mah-iiiys^ " might," conduct us to a Sanscrit root which 
signifies "to grow" (waft, manh). In Latin we may per- 
haps further refer here cri-ni-s, pd-ni'S, fi-ni'S, fu-ni-s, and 
the adjectives li-ni-s and seg-ni-s, which, however, are all 
of them more or less obscured as to their roots. Cn-nUs 
may, like the Sanscrit rd-man for rdh-man (see §. 796.), and 
iird-ruhd, " hair of the head" ("growing on the head"), 
be named from "to grow" (cre-scot cre-vi), inasmuch as it 

* Root varshf n^Uh. The Latin verreSf which is probably akin^ takes 
its form perhaps by afisimilation for vemes. 

t Thas, in all probability, dygulis^ " prickle, thorn," drgsni-s, " stitch 
with the needle," and de(/iu, "I stick" are connected with degii^ *'I 


does not spring, as capittus from caput, from another term for 
the head (Sanscrit Hras from kiras, " head,^ Greek jcapa) ; 
pd-ni'S signifies, perhaps, " the nourishing" (Sanscrit j!>d, " to 
support, to nourish,^' compare porsco), but might also have 
lost a final radical consonant (as, e.g. lu-na, lu-men, for luc-na, 
luc-men^ful-men !or fidg-men), and may be named from "to 
bake;''* fi-ni-s, perhaps iov fidrni-s, tvova fid^findo; fa-nis 
[G. Ed. p. 1201.] is referred by Pott (Et. I., I. 251.), and I 
believe rightly, to the Sanscrit bandit, " to bind/' with 
which he also compares fido, fxdus, and the Greek TtetSta 
(root md) ; consequently, in the latter forms, the old a, as 
in our pres. binde (see p. 106), has been weakened to i ; 
while the u of fA-ni-s for fud-nis is closer to the old a, 
and compensates by its being lengthened for the consonant 
that has been dropped-j* But if funis belongs to bandli^ 
the n might also be radical, which, however, I do not be- 
lieve, as fido also, and veldui, have lost the nasal, and roots 
which terminate in a mute with a nasal preceding dis- 
pense rather with the less important nasal than with the 
mute : hence, in Sanscrit, e.g. baddh-d-s, ** bound." Seg-ni-s 
I hold to be akin to the Sanscrit root sajj, *' adhterere;** 
8at{/, ** qfigere** (sak-fd-s, '^ ajftxua'*'') : it may originally sig- 

* The p of the Sanscrit pack (from pak), Greek freYrai, has been 
changed into a guttural in coqua, which does not prevent the assumption 
that the original labial has not been entirely lost. 

t Regarding the origin of the aspirates oi funis andfido^ opposed to the 
Greek ttci^o), see §. 104., and Ag. Benary, " Doctrine of Roman Sounds," 
p. 100. As regards the Greek ir for Sanscrit b, we find the same relation 
in TTvdy compared witli the Sanscrit root budh, *' to know." Tho circum- 
stance, that in Sanscrit, together with haiidhy there exists another root 
wliich cannot be cited^ bundh, cannot instigate me to refer the Latin 
fu-nis rather to this buncUi than to bandh ; but I believe that tho weak- 
ening of the a to u (see §. 604.), which, for the reason given above, has 
been lengthened in Latin, has found its way into the Sanscrit bundh, Latin 
Ju'td'Sy and Gothic bund-um^ '' we bound," for the first time after the 
separation of languages, from a principle common to the three languages. 


nify '* held fast, held in," hence " slow, inactive/' In 
Lithuanian, segu means " I fasten,'" the original a of which 
has maintained itself in sak-ti-s (gen. -ies), " clasp, buckle." 
L^-ni'St if it be akin to Keio^^ can have ni only as forma- 
tive suflBbic. In Sanscrit, lu cl. 1., signifies '' Uquefacere, sol- 
vere," whence li-nd-St " solutus, extinctus;"' li, cl. 9., ** adhte- 
rere, inhcBrerCf insidere.^^ 

[G. Ed. p. 1202] 851. The intermediate vowel-weakening 
of the pronominal bases 7 /a, tf na, exhibited by the suffixes 
tu, nut shew that they stand in the same phonetic relation to 
the forms to, no, tU ni, as that in which, in the interrogative, 
the form ku stands to ka, ki (see §§. 386. 389. 390.). The 
suffix tu is particularly important in Sanscrit as a forma- 
tive of the infinitive, and of a gerund in tvd. I have al- 
ready, in my System of Conjugation (pp. 39, 43), represented 
the former as an accusative, with m as the sign of case, 
and the latter as an instrumental, and will not repeat here 
the grounds which induce me to regard the infinitive in 
all languages as an abstract substantive, with the privilege 
of governing, like the so-called gerunds and supines, the 
case of the verb, and to employ several other freedoms in 
construction. The Indian Grammarians assign the m of 
the infinitive in turn to the suffix, which they call tu-mun, 
in order to express by n, which is joined by means of the 
conjunctive vowel u to the turn, which they view as the 
true suffix, the denial of the accent, which rests on the 
radical syllable ; hence, e.g. dA-tum, "to give ;'' stha-tum, "to 
stand ;" pdk'tum, "to cook f' trds4um, "to tremble f dt-tum, 
" to eat ;" vU-tum, " to know." That the Indian Gramma- 
rians regard the final m of these forms not as the sign of the 
accusative, and therefore as alien to the true suffix, must sur- 
prise us the more, as in the Veda dialect, of which I was ig- 
norant when I first began to treat of this subject, the abstract 
substantive in iu occurs also in other cases, and, indeed, in 
the dative with the termination iavi or tavAh s^nd in the 


genitive-ablative with the termination ids. In these forms, 
however, the Indian Grammarians refer the case-termina- 
tions e or du and g likewise, to the sufEx (Panini, III. 4. 9.); 
yet we can hardly imagine it possible that Pjinini, when he, 
[G. Ed. p. 1203.] e.g. III. 4. 13., says, iscar^ idsun-kasundu, 
i.e. that in construction with isvara, ** lord, capable,'" the un- 
accented sufHxes ids and as may supply the place of the in- 
finitive suffix turn, he can therein have overlooked that 
here iOs is the genitive of the suffix tu, and as the genitive 
termination of abstract substantives without any suffix. 
It is, however, certain that the practical Grammarians often 
overlooked that which was not far to find, if it was no 
longer clearly perceptible in the usances of the ordinary 
language of the day ; and if Panini has made a mistake 
here, we cannot wonder that Colebrooke also, who, in his 
Grammar, keeps strictly to the rules handed do^-n by the 
native Grammarians, should assign the formations in fd^un), 
{k)as(un)f fum(iin), and {k)tvdf to the "aptotes" ("Grammar 
of the Sanscrit language," p. 122);* and, e.g. place kdrtum^ ** to 

* As regards the infinitive in /tim, and the gemnd in fra, A. W. v. 
Schlegel, too, has, in noticing mj view of these forms (Indische Bihlio- 
thck," I. p. 125), so far assented, as to say that the assertion that the infi- 
nitive in turn is the accusative of a verbal noun mtu" has a certain spe- 
ciousness," for the supine of the Latin lias undoubtedly the appearance 
of a verbal noun of the 4th declension. As regards, however, tlie form in 
tv/i, Schlegel very decidedly denies the justness of viewing in a genmd of 
the same {i.e. according to his idea) any oblique case whatever of an 
abstract substantive governing the case of the verb ; but he will have the 
form in question called ^' an absolute participle," perhaps because it, as 
he remarks at p. 1124, when it governs an accusative, can be aptly ren- 
dered into Latin by the ablative absolute ; e.g. tan drishtud by eo viso. 
Though, however, tan drUhtvd might aptly be so rendered, yet this does 
not prevent its properly signifying ** poat-actionem videndi eum, " after 
seeing him :" for the instrumental, which I recognise in drUhtvd, ex- 
presses also, where it refers to a time, the relation *^ after;" hence, e.g. 
achhrSna kdUna^ ^ after a short (not long) time;" consequently this 



make/' krilvL "after making/' in the same [G. Ed. p. 1204.] 
class with adverbs like kidaSf " whence ?'' ydtrat " where ?*" 

gerund case, where it expresses the relfttion " after/' is fittingly translated 
into other languages by a preterite participle ; thus, e,g, ity uktvd (^' after 
so speaking") may be rendered into Latin by *Uia locutus,*' and into 
German by " so gesprochen habend." We must, however, be on our 
guard, if we would understand the nature of a form of speech, against 
disposing of it ac<;ording to the fashion in which it can be most conve- 
niently rendered into another dialect without injury to the general im- 
port. As the instrumental also expresses the relation '' with/' the gerund 
under discussion may also be employed where a present participle might 
be expected, and where, in translations into other languages, we might 
aptly avail ourselves of such a part of speech ; 2lb, e,g, Nal. IX. 24., '•^ he 
spake to Bhdimi with explanation," i.e. "explaining" (compare W. v. 
Humboldt in Schlegel's I. Bibl., II. 127.); where, indeed, in the original, 
we do not find the gerund in tvd^ but another, of which hereafter, which, 
however, in its constructions, agrees exactly with that in tvd, and in 
which, too, an instrumental may be recognised, though not, indeed, as 
clearly. Our gerund expresses the relation "with" also there, where it 
comes after alam, " enough," in which position, however, we more com- 
monly find the instrumental of other abstract substantives. The forms 
alam bhuktvd and cdam bhojan^nay i.e. "enough with eating," signify the 
same ; and I have appealed already, in my Conjugation-System (p. 52), 
to this kind of construction as to a decisive proof of the instrumental and 
gerundial nature of the form in tva; and will only further add here, that 
Forster also, whose Grammar was then unknown to me, regards the form 
in tva^ in this particular case, as a gerund (" Essay on the principles of 
Sanscrit Grammar," p. 468), without, however, entering into any expla- 
nation of its origin, and of the case-relation denoted by it. The use of 
gerunds with alam is very rare in authors, in that, as it appears, the 
abstracts in ana^ which will be discussed hereafter, and on which our 
German infinitive is based, have almost entirely supplanted the gerunds in 
iva and ya in this position. I am able at present to quote only one solitary 
example of the gerund in ya with alam; viz. Mah. III. 869. 1., dlan 
kfishna vamanyat nam{-ya €nam)^ " Enough, Krishna, with despising 
him " (i. c. " despise him no further"). Schlcgel grounds a principal 
objection against the formative affinity of the form in tv& and the infini- 
tive in turn on the circumstance that the two forms do not stand in such 

exact accordance with one another in ail roots as in pdktum and paktvd ; 




idthd, thus." As regards the infinitive in turn, the circum- 
stance that this form does not in all places express the 

but I had m3'self before, in my Conjugation-System, pp. 57, 68, drawn 
attention to the difference ; as, ^.^. between vaktutn^ from the base vaktu, 
and uktva^ from the contracted base uktu : and, moreover, \V, v. Hum- 
boldt (Indische Bibl., I. 433., II. 71.), in a copious and profoundly pene- 
trating examination of the disputed point, whether the form in tva be an 
indeclinable participle or a gerund, has not been deterred by such difi^- 
renccs from recognising in the infinitive and the form in tvSi a formative 
affinity and common suffix, and from uniting with me in representing the 
latter as a gerund invested with the termination of the instrumental and 
expressing the relations of this case (1. c. 11. p. 127). On the other 
liand, Lassen (1. c. III. p. 104) consents indeed to recognise in the form 
in tvd a gerund, but denies it to be an instrumental. His objection 
against the original identity of the infinitive and the gerund (which, as is 
evident from what has been said, I have never asserted) is from the 
"older forms of the gerund" which occur in Panini (VII. 1. 47.). Be- 
fore I mention these forms, I must repeat, that, as Lassen lays down in 
other places, that alone is to be considered as ancient which the Veda 
dialect exhibits differing from the classical Sanscrit ; otherwise we must 
(to keep to the instrumental) regard the V^dlc instrumcntals, mentioned 
in the Scholiast to Panini, VII. I. 39., dhxtf, matt, mshluti (for dJuty^, 
maty-d, sufhtuty-d), which have dropped the case-terminations — as well 
as locatives like charman for charmam^ 1. c. — as older than the forms of 
the classic language which are provided witli the case-termination. After 
the analogy of the said Vedic instrumcntals may also be explained the 
Vedic gerunds in tvi {e.g. vriivi, Rigv. I. 62. (5.), if we, with Kuhn 
('^ Journal of Lit. Crit.," 1844, p. 114), compare these forms with Vedic 
instmmentals like dhrishnuyd^ " with courage," which I now readily do, 
without, however, assuming, with the said learned man, that such instm- 
mentals come from bases in ri ; but I hold the y of dhrishmtydy urttya^ 
for a euphonic insertion (see § 43.) ; and I refer to the analogous feminine 
pronominal instrumental amu-y-d (" tlirough that") of the common lan- 
guage opposed to the masculine neuter amu-n-d. The feminine theme of 
the pronoun spoken of has indeed a long u, except before the euphonic y ; 
as, however, adjectives also can lengthen a final u in the feminine, so may 
dhrishnu-y-d and um-y-d be derived from dhrishnu, tiriJ. Were it, how- 
over, preferred to derive them from dhrishrwl, urvi, because adjectives in 

u can annex an I* (see §. 119.), we should still feel no slight ground for 



accusative relatiou, but is also found expressing rela- 
tions otherwise far removed from the [G. Ed. p. 1206.] 

ttMuming, together with tlie pronominal base am^, a base amviy simply in 
order to annex tliereto the terminations beginning with a vowel, especially 
as from amvt, according to the only mle which prevails in Sanscrit, must 
-come amvy-d, amvyS-s. If we, however, choose to consider the y in 
amu-f/-dy atnu-ySs, as an insertion, the inference of this recoils also upon 
the said V^da forms dhrishnu-y-d, uru-y-a^ which in the Scholiast to 
Panini (1. c.) ars represented as=cfAmAm«-ii-d, uru-n-d^ and belonging to 
the mascnline or neuter, which can hardly be established by the Veda 
text. In the substantively -used dhrishnt^d, ^ with courage," the gender 
cannot "be discovered from the passages of the Rigv. which lie before me. 
I regard it, however, as feminine, until I find proof to the contrary. The 
Yedic gerunds in tvi , if we derive the tvt from tu-y-dy accord with the 
above-mentioned Vedic instrumentals {dhUx from dhity-d, &c.), in so &r 
that they, in like manner, have, after dropping the termination, changed 
the preceding semi-vowel into the corresponding long one. But if the 
termination ti>i do not rest on this principle, I would explain, as I have 
before done, tvi from tvd as the consequence of the weakening of the 
vowel, according to the principle of forms like yu-rd-mds for yu-nd-rnds 
(see §. 485.). — The Vedic gerunds in tvd-ya have the appearance of da- 
tives from bases in tva : as they, however, have not a dative, but, in like 
manner, an instrumental meaning, and also in their formation, exclusive 
of the affix ya, approximate to the usual form in tvd, but not to the 
above-mentioned (§. 835.) abstracts in tva, e.g. gcUviya (Schol. to P&n. 
VII. I. 46.) to gatvdy vrittvdya (Yajurveda XI. 19.) to vrittvd, kritvdya 
(1. c. 59.) to kritvd (cf. kdrtva-m, §. 835.), I would rather, with Panini, 
regard tvdya as a lengthened form of tvd with the affix ya, than con- 
versely, with Lassen (1. c. p. 106), look upon tvd as an abbreviation of 
tidya. The lengthening of the instrumental termination d to dya is like 
that by which, in bases in a, the dative termination ^ has prolonged itself 
to aya (from ^i-a, sec §. 165.), only the y here is the representative of 
the t contained in the diphthong i, while the y of tvdya is perhaps an 
euphonic insertion (see §. 43.); as, e.g., in yd-y-in^ ^' going" (root yd^ 
suffix tn); and in the Vedic dhd-y-as, ^Uhe carrying, supporting" (root 
diui, suffix as). — Besides tvt and tvdya, tiAnam also (Pan. VI. I. 48.) is 
named as the representative of the termination tvd, occurring, however, 
as added to the root yaj, ^' to honour" {ishfifinam for Uh(vd) ; and in the 
scholium ou the said Sutia we find aLso a form in tvdnam, viz. pUvdnam 

4 G for 


accusative, may liave chiefly occasioned the overlooking 
[G. Ed. p. 1207.] its m to be the sign of the accusative* 

for p(tvd. If these forms, of which I know no examples that can be cited, 
are really equivalent in meaning to those in tva^ and therefore expressive 
of instrumental relations, I can but recognise in their termination nam an 
enclitic; and I could only join with Lassen in conjecturing a suffix ivan^ 
and deriving from it pUvanam, after the analogy of ro/tiitam, and in 
regarding Uhii^nam as a weakened form of iahtvdnam^ if the forms ishM^ 
nam and pitvdnam were shewn, according to this signification, to be accu- 
satives ; but I could in nowise be induced to look upon the form in tvd^ 
which is also the prevailing one in the VSdas, as an abbreviation of that 
in tvdnam, M. Professor Lassen, in his polemic against my theory with 
regard to the form in ^^ has kept the principal point of my argument quite 
in the back ground ; viz. this^ that the forms which terminate in tvCiy if 
we regard them, as Lassen does, as gerunds, express in all places, as is 
well demonstrated by W. v. Humboldt's copious investigation, only such 
case-relations as are denoted by tlie instrumental, but which are quite 
and entirely removed from the accusative, as also from the dative ; and 
were this not the case, the mere form would never have led mc to recog- 
nise in the formations in tvd the instrumental of feminine substantives in 
tu^ which, with regard to their gender and their suffix, find a good sup- 
port in the Greek abstracts in rv-s (as ibrjrv's), to which I first drew 
attention in my treatise ** On the influence of Pronouns on the formation 
of Words" (p. 25). However, Lassen further remarks (1. c. p. 105), that 
if we compare the lingual use of this gerund, the instrumental '' or abla- 
tive" were perhaps better adapted for expressing the notional relation of 
this verbal form, than the accusative, which is never suited for tliat pur- 
pose. Into the province of the ablative, however, in my opinion, this 
gerund never enters, unless one thinks of the Latin ablative, which, at 
the same time, represents the Sanscrit instrumental; hence, e,g, in a 
passage of the Bhag. (II. S7.\jitvd may be aptly translated by tlie ablative 
of the gerund {vincendo)^ thus, ^' vel occisus calum es adepturus, vet vtn- 
cendo pouidehu terram" If need be, however, I would regard here also 
the instrumental gerund as expressing the relation ^' after," *^ after con- 
quering thou wilt possess the earth." A Sanscrit ablative, perhaps^'oyiS/, 
"from the victory," or "on account of the victory," could hardly be 
expected in this and eumilar passages. Still more decisively than in the 
passage just quoted, is the genuine instrumental relation, or that of the 
Latin ablative of the gerund expressed in a passage of the Hitopades, 



the relation of which the infinitive evidently there ex- 
presses, where it is governed by verbs, or verbal-substan- 
tives, or adjectives, which express, " to [G. Ed. p. 1208.] 
will," " to wish," " to know," ** to strive," " to be able," 
" to begin," " to command," " to determine ;" where it is 
to be observed, as regards the verbs of mo- [G. Ed. p. 1209.] 
tion, that the object of every motion in Sanscrit is regu- 
larly expressed by the simple accusative. As to the accu- 
sative nature of the infinitive a passage of the Sakuntala, 
already cited by Hofer ("Of the Infinitive" p. 95), is very 
characteristic, in which, of two actions influenced by a 
verbal expression denoting "beginning," the one is ex- 
pressed by the accusative of an abstract substantive in a, 
and the other by the infinitive : bdhutkshipan rSditun-cha 
pranriUd, "she began outstretching arms and to weep." 

already cited by me in my Conjagation-system (p. 45) : tvam uchchdiU 
sahdan kritvd svdminan kathan na jdgarai/asi, " tu dard voce clamorem 
faciundo dominum cur non evigilas." When Lassen (1. c. p. 105) stu- 
diedly calls the gerund under discussion '' indeclinable/' I have nothing 
to say against it, inasmuch as one may term any case, as sw^, indeclina- 
ble, and so much the more those which are only the remains of the ori- 
ginally perfect declension of a certain class of words. \Vlien, however, the 
said learned person refuses to see what can have induced me to blame 
those who have preceded me for calling the gerund indeclinable, I must 
be allowed to remark, that my censure chiefly consists in this, that my 
predecessors have called this '^ gerund," not *' a gerund," but *' a partici- 
ple.^ One might very well be content with an indeclinable gerund, though 
perhaps no one would see the necessity of making especial mention of the 
incapability of further declension in a form which had been admitted to 
be a gerund. As, however, in the form in tvd a participle was recognised, 
by which one had reason to expect a capacity for declension (cf. W. v. 
Humboldt, 1. c II. 134.), Wilkins expressly called this putative participle 
'Undeclinable,'' and Carey ''adverbial:" on the other hand, Lassen, in 
that he acknowledged the gerundial nature of the form under discussion, 
supported the one moiety of my assertion, and, in the same manner as my- 
self, blamed the clothing the formations in tvd and ya with the name of 
indeclinable or adverbial ^' participles." 

4 g2 


Such passages, too, require especial notice where one and 
the same verb simultaneously govern the accusative of the 
infinitive and that of a person, in exact agreement with 
the construction of the Latin and Greek accusative with 
the infinitive, and with similar constructions in German ; 
as, *' Ich sah ihn fallen'"' " I saw him fall" (cf. Conjugation- 
system, pp. 75, 107, and Hofer's Infinitive, p. 122). Thus, 
Savitri, V. 100. (Diluvium, p. 39), yadi nidn jivitun ichchhasi, 
** si me vivere cupisf^ Ram. ed. Schl. II. 12. loe., na jiviiun 
ivdn vishahi, " non vivere te sustineor Vrihatkatha, p. 314, si. 
172, kam apt rdjdnaii sndivn tatra dadaria, " he saw a certain 
king bathe there." In verbs of motion the infinitive ex- 
presses at the same time the place to which the motion is 
directed. As one, however, moves toward an action in 
order to execute it, the accusative termination of the in- 
finitive here enters upon the province of the dative, which 
latter case, in Sanscrit, most usually expresses the causal 
relation, while the proper dative relation is for the most 
part expressed by the genitive, which in Prakrit and Pali 
has indeed quite supplanted the dative. Thus, e.g, Hidimba 
I. 34., dgatS hantum imdn sarvdn, " arisen in order to destroy 
all these ;" Ram. ed. Schl. I. 20. 2., abhyaydd drashtum 
[G. Ed. p. 1210.] ay6dhyAy6,n narddhipam, '* he came to see 
the prince of men in Ayodhya ;" II. 97. is., dvdn hantum 
abhyiti bharatah\ " Bharat draws near to slay us both.*** 
Hence the language may have arrived at expressing, 
through the accusative of the infinitive, the causal relation 
also, in places where it is not the object of any verb of 
motion, or where the direction of the motion is immediately 
towards a distinctly-expressed place, and the infinitive only 
expresses the reason of the motion ; thus, e.g. Mali. I. 2876., 
munin virajasan dr ash tun gamishydmi tapdvanamy "to see 
the immaculate hermit I will go into the wood of peni- 
tence f ' Hitop. (Bonn. Ed.) p. 47. n., pdniyam pAtum ya- 
mundkachchham agamaU " He went to the shore of the 


Yamuna to drink water/' Without a verb of motion, 
Draup. 4. 20., alan ii pdnduputrdndm bhakfyd klAiam updsitunif 
"Away with thy love to the sons of Pandu, in order to bear 
distress ;"" Indraloka, I. 15. 16., druhasva rathditamam .... 
sudurlabham samdrddhum^ ''ascend the best of chariots, 
which to ascend (on account of the ascending) is hardly to 
be attained." I now, too, regard the infinitive as express- 
ing the dative relation where it is by the side of words 
which express a time, or by other substantives, and at the 
same time it appears to represent the genitive or the Latin 
gerund in di; as, e.g. Nalas, 20. le., nd yan Mid vilambitumf 
"this is not the time to hesitate" ("to the hesitating, for 
the hesitating'') ; thus Urvasi (Lenz, p. 10., Bollensen, p. 12), 
" this is not the time to see Satakratus (drashtum) ; Drau- 
padi III. 7., " The time has approached for these most ex- 
cellent heroes to come here" (" to the, or for the, approach") ; 
Hitop. ed. Bonn. p. 59, line 6, sthdtum ichchhd^ " the wish to 
stay" (not "of staying"); Ram. ed. Schl. II. 9. 7., irdtuii 
chhandah\ " the wish to hear ;' ' Mah. 1. 422., [G. Ed. p. 121 1.] 
pdndavdn hanium mantraK, *' the plan to slay the Pandavas" 
(for the slaying, on account of the slaying, not, " of the slay- 
ing"); Hitop. ed. Bonn. p. 119. SI. 40, ydddJiun saktiH, "the 
power to fight ;" Arjun's return, 9. 6. (Diluvium, p. Ill), 
antaram . . . paddd vichalitum padam, " room to move foot 
from foot" Observe that the ordinary accusative also 
occasionally expresses the relation of the cause or of the 
object; as, Bhagavad Gita, XVI. 3. 4. 5., sampadan ddivlm 
abhijdtd 'si^ " to a god-like destiny art thou bom." Con- 
versely we sometimes find the dative of common abstracts 
in constructions where the infinitive was to be expected in 
its genuine accusative function. I have already, in a Note 
to "Arj Una's journey to Indra's heaven" (p. 79), drawn 
attention to such a use in upa-kram^ " to begin, to com- 
mence." We read, viz. Hidimba, I. 22., gamandyd ''pachak- 
rami " he began to go" (" to the going," or " on account of 


the going," instead of '* the going T so Ram. ed. Sehl. I. 29. 
26.).* Still more important is another passage of this 
kind (Maha-Bhar. III. 12297.), where the dative dependent 
on upa-kram governs tlie accusative exactly after the 
manner of an infinitive, asirdni .... darsandyd ^pachakrami, 
" he began to survey the arms."" Similarly we find abhi- 
rSchay (causal of wfir^ abhiruch), " to be pleased, to 
will, to wish,"' with the dative of abstract substantives in- 
stead of the infinitive standing in the accusative relation ; 
e.g. Ram. ed. Sehl. I. 36. 2., gamandyd ^bhlrdchaya, " be 
[G. Ed. p. 1212.] pleased to go "" (to the going, instead of, 
** the going,'' adioneni eundi). So also uisahf " to be able,'' 
in which again the remarkable circumstance occurs, that, 
in the example before me the dative governed by the said 
verb, viz. paribhdgdyaf '*to enjoy" ("to the enjoying"), 
like the ordinary infinitive paribhdktum, governs an accu- 
sative, Mah. III. 16543., " Thee, O Maithili, I cannot enjoy" 
(ivdm . . . . n^ ^isahi paribhdydya). So we sometimes find 
the dative expressing the place towards which a motion is 
made, for which purpose the accusative is altogether and 
specially employed ; e.g. Mah. II. 2613., vandya pravavrajuh\ 
*' they went forth to the wood ;" III. 10076., diramdya gach- 
chhdvaf *' we go (both of us) to the hermitage." On the 
other liand, we find precisely in its place the dative of 
abstract substantives as representative of the infinitive 
in the causal relation ; e.g. in a passage (" Arjuna's 
Journey to Indra's heaven," p. 74) of the 12th part of the 
Mail., already elsewhere quoted, " in order to dwell (vdsdya) 
twelve years in the wood (went he) ;" Draup. 8. 20., " Sura- 
tha sent to slay Nakula (vadhdya nakulasya), the most 
excellent of the elephants;" Schol. to Panini, II. 3. 15., 

* We find, however, also the iniinitiyo in construction with upakram ; 
f,g. Indraloka, I. 21., tarn dprashtum upachakram^, "he began to take 
leave of him/' 


jpdkdya vrajati, "he goes to cook" (in order to cook)- 
Urvasi (Lenz, p. 4., Boll. p. 5.), yatvthyi vaK sakhipraiy&na- 
ydya, " I will strive to bring back your f riend.'^ It de- 
serves notice, that the abstract substantives, which in 
classical Sanscrit intrude upon the functions of the infini- 
tive, are all, except the proper infinitive in tu-m, formed 
by the suffixes ana or a, to which I particularly draw atten* 
tion for this reason, that we afterwards meet with the 
same suffixes slightly corrupted in the European languages 

852. We very often find the abstracts, [G. Ed. p. 1213.] 
which are formed with ana, in order to express the causal 
relation of the infinitive, in the locative, which, in Sanscrit 
especially, very frequently stands for the dative. Such infi- 
nitive locatives, after the manner of ordinary substantives, 
regularly govern the genitive ; as, e.g. Savitri, 1. 33., bhartur 
anvishani tvarot ** hasten to seek a spouse'^ (" in the seeking 
of a spouse," or **on account of the seeking"); Nal. 24. a?., 
updyaK .... dnayani tava, " the means of bringing thee 
hither" (" to the bringing hither of thee") ; 17. »., nalasyd^ 
nayani yata, " strive to bring Nala here ;" 34., yaiadhvan 
nalam drfanS, ** strive ye to seek Nala" (" in the searching 
of Nala");* Mah. 3. 14798., na tv abhyanufidn lapsydmi 
gamani yatra pd)idavdh\ ** I shall not, however, obtain per- 
mission (thither) to go, where the Pan^avas." As the 
dative of abstract substantives is found representing the 
accusative relation, so is also the locative of the form in 
ana, and, indeed, in the example before me, it is governed by 
sak, " to be able," with which in general usage we find the 
infinitive in turn; but Ram. ed. Schl. I. 66. 19., na iikur 
grahani lasya dhanashdH, ** they could not receive this bow " 
(** in the receiving this bow"), with which may be com- 

* On the other hand, the aame verb with the form in tum^ Nal 15. 4., 
sarvah yatishyS tat kartum, '^ all this will I strive to do." 


pared the above-mentioned (G. ed. p. 1212.) nS "tsahS pari^ 
hhdgAycL As in the passage mentioned this paribhdga 
governs an accusative, so also is the form in ani occa- 
sionally found with an accusative ; but hitherto I know of 
no parallel example to place by the side of that already 
quoted elsewhere (" Arjuna's Journey," &c., p. 8o). It 
[G. Ed. p. 1214.] occurs Nalus 7. lo., iam .... suhridAn na 
tu koFchana nivdranS 'bhavach chhaktd divyamdnam, ''but 
none of his friends was capable of restraining him (in 
the restraining) playing.'' It is more rare to find the 
locative of a substantive formed by the suffix a as repre- 
sentative of the infinitive. One example occurs, Raghu- 
vansa, 16. 75., where, however, it is uncertain whether iad- 
vichayi be to be taken as a compound, or whether tad be 
an accusative neuter, governed by vichayi, ** to seek." I 
annex the whole passag^e i samajnApayad Asu sarvAn Andyinas 
tadvichay6 (or tad vichayS) " he commanded therewith all 
fishermen to seek * that (bracelet,'' valaya masc. neut.). It 
may be considered as a point in favour of the view which 
regards tad as the accusative governed by vichayi that both 
the dative and accusative of abstracts formed by the suffix 
a occur as substitutes for the infinitive in construction 
with the accusative. As regards the dative, I recall atten- 
tion to tvAm paribhdgAya, " to enjoy thee," in the passage 
quoted above (p. 1212 G. ed.). An instance of the accusative 
of this class of words governing the accusative as substitute 
for the infinitive is aSbrded us in the Kriyayogasara, of 
which we have to expect an edition from Wollheim : chakri 
vivAhan tAn kanyAm, L e. lit, " he made to marry that 

* The commentary takes tadvichayi as componnd, and explains tad by 
tasyd "bharanasya. I, however, do not doubt that tady whether it be 
taken as the first member of a compound in the genitive relation, or as an 
flccusative governed by vichayi, certainly refers to valaya, "bracelet," 
and not to dbharana, " ornament,'* which, in the preceding Sloka, stands 
at the end of a Bahavnhi (tulyapushpabharanoK), 


maiden/' Here we must return to the feminine form of 
the suffix a, viz. d, isolated accusatives of which are em- 
ployed in Zend for the infinitive, where it expresses the 
accusative relation (see §. 619.). I now [G. Ed. p. 1216.] 
prefer to translate the varaydm prachakramuh\ mentioned at 
§. 619. p. 842, and which remains, as yet, a solitary example, 
by "they made to gain," than by "they made gaining.''* 
To this form in dm may also be referred the Maratha in- 
finitives in uh, e.g. 'W^korunf " to make, to do,'' so that u 
would be to be taken as a corruption of an original d, as 
in the first persons ; as, j;^ichchhun, ** I wish" ( = Sanscrit 
ichchhdmi) ; ii% koruh, " I make ;" ?n^ sokuut " I can ;" for 
which, in Sanscrit, we should expect, according to the 1st 
class, Icardmh sakdmu It appears to me, however, more 
probable, that the said infinitives have lost a t, just as in 
bhdu, " brother," for bhrdtd. If this view be just, still the 
Maratha infinitive cannot therefore be compared with the 
Sanscrit in turn, because there is no reason apparent why 
the u should have been lengthened ; but I would rather 
explain ^ un, from i^tuHf for tvam, in the same way as 
tvam, "thou," in Marathi has become i^ tun. In the 
Maratha infinitive, therefore, the suffix j^ tva would be 
contained, which in classical Sanscrit forms denominative 
abstracts (see §. 834.), and in the Vedic dialect also verbal 
abstracts (see §. 835.). From this suffix I should prefer 
also to deduce the Maratha gerund in 7i^ un; thus, e.g. 
H^f^ Icorurij ** after the making" ("having made"), from 
the instrumental kortvdna.^ with the suppression of the 
final a, which is left in the Prakrit gerunds as 

* If prakram be not confirmed in the meaning " to make," we must 
translate " they began to obtiun,'* which does not prejudice the infinitive 
nature of the form in dm. 

t Cf. ^irrsT divdfio, or ^^ divdni, « by the God''=Sanscrit dS- 


[G. £d. p. 121G.] pdunci, gMuna, lahiunOf vilShiuna, dgantunat 
iktiina.* The Prakrit, however, is not wanting also in 

* The t of the gerundial suffix appears fo be preserved principally, if 
Dot solely, under the protection of a preceding consonant. The first / of 
gh^ttuna (Sanscrit root grak) evidently rests on assimilation, be it that 
the n or the h of ghtmh (inf. ghetihiduh and ghittuh) has assimilated itself 
to the t following. In hattuna, from han, the first i stands decidedly 
for R. Lassen also (Inst. p. 367) compares these Prakrit geronds with 
those in MarathI, but traces them both back to the above-mentioned 
(G. ed. p. 1207), but as yet unciteable, gerund in tvdnam. Against this 
explanation, even if the gerund in tvdnam were better established than 
it is, as accusative, the objection would present itself, that the Prakrit has 
nowhere else allowed the accusative sign m to be lost, but has everywhere 
retained it in the form of an anusvira. Lassen (1. c. p. 2d9) also deduces 
the Prdkrit nominal abstracts in ttana (by assimilation from tvana) from 
the alread3'-mentioned tvan; but since then, in the edited Veda text an 
actual secondar}'^ {taddhita-) suffix tvana has been found, which, as such, 
as also by its form, has a much stronger claim to be regarded as the origin 
of the Prdkrit ttana. The following are examples : mahitvand-m^ '^ great- 
ness" (from the Vedic mahi, "great"); sakfiitvand-m, "friendship;" 
martyatvand^niy "mortality or humanity "(?). I cannot, however, see 
the reason why Bcnfey (Glossary to the S&ma-Veda, s. v. mahitvd) calls 
the suffix tvana more organic tlian tva : for the broader form might as 
well be an extension of the shorter, as conversely the shorter bo an abbre- 
viation of the broader. They both appear to be of primitive antiquity. 
The former we have already recognised in Gothic and Sclavonic (see 
§§. 834. 835.) ; on the latter is based very probably the Greek avmj ; 
e,g. in dovXocrvin;, ^iKaioavvrj^ a-axfipoavvrjj which has passed into the femi- 
nine. With regard to the syllable <rv, for the Sanscrit tva, compare the 
relation of <rv to iva-m, "thou" (§. 326.) In Marathi we meet with the 
Vedic suffix tvana in the rather obscured form of pom in abstract neuters ; 
as, bdWpdndf "childhood" (see Vans Kennedy, "Dictionary," II. p. 16), 
witlijofor tv (cf. §.341.; Schluss and Hoefer, "de Pr&crita dialecto," 
p. 166). Carey (Gramm., p. 32) writes ^OT pon for l^ piono^ and sup- 
presses also, in his dictionary, very frequently the final vowel of Sanscrit 
neuter bases in a: he writes, e.g., X(m pdp, "sin," ^^w dd»Sn, "tooth," 

Jirim^pdybs, "milk," ^t^chdhddn, " sandal- wood," ^TfW roAtfn, "w- 
hiculum," for Jim pdpo, &c 


gerunds, which are based on the Sanscrit [G. £d. p. 1217.] 
in tvd; as, e.g. jra€iua = Sanscrit gatvd, with the final vowel 
shortened. The Marathi also uses, to express the infinitive, 
abstract substantives in ono, and, indeed, especially to ex- 
press the nominative relation, in which the form in ^ un 
is scarcely to be found. Thus, in Carey (Grammar, p. 76), 
mold korono podoio, ** to me to do (the doing) (is) beseeming f ^ 
on the other hand, p. 7^ min kuruh sokun, " I can do f' p. 80, 
mfn korun ichchhun, " I wish to do.'' We may here, on 
account of the frequent and pervading interchange of 
r and ( recall remembrance en passant to the remarkable 
similarity between the Maratha dative-accusative termina- 
tion Id and the modern Persian rd. Compare, for example, 
the just-mentioned mold, " to me, me," with the Persian 
merd; and tulA, "to thee, thee,'' with turd; dmhdld (from 
osmdld, see §. 166.), rffx7v, ^fxa^, with mdrd; tumhdldt vydVy u/xa;, 
with shumdrd. 

853. At the beginning of compounds, the infinitive in 
tum^ according to the universal principle x>f the formation 
of compound words, loses its case-sign, and then arises 
the bare theme in tu; e.g., Nal. IX. 31., nachd ^han tyaktu^ 
kdmas tvdm, "nor also am I of the will to leave thee'^ 
("having a quitting- wish"); where it is to be remarked, 
that in Sanscrit the first member of a compound may be 
treated, in respect to syntax, as an independent member 
of the sentence, wherefore tyaktu here governs the accu- 
sative (tvdm) just as much as if tyaktum stood there alone. 

854. The Veda dialect generally employs the dative to 
express the causal relation of the dative ; and, indeed, either 
that above mentioned (§. 851.) in tavi or [G. Ed. p. 1218.] 
tavdi* from the proper infinitive base in tu, or the dative 

* The form in tavdi is the more rare : it accents, beside the radical 

syllable, also the case-termination; e.g.ydmitavdi^ "in order to bridle" 

(Rigv. I. 28. 4.); kdrtavdi^ " in order to make" (Nwgh. II. 1.). In 



of abstract radical words, or of an abstract feminine base 
terminating in dhi or dhi, of which only the dative in 
dhydi has been retained ; so that this form has gained a 
still more genuine infinitive appearance through the lack 
of other cases from the same base. The termination 
dhydi is always preceded by a or aya, by, therefore, the 
theme of the special tenses of the 1st or 6th class, with a 
as class-vowel ; or by that of the 10th class, or causal form, 
with the character aya. Compare, e.g., plb-a-dhydi (strictly 
piba-dhydi, cf. §. 508.), "in order to drink" (Rigv. I. 88. 4.), 
with pibatU ** he drinks ;" kshdr-a-dhydU " in order to flow" 
(1. c. 63. 8.), with kahdr-a-ti ; sdh-a-dltydi, " in order to con- 
quer" (S. V. ed. Benf., p. 154), with sdh-a-ti; vand-d-dhydi, 
" in order to praise," with the accusative, Rigv. I. 61. s. ; 
viram .... vandddltydi, '* in order to praise the hero," 
with vdnd-a-ti; char-d-dltydi, "in order to drink" (1. c. 61. 72.), 
with chdr-a-ti ; rndd-ayd-dliydi, ** in order to gladden or re- 
joice," with mdddyati (causal of the root moJ, " to rejoice,^ 
Yajurv. 3. 13.) ; iiayadhydu " in order to enjoy, to the enjoy- 
ment" (Rosen, " Rig- Veda; Specimen," p. 8), with is-ayati* 
[G. Ed. p. 1219.] The isadliydi, "in order to stride through," 
cited by Westergaard (Radices, p. 278), belongs probably to 
the Vedic ii, cl. 6., and answers, therefore, to is-d-ti, " he 
goes" (Naigh. II. 14.). Among the infinitives in dhydU the 

combination with prepositions the first accent, and in other forms from the 
infinitive base in tu the only one falls on -he preposition; e.g. dnvHavdi^ 
"in order to follow" (from dnu and HaviU, Rigv. 1.24.8.); prdtidhdtavij 
" in order to place, to support " (from prdti^ "against," and dhdtavi, 1. c). 
* A denominative from ii, " wish, food ;" hence it signifies also '^ to 
wish" (so Rigv. I. 77. 4.). I liave already, in the "Journal for Lit. 
Crit." (Dec. 1830, p. 949), explained the form uayadydi, which Sayana 
regards as an instrumental plural, and explains by enhaniydih^ as Rosen 
does by " exoptatas^** as an infinitive, but I then found a difficulty in the t, 
in that I presupposed a verb of the 10th class, which would lead us to 
expect Cshayadhydi. Cf. Lassen, Anthol., p. 133. 


form vdvpcth-d-dhydi, "in order to make grow'' (Rigv. I. 
61. 3.), stands hitherto quite isolated, and may be regarded 
as a first attempt to form infinitives out of the themes 
of other tenses than the present, or also as a remnant of 
a lingual period, where, perhaps, from all or most of the 
tenses of the indicative, infinitives in dhydi might have 
been formed. Westergaard (Radices, p. 189) takes the said 
form as the infinitive of the perfect, with which, in form 
too, it admirably corresponds, as the root vardh (vridh), 
" to grow," also " to make to grow, to augment, to ex- 
tend," in the Veda dialect, everywhere exhibits vd for va 
in the syllable of reduplication. The fact of vdvridh-6-dhydi 
belonging, according to its meaning, which Sayana explains 
by the causal infinitive vardhayitum, to the present, cannot 
be impugned by its derivation from the perfect base, as 
in the Vedas the participles also of the reduplicated pre- 
terite very often appear with a present signification ; e.g. 
Rigv. I. 89. 8., tushtuvaiisaa, ** laudantesr The a inserted in 
rdDridh-a-dhydi is evidently the conjunctive-vowel a, which 
belongs to the perfect, and which, in several places of the 
indicative, has been weakened to i (see §. 614.) ; compare 
also, with regard to the accentuation, the dual forms vd- 
vridh'd'thuSf vdvridh'd'tus. Just, however, as this a of the 
indicative is referred by the Indian Grammarians to the 
personal terminations, so Panini (III. 4. 9.) regards the a 
of the forms in a-dhydi as really a mem- [G. Ed. p. 1220.] 
ber of the formative sufiix. It may be left to further ex- 

* Panini gives, 1. c, the safi&x spoken of in six different forms, viz. 
adhydif adhydiriy kadhydij kadhydin^ iadhyai^ sadhydin. The final n ne- 
gatives the accentuation of the suffix (cf. p. 1202, G. ed.), and the initial t 
points out that the root appears in the form of the special tenses ; hence, 
e.g. the above-mentioned pibadhydi, according to Sayana (ed. Miiller, 
p. 712), contains the suffix iadhydin; while mddayddJiydi^ since it lias 
the accent on the a, which is reckoned to belong to the suffix, according 

to Mahidliara contains the suffix iadhydi. Compare the suffix ia^ i.e. a 



amination of the usances of the Vedic dialect to decide 
whether we have not to assume also aorists of the infini- 
tive in dhydi, but with present signification, as in the 
potential (see §. 705.). It is certain that when, as by Ben- 
fey (Glossary, p. 216), the potential forms like huvima. Ait- 
vimahU huvh/a, and the participles huv6t, huvAnd (from tlie 
form /m, which is a contraction of hvi, "to call"), are 
ascribed to the aorist, we may with equal justice regard 
the infinitive A-huv&dliy&U " to invoke" (Yajurv. a 13.), as 
the aorist For the present I prefer, however, to as- 
sume that the form Au, which is contracted from hv6, is, 
in the Veda dialect, inflected according to three difierent 
classes, and refer the said potential forms to the 6th class, 
the participles huvAt, huvdndf and the plural middle humAfii 
(the latter with irregular lengthening of the u), to the 2d, 
[G. Ed. p. 1221.] and forms like hdvatS^ " he calls,"" to the 

according to Wilson (^^ Introdnction to the Grammar of the Sanscrit Lan- 
guage," 2d Ed., p. 327), by which adjectives like /mW, "drinking;" paiyd^ 
*' seeing ;" purayd, '* filling/' By k is pointed out tlie pure, devoid of 
Guna or weakened form of the verbal theme ; and hence, e.g., to the form 
ahm'/uJht/ai^ "to invoke" (Yajurv. 3. 13.), from the form hu^ which is 
contracted from /ir^, is the suffix kadhydi assigned. Adhydi, or, without 
accent, adhydin, is the suffix when it is appended to the form of the root 
strengthened or incapable of the Guna-increment ; e.g. in kthdradhydi 
(Rigv. I. 03. 8.), " in order to flow," from the root kthar^ CI. 1. 

* I believe I may venture to trace back to hu, CL I., the Zend du^ " to 
speak," which as yet has not been satisfactorily compared with the San- 
scrit (see Bumouf, Etudes, p. 309) ; while another c/u, which signifies 
" to run," evinces unmistakeably its affinity with the Sanscrit roots of 
motion : dhu, dkO^ and dhdv (the latter likewise " to run"). I look upon 
the transition of V A to^ d in this light, viz. that the former has first 

become ^i^', and thence d, since of the dsh sound only the first element 

remains. In the former respect^ compare the relation of ixi^cai, " to 

slay," to the Sanscrit ^tT han ; in the latter, that of the Old Peraan 

adam^ " I/' to W^ alidm ; and of the New Persian deat^ "hand^" to 

hdita; ddnem, " I know," to i| M I (Ujanamt. 


Ist. The 1st person singular huv4, which occurs at the 
end of the Sloka quoted, might as well be referred to the 
2d as to the 6th class, and just so the active participle 
huvAt : I prefer, however, to assign the latter to the 2d 
rather than to the 6th class, because, as participle of the 
2d class, it answers to the middle participle huvdnd. Then 
d-huv6dliydi, gdmadhydi, " to go'' (Yajurv. VI. 3.), would 
have greater claim to be regarded as the infinitive of the 
aorist (dgamam), as gam in the special tenses substitutes 
gachh; if, however, the hitherto uncitable form g&matU 
which Yaska (Naigh. II. 14.) assigns to the Veda dialect, 
be established, then gdmadhydu too, may hold good as the 
infinitive of the present It would be a convincing proof 
of the existence of an infinitive of the aorist could we any- 
where point out the form vdchadhyai (cf. §. 705.). 

855. As infinitives of the third formation of the aorist (not, 
however, of the form in dliydi) may be regarded the forms, 
mentioned by Panini (III. 4. lo.), rdhishydi and avyathhhydi 
(the latter with a privative). The root ruh, " to grow/' 
would, according to the third formation of the aorist, form 
drdhisham ; and from vyath, middle, " to tremble,'' is really 
to be found the aorist dvyatldshi After deducting the aug- 
ment and the personal termination, there [G. £d. p. 1222.] 
remain rdhUh, vyathUht as temporal bases ; whence, through 
the feminine form i of the suffix a, might easily arise as 
abstracts rdhishi, vyatfiishi, the datives of which must be 
rdhishydi, vyathishydi. These datives might also be derived 
from feminine bases in short U which, therefore, would be 
appended to the aorist theme rdhish, vyathisK in the same 
way as, e.g. that of rdnhu "quickness," to the primitive 
root rank. In this case, instead of di we might expect also 
ay-i in the dative. But if the said infinitives really be- 
long to the third formation of the aorist, then those in sit 
with the general dative termination ^, may be referred to 
the 2d (Greek 1st) (see §. 555.) ; where we should have to 


assume that the conjunctive vowel, which enters between 
the appended verb substantive and the personal termina- 
tion, does not extend itself to infinitives like vakshSy " to 
driver jishit "to conquer/' The first example occurs in 
the Schol. to Pan., III. 4. 9., the latter Rigv. I. 112. 12., 
anasvun ydbhi ratham avatam jii^, " by which ye help the 
courserless chariot to conquer **' (" on account of conquer- 
ing''). Sayana calls the termination of tliis infinitive form 
ks^* because the radical vowel has no Guna. The gunised 
infinitives in si (euphon. shi, on account of the preceding 
i, i, kX like the 1. c. adduced mishSt ** to cast, to cast down" 
(root mi)t answer better to the 1st aorist formation, viz. to 
the middle of roots ending in a vowel, which reduce the 
Vriddhi augment of their active, on account of the too 
great weight of the middle terminations, to that of Guna ; 
while the roots ending in a consonant renounce all increase 
to the vowel in the middle. We might therefore refer all 
LG. Ed. p. 1223.] infinitives in si, whether with Guna or 
not, to the 1st aorist formation. But whether the infini- 
tives in se are to be considered as formed from the 1st 
or 2d aorist, their agreement is remarkable with that of 
the 1st aorist in Greek ; as, hv^at, Tinr-aait ieiK-aat ; for 
which, in Sanscrit, if lu» " to cut oflf,'' tup, " to smite, to 
wound," dis (from dik), ** to shew," had formed an infi- 
nitive of this kind, we should have expected lu-shi, tup-shi, 
dlk'sM: to 6v(Tai would correspond hhu-sM; where we may 
recall attention to the fact, that the Veda dialect has in 
the imperative also retained aorists of this kind ; and, in- 
deed, from the root 6/m, the forms bhu'8ha=^<pMrov^ bhu- 
shatam (upa-bhushaiam) == ^iKrarov, without our being able 
to trace the analogous indicative form. 

* The grammatical technical language decides, with respect to the ac- 
cent and the stronger or weaker form of the root, according to Pan. I. c. 
tf^, Sen, and ks^. 


856. The Vedic infinitives in at, and their analogous 
Greek forms in aai, conduct us to the Latin in re, which, 
in the " Annals of Oriental Literature/' p. 59, I have al- 
ready endeavoured to compare with the Greek infinitives 
of the 1st aorist. It is certain that in the Latin infinitives 
in re (from se), just as in the Greek 1st aorist, and the four 
first formations of the Sanscrit aorist, the verb substantive 
is contained. This is clearly seen in pos-se (for pot-se), as 
possum, throughout its conjugation, exhibits the combination 
of pot (by assimilation pos) with the verb substantive (re- 
garding pot'ui from pot-fui, see §. 558.). Esse for ed-se (with 
edre^e) most accurately corresponds with the said Sanscrit 
infinitives ; and if» in the Vedas, an infinitive of this kind 
should occur from the root ad, it must, in accordance with 
the well-known law of sound, be no other than aUsL In 
fer-re from fer-se, and vel-le from vel-se, the sibilant of the 
auxiliary verb has become assimilated to the preceding 
consonant. For fer-re we should have expected in the 

Veda dialect hhri-shS, or hhar-shi. To the Latin infinitives 

• • • 

da-re, std-re, i-re, would, in Vedic Sanscrit, [G. Ed. p. 1224.] 
correspond dd-si, sthd-sfi,* i-shg (according to the analogy 
oiji-she),^ or i-shi (after the analogy of mi-shi). Observe, 
that only those Latin verbs which absolutely, or in some 
persons by the direct annexation of the personal termina- 
tions to the root, are based on the root of the Sanscrit 2d 
class (see §. 109*. 3.), may or must also annex this suflix of 
the infinitive directly, while all others retain the class-vowel, 
and, indeed, in the third conjugation e (for i, from a), on 
account of the following r (see §. 707.) ; hence veh-e-re cor- 
responds to the above-mentioned Sanscrit valcshS (euphonic 

* If not sthi'Shiy with the a weakened to f, as in sihi-td (p. 1118, 
Note *) and in sfhi-ti (§. 844.). 

t In the SchoL to P&n. 1. o. we actually find prishi as coroponnded 

4 n 


for tmli'sS). Perhaps, also, we ought to look upon the a 
of the infinitives mentioned by Panini (III. 4. o.) in as^ as 
the class-vowel;* and so the often-occurring ^Vi>a-s^,f '*in 
order to live" (cf. jiv-a-tU " he lives'') would answer to the 
Latin viv-e-re. Another example of this kind is riiijusef 
" in order to adorn," which, in a passage cited by Benfey 
(Glossary, p. 34) of the 5th book of the Rigv., runs parallel 
to the dative stdtav^ of the common infinitive : viml tr4 
pushann rinjnsS vSmi stdtavSf " I come, O Pushlian, thee to 
glorify! I come (thee) to praise!" Thus, Rigv. I. 112. e., 
cIMshasi stands beside the dative of the common infini- 
[G. Ed. p. 1225.] tive kavi : " by which deeds ye enable the 
blind (Rijrasvas) to see, the Sronas to go." 

857. We cannot overlook the possibility that the a of 
the Sanscrit infinitives in asi might also be the radical 
vowel of the verb substantive, though the latter is lost in 
compounds, and in many simple formations (see §. 4S0.), 
Tlien -asS would correspond to the Latin esse^ inasmuch as 
esse is not to be divided into esse ; and here, therefore, the 
root of **to be" would occur twice, which we have ad- 
mitted as possible above, in the subjunctive essem,\ Be 
that, however, as it may, the forms in as^ and s4 if they 
really contain the verb substantive, accord, as regards the 
principle of formation of the final infinitive expression, with 
the simple infinitives, which exhibit the dative of bare ra- 
dical words; as, drisi, "in order to see." Tliese always 
express a genuine dative relation ; as, e.g,, Rigv. L 23. 21., 
suryan drii(!, " in order to see the sun ;" 13. 7., iddn nd 
barhir dsad6, " in order to repose on this our straw ;" 

• Cf. e.g. pdl-a-tra-m (p. 1108. 2. 6.), dra-ti-s, "fear" (§. 847.). 

t E,g, Rigv. I. 37. 16., where it governs the accnsative : ** Wc are to 
them (belonging or devoted to Maruts), in order to live the whole life 
(life's duration)" [visva7i chid Ayur jivdsi), 

I See §. 708., and Curtius "Contributions,'* p. 352. 


105.16., alikrdmS, "to step beyond, to slight'' The last-named 
passage deserves especial notice, since here the dative of the 
infinitive appears to hold the place of the nominative of a 
future passive participle, exactly in the same way as we 
use, for the same end, the infinitive with the preposition 
" 5rM," in such sentences as " er ist zu hben'' (Jaudandus est), 
u e, " he is fitted for praise.'' Moreover, in the said pas- 
sage in the Sanscrit text the substantive verb is, in spirit, 
present, but, as is very common, not formally expressed. 
I annex Wilson's translation : " The sun, who is avowedly 
made the path in heaven, is not to be disregarded, Gods, 
(by you)." * Perhaps the Latin also was [G. Ed. p. 1226.] 
not wanting in infinitives which correspond to the Vedic 
like drlsM, d-sad^, ati'krdmi : they would be to be looked 
for in the 3d conjugation, where, by the side of passive 
infinitives like did (older form dici-er\ must stand active 
forms like dicCf in case the passive infinitive terminations 
f, i-er, are not abbreviations of eri, erier ; for from dicere 
must have come diceri, dicener^ as amari, amarier, moneru 
monerier, audiri, audirier, from amare, &c. As regards the 
origin of the Latin passive infinitives, the form in i is evi- 

* Asduydhpdnthd ddityo divi pravachyan kriidh \ nd sd dSvdatikrdmS, 
Piinini, in constractions of this kind, appears really to regard the infinitive 
datives in /, with those in tavdi (see §. 851. p. 1165), as Vedic represen- 
tatives of the future passive participles in ya, favya, and aniya (called in 
the technical langoago of grammar kritya) ; for (III. 4. 14.) he puts them 
on the same footing with two real participial suffixes capable of declen- 
sion, when he says that the suffixes tavdi, ^, ^ya, and iva, in the V^das, 
are used in the sense of kritya. In the following Siitra avachakshi (root 
chaksh, prep, ava) is expressly represented as a participle of this kind ; 
and in the Commentary he explains nd 'vaehtJcske by nd 'vakhydtavyaniy 
^^non narrandum" In the passage referred to above, Sdyana regards 
the form under discussion as a future passive participle, since he para- 
phrases nd *tikrdm€ by nd Uikramituh iakyaH^ and cites Panini's Siitra 
here quoted. 

4 H 3 


dently an abbreviation of the older i-er (Jaudarier, viderieVf 
credier, see p. 662). The transition of the active re into ri 
before the appended er of the passive can scarcely arise in 
aught else than in the avoidance of the cacophony which 
would be occasioned by two successive e in forms like 
laudnrcer. We cannot be surprised that the e of the active 
infinitive termination is short, when, as the representative of 
the Sanscrit and Greek diphthong sS, cai^ it ought to he 
long, as vowels at the end of a word are, for the most i)art, 
[G. Ed. p. 1227.] subject to abbreviation, or to entire sup- 
pression,* The length of the i of the passive infinitive 
may be regarded as a compensation for the er that lias 
been dropped.-j* 

* Observe, e.g,y the short final e in bejif^^ mal^; while in adverbs from 
adjectives of the 2d declension a long ^ is fonnd, in which I believe I re- 
cognise the Sanscrit diphthong i (= a + i) of the locative of bases in a 
(:= Latin u of the 2d declension). Compare, e.g.^ novi with the Sanscrit 
locative navi, from the base naro, '* new." Observe, also, the occasional 
shortening of the 6 of some imperatives of the 2d conjugation (cave^ &c.), 
and the regular abbreviation of the S of Old High German conjunctives 
at the word's end; as, tore, ''he may carry "= Sanscrit bhdril, Gothic 
bairai (§. 694. p. 922). 

t I should not wish to have recourse to the rule which is set forth in 
the prosody of Latin grammars, that i at the end of a word, exclusive of 
certain well-known exceptions, is long, since in all cases in which, in 
Latin, the final i is long, there is a reason for it at hand ; eg, in the 
genitive singular and nominative plural of the 2d declension (see pp. 215, 
244). I now refer the dative termination i rather to the real dative ter- 
mination in Sanscrit e ( = ai), than to the locative termination i ; as in 
the plural also the termination bus evidently answers to the Sanscrit 
dative ablative ending; while in Greek the dative singular and plural 
equally well admit of being compared with the Sanscrit locative (see 
§§. 195. 251.). The length of the t of tiln (iW, mK), miht, contrasted with 
the Sanscrit datives tMhydm^ mdhyam (§. 215.), may be looked upon as 
compensation for dropping the personal termination am : without this loss, 
firom bhyaniy hyain^ we should find in Latin bium^ hium. In the Ist 
person singular of the perfect, the length of the ( may be looked upon as 



85S. It remaius for us to mentiou the infinitive of the 
Latin perfect. Here we see, in such forms as amavi-sse, 
monui'Sse, legi-sse, audivisse, the infinitive of the verb sub- 
stantive, as plainly as, in the pluperfects like amaveram, we 
discover tlie imperfect, with the loss, there- [G. Ed. p. 1228.] 
fore, of the vowel of the auxiliary verb which I assume in 
amave-ram also (see §. 614.). But if the said perfect in- 
finitives are, just as the pluperfects, evidently modern for- 
mations, still forms like scrip-ae, cansum-se, admis-ae, divis-se, 
dicse, produC'Se, abstrac-se, advecse (see Struve "On the 
Latin Declension and Conjugation" p. 178), which are of 
frequent occurrence in the older dialect, have every claim 
to be regarded as transmitted from an ancient period of 
language, and to be placed beside Greek aorist infinitives ; 
and, indeed, with so much the more right, as all the Latin 
perfects are very probably, in their origin, nothing else than 
aorists (see §. 546.). We may, consequently, compare scrip-sef 
dicse, with the Greek ypair^aif SeiK-aao and advec-se with 
the Sanscrit vak-shi mentioned above (p. 1222 G. ed.). It is 
here important to repiark, that, for all the perfect infinitives 
of the 3d conjugation quoted by Struve he, there are also ana- 
logous perfects (aorists) of the indicative as points of depar- 
ture, just as there are for the Greek infinitives in aai{^ai,ylrai\ 
indicatives in aa (fa, yira); only invaS'Sefdivis-se (by assimila- 
tion from invdd'se, divid-se, cf. §. 101.), are more perfectly pre- 
served than invd-si, dwi-sU which have lost the final conso- 
nant of the root ; in compensation for which, in divi-sit the 

compensation for dropping the personal termination (see §. 552. Conclu- 
sion) : in the 2d person the i of the termination sti represents, if the ex- 
planation given in §. 549. be conrect, the long d of the SaBscrit ending 
ihds. In a similar way, the t of u^ is based, as I now assume, in 
departure from §. 425., on the long d of Sanscrit pronominal adverbs 
in thd; e.g, uti corresponds to the Vedic kd-thd, "howl" (Pan. V. 
3. f>5.). 


short radical vowel is lengthened. The future perfects* like 
fcLxo, capso, a<rOt accepsOfj^ which in appearance are analogous 
to the infinitives in se, as also the perfect and pluperfect 
[G. Ed. p. 1229.] subjunctives, as axim^ ausim^objexim^excessiSt 
dixis, induxis, traxis, sponsis, amissis, injexit, extinxiU ademaiU 
serpsUi incensit, faxetOf exiinxem^ irUellexes, recessett vixet^ traxet 
(see Struve, 1. c, p. 175), can hardly be put on the same foot- 
ing with the infinitives in se; first, because the least of these 
have an indicative perfect in si (sci = c-si)coTTespoiiding to 
them ; and secondly, because, even if this were the case, still, 
e,g. cap80, axim, exiinxefn, could not, perhaps, have been de- 
rived from the to-be-presupposed capsi, oxi, and the 
actually existing extinii, by the termination of the future 
perfect and of the perfect and pluperfect subjunctive being 
substituted for the terminations of the perfect. The said 
three tenses and moods are comparatively modem forma- 
tions, and are formed by combining the future and the 
present and imperfect subjunctive of the verb substantive 
witli the perfect basej: of the attributive verb; and the 
afiinity of their concluding portion with the si of per- 
fects like serp-si consists, consequently, not only in this, 
that in the latter also the verb substantive is contained, 
but in primeval relationship, which extends beyond the 
time of the separation of languages, if I am right in 
identifying such perfects with the Sanscrit 2d and Greek 
1st aorist formations (see §. .551.). We gain, therefore, 
nothing towards the explanation of the forms under dis- 

* In departure from what has been remarkfd at §. 6G4., 1 now regard 
faxo, and similar forms, as real fature perfects. 

t The e for ? in a^xepso, and similar forms, is based on the principle 
laid down in §. 6. ; whence accept, abjejnm, like acceptw, ahfectiis, for 
accipftiSf ahjictm. 

X Amave-ro from atftavi-ero, cf. §. 644. ; amave-rim from amavi'sim^ 
according to §. 710. ; amavi-ssem from amavi-isisem. 


cussioD, unless we presuppose non-existing perfects like 
axi, faxU »pomi; for we must then first put aside the 
auxiliary verb of the perfect indicative, in order to replace 
it with the auxiliary of the new formation here spoken of 
(sof sim, sem); or we cannot explain, e.g.,faxo, from the 
to-be-presupposed faxi, by means of the hence theoretically- 
to-be-formed faaerOf by presupposing an [G. Ed. p. 1230.] 
overspringing of the letters er. Why is it, however, that 
we do not occasionally find, together with the really exist- 
ing future perfects, contractions of this kind ? Why do 
we not, for instance, find, together with ficero Sifico; with 
c^pero, cipo; with ietigero a teiigo? Or must, e.g,tfaC'8o have 
been formed from a to-be-presupposed fojcerot in such wise 
that the r formed from s has again returned to its original 
state, and been joined directly to the final consonant of the 
root after the e has been rejected.^ Or vrasfaxo formed 
{romfaceso at a time when s between two vowels did not 
regularly become r (see §. 22.) ? I should now prefer de- 
riving the obsolete future perfects, and the perfect and 
pluperfect conjunctives in sinh sem, connected with these, 
from a lost stock of real perfects, since the existing pre- 
terites called perfects, of all gradations, are originally 
aorists. There might, cg^ have existed, together with the 
aorists fM, dpi (see §. 548.), diosi, duc-si, $popondi, (see §• 
579.) perfects like fefaca (or pefaca), cecapoy didicoy duduca, 
spoponda, which we might well assign to the Latin in an 
earlier period of the language, at the time of its close con- 
nection with the Greek. It may remain undecided whether 
the Latin afterwards dropped the syllable of reduplication 

♦ The existing law, according to which the heaviest vowel a is, in con- 
sequence of the incumhrancc of the reduplication, weakened to i (see 
§§. 6. 579.), must have had its beginning, and may not, perhaps, have ob- 
tained, in a time to which we are here endeavouring to look back. Ob- 
serve that the Oacanfefacust is, in sense, =fecerU. 


[G. £d. p. 1231.] at once in the perfect indicative,* as it 
laid aside the augment in the imperfect and aorist : or whe- 
ther this renunciation first took place when the verb was 
encumbered with the addition of the auxiliary verb sub- 
stantive, just as the reduplicated aorists (perfects) in com- 
position with prepositions for the most part dispense with 
the syllable of reduplication,'!' while the analogous San- 
scrit reduplicated aorists (as ddudruvam) throughout retain 
it in composition also. Be that, however, as it may, at 
some time or other reduplicated future perfects, too, will 
have existed; thus, e.g.fefaxo (or pefaio), cecapso, which, 
in essentials, would correspond to the Greek future perfects, 
as, KeKiHrofiai, reruit-ao-yiah to which will have originally 
corresponded also active future perfects, as, Ae\i5-<ra), tctutt- 
co), whose ofishoots they properly are. Should this not be 
the case, we have nothing left but to abide by the opinion 
expressed above (§. 664.), and still earlier in my " Conjuga- 
tion-System'" (p. 98.), viz. that, as is also assumed by Madvig,+ 
the future perfects under discussion are formally, as also 
partly as regards their meaning, primary futures. In 
fact, axo is as like the Greek of^o) as one egg to another. 
Madvig fitly compares forms like levasso with those in 
Greek like 7e\a<ra>. The doubling of the s would conse- 
quently be purely phonetic, without etymological meaning, 
aa^ e.g. in the Greek eyeKaaaa, mentioned by Madvig, and 
like ereXeao'a, mentioned with a similar object above (§. 708.). 

* Then, perhaps, y^ca, capa, Kpotida, would have the same relation to 
fefaca, or pefaca, &c., as, in Gothic, e.g. band to the Sanscrit habandha 
(see §. /S89.) ; and those preterites which have still retained the rednphca- 
tion in Gothic, as, e.g. gaigroi, ''I, he wept "= Sanscrit chakrdnda. 

t It is probably to the weak form of the roots, and their terminating in 
a vowel, that do and sto owe the pervading retention of the reduplication 
in composition. 

X '* De formamm qaanmdam verbi Latini natura et nsu" (Solemnin 
academica etc., Hnuniae, 18B5, p. 6. 


Moreover, if kvasso be regarded as an abbreviation of 
lelevasso, and as an actual future, it cor- [G. Ed. p. 1232.] 
responds, in respect to its denoting the future relation to 
ye\d<r(D, just as, exclusive of the passive personal termina- 
tion, to the Greek future perfect like Terifirjaofiat. This 
opinion is especially favoured by the old infinitives in ssere 
(Struve, p. 180) with the signification of the primary 
future, impetrcLssere, reconciliassere, expugnassere, averun- 
cassere, depeculassere, deargentassere. They correspond, irre- 
spective of the infinitive suffix, which throughout, in Latin, 
is that of the aorist, and of the doubling of the $, which 
cannot surprise us, to the Greek future infinitives like 
7e\ac7€/i'. We might reasonably expect that such infinitives 
not only originally existed in the 1st conjugation, but 
that there were such forms also as habessere, axere ( = afen'), 
faxere, capsere. It may be proper here to consider also 
the future perfects of the Oscan and Umbrian languages, 
as both these dialects, in several other grammatical points, 
present us with older forms than the Latin. It is im- 
portant here to notice, that the Umbrian, in most of the 
future perfects which have remained to our time, exhibits 
the combination of the future perfect of the verb substantive 
with the present base, or the simple root of the principal verb, 
but in such wise, that, after consonants, and also, in one in- 
stance given by Aufrecht and Kirchhof (Umbr. Language, 
p. 146), after a vowel {i-ust iverit), the / of the root Ju is re- 
jected ; hence, e.g.fak-usU signifying "he is making to 
have been,'* while the Latin /ecerii means, "he is having 
made to be."" Other examples are, covort-uat, " converleritf'' 
ampT'e-fuSt '* ambiverit^^ (ctfus, also fuat, *' fuerif^^ ambr-e- 
furent, " ambiverint^'' (ctfurent, *yuerint''^),/ak'urent,*'fecerint'*'* 
The Oscan follows the same principle, only it is wanting 
as to the perfect retention oifu; but also in the simple m, 
e.g, in dikust, ** dixerit,^'' pruhibust, *' prohi- [G. Ed. p. 1233.] 
bueriC fefakmU ''fecerU '' Mommsen (" Oscan Studies," p. 62) 


has recognised the root/?i before the lightwas thrown upon 
it by the Unibrinn. As the root/w in the conjugation of 
the verb substantive regularly makes its appearance in the 
})erfect tense first, it luis hence won for itself the capacity 
of expressing the relation of j>ast time, which, however, is 
no obstacle to the *'fu8t'' in Oscan signifying also *'eriC^ 
(see Mommsen, 1. c. p. 6l), the latter being in excellent 
agreement with the Zendian .)^jjo>h^j^3^.j bugy^ili, and 
Lithuanian bus (see p. 918 G. ed.). Wherefore, a\so,frfaku^ 
may be literally taken to mean, " he is having made to be," 
since here the principal verb expresses past time by re- 
duplication : the like may be the case with some redupli- 
cated future perfects in the Umbrian (1. c. p. 146). 

859. We return to the infinitive, in order to remark 
next, that, in the Vedic dialect also, accusatives of abstract 
radical words are used as infinitives, and, indeed, in tlie 
genuine accusative relation, only, however, where the infi- 
nitive is governed by iak, " to be able." According to 
Panini (III. 4. 12.) they are divided into two classes, of 
which the one strengthens the radical vowel, the other 
leaves it without extension. The Commentary furnishes 
as examples, agnin vdi divd vibhdjan (an euphonic for am) 
nd ^saknuvany " the fire could the gods not distribute ; * 
apalupan^-am) nd ^idknuvan^ "they could not destroy." 
To these w^e add, also, out of the Rigveda (I. 94. 3.), sakSma 
[G. Ed. p. 1234.] tvd samldham, "would that we could kindle 
thee;" and a passage from the Atharva-Veda, cited by 
Aufrecht (" Umbrian Language," p. 148), md sitkan praii- 
dJidm isum, "they cannot dispose the arrow." Though 
these infinitives may scarcely have been limited originally 

* In this passjigc, which is detached from the context, I cannot answer 
for the exact meaning of vibhijam. As regards the lengthening of the 
vowel of the root hhaj in this infinitive fonn, compare tlie feminine sub- 
stantive bhdj^ *'*• portion, fortune, homage." 


to the construction with iak, yet it is probable they can 
never have had a very extensive use, since, in general, the 
bare radical words are the most rare kind of abstract sub- 
stantives. I therefore prefer comparing the Oscan and 
Umbrian infinitives in um (which Aufrecht and Kirclihof 
refer to this class) with the very numerous class of abstract 
substantives which are formed by the suffix w a, and which, 
as has been shewn, are also occasionally substituted for 
infinitives, and to the accusatives of which the Umbrian- 
Oscan infinitives correspond better, as regards form, than 
to those of bare radical words ; as bases ending in a conso- 
nant, especially the words of the 3d declension in Oscan 
terminate in the accusative in im, and in Umbrian, after 
the analogy of the Greek, have lost the nasal of the ter- 
mination, and end in the masculine or feminine with u 
or 0. On the other hand, the accusatives of the 2d de- 
clension, which are based on the Sanscrit class of words in 
a, end universally in Oscan in um or om and in Umbrian 
the nasal of the termination um or om, is frequently sup- 
pressed (Aufr. and Kirchh., p. 116) ; and just so in the in- 
finitive, e.g. qferu and aferot ** circumferre /''' erum and ero, 
" esse." The following are examples of Oscan infinitives : 
deikum, "dicerei^ akum^ '^agereT moUaum, "mi^flare."* The 
last example is that which most resists identification with 
the accusatives of the Sanscrit radical words ; and one sees 
plainly that here the i* is a formative suf- [G. Ed. p. 1235.] 
fix which has been added to the theme of the 1st conju- 
gation. As this corresponds to the Sanscrit loth class (see 
§. 109». 6.), we may compare moU-A-um^ exclusive of the mas- 
culine termination opposed to the Sanscrit-Zendian femi- 
nine one, with the Sanscrit and Zend infinitives mentioned 
above (§. 619.), like ^^ttxymR^chdr-ay-Am, ^^/O-^^Jr^^ raMh- 

* Mommsen, 1. c. p. (^. These forms are distingaished from the com- 
mon accusatives of the 2d declension only by the unmarked u. 


ay-anm. Especial notice ought to be given to the form 
trubarakavum, if it, as Mominsen conjectures, is really a per- 
fect infinitive ; in which case v-um, euphonic for u-um, from 
fu-um, is the infinitive of the root /a with past signification 
(cf. p. 1232 G. ed. dik-usi, " dlxerlt,''* from dik-fust). Cur- 
tius* has compared with the Oscan present infinitives in 
um the Latin venum.'f If this comparison be, as I think 
it is, correct, then this word, of which only the dative 
(veno, venui) and ablative veno are preserved, may originally 
belong only to the 2d declension : moreover, the u of the 
4th declension, as formative suiEx of an abstract in Latin, 
would stand quite isolated, while that of the 2d is frequently 
represented by the Sanscrit suffix a as a means of forma- 
tion of masculine abstracts. These, for the most part, ac- 
cent the radical vowel, and Gunise it when capable of Guna; 
while a radical a before a simple consonant is lengthened. 
The following are examples, in addition to those already 
mentioned: hhida-s, "cleaving" (root bhid), chhida-St id. 
(rootcAAW); yof/a-.v, "combining" (root yiy); ATJcHia-*,** anger" 
(root krudh) ; hdsa-s, ** laughter" (root hai) ; kdrnti'S, " wish, 
love" (root kam). In Greek, abstracts like woAo-f, <l>6^o-^, 
Spofio-g, ^pofio^f TpofJLO-^t {jyovo-g, 7r\d(f)o-f, [G. Ed. p. 1236.] 
7roi/o-j,J eKcYxp'^t ifiepo-^f correspond both in the suffix and 
in the accent. The Lithuanian, on account of the retention 
of the original a in abstracts of this kind, resembles the 
Sanscrit more than the Greek and Latin, which latter, with 
the exception at least of the base venih already spoken of, 

• *' Journal of ArchaBology," Jane 1847, p. 490. 

t Fenundo, properly, " I give to sell ;" veneo^ for venum eo, '^ I go to 
the aolling." 

I As o is a heavier vowel than c, the choice of tlus vowel in place of 
the f , which elsewhere prevails in the roots referred to, reminds us of the 
vowel increment which appears in the corresponding Sanscrit abstracts, 
although o, as also c, is only a corruption of an original a (see §.3. p. 4, 
and cf. §. *266. a.). 


presents for comparison only ludu-s, and perhaps jocu-s (the 
latter from an obscure root). The following are examples 
in Lithuanian: miet/o-s, "sleep" {megmu "I sleep"); va~ 
mafa-s, "reproof, accusation,"* (metiih **I cast"); bdda-s, 
" hunger" (b&du, '*I hunger," cf. Sanscrit bddh or vddhf " to 
vex"); juka-s, "laughter" (c£ Latin /ocu-«); kara-s, "strife, 
war;" mena-s, "understanding" (inenu, "I think," meno-s, 
"lam skilful in something"); maina-s, "exchange ;" veda-s, 
"order, regulation;" rSda-s, "advice." 

860. To this class in the Old Sclavonic belong those mascu- 
line abstracts, of which Dobrowsky says (p. 267) that they 
contain the pure radical syllable : they contain, however, in 
fact, the suffix o, corrupted from a (see §§. 255. a. 257.), which, 
in the nominative and accusative, is suppressed, or, more 
correctly, replaced by "b, which Dobrowsky does not write. 
The following are examples: aob'b lov', "the seizing" 
(Sanscrit Idbha^s, "obtaining"); Tolcb tok\ "the flowing" 
(TEk& (ekun, " I run ") ; b^oai* brodTf " passage, forth ;" 
HC^OAT* i9Xod\ " exit ;" taaai* glad*, [G. Ed. p. 1237.] 
" hunger ;" -j* CToy A'b stud', " shame ;" ct^aai* strad*, " fear ;" 
from the bases lovo, toko, &c. Observe the agreement 
evinced by the Sclavonic with the Greek in the choice of 
the stronger ra<^ical vowel, so that e.g. toKi* tok*, has exactly 
the same relation to (ekun, " I run," that, in Greek, Spofxo-^, 
has to Spefio), <f>6^0'^ to ^6)3o/xa/, &c. The relation of 
CToyA* stM, " shame," to CTbiA styd, in CTbiAliTH ca styd- 
yeil san, " to be ashamed '' (see Micklos. Rad. p. 88) resembles 
that of Sanscrit abstracts like ydga-s, "joining;'' to their 

* This word deserves notice on account of the retention of the old a, 
which, in the verb and most of the other formations of this root, has been 
corrapted to e, Meti^, •* I cast," ui-mata-Sy " reproof," at-motas, " out- 
cast " (also at'Tnata-s), bear the same relation to one another as, e.g. in 
Greek, rplno, thpcnrovt rponos, 

t Sanscrit gridh, "to crave," from gardh or gradh, Gothic griddn^ 
" to hunger," see Glossarium Sanscr. (Fasc. I. a. 1840), p. 107. 


roots with m, for oy u is in Sclavonic the Guna of li y 
(see §. 255. f.). 

861. In German, too, the masculine abstracts which belong 
to this class have, by suppressing the final vowel of the base 
in the nominative and accusative, acquired the semblance 
of radical words. As, however, the bases in a and i are 
not distinguishable in the singular, it remains uncertain 
whether e.g. the Gothic thlauhs, ** flight," stands for tblauha-s, 
or for tlilauhi-s (see §. 135.) : in the former case it answers 
to the Sanscrit formations like y6ga-s, " combination f' but 

* The root of the said Gothic abstract is thluh ; whence fhliuha, thlavh, 
thkiuhum, the latter euphonic for thluhum (sec §. 82.). The fact, that 
ihlauh'8 corresponds, as regards its vowel, better to the preterite than to 
tlie present, must not induce us to derive it from the preterite instead of 
from the root : otherwise we should have almost as much ground for de- 
riving e.g. the Sanscrit yogas from yuifoja (" I or he joined") ; bhida-s, 
"rupture," from bibhSda; and, in Greek, SpofM-s from Stdpofia. The 
truth is, that, in the formation of words, recourse is had sometimes to the 
pure, sometimes to the incremental radical vowel; and, moreover, in 
Greek and German, at times to tlie original radical vowel, at times to it in 
a form more or less weakened. Had, in Greek, bpdfios been said for dpofios^ 
still the abstract would not have been to be derived from the aorist(cdpa/iov); 
but it would have had only this advantage in common with the latter, 
the retention, namely, of the radical vowel in its original form ; while the 
€ of dpffua is the greater, and the o of dtdpofia the lesser weakening of the 
old a. In Gothic, u is the least (see §. 400.) and i the extreme weakening of 
the a; wherefore run{a)'$, "course, stream," from the root rami, "to run, 
to flow" (rintuiy rann^ runnun), stands on the footing of Gi-eek abstracts like 
dpofiO's: so far, in reality, the said Gothic word belongs to the a-declen- 
Rion. We can, however, on account of the form of its radical vowel, just 
as little derive it from the plural of the preterite, as we could derive e.g. 
anqfilh, "delivery" (neut.) from the same, because it exhibits the vowel 
of the present instead of that of the root itself (Jalh). Neither, too, can 
we derive dmsy "fell/* for dnisa-s or drusi-s (the nominative sign is 
dropped in bases in sa and »t), from the plural of the preterite ; but, like 
the latter, it contains the pure radical vowel, which, in the present drhisa^ 
isGunised by i (see §. 27.), and, in the singular preterite drauttj by a. That 
the class of words under discussion is not wanting in Zend also is proved 



the Gothic diphthoug in thiauh-s, can [G. Ed. p. 1238.] 
hardly be a consequence of Guna» but must rather result 
from the h following. That slep-s, ** sleep/' belongs to this 
class, and is therefore for sUpa-s, not for slipi-s, may be 
deduced from the cognate dialects. 

862. To return to the Sanscrit infinitive suffix tu, it is 
further to be remarked, that the forms which are con- 
tracted by means of it occur in the Vedas also in the 
ablative and genitive, which two cases are not formally 
distinguished from one another. Their use, however, is 
rare, and the ablative appears in the examples mentioned, 
and in the Schol. to Pan., III. 4. le., quite in the character of a 
common abstract substantive ; and we might e.g. regard 
the Latin ortus, everywhere that it occurs, as an infinitive, 
equally as well as the ablative ud-et(h, go- [G. Ed. p. 1230.] 
vemed 1. c, bypwrd, "ere, earlier, before"' {pur A surycisyd 
'ditSH {-ya ud\ " before the rising of the sun"). In the 
other examples, too, given 1. c, the ablative of the abstract 
in ill is governed by a preposition, and, indeed, either by 
par At ** before," or by d. " to f' so also in a passage of the 
1st book of the Rigveda (41. o.), which has been already 
pointed out by Bohtlingk (Commentary on Pan., p. 152), 
A nldhAldh\ '* to the casting (the dice)/' Panini, however, 
limits the kind of infinitive under discussion to the roots 
sthA, kar (kri), vad, char, hut tarn, and jan ; and therefore 
it is, probably, that Sayana sees in ni-dhAtds no so-called 
tdsuru but a common abstract with the suffix tu-n (cf. 
p. 1220, Note, G. ed.). Perhaps, too, nUdJiAlu has a per- 
fect declension, and thereby, in the opinion of the Indian 

by the bases ajco^ajj xaosha^ " wish, will" (Sanscrit root jushy " to 

love, to wish ") ; a) jjas/ « frakay " query ;" xidiMiJ ndMZ, " dcstrnction " 

(see p. 905, G. ed., §.724.); m^jm»j^?^ Jra-vdka, " annooncemcDt ;" 

Aj^^A*/ roMtia, "growth;" ajmaj^ magay "greatness" ("growth," sec 
Bomouf, Ya^na p. 72). 


Grammarians, divides itself from the infinitive and its 
Vedic representatives. 

86a The form in Ids, according to Panini (who never- 
theless, does not regard it as a genitive, but as an inde- 
clinable (1. 1. 4o.)» as in the gerund in ivd, and in the geni- 
tive of abstract radical words, where it stands for the in- 
[G. Ed. p. 1240.] finitive*) occurs only in construction 
with isvara, "lord, capable'' (III. 4. 13.). The Scho- 
liast gives as example, isvard ''bhicharitoh', ** capable of 
afironting (lord of aflFronting)." Another genitive of this 
kind, though not recognised as an infinitive, and also not 
limited to the construction with (shvara^ is kirids, " of the 
doing, making, transacting,'' which Naigh., II. L, mentions 
with the infinitive dative kdrtavdi, and the gerund krifvi 
(see p. 1205, G. ed.), under the words signifying karman 
(" deed''), and which, Rigv. 1. 115. 4., is governed by madhyd, 
" in the midst" f As regards the relation of the gerund 

* The genitive termination (u is looked upon by the Indian Gramma- 
rians in this case, not as a case-termination, but as a formative suffix, 
wkidi is called in the technical language k-as-un (cf. p. 1220, Note, G. cd.), 
and is therefore unaccented, thougli, in general, the monosyllabic base 
words have the accent only in the strong cases on the base syllabic (see 
p. 1085, G. cd., §. 785. Remark). We may ascribe the accentuation of 
the radical words, where their genitive represents the infinitive, to the 
circumstance, that the infinitive outbids the common abstracts by greater 
power of life and action ; and it wiU be well to recall what has been be- 
fore (§. 814.) said regarding the double kind of accentuation of the forms 
in tar (tri), according as they, as participles, govern the accusative, or 
stand as more inactive nouns of agency. The datives, too, of abstract 
radical words have, where they stand as infinitives, in general the more 
powerful accentuation, at least in the cases in which, according to P&nini 
(III. 4. 14.), tlie infinitive in ^ (in the tcclmical language k-S-n) takes the 
place of the future passive participle, as in the above-mentioned (§. 855.) 
example aii-knimc, in opposition to the oxy tonised dmr (Pun. III. 4. 77. ; 
Rigv. I. 23. 21.). 

t Madhyd kdrtos, **in the midst of doing (of work)." Madhyi is an 
abbreviation of madhyS {^^madJiyai, see §. 100.), where the suppression 




or the instrumental kriivd, "after," or '* with/' or "through 
making/' to the accusative, which springs from the base 
kartu^ or to the common infinitive kdrtum, as also to the 
datives kdrtavif k&rtavdU and ta the genitive kdrtds, and, 
in general, the relation of the gerunds in fvd to the infi- 
nitives of the same root, it must be observed that the 
gerund in roots which admit of increment or weakening 
always exhibits the weaker form of the root, and has the 
accent, without exception, on the case-termination. Com- 
pare, e.g. 

























vach, "to speak.' 
svap% " to sleep.'' 
prachh, " to ask. 
yaj, " to offer." 
grab, " to take." 
s^ru, "to hear." 
bhu, " to be." 
yiij, to join. 
bhidf " to cleave. 
sthd, "to stand." 
ftaw, "to slay." 


S64. This distinction in the form of the root and of the 
accentuation does not prevent the assumption, that the 
gerund and the infinitive originally had the same theme 
and the same accentuation, that, e.g., together with ydktum, 
"to join," a ySktvd, "after," " with," or " through joining," 
may have existed, just as the distinction which exists in 
the participle present between the strong and weak cases 

of the case-termination is compensated by lengthening the final vowel of 
the base, in which respect compare Latin datives like lupo from lup&i (see 
§. 200., and compare iRPff vasanta for ^[TR^ vasanfi in the Schol. to 
PAn. VII. 1. 89.). 

4 I 


cannot have been an original one ; and, e.g.t to the accusa- 
tive tuddntam an instrumental tuddntd must have corre- 
sponded ; for which, in the language as it has remained 
to us, the oxytone tudatd, which has also lost the nasal, is 
left (cf. p. 1051). As the weakening of the gerund occurs 
in the root, and not in the sufi&x, I further recall attention 
to the declension of pathfrif *' way," from whence spring 
only the middle cases, while the strong strengthen the 
root by the insertion of a nasal, and, at the same time, ac- 
centuate it ; and, moreover, exhibit the suffix also iu a 
stronger form (pdnthdn compared with pathdn) ; while the 
weakest cases suppress the suffix, as also the nasal of the 
root, and let the accent sink down on the case-termination : 
hence, e,g^ in the instrumental we find paiha opposed to 
[G. Ed. p. 1242.] p&nthdnam, **viam"' and pathfbhyas " viU:" 
The declension of vdh, ** bearing" (at the end of compounds) 
also presents a great agreement with the formal relation 
of the gerund in tvd to the infinitive ; that is to say, with 
those gerunds which, in roots beginning with va, suppress 
the a and vocalise the v ; only in compounds in vdh the 
long syllable vd is contracted in the weakest cases to long 
u, while the short syllable va of the gerunds is contracted 
to short u : in other respects sdly-uhd, " through the rice- 
carrying," has the same relation to its accusative idli-vd- 
hanif as, e.g., uktvd has to vdktum. A short u is exhibited 
by anad^^dh, *'ox (wagon-drawer"),* in the weak cases : 
hence, anad-uha, e.g., stands exactly in the same relation to 
anad'vdham, as uktv/l does to vdktum. With regard, how- 
ever, to the circumstance that the feminine bases in tu^ 
from which the gerund and the infinitive spring, have 

* Anad'tih is aaBamcd to be the theme ; but it admits of no doobt that 
vah is the true base of the final member of this compound, and that hence 
uh has arisen by contraction. The nominative is anad-vdn^ and presnp- 
poses a theme with a nasal anai-vdnh (cf. §. 786., suff. vdnt). 


undergone a weakening only in the instrumental, le. in the 
gerund, but not in the other weak eases, we may per- 
haps look for the reason of this in the extremely frequent 
use of the instrumental of the gerund, as the forms most 
used are also most subject to detrition or weakening ; for 
which reason, e.g., the root of the verb substantive as loses 
its vowel before the heavy terminations of the present, 
while no other root beginning with a vowel undergoes such 
an abbreviation in any form whatever. Should the formal 
relation of the gerund in ivd to the infinitive in turn be 
independent of the, as it were, moral principle which 
operates in the separation into strong and [G. Ed. p. 1243.] 
weak cases, I would assume, and I have already elsewhere 
alluded to it,* that the weight ivd laid on the termination 
turn has had a similar influence on the preceding portion 
of the word, both with respect to the weakening of the 
form and the removal of the accent, as that exercised in 
the 2d principal conjugation by the weight of the heavy 
personal terminations. In that case, therefore, the relation 
of, e.g.9 i'tva to Stum, dvish-tvA to dvish-tum, viHvd to vet^ 
tunh dat'tvd to ddrtum, hi-iva to hd'tum, would answer more 
or less to that of 

i-mds, " we go," to S-mi " I go,'' 

dvish-mis, " we hate," to dvish-mi, " I hate," 

vid-rnds, "we know," to vH-niu "I know," 

dad-mds, " we give," to dddd-mi, *' I give," 

iahi-mds, " we quit," to jdhd-mU " I quit." 

Be that, however^ as it may, it is certain that the gerund 
in (v-Af and the infinitives in /14-m, td-s, tav-i, tav-dh have 
a common formative suffix, and in essentials are only dis- 
tinguished by their case-termination ; and that the abstract 
substantive base formed by tu is feminine, which before 

* Smaller Sanscrit GramiDar, §. 562. 

4 I 2 


could only have been inferred from the instrumental in 
fthd* but now is also apparent from the Vedic dative forms 
in tnvHM, The Greek abstracts in rv-y, as /Soj/Tv-y, ^ptjurv-^^ 
eSr]Tih-g, emjrv^y eXerjTv^g, 7e\a-(r-TiJ-y, ^p^jy-cr-riJ-j, which were 
first brought into this province of formation in my treatise on 
the " Influence of Pronouns on the formation of Words ''(p- 25), 
[G. E(l. p. 1244.] testify in like manner for the feminine na- 
ture of the Sanscrit cognate words : they, however, testify 
also, and this is well worth notice, that it was after the se- 
paration of the Greek from the Sanscrit that this class of 
abstract substantives raised itself in Sanscrit to the position 
of infinitives and gerunds, while they still moved in Zend 
also in the circle of common substantives. Under this head 
is to be brought ;^g^ga> pfire-fuy the feminine gender of 
which is proved by the accusative plural peretih; but its 
abstract nature has been changed into concrete. It, per- 
haps, originally signified "passage, crossing,^' j* but has, how- 
ever, assumed the signification "bridge." Perhaps, too, ;^^ajj 
zantu, "city" (originally, perhaps, "production, creation"), 
the gender of which is not to be deduced from the forms 
that now occur, is to be classed here. The instrumental 
jojcmTG'^ zafithivd, " through production," mentioned above 
(§. 254. Rem. 3. p. 280), as also xsoj^C^^^janthwih " through 
smiting, slaying," J and the ablative zahthwAt, I now rather 
refer to the suffix /AM'a = Sanscrit iva, as in the Veda dialect 
the said suffix also forms primitive abstracts (see §. 829.), 
and, indeed, from the strong form of the root ; so that 
from ipT jan and '^ han might be expected the bases Kn^ 
jantva and ^w hardva. I am led to this opinion particu- 

» From a niAscnline or neuter base, in classical Sanscrit at leas^ would 
come tuTid. 

t Root;>(V^=Sanscrit/wzr (pri), see Brockhaus, Glossary, p. 370. 
J See §. 160. p. 178, yvhcre jahtkion should be read for zahihwa. In the 
Gcr. cd. §. 159 IB hi>re wrongly given for §. 160. 


larly by the ablative t^jMoi^^ zanthwdt* which answers 
better to a theme zanlhwa than to zantu, as from bases in 
u no other ablatives in dt have elsewhere been found, but only 
such as have short a before the i, or those [G. £d. p. 1245.] 
that append the ablative sign direct to the theme. The 
instrumental in thtoa (or thtvd, see §. 254. Rem. 3. p. 28l) 
admit of being deduced from feminine bases in tu quite as 
well as from neuter or mascuUne in ihwa. But it is de- 
cidedly from a base in tliwa that the accusative railhwim, 
" defiling," f comes» from the theme of wliich raHhwa pro- 
ceeds the denoniinative raSlhiuayiUi, "he defiles." The 
primitive verb does not occur, whence it is uncertain 
whether ra&thwa is really a primitive abstract. 

865. It is clear that the Latin supines are identical 
in their base with the Sanscrit infinitive bases in ixj^ although 
the analogous abstracts with a full declension, as or-tu^f 
inter-i-tU'S, sta-tU'S, ac-tu-s, duc-tu-s, rap-lu-s, ac-cts-su'S (from 
ac-ces'tu'8f see §. 101.), cd-su-s (from cas-su-s for cas-tus), 
cur-su-s, vom-i'tU'SfX have, like their analogous forms in 

* V. S. p. 83, fAJO^QjS^yff . . . j^/xyj as^q) para nars . . . zaiithwdt^ 
" ante hominis generaixonem," see Gram. Crit., p. 253. 

t Cf. Spiegel, " The lOlh Farg. of the V. S.," p. 82. 

X The Sanscrit al&o frequently joins the 6u£Eix under discussion to the 
root by means of a conjunctive voi;vcl i; and forms, e.y,^ from vam^ ^^to 
vomit," the base vantiiu ; ^'hence the infinitive vdm-i-tum (=6up. vom^i" 
tufn)f and the gerund vam-i-tm, M'ith regard, however, to the infinitive 
and gerund not universally agreeing as to the insertion or not of the con- 
junctive vowel, and to our finding by the side of the infinitive bhdv'i-tuviy 
^* to be," e.g.y a gerund bhu-tvd^ I v^ould recall attention to the circum- 
stance that the suffix vdiis of the peifect participle, when it is appended 
to the root by a conjunctive vowel t, rejects this conjunctive vowel in the 
weakest cases (instr. pich-^Uh-d, opposed to the ace. pSch-i-vdns-aTn), 
which does not prevent me from assuming, that in this participle all cases 
originally came from the same base. M'e do not require to explain the 
absence of the conjunctive vowel in the weakest cases by the circumstance, 

that here the formative suffix begins with a vowel, as pich-y-iishd (for 




[G. Ed. p. 1240.] Greek, not remained true to the feminine 
gender. How exactly in other respects, in many roots, 
the accusative of the Latin supine agrees with that of the 
Sanscrit infinitive, exclusive of the gunising of the latter, 
may be inferred from the following examples : — 




sthd-tum, "to stand,'' 
dd'tum, "to give,'' 
dhma-tunin " to blow, 
jnA-iurriy " to know,' 
pi'tum, " to drink,' 
^'fum, "to go." 
se4um, " to sleep/ 
yo-tum, yav-i-tum, " to join, 
sni'tumf " to flow," 
stdr-tum, " to strew,' 
pdk'tum, " to cook,' 
6nJc-tum, " to anoint,' 






Hum (cf. fri/f). 

rutum (cf. rivus). 

pich'i'{Lshd) could as little surprise us, as, e.g.y mn6y-i'4ha (with nhiP-iha\ 
from the root 7^, ^' to lead," which prefixes a conjunctive vowel t at 
pleasure to the personal termination tha^ and necessarily to the personal 
endings va, ma, «^, wihiy maM, dhvS ; hence nir^-i-vd, niny-i-md, fitny-i- 
ji/i^, &c. The vcrhs of the 10th class, and the causal forms which are ana- 
logous to them, hare all of them, as well in the infinitive as in the gerund, 
the conjunctive vowel i after the character ay (for aya of the special 
tenses), and gunise radical vowels which are capable of Guna ; hence, e.g.j 
chor-ay-i'tuniy chor-ay-i'tvd^ from ckur^ '^ to steal." To the ay corre- 
sponds tlie Latin a or i, from forms like am-d-tum^ aud't-tum (see 
§. 109'^. 6.). On the other hand, verbs of the Latin 2d conjugation, 
though they are based in like manner on the Sanscrit 10th class, relin- 
quish their conjugational character, and add the suffix either direct to 
the root, or by means of a conjanctive vowel t {doc-tum^ mon-i-tumy 
for doc-6'ium, mon-i-tum, cf §.801. Note t, p. 1116 Note ♦•, G. ed.) : 
JI4'tum, pU'tum make a necessary exception ; dil-^-tum makes a volun- 
tary one. 





bhdnk-tumf ** to break, fracium. 

bhrdsh'tum^ *' to roast'''* (r.bhrtgj^Jridum. 

[G. Ed. p. 1247.] 

• • ss 

ydk'ium, " to join, 
At'tum, " to eat,'' 
chhH'tumt "to cleave, 
bhit'tumf id. 
tdt'tum, "to knock," 

r6t-iumy " to rend, 
vil'tum, "to know, 
idn'i-4umy " to beget, to bring gen-i'tum. 

forth, to become," 
svan-i'tumf "to sound, 
Idp-iumt "to break," 
sdrp-tum^ " to go," 
vdm-i'tumf "to vomit, 
dish'tum. " to shew," 
pish'tum, " to bruise,"' 
ddg-dhum,* "to milk," 
fii^dAum,f " mingerey^ 
vd'dhunh "to ride," 

^m (see §. 101.). 
iusum (from tus'sum for ius- 

tum^ see §. 101.). 
vi'8um,({rom via-aum, vUtum), 

.. v% 










866. The form which, in the Lithuanian and Lettish 
Grammars, is called " supinum," corresponds remarkably 
with the accusative of the supine in Latin, in that it is 
used only after verbs of motion, in order to express the 
object towards which the motion is directed, i.e. the purpose 
for which it takes place (cf. p. 12C9 G. ed.). L^- Ed. p. 1248.] 
The accusative-sign, the nasal of which is elsewhere in 
Lithuanian marked on the preceding vowel (see §. 149.), is 

« Euphonic for doh-tum, from the root cfttA= Gothic tuh (tiuha, ^^ I 
draw," tauh, " I drew"), 
t For m^h'tumt whence next comes mM-dhum, 


altogether lost in this form, though it is preserved in its 
original shape in the already before-noticed composites 
like buium-bime (see §. 6S5. p. 913, and §. 6S7.), under the 
protection of the following labial. I annex a few Lithua- 
nian supine constructions out of the translation of the 
Bible: iszeyo seyeyas sletUf "A sower went forth to sow'' 
(Matt. xiii. 3) ; kad nueyen in mleslelus, saw nusipirktu walgint 
•• that they may go (going) into the villages to buy them- 
selves victuals" (xiv. 15); nueyens yeszkotu paklydusen, ** go- 
ing to seek that which is gone astray" (xviii. 12); yus ixze- 
yote .... sug&uiu mannen, " arc ye come out for to take 
me ?" (xxvi. 65). Nevertheless, the use of this supine in 
the received condition of the Lithuanian after verbs of 
motion is not exclusively requisite ; but we find in the 
translation of the Bible, in such constructions, more fre- 
quently the common infinitive in ti, or with t, suppressed 
t'; e.g.t Matt. ix. 11, asz ateyau grieszmums icadinti, "I am 
come to call sinners" (cf. Sanscrit vad, **to speak"); x. 34, 
asz lie ateyau pakayun sustU ^ I am not come to send peace ;" 
V. 17, ne ateyau panukint\ bet iszpildiC, **I am not come to 
destroy, but to fulfil." On the other hand, the Old Prus- 
sian — ^a language which approaches the Lithuanian very 
closely — has two forms for the common infinitive, of which 
the .one corresponds to the accusative of the Sanscrit infini- 
tive and Latin supine, as also to the Lithuanian supine ; 
and, indeed, as in the common declension, retaining the 
sign of the accusative in the form of n ; e.g., dd-tun or 
[G. Ed. p. 1 249.] ddton, " to give " = Sanscrit ddlum, pu-lofi^ 
" to drink " = pd'tum, gcm-tm, " to bear a child " =rjan-{-(ufii; 
and the other, with the termination iweU presents a re- 
markable similarity to the above-mentioned (§. 854.) Vedic 
infinitive dative in tavdi (for tvdi)^ of which no trace is left 
in any other cognate language of Euroi>e. It has, however, 

* Ton fium tun^ cf. §. 77. 


unconscious of its origin, in like manner an accusative sig- 
nification ; Mrhere I vrould remind the reader, that in the 
Vedas also the infinitives in dhydi, discussed above (§. 854.)» 
in spite of their dative form, occasionally suppress the ac- 
cusative relation ; thus, Yajurveda VI. 3., uLmasi gdmadhydit 
•' we will ga"* As regards, then, the Prussian form in 
fti^et, if we deduce twei from iu-el, ei answers as the femi- 
nine case-termination to the pronominal datives in ei ; as, 
ste-ssi-ei, " this " = Sanscrit ta-sy-di, Gothic thi-z-ai (see §. 349. 
p. 485). It might, however, be, that the ei of the said in- 
finitive form may be based on the Sanscrit i ( = ai) of the 
Veda forms in iav-i, so that, e.g., d6,4weU "to give,'' would 
have the same relation to its accusative dd-tu-n, that, in the 
Veda dialect, the to-be-presupposed dd-tav-it which, without 
Guna, would be dd-iv-i, has to dd-tum. The Rigveda fur- 
nishes us with pd'4av-i, the sister form to pu-lw-ei, " to 
drink" (I. 28. c). The other Prussian forms which belong 
to this class, and which Nesselmann, p. 65, has collected, are : 
bid'twei, 6ia-/iri,f *' to fear" (Sanscrit bhi, **to fear,'' bhayd, 
"fear"); sld-fwei, "to stand;" at-trd-twei, ^%o answer;" 
biUi-twei, " to say " (Sanscrit bru, " to speak ") ; [G. Ed. p. 1250 J 
en-dyri-tuei, **to regard" (Sanscrit dars', drii, **to see"); 
pallapS'i'tueifX "to covet" (Sanscrit lUaps, infinitive Ulaps-U 

* In another passage of the Yajurveda (III. 13.) the infinitives d/iU' 
vddhydi, "to summon," and mddayddhydi, " to rejoice," are governed by 
a verb (according to the SchoL, ichchhdmi^ '* I wish, 1 iiviil"), and have, 
in like manner, an accusative meaning : ubhd vdm indrdgnl dhuvddhyd 
ubhd rddhasah $ahd mddayddhydi, "Ye both, Indra and Agni, (will I) 
call, both will togetlier gladden on account of riches." 

t For twei occur also iwi, twey, and twe^ see Nesselm., p. 65. 

X Pa is a prefix, and the initial consonant of the root doubled, accord- 
ing to the inclination peculiar to the Prussian to double consonants. 
Con)pare the Sanscrit root labh, " to attain " (kanpavoo, ^a^oy), the desi- 
derative of which would regularly be Hkps (see §. 750.), for which lips, ' 
From labhf "io attain," appears^ too, through mere weakening of the 



/wm, " to wish to attain, r. labh) ; kirdi'ttoeU " to hear ;'*" 
madli'tivei, " to ask ;" au-schaudi-tweU " to trust f' schlusi- 
thoeif " to serve f turri-tweiy " to have f vmcki-tweiy ** to 
allure f* gallin'tweU " to slay f kigin-twey, " to direct T 
9fnunin4wey, "to honour;'' sundm-^urei, "to punish;" sunn- 
tin-twei, "to hallow;'' menenriweyt "to think, to mention" 
(Sanscrit man, "to think);" gir-tweU "to praise" (Ved. gir, 
"song of praise;" gri-vA-mu "I praise'*); gun4w€u "to 
drive ;" lim-tweU lemb-iwey, ** to break" (Sanscrit lump-d-mu 
"I break"); ranc-twe'u ranck-twey, "to steal ;^''|* is-^iret, m- 
^ii^e, " to eat ;" X tiens-4fDei, " to fascinate ;" wes-twH (from 
toed-ttvei), "to conduct." 

867. More frequent than the infinitives in turn, tout and 
^im, are, in the Old Prussian language, the infinitives in 
t; as, da-t, "to give;" sia-U "to stand;" bou-t, "to be;" 
giw-i't, " to live ;" tncAr^u-t, ** to procure" (Sanscrit iaksK in 
the Veda dialect, " to make"). These have, as I doubt not, 
lost a final t, and answer to the Lithuanian infinitives in 
ii, the i of which is also frequently apostrophised (see 
[G. Ed. p. 1251.] p. 1248 G. ed.), and in Lettish, as in Prus- 
sian, is utterly lost.§ Here also are to be ranked the 

vowel, the root htbh, ^^ to covet," to have sprang. The Prussian root lap, 
**^ to command," appears to belong to the Sanscrit lap^ " to speak." 

* En-fcackSmai, ^^ we invoke," cf. Sanscrit vach (from vak\ infinitive 
vaktuniy '' to speak." 

t Akin to this is, among other words, the Lithuanian rankd, ^' hand,"* 
as ^' taking," Old Prussian accusaUve ranka^n, plural accusative ranka-ru. 
In Sanscrit the as-yet-unciteable root rak (also lak) means ^' to obtain." 

I Euphonic for id-twei^ id-ttoe (see §. 457.), cf. Sanscrit infinitive 
at'tum from ad- turn, 

§ The following are examples in Lettish: yah-t (=jd't), 'Ho rule" 
(cf. Sanscrit root yd, " to go") ; gee-i, "to bind" (Sanscrit root «, id.) ; 
ee-t, "to go;" bUi-t (=W-/), "to be afraid" (Sanscrit root bhi); buh-t 
(=biU), "to he" (Lithuanian 6«-rl, Sanscrit hhu-ti^ "the being"); wem-t, 
" vamere" (Sanscrit root www). 


Old Slavonic infiaitives, which* however, have constantly- 
preserved the i of the suffix ; hence, e.g., acth yas-ti (eu- 
phonic for yad'ti), " to eat,"" as compared with the Lithua- 
nian es'ti, and Prussian is-t The source of these infini- 
tives is most probably, as has been already elsewhere re- 
marked,* the Sanscrit feminine abstracts in it (see §. 844.), 
with whose theme the Lithuanian and Old Sclavonic infini- 
tives are, as regards their suffix, identical : compare btUit 
BbiTH byth ** to be,'' with the Sanscrit bhOth *' existeniia T ^iti, 
HTH itif " to go," with ^ Uif " the going'' (only retained 
in sam-Uh ** fight," properly, ** coming together"). As, 
however, such base words, except at the beginning of com- 
pounds, do not occur in the languages, it becomes a ques- 
tion what case is represented by the Sclavonic-Lithuanian 
infinitive forms in ti. I believe the dative ; for the ac- 
cusative, which, according to sense, would be more suitable, 
would lead us to expect, in Lithuanian tin, and in Sclavonic 
Tb iy (c£ koCTb kosiy, from the base koslU p- 348), but in 
the dative and the locative, which is of the same form 
with it, the Old Sclavonic i-bases are not distinguished 
from their theme (see §. 268. and p. 348); and in Let- 
tish -also the bases in i exhibit in the dative, and at the 
same time also in the accusative, the bare primary form, 
of which the t in the nominative and genitive is sup- 
pressed : hence, e.g., aiv-s as nominative and genitive for 
Sanscrit avis, avis, Latin ovi-s, ovi-Sf but dative and accu- 
sative awi; and in the Lithuanian, in the common declension 
of bases in i, the dative is probably dis- [G. Ed. p. 1252.] 
tinguished from the base only in this, that it reaches into 
another province of declension.'j* If now the Sclavonic 
and Lithuanian infinitives are properly datives, in spite of 
the accusative relation which they generally express, they 

* ^' Influence of Pronouns on the formation of Words,** p. 35. 
t See p. 48 Note t, and §. Idd. 


resemble in this respect the Prussian infinitives in iw-ei 
explained above (see p. 1249 G. ed.) ; and, amongst others, 
also the Greek infinitives, which I regard, where they are not 
mutilated (as those in fiev, ev, etv, from fxevau), universally as 
datives. Of this more hereafter. But we have here further 
to recall notice to the fact, that in Zend, also, the dative 
of abstract substantives in ii is used as representative of the 
infinitive, yet only to express a genuine dative relation, viz. 
the causal one ; thus, Vend. Sad. p. 196, karslayai-cha hictoyaS- 
cha para-kaniayai-cha, ** in order to plough, and to water, 
and to dig^ from the bases karsth kidi, para-kanti ; 1. c. 
p. 39, xic^g^A)^ kharileS, ** in order to eat, on account of eat- 
ing" (see p. 959). However, it is further necessary to in- 
quire whether datives of this kind anywhere else in the 
Zend-Avesta as genitive infinitives govern the case of the 
verb, for which, in the passage quoted, there is no occasion. 
868. I regard as accusatives, though in like manner 
without case-termination, and as originally identical with 
the Sanscrit infinitive accusatives in turn, and their Latin 
and Lithuanian sister-forms, the Old Sclavonic infinitives 
in Ti> t" called "supines," which are governed only by verbs 
of motion as the object of the motion ; but from such con- 
structions also are expelled in the more modem MSS. and 
printed books by the common infinitives in Tii ti (see Do- 
[G. Ed. p. 1263.] browsky, p. 646). Taken as accusative, 
the termination n^ C has the same relation to the Sanscrit 
turn that CbiHi* syn, ^'filium,^^ has to ^H sutfLm. In the 
dative we should expect iovl after the analogy of Cbmobii 
synotyif "^/ic;" = Sanscrit sunav-i, Litliuanian sunu-L The 
examples given by Dobrowsky (pp. 645,646), are: MoyqHT-b 
muchif ("art thou come hither to torment us ?" Mattviii.29) ; 
uymifb ticliiC; o^onoB'bAAT'b propovyedaf, ("He departed 
thence to teach and to preach,"' xi. 1.); biia^ti* vidyeC ("what 

* Lithuanian nmuh, Gothic mnu^ sec §. 262. 


went ye out to see ?*' xi. 7.), cftfAT-b syeyal (" a sower went 
forth to sow" iii. 3.); B'b30B'bCTHTT> vl^aryesiit' ("they did 
run to bring word," xxviii. 8). In respect of syntax, it 
deserves notice that the Old Sclavonic supines can be also 
used in construction like common substantives with the 
genitive ; so, Matt. viii. 29, muchif nas, " to torment us,'^ 
instead of ny. 

869. We return to the Latin supine, in order to consider 
more closely the form in tu. As ablative, it answers, at 
least in respect of signification, to the Vedic ablative of the 
infinitive in tds (=:taus)t which, however, has not hitherto 
been found in its strict ablative function, but only governed 
by prepositions (see §. 862.), while the corresponding Latin 
form in tu avoids the construction with prepositions. Its 
ablative nature, however, is clearly shewn where the abla- 
tive of another abstract stands beside it in a similar relation ; 
as Terence : parvum dictu, ned immensum exspedaliane; Liv. : 
pleraque didu quam re sunt faciUora. As the 4th declension 
also admits datives in u for ui, we might regard the 
supine in tu, when it stands by adjectives which govern the 
dative, as a dative; thus, e.g.fjiicundum cognUu of que auditu 
SLS = cagnitui, auditui. I would rather, [O. Ed. p. 1264.] 
however, not concede to the suffix a 3d case, and believe 
that the form in tu may everywhere be taken as an ablative, 
and, indeed, in most cases, as an ablative more closely 
defined, which can be paraphrased by " on account of,'' ** in 
respect to/' as above, '*dictu quam re facilwraJ*'' The asser- 
tion, however, that it is possible to express the relation of 
removal by the ablative of the supine I now retract, since, 
in a passage in Cato R. R. (primus cubitu surgat, postremus 
cubitum eat), I no longer agree with Vossius (see also Rams- 
horn, p. 452) in recognising the supines of cumbo, but only 
the common ablative and accusative of the concrete cubitus 
" couch, bed,'' therefore ** Rise the first from bed, go last 
to bed." Moreover, in obsonatu redeo (Plant.) and redeurd 


paslu oveSf I cannot, with 6. F. Grotefend (p. 347, see also 
Ramshom p. 452), recognise the ablative of the supine ; as 
the ablative of obsonatus and pasttis, with which the said 
supine is, in its origin, certainly identical here, suffices very 
well. It is, however, certain, that the Latin supines, in 
respect to syntax, stand very near to the common abstracts 
of the 4th declension ; and I do not think that the Latin 
brought its supines with it as such, or as infinitives, so 
early as from the Asiatic progenital land, but I now only as- 
sume a formative affinity with the Sanscrit infinitives in fu-m, 
as with the Greek abstracts in rtrf ; but I admit of the 
syntactical individualization of the Latin supines first shew- 
ing itself on Roman soil, as, indeed, in the older Latinity 
also, the abstracts in tio have obtained the capacity, like infi- 
[G. Ed. p. 1255.] nitives, of governing the accusative* which 
the more modem language has again resigned. The case 
is different with the forms of the Lithuanian and Sclavonic 
supines, which correspond to the Latin supines and the 
Old Prussian infinitive (§§. 866. 466.), which stand in the 
said languages isolated, and without any support on a class 
of words provided with a full declension, and shew them- 
selves to be transmissions from the time of identity with 
the Sanscrit and the earlier, as the said languages, through 
several other phenomena, point to the fact that they were 
first separated from the Sanscrit at a time when the latter 
language had already experienced sundry corruptions, with 
which the classic and German tongues are not yet ac- 
quainted, f 

* The following are examples in Plantns : Quid tibi hone digito tactio 
est ? quid tibi istunc tactio est f quid tibi hanc notio est ? quid tibi banc 
aditio est f quid tibi hue receptio ad te est meum virum ? quid tibi bane 
euratio est? This idiom therefore appears to have been retained, or 
generally to have been adopted, in questions only. 

t I have expressed myself more folly on this subject In a treatise read 
before the Academy sevend yean ago, but still nnprinted, '< On the Lan- 


870. We ought not to ascribe a passive [G. Ed. p. 1256 J 
signification to the ablative of the supine, at least it cannot 

gUAge of the Old Pnusians;" and I have there appealed in particular to 
the palatal i, which has arisen from ky for which the classical langaages 
exhibit the original guttural tenuis, the German languages h (according 
to the rule for the permutation of sound, see §. 87.), while the Lettish 
and Sclavonic languages, in most of the words which admit of compari- 
son, give likewise a sibilant. Compare, e.g.^ Sanscrit dsva-s, "a horse," 
dhd, '' a mare," wj|h the Lithuanian cuzwa^ contrasted with the Latin 
equuSy equa^ Old Saxon eku ; ivan (th.), nom. ivd, " dog, with the Lithua- 
nian 8ZU (nom.)y gen. szun-$, contrasted with the Greek kvcoi/, Latin 
cemi'Sy Gothic hund{a)'8 ; iaid-m, '' a hundred," with the Lithuanian 
tzinta-8, (masc.)y Old Sdaronic 9to (neut.), contrasted with the Latin 
centum^ Greek i'KaT6v (p. 445) ; sdkhd, '^ bough," with Lithuanian szakd, 
Russian guk^ contrasted with the Irish geag. By another process, Kuhn 
(see Weber's Indian Studies, p. 924) has arrived at the opinion, that the 
Sclavonic languages ^^ have continued longer united with the Indian, or, 
still more probably, longer with the Zend and the Persian, than with the 
others of the Indo-Germanic family." I cannot, however, assume a spe- 
cial affinity between the Sclavonic (and Lettish) and the Arian languages 
(the Zend, Persian, Kurdish, Afghan, Armenian, Ossetish) ; and in the 
forementioned treatise regarding the Old Prussian I have drawn atten- 
tion to the fact, that an especial peculiarity of the Arian languages con- 
sists in this, that they have all of them before vowels, and the most part 
before semi-vowels also, as well at the beginning as in the middle of 
words, changed the original or dental « (v ) into A, or entirely suppressed 
it. This token, however, fails in the Sclavonic and Lettish languages, 
which, in this respect, have maintiuned themselves on a level with the 
Sanscrit. Compare, e.g.y the Lithuanian ieptyrdy Sclavonic sedmg, with 
the Zend haptOy Persian hafty the Armenian gevthn, yefthankh, Ossetish 
awdy and Af^an 6va. When, however, the Sclavonic-Lettish lan- 
guages at times accord with the Arian, in that they contrast with the 
Sanscrit K A a ubilant, as, e.g., in the nominative singular of the pronoun 
of the 1st person (see p. 471), I regard it in so far as casual, inasmuch as 
I believe that the two groups of languages (the Lettish-Sclavonic and 
Arian) in these, on the whole, but rare coincidences, have reached a com- 
mon goal by separate routes ; as the Greek, through its rough breathing, 
frequently coincides with the Arian A (of. e.g, inrd with the Zend haptd), 

without, however, the ohange of the original « into the rough breathing 



[G. Ed. p. l*2o7.] be assigned with more right to it than to 
other abstract substantives, in which it can be inferred only 

at the beginning of words having become a principle; for the Greek con- 
trasts, e.<7., avv^ for Sanscrit #am, with the Zend ham. The Sanscrit W * is 
properly An aspirated g {gh\ and, in pronnnciation, has the same relation to 
'^gh that the Greek x bas to the Sanscrit kh {k + h\ in which, as gene- 
rally in the Sanscrit aspirates, an J^ is clearly heard after the said tennis 
or medial. The Sanscrit h is therefore, as it were, a ^eak x, and leads us, 
in the Lettish-Sclavonic langoages, which have no aspirates, to expect a 
^, which we here also frequently find in the placo of the Sanscrit h ; as, 
e,g.y in Lithuanian deguj '^I bum''=sSanscrit ddhdmi; and in the Scla- 
vonic MOFifk moguh, '^ I can,** which is based on the Sanscrit root mahh^ 
mah^ " to grow," whence 1^9(^mahdty " great" (cf. magnutf fieyas), to 
which the Zend wxi^ maz6 is radically akin, with z, therefore, con- 
trasted with the Sanscrit h and Sclavonic, Greek, and Latin g. \Vbere, 
however, the Lithuanian contrasts a ii ( = French j, Sclavonic ik) and the 
Sclavonic as with the Sanscrit h, there I regard the sibilant of the said 
languages, not as a corruption of the Sanscrit h, but of a g^ in the same 
manner as, in Italian, the^ before e and t has, in pronunciation, become 
dsch (English y): moreover, in this case the Lettish and Sclavonic Lin- 
guages, in spite of their near relationship, no longer invariably agree 
with one another; since, e. 27., the Russian contrasts with the Sanscrit 
kafisa, *' goose, ** the form r y C b gusyy and the Lithuanian the form zasis. In 
the Zend this word would, in its theme, be either as^^A!< zatiha or xswjxi^ 

jaxJia (see §§.56^. 57.), the h of which the Lettish-Sclavonic languages 
would have scarcely conducted back to its point of departure, 9, I would^ 
also recall attention to the fact, that in the Lettish and Sclavonic lan- 
guages occasionally weak sibilants occur for the Sanscrit g or the^ ir , 
which was first developed out of the g af^er the separation of languages. 
Thus the Lithuanian zada-s, " speech," and siodi-Sy '^ word," lead to the 
Sanscrit root gad, "to speak;" for which, in Zend, we have AM^jod^ 

"to require." To the Sanscrit not ^^ft^ jiv, "to live," corresponds tha 
Sclavonic root AiiiB schiv ; while the Lithuanian in this root has pre^ 
served the original guttural (ggwaty "living," gy^cmn^ "I live"), which 
is a proof that the corruption of the original guttural in this root, in San- 
scrit and Sclavonic, first made its appearance after the separation of the 
LetUsh-Sdavonio languages from Sanscrit. The divergence of the Let- 


from the general sense whether the action passes from the 
subject or to it, as in general the abstract substantives ex- 

tish and Sclavonic languages in the word ''God'* deserves notice; for 
while the Lithnanian diewa-s, and Prussian deiwa-s, are based on the 
Sanscrit diva-Sy " God" (Zend duSva, " evil spirit"), the word bog (theme 
bogo)y which is common to perhaps all the Sclavonic languages, leads us 
to the Old Persian baga, with which Kuhn also, 1.. c, has compared it, 
while I, at a time when I was as yet unacquainted witli the Old Persian 
expression (Glossarinm Sanscr.^ Fasc. II. a. I84I9 p. 242), compared it with 
^YTTsnr bhagavni (from bkaga, '^/elicitas, beatitudo"), ^^felix, beatus, vene- 

rabUU" (applied only to gods and saints) ; and under HT bhaga I have men- 
tioned the Lithuanian bagota-s, and Russian bagotyl, " rich" (cf. Mikl. 
*• Radices," s. v. Bori* bog', "dew*"). The Sanscrit root bhajy from bhag^ 
signifies, '' to worship, to adore, to love ;" and as the suffix a has also 
a passive signification, the old Persian and Sclavonic term for ''God" 
might originally have also signified " worshipped, adored," the possibility 
of which, with regard to the Sclavonic word, is also admitted by Pott 
(E. I., I. p. 236). I would, however, by no means found an argument for 
a special affinity between the Sclavonic languages and the Old Persian on 
their agreement in the designation of " God" (in Persian, " gods"), as the 
Sanscrit itself supplies a very satisfactory root for that ; and, moreover, 
two languages might very easily have fallen upon the same method, quite 
independently of each other, so as to have designated " God," or ''gods," 
from " adoration ;' as, too, the New Persian dj>\ tzed^ " God," is based 

on another root for " to pray," viz. on iji^ yaj (Zend yaz)^ whence the 
perfect passive participle is, by contraction, ishtd-s. Though the opinion 
expressed above (§§. 21. 50.), and supported also by Burnouf (Ya^na, 
p. 173), be correct with regard to the original identity of the Lithuanian 
swanta-s, "holy," Old Sclavonic CBATT* svahf, id., svahtitiy ^^sanctifl^ 
carCy" see Mikl. Rad. p. 79, Prussian stuint-s, " holy," ace. swinta-n^ 
swintint, "to hallow," it is nevertheless important to observe, that in 
this word also the Lettish and Sclavonic languages have thereby di- 
veiled from the Arian, or Medo- Persic, in that they have not changed 
the Sanscrit group of sounds, $v into sp, but have left the old semi-vowel 
unaltered. The Sanscrit supplies, as the original source of the word un- 
der discussion (see Weber, V. S. Sp. II. 68.), the extremely fruitful root 
iviy " to grow," in the contracted form su, if this be not the old form, and 
ivi an extension of it. From ivi we might expect svayanta, according to 

4 k the 


[G. Ed. p. 1258.] press in no degree whatever the relation 
of activity or passiveness. Moreover, the Sanscrit infini- 
tive is wanting in a passive form; and where it has, or 
appears to have, a passive signification, this is discoverable 
only from the context, as, e.g., in a passage of the Savitri 
(5. 15.), of which I annex the translation : '' this man, bound 
by duty .... deserves not to be summoned by my servants,'*' 
more literally, " is not deserving the summoning'' (nd 'rhS 
nStum\ where the circumstance that netum can be rendered 
by a passive infinitive does not justify us in assigning to 
it a passive signification. It has, if one will so view 
it, an active meaning with reference to the servants of 
Yama, and a passive with reference to Satyavdn, while in 

[G. Ed. p. 1269.] point of fact it denotes neither activity 
nor passiveness, but the abstract ''summoning, leading 
away,'' which is itself irrespective of doing or suffering. 
So also in the Hitopadesa (ed. Bonn. p. 4l), abhishiktum^ 
"to sprinkle,"" has no passive signification, which Lassen 
(II. 75.) would make this infinitive borrow fr9m the pas- 
sive participle nirupUa. In my opinion, nirupita retains 
its passive meaning for itself, and does not consign it to 
the infinitive. That however, 1. c, the sprinkling (the 
kingly inauguration by sprinkling) is not performed by the 
elephant of the said person, but by another, is clear from 
the context. In order to leave the active or passive rela- 
tion as undefined as in the original, I translate atavird^^. 
"bhishiktum bhavdn rdrupitaE by " to the sprinkling for the 
forest-sovereignty your honour is chosen."" 

871. We sometimes find the Vedic dative also of the in- 
finitive base in tu with an apparent passive infinitive sig- 
nification ; as, e.g., S. V. (ed. Benfey, p. 143), {ndrdt/a sdma 

the analogy of jayantd (n. pr., originally ''conqueror"), and from in, 
savanta; and, without Guna, ivait/a/ to which the Sclavonic CBATi* 
want', theme svanto, wonld correspond admirably. > 


pdtavS vritraghni parishichi/asi, "for Indra, O Soma, for 
drinking (in order to be drunk) for the slayer of Vritra, 
thou art poured around f' Rigv. 28. «., indrdya pdlavi sunu 
sdmanh " for Indra, for drinking, express the Soma.**^ Thus, 
also, at times the above-mentioned (§. 857.) dative form of 
abstract radical words appears to supply the place of the 
passive infinitive; e.g. Rigv. 52. 8. ddhdrayo divyd suryan 
drhhA " thou hast placed the sun in the heaven to see.'"'|" 
As a practical rule, we may lay down the [G. Ed. p. 1260.] 
proposition for classical Sanscrit, that where an instrumen- 
tal of the person accompanies the infinitive in tumt the 
former may, in languages which possess a passive infinitive, 
be translated by it. Thus, in the passage cited above (nd 
^rhd nitum matpUTui&iK) ; so also Mah. II. 309., na yuktas 
tu avamdnd ''sya kartun tvayd, ** It is not, however, fitting 
for thee to shew contempt for this one (=that contempt 
be made)."" In another passage, which is in essentials simi- 
lar (Mah. I. 769.), the passive participle yukta, " beseeming, 
fitting" (properly ** joined ""), is not governed by the subject, 
but stands impersonally in the neuter, na yuktam bhavatd 
'ham anritSno ^pachariiumt " not beseeming (is it) that I, by 
thee with falsehood serve ( = be served)." + There is also 
an interesting, and hitherto, in its kind, unique passage in 
the Raghuvansa (14. 42.), yady arthiid .... prdndn mayd 
dhdrayitun chiran vaK, Irrespective of maydy "by me," 

* =^' iu order to be drunk." S&yana explains pdtavS by pdtaum ; 
bat here, in classical Sanscrit, I should expect another abstract in the 
dative, rather than the accusative of the infinitive. 

t s^'to be seen." The Scholiast explains drisi by drdshtuntf and 
then more closely by sarvishdm oirndkan dariandya, ^' on account of the 
seeing of us all." 

I Compare a passage in S&vitri (II. 22.), where iakyam, ^^ possib'de^*' 
refers, according to the sense, to ddsha, masc., '' fault :" sacha dSshah 
prayatnina na iakyam ativartitumt ^^ and this &ult it is impossible to 
overpass without utmost endeavour." 

1 k2 


the literal translation would be, " if your wish to retain 
life long/' and then the obtaining of life would refer to 
the persons addressed ; but by the appended maydf " by 
me," the sense is essentially altered, and the retention of 
life referred to the speaker, though the life might be that 
of those addressed if the context allowed of this ; but dhdra- 
[G. Ed. p. 1261.] yiium, ** to receive/* remains, however, 
in so far, a genuine active infinitive, as it governs the ac- 
cusative (pi.) prdndn '* v'ltamy In order to imitate as 
closely the grammatical complexion of the original in trans- 
lating it into German, we might perhaps render it thus, 
" if to you the wish (is) for the long retention of life through 
me f ' only here the word that signifies " to retain" must 
be rendered as the common abstract with the genitive,* 
instead of as verbal with the accusative ; and instead of the 
adverb "long" the corresponding adjective must be pre- 
fixed to it, while the proper infinitive is importantly dis- 
tinguished from the common abstract by this, that it .'admits 
of no epithet. 

872. It is worthy of notice, moreover, how the Sanscrit, 
being deficient in a passive infinitive, shifts for itself in 
cases where such an infinitive was to have been expected 
after verbs which signify "to be able" in such sentences, 
as vinci potest The Sanscrit then, in such cases, expresses 
the passive relation by the auxiliary verb ^re iaA:, " to be 
able," to which it has lent a passive, perhaps especially with 
a view to constructions of this kind, which, however, is 
only used impersonally ; e.g. Mah. I. 6678., yadi sakyat^, "if 
it is possible" (literally, "if it is could ");f on the other 

* I.e. the infinitive in Sanscrit, which in the German is rendered by 
^^ Erhalten," mast bo regarded as a substantive "retention," not as verbal 
" retaining." — Translator, 

t The reader will pardon this expression, which must be coined in 
order to render " icird gekonnt :" I had only the choice between it and 
" is been able." — Trarulatar. 


hand, e,^., Nal. 20, 5., nd ^^hartun iakyaii punaK, "it (the gar- 
ment) cannot be recalled,'" (literally, *' is not can-ed to re- 
call"); as if one could say in Latin, *' afferre nequitur,'"* in- 
stead of ''affeni mequXV The Latin language, however, 
allows of the doubled expression of the passive relation, 
both in the infinitive and in the negative auxiliary verb 
" nequeo^ hence, e.g.t comprimi nequitur (Plant. Rud.), retrahi 
nequitur (Plant apud. Fest), ulcisci (pass.), nequitur (Sail.), 
virginitas reddi nequitur (Apul.). Observe, also, the way in 
which the passive of the infinitive future in Latin is para- 
phrased by the accusative of the supine [G. Ed. p. 12G2.] 
with iri; where, therefore, the auxiliary verb has, exactly 
as in the Sanscrit saky&t^, *' is could," taken upon itself the 
denoting of the passive relation, which the accusative of 
the supine, like its cognate form in Sanscrit, is incapable 
of expressing ; thus, amatum iri, literally, " gone to love 
(in love)," instead of ** to go to be loved." That, too, the 
indicative of iri can be used in constructions of this kind, 
is proved by a passage in Cato (apud Gell. 10. 14.), contu- 
melia per hujusce petulardiam mihifadum iiur^ "Insult is gone 
to do to me," instead of " goes to be done to me."* 

* I first drew attention to the peculiarity of Sanscrit idiom, as regards 
the construction of the passive of iak, 'Ho be able/' with the infinitive, 
in my review of Forster's " Essay on the principles of the Sanscrit Gram- 
mar" (Heidelberg Ann. Heg., 1818, No. 30, p. 476), and afterwards in 
a Note on Arj ana's journey to Indra's heaven, p. 81; and I believe 
that it was desirable, to express a meaning on this subject, as the sin- 
gularity of a passive to a verb which signifies " to be able ;" and the 
circumstance that iak admits also of being used as a middle of the 4th 
class (e.g, sakyasi, ^' thou canst/' N. XI. 6.) might also induce the 
opinion that the Sanscrit infinitive in turn has both a passive and an 
active meaning; and that, therefore, e.g., hantuh icJn/ati literally signi- 
fies nothing else than ^* occidi potest," This is, however, opposed by the 
passages in which infinitives are dependent on the decidedly passive par- 
ticiples of the preterite iakitd (see p. 1118 Note I), and of the future 
tfdkya ; e.g.. Ram. I. 44. 53., punar na iakitd netun gangd prarthayatd. 


[G. Ed. p. 1263.] 873. Let US now turn to the German in- 
finitive ; and we will, in the first place, call attention to the re- 
markable agreement which the Gothic shews to the Sanscrit 
in this, that in the want of a passive infinitive in the cases in 
which this form, did it exist, would be placed after the auxi- 
liary verb signifying "to be Me"'' (nuxg/* I can,"' "I am able^') 
it expresses the passive relation in the auxiliary verb. As, 
however, magt ** I can," is a preterite with a present sig- 
nification (cf. §. 49L)i and as the Gothic is not in a position 
to form a passive, except out of present forms (see §. 512.), 
and not, like the Sanscrit and Greek, out of other tenses 
also, it has recourse to the passive participle mahiSf 
mahta, mahU which, like the formal indicative preterite 
mag, has always a present signification * on which ac- 
count the temporal relation, if it be a past one, can be 
denoted only by the appended verb substantive, while 

^' the Ganga (would) not be able (possible) to bring back by the wisher ;'' 
Hidimba, I. 35., kin tu iakyam mayd kartum ^^what, howeyer, (is) to be 
able (possible) to do by me" (=what, however, can be done by me). 
Lassen (Hitop. II. 75.) remarks that constmctions of this kiiid can in 
nowise be limited to ink, " to be able," but it is nevertheless certain 
that the construction of the active infinitive with the passive of a verb 
which signifies ^'to be able" is the most original and most deserving of 
special notice ; for that verbs which signiiy " to begin" have in Sanscrit, 
as in other languages, a passive, is just as little surprising, as that the 
action which is begun is expressed in Sanscrit, as in German, by the 
active infinitive, as it is not necessary that the passive relation should be 
expressed both at the beginning and in the action which is begun, though 
constructions occur in Latin like vasa coryici coepta sunt {Ne]^.); while 
we in German say, e,g,, das Haus wird zu bauen angefangeriy ''the bouse 
is begun to build (to be built);" and in Sanscrit (Hit., ed. Bonn. p. 49, 
1. 10.), iina mhdrah kdrayiium drabdhah, '^by this one (would) a temple 
be begun to be built." It is self-evident that, in constructions of this 
kind, the action expressed by the infinitive does not stand in an active 
relation to the subject. 

* Cf. Grimm, IV. pp. 69, 60. 


the Sanscrit iakU&t has already a past meaning, both in 
and for itself. . For the feminine iakitd mentioned above 
(p. 1262 G. ed.f Note) Ulfilas would have said mahia was, not 
mahia isi; while in Sanscrit, if the usually [G. Ed. p. 1264.] 
omitted verb substantive were actually expressed in the 
passage quoted 1. c.^ we should have iakitd ''sti, in the 
manner of the Latin periphrasis of the lost perfect passive, 
as amata est. Though, in Gothic also, the circumlocutive 
for the passive infinitive by the participle preterite passive 
with the auxiliary verb "to be'^ (vairthan) already occurs 
(Grimm, IV. 67.) and, e.g., Matt. viii. 24. KdKuTrreadai is 
rendered by gahulUh wairthan, nevertheless Ulfilas rejects 
this periphrasis in the cases in which, in the Greek text, 
the passive infinitive is dependent on a verb signifying " to 
be able.'" Hence, Mark xiv. 5, maht visi . . . . fnibukyan, 
rjivvaro irpadfjvai ; Luke viii. 43, qvind . , • , tU mahta (nom. 
fem.) was fram aindmihun galeikindn, yvvrj ovk Jorj^i/crev irn 
ovSevo^ depairevdfjvou ; John iii. 4, hvaiva makts ist manna ga- 
bairan, irQ^ Svvarai aivBpuyno^ yevvfjd^vat ; x. 35, ni maht ist 
gatairan thata gamilidd, ov Sivarai \v0^vou fj ypa^rj ; 1 Tim. 
V. 2b,fithan ni mahta sind, Kpv^rjvai ov Svvarat. 

874. Like mahts, skalds (skaU "I must^') also has the 
meaning of the present passive participle, while in form it 

* The preterite participle passire is well suited, with the anziliaiy 
verb '' to be," for a periphrasis of the present infinitive, because the auxi- 
liary takes, as it were, the temporal power from the expression of the 
past, and places the past or perfect nature of the action in the future, 
whereby the whole is, by this means, adapted to express the present. 
Compare the periphrasis for the future active in Old High Prussian by 
the perfect active participle and the auxiliary verb ^^ to be" (see p. 1061 
Note *). On the other hand, the perfect passive participle with vwan, 
'^ BBsey'^ analogously to the Latin, expresses the perfect passive infinitive ; 
and this is well worthy of notice. So in the subscription to 1 Cor., mi- 
lida visan {^^scripta esse*'). Cf. 2 Cor. v. 11, svikunthatu visan, *'^cognh 
tos esse" (7rt<l}aptpS><r6ai), with iv. 11, svikuntha wairthai {(fxu^ptaO^). 


corresponds to the ]>erfect passive jxirticiple of the Sanscrit 
and Latin. This skulds (fern. skuldOf neut skuld), receives 
[G. £d. p. 1265.] in like manner the expression of the pas- 
sive relation, which the language is incapable of expressing 
in the accompanying infinitive : hence, e. y., Luke ix. 41, 
skulds ist aigiban in handuns mann6, as it were, *' he is being 
compelled to deliver into the hands of men," instead of, 
" he must be delivered'' /zeAXei TtapaSiBoadat), Moreover, 
in Gothic it often happens that it can be known only from 
the context and the accompanying dative (alone or with 
/ram, "from")» which, in Gothic, frequently represents the 
Sanscrit instrumental, tliat the infinitive has not the com- 
mon active meaning, but a passive one.* Thus, in Matt, 
vi. 1, it appears from the dative iwi, " by them,"' that the 
preceding infinitive has a passive signification, and that 
du saihvan iwi, which we, in order to imitate the construc- 
tion, must translate by " to the seeing by them,'' translates 
the Greek irpog ro Beadrjvai auToTr, where the infinitive has, 
through the prefixed article, the form of a concrete. With- 
out, however, the imf which shews what is the proper 
meaning, du saihvan, "to see," for "seeing," could not 
well be otherwise taken in this passage than as active, and 
the preceding words, which lead us to expect a passive ex- 
pression, would not justify us in taking the said infinitive 
as passive. — Von Gabelentz and Lobe (Gramm. p. 140 c.), re- 
mark, that, by a Germanism, the Gothic active infinitive 
after the verbs " to command, to will, to give" occurs with 
a passive signification. I cannot, however, perceive any 
passive signification of the infinitive in the examples ad- 
duced I.e., except in du ushramyan, "to crucify" (=:*'to 
the crucifying, to be crucified"). Among others, the 
following are cited as examples : Matt, xxvii. 61, halt vitan 
ihnmma hiaivat " command to watch the grave," exactly as, 

* Cf. the aaalogous Sanscrit con&itravtions, )>. 1*258 G. ed. 


iu hatin, jube custodire sepvlcrum; only that [G. Ed. p. 1266.] 
the Gothic verb vitot " I watcb,*" and therefore, also, its in- 
finitive, instead of the dative, governs the accusative, while 
the Latin jubere also admits of the passive infinitive, as in 
the Greek text, Kehevcov dcr^oAicrd^vai rov raffkov (*' com- 
mand the being watched with respect to the grave''); 
Luke ^dii. 53, anabaud izai giban (dare, not dari SoO^vat) 
mat, *' He commanded to give her (actionem dandi ei), meat,'' 
jussii ei dare cibumt compared with the Greek hera^ev avr^ 
iodrjvai <l>aye7v, '* He commanded the being given to her 
(actionem rou dari ei) to eat (with reference to eating);"* a 
construction which cannot be imitated in Gothic, but to which 
Ulfilas, in Mark v. 43, (haihait izai giban matyan) thereby 
approximates, in that he renders ^ay€7v by an infinitive, 
which, however, here stands as the object of giban, **to 
give," in the common accusative relation, and docs not, 
like the Greek, express the relation "in reference to" (as 
iroSa^ ci}Kvg). Most common is the representation of the 
Greek passive infinitive by the Gothic active infinitive 
with a passive signification to be deduced from the context, 
in cases in ivhich the infinitive expresses the causal rela- 
tion, and the Veda dialect uses the dative in tu, or another 
infinitive form (see §. 854.), while the Gothic employs the 
infinitive with the preposition du, or, also, the simple infini- 
tive, but the latter almost only after verbs of motion, where 
it, irrespective of its possible passive signification, corre- 
sponds to the accusative of the Latin supine; e.g., Luke 
V. 15, garunnun hiuhmans managai hausyan [G. Ed. p. 1267.] 
yah leikindn from imma, " great multitudes came together 
to hear and to healing ( = to be healed, BepaireveaOai) by 

* By this un-German rendering I merely wish to shew that the Greek 
passive infinitive stands in the accusative relation. The case-relation of 
the infinitive (ftaydv is likewise accusative, and corresponds to that of 
Td<l>ov in the preceding example. 


him r Luke ii. 4, 5, urran than yah losef .... anam^lyan 
mith manin, " and Joseph also went np to the taxing (to be 
taxed) with Mary ;" 2 Thess. i. 10, qvimith tuthauhyan, " he 
Cometh to the glorifying (to be glorified,'' evSo^aadrjvai), 
But above (p. 1265 G. ed.), for du saihvan^ ** to the seeing 
(to be seen'"), saihvan alone could scarcely stand, as no 
verb of motion precedes : for the same reason, at Matt. xxvi. 2 
also (atgibadn du itshramyan, " is betrayed to be crucified," 
eig TO (rravpuidfivai), the preposition du could not be re- 
moved. On the other hand, the strictly active infinitive is 
occasionally also found in the causal relation without du, 
and without being preceded by a verb of motion ; e.g., 
Eph. vi. 19, ei mis gibaidau vaurd .... kannyan runa aivag- 
gilydns^ " that utterance may be given unto me .... to 
make known the mystery of the gospel" (see Grabel. and 
Lobe, Gramm. p. 250). 

875. In German, and indeed so early as in Old High 
German, the infinitive often apparently receives a passive 
signification through the preposition zu (Old High German, 
za, z€t zU ZO9 zu. With it, for the most part, is foimd the 
verb substantive; and we render the Latin future passive par- 
ticiple, when accompanied by the verb substantive, by the 
infinitive with zu; e.g. puniendus est by "er ist zu strafent^ 
**he is to punish '' {i.e, "he is for the punishing fitted 
thereto"'): on the other hand, in English we have, "he is 
to be punished " ( = " cr w< gestrafi zu uerden "). J. Grimm, 
IV. 60, 61, gives examples of the Old and Middle High 
German, from which I annex a few : ze karawenne* sint 
{** prcpparanda sunt"'*), Ker. 15*. ; ze kesezzenne ist C'vonsti' 
tuenda est'"), Ker. 15^; za petdnne ist [G. Ed. p. 1268.] 
{**orandum est"). Hymn 17. 1.; ist zi firsiandanrve (**inteUi- 
gendum est "), Is. 9. 2. ; daz er an ze sehene den fromven wtcre 
guot. Nib. 276. 2. But even without the accompaniment of 

* Regarding the dative fonn, see §. 870. 


the verb substantive, we give, in appearance, to the infini- 
tive a passive signification in sentences like er Idsst niclds zu 
mumchen iibrig, *' he leaves nothing to be desired ;" er gab 
ihm JFein zu trinken, " he gave him wine to drink/' Such 
constructions answer to those in which, in the Veda dialect, 
the dative of the infinitive stands apparently with a passive 
signification (see §. 871.); since, e.g., HHf^ pdtavi may very 
well be translated by ** to be drunk,"' though it signifies 
nothing else than " on account of drinking,'" exactly like 
our zu trinken (zum Trinken) in th« sentence cited above 
(cf. pp. 1225, 1226 Note, G. ed.). Our infinitives have also 
the appearance of a passive signification, and the capacity of 
representing the real passive infinitives of other languages, 
after korem " to hear," sehen^ '* to see,"' lassen, " to leave," 
heissen, "to be called," befehlen, "to command," in sen- 
tences like ich hore erzdhlen^ {attdio narrart) ; ich sah ihn mii 
Filssen treten (cakari), " I saw him trampled under foot ;" ich 
kann kein Thier schlachten sehen (mactari), ** I cannot see an 
animal slaughtered ;" lass dich von ihm belehren, "let thyself 
be taught by him ;" er befahl ihn zu todten, " he ordered 
him to be slain" (see Grimm, IV. 6l). Yet, when such 
expressions arose, the want of a real passive infinitive was 
hardly felt, and it was scarcely intended to give to the 
active infinitive a passive signification ; for the active 
meaning of the infinitive is here quite ample, and in the 
cases in which an accusative is governed by the infinitive 
{ich sah mit Fiissen treten lAn, &c.) it is even more natural 
than the passive. Undoubtedly, in the sentences quoted 
above the infinitives are still more strictly active than the 
Sanscrit nHum in the sentence previously (p. 1258 G. ed.) 
discujssed, "he is not deserving the summoning by my 
people," because here there is no accusative governed by 
nStunif " to summon," which allows the active expression to 
appear in its full energy. The circum- [G. Ed. p. 1269.] 
stance, that many languages in such kinds of expression 


arrive at the same method independently of each other, 
proves that it is very natural. I further recall attention, 
with J. Grimm (1. c), to French sentences, such as, je lui 
ai vu couper ks jambes ; il se laisse chasser ; and, moreover, 
to the fact, that in certain verbs the Latin admits both the 
active and passive infinitive, which, however, proves that the 
former is perfectly logical and correct, as it is not necessity, 
i.e. the actual want of a passive form, which occasions its use. 
876. As regards the form of the German infinitive, it 
appears to me beyond all doubt, that, as has already been 
elsewhere (" The Caucasian members of the Indo-European 
Family of Languages,'' p. 83.) remarked, the termination 
aiit afterwards eru is based on the Sanscrit neuter suffix ana, 
the formations of which in Sanscrit also very frequently sup- 
ply the place of the infinitive,* and on which, too, are 
grounded also the Hindustani infinitives, as also the South 
Ossetish in iUf the Tagaurish in urii and very probably, 
also, the Armenian, in the final / of which I think I recog- 
nise the very common corruption of an n (see §. 20.), as is 
the case, among other words, in i^^^ aiU *' the other," com- 
pared with the Sanscrit anya-a^ Latin alius, Greek aWog, and 
the Gothic base alya (see §. 374.). The vowel which pre- 
cedes the I of the Armenian infinitives belongs, however, 
not to the suffix, but to the verbal theme, which we may 
learn from its changing according to the difference of the 
conjugations ; hence, e.g. (t^ptri^ber^-l, " to carry,''f (Sanscrit 
[G. Ed. p. 1270.] bhar-and, " the carrying, supporting'') = 
Gothic bair-a-n, after the analogy o{ ptrpinTber-e-m, " I bear," 

* Seepp. 1211, 1213, G.cd. 

t I write the Armenian consonants in the Latin character, according 
to their parentage, and the pronunciation which is assigned to them by the 
order of the alphabet (see Pctermann, p. 16). The vowel L e, which is 
often pronounced like f/e, corresponds etymologically to the Greek c, and, 
as the latter generally docs, to the Sanscrit a. 


pbplru ber-e-Sf " thou bearest ;" '"'"L ^^'^ " ^ give'' (Sanscrit 
ddna, " the giving, gift'') with uuMtiPta-m, " I give," ma#«# to-», 
"thou givest^ (SsLnscAt dddd-mi, dddd-si) ; tSuug^mn-a-l, "to re- 
main," with iRunT mn-a-m^ " I remain," ^u/u mn-a-s, *' thou 
remainest ;" Jlrnjuii/ig_ merhan-i-U " to die," with Jhnju%lt*r 
merhan-i'm, "I die," Jbnjubfiu merhan-i-Sf "thou diest." In 
the German languages also the vowel preceding the final n 
of the infinitive does not belong to the infinitive suffix, but 
to the class-syllable. In the weak conjugation ( = Sanscrit 
CI. 10., see §. 109*. 6.), it is tolerably clear, that, f.jr., the 
syllable ya of satyan, " to place ^' (see §. 741.), the a of which, 
according to an universal rule of sound (§. 67.), is weakened 
before a final s and th to i, is identical with the same 
syllable in sat-yu^ " I place ;" sat-ya-m, " we place ;" sat-ya-nd, 
" they place." I therefore divide the infinitive thus, 
sat-ya-n. In forms like salb-d-n, "to salve" (pres. salb-d, 
salb-d'S^ salb'd'th, &c.), it is still more clear that the sim- 
ple n is the suffix of the infinitive. In Grimm's 3d con- 
jugation of the weak form, the i of the diphthong ai is 
dropped before the n of the infinitive, as generally before 
nasals, thus, hab-a-n^ " to have,** so, too, hab-a-niy " we have," 
hab-a-nd, "they have," contrasted with hab-ai-s, " thou hast,'* 
hab-ai'tht " he has, ye have :" on the other hand, in Old 
High German, hab-i-n, "to have," as also hab^-m, "I have," 
hab-i-nt, " they have." In the strong verbs, which, with 
the few exceptions in ya (see §. 109*. 2.), belong to the San- 
scrit 1st class, it might have been before assumed that the 
a preceding the n in the infinitive is identical with the 
Sanscrit first a of the suffix ana; that therefore, e.g., bair- 
an, " to bear," qviman, " to come,** bindan, " to bind," beitan, 
" to bite," gritan, " to weep," correspond [G. Ed. p. 1271.] 
alsoi with respect to the 1st a of the suffix, to the Sanscrit 
neuter abstracts which are akin in formation, bhar-anOf "the 
bearing, supporting," gam-ana, "the going," bandh-ana, 
"the binding," bhSd-anOf "the separating" krand-ana, "the 


weeping ;'' and this was formerly my opinion. As, how- 
ever, the verbs which correspond to the Sanscrit 4th class 
retain the character ya in the infinitive, and, e.g., the infi- 
nitive of vahs-yOf "I grow'' (pret. vdhs), is vahs-ya-n (not 
vahs-an), and that otbid-ya, " I pray'' (pret bath, pi. Mdum), 
bid-ya-n (not bid-an), I now regard the a of forms like 
bair-a-n, bind-a-rif &c., as the class-vowel, and therefore as 
identical with that of bair-a, bair^a-m, bair-a-Tid^ bind-a, bind- 
a-fOf bind^a-nd; and I derive in general the German infini- 
tive from the theme of the special tenses, with which it 
always agrees in respect of the form of the radical vowel ; 
since, e.g., bindra-n, "to bind," biug-an, "to bend," corre- 
spond in this respect to the present binda, biuga, but not 
to the true root band^ bug, or to the singular of the prete- 
rite bandy bang (plur. bundum, bugutn). Consequently the 
German infinitive stands in exact accordance with the Ar- 
menian, if I am right in viewing in the I of the latter the 
corruption of an n, and therefore in the before-mentioned 
(tlrplr^ ber-€'U a form exactly analogous to the Gotliic bair- 
a-n, Old High German b'er-a-n. 

Remark. — As the Armenian b e, like the Greek c^ is the most 
common representative of the Sanscrit a; so the Armenian 1st con- 
jugation, in the great majority of its verbs, viz. in those which interpose 
a simple Ir e between the root and the personal terminations, corre- 
sponds to the Sanscrit Ist and 6th classes (see §. 100^ 1.), wluch two 
classes cannot be distinguished in Armenian, a language in which Guna 
is unknown. The inserted ir e^ therefore, of forms VikQ p.lrplr*rber-4-my 
" I bear," p.frplru ber-e-Sy " thou bearest," p.bftlrtr^ ber-e-mkhj " we 

[G. Ed. p. 1272.] bear," p.bpblb ber-e-rij " they boar," corresponds to 
the Greek c of forms like ^p-c-rc, ff^p-t-rovy €<f>€p'€-£, Z^p-t, and 
to the Sanscrit a of forms like thdr-a-si, '* thou bearest," bhdr-a-tiy 
" he bears," bh&r-a-nti^ " they bear." The lengthening of the Ar- 
menian b e i/o k c in pbpk ber-S, " he bears," pirpkg ber-£'kh, " ye 
bear," I regard as compensation for the dropping of the personal expres- 
sion after the class- vowel ; * for the kh of the last-named form is, to a 

* As the 3d person beriy for Affreiss Sanscrit bharati, Gothic hahith, 



certain extent, only the expression of plurality, as, in the 1st person, 
ber-e-mkh (7/i/:A= Sanscrit mas). In the 2d person the to-he-presnpposed 
tkk or takhy like the Latin tia (fertis)^ wonld correspond rather to the 
Sanscrit dual {bhdr-a-thas) than to the plural (fihdr-a-tha). In the 1st 
Armenian conjugation occur also verhs, which add, not a simple e, hut ne 
to the root, in which it is easy to recognise, as in the Latin ni, e,g., in 
gter-ni^, ster-ni-t (see §. 400. )f the character of the Sanscrit 9th class, 
with nd, niy as class-syllable. Here belongs, e.g.y the root lumn. xark^ 
" to mix ;" whence [uiuiCbbiT xorh-ne-m^ *' I mix," infinitive luunvblr^ 
xarh-ne-L The corresponding Sanscrit root kar (*Ati), "to strew," 
with the preposition Mzm, also '* to mix," follows the 9th class, not, in- 
deed, in this signification, but in another {^* to slay*') ; and it admits of 
no doubt that the Armenian x^^^'^^'^ corresponds to the Sanscrit 
kri-nd-mi (from kar^^-mi) and Greek Kip-mj-fu, Probably, also, the 
Armenian verbs in ane-m and ana-m — as ^lupguiblrtT harianem, '' I ask " 
(Sanscrit root pr{ichh); inuiulbuttriovanam, " I wash" (Sanscrit root plu, 
" to swim," causal " to wash," Greek n-Xvvo)— belong to the Sanscrit 9th 
class, with the insertion, therefore, of an a between the root and the original 
class-character, in the same way as, at times, in Old High Gennan, an a is 
prefixed to the formative sufiixes beginning with a consonant (see §. 799.). 
Before the passive character t, which Petermann (p. 188) [G. Ed. p. 1273.] 
aptly compares with the Sanscrit yay verbs of this kind, whether actually 
existing or presupposed, drop the vowel of the class-character. In this 
manner at least I think that we must explain deponents like JkoMtti^tT 
merhanimy " I die," for whibh we must suppose in Sanscrit mri-nd-mi 
(from mar-nd-mi)y but not so as to identify the syllable m of merhanim, 
and similar forms, with the iti which appears in Sanscrit before the heavy 
personal terminations (j/u-rd-rnds compared with yu-nd-mi). The Arme- 
nian 2d conjugation, which adds a to the root, as e,g,y nnjiuttT orJis-ii^my 
" I hunt," would, if this a were based, like the e of the 1st conjugation, on 
the syllable of insertion of the Sanscrit 1st and 6th class, have retained 

has lost a /, I think, too, that in the ablative in iy which Fr. Windisch- 
mann, in his valuable academical treatise on the Armenian (p. 28), calls a 
mysterious phenomenon, we have to assume the dropping of a <, and, in- 
deed, the rather, as the original final t has become unendurable in many 
Indo-European languages. Hence the Armenian ablatives like himan-4y 
from the base kiman, may be compared with the 2^nd like cka^man-at 
(sec p. 197), and the ^ i {or ir e may be viewed as a compensation for the 
dropping of the t. 


the character of its Indian prototype still more truly than the Ist conju- 
gation. As, however, the Armenian lu a more frequently corresponds to 
the Sanscrit long d than to the short, it would also he possible that the 
ui a under discussion, like the Latin a of the 1st conjugation, with which 
Fr. Windischmann compares it,* is based on the Sanscrit aya of the 
10th class (see §. 109^. 6.) The circumstance, however, that the Arme- 
nian o-conjugation contains many neuter verbs, while the Sanscrit aya is 
principally devoted to the formation of causal and denominative verbs, 
makes the deduction of the Armenian 2d conjugation from the Sanscrit 
10th class little probable, and favours rather the derivation from the 1st or 
6th class, or from the 4th, containing scarce any but neuter verbs, which 
in Armenian might easily have sacrificed the semi-vowel of their character 
ya (cP. Petermann, p. 188). In the Armenian 3d conjugation there are 
many verbs which add rm to the root, and there})y at once remind us of 
the Sanscrit nu of the 5th class (see §. 100\ 4.), with which Petermann 
also has compared them. Those which add a simple u have probably, 
like the Sanscrit verbs of the 8th class, lost an n (see §. 495.). 

877. The Hindustani infinitive also has dropped the first 
vowel of the Sanscrit suffix ana;\ and, on the other hand. 

* ^^ Foundation of the Armenian in the Arian Family of Languages," 
in the treatises of the 1st class of the Bavarian Academy of Lit., B. IV. 
Part I., in the special impression, p. 44. 

t The a by which transitives like jdl-d-nd, " were" is formed from 
intransitives like jdl-nd, " ardere," I derive from the Sanscrit causal 
character aya, in the same way as the Latin d of the 1st conjugation 
(§. 109*. 6.). By this a causatives also are formed from active transitives ; 
e,g., bidh-d-nd, " to cause to bore," from Mdh-nd^ " to bore** (= Sanscrit » 
hhM'ana-nij "the cleaving," root Mi</; (Gilchrist, "A Grammar," &c., 
p. 147). With regard to the causal here exhibiting a weaker vowel than 
the primitive verb, while in Sanscrit tlie causals usually experience an 
increment to the vowel, it is probable that the Hindiistani finds a reason 
for weakening the radical syllable in the incumbrance of the causal by the 
affix a. Where, however, the causal or transitive loses the proper causal 
character, it often exhibits a stronger vowel than the primitive; e.g. 

1 Shakespear, with more probability, compares the word %Vvf vedhan 
from njv vyadh, " to pierce." In the original. Professor Bopp writes 
bid'd-nd and Md^nd, which do not occur in our dictionaries.— 7Vayi#/a/or. 


lengthened the final a, in case we are not to [G. £d. p. 1274.] 
suppose that it is derived from the feminine form of the 
suffix Vtf ana, which is used in Sanscrit for the formation 
of abstract substantives much more rarely than the neuter. 
The following are examples : ^ErrrrtfT dsand, ** the sitting ; 
'mwm ydchandf "the request T H^Hl vandamh "the praising. 
Herewith agree, in respect of accentua- [G. Ed. p. 1276.] 
tion, also the Greek avovrj and fjSovrj; while ayxovrj and 
Sa-rravrj, in this latter respect, differ ; but the latter has re- 
tained the Old a-sound of the suffix. To tliis head, too, have 



mdr-ndy "to slay" (Sanscrit mdrdydmi^ "I make to die"), from rnQr-nd^^ \ 
"to dio" (($=:Sanscrit d, 7iior-n4=lT^ marana, "the dying"). — In the 
to of Hindustani, caasals like clidl-tpdnd, " to make to go " (chdl-na^ " to 
go"), I recogmse a corruption of the p of the cansals like Jiv-4p^yd-mf^ 
discussed ahove (§. 740.). The transition of the p into w appears, how- 
ever, to have taken place at a time when one more vowel preceded the 
lahial ; as, e.g., in the numerals ckdicfin 51, bdwiin 5*2, sdldwon 57, in con- 
tradistinction to tirpdn 53, pochpan 55, where it admits of no doubt that 
both w6n and p6n are based on the Sanscrit pcincliddat 50, and therefore 
ikawon on ikapanchdiat, iirpon on tripanchdiat^ the nasal of which is 
lost in the Hindustani pochdt 50, while the simple ^b pdnch has re- 
tained it. The length of the d of ^b pdnch, comparedwilh the Sanscrit 
short vowel, may perhaps serve as a compensation for the dropping of the 
8}'llable an {panchan\ for short d appears in Hindustani regularly as 
short 0, which Gilchrist, according to English pronunciation, writes u. 
The Hindustani is most extremely sensitive with regard to the weight of 
the vowel, and therefore weakens the long a of pdnch again to o when 
the overloading the word by composition gives occasion for this, e.g. in 
pondroh 15; thus, sotrdh 17, opposed to sdt (from saptan) 7. 

' * ^ The vowel here given as 6 by Professor Bopp is undoubtedly d, and 
the word bj«o is universally written mamd. More than that, the sound 
docs not exist in the language, except before r, any more than it does in 
Marathi, as has been noticed before. It is true that in Bengali short a 
is pronounced like o; and hence Dr. Carey has imagined this to be the case 
in Marathi, but there is no foundation for such a belief. — Translator. 

4 L 


already been referred (§. 803. sub. f.), as conjectural cog- 
nate forms, the Old High German abstracts in unga, wliile 
those in New High German have lost their final vowel. 
It does not, however, appear probable to me, tliat tlie 
Hindustani infinitives are based on these feminine abstracts, 
but I regard their d as the lengthening of the Sanscrit 
short a, which in general, in Hindustani, when final, is 
cither entirely suppressed or lengthened ; the latter, among 
other words, in the names of male animals, while those of 
females terminate in i, and the generic name has lost the 
original final vowel (see Gilchrist "A Gramm.ar," &c., p. 52). 
Thus, e.g.f the general term for the buffalo (Sanscrit ma- 
hisha) in Hindiistani is v^I^J^ maihik* while the male 
buffalo is maihikdy and the female maihih\ the latter <= San- 
scrit mahishi (see §. 1 19.). As the Hindustani has lost its neu- 
ter, the Sanscrit neuters, which in their theme are not to be 
distinguished from masculine bases, have in the said language 
become masculines, and we may therefore unhesitatingly 
compare the Hindustani infinitives in U nd with the San- 
scrit abstracts in ana; thus, e.g.,jol-ndf "to bum " = San- 
scrit ^/ari(i-fn, "the burning," or rather =7i?a/and-«, as the 
Sanscrit neuters have, in Hindiistani become masculines. 
The oblique case in i of the Hindustani infinitive points to 
a Sanscrit base in a^ in which we easily recognise 
the Sanscrit locative of bases in a (sec §. 196.) : there- 
fore, e.g.j in jolni, "to bum,"']' we perceive the Sanscrit 
jvaUini^ " in the burning." 

* The common term for a mole buffalo in Hindustan! is LJj^ 

bfuiinsa, and for a female tj**JJ^ hhaihs ; and in Maruthi, T^^ mhaied 

and 9i|lff mhaia, ^- ^^^-^ maihik, in wliich a mere provincial pronuncia- 
tion changes sh to k, is comparatively seldom used. — Translator. 

t Tiiis form in i usually expresses in the Hindustani infinitive the ac- 
cusative relation, as is also occasionally the case in Sanscrit. I recall 
attention to the passage of the Ramayana cited above (§. 862.), in which 



878. The dropping of the final a of the [G. Ed. p. 1276.] 
Sanscrit neuter suffix ana in the German infinitives accords 

grahanS^ •' to take, to receive," is governed by sCkur (euphonic for iiktu\ 
" they could." So in Hindustani, in an example given by Yates (" In- 
troduction," &c., p. 65), main bolnS ndhtn sdhtd, " I cannot say," " I to 
say (in the saying, for the saying, ace.) not being able." Where, how- 
ever, the infinitive stands in the nominative relation, as sunndy " to hear" 
(the hearing), in the example given by Yates 1. c, '' hearing is not like 
seeing," we find the form in nd. As the adjectives also, the participles 
included, end, in the masculine singular nominative, in d, I regard the 
lengthening of the originally short a as a compensation for the suppressed 
case-sign, and I therefore derive d from as, just as in Marathl. In the 
masculine plural nominative of both languages the termination S corre- 
sponds to the Sanscrit pronominal declension (see §. 228.) : hence, in Hin- 
dustani, main mdrtd, " I strike," properly " I (am) striking," fern, 
main mdrti " I (am) striking,* pi. horn mdrti, '* we (are) striking," Com- 
pare vSf ^^ they" (pi.), which belongs either to the Zend and Old Persian 
base ava, or, as is more probable, to the Sanscrit reflexive base 9ua 
(§.341.), on which also the Old Persian huva (euphonic for hva), ^'he," 
is based, and from which we might have expected a masculine plural 
nominative sv^. The Sanscrit diphthong e plays throughout an important 
part in Hindustani Grammar; and thus we find also, in the subjunctive 
forms like tu rndri, " thou mayest strike," v6h mdri, " he may strike," 
horn marin^ " we may strike," vi mdrShf " they may strike," a good rem- 
nant of Sanscrit Grammar, since the i of those forms is evidently based 
on that of the Sanscrit potential of the 1st principal conjugation, and, 
indeed, so that the final s and t of the 2d and dd person singular have 
been lost (thus, mdri for mdris and mdri-t^ cf. thdrS-s^ blidrd-i, p. 946) ; 
and of the termination ma of the Ist person plural only the m has been 
left in the form of a weakened nasal; thus, m^^-n for mari-ma or -mo: 
in the Sd person plural we have mdri-h for mdrS-nt (see §. 462. p. 645), 
which approximates very closely to the Old High German forms like 
b^ri-n, ^^/erant." On the Sanscrit potential also is based, in my opinion, 
the Hindustani future, just like the Latin of the Sd and 4th conjugations 
(according to §. 692.), only that, in Hindiistani, to the subjunctive men- 
tioned above, where it represents the future indicative, a syllable has been 
added, in which I recognise the above-mentioned (p. 1104, Note t) San- 
scrit enclitic ha, Ved. also gka or ghd, which, however, in Hindustani, 

4 L 2 jii8t 


[G. Ed. p. 1277.] with the phenomenon, that, in general, 
neuter bases in a have lost this vowel in the nominative 

just as in Afghan, has become declinahle (see Preface to the 6th Part, 
p. yiii'^'), and also distinguishes the genders ; hence, «.</., 

woh m/irS-^d, " he will strike ;" 
woh mdrS-gU " she will strike ;" 
ham mdr^n-gd, " they will strike." 


<^* The Preface here referred to is as follows : — " I have, in the part now 
laid before the public, not yet been able to finish my Comparative Gram- 
mar, but give here preliminarily the conclusion of the formation of moods, 
the locative of the derivative adverbs, and a part of tlie formation of words, 
Tiz. the formation of participles, and of those substantives and adjectives 
which stand in close connection with any participle through the derivative 
suffix. Since the publication of the 4th Part of this book, Comparative 
Grammar has acquired a new region for research in Sanscrit accentuation 
which hitherto had remained almost unknown, and wliich Bohtlingk's 
academical treatise, ''A first attempt regarding the accent in Sanscrit," 
opened out to us.''" Aufrecht, in his pamphlet, *' De accentu compositorum 
Sanscriticorum " (Bonn, 1847), treats of the accentuation of compounds. 
Benfey and G. Cnrtius have been the first to draw attention to detached 
instances of agreement between the Sanscrit and Greek accentuation, the 
former in his notice of Bohtlingk's treatise (Ilalle Journal of General Lite- 
rature, May 1845), the latter in his brochure, ^^ The Comparison of Lan- 
guages in their relation to Classical Philosophy" (2d Ed. pp. 2*2, 23, 01). 
I believe I recognise a common fundamental principle in the system of 

accentuation in both languages in this, that in Sanscrit, as well as in Greek, 


^"^ Some very valuable corrections, which have since been confirmed by the 
accentuated Veda-text, are given by Holtzmann in his brochure "On the 
Ablaut" (Carlsruhe, 1844), p. 9. Thus Holtzmann has been the first to shew, 
or rather to understand rightly, the rule of Panini on this head, concealed in 
an obscure, technical language, that the plural of budhami is not accented 
bo-dhdmds but bddharmu ; that of dotshmi not dvUhmas but dvishmds. Hence 

• • • 

it is clear that the division of the personal terminations in §. 4S0. into heavy 
and light, is also of importance for the theory of accentuation, and that the 
heavy terminations here, too, principally act on the next preceding syllable, 
since they can remove from it its accent as well as the Guna. 


accusative singular, together with the case-sign. As, 
therefore, e.gr., the Gothic base word daura, "door,'' con- 

After what has been said, it hardly need be remarked that the Hindu- 
stani imperative also, in most persons of both numbers, is identical with 
the Sanscrit potential and the corresponding moods in the cognate Euro- 
pean languages ; so that, therefore, e.g.^ mdri, '' let him strike," for 

mdr^'t, corresponds to the Old High German forms like bSri^ ^^ let him 


the accenting of the beginning of a word, or the throwing back of the ac- 
cent as far as possible, is considered the most emphatic, and that which 
imparts the greatest animation to the whole word (see p. 1084 G. ed. 
1052 £. Tr.). Hence follows a very pervading, though hitherto almost 
overlooked, agreement of the two languages in the accentuation of that 
part of speech which is formally and significantly the richest, viz. the verb 
(see p. 1086 G. ed., 1054 £. Tr.). A most convincing proof of the emphasis 
given by accenting the first syllable is furnished by the Sanscrit in this, 
that it withdraws this species of accent from the passive, but allows it to 
the middle of the fourth class, though in sound the two forms are identical ; 
thus, Suchydt^ ' purificatur,' compared with iiichyaU ^purificat :' it also 
deserves especial notice, with reference to this point, that the oxytone 
nouns of agency in tar (nom. td)y when they are found as participles go- 
verning the accusative, and therefore, to use an expression employed by 
Chinese Grammarians, are changed from dead words to living ones, then 
receive also the most animated accentuation ; hence, e.g.^ ddtd maghdni^ 
' (he is) giving riches,' opposed to ddtd magkdndm, 'the giver of riches' 
(sec §. 814.). A similar contrast it to be found in the Greek paroxytone 
abstracts in ros, as compared with the verbals in ros, which correspond to 
the Sanscrit perfect passive participle ; e.g., n-orof, ' the drinking,' opposed 
to frordff= Sanscrit pttds, ' drunk' (see §. 817.). The two languages, when 
they accent the sufiix in the case before us, do not intend to lay an em- 
phasis on the suffix, but rather to remove from the whole word the em- 
phasis, which lies in accenting the first syllable. In accordance with the 
theory here laid down is also the circumstance that the Greek gives the 
paroxytone accent to the interrogative rls upon the number of its syllables 
being increased, as in a question there is an increase of animation which 
we also mark by raising the voice; while it oxytonises the indefinite pro- 
noun of the same sound, in agreement with the Sanscrit weak cases of mono- 
syllabic base words (see p. 1085 G. ed., 1053 E. Tr.). I cannot allow of a 



trasts with the Sanscrit nominative accusative (Ivdra-m 
[G. Ed. p. 1278.] the form daur; so instead of the Sanscrit 

carry," the Gothic like bairaiy and Greek like <^poi. Bat in the 1st per- 
son singular mdruh, "let me strike" (at once future and subjunctive), I 
think I recognise the Sanscrit imperative termination drUy with u there- 
fore for dy as above (p. 1215 G. ed.) in the Maratha present. The Hindu- 
stani fails to distinguish the Sanscrit terminations ami and dni^ as both 


logical accent either to the Sanscrit (in simple words), nor to the Greek,('') 
and I cannot see a reason for the proparozytonising of bddhdmij ' I know,' 
bddhdmoBy ^ we know,' and the oxytonising olimds^ * we go ' (in disadvanta- 
geous contrast to (/acv), in this, that in the first-named forms the radical syl- 
lable, and in the latter the personal syllable, should be brought prominently 
forward as the most important, but I think it rather owing to the fi^st tliat 
the most animated accent belongs to the verb ; but of this the form imdi is, 
as it were, cheated through the influence which, in Sanscrit, in disadvanta- 
geous contrast to the Greek, the heavier personal terminations exercise, in 
certain conjugational classes, on the removal of the accent In forms like 
ttrinSmi, ^ I strew,' yunami^ ^ I bind,' the length of the last syUable but one 
has, in disadvantageous contrast to the analogous Greek forms ((rrdpvv/u, 
ddfivrjfu) exercised a similar influence in attracting the accent as that which 
a long penultima exercises in Latin in words of three or more syllables (see 
p.l090 G. ed., p. 1057 £. Tr.), while in Greek it is only in the first syllable 
that the quantity has gained a disturbing influence on the original accentua- 
tion ; so that, e.g.^ rjbficDv stands in disadvantageous contrast when compared 
alike with the Sanscrit svddiydn (see p. 1091 G. ed., p. 1058 £. Tr.), and 
with its own neuter i7d(ov, as in the dual of the imperative <^€/)cra>v, compared 
with the Sanscrit bhdratdm, and the 2d person <f>€p€Top (=Sans. bhdratam), 
'^ Besides the Greek, no other European member of our great lingual 
family has remained constant to the old system of accentuation, in which 
the accent forms an essential part of grammar, and does its part in aidmg 
to dedde the grammatical categories. In Latin the kind of accentuation, 

(o) Beulow is of a different opinion, who, in bis work, " De Taccentuation des 
Ungues Indo-Europ^ennes " (Paris, 1847), p. 44, " En Sanscrit I'accent a une sig- 
nification purcment logique, et 11 porte sur toute syllable que la pens^e veut 
mettre en evidence et faire ressortir du reste du mot, quelle que soit sa dis- 
tance du commencement ou de la fin de celui-ci.'' 


bandhana-mf "the binding,'' we may expect in Gothic only 
" bindaru^ With the dative W^«im bandJiandya, should be 

have lost the final f, and m like Tt, at the end of the word^ has become 

anusvara (n). With respect to the nse of the Ist person suigalar of the 

imperative in the sense of the future, I would draw attention to a similar 

use in Zend (see §. 722. sub. f.). In the 2d person' plural the form tndrd, 

"ye strike," or "ye may strike" {maro-gi, "ye will strike"), occasions a 


which in Sanscrit and Greek Is the most emphatic, viz. the farthest pos- 
sible casting back of the accent, has become, under certain known restric- 
tions, universal, and therefore the accent here is no more of service in 
Grammar ; and when forms like tv7timii«, vehiti8,vehunt, exhibit an external 
agreement in respect to accent with the Sanscrit vdhdmas, vdhatha, vd- 
hanti, the coincidence is so far fortuitous, that the reason of the accentua- 
tion is different in the two languages. So also, among other words, the 
agreement in the accentuation of datdrem with d&tiram and torrfpa is ac- 
cidental, since the Latin does not accent the sufiix because the accent 
belongs to it from old time, but because the last syllable but one is long. 
Remarkable, if not resting on affinity, is the agreement of the Latin sys- 
tem of accentuation with the Arabian. The latter, in words of two and 
three syllables, accents the first, in polysyllables the third ) but so that, 
as in Latin, a length of vowel or of position in the last syllable but one 
draws the accent to that syllable, while a long final syllable has no in- 
fluence in removing the accent ; thus, e.^., kdtala, * he slew,' kdialu, ^ they 
slew,' contrasted with katdlta, Hhou slewcst,' maktuhm, * slain/ kdtP' 
lilnoj "the slaying" (pL). In Lithuanian perhaps some isolated rem- 
nants of the old accentuation occur. Much information, however, cannot 
be gleaned from the grammars and lexicons, which seldom mark the ac- 
cented syllable. I preliminarily draw attention to the agreement which 
the adjective bases in u present with the Sanscrit and Greek in ti, v, since 
they likewise accent this vowel ) hence, e, g., saldiis^ ' sweet,' as in San- 
scrit 8i>ddu8 (see §. 20), in Greek ^dvr ; drcuUSy ' bold,' as in Greek Spaavs. 
Tlie throwing back of the accent, too, which occasionally occurs in the voca- 
tive of the dual, compared with the nominative of the same sound, is also 
deserving of notice; e.g., in geru f/muj compared with the nominative 
geru poniij * two good masters * (Mielcke, p. 45). The vocative of sztoies^ 
d(ingi\ * two light heavens,' is left by Mielcke unmarked {szwiesu dangu), 

probably because it is not oxytone but paroxy tone. In Sanscrit, according 



contrasted* in Gothic, according to §. 356. Rem. 3., hindana; 
and we should have looked for forms of this kind after the 

difficulty on account of its final 6, For it the MarathT exhibits in the 

imperative the form mdrd, which I think may be explained from Sanscrit 

forms like bodh-a-ta, " know ye," so that, after dropping the /, the two 

a- sounds have coalesced ; as I also, in the dd person singular of the present, 

derive 3^ ichchM, ^^ he wishes," from the Sanscrit icttchh-^tl, by casting 

out the ti and contracting the a-i to i, according to Sanscrit rules. Cf. 


to a fixed rule, tunxit 'two sons' (Lithuanian tuna), forms the vocative 
tinu (see p. 1086 G. ed., 1064 E. Tr.)- At the end of the next Part I shall 
have much to supply regarding Sanscrit accentuation ; for in the remark at 
§.785. 1 would not go back'to all the former parts of the Grammar, but only 
lay down the fundamental principle, on which the most remarkable agree- 
ments between the Sanscrit and Greek accentuation rest, and at the same 
time draw attention to the grounds which have occasioned one or other of 
the said languages to diverge from the original path, in which, in my 
opinion, the Sanscrit and Greek meet I shall also have some supplemen- 
tary remarks to offer on some points of grammar and the doctrine of sounds, 
as I have already, in the present Part, pointed out soma alterations in for- 
mer views. In addition to what has been remarked at p. 1 138 Rem. ** 
G. ed., p. 1104 Note t £. Tr., regarding the ch of our pronominal accusa- 
tives mich, di'Ch, si-chy and the Old High German h of the accusative 
plural tiiui-A, iwi-h^ I have since found a very interesting analogy in the 
Afghan^ where, however, the h referred to, which I think I recognise in 
hoffha, 'the, this,' as sister- form of the Sanscrit sdha, VSdic sdgha or 
Bdt/hdy Greek oyc, has become declinable ; hence, in the plural, haghv^ and 
in the feminine singular nominative, hagh^, the latter like di, ' she,' con- 
trasted with the masculine </a, ' he,' being a softening of tlie Sanscrit base to. 
In the syllable ga, too, of rnHnga^^'^ ' we,' I think I recognise the said par- 
ticle, and in the remaining part of the word the Sanscrit accusative asmdn, 
rjfiasy with the loss of the first syllable, which is also dropped in the New 
Persian md, 'we,' which, just like sJiunu^ *ye,' is based on the theme of 
the Sanscrit oblique plural cases (i/ushmdn, v/xar)." 

<«> J. Ewald, in the "Journftl of Eastern Intelligence/' IV. 300. Elaproth "Asia, 
Polygl." p. 56, writes numgha. 


preposition du, " to/' which governs the dative ; but we 
find in this position also only the form in an, e.g., du sairaru 
" to sow," du hairaru ** to give birth to ;" whether it be that 
the preposition du originally governed the accusative, like 
the Latin ad of cognate meaning, and the infinitive, at this 
more ancient epoch, remained unchanged, or that it had 
lost its capability of declension in Grothic earlier than in 
the other German dialects. 

879. In the Old and Middle High German, as also in 
the Old Anglo-Saxon dative of the infinitive, the doubling 
of the n is surprising ;* yet I cannot thereby see cause to 
derive the datives, and the analogous [G. Ed. p. 1279.] 
genitives of the Old and Middle High German,t from 
another base than that of the nominative accusative 
of the infinitive, and to see in it a different sufiix from the 

Greek forms like <^cpci from <^fp-f-Tt=San8crit hhdr-a-ti (see §.456.). 
In the 2d person tlie form ^^^ xc7ichJiea=iche7iJiais^ compared with the 
Sanscrit ichchh-d-si, is formed, in my opinion, hy transposition, just as, in 
Greek, <j>€p€is from <^6p-<-cri=Sanscrit Ikdr-a-si (see §. 448.). So also, in 
tlie 3d person plural, ichchhSt from ichchh-dnti, with, at the same time, 
rejection of the n. If the Marathi can be held to throw light on the 
Ilindustuni, which closely resembles it, wo might regard the 6 of Hindu- 
stani forms like mdrOf '' beat ye," as the corruption of ^, just as, in Sanscrit, 
i^tT^PT shodaian 16 for shddaian, sodhum^ *Ho carry," for sddhum (see 
"Abridged Sanscrit Grammar," §§. 102. 228. Rem. 1). 

* See the examples mentioned above (§. 875.). Old Saxon examples 
are, faranne, blidzeanne^ tholonne ; Anglo-Saxon^ fararme, r^cenne, gefrem- 
mannef see Grimm, 1.1021. In Gothic the form viganna {du vigarma^ 
(Is noXffxovy Luke xiv. 31), even though not an infinitive, would be re- 
markable on account of tlie doubled n, if the reading were correct It is 
most highly probable, however, that we ought to read vigana (see Gabel. 
and Lobe on 1. c). The word belongs, however, in respect of its suffix of 
formation, to the Sanscrit class of words in ana^ and is probably a neuter, 
therefore nominative accusative vigan. 

t E.g.^ Old High German toponnei, "of raging;" Middle High German 
weinennes, "of weeping." 


Sanscrit ana, of which we have just treated. I hold the 
doubling of the n to be simply euphonic, i.e. a conseciuence 
of the inclination for doubling n between two vowels ; hence, 
also, e.r/., in Old High German kunni (or chunni), in Old 
Sclavonic kunnif in Middle High German kiinne, corresponds 
to the Gothic kuni, " sex." The word is radically akin to 
the Greek yevo^, Latin genus, and Vedic/anii« (gen. jdnush-as), 
" birth f and its formative suiGx is ya (dat. pi. ya-m), 
which is contracted in the nominative accusative singular 
to i (see §. 153.). It is impossible, however, that the 
doubling of the n in this kunni, kiinne, &c., should give oc- 
casion to those forms to assume a different formative suffix 
from ya, of which more hereafter. 

880. The original destination of the pre{)osition m, " to,"' 
before the infinitive, is to express the causal relation, which 
is done in the Veda dialect by the simple dative termina* 
tion of the infinitive base in (u, or of some other abstract sub- 
stantive supplying the place of the infinitive ; and for which, 
in classical Sanscrit, the locative of the form in ana is also 
frequently employed, as, in general, the locative in Sanscrit 
is very often used for the dative. The Gotliic, in its use of 
the infinitive with du, keeps almost entirely to the stated 
fundamental destination of this kind of construction, in sen- 
[G. Ed. p. 1280.] tences like ** he went out to sow'' (du saian) ; 
" he that hath ears to hear" {du hausyan); •* wlio made ready 
to betray him'' du gaUvyan ina). It is, however, surprising 
that Ulfilas too at times expresses the nominative relation 
by the prepositional infinitive; e.g., 2 Cor. ix. 1., to ypatpetv 

* That the Gothic, also, is not free from the inclination to double the 
n between two vowels is shewn by forms like uf-munnan^ " to think ;" 
w/Jir-WMw/wJ/i, "to forget" (Sanscrit maJiy "to think"); kimin-s^ "jaw- 
bones'—Greek y€w-r, Sanscrit hand-tt. In Sanscrit the final n after a 
short vowel, in case the word following begins with any vowel whatever, 
is regularly doubled; e.g., asann ilia, " they were here." 


by du mSlyan;* Philip, i. 24, to fieveiv by du visan. It is pos- 
sible even for the nominative neuter of the article to precede 
the infinitive with du; thus, Mark xii. 33, thata dufriydn ina 
(to ayanqv airrov) ; ihaia du friydn- nihvundyan (to aYoor^i/ 
Toy irTirfiriov). Usually, however, Ulfilas translates the Greek 
nominative of the infinitive by the simple infinitive, and, in- 
deed, without the article, even where the Greek text has the 
article ; as, e^g., Gral. iv. IS, aihthan gdth ist alyandn in gddam- 
ma sinteind {koKov Se to ^T}\od(Tdai ev KoXio vavroTe) ; 
Philip, i. 21, aththan mis liban Christus ist yah gaaviltan ga- 
wmrki (kfio) yap to ^v XpKrrog Ka) to airodaveiv KcpSo^. 

881. Where the infinitive is the object of a verb govern- 
ing the accusative the Gothic translation of the Bible ex- 
hibits almost universally the simple infinitive ; so that con- 
structions like *' he began,'" or " he commenced to go,'^ to 
which, to a certain extent, analogous forms occur so early as 
in Sanscrit (see pp. 1211, 12L2G. ed.), are still tolerably remote 
from Gothic. Where, however, Ulfilas, in Luke iv. 10, 
renders €i'Te\€rTai toC dia^uAa^a/ ae by anabiudith du go/as- 
tan thuk, he wished here probably to approximate more 
closely to the Greek text, and to paraphrase the genitive 
of the infiuitive, which is wanting in Gothic, by the prepo- 
sition duy or to fill out with that preposition the place 
wliich is occupied in the original text by the genitive of the 
article ; since he elsewhere expresses the object of the verbs 
which signify " to command, to order,"' by [G. Ed. p. 1281.] 
the simple accusative of the infinitive ; e. g.j Luke viii. 31, 
anabudi galeithanf eniTa^rf direKdelv, 

882. In the use of the Gothic infinitive, those construc- 
tions merit especial attention in which an accusative ac- 
companies the infinitive, which is governed, as the case of 

* L'J'yo mis ist du melyan izvis, 'Mt is supcrfluoas for rac to >vrite to 
you*' (=the writing). 


the object, neither by the verb nor by the infinitive, but 
which, as in the Greek text, expresses the relation " in 
respect of," which relation is very frequently denoted by 
tlie Greek accusative (noSag cjkv^, o/x/xara icoAd;), but is 
strange to the Gothic, except in the construction with the 
infinitive. I regard the infinitive in such sentences in both 
languages as the subject, and therefore as nominative ; 
and the verb, not as Gabelentz and Lobe do (Gram, 
p. 249, 6.), as impersonal, though we might translate it by 
" it happened, it befel, it became,'' &c., but just as much 
personal as when we, e.g., say, ** to sit is more pleasant 
than to stand ;' ** the rising up is seasonable, is now be- 
coming ;" " to enter is easy.'' That which is peculiar in 
the Greek and Gothic constructions referred to is only that 
the infinitive cannot, like an ordinary abstract, govern the 
genitive ; that therefore, in Greek, e.g., it cannot be said, 
Tov ovpavov KOi T^g 779 irap€\de7v, nor in Gothic himins yah 
airthds hindarkithan, but that in both languages the person 
or thing to which the action which is expressed by the 
infinitive refers, must be placed in the accusative, since 
the infinitive admits not of the nearer destination either 
by an adjective or by a genitive, not even there where the 
Greek infinitive, by prefixing the article, is made more of 
a substantive than of itself it is. Of the examples collected 
by Gabel. and Lobe, 1. c, the first, varth afslavthann aUans 
(Luke iv. 36), must appear the most surprising, since the 
[G. Ed. p. 1282.] Greek text {eyevero Oafi/So^ eir) iravra^) fur- 
nishes no motive for a construction unusual in Gothic. 
In fact, the Gothic translation would appear very forced if 
varth here correspond in sense to our ward, so that it 
would be requisite to translate literally, " there was amaze- 
ment (with reference to) all," or " amazement was (with 
reference to) all." As, however, the Gothic vairthan, as 
the said learned men have shewn in their Glossary, also 


signifies " to come," I here take allans as the accusative, 
governed by a verb of motion (which, too, the Greek eyivero 
in this passage is), and I translate literally, '* there came 
amazement (over) all," or "amazement fell upon all." 
Moreover, in another quite similar passage, Ulfilas finds it 
suitable to translate the Greek hri iravTa^ by ana allaim, viz. 
Luke i. 65, yah vgrth ana allaim qgis (ku) eyevero em itavra^ 
0o/8of ), " and there came fear upon all." It would therefore 
be wrong in this passage to translate varih by "/actus €5^." 
Of the Gothic examples, therefore, collected by Gabelentz 
and Lobe,'!' of the infinitive with the accusative, let us dis- 
pense with the 1st, which has just been discussed, and also 
with the 5th (John xviii. Id), because in it the Gothic con- 
struction difiers from the Greek, in that, as I doubt not, 
the accusative ainana mannan is governed as the objective 
case by the transitive infinitive fraqvistyanf " to destroy, to 
slay,"? so that we have only four examples left which be- 
long here. These are. Col. i. 19, in imma galeikaida alia 
fuUdn bauan (ev avrw evSoKtiae ttSv to TrKrj- [G. Ed. p. 1283.] 
p(ji)fia), "it pleased the dwelling in him (in respect of) all 
fulness (of all fulness) ;" Luke xvi. 17, ith azitizd ist himin 
yah airlha hindarleithan thau viiddis ainana vrit gadriusan, 
(evKOitLyrepov Se €<m tov ovpavov Ka) t^v yfjv itapeKdeiv t) rov 
vofiov fiiav Kepaiav ircaeiv), " but it is easier to pass away (the 
passing away) with respect to heaven and earth (=of hea- 
ven and earth) than to fall (the falling) with reference to 
one tittle of the law ;" Rom. xiii. 11, mM ist uns yu us sUpa 
urreisan § (wpa ^/xay rjSrj ef virvov eyepd^vat), ** It is time (in 

♦ Remark the connection of tlie Gothic root varth with the Sanscrit 
root vart^ vrit, " to go," and the Latin verto (see Pott, E. I., 1. 241.). 

t Gramm., p. 249. 5. 

I " It is better to put one man to death for the people." 

§ This passage is^ in Gothic, so far ambiguous, that uns may be both 
dative and accusative, especially as the dative more frequently occurs in 



reference to) for us now to rise (the rising) from sleep ;"" 
Skeir. (ed. Massmann, p. 38. lo.) ; gaddh nu vas thamuh . . . 
gaqvmans vairtharu "it were therefore fitting, in respect 
of this (the) being agreeing." It becomes a question, then, 
is this kind of construction as it were indigenous in the 
Gothic, or only an imitation of the Greek ? * I believe 
the latter; and, indeed, because in Gothic the accusative 
elsewhere never expresses the relation " in respect of."' 
Moreover, Ulfilas gladly avoids this kind of construction, 
as he shews, by frequently changing the infinitive construc- 
tion of the original text into a verbal with the conjuga- 
tion ei, "that," or by using, instead of the accusative of 
the person, the dative, whether the relation be the proper 
dative one or the instrumental. In the latter case he 
follows, indeed, the Greek text word by word, but, by the 
change of the accusative into a dative, the construction 
[G. Ed. p. 1284.] becomes essentially altered, and such that 
we, in New High German, also can, without much con- 
straint, imitate it ; e.g,, Luke xviii. 25, raihizd allis ist ulban- 
dau thairh thairkd nithlds thairhleithnn than yabigamma in ihiu" 
dangardya guths galeitluin (evKorti^repov yap e<m KafJirfXov .... 
€iaeKde7v &c.), " for it is easier for the camel (the) passing 
through the eye of a needle, than for the rich (the) enter- 
ing into the kingdom of God C Luke xvi. 22, uarth than 
gasviltan thamma unUdin (eyevero ie airodaveiv tov wrcoj^oy), 
" tliere was, however, dying through the poor man ;" Luke 
vi. 1, varth gaygan imma thairh aiisk (eyevero Stairopeveo'dai 
avTov Sia tS>v (nropifi(ji)v\ ** there was going through him 
through the corn-field.'" On the other hand, the Greek 

coiiBtnictions in which the Greek text exhibits the accusatlye witli the 

* As regards the example in the Skeireins, I must recall attention to 
the fact, that these were hardly composed originally in Gothic, but most 
probably were translated from the Greek. 


text, too, 1 Cor. vii. 26, has the dative : koKov dvOpdiru^ to oStc^ 

elvat, gdth ist mann sva vi8an, ** good is it for a man so to 
be.^ So Mark ix. 45, koT^ov Ioti croi elaehdeiv elg t^v ^coi^y 
yoiKov, rj Tov£ Svo noSag S^ovra jSKijd^vat e/j rrjv yievvav, gdth 
thus ist galeithan in libain haUamma^ thau ivansfdfuns habandin 
gavairpan in gaiainnan, '* better (g[ood) is it for thee to go 
into life lame (for thee lame), than having two feet (for 
thee having) to cast (the casting = to be cast) into hell."* 
Ulfilas employs the periphrasis by ei, "that;" e.g,,'Efh. 
i. 4, ei siyaima vets veihai yah unvammai (eivai i^fxag ayiov^ 
KOi a/xco/not/f), ** that we should be holy and without blame ;" 
iv. 22, ei aflagyaith yus . . . thana faimyan mannan (dirodeo'- 
dai vfidg .... Tov ira\aiov avOpuynov), 

883. When the accusative of the person, [G. Ed. p. 1286.] 
in like manner as that of the infinitive, is governed by the 
verb, the case is different from that of the constructions imi- 
tative of tlie Greek which have been noticed in the preceding 
paragraph, and in which the accusative of the person ex- 
presses only a secondary relation, which we must paraphrase 
by "in reference to," or ** touching.'' At least I do not be- 
lieve tliat sentences like Ich sah ihn fallen, ** I saw him fall," 
Ich liorte ihn singen, "I heard him sing," Ich hiess ihn gehenf 
** I bade him go," lass mich gehen, " let me go,^ analogous 
cases to which occur in Sanscrit (see p. 1209 G. ed.), can be 
tikcn otherwise than so that the working of the operation 
of seeing, hearing, &c., falls directly upon the person or 
thing which one sees, hears, charges, &c., and then upon 
the action expressed by the infiinitivc which one in like 
manner sees, hears, &c. The two objects of the verb are 

* The Gothic syntax agrees with the Sanscrit in this, that in the above 
sentence the adjective ^* lame," which is used adverbially, and the parti- 
ciple *' having," appear in Gothic as epithets of ihus, ^^to thee:" thus in 
Sanscrit one can say, e.g,, tavd *nuchttr6tia mayd aarvadd bhavitavyam, 
" it is always to be by me following of thee" (lit., " by mc following"). 


co-ordinate, and stand in the relation of apposition to one 
another (I saw ** him" and ** falling,^ " actionem caderuir). 
It appears, however, from the context, but is not formally 
expressed, that the action expressed by the second object is 
performed by the person or thing expressed by the first object 
("I saw the stone fall"). To this head belong, for the most 
part, the examples collected by Gabclentz and Lobe, p. 1^9, un- 
[G. Ed. p. 1280.] der 1.), 2.), 3.), 4.),* of which I annex a few : 
John vi. 62, yabai nu gasailivith sunu mans ussteigan, ''if ye shall 
see the Son of man ascend up ^^ (eav ow OeuiprfTe rov viov tov 
dvdpwirov dval3atvovTa) ; Matt viii. 18, haihait gaJeithan sipdn- 
ydns hindar marein, " he bade the disciples go over the sea ;" 
Mark i. 17, gaiauya iqvis vairihan nutans manni, '* I will 
make you to become fishers of men,'' (ttoi^cci} v/jia^ yeveaOat 
aKie?^ avdpdiriav) ; John vi. 10, vaurkcith thans mans ana- 
kumbyan, " make the men sit down," (wo/iJiraTe rovg avOpLiitov^ 
avaTt&reiv) \ Luke xix. 14, ni vileim thana thiudandn ttfar 
unsis, {ov deTsjojiev tovtov ^a(Tt\€v(rai 6(j> ^fJidf;). In the last- 
quoted example, and the others 1. c, n. 3.), we cannot, in- 
deed, follow the Greek-Gothic construction ; we cannot 
say, wir woUen nicht diesen herschen ilber uns, " we will 
not this to reign over us;*" but I doubt not, that here 

* The following arc to be excepted from No. 2. : £p1i. lii. 0, where 
vitfan=c(i/at, stands in the nominative relation, and the accusative of the 
person expresses the relation " in respect of;" and 1 Tim. vi. 13, 14, 
where, indeed, the infinitive fastan (Trjprja-ai) stands in the accusative 
relation, but the accusative thitk (ere) lies beyond the direction of the 
verb, and likewise expresses the relation " in respect of." Although 
anabiuda, like the Greek n-apoyycXXo), governs the dative, nevertheless 
Ulfilas skips the Greek o-oi, although, in order not to express the 2d per- 
son twice, he miglit as well have omitted the less important o-r, which 
accompanies the infinitive to express a secondary idea, which is of itself 
tolerably patent. Ulfilas, however, appears to find a truer imitation of 
the Greek construction in saying, '^ I give thee chaige to keep (the keep- 
ing) in respect of thee the commandment," than in saying, *^ I give thee 
charge to keep the commandment.' 



here also the accusative of the person, like that of the in- 
finitive, stands as object of the verb signifying " to will, to 
seek, to mean, to believe, to hope, to know,^^ &c. The 
Old High German still accords to this kind of construction 
a tolerably extensive use (see Grimm, IV. 116.) ; e.g., Notker, 
er sih saget kot sin {** se deum esse dicit ") ; Tat, ih tceiz megin 
fon mir uz gangan (** novi virtufem de me carime'') ; Hymn., 
unsih erstanfan kelaithamis (*' nos resurgere credimus^^). 

8S4. We now turn to a nearer examination of the Greek 
infinitive, and must therefore first of all recall to remem- 
brance the point of comparison, which we have already 
obtained (p. 1223 G. ed.) between the Vedic infinitives in 
s4 and the Greek in <rat. If this comparison be based on a sure 
foundation, we have, in the termination at [G. £d. p. 1287.] 
of forms like Xvaat, Tv\lratt a genuine, and, as it were, Sanscrit 
dative termination, while the common Greek datives are 
based on the Sanscrit locative (see §. 195.). It is the more 
important to remark this, as all other Greek infinitives, 
partly in their common form, and partly in their oldest 
form, end in at, and therefore may be regarded as old 
datives which are no longer conscious of their derivation 
and their original destination to express a definite case- 
relation, and hence can be used as accusatives and 
nominatives, and, in combination with the article, as geni- 
tives also. Exactly in the sense of Sanscrit datives (which 
most usually express the causal relation), and, as it were, 
as representatives of the Vedic infiinitive datives like 
pdtav-i, **in order to drink, on account of drinking,**' appear 
the Greek infinitives in sentences like eScoicev aino iovKi^ 
(fyoprja'ai ; avdpiono^ we^uice ipiKeiv ; rfKOe ^tfTfjcaif (" on account 
of the searching*^) ; efio) Ovoyievij^ levai eiti rov /SaatKia ovk 
eytyvero ra lepd (Xen. Anab. II. 2. 3.). As regards the for- 
mal development or gradual defiguration, we must antedate 
the form in er^cvai (je,g, aKov-e-yievcu, €/w-e-/xeva/, af e-/xevai), as 
a point of departure for the infinitives in e/i/, and that in yievai 

4 M 


for the forms in vai (as 5i5o-vai, nfle-i/ai). By dropping the 
case-termination ai, which had become unintelligible, there 
arose from e-fievat, first e-/xev {aKov-e-yiev^ eiw-e-fiev, af e-/xei/), 
and hence, by casting out the /x, eiv (iEol. jyv, ayjyi/, Dor. ei/, 
0(76 v) for e-ei'. The conjugation in /lu shews also, in the 
common dialect, by forms like nfle-vai, ItTTa-vaiy Stiorvai^ ietK- 
vv'vah that the termination at is essential to the infinitive : 
thus the perfect infinitives (xeTu^e-yai), and the passive 
aorist infinitives, which, according to their form, belong to the 
active (ri/^^-i/a/, Tvir-fj-vai), exhibit however, in the epic 
language, for the most part the full form fievau 

[G. Ed. p. 1288.] 885. As regards the origin of the forms 
in fievaif I formerly thought (** Conjugations-system,'' p. 85) of 
deriving this fievai from the suffix /xero^Sanscrit mdna of the 
participle middle and passive, so that at w^ould have taken the 
place of the o of fievo like an adverbial termination. The de- 
rivation of an abstract substantive, which the infinitive is, 
from a participle, could not be a matter of suqirise ; but 
it would be strange, in the case before us, that the infini- 
tives in fxevat, &c., should be entirely excluded from the 
middle and passive, with the exception of the aorists with ac* 
tive form. If the infinitives in fievat, fiev, vat, r, belonged 
to the middle or passive, their connection with the parti- 
ciples fxevo would, in my opinion, be placed almost beyond 
doubt : as active infinitives, however, I now prefer to de- 
rive them from the Sanscrit sufiix man, which forms 
abstracts (see §. 796.); and I place them as sister-forms 
over against Latin abstracts like ceria-men, sola-men, tenia- 
-mcn, rrgi-men (see p. 1083, §. 801.), the n of which, in 
the Greek formations in fiar, is corrupted to t, which, 
however, does not hinder a particular branch of this fa- 
mily of words, viz. the infinitives, from asserting its right 
to a more ancient place by a firm retention of the old n, 
while the vowel lias undergone the favourite weakening to 
e. In Greek, therefore, the originally identical sufiixes 


/HOT, fiov (§. 797. 801.), fjL€v, which flow from one and the 
same source, have the same relation to one another, as 
regards their vowel, that forms like erpajrov, TeTpo(f>a, rpeno), 
have to each other with reference to their radical vowel. 
That this class of abstract substantives has been ori- 
ginally far more numerous in Sanscrit than in the con- 
dition of the language which has been bequeathed to us 
from the classic period, is proved by the circumstance, that, 
both in the Vedic dialect and in Zend, formations of this 
sort occur which are wanting in common Sanscrit: in the 
Vedic dialect, e.g., hdv-i-manf " the calling ; [G . Ed. p. 1 289.] 
y(l-ma«, "going" dhdr-marit " support ""^ (Yajurv. 9. 6.) : in 
ZendyA>9^A>^j} kadmaiu "the praising'^ (Sanscrit root stu, " to 
praise''); and Burnouf, Journ. As. 1844, p. 468, translates its 
dative xiyjA>9^A5^j} stadmainitj^ by "pour ciltbrerr The Celtic 
languages also testify to a very extensive use of the forms 
in in^ man in the sense of pure abstracts, at a time ante- 
rior to the separation of languages. To them correspond 
Irish abstracts in mhain or nihuin (see Pictet p. 103) ; e.g., 
gean-mhuiru ** engendering, begetting f gein-ea-mhuirif 
"birth, conception''' (Sanscrit^n-wian, ^ctn- i-man, "birth''); 
geall-a-mhuirh "a promise, vow'' (geall-a-^nhna, "a promise, 
promising") ; gaiU-ea-mhum^ " offence ;" lean-mhain, kan-a- 
-mhain, '* following, pursuing;" olla-mhain, "instruction" 
{oil-i-m, " I instruct") ; scar-a-mhain, scar-a-mhuin^ " separa- 
tion." The abstracts of this kind are brought nearer to 
the Greek infinitives in fiev, fievai, in that some of them are 
actually used in Scottish-Gaelic as infinitives, at least Stewart 
cites among the rarer infinitive forms two also in mhuin, 
viz. gin-mhuh* *' to beget/' and kan-mhuinj " to follow." 
There are in the Gaelic dialects also infinitives in mh; e.g.. 

♦ With I for i as coDJunctive vowel, root hn from hv&y see p. 1221 G. ed. 
t Another reading for the itaomaini^ mentioned above (§. 518. p. 787, 
Note *), which I looked upon as an erroneons reading for the locative. 

4 M 2 


seas-a-mh, "to stand," where the a is the class-vowel, but 
the mil, as has been already elsewhere remarked,* very 
probably an abbreviation of mhuin, as the bases in n in 
[G. Ed. p. 1290.] the Gaelic languages in the nominative 
frequently suppress the n (cf. §. 139.), and, indeed, not un- 
usually together with the vowel preceding.*!* 

886. Should the Greek infinitives in fiev not be abbrevia- 
tions of fJLCvai, but have originally co-existed as different 
case-relations, we must assume that the datives in fievou, 
which are formed according to Sanscrit-Zend principles, 
have been simply designed to express the causal relation 
(cf. §. 854.), and that the forms in /lei/, as naked neutral 
bases, were appropriated to the designation of the accusa- 
tive and nominative relation ; that, however, after the mean- 
ing of the termination in fiev-ai had been forgotten by the 
language, the forms in v and v-at have been used indiffe- 
rently by the language. I here recall attention to the 
displacement of personal terminations, and their appearance 
in places which do not belong to them, e. jr., in- the Gothic 
passive (see §. 468. j), as also of the exaltation of the accusa- 
tive plural to the universal plural termination in Spanish ; 
while in Italian the nominative termination plural has 
been extended to all cases, but in TJmbrian the ending of 
the dative ablative plural, which is more to the point here, 
has become the termination of the accusative, which hence 
in the said dialect terminates in/ ( = Sanscrit bhyas, Latin 
6?/«).§ In English the pronominal forms "him" and 
" whom,'' which, in their origin, are datives, and, by their 
m. correspond with the Sanscrit smdi of idsmdi^ ydsmdU &c. 

» " The Celtic Languages," p. 69. 

t Thus there exists, together with the ahoye-mentioned oU-a-mhain^ 
^' instruction," a concrete oU-a-mh (genitive oU-a-mhan) "a doctor." 

I In the German §. 466., bat it will be seen that this is a wrong referrnce. 

§ See Aufrecht and Kirchhof, p. 113; and cf., e,g.^ the accusative tri-J 
hu-fmiii the Latin dative trihu9 bohut and Sanscrit tri-bhyat go-bhyas. 


(see p. 485) have assumed an accusative meaning, and, in 
order to express the dative relation, require the help of the 
preposition ** to." As regards the infini- [G. Ed. p. 1291.] 
tive in particular, it must further be remarked, that the 
Vedic infinitives in dhy&u which usually denote the causal 
relation which belongs to their evidently dative termina- 
tion (see §. 854.)f occasionally occur also with an accusative 
signification^ Thus we read in the Yajurv. 6. 3. usmasi 
gdmadhydi, ** we will go." In Latin the infinitives in re, if 
the explanation given above (§. 856.) be correct, have be- 
come altogether untrue to their original destination, and 
appear only in the accusative or nominative relation ; while 
the Old Prussian infinitives in twei, which are likewise 
known as dative forms, express only the accusative relation 
(see p. 1249 G. ed.)* 

887. In favour of the opinion^ that the difference be- 
tween the Greek infinitives in v and vat is organic, so that 
both forms, which in the present condition of the language 
are of the same significance originally belonged to diffe- 
rent case-relations, we must allow weight to the circum- 
stance, that in no other place of Greek Grammar do we 
meet with an entire abolition of the diphthong at at the 
end of a word ; as in general, in other languages also, the 
diphthongs do not admit of being discharged so easily as 
the simple vowels, because, before their utter absorption, 
the path is open to them to surrender one of the two ele- 
ments of which they are composed. Universally, where 
the Sanscrit Grammar exhibits an ^ ( = ai, see §. 688. p. 917) 
at the end of the inflexions, the Greek preserves either at, 
for example, in the medio-passive personal terminations 
(jjLat, (Tat, rat, in-a/=^, s^, IS, nti)^ or ot, as in the plural nomi- 
natives of masculine bases in o (e.r/. Dor. To/=Sanscrit iS, 
Gothic thai, see §. 228.), and in one single termination a, 
viz. in the personal termination /Li6da = Sanscrit mahi from 
madhS, Zend maidJii (§. 472.). In general, the Greek per- 


[G. Ed. p. 1292.] tinaciously retains the final vowels, and 
has not allowed the removal of any of the simple vowels 
but the lightest of all the primary ones, viz. U and this, too, 
but very seldom, perhaps only in the 2d person singular 
of the principal tenses {SiS(M)^ = dudd-si, see §. 448.); while 
in Latin and Gothic the i has disappeared from the per- 
sonal terminations : the Gothic, indeed, has even dropped 
the entire diphthong ai in the dative singular, since the 
Gothic singular datives, with the exception of those of 
the feminine pronouns, as has been pointed out above 
(p. 500, §. 356. Remark 3.), are in fiact void of termina- 
tion, so that, e.g., sunau^ **Jilto,^'' corresponds to the San- 
scrit 8unaV'&; auhsin (theme auhsan) **6oi'i," to the Sanscrit 

888. It remains for me only further to explain the Greek 
infinitives of the middle and passive in cdat, which I think 
I was before (p. 659, §. 474.) wrong in explaining. They 
share the termination at with the active infinitives like Au- 
-Krat, Tvyjrat, Ttde-vat, ridi^fievat, aKov-e-iJLevat, rcTvcfy-e-vai- I 
recognise the base of the passive or middle signification in 
the or, which I now look upon as the reflexive, the original a of 
which has, in ov, of, 6, become the rough breathing (see §. 34 1. 
p. 476)y but before 6 it occupies such a position that it could 
retire into a weak aspirate. But if the sibilant of forms like 
Aey-ecr-fla/, ride-aSat, belongs to the reflexive, these forms are, 
in this respect, based on the same principle as the Latin like 
amnri-er, legi-er (see §. 477.). In general, a passive or 
middle infinitive, which was unknown to our great family 
of languages in its primaeval period, would have been the 
easiest and most natural to acquire by aflixing the reflexive, 
as the Lithuanian, too, transfers to the infinitive also the s 
appended to its reflexive verbs, e.g., wadln-ti'S, " to name 
oneself" (see §. 476. p. 662). Similar is the procedure of the 

[G. Ed. p. 1293.] Northern languages, in which the reflexive, 
in forms like the Swedish taga-s, " to be taken"' (from taga. 


** to take^'), is quite as unmistakeable as in the indicative 
tage-s (in the three persons singular, see Grimm, IV. p. 46). 
Ip Greek forms like Keyeadat, the reflexive lies the more 
hidden, because it is not' appended to the termination of 
the active infinitive; and, moreover, there exists no active 
infinitive in dat or Tat from which crdat might have sprung, as 
above (§. 474,), e.g., iiSoq^Sov from SiSotov. Moreover, in the 
infinitive no personal termination can be looked for; and we 
durst not, therefore, in respect of the 6 in forms like SlSoaOai, 
search for any analogy with such as SiSo<rdov, SlSotrde, StSoaSia. 
Moreover, we cannot regard the 6 of the middle passive 
infinitives as a formative suffix ; for it would be unnatural 
to interpose between the root and the formative suffix of 
an abstract substantive a pronominal element to express a 
reflexive or passive relation ; which would be as though 
from the Sanscrit infinitive and Latin supine ddlum, datum, 
we should look for a reflexive ddstum, dastum. Hence, 
therefore, in departure from the conjecture I before ex- 
pressed, I now recognise in the syllable dat of the infini- 
tives under discussion an auxiliary verb, and, indeed, the 
same that we recognised above (§. 630.) in the aorists in 
drf'V and futures in drj-ao-fxat, with which are connected our 
thun and the Gothic d€i, dMum^ of forms like sdkida, " I 
sought (made seek"), sdkididum^ '* we sought (made seek") 
(see §. 620.). In Old High German, an infinitive suoh- 
'iuan (** to make seek ")» together with the actually ex- 
isting suoh-ta (for suoh-teta), "I sought (made seek"), 
could not surprise us ; and just as little strange would it 
be if the Greek l^rjTe^adai were, according to the explana- 
tion which has been given, to signify literally " to make to 
seek oneself" ( = "to be sought"). It may here remain 
undecided whether the reflexive be appended after the 
theme of the said tense of the principal [G. Ed. p. 1294.] 
verb, or inserted before the auxiliary verb; whether, 
therefore, we should divide thus, e.g., ruTrrea-Oai, rvn-caa-dai. 


T€Tv<l>{cryOatt* Tinr^eo'-datf or TVTne'Crdou, &c. Tlie root Ovj= 
dhd of the auxiliary verb is in these compounds repre- 
sented simply by its consonant; for the diphthong at is, as 
in the active infinitive, a case-termination, where we must 
recall attention to the circumstance, that the Sanscrit root 
also, dlid, "to set, to make,'* which corres{)onds to the 
Greek ^ (from da), as also all other roots in d when they 
appear without a formative suffix as adjectives of common 
gender at the end of compounds, drop their final vowel 
before case-terminations beginning with a vowel ; and 
hence, from dhd, "placing, making," comes the dative dfti 
{ = dhai, Greek Oat), The root dhd appears as an abstract 
substantive of the feminine gender in irad-dhd, ** be- 
lief," properly, " belief-placing," or " belief-making," the 
dative of which, ac*cording to the universal principle of 
feminine bases in long d, is irad-dhdydU In compounds 
with prepositions other naked roots in d also occur as 
abstrac*t substantives, e. g„ d-jnd and anu-jndf ** command," 
praii'jnd, " promise," fta-hhd, " lustre." Dhd, in the Vedic 
dialect, with the preposition m", forms mdhd (see Benfey 
Gloss.), which should properly signify "laying down," but 
has become an appellative with the meaning " net" As 
the root dhd enters combinations more easily than other 
roots, and is suited for use as an auxiliary ,'|' the conjecture 
[G. £d. p. 1295.] is not far fetched that it also has its 
share in the formation of the Vedic infinitives in ^ dhydi 
discussed above (§. 854.) ; whether it be that this dhydi be 

^ The accuinulatiun of consonants dislodged this nfiexive o-, according 
to the analogy of §. 643. 

t Cf. Zend AMj«b^AJjC^ yaosch-ddy " to make purify" (§. 037.), 
huidJia, "to make wash" (p. 993), Latin ven-do (§. 033.), Greek ttXiJ-^o) 
(Pott, E. I., p. 187), ir€p-B<D. The first part of irtp-Bat answers to the 
Zend/?/W, "to annihilate" (see Bnmonf, Ya^n. p. 534, and Benfey, Gr. 
R. L. II. p. 362), whereto belong also the Latin per-do and jyer^eo (its 
ven-^ com|Nired with ven^co). 


an abbreviation of dhAy-Ai, as dative of dhd, or that the d 
of the root in this composition has been weakened to u for 
which the weight added by compounding may easily have 
given occasion. The strictly feminine dative termination 
di^ of infinitives like pib-a-dhydi would be better established 
according to this, than if, according to an earlier attempt 
at explanation, dhi were taken as formative suffix, and the 
dh as a distortion of <; as the feminine bases in short U in 
the dative, more frequently exhibit ay-i than y-dit while 
polysyllabic feminine bases in ^, and in general those in a. 
long final vowel, never exhibit ^, but only dU as the dative 
character. But if in the Vedic infinitives in dhydi is in- 
volved the root dhd, and in the Greek in tr-dai the corre- 
sponding root Byj^ there arises hence a remarkable affinity of 
formation between inid yaj-a-dhydh " in order to venerate,*' 
and al^-€'tTdai, which is also radically identical with it (cf. 
Ind. Bibl. III. 102.), which, however, could not induce me 
to recognise, with Lassen, in the Vedic forms the infinitive 
of the middle ; for in the first place they want the sibi- 
lant, which is so important an element [G. Ed. p. 1296.] 
in the Greek medio-passive infinitives; and secondly, the 
Veda-texts which have intermediately appeared have not 
furnished us with the means of perceiving any nearer re- 
lation of the forms in dhydi to the middle. I should pre- 
fer to regard the possible affinity of formation of the San- 
scrit and Greek infinitives in dhydi, cr-Oai, in no other 

* Cf. the p«a8{jive8, as dh't-ydt^y p'l-ydt^, for dhd-ydte, pd-ydl^. I here 
fiirther call attention to the Vedic dhU "work, action," which occurs, 
Naigh. 2. 1., under the words signifying karman, "action," and perhaps, 
as such, is to be referred, not like (Mf, "und. rstandlng," to the root dhydi^ 
" to think," but, as an anomaly of another kind, to dhdy " to make." Al- 
though, then, this dht^ as a monosylhibic word, forms, in the dative, dhiyi 
or dhiydi, this does not prevent the supposition tliat it, in a primsBval, as 
it were privileged composition, may follow the principle of the polysyllabic 
feminine hoses in ?, and may, after the analogy of nadydi^ form also dhydi. 


liglit than this, that the two languages, after their separa- 
tion, accidentally coincided in an analogous application in 
the infinitive of a mutually common auxiliary verb ; which 
can little surprise us, as this verb is well fitted in signifi- 
cation to enter combinations with other verbs, and to ob- 
tain the appearance of inflexions ; and hence it occurs also 
in other members of our great family of languages in 
compounds more or less obscured. If, however, this auxi- 
liary verb was once gained in Greek for the infinitive of 
the middle and passive, and, in its obscured nature, had 
once assumed the function of an inflexion, then the root 0H 
combined itself with itself in combining with cr-dai, just as, 
in the aorist and future, with drj-v, drj-cro^cu. 

889. We have one more Sanscrit gerund to speak of, 
which indeed, as such, stands isolated in Sanscrit, but, 
with respect to its formation, presents many coincidences 
with the European sister-tongues ; I mean, the gerund in 
ya.* Its signification is the same with that in tvd, but it 
occurs almost only in compound verbs ; w^hilc in the pre- 
sent condition of the language, as it appears to me, tvd, on 
account of its heavier form, avoids verbs encumbered with 
[G. Ed. p. 1207.] prepositions. The following are examples 
of gerunds in 1T ya: ni-^Ayot "after (with, through) 
laying down \'* anu-srulya, " after hearing ;'" nir-gdmya^ 
after going out ;"' ni-vlsya, " after going in ;' pratUbhidyat 
after cleaving -^ A-tudya, " after impinging.'" I also con- 
sider these gerunds as instrumentals, and, indeed, according 
to the Zendian principle (see §. 158.) ; so that, therefore, e,g,, 
nidhdya stands for nidhdyd^ from ni-dhdya-d. I have al- 
ready expressed this opinion in the Latin edition of my 
Sanscrit Grammar (p. 250), and found it confirmed since 
then through Fr. Rosen's edition of the first book of the Rig- 


* Roots with a short final Towd receive the affix of a f . The accent 
xesta on the radical syllable. 


veda, ill so far that there instrumentals from bases in a 
actually occur, which are distinguished from their base only 
by the lengthening of the final a;* so that, according to 
this principle, one would have to expect from a base nir- 
gamya^ " the going out," an instrumental gerund nirgamydt 
while before, with regard to the non-insertion of a euphonic 
n, I could only refer to the Vedic svapnayd (for svapn^na), 
analogously to which, for nirgamya the form nirgamyayd 
would be required. 

890. If one assumes that the abstract substantives which 
are to be presupposed for the gerund under discussion 
were neuter, then they would have an exact counterpart 
in the Latin od-iu-mt gaud-iu-rrit s^ud-m-m, diluv-iu-m, dissid- 
iu-m, incend-iu-m, excid-iu-mt cbsid-iu-m, savrific-iu-my obsequ-^ 
iu~m^ coUoqu-iu-m, praesag-iu-m, cordag-iu-mt connitb-iu-m, 
covjug-iu-m; as in Sanscrit, therefore, [G. Ed. p. 1298.] 
nearly all compounds. In Greek, epei-n-io^v^ aixitKaK-io-v, 
aix&pT'io-v belong to this class. 

891. The Sanscrit forms also, by the neuter suffix yr/, 
abstracts out of nominal bases, the final vowel of which is 
suppressed, with the exception of w, which receives Guna ; 
while the initial vowel is usually augmented by Vriddhi (see 
§. 26.), and accented ; e.g.^ mddhiir'ya'm, " sweetness,'* from 
madhurd-s, ** sweet ;^ ndipun-ya-m, " skill,'* from nipund-s, 
" skilful ;" sdukl-ya-tn, '* whiteness," from sukla-s, " white ;" 
chdur-ya-rrif " theft," from chdrd-s, ** thief." Hereto admi- 
rably correspond, with respect, also, to the suppression of 
the final vowel of the primitive base, the Gothic neuter 

* E,g.f mahUvd (Uigv. 1. 62. 13.), "through greatness," from mahitvd 
(Ved. mdJii, " great," suffix iva) ; vtaliitvand (85. 7.), id. (mahi, suffix 
iv(U2ti, see p. 1210 G. ed.) ; vrishatvCi (54. 2.), "through rain'* (abstr. from 
vnghan, " rainer"). This analogy is followed also by the Vedic tvdy 
" through thee" (see Benf. Gl. p. l/)5, and of. the Marathi fva, see 
p. 1102G. ed.)for /rrfya. 


bases of abstract substantives like diub-ya^ ** theft,'" from 
ditd/^a)-Sf " thief' (see §. 135.); unlid-ya, '* poverty," from tin- 
/A/(fi)-5, " poor ;" galeik-yru " resemblance," from galeik(a)-f(. 
** like ;" tinvit-yn, " ignorance," from tmt?i/(a)-», ** foolish ;"' 
hauhht-ya, " height," from hauhist(ays, " the highest'" 
In the nominative accusative, according to §. 153., the a of 
the sufRx ya is suppressed, and y vocalised to i; hence, 
diubh unlidif &c. The following are Latin abstracts of this 
kind : mendac'iu^mt artific-iu-m, prindp-ium, consort-lu'm, 
jpjun-iu'tnt conviv-lu-m. This class of words is more 
scantily represented in Greek by forms like fxovofxdx'if^v, 
BeoTtpim-to-v. There belong, however, also to this class, though 
with tlieir meaning perverted, words like epyacr/jp-to-v, SiKa- 
OT^p-io-i', \fj<m^p'to-Vt vavTrrjy-tO'V ; and from bases in ev such 
as Tjoo^ero-i', KovpeTo-v, with, as it appears, digamma suppressed, 
for Tpo<f>€FtO'Vt KovpeF'to-v. 

892. In Old Sclavonic corresix)nds the neuter suffix hk iye 
(euphonic for iyo, see §. 255. n., p. 325), so that the vowel corre- 
spondingto the semi-vowel is also prefixed to it, while, however, 

[G. £d. p. 1290.] in Russian it is wanting; beceauk vesn/iye,* 
"joy," (Russian BeceJiie vesePie) from BECEA-b veseF, "joyful." 
Abstracts in Anhk aniye, enhk eniye, %niik yenrye, thk fh/p, 
are formed with the suffix under discussion from the perf<x*t 
passive participle in a similar manner as in Old High German 
are formed ; e.g.farldzant, *' abandonment," fric^Hti, " choice,*' 
with the feminine form of the suffix n yn, out of the partici- 
ple belonging to the conjugation of the verb referred to ; e.g., 
MAQNiiK chnyaniye, *• expectation," from MAQn-b chayan\ " he 
expects r R^BAEMiiK ynx'lcidye^ "unveiling," from lABAEri7> 
ynvlen\ "he discovers;" nuTHK pUiye, "the drinking," from 
niiTT> pU\ "drunken." With tliis suffix are formed also 
collectives in the Sclavonic languages as in Sanscrit; e.g. in 

* See Miklos., Radices, p. 8. Dobrowsky (p. QS!i) writes bEPEaVe, 
and siiDilarly in the other examples given p. 982 of this clnss of words. 


Russian ApeBie drevie^ " many trees,*' from Apeso drevo, ** a 
tree." So in Sanscrit kdisya-m, " hairs," from Mids, ** hair/* 

893. In Lithuanian, which has lost the neuter gender of 
substantives, the class of words under discussion has be- 
come masculine ; and then, according to §. 135, the syllable 
ya is contracted before the nominative sign s to i, and the 
final vowel of primitive bases, as in the sister-languages, 
is suppressed ; and thus, with regard to the nominative, it 
ap})ears as though the simple change of a or u into i could 
form an abstract from an adjective. Cf. e,g., 

ySct-i'S, " blackness,** with yoda-s, " black f * 

i/g'-i'S, " length,'* with Vga-s, " long ;** J 

karszt'-i-Sy "heat,** with karszta-s, "hot;** 2 

sxaW-i-St " coldness,** with szalta-s, " cold ;** ^ 

aukszf-i-s, " height,** with dukszta-s, ** high ;** S 

rvgszC'i'St " sourness,** with rugsz-tu-s, " sour ;** 2j 

datig-i-s, "multitude,** with **daug,'"* "many,*" indecl. 

In several of the oblique cases the a of these abstracts, wliich 
is suppressed in the nominative, is, by the euphonic influence 
of the preceding i, changed to e (cf. §. 157. p. 174, Note*); 
hence, eg,, ilgie^ms, ** longitvdinibusr compared with ilga-ms^ 
** bjngbt.^'' Primitive abstracts also are formed in Lithu- 
anian by the suffix ia, euphonic ie, nominative is: these 
correspond, therefore, exclusive of their vocalisation of the 
semi-vowel to u tolerably well to the Sanscrit gerundial 
bases in ya; e.jr., j>Si-i-«, ''fall** {pulut "I fall**); nvasz-ist 
'* blow ** (mii^;?M, "I smite"); kandi-s, "bite** (*a?idu, "I 
bite ")• 

894. The feminine form of the suffix i| ya, viz. in yd, 
forms primitive abstracts with the accent on tho suffix ; e.g. 
vrajt/fi, " travelling ;** vidyd, " knowledge ;** iayyA,* " the 

« From s^-yd, with irregular Gona ; as, e,g., in 4fe-/^'=xcc-rai. The y 
of the sufHx acts like a vowel, hence ay for ^=au 


lying/' Hereto admirably correspond Gothic abstract 
feminine bases in yd (6 = 6* §. 69.), nominative ya or i;* 
for example, vrakya, "pursuit"' (gen. iratyd-*), corresponds 
also radically to the before-mentioned inin vrajya, with a 
tenuis for a medial, according to §. 87. Tlie other abstracts 
of tliis formation which have been retained to our time 
hve, brakya, "strife," (properly, "breach''); hrSpi, "cla- 
mour;" feii^i, " command ;" w^iaiic/*, "environs." Observe, 
that vrakya, hrahfOt and us-vandi (gen. usvandyo's), have 
retained the true radical vowel, and hence correspond, not 
to the weakened present (rriA-n, briJca, vindaX but to the 
[G. Ed. p. 1301.] monosyllabic forms of the preterite. So 
bandi, "band, fetter ;"/d/u-6anc?*, "leg-iron;" on the other 
hand, ga-bindU " band," with the extremcst vowel- weaken- 
ing of the present, and ga-bundi, id., with the middle vowd- 
weight of the polysyllabic forms of the preterite and per- 
fect passive participle. An inorganic extension of the base 
with n (see §. 142.), is found in rath-yd (gen. ydn-s), " reckon- 
ing, account;" sakyot ** strife ;"•!• vaih^yo, "contest" {veiya, 
"I contend"); ga-run-yih "overflowing" (r/ini/i, rann, r*/ii- 

895. In the Sclavonic languages the class of feminine 
abstracts, which in Sanscrit is formed direct from the root 
by the suffix in yd, is pretty numerously represented : it 
ends in old Sclavonic in the nominative in %^ ya ; c.g.t 
BOAia tWya, " will;" AEAia schelya, "mourning;" koycAia 

hiplya (a euphonic), " business." In Lithuanian the a-sound 

* The contraction of ya to t occurs, if preceded by a naturally long 
vowel, or one long by position, or if one simple word of more than one 
syllable precedes (cf. §.135. &c., Gabel. and Lobe, p. CI). Tlic latter 
case, however, docs not occur in the class of words under discussion. 

t Cf. the Gothic root 9ak^ from sag^ according to §. B7., ^itli tlie San- 
scrit ^9 «tt^', ^^fffigcre" with abhi {abhisfiaTif), ^^ maledicere, ohjur- 
garef* ubhishangn-t^ according to Wilson, 1. ^^ a curse or imprecation/' 
2. " an oath," 3. " defeat," 4. " a fidse accusation," &c. 


of this sufl^ has been usually changed by the euphonic 
influence of the semi-vowel to e, but the semi-vowel is it- 
self dropped (cf. p. 174, Note *, and §. 137.), except in the 
genitive plural in iu or yu (see Ruliig's 3d declension). 
Here belong, for example, feminine abstracts; as, srotrif 
"flood'' (srauyu, '* I bleed/' Sanscrit srdv-d'fni, "I flow,'' 
Greek pew); zinne, "the knowing, knowledge" (zinnau, "I 
know"); paine, "entangling" (piwnii, "I plait"); nukti- 
gone, "the keeping watch by night" (ganau, " I watch"). 
On the other hand, la is found in pradzia, "beginning" 
{pra-de-mU ** I begin"), for which, in Sanscrit, pra-c?Acl-yd 
would be to be expected. 

896. The Latin formations of this class [G. Ed. p. 1302.] 
of feminine verbal abstracts in ia or ii (see §. 137.) like 
the neuter in iu-m, and the Sanscrit gerunds in ya are 
for the most part compounded (see §.890.); e.g., inedia, 
invidia (if not from invidtis), vindemia, desidia, insidioi, ex- 
cubicBf exsequiiPf diluvii-s, pprnicii'S,'\ esuriS-s, The following 
are examples of formations of this kind : pluiia, scabii-s 
(properly, " the itching"), rabii-s. With the inorganic affix 
of an w, and the substitution of an 6 for A — as, e.g., in the 
suffix i6r = idr, Ttjp, §. 647., and in m6n = mdn, fxtav, §. 797. — 
tlie Sanscrit suffix yd, in some abstract feminine bases, has 
been modified to ion ; and these, therefore, correspond to 

* The Lithuanian form has suppressed tlio radical vowel before the 
suflix, otherwise it wonld be pra^de-ya^ as the semi- vowel y between two 
vowels in Lithuanian, as in Latin, has remained, but after consonants, 
i'xcepting p, 6, ir, m (Mielcke, p. 4), has been changed to tlie vowel I. 
D before i, with a vowel following, becomes di (^dsch, Sanscrit if j): 
the t, liowever, is scarcely pronounced. 

t Without a base verb, for it has hardly sprung from pemecOy as verbs 
of the 1st conjugation liave produced no abstracts of this kind. The 
radically-cognate Sanscrit ndiyami^ " 1 go to ruin," would lead us to ex- 
l>ect a Latin verb of the 3d conjugation, as luzdo, necio^ or rwcio (cf. 
nejc^ noceo). 


the above-mentioned (§. 894.) Gothic bases in yiht, nomina- 
tive yd; tlius con-tngi6f -ichi-is; susjncid, obsidio, ambagiu, 
capid, as in Gothic rathyd, genitive rathydn-s, &c. In Greek 
la corresponds as exactly as possible to the Sanscrit in yd, 
but is, however, in the primary formation, but rather 
veakly represented. The following are examples: Trewa, 
fiavia, oLfiapTia, apmKaKia. In verbs in euw (see §. 777.), which 
especially favour this kind of formation of the abstract, the v 
is lost before the sufEx, but probably first passed, on ac*couut 
of the vowel following, into f ; thus, e.jf., dpiarela from 
dpioreFia, More frequent is the appearance of the suffix td 
(e-ta) as a means of formation of denominative abstracts, in 
forms like evSaifMov-iat r/KiK-ioLf fiaKap-la, avSp-la, a-oip^'-ia^ 
KaK'ia, SeiK^'ia, dyyeK'-ia, dvaytay-iaf aTpaTrjy-ia, aArjSeta,* 
[G. Ed. p. 1303.] avota {dvo'-ia). To these denominative ab- 
stracts correspond in Latin, such as capac-ia, feroc-ith in- 
fant'ia, pT<Esent'ia, ineri-ia, concord-ia, inop-icu perfid'-ia, 
superb^'ia, barbar-ia; pauper-ii-s, barhar-w-s; unid^n), iaP- 
i6(ri), commun-io^n), rebelt't6(ji). 

807. The Old High German has in all cases, except the 
genitive plural {heilo-n-d for heilyd-n-d see §. 246.), dropped 
the vowel of the Sanscrit bases in yd, which the Gothic 
has surrendered only in the nominative singular under the 
circumstances statc^d above (§. 894., Note *), and has changed 

* The bases in cr (see §.128.) lose their final consonant, as in tlie 
oblique Cflscs; thus, dXiJ^cia from aXi;^c<r-Mi, as aXi/^c-or from d\rj6€a-'Os, 
The combination of the i of the suffix with the preceding c or o of the 
base word is the occasion of shortening the final a. The Homeric dXrfBtitf 
also testifies to the original length of the a of such formations. In ana- 
logy with the phenomenon that bases in s suppress this consonant before 
the su£5x la, is the phenomenon that bases in n, in Sanscrit, suppress not 
only this consonant, but also the preceding vowel before vowels and tlie y 
of a derivative suffix ; hence, e.g., rdj-ya-m, " kingdom" (Gothic reik't, 
theme retA'-ya, "dominion," from reik{a)'8, "ruler, supreme one"), for 
rdfan-ya-fiiy from rdfan, "a king.' 



the semi-vowel into the corresponding long vowel (see 
Grimm's 2d strong decl. fern.), to which, in the dative plural, 
the case-sign m(or n)is attached.* To this class belong nearly 
all the words of Grimm's 2d declension feminine of the 
strong form (I. p. 618), which, like the Gothic 3d weak declen- 
sion feminine, with the exception of the formations in nissu 
contains almost only abstracts, which have been formed 
from adjectives (participles included), with the suffix cor- 
responding to the Sanscrit m yd; as, e.g., [G. Ed. p. 1304.] 
chaU^'i, •• cold," warm-i " warmth," hdli-i, ** height," hulcC-i 
"grace,*" ndK-i, "nearness," sc&n-if "fairness, beauty," 
%uoz'{, "sweetness," still -u ''stillness," titf4, "depth," 
rdC'if " redness," suarz^-i, " blackness," from the adjective 
bases chalia^ " cold," warma, " warm,"')' &c. I call especial 
Attention to the abstracts arising from passive participles, 
corresponding to the Sanscrit in ia and na, and formed 
with the suffix under discussion, which, irrespective of 
gender, accord with the Sclavonic abstracts mentioned 
above (§. 892.); as, dhthk pitiye, "the drinking;" qAl^NHK 
chayaniye, " expectation." The following are examples of 
Old High German abstracts of this kind : er-tveUt'-i, " choice,'' 
vtr-wehsaldt-h ** alternation," mT-terhiniC'h "pretext," var- 
Idzan-h " abandoning," ar-Aafcan-t', "elevation," ^rw^-pcw'an'-i', 
" primogeniture," from the participial bases erwelUa (nom. 
-/^r), &c., varldzana (nom. -nA"), &c. The formations in n{ 
(Grimm, 11. 161. 62.) are much more numerous than those 

* I conjecture that the t is long also in the dative plural, thus heiU'in^ as 
the long vowels maintain themselves better before a final consonant than 
at the end of a word. Compare the conjunctive forms like dzi^ opposed 
to dzU, dztt^ dzfn (see §.711. p. 044.). 

t Nom. masc. cliaUi'r, warmi-r, with the pronominal afiix of the 
strong declension (see p. 368, §. 288. Rem. 5.). At the beginning of com- 
pounds stands either the true base in o, or, and indeed more generally, 
the base mutilated by the removal of a ; e.g., mihila-mot and mihhil'^mot, 
^^ magnanimous " (Graff. II. 604.). Of this more hereafter. 

4 N 


in ti (Grimm II. 261.), but both spring from scarce any 
source but compound participles. It also deserves notice, 
that such formations are limited to the Old and Middle 
High German, with the exception, perhaps, of the Old 
Northern um-gingni, ** conversafiot^" mentioned by Grimm 
(p. 162). I should not wish the above-mentioned remark- 
able coincidence between the German and Sclavonic to be 
so interpreted as that any should found on it the conjecture 
of a special affinity between those languages ; for since the 
Sanscrit suffix ^ ya* feminine JR yd, as a means of forma- 
tion of denominative abstracts in the European languages 
[G. £d. p. 1305.] has been universally difiused, it is not in 
the least surprising that the Sclavonic and High German 
usually coincide in this point, that they have used this 
suffix also for the derivatives from passive participles. It 
might be possible that the Ijatin abstracts also in tidn, siStu 
were not formed, as has been before remarked (see p. II95 
G. ed.), by an extension of the suffix ti, but have been de- 
rived from the passive participle with the aid of the iSn 
discussed above ; thus, e.g., cocC'i6(n) from codu-St mot^'hXn) 
from mctU'Sj fnvt8-i6(n) from missus, orbdi'-i6(n) from ortdtu-s, 
as above (p. 1303 G. ed.), comiwwn'-i^n) from comrnvni-Sf vn- 
io(n) from unu-a, as in Old High German er%ceU£'i from 

898. It scarcely needs mention that the e of our abstracts 
like Kdlte, ("cold'')» Marine, (** warmth"), is the corruption 
of the t of the analogous High German abstracts, as in 
general nearly all vowels in the final syllables of polysyllabic 
words have, in New High German^ and the majority so 
early as in Middle High German, been weakened to e. 
Without attention, however, to the intermediate stages, it 
would have been impossible, in words like Kdtte, Gr'dsse, 
Ldnge, ("cold, greatness, length"), to recognise an affinity 
of formation with the Sanscrit banijyd, "traffic" (from 
bantjf "trader"); and collectives like gavyi^ "a number of 


cows'* (from go); pdiyd, "a number of cords'' (fromj>^a); 
to which correspond the Greek avOpaK-ia, fivpfujK-iat (nroS'-ia. 
In High German this class of collectives has become neu- 
ter, as in Sclavonic (see §. 892.) ; and hence the suiEx y.i 
in Old High German has, in the nominative and accusative, 
been contracted to i (cf. Gothic, §. 159), while in New High 
German it is either suppressed or turned into e. Before the 
base word is prefixed the preposition ge, " with,'' (Old High 
German ga, gU &c.): hence, e.g.. Old High German gaptgit-i 
(for 'cdi)^ " compl'ucus avium^'' from fugal, theme fugalat " a 
bird" (Middle High Grerman geviigele. New High German 
Oev'dgel); gabein-i, "bone, ossa;" gabirg'^-U ** mountain, 
mountains;" gafild'-i, "fields," (properly, *'many fields," 
"agrri, arva'); gadarm-u "entrails;" [G. Ed. p. 1306.] ^ 
gistein*'i, " stones ;" gistirn-i, " stars." As regards the re- 
lation of the e of our abstracts like Kalte to the Sanscrit 
ydf this corruption answers exactly to that in the conjunc- 
tive of the preterite, where, e.g., asse corresponds to the 
Old High German dzi and Sanscrit ad-yd-m, ad-yd-t (see 
§. 711. p. 944.) : on the other hand, the Old High German i'of 
chaUi coincides with the contraction which the Sanscrit 
itself experiences in the middle of the potential, where, e.g. 
ad-i-mdlii (from ad-yd-mahU see §. 675.), corresponds to the 
Gothic Si-ei-ma, and Old High German dz-i-mSs. The 
Anglo-Saxon has, in the class of denominative abstracts 
under discussion, dropped the semi-vowel of the Sanscrit 
yd, and weakened the vowel to o * ; hence, e.g., h<elo, " health," 
hyldo, "grace," yWo, "age," compared with the Old High 
German heUt, huldi, altt The Gothic has further added 
an inorganic n to the in yd contracted to ei ( = i, see 
§. 70.), which, in the nominative, is laid aside, according to 

* Probably from an earlier u; as, e.g. , in the final syllable of sSofon, 7, 
for Gothic Hbun, Sanscrit saptan ; and in the plural of the preterite, e.g.^ 
f6ron=Goih\c/hrumy 3d person y^tin. 

4 N 2 


§.142.* Hence, e.g.f hauh^-eiinX " height ;' diup'-€'i(n\ "depth ;' ' 
lagg'-eiin), " length ;" 6raicf-€i(ii), " breath ;" manag^'ei(n\ 
" multitude f magatK-ei{n), ** virginity/' irapdev-la, from 
the bases haulia (uom. m. hauhs), &c., and the substantive 
base magathi (nom. magaths). Moreover, from weak verbal 
themes in ya (Grimm's 1st conjugation) spring abstract 
bases in ein, in which the verbal derivative in ya ( = San- 
scrit ay a) is dropped before the abstract suffix ein; hence, 
e,g.t ga-aggv-eiin)^ "hemming in," from ga-aggvyay **I nar- 
row f ' bairkt'-eiin), " announcement,'' from bairhtya, " I an- 
[G. Ed. p. 1307.] nounce ;" rata-m^-ei(n), ** burthening,*" 
from vaia^m^rya, ** I burthen." *j- The inorganic n of this 
class of words occurs also occasionally in Old High Ger- 
man, but has here at the same time found its way into the 
nominative (see Grimm, I. 628.). 

899. With the suffix ya, feminine yd, future passive par- 
ticiples also are formed in Sanscrit, which, for the most part, 
accent the radical syllable, but some the suffix, with the 
weaker accent (Svarita). The latter kind of accentuation 
occurs only in roots which terminate in a consonant (in- 
cluding the syllable ar, which is interchanged with ^ ri), 

* In departure from §. 14*2., I now think that the cases in which the 
Gothic ein corresponds to the Sanscrit feminine character { ought to be 
limited to the classes of words mentioned in §. 120., since in Uie et of the 
class of words here discussed we roust recognise a contraction of yd, after 
the analogy of the conjunctives; sucli as Si-ei'Via, ''we ate"=Sauscrit 
ad-yd-ma, Latin ed-Umus (§. 711. p. 044). 

t There are in Old High German also verbal abstracts of this kind, 
only that the inoi^ganic n is dropped; e,g.y mendC-i, ''joy/' from mendiu, 
*'*' gaudeo'* (cf. Sanscrit mandt ^^gaudere"); touT-h "baptism/* from 
toufiuy " I baptize." Observe, that in Sanscrit also the character of the 
10th class and of the causal forms is suppressed before certain formative 
suffixes, while properly only the final a of aya ought to be suppressed 
(see §. 100*. 6.) ; e.^., before the gcrundial suffix yo, with which we are 
here most concerned, ay is usnaUy suppressed ; e.g,y m-rdd-ya, " after the 
giving up," for nl-vid-ay-ya. 


and which are either long by nature (length by position 
included), or are in this class of words, to which also belong 
appellatives* which, according to their fundamental mean- 
ing, are future participles, augmented by Guna or Vriddhi.* 
At least d, i.e. the heaviest of the simple vowels, before 
two consonants in this class of words admits a different 
kind of accentuation ; whence it is clear that the language 

here seeks to avoid the combination of the greatest vowel- 
weight with that of the strongest accent in one and the same 
syllable. The following are examples : guhya-s, " celandusr 
giihya-mt subst. "a secret f idya-s, ''cele- [G.Ed. p. 1308.] 
hrandusf'' sAnsya-s, ** laudandus f* ddhya-s, " mulgendus"^ (root 
duh)] drisya-Sf '* spedandus'"'' (root dars, dris, see §. I.) ; chiya-s, 
" coUigendus'*'' (root chi) ; stAvya-s and stdvyh-s, " laudandus ;'*'' 
hhdjya-Sy ''edendus^ bh^it-m, subst. " food'' (root bhuj); 
pdchya-s, ^' coquendus'*^ (root pach) ; m-vdryi-s, ** arcendu^'* 
(root vaVf vri, cl. 10.) ; vdhyhfOf " discourse," as " to be spo- 
ken f' kdryh-m, " business,'' as ** to be done" (root kar, kri) ; 
hhdrydf " a spouse," as ** to be supported, to be cherished " 
(root bhar, bhri) ; Zend ^^^^^as^ vahmyd (theme -ya), ** m- 
vocandusJ*'' 'f To these admirably correspond some Gothic 

* In the technical langaage of grammar this participial mffix, in case 
it accents the Svarita, and provided the radical vowel is augmented, is 
called 71^ nyat, 

t From the denominntivo vahmaySmi, with the suppression of the cha- 
racter of the lOtli class; as in Sanscrit, e.g., ni-vdryd-s^ ^^ arcendtis," from 
ni-vdr-dyd-mi. No formal objection can be raised to the explanation 
given by Bumonf (1. c. p. 675), according to which vahmya would come 
direct from tlie base vahma, ^^ invocatio," I prefer, however, that a form 
which evinces itself by its signification to be a future passive participle 
should be also formally so explained, in which, as is shewn by the analo- 
gous forms in Sanscrit, there is no difficulty. Neriosengh, too, regards 
AS^^^^A59 vahmya, as also the yasnya yrluch. accompanies it, of which 
hereafter, as the future passive participles (Bum., p. 572), and translates 
the former by su-namaskarantya {**bene adorandus**), and the latter by 
drddhaniya (" venerandus"). 


adjective bases in ya, which, as has been already elsewhere 
remarked, are to be sought in Grimm's 2d adjective de- 
clension of the strong form (in Gabel. and Lobe, p. 74). 
Here we find the bases anda-nem-ya, " agreeable/' properly, 
^^accipienduHf unqoHh^ya^ " inexpressible '' (root qvathj qvltha^ 
(jvath, fjvithum); anda-sityay "contemptible, horrible"' (root 
salt "to sit,'' sitay sat, s^lum, and-saU " to be bashful"); 
skeir-ya, " clear, plain, intelligible" {gaskeir-yn^ "I explain") ; 
[G. Ed. p. 1300.] un-nut-ya, " useless," properly, ** unenjoy- 
able" (root nut, " to obtain, to enjoy," niuta^ naut, nutum) ; 
bruk-ya, ** serviceable;" un-bruk-yoy "unserviceable;" riur-ya, 
"destructible, perishable, transitory "^ {fpOapro^); un-riur-yat 
"imperishable, atjidapTog {riurya, "I mar"); sCtt-ya, "mild," 
properly, ** gustandus^^ is identical with the Sanscrit sv6d-ya-it 
of d-*t?dd-ya-«, '* gustandus,^^ **jucund% «aporis,"'|' and akin to 
svAdu'S, "sweet" (Greek jySu-y, Old High German saozl, 
" sweet," in the uninflected form), theme suozia = Gothic 
siilya. Among substantives, the neuter base basya, "berry" 
(n. a. basi), belongs to this class, if it corresponds, as I conjec- 
ture it does, to the Sanscrit bhaksh-ya-my "food," properly, "to 
be eaten " (from bhaksh, " to eat,'' Greek ^ccyo)), and has 
lost the guttural of the root, in the same way as, e.g., in 
Zend, the Sanscrit akshi, " eye," has been abbreviated to 
ashi. In the Old High German beri (theme berya), the s has 
become r, as, e.g., in wdrumis, "we were " = Gothic vfsum. 

Remark. — The theory of the nominative singular of the adjective bases 
in ya, feminine y6, admits, now that we have before ns the remains of 
the Gothic translation of tlio Bible in von Gabelontz and Lobe s edition, 
and, moreover, the Skeireins edited for the first time by Massmann, of 

• From the root nam {tuma, nam, nimum). With regard to the length- 
ening of the radical a to ^ (=San8crit d, see §. 60.) in this and analogous 
forms, compare Sanscrit forms like /xicA^d-t, ^' eoquendug." 

t Root svad (seemingly from su, " wcU," and ad, " to eat **), "gustare," 
middle ^^jucunde sapere." 


a more exact aoryey than waa before poeaible ; and so in the maBculine^ 
instead of the one form in is, which, foUowing Grimm, I gave in §. 135., 
we possess in all four different gradations ; for which Gabelentz and Lobe 
(Gramm., p. 74) give as examples, sutiSy hrahu, niuxfis, and viltheis. The 
more perfect form yiSf for the, according to §. 67., impossible yasy 
occurs when any vowel, or a simple consonant with a short vowel preced- 
ing it, goes before; hence, mu-yi-s, "new;" wk-yi-s^ "quarrelsome." 
Hence, also, from the base tnidyoy the nominative masculine, which can- 
not be cited, can only be midyis (= Sanscrit rnddhyas^ Latin mediu-s), 
not midi-Sf as was assumed above (§. 135.), as the contracted form of an 
earlier midyis. As, then, midyi-s corresponds to the [G. Ed. p. 1310.] 
Sanscrit mddhyas, so does niu-yis to the Sanscrit ndv-ya-i and Lithua- 
nian nau-yas, which are equivalent in signification; and thus, there- 
fore, muyis shews itself to be a future pasmve participle; for tfiqTff 
ndv^ya^gy according to its derivation, can only be regarded as such, as it, 
like the more current ndi}a'Sy* on which the Latin novu-Sy Greek vi{f)o'S^ 
and Sclavonic novo (theme and n. a. neut.), are based, springs from the 
root nti, " to praise," and originally signifies " laudandus." Formally it 
corresponds to the above-mentioned stdvyct^s, from stu. If the syllable 
ya in Gothic adjective bases be preceded by a long syllable terminating 
in a consonant, it is contracted in the nominative masculine either to «t, 
as in similarly constituted substantive bases (see §. 135.), or to t, or it is, 
as is most commonly the case, entirely suppressed. Instances of the first 
kind are forms like alth-ei-s, " old," and viUh-ei-s, " wild ;" of the second, 
5iJ/-f-«,t " mild," and airA7i-i-*, "holy ;" of the third, hrain-g, "pure," 
gamains, "common," gctfaurs, "fastmg," bruk-s, " serviceable," bleith-tt 
" kind," andanhnsy " agreeable." To this class belong aiya-kun-s, dXXo- 
y(vi)£ (Luke xvii. 18); for which, on account of the indubitable short- 
ness of the tf, alya-kun-yi'B might be expected : it appears, however, 
tliat the loading of the word by composition, or, generally, the circum- 
stance, that in the entire word more syllables than one precede the 

* This is the accentuation at least in the Veda dialect: according to 
Wilson, however, who gives this word the sufiix ach (ch denotes the ac- 
centuation of the suffix), this adjective would, in the common language, 
be oxytonc, as most of the adjectives formed with a (see Wilson's Gram- 
mar, 2d Edition, p. 310). 

t Grimm assuredly, with correctness, deduces the length of the u from 
the Old High German auoxi. If it were short the nominative would most 
probably be sutyis. 


suffix ya, has occasioned the suppression of the suffix in the nominatire 
(cf. §. 136.)*. 

[G. Ed. p. 1311.] 900. The Lithuanian also has some re- 
mains of the future passive participle under discussion, but 

• V. Gabelenf z and Lobe (Grammar, p. 74) assume, in the class of ad- 
jectives here spoken of, bases in t, though, with respect to the correspond- 
ing substantive declension, they agree with me that the same contains 
bases in ya. With regard to the adjectives, however, the cognate lan- 
guages, and the oblique cases of the Gothic itself speak just as emphati- 
cally in favour of the proposition that the bases of Grimm *s 2d declension 
of the strong form end in the mascuUne and neuter in ya, and in the femi- 
nine inyo (=SanscrIt yd)^ whence, according to §. 137., we should haveya 
in the nominative. The agreement of muyis^ " novus* niuya, " nova^" 
with the Sanscrit ndvya-s^ ndvyd^ and the Lithuanian nauya-s^ nauya^ and 
that of midyi-^, midya^ with the Sanscrit mddhya-a^ mddhyd, and Latin 
mediU'9, media^ speaks very decidedly against the opinion that the y of 
the Gothic forms is an insertion (1. c. p. 75, d. e.). Just so the y of the 
ba.<ie alya (nominative, most probably, n/yi-^) is identical with the Sanscrit 
y and Latin t of anyd-s, alius (§. 374.). I cannot allot to this class femi- 
nine nominatives in «, as the feminine bases, which in Sanscrit terminate 
in d, have, from a period so early as that of the identity of languages, lost 
the nominative sign (see §. 137.). I regard, therefore, the forms bruks^ 
^' serviceable,'* B^h, "good," and skeirsy "clear," although in the passages 
where they occur they refer to feminine substantives (1 Tim. iv. 8, 1 Cor. 
xiii. 4, Skeir. IV. b.), as masculine nominatives, which, in consequence of 
a peculiarity of syntax, represent adverbially, as we use uninfected ad- 
jectives {erist guty tie ist gut, "he is good, she is good"), the nominative 
of that gender, whatever it may be, to which the substantive referred to 
belongs. Thus, as has been elsewhere shown (Nalus, 2d Edit., p. 214), in 
Sanscrit the masculine nominative singular of the present participle may, 
by an abuse, refer to any gender or number, in sentences like bhdimi 
sdntvayan . . . uvdcha, '* Bhaimi spake flattering" (for sdntvayanti) ; and, 
in like manner, in Ulfilas (Rom. vii. 8.), the masculine participial base 
nimanda, "taking," refers to the feminine substantivcyraravr/i/^, "sins, 
to which, in the very same passage, also the masculine navis^ " dead, 
refers : inu vitSthJravaurhts vas navisy *' without the law sin was dead. 
The actual feminine nominatives of Miks, kc,, could scarcely be aught 
else than brAki^ siU, skeiriy according to the analogy of substantive forms, 



only in a substantive form. To this class [G. Ed. p. 1312.] 
belong walg-i'8 (from walg-ya-St see §. 135.), " food," as " to be 
eaten'' (walgau, *' I eat''); zod-i-s " word," as " to be spoken" 
(cf. zad-a-s " speech," mdu " I promise," Sanscrit gad, " to 
speak"). In Latin, er-em-tu-j, properly =enm^nc?M«, is, ac- 
cording to its signification, the truest remnant of this class 
of words. Formally, gen-i-us also, and inr^en-iu-m, belong to 
this class. To the latter corresponds, in root and formation, 
the Grothic neuter base kun-yay nominative kunU "sea." 
In Greek, ay-to-^ (originally akin to afw) corresponds to the 
Sanscrit yAj-yit-s. '* venerandus.^^ From a Greek point of 
view the following are more plain : 071/7-/0-9, ^/o^Jy-io-y, vAy 
-to-^. ^a^^a, "bail" as "to be thrown," is to be derived, I 
conjecture, from itaXya, by assimilation,* in the same way as 
vdWta from TraXyoi, but with this diSerence, that while the 
2d A of TToAXcois based on the Sanscrit character yaof the 4 th 
clas8,f and hence is excluded, e.g„ from the abstract 7raAo-s>, 
the \ of 7raA\a corresponds to the li y ot the participial 
suffix under discussion. IIaA\a, therefore, and TraAAci), with 
regard to the consonant which follows the root, have just as 
little in common as, e.g., in Sanscrit, ISbh-ya-s, *' deside- 

with a long penultima, as ki*6pi^ '^clamour" (see §. 804. Note). 
Such a form have we then actually existing in the^ of its kind^ unique 
adjective form vothi, ^^ grata" (nom. masc. probably voths), where it is im- 
portant to remark, that, in the single passage where it occurs (2 Cor. ii. 15)^ 
it does not stand, like the masculines briiks, sSls, skeirs^ which represent in 
the before-mentioned passages the feminine, as predicate, but as epithet, 
^' we are unto God a sweet savour of Christ" (Chrisiaus daunsnyum v6thi 
goda). I do not believe that Ulfilas could here have written vSths for 
vothi ; and I consider the latter form as feminine nominative in the said 
passage entirely free from suspicion, provided the unciteable masculine 
nominative be vSths, or, according to the analogy of s&tiSy vothia (cf. Gabe- 
lentz and Lobe, 1. c). 

♦ See p. 414, G. cd., §. 300. 

t See §. 601. 


randusr and Ivbh-ya-tit '' deaiderair I agree with G. Curtius 
(**Denominum ChrcBcorumformaiioner p.6l) in referring to this 
class also il>di-S'to-s and a/x^a-J-io-f, as also e^cra-J-io-f. Tlie 

inserted S may be compared with the t which, after short 
vowels, is prefixed to the Sanscrit gerundial suffix ^ ya, or, 
which is here more to the purpose, with that of some ap- 
[G. Ed. p. 1313.] pellatives, which, according to their funda- 
mental meaning, are future passive participles ; as, chi-t- 
ya-nif ** funeral-pile," properly " colligondim'' (from chU '* to 
collect'') ; bhrl't-ya-s, " servant,"" as " to be supported," from 
bhar, brh ** to bear, to support, to nourish." To this class» 
according to its formation, belongs, although with active 
signification, the Greek ara-Sio-^, properly ** standing'" (ct 
ora-Toj = »^i-/d-») . 

901. The Greek to is of more common occurrence as the 
formative suffix of denominative adjectives (Buttmann, 
§. 119. 07.) than in the primary formation of words ; and 
here, likewise, has its Sanscrit prototype in the secondary 
(Taddhita) suffix of words like dlv-yas, ** heavenly," from 
divt ** heaven ;" kHd-ya-s, ** amiable, agreeable," from hrid^ 
** heart ;" dgr-ya-s, " the most excellent" (** standing on 
the summit"), from agra-m^ " summit ;" dhdn-ya-s, ** rich," 
from dlidna-m, " wealth ;" iunrya-s, " canine," from the 
weakened base a an = Greek kvv) rdth'-ya-s, " car-horse "' 
("belonging to the car"); rdtJi-tja-mt "car-road," from 
rutha-s, " car ;" yasasya-s, '* famous," from yaias, ** fame ;" 
rahas-ya-s, "secret," from rdhas, "mystery;"* ndvya^Sf 

* In tlie two lost examples the demission and weakening of the accent 
is occasioned by the circumstance that the safiix is preceded by more 
than one syllable ; with which may be compared the phenomenon, that, 
in Gothic, the same suffix, under the same circumstances, experiences in 
the nominative a contraction or suppression (see §. 135.). In ndv-ya-a 
(Pan. VI. 1. 213.) the long d has the same influence in weakening the 
accentuation that, in Gothic, e.g,^ the ii of siU-i-My lias in weakening 
the suffix. 


" navigable/' from ndu-s, " ship/' The following are ex- 
amples in Zend: M^^fMi^f nrndn-yOf ** domeslicus,^^ from 
nmAna, "house ; M^y?j)^Mi d/tuir*-ya, "regarding the Ahura 
(with Vriddhi), from cJiura ; j^^^jjmjC^ ydir^a, " yearly, 
from j^AMj^ y&re, " a year f ' Aj^^7<3JuytbJiAsj^ gadschddthr- 
ya, " purifying, purifier/' from as^^jIam^Jiasj^ yadschddtkra^ 
" means of purification" (§. 817.) ; gaiUk*-ya, "earthly/' from 
ga^thd (nom. gaUha, see §. 137.), " earth/' [G. Ed. p. 1814.] 
So in Greek, e.g., a\-io-s, aytdp-io-g, ^ycfiov-io^f vdrp^to-g 
(=Sanscrit pitr-ya-s "fatherly"), aiar^p-to^f tf^thorria^to-^^ 
(from -rrjT^tO'g), OavfjiAa'to-s (from OavfiaT'iO's), cKovc-io^ 
(from eicovT-io-y), reAeio-y (from T€Ae<r-io-y, see §. 128.), eiri- 
T^Seio-y (from eiriTi7Je<r-io-y), ojoe/o-f (from opea-io-i), yeKoia-^ 
(from 7e\c3<r- 10-9 for yeKtir-io-g), eTJ/c-zo-f (for erea-io-f, 
from the base ere?, whence also ereio^), ovpdv'-io-g, wora/Lt'-io-y, 
Oa\(i<r<r*-/a-y, icdv*-io-j, Awr'-io-y, <l>v^*'io^f a<nra<r*-io-j (from the 
to-be-presupposed verbal abstract dcnraci-j), w^v-io-y, rpt- 
itfiyy^tO'^t iiKauo-£f iKfiaio^, a/Ka^a7o-(, afJiotl3a7o^, The four 
last examples, as most of the derivatives from words of the 
1st declension, depart from the original principle in this, 
that they retain the final vowel of the base (always as a, 
as in the nom. pi.) before the suffix. The diphthong 
which grows up in this manner occasions, in most cases, 
the displacement of the accent, in which respect I recall 
attention to a similar phenomenon in Sanscrit (see §. 899.). 
The retention of the v of irij^viog and Tpntrj^vio-g answers to 
the retention of the u in Sanscrit (§. 891.), e.g. in ritav-ya-s, 
" annual," from ritu-s. Here belong also gentilia like ^aKa" 
fxiv-io-^y Ko/9iV0'-io-f, MiA;7<r*-/o-y (from -T'Io-^), ^AOrjvaio-g; 
proper names, as 'AT^o^AcI)l^■lo-y, Aioiw*-/o-y; neuter appella- 
tions of temples and sanctuaries called after the god to whom 
they are dedicated, as 'AvdhXuh-viov ; names of feasts in the 
plural, as Atovutr-ta; and perhaps feminine names of countries 
derived from the names of their inhabitants, BsAidion-laf from 
Aldloif'S, MaKeSov-io, from the base MaKcSov. To the proper 


names correspond Sanscrit patronymics like kdurav-yd-s, 
*' Kiiruide "' from kuru, in which the first vowel of the pri- 
mary word receives the Vriddhi augment, while the accent 
has sunk down upon the final syllable. 

£02. In Latin this class of words is less numerous than 
in Greek ; yet to it belong, both various adjectives and 
[G. £d. p. 1316.] appellatives, and also proper names. 
The following are examples : egreg-iu-s, patr-iu-s, impera- 
toT'iU'S, prator-iU'St censor-iu-s, soror-iu-s, nox'-iu-s, luxT-iu-St 
(from ludu'S, not from ludo), Mar-iu-s, Octav*-iu-s, Octav^Aa^ 
NorC'iU'S, Non-ia. As regards the appellatives of coun- 
tries in id in Greek, and their relation to the names of the 
inhabitants, attention must be recalled to the circumstance, 
that above (§. 119.) we have recognised the Greek ta as the 
simple extension of the Sanscrit feminine character (, 
among other words, in feminines in rpta {opx^l^^p^oi) com- 
pared with the Sanscrit in trt (cM/rr, " female giver," see 
§.811.): accordingly, the names of countries in la might 
also be taken as simple feminine formations of the base 
words expressing the names of the inhabitants ; so that, 
therefore, e. g.^ MaKcSovla would appear in a Sanscrit form 
as Mahadan-i, and would properly signify "the belonging 
to," not to say *' the spouse," of the Macedonian, or, too, 
"the mother" of all the Macedonians. This view would 
receive emphatic support from the circumstance, that thei'c 
are also names of countries with feminine themes in /9, the 
li of which, =Sanscrit i, has the same relation to the primary 
word denoting the inhabitant, as above (§. 119.) hrforp-iS 
{{or T^arrjp'ii) has to \riaTrjpy or as, e.g., {jyeiiov-H to the mas- 
culine base ^ycfjiov, and much the same as, in Sanscrit, mahaft, 
" the greats" (fem.) has to mahdt. The following are exam- 
ples of this kind: 'AjSairr/S from "XjSain- ("AjSavr-ef); nep<r-/>, 
•'Persia,*" from Ueparf^, "Persian man," feminine Uepat^. 
If, however, the Greek names of countries in ta are only tlic 
feminines of the names of the inhabitants, and if their tcr- 


mination is only an inorganic extension of the Sanscrit 
feminine character i, we might also explain in the same 
manner the Latin, as Gallia, Germania, Italia, Gracia, and 
assume that the n ( = Sanscrit a, Greek o) of the masculine 
bases Gallu, Germanu, Italu, OrcBcu, is suppressed before 
the feminine character i, extended to ia, according to the 
same principle as that by which, in Sanscrit, the a, e.g., of 
dhdf "God'' (nom. divd-s), is suppressed [G. Ed. p. 1316.] 
before thet* ofdM, "goddess," and as, in Greek, the o, e.jr., 
of the base AaKo is lost before the feminine la of AaK-ia^ 
We can, even in the names of towns, Florentia, Vakntia, Pla- 
centia, recognise feminine participles, the special form of 
which has been lost in the proper participles, as, in general, 
the adjective bases ending in a consonant have transferred 
to the feminines also the form which originally belongs 
only to the masculine and neuter. Feminine participial 
forms like ferentia, tundentia, compared with the Sanscrit 
bhdrantit tuddntif and Greek tpepovaa, from tpepovria, cannot 
surprise us in Latin. Observe, also, the affix which, in 
Lithuanian, the feminine participle has gained in the 
oblique cases (see §. 157., Note*, p. 174, and §. 980.). 

903. To the Sanscrit denominative adjective bases in ya, 
as div-ya, "heavenly" (§. 901.), correspond most exactly 
some Gothic bases in ya, feminine yd; viz. aUv-ya, **vUvifer,^ 
from the primitive base alSva n., nom. aliv, " oil f ' aUh'-ya, 
"old," from althi f., nom. alth^'S ; nau-ya^ "dead" (nom. m. 
navis), from navi m., nom. luius, "dead" (m.) ; ana-hairn-ya, 
*' homely ;" qf-haim-ya, " absent," from haimd £, nom. pi. 
haimd-s ; reilc'-ya, " chief," from reUca m., nom. reUes^ " su- 
preme, chieftain ;" uf-aiih-ya, " sworn," from aitha m., nom. 
aiih'S, " oath ;" in-gard-ya, " homely, domestic," from garda, 
nom. gardsy " house f ' un-kar-ya, " careless," from kar6 f., 
nom. Araro, "care." The definitions laid down above (p. 1309 
G. cd., Rem.)» hold with respect to the nominative masculine 
of these adjective bases. To the Sanscrit denominative 


appellative bases like rdth'-ya, m. "car-horse," n. "car- 
wheel/' correspond in Gothic such as leik-ya, "doctor" (nom. 
leiJc-eis, see §. 135.), from Idka n., nom. k'lk, " the body ;" 
haird'-yOf " herdsman," from hairdd f., nom. hairda, "herd T 
blostr-yoj " worshipper," from the unciteable primitive base 
blMra (see §. 818.) ; faurstass'-ya, " superintendant," from 

[G. Ed. p. 1317.] the unciteable faurfitassij " the superinten- 
dence" (from 'Stas-ti, s from d, according to §. 102.), nom. 
faur-stass (cf. us-stass, "resurrection"); ragin-yaf "coun- 
sellor," from ragina n., (nom. ragin, "counsel"). The Gk)- 
thic marks also with the favourite extension of the base by 
n masculine bases like ^»jfc'-yari, "fisher" (nom. Jiskya, ac- 
cording to §. 140.), gud'-yarit " priest," vauniv-yaru " la- 
bourer,'' aurt-yan, "planter, gardener," vae-d^cT-yan, " male- 
factor," from the primitive bases jislca, m. " fish," guda, m. 
" God," vaurstva^ n. " work," aurtU f. " plant," and the to- 
be-presupposed vai'dSdi, f. "misdeed" (didU nom. dids, 
"deed," see §. 135.). There are also some primitives, i.e. 
substantive bases, in yan^ springing from verbal roots, which, 
according to their signification, are nouns of agency ; viz. 
af'it-yan, " eater, devourer" (root at : Ua, at, ttum) ; af-drugk- 
-yan, " drinker, tippler ;" vein-drugk-yan, " wine-drinker " 
{root dragk=: drank: drighOf dragk, drugkum); dulga-hait-yan, 
"creditor," (literally, "debt-namer") ; bi-haU-yan, "boaster;" 
arbi-num-yan, ''heir," literally, "inheritance-taker" (root 
nam : nimat nam, nimum, num^ns) ; faura-gagg-yan^ " in- 
tciidant " (root gagg, " to go," see §. 92.) ; ga-sinth-yan, 

[G. Ed. p. 1318.] " companion," properly, " goer with."* 

* Root Mnihy whence wo Bhonld expect an nnciteable verb sintha^ 

santh, iunthum (see Grimm, II. p. 34); and whence, also, is formed by 

the snffix an (nom. a), ga-sinthan^ of equivalent meaning, which answers 

to Sanscrit bases like rdjan, '^ king," as " ruler." The causal sandya, ^^ I 

send" (^' make to go," see §. 740.), has the same relation, with regard to 

its d, to santh^ that standa^ '* I stand/' has to gtdthy ^^ I stood." Yet the 

d of Mondya is more organic than the th of iunth^ at least sand can be 



From weak verbs, too, spring some formations of this 
kind, and, indeed, so that the coujugational character is re- 
jected before the formative suffix (cf. p. 1308G. ed.)^ hence, 
svigl-yarif " piper,'' from the verbal base svigld, *' to pipe ;" 
and timr-yan (scarcely to be divided timry-an), " carpenter,'* 
properly, *' cBdificaior^^'' from timrya^ "to build." To the 
bases in yan which spring from roots of strong verbs cor- 
respond in Sanscrit, exclusive of the appended n, besides 
some adjective bases, as ruch-yay " pleasing, agreeable,'" sAdhr 
-ya, " complete," also some masculine or neuter appellative 
bases in ya, which, according to their fundamental mean- 
ing, are nouns of agency or present participles, and accent, 
some the radical syllable, some the suffix. The following 
are examples, of which I annex the nominatives : sur-ya-Sf 
"the sun," as "shining;"* bhid-ya-s, [G. Ed. p. 1319.] 

more easily compared with the Sanscrit than mn/A, whether we betake 
oarselves to the root gddh, '* to go, to attain," or to iod^ " to go ;*' for 
for dh we find, in Gothic, regularly d^ and the pnre medial, which, accord- 
ing to §. 87., becomes t, might well have miuntained itself in the case 
before qs under the protection of the annexed liquids (cf. §.90.). 

• The Indian Grammarians assume a root ^ur, ^^to shine," which I 
regard as a contraction of ivar, which is contained entire in the radical 
word 9v^^ ^' heaven " (as <' shining"), on which is based the Zend hvari^ 
^' sun." According to this, in 9urya the syllable va, or its lengthened 
form vdf would be contracted to u. If, however, 9ur were the old form 
of the root, its vowel would have become lengthened in nirya. The Greek 
rjXiO'S (from o-fijXior) feivours, however, the supposition that the form 
surya-s is an abbreviation of ivarya-9. As regards form, there would be 
nothing to prevent the derivation of 9urya from svar, '^heaven:*' from 
svar then would be formed, first ivarya (as divytL^ '^ heavenly," firom div), 
and thence survya-s; I gladly, however, abandon this explanation, which 
has been already elsewhere proposed, as it appears to mo more natural to 
represent the sun as '^ shining," than as '* heavenly." The Lithuanian 
feminine «^u/e exhibits correctly, according to rule, efor ia or ya: I ex- 
plain the Gothic neuter base aauila (nom. iouU) as formed by transposi- 
tion from sauUa, and this latter from svalya ; and thus, also, the Lithua- 

nian au of sauie may have arisen from wa. If any one, however, will 



" river," as " cleaving, breaking through ;'' ial-yd^s, "javelin, 
arrow,'" as " moving itself." To these are to be added sooie 

follow Weber (V. S. Sp. 1. p. 67) in deriving the Sanscrit surya fix>m 
sura of equivalent meaning, and the latter, according to Indian Gram- 
marians, from g&y ^^to bear, to bring forth" (Unad. II. 35.), then surya^t 
and suras wonld originally signify, ^' bringer forth, prodncer." I, how- 
ever, prefer, as has been already elsewhere done (Glossar. Scrt. a. 1847, 
p. 870) to refer sura^ though there is no formal impediment to the deriv- 
ing it from sCl^ to the root svar (#tfr), " to shine;'* and 1 recall attention 
to the fieu^t, that in Zend, too, c/a)»^ hvarf (euphonic for Atxzr, see §. 30.), 
the syllable va has been contracted to il in perhaps all the weak cases, 
of which, however, only the genitive hur-6 can be cited, which hereby 
stands in a relation to its nominative accusative and proper theme similar 
to that which the Greek kvv'6s holds to icvyo), and cannot possibly be de- 
rived from a different root from that to wliich the nominative accusative 
hvarif belongs. On ^|T svhr is based also the Latin sol (from suol for 
soar, asscpio from suopio, from the Sanscrit root svap) and the Greek 
creep, from aF^p with that favourite affix before liquids, i, which occurs 
also in Sctp^v, which, with the Latin ser-mo^ belongs to the Sanscrit root 
svar, svri, "to sound," whence comes the Vedic siiat/d, "speech," as 
" spoken,* or " to be spoken," and in which likewise occurs the contrac- 
traction of va or vd to it. The opinion that sura-s, " sun," springs from 
sii or su, ** to bear, to produce," finds confirmation in the fact, that ano- 
ther appellation of the sun, viz. sav-i-tdr (-tri), has decidedly arisen 
from the root su or s&. This word occurs frequently in the Vedic hymns : 
I would not, however, from the circumstance that the Vedic poets delight 
in extolling the sun-god as "producer" (of the produce of the fields), as 
also as " supporter" (p&shan), deduce the inference that the proper desig- 
nation of the sun, which existed so early as the time of the unity of the 
languages, must have pointed towards this image; for it certainly ap- 
proximates more to the primary view of people to designate the sun as 
*' lighting," or " shining," than as " producing," or " nourisliing." To the 
Sanscrit names of the sun belongs also the hitherto uncitcable s^vana-s 
(Un&d. II. 78.), which, as a derivative from the root su or su, is perhaps 
only a poetical and honorific title of the sun. It may, however, be pos- 
sible, that the root which lies at the base of the word sUtvana-s is not the 
well-known root of " to bear," but an abbreviation of svar or sur^ " to 
shine ;" as, e.g., together with ku, "to offer," exists also a root hu, " to 

call," abbreviated from hv^ ( =^hvai), together with svi, " to grow," a 



feminine oxytone bases in yd ; e.g., kanyd, "a [G. Ed. p. 1320.] 
maid," as "shining" ("in the lustre of youth"), from kan, '*to 
shine ;'' jdyd, " spouse," as " having children " (for janyd, root 
jan). The following are examples in Zend : aj^i^jj ?gj berez-ych 
"growing," or, with a causal signification, " making to grow ;"* 
A)^^^9 mair-ya, "slaying" (making to die), [G. Ed. p. 1321.] 

form iu ; and in Zend, together with ij^f xan, ^^ to strike," a form za, 

whence ndj^AUQ)^ upd-zdit, ''let him strike" (of. §. 609.) ; and together 

with »^}»jiv, " to live," the forms ^^^*s ^ «^i and >^^^^jy^' Might 
we assnme, together with tvar^ sur, '^ to shine," a root suj of the same 
meaning, I should derive from it the appellation of the moon too, so-ma'S^ 
which would therefore develope a radical in affinity with the Greek o-cX-i^j/}; 
(from ^{FyXriinj) ; while another go-ma (the Soma-plant) helongs to a 
different root su, which signifies '^ to express." If sHvanas he a genuine 
appellation of the sun, it will admit of comparison with the Gothic hase 
sunnan (nom. sunna), hy assimilation, from wvnan, for suvanan. But if 
the Sanscrit ^&ami-« originally signify <' producer," 1 would rather derive 
the Gothic base suntian (also sunndn, fern.) from svarnan or suman ; and 
this, in like manner, by assimilation, so that it would be based on the root 
;^|T svar, sur, " to shine, to be light," and nan for na would be the for- 
mative suffix, the feminine form of which is contained in the Latin term 
also for the moon {lu-na from hic-na). 

♦ Root bdr^x, bfri^z (cf. bar^z-nu, "great") = Sanscrit varh^ vrih, "to 
grow" (see Bumouf, Ya^na, p. 185). I have no scruple in assigning, 
with Anquetil, to this root, in the passage referred to (V. S. p. 4), a 
causal signification ; and I recall attention to the fact, that in Sanscrit 
too, especially in the Veda dialect, tlie root vardh, vridh, with which 
varhf vrih, is originally one, is often used in its primitive form with a 
causal signification. Above (p. 118, §. 129. L. 19.), the Zend root bi^i'z, 
barffZf is erroneously placed beside the Sanscrit root bhrdj\ " to shine ;" 
the participle bMssant, of which 1. c. mention is made, signifies properly 
'* growing," and hence " great, high," like the Sanscrit vrihdt (strong vrt- 
hdnt), which corresponds to it, and by which it is also occasionally rendered 
by Neriosengh, whose translation I was unable to procure, and of which, 
even up to the present time, I only know the passages published by Bumouf 
(see Bumouf 's Review of the First Part of this Book in the *' Journal 
des S.," 1833, p. 43, of the special impression, and Brockhaus, Glossary, 
p. 381. 82.). 

4 o 


** murder;''* MyjAs^ kaini from kainyd, "maid/' as '*#hiiiing/^ 
In Lithuanian to this class belong, first, several masculine 
bases in ia (nom. is or ys for ins, see §. 135.) ; eg., gaid-y-s 
(gen. gaidzio, euphonic for gaidio), "cock," as "singing'*' 
(gied-mif "I sing," Sanscrit root jra J, "to speak"); rysz-y-s^ 
" band" {riszu, 'Ibind") ; tek-y-s, tek4-8, "ram," ("leaper*') ; 
zyn-y-s, '* sorcerer," (** knower," zynnau, " I know ") : secondly, 
feminine bases, and, at the same time, nominatives in e, 
from ia, as ryne, "enchantress, witch," as "knowing ;" saule, 
" sun, as " shining," though obscured from the point of 
view of the Lithuanian. From the Old Sclavonic we re- 
fer here, MEAB'bAb medv-yedy, " bear," literally, "honey-eater" 
(theme -yedyo, see §. 258.), which, in Sanscrit form, would 
be madh-vadija'S, (madhu, ** honey," before vowels rnadhv), 
and BOikAb voschdy, "guide" (euphonic for vody): ojb ory^ 
'* horse," leads to the Sanscrit root ar, ri, " to go, to run," 
whence dra, ** fast." 

904. We return to the Sanscrit future passive participle, 
in order to notice two other formative suffixes of the same, 
which likewise find their representatives in the European 
sister-languages, viz. tavya and aniya. They both require 
Guna, and the former has the accent either on the first 
syllable or on the second ; in the latter case the svarita. 
The suffix antya always accents the i ; hence, e.g„ ydkldvya-s 
(or -ya-s) and ydjamya-s, ^'jungendus,^'' from yttj. To the 
suffix tavya corresponds, in my opinion, in Latin, tivu (stvu), 
in Greek reo : the former has preserved the form, the latter 
[G. Ed. p. 1322.] the signification, more correctly; yet the 

* Mcdrya is, according to its fonnation, identical with the Sanscrit 
mdrya, ^* occidendus,'* from the cansal of the root mar^ f«ri, "to die" 
(mdrdydmi, "I slay," Russian moryu, see §. 741.), but has, in both the 
passages explained by Burnonf (<^ Etudes," pp. 188, 240, passim), as de- 
cidedly an active signification as the only, in signification, cansal bifrfzya^ 
" making to grow." 


passive signification at least is not entirely lost in the 
Latin formations, and is visible, e.g.^ in captivu s, nativu-s, 
abusivU'S (from abtis-tlvu-Sf see §. 101.), ac^divu^s, coci'vu-s. 
The most true Latinization of tavya possible would be 
taviu, whence, perhaps, came next tiviu (by the favourite 
weakening of a to i), and thence ttvu; so that either the i 
preceding the v would be lengthened, in compensation for 
dropping the i, or the second i removed into the preceding 
syllable, and united with its t to long t. Compare, irre- 
spective of the direction of the meaning which the Latin 
suffix has taken, 

dativU'Sf with di-idvya-Sy " dandus ;" 

{cun)junc-tivU'S9 with ydk-tdvya-s, **junyendus ; 

coC'tivU'S, with pak-tdvya-s, '*coquendus; 

gen-i'tivu-8, with jan-i-tdvya-Sf *' gignendtLs. 




According to its formation, mor-tuu-s, too, might be referred 
to this class, as it answers better to the Sanscrit mar-tdvya 
(neut. impers. mar-tdvya-m) than to mri'td-s, from mar-td-s. 
The Greek suffix reo from reFo (for reFto), as veo from v€Fo^= 

tR ndva, novu, answers also, with respect to its accent, to 

the Sanscrit paroxytone forms of the participle under 

discussion ; e.g., do-Teo-^ to dd'tdvya-s, " dandus^ Be-reo-^ to 

dhd'tdvya-s, '* ponendus*^'* 

905. As, in Latin, the suffix tivu has, for the most part, 

assumed an active signification, and in Sanscrit the suffix 

IT ya, which is contained in the suffix ipq iavyOf forms not 

only future passive participles and abstract substantives, 

but also appellatives, which, according to their fundamental 

meaning, are nouns of agency, and correspond to Gothic 

nouns of agency in yan (§. 903. p. 1318 G. ed.), so we might, 

perhaps, recognise in the Lithuanian suffix toya (nom. toyi-s, 

see §. 135.)» which forms nouns of agency, [G. Ed. p. 1323.] 

a sister form of the Sanscrit tavya^ and look on toya as an 

abbreviation of tuuya. To this class belong, e.g., the bases 

4 o2 


ar-tSya, "plougher'' (arti, "I plough/' Latiu aro, Greek 
apoit)) ; at'pirk-toya, ** redeemer, ransomer /' geRy-i-toya, 
" helper"' {gelbmU " I help/' fut gelb-i-su) ; gan-y-ioych " pro- 
tector'" (ganau9 "I protect," iut. gan-y-su); gund'-i'toyaf 
"attempter" {gundauy "I attempt/' fut jrund-i-^u) ; mojtrui- 
-foya, "teacher" {mokinih "I teach"); pra-de-toyaf "be- 
ginner" (pra-de-mi, "I begin"); nom. artoyiSf aJtpirldoyUt 
&c. In Old Sclavonic correspond nouns of agency in 
ATAft a-<ai (Dobr. p. 299), theme a-tayo (see §. 239.) ; e.g.t 
AO^ojATAii do'^or-a-iau ** inspector ^ B03ATAH vo^-a-tei, 
" aurigd''' (" driver" ; n^EAArATAii pre^lag-a-tah " exphratar^ 
These forms presuppose verbs in aytin, infinitive ati (see §§. 
766. 767. regarding the n, p. 1047.). 

906. I think I recognise in Gothic some interesting re- 
mains of the Sanscrit participial formation in aniya^ as 
hMd-a-niya-Sf ** Jindendwt,'*'' in which remains the vowels 
surrounding the n are suppressed ; thus, nya for Sanscrit 
amyot in remarkable agreement with the Zend nya, from 
AJ^^yjJxjjC^ yii-nya, or a5^,)/«wa5jC^ yasnya, " venerandus, " acb- 
randus^ (see p. 1308 G.ed., Note) = Sanscrit yq/aniyo.'j* To this 

* PerkUy " I boy," pret. pirkau, cf. Greek npiafuu^ ntp-vrj-fu, Sanscrit 
kri-nd-mi, ** emo," Irish creanaim^ " I buy, purchase/' Welsh pymu^ " to 
buy," see Gloss. Sanscr., a. 1847, s. r. kri, 

t The Sanscrit root yaj is, in Zend, ei ther^A) /^ yaz or yoi, before i n 
always yalt^ as the combmation zn was generally avoided in Zend ; hence the 
Sanscrit yajnay "sacrifice,'' is in Zend yaha ; and from this Bnmouf (Va^na, 
p. 575) derives the above-mentioned yainya, which, as regards form, would 
suit very well. In support, however, of my view, I refer to what has 
been said above (p. 1808 G. ed., Note) regarding vahmya^ and believe that 
if yainya came from yasna^ it would rather have the signification of the 
present active participle than that of the participle future passive, which 
Neriosengh, too, gives to it. The form ySinya rests on the comroon 
euphonic influence of the preceding and following^ (cf. p. 963, Note *\ 
which, however, has not penetrated throughout in this word, but the ori- 
ginal o has, on the contrary, very often kept its place in it (see Brockhaua 
Index, under yofuya^ yafnyanam, ya^nydcha). 


dass belong inGothic the masculine neuter [G. £d. p. 1324.] 
bases ana-laug-nya^ " to conceal," ana-siu-nya^ " visible/* 
and airk-nya, " holy," properly, if my conjecture be rightly 
founded, "worthy of veneration " = Sanscrit arch-aniycL, 
*' venerandus'''' (root arch from ark)* as above (§. 900.) the 
Greek ay-/o-5=Sanscrit ydj-yas, " venerandus.'" The base 
ana-laxignya is arrived at through the secondary base 
dna-laugnyan of the weak declension, which has proceeded 
from it, whence come the plural neuter ana-laug-nydn-a 
(l Cor. xiv. 25), dative ana-laug-nya-m (2 Cor. iv. 2). On 
the other hand, the strong neuter analaugn, which occurs 
twice as nominative and once as accusative, is in so far 
ambiguous, as a base ana-hugna would have the nearest 
claim on it (see §. 153.). As, however, the suppression of 
the syllable ya in the nominative masculine, mentioned 
above (p. I3I0 G. ed.), is possible, under the same circum- 
stances, also in the nominative accusative neuter (see Gab. 
and Lobe, p. 75. '), so the forms that have [G. Ed. p. 1325.] 
been mentioned in ydn-a, ya-m, leave no room for doubt 
that ana-laug-n stands for ana-laug-nu and has ana-laug-nya 
for its base. Just in the same way the weak neuter 
anasiu-nydy " visibile " (Skeir. ed. Massmann 40. 21.), proves 

* Graff, too (1.468.), refers, with respect to the Old High German 
erchariy ^^egregius" to the Sanscrit root arth: in Anglo-Saxon ^orcfMin-fton 
signifies '* precious stone." According to the law for the mntation of 
sounds, we should expect in Gothic airh-nya for airk-nya, but it has re- 
tfuned the original tenuis ; as, e.g,y in «/^/7a= Sanscrit svAp-i-miy " I 
sleep" (see §§. 20. 80.). Regarding the radical vowel ai, for t from a, see 
§. 82. The nominative airkni-s admits of being quoted, but the reading 
is not quite sure (see Gab. and Lobe on 1 Tim. iii. 3). If we ought to 
read airkns, this might as well come from a base airkna as from airknya 
(see p. 1310 G. ed.). The circumstance that the compound un-airkn'-s, 
by the plural unairknai (2 Tim. iii. 2), dative un-airknaim (1 Tim. i.9.), 
clearly refers itself to the base vn-airkna, affords no certainty that the 
theme also of the simple word ends in na, as it often happens that words 
are subjected to mutilation in composition. 


that the strong neuter nominative anasiu-n* is an abbrevia- 
tion of ana-siu-nK and belongs to the base ana-siu-nyaf 
which is also confirmed by the adverb ana'Siu-ni-ba. At 
the base of all these forms lies aiu as root, which appears 
to have been formed from saihvt by casting out the k and 
vocalising the euphonic v (see §. 86.) to u,^ while the a of 
the diphthong ai was dropped, together with the A, to 
which it owed its existence (see §. 82.). To the abbreviated 
root siu belongs also the above-mentioned (§. 843.) abstract 
siu'n{i)s, " the looking, the regarding," which corresponds 
to Sanscrit formations like lu-ni-s, "the cutting off."' From 
the abstract base siu-ni, " the seeing,'' is found, by the sufiiz 
ya (see §. 90a), the derivative masculine base siuri^-ya, 
** seer," nominative siunei-Sf in the compound sitba-siuneis, 
** eye witness," literally, " self-seer," avronTtjg. In Lithua- 
nian we refer to the passive participle under discussion 
kans-ni't, " a bit," from kahs-nya-s (from the root kandf " to 
bite"); as also some words which, in the nominative, ter- 
minate in iny-s (from inya-a); e.g., randmy-s, "the found" 
(randu, "I find"); plesziny-s, "the fresh-ploughed field" 
(pleszu^ '*l split, plough"); pa'Suniiny-s, "envoy" ("m//^n- 
dus^ from sunchiu from suntiUf "I send"); kretiny-s, "the 
[G. Ed. p. 1320.] fresh manured field" {krechiu from kretiu^ 
"I manure"), meziny-s, "dunghill" (properly, "cleansed 
out," mezut meziih "I cast out the dung"). The i preceding 
the t/, if it does not belong to the class-syllable, so tliat 
throughout a present in iu would be to be presupposed, 
may be taken as the weakening of the a of the Sanscrit 

* See Gab. and Lobe, Grammar, p. 75. 2.) a. 

t With respect to the phenomenon, that of the hi\ for which the Gothic 
writing has a peculiar letter, only the unessential euphonic affix has re- 
mained, compare the relation of our interrogative toer (''who") to tlie 
' Gothic hva-s (Sanscrit ka-s). 


907. As regards the origin of the suffixes yrh (avya, and 
aniya, I hold ya to be identical with the relative base ya 
(see, " Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of 
Words,'' p. 26) ; so that, where ya forms the future passive 
participle, the passive and future relation is just as little 
expressed by the suffix, as the relation of passive past time 
or completion by tOt na. It cannot, therefore, surprise us 
if the suffix ya be also applied to the formation of nouns of 
agency and abstract substantives. Were it limited to the 
formation of passive participles, it would be more suitable 
to recognise therein the passive character ya, and to re- 
gard, e.g., the syllable ya of i^ifwik bhid-yd-t^ ''Jindftur,''^ and 
^IfSVf^bhM'ya-s, **finderulusr as identical, though the diffe- 
rence of accentuation might give some cause for doubt. I 
agree with Pott (E. I., II. 239. and 459.) in looking upon the 
future passive participles formed with the suffix tavya as 
offshoots from the infinitive base in tu; and accordingly 
derive, c.jr., kartavya-St "faciendua,'''' from the base kartu ;* 
as I have already before this (see p. 72S) explained the 
suffixes tavaty navat, which are represented by Indian 
Grammarians to be present active participles, as arising 
out of the combination of the suffixes ia, nch with the 
possessive suffix vaL Pott 1. c, in my opinion with 
justness, regards the participles in aniya as springing from 
the abstracts in anOf which so frequently supply the place 
of the infinitive. Consequently, the se- [G. Ed. p. 1327] 
condary suffix iya would be contained therein, which, just 
like the shorter ya, sometimes has the meaning " worthy,'^ 
as, therefore, dalcshin-iya-s or ddkahin-ya-Sf "worthy of 
reward," from dakshindy (" reward," especially of Brahmans 
after the performance of a sacrifice); so, e.g., bhMan-iy as, 
"Jindendust^'' from bhSdana, " the cleaving ;" pujarC-tya-Sy 

* Cf. ritavy^'B from ritiiy p. 1314, G. ed., and §. 801. 


" honoranduSf honore dignus,'*'' from pi^na, " the honouring." 
The suffix iya is perhaps only an extension of ya, so that 
the long vowel which corresponds to the semi-vowel y is 
further prefixed to it Still more certain is, in my opinion, 
the proposition that the secondary suffix vya set forth by 
the Indian Grammarians is to be identified with the suffix 
ya, as in the words which are apparently formed with vya 
the V easily admits of being explained as a portion of the 
primary word. Thus, for example, we may suppose a 
transposition of bhrdturt pitur — as weakened forms of hhrAtar, 
pitavt as in the uniuflected genitive of this class of words — 
to bhrdiru, pitru; and hence, by vocalization of the r to n\ 
and change of the u into its semi-vowel, on account of tlie 
y following, deduce bhrdinv-^h-s, "brothers' offspring,'*^ 
pifriv-ya-s, " father s brother ;'' just as, in Gothic, the plurals 
of the terms of relationship in tar, thar, spring from bases 
in tru, thru (transposed and weakened from tor, thar); so 
that, e.g., brdthriv-i, **fratrum'''' (cf. suniv-S, **Jiliorunh'' from 
the base sunu), in the portion of it which belongs to the 
base, approaches very closely the Sanscrit bhrdtriv-ya-s. To 
pitriv-ya-8 corresponds (with a diverted signification), as 
regards the form of the primary word, the Greek irarpvios 
** stepfather,'^ and, with respect to formation, also the femi- 
nine iiYirpvia, for which, in Sanscrit, we should have to ex])ect 

rndtriv-yd. Just as, in Sanscrit, we separate the v from the 
suffix, and assign it to the primary word, so we must di- 
[G. Ed. p. 1328.] vide, too, the analogous Greek words into 
Ttarpvio-s, fxtirpv-io-g, and derive them by transposition from 
wari/jo-io-f, fiYfTvp-io-g (from Trarap-io-f, fxtfTap-io-^), as above 
(§. 253. p. 269, Note f ), Ttarpd'triy fifjrpd-a-i, from irarap-at^ 
fjLrjTap'trt, The Zend has, in the above-mentioned (§. 137.) 
m^^^j^olu}^ brdiur-yi, avoided transposition. I doubt not, how- 
ever, that this word, with those in Sanscrit in triv-ya, and the 
Greek in rpv-to, -ta, belong to one class: moreover, the 
A^^^j^^ tuiryi, a female relation in the 4th degree ( = San- 


scrit tur-iyd, **qaari(h'' see §. 323. p. 452, Note ^.),* supports the 
conjecture mentioned before, that the Sanscrit suffix iya is 
only a phonetic extension of the suffix ya^ and therefore 
the participial termination aniya also an extension of anya 
(Zend nych and Gothic nyd). I do not lay any stress for 
the support of this view on the, in classical Sanscrit, iso- 
lated varinycLt '* eligendua^^ {(or varaniya-s), with which some 
other analogous Vedic forms class themselves, as it scarce 
admits of any doubt that varinya,=varainya9 is a trans- 
posed form of varaniya, just as, in Greek, afxetvav is a 
transposition of afievnav (see §. 300. p. 402). 

908. After having considered the participles, infinitives, 
supines, gerunds, and some formally-connected classes of 
substantives and adjectives, we now turn to the description 
of the remaining classes of words, while we treat, in the 
first place, of the naked radical words, then of the words 
formed with suffixes, and indeed, as regards the Sanscrit, 
according to the following arrangement of the primary 
suffixes, some of which, however, are at the same time 
used as secondary, ue. for derivations from nominal bases. 

PRIMARY SUFFIXES.*!* [G. £d. p. 1329.] 

a, fem. A or i vya^ see ya, p. 1327 G. ed. 

i na, fem. nd, §§• 836., 838., 842. 

u ni, §§. 843., 851. 

an nUj snu 

* In the original a misprint occurs here which might give some trouble 
to the German reader. We have §. 462. for p. 462. Owing to mistakes 
of this kind I hare in several places been unable to verify the references. — 
Translator's Note, 

t I admit into this catalogue the suffixes of the participles also, which 
have been already discussed with a reference to the paragraphs adverted to. 
Such suffixes, however, as neither reappear in the European sister lan- 
guages, nor are of importance as regards the Sanscrit itself^ I leave un- 


in nt, ant, U at, §§. 779., 782. ; ant(h 

ana §. 809. p. 1094, Note. 

an£ya, see ya ma, §. 805. 

dno, §§. 791., 792. mi 

as man, §. 795. 

U8 mdna, §§. 791., 792. 

is ha, aka, dka, ika, tiha 

ya, tavya, aniya * to, fern, id, §§. 820., 829., tdli, §• 832. 

ra, ira, ura, ira, 6ra tdr, tri, §. 810. 

la, ala, ila, ula ti, §§. 843., 844., 849. ; a-tU i 849. 

va tu f.i §. 851. ; tu, m. n., atu, atku 

van tra, fern, trd, a-tra, lira, §. 818. 

vas, vdns, vet, ush, §. 788. tva, §§. 834., 835. 

909. Naked radical words appear in Sanscrit — 

a) as feminine abstracts; e,g„ anu-jhi, "command;'^ Uii^ 
"fear" hri, " shame f tvish, "lustre" yudh, "strife f 
kshudh, ** hunger;" miui, "joy;" sam-pdd, "luck;"' bhds, 
"lustre." To this class belong the above-mentioned(§§. 857., 

[G. Ed. p. 1380.] 859.) Vedic infinitives with a dative 
or accusative termination from bases which other- 
wise have left behind no case. A medial a is, in 
some formations of this kind, lengthened; hence, e.g^ 
vdch, "the speaking,"^ "speech," from va^h. So also 
in Zend ^aam^ vdch, "speech,"' and frds, "question" 
(Sanscrit root prachh). 

b) At the end of compounds in the sense of the present 
participles, where the substantive preceding usually 
stands in the accusative relation; or simply as ap- 
pellatives, which, according to their fundamental 
meaning, are nouns of agency. The following are 
examples : dharma-vtd, ** acquainted with duty ;"' ari^ 
--hdn, " slaying foes ;^ duh'kha-hdn, " removing pain ;^' 

• Sm §§. 889, 891., 894., 899., 901., 906. 


nStra-mush, " stealing the eyes f' sSma-pd, " drinking 
Soma ;'' sind-ni, '* army-guiding'' (" leading the army") ; 
vira-su, f. " bearing heroes ;*' jala-mvcK t (" pouring 
out water ") " cloud f ' dvhh, m. " foe/' as " hating ;" 
dris, f. "eye," as "seeing/' A passive signification 
belongs, in Sanscrit, to -yw/, "joined, yoked;" hence, 
e.g., hari-yi^f "yoked with horses." In this class of 
words, too, radical a is sometimes lengthened; .6.^., 
in pari'vrdj, "beggar," literally, "wandering around" 
(root vraj) ; ava-ydj, " adoring ill." So in 2^nd 
^uu6<>A)»AA)^ daivaydj, "adoring the Daevas;" JSAuyAjj^As 
ashands, "attaining purity," "vouching" (root dJAsy nas 
=Vedic ^8f^ nai, see Benf. Gloss.). To roots with 
a short final vowel in compounds of this kind a ^ is 
added ; hence, e,g>i visva-jU, "conquering every thing;'* 
pari-srutt " flowing around." 

910. In Greek, the feminine radical words which for- 
mally belong to a) appear partly with a concrete meaning 
as appellatives, after the manner of the Sanscrit drts, f. 
" eye," as " seeing," which belongs to 6). So, in Greek, 
dir id, (from 6k), <f)\oyy "flame," as "burning," oW, "voice" 
(from Fok), as " speaking." The abstract [G. Ed. p. 1331.] 
signification has, on the contrary, remained in (rrvy, " hate," ai>, 
" violent motion." In Latin, to this class belong the feminine 
bases luc ( = Sanscrit ruch, "lustre," Zend ^\fxi9 raoch, 
"light''); nee, "death;"* prec, "request" (cf. Zend jjau?^ 
frds, ** inquiry," Sanscrit root prachh, "to ask," d-prachh, 
" valedicere^* To the Sanscrit and Zend vdch, "speech," 
corresponds, as regards the lengthening of the radical 
vowel, the Latin v6c (opposed to. voco); and the Greek 
exhibits a similar lengthening in awr, "eye," "face, as 
" seeing," which corresponds radically to the Sanscrit 

* The base verb is lost, for neeo is either a denominstiye or a causal. 


akshi* "eye,'* and Latin oculus. Pdc, "peace,** from a 
lost root, probably means originally "joining,*' as a deri- 
vative of the Sanscrit root pas (from pak). 

911. To the class of words (fc) in §. 909. correspond Greek 
bases like xe/o-w/S (properly, " washing hands*'), apx^po-rpifi, 
maiio-Tpi^y Ttp6^<f)vy, yfrevai-arvyf KopvO-aiK, jSou-wXify, yKayo- 
•Ttvjy. In the two last examples, and other combinations with 
vKijy, the length of the final syllable appears to have thrust 
down the accent from its former position, and thus to have 
occasioned an accidental agreement with the Sanscrit ac- 
centuation of this class of words {dharma-^fd, &c.X which 
I do not regard as original ; so in -/icdy {itappcjy, Kacrappfiy, 
irepippiiy)^ with a passive signification, whereby, too, -{try (in 
J/firy, veofi/y, fxeXavo^uy, &c.), and the Latin base ju^^ (conjug) 
answers to the Sanscrit -yi!(;, "yoked/* To the simple base 
fg^ dvisK "foe,** as "hating,** corresponds T/owyi "gnawer, 
devourer,** and the Latin due as masculine, "guide," as 
feminine, "she that guides ;** as also rig, " king," as " ruling,** 
the Sanscrit sister form of which, rAj, appears only in 
[G. Ed. p. 1332.] compounds, as dharma-rdj, " king of righ- 
teousness.** Observe the lengthening of the radical vowel 
in the Latin rig (opposed to rego), after the analogy of 
the Sanscrit pari-vrdj, "beggar** ("wanderer around**); 
while the radical vowel of the Sanscrit rdj is, from its 
origin, long. We mention further, as examples of Latin 
radical words at the end of compounds, arti-fict cami-Jict 
peUlicy ifi'dic, ju-diCf ob-ic, Pol-luc, for-cipf man-cipf prin-cip, 
au'cup, prtB'sid, in-cud^ The latter answers, by its passive 
signification (" anvil,** as that which is struck upon), to jug 
in con-jug, Greek -ft/7, and Sanscrit -yiy, " yoked.** In 
most of the remaining examples the i rests on the weak- 
ening of an original a, and the e, which enters into the 

* I Kgard the verbal root ^ f A:#A, *< to see/' as a oorroption of akfk. 


nominative in its stead, on the principle laid down in §. 6. 
Sid, in prtB-sidt is identical with the Sanscrit shad in divi- 
-f Add (euphonic for •sa<2), "sitting in heaven,'" "dwelling 
there/' ** cobUcoUu'' a so-far anomalous compound, inasmuch 
as the first member of it is provided with a case-termina- 
tion. Aa-cup exhibits the intermediate weakening of the 
vowel, which otherwise only occurs before I (cf. §. 490. 
Rem. !.)» and which therefore finds a more suitable place 
inprcB'Sulf consul ({rom salio, Sanscrit sal, "to move oneself"). 
912. With the t, which in Sanscrit (according to §. 909. 6.) 
is added to roots with a short final vowel, the Latin t of 
-it, " going,'' and stit (as weakening of stat) in super-stU, 
arUi'StU, has been already (§. HI. sub. fin.) contrasted; and 
since then Pott has also compared that in pari-et,\ properly 
"going around, surrounding" (as above pari-srvt "flowing 
around''), and Curtius that in indi-get (cf. [G. Ed. p. 1338.] 
indi-gena).X The Greek adds such a t to roots with a long 
final vowel (see Curtius 1. c.) in compounds like avSpo-fipciyr, 
u>IJL0'l3p<aTf d'yvdT, drTrrdr, TufjLO'dvtjr. The terminations 
-)9\j;t, 'SfirJTf Kfxtjr, -TfJirJT, '(rrpCyr {fftvhXoarpLyr), have only 
a passive signification, which^ in Sanscrit, does not occur in 
compounds of this kind, while -jSpcoT and -tvcjt, are used both 
actively and passively. As regards the vowel of these for- 
mations, it rests, for the most part, on transposition, which 

^ The circumstance that the Latin e, corrapted from a, becomes • when 
the word is encumbered by oompoeition, excepting when it stands under 
the protection of two consonants, or in a final syllable, proves that in 
Latin the I is held to be Ughter than the inorganic short e. 

t Euphonic for /Mzrt-t7. 

X ^^De ruminum Grac, fomuUione" p. 10. With respect to the drop- 
ping of the n in the root gen, cf. the Sanscrit J '-a farjan-Oy ^^ bom ;" and 
with regard to the appended /, the phenomenon that, in Sanscrit, the 
roots in an and am, in case they reject their n before the gerundial suf- 
fix ya, then add, like roots with a short final vowel, a / / hence, €,g,^ 
ni'hdrt-ya, from han, *^ to slay." 


is readily occasioned by liquids, and lengthening ; where it is 
to be noticed that rj and a>, according to their origin, = a (see 
§. 4.), and that in Sanscrit such transpositions occur, since, 
e.g., together with man, "to think," there occurs a root mnd, 
** to mention" (cf. fjufivrjaKia, fut. /xv^cro)) ; together with dham 
"to blow'' (only in the special tenses), occurs a form dhmd^ 
which the Grammarians assume to be the original one. The 
roots WTO) (cf. w/ttto) from wiweTO)), J/x); (cf. SafjLona), dvrj (cf. 
edavov, Oivaroi), KfUfj (cf. *c<t/xva)), orpo) (cf. CTopwyn^ Latin 
sierno), guide us to the Sanscrit roots paU " to fall ; dam^ 
" to tame ;" han (from d/mn), " to slay f sram (from kramX 
klam, " to be tired ;" star, m sirt, ** to strew/' If concrete 
bases then, like -)9po)T, -yvcdT, with euphonic t, represent the 
Sanscrit naked radical words like -pd, " drinking,'' then, irre- 
spective of gender, the abstracts yeKtaT and eptaT may be 
compared with the Sanscrit abstracts like anu-jM, " com- 
[G. Ed. p. 1334.] mand ;" * for though the w of the said Greek 
bases is not radical, it nevertheless belongs to the verbal 
theme, and, like ao in ep-ao-fxat, yeK-do-fxev, represents the 
Sanscrit character aya of the 10th class (§. 109."* 6.). In de- 
parture, too, from a former opinion (§. 116.), I find this 
latter in the form of a or rj in compounds like \oyo'd^pars, 
jTnro-vw/xa-j, o7r\o-/xa^?;-f, 7ro\t^ viVoy-f, e^a/o-wwAi;-?. Compare 
the base -dTjpd with dr^piau), drjpa'TCDp ; -vci/xct with i/ca/Li^crco 
from vu)fxarao} ; -vIky] with viKrj-ao), viKi^Tup ; -pL&x^ with 
fxayTq-co/jiah [jlolxT'^^^* Max^'M^v. Tptl3t}g in iratSo-TptlSfj^, 
ipapfxaK0'Tpll3r]^, can hardly spring from the root rpt^ with a 

* Here belongs the Latin qui^t (also qui/i), which has remained true to 
the feminine gender, and the root of which, ^ut's: Sanscrit it (from {ki)^ 
has united itself with the character ^ of the 2d conjugation (=Sanscrit 
fly«> ot/f 9tie §. 109.*- 6.), for which I hold tlie 6 of qui-S-vi, qui-^-Uis, 
Cf. im-pl-^'Vi, im-pl'^-tusy im-pl-d'S, im-pl'S-mus, im-pl-^-th. The 
three last forms, irrespective of the preposition, correspond to the Sanscrit 
pdr-dya^H^ p&r-dyd-nuu, pdr-dya-tha, of tlie cansol of the root par (jf 
prt)^ ** to fill/ the vowel of which is passed over in Latin. 



suffix 1/9 but is rather a naked verbal base, and presupposes 
a derivative verb rpijSeo), future Tpij8^a>. In the formations 
in idi-g I think I recognise the Sanscrit root yd, "to go,"^* 
which actually occurs in the Veda dialect in compounds of 
the kind described above (p. 1330 G. ed.) ; e.g., in diva-yd, 
nominative dSua-yd-s, ** going to the gods T rina-yd-s, 
"going into debt '* = " taking guilt on oneself," "atoning/" 
"freeing from guilt" (see Benfey^s Glossary). In Greek, 
tlierefore, e.g., d\anr6/ic-/d'^» "foxy/' literally signifies, "ap- 
proaching the nature of the fox," and hafxiraS-ia-g, " torch car- 
rier^ properly " going with the torch/' 

9ia If we now proceed to consider [G. Ed. p. 1335.] 
the words formed with suffixes, we must, with reference 
to the secondary suffixes, which, by the Indian Gramma- 
rians, are called Taddhita, bring to remembrance the al- 
ready frequently-mentioned circumstance, that the final 
vowels of primitive bases are, in all the Indo-European 
languages, under certain restrictions,*!* suppressed before 
suffixes beginning with vowels or the semi-vowel y. With 
reference to Sanscrit and Zend, it is to be remarked that 
certain secondary classes of words require the Vriddhi in- 
crement (see §. 26.) for the first vowel of the primary 
word; hence, e.jr., ddsaraih'' -is {{roxn da8arafia),X "descen- 

* Cf. iTjfii, with causal signification (*' making to go*^, probably a redu- 
plicated form from yl-yrffu, as Ufmjfu from al'fmjfu ; so that the semi- 
vowel in the syllable of reduplication has become the rough breathing 
(cf. 6s=yd'8, §. 382.), and in the root itself is suppressed, as, e.^., in 
the verbs in aa> a Sanscrit aydmi. 

t See §. 891. 

t a is held to be the Vriddhi of a, to which latter the Indian Gramma- 
rians assign no Guna. Moreover, a, as it is the heaviest vowel (see §. 6.X 
feels less occasion for increment, and remuns, in most cases, unchanged, 
^'hile other vowels are gunised: sometimes, also, d is found for a in 
places where other vowels experience the Guna increment. As both 

a 4. a and a -h a arc contracted to d, it might be said that d is both the 



dant of Da^rathaf^ and in Zend, as^^j^^joi dhuir-ya 
(from ahura^ see §. 41.)i "Ahurish"' "referring to Ahura ;^ 
j9jM^ zdir-i, "golden,*' from j^jajj zairi, "gold/" In 
Gothic, -dSg'-s, "daily" (theme ddga, see §. 135.). offers a 
similar relation to its primitive base dagOf nominative 
dag'-St " day," as 6, according to §. 69., is the most usual 
representative of the length of the a. According to the 
principles of Sanscrit, we must assume that the adjective 
base ddga, which occurs only in the compound fidurddga, 
"of four days" (nom. Jidurd4g*-s\ is formed from the sub- 
[G. £d. p. 1336.] stantive base dago, in such wise that the 
final vowel of the latter is suppressed before the derivative 
suffix a in the same way as, e.g., in Sanscrit, that of 
^Nur sanvatsarciy *' year," is suppressed before the Taddhita 
suffix a contained in ^rhn^ adnvaisar-d, " yearly ;" while 
apparently sdnvatsara, " yearly," seems to be formed from 
sanvatsarat "year" by simply lengthening the first vowel 
of the primary word. The Lithuanian, too, the o of 
which is always long, and frequently represents the San- 
scrit d, exhibits, in some derivative words, o in the place of 
the a of the primitive base ; thus, plSfA-s, " breadth " 
(theme plotya), comes from pkdu-s, " broad ;" and ISb^-i-s, 
"riches" (theme lobya), from laba-s, "rich;" in the same 
way as, in Sanscrit, e.g., mddhur-ya-m, "sweetness," from 
madhurd, " sweet" As in Latin, also, 6 frequently stands 
for original d, e.g., »orJrem = Sanscrit svdsdram, we might 
recognise in dv^-u-m a remnant of the Vriddhi increment. 

Gnna and the Vriddhi increment of a, that, however, Guna takes place 
with a more seldom than with the lighter vowels u and i, 

* See §§. 801., 893. 1^ in Lithuanian, in this class of words a primitive 
a of the base word does not pass into o, perhaps the length of position 
protects the original a : hence, in the examples mentioned above (§. 893.), 
karsztiSy ^'best," tzeUtis, ''cold," not karsztis, szoUis. In general, I 
know hitherto of no example in which a stands before a simple consonant 
in an abstract of this kind. 


which the Sanscrit Grammar requires, when, with the 
suSix a, to which the u of the Latin 2d declension corre- 
sponds, a derivative .is formed with the secondary idea of 
"springing fromf eg,, simudr'-d-m, ** sea-salt,'' as that 
which springs from the sea (samudrdf nom. -rd-s). There- 
fore, as the neuter admudr-d-m may be explained as com- 
ing from the masculine base samudrd, with the suppression 
of the final vowel before the derivative suffix a, so I think 
I may venture to explain dv'-u-m as ** ofiispring of the bird/' 
from avUs. In Sanscrit it would be quite regular, if avi, 
instead of vi, signified " a bird," to find an dv-d-m coming 
from it as a term for "an egg." The Greek wov from 
o}F*'6v, which as respects its accentuation [G. Ed. p. 1337.] 
also answers to the Sanscrit class of words here spoken of, 
has lost its primitive :* on the other hand, exclusive of gen- 
der and accent, ^a (from ciFa), *' sheep-skin fur," stands in a 
relation to its primitive base oi from oFt (Sanscrit dvi 
"sheep") similar to tliat which the Latin 6v*'Um for do -urn 
holds to avi.'f 

* In the form c3io-y for ^Ftoy I do not regard the ( as the retained fioal 
vowel of the primary word, but recognise in to the Sanscrit suffix ya, 
which, just like a, forms personal and neuter patronymics. 

t In fiu€fjL6(is I cannot rec4)giuse an accord to the Sanscrit Vriddhi in- 
crement of the secondary formation of words, as I do not derive it from 
aiftfios^ but from rjuefios (in Hesych.)) the base of which is also found in 
some compoimds (rju(fw(t)<t>vost ^w/ioc/wtTo-j). Moreover, the Suiiscrit suf- 
fix, which corresponds to the Greek €vt requires no Vyiddhi increment. 
Just as little in Scmscrit, in compounded words, does a vowel lengthening 
of this kind occur, Uke that which the Greek exhibits in some compounds, 
especially in those with prepositions aud monosyllabic prefixes and bases of 
words, or those which become monosyllabic by the suppression of their 
final vowel, and which takes place in order, perhaps, to bring forward more 
emphatically, after such weak preceding syllables, the principal part of 
tlie word in case it begins with a vowel ; hence, e g.y fivf^KfOToj (aKcordr), 
dvsTjKTjs (nicoff), 6vsi)yvT0Si Jvp^kvotoj (cua/OToj), dvstfpis (for bvstpis), fivfo)- 

Xedpos (oXiBpos)^ dvs^WfjMS (Svofui), €vr}f}€Tfxos {«f}€Tfx6s), €vriKij£ (ox^), 

4 p €Vfjyv(rro£ 


[G. Ed. p. 1338.] 914. The Sanscrit primary su£5x a, which, 
as also the secondary, I hold to he identical with the demon- 
strative hase a (see §. 366.), has, together with its sister- 
forms in the cognate languages, been already considered 
(see p. 1235 G. ed.) as the formative suSix of masculine 
abstracts. In Gothic, most of the abstracts which, in respect 
of their suffix, belong to this class, have become neuter, and 
terminate, therefore, in the nominative singular, with the 
final consonant of the root (see §. 135.). The following are 
nearlyallof them : anrfa-6fi/, " blame '' ; anda-/ix3fi<, "avowal f^ 
bi'haif, " strife ;" ga-hait, "promise" (formally our "Geheiss, 
"behest''); af-Wf "forgiveness;" bl-mali, "clipping;"" bi- 
'faih, "delusion;" fra-velU "revenge;" ana-filh^ "delivery," 
from the bases anda-beita, ga-heita, &c. As regards the 
radical vowel of these abstracts, what has been observed 
above (p. 1237, Note) holds good. We must not, therefore, 
derive the base anda-nima, "acceptance," the gender of 

ev^woTos (aia;o'TOf), (vtjvap (^dutjp)^ evadrjs (root 06), (vu>w^Sf dvfjKcoTos 
dvTjKrjs (oKoy), dinjKovarros (aicovoros), dv(i)bvvos (ofiuviy), €vi)koos (d^coij), 
ivrfKarov (cVcXavvo)), (va>p,oTos (5/iia;/ii), irposriyopos (ayopcuo)), 7r€pio)dvvos, 
Tpir)pr)Sf fiovfiprjSy TTobrjprjSf 7rodtaw\os, TravrjyopiSf iravaXedpos. I moreover 
recall attention to the fact^ that in Sanscrit the Yriddlii increment of the 
secondary formation of words supplies the place of the Guua increment of 
the primary ; thus as, e.g.^ budh-a-Sy " the knowing," and bodh-d-mi^ " I 
know," come from the root budli, so bduddk-d-s, " Buddhist," comes from 
buddhd^ " Buddha,** as adjective, " knowing, wise." That the secondary 
formation of words, in as far as the class of words referred to in general 
requires an augment, calls for Vriddhi instead of Guna, may well arise 
from this, that the base words to which the secondary suffixes ai*e at- 
tached are of themselves more heavily constructed than the naked roots, 
whence arise the primitive nouns or verbs. Hence, in the secondary 
formation of words, long vowels, and even Guna diphthongs and short 
vowels before two consonants, are augmented ; for which the primary for- 
mation of words, except when the root ends in a vowel, feels no occasion. 
* The base anda-beila is, after removing the preposition, identical with 
the above-mentioned (p. 1235 G. cd.) Sanscrit bhSda, ''cleaving." 


which, however, is not discoverable from the solitary genitive 
that can be quoted, anda-n^mi-s (see §. 191.), from the plural of 
the preterite (nimum), but we must view it as coming, like the 
adjective theme anda-nim-ya (see p. 1308 G. ed.. Note), which 
corresponds to the Sanscrit future passive participle, from the 
root nam^ the radical vowel being lengthened, in accordance 
with Sanscrit abstracts like hdsa-St " the laughing,^' from has. 
I know in Sanscrit but one single neuter abstract of this class 
of words, viz. hhay-d-m, " fear " from bhi, " to fear,"" which, 
like the analogous masculine abstracts [6. £d. p. 1339.] 
from roots in i or i, as, e.g,, jay-d-s, "victory," from ji, 
kshay-d'S, ** ruin,'' from kshi, kray-d-s, ** purchase,'' from Arf, 
has allowed the accent to sink down on the suflix. 

915. Oxytone, too, are for the most part the adjectives 
formed with V a with the signification of the present parti- 
ciple; and the appellatives in a which belong to this class, and 
which, according to their fundamental meaning, are for the 
most part nouns of agency ; e.g., nad-d-St ** river," as 
"sounding, rushing;" plavd-s, "vessel," as "swimming" 
(root p/a) ; dnni-d-s, "tooth," as " biting ;" dSv-d-s, "God," as 
" shining" (root div, cf. fled?) ; mush-d-s, " mouse," as "steal- 
ing;" chdr-ds, '* thief" (root chur, "to steal"). The fol- 
lowing are examples of adjectives : chal-d-Sy " rocking, tre- 
mulous;" char-d'S, "going;" tras-d'S, "trembling ;" ksham-d-s, 
"enduring;" priy-d-s, "loving," and "beloved" (root pri); 
vnh'd-s, " carrying, bringing." This oxytone class of words 
in a = Greek o, in opposition to the abstracts which choose 
the more powerful accentuation, is also numerously repre- 
sented in Greek, both by appellatives or nouns of agency, 
aSjT/oo^-o-r* "runner" (opposed to rpox-o-^f "course"); KOfiir-o-^, 
"braggard" (opposed to Ko/xTr-o-y, "noise"); *c\o7r-a-y, ico/xTr-d-y, 
/xo/^-d-j;* and by adjectives, as, ^ai'-d-j,TOfi-d-f, do-o-^, apioy-o-^, 

* It corresponds in its root and primary meaning, as also in formation 
and accentuation, to tlio Sanscrit m^gh-d-s, "cloud," as ^^mingens'* (root 
mUi, ^^ mingere"), 

\ p 2 


aYwy-o-f, crriK^i-^i and some with a passive signification, 
AoiTT-o-j', /ci/^o-f, TTtjy-o-^y aiS-o-^. So the substantives Xorr-o-s', 
" shell,'' as " to be peeled oflF;" oS-o-f, " way/' as ** to be gone, 
to be trcd" (Sanscrit root sad, "to go," and "to seat one- 
self"). In Sanscrit, too, there are substantives of this kind 
with a passive signification; as, e.g., dar-d-s, neut. dar-d-m,** ti 
[G. Ed. p. 1340.] hollow," as *' being cleft ;" Uh-d-s, "food," 
as " to be licked ;" jan-d-s, " man," as " bom." The follow- 
ing accent the root : Sdh-a-s (opposed to the Greek ald^^\ 
" wood," as "to be burned" (root indh, properly, idit); vis-a-s, 
"house," as "place entered" (Greek oIk-o^ from fo?#c-o-f. 
Latin vtc-u^St Old High German wih, theme vnha, " village, 
borough," from an obsolete root). To the feminine bases 
of this class of words belong, in Greek, bases also in a$, of 
which the 5 is only an inorganic afiix (see p. 108); e.ff., 
SopK-dS, "gazel," as "seeing" (also Sdpioy) ; fxoixoL^ (ho^XV)* ^s 
feminine, from fxofxp^TOKdS, " the bearing (female"); 7r\o(f )aJ, 
ir\(o{F)dS, " the swimming, the wandering around (female)'* ; 
TVTtdS, ** hammer," as " striking." • 

916. In Sanscrit, as well as in Greek, adjectives of this 
kind of formation occur principally at the end of com- 
pounds, and in both languages have partly either not been 
retained in isolated use, or have, perhaps, never been used 
simply. Thus, in Sanscrit, damd, " taming," appears only 
in the compound arin-damd-s,* "foe-taming," and the cor- 
responding Greek Safxo only in i7r7ro5a/xo-f. So, in Latin, 
'diC'U'S, 'htjU'U'S, -JiC'U'Sy -fug-us, -soqu-u-s, -vol-u-s, -cuh-u-s 
(incubus), -leg-u-s, ^vor-u-s, -fer, -ger (for fer-u-s, ger-u-s), 

* Arhi, iuphonic for arimy is the accusative, which occurs also in many 
other compounds of this kind, in which the first member usually stands 
in the accusative relation instead of the naked tliemc wliich was to be 
expected according to the universal rules of composition ; e.g., in puran- 
'dard-Sy '^towns-cleaving" (literally, ^'^tirbem fiiuleiu") ; prtyah-vadd-^^ 
''amiably-speaking;*' hhayan-kard-s, "fear-causing." 


-par-U'S {oviparus), -liqu-u-s (re-Ziju-u-s = Greek \o7'rt-0'^), 
'/rag-U'S (naufragus). The following, perhaps, are the sole 
examples which occur simply : sci-U'StVag-U'Stfid-U'Sfparc-U'S. 
These substantives belong to this class : co^t£-s( = San^rit 
pach-d-8 {vom pak-d'S, ** cooking ''), merg*u-8, proo-u-s (ct pre- 
cor\san'U-s,SLS ''sounding'' = Sanscrit wan- [G. Ed. p. 1341.] 
'ds, ** tone,'"' jug-u-m, vad-u-m (properly, ''passed through," 
as above ^T*! dar-d-m, ** a hollow,^' as ** cleft") ; and perhaps 
tor-U'S, from storus, as " spread out'' To this class also 
are to be referred the feminines mola, " mill," as "grinding," 
and toga, as " covering."*!- The a of compounds like parricida, 
coBlicoUh advena, cottega, trans/uga, legirupa, indigeruh I now, in 
departure from §. 116L, rather prefer viewing in such a way 
as to recognise in it a distinct feminine form, and therefore 
the Sanscrit long d of forms like priyanvadd, "the amiably 
speaking (female)", which at the same time stands for the 
masculine, while, conversely, the Greek, at the end of com- 
pounds, by a mis-usage, transfers the masculine neuter o= 
Sanscrit short a, into the feminine also, and contrasts, e.g., 
the form TtoKvKOfiog with the Latin multicoma ; since, as it ap- 
pears to me, the burthen of composition is an obstacle in 
the way of the free movement and liability to change of the 
entire word, on which account its concluding portion relin- 
quishes the exact discrimination of the genders.^ 

* With respect to the loss of the « of tter-Tio, (rrdp-wfiiy cf. the rela- 
tion of ^^tonare" to the Sanscrit root stan^ ^' to thnnder," and Greek crrcv 
in SrcV-^fiop. 

t In Latin the interchange of the sounds e and o in one and the same 
root occurs but seldom, and the etymology in the cases which occur 
is obscured, while in Greek it is self-evident that, e.^., <l>6pos and c^cpo) 
are radically identical. 

I The circumstance, that as well in the Greek as in the Latin 2d 4P^ 
clension there are simple feminines, such as trapBhoiy obos, vrjaosy alvus, 
humu8 (Sanscrit bhtimi-Sy fcm., ^^ earth"), fagus (=<l>ffy^s)t docs not im- 
pede the supposition that the Greek o and Latin inoi^nic u of the 2d 



[G. Ed. p. 1342.] 917. The Gothic exhibits, in the class 

of words under discussion, (l) masculine substantive bases 
like daura-vard-^y "gatekeeper;*" vrak-a, "persecutory^* 
vSg-at ** wave/' as ** moving itseir-j- ; vig-a, " way" (as "the 
place on which one moves")** thiva^nom, tJiiu-s), "servant'^^J : 

declension do not originally belong to the feminine ; as also the corre- 
sponding Sanscrit, Zend, Lithuanian, and Gothic a, and Sclayonic o, never 
stand at the end of a feminine base. That, however, converselyy the 
Latin a at the end of compounds like cceli-cola does not correspond to 
the Sanscrit-Zend masculine neuter a may here be further supported 
by the consideration that compounds are most subject to weakening, and 
that, therefore, the retention of the Sanscrit masculine neater a un- 
changed in Latin can least be expected in compounds. But if the femi- 
nine form in compounds like parricida has once found its way into the 
masculine, or attached itself to this gender alone {caslicola), it cannot sur- 
prise us that, in an isolated case, a simple word appears in the feminine 
form as masculine, viz. scrib-a for scrib-u-s. The case is different with 
nau-ta, where ta stands for ti;-?, as \n poeta=7roirjrqs ] and as in Homer, 
e.g..y alXJiTjrd, v^^tKriytpira^ ImroTay ^Trvra, rix^Ta^ firjTUra, for ai;(/i7r^y, &c. 
Here either the case-sign has been dropped, as in Old Persian is regu- 
larly the case with the final s both after short and long a ; or, wliich I 
prefer assuming, these forms are based on the Sanscrit nominatives in td^ 
Zend ta (see §. 144.), of bases in /dr, on which rest, in Greek, not only the 
bases in rrfp and rop, as has already been remarked in §. 145., but also the 
masculine bases in n7=ra, which have lost an p (see also §. BIO, and 
Curtius, "Dc noniinum Gracform." p. 34). It is therefore no casual 
circumstance, that in the Homeric dialect nearly all the class of nouns of 
agency referred to exhibit masculine nominatives in a ; and it is hence 
not improbable that (vpv-oira, too, originally belongs to this class of words, 
and is tlierefore abbreviated from c^pvoTrra, as, according to its meaning, 
it is a noun of agency. 

* The nominative vrak-Sy which can alone be quoted, might alBo belong 
to a base vraki, 

t This answers, in respect of the lengthening of the radical vowel a 
m ^ (=«, see §. 69.), to Sanscrit formations like p/td-a-s, "foot," as 
" going," from pad, " to go." 

X In my opinion properly "boy," from a root Mav = Sanscrit tu, "to 
grow ;" as, mag-u-Sy "boy," from ma(7=Sanscrit mah, mahh, " to grow." 



(2) the neuter substantive bases, as ga- [G. Ed. p. 1343.] 
'baur-aj **tax," as "that which is borne'" (^'f* <P^po£) ; faur-hah-a, 
** curtain;"' ga-tkrask-a, "floor"' (where they thresh); </a-/iMr/-a, 
" idol," as ** lying, false ;" nominative gabaur, &c. : (3) feminine 
bases like daura-vard-i^ ** portress ;"" ga-bind-d, *' band," as 
" binding" (root band, weakened to bind, bund); grdb-o, "pit/** 
as " dug" (root grab, lengthened to grdb) ; grab-d, " trench;"' 
ga-bruk'O, "crumb,"" as "broken"" (root brak, weakened to 
brik, bruk)', staig-d, "path'' (root stig, "to mount," gunised 
st lig) ; nominative daura-varda, &c. : (4) adjective bases 
like andrvairth-a, " present ;" ana-vairth-a, "future ;"" laus-a, 
"loose, empty"" (root lus) ; siuk-a^ "sick" (root suk)\ af-Ut-a^ 
" left free ;" nominative masculine and-valrth'-s, &c. 

918. In Lithuanian this class of words is less numerous, 
but is more correctly retained in the nominative singular 
than in any other of the sister languages of the Sanscrit. 
The following are examples : sarg-a-s, " warder " (serg-mi, 
*' I protect,""); prd-rakni'S, "seer, prophet""*; prd-nasz-a-s 
\A.{pra'neszu, "I propose,"" ncszuy "I bear"); laid-a-s, " bail;"" 
draug-a-s, "fellow, companion"" (drauya, "I have part- 
nership with another,""); zicdn-a-s, "bell,"" as "sounding"' 

From "iT iUt " to grow*' (in Zend " to be able,** see §. 520. sub. f.), comes, 
in the Veda dialect, among other words, tuv-t, "much;" and in Gothic, 
according to my opinion, also tliiu-da, "people," as "grown;" parallel to 
which, in Umbrian, as feminine participle of the same root, stands the 
form tuta^ afterwards tota, " town ;" and with which, in departure from 
§. 343., I would now compare the Latin to-ius, " whole." To the causal 
of tu (tdv'dya-mi, " I make to grow, I make to thrive") belongs probably 
the Latin tu-^-ri (see §. 109*. 6.), and the Old Prussian tdwa-s, "father," 
as " producer" or ** bringer up," Lithuanian iewa-s, " father." Parallel to 
the Umbrian tuta, " town," and as derivative from the same root, we find, 
in Prussian, /ari/a {ace, tauta-n), "land," as "cultivated." In Lithua- 
nian, tauta signifies " Germany." 

* The simple verb is wanting in Lithuanian ; compare the Sclavonic 
fEk^ rekuh, " I aiy," see p. 626. 


(zwanv, "Isounci;^; tdk-a-s, "footpath" (teku, "I run;"); 
weid-a-s, "face, visage/' as "seeing" (umzd-mh "I see/' 
[G. Ed. p. 1344.] waidinO'S, " I let myself see/') : -mnk-a-s^ 
which, at the end of compounds, has often a meaning tanta- 
mount to ** maker, accomplisher," or one who is occupied with 
that which the first member of the compound expresses;* 
as, balni'nink'a'S, " saddler, saddle-maker " (balna-Sf " saddle,"); 
ffrieki-nink-a'S, " sinner, sin-committing" (ffrieka-s, " sin,") ; 
huki-nink-a-s, " countryman, agriculturist, agricolfi" (lauka-Sf 
** field,") ; miesi-nink-a-s, ** butcher, carnifex"' {miesa, f., San- 
scrit mdnsd, m.n. "flesh,"); darbi-nink-a-Sf ** workman, doing 
work" (darba-Sf ** work,") ; remestlnink-a'St " artisan, work- 
ing at a craft" (remesta-s, "handicraft,"). Observe the 
weakening of the final vowel of the first member of all 

* The base verb ninku does not occur in its simple form, but only in 
combination with the prepositions in, ap, uXy and su (see Nesselmann's 
Lexicon, p. 422), and probably meant originally ^' to go,'* then ^' to do, to 
make." Cf. the Old Prnssian neik-auty ^^ to wander," and Hossian nik-mi, 
*' 1 bow myself." To the Lithaanian -m-Arcj-*, in the compounds spoken 
of, corresponds, in Russian, KHkli nik; e,g., in CbAeAbRHkli syedely- 
nik*, " saddler," t. e. " saddle-maker." The Old Prussian appears to form 
with nika (nom. nix for nika^s^ ace. nika-n) nouns of agency from ver- 
bal bases (see Nesselmann, p, 76). I regard, however, aU the words 
classed here as compounds, similar to the Latin opifejc, ariifex; for 
although, «.</., waldnix^ " ruler," of which only the dative waldnUcu 
occurs, might be derived from the verbal root ttxild^ " to rule," still no- 
thing prevents the assumption that it properly signifies '^ using authority," 
and contains a lost or uncitcable sulistantive wald-s or walda-9 (theme 
walda\ "dominion." Crixti, the substantive base of crixt-mx, "baptist" 
("performer of baptism"), occurs in the compound crixti-laiska-s^ " bap- 
tismal register ;" and the substantive base dila (ace. dila-n^ in dil-nik-a-ns, 
" workman, performing work" (ace. pi.) ; and for daiTia-alge-nik-a'Tnans 
(dat pi.), " the da}' labourers, those working for daily pay," occur the 
substantive bases deincL, "day" (Sanscrit dina)^ and alga, "pay" (gen. 
alga'8)y but no verb of which the word referred to could be the noun of 
agency ; and this is the case with most of the other formations which 
belong to this class. 


these compounds to i, according to the principle of the Latin 
language, as, cceli-cola^ tern-cola, ftvLcti-fer, [G. Ed. p. 1345.] 
lani-ger, for avli^cola, terra-colatfrudU'/er, lana-ger.* The fol- 
lowing are examples of adjectives of this kind of formation : 
jryiu-a-s," living;^' attoir-a'S, "open" {ai-^veru, "I open,"); dt- 
"Tdk-a-s, " unlocked" {rak-inu, " I lock," airah-inu, '* I unlock,") ; 
isz-tis-a-s, " stretched out" (ieatu, " I erect"'). To this class 
of words belong, in old Sclavonic, bases like Toko toko, "river," 
as "flowing;" pro-roko, "prophet;" OTjoko o<-roito, " boy," 
properly, "in/aws;" vfprtog, (Mikl. Rad. p. 74.) boaohoco vodo- 
noso, " hydriar properly " water-carrier ;'* nom. Tok'b tok\ &c. 
The following are examples with a passive signification: 
r^AA'b grade, " town," as " enclosed" (grad-i-ti, " to enclose,") ; 
MHA'bmfr, "dear (beloved), pleasant," as in Sanscrit pur-<i-m,n., 
pur-i, f., ** town," as " filled ;" priy^-s, " beloved '" (root 

919. Between the Sanscrit and Greek there exists the re- 
markable coincidence, that the adjectives formed with the 
suffix under discussion in combination with the prefixes 
?l 8u, €v, "light," 5^ dus,\ 5i/f, "heavy," most generally, if 
not in Sanscrit invariably, have a passive signification.^ 
The accent in Sanscrit rests on the radical syllable; eg,, 
rnkdr-a'S, " being lightly made, light to make ;" mlabh-a-s, 
** being easily attained ;" duMdr-a-s, [G. Ed. p. 1346.] 
** being made heavy, hard to do ;'' durldbh-a-s, " being with 

* See §. 6., and " Vocalisnius," pp. 139, 162, Note *. With respect to 
the Lithuanian • in rotponU, ^^ senator," I must, however, in departure 
from §. 6. (conclusion), remark, that here the t is not the weakening of 
the a of pona-ty *' lord," but the contraction of the suffix ya or ia, accord- 
ing to §. 195. 

t Hence, according to settled laws of sound, and according to the mea- 
sure of the letters following, dush, dur, duH, 

:{: Those forms cannot be allowed to weigh as exceptions in which su 
docs not signify ^Might," but has a meaning tantamount to ''&ir, good, 
pleasant;" eg , irigv. I. 11'2. 2., suhhdra^ '' bringing foir (load)." 


difficulty (heavily) attained ;" duhsdh-<i'S, " being heavy to 
bear ;" durmdrsh-a'S, id. ; durdhursh-a-s, " being heavily 
pressed f dushpur-a-Sf "being heavily filled;" dushtdr-a-s 
(euphonic for diwtar-a-s), "being with difficulty (heavily) 
overstepped." So in Greek, e.jr., ev^op-aSf euKaro^^-o-s-, cvirc- 
plypaifi'O'^, evefi/SoK'O^, evavayay-o-^f SiJf^/o-o-j, SvsTpo^>-0'S, 

920. As secondary (Taddhita) suffix a in Sanscrit forms, 
usually with the accent and Vriddhi of the first vowel of 
the primary word : (l) Masculine substantives (with fen[ii- 
nines in i,) which stand to the primary word in the rela- 
tion of derivatives, or in any other relationship, as, cg.t 
vdsishtli'd'S, from vdsisA //ta, " descendant of Vasishtha;^^ 
mdnav-d-s, (from manu) " man," as " descendant of Manu ;'' 
drdupad*'t, (from drupada) "Draupadi, daughter of Dru- 
pada ;" rftlu//?ir-d-*,(from duhitdr, -trl) " son of the daughter;" 
ndishadK'd'S, "Naishadha," from nishadha, in the plural, 
" the country Nishadha ;" sdiv-d-s, (from siva) *' follower, 
worshipper of l^iva/' (2) A kind of patronymics of things 
by which, e.g., fruits are called after the trees on which 
they grow, and are represented, as it were, as their sons ; 
e.g„ dsvattji'd-m, (from asvattha) "the fruit of the tree Asvat- 
tha." To this class belongs also the already-mentioned sd- 
mudr-d-m, " sea-salt," as *' that w^hich is produced from the 
sea "(^amudra). (3)Abstractneutcrs,as,"y{iuran-a-ni, "youth," 
from yuvan^ " young." ( l) Neuter collectives, as, kdpdf'd-m^ 
" a flock of doves,'' from kapola. (5) Adjectives and appel- 
latives having various relationships to the primary word ; 
e.^., rdja{'d-Sj " of silver," from rajatd-m, " silver ;" dyas-d-m, 
'* of iron,"' from dyas (theme and nom. = Latin aes, aer-is, 
[G. Ed. p. 1347] from aes-is, Gothic aw, theme aisa) ; sdu- 
kar'-d-s, " porcine," from sukara, " swine ;" sdnvaisar-d-s, 
" yearly," from sanvaisara, " year;" dvdip'*-d'8, "a car covered 
with tiger-skin,"' as adjective, " made of tiger-skin,'* from 
dvipUf m. n. {dvipa-s, -a -m), " tiger-skin.'' 


921. To class (l), and indeed to the feminine patronymics 
like drdupadT't, "Draupadi" (from drupada); dduhitr-i, 
" daughter of the daughter/' (from duhiidr) ; pdutr-i ** son's 
daughter" (from putra, "son"); correspond (irrespective of 
the vowel-augment,) with regard to accent, also Greek 
words like TavTa\*-/5, Ilpia/iWJ, Iva^ -/5, NrjpeiS, Ion. 'SrjpvjiS, 
the S of which is only an inorganic prolongation of the base 
(see p. 138, and §. 119). Niype/J, Ion. Nrfprj'iS, from N);pef/J, 
NrjpriFiS, from the base 'Nrjpev, corresponds to the Sanscrit 
forms like mdnav-i, " woman," from mdnavd, " man," as 
descendant of Manu, only that in Greek the Guna or 
Vriddhi vowel exists already in the primary word. With 
respect to the relation of accent, e.^r., of Tai/Ta\/J to the pri- 
mitive base TavToXo, compare that otvdsishtK-dy **Vasi?h- 
thide," to vdsishtha. To class (2) the Latin dv-u-niy as deri- 
vative from "bird" (avi-s), and the Greek a)(f)'-o-v, have 
already been referred. To names of fruits, like divatth-d-m, 
correspond Latin words like pom-u-m from pomu-s, pir-u-m 
from piru'8, prun-u-m from prunu-s, cercLS-u-m from 
cera-susy and Greek words like ySj/K-o-v from fxrj\t\(S), Kapi-o-v 
from Kapiay dni-o-v, from otTrio-f. As the Greek and Latin, 
just like the Sanscrit, reject the final vowels of primitive 
bases before the vowels of derivative suffixes (see §. 9ia), 
the possibility of the proposition cannot be contravened, 
that the names of fruits in both languages may have been 
formed from the names of the trees, not only by a change 
of gender, but by the addition of a suffix ; that therefore, 
e.g,t the formal relation of pirum to pirus, of airtov to anio^, 
may be a different one from that of, e.g., [G. Ed. p. 1348.] 
bonum to bonus, ayadov to ayado^.* We should especially 
notice in this respect the relation of fxrj\ov to the base fitjTiid, 

* Thoagh the names of trees in the said languages are feminine, yet 
those in us and os are, according to their form, masculine (cf. p. 1341 
G. ed.) 


the S of wliieh is only an inorganic affix, which has been 
added to the originally long t of /lu;\/ (see §. 119.); so that 
the Greek word, put into Sanscrit form, would be nothing 
else but mdlU whence, as from the name of a tree, we 
should have to expect, with the suffix under discussion, the 
name of the fruit, mAt-d-m* But if in Greek and Latin we 
derive the names of trees from the names of fruits, after 
the same fashion as those of the inhabitants of countries, 
as above (§. 902.) we have endeavoured to represent the 
names of countries as the feminines of the names of the 
inliabitants, then, irrespective of accent, we might as 
easily arrive from a formally masculine neuter base /lc^7u> to 
a feminine base iiqKiS (for /x);M), as in Sanscrit, e. g.^ from 
dyas-d, "the iron" (masc. and neut) (nom.,dya^(i-«, dyasd^m), 
to dyasi, To class (s) correspond Latin adjectives which 
have been formed from substantive bases in 6r (originally ds, 
Sanscrit, as), by the suffix u (from a), e.g., decdr-u-s, 
sopdr-u-St hondr-u-s, sopdr-us. 

922. That in Zend, toa analogous forms to the classes 
of Sanscrit words discussed above (§. 915.) are not wanting, 
is proved by bases like j^^^mjj^ csay-d, ** king,"' as " ruling^" 
(v. ^ju^ csit " to rule"), aj^a*^ gar-a, " throat,'' as " swallow- 
ing,'' aj7a5^ -gar-a, "swallower," a5^am/o -ydz-a, ** worshipper/' 
Ajyo -ghn-a, " slayer," a5(o^a5jQ^ -yaddh-ch " combatant," at 
the end of compounds. Especial notice should be given 
[G. Ed. p. 1349.] to the compound drvjem-vand (theme 
-vana), ** Druj-slaying," as analogous to Sanscrit compounds 
like arin-damd'S, *' foe-taming" (§. 916.). I at least am of 
opinion that we cannot venture to assume that in Zend, 
in departure from Sanscrit, the adjectives which are 
formed with the suffix a govern also, in their simple state, 
an accusative; and that, therefore, drvjem and vand, 
which in the manuscripts are not, in writing, joined to- 
gether, can be regarded as two independent words, as in 
the manuscripts of the Zend-Avesta the difierent portions 


of a compound very often appear written separately.* An 
example of a Zend word, formed with the secondary suffix 
CI, is to be found in xy^^^^ ayanha, ''iron, an iron-vesseP 
( = Sanscrit dyasa), from aya8\ " iron ''(see Bumouf, 1. c, p. 196). 
923. The feminine of the . suffix a, viz. d, forms, in 
Sanscrit, oxytone abstracts like bhidd, "cleaving;'' chhiddy 
id. ; kshipdf " the casting ;" bhikshd, ** the begging ;" 
kshudhdf ** hunger ;" mudd, ** joy.^f So, in Greek, amongst 
other words, <f>opa9 <l>6opdf Kovpd, ^ayi^, rofii^, <l>vyrj. In Latin, 
beside fngti^ it is probable that cura, the base word of curare, 
belongs to this class, which it seems to me has sprung from 
the Sanscrit root kar, kri, "to make'' (Jeardmi, **! make," 
kurmds, " we make," see §. 490.). The Gothic furnishes for 
this class of words the feminine bases vrakd, ** persecution" 
(opposed to vraka, nom. vrala, ** perse- [G. Ed. p. 1360.] 
cutor"); bidd, "request;" b6t6, "use" J; daUd, " sym- 
pathy" §; tAarfcd, " want/' id-reijyd, " repentance ;" || saurgd, 
"care;" mUvd, "plunder" (root valv: vUva, vafo, vidvum). 

* Buriiouf ('''' Etudes," p. 250) is of a different opinion as regards the 
case before us, who, however, regards, and undoubtedly with justness, as 
a compound the expression thaCsho-tadurvdo which immediately precedes, 
the members of which are, in the original loanuscript, similarly sepa- 
rated, and translates it by ^^ triomphant de la haine** 

t Remnants of this class of words, which, however, are not placed 
here by the Indian Grammarians, are the before-discussed (§. 629.) accu- 
satives of the periphrastic preterite and tlie Zend infinitives in aiun, 
Mrigaya^ ^* hunting," is an isolated word from a theme of the 10th class 
with a perfect declension. 

X Root hat (presupposes a strong verb haia, bot)^ whence bats, ''good," 
Engli^ ^^ better." In Sanscrit the root hhand, ^^ to be fortunate," corre- 
sponds; whence bhddra, ^^ fortunate, admirable," see GluS6arium Sanscr., 
a. 1847, p. 243. 

§ Root dil (=Sanscrit dal^ ^''/indi") presupposes a strong verb deila, 
dail^ diliun, see Glossary, a. 1847, p. 164. 

II From a lost root, which jierhaps signified originally " to blush," tlien 
^^to be ashamed," and appears to be connected with the Sanscrit root 
rahjf whence raktdy '• red." 


yiukd, " strife ;" hvdtd ** threatening ;" nom. vraka, bida, 
&e., §. 137.). The following exhibit inorganic n: reirdn, 
"the trembling;" br6thra4ubdn, "brotherly love;" trig/h, 
"mourning" (see Grimm, II. p. 53, n. 555.); nom. reirSf 
&e. (§. 142.). The following are Lithuanian examples 
of this class of words : malda, "request" (meldziti, ** I re- 
quest"); deya, ** wailing" (whence deyoyti, "I lament, 
waiP); ramsza, "stopping" (remszUj "I stop"); rauda, 
" complaint" (Sanscrit root rud, " to weep ") ; gedu, " shame'" 
(whence gedinu, "I shame"); pa-galba, "help" {gelb-mh 
pa-^elb-mi, " I help ") ; prie-spaudd, ** oppression " spattdzim 
"I press"); pa-baUjay "accomplishment" {baigiu, "I ac- 
complish"). The following are examples in Old Sclavonic (in 
Dobrowsky, p. 276): MXBXmlva/' tumulfus** {mlv-i-d, MOABiiTn 
molv-i^i, ** tumultuarV) ; t aXbx slava, "glory;" roy ex gAba, 
** perditio^^ (gUb-i-d, ** perdere**): hI^hA myena, ** muiatw ; 
noE'txX po-byedoy ^'victoria;* o^T^^X ^-iyechat ** consolatio, 

924. The suffix i is either identical with the demonstra- 
tive base i (see §. 360.), or, as I now prefer to assume, a 
weakening of the suffix a, which made its appearance in a 
period before the separation of our stem of languages ; in 
the same way as, in Latin, the bases in u of the 2d declen- 
sion ( = Sanscrit a), as also those in a (=w d), have fre- 
[G. Ed. p. 1361.] quently permitted this vowel at the 
end of compounds to be corrupted to i, e.g., in imbeUis^ 
imberbis, multiformis. This suffix forms in Sanscrit, (l) fe- 
minine abstracts accenting the root, especially in the 
Veda dialect; e.g., rdnh-i-s, " quickness ;"" krishi-s, "the 
ploughing;" ^u/fft-f-*, " lustre ;" «(icA-i-«, "friendship," pro- 
perly, "the following" (root sach^ "to follow," cf. Latin 
sequor and socius with sacJiiva-s, "friend"); llp-i-s, "writ- 
ing ;" .H>j^^g7g^ vereidh'i'S, " increase, fortune "* ; jj^j^mj^ 



♦ Dative v^fidhyS, gen. pi. vMidhinanm, see Bumouf, " Etudes," 
pp. 31G, 321. 


ddh'i'S, "creation"*; moj^ms? raj-i-s, **in8titutio.''''\ The 
Gothic supplies for this class of words the feminine base 
vunni, "the suffering'*'' (root rann: vimta, vann, vunnum), and 
from lost roots the bases vrdhi, "accusation," and vini, 
" hope ;" nom., vunn-s, vrAK-s, vin'-s. In Old Sclavonic 
to this class belong : f *Hb ryechy, " speech ;" ctnb gyechy, 
"the smiting, flogging" (theme ryechi^ syechi, i ch euphonic 
for Jt); i^Ab yady, "food," properly, " eating" (theme yadi): 
in Greek, fjirjv-i-^. (cf. with respect to the root the Sanscrit 
man-yH'S, "wrath, dislike"), dfjp-i-s (cf. the Sanscrit rootctor, 
dW, "to tear asunder," Sepo)^ whence vi-ddr-and-m, "war"), 
ayvp't-g^ and with 5 added (cf. §. 125. p. 138), the bases 
cAtt/S, otti J ; with t added, xa/oir. For the latter we should 
have to expect in Sanscrit hrish-i (from hdrsh-i), nom., 
hrUh'i'S, In Latin to this class belong, perhaps, the bases 
ccsd-h Idhh and awbd-g-i; but in these and similar words the 
nominative singular in ^-s causes a diffi- [G. Ed. p. 1362.] 
culty, as it would furnish occasion for a comparison with 
Sanscrit bases in as, nominative masculine and feminine ds; 
€,g.^ nubis reminds us of the Sanscrit ndbhas, both as mas- 
culine, meaning, among other things, "cloud," nom. 
ndbhds, and as neuter, on which the Greek neuter base 
v€(f}€^ (sec §. 128.), and the Sclavonic nebes (nom. nebo, §. 264.), 
"heaven," are based.! Sedi-s answers to the Sanscrit 

• Root daA=San8crit dds, "to give," see Barnonf, "Ya9n8," Notes, 
p. ix. Rem. 16., whence it is clear that above (§. 180., p. 197), for 
f»^A5^^CAy4 ddonhadt we ought to read, according to three other MSS., 

t»ji^^^pM^ ddonhoity which ddhif according to §§. 180. and 56^., must 
form in the ablative. The accusative ahim of the same base is con- 
firmed by the authority of V. S., p. 83. 

f See §. 180. I now regard the ablative t^^^ixs) rajoit, which is 
ambiguous as regards its gender, as feminine. 

I In Lithuanian <if^5J-«, f. (from nebesi-s, cf. §.317.), "cloud," regard- 
ing which it may remain undecided whether, according to its origin, it 
belongs to ndbhas m., or to ndbhas n. 


1R[H sddas, "assembly'' (perhaps originally "sitting''), and 
Greek eSoy, e5e(o')-o9. Consequently the i of ctedu labu 
nubh sedi, &c., which lies at the base of the oblique cases 
as theme, might have been deprived of a following s, or r 
for s (see §. 22.), and so the whole have migrated into the 
i-declension ; where I recall attention to the exactly similar 
abbreviation which munuSf muner-is (from munis'ts), has 
experienced in the compounds immuni'S, and opus, operis, 
from opis-is ( == Sanscrit dpas, dpas-as), in opi-fex for aperi-fex. 
(2) Nouns of agency, and appellatives which, according to 
their primary meaning, are nouns of agency, or denote in- 
struments. They are for the most part masculine, and 
accent, some of them the root, some the suffix. The 
following are examples : chhid-i-s, ** cleaver ;" ydj-i-s, " sa- 
crificer f' pdch-i-s, *' fire," as " cooking ;" dh-i-s, " snake/' 
as " moving itself" (root oflh) ; p^sh-i-s, " thunderbolt,'' as 
"crushing;" v(M-f-«, "garment;" dAvan-f-*, " sound ;" kav-i-^, 
"poet," as "speaking" (root ku, "to sound"); chhtd-is, f. 
" axe," as " cleaving ;" ruch-i-s, f. " beam of light" Also 
some adjective bases, as mch-i, " pure ;" bddh-h " knowing, 
wise ;" tuV'U " much"* ; and, with reduplication, jdym-i, 
[G. Ed. p. 1363.] ''quick" (root gam, "to go," Ved.) ; 
gdghn-if "slaying** (root Aan, Ved.), with the accusative 
(S. V. Benfey, p. 74) ; sdsn-i, ** giving,'* with the accusative 
(Ved. 1. c.)j sdsah'U ** enduring" (Ved.), with the accusa- 
tive (1. c. p. 127). To the paroxytone nouns of agency, as 
yq;-i-s,"sacrificer," corresponds, in Greek, rpd^^-i-y, "runner:" 
with dii-4s, " snake," in Zend J^3J^As cur-i-«t the etymologi- 
cally obscure e;^-/-^ is identical ; and so> too, the Latin 
angu'i-s, the u of which (=t;) is only a favourite affix after 
gutturals. To the oxytone feminine formations like chhid-i-s, 

* In the Veda dialect, root /m, ^^ to grow." From the same root comes 
the Old Prusian ta&'Ia-nf *^much" (nout.)) and tlie adverb touls, ^'more" 
(properly a comparative with «=:Sanscrit fyas, yas, cf. §. 301.). 


" axe," as " cleaving/' belong, probably, Greek feminine 
bases like ^afl^-iS, "needle," as "sewing;" ypa<l>'ii, "style," as 
" writing;" K<Mr-/5, "hanger, sword," as "smiting;" cr^ay-iS, 
"butcher's knife,"" as " slaughtering ;"" and, with passive signifi- 
cation, Ken-iS; with both active and passive, \aj9-/$. In Sanscrit 
the masculine as-l-s (cf. ensi-s), " sword," as " being whirled" 
(root as, "to cast"), has a passive meaning. The Greek 
termination tS, the S of which is undoubtedly an inorganic 
affix, is, however, in so far ambiguous, that its / is frequently 
the abbreviation of a Sanscrit i; and as the Sanscrit suffix a 
=Greek o (see §.915.) frequently forms its feminine by i, 
and, e.g., parallel with the masculine nadd-s stands a femi- 
nine nadt likewise " river," as " making a rushing noise/' 
so we might also regard the said Greek formations in iS as 
corresponding to the Sanscrit formations in u and therefore 
derive, e.g., ypa<l>iS from a to-be-presupposed masculine base 
ypa^ or ypa^t in the same way as, e, g.y aTpartiy-iSf " fe- 
male leader of an army," comes from arapanfjyo ; Kopcdv-iS, 
from Koptavo. Beside the Sanscrit adjective bases like such-i, 
"pure," bSdh'if "knowing," the Greek rpotft'i places itself 
as analogous. In Gothic, to this group of words belong 
the masculine substantive bases yugga-lcmdl, ** young man, 
youth" (root bid, "to grow " = Sanscrit ruh from rudh), 
nominative lautK-s ; nav-i, " slayer," ♦ [G. Ed. p. 1364.] 
nominative nau-s; muni, "thought;" saggvi, "song" (with 
euphonic v, see §. 388.), and the feminine bases daili, " por- 
tion" (Sanscrit root da/, "to cleave"); qvSni, "woman/' as 
" bearing"' (Sanscrit root ^an, "to bear"). The Lithuanian 
remnants of this class of words are all feminine, and their 
origin lies beyond the consciousness of the Lithuanian lin- 
gual intelligence. To this class belong, as ancient transmis- 

♦ From nahv-iy with euphonic v (see §. 388.). It, with the Latin nee, 
Greek p(kv^ v€Kp6^ belongs to the Sanscrit root nai, from naky " to be 



sions from the time of the unity of language, ang-i-s, '' adder" 
= Sanscrit dh-i-Sf Zend az-i-s, Greek e%-/-5, Latin an/^M-r-* ; 
ak-i'S, "eye''= Sanscrit dksh-i (neuter), Zend jj^aj ash-i, 
(see §. 52. conclusion): us-i-s, "ash," accords well with the 
Sanscrit root vakah, Zend Mi^) ucs, Gothic i^ahs, " to grow." 
Perhaps kand-i-St "moth," has grown up on Lithuanian 
ground (cf. kandu, "I bite," Sanscrit i|Rj^ khaijd, "to bite," 
?r^ khad, "to eat." In Zend the adjective bases Jt^T^^ 
darshi, "courageous," and J^Mif ndmi, "flexible, tender," 
belong to this class of words. The following are examples 
of substantives : ashi, "eye," as "seeing" (see §. 52.) : j«o£j 
driwif " beggar" (see §. 45. p. 42, and cf. the Sanscrit root 
darbh, dribh, " to fear") ; jjjo azi, " snake" ( = Sanscrit dhi) ; 
j'^jAsl^ vairit probably, "harness," as "covering" (Sanscrit 
root var, vri, " to cover."* With respect to the secondary 
sufBx i, in which the European languages have no share, 
the example quoted above (§. 913.) may suffice. 

925. The suffix ti, in which I think I recognise a de- 
monstrative base, whence come the prepositions ut, vpa, 
and itpdri, forms, in Sanscrit, (l) adjectives from desidera- 
tive themes with the signification of the participle present. 
They, like the latter, govern the accusative, and retain also 
[G. Ed. p. 1356.] their energy by the accentuation of the 
first syllable, Le, in the case before us, of the syllable of 
reduplication ; e.g., didrikshuH pitdrdu " wishing to see the 
parents" (Sav. 5. loo.). (2) Adjectives which, in agreement 
with the Greek in v, and Lithuanian in u, for the most 
part accent the suffix ; e. jr., tanm " thin " (properly, '* stretched 
out," root iarif "to stretch out"), Greek ravv-^ "stretched,'' 
"long ;" »i-(l(/i/,"sweet'X'*savoury," rootsvad^"to taste well"), 
Greek ^Jy, Lithuanian saldu, from sladu for simdu (see 
§. 20.); laghii, "light" ("moveable," root langh, "to spring 

* Sec Burnonf, " Yayna," p. 444. 


over"'), Greek €-\axv\ mfidut "soft, tender"' (properly, 
" fine, pounded,"' from mardii root mard, mridy " to crush"), 
Greek l3paSv, irom fxpaiu ; Asu, from dkut "quick,"* (root 
a\ "to attain," originally, perhaps, "to be quick, to run," 
hence Asva, "steed,^' as " runner"), Greek ww; puruf from 
paru, "much" (root pcrr, \prl9 "to fill," pfparmi "I fiir')» 
Greek 7ro\i;, from itdKu for irapv, Gothic Jilu, indeclinable ; 
prithv/* hri>adr (romprothuicomfarnXiveprithtycLS, rootprath 
** extendi, ejpandV), Greek 'nKarv, Lithuanian platu; guru, 
" heavy," •!• Greek )8af>t^ (as )8/)8i7/x/ compared yfiXh j&gAmi) \ 
uru, " great" (probably from varu, from var, vrU " to cover"), 
Greek, evpv ; bahu, " much," probably from badhuX Greek 
^aOv, "deep.'' To the Greek dapau, dpaav, corresponds 
the Lithuanian dra^u, "bold, courageous." § In Gothic, 
besides the already-mentioned indeclinable JUu, there 
belong to this class || thaiirsu, nom. m. f. thaursu-s, neuter 
thaursu (root thars = Sanscrit tarsh, [G. Ed. p. 1356.] 
trish, "dry," and qvairru "soft, quiet, mild" (our kirr). 
The following arc examples in Zend: ;7>^(j) pduru, " much" 
= Sanscrit puru; jj^j^f erezu, " direct" = iji| r(/u (root rij. 

« In classical Sanscrit only an adverb; in the Veda dialect also an 

t From gaHi, whence compare gdr^iyas, superlative gdrish^ha^ see 
p. 1058, p. 1091, G. ed.). I do not know a root suitable to this adjective 
as regards its signification. 

X Root hahh^ " to grow," from bandh, as vrik, " to grow," from vridh, 
see §. *28. 

§ Sanscrit root dharfh^ '^ to dare," to which also belongs our dreUt, 
Regarding other cognate affinities, see Glossarium Sanscr., a. 1847, p. 186. 

II That qvairru'8 is radically identical with qvair^nu^s^ ^' millstone," 
may appear strange : I therefore recall notice to the connection of the 
above-mentioned Sanscrit mridHy ^'tender," with the root mard, mfid, 
*^ to crash." The root of the Gothic qvairr-u-g (with inorganic doubling 
of the liquid) and qyair-nu-s is to be found in the Sanscrit ^*ar, ITjH, 
'* to triturate, to be ground." 

4 Q 2 


from arj or raj) ; j jjam din, ** quick," * whence the super- 
lative As^ojiOJjJAM Hsisia; )>^^l^ vanhu, ** good/^ = Sanscrit 
vasu (see §. 56\). The reason that, in Latin, adjectives 
corresponding to this class of i^^ords are wanting, is, as has 
been already elsewhere remarked,'!' that that language has 
added to all the words whicli, according to their origin, 
belong to this class, the inorganic affix of an i. In this way. 
from the Sanscrit tanu has been formed tenui, and gurti for 
gariit has become gravi (transposed from garui) ; from laghu 
has come feve (for fegrui); from sv&du, suavi (for suadui)] from 
mridvt for mardu, moUU as it seems by assimilation from 
molvi (cf. §. 312., pp. 428, 429), where the / corresponds either 
to the Sanscrit r or d. (3) Appellatives; e.g., ddru, n. 
wood,'* as "to be cleft ;"t (shut, m. £ "arrow/' as 
moving itself f" bdncUiUt m. " kinsman,'" from bandh» 
to bind r rdjifu, m. " cord,'' as " bind- [G. Ed. p. 1367] 
ing" (cf. Latin *' Ugare'"') ; kdru, m. "artificer," as "mak- 
ing ;" bhidu, m. " thimderbolt," as " cleaving ;" tonw, f. 
"body," as " stretched out;" also in Zend (see §. 180. 
p. 197). So, in Greek, beside the already-mentioned 
iopv, perhaps also the bases yfjpv, f. (Sanscrit root gavt 
JT gri^ whence gir, f. "voice"); vckv (Sanscrit root 
nas, from nak, " to be ruined" ( = Zend ;jJA5y naiu^ "a 
corpse" (see §. 247.). oraxt;, " ear of com," as "raised 




* To the saperlative dHsia, which Nerioeengh translates by vSgavai^ 
tama (see Bamouf, '^Yahista," p. 14, ^'Etades," p. 211), corresponds 
admirably the Greek &Kurro£, In Sanscrit we should have expected 

t '^ Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of Words,' p. 20. 

X Cf. hopvf in the oblique cases hopcery as, ydvor, together with ywv, 
Sanscrit^'ern^, n. The Gothic lengthens the two neuter bases by the affix 
of an a, which is agiun removed from the nominative and accusative, ac- 
cording to §. 153.; hence, triva^ "tree," hnivay "knee," nom. ace. triu^ 
kniu (dat. pi. hnwa-m, triva-m). 


up"' * ; w^u=Sanscrit bdhu ** arm/' Zend jjja^ bdzu (Sanscrit 
root bdh or vdh, "to strive") ; in Latin curru, "car/' as " run- 
ning f ' perhaps acut if it belongs to the Sanscrit root ^p^ a4 
from cJct in the signification "to penetrate" f; whence also 
has come the Sanscrit as-dni'S, " thunderbolt," as " pene- 
trating." The Gothic furnishes us with several masculine 
bases for this class of words, which, except lith-Uf " limb,'' 
as "moving itself" (root tith "to go"), mag-u, "boy" (root 
mag, originally "to grow," then "to be able"), come from 
lost roots; viz. airu, "messenger" (Sanscrit root ar,ri, "to 
go");/(K-M, "foot," as "going" (Sanscrit pad, "to go," 
whence pad and pdd-a-s, "foot"); auhs-u, "ox," (Sanscrit 
ukshf "to wet," "to sow," whence ukshan "bull"); grid-u, 
" hunger." { In Lithuanian, dangu-s, [G. Ed. p. 13a8.] 
"heaven," as "covering" (dengiu, "I cover") probably 
belongs to this class. 

926. The Sanscrit suffix an, in the strong cases dn, forms 
appellatives which denote the person acting, and, like the 

* In so far as it is connected with <rr€ix» (root (mx^Sanscrit stigh^ 
^' to mount") the a is only the Guna vowel, like the o of (n^xo-s* 

t In this case acuo is a denominative from acii, as in Greek, e.g.^ 
yrjpv'ia from yiypv (see §. 777.)* Against a former conjecture, wliich I 
agreed with Pott in encouraging, that acuo^ and similar words in the 
European sister languages, belonged to the Sanscrit root id (from kS), ^' to 
sharpen," with the preposition d^ speaks the circumstance, that in San- 
scrit itself this preposition does not occur in combination with id; and that 
in the Greek forms, which are most probably connected with the Latin 
actio, viz. wcfi, dxcoK^, cucfirj, dxpSs, &c., as also the Lithuanian aMa-trus, 
^^ peaked, sharps" aaz-mu, ^' sharpness," and the Sclavonic oZTP'b o»'tr\ 
'^ sharp," in all of these the initial vowel belongs to the root. As im 
ai is a compound of aA, the Sanscrit dg-ra^m, '^peak," may also be as- 
signed to this root, and an anomalous mutation of the tenuis to the medial 
be assumed. 

I The gender is nncert^n: gr^dS, '^I hunger," is a denominative. 
The Sanscrit supplies the root gridh, from gradh, ^' to wish, to require," 
whence also the Sclavonic glad^, "hunger.* 


majority of the analogous Greek formatioDS in av, ev, ov, 
rjv, 0)1/, accent the radical syllable. The following are 
examples : snihan^ " friend," as " loving ;" rijath " king/' 
as " ruling ;" tdkshan, " carpenter," as " cleaving, forming ;*" 
ukshan, " bull," as " impregnating ;" vrUhauy an appellation 
of Indra, originally, ** causing to rain," also " bull," as " im- 
pregnating with seed." To the latter, from the root varstu 
vrish, (" to rain, to rain over, to besprinkle, to sow"), whence, 
also, other names of male animals, corresponds, in root, 
suBlx^ and accentuation, the Greek base aptr-ev (from Fdpaev), 
by assimilation, appev, from an obsolete root. The suffix 
under discussion further exhibits itself in Greek in the 
same form in the base eTp-ev, ** youth," as *' speaking." This 
suffix, however, diverges from its original destination in 
the adjective base rip-ev, in which ev has a passive significa- 
tion, like the ov of iren-ov, " ripe," properly, " cooked," which 
is originally identical with it. The suffix ov appears, in its 
original destination in tekt-ov^ contrasted with the above- 
mentioned K^^^ tdhsh-an, " a carpenter,'' and with demitted 
accent in arayov, (" drop," as *' trickling"), rpvy-ov, apriy-ovj 
arj'Sov, eiK-ov. The original a, with the genuine accentuation, 
has remained in raAai/.' As regards the bases in yjv and cot/, 
[G. Ed. p. 1359.] it is to be observed that the Sanscrit suf- 
fix an forms the strong cases in An (see §. 129.), with the 
exception of the vocative singular, and this latter is probably 
the older form of the suffix, which appears to me to have 
arisen from an<7, so that the dropping of the final a has been 
compensated by lengthening the first. The shortening of 
the vowel of the suffix under discussion, and its entire sup- 
pression in the Sanscrit weakest cases (see §. 130.), have, 
however, probably entered into the different languages in- 
dependently of one another, and probably for the first time 
after the separation of languages. Compare, e.gr., the plural 
nominatives o-KJ^Trwiz-ey, ("staves," as "supporting"), kKih 
5a)v-€j, (** billows," as "laving"), a?fla)i/-ef, elpiav-e^, Tptl3(ji>v-e^» 


(the latter, contrary to the Sanscrit principle, with a 
passive signification), with the plural nominatives of the 
above-mentioned (p. 1358 G. ed.) Sanscrit bases, sn^hdn-aSf 
rdjAn-as, takshdn-as, vrtshdn-as* In genitives like sn^lin-' 
dm, " amicorumr sing, sn^hn-ast as generally in the weak- 
est cases, the Sanscrit stands in very disadvantageous 
comparison with Greek forms like aKtjTrdv'Oiv, o-Kjywwy-oy ; 

while, on the other hand, it surpasses the Greek in this, 
that in the classical language it has nowhere allowed the 
length of the vowel of the suffix to be lost in the strong 
cases (with the exception of the vocative singular and the 
anomalous pushan, " the sun,'" as " nourisher," in all the 
strong cases) ; and hence, e.g., it contrasts the forms tdksMn- 

am, tdkshdn-dn, tdkshdn-as, with the Greek TeKToi/-a, TCKTov-e, 

• • • • 

TCKTov-ej.f Moreover, the Sanscrit, in this class of words, 
has never suffered the accent to sink [G. Ed. p. 1360.] 
down on the suffix, like, e.g., in the Greek, irevd^v, dirarcfiv. 
927. The Latin exhibits the suffix under discussion in 
the form dn, and therefore likewise favours the supposition 
that its vowel was originally pervadingly long. To this class 
belong, e.g., the bases ed-Sn, ger-Sn, combih-dn, prcedic-dn, err-' 
'6n, the accusatives of which, ed-dn-em, ger-Sn-em, &c., corre- 

^ n for 7t in the two last forms^ through the euphonic influence of the 
preceding sh. 

f With regard to the r for Sanscrit sh^ t€kt<ov has the same relation to 
the Sanscrit tdkshd (see §. 139.) that apKTo-s has to riksIuUs, "bear" (from 
arkahd'S), the sibilant of which is preserved hy the Latin ursu-s as origi- 
nal. In the y6da dialect the suffix under discussion admits after sh in the 
strong cases, at option either d or a (Pan. VI. 4. 9.); e.g.^ tdhshdn-am 
and tdks?ian-am=T€KTOP'a, tdfuhdn-as and takshan-a3 = T€KTov'es, I 
cannot, however, regard this agreement with the Greek, with respect to 
the shortening of the vowel, as merely accidental, as in the Veda dialect 
it is bound up with the condition of sh preceding, which shews itself also in 
the above-mentioned pushan^ and as the Veda dialect admits also of several 
other forms, which can only have arisen in the progress of corruption. 


spond well to the Sanscrit, like sneh-dn-am, rdg dn-^am. A 
weakening of the original d to i is tound in pect-in, no- 
minative, ped-en (according to §. 6.)» the i of which for 
6 resembles that of the base ho-min, the nominative of 
which belongs to a base ho-mdn (see §. 797. p. 1077.). In 
Gothic the suffix spoken of has throughout in the singular, 
in the cases which, in Sanscrit, are weak, just like the suf- 
fix man (§. 799.), experienced the weakening of the ansound to 
i (see §. 132.). To this class belong the bases (some of which 
have sprung from lost roots) han-nrij "cock,** as " singing ''' 
(Latin cano, Sanscrit sans from kans, "to say"); stau-an^ 
"judge"' (Sanscrit root s/w, **to praise''); /aura-jra^'^-aw^ 
" superintendant^ (literally, "preceder"); ar-an, "eagle,^"* 
as "flying" (Sanscrit root an ri, "to go"); ah-ans "sense, 
understanding" (cf. ah-man, ** spirit," §. 799., ah-ya, " I think, 
I mean"); liut-an, "hypocrite;" nut-an, ** catcher;" ga- 
slnth-an, " companion ;" skid-an, " debtor" (root skah " to 
owe, to be obliged") ; veih-an, ** priest," as " consecrating ;" 
[G. Ed. p. 1361.] 8piU-an$ " announcer ;" * auhsan, " ox," 
«=Sdnscrit ukshan (see §. 82.), nom. auhsa^vkahd (see 
§. 140.). In Old High German the Gothic a of this suflSx 
and of the suffix man has been corrupted to o or u : in 
the genitive and dative plural, however, we find inorganic 
df while the Gothic an-i, d-m (for an-m), would lead us to 
expect a short o (see Grimm, I. p. 624). The i of the 
Gothic genitive and dative singular has remained, or been 
further corrupted to e, which latter, in the Middle and 
New High German, has extended itself through all the 
cases. The Old High German bases in on, e.^., bot-on, " mes- 
senger," as " announcing "f ox-on, " ox," feas-oii, "hare," as 

* SpiUdy ^' I annonnce, I relate." The s is probably a phonetic prefix 
or an obsolete preposition. Compare the Old Prussian Inllut '' I say/' Li- 
thuanian 6i/<^tf id., Irish M, ^' word," and the Sanscrit root bru^ ^'to speak." 

t Properly, "offering." The root but, " to offer," is based on the San- 


"springing (Sanscrit iai, "to spring^ said, "hare"), 
hlouf-on, ** runner," ^rinAr-on, " drinker," fah-^rif ** seizer," 
heri'zoh-on, " leader of an army," correspond excellently to 
Greek bases like apify-ov, and the nominatives which drop the 

u, like bot-^ (our Bote, *' messenger," from the base Boten), 
to the Latin like ed(h combibo. The English language ex- 
hibits a remarkable remnant of the Sanscrit suffix an in 
the plural " oxen," which, according to form, is nothing but 
the form of the Sanscrit base Hkshan a little altered, which 
appears in German in the form Ochsen, not only in the 
plural, but also in all the oblique cases of the singular. 
Through its limitation to the plural, the ancient formative 
suffix has, in English, obtained the appearance of an expres- 
sion of plurality ; and just so in " brethren'" (Sanscrit base 
bkrdtar, bhrdtri), " chicken,^' and " children,"' where the ori- 
ginal state of our stem of languages gives no occasion for 
it. In modem Netherlandish this suffix has fixed itself in 
the plural of all regular words, and has [G. Ed. p. 1362.] 
hence become a distinct mark of plurality for the practi- 
cal use of language. . Regarding a similar abuse of ano- 
ther Sanscrit suffix in the oldest period of High German 
(see §. 241.). 

928. The suffix under discussion does not form in San- 
scrit regular neuter bases ; but some anomalous neuters in 
i form their weakest cases (see §. 130.) from bases in an, e.g., 
dksh'i, " eye" (as "seeing"'), from akshdn, which may, per- 
haps, have originally had a perfect declension, and on which, 
perhaps, dksha, which, at the end of compounds, takes the 
place of dkshi, is based, with the loss of an n, as also r^-an, 
which is the word most in use of this class, is regularly 
replaced as the final element of a compound by r/^a. Con- 

sent bud/t, '^ to know," and has asBumed a causal signification ; so that 
botan, as ^^ making to know," approaches nearer to the old meaning than 
the verb biutu^ " qffero." 


versely, in German, several bases of words, which, in their 
simple state, terminate in a vowel, assume, at the end of 
compounds, the suffix an, e. jr., in Gothic, ya-duilan, *' sympa- 
thiser'' (from gOf "with," and daili, nom., dails, f. "part"'); 
ffn-hlaiban, "companion" Qilaiba, nom., hlaifs, m., *' bread'") ; 
us'lithan, " palsied" (us, **from," and lithu, n., liihu-s^ m., 
*' member"). In Old High German the appellation of 
" day " (simple theme taga, nom. tag) has, in several com- 
pounds, by extending itself to tagon, re-approached its 
conjectural Sanscrit sister word dhan* Zend (jasjsas aian), 
(see §. 253. p. 270). To return to the Sanscrit neuter base 
akahdn, " eye," whence, in the Veda dialect also, the middle 
[G. Ed. p. 1363.] cases spring — at least the instrumental 
plural akshdbhis — tlie Gothic base awjfanf corresponds to it 
in root, suffix, and gender. As the nominative, accusative, and 
vocative plural of neuters in Sanscrit belong to the strong 
cases, we should here expect from akshdn the form akshAnU 
from akshdn-a (see §. 234.) ; and to this the Grothic augSn-a, 
"eyes," admirably corresponds (see §. 801. p. 1083, Note). 
In Gothic, however, the nominative, accusative, and vocative 
singular of neuter bases in an also prove themselves to be 
strong ; hence, augd for the akshd to be expected in San- 

* I regard d/ian as an abbreviation of dahan (root dah, ^' to bum," here, 
" to give light"), see Gloss. Scr., a. 1847, p. 26, where, however, as in my 
Sanscrit Grammar, this anomalous word, which forms the middle cases 
in dJia8j is erroneously given as masculine. It is neuter, and therefore 
forms in the nominative,accusative,and vocative plural dhdni (theVedaform 
dhd belongs to the base dhd), dual dhti'if or Vedic uhanl^ see Benf. Gloss. 

t Tlie sibilant of the Sanscrit root may be a later affix, and is wanting 
in the Gothic, as in the Latin ocuJus, the Lithuanian a/ri-«, and Greek 
root on, from ok. For the g in augan we might expect h, according to 
§. 87., and therefore auhan^ which form probably preceded augan. In 
that case we should regard the u as the weakening of the old a, and 
explain the a of the diphthong au according to §. 82. With the Sanscrit 
aksha at the end of compounds the Gothic base Uia or aiJia^ of/iaUta^ 
"one-eyed," has been already compared (sec §. 308. p. 418.). 


scrit. With the Grothic neuter base vat'in, ** water ^' (for 
which, in Lithuanian, where, in substantives, the neuter is 
in general wanting, we find the masculine base wanden, 
(nom. wanduf see §. 139. p. 15l), the Sanscrit compares the 
base udan, which, however, can only be inferred from its 
derivatives, udan-vai, " ocean '* (literally, ** gifted with water "), 
and udan-yA, ** thirst " (ie. ** craving for water")* and whose 
gender, therefore, cannot be decided. Perhaps tidan is also 
contained in the compounds which begin with uda, " water/' 
as final n is regularly suppressed in such a position : a 
simple tula, however, has hitherto not been discovered. The 
corresponding verbal root is und ("to be wet''), the nasal 
of which has remained in the Latin unda and Lithuanian 
wandu. In Lithuanian we must further, in respect of its 
suffix, refer to this class the base rud^eiu nom. mJu, " autumn," 
and radically, perhaps, to the Sanscrit ruht [G. Ed. p. 1304.] 
from rudK " to grow," to which, also, inter alia, belongs the 
Sclavonic rod-i-ii, " to bear young." 

929, I look upon the Sanscrit accented suffix in as a 
weakening of the suffix an. After augmenting the radical 
vowel, it forms words like vddin, "speaking" (root vad), 
kdrtn, "making" (root kar, kri), hdrin, "taking, rubbing," 
Ssliin, " wishing,"yAttrn, "striving'' (root yudA), sdvin, "squeez- 
ing out," which occur only at the end of compounds ; e.jr., 
rita-vddin, " speaking truth," Yajurv. V. 7, ; manyusdvlnf 
** zealously squeezing out" (the Soma), S. V., L 3. i., 4. i.). 
We find in the simple form, as substantive, unf^ kdmtn, 
" loving, lover." With respect to the weakening of the a 
to u these formations correspond to the above-mentioned 
(§. 927.) Latin bases pect-in, and the Gothic genitives and da- 
tives like staU'in-s, **judici8r stau-iUf ''judicif"' in contrast to 
the more organic a of the other cases, e. 9., of the accusative 
stau-an^ "judicem,^'' and of the nominative and accusative plu- 
ral stau-an-s, '* judices,'"' The Sanscrit itself presents some 
remarkable words in which the suffixes an and in occur to- 


gether, and indeed so, that an, or rather dn (see §. 92S.), 
occurs only in the strong cases, and in extends over all 
those weak cases which do not, as is done in the said words 
by the weakest cases, entirely divest themselves of the 
suffix, and, beyond these, also to the vocative, which espe- 
cially inclines to a weakening of the vowel. Moreover, 
the accent in the words spoken of is so divided, that the 
cases with the suffix an (dn) follow the accentuation of 
rdjan^ "king, ruler/^ and similar words, and those with 
the suffix in (excepting the vocative, §. 785. Rem. p. 1054)^ 
that of -kdrln, " making," -vddin, " speaking/' and similar 
formations in in. Thus, e.g., from the root manih, ** to 
shake," comes the base manthan, "a chum,^' as "shaker'* 
[G. Ed. p. 1865.] (accented like rdjan) ; and hence, by 
weakening the root, the suffix, and the accentuation, the 
base mathfn, which is found also at the beginning of com- 
pounds, and is therefore viewed by the grammarians as 
the proper theme. The analogy of mdnthant mathtn, is, 
moreover, followed by the already-mentioned pdnthan, pa- 
thin, ** way,"" where the suffix under discussion has a pas- 
sive signification ; a circumstance which has already been 
remarked of the Greek r/oi jScoi/, which is, in formation, akin 
to it. The root is path^ **to go,^ perhaps originally pan^A: 
the signification, therefore, of pdnthan, pathin, is tantamount 
to •* gone upon, trodden." In the Veda dialect the accusative 
singular pdnthdnam, and the nominative plural pdnthdnas, 
allow the n to be cast out, after which the two a-sounds 
coalesce ; whence pdnthdm, pdnthds, a remarkable though 
fortuitous coincidence with the Greek eiVco, eiKov^, eiKovg, for 

etKova, eiKovogf eiKova^. 

930. The suffix in is used in Sanscrit also for the for- 
mation of derivative words, and then denotes the person 
gifted with the thing which is expressed by the primitive ; 
and has, therefore, a passive meaning like the primitive 
pathin, " way,'' as " trodden.'' This in has likewise the 


accent; e.g., dhanin, "rich, endowed with riches" (nom. m. 
dJiani, according to §. 139.), from dhand, " wealth ;'" kikn, 
" covered with hair, having beautiful hair " (from kiid, " hair "'), 
and as substantive masculine ''a lion "" ("the maned""); 
hastin and karin, " the elephant," property, " having a trunk," 
from hasta, kar&f "hand, trunk." It appears to me to 
admit of no doubt that the secondary in, too, is a weaken- 
ing of arit or rather dn, which, in Greek and Latin, has 
remained in the form of (av, dn, in possessives to which the 
use of language has imparted a partly amplified significa- 
tion, in like manner as several of the Sanscrit formations 
under discussion may be regarded as ampliatives ; since, 
€,g., kii-in, as "lion" is "the shaggy " [G. Ed. p. ia66.] 
darU'ln, ("gifted with teeth") as "elephant" is "the large- 
toothed;" ddnshtr-in (from ddnshtrd, "tooth"), as "boar" 
is " the tusk-endowed." So in Greek, e.g., the bases, and, 
at the same time^ nominatives, yvad-iov^ " thick-cheeked" (pro- 
perly only "having cheeks"); KapaK^-wv, "thick-head;" 
ydarp'tavt " thick-belly, having a great paunch ;" n\ot^-a>i', 
properly, "having great riches;" in Latin, e.g., nas-dn* 
capit'&n, front'&iit ped-dn, bucc^dn, labi-on, guT-dn. Ctes'-dn, 
from a lost base, is perhaps, together with coesaries, con- 
nected with the Sanscrit A:&a (nom. kSid-s, "hair"), although 
the Sanscrit s (from it) would lead us to expect in Latin c. 
But if, notwithstanding the c6nnection which Pott (E. I., 
p. 588) conjectures should be well founded, we may recog- 
nise in the name Cces-dn a cognate formation of the above- 
mentioned Sanscrit appellation of the lion (jeiS^in from 
kis'dn)f and of the proper name of a Danava, which we 
meet with in Kalidasa^s Urvasi, while the feminine form 
of the said word (kts-ini) in the Nalus appears as the name 
of a female attendant of Damayanti. As regards the ac- 

* In Sanscrit we should have to expect from nuta^ ^^noms" Ands'^in, 
formed with m. 


ceiituation, the Greek possessives correspond to the Sanscrit 
nouns of agency in an, dn: compare e,g.f the plural 
yia'Tpcav'-eg with rrydn-as. The feminine formation pvy^ouva 
(for pvyj^avta) is remarkable: it corresponds to roAaivo, 
/jL€\atva (see §. 119.), and therefore presupposes a masculine 
neuter base pvyx^a^* ^"^ represents the Sanscrit feminine 
possessives like kSsini, " having (fine or much) hair,'*' for 
kSsdni. Sof according to its form, Oepavatva is based, not 
on depaiTovT, but on a to-be-presupposed base depawav and 
[G. Ed. p. 13G7.] represents the Sanscrit feminines like 
r^/ni (*' she that rules," " queen "") for r^ani, and this for 

931. It is important to observe, that where the Greek 
possessive suffix wv refers not to persons but to rooms, 
which are gifted with the thing expressed by the base 
name, the accentuation which has been recognised above 
(§. 785. commencement of Remark) as the more energetic 
and animated is replaced by the weaker, since the accent 
sinks down from the first or second syllable of the word 
to the suffix; thus, e.g., /TnrciSv, properly, "gifted with 
horses," with the to-be-supplied secondary idea of room, 
and thus " stall for horses ;" so dvSp-tdv, yvvaiK-cdv, 7r«0'-civ, 
oiV-cov, a/xTreV-cov, (Tit'-cov, /LteXierer'-cSv, TrepiOTepe-cGv,* in op- 
position to the living possessors of the things denoted, as 
Tvadoiv, UKovTUiv, Xe/Acav, K€(pa\tav, Tuxf^v, The accented 

* I regard the c of ir^purrtpt-av as the thinning of the final vowel of 
the base of the primary word, which in irtpurrtp-iiv^ according to the 
prevailing principle (see §.913.), is suppressed. So d/in-cXf-i^y together 
with afiircX'-fuy, olvt'^v together with olv-c^v, poht'&p with pob'-w; 
XaXic<-a>v, \vxv€-^p. There is no source for the c of xttycMrrcoy in the pri- 
mitive base Kdvciw ; and it is probably introduced through analogy with 
the forms in which the c is founded on the final vowel of the primitive 
base, and the origin of which is now lost sight of by the language. With 
respect to the weakening of o to r compare vocatives like Xvicc from Xvito 


suffix 0)1/, transferred frotn that which possesses room to time, 
forms also names of months, in which the preceding i every- 
where belongs to the primitive, where this really admits of 
being traced; hence, e.g.^ eKaff^rj^oKi-cavt properly, "gifted 
with the hunting-feast," and hence, ** month of the hunting- 
feast." The Sanscrit forms with the feminine of the suffix 
in ( = Greek cGi^) words which express the place provided 
with the thing denoted. At least, from all the appellatives 
of the lotus-flower come words in ini, [G. Ed. p. 1368.] 
which denote "lotus-field," "lotus-pond;" as, e.g.^ padm-int 
from padma. Hereto remarkably correspond Greek femi- 
nines like poJ*-c«)i/ia, properly, "gifted with roses," hence, 
"rose-garden/* where, as in the above-mentioned (§. 119.) 
forms in T|oia=Sanscrit iri, to the feminine character i 
there has been further added an inorganic a, thus -ci>wa= 
ini from dni. 

932. The suffix w«T ana, fern, and, and ani, which we 
have already taken cognizance of as a means of formation 
of abstract substantives, as gdm-ana-m, " the going," and on 
which the infinitives of various Indo-European languages 
are based,* I regard as identical with the demonstrative 
ana (see §. 372. passim). This suffix forms in Sanscrit, 
inter alia, proparoxytone appellatives neuter or masculine, 
as ndy-ana-m, "eye," as "guiding" (root ni, with Guna); 
Idch-ana-m, id., as " seeing" (root Idch) ; vdd-ana-m, " mouth," 
as "speaking;" Idp-ana-m, id., (root lap, "to speak," cf. 
Latin loqaor and labium) ; dds-ana-m and ddi-ana-s, "tooth," 

• See §§. 851. (p. 1211 G. ed.), 852.^876., 877. To the feminine ab- 
stracts in W^ an^, like ydch-afld, '' the begging*' (§. 877.), I have far- 
ther to as»gn the Gothic base ga'tnaH-anSn (nom. 'OnS), ''the catting in 
pieces," as an analogons form which stands alone in Gothic, which is dis- 
tinguished from its Sanscrit prototypes (see §. 142.) only by the n, which 
in German is so freqaently added to bases terminating originally in a 


as " biting'' (root dans from danA:= Greek Ja#c) ; vdh-ana-m, 
" car,"' as '* carrying" * ; tdp-ana-s, " sun,"' as " buming ;' ' 
ddh-ana-s, " fire," as '* burning ;" ddrp-ana-s, " niirror,'' as 
"making proud" (root darp, drip in the causal); tdr-ana-g, 
[G. Ed. p. 1369.] "boat," as "ferrying over." Hereto 
well correspond, with respect to accentuation also, Greek 
bases in avo, and indeed to the neuter, such as ipeit'CLuo-v 
(" sickle," as " cutting off"), 7At;^avo-v, Koir-avo-Vf ojpy-avo^p^ 
Tvjy-avo-v (for T^Kavov), ^-avoi/ (as " means of holding ''), o-jc^- 
-avo-v.f The following are examples with a passive mean- 
ing: irhoK^avo-Vt irair-ai/o-i/, rvfiTr^avo-v. To the masculine 
forms like ddh-ana-s, " fire," as ** burning," correspond crre^ 
-avo^f Xo-ai/o-s'» xoS-ai/o-c^ In Lithuanian, to this class belong 
most probably words like teh-una-St " runner," where the 
first vowel of the suffix is weakened as regards quality, but 
lengthened as regards quantity, and has drawn to itself tlie 
accent. The following are other examples : beg-una-s, 
"fugitive;" klaid'iina'8, "wanderer;" pa-khid-una-^^ "rover" 
(klys'tu, *' I wander," pret. klyd<m) ; lep-una-s, " weakling ;" 
fnal-una-s, "mill;" riy-una-s or ryy-unn-s^ "devourer" (ryy-Uj 
" I swallow, I devour"). In Gothic, perhaps the base thiud- 
-ana, nom.ttiiirfari'-»,"king," if it originally signifies "ruling," 
belongs to this class+. In Old High German the masculine 

* The following have a passive signification : e.p., idy-anorm^ ^^ couch, 
bed," and ag^na-m^ '^ seat." To the former corresponds the Zend 
(^JAS^^ASJJ iay-anUm, Another example in Zend is (^iAS^^A kkar- 
-ang-my "sustenance," as "being eaten" (Bamouf, " Ya9na,'* p. 560). 

t As in Sanscrit the ay of caosals and verbs of the 10th class, which 
has its inflaence in the formation of words, is dropped before the snffix 
ana {ddrp-anas, not darpayafias) ; so in Greek the a of the correspond- 
ing verbs in ao> falls off: hence o-xcTr-oyo-y, the a of which has nothing to 
do with that of o>icf7r-a<». 

X The lost root thud is perhaps an extension of the Sanscrit tu, " to 
grow" (whence tdv-as^ "strength"), which we have already recognised in 
Gothic in the form in tav (see p. 1342 G. ed., $. 017., 3d Note). 


base wag-anot " wagon,'" nom. ace. wag-any irrespeetive of 
gender, accords admirably with the above-mentioned San- 
scrit vdh-anorm. The suflBix under discussion forms in 
Sanscrit adjectives also with the accent on the final syllable 
of the suffix, as sdbh-and, " fair'' {sdbh-and-s, -and, -and-m), 
properly, " shining " (root mbh, " to shine ") ; [G. Ed. p. 1370.] 
jval-an&t " flaming ;" chal-and, " tottering, trembling." • So 
in Greek, ericeir-ai'o-f, ** covering ;" iJC-avo-j, " suflBcient." 

933. Let us now examine somewhat closer the Sanscrit 
suffix a^y the dative of which we have already recognised as 
the termination of Vedic infinitives (see §. 856.), and whose 
origin we have sought in the root as of the verb substan- 
tive (see §§. 855., 857.). The Indian grammarians, however, 
recognise as infinitives, ue, as representatives of the form 
in turn, only those forms which have no other case from the 
same base accompanying them, as is the case, e.g.y with 
jivds-4y " in order to live," the sole remnant of the base^Vt^tb. 
On the other hand, chdkshas-i, which above (at p. 12*24 G. ed., 
§. 856.), in a passage there quoted from the Rig- Veda, we 
have seen standing beside a dative of the common infinitive 
in a similar relation, is looked upon by the Scholiast Sayana 
as no infinitive, clearly because chdkshajt, " the seeing," is 
retained with a complete declension, and for example has 
a nominative, which is wanting in the Vedas in the form 
in tu in the simple word.-j* The simple suffix, called asun 

* To this class of words I refer tho Zend a) jas»A)< zav-ana, " living " 
(cf. Bumonf, " Ya9na," Notes, pp. 81 and 88, n.), from tlie contracted 
root zfiy ioTJu (cf. §. 109 1» 2. p. 119, and §. 68.). 

t JivatUy *' vita" which occara in the nominative, I should agree with 
Benfey in regarding as an infinitive, were it found in sentences like na 
saknStijtvdtumj "he cannot live," or WliGJivitan jwdtum, ^^vitam vivere*' 
In the passages, however, quoted hy Benfey (Glossary, p. 72), the signi- 
fication ^^vita" is sufficient; moreover,^'tra/tf is not, like the infinitives 
in tUf a feminine, but a masculine and neuter (see Un^i, T. 75.)) and 
signifies, like the Latin word, akin to it in root and formation, victus, bo- 

i R sides 


[G. £d. p. 1371.] or asi by the Indian grammarians, with 
reference to the difference of accentuation forms : 
[G. Ed. p. 1372.] ji) Abstract neuters with the accent on 

sides ^^ livings" also '' noarishment, food, means of living (cooked rice, 
&c."), and, moreover, " medicine," as " making to live.". When, however, 
Benfey, in his recently-published '' Complete Grammar of the Sanscrit 
Language," p. 431, says that jlvdtum appears in the Vcdas distinctly as 
an infinitive, I am unable to perceive this distinctness, at least from the 
passages quoted in the Glossary to the S. V., just as I am unable to 
deduce, with Benfey, the masculine nature of these infinitives from the 
Yedic infinitive datives in tave; as, indeed, as the said learned man him- 
self says in §. 727. V., which is adduced as proof, the feminines in u op- 
tionally form the dative in avd, while the masculines do so necessarily. 
Now the Vedic infinitive datives actually avail themselves of the option 
of using in the dative both the termination i with Guna, and also the 
termination di, inasmuch as they employ both the one and the other form, 
with this peculiarity, that before the heavier and exclusively feminine 
termination di they gunise the u of the suffix. I will not here, in sup- 
port of my views, refer to the gerund in tva, as Benfoy (1. c, p. 424) 
pronounces no opinion whatever on it as to its gender and case, and espe- 
cially as to the grammatical category to which it belongs : as, however, 
ho remarks (p. 426, §. 91 1.) that alan kritvd signifies "do not," properly, 
^^ enough done," it might be imagined that the form in tvdy in constrac- 
tion with alarriy is a perfect passive participle ; while 1 am convinced that 
alan kritvd properly means '' cnongh with doing," and kritvd here clearly 
shews itself to be an abstract substantive in the instrumental (see p. 1204 
G. ed., §. 851., Note). It may appear strange that one should find 
this gerund, or rather the equivalent form in ya (on account of the 
weight of composition), in constructions where, instead of it, a prepo- 
sition might be used ; but even here, too, if we view the said form 
as the instrumental of an aljstract substantive or gerund there is no dif- 
ficulty; for atikramyU parvatan nadu according to Benfey, ^'thc river 
behind the mountain," means properly, " the river after crossing the 
mountain (of the mountiun)," t. e, '^ the river at which, after crossing the 
mountain, one arrives;" amaratvam apahaya (Arj. 3. 47.) may be aptly 
rendered by '' except immortality," but apahdya does not thereby become 
a preposition, for it properly signifies " with abandonment," i. e. *' with 
exception (of immortality"); and the instrumental termination of the ge- 
rund (see §. 880.) expresses here, ns is very usual, the relation "with." 


the radical syllable, and commonly with Guna of the 
vowels capable of receiving that augment; e.g., t'ij-as, 
"lustre'' (root <(;, "to sharpen"); vArch-as, id.; sdh-as, 
" might," rdnh-as, " quickness ;'" dnj-ds, id. ; tdras, id. (root 
tor, iftri, "to step over''); sdv-as, "strength:" Zend 
jJA)»Asjj sav-as, *'use" (root iu, from svU "to grow"); 
tdv-aSf "strength"' (Ved. tu, "to grow''); rdh-as, "secret" 
(root rah, "to leave"); mdh-as, "greatness" (root mah 
manh, "to grow"); ndm-as, "bending, reverence, adora- 
tion:" Zend MXi^2f ^'^^^^Z tdp-as, "penitence," properly, 
" the burning ;" duo-as, " transformation, reverence," Ved., 
properly, "going" (root du, "to go"). 

B) Neuter appellatives, with an active, and some of them 
with a passive signification, and with accentuation of the 
root and Guna ; e.g., sdr-as, "pond," Ved. "water," as "flow- 
ing" (root sar, sri, " to move itself") ; srdv-as, " ear," as 
"hearing ;" Zend mxs»m9m sravds, id. (root sru), formally the 
Greek #c\e(F)-oj ; chdksh-as, " eye," as " seeing" ; rddh-as, 
" coast," as '* hemming in ;" ch^t-as, " spirit," as " think^ 
ing" (root chint, chit) ; mdn-as, id.: Zend MMfXi^ man-as, 
" spirit, thought" (Greek fiev-o^, root in^ man, " to think") ; 
srd-t'os, "stream," as' "flowing" f; pdya-s, "water, milk," 

* Like the abstract ^H^ chdk/thas only in the Veda dialect, where 
chaksh means " to see." 

t Root sru, with t inserted (Un&di, IV. 203.) ; so also rSt-a-i, "seed," 
from ri, " to flow." An inserted tk is found in pd-th-as, " water " (1. c. 
205.), M "being drunk." N, too, or n is inserted ; viz. in dp-n-as, "ope- 
ration, work," together with dp-as and dp-as (root dp, "to obtmn,'' with 
prep, sam, *'to complete"); dr-n-as, "water," root ar, ri, "to move 
oneself." Compare chatur-n-dm, T€aaap<ov, from chaiur. In Latin, 
pig-n-us (root pag),/aci'n-tis, and perhaps mH-n-us, belong to this class, if 
the latter, with respect to its root, is connected with the Sanscrit mdy '* to 
measure" (with prep, ni*, nir — nir^md, " to make, to produce"). In Greek 
to this class belong words like 5a-v-or, icr^-y-of, dpa^v^os, rtpx-v-ost Dor. 
rpfx-y-os (cf. Tp€X(o, Tpix, OpiK'f, Sanscrit driA, from dark or draJi, " to 

4 R 2 "grow"). 


[G. Ed. p. 1373.] as "being drunk'' (root pf, "to drink'')? 
edli-asy "wood," as "about to be burnt" (root tndJu "to 
kindle") ; vdch-as, " speech," as " spoken ;" Zend jjas^as^ 
vach-as, id. Here must be ranked some masculine bases 
in the Veda dialect like vakshas, " ox," as " drawing," if it 
springs, as the Grammarians assume (see Bohtling, Unadi- 
sufHxes IV. 220.), from the root vah, with the affix of a 
sibilant. It might, however, as I prefer supposing, come 
from vakshf " to grow," so that it would proj^erly signify 
" the great," like the term for a buffalo, mahishdj from 
another root " to grow." An isolated form is the oxytone 
feminine vsh-ds, " aurora," as " shining ;" Zend MMf^y 
ush-as, id., likewise feminine, ace. ^^^^^am)^; ushdonhhn = 
Ved. vshdsam (root ^ ush, " to burn," here " to shine "). 
This word deserves especial notice, because in the Veda- 
dialect it exhibits a long d* not only in the nominative 
singular, but occasionally also in other strong cases, and 
indeed even in the genitive plural (ushd-sAmf see Benfey'^s 
Glossary) and thus as it were prepares the Latin fonn 

[G.Ed. p. 1374.] aurdr-a (J = d), which, through the ap- 
pended a, has the same relation to the Sanscrit ushdSf tliat 

grow"), Ttfu-p-os, The latter contains, like the lAtmfaci-n-w, the class- 
vowel of the verbal theme. In Zend to this class belongs j) a) JC^%o khare- 
-n-ffiJ, "lustre" (nom. ace. Ar^flrewo, according to §.66K, f^n. kharefianh-d, 
according to §.56*.), from the root A-Aar= Sanscrit svar, "to shine" (sec 
§. 35. and §. 816. last Note), the c of which is explained by §. 30. With 
Sanscrit formations which insert a ^sound, like sri-t-as, pd-tk-^is, we 
might compare the Greek /tfyc-^-or, in case it does not come from Ai/yar, 
but, like the latter, from the obsolete root (which, too, has lost its verb) 
/Licy=SanBcrit mah, mahh, " to grow." 

* The form usltds-d, at the beginning of copulative compounds, shews 
itself to be the Vedic dual termination of the base ushds, as the Veda 
dialect, as has already been elsewhere remarked, admits also, in the fii«t 
member of such compounds, the dual termination. 


(qtrr-a has to oj}er, the theme of the oblique cases of ajnia = 
Sanscrit dp-as, ** work.""* 

C) Adjectives with the signification of the present par- 
ticiple, which, in combination with the substantive preceding, 
and standing in the accusative relation, appear partly as 
appellatives, but in the Veda dialect, which is here of 
special importance to us, retain in composition too their 
adjective natures. The following are Y^^^c examples : 
nri-iihakshas, " seeing men T nri-munaSf " thinking of men ;"" 
nri-vCthasy " bearing man or men ;" slSma-^dhas, " bringing 
hymns of praise ;" vimi'dhd-y-as, " bearing all " (with euphon. 
y, see §. 43.)> mdc?a« {risa-adas " consum- [G. Ed. p. 1375.] 
ing the foes.'' To this class belongs the Zend jsas^asj^as 
ash-adj-as, "destroying purity," if Bumoufs analysis of 

* From the Vodic instrnmeiital ufhad-bhiSy for which probably tlie 
form ushdd-bhya» will occur as dative and ablative, and ushdtsu as locative, 
1 should not choose to infer, with Benfey (Onuumar, p. 149), that as has 
arisen from at of the present participle, as a in Sanscrit, in the common 
language too, is changed, according to fixed laws, into t; hence, c.//., 
from lYw, " to dwell,*' the future vat-gydmi, and aorist dvat-sam. More- 
over, the 8 of our suffix proves itself, by the cognate Greek, I^tin, Ger- 
man, Lithuanian, and Sclavonic forms, to be a sibilant, existing there be- 
fore the period of the separation of languages ; and which, in the Vodic 
Sanscrit in the word under discussion, at the beginning of com|>oundSy 
passes over into r (u^har-biidh^ **wakiijg early"). I likewise recall at- 
tention to the fact that the base word ap^ " water,*' allows its p before 
the bh of the case-terminations to be changed into </, without its being 
possible to thence iufer that ajf^ on which are based the Latin aqua 
and Gothic ahi'a, ^^ river," has proceeded from ad or at, I would rather 
assume, with Weber (V. S. Sp. 1. 18.), that only the forms with d belong 
to a base at (root a/, '^ to move oneself"). However suitable this root, to 
which the said learned man has, 1. c, assigned a numerous family, may be 
for an appellation of '^ water," I nevertheless prefer assuming that the 
circumstance, that in forms like ab-hhyaa the base separates itself less 
sharply from the termination than if the termination were preceded by 
a mute of a different organ, has given occasion for the change of the 
p into d. 


this word is right (" Etudes," p. 167). In the Veda dialect 
there are also simple adjectives of this kind with the accent 
on the suffix; e.g., tar-as, "quick," properly " hastening,** 
contrasted with t&ras^ "quickness;"* taviiSy "strong," pro- 
perly, " grown,'' contrasted with tdv-as, " strength ;" mahdt^ 
" great," likewise, originally, " grown" * ; apds, " acting" 
(as " warrior, sacrificer," see Benfey's Glossary to the S. V. 
s. v.), contnisted, with dpas, " work ;" ayds, " going, hasten- 
ing, quick" (see Benfey 1. c). The latter lengthens the a 
of the suffix in the same way as vsh&s. Vas^, " famed" 
(contrasted with y6sas, " glory"), has a passive signification, 
properly, "praised" (cf. Zend d-yisi, **l praise, I glorify," 
see §. 28.). 

934. To A) correspond Greek abstracts in oj, €(<r)-osf ; e.g., 
yj/evS'og, fJL^S'OSf yfjd'Og, X^^-oj (= Sanscrit rdh-as, see §• 933. -^), 
KfjS'O^y <f>\€y'0^9 (Ved. bJidrg-as, "lustre," for bhrdj-as, root 
hhrdj, " to shine," from bhrdg), eS-o^ (" the sitting") J. ndd^^, 
[G. Ed. p. 1376.] /xad-og, dap<T'0£. A feminine base in or, 
with a pervading o-sound, and lengthening of the same in tlie 
nominative, is alS-6s, whence aiSd-g, alSoia-yo^* As secondary 
suffix, also, o£, eg appears in Greek as a means of formation 

• Cf. mahdtf " great," from the game root, properly a present par- 
ticiple with the signification of the perfect participle, and with the ano- 
maly that the strong cases lengthen the a, and thns exhibit mahdnt for 

t See §. 1'28. The difference in vowels between os and e(o-)-of, &c., 
probably rests on this, that in loading the base with the case-terminations, 
the language prefers the lighter substitute of the old a to the heavier, in 
remarkable agreement with the Old Sclavonic, where, e. g., the Sanscrit 
ndbhas and Greek y/0or are paralleled by the form iiEEO nebo, but the 
genitive ndbhas-as^ ve<j)({a)'Os by the form nEEECE ncbes-e (cf. the some- 
what different view at §. 2(54). 

X The corresponding Sanscrit sddas has, in common Sanscrit, assumed 
the signification " assembling," but occurs in the Vedas also with that of 
" seat" (so Yajur-Veda, 19. 59.). Regarding the Latin sed^-s (see p. 1352 
G. od. §. 924.). 


of neuter abstracts, and occasionally with a vowel-incre- 
ment, in com])ensation for the abbreviation of the adjective 
base words (ef. p. 396) ; hence, e. f/., yXevK-og, from yKvKu-Sf 
epevff-og^ from epvOpor^, fJ^JK-o^t from fiaKpo-s. Perhaps, also, 
the 2jend neuter abstracts MXi(^xi7^frathas, '* breadth," hunz- 
-a.v, "length," ?wcrrri,v,**greatness," jJMjg7gj6?r£r-r/», "height,'^* 
are of adjective descent, and, like the said Greek forms, 
have dropped the suffix of the base word before the forma- 
tive of the abstract. Very remarkable is the almost literal 
agreement between jjajwaj^A frathas and the GreeTc wActToj ; 
hanz-as corresponds to jSad-o^, and radically to the Sanscrit 
bahu (probably from badhit), " much," and still more to the 
comparative if^t^lTI bdnhiyas, and superlative 'if^bdnhishtha, 
which are, indeed, derived from bahuhf but which may, 
w^ith equal justness, be assigned to W^ bahu. Tlie root is 
banh, " to grow." «)^a3ja)9 maz-as, ** greatness," answers to 
fJifJK'O^, the K of which, as also that of fiaK-po-g, is probably 
only a mutation of 7 ; and I have scarce a doubt that these 
two words belong to one and the same root with jjiiyag, which 
root is, in Sanscrit, fnanh, and signifies *'to grow.'' The 
Vedic sister word to Mxs^Ai^ maz-ai and fiijKo^ is mdh^as, 
which certainly signifies, not only ''brightness" (see Ben- 
fey 's Glossarj^), but also, and indeed primitively, "great- 
ness ;" and I believe that this abstract proceeds not directly 
from the root, but, just like mnh-i-mdny of equivalent signi- 
fication, from mahdtf or another adjective of the same root 
signifying " great." To the Zeud frathas, [G. Ed. p. 1377.] 
** breadth," there mav still be found in the Vedas a cor re- 
sponding prdth-as of similar meaning, as derivative from 
prithu ; and for berez-at (strong, berez-ant), ** height," we 
actually find the corresponding Sanscrit sister word in the 
first member of the compound name brihas-pdii (in the 
common language, vrihas), in as far as it signifies, as I be- 

- Sec linmouf, '' Ya^na," Nutea, pp. 12, 14, 99. 


lieve it originally does, " lord of greatness." The Latin 
exhibits the Sanscrit neuter suffix as in four shapes, but 
principally in that of us, er-is* The other forms are im, 
or-is, ur, or-is, and tir, ur-is, For the class of words under 
discussion (§. 933. ji.), the Latin neuter suffix furnishes but 
a few remnants, obscured as to their root ; viz. rdb-ur (cf. 
rdb'US'tus, see §. 827.), which, like the Vedic tdv-as, " strength,*" 
comes from a root which signifies " to grow'T ; as foed-usX 
and scel'Us (sceles'tus),^ In Latin, in case of the suffix under 
discussion as a formative of abstract substantives, the neuter 
is replaced by the masculine, and, indeed, with a lengthen- 
ing of the vowel (dr, from ds), which, however, in the 
nominative, through the influence of the final r, is again 
[G. Ed. p. 1378.] shortened. With respect to the vowel 
length of the true base word, compare the strong cases 
and the genitive plural of the above-mentioned (pp. 1373, 
1375, G. ed.) forms ushds and ay-ds in the Veda dialect ; 
e,g.f the accusative singular ush-Ss-am, ay-ds-am, with Jhi^ 
'dr-emy lanffu-Or-emf rud-dr-em, frem-dr-em, trem-dr-em, ang^ 
'dr-em, jpud-dr-em^ sap-dr-em, odrdr-em (Greek root 6S), 
fulg-dre-m, sop-dr-emt son-dr-em, am-dr-em, &c. The s of the 
old nominatives like clamds is, perhaps, not the original 
final consonant of the base, but the nominative sign before 

* See §. 22. The e of the oblique cases, for t, which might be expected 
according to §. 6.^ owes its origin to the following r (cf. §. 710.). 

t Sanscrit root rtih^ " to grow," from rudh, and ridh, id., firom r€uih or 
ardh (see §. 1 .). With rtiA, from rudh^ compare the Irisli ruadh^ ''strength, 
power, value," as adjective '^ strong, valiant ;" see Glossarium Sanscr. 
a. 1847, and Ag. Bcnary, " Doctrine of Roman Sounds," p. 218. With re- 
ference to the Latin b for dh we must note the relation of ruber to the 
Sanscrit ntdhirdm, " blood," and Greek i-pvBpos, 

I From foidtis, from the root Jid. M^ith regard to the Guna, compare 
the Greek irinoiBa, 

§ Cf. Sanscrit c/tAaZtf-m (see §. 14.), "guile, deceit," probably from chhad, 
" to cover," with / for d (see §. 17.). 


which the base has dropped its final eonsoDant (see §. 138.). 
This suflix forms, in Latin, abstracts from adjective bases 
also, hence, e.g., amaroTf niffr-or, alb'-or. 

935. The Gothic has added an a to the sibilant, which 
has become incapable of declension, and has weakened the 
preceding vowel to u As in the lininflected nominative and 
accusative singular neuter the final a of the base is dropped, 
we obtain here the forms hat-is, ** hate ;" ag-is, " fear" * ; 
rim-is, " resf f ; sig-is, " victory ;' ' riqv-is, *' gloom." + 
Perhaps the s of hulistr (theme hulistra), [G. Ed. p. 1379.] 
is not, as has been conjectured above (see §.818. p. 1113), a 
euphonic insertion, but huUs is a lost abstract with the suffix 
is and the suflix tra appended. Moreover, some neuter 
bases in sla appear to me to have abstracts in is, with i 
suppressed, as primitive bases for their foundation : I mean 
the forms hun-s-l (theme liunsla), ** sacrifice," from hun-is-l, 
from a lost root han or hun ; svum-s-l, ** pond," as " place 

♦ Root gg, whence 6^, " I feared," accordiDg to form a preterite. The 
Old High German ckho, theme ekison^ has exchanged the neuter with 
the masculine, and further added to the base an n, but presenred the 
old sibilant, in ifvhich it surpasses the suffix f'ra, which, in §. 241, is com- 
pared with the Sanscrit as, 

t Sanscrit root ram^ with prep, d (d-ram), ** to rest," Lithuanian rimsiu, 
"I rest," Lettish rahms (=r<ii»«), ''tame, quiet, sedate." The Greek 
T]p€fia, ijp€fi€<Of &c., answer, in their i;, to tlie Sanscrit compound dram. 
It is not improbable, that in the adverb r}p€fias (before vowels) the suffix 
under discussion is contained in its original form. Moreover, the €s of the 
comparative ripfp€a--T€pos appears to me to belong to the suffix eu, as o-, 
according to regular rule, has its etymologically established place before 
tlie suffixes rcpo, raro, and is dislodged in some places only by a mis- use, 
and driven where it does not belong. 

I It has already been compared, in my Glossar}'^ with the analogous 
Sanscrit rdj-tu. This word, from the root raw; (^" adharere, iingere**), 
signifies, indeed, not '^ darkness," but ''dust;" but from the same root 
is derived, by another suffix, a term for night (rajant), and rajas is con- 
tained in the compound rafo-rasa, ''gloominess." 


of swimming" (root, svamm, weakened to svimm, svumm). 
Svart'U-lf " blackness," presupposes a more simple abstract 
svart'is, which would correspond to the Greek secondary 
abstracts like jSafl-oj, and, irrespective of gender, to Latin 
like nigr-or, alb*-or. More important appears to me the 
deduction, that most probably the Sanscrit suffix as has 
been preserved in Grothic in combination with another 
suffix assigned to abstracts, and, indeed, with the retention 
of the old a-sound. I believe, viz. that the Gothic mascu- 
line abstracts in as-surSt as, e.g., drauhiin-aS'SU'Sf " military 
service" (drauhtind, " I do military service "), yratiym-a«-«i-*, 
"lordship" {frauyin-d, "I rule"), leVdn-Qs-gU't, "healing" 
(leikindt "I heal"), may be explained by assimilation from 
as'tU'St as, eg., vissa, " I knew," from vis-4a for vit'ta, and, 
in Latin, qaas-sum, from quas-tum for qiLat-tum (see §. 102.). 
Most of the formations of this kind are based on weak verbs 
in in-d* the analogy of which is followed, also, by thiudin- 
-^LS'Su-s, " government, dominion," though the base word 
[G. Ed. p. 1380.] thiu-dand has an a before the n, which, 
however, without reference to the verbs in m-d, might have 
been weakened to i on account of the incumbrance of the 
heavy double suffix (cf. §. 6.). Irrespective of the newly- 
appended sulfix su, from tu, leikin'-as-stis has the same rela- 
tion to leikinS, with reference to the suppression of the 6 of 
the verbal theme, that in Latin, e.g., the abstracts arn-or, 
clam-OTf have to the verbal themes amd, clamd, where the 
A corresponds to the Gothic 6 = Sanscrit %naya (see §. 109.** e,). 
Further, from adjective bases are derived, in Gothic, some 
abstracts in as-surs, viz. ibn'-as-susy " similarity," from ibna, 
nom. m. ibns, " like," and vanin-as-sus, " want" The latter, 
however, springs, not from the strong adjective bases vana, 
nom. m. vans, " wanting," but from the weak base vanan, the 
a being weakened to i, as in the genitive and dative vanin-s. 

* See Grimm, II. 175. 321., and Gabclentz and Lobe, Grammar^ p. 118. 


vaniru From the preposition ufar, " over"' (Sanscrit upari), 
comes ufar-aS'SU'S, "overflowing,^ a form remarkable as being 
the only one in which the abstract double suffix is not pre- 
ceded by an n of the primitive base. In the more modem 
dialects the «, which belongs in Grothic to the base word, 
has, by an abuse, completely passed over into the deriva* 
tive suffix, which hence begins universally with n, distin- 
guishes the genders, and has changed the Gothic n of the 
second part of the double suffix into a or z (Grimm, II. 323). 
To this class belong, e.g., the Old High German feminines 
arauc-nissa, or -nissi, " manifestatio " (our 3reignUs, or, more 
properly, Erdugniss, "occurrence"); dri-nissa, and dri-nissf, 
"tWrii/a«" (Anglo-Saxon, dhre-ness) ; milt-nissa, " misericordia^ 
(English, mild-ness) ; ki-hdr-nussi, " auditus ;" peraht-nUsi, 
beraht-nessit " splendor^^ (English, bright-ness) ; the neuters 
got-nissi (theme nissya), " diviniias ;" fir-stard-nissi, " intel- 
lectus"' (our verstdndniss, "understanding"); suaz-nissi, " dul- 
cedo^^ (English, " sweet-ncss"). 

936. Some Old High German bases in [G. Ed. p. 1881.] 
iiS'ta, us'ti, or os-ta, os-ti, appear to contain a combination 
of two suffixes,* viz. us or os ( = Sanscrit as), and ta or it. 
The following are examples: dion-us-taf nom. dionu^t, in 
Otfr. thionost our Dienst, " service," in Old High German 
neuter ; ang-us-tU f. " anxiety," nom. ang-vs-f; em-us-ta, n. 
and ern-m-tif f. " earnest," nom. ern-us-t (see GraflF, I. 429.). 
Ang-tis-ti is connected in its first suffix with the first of the 
Latin adjectives ang-us-tuy as also with tliat of the abstract 
ang-cr. The Lithuanian, too, exhibits some abstracts with 
two suffixes combined, of which the first is connected with 
the as under discussion, and the latter with the ti discussed 
above ; e.g., gyivaS'fi'S.m. "life," and rim-as-ti'S, m. "rest."'}* 

* See Grimm, II. 368. and 371. /3. 

t Also tlic Lithuanian abstracts mentioned at p. 1192, G. cd., §.844., 
are mascnline, and liave extended the suffix by an inorganic a, whidi is 



The former, after withdrawal of the second sufTix, answers to 
tlic base of the Sauscrit infinitive jiv-as-i, " in order to 
live ;" the latter to the above-mentioned (§. 935.) Grotbic rim-is 
(theme rim-isaX "rest."" In ed-esi-s, "food" (theme edesia, 
see §. 136.)> perhaps originally *' the eating/' and in deg^esi-s^ 
" the month August," as ** burning," I recognise the Sau- 
scrit suffix as with the affix id, wliieh, in general, the Lithu- 
anian loves to append to suffixes wliich originally terminate 
witli a consonant. With reference to this I recall atten- 
tion to the participles of the present and perfect (§. 787.). 

937. To the Sanscrit appellatives mentioned in §. 933. 
under B), correspond some of their literatim analogous 
appellatives in Greek, as eK-os, eheiayog (§. 128.)= Sanscrit 
sdra-s, "pond, water," as "flowing;" /xci^^y=man-a«, "spirit," 
as " thinking ;" 0XeY-oy= Vedic abstract bhurg-as, " shining ;" 
[G. Ed. p. 1882.] pe-os = srS-i-as, " river '' (see p. 1372, Note 2, 
G. ed., §. 933. 15) Note) ; ctkC-t-oj, " skin," as " covering" * ; 
OTT-fl-oj, (see Curtius 1. c, p. 20 and cf. evora-fl-^yj) ; SxT^ (^f- 
Sanscrit vdh-as, " driving, drawing") ; eir-oj, from f eic-oy= 
Sanscrit vdch-as, from vdk-as ; t^k-o^, yev-oq. In Latin to this 
class belong, e.g., ol-us, ol-er-is^ from ol-is-is, "greens," as 
" growing ;" gen-uSffulg-ur, corp-us, ** body," as "made^' (see 
p. 1069, Note f); pecus, pecor-is, "beast," as "tied up^^ 
(Sanscrit pasu-s, root pas, from pak, "to bind^) ; veU-tLs^ op-us 
(^Sanscrit dp-as, "w^ork"). To the u arising from a of 
the uninflected cases corresponds accidentally the corruption 
wliich the Sanscrit suffix as has experienced in the form us, 
by which neuter appellatives are formed which, for the 
most part, accent the root (Unadi, II. p. 113). The follow- 
ing are examples: chdksh-us, "an eye," as "seeing" (op- 

suppresBcd in the nominative. In the genitive the words mentioned 1. c. 
are smerchio^ &c. 

♦ I^tin cu-ti'8, Sanscrit root tku^ " to cover," see Benf., Gr. Root-Lex., 
p. 611 ; and cf., with respect to the inserted r, the abstract x9*t-of. 




posed to the Vedie chdksh-as) ; ydj-usy " sacrifice T dlidn-us, 
(also masc.) " bow/' as " slaying'' (root han, from dhan, "to 
slay," ni-dhdna, " death") ; tdnus, " body," as " extended ;" 
jdnus, "birth,"* in the Vedic dual (jdnuM), "the two 
worlds," as " created" (S. V. II. 6. a. 17. 3.), in admirable 
agreement with the Latin genus (Greek yevo^) of cognate 
formation. The Vedic adjective jay-Hs, "conquering," 
irrespective of the weakening of the vowel, corresponds to 
the above-quoted (§. 933. under C) adjectives like tards, 
"quick." I regard, too, the sufiix w, which forms some 
abstracts and appellatives, for the most part oxytone, as a 
weakening of as. Examples are, sdch-is^ n. "lustre" (root 
sach) ; arch-isy f. id. ; hav-is, n. " clarified sacrificial butter 
(root hu, " to sacrifice") ; chhad-is (optionally masc), " roof 
(root chad, "to cover") ; jyht-is, n. " sheen, [G. Ed. p. 1383.] 
star" iyootjyui, "to shine"). Observe the accidental coin- 
cidence, as respects the weakening of the vowel, with the 
Gothic suffix isa from agis, " fear," &c. (§. 935.). Perhaps 
the Latin cinis^ cin-er-is, from cin-is-is, belongs, in respect of 
its suffix, to this class, in which case its original significa- 
tion would be " the glowing ashes," and it would be radi- 
cally akin to W^ kan, " to shine." 

938. To the Vedic formations mentioned in §. 933. under 
C), like 'chdkshas, " seeing," -mdnas, " thinking," at the end 
of compounds, correspond, irrespective of their accentuation, 
the numerous class of Greek bases like 'iepKc^ (aSepKe^, o|t/- 
i€pK€^)f -aye^ (evaye^^ -Se^ej {iravSexe^)* -\al3e^ {evKa/Se^, 
fie<To\al3e^)f and with a passive signification, e.g., -^atfie^ (vo- 
\t/)9a06f, &c.)» ''^p^i>^9 (a/Lt^/Jpu^ec). In Greek, as well as in 
Sanscrit, we must distinguish from this class of words the 
possessive compounds, the last member of which is, in its 
simple state, a neuter substantive base in ^h as, ey ; as, e.g.^ 

* In the Veda dialect, in this meaning, also mascnline, sec Wcbcr, 
V. S., Sp. II. 74. 


inifTir sumdnasy "having a good spirit, well-intentioned "' = 
Greek evfieve^, nom. m. f. sumdmU, eiffievi^i (see §. 146.). To 
the simple oxytone adjectives mentioned in §.933.C) as fardst 
nom. m. f. tards, " hastening, quick,"'' corresponds in Greek 
yfrevSe^y ifreviilj^f which stands to the corresponding abstract 
yjrevSogf in a similar relation as regards accent to that occu- 
pied by the tards mentioned above to tdras, " quickness.'"' 

939. The suffixes ra and la, fem. rd, Id, I consider, on 
account of the very common interchange between r and / 
(see §. 20.), as originally one ; and I regard as class- 
vowels, or vowels of conjunction,* the vowels wliich pre- 
cede these liquids, as also the mutes it, t, and th, in several 
[G. Ed. p. 1384.] suffixes given by the Indian Grammarians, 
ara, ura, ira, dra, dla, ila, ula, aha, dka, ika, uka, airOf itra^^ 
utra, athu. With ra, la, a-la, i-la, Vrla, Ura, u-ra, are 
formed base words like dtp-rd, " shining,'" iubh-rd, ** daz- 
zling, white;'' bhdd-ra, "happy, good;" chand-rdf m. 
"moon,'" as "giving light +; suk-h, "white'' (Ved. suk^-rd, 
"giving light, shining") (root such, from suk, "to shine"); 
chap^'ld, ** tremulous, shaking'''' (root champ, "to move'''); 
tar-a-ld, "shaking" (root tar, tri, "to overstep," "to move 
oneself") ; mud-i-rd, m. " voluptuary," chhidA-rd, m. " axe, 
sword" (root chhid, "to cleave"); an-i-ld, m. " wind" (an, 
" to breathe," cf. Irish anal, " breath") ; path-i-ld, m. 

• The i and ^ of a small number of rare words, e.g,y pat-c-ra^ "moving 
itself" (as sabst mwAc, pat-S-ra-s, "bird"), sdhS-ra, "good" (root sah, 
" to endnre"), are perhaps the Gunas of the vowels i and u, which are 
often foand inserted as copulatives. 

t Regarding a-tra, i-tra, see p. 1108. The u of var'H-tra^ " upper 
garment," as "covering," is either only a weakening of the a oia-ira^ or 
the character of the 8th class, which is merely an abbreviation of the 
syllable nu of the 6th, to which rar, vri^ belongs. It is certain that the v 
of the radically and formally cognate Greek TKy-rpo-v belongs to the 
verbal theme. Cf. the Sanscrit root tw/, CI. 1., "to cover." 

I Cf. Latin candeo^ candd-la, the latter also as respects the suffix. 


"traveller'' pantlu "to go"); vid-u-rd^ "knowing, wise;"" 
bhtdnU-T&, m. " thunderbolt'' (6/iic/, " to cleave") ; harsh-u-ld, 
m. " lover, antelope" (harsh, hrish, " to rejoice"). 

940. To this class of words belong in Zend m7qj^)m 
suw-ra, "shining,"=^ iubh-rd (see §. 45.); ai^cJ^^jj suc-ra, 
"shining, clear "=Ved. suk-rd; Ai^iAi^yq/ra, "mouth," as 
" speaking" (cf. ^/^^j^H^yan/hii, §. 61.); asT^jj su-raj " strong" 
(San. *iJ-r<i, " hero," root svi, contracted su, " to grow"). In 
Greek this class of words is more numerous than in Sanscrit. 
To adjectives like dip-rd-Sf correspond, [G. Ed. p. 1885.] 
as regards accent also, such as Kaynt-po-^, Tu^-po-^y Kvy-po-^p 
veK-p6-£ (cf. vcKvg, Latin necs, Sanscrit nas, "to be ruined"), 
ylfvx'-po'^t \^i;j^-po-y, ^ew-po-f. In Latin to this class belong: 
gna-rus, ple-ru-Sy pu-ru-s (Sanscrit pa, " to purify") ; ca-ra-s 
(San. hain, " to love") ; pig-er, theme pig-ru; in-teg-er, theme 
integ-ru. In the Gothic a remnant of this class of words 
is found in the masculine base lig-ra, nom. lig-r-s, " couch." 
The a of the Old High Grerman neuter theme tegar-a is 
probably a later insertion (cf. p. 1112), but if not, the suffix 
belongs to the Sanscrit as (see §. 93a), whither, most pro- 
bably, dem-ar (likewise neuter), " twilight," compared with 
the Sanscrit tdmas, " gloom," is to be referred. To San- 
scrit adjectives like dip^d, " giving light," correspond the 
bases bait-ra, " bitter," properly, " biting," and fag-ra, 
"suitable, good" {ct fuUqfahyan, "to satisfy, to serve"). 
I refer the Greek suffix Ao, as originally identical with po, 
rather to the Sanscrit ra than to fa, and therefore to the 
oxytones mentioned above (§. 939.), dip-rd-s, subh-rd-s, I refer 
the Greek 5ei-\a-f, av-Ko-g, I3rj'\6-g, Ja-Ao-j, arpeji-Ki-^f eiciray^ 
-\o-y, (Tiyti'Ko-^, ^iJw-Ao-f.* In Latin to this class belongs 
sel-la, from sed-la (=Greek eS-pa), with a passive significa- 
tion ; so Gothic sit-la, m., nom. sUrSf " rest," as " place 

* The Tf and a> of aiyrj-Xo'S^ </>cid<i>-Xo-f, belong to the verbal theme 
(cf. o-ty^-o-ca), and for the latter we may presuppose a verb ^ctdoca. 


where sitting takes plaec,^/fM>-m/-&i, n. {nom. ace. fah-veU-l) 
" stage/' The Old High German, in order to avoid the 
harshness of two final consonants coming together, inserts 
an a in the nominative and accusative singular, which theme 
has often made its way into the oblique cases (cf. p. 1112), 
and often assumes the weaker form of w, i, e. To this class 
belong, e.g., the masculines sez-a-l or sezz-ii-l, '* a chair,"*' 
[G. E(l. p. 1380.] sat-a-U " ^ saddle,'' also sai-u-l, sat-N^ 
sat-e-l; huot-i-l, " warder," mtir-huoUi-la, ** cmtodes murorum''^ 
(Graff, IV. B03.) \ fdzkencjel, '' foot-traveller'' (^Grimm, 11. 109., 
Graff, IV. 104.); bit-e-I, '*procusr pit-al-a, **procU nuptinrum 
petitores^^ (Graff, III. 56.); stein-bruk-i-l, "stone breaker;" 
sluoz-i'U " key,'" as " locking,"' accusative plural slaoz-i-ln ; 
8l6z'i-h "pestle." The following are examples of Old 
High German adjectives of this order of formation (Grimm, 
II. 102.) : scad-a-lf " noxius,"" sUf-a-h " somnulentus, sprunk-a-l^ 
'* exuUanSf^ suik-a-h ** tacilurnusJ'^ 

Ml. To the Sanscrit formations like chajy-a-Id-s, tar'a- 
'ld'8, " trembling" (see §. 939.), correspond, in Lithuanian, 
dang-a-lu-s, " covering" (dengiu^ " I cover ") ; draug-a-la-x, 
" the companion," masc, draug-a-la, fem. (drauga, " I have 
communion with another") ; and, with passive signification, 
myz-a-hi, (pi.) " urine" (^mtjzu, " mingo'''), wem-a-lai^ (pi.) 
•* the discharged ;** in Greek, forms with a inserted, or with 
e which has proceeded therefrom, as, Tf)ox-a-\d-^, rpait'e-Xo-^^ 
<TTwf>'e'\A-^, atS-a-Ko^f iiidaK-a-Ko-g, fxey-a-Ko (Gothic mik-i^ 
'la, nom. mik-i-r-s, Sanscrit root, mah, ** to grow"), e?ic-€-\o-f, 
and the reduplicated iceK/ow^-e-Aa-j, 5uj7re/x^e-\o-ff, eintefnt-e- 
\o-f. To vid'U-ra-8, ** knowing," correspond (jAeyv-po-g, 
€X'V-po-S ; to forms like harsh-u-ld'Sf "lover, antelope," 
properly, " rejoicing," correspond, irrespective of accentuation, 
ei(5-i/-\o-j (cf. vid-u-rd's), Kapm-v-Xo'^, The weakening, how- 
ever, of the vowel of conjunction a to tJ, appears to have 
been arrived at by the two languages independently of each 
other ; so the Latin, in analogous formatives like tTem-U' 


^lU'Sy get'-Vrlu'S, Blrid-u-lU'-Sy fig-u-la-s, ctng-u-lu-mi vinc-u-lu-mt 
apeo-U'lu-m, teg-u-lthm, teg^u-la, reg-u-la, mus-cip^u-la, am-ic" 
-U'lu-m, where the / may have had its influence in producing 
u from a. As from a-la in Sanscrit we may deduce a-^a^ 
we may here call attention to Greek forms like (TTi^a-po^, 
^av-e-pa-^f KaK-e-po^, and to Latin like [G. Ed. p. 1887.] 
fen-e-r, gen-e-r (theme ten-e-ru^ gen-e-ruX if the e of the lat- 
ter does not, on account of the r following, stand for i. To 
the form ^ i-la (an-i-ld-s, " wind,'" as " blowing'') belongs, 
perhaps, the Latin i-/i, in adjectives like ag-i-li-s, frag-i-U'Sf 
fac-i'li'S doc't'li'8 (see §. 419. sub. f.), for which, if the con- 
nection be justly assumed, we should have expected ag-i- 
'lu'8, &c. I would draw attention to forms like imberbist 
inermis, for the more organic imberbu-s, inermu-s (see §. 6.). 

942. As secondary sufiixes, i; ra, 55 la {i-ra, i-la, ir-a, {-la) 
form a small number of oxytone adjectives ; as, e. g.t asma-rdy 
" stony,'' from dsman ," stone ;" madhu-rd^ *' sweet," properly, 
" gifted with honey," from mddhu, " honey" (cf fxeOv); sri-ld, 
** fortunate," Zend m9^7m sri-ra, from sri, " luck ;" pdniu-ld, 
"dusty," from pdiiiii, " dust ;" phina-ld, "foaming," from phina, 
" foam ;" midK-i-rd, midliU^ld, " intelligent," from mSdhd, 
'* understanding.'*** In Greek this secondary formation also 
of words is more numerously represented than in San- 
scrit. I refer the vowel which precedes the p in all cases 
to the base word, and take the e of words like ^dovcpo-g, 
voae^po-^, Kpve-po-^, voe-po-^, ^ojSe-pcJ-f, SoKe-po-^t aKie-pa-^, 
I3\al3€'p6-^, according to the measure of the termination of 

* Perhaps the words would be better divided thus, mMhi-rd^ mcdhi-ld; 
and we might recognise in the i the weakening of the a of the primitive 
base, in the same way as, in Latin, the final vowels of the primitive bases 
are weakened to t before various derivative suffixes ; e.g., cari-tas^ amari- 
-tudo. The u of words like danturd, " having a projecting tooth," is pro- 
ba})ly likewise only a weakening of the final vowel of the base word 
{ddnta^ "tooth"), a weakening which the Gothic tunthu-s also has undt r- 
gone in its simple state. 

4 s 


the base word, as the thinning or shortening of o, a, or i;.* 
[G. Ed. p. 1388.] Conversely, lengthenings of o to i; (= co, see 
§. 4.) also occur; hence, e,g,, vomj-po-g, fK^xfi^P^ l^- f"%^^ 
-e/y), olvfj-po-^. The old a, of which o, e, are the most common 
corruptions, has maintained itself in iiwra-po-^ (later /xure- 
-p^-c), Xfjra-f)o-^, (rOeva-po-^ — the latter from the base adevo^, 
adiveg, the suSix of which corresponds to the Sanscrit as (see 
§. 934.) — and in Kafxv-po-^, apyv-po-^f has been weakened to 
i/.f A vowel of conjunction is found in aZ/Ltar-jy-pa-r, vSp-ri^ 
"po^. To pdnsU'ld'Sf "dusty,"" phSna-ld-s, "foamy,*** cor- 
respond forms like piyrj-Ko-^ (s(farcely from piyea^, but from 
/oTyoj, as above adeva-po^ from cr^ei'Of),xa/Lta-Ao-f, orco/xiJ-Ao-f 
(for oTCi)/xa-\o-y). I would now, too, in departure from §. 4 19., 
rather refer to this class those Latin formations in & which 
spring from substantives. Consequently the d after bases end- 
ing in a consonant in forms like cam-d^is, augHr-d-li-s^ &c., 
would be to be regarded as a vowel of conjunction equally 
with the Greek rj of the at/LtaT-i;-po-$',i5J/j-);-/oo-^, just mentioned. 
The vowel relation of A to ^ /a, Ao, is the same as, e.g,, in 
the genitive singular that of ped-is to pad-ds, voi-os. 

943. To the Sanscrit primary suffix ri, which occurs 
only in a few words of rare use, e.gr., in dnli-Tl-s^ and dngh- 
-ri-j, masc, " foot,"" as ** going "" (root anh and angh, "to go "), 
corresponds the Greek pi of tS-pt-g, lU-p/, for which, in San- 
scrit, vid-ri-Sf -rU would be expected. The Latin has pre- 
fixed to the suffix ri a vowel of conjunction in cel-e-r, theme 
cel-e-ri, the i of w^hich, together with the case-sign, has 
been suppressed in the nominative masculine. The ob- 
solete root eel {ex-celhf prtB-ceUo) corresponds to the Greek 
Ke\ (KeMw), whence oceAiyr, " runner/' and to the Sanscrit 
sal (from kal), " to go, to run "'' (as yet not found as a verb). 

♦ Cf. p. 1307, Note, G. ed. 

t Cf. vv$, contrasted with tlie Sanscrit naktam (adv. "by night") and 
Latin nox, and o-i^v( with the Sanscrit nakhd. 


To this class, moreover, belong, in Latin, [G. £d. p. 1389.] 
put-e-r, theme put-rif and ac-er*, theme ac-rif which limit the 
inorganic e to the nominative masculine^ where it cannot 
be dispensed with after the i of the base is dropped. The 
cause of the retention of the inserted e throughout the 
word cel-e-T is the awkwardness of the combination Ir. 

944. Of the words in Sanscrit formed with the suffix ra» 
(they are collectively but few) there are only two in com- 
mon use, viz. the adjective bhi-rd-u, " fearing, fearful," fem. 
likewise bhi-ru-s, or bhi-^u-s, neut. bhi-ru^ and the neuter 
substantive dk-^Ut ** a tear,"" which I look upon as a muti- 
lated form of d&iruy and derive from dans, from dank, " to 
bite" (Greek iaK). In Greek, SaK-pv corresponds to it, and 
in Gothic, as far as the root is concerned, the masculine 
tag-r-8f theme iagf-ra = Sanscrit ds-ra, neut, also "a tear.'* 
For rft^ bhi-ru, " fearful,'' there exists also the form bhi-lv^ 
to which answers, in respect of its suffix, the Gothic ag-lu-s, 
''heavy, cumbersome.'' To 6Ai-ril«, " fearing, fearful," cor- 
respond the Lithuanian adjectives fcyriu-rw-s, "ugly "(cf.6iyai/, 
"I fear," bai-ml " fear") ; bud-ri^a. " watchful'^ {bundu, '' I 
watch," Sanscrit budh, "to know,"«aus. "to wake") ; ed-ruSf 
" gluttonous ;" and some others from obsolete roots. 

945. The Sanscrit suffix va, fem. vd, forms appellatives, 
which express the agent, and also a few adjectives ; most of 
them with the accent on the radical syllable. The most 
current word of this class is ds-va-t, "horse" as " runner,"j* 
which has been widely diffused over the [G. Ed. p. 1390.] 

* The origintd meaning of ocer appears to be '^ penetrating;" and, like 
ac-u-8, it seems to belong to the Sanscrit root as, from oA (see §. 925, 
p. 1357, G. ed., Note t). Cf. the Sanscrit as-ri-s^ fem., "the sharpness 
of a sword," which I would rather derive from ak, with the suffix ri, than, 
with the Indian Grammarians, from m, " to go," with the prefix d 

t Cf. the radically cognate di-d, '^ quick," see p. 1355 G. ed. 

4 s2 


coghate languages too ; Latin etpiu-s, Lithuanian dsz-wa, "a 
mare," Greek nnro-y, from Tkko-^ (by assimilation from Tk-Fo-s), 
Old Saxon ehu, in the compound ehu-scalc, ''servus equarius^"^ 
Zend xifdMM ai-pn (see §. 50.). The following are other 
examples in Sanscrit of extremely rare use: kh&t-vd^ f. 
"bed'' (root khatt, ''to cover''); pdd-m-s, "car," as "go- 
ing ;" prush'va-St ** sun," as " burning." We find an ex- 
ample of an adjective in rish-fxi, " affronting," as also in 
the oxytone pak-vd, with a passive signification, " cooked," 
"ripe." In Gothic the adjective base las-i-vai nom. las'i-v-s, 
" weak," from an obsolete root, appears to belong to this 
class of words. In Latin, v must, after consonants, except 
r, i and q (qu = cv), become u ; therefore uu =^ ta in adjectives 
like de-cid'UU'S, oc-cidruu-s, re-sid-uU'St vac-uu-s^ noc-uu-s, 
con-tig-uii'S, as-sid'Uu-s. On the other hand, de-cli-vu-s, tor- 
-ru-s, prO'ter-vu'St al-vu-s (properly, ** the nourishing"). An 
i as vowel of conjunction is found in cad-i-vu-s, recid-i-vu-Sf 
vac-i-vu-s, noc'i-vu-s. To xf^i^ pak-v&s, ** cooked," ** ripe," cor- 
respond, in respect to their passive signification, e.g„ per- 
^spiC'Uu-Sj in-gen-uii'S, pro-mho-ua'S. In Greek the suffix 
eu, in which I formerly imagined I recognised a Guna form 
of the suffix V, may be explained by transposition from ta, Fo, 
with the thinning of the o to e ; thus, e.g., Spofxev^, ypa^evg^ 
instead of the impossible Spofx-F6-^, ypatp-Fo-^ ; and in the 
secondary formation, e.g., iTnrevg, properly, "gifted with 
horses," from {tttt-F o-r. The Greek ev might also be deduced 
from the Sanscrit va, regarding v as the contraction of va ; as, 
e,g,i in ujri/05=»wipna-«, and the eas the vowel of conjunction, 
whether it stand for a or for /. In the latter case, ipopL-e-v^ 
would answer to the above-mentioned (p. 1390 G. ed.) Gothic 
[G. Ed. p. 1391.] base las-iva, and to the Lithuanian for- 

* See Schmcller, ^^Ghssarium Sajcotiico-lMtinum," The genitive would 
he eh-ua-8 or eh-ue-K ; so that the Bnffix has been retained very correctly 
in this word. 


matioiis Vike sUg-i-U'S^ "thatcher;" zindz^-u-s,^ " who sucks 
much and long'' {zindu, **Isuck"); pech-i-u-s, "baker's 
oven"; czisch-i-u-s, "purgatory" (chist-iu, "I purify ").•!• 
For tliis class of words, and the Greek in et/, there is, how- 
ever, another source in Sanscrit to which we may betake 
ourselves for their explanation. I mean the suffix yu, 
which, like the Greek ei^, has the accent, and forms a small 
number of words (see Bohtlingk's Unadi Affixes, p. 32), 
among which are tas-yu-s, " thief" + ; jan-yu-s, " a living 
creature,'' as "producing" or "begotten" (ctjan-tu-s, id.); 
suiidh-yd'Sf '* fire," as " purifying." It also forms some 
abstracts, as, 6Au/-yu-«, "the eating;" man-yu-s, "hate" 
(Zend main-yU'S, " spirit," as " thinking") ; and, with t in- 
serted, mri't-yu, m. f. n. " death." To this would correspond 
in Lithuanian shyr-iu-s, " separation" (skirruj " I separate"). 
In Gothic, perhaps drun-yu-s, "clang," belongs to this class.§ 

946. As regards the origin of the suffix ^ t;a9 I believe 
I recognise in it a pronominal base, which occurs in the 
enclitic vat, " as" (according to form a nominative and accu- 
sative neuter, see §. 155.), as also in t?d, "or," "as," and, besides 
these, only in combination with other demonstrative bases 
preceding, inter alia, in the Zend ava, **this" (see §.377.). 
Perhaps, also, the reflexive base sva (§. 341.), on which the 
old Persian huva, " he " (euphonic for /iva), is based, is 
nothing but the combination of sa with [G. Ed. p. 1392.] 
ra, the final vowel of the former being suppressed, as in 
s-yot from sa-ya, "this" (§.353.). 

947. The suffix van forms, a) adjectives with the signifi- 
cation of the participle present, which occur only at the 

* Dz for d, on account of the i following. 

t Pott, too (E. I., II. p. 487), notices a possible rclationsbip between 
the Greek safiix tv and the Lithuanian' lu. 

X The root iasy '^ to take up," which has not yet been met with as a 
verb, here probably signifies *^to take." 

§ Cf. the Sanscrit dhvan^ ^' to sound," and see §. 20. 


end of compounds, especially in the Veda dialect ; e.g,^ 
suta-pd'varij "drinking the Somaf'' vdja-dd-vatif "giving 
food." 6) Nouns of agency, like rtk-van, *' extoller ;**** yq/^ 
-van, ** sacrificer."' c) Appellatives, e,g., rtift-van, " tree/* as 
" growing ;" idle-van, " elephant," as ** powerful, strong." 
The Zend furnishes a remarkable word of this class, viz. 
yA5»2ksj zar-van, *' time," in which I recognise a word radi- 
cally akin to the Sanscrit harA-m&n, which signifies ** time,"^ 
as " carrying away, destroying"' (see §. 795.). The Greek 
ypovo'^* is referable, in my opinion, with equal facility, to 
the Sanscrit root har^ hri, with which, in Greek, obsolete 
root, X'^'P* '* ^^^ hand," as " taking," is also most probably 
connected. The omission of the radical vowel in j(p6uo^y if 
we refer the o to the suffix^ can occasion no doubt ; while the 
suffix ovo admits of ready comparison with the Sanscrit-Zend 
van. With respect to the necessary dropping of the di- 
gamma, compare the relation of the suffix evr to the San- 
crit vant ; and with reference to the vowel added to the 
final consonant of the suffix, the relation of the Latin leniu 
(with lent) to the same suffix (see §. 20.). 

948. Tlie Sanscrit suffice nu (see §. 851.) forms oxytone 
adjectives and substantives ; e.g., gridh-nu-s,** wistful, eager f** 
iras-nU'S, "trembling, fearing;'" dhri^h-nu-a, "venturing, 
bold" (fi, on account of the preceding sh) ; 6/id-nt/-9, " the 
sun, as " giving light " dht-nu-s, f. " milch-cow," as " giving 
[G. Ed. p. 1393.] to drink" (root dM, "to drink," with causal 
signification) ; su-nu-s^ " son," as " bom." So, in Zend, 
.M3;y«A)^ taf-nU'S, " burning" (see §. 40.) ; M5)fMxs!) rai-nu-s, 
** straightforward, true"'j'; J^5;yi^f2^ barhh-nu-s, "high, 
great," as substantive, " summit ''t; jattf-nu-s, "mouth,"" as 

* Cf. Burnouf, "foudes," p. 107. 

t Root jA5/raj»== Sanscrit ri} (from raj), whenco ri;6, "direct," see 
Burnouf, " Yn^na," p. 105. 

jBtVtT»=San.mA, Ved.^n*, "to grow," see Burnouf, '*Etude8,"p. 104. 


" speaking*" (sec §. 61.) ; in Lithuanian, mostly from obsolete 
roots, drung-nu'S (also drung-na-s), " lukewarm f ' gadrnu-s, 
" fit ;"" mac-nu'S, *' powerful " (cf. maci-s, " might,"' Gothic 
mah'ts, Sanscrit manh, mahj "to grow," Latin mag-nus); szau- 
-nu'S, "able, doughty" (cf. Sanscrit mv-ast " strength," id- 
ra, "a hero'' (from su from »vi, ** to grow^") ; su-nu-s, " son" 
= Sanscrit su-nu-a (ir 8u, *' to bear"). In Greek, compare 
htyvv-^f which I have already elsewhere referred to the 
Sanscrit root dah (infin. ddg-dfium, " to bum," to which the 
Latin lig-num also belongs (see p. 1179 G. ed.). As femi- 
nine, it answers to the Sanscrit dhi-nu-s and the Latin 
ma-nu-a, in so far as the latter, together with mu-nu-s, be- 
longs to the Sanscrit root md (see p. 1372 G. ed.. Note**). 
And dpfj-vv^, too, in spite of the difference of accent, belongs 
to this class. 

919. The suffix snu (euphonic thnu) given by the Indian 
grammarians appears to me essentially identical with nu, 
and I regard the sibilant as an extension of the root, and, 
in some cases, as an affix to the vowel of conjunction i. 
Compare the relation of bhds, " to sliine," dda, " to give," 
mds, " to measure." to the more simple, more current, and^ 
in the cognate languages, more diffused roots, bhd, dd^ md, 
and that of dhiksh, dhuksh, " to kindle," to dah, " to bum." 
Similar is the relation of the adjectives gld-s-nu'S, ** wither- 
ing," ji'Sh-ni'Si " conquering," bhu-sh-nu-s, or bhavUh-nus, 
'* being." Hereto corresponds the Lithua- [G. Ed. p. 1394.] 
man dus-nu-s, givmg {jda-mu I give ;. 

950. There is a weakened form mi of the suffix ^ ma 
discussed in §. 805. : it forms oxytone appellatives ; e.g., 
bhu-mUs, fem. " earth," as " being" (Latin hu-mu-s, cf. 
p. 1077); ur-mUs, m. f. "wave"*; dal-mUs, m. " Indra's 
thunderbolt," as " cleaving ;'' rai-^ni-s, m. " beam of light, 

* Either from ar, ri, " to go," with u for a (see Unadi, IV. 45.), or 
from var, vri, '^ to cover," with the contraction of va to u. 


bridle." * Under this class of words is to be reckoned the 
Gothic hai'7n{i)'8, f. (theme hai-mi), " village," from the 
obsolete root hi with GuKa= Sanscrit sit from Id* " to lie, 
to sleep ;" the plural, hai-mdst belongs to a base haimd.'f 

951. The suffix W ka (a-ka, d-kch i-kaj nrka, u-ka, see 
§. 939.) I regard as identical with the interrogative base ka, 
which, however, as suffix, must be taken in a demonstrative 
or relative sense, as indeed its representative also in New Per- 
sian and Latin has both a relative and interrogative mean- 
ing. In direct combination with the root, ka is not of 
frequent occurrence in Sanscrit. The most current word of 
this kind of formation is sush-kd-Sy " dry,'' the Latin sister 
form of which siccus has probably arisen by assimilation 
and weakening of the u to t from sus-cus. Tliat the s of 
the Sanscrit root, for which, in Latin, c were to be expected, 
has arisen from the dental F s, and not from A:, is proved 
[G. Ed. p. 1395.] by the Zend ajjx^;^* hush-ka, " dry/' 
Tlie j^ ch of the Sclavonic co\;ii*b »uch\ ** dry," is based 
on the Sanscrit sh of the root (see §. 255. m.). The 
Lithuanian form of this adjective is saus-a-s. With a^ka, 
A'ka, i'ka, u-ka, are formed adjectives, and nouns of agency 
or appellatives, which accent the root ; e.g., ndrt-a-ka-s, 
"dancer," fem. ndri-a-ki, * female dancer;" ndy-a-ka-s, 
" guide " (root ni with the Vriddhi) ; khdn-a-ka, " digging/' 
fem. 'fid; jdlp-d-ka, " loquacious,'* fem. ht (Am. Ko., III. 36.) ; 
khdn-ihas, "diffger;" mushA-ha-s, "mouse," as ** stealing" 
root mu8h)\ kdm-vr^ca, "longing;" yhdi-u-ka, "destroying" 
(root hatit '* to slay," causal ghdtdy). if-ha forms paroxytone 
adjectives from frequentatives and jdgar, -gri, " to watch," 

* Akin, in the first tdgnification perhaps, to the roots arch^ ruck (from 
ark, ruk, as raS from rak), " to shine," or to las^ " to shine." There is 
no root rai, 

t Regarding the European cognates of the Gothic word, see Glossa- 
rium Sanscr., a. 1847, p. 350. 


thus only fi*om reduplicated roots, which, as it appears, 
support their heavy build by a long vowel; hence, ^.jr., 
vdvad'U'/>a, " loquacious,'' jdyar-U'/ia, ** watchful." Hereto 
correspond, irrespective of the reduplication, in Latin, 
cad'U-curS and mand-u-ca-s^ Fid-u-cus, presupposes a pri- 
mitive fid'U-cu'S or fidru-c-s* As u-ha, u-cUf is only a 
lengthening of uhch ucu, so perhaps, the Latin, i-cu of 
am-t'CU-Sf pud'i-^U'S, is a lengthening of the Sanscrit i-Aa, 
while med'i-cU'Sf vom-i-cu-a, subs, vom-i^caf pert-i-ca (if it 
comes from partioX have preserved the original shortness *. 
The bases vert-i-Cy vort-i-Cy pend-i-Cy append-i-c, pdd-i-c (from 
pido)y have lost the final vowel of the suffix. Under ^vni 
d'kay is to be ranked the Latin d-c, with the final vowel 
suppressed in bases like ed-d-Cy vor-d-c, fall-d-Cy ten-d-c, 
retin-d'Cy sequ-d-Ct foya-d-c(as above jdlp-d'ha, " loquacious"); 
so too 6'C — as 6=^d, see §§. 3., 4. — in cel-d-c, vel-6-c (for vol-d-c), 
fet'd^n In Greek, €J}vK'aKo-^ from a lost root (^t/Aao-o-o) 
springs from ^v\aK), corresponds as exactly [G. £d. p. 1396.] 
as possible to the Sanscrit formations like ndrt-a-ka'S, "a 
dancer," and ff^ev-dK-^y for (jyev-oxo-^ (cf. <l>evdiai), to such as 
jdlp^ka-Sy ''loquacious, chatterer,'^ and, in Latin, such as 
loqu'dc-s. The base Krjp-vK for Ktjp-vKo^ likewise from an ob- 
solete root, corresponds to the Sanscrit bases in uka, and 
Latin in u-cu. To the above mentioned feminine ndrt-aki, 
''dancer'^ (also nom.), corresponds, in point of formation, 
the Greek yvv-aiK, in which I recognise a transposition of 
yvvaKi (see §. 119.) ; for which, in Sanscrit, jdnakiy as " bear- 
ing children,"'* would be to be expected, as feminine to the 
actually existing jdn-aka-Sy " father," as *' begetter.'' — The 
Sanscrit formations like khdn-i-ha-s, " digger," are most 
truly represented in Lithuanian, of all the European mem- 
bers of our family languages, by nouns of agency like 
deg-i-ha-Sy " incendiary"(*fl'i^=SanscritcWA-d-tni,"I bum''); 

* See Diinuer, ^^ The Doctrine of the Formation of Latin Words, "p. 87. 


letd-i-kha-s, "wood-floater*" {liid-mu " I float wood"); 
kvl'i'hha-s, " thresher" {kuUu, *' I thresh, pret hulau). The 
Gothic places as parallel to the Sanscrit a-kOf of khdn-a-ha, 
"digging," the suffix a-ga'f in grM-a-ga] n. m. yrAi-a-^'-a^ 
"hungry," properly, "desiring" (Sanscrit root gridh) from 
gradh, " to crave." 

952. It is probable that the n of the forms in ng (theme 
nga) which occurs in all the German languages, with the 
exception of Gothic, with a vowel preceding (i or u), is an 
unessential insertion, just as, according to §. 56. \ in Zend 
forms like mananhof for manaha = Sanscrit manasd. If this 
be the case, we may compare Old High German forms like 
[G. Ed. p. 1397.] kun-ingt " king" (also kun-ig), theme kun- 
'inga, with Sanscrit formations in a-ka (ndrt-akds, " dancer/** 
p. 1395 G.ed.), and Greek in a-zco-f, (^wVa-ico-y, 1. c), which 

I prefer to do, rather than regard the i as existing even 
from the time of the unity of languages ; and I therefore 
compare i-nga with the Sanscrit i-ka, e.g., in l-hdn-i-ka-s, 
" digger" (I.e.). The original meaning o{ kun-in-g was 
probably "man,'' kut efox^yv, as the English "queen" is, pro- 
perly, merely " woman" (cf. Gothic qveind-ys, " woman" 
= Sanscrit lif^jdni-a, "woman," as "bearing children"), 
and corresponds in root and suffix to the above-mentioned 
(p. 1396 G. ed.) Sanscrit jdn-a-korf, " father," as " begetter." 
Should, too, in the often-mentioned abstract substantives in 
ungat, the guttural be the principal letter, and the last 
syllable, therefore, the most important part of the suffix, 
then ungOt e.gr., in heU-ungot " healing" (Grimm, II. 360.), 
must be compared with the Sanscrit feminines in a-Ad, e.g.. 

« The donbling of the consonants very commonly serves in Lithoanian 
only to mark the shortness of the preceding vowel, see Kurschat, '' Con- 
trihations,'* II. p. 82. 

t Regarding the medial for the original tennis^ cf §. 91. p. 80. 

: Sec §. 803. and p. 1275 G. ed. 


in khdn-^L'hd, *' the digging,"" and we must assume that this 
feminine adjective form has raised itself in the German 
languages to an abstract; as, e.g., in Greeks KaKti comes from 
the adjective KaKo-g, Kaiclj, and, in Latin, forms like fracturaf 
rupiura, are evidently nothing but the feminines of the 
future participle. In English, as is also frequently the 
case so early as the Anglo-Saxon, iny represents our ung 
as a formative of abstract substantives ; and since adjectives 
are formed in ing, this termination has, in New English, 
utterly and entirely dislodged the old participle in end, 
while in Middle English the forms in end and ing still co- 
exist (Grimm, I. p. 1008.). I therefore -am not of opinion 
that, as Grimm, in the second part of his Grammar (p. 356), 
assumes, the New English participles are [G. £d. p. 1398.] 
corruptions from end, as e does not readily become i, whence 
it has often itself been, by a corruption, derived. 

953. As a secondary suffix, ka (i-ka, u-ka) forms, in San- 
scrit, words of multifarious relations to their primary word. 
To forms like rnddronka-s, aindhvrha-s, ** native of the land 
Madra, Sindhu,'" bdla-ka-s, " boy," from bila, of equivalent 
meaning, sita-ka-s, '* cold weather," ''the cold season of the 
year," " a slothful man,"" from ittd, " cold," correspond, as 
regards formation, the Grothic adjective bases daina-ha, 
" stony " vaurda-ha, " literal,'' un-bama-ha, " childless," un- 
hunsla-ga, " without offering, not distributing" (hunsF-s, 
theme hunsla, " offering"), aina-han, " sole" (the latter with 
inorganic n)*; and, with g for h (see §. 951., conclusion), 
mSda-ga, "ireful," auda-ga, "happy" (aud, theme auda, 
" treasure **)» handu-ga, "dextrous, skilful, clever," in the 
nominative masculine, handorg^ciys. The last example 
answers well to the above-mentioned Sanscrit dndhu-ka-^, 
and it might, therefore, be expected, that also from the 

* So the substantive base, occurring only in the plural brdihra-han 
(transposed from brothar-han), nom. brdtkra-han-s, '' brother." 


bases grMu, " hunger/' vidUm, " splendour/" not grida-g-a, 
" hungry," vuUha-g^-s, " famed/' would come, but only 
gridu-g^'S, vulthu-g'-s. Perhaps, however, the preponderating 
number of the adjective bases in a-ga, nom. m. a-gs, which 
come from substantive bases in a, has had an influence on 
the formation of the adjectives derived from grSdu, vufthu, 
and given them, by an abuse, a for u ; or the said adjec- 
tives come from lost substantive bases gr6da,vuhha (cf.§. 914.), 
which, perhaps, for the first time after the production of 
the adjectives referred to, have been weakened to gridu^ 
ruAAtt, just as the Sanscrit bases pdda^ " foot," danta, " tooth/' 
[G. Ed. p. 1399 ] have become, in Gothic,/d/u, tunthu. The 
Gothic substantive bases in i lengthen their final vowel 
before the suffix ga to ei; hence, e,g,, anstei-ga, " favourable,'* 
mahtei-ga, " powerful/' listei-gaf " subtle,'' from the femi- 
nine primitive bases anstU " grace," mahtu " might," 
liaiif " subtilty." Feminine bases in ein, nom. <?i, produce, 
in like manner, derivatives in ei-ga ; as, e.g,, gabei-gay from 
gahein, n. gabeU " riches /' and so, too, the neuter base 
gavairthya, "peace" (nom, gavairthi), whence gavairthei-gOf 
** pacific/' As several abstract feminine bases in ein come 
from adjective bases in a (see p. 1306 G. ed.), so, perhaps, 
from slna, nom. sin(a)-», " old/' may have come an abstract 
sinein, '* age /' and hence sinei-ga, " old," i.e. " having age /' 
and for thiudei-ga, " good," I presuppose a feminine base 
thiudein, " goodness'' (from thiuda, n., nom. thiuih, " good "). 
Of verbal origin is lats-ei-goy "teaching" (from lais-ya, "I 
teach/' pret, lais-ei-da) ; and so, andanhn-ei-ga, " accepting," 
may have sprung, not from the above-mentioned (§. 914.) 
base andcinimoj " acceptance," but from a to-be-presupposed 
weak verb anda-nSmya. In New High German the t of 
words like stemig, " starry," gilnstig, " favourable," hr'dftig, 
" powerful," mdcblig, " mighty/' has won for itself tlie ap- 
pearance of an important portion of the suffix, the more, 
as it has kept its place without reference to the primary 


word ; and hence, e.</., we equally find steinig, '* stony/' 
mvthigf " mettlesome/' answering to the Gothic bases ttaina- 
'ha, mddcMfOy and, with more exactness, miichtig, corre- 
sponding to the Gothic mahtei-ga. 

954. The Gothic adjective bases in iska, our isch, I should 
be inclined to derive from the genitive singular, although 
this ease does not correspond universally with exactness to 
the adjectives under discussion ; e. g., the anomalous genitive 
funins, " of the fire,'' does not correspond to funisk(a)'Sf 
" fiery," in the same way as gudis, " of God," barnis, ** of 
the child," to gudi8k(a)'S, " godlike," barrusk(a)'Sf " childish." 
The circumstance, however, that also in Lithuanian, Let- 
tish, Old Prussian, and Sclavonic, there [G. Ed. p. 1400.] 
are adjectives in which a sibilant precedes the k of the 
suffix under discussion, induces me to prefer looking on 
this sibilant as a euphonic affix, on account of the favour 
in which the combination sh is held, that we may not be 
compelled to assume for the said languages a suffix sha, 
szkn, cko sko, which would meet with no corroboration in the 
Asiatic sister languages. The following are examples in 
Lithuanian : dieto-i-szha-s, " godlike," from diewa-s ; wyr^-t- 
'szka-s, " manly,** from wyra-s ; lefrnv'-i'Szha'S, Lithuanian, 
from letuwa; dang^ i- skza-s, "heayenly,^^ {rom dangu-s: in 
Old Prussian, deiiv-i-ska-s, " godlike," from demiays; tatv- 
'i'ska-s, "paternal," from ianiaj-s; anv-i'Ska-s, " veracious," 
from anvi-s, " true " (Nesselmann, p. 77) : in Old Sclavonic, 
^ENCkbn schen'-skyt (nom. m. of the definite declension, see 
§. 284.), *yeniininu8,^'' from ^ena schena, "woman ;" MO^iiCkbiii 
mor-skyi, " marinus,^^ from MOf B worp, theme moryo (§. 258.), 
" sea ;" mg-bZKbPi mir-skyfi, " mvndanvsr from Mij !> mir\ 
theme miro, "world" (see Dobrowsky, p. 330). The sup- 
pression of the final vowel of the primitive base points to 
the circumstance, that in the Sclavonic formations also of 
this kind a vowel universally preceded the suffix. It is most 
probable, too, that the cr of the Greek diminutive formation 


in i-CKOf i-CTKYi (irati'i'a'Ko-^, iratiri-o^fcri, 0T6^ai^-/-cricoj), is 
only a phonetic prefix. In support of this view we may 
refer to the euphonic s, which, in Sanscrit, is inserted be- 
tween some roots beginning with k and certain preposi- 
tions*, e.g.9 in parishhart ^hri, " to adom,'^ properly, "to put 
around/' Compare, also, the Latin s in combinations like 
abscondot abspettot abstineot ostendo (for d)stendo). 

[G. Ed. p. 1401], 955, In Latin I regard the i of words 
like belli'CU'Sf caoli-cu-s, domini-cU'Sf um-cu-s, auU-cu-Sp as a 
weakening of the final vowel of the base word, like 
the i before the suffixes tdi and tudin and at the be- 
ginning of compounds. I compare here the said word 
with the Sanscrit like rnddra-ka-s, bdla-ka-s, sindhu^ha'S, 
and Gothic like 8tain(i-h((i)'8, m6da'^cL)'S, handug{a)'9. In 
words like cvci-<U'Si ctassi-cu-s, hosA'Cu-s, the t demonstrates 
itself to belong to the primitive base, while the i, which is 
appended to bases terminating in a consonant, e.g., in urbi- 
CU'S, patri-cus, pedi-cfu and that, too, in the Latin ablative 
plural (p£>(it-6u«=Sanscrit pad-bhyds), and in compounds like 
pedi-seqvus, have been first introduced in Latin to facilitate 
the combination with the following consonant, on which 
account I am unwilling to place such words, with respect 
to the t before their suffix, on the same footing with San- 
scrit words like hdimanf-i-kd'S, " wintry, cold,^ from hi- 
mantdf " winter f dhdrrn-i-kd-s, " virtuous, devoted to 
duty,'' from dhdrma, "duty, right;" dJcsh-t-hd-s, "dice- 
player," from ahshdy " dice." To these, however, corre- 
spond, with respect to accentuation also, Greek derivatives 
like 7ro\6/x'-i-iC(J-$', a5€\0*-i-#co-y, ce/xTreX'-i-ico-y, a)/)*-i-#co-y, dor'- 
-i-ico-y, prjTop-t-KOr^j iaifwV'i'KO'^, af)a)/xaT-i-#co-s'» yepovT'i-Ko-^. 
To Sanscrit forms in which the suffix is appended with- 
out the intervention of any vowel, as above slndhu^ha-s, 
corresponds, irrespective of the accentuation, do-riz-ico-ff. Re- 

♦ See my " Smaller Sanscrit Grammar," 2d Edition, p. 62. 


garding the Greek formations in Ti-#co-f, from to-be- presup- 
posed abstract bases in n, see p. 11 98 G. ed., Note. 

956. The Sanscrit suffix tu, with its cognates in the 
European sister languages, has already been considered as 
a formative of the infinitive , The cor- [G. Ed. p. 1402.] 
responding Gothic abstracts, like the Latin (§. 865), have 
exchanged the feminine gender with the masculine, and 
preserved the original tenuis under the guard of a preced- 
ing 8 OT ht but, after other letters, changed it to d or th 
(cf. §. 91.), The suffix is either added direct to the verbal 
root, or to the theme of a weak verb terminating in d, or 
to an adjective base in a, lengthening this vowel to 6 (see 
§. 69.). To this class belong vahs-lu-St " growth C kus-tu-s, 
** proof;" luS'tU'S, " desire ""f; thuh-tu^s, " prejudice T vratd- 
'du-s, *' journey ;" auhyd-du-s, " noise f ' manntskd-dU'S, 
" humanity'' (from manniskaf nom. mannisJi'S, " human") ; 
yabauryd'dus, "desire, pleasure" {ct gabauryorbat adverb, 
" willingly, voluntarily"). Davrtku-s^ " death," properly, 
** the dying ;" is radically connected with the Greek 
Oavaro^t and the Sanscrit han, from dhan, "to slay"" 
ini-dhanA, " death") ; and has vocalised the n of the obsolete 
root to u (cf. §. 432.). In Sanscrit, a-thu^ the th of which I 
regard as a mutation of t^ forms some masculine abstracts 
from verbal roots ; e.jr., vamr^L'thii-s, " vomitus;^'* vip^a-ihii'S, 
" the trembling ;" nand-a'thu-s, " joy f ' svay^a-thu-s, " the 
tumefying" (iri, " to grow"). 

957. With the suffix tu in Sanscrit are formed also 
nouns of agency and appellatives, some of which accent 
the root, and some the suffix ; e.g., gAn-tu-s, "traveller" (gam, 
" to go") ; tdn-tU'S, "thread" (ton, " to stretch") ; bhA-tu-s, 
" sun" (bhA, " to shine") ; y&-tu-s, " traveller" (yd, " to go^^); 

* See §§. 852., 863., 862., 863., 866., 866., 868. 
t Probably from /tt« ( = Greek Xv, Sanscrit lu) ; so that it properly sig- 
nifies "loosening," or "letting go." 


[G. Ed. p. 1403.] jan-tii'S, " animal,** as " producing," or 
" produced." So in Gothic, hlif-tu-s, "thief,'' as " stealing" 
(cf. #c\eir-Ta)); skil-du-s, "shield," as "covering''*: in Greek, 
fiapir-rvg in Hesych., if the form is genuine, and /xap-nJ-j, 
which Pott, as it appears to me rightly, traces back to the 
Sanscrit root smri (ie. smar), **to recall," to which the 
Latin memory and Old High German mdriu, also belong.f 
With the above-mentioned (§. 933., Note t) Vedic jiv-A-tu-s, 
m. ** life," might be compared, as regards the inserted 4, 
the abstracts from nominal bases in Latin WVe prlncip-d-hi'Sy 
consul-A-lU'St patron-A-hi-s, triumvir 'd-t us, trihuri'd-tU'S, 
sen-d-tu-s. These, however, are, as it were, only imita- 
tions of the abstracts, which spring from verbs of the first 
conjugation + ; as also sen-d-tor answers to nouns of agency 
like am-d'tor; and jan-i-tor (from yani/a, with the suppres- 
sion of the two final vowels), of-i-tor (for oler-i-tor, just like 
opifex for oper-i-fex), to those like mon-i-tor. So in Greek, 
aKpio^yjp from oLKpo; and as rij-^ and rrfp are originally one 
(see §. 810.), numerous denominative formations in tj;-?, like 
Sfifio^rrj-g/nnro TYf-^f iro7i['Tif-£,K<afJj'Trj^£,^il3apl^nj'g, HiCarTrf-^, 
AtytvYJ-rri'^. I believe, too, that I may refer to this class patro- 
nymics in t-irf-g or Si;-?, as KeKpov-l-itj-^t Meiivov-iStf^, Kpov-i- 
-J>/-y, *IinroTa-J>7-yt Bopea-Stj-gf as I assume a change of the 
tenuis to the medial, as in the Latin forms like tim-i-dus (see 
§. 822.). It may here be observed, that the Greek patrony- 
mics in 7-a)v (theme t-tav or l'Ov)f too, stand, in respect to their 

[G. Ed. p. 1404.] suQlx, if we regard wv, ov, as the impor- 
tant part of it, combined with a class of words, which is 
originally destined for the formation of nouns of agency 
(see §. 926.), which is also the case with the feminine pa- 

• Cf. skal-ya^ ^"^ fegula,** and the Sanscrit root rhhad (aoc §. 14.), *M<) 
cover," / therefore from d (sec §. 17.). 
t See Glossarhim Snnacr., a. 1847, p. no*2. 
: Cf. Pott, M. p. r>54. 


tronymics in iS, since the corresponding Sanscrit it as femi- 
nine of a, forms both feminine nouns of agency and appel- 
latives with the fundamental meaning of a participle pre- 
sent (e.g.t nadh *' river,*" as " purling," from naddf id.), and 
feminine patronymics like bh&imi'(3ee §. 920.)* 

958. Some few suffixes still remain to be discussed, which 
occur only in the secondary formation of words : among 
them is the Sanscrit iyut fern, ^ydj which is used for a 
purpose similar to that of ya, according to §. 901. In its 
origin, too, iya appears identical with ya, and to be only a 
phonetic extension of the latter. The accent in forma- 
tions in iya rests either on the final syllable of the suffix, 
or on the first syllable of the entire word ; e.g., cUr'-^yd-s, 
" descendant of Atri f' dds^-iyd'S, ** son of a slave,'' from 
ddsa; gdu-ii/d-m, ** bitumen," from giru **a mountain;" 
vrdih*'iyd'm, "rice-field," from vriliU " rice ;" mdh'-Syd-s, 
** earthen," from mahi ; pdiirws/i'-^ya-s, "referring to men," 
" consisting of men," from purusha ; dh'-Sya-s, " anguinuH,^ 
from ahu ** anguis ;" grdiv-^ya-m, " belonging to the neck,"* 
from grivdf ** throat, neck." To the three last examples 
correspond also, in throwing back the accent as £ar as pos- 
sible, Greek words like Aeovr-eio-y, heovr- eo-y, ary-eio-f, rpay- 
-e/o-j, aiSrjp-etO'^t apyvp-eio-^. To this class belong, in Latin, 
words like pic-eu-s, ciner-eu-s, flor-eu-s, aer-eu-St argent -eu-s, 
aur-eu-s, ign-eu-s (cf. Pott Etym. Inq., II. 502.). In these 
formations, therefore, and in the Greek in eo-r, the Sanscrit 
diphthong of A which is contracted from ai, has left behind 
only its first element in the shape of e, e (as in eKarepo-^ 
= Skatard-s, see §. 293.); on the other hand, [G. Ed. p. 1405.] 
in pJeb-^ju'S, the Sanscrit suffix iya (y=Latin/) has been re- 
tained with the utmost exactness, and so, too, in some pro- 
per names, asPomp^'^ju'S, Petr-iju-s, Lucc-iju-s (see Diintzer, 
*' Doctrine of the Formation of Latin Words,'' p. 33). 

939. Tlie secondary suffixes vat, mat, in the strong cases 
vuut, mant, which form possessive adjectives from substan- 

- 4 T 


tives, are perhaps simply phonetic extensions of the pri- 
mary suffixes van and man (of. §. 80a) ; and, on the other 
hand, vin and min, e.g., in iijas-vin, *' gifted with light,'' 
midhd'Vin, "intelligent," svA-min*, "lord, owner'' ("gifted 
with his own («?a")), have been formed by weakening the 
vowel from van and man. It is most probable, too, that 
vant and mant^ as also van and man, are originally one, as 
t; and m are easily interchanged. A comparison has already 
been drawn between vanff and the Latin knt, extended to 
lentu. In Greek the suffix evr (from Fcpt) corresponds, which, 
as is usually done by its Sanscrit sister-form vant, allows the 
accent to fall on the syllable which immediately precedes ; 
hence, e.g., SoKo-evr, d/xweXo-evr, vT^-evr, ro\fJLi^€vr,7rvp-6'€VT9 
fieXiT'O-evT, SaKpv^o-evT, /xiyTi-o-eio", as in Sanscrit, e.g., dhand- 
-vant, ** rich,'' from dhdna, " riches ;" midhd-vant, ** intelli- 
gent," from midhd, ** understanding T lakshmt-vant, " for- 
tunate,'' from lakshmi, " fortune." 

960. The suffix mr tana, f. tani, forms adjectives from ad- 
verbs of time. They accent optionally the first syllable of the 
suffix or the syllable preceding, e-jr.. hyas-tdna-s ovhyds- tanas, 
*' hestemus,^'' fromAyas,**yesterday;" ivastdna-sOTsvds^ana'S, 
[G. Ed. p. 1406.] **crajstinus,'^ from kvas, " to-morrow ;" sdyan^ 
'tdna-s or sdydn- tanas, " vespertinns,^^ from sdyam, "at even- 
ing" (properly an accusative); sand-tdna-s or sand-tana-s, 
" sempiternus,'''* from sand, " always." In Latin corresponds, 
as needs hardly be mentioned, tinu in cras-tinu-s, diu-tinu-s 
(cf. divd'tana-s, "daily," (?) from divd, **in the day"), priV 
'tinU'S ; lengthened to tinu in vesper-tinu-s, matu'tinU'S.X 

* The Indian GrammariauB refer the d, which I regard as the length- 
ening of the a of the primitiye base, to the suffix. 

t See §. 20., and '^ Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of 
Words," p. 7. 

t Mdt{i (an adverbial ablative like noct(i\ which is to be presupposed 
as base word, is perhaps connected with the Sanscrit bhdtu, "sun;" so 



The fonns hestemus, sempiiernus, ceternus, have either pre- 
fixed an inorganic r to the n, or they presuppose hesfer, 
sempiter, ceter ({evUer), as primitives (c£ §. 293.)i so that only 
nu would be the derivative suffix. The former view is 
favoured by the forms hodiernus, nocturnus, and some others, 
which have probably first appended the suffix nu, and then 
further prefixed an r to the n (ef. albumus from albuSf 
lucema from luceo). 

961. As regards the origin of the suffix tana, I look upon 
it as a combination of the pronominal bases ta and na^ a 
combination which occurs in Old Prussian in the indepen- 
dent pronoun tans (from tana-s), " he T fem. tennA (for 
ta-no), "she." So the suffix tya^ which forms paroxytone 
adjectives from indeclinables, as ihd-iya-s, " a man of this 
place/' iatr&tya-Sf " a man of that place/' is probably 
identical with the compound demonstrative base tya (see 
§. 353.), and therefore, in the said examples, denotes the 
person, who is here (t/ta), tliere (tatra). So, too, as has 
already been remarked (§.400.), in Greek, evda-cio-^ (in 
Hesych,), comes from evda (thus, -aio-s from tio-j) ; and in 
Latin, propi'tiU'S, from prope ; and in [G. Ed. p. 1407.] 
Gothic, the base framaihya (nom. m. framatheis, ** alienvs^^ 
"strange''), from the preposition /ram, "from," whether it 
be that yrama is the original form of the preposition, or that 
the a of the derivative is a vowel of conjunction. The 
base ni'thyat nom. nithyi-Sf "cousin,'' as '* propinquus,^'' I de- 
rive from the same preposition ni (** among"*), whence, in 
Sanscrit, ni-hatd-s, ** propinquus /" ni'tya-s, " sempitemiw.'* 
Another Sanscrit word of this class which has sprung from 
a preposition is amd-tya-Sf " counsel," properly, " conjunctas^^ 
from amAf ** with :" I also refer here dpatya-m, " offspring, 
child," in spite of its different accentuation (see Naigh., 

that the labial mute of the root bhd, "to shine/ passes over into the nasal 
of its organ, as is also probably the case in mdne. 

4 T 2 


II. 2., and Benfey's Gloss, to the S. V.), as I derive it, as 
I formerly did, from the preposition dpa. 

962, The demonstrative base sya, fem. syd (see §. 353.), 
which is limited in classical Sanscrit to the nominative 
singular, with which, most probably, the genitive termina- 
tion sya is connected (see §. 194.), lias, in the secondary for- 
mation of words, likewise its presumptive equivalent, viz. in 
the now but seldom foun^ sya (euphonic shy a), through which 
manM-|Aya-«, "man,'' is formed from manii,''Mauu,''and JA^/iti- 
'shya, ** a cow tied up (to be milked)," comes from dhinu.^ If 
words of this kind have originally been numerous, we might 
then refer to this class the Latin riut which is always pre- 
ceded by an d, and assume the favourite transition of s into 
r, thus, e.g., tabeW-d-riu'Sf palrn-d-riu-s, arbor-d-riu-s, a*r-d' 
'tiU'S, tign-d-riU'Sf actu'd-riu-s, conlr -d-riu-s, adver,s-d'rius, 
priTn-d-riU'-s, secuncT-d-riU'Sf from tabelT-d'siu'S, &c. But 
if the r of these forms is primitive, riu might be regarded 
as an extension of the suffix n = Sanscrit ft: ri (see §. 943.), 
as together with palm*-d'riU'S there actually exists a form 

[G. Ed. p. 1408.] palrn-d-ri'S. The d can in neither case 
be referred to the proper suffix, but is to be regarded as 
that of forms like princip-^-ta-St sen-d-fu-s, sen-d-tor (see 
p. 1403 G. ed.) 

963. The Latin d-riu guides us to the Gothic suffix 
arya, to which, however, I can concede no affinity to the 
former, whether it be that the Latin r is primitive, or 
has arisen from s. The Gothic is unacquainted with any 
interchange between the 9 and r, and we must therefore 
allow the r of the said suffix to pass as original. It forms 
nouns of agency, and, in the secondary formation, words 
which denote the person who is occupied with the matter 
denoted by the base word. To this class belong the mas- 

* The Indian Grammarians form both these words with the raffix ya 
with fh prefixed. 


culine bases lais-arya, '* teacher" {lah-ya, **I teach '^); s6k- 
-arya, '* examiner" (.sdfc-ya, " I seek''); Uuth-arya, "singer" 
(liuthd, **1 sing''); hdU'-arya, "scribe" (6dA:a, theme bdkd, 
"letter," pi. 6dW», ** writings"); md^-orya, "toll-gatherer" 
{mdta, "toll, custom"); vult-arya, " fuller" (vtiffa, "wool"). 
The nominatives are, lais^reis, sdh-areis, &c, (see §. 135.). 
A neuter is vagg'-arya, nom. vagg-ari, " pillow for the head " 
(Old High German, wanga, " cheek "). It is perhaps by 
an accident that the sources of Gothic literature which 
remain to us supply no nouns of agency from roots of 
strong verbs : these, however, are not wanting in the other 
Germanic dialects. The following are examples in Old 
High German, of which I annex the nominatives : scrib-^ri, 
"scribaf^ bet-eru ** adorator ;'"" halt-Arif " aervator f^ helf-dre, 
'* adjutorf' aba'nem'&rit *^ 9u8ceptor f" sez-ari, *' conditor; 
Iroum'Sceid'ari, *' interpres somnii,'* " interpreter of dreams. 
The following are examples derived from nouns : garC-erij 
" hortulanus f* hunC-erU ** centurio /" mumz^'erU "monetarius; 
havan-ari, **Jigulus^^ ("potter"); saiaV-arit *' ephippiarius 
("saddler"); u'^^/m -an,"rft f^arit£«"("cartwright"); vran- 
honS-vurt-ari/* Francofurtensis^ In [G. Ed. p. 1409.] 

New High German this class of words is very numerously 
represented by nouns of agency, as Geber, " giver ;" Seher^ 
"seer;" Denker, "thinker;" Binder, "binder;" Springer, 
" springer ;" Laufer, '* runner ;" Trinker, " drinker ;" Schnei- 
der, " cutter ;" Streiter, " striver ;" Backer, " baker ;" Fan- 
^6T, "seizer;" /j^^'efc^-r, "weaver ;" /'orsc/ter, " prover ;" &W4er, 
"seeker;" Z>re/<er, "turner;" Brauer, " brewer ;" and deno- 
minatives, like Odrtner, " gardener ;" Schreiner^ "joiner ;" 
Topfer, '• potter ;" Ziegler, *' tiler ;" Wagner, *' cartwright*;" 
Frankfurter, " inhabitant of Frankfort :" Maimer, " inhabi- 
tant of Mainz;" Berliner, "inhabitant of Berlin." The 





♦ Regarding the difference of the vowel before the r, and especially as 
to this class of words, sec Grimm, 11. p. 1*25. 


following are examples in English : " giver, singer, killer, 
bringer, seller, brewer ; glover, gardener, wagoner."" Per- 
haps the Gothic arya is on one side an extension, and on 
the other a mutilation of the Sanscrit suffix Mr, iri (see 
§. 810.) ; an extension by adding the suffix ya, as above*, 
in Mr-us-yds, "parents,'' as "bearing children," we have 
seen the Sanscrit suffix u$h (from vas) in combination with 
ya; and a mutilation by dropping a ^-sound (t, th, or rf, see 
§. 9.) ; thus, e.g., laisarya, " teacher," from laistarycu, just as, 
in French, the t of the Latin frater^ paler, mater, has disap- 
peared in the tovms frere, pere, mere, and that of the sufiix 
tor in the nouns of agency in ear, in forms like sauv-eur 
{=^ salvator), port-evr, verul-eur { = venditor). If the form 
was once arya, and obtained from tdr, which corresponds 
to it in the different German dialects, it might then easily 
have extended itself as well over roots as nominal bases, 
to which the perfect form with the initial t-sound had 
never been appended. A form like Geb-ter or Gebder, for 
Geber, " giver,'' could never have existed ; perhaps, how- 
ever, in Gothic, a base gif-tarya may have existed, the / 
of which for b, after dropping the t, became again 5 (as in 
[G. Ed. p. 1410.] the pret pL, e.g., gibum compared with 
the sing, gaf, gaf-t), therefore gibarya, to which our GAer 
would correspond. 


964. In the Indo-European languages the verbs are 
compounded with scarce aught but prepositions, which in 
Sanscrit are always accented, and some of which, except 
in the Veda dialect, never occur in the uncompounded 
state. I annex some Sanscrit verbs compounded with 

'^ See §. 788., and, with reference to analogous extensions in LilKoanian, 

§. 787. 


prepositions in the 3d. person of the present : ddhi-gach- 
chhaii, "he goes thither;" antdr-gachchhatU "he goes 
under ;" dpa-kramatU " he goes oflF ;" abhi-gachchhati, ** he 
goes towards, he approaches f dva^akandati, ** he descends ;" 
pdrd-^artcUi^ "he returns;'' pdri-gachchhoiu "he goes 
round ;" prd^ravati, ** he runs away ;'' prdti-kramaiU ** he 
gives way;" prdti-bhdshati, " he answers, he speaks 
against ;** prdti-padyatit " he arrives ;'' nish-kramaVu " he 
comes forth ," sdn-gachclihati (euphon. for sam). " he comes 
together." Compare, without reference to the verbal root, 
in Greek, dirol3atv€i, dfi<f>il3atvet, Trept/Saivet, itpo^aivei, itpo^ 
^aivei {^po£ from wpor/, see §. 152. p. 167), avyi^alveii in 
Latin, adiit inleriU obit, ambit, obiU procedit, congreditur : in 
Old High German, umbi-cdt, umbe^dt, " he goes round ;" 
urUar-gdtf " he goes under :" in Gothic, at-gaggllh, ** he goes 
to;" af-gaggUK " he goes away;" bi-qvimUh, ** he overtakes" 
(qvimith, "he comes^'') , bi-gairdith, "he girds;" fra-Ullth, "he 
abandons :" in Lithuanian, isz-ettU " he goes out" (ts:2r = f^ 
nis) ; par-eiti, " he goes back ;" par-nesza, " he brings back," 
pra-nesza, "he represents ;" priesz-tarauyct, "he contradicts ;" 
sa-maiszo, " he mingles :" in Old Sclavonic (see Dobrowsky, 
p. 401), OB^ftgATM obrie^ati, irepnefiveiv, *' circumcidere /* 

H^UA^ i^'idufh " exibo ;" n^ oahth pro-litty " prifandere /" 
ii^iHA^ pri-idu», " adveniam /" n^'iHM& prt-imuit, " accipior 
n^HBEAB pri'Vedef " adduxit ;" h^hhecth [G. Ed. p. 1411.] 
pri-nesfe, ^* affener n^HCToyoHTH pri-stup-i-iU "accidere ;** 
ngumviBATU pri-shiv-a-ii, ** assuere T cb^hctathca i-m^o/t- 

-sa/i, " concurrereS'* 

965. In the Veda dialect the prepositions are frequently 
found separated by intermediate words from the verb to 
which they belong : notwithstanding this, with respect to 
sense there continues the most intimate connection be- 
tween the preposition and the verb ; e.g., sdm agnlm indhcUi 
ndraK, " ignem accendunt viri " (see Rosen's " Specimen,'' 
p. 2o). Here sam taken alone has no meaning at all, but 


in combiimtiou with the root indh it signifies " to kindle/' 
which indh also means by itself. In Zend, too, such sepa- 
rations of the prepositions from the verbs often occur * ; 
and in German many old combinations are so altered, that, 
in the proper verb (not in the infinitive and the partici- 
ples, and especially not in the formation of words), we 
place the preposition that had been prefixed either directly 
after the verb, or separate it still farther from it by 
several intermediate words : we say, e.g., avagehen, nus- 
gehend, Ausgang, " to go out," " going out," " egress ;" but 
not er ausgeht, "he goes out," as in Gothic usgnggith, but 
er geht atis, '* he goes out," er geht wn diesem Gesichtspiinkte 
aust " he goes from this point of view out ;" while, how- 
ever, after the relative and most of the conjunctions we 
prefix the prepositions, since we say, eg,, welch^r avsgeht^ 
" who goes out ;" ivenn er ausgeht, " if he goes out ;" doss 
er aiisgeht, " that he goes out." Moreover, in preposi- 
tions, whose meaning is no more clearly perceived, and 
also in those to which there are no correlative preposi- 
tions with an opposite meaning, as in 6?.n, " in,^ opposed 
to ausj " out," vor, " before," opposed to nach, " after,*'' an, 
[G. Ed. p. 1412.] " on," opposed to ab, '* off,'" or where the 
verbal motion has a decided preponderance over the preposi- 
tional, or where the significations of the preposition and 
the verb have blended completely together, the separation 
of the preposition from the verbal root is not allowed ; 
hence, e.g., er hegretfl, beweist, vergeht, verbleibt, xerst'&rt, 
zersprirtgtj umgeht^ vmringt, tibersetzt, iiberspringt, " he under- 
stands, proves, vanishes, remains, destroys, shatters, goes 
round, surrounds, translates, crosses." The phenomenon 
under discussion may be so regarded, as that only those 
prepositions which are accented, and whose signification 

* Fur examples see §. 518., where the translation of frd . . . hunvunha 
is to be corrected according to p. 960. 


is clearly retained, have the power of separating themselves 
from the verbs to which they belong, while in Vedic San- 
scrit and Zend those prepositons, too, the meaning of whicli 
has quite disappeared in the verbal notion, may be de- 
tached from the verb. 

966, In Sanscrit there are but very few* verbs which 
enter into combinations other than prepositional, and even 
of these only the gerund in ya and passive participle in 
ta for the most part appear in multifarious combinations ; 
e.g., kundali'krita, ** made into a ring," Skt-bhiitaf "become 
one ;" which forms need not be regarded as derivatives 
from compound verbs like kundali-kardmi, Ski-bhavdmi, but 
it is probable that here the participles krila and bhika 
have, as already independent words, united with the first 
members of the compounds. In Greek, as is well known, 
the verbs which are compounded with other elements than 
prepositions are, with very few exceptions, not primitive 
combinations of the particular verb with the preceding 
word, but derivatives from compound nouns; as, e,g,, 
TOKoyKv^eu) from TOKoy\v(f>0'^ (see Buttmann, §. 121, 3.), The 
same is the case with Old High German [G. Ed. p. 1413.] 
compounds, as hanta-slagd, ^^plaudor from hania^slagf *' clap- 
ping the hands ;" rdt'slagd, "corwufo," from rdt-slagt "ad- 
vice :" and in the New High German, as, ich weiteifere, " I 
vie ;" ich hofmeisiere, ** I criticise ;" ich brandschatze^ " I put 
under contribution" (see Grimm, II. p. 583). In Gothic, 
e.gf., vei-vddya, "I testify," comes from veiUvdd-s, " witness,"^ 
and jUuvaurdya, properly, " I am loquacious," either from 
the substantive base JUuvaurdeiut nom. -ei, " loquacity," or 
with this latter word from a to-be-presupposed adjective base 
filuvaurdcLj " loquacious." The Latin, on the other hand, 
produces verbal compounds by direct combination of a 

* See shorter Critical Grammar of the Sanscrit Language, 2d Edition, 
§. 585. 


substantive, adjective, or adverb with a verb ; e. g., signi" 
fico, cedi-fico, anim-adveito, nun-cupo (cf. oc-cupo, and see 
§. 490.), tali-pedof magnl-fco, (equi-paro, hene-diiXh male-dico. 
In Greek, from the participle SaKpvjf^etav we may infer a lost 
verb SaKptrxeci), and from the adverb voui^ej^oi^wy the partici- 
ple vouve^wv, and hence a verb vovvexf^* With respect to 
the accusative vow, we may compare vowe)(ovTo^ with the 
above-mentioned (§. 916.) Sanscrit compounds like arin- 
damd'Sf " subduing-foes,'' and the Zend drujem-vaiifh "Druj- 
slaying" (§. 922.). On the other hand, we need not, with 
Buttmann (§. 121., Rem. 1), regard SaKpv in SaKpuxe^av as 
an accusative, as in this word the accusative (and no- 
minative) is not distinguishable from the theme. Com- 
pare Sanscrit compounds like madhu-liht ** bee," as " lick- 
ing honey. ' 

967. When Buttmann (§. 120. 6.), in Greek, assumes com- 
pounds, of which the first part must be a verb, which most 
usually terminates in ai, the i of which, however, as vowel of 
conjunction, may also be elided, lam unable to agree with him 
in this. Should, however, in such compounds as ietaiSaifjuav, 
eyepaixopo^, rpeylrlxp^U Saixaatjiporo^f ^v^avca^f iravo'dvefxo^, 
[G. Ed. p. 1414.] ptylra(nrt£f irA^f/inroy, a verb be contained, 
we should have to define to what part of the verb, to 
what tense, to what number, and what person, these forms 
in at or a belong. Having previously determined them to 
be verbs, I should explain them as obsolete presents in the 
third person singular, according to the analogy of the conju- 
gation in fit, since a-t or rty as termination of the third person, 
originally belongs to all active present forms (see §. 456.) ; 
thus, SaatSalfjuav would properly signify " he fears the gods,** 
and stands on the same footing with the French compounds 
like tire-boite, tire-bouchon, porte-numchdiea^ porte-mafdeau, 
porte-feuille. I would rather, however, with Pott (E. I., p.90), 
recognise in the first part of €ptxrtxj9<»>v and similar com- 
pounds abstract substantive bases in o-i (from ri, see §.845.), 


the t of which is suppressed before vowels*, and which had, 
perhaps, originally a far wider diflfusion than in the re- 
ceived condition of the language. It is, therefore^ not 
necessary that the abstract of each of the compounds of 
that kind be retained in use as a simple word, or that the 
abstract which occurs in the compounds should in all cases 
answer exactly to that which is preserved in use in the 
simple state. I see no difficulty in the circumstance to which, 
e.g., G. Curtius (De nominum Gr.form. p. 18) has drawn at- 
tention, that the first part of arr^tri-xopog does not answer to 
(TTaa-i-^, nor that of irpoScaa-eratpos to irfidSoai-s. The radical 
vowel of 5i$ci>/xi, tartifih which is shortened before the heavy 
personal terminations (see §. 480.) and most of the formative 
abstracts is naturally long (cf. Sanscrit dd, **togive,'' sthd, "to 
stand*'); and from the roots S(m>, arri, from oro, the forms 
5a)-<ri-j, oTiy-a-i-y, or <rTa-<n-f t might be expected as abstracts. 
The original length of the vowel may [G. Ed. p. 1416] 
then have been retained in the compounds under dii^cussion, 
or carried back in order to give more emphasis to this 
class of compounds, as above (p. 1337, Note f G. ed.) we have 
seen a lengthening accrue to the vowel of the last mem- 
ber of another kind of compounds, which does not prevent 
us from recognising, e.g., in av^Kowrro^, the simple aKovoro^* 
I recall attention, too, to the lengthening which the radical 
vowel of some abstracts in at experiences in roots termi- 
nating in a vowel before the suffix lo ( = Sanscrit ya, see 
§. 901.), e.g., in arijcr-io^ (contrasted with eiri(rra<r*-io-y), 
\va'tO'^9 and AOo'i'-Trovo-y, Kvci-irodo^f See., compared with 
WMTi-i (Sanscrit root Zd, " to cut oflT"). If, then, in the first part 
of the compounds referred to we recognise abstract bases 
in (Ft, the whole must then be referred to the class of the 

* In <t>€p€irfiM£, <f>€p€a'a'aKris, also before a oonsonant. The to-be-pre- 
supposed abstract <^'p~'-<re-r answers to forms life ycV-c-o-e-r, p€fi'€'a'i'S 
(see §. 850. conclusion). 


Sunscrit possessive compounds, and a transposition of the 
individual members of the compound must be assumed, 
as, e.g., in the Vedic compounds like manday&t-sakha'S, 
** friends-gladdening,'' kshaydd-vira-Sf " ruling raen,^' tardd- 
'dvisha-s, ** foes-conquering" *, where the first member of 
the compound, a present participle in the weak theme, 
should properly stand at the end, as the person expressed 
by the participle is subjected, in construction, to the alte- 
[G. Ed. p. 1410.] ration of the case-relations, while the 
word it governs, according to the sense, abides ever in the 
accusative relation;- as, e.g., in Greek, Xwrl-irovog, " having 
the relaxation of toil "=" relaxing toil," ttoi/oj is not sub- 
jected to any alteration of the case-relation, and hence the 
order irovo-\v<ri£ would be the more natural. In compounds 
like ^uyofiaxo^t ipxr/oiroXi^, A/wo/LoyTw/o, Xnrovavg, Ketnoya/xa^, 
(f}i\6l3oTpv£, (piXoyafio^, the prefixed adjectives answer, in re- 
spect to their formative suffix, to those which we have 
seen above (§. 916.) at the end of compounds ; and as they, 
for the most part, have the meaning of the participle pre- 
sent, they may be compared with the above-mentioned 
Vedic forms like tardd-dvisha-s, " superans inimicosy The 
e of forms like a/o%e7ro\/f, SaKedvfiog, (pepiirovog, is probably 
only the thinning of an «, as in the vocative f; and therefore 
dp5^e in dp^erroTa^ is the same word which forms the con- 
cluding portion of TtoKiapxo-St and in the inflectionless voca- 

* See Fr. Rosen, " Rigveda-Sanhita," at H. VI. 6. In Zend, too, 
there are componnds of this kind ; e,g,, A5^(;jr»A5^Au7« /rddhat-vira, 
" creating men." The compound j^JJJ>i^^^^^M^t»A3y»}?\frddnt' 
vHpanrn-hujaiti^ "creating prosperity," where viipanm stands in the case 
governed by the participle, while the substantive is ruled by the position 
of the whole in the sentence, and therefore stands in the case governed by 
the verb ; and in the case before us, according to three MSS. to the read- 
ing of which Bumouf (" Ya9na," p. 262) justly gives the preference, in 
the dative, while only the lithographed Codex gives hujdiilm for hufditei. 

t See §. 204. 


tive appears likewise in the form ap^e. The prefixed adjec- 
tives make choice in the I'oot, too, of the lighter vowel ; hence 
<t>epe, in opposition to ^opo, e.y., ^epe(na(f>v\o-^ opposed to 
<Tra<f)vK6(f>opo^. The i, too, of repirt and 0Lpx^$ in repiti-Kepav- 
vof, ap')(i'Kepauvo£y ap^i'daKa(r(ro£y ap^^i-fwo^', &c., cannot, per- 
haps, be regarded as aught else than the weakening of an 

= Sanscrit a, Latin u, of the second declension, and there- 
fore must rest on the same principle on which, in Latin, e.g., 
the relation of cacli-cola to cwlu-cola or caelo-cola is based, 
as might be expected if the Latin did not love the most 
extreme weakening of the final vowel in the first member 
of compounds (see " Vocalismus," p. 132). 

S68. While the Latin, in its nominal compounds, regu- 
larly changes the final vowel of the base of the first mem- 
ber of the compound into the lightest [G. Ed. p. 1417.] 
vowel i , the Sanscrit, exclusive of a few anomalies, exhibits 
the first member of the compound (which, however, as also 
the second, may itself, too, be compounded) universally in its 
true theme, only that its final letter is subject to the euphonic 
laws, which, without the compounding too, obtain with respect 
to the initial and final consonants of two contiguous words. 

1 annex a few examples of dependent compounds, of a class 
to be more closely examined hereafter : MA:a-pd/4-*, "world- 

* Hence, e.g.^ cali-coki for ccBlu-cola or cceld-cola, lani-ger for lanager, 
/ructi-fer ior fructu-fer^ mani-pulus for manu-puluSy cf. §. 6. and §§. 244. 
8*29. In albd'galerus, albd-gilvuSf merd-bibiu, the final vowel of the base 
has been retained in the form which lies at the base of the dative and abla- 
tive singular and genitive and accusative plural; while locu-ples^ lengthened 
hcu-ples^ is based on the form which has assumed the original a in the nomi- 
native and accusative singular. Before vowels the final vowel of the first 
member is suppressed ; hencBy e.g. ^un^animis, fit x'-animus; occasionally 
also before consonants, for example in nau-fragus for navi-fragusy au' 
'Spex for avi-epejpf vin-demia for vim-demia or vind-demia, puer'-pera for 
pueri'pera or puerd^pera, mal-luvuB (with assimilation) for mani'luvite 
from manu'luvia. 


protector ;" dliard-dhara-s, " earth-bearer ;" mati^bhramd'S, 

"error of the mind;" virini-tird-s, "shore of Virini T 

• • • 

madhU'pd'S, **bee,'' as "honey-drinker f' bhu-dhard-s, "earth- 
bearer"' ("mountain"); pUri'bhrdtdy "{athev^s brother'" (see 
§. 214.) ; gd-dhuk (theme gMuh), " cowherd " literally, " milk- 
ing-cows {* ndu-sthd'S, " standing, being in a ship " (Diluv. 
SI. 32.); marud-gand'S, "troop of winds" (euphonic for 
mami')) rdja-puird-s* , "fcing^s son;" nabhas-eald-mt "at- 

[G. Ed. p. 1418.] 969. The Sanscrit does not use a vowel 
of conjunction to lighten the two members of the com- 
pound, and it must be regarded as a consequence of the 
effeminacy which has in this respect entered into Greek 
and Latin, that these two languages, in the composition of 
nouns, with the exception of some isolated cases, do not 
understand how to combine a consonantal termination with 
an initial consonant, but insert a vowel of conjunction, or, 
which is the same thing, extend the first member with a 
vowel affix ; for which purpose the Greek regularly makes 
choice of o, occasionally of /, while the Latin invariably 
chooses the weakest vowel i. The <r alone, in Greek, has 
left itself pretty often free from the inorganic affix ; hence, 
€,g,f (raK€(T'(l>6po£ (see §. 128.), T€\e<r-^o/ooj, caK&T-TroLKog^ dpea- 
'kS>0£, h(e(T'^oKo£y /xutr-fceXevS/ooi/"!*, ^(aa-fpopos (for (fxar-^opos, 
cf. §. 152.). And v^ too, in the bases fxeXav and iravr, the 

* For rd^an- ; n is dropped at the beginning of compounds (see §. 139.). 

t That the <r in this compound is not a euphonic affix, but belongs to 
the base, and that hence, in the genitive, ^v6s stands for fiva-^s, bb, e.g,y 
fiLfVfos for fi€P€a'osy is plain, as well from the Latin musy tni^r-is, from 
mdr-iSy as from the etymology of the Sanscrit m^A-<}-«, " moose," from 
mushy "to steal," see Glossar. Scr., a. 1847, p. 2C8. In Latin the com- 
pounds mus-cipuia and mus-cerda arc deserving notice, as they have in 
like manner retained the original s without the addition of a vowel of 
conjunction. I must dissent from Buttmann (§. 120. Rem. 11.), as I can 
by no means recognise a euphonic or formative <r in Greek compounds. 


latter with the loss of the r, appears in some compounds be- 
fore consonants without the copulative o, in which case the v 
adapts itself to the organ of the following letter, as final m 
does in Sanscrit; hence, e.g., fxeKdyxoy^y /xe^a/xTreirXo;, fie- 
havSero^, contrasted with fi€\av6(Pp(av, &c. ; irdyKaKoSf iray- 
')(aKK€o^, iraixl3a(Tt\€V£y irafJLjifjri^, 7FapSafiaT(jt}p, iravreKyj^f op- 
posed to rravToyovos, &c. Among bases in p, only the mono- 
syllabic trvp dispenses in some compounds with the vowel 
of conjunction, hence, e.g., itvp^oKo^ opposed [G. Ed. p. 1419.] 
to Ttvpo^oKo^. Before vowels, the monosyllabic bases itoi^ 
TraiS, Kvv, too, appear without a conjunctive o; hence, e.g., 
TFoS-aKyi^gf TToJ-evSuTOf, iroS'^ve/xos*, TrouS-ayoiyog, iraiS-epa- 
(TTYfii Kvv-ayiayo^, Kw-aXwirri^, kvv-oSovs ; so also ^t in some 
compounds iifnaT-ayiayog, &c.), and the dissyllabic base KopvO 
in Kopvd'd't^, Kopvd-aio\o^. Proceeding from bases ending in 
consonants, the conjunctive vowel o has been communicated 
alsoT to bases of the third declension ending in a vowel ; and 
while, e.g., TroKi-Ttopdo^, fiavTi-TroKo^f fieOv'TthYJ^t yrfpu^yovog, 
l3ov-7p6<l>o^, vav-crradfiog, correspond well to the above-men- 
tioned (§. 968.) Sanscrit formations, mati-bhramd'S, madhu- 
pd'8, gd-dhuk, ndu'sthd-s, there are no analogous forms to 
(pvci-o-Xoyo-g, iydv-o-ifidyo^, ^{F)-o*Tp6<l>o^, vqiFj-o-ffiopO'^, in 
Sanscrit and the other sister-languages. In words, however, 
like \o707roiof (see Buttmann, §. 120. 4.), I can neither recognise 
a declinational ending, nor a vowel of conjunction, but only 
the naked base \oyo\ and therefore consider, e.g., ve^rjo-firjv 
in its first member as identical with the first member of the 
Sanscrit nava-dald-m, " young leaf,^' and Sclavonic NOBor^AAi* 
nuvo-gracT, " new town" (see §. 257.). In the o, too, of words 
like pi^o-TojjLog, ^fxepo'SpofJLog, StKo-ypifpo^, I cannot recognise 
a vowel of conjunction, but here, as generally in words of the 
first declension where they are found at the beginning of 
compounds, I take the o (= Sanscrit a) for the weakening or 

* With transposition of the members of the compound, cf. p. 1415 G. ed. 


shortening of the dor rj (from a, see§. 4.), both which vowels, 
in all feminiues, correspond to the Sanscrit d (see §. 118.)t 
even where the d has been shortened in the nominative and 
accusative singular. The change of a, a, or ij, therefore, is like 
the shortening of the Sanscrit d to a in compounds like 
priya-bhdryd, " dear spouse," where the feminine base priyd 
[G. Ed. p. 1420.] is changed into the masculine-neuter 
base by being shortened to priya. 

970. In remarkable coincidence with the Greek, the 
Sclavonic, too, at the beginning of compounds, weakens the 
feminine a = Sanscrit d (see §. 552.*) to the masculine- 
neuter ( = Sanscrit a, Greek o, see^. 257.); hence, e.g., 
BOAONOCb vodo-nos, '^ hydriar properly, "carrying water"** 
for voda-nos; ko^OAOft koQ)'doi/* caprimulgus^^ for koc^a-doi. 
The latter would, in Sanscrit, be ajd-dhuk (theme -duh). * 
The Greek, however, admits also long vowels at the end 
of the first member of compounds ; and so, eg., trKta-ypaffx)^, 
vtKfj-fpopo'S, resemble the Sanscrit compounds like chhdyd- 
'kard'S, " umbrella-carrier,*' properly, " shadow-maker/' Teco- 
-7/oa0of has again lengthened the form yeo, which has been 
first developed from yea, and verj-yev^^, \aiiitai'Yi'if>6po'£, 
exhibit J7=d for o=a, as, conversely, ti is usually thinned to o. 
Forms like aiy-l'Trov^, vvKTi-^to^ {=vvKT-o-l3tos;), answer, 
through their conjunctive i, to Latin like noct-i-color ; and so 
also in forms like fxeKecr-l'irTepo^f properly, "having long 
pinions,**' I can only recognise in the i a means of compo- 
sition in accordance with what has been remarked at §. 
128; and in this I differ from Buttmann (§. 120. Rem. 11.). 
Compare, with reference to the first member of such com- 
pounds, and the inserted vowel of conjunction, Latin forms 
like faeder-i-fragus. In forms like 6pei^&rri£, the diphthong 
e/ is explained by the dropping of the <r which belongs to the 

base ; while in the Latin compounds opifex, munificits, viJni- 

kOsA hoCa=^W^ojdf as koCTb AY>5/y=^fi5q ii^tfti, "bone." 


ficiiti for oper-i-feXi &c. {ct foeder'-i'fragus)^ not only the r 
which corresponds to the Greek o-, but also the preceding 
vowel, appears to have been passed over.* [G. Ed. p. 1421.] 
So, too, horr-i'Jicus, terr-i-Jicus, may be regarded as abbre- 
viations of horrdr-i-ficus, terrdr-i-ficus (cf. sopdr-i-fert hon&r- 
-i'ficus). In accordance with the almost universal weaken- 
ing in Latin of the final vowel to i, we find in Greek, 
beside the already mentioned ap%i and rejOTri, also a/071 in 
dpyi-'nov^, apyt'6$ovg &c„ xcc\#c/ in ^cc\#ci-vaoy, ^oAkZ-oiicos', 
fivpi in fivpi^Ttvoog, and <f)o^t in 0of /-j^eiAoj'. 

971. The Gothic, in my opinion, never makes use of a 
conjunctive vowel in its compounds, and does not require 
one, as it has but few bases which end in a consonant, and 
these are principally such as terminate in n. These, how- 
ever, as in Sanscrit, suppress (see §. 139.) the n at the be- 
ginning of compounds; hence, e.g., smakka-bagms, " fig-tree'* 
(theme smakkan, nom,smakka. "fig"'), for smakkan-bagms ; 
auga-daurS,** window, ''properly," eye-door,'' for augan-daurdt^ 
as above, rd/a-puird-s, for rdjan-putrd-s.t [G. Ed. p. 1422.] 
Bases in r avoid the harshness of the combination with a 

* A somewhat different explanation of opifejp has been attempted 
above (p. 1362 G. ed.). 

t So in Latin, homi-cida, sajigui-ntga^ for which might have been ex- 
pected homin-i'dda, sanguin-isuga. In Greek, in a similar way, the r 
is often suppressed in the suffix fuxr (from fuzy, see §. 801.), and then the 
preceding a is generally weakened to o ; hence, e.g., inr€pfiO'<l>6pos for 
(r7r€pfiar-o-<l)6pos : on the other hand, ovofm'Kkvrov, which in Sanscrit 
would appear in the form nama-irutd-s. The Latin retains the n of no- 
men in nomenclaior without appending a conjunctive vowel. 

X The neuter nom. and ace. augd (see §. 141.) affords no ground for the 
supposition that augdn is the theme (cf. Gabelentz and Lobe, Gramm., 
p. 129) : we cannot, therefore, in this example, speak of the shortening of the 
final syllable. Such an abbreviation, however, occurs in inorganic feminine 
bases in on and ein (see §. 142.) ; hence, gvina-kunds, '^ having the sex of 
women" (theme qvinSn, nom. qvino, "woman"); mari'SaivSy "sea," lite- 
rally, "ocean-sea" (theme tnarein, nom. maret). 



following consonant by transposition ; hence, brothra-lubd, or 
fcrd/ftru-Zufco, " brotherly love/' Fidur, " four " = Sanscrit 
chatur (of the weak cases, and at the beginning of com- 
pounds), admits, on the other hand, of the combination of r with 
d6gs(see §.913.); hence, Jidur-dogs, ** every four days," "quar- 
tan.'' As the Gothic, in the nominative and accusative sin- 
gular, suppresses a and i of the base, it hereby comes to look 
as if the said bases properly terminated with a consonant, 
while the a or i which enters into the composition seems 
to be a compositional or conjunctive vowel. Such a com- 
positional vowel, however, I can no more admit in the Ger- 
man languages than in the first and second declension of the 
Greek and Latin ; and as I recognise in Grimm's first strong 
declension of masculines and neuters, bases in a, and in the 
masculines and feminines of the fourth, bases in t, I look upon 
the a of compounds like guda-faurhU, " god-fearing,*" veina- 
-gards, " vineyard," and the i of such as gasti-gdds, " hospi- 
table," gabaur-di'vaurd, "birth-register," as distinctly be- 
longing to the first member of the compounds; and I regard 
the said examples as standing in perfect accordance with 
the above-mentioned (§. 968.) Sanscrit compounds like Idka- 
'pdld'S, maii-bhramd-s* Just so, in Grimm's third declension, 
[G. Ed. p. 1423.] compounds like fdtu-bandh "iron for the 
feet," haridu'vaurhts, "prepared with the hand," correspond to 
Sanscrit like madhu-pd-s, " honey- drinking," and Greek like 
uedv'irKfj^. Bases in d ( =d, see §. II 8.) shorten that letter to a, 
whereby there results an accidental agreement with the 
nominative and accusative singular; hence, e.g.,aitiha'kund8. 

* I have already, in my review of Grimm's German Grammar (Jour- 
nal of Lit. Criticism, 1827, p. 758, ^' Vocalismus," p. 132), shewn that a 
compositional vowel is altogether unkno\>vii in the German languages, and 
is limited in Latin to the cases in which the first member of the com- 
pound terminates with a consonant (honor-i-ficus). In Greek it has by 
degrees extended itself over the whole third declension, but kept aloof from 
the first and second, where it is the least needed. 


"earthly"' ("having earthly nature"), contrasted with San- 
scrit words like dAard-d/iar<i-*, "earth-carrier,'' and Greek like 
yeo'fpopo-^, yeo-eiSyj^. The originally short a of masculine 
and neuter base words is occasionally suppressed ; for 
example, in thiudan-gardi, " king's house ;" guih^'bldstreis, 
** God-worshipper" (for guda-); gud*'hus, "God's house;" 
hals'-agga, " nape" (" nape of the neck") ; thiu-maguSy " ser- 
vant," properly, " servant-boy" (for thiva-) ; sigis^-Iaun, (for 
sigisa-, see §. 935.) " reward of victory ;'" gut^-thiuda, ** the 
Gothic nation; midyun^-gards, "terrestrial globe"*; vein- 
^drugkya, " wine-drinker ;" and in some compounds, the first 
member of which is an adjective or pronoun, as, hauh'^-hairts, 
"magnanimous" (literally, "having a high heart"); laus- 
"handus, " having empty hands ;" anthar-Ieiks, " diverse," 
properly, " like to another.** To vein-drugkyat corresponds, 
with respect to the suppression of the final vowel of the first 
member, the Latin vin-demia (cf. p. 1417 G. ed., Note). 
Those Grothic substantive bases in ya (Grimm's second de- 
clension) which, before this syllable, have a long syllable, 
or more syllables than one, suppress the a, and vocalise 
the y to i (cf. §. 135.) ; hence, e.g., andi-laus, " endless," for 
andya-laus; arbi-numya^ " heir" ("taker of [G. Ed. p. 1424.] 
inheritance") ; on the other hund, frathya-marzeins, " decep- 
tion of the intellect" {frathya, n., nom. frathi, see §. 153.) ; 
vadya-bdkds, pi. "mortgage" (vadya, n., nom. vadi). The 
feminine substantive base thusundyd, too, in the compound 
thusundi'faths, X'^^PX^^* contracts its final syllable to i, for 
which its polysyliabicness, or the positional length of its 
penultima, may have given occasion. Adjective bases in 

* As the first member of .this compound does not occur in its simple 
state, it is uncertain whether its theme is reaUy midyuna; in which case 
I should compare it, just as also the feminine base nddumiijiom. midum$\ 
with the Sanscrit madhyama, ^^ meditis." In Sanscrit the earth is called, 
among other names, madhyama-ldkd'S and madhya-lSkd'S^ i.e. literally, 
^' the middle world" (^^ between heaven and the infernal regions"). 

4 u 2 


ya retain, even when preceded by a long vowel, the full themal 
form ; hence, hrainya-hairis, ** having pure heart :'*'* besides 
which I do not know another compound with an adjective base 
in ya as the first member, for in midya-sveipeins, " deluge," 
properly, "earth-inundation," midya, though identical with 
the adjective base midyot stands as substantive, wrliile the 
Sanscrit sister word, madhya in the above-mentioned 
(p. 1423 G. ed.. Note) madhyaUkd-s, " earth," as *' middle 
world," stands as adjective. The pronominal base alya 
= Sanscrit anya^ ** aliusr corresponds in alya-kuns to the 
Greek oWo in aWo^evfj^, 

972. In Old High German, too, the final vowel of the 
bases of Grimm's first strong declension, masculine and 
neuter, has been pretty frequently retained, either unaltered, 
or weakened to o or 6 ; hence, e.g., taga-rodt " redness of 
mom" ("aurora''); tage-ldm "daily pay T taga-sferno, find 
tagP'Slerno, " lucifer" ("day-star"); spila-hiht, spilo-hus^ 
spik'huSf " playhouse ;'' grape-hus, " grave-house." Bases, 
too, in i have occasionally preserved this vowel, or cor- 
rupted it to e, e.g„ in steii-got, ** loci genius ^ pHki-'ch^imaraf 
briute-chamara, " bride-chamber ;" priki-geba, ** bridal pre- 
sent;" bruii-gomo, "bridegroom" ("bride's-man"). The 
Lithuanian, exclusive of the obscure compounds in ninka^s 
discussed above (p. 1344 G. ed.), regularly rejects the final 
vowel, as also the termination ia, ya (nom. is, yis, see 
[G. Ed. p. 1425.] §. 135.) of the substantive, adjective, and 
nominal bases, which appear as the first member of com- 
pounds, when they have more than one syllable ; e.gr., 
wyn-kabm, "hill planted with vines" (wyna-Sf "wine'"); 
u-yn-m^diSf "vine;" rfyw'-rfarys, ** wonder-worker" (rfytra-*, 
"wonder"); krau-leidys, "one who lets blood'' {krauya-s, 
" blood " = Sanscrit kravya, '* flesh"); griek-twanist SUndflut^t 
"deluge;" auks-kalys, aukaa-kalys, "goldsmith" (auksa-s, 

♦ GrUfka-8, "sin;" twana-s^ "flood :" the German word, however, has avow- 
edly nothing to do with " sin/ ' and is in Old High German sin-Jluotf'sin'flut, 


** gold'') ; auhsa-darys^ *' worker in gold f' barxd^-skuttis, or 
barxda-skuftis, "razor," properly, "beard-shaving" (barzda, f., 
** beard''); didt-burniSf "one that has a great mouth" {didr 
Ji-s, theme didiGj euphonic didzia, "great"); did'-gahoys, 
" he that has a great head ;" wien-^dffis, *' one-horned" 
{wiena-s, " one"): saw^-redus, " obstinate" (aauHi'S, *'«uu5"). 
d73. The Zend, as has been already remarked, instead 
of the naked theme, places the nominative singular as the 
first member of its compounds, and I have already drawn 
attention elsewhere to a similar use in Old Persian*. It 
cannot surprise us if, in the European sister-languages also, 
isolated cases occur, in which the nominative singular 
takes the place of the theme ; and I differ from Buttmann 
(§. 120., Note 11.), in that I do not hesitate to take the Greek 
deo^ of deoa-SoTog in Hes. to be just as much the nominative 
as the Zend daM (from daSvas, see §. 56.^') in the quite 
analogous compound daivd-ddtch " produced by the Daevas" 
(Sanscrit diva, "God"). In diaiparog, and some other 
compounds beginning with flej, one easily recognises a con- 
traction of Beog. Perhaps, also, in the compounds beginning 
with vaviTif as vav<Ttl3aTrj£ (=vavfiaTtiO} Navtridoo^^ 'Savaidofi, 
NavtrtfjLeStavj the nominative vav^ is con- [G. Ed. p. 1426.] 
tained as representative of the theme f, and to it an t has 
been/added as conjunctive vowel (cf. §. 970); if not, I should 
prefer to regard vavat as a derivative which has been formed 
from i/au=Sanscrit ndu, with the suffix at (from t/), and 
which has ceased to be used by itself. It appears to me less 
probable that it is the dative plural of vavg, and least of all 
would I take the o- here as euphonic. The Gothic baurgs of 
baurgs-vdddyus, " town walls," I take to be the genitive, as 
it stands in the genitive relation, and as this irregular word 

* See Monthly Intelligence of the Acad, of Lit., March 1848, p. 135. 

t I recall attention to the &ct, that in Sanscrit only monosyllahic 
words carry the s of the nominative into the locative, to which a case- 
sign does not properly belong. 


exhibits, as well in the genitive as in the nominative, the 
form baurgs. In Sanscrit we might take divas in ' divas- 
'pati'S as the genitive of div, as I also formerly did : as, 
however, there is a compound divas-prithivy-du, " heaven 
and earth,^ which is passed over in this explanation, and 
in which divas does not stand in the genitive relation, I 
now prefer to assume a base divas, to be found only in 
composition, which is also contained in the proper name 
divd-ddsa (see Benfey's Gloss.), and whence, too, has pro- 
ceeded the extended base divasa^ as in general the suffix 
asa is only an extension of as. To the base divas, which 
is only found at the beginning of compounds, corresponds 
well the Latin dies in dies-piter. The second part of this 
compound is indeed only a weakening o{ pater, to be ex- 
plained according to §. 6., but here hardly signifies " father,^** 
but, in accordance with its etymology, " ruler" (see§. 812.). 
The Greek exhibits a real genitive, which, however, Butt- 
mann (§. 120., Note II.) will not recognise as such, in the 
compound i/ecocr-oiicofy in which the singular surprises me as 
[G. Ed. p. 1427.] as little as in our term Schiffshaiiser 
"ships' houses.'' Moreover, the first part of oiSevoa-tapa 
I cannot take otherwise than as the genitive. 

974. The Indian Grammarians divide compound words 
into six classes, which we will now examine separately in 
the order in which they follow one another in Vopadeva. 


Copulative Compounds called DvandvcL.* 

This class consists of the compounds of two or more 
substantives, which are co-ordinate to one another, t.e. which 

• Tlie Sanscrit term dvandva-m^, i.e. "pair," is a reduplicated form 
formed from the theme dva, " two" (cf. §. 766.).— iV.-B. I spell this 
word as it is found in the German, but ^ t;, when compounded with ano- 
ther consonant in Sanscrit^ is pronounced like to. See Wilson's Grammar, 
p. 6, 1. 18. — Translator, 


stand in the like ease-relation, and are, according to the 
sense, joined together by "and." These compounds are 
divided into two classes ; the first permits to the last mem- 
ber of the compound the gender which belongs to it, and 
puts it in the dual when only two substantives are joined 
together, of which each by itself stands in the singular re- 
lation ; and in the plural when the compound consists of 
more than two substantives, or when one of the two mem- 
bers so united is in a plural relation. The accent regu- 
larly falls on the final syllable of the united base ; hence, 
6. jr., surya-^handramdsdUi " sun and moon/' In the Veda 
dialect, however, one of the two words combined in Dvandva 
very often receives the accent which belongs to it in its 
simple state ; and in the Dvandvas, which occur in the 
Vedas, the first member often stands in the dual, at least 
I think in compounds like agni-shdrndUf "Agni and Soma,'' 

indrd-vdrundu, " Indra and Varuna," mitrd-vdrundu, " Mitra 

• • • 

and Varuna,'' indrd-vishnu, " Indra and [G. Ed. p. 1428.] 
Vishnu,"' I may venture to regard the lengthening of the 
final vowel of the first member of the compound, not as 
purely phonetic, but as the consequence of the dual inflec- 
tion ; as, too, I look upon the final d of dydvd, ** heaven,'' 
in combination with prithivt, " earth" (dyavdprithiviX as the 
Vedic dual termination, which has been added to dydu (the 
strong theme of dyd), just like the d in the Vedic com- 
pound pitard-mdidrdu, " father and mother." As dual, too, 
I regard the ^end dpa (theme dp) in the copulative 
A)^»7;A5<^ja> dpa-urvari^, "water and tree" (V. S. p. 4o). 
There occurs, 1. c, one other Dvandva which we cannot 
leave unnoticed, as compounds of this kind have hitherto 

* Cf. §.214., p. 228, Note *, and see "Smaller Sans. Gram.," §.589., Note. 

t Burnouf, to whom we owe an admirable disquisition on the greatest 
part of the 9th chapter of the Ya9na, does not declare his opinion as to the 
first member of the copulative compound dpa'UrvarS (" Etudes," p. 147). 


been but very seldom cited in Zend. I annex the conclu- 
sion of the passage referred to, according to BumouTs 
corrected text : -f^g^As MJui^CsAst^^ /k>^^ If-^r/f ^f5 Tp-^jCL^ 
A)2o»7;a5q)jui /^fAi^xst^)^^ as7^»;j9asq) as^^asj^ yat kerinoii 
anhi cshathrdt amereshavta pasu-vira anhushamani dpa-urvari, 
i.e., literally, " that he make under his dominion not dying 
beast and man, not drying up water and tree.*" Neriosengh 
translates pretty exactly, only with a different notion for 
the compound pahi^vira: yas chakdra tasya r&jy6 amardn 
pasuvirdn aioshini udakdni vanaspatint t.e., '* who made in 
his kingdom undying the males among animals and not dry- 
ing up the water, trees/' Bumouf (1. c. p. 145) draws at- 
tention to the circumstance, that yat kerendU properly sig- 
[G. Ed. p. 1429.] nifies **pour qail fit,'''' nor has it escaped 
him that pasu-^ira may also mean **ks troupeaux et les 
hommes^ (p. 140); he translates, however, in accordance 
with Neriosengh, **caril a, sous son regne, affranchi de la 
mort les mdles des troupeaux^ de la secheresse les eaux et les 
arbres.^^ I admit that amereshanta* and vira might also 
be plural accusatives, and I recall attention on this head 
to what has been remarked above (§. 231., Note) regarding 
the manner in which neuter forms have found their way 
into the plural of masculines. This does not, however, 
prevent me from letting, in the passage before us, the a of 
the said words, according to §. 208., stand for the dual ter- 
mination, as, in my opinion, it gives a much more suitable 
sense, if, by taking pasu-vira as Dvandv{^ we place, not 
only the males of animals, but animals and human beings 

* In the aibilant of this form I recognise neither any connection with 
the character of the future, nor with that of the desideratiye, but simply 
a phonetic affix, and recall attention to the fact, that the Sanscrit, too, 
has several secondary roots which have appended a sibilant. In the case 
before ns the Lithuanian mirsz-iu, ^^ I die*' (pret. mirriau^ fat nur-su, 
infin. mir'ii)i fortuitously coincides with the Zend. 


of both sexes under the protection of the government of 

975. To return to the Vedic Dvandvas* I must draw 
attention to the circumstance, that the dual termination, 
which is common to the nominative, accusative, and vocative, 
is retained also in that case, in which the whole word 
stands in another case-relation, and the last member, 
therefore, ends in bhydm or ds; e.g., dydvd-prUhivi-bhydmf 
" to the heaven and to the earth " (Yajurv. XXII. 28.), 
indrd-pmhndK, "of Indra and the Sun'' (I. c. XXV. 25.). 
This phenomenon may be explained by the language hav- 
ing become unconscious that the first member actually 
carries a case-termination, whereby remembrance may 
be drawn to the above-mentioned (§. 973.) [G. Ed. p. 1430.] 
Zend idiom, by which the nominative singular very com- 
monly takes the place of the theme. If we should also 
actually recognise, in forms like indrd, agni, simply a pho- 
netic lengthening of the a and i of the common language, 
we could not, however, by this mode of explanation, 
clear up pitdr-df dy&o-d, pushdn-d and kshdm-d. It is also 
important to remark, that, as Benfey has been the first to 
notice*, where the first member of the Dvandva is sepa- 
rated from the second, the former assumes the requisite 
termination of the oblique cases of the dual, but d only 
there where suitable for the connection with the other 
words. Thus, in a passage cited by Benfey 1. c. of the 
Rigv. (rV. 8. 11.), we find the genitive, mitrdyds . . . vdrunaydSf 
" of Mitra and Varuna ;'' on the other hand dydvd, as ac- 
cusative dual separated from prithivi (Rigv. I. 63. i.). This 
phenomenon in expressing the numeral relation is owing 
to the speaker's, when he names each part of the com- 
pound thing which is usually thought of together, having 

* In his Review of Bohtlingk's Sanflcrit-Chrestomathy (Gdttinger 
Learned Notices, 1846). 


the other in his mind, and this latter thus ideally compre- 
hended under the name of that he mentions (cf. §. 214. 1st 
Note), so that, therefore, e.g., dydvA-prilhivi*, properly sig- 
nifies, " Heaven and earth, earth and heaven ;'" hence, too, the 
name of one member of the compound may be understood ; 
and, e.g.f in a passage of the Sama-Veda (II. 3. 2. 8. 2. and 3.), 
the dual mitri occurs in the sense of " Mitra and Varuna," 
and I am of opinion that the dual rodasit which, in classical 
Sanscrit, also signifies " heaven and earth,"' denotes by its 
base rSdas only " heaven,'' though the meaning " earth " 
[G. £d. p. 1431.] has also been ascribed to it'j'. I draw at- 
tention here to a similar procedure in several Malay-Poly- 
nesian languages, since, e.y., in the New Zealand td-ua (lit. 
" thou two," therefore, as it were, the dual of the second 
person) signifies, " thou and I. X " Here, ta answers to 
the Sanscrit base tva^ '* thou," and ua, which, when standing 
by itself, is dia* to dva. 

976. Combinations of more than two substantives in one 
Dvandva appear not to occur in the Vedic dialect and 
Zend ; at least, I know of no example. Examples in classic 
Sanscrit are : agni-vAyu-ravibhyas^ ** From fire, air, and sun " 
(Manu, I. 23.) ; gita-vAdttra-nritydnh " Song, instrumental 
music, and dance" (Arjuna's Journey to Indra's heaven, 

• For prithivydiiy with the case-termination suppressod, cf. p. 1*205 G. ed. 

+ Wilson, perhaps correctly, derives rSdas from rudy " to weep," with 
the suffix as; "the heaven" therefore would be here represented as 
"weeping*' ("raining"), and the drops of rain as its tears. This is cer- 
tainly not more unnatural than when the cloud {tn^ghd) is represented as 
" mingeru." Moreover, the Greek ovpavds admits of being derived from a 
root which, in Sanscrit, signifies " to rain," viz. from varsh^ vrish, with 
the loss, therefore, of a sibilant, as xatpo> from xcupfo (Sanscrit root harshy 
hrish), Oifpav6s, therefore, would be a transposition offopapos. Regard- 
ing the suffix avoy see p. 1369 G. ed. 

t See "On the connection of the Malay-Polynesian languages with the 
Indo-European," p. 87. 


IV. 7.) ; siddha-chdrana-gandharvdhf " by Siddhas, Charanas, 
and Gandharvas (I. c. V. 14.). In such cases the last 
member, if it does not already for itself stand in the 
plural relation, should evidently express, by its plural ter- 
mination, the sum of the whole. In the second kind of 
copulative compounding, which is used especially in anti- 
thesis, or when speaking of the members of the body, or 
of abstract ideas, and generally of inanimate things or in- 
sects, the last member stands in the singular with a neuter 
termination ; the separate members may stand by them- 
selves in the singular, dual, or plural re- [G. Ed. p. 1432.] 
lation, e.g.f chardcharam (chara-ackaram), "the moveable 
and immoveable'' (Manu, I. 57.) ; hasta-^ddam, " hands and 
feet" (1. c. II. 90.; pdda, masc); anna-pdnam, "food and 
drink" (Arjuna, 4. ii.) ; chhatrdpdnaham*, "umbrella and 
shoes'" (Manu, II. 246.) ; yukd-makshika-matkunamf " lice, 
flies, and bugs^^ (1. c. I. 40., matkuna, masc). 

977. In Sanscrit adjectives, too, which are in sense 
joined by ** and," may be united in compounds, which are 
not indeed reckoned by the Indian grammarians as Dvan- 
dvas, but can be assigned to none of the six classes with 
more justice. The following are examples: vritta-pina, 
"round and thick" (Arjuna II. 19); hrishUasrag-rajdhina, 
** having garlands of flowers standing upright and free from 
dust" (Nal. V. 25.). So in Greek, \evKO'fxe\a^t " white and 
black." A substantive Dvandva base is j^arpaxofJivo, in the 
compound, ^aTpaxofJivofxax^^ " frog^mouse war.*' In Latin 
the derivative suovitauriUa is based on a Dvandva consisting 
of three members, which must have been, according to the 
first kind of this class of Sanscrit compounding (§. 974.), su- 
-ovi'tauri; according to the second (§.976.), su-ovi-taurum 
("swine, sheep, and bull''). 

* From chhatra n., and updnah f , with a added. 


Possessive Compounds, called Bahuvrihi* 

978. Compounds of this class denote as adjectives or 
[G. Ed. p. 1433.] appellatives the possessor of that which 
the separate members of the compound signify, so that the 
notion of the possessor is always to be supplied. For this 
reason I call them *' possessive compounds/^ The last 
member is always a substantive, or an adjective taken as 
a substantive, and the first member may be any other part 
of speech but a verb, conjunction, or interjection. The 
final substantive undergoes no other alteration but that 
which the distinction of genders makes necessary ; whence, 
c.gr., chhdyd, f., "shadow/' in the compound vipuld-chchbdyntf 
has shortened its long feminine d, in order to become re- 
ferable to masculines and neuters. So, in Greek, the femi- 
nine final vowel of the bases of the first declension becomes 
( = Sanscrit a), and in Latin u, in possessive compounds 
like 'rroKvo'KiO'^, iroKvKOfxa-^, aioKoyiop^o-^, mutti-comuSt albi- 
"ComU'St multi'vius. The procedure in Old High German 
is the same, when it places the feminine substantive /artt^a 
orfarawa, &c., "colour," at the end of possessive compounds, 
and then furnishes the whole word, where it refers to mas- 
culines or neuters, with the terminations of the said gen- 
ders ; hence, e,*/., nom. m. snio-varawar seo, ** sea having 
the colour of snow" (Grafi^, III. 702.) ; uent. golt-varawaz, 
" having the colour of gold." I see, therefore, no occasion 
to presuppose^ for the explanation of such compounds, ad- 
jectives which do not exist ; otherwise we might, with equal 
justice, assume in Greek and Latin adjectives like /cojuor. 

* This word signifies " having much rice," and it is properly only an 
example of the kind of compounding here spoken of, as, in Greek and 
Latin, iroXvKOfwSf muUicomiu, might be used to denote the same. 

t Chchh, euphonic for chh, on aoconnt of the short vowel preceding. 


comus, "hairy,"" and for Sanscrit an adjective chhdya-s, 
" shady." The Greek has forgotten how to re-transform 
into its feminine shape the o which has arisen from a or 
fj in compounds like iroKvaKio^, iroKvKOfjLos, and contrasts, 

therefore, with Sanscrit feminines like vipuldchchhdyd, 
" having a large shadow,"" and Latin like [G. Ed. p. 1434.] 
muUicoma, albkoma, masculine forms like iroKva-Kto^t ttoKvko- 
/Lior (see p. 1341 G.ed.): on the other hand, the Latin, 
according to the principle laid down in §. 6., has changed 
the final vowels of the bases of the first and second declen- 
sion frequently into the lightest and most suitable vowel of 
the three genders. Hence, e.g., muUi-formis, difformist 
biformist imbellis, abnormis, bilinguis, inermUs ; so, also, the 
organic u of the fourth declension in bicornis; while, on the 

other hand, manu-s, in the compound longi-manus, has 


passed into the second declension. 

979. Just as the neuter Sanscrit hrid, "heart"" (from 
hard), in the possessive compound suhrid, " friend,"" pro- 
perly, " having a good heart,"" has become masculine, and 
is therefore, in some cases, distinguished from the simple 
hridt so it happens with the Latin neuter base cord in the 
compound bases miseri'Cord\, concord, socord; hence the ac- 
cusatives miscricordem, concordem, socordem, answer to the 
Sanscrit suhridamt while the simple cor{d), as nominative 
and accusative, corresponds to the Sanscrit hrid (euphonic 
hrit). The Gothic neuter base hairian suppresses, in the 
undermentioned possessive compound, the final n, and ex- 

* The final e of neuters like difforme is only a corraption of the i at the 
end of a word (see §. 251.). 

t Properly, " for the unfortunate having a heart," not " cujtu cor mise* 
ret" So the Gothic arma-hairts, "pitiful," properly signifies "having 
a heart for the poor ;" for in it the adjective-base arma is contained, as 
the base miseru in the Latin mUericors, which base is weakened to miseri, 
according to §. 968. 


hibits then arma-hairta as theme, and arma-hairt-s (Old 
High German arme-herzer in Notk.) for arma-hirta^s, (see 
§. 135.)» as masculine nominative (pi. arma-hairtai) ; so 
hrainya-hairUf " having a pure heart ^ hauh-hairts (for 
hauha-hairtSt "high-minded,"' properly, "having a high 
heart/' The Greek and Latin, too, oc- [G. Ed. p. 14360 
casionally drop a final consonant at the end of possessive 
compounds; hence, e.g.^ in Greek ofJLCdvvfiog, emAarofio^, 
avatfxo^, avdatfjLo^, in Latin, exsanguis (properly, ** having the 
blood out,** gen. idem., for exsanguin-is), multi-genus : for the 
latter we might have expected multUgenor, if the suffix of 
the simple word be contained therein uucurtailed, and also 
without affix, as us, eris « Sanscrit as, asas, has retained the 
old s only in the uninflected cases of the neuter (see §. 128.), 
but for it exhibits r in the masculine and feminine (see 
p. 1377 G. ed.); hence, bicorpor, opposed to the simple cor^ 
pus, corporis. The base gener (genus, gener-is) appears with 
the inorganic affix of an i in muUi-generi-s. The Greek 
occasionally appends an o to bases ending in a consonant, 
f. jr., to Ttvp in airvpo-^y deonvpo-^ (properly, *' having God's 
fire''), to vS(t>p in evVSpo^, ixeKawSpo^. 

980. The Lithuanian uses its possessive compounds for 
the most part substantively, and adds to their last member 
as to that of almost all its compounds, the suffix ia, 
nom. m. w* ; hence, e.g., didC-burnis, " the large-mouthed" 
(burna, "mouth," cf. Sanscrit bru, "to speak"); didC-galwh, 
** great head" ("having a great head," galwa, "head"); 
ketur-kampis, " four-cornered" (kampa-s, " corner") ; trikoyis, 
"three-footed, having three feet" {kdya, "foot"). The 
feminine of the Lithuanian possessive compounds, and other 
classes of compounds, ends, in the nominative singular, in e, 
from fat; hence, e.g., na-bage, "the poor," properly, "not 

il( See §. 135., and p. 1345 G. ed., Not«. 
t See §. 895. 


having wealth" ; pus-merge, " the half-maid" (the latter a 
determinative compound ; merga, " maid"). [G. Ed. p. 1436.] 
To this belongs the phenomenon, that the Sanscrit, too, 
adds a derivative suffix to some of its possessive com- 
pounds, and, indeed, the same wherewith above (§. 953.) 
our i-y, Gothic ha, ga, has been compared. Our com- 
pounds, therefore, like hochherzig, "high-hearted," contrasted 
with the Gothic hauh-hairts, are in a measure already pre- 
pared through the Sanscrit by compounds like angushthd- 
'mdira-kas, " having a thumb's length" (Nal. XIV. 9.) j 
mahdraska'Si "great-breasted." Without the derivative 
suffix we can use our possessive compounds like Dreifuss, 
Vierech Rothbrustchenf Langohr, Gelbschnabel, Dickkopft Gross- 
maul, " Three-foot," " Four-corner," " Red-breast," " Long- 
ear," " Yellow-beak," "Thick-head." "Great-mouth," only 
as appellatives, or as words of abuse. 

981. The accent in the Sanscrit possessive compounds 
usually rests on the first member of the compound, and, 
indeed, on that syllable which receives it when the word 
stands uncompounded. This kind of accentuation ap- 
proaches most closely to that of Greek, in which the prin- 
ciple prevails to cast back the accent in all kinds of com- 
pounds as far as possible, without reference to the accentu- 
ation of the separate members in their simple state; a 
procedure by which the compound gains much more of the 
character of a new ideal unity than if the retention of the 
accentuation of one of the combined elements preserved 
for that member its individuality, and made the other 
member subservient to it. In the other classes of com- 
pounds, the Sanscrit usually takes no notice of the accen- 
tuation of the single members in their simple state, yet 

* The simple baga-s, '^ wealth," is wanting ; cf. Sanscrit bhaga-s and 
hhdga-8, ^^ share/* *^ luck." The masculine na-bdgas has tlie suffix ia con« 
tained in it. 


does not cast back the accent, but allows it to sink down on 
the final syllable of the whole base ; hence, e.y., mahd-bdhu-s, 
"a great arm," opposed to TwaAd-MAu-*," great-armed,'' while 
in Greek the possessive compound fJieydKoTroTu^, "great-town 
[G. Ed. p. 1437.] forming,'' and the determinative MeydKo- 
itoKi^, properly, " great-town," have the same accentuation. 

9S2. The form mahd, in the just-mentioned compounds 
mahd'bdhu'S and malid-bdhu'Sf is an irregular abbreviation 
of mahdt, "great" (theme of the weak cases), which, at the 
beginning * of possessive and determinative compounds, 
drops its t, and then the lengthening of the d may be re- 
garded as compensation for the consonant that has been 
.dropped. Although in Sanscrit, according to §. 978., all 
the parts of speech, with the exception of verbs, conjunc- 
tions, and interjections, may stand as the first members of 
possessive compounds, still for the most part, as also in 
the European sister-languages, adjectives, including partici- 
ples, appear in this place. I further annex some ex- 
amples from the Maha-Bharata : chdru-ldcluma-s, '* hav- 
ing beautiful eyes;" bahvrvidha-s, "of many kinds" (vidJid, 
m. or vidhdt f. " kind ") ; tanvrmadhya-s, " having a 
thin middle;" vlrupa-rupa-s, "having a disfigured form" 
(riipd-m, " form ") ; tikshnd-damhtra'S, " having pointed 
teeth" {ddnshtrd, f. "tooth"); lambd-jathara-s, "having a 
swagging belly ;" sphurdd-dshtha-s, "having trembling lips" 
(sphurdini, CI. 6. "I tremble''); jdyad-raiha-s, 'proper name, 
signifying ** having a conquering car ;" jiid-lcrddha'S, " hav- 
ing subdued anger ;'' gaid-vyatha-s, " having departed grief," 
i.e., "free from grief." The following are examples in 
Zend: iAsx^^iAj7^7j3 sriradcshan, "having good oxen" 
(from srira and ucshan) ; keresadcshan, " having thin oxen" 
(A-er?,sa = Sanscrit iri5«) ; keresdspa^ proper name, "having 
thin horses" (from kerem and aspa) ; ^?(3;Q)^p;oAJ)a)^ cshaHo- 

« Sec Bumouf, " Ya^na," p. 828, n. 185. 


'puthri, " who has bright (beautiful) children/' The fol- 
lowing are examples in Greek : fxeyi-Ovfjios, [G. Ed. p. 1438.] 
fieya'KvSi]^^ fxeya-icKei^St KevKo-Trrepo^, SoTuxo-CKto^, \evK'6^ 
OdKfioSt l3a6v-in€pvo^f itoKv-'xpvdo^t ravv-itenKo^t fxe\dfi'l3Li\o^, 
fjL€\av-6r-KOfxo^, KKuTo-irat^, /c\irro-j8oi;7U)j. The following are 
Latin examples : magn -animus, multi-cauliSf longi-pest atri- 
'Color, acu'pedius , versi-cohr, Jissi-pes, fltx^animus* Gothic 
examples are : laus-qvithr-s, '* having an empty body, fast- 
ing" (for lausa-); laus^-handus, "having empty hands;'' 
lausa-vaurds, '^having wanton, vain words» speaking un- 
profitably" (vaurd, n., theme vaurdch "word"); hrainya- 
'hairts, ''having a pure heart'' (see §. 979.). Examples in 
Old High German are: lang4iper, "having long life"f; 
lanch-mueter, *' long-suffering ;" mUt-herzer, "having a mild 
heart." For Lithuanian examples, see §• 980. Examples 
in Old Sclavonic are : mhaoce^ai* milo-serd^, " misericors^ 
literally, " having a loving heart ;" qE^NOOkbiii cherno-okyi, 
" black-eyed ;" B^bAorAABbiii byelo-glavyi, " white-headed."! 
The following are examples in Sanscrit of possessive com- 
pounds, which have a substantive as their first member : 
bandhu-kdma-s, " having love to kindred ;" iydkiu-kdma-St 
"having a desire to leave" (see §. 853.); bdla-putra'S, "hav- 
ing a child as son" (Sav. II. 8.); mdiri'shashtha-s, "having 
the mother as sixth" (Hid. I. 1.): in Greek, Kw-i-ippcavy 
KVV'Q-Qapcfi^y l3ov'K€<pa\os, avSp^fiov\o£: in Latin^ anyuir 

* This compound (accordiog to Festos) ahould properly be acu-pes, in 
the theme acu-ped. Through the appended suffix iu it answers to the 
Lithuanian compounds (§. 980.). In Sanscrit the theme would be dg{^ 
'P&d (from dkii\ and in Greek vxv-irovf, rnKv-TTob-os, The first member 
of the Latin compound is therefore important to us, because adjective 
bases terminating in an original u have elsewhere, in Latin, universally 
received the inorganic affix of an • (see p. 1356 G. ed.). 

t Graff (IL p. 46) unnecessarily assumes an adjective lihy *'*' lively," 
while we may be satisfied with the substantive Up, lib, ^^ life." 

X The two last e2uiroplcs with the affix of the definite declension. 

4 X 


[G. Ed. p. 1439.] comus, angui-pes, ali-fes, pudor-i-color : in 
Lithuanian, szvJc-dantis, " having gaps in the teeth'' (jszukke, 
" liole, gap'*) ; szun-galwis, ** dog's head" (an abusive word), 
properly, "the dog's headed" (of. §. 980.). The following 
are examples in Sanscrit, with a numeral at the commence- 
ment: dri-p4d*, "two-footed;" fric/uiitrd, " three-wheeled " 
(Sama-V.); ch&tush-pdd, "four-footed" (1. c): in Zend, 
As^juu^il bi'Zanhra, " two-footed ;" fX5^MJs^)7dj6^ cliaihru- 
-^hasman, " having four eyes ;" ^)^AM)OA)»)^d^ cshvas-ashi, 
** having six eyes ;" Atj^eiAto^^juu^Aso* hazanhr6--gh€Jt6shat 
** having a thousand ears :" in Greek, Jnrouf , inrorafiog, 9/ tto- 
po^f Tp/iroi/f, T€TpaKVK\o^: in Latin, bipes, btdens, bicorpor, 
tripes, tripedorus'f, quadrupeSf quadr-urbs, quinquefoliv^ : in 
Lithuanian, wien-ragis, "one-homed" (ragaSf "horn,'" see 
§. 980.) ; dwi'koyis, " two-footed ;" tri-koyis, " three foot ; 
tri'kampist " three-cornered " tri-galwis, " three-headed ; 
ketuT'koyis, " four-footed :" in Sclavonic, KAHHO^ori> yedino- 
-rog\ " one-homed ;" hetb^ ■feMOr'b chetvrye'fiog\ " four- 
footed" {noga, "foot"): in Gothic, haihs, "one-eyed" (see 
p. 418) : in Old High German, ein-hanier, " one-handed j" 
eiwouger, " one-eyed ;" zui-ekker, " two-cornered ;" feor- 
•fuazzer, "four-footed." The following are examples of 
Sanscrit possessive compounds with a pronoun as the first 
member : waydm-prabha-St "having lustre by itselV (svayum, 
" self," see §. 341., prabhdf " lustre") ; tdd-Akdra-s, "having 
such appearance ;" rndd-vidhas, " like me," properly, " hav- 
ing the kind of me." Examples in Greek are : aurdjSouXof, 

[G. Ed. p. 1440.] avToSiKO^t auToflai/aroy, avTOKo/JLo^, avTO/x>J- 



* In the weak cases dvi-pdd. The numerals in this kind of composition 
retain the accent only under certain conditions : usually it falls on the 
final syllable of the whole word (see Aufrecht, ^''De accentu compositorum 
Sanacr," pp. 12, 20. 

t With an extension of the base pector (cf. bicorpor) by a vowel afl^ 
as in Greek forms like Btoirvpos (§. 079. conclusion). 




Tcop, avTofjxyipo^, The following are examples with an adverb 
preceding them in Sanscrit : tdthd-vidha-s, *' so constituted/" 
properly, " having its kind so ;" sadA-gati'Sf " always 
having going," an appellation of the wind ; so in Greek, 
aetKap-no^, aetiraO^^, detaOevi^^, In Sanscrit the a primitive, 
before vowels an, very frequently appears at the beginning 
of this class of compounds, in which case the accent sinks 
down on the final syllable ; hence, e.g., a-mald-s, " spotless 
("not having spots"); a-pdd, "footless;" a-halA-s, "weak 
(" not having strength") ; a-bhayd-Sf " fearless ;" an-antd-s, 
"endless" ("not having end"). Hereto correspond, irre- 
spective of the accentuation, Greek compounds like aTroif, 
aTrov£ (genit. a7ro5-oj=Sanscrit a-pad-as), a<j>o^o^y avoiKo^. 
The Latin, which retains the nasal of the privative parti- 
cle before consonants, also furnishes us with compounds 
like irwps, iners, inermist insomnis, imberbis, imbelUs. So 
in Old Northern, d-hrwsi, " not having glory, gloryless 
{hrost "praise"); 6-m61U "not having speech," "child 
{mdU "speech"): Old High German, un-faseU "insect, 
literally, " not having seed" {faseU "seed," Grimm, H. 776.). 
A Zend example of this class of words is anaghra, " begin- 
ningless," from an and o^Ara^ Sanscrit agra, "point, be- 
ginning" (see p. 246). 

983. For a purpose similar to that for which the priva- 
tive particle a is applied, prepositions also, which express 
separation, are used in Sanscrit and its sister-languages as 
initial members of possessive compounds ; e.g.* in Sanscrit, 
dpa-bhi'S, "fearless, having fear away" {dpa, "from, 
away," bhi, f. "fear"); so in Greek, dirodvfjLo^, onrodpt^; in 
Latin, abnormis; in Gothic, qf-^ucb, "godless" ("having 
God away"), in opposition to ga-guds, " pious," properly, 
** having God with." f^ ms, " out,"" before sonant letters 
nir, is found, e.g., in nlr^maUi'S, " spotless," properly, "hav- 
ing the spots out ;" as in Latin, e.g., ex- [G. Ed. p. 1441.] 

animis, exsanguis, expers; in Gothic, e.g., us-vinOf theme 






uz-vSnaut "hopeless, having the hope out"' (vSn^iys, f. 
"hope"); Old High German, ur-herzir, ^'excorsT ur-lu^ir 
(for -fci), ^'exsorsT ur-mdtf "spiritless;" ur-wdfatu "un- 
armed, defenceless." In a sense opposed to that of the 
privative prepositions, the preposition so, " with" *, which 
occurs only as prefix, is employed in Sanscrit to express 
persons or things which possess that which the final sub- 
stantive expresses; e,g., sd-kdma-Sf "with wish,'* Le. 
" being with the circumstance of the wish, having a satis- 
fied wish ;*' sd-ruj, " sick, being with sickness ;'* s&^rdga-s, 
id. {ruch and rdga^ " sickness") ; sd-varna-s, " similar," pro- 
perly, " concolor''^ (varna-^i, " colour") ; sd-^arva-Sf " proud, 
being with pride;" sd-daya-s, "sympathizing" {day A, 
"sympathy''). So in Latin, c.y., concorst consorst concohr, 
cor^ormist confinis, commodtis, communis (for con and munusp 
cf, immunis); in Greek, e.y,, ovvopo£t oT/vTa^j", owreKi^, 
avvopKo^f iTvvoTr\o£, avvofx^po^, ovvoiko^, avvoSo^, avyyovo^, 
avvOpovo^, avfifiopiJH)^, avyydhaKTo^ ; the latter with the exten- 
sion of the substantive base by o (see §.979. conclusion). On 
the Sanscrit sa is based the Greek a (from a for aa) in com- 
pounds like dyd\aKTO£, ayd\a^, aieK<l>6g, oAo^^oy. Mention 
has already been made elsewhere of the exact retention of the 
Sanscrit preposition sa in the Greek (ra^^r* properly, *• with 
light, being with brightness." In Sanscrit, bhds, " bright- 
ness," would regularly combine with sa into the compound 
sd'bhdst and this, in like manner, would signify "clear, 
shining." In Gothic, ga-guds, " pious," properly, " being 
with God," belongs to this class of words, being the anti- 
[G. Ed. p. 1442.] thesis to the above-mentioned cf-guds: 
and also ga-liugs, " false "f ; ga-daUch " sympathiser," " with 

* When used alone, scihd ; as verbal prefix, sdm. The former appears also 
tn the compound saJidd^va'S^ and the latter in some nominal compounds. 

t Properly, '^ being with lying:" it presupposes a lost substantive 
Uugs, *'Ue." 


portion having **' (for ga-daitiiyst see §. 928.) ; ga-hlai/af 
'* companion, with bread having^ (for ga-hlaifs, 1. e.). If 
I have been wrong in comparing, in §. 416., the Gothic for- 
mations in leik'-s, and the forms analogous to them in 
German, with the Sanscrit in drisa^h they must then be 
included in the class of compounds under discussion, and 
we must recognise in their concluding element the sub- 
stantive feiJt'-», ** body ;" then ga-leiks, ** similar,'' signifies 
properly, "with body having,^' "having the body, ic, the 
form in common with another," and it would correspond 
in its formation to the Latin cor^ormis, Greek <TvfjLiJLop(l>o^, 
and Sanscrit sd-rupa-s.* The form anihar-leiK'S, "separate,'* 
deducible from anthar-leikeU ** diflference,'* would then 
literally signify "having another body," i.e. "another 
form," aXXojuop^j (cf. Sanscrit anydrupa-s^ " other shaped ;" 
S. V. II. 8. 1. 4. 1. 

d84. The Sanscrit prefixes au and dus (before sonant 
letters dur, cf. §. 919.), like their sister forms in Greek, ei 
and Sv^, stand in the class of compounds under discussion 
for adjectives, whereby 8U allows the accent which belongs 
to it to sink down on the final syllable of the base, 
or before words which are formed with the suffixes as 
and man on the penultima;" hence, e.g., su-pisas (nom. 
m. f, supisds), " having a good form ;** sumdnas, nom. m. f. 
sumdndst "having a good spirit, well-intentioned," in op- 
position to su-jihvd'Sf " having a good [G. Ed. p. 1443.] 
tongue" (jihvdf f. "tongue"); su-parnd-Sf "having good 
wings." The following are examples with dus, dur, " bad :" 
dir-dtman (nom. -md), " having a bad soul ;" dwr-hala'S, 
" having bad strength ;" dur-mana-^ (nom. "fnands), " hav- 
ing a bad spirit." To the latter corresponds, irrespective 
of the accentuation, the Greek iv^^ievrfi (see §. 146.), as 

* Likewise " aimilar," from «i, " with," and rupa, " form ;" so dnU" 
-rdpa-s, "similar," from dnu^ "after," and li^pa^ " fonn," 


evfJL€VYJ£ to mmdn&s. Other Greek examples belonging to this 
class are: evfieTOyy, evfJLeyiOrf^, €vyuop<^o^^ evfJUjKo^, iv^fiop<pog, 
Sv^jjiopo^, Sv^Trpoaoiiro^, Sv^Xetcrpog. Examples in Z^nd of this 
class of words are : 0)^/^5 ;w» hwkerepy ** having a handsome 
body/' nora, j^jif^gj;^' hu-Jceref-s (see §. 40.); .^^a^i^ hu-jiti, 
"having a good life" (see §. 128.); hu-ptUhra, f. hu-puthrit 
" having handsome children ;^ Mxsfxs^M^ dus-manas, " hav- 
ing a bad spirit f ajjCwai^^jjuvsao^ dus-skyadlhna, " having 
a bad deed, acting badly f ' MX3^Mi^6:y)^ dusch-vachast *' hav- 
ing bad discourse.*" 

Determinatives called Karmadhdraya, 

965. The last member of this class of compounds is a 
substantive or adjective, which is more closely defined or 
described by the first member. The first member may 
be any jmrt of speech, excepting verbs, conjunctions, and 
interjections ; the most usual, however, is the combination 
of an adjective with a following substantive. Adjectives, 
which have a peculiar theme for the feminine, use, if the 
concluding substantive be feminine, not the feminine base, 
but the primary form common to the masculine and neuter. 
The accent falls most commonly on the final syllable of 
the united base. The following are examples: d'wya- 
'husumd'S, '* heavenly flower ;" prlya-bhdryd, " dear spouse '"^ 
[G. Ed. p. 1444.] (not priyd'bhdryd) ; saptarshdya-s, '* the 
seven Rishisf' a-hhayd-m, "not fear, fearlessness^'*; 
ddhrishta-s, ** invincible f' dn-rita'S, " untrue f suprita^s^ 

* Inseparable adverbs and prepositions have the accent at the 1>egin- 
ning of these compounds: just so substantives which denote the thing 
with which the person or thing to which the compound refers are com- 
pared. To the numerous exceptions from the rules of accent in this class 
of compounds belong, inter alia, the compounds described in §. 919., like 
su'ldblia'8, "being easily attained;" dur-ldbha-s, "being with difficulty 


"much beloved;" su-purna-s, "very full;" dUr-dwa-nif 
"storm," lit "hard day;" su-nfti-s, "good behaviour;" 
sdmi-bhukta-s, "half eaten;" prd-vtra-s, "fore-man/' ue. 
" superior man ;"' ddhi-paii-s, " regent, lord ;'' vl-sadrik, 
"dissimilar;" gh&na-iydma-s, "cloud-dark, black like a 
cloud ;" sy^d-patvd (theme -van), " flying like a falcon.'" 
Examples in Zend are : ^^^f^^^ jjierendyndOf " full moon ;" 
a)7a>9a5 a-mara, "undying" (theme); ^^'^t^^j^^-'^ amere- 
shans, " not dying" (see p. 1421 G. ed., Note) ; 9gpJ^5f7AJ9«b2^ 
dusch'vareste-m, " bad deed, bad action ;" (^^-'^^-'^^ chi»- 
•fnaie-m, "bad thought;" (g^d^^cJo)^ dmch-ude-^nh "badly 
said ;" ^gpA>9;o* hu-mcde-m, " well thought ;" As7(2^f A;w» Au- 
'fedhra, fem. -i, " very fortunate, excellent." 

9S6. To this class belong Greek compounds like /xeyaA- 
-efXTTopo^, fxeyaXo^aifxciv, fxeyoLKo-fjLrjrrip, i<ro-7re5ov, evpu^Kpeitav, 
a-7va)Tor, dv'Yjfxepo^y eu-5i;A.oj', eu-avo/icToy, Sv^aYyeKo^, ivg^ 
-aTTiOTOj', Yifxt'Kv<M)v, ^fxt-Kevo^, itporOvfJLa, e^'oSog, ejp-oiog. 
The following are examples of Latin compounds of this 
class : meri'diest properly, " the middle day," from medi-dies 
(see §§. 17., 20.), for medil'dies, as iibi-cen for tibii-cen, from 
tlhia'Cen (see §. 968.), albo-galerus (see [G. Ed. p. 1445.] 
p. 1417, Note, G. ed.), sacri-portus, quinque^ri, decem-viri (as 
in Sanscrit sapidrshayas, " the seven Rishis"'), pcBn-insulat 
neff-oiiunit in-imicuSf semi-deuSf semi-dieSt semi-mortuus, bene- 
'dicus, male-ficus (see §. 916.), in-felm in-subus (see §. 490. 
Remark l), insipidus (see §. 6.), dif-ficilis^ dis'similist pro^ 
-avuSf pro-nepost ab-avus, ante-peSf ante-loquium, con-servOf 
inter-reXf inter-regnunif per-magnus, prtB-celer, prcB'dulciSt prce^ 
'durus. In German this mode of forming compounds is 
still in full force in all its varieties. The following are 
examples: Grossvater, "grandfather;" GrossmuUer^ "grand- 
mother ;" GrosmachU " great potency ;'" Grosshdndler, 
" wholesale dealer ;" Weissbrod, " white bread ;" Schwarz^ 
brody " black bread ;" FoUmond, " full moon ;" Halbbrudeff 
" half-brother ;" haushoch, " high as a house -^ federleicht. 


" light as a feather ;" himmelblau, " sky-blue f ^ dunkelblau^ 
" dark blue ;" Unschuld, " innocence f' Unverstand, " indis^ 
cretion ;" unreifj " unripe f ' uneben, " uneven ;"' Ubermachtt 
" overpowering force f' Ahmeg^ " by-way ;" Ausweg^ '* out- 
let f' Beigeschmach " false taste ;" Urderroch " petticoat ;'' 
Vorhut, " vanguard f"* schtoarzgelb, *' tawny ;" F'orrede, "pre- 
face r Vorgeschmack, " foretaste f * VormUiagt " forenoon ;** 
Nachgeschmakf " after-taste ;" Miierbe, *' co-heir ;"' Mitsckuld^ 
"participation in guilt;'' AbgotU "idolf" Abbild, "image."* 
In Old High German only the compounds with s&mU which 
are wanting in our dialect, will be here mentioned by me as 
analogous to the above-mentioned (p. 1399,1. 3.) Sanscrit sc1i7i£- 
'bhukfaSf ** half-eaten/' Greek fjyiiKevoq, Latin $^mt-fnortiitis, viz. 
«dmi-/fei/, "half well;" sdmi-qvect " wmi-vitus /' sdmt-tri!?, 
"siJirufus ("half white"). The following are examples in 
Grothic: yugga-lavths, "young man, youth;'' sUba-siuneis^ 
** eye-witness, avroTrrrf^ ;" afar-dagrf, " the other (following) 
day ;" andn-vaiirdf " answer" (" counter- word ") ; anda- 
'vIciznX, "face, countenance;" v/ar-gudyaf "high priest, 
dpx'epev^;^ ufar-fullsf "overfull." Examples in Lithuanian 
are : pirm-gimmimmaSf "first-birth;" pus-dewis, *'demi-god;'* 
[G.Ed. p. 1446.] pvs'sessu, " half-sister ;" pus-gywiSf " half- 
dead" (literally, "semi-animate"); pus-sale, "peninsula;" 
san-karehvis, ** competitor ;" san-teivonisn " co-heir C prybuUh, 
" vestibule." Examples in Old Sclavonic are : NOBor^AA* 
vovo-grad", " new-town ;" BbCECAABiibiu vyse-slavnyh " entirely 
famous;" BbCEBAArbiii vyse-blagy), "quite good;" BbCEgA^'b 
vyse'znr\ " 7ra/x)8a<riA€iJj ;" CAMOBUAEij'B samo-videz*, "eye- 

* In case the last member of this compouDd occnrred in its nncom- 
ponnded state, and that the whole is not, which I consider more probable, 
a derivative from a to-bc-prcsupposed silba^siuns, "self-seeing." 

t In Sanscrit apardhna-m (from apara-ahna'fn) is called " the after- 
noon," but literally, " the other day " (" the other part of the day"). 
t yieiatn docs not occur uncomponnded. 


witness^ airoirrrj^ :** in Russian, no^iAenb pol-^eny, "noon"* ; 
noABomi pol-nochy, "midnight ;" no^ySori*' polu-bog, "demi- 
god;" CB'bm.^oqeJieHbiii svyetlo-chelenyi, "light green;** 
coB.^aA'buiei^ib so-vladyetely, " co-owner.'^ 


Dependent Compoonds called Tdipunuha, 

987. This class forms compounds, of \vhich the first member 
is dependent on, or is governed by, the second, and there- 
fore always stands in some oblique case-relation. Examples, 
in which the first member stands in the genitive relation, 
are contained in §. 968. So in Zend, e.^., j^j(0JA}Q)4^yjus(i 
nrndnd-paili'St "loci domintw/^ ^j^as<^^jm3^j nrndnd-pathnU 

" loci'-domina r '*>^J^SM^)^^xi^zantU'paUi-8t *'urbis dominus :'' 
in Greek, otKorireSov, OTpaTo-ireSov, oiVo-O^/o;, oiKO'(f>v\a^, 
de<ravpO'<f>v\a^ : in Latin, auri-fodinat auri-fur^ mus-cerda 
(see p. 1418 G. ed., Note), su-cerda, imbri-cUorf Marti-cuUor : 
in Gothic, veina-gardsf "vineyard;" aurti-gardst "kitchen- 
garden ;'* veina-basi, " grape ;*' heiva-frauyat " master of the 
house;" smahka-bagms, ** fig- tree" (see §. 971.); daura-vardsf 
" warder, keeper of the gate ;^^ daura-vardat [G. Ed. p. 1447.] 
"portress, door-wai tress ;'' vgis^-laun^ "guerdon of victory^ 
(for sigisa-laun) : in Lithuanian, wyn-uge^ " grape'' {vgaf 
" berry,'' see §. 980.) ; wyn^szahh "vine" (^a^i = Sanscrit 
iAkhd, "branch"); in Old Sclavonic, AomoCT^OHTEAb doma^ 
stroitely, "steward;" CB'bTOAABEq'b svyet(hdav€z\ "light- 
giver;" BorofOAH^A fcogro-rodiifa, " mother of God ;" n*TAO- 
r AXmmE pyetio-glashenie, " gallicinium'' (Dobrowsky, p. 458). 
Examples in which the first member of the dependent com- 

* Lit. ^'half-day." If L. Diefenbach is right, as I think he is, in com- 
paring the Lithuanian /m««e, ^'half," with the Sanscrit pdriva, ''side," 
the Sclaronic pel may also be referred to thift class, and / may be regarded 
as the representatire of the Sanscrit r, as is done by Miklosich, who traces 
back no At pot to J^paroj ^^ alius." 


pound stands in the accusative relation have been given 
on a former occasion.* In Sclavonic, BOAONOCb voda-nos^ 
''hydria^ properly, " water-carrier,''^belongs to this class. In 
the instrumental relation the first member of the compound 
appears frequently in Sanscrit in combination with the 
passive participle in iot and that member then receives the 
accent ^^hich belongs to it in its uncompounded state ; 
hence, e.g., pAti-jushtd, "a marito dilecta,^^ Thus, e.g., in 
Zend, irrespective of the accentuation, which is here un- 
known to us, Ajp^^'^A^'^jto^wAj^Ajj zaraihvMhrd'frddaf ** an- 
nounced by Zaratusthra T as^o^^^as^as^ mazda-ddta, '' made 
by Mazda (Ormuzd) : in Greek, 6ed-5oTOf, deo-rpenro^ ; in 
Gothic, handu'Vaurht'S, '* made with the hand, x^'powo/iyroj :^ 
in Sclavonic, ^&koTBO^eNNbiH runko-tvorennyU id. {runka^ 
"hand," see §.970.). In the dative relation we find, e.gr., 
ftnr pitrl and f^[T]9 hiranya, in the compounds pHrl'Sadriia-s, 
"like the father f' hiranya'Sadriia'S, " like gold" -j*; so in 
Greek, OeoeUeKo^; in Gothic, gasti-gods, "hospitable," literally, 
" to the guest or guests good ;" in Russian, 6oronoAo6Hbiii 
hogopodobnyi, "Godlike ;" Goronoc^ymnbiH bogoposlyshnyX 
[G.Ed. p. 1448.] *' obedient to God.'' In the ablative 
relation stands wf^ ndbhas, " heaven," in the compound 
nabhai'chyutd'S, " fallen fi*om heaven." In the locative 
relation is ndu, in the above-mentioned ndu-sthd-^, " stand- 
ing in the ship." 

988. To the class of dependent compounds belong, too, 
our German formations like Singvogeh " singing-bird ;" 
Springbnmnen, " well-head ;" Ziehbrunnen, " draw-well f ' 
SchreihlehreTt " writing-master " Singlehrer, " singing-mas- 
ter ;" Fahrwasser, " water-channel ;" Esslust, '* desire to 
eat ;" Lespzimmer, " reading. room ;" Scheidekunst, " analy- 

♦ See §§.916., 922. 

t In combination with sadriia and pratiHipa the first member takes 
its proper accent. 


tical art, chemistry f ' Trinkglas, " drinking-glass ;" Trink^ 
fipruch, " drinking-speech, toast ;" Kehrbesen, " broom, 
whisking-brush ;" Lehrmeister, " instructor ;" Lehemannf 
" worldly-man, epicurean ;" Lockvogeh "decoy-bird." They 
have this peculiarity, that the first member is not used 
alone ; but I can no more regard it as a verb than I can the 
first member of the Greek compounds like Seta-t'SalfJuav, dis- 
cussed above (§. 967.). I rather look upon it as an abstract 
substantive, although, for some compounds of this kind, 
the signification of the present participle appears the more 
suitable ; for Singvogel is " a singing-bird,'' Springbrunnen, 
" a springing-well ;" but Ziehbrunnen is not " a drawing- 
well,'' but " a well for drawing ;" Trinkglas not " a drink- 
ing-glass," but " a glass for drinking ;" Schreiblehrer not 
" a writing-teacher," but ** a teacher of writing," as Tanz-- 
khrer is " a teacher of the dance ;' ' and so, too, Singvogel 
may be taken as Gesangsvogel, Ziehbrunnen as Zugbrunnen^ 
** well for drawing." The circumstance that many sub- 
stantives occur in the manner cited only at the beginning 
of compounds can no more surprise us than another which 
has come under our notice, that in several members of 
our family of languages some classes of adjectives are 
limited, either solely and entirely, or principally, to the 
end of compounds. In formation, the [G. Ed. p. 1449.] 
substantives of the class of compounds under discussion, 
and which do not occur so early as in the Gothic, are 
identical with the theme of the present, the class-syllable 
of which is for the most part suppressed in strong verbs, 
but retained in some, and, indeed, in the Old High Ger- 
man, either in its original form a (see §. 109.*^ i.), or in that 
ofe; hence, e.jr., ^aj^-a-yfuo/, "sedan "("chair for carrying"), 
analogous to trag-a-mis, " we carry ;" so trag-a-betti, " pa- 

See §§. 909.S 911., 91-2., 916. 


lanquin f trag-a-diorna^ "female supporter,^ "CaryatisT 
tveb-e-hus, " web-house,'' ** testrina.'*'* The few remnants of 
the Sanscrit 4th class (§. 109.'^ 2.) contract, in Old High 
German, the class-syllable ya (ij ya) to i, of which hef-i- 
'hanna, "midwife,'' appears to be a solitary example. As 
wasku, " I wash," and slifuy " I drag," do not belong to this 
class, the i of wask-i-ivazar and dipA-stein (literally, " wash- 
water," " draw-stone"), may be regarded as the weakening 
of a. The syllable ya of the first weak conjugation is 
likewise contracted to t (see Grimm, 11. p. 68I), and this 
latter vowel is frequently weakened to e, or entirely sup- 
pressed ; hence, e.jr., wez-i-sten, wezz-e-sten^ u^ez'Stdtif "whet- 
stone." The second and tliird weak conjugations afford, 
in Old High German, no examples of this class of com- 
pounds, which has continually extended itself in the course 
of time, and is most numerously represented in New High 
German. Since the weak conjugation, as I think I have 
proved, is based on the Sanscrit 10th class (see §. 109.*V), I 
would further recall attention to the fact that the character 
of this class is retained in the accusative forms in aydm 
discussed in §. 619., and in the Zend infinitives in ayanm. 

Collective Componnds called Dvigu, 

989. This class forms collectives, which are more 
closely defined by a numeral prefixed. The final substan- 
[G. Ed. p. 1450.] tive, without reference to its primitive 
gender, becomes a neuter, for the most part in a, or fern, 
in i. The accent rests on the final syllable of the collective 
base. The following are examples : fn-f/ufid-m, " the three 
properties" (guna, m.); chatur-yugd-m, "the four ages of 
the world " (yuga, n.) ; panchindriyd-m, " the five senses '* 
(indriya, n.); tri-khatvd-m or tri-khatvt, "three beds" 
{hhatvd, f.); tri-rdtrdtn, "three nights" (rdlro, for the 



simple rdtrly f.); panchdgnU "the five fires''*; iri-ldki^ 
the three worlds." Examples in Zend are : fpm^^ bydrCf 
Uenniumt'' for 6i-ydre(?, according to §. 30.) ; 9^7a}q)asm3^j7(3 
thri-csapare-m, ^* trinoctium T aj^,^»*am9;/(3A5^ chathru-mdhya, 
" four months," ace. -mdhim (see §.312. and §. 42.) ; A)»A)y- 
9 ^/xy^MM^ nava-csapare-m, ** nine nights ;" as^<>^jus ^•'^^•'^^ 
pancha-mdhyaf ace. -A^m, ** five months ;" 9 g?A)Q)A5J^3^J^;A)»Juv^ 
csvas-csapare-nif '* six nights.^' To these, viz. to the neu- 
ters, correspond in Latin tri-viu-fn, " point where three 
roads meet," bi-viu-m, ambi'Viumj^t quadri-viunit bi-duu-m, 
tri'duu-nit for which we may presuppose a simple duu-s, or 
du-a, or duu-m, as an appellation of " day ;" for all three 
forms duu-m, according to the Sanscrit principle, must be 
employed in the compound. In Sanscrit, divd appears as an 
appellation of " day," in the compounds divd-hard'St " sun," 
as " day-maker ;" divd-mani-s, likewise " sun," lit. " pre- 
cious stone of day," and divd-madhya-mi " noon" (" middle 
of day"). The adverb divd, " by day," does not suit for 
these three compounds. From the base divd in Latin, 
after suppressing the i, we must get dua, [G. Ed. p. 1461.] 
The Latin forms like bi-noci-m-tTi, tri-noct'iu'mt quinqu-ert' 
iu'tn (see §. 6.), bi-enn-iu-m, have quitted the original posi- 
tion of genuine compounds, by annexing a neuter suffix. 
The Greek prefixes the feminine form of the suffix to the 
neuter in lo-i', which latter, however, is not wanting. 
Examples are : TptrjfjLepia, rptoSla, Tcrpaoita^ rerpaoiiov {quad" 
rivium), TerpavvKTta, rpivvKTtov (trinoctium). In exact accord- 
ance with the Sanscrit neuter compounds like chatur- 
-yiigd-m stands TedptTnrov: on the other hand, the Sanscrit, 
too, can, from its copulative compounds, form with the neu- 

* Viz. the sun and four fires kindled in the direction of the four quar- 
ters of the world, to which he who undergoes penance exposes himself. 

f The t of ambi is the weakening of the final vowel of the base, which, 
in the nominative singular, would form, were it imaginable, ambus. 


ter suffix ya derivations, which do not alter the meaning 
of the primary word. Thus, together with the above- 
mentioned tri-gund-m, tri-ldki, there exist, too, the forms 
trdtgun-yn-m, trdUdh'-ya-nh of equivalent meaning; so 
chdlurvarn-ya-m, "the four castes,"' from chaturvand-m. 
These, therefore, irrespective of the Vriddhi augment, are 
the true prototypes of Latin forms like tri-enn'-tu-m, quadri- 
-enn'-iu-m, &c., and of the Greek rpt-oy-to-v, Tpi-vvfcr-tO'V.^ 

[G. Ed. p. 1462.] SIXTH CLASS. 

Adverbial Compoands called Avyayibhdva, 

990. The first member of this class of compounds is 
cither, and indeed most commonly, a preposition, or the 
privative particle a, an, or the adverb ydthd, '* as ;'* and 
the last member is a substantive, which, without reference 
to its gender when uncompounded, always assumes the form 

* The term " collective compoands" woold be imsoitable for this class 
of compounds, if, with the Indian Grammarians, we included in this class 
also adjectives like panchagava-dhana, ^* having the wealth of five bul> 
locks," "five bullocks rich.*' If, however, we do not r^;ard the having a 
numeral for the first member as the most important condition of these 
compounds, I do not see any reason for withdrawing adjectives like that 
al>ove mentioned from the possessive class, and placing them in a class 
with the collectives, which are more narrowly defined by a nnmeraL The 
word which Indian Grammarians put forth as an example of this dass of 
compounds^ viz. dviyu, la likewise no collective, but an adjective of the 
class of compounds, with a trifling overplus of meaning beyond what lite^ 
rally belongs to it, " having two bullocks." It should, however, signify, 
**• bought for two bullocks," but must originally have meant scarce aught 
else but ^'having the value of two bullocks "=" costing two bullocks." 
The peculiarity of this compound consbts, therefore, only in this, that 
dvigu signifies, by and for itself, not " two bullocks," but " the worth of 
two bullocks." If go, with a numeral, sliould form a real collective, its 
base receives the extension of an a; hence, e.g., pancha-gavd-m, ^^five 
bullocks." Cf., with respect to the a which is used to extend bases, 
Latin compounds like miUti-coior-U'S, tri-pector-u^y and Greek like 6(6^ 



which belongs to the neuter in the nominative and accusa- 
tive ; hence, e.jr., the feminine sraddhd, " belief, faith,'' 
becomes sraddham in the compound t/athd'Sraddhdm*, " pro- 
portioned to faith,'' literally, " like faith." The following 
are other examples : yathd-vidhi, " like prescription, cor- 
responding to prescription" (vidfu-s, f.) ; a-sansa^fd-m, " not 
doubt, without doubt" (sansaya-m, n.) ; anu-hshand-mf " im- 
mediately" (anii, "after," kshana-m, "moment"); ati- 
"rndtrd-m, "beyond measure" {rndtra-nit "measure"); pra- 
iyahdm, "daily" {prati, "towards," ahan, n. "day," with n 
suppressed). Latin compounds of this kind are, admodum, 
prcBmodum, obviam, affatim, in which, however, the last mem- 
ber retains its original gender, while, according to Sanscrit 
principle, obvium, affate, must be said for obviam^ affatim. 
The following are compounds of this kind in Greek: avrifiltjv, 
dvTi^iovy vTtepfiepov, Ttapayprjiia. Some similarity to these 
adverbial compounds is to be observed [G. Ed. p. 1453.] 
in the Old High German periphrases of superlative adverbs 
by neuter accusatives with prepositions prefixed, which 
elsewhere govern, not the accusative, but the dative (see 
Grimm, III. 106.) ; e.g.. Old High German az yungist, " tan- 
dem T az Idzdst, '* demum f^ zifurist/* primum.^'' We write 
in one word zuerst, zuktzt, zuvdrderst, zundchst, zumeistt &c. 
A certain likeness to this class of compounds is to be 
traced also in Greek adverbs like (rrnxepov, r/jfjLepov (see §. 345.), 
in which fffiepa has appended a neuter form in the very same 
way as the Sanscrit iraddhd mentioned above. 



991. Exclusive of the compounds described in the pre- 
ceding §., adverbs are formed in Sanscrit, 

* The accent ordinarily rests on the final syllable. 


l) With particular suffixes, the most important of which 
have been already considered (see §. 420.). I must here 
further mention, that, in departure from §. 294. Remark 2, 
I now prefer to trace back the Gothic adverbs hva-drS, 
" whither." hi-dri, " hither," yatn-dri, " thither, eice?," to 
the Sanscrit pronominal adverbs in tra (§. 420.). They 
will therefore have experienced an irregular transfor- 
mation of the tenuis to the medial, e.y.,/ac2rein, "parents,*" 
contrasted with the Sanscrit pitdrdu. As regards the t 
of the said Gothic adverbs, it would lead us to expect 
in Sanscrit, according to §. 69., A for a. This d occurs 
in the Sanscrit suffix when it is appended to certain 
substantives and adjectives. Thus we read in the 
Schol. to Panini, V. 4. se., inanushyatrd vasaiij " he dwells 
among men;" dhcUrd gachchhati, "he goes to the 

[G. Ed. p. 1454.] 2) With case-forms ; e.g., the form of ad- 
jectives, which is common to the nominative and accusa- 
tive singular neuter, represents also the adverb. I, how- 
ever, of course consider the said form to be the accusative, 
as any oblique case is better adapted than the nomina- 
tive to denote an adverbial relation. The following are 
examples : madhurdm, " lovely, pleasant ;'' sighrdm, hship- 
rdm,dsUf " quick T nliyam, "ever" (nUya-s, '* sempiiernus"'*); 
chirdm, " long ;" prathamdmt " first ;" dvHiyam, " for the 
second time ;'' hahu, " much;" bhuyas, " more ;" bhuyish- 
(ham, " most." So in Latin, eg., commodum, plerumque, 
potissimum, multum, primum, secundum, amplitis, recens. 

* In classical Sanscrit I have not met with fonns and constructions of 
this kind : they seem to be limited to the Veda dialect. Bohtlingk cites, 
in his Commentary to P4nini, p. 230, two passages of the first book of the 
Rigveda : in the one (32. 7.) occurs purutrd, " in many," i,e. " in many 
places" or " members" (Schol. bahushv anvayavSshu) ; in the other (50. 
10.) divatrd, in the sense of ''among the gods." 


facile, difficile. So, in Sclavonic, the adverbs in o are 
identical with the accusative (nom. also) neuter of the 
corresponding adjective ; e.g,, maao malo, " little ;" mnofo 
mnogo, " much ;'" AOArodolgo, " long, a long time/' To this 
class belongs, in Gothic, ^u, ** much," " very." Observe, 
too, the adverbial use of neuter adjectives in Greek, both 
in the singular and in the plural, as fxeya, fieyaKa, fjuKpov, 
fiiKpd, KoKov, TtTsjiclovt rayif^ ^Sv, which likewise must of 
course be regarded as accusatives. The adjective base 
word for Sripov, " long," is wanting : it is probably, just 
like So?axos, akin to the Sanscrit dirgha from dargha or 
dragha, ^'longusr whence the adverb dirgham. Some 
Sanscrit adverbs are, according their form, plural instru- 
mentals, formed from adjective bases in a; e.g., uchchdis, 
•' high,'' '* loud." from uchchd; nichdls, "low," from ntchd; 
sandis, " slow,'' from the unused iana. [G. Ed. p. 1456.] 
The Lithuanian, which forms instrumentals plural in 
ais, eis (from um), from bases in a and ia (diewais = San- 
scrit d4vdis, see §. 243.), exhibits, in remarkable con- 
formity with the Sanscrit, adverbs also with plural in- 
strumental terminations ; e.g., pulkais. " frequent," from 
pulJca-s, " heap ;" kartais, ** at times," from karias, " a time," 
** once ;" wdkarais, " in the evening," from wakaras, 
** evening ;" nakii-mvi, " by night ;" pieta-mis, " at noon." 
The instrumental singular occurs in Sanscrit likewise 
in some forms which pass for adverbs ; e.g., in ddkshini- 
-n-a, ** southern," from ddkshina; dchiri-n-a, " soon," lite- 
rally, "after not long:" ahndya, " soon," literally, "this 
day," is a dative. The Old High German adverbs with 
a dative plural termination like luzzikhn, *' paulatim T 
the Anglo-Saxon like middum, " in medio,'"' miclum, **mag- 
noperef the Old Northern like tdngum, ** bnge,'"' farnun/, 
**olim^^ (Grimm, III. p. 94), remind us of the Sanscrit 
and Lithuanian adverbs first discussed, with the plural 
termination of the instrumental. The following are 

4 Y 


examples in Sanscrit of adverbial ablatives : paschdf, 
•* hereafter ;" drdt, "near/' also "far f adhastAt. "under f 
purastdt, ** before," from the lost bases pascha, &c. ; Achi- 
rdt, "swift," from dchira, "not long." To this class 
have already been referred the Greek adverbs in wy 
(from on-).* They enrich, to a certain extent, the de- 
clension of adjectives by one case ; and Buttmann (§. 115. 4.) 
remarks that a>f may still be regarded as a termination 
entirely devoted to the inflection of the adjectives. We 
[G. Ed. p. 1466.] must, however, here give up the sim- 
ple rule, that the termination o^, nominative and geni- 
tive, passes into cor, as ci>9 cannot possibly^ as an inde- 
pendent case-termination, arise at one time from a 
nominative, and that of the masculine gender, and at 
another from a genitive. The agreement in accentua- 
tion, etff*, of cofpu)^ with ao<j>6s, of evdetM)^ with eidv^, euOeo^f 
corresponds with the phenomenon, that in Greek, as in 
Sanscrit, the accent regularly remains on the syllable 
on wliich the base or the nominative has it ; thus, in 
Sanscrit, from the base samd, " like," comes the nomina- 
tive 8am6'St ace. samd-m, abl. sama-t, as in Greek from 6fi6 
come the analogous forms ofi-o^, ofio-v, 6/xcd-f. The fol- 
lowing are Latin adverbs with an ablative form, e.g., 
contimWf perpdtw, raro, primo, secundo ; and in Gothic 
these have a genuine ablative signification, e.g.i hva-thrd, 
"whither?" tha-thrd, "therefrom" (see §. 294. Rem. l); 
and the following have not an ablative meaning like the 
Greek in o)? and Latin in 6: sinteind, "always;" sniu- 

* See §. 183. Since, then, Ahrens ("De dialecto Darico^'* p. 370) has 
similarly explained the Doric adverbs in a (irS>y rovrot, avrm, Trjva)^ which, 
as representatives of the adverbs in 6(v (see §.421.), havQ a genuine abla- 
tive meaning. By their termination o), for fo-r^ they correspond admi- 
rably to the Gothic adverbs, which are likewise strictly of an ablative 
nature, like alyathrd^ ^^aUunde" (see §. 294. Rem. 1.). 


mundd, " hastily," Sec. (1. c.). We have a Sanscrit ad- 
verb with a genitive form in chirdsyat ** finally," lite- 
rally, "of the long;" so in Greek, e.g., ofiov, ttoC, oAAot;, 

in Gothic, offw, " entirely ;" gistra-dagiSf " yesterday."* 
In Sanscrit, prAhnSf " in the forenoon,'** is regarded as 
an adverb with a locative termination, as the said case- 
termination, without transgressing its original destina- 
tion, as is frequently the case vrith adverbs, stands here 
quite in its place. The language, however, itself dis- 
tinguishes prdhn6 from the common locative in this, 
that it forms from it, as from a theme, the derivative 
prdhni'tana-s (see §. 960.). From Latin [G. Ed. p. 1467.] 
we refer to this class, as has already been done (p. 1227, 
Note *, G. ed.), the adverbs of the second declension, 
and compare, e.g., novi with the Sanscrit locative navS, 
" in the new," which is no obstacle to regarding the 
genitive also, novi, according to its' origin, as locative 
(see §. 200.). As the Lithuanian forms locatives in i 
(see §. 197.) from bases in a, but occasionally contrasts 
aU too, with the Sanscrit Guna diphthong 4 (from at) 
(see p. 997), so perhaps its adverbs in ay, ey (the latter 
from to), and which spring from bases in a, are, accord- 
ing to their origin, locatives, since ay, ey, are not distin- 
guished in pronunciation from aU ei (see Kurschat, "Con- 
tributions," IL 9.). The following are examples : gieray, 
" good, well" (giera-s, ** a good man ") ; zinnomay, " know- 
ing" {zinnoma-s, "a male acquaintance"): pirmay, "be- 
fore" (pirmas, "the first") ; tenay, "there" (Old Prus- 
sian tans, from tanas, "he," ace. tenna-n) ; didey, "very" 
(didis, " great,'* theme didia, euphonic didiia). Ruhig 
remarks, that, in Lithuanian, adverbs can be formed from 

* Matt. vi. 30, ^^ to-morrow," see Gabelentz and Lobe, 1. c. Regard- 
ing the comparative adverbs, see §. 301. Remark ; and as to High Ger- 
man adverbial genitives, see Grimm, III. 93. 

4 Y 2 



verbs by adding the syllable nay to the infinitive ; but I 
believe that the language has arrived in a difierent manner 
at adverbs like laupsin-tinayt ** in a praiseworthy manner 
(infin. laupsinti, *' to praise"), than by appending the 
syllable nay to the infinitive suffix ii, I believe, viz. 
that in Lithuanian abstract bases in tinors existed, whieli 
suffix might be added to the root or the verbal theme 
in the same way as the infinitive suffix ti. I pre- 
suppose, therefore, e.g., abstracts like lavpsintina-s, "the 
praising," fnytetina-s, " the loving ;" and I deduce there- 
from the adverbs laupsin-tinay, myJ/rlinay, in the same 
way as gieray, "ftene," from giera-s, **6/mi£4." I regard 
the suffix tina as identical with the secondary suffix 
tvanaisee p. 1216 G.ed., Note), which forms abstracts in the 
[G. Ed. p. 1468.] Veda dialect With regard to the loss 
of the V, remark the relation of the Lithuanian sapna-s, 
" sleep,"' to the Sanscrit ^vdpnas. To the Vedic suffix 
tvana, and in fact to its locative tvani ( = tvanmX I refer 
also the Old Persian infinitives or gerunds in tanaiy, if 
Oppert is right, as I think he is, in assigning the t of 
chartanay and thastanay to the suffix ; cliar-tanay then 
ranks itself under the Sanscrit root char, '*ire,^'' also 
^yajcercy" " agere,^ '' commiltere T and thas-tanay under thahs 
which Rawlinson compares "j* with the Sanscrit root ^w 
ians, the final sibilant of which is protected by the t 
following. But if it be correct to divide char-ianay and 

• Benfey refers the t, e.g. that of chartanaiy, "to make," to the root, 
and takes ana as the suffix. 

t "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," Vol. XI. p. 176. I formerly 
thoDght (Glossar. Sanscr., a. 1847, p. v) of a connection of the Old Per- 
sian thah with the Sanscrit chaksh ; but if we do not follow Benfey in 
referring thastanay (the original confirms also the reading thastaniya) to 
the Sanscrit root chhhtj ^ to strive," other Persian forms are wanting 
with th for Sanscrit ch, though it is true that further instances may be 
quoted where the Persian | ^ | th is substituted for sibilants. 


thas^tanayt instead of chart-^nay, thast-anay, in which, 
too, Rawlinson recognises gerunds, then the agreement 
with the Lithuanian verbal adverbs under discussion is 
very remarkable ; and I think that laupsin4inay, myle- 
'tinay, which Ruhig translates by "in a praiseworthy, 
loveable manner,'' signify, according to their origin, 
nothing else than "in the praising,^' "in the loving,'' 
** in laudandor ''In amandoy* 

992. There are in Sanscrit also several [G, Ed. p. 1459.] 
adverbs which can be referred to no settled principle of 
formation. To this class belong, among others, the nega- 
tive particles a (as prefix), na (see §. 371.) ; the adverbs of 
time, sand, ^'everf," adya, "to-day" ("on this day"), 
svas, "to-morrow" (Latin eras), hyas, "yesterday," panU, 
"in the past yeart," sadyas, "simultaneously" (probably 
from sa, " this," and dyas from divas, " day") ; the prefixes 
su, "well," "fine,*' and du5,,"bad.'' 

* As in Greek, together with the abstracts in <nnnj (see p. 1216 G. ed., 
Note), there exist adjectives in <tvvos (see Anfrecht, ^' Journal of Compar. 
Philol./ p. 482), e.g,, fjLajrr6avyo9, together with fiayroavvrj; and as, in 
Sanscrit, the suffix tva, which is specially devoted to abstracts, and with 
which Pott (£. I., II. p. 490) compares the Greek suffix avprj^ may, in 
the Veda dialect, form also the future passive participle (see §. 885.) ; so, 
in Lithuanian, together with the to-be-presupposed abstracts in tinas 
there exist also adjectives with the signification of the future passive ; 
e,g,, bar-Una-8, ^^ vituperandus ;*' biyo-tina-a, ^^ timendiu ;'* weS'tina-s^ 
*^ducendus" (wedti^ '< I lead," cf. §. 102. conclusion). In my opinion, it 
cannot be denied that these formations, too^ have much in common with 
those in tvana in Sanscrit ; and if, in Lithuanian, where we ordinarily find 
masculines for Sanscrit neuter substantives, there never existed abstracts In 
tina-Sy we must then derive the adverbs in tinay from those adjectives. 

t Probably from the demonstrative base sa (cf. sa-doj §. 422., and see 
Gloss. Sanscr., a. 1847, p. 867). 

I From par for para, '^ the other" (see §. 375.), and ut, a contraction 
probably of the syllable vat, from vatsara, ^^ year." Pott (£. I., II. 
p. 305) rightly compares the Greek ntpvai. 



993. The diflFerent members of the Indo-European family 
of languages agree in the construction of genuine conjunc- 
tions in this point, that they form them from pronominal 
roots (see §. 105.); but great difference prevails in specialities, 
i. e., in the choice of the pronouns, whence conjunctions of 
the same meaning are formed in the various languages 
[6. £d. p. 1460.] and groups of languages ; so that, e.^., our 
*'dass,'' Old High German daZf answers neither to the 
Sanscrit yat, ydthd, nor to the Latin quod^ uf, nor to the 
Greek oti, i}£, iva^ otto)^, nor to the Lithuanian yog, kad, 
nor to the Russian kto, at least not to the last as an en- 
tire word, but only to the concluding portion of it (to) (cf. 
§. 343.). The Old High German da^: is nothing else than 
the neuter of the article, and the difference in writing 
which we make between das and dass has no organic foun- 
dation, as the s in the neuter of the pronouns and strong 
adjectives is everywhere based on an older z, and properly 
should always be written g. I see no sufficient ground 
for regarding, with Graff (V. 39.), the conjunction daz as 
the neuter of the relative, though the Gothic thatei con- 
tains the particle eu which gives relative signification to 
the demonstrative ; but for the conjunction dass the de- 
monstrative meaning is more suitable than the relative ; 
and when we say, Ich weiss dass er kra'nk ist, ** I know 
that he is sick,"* this is tantamount to Ich weiss dieses: er 
ist krank, " I know this : he is sick f' and I have, for this 
reason, already, in my Conjugational-system (p. 82), called 
the conjunction dass the article of the verbs. We cannot 
place a verb or a sentence in the accusative relation 
without prefixing to it a conjunction, le. sl pronoun, which 
is the bearer of the case-relation in which the sentence 
appears. As neuter, too, dass is adapted to express the 
nominative relation : this it does in sentences like, Es ist 


erfreulich dass er wieder gesund ist, " It is pleasing that he 
is well again,"' which is equivalent to das Wtedergesundsein 
desseJben ist erfreulich, ** the being well again of that person 
is pleasing.'"" With dass, be it in the accusative or nomi- 
native relation, the grammatical sentence, the general 
grammatical scheme is in a manner completed ; so that, 
after Ich weiss dass , ... or Es ist erfreulich dass, " I know 
that,'' or " it is pleasing that," the logical import, whatever 
it may be, follows. As the accusative can express ad- 
verbially other oblique case-relations also, and, e.g., the 
Sanscrit tat and yat express not only [G. Ed. p. 1461.] 
" this" and " which," but also, " on which account," 
"therefore," "wherefore," "since," 7. e. the instrumental or 
causal relation, and may therefore be substituted for tSna 
and y^, so dass too is suited to assume the place of 
damit, " therewith," where the preposition mit^ " with," 
takes the place of the instrumental termination, which is 
wanting: hence, e.g., Nimm diese Arzenei, dass (damit) du 
wieder gesund werdest, " Take this medicine, that (therewith) 
thou become well again." Like dass, most of the other 
conjunctions also always stand in some case-relation, 
though it be not formally expressed in the conjunction. 
Our aber, " but," properly, " other '' (see §. 350.), like the 
conjunctions which correspond in sense to it in other lan- 
guages, stands always in the nominative relation ; as, Er 
brfindet sich nicht icohl, aber er wird doch kommen, " He does 
not feel well, but he will come notwithstanding." With 
aber, therefore, the other thing, that is to be said, begins, 
as antithetical to the preceding. In Greek, aK\a, in spite 
of the difference of accentuation, is evidently identical 
with the neuter plural oKKa. The Sanscrit gives us tii, 
which, like the Greek 5e, never stands at the beginning of 
a sentence, and which, as it appears to me, is a weakening 
of the base ta, to which we have above (§. 350.) referred 
the Greek 5e also. For *'aber'"' we also find in Sanscrit 


hintu from him, " what ?"' and also for the iu just mentioned, 
to which the kim serves, in a manner, only as a fnlerum ; as 
yddi, " if," to vdt and, in Latin, si to ve, in yddivd, sive, " or,^^ 
which v(h vp, by themselves signify. 

994. The just-mentioned Sanscrit yidi, " if'*; has 
sprung, I doubt not, from the relative base ya, to which, 
too, the Gothic conjunction ya-bai, of equivalent significa- 
tion, likewise belongs (see §. 383. p. 539) : on the other 
hand, the it (see §. 360.) contained in ^ chH, " if," is to be 
[G.Ed. p. 1402.] classed under the demonstrative base i, 
and can scarcely be any thing else than the neuter of the 
said base, not occurring in use by itself, and identical with 
the Latin id. It may be left an open question whether 
the Gothic iba of n-iba, " if not," be a contraction of ya-ba 
(cf. thauh-yaba), or whether its i belong to the base of the 
Sanscrit it, with which the Gothic i-th, *' but," " if," is also 
connected in its base. The Latin si belongs evidently, 
like se-d and si-c, to the reflexive base (cf. si-bi). The 
Greek el might be taken as an abbreviation of e5/, and so 
be compared with vif^ yddU to which it would bear nearly 
the same relation that, e,g.^ fpepei does to bhdrati, " he bears." 
Our fvenm ** if," is identical with wann, " when," and the 
meaning "if" is still unknown to the Old High German 
adverb of time hwanne, htvenne. The Old High German 
expression for wenrit and also for ob, " whether,"