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— - HOITUAO
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OF THE
SANSKRIT, ZEND,
GREEK, LATIN, LITHUANIAN, GOTHIC, GERMAN,
AND SCLAVONIC LANGUAGES.
TIY
PROFESSOR F. B
TRANSLATED FROM THE GER MAN-
BY
EDWARD B. EASTWICK, F.R.S., F.S.A., M.R.A.S.
OF SJSRTOX COLLEOB, OXFORD, UBMhRR OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETIES OF PARIS AND
BOMBAY, OF TUB QERMAS ORIENTAL SOdETV, AN'l) OF THE I'lIILOLOGlOAL
•iOCIETT f»F LONDON, HONOR ART MEMBER OF TUB MADRAS LITERARY
KOCIETY, PROFESSOR OF ORIENTAL LANOUAOEii AND LIBRARIAN IN
THE EAST-INDIA COLLROE, nAILKYBlTRY, AND TRANSLATOR OF
THE ZARTASnT NAMAH, TUB KIS*<An-I-SANJAN, THE PREM
SAOAR, THE BA*1I1-0-BAHAr, THE QULISTAN, THE
ANVAR-I-SPHAILI, ETC. ETC. ETC.
VOL. III.
SECOND EDITION.
WILLIAMS AND NORGATE,
LONDON, 14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN ; AND
EDINBUROII, *20, SOUTH FREDEniCK STREET.
1856.
V.3
LONDON :
WILLIAM M. WATTS, CllOW.V COURT. TEMI'LE BAR.
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR.
PART III.
VERBS.
FORMATION OF THE MOODS.
POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND CONJUNCTIVE.
716. In the dialect of the Vedas the Lit mood or con-
junctive is also formed by the insertion of an a, in cases
where, in the corresponding indicative form, an a is wanting,
by the lengthening of which the mood in question might
be formed. Thus, from the aorist abhut^ " he was," comes
the conjunctive bhuvatf " he may be ;"' where, by the aug-
ment being dropped, the meaning of past time is also re-
moved, as is likewise the case in the potential and impera-
tive : from akar, "he made'' (for akart, according to §. 94.*),
comes karat, " he may make f from chikil-ih " he recog-
nises" (R. kit. CI. 3.), chikitati, " he may recognise." So in
Old Persian, ahatiy, " he may be," from astiy, ** he is" (Be-
hist. IV. 38. &c.), where the Sanscrit T^^ » in Old Persian is
retained before t, but before vowels becomes h.
From the aorists also, in the Veda dialect, come con-
junctive moods with the terminations of the present ; hence,
karati, " he may make " (Rig V. 46. 6.), from akar. The Veda
dialect even forms the conjunctive mood by the simple
* Aorist of the fifth formation, which in the Veda dialect is more ex-
tensively used than in classical Sanscrit.
3q
954 VERBS,
annexation of the personal terminations of tlie present to
the base of the aorist, thus e.g, vivmh/ifi (vi prep.). " he may
announce," from vyavdchat (Rig V. CV. 1.).
IMPERATIVE.
717. This mood, which, in classical Sanscrit, is formed
only from the present indicative, is distinguished from the
latter merely by the personal terminations (the first person
of the three numbers excepted : see §. 713.), which have
been already discussed. Tlie dual and plural, with the
exception of the third person plural, have the secondary
terminations ; so that e.g. bharatdm, " let the two carry ,^'
is distinguished from abharatdnh ** the two carried,"' only
by the omission of the augment. In Greek the diflei'cnce
of the termination twv of ^eperwi', from ttjv of the imper-
fect €<l)epeTrjv, is unorganic, as twv and ttjv are originally
one, and both rest on the Sanscrit tdm.
719. The second person singular of the Stmscrit first
principal conjugation — i.e. that which corresponds to the
Greek conjugation in co, to the Latin fourth conjugation,
and to the Gorman strong and weak conjugation — is
distinguished from the second principal conjugation, which
corresponds to the Greek /x/, inasmuch as in the active
(parasmaip.) it has lost the personal termination ; so that
e.g. bhar-a, "let him carry**' (Zend, bar-a) terminates
with the class-syllable, to wliich, in the dual and plural, the
personal terminations are annexed (^TOH! bhar-a-tam^
0e/o-e-Tov, HUr 6/iar-a-/a=:^e/o-e-Te). The loss of the i)er-
sonal termination appears of great antiquity ; as in Greek
too, ^ep-e is said for tj^ep-e-di ; and in Latin leg-e* am-(U
mon-^i and aud-u are likewise devoid of the personal sign.
* I'he e of lege is, in its origin, identical with the t (from a, see
§. lOO*. 1.) of leg-i-(e, and rests on the principle, that in Latin, at the end
of a word, e is preferred to t ; hence, e. g. mare from 4he base mari.
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 956
719. In German the strong verbs have, in the second
person singular of the imperfect, rejected the class vowel,
and terminate, therefore, with the final letters of the root,*
without, however, in most cases, containing the actual root
itself, as the vowel of the root, according to the analogy
of the present indicative, appears at one time weakened ;
as e.g. in Gothic, hindj from the root band, "to bind" =
Sanscrit, bandh; at another time with Guna, hence, in
Gothic, biug, " bend,*" from the root bug = Sanscrit, bhuj ;
beiU "bite," from the root fri^ = Sanscrit, bhid, "to cleave''
(see p. 105). The Sanscrit also, and Greek, retain, in the
present imperative, the Guna gradations of the present
indicative, or, most generally, that of the special tenses ;
hence, e.g. in Sanscrit, bddha, " know" (from baudh) from
budh, and in Greek, ff>evye from ^1/7. The Grerman weak
verbs retain their class character (see §. 109*. 6.) corre-
sponding to the Sanscrit aya, of the tenth class : the sylla-
ble ya, however, is contracted to i (Gothic ei = i\ as in
general the syllable ya at the end of a word lays aside its
vowel, and changes the y into one. Compare, e.g. the
Gothic tam-eif " tame," from tamya, with the Sanscrit causal
dani'-aya ; Latin dom-d ; Greek Sa/x-ae. In the second
weak conjugation, let laig-6, "lick," be compared with the
Sanscrit causal Hh-aya^ from lilu " to lick :" in the con-
traction of a{y)a to ^, however, laigd approaches nearest
to Latin imperatives like dom-d, as thye Grothic 6 = d (§.69.).
In the third weak conjugation, compare hab-aU thah-aU
sil-ai, with the Latin forms of like signification, hab-if
* Thus in Latin die for dice. With regard to fer it is to be observed,
ihaifero also, in the indicative, is to be joined rather with the Sanscrit bhar
{bhri) of the third class than with that of the first. Thus, as fersyfef'tj
fer-ti9^ corresponds to bi-bhar-shiy bi-bhar-ti, bi-bhri-thaj so fer answers to
bibhri'hi (from bibhar-dhi), the personal termination being suppressed, as
in ef=Greek, ta-Bi^ Sanscrit i-dhi from ad-dhi (for as-dhi).
3q^
956 VERBS.
tac-^f sil-if where the ^ is a contraction of aU and answers
to the Sanscrit ay of aya (see p. Uo). In the second per-
son plural tam-yi'th (from inm-ya-th) corresponds to the
Sanscrit dam-aya-ia, Latin dom-A-te^ Greek Sa/n-ae-re. In
Greek and German the imperative second person plural is
not distinguishable from the present indicative. In San-
scrit, however, the imperative has the termination of the
secondary forms (to) opposed to the tha of the primary ;
thus ^innr damayata, ** tame ye,'' opjwsed to l^tm damn-
yatha, " ye tame/' In Latin domdte is distinguished from
domdtiSf where the latter form answers to the Sanscrit
dual indicative present (^^innw damayathas, Gothic tami/ats),
the former to ^Pmf damayata, " tame ye " (see §. 444.).
The termination /o, of the second and third person of the
so-called future of the imperative, and the Greek termina-
tion TO) of the third person singular, correspond to the
Veda termination tdt, which answers for the second as
well as the third person ;* and in the latter, as has already
been remarked, is most correctly retained in the Oscan
tud {licitudj estttd.) As in imr the expression of the per-
son is twice contained, so it is in the Latin second person
plural tdte, for which in Sanscrit Tmr tdla might be ex-
pected, which, however, does not occur. In the third
person plural nto answers to the Greek lo-wv (Jpyunto^
Key6vTUiv\ which was before compared with the Sanscrit
middle forms in anfdm ((fiep6vTCi>v :=bharan1dm.)
720. The Sanscrit termination w, plural WJT, is derived
from the pronominal base w fa, by weakening the « to a
vowel of middle weight, while in the present indicative, as
* See §. 470. The edition of the First Book of the Rig V. by Fr. Rosen,
which has appeared since this work was commenced, lias confirmed tdt to be
the termination of the second person of the imperative. H. XLVIII. 15.
occurs H rft xr^SWrW pfa no yachchhatdt^ " give us " and CIV. 5. ^4riM
charkritdt from the intensive of the root V AW, '^ to make."
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 957
generally in the primary forms the extreme weakening to i
takes place. We have, therefore, the forms -ia, -tu, -ii, as in
the interrogative, in the isolated case ka, ku, hi. In Zend
the u of the imperative termination is occasionally length-
ened ; e,g, in the frequently-occurring ^^q^m)^ mraotu, " let
him say :" on the other hand, Vend. Sade, p. 142, ;c«as7a)^
kharatu, "let him eat,"" y^xs^^l^ vanhatUf "let him put
on."
721. The Sanscrit middle termination sva (from tva, see
§. 443.) of the second person singular is in Zend corrupted
with a preceding a to anuha (for anhva), where the v is
changed into the vowel ti, and has stepped before the A;
the nasal, however, which, according to §. 56*., is placed be-
fore the h, remains, though otherwise j n occurs as a gut-
tural nasal, only in direct combination with h. The com-
bination nhv appears, however, too uncouth to be admitted
in Zend ; and wherever^ therefore, it would occur, we find in
its stead »»;j niJi : hence, too, ^^Ai^)^»jl^ vivanuhatd =
Sanscrit fMq^dfl vivasvcdas, "of the Vivasvat" (Vendidad
Sade, p. 40.). Several examples of imperatives in anuha
occur in the eighteenth Fargard of the Vendidad, where,
however, the text corrected by Burnouf (Ya^na, Note A.
p. 17) according to the manuscripts is to be referred to, as
the lithographed copy (pp. 457, 459) has, more than once,
anha faultily for anuha : A»»»;3ui;^^»»jgJku>*o aj^ijo^ajC? j<2xfjA}
aiwi vaMra ydonhayanuha* " put on the clothes f** axio^
AJ»»;3ui;^^AjyjJ aj^jjajj frd zasta sna^anuha, " wash thy
hands ;''^ a5^;9ui;j9ju)/o (^^j^xias am d aismanm ydianuha.
* Tills form is based on the causal of the Sanscrit root im yas '^ to
strive."
1 1 take A^^)^^^MfM hnay anuha as a passive verb with a middle
signification; thus Vend. Sade, p. 331, twice jo^xiAs^^ASij) ^ffxs^ ^)
ui tanum inaya6ta^ "let him wash his body *' (Anquetil, p. 3C0, " t7 lavera
son corps*) : on the other hand, p. 330, uki {use ?) tanum snaydita^ with
a conjunctive vowel between the preposition ui (= Sanscrit 771 1<0 &^^
the
958 VERBS.
" spread out wood "' (compare Sanscrit inf yam, in the spe-
cial tenses ^ yachh with the preposition wr d, "to ex-
tend"'). So also in the Vend. Sade, p. 39, for ^s^^y^p^
hunvanha we ought to read xi^)jjj»f)^ hunvanuha, accord-
ing to the manuscripts made use of by Burnouf, and for
As^jui;^^ viianha, ** hearken '' (Vendidad Sade, p. 123.), per-
haps also M^)^^^ visanuha should be read.
Remark. — In the Latin Edition of my Sanscrit Grammar
of the year 1832 (p. 330) I have taken the form Mky)jjJ»)pw
hunuvanuha, or, as the lithographed manuscript reads,
xikyjjj»f)^ hunvanha^ as the imperative middle, and trans-
lated /r^ma»m hunv(inuha khareleS (according to Anquetil,
" qui me mange en m^invoquard avec ardeur,^'*) by ** me celebra
ad edendum^ The root hxi is, as is remarked I c, added to
the conjugational character of the first class, besides that of
the fifth class nu, for without this unorganic adjunct the
form would be hunushva ( = Sanscrit ^^^^ sunushva). It
is certain that the Zend root hu must in Sanscrit be sm and
the opinion which Burnouf ascribes to me (Journal Asia-
tique, 1844, Dec. p. 467), that the Zend hu rests on the
Sanskrit W hu, " to ofier," has been neither expressed by
me at p. 781, nor in my Critical Grammar, p. 330, nor any-
where else. That a Zend »» h never corresponds to the
Sanscrit w h has been expressly remarked in §. 57. ; and it is
also remarked in §. 53. that »» //, in an etymological respect,
never corresponds to the Sanscrit » h, but always to the
pure or dental ?r s. Had I wished to compare, therefore,
/. r. its Sanscrit type with the Zend Am I could only have
referred to one of the roots « »m, of which one, like the
the following word (see §.618. p. 737). The transitive meaning of the
root hid is, on the other liand, usually represented by (p^ijj hidtUi in
the active ; e. g, Vendidad Sade p. 233, 8. : ^au^^j^as^ ^^jojo
y^^^AS^AUij^AtJo actao vaitrao framadhayfn '*let them wasli these
clothes/'
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 959
Zend hu, belongs to the fifth class. On the meaning
** cekbrarej*'' which I have given to the Zend feu (according
to Anquetil ** invoquer avec ardeur^^) I did not desire to lay
any particular stress ; for my chief object was to settle the
value of the grammatical forms which Anquetil mistook,
and I wished to recognise, in the interrogative form, an
imperative termination based on the Sanscrit a-sva, and in
kharete^f the dative of an abstract substantive, while, accord-
ing to AnquetiPs translation (" qui me manye"") it might
be taken for a third person present. In both respects I
now find myself supported by the Sanscrit translation of
Neriosengh, which is given (/.c.) by Bumouf, which renders
AJ%v;3ui;»i;^ hunvanulia by Vlftjk^H^'W^ pari^anskdram kuru,*
and ^ccx)g^A)^ khareie4 by ^TT^tTR khddandya (" for the
eating," or "the food.") The explanation of the appended
commentary is KI^KIv} fl«HIH^ dhdrdrtluim sanmanayaj i.e.
*' on account of the food honour (me)."t The root ;»» hu
occurs several times in the ninth Ha of the Izeschne, from
which our passage is taken ; and indeed in the third
person of the imperfect hunuta (once hunvata with the
addition of the character of the first class), which Anquetil
everywhere paraphrases by " ay ant invoque et setant
humUiir I have translated it (/.c.) by ** laudabat^'' and
regret that Burnouf has not given us Neriosengh's trans-
* Bnmouf remarks, *' Nos manuscrits sont tres-confiis en cet endroit :
celui de Manakdji a fll^Kiy^ tahskaraicharu^ mais je ne suis par sur
da ^ ich; le nnmero II. F. lit. 41 HK^ sahskdrahku avec ^ sch au-
dessus de la ligne." However, I have no doubt that Bumouf is right in
reading IR kuru,
t So Bumouf reads for the 4l«^li4| sanmaraya of the manuscripts,
which is unmeaning.
I Bumouf translates ^^ honore-moi comme nourriiure,'^ in which I cannot
agree with him; for dhdrdrtham, can only mean ''on account of the
food," not " as foocf ;" and in khddanaya, as tlie translation of khareteS, the
relation of cause is apparent.
960 VERBS.
lation of this expression also. Undoubtedly, however,
the circumstance that the verb derived from hu every-
where refers to as^J^aso* haania, the personified Soma-plant,
speaks in favour of Bumoufs opinion, that the Zend hu
has the same signification as the Sanscrit root tt su; viz.
" to press out the sap,'' where it is to be further re-
marked, that in Sanscrit the verb from this root is
especially used in relation to the Soma-plant. I avail
myself of the occasion which has led me to speak of the
ninth Ha of the Izeschne, to correct an error to which I
was led by a false reading of the lithographed manuscript
of the Vendidad Sade. Four times in this Ha the mas-
culine nominative of the interrogative occurs before the
accusative of the pronoun of the second person. Tlie
lithographed manuscript jreads once (^csido H^Ji)As^ kas4
thwanm (p. 42), once ^^qj6^ io-H5A)4 kasi thwanm (s j^5 for
M i, p. 40, by mistake), once ^^MOjdlsxiJDAs^ kasMhwanm (p. 4l),
and once (^McsidAs^jjDAs^ kasithawanm (p. 39). Here, there-
fore, two readings support the separation of the two pro-
nouns, and two their combination ; and at first I supposed that
the form of writing in which they were separated was the
right one, where, in the ^ or i of kaU and kasU was to be
recognised an appended pronoun, like the Greek demon-
strative I (otrroaiy eKCtvoal: see §. 157*., and Gram, crit Add.
ad r. 270). The i, however, I regarded as the sign of the
nominative, and this it really is ; for though the Sanscrit
termination as in Zend regularly becomes 6, but s in the
middle and beginning of a word before vowels //, there
might, however, be an exception in the case of the termi-
nation as occurring before an enclitic, where as might
retain its original form; for in 2^nd ji) j is not so
much the palatal sibilant as the ^ in Sanscrit is, for the
latter occurs before no other mutes but palatals only ;
while M occurs before mutes of all organs (see §. 49.), and
before mutes which are not palatals always corresponds to
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 961
tlie Sanscrit ^ s, except before p, where this spriugs from the
Sanscrit v, as e.g. in Mi(dM spd = Sanscrit^ sva. As, however,
we learn from the notice of the various readings of the Paris
manuscripts, w^liich have been in the meantime published
by Burnouf (Ya^na, Note R. p. 134), that ^j^as^ kaie, and
the combination of the interrogative with the following
^^Q3S'<3 thfiHinm, "thee," is the prevailing reading (we find
the words joined seven times, and separated only five times,
and seven times e occurs — for i twice, and for ^ three times)
it admits of scarce any doubt that the vowel w^hich stands
between kai and thwahm is inserted only {o assist the
utterance, and that we must regard kaithwanm as the
original form ; so that, as is the case before the enclitic
particle ha, the sibilant of the nominative has maintained
itself under the protection of the following consonant, and
remained too when a conjunctive vowel was inserted
to aid the pronunciation.* 1 shall not decide whether
this vowel must necessarily be an j e, and could not be
either i oj^ a. Let, however, the quite similar case be
considered, where, between the preposition ^y ui, and the
verb j^jos^en)-^ histdnii, in the lithographed manuscript at
least, at one time g e, at another j i, at another as a oc-
curs as the vowel of conjunction (see §. 518. p. 737). We
may indeed expect, that in all places where the litho-
graphed manuscript has i or a some one or other of the
manuscripts has e; and undoubtedly this, the shortest of
all the vowels, is best adapted for insertion as a mere
vowel of conjunction, as, too, it is regularly used for this
* Thus, as ought to have been remarked at §. 47., the forms As^^^jii
bityOy '•of the second,* and a$^^^j7o thritya^ '*of the third," point to a
time when the t of the Sanscrit dvitiyoy tritiyay was still present, on which
account the y has not communicated an aspiration to the preceding con.
sonant, as is the case e, g. in merkhyUy where the combination of the
T- sound with the semi- vowel is primitive.
9(}2 VERBS.
purpose, to prevent the direct combinatiou of r with a
following consonant (§. 30.), without any other vowel being
used for this object. Here, too, the question might be
started, why no interposed vowel is to be found in the
combinations kasli, ** who to thee,"" and Ical-vd, " which
man?" (for "who'' generally: see p. 281,) mentioned by
Bumouf I c. (p. cxxxix), while kaMhtuanm nowhere occura ?
The reason of this, I doubt not, lies herein, that timanm,
on account of its double consonant, less easily unites with
a preceding i, than fS and nd ; while ^jj it and yju m are
quite favourite and usual combinations. On the other
hand, histdmif though its initial sound is one of weak
consonants, required the interposition of a vowel when
combined with us, because ih is an impossible combina-
tion in Zend. At the beginning of the twenty -first
Fargard of the Vend. (Vendidad Sade, p. 498) we five times
find nemaie ti, i.e. "adoration to thee T' ( = Sanscrit tpm ?^
namas fS,)* each time written separately, though the two
words evidently ought to be joined, as the vowel of con-
junction ?, and the retention of the termination a,v, for
which 6 w^ould otherwise be substituted, sufficiently de-
monstrate. It appears, however, that on account of the
polysyllabicalness of the word, to which in this case the
enclitic tS is attached, the phonetic combination appears
less intimate, and this may also be the reason wiiy the t
cannot, as in kaiie, follow the i without an intermediate
vowel. We may see how much the Zend inclines to use mo-
nosyllabic pronominal forms enclitically, in that it attaches
them even to prepositions, which have become detached
from the verbs to which they belong : hence, (^^auo^
M^)^»p^ frdmanm httnvanuha in the passage cited
above ; so xs^)jxiMMsj^ ^^^jm dmanm ydianuha, whicli
* That Anquctirs translation ^^oddreMcz voire priere** is incorrect
requires no proof.
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 963
Neriosengh translates by ^^ W^[f^^, Le. "wish or obtain
me ;" and Bumouf (Joum. As. Dec. p. 465) by ** ijwoque-moC*
We may also here preliminarily remark tliat, for the first
time, we have learned, through Rawlinson's late ingenious
discoveries, that in Old Persian also the pronouns readily
attach themselves as enclitics to the preceding word, and
that if we read without the a (which in old Persian is
sometimes contained in the consonants, and sometimes not),
y, which is regularly added to the i at the end of a word,
as well as to the diphthong ai, the old Persian enclitics
will, in like manner, be all monosyllabic. For this, as
for other reasons, I read auramazddmaiy, ** Auramazda
to me," for Rawlinson's -maiya (former reading miya),
722. The first person of the three numbers of the im-
perative follows in Sanscrit and Zend a peculiar principle
of formation, wliich, as has already been remarked, cor-
responds rather to the conjunctive or L^ than to the
other persons of the imperative. An d is prefixed to the
* Anquetil altogether omits to translate this expression, for which, in
the lithographic manuscripts (p. 39), occurs by mistake ydsanha. Bur-
nouf thinks he recognises in the root yds, the Sanscrit irra y^f^y " to
demand, ask ;" but a difficulty arises in the a) i for Sanscrit ^ cA, of
which I have elsewhere met with no example. The root i^ yachJi, as
substitute of ifR yam, answers better, on account of its final consonant, as
^ chh in Zend is regularly represented by d ; on which account 1 have
above (§.721.) preferred ayamnuha, ''spread out," to this root. Here,
however, the meaning of the Sanscrit ipT yam, T^ yachh^ preposition
^dy does not suit. Perhaps the d (mdhm) ydianuha in question is radi-
cally identical with the freqnently-occuring dy£is, ^^ I praise " (or '' in>
voke "?) which leads to a Sanscrit root yas^ which is only retained in
;q^m yakis, " glory." With regard to the Zend £ for the Sanscrit a or
a see §. 42. It is probable, however, tliat in dySis, as also in genitives in
y^h£ for yahey and in present forms in ySjni, besides the preceding y the
vowel also of the following syllable has an assimilating influence in the
change of a or a to e: hence we find, indeed, dyiic, but not dyiscuitiha, but
dydgat\uha>
964 . VERBS.
personal terminations, the terminations of the present indica-
tive middle which end in S lengthen this diphthong to di,
and the verbal theme keeps, in the second principal conju-
gation, the strengthened form, which elsewhere enters only
before the light personal terminations. The first person sin-
gular has m for its ending, where n is clearly a corruption of
m and is suppressed like the latter in the Sanscrit middle,
while the Zend maintains this decided advantage over the
Sanscrit, that it for the most part retains the personal
character, and presents dnS to match the Sanscrit di This
lOy^ dni therefore bears the same relation to the active
jjjM dni, tliat, in the Greek present indicative, fioj does to
fju. In order to exhibit the principle of formation of the
Sanscrit first person imperative I here present the said per-
son of the three numbers of the two active forms of the
root fw^ dvish, " to hate,'' compared with the corresponding
forms of the present indicative.
. ACTIVE. MIDDLE.
INDIC. IMPERAT. INDTC. IMPERAT.
Sing, dveshmif dvish-d-ni, dvishS, dv^shdi
Dual dvishvaSf dv^h-d-va, dvishvahS, dvSsh-d-vahdi*
Plur. dvishmas, dv&sh-d-ma, dvishmah^f dv^h-d-maltdi.
So in Zend, Vendidad Sade p. 477, several times jyAwyAs^
jan-d-ni (= Sanscrit han-d-ni) "I will smite, destroy," f
* The lingual /i occurs on account of the euphonic influence of the
preceding lingual sibilant according to §. 04*. of my Sanscrit Grammar.
t In Sanscrit also the first person imperative sometimes occurs in the
sense of the future or present indicative, to express a decided volition of a
positive impending action, e- g. Sunda and Upas. I. 26. Anqnetil takes
Jandni as the third person of a preterite^ and renders it (p. 413.) by " il
JrappOf" and once by ^' seront anSantis," It needs, however, no proof
ihai jandni is really the first person imperative, for Zoroaster speaks to
Ahriman the words ^»xiam^ xs^ms^ •>/->^/As^t^^^yjA)( Y^j^ J^<bj4
^c^.U)4 duschda anro mainyo jandni ddina dacv6 (ldt*'m, &c., ^^ Vicious
Ahriman,
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 965
pp. 132, 479. J^/J^»Ajyg7jj kerenav-d-nS "I should make/'
( = Sanscrit krin-avdni from karnav-d-n^).
723. In verbs of the first principal conjugation and of
the ninth class, as also in roots in d of the second or third
class, the modal d combines with the preceding a or d;
hence e.g. vi<|(Vj bhardm, "let me carry;" 2^nd jyW.^ bardni,
middle joyJ^^A*| bardn^ (Vendidad Sade, p. 48o). So ^jjmm^I^
vtidn^, " I will obey ;'' * ^/^S^'^ yazdn^ (see p. 278), '* I
should offer f ' jo/Aw/g^go) perendn6, " I should destroy '' (Ven-
didad Sade, p. 335, compare Burnouf, Ya^na, p. 530, ff.) ;
joyJ^«A$j<5oi^Aj^ yaoschdathdn^, "I should purify "I.e. p. 480)."''
Ahriman I wiU destroy the Daeva-created people." Upon which (p. 478)
Ahriman says to Zoroaster,
mdmS ddma m^r?chm\uha asMum Zaratustra
•* Slay not my people, O pure Zoroaster !
* Vendidad Sade, p. 124. ^yja)ji)^(p j^^ 9yA* aai^ U vtsdnS^ "I
will obey thee," bo L c. are other imperatives in the sense of the future,
as jyxi^^(0^f7A$9 ^^xiasm h^^ ^(^fxs axi^ti gaith&ovarSdhaySni^
" I will make thy lands increase (" make fruitful," Anquetil p. 271. ^'je
rendrai voire monde fertile et abondante").
t See §. 637. I am now, however, of opinion, in departure from what
has been remarked at p. 112, that the th oidath is a substitute of </A, and
I take da as the syllable of reduplication, as in the Sanscrit dadhdmi. The
/V^>«>«5^-^'^S^'^/ ^idaithyahnt '' deponant," mentioned at p. 112, corresponds
to the Sanscrit flf^um nidadhyus, A)C^^C3jfA34Ji ni-^aithtta to the San-
scrit ftT^^tff ni'dadhUa. (§. 702.) In the genitive of the participle of the
reduplicated preterite ij^jOJ)(^>AA dathusho corresponds to the Sanscrit
dadhushas; while in the nominative cau»(2AS4 dadhvdo (= Sanscrit
^fV^M £2a^A-i-van) and in the accusative 9P^j?-'^»(S*.^ dadhvdonhifm
( = Sanscrit dadh'i'Vdhsam\ the alteration of dh to th does not take place,
an alteration which most probably is found only in the weak cases.
Perhaps in Zend th is considered weaker than dh and d^ and this may be
the reason that the interrogative verb, where it appears without a prepo-
sition or other incumbrance of composition, or even with compositional
incumbrance, but without reduplication, also exhibits no th in the examples
with
966 VERBS.
After ^^ y comes 6 for A\ hence eg, ^fy^^ys^^<pjj^ varedhayinU
"I will make to grow'' (Vend. Sade, p. 124) ; ^^xi^^7juso'aso^
fraMrayini* In the production of this ^, however, the i
or ^ of the termination bears the most important part, for
if the y alone was the efficient cause, it would also influence
the following vowel, if i or ^ did not occur in the termina-
tion ; this, however, is not the case, hence eg. aj^^^^j^aj^
varedhaya, "make to grow"' (Vend. S., p. 124); as^^aj^J^jj?
radchayOf " make to give light, kindle'' (p. 457) ; As^Aj^^AsyjjA*^
yasnayata, "sacriftcio colUe" (Burnouf, Ya^na, Note A. p. 13.)f
So in the second person plural middle, ^^(sSi^^^^m'^msI^
vdrayadhwem, "defend ye f' ^<^<^(^^^Ai7jMQ^dhdrayadhwem,
"preserve ye'' (Bumouf, l.c. Note D. p. 38.)
with which I am acqusdnted ; while, where the redaplicatcd verb is
burthened by composition, th almost miiversally occurs in the base-syllable,
though dh also is occasionally found, e.g. in yaoshdadhditi (Bumouf,
Ya^na p. 360.) In cases where the forms with th follow the analogy of
the Sanscrit first class, as e. g. in rddath^^ ** I have made," (Bumouf 1. c.)
I regard the vowel which follows th not as the class vowel, but, as in the
conjugation of the root ^qr *ihd^ JUiC^Ji) std^ as the shortening of the radical
vowel (see §. 506.) I also now consider the verbal- theme snudha^ ^' to wash,"
as a compound of the root ind and dhd^ the radical vowel of the latter
being shortened (compare Benfey Wurzel lex., II. 34.) The perhaps not
numerous forms may appear surprising in which the vowel of the syllable
of reduplication of the Zend root dha (without a vowel preceding, dd) is
long, as in the example mentioned by Bumouf (1. c.) nidhdthaySn^ '* they
may lay down." Here either the lengthening of the syllable of repetition
is a compensation for the shortemng of the base-syllable, or the genius of
the language takes ddth for a secondary root, without being conscious that
the dj with its vowel, is in &ct a syllable of reduplication, as in Sanscrit
the forms d^-hiy "give," (&om dad-dhi^ Zend dcusdi) and dhi-hi, ** place,"
(from dhad-dhi\ no longer give the impression of reduplicated forms.
* Vendidad Sade, p. 82. ^^^m (g(en)->»'As(^ 9gyAW»7; j^o»
JO/«,>,yAj2aJW»AJ0o hS urvdnSm vahistfm ahum frahdrayini^ " I will
miJce his sonl go to the most excellent place ;" Anquetil, p. 139, ^^jeferai
aUer Ubrement son ame aux demeurea cSlestes."
t Yainayimi is a denominative ftomyaina = Sanscrit yctjnct^ *' offering. "
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 967
Remark. — An explanation — and I am now much inclined
to adopt it — might be given of the a of the terminations
Ant, dvttf &c., in the first principal conjugation, as follows ;
viz. by recognising in it only the lengthening of the short
a of the class-syllable, while only ni, &c. is regarded as the
personal termination. There is a twofold occasion, how-
ever, for the lengthening of the a of the class-syllable;
first, that in the Lit mood, or conjunctive, to which, ac-
cording to its principle of formation, the first person of the
imperative belongs, the a of the class-syllable is lengthened
(see §.713.); and secondly, that especially before pronominal-
consonants of the first person, in case of their being fol-
lowed by vowels, an a originally short is lengthened ; and
hence forms like amu avas, avce, &c. nowhere occur, where-
fore ani also is not to be looked for. On the latter prin-
ciple may be explained the d of dvesh^d-ni* bihhar^d-nif
yunaj-drni, kinav-d-nif and karav-d-ni; so that we may assume
that the a, which, according to §. 716. is added in the con-
junctive, is lengthened simply on phonetic grounds. It is
certain that the first person plural of the 1. c. cited, ^r^
bhuvat, "let him be/' can only be bhuvdmaf and this is at
the same time the imperative of the fifth aorist-formation
(see §. 573.). The first person plural of the Old Persian
ahaty, "let him be," quoted in §. 716., is most probably ahdma,
which would correspond to the Sanscrit imperative ^r^m
as^ma. If this view be correct, then in the ninth class
also the words yu-nd-ni, yurnd-va, &c., must not be divided
into yu-nd'dni, &c., but we must assume that, as here, an d
in the original word precedes the personal termination, no
further a-sound could be added. The ninth class already
meets the requirement for fulness of form in the first per-
son in this way, that the syllable nd is not, as in the weak
forms, weakened to nt The roots dd and dhd, which reject
their d before the heavy terminations, retain the same in
the imperative by reason of their inclination to fulness of
968 VERBS.
form ; thus e. g. da-dd-mot da-dhd-ma, not dad-mat dajdii-ma
(compare §. 491.).
724. Besides the middle termination dni, which surpasses
the Sanscrit in correct retention of the original form, the
Zend also recognises the abbreviated form dU of which, how-
ever, it makes but unfrequent use. An example is jjuud^
viidi in the fourth Card of the Vispered (Vend. S., p. 55),
where jjuij)^ ^iS^ azem viidi, occurs seven times, which
Anquetil renders by "fobeis.'*'' With the preceding impe-
rative ditdj/a, "bring,'"* the present indicative accords
best ; so that, in the want of positive examples, we might
believe ^jmm^ viidi, to be only a more energetic form for
the present indicative fnsi. The form JJ^jmjC^ yazdi,
which occurs several times in the twenty-second Fargard
of the Vend., is rendered by Anquetil ** rendez hommager
and the context requires also the second person, for yazdi,
&c., expresses the command of Ormuzd directed to 2k>roaster,
to whom he promises, as the reward of the reverence required
of him, that which follows, datkdni, "I will give'" ( = San-
scrit l^^rftr daddni, first person imperative). I see also no
reason to assent to Bumouf in placing (Ya9na, p. 495) the
words -JJUtfjAjj^ yo^rdi, &c., in the mouth of Zoroaster ; and
I take yazdi to be the imperative active of the causal form,
and, indeed, as a contraction oi yazaya; whether it be that
this expression really has a causal signification, and means
" let honour,'" or that the causal form has here the same
meaning as the primitive form» as in Sanscrit also is not
unfrequently the case. In a phonetic view, the relation of
yazdi. to yazaya resembles that of Auiy ndi, " conduct," to
the Sanscrit IR naya. With regard to yazdi, as well as to
ndi, we must assume that, in compensation for the suppres-
* Literally, "make to come/' the cauBal of ltd, **to stand," with the
prepoflition d. Anquetil takes the adjoining aocusatiye as a nominative,
and dkdya as the third person.
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 969
sion of the final a, the a of the preceding syllable is length-
ened, or» which comes to the same thing, the a of the final
syllable is transposed, nearly as in the change of ashavan
** pure," into ashdum (with m for n) in the vocative. The
form jAif/ ndit ** conduct,"" occurs six times at the end of
the ninth Ha of the Izesehne in combination with ndiem *
(Vend. S., p. 47). Anquetil (p. 112) renders f gQ)A>»g3 jMis^cMjMt
ndiemndi Icehrpem by *' enseigneztnoi le moyen d'anSantir son
corps," The literal meaning, however, is "conduct the body
to destruction," (e.g. axdist "of the snake,"' =^r^ ahis.)
Here, perhaps, the composition of the imperative with the
accusative Icehrpem may Have given occasion for the con-
traction of naya to ndL This, however, does not prevent
the assumption that, without any special occasion, a trans-
position of the a of the syllable ya may also take place,
since the Zend is particularly fond of transposing the a of
the syllables ya and va, and forming them into a diphthong
with the vocalized semi-vowel. I shall return to this sub-
ject in the emendations to §. 42.
725. In respect to Syntax, it deserves notice tliat the
first person of the imperative in Zend not only, as has been
already shewn by some examples, sometimes supplies the
place of the future indicative, but is also used as the conjunc-
tive, governed by ajwajjC^ yaiha, " that."" Thus, in a pas-
sage quoted by Bumouf (Ya^na, p. 427) with a different
object from the fourth chapter of the Yescht de Gosch,
J/xi«>«>^,u^ ^8^*^ AJ^,C1^ yatha azem banday&ni, "that I
bind;"" j/»aaa> <d amG (gc^*>)^ as;o; lUa bastem vddhayinU &c.,
"and (that I) beat those who are bound;"' (gc^*»)^ aj^;
jm^^jxi^) via bastem upanayiru$ "and (that I) conduct
those who are bound."" On passages of this kind Burnouf s
* This word is not once written quite correctly in the lithographed
manuBcript; the correct reading, however, may be easily foond by a com-
parison of the several enroneons ones.
3r
970 VERBS.
opinion may be based, that the forms in dni (or ini), in
point of sense, belong as well to the imperative as to the
potential, while he denies in toto tliat the middle form in
dnS (or inS)f which was first brought to light by Fr. Win-
disehmann (Jenaische Allgemeine Litt. Z. July 1834, p. 138),
belongs, in point of signification, to the imperative, and ex-
plains the forms in di according to their meaning as
genuine imperatives middle of the first person ( Ya<^na, p. 530,
Note). I cannot assent to this opinion, as e.g. ^f'^S^'^
ya::dn^f ** ofler," in the passage quoted above (p. 27s), has as
imperative a meaning as tlie first person for the most part
admits of, while visdi (§. 72-i), according to its signification,
is rather a present indicative, and ycusdi (I.e.) is explained
as the second person imperative active of the causal.
726. Among the European sisters of the Sanscrit, the
Gothic alone presents a first person of the imperative,
but only in the plural, w^here, e.g., visam, " «mii«," (Luc.
XV. 23.) corresponds to the Sanscrit vaftdma, " habitemust''''
without, however, being formally distinguished from the
present indicative ; as the Sanscrit terminations mas and
ma in Gothic are represented by mere m, except in the
conjunctive, where ma corresponds to the Sanscrit ^ ma
of the secondary forms. It has been already remarked
that, according to its formation, the imi^erative of the
Sclavonic and Lithuanian does not belong to the proper
imperative (see §§. 677. 699.).
I here give a general view of the points of comparison
which have been arrived at for the imperative present
BANSKRIT. ZEND. OBEEK. LATIN. GOTH.
1. p. 8g. act. han-d-ni, jan-d^ni,
bhar-d-ni, bar^-ni,^
l.p. sg.mid. karav-di, karav-d-nS
bar-di, bar-d-nS,
1 Bardni cannot be supported by quotation, but is clearly deduced from
the middle bardni (§ 728.) and the plural bardma (V. S. p. 208).
FORMATION OF THE MOODS.
971
^ SANSCRIT.
ZEND.
GREEK.
LATIN.
GOTH.
1. p. pi. act. bar^-ma,
bat'd-ma,
• • • •
bair-a-m.
2.p. sg.act. d&'hii^
i'dhu"
daz'di,^
lO'-dt,
bhar-a,
bar-a,
<l>ep'e,
• • • •
bair.
vah-a.
vaz'Qt
ex-e.
veh-e,
viy.
vah-a-tdt,^
veh'i'tOf
a . . •
2. p. sg. mid. dat'sva,^
bhar-a'SVQf
bar-an-uhai'
5/5o-(ro,
( <l}epov, from
( ipep-e-ao,
1----
....
2.p.du. act. bhar-a-tam.
<f>€p'€'TOV,
• . . •
bair-a-ts.
2. p, pi. act. bhar-a-ta.
bar-a- ta^
<t>€p'€'T€,
... *
bair-i-ih.
bibhri'ta.
.....
fer-fe.
• . • •
vah-a-ta.
vaz-a-ta.
e^-e-re,
veh'i-te,
viy-i'th.
2. p. pL mid. bhar-a-dhvanit
3. p. sg.act. vas-a-tut
vah-a-tdt,
, bar-a-dhwem
, if>ep'e-GBe,
vanh^a-'tu,
•
vaz-a-tdC
m
ex-e-Tw,
veh-HOi
> • • • •
3. p. du. act. bhar-a-tdm,
3. p. pi. act. bhar-a-ntu,
bar-a-ntu ?
^e/o-e-Twv,
• • • •
«...
2 Di-hi from dad dhi for dadd^hi from dada-dhi, Seo §§ 450. 481.
3 j^^AJj daxdi from dad-di^ See § 450., where for dazdhi read j^^asj
c2az£/t, as (o^*/* occurs only between two vowels. Thus we twice read in
V. S. p. 50, ^^Jfi^^ dazdi-mS, " give to me," with m/, " to me,"
enclitic, where we must remember, that in Sanscrit, also, the forms ^ mS,
" mei, mihi** and ?^ t^, " tui, tibi,*' are used only enclitically ; just as in
Old Persian maty and taiy. We must therefore take the (in V. S. pp. 505,
507, 508) frequently recurring k3^ jyuui^AS^ dathdni ti^ " I will give to
thee," as = dathdnitS, since composites in Zend are frequently separated in
writing. If, however, dathdniiS is to be taken as one word, I should then
expl^ the th as being for dh^ on the same principle as that by which the
root dd, " to lay," in the reduplicated forms, when they appear in compo-
sition, regularly exhibits th for dh in ihe radical syllable. (See p. 964,
Rem. **.) * From ad-dhi for as-dhi, s 95(5 Reni,
^ Tot dadd-9va, (See § 481.) " See § 721. « See p. 653,
Note f.
727. In the Veda dialect and Zend occur forms also
which correspond to the imperative of the aorist in Greek,
3 R 2
972 VBRBS.
and, like the latter, have with the augment, which is the
true symbol of past time, also laid aside the past signifi-
cation. * To the Greek first aorist corresponds ^ bhiisha^
" be '' or " become '' (see Westerg. r. *r, pref- Wl) euphonic
for bhu'Sa = <pv-aov. The v of the termination <roi/, if or-
ganic, may be deduced from s*, and this from fl, as, e.g., Sog
* See § 97. With regard to the transition of final s into v compare also rjv,
" he was, "with the Doric ?f and WPff ^ of the Vedas : moreover the
suff. 0€v = Sanscrit tas, Latin tus (§^ 421. 531.). The form -3€Vy as it
approaches closer to the Sanscrit tas and Latin tus than 3f does, must be
regarded as more organic than the latter^ which, as Buttmann remarks,
(§ 116. 4. Rem. 1.), is of frequent occurrence only in certain particles, in
which the original meaning ('' whence") is not so perceptible, and is foond
elsewhere but seldom where the metre requires it {dvrpoBt Find-, KvnpoBt
Calimm., XtfivaBt^ irayroOt Theocrit.). Observe, also, the complete rejec-
tion of the V in the ace. of bases ending in a consonant (irarc/>a=Sanscrit
pitaram, hBim patrem)^ as well as, in particular, the abundantly demon-
strated fact, that final letters are the most exposed to weakening and
complete extinction. The weakening of « to n is too, in itself, not more
remarkable than that of s to another liquid^ viz. r ; which, in Sanscrit,
so frequently takes place according to settled laws, and occurs dialccti-
cally also in Greek (see §. 22.), and is found in several kindred lan-
guages in certain parts of Grammar; as, e,g.^ in Irish the termination
mar of the 1st p. pi. represents the Sanscrit mas^ Latin mt^, Doric /xcr,
which latter, in the common dialect, is corrupted to ficv. The Sanscrit
secondary termination ma, which also occasionally occurs in the present,
is Y^Tj probably an abbreviation of mas (see §. 489.), which iirst appeared
after the separation of dialects; an abbreviation which enters more
extensively into Old Persian, since there the final 9 after a and a has
become the weakened form of all terminations. Therefore I cannot
agree with Pott (Etym. Forsch. IL 806.)— to whom G. Curtius (Forma-
tion of the Tenses and Moods, p. 27) assents— in deriving only fic; from
i»u», but ii€v from ma, as if the v were only a later suffix or echo. Why,
it might be asked, have similar enduring resonant letters (not used like
the V €<f>€XKv<mK6v to prevent the hiatus) not been suffixed to distinct
vowel-ending forms, e.g. to the c of the voc. of the 2d decl. (§. 204.), or
to that of the dual (§. 209.)? The Doric termination yra> in the
dd p. pi. imper. (X€y6vTm, notovvTa>j mrori(rdifT<o) may be regarded with
at
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 973
from S66t. We should therefore have to regard -o-afli as
the original form, and from that -craf, and afterwards -<roi/,
with the change of a to o, which is preferred before nasals
(see p. 104). In this manner, if the v of Tuir-aorv appears
to be the personal termination, and, in fact, in a place
where the Veda dialect has lost the personal termination
(bhu-sha from bhusha-dhi), then it must be remarked that,
in Prakrit also, the termination hi, which is a mutilated
form of dhi, is much more extensively used than in
Sanscrit (see Lassen, p. 338. Hofer, p. I85). From aadt
a middle termination aaaOt may be developed, according
to the principle of rvx/rao-flw from Tin/raTw, rv\lra(r6e from
Tv\JraT€ ; for as all terminations, which in the active be-
gin with T, are preceded in the middle by <r, where t passes
into (see §. 474.), so it cannot be matter of astonishment,
if, from the to-be-presupposed rvylraSi is formed TvyjraaOtf
and hence, by rejecting the ad, Tv\^ai, which presents an
accidental agreement with the infinitive active of the aorist,
at least equal justice as an abbreviation of vrcov ; as, vice verady vT<av may
be looked on as a lengthened form of vra>, for the Doric dialect has not
in all cases preserved the most ancient forms. Pott (1. c.) finds, in a
physiological view, the interchange between r and v difficult to compre-
hend ; as, though both are dentals, yet the difierence in their pronuncia-
tion is vast. Still greater, however, is the difference between that of a
mute and the nasal corresponding to its organ ; and yet, in Sanscrit,
final mutes, if they occur before a nasal, pass into the nasal of their
organ (atishthan murdhni, " he stood at the top," for -tm) ; and in Latin
9omnus stands for wpnus ; in Greek a-efivos for a-efivos : while reversedly,
in Lithuanian and Sclavonic, without Its being occasioned by the
neighbouring letters, the n of the number nine (Sanscrit navan) has
become d (see §. 817.) ; and in Grfeek the n of the suffix inT nutn,
Latin men^ has become r (o-yofiar=«n'nT ndman^ nomen), I am also of
opinion that the VSda termination tono, in the 2d p. pL, has arisen from
toto, and therefore is only a reduplication of the common termination to,
and rests, therefore, on the principle of the Latin imperative-ending t6te^
and the V^da tat of the 2d and Sd pers. singular.
974 VERBS.
as in Latin also, ama-re, ** be loved '' (the last syllable of
which is only a fuller form of the reflexive, which we,
see §. 476., have recognised in amo-r, &c.) is in sound
identical with the active infinitive. If, however, the
imperative rvTr-crai has arisen from Tinr'traaSt, the abbre-
viation is only one degree greater than, in the indicative,
that of eTinr-aa-ao to erw-o-o). We return to the Veda
dialect to remark, that to forms like n/Tr-crci-Ta), irrespective
of the personal termination, corresponds the i^^ nS-sha-tuish
euphonic for s, see §.21.). which is cited by Panini (HI. 1. 81.
Schol.) **let him conduct."" In the second person dual ^{^in^
hhtishatam (qM^MiIH upabhushatam, see Westerg., r. vr bhu^
prefix "5^ upa), corresponds admirably to (jyvaarov, and in
the third person plural, ^jft^^iT srS-sha-ntv, " they shall hear ""
(Rig. V. I. 86. 5), in respect of the aoristic suffix, to forms
like hv-tra-vTciv.
728. In Zend as yet no imperatives have occurred, which,
like the Veda ijjl bhusha, &c., would correspond to Greek im-
peratives of the first aorist ; on the other hand, j^^ ddi-di,
"give" (Vendidad Sade, p. 311 twice, pp, 421, 422), corre-
sponds to 80-9, from So'St, jo^axs^ dd-ia, "give ye" (Vendi-
dad Sade, p. 224)* to Sore, and dd-ta "do ye,'' "make ye,"
(in comp. As^Ajy^b^AsjC^ yaoschddia, " purify ye," Vendidad
Sade, p. 367, frequently) to Se-re. I think I discover a mid-
dle imperative aorist in am^^^am^ ddonhd, "give thou"
(Vendidad Sade, p. 222, 1. 1 from the bottom); But we re-
quire to understand the passage where this expression oc-
curs by the aid of Neriosengh's Sanscrit translation, as well as
a comparison of manuscripts. It is probable that we ought
to read jui^;^g^ ddonuhdf where the long d would present
no difficulty, as in this passage other originally short as at
the end of a word are found lengthened. In the Veda
* I write data for ddtd^ as in this passage long a stands for short a
everywhere at the end of a worxl.
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 975
dialect the forms are very numerous which answer to the
Greek imperative of the second aorist ; thus, srudhi, " hear
thou,'' =K\vdt,* from srinomi (R.6tm, CI. 5, irreg.); sag-dhi,
'* be able," from mkndmi (R. sak, CI. 5) ; pur-dhi, "fill thou,"
from finifS piparmi (R. tx pfi, i. e. par, CI. 3). To ^^jTr cd)hut,
"he was'' (aorist of the fifth formation, §. 573.), corre-
sponds bhu'tu, " esto/* Forms like ^^fr^ mumugdhi ** loose
thou" (R.fnuch, third person, mumdktu), strongly resemble
the Greek like KeKpa'xOt. The Sanscrit form, however,
as appears (see Westerg.) from the indicative form amu-
muktam, distinctly belongs to the aorist, which in the Veda
dialect also exhibits similar reduplicated forms, combining
the personal terminations direct with the root, which
therefore stand in the same relation to the fifth formation
(see §. 573.), which in the Veda dialect is used also in roots
ending in a consonant, as that in which forms of the seventh
formation (§. 579.) do to those of the sixth (§. 576.). The
m^ij^ vdvridhasva, "grow thou" (Rig. Veda, 1.31. 1.), which
has been differently explained above (§. 709. Note), is per-
haps an imperative middle of the seventh aorist formation :
it would then stand for vavridhasva, as from mrig, in the
aorist indicative active, comes amamrigam. The lengthen-
ing of the syllable of reduplication would, according to
§. 580., be more authorised in the aorist referred to than in
the Veda perfect indicative vdvrid^, (Rig- Veda, 52. 2.), for
vavridhi of the common dialect. The circumstance that no
* So long as a pres. of the 2d cl. Mmi does not occur, I am inclined
to regard the forms of the indicative cited by Westergaard, cUravam,
" I heard "; a*r6ty " he heard," as aorists of the 6th formation, with Guna
of the short radical vowel, which appears lengthened in the Greek
Kkv3i; as, in forms like dcixvOfu, the v corresponds to the Sanscrit u
with Guna. Remark, that also in the Veda aorist akar^ " he made,"
akaram, ^^ I made," the broader and here the original, but according to
Indian Grammar the Gimized, form of the root occurs, while the imper.
kridhi, " make thou," has the shorter form.
976 VERBS.
iudicative occurs corresponding to vdvridhasva^ when re-
garded as an aorist, would not be a sufficient reason for
rejecting this view ; for hitherto no indicatives abhusham,
anhham, airdsham, have been found to correspond to the
aorist imperatives mentioned in §. 727., bhusha, bhwthatum,
mhhatu, srdshantu. If, however, with Westergaard, we
assume potentials and imperatives of the perfect, we can
then, with him, derive vdvridhasva from the perfect indica-
tive vdvHdM. But, according to the signification, the
reduplicated imperatives and potentials, which all have a
present meaning, are better derivable from the aorist
(which in its moods lays aside its past signification together
with its augment) than from the perfect, where the re-
duplication expresses past time, and which, therefore,
must remain in the moods likewise ; as, e. g., in Gothic,
haiJiaUyau signifies " I was called,'' not *' I am called.'' If,
however, in the Veda dialect the reduplicated modal forms
spring, in part at least, from the perfect, we must then
assume that they have, through a perversion, surrendered
the past signification, which belonged to them, so that the
German conjunctives of the preterite in this respect stand
on older ground. The explanation of the reduplicated
modal forms from the intensive, attempted in §. 709. Note,
is now far from satisfactory to me ; and I now hesitate
between the derivation of them from the perfect, and their
deduction from the reduplicated aorist. To the latter
might be referred ni . . s^da, " seat thyself " (see Westerg.
pp. 177, 179.), as ^V^^i^ anisam (see §. 582.) presents an ana-
logous indicative. To the avdcham mentioned in the said §.
belongs the imperative sanvdchdvahdi (l p. du. mid. Rig. V.
L 25. 17.).
729. Traces of an imperative of the auxiliary future
occur in classical Sanscrit. But the few examples hitherto
found all belong to the 2d person pi. of the middle ; viz.
PI prasavishyadhvam, " shew ye " (Bhagavad-Gita,
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 977
3. 10.) ; )ff^nq«p^ bhavishyadhvam, " be ye '' (Maha-Bharata,
III. 14394. Ramayana, ed. Sehl. I. 29. 25) ; and ^?9rsnr
vStsyadhvam, "find ye," "obtain ye'' (Maha-Bhar. I. 1111.).
The conjecture elsewhere expressed, that by sanvakshyata
(in Stenzler's Brahma- Vaivarta-Purani Specimen I. 35.) a
future imper. act. of the 2d p. pi. is established, I must now
retract ; as, by repeated examination of the passage, I find,
by the context, that for ^^^Efnr sanvakshyata, which Stenzler
renders " aUoquiminir we should read sanraxhata (i, e.
" arceie'"'').
CONDITIONAL.
730. The Sanscrit conditional bears the same relation in
respect of form to the auxiliary future that the imperfect
does to the present, f . e. the augment is prefixed to the root,
and the secondary personal terminations supply the place
of the primary : hence, e.g., W^TFP^ addsyam," I would give,"
and also " I would have given," answering to ddsydmt,
" I will give." We may therefore, as in departure from
my former opinion I am now inclined to do, regard the
conditional as a derivative from the auxiliary future; so
that, although the substantive verb is contained in it, there
is no necessity for assuming the existence of an obsolete
* Observe, that in manuscripts written in Bengal, and especially in the ma-
nuscript used by Stenzler, the r is frequently not distinguishable from the v,
as is remarked 1. c. p. 10. The V y after the ^ hsh is added by Stenzler
as an emendation. The meaning aUoquiminiy however, does not agree with
the context, whilst arcete principem corresponds to the sense of the prece-
ding SI. In SI. 32 of the same Spec, occurs a form worthy of notice in
respect of syntax, viz. the imperative bruta as representative of the con-
junctive governed by yadi : yadi satyam bnUa^ '^ if ye speak the truth."
So in the fifth book of the Mah& Bh&r. the second person plural middle of
the imperative /?rayacAcAAa£2Avam governed by chit: nachit prayachchha-
dhvam amUraghatinS yudhiahfhiroiyd 'hiam dbMptHtan svakam, '' if ye do
not give the fiend-slaying Yudishthir his required share." In the Rig
Yeda (I. 27. 12) we find the first person plural of the imperative, or Lit^
after yadi : yadi kaknavama^ '^ if we can."
978 VERBS.
dsyam, " I would be," or ** I would have been f and even
though such a form should have existed, we might still
regard dsyam as a derivative of asydmU " I will be '' ( = Lat
ero, eris, see. §. 650.), which has disappeared from use ; just
as addsyam as a derivative from ddsydmi. The circum-
stance, that in none of the European kindred languages a
mood analogous to the said one in Sanscrit is to be found,
might lead us to the conjecture, that it is of comparatively
late origin, as in Latin the imperfect conjunctive (see
§. 707.), which resembles it most, but has evidently sprung
up on Roman ground. Compare da-rem from dd-sem, for
dd'saim with ^T^WI'^ a-ddsyam.
731. The Sanscrit employs but seldom its conditional,
which, in the earlier period of the language, is commonly
supplied by the potential : a few examples, therefore, may
be given here (manuscript vii. 20.), yadi na pranay^dj rdjd
dandan dandyishv atandritaK i suU matsydn ivd 'pakshyan
durbaldn balavattardK, " If the king did not indefatigably
punish those worthy of punishment, then the stronger
would roast the weak on spits." But here follow four poten-
tials, all standing in the same relation, which are nevertheless
explained by the Scholiast by conditionals ; viz. adydJt,
" would eat," by akhddishyat ; avalihydt " would lick," by
avdUkshyat; sydf, "would be," by abhavishyat ; and pravartila,
** would become," by prdvartishyat. In the eighth book of
the Maha Bh. (SI. 1614) we read, vrijinah hi bhavSt kinchid
yadi karnasya pdrthiva \ nd ""smdi hy a^trdni divydni prddd-
syaJt bhrigunandanah\ ** If any fault attached to Kamas, O
Prince, the son of Bhrigu would not have given him the
heavenly weapona" The conditional occurs as well in the
antecedent as in the relative sentence, and, in fact, the first
time in the sense of the pluperfect conjunctive, I c. SI. 709,
nachid arakshishya iman janam bhaydd dvishadbhir Svam
♦ For arakshishyas on account of the • following,
FORMATION OF THE MOODS. 979
halihhir prapiditam \ tathd 'bhavishyad dvuhatdm pramSdanam
" If thou hadst not freed from danger this band assailed
by powerful fiends, then they would have been the joy of
their enemies." Thus, in the Naishadha-Char. 4. 88, api
sa vajram addsyata chH tadd tvadishubhir vyadalishyad asdv
api, "If he (Brahma) had given also the thunder-bolt (to
thee, the God of love, as a mark), so would even this have
been rent in twain (have been split) by thy darts."
Remark — In Zend I know of no instance of the con-
ditional ; some resemblance to it, however, may be traced
in the form (<^^^juv3^as»as?^ fravacsyanm, at the end of the
44th Ha of the Izeschne (V. S. p. 359), which Anquetil
translates **je park clairement.''^ I consider this form to be
the first person of the auxiliary future, which, in the
absence of examples, I formerly thought must end in yemi
(see §. 664.). The fact, that the first person of the future is
very frequently replaced by that of the imperative, is per-
haps the reason of the rare occurrence of the former. If,
however, I am right in explaining the form fravacsyanm
as the first person of the future, it has lost the i of the ter-
mination ; as in Prakrit, where, except in the form in
himi (see §. 615.), the termination mi of the future auxiliary
has everywhere dropped the i, whereby, however, the
preceding a has been shortened ; hence, e. gr., ^nTft#
sum^rissaii, ** I will call to mind," corresponding to the
Sanscrit smarishydmi. In Zend, through the loss of the final
i an occasion also for the mutation of the d preceding the m
to S has disappeared ; the termination dm, however, must,
according to §. 61., become ^^ anm ; thus, ^^^y^^M»xi7\
fravacsyanm = Sanscrit I(^\5i4lf)4 pravakshydmi. In the same
Ha, at the end^f which occurs the form (^^^juv3^a)»as7^
fravacsyanm, occurs also six times the form fravacsyd (V. S.
p. 356), which Anquetil, in like manner, translates by **jeparle
clairement " or **je vous parte clmremenL^^ Then follow
the words which Zoroaster (not Ormuzd, as Anquetil
980 VERBS.
supposes) speaks. If, however, fravacsyA is really a first
person, it must still belong to the future only; and it
would then, in this form, as compared with that in aiiw, be
an abbreviation similar to that of the dual case-termina-
tion hya — ^for which, in accordance with the Sanscrit bhydm,
we should expect byanm — and to that of the feminine pro-
nominal locative termination a (see §. 202.) for the Sanscrit
dm. The occurrence in fravacsyd of a long a is in agree-
ment with the fact that, in the Ha above mentioned,
particularly at the end of a word, d is found for an origi-
nally short a; e. g. in jus^^as^^j sraold, " hear ye." If,
however, A3j^y^5^As»xi?^ fravacsj/d is not the first person of
the future, it can only be taken as the second person of the
future imperative, and must then be regarded as a com-
mand addressed by Ormuzd to Zoroaster.
DERIVATIVE VERBS.
732. The appellation " derivative verbs '' strictly belongs
only to denominatives ; for passives, causals, desideratives,
and intensives, stand quite as near the root as the ten
classes of the so-called primitive verbs, excepting the second
class (see §. 109*. 3.), which latter may be regarded as the
base-form of all the rest. The passive, also, is identical
in form with the middle of the fourth class, and the causal
with the tenth class ; while that form of the intensive which
joins the personal terminations direct to the root is dis-
tinguished from the third class only by the strengthening of
the syllable of reduplication, and in that this extends also to
the universal tenses. And here we must observe that the
tenth class also extends a part of its class character to the
universal tenses. We might — as the pas^ve agrees with
the middle of the fourth class, and the causal with the tenth
class — reckon in all twelve classes of verbs ; so that, per-
haps, the intensives would fall under the eleventh class, and
the desideratives under the twelfth. It is, however, certain
Ibt..
PASSIVES. • 981
that the verbs called derivative in idea, and as regards
their origin, must be classed under those which express
only the simple verbal notion along with the relations of
person, time, and mood ; and must also be regarded as
later, and originating in the first place from these latter.
For before there could exist a verb signifying, e.g.,
" I cause to hear,"' or " I wish to hear,'' or " I am heard,"
there must have existed one more simple with the mean-
ing ** I hear ;" and though IffPnnftf srdva^dmi, susrushdmi,
and sruyi, may be derived from the root itself, sru, more
readily than from srinSmi, " I hear," or its theme srinu (a
contracted form of srunu), still srunu may stand as the base
form from which the so called derivative and secondary
verbs have proceeded, by the suppression of the class-
syllable mi before the characteristic affix of the derivative
base referred to; just as the causal bases, when passives
are formed from them, lose their characteristic affix ay
before the passive character i/a : as, e. g„ from srAv-aya-ti,
" he causes to hear," comes srdv-^a-tS (for ardv-ay-yati),
" he is made to hear." According to this scheme the
derivative verbs have, in point of fact, only the bare root at
bottom as formative material ; but the sole reason of this is,
that from the primitive verbs, whose offspring they are,
all ingredients are removed which do not belong to the
expression of the radical idea, in order that the derivative
form should not be too unwieldy ; just as certain compa-
ratives and superlatives spring, not from the full base of
the positive, but from it abbreviated by the removal of the
formative suffix (see §. 298. pp. 395, 396.)
733. Let us now consider the formation of derivative
verbs severally, beginning with the passives. These in
Sanscrit, in the special tenses, annex the syllable it ^a to
the root, and join thereto the personal terminations of
the middle. The conjugation agrees exactly with the
middle of the fourth class (see §. 500.), so that in the present.
982
VERBS.
in the example given at p. 696, we have only to annex the
middle terminations (see §. 512.) in the place of the active.
I give below the 3d per. sing, and pi. with the corresponding
persons of the middle (for the class peculiarities of which
refer to §. 109\) of the roots budh, CI. 1, ** to know "" (Goth.
ana-budf " to command ") ; tud, CI. 6, ** to push" (Lat. tud,
tundo) ; vas, CI. 2, ** to dress oneself " (Goth, vcufya, ** I put
on" = caus. vdsaydmi) ; bhar (bhrl, see §.1.), CI. 3, ** to
bear r yuj, CI. 7, "to bind"" (Lsit.jug, Gr. ^vy); star (stri,
stfi, see p. 680. Note), CI. 5, " to spread,'' ** to deck f pri,
Ci. 9, " to gladden," " to love '' (Goth. /riyd, " I love ").
ROOT.
budh, CI. 1.
tud, CI. 6,
vas, CI. 2,
bhar {bhr\ CI. 3,
yuj, CI. 7,
9tar (stri), CI. 5,
pri, CI. 9,
3d per. singular.
PASSIVE. MIDDLE.
3d per. plural.
PASSIVE. MIDDLE.
budh-ya-U,
tud-ya-tS,
vas-ya-t^j
bhri-ya-U,
yuj-ya-tiy
slar-ya-t^,
pri-ya-4^.
2
bddh-a-tS.
tud-a-iL
vas-ti.
bibhri'fi.
ytmk't^.
sfri-nu-lS.
pri-ni-te'
budh-ya-rU^,
iud-ya-nti,
vas-ya-nlS, .
bhri-ya^nt^.y
yuj-ya-nt^y
slar-ya-nti,
pri-ya-ni^y
bddh-a-^iS.
tud-a-nti.
vas-ati.
bibhr-ati.
yuTfj-aii.
stri-^v-ali*
pri-na-ti.
^ See §. 459. ^ Roots in ar, which in the pare or light forms con-
tract this syllable to r/ , when only a single consonant precedes the radical
vowel, exhibit the syllable ri before the passive character ya^ which ri
I consider to be a transposition of tr, and the latter a weakening of the
old form ar^ which has remained after a double consonant; hence,
Btar^ya-ti correspondiDg to bhri-ya-tS. With regard to the protection
which two combined consonants afford to the primitive syllable ar^ com-
pare the circnmstance, that the imperative termination hi (from dhi)
remuns in verbs of the 5th class after two combined consonants, but
cannot be supported by a single consonant ; thus, chinuy '^ collect,"
opposed to dpntihiy " obtain " (see §. 451.). By this principle I would also
explain the fact that, the Latin root sta (=Sanscrit ^m sthdy " to stand ")
has, almost in every case, preserved the original length of the base- vowel
in opposition to d& (= Sanscrit (f^). The transposition of ftr^ bhir to
See §. 169". 6.
m
PASSIVES. 983
fif bhriy reminds U8 of Greek forms like irarpda-i, which has been ex-
plained above as a transposed form of irarap-a-i : I am also now of opinion
that in Gothic-plural bases like hr6ihru, dauhtru - whence come hrSthryu Sy
"brother;" ^fouAMryM-a, "daughter* — we must assume a transposition
of ur to ru ; so that the to-be-presupposed bases, brtShur, dauhtur^ corre-
spond, as weakened forms of brdthar^ dauhtar^ to the Sanscrit genitives
bhratur^ duhituTy which are deprived of their case-termination (see §. 191.
Note).
734. It must be observed, that the incumbrance which
the root receives in the passive by affixing the syllable ya,
occasionally introduces irregular weakenings of the root ;
as, €, g., the contraction of vach to uch {uch-yor-tit " diciiur '"'),
analogously with some anomalous forms of the active
(^uchimQj '* we spoke,'*'' from u-uchima) : so, too, the contrac-
tion of the syllable ra to ri in the root ITff prachh, " to
ask ;"" ij^il'fl prichchhyaii, " interrogatur C as* ^^|(h pri-
chckhdmi, ** I ask f' paprichchhima, " we asked,'" compared
with paprachcha, " I asked C prashtum, " ask ye/' This
principle also explains the fact, that sonle roots in d change
this vowel in the passive to the lighter i ; hence, e.g., diya
is the passive base of the root c?4, "to give ''"' (diyat^,
" datur "). The Zend, on the contrary, as a consequence
of the same principle, shortens the long au <i to as a, at
least in the examples which occur to me : (^c^^-J^A^Aj^^y
nidhay^int^j " depanuntur '' ( = Sanscrit nidhiyant^) ;
AJW»;^^^Ajy43 snayanuha, "be washed"^ ( = Scr. sndyasva);
* Vendidad Sade p. 246 : (? M{^)\}j?j) AJ(e;og^-> y^*"^/ ^^^/^
i^At^ jA^^^y yamnya naro irSsfa {irista ?) nidhaySinchSy ** in qua
{terr^ homines martui deponuntur ;** according to Anquetil (p. 326),
" dans les quels on a mis des hommes morts^* see Note t.
t With middle meaning, "wash thyself" {zasta, "the hands") (see
p. 967, Note **). Burnouf (Ya9na, p. 361, Note) takes the syllable ya
of this form not as the passive character, which according to him (1. c.
p. 369) must be looked for in Zend little more than in Greek and Latin.
It appears to me, however, that we may be very nearly right in regarding
the
984 VERBS.
A>^x»A)^^y4) snayaSta, " let him be washed/' or *' wash
himself "' (see. p. 957, Note). In support of the view, that
the forms snayanuha and snayaita may be taken as passives
with a reflexive signification, it may here also be adduced
that in Old Persian a similar phenomenon occurs ; viz. in
^•TTrfr-^-Y<^-<fT-"T^-fTT P^'tpayanvd* (Beh. IV. 38.),
which Benfey, in my opinion rightly, renders " guard thy-
self " (Rawlinson by " te expeditum habe^), and refers to the
Sanscrit root VX pd (with the preposition |K3rfi=|>ra<i,) which,
therefore, in agreement with the Zend, has shortened the
long d before the passive character.
735. If, with the Indian Grammarians, we regard the
Sanscrit jdyi (irregular tor janyi) ** I am bom," as a middle
of the fourth class (see §. 500.), then the corresponding
Zend verb may be explained in the same manner. As, how-
ever, the meaning "to be born" is strictly passive, and
the syllable ya in the form above mentioned as the passive character,
and the whole as a by-no-means-surprising change of the passive into a
reflexive or middle meaning, while in Greek, Gothic, Latin, Lithuanian,
and Sclavonic, the reverse is the case. If the form jyja)CAAA>(g^ /
nidkay^nti^ " Us deposent" which Bumouf has mentioned at p. 361, and
which I am unable to quote, be only a different reading of the nidhaySinii
mentioned above in the lithographed manuscript, I would also then re-
cognise in it a passive, and di aw attention to the fact, that in Sanscrit
also, in the passive, the active terminations not uncommonly take the
place of the middle, so that the passive relation is to be discerned only in
the syllable ya (see Lesser Sanscrit Gram., 2d Edit. §. 446). If, how-
ever, we take nidhaySnti as active, we must then explain '^ they lay
down" in the sense of '^ one lays down," and consider nard irista as the
accusative (see p. 247). Constructions of this kind, as far as I know, are
not confirmed by unmistakeable forms, and I therefore prefer explaining
the verb as passive.
* Rawlinson and Benfey read patipayutod ; I doubt not, however, that
the a inherent in yx^ V "^xoAi be here read in conjunction with it. The
termination uva, for huvd (euphonic for Ava), corresponds to the Sanscrit
imperative termination 9va,
PASSIVES. 985
the form of the middle of the fourth Qass is identical with
that of the passive, I prefer to explain in both languages
the forms with passive signification as really passives ; and
I adopt for the Sanscrit a middle jan of the fourth Class, a
kind of deponent with the active meaning " to bring forth/'
of which, however, but few examples occur, as, e.^., Ramay.
ed. Schl. I. 27. 3. irt ^«IN(f putran vy-ajdt/ata, ** she bore a
son" (with the prep. vi). The Zend root yjoj zan, the
passive of which frequently occurs in combination with the
preposition ^) ui ( = Sanscrit ^TT ui)y likewise rejects the
final n before the passive character ya : the preceding a,
however, is not lengthened, or the long d, which had been
introduced, is again shortened ; which cannot surprise us,
as from the first the long A at the end of a root is shortened
before the passive ya. Hence, e. (/., |0^)^^«A^a5jj3; us-zaytiniif
"they are bom," corresponds exactly to the before-men-
tioned nidhayHni^ (§. 734). Of the imperfect we find the
second and third person singular; viz. Aj^jmf^^As^Asjs;
usazayanha, " thou wast bom," (see §. 466. and §. 518.), and
uszayata, "he was bom".t
736. As the middle of Sanscrit verbs of the fourth Class
is identical in form, and, as I believe, in origin also, with
the passive, and therefore fiaijr mriyi, " rnarior,"' Um^ mrii/aiS,
" rruyriturr may also stand for the passive, it may here be
remarked, that the corresponding verb in Zend, the con-
junctive of which, mairyditi, frequently occurs (Vendidad
* Vend S., p. 136, aj^ajj aj>>^ AJ^Alg^fy aj^aj^ as^Jmas^
A}Ai4)A)^^^A)y AS^J^^J3 AjyAJQxfojf (^C^^-^ «A,)A5JJ3; dvoMbya hacha
ni^i^bya dva nara uizayi inti mithwana kricha nairyaicha^ '^ duobus ex
hominibus duo homines nascuntur, par^ feminaque masque" Anquetil
(p. 278), translates ^^ de deua: hommes naquirent deux hommes distingues^ le
male s'StarU uni ^ lafemelle.'*
t Vend. S., p. 39, yat hS (so I read for c^ he) puthro usxayata, "that
a son was bom to him."
3s
986 YEBBS.
Sade, p. 24^), has replaced the middle termination by the
active, as also in Sanscrit the active termination frequently
takes the place of the middle in acknowledged passives. The
above-mentioned mairyditi is so far older than the corre-
sponding Sanscrit verb, in that it has experienced neither the
transposition of ir to ri mentioned at §. 733. Note 2. (mri-
yati, like bhri-yaii) nor the weakening of a to i, but mairyditi
'* morialur "' stands for maryditiy in consequence of the assi-
milative power of the y (see §. 41.), and affords us a new
proof of the unoriginality of the Sanscrit ij ri ; and shews
that in Sanscrit not mri, but mary is the true root, whence
comes, in Latin, mor^ which presents to us in the to, iu^ of
morior, moriuntur, a fine remnant of the Sanscrit passive
character ya il. Compare iu in mor-iu-ntur with the Sanscrit
ya of mri-ya-niL The conjunctive mor-ia-r, mor-id-ris, gives
us still more exactly the character of the Sanscrit passive,
only that here the Latin d appears long, inasmuch as it has
absorbed the modal exponent i. The Lithuanian also has,
in the said verb, preserved the passive character, which we
have already (§.500.) recognised in gemmu from gem-yu^
" I am bom," gim-yau, " I was bom." So we have mir-
taw, " I died," while the present mir-sztu, " I am dying,''
belongs to a different conjugational form. In Latin, too,
may be mentioned /o as a remnant of the old passive. I
divide the word thus,/-;©, and regard it as an abbreviation
o{ fu'io, (just as in Old Persian 6-iyd,t "let him be" =
Sanscrit bhuydt), and therefore analogous to the Sanscrit
* The Gothic also presents a remarkably analogous form to the Sanscrit
jd-yS^ "I am bom," in the isolated form tuMyanata, ^^enatum" (Luc.
viii. 6.), which presupposes in the present us-kiya^ ^^enascor" and there-
fore a simple verb, Art-ya, ^^ nascor," for kiny a, as in Sanscrit, 7'^^^ for
JanyS.
t Euphonic for byd, as y unites very often with a preceding consonant
without a preceding t.
PASSIVES. 987
bhuy6 , exclusive of the middle personal termination of the
Sanscrit. Compare, therefore, f-m-rdf with bhur-ya-ntS, f-ie^t
"with bhu-yi-tOf f-ii-mus with bhu^yi-mahi. As the Sanscrit
passive is frequently used impersonally in expressions like
^ijinrn? sru^aidm, " let it be heard," instead of ** hear thou/'
«llf4|rt|H dsycUdm, "let it be placed,'' 1?% mamri, "let it be
dead,'' I will also here further observe, that in Georgic,
whose grammatical relations with Sanscrit I have elsewhere
pointed outt, such modes of expression are very common,
viz. in the verbs or tenses called by Brosset "indirect,"
whose element of formgition, ia or ie, presents an unmis-
takeable resemblance to the passive character; compare,
e. g., 9^oa6o& m-gon-ia, " it is thought by me " ( = Sanscrit
^^\ ^TO^ mayd jnA-ya-Uf " i^ is known by me ") for " I
think," ^jdogjs^giSos shi-mi-qwareb-ia, "it was loved by
me " = " I had loved " (see "The Caucasian members," &c.,
p. 69). But the common Georgic passive also, where it is
retained, corresponds, in its principle of formation, to the
here mentioned if ya, and most clearly in the third person
plural, e.g., in ^Jogj^jiVosP she-i-qwarebian, " amantur,^^
answering to the active '^SPiSd^S^lfi she-i-qwareben,
** amarUr the termination of which, in its abbreviation,
corresponds to our German forms, as Ueben (from liebent)
1. c. p. 56.
737. Originally the Sanscrit passive character ya may
perhaps have extended over the universal tenses ; and in
roots ending in d or a diphthong I think, even in the pre-
* The passive of bhu '^ to be," must be looked for as impersonal only in
the dd per. sing., as we also find the nent. of the part. fat. pass, in con-
Btmctions of this kind; e.g, (Hit. ed. Bonn. pp. 17- 20.), tava 'nudiarSna
mayd bhavitavyamy "mine is it to be thy attendant "=" I must be thy
attendant." The idea ''to be " is expressed by the active of bkii^ as
hhavdmi means as well '* I become," as '' I am."
t '' The Caucasian members of the Indo-European family of languages.*'
3s^
988 VERBS.
sent state of the language, I recognise a remnant of it,
viz. in the y, which, in the aorist, the two futures, the
precative, and the conditional, precedes the conjunctive
vowel i; e.g., in addyishi, "I was given," ddyitdhS and
ddyishyt, " I shall be given," ddyishiya, " may I be given,*"
addyishyS, " I might be given.*" I am led to this view
principally by the circumstance, that that form of the in-
tensive which, on account of its passive form and active sig-
nification, I term deponent, retains the passive character in
the said tenses and moods after vowels other than d ; hence,
€.g., achichij/ishi, "I collected,'' cUchfyitdhS, cMchiyishbyS,
" I will collect," from fif chi* If the ^ y occurred only
after ^ d, it might be assumed, as was formerly my
opinion, to be a mere euphonic insertion (see smaller
Sanscrit Gram. §. 49'.), as, e. y., in Tflfini V^'V'^^* " g<>i°g»^'
from yd with the suffix in. The reduplicated preterite of
the passive is in all verbs, like the corresponding tense in
Greek, exactly like that of the middle ; so that, e. g., ^^^
dadrisS signifies, as middle, " I or he saw," and as passive,
"I or he was seen." Moreover, the reduplicated preterite
or perfect is that one of the universal tenses of the passive,
which, with the exception of the third person singular of
the aorist, is the only one in common use. I cannot re-
collect to have seen in any author other universal tenses, or
other persons than the third singular of the aorist.*!-
* Before tlie y of the passive character t and u are lengthened, as gene-
rally the y exerts a lengthening power over i and u preceding it, except
when the iy is only a euphonic developcment of i or i, as, e,g,, in bhiyat^
" iimoris" from bhi + as. Ohserve, with respect to the lengthening in-
fluence of the Sanscrit v, that in Latin also^ within a word alone pro-
duces for itself length by position.
t This ends in t, and wants the personal sign, e.g.^ ajaniy ^'he was
bom." In this t might be recognised a contraction of the passive cha-
racter If ya : to this view, however, are opposed forms like addyi^ *' he
wi
PASSIVES. 989
738. With respect to the origin of the passive character
H ya, a .very satisfactory explanation, I think, is given of
it by Sir G. Haughton, wherein he mentions that in Bengali
and Hindustani the passive relation is expressed by an
auxiliary verb, which signifies "to go": '^r^jdnd (from
yAnd, see §. 79.), in Hindustani, and th yd in Bengali ; in the
latter, e. jr., "jrj ht^ kard ydi signifies " I am made," as it
were ** I go in making." Now in Sanscrit both ^ i and m
tfd. Class 2, signify "to go"; but of these it appears best
to keep to the latter root, which, in Bengali, also expresses
the passive relation : and I believe that the shortening of
the syllable ^ yd to it ya is to be ascribed to the root being
burthened by composition, which rendered a diminution of
the weight of the auxiliary verb desirable. The a of the
passive ya is therefore radical, and not, as in the first and
sixth Class, a conjugational aflBx : it follows, however, the
analogy of the class syllable a, just as, according to §. 508.,
the root ^in siM, "to stand/' after its abbreviation to ^
stha subjects its final a to the analogy of verbs of the first
and sixth Class. Through the middle terminations com-
bined with the appended auxiliary verb, and expressing the
reflexive relation, the auxiliary keeps the meaning " to go
oneself"; and while the Bengali hard ydi signifies simply
" I go in making,"' the Sanscrit composite implies more,
viz. " I go (betake) myself in making." Compare the
Latin constructions like amatum iri, " to be gone in love " :
remark, also, veneo in opposition to vendo ; as also the ex-
pressions of such common occurrence in Sanscrit, like " to
was given," because here y is the passive expression : the t, however,
most probably is identical with that of aday-i'Shi^ " I was given," addy-
ishmay ''we were given:" addyi^ therefore, would be an abbreviation of
adayishta,
* In his edition of Manu, B. I. p. 829, and in his Bengali Grammar,
pp. 68 and 95.
990 VERBS.
go in joy/' ** to go in anger," for " to be rejoiced," " to
be angered": we even find grahanan samupdgamat "he
went in seizure," for "he was seized," in the Ram. (of
Schl. I. i. 73.).
CAUSALS.
739. The Sanscrit and Zend causal is, in its formative
character, identical with that of the verbs of the tenth Gass
(see §. 109*. 6.). In explanation of the affix ^n ay, in the
special tenses ^cnr aya, the Sanscrit furnislies the roots ^ i,
''to go," and ^ i, "to wish," "to demand," "to pray":
from both arises, by Guna, before vowels w^ ay, and in
combination with the character of the first Class, ^cnr aycu
The meaning "to wish," "to demand," appears, perhaps,
adapted to represent the secondary notion of the causal
verbs, in which the subject completes the action, not by
the deed, but by the will : thus, e,g„ IcAraydmi, " I cause to
make," would properly mean " I require the making," whe-
ther it were intended that " any one made," or " any thing
was made." But if the causal character springs from a root
which originally signifies " to go," we must then observe,
that in Sanscrit several verbs of motion signify also
"to make"; eg,, vidayAmi might properly signify "I
make to know."
740. Although, as has been remarked (p. 109), all Ger-
man weak verbs are based on the Sanscrit tenth Class, still
that form alone, which has most truly preserved the Sanscrit
aya, viz. that which in Gothic, in the 1st per. sing, pres.,
terminates in ya (Grimm's first weak conjugation), is used in
the formation of causal verbs, or of transitive from intran-
sitive verbs, but not in such a manner that the language,
like the Sanscrit, could form a causal from every primitive
verb, but rather so that it is content with those handed down
from old time. These, in Gothic, agree with the Sanscrit
causals also in this point, that the radical vowel always
appears in the strongest form that the primitive verb has
CAUSALS. 991
developed*. Hence, the weakening of a to f, which the
primitive or strong verbs have frequently experienced in
the present, is not admitted in the causal ; and the vowels
t and u, which are capable of Guna, are Gunized ; and, in
fact, through the original heavy Guna-vowel a, not as in
the present of the primitive through i (see §. 27.). Generally,
in Gothic, the causal exhibits the vowel of the monosyllabic
forms of the preterite of the primitive, yet without its being
possible to say that it is derived from the latter ; but the
causal and the singular of the preterite of the primitive
stand, with respect to their radical vowel, in a sisterly, not
in a derivative relation. Compare, e. g., satya, " I place,''
(R. saf) with sita, " I sit,'' sat, " I sate," and with the San-
scrit causal sddaydmU from the root sad, perf. sasdda ; thus,
hgya, " I lay," from the root lag (liga, ** I lie," lag, ** I lay");
nasya " I make whole," " I heal," from the root nas (ga-nisa,
" I recover," pret ga-nas) ; sagqvya, " I sink, make to sink,"
from the root sagqv {sigqva ** I sink," pret. sagqv) ; dragkya,
" I drank," from the root dragk (drigka, " I drink," pret
dragk) ; ur-rannya, " I cause to go up," from the root rann
(ttr-rinna " I go up," pret. ur-rann). Examples of Gunized
u in the Gothic causal form are the following : ga-drausya,
** I make to fall down," " I throw down," from the root drus
{driusa, " I fall," pret. draus., pi. drusum ; compare Sanscrit
dhvaiis, " to fall," §. 20.) ; lausya, ** I loosen," from the root
lus (fra-llusa^ " I lose," pret -laus, pi. -lusum ; compare
Sanscrit lu, ** to tear away," " to cut off"). So in San-
scrit, e.g., bddhaydmi {6 = au), "I make to know," "I
awaken," from the root budh " to know," " to wake up."
The following are examples of the Gunizing of i to ai : wr-
raisya, '* I set up," from the root r'ls {ur-reisa, " I stand up,"
* Those forms only are admitted which have arisen from the contrac-
tion of reduplicated preterites (see §. 606.) : in Sanscrit, howeyer, the a,
e.^., ofiddaydmi is heavier than the i (=0+1) oisMima.
992 VERBS.
pret, ur-rais, pi. ur-risum) ; hnaivya, ** I lower/' from the
root hniv Qineiva, ** I bow myself/" pret, hnaiv, pi. hnivum).
So in Sanscrit, e. g., v^daydmi (^ S = ai) " I make to know/*
Zend. jfxj^^Aj^soAs^ vaidhayimi*t from vid, "to know.*^
Our new High German causal remains, such as setze,
" place/' lege, ** lay/' senke, ** sink/' are, by reason of ab-
breviations of their endings, no longer to be distinguished
from their primitives, and furnish a remarkable proof of a
corruption of form gradually reaching a point where it
becomes imperceptible. Without the fortunate preserva-
tion of Gothic forms like satya, and other formations of
the Old German dialects, corresponding more or less, it
would have been impossible to trace in the e of setze a re-
lation to the Sanscrit ay&mi of sddnydmi, and hence an
agreement in the principle of formation of the German and
Sanscrit causals. So early as the Old German the causal
character appears much defaced ; e. g., in nerent, " alunt ^
(vivere faciuni) to be found in Notker, for neriant, Gothic
nasyand ; lego ^^pono^ for legio, legiu, Gothic logy a ; legent,
^* ponunir for leglant, Gothic Ittgyand, 1. c.
741. In Old Sclavonic that conjugation corresponds in
which we, in §. 505., have recognised the Sanscrit tenth Class :
it therefore corresponds also to the Indo-Germanic causal
formation : it also contains the verbs which by their sig-
nification alone rank as causals, and to which, as primi-
tive, corresponds a non-causal or intransitive verb. In
accordance with the Sanscrit-Gothic principle noticed in the
preceding §. these casual verbs exhibit a heavier vowel than
the primitive, or they contain a vowel, while the primitive
has lost its radical vowel. Thus, as in Sanscrit, from the
mva
* It often occurs in combination with the prep, ni; j9xi^^aj(Ojoaj9Jj
ivaidhayemi^ according to Anquetil, ^^jeprie;" according to Neriosengh,
rHHv^^lfH Tumantraydmi^ i. e. " I summon" (sec Burnouf, Ya<jna, p. 419).
With regard to the foundation of the S of the termination Smi see p. l>6d,
Note.
CAUSALS. 993
root mart "to die" (in its abbreviated form, ^, which
Grammarians regard as the primitive), comes the causal
mdray&mh "I kill," ** I make to die"; so in Sclavonic,
from the radically abbreviated ^^Ik mru, " I die," comes
a causal, mo^^ moryuj "I cause to die" (Dobr. p. 36l),
which perhaps no longer admits of citation in Old Sclavonic,
but is confirmed by the Russian Mopio moryu. The same
is the case with ba^hth var-i-th "to cook" (trans.), com-
pared with B^'femii vr-ye-ti (intrans.), with b&ahth bttd-i-ti,
"to wake," compared with B'bA'feniH 6W-ye-^«, "to awake"
(Sanscrit hodhaydmi, "I wake," hudhyi, "I awake"). For
the e of the primitive the causal receives the heavier o ;
hence, e,g,<, hoaoAiith po-losch-i-ti, "to lay," compared
with AE^kATH lesch-a-tiy "to lie." The a of sad-i-tU "to
plant," properly " to set," corresponds to the Sanscrit d of
sdd-ayd-mi (Goth, satya, " I set"), while the * ye of CfeCTH
syeS'tu " to place oneself" (euphon. for syed-ti* see §. 457.),
has probably first weakened the short a of the root to e,
and then (as is commonly the case in Sclav.) prefixed a y.
Compare the Lithuanian sidmu "I sit," answering to sodinu,
" I plant," with the remark that the Lithuanian o frequently
supplies the place of the long d, as, e.g., in the nom. pi. of
feminine bases in a {aszwos = Sanscrit asvds, " the mares ").
Here may also be noticed the Irish suidiughaim, " I set,"
"plant" (answering to suidbim, "I sit"), where gh, as
generally happens in the Irish causal verbs, represents the
Sanscrit y (compare p. 110, and Pictet, pp. 148, 149). Of
Sclavonic causals notice also ^acthtii rast-i'tU "to increase,"
properly, "to make to grow,"" {rashye-ii, "to grow"),
* Sanscrit vardhayami^ Zend vareday^mi^ " I make to grow," " I in-
crease." Tlie Sclavonic verb has retained the affix t, whence the radical
d must become s. As, however, the primitive verb had already an a, an
augmentation of the vowel in the causal was impossible. Compare also
the Sanscrit ridh (from ardh\ " to grow," which is probably an abbrevia-
tion of xmrdh.
994 VERBS.
B^CHTH vyeS'Uti "to suspend," (w-ye-tt, '*tohang''), norpfh-
i-tif "to give to drink'' (na prep., pi-ti, "to drink''), pa-ko-
Uti, "to quiet," (po-chi-ti, "to rest"). As the Sclavonic
% ye is the usual representative of the Sanscrit ^ 6=sai
(see §. 255. e.), so is the vowel relation between vyea-i-ii, " to
suspend," and the root vis, "to hang," like that of the
Sanscrit vi^ayd-mi, " I make to enter," to visdmi, "I go in.**
The Sclavonic root vis is also probably identical with the
Sanscrit visf which, in combination with the prep, ftf m
in the causal, signifies, among other things, " to adjoin,"
" to annex," and brings us, therefore, very near the sig-
nification of the Sclavonic causal, viz. " to suspend," as
generally the Sclavonic and Sanscrit roots meet one ano-
ther in the idea of "approaching" (^iftn dvii means
" to approach," "^iilft^ upavls, " to place oneself"). The
formal relation of (na)poitU " to give to drink," to pith " to
drink," cannot be correctly measured without taking in
the Sanscrit ; for from a Sclavonic point of view it would
seem as if poiti had arisen from piii by the insertion of
an o, while, in fact, the o oi poili rests on the Sanscrit d
of the root pd, to which corresponds the Greek w of ircj-di,
neiroiKa, and the o of k-nodYjv, as also the Latin 6 of pd-tum^
pd-iurus, and the Old Prussian uo o( puo-ton, "to drink": the
i of piti is based, like the 7 of the Greek m-di, v<Vc«), on the
weakening which has already occurred in Sanscrit of pd
to pi, whence the passive pi-yai^, " bibitur,'*'' the perf. pass,
part pi'ta-s, " drunken," and the gerund pi-tvd, " having
drunk." The Sclavonic causal has, according to the gene-
ral principle, preserved in po the heavier vowel of the
root, and that which stands nearer to the original d. The
relation o{ po-koiii, "to quiet" {po-ko-i-lU po prep.), to
po^hi-di, " to rest," is, however, of a different kind. For
if, as I doubt not, Miklosich is right (Radices linguae
Sclav, p. 36) in comparing the Sclavonic root mh chi with the
Sanscrit ii (from ki), " to lie," " to sleep," it must then be
CAUSALS. 995
observed that the said Sanscrit root, as also the kindred
Greek root K€7fiou, assumes an irregular Guna augment, which
extends throughout, and which appears in Greek either in the
form of #c6i, or in that of koi (koitij, Koi-ro^t KotfJLa<M>9 see,%. 4.).
To the latter form corresponds the Sclavonic ko of po-ko-i-tu
where, however, the radical vowel is lost, for the following
t is the expression of the causal relation.
742. The form t, in which, in Old Sclavonic, the causal
character for the most part appears, corresponds exactly
to the form into which, in Gothic, the causal ya contracts
itself before the appended auxiliary verb of the preterite
(see §. 623), and before the suffix of the pass, participle ;
therefore, as we have in Gothic, «a^-i-c{a, "I placed," sat-i-th'-s,
"placed" (Gen. sai'i'di's) ; so in Sclavonic, sad-i-ti, "plan-
tarer sad-i-iy, *' plantat,^'' sad^i-shi, *' plardas,'*'' sadA-m, "plan-
tamus,^'' sadr-i'ie, '* planiatis.^'' In the 1st per. sing, and 3d per.
pi. of the pres. I& yu (from yo-m), lATb yaiy (from yardy), cor-
responds to the Gothic ya, yand* Sanscrit ayd-mi, aya-nti,
provided that euphonic laws do not introduce an alteration,
as is the case, e.g., in CAAifi^ saschdu for sadytL In the im-
perative (see §• 626.) the causal character is -lost in the mood
exponent; hence sadi, **plani€s,^^ ** planted'' (Goth, saiyais,
satyai),^AA'^^T>sadye7n, **plantemus,^'' CAA'bTE sadyeie, **plantetis'*
(Goth. satyaima, saiyaith), as nest, ^yeras^ ^yeraV With regard
to the preterite of the Old Sclavonic causal, corresponding
to the Sanscrit aorist see §. 561., where, however, the i of
b&ah;^ bud'i'ch, ** I did wake,'' corresponds, not to the
Sanscrit i of abSdh-i'sham, " I did know," but, as has
already been remarked (§. 562.), to the exponent of the
. causal relation ; while in Sanscrit the aorist is, with the
exception of the precative active corresponding to the
Greek aorist optative, the sole tense in which the Sanscrit
divests itself of the character aya (in the universal tenses
ay). As, however, all causals assume the reduplicated
form of the aorist (see §. 580.), so the incumbrance of the
91)6 VERBS.
root by the reduplication, combined with the augment, is
perhaps the reason of the loss of the causal character :
perhaps even the reduplication is held as compensating for
the causal expression, just as, in Latin, sisfo, opposed to the
unreduplicatcd and intransitive sto, or as in (//^no = Sanscrit
jajanmh " I beget,'' opposed to nascor from gnascor.
743. The Lithuanian very seldom uses for the formation of
causals from primitive verbs the forms contrasted in §. 506.
with the Sanscrit mi aya. The only examples which
occur to me are zindau, " I cause to suck," from iindu^
" I suck," and grdu-yu, " I pull down (make to fall in) a
house," from grum-u, " I fall in like a house." The w of
griiW'U appears to be only a developement from the d, as*
in Sanscrit, forms like babhuvat " I was," " he was," from
bhu. If we take gru as the root, the causal form gr&u-yu
corresponds in its vowel increment to Sanscrit causals like
bhdv'ayd-mh "I make to be," **I bring into existence,"
from bhu, '* to be." The usual termination of Lithuanian
causals is inu (pi. ina-me), by which, as in Sanscrit by aya, are
formed denominatives also, as e.g., ilg-inu, "I make long,"
a denominative causal from ilga-s, " long." The n of these
forms, in departure from that mentioned above (§.496.),
extends over all tenses and moods, as well as to the parti-
ciples and the infinitive ; for I cannot agree with Mielcke
(p. 98. 10.), in considering it to be a deviation from this
rule, that before s (according to Sanscrit principles) it
passes into the weakened nasal sound, which I express,
like the Sanscrit anusvdra, by n (see §. 10.) ; thus, e.g., laup^
sin-su, *' I will praise."
744. Tlie Lithuanian formations in inu agree with the
Sanscrit, Zend, German, and Sclavonic causal verbs in this,
that they love a heavy vowel in the root ; so that many have
preserved an original a, while the primitive has corrupted
that vowel to i or p ; whence they appear to us exactly in
the light of the German Ablaut system (see p. 38, Note).
CAUSALS. 997
Thus, as e.g.f in Gothic, to the intransitive sitd, ** I sit"
(which is a weakened form from sata), corresponds a pre-
terite satf and a causal satya, *' I place "' ; so in Lithuanian, to
the neuter verb mirsztuy " I die,'' answers a causal marinu,
" I cause to die" (Scr. mdraydmi, Sclav, moryu) ; and to the
gem-mu (from gem-yu), ** I am born," represented above
(§. 501.) as passive, corresponds a causal ga-minu, " I beget."
The following are causals, with a answering to the e of
the corresponding intransitive : gadinu, ** I ruin," " kill,"
opposed to genduf nagendu, "I am ruined"; kanhinu, "I vex,"
opposed to kcnvhiUf " I suffer." In the Lithuanian causals
also, in place of the organic a, o is found answering to the e of
the intransitive (as in Sclav., §. 742.); for example, in sodimt,
" I plant," answering to sedmu ** I sit." There is much
that is interesting in the vowel relation of pa-klaidinu, "I
mislead," " bring into error," to pa-klystu, ** I mislead my-
self" (euphon. for pa-klyd-tu), for the y is, in pronunciation,
identical with i ; so pa-klaidinu, in respect to its Guna
form, corresponds very well to the Gothic causals like
hnaivya, "I humble," and Sanscrit, as vidaydmi { = vaidar-
ydmi), "I make to know" (see 109.* 16.). The same is the
case with at-gaiwinu, "I quicken" (properly "I make to
live," compare gywast " living," Sanscrit jiv, " to live "),
the primitive of which, ** I recover myself," " become fresh
again," " lively," is probably an abbreviation of at-gmju ;
waidinus, ** I shew myself" (see §, 476.), contains a stronger
Guna vowel than weizdmu " I see," and corresponds to the
just-mentioned Sanscrit causal v^daydmi. An example of
the manner in which a Lithuanian causal has, just like its
corresponding intransitive, corrupted an original a to e, is
deginu, "uro,^^ answering to the intransitive degu , ^'ardeo^
* In Sanscrit the fourth Class of the root dah {dahydmi ^^ardeo**)
represents the intransitive meaning, and the first Class {dahdmi " uro '*)
the transitive. On the latter is based the Irish daghaim " uro.**
998 VERBS.
745. The circumstance that the Lithuanian formation iiia
(1st per. sing. inu\ like the Sanscrit aya, forms as well eausab
as denominatives, and that the causals so formed, like the
Sanscrit, German, and Sclavonic, prefer a powerful radical
vowel, gives us ground, (in variance from the assertion set
forth at the end of §. 495. which I gladly retract), for seeking
to compare the Lithuanian ina and Sanscrit aya. We might
in the i of ina recognise the weakened form of an original
a, as it appears also in the forms mentioned at §. 506. in
iyu, iya. Tlie n, then, as semi-vowels arc easily inter-
changed, must be held to be a corruption of ^ y*. The i,
however, of ina, inu, as in the forms in iu, plural i-me
{myl-i-me, " we love " §. 506.), might correspond to the San-
scrit y of the derivative aya; so that, e.g., the syllable in
of sod'in-ti, " to plant,'' would be identical with the i of the
Sclavonic sad-i-ii of the same meaning, and with the Grothic
i of sat-i'ia, ** I placed,'' (compare §. 743.). The n of the
Lithuanian form would then be an unorganic afRx, like a rind
which has grown upon the vowel termination of the verbal
theme, according to the same principle by which, in Ger-
man, so many nominal bases have received the affix of n;
so that, e.g.9 to the Sanscrit base vidhavdf **a widow" (at
the same time a nominative, see §. 137.), to the Latin viduot
and Sclavonic vdova^ corresponds a Grothic base viduvdn
(Nom. -1^, §. 140.) ; and to the Sanscrit feminine participial
bases in anti respond Gothic bases in andein (Nom. andei).
If this view be taken, we must then assume that the verbal
theme of sodi (Sanscrit sddat/a), extended to sodiu, has taken
up the character of the Sanscrit first conjugational Class, and
* See §.20. As regards the transition of the y into another liqnid, re-
mark the relation of the German Ldter (labial for guttural, as in Greek
^ap, see Graff, II. p. 80) to the Sanscrit yakrit (from yakart) and Latin
jecur. With respect to the transition of / to n, observe, e. ^., the relation
of the Doric ^vBov to ^Bov.
CAUSALS. 999
has thus entered into the Lithuanian first conjugation ; thus
fodin-a-me, " we plant," as suk-a-me, " we turn,'' In favour
of the first mode of explanation might be adduced the cir-
cumstance that, together with szhwina, " I praise," ** extol,"
exists a 8zl6wiyu;\ which latter is clearly identical with the
Sanscrit irdvaydmi, " I make to hear," and Russian CAasAio
BlavlyUf " I laud." Since in Latin, as I think I have
clearly proved, three conjugations — the first, second, and
fourth — correspond to the Sanscrit tenth Class, we have
reason to look among these for the Latin causals, as already
(p. 110.) moneo has been compared with the Sanscrit mdna-
ydmi and Prakrit mdnimU " I make to think." The causal
meaning, however, is no longer apparent in the Latin moneo,
as it has not any primitive verb corresponding to it, from
which it might have been derived in a regular way, and
one, as it were, often trodden for similar purposes ; for
memini may be regarded as a sister form connected with
it, both in sound and sense, but not as the parent of which
it is the offspring. Sedo, which corresponds to the Sanscrit
causal sddaydmi and its German-Sclavonic sister forms
(sed-d'8'='^T^^pR sdd'a(y)a'Si), might, according to the
sense, be regarded as the causal of sedeo; but the latter is
in form likewise a causal, and there is a want of other
analogous cases for the formation of causals by the change
* Ruhig doubles the n of laupsinu in both the plural numbers and in
the third person singular of the present and perfect. Mielcke, on the
other handy makes no remark, p. 98, 10. with regard to the necessity of
such a reduplication, where it does not already occur in the first person
singular of the present. For the rest it may be remarked, that liquids
especially are easily doubled, and that, e. g.^ in Sanscrit a final n, if pre-
ceded by a short yowel, is doubled in case the word following begins with
a vowel.
t The kindred klatuau, '' I listen," has, like the Greek jcXvo), preserved
the original guttural, which in szJawiyu^ as in the Sanscrit /ru, has been
corrupted to a sibilant . ^ « .
1000 VERBS.
from the second to the first conjugation. In Latin, there-
fore, the three verbs sido, sedeot and sedo, can only be re-
garded as three kindred verbs, which, each in its own way,
are referable to the Sanscrit root sad. To the Sanscrit
trdsaydmi, (Prakr. tdsSmi), " I make to tremble,'' " to fear,"
*' I terrify,'' corresponds terreo by assimilation for terseo,
from treseo. The fourth conjugation presents sdpio as a
form fairly analogous to the Sanscrit causal svdpaydmu " I
make to sleep," {svapimi, " I sleep," irregular for svopmi),
Old Northern svepium, *' sopimus,"'' (singular svep), Old High
German in-«i/f?peM, Russian yCbiHAaiow^ypfay/* . The causal
notion, however, is lost in this sf^pio also, as there is no
intransitive sopo of the third conjugation corresponding to
it as a point of departure. The German dialects have, in-
deed, preserved the primitive (Old High German sM/u).
but it has become estranged from the causal by the ex-
change of the semi-vowel v for I (see §. 20.). In Russian,
on the other hand, chak) splyu, ** I sleep" (euphonic for spyu),
corresponds, as verb of the Sanscrit fourth Class (sec §. 5t}0.),
to the causative wsyplayii (u preposition), the y of which
is based on the Sanscrit u of contracted forms like sushu-
pima, " we slept," supta, " having slept ;" with which, also,
may be compared the Greek im of wrvo^. I here place
opposite to one another the corresponding forms of the
Latin and Old High German languages for comparison
with the Sanscrit svdpaydmi and its potential svApayi-y-am
(see §. 689.) :
sx)dp-ayd^mi, s6p-io, in-suep^iu,
svdp-aya-sif sdp-i-s, in-suep-i-s.
svdp-aya-ti, sSp-i-i, in-suep-i-L
sydp^yd-mas, s&p-i'tnus, in-suep^ia-m,
svdp^ya-tha, sdp-i'tis^ in-suep-ia-t.
svdp-aya-nti, sSp-iu-nt, insuep-ia-nt
The / is-Qii]^ a euphwc affix required by p ; ayu thcrefore=a^ami
CADSALS. ' 1001
8vdp-ay6^'am,* s^p-ia-nh in-suep-ie.X
svdp-ay^s, sdp-iS-Sf-f sdp-id-s, in^tAep-iS-s.
8vdp-<iyi4i sdp-ie-t, sSp-ta't, in-suep-ie,
svdp-ayi-ma, sSp-ii-mus, sSp-id-mus, in-suep-ii-rnhk
svAp-ayirta^ sSp-U-iis, 86p-id-iis, in'Stiep-i^-t
svdp-ay&^'US, sdp-ie-nt, sdp-ia-nt. in-suep-iS'n.
746. In the Latin first Conjugation, which has preserved
the two extremes of the Sanscrit causal character aya in
the contraction d, the verbs necdre, pl&r&re^ lavdre and cla-
mdrCf as well as the above-mentioned seddre, present them-
selves as genuine causals» both in signification and in
origin, though they are no longer perceived to be such by
the genius of the language, since their primitive has either
been lost or estranged in form. Necare, which, specially
regarded from a Roman point of view, must be taken as
the denominative of nex (nec-s), corresponds to the Sanscrit
nds-ayd-mi ** perire fador causal of nai-yd-mif CL 4. pereo.
Another form of •n^nnfk ndsaydmi, with softened meaning,
is noceo. In Greek vckvs and veKpos are to be referred to
the Sanscrit root nas, from nak. I believe I am right in
regarding pl&ro as a corruption of pldw for the reason
mentioned at §. 20. It would consequently correspond to
the Sanscrit pldvaydmi ; properly " I make to flow," fipom
the root plu, ** to flow," which, in the Latin fluo, has ex-
perienced an irregular phonetic modification ; while in pluit,
which belongs to the same root, the original tenuis is re-
tained. In lavare (Greek Xovo)) one of the two combined
initial consonants is lost ; in other respects, however, lavo
corresponds still better thsmpldro to the SsLnscrit pldvaydmi,
" to wash," " to sprinkle " (in middle " to wash oneself,")
on which also is based the Old High German flewiu,^ ** I
* See §. 689. « See §§. 691, 692. t See §. 694.
§ This is, like lavo when compared with its intransitive y7t<o, estranged
from the primitiye^litMrti, ^'I flow," in that it has kept itself free from the
inorganic z (see p. 114).
3t
1002 VERBS.
wash." In Carniolan plev-i-m, " I water," " I dissolve "
(Metelgo, p. 115.), is the regular causal from plav-a-m, " I
swim" (= Sanscrit imfn plav^-mi). Chmo properly sig-
nifies (if I am right in explaining its m as a hardened
form of V (see p. 11&.), " I make to hear," and possesses,
therefore, a concealed affinity to cfoo, icXtJo) and is identical
with the Sanscrit srdv-aydfni (» from jt), '* I make to hear,"
" I speak," with the Zend hAthayi-mi of the same meaning,
the Carniolan slavH-m^ " I praise," (sluyem " I hear "), the
Old Sclavonic caoba& slovlyu (from blagoslovlyu, '* I bless "),
the Russian slavlyuj ** I praise," and the Lithuanian szUwiyu,
id. (see §. 745.).
747. Roots, which in Sanscrit end in d, or in a diphthong
to be changed into 4 receive before aya the affix of a p ;
hence, e.jr., sthdp^ydfnif " I make to stand," from sthd; ydp-
ayd-mU " I make to go," ** I set in motion," from yd.
As labials in Latin are not unfrequently replaced by gut-
turals*, I believe, with Pott (Etymol. F. p. 195.), that the
Latin /ocio should be deduced fronjapiOf and be identified
with the above-mentioned ydp^yd^mi; though properly only
the io of the fourth, and not that of the third Conjugation
( = Sanscrit i| of the fourth Class), corresponds to the San-
scrit causal character. The agreement of forms like capio,
capiunt, capianh &c., and the analogous forms of the fourth
Conjugation, might, however, easily favour a transition of
the latter into the third. The same appears to me to be
the case with /ocio, which I compare with the Sanscrit
bhdvaydmi, " I make to be," " I bring into existence ;"
but in so doing I assume that the e is a hardening of
the radical v\ (see §. 19.). as roots in u in the Sanscrit
causal never assume a p. The Gothic gives us bau-a, " I
* Compare, «. g,, quinque with ptmchan, trevrc ; coqtio with pachamit
viaiTio, Servian jDec^em, " I roast."
t From i2— for du, before vowels &Vy is the Vriddhi form of u; see g. 39.
CAUSALS. 1003
build'" (from bau-ai-m), as the kindred form to the Sanscrit
bhAo^ydrmi and Latin /acto: in the second and third per-
sons, therefore, the character ai of bcm-ai-s, bawai-th,
answers to the Sanscrit aya of bhAvaya-si, bbdvaya-ti.
From a German point of view, however, we could as little
perceive the connection between our bauen, " to build,'" and
bifif " I am,'" as recognise in Latin the a£Sbiity of the roots
otfac-io andyii^t. If, however, I am unable to compare
the c of the said form with the Sanscrit causal p, still I
think I can shew in Latin one more causal in which c takes
the place of a Sanscrit p, viz. doceo, which I take in the
sense of *' I make to know," and regard as akin to disco
(properly " I wish to know "') and the Greek iiaYiv^ hiaaKio.
If the d of these forms has arisen from g (compare ArjfiYfTtjp
from TfjfirJTfjp), then doceo leads to the Sanscrit jMp-aydmU
** I make to know"" (jA-nA-mu " know,"" for jnA-nd-mi), and to
the Persian dd-rw-m, " I know '\ As an example of the
Latin causal, in which the original p has remained un-
changed, let rapio be taken, supposing it to correspond to the
Sanscrit rdpmydmi, ** I make to give,"" * from the root tT rd,
" to give,"" which, in my opinion, is nothing but a weaken-
ing of dd. There also occurs, J»gether with rd, in the
Veda dialect, the form rdst just as, together with dd, exists
a lengthened form dds. In its origin the root Id, to which
are ascribed the meanings "to give,"" and "to take,"" appears
to be identical with rd and dd,
748. To the roots which, in Sanscrit, irregularly annex ap
^ The derivation (elsewhere admitted as possible) from lup (/timp^mi),
"to rive," "break," "destroy" (compare Pott. I. 258), to which rumpo
belongs, is less satisfactory, as a in tlus explanation must be taken as the
Gnna vowel, with the loss of the proper vowel of the root. The Latin,
however, avoids the nse of Gnna, and generally retains the radical vowel
rather than that of Gnna ; e.g. in video^ which is based on the Sanscrit
causal vSdaydmu " I make to know," from the root vid.
3 T 2
1004 VBRBS.
in the causal, belongs ^ ri, i.e. ar (see §. 1.), "to go/' whence
arp-ayd-mif "I move," "cast/' "send'" (sardn arpaydmi, *' sa-
(pitas miUo^*)t with which, perhaps, the Greek epetiro) is con-
nected,* which, however, as causal, should be epenriu), or epei-
Trao), or epeiva^ci (see. §§. 19. 109\ 6.). Inasmuch as the theme
epetir has lost the true causal character, this verb has acquired
quite the character of a primitive verb, just like iawrta, which
Pott has referred, in the same way as the previously men-
tioned Latin jacio, to the Sanscrit ydp-ayd-mi, ** I make to
go.'' If |5/7r-T« does not belong to i«A/p,f ** to throw," but, like
the others, to arpnydmi, it is then a transposed form of tpTr-ru),
749. The Sanscrit root m pd, " to receive," ** to rule,"
assumes, in the causal, I ; hence paldydmL So, in the Greek
fia}Oi(a, oreAAo), ia\Xa>, the second A of which appears to have
arisen by assimilation from y, as aA\o; from oA^o^sGothic
ALYAt Latin aliuSf Sanscrit anya-s (see p. 401). B&XKo),
therefore, is for ^oKyta, from fia (see §. 109^. 1.), the radical
vowel being shortened (e/SdKov), which, however, in the trans-
position I3\iff (fiefi?oj'Ka) has preserved its original length;
^ PcifT might be taken as a transposed form of ciprr, and the c as a
vowel prefix, as, e.g,y in cXaxv-r= Sanscrit laghu-s. Observe, also, that
the fr of o-dXfriy^, which Sonne (Epilegomena to Benfcy's Gr. Roots, p. 24),
identifies with the Sanscrit causal^, belongs to a root, which in Sanscrit
ends in tar (W), viz. to svar (wW), to which Pott also (Et F. p. 225) has
referred it : crdXirtyf, therefore, properly=" making to sonnd." Should,
too, the Lith. stnoilpinu^ " I whistle," notwithstanding its »z fi>r 8, belong
here, then remark the shorter form adduced by Ruhig of the Sd per. sing.
sasunlpya, ^the bird whistles," where pia corresponds to the Sanscrit
forms mpaycUi, such as arpayatiy '^he makes to go," '^he moves."
t The derivation of kahip pre-snpposes an abbreviation of ptnrw from
Kpiwno ; so that p would have taken the place of the Sanscrit sibilant, as
in Kptioov, which Fr. Rosen has compared with the Sanscrit root kihiy " to
rule"; see his Rig Vdda Sanhita, Annot. p. xi., where, too, KpainvSv is
compared with kthipra^ "swift" (firom kship^ "to cast"), and the Latin
crepuMCulum with kshapd^ "night" (better with kshapas).
CAUSALS. 1005
OTeAXo), from oreAyco {eaToXKo), for (TTa\yu>, front ctto (icrra/u/,
r(rr};fu)= Sanscrit «/Ad, which, in combination with various pre-
positions, obtains the notion of movement*; }a7\\<a, from
iaXytd, is to be referred, in a manner different from /aTrro), to
the Sanscrit root m yd, *' to go,'' to which also belongs
TrffjLt, as reduplicated form for yiyrjfu (fut ^o'a)=:tn9ITf«T yd-
sydmi, compare Lithuanian yS-su, ** I will ride ''). Perhaps
ice\-\a) from fC6\-ya)=: Sanscrit chdhydmh ** I move," causal
of the root ^w chal, "to move oneself;"' perhaps, also,
7ro\-\a), from wocX-yo), for 7ra$ya)= Sanscrit pddaydmi, causal
of pad, ** to go,*' to the causal of which may be referred also
the Latin pel-lo as by assimilation from pel-yo. All these
forms, therefore, if our explanation of them be correct, have
lost the initial a of the Sanscrit causal character aya of the
special tenses, and are hereby removed, as it were, from the
Sanscrit tenth Class to the fourth (compare Pott 11. 45.).
As in Greek, verbs in eo), aco (for eyco, aytjn), aJQui, are the proper
representatives of the Sanscrit causal form or tenth Class ; and
as these extend their character also over the present and im-
perfect ; so here, too, may fcoXeo) be considered as a concealed
causal, which, like the Latin clamo, properly signifies " to make
to hear," and answers to the Sanscrit srdvaydmt (s from k).
Accordingly I take KoXeo) as a transposition of xAa-eo) for
750. The Zend, it appears, has no part in the use of
the p, which, according to §. 747., is, in the causal, to be
added to roots in d ; at least I know of no example where
it is found : on the other hand, we find evidence of the
discontinuance of the addition of a p in as^^jui^^jui dkdya,
" make to come," " bring " (Vend. S. p. 55. severil times)
* Observe, also, that together with sthd there exists a root sthal^ and
with pd a root pa/. To sthal belongs our stelle^ "place," Old High Ger-
man stelUiy from stelyu; properly, " 1 make to stand"=Sanscrit stdkiydmi.
1006 VERBS.
= Sanscrit dsthdpaya, from FTT sthd, ** to stand," with the
preposition 4 "to approach." In m^^mj^mjm dstdyoj from
dstd-aydf the a of derivation has coalesced with the radical
vowel; so in Old Persian ^.^^[JH.^.y^. 111^. fyy.y^^^.^yyy
avdstdyam (from ava-astd'ayam), " I restored " (Beh. I. 63.
66, 69.), In Prakrit, on the other hand, those roots also
which end in a consonant frequently take, in the causal, the
said labial, in the softened form of 5, where, however, the
root is previously lengthened by the addition of an a ;
e. jr., jivdMki, " make to live," jivdbidu, " let him make to
live" (see Delius, Radices Prakrit s. r. jiv). In Sanscrit
also, in the unclassical language of popular tales, forms of
this kind occur ; and indeed jivdpaya, for the just-men-
tioned ^'ird&^/ti (Lassen's Anthol. Sanscrit, p. 18), which latter
surpasses the Sanscrit in the preservation of the imperative
termination hi from dJiu In the 1st per. sing. pres. is
found, L Ct jivdpaydmi (Prakrit jivdbSmi), and in the part,
perf. pass. ^Vrd/>i/aA* = Prakrit jivdbidS. Lassen, in men-
tioning these forms, remarks (Institut. linguae Prakrit, pp.
360, 36 1), that causals of this kind still exist in Mahratta ;
and I was surprised at finding myself able to trace the
analogy of these formations even to the Iberian lan-
guages* ; since in Latin, as G. Rosen remarks, the affix ap
(only p after vowels) always gives a transitive meaning to
verbs. Thus gnap, " to unveil," " to make evident," cor-
responds to the Sanscrit jiidpaydmi, " I make to know,"
while gna, *' to understand,'" agrees with the Sanscrit root
W^jnd, "to know." In Greorgian the said causal affix ap-
pears in the form ab, eb, ob, aw, ew, ow, without, however,
the very numerous class of verbal bases which so terminate
being regarded as causals in meaning, which cannot sur-
* See " The Caucasian members of the Indo-European family qf lan-
guages
*»
CAUSALS. 1007
prise us, as in Latin also, and German, the form of
the Sanscrit eausals, or tenth Class, is so prevalent as to
extend over three Conjugations in Latin, and the three
Classes of the weak Conjugation in the German dialects
(see §. 109*. 6.).
DESIDERATIVES.
751. We now betake ourselves to the examination of
the Sanscrit desideratives, which, as has been already
elsewhere remarked,* are retained also in Greek ; if not in
signification, at least in form, in verbs like /Si/SpcSo-iicfa), yiyvu^
(Tica), fxtfiv^CKU), SiSiaKWp StSpiaKta, T/Tpco<ricca, irnria-KCD, iriirpi-
(Tico), 'irt(l>avaK<a, where the guttural is most probably, as in ecKov
and the Old Latin future escitt only a euphonic accompani-
ment of the sibilant, which in all Sanscrit desideratives is
appended to the root, either directly, or by means of a
vowel of conjunction, L The roots beginning with a vowel
repeat the entire root, according to the principle of the
seventh aorist formation (§. 585.) ; e.g., dsis-i-sht'f " to wish
to sit,"' as a weakened form of dsdsish ; arir-ish, " to wish
to go,"' for ararish, from w^ ar (^ ri). So, in Grreek, apa-
pl(rK<a, Roots which begin with a consonant repeat it or
its euphonic representative, with the radical vowel, where,
however, a long vowel is shortened, and the heaviest
vowel a weakened to i (see §. 6.), J according to the same
principle by which, in Latin, the a especially is excluded
from syllables of repetition (see §. 583.). On this account
the i prevails in repeated syllables, and the agreement
* Annals of Oriental Literature (London, 1820), p. 05.
t The appended sibilant is originally the dental (v s), bat, according
to §. 21., subjected to a mutation into sh,
X Though roots with ri in their middle receive an t in the repeated
syllables, still this is based on the original form ar.
1008
VKRBS.
with the kindred forms in Greek is thus the more striking.
We find, e.g., yuyuisdrnU "I wish to contend*" (R. yiidA),
bubhushdmif "I wish to adorn" (R. 6Au«/0» ^ut not jaga-
dishdmi, hut jigadiahdmi, "I wish to speak"; not jafndsdmh
but fHQI^lDl jfjndsdmi, Mid. jijnds^, ** I wish to know," "to
leam," " to inquire." To finfPSlf^ jyndsdmi corresponds in
form the Greek ytyvtixTKUi, and Latin (gjno-sco ; which latter,
like all similar Latin formations, has lost the reduplication.
To mim'nAsdmh desiderative of mnd (memorare, nunciare,
laudare), corresponds fUfiv^aKta, and the Latin reminhcor^
In the special tenses the Sanscrit places an a by the side
of the desiderative sibilant, which, according to the ana-
logy of the a of the first and sixth Classes, is liable, in the
first person, to production (see §. 434.), and also in Greek
and Latin, in the same way as the said class-vowel is
represented (see §. 109.* 1.). I give, for comparison, the
present and imperfect active of iir9FfnfH jfjndsdmi over
against the corresponding forms of Greek and Latin.
PRESENT.
KAN9CKIT.
GREEK.
LATIN.
Sing. jijnd'Sd''mU
yiyvuhCKia,
no-SCO.
jijndsa'Si,
•yiYvci-<r<ce<-y,
no-sci'S.
jijndrsa-ih
yiyvci>-CK€t,
no-sci-f.
Du. jijnd-sd'Vas,
a . • .
jijnd'8a4ha8,
yiyvui-c Ke-^ovt
....
jfjnd'Sa'ias,
yiyvu^a K€-Tov,
...»
Plur. jijud-ad-mas.
ytyvii'^Ko-fxe^f
no-sci-mus.
jijud-^a-^ha,
ytyviUMTKe'Te,
no-sci'tis.
jijnd'Sa-nti,
ytyvcii-a-KO-vTh
no^cu-nt
« Clearly only a transposed fonn of man, "to think," with the radical
vowel lengthened, as, e.g,^ in Greek, ptffKrjKa from /3aX, Trenrowca from
TTCT.
DESIDBRATIVES.
1009
IMPERFFXT.
GREEK.
eYryvcoHTice-y,
LATIN.
SANSCRIT.
Sing. ajijnd'Sa-m,
ajljnd-sa'S,
ajijnd-sa-t,
Du. ajijndrsd^va,
ajijnd-sa'tamf e7<7vcj-(rice-Tov,
ajijnd-sa'tdm, eyiyva>-^Ke-Tt)v,
Plur. ajfjndsd-ma, eytyvuhCKo-fiev,
ajijndsa-taf eyiyvuhCKe-Te,
ajijnd-^a-n, eytyvu^aKo-v^
In the universal tenses Sanscrit desideratives lay aside
only the vowel which is added to the sibilant ; while in
Greek and Latin the whole formation extends only to the
special tenses; and, e.jr., yvui-aia springs from the simple
unreduplicated root, and hence stands in no closer analogy
to the Sanscrit jijuds-i-shydmi. That in Latin the future
noscam departs from the Greek arises from this — that the
future of the third and fourth conjugations, according to its
origin, is only a mood of the present ; and hence, e.g., noscSs
corresponds to the Sanscrit /i^d^^^, and Greek ytyvilxTKoi^.
762. It may reasonably be conjectured that the deside-
rative form is no stranger in Zend, but I am unable
to furnish satisfactory examples. Perhaps the forms
M^)^MiJ^^ jijisanuha and j^jamj^vsj^^ jijisditi, in the
Fifteenth Fargard of the Vend. (Vend. S., p. 431, Anq., p. 393),
are to be referred here. The first-mentioned form, which
Anquetil translates "est vivarder is evidently, like the
Aj»»;9uu^g?fQ) j9?r?^anti/ia, "ask,'' which follows it, an impe-
rative middle ; and j^JM^MiJ^^jijisditt, which Anquetil
renders "on sapprocherar is, like the j^jjoj^c^jq) j)?resd?7«,
" interrogetr which follows it, the 3d per. sing, of the con-
junctive active. Perhaps as^^Jla/juo^h^^ jijisanuha may
correspond to the Sanscrit ftf^nr^ jyndsasva, " inform
thyself,'' and j^jMSJAiJ^^ jijisditi be based on a to-be-pre-
1010 VERBS.
supposed Let-form ftniTRrrfk jijndsdti ? I will not venture
to decide this point, any more than as to the forms which
occur in the same page of the Vend. S., j^W)^jj^^m^j^
mimarhanuha, and j^jauju^^j^^j^ mimarecsdUh which like-
wise have the appearance of desideratives. As regards
the origin of the desiderative character s, it is probable it
springs, like the s of the auxiliary future and of the aorist
of primitive verbs, from the root as of the verb substantive.
Compare, e.g., didik-shdmi, "I wish to shew,"' with dSk-
shydmi, " I will shew/' and adidik-sham, " I wished to shew,''
with the aorist adik-shanh and the imperatives of the aorist
mentioned above (§. 727.) like bhusha, vAshatu,
INTENSIVES.
75a Besides desideratives, there is in Sanscrit another
class of derivative verbs, which receive a reduplication,
viz. intensives. These require a great emphasis on the
syllable of reduplication, and hence increase the vowels
capable of Guna, even the long ones, by Guna, and lengthen
a to d; f-g^i vivSimi (or ~ v6vi&imt)t plural vSvismas, from
vii, *' to enter ;" didipmi (or didipimi) from dtp, " to shine ;"
IdlSpmi (or lolupimi) from lup, "to cut off;" bdbhushmi (or
bdbhushimi) from bhush, " to adorn ;" sdsakmi (sdiakimi),
from saky " to be able." As in Greek co is a very frequent
representative of long a (see §. 4.), so, as has been else-
were remarked Glossarium, Sanscr. a. 1830, p. II3), Tw^afco
has quite the build of a Sanscrit intensive, only that it is
introduced into the co conjugation. In TraiTraAAo), SatSaWu>9
* After the analogy of verbs of the third Class, regard being had to tlie
weight of the personal terminations (see §.486.). To the light termi-
nations, beginnmg with a consonant, t may be prefixed as conjunctive
vowel, when, however, the Gnna of the base syllable is dropped ; hence,
e.g,y vMsimi.
INTENSIVES. 1011
'trou(l>d(r(r<ji}f fxaifidCia, fiatfi&a'a'<a, the insertion of an i in the
syllable of repetition supplies the place of the lengthening of
the fundamental vowel ; so in ironrvvta (R. ttvv, Trveco, from
irveFoi, fut. Trveucra)), fwijivaui, fxoifwWfji}, where the v of the
root is, in the syllable of repetition, replaced by o, since vt
does not form a convenient diphthong. On this analogy
rests also SolSv^ and KoiKvTOua.
754. Roots beginning with a vowel, of which only a few
possess an intensive, repeat the whole root twice, in such a
manner that the radical a is lengthened in the second place ;
hence a(d/ from at," to go,'' aidi from ai " to eat'' I be-
lieve I recognise a clear counterpart to these intensive
bases in the Greek 07017, though this forms no verb, but
only some nominal forms, as dyoayo^, iytayevs. The case of
the o) for a is just the same as in the above-mentioned
TU)da^(t}, On the other hand, in 6vlvrjiit, imnrrevu^ aTtT6f}0\.t»if
the base syllable has experienced a weakening of the vowel,
like that which enters into Sanscrit desideratives (§. 751.
ad init), which does not, however, prevent me from referring
these forms, according to their origin, rather to intensives
than to desideratives (compare Pott II. p. 75); so also
ahoLKil^ia and eKeKifyi exhibit the same weight of vowel in
the base and in the syllable of repetition.
755. Roots, also, which begin with a consonant and end
with a nasal, in case they have a as the base vowel, repeat
the whole root twice in the Sanscrit intensive, but lengthen
the radical vowel neither in the syllable of repetition nor
in that of the base. The nasal, in accordance with a uni-
vefisal rule of sound, is influenced in the former syllable,
so as to conform itself to the organ of the following con-
sonant ; and in roots which begin with two consonants, only
one enters into the syllable of repetition ; hence, e.jr., dan-
dram from dramy " to run ;" bambhram from bhram, " to
wander about ;" ^HPl jangam from ganif " to go." So in
Greek, itafxipalvci) from (paivoa, the v of which, though not be-
1012 VERBS.
longing to the root, is nevertheless reflected in the syllable
of repetition (see §. 598.). On H^fiV jangam is based, I be-
lieve, the Gothic gagga (i.e. ganga, see §. 89. 1.); so that
therefore ganh in the syllable of the root, has lost the ter-
mination am , and gagg has entirely assumed the character
of a root, which in High German has produced a new re-
duplication (Old High German, giang from gigang, our
gieng^ see §. 592.). And in the formation of the word, gang
holds as an independent root; whence, in Gothic, jroA-fsf,
"gait^' (inna-gahis, fram-gakts). The Lithuanian presents
iengiu ** I step,'' as analogous form t.
756. Some Sanscrit roots also, which do not end in a
nasal in the intensive, introduce a nasal into the syllable
of repetition ; e.g.^ chanchal (or chdchat) from chah " to move
oneself ;"" pamphvl from pAai " to burst,'" with the weaken-
ing of the a to II in the base syllable ; so chanchur from
char, " to go."*' As liquids are easily interchanged, it may
be assumed that here the nasal of the repeated syllable is
only a changed form of the radical liquid / or r. So in
many Greek reduplicated forms ; as, Tr/fiTrAjy/iu, TrtfxTrprjfjit, yty-
•ypaiVco, ylyyKvfjLo^y yayya\i^u>, yayypatva, rovdopv^u), rai/-
Ta\ev(a, TevdprjSci>v, ire/i^pT/^cov. The following are examples
in which the liquids remain unchanged in the syllable of re-
petition : fiapfJLatp<a, fiopfxvpu), fxepfxepo^f fxepfxaipc^, ^epfjLtfpl^cii,
KapKatpia, yapyatpu), l3opl3opv^<iii, itopf^vpa, itoptfivpiti. Com-
pare with these the intensives of those Sanscrit roots in at
which contract this syllable in the weakened forms to ^
ri : these, in the active of the intensive, repeat the whole
root twice, except when this begins with two consonants, in
* The final a is the class syllable ; dd per. pi. yagg-a-nd,
t Eaphonic for gag-ts, the nasal being rejected. With respect to the
suffix, compare the Sanscrit ga-H-s, "gait," for garUx-a^ see §. 91.
X In Lithuanian k often stands for the Sanscrit g or 7. Compare, e. g,^
xadaSy " speech," with the Sanscrit gcui, " to speak."
INTENSIVBS. 1013
which case only one enters into the syllable of repetition ;
e.jr., dar-dhar-mu pi. dar-dhri-mas, from dhar, dhrU " to stop/'
" to carry T' but s&smarmu according to the universal prin-
ciple, from 9fnar, smri, "to remember.'* To dardharmi,
potential dardhriydmt 3d. per. dardhriydt ([from dardhary&m,
dardharydt), corresponds the Zend, daredairydt in a pas-
sage of the Vendidad (Vend. S. p. 46a) . ^j7^^l^ . a)(xm>h9
(»Mi^yj>sjl^9 yatha vehrkd chaihwarezangrS barethrydt hacha
puthrem nischdaredairydt ** as the fourfooted wolf tears away
(carries ofi) the child (the son) of her who bore him (the
mother ?) : according to Anquetil (p. 407), " comme le loup
h quatre pieds erdeve et dicldre t enfant de ceUe qui a porti
(cet enfaniy''. If, however, MAAs^^jAs^^^M^cbjy nischdaredairydt
does not come from the Sanscrit root dhart dhfu it springs
from ^ dar (^ dfi), " to split,"' " tear asunder '' (Gr. Se/oco,
Gothic taira) ; whence, in the Veda dialect, the intensive
dardar (see Westerg. R. c df f), in classical Sanscrit dddar.
The first derivation, however, appears to me fer the more
probable : at all events, the form in question is a sure proof
that in Zend also intensives are not wanting.
757. Some Sanscrit roots, which have a nasal as their
last letter but one, take this in the syllable of repetition ;
hence, e. g., bambharymi from bhanj, " to break C dandansmi
tromdansp "to bite" (Gr. Jaic); chan-t'skandmi from skand,
"to mount'' (Lat. scando); the latter with i! as vowel of
conjunction between the syllable of reduplication and that
of the base, as also in some other roots of this kind, and
at will, also, in those roots in ar which admit a contraction
to ri, and which nevertheless may assume a short t instead
of a long one; hence, e.g., char-i-karmU or char-i-karmi,
with char-karmif from kar, Jtri " to make."
* With regard to the e inserted in daredairydff see §. 44.
1014 VERBS.
768. The intensive forms pan-i-pad and pan-i-pat, from
pad, " to go/' and pal, " to fall '" (Pan. VII. 4. 84.), appear
obscure. In explanation of these it may be assumed,
that together with "q^ pad and in^ pat there have existed
also the forms pand and pant with a nasal, as together
with many other roots which terminate in a simple mute
there exist also those which have prefixed also to their
mute the nasal corresponding to their organ ; as, e.g., panth
with path, "to go.''* Together with dah "to burn,''
exists also a root ^ danh; and hence may be deduced the
intensive form dandah (Pan. VII. 4. 86.), to which the
Gothic tandyOf ** I kindle " (with the causal character ya,
see §. 741.), has the same relation, as above (§. 755.) gagga =
gangot *' I go," to Janganu'\
759. In Latin, gingrio has the appearance of a Sanscrit
intensive, and is by Pott also referred here, and radically
* With panth are connected the strong cases of peUhin, ^' way/' as also
the JjOtin pons, pont'Uy as ''way over a river," and the Slavonic n^Tb
puty, ''.way*' (see §. 226'^.): with peUh is connected, amongst other
words, the Greek Traror (see Glossarinm Sanscr. a. 1847, p. 206).
t With regard to the t for d of taniya, see §. 87. The retention of the
second d of the Sanscrit form dandah is to be ascribed to the infloence of
the n preceding it (compare §. 90.). Remark, also, the form satidya, " I
send^" in which I think I recognise the causal of the Sanscrit root sad,
"to go," {sddaydmi, ''I make to go,") with a nasal inserted. Graff sets
up (IV. p. 685) for the Old High German a root zand {z for Gothic t, and
t for d^ according to §. 87.), which he likewise endeavours to compare
with the Sanscrit dah, but without finding any information as to the n
and t through the intensive form 1^9^ dandah. On the primitive root
dah, if not on the causal form ddhay^ is based also the Old High Crerroan
dah't or tSh-t (our Dochty Dacht\ which by more exact retention of the
radical consonants is completely estranged from the intensivcs (in mean-
ing causals) zand or zant. Initial Medi» remain in German frequently
unaltered, e. g,y in the above-mentioned gctgga^ " I go"=^angam ; while
the Gothic root qoaniy ^'to come" (^mmo, ^vam), which is based on the
primitive gam, has experienced the regular change of Mediae to Tenues.
INTENSIVES. 1015
compared with gri, i. e gar, gir (whence gir, '* voice '').
The syllable of reduplication exhibits n for r, as in Sanscrit
chanchuTf and similar Greek forms (§. 756.). To girdmi
(also gUAmi), '* deglvJtior belong, amongst other words, the
Latin guh, and gurgidio, which latter, in its repeated syllable,
replaces the liquid / by r.
760. The passive form of the Sanscrit intensive has
usually an active meaning, and then, by Indian Gram-
marians, is regarded according to its formation, not as
passive, but as a particular form of the intensive, which
I nevertheless call deponent, as in its origin it is evidently
nothing else than passive. This appears more frequently
in classical Sanscrit as the form without ya> yet still sel-
dom enough. I know of no examples besides "^ra^
chanchuri/anti, " they convey " (Mah. I. 1910.), from ^r^ char
(see §. 756.), lilihyasi, " thou lickest,'' from lih (Bhagavad-G.
11. 30.); didipyamdna, "shining,'" from dtp (Nal. 3. 12.
Draup. 2. 1.). In dddhuyamdna (1. c), from dhu or dhu,
the passive form has also a passive signification. Of the
form without ya there occurs the participle present UlihaU
Mid. UlihAna " licking,'' Mah. III. 10394, 12240. The Veda
dialect makes more frequent use of the active form of the
intensive : the following are examples : ndnadaiU ** they
sound,"* Rig. V. I. 64. 8. 11.; abhipra-nSnumaSf ** we praise,"
from nu (prep, abhi, pra, 1. c. 78. 1.) ; jdhavimi, "I sunmion,"
with { as vowel of conjunction (see §. 753. note), from hu,
as contracted form of hv^, 1. c. 34. 12. ; d-navindt, " he
moved," " stirred," from nud, " to move," " to drive "
(prep. 4 Rig. V. V.f
* AH reduplicated fonns, which combine the personal terminationa
direct with the root, suppresa the n of the Sd per. pi. (compare §. 459.).
To the root nod corresponds the Welch nadu^ " to cry."
t See Westeig., Radices, p. 45, and root nt^ to which &nat/in6t likewise,
according to its form, might belong ; the meaning, however, in the pas-
sage
/
1016 VERBS.
DENOMINATIVES.
761. Denominatives are not so frequently used in San-
scrit as in the kindred languages of Europe. Their for-
mation is effected either by the addition of the character
of the 10th Class, or by the affix ya^ sya, and asya ; both
which latter ought probably to be divided into s-ya and
ca-yot so that in them the root of the verb substantive
as is contained, either entire or after dropping the vowel
(compare §. 648.). As the Latin verbs of the 1st, 2d, and
4th conjugations are based on the Sanscrit 10th Class
(§. 109*. 6.), forms like laudrA-s , nomin-d-s, lu-min-A-s, co-
for-d-s, fludu-d'S, (ESturdrS, domin^&'S, regn-d-s, sorori-d-s'f,
caen-d'S, plant^-d-St pisc-d-ris, oRi-i'Sf calv-^-s, can-^-s, miser -
i-ris, feroc-i'S lasciv-i-s, lipp-i-Si aborf-i'S, fin-i-s^ sU^'i-s,
correspond to Sanscrit forms such as kumdr^'aya'Sh " thou
playest,'* from kumdra, " a boy f ' t sukK-aya-si, " thou
sage cited leads to the root nud : the /, therefore, of the form in ques-
tion is not a sign of the person^ bat radical (euphon. for (/), since the per-
sonal character of the 2d and dd pers. sing, of the imperf., according to
§. 94., cannot combine with roots ending in a consonant ; hence, e. g,,
ayunah^ *' thou didst bind," and '' he bound,'' for ayunaJuhy ayunakt (see
smaller Sanscrit Grammar, §. 289). With respect to the syllable of redu-
plication, the form dhnavA-nJbt for dnSnSt is remarkable on account of the
insertion of an f, as, according to grammatical rules, such an insertion
occurs only after r and n, see §. 767>, and smaller Sanscrit Grammar,
§§. 600. 601. 608.
* I give the 2d per., as the 1st exhibits the conjugational character less
plainly, and presents the least resemblance to the other persons.
t From torariust not from soror ; for from the latter would have come
9ororo^ not $orono.
^ The Indian Grammarians wrongly exhibit a root kum&ry *' to play " —
which, if only for the number of syllables, is suspicious — and thence derive
kumdra, " a boy ;" in which I recognise the prefix ku, which usually
expresses *' contempt," but here ^* diminution," and mdray which does not
occur by itself, but is joined with martya, "man," as ''mortal." In
general there occur, among the roots exhibited by Indian Grammarians,
many
DENOMINATIVES. 1017
rejoicest,'' from sukha, " contentment f ' ydktr-^ya-si, " thou
eneirclest,'' from ydkfra, " band" (R yuj " to bind") ; ksham-
aya-si, "thou supportest," from kshama, "patience."
From these examples we see that in Sanscrit also the
final vowel of the base word is rejected before the verbal
character; for otherwise, e.g., from ydkira-aya-si would
come ydktrdyasi. That in Latin forms like coen-d-s the
d does not belong to the base noun is seen from this, that
the final vowel of bases of the second declension is rejected
before the verbal derivatives d, S, and i ; hence, regn-d-s,
calv-i-s, lasciv'i-s. As to the retention, however, of the
organic u, viz. that of the fourth declension before d (aestit-
d'S, fludu'd's), I would remark, that in Sanscrit also u shews
itself to be a very firm vowel, inasmuch as it maintains
itself before the vowels of nominal derivative suffixes ; and,
indeed, it moreover receives the Guna increment, while a
and t, 1. 6. the heaviest and lightest vowel, are dropped ;
hence, e.g., mdnav-a-s, " man" (as derived from Manu), from
manu ; ^Nw sauch-a-m, " purity," from vrf^ suchi, " pure ;"
ddsarath'i'S, " Son of Dasaratha," from dasarathcu Before i,
however, in Latin, the u of the fourth declension disappears
in denominative verbs, as in the above-mentioned abori'-i-s.
762. As a consequence of what has been said in the
preceding §., I believe that a suppression of the vowel of
the base noun is also to be assumed in Greek denomina-
tives in aco, eco, oa>, a^co, i^o). I therefore divide, e. g., ayop*-
afo)*, dyop*'ao'fiat, fiop^*'6ia, Kvica -ocj, iroKefi-ou}, iroKefx-eu),
many denominatives, amongst them also sukk^ ^^ to rejoice," which con-
tains the prefix su (Gr. cv), as certainly as ^v dulikh, ^* dolore afficere,"
(from duAkha^ ^^ smart,") contains the prefix fiftM=Greek bvs. By the
Indian Grammarians, however, dtdUc/i likewise is considered as a simple
root.
* I have already, in §. 502., pointed out another mode of viewing the
forms a^b) and (fa>, bat in §. 603. I have given the preference to the
3 u above
1018 VERBS.
TfoXefjL't^u), and recognise in the a of a^co the Sanscrit a of
ay&mU and in the f the corruption of i^ y, as in i^evyivfxi
compared with the Sanscrit iny yuj and Latin jmigo (see
§. 19.) ; while in forms in aa>, eco, oo), the semi- vowel is sup-
pressed ; and, moreover, in the two last forms the very
common corruption from a to e, o has taken place (§. 3.).
It admits of scarce any doubt that in forms in t^u> also the
I is only a weakening of a ; for though the weakening of
a to t is not so frequent in Greek as in Latin and Gothic,
still it is by no means unprecedented, and occurs, to
quote a case tolerably similar to the one before us, in
?t<Wi i^ofioup compared with the Sanscrit root sad, " to place
oneself,"* Gothic SjiT. (sUa, " sai")-
763. The lightness of the vowel i may be the reason why
the form in i^a> has become more used than that in a^o), and
that those bases which experience no abbreviation before the
denominative derivative element by the relinquishment of
tlieir final letter admit scarce any letter but i before f ; hence,
e,g,f woJ-Zfco, dyiav-i^ofiatf aKOvr-i^ta, avSp-i^u), aifiaT'tXu>,
d\ofc-/(ci), Yi/voi^c-Zfca, du>paK'i^<a, Ki/v-Zfco, /zi/wTr-ifw, Kepar-lJ^ia,
KepfxaT'il^oit ep/LuxT-Z^o) ; e/o/x -afco, ovofi-di^ta, yovv-a^ofxou *,
which, I think, ought not to be divided epfxa-^ta, 6vofxa-^u>; so
easy is it, from the point of view of the Greek in particular,
to identify the a of ipfia^cj, ovofxi^u), ayopi^ia, dyopaofxat, and
the like, with the a of the base noun. For then the analogy
of these verbs with lir-n^'d^ofiat, Kiff-a^ia, e/V-ofo) (from the
base etKOT), ei/Ji'-ao), yevei^au), Tre\eK-a<o, ve/zecr'-da), and with
the Sanscrit denominatives in aya, would be unnecessarily de-
stroyed ; for as o and 17, and occasionally t; and 1, are dropped
above, and do so now with the greater confidence, as the other members
also of our family of languages, the denominatives of which I had not
then considered, follow tlie sixmc principle.
* Not from yow, but from the base yovvar, whence •yovvor-op, yovvttr-a.
DENOMINATIVES. 1019
before the derivation aw, afw*, there is nothing more natural
than that a also should give way before the same. But as
bases in a and rj (from a, see §. 4.) produce principally de-
nominatives in ao), a^o), and those in o principally such as end
in oa>, (^(a, from this the influence of the final vowel of the
base noun on the choice of the vowel of the derivative may
be inferred ; a and if favour the retention of the original a,
while o, which is itself a corruption of a, readily permits the
a of the derivative to be weakened to o, in which it seems to
re-appear unchanged, but which (if we wish to allow in its
full extent the transmission of apparently autochthonic Greek
forms from the time of the unity of language) presents no
obstacle to our placing on the same footing as regards their
principle of formation, verbs like •7ro\€/x(o)-oa), ;^i><j(o)-oa),
ayKv\(p)-6(»), and such as aliiaTOG), dppev-ooi, Trujo-oo), KaTo<l>pu^
00), 9a\a(r(r(a)-oa>, fcvi(r(r(a)oa>,and to our recognising such verbs
as dyop{ayao'fiat, To\/x(a)aa), 5i>/r(a)-d£0, i/iK(>;)-aa), as analogous
with Kvv-acjt yevetipYacj, Ax>%(o)-da), dv7t(pyi<a, i/e/ie<T(/)-dc«), ttc-
A.6fc(t/Vda>. The proposition appears to me incontrovertible
tliat the Greek denominatives in a^w, au>, eta, ota, i^^ico, corre-
spond to the Sanscrit in aya (1st per. ayd-mi, Zend ayS-mi) ;
and that, as in Sanscrit, Zend, and Latin, so also in Greek, the
final vowel of the theme of the base noun is, for the most
part, suppressed before the vowel of thederivativef : where,
however, it is retained, which is only at times the case with
I and i;, the vowel of the verbal derivative also remains after
it {Srfpt'do-fjLat, offipv-ou}, iydv-dtS), Forms like 8rjpl'0-fxai, fxvjTi"
O'fxat, fjLfjvl-(a, iiedifia, iaKpv-ia, belong to another class of de-
nominatives, which exists also in Sanscrit, of which hereafter.
764. In German, also, the final vowels of nominal bases
* Examples, in which t and v are retained, are icXavo-i-aoD, oicpt-do),
t G. Cor tins is of a different opinion (^'•Contrihutiona to the Covparison
of Language" pp. 119, 120).
3u2
1020 VERBS.
are suppressed before the vowel or y (for ay) of the verbal
derivative, which is based on the Sanscrit aya; hence,
in Gothic audatj-yoy ** I account happy,*" from the base
audoga (nom. audag'-s, see §. 135), " happy f' gaur-ya, ** I
sadden," from gaura, nom. gaur-s, " sad ;" slcnfC-ya, ** I
make," from ska/ii, " creation,^' nom. skafl^-s ;" manv-ya,
"I prepare," from manvu, nom. manvu-s, "ready;" maurihr-
ya, ** I murder," from maurthrat nom. maurthr (see §. 153.)
murder ;"f iagr-ya, "I weep," from iagra, nom. tagr-s,
a tear," (Greek SuKpv, Sanscrit asruf from dairu). Among
those Gothic denominatives which have retained in the pre-
sent the last syllable of the Sanscrit derivative aya, the
verb vfdrskadv-ya, '* I overshadow,'^ stands alone, since this
verb has retained the final vowel of the base skadu (nom.
-w«) before the verbal derivative (with euphonic change into
v)f while other bases in u follow the general principle ;
hence, thaurs*-yan, ** to thirst " (impers. thaursyiih mik, I
thirst," literally, " it is a thirst to me,") from thaursu
(nom. -M^), ** drj' ;" daviK-yth " I slay," from dawthu-s,
** death ;" X as in Greek, davar'-oo) from davaro. Tlie follow-
ing are derivatives belonging here, and springing from
bases ending in a consonant : namn-ya, ** I name," from
naman (nom. namd, see §. 141.) ; and aug^-ya, ** I shew," from
augan (nom. aug6), *' an eye." The former, like the Latin
noftiin-Of and Greek forms like a/'/naT-do), alfxar-l^u), preserves
the final consonant of the base, but has, however, admitted
an internal abbreviation, like that of the Sanscrit weakest
* This does not occur in the simple form^ but compounded: ga-
skaff-s, '* crt-atioii," "creature;" ufar-skaJV-s, '* commencement."
t Compare Sanscrit mdr-ai/afni, " I make to die ;" the Gothic suffix
//<ra==Sanscrit tra, of which hereafter.
I Scarcely from dauth{a)-8^ " dead," for the Old High German clearly
comes from tod (theme tCda), " death," not from tot (nom. masc. tot^r)^
"dead."
DENOMINATIVES. 102 1
case (ndmn-as, '* nomin is ''''): on the other hand, aug-ya (for
augan-ya or augin-ya) follows the principle already men-
tioned in §. 503., by which Sanscrit denominatives are
governed, such as varm-fiyil-mu "I harness," for varman-
ayd-mi, from varman. Compare, besides the Greek forma-
tions discussed /. c, also derivatives from comparatives ; as,
^eA.Ti{oi')-da), /Liei(oi')-oa), e\a(r(r(ov)-da), KaKt{ovy6u),* In Greek,
also, bases in 2 reject their final consonant, together with
the vowel preceding it, which is the less surprising, as this
class of words has in the declension, too, preserved but
few traces of the <t of the base (see §. 128.). Hence, itXyjp
(e<r)-da), from itXrjpe^ (see §. 146.); a\7(e<r)-ea), from a^Yef;
d(rdev(e<r)-ea), from daOeve^; T€U]^(e<r)-/fa), from reu^ej; yrjp-
(a<r)-aw, from 7i;pa9 (§. 128.).
765. We return to the Gothic, in order to adduce some
denominatives from Grimm's second and third conjugations
of weak verbs. Tlie second conjugation, which exhibits 6 ~d
(§. 69.) for the Sanscrit aya, and has therefore, like tlie
Latin, first rejected the tj y of ay a, and then contracted
into one long vowel the vowels which, by the loss of the
y, touch one another, yields, e.g,, Ji^ilc'd-s, "thou fishest,"
for comparison with the Latin pisc-d-ris. The Gothic base
Jlska (nom, Jlsk^'S, see §. 135.) has abandoned its «, as the
Latin pisci its i, before the vowel of the derivative (see
§. 761.). The Gothic thiudan-o-s, ** thou reignest," from
the base thiudana (nom. -n-s), " king,*" resembles, in its
principle of formation, the Latin domin-d'S, as the Gothic
first strong declension masculine and neuter and the Latin
second on one side, and the Gothic second weak conjuga-
tion and the Latin first on the other side, are in their
origin fully identical. To Latin denominatives fix)m the
first declension, like arn-d-s (see §. 761.), correspond Gothic
* On the other liaiid, TrXeov-afo), not 7rV*-afa).
1022 VERBS.
verbs of the same class ; as, fairin'S-s, * thou blamest,"
from the base fairind (nom. ^na), " blame/^ To aesiu-d-s,
fludu'd-89 corresponds lusf-d-s, from the base lustu, ** desire/'
"longing,"' with the rejection of the u, however, of the
nominal base. Bases in an weaken their a to i, as in the
genitive and dative ; hence, frauyin-S^St ** thou reignest,''
from frauyarif ''lord**' (nom. yratiya, gen. frauyins), as in
Latin, nomin^d-St lumin-A-s (§. 761.); so gudyinrd-Sy "thou
administerest the priest's office,'' from gudyaih nom. fftuiya,
" priest." Some bases terminating in a add n before the
formation of a denominative, and likewise weaken the a of
the base to i ; thus, skalkinrd-s, " thou servest," from skalka,
nom. skalk^'St " servant," gen. skaUci-s (see §. 191.) ; hdrin-^'S,
^otxevet^t from hdra, nom. hdr-Sf "adulterer;" reikin-d-s,
" thou rulest," from reikya, nom. reiki (see §. 153.), " riclL"
That class of weak verbs which has contracted the Sanscrit
aya to aU and stands on the same footing with the Latin
second conjugation (Grimm's third weak conjugation), pre-
sents, e.g.f arrn^'Sf " thou commiseratest," from arma,
nom. arm-a ; as, in Latin, miser -^rU from miseru (miser for
miseru-s); gorhvciT-ai'S, "thou stay est," from hveil4, nom.
hveila, "time," "delay."
766. The Sclavonic uses, for the formation of denomina-
tives, that conjugational form which corresponds to the
Sanscrit tenth Class. But, as has been remarked in §. 505.,
not only Dobrowsky's third conjugation belongs to the
Sanscrit verbal class just mentioned, but also the greater
portion of those verbs which, in §. 500., I wrongly classed
all, without exception, under the Sanscrit fourth Class ;
whilst I can now recognise as sister forms of the Sanscrit
fourth Class, of Latin verbs like capio, and Gothic like
vahs-yOf " I grow," only such verbs of Dobrowsky's first
conjugation as combine the formative elements commen-
cing with a consonant ; for example, the ch of the preterite,
the / and v of the participle preterite active, and of the
DENOMINATIVES.
1023
gerund preterite, as also the suffixes th ti and Ti* t of the
infinitive and supine, direct with the root, a circumstance
which occurs only with respect to a few roots terminating
in a vowel; e.g., from nw, **to drink" (Sanscrit j?^, Class 4,
middle), comes niil&pi-yi/, "I drink'' (Sanscrit pf-y^), nuKmn
pi-ye-shi, "thou drinkest'' (Sanscrit pi-ya-si), nn^t pi-ch^
" I drank," nuAi* j!>^-/, " having drunk," nuBi* pi-v (gerund),
nuTH pi-ti, " to drink," sup. ohti* pi4. Those verbs, how-
ever, in I& yu or AJ& ayu, which, in the said forms, inter-
pose an a between the root, or the verbal theme, and the
formative element which follows (Paradigm B. of Do-
browsky), I am now of opinion must be compared with
the Sanscrit tenth Class ; so that yu, and more fully ayu, of
the 1st person, corresponds to the Sanscrit ayd-mi and
the Lithuanian oyu, uyu, iyu (see §. 506.). Compare, eg.,
piiiAA^^ ryd-ayu, " I lament," with the Sanscrit causal
rdd-aydmi, " I make to weep" (R. rud, " to weep"), and the
Lithuanian raud-oyu*, "I lament"
SANSCRIT.
rdd-ayd-mU
rdd-dya-si,
rdd-aya-fi,
SINGULAR.
OLD SCLAVONIC.
ryd-ayu,
ryd-aye-shh
ryd-aye-ty.
LITHUANIAN.
raud'oyu.
raud-oyi.
raud-oya.
rdd-ayd-vasj
rdd-aya-thas,
rddraya-taSf
DUAL.
ryd-aye-va,
ryd-aye-ta,
rydraye-ta,
raud'Oya-wa.
raud-oya-fa.
raud'Oya.
* As the Sanscrit d is a contraction of au, so in this respect the
Lithnanian form corresponds still more than the Sclavonic to the Sanscrit
caosai. The Sclavonic 1*1 y corresponds (according to §. 225. c.') to the
Sanscrit radical u.
1024 VERBS.
PLURAL.
SANSCRIT. OLD SCLAVONIC. LITUUANIAN.
rdd-ayd-mcuf, ri/d-aye-m, raud-oya-me.
rdd-aya'thOf ryd-aye-ie, raud-oya-fe.
rdd-aya-nti. ryd-ayuly , raud-oya.
767. Both in Sclavonic and in Lithuanian the y of this
conjugational class is dropped before the formative elements
which begin with a consonant, and then, in Lithuanian, only
the is left, and, in Sclavonic, the more ancient a, which
corresponds to it; hence, the infinitive in Lithuanian is
raud'O-tU in Sclavonic ryd-a-fi, and the future in Lithuanian
raudro-siu The Sanscrit, on the contrary, preserves the n y
before formations beginning with a consonant, by the in-
sertion of a vowel of conjunction, viz. i ; hence, rdd-ay-i-
shydmi corresponding to the raud-o-su just mentioned ; and
in the infinitive rdd^y-i-ium answering to raud-o-ti, ryd-
a-ii^t sup. piyiAATi) rydr-a^t The verbs under Paradigm
B. in Dobrowsky and Kopitar have lost, in the present
and the forms connected therewith, the a of the class
character, and retain only the y {ghgoUyu, " I speak," for
gtagol-ayu) before formations beginning with a consonant,
but exhibit the a in other places, in accordance wdth the
verbs which have ayu in the present ; thus, e.g., rAAroAA^-b
ghgol-a-ch, " I spoke,"" glagol-a-ti ** to speak,'" like p'biAA;^^'b
ryd-a-ch, piJiAATii ryd-a-ti. The Lithuanian presents no
forms analogous to verbs like glagol-yu, since forms like
myl-iu, plural myl-i-me, correspond to Dobrowsky"s third
conjugation (e.g., vol-yu, plural vd-i-m, see §. 506.), while
forms like penu, hikau, plural pen-a-me, laik-o-me (see
§. 506.), exhibit the Sanscrit aya in the abbreviated form.
* From rydayo-nty^ see §. 265. g.
t I do not mean by this comparison to assert that the Lithuanian and
Sclavonic infinitive suffix is connected with that of the Sanscrit language.
DENOMINATIVES. 1025
which in raud-oyu, pi»iAAJ& ryd-ayu, enters, save in the
present indicative and its derivatives, only before suffixes
beginning with a consonant.
768. The Lithuanian and Sclavonic nominal bases, like
those of the kindred languages already mentioned, when
they terminate with a vowel, which is generally the case,
reject this before the verbal derivative ; hence, in Li-
thuanian baW'Oyu, "I appear white," baU'-inu, "I make
white," from baU(h nom. -ta-s, " white ;" duwan-oyu " I
bestow," from duwana fem. " gift ;" czysC-iyu, " I purify,"
from czysta, nom., -ta-s, " pure ;" "j* gaiaw-oyu and gataw'-iyu,
" I make ready," from gaiatpa-s, " ready ;" doT-iyu, " I
divide,'' from dali-s, " portion ;" apyok^-iu, " I deride," from
apyoka-s "jest ;" didd'Anu, " I enlarge," from diddi-s; brang^-
inu, " I render dear," from brangu-s. The following are
examples of denominatives in Old Sclavonic : a'^aai^
dyeV-ayu, " I make," a*aa;(^i> dyet-a-ch, " I made," from
A*AO dyeh, " work ;" noAOB^Tb podob'-ye^y, " it is fitting,"
infin. noAOBATH podoh'-a-ti, {rom podoba, " use ;" 3NAMENAI&
J^namena-yu, ** I denote," from ^namen ^namerij nona. Knamya
(see §. 264.), " mark ** (Kopitar Glagol. p. 73.) ; rAAroAl&
ghgot-yu, ** I speak," infin. ghgoV-a-ii, from glagolo, nom.
ghgoU " word." In forms in ifl& uyu, infin. ov-a-ti, the y
u appears to me, in departure from what has been re-
marked at §. 255. h. as a contraction of an or ou (§. 255. f.),
and the v of av-a-ti as the euphonic alteration of the final
element of the diphthong a u = ov. The corresponding
form in Lithuanian is atiyu, the first u of which, before
vowels, likewise changes into its equivalent semi-vowel ;
hence, e. g», nasxt-duiju, " I live in widowhood," from naszte
* Deuominatives in inu have all a causal signification, compare §. 744.
t With the formations in iyu compare the Greek in iCfo=ziy<a, see
§. 762 ; iyu and oyu have the same relation to one another as t(o> and o^cd
have to one another in Greek.
1026 VERBS.
" widow," pret naszt-aw^auy fut. naszt-ati-su. So in Old
Sclavonic; baob&I& vdov-u-yUf pret baoboba^^i vdav-ov-
achy infin. baobobath vdov-ov-a-tU from baobA vdova^
*' widow "' = Sanscrit vidhavd. hmeii»I& imen-ur-yu, ** I name,"'
infin. hmehobath imen-ov-n-ii, from the base hmen imeru
Other examples of this kind occur in Dobrowsky, p. 372.
We may regard the u, ov, of these forms as a lengthening
of the theme of the base noun, and divide, therefore, as
follows : vdovu-yuy vdovov-a-ti, imenu-yu, imenov-a-th where
we must recall what has been observed at §. 263. regarding
the unorganic introduction of Sclavonic bases into the de-
clension in 1*1 y. In denominatives in 'h\Si yeyu, as, e.g.,
BorAT'bl& bogaf-yeyuj " I am or become rich,'' infin.
bofatAth hogat^'ye-tU from the base bogato, nom. bogat,
'h ye corresponds to the Sanscrit a of aydmU which will not
appear surprising when we consider the peculiarity of the
Sclavonic in constantly prefixing to vowels a y. The
following are examples of denominatives from Dobrowsky's
third conjugation (see §. 505.): AehI&Ca schen-yA-sya "I
marry,'' infin. ^^nhthca schen'iMsya, from 2&eha schena,
** woman f totobaI^ gotov*4y{i (euphonic for vyA)f '* I pre-
pare," infin. roTOBHTH gotoxfA-ti, from totobo gotovo, nom.
m. roTOB-b gofov " ready ;" ^I^aWL zyeP-yC, " I heal," infin.
ql^AHTH zyeV-i'tit fipom ij'bAO zyelo, nom. q^bAi* zyeh
" healthy."
769. I have already, in §. 502., compared the Greek
denominatives in aau^ as a2/iao'-(ra> from ai/iiaT-yco (see
§. 501.), with those in Sanscrit formed with n ya. While,
however, in Sanscrit* the final vowel of the base noun, if
short, is lengthened, the same in Greek, acc<H*ding to the
analogy of §. 762., is dropped; hence, e.gr., ayyeKKta from
d77€A(o)-ya), irotKiWta from iroiiciA(o)-ya>, aiJcaAAo) from at-
#ca\(o)-ya), fKxK&acia from fia\aK(pyy<a, ^eiKiaa-ta from /xci-
A<x(o)-ya>. Bases in p, po, and v, transfer the y, vocalized to
i, to the preceding syllable, instead of assimilating it to
DENOMINATIVES. 1027
the preceding consonant ; hence, reKfiai-p-o-^ai from rcKfiap-
yo-fiat, from reKfiap; KaOaip^o} from Ka6ap{o)'y(a, from Ka-
dapo ; fjLeyalp'U} from fxeyap-yia, not from jxeya-^, but from the
base of the oblique cases fieyaKo, the \ being exchanged for p
(see §. 20.) ; fie\aip(t} from fxcKav-yu}, from the base fieXav ; ttoi-
fiaivoi, ireiraivu}, TCKTaivoi^ a<ppatv(t}, evif^paivia, from Ttotfiav^ya),
&c., from the bases iroifiev, irerrov, tcktov, a^pov, evtppov, with
the retention, however, of the original a, instead of the unor-
ganic vowels e, o (see §. 3.). In denominatives from substan-
tive bases in /iiaT, as ovofiaivc^t KVfjLatvo}, tntepiiaivia, aTjiiatvoi},
%6//L(a/i/a), the v probably springs from the original form of the
suffix fjLar, as this is a corruption of fiav, and answers to the
Sanscrit man, and Latin men, min.* It appears, however, to
me impossible to determine with certainty as to the case of
the preponderating number of denominatives in atvoD, whose
base nouns terminate neither in v, nor in a letter which can
have proceeded from v. I cannot, however, believe that the
Greek language has produced such formations independently,
and that, therefore, they are entirely unconnected with the
kind of forms handed down from the period of the unity of
language. Perhaps the bases in v, and those which termi-
nate in a consonant which is a corruption of v, have only
supplied the type for the formations in atv<a ; and verbs like
dXeaivu}, d^Ta/vo), yhuKatvoi}, depfiaivcj, epiSatvcj, Krjpatvci}, have
followed the beaten path, in the same way as, in German,
many bases have pressed into the so-called weak declen-
sion, in that they have extended the original limits of the
base by the addition of n, or the syllable an. Perhaps,
too, afvo), in a portion of that class of verbs which have
this termination, viz. those which have sprung from other
verbs, is some way connected with the Sanscrit formation
aya, with which we have before compared Lithuanian
* Sec §. 497., and compare G. Cui-tius De naminum Graoofrum forma-
tioney p. 40.
1028 VERBS.
causals and denominatives in inu (see §. 745.). If the v in
those denominatives which have not proceeded from bases
in V, or /xar for /xav, is a corruption of the y (compare §. 745.),
then the at preceding might be regarded as representing
the d (com{)are §. 753.), which, in most Sanscrit denomina-
tive bases in ^ ya^ precedes the semi-vowel ; for though
this d belongs to the nominal base, and is in general a
lengthened form of short a (chird-yaii, " he delays,"' from
chira, "long"), still the same, in course of time, might
come to be regarded as a portion of the derivative, and
be suppressed before its Greek representative at, as in the
formations in aa>, a^co, &c. Those verbs in atvo) which ap-
pear to spring from more simple verbs, might, in their
principle of formation, be contrasted in a different manner
with the Sanscrit ; as, e. g., avaiva (at/co), Spaivta {Sp&ul),
KpaiaivoD {KpaSd(a), %a\a/i/a> (^ocAao)), stand in the same rela-
tion to the corresponding short forms, as, in the Veda dialect,
charanydmU " I go,'' does to chardmi. The broader
forms come from the noun of action ^iTOT charanch " the
going '' (euphonic for -•! -na, on account of the r preced-
ing). Some Sanscrit verbs, however, of this kind do not
exactly correspond to the noun of action, from which they
spring, but exhibit a weakening or contraction of the
vowel, or the pure radical vowel instead of the gunised
one of the base word, seemingly on account of the incum-
brance caused by the verbal derivative ; thus, bhuranydmU
" I receive '' (Rig. V. 50. 6. bhuranyardam ana), from bha-
rana, " the bearing,'' " receiving " (R bhar, bhri) ; tura-
nydmi, " I hasten " (Rig. V. 121. 1. turanyan) from tvarana,
'* the hastening " (R. tvar) ; churanydmU " I steal " (see
Westerg. Radices p. 337.), from ch&rana, "the stealing"
(R. chur). As, according to rule, a noun of action in ana
* It occurs in corobination with the preposition «/, " out," in the
Yajur Veda, see Westei^gaard Had. p. 337.
DENOMINATIVES. 1029
may be formed from every root, and on this, too, are
based all the German and Ossetian infinitives*, it cannot
surprise us that, in Greek, a few denominatives of this
kind remain, whose base nouns have been lost; and thus,
e. g,9 avaivio, from avavyca, would come from a lost nominal
base avavo, or avavrj, MapaiVo), which has no short verb
corresponding to it, reminds us of the Sanscrit noun of
action mara-na-m, " the dying," from mar, mri, " to die,"
causal mdraydmi Let attention be given to the Greek
feminine abstracts in ovrj, which correspond to the Sanscrit
in and, or and.^ Verbs in av<a may, in part, owe their
origin to obsolete nominal bases in avo.
770. How necessary it is, in the explanation of denomi-
natives, to look back to an earlier state of language, and
at the same time to examine the kindred dialects, is shewn
by an interesting class of Gothic denominatives, in which
the n likewise plays a part, though it is no way connected
with that of Greek verbs in aivw, in whatever way these
latter may be explained. I rather recognise, as already
stated in my " Conjugational System," (pp. 115, 116), a con-
nection in Gothic verbs like ga-fuUna, *' impleor,^'' vs-gutna,
"i^i/rwfor," distauma, ** disrumpor,'*'* and-bundna, *' solvor,^^
ga-hailna, " sanorr fronqvisina^ " perdor,'*^ ga-vakna, " excilor,*''
uS'lukna, '* aperior,^'' daxdhna, ** morlor,^^ with the Sanscrit
passive participles in na; as, bhug-na, "bent," to which
the Greek verbals in vo-j correspond {crrvy-vog, a-efi-vog &c.),
and from which the Gothic passive participles have some-
what diverged, in that they do not append the suffix na
direct to the root, but retain the class syllable ; thus, biug-
a-^a)'S, " bent," answering to >n«T^ bhug-na-s ; while the
verbs just mentioned point to a period of the language.
* E,g.^ Gothic hindan, Osset. bathin, "to bind "^Sanscrit handhana,
" the binding."
t Examples are: ydchand, ^'' precatio /* arhand,^'' honoris testificatio.**
^1
y^
1030 VBRBS.
when the suffix was still, as in Sanscrit and Greek, added
direct to the root ; so that, e. g., gaskaidnat ** I separate
myself" (l. Cor.vii. 11. yaba gaskaidnai, eav x^/o/o'djj), answers
better than skaid-a-ns, ** separated,"' to the Sanscrit fttW
chhin-nas (euphonic for chhid-nas), ** cleft."' Compare, also,
and-bundriia, " I am loosed (set free)," with bund-a-n^ays,
*' bound ;" bi-auk-na, *' I am enlarged," with bi-auk^-niays,
" enlarged ;" fralus-Tuat " I am dissolved, destroyed, lost,
with lma'v{fl)-St " loosened " (Sanscrit lu-na-s " cut off,
" torn off''); gattik-na, "I am closed," with ga'bik-a-n(ays,
" closed ;" andrUt-na, '* I am unloosed," with W-a-nieLJ-s,
" tranquil ^ cf-lif-na, *' I am left remaining," " I remain
over " (TrepiAeiTTO/Liai), with the to-be-presupposed /i6-a-w(a)-5,
" left remaining " (laibos, " remnant "), for ///'-a-w(fi)-s, as
the law for the transposition of sounds (§. 87.) would lead
us to expect, in answer to the Greek Ketiro)** from the lost
verb leiba, laif, libum (Old High German, bi-Iibu, '* I re-
main," bileibf ** I remained," bi-Vdyumis, " we remained ") ;
vfar-haf-na, "I raise myself above " (yirep-alpofxai), with ufar-
haf-ya-niays, "raised over," "elevated;" dis^taur-na, "d«-
TumpoTf'' with dw-faur-a-n(a)-5, ** diruptus ;" gor-thaurs-nai **I
dry up" {^rfpaivofxat), with ga-thnurs-a-niflys, ** e^fjpa/ifxevoSf'^
from the non-existing verb ga-thairsd, ga-thars, galhaursuTiu
Dis-hnaup-fuit " dirumporr from the root hnup (hniupa^
hnaup, hnupunh hnupans), is so far irregular as it has the
radical vowel gunised, whilst otherwise denominatives in
nOf like the passive participle with the same termination,
attach themselves to one of the lighter forms of the verbal
theme. Us^geis-na, also, ** jtercellm,"'' " stupeor from the to-
be-presupposed geisa, gais, gisuin (Grimm. II. p. 46.), is con-
* In departure from what has been remarked at p-44], I now agree
with Benfey (Greek Wurzellexicon II. p. 11) in taking the Sanscrit root
rich (from rik)^ " to separate," " to leave," as the root akin to the Latin
Uc (linquo), Greek Xin-, and Gothic lift lib.
DENOMINATIVES. 1031
trary to the common analogy, and should be us-gisna.
But dis-skrit-na, *' Jindor,'''' and tundna, ** uror^ the base
verbs of which are likewise lost (skreita, skrait, skritum,
iinda, (and, tundum), exhibit the regular vowel.
771. After that na in Gothic, as in the above-mentioned
instances, had once raised itself to be the exponent of the
passive relation, it might also extend itself to the adjective
bases, and thus denominatives in na and ya (for ya also at,
see §. 109.* 6.), as passives (or verbs neuter) and transitive
active verbs, stand mutually answering to each other.
The final vowel of nominal bases are dropped as well before
na as before ya ( = Sanscrit ay a, see §. 674); hence, eg,,
from the base fuUa (nom. masc. fulT-s), *' full,*" fulf-na,
" impletjTr futt-ya^ '* impleo f from mikilay " great " (nom.
mikit'-s), mikir-na, " magnificor,^" mlkit-ya, *' 7nagnifi<!0 '"'
(compare fieya\tX(a) ; from veiha (veili-s), " holy,"' veih'-na,
** sanctificorr veili-a {veiK-ais) *' sanciifico f^ from ga-ndha
{ganSK-s)t "enough,^' ga-^ndK-nay ** expleor^ ganoK-ya, "csc-
pleoy^ from managa {manages), "much,*" Tnanag'^-na, ** abundo''''
("I am made much''); manag'^-ya^ '^augeoT from gcd)iga
(gabig^-s)f " rich,'^ gaJjig^-nOj ** locupletatus sum,^^ gabig^-ya
" locupletoJ*'' It cannot surprise us that the base words of
denominatives in na cannot be all cited from the lingual
sources which have been preserved to our time, nor that
some were already obsolete in the time of Ulfila, but sur-
vive only in the denominatives, of which they were the
parents. Thus, e.g., an adjective base drdba (drobs),
" troubled '"* (Anglos, drdf), does not occur ; whence comes
drdb'-ya, " I trouble," " excite," " shake," and drdh"-^, " I
am troubled." Inseparable prepositions precede the de-
nominatives, as they do the primitive verbal themes, though
the base word be simple ; as, e. g„ from blinda (blimits),
" blind," comes ga-blind'-not ** I am blinded," and ga-blind-
ya, '* I blind," " dazzle ;" from dumba (dumb'-s), " dumb,"
af-dundi-na, " I become dumb," " grow speechless " (Mark
1032 VERBS.
iv. 39. qfdumbn metpiyLoxro), It is possible, that from the
simple adjective bases at first simple denominatives pro-
ceeded, and from these, which no longer exist, or cannot be
cited, compound denominatives ; thus, from dumbn came,
at first, dumbnOf and thence afdumbna ; as, in Latin, from
mutU'Sf mutescOf and thence obmuiesco>
772. To return to the Sanscrit, we must remark that
denominatives formed with il ya partly express a wish ; as,
e. g,f pati-ydmU ** I wish for a spouse,'" from pati ; putrt-
ydmif *' I wish a son, or for a son, or children," from putra.
These forms lead us to the Greek desiderative denominatives
in lao), which, however, in departure from the Sanscrit,
reject the final vowel of the base noun, while the latter
lengthen it, but in doing so weaken 6, to i^; thus, putrt--
ydmi for putrd-ydmi,* And Greek forms like dapar-ido},
(TTpaTrjy-i&cif KKava-idtt), are properly based on the causal
form of the just-mentioned Sanscrit denominatives in ya ;
thus, Oavar-iw, ^avaT-/ao-/Liev= Sanscrit forms like putri-
yayd-mi, putri-yayd-mas, while putri-yd-mit pvirt-yd-mas,
would lead us to expect Greek forms like 0ai/aT-i«, Bavar-
lo-fieVf or, according to §. 502., Oavaaau}, Oavaa-aofxev, It de-
serves, however, notice, that, in Sanscrit, denominatives in
ya occasionally adopt the causal form without a causal
signification ; thus we find, without a causal meaning, f
the genmd asdyayitvd, which belongs to the causal form,
but is used as coming from the denominative asii-ydmi,
"I curse," "execrate" (intrans. "I am wrath," from asu
"life").
4<
* But we find in the Veda dialect asva-ydmi^ ^^equos cupio,*' from aiva^
a horse" (S. V. II. 1. 1. 11. 2.).
t Nal. 14. 17. : krodhdd asuyayitva tarn, " ir<i exsecrando ewn" On
the other hand, dhximdyaydmiy the causal of dhumdr^dmi, ^*'/umo,'* has
also a causal meaning : dhumdyayan dikui, ^^ causing the regions of the
world to smoke."
DENOMINATIVES. 1033
773. With the causal form of denominatives in tt ya
may be compared also the Latin in igd. The i would then
be the final vowel of the base noun, either in an unaltered
form, as in tniti-gdrSt levi-gd-Sf navi-gd-s ; or the weak-
ening of a heavier vowel (see §. 6.), as in fumi-gd-s (for
fumu-gd-Sf or fumo-gd's), remi-gd-s, clari-gd-s, castUgd-a (but
pur-gd'S with i suppressed) ; or the unorganie extension
of a base ending in a consonant, as in lUi-gd-s opposed to
jur-gd-^. The g must be taken as the hardening of g, which
indeed occurs, perhaps, nowhere else in Latin, but is not
uncommon in the kindred languages (see pp. 110. and 993.),
and with which is connected the fact, that in Greek C often
stands as the hardened form of an original y (see §. 19.).
The d of the forms in question, as generally of those in
the first conjugation (except where it is radical), must be
the contraction of the Sanscrit a{y)a ; and thus fumi-gd-s
would be, as it were, the Latinization of the Sanscrit
dhunid^f/Q(t/)a'Sh ** thou makest to smoke ^'-j-. If, however,
we agree with the common opinion, which, however, is op-
posed by Diintzer, ("Doctrine of the Latin Formation of
Words '" p. 140,) in recognising in the verbs in igo com-
posites with ago, we must then divide thus, mif-igoffurn^igo,
&c., and assume a weakening of the radical a of ago to i,
and a transfer of igo from the third conjugation to the
first, both of which things occur in facere, which, at the
end of compounds, becomes ficare.
774. Bases which, in Sanscrit, end in n, reject that letter
as well in desideratives as also in other denominatives in
ya. Other consonants, also, are occasionally dropped before
the denominative suffix i\ ya ; hence, vrikd-yi, ** I become
great'' (Mid.), from vrihat, in the strong cases vrihant, pro-
* I retract the conjecture expressed at §. 109^ 1.
t See p. 379 and §. 772. note **.
3x
1034 VERBS.
perly a participle present from varh, vrihs '* to grow/' Thus
tripd-f/St rdhd-yif from the participles fripanU iripat, rdhant^
rdhat (see Westergaard Rad. pp. 337, 339). We might con-
sequently expect from the participle of the auxiliary future
forms like dd-syd-y^ for dds-yat-yi, or ddsyant-yg ; and it
follows that we may regard the Greek desideratives in <re/a)
as denominatives, u e. derive them from the participle, and
not from the indicative future. The e, for instance, of
7rapa-$a>-(r6ia> must then be looked upon as the thinning of
the o of the suffix ovTf and Ttapa-Soixre'ioi must therefore be
derived from 7ra/e>a$aHro(yT)-ia) ; just as above, §. 503., acK-
a^ofievo^ from deKovr, But if Greek desideratives in (re/co
spring from a future participle, then Latin desideratives
in turiof as camaturio, nupiurio, parturio, emrio (from es-turio,
see §. 101.), may be placed by their side as analogous
forms in which the t appears to correspond to the San-
scrit suffix J\ ya, though usually the i of the Latin fourth
conjugation corresponds to the Sanscrit aya, while the sim-
ple ya is represented by the i of the third conjugation.
As, however, the i of the third conjugation is occasionally
altered to the { of the fourth "j", it cannot surprise us that
some denominatives of the Latin fourth conjugation should,
in their origin, belong, not to the Sanscrit formation aya,
but to ya ; and so equ-io, equ-is, both as regards its base
word and its derivation, might be compared with the Ve-
dian cuivdydmi, "equos cupio,^'' mentioned above (§.772. Note*).
775. Denominatives with a dosiderative meaning are
* The short u of verbs in turio occasions me no difficulty in deducing
them from the participle in turus. The incumbrance of the verbal deri-
vation appears to have occasioned the shortening of the vowel, as in deno>
minatives like coWro, honoro, compared with cohr, colS-ris^ honor, honor-is,
t See §. 500., and Struve On the Latin Declension and Conjugation^
p. 200 (fromyjwfio, in Plant., ./orfJri; fromgradiory aggrediri; from pario,
in Enn., parire ; from morior, moi<mur).
DENOMINATIVES. 1035
also formed in Sanscrit by the suffixes s^ya and asya ; e. g,\
vrishasydmi, " to long for the bull ;' ' aiva^sy&mh *' to long
for the stallion'' (equio); madhv-ttaydmi, "to wish for
honey/' We have already noticed the agreement of these
forms with that of the auxiliary future, as also, as respects
the sibilant, with the desideratives which spring from
verbal roots. From Latin may be adduced imitatives in
sso, as has already been done by Duntzer (" Doctrine of
the Latin formation of words " p. 135). Whence, c. gr.,
patri'Sso would stand by assimilation for patri-syo (compare
the Prakrit futures, §. 655.), with i as the extension of the
base noun, as in patri-bus. The i of attid-ssOf grtBCP-ssOt is the
weakening of the final vowel of the base noun. The first
conjugation, however, does not admit of comparison with
Sanscrit desideratives like aiva-sya-tU which leads us to
expect the Latin third conjugation, as in derivatives from
verbs like cape-ssot incipUsso, lace-sso, peH-sso, which admit
of comparison with Sanscrit verbal desideratives in sa — in
so far as their s really stands for sy — or also with the aux-
iliary future. The e or i of Latin forms is, however,
most probably the class vowel of the third conjugation,
though usually this does not extend beyond the special
tenses. Incesso, from cedOf is probably an abbreviation of
incedesso ; and arcesso, if it comes from cedo, of arcedesso.
776. Outwardly a similarity presents itself between the
Sanscrit nominal desideratives in sya or aayuf and the
Latin inchoatives in asco and esco : these, however, as re-
spects their principle of formation, are scarcely transmitted
from the time of the unity of language, but most probably
first originated on Roman ground, by the annexation, as
it appears to me, of the verb substantive with the meaning
** to become " to nominal bases, which, when they terminate
in a vowel, drop this before the vowel of the auxiliary
verb (compare §. 522.). Thus, as pos^sum from pot-sum for
poti'Sum, pot-eram for poti-eram ; so, e. g„ puelt'<iscot ir-
3x2
1036 VERBS.
ascor, puer^asco (from the base pu€ru,-ro), tener-asco, and
tener-^sco, aceC^asco, geT-asco (from gelu), herV-esco, exaqii-
esco, plunt'CSCOf flamrn-escfh amar^esco^ aur^esco, clar-esco,
vetusf-esco, dulc-escOtjuven-escOf celebr^sco, corn -esco. Whe-
ther we ought to divide long^-isco, vetiisf-isco, or lonyi-sco,
vetusti-scOf may remain undecided. In the former case the
i of the auxiliary verb might be compared with that of the
Greek imperative iC'dn in the latter i is the weakening
of the final vowel of the adjective base, as in compounds
like langi'pes and derivatives like hngUtvdo. Bases ending
in a consonant experience no abbreviation , thus, arbar^
esco, carbon-esco, lapid-escot mcdr-esco, noct-esco, dit-esco, but
opul-esco from opulent-escOf which reminds us of the Sanscrit
denominatives from abbreviated participial bases in ni
mentioned above (§. 774.). The verb substantive, which I
think I recognise in these formations, answers to the ob-
solete future esco (escit, superescU, obescit), which, however,
in composition, has occasionally retained the original a ; as
in Old Prussian, also, in its simple state, as-mau as-saif as-f,
corresponds to the Lithuanian es-mi, es-si, es-ii. How
close the notions of futurity and of becoming, as of future
existence, approach one another needs no mention. With
respect to the guttural which has attached itself to the
root of the verb substantive, asco, esco and the isolated
future escit, resemble the Greek imperfect eaKov, which,
with tl>e rejection of the radical vowel, enters also in-
to combinations with attributive verbs (itveve-^Kc, KoKee-
cTKov, eKiaa-aKe).* The Latin esco, also, when added to
* I have no hesitation in ascribing the vowel which precedes the <r to
the temporal base of the simple verb ; for the o of cVoXcoi^ is, in its origin,
identical with c, and stands in place of the c of cVoXfcf, cVaXcf, only on
account of the nasal which follows: the c of the 3d person of the 1st
aorist is identical with the a of the other persons, which is everywhere
retiuned where an ending follows it
DENOMINATIVES. 1037
verbal bases, relinqaishes its initial vowel ; for the a {6)» e
{4), and i (i) of forms like laba-scOf ama-soi, consuda-scOf
generascOf paUe-sco, vire-sco, rube^sco, serdi-sco, obdormi^sco,
are clearly the characters of the first» second, and fourth
conjugations ; on which account we here divide differently
than above, in puer-asco, dar-escOf dulc-esco &c. In com-
pounds with bases of the third conjugation the i of ffemi"
SCO, tremi-sco, must be regarded as by nature short, as it
is identical with the i of gem-i'S, trem-i-s (see §. 109'.
1.), which leads us back to the Sanscrit cu The i of pro-
Jici'Scor, concupi-scorf is identical with that ot faci-s, profici-s,
cupi'S ; nanci'Scor presupposes a simple nanco, nanci-s ;
f rage-SCO exhibits e for the i oifrangi-s (compare §. 6.), and
has lightened itself by the rejection of the nasal of the
root. To Latin forms like laba-sco, ama-sco, paUe-sco, cor-
respond, in their principle of formation, Greek forms like
yr)pa'(TKijiif ^ISi-GKoy, IKd-^Ko/Jiat, aKdrj-cTKOi ; where, however, it
is not asserted that the Latin S of the second conjugation
is connected with the Greek ij of forms like trefpiKYj-Ka,
^tKyjaiM), though both lead us back to the Sanscrit aya ; but
of this the Latin contains the two first letters in the con-
traction of at to S (see §. 109'. 6.), while the Greek tj of
0f A^o-o) and ee, eo of ^iKeere, (l>t\eofi€v, contain the first and
third letter of the Sanscrit aya, either separate (in ee, eo),
or united in tj. The i of forms like evpi-^Kta, aTepi-^Kta,
oKi-CKOfiai, afjLl3?J'(TK<a, is scarcely a vowel of conjunction, but,
in my opinion, only a weakening of a heavier vowel ; thus,
evpltTKcHf arrept'CTKia, for €vp^(TK(a, (Trepfj-aKia ; afil37U'<TKfa, a\/-
cKOfiai for a/x^Aco-crfcci), oKithCKofiai ; to which, among other
things, the futures evprj-ca), oXco-o-o/iai, &c., point. We must
remark the weakening of o to i in ovl-vrjfu for ivovvjfju,
otrnrrevoi for oTroTrrei/o)*; and, moreover, the forms dKOrj-aKta
* See §. 754., and compare oTramri and ofra>irca>, which forms, by the
lengthening of the radical vowel in the second syllable of the root, which
is
1038 VERBS.
and oKdl-iTKia which exist togetlier. I am now inclined, in
departure from what was remarked at §. 751., to assume that
the Greek reduplicated forms in (Tku>, in spite of their
striking resemblance to Sanscrit verbal desideratives like
jijMsdmi (compare yiyvtiHrKta), are nevertheless not histori-
cally connected with them, but, as comparatively younger
formations, have arisen from the junction of the verb sub-
stantive in a form analogous to the imperfect ecKov and
Latin future escUf but deprived of the radical vowel, to
roots repeated according to the principle of the Sanscrit
third class (see §. 109*. 3.). Thus, yiyvcixTKia, fjufivYJcKU)^
presuppose simple verbs like y/yvco/xi, ^i^vfffM, according to
the analogy of S/Sco/xf, rtdfifju, I3il3ijfju, or such as ytyvou),
Ijufiveta. And eyvcov and yvciHrta bear the same relation to
the probably existent yiyvtafju that eia^v and $c3<r(i> do to
SiStafii. If, however, the Greek reduplicated forms in oncco
must, with regard to their principle of formation, bo
looked on as distinct from Sanscrit verbs like jijiidsdmi,
the same must hold as regards Latin forms like no-sco, di-
sco (perhaps from dida-sco), pa-scor, na-scor {gna-scor by
transposition from ganscor), which correspond to Greek
unreduplicated forms like l3a'(TK(>}, 6vYJ<TK0i.
777, In Sanscrit, denominatives may also be formed by
annexing simply an a to the theme of nominal bases in
the special tenses, which a, like that of the first and sixth
classes of primitive verbs (§. 109*. 1.), is suppressed in the
universal tenses. A final a of nominal bases is dropped ;
hence, e. g., IdhiC-a-ti, '* he is red," from lohUa. I am un-
able to quote from authors instances of such denomi-
natives : there occur, however, among the roots exhibited
by Indian Grammarians of the first or sixth class, several
in which I think I recognise denominatives from bases in
is twice repeated in its full form, correspond admirably to the Sanscrit
intenslves there mentioned.
DENOMINATIVES. 1039
a; thus, among others, bhdm, **to be angry,'' bh&m-aMy
** he is angry,'' which I derive from bhdm-a, " anger f ' this
latter, however, which also signifies " light,'' ** splendour,"
clearly comes from the root bhd, " to shine." As the
Latin i of the third conjugation corresponds to the Sanscrit
a of the first and sixth class, so metu-i'ty tribu-i-t, stcdu-i-t,
minu-i-U correspond to the Sanscrit denominatives here
mentioned. In Greek correspond denominatives, which
in the special tenses add o and e to the nominal base ;
thus, e.gr., fjLfjvl-O'fiev, fjajvl-e-re, itjpl-O'fJLou, yofri-o-yLats SaKpv-
o-fxevt fiedv-O'fieVf iOv-o-fiev, dyKu-o-fiev, /SatTiKetho-fjieVf /Bpa"
ISeC-o-fiev. What, however, are we to say of that rather
numerous class of denominatives in euo), which are not
founded on any nominal base in ev; e.g., Kop'-evo-fiou, "I am
a maiden ;" iroAir -eu-w, " I am a citizen ;" ddK-ev-o), ** I con-
tend," properly, " am in strife ;" larp^'-ev-iti^ ** I am a phy-
sician ;" Kparta-T'ev-ia, **l am the best;" KoKaK-ev-u), **I am a
flatterer, flattering;" Joi/V-eu-co, "I am a servant;" d\);6'-
ev-Lj, ** I am true" ? If the verb substantive, which in most
of these formations is more or less evidently present in
spirit, be also contained therein bodily, we must then have
recourse to the root (pv (see p. 115), which therefore, in
these compounds, has preserved the original notion, while
in its simple state the causal meaning of bringing into
existence, " making to be," prevails. The e of -ei/o) would
therefore be the Guna vowel, corresponding to the a of the
Sanscrit bhav-d-mh " I am," " I become ;" and, with respect
to the dropping of the radical labial evoy, would stand on
the same footing with ue, vi, of Latin forms like pot-ui,
mon-uh ama'-vif avdi-vi, (see §. 556.). In Gothic the verbs
* The Ossetian also has, in its simple state, lost the labial of the auxi-
liary verb under discussion, and gives, e.^r., ica-rf, " he must be," vxmlh,
" they must be," corresponding to the Sanscrit bhavaiu^ bhavantu : see
" T/ie Caucasian Members of the Indo-European Family of Languages^"
pp.43
1040 VERBS.
in na (as fuUna, " implear "), mentioned above (§. 770.), be-
long to the class of denominatives here mentioned. These
verbs in na come from participial bases with the same termi-
nation, which, like the Sanscrit bases in a (rdhif-a-di), reject
their final vowel before that of the class ; thus, fuUri-Uth,
** impktun'' from fullnoi-ih, for fuUnora-lh (see §. 67.), plural
fuUn-d-nd^ as in Sanscrit rdhif-a-ii, rdhif-a-nti. But this
kind of formation holds, in Gothic, only for the present
and its derivatives, while in the preterite an 6 takes the
place of o or t ; so that, e. y., fidln-d-daf " I was filled,"' in
its principle of formation agrees with Latin forms like
regn-d'Vi, the base noun also of which, regnu {" kingdom
as ruled")* with respect to its derivative suffix, is con-
nected with the to-be-presupposed Gothic hasefidlna (San-
scrit ptJrrui, "filled").
FORMATION OF WORDS.
778. With regard to the formation of verbs there re-
mains nothing to be added to what has been already said
regarding the structure of roots and the classes of verbal
b^ses (§. 109*.) which proceed thence, and subsequently re-
specting the formation of derivative verbs. The primitive
pronouns, and the appellations of numerals, do not follow
the oidinary rules for the formation of words (see §. 105.),
and, with their derivatives, are discussed in the paragraphs
allotted to them. We shall now discuss simply the for-
mation of substantives and adjectives ; and, first, those
which stand in close connection with the verb, and, both
in the organization and in the application of language, play
a very important part : we allude to the participles and
the infinitive. It might be said that we ought to treat of
pp. 4d and 82, Rem. 48. In Persian the present of the verb sabstantive
may be combined with any substantive, adjective, as well as with the
personal pronoun; e,g,, firam, ^seneop sum;" tnanatny ''^ego $um'*
FOBMATION OF WORDS. 1041
the formation of nouns before treating of their inflection,
because words must be formed before they are inflected.
But for practical considerations it appeared more useful,
at first, only to lay down the principle of the formation of
words generally, as is done in §§. 110. 111., and to defer
the more full investigation of the subject to this place.
At all events, the theory of the formation of tenses must
precede that of the participles, as the latter, for the most
part, irrespective of their nominal suffixes, rest on a prin-
ciple of formation similar to that of the corresponding
tenses of the indicative, and bear a sisterly, if not a filial
relation to them. It will, however, be clearly seen from
the following paragraphs how requisite an acquaintance
with the forms of cases, and with the distinction of genders,
is to the understanding of the theory of the formation of
words.
779. The participle present active forms a point of ob-
servation as regards the representation of the original
unity of the Indo-European languages; and it is here
worthy of notice, that several of the still living tongues of
our quarter of the world have, in some cases, preserved
the original formative suffix in a more perfect form than
the Sanscrit in its most ancient sources. The full form
of the suffix is nt ; the Sanscrit, however, exhibits the n
only in a few cases, which in all places, where a division
of the theme into stronger and weaker forms occurs, has
retained the original and full form of the base (see §. 129.) ;
hence, e.g., bharan, bhararUam==:(l>€p(av, ipipovray fereniemt
dual bhararUdth Veda bhararUd (nom. ace. voc.) = 0e/c)oi/Te,
plural bharantds (nom. yoc.) ssipipovTe^fferentes; but in the
accusative we find bhwatas, by the loss of the n in the Fatter
part of the word, opposed to ^/oovr-ar, and so in all the other
cases of the three numbers the n is dropped in Sanscrit ;
and in the genitive singular bharatas stands, from this
loss, in an inferior position when com])ared with the Greek
1042 FORMATION OF WORDS.
^epovTos, Latin/eretifw, Gothic 6airan-c/in-* (see p. 138), and our
German strong participial genitives, as stehendes, gehendes*
The Lithuanian also has till the present time retained the
nasal of the participle present through all the cases of the
three numbers in both genders: it extends the theme,
however, in the oblique cases, by the addition of ia; and,
according to a universal law of sound, changes the t before
I, when this is followed by any vowel but e, into the sound
tsch, which Ruhig writes ch, Mielcke cz ; hence, e.g,, degnns,
"the burning'" ( = Sanscrit dahan), according to the ana-
logy of Zend forms like barahs, Latin Wkeferenst iEolic as
Tidiv^f accusative degnntin (for degantien, from -ianX geni-
tive deganchio.
780. The Old Prussian, differing from the Lithuanian,
extends the participial base in the oblique cases by the
simple addition of i, and so far agrees entirely with the
Latin, which, €,g., forms simply /ereiw from the base /eren/,
which has not exceeded its original limits, but which, in
all the other cases, follows the analogy of bases in t.
Ferenti-a and ferenti-um belong as decidedly to the i de-
clension SB facUi-a, facili-um. We are therefore right in
dividing fererUe-m just as facUe-m (from /att7/-m), though
from a base,/er^, the accusative could be in no case other
than ferentem = Zend barhd-em. The participles present
masculine which remain to us in Old Prussian are, dilants,
"the worker,'' " working ;" f aidanSf ''sedensT empriki^sins,
*' prtBsens ;^^ dative empriki'Senii^smUf according to the pro-
* Verbs of tlie third class, in Sanscrit, owing to the incumbrance of the
syllable of reduplication, haye lost the nasal in the strong cases also;
hence, e.t/., dadatam compared with dtdoi^a, dadatas with didovr€£ (com-
pare §. 459.).
t According to the mode in which the two following examples are
written we should expect dilans ; but as respects the retention of the
T-sound, dilants corresponds to Gothic forms like bairands.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1043
nominal declension (see §. 170.); niaiJnUinii'S, "of the under
age," ** not speaking" (ir^atdis);* ripirdi-n, *' sequentem f '\
empriki waitiainti-ns (ace. pi.), " contradicentes ; " wargu-
seggienti-ns, " mcdeficosy The following are adverbial da-
tives, giwanteif ** living," and stanintei (also stanirUi) ** stand-
ing," from the bases giwanti (Sanscrit jtvant), stanintl (see
Nesselmann, pp. 52 and 76).
781. Before the feminine character i, the Sanscrit, ac-
cording to the difierence of conjugation of the respective
verbs, either retains the nasal of the participial suiEx or
rejects it, and in such a manner as that verbs of the first
principal conjugation regularly retain, it, and but rarely
reject it, while conversely those of the second .ordinarily
reject it, and only occasionally retain it ; while the Gothic
and Lithuanian have constantly preserved it Compare,
p,g., with the Sanscrit vasantit "the inhabiting" (also ra-
stiti, Nal. 13. 66.), from vas, Class 1, the Gothic visandei
(Them, visandeirit see §§. 120. 142.), " the abiding or being ;"
and with the Sanscrit dahanti, "the burning," the Lithua-
nian deganti (gen. deganchids, see p. 174, Note *). In Greek,
6epav6vTig is in form a solitary participle present feminine
with I J = Sanscrit i, according to the analogy of the femi-
nine bases in TptS=itri, Latin tri-Cf mentioned in §. 119.
Tlie root iH^ as, Class 2, of the verb substantive,* forms in
Sanscrit sati, "the being," never santi; the Lithuanian
esanti therefore surpasses the Sanscrit both in the reten-
tion of the radical vowel and in that of the n of the suffix.
* BillL, ^' 1 speak." The inseparable preposition au^ combined with
the negation ni, corresponds to the Sanscrit ava.
t Also ripintinton, in the last syllable of which I think I recognise an
appended pronoun or article = Sanscrit torn, Lithuanian tan, Greek t6v.
As regards the o for a, compare the accusative of the participle perfect
passive ddto-n^ ^^c/a/tt7/<"= Sanscrit dattam^ from dadatam, irregularly
for ddtatn.
1044 FORMATION OF WORDS.
In the masculine nominative, also, the Lithuanian esans
has two points of superiority to the -Sanscrit san, the re-
tention of the radical vowel, and of the nominative sign :
the latter is shared also by the Latin sens, of prce-
sens, ab-senst to which the abovementioned* (§. 780.) Old
Prussian sins, of emprHd'sins, admirably corresponds. The
Greek, for the most part, w^ith its a>i', contrasts disadvan-
tageously with the Lithuanian esans ; for while the latter
has, together with the case sign, preserved the complete root,
we miss in tav both the entire root and the expression of
the nominative relation. The epic and Ionic form etav,
however, leads us to conjecture a formerly existing ecrcdi/,
and the suppression of the o- in this position is not surpris-
ing according to §. 128. It is, however, not less marvellous
that a form which, in Greek, has been corrupted for thou-
sands of years, quite up to remote antiquity, and which
has been tolerably accurately retained by the Latin only
under the protection of the prepositions proB and ob*,
should have remained quite perfect in the Lithuanian up
to the present day.
782. The Indian Grammarians assume aJt, in the strong
cases ant, as the sufEx of the participle present. I cannot,
however, attribute to the suffix the a of forms like bharant,
any more than the o of the Greek ipepovr : the vowel be-
longs in both languages to the class syllable ; t. e, the o
of (pep-o-vT is identical with that of <l>ep^o-fiev, ipip-o-vrt, and
with the e of fpep-e-re, e^e/o-e-f, &c. That the Greek par-
ticipial suffix is simply vt, not ovt, is clear from the conjuga-
tion in /xi, where vr attaches to the final vowel of the root or
of the verbal theme (5/5o-in-, ride-vr, fora-i/r, ietK-vv-vr) : the
Sanscrit, however, in accordance with a peculiarity, which,
in my opinion, first arose after the separation of languages
* On the other hand, in potens, just as in the simple ens, the sibilant
is lost.
FORMATION OF W0BD8. 1045
in cases, where the n/ or ^ of the suffix would be added to
a letter other than a or d, prefixes to the suffix an a
(compare §. 437. Remark, and §. 45a), or extends the ver-
bal theme by the addition of an a ; hence, e. g,, strinvani,
" strewing '^ (for strinunt\ answers to the Greek base
(TTopvvvT, The e of Latin participles of the third conjuga-
tion, c.gr., of veh-e-ns, veh^e-ntem ( = Sanscrit wih^a-n, vah-a-
ntanif Zend vaz-a-nSf vaz-a-ntem), is in origin identical
with the class vowel i (from a, see §. 109*. I.) of veh-us,
veh-i-U &c. (see §. 507.), and is based on the circumstance
that before two consonants the Latin language prefers / to
i (see §. 6.). In the fourth conjugation, ie, e.gr., in audr-
i-ens, represents the Gk)thic ya and Sanscrit aya of forms
like sat-ya-ndSf *' placing " = Sanscrit sdd-aya-ns "making
to sit'* (compare §. 505.). It does not require mention,
that in verbs of the first and second conjugation the a and
e, as in am-a-na, monre-ns, belong to the conjugational syl-
lable ; the a, however, of da-ns, sta-ns, fa-ns, and fla-ns, to
the root : and as little does it require notice, that in Ger-
man and Lithuanian the vowel which precedes the n of
the participle present is identical with that of the class
syllable. Compare, in Gothic, bair-a-nds, " the carrying,"
pahs-ya-nds (Zend tLcs-yorfii), " the growing '' (see §. 109*. 2.),
sat-ya-nds, "the placing," "making to sit,\ salb-d-nds,
"the anointing,,' with bair^a-m (Sanscrit bhar-d-mcLs),
" we carry,*" vaks-ya-m, " we grow,'' sat^ycHin, " we place ''
(Sanscrit *dd-ayd-mas), salb-d-m, " we anoint ;" and in
Lithuanian, toez-a-nsf " the conveying," with wez-a-me, " we
convey ;" myl-i-ns, " the loving," with myl^i'-me, " we love."
With regard to the non-correspondence of the Lithuanian
es-a-ns, " being," to es-mh " I am," es-me, " we are," we
must observe, that here an auxiliary vowel is necessary in
the participle, which in the Sanscrit s-a-n (accusative s-a-
rUatn) occurs in the same form, while the Latin -sens places
in its stead an e, and the Old Prussian -sins an ?.
1046 FORMATION OF WORDS.
783. In Old Sclavonic, the so-called gerundives corre-
spond to the participles of the kindred languages, and that
of the present to the participle present active here under
discussion. In the nominative singular masculine, where» e.^.,
BE^i)! veQ/, " vehens^ answers to the Sanscrit vatian^ Zend
vazanSf Lithuanian loezahs, and Gothic vigands, we should
scarce observe the analogy of the Sclavonic form to those
of the kindred languages, as, according to a universal law
of sound, all final consonants in Sclavonic are suppressed ,
but in the dual» BE^&qiA ve^unshclia'\, corresponds to the
Vedian vahantd and Zend vaxanta; and in the plural,
BE^&^E (ve^nshche) answers to the Sanscrit vahxtrd'Os,
and Greek ej^oi/r-ey (see p. 618, Note 3.) ; where it is to be
observed, that ^I shch more frequently occurs as the
euphonic alteration of t (Dobrowsky, p. 39, Kopitar, p. 63),
just as d, under similar circumstances, becomes 2l(A schd :
. a sibilant, therefore, is prefixed to the T-sound, and, be-
sides, the original t is changed into ch, as in Lithuanian
likewise the latter is used before i, with a vowel following.
* See §. 255. 1. I now think that the monosyllabic words also mnst
be subjected to the umversal law, as I no longer recognise in the forms
nAC nas and BACb vas of the genitive and locative plural of the two
first persons the Sanscrit secondary forms ruis and vas^ but I refer the
Cb s of the genitive to the Sanscrit pronominal genitive termination sdrn,
and that of the locative to the Sanscrit locative termination su. The fact
that the s of these terminations is elsewhere changed into ^ ch (see
§§. 255. m. 279. and p. 855, Note 6.\ and that in Sanscrit the genitive
termination sdm occurs only in pronouns of the third person plural, con-
ceals the causal nature of the ending of the forms NACb na-«, bAC1»
VU'S ; but in Old Prussian also the ending '^m sdm, in the form much
nearer to the Sanscrit wn, has made its way into the pronouns of the first
and second person ; hence here are found nou-son^ W^v^ iou-son, vfAS>¥y
after the analogy of stei^aon^ ra>i^=Sanscrit ie-^ham^ answering to the Scla-
vonic NACb nas and BACb vas,
t As to ;& =u^, see the Remark at the end of the preceding §.
FOBMATION OF WORDS. 1047
Compare, therefore, in this respect, the dual BE^&qiA
veK^umlicha with the Lithuanian wezanchiu. It is probable
that in Sclavonic also, as well as in Lithuanian, a y, or the
syllable ya, has, in the oblique cases, mingled with the t of
the participial suffix, and under the influence of the y
the preceding t has become qi shch. So in Dobrowsky's
third conjugation, in which, in the first person present, a
y is found before the termination ten, forms occur like
M&qi& munshchMfi, ** turbo^ euphonic for muntyun, infinitive
mufUAM*. In the feminine singular the gerundive spoken
of is BE^&qiH t?e^u^AcAf= Lithuanian toeiantif "the con-
veying " (genitive toezanchids), Sanscrit vahardt
Remark 1. Dobrowsky, to whose grammar I was clrcamscribed in
treating (§. 155.) of the Old SclaTomc alphabet, makes neither an ortho-
graphical nor a phonetic distinction between & and oy, or a^ and never
uses the first- mentioned letter, as he everywhere writes lo for I&. It is
now, however, generally supposed, and I think with good reason, that the
vowels Si. (with ^, I&) and A (with y, ka) contain a nasal, as was first disco-
vered by Vostokov, but still held by Kopitar (Glagolita, p. 52) to be doubtful.
It is, however, certain that the vowels &, li&, A, lA, in the Old Sclavonic
Grammar, as Kopitar has informed us, occur scarce anywhere but where
the Polish has vowels with a nasal ; and comparison with the ancient
allied languages leads us to expect a nasal, for which reason I have before
assumed a corruption of on (firom an) to H (see §. 155. ?.). On the other
hand, however, oy, or sf, and the <t contained in lo (^n), wherever these
letters occur in Old Sclavonic in their proper place, in forms which admit
of comparison usually, according to etymology, represent the Sanscrit
^ 6 (for a+ti), or its resolved form av ; hence, e.y., oyCTA iista (neuter
plural), " mouth''=<^^Ma," "lip" (Theme) ; C^oyru gru-ti, "to hear "=
'r6tum (irrespective of the infinitive suffix); BOyAUTH bud-i-ti^ "to
wake"=b6dayitum; uioyn8hui^leh*'=sat7ya. So in the termination
of the genitive locative dual, where, e.y., OBOio '^ amborum^ in ambobus"
answers to the Sanscrit vbhayot^ and Zend td>6y6 (see §. 273.). Now let
us examine the cases in which nasalized vowels, the nasal of which I now
« Miklosich compares the Sanscrit root manth, " to shake ;" and & un
therefore stands for the Sanscrit an. See the note to the preceding §.
1048 FORMATION OF WORM.
express, as in Lithuanian^ by h (see §. 10.), in grammatical terminations
or sufifixes, correspond to a Sanscrit n or m with a preceding vowel (a or
&). There appear^ therefore, if I have not overlooked any thing, the
following : —
1. Accusative singular of feminine bases in a; eg.^ BAOB& vdovuiu,
" viduam "=vid?iavdm,*
2. Accusative singular of pronouns of the first and second person: M/\
mail, TJ^ toii=Sanscrit mam, tvdm ; like the reflexixe CA scm.
3. Accusative plural of masciiline pronominal bases of the third person
in ya^ and therefore also of definite adjectives compounded with the
base 1/a. Compare y\ yah^ '^ eos" with the corre8i)onding Sanscrit
yahy *'*'quo8" and Old Prussian accusatives like schans^ scld-ns^
^^kosy" vnransy ^^viros" Gothic vaira-ns (see §. 236.).
4. First person singular present, where A uitsSanscrit ami; e.g.,
veCun=^aMm%; iA&. ayuiv=aydmif e.g,yrydayuh=r$daydmi (see
§. 760.).
6. Third person plural of the present, where &Tb t«>}/y= Sanscrit anti;
e.g.y BE2&Tb veCuhty=^vaJianii; and in Dobrowsky s third conju-
gation (see Kopitar, p. 61 ), M^Tb yafii/y = Sanscrit ayantL
6. The abovcmentioned gerundive or participle present.
The nasal vowel in the genitive singular and nominative accusative plural
of feminine bases in ya, c.^r., in boa FA volyahy ^*' voluntatis^' and "wZmh-
tates (nom. ace.), appears surprising. If we consider, however, that in
the three cases spoken of the Sanscrit grammar exhibits a final «, which
is also contained in the Lithuanian and Lettish, which approximate closely
to the Sclavonic languages, as also in Gothic in all the words which cor-
* Compare §. 266. The Polish also, in the corresponding forms, has
a written nasal vowel, though now, at tlie end of a word, the nasals,
though written, are no longer pronounced ; just as in the instrumental,
where I regard the Sclavonic vdo-voy-uh^^axiacTit vidhavay-d as join-
ing to the old instrumental termination the new also^ with a corrup-
tion of the my (Dobr. gives only m) to the now probably very weak
nasal sound n. Remark, that in the plui'al instrumental, the feminines,
especially rather than the masculines and neuters, have the termina-
tion mi (see p. 349) ; for which, in Lithuanian, both in masculine and
feminine, stands mis, only that the masculines in a have contracted a- mis
to ais.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1049
respond to the Sanscrit feminine bases in a ^, we are led to infer the
nasalization of a final «, as in the Prakrit instrumental termination
hih = Sanscrit bhis (see §. 220.). The y especially appears to have
protected the nasalized vowels which follow it, as we may conclude
from No. 8. and the gerundives mentioned below (Remark 2.}. A
place where the Old Sclavonic has a nasal vowel at the end of a word,
while the Sanscrit has a simple vowel, occurs in the nominative and accu-
sative singular of neuter bases in n; in UMA imahy ^^nomen" (from the
base imen from iman), answering to the Sanscrit ndma, from ndman.
Here, however, the nasal of the Sclavonic nominative and accusative can-
not surprise us, as it belongs to the base word, and the Latin also has firmly
preserved the n of the base in the nominative and accusative singular
neuter. Thus, as in Latin, nomen, semeriy opposed to homo, sermOf &c., so
IIMA imah, C^MA gyemah^ opposed to RASfbi kamy^ " stone,** from
kamen.
Remark 2. The verb substantive gives Cbi «2^=: Sanscrit «an, Lithua-
nian sehsy and in the feminine C&^H stmshchi^i'^flisati (for sarUi^ serUi.
After the y in the nominative masculine the nasal and the old a re-
mains; hence BUVK biyahy ^^eadens" feminine BHl&^H biyuhshchi. In
Dobrowsky's third conjugation the lA extends also to the other forms
withqi; hence BOAtA volyan, ''^volens/' BOAlAqie volyahshchey "vo-
lerUes;" BOAMiqiH volyahshchi, iBikovaa. As regards the use of the
gerund, it is limited to those constructions in which the participle present
stands as predicate, and in German the uninflected form of the partici-
ple is used; hence (Luc. xxiv. 13.) B'fePTA llA^^A byesta idunshcha^
" they (two) were going," is the translation of the Greek ^<rav 7rop€v6fi€voiy
only with this point of difference, in which the Greek is inferior, that the
Sclavonic has the dual of the verb as well as that of the participle.
Where the participle stands as epithet or substantively, the Sclavonic
uses the definite form of the participle (see §. 284.), and in this the
participle is fully declined; thus, 1. c, KCi>fir)v dntx^va-av is rendered
Bb(b 0*rbCTOIA^&l& vysyotstoyanshchunyuh,
784. The same sufGx that forms the present participle
* So, in Lettish, akka-s is both the genitive singular and the no-
minative and accusative plural of akka^ *•*• spring of water " (compare
Latin aqua, Gothic ahva^ ^^ stream,** genitive singular and nominative,
accusative plural ah-vS-s ; Lithuanian uppe, '^ stream ;" Sanscrit a/i,
" water ")-
3y
1050 FORMATION OF WORDS.
is added in Sanscrit and Zend to the theme of the auxi-
liary future ; just as in Greek and Lithuanian, where
5w-(ra)-v, Soy-crov-Ta, du-se-iis, du-se-ntm, correspond to the
Sanscrit dd-sya-n, dd-sya-niam. In the feminine the Li-
thuanian du-se-nii, " the (woman) about to give," an-
swers admirably to the Sanscrit dA-sya-nti ; deg-se-nSf
" the (man) about to burn,*" accusative deg-se-rdihy answers
sir •
to the Sanscrit dhak-shya-n, dhak-shya-nfam ; and in the
feminine, deg-se-nti to dhak-shya-nli. The Lithuanian root
6m, " to be," gives bu-se-ns, "fuiurus,^'' bu-se-ntif "futura,^''
as analogous to the Zend bu-sya-m, bu-syai-niL Some-
what further off lies the Sanscrit bhav-i'sh^a-nj bhav-i-shya'
niiy on account of the Guna of the radical vowel, the in-
sertion of the vowel of conjunction, and the suppression
of the nominative sign in the masculine. As regards tlie
e of Lithuanian future participles like du-se-hst bu-se-iis,
I see in it, not a corruption of the i of indicative forms
like dti-si-me, ** dabimus '' (see §. 652.), but a corruption of
tlie a of Sanscrit bases like dd-sya-nt : it is therefore iden-
tical with the o of the Greek Sca-co-io-; and the Lettish
also gives an o for this Lithuanian e, as to the a^ also, of
the present participle it opposes an o, while for the i of
the future indicative it has, in like manner, i ; e.g.
buhschoiSf "/o/T/rw^' " = Lithuanian few^pw*; buhschotif '^futura^''
= busenti; as essots, '^ being'"' = esnns, feminine essdi =
esanf.f
* See §§. 21. and 104.
t The future participle in Lettish occurs only in paraphrasing the con-
junctive, and the present participle also has the feminine form in ^t only
in this kind of phrase, hut elsewhere scfia^ which, in my opinion, comes
from schia, and this from schi; so that under the influence of the t, with
a vowel following it, the t is changed into sch, as in Lithuanian into ch
(genitive e5flncAio«= Lettish essochas). Refer to what has been said be-
fore (§. 783.) regarding the origin of the ip shcfi in the Sclavonic gerund.
The coincidence of the Lettish feminine termination $cha with the Greek
<ra,
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1051
785. The aorist tenses in Sanscrit have left us no par-
ticiples ; and the Greek language, by forms like Kvcra^,
KiTTCdv, (pvyiiv, TUTTcSv, maintains a superiority over the San-
scrit. As, however, the first aorist in Greek contains the
verb substantive (see §. 542.), we may compare <raj,
cravra, aavre^, &c., with the Sanscrit san, santam, santas.
The forms which appear in composition maintain a similar
superiority over the simple w, ovto^, with respect to the
more true preservation of the ancient form, to that which
the Latin sens of proisens, absens, does over the simple ens.
In respect to the accent, and the pure radical vowel, Greek
participles of the second aorist like Ktiridv, (f>vyu>v, opposed
to \ei7ra)v, (pevycav, answer to Sanscrit participles of the
sixth class like tvd&n, " the pushing," accusative tuddntam.
As in the Veda dialect many verbs occur in conjugational
classes other than those which they follow in the common
dialect, I still hesitate to concur with Bcnfey in consider-
ing participles like vridhdntj " increasing,*" dhrishdnt, " dar-
ing," in the weak cases vridhdt, dhrishdty as aorist partici-
ples, though in no other case have the roots in question
been shewn to belong to the sixth class. If, however,
they are really aorist participles, then dhrishamdna-s (Rig.
V. I. 52. 5. ; probably to be accented dhrishdmdna), also a
middle aorist participle of the sixth formation, though in the
common dialect, having no middle voice, belongs to this for-
mation in the indicative. The root pd, " to drink," whence
pivdmi (Ved. pibdmi from pipdmi), in the Veda dialect follows
also the second class, as is clear from pdtlid, " ye drink "
(Ved. thd for tha. Rig. V. I. 86. 1.) ; whence I cannot concur
with Benfey in ascribing the participle pdlntam, " bibentem,"
to the aorist, and just as little can I allot to it the imperative
ca, in forms like rvrrrova'a, rv^vcro, is also remarkable. This era was
probably preceded by a form crw (compare rpta=SBnscrit M, §. 119.), so
that the <r was produced from r by the influence of the i following.
3 y2
1052 FORMATION OF WORDS.
pdlitf " bibe,'*'* which likewise helongs to the present of the
second class. With respect to the accentuation of the par-
ticiple present active, I must draw notice to the bict that
the Greek conjugation in /lu agrees with the corresponding
Sanscrit conjugation in this (the reduplicated verhs ex-
cepted), that it accents the second syllable of the par-
ticiple in question, and that therefore, in this respect*
OTopvig, oTopvvvra, stand in the same relation to tpepioy,
^epovray as, in Sanscrit, strinvdn, sfrinvdntamf to bharaTi,
hlidranfam. The Sanscrit, however, diflFers from the Greek
in allowing, in the weakest cases (see §. 130.), the accent
to sink down to the case syllabic ; hence in the geni-
tive singular and accusative plural stri-nva-tds opposed
to OTop-vv-vTog, oTop-vv-vTag. The Sanscrit differs from
the Greek also in this, that in the accentuation of
the participle present (the theory of the weakest cases
excluded) it is governed by that of the corresponding
tense ; thus, Mdh-a-riy tud-d-n, shuchyan^ chdr-ui/a-riy accord-
ing to Mdh'd-mi, ind-d-mi, siich-yd^mU chdr-dyd-mu In
the second conjugation (see §. 493.) the participle present
is governed with respect to its accent by the heavy ter-
minations, especially by that of the third person plural,
and, in irregular verbs, participates also in the abbrevia-
tions, which the root experiences before heavy termina-
tions : hence from vdhnl, " I will,"' comes not rdsant, but
usdntf "willing,'" according to the analogy of usmds,
ushthd, usdnii The third class has, as well in the entire
singular (with few exceptions) as in the third person plural
and in the participle present, the accent on the syllable
of reduplication ; hence dddtlmU ** I give," dddati, " they
give '' (sec §. 459.), dddat " the giving " (see §. 779. Note),
the latter opposed to the Greek StSovg, nOelg, while ddddmi,
dddhdmif agree with o/^co/xi, rlOrjixu
Remark. The principle of Sanscrit accentuation appears to me to be
this, that the farther the accent is tlirown back, the grayer and more
FORMATION OF WORDS.
1053
powerM the accent ; and I believe I may assert the same principle in
Gi-eek also ; only that here, out of regard for the harmony and euphony
of the word, the accent in polysyllabic words cannot overstep the limit of
the third syllable, while the Sanscrit places the accent on the first s}' liable,
without reference to the extent of the word, and contrasts bdrdmahi
with the Greek <l>€p6fji€6cu A very striking proof of the dignity and
energy of the accentuation of initial parts of words, and, at the same time,
a very remarkable point of agreement between Sanscrit and Crreek ac-
centuation, is afforded by the circumstance, that both languages, in the
declension of monosyllabic words in the strong cases (see §. 129.), which,
with respect to their accentuation, are, as it were, pointed out by the
genius of the language as the most important, lay the accent on the base,
but in the weak cases allow it to fall on the case termination. Here,
however, the accusative plural, though in respect to sound it belongs to
the weak cases, yet passes, as regards accent, in most monosyllabic
words in Sanscrit, as in Greek, for a strong case * ; which cannot surprise
us, as this case in the singular and dual belongs, in each respect, to the
strong cases. Compare the declension of vacA, fem., ^'speech," ^' voice,"
with the Greek 6n (from Fott for f oic, Latin, voc).
SINGULAR.
PLURAL.
SANSCRIT.
GREEK.
SANSCRIT.
GREEK.
N. V. rife
N.V.
Syjr
N. V. vdchas
N.V. 5»r«
Ace. vdcham
Ace.
Sira
Ace. vdckas
Ace. Srras
Instr. vdchd
...
Instr. v&gbhU
...
Dat. vdM
...
D. Abl. vdghhyds
. * •
Gen. Abl. vdchiU
Gen.
OTT'Ss
Gen. vacham
Gen. oTT&v
Loc. vdchi
D.
t /
OW-i
Loc. vdkshu
Dat. oifr/
DUAL.
SANSCRIT.
GREEK.
N. A. V. vdchdu
Ved.
vdchd N. A.
V. SjTf
I. D. A. vdgbhydm
D. G.
OTTOIV
Gen. Loc. vdchds.
•
• » m
I consider as a consequence of the emphasis, which lies in the accentua.
tion of the beginning of a word, the circumstance that active verbs, to
* See the exceptions in Bohtlingk, ^^ A first attempt as to the Accent in
Sanscrit*' (St. Petersburg, 1845), §. 14.
1054 FORMATION OF WORDS.
I
which the middle verbs also belong, in Sanscrit piincipally accent the
first syllable, so that, therefore, the energy of the action is represented
by the energy of the accentuation ; and I perceive an agreement of the
Greek accentuation with the Sanscrit in this, that Greek verbs throw
back the accent as far as possible. In dissyllabic and trisyllabic forms,
therefore, the two languages usually agree most fully in their accentua-
tion of verbs. Compare rt/u with imi, d/doafu with ddddmiy riBrjfu with
dddhdmi^ (f>€po^€v with bhdrdmas^ t[<f>€pov with dbharam. In forms of
more than three syllables the Greek approaches the Sanscrit as closely as,
without a violation of the fundamental law of its system of accentua-
tion, is possible ; hence the already-mentioned <f>€p6fi€6a compared with
bhdrdmahS (from -madhi^ see §. 472.), and also €<t>€p6pL€6a compared with
dbhardmahi. A quite similar agreement, together with a similar con-
trast, appears between the Greek and Sanscrit accentuation in cases in
which the Greek, in accordance with the Sanscrit principle, throws back
the accent of the base word in the vocative.^ This evidently happens, in
both languages, in order to give emphasis to the name of the person
called, and to bring it prominently forward by the voice ; and in the voca-
tive, in the three numbers of all words, the Sanscrit (where this case is
specially accented) always accents the first syllable, however long the
word be, and wherever the accent may fall in the other cases. To the
nominatives pita, mdta, duhiia (ace. pitdram, mdtdram, duh%tdram\ cor-
respond the vocatives pitar^ matar^ duhitar^ with which the corresponding
Greek vocatives ndnp, /xjjrcp, Ovyanp — as compared with rraTqp, irmpa^
fi^TTjp (for p^ijTVp)* M'^^P^i Ovydrqp (for Ovyarrjp), Bvyaripa, — Stand in sur-
prising agreement ; and this is the more remarkable, as the words denoting
afiinity in our family of languages belong also, in another respect, to those
expressions wliich have preserved the ancient stamp with astonishing
fidelity. While, however, the Sanscrit also exhibits vocatives like vish-
vamiira, the Greek, owing to accentual limits prescribed to it, can only
shew such as *Aydfi€pLPov, which, however, docs not prevent us from re-
cognising, even in forms of this kind, the agreement of the Greek and
Sanscrit vocative theory ; and just as little, in my opinion, could forms
like <f>€p6p.€da compared with bhdrdmahe cause us to overlook the afiinity
of Greek and Sanscrit verbal accentuation. The principal part of the
Sanscrit first conjugation (see §. 493.) is formed by the first class, which
comprehends almost one half of the whole number of roots, and to which,
* Compare Benfey in tlie '''Halle Journal of General Literature,*' May
1845, p. 907.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1055
with few exceptions, all the German strong verhs helong (see §. 109*. 1.) :
these in the special tenses throughout accent the first syllable. The sixUi
class, which is properly only an ofishoot of the first, and contains, as it
were, the diseased members of that class (abont 140 roots), has, with the
Guna, put off also the accenting of the radical vowel, and accents instead
the class vowel, ofily that the angment, as well in the imperfect as in the
aorist in all classes of verbs, has the accent; hence, tuddmiy ^^tundo"
tuddsiy *'^tnndis" opposed to hddfidmi^ "*cio," bodhdsi^ ^^scis" The passive
accents its characteristic ya^ and therefore the second syllable instead of
the first, undoubtedly because in it the energy of self-exertion is lost :
this is evident from the £Eu;t, that verbs of the fourth class, though their
middle is literatim the same as the passive, nevertheless accent the first
syllable ; hence, laichyat^^ ^^purificat" opposed to suchydU, ''purifi-
catur" It is also of some importance for the support of my view of the
meaning of Sanscrit accentuation, that when the passive is used as re-
flexive, the accent may be thrown back on the radical syllable, though
only in roots terminating in a vowel, or which drop their final consonant.
Desideratives and intensives, excepting the deponent of the latter, as is
natural from the energy inherent in them, hold fast to th'j general prin-
ciple of throwing back the accent as fiir as possible; hence pipasdmi^
" I wish to drink ;*' bebhMmiy " I cleave *' (intens.). As to the fact, how-
ever, that verbs of the tenth class, though they Gunise the radical syllable,
still throw the accent on the second {chordydmi, " I steal," not chvra-
ydmi\ we may suppose that these verbs feel themselves to be compounds,
and in a measure determinatives ; and as such, in accordance with the pre-
vailing principle of compounds, accent the last member of the compound,*
but the first syllable of it in order to comply with the fundamental rule
of verbal accentuation. The same syllable, in my opinion, is accented in
denominatives formed by ya for the same reason {puiriydti). I consider
it as another consequence of the composition that the auxiliary future
accents not the first syllable of the whole compound, but the auxiliary
verb, whether it begins with the second or the third syllable of the whole
expression ; while the Greek, through all tenses, retains the fundamental
principle of verbal accentuation ; hence, doxro), doxrofiev, compared with
ddsydmi, ddsydmaSi and forms like tanMydmi (*' extendam*)^ tanishydmas.
So in Sanscrit the auxiliary verb, which is added in the potential (optative)
and precative (aorist of the potential=optative), viz. the syllable yd^
draws the accent upon itself; hence, cfadf^d^, " cfe^ " (SiSoiiy), precative
* See Aufrecht "i)c Accentu compositorum Sanacriticoriim,** p. 5.
1056 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
dhfat (do/*;), bhiiydma, ^*8imus,"* On the other hand, in cases where
the modal element coalesces with the preceding class vowel into a diph-
thong, the accent remains on the same syllable as is accented in the indica-
tive ; thus, bhdris, bharet^ bhdr^ma=(f>€pois, <f}€poi, <f>€potfi€v : on the otlker
hand, tudi% tudSt, &c., according to the analogy of tuddfi, tuddii. The
analogy of the sixth class is followed by tlie potentials of the aorist of the
uxth formation peculiar to the Veda dialect; hence, Hoktmoj ^^'posHmut**
In the six classes of verbs belonging to the Sanscrit second conjuga-
tion (see §. 493.), as also in the perfect of all verbs, the heavy personal
terminations exercise a similar influence on the attraction of the accent
to that manifested in Greek in all classes of words by the length of
the final syllable, only that the heavy personal terminations in Sanscrit
not only attract the accent, but appropriate it, and, if dissyllabic, to
their first syllable. In this way 6mi {=€t^i), ddddmi {=biba>fu), jdhd-
mi, '^ abandon," are in the plural irnds, dadmds (for daddmds, middle
dadrndhiftjahirnds. In the fifth, seventh, eighth, and ninth class, as also
in the perfect, the Guna syllable, or the heavier class affix or insertion,
exercises an influence in throwing back the accent ; hence, chinomu '^ I col-
lect" (plural chinumds); i/undjmi, "I bind" {plun^ yunjmds) ; tan6mi,**l
extend *' (plural tanumds) ; yunami^ '* I bind " (plural yuiiirnds) ; tutuda,
" I did thrust " (plural tutudimd), instead of the forms chinumu yiirmjmi^
&c., which, according to the fundamental principle of verbal accentuation,
would be looked for. The heavy suffix of the participle present («/, ant),
the a of which, just like that of the third person plural, is viewed, with
respect to the accentuation, as an essential portion of the termination, or of
the suffix, follows, in the just-mentioned verbal classes, the analogy of the
heavy personal terminations, especially that of tlie third person plural ;
but in the weak cases (with the exception of verbs of the third class)
allows the accent to fall down to the case termination ; and the feminine
f, in case the suffix loses its n, follows the analogy of the weakest cases.
The same principle is followed by the participle present of the sixth class.
• Sama Ved. II. C. 2. IG. 2. Remark the dropping of the s of the com-
mon dialect {bhdydsma)^ as in Zend, see §. 701.
t Reduplicated roots accent only those heavy terminations which begin
with a consonant, and accord to those commencing with a vowel no in-
fluence in casting back the accent. The vowel a, which precedes n in the
third person plural, holds as regards the accentuation as belonging to the
personal termination. Hence ydtiti, "they go," compared with iti;
but dddati, " they give" (see g. 459.) not daddli, like ddddti, "he gives."
FORMATION OF WORDS. . 1057
I annex the nominative, accnsative, and genitive singular masculine (the
neuter also of the genitive), and the feminine nominative in (: dvishdn^
dvishdntam, dvishatdsy dvishati; dddat, dddatam, dddatas, dddati ; yvn-
jdrij yunjdntam^ yimfatds, jfunjati ; chinvdn, chinvdntam, chinvatds,
chinvcUi ; tanvduy tanvdntam, toMoatds, tanvati ; yundn^ yundntam, yu-
naids yunati; tunddn^ ttmddntam^ tundaids^ tunddnti, — As in Greek, par-
ticiples present active of the conjugation in ^ in agreement with the pre.
vailing principle in the corresponding Sanscrit conjugation, accent the
vowel which precedes the v, instead of the first of the hase-word, and
oTopvvs^ oTopvCyTOf (rropvvyT€f (rropvvvT€s^ stand for comparison with the
Sanscrit #Mitv<i72, ^frwiv/fii/am, tf^rmvtf 71^^ (in the Veda dialect) strirwdntas,
it might be conjectured that originally the heavy personal terminations,
as they exercise (see §. 480.), as in Sanscrit, a shortening influence on the
preceding syllable, have also, in like manner, attracted to themselves the
accent. Then the Doric forms diB6im^ riBivn, iardim^ bciKvCvri, might
be regarded as remnants of an older system of accentuation. In the op-
posite case, we must look upon Sanscrit forms like strinumds, compared
with the Greek (rr6pwfi€v^ as the consequence of an influence upon the
accentuation exercised by the heavy personal terminations, and first ac-
corded to them by the genius of the language after the separation of lan-
guages. I have no doubt that forms like strinomi (from 8tarn6mi=s
aropvvfii), yundjmi^ through the influence of the weight of the second
syllable, first, after the separation of languages, transferred the accent from
the first to the second syllable. This takes place also in some verbs of
the third class, which we find, therefore, in this respect, as it were, in
the period of transition from the original system of accentuation to that
more recent, in which, in the second principal conjugation, the weight,
of the second syllable has made its influence on the accentuation effectual.
However, in the Veda dialect, in those roots also which admit the accen-
tuation of the radical syllable, the accenting of the syllable of reduplica-
tion seems principally to prevail. Benfey {Glossary to the Sdma-VSda^
p. 139.) cites from bhar^ briy Class 3, the forms bibharshi, **fersy" bibhrati,
^^fererai" bibhrati, ^^ftrenUs^* (as Veda pi. fem. for bibkratycL$\ opposed
to bibhdTii, '^fertr*
* We must not infer from bibhdrii, and similar forms, that ar is really
the Guna of ri: it is natural, however, that in parts of grammar where
vowels^ capable of Guna receive it, that those verbs which admit of
weakening should preserve the full form of the root, as vast ^^ to will,"
becomes contracted to ui only in places which do not allow of Guna ;
hence.
1058 FORMATION OF WORDS.
A strong proof of the emphasis of the accentuation of the beginning of
words (in Sanscrit always of the first syllable) is afforded in Sanscrit and
Greek by the suffixing of the degrees of comparison, ^jl^nff ^ydhs (in the
weak cases »ya*), «oi/, T^ ishtha, toro, which, where they are added,
always require the accent to be thrown back as far as possible. Thus,
in Sanscrit, from svadu^ ** sweet **=^8v, comes the comparative svddiydru^
nominative masc. svadiydn^ and the superlative svddishtha-s. To the latter
corresponds the Greek fj^iaro-s, and to the nominative and accusative
neuter of the comparative svddiyas the Greek rj^Mv ; while ribiap^ r^biovos^
for well-known reasons, do not exhibit an agreement of accentuation with
svddtydn^ st^adtyasas. The Greek degrees of comparison in rcpo, raro,
follow essentially the same principle, i. c. they throw the accent as far
back as possible, by which, however, only the syllable preceding the
suffix is reached, so that the accent is often necessarily transferred from
the beginning to the middle of a word, as in /Sf/Satorepoy, /Sc^Saioraroy,
compared with /3//3ator. In Sanscrit, on the other hand, the degree suf-
fixes, corresponding to the Greek rfpo, raro, exercise no influence at all
on the accent; and the positive base retains the accent on the base
in whatever part of the word soever the same may occur ; thus the
hence, usmds^ " we will," opposed to vdsml, " I will " (Comp. VocaUsmus,
p. 168). When Benfey , who, in the ''^ Halle Journal of General Literature "
(May 1845, p. 944) contrasts the Greek opwfti with the Sanscrit rinomi^
remarks, that in Greek ri is Gunised, because it is accented, and tliat u is for
the same reason Gunised in Sanscrit, I cannot assent to him in either point.
In the first place, I recognise in forms like opwfu^ (rropwyx (the latter =
8trin6mi\ no Guna, but only the discontiimance of the abbreviation of ar
to ri, which was admitted in Sanscrit, just as in rpiros compared with the
Sanscrit tritiyas (Latin tertius, transposed from tretius, for tritius\ the
abbreviation of the syllable ri has ceased. In the second place, I cannot
admit that forms like rindini^ strinSmi^ have, for this reason, Gunised the
second syllable because it is accented ; for if the accent occasioned the
Guna, we should also expect for hihharshi and vivakti (in the Veda dialect),
hehharshi^ vevakti^ and for desideratives like pipdsdmi^ p^pdsdmi. To
me, therefore, the principle set forth above, viz. that the accenting of the
first syllable belongs to the verb, but that heavy syllables have often de-
stroyed the original accentuation, and appropriated the accent to them-
selves, appears fiir more natural. The Greek replaces the Guna of rinSmi,
stjindmiy by the lengthening of the vowel {ardppvfii opposed to crrcJpinJ/icv),
but nevertheless preserves the original accentuation.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1059
comparatiye and superlative of mahdt (in the strong cases mahdnt) are in
the nominative masculine mahdttarasy mahdttamas ; and the superlative
of vfUhan^ " liberal," " giving freely " (in the Veda dialect), vfishantama'S^
genitive vHshantamasya (Rig* V. I. 10. 10.). The reason that tara and
tamay in Sanscrit, exercise no influence on the accentuation lies, in my
opinion, in this, that these suffixes are rather enclitic in their nature,
and have not grown up so inwardly united with the principal word,
as the other more rare suffixes of comparison; as appears, also, from
the circumstance that the feminine accusative tardm^ tamdm^ may
be added to verbs adverbially also ; e. g. yddatitamdm^ ^' he speaks
very much."
A consequence of the emphasis which lies in accenting the beginning
of a word is this, that abstract substantives, which frequently are merely
Intensifications of adjectives, affect, in Sanscrit and in Greek, this kind of
accent Thus the suffix as, in Sanscrit, is used especially in forming ab-
stracts, and requires an accent on the first syllable of the word ; as in ydiasu,
"glory," compared with yasds^ "glorious" (the latter only in the Veda
dialect, see Benfey's Glossary), whence the comparative yakdstara-Sy
superlative yasdstamors; thus, dpas^ nominative "activity," "work,"
"offering" (Latin optu\ compared with apds masculine "the active,"
" the warrior," "the sacrificer." As to Sanscrit neutral bases in as cor-
respond the Greek in or, ey, c(cr)-off (see §.128.), Benfey draws our notice,
as regards the paroxy tone accent of the abstracts spoken o^ and the oxy-
tone accent of the adjectives, to the relation of the Greek dyos to Ayris.
It may also be observed, that Greek bases in or, e r, when they form pos-
sessive compounds in combination with preceding words, usually throw
the accent on the suffix, while other compounds of this kind accent
the first member of the compound, or, at least, throw back the accent
as far as possible ; thus cvpuo-^cv^r , fieyoXoo'^ev^r, fX€yaOapa-rjf, bvo-Kkerj^,
rvicXe^r, compared with forms like fieydOvfiosy ficyadoapor, ficyoXcSdcupor, fie-
ydk6^(os, cuo\6iJLOp<f>os, alo\6jr€n\oSy aioXoxacnjr.
786. The suffix of the participle of t^ie reduplicated pre-
terite or perfect (see §. 688.) is, in Sanscrit, in the para-
smaipadam or active (see §. 426.), according to the diffe-
rence of case, vdiis, vat, and mh, and in all these forms,
according to the analogy of the heavy terminations of the
indicative (see p. 1057), has the accent Indian Gram-
marians, however, consider vds as the true form of the
suffix, though it does not appear in this form in a single
1060 FOBMATION OF WORDS.
case, but the strong eases spring from vdiw* the middle
from v&t, and the weakest from iish (euphonic for us).
From mh comes also the feminine theme vshi, to which
the Lithuanian iisi is an admirable counterpart; hence
deffusi, "the having burned " = Sanscrit dih^shh for dada-
hushi (see §. 605.). The oblique cases of the Lithuanian
feminine participle spring, for the most part, from an ex-
tended base usia ; hence the genitive singular degusids,
as rankd-Sy from rankd, " hand." Compare herewith the
Greek via of rervipvia, which has been already elsewhere
compared with the Sanscrit tutupishi.'f
787. With the weakest form of the Sanscrit participial
suffix above mentioned are connected also, in Lithuanian,
the oblique cases of the masculine, but with the same un-
organic affix of la, which, too, the participle present has
retained; thus, genitive degusio (as wilko from wiUca-^)
corresponding to the Sanscrit dih'dsh-as, dative deg-usia-mtf
accusative deg-usi-n for deg-usia-n* The nominative degehs is
based on the Sanscrit strong theme dih-i-vAhs (t as conjunc-
tive vowel) ; but the * of the Lithuanian form scarcely be-
longs to the base, but is the sign of case, and extends, as in
* The vocative singalar, which in general diflclaima long vowels (see
§. 205.), ahortens the long d; hence, van compared with the nominative
vdriy since annsv^ra (n) after the s is dropped (see §. 9.) becomes it. I am
not inclined with Bohtlingk (Ded. p. 10) to represent vaha as the original
form of the suffix ; for if, as we ought to be, we arc goided by the strong
cases, which in general, where different modifications of the theme occur,
have preserved the original form, we must then take v^yu to be the ancient
form, and allow that the vocative, as is its wont, has shortened the vowel,
which perhaps is only a consequence of the emphasizing the beginning of
the word in the vocative by accenting it. Bohtlingk also, in his zeal for
the vocative, represents xyans as the theme of the comparative suffix ty&ns^
iyoM (see §. 298.), the long d of which, in Latin, takes the form of ^ in all
the oblique cases.
t "On the Influence of Pronouns in (he Formatum qf Words," p. 4.
X According to the analogy of the adjective declension, see § 281.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1061
the participle present, to the vocative also ; while the San-
scrit, as it cannot bear two consonants at the end of a word
(see §. 94.)> in both cases abandons both the nominative
sign and the final consonant of the base ; thus, nominative
(Uh'Uvdru vocative dih-i-^an, corresponding to the Lithua-
nian deg-ens. The Zend, on the contrary, has retained
* In the Old Prussian Catechism there occur two perfect participles
in vmns very deserving of notice, viz. ktanttvouns^ " having cursed," and
murrawunsy "having murmured,** which stand nearer to the Sanscrit
vans than any other European kindred form. The u of wuns, as also that
of the common form uns (after consonants also ons^ and sometimes ans)^ is
evidently, like the e of the Lithuanian efis, a weakening of a, originally
d; as in widdewu^ " widow "«= Sanscrit vidhavd, Latin vidua, and some
similar feminine nominatives. The u of the plural -usis, accusative tisins^
and of the accusative singular usin, is, on the other hand, organic, and
identical with the Sanscrit u of the base of the weakest case and of the
feminine, as also with that of the corresponding forms in Lithuanian.
Nesselmann ("TA« Lanffuage of the Old Prussians^* * p. 64) represents tlie
participles in uns {oru, ans, umns) as indeclinable, and takes usU as ali
independent form with declinable terminations. I, however, consider
umns, uns, ons, ans, as the singular nominative masculine, with s as the sign
of case, as in Lithuanian ens. This participle seldom requires declension,
as it is principally used for a periphrasis of the perfect indicative, and thus
occurs in the nominative relation ; e.g., asmai murrawuns bhe klanti-
wuns, "I have murmured and cursed" (literally, " 1 am the person
having murmured and cursed"). The nominative singular usually takes
the place of the plural, as also in Lithuanian the present and perfect par-
ticiples have lost the termination of the plural nominative, and in this
case only have rejected the s of the nominative singular : hence, from
sukejis, "having turned," comes the plural suken. Where, however, in
Old Prussian, the plural relation of the participle perfect is really ex-
pressed, it ends in usis, probably from a lengthened base in usi (compare
§. 780.) ; so that is of the Lithuanian plural termination corresponds to
the y-s of bases in • {jawy-s, " sheep," from the base avn). The examples
occurring in the Old Prussian Catechism may be found in Nesselmann,
p. 31, n. 84. : madliti, tyt wtrstai iaus immusis; laukyii, tyt toirstai Urns
aupallusis, "ask, and ye shall receive (be having received) ; seek, and ye
shall find (be having found)." The future, which is wanting in Old Prus-
sian,
10G2 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the nominative sign in its participles ; as, jJtti»(o^^ dadh^
vdo, "having made/' vid-vdio, "knowing" (ei5c5f), which it
has also done in the participle present, a point in which
it is superior to the Sanscrit, and agrees with the Lithua-
nian, Latin, and Gothic ; for from ^t^ vAn is formed in
Zend, not gAulp txlo, hut y^(? vaiiru It is clear, however,
that the o of vdo does not represent the s of the theme of
the strong cases, as the suffix vanl also, in the nominative,
forms v&o (compare Bumouf Yacjna, Note R. p. 12S). In
the accusative, 9gw»jgjaj»3^^ dudlivdonhem corresponds to
the Sanscrit dadh-Uvdnsam ; in the w^eakest cases, and be-
fore the feminine character i, the 2^nd suffix is contracted,
like tlie Sanscrit suffix, to ush* ; hence, in the genitive
\tfi)^^ dathusho (Vend. S. p. 3. for dadhushS, see p. 965.
sian, is always periplirastically expressed by the auxiliary verb signifying
" to be," with the participle perfect ; hence, p. 12, n. 15., pergubons tcyrst^
" he is come " (is the person having come). The oblique cases of the per-
fect participle, from being little required, seldom occur, and spring Uke-
wise from the theme increased by t, wliile the Lithuanian adds ia to the
base. The only instances that occur are, au-lau-usi-ns^ ^' the slain" {mor-
tuoSf for which) also, aulausins and aulauwussens), and ainan-gimm-tisi-n^
"to those bom in" (the place), the latter with passive signification, which,
except in the root gem, g'nn, does not occur in this participle. If we
should not admit a nominative plural in usis, the above-mentioned forms
might then be taken as singular nominatives, with a plural signification.
The circumstance, however, that the real and frequently-occurring singular
nominative always terminates in iis, and that, too, the participle present
leaves the old base (in nt) in the nominative singular unlengthened, and
in the other cases lengthened only by t, is much opposed to this view. —
The single feminine form of this participle which occurs deserves mention ;
\nz. the nominative singular aulaus^, ^^mortiia" for aulauusi, as above
aulausins together with aulauusins. Tlie final ^ corresponds, therefore,
to the Sanscrit » and Lithuanian i of feminine forms iu usM, usi.
* TJie lithographed Codex of the Vendidad Sadd has, almost in all
places, Mi 9 ioT joj sh: I, however, agree with Bumouf in reading j^
8h as probably the sole correct reading.
PORMATION OF WORDS. 1063
Note*); in the dative jot^y^s? vidusM, "to the knowing""
(1. c. p. 214.) = "Pi5^ viduM (elSoTt); in the genitive plural
9'(ft^)^'>^'P'i iririthushanm, "of the dead'" (1. c. p. lOl); in
the genitive singular feminine ^JJ^^^t^^^OM^i^jaghm fishy do
(1. c. p. 91. twice, and 304. twice) * = Sanscrit jagmushyds,
from gam, " to go '^ ; in the accusative feminine 9^CD^^^
r//A«*Ai?m= Sanscrit tf J usAtm, from rid, "to know'" (1. c. p. 469).
788. With the contracted form T^ mh of the sufEx here
spoken of is connected a word which appears in Gothic
as a solitary remnant of an obsolete participial gender,
and corresponds in a remarkable manner with Sanscrit
forms like dihush (theme of the weakest cases) from dah ;
I mean, Mrusyds, " the parents,'' occuring only in the
nominative plural masculine, and which, I have no doubt,
properly signifies " the having given birth to C and, with
respect to its radical vowel, corresponds to the polysyllabic
forms of the preterite of baira (bar, plural bSrum, conjuga-
tional singular b^r-yan, plural bh'-ei-ma (see §. 605.). The
theme is b^rusya, which corresponds in its unorganic affix
yn to the above-mentioned (§. 787.) Lithuanian ia ; e. g.
of deg-usia, dative deg-usia-m. The nominative singular,
according to §. 135. would be b^r-useis, and the accusative
bSrim, the latter like the Lithuanian degusi-n.
* With rognrd to the long u of jaghmushydOy let it be noticed that the
sibilant is here followed by a semi-vowel, since, as it appears, a lengthen-
ing of the M, which is, in Sanscrit, always short, occurs especially before
two consonants; hence, also, Vendidad Sade, p. 616, v^S^'^^^P;^^
jayhmuk^md (witli s> * for x^ «), a superlative formed from the weakest
theme ; and p. 626, daduschhU^ an interesting form ; whence it is clear
that in Zend also the middle cases (see §. 130.) of this participle spring
from the weakest theme. There occurs, however, a long w in pipyushim^
without the occasion of two following consonants, as also in its negative
apipyushlm (Vend. S. p. 429), from p6^ "to drink," with a causal mean-
ing (" the having sucked "). Perhaps the circumstance that two conso-
nants precede has its influence.
1064 FORMATION OP WORDS.
789. To the form vdt, whence come in Sanscrit the
middle cases of the perfect participle , belongs the Greek
OT, which has preserved the ancient accent (see §. 786.) ;
but after losing the digamma, which is generally lost in
the middle of words, in case it does not assimilate with
a preceding consonant (see Tetraape^, §. 312.), aSj for instance,
also in the sufEx evT = Sanscrit txint (of the strong cases):
thus, the same relation that a/L(7re\o(f)ei/T has to San-
scrit forms like dhdna-vant (** endowed with riches," see §.
20.), reTViff{f)6T has to tutupvdt, to which, as nominative,
accusative, and vocative, in Greek, TeTv<f>6£ corresponds (see
§. 152.). To the plural locative tuiup-val'su corresponds
the Greek dative TeTi;0-d(T)-<r/. Mention has already been
made of the feminine form in via, as abbreviation of xxna^
and of the affinity, as regards formation, of rervipvTa with
the Sanscrit tuiupiishi (see §. 786.). The Latin, perhaps,
in sec&rUs presents a remnant of these feminine participles
in ushi (euphonic for usi\ and the proper translation,
therefore, is, perhaps, " the cutting " (instead of ** the hav-
ing cut "), the u being lengthened, and the sibilant being
changed between two vowels into r.^ As several parti-
cipial suffixes are often used also in the formation of de-
rivative words, there is, therefore, ground for comparing
the suffix dan in words like lapid-dsus, lumin-dsus, fructu-
dsus, forin-dsu8, pisc-dsus, with the Sanscrit vdns of the
strong cases, to which it has nearly the same relation that
the comparative suffix idr has to ^i|TO fydiis (see §. 298.),
* See §. 130., where it must be also noticed that the nominatiye, accu-
sative, and vocative singular of neuters in the threefold theme gradation
always are connected with the middle form.
t See §. 22. In the Veda dialect there are abstract substantives in
ushi^ with the accent on the radical syllable (see p. 1059) ; as, Uipushtj
" ire " (properly, " the burning "), from tap, " to l^urn ;" tdrusht, " strife,"
from tar {tri ir), " to overstep.*
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1065
only that the original sibilant is retained, though the v is
lost, just as in sopio=svapimi; soro, sordrem^svasdr,
svasdram; 861^= war j "heaven'' (from sur, and this from
svar, "to shine"), Zend hvare, "the sun." With respect
to the prolongation of the suffix by a vowel affix, compare
the relation of the suffix turu to t&Tj Sanscrit iAr (see
§. 647.).
790. In Old Sclavonic the gerundive preterite corresponds
to the participle here spoken of, as is most clearly apparent
in the feminine singular form, in which, in verbal bases
ending in a vowel, vhuiiiL vshi corresponds to the Sanscrit-
Zend u«^^, and Lithuanian vsi. Compare BiyiBivmH by-ishi,
" having been " (feminine) with the Sanscrit w^iyft babhuv-
iishu and Lithuanian butv-usu In the nominative plural
masculine (used also for the feminine), B'bmE vshe — ^with e
as the termination of case = Sanscrit as, Greek ej — answers
to the Sanscrit vdnsas, and therefore B'biBmE by-vshe to
babhu-v&nsas ; on the other hand, in the singular the sibi-
lant is lost in the nominative masculine ; thus, B'biB'b 6^-^
corresponding to the Sanscrit babhA-van and Lithuanian
buw-em (see §. 787.), where it must be observed that gene-
rally the Sclavonic has lost the original final consonant, so
that the s also of the Lithuanian burv-ens belongs not to
the suffix, but to the case sign. After consonants the t;
of the gerundive suffix is suppressed ; hence, e.g., necb nes,
"having carried" (for nes-v), plural NECbmE neishe (for
HECBi>mE nesushe), feminine singular HECbmn neishi (for
ned-vshi).
Remark. In the Sclavonic that tense of the indicative is wanting
whence the past participle or gerandive has proceeded: on the other
hand, I am now of opinion that the Lithuanian perfect (also aorist), which
I formerly compared with the Sanscrit first augmented preterite (Greek
imperfect), must be compared with the Sanscrit reduplicated preterite,
Greek perfect and Gothic preterite of the strong conjugation. I assume,
therefore, that in buwauy ^' I was," or '^ I have been," instead of the
Sz
1066 FORMATION OF WORDS.
aagment; the syllable of reduplication is dropped, as in Gothic preterites
like baugy " I bent," bugum^ " wc bent '*=San9crit bubhoja^ bubhtijimd;
and I compare it with the Sanscrit babhuva^ to which, with regard to its
medial m, it corresponds better than to the imperfect dbhavam, Buwau
does uideed closely resemble also the Sanscrit aorist dbhuvam^ but in the
third person buio-o answers better to bahhuv-n than to dbhut ; and in both
the plural numbers the forms given above (p. 762) answer better to
babhuv-i-vd (from -a-va) babhuv-a-thu^ (from -t?ias\ babhuv-i-md (from
-Orma)^ babhuv-a-^td)^ than to dbhutam^ dbhu-ma^ dbhu-ta. The conjec-
ture that the Lithuanian perfect belongs to the universal tenses, and not
to the imperfect, is also confirmed by the consideration that the imper-
fect in Sanscrit and Greek always takes part in the base of the present,
i.e. in the class peculiarities, while the Lithuanian preterite, which is
called perfect, does not; hence the perfect ofgdu-nu^ ^'l am acquainted
with," which corresponds to Greek verbs like daK-vo), Latin like ster-no
(see p. 718), is not gau-naUy but gaw-au (future gdu-su). In the perfect,
too, / or nt of tlie present base is dropped, which formerly, when we
sought to compare this tense with the Sanscrit- Greek imperfect, ap-
peared a difficulty (see §. 498.). As to the circumstance that the y or t
(see p. 722) compared with the Sanscrit fourth class is retained in the
perfect, and that from liepyu^ " I order," comes the perfect liqftyau
(future liep^u) ; ft^m traukiu^ " I draw," the perfect traukiau (future
trauk'Su\ this may be explained from the near resemblance in form of
the fourth class to the tenth, in which the retention of the y or i in the
universal tenses is regular. In general the perfect loves a y, and often
adds one in verbs which do not exhibit one either in the present or in
any other tense ; as from dumi (for dudmi), or duduj ^* I give," comes
daw-yau (future du-su) ; fix>m derni (for dedmi)^ " I lay," de-yau (future
de-su—dhd-^dmi^ $Tj-a-Q))*; from eimi^ or et»M, "I go," eyau (futnre
et-«{x= Sanscrit i-shydmi). In every case the form of the participle may
be safely inferred from that of the perfect indicative ; but when the y of
the first person singular indicative disappears in the other persons, it is
lost in the participle also ; thus, from daw-yau^ second person daw-ei^
participle daw-ens^ feminine daw-usi; but from deyaUj second person d^et,
participle dey-ms^ feminine dey-ttsi; from eyau^ ^^ivi^'* second person iyei^
participle ey-ms^ feminine iy-tm. It is beyond doubt, therefoi^ that as
* If the Lithuanian perfect belonged to the Sanscrit-Greek imperfect,
then the perfect of dudu and dedu would most probably be dudau^ dedau
=^S(in8CTit ddaddm^ ad€Ldhdm^ Greek ihih<avy (riOrfv.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1067
the participle is based on the Sanscrit in vdhs, feminine usht^ so the pre-
terite indicative, which is most intimately connected with it, must also
be connected with the Sanscrit reduplicated preterite and its European
kindred forms. The Old Prussian simple preterite also, which in signi-
fication usually appears as aorist, appears to me to be a sister form of the
Sanscrit reduplicated preterite, with the loss of the reduplication : hence,
dai, '•^he gave," for £fa*= Sanscrit daddu^ for dudA. The present dcuU
from dad4, is, on the other hand, like the Lithuanian d^-ti, a redupli-
cated form (see p. 661 ). The ts which often terminates the third person
singular preterite; as in daitSy "he gave," a form used together with
dai; immatSy "he took," with imma ; hiUats, "he spoke,' with billa:
this ts I regard as an appended pronoun, and abbreviated for tas (compare
Lithuanian to*, "that," and the Sanscrit base to, "he," "this/ "that").
Let it be observed, that in general bases in a for the most part suppress
this vowel before the nominative sign *- hence, deiwsy " God "= Lithua-
nian diewasy Sanscrit d^va-s (see Nesselmann, p. 40). That the ts
spoken of is not characteristic of the preterite is clear from this, that it
also occurs sometimes in the present; for example, in a^^t/^, ''heis,"t
aiidp(hquoitStSy "he desires." The former occurs twice, and once in the
sense of the conjunctive : Nesselmann, p. 23, n. 51, nastan kai tans sports
astitSy "on which he may have power." Here, therefore, the idea "he"
is three times expressed, once by tans, then by the ancient personal ter-
mination ti, of the meaning of which the language is no longer conscious,
and lastly by the appended ts. This /*, however, can scarcely be
admitted in reference to fominines : there are no neuter substantives in
Old Prussian ; and in one place, where astits appears to mean " he is," it
refers to the masculine unds, "water" (Nesselmann, p. 17): adder sen
stesmu wirdan Deiwas astits aind Criatisnd, " but ynth the word of God
is a baptism." Here, therefore, the appended pronoun, as the subject of
the proposition, is correctly in its place.
791. The middle and passive participles in Sanscrit, in
* Ai frequently stands in Old Prussian for a ; as in the nominative
singular feminine, where both a and ai correspond to the Sanscrit d, see
Nesselmann, p. 48 ; and compare quai, " which V with the Sanscrit kd^
Lithuanian /ra, and Latin quae; so stai (also */4), "this," "the" = Li-
thuanian ta.
t Compare Sanscrit asti, Lithuanian esti, the t of which in Old Prus-
sian is contained only in this compound (simply £ut)
3 Z 2
1()68 FORMATION OF WORDS.
SO far as they attach themselves to any tense of the indi-
cative, have the suffix mdna or dna. I consider the latter
to be an abbreviation of the former, as it is represented in
Greek, just like mdna, by fxevo : nor is it probable that
the Sanscrit should have originally appropriated to the
participle present of the middle voice two suffixes which
resemble one another so closely as mdna and dna; and
which, in use, are so distributed, that the former belongs
exclusively to the first principal conjugation — only with
the exception, that the tenth class, probably on account of
its greater fulness of form, admits also dna — while the
latter is fixed in the second conjugation ; and, moreover, in
the perfect, to which, as it appears to me, on account of
its incumbrance with the syllable of reduplication, the
shorter form is more agreeable, where we must remark,
that in the present participle active also the reduplica-
tion has an influence on the weakening of the participial
suffix (see §. 779. Note). The auxiliary future has every-
where preserved the complete suffix mdna; hence, dd-syd-
md-na-Sf both middle and passive = Ja>-<ro-/Ltevof. With this
agrees the Lithuanian du-se-ma-s (feminine -wia), " qui da-
bitur,^'* since in Lithuanian the said participial suffix has
been abbreviated to ma, which nevertheless does not cause
us to overlook its connection with the Sanscrit mAna and
Greek fievo. In the participle present dud-a-ma-Sf " qui
daiur,^'' corresponds to the Greek SiSo-fievog, and Sanscrit
dddh'dna-s (for dadh-md-nas, and this for dadd-mdna-^) :
the latter, however, is middle only, and the passive parti-
ciple is <;1i|KH4;^ dt-yd-mdna-s* The Old Prussian, which
approaches the Lithuanian very closely, has, in one of the
two examples of the said participle which remain to us in
the translation of Luther's Catechism, preserved the origi-
* Several roots in d (among them da) weaken this vowel before the
paasiye character ya to f .
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1069
nal form of the suffix with astonishing fidelity, it may be
said, in its perfect Sanscrit form, unless, perhaps, the a of
the first syllable be short. The example I mean is, po-klaus-
i-mana-s, " heard," or rather " being heard,'' aKovofxevoq : *
in form, however, inoKKvofjLevog would be the correspond-
ing word, as klaus or klus is the Prussian form of the
Greek root k\v (Sanscrit irUf from (kru)f and po corre-
sponds to the Greek uiro, Sanscrit {ipa. Besides poklausi-
manas, the Prussian Catechism presents one more form,
which, with respect to its suffix, evidently belongs, in like
manner, to the participle passive present ; viz. eni-m-i/-mne,
*' agreeable," properly " becoming accepted," as the parti-
ciple perfect passive also signifies both "accepted" and
*' acceptable." f
* The participle present passive saits the passage where the expression
occurs better than the perfect participle (Nesselmann, p. 16), stawldcu
tiiadlas ast steismu tdwan en dangon enimmewingi bhe poklausimanag,
'^ such prayer is acceptable to and becoming heard (=18 heard) by the
Lord in heaven."
t Nesselmann (p. 104) takes enimumne to be a typographical error,
though he gives no reason for this opinion. The terminaUon tnne does
not appear to me doubtful : the internal vowel is omitted, as in the Latin
al-umnu8f Vert-u-mnus (§. 478. ), and as in the Zend forms har-a-mn^^
vaz-a-mrUhn^ of which hereafter. So in Old Prussian, from kermen-s^
^*' body/' comes the accusative kermnem (also kermenen and kermenan).
This kermens for kermenas is, according to its formation, probably, in
like manner, a passive participle ; so that, properly, its meaning is equi-
valent to ^^ created," ^^made" (Sanscrit karomiy ^^I make," compare Latin
creo, creatura). Pott refers the Latin corpus^ and Zend kere/s (accusa-
tive k^brpifm^ to the root klrip, kalp ; which, however, is itself connected
with kar (kri)^ as Pott also assumes (see my Sanscrit Glossary^ a. 1847,
p. 84). As regards the final e of enimumney it is either an adverbial or a
neuter termination. The passage wherein the expression occurs requires
properly the nominative singular neuter (Nesselmann, p. 24, n. 66, sta ast
labban bhe dygi enimumne prtki Deiwan nousesmu pogalbentkan, ^' this is
good and acceptable before God our Saviour"), as labban also is really a
neuter,
1070 FORMATION OF WORDS.
792. With respect to accent in Sanscrit, the participles,
middle and passive, in mdnQf dna, follow the same principle
as the active participles (see p. 1057), i.e. they are governed
by the accent of the corresponding tense in the indicative ;
so that the suffix receives the accent only in cases in
which the indicative has it on the personal termination,
which happens in the heavy terminations of the present
of the second principal conjugation (with the exception of
the third class, see p. 1056) and of the perfect of all verbs.
The Greek corresponds, in forms like rervfi-fxevo^ (opposed
to TVJTTo/xevoy), to the accentuation of the Sanscrit cognate
forms, only that the latter have the accent on the final
syllable of the suffix, so that tutup-dnds corresponds to the
Greek TeTir/x-/Liei'Of.
neater, according to the analogy of Sanscrit neuters in am (see §. 162.).
If, however, enimumne is a neuter, in that case the e stands, as frequently
happens in Old Prussian, for a, and the case-sign is suppressed, as in the
pronominal neuters, sta, " this," Ao, " wliat " (accusative ka and Aran),
and in Lithuanian neuters, as gira, ^'bonum** (§.135.). If, however,
there is a t^-pographical error in this word, which is an isolated one of
its kind, we might perhaps conjecture eniviuTnnem=mnan, As regards
the vowel a, it is probably like the Latin u of al-u-mntiSf Vert-u-mnus —
for which we might have expected a/-e-m(t)iiM*, Fert'i-m{i)nus— the cor-
ruption of an original a, and corresponds to the Sanscrit a of the first and
sixth class (§.109^.1.).
* At the time when the Sanscrit suffix dna had not yet lost its m, it
will probably have had, like the Greek -fUvos of r€rv/x-/icw)r, the accent
on the first syllable ; for that the circumstance of the suffix beginning
with a consonant or a vowel may have an influence on the accentuation is
clear from this, that the verbs of the third class in the present indicative
have the accent only on those heavy terminations which begin with
a consonant, wliile in cases where the heavy termination begins with
a vowel, the syllable of repetition is accented (see p. 1080): hence,
hibhri'Vah^^ "we two carry" (Mid.), but second person bibhr-dthSy third
person bihhr dtS, so also in the participle present middle bibr-dnoy not
bibhr-dnd : it is highly probable, however, that bibhrimdnd would be said
if the m of the suffix were retained.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1071
793. In Old Sclavonic the participial suffix in question
has experienced the same abbreviation as in Lithuanian :
it is in the nominative masculine Miy m\ feminine ma mth
neuter mo 7710, and, as in Lithuanian, has only a passive
signification, but occurs only in the present Compare
BE^OM'b t?ef-a-i»', "the being conveyed/' feminine be^oma
vet^'O-ma^ neuter be^omo t?ef-o-mo,* with the Lithuanian
wez-a-ma-Sf feminine -ma, the Sanscrit vuh-a-mdna-s, -et,
-a-m, the Greek ex-o-zLtevo-f, -17, -o-v, and the Latin vehA-mini
(see §. 478.). In the Grerman languages this participle,
as such, has disappeared, but the Gothic lauh-mdni, ''the
lightning," properly, ** that which lights,*" from the femi-
nine base lauh-mdnyotj^ is a substantive remnant of the
participle present middle, and, therefore, the y is an unor-
ganic affix, otherwise indnd would correspond admirably to
the Sanscrit feminine suffix mdnd, as 6 is the most common
representative of the d, which is wanting in Gothic (see
§. 69.). The nominative form -mdni, of mdnyd, is to be
explained according to §. 120. +
794. The Zend has either shortened or rejected the
middle a of the Sanscrit suffix mdiia, and weakened the
preceding class vowel a usually to g e. The form mana
(mna) becomes, as it were, the step of transition to the
Greek fievo, and Latin minu §• 478), and is identical with
* It needs, perhaps, no remark, that the vowel which precedes the n
m all the languages here compared belongs to the class syllable, and is
therefore not to be referred to the participial suffix (see §. 507*).
t Sanscrit r^ch-a-mdtidf " the shining," from the root ruck (from ruk),
which is only used in the middle, according to the first class (see §. lOd^.).
The Latin luceo is based on the causal form rSchdydmi (see p. 110).
4! It may also be assumed that the Gothic mStiyd^ moniy is based on a
to-be-presupposed Sanscrit form mdn^y as bases in a, especially in sub-
stantives, form their feminines frequently in t ; as, <2^ri, ^^ a goddess,"
from d^a^ ^* a god." This 1 must, in Gothic, according to §. 120., take
the form of y<$ or ein, nominative i, ei.
1072 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the Old Prussian mana, of the (§. 791.) above-mentioned po-
klaiis-i-mana'8 ; while the form wino, which has lost its in-
ternal vowel, finds an accidental countertype in the Latin
mnu, of alrU'-mnvjs, Vert-u-mnus^ and the Old Prussian mne,
of enAm-u-mne (§. 791.). In Zend, also, this suffix, as in
Greek, has, beginning even with the present, both a middle
(or purely active) and passive signification, while the San-
scrit in the passive prefixes the character ya to the parti-
cipial suffix. Thus we find in the Vendidad Sade, p. 203,
baremanem, ** being carried'"' { = €l>€p6fjLei'ov), and vazemnemt
** being conveyed," as adverbial accusatives in reference to
the nominative plural mazdayasncu At times the final
vowel, also, of the suffix mana is suppressed, together with
the middle vowel ; so that thus only mn is left, to which
are affixed the case terminations. Thus, in nydiemn-df
" celehrantes^^ ySzimnd, " venerantesr which indeed, according
to their termination, might also be singular nominatives of
bases in a, but in the passage where they occur clearly
shew themselves to be plurals of bases in n.jf We might>
y^jJAS^iAj/o ^;AMJi9A)i yat aSU yoi mazdayaina pddha ayant&m vd
tachhitcin vd harhnan^m vd vaz^-vinilm vd tachi aipya naidum Jrajaicmnj
"If those, who being worshippers of Ormozd, going on foot, or or
carried, or riding approach a corpse.** Anquetil (p. 312) translates :
" «S'i un Mazdeiesnan allant d pied^ ou en bateau^ parte (dans una voUure\
ou elevS de quelque fa^on que ce wit (aperfoit) un mart. In a similar pas-
SHge (1. c. p. 279) occurs har^mn^i^ and likewise vazemnem,
t Vendidad Sade, p. 482 : Naro auhen ashavano havoyazasta nyd&mno
y^zimnC Ahuramazdahm ; " Viri sint puri, hsvam manum habentes {lavd
manu tenentes)^ celebrantes^ vencrantes Ahuramazdam.** Anquetil trans-
lates (p. 41G) : Qu*%l n*y ait que Vhomme pure qui coupe le Barsom; et que,
le tenant de la main gauche^ ilfasse izeschnk a Ommzd. 1 consider n^di-
emno as an abbreviation of ni ydi, and refer, on this hand, to the root ydi^
p. 90)3, Note.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1073
therefore, also distribute the forms baremnem and vazemnem
into baremn-em and vazemn-emt as bases which end in a
consonant have, in the accusative, em as their termination.
That, however, in general in Zend the suffix spoken of has
not lost its plural a, is shewn by forms like vazemna
(Vend. S. p. 62l), which, as nominative plural, can belong
only to a base in a (§. 231. Note) ; thus, csayamana (1. c.
p 54d.) = Sapscrit kshdyamdnds, from kshi, "to rule," csa-
yamndo plural feminine (1. c. p. 550) ; frdy(a)z€mnananmj
genitive plural = Sanscrit prayajamdndndm, from n^ yaj,
"to honour," "to sacrifice.'' An example of a form in dna
(for mdna) in the second principal conjugation is id-dna
(1. c. p. 543), as nominative plural for the Sanscrit usdnds,
from vas, " to wish,*" with an irregular contraction of the
syllable va to u. The following are examples of parti-
ciples of the future passive : a)/a)^a5^^^^ zanhyamana or
-mna, " about to be bom " (Vend. S. pp. 28 and 103)*, and
-wy^Aj^iJ^oAWijj; tizddkhyamna, " being about to be raised
up " = Sanscrit uddhdsyamdna (Vend. S. p. 89, see §. 669.).
795. In close connection with the participial suffijc mdna
stands the Sanscrit suffix manj the original form of which
appears to be mdn, which has remained in the strong cases.
The words formed with it have, like the kindred partici-
ples, either an active or a passive signification : some are
abstract substantives, like the Greek formations in fxovtf
{(pXey/jLOv^y XapM^*"/' ''^^to'fjLOvrj, 7r\i]<rfJLOvrj, irrffiovYj, if>€tafJL0VYJ),
which, in form, are essentially identical with the partici-
pial feminines in /txevi;, as e and o are originally one (§. 3.) ;
* See §. 668., where, however, we shonld read as^,)^^ xanhya^ for
>s^^^^ezavhya ; and the remark at the end of the §. on the incor-
rectness of the way in which the word is written must be cancelled, and
the h of the participial forms referred to be really regarded as an euphonic
alteration of the n of the root 9Mt afan.
^^
^^
1074 FORMATION OF WORDS.
— and with regard to the accentuation of the last syllable
of the suffix, they agree with the Sanscrit dndf and (for
mdnd, mdnd), of the second conjugation (see §. 792.).* But
few masculines in man remain to us in Sanscrit, and these,
too, are, for the most part, but rarely used. The follow-
ing are examples : sush-man, " fire,'' as " that which
dries ;" ush-man, " the hot time of year," as ** the burn-
ing ;" v^man, ** weaver's loom," as " weaving or apparatus
of weaving ;" siman^ '* border," as ** binding," from ftr »t,
" to bind," with the £ lengthened ; pdp-many " sin,'" as
"that which is sinned" (peccatum), from a lost root
Some masculines in man have a vowel of conjunction i ;
as, har-i-mdn, " time," as " carrying away," " destroying ;
sar-i-mdn^ '* the wind," as " moving itself," " blowing ;
" dhar-i-m^m' " form," as " borne," " sustained " (thus the
Latin /ormo, from the root /er); star-i-mdn, "bed," as
" spread out " (compare stramen). Thus, also, the two
abstracts jdn-i-mant " birth," and mdr-i-manj " death,"
which are likewise masculine, but are distinguished from
the other forms in man by accenting their first syllable ;
jdn-i-man, mdr-i-man — like sushman, &c. — opposed to
harhndn, sarimdn, starimAny dliarimdnt bharimdn^'f
* Compare (^Xtyy^ovf) with Sanscrit middle participles like yuiydnd^
"the binding," from yunjmdna,
t See Bohtlingk, " The Unddi Affixes" p. 58. Wilson renders bhari-
nukn by "nourishing," "cherishing;" Bohtlingk by "maintenance." I
think, however, I may venture to deduce from the accentuation that it is
not an abstract substantive; for otlierwise, like nukrimati, "death," and
jdnimaii, " birth," it would have the accent on the radical syllable (see
p. 1091). The ex]^reBsion '^!ZB kiitumbuy by which, in the Un&di Book
oiKdumudt^ bharirndn is explained, according to Wilson also, signifies, not
" nourislung,'' " cherishing " (though to the root kutumh, an instance of
which has not yet been met with in books, the meaning "supported"
{(UivUydm) is ascribed), but, amougst other things, "family;" and I con-
jecture tliat ^/larima/i signifies "family," in the sense of ** tliat which is
maintained
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1075
796. In Sanscrit the masculine bases in man are much
more numerous than the neuter : they all have the accent
on the last syllable, and express partly a passive, partly an
active relation, or are abstracts. The following are ex-
amples : dhdman, " a house,'' as " that which is made or
built,'' from dhd^ " to place " (vi-dhd " to make ") ; vdrtman,
** way," as " that which is gone upon," from vart, vrit,
" to go ;" visman, " a house," as " that which is entered,"
from vis, "to enter;" addman, "a house," from sadt "to
go," and "to sit ;" kdrman, " deed," "factum ;" vdrman,
" harness," as " that which covers ;" rdmaru " hair " (abbre-
viated from r6hman)j as "growing;" ddman^ "band," as
" binding ;" sthdman, " strength," as " having conti-
nuance," from std, " to stand ;" jdnman, " birth," from jaris
"to bear;" priman, "love," from pri, "to love." The
Zend furnishes the neuter bases yAs^Au^ ddman, " people,"
as "created" ( = Sanscrit VPT^ dhdman, "house ;") fM^d9»As^
maSsman^ " urina " (quod mingitur, Sanscrit mih, " mingere ;")
and yA59s^A5^ chashman, " an eye," as " telling," " announ-
cing." The last is radically connected with the Sanscrit
chakshus, from chaksh, "to say."
797. Adjective bases in man are rare in Sanscrit : one
example is, ^{I^ sdrman, masculine, feminine, neuter,
" happy " (as neuter substantive, " liappiness,") the con-
maintained or supported," as the wife, bhdtyd, implies '^ she who is to be
supported," and the husband bhartdr^ bkartri, " he who supports.*' Wil-
son and Bohtlingk also regard l||f^iitT iartmon as an abstract substantive,
and the latter renders it (1. c. p. 149) " to bring forth," " to bear." The
explanatory Sanscrit expression (prcuava) is, however, ambiguous: I
have, in my Glossary, assigned to it the meanings partus^ partura, and
proleSy progenies, suboles ; and here, where karimdn is explained by it, I
would adhere to the last signification, on account of the oxytone accen-
tuation of the just-mentioned expression.
* Without any root corresponding in idea. Compare the Greek dcoi,
dcVfuxr, from htaybovy of which hereafter.
1076 FORMATION OF WORDS.
nection of which with its apparent root (^l^ wrr, ^ sfU
** to break,") is, as regards meaning, by no means clear.
In Greek, adjective bases in [jlov correspond, both as to ac-
cent and as to the non-distinction of the feminine base
from that of the masculine neuter; as, fiv^fiov, rToj^v,
XijcrjjioVf iSfiov, if>paSfjL0Vy htKTrfjyiov, To the paroxytone mas-
culine substantive bases mentioned in §. 795., like sushman^
"fire," as "drying," correspond in Greek such as vi^eC/iov
(" lung," as " breathing "), 7vtS/iov, SaifjLov (" god,**" ** god-
dess," properly ** shining," * arrj/JLov, With the there-
mentioned tri-syllable oxytone masculine bases like
harimdriy "time," as "taking away," compare Kvfiefjiov,
^yefjiov. Here, too, belong — as e, like o, is a corruption of a
— some bases in fxev ; viz. Ttotfiev (" herdsman," as " causing
to feed," compare pasco and the Sanscrit root pd, " to sup-
port," " to nourish "), dfjTfjLev.f hifxev, itvdfxev (the two latter
from roots now obscured). The suffix /xcov, /ncov-o^, of
Kevd/JLci)Vt drjfjLidv, j^ez/xtii/, \eifxidv (from \eil3'fjwv), has pre-
served, through all the cases, the long vowel, which, in the
corresponding Sanscrit suffix, is retained only in the strong
eases : so, too, the corresponding Latin mdn of the bases
sermdn, termdn {^terminus, see §. 478.) timdrif and pulm4rui —
* It belongs to the Sanscrit root div^ " to shine ;" whence d^a^ ** a god ;"
diVf "heaven; divasa, "day," &c. (See Benfey, Gr. R, L, II. p. 207.)
t VV^ith respect to the T-sound in dvr/ii)v and vraBii&Vj and which is
often added to the root before the suffix p>, remark a similar circumstaDoe
in Sanscrit, where, before the suffixes van^ vara^ and the genindial suffix
ya, a euphonic t is always added to roots which end with a short vowel ;
as from ji comeB jitvan and jitvara^ " conquering ;" jitya (with preposi-
tions preceding), " after the conquest."
X Compare Pott, Etym. Inq. II. 694. and I. 270., where ti-mo, as well
as tig-nujtij is compared with the Sanscrit taksh, ^'^'fr'angere^findereffabri-
cari ;" whence, also, taksfuin^ " a carpenter ;" and our Deichsel^ " a chip-
axe" (Old High German dihsiUi^ and Anglo-Saxon dhixJ)^ and the Old
High German dehsa and dehsaUiy feminine, "axe" (Graff, V. 125.), as
cleaving."
((
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1077
It is also highly probable that to the Sanscrit formations
in man belongs the Latin ho-mm for ho-mdn (in the old
language he-mo, he-mdnis). I take the h, as has been
already remarked elsewhere (" Berlin Annual Reg. ef Lit
Cr'ii.^^ Nov. 1830. p. 791 ; compare Pott, ** Etym^ological In-
quiries,"" I. p. 217 ; and Benfey, " Gr. B. L"" II. p. 105), to
be the representative of the / of fui, &c., and therefore
ho as==/o, in fo-re, fcnrem. Let reference be made to the
Prakrit h6mi and havdmi, ** I am," for the Sanscrit bhavdmi,
and the dative termination hi, of mihi, compared with the
Sanscrit hyam, from bhyam (see §. 215. and §. 23. at the
end). Man, therefore, according to the Latin expression,
is simply "the being,"*' as in Sanscrit yana, "the bom "' (root
ian, " to produce," " to bear "). There is also in Sanscrit
an appellation of man, from ^ hhu, '* to be,"" viz. bhuvana
(see Wilson) ; and two appellations of the earth, viz. bhu
(the simple root) and bhumi (compare Latin humus). I am,
however, not aware that bhavat, " being," also signifies
" man,"" as Benfey 1. c. asserts. The resemblance of the
Gothic base gu-man, "man," Old High German go-mon,
ko-mon (nominative guma, gomo, kom^o), on which is based
our gam, of Brdutigam, " bridegroom " (Old High German
brik-gomon, properly Braut-Mann) to the Latin ho-min,
he-mdn, is surprising : the relationship, however, I am now
of opinion, is confined to the suffix, and the German ex-
pression in reference to its root belongs to the above-men-
tioned Sanscrit Jana (compare Graff, IV. p. 198), with the
retention of the old medial (see §. 92.), and with the loss
of the n, as in the radically, and, by suffix, related ki-mon,
"germ" (see §.799. Note ), and in the Latin gi-minus (see
§. 478. at the end). Properly, therefore, gu-man, go-mon.
'' cleaviDg/* With the active signification among Latin formations in
mGn only remains /m/m^ "lung," as "breathing," by transposition from
pbtmSn (Ionic nktvfmv).
1078 FORMATION OF WORDS.
signify "the bom." The circumstance that we have
already the Sanscrit root jan contained in Gothic in the
forms kin (keina, kairu kinunif whence our KinA " child "),
kun (kunif " sex ") and qvin (qveins, " lawful wife," as " she
who bears," compare yvvrj), need not prevent us from ad-
mitting a form which has preserved the original mediaL
I would recall to mind the fact that both the Grothic qvanh
" to come " (qvima, (/vam), and gagga, " I go," are derived
from the Sanscrit root gam, " to go " (see §. 755.). But to
return to the Latin sufEx mdn — ^from it arise the forms
mdnia, mdnm by the addition of la or iu\ as, tdria^
from idr (victdria, from victor), with this difference, that the
primitives in mdn of derivatives like quer-i-mdnia, at-i-
mdnia, al-i-mdnium, cer-i-mdnia (root cer = Sanscrit kar, kri,
"to make") liave disappeared. From adjectivie and sub-
stantive bases also spring, by this double suflKx, abstracts
like acri-mSnia, <Egri-m6niay cadi-mdnia, miseri-mdnium, tristi-
mdnium, testi-mdnium, matri-mdnium. I consider the i of
forms like cctsti-mdnia, (Bgri-m^nia, to be a weakenings of
the final vowel of the base-noun (see ** Vocalismusr pp.
132, 162, and 223), and the i of matri-mdnium to be an ex-
tension of the base, which, in the generality of cases, is
added to all bases ending in a consonant I therefore now
regard the S in the nominative plural as a contraction of
ai, and as = the Sanscrit ay (from ai), of a^f-as: avis, for
example, therefore, has the same relation to the Sanscrit
avay-as that mon-^s has to mdn-aya-sit Prakrit mdn-i^
(see p. 119); and thus pedis, amant&s, come from the ex-
tended bases pedU amantL Remark that bases in u also,
in the nominative plural, have simple s for their termina-
tion, and that here the lengthening of the u represents the
Sanscrit and Gothic Guna ; e. g,, frudu-s, as in Sanscrit
sunav'OSf and in Gothic sunyu-s, " son," from sunu, sunu
(see §. 230.). Compare, also, what has been said before (§.
780.) regarding the Old Prussian present participle.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1079
798. In Greek there are some bases in fiiv which pre-
serve the long vowel in all cases, and resemble the San-
scrit strong cases with mdn, to which, with respect to their
7, they bear the same relation that, in Sanscrit, the plural
kri-ni-rndsf " we buy,'' has to the singular kri-n^'mi (see §.
485.). Compare the accusative singular prjyfuv-a, and the
nominative plural prfyfiiv-e^, with analogous Sanscrit forms
like sushmdn-am, Ssushmdn-as ; while in the genitive singular,
which belongs to the weak cases, the Sanscrit sushman-as
(with short a) stands in disadvantageous contrast with the
Greek prfyfuv-o^. The suffix fxivo, feminine fuvrj, is con-
nected with the Sanscrit participial suffix mdna, and, with
reference to the retention of the long vowel, stands nearer
the latter, than the usual fxevo. Here belong Kafiivo-^f
" oven,'' as " burning," " glowing," from ica/iw, icdw, with
the radical vowel shortened ; vtriJuvrj, '* strife," for which no
root occurs in Greek, but which Pott (II. p. 594) rightly
traces to the Sanscrit yudh, " to strive " (whence yudhma-s,
" strife," which would lead us to expect, in Greek, uc/Lioy) ;
KvkKafjuvo^, Kvk\dfjuvov, properly " rounded."
799. To the Sanscrit masculine substantive bases in im
man, mentioned in §. 796., correspond the just-mentioned
masculine bases ahman, " spirit," as " thinking " (ahya, " I
think ") ; hliuman, " ear," as " hearing " (Sanscrit root iru,
from kru, "to hear,' Greek k\v); bUman, "a flower," as
"blowing" (Old High German bluot, "floret;'' bluont,
"florerW); milhman, "a cloud" (probably like the Sanscrit
migha, originally ** mingensi'' see §. 140.) ; skeiman, "a lamp,"
as "shining," "lighting" (Sanscrit lean, "to light")*; and
- ♦
I have no scruple indedacing skeiman from the root »kin^ "to shine,"
^' to light " {skeincLf skain^ 8kinum\ with the suppression of the final con-
sonant of the root, as nm is a combination unsuited to the German ; hence,
also, in Old High German, kt-mon^ chUmon (nominative -mo), '^germ,"
from
1080 FORMATION OF WORDS.
with passive signification, mal-mant "sand," as "triturated,"
also neuter (nominative masculine malma, neuter inalmd,
see §§. 140. 141.) ; and hiuh-mant " heap,"' as " heaped up,''
from the root, lost as regards the verb, huh (euphonic hauh,
see §. 82.), to which also belongs hauhs, " high '" (Grimm,
II. p. 50). The Old High German places over against the
Gothic-Sanscrit man the form man (nominative mo), and in
this form corresponds to the Greek /xoi/. The following
are examples : walis-a-mont and wahsmon, " vegetables,"
" fruit," as " growing," or " having grown ;" gliz-e-mon,
" lustre ;" ka-smag-mon, " taste ;" with passive signification ;
sd-mon, " seed," as " sown" (Latin «e-men).f As in Sanscrit
the suSBjl man also forms abstract substantive or adjec-
tive bases, as prath-i-mdrif " breadth," from prith'&f " broad "
(from prathut compare Greek irXarv) ; krishn-i-mdn, " black-
ness," from krishnd, " black ;" t we may also here mention
the Old High German rita-mon (also rdto-mon, rdfe-mon).
from the roots Wn, chin (chm-i-ty ^puthdat,'* ar-kin-i-if -diini-t, ^^giffnity"
"germinat" see Graff, IV.450.)=Saiiacrit irayan, "to produce," "to
bear" (Latin gen, Greek yev), whence ^'an-»nan neuter, and jan-i-man
masculine, ^' birth," which agrees with kitnon in root and suffix. Gcr-meny
for gen-men, corresponds in Latin. With respect to the rejection of the
final consonant of the root before the m of the suffix, compare the (§. 706.)
above-mentioned Sanscrit r6-man^ "hair of the body," as "growing," for
T^h-man ; and Latin forms Vikefulmen, iorfidg-men ; lu-meny for luc-men ;
as well as gS-minus (see §. 478. conclusion), which is probably, in root and
suffix, connected with ki-mon. To lu-men corresponds, in root and suffix,
the Anglo-Saxon iSo-man (nominative ISoma), " light," for ISoh-many com-
pare Gothic lauh-mSniy "lightning" (§. 7d3.).
t The kindred Sanscrit root vaksh, " to grow," would^ in the middle,
form vdkshamdna as participle present
* This has been already explained in the above sense in my Review of
Grimm's German Grammar ("Berlin Ann, Reg. of Lit. Criticigm," Feb.'
1827, p. 757 ; ''FocaUsmuer p. 131).
X The final vowel of the base word is rejected before the vowel of con-
junction t.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1081
" redness," from the adjective base rdtOf as a very remark-
able analogous form. The Latin uses for this object the
suffix mdniu, or feminine mdnia (see §. 797. conclusion), ex-
tended from mdru
800. In Lithuanian the suffix spoken of appears in the
form men, nominative mu; and thus, from a Lithuanian
point of view, the obscure piemen, nominative piemu, "shep-
herd's boy,'^ corresponds to the Greek iroifxev, irot/i^v (see
§. 797.) ; and akmen, — mS, " stone," to the Sanscrit, also ob-
scure, dsman, — m4. From a Lithuanian point of view, the
bases aug-men, zel-men, "sprout," "shoot," as "growing,"
(augu and zelu,"! grow"); yos-men, "apron-string," "girdle"
{yds-mU "I have a girdle on;" ap^-yos-mi, "I gird myself");
sto-men, "stature" (stowyti, " I stand," compare Sanscrit sthhr
man, " strength, from sthd, " to stand"), are quite intelligible.
Semenys, " linseed," properly only " seed " {»eyth " I sow,"
future se-su), is a nominative plural, as akmeny-s, " stones,"
from the extended base akmeni,* and leads us to expect a
singular semu ; and therefore corresponds to the Old High
German base sA-mon (§. 799.), and to the Latin se-men.
The Old Sclavonic presents a few masculine bases in men,
which, in the nominative, contrast M'bi my with the Lithua-
nian mu and Sanscrit md (see §. 260. at the end, and
p. 348), but prefer, however, the form meny, from the pro-
longed base meni (Dobrowsky, pp. 287 and 289, under EMb
eny). From a Sclavonic point of view, however, only ph-
men (nominative plamy, or plameny, " flame,", as " burning,"
* The suffix men forms the entire plnral, with the exception of the
genitive (akmen-'d, '^/aj9t£ftim"=s Sanscrit ahnan-dm), from the extended
ment In some cases of the singular the suffix is extended by the addi-
tion of ia ; thus, in the genitive, akmenio (like toilko^ §. 169.), together
with the organic dkmens; instrumental akmeniu (like wWcu), together
with akmeni-mi; accusative dhmeni-n; locative akmemye^ according to
the analogy of awiye, from the base atoi, "a sheep."
4a
1082 FORMATION OF WORDS.
is etymologically intelligible (oaAh^thCa jylanunii-sati,
''comburir oaahth pal-i-ti, " urere^ &e. ; see Miklos.
p. 62) ; RAMEN kamen, " stone " (nominative kamy, or kameny)
answers to the Lithuanian akmen, akmu, and Sanscrit ai-
man, &imd.
801. To the Sanscrit neuter bases in tnan (nominative
ma, see §. 139.), mentioned at §. 796., correspond the Latin
in min (men in the cases having no termination beyond the
base), the Greek in fiar, for /uav (see §. 497), and the Gothic
and Sclavonic in man, men men. The Latin and Greek
formations which come under this class liave, like their
Sanscrit sister forms, either a passive signification, which,
indeed, is generally the case ; as praefamen, stramen, shien,
agmen, segmen, germen* irpayfjior, Troirjfxar, pijfiar, aKoxMTfiaT,
ypa^fJLOT, y\vfifxaT, SofiaT, fipu^nuT ; or an active significa-
tion, as flumen, lumen, (from lucmen), fulmen (from fulgmen).
tegmen, teg'i-men,\ teg-Vr-men, reg-i-men (" helm,'^ as " guid-
* Germen^ from genmen^ is founded on the fireqncnt interchange of
liquids (§. 20.).
t The t of trg-i'tnen^ reg-i-meny is identical with the class-vowel of the
third conjugation, and leads us, therefore, to the Sanscrit a of the iirst
and sixth class, which in Latin has been weakened to t or u (veli-i-muSf
veh-unty sec §. 507.) : this is clear from the long t of the fourth conjugation
(mol-i-menj fiiic-Umeny as mol't-miniy Julc-i-mini), and the d of the first
(certdmen^ Itvdmen, &c.). Forms like agmeiiy fragment tegitien^ on the
contrary, belong to tliat period of Sanscrit which combines the suffix man^
without reference to the conjugation of the verb, almost invariably direct
with the root. In tho Latin aecond conjugation we should expect ^
before the said suffix, and the nieiUu derived from it : for it, however, we
find, where the suffix is not combined direct with the root, according to
the analogy of the third conjugation, t or u; hence, sed-i-men, doc-u-7iien^
doc-u-mentum^ mon-i'inentumj m<m-u-metUum, In general, the Latin 6 of
the second conjugation does not keep its place so firmly as the two other
representatives of the Sanscrit tenth class (see p. 110) ; hence, also, doc-ui,
doC'tum, opposed to am-d-vi^ am-d-tuniy attd-Vvi^ aud4-tum.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1083
*°S If icafiar, pvfiar, irvevfxar, drjfxar, ^povTfjfxaT, eifiar, eadrj-
fiar ; or are abstracts, as solamen, certameru levamen, tentamen^
regimen, moltmen, j8\);/xaT, /^oijfiar, fip^rjfiar, ia^ar, x^pfxar.
At the end of compounds, the original v of the suffix /xar,
which is corrupted from ^av, either remains in its original
form, or is entirely suppressed : in both cases, however,
the a is corrupted to o (nominative masculine and feminine
/Ltcdv) ; probably because the heavy sounds t and a are
found, through the incumbrance of composition, less ap-
propriate than the lighter v and o ; hence, iro\tnrpayfxov,
ifrpayfjLov, dvou^ov, and dvai^o, ukv/xov and aKVfxo, ava>vv/xo,
avvfavvpLo. The form vuivv/xvo is interesting, because here
we find intact the old n of the Sanscrit ndman, Latin
nSmen, &c., which, in i-i/o/uar, has become t, but elsewhere,
in the compounds of this word, is suppressed : along with
its retention, however, we find the base prolonged by o, and
the vowel of the suffix suppressed (i/covv/xi/o, from va>i/u/xavo,
or i/a>vu/iovo) ; in the latter respect compare the weakest
cases of the Sanscrit n&man^ the genitive nAmn-^iSt dat. nAmn-if
and the Gothic plural namn-a* 'AiraKafivo points to a
lost substantive TroAa/Kar, from iraKafiav (of which, also,
iroXa/Kvaios' is a proof),which apparently has been disused for
TroLKififj. I would also rather regard KprjSefxvo, ** head-band,"
* In §. 235. nantSna is given incorrectly, though this form would be
the regular one (compare hairtSna), and would correspond well to the
Sanscrit namdn-i (from namdn-cL, see S* 234.): The form namna^ on the
other hand, answers to the Sanscrit weakest cases^ while the nominative,
accusative, and vocative plural of Sanscrit neuters always belong to the
strong (see smaller ^'Sanscrit GramTnar/* §. 177. Note). It appears,
however, that in Gothic it is necessary, for the protection of the full form
Sna^ that it be preceded by a vowel long in itself or by position, or by
more than one syllable ; hence augona, attsotuh bamiBna, ubil6naf but not
namdnOf and probably, also, not vat&noy from vatariy "water," as the
dative is vcUnaniy not vata(n)'m ; compare Grimm, I. p. 609, Gabel. and
Lobe, p. 67.
4a2
1084 FORMATION OF WORDS.
with respect to its eoncludiug element, as a form analogous
to -iovvfivo (and, therefore, as a derivative from Se/xar, from
iefuxv), than as a participle for Scfievo : on the other hand, I
look upon Siivfivo, which Passow takes to be analogous to
ycSvu/xi/o-f and ofnaT^afivo^, as a participle (properly, there-
fore, " doubled *") from a reduplicated verbal base SiSv, which
has sprung from ivo, and from which a present indicative
SiSvfu might have been expected; thus, SlSvfivo-Sf like
iiSoixevo-^, only with the suppression of the middle vowel of
the sufEx, as in the Latin al-u-mnut and in the above-men-
tioned (§. 791.) enrim-u-mne. Compare, also, the participial
substantive bases in /xi/o, feminine /xi^a, as, ^eKefxvo, fieSt^vo,
fiept^vOf which have been already discussed by Pott (E. I.
11. p. 594.) under this view, and which have no corresponding
verb, any more than the above-mentioned SiSvfivo, though
l3€\€fxvo, just like jSeXof, is visibly connected with fidXXu.
802. The Old Sclavonic neuter bases in men men have
in the cases, which in Sanscrit and Gothic drop the final
n, retained the original a with a resonant nasal ; hence,
iiMA imarit " names '' (see §. 783. Rem. 1. conclusion), from
the base tme?i = Sanscrit nd-maru Here belong, also, the
bases c^men sye-tnen, "seed," as "sown" (jti/e-ya-tU "to
sow ''^) s Latin semens Old High Grerman sdmon masculine
(see §. 793. Note 3), nucuEN pis-men, " letter of the alpha-
bet," as "written" {pis-a-tu "to write");* ^hamen ^-
* I cannot refrain from drawing attention hero to the strong agreement
between the Sclavonic root pis and the Old Persian /?icA, with the prepo-
sition m : ni'pishy " to write down," " to describe," properly, " to hew in."
Rawlinson (Beh. IV. 47. 48.) translates ^^ • • ^ ^ • ft • << • ^f f f- ^]y\'
mpUhtamhy ''ariptum;'' and,lV.71., ^^-ff •K'-.^.ff .<<.(K'^).
*"l TI • ^^pi^^iy^)^ by " inicriptiJ' I think, however^ that we must,
with the ^ />, read also the a contained in it ; thns, niyapaUhayam : for
whether this form be taken as a causal — thus, '* I have caused to describe '*
— or as a verb of the tenth clasSy in both cases Guna is indispensable.
The
FORMATION OF WORDS, 1085
merif " a sign," as *' making to know " (X''^a-ti " to
know "•'), and a few words from obscure roots (Dobrowsky,
p. 288). The Gothic furnishes besides rui'fnaih " names "
(nominative accusative namd, see §• 141.), which, in the
other German languages, has become masculine, only cM6^
matit "age,'^ if this word really be, as Gabel. and Lobe
suppose, a neuter, which cannot be discerned from the
but once occurring dative aldSmin (Luke i. 36). As the
neuter abstract of an adjective it would correspond to the
above-mentioned (§. 799. conclusion) Sanscrit neuter bases
like krishn-i-mdn, *' blackness,'" from IcrishnA, " black ;""
while the there-mentioned rdta-mon, " redness,**' like namanf
"names" (nominative namo), has perhaps first become
neuter as it was gradually corrupted. The 6 of the
Gothic aldd-man I take to be the lengthening of the a of
the base alda (see §. 69.), " old," which, indeed, does not
occur, but may be inferred from the cognate dialects (see
Graff, I. 192). If, however, aldd-man is derived, not from
an adjective, but from a verb, we must suppose a lost de-
nominative aldd-m, ** I grow old " (see §. 765.) ; and aldd-
mon would then correspond to Latin formations like certd-
men (§. 801.). We can hardly imagine any similarity of
formation between the above and the Old High German
compounds alt-duom, aU-tuom (see Grimm, IL 151.).
803. From the suflSx merij^ min^ an extended form mentu
has proceeded in Latin {argu-mentu-m, mon-u-meniu-mt incre-
merdu-m^ co-gno-merdu-m, sed-i-merdnr-m &c.), in which I do
not agree with Pott {E. L IL 594.) in recognising the aflfix
of a participial suflSx tu {tus, ta, turn), but one that is simply
phonetic ; just as, in Gothic, the base hun-da (nominative
hunds) stands over against the Sanscrit iun of the weakest
The causal form of the Sanscrit pish^ Class 7, '' to beat down," " to braise,*
whence the meaning " to engrave," " to hew in," is easily deducible
appears to me the most probable.
1086 FORMATION OF WORDS.
cases, and Greek kvv {kvohv, kwo^), or as, in Latin, the San-
scrit roots tan, "to extend/' and han (from dhan), ''to
smite/" ** to slay '' (Greek 6av), has become extended to
tend, fend (/"= dh, 0, see §. 293.)» and, in Sanscrit itself, kan
and chand (from kand), '* to shine,'' are originally one. A
mute is readily attracted to the side of a nasal, and the
former as easily annexes a vowel ; and thus, for the Latin
extended sufiix mentu, without reference to gender, we find
a parallel in the Old High German munda (from mandaX
nominative mund, but only in the solitary base hliurmunda,
nominative hliu-mund (abbreviated liu-mund, our Leumund,
" renown "), ** fame," as " that which is heard," as in Gothic
hUurmany " ear," as " hearing " (compare Grimm, IL p. 243).
The Greek base eA/xivd, " worm," as " winding itself," has
added to the suffix /luv, mentioned above (§. 796.), only
a 0, but in this respect stands as isolated as, in Old High
German, the just mentioned hliu-munda. The form eXfuyy
(eKfjuyye^) exhibits, instead of the T-sound, a guttural, and
thus reminds us of the relation of our yung, "young"
(Gothic Vugg-s, theme yugga = yunga), to the Sanscrit yuvan,
in the weakest cases yun (genitive yun-as), and Latin j'are-
nis, junior. Thus the Old High Grerman suffix tin^a (our
ung) of abstract substantives, as in ar-find-unga, "inven-
tion," warn-ungch "warning," may be identical with the
Sanscrit feminine form of the suffix ana (and) ; so that the
first a has become weakened to u, as in the polysyllabic
forms of the preterite, as bunti, " thou didst bind," com-
pared with the monosyllabic bant, " I bound," " be bound."
In the same way our root sang, "to sing," (Old High
Grerman singu, "sang," second person sungi), may be com-
pared with the Sanscrit root svan, " to sound " (compare
Grafi; VL p, 247).
804. I think I discover the origin of the medio-passivc
participial suffix mAna, and of the cognate nominal suffix
man, in the combination of two demonstrative bases ma
FORMATION OF WORDS, 1087
and na (see §§. 368. 369.) ; the vowel, therefore, being
lengthened in mdnot and in the strong cases of man, and
the final vowel in the last-mentioned form being sup-
pressed. We must here observe that na readily combines
with other pronominal bases, and then always takes the
last place ; hence Vtf amh ^^ ina, in Greek Keivost and in
Old Prussian tor-ns, for ta-na-Sf " he," * opposed to the Li-
thuanian simple ta-s, "the." If the medial relation be
really expressed formally in the suflSx mdna, /xevo, in that
case the final element must express the nominative rela-
tion, or that relation which, from time to time, belongs to
the position of the participle ; and the unchangeable md, /txe,
the dative or accusative {jsibU se) ; so that, therefore, tf nch
vOf denote the person acting, and «n tnd, fie, the person
acted upon, which, however, in the middle, are one and the
same. The suflSxes of participles, as in general those of
adjectives and substantives, represent the personal termi-
nations of verbs, ue. those of the third person ; and I thus
consider the t of the participle present and future active
as identical with the termination of the third person, and,
like the latter, a derivative from the pronominal base ta,
the vowel of which, in the participial suffix, is dropped.
The n of the active participial suffix probably serves only
for the phonetic intensification and more emphatic desig-
nation of the agent ; while, in the third person plural, plu-
rality is symbolically denoted by the same nasalization
(see §. 536.) : hence the coincidence of bh&rard, ipepovr, ferent
Grothic bairand^ " bearing," with bhdranti, fpepovrt, feruntt
bairandj " they bear,"
805. We recognise the simple pronominal base ma in the
Sanscrit suffix H ma, which in adjectives or substantives
denotes the person or thing which completes the action
* Feminine tanna^ with the favourite repetition of the liquid.
1088 FOBMATION OF WORDS.
expressed by the root, or on whom that action is accom-
plished. Abstracts, also, are formed by this suflSx, which,
however, is seldom adopted in that state of the language
which has descended to us ; while the corresponding suffixes
of the Lithuanian and Greek (ma, fto) are of very frequent
use. The following are examples in Sanscrit : mJErmd-m,
"goW as "glittering" (ruch, from ruk, "to shine''); yug-
md-m, " pair,'' as " bound together;" tigmd, adjective (-md-s,
mA, md'm)f "sharp" (*' sharpened"), "hot" (root tij, from
tig, " to sharpen"), substantive neuter (figmd-m) " heat ;"
hhtmd, "fearful" ("feared," root bht "to fear"); dhumds,
"smoke," as "being moved" (root dhu, "to move");
yudli-md'Sy "combatant," "contest," "arrow" (yudh, "to
fight"); gharmd'Sf "heat," apparently as "moistening," by
sweat (root ghar, ghri, "to sprinkle"); ishmd-s, "tone"
(root ish, "to wish"); idhmd-s, "wood," as " being burned"
(root idh, "to burn"). To the latter corresponds the Zend
As^jjMAs aisma (nominative md). Remark the agreement
of the above-mentioned Sanscrit words in the accentuation
of the suffix with Greek formations like OToAfto-y, iroA/io-f,
Kopfio-^, dSvpfio-s, KOfifjiS-s, TptfJifio-s, ^\oY/xo-ff, dyfxo-s, pvfxo-^,
5^u/ia-^, *c\ai;-d-/xo-s', ^vKij-0-fx6^s, In Sanscrit, also, there are
a few words formed with ma, which, like ttot/xo-^, ot/xo-^,*
&v€fio-£, oX/Lco-$>, and some others of obscure origin in Greek
(Buttmann, II. p. 315), have the accent on the radical sylla-
ble. Here belong, for example, bhdmor-s, "the sun," as
" giving light," hishma-m, " fever," as " drying." To the
masculine nominatives in mas correspond nimierous Li-
thuanian abstracts in i-mors, or, with m doubled, t-m7wa-»,f
♦ ol is the Gnna form of the root t, "to go** (compare §. 609). Thus,
in Sanscrit, vdriman^ " way," firom varty vriU " to go."
t With regard to the doubling of the m, compare the doubling of
liquids so common in Old Prussian. I believe I have discovered it to be
a fixed law in Lithuanian, that the doubling of the m in the said sufHx is
only
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1089
the i of which, as in Sanscrit forms like jdn-i-man, " birth ''
(see §. 795.), is only a vowel of conjunction. The following
are examples: gimfn-i-mfna'Sf '* birth f^ ey-i-mma-s, " going ^^
(ei-mit " I go f' ey-cai, " I went "); pa-gadinn-i-ma'S, " ruin "
(pa-^adinut "1 mar^'). In this manner, in Lithuanian,
abstract substantives are formed from adjective bases also,
in which formation a final a of the adjective base is weak-
ened to Uf while bases in u have their vowel unchanged.
The following are examples : gudu-minO'Sf " avarice/' from
gudu-s, "avaricious T' gra-zu-mma^s, " beauty," from graHi'St
"beautiful;'' darku-mnas, "ugliness," from darku-s,
"ugly;" drasu-mna-s, "boldness," from drasu-s, "bold"
(compare Greek dpacvs, Bapav^, Sanscrit dharsh, dhrish,
"to dare"); rietu-mna-s, "hardness," from rieta-s, "hard;"
auksztu-mma'S " height " from aukszta-s " high ;" ilgu-mmc^s
"length," from ilgUs (for ilgia-s, see §. 135.), "long."*
806. The Latin has but a few words in mu-s, and those
of obscure origin and etymology, to offer in comparison
with the Indo-Lithuanian in mas and Greek in /xo-; ; as,
an-i-^fnus, which, like the Greek dv-e-fio-g, has originated
from the Sanscrit root an, " to breathe," " to blow " (see
109^ 2.); fu-mus^dvixos, Sanscrit dhu-mds, "smoke" (root
dhth dv, see §. 293.) ; perhaps pd-munm, " apple," as " nou-
rishing," or "being tasted" (Sanscrit pd, "to support,"
and " to drink," compare pa-bulum, por-scot pd-vi, pd-tus, pd-
only then permitted or required when, ezclasive of prefixes in combina-
tion with the verb, the verbal base is monosyllabic. If, however, it be
polysyllabic, the m is not doubled; hence, indeed, ^'mm-t.mi7ia-«, ''birth,"
and also uz-gimm-i-mma-s^ idem. ; su-gruw-i-mma'S^ '' circumstance "
{gruwu^ " I occur ") ; but not graudhi-i-mma'S^ " warning," but grauden-
umas {graudanuy " I admonish").
* Bases in ta, nominative m, drop their t before the u of their abstracts
which has arisen from a ; hence middu-mmas, '^ greatness, from middis^
"great"
1090 FORMATION OF WORDS.
tiira) ; and the adjectives for-mtts (compare ferveo, fer-men-
ium)t fir-mus (compare for-tis, fero), al-mus. In the Ger-
man languages, also, the formations of this class are, for
the most part, no longer conscious of their origin : they
occur in Grimm, 11. p. 145, where, however, the bases in
ma and those in mi, which have both lost their final vowel
in the nominative singular, are not distinguished. I re-
gard the suflSx mi, which exists also in Sanscrit and in
Greek,* as merely a weakened form of ma, as in the Greek
pronominal base fju (accusative /x/v) = Sanscrit ma (see §.
368.). The Gothic bag-ms, " tree " (theme bag-ma), pro-
bably means originally " the growing " (Sanscrit barh, brih,
"to grow"'): the adjective base ar-wia, nominative arms,
is perhaps an abbreviation of ard-ma>, and a shoot from the
Sanscrit root ard, " to vex,'*'* with which I would compare,
also, the Sanscrit dr-ma (nominative masculine drma-s,
neuter drma-m) " a malady of the eyes :" bar-mi (nominative
barms), " lap," springs evidently from the root bar {baira,
bar) "to carry,*" In Old High German davrm, dou-m
(theme -ma, or -mi ?) " vapour,*" corresponds to the San-
scrit dhur-md'S, " smoke ;"' trau-m, theme trau-ma (Old
Saxon drd-m, dro-ma), leads us to the Sanscrit root drd "to
sleep ;*" sau-m (theme sau-ma), '* seam," to fire siv, " to sew "
(Old High German siwu, *' suo'"'); hel-m, "helm,*" as "co-
vering," springs from the root hal^ " to conceal " {hilu, hal,
hulumis).
807. The feminine form of the suffix, viz. md, does not
occur in Sanscrit in substantives ; but the Greek in firj, as
yvuiyLYj, ^vYjuYj, <myyL^, ypafifxri, correspond to it ; as do the
Latin, like flamma, from flagma,fdma, spuma, struma, gluma
* E,g, ^f^m dal-mi'8^ masculine, Indra's '' thunderbolt/ from dal^
" to cleave;" ^rfim Ihu-mis^ "earth," feminine, from hhu, "to be," "to
become;'' bvva-iu-s, (f}rj-fU'S, Bi-iu-s (Ion. genitive Oifu-os).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1091
for glvbma; and the Lithuanian in ma, mif;* as waima,
"riding;" tuzmh, "grief {titzio-s, "I grieve"); sluzmh,
"service" (sluziu, "I serve '0;t giesmS, " song'' (giedmi,
"I sing"); bdime, "fear" (biyau, "I fear" Sanscrit root
bhi, " to fear," bhtrnd-s, " fearful," and nominative pre-
terite, whence the patronymic bUdima-s, feminine bhdimt);
drausfne,X "prohibition." To this class probably belong,
also, the Lithuanian and Sclavonic abstracts in ba, be, ba
ba; so that the medial stands in place of the organic
nasal, as in dewini, AEBATb devanty, " nine " (see §. 783.) ;
and as in Greek l^poros, )8paWj = Sanscrit mrUd-s, mridu-s.
Thus, in Lithuanian we find the forms tuzbh, "grief,"
sluzba, " service," side by side with tuzma, sluzma, which
have the same meaning. Garbe, " honour," " fame " (gir-
riu, " I praise "), corresponds in its root to the Sanscrit
gar, gri (in the Veda-dialect, " to praise "). Abstracts in
be from adjective bases, whose final vowel has been weak-
ened to y ( = 0> are numerous ; as, silpny-hS, " weakness,"
* itfe from mia (see p. 174, Note *).
t Thus drutu-md^ " strength," together with drutu-masy from the ad-
jective base druta^ "strong*
I For draud-mi (draudziuy " I forbid"), according to the analogy of
the infinitive draus-ti, in which the change of the d before t into s is re-
gular (see §. 457.)- 1^ ei-s-me, " going" (ei-mi, " I go"), the s is euphonic,
as in Greek forms like be-a-firi, dc-(r-/idr. A euphonic s of this kind some-
times precedes the masculine suffix also, but, I imagine, only after gut-
turals, and then the insertion of the vowel of conjunction t, mentioned at
§.805., does not take place; hence, (f^au^r-^-mew, "joy" (d£augios, "I
rejoice"); werk-s-mas, " weepmg;" r^-«-wia«," clamour." Hence it ap-
pears that, in Lithuanian, ksm or gsm is a more favourite combination
than gm^ km. Compare, in this respect, the insertions of consonants
mentioned in §§. 96. 96., from which, however, is to be excepted the * of
the Old High German tarst, "thou venturest," torsta^ "I ventured," as
here the * belongs rather to the root (Sanscrit dhar$h, dJirUh, " to dare"),
see Sanscrit Ohssary, a. 1847, p. 186.
1092 FORMATION OF WORDS.
from siUmchs, " weak ;" byaury-bi, " ugliness," from byaurit-Sy
" ugly/' The following are examples of Russian abstracts
in ba : MOAbCa motybOf " begging "" (moaio molyUf ** I beg");
CAyA6a sluschba, "service" (cAyAy sluschu, "I serve");
Cinpa;k6a straschba, "watching" (cmepery steregu, ** I
watch ") ; RAqOa aliba, " hunger '" (aAMA alcuy " I am hun-
gry "). Perhaps, as we have seen in Gothic m take the
place of 6 in the dative plural (see §. 215.), so we may
assume the converse mutation of m to 6 ; and, in fact, in
the formations in u-bni (theme u-bnya neuter, urbnyd femi-
nine, see Grimm, II. p. 184), occasionally u-fni. If we re-
trace the 6, which is evidently the more genuine form, to
w, then vit-u-mni (vit-Ur-bnU ** knowledge," would resemble
Latin formations like al-u-mnus (see §. 478. conclusion); and
in my opinion the Gothic like the Latin u is only a class
vowel, and therefore a weakened form of a, or, in Grimm's
weak form of the second conjugation, of 6 ; and therefore
vund'U'fnu feminine, " wound," is for vund-d-fni, from vufid-df
" I wound." It deserves notice, that, together with fraist-
u-bnit feminine, " attempt," there occurs also the (ormfraist-
6'bni (genitive plural fraist-S-bnyd, Luke iv. 13.), evidently
from a weak verb fraistd (compare the Old Northern /rew^w,
" tentare^^'' see Graff, III. 830.), which cannot be cited ; for
the strong verb fraisa gives no authority to the f, and
would make us expect only frais-u-bnl In fast-u-^ni,
" fasting," the u represents the a sound of the diphthong
at of the third weak conjugation, where we must observe
that the i element of this diphthong is dropped also before
personal terminations beginning with nasals ; thus, as fast-
a-nij " we fast," fast-a-nd, " they fast,'' for fast-ai-my fast-
ai-nd, so fast-u-bni, from fast-u-mni for fast-ai-mnu
808. In order to exhaust the presumptive cognates of
the Sanscrit participial suffix mdnat the Latin suffix mulu
must also be here mentioned, the I of which, perhaps, like
that of a/iu« = Sanscrit anya-s, "the other," rests on the
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1093
favourite interchange of the liquids (see §. 20.). We divide,
therefore, /a-mtxZti«, properly "the making" (for /ac-tnuZM*);
or if, as Ag. Benary conjectures, it belongs to the Sanscrit
root bhaj " to honour," " to serve '' (compare Gothic and-bah-
ts, " servant," " he who serves ;" sti-mvlus (for stig-mulus),
" sting," as " sticking *' (compare, according to Vossius,
o-T/fo), (rriyfia, See.). Compare the Irish suffix mhuil, in/a*-
a-mhuiU "growing" (fasaim, "I gTOVf''''):i=vdksh-a-mdna'S*
If, however, the a of fasa-mhuil is not a class vowel, as in
fas^-mar, " we grow " = Sanscrit vdksh'd-masy but to be in-
cluded in the suffix (to be divided, therefore, /a*-am/iutO,
in that case the last portion of the word properly means
" like," and is most probably an abbreviation of the adjec-
tive samhuilyj^ which occurs uncompounded. Words like
fear-amhuil, " manlike," can scarcely be explained otherwise
than as compounds of fear and amhuiL The Latin suffix
mulu might, however, be also connected with the Sanscrit
mara; whence, admara Sindjasmara, "voracious," from act
jas, " to eat," srimara (Wilson), according to some authori-
ties, " a young deer," from sar, srU ** to go," This suffix,
however, as v and m are easily interchanged, is originally
one with the more usual vara ; whence nasvara, " transi-
tory," from nai " to be ruined ;" bhdsvara, " shining," from
bhds, " to shine ;" sthdvara, " standing," " immoveable," from
sthd, "to stand."
809. Before we pass on to the consideration of those
participles which do not, like those already discussed, be-
long to any tense of the indicative, and make no distinc-
tion between active, passive, and middle, we must mention
one other participle peculiar to Latin, viz. the participle
future passive in nSu. I have already, in my Conjuga-
* It being taken for granted that vaksh is used in the middle. F for
Sanscrit v is, in the Irish dialect of the Celtic, very usual,
t Compare the Sanscrit sama, ^Mike," Latin nmilis.
1094 FORMATION OF WORDS.
tional System (§. 109*. i.), considered this, with regard to its
form, as a modification of the participle present active,
and think I must continue to support this view, though it
may be objected that, in this manner, the passive and fu-
ture signification of the said participle will have no foun-
dation as respects form. But words seldom express in
form those relations, to denote which they are destined by
the use of language ; and grammatical forms often change
their original meaning, as, in Persian, the forms in tdr or
ddr (faref'idr, " deceptor,"' dd-ddr "dator,"*), which are
based on the Sanscrit nouns of agency in tdr, Greek in
Ttjpf and Latin in tor, tdr-is, are used, contrary to their
original intention, with a passive meaning ; also, gt-rif-tdr,
" captu^f captivusy prcBda f res-tdr, ** liberatus ;" kush-tdr,
"occi««;" yyf'tdr, " sermo'"' (see Vuller's Imt. L. Pers.
p. 166) ; while conversely the participles in tah or dah, which
are based on the Sanscrit passive participles in ta, have
generally an active signification, and retain their original
passive meaning almost only when in combination with the
auxiliary verb shudan (** to be *'); hence burdah, " qui tulit "
= Sanscrit britd-s (from bharta-s), **latus;'*'' but bvrdah mfsha-
vam, "ferorr properly " lotus fio.^'' The Latin ferendus ap-
proaches very closely the Persian present participle barin-
dah, "bearing;'' and, like the latter, has weakened the
original tenuis {pifereni) to a medial, and extended the base
by the addition of a vowel, both which changes take place
also in Prakrit and Pali (see p. 30l)f . This opinion that
* The choice of ^ or / in the suffix depends on the preceding letter.
Compare §. 01. conclusion. ^
t The Sanscrit also has a few words which, in their origin, are evi-
dently present participles, but have added to the nt also an a, or have
preserved the a of the base ta (see §.804.). They accent the suffix;
hence, bhdsantd-s, " sun," as " lighting," opposed to bhasant (see §. 785.) ;
rohantd-s, "a certain tree," as "grovring,** opposed to rohant; gada-
yantd «,
n
n
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1095
the future passive participles have proceeded from the
active present participles is confirmed by the circumstance,
that the class peculiarities, which do not extend over the
present and imperfect, and the forms which spring from
the present, are preserved in the form in ndu ; e. g. the n of
sterno (see §. 496.), the t of pecfo, pkcto, the reduplication of
gigno (gerir-ui, gen-i-tum) ; the gerunds also, which are in
form identical with the future passive participle, point to
an original active and present signification of the participial
form ; docendU ** of teaching,"' docendo, ** by teaching,
speak for the signification " teaching," which " docendus
must originally have had ; for such abstract substantives,
especially those which, like the Latin gerunds, express only
the exercise of an action, spring naturally from active
present participles ; as abundantia from abundant, procidentia
from provident, and not from passive participles. Partici-
ples in ttmij when they form abstracts, or rather raise their
feminine form to an abstract, abandon their future mean-
ing, and then pass as present participles or nouns of agency ;
thus, rupiura, ** tearing," as the personification of " to tear,'"
properly "the person who tears ;" yanc^uro, "joining;"
mistura, "mingling;" genitura, "producing;" "having."
It must be noticed that in Grothic, also, from adjectives
spring feminine forms which are used as abstracts, as
mikileif *' greatness " (theme mikilein), from the adjective
base mikih^ to which it bears the same relation that, in
Sanscrit, sandaru '* pulchra " does to the masculine neuter
base >sRj^ sundara (see §. 120.) ; so, among others, also
manageU " a multitude," from manag(a)8, " many ;" nuJcei,
ydnta-Sy "cloud," as "making to flow," opposed to gadaydnt^ from gad^
" to flow," in the causal. So in Latin unguentum^ if it be not an extended
form of ^^unguen" (compare §. 803.), and perhaps argentum, "silver," as
"shining" (Sanscrit raja-td^m), apparently from rdj^ "to shine," witli
the vowel shortened.
1096 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
" sickness,'' from «uJfc(a)-5 " sick," (see Grimm, I. p. 608).
In Greek, too, there are a few adjectives, the feminines of
which represent abstracts ; in such a manner, however, as
that the latter is distinguished from the feminine adjective
by throwing back the accent, in agreement with what has
been before remarked on similar phscnomena in Sanscrit ;
hence, depfirj, " heat," K&Krj, " wickedness," opposed to depfu]^
KaKYj ; as above, y&kas, ** fame," opposed to yaias, '* fiEimous "
(see §. 785. Remark) ; jdnimaru " birth," mdrinian, ** death,"
opposed to words like sarimdn, " wind," as " blowing " (§.
547.). But to return to the Latin participles in ndu, secunduSf
** the following one," has correctly retained the original
design of the suffix ; and the conjecture, therefore, that it
is a contraction of sequebundus is unnecessary : yet, in my
opinion, words in bundus in so far belong to this class, as
most probably the verb substantive is contained in them
in the same way as we have recognised it in the imper-
fects and futures in 6am, bo (see §§. 526. 663.). When, how-
ever, Voss derives the forms bundu from the imperfect,
as, errabundus from errabam, vagabundits from vayabar,
gemebundus from gemebajn, he appears to be in error, as this
derivation is not supported by the sense ; as gemebundus
signifies, not " qui^emebat,'*^ but " gemens.'*'' I allow, there-
fore, between gemebam and gemebundus only a sisterly re-
lation, and take bundus rather as the participle present of
the root fu,* with the extension of the suffix nt to nduf as
in the future passive participle under discussion. In Per-
sian the participle present of the root but " to be," would
probably be bavandah (for bu^andah, compare bavam, " I
may be ") ; and in Sanscrit from bhu really comes bhdvant,
"being" (base of the strong cases), to which the Latin
bundu, exclusive of the suffix ti, has nearly the same rela-
* Regarding b fory, see ^^ 18. 526.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1097
tion as bam {ama-bam) has to d-bhavam. The first u of
bundu I take to be not the radical vowel otfu, but the cor-
ruption of an original a» as in the third person plural (veh-
M-n< = Sanscrit v&h-oHidt). As a proof that the forms in
bunctu-s are, in their origin, participles, may be adduced
also the circumstance that they occasionally govern the
accusative ; thus, in Livy, vitabundus castra, mirabundus
vanam spectem. But should these forms originally belong
to a tense other than the present, we might recognise in
them obsolete future participles, and assume that the use
of the participle in turus has caused them to be less freely
employed, given room for their being dispensed with, and
changed their signification. An especial corroboration of
this view is to be found in the fact that the majority of
forms in bundua belong to the first conjugation, and that
in old Latinity futures in bo occur also in the third and
fourth conjugation, a form which may originally have be-
longed to all classes of verbs ; as, as has been shewn, forms
like legam and audiam are nothing but present tenses of
the subjunctive mood, and used as a compensation for the
lost futures (see §. 692.). We should consequently regard
lascivibundus and sUibundus as analogous forms of old futures
like scibo, dormibo, only with the vowel shortened, as before
the suffix bundu'Sj with the exception of the d of the first
conjugation, only short vowels are found, and, therefore,
we have gemebundtis^ fremebunduSf opposed to dic&x), and
pudibundus opposed to pvd&nt
810. Let us now betake ourselves to the consideration
of those participles which, without any formal designation
of any temporal or lineal relation, have retained their desti-
nation in this respect merely by the use of language.
These are in Sanscrit the future participle in Mr, (ri, the
perfect passive participle in ta or na, and the future passive
participle in ya, tavya, and aniya. The first-mentioned
participle, which is, at the same time, a noun of agency, has
4 B
1098 FORMATION OF WORDS.
been already discussed in §§. 646» 647 ; somewhat, however,
remains still to be observed on the subject. And first
must be noticed the coincidence in accent which exists be-
tween the Sanscrit and Greek, since the formations in WF^
idr, like the Greek in rrfp, regularly accent the suffix ; thus,
ddtdr, nominative ddtd (see §. 144.) dator and daturus, as in
Greek dom^p ; janitdr, nominative janitd '* genitoff^ and
'* gerdiurua'''' = y€v€Trjp. On the other hand, the suffix rop,
which in origin and signification is identical with rtjpf and
the long vowel of whose nominative rop, is to be regarded
only as a compensation for the want of the case-sign, has
lost simultaneously its organic length and its accent : it
admits, too, of scarce any doubt, that, in Sanscrit, the
weight of the suffix tdr is the cause of its being accented,
according to the same principle by which, in the second
principal conjugation, the heavy personal terminations
assume the accent (see §. 785. Remark). The Greek forma-
tions in Ttf'^, which in §. 145. have likewise been compared
with the Sanscrit in tdr, have, in part, remained true to
the old accentuation, since in forms of more than two
syllables a vowel long in itself by position, with <r gene-
rally, and occasionally also with #c, p, v, and \ preceding
the suffix, serves like a dam to the accent which be-
longs to the suffix, and prevents it from receding farther
back ; hence, indeed, Sorijg opposed to Sor^p, ddtd; but iiayrj^
TrJ£, iroitpyj^^ 07\coTi7f, S/KOwm/f, iKOVTt(rrrj^, jSaoTaKT)}^, fjyop-
fjuKTYj^, Av/xavT^j, evdvvTYJ^, TTOi/ciATjJr, KadapTTj^f opposed to
forms like yafierrj^, yeveTrj^, vavSaKerrj^. The e of forms like
7ev-e-Ti;r, yev'€-rrjp, 7rav5aK-e-Ti;ff, is most probably a corrup-
tion of I ; for it corresponds to the i, which often occurs in
Latin, and still oftener in Sanscrit, between the root and
the suffix ; e, g. yev-e-rrjp and yeve-rrjg correspond to the
Sanscrit ^an-i-Mr and Latin gen-i-for.
811. In the weak cases the Sanscrit suffix idr suppresses
its vowel, and the accent then &lls on the case terminations
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1099
beginning with a vowel ; while before consonants the r be-
comes ri, and the accent abides on the suffix ; hence ddtr-^,
'* to the giver/' as in Greek yrarp'og,] TraT/t)-/, for vaTep-og,
irarep-iy but ddtri-bhyas, " to the givers.'' The analogy of the
weak cases is followed also by the feminine of the noun agent,
inasmuch as before the feminine suffix i, which usually re-
ceives the accent, the vowel of the principal suffix is sup-
pressed ; hence ddlri, " the female giver." The Greek and
Latin, which possess over the Sanscrit the superiority of
retaining the vowel of the masculine suffix (rtjp, rop, t&r)
through all the cases, follow notwithstanding the ana-
logy of the Sanscrit in suppressing, in the feminine
forms rpid, rpia, fri^ (see §. 119.), the vowel of the prin-
cipal suffix, and the Greek rpiS agrees with the Sanscrit
tri also in the retention of the accent, which the form
Tpta (perhaps on account of its increase of syllables)
has abandoned ; thus, Ktjarpid, oKerplSy av\ijTpiS, arffiavrplS,
KaTsjp-plS, opxtfcrpii, (rreyaarpiSt as in Sanscrit ddtri. The
base yaoTpi deserves especial notice, which, though also
masculine, is properly nothing but the feminine of yatrrep,
nominative yaarrip*, in which I think I recognise the San-
scrit rootyo*, "to eat," whence might be expected a noun
of agency jastSr, feminine jasin ; thus yaoTYJp, properly
"the male eater," and yatrrpt-g (properly "the female
eater") has indeed experienced a transposition of the accent,
but has kept clear from the inorganic affix of a S. The
feminine bases in ti5 seem to me, where they appear as
nouns of agency, to be abbreviations of rpiS : they corre-
spond, as respects the loss of the p, to their masculines in
rrjipy^, but have throughout displaced the accent, even
where the masculine has retained it in its original site ;
* In shortening the vowel of the suffix, as also in declension, yatrrtp
follows the analogy of the words denoting affinity, see §. 813.
4 B^
UOO FORMATION OF WORDS.
thus, not only iicrn-y compared with iKenj-^, but also eupen-c
opposed to evperrj'^,
812. The words denoting aflinity in HT tdr, irU are evi-
dently, in their origin, nouns of agency (see **Vocalismusr
p. 182); for pit&r, weakened from patdr, and this again from
pdldr, means properly " nourisher," or " ruler,'" from the
root pd; and mdldr, ** mother,^' I regard as ** she that brings
forth;"' while I dissent from the Indian Grammarians who
derive it from mdw, "to honour," and prefer deducing it from
the root mdt *' to measure/' which, with the preposition nisy
" out of " (nir-wd), signifies " to make," " to produce," and
even without a preposition is capable of this interpretation.*
Duhitdr, "daughter," signifies properly "suckling," from
duh, " to milk ;" ndptdr, ** grandchild," is in its final ele-
ment essentially identical with pitdr, ** father ^' (this, how-
ever, is perhaps opposed to my former opinion* see. p. 387,
Notet)» here not in the sense of " father," but to be taken
in its primitive meaning, while we regard the compound
not as a possessive but as a determinative ; so that naptdr^
in opposition to pitdr, as " ruler," or " family chief," would
signify the "not ruler," or "subject," and thus it might
mean any member of a family but the father ; as also in
the Veda dialect, napdtf which has preserved the original
* I now find a strong confirmation of this opinion, which is elsewhere
expressed {^'Vocalwnus^'* p. 182) in the V^a dialect in the First Book of
the Rig. Veda (Hymn 61. 7.)> which has heen edited in the interim by
Fr. Rosen^ where the genitive mdtur occurs as masculine, with the
meaning ^^creatarU." The Old Persian furnishes the noun of agency
frumdtdr (Jra preposition), which is connected in root and sufiix with
mdtar, the accusative of which, framdidram, occurs repeatedly in the
inscriptions with which w^e are acquainted, and is rendered by Lassen,
^^ imperatarem/' I have no doubt that the above-mentioned Yedian mdtur
has an accusative mdtdram (not mdtdram\ and that, therefore, the theme
is properly rndtdr^ not mdtar, as the d is shortened only in words denot-
ing affinity.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1 101
length of the root pd^ signifies in the passages cited by Fr.
Rosen (on the Rig. V. I. 22. 6.) " son," though in form it
corresponds to the Latin base nep6t, as also its feminine
napti, " daughter,*" to the Latin base nepti*. Old High Ger-
man nifti (nominative accusativig nifl). Bhrd-tar, " brother,""
has clearly lost a consonant before the suffix, for there is
no root bhrd. If, as the Indian Grammarians assume, the
root is bhrdft "to shine," we must then observe that the
rd^, which is probably related to it, and from which Pott
deduces bhrd; (for abhi-rdj), signifies besides " to shine,'" also
** to rule,"' and, therefore, " the brother "' may be so desig-
nated as " ruler "" in the family, which, according to Indian
manners, the eldest brother after his father"s death really
is (see '* Vocdlismusr p. 182). But bhrd, in bhmtdr, may
also have sprung from the root hhary bhri, " to carry,"" " to
support,"" by the transposition and lengthening of the radi-
cal vowel, just as in Greek from I3a\ : ^Kffaui^ fie/SXYj-Ka,
/SA7-/UCX, &c., from -Trerss: Sanscrit pat, "to fell,"" "to fly""
(TTiVra) from frnrero)) : tttco and tttyj (Trrcicriy, Trrco/xa, irrrjo'ig),
and in Sanscrit from marif " to think,"' mnd, " to mention,""
* This feminiue form leads to the conjectorc that the masculine napdt
in the weakest cases (see §. 130.) rejects its d ; that, therefore, the geni-
tive would be napt'OS, for napdt-€U, since feminine bases in ( generally
follow the analogy of the weakest cases ; as, rupi.i^ ^* a queen," follows
that of rafnSy to the king," rajn-as, " of the king," &c. Before termina-
tions beginning with a consonant, where napt would be impossible, 1
should expect napdt; thus, napad-bhyas, "to" and "from the sons," If
such forms were coniirroed, I still could not assent to Benfey s (Glossary
to the Sama Veda, p. 106) conjecture, that d in napdt, as also the 6 of
forms like datSr-iSy &c., is a lengthening that originally belongs only to
the strong cases, which, in Latin {nep6t)^ has entered into all cases. It is
more natural to suppose the theme of the Sanscrit strong cases to he the
original one, and therefore, also, in the classical languages, for the most
part, carried through all the cases, as is the case in the example hefore us
with the suffix t6r, rrjp^ contrasted with the Sanscrit strong /^ir (shortened
in the vocative to tar) and with the participle present in nt.
1102 FOIIMATION OF WORDS.
which is regarded by the Indian Grammarians as a dis-
tinct root. If, as now appears to me more probable, this
is the derivation of bhrd-idr, viz. from bhar, in that case the
" brother " is properly *' the supporter," as the stay of the
mother, sisters, and younger brothers after the father s
death.* So the husband, also, in relation to the wife, who
is termed bhdryd {" the female to be supported, to be
cherished ''), is '' the supporter," and as such is called bhar-
tdtf nominative bharid ; a word, the creation of which still
lies within the clear recollection of the language, and
which, therefore, in departure from its supposed cognate
bhrdlar, follows the ordinary declension. The appellation
of "sister," in Sanscrit svdsdr, has still preserved the long
vowel in the strong cases, but has, on that account, like
the Latin sordr from sod&r, lost a t, which has remained
in the Grerman and Sclavonic languages (Gothic svistar,
English '' sister," Old Sclavonic sestra), and in the Lithua-
nian sesser (nominative sessih genitive sesser-Sf see §. 144.),
has assimilated itself to the preceding s. Svd's(l)dr is
properly **the wife belonging" (regarding the pronoun
svQf see §. 341.), and is, in its final element, akin to strt,
" woman," which Pott is undoubtedly right in deducing
from the root su, m ** to bear a child" (E. I. I. p. 126) ; so
that, like fe-mina (see §. 478. conclusion), it originally sig-
nifies " the parturient," and is a regular feminine noun of
agency up to the loss of the radical vowel.
813. The shortening of d to a, which most words de-
noting affinity have experienced in Sanscrit and Zend in
the strong cases, appears to have existed so early as the
time of the unity of language, as it is scarcely fortuitous
that pitdram, pUar-4u (Veda -rd), pitdraSf stand in the same
* So in a passage of SdvitH (p. 16 of my translation of " The Deluge'*) :
^' When the husband (of the mother) is dead, that son is culpable who is
not the protector of his mother."
POBMATION OF WORDS. 1103
relation to ddtdram, ddtdrdu {-rdj, ddtdras, as, in Greek,
iraTepa, irarepe, Trarepe^, to SoTfjpa, SoT^pe, SoTtjpe^, par-
ticularly as the Latin makes a distinction between the
declension of words like pater, patris, and such as dator,
datdr-is.
814. In the Veda dialect, formations in Mr, tri, occur
also in the sense of the participle present or future go-
verning the accusative ; and in this case the accent inva-
riably is thrown back from the suffix to the radical syl-
lable ; hence ddtdr, " giving,'" opposed to ddtdr, " giver ;''
pdtdr, "drinking,'' opposed to pdtdr, "drinker" (Latin pd-
tdr-) ; hdntdr, " smiting," " slaying," opposed to haritdr,
" smiter," " slayer ;" dstdr, *' casting," opposed to astdr,
'* caster." These participles serve principally to represent
the present indicative ; so that, as in the participial future
of the classic Sanscrit, the verb substantive is either to be
supplied or is formally expressed. The former is the case
if the participle refers to the third person ; the latter if
the first or second person is the subject The forms of
this kind which occur in the Sama Veda are all in the
masculine singular nominative ; and it is matter for future
investigation, whether the feminine also occurs in con-
structions of this kind, or whether, as in the participial
future of the classic Sanscrit, the nominative masculine
represents the other genders. I annex a few examples
from Benfey's edition of the hymns of the Sama Veda :
Hdntd yd vritrdn s&nitijtd {-td vi6) vdjan ddtd maghdni, "who
(Indra) striking (cleaving) is the cloud, and distributing is
* That in Zend, also, the form in tar occurs in the sense of a participle
preseift, and governing the accusative, is proved by a passage in the be-
ginning of the Ist Farg. of the Vendidad (V. S. p. 498), where ^g^(5^J^
bactem is governed by ^7oa^ ddthrdy " to the giving " (genitive in the
sense of dative, as is frequently the case in Sanscrit): neniak et£ ddtfiro
Imcteniy " worship to thee the giver of happiness (riches)."
1104 FORMATION OF WORDS.
food, giving is riches '' = ** who strikes,'" &e. (I. 4. 1. 6. 4.);
yd ddfiiyd iaiamdndya mmvaii ddtd jariird (euphonic for
• . . . trS) vkthydm, " who is giving that which is com-
mendable to the praise singer, who slays with care, and
expresses the juice of the (Soma)"" (II. 1. 1. 14. 2.) ; tvdshtd
nd ddivyan vdchat parfdnyd brdhvMn<updtiK, " Parjanyas
Brahm is creating for us godlike speech ""* (1.4. 1. 1.7.);
dstd Vi idtravS vadhdnh *' thou art hurling death at the foe"'
(II. 9. 1. 13. a). I take pdtd as a future participle in the
following passage: pitd vritrahd stddm d ghd gamait ** po^
tuTUS VrUri occisor sdnuB succum odeaV^ (II. 8. 2. 1. 3.).'}'
As regards the cause of the retrogression of the accent in
these expressions, I have no doubt that the aim which the
language has in view is most emphatically to express, by
the accentuation, the energy of the action, which, in the
case where the form in f dr as a participle governs the ac-
cusative, appears in its fiill force ; and I am of this opi-
nion, as, as has already been remarked (see §. 785. Remark,
at the beginning), the accenting the initial syllable of a
word in Sanscrit is the most emphatic.
* Tvdsktdr is paroxyton also as a noun of agency.
t According to Benfey's translation; "let the Vritra-slayer drink the
juice," &c., pdtd would=pdtd tydt, " bibens sU.** I doubt, however, that
these participles can, without an auxiliary verb, represent the potential or
imperative ; for the indicative only of the verb substantive is, in Sanscrit,
very frequently omitted, as being by the sense itself understood. The en-
clitic ghd (fur gha), which stands in the text in the common dialect ha^
which, as well as hd^ occurs in the Vedas, and attaches itself to pronouns
especially (see F. Windischmann's Sankara, p. 73 ; and Benfey's Glossary
to the S&ma Veda, p. 206), gives me occasion to remark, that I now, in de-
parture from my former explanation (§. 175.)> regard the Gothic Af, and
our ch in mi~k, thu-ky si-ky mi-ch, di^h, si-ch, as well as the Old High
German h in unsi-h^ Vf^^i iwi-h, v/xar, as a particle which has grown up
with the base, and as identical with the Sanscrit ha, gha^ and Greek yc
(Dor. Mo\. ya), and therefore dich as^sSanscrit ivdh-ha, Greek <r<yf) ^y
in a phonetic point of view, Mi^ Gothic ik=aham, cy».
FOBM ATION OF WORDS. 1 105
815. As to the origin of the suffix Mr, it may be re-
garded as springing from the verbal root iar (w ^fi).* This
root properly signifies " to overstep/' ** to transgress,**' but
also "to accomplish,"' "to fulfil;" e.g. pratijndmf "a pro-
mise." And it must be observed that several verbs of mo-
tion express also " to transact," " to do ;" as, char signifies
(1) " to go," (2) " to pass through," (3) " to do," " to prac-
tise," " to arrange." Thus, ddtdrt ** datoTt dans, daturus,^''
may be taken as " the accomplisher," the " exerciser of
giving," or, also, if we keep to the primitive signification
of the root, as, " the man who passes through the action
of giving;" as, pdragth properly "going to the farther
shore," is used in the sense of " perusing." The verbal
roots, therefore, in combination with the suffix i&r, are to
be taken as abstract substantives, which cannot surprise
us, as some of them appear as such without any annexa-
tion of a formative suffix ; as, bhi, " fear," from bhi, " to
fear f hri, " shame,'' from An", " to fear ;" yudK " strife,"
from yudhy " to strive." It may be requisite here to ob-
serve, that in Latin several formative suffixes beginning
with c can be traced back to the Sanscrit root kar, kri
(with which creo is connected). Thus, for example, cri for
ceri — nominative masculine cer, feminine cri-s — and era in
volucer, " flying," properly " fulfilling the action of flying ;"
ludicer, ludicru-Sf "sport," "pleasure," "causing enjoyment;"
involucre, " that which envelopes or serves thereto ;" lava-
crunnif " that which makes to bathe," ** to bathe ;" ambuUi'
cru-m, " that which makes to walk out, gives occasion
thereto," hence " promenade ;" sepul-cru-tn, " that which
makes to inter," " a grave ;" lu-cru-m, " that which causes
to pay," " gain ;" fut'cru-m, for fidc'cru-m, ** that which
makes to support," " a support." As r and I are easily
^ Compare Benfey, ^^ Greek Etymology j*' II. p. 2.57.
1106 FORMATION OF WORDS.
interchanged, I have no hesitation in referring to this class
also the suffix culu, and comparing it with the Sanscrit
kara, " making ;" * thus, ridicU'lu'S, properly " making to
laugh ;" pia-culu-m, " that which makes to atone ;" speda-
culu-m, " that which makes to see,'' " gives to see ;" vehi-
culu-m, " that which makes to ride ;" pd-cutu-m, " that which,
makes to drink f' mira-culu-m, " that which makes to won-
der ;" ba-culu'S, ** that which makes to go '' (fiifirjfu, ^l^^vj.
816. From tdr springs, in Sanscrit, hy the affix of an a,
and with the suppression of its own vowel, as in the weak
cases, and hefore the feminine character i, the neuter suffix
tra, and thence the feminine trd. The neuter form is prin-^
cipally used, and, like the feminine trd, of rare occurrence,
forms substantives which express instruments, which are,
as it were, the inanimate accomplishers of an action. They
Gunise the radical vowel, and, for the most part, in accord-
ance with the Greek analogous forms in rpo, Opo, rpa, Bpa^f
accent the first syllable of the word. The following are
examples : ne'tra-mf ** an eye," as " conducting,'' or " in-
strument of conducting" (root ni); sri-ira-niy "ear" (root
sru, "to hear"); gd-tra-m, "limb" (root gd, "to go'O;
vds-tra-in, "garment" (root vas, "to put on"); sas-tra-m,
"arrow" (root sas, "to slay"); yik-ira-m, "band" (root
yuj, " to bind ") ; d&mhtrd, " tooth " (root dahi " to
* At the end of compounds bhds'karas, ''making brilliance," "the
sun;" bha-yan-hara-s^ "making fear," "formidable."
t It is a question whether the 6 of 6po^ Opa, is produced by the in-
fluence of the p, in analogy with the law of sounds in force in Zend (see
§. 47. )> or whether independently of the p a change or weakening of the
tenuis to the aspirate has taken place, as has become the rule in Ger.
manic languages (see §. 87.)« The latter appears to me more probable, as
the combination rp is very usual ; but 6 for an original r occurs also
before vowels, as in the suffix dcK=Sanscrit tas, Latin tus (§. 421.), and
in the personal terminations of the middle and passive which begin with
aB (see §. 474.).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1107
bite"); ydtrd, feminine, "provisions" (root yd, **to go").
So in Greek, viirrpo-v, TrhSjKrpO'V, fioucrpo-v, \eKrpo'V (" bed," as
•' means of lying"), ^icrpo-v ("stick," as " means for going"),
fco-cr-TjOo-i/, apoTpO'V, OeKytjTpo-v, ^iXj/t/oo-v, eKyrpo^v, O^pa-
rpo-v, apdpo-v, ^aBpo'V, T^i^tfipO'V, fidtcrpa, m-a-rpa, kolKutt"
Tpa, fiadpa, Kpefiadpau The suffix in the class of words under
discussion is, in Sanscrit, seldom accented, and still more
rarely in Greek : the most common Sanscrit word of this
kind is vaklrd-m, " mouth," as " speaking,'" or " instrument
of speaking ;" so 'paktrd-m, " holy fire," properly " that
which cooks" (root pack from pah) ; dhartrd-m, " house,"
as " holding," " receiving" (root dhar, dhri) ; vUrd-m, " a
reed," as " moving itself" (root vi). In Greek, Koxnpo-v
and Satrpo-v belong to this head. The latter, by its pas-
sive signification, corresponds (" the distributed") to the
Vedian ddtrdnif " gift," as " that which has been given," or
" is to be given." * As respects its base syllable, how-
ever, iairpov (SouiS) belongs to the Sanscrit root dS = dd,
" to cut ofi*," whence ddlra-m, ** a sickle." As the suffix
idr, in Sanscrit, is occasionally preceded by an i as conjunc-
tive vowel, so also is tra, and then either the conjunctive
vowel or the base syllable is accented : the former in khan-
{'tra-m, "a spade" (khan, "to dig"), the latter in vdd-i-
tra-m, " a musical instrument," properly " that which
causes to speak or utter a sound" (root vad, "to speak,"
in the causal) ; gdr'i-4ra^, " rice," properly " that which
causes to eat," " nourishes" (root gar, gri, " deglutire,''' in
the causal). As we have above (§. 810.) compared the
Greek e of forms like yev-e-Tfjp with the Sanscrit^Latin
vowel of conjunction i of the corresponding jan-i-tdr, gen-i-
tSr, so may also the e of ^ep-e-r/oo-i/ be taken as the cor-
* Benfey quotes in his Glossary to the S&ma Veda, p. 88, the follow-
ing passage of the Rig. Veda : (Ui bhdgS dsi ddtrdsya ddtd^ '^ thou art the
Lord : thou art the distributor of alms."
1108 FORMATION OF WORDS.
ruption of i* and the said word be contrasted with Sanscrit
formations like khan-t-tra-m and yddr-i-tra-m. It may, how-
ever, be the case, that the e of ^e/o-e-r/oov is identical with
the class-vowel e of ^€/>-e-Te, ^ep-e-rov^ &c. ; then <f^f>-€rnrpov
would correspond to Sanscrit formations like pdl-a-tram,
"wing,'' as "instrument of flying;'' vddh-artra-m, "weapon,"
as "slaying;" krint-artror-m, "plough," as "cleaver" (root
krU from kart, in the special tenses krintf compare Keipta) :
for which, indeed, the Grammarians assume a suffix aira,
the a of which, however, appears to me identical with the
inserted vowel of the first and sixth class ; thus, pdt-ar4ra-m,
like pdt-cL-ti, " he flies ;" krird-a-trorfih like krird-^-tU " he
cleaves."* Thus in Greek the i; of forms like <l>i?af-Tpo-v and
Kopfj-dpo-v evidently belongs to the verbal base, and is iden-
tical with that of ^iXt^-o-co, Koprj-ana, The same is the case
with the d and 6 of the corresponding class of words in
Latin ar&-iru-my fulgi-iru-mi fulgA-tra, verS^tru-nit where it
must be observed, that, according to §. 109\ 6., the 6 of the
first as well as the 6 of the second conjugation are identical
in their origin with the fj of the above-mentioned Greek
forms. As, however, the 6 of the second conjugation is
less permanent than the d of the first and the i of the
fourth (see §. 801. Note), we cannot be surprised to find,
not mvIgS'traf miUgi'trunh but mtdc-tra, mtdc-4rvr-m ; not
moni-tru-m, but mon-S'trum. The s of monstrum corre-
sponds to the euphonic s mentioned in §.95. A similar
one is also to be found in lu-s-trum and fius-trum* Vi-trum,
** glass," as it were, " instrument of seeing," or " making
to see," has lost the d of the root We should have ex-
pected vis-trum (see §. 101.) according to the analogy of
ras^trunif ros-trum, claus-irumt cas-iram. In the third con-
* The Indian Grammarians include the i of the above-mentioned words
in itra in the suffix.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1109
jugation, the class syllable of which has, from the time of
the unity of language, as a rule not extended itself beyond
the present, with its derivatives, and the imperfect, the
suffix is joined, for the most part, direct to the root, e.g,
rurtrumf spec-irum. In the fourth conjugation we should
expect i-trumf in accordance with d-trum in the first, and
i'trum in the second ; but hauS'trum, from kauris, is in
conformity to the other anomalies of this verb.
817. The Zend has, according to §. 47., changed the t of
the suffix ira into th, but leaves it unaltered after sibilants,
which, in general, do not admit of th after them ; hence
As?<^AM^iAsjCl^ yaoschddthraf " means of purification " (V. S.
p. 263), nominative accusative -thre-m (see §. 30.) : ddUhre-m,
"eye"^ (as "seeing")* is connected in its root and suffix
with the Greek dearpov, although the meaning of the latter
has taken a difierent direction, since it signifies the place
which afibrds the spectacle. The corresponding Sanscrit
root is most probably dhy&U with which Pott {*'E. L /.'"
p. 23l) has been the first to compare the Greek deaofiai,
although dhydi signifies not " to see *" but " to think," where
it is to be observed that ^ budh, " to know," has, in 2^nd,
received the meaning of " to see," as ft^ vid, " to know,"
has in Latin, while the Greek root iS (e?5c«), olSa) unites the
two meanings. Remark, also, with Bumouf ("Fofna,"
p. 372), the New Persian root di, "to see" (infinitive di-dan)*
and the contraction which the Sanscrit root dliydi has ex-
perienced in the substantive dhi (nominative dhi-s), " un-
derstanding," "insight." The following are examples in
which the suffix spoken of has preserved its original tenuis
under the protection of a preceding sibilant : vastrem, "robe,"
feminine vastra (see §. 137., Sanscrit vdsira-nh see §.721.
* The present binam belongs probably to a different root, and, in fact,
to the Sanscrit vid.
1110 FORMATION OF WORDS.
Note **), and as^^^jus^ vA&tra (as theme), " the willow/' as
"growing''* (connected in its root with the Old High
German base wahs-a-mon^ ** shrub,'' " fruit," see §. 799.),
whence the often occurring vdstravat, " willowy," as also
vdstrya (nominative -y^), " farmer." The Zend uses the
formations in thrch tra, also in the sense of abstract sub-
stantives, which, according to what has been said (§. 809.)
regarding the radically connected Latin formations in tura,
cannot surprise us. The following are examples : ?g^<^f ?^
dar-e-thre-m, "possession," "reception," "retention" (San-
scrit root dhar, dhrU "to keep"); fj^^j^Aj^ mar-e-dhrhn,
"mention" (Sanscrit root smar, smri, "to remember");
^^?(3jM}A khdthrem, " splendour ;"f 9^^^^ju»^ khds-trem,
* I doubt not that this expression comes from the Sanscrit root vaksh,
'^ to grow/' which, in Zend, in the devoid of Guna special tenses of the
fourth class, is contracted to ucs. With respect to the suppression of
the guttural in the above form, compare the relation of the Sanscrit
chash-t^y "he says," to the root chaksh^ and the Zend chashman, "eye"
(as "saying," "announcing"), to the same root, and to the cognate San-
scrit word chdkshus.
f At the end of compounds pduru-khdihra^ " having much lustre "
(see Bumouf, " Ya^na" p. 421). I consider khdthra to be an abbreviation
ofkharthra (kharethra^ according to §. 44.), and derive it firom the root
khar, "to shine," whence, also, ^yg7AJ^j kharend^ "lustre.* The root
8ur (from svar^ see §. 36.) corresponds in Sanscrit. The loss of the final
consonant of the root appears to be compensated by lengthening the vowel,
as in the QaxiBcfiijdtd^ " bom," from jan ; khdid^ " engraven," from khan.
Observe, also, the relation of the Zend j^ass^mj^ zazdmi^ " I produce," to
the Sans, jdjanmi. Bumouf gives another derivation of khdthra, " lustre "
(1. c. p. 419) dividing it into kha, ^^suus,** and dthra, according to which
its literal meaning would be "^tim ignem hahens*' m^ therefore dthra
would be connected with the word dtar, "fire," which is used in its un-
compounded form, and the a of which is suppressed in the weakest cases ;
hence dthrat, ^^igne" dthrahm, ^^ignium," Burnouf touches also on
the possibility of the prefix ^ su, hu, "fair," being contained in khdthra^
in which case its proper signification would be ^'pulchrum ignem habens,"
A
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1111
** taste." The latter Burnouf (*' Vagna,"' p. 220) derives,
undoubtedly with justness, from the Sanscrit root svtld : the
transition of d into s is here quite regular (see §. 102. con-
clusion) ; and khdstrem therefore resembles, both in the
euphonic treatment of the radical d and in the suffix, the
(§. 815. conclusion) above-mentioned Latin formations, as
claus'trum,
818. As regards the formation of abstract substantives
through the suffix under discussion, the German languages
admit of comparison with the Zend in several interesting
forms. The Gothic furnishes us with the neuter base
maur-ihra (nominative accusative maurthr, see §. 153.), " mur-
der," properly " the killing,"' the obscure root of which
leads us to the Sanscrit mar, mri, '* to die,'' causal mdrd-
y&mif " I slay." * Besides the above, J. Grimm (II. p. 123)
deduces from bldsheis a neuter bldstr, "oblation" (theme
bldstra)f which I should be glad to admit did it anywhere
occur. Nevertheless, I think its existence must be as-
sumed, and I derive from it the existing masculine bids-
trei'S, the base of which, bldstrya (see §. 135.), has the same
relation to its presupposed primitive base bldstra that the
previously mentioned Zend vditryd (theme vdstrya), " coun-
tryman," has to its primitive base vdstra, " pasture." f The
root of the Grothic base blds-tra is bldt, " to sacrifice," " to
A derivation, however, in which khdthra would etymologically also sig-
nify what the sense requires, and according to which it would be radically
identical with a word (kharenS) literally meaning "lustre," appears to
me the most natural.
* The u of the Gothic form is a weakening of a, to which, according
to §. 82., an euphonic a is prefixed. As most of the German languages
have lost the r of the Gothic maurtkr, and consequently the agreement
between them in suffix with the primitive suffix tra, tlira, is no longer
recognisable, we should remark with care the English " murder.*
t It is a rule in Sanscrit that ver])al bases terminating with a vowel
reject their final vowel before vowels or y in an annexed derivative suffix.
1112 FORMATION OF WORDS.
worship," whence, according to §. 102., bUs^rch in analogy
with the Zend khdi-fra, " taste,'' from khAd-tra ; so gila-ira,
"tax,'' nominative accusative gihtr, from gildrirtif gild-4r,
from the weakened form of the root gold, with the prepo-
sition U8 and fra, " to repay." The a of the Old High
German gels-tar, kek-tar, gheU-tar (GraflF, IV. 194.), I take to
be an auxiliary vowel inserted to remedy the harshness of
an accumulation of consonants at the end of a word, and
which, on the annexation of the case-terminations in these
and similar words, is again dropped, hence genitive plural
gheU'tro; so from bluos-tar, blos-iar, **oblation," dative blosAre;
from hlah'tar, " laughing," " laughter," dative hlah-tre.f
We have, therefore, in the common German expression
Ge-ldch'ter, as also in the English ** laugh-ter," analogous
forms to the Zend abstract neuter bases in thra, tra, as also
to the Sanscrit formations in tra, Greek in rpo, and Latin
in tru. Thus in English also " slaugh-ter," which in its
radical part, graphically at least* is more perfectly retained
than the cognate verb " slay." Probably, also, " thun-der"
and ** wea-ther" are to be included in the class of words
which are formed in Sanscrit by the suffix iroy though the
^-sound of the suffix is lost in the appellation of " thunder"
in the older dialects (Old High Grerman donor masculine,
Old Saxon thunoTt Anglo-Saxon thunor) ; on the other hand,
in Latin we have ton-i-trus, ton-i-trUf where the u of the
fourth declension is matter of surprise, as the Sanscrit a
* With respect to the interchaDge of t, th, and d (blds-tra, giU-tra,
compared with maur-thra), in suffixes originally commencing with /, I
refer the reader to §. 91.
t Whether the gender be masculine or neuter is not to be determined
from the cases which occur (accusative hlahtary dative hlahtre and hlah-
tere) ; as, however, the perfectly analogous hlSstar shews itself, by the ac-
cusative plural blSstar^ to be neuter, I agree with GraflF (IV. 1112.) in
considering hlahtaraXso as neuter, in accordance with the analogous Gothic
and Zend forms.
FOEMATION OF WORDS. 1113
would lead us to expect only the unorganic u of the second
declension (see §. 116.). The corresponding Sanscrit root is
stan, " to thunder,'" whence stanrayi-tniirSt " the thunder."
"Weather'' belongs to the Sanscrit root t?d, "to blow,"
whence also the Lithuanian we-ira, ** storm." To return
to the Gothic; /d-cfr, "sheath" (theme /d-rfra), and huli'S-tr,
" veil" (theme htiH-s^ra), belong to the class of words here
discussed. The latter proceeds from the verbal base htd-ya;
its t, therefore, is the contraction of the syllable ya, as in
the preterite htU-i-da. I regard the s as an euphonic affix,
as in the Latin Ivrs-trurmt flu^-trum (see §. 815. conclusion),
capi-s-trum. The following nominal derivatives are ana-
logous : avi'S-trt " sheep-cote," as " place of the sheep,"
from the lost primitive base avi (= Sanscrit avif Lithua-
nian aim) ; and navi'S-tTf " grave," as " place of the dead,"
from nau8, theme nava, with the weakening of the a to i,
as in the genitive navies (see §. 191.) Observe that the
Greek and Latin languages very frequently transfer the
suffixes of verbal derivatives to nominal derivatives. Fd-dr,
* Ai/ia the character of the tenth dasB, and Unu the suffix, which forms
adjectives with the signification of the participle present and masculine ap-
pellatives ; as, harshayitniuy '^ rejoicing," and as a substantive masculine
^snn," as '^the causer of rejoicing" (so nandana, ''son/' from nand ''to
rejoice"). The t is evidently merely a vowel of conjunction, as in the
future stan-ay-i-^ydtiy ^ it will thunder :" there also exists, as well as
i-tnu^ a more simple suffix tnuy as in hatn^s, masculine, <* sickness,'* and
''a weapon/' as ^^ slaying," from hauy ^^ to slay." The t of tnu and itnu
may be regarded in the same light as the euphonic t mentioned above
(§. 797. Note) ; so that, therefore, only nu would be left as the true suffix,
as appears in bhdn&s, ^^sun," as "giving light." The circumstance that
the Latin ton-i-trus^ ton-i-tru^ stands in the class of words under discus-
sion in a very isolated position, owing to its u of the fourth declension,
may lead us to compare it, with respect to its suffix also, with the San-
scrit stanayUnuSy by aswiming an exchange of the liquids ; so that tru
would stand for ^nu, just as in the Latin pid-mS (for plu-md) an / stands
over against the Greek nasal of frvcv/M>v (compare ^. 20.)
4 C
1114 FORMATION OF WORDS.
"sheath,"" theme /d-dra, in its obscure root corresponds to
the Sanscrit pd, " to receive/" and in its entire form to
pdlra-m, ** vessel,"" as " keeping."" With respect to the
Gothic df for the th, which was to be expected, compare
fa-drein^ "parents,"" with the Sanscrit pi-fdrdu (for pa-X
which is also radically connected with fd-dr (see §. 812.).
The Old High German fd-tar, fuo-tar, " fodder"" (for f6-4r,
Anglo-Saxon, fd-dr, fd-dher, fo-ddart fo-ddur) is identical in
root and suffix with the appellation of " sheath,"" which
" supports,"" but only in a diflferent manner from that in
which "fodder"" does. To this class of words may be
added, with more or less certainty, a few other Old High
German neuters which end, in the nominative and accusa-
tive, in iar or dor ; viz. fiu-dar^ " float,"" from the root flu
( = Sanscrit plu), which has generally assumed the affix of
a z (seel09^l.); fld-dar, ** ftuar^* from the same root;
ruo'daTf " rudder,"" apparently as '* making to flow or navi-
gate,"" in root and suffix akin to the Latin ru-tramf and
Greek pe-dpov (plw from <Tpe{f)iA, Sanscrit dr&vAmU from the
root srut '* to flow,"" causal grdvayX and radically, perhaps,
also with re^mus.ji Perhaps, too, we ought to class here
umndar, vmntaVf " wonder,"" and fvuldan " glory,"" X as deri-
vatives from roots now unknown.
819. To the Sanscrit feminine suffix trd, as in ddnshtrd,
"tooth"" (see §. 816.), corresponds the Gothic Aid, in nethld
(nominative and accusative nithla), "needle,"" as ''instrument
of sewing ;"" as in the Greek aKearpa, but with / for r ; which,
according to §. 20., cannot surprise us, particularly as the
Greek suffixes tAo, ^\o, tAi;, AAj; (see Pott, II. p. 655), are
* The Sanscrit form for flu-dar^flS^dar, would be plo-tra-m {6=au).
t Graff, II. p. 493, presupposes a root rod ; but the Anglo-Saxon ravan^
reovan^ revan, " reTnigare" mentioned by him, proves the contrary, and
answers to the Sanscrit causal base gravSy,
X Gothic vulthus, probably with thuj = Sanscrit ^ti, as suffix.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1115
likewise evidently to beTeferred to the Sanscrit tra, trd;
as in ^^e-T\o-v, yy-rXo-Vf ftJ-cr-^Ao-i', ej^-e-rX)/, y^''"^^^-
"Ox-e-rXo-v, in a Sanscrit form would be perhaps vah-t-tra-m,
or vah'^-4ra'm. With regard to yeveShjj as an abstract
substantive, I must remark, th^ in Sanscrit also the femi-
nine suffix trd is occasionally used to form abstract sub-
stantives ; thus, the ydirA mentioned above (§. 815.) means
also "gait'' In Old High German the word for "needle''
exhibits in the nominative and accusative, in different
Writers, nd-cUa, nd-dih, nA-dela, and ndrdal: the Anglo-
Saxon form is ncC'dL We have further to mention, in
Grothic, hleiihra (theme -thrdX *' a tent,'" which has retained
the old r, though its root is obscured : it belongs, in my
opinion, to the Sanscrit sri from kri, "to go"" (compare
visman^ " house," from vis, " to enter"), whence driraya-s,
*' asylum," ''house," and in Gothic also hliya, masculine,
(theme •yan), " a tent." To this root belongs also, among
other words, the Old High German htei-tara (for hleUrcif
(which, on account of its suffix, also belongs to this class),
Anglo-Saxon hkedre, hke-der, German LeUter, "ladder," as
" instrument of mounting."
8*20. Let us now consider somewhat more closely the
perfect passive participle, which we have already had oc-
casion to mention more than once.f Its suffix is, in San-
scrit and Zend, usually ta (masculine and neuter), feminine
/d, and is, I have no doubt, identical with the demonstrative
base ta (see §. 343.). There is no ground, therefore, in the
word itself for a passive signification, except, perhaps, in
the accent ; for while, according to §. 786. Remark, the ac-
* Graf (IV. p. 1116.) quotes for the nominative the forms leitra,hleitar^
leUera^ leiter, genitive hleitra. It admits of no doubt, that the forms in r
have lost a final a, and that they cannot be classed with muotar^ tohtar,
ftuestar^ of which the proper termination is r.
t See ^. 513. 688.
4c2
1116 FORMATION OF WORDS,
tive forms require the most powerful aceentuatioD, ue, the
accent on the first syllable ; in the passive participle under
discussion the suffix receives the accent: hence we have
palctds, " codm^ accusative pdd&m, standing similarly op-
posed to pdchan, " coqyens,^'' pdchardam, " coquerdenit^ as
above (§. 785. Remark) suchydtif *' purificatur,^'' is opposed
to iuchyati, " purificaV Grreek verbals in to-t, which, as
scarce needs to be noticed, are identical with the perfect
participles passive of the cognate languages, have retained
the old accentuation, and thus we have woto-^, wotiJ, itotov,*
standing in the same relation to voro^, *' the drinking"^
(compare §. 785. Remark, near the end), that, in Sanscrit,
piyaii, " bibitur,"' has to piyati (Class 4, middle), " bibH:"
The paroxytone or proparoxytone accent of abstracts in to
appears to be preserved principally where, together with
the abstract, the passive verbal is actually in use, and where,
consequently, there is the more ground for bringing the
abstract meaning prominently forward by the accent ; whilst
otherwise the abstract follows in its accentuation the pre-
vailing example of verbals with passive signification ; hence,
indeed, itoTO^, aporog, a/xip-o^, rpiyifro^t efMeTog, a\eTO(, op-
posed to TTOToy, aporo^, afufro^, TpuyijTo^^ e/xcrof, oAeroy (0X17-
Tov) ; but not KoTreTOS", kw/cutoj, aKotp'os, but Koireroy, iccaicirros',
oKotp-oSf as these abstracts have no oxytone passive verbals
to match them. There are, however, some isolated abs-
tracts, or words which express the time of an action,
which have the accent thrown back, as ^iorog, iehyTf-c-ro^.
821. The participial suffix ir ta is either joined direct to
the root or by a vowel of conjunction •'. To the first kind
of formation belong /nd-W-s, " known ''= Greek Yvca-To-r,
« Compare the Sanscrit pHd$^ jAta, pttdm, from the root pd, ^^ to
drink ;" which, in the paanve, has the d weakened to (. There is also a
middle root pi of the fourth class.
n<
1^
t%
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1117
Latin (g)n6'lu-8, i'gn64ur8 ; dai^d-s, " given,''* Zend dd-td
(theme ddta)t Latin doriu-St Greek io-ro^ ; iru-td-s, " heard/*
Greek kXu-to-t, Latin clu-turs; bhu^d^s, **been,'' "being,
Greek ^v-to-j ; bhri-id-s (from bhartaSf see §. 1.), " borne,
Zend beretd (theme -to), Greek (0ep-Tp-y) a-i^e/o-To-j, Latin
fevtus, " bearing/' " fruitful /' stri-td'S, " extended " (from
startds), Zend fra^stdrk^ (fra preposition), Greek orpa-To-y,
(transposed from ora/o-Tor), Latin strd-tu-s; pak-tds, "cooked,''
Greek tren-To-^ (root ven from ttck, Sanscrit pack, from joai,
Latin coc, {rom poc), hBtin coc-tu^s ; tiJ!:-/d-9, "spoken" (irre-
gular for vaktds), Zend ud^ (hucid, " well-spoken" (from Am-
uctd) ; yvk-td'S, " bound/' Greek fevK-ro-j, Latin junc-tu-s ;
bhrtsh-td-Sf "roasted" (from bhrashtdsy and this from bhrak-
tds\ Greek ^pvK-To-g, Latin fric-tus ; bad-dhd-s, " bound "
(euphonic for badh-td-s, root bandh), Zend 6as-^^ ;f lab-^hd-s,
" obtained " (euphonic for labhtds), Greek Kipr-To-g ; jd-td^s,
" born" (root /an), Zend ;;d-/d, Greek ye-ro-^, in the com-
pound TtjKvyeTog ;% matd-s, "thought" (root man), Zend maid,
(compare /Ltev-c-Toy) ; dish-ids, " shewn" (euphonic for dish-
ids, from dik-tds, see §. 21.), Greek (Jencroy) avaird$€fKTo;,
X^tpoSeiKTo^, &c., Latin dio4us ; dash-td-s, "bitten" (eupho-
nic for dai'tds, from driAr-^<i*), Greek (Jj/k-to-j), aSrjKTo^, KapSio-
SijKTo^; drish-ld-s, "seen" (from darshtds, and this from
* From daddtcLS^ with irregular retention of the reduplication of the
special tenses.
t See 1. 102., and compare Greek analogous form, as wordr, irtordr.
With regard to the Latin form of this participle in roots with a T sonnd
see §. 101.
X It is a mle in Sanscrit that before formative suffixes beginning with
f, which require no Ouna augment, the n and m of the root are rejected ;
jan^ " to produce, to bear/* and khaUf " to engrave," lengthen their vowel
in doing this. From han^ ^' to snute, to slay," comes Jiatd8y with which
we may compare the Greek -(Jxitos, as ^ENQ (<f)6vos, hr€(f>vov)^ like Bvria-K<o^
most probably belongs to the Sanscrit root han, from dhan (nidhana,
" death ").
1118 FORMATION OF WORDS.
dark-ids), Greek {Septcrig), hriiepicro^ ; ush-tA-s, ** burnt,"^ La-
tin tts-tus. The following are examples with the conjunc-
tive vowel i: prat-i-td-Sj*' extensus'" (root JT^pratK whence
prithu^Sf " broad/' from prathi-St Greek ir\arv^, Lithuanian
pla-tu-s) ; anch'i-^dSf " ereduSt" pat-i-td-Sf " qui cecidUr^ So
in Latin, dom-i-^us, tnon-^-iust mot-i-iuSf gen-i-lus. In Greek
the e of forms like /xev-c-Toy, <rKe\-e-Toy, e/wr-e-roj, corre-
sponds, where we again leave it undecided whether this t
be a corruption of an i or an a.j[
822. The Latin forms in idus, springing from neuter
verbs, and for the most part of the second conjugation, as
pall-i'dus, ferv-i-dtis, frig^-dust torr-i-dus, fim-i-dtts, tep-i-^us,
spkndri-duSf nit-i'duSf luc-i-dus, fulg-i-dus, viv-i-dus, sap-i-dus,
fltb-i-dus, correspond to the participles in id in Sanscrit,
which spring from neuter verbs, and have an active signi-
fication, and especially to those which have a present
meaning ; as, tvar-i-tds, " hastening,"' sfhitds, ** standing,'"
suptds, "sleeping" (also "having slept''), iaktds, "being
able," t yat-tas, "striving," hhi-ids, " fearing," hri-ida, "being
* Regarding the active signification of this participle in neater verbs
sec §.513. conclusion; so, in Greek, orordr, '^ standing," = Sanscrit sthi-
td» (weakened from 8thdtds\ which likewise signifies present time : on
the other hand pra-sthitds means both ^' proficiscem" and ** profectus."
t Compare §. 815., and Curtios ^^De Nominum Grcecorum formatione"
pp. 38, 60. Indian Grammarians assume a saffix {uxtd^) atd, the a of
which, however, is most probably only a class-vowel, with which the
Greek c might be compared ; thus, fpn-f-ros (compare cpfr-r-rr) like
pach-a-tdsj '^fire/' as ''cooking." The abstracts ^-a-ror, ** death," and
fca/A-a-ro£, '^ fatigae," have preserved the conjunctive vowel in its original
form, and thus correspond to the Sanscrit mar'a-id-s^ '^ death ;" where,
however, we must observe that the Sanscrit root nuWf mrt, ^^ to die,"
in its verbal conjugation, does not belong to the first or sixth class any
more than the Greek roots Bap and ica^.
t The form with the conjunctive vowel {tak-i-tds) has a passive signifi-
cation, so yat'i4ds^ '^ obtained by efforts, sought for," compared with yat-
tdtf ^^ striving." In Latin, vice versd, rap-i-dua^ active, opposed to rap-tus,
passive.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1119
ashamed ;" and to the Greek craTo^, ** standing ;" fieverog,
" remaining ;" epTreroy, " creeping." The opinion, there-
fore, elsewhere stated, appears probable, that the d in the
Latin forms just mentioned is only the weakening of an
original tenuis,^ just as in qaadraginlcLj quadruphu* quLodrw-
pleXf for quatrttgintch &c. An active and present meaning,
though in a transitive verb, and with the retention of the
old tenuis, occurs in the participle spoken of in fertus,
" bearing,'' " fruitful," which corresponds in form with the
Sanscrit bhritas, from bhart&s, "borne," Zend lleretS, and
Greek -(jyepTo^ (see §. 818.).
823. The Sanscrit verbs of the tenth class, and the
causals identical with them in form, have all of them the
conjunctive vowel i ; hence pid-i-tdSf " pressed," " pained ;"
v^'i'id'S, '* made to enter.'' The circumstance, however,
that the said verbs extend their character ay (in the special
tenses aya) to the universal tenses also, and a great part
of the formation of words, gives room for the conjecture
that the i of forms like pid-i-tdSf vSs-Hds, is not the ordinary
vowel of conjunction, but a contraction of ay ; or that such
forms in i-td-s have been preceded by older ones in ay-i-tas,
according to the analogy of the infinitives, as pid-ayi-tum.
As, then, Latin supines like am-A-tumt avd-i-ium, are
related to pid-dyi-tum, just such is the relation of am-d-tns,
aud~t-tus, to the presupposed pidrdyi-ias. Although the
Latin second conjugation also belongs here, and, for ex-
ample, moneo corresponds to the Sanscrit causal mdn-dyd-
mi and Prakrit mdn'S-mi (see p. 1 lo), I would nevertheless
prefer to identify movri-ius with mdnA-tds in such a way
passive. Observe, also, the active cup-i-dug together with the passive
cupA'tus. These, however, are only arbitrary usages, which rest on no
general principle.
* Influence ofPronouM in the Formation qf Word$^ PP* 21> 22. Pott is
of a different opinion, E. I. M. p. 567.
1120 yORMATION OF WORDS.
that I could thence infer the existence of similar forms in
the time of the miity of language, while I would prefer as-
suming a casual coincidence in the similar abbreviation of
a common element. In Greek the i; or o) of forms like
<f>i\'rj'T6g, TtfJtrfj'To^ (from Ti/x-^Toy), x€'|0-c«>-Tof , corresponds to
the character of the Sanscrit tenth class, and therefore to
the Latin d and i of am-d-fu^, aud'(»tus. In Grothic, where,
as generally throughout the German languages, this parti-
ciple remains regular only in the so-called wedk conjuga-
tion, the old tenuis, instead of, in accordance with §. 87.,
becoming an aspirate, has sunk down to a medial, in such-
wise, however, as that before the s of the masculine nomi-
native, and in the accusative, which has lost the final vowel
of the base and the case termination, a th for d enters
(compare §. 91.). According to the difference of the con-
jugational class, an i (from ya\ 6, or at, i.c. the three dif-
ferent forms of the Sanscrit character of the tenth class (ay,
see §. 109*. e.) precedes ; hence the bases tamri'^a* ** domi-
tus f'' friy^'day'f " amatus T ga-yuh^i-^a, " suHyugatus T
nominative masculine tamiths, friydths, gayukaiths ; accusa-
tive tamitK &c. ; genitive famidhs, &c. (see §. 191.). The
direct annexation of the participial suffix occurs in Gothic
only in certain irregular verbs, and in such a manner that,
according to the measure of the preceding consonant, either
the original tenuis is preserved, or has become d (see §§.
626. 91.). Thus the base bauhUj,X ** purchased'' (bvgyOf
* Compare Sanscrit datn-i-ids (from dam-ayi-tdsV) from damdydmi,
causal of the root dam^ ^' to tame," but of the same meaning as the primi-
tive and the Latin dam-itus.
t It may be regarded as the denominative of the Sanscrit priyfl, " dear,"
^^ beloved ;" and it is also, radically and in its formation, akin to tlie
Greek (f>iK'rj.T6s (from <^iXca>, denominative of <^iXor, transposed from
ft>\ios\ the Tf of which has sprung, like the Gothic <5, frx>m d,
I Euphonic for Imhta (see §. 82.), and this from bukiaf from the root
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1121
** I purchase"), corresponds to Sanscrit forms like bhukld*
** eaten "" (root bhuj from bhug), Greek like ^pufcrd, and Latin
like junciu ; mun-da, " believed,'" answers to the Sanscrit
ma't6, " thought,"' " believed,"' for man-td, as the feminine
substantive base ga-mun-di (nominative -n-ds) does to the
Sanscrit base m6(n)'tit " meaning."
824. In Lithuanian the participial suffix spoken of is re-
tained quite unaltered in form, and, indeed, in all verbs, so far
as they have a passive. In the nominative masculine ta-s
corresponds to the Sanscrit ids; e.g. sekta-s " followed" =
Sanscrit saktd-s (root sach, from sak, "to [G. Ed. p. 1166.]
follow," compare Latin sequor); seg-ta-s, " fastened " = San-
scrit sak'fd-8 for sag-td-s (root ;ir^ sanj, from sang, " to
fasten"); deg-ta-s, " burnt" = Sanscrit dag-dfia-s.^ In the
nominative feminine sekta, segta, degta, correspond to the
Sanscrit sakid, dagdha, only with the a shortened, as in
Grothic, Latin, and Zend forms like bauhia (genitive
bauhtd-s), junda, xi^^As^ basta (see §. 137.): to the Latin
juncta corresponds literatim the Lithuanian junkta, from
jungiu, " I yoke (the oxen) " : hept-as, hepia (from leppu, " I
bake," see §. 501.), corresponds to the Sanscrit pak-td-s, id,
Greek itenro-^, ttj^ Latin coctu-s, ta. Forms like xves-ia'Sy
" conducted " (root wed), correspond in a euphonic respect
to Zend like bas-td, " bound " (root bandh{, iris-td, " dead "
(root irith), and Greek like ttict-toj, Kca-ro^ (see §. 102.). To the
Gothic participles of the weak conjugation correspond the par-
ticiples of those Lithuanian conjugations, which we have above
* In the former parts of this work the accent is not given to Sanscrit
woi*ds, as the subject of Sanscrit accent had not then been investigated.
In 1843, Bohtlingk published a treatise on Sanscrit accentuation (as the
Author of this work tells us in the Preface to his Fifth Part), which opened
op a new field of inquiry. The mark over the a then, in hhuktd, is the
accent, and does not denote vowel length.
t Dh euphonic for /, sec §. 104. In Irish, dagfiaim, " I burn," corre-
sponds to the Sanscrit dahdmi ; and dagte^ ^^ burnt," to the passive parti-
ciple daghda'S^ Lithuanian degtas.
4 D
1122 FORMATION OF WORDS.
(§. 506., p. 704) compared with the Sanscrit tenth class ; thus,
mylri'-tas, " beloved ;'* pen-e-faSt " nourished ;** laih^ytasy "held.""
825. The Sclavonic languages have, if the opinion ex-
pressed in §. 628. be well founded, transferred to the active
voice the passive participle here spoken of — with the re-
tention, however, of the meaning of past time — and luive
weakened the original t to U probably by changing it in
an intervening stage to c?. In the former point they cor-
respond to the New Persian, where the participle in ques-
tion has, at. least generally, an active signification: in the
latter point they agree with the Georgian, where ^J^^gap^
jam-U'li signifies •* eaten*' (Sanscrit jamt " to eat"), and
aybnicKoxi thbob-i-li "warmed" (Sanscrit tap, "to bum*')-
[G. £d. p. 1 157.] The suflBx aoIo (n. m. ai> T, neut /b, f. la) is
joined, in Old Sclavonic, either directly to the root or to the
class-syllable, the latter in the verbs which correspond to the
Sanscrit lOthclassand the German weak conjugation; hence,
e.g. DbiAt byVt bliaa byla, BhiAO bylo, " been" = Sanscrit
bhulds, td, i&m (pers. budeh) ; nuAi pi-f, nil a A pi-la, nuAO
pi'lot 'Miaving drunk '' = Sanscrit pi~i6s, td,tdm, "drunk;
NECAii nesP, NECAA nesla, necao ves-lo, " having borne ;
BoyAiiAi> bM-i-T, BoyAiiAA bMA4a, BoyAHAO bM-i-lo,
"having waked " = Sanscrit bMh-i-tds, t6, tarn, "waked.''*
Should, however, these Sclavonic participles not be connected
with the Sanscrit participles in /a, it appears to me almost
impossible to compare them with forms in the cognate
languages ; at least I do not believe tliat the suffix fa, which
occurs in Sanscrit only in a few words, e,g. in chnp-a-ld-s,
" trembling," or the suffix ra, the use of which is in like
manner but rare, e.g, that of (lip-ra-s, " shining," can have
served as the source from which the Sclavonic participial
suffix lo is derived.
n
n%
» With regard to the chaiv?o of the old /-sound into Z, compare also
the Gipsy mu-lo, •• dead," from mudo, Prakrit tnudo (nom, masc.).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1 123
826. The Sclavonic languages, however, are not deficient
in forms also which have preserved the old t and the pas*
sive signification of the participle under discussion, although
in all the Sclavonic dialects this participle is generally
formed by the suffix no (fern. na) = Sanscrit na, of which
hereafter. In the Old Sclavonic we find an example in to
(nom. mase. tb t\ fem. ta fa, neut. to to) in otatb otan-C,
** ademtus''' (prep, of, "from"'), which in root and formation
corresponds to the Sanscrit yatd-s (for yan-td-s, from yam'^
td-s) and "Lotin emtus* In Slowenian [G, Ed. p. 1168.]
or Camiolan the passive participles in t are very nume-
rous; e.g. ster-t, "extended'' (compare Zend itarela, San-
scrit sfritd), der-t, "flayed,'' bi-t, "struck," siu^/, " famed "
(Sanscrit sru-i&'S, " heard," vUsru-td-s, " famed," Greek ic\i/-
To-r).f In Russian the following are examples: niimbiii
j)i-tyi, "drunk" (Sanscrit pi-td-s); npoAHmbiii pro-li-tyi,
" spilt," po-vi-iyi, enveloped," po-bi-tyi, '* smitten, slain,"
kolotyi, "stuck;" luaHyiubiii tanutyt, "drawn."? The opi-
nion, liowever, that the suffix f, la, lo is based on the San-
scrit ta-Sy td, ta-m, is not refuted by these forms, as it is by
no means uncommon in the language to find together with
the new and corrupted form the original also existing,
with regard to which I will here only refer to the division
of the suffix here treated of into tu and du (see §. 822.),
which, in my opinion, made its first appearance in Latin.
Remark. — A. Schleicher, who, in his work, " The Languages of Eu-
rope," p. 201 passim, oppose! the opinion that the SclaYonic participle
referred to is, in its origin, identical with the Sanscrit in to, finds it inex-
plicable that from the to-be-presupposcd forms like nest the favourite
combination of consonants st should be changed into the much rarer sL
* " Kopitor Vocab.," p. 78 ; and Miklosicli, " Doctrine of Forms," p. 47.
t See Metelko, p. 105, passim.
I See ReifF, " Grammairo Russe," p. 188. The termination yl, or
rather the simple I (from i/o), fem. ya, is the affix mentioned above
(§. 284.) of the definite declension.
4 D 2
1124 FORMATION OF WORDS.
I, too, bellcye, that had the to-be-presapposed form nest stood alone, it
would, owing to the firmness of the combination st, and its being such a
favourite, never have become nesL And though I assume ^ as a middle
point between / and l^ and allow the language, in its corruption of the
suffix referred to, to have proceeded from to to do, and thence to have
arrived at hy I nevertheless do not think that in every individual verb
this process has been de novo and independently carried on ; nor do I ima-
gine that tliere ever existed in Sclavonic a participle nesd", nesda, netdo ;
but I assume that the / of the suffix under discussion has, in the diffi;rent
[G. £(L p. 1159] conjugations, and the majority of verbs, gradually
been corrupted to /. Were, however, lo^ in the majority of Sclavonic
verbs, once substituted for the suffix to, it might, as it appears to me,
be transferred by the force of analogy to those verbs also with whose
final letters a t agrees better than /. Only in the case that the combination
«/ had been unendurable in Sclavonic would the roots in s and those in d,
wliich, according to a general euphonic law in Sclavonic (see §. 457.),
change this letter before « into /, have necessarily retained the elder form
of the suffix. I must here recal attention to the fact, that the Bengali
also possesses a preterite, which appears to be of participial origin, and
hns / for its most essentially distinguishing feature; e,g. kdrildm, ** I
made " QcGr-i-ld-m)^ Sd pers. kdriU, It is highly probable that, as Max
M tiller ^ Report of the British Association for Advancement of Science
for 1847," p. 243) assumes, the / of these forms has arisen from ^, through
the intervention of a middle point d, and that the entire form owes its
origin to the Sanscrit perfect passive participle in ta ; so that, therefore,
kOrildm would equal the Persian kardam, from which it is materially
distinguished only by the further weakening of the d to /, and the inser-
tion of the vowel of conjunction t, which, also in Sanscrit, is very common
in the participle referred to. In the 2d pers. sing, kdrili answers to the
Persian kardt With regard to the use in Bengali of the Sanscrit pasdve
perfect participle without alteration of form and signification, it is to be
remarked that this is avowedly borrowed at a later period (see Haughton,
§. 241.) ; and so, in general, in the Bengali lingual Thesaurus one has to
distinguiiih between the words which have been, as it were, moulded and
remodelled in the lap of the daughter language, and those which have
been adopted newly from the Sanscrit. Should we, however, be desirous
of seeking out in order to explain Bengali preterites like kdrildm, a class
of words in Sanscrit to which they would in external form correspond
better than to the passive past participles in /a, we must then betake our-
selves to the suffix ih (properly fa, witli t ns conjunctive vowel), which
has left behind only a very small family of words, to which belong among
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1 125
otlicrs an-i'ld'S, "wind," as " blowing ;" joaM-i-/<i-*, "traveller" (from
pathy " to go"). One does not, however, see how this rare suffix with a
present signification has arrived at the destination of forming a preterite
in Bengali from every root. Another modem Indian dialect which far-
nishes a corroboration to the Sclavonic languages with [G. Ed. p. 1160.]
respect to the participle under discussion is the Marathl.* Here a perfect
passive participle in Id (m.), U (f ), Id (n.),t springs from every verbal root;
* It is very much to be regretted that the learned Professor lias
been guided in his remarks on the MarathI language by Carey's
Grammar, which was published half a century ago, and at a Pre-
sidency where the Marath! language is not so well known as at Bom-
bay. Hence he gives a past participle in ^ to transitive verbs, the
^t being that this participle is never separated from the vowel which
marks the gender, and must be, e.g. infi^^T pdhild, ^iff^^l pdhiliy
mf^ pdhilen, never mf^^ pdhil. The sentence jm ^m^!\H mf^
myd hayakSs pdhil, " I saw the woman," is altogether incorrect. It
should be ift' ^ WHHlft M l Hg^l mm « bayako pahiU, or jfV WT ^mnA^H
l|ir^^ mxii tyd hdyakdld pdhilerk. With reference to the termination ^ 5
and ^ Id in this case (be it the dative, or, as I regard it, the accusative).
Dr. Stephenson rightly lays down the following rule : " When motion to
a place is intended, then ^ a is preferred ; but when the dative is the
object of a verb, then '^ Id ia more common ; as, jh TT^^p 7\^ to
gdhwds geld, ' he is gone to the village ;' Wl^ WT ^TTTO^ H\Ci^ iydne
tyd bdyakold mdrileh, ^ he beat that woman.' " I am at a loss to guess where
the learned Professor found authority for stating that the Sanscrit short & is
pronounced in Marathi like o ; for so far from this being the case, I do not
believe that that sound of o exists in any of the modern languages of India,
except Bengali, save, perhaps, before r.— [Note by the Translator.]
t The Sanscrit short a is pronounced in MarathI and BengalF like d ;
so that the neuters of the participle under discussion in that language
correspond exactly to those of the Sclavonic, as neslo (see §. 255 a.). The
long d in the masculine of the Marathi adjectives is probably based on
the Sanscrit nominatives in asy so tliat for the suppression of the 8 com-
pensation is made by lengthening the preceding vowel. On the other
hand, the pronominal nominatives |ft <o, "he," and^I^'d, "which" (j
from y, see §. 19.), are based on the corruption which the termination aji
has everywhere experienced in Zend, Pali, and Prakrit (see §.666.).
Adjectives, as such, are not declined in Marathi.
1126 FORMATION OF WORDS.
e.g.pdhild, ^'haviDg seen/'* keld^ ^*' haying madey" the latter being, as
it seems, from katll for karild. Compare the Bengali kdrUdm^ " I
made," and the Pr&krit kada from kardoy ''made." The active con-
struction of other languages is, in the Marathl, changed into the passive
by a periphrasis in the past tenses, which are wanting in that language,
as in most of the Sclavonic dialects ; and thus, e.g. myd t kildy myd kSli^
mjfd kildy which Carey translates by '* I did," is literally nothing else
than ''a me factusyfacta, factum;** although Carey, in this and analogous
tenses, appears in reality to recognise an active form of expression : for he
remarks (p. 67)y ''It must bo observed that the gender of the verb, in the
imperfect, perfect, and pluperfect tenses, varies, to agree with that of the
object." That which, however, is here called the object, is, in £M:t, tlie
grammatical subject, and the participle is governed by this, not only in
gender, but also in number. At p. 120 it is remarked, '' It must be ob*
served, that when the verb is used actively, viz. when the object is ex-
pressed in the accusative, the form of the neuter singular only is used.
When the object is in the nominative case, the verb is passive, and varies
with the gender of the subject." Ex. 99|t WRRITNi Mlf^^' mydii bdydkCa
pdhildy " I saw the woman ;" yqf WHT^ ^nff^ mydh bdydkopdhUi, ''tho
woman was seen by me." I am convinced, however, that the first construe-
[G. £d. p. 1161.] tion is quite as much passive as the second ; for were it
active, the pronoun must have stood in the nominative, and have sounded
therefore l^* mih, and not mydh,X as in the second. The difference be-
tween the two constructions is only this, that in the first the neuter pas-
sive participle stands impersonally, or contains the subject in itself, and
governs an accusative ; while in the second the participle is the predicate
of the subject, expressed by hdydkoy " woman." Could the first construc-
tion be imitated in Latin it would be literally rendered by ^' a me femi-
nam visum {est). In Greek, constructions such as row <f>ikovs am B^pa-'
v€VT€op correspond to this. In neuter verbs, t.e. the substantive verb in
combination with various ideas, the Marathl participle in Idy li, fif, like its
Sanscrit prototype in ta-s, td, ta^m^ has an active signification, and has
therefore also the pronominal or substantive subject placed before it in the
nominative ; and thus we have, e,g. nifw gild^n^ " I went," properly *' I
am having gone ;" nnce the substantive verb, in spirit at least, is contained
therein (see §. 628. Rem. 1.), fem. mihgili-h; 2d pers. masc tuhgild-^.
* H for Sanscrit sh of the defective root posh (puskydmi, " I see").
f Myd corresponds to the Sanscrit instrumental mayd.
X Evidently only an inorganic extension of the above-mentioned myd.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1127
fum. gili'8 ; 3d pcrs. masc. id gSld^ fern, ti g^li, without a personal termi-
nation. So in tlie verb substantive, mihjhdlo'hy " I was " (" I am having
been"), fem. jhali-h, 2d ^x^jhdld-B, jhdlUs, 3d pcrs. tSjhdld, ttjhdlL
Tiie Marathi, therefore, here appears almost in the dress of the Polish,
which in like manner, in the 3d person, gives the bare participle, but in
the 1st and 2d appends to it the personal terminations: masc. byt-em,
byt-eky byt, fern, byta-tn^ byta^k, by-ta, neut. byto^niy byto-S, byto (see
§. Qi^, Rem. 1.). Irrespective of the passive participles newly borrowed
from the Sanscrit, and which for the most part remain entirely un-
changed, as datVi, '^ given," yukto, "bound,* grosto, "swallowed," somdptb,
"ended," there is in Marafhi perhaps only one solitary participle of this
kind which has preserved the old t, viz. hStd, fern, hoti (or Iidti)^ neut.
//^o, " having been "=San8crit bhutd-s, i, d-m, (see Prakrit hS-mt, « I
am "), whence h6t6-n, " I was," as above, from another root, and with
a corrupted suffix TI^J^*jhdl6'n, According to this analogy one should
expect hSion from hS. The participle, which is found in the so-called
2d aorist present, e.g. the form mih korto-n^ " I do " (*' I am doing," see
Sanscrit kartdsmi, ^^/acturus sum")^ fem. mih karti, I derive from tlie
Sanscrit participle future, or noun of agent in (dr, in, [G. Ed. p. 1162.]
nom. masc. id, which frequently occurs in the YMa dialect in the sense of
the participle present (see §. 814.}.* The 2d pers. masc. kortdt^ " thou doest,"
answers to the Sanscrit kartdsi, ^^faciurus m,** or ** factor «," but the sub-
stantive verb is not contained in the Maratlu form, but only the character
of the 2d person ; and this participle is treated in Marathi as if it had
been formed in Sanscrit by the suffix ta (not by tdr^ tri). In the substan-
tive verb, both the Sanscrit bhutdSy " been," and bhav-i'td, ''/utums," are
represented in Maratlil by hold. The said language, however, is not want-
ing in forms in which the form corresponding to the Sanscrit noun of
agency, or participle future, appends its suffix by a conjunctive vowel r,
^'ff' J^TSSih ichchhito, " wishing" (Carey, p. 80), fem. ichMiUi, As regards
tlie 6 of the masculine form ichchhito^ it corresponds to the before-men-
* That the participle which appears in the 2d4torist present is not, per-
haps, formally based on the Sanscrit passive participle in ta is evinced in
the case before us, by the circumstance, that not only does karto-h answer
better to kartd than to kritd-s, but also, that beside the genuine Marathi
kSld, *' made," mentioned above, there exists in Marathi a second bor-
rowed form krotd (see Carey, p. 36, tsvdrbkroio^ " God-formed "), which,
like the Pr&krit kada (for karda or krtida), is based on the original form
karta^ of which krita is a contraction (see §. 1.).
1128 FORMATION OF WOEDS.
tioned (p. 1 1:25, Note t) pronominal nominatives, as t6, ** he," jo, ** which ;"
while td in hoUi, ^' being/'* answers to the ordinary adjectiye-nomlna-
tives in d. Carey, in the different verbs and anxiliaxy verbs which his
garmmar exhibits, gives, in the 3d pers. maso. of the 2d aorist present
nnder discassion, pretty indifterently either td, or to, or tim, only in hotd
he gives only M, but elsewhere either ton or to. The nasal of the former
is most probably only an inorganic affix, which the MarathI occasionally
adds also to some other forms which end in a vowel ; as, e,g, in the in-
simmental 7^i mydh, ''by me" (with tni/d), mentioned above (p. 1120),
and the analogous tvdhj " by thee" (Carey, p. 127), together with the tvd
from the base fva (see §. 158.) corresponding to the Zend Grammar. We
most similarly regard, I doubt not, the Anusv&ra of the repeated participle
in in tdn, as kdrtdh, kartaiu ^' doing, continuing to do," since this participle
[G. £<1. p. 1 163]. is only by its repetition distinguished in formation from
that by which the 2d aorist present is periphrastically denoted. The
case is different with the termination t6h of the 1st person, in which
the never-failing h is the expression of person=Sanscrit mi, and the pre-
ceding portion of the word is the masculine nominative. The feminine
allows in the 1st person the suppression of the n ; hence kor^ti, ^ I
make,** opposed to sok-t^-h, " I can" (Carey, p. 79), with S for i, which
appears in the 2d person kortiSf while the masculine form retains its 6
(kortS'S),
827. By ta with the conjunctive vowel i in Sanscrit are
formed, from substantives, also adjectives, which can be
taken as the passive participles of to-be-presupposed de-
nominative verbs ; as, e. g. phaF-i-t&Sf " furnished with fruit,"
from phaUii " fruit ;" whence might spring a denominative
phnt-ayA-mU "supplied with fruits," which would form a
passive participle phal-i-fd-s. CoiTesponding forms in Latin
are such as, bnrbd-tus, alA-tus, Jimbrid-tuSf cordd-tus, auri-tus,
iurrt-tus, versu-fus, veru-tus, astu-fus, cinciurtuSf jus-tuSf nefas-
tus, sceles'tus, robus-tust (robur, roboris from robuSt robos-is),
hones-tu^ Qionor-is from -s-is); and in Greek, forms like
KpoKCi'To^, 6/L(^a\a>-Tdf, a^Aw-Tof, ^oXiSw-Tof, dvavipta-To^.
Let attention be directed to the inclination towards a long
* Carey, p. 02, to hotd, "he is" (literally, "ho being").
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1129
vowel before the suffix, evinced as well in Latin as in Greek.
In like manner as the originally short u of the 4th declension,
and the i of the 3d, is lengthened, so also is the inorganic u of
the 2d in nasur-tus, and so is, in themes terminating in a con-
sonant, the i which extends the base (see p. 1078), e.g. in
mari-iu8y pairi-ius, which, according to form at least, belong
here ; so also in Greek is the o which extends the base ; hence,
e.g. <f)o\tS-u)-T6^. The word a/utaJ'-z-Tof stands alone, properlj',
" furnished with a wagon," which, by the suppression of the
final vowel of the base, and the assuming a vowel of con-
junction I, corresponds admirably to Sanscrit formations like
mudr-i'tds, "sealed,'' from mudrh, "a seal." [G. Ed. p. 1164.]
Here belong also the Latin formations in ^-tu-m, arbori-tum,
querc^'tum, Jimi'tum, pomi-tumf which, as Pott too assumes
(" Etym. Inqui." p. 546), as it were presuppose denominatives
of the 2d conjugation, in which we might well expect
participles like monS-tus (see pp. 1107, 1108).
828. In Lithuanian and Sclavonic also adjectives spring
from substantive bases, which in form and signification
correspond to the passive perfect participles here treated of.
Examples in Russian are porambiii rog^-a-iyi, "horned
(Lithuanian raguias), from por*b rog\ theme rogo, " horn ;
voAOcauibiii volos'-a-tyi, "like hair,'' from volos\ theme
volo8o\ " hair f ropGauibiii gorb'-a-tyh " humpbacked," from
gorb\ theme gorbs, " hunch ;" iMCHiuibiii ime-ni-iyt, *' named,"
from IMH imya, theme imen " name ;" mpecHOviuibiii tres-
nov-i'tyi, *' embroidered," ** covered with embroidery," from
tresna, " embroidery ;" domov-i'tyi, " domestic," from aomi*
dom\ "house" (see p. 348).* The words which belong
♦ The above examples, according to Dobrowsky (p. 6*29), apply in part
also for the Old Sclavonic : compare, therefore, the formations beginning
with a consonant from the denominatives treated of in §. 766, e.g. tlie
infinitives in a-ti, i-tij ov-a-ti (§. 768.), with which the insertions a, t (ov-i)
(based on the Sanscrit cu/a) of the nominal participles above are identical.
1^
1 130 FORMATION OF WORDS.
here have, part of them, inserted an s before the t of the parti-
cipial character, according to the manner of the Greek verbals
like aice-cr-Toj, aicoi/-(r-Td9, and of the Lithuanian abstracts in
stft opposed to the Sanscrit in iA, and Latin in /a, iM^ ttii, of
which hereafter. Thus, e.g. in Russian, KaMeHictubili kamen^
i'Styi, " stony" (Lith. aitmcn-S-/fi^); mepHicmbiii iern-i'sfyt,
" thorny " (tern\ theme ierno, " thorn "*= Sanscrit trina from
tarna^ " grass ^''); CopoAaciubiik borocT-a'Slyt, '* bearded, pro-
vided with a heaTdy''\borodaf "beard,"" compare Sanscrit vard/t,
[G. Ed. p. 1165.] vridlh " to grow," Lith. barzda, " beard,"
harzcC'U-^as, " bearded "). In Lithuanian an o usually pre-
cedes the sufiix in of this class of words (occasionally
instead of it u=^tio), after the analogy of the denominatives
treated of in §§. 766, 767, in the formations beginning with
a consonant (§. 767) ; and in fact so that here also the final
vowel of the base noun is dropped before the vowel which
forms the denominative verbal base; thus, e.g. migT-o^as^
" misty," " attended with mist," from migh, " mist ;" plauV-
Chios, ** hairy," from plauka-Sf " hair ;" plunkm-o^tas, " fea-
thery," from plunksna, " feather ;" dumbT-o-tas, " slimy,"
from dumbla-Sy " slime." In forms like akmetv-u^as, " stony,"
rag^^U'tas, " homed," from the bases akmen, raga, u is only
a substitute for the simple o ; as, e.g. in wazu-yu, " I drive,"
opposed to dumoyUf " I think " (see p. 704). The verbs,
however, in uyu for oyu, do not retain their u in the for-
mations beginning with a consonant, but here exhibit simply
o; whence waz^o-ias, ** driven," not wai-u-fas. In forms
which admit of comparison in Sanscrit a long d fills the
place of the Lithuanian u; as, e.g. in ddddmi, ''I give,"
ismd, "stone" (nom.of diman) for the Lithuanian dumi,
akmu.* The simple o also is often, in Lithuanian, the
* 1 see, therefore, no reason to compare the forms in uta-s, ota-s, with
the possessives in Sanscrit like dhana^rant^ -vat, ''rich," from dhajia,
'^ riches," which are formed by the snfiix vant (in the weak cases vat).
Cf. Pott, II. p. 646.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1131
etymological representative of a Sanscrit long d; e.g. in
the feminine plural-nominatives like aszwos, " mares" (sing.
aszicaX contrasted with the Sanscrit d&vdsf and Gothic forms
like gibds (see §. 227). We may therefore identify both
the u of forms like aJcmen-U'taSf and the preponderating o of
such as migt'O-taSt plauk^-tas^ with the d of Latin forms
Hkecard-d-tus, as with the o, too, of Mielcke^s 4th conjugation ;
e.g. that of yeszk-^hme, *' we seek/^ yeszk-S- [G. Ed. p. 1166.]
tas, "sought/' is essentially identical with the Latin d of am-d-
must am-d-ivs* The forms in e-ta-s, in Lithuanian, stand
alone ; as dulke-tas, "covered with dust,'' "dirty," from dulkSs,
"dust" (nom. pi. from the base dulki);^ as here the e of the
base takes the place of the derivative o, which is found, e. g,
in raukzt'O-iast " wrinkled," from raukszle, " wrinkle."
829. The feminine of the suffix ir ta, viz. id, forms, in
Sanscrit, also abstract substantives from adjectives and
substantives. They accent the final syllable of the primi-
tive base ; e.g. iukld-td, " whiteness," from iukh, " white ;"
sarnd'tdj " levelness," from samd, " level ;'^ prithuid,
" breadth," fi'om prithif, " broad ;" vadhydid, abstract from
vddhya, " occidendus ;" stri-td, " womanhood," from stri,
" woman." In Greek correspond the abstract substantive-
bases in TtjT, and in general, in the matter of accentua-
tion also, with the addition of a r (see §. 832.), which shews
* Above, also (§. 506.), Mielcke's 4th coDJngation onght to have been
identified with the Sanscrit 10th class: it is distingaisbed from the dd by
this, that it retains the o in places where the latter exhibits y (=0 in the
class-syllable; hence, e.g. yeazk-a-tas, "songht," yetzk-o-su, " I will
seek," compared with laUc-y-toi, " held," laik-y-su^ " I wUl hold."
t Feminines in e, like gteimcy '^ song" (Mielcke, p. 33), presuppose an
older ia, hence in the genitive plnral tu or yu {zwdkiu^ giesmyu), as ranku^
^^manuum" from rankd (see §. 157. Note 3.). Remark, also, that
to the masculine adjective-nominatives in is (from ia-a) belong femi«
nines in ^; e. g. the feminine oididi-Sy " great," is dideor didi (Mielcke,
p. 47).
1 132 FORMATION OF WORDS.
itself also in the corresponding Lntin sufExes tdl and tui;*
hence, e,ff, la-o-TYp-, KaKorTrjr, aypio-TYfr, ir\aTii-TfjT{s=:prithd1d);
[G. Ed. p. 1167.] facili'tdt, habUi-tdt, kvi-tdt, celeri-tdf, civi-tdt,
puri'tdt, veri'tdtf anxie-tdlt ebTie-tdit socie-tdt, Uber-idt, (for libe-
ri-fdt, as liber for liberws), puber-iAl, maJes^Al, (from mqfwt),
retus-idt, venuS'tdt, eges-tdi, potei'tdi,'^ felic-i-idi, mrgin-i-idt,
hpred-i'idi, juven-tut, seneoiut, vir-tut, servi-tuf. In senec-fa,
juven-ta, vindio-ta, (from vindecs, vindic-is) the suffix appears
without the addition of a t. The German, too, as has already
been shewn, 1. c, is not wanting in analogous formations.
Tlieir theme ends in Gothic in thd, which corresponds
as exactly as possible to the Sanscrit td (see §§. 69. 87.),
and in the noun is abbreviated to tha (§. 137.); hence, e.g.
diupi-tha, " depth,'' hauhi-^ha, " height,'' gauri-tha^ " mourn-
fulness," niut/i'tliat ** novelty," in the i of which I recognise
the weakening of the a of the adjective primitive-bases
ditipa, hauha^ gaura, niuya, in agreement with the principle
observed in Latin, which, in like manner, weakens the inor-
ganic a of the 2d declension, which corresponds to the
Gothic 1st, to i (see §. 6.), or to e in case that another i
precedes it (purHdt for puru-tdU varie-fdt for variu-idt).
The organic u also of Grimm's 3d adjective-declension is
weakened before the suffix under discussion to i;J hence,
* See " Infiaence of the prononns on the formation of words," pp. 22, 23 ;
where, however, from the classical tongues only tdtj n/r, are contrasted
with the Sanscrit id. It, however, admits of no doabt that tut also belongs
here, as the weakening of the ^ to u can no more surprise us, than that of
a to u (of. ^7rM*=Sanscrit tdr, p. 647).
t Eyes-tat and poics-tdt come from the participial-bases egenty potent ,
and, indeed, so tliat the nasal is thrown out, and the t changed to 9 before
the t following (see §. 102.). On the other hand, volun-tdt for volen-tat
(from volent) lias preserved the n in preference before the final consonants.
This is also Pott's view (E. I., II. p. 502), who here refers to the Greek
Xapifo-'Taros, from x^pi^vr ; he, however, admits the possibility ofpotes-tdt
being derived from potis,
I Regarding the weight of the u, see §. 5B4., and ^^ Vocalismus," p. 227.
VORMATION OF WORDS. 1133
aggvi'tlia, " narrowness,'' from aggvu, " narrow ;'' manm-tha,
** readiness," from manvut " ready \' c/grundi-iha, " abyss,"
from the base grunduf " ground ;" belongs, at least as regards
formation, here. The bases in ya, with a [G. Ed. p. 1168.]
consonant preceding, reject their a before the sufHx thd, and
vocalise the y to t : hence, niuyi-iha, " novelty," from the
base niuya; but not fairnyi-tha, huX/airni-tha, "age," from the
base /airnyo, nom. msLSC, fairnn-s (see Gabelentz and Lowe,
Grammar, p. 75 c.) ; so unhraini-tha, *' impurity," from the
base unhrainyoy " impure." Tlie following are examples of
this class of words in the Old High German (where d
occurs for the Gothic /A, according to §. 87.) : hreini-da,
" purity ;" herdi'da^ " hardness ;" sanrfH-da/* softness ;" ster-
cJd'da, ** strength" (see Grimm, IV. 242). In English the
following words belong here : heal-th, heig-th, leng-ih,
dep-th, and some others. The New High German exliibits
these formations only in local dialects, as in the Hessian ;
e.g. Lang-de, Tief-de, BreUe-de, the latter answering to the
Sanscrit priihu-td, and Greek TrXaru-TJ/r. With the sufHx
under discussion the German languages form also abstracts
out of the themes of weak verbs ; e.g. in Gothic, svegni-tha,
"joy, exultation" (svegnya, "I exult"); mM-iha, "notice,
rumour" (mirya, "I announce"); vargi-iha, "condemna-
tion" (ga-vargya, "I condemn"). Here the i is the con-
traction of the class-syllable ya (=Sanscrit aya, see §. 109**. 6.),
as in the preterite and passive participles ; as, adk-i-da, " I
sought," sdk'i'ths, "sought." So in Old High German.; e.g.
hdni'da, "scorn" (hdniu, "I scorn"); hdri-da, ga-hdri-da,
" hearing" (hdr-iu, Gothic haus-ya, " I hear "). The Gothic
gaund'thcu ** mourning, complaint" (gaun-d, " I sorrow/'
preterite gaun-O'da), is the offspring of a verb of Grimm^s
2d weak conjugation. This, a solitary example of its kind,
which first came to light by the publication of the transla-
tion of the Pauline Epistles (2 Cor. vii. 7.), confirms the opi-
nion that the i, which in all other places precedes the ///,
1134 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
belongs not, as is commonly supposed, to the derivative suffix,
[G. £d. p. 1169.] but to the primitive base^ as I should have
assumed even without the form gauno-thoj " to know/' *
830. Bases ending in a consonant add» in order to lighten
the combination with the consonant of the suffix, in some
words in Latin, an t ; in Greek universally an o ; hence, e.g.
virgini'idt, capdci-idi, felici-tdt, fiehavo-rrjTf ^a/oieiTcJ-Tj/r, in
opposition to such words as juven-tdt, juvenrta, juven-iuf, vo-
lun-tAt, seneda, senec-tut, vetus-tdl. To the latter corresponds,
in Gothic, the solitary specimen of its kind, yun-doj ** youth,'*
=Latin ^Mt?en-<a, with the contraction, however, which the
Sanscrit sister-word yuvan has experienced in the weakest
cases {e,g, gen. yun-^s, Latin yun-i, see §. 130.)> and the
Latin in the comparative (jun-wr). With regard to the
inorganic affix ga of the base yugga {=yunga), whence we
might have expected yvggi-tha, see §. 803. The d for th in
yurt'da must, I believe, be ascribed to the influence of the
preceding n, although this liquid admits also of the combina-
tion with th.'\
831. In no province of European languages has the type of
Sanscrit abstracts, nshkld'-td, "whiteness,'' bahu^td, "plurali-
ty,'' been retained so truly as in Sclavonic. In order to see
this, we must not, with Dobrowsky (p. 299.), assume a suffix ota
for words like dobrotat " goodness," but must place the o on
[G. Ed. p. 1170.] the side of the primitive base, to which it
in fact belongs ; therefore dobro-ta, not dobr-afa. So among
* " Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of Words," p. 22. I liad
in view there only the forms in which the t exhibits itself as the weakening
of the a of the priroitivo base, as in diupi'tha from dlupa. The explana-
tion of the I as the contraction of the syllable ya in forms Wkc fainu-thay
" age," for /atm-ya-tha^ is here given for the first time.
t See §. 91. The feminine Sanscrit suffix ti, which is there spoken of,
shews itself three times in the shape ofdi after n {ffa-mun^iy "money,"
ana-min-di, *' conjectupp," ^a-A-Kii-r/i, "persuasion"), and twice in the
form of ihi {tfa-kun-fhi^ " appearance," ga-main-thi^ " commnnity ").
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1135
Others also CA^noTA slyepo-ta, '* blindness/' teoaota teplo-ta,
" warmth/' tI^cnota tyesno-ta, ** narrowness," mafota nago-ia,
** nakedness," from the indefinite adjective-bases slyepo
(nom. masc. ca^h'B sly€p\ f. slyepa, n. slyepo), teplo, tyesno,
nogo, the final o of which is the legitimate representa-
tive of the Sanscrit a (see §. 257.). For comparison with
tlie nago-ta, just mentioned the Sanscrit would present the
form nagn&'tdt if nagnd, "naked," did not prefer another
suffix for its abstract. The adjective-bases in yo (see §.
258.), which, according to §. 255. n, change this syllable to
ye or e, form abstracts in ye-ta or e-ta; e.g. CoyKTA suye-ta,
"vanity," from the base siiyo, nom. CoyTi m, "empty."
Dobrowsky (p. 30o) assumes for tliis class of words a suffix
eta.
832. In the Veda dialect there is a suffix tdli, which is
used for the formation of denominative abstracts of the
feminine gender just as much as id, and these agree with
those in td also in this, that they accent the final syllable of
the primitive base; e.g. arishtdtdli'S, "invulnerableness," from
drishta, " un wounded " (here with a meaning equivalent to
" invulnerable ") ; ayakshmdidf is, " health," from ayakshmd,
" healthy ;" (** void of illness," ydkshma and yakshman, " con-
sumption"); vasutdli'S,** riches,'' from lasw," treasure, wealth;"
divdidti-s, ** sacrifice," (originally "godhead, divinity'')* from
dhd, sarvdtdti-s, " allness, entireness, the whole," from sdrva,
"every, all;" kdntdti-s, "luck," from [G. Ed. p. 1171.]
* On this sarvdtdti is based the above-mentioned (p. 221, §. 207. Note t,
and p. 220^ §. 214. Note) Zend haurvaidi, which I there, without knowing
its Sanscrit prototype, and especially the Vedic suffix /a/t, have translated
** entireness ;*' and, in fact, for this reason, because I thought I recognised
in its suffix, as also in that of amirHdt^ an affinity to the Sanscrit td,
Greek n/r, and Latin tdt, regarding which, however, I had no occasion
1. c. to deliver my sentiments more closely, because this circumstance
belongs to the doctrine of the formation of words (see Bumouf, ^' Ya9na,"
p. 102, Note). As, according to Panini, IV. 4. 142., sarvatdli lias the
same
1136 FORMATION OF WORDS.
&am of the same meaning. As regards the origin of the
suffix tdti, I have scarce any doubt of its connection with
the more simple td (§. 829), whether it be, as Aufrecht con-
jectures (" Journal of Comparative Philology," p. 162), that
in the appended /} the suffix is contained, which is em-
ployed for the formation of primitive, i.e. verbal abstracts,
of which hereafter, or that the tdli is a simple phonetic ex-
tension of id; so that ti is properly only the repetition of
td, with the weakening of the d to i, according to the prin-
ciple of aorists, like dpipam for 4pdpam, from dp (see §. 584.),
and of reduplication-syllables like ti, pi, for fd, pd, in tUh--
thdmU " I stand " (§. 503) ; pfpdsdmi, " I wish to drink,''
from pd (§. 750.)* It might be also possible that at first
only a t was added to the suffix td, in the same way as to
roots with a short final vowel, and in Greek to those with
a long final vowel, where they are found at the end of com-
posites a T-sound is added as a support* The t of tdli
would, under this view of the subject, which pleases me best,
be only an olT-shoot of later growth ; and the forms in tdt,
which occur occasionally in the Vedasf must consequently
[G. Ed. p. 1 172.] be recognised as the oldest. The analogous
Zend abstracts in tdt would not, therefore, have lost any i be-
longing to the base, but only dispensed with a more modern
affix, which would also have remained aloof from the Greek
and Latin, in case that the final T-sound of the suffixes Trjr,
same signification as its primitive surva, we may regard the ^^ cntireness,
totality" as tantamonnt to '^tho all, the whole."
* Of this more hereafter. With regard to the Greek compounds liice
dyvu>-Ty d>fioPpci>'T, and especially with regard to the inclination of the Greek
to extend bases ending in a vowel by the addition of r, see Cnrtias, " De
nominum Gracorum Jormatione^'* p. 10.
t Benfey (Glossary to the S. V.) quotes several coses of d^vdtdt; and
Anfrccht (1. c. p. 163) adduces from the 2d book of the Rigveda the loca-
tive of vi'ikdtdt, " persecution," which presupposes for the primitive vrika
(commonly " wolf") the meaning " following, pursuer.'
>f
FORMATION OF M- ORDS. 1 137
tAtf t&U is an heir-loom brought from their original Asiatic
home, and has not first sprung up on European soil. It
would, however, be surprising if the suffix under discussion,
in Greek, Latin, and Zend, liad sprung from the form i6th
but the final i in the three languages just named had been
lost without leaving a trace, as this vowel elsewhere, in
Greek and Zend at least, has never allowed itself to ba dis-
placed in the classes of words in i, which are common also
to the Sanscrit. The abstracts in ^ju)^ tAt (mju)^ tAt ac-
cording to §.38.), which hj^e hitherto been discovered in
Zend, are, besides the frequently-mentioned haurvatdtt *'en-
tireness,''' and ameretdt, " immortality ; * uparatdt, *' supi-
rhritS,^' (see Burnouf, Ya^na, p. 285). from upara, " superusr
(see Sanscrit upari, " over,"" Gothic ufarf &c.) ; drvatdi,
"firmness,'" (Burnouf, Etudes, p. 261.). from drva "firm,^'
= Sanscrit dliruvA (Old High German triut " true '') ; paaur-
vatdf, " antermrith,''^ (Yagna, p. 285 Note 14l), from paourva,
** anterior,'' — Sanscrit ptirva ; ustatdtt " greatness," (Aufrecht,
Journal, p. 162), from usta, "high> great," =Sanscrit utiha,
" standing up, raising oneself," (see §. 102.), for utstha ;
^Mi^)^^i^ vanhutdi, ** riches," (Aufrecht 1. c.)=Sanscrit va-
siiidti (see beginning of this §.) ; yavatdt, " duration," from
ynva, idem (Buniouf, Etudes, p. 9) ; ^jm^m^^m arstdt, per-
haps the Vedic arishf/ifdti (see beginning of this §., and
Brockhaus, Glossary); rasanitdt, according [G. Ed. p. 1173.]
to Anquetil, "droiture," of uncertain derivation, whence the
signification also is uncertain.^
* I regard ai7i<?^r<?^ as = Sanscrit amara, " immortal." The word, there-
fore, in Vedic form, would be amardtdti or amardtdt. Regarding haur-
vatdty see beginning of this §. Note.
t Ratsahs is, according to the form, a participle present, and signifies,
perhaps, ''shining," and its abstract 'Mastre." Compare rui^ which lies
at the root of the Sanscrit rahtii, " beam of light," which does not else-
where occur, but is probably related to las, '<to shine."
4 R
1138 FORMATION OF WORDS.
833. If the Sanscrit suffix t6ti or tdt, as a formative of
denominative abstracts, is really old, and if it existed in
the period before the separation of languages, we may then
refer to it another suffix from the province of the Euro-
pean sister-languages, and one which is likewise feminine,
viz. dulhit nom. duth-s, the use of which, on the presuppo-
sition that it is short, would be to be so regarded as that
the long d liad first been shortened and then weakened to
u; as, e.g. the u of Anglo-Saxon nominatives of Grimm's
first strong feminine declension (f/ifu) answers to the Go-
thic short igiba) and Sanscrit long d (§. 137.). As regards
the consonants, the law of the mutation of sounds in Go-
thic would lead us to expect thulhi ; but in accordance
with what was remarked at §. 91., we cannot be surprised
that in the former place the old tenuis has been changed
to a medial instead of to an aspirate. Formerly in this
class of words ayuk-duihiiyst ** eternity^'' (sec Grimm, XL
25o), from a to-be-presupposed adjective base ayuka, nom.
masc. ayuk-s* stood quite isolated. But now the sources of
language which have been lately discovered supply us with
the bases manag-duthi, "a crowd " (nom. -duths, 2 Cor. viii. 2.),
and mik'd-duthif "greatness'' (gen. mikil'duihai'S, ace. mikil-
duih, Skeir.). From the final i of the Gothic suffix, in case of
[G. Ed. p. 1174.] its being really connected with the Vedic
tdli, idtt one must not, however, deduce the inference that tdii
is necessarily the elder form, for the Gothic could easily
further add to the T-sound, as the original final letter of the
suffix, an ;; as the declension of consonants, with the exception
of u in Gothic, and generally in German, is not a favourite,
and the lightest vowel i is readily applied to transfer a
« After removing the suffix ka^ we may so compare ayu with the more
simple base aira, nom. aiv-s, as supposing tliat the syllable va has been
contracted to u^ and tlien tliat the t, on account of the vowel following,
has passed into its semi-vowel.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1139
theme terminating in a consonant to a more convenient
order of declension ; hence, e,g. to the Sanscrit base chat"
vdr, 4 (see §. 312.) answers, in Gothic, fidvdri (AkX, Jidv6ri-m) ;
and the bases shash, 6, saptan, 7, navan, 9, dasan* 10, in Old
High German form their declension from seksl sibunh niuni,
zehani. If Grimm (II. 250.) is right, as I am much inclined
to believe, in conjecturing an affinity between the Gothic
suffix under discussion and the Latin tudo, tudin-is, we
should also be able to compare this suffix with the Sanscrit-
Zendian fdt or tdtu We must therefore regard tut (in ser-
vituf, &c.) as = the Vedic-Zendian tdt (see §. 832.), and length-
ened to tudo, tudin, with the weakening of the second f to d
(see §. 822.). The addition 6n, in-is, would be less surpris-
ing, as the Sanscrit suffix ti also, of which hereafter, is
lengthened in Latin by a similar inorganic addition, and, e.g.,
the base pak-ti has become coo-tidru From tud6 we should
expect in the genitive tuddn-is, but the ^ = Sanscrit d (see
§. 139.), has, with the increase of the form, been weakened to
i, as in homin-is (old hemdn-is, see p. 1077).
Remark.— The VMic suffix tdli forms not only abstracts, bat has at times
also the signification ''making, maker" (P&nini, IV. 4. 142.), and, indeed, it
likewise accents the syllable preceding the suffix. An example is afforded
in the Higv. I. 112. 20., where the masculine dual idntdti^ ''happiness
maker," or perhaps "augmenter of happiness," is explained by Sdyana
by mkhasya kartdrduy " gaudiifactores," In words of [G. Ed. p. 1 175.]
this kind, on whose age a doubt is cast by their not being represented in
tlie European sister languages, tdti is perhaps from a different origin from
that whence it springs when it appears as a formative of abstract substan-
tives. We might recognise in it a derivative from the root tan, " to
stretch," without, on that account, extending, as Benfey does, this expla-
nation to the suffix of abstracts also, although the accentuation of both
kinds of words is the same ; since, perhaps, the accentuation of the pre-
ponderating abstracts has exerted an influence on tliat of the concretes,
after that the feeling with reference to the difference of origin had been
extinguished. But if in the concretes in tdii a derivative of the root ton,
" to extend," be contained, I would then, in certain cases, prefer to recog-
nise a noun of agency rather than an abstract : for although ii be no
4 E 2
1140 FORMATION OF WORDS.
rejifular suffix for the formation of nouns of agency, it nevertheless forms
several appellatives, which, according to their fundamental signification,
arc nouns of agency; aB, c. ff, tantUs^ "weaver," properly "stretcher;"
krUhti'8, " man," as " plougher" (Veda). According to this, the before-
mentioned *an/<i/i-» would properly mean "extender," i.e. "augmenter,"
or ** grounder, creater of happiness," which gives a more satisfactory
sense than if it be taken, instead of as dependent compound, as possessive,
according to which it would signify "having the augmentation of happi-
ness," which sense is not suitable in the passage of the Rigveda that lias
been cited. But when, in a passage of the Yajurveda (VII. 12.), the
Scholiast Mahidhara takes jyCshthdtdtim as an actual possessive (which,
however, is not confirmed by the accentuation), in that lie explains iati as
being a derivative from ten, " to extend," and therefore, according to the
sense, as = vistdra^ " extension," we cannot thence infer tliat he recognises
in the words formed by the suffix tdti in general, or in any particular
branch of them, possessive compounds with tdtiy " extension^" as the last
member of the compound ; for he adds to the explanation above given
another and a more satisfactory one, and explains jyeghthdtdti as a simple
word formed by the suffix tdii^ when he refers to P&nini, V. 4. 41. ; ac-
cording to which the suffix under discussion, in combination whhjyMthei^
produces only a strengthening (praiansd, properly "extolling'^) of the
meaning of the original word, and theref ore ji/i^ghthatdti-s would be equi-
valent to " the best of all," or " the notoriously Ix-st.'* If we wish to
confirm this signification of the (according to Paniui) isolated in its kind
jyMthdtdtiy by the circumstance of its being in its origin a possessive
[G. Ed. p. 1 176.] compound, we must then assign to it the meaning, ** the
extension" (as it were, " most highly potent"), including " the best."
834. We may here at once notice another sufDx, which
in Sanscrit, just like (At tdf, tAti, forms abstracts from adjec-
tives and substantives, viz. the neuter suffix tva, which is
probably an extension of the infinitive suffix tu hy a ; fra
therefore, from tu-a, as the hcreafter-to-be-discussed suffix
(avya is from tih with Guna, and ya. The abstracts in tva
are oxytone; eg. amritatvA-m, "immortality," from amrtta;
nagna-tvd-m, ** nakedness," from nngnu ; bahu-tvd'Tn, as 6a-
hurtd, " multitude," from bahu. This class of words has
been retained with all possible exactitude, exclusive of the
insertion of a euphonic s before the / of the suffix (see
FORMATION OF WOKDS. 1141
§. 825.), in Sclavonic, as i^ tva, according to §. 257., in Old
Sclavonic could take no other form than tvo; and the nomi-
native tva-m, in like manner, could be nothing but (vo.
Tlie final vowel of the primitive base is rejected in Scla-
vonic ; hence, e,ff. a*bctbo dyev-stvo, "maidenhood," from
A'&BA dyeva, " maiden ;" baobctbo vdov-sivo, " widowhood,"
from BAOBA vdova, '* widow ;" Aoy Kabctbo lukav-stvo, " cun-
ningness," aoctoiinctbo dostoin-stvo, " worth," from the ad-
jective bases lukavo, " cunning," dostoino, " worthy" (see
Dobrowsky, p. 303). The Gothic, in the only word which
belongs here, has changed the old tenuis of the suffix i^ tva
to d instead of into /A, as in fidvor, " four" = ^iinT chatvdr
(§. 312.) — I mean the neuter base tliiva-dva, ** serfdom,"
nom. ace. tliiv-dvt from the primitive base thiva, nom.
thiu'St ** serf."
835. In the Veda dialect tva occurs also as primary (Krit-)
suffix in the sense of the cognate taiya^ and forms from jfcar,
hru ** to make," the paroxonytised kdrtva^kartavya, **facien-
dus,'''' as neuter substantive (nom. ace. kdrtva-m), " work,"
as ''being to be done." So in Zend [G. Ed. p. 1177.]
A5<anr(3f7f_l beretliwa, '* ferendus.'''' * Here belong, in my opi-
nion, the Old High German masculine substantive-bases in
don (nom. do), for the most part abstracts ; as, e,g. suep-i-
do (or -rfw), ** sopor r irr-a-do, err-i-do, irr-e-do, " error i'' yuch-
i'do, yuk'i'do, '* prurigo T hol-d-do, ** foramen T the interme-
diate vowel of which I assign to the class syllable of the
verb. The v of the Sanscrit suffix tva is dropped in the
Old High German, with reference to which we may note
also the still more marked abbreviation of the numeral Jhr
compared with the Gothic fidvor and Sanscrit cliatvdr-as.
Tlie Gothic has retained the semi-vowel in the suffixes
which belong here : tvu, neut. (nom. tv\ from vaurs-fv,
* Comparative with the prep, upa, upa-h^Sthwdtara (V. S. p. 256,
ROC Bumouf^ Etudes, p. 215).
1142 FORMATION OF WORDS.
" work ;''* thrd, fem. (nom. thva^ see §. 137.)> ivoui fri-a-thva.
*^\ove\'*^ fi-a-ihva (for ^^-a-/Ai'a), " enmity;'' + ml't-thvdiSf
pi. " harbour'' {sal-ya, " I turn in, remain," pret sal-i-dii).
Old High German sal-i-tha, saUi-day sel-i-da ; ivSn, fem. (nom.
tvo, see §. 142.), from vah-fvd, " watch," ga-tvd, " street"
(Sanscrit root tj/l, " to go "), Old High German ga-za (gd-m^
" I go '') ; uh'tvd, ** morning, twilight," (Sanscrit vsh, " to
burn, to give light," vshdst " aurora "). Here belong also, I
have no doubt, some Sclavonic abstract feminine-bases (to-
gether with nominatives) in /ca, which Dobrowsky (p. 2S6.)
reckons with the formations in va, since he derives them,
not from the root, but from the infinitive in H ; e.g. Aatba
[G. Ed. p. 1178.] schan-tva, " mowing, harvest," (^bN& schy-
nun, "to cut down" Kaatba klan-iva, '* execraiio,''' (kAbHA;
klynun, ** caecror '''') ; aobhtba lovi-tva, ^^ venation {hv-i-th
" capiare "). I now prefer to deduce also the above-men-
tioned (§. 807.) Lithuanian abstracts in ba, be, and the ab-
stracts in ba, whicli so frequently occur in the Sclavonic dia-
lects, from the Sanscrit suffix iva, i.e. from its feminine tvA,
and, in fact, so as to assume, after the /-sound is dropped,
a hardening of the v to 6, with regard to which I would re-
call attention to the relation of the Latin and Zend adverb
of number bis, and that of the bi, which appears in both
languages at the beginning of compounds, to the Sanscrit
dvis, dvi (see p. 424.). From adjective-bases spring, in
Slowenian, among others, the following feminine abstracts :
sladko-ba, " sweetness," from sladeUp) " sweet ;" gerdo-ba.
• It springs, perhaps, from varth, " to be" {vairthtiy varth, v^urthum\
with 8, therefore, for th, according to §. 102. p. 102.
t From friyS, "I love," might be expected /r/y-o-Mua; yet the short-
ening of 6 (=d) to a, according to §. 60., cannot surprise us.
J We might have expected fy-ai^thva ; but only the first part of ilie
diphthong of the clasB-syllable ai has remained, as in fiy-a, " I hate,"
^-a-iif, " we hate," for Jiy-aiffy^i'm.
FORMATIONS OF WORDS. 1143
" ugliness," from gerd{o)t " ugly ;"" gnyilo-ba, " rottenness/**
from gnyil(p), '* rotten ; tesn(>-ba, " narrowness," from ieaen*
" narrow."
836. The perfect passive participle is, in a comparatively
small number of roots, formed by the suffix na, which is al-
ways united directly to the root, and, like the more prevalent
ta, has the accent. The following are examples : lu-na-s, ** dis-
engaged forcibly ;" bhvg-nd-Sf " bent," (root bhrtj) ; bhag-nd-Sf
" broken," (root bhanj) ; bhin-nd-Sf " cleft," (from bhid-nd-s) ;
sdr-nd'S, "spread," (root star, m stri); pur-nd-a, ** filled up,"
(root par, Jf pri)''\ To these correspond, in respect of accen-
tuation also, the likewise few in number Greek formations
in I/O, feminine vrj; as, (nvyvo-s, areyvo^g, [G. Ed. p. 1179.]
(refivo-g, (for (TejSvos), aKairaSvo-g, /(tx^o-j, airapvo-^t ^epvfj,
CKTivYJ (Sanscrit 'Q[W^ chhannd-s, from chhadnd-s, " covered,"
(see §. 14.), reKvo-v, which has the accent thrown back. In
Latin belong here, besides ple-nus, eg-e-nus (with active
signification), regnum, several words which, from a Roman
point of view, are of obscure origin (see Pott, II. p. 570.) ;
as, magnus, properly "grown," (Sanscrit mali, manh, **to
grow," whence mahdntj mahdl, " great,") ; lignu-m, as ** kin-
dling," (Sanscrit c/aA, '* to bum ") ; iignu-m» as " hewed,"
(Sanscrit taksh, ** to break, to cleave," ; dignu-s, properly
" shewn, marked out," (Sanscrit dis, from dik, " to shew,"
Greek Je/oc). Perhaps signu-m, is connected with the San-
scrit root sanj, Lithuanian sej, " to affix," so that it would
properly signify the "affixed."
837. In German this suffix has extended itself over all
the strong verbs ; but in such a manner tliat it is not, as
• See Metolko (p. 44), who, however, in imitation of Dobrowsky's
example, assigns the o (o stroked through) of the adjective base to the
derivative snflix (oha),
+ In the two last examples n stands for n through the influen:e of the
preceding r.
1144 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
in Sanscrit, Greek, and several Latin expressions which be-
long here, joined directly to the root, but by the interven-
tion of a conjunctive vowel a (later e, Old Northern i) ; hence,
e.g. in Gothic, bug'a'n{a)'S, " bent," (for Sanscrit bhuff-nu-s,
(from the root bug, (biuga, bang, bug-u^m). The denomina-
tives discussed above (§. 770.) point to an older period in
which the n of this passive participle plays an important part*
[G. Ed. p. 1180.] but is joined direct to the root-j* In the
Sclavonic languages the suffix beginning with n of the
perfect passive participle has obtained still wider difiusion
than in the German dialects. The old Sclavonic verbs
which are based on the Sanscrit 1st class, exhibit, in the
place of the original W^ aya before the participial suffix
under discussion, either A (a), or t {ye\ or K ; e.g. rAAroAAti'b
glagol-a-n, ** said ;" ^b^tii-b ^yrye-n', ** seen f' voakni> iW-
ye-n*, ** willed," (see §. 167.). The verbs which are based
on the Sanscrit 1st class add to the root, as in most of the
persons of the present, an e. Compare necehi* ne«-e-n',
" borne," fem. nes-e-na, neut. nes-e-not with nes-e-shu nes-e-ty,
nes-e-fH, nes-e-te, nes-e-va, nes-e-tcu Perhaps, however, in
this class of verbs the e is not the old class-vowel, but an
insertion of later date, like the a of the corresponding
Grothic participles. It is to be noticed, with regard to the
* It 18 an oversight, that, in §. 770., the a preceding the n ia identified
with the class- vowel ; for were the class character retained in the passive
participle, in that case the verbs (see §. 109^. 2.) belonging to the Sanscrit
4th class would retain the syUablc ya ; the passive participle of haf-yOy
" I raise," would be haf-ya-ns^ not haf-a^ns. Thus, from vahs-ya, " I
grow/' the participle under discussion is vaM-a-ns, not vdhs-ya-nsy where
it is to be observed, that in neuter verbs this participle has in the Ger-
man languages, as in Sanscrit, an active meaning; thus, vahs-ya-ns, *'^qui
crevit.
t A direct junction of the suffix is found also in the adjective us-luk-
na'if, '' open," properly " unlocked ;" so the neuter substantive-base bar'
noy nom. torn, "cliild," as "born" (like tcV-vo-v), compared with tho
actual participle baur'a-ns.
FOWMATION OF WORDS. 1145
verbs belonging to the Sanscrit 1st class, that, in Sanscrit
also, the character aya (dropping only the final a) extends
over the special tenses. This, too, is the case in German
with the corresponding affix of the weak conjugation. It
is surprising that the Lettish languages, although they
border next on the Sclavonic, are nevertheless distinguished
in the case of the participle under discussion, that they
employ the sufiix ia more constantly than the latter do the
suffix no, fern, na. In the Lettish languages, however,
analogous forms in na-s are not altogether wanting : they
are, however, no longer conscious of their origin, and pass
for ordinary adjectives; as, e.g. the Lithuanian silp-na-s,
" weak " (" weakened," see silpstuj ** I become weak,"' pret.
silpau); pi7-na-*,(LithuanianpiZ-n -«),"full," [G. Ed. p. 1181.]
properly " filled,'" = Sanscrit pur-nd-s, Zend perend, fem.
perenS for perend (see §. 137.).
838. Just as the passive participial suffix ia, in Sanscrit,
forms from substantives possessive adjectives, like phaUi"
td'S, " gifted with fruit" (see §. 824.), so for a like purpose
is used the suffix na, in like manner, with the insertion of
a conjunctive vowel i, which the Indian Grammarians
include in the suffix. Examples are, phali-nd-s, "gifted
with fruit f ' mat-i-nd'S, " covered with dirt." With these
agree, in respect of accentuation also, Grecian formations
like TreS'-x-vo- J (Buttmann, II. §. 1 19. 74.), properly " endued
with evenness," hence (l) "flat, even," (2) "living in the
plain ;" aKoreivo-g (from (TKOTea'-t-vo-g, see §. 1 28.), " endued
* The u of the Sanscrit form owes its origin to the labial preceding ;
otherwise its place would be fiUed by 1, as, eg. in slir-fid-s: the old form,
however, is evidently parna-Sy and the true root is poTy whence plparmi^
'' 1 fill." On parna is based also the Zend base p^rifna, of which the first
S is founded on the original a, while the second is explained by §. 44.
The j of the Lithuanian pil-na-s is a weakening of the original a, as that
of wilkas, ** wolf," compared with the Sanscrit vrika-s from varka-s^ see
§. ]., and '' Vocalismus," p. IGO.
1146 FORMATION OF WORDS.
with darkness ;" ^aeivo-^ (from ^-ec-i-vo-y), " endued with
light r opetvo-g (from opetr-i-i'd-y), " gifted with mountains/^
The e of evBtetvo-g is the weakening of the a of evSia, where
it is necessary to recall attention to the fact^ that the suffix ciii^
also is very frequently preceded hy an 6 as a weakening of the
final vowel of the primitive hase; e.g. poieci^v from poSo-iav. In
words which express a time, as e.g. in ^dea-i-i^o-;, ^fiep-t-va-^,
SpSp'-i'Vo-Q, the fundamental signification lies more concealed ;
but xOecivo-s properly means no more than " with yesterday,**
" combined with yesterday^ " belonging thereto/* as our
German expressions also, like " gestrig, heutig^ contain a pos-
sessive sufiix. In spite of the difierence of accentuation, I be-
[G. Ed. p. 1182.] licve that adjectives, too, like ^vKivo^^ "Kidt-
vo£, aSafiivTivo^, are not distinguished in their formative
suffix from the oxytone forms in /-vo-;, but that the language
only aims at bringing these expressions prominently for-
ward with more emphasis, and therefore gives the more
energetic acccntuiition (sec p. 1052). There occurs also, in
Sanscrit, a word among the formations in ina which accen-
tuates not only the sufiix but the primitive word, viz.
^^fipanj^^ sring-i-na-s, ** homed,'" from Wf sringa, " horn."
In Gothic the conjunctive vowel has been lengthened in
the corresponding class of words to ei (=t*, see §. 70.) before
which the final vowel of the base word is likewise dropped ;
hence, p.g, sUuhr-ei'n^a)^, " argenteus'"' (also silubrius, Math.
27. 3.); filUei'n{a)'S, '^peUiceusf Uuhad'€i'n{a)'8, '* lucid us ;^''
8uny'ei'n(fl)'S, "veraxf'' from the bases stlubra (nom. silubr),
&c. ; sungd (nom. sunya). The following are examples in
Old High German: hulji-i-n^a), ^'UgneusT dcin-i-n{a), " h^
pideusf 6oMm-t-w(a), ** arboreustr rAr-i-nia), '' arundinaceus T
eihh'i'n(a)f " quernnsr xiegnl-i-n(a), *' /a/rr/Z/u?." In New
High German the vowel of conjunction i has been weak-
ened to e, and, after r, altogether dislodged; hence, c.g,
eich-e-n, tann-^-nt gold-e-ru iuch-e^n, led^r-n. From plurals
in er (out of ir, see §. 241.) spring forms like holzer-m
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1147
hdrner-ny glaaer'n, which have given occasion to misshapen
forms like steiner-n for stein-e-n (Grimm, II. p. 179). From the
Old Sclavonic here belong, in respect to their suffix, words
like orNENi> ogn-e-n, "fiery" (*' fire-gifted"), from ovnhognyt
"fire;" d^eaeni> vrede-n, "pernicious," from BjEA'b vrecT, "in-
jury ;" iiiH^ENi> mir-e-n, " peaceful, pacific,'' from m[i^i> mir\
" peace ;" the e of which is evidently only a vowel inserted
to combine the words, and is not to be referred, with Do-
browsky (p. 224), to the derivative suffix. In Lithuanian the
conjunctive vowel of the suffix under discussion has been
retained unaltered ; and thus words like sidabr-i-na-s,
"silvery," auksA-^na-s, "golden," miW-i- [G. Ed. p. 1183.]
na-Sy " mealy," with the suppression of the final vowel of
the primitive base {siddhra-s, " silver," aukaa-s, " gold," mil-
tar, "meal"),* answer admirably to the above-mentioned
(see beginning of this §.) Sanscrit formations like phaV-i-
n&'Sj mal'-i-nd'S. From the bases in -na comes, by the
addition of a secondary suffix, the form i-nia ({a = Sanscrit
^ ya, of which hereafter), nom. ini-s for inia-s (see §. 135.),
gen. inio; hence, e.g, auks-i-ni'S^auks-i-nia'S, "a florin,"
from auks'i-na-Sy "golden." This derivative form, how-
ever, in general replaces the primitive, whereby the n is
usually doubled.'!' Of the same signification with sidabr-
i-na-s, " silvery " (also sidabr-i-n^'s), is sidabr-i-ni-s (see
Ruhig, s. V. ** silbern''''). From wara-s, "copper," comes
Mxzr'-i-nwa-s, " made of copper ;" from yowara^Sy " beech,"
yaivar-i-nni'S, " beechen ;" from szikszna, ** leather," szikszn-
i-nni'S, " leathern." We find also the vowel of conjunction
lengthened and written y(=i), and, indeed, in words which
denote the place filled with a number of the things ex-
* Plaral of a (o-be-presupposcd singular milta-s,
t Regarding the doubling of consonants, which often has no otlier
meaning than that of pointing out the shortness of the preceding vowel,
see Korschat, ^' Contributions," &c., II. p. 32.
11-18 rORMATION OF WORLS.
pressed by the base noun ; as, e.g. from osi-St ** ash/'' os-y-
na-s, "ash- wood;'' from uga, " berry," ug'-y-na-s, "a place
where many berries are f' from akmu (theme akmenX ak-
fnen-y-na-Sf "heap of stones." Words like Ixd'-na-s, "misera-
ble" (properly "gifted with misery"), from ierfo, "misery/"
dt/w'-na-s, "wonderful," ("gifted with wonder"), from dgwa-s,
" wondrous work," appear to have lost a vowel of conjunc-
tion ; for else the final vowel of the primitive base would
hardly be suppressed before the suffix. Compare Russian
formations like pyly-nyi, "dusty," from nbi Ah pyly, "dust;"'
muclih-nyif " mealy," from muka ; bol4)i*-nyh ** marshy," from
[G. Ed. p. 1184.] boloto, " marsh.'" There are, in Lithuanian,
also formations in na-s, with o as conjunctive vowel, whicii
run parallel to those above mentioned (§. 825.) in o^tt-s; eg.
wiln'O-na-s, " to will," from wilnut " will ;" raud'O-na-Sf " red "
("endued with a red colour"), from rauda, "red colour."
839. In Latin the denominative formations in nu^s, fcm.
na, which answer to the Sanscrit and Lithuanian forms in
i-na-s, stand in multifarious relations to their base word,
which do not require a detailed explanation here. The
originally short conjunctive vowel t has been lengthened,
as in the older German languages, and the final vowel of
the base word is suppressed, as in the sister languages.
The following are examples: sal-i-nu-s, Vejent-i-nu-s, reg't-
nGf carnijic-i-na, dodr-i-na (for di)dijr'i'na)t textr i-nu-s, tonsir'
i-nU'S (from U/nsion whence (onsor, see §. 101., cf. tonstrix) ;
stagn-i-nu'St galt-i-na, discipC-i-na (for diacipnlina), orc-i-
nU'Stfer'-i-nU'St tabut 'i-nu-St pigc-i-na, mar -i-nu-s, ati'-i-nu-s,
UmV-e-na,*' pecn'i-nU'S»\ bov-i-nu-s. The conjunctive vowel
* e for 2, to avoid two i-sounds foUowing one after the other.
t The retention of the organic u of the 4th declension, in op|>osition to
the suppression of the other vowels, agrees with the phenomenon, that in
Sanscrit also u is retained before the vowels of the derivative suffix in
preference to the other vowels, and, indeed, witli Guna increment, and
with euphonic change of the 6 (=sat/) into av.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1 149
is most commonly suppressed after r (as in German, see
§.818.),; hence, ft^. ebur-nU'S, pai'^-nu-g, mater-nu-g, vcr-nu-g,
voter-nu'S, quer-nu-s, iwt^-wi/-*, eotter-nU'S, infer-nU'St super-nu'S.
Also after g (from c) ; salig-nu-s, iHg-nu-s, I/trig-nu-^, if we
ought not here to divide thus, sali-gnu-s, and assume the
dropping of the final consonant of the primitive base (see
abie-gnU'S, privi-gnu-i), when gnus (for grnvs, ginus) would
signify " produced "" (cf. Pott, II. 586.). The Indian Gram-
marians assume also a suffix ina* the i of which is probably,
in like measure, only a lengthened conjunc- [G. Ed. p. 1186.]
tive vowel, so that i'-na would be identical with the above-men-
tioned i-wa. Examples are : sarn-i-na-s, "yearly,"" from sama,
" year;"' kur-i-na-s, "noble"" ("gifted with good family, good
descent""), from kuld-mf ** race,"" The Latin d also, in words
like monf-d-nU'Sf urb-d-nu-s, sol-d-nu-s, veter-d-nus (see veter-
i-nU'S, veier-nu-s), Vejent'd-nu-s {J^pjerd't-nu-s), oppid'-d-nu-Sf
insuF-d-nu'S, Born-dnu-^, ji/nc'd-nu-s, is probably only a
vowel used to connect the words ; so that here also only nu
is the true suffix, as e.g. tu in cord-d-tu-s, sceler-d'tu-s (see
§. 824.), where we would recal attention to the disposition
which the secondary suffix iu also has to be borne by a
long vowel. We might, however, also so regard the forms
d-nu-8 as though they bore the class-character of the 1st
conjugation and presup])osed verbal-themes like montd,
veterd^ after the analogy of amd, laudd.
840. As the Sanscrit bases in a produce not only femi-
nines in d, but some also in {, we may also regard such
feminines as indrdni, ** the wife of Indra,"" rudrdni* " the
wife of Rudra,"" varundnu " the wife of Varuna,"" mdtuldni,
" the wife of an uncle by the mother"s side"" (from mdtula),
kshatriydni, " wife of the kshatriya caste,"" as productions
of the suffix tf na, nnd bring them into relationship with
the Latin, Lithuanian, and German formations which have
* w for n, tiirougb the influence of the preceding r.
1 150 FORMATION OF WOKDS.
been described ; but in this class of Sanscrit words I hold the
d, not, as in Latin forms like moni'd-nu-s, for a conjunctive
or class-vowel, but for the lengthening of the a of the primi-
tive base, which in all the words which belong here ends in
[G. Ed. p. 1186.] a. I divide, therefore, thus, eg. mdiuld-nif
for which we might also expect mditJdnd. To these
feminines correspond in Greek Biaiva, KvKaiva, vatva, uKaiva^
^oKv^imvoL, 5e(r7ro/va,f from deaw-a, &c. (see §. 1 19.). Femi-
nine patronymics also, ^Kpiaiirvrji admit of being referred
here, with the lengthening, therefore, of the final vowel
(o = Sanscrit a) of the primitive base, as in Sanscrit, in
case we ought not rather to distribute it ^AKpiai-d-vrf, and
look on the a> as the conjunctive vowel. Tlie latter view
is corroborated by Latin forms like Mell-d-nia, together with
McU-d-na (as it were, "the honey-bound"), Valt'd-nia,
matr-d-na, patr-d-na. We divide, therefore, also Parn-d-na,
BeW'dna, Morb'-d-nia, Orb'-d-na, although the 2d declension,
in which the u and o are interchanged at the end of the
base, authorises the referring the 6 to the primitive base.
841. In Lithuanian the feminine suffix eneX corresponds to
the Sanscrit d-niy Greek aiva, wvjy, and Latin 6-nia, dna. With
respect to signification also, e.g. broV-ene, "brother's wife,^^§
corresponds admirably to Sanscrit formations like mdhilAnit
'* wife of an uncle by the mother's side.*' Other Lithuanian
formations of this kind are : bern-ene, " tlie serfs wife/'
from berna-s ; kaliv*-en€, " the smith's wife/' from kalw-si
* Indian Grammarians regard an in these words as an afiix inserted
between die base-noun and the feminine ^, which they call dnuk, where
the k probably denotes the accentuation of an.
t A€<rn'oiva presupposes for dcoTrony-f a nominative masculine btairo-f^
the final syllable of which we may compare with Sanscrit compounds like
nripa-8, " ruler of men" (from pdy " to rule"),
I From enia (see p. 174, note).
§ From brolis, " brother," from broUa-9.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1151
(for kalicya-s) ; awyn'-ene, " the uncle's wife/' from awyna-s ;
asiV-ene^ " she-ass/' from asilas ; wiW-hie^ '* she-wolf," from
wilka-s. In Old Sclavonic corresponds bmiA ynya, or, with
suppression of the a in the nominative, ini [G. Ed. p. 1187.]
(see Miklosich, " Doctrine of Forms," p. 12) ; e.g. gXEhimx
rab'-ynya or ^AEbinu rab'-yni, "maid," from ^abi> rab\ theme
rab(h ''servant ;" BorbmfA hog'-ynya or BorHMH boginij "god-
dess," from bog\ theme bogo (Dobr., p. 291 ). In Old High
German the suffix inna corresponds, probably by assimilation,
from inya * for inia, so tliat to the Sanscrit feminine character
{*, the common feminine termination a (from d, Gothic 6\ has
also been added (see §. 120.). The following are examples :
guf'innOj " goddess ;" kuning*'inna, " queen ;" meistar'-inna,
'* mistress ;" wirf-inna, " landlady ;" aff'^'inna^ " she-ape ;"
esirAnnay " she-ass ;" hen-bmaf ** hen ;" hundC-inne (for -m-
wa), " a bitch.'* In the nominative and accusative singular
exist abbreviated forms in in, as gutln^ kuningin (together
with gulinnat kuninginna), on which are based our new
German forms like GUtirit Konigin (Grimm, II. 319.), which
extend over all the oblique cases of the singular ; while
the plural (G'otiinnent K'dniginnen) point to a more full sin-
gular, like Goitinne, Koniginne. So far, however, as one
cannot cite a genitive, dative singular, or nominative accusa-
tive plurals, as gidlni, I see no reason to refer the forms un-
der discussion in in to Grimm's 4th declension, according: to
which they would belong to bases in ini, the i of which must be ,
suppressed in the nominative and accusative singular. The
Anglo-Saxon genitive-dative forms, also quoted by Grimm
(II. 319.), asgyd-enne, " cfecp," can be as well explained from
the 1st strong declension as the 4th : I prefer to refer
them to the 1st, and take gyden, " goddess," as the abbrevia-
* Compare the Assimilation in forms like quellu from queiyu (Grimm,
I. 870), which so frequently enters into the 1st weak conjugation, and
similar phenomena in Lithuanian (§. 601.).
1 152 FORMATION OF WORDS.
tion of gydcnu* from which Bosworth (" Dictionary of tlie
[G. Ed. p. 1188.] Anglo-Saxon language "') quotes the form
gydeiw (e as the weakening of w). Important are the Old
Northern forms, as apynya, "she-aix^,"' vargynya, " she-wolf/'f
for the support of the view, that the doubled w of the forms
spoken of stand by assimilation for ny. Tlie y comes by
*'Umhut " from «, which approaches closer to the Sanscrit A
of Ani than the i of inna, which probably springs from it by
still further weakening. For u-irtint in Old High German,
wirtun actually occurs (Graff, I. 932.). In the circumstance
that bases in on before the suffix inna, iii, drop the final
consonant of the base, together with the preceding vowel
(e,g. aff'^'innat aff^-irr for affon-inna, affon-in), the Grerman
agrees with a similar phenomenon in Sanscrit, where bases
in 71 generally reject this consonant with the vowel pre-
ceding it before vowels and \y of the derivative suffixes ;
hence, eg, r^hya-m (or, with the weaker accent, rAjhya-m)^
** kingdom,"' from rdjan^ " king.'"
842. We return to the primary suffix na, in order to
remark, that by it and its feminine ti/l, in Sanscrit, some
oxytone abstracts also are formed direct from the root ; as,
* Observe that also the al)Ove-nientioncd (§. 803.) formations in nnga^
in Anglo-Saxon, and even in Old High German (in Kero and Is.), have
lost the final vowel of the base in the nominative (sec Giimm, II. ()02.),
just as in New High German, through whicli, however, they nevertheless
do not fall under Grimm's 4th strong declension, i.e. the bases in i.
In Anglo-Saxon, on the other hand, the real feminine bases in i have
nearly all passed into that declension, the final vowel of which ends ori-
ginally in a (Gothic 6\ i.e. into Grimm's 1st declension, feminine of the
strong form ; and thus drnd^ " deed," presents no single case, which we
must necessarily derive from a base dtrdi ; and the nominative accusative
plural d(pda, and dative d(pdtt-m, belong decidedly to the 1st declension ;
just so the accusative singular dtede (like gefe)y as the final t has already
been dro])ped in the accusative in Gothic {anst, "gratiant/' for amti).
t According to the weak declension, see Grimm, II. 319. Compare the
masculine varg'-r^ " wolf," with the Sanscrit vrika-s from rarka-s.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1153
e,g. injw yaj'M'S, " worship, sacrifice "' (Zend ^f'Sixij^ ya«*-
n/j, theme -no) ; yat-nd-St " effort ;" pras-nd-Si '* question "
(Zend AjyjJAs^A fras-nu, neuter, fras-ne-m, see Brockhnus,
Glossary, p. 378) ; raksh-nd-s, " protection, support ;" ydch-nd^
" the request, entreaty ;" (rish-nd, *' thirst/' An exception
as regards the accent is to be found in svdpna-s, '* sleep'*
(2jend khaf-ruh see §. 35.), to wliich the Lithuanian mp-na-Sy
" dream,'' very well corresponds, only with the rejection of
the w. In Greek vTr-vo-g corresponds, in Latin som-nu-s (see
§. 126. Note). To Sanscrit feminines like yAch-^d corresponds,
irrespective of the accentuation, the Greek re^^i/);. In Latin
we may perhaps refer here ru-i-na and rap-i-na, which,
therefore, have retained tlie class vowel i (see §. 109*. i.),
and, indeed, lengthened it, as in general this suffix, in Latin,
loves to have long vowels before it (i-nu-s, d-nu-s, 6-na).
The Old High German hug-na^ " falsehood, lying" (see
Graff, II. 13 1), and the Old Saxon hof-na, " to weep, to la-
ment,*' undoubtedly belong here. To the masculine ab-
stracts in Tf Tia I refer the Old High Grerman loug-i-n or
loug-e-rif *' negado^^ (Graff, 1. c), theme hug-i-na, loug-e-na,
with a vowel of conjunction inserted (cf. §. 837.).
843. There is a close affinity in Sanscrit between the
participial suffixes w ta, tt noj and the suffixes ^ ti, ftf nz,
which are used principally for the formation of feminine
abstracts, in the i of which I recognise the weakening of
the a of the pronominal bases ta, na. The suffix ftf ni
appears only in those abstracts whose roots in the perfect
passive participle replace the suffix ia by na ; thus, e.g, lu-
ni'S, "tearing apart," ^/M-nz-,?, " exhaustion," jiV-nf-*, "old age,'*
hd-ni'S, " abandonment," compared with the passive partici-
ples lu-nd'S, " torn asunder," gld-nd-s, " exhausted ,"7Yr-w/i-*,
"aged, old," hi-vd-s, "abandoned " (irregu- [G. Ed. p. 1190.]
lar for hd-nd-s), to which, with regard to accentuation, they
bear the same relation as in Greek, e.g. iroTo-g to ttotoc (see
§. 820.). The comparison of cnra-w-y with cirarvo^t from an
4 F
1154 FORMATION OF WORDS.
obscured root cnra, is closer. In Lithuanian bar-ni'S, "quar-
rer' (baru, " I quarrel"), is a fine remnant of this kind of
formation of feminine abstracts : in Old Sclavonic this class
of vocables is somewhat more richly represented by words
like AAtib da-ny, " impost "" (for dani, see §. 261.), BgAub
bra-n^t "war," properly **the contesting" (lio^ is; boryun,
"I contend"), by transposition from ftar-Tiy = Lithuanian
bar-ni'S (Dobrowsky, p. 290). In Gothic here belong the
feminine bases lug-ni, " a lie ;" ana-bm-nU ** command "
{s for rf, ana-biuda, " I command," root bud) ; vaila-viz-nu
"subsistence" properly "welfare" (ar from 8, see §. 86. 6.,
root vas; visat vas, visum) ; taik-nU ** sign" (originally " the
shewing," e,g. SeUvvfju, Sanscrit dii, from dik, "to shew'");
siu-ni, "the looking, viewing;" nominative liugns, &c.
(see §. 135.). Moreover, the suffix r?j, in Gothic, is a com-
mon means for the formation of feminine abstracts from
weak verbs, the character of which is retained before the
suffix, with contraction, however, of the syllable ya of the
1st conjugation to e/, as in the 2d person singular of the
imperative. The following are examples from the 1st con-
jugation, which is here most richly represented : g6l-ei'n(i)'S,
** aalutatior hauh'ei'n{i)'8t ^^ exaltation haus-ei-n^iy-s, ''audi-
tioT gam4l'ei'n{i)'8, " scripiura,"'' The 2d conjugation fur-
nishes us only with lath-d-niO-s, "invitation mit-d'n(i)'S,
" cogifaiio n 8alb'6'n(i)^, unctio:'''* the 3d only Imu'ai'nii)^,
[G. Ed. p. 1191.] *' €edificatio r at'vit'ai'n{j)-8t *^ observaiio f
mtdya'sveip'ai-n{i)'8, ** diluvium ^ IVb-ai-niij-Sy ^^vita^ lub-ai-
n{i)'S, "«/M»»" (the verb is uncited).
844. To the Sanscrit oxytone passive participles in ta
* It being presupposed that the only citable accusative with two
meanings, Uugn, actnaUy belongs to a feminine }>a8C liugni (see Grimm,
II. p. 157); othenis'ise the nentcr of the passive participle mentioned
above (§. 837.) has most claim to this word, and then Uugn{a) would pro-
perly signify '' the lied," and correspond to Sanscrit forms like bhugnd-m^
" the bent."
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1165
correspond abstracts in /a, which have also the accent in
the radical syllable; compare e.g. yHJc-ti'S, "joining,'^
pdk-ti-s, " cooking," uk'tis, ** speech,^' sthi-ti-s, " state," with
yuk'td'8, "joined," pak-td-s, "cooked," uk-td-s, "spoken,"
sthi'td'8, '* standing" (see §. 821.). The following are exam-
ples of analogous abstracts in Zend : j^jj^eK^^^jj kars-ti-s,
" the ploughing " (karsta, " ploughed) ; J^?Jpf ^^o khare-ti-g,
" the eating" (see p. 182.) ; j^jj^j-am^^asjC^ yadschddi'ti-St
'* purification" (see §. 637.).* In Gothic this feminine suffix
takes, according to the measure of the preceding letters of
the root, either ti, or Mt, or di (see §. 91.), but with i re-
gularly suppressed in the nominative (see §. 135.); hence,
e.g. ga-skaf-tiiys, " creation," gen. gaskaf-tai-s (see §. 185.) ;
fra-luS't{i\Sf ** loss ;" ga-baur'(h(iys, " birth ;" gamun-d{i)-8t
** memory" (cf. Sanscrit md-ti-s, " understanding, meaning,"
for mdn-ti's). For examples in Old High German see
§. 91. p. SO.f In the present condition of our language,
at this day, too, there are tolerably numerous remains of
this class of words ; as, e.g. Brun-s-t, Kun-s-U Gun-s-t (see
§. 95), An-kun-f'ti Zu-kun-f-t, Zun-f-t (see §. 96.), Mach-t,
Zuch't, Fluch'tt Sich't, Fahr-t, Schrif-t, Schlach-t, which have
partly lost their plural, or introduced it into the »-(weak)
declension, partly, however, retained it on the grade of the
Old High German, corrupting, however, the i of the base
to e, the power of whose Umlaut (vide p. 38, Note), how-
ever, points to its predecessor i ; hence, [G. Ed. p. 1192.]
e. g. Brilnste, Ktinste, Ziinfte^ Machte, compared with Fahrteru
Schrifteru Schlachten. In Lithuanian here belong pyu-ti-s,
* There is a misprint in the German text here in the word
jtQjy jAM^^b^ASjf' where ^ is given for i^f. So, too, in §. 637. in the
German, ^ is given five times for ^, a mistake which I have inad-
vertently followed.
t Where, however, in the First Edition, the word should be divided
ki-tpolt, as its t belongs to the root (whence walht, pret. wicUt). The
fault is corrected in the Second Edition.
4 f2
1156 FOKMATION OF WORDS,
"the mowing" (pyauyUf "I mow"*); s-mer-ti'S, "death"
(" the dying") ; pa-zin-ti'S, " knowledge, agnition, acquaint-
ance" (z'lnnau, "I know"); pri-gini'ti-s, "nature" (gemv^
" fiflfjcor"). The Old Sclavonic has corrupted the i of the
suffix under discussion in the nominative accusative sin-
gular to b y (see §. 261.); and, in general, the ahstract
feminine bases which belong here follow the declension of
kosty (theme kostiy see p. 348). The base pa-mya-ti (oamath,
" memory") I now read, according to p. 1048, pa-man-tU
as A is an a with a nasal sound ; the Sclavonic man-tif
therefore, has this superiority over the Sanscrit md-Zf,
that it has not entirely lost the nasal of the root before
the suffix. Compare, also, the above-mentioned Gothic
base ga-mundi, nom. ga-mund^-s. The following are other
Old Sclavonic abstracts belonging here, which I annex in the
nominative: EA^roA^Th blngo-dafj/, "benefit;"* CbM^bTb
s*'mri/'ty, "death" (pee Mikl., *' Radices," p. 52) = Sanscrit
mri'ti'St from mar- f is; BAACTb ihs-gy, " dominion ;"•!•
CT^ACTb stras-tyt '* suffering" (root strad) ; vyes-ty, " infor-
mation" (root v^fed, compare Sanscrit causal vMAydmi, " I
make to know, I inform," from the root vid, *'to know"). To
this class of verbal abstracts belong most probably also the
Sclavonic and Lithuanian infinitives in ti, of which hereafter.
[G. Ed. p. 1 193.] 845. In Greek the t of this suffix, except in
X7-T<-f, yLfj'Ti'^, (=Sanscrit md-ti-s, Sclavonic man-fy), 0a-Ti-f
(together with ^a-trz-j), a/xTrca-rz-j (with a/itTrca-o-i-^, compare
Sanscrit pi-fi-s, " the drinking"), has been retained unaltered
only under the protection of a preceding <r. The protecting
* Dat-y answers admirably to the Zend cf(i/7t-«, mentioned ahove (p. 1 1 55),
from ya-Ssch-dditis, properly " making pnre," and to the Gothic base d^-di
((f=<l, see §. 60.), Old High German td-tiy nom. tdt (our That). The San-
scrit leads ns to expect dkdtisy from the root ^dhd, ^4o place, to make."
t Miklosich (Rad., p. 10) rightly compares the Sanscrit root vridh
(from vardli)y " to grow," from which vrfd-dkU (euphonic for vrtdh-ti-^)^
*' growth, increase, success."
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1 157
sibilant, however, as in the just-mentioned Sclavonic forma-
tions, is the euphonic representative of an original ^sound :
hence, e.g. w/ct-ti-j (together with wer-crz-y), wct^ti-j (with
Tt^'iTi'^)^ A^(r-Ti-j. With respect to the weakening of the t
to (T, which generally takes place after vowels^ compare the
same phenomenon in the 3d person singular of the conjuga-
tion in /Lu, and of the 3d person plural of all verbs : as, there-
fore, SiSio-tTi, Tidyj'<rt, so also So-cri-j', de-tn-g. After gutturals
and labials, with which the <r unites itself in writing to f , \fr,
the weakening of the ^-sound to the sibilant is of most fre-
quent occurrence; hence, e.g. feCfi-j (^feS/c-cri-r, euphonic
for feGy-Ti-j) compared with the Sanscrit yuk-tis, Latin
junc-tio; 7re\/ri-j* (=7re7r-{ri-j) for Sanscrit pdk-tis, Latin
coc'tio. It admits of no doubt, that, in Greek, the i has
obtained an influence on the r preceding, which does not,
indeed, prevail completely throughout, but is shewn in its
preferring an c to the t; hence e.g. the opposition be-
tween feuK-To-f, TreTr-To-j-, and feuK-cri-s', weir-o'i-ff; while in
Sanscrit, t/uk-ti-s, pak-ti-s, trip-ti-s (" satiating " = Greek
TepTt-ai-^), with respect to the initial consonants of the suffix,
agree with the passive participles yuk-td-s, pak-id-s, trip-td-s
(Greek Te/cwr-vo-r for re/OTr-To-f, see §. 836.). Observe, that
the Sanscrit, in accordance with the Greek, has retained
the more energetic accentuation for the abstract (see §. 785,
p. 1052), while the participle has allowed the accent to sink
down upon the final syllable ; Xhiis, yvkti-s [G. Ed., p. 1194.]
compared with yukld-Sy as feSf <-9 compared with feuKTo-j'.
846. In Greek, from <ri, by the inorganic addition of
an a, the form (na has developed itself, in similar wise as
above (§. 1 19. p. 130) we saw -rpia, e.g. in ofyxT^trrpta, answer to
the Sanscrit tru The extended form cr/a appears, as has
already been elsewhere remarked,f to be most inclined to
unite itself with forms which, by derivative letters or com-
* IlfTr from 7rf«c= Sanscrit pack from pcJe^ Latin coc,
t " Influence of Prononns on the formation of Words," p. 23.
1158 FOBMATION OF WOBDS.
position, have enlarged themselves; while it rather avoids
monosyllabic roots. We find, indeed, dvcrla, but not Kvaia,
<l>wrta, pvtricL On the other hand, we find, e.g. ioKifxaaiaf
hmatriaf d€pfLa<ria, aTjfiaaia, eirifiatrla (with eni^aa-i-^). Ex-
ternally these forms approximate to nominal abstracts, which
are formed by the suffix la from adjective or substantive
bases, in so far as these change a r which occurs in the final
syllable into c ; as, e, g. aKaOapa-ia from aKadapro-s, dOa-
vaa-ia from aBavaTo-^*
847. In Lithuanian, also, there occur verbal abstracts,
which, like the Greek in (na, have given an inorganic affix
to the suffix ii under discussion, and presuppose bases in
tin, whence, in the nominative, comes te (see p. 174. Note).
Thus, together with the pyu-ti-St " the mowing," mentioned
above (p. 1192 G. ed.), there exists Bpyut-e of the same signifi-
cation, and at the same time a masculine pyuti-^ (for pyu-
tia-s, genitive pyuchio, euphonic for pyutio, see §. 783. p. 1046) :
another example is beg-ie, " the running." The nominal ab-
stracts in y-stp, as bagot^y-sie/* riches," from bagota-s, " rich,"
yaun-y-sle, ** youth," from t/auna-s, " young, '''^die/v-y-sie,
'* godhead," from diewa-s, ** God," merg^-y-sie, " maidenhood,"
[G. Ed. p. 1 105.] from mergoy " maiden," represent the above-
mentioned (§. 829.) Sanscrit abstracts in id (compare dietc-
y-sle with dSva-trh ** godhead ''), but appear, with regard to
their suffix, to belong to ti, and, like Sclavonic formations,
as lOHOCTb yuno-sty, "youth," ro^ECTb gore-sty, "bitter-
ness,^' have inserted before the t a euphonic s* Irrespec-
tive of this, they already answer to the Latin nominal ab-
stracts in tia or tie-s (see §. 137.), as cani-iia, cani-tie-s, pi-
gri'tia, pigri-tie-s, jusli-tia, amici-tta, pueri-lia, pueri-tie-s,
the i of which (before the t) I regard as the weakening of
the final vowel of the primitive base (cf. p. 1167 G. ed.). An
example of a neuter belonging here is servi-Hum, In
* See Dobrowsky, p. 303, and compare the formations in </vo=San8crit
tva (§. 834.)
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1159
Latin the suffix ti here discussed has received, as a means
of formation of verbal abstracts, a further extension by
the addition of 6n; thus tidut nom. tid, with the euphonic
alterations required by §. 101. = Sanscrit ti. Compare e.g.
coc'tio with pdk'ti-St fracAio with bhdk-ti-s, junc-tio with
yuk-tiSf fis'sio {hova fia-iiot and this for fid-tio^ see §. 101.),
with hhit'ti'S (from bhid-ti-s), hta-tio with slht-ti-s, i-tio with
i-ii-s. The latter hardly occurs in its simple state, but
exists in sdm-iii'S, " fight,'" properly " the coming toge-
ther, the conflict." In Latin occurs, together with i'tio, also
i'tiu-m, in the compound in-i'tiu-m, which, in its formative
suffix, answers to the nominal abstract servi-tium. Remark-
able remains of the older formation of this class of words
are supplied to us by the adverbs in tim (or sim, according
to §. 101.), which I elsewhere (which Pott, E. I., 1.91., has over-
looked) have represented as adverbial accusatives of lost ab-
stracts;* thus, e.g. trac'ti'Tn, properly "with drawing;"
cur-si-mf " with running ;" ccB'si-m, ** with [G. Ed. p. 1196.]
hewing, smiting;" confer-li-m, "with pressing together" (San-
scrit sdm-bhri-ti'Tn (from sam-bhar-ti-fn\ ace. from sdmbhriti,
" bringing together, crowd"). Fassim, from pas-ti-mf I
derive not from pando, but with pas-sus, ** step" (from pas^
tu-s), from a lost root " of going ;" and I would bring to
remembrance the Sanscrit pad, " to go" (whence pada-m,
"step"), as also path id., whence pathln, pdrUhan, "path"
(Latin pons, see §. 255. (g.) p. 3 19). The following are declinable
w^ords of the older formation : mes-si-s, from mes'ti-s, ** the
mowing,*' tus-si-s, from tus-tis, " cough," whether the latter
be connected with the Sanscrit root tus, **to sound," or
with tundof when it would properly signify " the thrust-
ing ;" semen-ti'S is probably derived from a noun,']' but is
* " Inflaence of Pronouns on the formation of Words," p. 24.
t From semen ; for from the denominative rerb semino we should ex-
pect temin-d-ti'S (compare nojnin-d'tim).
1160 FORMATION OP WORDS.
to be remarked on account of the pure retention of the
suffix. M&r-s and mens have probably lost an i belonging
to the base (therefore from moriist menti's) : the former
answers to the Sanscrit mri'ti-s (from marM-s) " death/*
the latter to md'ti-s for mdn-tt'S.
848. With the suffix ti, in Sanscrit, masculine substantives
also are formed, which, according to their fundamental sig-
nification, denote the person acting ; as, e.g. t/d-ti-s, " tamer,
binder (of the senses),'' from the root yam ; pd-ti-Sy " lord
(ruler), husband," for pd-ti-s (root p4 " to support, to rule^');
sdp-H'S, " horse/' as " runner ; * jnd-/i-»,f *' relation.'' To
[G. Ed. p. 1197.] pdti-s answers the Lithuanian paii-s in
wiesz-paii'S (usually -paV-a), the Gothic fa-di, nom. fath-s
(see §. 90.), the Greek Tro-trz-r, Latin po^ti-s. To this class
of words belong, further, among other words, the Greek
fjL&v^i'^, the Latin vec-ti-s (from vehojt the Gothic ga-drauh-
i(iy8, ** soldier" (root drug, ** doing military service," pret.
drauh, pi. drugum); gaS'i(j)-s, "guest," as it appears to me,
as " eater," X Sclavonic gos-iy. Here belong, further, in
Lithuanian, gen-fi-s, *' relation," and the following with a
* Tho root sap, " to follow," akin to sack, id. (fipom sak), the Latin
iequor, Lithuanian seku, " I follow," Greek errofuu, probably denoted ori-
ginally ''rapid motion," as also other terms used to denote a horse, are
based on the notion of rapidity. Compare Weber, " Yajasaneya-Sanhitaa
Specimen," II. 54.
t Perhaps from jan (" to bear, to produce"), transposed to jnd (com-
pare dh7nd with dham). In the Veda dialect this suffix forms also ad-
jectives with the signification of the participle present; e.g. vriddhi
(euphonic for vridhti), " growing ;** JtijAM* (euphonic iov j{Uhti\ "lov-
ing" (Rigv.i. 10. 12.).
X Compare Sanscrit ghas, "to eat," to which the Latin hoa-ti-s also
appears to belongs as, in Sanscrit, 7 h and ^ gh are often interchanged,
and ^ ^ is represented in Latin also by h. In Lithuanian, gaa-padd,
" house-keepinjj," appears, in respect to its initial syllable, to belong here,
wid pculd seems to be radically akin to the Sanscrit ^cfe^-m, Greek frcdo-v.
Compare also the Latin hos-pea.
FORMATION OF WOBDS. 1161
lengthening of the base by an inorganic a, which, however,
is wanting in the nominative (see §. 135.) : kwes-ti-Sf, " in-
viter" (gen. kwechiOf root kwet^ whence kwetu and kwechiUf
"I invite"); rais-ti-s, "head-band'^ iriszu, ** I bind");
kamsz^ti'St "stopple'' {kamszaut " I stop"); ram-ti'S, "sup-
port" (properly " the supporter/' pa^-remyu and rainstau^
** I support"); yau'ti'S, "ox" (Sanscrit yu, "to couple,"
" ydurmij " I bind"), compare Latin ^^ jumentum.^'' Perliaps,
also, in the Latin nominal derivatives ccpk^sti-s, agre-sii'S,
only ti is the true suffix, and s a euphonic prefix,* as in the
Lithuanian formations like yaun-y-ste, " youth," and the Sla-
vonic in S'tvo (see §§. 834. 847.). So the * of campe-stri'S, terre^
stri'St silve-stri'S, might owe its introduction only to the incli-
nation a t has to lean on a preceding s; [G. £d. p. 1198.]
so that here tri would present itself as the true suffix, and
as a development from the above-mentioned (§. 810.) t6r=s
Sanscrit tdr, fem. tri. If any one, however, would desire,
with Pott (1. c), to recognise in the syllable sti of agre-di-St
ccek-sti'Sy the root of "to stand," according to the ana-
logy of Sanscrit compounds like divi-shthd-s, " standing in
heaven/' " heavenly," I still see no reason to recognise in
the above-mentioned Lithuanian and Sclavonic classes of
words compounds with derivatives from the said verbal
root, as a euphonic s in the forms spoken of does not sur-
prise us more than in the Greek words d/cou-cr-Tof, aKot/-
<r-T)79, d#cou-(r-T«coj.f The e of the Latin formations in e-sti-s
and e-stri I regard as a corruption of i (see §. 6.), occa-
sioned by the following combination of consonants.
849. The Indian Grammarians assume a suffix ati to
* Dome-sticus presnppofles a more simple dome-stis (compare Pott,
£t. I., 11. 543.) ; and thii£, too, rus-ti-cm a more simple rus-tis.
t -TiKos presupposes abstract bases in n, as a-t-fios (/Sd-o-i-fio-r, Kpi-o't-
fjLo-s^ nTa>-o'i-/io-0 presuppose such bases in <ri. See Pape, " Etymol.
Lexicon," p. 140 b.
1162 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
explain some rare words ; as, arati-s^ m.» " wrath/' and
with the accent on the root, drati-s, f., "fear, care" (from
the root art rU "to move oneself compare Latin ir€i)\
ramali'8, m., ** the God of Love,^' as *' sporter" (root ram,
*' to sport") J vahaii'8, m., " wind,'' as ** blower." I believe,
however, that in this class of words ti only is the true
suffix, and a the retained class-vowel (see p. 1106). The
Lithuanian presents as analogous forms gywa-sti-s^ " life,"'
and rimm-a-sti'Sy " rest,'' the s of which is therefore euphonic.
The latter answers also radically to the Sanscrit ram-a-Hs,
as ram, with the prep, d (dram), signifies ** to rest." On
the other hand, from gyw-a-sti'S (y = ^® ^^^ ^ expect
jiv-a-ti'S. The circumstance that the said Lithuanian words
form in the genitive gywaschio, rimmaschio, from gywaschia
[G. Ed. p. 1199.] and rimmaschia {chia euphonic for -Ha, see
§. 783., p. 1046), and are become masculine, which the San-
scrit abstracts in ti never are, need not deter us from recog-
nising the affinity of formation of the words spoken of in
both languages, as similar extensions of the limits of words,
as also changes of gender, are not uncommon in the Indo-
European stock of languages. I refer, with respect to
both these points, to the Latin in-i-tiu-m for in-i-ii'S above
mentioned (§. 847.). Together with gt/w-a-sti'St " life," and
rimm-a-sii'St there exist also, in Lithuanian, some analogous
masculine abstracts which exhibit e for a as the middle
vowel ; thus, luJc-e-sli'S, *' the writing ;" mok-e-sti-s, " pay-
ing ;" rup-e-sU'S, ** care ;" gail-e-Bti-St " penitence ;" pylce-
sli'S, "rancour" (pykstu, " I am wrath," pret. pykau). In
Greek we find a few analogous forms which admit of com-
parison with the above-mentioned Sanscrit abstract dr-aH-s,
" fear, anxiety " in which e has been inserted : ve/x-e-o-z-y,
Aax-e-<ri-s', evp-e-iri^^ (see p. 1098), where the agreement in
accentuation is also to be noticed.
850. The suffix nt, moreover, is, in Sanscrit, not only a
means of forming feminine abstracts, but produces also
FOBMATION OF WORDS. 1163
some similar appellatives, which accentuate, some the root,
some the suffix : e. g.t vrUh-nl-s, " rain,'' as " impregna-
tor" (n euphonic for n);* ag-nl-s, " fire/' is perhaps an ab-
breviation of dag-ni'S (compare ddg-dhum, " to burn,'' root
dah), which reaches back beyond the time of the separation
of language^, as dim is a more recent one of dairu (Greek
SaKpv) ; vdh-ni'Sf in the Vedas, among other things, ** horse,"
as "bearing" or "drawing" (see Benfey's Glossary), in classic
Sanscrit "fire;" yd-ni-s, masc. fem., ^* vulva" (root yw,
" to join together"). An accurately-re- [G. Ed. p. 1200.]
tained analogous form to agni-s is to be found in several
of the European sister languages : in Latin, ig-ni-s, in
Lithuanian, ug-ni-s, which latter, however, has become
feminine ; while the Sclavonic orub og-ny (theme ogni) has
preserved the gender handed down to it. In Lithuanian
ni appears in some other feminine bases, the root of which
is obscured ; thus, us-ni-St " thistle," is perhaps originally
" the sticking," and radically akin to the Sanscrit vsh, " to
burn " (Latin us, ur) ; •)• szak-ni-s, " root," may be named
from " to grow," and be akin to the Sanscrit sak, " to
be able ;" as, conversely, the Gothic mag, " I can," and
mah-iiiys^ " might," conduct us to a Sanscrit root which
signifies "to grow" (waft, manh). In Latin we may per-
haps further refer here cri-ni-s, pd-ni'S, fi-ni'S, fu-ni-s, and
the adjectives li-ni-s and seg-ni-s, which, however, are all
of them more or less obscured as to their roots. Cn-nUs
may, like the Sanscrit rd-man for rdh-man (see §. 796.), and
iird-ruhd, " hair of the head" ("growing on the head"),
be named from "to grow" (cre-scot cre-vi), inasmuch as it
* Root varshf n^Uh. The Latin verreSf which is probably akin^ takes
its form perhaps by afisimilation for vemes.
t Thas, in all probability, dygulis^ " prickle, thorn," drgsni-s, " stitch
with the needle," and de(/iu, "I stick" are connected with degii^ *'I
bnm."
1164 FORMATION OF WORDS.
does not spring, as capittus from caput, from another term for
the head (Sanscrit Hras from kiras, " head,^ Greek jcapa) ;
pd-ni'S signifies, perhaps, " the nourishing" (Sanscrit j!>d, " to
support, to nourish,^' compare porsco), but might also have
lost a final radical consonant (as, e.g. lu-na, lu-men, for luc-na,
luc-men^ful-men !or fidg-men), and may be named from "to
bake;''* fi-ni-s, perhaps iov fidrni-s, tvova fid^findo; fa-nis
[G. Ed. p. 1201.] is referred by Pott (Et. I., I. 251.), and I
believe rightly, to the Sanscrit bandit, " to bind/' with
which he also compares fido, fxdus, and the Greek TtetSta
(root md) ; consequently, in the latter forms, the old a, as
in our pres. binde (see p. 106), has been weakened to i ;
while the u of fA-ni-s for fud-nis is closer to the old a,
and compensates by its being lengthened for the consonant
that has been dropped-j* But if funis belongs to bandli^
the n might also be radical, which, however, I do not be-
lieve, as fido also, and veldui, have lost the nasal, and roots
which terminate in a mute with a nasal preceding dis-
pense rather with the less important nasal than with the
mute : hence, in Sanscrit, e.g. baddh-d-s, ** bound." Seg-ni-s
I hold to be akin to the Sanscrit root sajj, *' adhterere;**
8at{/, ** qfigere** (sak-fd-s, '^ ajftxua'*'') : it may originally sig-
* The p of the Sanscrit pack (from pak), Greek freYrai, has been
changed into a guttural in coqua, which does not prevent the assumption
that the original labial has not been entirely lost.
t Regarding the origin of the aspirates oi funis andfido^ opposed to the
Greek ttci^o), see §. 104., and Ag. Benary, " Doctrine of Roman Sounds,"
p. 100. As regards the Greek ir for Sanscrit b, we find the same relation
in TTvdy compared witli the Sanscrit root budh, *' to know." Tho circum-
stance, that in Sanscrit, together with haiidhy there exists another root
wliich cannot be cited^ bundh, cannot instigate me to refer the Latin
fu-nis rather to this buncUi than to bandh ; but I believe that tho weak-
ening of the a to u (see §. 604.), which, for the reason given above, has
been lengthened in Latin, has found its way into the Sanscrit bundh, Latin
Ju'td'Sy and Gothic bund-um^ '' we bound," for the first time after the
separation of languages, from a principle common to the three languages.
FORMATION OF WOBDS. 1165
nify '* held fast, held in," hence " slow, inactive/' In
Lithuanian, segu means " I fasten,'" the original a of which
has maintained itself in sak-ti-s (gen. -ies), " clasp, buckle."
L^-ni'St if it be akin to Keio^^ can have ni only as forma-
tive suflBbic. In Sanscrit, lu cl. 1., signifies '' Uquefacere, sol-
vere," whence li-nd-St " solutus, extinctus;"' li, cl. 9., ** adhte-
rere, inhcBrerCf insidere.^^
[G. Ed. p. 1202] 851. The intermediate vowel-weakening
of the pronominal bases 7 /a, tf na, exhibited by the suffixes
tu, nut shew that they stand in the same phonetic relation to
the forms to, no, tU ni, as that in which, in the interrogative,
the form ku stands to ka, ki (see §§. 386. 389. 390.). The
suffix tu is particularly important in Sanscrit as a forma-
tive of the infinitive, and of a gerund in tvd. I have al-
ready, in my System of Conjugation (pp. 39, 43), represented
the former as an accusative, with m as the sign of case,
and the latter as an instrumental, and will not repeat here
the grounds which induce me to regard the infinitive in
all languages as an abstract substantive, with the privilege
of governing, like the so-called gerunds and supines, the
case of the verb, and to employ several other freedoms in
construction. The Indian Grammarians assign the m of
the infinitive in turn to the suffix, which they call tu-mun,
in order to express by n, which is joined by means of the
conjunctive vowel u to the turn, which they view as the
true suffix, the denial of the accent, which rests on the
radical syllable ; hence, e.g. dA-tum, "to give ;'' stha-tum, "to
stand ;" pdk'tum, "to cook f' trds4um, "to tremble f dt-tum,
" to eat ;" vU-tum, " to know." That the Indian Gramma-
rians regard the final m of these forms not as the sign of the
accusative, and therefore as alien to the true suffix, must sur-
prise us the more, as in the Veda dialect, of which I was ig-
norant when I first began to treat of this subject, the abstract
substantive in iu occurs also in other cases, and, indeed, in
the dative with the termination iavi or tavAh s^nd in the
1 166 FOBMATION OF ^'ORDS.
genitive-ablative with the termination ids. In these forms,
however, the Indian Grammarians refer the case-termina-
tions e or du and g likewise, to the sufEx (Panini, III. 4. 9.);
yet we can hardly imagine it possible that Pjinini, when he,
[G. Ed. p. 1203.] e.g. III. 4. 13., says, iscar^ idsun-kasundu,
i.e. that in construction with isvara, ** lord, capable,'" the un-
accented sufHxes ids and as may supply the place of the in-
finitive suffix turn, he can therein have overlooked that
here iOs is the genitive of the suffix tu, and as the genitive
termination of abstract substantives without any suffix.
It is, however, certain that the practical Grammarians often
overlooked that which was not far to find, if it was no
longer clearly perceptible in the usances of the ordinary
language of the day ; and if Panini has made a mistake
here, we cannot wonder that Colebrooke also, who, in his
Grammar, keeps strictly to the rules handed do^-n by the
native Grammarians, should assign the formations in fd^un),
{k)as(un)f fum(iin), and {k)tvdf to the "aptotes" ("Grammar
of the Sanscrit language," p. 122);* and, e.g. place kdrtum^ ** to
* As regards the infinitive in /tim, and the gemnd in fra, A. W. v.
Schlegel, too, has, in noticing mj view of these forms (Indische Bihlio-
thck," I. p. 125), so far assented, as to say that the assertion that the infi-
nitive in turn is the accusative of a verbal noun mtu" has a certain spe-
ciousness," for the supine of the Latin lias undoubtedly the appearance
of a verbal noun of the 4th declension. As regards, however, tlie form in
tv/i, Schlegel very decidedly denies the justness of viewing in a genmd of
the same {i.e. according to his idea) any oblique case whatever of an
abstract substantive governing the case of the verb ; but he will have the
form in question called ^' an absolute participle," perhaps because it, as
he remarks at p. 1124, when it governs an accusative, can be aptly ren-
dered into Latin by the ablative absolute ; e.g. tan drishtud by eo viso.
Though, however, tan drUhtvd might aptly be so rendered, yet this does
not prevent its properly signifying ** poat-actionem videndi eum, " after
seeing him :" for the instrumental, which I recognise in drUhtvd, ex-
presses also, where it refers to a time, the relation *^ after;" hence, e.g.
achhrSna kdUna^ ^ after a short (not long) time;" consequently this
gerund
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1167
make/' krilvL "after making/' in the same [G. Ed. p. 1204.]
class with adverbs like kidaSf " whence ?'' ydtrat " where ?*"
gerund case, where it expresses the relfttion " after/' is fittingly translated
into other languages by a preterite participle ; thus, e,g, ity uktvd (^' after
so speaking") may be rendered into Latin by *Uia locutus,*' and into
German by " so gesprochen habend." We must, however, be on our
guard, if we would understand the nature of a form of speech, against
disposing of it ac<;ording to the fashion in which it can be most conve-
niently rendered into another dialect without injury to the general im-
port. As the instrumental also expresses the relation '' with/' the gerund
under discussion may also be employed where a present participle might
be expected, and where, in translations into other languages, we might
aptly avail ourselves of such a part of speech ; 2lb, e,g, Nal. IX. 24., '•^ he
spake to Bhdimi with explanation," i.e. "explaining" (compare W. v.
Humboldt in Schlegel's I. Bibl., II. 127.); where, indeed, in the original,
we do not find the gerund in tvd^ but another, of which hereafter, which,
however, in its constructions, agrees exactly with that in tvd, and in
which, too, an instrumental may be recognised, though not, indeed, as
clearly. Our gerund expresses the relation "with" also there, where it
comes after alam, " enough," in which position, however, we more com-
monly find the instrumental of other abstract substantives. The forms
alam bhuktvd and cdam bhojan^nay i.e. "enough with eating," signify the
same ; and I have appealed already, in my Conjugation-System (p. 52),
to this kind of construction as to a decisive proof of the instrumental and
gerundial nature of the form in tva; and will only further add here, that
Forster also, whose Grammar was then unknown to me, regards the form
in tva^ in this particular case, as a gerund (" Essay on the principles of
Sanscrit Grammar," p. 468), without, however, entering into any expla-
nation of its origin, and of the case-relation denoted by it. The use of
gerunds with alam is very rare in authors, in that, as it appears, the
abstracts in ana^ which will be discussed hereafter, and on which our
German infinitive is based, have almost entirely supplanted the gerunds in
iva and ya in this position. I am able at present to quote only one solitary
example of the gerund in ya with alam; viz. Mah. III. 869. 1., dlan
kfishna vamanyat nam{-ya €nam)^ " Enough, Krishna, with despising
him " (i. c. " despise him no further"). Schlcgel grounds a principal
objection against the formative affinity of the form in tv& and the infini-
tive in turn on the circumstance that the two forms do not stand in such
exact accordance with one another in ail roots as in pdktum and paktvd ;
but
1168 FORMATION OF WORDS.
%
idthd, thus." As regards the infinitive in turn, the circum-
stance that this form does not in all places express the
but I had m3'self before, in my Conjugation-System, pp. 57, 68, drawn
attention to the difference ; as, ^.^. between vaktutn^ from the base vaktu,
and uktva^ from the contracted base uktu : and, moreover, \V, v. Hum-
boldt (Indische Bibl., I. 433., II. 71.), in a copious and profoundly pene-
trating examination of the disputed point, whether the form in tva be an
indeclinable participle or a gerund, has not been deterred by such difi^-
renccs from recognising in the infinitive and the form in tvSi a formative
affinity and common suffix, and from uniting with me in representing the
latter as a gerund invested with the termination of the instrumental and
expressing the relations of this case (1. c. 11. p. 127). On the other
liand, Lassen (1. c. III. p. 104) consents indeed to recognise in the form
in tvd a gerund, but denies it to be an instrumental. His objection
against the original identity of the infinitive and the gerund (which, as is
evident from what has been said, I have never asserted) is from the
"older forms of the gerund" which occur in Panini (VII. 1. 47.). Be-
fore I mention these forms, I must repeat, that, as Lassen lays down in
other places, that alone is to be considered as ancient which the Veda
dialect exhibits differing from the classical Sanscrit ; otherwise we must
(to keep to the instrumental) regard the V^dlc instrumcntals, mentioned
in the Scholiast to Panini, VII. I. 39., dhxtf, matt, mshluti (for dJuty^,
maty-d, sufhtuty-d), which have dropped the case-terminations — as well
as locatives like charman for charmam^ 1. c. — as older than the forms of
the classic language which are provided witli the case-termination. After
the analogy of the said Vedic instrumcntals may also be explained the
Vedic gerunds in tvi {e.g. vriivi, Rigv. I. 62. (5.), if we, with Kuhn
('^ Journal of Lit. Crit.," 1844, p. 114), compare these forms with Vedic
instmmentals like dhrishnuyd^ " with courage," which I now readily do,
without, however, assuming, with the said learned man, that such instm-
mentals come from bases in ri ; but I hold the y of dhrishmtydy urttya^
for a euphonic insertion (see § 43.) ; and I refer to the analogous feminine
pronominal instrumental amu-y-d (" tlirough that") of the common lan-
guage opposed to the masculine neuter amu-n-d. The feminine theme of
the pronoun spoken of has indeed a long u, except before the euphonic y ;
as, however, adjectives also can lengthen a final u in the feminine, so may
dhrishnu-y-d and um-y-d be derived from dhrishnu, tiriJ. Were it, how-
over, preferred to derive them from dhrishrwl, urvi, because adjectives in
u can annex an I* (see §. 119.), we should still feel no slight ground for
assuming
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1169
accusative relatiou, but is also found expressing rela-
tions otherwise far removed from the [G. Ed. p. 1206.]
ttMuming, together with tlie pronominal base am^, a base amviy simply in
order to annex tliereto the terminations beginning with a vowel, especially
as from amvt, according to the only mle which prevails in Sanscrit, must
-come amvy-d, amvyS-s. If we, however, choose to consider the y in
amu-f/-dy atnu-ySs, as an insertion, the inference of this recoils also upon
the said V^da forms dhrishnu-y-d, uru-y-a^ which in the Scholiast to
Panini (1. c.) ars represented as=cfAmAm«-ii-d, uru-n-d^ and belonging to
the mascnline or neuter, which can hardly be established by the Veda
text. In the substantively -used dhrishnt^d, ^ with courage," the gender
cannot "be discovered from the passages of the Rigv. which lie before me.
I regard it, however, as feminine, until I find proof to the contrary. The
Yedic gerunds in tvi , if we derive the tvt from tu-y-dy accord with the
above-mentioned Vedic instrumentals {dhUx from dhity-d, &c.), in so &r
that they, in like manner, have, after dropping the termination, changed
the preceding semi-vowel into the corresponding long one. But if the
termination ti>i do not rest on this principle, I would explain, as I have
before done, tvi from tvd as the consequence of the weakening of the
vowel, according to the principle of forms like yu-rd-mds for yu-nd-rnds
(see §. 485.). — The Vedic gerunds in tvd-ya have the appearance of da-
tives from bases in tva : as they, however, have not a dative, but, in like
manner, an instrumental meaning, and also in their formation, exclusive
of the affix ya, approximate to the usual form in tvd, but not to the
above-mentioned (§. 835.) abstracts in tva, e.g. gcUviya (Schol. to P&n.
VII. I. 46.) to gatvdy vrittvdya (Yajurveda XI. 19.) to vrittvd, kritvdya
(1. c. 59.) to kritvd (cf. kdrtva-m, §. 835.), I would rather, with Panini,
regard tvdya as a lengthened form of tvd with the affix ya, than con-
versely, with Lassen (1. c. p. 106), look upon tvd as an abbreviation of
tidya. The lengthening of the instrumental termination d to dya is like
that by which, in bases in a, the dative termination ^ has prolonged itself
to aya (from ^i-a, sec §. 165.), only the y here is the representative of
the t contained in the diphthong i, while the y of tvdya is perhaps an
euphonic insertion (see §. 43.); as, e.g., in yd-y-in^ ^' going" (root yd^
suffix tn); and in the Vedic dhd-y-as, ^Uhe carrying, supporting" (root
diui, suffix as). — Besides tvt and tvdya, tiAnam also (Pan. VI. I. 48.) is
named as the representative of the termination tvd, occurring, however,
as added to the root yaj, ^' to honour" {ishfifinam for Uh(vd) ; and in the
scholium ou the said Sutia we find aLso a form in tvdnam, viz. pUvdnam
4 G for
1170 FORMATION OF WORDS.
accusative, may liave chiefly occasioned the overlooking
[G. Ed. p. 1207.] its m to be the sign of the accusative*
for p(tvd. If these forms, of which I know no examples that can be cited,
are really equivalent in meaning to those in tva^ and therefore expressive
of instrumental relations, I can but recognise in their termination nam an
enclitic; and I could only join with Lassen in conjecturing a suffix ivan^
and deriving from it pUvanam, after the analogy of ro/tiitam, and in
regarding Uhii^nam as a weakened form of iahtvdnam^ if the forms ishM^
nam and pitvdnam were shewn, according to this signification, to be accu-
satives ; but I could in nowise be induced to look upon the form in tvd^
which is also the prevailing one in the VSdas, as an abbreviation of that
in tvdnam, M. Professor Lassen, in his polemic against my theory with
regard to the form in ^^ has kept the principal point of my argument quite
in the back ground ; viz. this^ that the forms which terminate in tvCiy if
we regard them, as Lassen does, as gerunds, express in all places, as is
well demonstrated by W. v. Humboldt's copious investigation, only such
case-relations as are denoted by tlie instrumental, but which are quite
and entirely removed from the accusative, as also from the dative ; and
were this not the case, the mere form would never have led mc to recog-
nise in the formations in tvd the instrumental of feminine substantives in
tu^ which, with regard to their gender and their suffix, find a good sup-
port in the Greek abstracts in rv-s (as ibrjrv's), to which I first drew
attention in my treatise ** On the influence of Pronouns on the formation
of Words" (p. 25). However, Lassen further remarks (1. c. p. 105), that
if we compare the lingual use of this gerund, the instrumental '' or abla-
tive" were perhaps better adapted for expressing the notional relation of
this verbal form, than the accusative, which is never suited for tliat pur-
pose. Into the province of the ablative, however, in my opinion, this
gerund never enters, unless one thinks of the Latin ablative, which, at
the same time, represents the Sanscrit instrumental; hence, e,g, in a
passage of the Bhag. (II. S7.\jitvd may be aptly translated by tlie ablative
of the gerund {vincendo)^ thus, ^' vel occisus calum es adepturus, vet vtn-
cendo pouidehu terram" If need be, however, I would regard here also
the instrumental gerund as expressing the relation ^' after," *^ after con-
quering thou wilt possess the earth." A Sanscrit ablative, perhaps^'oyiS/,
"from the victory," or "on account of the victory," could hardly be
expected in this and eumilar passages. Still more decisively than in the
passage just quoted, is the genuine instrumental relation, or that of the
Latin ablative of the gerund expressed in a passage of the Hitopades,
already
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1171
the relation of which the infinitive evidently there ex-
presses, where it is governed by verbs, or verbal-substan-
tives, or adjectives, which express, " to [G. Ed. p. 1208.]
will," " to wish," " to know," ** to strive," " to be able,"
" to begin," " to command," " to determine ;" where it is
to be observed, as regards the verbs of mo- [G. Ed. p. 1209.]
tion, that the object of every motion in Sanscrit is regu-
larly expressed by the simple accusative. As to the accu-
sative nature of the infinitive a passage of the Sakuntala,
already cited by Hofer ("Of the Infinitive" p. 95), is very
characteristic, in which, of two actions influenced by a
verbal expression denoting "beginning," the one is ex-
pressed by the accusative of an abstract substantive in a,
and the other by the infinitive : bdhutkshipan rSditun-cha
pranriUd, "she began outstretching arms and to weep."
already cited by me in my Conjagation-system (p. 45) : tvam uchchdiU
sahdan kritvd svdminan kathan na jdgarai/asi, " tu dard voce clamorem
faciundo dominum cur non evigilas." When Lassen (1. c. p. 105) stu-
diedly calls the gerund under discussion '' indeclinable/' I have nothing
to say against it, inasmuch as one may term any case, as sw^, indeclina-
ble, and so much the more those which are only the remains of the ori-
ginally perfect declension of a certain class of words. \Vlien, however, the
said learned person refuses to see what can have induced me to blame
those who have preceded me for calling the gerund indeclinable, I must
be allowed to remark, that my censure chiefly consists in this, that my
predecessors have called this '^ gerund," not *' a gerund," but *' a partici-
ple.^ One might very well be content with an indeclinable gerund, though
perhaps no one would see the necessity of making especial mention of the
incapability of further declension in a form which had been admitted to
be a gerund. As, however, in the form in tvd a participle was recognised,
by which one had reason to expect a capacity for declension (cf. W. v.
Humboldt, 1. c II. 134.), Wilkins expressly called this putative participle
'Undeclinable,'' and Carey ''adverbial:" on the other hand, Lassen, in
that he acknowledged the gerundial nature of the form under discussion,
supported the one moiety of my assertion, and, in the same manner as my-
self, blamed the clothing the formations in tvd and ya with the name of
indeclinable or adverbial ^' participles."
4 g2
1172 FORMATION OF WORDS.
Such passages, too, require especial notice where one and
the same verb simultaneously govern the accusative of the
infinitive and that of a person, in exact agreement with
the construction of the Latin and Greek accusative with
the infinitive, and with similar constructions in German ;
as, *' Ich sah ihn fallen'"' " I saw him fall" (cf. Conjugation-
system, pp. 75, 107, and Hofer's Infinitive, p. 122). Thus,
Savitri, V. 100. (Diluvium, p. 39), yadi nidn jivitun ichchhasi,
** si me vivere cupisf^ Ram. ed. Schl. II. 12. loe., na jiviiun
ivdn vishahi, " non vivere te sustineor Vrihatkatha, p. 314, si.
172, kam apt rdjdnaii sndivn tatra dadaria, " he saw a certain
king bathe there." In verbs of motion the infinitive ex-
presses at the same time the place to which the motion is
directed. As one, however, moves toward an action in
order to execute it, the accusative termination of the in-
finitive here enters upon the province of the dative, which
latter case, in Sanscrit, most usually expresses the causal
relation, while the proper dative relation is for the most
part expressed by the genitive, which in Prakrit and Pali
has indeed quite supplanted the dative. Thus, e.g, Hidimba
I. 34., dgatS hantum imdn sarvdn, " arisen in order to destroy
all these ;" Ram. ed. Schl. I. 20. 2., abhyaydd drashtum
[G. Ed. p. 1210.] ay6dhyAy6,n narddhipam, '* he came to see
the prince of men in Ayodhya ;" II. 97. is., dvdn hantum
abhyiti bharatah\ " Bharat draws near to slay us both.***
Hence the language may have arrived at expressing,
through the accusative of the infinitive, the causal relation
also, in places where it is not the object of any verb of
motion, or where the direction of the motion is immediately
towards a distinctly-expressed place, and the infinitive only
expresses the reason of the motion ; thus, e.g. Mali. I. 2876.,
munin virajasan dr ash tun gamishydmi tapdvanamy "to see
the immaculate hermit I will go into the wood of peni-
tence f ' Hitop. (Bonn. Ed.) p. 47. n., pdniyam pAtum ya-
mundkachchham agamaU " He went to the shore of the
• FORMATION OF WORDS. 1173
Yamuna to drink water/' Without a verb of motion,
Draup. 4. 20., alan ii pdnduputrdndm bhakfyd klAiam updsitunif
"Away with thy love to the sons of Pandu, in order to bear
distress ;"" Indraloka, I. 15. 16., druhasva rathditamam ....
sudurlabham samdrddhum^ ''ascend the best of chariots,
which to ascend (on account of the ascending) is hardly to
be attained." I now, too, regard the infinitive as express-
ing the dative relation where it is by the side of words
which express a time, or by other substantives, and at the
same time it appears to represent the genitive or the Latin
gerund in di; as, e.g. Nalas, 20. le., nd yan Mid vilambitumf
"this is not the time to hesitate" ("to the hesitating, for
the hesitating'') ; thus Urvasi (Lenz, p. 10., Bollensen, p. 12),
" this is not the time to see Satakratus (drashtum) ; Drau-
padi III. 7., " The time has approached for these most ex-
cellent heroes to come here" (" to the, or for the, approach") ;
Hitop. ed. Bonn. p. 59, line 6, sthdtum ichchhd^ " the wish to
stay" (not "of staying"); Ram. ed. Schl. II. 9. 7., irdtuii
chhandah\ " the wish to hear ;' ' Mah. 1. 422., [G. Ed. p. 121 1.]
pdndavdn hanium mantraK, *' the plan to slay the Pandavas"
(for the slaying, on account of the slaying, not, " of the slay-
ing"); Hitop. ed. Bonn. p. 119. SI. 40, ydddJiun saktiH, "the
power to fight ;" Arjun's return, 9. 6. (Diluvium, p. Ill),
antaram . . . paddd vichalitum padam, " room to move foot
from foot" Observe that the ordinary accusative also
occasionally expresses the relation of the cause or of the
object; as, Bhagavad Gita, XVI. 3. 4. 5., sampadan ddivlm
abhijdtd 'si^ " to a god-like destiny art thou bom." Con-
versely we sometimes find the dative of common abstracts
in constructions where the infinitive was to be expected in
its genuine accusative function. I have already, in a Note
to "Arj Una's journey to Indra's heaven" (p. 79), drawn
attention to such a use in upa-kram^ " to begin, to com-
mence." We read, viz. Hidimba, I. 22., gamandyd ''pachak-
rami " he began to go" (" to the going," or " on account of
1174 FORMATION OF WORDS. ►
the going," instead of '* the going T so Ram. ed. Sehl. I. 29.
26.).* Still more important is another passage of this
kind (Maha-Bhar. III. 12297.), where the dative dependent
on upa-kram governs tlie accusative exactly after the
manner of an infinitive, asirdni .... darsandyd ^pachakrami,
" he began to survey the arms."" Similarly we find abhi-
rSchay (causal of wfir^ abhiruch), " to be pleased, to
will, to wish,"' with the dative of abstract substantives in-
stead of the infinitive standing in the accusative relation ;
e.g. Ram. ed. Sehl. I. 36. 2., gamandyd ^bhlrdchaya, " be
[G. Ed. p. 1212.] pleased to go "" (to the going, instead of,
** the going,'' adioneni eundi). So also uisahf " to be able,''
in which again the remarkable circumstance occurs, that,
in the example before me the dative governed by the said
verb, viz. paribhdgdyaf '*to enjoy" ("to the enjoying"),
like the ordinary infinitive paribhdktum, governs an accu-
sative, Mah. III. 16543., " Thee, O Maithili, I cannot enjoy"
(ivdm . . . . n^ ^isahi paribhdydya). So we sometimes find
the dative expressing the place towards which a motion is
made, for which purpose the accusative is altogether and
specially employed ; e.g. Mah. II. 2613., vandya pravavrajuh\
*' they went forth to the wood ;" III. 10076., diramdya gach-
chhdvaf *' we go (both of us) to the hermitage." On the
other liand, we find precisely in its place the dative of
abstract substantives as representative of the infinitive
in the causal relation ; e.g. in a passage (" Arjuna's
Journey to Indra's heaven," p. 74) of the 12th part of the
Mail., already elsewhere quoted, " in order to dwell (vdsdya)
twelve years in the wood (went he) ;" Draup. 8. 20., " Sura-
tha sent to slay Nakula (vadhdya nakulasya), the most
excellent of the elephants;" Schol. to Panini, II. 3. 15.,
* We find, however, also the iniinitiyo in construction with upakram ;
f,g. Indraloka, I. 21., tarn dprashtum upachakram^, "he began to take
leave of him/'
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1175
jpdkdya vrajati, "he goes to cook" (in order to cook)-
Urvasi (Lenz, p. 4., Boll. p. 5.), yatvthyi vaK sakhipraiy&na-
ydya, " I will strive to bring back your f riend.'^ It de-
serves notice, that the abstract substantives, which in
classical Sanscrit intrude upon the functions of the infini-
tive, are all, except the proper infinitive in tu-m, formed
by the suffixes ana or a, to which I particularly draw atten*
tion for this reason, that we afterwards meet with the
same suffixes slightly corrupted in the European languages
also.
852. We very often find the abstracts, [G. Ed. p. 1213.]
which are formed with ana, in order to express the causal
relation of the infinitive, in the locative, which, in Sanscrit
especially, very frequently stands for the dative. Such infi-
nitive locatives, after the manner of ordinary substantives,
regularly govern the genitive ; as, e.g. Savitri, 1. 33., bhartur
anvishani tvarot ** hasten to seek a spouse'^ (" in the seeking
of a spouse," or **on account of the seeking"); Nal. 24. a?.,
updyaK .... dnayani tava, " the means of bringing thee
hither" (" to the bringing hither of thee") ; 17. »., nalasyd^
nayani yata, " strive to bring Nala here ;" 34., yaiadhvan
nalam drfanS, ** strive ye to seek Nala" (" in the searching
of Nala");* Mah. 3. 14798., na tv abhyanufidn lapsydmi
gamani yatra pd)idavdh\ ** I shall not, however, obtain per-
mission (thither) to go, where the Pan^avas." As the
dative of abstract substantives is found representing the
accusative relation, so is also the locative of the form in
ana, and, indeed, in the example before me, it is governed by
sak, " to be able," with which in general usage we find the
infinitive in turn; but Ram. ed. Schl. I. 66. 19., na iikur
grahani lasya dhanashdH, ** they could not receive this bow "
(** in the receiving this bow"), with which may be com-
* On the other hand, the aame verb with the form in tum^ Nal 15. 4.,
sarvah yatishyS tat kartum, '^ all this will I strive to do."
1176 FORMATION OF WORDS.
pared the above-mentioned (G. ed. p. 1212.) nS "tsahS pari^
hhdgAycL As in the passage mentioned this paribhdga
governs an accusative, so also is the form in ani occa-
sionally found with an accusative ; but hitherto I know of
no parallel example to place by the side of that already
quoted elsewhere (" Arjuna's Journey," &c., p. 8o). It
[G. Ed. p. 1214.] occurs Nalus 7. lo., iam .... suhridAn na
tu koFchana nivdranS 'bhavach chhaktd divyamdnam, ''but
none of his friends was capable of restraining him (in
the restraining) playing.'' It is more rare to find the
locative of a substantive formed by the suffix a as repre-
sentative of the infinitive. One example occurs, Raghu-
vansa, 16. 75., where, however, it is uncertain whether iad-
vichayi be to be taken as a compound, or whether tad be
an accusative neuter, governed by vichayi, ** to seek." I
annex the whole passag^e i samajnApayad Asu sarvAn Andyinas
tadvichay6 (or tad vichayS) " he commanded therewith all
fishermen to seek * that (bracelet,'' valaya masc. neut.). It
may be considered as a point in favour of the view which
regards tad as the accusative governed by vichayi that both
the dative and accusative of abstracts formed by the suffix
a occur as substitutes for the infinitive in construction
with the accusative. As regards the dative, I recall atten-
tion to tvAm paribhdgAya, " to enjoy thee," in the passage
quoted above (p. 1212 G. ed.). An instance of the accusative
of this class of words governing the accusative as substitute
for the infinitive is aSbrded us in the Kriyayogasara, of
which we have to expect an edition from Wollheim : chakri
vivAhan tAn kanyAm, L e. lit, " he made to marry that
* The commentary takes tadvichayi as componnd, and explains tad by
tasyd "bharanasya. I, however, do not doubt that tady whether it be
taken as the first member of a compound in the genitive relation, or as an
flccusative governed by vichayi, certainly refers to valaya, "bracelet,"
and not to dbharana, " ornament,'* which, in the preceding Sloka, stands
at the end of a Bahavnhi (tulyapushpabharanoK),
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1177
maiden/' Here we must return to the feminine form of
the suffix a, viz. d, isolated accusatives of which are em-
ployed in Zend for the infinitive, where it expresses the
accusative relation (see §. 619.). I now [G. Ed. p. 1216.]
prefer to translate the varaydm prachakramuh\ mentioned at
§. 619. p. 842, and which remains, as yet, a solitary example,
by "they made to gain," than by "they made gaining.''*
To this form in dm may also be referred the Maratha in-
finitives in uh, e.g. 'W^korunf " to make, to do,'' so that u
would be to be taken as a corruption of an original d, as
in the first persons ; as, j;^ichchhun, ** I wish" ( = Sanscrit
ichchhdmi) ; ii% koruh, " I make ;" ?n^ sokuut " I can ;" for
which, in Sanscrit, we should expect, according to the 1st
class, Icardmh sakdmu It appears to me, however, more
probable, that the said infinitives have lost a t, just as in
bhdu, " brother," for bhrdtd. If this view be just, still the
Maratha infinitive cannot therefore be compared with the
Sanscrit in turn, because there is no reason apparent why
the u should have been lengthened ; but I would rather
explain ^ un, from i^tuHf for tvam, in the same way as
tvam, "thou," in Marathi has become i^ tun. In the
Maratha infinitive, therefore, the suffix j^ tva would be
contained, which in classical Sanscrit forms denominative
abstracts (see §. 834.), and in the Vedic dialect also verbal
abstracts (see §. 835.). From this suffix I should prefer
also to deduce the Maratha gerund in 7i^ un; thus, e.g.
H^f^ Icorurij ** after the making" ("having made"), from
the instrumental kortvdna.^ with the suppression of the
final a, which is left in the Prakrit gerunds as
* If prakram be not confirmed in the meaning " to make," we must
translate " they began to obtiun,'* which does not prejudice the infinitive
nature of the form in dm.
t Cf. ^irrsT divdfio, or ^^ divdni, « by the God''=Sanscrit dS-
vS-n-a.
1178 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. £d. p. 121G.] pdunci, gMuna, lahiunOf vilShiuna, dgantunat
iktiina.* The Prakrit, however, is not wanting also in
* The t of the gerundial suffix appears fo be preserved principally, if
Dot solely, under the protection of a preceding consonant. The first / of
gh^ttuna (Sanscrit root grak) evidently rests on assimilation, be it that
the n or the h of ghtmh (inf. ghetihiduh and ghittuh) has assimilated itself
to the t following. In hattuna, from han, the first i stands decidedly
for R. Lassen also (Inst. p. 367) compares these Prakrit geronds with
those in MarathI, but traces them both back to the above-mentioned
(G. ed. p. 1207), but as yet unciteable, gerund in tvdnam. Against this
explanation, even if the gerund in tvdnam were better established than
it is, as accusative, the objection would present itself, that the Prakrit has
nowhere else allowed the accusative sign m to be lost, but has everywhere
retained it in the form of an anusvira. Lassen (1. c. p. 2d9) also deduces
the Prdkrit nominal abstracts in ttana (by assimilation from tvana) from
the alread3'-mentioned tvan; but since then, in the edited Veda text an
actual secondar}'^ {taddhita-) suffix tvana has been found, which, as such,
as also by its form, has a much stronger claim to be regarded as the origin
of the Prdkrit ttana. The following are examples : mahitvand-m^ '^ great-
ness" (from the Vedic mahi, "great"); sakfiitvand-m, "friendship;"
martyatvand^niy "mortality or humanity "(?). I cannot, however, see
the reason why Bcnfey (Glossary to the S&ma-Veda, s. v. mahitvd) calls
the suffix tvana more organic tlian tva : for the broader form might as
well be an extension of the shorter, as conversely the shorter bo an abbre-
viation of the broader. They both appear to be of primitive antiquity.
The former we have already recognised in Gothic and Sclavonic (see
§§. 834. 835.) ; on the latter is based very probably the Greek avmj ;
e,g. in dovXocrvin;, ^iKaioavvrj^ a-axfipoavvrjj which has passed into the femi-
nine. With regard to the syllable <rv, for the Sanscrit tva, compare the
relation of <rv to iva-m, "thou" (§. 326.) In Marathi we meet with the
Vedic suffix tvana in the rather obscured form of pom in abstract neuters ;
as, bdWpdndf "childhood" (see Vans Kennedy, "Dictionary," II. p. 16),
witlijofor tv (cf. §.341.; Schluss and Hoefer, "de Pr&crita dialecto,"
p. 166). Carey (Gramm., p. 32) writes ^OT pon for l^ piono^ and sup-
presses also, in his dictionary, very frequently the final vowel of Sanscrit
neuter bases in a: he writes, e.g., X(m pdp, "sin," ^^w dd»Sn, "tooth,"
Jirim^pdybs, "milk," ^t^chdhddn, " sandal- wood," ^TfW roAtfn, "w-
hiculum," for Jim pdpo, &c
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1179
gerunds, which are based on the Sanscrit [G. £d. p. 1217.]
in tvd; as, e.g. jra€iua = Sanscrit gatvd, with the final vowel
shortened. The Marathi also uses, to express the infinitive,
abstract substantives in ono, and, indeed, especially to ex-
press the nominative relation, in which the form in ^ un
is scarcely to be found. Thus, in Carey (Grammar, p. 76),
mold korono podoio, ** to me to do (the doing) (is) beseeming f ^
on the other hand, p. 7^ min kuruh sokun, " I can do f' p. 80,
mfn korun ichchhun, " I wish to do.'' We may here, on
account of the frequent and pervading interchange of
r and ( recall remembrance en passant to the remarkable
similarity between the Maratha dative-accusative termina-
tion Id and the modern Persian rd. Compare, for example,
the just-mentioned mold, " to me, me," with the Persian
merd; and tulA, "to thee, thee,'' with turd; dmhdld (from
osmdld, see §. 166.), rffx7v, ^fxa^, with mdrd; tumhdldt vydVy u/xa;,
with shumdrd.
853. At the beginning of compounds, the infinitive in
tum^ according to the universal principle x>f the formation
of compound words, loses its case-sign, and then arises
the bare theme in tu; e.g., Nal. IX. 31., nachd ^han tyaktu^
kdmas tvdm, "nor also am I of the will to leave thee'^
("having a quitting- wish"); where it is to be remarked,
that in Sanscrit the first member of a compound may be
treated, in respect to syntax, as an independent member
of the sentence, wherefore tyaktu here governs the accu-
sative (tvdm) just as much as if tyaktum stood there alone.
854. The Veda dialect generally employs the dative to
express the causal relation of the dative ; and, indeed, either
that above mentioned (§. 851.) in tavi or [G. Ed. p. 1218.]
tavdi* from the proper infinitive base in tu, or the dative
* The form in tavdi is the more rare : it accents, beside the radical
syllable, also the case-termination; e.g.ydmitavdi^ "in order to bridle"
(Rigv. I. 28. 4.); kdrtavdi^ " in order to make" (Nwgh. II. 1.). In
combination
1180 FORMATION OF WORDS.
of abstract radical words, or of an abstract feminine base
terminating in dhi or dhi, of which only the dative in
dhydi has been retained ; so that this form has gained a
still more genuine infinitive appearance through the lack
of other cases from the same base. The termination
dhydi is always preceded by a or aya, by, therefore, the
theme of the special tenses of the 1st or 6th class, with a
as class-vowel ; or by that of the 10th class, or causal form,
with the character aya. Compare, e.g., plb-a-dhydi (strictly
piba-dhydi, cf. §. 508.), "in order to drink" (Rigv. I. 88. 4.),
with pibatU ** he drinks ;" kshdr-a-dhydU " in order to flow"
(1. c. 63. 8.), with kahdr-a-ti ; sdh-a-dltydi, " in order to con-
quer" (S. V. ed. Benf., p. 154), with sdh-a-ti; vand-d-dhydi,
" in order to praise," with the accusative, Rigv. I. 61. s. ;
viram .... vandddltydi, '* in order to praise the hero,"
with vdnd-a-ti; char-d-dltydi, "in order to drink" (1. c. 61. 72.),
with chdr-a-ti ; rndd-ayd-dliydi, ** in order to gladden or re-
joice," with mdddyati (causal of the root moJ, " to rejoice,^
Yajurv. 3. 13.) ; iiayadhydu " in order to enjoy, to the enjoy-
ment" (Rosen, " Rig- Veda; Specimen," p. 8), with is-ayati*
[G. Ed. p. 1219.] The isadliydi, "in order to stride through,"
cited by Westergaard (Radices, p. 278), belongs probably to
the Vedic ii, cl. 6., and answers, therefore, to is-d-ti, " he
goes" (Naigh. II. 14.). Among the infinitives in dhydU the
combination with prepositions the first accent, and in other forms from the
infinitive base in tu the only one falls on -he preposition; e.g. dnvHavdi^
"in order to follow" (from dnu and HaviU, Rigv. 1.24.8.); prdtidhdtavij
" in order to place, to support " (from prdti^ "against," and dhdtavi, 1. c).
* A denominative from ii, " wish, food ;" hence it signifies also '^ to
wish" (so Rigv. I. 77. 4.). I liave already, in the "Journal for Lit.
Crit." (Dec. 1830, p. 949), explained the form uayadydi, which Sayana
regards as an instrumental plural, and explains by enhaniydih^ as Rosen
does by " exoptatas^** as an infinitive, but I then found a difficulty in the t,
in that I presupposed a verb of the 10th class, which would lead us to
expect Cshayadhydi. Cf. Lassen, Anthol., p. 133.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1181
form vdvpcth-d-dhydi, "in order to make grow'' (Rigv. I.
61. 3.), stands hitherto quite isolated, and may be regarded
as a first attempt to form infinitives out of the themes
of other tenses than the present, or also as a remnant of
a lingual period, where, perhaps, from all or most of the
tenses of the indicative, infinitives in dhydi might have
been formed. Westergaard (Radices, p. 189) takes the said
form as the infinitive of the perfect, with which, in form
too, it admirably corresponds, as the root vardh (vridh),
" to grow," also " to make to grow, to augment, to ex-
tend," in the Veda dialect, everywhere exhibits vd for va
in the syllable of reduplication. The fact of vdvridh-6-dhydi
belonging, according to its meaning, which Sayana explains
by the causal infinitive vardhayitum, to the present, cannot
be impugned by its derivation from the perfect base, as
in the Vedas the participles also of the reduplicated pre-
terite very often appear with a present signification ; e.g.
Rigv. I. 89. 8., tushtuvaiisaa, ** laudantesr The a inserted in
rdDridh-a-dhydi is evidently the conjunctive-vowel a, which
belongs to the perfect, and which, in several places of the
indicative, has been weakened to i (see §. 614.) ; compare
also, with regard to the accentuation, the dual forms vd-
vridh'd'thuSf vdvridh'd'tus. Just, however, as this a of the
indicative is referred by the Indian Grammarians to the
personal terminations, so Panini (III. 4. 9.) regards the a
of the forms in a-dhydi as really a mem- [G. Ed. p. 1220.]
ber of the formative sufiix. It may be left to further ex-
* Panini gives, 1. c, the safi&x spoken of in six different forms, viz.
adhydif adhydiriy kadhydij kadhydin^ iadhyai^ sadhydin. The final n ne-
gatives the accentuation of the suffix (cf. p. 1202, G. ed.), and the initial t
points out that the root appears in the form of the special tenses ; hence,
e.g. the above-mentioned pibadhydi, according to Sayana (ed. Miiller,
p. 712), contains the suffix iadhydin; while mddayddJiydi^ since it lias
the accent on the a, which is reckoned to belong to the suffix, according
to Mahidliara contains the suffix iadhydi. Compare the suffix ia^ i.e. a
according
1182 FOBMATION OF WORDS.
amination of the usances of the Vedic dialect to decide
whether we have not to assume also aorists of the infini-
tive in dhydi, but with present signification, as in the
potential (see §. 705.). It is certain that when, as by Ben-
fey (Glossary, p. 216), the potential forms like huvima. Ait-
vimahU huvh/a, and the participles huv6t, huvAnd (from tlie
form /m, which is a contraction of hvi, "to call"), are
ascribed to the aorist, we may with equal justice regard
the infinitive A-huv&dliy&U " to invoke" (Yajurv. a 13.), as
the aorist For the present I prefer, however, to as-
sume that the form Au, which is contracted from hv6, is,
in the Veda dialect, inflected according to three difierent
classes, and refer the said potential forms to the 6th class,
the participles huvAt, huvdndf and the plural middle humAfii
(the latter with irregular lengthening of the u), to the 2d,
[G. Ed. p. 1221.] and forms like hdvatS^ " he calls,"" to the
according to Wilson (^^ Introdnction to the Grammar of the Sanscrit Lan-
guage," 2d Ed., p. 327), by which adjectives like /mW, "drinking;" paiyd^
*' seeing ;" purayd, '* filling/' By k is pointed out tlie pure, devoid of
Guna or weakened form of the verbal theme ; and hence, e.g., to the form
ahm'/uJht/ai^ "to invoke" (Yajurv. 3. 13.), from the form hu^ which is
contracted from /ir^, is the suffix kadhydi assigned. Adhydi, or, without
accent, adhydin, is the suffix when it is appended to the form of the root
strengthened or incapable of the Guna-increment ; e.g. in kthdradhydi
(Rigv. I. 03. 8.), " in order to flow," from the root kthar^ CI. 1.
* I believe I may venture to trace back to hu, CL I., the Zend du^ " to
speak," which as yet has not been satisfactorily compared with the San-
scrit (see Bumouf, Etudes, p. 309) ; while another c/u, which signifies
" to run," evinces unmistakeably its affinity with the Sanscrit roots of
motion : dhu, dkO^ and dhdv (the latter likewise " to run"). I look upon
the transition of V A to^ d in this light, viz. that the former has first
become ^i^', and thence d, since of the dsh sound only the first element
remains. In the former respect^ compare the relation of ixi^cai, " to
slay," to the Sanscrit ^tT han ; in the latter, that of the Old Peraan
adam^ " I/' to W^ alidm ; and of the New Persian deat^ "hand^" to
hdita; ddnem, " I know," to i| M I (Ujanamt.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1183
Ist. The 1st person singular huv4, which occurs at the
end of the Sloka quoted, might as well be referred to the
2d as to the 6th class, and just so the active participle
huvAt : I prefer, however, to assign the latter to the 2d
rather than to the 6th class, because, as participle of the
2d class, it answers to the middle participle huvdnd. Then
d-huv6dliydi, gdmadhydi, " to go'' (Yajurv. VI. 3.), would
have greater claim to be regarded as the infinitive of the
aorist (dgamam), as gam in the special tenses substitutes
gachh; if, however, the hitherto uncitable form g&matU
which Yaska (Naigh. II. 14.) assigns to the Veda dialect,
be established, then gdmadhydu too, may hold good as the
infinitive of the present It would be a convincing proof
of the existence of an infinitive of the aorist could we any-
where point out the form vdchadhyai (cf. §. 705.).
855. As infinitives of the third formation of the aorist (not,
however, of the form in dliydi) may be regarded the forms,
mentioned by Panini (III. 4. lo.), rdhishydi and avyathhhydi
(the latter with a privative). The root ruh, " to grow/'
would, according to the third formation of the aorist, form
drdhisham ; and from vyath, middle, " to tremble,'' is really
to be found the aorist dvyatldshi After deducting the aug-
ment and the personal termination, there [G. £d. p. 1222.]
remain rdhUh, vyathUht as temporal bases ; whence, through
the feminine form i of the suffix a, might easily arise as
abstracts rdhishi, vyatfiishi, the datives of which must be
rdhishydi, vyathishydi. These datives might also be derived
from feminine bases in short U which, therefore, would be
appended to the aorist theme rdhish, vyathisK in the same
way as, e.g. that of rdnhu "quickness," to the primitive
root rank. In this case, instead of di we might expect also
ay-i in the dative. But if the said infinitives really be-
long to the third formation of the aorist, then those in sit
with the general dative termination ^, may be referred to
the 2d (Greek 1st) (see §. 555.) ; where we should have to
1184 FORMATION OF WORDS.
assume that the conjunctive vowel, which enters between
the appended verb substantive and the personal termina-
tion, does not extend itself to infinitives like vakshSy " to
driver jishit "to conquer/' The first example occurs in
the Schol. to Pan., III. 4. 9., the latter Rigv. I. 112. 12.,
anasvun ydbhi ratham avatam jii^, " by which ye help the
courserless chariot to conquer **' (" on account of conquer-
ing''). Sayana calls the termination of tliis infinitive form
ks^* because the radical vowel has no Guna. The gunised
infinitives in si (euphon. shi, on account of the preceding
i, i, kX like the 1. c. adduced mishSt ** to cast, to cast down"
(root mi)t answer better to the 1st aorist formation, viz. to
the middle of roots ending in a vowel, which reduce the
Vriddhi augment of their active, on account of the too
great weight of the middle terminations, to that of Guna ;
while the roots ending in a consonant renounce all increase
to the vowel in the middle. We might therefore refer all
LG. Ed. p. 1223.] infinitives in si, whether with Guna or
not, to the 1st aorist formation. But whether the infini-
tives in se are to be considered as formed from the 1st
or 2d aorist, their agreement is remarkable with that of
the 1st aorist in Greek ; as, hv^at, Tinr-aait ieiK-aat ; for
which, in Sanscrit, if lu» " to cut oflf,'' tup, " to smite, to
wound," dis (from dik), ** to shew," had formed an infi-
nitive of this kind, we should have expected lu-shi, tup-shi,
dlk'sM: to 6v(Tai would correspond hhu-sM; where we may
recall attention to the fact, that the Veda dialect has in
the imperative also retained aorists of this kind ; and, in-
deed, from the root 6/m, the forms bhu'8ha=^<pMrov^ bhu-
shatam (upa-bhushaiam) == ^iKrarov, without our being able
to trace the analogous indicative form.
* The grammatical technical language decides, with respect to the ac-
cent and the stronger or weaker form of the root, according to Pan. I. c.
tf^, Sen, and ks^.
FORMATION OF WORDS. J 185
856. The Vedic infinitives in at, and their analogous
Greek forms in aai, conduct us to the Latin in re, which,
in the " Annals of Oriental Literature/' p. 59, I have al-
ready endeavoured to compare with the Greek infinitives
of the 1st aorist. It is certain that in the Latin infinitives
in re (from se), just as in the Greek 1st aorist, and the four
first formations of the Sanscrit aorist, the verb substantive
is contained. This is clearly seen in pos-se (for pot-se), as
possum, throughout its conjugation, exhibits the combination
of pot (by assimilation pos) with the verb substantive (re-
garding pot'ui from pot-fui, see §. 558.). Esse for ed-se (with
edre^e) most accurately corresponds with the said Sanscrit
infinitives ; and if» in the Vedas, an infinitive of this kind
should occur from the root ad, it must, in accordance with
the well-known law of sound, be no other than aUsL In
fer-re from fer-se, and vel-le from vel-se, the sibilant of the
auxiliary verb has become assimilated to the preceding
consonant. For fer-re we should have expected in the
Veda dialect hhri-shS, or hhar-shi. To the Latin infinitives
• • •
da-re, std-re, i-re, would, in Vedic Sanscrit, [G. Ed. p. 1224.]
correspond dd-si, sthd-sfi,* i-shg (according to the analogy
oiji-she),^ or i-shi (after the analogy of mi-shi). Observe,
that only those Latin verbs which absolutely, or in some
persons by the direct annexation of the personal termina-
tions to the root, are based on the root of the Sanscrit 2d
class (see §. 109*. 3.), may or must also annex this suflix of
the infinitive directly, while all others retain the class-vowel,
and, indeed, in the third conjugation e (for i, from a), on
account of the following r (see §. 707.) ; hence veh-e-re cor-
responds to the above-mentioned Sanscrit valcshS (euphonic
* If not sthi'Shiy with the a weakened to f, as in sihi-td (p. 1118,
Note *) and in sfhi-ti (§. 844.).
t In the SchoL to P&n. 1. o. we actually find prishi as coroponnded
ofpra'Uhi,
4 n
1186 FORMATION OF WORDS.
for tmli'sS). Perhaps, also, we ought to look upon the a
of the infinitives mentioned by Panini (III. 4. o.) in as^ as
the class-vowel;* and so the often-occurring ^Vi>a-s^,f '*in
order to live" (cf. jiv-a-tU " he lives'') would answer to the
Latin viv-e-re. Another example of this kind is riiijusef
" in order to adorn," which, in a passage cited by Benfey
(Glossary, p. 34) of the 5th book of the Rigv., runs parallel
to the dative stdtav^ of the common infinitive : viml tr4
pushann rinjnsS vSmi stdtavSf " I come, O Pushlian, thee to
glorify! I come (thee) to praise!" Thus, Rigv. I. 112. e.,
cIMshasi stands beside the dative of the common infini-
[G. Ed. p. 1225.] tive kavi : " by which deeds ye enable the
blind (Rijrasvas) to see, the Sronas to go."
857. We cannot overlook the possibility that the a of
the Sanscrit infinitives in asi might also be the radical
vowel of the verb substantive, though the latter is lost in
compounds, and in many simple formations (see §. 4S0.),
Tlien -asS would correspond to the Latin esse^ inasmuch as
esse is not to be divided into esse ; and here, therefore, the
root of **to be" would occur twice, which we have ad-
mitted as possible above, in the subjunctive essem,\ Be
that, however, as it may, the forms in as^ and s4 if they
really contain the verb substantive, accord, as regards the
principle of formation of the final infinitive expression, with
the simple infinitives, which exhibit the dative of bare ra-
dical words; as, drisi, "in order to see." Tliese always
express a genuine dative relation ; as, e.g,, Rigv. L 23. 21.,
suryan drii(!, " in order to see the sun ;" 13. 7., iddn nd
barhir dsad6, " in order to repose on this our straw ;"
• Cf. e.g. pdl-a-tra-m (p. 1108. 2. 6.), dra-ti-s, "fear" (§. 847.).
t E,g, Rigv. I. 37. 16., where it governs the accnsative : ** Wc are to
them (belonging or devoted to Maruts), in order to live the whole life
(life's duration)" [visva7i chid Ayur jivdsi),
I See §. 708., and Curtius "Contributions,'* p. 352.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1187
105.16., alikrdmS, "to step beyond, to slight'' The last-named
passage deserves especial notice, since here the dative of the
infinitive appears to hold the place of the nominative of a
future passive participle, exactly in the same way as we
use, for the same end, the infinitive with the preposition
" 5rM," in such sentences as " er ist zu hben'' (Jaudandus est),
u e, " he is fitted for praise.'' Moreover, in the said pas-
sage in the Sanscrit text the substantive verb is, in spirit,
present, but, as is very common, not formally expressed.
I annex Wilson's translation : " The sun, who is avowedly
made the path in heaven, is not to be disregarded, Gods,
(by you)." * Perhaps the Latin also was [G. Ed. p. 1226.]
not wanting in infinitives which correspond to the Vedic
like drlsM, d-sad^, ati'krdmi : they would be to be looked
for in the 3d conjugation, where, by the side of passive
infinitives like did (older form dici-er\ must stand active
forms like dicCf in case the passive infinitive terminations
f, i-er, are not abbreviations of eri, erier ; for from dicere
must have come diceri, dicener^ as amari, amarier, moneru
monerier, audiri, audirier, from amare, &c. As regards the
origin of the Latin passive infinitives, the form in i is evi-
* Asduydhpdnthd ddityo divi pravachyan kriidh \ nd sd dSvdatikrdmS,
Piinini, in constractions of this kind, appears really to regard the infinitive
datives in /, with those in tavdi (see §. 851. p. 1165), as Vedic represen-
tatives of the future passive participles in ya, favya, and aniya (called in
the technical langoago of grammar kritya) ; for (III. 4. 14.) he puts them
on the same footing with two real participial suffixes capable of declen-
sion, when he says that the suffixes tavdi, ^, ^ya, and iva, in the V^das,
are used in the sense of kritya. In the following Siitra avachakshi (root
chaksh, prep, ava) is expressly represented as a participle of this kind ;
and in the Commentary he explains nd 'vaehtJcske by nd 'vakhydtavyaniy
^^non narrandum" In the passage referred to above, Sdyana regards
the form under discussion as a future passive participle, since he para-
phrases nd *tikrdm€ by nd Uikramituh iakyaH^ and cites Panini's Siitra
here quoted.
4 H 3
1 188 FORMATION OF WORDS.
dently an abbreviation of the older i-er (Jaudarier, viderieVf
credier, see p. 662). The transition of the active re into ri
before the appended er of the passive can scarcely arise in
aught else than in the avoidance of the cacophony which
would be occasioned by two successive e in forms like
laudnrcer. We cannot be surprised that the e of the active
infinitive termination is short, when, as the representative of
the Sanscrit and Greek diphthong sS, cai^ it ought to he
long, as vowels at the end of a word are, for the most i)art,
[G. Ed. p. 1227.] subject to abbreviation, or to entire sup-
pression,* The length of the i of the passive infinitive
may be regarded as a compensation for the er that lias
been dropped.-j*
* Observe, e.g,y the short final e in bejif^^ mal^; while in adverbs from
adjectives of the 2d declension a long ^ is fonnd, in which I believe I re-
cognise the Sanscrit diphthong i (= a + i) of the locative of bases in a
(:= Latin u of the 2d declension). Compare, e.g.^ novi with the Sanscrit
locative navi, from the base naro, '* new." Observe, also, the occasional
shortening of the 6 of some imperatives of the 2d conjugation (cave^ &c.),
and the regular abbreviation of the S of Old High German conjunctives
at the word's end; as, tore, ''he may carry "= Sanscrit bhdril, Gothic
bairai (§. 694. p. 922).
t I should not wish to have recourse to the rule which is set forth in
the prosody of Latin grammars, that i at the end of a word, exclusive of
certain well-known exceptions, is long, since in all cases in which, in
Latin, the final i is long, there is a reason for it at hand ; eg, in the
genitive singular and nominative plural of the 2d declension (see pp. 215,
244). I now refer the dative termination i rather to the real dative ter-
mination in Sanscrit e ( = ai), than to the locative termination i ; as in
the plural also the termination bus evidently answers to the Sanscrit
dative ablative ending; while in Greek the dative singular and plural
equally well admit of being compared with the Sanscrit locative (see
§§. 195. 251.). The length of the t of tiln (iW, mK), miht, contrasted with
the Sanscrit datives tMhydm^ mdhyam (§. 215.), may be looked upon as
compensation for dropping the personal termination am : without this loss,
firom bhyaniy hyain^ we should find in Latin bium^ hium. In the Ist
person singular of the perfect, the length of the ( may be looked upon as
compensation
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1189
85S. It remaius for us to mentiou the infinitive of the
Latin perfect. Here we see, in such forms as amavi-sse,
monui'Sse, legi-sse, audivisse, the infinitive of the verb sub-
stantive, as plainly as, in the pluperfects like amaveram, we
discover tlie imperfect, with the loss, there- [G. Ed. p. 1228.]
fore, of the vowel of the auxiliary verb which I assume in
amave-ram also (see §. 614.). But if the said perfect in-
finitives are, just as the pluperfects, evidently modern for-
mations, still forms like scrip-ae, cansum-se, admis-ae, divis-se,
dicse, produC'Se, abstrac-se, advecse (see Struve "On the
Latin Declension and Conjugation" p. 178), which are of
frequent occurrence in the older dialect, have every claim
to be regarded as transmitted from an ancient period of
language, and to be placed beside Greek aorist infinitives ;
and, indeed, with so much the more right, as all the Latin
perfects are very probably, in their origin, nothing else than
aorists (see §. 546.). We may, consequently, compare scrip-sef
dicse, with the Greek ypair^aif SeiK-aao and advec-se with
the Sanscrit vak-shi mentioned above (p. 1222 G. ed.). It is
here important to repiark, that, for all the perfect infinitives
of the 3d conjugation quoted by Struve he, there are also ana-
logous perfects (aorists) of the indicative as points of depar-
ture, just as there are for the Greek infinitives in aai{^ai,ylrai\
indicatives in aa (fa, yira); only invaS'Sefdivis-se (by assimila-
tion from invdd'se, divid-se, cf. §. 101.), are more perfectly pre-
served than invd-si, dwi-sU which have lost the final conso-
nant of the root ; in compensation for which, in divi-sit the
compensation for dropping the personal termination (see §. 552. Conclu-
sion) : in the 2d person the i of the termination sti represents, if the ex-
planation given in §. 549. be conrect, the long d of the SaBscrit ending
ihds. In a similar way, the t of u^ is based, as I now assume, in
departure from §. 425., on the long d of Sanscrit pronominal adverbs
in thd; e.g, uti corresponds to the Vedic kd-thd, "howl" (Pan. V.
3. f>5.).
1190 rOEMATION OF WORDS.
short radical vowel is lengthened. The future perfects* like
fcLxo, capso, a<rOt accepsOfj^ which in appearance are analogous
to the infinitives in se, as also the perfect and pluperfect
[G. Ed. p. 1229.] subjunctives, as axim^ ausim^objexim^excessiSt
dixis, induxis, traxis, sponsis, amissis, injexit, extinxiU ademaiU
serpsUi incensit, faxetOf exiinxem^ irUellexes, recessett vixet^ traxet
(see Struve, 1. c, p. 175), can hardly be put on the same foot-
ing with the infinitives in se; first, because the least of these
have an indicative perfect in si (sci = c-si)coTTespoiiding to
them ; and secondly, because, even if this were the case, still,
e,g. cap80, axim, exiinxefn, could not, perhaps, have been de-
rived from the to-be-presupposed capsi, oxi, and the
actually existing extinii, by the termination of the future
perfect and of the perfect and pluperfect subjunctive being
substituted for the terminations of the perfect. The said
three tenses and moods are comparatively modem forma-
tions, and are formed by combining the future and the
present and imperfect subjunctive of the verb substantive
witli the perfect basej: of the attributive verb; and the
afiinity of their concluding portion with the si of per-
fects like serp-si consists, consequently, not only in this,
that in the latter also the verb substantive is contained,
but in primeval relationship, which extends beyond the
time of the separation of languages, if I am right in
identifying such perfects with the Sanscrit 2d and Greek
1st aorist formations (see §. .551.). We gain, therefore,
nothing towards the explanation of the forms under dis-
* In departure from what has been remarkfd at §. 6G4., 1 now regard
faxo, and similar forms, as real fature perfects.
t The e for ? in a^xepso, and similar forms, is based on the principle
laid down in §. 6. ; whence accept, abjejnm, like acceptw, ahfectiis, for
accipftiSf ahjictm.
X Amave-ro from atftavi-ero, cf. §. 644. ; amave-rim from amavi'sim^
according to §. 710. ; amavi-ssem from amavi-isisem.
FORMATION OF WOEDS. J 101
cussioD, unless we presuppose non-existing perfects like
axi, faxU »pomi; for we must then first put aside the
auxiliary verb of the perfect indicative, in order to replace
it with the auxiliary of the new formation here spoken of
(sof sim, sem); or we cannot explain, e.g.,faxo, from the
to-be-presupposed faxi, by means of the hence theoretically-
to-be-formed faaerOf by presupposing an [G. Ed. p. 1230.]
overspringing of the letters er. Why is it, however, that
we do not occasionally find, together with the really exist-
ing future perfects, contractions of this kind ? Why do
we not, for instance, find, together with ficero Sifico; with
c^pero, cipo; with ietigero a teiigo? Or must, e.g,tfaC'8o have
been formed from a to-be-presupposed fojcerot in such wise
that the r formed from s has again returned to its original
state, and been joined directly to the final consonant of the
root after the e has been rejected.^ Or vrasfaxo formed
{romfaceso at a time when s between two vowels did not
regularly become r (see §. 22.) ? I should now prefer de-
riving the obsolete future perfects, and the perfect and
pluperfect conjunctives in sinh sem, connected with these,
from a lost stock of real perfects, since the existing pre-
terites called perfects, of all gradations, are originally
aorists. There might, cg^ have existed, together with the
aorists fM, dpi (see §. 548.), diosi, duc-si, $popondi, (see §•
579.) perfects like fefaca (or pefaca), cecapoy didicoy duduca,
spoponda, which we might well assign to the Latin in an
earlier period of the language, at the time of its close con-
nection with the Greek. It may remain undecided whether
the Latin afterwards dropped the syllable of reduplication
♦ The existing law, according to which the heaviest vowel a is, in con-
sequence of the incumhrancc of the reduplication, weakened to i (see
§§. 6. 579.), must have had its beginning, and may not, perhaps, have ob-
tained, in a time to which we are here endeavouring to look back. Ob-
serve that the Oacanfefacust is, in sense, =fecerU.
1 192 FOEMATION OF WORDS.
[G. £d. p. 1231.] at once in the perfect indicative,* as it
laid aside the augment in the imperfect and aorist : or whe-
ther this renunciation first took place when the verb was
encumbered with the addition of the auxiliary verb sub-
stantive, just as the reduplicated aorists (perfects) in com-
position with prepositions for the most part dispense with
the syllable of reduplication,'!' while the analogous San-
scrit reduplicated aorists (as ddudruvam) throughout retain
it in composition also. Be that, however, as it may, at
some time or other reduplicated future perfects, too, will
have existed; thus, e.g.fefaxo (or pefaio), cecapso, which,
in essentials, would correspond to the Greek future perfects,
as, KeKiHrofiai, reruit-ao-yiah to which will have originally
corresponded also active future perfects, as, Ae\i5-<ra), tctutt-
co), whose ofishoots they properly are. Should this not be
the case, we have nothing left but to abide by the opinion
expressed above (§. 664.), and still earlier in my " Conjuga-
tion-System'" (p. 98.), viz. that, as is also assumed by Madvig,+
the future perfects under discussion are formally, as also
partly as regards their meaning, primary futures. In
fact, axo is as like the Greek of^o) as one egg to another.
Madvig fitly compares forms like levasso with those in
Greek like 7e\a<ra>. The doubling of the s would conse-
quently be purely phonetic, without etymological meaning,
aa^ e.g. in the Greek eyeKaaaa, mentioned by Madvig, and
like ereXeao'a, mentioned with a similar object above (§. 708.).
* Then, perhaps, y^ca, capa, Kpotida, would have the same relation to
fefaca, or pefaca, &c., as, in Gothic, e.g. band to the Sanscrit habandha
(see §. /S89.) ; and those preterites which have still retained the rednphca-
tion in Gothic, as, e.g. gaigroi, ''I, he wept "= Sanscrit chakrdnda.
t It is probably to the weak form of the roots, and their terminating in
a vowel, that do and sto owe the pervading retention of the reduplication
in composition.
X '* De formamm qaanmdam verbi Latini natura et nsu" (Solemnin
academica etc., Hnuniae, 18B5, p. 6.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1193
Moreover, if kvasso be regarded as an abbreviation of
lelevasso, and as an actual future, it cor- [G. Ed. p. 1232.]
responds, in respect to its denoting the future relation to
ye\d<r(D, just as, exclusive of the passive personal termina-
tion, to the Greek future perfect like Terifirjaofiat. This
opinion is especially favoured by the old infinitives in ssere
(Struve, p. 180) with the signification of the primary
future, impetrcLssere, reconciliassere, expugnassere, averun-
cassere, depeculassere, deargentassere. They correspond, irre-
spective of the infinitive suffix, which throughout, in Latin,
is that of the aorist, and of the doubling of the $, which
cannot surprise us, to the Greek future infinitives like
7e\ac7€/i'. We might reasonably expect that such infinitives
not only originally existed in the 1st conjugation, but
that there were such forms also as habessere, axere ( = afen'),
faxere, capsere. It may be proper here to consider also
the future perfects of the Oscan and Umbrian languages,
as both these dialects, in several other grammatical points,
present us with older forms than the Latin. It is im-
portant here to notice, that the Umbrian, in most of the
future perfects which have remained to our time, exhibits
the combination of the future perfect of the verb substantive
with the present base, or the simple root of the principal verb,
but in such wise, that, after consonants, and also, in one in-
stance given by Aufrecht and Kirchhof (Umbr. Language,
p. 146), after a vowel {i-ust iverit), the / of the root Ju is re-
jected ; hence, e.g.fak-usU signifying "he is making to
have been,'* while the Latin /ecerii means, "he is having
made to be."" Other examples are, covort-uat, " converleritf''
ampT'e-fuSt '* ambiverit^^ (ctfus, also fuat, *' fuerif^^ ambr-e-
furent, " ambiverint^'' (ctfurent, *yuerint''^),/ak'urent,*'fecerint'*'*
The Oscan follows the same principle, only it is wanting
as to the perfect retention oifu; but also in the simple m,
e.g, in dikust, ** dixerit,^'' pruhibust, *' prohi- [G. Ed. p. 1233.]
bueriC fefakmU ''fecerU '' Mommsen (" Oscan Studies," p. 62)
1194 FORMATION OF WORDS.
has recognised the root/?i before the lightwas thrown upon
it by the Unibrinn. As the root/w in the conjugation of
the verb substantive regularly makes its appearance in the
})erfect tense first, it luis hence won for itself the capacity
of expressing the relation of j>ast time, which, however, is
no obstacle to the *'fu8t'' in Oscan signifying also *'eriC^
(see Mommsen, 1. c. p. 6l), the latter being in excellent
agreement with the Zendian .)^jjo>h^j^3^.j bugy^ili, and
Lithuanian bus (see p. 918 G. ed.). Wherefore, a\so,frfaku^
may be literally taken to mean, " he is having made to be,"
since here the principal verb expresses past time by re-
duplication : the like may be the case with some redupli-
cated future perfects in the Umbrian (1. c. p. 146).
859. We return to the infinitive, in order to remark
next, that, in the Vedic dialect also, accusatives of abstract
radical words are used as infinitives, and, indeed, in tlie
genuine accusative relation, only, however, where the infi-
nitive is governed by iak, " to be able." According to
Panini (III. 4. 12.) they are divided into two classes, of
which the one strengthens the radical vowel, the other
leaves it without extension. The Commentary furnishes
as examples, agnin vdi divd vibhdjan (an euphonic for am)
nd ^saknuvany " the fire could the gods not distribute ; *
apalupan^-am) nd ^idknuvan^ "they could not destroy."
To these w^e add, also, out of the Rigveda (I. 94. 3.), sakSma
[G. Ed. p. 1234.] tvd samldham, "would that we could kindle
thee;" and a passage from the Atharva-Veda, cited by
Aufrecht (" Umbrian Language," p. 148), md sitkan praii-
dJidm isum, "they cannot dispose the arrow." Though
these infinitives may scarcely have been limited originally
* In this passjigc, which is detached from the context, I cannot answer
for the exact meaning of vibhijam. As regards the lengthening of the
vowel of the root hhaj in this infinitive fonn, compare tlie feminine sub-
stantive bhdj^ *'*• portion, fortune, homage."
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1195
to the construction with iak, yet it is probable they can
never have had a very extensive use, since, in general, the
bare radical words are the most rare kind of abstract sub-
stantives. I therefore prefer comparing the Oscan and
Umbrian infinitives in um (which Aufrecht and Kirclihof
refer to this class) with the very numerous class of abstract
substantives which are formed by the suffix w a, and which,
as has been shewn, are also occasionally substituted for
infinitives, and to the accusatives of which the Umbrian-
Oscan infinitives correspond better, as regards form, than
to those of bare radical words ; as bases ending in a conso-
nant, especially the words of the 3d declension in Oscan
terminate in the accusative in im, and in Umbrian, after
the analogy of the Greek, have lost the nasal of the ter-
mination, and end in the masculine or feminine with u
or 0. On the other hand, the accusatives of the 2d de-
clension, which are based on the Sanscrit class of words in
a, end universally in Oscan in um or om and in Umbrian
the nasal of the termination um or om, is frequently sup-
pressed (Aufr. and Kirchh., p. 116) ; and just so in the in-
finitive, e.g. qferu and aferot ** circumferre /''' erum and ero,
" esse." The following are examples of Oscan infinitives :
deikum, "dicerei^ akum^ '^agereT moUaum, "mi^flare."* The
last example is that which most resists identification with
the accusatives of the Sanscrit radical words ; and one sees
plainly that here the i* is a formative suf- [G. Ed. p. 1235.]
fix which has been added to the theme of the 1st conju-
gation. As this corresponds to the Sanscrit loth class (see
§. 109». 6.), we may compare moU-A-um^ exclusive of the mas-
culine termination opposed to the Sanscrit-Zendian femi-
nine one, with the Sanscrit and Zend infinitives mentioned
above (§. 619.), like ^^ttxymR^chdr-ay-Am, ^^/O-^^Jr^^ raMh-
* Mommsen, 1. c. p. (^. These forms are distingaished from the com-
mon accusatives of the 2d declension only by the unmarked u.
1196 FORMATION OF WORDS.
ay-anm. Especial notice ought to be given to the form
trubarakavum, if it, as Mominsen conjectures, is really a per-
fect infinitive ; in which case v-um, euphonic for u-um, from
fu-um, is the infinitive of the root /a with past signification
(cf. p. 1232 G. ed. dik-usi, " dlxerlt,''* from dik-fust). Cur-
tius* has compared with the Oscan present infinitives in
um the Latin venum.'f If this comparison be, as I think
it is, correct, then this word, of which only the dative
(veno, venui) and ablative veno are preserved, may originally
belong only to the 2d declension : moreover, the u of the
4th declension, as formative suiEx of an abstract in Latin,
would stand quite isolated, while that of the 2d is frequently
represented by the Sanscrit suffix a as a means of forma-
tion of masculine abstracts. These, for the most part, ac-
cent the radical vowel, and Gunise it when capable of Guna;
while a radical a before a simple consonant is lengthened.
The following are examples, in addition to those already
mentioned: hhida-s, "cleaving" (root bhid), chhida-St id.
(rootcAAW); yof/a-.v, "combining" (root yiy); ATJcHia-*,** anger"
(root krudh) ; hdsa-s, ** laughter" (root hai) ; kdrnti'S, " wish,
love" (root kam). In Greek, abstracts like woAo-f, <l>6^o-^,
Spofio-g, ^pofio^f TpofJLO-^t {jyovo-g, 7r\d(f)o-f, [G. Ed. p. 1236.]
7roi/o-j,J eKcYxp'^t ifiepo-^f correspond both in the suffix and
in the accent. The Lithuanian, on account of the retention
of the original a in abstracts of this kind, resembles the
Sanscrit more than the Greek and Latin, which latter, with
the exception at least of the base venih already spoken of,
• *' Journal of ArchaBology," Jane 1847, p. 490.
t Fenundo, properly, " I give to sell ;" veneo^ for venum eo, '^ I go to
the aolling."
I As o is a heavier vowel than c, the choice of tlus vowel in place of
the f , which elsewhere prevails in the roots referred to, reminds us of the
vowel increment which appears in the corresponding Sanscrit abstracts,
although o, as also c, is only a corruption of an original a (see §.3. p. 4,
and cf. §. *266. a.).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1197
presents for comparison only ludu-s, and perhaps jocu-s (the
latter from an obscure root). The following are examples
in Lithuanian: miet/o-s, "sleep" {megmu "I sleep"); va~
mafa-s, "reproof, accusation,"* (metiih **I cast"); bdda-s,
" hunger" (b&du, '*I hunger," cf. Sanscrit bddh or vddhf " to
vex"); juka-s, "laughter" (c£ Latin /ocu-«); kara-s, "strife,
war;" mena-s, "understanding" (inenu, "I think," meno-s,
"lam skilful in something"); maina-s, "exchange ;" veda-s,
"order, regulation;" rSda-s, "advice."
860. To this class in the Old Sclavonic belong those mascu-
line abstracts, of which Dobrowsky says (p. 267) that they
contain the pure radical syllable : they contain, however, in
fact, the suffix o, corrupted from a (see §§. 255. a. 257.), which,
in the nominative and accusative, is suppressed, or, more
correctly, replaced by "b, which Dobrowsky does not write.
The following are examples: aob'b lov', "the seizing"
(Sanscrit Idbha^s, "obtaining"); Tolcb tok\ "the flowing"
(TEk& (ekun, " I run ") ; b^oai* brodTf " passage, forth ;"
HC^OAT* i9Xod\ " exit ;" taaai* glad*, [G. Ed. p. 1237.]
" hunger ;" -j* CToy A'b stud', " shame ;" ct^aai* strad*, " fear ;"
from the bases lovo, toko, &c. Observe the agreement
evinced by the Sclavonic with the Greek in the choice of
the stronger ra<^ical vowel, so that e.g. toKi* tok*, has exactly
the same relation to (ekun, " I run," that, in Greek, Spofxo-^,
has to Spefio), <f>6^0'^ to ^6)3o/xa/, &c. The relation of
CToyA* stM, " shame," to CTbiA styd, in CTbiAliTH ca styd-
yeil san, " to be ashamed '' (see Micklos. Rad. p. 88) resembles
that of Sanscrit abstracts like ydga-s, "joining;'' to their
* This word deserves notice on account of the retention of the old a,
which, in the verb and most of the other formations of this root, has been
corrapted to e, Meti^, •* I cast," ui-mata-Sy " reproof," at-motas, " out-
cast " (also at'Tnata-s), bear the same relation to one another as, e.g. in
Greek, rplno, thpcnrovt rponos,
t Sanscrit gridh, "to crave," from gardh or gradh, Gothic griddn^
" to hunger," see Glossarium Sanscr. (Fasc. I. a. 1840), p. 107.
1198 FORMATION OF WORDS.
roots with m, for oy u is in Sclavonic the Guna of li y
(see §. 255. f.).
861. In German, too, the masculine abstracts which belong
to this class have, by suppressing the final vowel of the base
in the nominative and accusative, acquired the semblance
of radical words. As, however, the bases in a and i are
not distinguishable in the singular, it remains uncertain
whether e.g. the Gothic thlauhs, ** flight," stands for tblauha-s,
or for tlilauhi-s (see §. 135.) : in the former case it answers
to the Sanscrit formations like y6ga-s, " combination f' but
* The root of the said Gothic abstract is thluh ; whence fhliuha, thlavh,
thkiuhum, the latter euphonic for thluhum (sec §. 82.). The fact, that
ihlauh'8 corresponds, as regards its vowel, better to the preterite than to
tlie present, must not induce us to derive it from the preterite instead of
from the root : otherwise we should have almost as much ground for de-
riving e.g. the Sanscrit yogas from yuifoja (" I or he joined") ; bhida-s,
"rupture," from bibhSda; and, in Greek, SpofM-s from Stdpofia. The
truth is, that, in the formation of words, recourse is had sometimes to the
pure, sometimes to the incremental radical vowel; and, moreover, in
Greek and German, at times to tlie original radical vowel, at times to it in
a form more or less weakened. Had, in Greek, bpdfios been said for dpofios^
still the abstract would not have been to be derived from the aorist(cdpa/iov);
but it would have had only this advantage in common with the latter,
the retention, namely, of the radical vowel in its original form ; while the
€ of dpffua is the greater, and the o of dtdpofia the lesser weakening of the
old a. In Gothic, u is the least (see §. 400.) and i the extreme weakening of
the a; wherefore run{a)'$, "course, stream," from the root rami, "to run,
to flow" (rintuiy rann^ runnun), stands on the footing of Gi-eek abstracts like
dpofiO's: so far, in reality, the said Gothic word belongs to the a-declen-
Rion. We can, however, on account of the form of its radical vowel, just
as little derive it from the plural of the preterite, as we could derive e.g.
anqfilh, "delivery" (neut.) from the same, because it exhibits the vowel
of the present instead of that of the root itself (Jalh). Neither, too, can
we derive dmsy "fell/* for dnisa-s or drusi-s (the nominative sign is
dropped in bases in sa and »t), from the plural of the preterite ; but, like
the latter, it contains the pure radical vowel, which, in the present drhisa^
isGunised by i (see §. 27.), and, in the singular preterite drauttj by a. That
the class of words under discussion is not wanting in Zend also is proved
by
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1199
the Gothic diphthoug in thiauh-s, can [G. Ed. p. 1238.]
hardly be a consequence of Guna» but must rather result
from the h following. That slep-s, ** sleep/' belongs to this
class, and is therefore for sUpa-s, not for slipi-s, may be
deduced from the cognate dialects.
862. To return to the Sanscrit infinitive suffix tu, it is
further to be remarked, that the forms which are con-
tracted by means of it occur in the Vedas also in the
ablative and genitive, which two cases are not formally
distinguished from one another. Their use, however, is
rare, and the ablative appears in the examples mentioned,
and in the Schol. to Pan., III. 4. le., quite in the character of a
common abstract substantive ; and we might e.g. regard
the Latin ortus, everywhere that it occurs, as an infinitive,
equally as well as the ablative ud-et(h, go- [G. Ed. p. 1230.]
vemed 1. c, bypwrd, "ere, earlier, before"' {pur A surycisyd
'ditSH {-ya ud\ " before the rising of the sun"). In the
other examples, too, given 1. c, the ablative of the abstract
in ill is governed by a preposition, and, indeed, either by
par At ** before," or by d. " to f' so also in a passage of the
1st book of the Rigveda (41. o.), which has been already
pointed out by Bohtlingk (Commentary on Pan., p. 152),
A nldhAldh\ '* to the casting (the dice)/' Panini, however,
limits the kind of infinitive under discussion to the roots
sthA, kar (kri), vad, char, hut tarn, and jan ; and therefore
it is, probably, that Sayana sees in ni-dhAtds no so-called
tdsuru but a common abstract with the suffix tu-n (cf.
p. 1220, Note, G. ed.). Perhaps, too, nUdJiAlu has a per-
fect declension, and thereby, in the opinion of the Indian
by the bases ajco^ajj xaosha^ " wish, will" (Sanscrit root jushy " to
love, to wish ") ; a) jjas/ « frakay " query ;" xidiMiJ ndMZ, " dcstrnction "
(see p. 905, G. ed., §.724.); m^jm»j^?^ Jra-vdka, " annooncemcDt ;"
Aj^^A*/ roMtia, "growth;" ajmaj^ magay "greatness" ("growth," sec
Bomouf, Ya^na p. 72).
1200 FORMATION OF WORDS.
Grammarians, divides itself from the infinitive and its
Vedic representatives.
86a The form in Ids, according to Panini (who never-
theless, does not regard it as a genitive, but as an inde-
clinable (1. 1. 4o.)» as in the gerund in ivd, and in the geni-
tive of abstract radical words, where it stands for the in-
[G. Ed. p. 1240.] finitive*) occurs only in construction
with isvara, "lord, capable'' (III. 4. 13.). The Scho-
liast gives as example, isvard ''bhicharitoh', ** capable of
afironting (lord of aflFronting)." Another genitive of this
kind, though not recognised as an infinitive, and also not
limited to the construction with (shvara^ is kirids, " of the
doing, making, transacting,'' which Naigh., II. L, mentions
with the infinitive dative kdrtavdi, and the gerund krifvi
(see p. 1205, G. ed.), under the words signifying karman
(" deed''), and which, Rigv. 1. 115. 4., is governed by madhyd,
" in the midst" f As regards the relation of the gerund
* The genitive termination (u is looked upon by the Indian Gramma-
rians in this case, not as a case-termination, but as a formative suffix,
wkidi is called in the technical language k-as-un (cf. p. 1220, Note, G. cd.),
and is therefore unaccented, thougli, in general, the monosyllabic base
words have the accent only in the strong cases on the base syllabic (see
p. 1085, G. cd., §. 785. Remark). We may ascribe the accentuation of
the radical words, where their genitive represents the infinitive, to the
circumstance, that the infinitive outbids the common abstracts by greater
power of life and action ; and it wiU be well to recall what has been be-
fore (§. 814.) said regarding the double kind of accentuation of the forms
in tar (tri), according as they, as participles, govern the accusative, or
stand as more inactive nouns of agency. The datives, too, of abstract
radical words have, where they stand as infinitives, in general the more
powerful accentuation, at least in the cases in which, according to P&nini
(III. 4. 14.), tlie infinitive in ^ (in the tcclmical language k-S-n) takes the
place of the future passive participle, as in the above-mentioned (§. 855.)
example aii-knimc, in opposition to the oxy tonised dmr (Pun. III. 4. 77. ;
Rigv. I. 23. 21.).
t Madhyd kdrtos, **in the midst of doing (of work)." Madhyi is an
abbreviation of madhyS {^^madJiyai, see §. 100.), where the suppression
of
FORMATION OF WORDS.
1201
or the instrumental kriivd, "after," or '* with/' or "through
making/' to the accusative, which springs from the base
kartu^ or to the common infinitive kdrtum, as also to the
datives kdrtavif k&rtavdU and ta the genitive kdrtds, and,
in general, the relation of the gerunds in fvd to the infi-
nitives of the same root, it must be observed that the
gerund in roots which admit of increment or weakening
always exhibits the weaker form of the root, and has the
accent, without exception, on the case-termination. Com-
pare, e.g.
INFINITIVE.
vdktum,
svdptum,
prAshtunif
ydshtum,
grdhttum,
bhdvUum,
ySktum,
bhhium,
slhdtum,
hdrdum.
GERUND.
uktvdf
supfvd,
prishtvd,
ishfvdf
grihitvd,
irufvd,
bhtUvOf
yukfvd,
bhUtvi
sthiiva,
Jiatvi,
ROOT.
vach, "to speak.'
svap% " to sleep.''
prachh, " to ask.
yaj, " to offer."
grab, " to take."
s^ru, "to hear."
bhu, " to be."
yiij, to join.
bhidf " to cleave.
sthd, "to stand."
ftaw, "to slay."
d
S64. This distinction in the form of the root and of the
accentuation does not prevent the assumption, that the
gerund and the infinitive originally had the same theme
and the same accentuation, that, e.g., together with ydktum,
"to join," a ySktvd, "after," " with," or " through joining,"
may have existed, just as the distinction which exists in
the participle present between the strong and weak cases
of the case-termination is compensated by lengthening the final vowel of
the base, in which respect compare Latin datives like lupo from lup&i (see
§. 200., and compare iRPff vasanta for ^[TR^ vasanfi in the Schol. to
PAn. VII. 1. 89.).
4 I
1202 FORMATION OF WORDS.
cannot have been an original one ; and, e.g.t to the accusa-
tive tuddntam an instrumental tuddntd must have corre-
sponded ; for which, in the language as it has remained
to us, the oxytone tudatd, which has also lost the nasal, is
left (cf. p. 1051). As the weakening of the gerund occurs
in the root, and not in the sufi&x, I further recall attention
to the declension of pathfrif *' way," from whence spring
only the middle cases, while the strong strengthen the
root by the insertion of a nasal, and, at the same time, ac-
centuate it ; and, moreover, exhibit the suffix also iu a
stronger form (pdnthdn compared with pathdn) ; while the
weakest cases suppress the suffix, as also the nasal of the
root, and let the accent sink down on the case-termination :
hence, e,g^ in the instrumental we find paiha opposed to
[G. Ed. p. 1242.] p&nthdnam, **viam"' and pathfbhyas " viU:"
The declension of vdh, ** bearing" (at the end of compounds)
also presents a great agreement with the formal relation
of the gerund in tvd to the infinitive ; that is to say, with
those gerunds which, in roots beginning with va, suppress
the a and vocalise the v ; only in compounds in vdh the
long syllable vd is contracted in the weakest cases to long
u, while the short syllable va of the gerunds is contracted
to short u : in other respects sdly-uhd, " through the rice-
carrying," has the same relation to its accusative idli-vd-
hanif as, e.g., uktvd has to vdktum. A short u is exhibited
by anad^^dh, *'ox (wagon-drawer"),* in the weak cases :
hence, anad-uha, e.g., stands exactly in the same relation to
anad'vdham, as uktv/l does to vdktum. With regard, how-
ever, to the circumstance that the feminine bases in tu^
from which the gerund and the infinitive spring, have
* Anad'tih is aaBamcd to be the theme ; but it admits of no doobt that
vah is the true base of the final member of this compound, and that hence
uh has arisen by contraction. The nominative is anad-vdn^ and presnp-
poses a theme with a nasal anai-vdnh (cf. §. 786., suff. vdnt).
FORMATIONS OF WOBDS. 1203
undergone a weakening only in the instrumental, le. in the
gerund, but not in the other weak eases, we may per-
haps look for the reason of this in the extremely frequent
use of the instrumental of the gerund, as the forms most
used are also most subject to detrition or weakening ; for
which reason, e.g., the root of the verb substantive as loses
its vowel before the heavy terminations of the present,
while no other root beginning with a vowel undergoes such
an abbreviation in any form whatever. Should the formal
relation of the gerund in ivd to the infinitive in turn be
independent of the, as it were, moral principle which
operates in the separation into strong and [G. Ed. p. 1243.]
weak cases, I would assume, and I have already elsewhere
alluded to it,* that the weight ivd laid on the termination
turn has had a similar influence on the preceding portion
of the word, both with respect to the weakening of the
form and the removal of the accent, as that exercised in
the 2d principal conjugation by the weight of the heavy
personal terminations. In that case, therefore, the relation
of, e.g.9 i'tva to Stum, dvish-tvA to dvish-tum, viHvd to vet^
tunh dat'tvd to ddrtum, hi-iva to hd'tum, would answer more
or less to that of
i-mds, " we go," to S-mi " I go,''
dvish-mis, " we hate," to dvish-mi, " I hate,"
vid-rnds, "we know," to vH-niu "I know,"
dad-mds, " we give," to dddd-mi, *' I give,"
iahi-mds, " we quit," to jdhd-mU " I quit."
Be that, however^ as it may, it is certain that the gerund
in (v-Af and the infinitives in /14-m, td-s, tav-i, tav-dh have
a common formative suffix, and in essentials are only dis-
tinguished by their case-termination ; and that the abstract
substantive base formed by tu is feminine, which before
* Smaller Sanscrit GramiDar, §. 562.
4 I 2
1204 FORMATION OF WOHDS.
could only have been inferred from the instrumental in
fthd* but now is also apparent from the Vedic dative forms
in tnvHM, The Greek abstracts in rv-y, as /Soj/Tv-y, ^ptjurv-^^
eSr]Tih-g, emjrv^y eXerjTv^g, 7e\a-(r-TiJ-y, ^p^jy-cr-riJ-j, which were
first brought into this province of formation in my treatise on
the " Influence of Pronouns on the formation of Words ''(p- 25),
[G. E(l. p. 1244.] testify in like manner for the feminine na-
ture of the Sanscrit cognate words : they, however, testify
also, and this is well worth notice, that it was after the se-
paration of the Greek from the Sanscrit that this class of
abstract substantives raised itself in Sanscrit to the position
of infinitives and gerunds, while they still moved in Zend
also in the circle of common substantives. Under this head
is to be brought ;^g^ga> pfire-fuy the feminine gender of
which is proved by the accusative plural peretih; but its
abstract nature has been changed into concrete. It, per-
haps, originally signified "passage, crossing,^' j* but has, how-
ever, assumed the signification "bridge." Perhaps, too, ;^^ajj
zantu, "city" (originally, perhaps, "production, creation"),
the gender of which is not to be deduced from the forms
that now occur, is to be classed here. The instrumental
jojcmTG'^ zafithivd, " through production," mentioned above
(§. 254. Rem. 3. p. 280), as also xsoj^C^^^janthwih " through
smiting, slaying," J and the ablative zahthwAt, I now rather
refer to the suffix /AM'a = Sanscrit iva, as in the Veda dialect
the said suffix also forms primitive abstracts (see §. 829.),
and, indeed, from the strong form of the root ; so that
from ipT jan and '^ han might be expected the bases Kn^
jantva and ^w hardva. I am led to this opinion particu-
» From a niAscnline or neuter base, in classical Sanscrit at leas^ would
come tuTid.
t Root;>(V^=Sanscrit/wzr (pri), see Brockhaus, Glossary, p. 370.
J See §. 160. p. 178, yvhcre jahtkion should be read for zahihwa. In the
Gcr. cd. §. 159 IB hi>re wrongly given for §. 160.
FOBMATION OF WOEDS. 1205
larly by the ablative t^jMoi^^ zanthwdt* which answers
better to a theme zanlhwa than to zantu, as from bases in
u no other ablatives in dt have elsewhere been found, but only
such as have short a before the i, or those [G. £d. p. 1245.]
that append the ablative sign direct to the theme. The
instrumental in thtoa (or thtvd, see §. 254. Rem. 3. p. 28l)
admit of being deduced from feminine bases in tu quite as
well as from neuter or mascuUne in ihwa. But it is de-
cidedly from a base in tliwa that the accusative railhwim,
" defiling," f comes» from the theme of wliich raHhwa pro-
ceeds the denoniinative raSlhiuayiUi, "he defiles." The
primitive verb does not occur, whence it is uncertain
whether ra&thwa is really a primitive abstract.
865. It is clear that the Latin supines are identical
in their base with the Sanscrit infinitive bases in ixj^ although
the analogous abstracts with a full declension, as or-tu^f
inter-i-tU'S, sta-tU'S, ac-tu-s, duc-tu-s, rap-lu-s, ac-cts-su'S (from
ac-ces'tu'8f see §. 101.), cd-su-s (from cas-su-s for cas-tus),
cur-su-s, vom-i'tU'SfX have, like their analogous forms in
* V. S. p. 83, fAJO^QjS^yff . . . j^/xyj as^q) para nars . . . zaiithwdt^
" ante hominis generaixonem," see Gram. Crit., p. 253.
t Cf. Spiegel, " The lOlh Farg. of the V. S.," p. 82.
X The Sanscrit al&o frequently joins the 6u£Eix under discussion to the
root by means of a conjunctive voi;vcl i; and forms, e.y,^ from vam^ ^^to
vomit," the base vantiiu ; ^'hence the infinitive vdm-i-tum (=6up. vom^i"
tufn)f and the gerund vam-i-tm, M'ith regard, however, to the infinitive
and gerund not universally agreeing as to the insertion or not of the con-
junctive vowel, and to our finding by the side of the infinitive bhdv'i-tuviy
^* to be," e.g.y a gerund bhu-tvd^ I v^ould recall attention to the circum-
stance that the suffix vdiis of the peifect participle, when it is appended
to the root by a conjunctive vowel t, rejects this conjunctive vowel in the
weakest cases (instr. pich-^Uh-d, opposed to the ace. pSch-i-vdns-aTn),
which does not prevent me from assuming, that in this participle all cases
originally came from the same base. M'e do not require to explain the
absence of the conjunctive vowel in the weakest cases by the circumstance,
that here the formative suffix begins with a vowel, as pich-y-iishd (for
pSch-i'iifhd)
1206
FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1240.] Greek, not remained true to the feminine
gender. How exactly in other respects, in many roots,
the accusative of the Latin supine agrees with that of the
Sanscrit infinitive, exclusive of the gunising of the latter,
may be inferred from the following examples : —
s*
11
SANSCRIT.
sthd-tum, "to stand,''
dd'tum, "to give,''
dhma-tunin " to blow,
jnA-iurriy " to know,'
pi'tum, " to drink,'
^'fum, "to go."
se4um, " to sleep/
yo-tum, yav-i-tum, " to join,
sni'tumf " to flow,"
stdr-tum, " to strew,'
pdk'tum, " to cook,'
6nJc-tum, " to anoint,'
11
11
11
LATIN.
sttlium.
datum.
fliUnm.
ndium.
pvium.
Hum (cf. fri/f).
qiiiHum.
jutnm.
rutum (cf. rivus).
stratum,
coctum.
unctum.
pich'i'{Lshd) could as little surprise us, as, e.g.y mn6y-i'4ha (with nhiP-iha\
from the root 7^, ^' to lead," which prefixes a conjunctive vowel t at
pleasure to the personal termination tha^ and necessarily to the personal
endings va, ma, «^, wihiy maM, dhvS ; hence nir^-i-vd, niny-i-md, fitny-i-
ji/i^, &c. The vcrhs of the 10th class, and the causal forms which are ana-
logous to them, hare all of them, as well in the infinitive as in the gerund,
the conjunctive vowel i after the character ay (for aya of the special
tenses), and gunise radical vowels which are capable of Guna ; hence, e.g.j
chor-ay-i'tuniy chor-ay-i'tvd^ from ckur^ '^ to steal." To the ay corre-
sponds tlie Latin a or i, from forms like am-d-tum^ aud't-tum (see
§. 109'^. 6.). On the other hand, verbs of the Latin 2d conjugation,
though they are based in like manner on the Sanscrit 10th class, relin-
quish their conjugational character, and add the suffix either direct to
the root, or by means of a conjanctive vowel t {doc-tum^ mon-i-tumy
for doc-6'ium, mon-i-tum, cf §.801. Note t, p. 1116 Note ♦•, G. ed.) :
JI4'tum, pU'tum make a necessary exception ; dil-^-tum makes a volun-
tary one.
FOBHATION OF WORDS.
1207
1AN80RIT.
LATIK.
bhdnk-tumf ** to break, fracium.
bhrdsh'tum^ *' to roast'''* (r.bhrtgj^Jridum.
[G. Ed. p. 1247.]
• • ss
ydk'ium, " to join,
At'tum, " to eat,''
chhH'tumt "to cleave,
bhit'tumf id.
tdt'tum, "to knock,"
r6t-iumy " to rend,
vil'tum, "to know,
idn'i-4umy " to beget, to bring gen-i'tum.
forth, to become,"
svan-i'tumf "to sound,
Idp-iumt "to break,"
sdrp-tum^ " to go,"
vdm-i'tumf "to vomit,
dish'tum. " to shew,"
pish'tum, " to bruise,"'
ddg-dhum,* "to milk,"
fii^dAum,f " mingerey^
vd'dhunh "to ride,"
^m (see §. 101.).
scissum.
fissum,
iusum (from tus'sum for ius-
tum^ see §. 101.).
rdsum*
vi'8um,({rom via-aum, vUtum),
.. v%
son-i'tum.
ruptum.
serpium,
vom-Utum.
dictum,
pistum.
ductum.
mictunL
veitum.
866. The form which, in the Lithuanian and Lettish
Grammars, is called " supinum," corresponds remarkably
with the accusative of the supine in Latin, in that it is
used only after verbs of motion, in order to express the
object towards which the motion is directed, i.e. the purpose
for which it takes place (cf. p. 12C9 G. ed.). L^- Ed. p. 1248.]
The accusative-sign, the nasal of which is elsewhere in
Lithuanian marked on the preceding vowel (see §. 149.), is
« Euphonic for doh-tum, from the root cfttA= Gothic tuh (tiuha, ^^ I
draw," tauh, " I drew"),
t For m^h'tumt whence next comes mM-dhum,
1208 FORMATION OF WORDS.
altogether lost in this form, though it is preserved in its
original shape in the already before-noticed composites
like buium-bime (see §. 6S5. p. 913, and §. 6S7.), under the
protection of the following labial. I annex a few Lithua-
nian supine constructions out of the translation of the
Bible: iszeyo seyeyas sletUf "A sower went forth to sow''
(Matt. xiii. 3) ; kad nueyen in mleslelus, saw nusipirktu walgint
•• that they may go (going) into the villages to buy them-
selves victuals" (xiv. 15); nueyens yeszkotu paklydusen, ** go-
ing to seek that which is gone astray" (xviii. 12); yus ixze-
yote .... sug&uiu mannen, " arc ye come out for to take
me ?" (xxvi. 65). Nevertheless, the use of this supine in
the received condition of the Lithuanian after verbs of
motion is not exclusively requisite ; but we find in the
translation of the Bible, in such constructions, more fre-
quently the common infinitive in ti, or with t, suppressed
t'; e.g.t Matt. ix. 11, asz ateyau grieszmums icadinti, "I am
come to call sinners" (cf. Sanscrit vad, **to speak"); x. 34,
asz lie ateyau pakayun sustU ^ I am not come to send peace ;"
V. 17, ne ateyau panukint\ bet iszpildiC, **I am not come to
destroy, but to fulfil." On the other hand, the Old Prus-
sian — ^a language which approaches the Lithuanian very
closely — has two forms for the common infinitive, of which
the .one corresponds to the accusative of the Sanscrit infini-
tive and Latin supine, as also to the Lithuanian supine ;
and, indeed, as in the common declension, retaining the
sign of the accusative in the form of n ; e.g., dd-tun or
[G. Ed. p. 1 249.] ddton, " to give " = Sanscrit ddlum, pu-lofi^
" to drink " = pd'tum, gcm-tm, " to bear a child " =rjan-{-(ufii;
and the other, with the termination iweU presents a re-
markable similarity to the above-mentioned (§. 854.) Vedic
infinitive dative in tavdi (for tvdi)^ of which no trace is left
in any other cognate language of Euroi>e. It has, however,
* Ton fium tun^ cf. §. 77.
FOBMATION OF WOBDS. 1209
unconscious of its origin, in like manner an accusative sig-
nification ; Mrhere I vrould remind the reader, that in the
Vedas also the infinitives in dhydi, discussed above (§. 854.)»
in spite of their dative form, occasionally suppress the ac-
cusative relation ; thus, Yajurveda VI. 3., uLmasi gdmadhydit
•' we will ga"* As regards, then, the Prussian form in
fti^et, if we deduce twei from iu-el, ei answers as the femi-
nine case-termination to the pronominal datives in ei ; as,
ste-ssi-ei, " this " = Sanscrit ta-sy-di, Gothic thi-z-ai (see §. 349.
p. 485). It might, however, be, that the ei of the said in-
finitive form may be based on the Sanscrit i ( = ai) of the
Veda forms in iav-i, so that, e.g., d6,4weU "to give,'' would
have the same relation to its accusative dd-tu-n, that, in the
Veda dialect, the to-be-presupposed dd-tav-it which, without
Guna, would be dd-iv-i, has to dd-tum. The Rigveda fur-
nishes us with pd'4av-i, the sister form to pu-lw-ei, " to
drink" (I. 28. c). The other Prussian forms which belong
to this class, and which Nesselmann, p. 65, has collected, are :
bid'twei, 6ia-/iri,f *' to fear" (Sanscrit bhi, **to fear,'' bhayd,
"fear"); sld-fwei, "to stand;" at-trd-twei, ^%o answer;"
biUi-twei, " to say " (Sanscrit bru, " to speak ") ; [G. Ed. p. 1250 J
en-dyri-tuei, **to regard" (Sanscrit dars', drii, **to see");
pallapS'i'tueifX "to covet" (Sanscrit lUaps, infinitive Ulaps-U
* In another passage of the Yajurveda (III. 13.) the infinitives d/iU'
vddhydi, "to summon," and mddayddhydi, " to rejoice," are governed by
a verb (according to the SchoL, ichchhdmi^ '* I wish, 1 iiviil"), and have,
in like manner, an accusative meaning : ubhd vdm indrdgnl dhuvddhyd
ubhd rddhasah $ahd mddayddhydi, "Ye both, Indra and Agni, (will I)
call, both will togetlier gladden on account of riches."
t For twei occur also iwi, twey, and twe^ see Nesselm., p. 65.
X Pa is a prefix, and the initial consonant of the root doubled, accord-
ing to the inclination peculiar to the Prussian to double consonants.
Con)pare the Sanscrit root labh, " to attain " (kanpavoo, ^a^oy), the desi-
derative of which would regularly be Hkps (see §. 750.), for which lips, '
From labhf "io attain," appears^ too, through mere weakening of the
vowel.
1210 FOBMATION OF WOBDS.
/wm, " to wish to attain, r. labh) ; kirdi'ttoeU " to hear ;'*"
madli'tivei, " to ask ;" au-schaudi-tweU " to trust f' schlusi-
thoeif " to serve f turri-tweiy " to have f vmcki-tweiy ** to
allure f* gallin'tweU " to slay f kigin-twey, " to direct T
9fnunin4wey, "to honour;'' sundm-^urei, "to punish;" sunn-
tin-twei, "to hallow;'' menenriweyt "to think, to mention"
(Sanscrit man, "to think);" gir-tweU "to praise" (Ved. gir,
"song of praise;" gri-vA-mu "I praise'*); gun4w€u "to
drive ;" lim-tweU lemb-iwey, ** to break" (Sanscrit lump-d-mu
"I break"); ranc-twe'u ranck-twey, "to steal ;^''|* is-^iret, m-
^ii^e, " to eat ;" X tiens-4fDei, " to fascinate ;" wes-twH (from
toed-ttvei), "to conduct."
867. More frequent than the infinitives in turn, tout and
^im, are, in the Old Prussian language, the infinitives in
t; as, da-t, "to give;" sia-U "to stand;" bou-t, "to be;"
giw-i't, " to live ;" tncAr^u-t, ** to procure" (Sanscrit iaksK in
the Veda dialect, " to make"). These have, as I doubt not,
lost a final t, and answer to the Lithuanian infinitives in
ii, the i of which is also frequently apostrophised (see
[G. Ed. p. 1251.] p. 1248 G. ed.), and in Lettish, as in Prus-
sian, is utterly lost.§ Here also are to be ranked the
vowel, the root htbh, ^^ to covet," to have sprang. The Prussian root lap,
**^ to command," appears to belong to the Sanscrit lap^ " to speak."
* En-fcackSmai, ^^ we invoke," cf. Sanscrit vach (from vak\ infinitive
vaktuniy '' to speak."
t Akin to this is, among other words, the Lithuanian rankd, ^' hand,"*
as ^' taking," Old Prussian accusaUve ranka^n, plural accusative ranka-ru.
In Sanscrit the as-yet-unciteable root rak (also lak) means ^' to obtain."
I Euphonic for id-twei^ id-ttoe (see §. 457.), cf. Sanscrit infinitive
at'tum from ad- turn,
§ The following are examples in Lettish: yah-t (=jd't), 'Ho rule"
(cf. Sanscrit root yd, " to go") ; gee-i, "to bind" (Sanscrit root «, id.) ;
ee-t, "to go;" bUi-t (=W-/), "to be afraid" (Sanscrit root bhi); buh-t
(=biU), "to he" (Lithuanian 6«-rl, Sanscrit hhu-ti^ "the being"); wem-t,
" vamere" (Sanscrit root www).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1211
Old Slavonic infiaitives, which* however, have constantly-
preserved the i of the suffix ; hence, e.g., acth yas-ti (eu-
phonic for yad'ti), " to eat,"" as compared with the Lithua-
nian es'ti, and Prussian is-t The source of these infini-
tives is most probably, as has been already elsewhere re-
marked,* the Sanscrit feminine abstracts in it (see §. 844.),
with whose theme the Lithuanian and Old Sclavonic infini-
tives are, as regards their suffix, identical : compare btUit
BbiTH byth ** to be,'' with the Sanscrit bhOth *' existeniia T ^iti,
HTH itif " to go," with ^ Uif " the going'' (only retained
in sam-Uh ** fight," properly, ** coming together"). As,
however, such base words, except at the beginning of com-
pounds, do not occur in the languages, it becomes a ques-
tion what case is represented by the Sclavonic-Lithuanian
infinitive forms in ti. I believe the dative ; for the ac-
cusative, which, according to sense, would be more suitable,
would lead us to expect, in Lithuanian tin, and in Sclavonic
Tb iy (c£ koCTb kosiy, from the base koslU p- 348), but in
the dative and the locative, which is of the same form
with it, the Old Sclavonic i-bases are not distinguished
from their theme (see §. 268. and p. 348); and in Let-
tish -also the bases in i exhibit in the dative, and at the
same time also in the accusative, the bare primary form,
of which the t in the nominative and genitive is sup-
pressed : hence, e.g., aiv-s as nominative and genitive for
Sanscrit avis, avis, Latin ovi-s, ovi-Sf but dative and accu-
sative awi; and in the Lithuanian, in the common declension
of bases in i, the dative is probably dis- [G. Ed. p. 1252.]
tinguished from the base only in this, that it reaches into
another province of declension.'j* If now the Sclavonic
and Lithuanian infinitives are properly datives, in spite of
the accusative relation which they generally express, they
* ^' Influence of Pronouns on the formation of Words,** p. 35.
t See p. 48 Note t, and §. Idd.
1212 FOKMATION OF WORDS.
resemble in this respect the Prussian infinitives in iw-ei
explained above (see p. 1249 G. ed.) ; and, amongst others,
also the Greek infinitives, which I regard, where they are not
mutilated (as those in fiev, ev, etv, from fxevau), universally as
datives. Of this more hereafter. But we have here further
to recall notice to the fact, that in Zend, also, the dative
of abstract substantives in ii is used as representative of the
infinitive, yet only to express a genuine dative relation, viz.
the causal one ; thus, Vend. Sad. p. 196, karslayai-cha hictoyaS-
cha para-kaniayai-cha, ** in order to plough, and to water,
and to dig^ from the bases karsth kidi, para-kanti ; 1. c.
p. 39, xic^g^A)^ kharileS, ** in order to eat, on account of eat-
ing" (see p. 959). However, it is further necessary to in-
quire whether datives of this kind anywhere else in the
Zend-Avesta as genitive infinitives govern the case of the
verb, for which, in the passage quoted, there is no occasion.
868. I regard as accusatives, though in like manner
without case-termination, and as originally identical with
the Sanscrit infinitive accusatives in turn, and their Latin
and Lithuanian sister-forms, the Old Sclavonic infinitives
in Ti> t" called "supines," which are governed only by verbs
of motion as the object of the motion ; but from such con-
structions also are expelled in the more modem MSS. and
printed books by the common infinitives in Tii ti (see Do-
[G. Ed. p. 1263.] browsky, p. 646). Taken as accusative,
the termination n^ C has the same relation to the Sanscrit
turn that CbiHi* syn, ^'filium,^^ has to ^H sutfLm. In the
dative we should expect iovl after the analogy of Cbmobii
synotyif "^/ic;" = Sanscrit sunav-i, Litliuanian sunu-L The
examples given by Dobrowsky (pp. 645,646), are: MoyqHT-b
muchif ("art thou come hither to torment us ?" Mattviii.29) ;
uymifb ticliiC; o^onoB'bAAT'b propovyedaf, ("He departed
thence to teach and to preach,"' xi. 1.); biia^ti* vidyeC ("what
* Lithuanian nmuh, Gothic mnu^ sec §. 262.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1213
went ye out to see ?*' xi. 7.), cftfAT-b syeyal (" a sower went
forth to sow" iii. 3.); B'b30B'bCTHTT> vl^aryesiit' ("they did
run to bring word," xxviii. 8). In respect of syntax, it
deserves notice that the Old Sclavonic supines can be also
used in construction like common substantives with the
genitive ; so, Matt. viii. 29, muchif nas, " to torment us,'^
instead of ny.
869. We return to the Latin supine, in order to consider
more closely the form in tu. As ablative, it answers, at
least in respect of signification, to the Vedic ablative of the
infinitive in tds (=:taus)t which, however, has not hitherto
been found in its strict ablative function, but only governed
by prepositions (see §. 862.), while the corresponding Latin
form in tu avoids the construction with prepositions. Its
ablative nature, however, is clearly shewn where the abla-
tive of another abstract stands beside it in a similar relation ;
as Terence : parvum dictu, ned immensum exspedaliane; Liv. :
pleraque didu quam re sunt faciUora. As the 4th declension
also admits datives in u for ui, we might regard the
supine in tu, when it stands by adjectives which govern the
dative, as a dative; thus, e.g.fjiicundum cognUu of que auditu
SLS = cagnitui, auditui. I would rather, [O. Ed. p. 1264.]
however, not concede to the suffix a 3d case, and believe
that the form in tu may everywhere be taken as an ablative,
and, indeed, in most cases, as an ablative more closely
defined, which can be paraphrased by " on account of,'' ** in
respect to/' as above, '*dictu quam re facilwraJ*'' The asser-
tion, however, that it is possible to express the relation of
removal by the ablative of the supine I now retract, since,
in a passage in Cato R. R. (primus cubitu surgat, postremus
cubitum eat), I no longer agree with Vossius (see also Rams-
horn, p. 452) in recognising the supines of cumbo, but only
the common ablative and accusative of the concrete cubitus
" couch, bed,'' therefore ** Rise the first from bed, go last
to bed." Moreover, in obsonatu redeo (Plant.) and redeurd
1214 FORMATION OF WORDS.
paslu oveSf I cannot, with 6. F. Grotefend (p. 347, see also
Ramshom p. 452), recognise the ablative of the supine ; as
the ablative of obsonatus and pasttis, with which the said
supine is, in its origin, certainly identical here, suffices very
well. It is, however, certain, that the Latin supines, in
respect to syntax, stand very near to the common abstracts
of the 4th declension ; and I do not think that the Latin
brought its supines with it as such, or as infinitives, so
early as from the Asiatic progenital land, but I now only as-
sume a formative affinity with the Sanscrit infinitives in fu-m,
as with the Greek abstracts in rtrf ; but I admit of the
syntactical individualization of the Latin supines first shew-
ing itself on Roman soil, as, indeed, in the older Latinity
also, the abstracts in tio have obtained the capacity, like infi-
[G. Ed. p. 1255.] nitives, of governing the accusative* which
the more modem language has again resigned. The case
is different with the forms of the Lithuanian and Sclavonic
supines, which correspond to the Latin supines and the
Old Prussian infinitive (§§. 866. 466.), which stand in the
said languages isolated, and without any support on a class
of words provided with a full declension, and shew them-
selves to be transmissions from the time of identity with
the Sanscrit and the earlier, as the said languages, through
several other phenomena, point to the fact that they were
first separated from the Sanscrit at a time when the latter
language had already experienced sundry corruptions, with
which the classic and German tongues are not yet ac-
quainted, f
* The following are examples in Plantns : Quid tibi hone digito tactio
est ? quid tibi istunc tactio est f quid tibi hanc notio est ? quid tibi banc
aditio est f quid tibi hue receptio ad te est meum virum ? quid tibi bane
euratio est? This idiom therefore appears to have been retained, or
generally to have been adopted, in questions only.
t I have expressed myself more folly on this subject In a treatise read
before the Academy sevend yean ago, but still nnprinted, '< On the Lan-
guage
FOKMATION OF WOEDS. ]215
870. We ought not to ascribe a passive [G. Ed. p. 1256 J
signification to the ablative of the supine, at least it cannot
gUAge of the Old Pnusians;" and I have there appealed in particular to
the palatal i, which has arisen from ky for which the classical langaages
exhibit the original guttural tenuis, the German languages h (according
to the rule for the permutation of sound, see §. 87.), while the Lettish
and Sclavonic languages, in most of the words which admit of compari-
son, give likewise a sibilant. Compare, e.g.^ Sanscrit dsva-s, "a horse,"
dhd, '' a mare," wj|h the Lithuanian cuzwa^ contrasted with the Latin
equuSy equa^ Old Saxon eku ; ivan (th.), nom. ivd, " dog, with the Lithua-
nian 8ZU (nom.)y gen. szun-$, contrasted with the Greek kvcoi/, Latin
cemi'Sy Gothic hund{a)'8 ; iaid-m, '' a hundred," with the Lithuanian
tzinta-8, (masc.)y Old Sdaronic 9to (neut.), contrasted with the Latin
centum^ Greek i'KaT6v (p. 445) ; sdkhd, '^ bough," with Lithuanian szakd,
Russian guk^ contrasted with the Irish geag. By another process, Kuhn
(see Weber's Indian Studies, p. 924) has arrived at the opinion, that the
Sclavonic languages ^^ have continued longer united with the Indian, or,
still more probably, longer with the Zend and the Persian, than with the
others of the Indo-Germanic family." I cannot, however, assume a spe-
cial affinity between the Sclavonic (and Lettish) and the Arian languages
(the Zend, Persian, Kurdish, Afghan, Armenian, Ossetish) ; and in the
forementioned treatise regarding the Old Prussian I have drawn atten-
tion to the fact, that an especial peculiarity of the Arian languages con-
sists in this, that they have all of them before vowels, and the most part
before semi-vowels also, as well at the beginning as in the middle of
words, changed the original or dental « (v ) into A, or entirely suppressed
it. This token, however, fails in the Sclavonic and Lettish languages,
which, in this respect, have maintiuned themselves on a level with the
Sanscrit. Compare, e.g.y the Lithuanian ieptyrdy Sclavonic sedmg, with
the Zend haptOy Persian hafty the Armenian gevthn, yefthankh, Ossetish
awdy and Af^an 6va. When, however, the Sclavonic-Lettish lan-
guages at times accord with the Arian, in that they contrast with the
Sanscrit K A a ubilant, as, e.g., in the nominative singular of the pronoun
of the 1st person (see p. 471), I regard it in so far as casual, inasmuch as
I believe that the two groups of languages (the Lettish-Sclavonic and
Arian) in these, on the whole, but rare coincidences, have reached a com-
mon goal by separate routes ; as the Greek, through its rough breathing,
frequently coincides with the Arian A (of. e.g, inrd with the Zend haptd),
without, however, the ohange of the original « into the rough breathing
at
1216 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. l*2o7.] be assigned with more right to it than to
other abstract substantives, in which it can be inferred only
at the beginning of words having become a principle; for the Greek con-
trasts, e.<7., avv^ for Sanscrit #am, with the Zend ham. The Sanscrit W * is
properly An aspirated g {gh\ and, in pronnnciation, has the same relation to
'^gh that the Greek x bas to the Sanscrit kh {k + h\ in which, as gene-
rally in the Sanscrit aspirates, an J^ is clearly heard after the said tennis
or medial. The Sanscrit h is therefore, as it were, a ^eak x, and leads us,
in the Lettish-Sclavonic langoages, which have no aspirates, to expect a
^, which we here also frequently find in the placo of the Sanscrit h ; as,
e,g.y in Lithuanian deguj '^I bum''=sSanscrit ddhdmi; and in the Scla-
vonic MOFifk moguh, '^ I can,** which is based on the Sanscrit root mahh^
mah^ " to grow," whence 1^9(^mahdty " great" (cf. magnutf fieyas), to
which the Zend wxi^ maz6 is radically akin, with z, therefore, con-
trasted with the Sanscrit h and Sclavonic, Greek, and Latin g. \Vbere,
however, the Lithuanian contrasts a ii ( = French j, Sclavonic ik) and the
Sclavonic as with the Sanscrit h, there I regard the sibilant of the said
languages, not as a corruption of the Sanscrit h, but of a g^ in the same
manner as, in Italian, the^ before e and t has, in pronunciation, become
dsch (English y): moreover, in this case the Lettish and Sclavonic Lin-
guages, in spite of their near relationship, no longer invariably agree
with one another; since, e. 27., the Russian contrasts with the Sanscrit
kafisa, *' goose, ** the form r y C b gusyy and the Lithuanian the form zasis. In
the Zend this word would, in its theme, be either as^^A!< zatiha or xswjxi^
jaxJia (see §§.56^. 57.), the h of which the Lettish-Sclavonic languages
would have scarcely conducted back to its point of departure, 9, I would^
also recall attention to the fact, that in the Lettish and Sclavonic lan-
guages occasionally weak sibilants occur for the Sanscrit g or the^ ir ,
which was first developed out of the g af^er the separation of languages.
Thus the Lithuanian zada-s, " speech," and siodi-Sy '^ word," lead to the
Sanscrit root gad, "to speak;" for which, in Zend, we have AM^jod^
"to require." To the Sanscrit not ^^ft^ jiv, "to live," corresponds tha
Sclavonic root AiiiB schiv ; while the Lithuanian in this root has pre^
served the original guttural (ggwaty "living," gy^cmn^ "I live"), which
is a proof that the corruption of the original guttural in this root, in San-
scrit and Sclavonic, first made its appearance after the separation of the
LetUsh-Sdavonio languages from Sanscrit. The divergence of the Let-
tish
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1217
from the general sense whether the action passes from the
subject or to it, as in general the abstract substantives ex-
tish and Sclavonic languages in the word ''God'* deserves notice; for
while the Lithnanian diewa-s, and Prussian deiwa-s, are based on the
Sanscrit diva-Sy " God" (Zend duSva, " evil spirit"), the word bog (theme
bogo)y which is common to perhaps all the Sclavonic languages, leads us
to the Old Persian baga, with which Kuhn also, 1.. c, has compared it,
while I, at a time when I was as yet unacquainted witli the Old Persian
expression (Glossarinm Sanscr.^ Fasc. II. a. I84I9 p. 242), compared it with
^YTTsnr bhagavni (from bkaga, '^/elicitas, beatitudo"), ^^felix, beatus, vene-
rabUU" (applied only to gods and saints) ; and under HT bhaga I have men-
tioned the Lithuanian bagota-s, and Russian bagotyl, " rich" (cf. Mikl.
*• Radices," s. v. Bori* bog', "dew*"). The Sanscrit root bhajy from bhag^
signifies, '' to worship, to adore, to love ;" and as the suffix a has also
a passive signification, the old Persian and Sclavonic term for ''God"
might originally have also signified " worshipped, adored," the possibility
of which, with regard to the Sclavonic word, is also admitted by Pott
(E. I., I. p. 236). I would, however, by no means found an argument for
a special affinity between the Sclavonic languages and the Old Persian on
their agreement in the designation of " God" (in Persian, " gods"), as the
Sanscrit itself supplies a very satisfactory root for that ; and, moreover,
two languages might very easily have fallen upon the same method, quite
independently of each other, so as to have designated " God," or ''gods,"
from " adoration ;' as, too, the New Persian dj>\ tzed^ " God," is based
on another root for " to pray," viz. on iji^ yaj (Zend yaz)^ whence the
perfect passive participle is, by contraction, ishtd-s. Though the opinion
expressed above (§§. 21. 50.), and supported also by Burnouf (Ya^na,
p. 173), be correct with regard to the original identity of the Lithuanian
swanta-s, "holy," Old Sclavonic CBATT* svahf, id., svahtitiy ^^sanctifl^
carCy" see Mikl. Rad. p. 79, Prussian stuint-s, " holy," ace. swinta-n^
swintint, "to hallow," it is nevertheless important to observe, that in
this word also the Lettish and Sclavonic languages have thereby di-
veiled from the Arian, or Medo- Persic, in that they have not changed
the Sanscrit group of sounds, $v into sp, but have left the old semi-vowel
unaltered. The Sanscrit supplies, as the original source of the word un-
der discussion (see Weber, V. S. Sp. II. 68.), the extremely fruitful root
iviy " to grow," in the contracted form su, if this be not the old form, and
ivi an extension of it. From ivi we might expect svayanta, according to
4 k the
1218 FORMATION OF WOEDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1258.] press in no degree whatever the relation
of activity or passiveness. Moreover, the Sanscrit infini-
tive is wanting in a passive form; and where it has, or
appears to have, a passive signification, this is discoverable
only from the context, as, e.g., in a passage of the Savitri
(5. 15.), of which I annex the translation : '' this man, bound
by duty .... deserves not to be summoned by my servants,'*'
more literally, " is not deserving the summoning'' (nd 'rhS
nStum\ where the circumstance that netum can be rendered
by a passive infinitive does not justify us in assigning to
it a passive signification. It has, if one will so view
it, an active meaning with reference to the servants of
Yama, and a passive with reference to Satyavdn, while in
[G. Ed. p. 1269.] point of fact it denotes neither activity
nor passiveness, but the abstract ''summoning, leading
away,'' which is itself irrespective of doing or suffering.
So also in the Hitopadesa (ed. Bonn. p. 4l), abhishiktum^
"to sprinkle,"" has no passive signification, which Lassen
(II. 75.) would make this infinitive borrow fr9m the pas-
sive participle nirupUa. In my opinion, nirupita retains
its passive meaning for itself, and does not consign it to
the infinitive. That however, 1. c, the sprinkling (the
kingly inauguration by sprinkling) is not performed by the
elephant of the said person, but by another, is clear from
the context. In order to leave the active or passive rela-
tion as undefined as in the original, I translate atavird^^.
"bhishiktum bhavdn rdrupitaE by " to the sprinkling for the
forest-sovereignty your honour is chosen.""
871. We sometimes find the Vedic dative also of the in-
finitive base in tu with an apparent passive infinitive sig-
nification ; as, e.g., S. V. (ed. Benfey, p. 143), {ndrdt/a sdma
the analogy of jayantd (n. pr., originally ''conqueror"), and from in,
savanta; and, without Guna, ivait/a/ to which the Sclavonic CBATi*
want', theme svanto, wonld correspond admirably. >
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1219
pdtavS vritraghni parishichi/asi, "for Indra, O Soma, for
drinking (in order to be drunk) for the slayer of Vritra,
thou art poured around f' Rigv. 28. «., indrdya pdlavi sunu
sdmanh " for Indra, for drinking, express the Soma.**^ Thus,
also, at times the above-mentioned (§. 857.) dative form of
abstract radical words appears to supply the place of the
passive infinitive; e.g. Rigv. 52. 8. ddhdrayo divyd suryan
drhhA " thou hast placed the sun in the heaven to see.'"'|"
As a practical rule, we may lay down the [G. Ed. p. 1260.]
proposition for classical Sanscrit, that where an instrumen-
tal of the person accompanies the infinitive in tumt the
former may, in languages which possess a passive infinitive,
be translated by it. Thus, in the passage cited above (nd
^rhd nitum matpUTui&iK) ; so also Mah. II. 309., na yuktas
tu avamdnd ''sya kartun tvayd, ** It is not, however, fitting
for thee to shew contempt for this one (=that contempt
be made)."" In another passage, which is in essentials simi-
lar (Mah. I. 769.), the passive participle yukta, " beseeming,
fitting" (properly ** joined ""), is not governed by the subject,
but stands impersonally in the neuter, na yuktam bhavatd
'ham anritSno ^pachariiumt " not beseeming (is it) that I, by
thee with falsehood serve ( = be served)." + There is also
an interesting, and hitherto, in its kind, unique passage in
the Raghuvansa (14. 42.), yady arthiid .... prdndn mayd
dhdrayitun chiran vaK, Irrespective of maydy "by me,"
* =^' iu order to be drunk." S&yana explains pdtavS by pdtaum ;
bat here, in classical Sanscrit, I should expect another abstract in the
dative, rather than the accusative of the infinitive.
t s^'to be seen." The Scholiast explains drisi by drdshtuntf and
then more closely by sarvishdm oirndkan dariandya, ^' on account of the
seeing of us all."
I Compare a passage in S&vitri (II. 22.), where iakyam, ^^ possib'de^*'
refers, according to the sense, to ddsha, masc., '' fault :" sacha dSshah
prayatnina na iakyam ativartitumt ^^ and this &ult it is impossible to
overpass without utmost endeavour."
1 k2
1220 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the literal translation would be, " if your wish to retain
life long/' and then the obtaining of life would refer to
the persons addressed ; but by the appended maydf " by
me," the sense is essentially altered, and the retention of
life referred to the speaker, though the life might be that
of those addressed if the context allowed of this ; but dhdra-
[G. Ed. p. 1261.] yiium, ** to receive/* remains, however,
in so far, a genuine active infinitive, as it governs the ac-
cusative (pi.) prdndn '* v'ltamy In order to imitate as
closely the grammatical complexion of the original in trans-
lating it into German, we might perhaps render it thus,
" if to you the wish (is) for the long retention of life through
me f ' only here the word that signifies " to retain" must
be rendered as the common abstract with the genitive,*
instead of as verbal with the accusative ; and instead of the
adverb "long" the corresponding adjective must be pre-
fixed to it, while the proper infinitive is importantly dis-
tinguished from the common abstract by this, that it .'admits
of no epithet.
872. It is worthy of notice, moreover, how the Sanscrit,
being deficient in a passive infinitive, shifts for itself in
cases where such an infinitive was to have been expected
after verbs which signify "to be able" in such sentences,
as vinci potest The Sanscrit then, in such cases, expresses
the passive relation by the auxiliary verb ^re iaA:, " to be
able," to which it has lent a passive, perhaps especially with
a view to constructions of this kind, which, however, is
only used impersonally ; e.g. Mah. I. 6678., yadi sakyat^, "if
it is possible" (literally, "if it is could ");f on the other
* I.e. the infinitive in Sanscrit, which in the German is rendered by
^^ Erhalten," mast bo regarded as a substantive "retention," not as verbal
" retaining." — Translator,
t The reader will pardon this expression, which must be coined in
order to render " icird gekonnt :" I had only the choice between it and
" is been able." — Trarulatar.
FOEMATION OF WORDS. 1221
hand, e,^., Nal. 20, 5., nd ^^hartun iakyaii punaK, "it (the gar-
ment) cannot be recalled,'" (literally, *' is not can-ed to re-
call"); as if one could say in Latin, *' afferre nequitur,'"* in-
stead of ''affeni mequXV The Latin language, however,
allows of the doubled expression of the passive relation,
both in the infinitive and in the negative auxiliary verb
" nequeo^ hence, e.g.t comprimi nequitur (Plant. Rud.), retrahi
nequitur (Plant apud. Fest), ulcisci (pass.), nequitur (Sail.),
virginitas reddi nequitur (Apul.). Observe, also, the way in
which the passive of the infinitive future in Latin is para-
phrased by the accusative of the supine [G. Ed. p. 12G2.]
with iri; where, therefore, the auxiliary verb has, exactly
as in the Sanscrit saky&t^, *' is could," taken upon itself the
denoting of the passive relation, which the accusative of
the supine, like its cognate form in Sanscrit, is incapable
of expressing ; thus, amatum iri, literally, " gone to love
(in love)," instead of ** to go to be loved." That, too, the
indicative of iri can be used in constructions of this kind,
is proved by a passage in Cato (apud Gell. 10. 14.), contu-
melia per hujusce petulardiam mihifadum iiur^ "Insult is gone
to do to me," instead of " goes to be done to me."*
* I first drew attention to the peculiarity of Sanscrit idiom, as regards
the construction of the passive of iak, 'Ho be able/' with the infinitive,
in my review of Forster's " Essay on the principles of the Sanscrit Gram-
mar" (Heidelberg Ann. Heg., 1818, No. 30, p. 476), and afterwards in
a Note on Arj ana's journey to Indra's heaven, p. 81; and I believe
that it was desirable, to express a meaning on this subject, as the sin-
gularity of a passive to a verb which signifies " to be able ;" and the
circumstance that iak admits also of being used as a middle of the 4th
class (e.g, sakyasi, ^' thou canst/' N. XI. 6.) might also induce the
opinion that the Sanscrit infinitive in turn has both a passive and an
active meaning; and that, therefore, e.g., hantuh icJn/ati literally signi-
fies nothing else than ^* occidi potest," This is, however, opposed by the
passages in which infinitives are dependent on the decidedly passive par-
ticiples of the preterite iakitd (see p. 1118 Note I), and of the future
tfdkya ; e.g.. Ram. I. 44. 53., punar na iakitd netun gangd prarthayatd.
1222 FORMATION OY WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1263.] 873. Let US now turn to the German in-
finitive ; and we will, in the first place, call attention to the re-
markable agreement which the Gothic shews to the Sanscrit
in this, that in the want of a passive infinitive in the cases in
which this form, did it exist, would be placed after the auxi-
liary verb signifying "to be Me"'' (nuxg/* I can,"' "I am able^')
it expresses the passive relation in the auxiliary verb. As,
however, magt ** I can," is a preterite with a present sig-
nification (cf. §. 49L)i and as the Gothic is not in a position
to form a passive, except out of present forms (see §. 512.),
and not, like the Sanscrit and Greek, out of other tenses
also, it has recourse to the passive participle mahiSf
mahta, mahU which, like the formal indicative preterite
mag, has always a present signification * on which ac-
count the temporal relation, if it be a past one, can be
denoted only by the appended verb substantive, while
^' the Ganga (would) not be able (possible) to bring back by the wisher ;''
Hidimba, I. 35., kin tu iakyam mayd kartum ^^what, howeyer, (is) to be
able (possible) to do by me" (=what, however, can be done by me).
Lassen (Hitop. II. 75.) remarks that constmctions of this kiiid can in
nowise be limited to ink, " to be able," but it is nevertheless certain
that the construction of the active infinitive with the passive of a verb
which signifies ^'to be able" is the most original and most deserving of
special notice ; for that verbs which signiiy " to begin" have in Sanscrit,
as in other languages, a passive, is just as little surprising, as that the
action which is begun is expressed in Sanscrit, as in German, by the
active infinitive, as it is not necessary that the passive relation should be
expressed both at the beginning and in the action which is begun, though
constructions occur in Latin like vasa coryici coepta sunt {Ne]^.); while
we in German say, e,g,, das Haus wird zu bauen angefangeriy ''the bouse
is begun to build (to be built);" and in Sanscrit (Hit., ed. Bonn. p. 49,
1. 10.), iina mhdrah kdrayiium drabdhah, '^by this one (would) a temple
be begun to be built." It is self-evident that, in constructions of this
kind, the action expressed by the infinitive does not stand in an active
relation to the subject.
* Cf. Grimm, IV. pp. 69, 60.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1223
the Sanscrit iakU&t has already a past meaning, both in
and for itself. . For the feminine iakitd mentioned above
(p. 1262 G. ed.f Note) Ulfilas would have said mahia was, not
mahia isi; while in Sanscrit, if the usually [G. Ed. p. 1264.]
omitted verb substantive were actually expressed in the
passage quoted 1. c.^ we should have iakitd ''sti, in the
manner of the Latin periphrasis of the lost perfect passive,
as amata est. Though, in Gothic also, the circumlocutive
for the passive infinitive by the participle preterite passive
with the auxiliary verb "to be'^ (vairthan) already occurs
(Grimm, IV. 67.) and, e.g., Matt. viii. 24. KdKuTrreadai is
rendered by gahulUh wairthan, nevertheless Ulfilas rejects
this periphrasis in the cases in which, in the Greek text,
the passive infinitive is dependent on a verb signifying " to
be able.'" Hence, Mark xiv. 5, maht visi . . . . fnibukyan,
rjivvaro irpadfjvai ; Luke viii. 43, qvind . , • , tU mahta (nom.
fem.) was fram aindmihun galeikindn, yvvrj ovk Jorj^i/crev irn
ovSevo^ depairevdfjvou ; John iii. 4, hvaiva makts ist manna ga-
bairan, irQ^ Svvarai aivBpuyno^ yevvfjd^vat ; x. 35, ni maht ist
gatairan thata gamilidd, ov Sivarai \v0^vou fj ypa^rj ; 1 Tim.
V. 2b,fithan ni mahta sind, Kpv^rjvai ov Svvarat.
874. Like mahts, skalds (skaU "I must^') also has the
meaning of the present passive participle, while in form it
* The preterite participle passire is well suited, with the anziliaiy
verb '' to be," for a periphrasis of the present infinitive, because the auxi-
liary takes, as it were, the temporal power from the expression of the
past, and places the past or perfect nature of the action in the future,
whereby the whole is, by this means, adapted to express the present.
Compare the periphrasis for the future active in Old High Prussian by
the perfect active participle and the auxiliary verb ^^ to be" (see p. 1061
Note *). On the other hand, the perfect passive participle with vwan,
'^ BBsey'^ analogously to the Latin, expresses the perfect passive infinitive ;
and this is well worthy of notice. So in the subscription to 1 Cor., mi-
lida visan {^^scripta esse*'). Cf. 2 Cor. v. 11, svikunthatu visan, *'^cognh
tos esse" (7rt<l}aptpS><r6ai), with iv. 11, svikuntha wairthai {(fxu^ptaO^).
122 1 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
corresponds to the ]>erfect passive jxirticiple of the Sanscrit
and Latin. This skulds (fern. skuldOf neut skuld), receives
[G. £d. p. 1265.] in like manner the expression of the pas-
sive relation, which the language is incapable of expressing
in the accompanying infinitive : hence, e. y., Luke ix. 41,
skulds ist aigiban in handuns mann6, as it were, *' he is being
compelled to deliver into the hands of men," instead of,
" he must be delivered'' /zeAXei TtapaSiBoadat), Moreover,
in Gothic it often happens that it can be known only from
the context and the accompanying dative (alone or with
/ram, "from")» which, in Gothic, frequently represents the
Sanscrit instrumental, tliat the infinitive has not the com-
mon active meaning, but a passive one.* Thus, in Matt,
vi. 1, it appears from the dative iwi, " by them,"' that the
preceding infinitive has a passive signification, and that
du saihvan iwi, which we, in order to imitate the construc-
tion, must translate by " to the seeing by them,'' translates
the Greek irpog ro Beadrjvai auToTr, where the infinitive has,
through the prefixed article, the form of a concrete. With-
out, however, the imf which shews what is the proper
meaning, du saihvan, "to see," for "seeing," could not
well be otherwise taken in this passage than as active, and
the preceding words, which lead us to expect a passive ex-
pression, would not justify us in taking the said infinitive
as passive. — Von Gabelentz and Lobe (Gramm. p. 140 c.), re-
mark, that, by a Germanism, the Gothic active infinitive
after the verbs " to command, to will, to give" occurs with
a passive signification. I cannot, however, perceive any
passive signification of the infinitive in the examples ad-
duced I.e., except in du ushramyan, "to crucify" (=:*'to
the crucifying, to be crucified"). Among others, the
following are cited as examples : Matt, xxvii. 61, halt vitan
ihnmma hiaivat " command to watch the grave," exactly as,
* Cf. the aaalogous Sanscrit con&itravtions, )>. 1*258 G. ed.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1225
iu hatin, jube custodire sepvlcrum; only that [G. Ed. p. 1266.]
the Gothic verb vitot " I watcb,*" and therefore, also, its in-
finitive, instead of the dative, governs the accusative, while
the Latin jubere also admits of the passive infinitive, as in
the Greek text, Kehevcov dcr^oAicrd^vai rov raffkov (*' com-
mand the being watched with respect to the grave'');
Luke ^dii. 53, anabaud izai giban (dare, not dari SoO^vat)
mat, *' He commanded to give her (actionem dandi ei), meat,''
jussii ei dare cibumt compared with the Greek hera^ev avr^
iodrjvai <l>aye7v, '* He commanded the being given to her
(actionem rou dari ei) to eat (with reference to eating);"* a
construction which cannot be imitated in Gothic, but to which
Ulfilas, in Mark v. 43, (haihait izai giban matyan) thereby
approximates, in that he renders ^ay€7v by an infinitive,
which, however, here stands as the object of giban, **to
give," in the common accusative relation, and docs not,
like the Greek, express the relation "in reference to" (as
iroSa^ ci}Kvg). Most common is the representation of the
Greek passive infinitive by the Gothic active infinitive
with a passive signification to be deduced from the context,
in cases in ivhich the infinitive expresses the causal rela-
tion, and the Veda dialect uses the dative in tu, or another
infinitive form (see §. 854.), while the Gothic employs the
infinitive with the preposition du, or, also, the simple infini-
tive, but the latter almost only after verbs of motion, where
it, irrespective of its possible passive signification, corre-
sponds to the accusative of the Latin supine; e.g., Luke
V. 15, garunnun hiuhmans managai hausyan [G. Ed. p. 1267.]
yah leikindn from imma, " great multitudes came together
to hear and to healing ( = to be healed, BepaireveaOai) by
* By this un-German rendering I merely wish to shew that the Greek
passive infinitive stands in the accusative relation. The case-relation of
the infinitive (ftaydv is likewise accusative, and corresponds to that of
Td<l>ov in the preceding example.
1226 FOBMATION OF WORDS.
him r Luke ii. 4, 5, urran than yah losef .... anam^lyan
mith manin, " and Joseph also went np to the taxing (to be
taxed) with Mary ;" 2 Thess. i. 10, qvimith tuthauhyan, " he
Cometh to the glorifying (to be glorified,'' evSo^aadrjvai),
But above (p. 1265 G. ed.), for du saihvan^ ** to the seeing
(to be seen'"), saihvan alone could scarcely stand, as no
verb of motion precedes : for the same reason, at Matt. xxvi. 2
also (atgibadn du itshramyan, " is betrayed to be crucified,"
eig TO (rravpuidfivai), the preposition du could not be re-
moved. On the other hand, the strictly active infinitive is
occasionally also found in the causal relation without du,
and without being preceded by a verb of motion ; e.g.,
Eph. vi. 19, ei mis gibaidau vaurd .... kannyan runa aivag-
gilydns^ " that utterance may be given unto me .... to
make known the mystery of the gospel" (see Grabel. and
Lobe, Gramm. p. 250).
875. In German, and indeed so early as in Old High
German, the infinitive often apparently receives a passive
signification through the preposition zu (Old High German,
za, z€t zU ZO9 zu. With it, for the most part, is foimd the
verb substantive; and we render the Latin future passive par-
ticiple, when accompanied by the verb substantive, by the
infinitive with zu; e.g. puniendus est by "er ist zu strafent^
**he is to punish '' {i.e, "he is for the punishing fitted
thereto"'): on the other hand, in English we have, "he is
to be punished " ( = " cr w< gestrafi zu uerden "). J. Grimm,
IV. 60, 61, gives examples of the Old and Middle High
German, from which I annex a few : ze karawenne* sint
{** prcpparanda sunt"'*), Ker. 15*. ; ze kesezzenne ist C'vonsti'
tuenda est'"), Ker. 15^; za petdnne ist [G. Ed. p. 1268.]
{**orandum est"). Hymn 17. 1.; ist zi firsiandanrve (**inteUi-
gendum est "), Is. 9. 2. ; daz er an ze sehene den fromven wtcre
guot. Nib. 276. 2. But even without the accompaniment of
* Regarding the dative fonn, see §. 870.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1227
the verb substantive, we give, in appearance, to the infini-
tive a passive signification in sentences like er Idsst niclds zu
mumchen iibrig, *' he leaves nothing to be desired ;" er gab
ihm JFein zu trinken, " he gave him wine to drink/' Such
constructions answer to those in which, in the Veda dialect,
the dative of the infinitive stands apparently with a passive
signification (see §. 871.); since, e.g., HHf^ pdtavi may very
well be translated by ** to be drunk,"' though it signifies
nothing else than " on account of drinking,'" exactly like
our zu trinken (zum Trinken) in th« sentence cited above
(cf. pp. 1225, 1226 Note, G. ed.). Our infinitives have also
the appearance of a passive signification, and the capacity of
representing the real passive infinitives of other languages,
after korem " to hear," sehen^ '* to see,"' lassen, " to leave,"
heissen, "to be called," befehlen, "to command," in sen-
tences like ich hore erzdhlen^ {attdio narrart) ; ich sah ihn mii
Filssen treten (cakari), " I saw him trampled under foot ;" ich
kann kein Thier schlachten sehen (mactari), ** I cannot see an
animal slaughtered ;" lass dich von ihm belehren, "let thyself
be taught by him ;" er befahl ihn zu todten, " he ordered
him to be slain" (see Grimm, IV. 6l). Yet, when such
expressions arose, the want of a real passive infinitive was
hardly felt, and it was scarcely intended to give to the
active infinitive a passive signification ; for the active
meaning of the infinitive is here quite ample, and in the
cases in which an accusative is governed by the infinitive
{ich sah mit Fiissen treten lAn, &c.) it is even more natural
than the passive. Undoubtedly, in the sentences quoted
above the infinitives are still more strictly active than the
Sanscrit nHum in the sentence previously (p. 1258 G. ed.)
discujssed, "he is not deserving the summoning by my
people," because here there is no accusative governed by
nStunif " to summon," which allows the active expression to
appear in its full energy. The circum- [G. Ed. p. 1269.]
stance, that many languages in such kinds of expression
1228 FORMATION OF WORDS.
arrive at the same method independently of each other,
proves that it is very natural. I further recall attention,
with J. Grimm (1. c), to French sentences, such as, je lui
ai vu couper ks jambes ; il se laisse chasser ; and, moreover,
to the fact, that in certain verbs the Latin admits both the
active and passive infinitive, which, however, proves that the
former is perfectly logical and correct, as it is not necessity,
i.e. the actual want of a passive form, which occasions its use.
876. As regards the form of the German infinitive, it
appears to me beyond all doubt, that, as has already been
elsewhere (" The Caucasian members of the Indo-European
Family of Languages,'' p. 83.) remarked, the termination
aiit afterwards eru is based on the Sanscrit neuter suffix ana,
the formations of which in Sanscrit also very frequently sup-
ply the place of the infinitive,* and on which, too, are
grounded also the Hindustani infinitives, as also the South
Ossetish in iUf the Tagaurish in urii and very probably,
also, the Armenian, in the final / of which I think I recog-
nise the very common corruption of an n (see §. 20.), as is
the case, among other words, in i^^^ aiU *' the other," com-
pared with the Sanscrit anya-a^ Latin alius, Greek aWog, and
the Gothic base alya (see §. 374.). The vowel which pre-
cedes the I of the Armenian infinitives belongs, however,
not to the suffix, but to the verbal theme, which we may
learn from its changing according to the difference of the
conjugations ; hence, e.g. (t^ptri^ber^-l, " to carry,''f (Sanscrit
[G. Ed. p. 1270.] bhar-and, " the carrying, supporting'') =
Gothic bair-a-n, after the analogy o{ ptrpinTber-e-m, " I bear,"
* Seepp. 1211, 1213, G.cd.
t I write the Armenian consonants in the Latin character, according
to their parentage, and the pronunciation which is assigned to them by the
order of the alphabet (see Pctermann, p. 16). The vowel L e, which is
often pronounced like f/e, corresponds etymologically to the Greek c, and,
as the latter generally docs, to the Sanscrit a.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1229
pbplru ber-e-Sf " thou bearest ;" '"'"L ^^'^ " ^ give'' (Sanscrit
ddna, " the giving, gift'') with uuMtiPta-m, " I give," ma#«# to-»,
"thou givest^ (SsLnscAt dddd-mi, dddd-si) ; tSuug^mn-a-l, "to re-
main," with iRunT mn-a-m^ " I remain," ^u/u mn-a-s, *' thou
remainest ;" Jlrnjuii/ig_ merhan-i-U " to die," with Jhnju%lt*r
merhan-i'm, "I die," Jbnjubfiu merhan-i-Sf "thou diest." In
the German languages also the vowel preceding the final n
of the infinitive does not belong to the infinitive suffix, but
to the class-syllable. In the weak conjugation ( = Sanscrit
CI. 10., see §. 109*. 6.), it is tolerably clear, that, f.jr., the
syllable ya of satyan, " to place ^' (see §. 741.), the a of which,
according to an universal rule of sound (§. 67.), is weakened
before a final s and th to i, is identical with the same
syllable in sat-yu^ " I place ;" sat-ya-m, " we place ;" sat-ya-nd,
" they place." I therefore divide the infinitive thus,
sat-ya-n. In forms like salb-d-n, "to salve" (pres. salb-d,
salb-d'S^ salb'd'th, &c.), it is still more clear that the sim-
ple n is the suffix of the infinitive. In Grimm's 3d con-
jugation of the weak form, the i of the diphthong ai is
dropped before the n of the infinitive, as generally before
nasals, thus, hab-a-n^ " to have,** so, too, hab-a-niy " we have,"
hab-a-nd, "they have," contrasted with hab-ai-s, " thou hast,'*
hab-ai'tht " he has, ye have :" on the other hand, in Old
High German, hab-i-n, "to have," as also hab^-m, "I have,"
hab-i-nt, " they have." In the strong verbs, which, with
the few exceptions in ya (see §. 109*. 2.), belong to the San-
scrit 1st class, it might have been before assumed that the
a preceding the n in the infinitive is identical with the
Sanscrit first a of the suffix ana; that therefore, e.g., bair-
an, " to bear," qviman, " to come,** bindan, " to bind," beitan,
" to bite," gritan, " to weep," correspond [G. Ed. p. 1271.]
alsoi with respect to the 1st a of the suffix, to the Sanscrit
neuter abstracts which are akin in formation, bhar-anOf "the
bearing, supporting," gam-ana, "the going," bandh-ana,
"the binding," bhSd-anOf "the separating" krand-ana, "the
1230 FORMATION OF WORDS.
weeping ;'' and this was formerly my opinion. As, how-
ever, the verbs which correspond to the Sanscrit 4th class
retain the character ya in the infinitive, and, e.g., the infi-
nitive of vahs-yOf "I grow'' (pret. vdhs), is vahs-ya-n (not
vahs-an), and that otbid-ya, " I pray'' (pret bath, pi. Mdum),
bid-ya-n (not bid-an), I now regard the a of forms like
bair-a-n, bind-a-rif &c., as the class-vowel, and therefore as
identical with that of bair-a, bair^a-m, bair-a-Tid^ bind-a, bind-
a-fOf bind^a-nd; and I derive in general the German infini-
tive from the theme of the special tenses, with which it
always agrees in respect of the form of the radical vowel ;
since, e.g., bindra-n, "to bind," biug-an, "to bend," corre-
spond in this respect to the present binda, biuga, but not
to the true root band^ bug, or to the singular of the prete-
rite bandy bang (plur. bundum, bugutn). Consequently the
German infinitive stands in exact accordance with the Ar-
menian, if I am right in viewing in the I of the latter the
corruption of an n, and therefore in the before-mentioned
(tlrplr^ ber-€'U a form exactly analogous to the Gotliic bair-
a-n, Old High German b'er-a-n.
Remark. — As the Armenian b e, like the Greek c^ is the most
common representative of the Sanscrit a; so the Armenian 1st con-
jugation, in the great majority of its verbs, viz. in those which interpose
a simple Ir e between the root and the personal terminations, corre-
sponds to the Sanscrit Ist and 6th classes (see §. 100^ 1.), wluch two
classes cannot be distinguished in Armenian, a language in which Guna
is unknown. The inserted ir e^ therefore, of forms VikQ p.lrplr*rber-4-my
" I bear," p.frplru ber-e-Sy " thou bearest," p.bftlrtr^ ber-e-mkhj " we
[G. Ed. p. 1272.] bear," p.bpblb ber-e-rij " they boar," corresponds to
the Greek c of forms like ^p-c-rc, ff^p-t-rovy €<f>€p'€-£, Z^p-t, and
to the Sanscrit a of forms like thdr-a-si, '* thou bearest," bhdr-a-tiy
" he bears," bh&r-a-nti^ " they bear." The lengthening of the Ar-
menian b e i/o k c in pbpk ber-S, " he bears," pirpkg ber-£'kh, " ye
bear," I regard as compensation for the dropping of the personal expres-
sion after the class- vowel ; * for the kh of the last-named form is, to a
* As the 3d person beriy for Affreiss Sanscrit bharati, Gothic hahith,
has
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1231
certain extent, only the expression of plurality, as, in the 1st person,
ber-e-mkh (7/i/:A= Sanscrit mas). In the 2d person the to-he-presnpposed
tkk or takhy like the Latin tia (fertis)^ wonld correspond rather to the
Sanscrit dual {bhdr-a-thas) than to the plural (fihdr-a-tha). In the 1st
Armenian conjugation occur also verhs, which add, not a simple e, hut ne
to the root, in which it is easy to recognise, as in the Latin ni, e,g., in
gter-ni^, ster-ni-t (see §. 400. )f the character of the Sanscrit 9th class,
with nd, niy as class-syllable. Here belongs, e.g.y the root lumn. xark^
" to mix ;" whence [uiuiCbbiT xorh-ne-m^ *' I mix," infinitive luunvblr^
xarh-ne-L The corresponding Sanscrit root kar (*Ati), "to strew,"
with the preposition Mzm, also '* to mix," follows the 9th class, not, in-
deed, in this signification, but in another {^* to slay*') ; and it admits of
no doubt that the Armenian x^^^'^^'^ corresponds to the Sanscrit
kri-nd-mi (from kar^^-mi) and Greek Kip-mj-fu, Probably, also, the
Armenian verbs in ane-m and ana-m — as ^lupguiblrtT harianem, '' I ask "
(Sanscrit root pr{ichh); inuiulbuttriovanam, " I wash" (Sanscrit root plu,
" to swim," causal " to wash," Greek n-Xvvo)— belong to the Sanscrit 9th
class, with the insertion, therefore, of an a between the root and the original
class-character, in the same way as, at times, in Old High Gennan, an a is
prefixed to the formative sufiixes beginning with a consonant (see §. 799.).
Before the passive character t, which Petermann (p. 188) [G. Ed. p. 1273.]
aptly compares with the Sanscrit yay verbs of this kind, whether actually
existing or presupposed, drop the vowel of the class-character. In this
manner at least I think that we must explain deponents like JkoMtti^tT
merhanimy " I die," for whibh we must suppose in Sanscrit mri-nd-mi
(from mar-nd-mi)y but not so as to identify the syllable m of merhanim,
and similar forms, with the iti which appears in Sanscrit before the heavy
personal terminations (j/u-rd-rnds compared with yu-nd-mi). The Arme-
nian 2d conjugation, which adds a to the root, as e,g,y nnjiuttT orJis-ii^my
" I hunt," would, if this a were based, like the e of the 1st conjugation, on
the syllable of insertion of the Sanscrit 1st and 6th class, have retained
has lost a /, I think, too, that in the ablative in iy which Fr. Windisch-
mann, in his valuable academical treatise on the Armenian (p. 28), calls a
mysterious phenomenon, we have to assume the dropping of a <, and, in-
deed, the rather, as the original final t has become unendurable in many
Indo-European languages. Hence the Armenian ablatives like himan-4y
from the base kiman, may be compared with the 2^nd like cka^man-at
(sec p. 197), and the ^ i {or ir e may be viewed as a compensation for the
dropping of the t.
1232 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the character of its Indian prototype still more truly than the Ist conju-
gation. As, however, the Armenian lu a more frequently corresponds to
the Sanscrit long d than to the short, it would also he possible that the
ui a under discussion, like the Latin a of the 1st conjugation, with which
Fr. Windischmann compares it,* is based on the Sanscrit aya of the
10th class (see §. 109^. 6.) The circumstance, however, that the Arme-
nian o-conjugation contains many neuter verbs, while the Sanscrit aya is
principally devoted to the formation of causal and denominative verbs,
makes the deduction of the Armenian 2d conjugation from the Sanscrit
10th class little probable, and favours rather the derivation from the 1st or
6th class, or from the 4th, containing scarce any but neuter verbs, which
in Armenian might easily have sacrificed the semi-vowel of their character
ya (cP. Petermann, p. 188). In the Armenian 3d conjugation there are
many verbs which add rm to the root, and there})y at once remind us of
the Sanscrit nu of the 5th class (see §. 100\ 4.), with which Petermann
also has compared them. Those which add a simple u have probably,
like the Sanscrit verbs of the 8th class, lost an n (see §. 495.).
877. The Hindustani infinitive also has dropped the first
vowel of the Sanscrit suffix ana;\ and, on the other hand.
* ^^ Foundation of the Armenian in the Arian Family of Languages,"
in the treatises of the 1st class of the Bavarian Academy of Lit., B. IV.
Part I., in the special impression, p. 44.
t The a by which transitives like jdl-d-nd, " were" is formed from
intransitives like jdl-nd, " ardere," I derive from the Sanscrit causal
character aya, in the same way as the Latin d of the 1st conjugation
(§. 109*. 6.). By this a causatives also are formed from active transitives ;
e,g., bidh-d-nd, " to cause to bore," from Mdh-nd^ " to bore** (= Sanscrit »
hhM'ana-nij "the cleaving," root Mi</; (Gilchrist, "A Grammar," &c.,
p. 147). With regard to the causal here exhibiting a weaker vowel than
the primitive verb, while in Sanscrit tlie causals usually experience an
increment to the vowel, it is probable that the Hindiistani finds a reason
for weakening the radical syllable in the incumbrance of the causal by the
affix a. Where, however, the causal or transitive loses the proper causal
character, it often exhibits a stronger vowel than the primitive; e.g.
1 Shakespear, with more probability, compares the word %Vvf vedhan
from njv vyadh, " to pierce." In the original. Professor Bopp writes
bid'd-nd and Md^nd, which do not occur in our dictionaries.— 7Vayi#/a/or.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1233
lengthened the final a, in case we are not to [G. £d. p. 1274.]
suppose that it is derived from the feminine form of the
suffix Vtf ana, which is used in Sanscrit for the formation
of abstract substantives much more rarely than the neuter.
The following are examples : ^ErrrrtfT dsand, ** the sitting ;
'mwm ydchandf "the request T H^Hl vandamh "the praising.
Herewith agree, in respect of accentua- [G. Ed. p. 1276.]
tion, also the Greek avovrj and fjSovrj; while ayxovrj and
Sa-rravrj, in this latter respect, differ ; but the latter has re-
tained the Old a-sound of the suffix. To tliis head, too, have
i»
i<
mdr-ndy "to slay" (Sanscrit mdrdydmi^ "I make to die"), from rnQr-nd^^ \
"to dio" (($=:Sanscrit d, 7iior-n4=lT^ marana, "the dying"). — In the
to of Hindustani, caasals like clidl-tpdnd, " to make to go " (chdl-na^ " to
go"), I recogmse a corruption of the p of the cansals like Jiv-4p^yd-mf^
discussed ahove (§. 740.). The transition of the p into w appears, how-
ever, to have taken place at a time when one more vowel preceded the
lahial ; as, e.g., in the numerals ckdicfin 51, bdwiin 5*2, sdldwon 57, in con-
tradistinction to tirpdn 53, pochpan 55, where it admits of no doubt that
both w6n and p6n are based on the Sanscrit pcincliddat 50, and therefore
ikawon on ikapanchdiat, iirpon on tripanchdiat^ the nasal of which is
lost in the Hindustani pochdt 50, while the simple ^b pdnch has re-
tained it. The length of the d of ^b pdnch, comparedwilh the Sanscrit
short vowel, may perhaps serve as a compensation for the dropping of the
8}'llable an {panchan\ for short d appears in Hindustani regularly as
short 0, which Gilchrist, according to English pronunciation, writes u.
The Hindustani is most extremely sensitive with regard to the weight of
the vowel, and therefore weakens the long a of pdnch again to o when
the overloading the word by composition gives occasion for this, e.g. in
pondroh 15; thus, sotrdh 17, opposed to sdt (from saptan) 7.
' * ^ The vowel here given as 6 by Professor Bopp is undoubtedly d, and
the word bj«o is universally written mamd. More than that, the sound
docs not exist in the language, except before r, any more than it does in
Marathi, as has been noticed before. It is true that in Bengali short a
is pronounced like o; and hence Dr. Carey has imagined this to be the case
in Marathi, but there is no foundation for such a belief. — Translator.
4 L
1234 FORMATION OF WORDS.
already been referred (§. 803. sub. f.), as conjectural cog-
nate forms, the Old High German abstracts in unga, wliile
those in New High German have lost their final vowel.
It does not, however, appear probable to me, tliat tlie
Hindustani infinitives are based on these feminine abstracts,
but I regard their d as the lengthening of the Sanscrit
short a, which in general, in Hindustani, when final, is
cither entirely suppressed or lengthened ; the latter, among
other words, in the names of male animals, while those of
females terminate in i, and the generic name has lost the
original final vowel (see Gilchrist "A Gramm.ar," &c., p. 52).
Thus, e.g.f the general term for the buffalo (Sanscrit ma-
hisha) in Hindiistani is v^I^J^ maihik* while the male
buffalo is maihikdy and the female maihih\ the latter <= San-
scrit mahishi (see §. 1 19.). As the Hindustani has lost its neu-
ter, the Sanscrit neuters, which in their theme are not to be
distinguished from masculine bases, have in the said language
become masculines, and we may therefore unhesitatingly
compare the Hindustani infinitives in U nd with the San-
scrit abstracts in ana; thus, e.g.,jol-ndf "to bum " = San-
scrit ^/ari(i-fn, "the burning," or rather =7i?a/and-«, as the
Sanscrit neuters have, in Hindiistani become masculines.
The oblique case in i of the Hindustani infinitive points to
a Sanscrit base in a^ in which we easily recognise
the Sanscrit locative of bases in a (sec §. 196.) : there-
fore, e.g.j in jolni, "to bum,"']' we perceive the Sanscrit
jvaUini^ " in the burning."
* The common term for a mole buffalo in Hindustan! is LJj^
bfuiinsa, and for a female tj**JJ^ hhaihs ; and in Maruthi, T^^ mhaied
and 9i|lff mhaia, ^- ^^^-^ maihik, in wliich a mere provincial pronuncia-
tion changes sh to k, is comparatively seldom used. — Translator.
t Tiiis form in i usually expresses in the Hindustani infinitive the ac-
cusative relation, as is also occasionally the case in Sanscrit. I recall
attention to the passage of the Ramayana cited above (§. 862.), in which
grahand
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1235
878. The dropping of the final a of the [G. Ed. p. 1276.]
Sanscrit neuter suffix ana in the German infinitives accords
grahanS^ •' to take, to receive," is governed by sCkur (euphonic for iiktu\
" they could." So in Hindustani, in an example given by Yates (" In-
troduction," &c., p. 65), main bolnS ndhtn sdhtd, " I cannot say," " I to
say (in the saying, for the saying, ace.) not being able." Where, how-
ever, the infinitive stands in the nominative relation, as sunndy " to hear"
(the hearing), in the example given by Yates 1. c, '' hearing is not like
seeing," we find the form in nd. As the adjectives also, the participles
included, end, in the masculine singular nominative, in d, I regard the
lengthening of the originally short a as a compensation for the suppressed
case-sign, and I therefore derive d from as, just as in Marathl. In the
masculine plural nominative of both languages the termination S corre-
sponds to the Sanscrit pronominal declension (see §. 228.) : hence, in Hin-
dustani, main mdrtd, " I strike," properly " I (am) striking," fern,
main mdrti " I (am) striking,* pi. horn mdrti, '* we (are) striking," Com-
pare vSf ^^ they" (pi.), which belongs either to the Zend and Old Persian
base ava, or, as is more probable, to the Sanscrit reflexive base 9ua
(§.341.), on which also the Old Persian huva (euphonic for hva), ^'he,"
is based, and from which we might have expected a masculine plural
nominative sv^. The Sanscrit diphthong e plays throughout an important
part in Hindustani Grammar; and thus we find also, in the subjunctive
forms like tu rndri, " thou mayest strike," v6h mdri, " he may strike,"
horn marin^ " we may strike," vi mdrShf " they may strike," a good rem-
nant of Sanscrit Grammar, since the i of those forms is evidently based
on that of the Sanscrit potential of the 1st principal conjugation, and,
indeed, so that the final s and t of the 2d and dd person singular have
been lost (thus, mdri for mdris and mdri-t^ cf. thdrS-s^ blidrd-i, p. 946) ;
and of the termination ma of the Ist person plural only the m has been
left in the form of a weakened nasal; thus, m^^-n for mari-ma or -mo:
in the Sd person plural we have mdri-h for mdrS-nt (see §. 462. p. 645),
which approximates very closely to the Old High German forms like
b^ri-n, ^^/erant." On the Sanscrit potential also is based, in my opinion,
the Hindustani future, just like the Latin of the Sd and 4th conjugations
(according to §. 692.), only that, in Hindiistani, to the subjunctive men-
tioned above, where it represents the future indicative, a syllable has been
added, in which I recognise the above-mentioned (p. 1104, Note t) San-
scrit enclitic ha, Ved. also gka or ghd, which, however, in Hindustani,
4 L 2 jii8t
1236 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1277.] with the phenomenon, that, in general,
neuter bases in a have lost this vowel in the nominative
just as in Afghan, has become declinahle (see Preface to the 6th Part,
p. yiii'^'), and also distinguishes the genders ; hence, «.</.,
woh m/irS-^d, " he will strike ;"
woh mdrS-gU " she will strike ;"
ham mdr^n-gd, " they will strike."
Aft<T
<^* The Preface here referred to is as follows : — " I have, in the part now
laid before the public, not yet been able to finish my Comparative Gram-
mar, but give here preliminarily the conclusion of the formation of moods,
the locative of the derivative adverbs, and a part of tlie formation of words,
Tiz. the formation of participles, and of those substantives and adjectives
which stand in close connection with any participle through the derivative
suffix. Since the publication of the 4th Part of this book, Comparative
Grammar has acquired a new region for research in Sanscrit accentuation
which hitherto had remained almost unknown, and wliich Bohtlingk's
academical treatise, ''A first attempt regarding the accent in Sanscrit,"
opened out to us.''" Aufrecht, in his pamphlet, *' De accentu compositorum
Sanscriticorum " (Bonn, 1847), treats of the accentuation of compounds.
Benfey and G. Cnrtius have been the first to draw attention to detached
instances of agreement between the Sanscrit and Greek accentuation, the
former in his notice of Bohtlingk's treatise (Ilalle Journal of General Lite-
rature, May 1845), the latter in his brochure, ^^ The Comparison of Lan-
guages in their relation to Classical Philosophy" (2d Ed. pp. 2*2, 23, 01).
I believe I recognise a common fundamental principle in the system of
accentuation in both languages in this, that in Sanscrit, as well as in Greek,
the
^"^ Some very valuable corrections, which have since been confirmed by the
accentuated Veda-text, are given by Holtzmann in his brochure "On the
Ablaut" (Carlsruhe, 1844), p. 9. Thus Holtzmann has been the first to shew,
or rather to understand rightly, the rule of Panini on this head, concealed in
an obscure, technical language, that the plural of budhami is not accented
bo-dhdmds but bddharmu ; that of dotshmi not dvUhmas but dvishmds. Hence
• • •
it is clear that the division of the personal terminations in §. 4S0. into heavy
and light, is also of importance for the theory of accentuation, and that the
heavy terminations here, too, principally act on the next preceding syllable,
since they can remove from it its accent as well as the Guna.
FORMATION OB WORDS. 1237
accusative singular, together with the case-sign. As,
therefore, e.gr., the Gothic base word daura, "door,'' con-
After what has been said, it hardly need be remarked that the Hindu-
stani imperative also, in most persons of both numbers, is identical with
the Sanscrit potential and the corresponding moods in the cognate Euro-
pean languages ; so that, therefore, e.g.^ mdri, '' let him strike," for
mdr^'t, corresponds to the Old High German forms like bSri^ ^^ let him
carry,"
the accenting of the beginning of a word, or the throwing back of the ac-
cent as far as possible, is considered the most emphatic, and that which
imparts the greatest animation to the whole word (see p. 1084 G. ed.
1052 £. Tr.). Hence follows a very pervading, though hitherto almost
overlooked, agreement of the two languages in the accentuation of that
part of speech which is formally and significantly the richest, viz. the verb
(see p. 1086 G. ed., 1054 £. Tr.). A most convincing proof of the emphasis
given by accenting the first syllable is furnished by the Sanscrit in this,
that it withdraws this species of accent from the passive, but allows it to
the middle of the fourth class, though in sound the two forms are identical ;
thus, Suchydt^ ' purificatur,' compared with iiichyaU ^purificat :' it also
deserves especial notice, with reference to this point, that the oxytone
nouns of agency in tar (nom. td)y when they are found as participles go-
verning the accusative, and therefore, to use an expression employed by
Chinese Grammarians, are changed from dead words to living ones, then
receive also the most animated accentuation ; hence, e.g.^ ddtd maghdni^
' (he is) giving riches,' opposed to ddtd magkdndm, 'the giver of riches'
(sec §. 814.). A similar contrast it to be found in the Greek paroxytone
abstracts in ros, as compared with the verbals in ros, which correspond to
the Sanscrit perfect passive participle ; e.g., n-orof, ' the drinking,' opposed
to frordff= Sanscrit pttds, ' drunk' (see §. 817.). The two languages, when
they accent the sufiix in the case before us, do not intend to lay an em-
phasis on the suffix, but rather to remove from the whole word the em-
phasis, which lies in accenting the first syllable. In accordance with the
theory here laid down is also the circumstance that the Greek gives the
paroxytone accent to the interrogative rls upon the number of its syllables
being increased, as in a question there is an increase of animation which
we also mark by raising the voice; while it oxytonises the indefinite pro-
noun of the same sound, in agreement with the Sanscrit weak cases of mono-
syllabic base words (see p. 1085 G. ed., 1053 E. Tr.). I cannot allow of a
logical
1238 FORMATION OF WORDS.
trasts with the Sanscrit nominative accusative (Ivdra-m
[G. Ed. p. 1278.] the form daur; so instead of the Sanscrit
carry," the Gothic like bairaiy and Greek like <^poi. Bat in the 1st per-
son singular mdruh, "let me strike" (at once future and subjunctive), I
think I recognise the Sanscrit imperative termination drUy with u there-
fore for dy as above (p. 1215 G. ed.) in the Maratha present. The Hindu-
stani fails to distinguish the Sanscrit terminations ami and dni^ as both
have
logical accent either to the Sanscrit (in simple words), nor to the Greek,('')
and I cannot see a reason for the proparozytonising of bddhdmij ' I know,'
bddhdmoBy ^ we know,' and the oxytonising olimds^ * we go ' (in disadvanta-
geous contrast to (/acv), in this, that in the first-named forms the radical syl-
lable, and in the latter the personal syllable, should be brought prominently
forward as the most important, but I think it rather owing to the fi^st tliat
the most animated accent belongs to the verb ; but of this the form imdi is,
as it were, cheated through the influence which, in Sanscrit, in disadvanta-
geous contrast to the Greek, the heavier personal terminations exercise, in
certain conjugational classes, on the removal of the accent In forms like
ttrinSmi, ^ I strew,' yunami^ ^ I bind,' the length of the last syUable but one
has, in disadvantageous contrast to the analogous Greek forms ((rrdpvv/u,
ddfivrjfu) exercised a similar influence in attracting the accent as that which
a long penultima exercises in Latin in words of three or more syllables (see
p.l090 G. ed., p. 1057 £. Tr.), while in Greek it is only in the first syllable
that the quantity has gained a disturbing influence on the original accentua-
tion ; so that, e.g.^ rjbficDv stands in disadvantageous contrast when compared
alike with the Sanscrit svddiydn (see p. 1091 G. ed., p. 1058 £. Tr.), and
with its own neuter i7d(ov, as in the dual of the imperative <^€/)cra>v, compared
with the Sanscrit bhdratdm, and the 2d person <f>€p€Top (=Sans. bhdratam),
'^ Besides the Greek, no other European member of our great lingual
family has remained constant to the old system of accentuation, in which
the accent forms an essential part of grammar, and does its part in aidmg
to dedde the grammatical categories. In Latin the kind of accentuation,
which
(o) Beulow is of a different opinion, who, in bis work, " De Taccentuation des
Ungues Indo-Europ^ennes " (Paris, 1847), p. 44, " En Sanscrit I'accent a une sig-
nification purcment logique, et 11 porte sur toute syllable que la pens^e veut
mettre en evidence et faire ressortir du reste du mot, quelle que soit sa dis-
tance du commencement ou de la fin de celui-ci.''
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1239
bandhana-mf "the binding,'' we may expect in Gothic only
" bindaru^ With the dative W^«im bandJiandya, should be
have lost the final f, and m like Tt, at the end of the word^ has become
anusvara (n). With respect to the nse of the Ist person suigalar of the
imperative in the sense of the future, I would draw attention to a similar
use in Zend (see §. 722. sub. f.). In the 2d person' plural the form tndrd,
"ye strike," or "ye may strike" {maro-gi, "ye will strike"), occasions a
difficulty
which in Sanscrit and Greek Is the most emphatic, viz. the farthest pos-
sible casting back of the accent, has become, under certain known restric-
tions, universal, and therefore the accent here is no more of service in
Grammar ; and when forms like tv7timii«, vehiti8,vehunt, exhibit an external
agreement in respect to accent with the Sanscrit vdhdmas, vdhatha, vd-
hanti, the coincidence is so far fortuitous, that the reason of the accentua-
tion is different in the two languages. So also, among other words, the
agreement in the accentuation of datdrem with d&tiram and torrfpa is ac-
cidental, since the Latin does not accent the sufiix because the accent
belongs to it from old time, but because the last syllable but one is long.
Remarkable, if not resting on affinity, is the agreement of the Latin sys-
tem of accentuation with the Arabian. The latter, in words of two and
three syllables, accents the first, in polysyllables the third ) but so that,
as in Latin, a length of vowel or of position in the last syllable but one
draws the accent to that syllable, while a long final syllable has no in-
fluence in removing the accent ; thus, e.^., kdtala, * he slew,' kdialu, ^ they
slew,' contrasted with katdlta, Hhou slewcst,' maktuhm, * slain/ kdtP'
lilnoj "the slaying" (pL). In Lithuanian perhaps some isolated rem-
nants of the old accentuation occur. Much information, however, cannot
be gleaned from the grammars and lexicons, which seldom mark the ac-
cented syllable. I preliminarily draw attention to the agreement which
the adjective bases in u present with the Sanscrit and Greek in ti, v, since
they likewise accent this vowel ) hence, e, g., saldiis^ ' sweet,' as in San-
scrit 8i>ddu8 (see §. 20), in Greek ^dvr ; drcuUSy ' bold,' as in Greek Spaavs.
Tlie throwing back of the accent, too, which occasionally occurs in the voca-
tive of the dual, compared with the nominative of the same sound, is also
deserving of notice; e.g., in geru f/muj compared with the nominative
geru poniij * two good masters * (Mielcke, p. 45). The vocative of sztoies^
d(ingi\ * two light heavens,' is left by Mielcke unmarked {szwiesu dangu),
probably because it is not oxytone but paroxy tone. In Sanscrit, according
to
1240 FORMATION OF WORDS.
contrasted* in Gothic, according to §. 356. Rem. 3., hindana;
and we should have looked for forms of this kind after the
difficulty on account of its final 6, For it the MarathT exhibits in the
imperative the form mdrd, which I think may be explained from Sanscrit
forms like bodh-a-ta, " know ye," so that, after dropping the /, the two
a- sounds have coalesced ; as I also, in the dd person singular of the present,
derive 3^ ichchM, ^^ he wishes," from the Sanscrit icttchh-^tl, by casting
out the ti and contracting the a-i to i, according to Sanscrit rules. Cf.
Greek
to a fixed rule, tunxit 'two sons' (Lithuanian tuna), forms the vocative
tinu (see p. 1086 G. ed., 1064 E. Tr.)- At the end of the next Part I shall
have much to supply regarding Sanscrit accentuation ; for in the remark at
§.785. 1 would not go back'to all the former parts of the Grammar, but only
lay down the fundamental principle, on which the most remarkable agree-
ments between the Sanscrit and Greek accentuation rest, and at the same
time draw attention to the grounds which have occasioned one or other of
the said languages to diverge from the original path, in which, in my
opinion, the Sanscrit and Greek meet I shall also have some supplemen-
tary remarks to offer on some points of grammar and the doctrine of sounds,
as I have already, in the present Part, pointed out soma alterations in for-
mer views. In addition to what has been remarked at p. 1 138 Rem. **
G. ed., p. 1104 Note t £. Tr., regarding the ch of our pronominal accusa-
tives mich, di'Ch, si-chy and the Old High German h of the accusative
plural tiiui-A, iwi-h^ I have since found a very interesting analogy in the
Afghan^ where, however, the h referred to, which I think I recognise in
hoffha, 'the, this,' as sister- form of the Sanscrit sdha, VSdic sdgha or
Bdt/hdy Greek oyc, has become declinable ; hence, in the plural, haghv^ and
in the feminine singular nominative, hagh^, the latter like di, ' she,' con-
trasted with the masculine </a, ' he,' being a softening of tlie Sanscrit base to.
In the syllable ga, too, of rnHnga^^'^ ' we,' I think I recognise the said par-
ticle, and in the remaining part of the word the Sanscrit accusative asmdn,
rjfiasy with the loss of the first syllable, which is also dropped in the New
Persian md, 'we,' which, just like sJiunu^ *ye,' is based on the theme of
the Sanscrit oblique plural cases (i/ushmdn, v/xar)."
<«> J. Ewald, in the "Journftl of Eastern Intelligence/' IV. 300. Elaproth "Asia,
Polygl." p. 56, writes numgha.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1241
preposition du, " to/' which governs the dative ; but we
find in this position also only the form in an, e.g., du sairaru
" to sow," du hairaru ** to give birth to ;" whether it be that
the preposition du originally governed the accusative, like
the Latin ad of cognate meaning, and the infinitive, at this
more ancient epoch, remained unchanged, or that it had
lost its capability of declension in Grothic earlier than in
the other German dialects.
879. In the Old and Middle High German, as also in
the Old Anglo-Saxon dative of the infinitive, the doubling
of the n is surprising ;* yet I cannot thereby see cause to
derive the datives, and the analogous [G. Ed. p. 1279.]
genitives of the Old and Middle High German,t from
another base than that of the nominative accusative
of the infinitive, and to see in it a different sufiix from the
Greek forms like <^cpci from <^fp-f-Tt=San8crit hhdr-a-ti (see §.456.).
In the 2d person tlie form ^^^ xc7ichJiea=iche7iJiais^ compared with the
Sanscrit ichchh-d-si, is formed, in my opinion, hy transposition, just as, in
Greek, <j>€p€is from <^6p-<-cri=Sanscrit Ikdr-a-si (see §. 448.). So also, in
tlie 3d person plural, ichchhSt from ichchh-dnti, with, at the same time,
rejection of the n. If the Marathi can be held to throw light on the
Ilindustuni, which closely resembles it, wo might regard the 6 of Hindu-
stani forms like mdrOf '' beat ye," as the corruption of ^, just as, in Sanscrit,
i^tT^PT shodaian 16 for shddaian, sodhum^ *Ho carry," for sddhum (see
"Abridged Sanscrit Grammar," §§. 102. 228. Rem. 1).
* See the examples mentioned above (§. 875.). Old Saxon examples
are, faranne, blidzeanne^ tholonne ; Anglo-Saxon^ fararme, r^cenne, gefrem-
mannef see Grimm, 1.1021. In Gothic the form viganna {du vigarma^
(Is noXffxovy Luke xiv. 31), even though not an infinitive, would be re-
markable on account of tlie doubled n, if the reading were correct It is
most highly probable, however, that we ought to read vigana (see Gabel.
and Lobe on 1. c). The word belongs, however, in respect of its suffix of
formation, to the Sanscrit class of words in ana^ and is probably a neuter,
therefore nominative accusative vigan.
t E.g.^ Old High German toponnei, "of raging;" Middle High German
weinennes, "of weeping."
1242 FORMATION OF WORDS
Sanscrit ana, of which we have just treated. I hold the
doubling of the n to be simply euphonic, i.e. a conseciuence
of the inclination for doubling n between two vowels ; hence,
also, e.r/., in Old High German kunni (or chunni), in Old
Sclavonic kunnif in Middle High German kiinne, corresponds
to the Gothic kuni, " sex." The word is radically akin to
the Greek yevo^, Latin genus, and Vedic/anii« (gen. jdnush-as),
" birth f and its formative suiGx is ya (dat. pi. ya-m),
which is contracted in the nominative accusative singular
to i (see §. 153.). It is impossible, however, that the
doubling of the n in this kunni, kiinne, &c., should give oc-
casion to those forms to assume a different formative suffix
from ya, of which more hereafter.
880. The original destination of the pre{)osition m, " to,"'
before the infinitive, is to express the causal relation, which
is done in the Veda dialect by the simple dative termina*
tion of the infinitive base in (u, or of some other abstract sub-
stantive supplying the place of the infinitive ; and for which,
in classical Sanscrit, the locative of the form in ana is also
frequently employed, as, in general, the locative in Sanscrit
is very often used for the dative. The Gotliic, in its use of
the infinitive with du, keeps almost entirely to the stated
fundamental destination of this kind of construction, in sen-
[G. Ed. p. 1280.] tences like ** he went out to sow'' (du saian) ;
" he that hath ears to hear" {du hausyan); •* wlio made ready
to betray him'' du gaUvyan ina). It is, however, surprising
that Ulfilas too at times expresses the nominative relation
by the prepositional infinitive; e.g., 2 Cor. ix. 1., to ypatpetv
* That the Gothic, also, is not free from the inclination to double the
n between two vowels is shewn by forms like uf-munnan^ " to think ;"
w/Jir-WMw/wJ/i, "to forget" (Sanscrit maJiy "to think"); kimin-s^ "jaw-
bones'—Greek y€w-r, Sanscrit hand-tt. In Sanscrit the final n after a
short vowel, in case the word following begins with any vowel whatever,
is regularly doubled; e.g., asann ilia, " they were here."
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1243
by du mSlyan;* Philip, i. 24, to fieveiv by du visan. It is pos-
sible even for the nominative neuter of the article to precede
the infinitive with du; thus, Mark xii. 33, thata dufriydn ina
(to ayanqv airrov) ; ihaia du friydn- nihvundyan (to aYoor^i/
Toy irTirfiriov). Usually, however, Ulfilas translates the Greek
nominative of the infinitive by the simple infinitive, and, in-
deed, without the article, even where the Greek text has the
article ; as, e^g., Gral. iv. IS, aihthan gdth ist alyandn in gddam-
ma sinteind {koKov Se to ^T}\od(Tdai ev KoXio vavroTe) ;
Philip, i. 21, aththan mis liban Christus ist yah gaaviltan ga-
wmrki (kfio) yap to ^v XpKrrog Ka) to airodaveiv KcpSo^.
881. Where the infinitive is the object of a verb govern-
ing the accusative the Gothic translation of the Bible ex-
hibits almost universally the simple infinitive ; so that con-
structions like *' he began,'" or " he commenced to go,'^ to
which, to a certain extent, analogous forms occur so early as
in Sanscrit (see pp. 1211, 12L2G. ed.), are still tolerably remote
from Gothic. Where, however, Ulfilas, in Luke iv. 10,
renders €i'Te\€rTai toC dia^uAa^a/ ae by anabiudith du go/as-
tan thuk, he wished here probably to approximate more
closely to the Greek text, and to paraphrase the genitive
of the infiuitive, which is wanting in Gothic, by the prepo-
sition duy or to fill out with that preposition the place
wliich is occupied in the original text by the genitive of the
article ; since he elsewhere expresses the object of the verbs
which signify " to command, to order,"' by [G. Ed. p. 1281.]
the simple accusative of the infinitive ; e. g.j Luke viii. 31,
anabudi galeithanf eniTa^rf direKdelv,
882. In the use of the Gothic infinitive, those construc-
tions merit especial attention in which an accusative ac-
companies the infinitive, which is governed, as the case of
* L'J'yo mis ist du melyan izvis, 'Mt is supcrfluoas for rac to >vrite to
you*' (=the writing).
1244 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the object, neither by the verb nor by the infinitive, but
which, as in the Greek text, expresses the relation " in
respect of," which relation is very frequently denoted by
tlie Greek accusative (noSag cjkv^, o/x/xara icoAd;), but is
strange to the Gothic, except in the construction with the
infinitive. I regard the infinitive in such sentences in both
languages as the subject, and therefore as nominative ;
and the verb, not as Gabelentz and Lobe do (Gram,
p. 249, 6.), as impersonal, though we might translate it by
" it happened, it befel, it became,'' &c., but just as much
personal as when we, e.g., say, ** to sit is more pleasant
than to stand ;' ** the rising up is seasonable, is now be-
coming ;" " to enter is easy.'' That which is peculiar in
the Greek and Gothic constructions referred to is only that
the infinitive cannot, like an ordinary abstract, govern the
genitive ; that therefore, in Greek, e.g., it cannot be said,
Tov ovpavov KOi T^g 779 irap€\de7v, nor in Gothic himins yah
airthds hindarkithan, but that in both languages the person
or thing to which the action which is expressed by the
infinitive refers, must be placed in the accusative, since
the infinitive admits not of the nearer destination either
by an adjective or by a genitive, not even there where the
Greek infinitive, by prefixing the article, is made more of
a substantive than of itself it is. Of the examples collected
by Gabel. and Lobe, 1. c, the first, varth afslavthann aUans
(Luke iv. 36), must appear the most surprising, since the
[G. Ed. p. 1282.] Greek text {eyevero Oafi/So^ eir) iravra^) fur-
nishes no motive for a construction unusual in Gothic.
In fact, the Gothic translation would appear very forced if
varth here correspond in sense to our ward, so that it
would be requisite to translate literally, " there was amaze-
ment (with reference to) all," or " amazement was (with
reference to) all." As, however, the Gothic vairthan, as
the said learned men have shewn in their Glossary, also
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1245
signifies " to come," I here take allans as the accusative,
governed by a verb of motion (which, too, the Greek eyivero
in this passage is), and I translate literally, '* there came
amazement (over) all," or "amazement fell upon all."
Moreover, in another quite similar passage, Ulfilas finds it
suitable to translate the Greek hri iravTa^ by ana allaim, viz.
Luke i. 65, yah vgrth ana allaim qgis (ku) eyevero em itavra^
0o/8of ), " and there came fear upon all." It would therefore
be wrong in this passage to translate varih by "/actus €5^."
Of the Gothic examples, therefore, collected by Gabelentz
and Lobe,'!' of the infinitive with the accusative, let us dis-
pense with the 1st, which has just been discussed, and also
with the 5th (John xviii. Id), because in it the Gothic con-
struction difiers from the Greek, in that, as I doubt not,
the accusative ainana mannan is governed as the objective
case by the transitive infinitive fraqvistyanf " to destroy, to
slay,"? so that we have only four examples left which be-
long here. These are. Col. i. 19, in imma galeikaida alia
fuUdn bauan (ev avrw evSoKtiae ttSv to TrKrj- [G. Ed. p. 1283.]
p(ji)fia), "it pleased the dwelling in him (in respect of) all
fulness (of all fulness) ;" Luke xvi. 17, ith azitizd ist himin
yah airlha hindarleithan thau viiddis ainana vrit gadriusan,
(evKOitLyrepov Se €<m tov ovpavov Ka) t^v yfjv itapeKdeiv t) rov
vofiov fiiav Kepaiav ircaeiv), " but it is easier to pass away (the
passing away) with respect to heaven and earth (=of hea-
ven and earth) than to fall (the falling) with reference to
one tittle of the law ;" Rom. xiii. 11, mM ist uns yu us sUpa
urreisan § (wpa ^/xay rjSrj ef virvov eyepd^vat), ** It is time (in
♦ Remark the connection of tlie Gothic root varth with the Sanscrit
root vart^ vrit, " to go," and the Latin verto (see Pott, E. I., 1. 241.).
t Gramm., p. 249. 5.
I " It is better to put one man to death for the people."
§ This passage is^ in Gothic, so far ambiguous, that uns may be both
dative and accusative, especially as the dative more frequently occurs in
constructions
1246 FORMATION OF WORDS.
reference to) for us now to rise (the rising) from sleep ;""
Skeir. (ed. Massmann, p. 38. lo.) ; gaddh nu vas thamuh . . .
gaqvmans vairtharu "it were therefore fitting, in respect
of this (the) being agreeing." It becomes a question, then,
is this kind of construction as it were indigenous in the
Gothic, or only an imitation of the Greek ? * I believe
the latter; and, indeed, because in Gothic the accusative
elsewhere never expresses the relation " in respect of."'
Moreover, Ulfilas gladly avoids this kind of construction,
as he shews, by frequently changing the infinitive construc-
tion of the original text into a verbal with the conjuga-
tion ei, "that," or by using, instead of the accusative of
the person, the dative, whether the relation be the proper
dative one or the instrumental. In the latter case he
follows, indeed, the Greek text word by word, but, by the
change of the accusative into a dative, the construction
[G. Ed. p. 1284.] becomes essentially altered, and such that
we, in New High German, also can, without much con-
straint, imitate it ; e.g,, Luke xviii. 25, raihizd allis ist ulban-
dau thairh thairkd nithlds thairhleithnn than yabigamma in ihiu"
dangardya guths galeitluin (evKorti^repov yap e<m KafJirfXov ....
€iaeKde7v &c.), " for it is easier for the camel (the) passing
through the eye of a needle, than for the rich (the) enter-
ing into the kingdom of God C Luke xvi. 22, uarth than
gasviltan thamma unUdin (eyevero ie airodaveiv tov wrcoj^oy),
" tliere was, however, dying through the poor man ;" Luke
vi. 1, varth gaygan imma thairh aiisk (eyevero Stairopeveo'dai
avTov Sia tS>v (nropifi(ji)v\ ** there was going through him
through the corn-field.'" On the other hand, the Greek
coiiBtnictions in which the Greek text exhibits the accusatlye witli the
infinitive.
* As regards the example in the Skeireins, I must recall attention to
the fact, that these were hardly composed originally in Gothic, but most
probably were translated from the Greek.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1247
text, too, 1 Cor. vii. 26, has the dative : koKov dvOpdiru^ to oStc^
elvat, gdth ist mann sva vi8an, ** good is it for a man so to
be.^ So Mark ix. 45, koT^ov Ioti croi elaehdeiv elg t^v ^coi^y
yoiKov, rj Tov£ Svo noSag S^ovra jSKijd^vat e/j rrjv yievvav, gdth
thus ist galeithan in libain haUamma^ thau ivansfdfuns habandin
gavairpan in gaiainnan, '* better (g[ood) is it for thee to go
into life lame (for thee lame), than having two feet (for
thee having) to cast (the casting = to be cast) into hell."*
Ulfilas employs the periphrasis by ei, "that;" e.g,,'Efh.
i. 4, ei siyaima vets veihai yah unvammai (eivai i^fxag ayiov^
KOi a/xco/not/f), ** that we should be holy and without blame ;"
iv. 22, ei aflagyaith yus . . . thana faimyan mannan (dirodeo'-
dai vfidg .... Tov ira\aiov avOpuynov),
883. When the accusative of the person, [G. Ed. p. 1286.]
in like manner as that of the infinitive, is governed by the
verb, the case is different from that of the constructions imi-
tative of tlie Greek which have been noticed in the preceding
paragraph, and in which the accusative of the person ex-
presses only a secondary relation, which we must paraphrase
by "in reference to," or ** touching.'' At least I do not be-
lieve tliat sentences like Ich sah ihn fallen, ** I saw him fall,"
Ich liorte ihn singen, "I heard him sing," Ich hiess ihn gehenf
** I bade him go," lass mich gehen, " let me go,^ analogous
cases to which occur in Sanscrit (see p. 1209 G. ed.), can be
tikcn otherwise than so that the working of the operation
of seeing, hearing, &c., falls directly upon the person or
thing which one sees, hears, charges, &c., and then upon
the action expressed by the infiinitivc which one in like
manner sees, hears, &c. The two objects of the verb are
* The Gothic syntax agrees with the Sanscrit in this, that in the above
sentence the adjective ^* lame," which is used adverbially, and the parti-
ciple *' having," appear in Gothic as epithets of ihus, ^^to thee:" thus in
Sanscrit one can say, e.g,, tavd *nuchttr6tia mayd aarvadd bhavitavyam,
" it is always to be by me following of thee" (lit., " by mc following").
1248 FORMATION OF WORDS.
co-ordinate, and stand in the relation of apposition to one
another (I saw ** him" and ** falling,^ " actionem caderuir).
It appears, however, from the context, but is not formally
expressed, that the action expressed by the second object is
performed by the person or thing expressed by the first object
("I saw the stone fall"). To this head belong, for the most
part, the examples collected by Gabclentz and Lobe, p. 1^9, un-
[G. Ed. p. 1280.] der 1.), 2.), 3.), 4.),* of which I annex a few :
John vi. 62, yabai nu gasailivith sunu mans ussteigan, ''if ye shall
see the Son of man ascend up ^^ (eav ow OeuiprfTe rov viov tov
dvdpwirov dval3atvovTa) ; Matt viii. 18, haihait gaJeithan sipdn-
ydns hindar marein, " he bade the disciples go over the sea ;"
Mark i. 17, gaiauya iqvis vairihan nutans manni, '* I will
make you to become fishers of men,'' (ttoi^cci} v/jia^ yeveaOat
aKie?^ avdpdiriav) ; John vi. 10, vaurkcith thans mans ana-
kumbyan, " make the men sit down," (wo/iJiraTe rovg avOpLiitov^
avaTt&reiv) \ Luke xix. 14, ni vileim thana thiudandn ttfar
unsis, {ov deTsjojiev tovtov ^a(Tt\€v(rai 6(j> ^fJidf;). In the last-
quoted example, and the others 1. c, n. 3.), we cannot, in-
deed, follow the Greek-Gothic construction ; we cannot
say, wir woUen nicht diesen herschen ilber uns, " we will
not this to reign over us;*" but I doubt not, that here
* The following arc to be excepted from No. 2. : £p1i. lii. 0, where
vitfan=c(i/at, stands in the nominative relation, and the accusative of the
person expresses the relation " in respect of;" and 1 Tim. vi. 13, 14,
where, indeed, the infinitive fastan (Trjprja-ai) stands in the accusative
relation, but the accusative thitk (ere) lies beyond the direction of the
verb, and likewise expresses the relation " in respect of." Although
anabiuda, like the Greek n-apoyycXXo), governs the dative, nevertheless
Ulfilas skips the Greek o-oi, although, in order not to express the 2d per-
son twice, he miglit as well have omitted the less important o-r, which
accompanies the infinitive to express a secondary idea, which is of itself
tolerably patent. Ulfilas, however, appears to find a truer imitation of
the Greek construction in saying, '^ I give thee chaige to keep (the keep-
ing) in respect of thee the commandment," than in saying, *^ I give thee
charge to keep the commandment.'
9f
FORMATION OF WORDS. 12 19
here also the accusative of the person, like that of the in-
finitive, stands as object of the verb signifying " to will, to
seek, to mean, to believe, to hope, to know,^^ &c. The
Old High German still accords to this kind of construction
a tolerably extensive use (see Grimm, IV. 116.) ; e.g., Notker,
er sih saget kot sin {** se deum esse dicit ") ; Tat, ih tceiz megin
fon mir uz gangan (** novi virtufem de me carime'') ; Hymn.,
unsih erstanfan kelaithamis (*' nos resurgere credimus^^).
8S4. We now turn to a nearer examination of the Greek
infinitive, and must therefore first of all recall to remem-
brance the point of comparison, which we have already
obtained (p. 1223 G. ed.) between the Vedic infinitives in
s4 and the Greek in <rat. If this comparison be based on a sure
foundation, we have, in the termination at [G. £d. p. 1287.]
of forms like Xvaat, Tv\lratt a genuine, and, as it were, Sanscrit
dative termination, while the common Greek datives are
based on the Sanscrit locative (see §. 195.). It is the more
important to remark this, as all other Greek infinitives,
partly in their common form, and partly in their oldest
form, end in at, and therefore may be regarded as old
datives which are no longer conscious of their derivation
and their original destination to express a definite case-
relation, and hence can be used as accusatives and
nominatives, and, in combination with the article, as geni-
tives also. Exactly in the sense of Sanscrit datives (which
most usually express the causal relation), and, as it were,
as representatives of the Vedic infiinitive datives like
pdtav-i, **in order to drink, on account of drinking,**' appear
the Greek infinitives in sentences like eScoicev aino iovKi^
(fyoprja'ai ; avdpiono^ we^uice ipiKeiv ; rfKOe ^tfTfjcaif (" on account
of the searching*^) ; efio) Ovoyievij^ levai eiti rov /SaatKia ovk
eytyvero ra lepd (Xen. Anab. II. 2. 3.). As regards the for-
mal development or gradual defiguration, we must antedate
the form in er^cvai (je,g, aKov-e-yievcu, €/w-e-/xeva/, af e-/xevai), as
a point of departure for the infinitives in e/i/, and that in yievai
4 M
1250 FORMATION OF WORDS.
for the forms in vai (as 5i5o-vai, nfle-i/ai). By dropping the
case-termination ai, which had become unintelligible, there
arose from e-fievat, first e-/xev {aKov-e-yiev^ eiw-e-fiev, af e-/xei/),
and hence, by casting out the /x, eiv (iEol. jyv, ayjyi/, Dor. ei/,
0(76 v) for e-ei'. The conjugation in /lu shews also, in the
common dialect, by forms like nfle-vai, ItTTa-vaiy Stiorvai^ ietK-
vv'vah that the termination at is essential to the infinitive :
thus the perfect infinitives (xeTu^e-yai), and the passive
aorist infinitives, which, according to their form, belong to the
active (ri/^^-i/a/, Tvir-fj-vai), exhibit however, in the epic
language, for the most part the full form fievau
[G. Ed. p. 1288.] 885. As regards the origin of the forms
in fievaif I formerly thought (** Conjugations-system,'' p. 85) of
deriving this fievai from the suffix /xero^Sanscrit mdna of the
participle middle and passive, so that at w^ould have taken the
place of the o of fievo like an adverbial termination. The de-
rivation of an abstract substantive, which the infinitive is,
from a participle, could not be a matter of suqirise ; but
it would be strange, in the case before us, that the infini-
tives in fxevat, &c., should be entirely excluded from the
middle and passive, with the exception of the aorists with ac*
tive form. If the infinitives in fievat, fiev, vat, r, belonged
to the middle or passive, their connection with the parti-
ciples fxevo would, in my opinion, be placed almost beyond
doubt : as active infinitives, however, I now prefer to de-
rive them from the Sanscrit sufiix man, which forms
abstracts (see §. 796.); and I place them as sister-forms
over against Latin abstracts like ceria-men, sola-men, tenia-
-mcn, rrgi-men (see p. 1083, §. 801.), the n of which, in
the Greek formations in fiar, is corrupted to t, which,
however, does not hinder a particular branch of this fa-
mily of words, viz. the infinitives, from asserting its right
to a more ancient place by a firm retention of the old n,
while the vowel lias undergone the favourite weakening to
e. In Greek, therefore, the originally identical sufiixes
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1251
/HOT, fiov (§. 797. 801.), fjL€v, which flow from one and the
same source, have the same relation to one another, as
regards their vowel, that forms like erpajrov, TeTpo(f>a, rpeno),
have to each other with reference to their radical vowel.
That this class of abstract substantives has been ori-
ginally far more numerous in Sanscrit than in the con-
dition of the language which has been bequeathed to us
from the classic period, is proved by the circumstance, that,
both in the Vedic dialect and in Zend, formations of this
sort occur which are wanting in common Sanscrit: in the
Vedic dialect, e.g., hdv-i-manf " the calling ; [G . Ed. p. 1 289.]
y(l-ma«, "going" dhdr-marit " support ""^ (Yajurv. 9. 6.) : in
ZendyA>9^A>^j} kadmaiu "the praising'^ (Sanscrit root stu, " to
praise''); and Burnouf, Journ. As. 1844, p. 468, translates its
dative xiyjA>9^A5^j} stadmainitj^ by "pour ciltbrerr The Celtic
languages also testify to a very extensive use of the forms
in in^ man in the sense of pure abstracts, at a time ante-
rior to the separation of languages. To them correspond
Irish abstracts in mhain or nihuin (see Pictet p. 103) ; e.g.,
gean-mhuiru ** engendering, begetting f gein-ea-mhuirif
"birth, conception''' (Sanscrit^n-wian, ^ctn- i-man, "birth'');
geall-a-mhuirh "a promise, vow'' (geall-a-^nhna, "a promise,
promising") ; gaiU-ea-mhum^ " offence ;" lean-mhain, kan-a-
-mhain, '* following, pursuing;" olla-mhain, "instruction"
{oil-i-m, " I instruct") ; scar-a-mhain, scar-a-mhuin^ " separa-
tion." The abstracts of this kind are brought nearer to
the Greek infinitives in fiev, fievai, in that some of them are
actually used in Scottish-Gaelic as infinitives, at least Stewart
cites among the rarer infinitive forms two also in mhuin,
viz. gin-mhuh* *' to beget/' and kan-mhuinj " to follow."
There are in the Gaelic dialects also infinitives in mh; e.g..
♦ With I for i as coDJunctive vowel, root hn from hv&y see p. 1221 G. ed.
t Another reading for the itaomaini^ mentioned above (§. 518. p. 787,
Note *), which I looked upon as an erroneons reading for the locative.
4 M 2
1252 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
seas-a-mh, "to stand," where the a is the class-vowel, but
the mil, as has been already elsewhere remarked,* very
probably an abbreviation of mhuin, as the bases in n in
[G. Ed. p. 1290.] the Gaelic languages in the nominative
frequently suppress the n (cf. §. 139.), and, indeed, not un-
usually together with the vowel preceding.*!*
886. Should the Greek infinitives in fiev not be abbrevia-
tions of fJLCvai, but have originally co-existed as different
case-relations, we must assume that the datives in fievou,
which are formed according to Sanscrit-Zend principles,
have been simply designed to express the causal relation
(cf. §. 854.), and that the forms in /lei/, as naked neutral
bases, were appropriated to the designation of the accusa-
tive and nominative relation ; that, however, after the mean-
ing of the termination in fiev-ai had been forgotten by the
language, the forms in v and v-at have been used indiffe-
rently by the language. I here recall attention to the
displacement of personal terminations, and their appearance
in places which do not belong to them, e. jr., in- the Gothic
passive (see §. 468. j), as also of the exaltation of the accusa-
tive plural to the universal plural termination in Spanish ;
while in Italian the nominative termination plural has
been extended to all cases, but in TJmbrian the ending of
the dative ablative plural, which is more to the point here,
has become the termination of the accusative, which hence
in the said dialect terminates in/ ( = Sanscrit bhyas, Latin
6?/«).§ In English the pronominal forms "him" and
" whom,'' which, in their origin, are datives, and, by their
m. correspond with the Sanscrit smdi of idsmdi^ ydsmdU &c.
» " The Celtic Languages," p. 69.
t Thus there exists, together with the ahoye-mentioned oU-a-mhain^
^' instruction," a concrete oU-a-mh (genitive oU-a-mhan) "a doctor."
I In the German §. 466., bat it will be seen that this is a wrong referrnce.
§ See Aufrecht and Kirchhof, p. 113; and cf., e,g.^ the accusative tri-J
hu-fmiii the Latin dative trihu9 bohut and Sanscrit tri-bhyat go-bhyas.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1253
(see p. 485) have assumed an accusative meaning, and, in
order to express the dative relation, require the help of the
preposition ** to." As regards the infini- [G. Ed. p. 1291.]
tive in particular, it must further be remarked, that the
Vedic infinitives in dhy&u which usually denote the causal
relation which belongs to their evidently dative termina-
tion (see §. 854.)f occasionally occur also with an accusative
signification^ Thus we read in the Yajurv. 6. 3. usmasi
gdmadhydi, ** we will go." In Latin the infinitives in re, if
the explanation given above (§. 856.) be correct, have be-
come altogether untrue to their original destination, and
appear only in the accusative or nominative relation ; while
the Old Prussian infinitives in twei, which are likewise
known as dative forms, express only the accusative relation
(see p. 1249 G. ed.)*
887. In favour of the opinion^ that the difference be-
tween the Greek infinitives in v and vat is organic, so that
both forms, which in the present condition of the language
are of the same significance originally belonged to diffe-
rent case-relations, we must allow weight to the circum-
stance, that in no other place of Greek Grammar do we
meet with an entire abolition of the diphthong at at the
end of a word ; as in general, in other languages also, the
diphthongs do not admit of being discharged so easily as
the simple vowels, because, before their utter absorption,
the path is open to them to surrender one of the two ele-
ments of which they are composed. Universally, where
the Sanscrit Grammar exhibits an ^ ( = ai, see §. 688. p. 917)
at the end of the inflexions, the Greek preserves either at,
for example, in the medio-passive personal terminations
(jjLat, (Tat, rat, in-a/=^, s^, IS, nti)^ or ot, as in the plural nomi-
natives of masculine bases in o (e.r/. Dor. To/=Sanscrit iS,
Gothic thai, see §. 228.), and in one single termination a,
viz. in the personal termination /Li6da = Sanscrit mahi from
madhS, Zend maidJii (§. 472.). In general, the Greek per-
1254 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1292.] tinaciously retains the final vowels, and
has not allowed the removal of any of the simple vowels
but the lightest of all the primary ones, viz. U and this, too,
but very seldom, perhaps only in the 2d person singular
of the principal tenses {SiS(M)^ = dudd-si, see §. 448.); while
in Latin and Gothic the i has disappeared from the per-
sonal terminations : the Gothic, indeed, has even dropped
the entire diphthong ai in the dative singular, since the
Gothic singular datives, with the exception of those of
the feminine pronouns, as has been pointed out above
(p. 500, §. 356. Remark 3.), are in fiact void of termina-
tion, so that, e.g., sunau^ **Jilto,^'' corresponds to the San-
scrit 8unaV'&; auhsin (theme auhsan) **6oi'i," to the Sanscrit
ukshan-i.
888. It remains for me only further to explain the Greek
infinitives of the middle and passive in cdat, which I think
I was before (p. 659, §. 474.) wrong in explaining. They
share the termination at with the active infinitives like Au-
-Krat, Tvyjrat, Ttde-vat, ridi^fievat, aKov-e-iJLevat, rcTvcfy-e-vai- I
recognise the base of the passive or middle signification in
the or, which I now look upon as the reflexive, the original a of
which has, in ov, of, 6, become the rough breathing (see §. 34 1.
p. 476)y but before 6 it occupies such a position that it could
retire into a weak aspirate. But if the sibilant of forms like
Aey-ecr-fla/, ride-aSat, belongs to the reflexive, these forms are,
in this respect, based on the same principle as the Latin like
amnri-er, legi-er (see §. 477.). In general, a passive or
middle infinitive, which was unknown to our great family
of languages in its primaeval period, would have been the
easiest and most natural to acquire by aflixing the reflexive,
as the Lithuanian, too, transfers to the infinitive also the s
appended to its reflexive verbs, e.g., wadln-ti'S, " to name
oneself" (see §. 476. p. 662). Similar is the procedure of the
[G. Ed. p. 1293.] Northern languages, in which the reflexive,
in forms like the Swedish taga-s, " to be taken"' (from taga.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1255
** to take^'), is quite as unmistakeable as in the indicative
tage-s (in the three persons singular, see Grimm, IV. p. 46).
Ip Greek forms like Keyeadat, the reflexive lies the more
hidden, because it is not' appended to the termination of
the active infinitive; and, moreover, there exists no active
infinitive in dat or Tat from which crdat might have sprung, as
above (§. 474,), e.g., iiSoq^Sov from SiSotov. Moreover, in the
infinitive no personal termination can be looked for; and we
durst not, therefore, in respect of the 6 in forms like SlSoaOai,
search for any analogy with such as SiSo<rdov, SlSotrde, StSoaSia.
Moreover, we cannot regard the 6 of the middle passive
infinitives as a formative suffix ; for it would be unnatural
to interpose between the root and the formative suffix of
an abstract substantive a pronominal element to express a
reflexive or passive relation ; which would be as though
from the Sanscrit infinitive and Latin supine ddlum, datum,
we should look for a reflexive ddstum, dastum. Hence,
therefore, in departure from the conjecture I before ex-
pressed, I now recognise in the syllable dat of the infini-
tives under discussion an auxiliary verb, and, indeed, the
same that we recognised above (§. 630.) in the aorists in
drf'V and futures in drj-ao-fxat, with which are connected our
thun and the Gothic d€i, dMum^ of forms like sdkida, " I
sought (made seek"), sdkididum^ '* we sought (made seek")
(see §. 620.). In Old High German, an infinitive suoh-
'iuan (** to make seek ")» together with the actually ex-
isting suoh-ta (for suoh-teta), "I sought (made seek"),
could not surprise us ; and just as little strange would it
be if the Greek l^rjTe^adai were, according to the explana-
tion which has been given, to signify literally " to make to
seek oneself" ( = "to be sought"). It may here remain
undecided whether the reflexive be appended after the
theme of the said tense of the principal [G. Ed. p. 1294.]
verb, or inserted before the auxiliary verb; whether,
therefore, we should divide thus, e.g., ruTrrea-Oai, rvn-caa-dai.
1256 FORMATION OF WORDS.
T€Tv<l>{cryOatt* Tinr^eo'-datf or TVTne'Crdou, &c. Tlie root Ovj=
dhd of the auxiliary verb is in these compounds repre-
sented simply by its consonant; for the diphthong at is, as
in the active infinitive, a case-termination, where we must
recall attention to the circumstance, that the Sanscrit root
also, dlid, "to set, to make,'* which corres{)onds to the
Greek ^ (from da), as also all other roots in d when they
appear without a formative suffix as adjectives of common
gender at the end of compounds, drop their final vowel
before case-terminations beginning with a vowel ; and
hence, from dhd, "placing, making," comes the dative dfti
{ = dhai, Greek Oat), The root dhd appears as an abstract
substantive of the feminine gender in irad-dhd, ** be-
lief," properly, " belief-placing," or " belief-making," the
dative of which, ac*cording to the universal principle of
feminine bases in long d, is irad-dhdydU In compounds
with prepositions other naked roots in d also occur as
abstrac*t substantives, e. g„ d-jnd and anu-jndf ** command,"
praii'jnd, " promise," fta-hhd, " lustre." Dhd, in the Vedic
dialect, with the preposition m", forms mdhd (see Benfey
Gloss.), which should properly signify "laying down," but
has become an appellative with the meaning " net" As
the root dhd enters combinations more easily than other
roots, and is suited for use as an auxiliary ,'|' the conjecture
[G. £d. p. 1295.] is not far fetched that it also has its
share in the formation of the Vedic infinitives in ^ dhydi
discussed above (§. 854.) ; whether it be that this dhydi be
^ The accuinulatiun of consonants dislodged this nfiexive o-, according
to the analogy of §. 643.
t Cf. Zend AMj«b^AJjC^ yaosch-ddy " to make purify" (§. 037.),
huidJia, "to make wash" (p. 993), Latin ven-do (§. 033.), Greek ttXiJ-^o)
(Pott, E. I., p. 187), ir€p-B<D. The first part of irtp-Bat answers to the
Zend/?/W, "to annihilate" (see Bnmonf, Ya^n. p. 534, and Benfey, Gr.
R. L. II. p. 362), whereto belong also the Latin per-do and jyer^eo (its
ven-^ com|Nired with ven^co).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1257
an abbreviation of dhAy-Ai, as dative of dhd, or that the d
of the root in this composition has been weakened to u for
which the weight added by compounding may easily have
given occasion. The strictly feminine dative termination
di^ of infinitives like pib-a-dhydi would be better established
according to this, than if, according to an earlier attempt
at explanation, dhi were taken as formative suffix, and the
dh as a distortion of <; as the feminine bases in short U in
the dative, more frequently exhibit ay-i than y-dit while
polysyllabic feminine bases in ^, and in general those in a.
long final vowel, never exhibit ^, but only dU as the dative
character. But if in the Vedic infinitives in dhydi is in-
volved the root dhd, and in the Greek in tr-dai the corre-
sponding root Byj^ there arises hence a remarkable affinity of
formation between inid yaj-a-dhydh " in order to venerate,*'
and al^-€'tTdai, which is also radically identical with it (cf.
Ind. Bibl. III. 102.), which, however, could not induce me
to recognise, with Lassen, in the Vedic forms the infinitive
of the middle ; for in the first place they want the sibi-
lant, which is so important an element [G. Ed. p. 1296.]
in the Greek medio-passive infinitives; and secondly, the
Veda-texts which have intermediately appeared have not
furnished us with the means of perceiving any nearer re-
lation of the forms in dhydi to the middle. I should pre-
fer to regard the possible affinity of formation of the San-
scrit and Greek infinitives in dhydi, cr-Oai, in no other
* Cf. the p«a8{jive8, as dh't-ydt^y p'l-ydt^, for dhd-ydte, pd-ydl^. I here
fiirther call attention to the Vedic dhU "work, action," which occurs,
Naigh. 2. 1., under the words signifying karman, "action," and perhaps,
as such, is to be referred, not like (Mf, "und. rstandlng," to the root dhydi^
" to think," but, as an anomaly of another kind, to dhdy " to make." Al-
though, then, this dht^ as a monosylhibic word, forms, in the dative, dhiyi
or dhiydi, this does not prevent the supposition tliat it, in a primsBval, as
it were privileged composition, may follow the principle of the polysyllabic
feminine hoses in ?, and may, after the analogy of nadydi^ form also dhydi.
1258 FOEMATION OF WORDS,
liglit than this, that the two languages, after their separa-
tion, accidentally coincided in an analogous application in
the infinitive of a mutually common auxiliary verb ; which
can little surprise us, as this verb is well fitted in signifi-
cation to enter combinations with other verbs, and to ob-
tain the appearance of inflexions ; and hence it occurs also
in other members of our great family of languages in
compounds more or less obscured. If, however, this auxi-
liary verb was once gained in Greek for the infinitive of
the middle and passive, and, in its obscured nature, had
once assumed the function of an inflexion, then the root 0H
combined itself with itself in combining with cr-dai, just as,
in the aorist and future, with drj-v, drj-cro^cu.
889. We have one more Sanscrit gerund to speak of,
which indeed, as such, stands isolated in Sanscrit, but,
with respect to its formation, presents many coincidences
with the European sister-tongues ; I mean, the gerund in
ya.* Its signification is the same with that in tvd, but it
occurs almost only in compound verbs ; w^hilc in the pre-
sent condition of the language, as it appears to me, tvd, on
account of its heavier form, avoids verbs encumbered with
[G. Ed. p. 1207.] prepositions. The following are examples
of gerunds in 1T ya: ni-^Ayot "after (with, through)
laying down \'* anu-srulya, " after hearing ;'" nir-gdmya^
after going out ;"' ni-vlsya, " after going in ;' pratUbhidyat
after cleaving -^ A-tudya, " after impinging.'" I also con-
sider these gerunds as instrumentals, and, indeed, according
to the Zendian principle (see §. 158.) ; so that, therefore, e,g,,
nidhdya stands for nidhdyd^ from ni-dhdya-d. I have al-
ready expressed this opinion in the Latin edition of my
Sanscrit Grammar (p. 250), and found it confirmed since
then through Fr. Rosen's edition of the first book of the Rig-
«
it
* Roots with a short final Towd receive the affix of a f . The accent
xesta on the radical syllable.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1259
veda, ill so far that there instrumentals from bases in a
actually occur, which are distinguished from their base only
by the lengthening of the final a;* so that, according to
this principle, one would have to expect from a base nir-
gamya^ " the going out," an instrumental gerund nirgamydt
while before, with regard to the non-insertion of a euphonic
n, I could only refer to the Vedic svapnayd (for svapn^na),
analogously to which, for nirgamya the form nirgamyayd
would be required.
890. If one assumes that the abstract substantives which
are to be presupposed for the gerund under discussion
were neuter, then they would have an exact counterpart
in the Latin od-iu-mt gaud-iu-rrit s^ud-m-m, diluv-iu-m, dissid-
iu-m, incend-iu-m, excid-iu-mt cbsid-iu-m, savrific-iu-my obsequ-^
iu~m^ coUoqu-iu-m, praesag-iu-m, cordag-iu-mt connitb-iu-m,
covjug-iu-m; as in Sanscrit, therefore, [G. Ed. p. 1298.]
nearly all compounds. In Greek, epei-n-io^v^ aixitKaK-io-v,
aix&pT'io-v belong to this class.
891. The Sanscrit forms also, by the neuter suffix yr/,
abstracts out of nominal bases, the final vowel of which is
suppressed, with the exception of w, which receives Guna ;
while the initial vowel is usually augmented by Vriddhi (see
§. 26.), and accented ; e.g.^ mddhiir'ya'm, " sweetness,'* from
madhurd-s, ** sweet ;^ ndipun-ya-m, " skill,'* from nipund-s,
" skilful ;" sdukl-ya-tn, '* whiteness," from sukla-s, " white ;"
chdur-ya-rrif " theft," from chdrd-s, ** thief." Hereto admi-
rably correspond, with respect, also, to the suppression of
the final vowel of the primitive base, the Gothic neuter
* E,g.f mahUvd (Uigv. 1. 62. 13.), "through greatness," from mahitvd
(Ved. mdJii, " great," suffix iva) ; vtaliitvand (85. 7.), id. (mahi, suffix
iv(U2ti, see p. 1210 G. ed.) ; vrishatvCi (54. 2.), "through rain'* (abstr. from
vnghan, " rainer"). This analogy is followed also by the Vedic tvdy
" through thee" (see Benf. Gl. p. l/)5, and of. the Marathi fva, see
p. 1102G. ed.)for /rrfya.
1260 POBMATION OF WOEDS,
bases of abstract substantives like diub-ya^ ** theft,'" from
ditd/^a)-Sf " thief' (see §. 135.); unlid-ya, '* poverty," from tin-
/A/(fi)-5, " poor ;" galeik-yru " resemblance," from galeik(a)-f(.
** like ;" tinvit-yn, " ignorance," from tmt?i/(a)-», ** foolish ;"'
hauhht-ya, " height," from hauhist(ays, " the highest'"
In the nominative accusative, according to §. 153., the a of
the sufRx ya is suppressed, and y vocalised to i; hence,
diubh unlidif &c. The following are Latin abstracts of this
kind : mendac'iu^mt artific-iu-m, prindp-ium, consort-lu'm,
jpjun-iu'tnt conviv-lu-m. This class of words is more
scantily represented in Greek by forms like fxovofxdx'if^v,
BeoTtpim-to-v. There belong, however, also to this class, though
with tlieir meaning perverted, words like epyacr/jp-to-v, SiKa-
OT^p-io-i', \fj<m^p'to-Vt vavTrrjy-tO'V ; and from bases in ev such
as Tjoo^ero-i', KovpeTo-v, with, as it appears, digamma suppressed,
for Tpo<f>€FtO'Vt KovpeF'to-v.
892. In Old Sclavonic corresix)nds the neuter suffix hk iye
(euphonic for iyo, see §. 255. n., p. 325), so that the vowel corre-
spondingto the semi-vowel is also prefixed to it, while, however,
[G. £d. p. 1290.] in Russian it is wanting; beceauk vesn/iye,*
"joy," (Russian BeceJiie vesePie) from BECEA-b veseF, "joyful."
Abstracts in Anhk aniye, enhk eniye, %niik yenrye, thk fh/p,
are formed with the suffix under discussion from the perf<x*t
passive participle in a similar manner as in Old High German
are formed ; e.g.farldzant, *' abandonment," fric^Hti, " choice,*'
with the feminine form of the suffix n yn, out of the partici-
ple belonging to the conjugation of the verb referred to ; e.g.,
MAQNiiK chnyaniye, *• expectation," from MAQn-b chayan\ " he
expects r R^BAEMiiK ynx'lcidye^ "unveiling," from lABAEri7>
ynvlen\ "he discovers;" nuTHK pUiye, "the drinking," from
niiTT> pU\ "drunken." With tliis suffix are formed also
collectives in the Sclavonic languages as in Sanscrit; e.g. in
* See Miklos., Radices, p. 8. Dobrowsky (p. QS!i) writes bEPEaVe,
and siiDilarly in the other examples given p. 982 of this clnss of words.
FORMATION OF WORDS, 1261
Russian ApeBie drevie^ " many trees,*' from Apeso drevo, ** a
tree." So in Sanscrit kdisya-m, " hairs," from Mids, ** hair/*
893. In Lithuanian, which has lost the neuter gender of
substantives, the class of words under discussion has be-
come masculine ; and then, according to §. 135, the syllable
ya is contracted before the nominative sign s to i, and the
final vowel of primitive bases, as in the sister-languages,
is suppressed ; and thus, with regard to the nominative, it
ap})ears as though the simple change of a or u into i could
form an abstract from an adjective. Cf. e,g.,
ySct-i'S, " blackness,** with yoda-s, " black f *
i/g'-i'S, " length,'* with Vga-s, " long ;** J
karszt'-i-Sy "heat,** with karszta-s, "hot;** 2
sxaW-i-St " coldness,** with szalta-s, " cold ;** ^
aukszf-i-s, " height,** with dukszta-s, ** high ;** S
rvgszC'i'St " sourness,** with rugsz-tu-s, " sour ;** 2j
datig-i-s, "multitude,** with **daug,'"* "many,*" indecl.
In several of the oblique cases the a of these abstracts, wliich
is suppressed in the nominative, is, by the euphonic influence
of the preceding i, changed to e (cf. §. 157. p. 174, Note*);
hence, eg,, ilgie^ms, ** longitvdinibusr compared with ilga-ms^
** bjngbt.^'' Primitive abstracts also are formed in Lithu-
anian by the suffix ia, euphonic ie, nominative is: these
correspond, therefore, exclusive of their vocalisation of the
semi-vowel to u tolerably well to the Sanscrit gerundial
bases in ya; e.jr., j>Si-i-«, ''fall** {pulut "I fall**); nvasz-ist
'* blow ** (mii^;?M, "I smite"); kandi-s, "bite** (*a?idu, "I
bite ")•
894. The feminine form of the suffix i| ya, viz. in yd,
forms primitive abstracts with the accent on tho suffix ; e.g.
vrajt/fi, " travelling ;** vidyd, " knowledge ;** iayyA,* " the
« From s^-yd, with irregular Gona ; as, e,g., in 4fe-/^'=xcc-rai. The y
of the sufHx acts like a vowel, hence ay for ^=au
1262 FORMATION OF WORDS.
lying/' Hereto admirably correspond Gothic abstract
feminine bases in yd (6 = 6* §. 69.), nominative ya or i;*
for example, vrakya, "pursuit"' (gen. iratyd-*), corresponds
also radically to the before-mentioned inin vrajya, with a
tenuis for a medial, according to §. 87. Tlie other abstracts
of tliis formation which have been retained to our time
hve, brakya, "strife," (properly, "breach''); hrSpi, "cla-
mour;" feii^i, " command ;" w^iaiic/*, "environs." Observe,
that vrakya, hrahfOt and us-vandi (gen. usvandyo's), have
retained the true radical vowel, and hence correspond, not
to the weakened present (rriA-n, briJca, vindaX but to the
[G. Ed. p. 1301.] monosyllabic forms of the preterite. So
bandi, "band, fetter ;"/d/u-6anc?*, "leg-iron;" on the other
hand, ga-bindU " band," with the extremcst vowel- weaken-
ing of the present, and ga-bundi, id., with the middle vowd-
weight of the polysyllabic forms of the preterite and per-
fect passive participle. An inorganic extension of the base
with n (see §. 142.), is found in rath-yd (gen. ydn-s), " reckon-
ing, account;" sakyot ** strife ;"•!• vaih^yo, "contest" {veiya,
"I contend"); ga-run-yih "overflowing" (r/ini/i, rann, r*/ii-
num).
895. In the Sclavonic languages the class of feminine
abstracts, which in Sanscrit is formed direct from the root
by the suffix in yd, is pretty numerously represented : it
ends in old Sclavonic in the nominative in %^ ya ; c.g.t
BOAia tWya, " will;" AEAia schelya, "mourning;" koycAia
hiplya (a euphonic), " business." In Lithuanian the a-sound
* The contraction of ya to t occurs, if preceded by a naturally long
vowel, or one long by position, or if one simple word of more than one
syllable precedes (cf. §.135. &c., Gabel. and Lobe, p. CI). Tlic latter
case, however, docs not occur in the class of words under discussion.
t Cf. the Gothic root 9ak^ from sag^ according to §. B7., ^itli tlie San-
scrit ^9 «tt^', ^^fffigcre" with abhi {abhisfiaTif), ^^ maledicere, ohjur-
garef* ubhishangn-t^ according to Wilson, 1. ^^ a curse or imprecation/'
2. " an oath," 3. " defeat," 4. " a fidse accusation," &c.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1263
of this sufl^ has been usually changed by the euphonic
influence of the semi-vowel to e, but the semi-vowel is it-
self dropped (cf. p. 174, Note *, and §. 137.), except in the
genitive plural in iu or yu (see Ruliig's 3d declension).
Here belong, for example, feminine abstracts; as, srotrif
"flood'' (srauyu, '* I bleed/' Sanscrit srdv-d'fni, "I flow,''
Greek pew); zinne, "the knowing, knowledge" (zinnau, "I
know"); paine, "entangling" (piwnii, "I plait"); nukti-
gone, "the keeping watch by night" (ganau, " I watch").
On the other hand, la is found in pradzia, "beginning"
{pra-de-mU ** I begin"), for which, in Sanscrit, pra-c?Acl-yd
would be to be expected.
896. The Latin formations of this class [G. Ed. p. 1302.]
of feminine verbal abstracts in ia or ii (see §. 137.) like
the neuter in iu-m, and the Sanscrit gerunds in ya are
for the most part compounded (see §.890.); e.g., inedia,
invidia (if not from invidtis), vindemia, desidia, insidioi, ex-
cubicBf exsequiiPf diluvii-s, pprnicii'S,'\ esuriS-s, The following
are examples of formations of this kind : pluiia, scabii-s
(properly, " the itching"), rabii-s. With the inorganic affix
of an w, and the substitution of an 6 for A — as, e.g., in the
suffix i6r = idr, Ttjp, §. 647., and in m6n = mdn, fxtav, §. 797. —
tlie Sanscrit suffix yd, in some abstract feminine bases, has
been modified to ion ; and these, therefore, correspond to
* The Lithuanian form has suppressed tlio radical vowel before the
suflix, otherwise it wonld be pra^de-ya^ as the semi- vowel y between two
vowels in Lithuanian, as in Latin, has remained, but after consonants,
i'xcepting p, 6, ir, m (Mielcke, p. 4), has been changed to tlie vowel I.
D before i, with a vowel following, becomes di (^dsch, Sanscrit if j):
the t, liowever, is scarcely pronounced.
t Without a base verb, for it has hardly sprung from pemecOy as verbs
of the 1st conjugation liave produced no abstracts of this kind. The
radically-cognate Sanscrit ndiyami^ " 1 go to ruin," would lead us to ex-
l>ect a Latin verb of the 3d conjugation, as luzdo, necio^ or rwcio (cf.
nejc^ noceo).
1264 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the above-mentioned (§. 894.) Gothic bases in yiht, nomina-
tive yd; tlius con-tngi6f -ichi-is; susjncid, obsidio, ambagiu,
capid, as in Gothic rathyd, genitive rathydn-s, &c. In Greek
la corresponds as exactly as possible to the Sanscrit in yd,
but is, however, in the primary formation, but rather
veakly represented. The following are examples: Trewa,
fiavia, oLfiapTia, apmKaKia. In verbs in euw (see §. 777.), which
especially favour this kind of formation of the abstract, the v
is lost before the sufEx, but probably first passed, on ac*couut
of the vowel following, into f ; thus, e.jf., dpiarela from
dpioreFia, More frequent is the appearance of the suffix td
(e-ta) as a means of formation of denominative abstracts, in
forms like evSaifMov-iat r/KiK-ioLf fiaKap-la, avSp-la, a-oip^'-ia^
KaK'ia, SeiK^'ia, dyyeK'-ia, dvaytay-iaf aTpaTrjy-ia, aArjSeta,*
[G. Ed. p. 1303.] avota {dvo'-ia). To these denominative ab-
stracts correspond in Latin, such as capac-ia, feroc-ith in-
fant'ia, pT<Esent'ia, ineri-ia, concord-ia, inop-icu perfid'-ia,
superb^'ia, barbar-ia; pauper-ii-s, barhar-w-s; unid^n), iaP-
i6(ri), commun-io^n), rebelt't6(ji).
807. The Old High German has in all cases, except the
genitive plural {heilo-n-d for heilyd-n-d see §. 246.), dropped
the vowel of the Sanscrit bases in yd, which the Gothic
has surrendered only in the nominative singular under the
circumstances statc^d above (§. 894., Note *), and has changed
* The bases in cr (see §.128.) lose their final consonant, as in tlie
oblique Cflscs; thus, dXiJ^cia from aXi;^c<r-Mi, as aXi/^c-or from d\rj6€a-'Os,
The combination of the i of the suffix with the preceding c or o of the
base word is the occasion of shortening the final a. The Homeric dXrfBtitf
also testifies to the original length of the a of such formations. In ana-
logy with the phenomenon that bases in s suppress this consonant before
the su£5x la, is the phenomenon that bases in n, in Sanscrit, suppress not
only this consonant, but also the preceding vowel before vowels and tlie y
of a derivative suffix ; hence, e.g., rdj-ya-m, " kingdom" (Gothic reik't,
theme retA'-ya, "dominion," from reik{a)'8, "ruler, supreme one"), for
rdfan-ya-fiiy from rdfan, "a king.'
M
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1265
the semi-vowel into the corresponding long vowel (see
Grimm's 2d strong decl. fern.), to which, in the dative plural,
the case-sign m(or n)is attached.* To this class belong nearly
all the words of Grimm's 2d declension feminine of the
strong form (I. p. 618), which, like the Gothic 3d weak declen-
sion feminine, with the exception of the formations in nissu
contains almost only abstracts, which have been formed
from adjectives (participles included), with the suffix cor-
responding to the Sanscrit m yd; as, e.g., [G. Ed. p. 1304.]
chaU^'i, •• cold," warm-i " warmth," hdli-i, ** height," hulcC-i
"grace,*" ndK-i, "nearness," sc&n-if "fairness, beauty,"
%uoz'{, "sweetness," still -u ''stillness," titf4, "depth,"
rdC'if " redness," suarz^-i, " blackness," from the adjective
bases chalia^ " cold," warma, " warm,"')' &c. I call especial
Attention to the abstracts arising from passive participles,
corresponding to the Sanscrit in ia and na, and formed
with the suffix under discussion, which, irrespective of
gender, accord with the Sclavonic abstracts mentioned
above (§. 892.); as, dhthk pitiye, "the drinking;" qAl^NHK
chayaniye, " expectation." The following are examples of
Old High German abstracts of this kind : er-tveUt'-i, " choice,''
vtr-wehsaldt-h ** alternation," mT-terhiniC'h "pretext," var-
Idzan-h " abandoning," ar-Aafcan-t', "elevation," ^rw^-pcw'an'-i',
" primogeniture," from the participial bases erwelUa (nom.
-/^r), &c., varldzana (nom. -nA"), &c. The formations in n{
(Grimm, 11. 161. 62.) are much more numerous than those
* I conjecture that the t is long also in the dative plural, thus heiU'in^ as
the long vowels maintain themselves better before a final consonant than
at the end of a word. Compare the conjunctive forms like dzi^ opposed
to dzU, dztt^ dzfn (see §.711. p. 044.).
t Nom. masc. cliaUi'r, warmi-r, with the pronominal afiix of the
strong declension (see p. 368, §. 288. Rem. 5.). At the beginning of com-
pounds stands either the true base in o, or, and indeed more generally,
the base mutilated by the removal of a ; e.g., mihila-mot and mihhil'^mot,
^^ magnanimous " (Graff. II. 604.). Of this more hereafter.
4 N
1266 FORMATION OF WORDS.
in ti (Grimm II. 261.), but both spring from scarce any
source but compound participles. It also deserves notice,
that such formations are limited to the Old and Middle
High German, with the exception, perhaps, of the Old
Northern um-gingni, ** conversafiot^" mentioned by Grimm
(p. 162). I should not wish the above-mentioned remark-
able coincidence between the German and Sclavonic to be
so interpreted as that any should found on it the conjecture
of a special affinity between those languages ; for since the
Sanscrit suffix ^ ya* feminine JR yd, as a means of forma-
tion of denominative abstracts in the European languages
[G. £d. p. 1305.] has been universally difiused, it is not in
the least surprising that the Sclavonic and High German
usually coincide in this point, that they have used this
suffix also for the derivatives from passive participles. It
might be possible that the Ijatin abstracts also in tidn, siStu
were not formed, as has been before remarked (see p. II95
G. ed.), by an extension of the suffix ti, but have been de-
rived from the passive participle with the aid of the iSn
discussed above ; thus, e.g., cocC'i6(n) from codu-St mot^'hXn)
from mctU'Sj fnvt8-i6(n) from missus, orbdi'-i6(n) from ortdtu-s,
as above (p. 1303 G. ed.), comiwwn'-i^n) from comrnvni-Sf vn-
io(n) from unu-a, as in Old High German er%ceU£'i from
erwelUa.
898. It scarcely needs mention that the e of our abstracts
like Kdlte, ("cold'')» Marine, (** warmth"), is the corruption
of the t of the analogous High German abstracts, as in
general nearly all vowels in the final syllables of polysyllabic
words have, in New High German^ and the majority so
early as in Middle High German, been weakened to e.
Without attention, however, to the intermediate stages, it
would have been impossible, in words like Kdtte, Gr'dsse,
Ldnge, ("cold, greatness, length"), to recognise an affinity
of formation with the Sanscrit banijyd, "traffic" (from
bantjf "trader"); and collectives like gavyi^ "a number of
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1267
cows'* (from go); pdiyd, "a number of cords'' (fromj>^a);
to which correspond the Greek avOpaK-ia, fivpfujK-iat (nroS'-ia.
In High German this class of collectives has become neu-
ter, as in Sclavonic (see §. 892.) ; and hence the suiEx y.i
in Old High German has, in the nominative and accusative,
been contracted to i (cf. Gothic, §. 159), while in New High
German it is either suppressed or turned into e. Before the
base word is prefixed the preposition ge, " with,'' (Old High
German ga, gU &c.): hence, e.g.. Old High German gaptgit-i
(for 'cdi)^ " compl'ucus avium^'' from fugal, theme fugalat " a
bird" (Middle High Grerman geviigele. New High German
Oev'dgel); gabein-i, "bone, ossa;" gabirg'^-U ** mountain,
mountains;" gafild'-i, "fields," (properly, *'many fields,"
"agrri, arva'); gadarm-u "entrails;" [G. Ed. p. 1306.] ^
gistein*'i, " stones ;" gistirn-i, " stars." As regards the re-
lation of the e of our abstracts like Kalte to the Sanscrit
ydf this corruption answers exactly to that in the conjunc-
tive of the preterite, where, e.g., asse corresponds to the
Old High German dzi and Sanscrit ad-yd-m, ad-yd-t (see
§. 711. p. 944.) : on the other hand, the Old High German i'of
chaUi coincides with the contraction which the Sanscrit
itself experiences in the middle of the potential, where, e.g.
ad-i-mdlii (from ad-yd-mahU see §. 675.), corresponds to the
Gothic Si-ei-ma, and Old High German dz-i-mSs. The
Anglo-Saxon has, in the class of denominative abstracts
under discussion, dropped the semi-vowel of the Sanscrit
yd, and weakened the vowel to o * ; hence, e.g., h<elo, " health,"
hyldo, "grace," yWo, "age," compared with the Old High
German heUt, huldi, altt The Gothic has further added
an inorganic n to the in yd contracted to ei ( = i, see
§. 70.), which, in the nominative, is laid aside, according to
* Probably from an earlier u; as, e.g. , in the final syllable of sSofon, 7,
for Gothic Hbun, Sanscrit saptan ; and in the plural of the preterite, e.g.^
f6ron=Goih\c/hrumy 3d person y^tin.
4 N 2
1268 FORMATION OF WORDS.
§.142.* Hence, e.g.f hauh^-eiinX " height ;' diup'-€'i(n\ "depth ;' '
lagg'-eiin), " length ;" 6raicf-€i(ii), " breath ;" manag^'ei(n\
" multitude f magatK-ei{n), ** virginity/' irapdev-la, from
the bases haulia (uom. m. hauhs), &c., and the substantive
base magathi (nom. magaths). Moreover, from weak verbal
themes in ya (Grimm's 1st conjugation) spring abstract
bases in ein, in which the verbal derivative in ya ( = San-
scrit ay a) is dropped before the abstract suffix ein; hence,
e,g.t ga-aggv-eiin)^ "hemming in," from ga-aggvyay **I nar-
row f ' bairkt'-eiin), " announcement,'' from bairhtya, " I an-
[G. Ed. p. 1307.] nounce ;" rata-m^-ei(n), ** burthening,*"
from vaia^m^rya, ** I burthen." *j- The inorganic n of this
class of words occurs also occasionally in Old High Ger-
man, but has here at the same time found its way into the
nominative (see Grimm, I. 628.).
899. With the suffix ya, feminine yd, future passive par-
ticiples also are formed in Sanscrit, which, for the most part,
accent the radical syllable, but some the suffix, with the
weaker accent (Svarita). The latter kind of accentuation
occurs only in roots which terminate in a consonant (in-
cluding the syllable ar, which is interchanged with ^ ri),
* In departure from §. 14*2., I now think that the cases in which the
Gothic ein corresponds to the Sanscrit feminine character { ought to be
limited to the classes of words mentioned in §. 120., since in Uie et of the
class of words here discussed we roust recognise a contraction of yd, after
the analogy of the conjunctives; sucli as Si-ei'Via, ''we ate"=Sauscrit
ad-yd-ma, Latin ed-Umus (§. 711. p. 044).
t There are in Old High German also verbal abstracts of this kind,
only that the inoi^ganic n is dropped; e,g.y mendC-i, ''joy/' from mendiu,
*'*' gaudeo'* (cf. Sanscrit mandt ^^gaudere"); touT-h "baptism/* from
toufiuy " I baptize." Observe, that in Sanscrit also the character of the
10th class and of the causal forms is suppressed before certain formative
suffixes, while properly only the final a of aya ought to be suppressed
(see §. 100*. 6.) ; e.^., before the gcrundial suffix yo, with which we are
here most concerned, ay is usnaUy suppressed ; e.g,y m-rdd-ya, " after the
giving up," for nl-vid-ay-ya.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1269
and which are either long by nature (length by position
included), or are in this class of words, to which also belong
appellatives* which, according to their fundamental mean-
ing, are future participles, augmented by Guna or Vriddhi.*
At least d, i.e. the heaviest of the simple vowels, before
two consonants in this class of words admits a different
kind of accentuation ; whence it is clear that the language
here seeks to avoid the combination of the greatest vowel-
weight with that of the strongest accent in one and the same
syllable. The following are examples : guhya-s, " celandusr
giihya-mt subst. "a secret f idya-s, ''cele- [G.Ed. p. 1308.]
hrandusf'' sAnsya-s, ** laudandus f* ddhya-s, " mulgendus"^ (root
duh)] drisya-Sf '* spedandus'"'' (root dars, dris, see §. I.) ; chiya-s,
" coUigendus'*'' (root chi) ; stAvya-s and stdvyh-s, " laudandus ;'*''
hhdjya-Sy ''edendus^ bh^it-m, subst. " food'' (root bhuj);
pdchya-s, ^' coquendus'*^ (root pach) ; m-vdryi-s, ** arcendu^'*
(root vaVf vri, cl. 10.) ; vdhyhfOf " discourse," as " to be spo-
ken f' kdryh-m, " business,'' as ** to be done" (root kar, kri) ;
hhdrydf " a spouse," as ** to be supported, to be cherished "
(root bhar, bhri) ; Zend ^^^^^as^ vahmyd (theme -ya), ** m-
vocandusJ*'' 'f To these admirably correspond some Gothic
* In the technical langaage of grammar this participial mffix, in case
it accents the Svarita, and provided the radical vowel is augmented, is
called 71^ nyat,
t From the denominntivo vahmaySmi, with the suppression of the cha-
racter of the lOtli class; as in Sanscrit, e.g., ni-vdryd-s^ ^^ arcendtis," from
ni-vdr-dyd-mi. No formal objection can be raised to the explanation
given by Bumonf (1. c. p. 675), according to which vahmya would come
direct from tlie base vahma, ^^ invocatio," I prefer, however, that a form
which evinces itself by its signification to be a future passive participle
should be also formally so explained, in which, as is shewn by the analo-
gous forms in Sanscrit, there is no difficulty. Neriosengh, too, regards
AS^^^^A59 vahmya, as also the yasnya yrluch. accompanies it, of which
hereafter, as the future passive participles (Bum., p. 572), and translates
the former by su-namaskarantya {**bene adorandus**), and the latter by
drddhaniya (" venerandus").
1270 FORMATION OF WORDS.
adjective bases in ya, which, as has been already elsewhere
remarked, are to be sought in Grimm's 2d adjective de-
clension of the strong form (in Gabel. and Lobe, p. 74).
Here we find the bases anda-nem-ya, " agreeable/' properly,
^^accipienduHf unqoHh^ya^ " inexpressible '' (root qvathj qvltha^
(jvath, fjvithum); anda-sityay "contemptible, horrible"' (root
salt "to sit,'' sitay sat, s^lum, and-saU " to be bashful");
skeir-ya, " clear, plain, intelligible" {gaskeir-yn^ "I explain") ;
[G. Ed. p. 1300.] un-nut-ya, " useless," properly, ** unenjoy-
able" (root nut, " to obtain, to enjoy," niuta^ naut, nutum) ;
bruk-ya, ** serviceable;" un-bruk-yoy "unserviceable;" riur-ya,
"destructible, perishable, transitory "^ {fpOapro^); un-riur-yat
"imperishable, atjidapTog {riurya, "I mar"); sCtt-ya, "mild,"
properly, ** gustandus^^ is identical with the Sanscrit sv6d-ya-it
of d-*t?dd-ya-«, '* gustandus,^^ **jucund% «aporis,"'|' and akin to
svAdu'S, "sweet" (Greek jySu-y, Old High German saozl,
" sweet," in the uninflected form), theme suozia = Gothic
siilya. Among substantives, the neuter base basya, "berry"
(n. a. basi), belongs to this class, if it corresponds, as I conjec-
ture it does, to the Sanscrit bhaksh-ya-my "food," properly, "to
be eaten " (from bhaksh, " to eat,'' Greek ^ccyo)), and has
lost the guttural of the root, in the same way as, e.g., in
Zend, the Sanscrit akshi, " eye," has been abbreviated to
ashi. In the Old High German beri (theme berya), the s has
become r, as, e.g., in wdrumis, "we were " = Gothic vfsum.
Remark. — The theory of the nominative singular of the adjective bases
in ya, feminine y6, admits, now that we have before ns the remains of
the Gothic translation of tlio Bible in von Gabelontz and Lobe s edition,
and, moreover, the Skeireins edited for the first time by Massmann, of
• From the root nam {tuma, nam, nimum). With regard to the length-
ening of the radical a to ^ (=San8crit d, see §. 60.) in this and analogous
forms, compare Sanscrit forms like /xicA^d-t, ^' eoquendug."
t Root svad (seemingly from su, " wcU," and ad, " to eat **), "gustare,"
middle ^^jucunde sapere."
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1271
a more exact aoryey than waa before poeaible ; and so in the maBculine^
instead of the one form in is, which, foUowing Grimm, I gave in §. 135.,
we possess in all four different gradations ; for which Gabelentz and Lobe
(Gramm., p. 74) give as examples, sutiSy hrahu, niuxfis, and viltheis. The
more perfect form yiSf for the, according to §. 67., impossible yasy
occurs when any vowel, or a simple consonant with a short vowel preced-
ing it, goes before; hence, mu-yi-s, "new;" wk-yi-s^ "quarrelsome."
Hence, also, from the base tnidyoy the nominative masculine, which can-
not be cited, can only be midyis (= Sanscrit rnddhyas^ Latin mediu-s),
not midi-Sf as was assumed above (§. 135.), as the contracted form of an
earlier midyis. As, then, midyi-s corresponds to the [G. Ed. p. 1310.]
Sanscrit mddhyas, so does niu-yis to the Sanscrit ndv-ya-i and Lithua-
nian nau-yas, which are equivalent in signification; and thus, there-
fore, muyis shews itself to be a future pasmve participle; for tfiqTff
ndv^ya^gy according to its derivation, can only be regarded as such, as it,
like the more current ndi}a'Sy* on which the Latin novu-Sy Greek vi{f)o'S^
and Sclavonic novo (theme and n. a. neut.), are based, springs from the
root nti, " to praise," and originally signifies " laudandus." Formally it
corresponds to the above-mentioned stdvyct^s, from stu. If the syllable
ya in Gothic adjective bases be preceded by a long syllable terminating
in a consonant, it is contracted in the nominative masculine either to «t,
as in similarly constituted substantive bases (see §. 135.), or to t, or it is,
as is most commonly the case, entirely suppressed. Instances of the first
kind are forms like alth-ei-s, " old," and viUh-ei-s, " wild ;" of the second,
5iJ/-f-«,t " mild," and airA7i-i-*, "holy ;" of the third, hrain-g, "pure,"
gamains, "common," gctfaurs, "fastmg," bruk-s, " serviceable," bleith-tt
" kind," andanhnsy " agreeable." To this class belong aiya-kun-s, dXXo-
y(vi)£ (Luke xvii. 18); for which, on account of the indubitable short-
ness of the tf, alya-kun-yi'B might be expected : it appears, however,
tliat the loading of the word by composition, or, generally, the circum-
stance, that in the entire word more syllables than one precede the
* This is the accentuation at least in the Veda dialect: according to
Wilson, however, who gives this word the sufiix ach (ch denotes the ac-
centuation of the suffix), this adjective would, in the common language,
be oxytonc, as most of the adjectives formed with a (see Wilson's Gram-
mar, 2d Edition, p. 310).
t Grimm assuredly, with correctness, deduces the length of the u from
the Old High German auoxi. If it were short the nominative would most
probably be sutyis.
1272 FORMATION OF WORDS.
suffix ya, has occasioned the suppression of the suffix in the nominatire
(cf. §. 136.)*.
[G. Ed. p. 1311.] 900. The Lithuanian also has some re-
mains of the future passive participle under discussion, but
• V. Gabelenf z and Lobe (Grammar, p. 74) assume, in the class of ad-
jectives here spoken of, bases in t, though, with respect to the correspond-
ing substantive declension, they agree with me that the same contains
bases in ya. With regard to the adjectives, however, the cognate lan-
guages, and the oblique cases of the Gothic itself speak just as emphati-
cally in favour of the proposition that the bases of Grimm *s 2d declension
of the strong form end in the mascuUne and neuter in ya, and in the femi-
nine inyo (=SanscrIt yd)^ whence, according to §. 137., we should haveya
in the nominative. The agreement of muyis^ " novus* niuya, " nova^"
with the Sanscrit ndvya-s^ ndvyd^ and the Lithuanian nauya-s^ nauya^ and
that of midyi-^, midya^ with the Sanscrit mddhya-a^ mddhyd, and Latin
mediU'9, media^ speaks very decidedly against the opinion that the y of
the Gothic forms is an insertion (1. c. p. 75, d. e.). Just so the y of the
ba.<ie alya (nominative, most probably, n/yi-^) is identical with the Sanscrit
y and Latin t of anyd-s, alius (§. 374.). I cannot allot to this class femi-
nine nominatives in «, as the feminine bases, which in Sanscrit terminate
in d, have, from a period so early as that of the identity of languages, lost
the nominative sign (see §. 137.). I regard, therefore, the forms bruks^
^' serviceable,'* B^h, "good," and skeirsy "clear," although in the passages
where they occur they refer to feminine substantives (1 Tim. iv. 8, 1 Cor.
xiii. 4, Skeir. IV. b.), as masculine nominatives, which, in consequence of
a peculiarity of syntax, represent adverbially, as we use uninfected ad-
jectives {erist guty tie ist gut, "he is good, she is good"), the nominative
of that gender, whatever it may be, to which the substantive referred to
belongs. Thus, as has been elsewhere shown (Nalus, 2d Edit., p. 214), in
Sanscrit the masculine nominative singular of the present participle may,
by an abuse, refer to any gender or number, in sentences like bhdimi
sdntvayan . . . uvdcha, '* Bhaimi spake flattering" (for sdntvayanti) ; and,
in like manner, in Ulfilas (Rom. vii. 8.), the masculine participial base
nimanda, "taking," refers to the feminine substantivcyraravr/i/^, "sins,
to which, in the very same passage, also the masculine navis^ " dead,
refers : inu vitSthJravaurhts vas navisy *' without the law sin was dead.
The actual feminine nominatives of Miks, kc,, could scarcely be aught
else than brAki^ siU, skeiriy according to the analogy of substantive forms,
with
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1273
only in a substantive form. To this class [G. Ed. p. 1312.]
belong walg-i'8 (from walg-ya-St see §. 135.), " food," as " to be
eaten'' (walgau, *' I eat''); zod-i-s " word," as " to be spoken"
(cf. zad-a-s " speech," mdu " I promise," Sanscrit gad, " to
speak"). In Latin, er-em-tu-j, properly =enm^nc?M«, is, ac-
cording to its signification, the truest remnant of this class
of words. Formally, gen-i-us also, and inr^en-iu-m, belong to
this class. To the latter corresponds, in root and formation,
the Grothic neuter base kun-yay nominative kunU "sea."
In Greek, ay-to-^ (originally akin to afw) corresponds to the
Sanscrit yAj-yit-s. '* venerandus.^^ From a Greek point of
view the following are more plain : 071/7-/0-9, ^/o^Jy-io-y, vAy
-to-^. ^a^^a, "bail" as "to be thrown," is to be derived, I
conjecture, from itaXya, by assimilation,* in the same way as
vdWta from TraXyoi, but with this diSerence, that while the
2d A of TToAXcois based on the Sanscrit character yaof the 4 th
clas8,f and hence is excluded, e.g„ from the abstract 7raAo-s>,
the \ of 7raA\a corresponds to the li y ot the participial
suffix under discussion. IIaA\a, therefore, and TraAAci), with
regard to the consonant which follows the root, have just as
little in common as, e.g., in Sanscrit, ISbh-ya-s, *' deside-
with a long penultima, as ki*6pi^ '^clamour" (see §. 804. Note).
Such a form have we then actually existing in the^ of its kind^ unique
adjective form vothi, ^^ grata" (nom. masc. probably voths), where it is im-
portant to remark, that, in the single passage where it occurs (2 Cor. ii. 15)^
it does not stand, like the masculines briiks, sSls, skeirs^ which represent in
the before-mentioned passages the feminine, as predicate, but as epithet,
^' we are unto God a sweet savour of Christ" (Chrisiaus daunsnyum v6thi
goda). I do not believe that Ulfilas could here have written vSths for
vothi ; and I consider the latter form as feminine nominative in the said
passage entirely free from suspicion, provided the unciteable masculine
nominative be vSths, or, according to the analogy of s&tiSy vothia (cf. Gabe-
lentz and Lobe, 1. c).
♦ See p. 414, G. cd., §. 300.
t See §. 601.
1274 FORMATION OF WORDS.
randusr and Ivbh-ya-tit '' deaiderair I agree with G. Curtius
(**Denominum ChrcBcorumformaiioner p.6l) in referring to this
class also il>di-S'to-s and a/x^a-J-io-f, as also e^cra-J-io-f. Tlie
inserted S may be compared with the t which, after short
vowels, is prefixed to the Sanscrit gerundial suffix ^ ya, or,
which is here more to the purpose, with that of some ap-
[G. Ed. p. 1313.] pellatives, which, according to their funda-
mental meaning, are future passive participles ; as, chi-t-
ya-nif ** funeral-pile," properly " colligondim'' (from chU '* to
collect'') ; bhrl't-ya-s, " servant,"" as " to be supported," from
bhar, brh ** to bear, to support, to nourish." To this class»
according to its formation, belongs, although with active
signification, the Greek ara-Sio-^, properly ** standing'" (ct
ora-Toj = »^i-/d-») .
901. The Greek to is of more common occurrence as the
formative suffix of denominative adjectives (Buttmann,
§. 119. 07.) than in the primary formation of words ; and
here, likewise, has its Sanscrit prototype in the secondary
(Taddhita) suffix of words like dlv-yas, ** heavenly," from
divt ** heaven ;" kHd-ya-s, ** amiable, agreeable," from hrid^
** heart ;" dgr-ya-s, " the most excellent" (** standing on
the summit"), from agra-m^ " summit ;" dhdn-ya-s, ** rich,"
from dlidna-m, " wealth ;" iunrya-s, " canine," from the
weakened base a an = Greek kvv) rdth'-ya-s, " car-horse "'
("belonging to the car"); rdtJi-tja-mt "car-road," from
rutha-s, " car ;" yasasya-s, '* famous," from yaias, ** fame ;"
rahas-ya-s, "secret," from rdhas, "mystery;"* ndvya^Sf
* In tlie two lost examples the demission and weakening of the accent
is occasioned by the circumstance that the safiix is preceded by more
than one syllable ; with which may be compared the phenomenon, that,
in Gothic, the same suffix, under the same circumstances, experiences in
the nominative a contraction or suppression (see §. 135.). In ndv-ya-a
(Pan. VI. 1. 213.) the long d has the same influence in weakening the
accentuation that, in Gothic, e.g,^ the ii of siU-i-My lias in weakening
the suffix.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1275
" navigable/' from ndu-s, " ship/' The following are ex-
amples in Zend: M^^fMi^f nrndn-yOf ** domeslicus,^^ from
nmAna, "house ; M^y?j)^Mi d/tuir*-ya, "regarding the Ahura
(with Vriddhi), from cJiura ; j^^^jjmjC^ ydir^a, " yearly,
from j^AMj^ y&re, " a year f ' Aj^^7<3JuytbJiAsj^ gadschddthr-
ya, " purifying, purifier/' from as^^jIam^Jiasj^ yadschddtkra^
" means of purification" (§. 817.) ; gaiUk*-ya, "earthly/' from
ga^thd (nom. gaUha, see §. 137.), " earth/' [G. Ed. p. 1814.]
So in Greek, e.g., a\-io-s, aytdp-io-g, ^ycfiov-io^f vdrp^to-g
(=Sanscrit pitr-ya-s "fatherly"), aiar^p-to^f tf^thorria^to-^^
(from -rrjT^tO'g), OavfjiAa'to-s (from OavfiaT'iO's), cKovc-io^
(from eicovT-io-y), reAeio-y (from T€Ae<r-io-y, see §. 128.), eiri-
T^Seio-y (from eiriTi7Je<r-io-y), ojoe/o-f (from opea-io-i), yeKoia-^
(from 7e\c3<r- 10-9 for yeKtir-io-g), eTJ/c-zo-f (for erea-io-f,
from the base ere?, whence also ereio^), ovpdv'-io-g, wora/Lt'-io-y,
Oa\(i<r<r*-/a-y, icdv*-io-j, Awr'-io-y, <l>v^*'io^f a<nra<r*-io-j (from the
to-be-presupposed verbal abstract dcnraci-j), w^v-io-y, rpt-
itfiyy^tO'^t iiKauo-£f iKfiaio^, a/Ka^a7o-(, afJiotl3a7o^, The four
last examples, as most of the derivatives from words of the
1st declension, depart from the original principle in this,
that they retain the final vowel of the base (always as a,
as in the nom. pi.) before the suffix. The diphthong
which grows up in this manner occasions, in most cases,
the displacement of the accent, in which respect I recall
attention to a similar phenomenon in Sanscrit (see §. 899.).
The retention of the v of irij^viog and Tpntrj^vio-g answers to
the retention of the u in Sanscrit (§. 891.), e.g. in ritav-ya-s,
" annual," from ritu-s. Here belong also gentilia like ^aKa"
fxiv-io-^y Ko/9iV0'-io-f, MiA;7<r*-/o-y (from -T'Io-^), ^AOrjvaio-g;
proper names, as 'AT^o^AcI)l^■lo-y, Aioiw*-/o-y; neuter appella-
tions of temples and sanctuaries called after the god to whom
they are dedicated, as 'AvdhXuh-viov ; names of feasts in the
plural, as Atovutr-ta; and perhaps feminine names of countries
derived from the names of their inhabitants, BsAidion-laf from
Aldloif'S, MaKeSov-io, from the base MaKcSov. To the proper
1276 FORMATION OF WORDS.
names correspond Sanscrit patronymics like kdurav-yd-s,
*' Kiiruide "' from kuru, in which the first vowel of the pri-
mary word receives the Vriddhi augment, while the accent
has sunk down upon the final syllable.
£02. In Latin this class of words is less numerous than
in Greek ; yet to it belong, both various adjectives and
[G. £d. p. 1316.] appellatives, and also proper names.
The following are examples : egreg-iu-s, patr-iu-s, impera-
toT'iU'S, prator-iU'St censor-iu-s, soror-iu-s, nox'-iu-s, luxT-iu-St
(from ludu'S, not from ludo), Mar-iu-s, Octav*-iu-s, Octav^Aa^
NorC'iU'S, Non-ia. As regards the appellatives of coun-
tries in id in Greek, and their relation to the names of the
inhabitants, attention must be recalled to the circumstance,
that above (§. 119.) we have recognised the Greek ta as the
simple extension of the Sanscrit feminine character (,
among other words, in feminines in rpta {opx^l^^p^oi) com-
pared with the Sanscrit in trt (cM/rr, " female giver," see
§.811.): accordingly, the names of countries in la might
also be taken as simple feminine formations of the base
words expressing the names of the inhabitants ; so that,
therefore, e. g.^ MaKcSovla would appear in a Sanscrit form
as Mahadan-i, and would properly signify "the belonging
to," not to say *' the spouse," of the Macedonian, or, too,
"the mother" of all the Macedonians. This view would
receive emphatic support from the circumstance, that thei'c
are also names of countries with feminine themes in /9, the
li of which, =Sanscrit i, has the same relation to the primary
word denoting the inhabitant, as above (§. 119.) hrforp-iS
{{or T^arrjp'ii) has to \riaTrjpy or as, e.g., {jyeiiov-H to the mas-
culine base ^ycfjiov, and much the same as, in Sanscrit, mahaft,
" the greats" (fem.) has to mahdt. The following are exam-
ples of this kind: 'AjSairr/S from "XjSain- ("AjSavr-ef); nep<r-/>,
•'Persia,*" from Ueparf^, "Persian man," feminine Uepat^.
If, however, the Greek names of countries in ta are only tlic
feminines of the names of the inhabitants, and if their tcr-
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1277
mination is only an inorganic extension of the Sanscrit
feminine character i, we might also explain in the same
manner the Latin, as Gallia, Germania, Italia, Gracia, and
assume that the n ( = Sanscrit a, Greek o) of the masculine
bases Gallu, Germanu, Italu, OrcBcu, is suppressed before
the feminine character i, extended to ia, according to the
same principle as that by which, in Sanscrit, the a, e.g., of
dhdf "God'' (nom. divd-s), is suppressed [G. Ed. p. 1316.]
before thet* ofdM, "goddess," and as, in Greek, the o, e.jr.,
of the base AaKo is lost before the feminine la of AaK-ia^
We can, even in the names of towns, Florentia, Vakntia, Pla-
centia, recognise feminine participles, the special form of
which has been lost in the proper participles, as, in general,
the adjective bases ending in a consonant have transferred
to the feminines also the form which originally belongs
only to the masculine and neuter. Feminine participial
forms like ferentia, tundentia, compared with the Sanscrit
bhdrantit tuddntif and Greek tpepovaa, from tpepovria, cannot
surprise us in Latin. Observe, also, the affix which, in
Lithuanian, the feminine participle has gained in the
oblique cases (see §. 157., Note*, p. 174, and §. 980.).
903. To the Sanscrit denominative adjective bases in ya,
as div-ya, "heavenly" (§. 901.), correspond most exactly
some Gothic bases in ya, feminine yd; viz. aUv-ya, **vUvifer,^
from the primitive base alSva n., nom. aliv, " oil f ' aUh'-ya,
"old," from althi f., nom. alth^'S ; nau-ya^ "dead" (nom. m.
navis), from navi m., nom. luius, "dead" (m.) ; ana-hairn-ya,
*' homely ;" qf-haim-ya, " absent," from haimd £, nom. pi.
haimd-s ; reilc'-ya, " chief," from reUca m., nom. reUes^ " su-
preme, chieftain ;" uf-aiih-ya, " sworn," from aitha m., nom.
aiih'S, " oath ;" in-gard-ya, " homely, domestic," from garda,
nom. gardsy " house f ' un-kar-ya, " careless," from kar6 f.,
nom. Araro, "care." The definitions laid down above (p. 1309
G. cd., Rem.)» hold with respect to the nominative masculine
of these adjective bases. To the Sanscrit denominative
1278 FORMATION OF WORDS.
appellative bases like rdth'-ya, m. "car-horse," n. "car-
wheel/' correspond in Gothic such as leik-ya, "doctor" (nom.
leiJc-eis, see §. 135.), from Idka n., nom. k'lk, " the body ;"
haird'-yOf " herdsman," from hairdd f., nom. hairda, "herd T
blostr-yoj " worshipper," from the unciteable primitive base
blMra (see §. 818.) ; faurstass'-ya, " superintendant," from
[G. Ed. p. 1317.] the unciteable faurfitassij " the superinten-
dence" (from 'Stas-ti, s from d, according to §. 102.), nom.
faur-stass (cf. us-stass, "resurrection"); ragin-yaf "coun-
sellor," from ragina n., (nom. ragin, "counsel"). The Gk)-
thic marks also with the favourite extension of the base by
n masculine bases like ^»jfc'-yari, "fisher" (nom. Jiskya, ac-
cording to §. 140.), gud'-yarit " priest," vauniv-yaru " la-
bourer,'' aurt-yan, "planter, gardener," vae-d^cT-yan, " male-
factor," from the primitive bases jislca, m. " fish," guda, m.
" God," vaurstva^ n. " work," aurtU f. " plant," and the to-
be-presupposed vai'dSdi, f. "misdeed" (didU nom. dids,
"deed," see §. 135.). There are also some primitives, i.e.
substantive bases, in yan^ springing from verbal roots, which,
according to their signification, are nouns of agency ; viz.
af'it-yan, " eater, devourer" (root at : Ua, at, ttum) ; af-drugk-
-yan, " drinker, tippler ;" vein-drugk-yan, " wine-drinker "
{root dragk=: drank: drighOf dragk, drugkum); dulga-hait-yan,
"creditor," (literally, "debt-namer") ; bi-haU-yan, "boaster;"
arbi-num-yan, ''heir," literally, "inheritance-taker" (root
nam : nimat nam, nimum, num^ns) ; faura-gagg-yan^ " in-
tciidant " (root gagg, " to go," see §. 92.) ; ga-sinth-yan,
[G. Ed. p. 1318.] " companion," properly, " goer with."*
* Root Mnihy whence wo Bhonld expect an nnciteable verb sintha^
santh, iunthum (see Grimm, II. p. 34); and whence, also, is formed by
the snffix an (nom. a), ga-sinthan^ of equivalent meaning, which answers
to Sanscrit bases like rdjan, '^ king," as " ruler." The causal sandya, ^^ I
send" (^' make to go," see §. 740.), has the same relation, with regard to
its d, to santh^ that standa^ '* I stand/' has to gtdthy ^^ I stood." Yet the
d of Mondya is more organic than the th of iunth^ at least sand can be
more
FORMATION OF WOBDS, 1279
From weak verbs, too, spring some formations of this
kind, and, indeed, so that the coujugational character is re-
jected before the formative suffix (cf. p. 1308G. ed.)^ hence,
svigl-yarif " piper,'' from the verbal base svigld, *' to pipe ;"
and timr-yan (scarcely to be divided timry-an), " carpenter,'*
properly, *' cBdificaior^^'' from timrya^ "to build." To the
bases in yan which spring from roots of strong verbs cor-
respond in Sanscrit, exclusive of the appended n, besides
some adjective bases, as ruch-yay " pleasing, agreeable,'" sAdhr
-ya, " complete," also some masculine or neuter appellative
bases in ya, which, according to their fundamental mean-
ing, are nouns of agency or present participles, and accent,
some the radical syllable, some the suffix. The following
are examples, of which I annex the nominatives : sur-ya-Sf
"the sun," as "shining;"* bhid-ya-s, [G. Ed. p. 1319.]
more easily compared with the Sanscrit than mn/A, whether we betake
oarselves to the root gddh, '* to go, to attain," or to iod^ " to go ;*' for
for dh we find, in Gothic, regularly d^ and the pnre medial, which, accord-
ing to §. 87., becomes t, might well have miuntained itself in the case
before qs under the protection of the annexed liquids (cf. §.90.).
• The Indian Grammarians assume a root ^ur, ^^to shine," which I
regard as a contraction of ivar, which is contained entire in the radical
word 9v^^ ^' heaven " (as <' shining"), on which is based the Zend hvari^
^' sun." According to this, in 9urya the syllable va, or its lengthened
form vdf would be contracted to u. If, however, 9ur were the old form
of the root, its vowel would have become lengthened in nirya. The Greek
rjXiO'S (from o-fijXior) feivours, however, the supposition that the form
surya-s is an abbreviation of ivarya-9. As regards form, there would be
nothing to prevent the derivation of 9urya from svar, '^heaven:*' from
svar then would be formed, first ivarya (as divytL^ '^ heavenly," firom div),
and thence survya-s; I gladly, however, abandon this explanation, which
has been already elsewhere proposed, as it appears to mo more natural to
represent the sun as '^ shining," than as '* heavenly." The Lithuanian
feminine «^u/e exhibits correctly, according to rule, efor ia or ya: I ex-
plain the Gothic neuter base aauila (nom. iouU) as formed by transposi-
tion from sauUa, and this latter from svalya ; and thus, also, the Lithua-
nian au of sauie may have arisen from wa. If any one, however, will
follow
1280 FORMATION OF WORDS.
" river," as " cleaving, breaking through ;'' ial-yd^s, "javelin,
arrow,'" as " moving itself." To these are to be added sooie
follow Weber (V. S. Sp. 1. p. 67) in deriving the Sanscrit surya fix>m
sura of equivalent meaning, and the latter, according to Indian Gram-
marians, from g&y ^^to bear, to bring forth" (Unad. II. 35.), then surya^t
and suras wonld originally signify, ^' bringer forth, prodncer." I, how-
ever, prefer, as has been already elsewhere done (Glossar. Scrt. a. 1847,
p. 870) to refer sura^ though there is no formal impediment to the deriv-
ing it from sCl^ to the root svar (#tfr), " to shine;'* and 1 recall attention
to the fieu^t, that in Zend, too, c/a)»^ hvarf (euphonic for Atxzr, see §. 30.),
the syllable va has been contracted to il in perhaps all the weak cases,
of which, however, only the genitive hur-6 can be cited, which hereby
stands in a relation to its nominative accusative and proper theme similar
to that which the Greek kvv'6s holds to icvyo), and cannot possibly be de-
rived from a different root from that to wliich the nominative accusative
hvarif belongs. On ^|T svhr is based also the Latin sol (from suol for
soar, asscpio from suopio, from the Sanscrit root svap) and the Greek
creep, from aF^p with that favourite affix before liquids, i, which occurs
also in Sctp^v, which, with the Latin ser-mo^ belongs to the Sanscrit root
svar, svri, "to sound," whence comes the Vedic siiat/d, "speech," as
" spoken,* or " to be spoken," and in which likewise occurs the contrac-
traction of va or vd to it. The opinion that sura-s, " sun," springs from
sii or su, ** to bear, to produce," finds confirmation in the fact, that ano-
ther appellation of the sun, viz. sav-i-tdr (-tri), has decidedly arisen
from the root su or s&. This word occurs frequently in the Vedic hymns :
I would not, however, from the circumstance that the Vedic poets delight
in extolling the sun-god as "producer" (of the produce of the fields), as
also as " supporter" (p&shan), deduce the inference that the proper desig-
nation of the sun, which existed so early as the time of the unity of the
languages, must have pointed towards this image; for it certainly ap-
proximates more to the primary view of people to designate the sun as
*' lighting," or " shining," than as " producing," or " nourisliing." To the
Sanscrit names of the sun belongs also the hitherto uncitcable s^vana-s
(Un&d. II. 78.), which, as a derivative from the root su or su, is perhaps
only a poetical and honorific title of the sun. It may, however, be pos-
sible, that the root which lies at the base of the word sUtvana-s is not the
well-known root of " to bear," but an abbreviation of svar or sur^ " to
shine ;" as, e.g., together with ku, "to offer," exists also a root hu, " to
call," abbreviated from hv^ ( =^hvai), together with svi, " to grow," a
form
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1281
feminine oxytone bases in yd ; e.g., kanyd, "a [G. Ed. p. 1320.]
maid," as "shining" ("in the lustre of youth"), from kan, '*to
shine ;'' jdyd, " spouse," as " having children " (for janyd, root
jan). The following are examples in Zend : aj^i^jj ?gj berez-ych
"growing," or, with a causal signification, " making to grow ;"*
A)^^^9 mair-ya, "slaying" (making to die), [G. Ed. p. 1321.]
form iu ; and in Zend, together with ij^f xan, ^^ to strike," a form za,
whence ndj^AUQ)^ upd-zdit, ''let him strike" (of. §. 609.) ; and together
with »^}»jiv, " to live," the forms ^^^*s ^ «^i and >^^^^jy^' Might
we assnme, together with tvar^ sur, '^ to shine," a root suj of the same
meaning, I should derive from it the appellation of the moon too, so-ma'S^
which would therefore develope a radical in affinity with the Greek o-cX-i^j/};
(from ^{FyXriinj) ; while another go-ma (the Soma-plant) helongs to a
different root su, which signifies '^ to express." If sHvanas he a genuine
appellation of the sun, it will admit of comparison with the Gothic hase
sunnan (nom. sunna), hy assimilation, from wvnan, for suvanan. But if
the Sanscrit ^&ami-« originally signify <' producer," 1 would rather derive
the Gothic base suntian (also sunndn, fern.) from svarnan or suman ; and
this, in like manner, by assimilation, so that it would be based on the root
;^|T svar, sur, " to shine, to be light," and nan for na would be the for-
mative suffix, the feminine form of which is contained in the Latin term
also for the moon {lu-na from hic-na).
♦ Root bdr^x, bfri^z (cf. bar^z-nu, "great") = Sanscrit varh^ vrih, "to
grow" (see Bumouf, Ya^na, p. 185). I have no scruple in assigning,
with Anquetil, to this root, in the passage referred to (V. S. p. 4), a
causal signification ; and I recall attention to the fact, that in Sanscrit
too, especially in the Veda dialect, tlie root vardh, vridh, with which
varhf vrih, is originally one, is often used in its primitive form with a
causal signification. Above (p. 118, §. 129. L. 19.), the Zend root bi^i'z,
barffZf is erroneously placed beside the Sanscrit root bhrdj\ " to shine ;"
the participle bMssant, of which 1. c. mention is made, signifies properly
'* growing," and hence " great, high," like the Sanscrit vrihdt (strong vrt-
hdnt), which corresponds to it, and by which it is also occasionally rendered
by Neriosengh, whose translation I was unable to procure, and of which,
even up to the present time, I only know the passages published by Bumouf
(see Bumouf 's Review of the First Part of this Book in the *' Journal
des S.," 1833, p. 43, of the special impression, and Brockhaus, Glossary,
p. 381. 82.).
4 o
1282 FORMATION OF WORDS.
** murder;''* MyjAs^ kaini from kainyd, "maid/' as '*#hiiiing/^
In Lithuanian to this class belong, first, several masculine
bases in ia (nom. is or ys for ins, see §. 135.) ; eg., gaid-y-s
(gen. gaidzio, euphonic for gaidio), "cock," as "singing'*'
(gied-mif "I sing," Sanscrit root jra J, "to speak"); rysz-y-s^
" band" {riszu, 'Ibind") ; tek-y-s, tek4-8, "ram," ("leaper*') ;
zyn-y-s, '* sorcerer," (** knower," zynnau, " I know ") : secondly,
feminine bases, and, at the same time, nominatives in e,
from ia, as ryne, "enchantress, witch," as "knowing ;" saule,
" sun, as " shining," though obscured from the point of
view of the Lithuanian. From the Old Sclavonic we re-
fer here, MEAB'bAb medv-yedy, " bear," literally, "honey-eater"
(theme -yedyo, see §. 258.), which, in Sanscrit form, would
be madh-vadija'S, (madhu, ** honey," before vowels rnadhv),
and BOikAb voschdy, "guide" (euphonic for vody): ojb ory^
'* horse," leads to the Sanscrit root ar, ri, " to go, to run,"
whence dra, ** fast."
904. We return to the Sanscrit future passive participle,
in order to notice two other formative suffixes of the same,
which likewise find their representatives in the European
sister-languages, viz. tavya and aniya. They both require
Guna, and the former has the accent either on the first
syllable or on the second ; in the latter case the svarita.
The suffix antya always accents the i ; hence, e.g„ ydkldvya-s
(or -ya-s) and ydjamya-s, ^'jungendus,^'' from yttj. To the
suffix tavya corresponds, in my opinion, in Latin, tivu (stvu),
in Greek reo : the former has preserved the form, the latter
[G. Ed. p. 1322.] the signification, more correctly; yet the
* Mcdrya is, according to its fonnation, identical with the Sanscrit
mdrya, ^* occidendus,'* from the cansal of the root mar^ f«ri, "to die"
(mdrdydmi, "I slay," Russian moryu, see §. 741.), but has, in both the
passages explained by Burnonf (<^ Etudes," pp. 188, 240, passim), as de-
cidedly an active signification as the only, in signification, cansal bifrfzya^
" making to grow."
FORMATION OF WOBDS. 1283
passive signification at least is not entirely lost in the
Latin formations, and is visible, e.g.^ in captivu s, nativu-s,
abusivU'S (from abtis-tlvu-Sf see §. 101.), ac^divu^s, coci'vu-s.
The most true Latinization of tavya possible would be
taviu, whence, perhaps, came next tiviu (by the favourite
weakening of a to i), and thence ttvu; so that either the i
preceding the v would be lengthened, in compensation for
dropping the i, or the second i removed into the preceding
syllable, and united with its t to long t. Compare, irre-
spective of the direction of the meaning which the Latin
suffix has taken,
dativU'Sf with di-idvya-Sy " dandus ;"
{cun)junc-tivU'S9 with ydk-tdvya-s, **junyendus ;
coC'tivU'S, with pak-tdvya-s, '*coquendus;
gen-i'tivu-8, with jan-i-tdvya-Sf *' gignendtLs.
11
n»
1>
According to its formation, mor-tuu-s, too, might be referred
to this class, as it answers better to the Sanscrit mar-tdvya
(neut. impers. mar-tdvya-m) than to mri'td-s, from mar-td-s.
The Greek suffix reo from reFo (for reFto), as veo from v€Fo^=
tR ndva, novu, answers also, with respect to its accent, to
the Sanscrit paroxytone forms of the participle under
discussion ; e.g., do-Teo-^ to dd'tdvya-s, " dandus^ Be-reo-^ to
dhd'tdvya-s, '* ponendus*^'*
905. As, in Latin, the suffix tivu has, for the most part,
assumed an active signification, and in Sanscrit the suffix
IT ya, which is contained in the suffix ipq iavyOf forms not
only future passive participles and abstract substantives,
but also appellatives, which, according to their fundamental
meaning, are nouns of agency, and correspond to Gothic
nouns of agency in yan (§. 903. p. 1318 G. ed.), so we might,
perhaps, recognise in the Lithuanian suffix toya (nom. toyi-s,
see §. 135.)» which forms nouns of agency, [G. Ed. p. 1323.]
a sister form of the Sanscrit tavya^ and look on toya as an
abbreviation of tuuya. To this class belong, e.g., the bases
4 o2
1284 FORMATION OF WOBDS.
ar-tSya, "plougher'' (arti, "I plough/' Latiu aro, Greek
apoit)) ; at'pirk-toya, ** redeemer, ransomer /' geRy-i-toya,
" helper"' {gelbmU " I help/' fut gelb-i-su) ; gan-y-ioych " pro-
tector'" (ganau9 "I protect," iut. gan-y-su); gund'-i'toyaf
"attempter" {gundauy "I attempt/' fut jrund-i-^u) ; mojtrui-
-foya, "teacher" {mokinih "I teach"); pra-de-toyaf "be-
ginner" (pra-de-mi, "I begin"); nom. artoyiSf aJtpirldoyUt
&c. In Old Sclavonic correspond nouns of agency in
ATAft a-<ai (Dobr. p. 299), theme a-tayo (see §. 239.) ; e.g.t
AO^ojATAii do'^or-a-iau ** inspector ^ B03ATAH vo^-a-tei,
" aurigd''' (" driver" ; n^EAArATAii pre^lag-a-tah " exphratar^
These forms presuppose verbs in aytin, infinitive ati (see §§.
766. 767. regarding the n, p. 1047.).
906. I think I recognise in Gothic some interesting re-
mains of the Sanscrit participial formation in aniya^ as
hMd-a-niya-Sf ** Jindendwt,'*'' in which remains the vowels
surrounding the n are suppressed ; thus, nya for Sanscrit
amyot in remarkable agreement with the Zend nya, from
AJ^^yjJxjjC^ yii-nya, or a5^,)/«wa5jC^ yasnya, " venerandus, " acb-
randus^ (see p. 1308 G.ed., Note) = Sanscrit yq/aniyo.'j* To this
* PerkUy " I boy," pret. pirkau, cf. Greek npiafuu^ ntp-vrj-fu, Sanscrit
kri-nd-mi, ** emo," Irish creanaim^ " I buy, purchase/' Welsh pymu^ " to
buy," see Gloss. Sanscr., a. 1847, s. r. kri,
t The Sanscrit root yaj is, in Zend, ei ther^A) /^ yaz or yoi, before i n
always yalt^ as the combmation zn was generally avoided in Zend ; hence the
Sanscrit yajnay "sacrifice,'' is in Zend yaha ; and from this Bnmouf (Va^na,
p. 575) derives the above-mentioned yainya, which, as regards form, would
suit very well. In support, however, of my view, I refer to what has
been said above (p. 1808 G. ed., Note) regarding vahmya^ and believe that
if yainya came from yasna^ it would rather have the signification of the
present active participle than that of the participle future passive, which
Neriosengh, too, gives to it. The form ySinya rests on the comroon
euphonic influence of the preceding and following^ (cf. p. 963, Note *\
which, however, has not penetrated throughout in this word, but the ori-
ginal o has, on the contrary, very often kept its place in it (see Brockhaua
Index, under yofuya^ yafnyanam, ya^nydcha).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1285
dass belong inGothic the masculine neuter [G. £d. p. 1324.]
bases ana-laug-nya^ " to conceal," ana-siu-nya^ " visible/*
and airk-nya, " holy," properly, if my conjecture be rightly
founded, "worthy of veneration " = Sanscrit arch-aniycL,
*' venerandus'''' (root arch from ark)* as above (§. 900.) the
Greek ay-/o-5=Sanscrit ydj-yas, " venerandus.'" The base
ana-laxignya is arrived at through the secondary base
dna-laugnyan of the weak declension, which has proceeded
from it, whence come the plural neuter ana-laug-nydn-a
(l Cor. xiv. 25), dative ana-laug-nya-m (2 Cor. iv. 2). On
the other hand, the strong neuter analaugn, which occurs
twice as nominative and once as accusative, is in so far
ambiguous, as a base ana-hugna would have the nearest
claim on it (see §. 153.). As, however, the suppression of
the syllable ya in the nominative masculine, mentioned
above (p. I3I0 G. ed.), is possible, under the same circum-
stances, also in the nominative accusative neuter (see Gab.
and Lobe, p. 75. '), so the forms that have [G. Ed. p. 1325.]
been mentioned in ydn-a, ya-m, leave no room for doubt
that ana-laug-n stands for ana-laug-nu and has ana-laug-nya
for its base. Just in the same way the weak neuter
anasiu-nydy " visibile " (Skeir. ed. Massmann 40. 21.), proves
* Graff, too (1.468.), refers, with respect to the Old High German
erchariy ^^egregius" to the Sanscrit root arth: in Anglo-Saxon ^orcfMin-fton
signifies '* precious stone." According to the law for the mntation of
sounds, we should expect in Gothic airh-nya for airk-nya, but it has re-
tfuned the original tenuis ; as, e.g,y in «/^/7a= Sanscrit svAp-i-miy " I
sleep" (see §§. 20. 80.). Regarding the radical vowel ai, for t from a, see
§. 82. The nominative airkni-s admits of being quoted, but the reading
is not quite sure (see Gab. and Lobe on 1 Tim. iii. 3). If we ought to
read airkns, this might as well come from a base airkna as from airknya
(see p. 1310 G. ed.). The circumstance that the compound un-airkn'-s,
by the plural unairknai (2 Tim. iii. 2), dative un-airknaim (1 Tim. i.9.),
clearly refers itself to the base vn-airkna, affords no certainty that the
theme also of the simple word ends in na, as it often happens that words
are subjected to mutilation in composition.
1286 FORMATION OF WORDS.
that the strong neuter nominative anasiu-n* is an abbrevia-
tion of ana-siu-nK and belongs to the base ana-siu-nyaf
which is also confirmed by the adverb ana'Siu-ni-ba. At
the base of all these forms lies aiu as root, which appears
to have been formed from saihvt by casting out the k and
vocalising the euphonic v (see §. 86.) to u,^ while the a of
the diphthong ai was dropped, together with the A, to
which it owed its existence (see §. 82.). To the abbreviated
root siu belongs also the above-mentioned (§. 843.) abstract
siu'n{i)s, " the looking, the regarding," which corresponds
to Sanscrit formations like lu-ni-s, "the cutting off."' From
the abstract base siu-ni, " the seeing,'' is found, by the sufiiz
ya (see §. 90a), the derivative masculine base siuri^-ya,
** seer," nominative siunei-Sf in the compound sitba-siuneis,
** eye witness," literally, " self-seer," avronTtjg. In Lithua-
nian we refer to the passive participle under discussion
kans-ni't, " a bit," from kahs-nya-s (from the root kandf " to
bite"); as also some words which, in the nominative, ter-
minate in iny-s (from inya-a); e.g., randmy-s, "the found"
(randu, "I find"); plesziny-s, "the fresh-ploughed field"
(pleszu^ '*l split, plough"); pa'Suniiny-s, "envoy" ("m//^n-
dus^ from sunchiu from suntiUf "I send"); kretiny-s, "the
[G. Ed. p. 1320.] fresh manured field" {krechiu from kretiu^
"I manure"), meziny-s, "dunghill" (properly, "cleansed
out," mezut meziih "I cast out the dung"). The i preceding
the t/, if it does not belong to the class-syllable, so tliat
throughout a present in iu would be to be presupposed,
may be taken as the weakening of the a of the Sanscrit
antycu
* See Gab. and Lobe, Grammar, p. 75. 2.) a.
t With respect to the phenomenon, that of the hi\ for which the Gothic
writing has a peculiar letter, only the unessential euphonic affix has re-
mained, compare the relation of our interrogative toer (''who") to tlie
' Gothic hva-s (Sanscrit ka-s).
FORMATION OF WORDS, 1287
907. As regards the origin of the suffixes yrh (avya, and
aniya, I hold ya to be identical with the relative base ya
(see, " Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of
Words,'' p. 26) ; so that, where ya forms the future passive
participle, the passive and future relation is just as little
expressed by the suffix, as the relation of passive past time
or completion by tOt na. It cannot, therefore, surprise us
if the suffix ya be also applied to the formation of nouns of
agency and abstract substantives. Were it limited to the
formation of passive participles, it would be more suitable
to recognise therein the passive character ya, and to re-
gard, e.g., the syllable ya of i^ifwik bhid-yd-t^ ''Jindftur,''^ and
^IfSVf^bhM'ya-s, **finderulusr as identical, though the diffe-
rence of accentuation might give some cause for doubt. I
agree with Pott (E. I., II. 239. and 459.) in looking upon the
future passive participles formed with the suffix tavya as
offshoots from the infinitive base in tu; and accordingly
derive, c.jr., kartavya-St "faciendua,'''' from the base kartu ;*
as I have already before this (see p. 72S) explained the
suffixes tavaty navat, which are represented by Indian
Grammarians to be present active participles, as arising
out of the combination of the suffixes ia, nch with the
possessive suffix vaL Pott 1. c, in my opinion with
justness, regards the participles in aniya as springing from
the abstracts in anOf which so frequently supply the place
of the infinitive. Consequently, the se- [G. Ed. p. 1327]
condary suffix iya would be contained therein, which, just
like the shorter ya, sometimes has the meaning " worthy,'^
as, therefore, dalcshin-iya-s or ddkahin-ya-Sf "worthy of
reward," from dakshindy (" reward," especially of Brahmans
after the performance of a sacrifice); so, e.g., bhMan-iy as,
"Jindendust^'' from bhSdana, " the cleaving ;" pujarC-tya-Sy
* Cf. ritavy^'B from ritiiy p. 1314, G. ed., and §. 801.
1288 FORMATION OF WORDS.
" honoranduSf honore dignus,'*'' from pi^na, " the honouring."
The suffix iya is perhaps only an extension of ya, so that
the long vowel which corresponds to the semi-vowel y is
further prefixed to it Still more certain is, in my opinion,
the proposition that the secondary suffix vya set forth by
the Indian Grammarians is to be identified with the suffix
ya, as in the words which are apparently formed with vya
the V easily admits of being explained as a portion of the
primary word. Thus, for example, we may suppose a
transposition of bhrdturt pitur — as weakened forms of hhrAtar,
pitavt as in the uniuflected genitive of this class of words —
to bhrdiru, pitru; and hence, by vocalization of the r to n\
and change of the u into its semi-vowel, on account of tlie
y following, deduce bhrdinv-^h-s, "brothers' offspring,'*^
pifriv-ya-s, " father s brother ;'' just as, in Gothic, the plurals
of the terms of relationship in tar, thar, spring from bases
in tru, thru (transposed and weakened from tor, thar); so
that, e.g., brdthriv-i, **fratrum'''' (cf. suniv-S, **Jiliorunh'' from
the base sunu), in the portion of it which belongs to the
base, approaches very closely the Sanscrit bhrdtriv-ya-s. To
pitriv-ya-8 corresponds (with a diverted signification), as
regards the form of the primary word, the Greek irarpvios
** stepfather,'^ and, with respect to formation, also the femi-
nine iiYirpvia, for which, in Sanscrit, we should have to ex])ect
rndtriv-yd. Just as, in Sanscrit, we separate the v from the
suffix, and assign it to the primary word, so we must di-
[G. Ed. p. 1328.] vide, too, the analogous Greek words into
Ttarpvio-s, fxtirpv-io-g, and derive them by transposition from
wari/jo-io-f, fiYfTvp-io-g (from Trarap-io-f, fxtfTap-io-^), as above
(§. 253. p. 269, Note f ), Ttarpd'triy fifjrpd-a-i, from irarap-at^
fjLrjTap'trt, The Zend has, in the above-mentioned (§. 137.)
m^^^j^olu}^ brdiur-yi, avoided transposition. I doubt not, how-
ever, that this word, with those in Sanscrit in triv-ya, and the
Greek in rpv-to, -ta, belong to one class: moreover, the
A^^^j^^ tuiryi, a female relation in the 4th degree ( = San-
FOEMATION OF WORDS. 1289
scrit tur-iyd, **qaari(h'' see §. 323. p. 452, Note ^.),* supports the
conjecture mentioned before, that the Sanscrit suffix iya is
only a phonetic extension of the suffix ya^ and therefore
the participial termination aniya also an extension of anya
(Zend nych and Gothic nyd). I do not lay any stress for
the support of this view on the, in classical Sanscrit, iso-
lated varinycLt '* eligendua^^ {(or varaniya-s), with which some
other analogous Vedic forms class themselves, as it scarce
admits of any doubt that varinya,=varainya9 is a trans-
posed form of varaniya, just as, in Greek, afxetvav is a
transposition of afievnav (see §. 300. p. 402).
908. After having considered the participles, infinitives,
supines, gerunds, and some formally-connected classes of
substantives and adjectives, we now turn to the description
of the remaining classes of words, while we treat, in the
first place, of the naked radical words, then of the words
formed with suffixes, and indeed, as regards the Sanscrit,
according to the following arrangement of the primary
suffixes, some of which, however, are at the same time
used as secondary, ue. for derivations from nominal bases.
PRIMARY SUFFIXES.*!* [G. £d. p. 1329.]
a, fem. A or i vya^ see ya, p. 1327 G. ed.
i na, fem. nd, §§• 836., 838., 842.
u ni, §§. 843., 851.
an nUj snu
* In the original a misprint occurs here which might give some trouble
to the German reader. We have §. 462. for p. 462. Owing to mistakes
of this kind I hare in several places been unable to verify the references. —
Translator's Note,
t I admit into this catalogue the suffixes of the participles also, which
have been already discussed with a reference to the paragraphs adverted to.
Such suffixes, however, as neither reappear in the European sister lan-
guages, nor are of importance as regards the Sanscrit itself^ I leave un-
noticed.
1290 FORMATION OF WORDS.
in nt, ant, U at, §§. 779., 782. ; ant(h
ana §. 809. p. 1094, Note.
an£ya, see ya ma, §. 805.
dno, §§. 791., 792. mi
as man, §. 795.
U8 mdna, §§. 791., 792.
is ha, aka, dka, ika, tiha
ya, tavya, aniya * to, fern, id, §§. 820., 829., tdli, §• 832.
ra, ira, ura, ira, 6ra tdr, tri, §. 810.
la, ala, ila, ula ti, §§. 843., 844., 849. ; a-tU i 849.
va tu f.i §. 851. ; tu, m. n., atu, atku
van tra, fern, trd, a-tra, lira, §. 818.
vas, vdns, vet, ush, §. 788. tva, §§. 834., 835.
909. Naked radical words appear in Sanscrit —
a) as feminine abstracts; e,g„ anu-jhi, "command;'^ Uii^
"fear" hri, " shame f tvish, "lustre" yudh, "strife f
kshudh, ** hunger;" miui, "joy;" sam-pdd, "luck;"' bhds,
"lustre." To this class belong the above-mentioned(§§. 857.,
[G. Ed. p. 1380.] 859.) Vedic infinitives with a dative
or accusative termination from bases which other-
wise have left behind no case. A medial a is, in
some formations of this kind, lengthened; hence, e.g^
vdch, "the speaking,"^ "speech," from va^h. So also
in Zend ^aam^ vdch, "speech,"' and frds, "question"
(Sanscrit root prachh).
b) At the end of compounds in the sense of the present
participles, where the substantive preceding usually
stands in the accusative relation; or simply as ap-
pellatives, which, according to their fundamental
meaning, are nouns of agency. The following are
examples : dharma-vtd, ** acquainted with duty ;"' ari^
--hdn, " slaying foes ;^ duh'kha-hdn, " removing pain ;^'
• Sm §§. 889, 891., 894., 899., 901., 906.
FORMATION OP WOBDS. 1291
nStra-mush, " stealing the eyes f' sSma-pd, " drinking
Soma ;'' sind-ni, '* army-guiding'' (" leading the army") ;
vira-su, f. " bearing heroes ;*' jala-mvcK t (" pouring
out water ") " cloud f ' dvhh, m. " foe/' as " hating ;"
dris, f. "eye," as "seeing/' A passive signification
belongs, in Sanscrit, to -yw/, "joined, yoked;" hence,
e.g., hari-yi^f "yoked with horses." In this class of
words, too, radical a is sometimes lengthened; .6.^.,
in pari'vrdj, "beggar," literally, "wandering around"
(root vraj) ; ava-ydj, " adoring ill." So in 2^nd
^uu6<>A)»AA)^ daivaydj, "adoring the Daevas;" JSAuyAjj^As
ashands, "attaining purity," "vouching" (root dJAsy nas
=Vedic ^8f^ nai, see Benf. Gloss.). To roots with
a short final vowel in compounds of this kind a ^ is
added ; hence, e,g>i visva-jU, "conquering every thing;'*
pari-srutt " flowing around."
910. In Greek, the feminine radical words which for-
mally belong to a) appear partly with a concrete meaning
as appellatives, after the manner of the Sanscrit drts, f.
" eye," as " seeing," which belongs to 6). So, in Greek,
dir id, (from 6k), <f)\oyy "flame," as "burning," oW, "voice"
(from Fok), as " speaking." The abstract [G. Ed. p. 1331.]
signification has, on the contrary, remained in (rrvy, " hate," ai>,
" violent motion." In Latin, to this class belong the feminine
bases luc ( = Sanscrit ruch, "lustre," Zend ^\fxi9 raoch,
"light''); nee, "death;"* prec, "request" (cf. Zend jjau?^
frds, ** inquiry," Sanscrit root prachh, "to ask," d-prachh,
" valedicere^* To the Sanscrit and Zend vdch, "speech,"
corresponds, as regards the lengthening of the radical
vowel, the Latin v6c (opposed to. voco); and the Greek
exhibits a similar lengthening in awr, "eye," "face, as
" seeing," which corresponds radically to the Sanscrit
* The base verb is lost, for neeo is either a denominstiye or a causal.
1292 FORMATION OF WOEDS.
akshi* "eye,'* and Latin oculus. Pdc, "peace,** from a
lost root, probably means originally "joining,*' as a deri-
vative of the Sanscrit root pas (from pak).
911. To the class of words (fc) in §. 909. correspond Greek
bases like xe/o-w/S (properly, " washing hands*'), apx^po-rpifi,
maiio-Tpi^y Ttp6^<f)vy, yfrevai-arvyf KopvO-aiK, jSou-wXify, yKayo-
•Ttvjy. In the two last examples, and other combinations with
vKijy, the length of the final syllable appears to have thrust
down the accent from its former position, and thus to have
occasioned an accidental agreement with the Sanscrit ac-
centuation of this class of words {dharma-^fd, &c.X which
I do not regard as original ; so in -/icdy {itappcjy, Kacrappfiy,
irepippiiy)^ with a passive signification, whereby, too, -{try (in
J/firy, veofi/y, fxeXavo^uy, &c.), and the Latin base ju^^ (conjug)
answers to the Sanscrit -yi!(;, "yoked/* To the simple base
fg^ dvisK "foe,** as "hating,** corresponds T/owyi "gnawer,
devourer,** and the Latin due as masculine, "guide," as
feminine, "she that guides ;** as also rig, " king," as " ruling,**
the Sanscrit sister form of which, rAj, appears only in
[G. Ed. p. 1332.] compounds, as dharma-rdj, " king of righ-
teousness.** Observe the lengthening of the radical vowel
in the Latin rig (opposed to rego), after the analogy of
the Sanscrit pari-vrdj, "beggar** ("wanderer around**);
while the radical vowel of the Sanscrit rdj is, from its
origin, long. We mention further, as examples of Latin
radical words at the end of compounds, arti-fict cami-Jict
peUlicy ifi'dic, ju-diCf ob-ic, Pol-luc, for-cipf man-cipf prin-cip,
au'cup, prtB'sid, in-cud^ The latter answers, by its passive
signification (" anvil,** as that which is struck upon), to jug
in con-jug, Greek -ft/7, and Sanscrit -yiy, " yoked.** In
most of the remaining examples the i rests on the weak-
ening of an original a, and the e, which enters into the
* I Kgard the verbal root ^ f A:#A, *< to see/' as a oorroption of akfk.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1293
nominative in its stead, on the principle laid down in §. 6.
Sid, in prtB-sidt is identical with the Sanscrit shad in divi-
-f Add (euphonic for •sa<2), "sitting in heaven,'" "dwelling
there/' ** cobUcoUu'' a so-far anomalous compound, inasmuch
as the first member of it is provided with a case-termina-
tion. Aa-cup exhibits the intermediate weakening of the
vowel, which otherwise only occurs before I (cf. §. 490.
Rem. !.)» and which therefore finds a more suitable place
inprcB'Sulf consul ({rom salio, Sanscrit sal, "to move oneself").
912. With the t, which in Sanscrit (according to §. 909. 6.)
is added to roots with a short final vowel, the Latin t of
-it, " going,'' and stit (as weakening of stat) in super-stU,
arUi'StU, has been already (§. HI. sub. fin.) contrasted; and
since then Pott has also compared that in pari-et,\ properly
"going around, surrounding" (as above pari-srvt "flowing
around''), and Curtius that in indi-get (cf. [G. Ed. p. 1338.]
indi-gena).X The Greek adds such a t to roots with a long
final vowel (see Curtius 1. c.) in compounds like avSpo-fipciyr,
u>IJL0'l3p<aTf d'yvdT, drTrrdr, TufjLO'dvtjr. The terminations
-)9\j;t, 'SfirJTf Kfxtjr, -TfJirJT, '(rrpCyr {fftvhXoarpLyr), have only
a passive signification, which^ in Sanscrit, does not occur in
compounds of this kind, while -jSpcoT and -tvcjt, are used both
actively and passively. As regards the vowel of these for-
mations, it rests, for the most part, on transposition, which
^ The circumstance that the Latin e, corrapted from a, becomes • when
the word is encumbered by oompoeition, excepting when it stands under
the protection of two consonants, or in a final syllable, proves that in
Latin the I is held to be Ughter than the inorganic short e.
t Euphonic for /Mzrt-t7.
X ^^De ruminum Grac, fomuUione" p. 10. With respect to the drop-
ping of the n in the root gen, cf. the Sanscrit J '-a farjan-Oy ^^ bom ;" and
with regard to the appended /, the phenomenon that, in Sanscrit, the
roots in an and am, in case they reject their n before the gerundial suf-
fix ya, then add, like roots with a short final vowel, a / / hence, €,g,^
ni'hdrt-ya, from han, *^ to slay."
1294 FORMATION OF WORDS.
is readily occasioned by liquids, and lengthening ; where it is
to be noticed that rj and a>, according to their origin, = a (see
§. 4.), and that in Sanscrit such transpositions occur, since,
e.g., together with man, "to think," there occurs a root mnd,
** to mention" (cf. fjufivrjaKia, fut. /xv^cro)) ; together with dham
"to blow'' (only in the special tenses), occurs a form dhmd^
which the Grammarians assume to be the original one. The
roots WTO) (cf. w/ttto) from wiweTO)), J/x); (cf. SafjLona), dvrj (cf.
edavov, Oivaroi), KfUfj (cf. *c<t/xva)), orpo) (cf. CTopwyn^ Latin
sierno), guide us to the Sanscrit roots paU " to fall ; dam^
" to tame ;" han (from d/mn), " to slay f sram (from kramX
klam, " to be tired ;" star, m sirt, ** to strew/' If concrete
bases then, like -)9po)T, -yvcdT, with euphonic t, represent the
Sanscrit naked radical words like -pd, " drinking,'' then, irre-
spective of gender, the abstracts yeKtaT and eptaT may be
compared with the Sanscrit abstracts like anu-jM, " com-
[G. Ed. p. 1334.] mand ;" * for though the w of the said Greek
bases is not radical, it nevertheless belongs to the verbal
theme, and, like ao in ep-ao-fxat, yeK-do-fxev, represents the
Sanscrit character aya of the 10th class (§. 109."* 6.). In de-
parture, too, from a former opinion (§. 116.), I find this
latter in the form of a or rj in compounds like \oyo'd^pars,
jTnro-vw/xa-j, o7r\o-/xa^?;-f, 7ro\t^ viVoy-f, e^a/o-wwAi;-?. Compare
the base -dTjpd with dr^piau), drjpa'TCDp ; -vci/xct with i/ca/Li^crco
from vu)fxarao} ; -vIky] with viKrj-ao), viKi^Tup ; -pL&x^ with
fxayTq-co/jiah [jlolxT'^^^* Max^'M^v. Tptl3t}g in iratSo-TptlSfj^,
ipapfxaK0'Tpll3r]^, can hardly spring from the root rpt^ with a
* Here belongs the Latin qui^t (also qui/i), which has remained true to
the feminine gender, and the root of which, ^ut's: Sanscrit it (from {ki)^
has united itself with the character ^ of the 2d conjugation (=Sanscrit
fly«> ot/f 9tie §. 109.*- 6.), for which I hold tlie 6 of qui-S-vi, qui-^-Uis,
Cf. im-pl-^'Vi, im-pl'^-tusy im-pl-d'S, im-pl'S-mus, im-pl-^-th. The
three last forms, irrespective of the preposition, correspond to the Sanscrit
pdr-dya^H^ p&r-dyd-nuu, pdr-dya-tha, of tlie cansol of the root par (jf
prt)^ ** to fill/ the vowel of which is passed over in Latin.
bo...
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1295
suffix 1/9 but is rather a naked verbal base, and presupposes
a derivative verb rpijSeo), future Tpij8^a>. In the formations
in idi-g I think I recognise the Sanscrit root yd, "to go,"^*
which actually occurs in the Veda dialect in compounds of
the kind described above (p. 1330 G. ed.) ; e.g., in diva-yd,
nominative dSua-yd-s, ** going to the gods T rina-yd-s,
"going into debt '* = " taking guilt on oneself," "atoning/"
"freeing from guilt" (see Benfey^s Glossary). In Greek,
tlierefore, e.g., d\anr6/ic-/d'^» "foxy/' literally signifies, "ap-
proaching the nature of the fox," and hafxiraS-ia-g, " torch car-
rier^ properly " going with the torch/'
9ia If we now proceed to consider [G. Ed. p. 1335.]
the words formed with suffixes, we must, with reference
to the secondary suffixes, which, by the Indian Gramma-
rians, are called Taddhita, bring to remembrance the al-
ready frequently-mentioned circumstance, that the final
vowels of primitive bases are, in all the Indo-European
languages, under certain restrictions,*!* suppressed before
suffixes beginning with vowels or the semi-vowel y. With
reference to Sanscrit and Zend, it is to be remarked that
certain secondary classes of words require the Vriddhi in-
crement (see §. 26.) for the first vowel of the primary
word; hence, e.jr., ddsaraih'' -is {{roxn da8arafia),X "descen-
* Cf. iTjfii, with causal signification (*' making to go*^, probably a redu-
plicated form from yl-yrffu, as Ufmjfu from al'fmjfu ; so that the semi-
vowel in the syllable of reduplication has become the rough breathing
(cf. 6s=yd'8, §. 382.), and in the root itself is suppressed, as, e.^., in
the verbs in aa> a Sanscrit aydmi.
t See §. 891.
t a is held to be the Vriddhi of a, to which latter the Indian Gramma-
rians assign no Guna. Moreover, a, as it is the heaviest vowel (see §. 6.X
feels less occasion for increment, and remuns, in most cases, unchanged,
^'hile other vowels are gunised: sometimes, also, d is found for a in
places where other vowels experience the Guna increment. As both
a 4. a and a -h a arc contracted to d, it might be said that d is both the
Guna
1296 FORMATION OF WORDS.
dant of Da^rathaf^ and in Zend, as^^j^^joi dhuir-ya
(from ahura^ see §. 41.)i "Ahurish"' "referring to Ahura ;^
j9jM^ zdir-i, "golden,*' from j^jajj zairi, "gold/" In
Gothic, -dSg'-s, "daily" (theme ddga, see §. 135.). offers a
similar relation to its primitive base dagOf nominative
dag'-St " day," as 6, according to §. 69., is the most usual
representative of the length of the a. According to the
principles of Sanscrit, we must assume that the adjective
base ddga, which occurs only in the compound fidurddga,
"of four days" (nom. Jidurd4g*-s\ is formed from the sub-
[G. £d. p. 1336.] stantive base dago, in such wise that the
final vowel of the latter is suppressed before the derivative
suffix a in the same way as, e.g., in Sanscrit, that of
^Nur sanvatsarciy *' year," is suppressed before the Taddhita
suffix a contained in ^rhn^ adnvaisar-d, " yearly ;" while
apparently sdnvatsara, " yearly," seems to be formed from
sanvatsarat "year" by simply lengthening the first vowel
of the primary word. The Lithuanian, too, the o of
which is always long, and frequently represents the San-
scrit d, exhibits, in some derivative words, o in the place of
the a of the primitive base ; thus, plSfA-s, " breadth "
(theme plotya), comes from pkdu-s, " broad ;" and ISb^-i-s,
"riches" (theme lobya), from laba-s, "rich;" in the same
way as, in Sanscrit, e.g., mddhur-ya-m, "sweetness," from
madhurd, " sweet" As in Latin, also, 6 frequently stands
for original d, e.g., »orJrem = Sanscrit svdsdram, we might
recognise in dv^-u-m a remnant of the Vriddhi increment.
Gnna and the Vriddhi increment of a, that, however, Guna takes place
with a more seldom than with the lighter vowels u and i,
* See §§. 801., 893. 1^ in Lithuanian, in this class of words a primitive
a of the base word does not pass into o, perhaps the length of position
protects the original a : hence, in the examples mentioned above (§. 893.),
karsztiSy ^'best," tzeUtis, ''cold," not karsztis, szoUis. In general, I
know hitherto of no example in which a stands before a simple consonant
in an abstract of this kind.
FORMATION OF WORDS, 1297
which the Sanscrit Grammar requires, when, with the
suSix a, to which the u of the Latin 2d declension corre-
sponds, a derivative .is formed with the secondary idea of
"springing fromf eg,, simudr'-d-m, ** sea-salt,'' as that
which springs from the sea (samudrdf nom. -rd-s). There-
fore, as the neuter admudr-d-m may be explained as com-
ing from the masculine base samudrd, with the suppression
of the final vowel before the derivative suffix a, so I think
I may venture to explain dv'-u-m as ** ofiispring of the bird/'
from avUs. In Sanscrit it would be quite regular, if avi,
instead of vi, signified " a bird," to find an dv-d-m coming
from it as a term for "an egg." The Greek wov from
o}F*'6v, which as respects its accentuation [G. Ed. p. 1337.]
also answers to the Sanscrit class of words here spoken of,
has lost its primitive :* on the other hand, exclusive of gen-
der and accent, ^a (from ciFa), *' sheep-skin fur," stands in a
relation to its primitive base oi from oFt (Sanscrit dvi
"sheep") similar to tliat which the Latin 6v*'Um for do -urn
holds to avi.'f
* In the form c3io-y for ^Ftoy I do not regard the ( as the retained fioal
vowel of the primary word, but recognise in to the Sanscrit suffix ya,
which, just like a, forms personal and neuter patronymics.
t In fiu€fjL6(is I cannot rec4)giuse an accord to the Sanscrit Vriddhi in-
crement of the secondary formation of words, as I do not derive it from
aiftfios^ but from rjuefios (in Hesych.)) the base of which is also found in
some compoimds (rju(fw(t)<t>vost ^w/ioc/wtTo-j). Moreover, the Suiiscrit suf-
fix, which corresponds to the Greek €vt requires no Vyiddhi increment.
Just as little in Scmscrit, in compounded words, does a vowel lengthening
of this kind occur, Uke that which the Greek exhibits in some compounds,
especially in those with prepositions aud monosyllabic prefixes and bases of
words, or those which become monosyllabic by the suppression of their
final vowel, and which takes place in order, perhaps, to bring forward more
emphatically, after such weak preceding syllables, the principal part of
tlie word in case it begins with a vowel ; hence, e g.y fivf^KfOToj (aKcordr),
dvsTjKTjs (nicoff), 6vsi)yvT0Si Jvp^kvotoj (cua/OToj), dvstfpis (for bvstpis), fivfo)-
Xedpos (oXiBpos)^ dvs^WfjMS (Svofui), €vr}f}€Tfxos {«f}€Tfx6s), €vriKij£ (ox^),
4 p €Vfjyv(rro£
129S FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1338.] 914. The Sanscrit primary su£5x a, which,
as also the secondary, I hold to he identical with the demon-
strative hase a (see §. 366.), has, together with its sister-
forms in the cognate languages, been already considered
(see p. 1235 G. ed.) as the formative suSix of masculine
abstracts. In Gothic, most of the abstracts which, in respect
of their suffix, belong to this class, have become neuter, and
terminate, therefore, in the nominative singular, with the
final consonant of the root (see §. 135.). The following are
nearlyallof them : anrfa-6fi/, " blame '' ; anda-/ix3fi<, "avowal f^
bi'haif, " strife ;" ga-hait, "promise" (formally our "Geheiss,
"behest''); af-Wf "forgiveness;" bl-mali, "clipping;"" bi-
'faih, "delusion;" fra-velU "revenge;" ana-filh^ "delivery,"
from the bases anda-beita, ga-heita, &c. As regards the
radical vowel of these abstracts, what has been observed
above (p. 1237, Note) holds good. We must not, therefore,
derive the base anda-nima, "acceptance," the gender of
ev^woTos (aia;o'TOf), (vtjvap (^dutjp)^ evadrjs (root 06), (vu>w^Sf dvfjKcoTos
dvTjKrjs (oKoy), dinjKovarros (aicovoros), dv(i)bvvos (ofiuviy), €vi)koos (d^coij),
ivrfKarov (cVcXavvo)), (va>p,oTos (5/iia;/ii), irposriyopos (ayopcuo)), 7r€pio)dvvos,
Tpir)pr)Sf fiovfiprjSy TTobrjprjSf 7rodtaw\os, TravrjyopiSf iravaXedpos. I moreover
recall attention to the fact^ that in Sanscrit the Yriddlii increment of the
secondary formation of words supplies the place of the Guua increment of
the primary ; thus as, e.g.^ budh-a-Sy " the knowing," and bodh-d-mi^ " I
know," come from the root budli, so bduddk-d-s, " Buddhist," comes from
buddhd^ " Buddha,** as adjective, " knowing, wise." That the secondary
formation of words, in as far as the class of words referred to in general
requires an augment, calls for Vriddhi instead of Guna, may well arise
from this, that the base words to which the secondary suffixes ai*e at-
tached are of themselves more heavily constructed than the naked roots,
whence arise the primitive nouns or verbs. Hence, in the secondary
formation of words, long vowels, and even Guna diphthongs and short
vowels before two consonants, are augmented ; for which the primary for-
mation of words, except when the root ends in a vowel, feels no occasion.
* The base anda-beila is, after removing the preposition, identical with
the above-mentioned (p. 1235 G. cd.) Sanscrit bhSda, ''cleaving."
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1299
which, however, is not discoverable from the solitary genitive
that can be quoted, anda-n^mi-s (see §. 191.), from the plural of
the preterite (nimum), but we must view it as coming, like the
adjective theme anda-nim-ya (see p. 1308 G. ed.. Note), which
corresponds to the Sanscrit future passive participle, from the
root nam^ the radical vowel being lengthened, in accordance
with Sanscrit abstracts like hdsa-St " the laughing,^' from has.
I know in Sanscrit but one single neuter abstract of this class
of words, viz. hhay-d-m, " fear " from bhi, " to fear,"" which,
like the analogous masculine abstracts [6. £d. p. 1339.]
from roots in i or i, as, e.g,, jay-d-s, "victory," from ji,
kshay-d'S, ** ruin,'' from kshi, kray-d-s, ** purchase,'' from Arf,
has allowed the accent to sink down on the suflix.
915. Oxytone, too, are for the most part the adjectives
formed with V a with the signification of the present parti-
ciple; and the appellatives in a which belong to this class, and
which, according to their fundamental meaning, are for the
most part nouns of agency ; e.g., nad-d-St ** river," as
"sounding, rushing;" plavd-s, "vessel," as "swimming"
(root p/a) ; dnni-d-s, "tooth," as " biting ;" dSv-d-s, "God," as
" shining" (root div, cf. fled?) ; mush-d-s, " mouse," as "steal-
ing;" chdr-ds, '* thief" (root chur, "to steal"). The fol-
lowing are examples of adjectives : chal-d-Sy " rocking, tre-
mulous;" char-d'S, "going;" tras-d'S, "trembling ;" ksham-d-s,
"enduring;" priy-d-s, "loving," and "beloved" (root pri);
vnh'd-s, " carrying, bringing." This oxytone class of words
in a = Greek o, in opposition to the abstracts which choose
the more powerful accentuation, is also numerously repre-
sented in Greek, both by appellatives or nouns of agency,
aSjT/oo^-o-r* "runner" (opposed to rpox-o-^f "course"); KOfiir-o-^,
"braggard" (opposed to Ko/xTr-o-y, "noise"); *c\o7r-a-y, ico/xTr-d-y,
/xo/^-d-j;* and by adjectives, as, ^ai'-d-j,TOfi-d-f, do-o-^, apioy-o-^,
* It corresponds in its root and primary meaning, as also in formation
and accentuation, to tlio Sanscrit m^gh-d-s, "cloud," as ^^mingens'* (root
mUi, ^^ mingere"),
\ p 2
1300 FORMATION OF WORDS.
aYwy-o-f, crriK^i-^i and some with a passive signification,
AoiTT-o-j', /ci/^o-f, TTtjy-o-^y aiS-o-^. So the substantives Xorr-o-s',
" shell,'' as " to be peeled oflF;" oS-o-f, " way/' as ** to be gone,
to be trcd" (Sanscrit root sad, "to go," and "to seat one-
self"). In Sanscrit, too, there are substantives of this kind
with a passive signification; as, e.g., dar-d-s, neut. dar-d-m,** ti
[G. Ed. p. 1340.] hollow," as *' being cleft ;" Uh-d-s, "food,"
as " to be licked ;" jan-d-s, " man," as " bom." The follow-
ing accent the root : Sdh-a-s (opposed to the Greek ald^^\
" wood," as "to be burned" (root indh, properly, idit); vis-a-s,
"house," as "place entered" (Greek oIk-o^ from fo?#c-o-f.
Latin vtc-u^St Old High German wih, theme vnha, " village,
borough," from an obsolete root). To the feminine bases
of this class of words belong, in Greek, bases also in a$, of
which the 5 is only an inorganic afiix (see p. 108); e.ff.,
SopK-dS, "gazel," as "seeing" (also Sdpioy) ; fxoixoL^ (ho^XV)* ^s
feminine, from fxofxp^TOKdS, " the bearing (female"); 7r\o(f )aJ,
ir\(o{F)dS, " the swimming, the wandering around (female)'* ;
TVTtdS, ** hammer," as " striking." •
916. In Sanscrit, as well as in Greek, adjectives of this
kind of formation occur principally at the end of com-
pounds, and in both languages have partly either not been
retained in isolated use, or have, perhaps, never been used
simply. Thus, in Sanscrit, damd, " taming," appears only
in the compound arin-damd-s,* "foe-taming," and the cor-
responding Greek Safxo only in i7r7ro5a/xo-f. So, in Latin,
'diC'U'S, 'htjU'U'S, -JiC'U'Sy -fug-us, -soqu-u-s, -vol-u-s, -cuh-u-s
(incubus), -leg-u-s, ^vor-u-s, -fer, -ger (for fer-u-s, ger-u-s),
* Arhi, iuphonic for arimy is the accusative, which occurs also in many
other compounds of this kind, in which the first member usually stands
in the accusative relation instead of the naked tliemc wliich was to be
expected according to the universal rules of composition ; e.g., in puran-
'dard-Sy '^towns-cleaving" (literally, ^'^tirbem fiiuleiu") ; prtyah-vadd-^^
''amiably-speaking;*' hhayan-kard-s, "fear-causing."
FORMATION OF WORDS. ]3()I
-par-U'S {oviparus), -liqu-u-s (re-Ziju-u-s = Greek \o7'rt-0'^),
'/rag-U'S (naufragus). The following, perhaps, are the sole
examples which occur simply : sci-U'StVag-U'Stfid-U'Sfparc-U'S.
These substantives belong to this class : co^t£-s( = San^rit
pach-d-8 {vom pak-d'S, ** cooking ''), merg*u-8, proo-u-s (ct pre-
cor\san'U-s,SLS ''sounding'' = Sanscrit wan- [G. Ed. p. 1341.]
'ds, ** tone,'"' jug-u-m, vad-u-m (properly, ''passed through,"
as above ^T*! dar-d-m, ** a hollow,^' as ** cleft") ; and perhaps
tor-U'S, from storus, as " spread out'' To this class also
are to be referred the feminines mola, " mill," as "grinding,"
and toga, as " covering."*!- The a of compounds like parricida,
coBlicoUh advena, cottega, trans/uga, legirupa, indigeruh I now, in
departure from §. 116L, rather prefer viewing in such a way
as to recognise in it a distinct feminine form, and therefore
the Sanscrit long d of forms like priyanvadd, "the amiably
speaking (female)", which at the same time stands for the
masculine, while, conversely, the Greek, at the end of com-
pounds, by a mis-usage, transfers the masculine neuter o=
Sanscrit short a, into the feminine also, and contrasts, e.g.,
the form TtoKvKOfiog with the Latin multicoma ; since, as it ap-
pears to me, the burthen of composition is an obstacle in
the way of the free movement and liability to change of the
entire word, on which account its concluding portion relin-
quishes the exact discrimination of the genders.^
* With respect to the loss of the « of tter-Tio, (rrdp-wfiiy cf. the rela-
tion of ^^tonare" to the Sanscrit root stan^ ^' to thnnder," and Greek crrcv
in SrcV-^fiop.
t In Latin the interchange of the sounds e and o in one and the same
root occurs but seldom, and the etymology in the cases which occur
is obscured, while in Greek it is self-evident that, e.^., <l>6pos and c^cpo)
are radically identical.
I The circumstance, that as well in the Greek as in the Latin 2d 4P^
clension there are simple feminines, such as trapBhoiy obos, vrjaosy alvus,
humu8 (Sanscrit bhtimi-Sy fcm., ^^ earth"), fagus (=<l>ffy^s)t docs not im-
pede the supposition that the Greek o and Latin inoi^nic u of the 2d
declension
1302 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1342.] 917. The Gothic exhibits, in the class
of words under discussion, (l) masculine substantive bases
like daura-vard-^y "gatekeeper;*" vrak-a, "persecutory^*
vSg-at ** wave/' as ** moving itseir-j- ; vig-a, " way" (as "the
place on which one moves")** thiva^nom, tJiiu-s), "servant'^^J :
declension do not originally belong to the feminine ; as also the corre-
sponding Sanscrit, Zend, Lithuanian, and Gothic a, and Sclayonic o, never
stand at the end of a feminine base. That, however, converselyy the
Latin a at the end of compounds like cceli-cola does not correspond to
the Sanscrit-Zend masculine neuter a may here be further supported
by the consideration that compounds are most subject to weakening, and
that, therefore, the retention of the Sanscrit masculine neater a un-
changed in Latin can least be expected in compounds. But if the femi-
nine form in compounds like parricida has once found its way into the
masculine, or attached itself to this gender alone {caslicola), it cannot sur-
prise us that, in an isolated case, a simple word appears in the feminine
form as masculine, viz. scrib-a for scrib-u-s. The case is different with
nau-ta, where ta stands for ti;-?, as \n poeta=7roirjrqs ] and as in Homer,
e.g..y alXJiTjrd, v^^tKriytpira^ ImroTay ^Trvra, rix^Ta^ firjTUra, for ai;(/i7r^y, &c.
Here either the case-sign has been dropped, as in Old Persian is regu-
larly the case with the final s both after short and long a ; or, wliich I
prefer assuming, these forms are based on the Sanscrit nominatives in td^
Zend ta (see §. 144.), of bases in /dr, on which rest, in Greek, not only the
bases in rrfp and rop, as has already been remarked in §. 145., but also the
masculine bases in n7=ra, which have lost an p (see also §. BIO, and
Curtius, "Dc noniinum Gracform." p. 34). It is therefore no casual
circumstance, that in the Homeric dialect nearly all the class of nouns of
agency referred to exhibit masculine nominatives in a ; and it is hence
not improbable that (vpv-oira, too, originally belongs to this class of words,
and is tlierefore abbreviated from c^pvoTrra, as, according to its meaning,
it is a noun of agency.
* The nominative vrak-Sy which can alone be quoted, might alBo belong
to a base vraki,
t This answers, in respect of the lengthening of the radical vowel a
m ^ (=«, see §. 69.), to Sanscrit formations like p/td-a-s, "foot," as
" going," from pad, " to go."
X In my opinion properly "boy," from a root Mav = Sanscrit tu, "to
grow ;" as, mag-u-Sy "boy," from ma(7=Sanscrit mah, mahh, " to grow."
From
FORMATION OF WORDS. J303
(2) the neuter substantive bases, as ga- [G. Ed. p. 1343.]
'baur-aj **tax," as "that which is borne'" (^'f* <P^po£) ; faur-hah-a,
** curtain;"' ga-tkrask-a, "floor"' (where they thresh); </a-/iMr/-a,
" idol," as ** lying, false ;" nominative gabaur, &c. : (3) feminine
bases like daura-vard-i^ ** portress ;"" ga-bind-d, *' band," as
" binding" (root band, weakened to bind, bund); grdb-o, "pit/**
as " dug" (root grab, lengthened to grdb) ; grab-d, " trench;"'
ga-bruk'O, "crumb,"" as "broken"" (root brak, weakened to
brik, bruk)', staig-d, "path'' (root stig, "to mount," gunised
st lig) ; nominative daura-varda, &c. : (4) adjective bases
like andrvairth-a, " present ;" ana-vairth-a, "future ;"" laus-a,
"loose, empty"" (root lus) ; siuk-a^ "sick" (root suk)\ af-Ut-a^
" left free ;" nominative masculine and-valrth'-s, &c.
918. In Lithuanian this class of words is less numerous,
but is more correctly retained in the nominative singular
than in any other of the sister languages of the Sanscrit.
The following are examples : sarg-a-s, " warder " (serg-mi,
*' I protect,""); prd-rakni'S, "seer, prophet""*; prd-nasz-a-s
\A.{pra'neszu, "I propose,"" ncszuy "I bear"); laid-a-s, " bail;""
draug-a-s, "fellow, companion"" (drauya, "I have part-
nership with another,""); zicdn-a-s, "bell,"" as "sounding"'
From "iT iUt " to grow*' (in Zend " to be able,** see §. 520. sub. f.), comes,
in the Veda dialect, among other words, tuv-t, "much;" and in Gothic,
according to my opinion, also tliiu-da, "people," as "grown;" parallel to
which, in Umbrian, as feminine participle of the same root, stands the
form tuta^ afterwards tota, " town ;" and with which, in departure from
§. 343., I would now compare the Latin to-ius, " whole." To the causal
of tu (tdv'dya-mi, " I make to grow, I make to thrive") belongs probably
the Latin tu-^-ri (see §. 109*. 6.), and the Old Prussian tdwa-s, "father,"
as " producer" or ** bringer up," Lithuanian iewa-s, " father." Parallel to
the Umbrian tuta, " town," and as derivative from the same root, we find,
in Prussian, /ari/a {ace, tauta-n), "land," as "cultivated." In Lithua-
nian, tauta signifies " Germany."
* The simple verb is wanting in Lithuanian ; compare the Sclavonic
fEk^ rekuh, " I aiy," see p. 626.
1304 FORMATION OF WORDS.
(zwanv, "Isounci;^; tdk-a-s, "footpath" (teku, "I run;");
weid-a-s, "face, visage/' as "seeing" (umzd-mh "I see/'
[G. Ed. p. 1344.] waidinO'S, " I let myself see/') : -mnk-a-s^
which, at the end of compounds, has often a meaning tanta-
mount to ** maker, accomplisher," or one who is occupied with
that which the first member of the compound expresses;*
as, balni'nink'a'S, " saddler, saddle-maker " (balna-Sf " saddle,");
ffrieki-nink-a'S, " sinner, sin-committing" (ffrieka-s, " sin,") ;
huki-nink-a-s, " countryman, agriculturist, agricolfi" (lauka-Sf
** field,") ; miesi-nink-a-s, ** butcher, carnifex"' {miesa, f., San-
scrit mdnsd, m.n. "flesh,"); darbi-nink-a-Sf ** workman, doing
work" (darba-Sf ** work,") ; remestlnink-a'St " artisan, work-
ing at a craft" (remesta-s, "handicraft,"). Observe the
weakening of the final vowel of the first member of all
* The base verb ninku does not occur in its simple form, but only in
combination with the prepositions in, ap, uXy and su (see Nesselmann's
Lexicon, p. 422), and probably meant originally ^' to go,'* then ^' to do, to
make." Cf. the Old Prnssian neik-auty ^^ to wander," and Hossian nik-mi,
*' 1 bow myself." To the Lithaanian -m-Arcj-*, in the compounds spoken
of, corresponds, in Russian, KHkli nik; e,g., in CbAeAbRHkli syedely-
nik*, " saddler," t. e. " saddle-maker." The Old Prussian appears to form
with nika (nom. nix for nika^s^ ace. nika-n) nouns of agency from ver-
bal bases (see Nesselmann, p, 76). I regard, however, aU the words
classed here as compounds, similar to the Latin opifejc, ariifex; for
although, «.</., waldnix^ " ruler," of which only the dative waldnUcu
occurs, might be derived from the verbal root ttxild^ " to rule," still no-
thing prevents the assumption that it properly signifies '^ using authority,"
and contains a lost or uncitcable sulistantive wald-s or walda-9 (theme
walda\ "dominion." Crixti, the substantive base of crixt-mx, "baptist"
("performer of baptism"), occurs in the compound crixti-laiska-s^ " bap-
tismal register ;" and the substantive base dila (ace. dila-n^ in dil-nik-a-ns,
" workman, performing work" (ace. pi.) ; and for daiTia-alge-nik-a'Tnans
(dat pi.), " the da}' labourers, those working for daily pay," occur the
substantive bases deincL, "day" (Sanscrit dina)^ and alga, "pay" (gen.
alga'8)y but no verb of which the word referred to could be the noun of
agency ; and this is the case with most of the other formations which
belong to this class.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1305
these compounds to i, according to the principle of the Latin
language, as, cceli-cola^ tern-cola, ftvLcti-fer, [G. Ed. p. 1345.]
lani-ger, for avli^cola, terra-colatfrudU'/er, lana-ger.* The fol-
lowing are examples of adjectives of this kind of formation :
jryiu-a-s," living;^' attoir-a'S, "open" {ai-^veru, "I open,"); dt-
"Tdk-a-s, " unlocked" {rak-inu, " I lock," airah-inu, '* I unlock,") ;
isz-tis-a-s, " stretched out" (ieatu, " I erect"'). To this class
of words belong, in old Sclavonic, bases like Toko toko, "river,"
as "flowing;" pro-roko, "prophet;" OTjoko o<-roito, " boy,"
properly, "in/aws;" vfprtog, (Mikl. Rad. p. 74.) boaohoco vodo-
noso, " hydriar properly " water-carrier ;'* nom. Tok'b tok\ &c.
The following are examples with a passive signification:
r^AA'b grade, " town," as " enclosed" (grad-i-ti, " to enclose,") ;
MHA'bmfr, "dear (beloved), pleasant," as in Sanscrit pur-<i-m,n.,
pur-i, f., ** town," as " filled ;" priy^-s, " beloved '" (root
pri).
919. Between the Sanscrit and Greek there exists the re-
markable coincidence, that the adjectives formed with the
suffix under discussion in combination with the prefixes
?l 8u, €v, "light," 5^ dus,\ 5i/f, "heavy," most generally, if
not in Sanscrit invariably, have a passive signification.^
The accent in Sanscrit rests on the radical syllable; eg,,
rnkdr-a'S, " being lightly made, light to make ;" mlabh-a-s,
** being easily attained ;" duMdr-a-s, [G. Ed. p. 1346.]
** being made heavy, hard to do ;'' durldbh-a-s, " being with
* See §. 6., and " Vocalisnius," pp. 139, 162, Note *. With respect to
the Lithuanian • in rotponU, ^^ senator," I must, however, in departure
from §. 6. (conclusion), remark, that here the t is not the weakening of
the a of pona-ty *' lord," but the contraction of the suffix ya or ia, accord-
ing to §. 195.
t Hence, according to settled laws of sound, and according to the mea-
sure of the letters following, dush, dur, duH,
:{: Those forms cannot be allowed to weigh as exceptions in which su
docs not signify ^Might," but has a meaning tantamount to ''&ir, good,
pleasant;" eg , irigv. I. 11'2. 2., suhhdra^ '' bringing foir (load)."
J 306 FORMATION OF WORDS.
difficulty (heavily) attained ;" duhsdh-<i'S, " being heavy to
bear ;" durmdrsh-a'S, id. ; durdhursh-a-s, " being heavily
pressed f dushpur-a-Sf "being heavily filled;" dushtdr-a-s
(euphonic for diwtar-a-s), "being with difficulty (heavily)
overstepped." So in Greek, e.jr., ev^op-aSf euKaro^^-o-s-, cvirc-
plypaifi'O'^, evefi/SoK'O^, evavayay-o-^f SiJf^/o-o-j, SvsTpo^>-0'S,
920. As secondary (Taddhita) suffix a in Sanscrit forms,
usually with the accent and Vriddhi of the first vowel of
the primary word : (l) Masculine substantives (with fen[ii-
nines in i,) which stand to the primary word in the rela-
tion of derivatives, or in any other relationship, as, cg.t
vdsishtli'd'S, from vdsisA //ta, " descendant of Vasishtha;^^
mdnav-d-s, (from manu) " man," as " descendant of Manu ;''
drdupad*'t, (from drupada) "Draupadi, daughter of Dru-
pada ;" rftlu//?ir-d-*,(from duhitdr, -trl) " son of the daughter;"
ndishadK'd'S, "Naishadha," from nishadha, in the plural,
" the country Nishadha ;" sdiv-d-s, (from siva) *' follower,
worshipper of l^iva/' (2) A kind of patronymics of things
by which, e.g., fruits are called after the trees on which
they grow, and are represented, as it were, as their sons ;
e.g„ dsvattji'd-m, (from asvattha) "the fruit of the tree Asvat-
tha." To this class belongs also the already-mentioned sd-
mudr-d-m, " sea-salt," as *' that w^hich is produced from the
sea "(^amudra). (3)Abstractneutcrs,as,"y{iuran-a-ni, "youth,"
from yuvan^ " young." ( l) Neuter collectives, as, kdpdf'd-m^
" a flock of doves,'' from kapola. (5) Adjectives and appel-
latives having various relationships to the primary word ;
e.^., rdja{'d-Sj " of silver," from rajatd-m, " silver ;" dyas-d-m,
'* of iron,"' from dyas (theme and nom. = Latin aes, aer-is,
[G. Ed. p. 1347] from aes-is, Gothic aw, theme aisa) ; sdu-
kar'-d-s, " porcine," from sukara, " swine ;" sdnvaisar-d-s,
" yearly," from sanvaisara, " year;" dvdip'*-d'8, "a car covered
with tiger-skin,"' as adjective, " made of tiger-skin,'* from
dvipUf m. n. {dvipa-s, -a -m), " tiger-skin.''
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1307
921. To class (l), and indeed to the feminine patronymics
like drdupadT't, "Draupadi" (from drupada); dduhitr-i,
" daughter of the daughter/' (from duhiidr) ; pdutr-i ** son's
daughter" (from putra, "son"); correspond (irrespective of
the vowel-augment,) with regard to accent, also Greek
words like TavTa\*-/5, Ilpia/iWJ, Iva^ -/5, NrjpeiS, Ion. 'SrjpvjiS,
the S of which is only an inorganic prolongation of the base
(see p. 138, and §. 119). Niype/J, Ion. Nrfprj'iS, from N);pef/J,
NrjpriFiS, from the base 'Nrjpev, corresponds to the Sanscrit
forms like mdnav-i, " woman," from mdnavd, " man," as
descendant of Manu, only that in Greek the Guna or
Vriddhi vowel exists already in the primary word. With
respect to the relation of accent, e.^r., of Tai/Ta\/J to the pri-
mitive base TavToXo, compare that otvdsishtK-dy **Vasi?h-
thide," to vdsishtha. To class (2) the Latin dv-u-niy as deri-
vative from "bird" (avi-s), and the Greek a)(f)'-o-v, have
already been referred. To names of fruits, like divatth-d-m,
correspond Latin words like pom-u-m from pomu-s, pir-u-m
from piru'8, prun-u-m from prunu-s, cercLS-u-m from
cera-susy and Greek words like ySj/K-o-v from fxrj\t\(S), Kapi-o-v
from Kapiay dni-o-v, from otTrio-f. As the Greek and Latin,
just like the Sanscrit, reject the final vowels of primitive
bases before the vowels of derivative suffixes (see §. 9ia),
the possibility of the proposition cannot be contravened,
that the names of fruits in both languages may have been
formed from the names of the trees, not only by a change
of gender, but by the addition of a suffix ; that therefore,
e.g,t the formal relation of pirum to pirus, of airtov to anio^,
may be a different one from that of, e.g., [G. Ed. p. 1348.]
bonum to bonus, ayadov to ayado^.* We should especially
notice in this respect the relation of fxrj\ov to the base fitjTiid,
* Thoagh the names of trees in the said languages are feminine, yet
those in us and os are, according to their form, masculine (cf. p. 1341
G. ed.)
1308 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the S of wliieh is only an inorganic affix, which has been
added to the originally long t of /lu;\/ (see §. 119.); so that
the Greek word, put into Sanscrit form, would be nothing
else but mdlU whence, as from the name of a tree, we
should have to expect, with the suffix under discussion, the
name of the fruit, mAt-d-m* But if in Greek and Latin we
derive the names of trees from the names of fruits, after
the same fashion as those of the inhabitants of countries,
as above (§. 902.) we have endeavoured to represent the
names of countries as the feminines of the names of the
inliabitants, then, irrespective of accent, we might as
easily arrive from a formally masculine neuter base /lc^7u> to
a feminine base iiqKiS (for /x);M), as in Sanscrit, e. g.^ from
dyas-d, "the iron" (masc. and neut) (nom.,dya^(i-«, dyasd^m),
to dyasi, To class (s) correspond Latin adjectives which
have been formed from substantive bases in 6r (originally ds,
Sanscrit, as), by the suffix u (from a), e.g., decdr-u-s,
sopdr-u-St hondr-u-s, sopdr-us.
922. That in Zend, toa analogous forms to the classes
of Sanscrit words discussed above (§. 915.) are not wanting,
is proved by bases like j^^^mjj^ csay-d, ** king,"' as " ruling^"
(v. ^ju^ csit " to rule"), aj^a*^ gar-a, " throat,'' as " swallow-
ing,'' aj7a5^ -gar-a, "swallower," a5^am/o -ydz-a, ** worshipper/'
Ajyo -ghn-a, " slayer," a5(o^a5jQ^ -yaddh-ch " combatant," at
the end of compounds. Especial notice should be given
[G. Ed. p. 1349.] to the compound drvjem-vand (theme
-vana), ** Druj-slaying," as analogous to Sanscrit compounds
like arin-damd'S, *' foe-taming" (§. 916.). I at least am of
opinion that we cannot venture to assume that in Zend,
in departure from Sanscrit, the adjectives which are
formed with the suffix a govern also, in their simple state,
an accusative; and that, therefore, drvjem and vand,
which in the manuscripts are not, in writing, joined to-
gether, can be regarded as two independent words, as in
the manuscripts of the Zend-Avesta the difierent portions
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1309
of a compound very often appear written separately.* An
example of a Zend word, formed with the secondary suffix
CI, is to be found in xy^^^^ ayanha, ''iron, an iron-vesseP
( = Sanscrit dyasa), from aya8\ " iron ''(see Bumouf, 1. c, p. 196).
923. The feminine of the . suffix a, viz. d, forms, in
Sanscrit, oxytone abstracts like bhidd, "cleaving;'' chhiddy
id. ; kshipdf " the casting ;" bhikshd, ** the begging ;"
kshudhdf ** hunger ;" mudd, ** joy.^f So, in Greek, amongst
other words, <f>opa9 <l>6opdf Kovpd, ^ayi^, rofii^, <l>vyrj. In Latin,
beside fngti^ it is probable that cura, the base word of curare,
belongs to this class, which it seems to me has sprung from
the Sanscrit root kar, kri, "to make'' (Jeardmi, **! make,"
kurmds, " we make," see §. 490.). The Gothic furnishes for
this class of words the feminine bases vrakd, ** persecution"
(opposed to vraka, nom. vrala, ** perse- [G. Ed. p. 1360.]
cutor"); bidd, "request;" b6t6, "use" J; daUd, " sym-
pathy" §; tAarfcd, " want/' id-reijyd, " repentance ;" || saurgd,
"care;" mUvd, "plunder" (root valv: vUva, vafo, vidvum).
* Buriiouf ('''' Etudes," p. 250) is of a different opinion as regards the
case before us, who, however, regards, and undoubtedly with justness, as
a compound the expression thaCsho-tadurvdo which immediately precedes,
the members of which are, in the original loanuscript, similarly sepa-
rated, and translates it by ^^ triomphant de la haine**
t Remnants of this class of words, which, however, are not placed
here by the Indian Grammarians, are the before-discussed (§. 629.) accu-
satives of the periphrastic preterite and tlie Zend infinitives in aiun,
Mrigaya^ ^* hunting," is an isolated word from a theme of the 10th class
with a perfect declension.
X Root hat (presupposes a strong verb haia, bot)^ whence bats, ''good,"
Engli^ ^^ better." In Sanscrit the root hhand, ^^ to be fortunate," corre-
sponds; whence bhddra, ^^ fortunate, admirable," see GluS6arium Sanscr.,
a. 1847, p. 243.
§ Root dil (=Sanscrit dal^ ^''/indi") presupposes a strong verb deila,
dail^ diliun, see Glossary, a. 1847, p. 164.
II From a lost root, which jierhaps signified originally " to blush," tlien
^^to be ashamed," and appears to be connected with the Sanscrit root
rahjf whence raktdy '• red."
1310 FORMATION OF WORDS.
yiukd, " strife ;" hvdtd ** threatening ;" nom. vraka, bida,
&e., §. 137.). The following exhibit inorganic n: reirdn,
"the trembling;" br6thra4ubdn, "brotherly love;" trig/h,
"mourning" (see Grimm, II. p. 53, n. 555.); nom. reirSf
&e. (§. 142.). The following are Lithuanian examples
of this class of words : malda, "request" (meldziti, ** I re-
quest"); deya, ** wailing" (whence deyoyti, "I lament,
waiP); ramsza, "stopping" (remszUj "I stop"); rauda,
" complaint" (Sanscrit root rud, " to weep ") ; gedu, " shame'"
(whence gedinu, "I shame"); pa-galba, "help" {gelb-mh
pa-^elb-mi, " I help ") ; prie-spaudd, ** oppression " spattdzim
"I press"); pa-baUjay "accomplishment" {baigiu, "I ac-
complish"). The following are examples in Old Sclavonic (in
Dobrowsky, p. 276): MXBXmlva/' tumulfus** {mlv-i-d, MOABiiTn
molv-i^i, ** tumultuarV) ; t aXbx slava, "glory;" roy ex gAba,
** perditio^^ (gUb-i-d, ** perdere**): hI^hA myena, ** muiatw ;
noE'txX po-byedoy ^'victoria;* o^T^^X ^-iyechat ** consolatio,
924. The suffix i is either identical with the demonstra-
tive base i (see §. 360.), or, as I now prefer to assume, a
weakening of the suffix a, which made its appearance in a
period before the separation of our stem of languages ; in
the same way as, in Latin, the bases in u of the 2d declen-
sion ( = Sanscrit a), as also those in a (=w d), have fre-
[G. Ed. p. 1361.] quently permitted this vowel at the
end of compounds to be corrupted to i, e.g., in imbeUis^
imberbis, multiformis. This suffix forms in Sanscrit, (l) fe-
minine abstracts accenting the root, especially in the
Veda dialect; e.g., rdnh-i-s, " quickness ;"" krishi-s, "the
ploughing;" ^u/fft-f-*, " lustre ;" «(icA-i-«, "friendship," pro-
perly, "the following" (root sach^ "to follow," cf. Latin
sequor and socius with sacJiiva-s, "friend"); llp-i-s, "writ-
ing ;" .H>j^^g7g^ vereidh'i'S, " increase, fortune "* ; jj^j^mj^
99
>9
♦ Dative v^fidhyS, gen. pi. vMidhinanm, see Bumouf, " Etudes,"
pp. 31G, 321.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1311
ddh'i'S, "creation"*; moj^ms? raj-i-s, **in8titutio.''''\ The
Gothic supplies for this class of words the feminine base
vunni, "the suffering'*'' (root rann: vimta, vann, vunnum), and
from lost roots the bases vrdhi, "accusation," and vini,
" hope ;" nom., vunn-s, vrAK-s, vin'-s. In Old Sclavonic
to this class belong : f *Hb ryechy, " speech ;" ctnb gyechy,
"the smiting, flogging" (theme ryechi^ syechi, i ch euphonic
for Jt); i^Ab yady, "food," properly, " eating" (theme yadi):
in Greek, fjirjv-i-^. (cf. with respect to the root the Sanscrit
man-yH'S, "wrath, dislike"), dfjp-i-s (cf. the Sanscrit rootctor,
dW, "to tear asunder," Sepo)^ whence vi-ddr-and-m, "war"),
ayvp't-g^ and with 5 added (cf. §. 125. p. 138), the bases
cAtt/S, otti J ; with t added, xa/oir. For the latter we should
have to expect in Sanscrit hrish-i (from hdrsh-i), nom.,
hrUh'i'S, In Latin to this class belong, perhaps, the bases
ccsd-h Idhh and awbd-g-i; but in these and similar words the
nominative singular in ^-s causes a diffi- [G. Ed. p. 1362.]
culty, as it would furnish occasion for a comparison with
Sanscrit bases in as, nominative masculine and feminine ds;
€,g.^ nubis reminds us of the Sanscrit ndbhas, both as mas-
culine, meaning, among other things, "cloud," nom.
ndbhds, and as neuter, on which the Greek neuter base
v€(f}€^ (sec §. 128.), and the Sclavonic nebes (nom. nebo, §. 264.),
"heaven," are based.! Sedi-s answers to the Sanscrit
• Root daA=San8crit dds, "to give," see Barnonf, "Ya9n8," Notes,
p. ix. Rem. 16., whence it is clear that above (§. 180., p. 197), for
f»^A5^^CAy4 ddonhadt we ought to read, according to three other MSS.,
t»ji^^^pM^ ddonhoity which ddhif according to §§. 180. and 56^., must
form in the ablative. The accusative ahim of the same base is con-
firmed by the authority of V. S., p. 83.
f See §. 180. I now regard the ablative t^^^ixs) rajoit, which is
ambiguous as regards its gender, as feminine.
I In Lithuanian <if^5J-«, f. (from nebesi-s, cf. §.317.), "cloud," regard-
ing which it may remain undecided whether, according to its origin, it
belongs to ndbhas m., or to ndbhas n.
1312 FORMATION OF WORDS.
1R[H sddas, "assembly'' (perhaps originally "sitting''), and
Greek eSoy, e5e(o')-o9. Consequently the i of ctedu labu
nubh sedi, &c., which lies at the base of the oblique cases
as theme, might have been deprived of a following s, or r
for s (see §. 22.), and so the whole have migrated into the
i-declension ; where I recall attention to the exactly similar
abbreviation which munuSf muner-is (from munis'ts), has
experienced in the compounds immuni'S, and opus, operis,
from opis-is ( == Sanscrit dpas, dpas-as), in opi-fex for aperi-fex.
(2) Nouns of agency, and appellatives which, according to
their primary meaning, are nouns of agency, or denote in-
struments. They are for the most part masculine, and
accent, some of them the root, some the suffix. The
following are examples : chhid-i-s, ** cleaver ;" ydj-i-s, " sa-
crificer f' pdch-i-s, *' fire," as " cooking ;" dh-i-s, " snake/'
as " moving itself" (root oflh) ; p^sh-i-s, " thunderbolt,'' as
"crushing;" v(M-f-«, "garment;" dAvan-f-*, " sound ;" kav-i-^,
"poet," as "speaking" (root ku, "to sound"); chhtd-is, f.
" axe," as " cleaving ;" ruch-i-s, f. " beam of light" Also
some adjective bases, as mch-i, " pure ;" bddh-h " knowing,
wise ;" tuV'U " much"* ; and, with reduplication, jdym-i,
[G. Ed. p. 1363.] ''quick" (root gam, "to go," Ved.) ;
gdghn-if "slaying** (root Aan, Ved.), with the accusative
(S. V. Benfey, p. 74) ; sdsn-i, ** giving,'* with the accusative
(Ved. 1. c.)j sdsah'U ** enduring" (Ved.), with the accusa-
tive (1. c. p. 127). To the paroxytone nouns of agency, as
yq;-i-s,"sacrificer," corresponds, in Greek, rpd^^-i-y, "runner:"
with dii-4s, " snake," in Zend J^3J^As cur-i-«t the etymologi-
cally obscure e;^-/-^ is identical ; and so> too, the Latin
angu'i-s, the u of which (=t;) is only a favourite affix after
gutturals. To the oxytone feminine formations like chhid-i-s,
* In the Veda dialect, root /m, ^^ to grow." From the same root comes
the Old Prusian ta&'Ia-nf *^much" (nout.)) and tlie adverb touls, ^'more"
(properly a comparative with «=:Sanscrit fyas, yas, cf. §. 301.).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1313
" axe," as " cleaving/' belong, probably, Greek feminine
bases like ^afl^-iS, "needle," as "sewing;" ypa<l>'ii, "style," as
" writing;" K<Mr-/5, "hanger, sword," as "smiting;" cr^ay-iS,
"butcher's knife,"" as " slaughtering ;"" and, with passive signifi-
cation, Ken-iS; with both active and passive, \aj9-/$. In Sanscrit
the masculine as-l-s (cf. ensi-s), " sword," as " being whirled"
(root as, "to cast"), has a passive meaning. The Greek
termination tS, the S of which is undoubtedly an inorganic
affix, is, however, in so far ambiguous, that its / is frequently
the abbreviation of a Sanscrit i; and as the Sanscrit suffix a
=Greek o (see §.915.) frequently forms its feminine by i,
and, e.g., parallel with the masculine nadd-s stands a femi-
nine nadt likewise " river," as " making a rushing noise/'
so we might also regard the said Greek formations in iS as
corresponding to the Sanscrit formations in u and therefore
derive, e.g., ypa<l>iS from a to-be-presupposed masculine base
ypa^ or ypa^t in the same way as, e, g.y aTpartiy-iSf " fe-
male leader of an army," comes from arapanfjyo ; Kopcdv-iS,
from Koptavo. Beside the Sanscrit adjective bases like such-i,
"pure," bSdh'if "knowing," the Greek rpotft'i places itself
as analogous. In Gothic, to this group of words belong
the masculine substantive bases yugga-lcmdl, ** young man,
youth" (root bid, "to grow " = Sanscrit ruh from rudh),
nominative lautK-s ; nav-i, " slayer," ♦ [G. Ed. p. 1364.]
nominative nau-s; muni, "thought;" saggvi, "song" (with
euphonic v, see §. 388.), and the feminine bases daili, " por-
tion" (Sanscrit root da/, "to cleave"); qvSni, "woman/' as
" bearing"' (Sanscrit root ^an, "to bear"). The Lithuanian
remnants of this class of words are all feminine, and their
origin lies beyond the consciousness of the Lithuanian lin-
gual intelligence. To this class belong, as ancient transmis-
♦ From nahv-iy with euphonic v (see §. 388.). It, with the Latin nee,
Greek p(kv^ v€Kp6^ belongs to the Sanscrit root nai, from naky " to be
ruined."
4o
1314 FORMATION OF WORDS.
sions from the time of the unity of language, ang-i-s, '' adder"
= Sanscrit dh-i-Sf Zend az-i-s, Greek e%-/-5, Latin an/^M-r-* ;
ak-i'S, "eye''= Sanscrit dksh-i (neuter), Zend jj^aj ash-i,
(see §. 52. conclusion): us-i-s, "ash," accords well with the
Sanscrit root vakah, Zend Mi^) ucs, Gothic i^ahs, " to grow."
Perhaps kand-i-St "moth," has grown up on Lithuanian
ground (cf. kandu, "I bite," Sanscrit i|Rj^ khaijd, "to bite,"
?r^ khad, "to eat." In Zend the adjective bases Jt^T^^
darshi, "courageous," and J^Mif ndmi, "flexible, tender,"
belong to this class of words. The following are examples
of substantives : ashi, "eye," as "seeing" (see §. 52.) : j«o£j
driwif " beggar" (see §. 45. p. 42, and cf. the Sanscrit root
darbh, dribh, " to fear") ; jjjo azi, " snake" ( = Sanscrit dhi) ;
j'^jAsl^ vairit probably, "harness," as "covering" (Sanscrit
root var, vri, " to cover."* With respect to the secondary
sufBx i, in which the European languages have no share,
the example quoted above (§. 913.) may suffice.
925. The suffix ti, in which I think I recognise a de-
monstrative base, whence come the prepositions ut, vpa,
and itpdri, forms, in Sanscrit, (l) adjectives from desidera-
tive themes with the signification of the participle present.
They, like the latter, govern the accusative, and retain also
[G. Ed. p. 1356.] their energy by the accentuation of the
first syllable, Le, in the case before us, of the syllable of
reduplication ; e.g., didrikshuH pitdrdu " wishing to see the
parents" (Sav. 5. loo.). (2) Adjectives which, in agreement
with the Greek in v, and Lithuanian in u, for the most
part accent the suffix ; e. jr., tanm " thin " (properly, '* stretched
out," root iarif "to stretch out"), Greek ravv-^ "stretched,''
"long ;" »i-(l(/i/,"sweet'X'*savoury," rootsvad^"to taste well"),
Greek ^Jy, Lithuanian saldu, from sladu for simdu (see
§. 20.); laghii, "light" ("moveable," root langh, "to spring
* Sec Burnonf, " Yayna," p. 444.
FOBMATION OF WOHDS. 1315
over"'), Greek €-\axv\ mfidut "soft, tender"' (properly,
" fine, pounded,"' from mardii root mard, mridy " to crush"),
Greek l3paSv, irom fxpaiu ; Asu, from dkut "quick,"* (root
a\ "to attain," originally, perhaps, "to be quick, to run,"
hence Asva, "steed,^' as " runner"), Greek ww; puruf from
paru, "much" (root pcrr, \prl9 "to fill," pfparmi "I fiir')»
Greek 7ro\i;, from itdKu for irapv, Gothic Jilu, indeclinable ;
prithv/* hri>adr (romprothuicomfarnXiveprithtycLS, rootprath
** extendi, ejpandV), Greek 'nKarv, Lithuanian platu; guru,
" heavy," •!• Greek )8af>t^ (as )8/)8i7/x/ compared yfiXh j&gAmi) \
uru, " great" (probably from varu, from var, vrU " to cover"),
Greek, evpv ; bahu, " much," probably from badhuX Greek
^aOv, "deep.'' To the Greek dapau, dpaav, corresponds
the Lithuanian dra^u, "bold, courageous." § In Gothic,
besides the already-mentioned indeclinable JUu, there
belong to this class || thaiirsu, nom. m. f. thaursu-s, neuter
thaursu (root thars = Sanscrit tarsh, [G. Ed. p. 1356.]
trish, "dry," and qvairru "soft, quiet, mild" (our kirr).
The following arc examples in Zend: ;7>^(j) pduru, " much"
= Sanscrit puru; jj^j^f erezu, " direct" = iji| r(/u (root rij.
« In classical Sanscrit only an adverb; in the Veda dialect also an
adjective.
t From gaHi, whence compare gdr^iyas, superlative gdrish^ha^ see
p. 1058, p. 1091, G. ed.). I do not know a root suitable to this adjective
as regards its signification.
X Root hahh^ " to grow," from bandh, as vrik, " to grow," from vridh,
see §. *28.
§ Sanscrit root dharfh^ '^ to dare," to which also belongs our dreUt,
Regarding other cognate affinities, see Glossarium Sanscr., a. 1847, p. 186.
II That qvairru'8 is radically identical with qvair^nu^s^ ^' millstone,"
may appear strange : I therefore recall notice to the connection of the
above-mentioned Sanscrit mridHy ^'tender," with the root mard, mfid,
*^ to crash." The root of the Gothic qvairr-u-g (with inorganic doubling
of the liquid) and qyair-nu-s is to be found in the Sanscrit ^*ar, ITjH,
'* to triturate, to be ground."
4 Q 2
1316 FORMATION OF WORDS.
from arj or raj) ; j jjam din, ** quick," * whence the super-
lative As^ojiOJjJAM Hsisia; )>^^l^ vanhu, ** good/^ = Sanscrit
vasu (see §. 56\). The reason that, in Latin, adjectives
corresponding to this class of i^^ords are wanting, is, as has
been already elsewhere remarked,'!' that that language has
added to all the words whicli, according to their origin,
belong to this class, the inorganic affix of an i. In this way.
from the Sanscrit tanu has been formed tenui, and gurti for
gariit has become gravi (transposed from garui) ; from laghu
has come feve (for fegrui); from sv&du, suavi (for suadui)] from
mridvt for mardu, moUU as it seems by assimilation from
molvi (cf. §. 312., pp. 428, 429), where the / corresponds either
to the Sanscrit r or d. (3) Appellatives; e.g., ddru, n.
wood,'* as "to be cleft ;"t (shut, m. £ "arrow/' as
moving itself f" bdncUiUt m. " kinsman,'" from bandh»
to bind r rdjifu, m. " cord,'' as " bind- [G. Ed. p. 1367]
ing" (cf. Latin *' Ugare'"') ; kdru, m. "artificer," as "mak-
ing ;" bhidu, m. " thimderbolt," as " cleaving ;" tonw, f.
"body," as " stretched out;" also in Zend (see §. 180.
p. 197). So, in Greek, beside the already-mentioned
iopv, perhaps also the bases yfjpv, f. (Sanscrit root gavt
JT gri^ whence gir, f. "voice"); vckv (Sanscrit root
nas, from nak, " to be ruined" ( = Zend ;jJA5y naiu^ "a
corpse" (see §. 247.). oraxt;, " ear of com," as "raised
<<
«
«
* To the saperlative dHsia, which Nerioeengh translates by vSgavai^
tama (see Bamouf, '^Yahista," p. 14, ^'Etades," p. 211), corresponds
admirably the Greek &Kurro£, In Sanscrit we should have expected
asishthtu
t '^ Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of Words,' p. 20.
X Cf. hopvf in the oblique cases hopcery as, ydvor, together with ywv,
Sanscrit^'ern^, n. The Gothic lengthens the two neuter bases by the affix
of an a, which is agiun removed from the nominative and accusative, ac-
cording to §. 153.; hence, triva^ "tree," hnivay "knee," nom. ace. triu^
kniu (dat. pi. hnwa-m, triva-m).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1317
up"' * ; w^u=Sanscrit bdhu ** arm/' Zend jjja^ bdzu (Sanscrit
root bdh or vdh, "to strive") ; in Latin curru, "car/' as " run-
ning f ' perhaps acut if it belongs to the Sanscrit root ^p^ a4
from cJct in the signification "to penetrate" f; whence also
has come the Sanscrit as-dni'S, " thunderbolt," as " pene-
trating." The Gothic furnishes us with several masculine
bases for this class of words, which, except lith-Uf " limb,''
as "moving itself" (root tith "to go"), mag-u, "boy" (root
mag, originally "to grow," then "to be able"), come from
lost roots; viz. airu, "messenger" (Sanscrit root ar,ri, "to
go");/(K-M, "foot," as "going" (Sanscrit pad, "to go,"
whence pad and pdd-a-s, "foot"); auhs-u, "ox," (Sanscrit
ukshf "to wet," "to sow," whence ukshan "bull"); grid-u,
" hunger." { In Lithuanian, dangu-s, [G. Ed. p. 13a8.]
"heaven," as "covering" (dengiu, "I cover") probably
belongs to this class.
926. The Sanscrit suffix an, in the strong cases dn, forms
appellatives which denote the person acting, and, like the
* In so far as it is connected with <rr€ix» (root (mx^Sanscrit stigh^
^' to mount") the a is only the Guna vowel, like the o of (n^xo-s*
t In this case acuo is a denominative from acii, as in Greek, e.g.^
yrjpv'ia from yiypv (see §. 777.)* Against a former conjecture, wliich I
agreed with Pott in encouraging, that acuo^ and similar words in the
European sister languages, belonged to the Sanscrit root id (from kS), ^' to
sharpen," with the preposition d^ speaks the circumstance, that in San-
scrit itself this preposition does not occur in combination with id; and that
in the Greek forms, which are most probably connected with the Latin
actio, viz. wcfi, dxcoK^, cucfirj, dxpSs, &c., as also the Lithuanian aMa-trus,
^^ peaked, sharps" aaz-mu, ^' sharpness," and the Sclavonic oZTP'b o»'tr\
'^ sharp," in all of these the initial vowel belongs to the root. As im
ai is a compound of aA, the Sanscrit dg-ra^m, '^peak," may also be as-
signed to this root, and an anomalous mutation of the tenuis to the medial
be assumed.
I The gender is nncert^n: gr^dS, '^I hunger," is a denominative.
The Sanscrit supplies the root gridh, from gradh, ^' to wish, to require,"
whence also the Sclavonic glad^, "hunger.*
1318 FORMATION OF WORDS.
majority of the analogous Greek formatioDS in av, ev, ov,
rjv, 0)1/, accent the radical syllable. The following are
examples : snihan^ " friend," as " loving ;" rijath " king/'
as " ruling ;" tdkshan, " carpenter," as " cleaving, forming ;*"
ukshan, " bull," as " impregnating ;" vrUhauy an appellation
of Indra, originally, ** causing to rain," also " bull," as " im-
pregnating with seed." To the latter, from the root varstu
vrish, (" to rain, to rain over, to besprinkle, to sow"), whence,
also, other names of male animals, corresponds, in root,
suBlx^ and accentuation, the Greek base aptr-ev (from Fdpaev),
by assimilation, appev, from an obsolete root. The suffix
under discussion further exhibits itself in Greek in the
same form in the base eTp-ev, ** youth," as *' speaking." This
suffix, however, diverges from its original destination in
the adjective base rip-ev, in which ev has a passive significa-
tion, like the ov of iren-ov, " ripe," properly, " cooked," which
is originally identical with it. The suffix ov appears, in its
original destination in tekt-ov^ contrasted with the above-
mentioned K^^^ tdhsh-an, " a carpenter,'' and with demitted
accent in arayov, (" drop," as *' trickling"), rpvy-ov, apriy-ovj
arj'Sov, eiK-ov. The original a, with the genuine accentuation,
has remained in raAai/.' As regards the bases in yjv and cot/,
[G. Ed. p. 1359.] it is to be observed that the Sanscrit suf-
fix an forms the strong cases in An (see §. 129.), with the
exception of the vocative singular, and this latter is probably
the older form of the suffix, which appears to me to have
arisen from an<7, so that the dropping of the final a has been
compensated by lengthening the first. The shortening of
the vowel of the suffix under discussion, and its entire sup-
pression in the Sanscrit weakest cases (see §. 130.), have,
however, probably entered into the different languages in-
dependently of one another, and probably for the first time
after the separation of languages. Compare, e.gr., the plural
nominatives o-KJ^Trwiz-ey, ("staves," as "supporting"), kKih
5a)v-€j, (** billows," as "laving"), a?fla)i/-ef, elpiav-e^, Tptl3(ji>v-e^»
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1319
(the latter, contrary to the Sanscrit principle, with a
passive signification), with the plural nominatives of the
above-mentioned (p. 1358 G. ed.) Sanscrit bases, sn^hdn-aSf
rdjAn-as, takshdn-as, vrtshdn-as* In genitives like sn^lin-'
dm, " amicorumr sing, sn^hn-ast as generally in the weak-
est cases, the Sanscrit stands in very disadvantageous
comparison with Greek forms like aKtjTrdv'Oiv, o-Kjywwy-oy ;
while, on the other hand, it surpasses the Greek in this,
that in the classical language it has nowhere allowed the
length of the vowel of the suffix to be lost in the strong
cases (with the exception of the vocative singular and the
anomalous pushan, " the sun,'" as " nourisher," in all the
strong cases) ; and hence, e.g., it contrasts the forms tdksMn-
am, tdkshdn-dn, tdkshdn-as, with the Greek TeKToi/-a, TCKTov-e,
• • • •
TCKTov-ej.f Moreover, the Sanscrit, in this class of words,
has never suffered the accent to sink [G. Ed. p. 1360.]
down on the suffix, like, e.g., in the Greek, irevd^v, dirarcfiv.
927. The Latin exhibits the suffix under discussion in
the form dn, and therefore likewise favours the supposition
that its vowel was originally pervadingly long. To this class
belong, e.g., the bases ed-Sn, ger-Sn, combih-dn, prcedic-dn, err-'
'6n, the accusatives of which, ed-dn-em, ger-Sn-em, &c., corre-
^ n for 7t in the two last forms^ through the euphonic influence of the
preceding sh.
f With regard to the r for Sanscrit sh^ t€kt<ov has the same relation to
the Sanscrit tdkshd (see §. 139.) that apKTo-s has to riksIuUs, "bear" (from
arkahd'S), the sibilant of which is preserved hy the Latin ursu-s as origi-
nal. In the y6da dialect the suffix under discussion admits after sh in the
strong cases, at option either d or a (Pan. VI. 4. 9.); e.g.^ tdhshdn-am
and tdks?ian-am=T€KTOP'a, tdfuhdn-as and takshan-a3 = T€KTov'es, I
cannot, however, regard this agreement with the Greek, with respect to
the shortening of the vowel, as merely accidental, as in the Veda dialect
it is bound up with the condition of sh preceding, which shews itself also in
the above-mentioned pushan^ and as the Veda dialect admits also of several
other forms, which can only have arisen in the progress of corruption.
1320 FORMATION OF WORDS.
spond well to the Sanscrit, like sneh-dn-am, rdg dn-^am. A
weakening of the original d to i is tound in pect-in, no-
minative, ped-en (according to §. 6.)» the i of which for
6 resembles that of the base ho-min, the nominative of
which belongs to a base ho-mdn (see §. 797. p. 1077.). In
Gothic the suffix spoken of has throughout in the singular,
in the cases which, in Sanscrit, are weak, just like the suf-
fix man (§. 799.), experienced the weakening of the ansound to
i (see §. 132.). To this class belong the bases (some of which
have sprung from lost roots) han-nrij "cock,** as " singing '''
(Latin cano, Sanscrit sans from kans, "to say"); stau-an^
"judge"' (Sanscrit root s/w, **to praise''); /aura-jra^'^-aw^
" superintendant^ (literally, "preceder"); ar-an, "eagle,^"*
as "flying" (Sanscrit root an ri, "to go"); ah-ans "sense,
understanding" (cf. ah-man, ** spirit," §. 799., ah-ya, " I think,
I mean"); liut-an, "hypocrite;" nut-an, ** catcher;" ga-
slnth-an, " companion ;" skid-an, " debtor" (root skah " to
owe, to be obliged") ; veih-an, ** priest," as " consecrating ;"
[G. Ed. p. 1361.] 8piU-an$ " announcer ;" * auhsan, " ox,"
«=Sdnscrit ukshan (see §. 82.), nom. auhsa^vkahd (see
§. 140.). In Old High German the Gothic a of this suflSx
and of the suffix man has been corrupted to o or u : in
the genitive and dative plural, however, we find inorganic
df while the Gothic an-i, d-m (for an-m), would lead us to
expect a short o (see Grimm, I. p. 624). The i of the
Gothic genitive and dative singular has remained, or been
further corrupted to e, which latter, in the Middle and
New High German, has extended itself through all the
cases. The Old High German bases in on, e.^., bot-on, " mes-
senger," as " announcing "f ox-on, " ox," feas-oii, "hare," as
* SpiUdy ^' I annonnce, I relate." The s is probably a phonetic prefix
or an obsolete preposition. Compare the Old Prussian Inllut '' I say/' Li-
thuanian 6i/<^tf id., Irish M, ^' word," and the Sanscrit root bru^ ^'to speak."
t Properly, "offering." The root but, " to offer," is based on the San-
scrit
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1321
"springing (Sanscrit iai, "to spring^ said, "hare"),
hlouf-on, ** runner," ^rinAr-on, " drinker," fah-^rif ** seizer,"
heri'zoh-on, " leader of an army," correspond excellently to
Greek bases like apify-ov, and the nominatives which drop the
u, like bot-^ (our Bote, *' messenger," from the base Boten),
to the Latin like ed(h combibo. The English language ex-
hibits a remarkable remnant of the Sanscrit suffix an in
the plural " oxen," which, according to form, is nothing but
the form of the Sanscrit base Hkshan a little altered, which
appears in German in the form Ochsen, not only in the
plural, but also in all the oblique cases of the singular.
Through its limitation to the plural, the ancient formative
suffix has, in English, obtained the appearance of an expres-
sion of plurality ; and just so in " brethren'" (Sanscrit base
bkrdtar, bhrdtri), " chicken,^' and " children,"' where the ori-
ginal state of our stem of languages gives no occasion for
it. In modem Netherlandish this suffix has fixed itself in
the plural of all regular words, and has [G. Ed. p. 1362.]
hence become a distinct mark of plurality for the practi-
cal use of language. . Regarding a similar abuse of ano-
ther Sanscrit suffix in the oldest period of High German
(see §. 241.).
928. The suffix under discussion does not form in San-
scrit regular neuter bases ; but some anomalous neuters in
i form their weakest cases (see §. 130.) from bases in an, e.g.,
dksh'i, " eye" (as "seeing"'), from akshdn, which may, per-
haps, have originally had a perfect declension, and on which,
perhaps, dksha, which, at the end of compounds, takes the
place of dkshi, is based, with the loss of an n, as also r^-an,
which is the word most in use of this class, is regularly
replaced as the final element of a compound by r/^a. Con-
sent bud/t, '^ to know," and has asBumed a causal signification ; so that
botan, as ^^ making to know," approaches nearer to the old meaning than
the verb biutu^ " qffero."
1322 FORMATION OF WORDS.
versely, in German, several bases of words, which, in their
simple state, terminate in a vowel, assume, at the end of
compounds, the suffix an, e. jr., in Gothic, ya-duilan, *' sympa-
thiser'' (from gOf "with," and daili, nom., dails, f. "part"');
ffn-hlaiban, "companion" Qilaiba, nom., hlaifs, m., *' bread'") ;
us'lithan, " palsied" (us, **from," and lithu, n., liihu-s^ m.,
*' member"). In Old High German the appellation of
" day " (simple theme taga, nom. tag) has, in several com-
pounds, by extending itself to tagon, re-approached its
conjectural Sanscrit sister word dhan* Zend (jasjsas aian),
(see §. 253. p. 270). To return to the Sanscrit neuter base
akahdn, " eye," whence, in the Veda dialect also, the middle
[G. Ed. p. 1363.] cases spring — at least the instrumental
plural akshdbhis — tlie Gothic base awjfanf corresponds to it
in root, suffix, and gender. As the nominative, accusative, and
vocative plural of neuters in Sanscrit belong to the strong
cases, we should here expect from akshdn the form akshAnU
from akshdn-a (see §. 234.) ; and to this the Grothic augSn-a,
"eyes," admirably corresponds (see §. 801. p. 1083, Note).
In Gothic, however, the nominative, accusative, and vocative
singular of neuter bases in an also prove themselves to be
strong ; hence, augd for the akshd to be expected in San-
* I regard d/ian as an abbreviation of dahan (root dah, ^' to bum," here,
" to give light"), see Gloss. Scr., a. 1847, p. 26, where, however, as in my
Sanscrit Grammar, this anomalous word, which forms the middle cases
in dJia8j is erroneously given as masculine. It is neuter, and therefore
forms in the nominative,accusative,and vocative plural dhdni (theVedaform
dhd belongs to the base dhd), dual dhti'if or Vedic uhanl^ see Benf. Gloss.
t Tlie sibilant of the Sanscrit root may be a later affix, and is wanting
in the Gothic, as in the Latin ocuJus, the Lithuanian a/ri-«, and Greek
root on, from ok. For the g in augan we might expect h, according to
§. 87., and therefore auhan^ which form probably preceded augan. In
that case we should regard the u as the weakening of the old a, and
explain the a of the diphthong au according to §. 82. With the Sanscrit
aksha at the end of compounds the Gothic base Uia or aiJia^ of/iaUta^
"one-eyed," has been already compared (sec §. 308. p. 418.).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1323
scrit. With the Grothic neuter base vat'in, ** water ^' (for
which, in Lithuanian, where, in substantives, the neuter is
in general wanting, we find the masculine base wanden,
(nom. wanduf see §. 139. p. 15l), the Sanscrit compares the
base udan, which, however, can only be inferred from its
derivatives, udan-vai, " ocean '* (literally, ** gifted with water "),
and udan-yA, ** thirst " (ie. ** craving for water")* and whose
gender, therefore, cannot be decided. Perhaps tidan is also
contained in the compounds which begin with uda, " water/'
as final n is regularly suppressed in such a position : a
simple tula, however, has hitherto not been discovered. The
corresponding verbal root is und ("to be wet''), the nasal
of which has remained in the Latin unda and Lithuanian
wandu. In Lithuanian we must further, in respect of its
suffix, refer to this class the base rud^eiu nom. mJu, " autumn,"
and radically, perhaps, to the Sanscrit ruht [G. Ed. p. 1304.]
from rudK " to grow," to which, also, inter alia, belongs the
Sclavonic rod-i-ii, " to bear young."
929, I look upon the Sanscrit accented suffix in as a
weakening of the suffix an. After augmenting the radical
vowel, it forms words like vddin, "speaking" (root vad),
kdrtn, "making" (root kar, kri), hdrin, "taking, rubbing,"
Ssliin, " wishing,"yAttrn, "striving'' (root yudA), sdvin, "squeez-
ing out," which occur only at the end of compounds ; e.jr.,
rita-vddin, " speaking truth," Yajurv. V. 7, ; manyusdvlnf
** zealously squeezing out" (the Soma), S. V., L 3. i., 4. i.).
We find in the simple form, as substantive, unf^ kdmtn,
" loving, lover." With respect to the weakening of the a
to u these formations correspond to the above-mentioned
(§. 927.) Latin bases pect-in, and the Gothic genitives and da-
tives like staU'in-s, **judici8r stau-iUf ''judicif"' in contrast to
the more organic a of the other cases, e. 9., of the accusative
stau-an^ "judicem,^'' and of the nominative and accusative plu-
ral stau-an-s, '* judices,'"' The Sanscrit itself presents some
remarkable words in which the suffixes an and in occur to-
1324 FORMATION OF WORDS.
gether, and indeed so, that an, or rather dn (see §. 92S.),
occurs only in the strong cases, and in extends over all
those weak cases which do not, as is done in the said words
by the weakest cases, entirely divest themselves of the
suffix, and, beyond these, also to the vocative, which espe-
cially inclines to a weakening of the vowel. Moreover,
the accent in the words spoken of is so divided, that the
cases with the suffix an (dn) follow the accentuation of
rdjan^ "king, ruler/^ and similar words, and those with
the suffix in (excepting the vocative, §. 785. Rem. p. 1054)^
that of -kdrln, " making," -vddin, " speaking/' and similar
formations in in. Thus, e.g., from the root manih, ** to
shake," comes the base manthan, "a chum,^' as "shaker'*
[G. Ed. p. 1865.] (accented like rdjan) ; and hence, by
weakening the root, the suffix, and the accentuation, the
base mathfn, which is found also at the beginning of com-
pounds, and is therefore viewed by the grammarians as
the proper theme. The analogy of mdnthant mathtn, is,
moreover, followed by the already-mentioned pdnthan, pa-
thin, ** way,"" where the suffix under discussion has a pas-
sive signification ; a circumstance which has already been
remarked of the Greek r/oi jScoi/, which is, in formation, akin
to it. The root is path^ **to go,^ perhaps originally pan^A:
the signification, therefore, of pdnthan, pathin, is tantamount
to •* gone upon, trodden." In the Veda dialect the accusative
singular pdnthdnam, and the nominative plural pdnthdnas,
allow the n to be cast out, after which the two a-sounds
coalesce ; whence pdnthdm, pdnthds, a remarkable though
fortuitous coincidence with the Greek eiVco, eiKov^, eiKovg, for
etKova, eiKovogf eiKova^.
930. The suffix in is used in Sanscrit also for the for-
mation of derivative words, and then denotes the person
gifted with the thing which is expressed by the primitive ;
and has, therefore, a passive meaning like the primitive
pathin, " way,'' as " trodden.'' This in has likewise the
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1325
accent; e.g., dhanin, "rich, endowed with riches" (nom. m.
dJiani, according to §. 139.), from dhand, " wealth ;'" kikn,
" covered with hair, having beautiful hair " (from kiid, " hair "'),
and as substantive masculine ''a lion "" ("the maned"");
hastin and karin, " the elephant," property, " having a trunk,"
from hasta, kar&f "hand, trunk." It appears to me to
admit of no doubt that the secondary in, too, is a weaken-
ing of arit or rather dn, which, in Greek and Latin, has
remained in the form of (av, dn, in possessives to which the
use of language has imparted a partly amplified significa-
tion, in like manner as several of the Sanscrit formations
under discussion may be regarded as ampliatives ; since,
€,g., kii-in, as "lion" is "the shaggy " [G. Ed. p. ia66.]
darU'ln, ("gifted with teeth") as "elephant" is "the large-
toothed;" ddnshtr-in (from ddnshtrd, "tooth"), as "boar"
is " the tusk-endowed." So in Greek, e.g., the bases, and,
at the same time^ nominatives, yvad-iov^ " thick-cheeked" (pro-
perly only "having cheeks"); KapaK^-wv, "thick-head;"
ydarp'tavt " thick-belly, having a great paunch ;" n\ot^-a>i',
properly, "having great riches;" in Latin, e.g., nas-dn*
capit'&n, front'&iit ped-dn, bucc^dn, labi-on, guT-dn. Ctes'-dn,
from a lost base, is perhaps, together with coesaries, con-
nected with the Sanscrit A:&a (nom. kSid-s, "hair"), although
the Sanscrit s (from it) would lead us to expect in Latin c.
But if, notwithstanding the c6nnection which Pott (E. I.,
p. 588) conjectures should be well founded, we may recog-
nise in the name Cces-dn a cognate formation of the above-
mentioned Sanscrit appellation of the lion (jeiS^in from
kis'dn)f and of the proper name of a Danava, which we
meet with in Kalidasa^s Urvasi, while the feminine form
of the said word (kts-ini) in the Nalus appears as the name
of a female attendant of Damayanti. As regards the ac-
* In Sanscrit we should have to expect from nuta^ ^^noms" Ands'^in,
formed with m.
1326 FORMATION OF WORDS.
ceiituation, the Greek possessives correspond to the Sanscrit
nouns of agency in an, dn: compare e,g.f the plural
yia'Tpcav'-eg with rrydn-as. The feminine formation pvy^ouva
(for pvyj^avta) is remarkable: it corresponds to roAaivo,
/jL€\atva (see §. 119.), and therefore presupposes a masculine
neuter base pvyx^a^* ^"^ represents the Sanscrit feminine
possessives like kSsini, " having (fine or much) hair,'*' for
kSsdni. Sof according to its form, Oepavatva is based, not
on depaiTovT, but on a to-be-presupposed base depawav and
[G. Ed. p. 13G7.] represents the Sanscrit feminines like
r^/ni (*' she that rules," " queen "") for r^ani, and this for
rdjdnt
931. It is important to observe, that where the Greek
possessive suffix wv refers not to persons but to rooms,
which are gifted with the thing expressed by the base
name, the accentuation which has been recognised above
(§. 785. commencement of Remark) as the more energetic
and animated is replaced by the weaker, since the accent
sinks down from the first or second syllable of the word
to the suffix; thus, e.g., /TnrciSv, properly, "gifted with
horses," with the to-be-supplied secondary idea of room,
and thus " stall for horses ;" so dvSp-tdv, yvvaiK-cdv, 7r«0'-civ,
oiV-cov, a/xTreV-cov, (Tit'-cov, /LteXierer'-cSv, TrepiOTepe-cGv,* in op-
position to the living possessors of the things denoted, as
Tvadoiv, UKovTUiv, Xe/Acav, K€(pa\tav, Tuxf^v, The accented
* I regard the c of ir^purrtpt-av as the thinning of the final vowel of
the base of the primary word, which in irtpurrtp-iiv^ according to the
prevailing principle (see §.913.), is suppressed. So d/in-cXf-i^y together
with afiircX'-fuy, olvt'^v together with olv-c^v, poht'&p with pob'-w;
XaXic<-a>v, \vxv€-^p. There is no source for the c of xttycMrrcoy in the pri-
mitive base Kdvciw ; and it is probably introduced through analogy with
the forms in which the c is founded on the final vowel of the primitive
base, and the origin of which is now lost sight of by the language. With
respect to the weakening of o to r compare vocatives like Xvicc from Xvito
(V204.).
FOUMATION OF WORDS. 1327
suffix 0)1/, transferred frotn that which possesses room to time,
forms also names of months, in which the preceding i every-
where belongs to the primitive, where this really admits of
being traced; hence, e.g.^ eKaff^rj^oKi-cavt properly, "gifted
with the hunting-feast," and hence, ** month of the hunting-
feast." The Sanscrit forms with the feminine of the suffix
in ( = Greek cGi^) words which express the place provided
with the thing denoted. At least, from all the appellatives
of the lotus-flower come words in ini, [G. Ed. p. 1368.]
which denote "lotus-field," "lotus-pond;" as, e.g.^ padm-int
from padma. Hereto remarkably correspond Greek femi-
nines like poJ*-c«)i/ia, properly, "gifted with roses," hence,
"rose-garden/* where, as in the above-mentioned (§. 119.)
forms in T|oia=Sanscrit iri, to the feminine character i
there has been further added an inorganic a, thus -ci>wa=
ini from dni.
932. The suffix w«T ana, fern, and, and ani, which we
have already taken cognizance of as a means of formation
of abstract substantives, as gdm-ana-m, " the going," and on
which the infinitives of various Indo-European languages
are based,* I regard as identical with the demonstrative
ana (see §. 372. passim). This suffix forms in Sanscrit,
inter alia, proparoxytone appellatives neuter or masculine,
as ndy-ana-m, "eye," as "guiding" (root ni, with Guna);
Idch-ana-m, id., as " seeing" (root Idch) ; vdd-ana-m, " mouth,"
as "speaking;" Idp-ana-m, id., (root lap, "to speak," cf.
Latin loqaor and labium) ; dds-ana-m and ddi-ana-s, "tooth,"
• See §§. 851. (p. 1211 G. ed.), 852.^876., 877. To the feminine ab-
stracts in W^ an^, like ydch-afld, '' the begging*' (§. 877.), I have far-
ther to as»gn the Gothic base ga'tnaH-anSn (nom. 'OnS), ''the catting in
pieces," as an analogons form which stands alone in Gothic, which is dis-
tinguished from its Sanscrit prototypes (see §. 142.) only by the n, which
in German is so freqaently added to bases terminating originally in a
vowel.
1328 FORMATION OF WORDS.
as " biting'' (root dans from danA:= Greek Ja#c) ; vdh-ana-m,
" car,"' as '* carrying" * ; tdp-ana-s, " sun,"' as " buming ;' '
ddh-ana-s, " fire," as '* burning ;" ddrp-ana-s, " niirror,'' as
"making proud" (root darp, drip in the causal); tdr-ana-g,
[G. Ed. p. 1369.] "boat," as "ferrying over." Hereto
well correspond, with respect to accentuation also, Greek
bases in avo, and indeed to the neuter, such as ipeit'CLuo-v
(" sickle," as " cutting off"), 7At;^avo-v, Koir-avo-Vf ojpy-avo^p^
Tvjy-avo-v (for T^Kavov), ^-avoi/ (as " means of holding ''), o-jc^-
-avo-v.f The following are examples with a passive mean-
ing: irhoK^avo-Vt irair-ai/o-i/, rvfiTr^avo-v. To the masculine
forms like ddh-ana-s, " fire," as ** burning," correspond crre^
-avo^f Xo-ai/o-s'» xoS-ai/o-c^ In Lithuanian, to this class belong
most probably words like teh-una-St " runner," where the
first vowel of the suffix is weakened as regards quality, but
lengthened as regards quantity, and has drawn to itself tlie
accent. The following are other examples : beg-una-s,
"fugitive;" klaid'iina'8, "wanderer;" pa-khid-una-^^ "rover"
(klys'tu, *' I wander," pret. klyd<m) ; lep-una-s, " weakling ;"
fnal-una-s, "mill;" riy-una-s or ryy-unn-s^ "devourer" (ryy-Uj
" I swallow, I devour"). In Gothic, perhaps the base thiud-
-ana, nom.ttiiirfari'-»,"king," if it originally signifies "ruling,"
belongs to this class+. In Old High German the masculine
* The following have a passive signification : e.p., idy-anorm^ ^^ couch,
bed," and ag^na-m^ '^ seat." To the former corresponds the Zend
(^JAS^^ASJJ iay-anUm, Another example in Zend is (^iAS^^A kkar-
-ang-my "sustenance," as "being eaten" (Bamouf, " Ya9na,'* p. 560).
t As in Sanscrit the ay of caosals and verbs of the 10th class, which
has its inflaence in the formation of words, is dropped before the snffix
ana {ddrp-anas, not darpayafias) ; so in Greek the a of the correspond-
ing verbs in ao> falls off: hence o-xcTr-oyo-y, the a of which has nothing to
do with that of o>icf7r-a<».
X The lost root thud is perhaps an extension of the Sanscrit tu, " to
grow" (whence tdv-as^ "strength"), which we have already recognised in
Gothic in the form in tav (see p. 1342 G. ed., $. 017., 3d Note).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1329
base wag-anot " wagon,'" nom. ace. wag-any irrespeetive of
gender, accords admirably with the above-mentioned San-
scrit vdh-anorm. The suflBix under discussion forms in
Sanscrit adjectives also with the accent on the final syllable
of the suffix, as sdbh-and, " fair'' {sdbh-and-s, -and, -and-m),
properly, " shining " (root mbh, " to shine ") ; [G. Ed. p. 1370.]
jval-an&t " flaming ;" chal-and, " tottering, trembling." • So
in Greek, ericeir-ai'o-f, ** covering ;" iJC-avo-j, " suflBcient."
933. Let us now examine somewhat closer the Sanscrit
suffix a^y the dative of which we have already recognised as
the termination of Vedic infinitives (see §. 856.), and whose
origin we have sought in the root as of the verb substan-
tive (see §§. 855., 857.). The Indian grammarians, however,
recognise as infinitives, ue, as representatives of the form
in turn, only those forms which have no other case from the
same base accompanying them, as is the case, e.g.y with
jivds-4y " in order to live," the sole remnant of the base^Vt^tb.
On the other hand, chdkshas-i, which above (at p. 12*24 G. ed.,
§. 856.), in a passage there quoted from the Rig- Veda, we
have seen standing beside a dative of the common infinitive
in a similar relation, is looked upon by the Scholiast Sayana
as no infinitive, clearly because chdkshajt, " the seeing," is
retained with a complete declension, and for example has
a nominative, which is wanting in the Vedas in the form
in tu in the simple word.-j* The simple suffix, called asun
* To this class of words I refer tho Zend a) jas»A)< zav-ana, " living "
(cf. Bumonf, " Ya9na," Notes, pp. 81 and 88, n.), from tlie contracted
root zfiy ioTJu (cf. §. 109 1» 2. p. 119, and §. 68.).
t JivatUy *' vita" which occara in the nominative, I should agree with
Benfey in regarding as an infinitive, were it found in sentences like na
saknStijtvdtumj "he cannot live," or WliGJivitan jwdtum, ^^vitam vivere*'
In the passages, however, quoted hy Benfey (Glossary, p. 72), the signi-
fication ^^vita" is sufficient; moreover,^'tra/tf is not, like the infinitives
in tUf a feminine, but a masculine and neuter (see Un^i, T. 75.)) and
signifies, like the Latin word, akin to it in root and formation, victus, bo-
i R sides
1330 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. £d. p. 1371.] or asi by the Indian grammarians, with
reference to the difference of accentuation forms :
[G. Ed. p. 1372.] ji) Abstract neuters with the accent on
sides ^^ livings" also '' noarishment, food, means of living (cooked rice,
&c."), and, moreover, " medicine," as " making to live.". When, however,
Benfey, in his recently-published '' Complete Grammar of the Sanscrit
Language," p. 431, says that jlvdtum appears in the Vcdas distinctly as
an infinitive, I am unable to perceive this distinctness, at least from the
passages quoted in the Glossary to the S. V., just as I am unable to
deduce, with Benfey, the masculine nature of these infinitives from the
Yedic infinitive datives in tave; as, indeed, as the said learned man him-
self says in §. 727. V., which is adduced as proof, the feminines in u op-
tionally form the dative in avd, while the masculines do so necessarily.
Now the Vedic infinitive datives actually avail themselves of the option
of using in the dative both the termination i with Guna, and also the
termination di, inasmuch as they employ both the one and the other form,
with this peculiarity, that before the heavier and exclusively feminine
termination di they gunise the u of the suffix. I will not here, in sup-
port of my views, refer to the gerund in tva, as Benfoy (1. c, p. 424)
pronounces no opinion whatever on it as to its gender and case, and espe-
cially as to the grammatical category to which it belongs : as, however,
ho remarks (p. 426, §. 91 1.) that alan kritvd signifies "do not," properly,
^^ enough done," it might be imagined that the form in tvdy in constrac-
tion with alarriy is a perfect passive participle ; while 1 am convinced that
alan kritvd properly means '' cnongh with doing," and kritvd here clearly
shews itself to be an abstract substantive in the instrumental (see p. 1204
G. ed., §. 851., Note). It may appear strange that one should find
this gerund, or rather the equivalent form in ya (on account of the
weight of composition), in constructions where, instead of it, a prepo-
sition might be used ; but even here, too, if we view the said form
as the instrumental of an aljstract substantive or gerund there is no dif-
ficulty; for atikramyU parvatan nadu according to Benfey, ^'thc river
behind the mountain," means properly, " the river after crossing the
mountain (of the mountiun)," t. e, '^ the river at which, after crossing the
mountain, one arrives;" amaratvam apahaya (Arj. 3. 47.) may be aptly
rendered by '' except immortality," but apahdya does not thereby become
a preposition, for it properly signifies " with abandonment," i. e. *' with
exception (of immortality"); and the instrumental termination of the ge-
rund (see §. 880.) expresses here, ns is very usual, the relation "with."
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1331
the radical syllable, and commonly with Guna of the
vowels capable of receiving that augment; e.g., t'ij-as,
"lustre'' (root <(;, "to sharpen"); vArch-as, id.; sdh-as,
" might," rdnh-as, " quickness ;'" dnj-ds, id. ; tdras, id. (root
tor, iftri, "to step over''); sdv-as, "strength:" Zend
jJA)»Asjj sav-as, *'use" (root iu, from svU "to grow");
tdv-aSf "strength"' (Ved. tu, "to grow''); rdh-as, "secret"
(root rah, "to leave"); mdh-as, "greatness" (root mah
manh, "to grow"); ndm-as, "bending, reverence, adora-
tion:" Zend MXi^2f ^'^^^^Z tdp-as, "penitence," properly,
" the burning ;" duo-as, " transformation, reverence," Ved.,
properly, "going" (root du, "to go").
B) Neuter appellatives, with an active, and some of them
with a passive signification, and with accentuation of the
root and Guna ; e.g., sdr-as, "pond," Ved. "water," as "flow-
ing" (root sar, sri, " to move itself") ; srdv-as, " ear," as
"hearing ;" Zend mxs»m9m sravds, id. (root sru), formally the
Greek #c\e(F)-oj ; chdksh-as, " eye," as " seeing" ; rddh-as,
" coast," as '* hemming in ;" ch^t-as, " spirit," as " think^
ing" (root chint, chit) ; mdn-as, id.: Zend MMfXi^ man-as,
" spirit, thought" (Greek fiev-o^, root in^ man, " to think") ;
srd-t'os, "stream," as' "flowing" f; pdya-s, "water, milk,"
* Like the abstract ^H^ chdk/thas only in the Veda dialect, where
chaksh means " to see."
t Root sru, with t inserted (Un&di, IV. 203.) ; so also rSt-a-i, "seed,"
from ri, " to flow." An inserted tk is found in pd-th-as, " water " (1. c.
205.), M "being drunk." N, too, or n is inserted ; viz. in dp-n-as, "ope-
ration, work," together with dp-as and dp-as (root dp, "to obtmn,'' with
prep, sam, *'to complete"); dr-n-as, "water," root ar, ri, "to move
oneself." Compare chatur-n-dm, T€aaap<ov, from chaiur. In Latin,
pig-n-us (root pag),/aci'n-tis, and perhaps mH-n-us, belong to this class, if
the latter, with respect to its root, is connected with the Sanscrit mdy '* to
measure" (with prep, ni*, nir — nir^md, " to make, to produce"). In Greek
to this class belong words like 5a-v-or, icr^-y-of, dpa^v^os, rtpx-v-ost Dor.
rpfx-y-os (cf. Tp€X(o, Tpix, OpiK'f, Sanscrit driA, from dark or draJi, " to
4 R 2 "grow").
1332 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1373.] as "being drunk'' (root pf, "to drink'')?
edli-asy "wood," as "about to be burnt" (root tndJu "to
kindle") ; vdch-as, " speech," as " spoken ;" Zend jjas^as^
vach-as, id. Here must be ranked some masculine bases
in the Veda dialect like vakshas, " ox," as " drawing," if it
springs, as the Grammarians assume (see Bohtling, Unadi-
sufHxes IV. 220.), from the root vah, with the affix of a
sibilant. It might, however, as I prefer supposing, come
from vakshf " to grow," so that it would proj^erly signify
" the great," like the term for a buffalo, mahishdj from
another root " to grow." An isolated form is the oxytone
feminine vsh-ds, " aurora," as " shining ;" Zend MMf^y
ush-as, id., likewise feminine, ace. ^^^^^am)^; ushdonhhn =
Ved. vshdsam (root ^ ush, " to burn," here " to shine ").
This word deserves especial notice, because in the Veda-
dialect it exhibits a long d* not only in the nominative
singular, but occasionally also in other strong cases, and
indeed even in the genitive plural (ushd-sAmf see Benfey'^s
Glossary) and thus as it were prepares the Latin fonn
[G.Ed. p. 1374.] aurdr-a (J = d), which, through the ap-
pended a, has the same relation to the Sanscrit ushdSf tliat
grow"), Ttfu-p-os, The latter contains, like the lAtmfaci-n-w, the class-
vowel of the verbal theme. In Zend to this class belongs j) a) JC^%o khare-
-n-ffiJ, "lustre" (nom. ace. Ar^flrewo, according to §.66K, f^n. kharefianh-d,
according to §.56*.), from the root A-Aar= Sanscrit svar, "to shine" (sec
§. 35. and §. 816. last Note), the c of which is explained by §. 30. With
Sanscrit formations which insert a ^sound, like sri-t-as, pd-tk-^is, we
might compare the Greek /tfyc-^-or, in case it does not come from Ai/yar,
but, like the latter, from the obsolete root (which, too, has lost its verb)
/Licy=SanBcrit mah, mahh, " to grow."
* The form usltds-d, at the beginning of copulative compounds, shews
itself to be the Vedic dual termination of the base ushds, as the Veda
dialect, as has already been elsewhere remarked, admits also, in the fii«t
member of such compounds, the dual termination.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1333
(qtrr-a has to oj}er, the theme of the oblique cases of ajnia =
Sanscrit dp-as, ** work.""*
C) Adjectives with the signification of the present par-
ticiple, which, in combination with the substantive preceding,
and standing in the accusative relation, appear partly as
appellatives, but in the Veda dialect, which is here of
special importance to us, retain in composition too their
adjective natures. The following are Y^^^c examples :
nri-iihakshas, " seeing men T nri-munaSf " thinking of men ;""
nri-vCthasy " bearing man or men ;" slSma-^dhas, " bringing
hymns of praise ;" vimi'dhd-y-as, " bearing all " (with euphon.
y, see §. 43.)> mdc?a« {risa-adas " consum- [G. Ed. p. 1375.]
ing the foes.'' To this class belongs the Zend jsas^asj^as
ash-adj-as, "destroying purity," if Bumoufs analysis of
* From the Vodic instrnmeiital ufhad-bhiSy for which probably tlie
form ushdd-bhya» will occur as dative and ablative, and ushdtsu as locative,
1 should not choose to infer, with Benfey (Onuumar, p. 149), that as has
arisen from at of the present participle, as a in Sanscrit, in the common
language too, is changed, according to fixed laws, into t; hence, c.//.,
from lYw, " to dwell,*' the future vat-gydmi, and aorist dvat-sam. More-
over, the 8 of our suffix proves itself, by the cognate Greek, I^tin, Ger-
man, Lithuanian, and Sclavonic forms, to be a sibilant, existing there be-
fore the period of the separation of languages ; and which, in the Vodic
Sanscrit in the word under discussion, at the beginning of com|>oundSy
passes over into r (u^har-biidh^ **wakiijg early"). I likewise recall at-
tention to the fact that the base word ap^ " water,*' allows its p before
the bh of the case-terminations to be changed into </, without its being
possible to thence iufer that ajf^ on which are based the Latin aqua
and Gothic ahi'a, ^^ river," has proceeded from ad or at, I would rather
assume, with Weber (V. S. Sp. 1. 18.), that only the forms with d belong
to a base at (root a/, '^ to move oneself"). However suitable this root, to
which the said learned man has, 1. c, assigned a numerous family, may be
for an appellation of '^ water," I nevertheless prefer assuming that the
circumstance, that in forms like ab-hhyaa the base separates itself less
sharply from the termination than if the termination were preceded by
a mute of a different organ, has given occasion for the change of the
p into d.
1334 FOKMATION OF WORDS.
this word is right (" Etudes," p. 167). In the Veda dialect
there are also simple adjectives of this kind with the accent
on the suffix; e.g., tar-as, "quick," properly " hastening,**
contrasted with t&ras^ "quickness;"* taviiSy "strong," pro-
perly, " grown,'' contrasted with tdv-as, " strength ;" mahdt^
" great," likewise, originally, " grown" * ; apds, " acting"
(as " warrior, sacrificer," see Benfey's Glossary to the S. V.
s. v.), contnisted, with dpas, " work ;" ayds, " going, hasten-
ing, quick" (see Benfey 1. c). The latter lengthens the a
of the suffix in the same way as vsh&s. Vas^, " famed"
(contrasted with y6sas, " glory"), has a passive signification,
properly, "praised" (cf. Zend d-yisi, **l praise, I glorify,"
see §. 28.).
934. To A) correspond Greek abstracts in oj, €(<r)-osf ; e.g.,
yj/evS'og, fJL^S'OSf yfjd'Og, X^^-oj (= Sanscrit rdh-as, see §• 933. -^),
KfjS'O^y <f>\€y'0^9 (Ved. bJidrg-as, "lustre," for bhrdj-as, root
hhrdj, " to shine," from bhrdg), eS-o^ (" the sitting") J. ndd^^,
[G. Ed. p. 1376.] /xad-og, dap<T'0£. A feminine base in or,
with a pervading o-sound, and lengthening of the same in tlie
nominative, is alS-6s, whence aiSd-g, alSoia-yo^* As secondary
suffix, also, o£, eg appears in Greek as a means of formation
• Cf. mahdtf " great," from the game root, properly a present par-
ticiple with the signification of the perfect participle, and with the ano-
maly that the strong cases lengthen the a, and thns exhibit mahdnt for
mahant
t See §. 1'28. The difference in vowels between os and e(o-)-of, &c.,
probably rests on this, that in loading the base with the case-terminations,
the language prefers the lighter substitute of the old a to the heavier, in
remarkable agreement with the Old Sclavonic, where, e. g., the Sanscrit
ndbhas and Greek y/0or are paralleled by the form iiEEO nebo, but the
genitive ndbhas-as^ ve<j)({a)'Os by the form nEEECE ncbes-e (cf. the some-
what different view at §. 2(54).
X The corresponding Sanscrit sddas has, in common Sanscrit, assumed
the signification " assembling," but occurs in the Vedas also with that of
" seat" (so Yajur-Veda, 19. 59.). Regarding the Latin sed^-s (see p. 1352
G. od. §. 924.).
FORMATION OF WORDS. 13:35
of neuter abstracts, and occasionally with a vowel-incre-
ment, in com])ensation for the abbreviation of the adjective
base words (ef. p. 396) ; hence, e. f/., yXevK-og, from yKvKu-Sf
epevff-og^ from epvOpor^, fJ^JK-o^t from fiaKpo-s. Perhaps, also,
the 2jend neuter abstracts MXi(^xi7^frathas, '* breadth," hunz-
-a.v, "length," ?wcrrri,v,**greatness," jJMjg7gj6?r£r-r/», "height,'^*
are of adjective descent, and, like the said Greek forms,
have dropped the suffix of the base word before the forma-
tive of the abstract. Very remarkable is the almost literal
agreement between jjajwaj^A frathas and the GreeTc wActToj ;
hanz-as corresponds to jSad-o^, and radically to the Sanscrit
bahu (probably from badhit), " much," and still more to the
comparative if^t^lTI bdnhiyas, and superlative 'if^bdnhishtha,
which are, indeed, derived from bahuhf but which may,
w^ith equal justness, be assigned to W^ bahu. Tlie root is
banh, " to grow." «)^a3ja)9 maz-as, ** greatness," answers to
fJifJK'O^, the K of which, as also that of fiaK-po-g, is probably
only a mutation of 7 ; and I have scarce a doubt that these
two words belong to one and the same root with jjiiyag, which
root is, in Sanscrit, fnanh, and signifies *'to grow.'' The
Vedic sister word to Mxs^Ai^ maz-ai and fiijKo^ is mdh^as,
which certainly signifies, not only ''brightness" (see Ben-
fey 's Glossarj^), but also, and indeed primitively, "great-
ness ;" and I believe that this abstract proceeds not directly
from the root, but, just like mnh-i-mdny of equivalent signi-
fication, from mahdtf or another adjective of the same root
signifying " great." To the Zeud frathas, [G. Ed. p. 1377.]
** breadth," there mav still be found in the Vedas a cor re-
sponding prdth-as of similar meaning, as derivative from
prithu ; and for berez-at (strong, berez-ant), ** height," we
actually find the corresponding Sanscrit sister word in the
first member of the compound name brihas-pdii (in the
common language, vrihas), in as far as it signifies, as I be-
- Sec linmouf, '' Ya^na," Nutea, pp. 12, 14, 99.
1336 FORMATION OF WORDS.
lieve it originally does, " lord of greatness." The Latin
exhibits the Sanscrit neuter suffix as in four shapes, but
principally in that of us, er-is* The other forms are im,
or-is, ur, or-is, and tir, ur-is, For the class of words under
discussion (§. 933. ji.), the Latin neuter suffix furnishes but
a few remnants, obscured as to their root ; viz. rdb-ur (cf.
rdb'US'tus, see §. 827.), which, like the Vedic tdv-as, " strength,*"
comes from a root which signifies " to grow'T ; as foed-usX
and scel'Us (sceles'tus),^ In Latin, in case of the suffix under
discussion as a formative of abstract substantives, the neuter
is replaced by the masculine, and, indeed, with a lengthen-
ing of the vowel (dr, from ds), which, however, in the
nominative, through the influence of the final r, is again
[G. Ed. p. 1378.] shortened. With respect to the vowel
length of the true base word, compare the strong cases
and the genitive plural of the above-mentioned (pp. 1373,
1375, G. ed.) forms ushds and ay-ds in the Veda dialect ;
e,g.f the accusative singular ush-Ss-am, ay-ds-am, with Jhi^
'dr-emy lanffu-Or-emf rud-dr-em, frem-dr-em, trem-dr-em, ang^
'dr-em, jpud-dr-em^ sap-dr-em, odrdr-em (Greek root 6S),
fulg-dre-m, sop-dr-emt son-dr-em, am-dr-em, &c. The s of the
old nominatives like clamds is, perhaps, not the original
final consonant of the base, but the nominative sign before
* See §. 22. The e of the oblique cases, for t, which might be expected
according to §. 6.^ owes its origin to the following r (cf. §. 710.).
t Sanscrit root rtih^ " to grow," from rudh, and ridh, id., firom r€uih or
ardh (see §. 1 .). With rtiA, from rudh^ compare the Irisli ruadh^ ''strength,
power, value," as adjective '^ strong, valiant ;" see Glossarium Sanscr.
a. 1847, and Ag. Bcnary, " Doctrine of Roman Sounds," p. 218. With re-
ference to the Latin b for dh we must note the relation of ruber to the
Sanscrit ntdhirdm, " blood," and Greek i-pvBpos,
I From foidtis, from the root Jid. M^ith regard to the Guna, compare
the Greek irinoiBa,
§ Cf. Sanscrit c/tAaZtf-m (see §. 14.), "guile, deceit," probably from chhad,
" to cover," with / for d (see §. 17.).
FORMATION OF WOllDS. 1337
which the base has dropped its final eonsoDant (see §. 138.).
This suflix forms, in Latin, abstracts from adjective bases
also, hence, e.g., amaroTf niffr-or, alb'-or.
935. The Gothic has added an a to the sibilant, which
has become incapable of declension, and has weakened the
preceding vowel to u As in the lininflected nominative and
accusative singular neuter the final a of the base is dropped,
we obtain here the forms hat-is, ** hate ;" ag-is, " fear" * ;
rim-is, " resf f ; sig-is, " victory ;' ' riqv-is, *' gloom." +
Perhaps the s of hulistr (theme hulistra), [G. Ed. p. 1379.]
is not, as has been conjectured above (see §.818. p. 1113), a
euphonic insertion, but huUs is a lost abstract with the suffix
is and the suflix tra appended. Moreover, some neuter
bases in sla appear to me to have abstracts in is, with i
suppressed, as primitive bases for their foundation : I mean
the forms hun-s-l (theme liunsla), ** sacrifice," from hun-is-l,
from a lost root han or hun ; svum-s-l, ** pond," as " place
♦ Root gg, whence 6^, " I feared," accordiDg to form a preterite. The
Old High German ckho, theme ekison^ has exchanged the neuter with
the masculine, and further added to the base an n, but presenred the
old sibilant, in ifvhich it surpasses the suffix f'ra, which, in §. 241, is com-
pared with the Sanscrit as,
t Sanscrit root ram^ with prep, d (d-ram), ** to rest," Lithuanian rimsiu,
"I rest," Lettish rahms (=r<ii»«), ''tame, quiet, sedate." The Greek
T]p€fia, ijp€fi€<Of &c., answer, in their i;, to tlie Sanscrit compound dram.
It is not improbable, that in the adverb r}p€fias (before vowels) the suffix
under discussion is contained in its original form. Moreover, the €s of the
comparative ripfp€a--T€pos appears to me to belong to the suffix eu, as o-,
according to regular rule, has its etymologically established place before
tlie suffixes rcpo, raro, and is dislodged in some places only by a mis- use,
and driven where it does not belong.
I It has already been compared, in my Glossar}'^ with the analogous
Sanscrit rdj-tu. This word, from the root raw; (^" adharere, iingere**),
signifies, indeed, not '^ darkness," but ''dust;" but from the same root
is derived, by another suffix, a term for night (rajant), and rajas is con-
tained in the compound rafo-rasa, ''gloominess."
1338 FORMATION OF WORDS.
of swimming" (root, svamm, weakened to svimm, svumm).
Svart'U-lf " blackness," presupposes a more simple abstract
svart'is, which would correspond to the Greek secondary
abstracts like jSafl-oj, and, irrespective of gender, to Latin
like nigr-or, alb*-or. More important appears to me the
deduction, that most probably the Sanscrit suffix as has
been preserved in Grothic in combination with another
suffix assigned to abstracts, and, indeed, with the retention
of the old a-sound. I believe, viz. that the Gothic mascu-
line abstracts in as-surSt as, e.g., drauhiin-aS'SU'Sf " military
service" (drauhtind, " I do military service "), yratiym-a«-«i-*,
"lordship" {frauyin-d, "I rule"), leVdn-Qs-gU't, "healing"
(leikindt "I heal"), may be explained by assimilation from
as'tU'St as, eg., vissa, " I knew," from vis-4a for vit'ta, and,
in Latin, qaas-sum, from quas-tum for qiLat-tum (see §. 102.).
Most of the formations of this kind are based on weak verbs
in in-d* the analogy of which is followed, also, by thiudin-
-^LS'Su-s, " government, dominion," though the base word
[G. Ed. p. 1380.] thiu-dand has an a before the n, which,
however, without reference to the verbs in m-d, might have
been weakened to i on account of the incumbrance of the
heavy double suffix (cf. §. 6.). Irrespective of the newly-
appended sulfix su, from tu, leikin'-as-stis has the same rela-
tion to leikinS, with reference to the suppression of the 6 of
the verbal theme, that in Latin, e.g., the abstracts arn-or,
clam-OTf have to the verbal themes amd, clamd, where the
A corresponds to the Gothic 6 = Sanscrit %naya (see §. 109.** e,).
Further, from adjective bases are derived, in Gothic, some
abstracts in as-surs, viz. ibn'-as-susy " similarity," from ibna,
nom. m. ibns, " like," and vanin-as-sus, " want" The latter,
however, springs, not from the strong adjective bases vana,
nom. m. vans, " wanting," but from the weak base vanan, the
a being weakened to i, as in the genitive and dative vanin-s.
* See Grimm, II. 175. 321., and Gabclentz and Lobe, Grammar^ p. 118.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1339
vaniru From the preposition ufar, " over"' (Sanscrit upari),
comes ufar-aS'SU'S, "overflowing,^ a form remarkable as being
the only one in which the abstract double suffix is not pre-
ceded by an n of the primitive base. In the more modem
dialects the «, which belongs in Grothic to the base word,
has, by an abuse, completely passed over into the deriva*
tive suffix, which hence begins universally with n, distin-
guishes the genders, and has changed the Gothic n of the
second part of the double suffix into a or z (Grimm, II. 323).
To this class belong, e.g., the Old High German feminines
arauc-nissa, or -nissi, " manifestatio " (our 3reignUs, or, more
properly, Erdugniss, "occurrence"); dri-nissa, and dri-nissf,
"tWrii/a«" (Anglo-Saxon, dhre-ness) ; milt-nissa, " misericordia^
(English, mild-ness) ; ki-hdr-nussi, " auditus ;" peraht-nUsi,
beraht-nessit " splendor^^ (English, bright-ness) ; the neuters
got-nissi (theme nissya), " diviniias ;" fir-stard-nissi, " intel-
lectus"' (our verstdndniss, "understanding"); suaz-nissi, " dul-
cedo^^ (English, " sweet-ncss").
936. Some Old High German bases in [G. Ed. p. 1881.]
iiS'ta, us'ti, or os-ta, os-ti, appear to contain a combination
of two suffixes,* viz. us or os ( = Sanscrit as), and ta or it.
The following are examples: dion-us-taf nom. dionu^t, in
Otfr. thionost our Dienst, " service," in Old High German
neuter ; ang-us-tU f. " anxiety," nom. ang-vs-f; em-us-ta, n.
and ern-m-tif f. " earnest," nom. ern-us-t (see GraflF, I. 429.).
Ang-tis-ti is connected in its first suffix with the first of the
Latin adjectives ang-us-tuy as also with tliat of the abstract
ang-cr. The Lithuanian, too, exhibits some abstracts with
two suffixes combined, of which the first is connected with
the as under discussion, and the latter with the ti discussed
above ; e.g., gyivaS'fi'S.m. "life," and rim-as-ti'S, m. "rest."'}*
* See Grimm, II. 368. and 371. /3.
t Also tlic Lithuanian abstracts mentioned at p. 1192, G. cd., §.844.,
are mascnline, and liave extended the suffix by an inorganic a, whidi is
suppressed
1340 FORMATION OF WORDS.
The former, after withdrawal of the second sufTix, answers to
tlic base of the Sauscrit infinitive jiv-as-i, " in order to
live ;" the latter to the above-mentioned (§. 935.) Grotbic rim-is
(theme rim-isaX "rest."" In ed-esi-s, "food" (theme edesia,
see §. 136.)> perhaps originally *' the eating/' and in deg^esi-s^
" the month August," as ** burning," I recognise the Sau-
scrit suffix as with the affix id, wliieh, in general, the Lithu-
anian loves to append to suffixes wliich originally terminate
witli a consonant. With reference to this I recall atten-
tion to the participles of the present and perfect (§. 787.).
937. To the Sanscrit appellatives mentioned in §. 933.
under B), correspond some of their literatim analogous
appellatives in Greek, as eK-os, eheiayog (§. 128.)= Sanscrit
sdra-s, "pond, water," as "flowing;" /xci^^y=man-a«, "spirit,"
as " thinking ;" 0XeY-oy= Vedic abstract bhurg-as, " shining ;"
[G. Ed. p. 1882.] pe-os = srS-i-as, " river '' (see p. 1372, Note 2,
G. ed., §. 933. 15) Note) ; ctkC-t-oj, " skin," as " covering" * ;
OTT-fl-oj, (see Curtius 1. c, p. 20 and cf. evora-fl-^yj) ; SxT^ (^f-
Sanscrit vdh-as, " driving, drawing") ; eir-oj, from f eic-oy=
Sanscrit vdch-as, from vdk-as ; t^k-o^, yev-oq. In Latin to this
class belong, e.g., ol-us, ol-er-is^ from ol-is-is, "greens," as
" growing ;" gen-uSffulg-ur, corp-us, ** body," as "made^' (see
p. 1069, Note f); pecus, pecor-is, "beast," as "tied up^^
(Sanscrit pasu-s, root pas, from pak, "to bind^) ; veU-tLs^ op-us
(^Sanscrit dp-as, "w^ork"). To the u arising from a of
the uninflected cases corresponds accidentally the corruption
wliich the Sanscrit suffix as has experienced in the form us,
by which neuter appellatives are formed which, for the
most part, accent the root (Unadi, II. p. 113). The follow-
ing are examples: chdksh-us, "an eye," as "seeing" (op-
suppresBcd in the nominative. In the genitive the words mentioned 1. c.
are smerchio^ &c.
♦ I^tin cu-ti'8, Sanscrit root tku^ " to cover," see Benf., Gr. Root-Lex.,
p. 611 ; and cf., with respect to the inserted r, the abstract x9*t-of.
t^
11
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1341
posed to the Vedie chdksh-as) ; ydj-usy " sacrifice T dlidn-us,
(also masc.) " bow/' as " slaying'' (root han, from dhan, "to
slay," ni-dhdna, " death") ; tdnus, " body," as " extended ;"
jdnus, "birth,"* in the Vedic dual (jdnuM), "the two
worlds," as " created" (S. V. II. 6. a. 17. 3.), in admirable
agreement with the Latin genus (Greek yevo^) of cognate
formation. The Vedic adjective jay-Hs, "conquering,"
irrespective of the weakening of the vowel, corresponds to
the above-quoted (§. 933. under C) adjectives like tards,
"quick." I regard, too, the sufiix w, which forms some
abstracts and appellatives, for the most part oxytone, as a
weakening of as. Examples are, sdch-is^ n. "lustre" (root
sach) ; arch-isy f. id. ; hav-is, n. " clarified sacrificial butter
(root hu, " to sacrifice") ; chhad-is (optionally masc), " roof
(root chad, "to cover") ; jyht-is, n. " sheen, [G. Ed. p. 1383.]
star" iyootjyui, "to shine"). Observe the accidental coin-
cidence, as respects the weakening of the vowel, with the
Gothic suffix isa from agis, " fear," &c. (§. 935.). Perhaps
the Latin cinis^ cin-er-is, from cin-is-is, belongs, in respect of
its suffix, to this class, in which case its original significa-
tion would be " the glowing ashes," and it would be radi-
cally akin to W^ kan, " to shine."
938. To the Vedic formations mentioned in §. 933. under
C), like 'chdkshas, " seeing," -mdnas, " thinking," at the end
of compounds, correspond, irrespective of their accentuation,
the numerous class of Greek bases like 'iepKc^ (aSepKe^, o|t/-
i€pK€^)f -aye^ (evaye^^ -Se^ej {iravSexe^)* -\al3e^ {evKa/Se^,
fie<To\al3e^)f and with a passive signification, e.g., -^atfie^ (vo-
\t/)9a06f, &c.)» ''^p^i>^9 (a/Lt^/Jpu^ec). In Greek, as well as in
Sanscrit, we must distinguish from this class of words the
possessive compounds, the last member of which is, in its
simple state, a neuter substantive base in ^h as, ey ; as, e.g.^
* In the Veda dialect, in this meaning, also mascnline, sec Wcbcr,
V. S., Sp. II. 74.
1342 FORMATION OF WORDS.
inifTir sumdnasy "having a good spirit, well-intentioned "' =
Greek evfieve^, nom. m. f. sumdmU, eiffievi^i (see §. 146.). To
the simple oxytone adjectives mentioned in §.933.C) as fardst
nom. m. f. tards, " hastening, quick,"'' corresponds in Greek
yfrevSe^y ifreviilj^f which stands to the corresponding abstract
yjrevSogf in a similar relation as regards accent to that occu-
pied by the tards mentioned above to tdras, " quickness.'"'
939. The suffixes ra and la, fem. rd, Id, I consider, on
account of the very common interchange between r and /
(see §. 20.), as originally one ; and I regard as class-
vowels, or vowels of conjunction,* the vowels wliich pre-
cede these liquids, as also the mutes it, t, and th, in several
[G. Ed. p. 1384.] suffixes given by the Indian Grammarians,
ara, ura, ira, dra, dla, ila, ula, aha, dka, ika, uka, airOf itra^^
utra, athu. With ra, la, a-la, i-la, Vrla, Ura, u-ra, are
formed base words like dtp-rd, " shining,'" iubh-rd, ** daz-
zling, white;'' bhdd-ra, "happy, good;" chand-rdf m.
"moon,'" as "giving light +; suk-h, "white'' (Ved. suk^-rd,
"giving light, shining") (root such, from suk, "to shine");
chap^'ld, ** tremulous, shaking'''' (root champ, "to move''');
tar-a-ld, "shaking" (root tar, tri, "to overstep," "to move
oneself") ; mud-i-rd, m. " voluptuary," chhidA-rd, m. " axe,
sword" (root chhid, "to cleave"); an-i-ld, m. " wind" (an,
" to breathe," cf. Irish anal, " breath") ; path-i-ld, m.
• The i and ^ of a small number of rare words, e.g,y pat-c-ra^ "moving
itself" (as sabst mwAc, pat-S-ra-s, "bird"), sdhS-ra, "good" (root sah,
" to endnre"), are perhaps the Gunas of the vowels i and u, which are
often foand inserted as copulatives.
t Regarding a-tra, i-tra, see p. 1108. The u of var'H-tra^ " upper
garment," as "covering," is either only a weakening of the a oia-ira^ or
the character of the 8th class, which is merely an abbreviation of the
syllable nu of the 6th, to which rar, vri^ belongs. It is certain that the v
of the radically and formally cognate Greek TKy-rpo-v belongs to the
verbal theme. Cf. the Sanscrit root tw/, CI. 1., "to cover."
I Cf. Latin candeo^ candd-la, the latter also as respects the suffix.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1343
"traveller'' pantlu "to go"); vid-u-rd^ "knowing, wise;""
bhtdnU-T&, m. " thunderbolt'' (6/iic/, " to cleave") ; harsh-u-ld,
m. " lover, antelope" (harsh, hrish, " to rejoice").
940. To this class of words belong in Zend m7qj^)m
suw-ra, "shining,"=^ iubh-rd (see §. 45.); ai^cJ^^jj suc-ra,
"shining, clear "=Ved. suk-rd; Ai^iAi^yq/ra, "mouth," as
" speaking" (cf. ^/^^j^H^yan/hii, §. 61.); asT^jj su-raj " strong"
(San. *iJ-r<i, " hero," root svi, contracted su, " to grow"). In
Greek this class of words is more numerous than in Sanscrit.
To adjectives like dip-rd-Sf correspond, [G. Ed. p. 1885.]
as regards accent also, such as Kaynt-po-^, Tu^-po-^y Kvy-po-^p
veK-p6-£ (cf. vcKvg, Latin necs, Sanscrit nas, "to be ruined"),
ylfvx'-po'^t \^i;j^-po-y, ^ew-po-f. In Latin to this class belong:
gna-rus, ple-ru-Sy pu-ru-s (Sanscrit pa, " to purify") ; ca-ra-s
(San. hain, " to love") ; pig-er, theme pig-ru; in-teg-er, theme
integ-ru. In the Gothic a remnant of this class of words
is found in the masculine base lig-ra, nom. lig-r-s, " couch."
The a of the Old High Grerman neuter theme tegar-a is
probably a later insertion (cf. p. 1112), but if not, the suffix
belongs to the Sanscrit as (see §. 93a), whither, most pro-
bably, dem-ar (likewise neuter), " twilight," compared with
the Sanscrit tdmas, " gloom," is to be referred. To San-
scrit adjectives like dip^d, " giving light," correspond the
bases bait-ra, " bitter," properly, " biting," and fag-ra,
"suitable, good" {ct fuUqfahyan, "to satisfy, to serve").
I refer the Greek suffix Ao, as originally identical with po,
rather to the Sanscrit ra than to fa, and therefore to the
oxytones mentioned above (§. 939.), dip-rd-s, subh-rd-s, I refer
the Greek 5ei-\a-f, av-Ko-g, I3rj'\6-g, Ja-Ao-j, arpeji-Ki-^f eiciray^
-\o-y, (Tiyti'Ko-^, ^iJw-Ao-f.* In Latin to this class belongs
sel-la, from sed-la (=Greek eS-pa), with a passive significa-
tion ; so Gothic sit-la, m., nom. sUrSf " rest," as " place
* The Tf and a> of aiyrj-Xo'S^ </>cid<i>-Xo-f, belong to the verbal theme
(cf. o-ty^-o-ca), and for the latter we may presuppose a verb ^ctdoca.
1344 FORMATION OF WORDS.
where sitting takes plaec,^/fM>-m/-&i, n. {nom. ace. fah-veU-l)
" stage/' The Old High German, in order to avoid the
harshness of two final consonants coming together, inserts
an a in the nominative and accusative singular, which theme
has often made its way into the oblique cases (cf. p. 1112),
and often assumes the weaker form of w, i, e. To this class
belong, e.g., the masculines sez-a-l or sezz-ii-l, '* a chair,"*'
[G. E(l. p. 1380.] sat-a-U " ^ saddle,'' also sai-u-l, sat-N^
sat-e-l; huot-i-l, " warder," mtir-huoUi-la, ** cmtodes murorum''^
(Graff, IV. B03.) \ fdzkencjel, '' foot-traveller'' (^Grimm, 11. 109.,
Graff, IV. 104.); bit-e-I, '*procusr pit-al-a, **procU nuptinrum
petitores^^ (Graff, III. 56.); stein-bruk-i-l, "stone breaker;"
sluoz-i'U " key,'" as " locking,"' accusative plural slaoz-i-ln ;
8l6z'i-h "pestle." The following are examples of Old
High German adjectives of this order of formation (Grimm,
II. 102.) : scad-a-lf " noxius,"" sUf-a-h " somnulentus, sprunk-a-l^
'* exuUanSf^ suik-a-h ** tacilurnusJ'^
Ml. To the Sanscrit formations like chajy-a-Id-s, tar'a-
'ld'8, " trembling" (see §. 939.), correspond, in Lithuanian,
dang-a-lu-s, " covering" (dengiu^ " I cover ") ; draug-a-la-x,
" the companion," masc, draug-a-la, fem. (drauga, " I have
communion with another") ; and, with passive signification,
myz-a-hi, (pi.) " urine" (^mtjzu, " mingo'''), wem-a-lai^ (pi.)
•* the discharged ;** in Greek, forms with a inserted, or with
e which has proceeded therefrom, as, Tf)ox-a-\d-^, rpait'e-Xo-^^
<TTwf>'e'\A-^, atS-a-Ko^f iiidaK-a-Ko-g, fxey-a-Ko (Gothic mik-i^
'la, nom. mik-i-r-s, Sanscrit root, mah, ** to grow"), e?ic-€-\o-f,
and the reduplicated iceK/ow^-e-Aa-j, 5uj7re/x^e-\o-ff, eintefnt-e-
\o-f. To vid'U-ra-8, ** knowing," correspond (jAeyv-po-g,
€X'V-po-S ; to forms like harsh-u-ld'Sf "lover, antelope,"
properly, " rejoicing," correspond, irrespective of accentuation,
ei(5-i/-\o-j (cf. vid-u-rd's), Kapm-v-Xo'^, The weakening, how-
ever, of the vowel of conjunction a to tJ, appears to have
been arrived at by the two languages independently of each
other ; so the Latin, in analogous formatives like tTem-U'
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1345
^lU'Sy get'-Vrlu'S, Blrid-u-lU'-Sy fig-u-la-s, ctng-u-lu-mi vinc-u-lu-mt
apeo-U'lu-m, teg-u-lthm, teg^u-la, reg-u-la, mus-cip^u-la, am-ic"
-U'lu-m, where the / may have had its influence in producing
u from a. As from a-la in Sanscrit we may deduce a-^a^
we may here call attention to Greek forms like (TTi^a-po^,
^av-e-pa-^f KaK-e-po^, and to Latin like [G. Ed. p. 1887.]
fen-e-r, gen-e-r (theme ten-e-ru^ gen-e-ruX if the e of the lat-
ter does not, on account of the r following, stand for i. To
the form ^ i-la (an-i-ld-s, " wind,'" as " blowing'') belongs,
perhaps, the Latin i-/i, in adjectives like ag-i-li-s, frag-i-U'Sf
fac-i'li'S doc't'li'8 (see §. 419. sub. f.), for which, if the con-
nection be justly assumed, we should have expected ag-i-
'lu'8, &c. I would draw attention to forms like imberbist
inermis, for the more organic imberbu-s, inermu-s (see §. 6.).
942. As secondary sufiixes, i; ra, 55 la {i-ra, i-la, ir-a, {-la)
form a small number of oxytone adjectives ; as, e. g.t asma-rdy
" stony,'' from dsman ," stone ;" madhu-rd^ *' sweet," properly,
" gifted with honey," from mddhu, " honey" (cf fxeOv); sri-ld,
** fortunate," Zend m9^7m sri-ra, from sri, " luck ;" pdniu-ld,
"dusty," from pdiiiii, " dust ;" phina-ld, "foaming," from phina,
" foam ;" midK-i-rd, midliU^ld, " intelligent," from mSdhd,
'* understanding.'*** In Greek this secondary formation also
of words is more numerously represented than in San-
scrit. I refer the vowel which precedes the p in all cases
to the base word, and take the e of words like ^dovcpo-g,
voae^po-^, Kpve-po-^, voe-po-^, ^ojSe-pcJ-f, SoKe-po-^t aKie-pa-^,
I3\al3€'p6-^, according to the measure of the termination of
* Perhaps the words would be better divided thus, mMhi-rd^ mcdhi-ld;
and we might recognise in the i the weakening of the a of the primitive
base, in the same way as, in Latin, the final vowels of the primitive bases
are weakened to t before various derivative suffixes ; e.g., cari-tas^ amari-
-tudo. The u of words like danturd, " having a projecting tooth," is pro-
ba})ly likewise only a weakening of the final vowel of the base word
{ddnta^ "tooth"), a weakening which the Gothic tunthu-s also has undt r-
gone in its simple state.
4 s
1346 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the base word, as the thinning or shortening of o, a, or i;.*
[G. Ed. p. 1388.] Conversely, lengthenings of o to i; (= co, see
§. 4.) also occur; hence, e,g,, vomj-po-g, fK^xfi^P^ l^- f"%^^
-e/y), olvfj-po-^. The old a, of which o, e, are the most common
corruptions, has maintained itself in iiwra-po-^ (later /xure-
-p^-c), Xfjra-f)o-^, (rOeva-po-^ — the latter from the base adevo^,
adiveg, the suSix of which corresponds to the Sanscrit as (see
§. 934.) — and in Kafxv-po-^, apyv-po-^f has been weakened to
i/.f A vowel of conjunction is found in aZ/Ltar-jy-pa-r, vSp-ri^
"po^. To pdnsU'ld'Sf "dusty,"" phSna-ld-s, "foamy,*** cor-
respond forms like piyrj-Ko-^ (s(farcely from piyea^, but from
/oTyoj, as above adeva-po^ from cr^ei'Of),xa/Lta-Ao-f, orco/xiJ-Ao-f
(for oTCi)/xa-\o-y). I would now, too, in departure from §. 4 19.,
rather refer to this class those Latin formations in & which
spring from substantives. Consequently the d after bases end-
ing in a consonant in forms like cam-d^is, augHr-d-li-s^ &c.,
would be to be regarded as a vowel of conjunction equally
with the Greek rj of the at/LtaT-i;-po-$',i5J/j-);-/oo-^, just mentioned.
The vowel relation of A to ^ /a, Ao, is the same as, e.g,, in
the genitive singular that of ped-is to pad-ds, voi-os.
943. To the Sanscrit primary suffix ri, which occurs
only in a few words of rare use, e.gr., in dnli-Tl-s^ and dngh-
-ri-j, masc, " foot,"" as ** going "" (root anh and angh, "to go "),
corresponds the Greek pi of tS-pt-g, lU-p/, for which, in San-
scrit, vid-ri-Sf -rU would be expected. The Latin has pre-
fixed to the suffix ri a vowel of conjunction in cel-e-r, theme
cel-e-ri, the i of w^hich, together with the case-sign, has
been suppressed in the nominative masculine. The ob-
solete root eel {ex-celhf prtB-ceUo) corresponds to the Greek
Ke\ (KeMw), whence oceAiyr, " runner/' and to the Sanscrit
sal (from kal), " to go, to run "'' (as yet not found as a verb).
♦ Cf. p. 1307, Note, G. ed.
t Cf. vv$, contrasted with tlie Sanscrit naktam (adv. "by night") and
Latin nox, and o-i^v( with the Sanscrit nakhd.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1347
To this class, moreover, belong, in Latin, [G. £d. p. 1389.]
put-e-r, theme put-rif and ac-er*, theme ac-rif which limit the
inorganic e to the nominative masculine^ where it cannot
be dispensed with after the i of the base is dropped. The
cause of the retention of the inserted e throughout the
word cel-e-T is the awkwardness of the combination Ir.
944. Of the words in Sanscrit formed with the suffix ra»
(they are collectively but few) there are only two in com-
mon use, viz. the adjective bhi-rd-u, " fearing, fearful," fem.
likewise bhi-ru-s, or bhi-^u-s, neut. bhi-ru^ and the neuter
substantive dk-^Ut ** a tear,"" which I look upon as a muti-
lated form of d&iruy and derive from dans, from dank, " to
bite" (Greek iaK). In Greek, SaK-pv corresponds to it, and
in Gothic, as far as the root is concerned, the masculine
tag-r-8f theme iagf-ra = Sanscrit ds-ra, neut, also "a tear.'*
For rft^ bhi-ru, " fearful,'' there exists also the form bhi-lv^
to which answers, in respect of its suffix, the Gothic ag-lu-s,
''heavy, cumbersome.'' To 6Ai-ril«, " fearing, fearful," cor-
respond the Lithuanian adjectives fcyriu-rw-s, "ugly "(cf.6iyai/,
"I fear," bai-ml " fear") ; bud-ri^a. " watchful'^ {bundu, '' I
watch," Sanscrit budh, "to know,"«aus. "to wake") ; ed-ruSf
" gluttonous ;" and some others from obsolete roots.
945. The Sanscrit suffix va, fem. vd, forms appellatives,
which express the agent, and also a few adjectives ; most of
them with the accent on the radical syllable. The most
current word of this class is ds-va-t, "horse" as " runner,"j*
which has been widely diffused over the [G. Ed. p. 1390.]
* The origintd meaning of ocer appears to be '^ penetrating;" and, like
ac-u-8, it seems to belong to the Sanscrit root as, from oA (see §. 925,
p. 1357, G. ed., Note t). Cf. the Sanscrit as-ri-s^ fem., "the sharpness
of a sword," which I would rather derive from ak, with the suffix ri, than,
with the Indian Grammarians, from m, " to go," with the prefix d
sliortened.
t Cf. the radically cognate di-d, '^ quick," see p. 1355 G. ed.
4 s2
1348 FORMATION OF WORDS.
coghate languages too ; Latin etpiu-s, Lithuanian dsz-wa, "a
mare," Greek nnro-y, from Tkko-^ (by assimilation from Tk-Fo-s),
Old Saxon ehu, in the compound ehu-scalc, ''servus equarius^"^
Zend xifdMM ai-pn (see §. 50.). The following are other
examples in Sanscrit of extremely rare use: kh&t-vd^ f.
"bed'' (root khatt, ''to cover''); pdd-m-s, "car," as "go-
ing ;" prush'va-St ** sun," as " burning." We find an ex-
ample of an adjective in rish-fxi, " affronting," as also in
the oxytone pak-vd, with a passive signification, " cooked,"
"ripe." In Gothic the adjective base las-i-vai nom. las'i-v-s,
" weak," from an obsolete root, appears to belong to this
class of words. In Latin, v must, after consonants, except
r, i and q (qu = cv), become u ; therefore uu =^ ta in adjectives
like de-cid'UU'S, oc-cidruu-s, re-sid-uU'St vac-uu-s^ noc-uu-s,
con-tig-uii'S, as-sid'Uu-s. On the other hand, de-cli-vu-s, tor-
-ru-s, prO'ter-vu'St al-vu-s (properly, ** the nourishing"). An
i as vowel of conjunction is found in cad-i-vu-s, recid-i-vu-Sf
vac-i-vu-s, noc'i-vu-s. To xf^i^ pak-v&s, ** cooked," ** ripe," cor-
respond, in respect to their passive signification, e.g„ per-
^spiC'Uu-Sj in-gen-uii'S, pro-mho-ua'S. In Greek the suffix
eu, in which I formerly imagined I recognised a Guna form
of the suffix V, may be explained by transposition from ta, Fo,
with the thinning of the o to e ; thus, e.g., Spofxev^, ypa^evg^
instead of the impossible Spofx-F6-^, ypatp-Fo-^ ; and in the
secondary formation, e.g., iTnrevg, properly, "gifted with
horses," from {tttt-F o-r. The Greek ev might also be deduced
from the Sanscrit va, regarding v as the contraction of va ; as,
e,g,i in ujri/05=»wipna-«, and the eas the vowel of conjunction,
whether it stand for a or for /. In the latter case, ipopL-e-v^
would answer to the above-mentioned (p. 1390 G. ed.) Gothic
[G. Ed. p. 1391.] base las-iva, and to the Lithuanian for-
* See Schmcller, ^^Ghssarium Sajcotiico-lMtinum," The genitive would
he eh-ua-8 or eh-ue-K ; so that the Bnffix has been retained very correctly
in this word.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1349
matioiis Vike sUg-i-U'S^ "thatcher;" zindz^-u-s,^ " who sucks
much and long'' {zindu, **Isuck"); pech-i-u-s, "baker's
oven"; czisch-i-u-s, "purgatory" (chist-iu, "I purify ").•!•
For tliis class of words, and the Greek in et/, there is, how-
ever, another source in Sanscrit to which we may betake
ourselves for their explanation. I mean the suffix yu,
which, like the Greek ei^, has the accent, and forms a small
number of words (see Bohtlingk's Unadi Affixes, p. 32),
among which are tas-yu-s, " thief" + ; jan-yu-s, " a living
creature,'' as "producing" or "begotten" (ctjan-tu-s, id.);
suiidh-yd'Sf '* fire," as " purifying." It also forms some
abstracts, as, 6Au/-yu-«, "the eating;" man-yu-s, "hate"
(Zend main-yU'S, " spirit," as " thinking") ; and, with t in-
serted, mri't-yu, m. f. n. " death." To this would correspond
in Lithuanian shyr-iu-s, " separation" (skirruj " I separate").
In Gothic, perhaps drun-yu-s, "clang," belongs to this class.§
946. As regards the origin of the suffix ^ t;a9 I believe
I recognise in it a pronominal base, which occurs in the
enclitic vat, " as" (according to form a nominative and accu-
sative neuter, see §. 155.), as also in t?d, "or," "as," and, besides
these, only in combination with other demonstrative bases
preceding, inter alia, in the Zend ava, **this" (see §.377.).
Perhaps, also, the reflexive base sva (§. 341.), on which the
old Persian huva, " he " (euphonic for /iva), is based, is
nothing but the combination of sa with [G. Ed. p. 1392.]
ra, the final vowel of the former being suppressed, as in
s-yot from sa-ya, "this" (§.353.).
947. The suffix van forms, a) adjectives with the signifi-
cation of the participle present, which occur only at the
* Dz for d, on account of the i following.
t Pott, too (E. I., II. p. 487), notices a possible rclationsbip between
the Greek safiix tv and the Lithuanian' lu.
X The root iasy '^ to take up," which has not yet been met with as a
verb, here probably signifies *^to take."
§ Cf. the Sanscrit dhvan^ ^' to sound," and see §. 20.
1350 FORMATION OF WORDS.
end of compounds, especially in the Veda dialect ; e.g,^
suta-pd'varij "drinking the Somaf'' vdja-dd-vatif "giving
food." 6) Nouns of agency, like rtk-van, *' extoller ;**** yq/^
-van, ** sacrificer."' c) Appellatives, e,g., rtift-van, " tree/* as
" growing ;" idle-van, " elephant," as ** powerful, strong."
The Zend furnishes a remarkable word of this class, viz.
yA5»2ksj zar-van, *' time," in which I recognise a word radi-
cally akin to the Sanscrit harA-m&n, which signifies ** time,"^
as " carrying away, destroying"' (see §. 795.). The Greek
ypovo'^* is referable, in my opinion, with equal facility, to
the Sanscrit root har^ hri, with which, in Greek, obsolete
root, X'^'P* '* ^^^ hand," as " taking," is also most probably
connected. The omission of the radical vowel in j(p6uo^y if
we refer the o to the suffix^ can occasion no doubt ; while the
suffix ovo admits of ready comparison with the Sanscrit-Zend
van. With respect to the necessary dropping of the di-
gamma, compare the relation of the suffix evr to the San-
crit vant ; and with reference to the vowel added to the
final consonant of the suffix, the relation of the Latin leniu
(with lent) to the same suffix (see §. 20.).
948. Tlie Sanscrit suffice nu (see §. 851.) forms oxytone
adjectives and substantives ; e.g., gridh-nu-s,** wistful, eager f**
iras-nU'S, "trembling, fearing;'" dhri^h-nu-a, "venturing,
bold" (fi, on account of the preceding sh) ; 6/id-nt/-9, " the
sun, as " giving light " dht-nu-s, f. " milch-cow," as " giving
[G. Ed. p. 1393.] to drink" (root dM, "to drink," with causal
signification) ; su-nu-s^ " son," as " bom." So, in Zend,
.M3;y«A)^ taf-nU'S, " burning" (see §. 40.) ; M5)fMxs!) rai-nu-s,
** straightforward, true"'j'; J^5;yi^f2^ barhh-nu-s, "high,
great," as substantive, " summit ''t; jattf-nu-s, "mouth,"" as
* Cf. Burnouf, "foudes," p. 107.
t Root jA5/raj»== Sanscrit ri} (from raj), whenco ri;6, "direct," see
Burnouf, " Yn^na," p. 105.
jBtVtT»=San.mA, Ved.^n*, "to grow," see Burnouf, '*Etude8,"p. 104.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1351
" speaking*" (sec §. 61.) ; in Lithuanian, mostly from obsolete
roots, drung-nu'S (also drung-na-s), " lukewarm f ' gadrnu-s,
" fit ;"" mac-nu'S, *' powerful " (cf. maci-s, " might,"' Gothic
mah'ts, Sanscrit manh, mahj "to grow," Latin mag-nus); szau-
-nu'S, "able, doughty" (cf. Sanscrit mv-ast " strength," id-
ra, "a hero'' (from su from »vi, ** to grow^") ; su-nu-s, " son"
= Sanscrit su-nu-a (ir 8u, *' to bear"). In Greek, compare
htyvv-^f which I have already elsewhere referred to the
Sanscrit root dah (infin. ddg-dfium, " to bum," to which the
Latin lig-num also belongs (see p. 1179 G. ed.). As femi-
nine, it answers to the Sanscrit dhi-nu-s and the Latin
ma-nu-a, in so far as the latter, together with mu-nu-s, be-
longs to the Sanscrit root md (see p. 1372 G. ed.. Note**).
And dpfj-vv^, too, in spite of the difference of accent, belongs
to this class.
919. The suffix snu (euphonic thnu) given by the Indian
grammarians appears to me essentially identical with nu,
and I regard the sibilant as an extension of the root, and,
in some cases, as an affix to the vowel of conjunction i.
Compare the relation of bhds, " to sliine," dda, " to give,"
mds, " to measure." to the more simple, more current, and^
in the cognate languages, more diffused roots, bhd, dd^ md,
and that of dhiksh, dhuksh, " to kindle," to dah, " to bum."
Similar is the relation of the adjectives gld-s-nu'S, ** wither-
ing," ji'Sh-ni'Si " conquering," bhu-sh-nu-s, or bhavUh-nus,
'* being." Hereto corresponds the Lithua- [G. Ed. p. 1394.]
man dus-nu-s, givmg {jda-mu I give ;.
950. There is a weakened form mi of the suffix ^ ma
discussed in §. 805. : it forms oxytone appellatives ; e.g.,
bhu-mUs, fem. " earth," as " being" (Latin hu-mu-s, cf.
p. 1077); ur-mUs, m. f. "wave"*; dal-mUs, m. " Indra's
thunderbolt," as " cleaving ;'' rai-^ni-s, m. " beam of light,
* Either from ar, ri, " to go," with u for a (see Unadi, IV. 45.), or
from var, vri, '^ to cover," with the contraction of va to u.
1352 FORMATION OF WORDS.
bridle." * Under this class of words is to be reckoned the
Gothic hai'7n{i)'8, f. (theme hai-mi), " village," from the
obsolete root hi with GuKa= Sanscrit sit from Id* " to lie,
to sleep ;" the plural, hai-mdst belongs to a base haimd.'f
951. The suffix W ka (a-ka, d-kch i-kaj nrka, u-ka, see
§. 939.) I regard as identical with the interrogative base ka,
which, however, as suffix, must be taken in a demonstrative
or relative sense, as indeed its representative also in New Per-
sian and Latin has both a relative and interrogative mean-
ing. In direct combination with the root, ka is not of
frequent occurrence in Sanscrit. The most current word of
this kind of formation is sush-kd-Sy " dry,'' the Latin sister
form of which siccus has probably arisen by assimilation
and weakening of the u to t from sus-cus. Tliat the s of
the Sanscrit root, for which, in Latin, c were to be expected,
has arisen from the dental F s, and not from A:, is proved
[G. Ed. p. 1395.] by the Zend ajjx^;^* hush-ka, " dry/'
Tlie j^ ch of the Sclavonic co\;ii*b »uch\ ** dry," is based
on the Sanscrit sh of the root (see §. 255. m.). The
Lithuanian form of this adjective is saus-a-s. With a^ka,
A'ka, i'ka, u-ka, are formed adjectives, and nouns of agency
or appellatives, which accent the root ; e.g., ndrt-a-ka-s,
"dancer," fem. ndri-a-ki, * female dancer;" ndy-a-ka-s,
" guide " (root ni with the Vriddhi) ; khdn-a-ka, " digging/'
fem. 'fid; jdlp-d-ka, " loquacious,'* fem. ht (Am. Ko., III. 36.) ;
khdn-ihas, "diffger;" mushA-ha-s, "mouse," as ** stealing"
root mu8h)\ kdm-vr^ca, "longing;" yhdi-u-ka, "destroying"
(root hatit '* to slay," causal ghdtdy). if-ha forms paroxytone
adjectives from frequentatives and jdgar, -gri, " to watch,"
* Akin, in the first tdgnification perhaps, to the roots arch^ ruck (from
ark, ruk, as raS from rak), " to shine," or to las^ " to shine." There is
no root rai,
t Regarding the European cognates of the Gothic word, see Glossa-
rium Sanscr., a. 1847, p. 350.
FOKMATION OF WORDS. 1363
thus only fi*om reduplicated roots, which, as it appears,
support their heavy build by a long vowel; hence, ^.jr.,
vdvad'U'/>a, " loquacious,'' jdyar-U'/ia, ** watchful." Hereto
correspond, irrespective of the reduplication, in Latin,
cad'U-curS and mand-u-ca-s^ Fid-u-cus, presupposes a pri-
mitive fid'U-cu'S or fidru-c-s* As u-ha, u-cUf is only a
lengthening of uhch ucu, so perhaps, the Latin, i-cu of
am-t'CU-Sf pud'i-^U'S, is a lengthening of the Sanscrit i-Aa,
while med'i-cU'Sf vom-i-cu-a, subs, vom-i^caf pert-i-ca (if it
comes from partioX have preserved the original shortness *.
The bases vert-i-Cy vort-i-Cy pend-i-Cy append-i-c, pdd-i-c (from
pido)y have lost the final vowel of the suffix. Under ^vni
d'kay is to be ranked the Latin d-c, with the final vowel
suppressed in bases like ed-d-Cy vor-d-c, fall-d-Cy ten-d-c,
retin-d'Cy sequ-d-Ct foya-d-c(as above jdlp-d'ha, " loquacious");
so too 6'C — as 6=^d, see §§. 3., 4. — in cel-d-c, vel-6-c (for vol-d-c),
fet'd^n In Greek, €J}vK'aKo-^ from a lost root (^t/Aao-o-o)
springs from ^v\aK), corresponds as exactly [G. £d. p. 1396.]
as possible to the Sanscrit formations like ndrt-a-ka'S, "a
dancer," and ff^ev-dK-^y for (jyev-oxo-^ (cf. <l>evdiai), to such as
jdlp^ka-Sy ''loquacious, chatterer,'^ and, in Latin, such as
loqu'dc-s. The base Krjp-vK for Ktjp-vKo^ likewise from an ob-
solete root, corresponds to the Sanscrit bases in uka, and
Latin in u-cu. To the above mentioned feminine ndrt-aki,
''dancer'^ (also nom.), corresponds, in point of formation,
the Greek yvv-aiK, in which I recognise a transposition of
yvvaKi (see §. 119.) ; for which, in Sanscrit, jdnakiy as " bear-
ing children,"'* would be to be expected, as feminine to the
actually existing jdn-aka-Sy " father," as *' begetter.'' — The
Sanscrit formations like khdn-i-ha-s, " digger," are most
truly represented in Lithuanian, of all the European mem-
bers of our family languages, by nouns of agency like
deg-i-ha-Sy " incendiary"(*fl'i^=SanscritcWA-d-tni,"I bum'');
* See Diinuer, ^^ The Doctrine of the Formation of Latin Words, "p. 87.
1354 FORMATION OF WORDS.
letd-i-kha-s, "wood-floater*" {liid-mu " I float wood");
kvl'i'hha-s, " thresher" {kuUu, *' I thresh, pret hulau). The
Gothic places as parallel to the Sanscrit a-kOf of khdn-a-ha,
"digging," the suffix a-ga'f in grM-a-ga] n. m. yrAi-a-^'-a^
"hungry," properly, "desiring" (Sanscrit root gridh) from
gradh, " to crave."
952. It is probable that the n of the forms in ng (theme
nga) which occurs in all the German languages, with the
exception of Gothic, with a vowel preceding (i or u), is an
unessential insertion, just as, according to §. 56. \ in Zend
forms like mananhof for manaha = Sanscrit manasd. If this
be the case, we may compare Old High German forms like
[G. Ed. p. 1397.] kun-ingt " king" (also kun-ig), theme kun-
'inga, with Sanscrit formations in a-ka (ndrt-akds, " dancer/**
p. 1395 G.ed.), and Greek in a-zco-f, (^wVa-ico-y, 1. c), which
I prefer to do, rather than regard the i as existing even
from the time of the unity of languages ; and I therefore
compare i-nga with the Sanscrit i-ka, e.g., in l-hdn-i-ka-s,
" digger" (I.e.). The original meaning o{ kun-in-g was
probably "man,'' kut efox^yv, as the English "queen" is, pro-
perly, merely " woman" (cf. Gothic qveind-ys, " woman"
= Sanscrit lif^jdni-a, "woman," as "bearing children"),
and corresponds in root and suffix to the above-mentioned
(p. 1396 G. ed.) Sanscrit jdn-a-korf, " father," as " begetter."
Should, too, in the often-mentioned abstract substantives in
ungat, the guttural be the principal letter, and the last
syllable, therefore, the most important part of the suffix,
then ungOt e.gr., in heU-ungot " healing" (Grimm, II. 360.),
must be compared with the Sanscrit feminines in a-Ad, e.g..
« The donbling of the consonants very commonly serves in Lithoanian
only to mark the shortness of the preceding vowel, see Kurschat, '' Con-
trihations,'* II. p. 82.
t Regarding the medial for the original tennis^ cf §. 91. p. 80.
: Sec §. 803. and p. 1275 G. ed.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1355
in khdn-^L'hd, *' the digging,"" and we must assume that this
feminine adjective form has raised itself in the German
languages to an abstract; as, e.g., in Greeks KaKti comes from
the adjective KaKo-g, Kaiclj, and, in Latin, forms like fracturaf
rupiura, are evidently nothing but the feminines of the
future participle. In English, as is also frequently the
case so early as the Anglo-Saxon, iny represents our ung
as a formative of abstract substantives ; and since adjectives
are formed in ing, this termination has, in New English,
utterly and entirely dislodged the old participle in end,
while in Middle English the forms in end and ing still co-
exist (Grimm, I. p. 1008.). I therefore -am not of opinion
that, as Grimm, in the second part of his Grammar (p. 356),
assumes, the New English participles are [G. £d. p. 1398.]
corruptions from end, as e does not readily become i, whence
it has often itself been, by a corruption, derived.
953. As a secondary suffix, ka (i-ka, u-ka) forms, in San-
scrit, words of multifarious relations to their primary word.
To forms like rnddronka-s, aindhvrha-s, ** native of the land
Madra, Sindhu,'" bdla-ka-s, " boy," from bila, of equivalent
meaning, sita-ka-s, '* cold weather," ''the cold season of the
year," " a slothful man,"" from ittd, " cold," correspond, as
regards formation, the Grothic adjective bases daina-ha,
" stony " vaurda-ha, " literal,'' un-bama-ha, " childless," un-
hunsla-ga, " without offering, not distributing" (hunsF-s,
theme hunsla, " offering"), aina-han, " sole" (the latter with
inorganic n)*; and, with g for h (see §. 951., conclusion),
mSda-ga, "ireful," auda-ga, "happy" (aud, theme auda,
" treasure **)» handu-ga, "dextrous, skilful, clever," in the
nominative masculine, handorg^ciys. The last example
answers well to the above-mentioned Sanscrit dndhu-ka-^,
and it might, therefore, be expected, that also from the
* So the substantive base, occurring only in the plural brdihra-han
(transposed from brothar-han), nom. brdtkra-han-s, '' brother."
1356 FORMATION OF WORDS.
bases grMu, " hunger/' vidUm, " splendour/" not grida-g-a,
" hungry," vuUha-g^-s, " famed/' would come, but only
gridu-g^'S, vulthu-g'-s. Perhaps, however, the preponderating
number of the adjective bases in a-ga, nom. m. a-gs, which
come from substantive bases in a, has had an influence on
the formation of the adjectives derived from grSdu, vufthu,
and given them, by an abuse, a for u ; or the said adjec-
tives come from lost substantive bases gr6da,vuhha (cf.§. 914.),
which, perhaps, for the first time after the production of
the adjectives referred to, have been weakened to gridu^
ruAAtt, just as the Sanscrit bases pdda^ " foot," danta, " tooth/'
[G. Ed. p. 1399 ] have become, in Gothic,/d/u, tunthu. The
Gothic substantive bases in i lengthen their final vowel
before the suffix ga to ei; hence, e,g,, anstei-ga, " favourable,'*
mahtei-ga, " powerful/' listei-gaf " subtle,'' from the femi-
nine primitive bases anstU " grace," mahtu " might,"
liaiif " subtilty." Feminine bases in ein, nom. <?i, produce,
in like manner, derivatives in ei-ga ; as, e.g,, gabei-gay from
gahein, n. gabeU " riches /' and so, too, the neuter base
gavairthya, "peace" (nom, gavairthi), whence gavairthei-gOf
** pacific/' As several abstract feminine bases in ein come
from adjective bases in a (see p. 1306 G. ed.), so, perhaps,
from slna, nom. sin(a)-», " old/' may have come an abstract
sinein, '* age /' and hence sinei-ga, " old," i.e. " having age /'
and for thiudei-ga, " good," I presuppose a feminine base
thiudein, " goodness'' (from thiuda, n., nom. thiuih, " good ").
Of verbal origin is lats-ei-goy "teaching" (from lais-ya, "I
teach/' pret, lais-ei-da) ; and so, andanhn-ei-ga, " accepting,"
may have sprung, not from the above-mentioned (§. 914.)
base andcinimoj " acceptance," but from a to-be-presupposed
weak verb anda-nSmya. In New High German the t of
words like stemig, " starry," gilnstig, " favourable," hr'dftig,
" powerful," mdcblig, " mighty/' has won for itself tlie ap-
pearance of an important portion of the suffix, the more,
as it has kept its place without reference to the primary
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1357
word ; and hence, e.</., we equally find steinig, '* stony/'
mvthigf " mettlesome/' answering to the Gothic bases ttaina-
'ha, mddcMfOy and, with more exactness, miichtig, corre-
sponding to the Gothic mahtei-ga.
954. The Gothic adjective bases in iska, our isch, I should
be inclined to derive from the genitive singular, although
this ease does not correspond universally with exactness to
the adjectives under discussion ; e. g., the anomalous genitive
funins, " of the fire,'' does not correspond to funisk(a)'Sf
" fiery," in the same way as gudis, " of God," barnis, ** of
the child," to gudi8k(a)'S, " godlike," barrusk(a)'Sf " childish."
The circumstance, however, that also in Lithuanian, Let-
tish, Old Prussian, and Sclavonic, there [G. Ed. p. 1400.]
are adjectives in which a sibilant precedes the k of the
suffix under discussion, induces me to prefer looking on
this sibilant as a euphonic affix, on account of the favour
in which the combination sh is held, that we may not be
compelled to assume for the said languages a suffix sha,
szkn, cko sko, which would meet with no corroboration in the
Asiatic sister languages. The following are examples in
Lithuanian : dieto-i-szha-s, " godlike," from diewa-s ; wyr^-t-
'szka-s, " manly,** from wyra-s ; lefrnv'-i'Szha'S, Lithuanian,
from letuwa; dang^ i- skza-s, "heayenly,^^ {rom dangu-s: in
Old Prussian, deiiv-i-ska-s, " godlike," from demiays; tatv-
'i'ska-s, "paternal," from ianiaj-s; anv-i'Ska-s, " veracious,"
from anvi-s, " true " (Nesselmann, p. 77) : in Old Sclavonic,
^ENCkbn schen'-skyt (nom. m. of the definite declension, see
§. 284.), *yeniininu8,^'' from ^ena schena, "woman ;" MO^iiCkbiii
mor-skyi, " marinus,^^ from MOf B worp, theme moryo (§. 258.),
" sea ;" mg-bZKbPi mir-skyfi, " mvndanvsr from Mij !> mir\
theme miro, "world" (see Dobrowsky, p. 330). The sup-
pression of the final vowel of the primitive base points to
the circumstance, that in the Sclavonic formations also of
this kind a vowel universally preceded the suffix. It is most
probable, too, that the cr of the Greek diminutive formation
1358 FORMATION OF WORDS.
in i-CKOf i-CTKYi (irati'i'a'Ko-^, iratiri-o^fcri, 0T6^ai^-/-cricoj), is
only a phonetic prefix. In support of this view we may
refer to the euphonic s, which, in Sanscrit, is inserted be-
tween some roots beginning with k and certain preposi-
tions*, e.g.9 in parishhart ^hri, " to adom,'^ properly, "to put
around/' Compare, also, the Latin s in combinations like
abscondot abspettot abstineot ostendo (for d)stendo).
[G. Ed. p. 1401], 955, In Latin I regard the i of words
like belli'CU'Sf caoli-cu-s, domini-cU'Sf um-cu-s, auU-cu-Sp as a
weakening of the final vowel of the base word, like
the i before the suffixes tdi and tudin and at the be-
ginning of compounds. I compare here the said word
with the Sanscrit like rnddra-ka-s, bdla-ka-s, sindhu^ha'S,
and Gothic like 8tain(i-h((i)'8, m6da'^cL)'S, handug{a)'9. In
words like cvci-<U'Si ctassi-cu-s, hosA'Cu-s, the t demonstrates
itself to belong to the primitive base, while the i, which is
appended to bases terminating in a consonant, e.g., in urbi-
CU'S, patri-cus, pedi-cfu and that, too, in the Latin ablative
plural (p£>(it-6u«=Sanscrit pad-bhyds), and in compounds like
pedi-seqvus, have been first introduced in Latin to facilitate
the combination with the following consonant, on which
account I am unwilling to place such words, with respect
to the t before their suffix, on the same footing with San-
scrit words like hdimanf-i-kd'S, " wintry, cold,^ from hi-
mantdf " winter f dhdrrn-i-kd-s, " virtuous, devoted to
duty,'' from dhdrma, "duty, right;" dJcsh-t-hd-s, "dice-
player," from ahshdy " dice." To these, however, corre-
spond, with respect to accentuation also, Greek derivatives
like 7ro\6/x'-i-iC(J-$', a5€\0*-i-#co-y, ce/xTreX'-i-ico-y, a)/)*-i-#co-y, dor'-
-i-ico-y, prjTop-t-KOr^j iaifwV'i'KO'^, af)a)/xaT-i-#co-s'» yepovT'i-Ko-^.
To Sanscrit forms in which the suffix is appended with-
out the intervention of any vowel, as above slndhu^ha-s,
corresponds, irrespective of the accentuation, do-riz-ico-ff. Re-
♦ See my " Smaller Sanscrit Grammar," 2d Edition, p. 62.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1359
garding the Greek formations in Ti-#co-f, from to-be- presup-
posed abstract bases in n, see p. 11 98 G. ed., Note.
956. The Sanscrit suffix tu, with its cognates in the
European sister languages, has already been considered as
a formative of the infinitive , The cor- [G. Ed. p. 1402.]
responding Gothic abstracts, like the Latin (§. 865), have
exchanged the feminine gender with the masculine, and
preserved the original tenuis under the guard of a preced-
ing 8 OT ht but, after other letters, changed it to d or th
(cf. §. 91.), The suffix is either added direct to the verbal
root, or to the theme of a weak verb terminating in d, or
to an adjective base in a, lengthening this vowel to 6 (see
§. 69.). To this class belong vahs-lu-St " growth C kus-tu-s,
** proof;" luS'tU'S, " desire ""f; thuh-tu^s, " prejudice T vratd-
'du-s, *' journey ;" auhyd-du-s, " noise f ' manntskd-dU'S,
" humanity'' (from manniskaf nom. mannisJi'S, " human") ;
yabauryd'dus, "desire, pleasure" {ct gabauryorbat adverb,
" willingly, voluntarily"). Davrtku-s^ " death," properly,
** the dying ;" is radically connected with the Greek
Oavaro^t and the Sanscrit han, from dhan, "to slay""
ini-dhanA, " death") ; and has vocalised the n of the obsolete
root to u (cf. §. 432.). In Sanscrit, a-thu^ the th of which I
regard as a mutation of t^ forms some masculine abstracts
from verbal roots ; e.jr., vamr^L'thii-s, " vomitus;^'* vip^a-ihii'S,
" the trembling ;" nand-a'thu-s, " joy f ' svay^a-thu-s, " the
tumefying" (iri, " to grow").
957. With the suffix tu in Sanscrit are formed also
nouns of agency and appellatives, some of which accent
the root, and some the suffix ; e.g., gAn-tu-s, "traveller" (gam,
" to go") ; tdn-tU'S, "thread" (ton, " to stretch") ; bhA-tu-s,
" sun" (bhA, " to shine") ; y&-tu-s, " traveller" (yd, " to go^^);
* See §§. 852., 863., 862., 863., 866., 866., 868.
t Probably from /tt« ( = Greek Xv, Sanscrit lu) ; so that it properly sig-
nifies "loosening," or "letting go."
1360 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1403.] jan-tii'S, " animal,** as " producing," or
" produced." So in Gothic, hlif-tu-s, "thief,'' as " stealing"
(cf. #c\eir-Ta)); skil-du-s, "shield," as "covering''*: in Greek,
fiapir-rvg in Hesych., if the form is genuine, and /xap-nJ-j,
which Pott, as it appears to me rightly, traces back to the
Sanscrit root smri (ie. smar), **to recall," to which the
Latin memory and Old High German mdriu, also belong.f
With the above-mentioned (§. 933., Note t) Vedic jiv-A-tu-s,
m. ** life," might be compared, as regards the inserted 4,
the abstracts from nominal bases in Latin WVe prlncip-d-hi'Sy
consul-A-lU'St patron-A-hi-s, triumvir 'd-t us, trihuri'd-tU'S,
sen-d-tu-s. These, however, are, as it were, only imita-
tions of the abstracts, which spring from verbs of the first
conjugation + ; as also sen-d-tor answers to nouns of agency
like am-d'tor; and jan-i-tor (from yani/a, with the suppres-
sion of the two final vowels), of-i-tor (for oler-i-tor, just like
opifex for oper-i-fex), to those like mon-i-tor. So in Greek,
aKpio^yjp from oLKpo; and as rij-^ and rrfp are originally one
(see §. 810.), numerous denominative formations in tj;-?, like
Sfifio^rrj-g/nnro TYf-^f iro7i['Tif-£,K<afJj'Trj^£,^il3apl^nj'g, HiCarTrf-^,
AtytvYJ-rri'^. I believe, too, that I may refer to this class patro-
nymics in t-irf-g or Si;-?, as KeKpov-l-itj-^t Meiivov-iStf^, Kpov-i-
-J>/-y, *IinroTa-J>7-yt Bopea-Stj-gf as I assume a change of the
tenuis to the medial, as in the Latin forms like tim-i-dus (see
§. 822.). It may here be observed, that the Greek patrony-
mics in 7-a)v (theme t-tav or l'Ov)f too, stand, in respect to their
[G. Ed. p. 1404.] suQlx, if we regard wv, ov, as the impor-
tant part of it, combined with a class of words, which is
originally destined for the formation of nouns of agency
(see §. 926.), which is also the case with the feminine pa-
• Cf. skal-ya^ ^"^ fegula,** and the Sanscrit root rhhad (aoc §. 14.), *M<)
cover," / therefore from d (sec §. 17.).
t See Glossarhim Snnacr., a. 1847, p. no*2.
: Cf. Pott, M. p. r>54.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1361
tronymics in iS, since the corresponding Sanscrit it as femi-
nine of a, forms both feminine nouns of agency and appel-
latives with the fundamental meaning of a participle pre-
sent (e.g.t nadh *' river,*" as " purling," from naddf id.), and
feminine patronymics like bh&imi'(3ee §. 920.)*
958. Some few suffixes still remain to be discussed, which
occur only in the secondary formation of words : among
them is the Sanscrit iyut fern, ^ydj which is used for a
purpose similar to that of ya, according to §. 901. In its
origin, too, iya appears identical with ya, and to be only a
phonetic extension of the latter. The accent in forma-
tions in iya rests either on the final syllable of the suffix,
or on the first syllable of the entire word ; e.g., cUr'-^yd-s,
" descendant of Atri f' dds^-iyd'S, ** son of a slave,'' from
ddsa; gdu-ii/d-m, ** bitumen," from giru **a mountain;"
vrdih*'iyd'm, "rice-field," from vriliU " rice ;" mdh'-Syd-s,
** earthen," from mahi ; pdiirws/i'-^ya-s, "referring to men,"
" consisting of men," from purusha ; dh'-Sya-s, " anguinuH,^
from ahu ** anguis ;" grdiv-^ya-m, " belonging to the neck,"*
from grivdf ** throat, neck." To the three last examples
correspond also, in throwing back the accent as £ar as pos-
sible, Greek words like Aeovr-eio-y, heovr- eo-y, ary-eio-f, rpay-
-e/o-j, aiSrjp-etO'^t apyvp-eio-^. To this class belong, in Latin,
words like pic-eu-s, ciner-eu-s, flor-eu-s, aer-eu-St argent -eu-s,
aur-eu-s, ign-eu-s (cf. Pott Etym. Inq., II. 502.). In these
formations, therefore, and in the Greek in eo-r, the Sanscrit
diphthong of A which is contracted from ai, has left behind
only its first element in the shape of e, e (as in eKarepo-^
= Skatard-s, see §. 293.); on the other hand, [G. Ed. p. 1405.]
in pJeb-^ju'S, the Sanscrit suffix iya (y=Latin/) has been re-
tained with the utmost exactness, and so, too, in some pro-
per names, asPomp^'^ju'S, Petr-iju-s, Lucc-iju-s (see Diintzer,
*' Doctrine of the Formation of Latin Words,'' p. 33).
939. Tlie secondary suffixes vat, mat, in the strong cases
vuut, mant, which form possessive adjectives from substan-
- 4 T
1362 FORMATION OF WORDS.
tives, are perhaps simply phonetic extensions of the pri-
mary suffixes van and man (of. §. 80a) ; and, on the other
hand, vin and min, e.g., in iijas-vin, *' gifted with light,''
midhd'Vin, "intelligent," svA-min*, "lord, owner'' ("gifted
with his own («?a")), have been formed by weakening the
vowel from van and man. It is most probable, too, that
vant and mant^ as also van and man, are originally one, as
t; and m are easily interchanged. A comparison has already
been drawn between vanff and the Latin knt, extended to
lentu. In Greek the suffix evr (from Fcpt) corresponds, which,
as is usually done by its Sanscrit sister-form vant, allows the
accent to fall on the syllable which immediately precedes ;
hence, e.g., SoKo-evr, d/xweXo-evr, vT^-evr, ro\fJLi^€vr,7rvp-6'€VT9
fieXiT'O-evT, SaKpv^o-evT, /xiyTi-o-eio", as in Sanscrit, e.g., dhand-
-vant, ** rich,'' from dhdna, " riches ;" midhd-vant, ** intelli-
gent," from midhd, ** understanding T lakshmt-vant, " for-
tunate,'' from lakshmi, " fortune."
960. The suffix mr tana, f. tani, forms adjectives from ad-
verbs of time. They accent optionally the first syllable of the
suffix or the syllable preceding, e-jr.. hyas-tdna-s ovhyds- tanas,
*' hestemus,^'' fromAyas,**yesterday;" ivastdna-sOTsvds^ana'S,
[G. Ed. p. 1406.] **crajstinus,'^ from kvas, " to-morrow ;" sdyan^
'tdna-s or sdydn- tanas, " vespertinns,^^ from sdyam, "at even-
ing" (properly an accusative); sand-tdna-s or sand-tana-s,
" sempiternus,'''* from sand, " always." In Latin corresponds,
as needs hardly be mentioned, tinu in cras-tinu-s, diu-tinu-s
(cf. divd'tana-s, "daily," (?) from divd, **in the day"), priV
'tinU'S ; lengthened to tinu in vesper-tinu-s, matu'tinU'S.X
* The Indian GrammariauB refer the d, which I regard as the length-
ening of the a of the primitiye base, to the suffix.
t See §. 20., and '^ Influence of the Pronouns on the formation of
Words," p. 7.
t Mdt{i (an adverbial ablative like noct(i\ which is to be presupposed
as base word, is perhaps connected with the Sanscrit bhdtu, "sun;" so
that
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1363
The fonns hestemus, sempiiernus, ceternus, have either pre-
fixed an inorganic r to the n, or they presuppose hesfer,
sempiter, ceter ({evUer), as primitives (c£ §. 293.)i so that only
nu would be the derivative suffix. The former view is
favoured by the forms hodiernus, nocturnus, and some others,
which have probably first appended the suffix nu, and then
further prefixed an r to the n (ef. albumus from albuSf
lucema from luceo).
961. As regards the origin of the suffix tana, I look upon
it as a combination of the pronominal bases ta and na^ a
combination which occurs in Old Prussian in the indepen-
dent pronoun tans (from tana-s), " he T fem. tennA (for
ta-no), "she." So the suffix tya^ which forms paroxytone
adjectives from indeclinables, as ihd-iya-s, " a man of this
place/' iatr&tya-Sf " a man of that place/' is probably
identical with the compound demonstrative base tya (see
§. 353.), and therefore, in the said examples, denotes the
person, who is here (t/ta), tliere (tatra). So, too, as has
already been remarked (§.400.), in Greek, evda-cio-^ (in
Hesych,), comes from evda (thus, -aio-s from tio-j) ; and in
Latin, propi'tiU'S, from prope ; and in [G. Ed. p. 1407.]
Gothic, the base framaihya (nom. m. framatheis, ** alienvs^^
"strange''), from the preposition /ram, "from," whether it
be that yrama is the original form of the preposition, or that
the a of the derivative is a vowel of conjunction. The
base ni'thyat nom. nithyi-Sf "cousin,'' as '* propinquus,^'' I de-
rive from the same preposition ni (** among"*), whence, in
Sanscrit, ni-hatd-s, ** propinquus /" ni'tya-s, " sempitemiw.'*
Another Sanscrit word of this class which has sprung from
a preposition is amd-tya-Sf " counsel," properly, " conjunctas^^
from amAf ** with :" I also refer here dpatya-m, " offspring,
child," in spite of its different accentuation (see Naigh.,
that the labial mute of the root bhd, "to shine/ passes over into the nasal
of its organ, as is also probably the case in mdne.
4 T 2
13G4 FORMATION OF WORDS.
II. 2., and Benfey's Gloss, to the S. V.), as I derive it, as
I formerly did, from the preposition dpa.
962, The demonstrative base sya, fem. syd (see §. 353.),
which is limited in classical Sanscrit to the nominative
singular, with which, most probably, the genitive termina-
tion sya is connected (see §. 194.), lias, in the secondary for-
mation of words, likewise its presumptive equivalent, viz. in
the now but seldom foun^ sya (euphonic shy a), through which
manM-|Aya-«, "man,'' is formed from manii,''Mauu,''and JA^/iti-
'shya, ** a cow tied up (to be milked)," comes from dhinu.^ If
words of this kind have originally been numerous, we might
then refer to this class the Latin riut which is always pre-
ceded by an d, and assume the favourite transition of s into
r, thus, e.g., tabeW-d-riu'Sf palrn-d-riu-s, arbor-d-riu-s, a*r-d'
'tiU'S, tign-d-riU'Sf actu'd-riu-s, conlr -d-riu-s, adver,s-d'rius,
priTn-d-riU'-s, secuncT-d-riU'Sf from tabelT-d'siu'S, &c. But
if the r of these forms is primitive, riu might be regarded
as an extension of the suffix n = Sanscrit ft: ri (see §. 943.),
as together with palm*-d'riU'S there actually exists a form
[G. Ed. p. 1408.] palrn-d-ri'S. The d can in neither case
be referred to the proper suffix, but is to be regarded as
that of forms like princip-^-ta-St sen-d-fu-s, sen-d-tor (see
p. 1403 G. ed.)
963. The Latin d-riu guides us to the Gothic suffix
arya, to which, however, I can concede no affinity to the
former, whether it be that the Latin r is primitive, or
has arisen from s. The Gothic is unacquainted with any
interchange between the 9 and r, and we must therefore
allow the r of the said suffix to pass as original. It forms
nouns of agency, and, in the secondary formation, words
which denote the person who is occupied with the matter
denoted by the base word. To this class belong the mas-
* The Indian Grammarians form both these words with the raffix ya
with fh prefixed.
FORMATION OF WORDS. 1365
culine bases lais-arya, '* teacher" {lah-ya, **I teach '^); s6k-
-arya, '* examiner" (.sdfc-ya, " I seek''); Uuth-arya, "singer"
(liuthd, **1 sing''); hdU'-arya, "scribe" (6dA:a, theme bdkd,
"letter," pi. 6dW», ** writings"); md^-orya, "toll-gatherer"
{mdta, "toll, custom"); vult-arya, " fuller" (vtiffa, "wool").
The nominatives are, lais^reis, sdh-areis, &c, (see §. 135.).
A neuter is vagg'-arya, nom. vagg-ari, " pillow for the head "
(Old High German, wanga, " cheek "). It is perhaps by
an accident that the sources of Gothic literature which
remain to us supply no nouns of agency from roots of
strong verbs : these, however, are not wanting in the other
Germanic dialects. The following are examples in Old
High German, of which I annex the nominatives : scrib-^ri,
"scribaf^ bet-eru ** adorator ;'"" halt-Arif " aervator f^ helf-dre,
'* adjutorf' aba'nem'&rit *^ 9u8ceptor f" sez-ari, *' conditor;
Iroum'Sceid'ari, *' interpres somnii,'* " interpreter of dreams.
The following are examples derived from nouns : garC-erij
" hortulanus f* hunC-erU ** centurio /" mumz^'erU "monetarius;
havan-ari, **Jigulus^^ ("potter"); saiaV-arit *' ephippiarius
("saddler"); u'^^/m -an,"rft f^arit£«"("cartwright"); vran-
honS-vurt-ari/* Francofurtensis^ In [G. Ed. p. 1409.]
New High German this class of words is very numerously
represented by nouns of agency, as Geber, " giver ;" Seher^
"seer;" Denker, "thinker;" Binder, "binder;" Springer,
" springer ;" Laufer, '* runner ;" Trinker, " drinker ;" Schnei-
der, " cutter ;" Streiter, " striver ;" Backer, " baker ;" Fan-
^6T, "seizer;" /j^^'efc^-r, "weaver ;" /'orsc/ter, " prover ;" &W4er,
"seeker;" Z>re/<er, "turner;" Brauer, " brewer ;" and deno-
minatives, like Odrtner, " gardener ;" Schreiner^ "joiner ;"
Topfer, '• potter ;" Ziegler, *' tiler ;" Wagner, *' cartwright*;"
Frankfurter, " inhabitant of Frankfort :" Maimer, " inhabi-
tant of Mainz;" Berliner, "inhabitant of Berlin." The
ss
1$
n^
*t
♦ Regarding the difference of the vowel before the r, and especially as
to this class of words, sec Grimm, 11. p. 1*25.
1366 FORMATION OF WORDS.
following are examples in English : " giver, singer, killer,
bringer, seller, brewer ; glover, gardener, wagoner."" Per-
haps the Gothic arya is on one side an extension, and on
the other a mutilation of the Sanscrit suffix Mr, iri (see
§. 810.) ; an extension by adding the suffix ya, as above*,
in Mr-us-yds, "parents,'' as "bearing children," we have
seen the Sanscrit suffix u$h (from vas) in combination with
ya; and a mutilation by dropping a ^-sound (t, th, or rf, see
§. 9.) ; thus, e.g., laisarya, " teacher," from laistarycu, just as,
in French, the t of the Latin frater^ paler, mater, has disap-
peared in the tovms frere, pere, mere, and that of the sufiix
tor in the nouns of agency in ear, in forms like sauv-eur
{=^ salvator), port-evr, verul-eur { = venditor). If the form
was once arya, and obtained from tdr, which corresponds
to it in the different German dialects, it might then easily
have extended itself as well over roots as nominal bases,
to which the perfect form with the initial t-sound had
never been appended. A form like Geb-ter or Gebder, for
Geber, " giver,'' could never have existed ; perhaps, how-
ever, in Gothic, a base gif-tarya may have existed, the /
of which for b, after dropping the t, became again 5 (as in
[G. Ed. p. 1410.] the pret pL, e.g., gibum compared with
the sing, gaf, gaf-t), therefore gibarya, to which our GAer
would correspond.
COMPOUNDS.
964. In the Indo-European languages the verbs are
compounded with scarce aught but prepositions, which in
Sanscrit are always accented, and some of which, except
in the Veda dialect, never occur in the uncompounded
state. I annex some Sanscrit verbs compounded with
'^ See §. 788., and, with reference to analogous extensions in LilKoanian,
§. 787.
COMPOUNDS. 1367
prepositions in the 3d. person of the present : ddhi-gach-
chhaii, "he goes thither;" antdr-gachchhatU "he goes
under ;" dpa-kramatU " he goes oflF ;" abhi-gachchhati, ** he
goes towards, he approaches f dva^akandati, ** he descends ;"
pdrd-^artcUi^ "he returns;'' pdri-gachchhoiu "he goes
round ;" prd^ravati, ** he runs away ;'' prdti-kramaiU ** he
gives way;" prdti-bhdshati, " he answers, he speaks
against ;** prdti-padyatit " he arrives ;'' nish-kramaVu " he
comes forth ," sdn-gachclihati (euphon. for sam). " he comes
together." Compare, without reference to the verbal root,
in Greek, dirol3atv€i, dfi<f>il3atvet, Trept/Saivet, itpo^aivei, itpo^
^aivei {^po£ from wpor/, see §. 152. p. 167), avyi^alveii in
Latin, adiit inleriU obit, ambit, obiU procedit, congreditur : in
Old High German, umbi-cdt, umbe^dt, " he goes round ;"
urUar-gdtf " he goes under :" in Gothic, at-gaggllh, ** he goes
to;" af-gaggUK " he goes away;" bi-qvimUh, ** he overtakes"
(qvimith, "he comes^'') , bi-gairdith, "he girds;" fra-Ullth, "he
abandons :" in Lithuanian, isz-ettU " he goes out" (ts:2r = f^
nis) ; par-eiti, " he goes back ;" par-nesza, " he brings back,"
pra-nesza, "he represents ;" priesz-tarauyct, "he contradicts ;"
sa-maiszo, " he mingles :" in Old Sclavonic (see Dobrowsky,
p. 401), OB^ftgATM obrie^ati, irepnefiveiv, *' circumcidere /*
H^UA^ i^'idufh " exibo ;" n^ oahth pro-litty " prifandere /"
ii^iHA^ pri-idu», " adveniam /" n^'iHM& prt-imuit, " accipior
n^HBEAB pri'Vedef " adduxit ;" h^hhecth [G. Ed. p. 1411.]
pri-nesfe, ^* affener n^HCToyoHTH pri-stup-i-iU "accidere ;**
ngumviBATU pri-shiv-a-ii, ** assuere T cb^hctathca i-m^o/t-
-sa/i, " concurrereS'*
965. In the Veda dialect the prepositions are frequently
found separated by intermediate words from the verb to
which they belong : notwithstanding this, with respect to
sense there continues the most intimate connection be-
tween the preposition and the verb ; e.g., sdm agnlm indhcUi
ndraK, " ignem accendunt viri " (see Rosen's " Specimen,''
p. 2o). Here sam taken alone has no meaning at all, but
1368 FORMATION OF WORDS.
in combiimtiou with the root indh it signifies " to kindle/'
which indh also means by itself. In Zend, too, such sepa-
rations of the prepositions from the verbs often occur * ;
and in German many old combinations are so altered, that,
in the proper verb (not in the infinitive and the partici-
ples, and especially not in the formation of words), we
place the preposition that had been prefixed either directly
after the verb, or separate it still farther from it by
several intermediate words : we say, e.g., avagehen, nus-
gehend, Ausgang, " to go out," " going out," " egress ;" but
not er ausgeht, "he goes out," as in Gothic usgnggith, but
er geht atis, '* he goes out," er geht wn diesem Gesichtspiinkte
aust " he goes from this point of view out ;" while, how-
ever, after the relative and most of the conjunctions we
prefix the prepositions, since we say, eg,, welch^r avsgeht^
" who goes out ;" ivenn er ausgeht, " if he goes out ;" doss
er aiisgeht, " that he goes out." Moreover, in preposi-
tions, whose meaning is no more clearly perceived, and
also in those to which there are no correlative preposi-
tions with an opposite meaning, as in 6?.n, " in,^ opposed
to ausj " out," vor, " before," opposed to nach, " after,*'' an,
[G. Ed. p. 1412.] " on," opposed to ab, '* off,'" or where the
verbal motion has a decided preponderance over the preposi-
tional, or where the significations of the preposition and
the verb have blended completely together, the separation
of the preposition from the verbal root is not allowed ;
hence, e.g., er hegretfl, beweist, vergeht, verbleibt, xerst'&rt,
zersprirtgtj umgeht^ vmringt, tibersetzt, iiberspringt, " he under-
stands, proves, vanishes, remains, destroys, shatters, goes
round, surrounds, translates, crosses." The phenomenon
under discussion may be so regarded, as that only those
prepositions which are accented, and whose signification
* Fur examples see §. 518., where the translation of frd . . . hunvunha
is to be corrected according to p. 960.
COMPOUNDS. 1369
is clearly retained, have the power of separating themselves
from the verbs to which they belong, while in Vedic San-
scrit and Zend those prepositons, too, the meaning of whicli
has quite disappeared in the verbal notion, may be de-
tached from the verb.
966, In Sanscrit there are but very few* verbs which
enter into combinations other than prepositional, and even
of these only the gerund in ya and passive participle in
ta for the most part appear in multifarious combinations ;
e.g., kundali'krita, ** made into a ring," Skt-bhiitaf "become
one ;" which forms need not be regarded as derivatives
from compound verbs like kundali-kardmi, Ski-bhavdmi, but
it is probable that here the participles krila and bhika
have, as already independent words, united with the first
members of the compounds. In Greek, as is well known,
the verbs which are compounded with other elements than
prepositions are, with very few exceptions, not primitive
combinations of the particular verb with the preceding
word, but derivatives from compound nouns; as, e,g,,
TOKoyKv^eu) from TOKoy\v(f>0'^ (see Buttmann, §. 121, 3.), The
same is the case with Old High German [G. Ed. p. 1413.]
compounds, as hanta-slagd, ^^plaudor from hania^slagf *' clap-
ping the hands ;" rdt'slagd, "corwufo," from rdt-slagt "ad-
vice :" and in the New High German, as, ich weiteifere, " I
vie ;" ich hofmeisiere, ** I criticise ;" ich brandschatze^ " I put
under contribution" (see Grimm, II. p. 583). In Gothic,
e.gf., vei-vddya, "I testify," comes from veiUvdd-s, " witness,"^
and jUuvaurdya, properly, " I am loquacious," either from
the substantive base JUuvaurdeiut nom. -ei, " loquacity," or
with this latter word from a to-be-presupposed adjective base
filuvaurdcLj " loquacious." The Latin, on the other hand,
produces verbal compounds by direct combination of a
* See shorter Critical Grammar of the Sanscrit Language, 2d Edition,
§. 585.
1370 FORMATION OF WORDS.
substantive, adjective, or adverb with a verb ; e. g., signi"
fico, cedi-fico, anim-adveito, nun-cupo (cf. oc-cupo, and see
§. 490.), tali-pedof magnl-fco, (equi-paro, hene-diiXh male-dico.
In Greek, from the participle SaKpvjf^etav we may infer a lost
verb SaKptrxeci), and from the adverb voui^ej^oi^wy the partici-
ple vouve^wv, and hence a verb vovvexf^* With respect to
the accusative vow, we may compare vowe)(ovTo^ with the
above-mentioned (§. 916.) Sanscrit compounds like arin-
damd'Sf " subduing-foes,'' and the Zend drujem-vaiifh "Druj-
slaying" (§. 922.). On the other hand, we need not, with
Buttmann (§. 121., Rem. 1), regard SaKpv in SaKpuxe^av as
an accusative, as in this word the accusative (and no-
minative) is not distinguishable from the theme. Com-
pare Sanscrit compounds like madhu-liht ** bee," as " lick-
ing honey. '
967. When Buttmann (§. 120. 6.), in Greek, assumes com-
pounds, of which the first part must be a verb, which most
usually terminates in ai, the i of which, however, as vowel of
conjunction, may also be elided, lam unable to agree with him
in this. Should, however, in such compounds as ietaiSaifjuav,
eyepaixopo^, rpeylrlxp^U Saixaatjiporo^f ^v^avca^f iravo'dvefxo^,
[G. Ed. p. 1414.] ptylra(nrt£f irA^f/inroy, a verb be contained,
we should have to define to what part of the verb, to
what tense, to what number, and what person, these forms
in at or a belong. Having previously determined them to
be verbs, I should explain them as obsolete presents in the
third person singular, according to the analogy of the conju-
gation in fit, since a-t or rty as termination of the third person,
originally belongs to all active present forms (see §. 456.) ;
thus, SaatSalfjuav would properly signify " he fears the gods,**
and stands on the same footing with the French compounds
like tire-boite, tire-bouchon, porte-numchdiea^ porte-mafdeau,
porte-feuille. I would rather, however, with Pott (E. I., p.90),
recognise in the first part of €ptxrtxj9<»>v and similar com-
pounds abstract substantive bases in o-i (from ri, see §.845.),
COMPOUNDS. 1371
the t of which is suppressed before vowels*, and which had,
perhaps, originally a far wider diflfusion than in the re-
ceived condition of the language. It is, therefore^ not
necessary that the abstract of each of the compounds of
that kind be retained in use as a simple word, or that the
abstract which occurs in the compounds should in all cases
answer exactly to that which is preserved in use in the
simple state. I see no difficulty in the circumstance to which,
e.g., G. Curtius (De nominum Gr.form. p. 18) has drawn at-
tention, that the first part of arr^tri-xopog does not answer to
(TTaa-i-^, nor that of irpoScaa-eratpos to irfidSoai-s. The radical
vowel of 5i$ci>/xi, tartifih which is shortened before the heavy
personal terminations (see §. 480.) and most of the formative
abstracts is naturally long (cf. Sanscrit dd, **togive,'' sthd, "to
stand*'); and from the roots S(m>, arri, from oro, the forms
5a)-<ri-j, oTiy-a-i-y, or <rTa-<n-f t might be expected as abstracts.
The original length of the vowel may [G. Ed. p. 1416]
then have been retained in the compounds under dii^cussion,
or carried back in order to give more emphasis to this
class of compounds, as above (p. 1337, Note f G. ed.) we have
seen a lengthening accrue to the vowel of the last mem-
ber of another kind of compounds, which does not prevent
us from recognising, e.g., in av^Kowrro^, the simple aKovoro^*
I recall attention, too, to the lengthening which the radical
vowel of some abstracts in at experiences in roots termi-
nating in a vowel before the suffix lo ( = Sanscrit ya, see
§. 901.), e.g., in arijcr-io^ (contrasted with eiri(rra<r*-io-y),
\va'tO'^9 and AOo'i'-Trovo-y, Kvci-irodo^f See., compared with
WMTi-i (Sanscrit root Zd, " to cut oflT"). If, then, in the first part
of the compounds referred to we recognise abstract bases
in (Ft, the whole must then be referred to the class of the
* In <t>€p€irfiM£, <f>€p€a'a'aKris, also before a oonsonant. The to-be-pre-
supposed abstract <^'p~'-<re-r answers to forms life ycV-c-o-e-r, p€fi'€'a'i'S
(see §. 850. conclusion).
1372 FOllMATIQN OF WORDS.
Sunscrit possessive compounds, and a transposition of the
individual members of the compound must be assumed,
as, e.g., in the Vedic compounds like manday&t-sakha'S,
** friends-gladdening,'' kshaydd-vira-Sf " ruling raen,^' tardd-
'dvisha-s, ** foes-conquering" *, where the first member of
the compound, a present participle in the weak theme,
should properly stand at the end, as the person expressed
by the participle is subjected, in construction, to the alte-
[G. Ed. p. 1410.] ration of the case-relations, while the
word it governs, according to the sense, abides ever in the
accusative relation;- as, e.g., in Greek, Xwrl-irovog, " having
the relaxation of toil "=" relaxing toil," ttoi/oj is not sub-
jected to any alteration of the case-relation, and hence the
order irovo-\v<ri£ would be the more natural. In compounds
like ^uyofiaxo^t ipxr/oiroXi^, A/wo/LoyTw/o, Xnrovavg, Ketnoya/xa^,
(f}i\6l3oTpv£, (piXoyafio^, the prefixed adjectives answer, in re-
spect to their formative suffix, to those which we have
seen above (§. 916.) at the end of compounds ; and as they,
for the most part, have the meaning of the participle pre-
sent, they may be compared with the above-mentioned
Vedic forms like tardd-dvisha-s, " superans inimicosy The
e of forms like a/o%e7ro\/f, SaKedvfiog, (pepiirovog, is probably
only the thinning of an «, as in the vocative f; and therefore
dp5^e in dp^erroTa^ is the same word which forms the con-
cluding portion of TtoKiapxo-St and in the inflectionless voca-
* See Fr. Rosen, " Rigveda-Sanhita," at H. VI. 6. In Zend, too,
there are componnds of this kind ; e,g,, A5^(;jr»A5^Au7« /rddhat-vira,
" creating men." The compound j^JJJ>i^^^^^M^t»A3y»}?\frddnt'
vHpanrn-hujaiti^ "creating prosperity," where viipanm stands in the case
governed by the participle, while the substantive is ruled by the position
of the whole in the sentence, and therefore stands in the case governed by
the verb ; and in the case before us, according to three MSS. to the read-
ing of which Bumouf (" Ya9na," p. 262) justly gives the preference, in
the dative, while only the lithographed Codex gives hujdiilm for hufditei.
t See §. 204.
COMPOUNDS. 1373
tive appears likewise in the form ap^e. The prefixed adjec-
tives make choice in the I'oot, too, of the lighter vowel ; hence
<t>epe, in opposition to ^opo, e.y., ^epe(na(f>v\o-^ opposed to
<Tra<f)vK6(f>opo^. The i, too, of repirt and 0Lpx^$ in repiti-Kepav-
vof, ap')(i'Kepauvo£y ap^i'daKa(r(ro£y ap^^i-fwo^', &c., cannot, per-
haps, be regarded as aught else than the weakening of an
= Sanscrit a, Latin u, of the second declension, and there-
fore must rest on the same principle on which, in Latin, e.g.,
the relation of cacli-cola to cwlu-cola or caelo-cola is based,
as might be expected if the Latin did not love the most
extreme weakening of the final vowel in the first member
of compounds (see " Vocalismus," p. 132).
S68. While the Latin, in its nominal compounds, regu-
larly changes the final vowel of the base of the first mem-
ber of the compound into the lightest [G. Ed. p. 1417.]
vowel i , the Sanscrit, exclusive of a few anomalies, exhibits
the first member of the compound (which, however, as also
the second, may itself, too, be compounded) universally in its
true theme, only that its final letter is subject to the euphonic
laws, which, without the compounding too, obtain with respect
to the initial and final consonants of two contiguous words.
1 annex a few examples of dependent compounds, of a class
to be more closely examined hereafter : MA:a-pd/4-*, "world-
* Hence, e.g.^ cali-coki for ccBlu-cola or cceld-cola, lani-ger for lanager,
/ructi-fer ior fructu-fer^ mani-pulus for manu-puluSy cf. §. 6. and §§. 244.
8*29. In albd'galerus, albd-gilvuSf merd-bibiu, the final vowel of the base
has been retained in the form which lies at the base of the dative and abla-
tive singular and genitive and accusative plural; while locu-ples^ lengthened
hcu-ples^ is based on the form which has assumed the original a in the nomi-
native and accusative singular. Before vowels the final vowel of the first
member is suppressed ; hencBy e.g. ^un^animis, fit x'-animus; occasionally
also before consonants, for example in nau-fragus for navi-fragusy au'
'Spex for avi-epejpf vin-demia for vim-demia or vind-demia, puer'-pera for
pueri'pera or puerd^pera, mal-luvuB (with assimilation) for mani'luvite
from manu'luvia.
1374 FORMATION OF WORDS.
protector ;" dliard-dhara-s, " earth-bearer ;" mati^bhramd'S,
"error of the mind;" virini-tird-s, "shore of Virini T
• • •
madhU'pd'S, **bee,'' as "honey-drinker f' bhu-dhard-s, "earth-
bearer"' ("mountain"); pUri'bhrdtdy "{athev^s brother'" (see
§. 214.) ; gd-dhuk (theme gMuh), " cowherd " literally, " milk-
ing-cows {* ndu-sthd'S, " standing, being in a ship " (Diluv.
SI. 32.); marud-gand'S, "troop of winds" (euphonic for
mami')) rdja-puird-s* , "fcing^s son;" nabhas-eald-mt "at-
mosphere."
[G. Ed. p. 1418.] 969. The Sanscrit does not use a vowel
of conjunction to lighten the two members of the com-
pound, and it must be regarded as a consequence of the
effeminacy which has in this respect entered into Greek
and Latin, that these two languages, in the composition of
nouns, with the exception of some isolated cases, do not
understand how to combine a consonantal termination with
an initial consonant, but insert a vowel of conjunction, or,
which is the same thing, extend the first member with a
vowel affix ; for which purpose the Greek regularly makes
choice of o, occasionally of /, while the Latin invariably
chooses the weakest vowel i. The <r alone, in Greek, has
left itself pretty often free from the inorganic affix ; hence,
€,g,f (raK€(T'(l>6po£ (see §. 128.), T€\e<r-^o/ooj, caK&T-TroLKog^ dpea-
'kS>0£, h(e(T'^oKo£y /xutr-fceXevS/ooi/"!*, ^(aa-fpopos (for (fxar-^opos,
cf. §. 152.). And v^ too, in the bases fxeXav and iravr, the
* For rd^an- ; n is dropped at the beginning of compounds (see §. 139.).
t That the <r in this compound is not a euphonic affix, but belongs to
the base, and that hence, in the genitive, ^v6s stands for fiva-^s, bb, e.g,y
fiLfVfos for fi€P€a'osy is plain, as well from the Latin musy tni^r-is, from
mdr-iSy as from the etymology of the Sanscrit m^A-<}-«, " moose," from
mushy "to steal," see Glossar. Scr., a. 1847, p. 2C8. In Latin the com-
pounds mus-cipuia and mus-cerda arc deserving notice, as they have in
like manner retained the original s without the addition of a vowel of
conjunction. I must dissent from Buttmann (§. 120. Rem. 11.), as I can
by no means recognise a euphonic or formative <r in Greek compounds.
COMPOUNDS. 1375
latter with the loss of the r, appears in some compounds be-
fore consonants without the copulative o, in which case the v
adapts itself to the organ of the following letter, as final m
does in Sanscrit; hence, e.g., fxeKdyxoy^y /xe^a/xTreirXo;, fie-
havSero^, contrasted with fi€\av6(Pp(av, &c. ; irdyKaKoSf iray-
')(aKK€o^, iraixl3a(Tt\€V£y irafJLjifjri^, 7FapSafiaT(jt}p, iravreKyj^f op-
posed to rravToyovos, &c. Among bases in p, only the mono-
syllabic trvp dispenses in some compounds with the vowel
of conjunction, hence, e.g., itvp^oKo^ opposed [G. Ed. p. 1419.]
to Ttvpo^oKo^. Before vowels, the monosyllabic bases itoi^
TraiS, Kvv, too, appear without a conjunctive o; hence, e.g.,
TFoS-aKyi^gf TToJ-evSuTOf, iroS'^ve/xos*, TrouS-ayoiyog, iraiS-epa-
(TTYfii Kvv-ayiayo^, Kw-aXwirri^, kvv-oSovs ; so also ^t in some
compounds iifnaT-ayiayog, &c.), and the dissyllabic base KopvO
in Kopvd'd't^, Kopvd-aio\o^. Proceeding from bases ending in
consonants, the conjunctive vowel o has been communicated
alsoT to bases of the third declension ending in a vowel ; and
while, e.g., TroKi-Ttopdo^, fiavTi-TroKo^f fieOv'TthYJ^t yrfpu^yovog,
l3ov-7p6<l>o^, vav-crradfiog, correspond well to the above-men-
tioned (§. 968.) Sanscrit formations, mati-bhramd'S, madhu-
pd'8, gd-dhuk, ndu'sthd-s, there are no analogous forms to
(pvci-o-Xoyo-g, iydv-o-ifidyo^, ^{F)-o*Tp6<l>o^, vqiFj-o-ffiopO'^, in
Sanscrit and the other sister-languages. In words, however,
like \o707roiof (see Buttmann, §. 120. 4.), I can neither recognise
a declinational ending, nor a vowel of conjunction, but only
the naked base \oyo\ and therefore consider, e.g., ve^rjo-firjv
in its first member as identical with the first member of the
Sanscrit nava-dald-m, " young leaf,^' and Sclavonic NOBor^AAi*
nuvo-gracT, " new town" (see §. 257.). In the o, too, of words
like pi^o-TojjLog, ^fxepo'SpofJLog, StKo-ypifpo^, I cannot recognise
a vowel of conjunction, but here, as generally in words of the
first declension where they are found at the beginning of
compounds, I take the o (= Sanscrit a) for the weakening or
* With transposition of the members of the compound, cf. p. 1415 G. ed.
I37G FORMATION OF WORDS.
shortening of the dor rj (from a, see§. 4.), both which vowels,
in all feminiues, correspond to the Sanscrit d (see §. 118.)t
even where the d has been shortened in the nominative and
accusative singular. The change of a, a, or ij, therefore, is like
the shortening of the Sanscrit d to a in compounds like
priya-bhdryd, " dear spouse," where the feminine base priyd
[G. Ed. p. 1420.] is changed into the masculine-neuter
base by being shortened to priya.
970. In remarkable coincidence with the Greek, the
Sclavonic, too, at the beginning of compounds, weakens the
feminine a = Sanscrit d (see §. 552.*) to the masculine-
neuter ( = Sanscrit a, Greek o, see^. 257.); hence, e.g.,
BOAONOCb vodo-nos, '^ hydriar properly, "carrying water"**
for voda-nos; ko^OAOft koQ)'doi/* caprimulgus^^ for koc^a-doi.
The latter would, in Sanscrit, be ajd-dhuk (theme -duh). *
The Greek, however, admits also long vowels at the end
of the first member of compounds ; and so, eg., trKta-ypaffx)^,
vtKfj-fpopo'S, resemble the Sanscrit compounds like chhdyd-
'kard'S, " umbrella-carrier,*' properly, " shadow-maker/' Teco-
-7/oa0of has again lengthened the form yeo, which has been
first developed from yea, and verj-yev^^, \aiiitai'Yi'if>6po'£,
exhibit J7=d for o=a, as, conversely, ti is usually thinned to o.
Forms like aiy-l'Trov^, vvKTi-^to^ {=vvKT-o-l3tos;), answer,
through their conjunctive i, to Latin like noct-i-color ; and so
also in forms like fxeKecr-l'irTepo^f properly, "having long
pinions,**' I can only recognise in the i a means of compo-
sition in accordance with what has been remarked at §.
128; and in this I differ from Buttmann (§. 120. Rem. 11.).
Compare, with reference to the first member of such com-
pounds, and the inserted vowel of conjunction, Latin forms
like faeder-i-fragus. In forms like 6pei^&rri£, the diphthong
e/ is explained by the dropping of the <r which belongs to the
base ; while in the Latin compounds opifex, munificits, viJni-
kOsA hoCa=^W^ojdf as koCTb AY>5/y=^fi5q ii^tfti, "bone."
COMPOUNDS. 1377
ficiiti for oper-i-feXi &c. {ct foeder'-i'fragus)^ not only the r
which corresponds to the Greek o-, but also the preceding
vowel, appears to have been passed over.* [G. Ed. p. 1421.]
So, too, horr-i'Jicus, terr-i-Jicus, may be regarded as abbre-
viations of horrdr-i-ficus, terrdr-i-ficus (cf. sopdr-i-fert hon&r-
-i'ficus). In accordance with the almost universal weaken-
ing in Latin of the final vowel to i, we find in Greek,
beside the already mentioned ap%i and rejOTri, also a/071 in
dpyi-'nov^, apyt'6$ovg &c„ xcc\#c/ in ^cc\#ci-vaoy, ^oAkZ-oiicos',
fivpi in fivpi^Ttvoog, and <f)o^t in 0of /-j^eiAoj'.
971. The Gothic, in my opinion, never makes use of a
conjunctive vowel in its compounds, and does not require
one, as it has but few bases which end in a consonant, and
these are principally such as terminate in n. These, how-
ever, as in Sanscrit, suppress (see §. 139.) the n at the be-
ginning of compounds; hence, e.g., smakka-bagms, " fig-tree'*
(theme smakkan, nom,smakka. "fig"'), for smakkan-bagms ;
auga-daurS,** window, ''properly," eye-door,'' for augan-daurdt^
as above, rd/a-puird-s, for rdjan-putrd-s.t [G. Ed. p. 1422.]
Bases in r avoid the harshness of the combination with a
* A somewhat different explanation of opifejp has been attempted
above (p. 1362 G. ed.).
t So in Latin, homi-cida, sajigui-ntga^ for which might have been ex-
pected homin-i'dda, sanguin-isuga. In Greek, in a similar way, the r
is often suppressed in the suffix fuxr (from fuzy, see §. 801.), and then the
preceding a is generally weakened to o ; hence, e.g., inr€pfiO'<l>6pos for
(r7r€pfiar-o-<l)6pos : on the other hand, ovofm'Kkvrov, which in Sanscrit
would appear in the form nama-irutd-s. The Latin retains the n of no-
men in nomenclaior without appending a conjunctive vowel.
X The neuter nom. and ace. augd (see §. 141.) affords no ground for the
supposition that augdn is the theme (cf. Gabelentz and Lobe, Gramm.,
p. 129) : we cannot, therefore, in this example, speak of the shortening of the
final syllable. Such an abbreviation, however, occurs in inorganic feminine
bases in on and ein (see §. 142.) ; hence, gvina-kunds, '^ having the sex of
women" (theme qvinSn, nom. qvino, "woman"); mari'SaivSy "sea," lite-
rally, "ocean-sea" (theme tnarein, nom. maret).
4u
1378 FORMATION OF WORDS.
following consonant by transposition ; hence, brothra-lubd, or
fcrd/ftru-Zufco, " brotherly love/' Fidur, " four " = Sanscrit
chatur (of the weak cases, and at the beginning of com-
pounds), admits, on the other hand, of the combination of r with
d6gs(see §.913.); hence, Jidur-dogs, ** every four days," "quar-
tan.'' As the Gothic, in the nominative and accusative sin-
gular, suppresses a and i of the base, it hereby comes to look
as if the said bases properly terminated with a consonant,
while the a or i which enters into the composition seems
to be a compositional or conjunctive vowel. Such a com-
positional vowel, however, I can no more admit in the Ger-
man languages than in the first and second declension of the
Greek and Latin ; and as I recognise in Grimm's first strong
declension of masculines and neuters, bases in a, and in the
masculines and feminines of the fourth, bases in t, I look upon
the a of compounds like guda-faurhU, " god-fearing,*" veina-
-gards, " vineyard," and the i of such as gasti-gdds, " hospi-
table," gabaur-di'vaurd, "birth-register," as distinctly be-
longing to the first member of the compounds; and I regard
the said examples as standing in perfect accordance with
the above-mentioned (§. 968.) Sanscrit compounds like Idka-
'pdld'S, maii-bhramd-s* Just so, in Grimm's third declension,
[G. Ed. p. 1423.] compounds like fdtu-bandh "iron for the
feet," haridu'vaurhts, "prepared with the hand," correspond to
Sanscrit like madhu-pd-s, " honey- drinking," and Greek like
uedv'irKfj^. Bases in d ( =d, see §. II 8.) shorten that letter to a,
whereby there results an accidental agreement with the
nominative and accusative singular; hence, e.g.,aitiha'kund8.
* I have already, in my review of Grimm's German Grammar (Jour-
nal of Lit. Criticism, 1827, p. 758, ^' Vocalismus," p. 132), shewn that a
compositional vowel is altogether unkno\>vii in the German languages, and
is limited in Latin to the cases in which the first member of the com-
pound terminates with a consonant (honor-i-ficus). In Greek it has by
degrees extended itself over the whole third declension, but kept aloof from
the first and second, where it is the least needed.
COMPOUNDS. 1379
"earthly"' ("having earthly nature"), contrasted with San-
scrit words like dAard-d/iar<i-*, "earth-carrier,'' and Greek like
yeo'fpopo-^, yeo-eiSyj^. The originally short a of masculine
and neuter base words is occasionally suppressed ; for
example, in thiudan-gardi, " king's house ;" guih^'bldstreis,
** God-worshipper" (for guda-); gud*'hus, "God's house;"
hals'-agga, " nape" (" nape of the neck") ; thiu-maguSy " ser-
vant," properly, " servant-boy" (for thiva-) ; sigis^-Iaun, (for
sigisa-, see §. 935.) " reward of victory ;'" gut^-thiuda, ** the
Gothic nation; midyun^-gards, "terrestrial globe"*; vein-
^drugkya, " wine-drinker ;" and in some compounds, the first
member of which is an adjective or pronoun, as, hauh'^-hairts,
"magnanimous" (literally, "having a high heart"); laus-
"handus, " having empty hands ;" anthar-Ieiks, " diverse,"
properly, " like to another.** To vein-drugkyat corresponds,
with respect to the suppression of the final vowel of the first
member, the Latin vin-demia (cf. p. 1417 G. ed., Note).
Those Grothic substantive bases in ya (Grimm's second de-
clension) which, before this syllable, have a long syllable,
or more syllables than one, suppress the a, and vocalise
the y to i (cf. §. 135.) ; hence, e.g., andi-laus, " endless," for
andya-laus; arbi-numya^ " heir" ("taker of [G. Ed. p. 1424.]
inheritance") ; on the other hund, frathya-marzeins, " decep-
tion of the intellect" {frathya, n., nom. frathi, see §. 153.) ;
vadya-bdkds, pi. "mortgage" (vadya, n., nom. vadi). The
feminine substantive base thusundyd, too, in the compound
thusundi'faths, X'^^PX^^* contracts its final syllable to i, for
which its polysyliabicness, or the positional length of its
penultima, may have given occasion. Adjective bases in
* As the first member of .this compound does not occur in its simple
state, it is uncertain whether its theme is reaUy midyuna; in which case
I should compare it, just as also the feminine base nddumiijiom. midum$\
with the Sanscrit madhyama, ^^ meditis." In Sanscrit the earth is called,
among other names, madhyama-ldkd'S and madhya-lSkd'S^ i.e. literally,
^' the middle world" (^^ between heaven and the infernal regions").
4 u 2
1380 FORMATION OF WORDS.
ya retain, even when preceded by a long vowel, the full themal
form ; hence, hrainya-hairis, ** having pure heart :'*'* besides
which I do not know another compound with an adjective base
in ya as the first member, for in midya-sveipeins, " deluge,"
properly, "earth-inundation," midya, though identical with
the adjective base midyot stands as substantive, wrliile the
Sanscrit sister word, madhya in the above-mentioned
(p. 1423 G. ed.. Note) madhyaUkd-s, " earth," as *' middle
world," stands as adjective. The pronominal base alya
= Sanscrit anya^ ** aliusr corresponds in alya-kuns to the
Greek oWo in aWo^evfj^,
972. In Old High German, too, the final vowel of the
bases of Grimm's first strong declension, masculine and
neuter, has been pretty frequently retained, either unaltered,
or weakened to o or 6 ; hence, e.g., taga-rodt " redness of
mom" ("aurora''); tage-ldm "daily pay T taga-sferno, find
tagP'Slerno, " lucifer" ("day-star"); spila-hiht, spilo-hus^
spik'huSf " playhouse ;'' grape-hus, " grave-house." Bases,
too, in i have occasionally preserved this vowel, or cor-
rupted it to e, e.g„ in steii-got, ** loci genius ^ pHki-'ch^imaraf
briute-chamara, " bride-chamber ;" priki-geba, ** bridal pre-
sent;" bruii-gomo, "bridegroom" ("bride's-man"). The
Lithuanian, exclusive of the obscure compounds in ninka^s
discussed above (p. 1344 G. ed.), regularly rejects the final
vowel, as also the termination ia, ya (nom. is, yis, see
[G. Ed. p. 1425.] §. 135.) of the substantive, adjective, and
nominal bases, which appear as the first member of com-
pounds, when they have more than one syllable ; e.gr.,
wyn-kabm, "hill planted with vines" (wyna-Sf "wine'");
u-yn-m^diSf "vine;" rfyw'-rfarys, ** wonder-worker" (rfytra-*,
"wonder"); krau-leidys, "one who lets blood'' {krauya-s,
" blood " = Sanscrit kravya, '* flesh"); griek-twanist SUndflut^t
"deluge;" auks-kalys, aukaa-kalys, "goldsmith" (auksa-s,
♦ GrUfka-8, "sin;" twana-s^ "flood :" the German word, however, has avow-
edly nothing to do with " sin/ ' and is in Old High German sin-Jluotf'sin'flut,
COMPOUNDS. 1381
** gold'') ; auhsa-darys^ *' worker in gold f' barxd^-skuttis, or
barxda-skuftis, "razor," properly, "beard-shaving" (barzda, f.,
** beard''); didt-burniSf "one that has a great mouth" {didr
Ji-s, theme didiGj euphonic didzia, "great"); did'-gahoys,
" he that has a great head ;" wien-^dffis, *' one-horned"
{wiena-s, " one"): saw^-redus, " obstinate" (aauHi'S, *'«uu5").
d73. The Zend, as has been already remarked, instead
of the naked theme, places the nominative singular as the
first member of its compounds, and I have already drawn
attention elsewhere to a similar use in Old Persian*. It
cannot surprise us if, in the European sister-languages also,
isolated cases occur, in which the nominative singular
takes the place of the theme ; and I differ from Buttmann
(§. 120., Note 11.), in that I do not hesitate to take the Greek
deo^ of deoa-SoTog in Hes. to be just as much the nominative
as the Zend daM (from daSvas, see §. 56.^') in the quite
analogous compound daivd-ddtch " produced by the Daevas"
(Sanscrit diva, "God"). In diaiparog, and some other
compounds beginning with flej, one easily recognises a con-
traction of Beog. Perhaps, also, in the compounds beginning
with vaviTif as vav<Ttl3aTrj£ (=vavfiaTtiO} Navtridoo^^ 'Savaidofi,
NavtrtfjLeStavj the nominative vav^ is con- [G. Ed. p. 1426.]
tained as representative of the theme f, and to it an t has
been/added as conjunctive vowel (cf. §. 970); if not, I should
prefer to regard vavat as a derivative which has been formed
from i/au=Sanscrit ndu, with the suffix at (from t/), and
which has ceased to be used by itself. It appears to me less
probable that it is the dative plural of vavg, and least of all
would I take the o- here as euphonic. The Gothic baurgs of
baurgs-vdddyus, " town walls," I take to be the genitive, as
it stands in the genitive relation, and as this irregular word
* See Monthly Intelligence of the Acad, of Lit., March 1848, p. 135.
t I recall attention to the &ct, that in Sanscrit only monosyllahic
words carry the s of the nominative into the locative, to which a case-
sign does not properly belong.
1382 FORMATION OF WORDS,
exhibits, as well in the genitive as in the nominative, the
form baurgs. In Sanscrit we might take divas in ' divas-
'pati'S as the genitive of div, as I also formerly did : as,
however, there is a compound divas-prithivy-du, " heaven
and earth,^ which is passed over in this explanation, and
in which divas does not stand in the genitive relation, I
now prefer to assume a base divas, to be found only in
composition, which is also contained in the proper name
divd-ddsa (see Benfey's Gloss.), and whence, too, has pro-
ceeded the extended base divasa^ as in general the suffix
asa is only an extension of as. To the base divas, which
is only found at the beginning of compounds, corresponds
well the Latin dies in dies-piter. The second part of this
compound is indeed only a weakening o{ pater, to be ex-
plained according to §. 6., but here hardly signifies " father,^**
but, in accordance with its etymology, " ruler" (see§. 812.).
The Greek exhibits a real genitive, which, however, Butt-
mann (§. 120., Note II.) will not recognise as such, in the
compound i/ecocr-oiicofy in which the singular surprises me as
[G. Ed. p. 1427.] as little as in our term Schiffshaiiser
"ships' houses.'' Moreover, the first part of oiSevoa-tapa
I cannot take otherwise than as the genitive.
974. The Indian Grammarians divide compound words
into six classes, which we will now examine separately in
the order in which they follow one another in Vopadeva.
FIRST CLASS.
Copulative Compounds called DvandvcL.*
This class consists of the compounds of two or more
substantives, which are co-ordinate to one another, t.e. which
• Tlie Sanscrit term dvandva-m^, i.e. "pair," is a reduplicated form
formed from the theme dva, " two" (cf. §. 766.).— iV.-B. I spell this
word as it is found in the German, but ^ t;, when compounded with ano-
ther consonant in Sanscrit^ is pronounced like to. See Wilson's Grammar,
p. 6, 1. 18. — Translator,
COMPOUNDS. 1383
stand in the like ease-relation, and are, according to the
sense, joined together by "and." These compounds are
divided into two classes ; the first permits to the last mem-
ber of the compound the gender which belongs to it, and
puts it in the dual when only two substantives are joined
together, of which each by itself stands in the singular re-
lation ; and in the plural when the compound consists of
more than two substantives, or when one of the two mem-
bers so united is in a plural relation. The accent regu-
larly falls on the final syllable of the united base ; hence,
6. jr., surya-^handramdsdUi " sun and moon/' In the Veda
dialect, however, one of the two words combined in Dvandva
very often receives the accent which belongs to it in its
simple state ; and in the Dvandvas, which occur in the
Vedas, the first member often stands in the dual, at least
I think in compounds like agni-shdrndUf "Agni and Soma,''
indrd-vdrundu, " Indra and Varuna," mitrd-vdrundu, " Mitra
• • •
and Varuna,'' indrd-vishnu, " Indra and [G. Ed. p. 1428.]
Vishnu,"' I may venture to regard the lengthening of the
final vowel of the first member of the compound, not as
purely phonetic, but as the consequence of the dual inflec-
tion ; as, too, I look upon the final d of dydvd, ** heaven,''
in combination with prithivt, " earth" (dyavdprithiviX as the
Vedic dual termination, which has been added to dydu (the
strong theme of dyd), just like the d in the Vedic com-
pound pitard-mdidrdu, " father and mother." As dual, too,
I regard the ^end dpa (theme dp) in the copulative
A)^»7;A5<^ja> dpa-urvari^, "water and tree" (V. S. p. 4o).
There occurs, 1. c, one other Dvandva which we cannot
leave unnoticed, as compounds of this kind have hitherto
* Cf. §.214., p. 228, Note *, and see "Smaller Sans. Gram.," §.589., Note.
t Burnouf, to whom we owe an admirable disquisition on the greatest
part of the 9th chapter of the Ya9na, does not declare his opinion as to the
first member of the copulative compound dpa'UrvarS (" Etudes," p. 147).
1384 FORMATION OF WORDS.
been but very seldom cited in Zend. I annex the conclu-
sion of the passage referred to, according to BumouTs
corrected text : -f^g^As MJui^CsAst^^ /k>^^ If-^r/f ^f5 Tp-^jCL^
A)2o»7;a5q)jui /^fAi^xst^)^^ as7^»;j9asq) as^^asj^ yat kerinoii
anhi cshathrdt amereshavta pasu-vira anhushamani dpa-urvari,
i.e., literally, " that he make under his dominion not dying
beast and man, not drying up water and tree.*" Neriosengh
translates pretty exactly, only with a different notion for
the compound pahi^vira: yas chakdra tasya r&jy6 amardn
pasuvirdn aioshini udakdni vanaspatint t.e., '* who made in
his kingdom undying the males among animals and not dry-
ing up the water, trees/' Bumouf (1. c. p. 145) draws at-
tention to the circumstance, that yat kerendU properly sig-
[G. Ed. p. 1429.] nifies **pour qail fit,'''' nor has it escaped
him that pasu-^ira may also mean **ks troupeaux et les
hommes^ (p. 140); he translates, however, in accordance
with Neriosengh, **caril a, sous son regne, affranchi de la
mort les mdles des troupeaux^ de la secheresse les eaux et les
arbres.^^ I admit that amereshanta* and vira might also
be plural accusatives, and I recall attention on this head
to what has been remarked above (§. 231., Note) regarding
the manner in which neuter forms have found their way
into the plural of masculines. This does not, however,
prevent me from letting, in the passage before us, the a of
the said words, according to §. 208., stand for the dual ter-
mination, as, in my opinion, it gives a much more suitable
sense, if, by taking pasu-vira as Dvandv{^ we place, not
only the males of animals, but animals and human beings
* In the aibilant of this form I recognise neither any connection with
the character of the future, nor with that of the desideratiye, but simply
a phonetic affix, and recall attention to the fact, that the Sanscrit, too,
has several secondary roots which have appended a sibilant. In the case
before ns the Lithuanian mirsz-iu, ^^ I die*' (pret. mirriau^ fat nur-su,
infin. mir'ii)i fortuitously coincides with the Zend.
COMPOUNDS. 1385
of both sexes under the protection of the government of
Yima.
975. To return to the Vedic Dvandvas* I must draw
attention to the circumstance, that the dual termination,
which is common to the nominative, accusative, and vocative,
is retained also in that case, in which the whole word
stands in another case-relation, and the last member,
therefore, ends in bhydm or ds; e.g., dydvd-prUhivi-bhydmf
" to the heaven and to the earth " (Yajurv. XXII. 28.),
indrd-pmhndK, "of Indra and the Sun'' (I. c. XXV. 25.).
This phenomenon may be explained by the language hav-
ing become unconscious that the first member actually
carries a case-termination, whereby remembrance may
be drawn to the above-mentioned (§. 973.) [G. Ed. p. 1430.]
Zend idiom, by which the nominative singular very com-
monly takes the place of the theme. If we should also
actually recognise, in forms like indrd, agni, simply a pho-
netic lengthening of the a and i of the common language,
we could not, however, by this mode of explanation,
clear up pitdr-df dy&o-d, pushdn-d and kshdm-d. It is also
important to remark, that, as Benfey has been the first to
notice*, where the first member of the Dvandva is sepa-
rated from the second, the former assumes the requisite
termination of the oblique cases of the dual, but d only
there where suitable for the connection with the other
words. Thus, in a passage cited by Benfey 1. c. of the
Rigv. (rV. 8. 11.), we find the genitive, mitrdyds . . . vdrunaydSf
" of Mitra and Varuna ;'' on the other hand dydvd, as ac-
cusative dual separated from prithivi (Rigv. I. 63. i.). This
phenomenon in expressing the numeral relation is owing
to the speaker's, when he names each part of the com-
pound thing which is usually thought of together, having
* In his Review of Bohtlingk's Sanflcrit-Chrestomathy (Gdttinger
Learned Notices, 1846).
1386 FORMATION OF WORDS.
the other in his mind, and this latter thus ideally compre-
hended under the name of that he mentions (cf. §. 214. 1st
Note), so that, therefore, e.g., dydvA-prilhivi*, properly sig-
nifies, " Heaven and earth, earth and heaven ;'" hence, too, the
name of one member of the compound may be understood ;
and, e.g.f in a passage of the Sama-Veda (II. 3. 2. 8. 2. and 3.),
the dual mitri occurs in the sense of " Mitra and Varuna,"
and I am of opinion that the dual rodasit which, in classical
Sanscrit, also signifies " heaven and earth,"' denotes by its
base rSdas only " heaven,'' though the meaning " earth "
[G. £d. p. 1431.] has also been ascribed to it'j'. I draw at-
tention here to a similar procedure in several Malay-Poly-
nesian languages, since, e.y., in the New Zealand td-ua (lit.
" thou two," therefore, as it were, the dual of the second
person) signifies, " thou and I. X " Here, ta answers to
the Sanscrit base tva^ '* thou," and ua, which, when standing
by itself, is dia* to dva.
976. Combinations of more than two substantives in one
Dvandva appear not to occur in the Vedic dialect and
Zend ; at least, I know of no example. Examples in classic
Sanscrit are : agni-vAyu-ravibhyas^ ** From fire, air, and sun "
(Manu, I. 23.) ; gita-vAdttra-nritydnh " Song, instrumental
music, and dance" (Arjuna's Journey to Indra's heaven,
• For prithivydiiy with the case-termination suppressod, cf. p. 1*205 G. ed.
+ Wilson, perhaps correctly, derives rSdas from rudy " to weep," with
the suffix as; "the heaven" therefore would be here represented as
"weeping*' ("raining"), and the drops of rain as its tears. This is cer-
tainly not more unnatural than when the cloud {tn^ghd) is represented as
" mingeru." Moreover, the Greek ovpavds admits of being derived from a
root which, in Sanscrit, signifies " to rain," viz. from varsh^ vrish, with
the loss, therefore, of a sibilant, as xatpo> from xcupfo (Sanscrit root harshy
hrish), Oifpav6s, therefore, would be a transposition offopapos. Regard-
ing the suffix avoy see p. 1369 G. ed.
t See "On the connection of the Malay-Polynesian languages with the
Indo-European," p. 87.
COMPOUNDS. 1387
IV. 7.) ; siddha-chdrana-gandharvdhf " by Siddhas, Charanas,
and Gandharvas (I. c. V. 14.). In such cases the last
member, if it does not already for itself stand in the
plural relation, should evidently express, by its plural ter-
mination, the sum of the whole. In the second kind of
copulative compounding, which is used especially in anti-
thesis, or when speaking of the members of the body, or
of abstract ideas, and generally of inanimate things or in-
sects, the last member stands in the singular with a neuter
termination ; the separate members may stand by them-
selves in the singular, dual, or plural re- [G. Ed. p. 1432.]
lation, e.g.f chardcharam (chara-ackaram), "the moveable
and immoveable'' (Manu, I. 57.) ; hasta-^ddam, " hands and
feet" (1. c. II. 90.; pdda, masc); anna-pdnam, "food and
drink" (Arjuna, 4. ii.) ; chhatrdpdnaham*, "umbrella and
shoes'" (Manu, II. 246.) ; yukd-makshika-matkunamf " lice,
flies, and bugs^^ (1. c. I. 40., matkuna, masc).
977. In Sanscrit adjectives, too, which are in sense
joined by ** and," may be united in compounds, which are
not indeed reckoned by the Indian grammarians as Dvan-
dvas, but can be assigned to none of the six classes with
more justice. The following are examples: vritta-pina,
"round and thick" (Arjuna II. 19); hrishUasrag-rajdhina,
** having garlands of flowers standing upright and free from
dust" (Nal. V. 25.). So in Greek, \evKO'fxe\a^t " white and
black." A substantive Dvandva base is j^arpaxofJivo, in the
compound, ^aTpaxofJivofxax^^ " frog^mouse war.*' In Latin
the derivative suovitauriUa is based on a Dvandva consisting
of three members, which must have been, according to the
first kind of this class of Sanscrit compounding (§. 974.), su-
-ovi'tauri; according to the second (§.976.), su-ovi-taurum
("swine, sheep, and bull'').
* From chhatra n., and updnah f , with a added.
1388 FORMATION OF WORDS.
SECOND CLASS.
Possessive Compounds, called Bahuvrihi*
978. Compounds of this class denote as adjectives or
[G. Ed. p. 1433.] appellatives the possessor of that which
the separate members of the compound signify, so that the
notion of the possessor is always to be supplied. For this
reason I call them *' possessive compounds/^ The last
member is always a substantive, or an adjective taken as
a substantive, and the first member may be any other part
of speech but a verb, conjunction, or interjection. The
final substantive undergoes no other alteration but that
which the distinction of genders makes necessary ; whence,
c.gr., chhdyd, f., "shadow/' in the compound vipuld-chchbdyntf
has shortened its long feminine d, in order to become re-
ferable to masculines and neuters. So, in Greek, the femi-
nine final vowel of the bases of the first declension becomes
( = Sanscrit a), and in Latin u, in possessive compounds
like 'rroKvo'KiO'^, iroKvKOfxa-^, aioKoyiop^o-^, mutti-comuSt albi-
"ComU'St multi'vius. The procedure in Old High German
is the same, when it places the feminine substantive /artt^a
orfarawa, &c., "colour," at the end of possessive compounds,
and then furnishes the whole word, where it refers to mas-
culines or neuters, with the terminations of the said gen-
ders ; hence, e,*/., nom. m. snio-varawar seo, ** sea having
the colour of snow" (Grafi^, III. 702.) ; uent. golt-varawaz,
" having the colour of gold." I see, therefore, no occasion
to presuppose^ for the explanation of such compounds, ad-
jectives which do not exist ; otherwise we might, with equal
justice, assume in Greek and Latin adjectives like /cojuor.
* This word signifies " having much rice," and it is properly only an
example of the kind of compounding here spoken of, as, in Greek and
Latin, iroXvKOfwSf muUicomiu, might be used to denote the same.
t Chchh, euphonic for chh, on aoconnt of the short vowel preceding.
COMPOUNDS. 1389
comus, "hairy,"" and for Sanscrit an adjective chhdya-s,
" shady." The Greek has forgotten how to re-transform
into its feminine shape the o which has arisen from a or
fj in compounds like iroKvaKio^, iroKvKOfjLos, and contrasts,
therefore, with Sanscrit feminines like vipuldchchhdyd,
" having a large shadow,"" and Latin like [G. Ed. p. 1434.]
muUicoma, albkoma, masculine forms like iroKva-Kto^t ttoKvko-
/Lior (see p. 1341 G.ed.): on the other hand, the Latin,
according to the principle laid down in §. 6., has changed
the final vowels of the bases of the first and second declen-
sion frequently into the lightest and most suitable vowel of
the three genders. Hence, e.g., muUi-formis, difformist
biformist imbellis, abnormis, bilinguis, inermUs ; so, also, the
organic u of the fourth declension in bicornis; while, on the
other hand, manu-s, in the compound longi-manus, has
«
passed into the second declension.
979. Just as the neuter Sanscrit hrid, "heart"" (from
hard), in the possessive compound suhrid, " friend,"" pro-
perly, " having a good heart,"" has become masculine, and
is therefore, in some cases, distinguished from the simple
hridt so it happens with the Latin neuter base cord in the
compound bases miseri'Cord\, concord, socord; hence the ac-
cusatives miscricordem, concordem, socordem, answer to the
Sanscrit suhridamt while the simple cor{d), as nominative
and accusative, corresponds to the Sanscrit hrid (euphonic
hrit). The Gothic neuter base hairian suppresses, in the
undermentioned possessive compound, the final n, and ex-
* The final e of neuters like difforme is only a corraption of the i at the
end of a word (see §. 251.).
t Properly, " for the unfortunate having a heart," not " cujtu cor mise*
ret" So the Gothic arma-hairts, "pitiful," properly signifies "having
a heart for the poor ;" for in it the adjective-base arma is contained, as
the base miseru in the Latin mUericors, which base is weakened to miseri,
according to §. 968.
1390 FORMATION OF WORDS.
hibits then arma-hairta as theme, and arma-hairt-s (Old
High German arme-herzer in Notk.) for arma-hirta^s, (see
§. 135.)» as masculine nominative (pi. arma-hairtai) ; so
hrainya-hairUf " having a pure heart ^ hauh-hairts (for
hauha-hairtSt "high-minded,"' properly, "having a high
heart/' The Greek and Latin, too, oc- [G. Ed. p. 14360
casionally drop a final consonant at the end of possessive
compounds; hence, e.g.^ in Greek ofJLCdvvfiog, emAarofio^,
avatfxo^, avdatfjLo^, in Latin, exsanguis (properly, ** having the
blood out,** gen. idem., for exsanguin-is), multi-genus : for the
latter we might have expected multUgenor, if the suffix of
the simple word be contained therein uucurtailed, and also
without affix, as us, eris « Sanscrit as, asas, has retained the
old s only in the uninflected cases of the neuter (see §. 128.),
but for it exhibits r in the masculine and feminine (see
p. 1377 G. ed.); hence, bicorpor, opposed to the simple cor^
pus, corporis. The base gener (genus, gener-is) appears with
the inorganic affix of an i in muUi-generi-s. The Greek
occasionally appends an o to bases ending in a consonant,
f. jr., to Ttvp in airvpo-^y deonvpo-^ (properly, *' having God's
fire''), to vS(t>p in evVSpo^, ixeKawSpo^.
980. The Lithuanian uses its possessive compounds for
the most part substantively, and adds to their last member
as to that of almost all its compounds, the suffix ia,
nom. m. w* ; hence, e.g., didC-burnis, " the large-mouthed"
(burna, "mouth," cf. Sanscrit bru, "to speak"); didC-galwh,
** great head" ("having a great head," galwa, "head");
ketur-kampis, " four-cornered" (kampa-s, " corner") ; trikoyis,
"three-footed, having three feet" {kdya, "foot"). The
feminine of the Lithuanian possessive compounds, and other
classes of compounds, ends, in the nominative singular, in e,
from fat; hence, e.g., na-bage, "the poor," properly, "not
il( See §. 135., and p. 1345 G. ed., Not«.
t See §. 895.
COMPOUNDS. 1391
having wealth" ; pus-merge, " the half-maid" (the latter a
determinative compound ; merga, " maid"). [G. Ed. p. 1436.]
To this belongs the phenomenon, that the Sanscrit, too,
adds a derivative suffix to some of its possessive com-
pounds, and, indeed, the same wherewith above (§. 953.)
our i-y, Gothic ha, ga, has been compared. Our com-
pounds, therefore, like hochherzig, "high-hearted," contrasted
with the Gothic hauh-hairts, are in a measure already pre-
pared through the Sanscrit by compounds like angushthd-
'mdira-kas, " having a thumb's length" (Nal. XIV. 9.) j
mahdraska'Si "great-breasted." Without the derivative
suffix we can use our possessive compounds like Dreifuss,
Vierech Rothbrustchenf Langohr, Gelbschnabel, Dickkopft Gross-
maul, " Three-foot," " Four-corner," " Red-breast," " Long-
ear," " Yellow-beak," "Thick-head." "Great-mouth," only
as appellatives, or as words of abuse.
981. The accent in the Sanscrit possessive compounds
usually rests on the first member of the compound, and,
indeed, on that syllable which receives it when the word
stands uncompounded. This kind of accentuation ap-
proaches most closely to that of Greek, in which the prin-
ciple prevails to cast back the accent in all kinds of com-
pounds as far as possible, without reference to the accentu-
ation of the separate members in their simple state; a
procedure by which the compound gains much more of the
character of a new ideal unity than if the retention of the
accentuation of one of the combined elements preserved
for that member its individuality, and made the other
member subservient to it. In the other classes of com-
pounds, the Sanscrit usually takes no notice of the accen-
tuation of the single members in their simple state, yet
* The simple baga-s, '^ wealth," is wanting ; cf. Sanscrit bhaga-s and
hhdga-8, ^^ share/* *^ luck." The masculine na-bdgas has tlie suffix ia con«
tained in it.
1392 FORMATION OF WORDS.
does not cast back the accent, but allows it to sink down on
the final syllable of the whole base ; hence, e.y., mahd-bdhu-s,
"a great arm," opposed to TwaAd-MAu-*," great-armed,'' while
in Greek the possessive compound fJieydKoTroTu^, "great-town
[G. Ed. p. 1437.] forming,'' and the determinative MeydKo-
itoKi^, properly, " great-town," have the same accentuation.
9S2. The form mahd, in the just-mentioned compounds
mahd'bdhu'S and malid-bdhu'Sf is an irregular abbreviation
of mahdt, "great" (theme of the weak cases), which, at the
beginning * of possessive and determinative compounds,
drops its t, and then the lengthening of the d may be re-
garded as compensation for the consonant that has been
.dropped. Although in Sanscrit, according to §. 978., all
the parts of speech, with the exception of verbs, conjunc-
tions, and interjections, may stand as the first members of
possessive compounds, still for the most part, as also in
the European sister-languages, adjectives, including partici-
ples, appear in this place. I further annex some ex-
amples from the Maha-Bharata : chdru-ldcluma-s, '* hav-
ing beautiful eyes;" bahvrvidha-s, "of many kinds" (vidJid,
m. or vidhdt f. " kind ") ; tanvrmadhya-s, " having a
thin middle;" vlrupa-rupa-s, "having a disfigured form"
(riipd-m, " form ") ; tikshnd-damhtra'S, " having pointed
teeth" {ddnshtrd, f. "tooth"); lambd-jathara-s, "having a
swagging belly ;" sphurdd-dshtha-s, "having trembling lips"
(sphurdini, CI. 6. "I tremble''); jdyad-raiha-s, 'proper name,
signifying ** having a conquering car ;" jiid-lcrddha'S, " hav-
ing subdued anger ;'' gaid-vyatha-s, " having departed grief,"
i.e., "free from grief." The following are examples in
Zend: iAsx^^iAj7^7j3 sriradcshan, "having good oxen"
(from srira and ucshan) ; keresadcshan, " having thin oxen"
(A-er?,sa = Sanscrit iri5«) ; keresdspa^ proper name, "having
thin horses" (from kerem and aspa) ; ^?(3;Q)^p;oAJ)a)^ cshaHo-
« Sec Bumouf, " Ya^na," p. 828, n. 185.
XOMPOUNDS. 1393
'puthri, " who has bright (beautiful) children/' The fol-
lowing are examples in Greek : fxeyi-Ovfjios, [G. Ed. p. 1438.]
fieya'KvSi]^^ fxeya-icKei^St KevKo-Trrepo^, SoTuxo-CKto^, \evK'6^
OdKfioSt l3a6v-in€pvo^f itoKv-'xpvdo^t ravv-itenKo^t fxe\dfi'l3Li\o^,
fjL€\av-6r-KOfxo^, KKuTo-irat^, /c\irro-j8oi;7U)j. The following are
Latin examples : magn -animus, multi-cauliSf longi-pest atri-
'Color, acu'pedius , versi-cohr, Jissi-pes, fltx^animus* Gothic
examples are : laus-qvithr-s, '* having an empty body, fast-
ing" (for lausa-); laus^-handus, "having empty hands;''
lausa-vaurds, '^having wanton, vain words» speaking un-
profitably" (vaurd, n., theme vaurdch "word"); hrainya-
'hairts, ''having a pure heart'' (see §. 979.). Examples in
Old High German are: lang4iper, "having long life"f;
lanch-mueter, *' long-suffering ;" mUt-herzer, "having a mild
heart." For Lithuanian examples, see §• 980. Examples
in Old Sclavonic are : mhaoce^ai* milo-serd^, " misericors^
literally, " having a loving heart ;" qE^NOOkbiii cherno-okyi,
" black-eyed ;" B^bAorAABbiii byelo-glavyi, " white-headed."!
The following are examples in Sanscrit of possessive com-
pounds, which have a substantive as their first member :
bandhu-kdma-s, " having love to kindred ;" iydkiu-kdma-St
"having a desire to leave" (see §. 853.); bdla-putra'S, "hav-
ing a child as son" (Sav. II. 8.); mdiri'shashtha-s, "having
the mother as sixth" (Hid. I. 1.): in Greek, Kw-i-ippcavy
KVV'Q-Qapcfi^y l3ov'K€<pa\os, avSp^fiov\o£: in Latin^ anyuir
* This compound (accordiog to Festos) ahould properly be acu-pes, in
the theme acu-ped. Through the appended suffix iu it answers to the
Lithuanian compounds (§. 980.). In Sanscrit the theme would be dg{^
'P&d (from dkii\ and in Greek vxv-irovf, rnKv-TTob-os, The first member
of the Latin compound is therefore important to us, because adjective
bases terminating in an original u have elsewhere, in Latin, universally
received the inorganic affix of an • (see p. 1356 G. ed.).
t Graff (IL p. 46) unnecessarily assumes an adjective lihy *'*' lively,"
while we may be satisfied with the substantive Up, lib, ^^ life."
X The two last e2uiroplcs with the affix of the definite declension.
4 X
1394 FORMATION OF WORDS.
[G. Ed. p. 1439.] comus, angui-pes, ali-fes, pudor-i-color : in
Lithuanian, szvJc-dantis, " having gaps in the teeth'' (jszukke,
" liole, gap'*) ; szun-galwis, ** dog's head" (an abusive word),
properly, "the dog's headed" (of. §. 980.). The following
are examples in Sanscrit, with a numeral at the commence-
ment: dri-p4d*, "two-footed;" fric/uiitrd, " three-wheeled "
(Sama-V.); ch&tush-pdd, "four-footed" (1. c): in Zend,
As^juu^il bi'Zanhra, " two-footed ;" fX5^MJs^)7dj6^ cliaihru-
-^hasman, " having four eyes ;" ^)^AM)OA)»)^d^ cshvas-ashi,
** having six eyes ;" Atj^eiAto^^juu^Aso* hazanhr6--gh€Jt6shat
** having a thousand ears :" in Greek, Jnrouf , inrorafiog, 9/ tto-
po^f Tp/iroi/f, T€TpaKVK\o^: in Latin, bipes, btdens, bicorpor,
tripes, tripedorus'f, quadrupeSf quadr-urbs, quinquefoliv^ : in
Lithuanian, wien-ragis, "one-homed" (ragaSf "horn,'" see
§. 980.) ; dwi'koyis, " two-footed ;" tri-koyis, " three foot ;
tri'kampist " three-cornered " tri-galwis, " three-headed ;
ketuT'koyis, " four-footed :" in Sclavonic, KAHHO^ori> yedino-
-rog\ " one-homed ;" hetb^ ■feMOr'b chetvrye'fiog\ " four-
footed" {noga, "foot"): in Gothic, haihs, "one-eyed" (see
p. 418) : in Old High German, ein-hanier, " one-handed j"
eiwouger, " one-eyed ;" zui-ekker, " two-cornered ;" feor-
•fuazzer, "four-footed." The following are examples of
Sanscrit possessive compounds with a pronoun as the first
member : waydm-prabha-St "having lustre by itselV (svayum,
" self," see §. 341., prabhdf " lustre") ; tdd-Akdra-s, "having
such appearance ;" rndd-vidhas, " like me," properly, " hav-
ing the kind of me." Examples in Greek are : aurdjSouXof,
[G. Ed. p. 1440.] avToSiKO^t auToflai/aroy, avTOKo/JLo^, avTO/x>J-
%t
Vi
* In the weak cases dvi-pdd. The numerals in this kind of composition
retain the accent only under certain conditions : usually it falls on the
final syllable of the whole word (see Aufrecht, ^''De accentu compositorum
Sanacr," pp. 12, 20.
t With an extension of the base pector (cf. bicorpor) by a vowel afl^
as in Greek forms like Btoirvpos (§. 079. conclusion).
<1
1<
COMPOUNDS. 1395
Tcop, avTofjxyipo^, The following are examples with an adverb
preceding them in Sanscrit : tdthd-vidha-s, *' so constituted/"
properly, " having its kind so ;" sadA-gati'Sf " always
having going," an appellation of the wind ; so in Greek,
aetKap-no^, aetiraO^^, detaOevi^^, In Sanscrit the a primitive,
before vowels an, very frequently appears at the beginning
of this class of compounds, in which case the accent sinks
down on the final syllable ; hence, e.g., a-mald-s, " spotless
("not having spots"); a-pdd, "footless;" a-halA-s, "weak
(" not having strength") ; a-bhayd-Sf " fearless ;" an-antd-s,
"endless" ("not having end"). Hereto correspond, irre-
spective of the accentuation, Greek compounds like aTroif,
aTrov£ (genit. a7ro5-oj=Sanscrit a-pad-as), a<j>o^o^y avoiKo^.
The Latin, which retains the nasal of the privative parti-
cle before consonants, also furnishes us with compounds
like irwps, iners, inermist insomnis, imberbis, imbelUs. So
in Old Northern, d-hrwsi, " not having glory, gloryless
{hrost "praise"); 6-m61U "not having speech," "child
{mdU "speech"): Old High German, un-faseU "insect,
literally, " not having seed" {faseU "seed," Grimm, H. 776.).
A Zend example of this class of words is anaghra, " begin-
ningless," from an and o^Ara^ Sanscrit agra, "point, be-
ginning" (see p. 246).
983. For a purpose similar to that for which the priva-
tive particle a is applied, prepositions also, which express
separation, are used in Sanscrit and its sister-languages as
initial members of possessive compounds ; e.g.* in Sanscrit,
dpa-bhi'S, "fearless, having fear away" {dpa, "from,
away," bhi, f. "fear"); so in Greek, dirodvfjLo^, onrodpt^; in
Latin, abnormis; in Gothic, qf-^ucb, "godless" ("having
God away"), in opposition to ga-guds, " pious," properly,
** having God with." f^ ms, " out,"" before sonant letters
nir, is found, e.g., in nlr^maUi'S, " spotless," properly, "hav-
ing the spots out ;" as in Latin, e.g., ex- [G. Ed. p. 1441.]
animis, exsanguis, expers; in Gothic, e.g., us-vinOf theme
4x2
1^
^1
11
1396 FORMATION OF WOEDS.
uz-vSnaut "hopeless, having the hope out"' (vSn^iys, f.
"hope"); Old High German, ur-herzir, ^'excorsT ur-lu^ir
(for -fci), ^'exsorsT ur-mdtf "spiritless;" ur-wdfatu "un-
armed, defenceless." In a sense opposed to that of the
privative prepositions, the preposition so, " with" *, which
occurs only as prefix, is employed in Sanscrit to express
persons or things which possess that which the final sub-
stantive expresses; e,g., sd-kdma-Sf "with wish,'* Le.
" being with the circumstance of the wish, having a satis-
fied wish ;*' sd-ruj, " sick, being with sickness ;'* s&^rdga-s,
id. {ruch and rdga^ " sickness") ; sd-varna-s, " similar," pro-
perly, " concolor''^ (varna-^i, " colour") ; sd-^arva-Sf " proud,
being with pride;" sd-daya-s, "sympathizing" {day A,
"sympathy''). So in Latin, c.y., concorst consorst concohr,
cor^ormist confinis, commodtis, communis (for con and munusp
cf, immunis); in Greek, e.y,, ovvopo£t oT/vTa^j", owreKi^,
avvopKo^f iTvvoTr\o£, avvofx^po^, ovvoiko^, avvoSo^, avyyovo^,
avvOpovo^, avfifiopiJH)^, avyydhaKTo^ ; the latter with the exten-
sion of the substantive base by o (see §.979. conclusion). On
the Sanscrit sa is based the Greek a (from a for aa) in com-
pounds like dyd\aKTO£, ayd\a^, aieK<l>6g, oAo^^oy. Mention
has already been made elsewhere of the exact retention of the
Sanscrit preposition sa in the Greek (ra^^r* properly, *• with
light, being with brightness." In Sanscrit, bhds, " bright-
ness," would regularly combine with sa into the compound
sd'bhdst and this, in like manner, would signify "clear,
shining." In Gothic, ga-guds, " pious," properly, " being
with God," belongs to this class of words, being the anti-
[G. Ed. p. 1442.] thesis to the above-mentioned cf-guds:
and also ga-liugs, " false "f ; ga-daUch " sympathiser," " with
* When used alone, scihd ; as verbal prefix, sdm. The former appears also
tn the compound saJidd^va'S^ and the latter in some nominal compounds.
t Properly, '^ being with lying:" it presupposes a lost substantive
Uugs, *'Ue."
COMPOUNDS. 1397
portion having **' (for ga-daitiiyst see §. 928.) ; ga-hlai/af
'* companion, with bread having^ (for ga-hlaifs, 1. e.). If
I have been wrong in comparing, in §. 416., the Gothic for-
mations in leik'-s, and the forms analogous to them in
German, with the Sanscrit in drisa^h they must then be
included in the class of compounds under discussion, and
we must recognise in their concluding element the sub-
stantive feiJt'-», ** body ;" then ga-leiks, ** similar,'' signifies
properly, "with body having,^' "having the body, ic, the
form in common with another," and it would correspond
in its formation to the Latin cor^ormis, Greek <TvfjLiJLop(l>o^,
and Sanscrit sd-rupa-s.* The form anihar-leiK'S, "separate,'*
deducible from anthar-leikeU ** diflference,'* would then
literally signify "having another body," i.e. "another
form," aXXojuop^j (cf. Sanscrit anydrupa-s^ " other shaped ;"
S. V. II. 8. 1. 4. 1.
d84. The Sanscrit prefixes au and dus (before sonant
letters dur, cf. §. 919.), like their sister forms in Greek, ei
and Sv^, stand in the class of compounds under discussion
for adjectives, whereby 8U allows the accent which belongs
to it to sink down on the final syllable of the base,
or before words which are formed with the suffixes as
and man on the penultima;" hence, e.g., su-pisas (nom.
m. f, supisds), " having a good form ;** sumdnas, nom. m. f.
sumdndst "having a good spirit, well-intentioned," in op-
position to su-jihvd'Sf " having a good [G. Ed. p. 1443.]
tongue" (jihvdf f. "tongue"); su-parnd-Sf "having good
wings." The following are examples with dus, dur, " bad :"
dir-dtman (nom. -md), " having a bad soul ;" dwr-hala'S,
" having bad strength ;" dur-mana-^ (nom. "fnands), " hav-
ing a bad spirit." To the latter corresponds, irrespective
of the accentuation, the Greek iv^^ievrfi (see §. 146.), as
* Likewise " aimilar," from «i, " with," and rupa, " form ;" so dnU"
-rdpa-s, "similar," from dnu^ "after," and li^pa^ " fonn,"
1398 FORMATION OF WORDS.
evfJL€VYJ£ to mmdn&s. Other Greek examples belonging to this
class are: evfieTOyy, evfJLeyiOrf^, €vyuop<^o^^ evfJUjKo^, iv^fiop<pog,
Sv^jjiopo^, Sv^Trpoaoiiro^, Sv^Xetcrpog. Examples in Z^nd of this
class of words are : 0)^/^5 ;w» hwkerepy ** having a handsome
body/' nora, j^jif^gj;^' hu-Jceref-s (see §. 40.); .^^a^i^ hu-jiti,
"having a good life" (see §. 128.); hu-ptUhra, f. hu-puthrit
" having handsome children ;^ Mxsfxs^M^ dus-manas, " hav-
ing a bad spirit f ajjCwai^^jjuvsao^ dus-skyadlhna, " having
a bad deed, acting badly f ' MX3^Mi^6:y)^ dusch-vachast *' hav-
ing bad discourse.*"
THIRD CLASS.
Determinatives called Karmadhdraya,
965. The last member of this class of compounds is a
substantive or adjective, which is more closely defined or
described by the first member. The first member may
be any jmrt of speech, excepting verbs, conjunctions, and
interjections ; the most usual, however, is the combination
of an adjective with a following substantive. Adjectives,
which have a peculiar theme for the feminine, use, if the
concluding substantive be feminine, not the feminine base,
but the primary form common to the masculine and neuter.
The accent falls most commonly on the final syllable of
the united base. The following are examples: d'wya-
'husumd'S, '* heavenly flower ;" prlya-bhdryd, " dear spouse '"^
[G. Ed. p. 1444.] (not priyd'bhdryd) ; saptarshdya-s, '* the
seven Rishisf' a-hhayd-m, "not fear, fearlessness^'*;
ddhrishta-s, ** invincible f' dn-rita'S, " untrue f suprita^s^
* Inseparable adverbs and prepositions have the accent at the 1>egin-
ning of these compounds: just so substantives which denote the thing
with which the person or thing to which the compound refers are com-
pared. To the numerous exceptions from the rules of accent in this class
of compounds belong, inter alia, the compounds described in §. 919., like
su'ldblia'8, "being easily attained;" dur-ldbha-s, "being with difficulty
attained/*
COMPOUNDS. 1399
"much beloved;" su-purna-s, "very full;" dUr-dwa-nif
"storm," lit "hard day;" su-nfti-s, "good behaviour;"
sdmi-bhukta-s, "half eaten;" prd-vtra-s, "fore-man/' ue.
" superior man ;"' ddhi-paii-s, " regent, lord ;'' vl-sadrik,
"dissimilar;" gh&na-iydma-s, "cloud-dark, black like a
cloud ;" sy^d-patvd (theme -van), " flying like a falcon.'"
Examples in Zend are : ^^^f^^^ jjierendyndOf " full moon ;"
a)7a>9a5 a-mara, "undying" (theme); ^^'^t^^j^^-'^ amere-
shans, " not dying" (see p. 1421 G. ed., Note) ; 9gpJ^5f7AJ9«b2^
dusch'vareste-m, " bad deed, bad action ;" (^^-'^^-'^^ chi»-
•fnaie-m, "bad thought;" (g^d^^cJo)^ dmch-ude-^nh "badly
said ;" ^gpA>9;o* hu-mcde-m, " well thought ;" As7(2^f A;w» Au-
'fedhra, fem. -i, " very fortunate, excellent."
9S6. To this class belong Greek compounds like /xeyaA-
-efXTTopo^, fxeyaXo^aifxciv, fxeyoLKo-fjLrjrrip, i<ro-7re5ov, evpu^Kpeitav,
a-7va)Tor, dv'Yjfxepo^y eu-5i;A.oj', eu-avo/icToy, Sv^aYyeKo^, ivg^
-aTTiOTOj', Yifxt'Kv<M)v, ^fxt-Kevo^, itporOvfJLa, e^'oSog, ejp-oiog.
The following are examples of Latin compounds of this
class : meri'diest properly, " the middle day," from medi-dies
(see §§. 17., 20.), for medil'dies, as iibi-cen for tibii-cen, from
tlhia'Cen (see §. 968.), albo-galerus (see [G. Ed. p. 1445.]
p. 1417, Note, G. ed.), sacri-portus, quinque^ri, decem-viri (as
in Sanscrit sapidrshayas, " the seven Rishis"'), pcBn-insulat
neff-oiiunit in-imicuSf semi-deuSf semi-dieSt semi-mortuus, bene-
'dicus, male-ficus (see §. 916.), in-felm in-subus (see §. 490.
Remark l), insipidus (see §. 6.), dif-ficilis^ dis'similist pro^
-avuSf pro-nepost ab-avus, ante-peSf ante-loquium, con-servOf
inter-reXf inter-regnunif per-magnus, prtB-celer, prcB'dulciSt prce^
'durus. In German this mode of forming compounds is
still in full force in all its varieties. The following are
examples: Grossvater, "grandfather;" GrossmuUer^ "grand-
mother ;" GrosmachU " great potency ;'" Grosshdndler,
" wholesale dealer ;" Weissbrod, " white bread ;" Schwarz^
brody " black bread ;" FoUmond, " full moon ;" Halbbrudeff
" half-brother ;" haushoch, " high as a house -^ federleicht.
1400 FORMATION OF WORDS.
" light as a feather ;" himmelblau, " sky-blue f ^ dunkelblau^
" dark blue ;" Unschuld, " innocence f' Unverstand, " indis^
cretion ;" unreifj " unripe f ' uneben, " uneven ;"' Ubermachtt
" overpowering force f' Ahmeg^ " by-way ;" Ausweg^ '* out-
let f' Beigeschmach " false taste ;" Urderroch " petticoat ;''
Vorhut, " vanguard f"* schtoarzgelb, *' tawny ;" F'orrede, "pre-
face r Vorgeschmack, " foretaste f * VormUiagt " forenoon ;**
Nachgeschmakf " after-taste ;" Miierbe, *' co-heir ;"' Mitsckuld^
"participation in guilt;'' AbgotU "idolf" Abbild, "image."*
In Old High German only the compounds with s&mU which
are wanting in our dialect, will be here mentioned by me as
analogous to the above-mentioned (p. 1399,1. 3.) Sanscrit sc1i7i£-
'bhukfaSf ** half-eaten/' Greek fjyiiKevoq, Latin $^mt-fnortiitis, viz.
«dmi-/fei/, "half well;" sdmi-qvect " wmi-vitus /' sdmt-tri!?,
"siJirufus ("half white"). The following are examples in
Grothic: yugga-lavths, "young man, youth;'' sUba-siuneis^
** eye-witness, avroTrrrf^ ;" afar-dagrf, " the other (following)
day ;" andn-vaiirdf " answer" (" counter- word ") ; anda-
'vIciznX, "face, countenance;" v/ar-gudyaf "high priest,
dpx'epev^;^ ufar-fullsf "overfull." Examples in Lithuanian
are : pirm-gimmimmaSf "first-birth;" pus-dewis, *'demi-god;'*
[G.Ed. p. 1446.] pvs'sessu, " half-sister ;" pus-gywiSf " half-
dead" (literally, "semi-animate"); pus-sale, "peninsula;"
san-karehvis, ** competitor ;" san-teivonisn " co-heir C prybuUh,
" vestibule." Examples in Old Sclavonic are : NOBor^AA*
vovo-grad", " new-town ;" BbCECAABiibiu vyse-slavnyh " entirely
famous;" BbCEBAArbiii vyse-blagy), "quite good;" BbCEgA^'b
vyse'znr\ " 7ra/x)8a<riA€iJj ;" CAMOBUAEij'B samo-videz*, "eye-
* In case the last member of this compouDd occnrred in its nncom-
ponnded state, and that the whole is not, which I consider more probable,
a derivative from a to-bc-prcsupposed silba^siuns, "self-seeing."
t In Sanscrit apardhna-m (from apara-ahna'fn) is called " the after-
noon," but literally, " the other day " (" the other part of the day").
t yieiatn docs not occur uncomponnded.
COMPOUNDS. 1401
witness^ airoirrrj^ :** in Russian, no^iAenb pol-^eny, "noon"* ;
noABomi pol-nochy, "midnight ;" no^ySori*' polu-bog, "demi-
god;" CB'bm.^oqeJieHbiii svyetlo-chelenyi, "light green;**
coB.^aA'buiei^ib so-vladyetely, " co-owner.'^
FOURTH CLASS.
Dependent Compoonds called Tdipunuha,
987. This class forms compounds, of \vhich the first member
is dependent on, or is governed by, the second, and there-
fore always stands in some oblique case-relation. Examples,
in which the first member stands in the genitive relation,
are contained in §. 968. So in Zend, e.^., j^j(0JA}Q)4^yjus(i
nrndnd-paili'St "loci domintw/^ ^j^as<^^jm3^j nrndnd-pathnU
" loci'-domina r '*>^J^SM^)^^xi^zantU'paUi-8t *'urbis dominus :''
in Greek, otKorireSov, OTpaTo-ireSov, oiVo-O^/o;, oiKO'(f>v\a^,
de<ravpO'<f>v\a^ : in Latin, auri-fodinat auri-fur^ mus-cerda
(see p. 1418 G. ed., Note), su-cerda, imbri-cUorf Marti-cuUor :
in Gothic, veina-gardsf "vineyard;" aurti-gardst "kitchen-
garden ;'* veina-basi, " grape ;*' heiva-frauyat " master of the
house;" smahka-bagms, ** fig- tree" (see §. 971.); daura-vardsf
" warder, keeper of the gate ;^^ daura-vardat [G. Ed. p. 1447.]
"portress, door-wai tress ;'' vgis^-laun^ "guerdon of victory^
(for sigisa-laun) : in Lithuanian, wyn-uge^ " grape'' {vgaf
" berry,'' see §. 980.) ; wyn^szahh "vine" (^a^i = Sanscrit
iAkhd, "branch"); in Old Sclavonic, AomoCT^OHTEAb doma^
stroitely, "steward;" CB'bTOAABEq'b svyet(hdav€z\ "light-
giver;" BorofOAH^A fcogro-rodiifa, " mother of God ;" n*TAO-
r AXmmE pyetio-glashenie, " gallicinium'' (Dobrowsky, p. 458).
Examples in which the first member of the dependent com-
* Lit. ^'half-day." If L. Diefenbach is right, as I think he is, in com-
paring the Lithuanian /m««e, ^'half," with the Sanscrit pdriva, ''side,"
the Sclaronic pel may also be referred to thift class, and / may be regarded
as the representatire of the Sanscrit r, as is done by Miklosich, who traces
back no At pot to J^paroj ^^ alius."
1402 FORMATION OF WORDS.
pound stands in the accusative relation have been given
on a former occasion.* In Sclavonic, BOAONOCb voda-nos^
''hydria^ properly, " water-carrier,''^belongs to this class. In
the instrumental relation the first member of the compound
appears frequently in Sanscrit in combination with the
passive participle in iot and that member then receives the
accent ^^hich belongs to it in its uncompounded state ;
hence, e.g., pAti-jushtd, "a marito dilecta,^^ Thus, e.g., in
Zend, irrespective of the accentuation, which is here un-
known to us, Ajp^^'^A^'^jto^wAj^Ajj zaraihvMhrd'frddaf ** an-
nounced by Zaratusthra T as^o^^^as^as^ mazda-ddta, '' made
by Mazda (Ormuzd) : in Greek, 6ed-5oTOf, deo-rpenro^ ; in
Gothic, handu'Vaurht'S, '* made with the hand, x^'powo/iyroj :^
in Sclavonic, ^&koTBO^eNNbiH runko-tvorennyU id. {runka^
"hand," see §.970.). In the dative relation we find, e.gr.,
ftnr pitrl and f^[T]9 hiranya, in the compounds pHrl'Sadriia-s,
"like the father f' hiranya'Sadriia'S, " like gold" -j*; so in
Greek, OeoeUeKo^; in Gothic, gasti-gods, "hospitable," literally,
" to the guest or guests good ;" in Russian, 6oronoAo6Hbiii
hogopodobnyi, "Godlike ;" Goronoc^ymnbiH bogoposlyshnyX
[G.Ed. p. 1448.] *' obedient to God.'' In the ablative
relation stands wf^ ndbhas, " heaven," in the compound
nabhai'chyutd'S, " fallen fi*om heaven." In the locative
relation is ndu, in the above-mentioned ndu-sthd-^, " stand-
ing in the ship."
988. To the class of dependent compounds belong, too,
our German formations like Singvogeh " singing-bird ;"
Springbnmnen, " well-head ;" Ziehbrunnen, " draw-well f '
SchreihlehreTt " writing-master " Singlehrer, " singing-mas-
ter ;" Fahrwasser, " water-channel ;" Esslust, '* desire to
eat ;" Lespzimmer, " reading. room ;" Scheidekunst, " analy-
♦ See §§.916., 922.
t In combination with sadriia and pratiHipa the first member takes
its proper accent.
COMPOUNDS. 1403
tical art, chemistry f ' Trinkglas, " drinking-glass ;" Trink^
fipruch, " drinking-speech, toast ;" Kehrbesen, " broom,
whisking-brush ;" Lehrmeister, " instructor ;" Lehemannf
" worldly-man, epicurean ;" Lockvogeh "decoy-bird." They
have this peculiarity, that the first member is not used
alone ; but I can no more regard it as a verb than I can the
first member of the Greek compounds like Seta-t'SalfJuav, dis-
cussed above (§. 967.). I rather look upon it as an abstract
substantive, although, for some compounds of this kind,
the signification of the present participle appears the more
suitable ; for Singvogel is " a singing-bird,'' Springbrunnen,
" a springing-well ;" but Ziehbrunnen is not " a drawing-
well,'' but " a well for drawing ;" Trinkglas not " a drink-
ing-glass," but " a glass for drinking ;" Schreiblehrer not
" a writing-teacher," but ** a teacher of writing," as Tanz--
khrer is " a teacher of the dance ;' ' and so, too, Singvogel
may be taken as Gesangsvogel, Ziehbrunnen as Zugbrunnen^
** well for drawing." The circumstance that many sub-
stantives occur in the manner cited only at the beginning
of compounds can no more surprise us than another which
has come under our notice, that in several members of
our family of languages some classes of adjectives are
limited, either solely and entirely, or principally, to the
end of compounds. In formation, the [G. Ed. p. 1449.]
substantives of the class of compounds under discussion,
and which do not occur so early as in the Gothic, are
identical with the theme of the present, the class-syllable
of which is for the most part suppressed in strong verbs,
but retained in some, and, indeed, in the Old High Ger-
man, either in its original form a (see §. 109.*^ i.), or in that
ofe; hence, e.jr., ^aj^-a-yfuo/, "sedan "("chair for carrying"),
analogous to trag-a-mis, " we carry ;" so trag-a-betti, " pa-
See §§. 909.S 911., 91-2., 916.
1404 FORMATION OF WORDS,
lanquin f trag-a-diorna^ "female supporter,^ "CaryatisT
tveb-e-hus, " web-house,'' ** testrina.'*'* The few remnants of
the Sanscrit 4th class (§. 109.'^ 2.) contract, in Old High
German, the class-syllable ya (ij ya) to i, of which hef-i-
'hanna, "midwife,'' appears to be a solitary example. As
wasku, " I wash," and slifuy " I drag," do not belong to this
class, the i of wask-i-ivazar and dipA-stein (literally, " wash-
water," " draw-stone"), may be regarded as the weakening
of a. The syllable ya of the first weak conjugation is
likewise contracted to t (see Grimm, 11. p. 68I), and this
latter vowel is frequently weakened to e, or entirely sup-
pressed ; hence, e.jr., wez-i-sten, wezz-e-sten^ u^ez'Stdtif "whet-
stone." The second and tliird weak conjugations afford,
in Old High German, no examples of this class of com-
pounds, which has continually extended itself in the course
of time, and is most numerously represented in New High
German. Since the weak conjugation, as I think I have
proved, is based on the Sanscrit 10th class (see §. 109.*V), I
would further recall attention to the fact that the character
of this class is retained in the accusative forms in aydm
discussed in §. 619., and in the Zend infinitives in ayanm.
FIFTH CLASS.
Collective Componnds called Dvigu,
989. This class forms collectives, which are more
closely defined by a numeral prefixed. The final substan-
[G. Ed. p. 1450.] tive, without reference to its primitive
gender, becomes a neuter, for the most part in a, or fern,
in i. The accent rests on the final syllable of the collective
base. The following are examples : fn-f/ufid-m, " the three
properties" (guna, m.); chatur-yugd-m, "the four ages of
the world " (yuga, n.) ; panchindriyd-m, " the five senses '*
(indriya, n.); tri-khatvd-m or tri-khatvt, "three beds"
{hhatvd, f.); tri-rdtrdtn, "three nights" (rdlro, for the
n
COMPOUNDS. 1405
simple rdtrly f.); panchdgnU "the five fires''*; iri-ldki^
the three worlds." Examples in Zend are : fpm^^ bydrCf
Uenniumt'' for 6i-ydre(?, according to §. 30.) ; 9^7a}q)asm3^j7(3
thri-csapare-m, ^* trinoctium T aj^,^»*am9;/(3A5^ chathru-mdhya,
" four months," ace. -mdhim (see §.312. and §. 42.) ; A)»A)y-
9 ^/xy^MM^ nava-csapare-m, ** nine nights ;" as^<>^jus ^•'^^•'^^
pancha-mdhyaf ace. -A^m, ** five months ;" 9 g?A)Q)A5J^3^J^;A)»Juv^
csvas-csapare-nif '* six nights.^' To these, viz. to the neu-
ters, correspond in Latin tri-viu-fn, " point where three
roads meet," bi-viu-m, ambi'Viumj^t quadri-viunit bi-duu-m,
tri'duu-nit for which we may presuppose a simple duu-s, or
du-a, or duu-m, as an appellation of " day ;" for all three
forms duu-m, according to the Sanscrit principle, must be
employed in the compound. In Sanscrit, divd appears as an
appellation of " day," in the compounds divd-hard'St " sun,"
as " day-maker ;" divd-mani-s, likewise " sun," lit. " pre-
cious stone of day," and divd-madhya-mi " noon" (" middle
of day"). The adverb divd, " by day," does not suit for
these three compounds. From the base divd in Latin,
after suppressing the i, we must get dua, [G. Ed. p. 1461.]
The Latin forms like bi-noci-m-tTi, tri-noct'iu'mt quinqu-ert'
iu'tn (see §. 6.), bi-enn-iu-m, have quitted the original posi-
tion of genuine compounds, by annexing a neuter suffix.
The Greek prefixes the feminine form of the suffix to the
neuter in lo-i', which latter, however, is not wanting.
Examples are : TptrjfjLepia, rptoSla, Tcrpaoita^ rerpaoiiov {quad"
rivium), TerpavvKTta, rpivvKTtov (trinoctium). In exact accord-
ance with the Sanscrit neuter compounds like chatur-
-yiigd-m stands TedptTnrov: on the other hand, the Sanscrit,
too, can, from its copulative compounds, form with the neu-
* Viz. the sun and four fires kindled in the direction of the four quar-
ters of the world, to which he who undergoes penance exposes himself.
f The t of ambi is the weakening of the final vowel of the base, which,
in the nominative singular, would form, were it imaginable, ambus.
1406 FORMATION OF WORDS.
ter suffix ya derivations, which do not alter the meaning
of the primary word. Thus, together with the above-
mentioned tri-gund-m, tri-ldki, there exist, too, the forms
trdtgun-yn-m, trdUdh'-ya-nh of equivalent meaning; so
chdlurvarn-ya-m, "the four castes,"' from chaturvand-m.
These, therefore, irrespective of the Vriddhi augment, are
the true prototypes of Latin forms like tri-enn'-tu-m, quadri-
-enn'-iu-m, &c., and of the Greek rpt-oy-to-v, Tpi-vvfcr-tO'V.^
[G. Ed. p. 1462.] SIXTH CLASS.
Adverbial Compoands called Avyayibhdva,
990. The first member of this class of compounds is
cither, and indeed most commonly, a preposition, or the
privative particle a, an, or the adverb ydthd, '* as ;'* and
the last member is a substantive, which, without reference
to its gender when uncompounded, always assumes the form
* The term " collective compoands" woold be imsoitable for this class
of compounds, if, with the Indian Grammarians, we included in this class
also adjectives like panchagava-dhana, ^* having the wealth of five bul>
locks," "five bullocks rich.*' If, however, we do not r^;ard the having a
numeral for the first member as the most important condition of these
compounds, I do not see any reason for withdrawing adjectives like that
al>ove mentioned from the possessive class, and placing them in a class
with the collectives, which are more narrowly defined by a nnmeraL The
word which Indian Grammarians put forth as an example of this dass of
compounds^ viz. dviyu, la likewise no collective, but an adjective of the
class of compounds, with a trifling overplus of meaning beyond what lite^
rally belongs to it, " having two bullocks." It should, however, signify,
**• bought for two bullocks," but must originally have meant scarce aught
else but ^'having the value of two bullocks "=" costing two bullocks."
The peculiarity of this compound consbts, therefore, only in this, that
dvigu signifies, by and for itself, not " two bullocks," but " the worth of
two bullocks." If go, with a numeral, sliould form a real collective, its
base receives the extension of an a; hence, e.g., pancha-gavd-m, ^^five
bullocks." Cf., with respect to the a which is used to extend bases,
Latin compounds like miUti-coior-U'S, tri-pector-u^y and Greek like 6(6^
-TTV/l-O-F.
INDECLINABLES. 1407
which belongs to the neuter in the nominative and accusa-
tive ; hence, e.jr., the feminine sraddhd, " belief, faith,''
becomes sraddham in the compound t/athd'Sraddhdm*, " pro-
portioned to faith,'' literally, " like faith." The following
are other examples : yathd-vidhi, " like prescription, cor-
responding to prescription" (vidfu-s, f.) ; a-sansa^fd-m, " not
doubt, without doubt" (sansaya-m, n.) ; anu-hshand-mf " im-
mediately" (anii, "after," kshana-m, "moment"); ati-
"rndtrd-m, "beyond measure" {rndtra-nit "measure"); pra-
iyahdm, "daily" {prati, "towards," ahan, n. "day," with n
suppressed). Latin compounds of this kind are, admodum,
prcBmodum, obviam, affatim, in which, however, the last mem-
ber retains its original gender, while, according to Sanscrit
principle, obvium, affate, must be said for obviam^ affatim.
The following are compounds of this kind in Greek: avrifiltjv,
dvTi^iovy vTtepfiepov, Ttapayprjiia. Some similarity to these
adverbial compounds is to be observed [G. Ed. p. 1453.]
in the Old High German periphrases of superlative adverbs
by neuter accusatives with prepositions prefixed, which
elsewhere govern, not the accusative, but the dative (see
Grimm, III. 106.) ; e.g.. Old High German az yungist, " tan-
dem T az Idzdst, '* demum f^ zifurist/* primum.^'' We write
in one word zuerst, zuktzt, zuvdrderst, zundchst, zumeistt &c.
A certain likeness to this class of compounds is to be
traced also in Greek adverbs like (rrnxepov, r/jfjLepov (see §. 345.),
in which fffiepa has appended a neuter form in the very same
way as the Sanscrit iraddhd mentioned above.
INDECLINABLES.
ADVERBS.
991. Exclusive of the compounds described in the pre-
ceding §., adverbs are formed in Sanscrit,
* The accent ordinarily rests on the final syllable.
1408 FORMATION OF WORDS.
l) With particular suffixes, the most important of which
have been already considered (see §. 420.). I must here
further mention, that, in departure from §. 294. Remark 2,
I now prefer to trace back the Gothic adverbs hva-drS,
" whither." hi-dri, " hither," yatn-dri, " thither, eice?," to
the Sanscrit pronominal adverbs in tra (§. 420.). They
will therefore have experienced an irregular transfor-
mation of the tenuis to the medial, e.y.,/ac2rein, "parents,*"
contrasted with the Sanscrit pitdrdu. As regards the t
of the said Gothic adverbs, it would lead us to expect
in Sanscrit, according to §. 69., A for a. This d occurs
in the Sanscrit suffix when it is appended to certain
substantives and adjectives. Thus we read in the
Schol. to Panini, V. 4. se., inanushyatrd vasaiij " he dwells
among men;" dhcUrd gachchhati, "he goes to the
gods."*
[G. Ed. p. 1454.] 2) With case-forms ; e.g., the form of ad-
jectives, which is common to the nominative and accusa-
tive singular neuter, represents also the adverb. I, how-
ever, of course consider the said form to be the accusative,
as any oblique case is better adapted than the nomina-
tive to denote an adverbial relation. The following are
examples : madhurdm, " lovely, pleasant ;'' sighrdm, hship-
rdm,dsUf " quick T nliyam, "ever" (nUya-s, '* sempiiernus"'*);
chirdm, " long ;" prathamdmt " first ;" dvHiyam, " for the
second time ;'' hahu, " much;" bhuyas, " more ;" bhuyish-
(ham, " most." So in Latin, eg., commodum, plerumque,
potissimum, multum, primum, secundum, amplitis, recens.
* In classical Sanscrit I have not met with fonns and constructions of
this kind : they seem to be limited to the Veda dialect. Bohtlingk cites,
in his Commentary to P4nini, p. 230, two passages of the first book of the
Rigveda : in the one (32. 7.) occurs purutrd, " in many," i,e. " in many
places" or " members" (Schol. bahushv anvayavSshu) ; in the other (50.
10.) divatrd, in the sense of ''among the gods."
INDECLIN ABLES. 1 409
facile, difficile. So, in Sclavonic, the adverbs in o are
identical with the accusative (nom. also) neuter of the
corresponding adjective ; e.g,, maao malo, " little ;" mnofo
mnogo, " much ;'" AOArodolgo, " long, a long time/' To this
class belongs, in Gothic, ^u, ** much," " very." Observe,
too, the adverbial use of neuter adjectives in Greek, both
in the singular and in the plural, as fxeya, fieyaKa, fjuKpov,
fiiKpd, KoKov, TtTsjiclovt rayif^ ^Sv, which likewise must of
course be regarded as accusatives. The adjective base
word for Sripov, " long," is wanting : it is probably, just
like So?axos, akin to the Sanscrit dirgha from dargha or
dragha, ^'longusr whence the adverb dirgham. Some
Sanscrit adverbs are, according their form, plural instru-
mentals, formed from adjective bases in a; e.g., uchchdis,
•' high,'' '* loud." from uchchd; nichdls, "low," from ntchd;
sandis, " slow,'' from the unused iana. [G. Ed. p. 1456.]
The Lithuanian, which forms instrumentals plural in
ais, eis (from um), from bases in a and ia (diewais = San-
scrit d4vdis, see §. 243.), exhibits, in remarkable con-
formity with the Sanscrit, adverbs also with plural in-
strumental terminations ; e.g., pulkais. " frequent," from
pulJca-s, " heap ;" kartais, ** at times," from karias, " a time,"
** once ;" wdkarais, " in the evening," from wakaras,
** evening ;" nakii-mvi, " by night ;" pieta-mis, " at noon."
The instrumental singular occurs in Sanscrit likewise
in some forms which pass for adverbs ; e.g., in ddkshini-
-n-a, ** southern," from ddkshina; dchiri-n-a, " soon," lite-
rally, "after not long:" ahndya, " soon," literally, "this
day," is a dative. The Old High German adverbs with
a dative plural termination like luzzikhn, *' paulatim T
the Anglo-Saxon like middum, " in medio,'"' miclum, **mag-
noperef the Old Northern like tdngum, ** bnge,'"' farnun/,
**olim^^ (Grimm, III. p. 94), remind us of the Sanscrit
and Lithuanian adverbs first discussed, with the plural
termination of the instrumental. The following are
4 Y
1410 FORMATION OF WORDS.
examples in Sanscrit of adverbial ablatives : paschdf,
•* hereafter ;" drdt, "near/' also "far f adhastAt. "under f
purastdt, ** before," from the lost bases pascha, &c. ; Achi-
rdt, "swift," from dchira, "not long." To this class
have already been referred the Greek adverbs in wy
(from on-).* They enrich, to a certain extent, the de-
clension of adjectives by one case ; and Buttmann (§. 115. 4.)
remarks that a>f may still be regarded as a termination
entirely devoted to the inflection of the adjectives. We
[G. Ed. p. 1466.] must, however, here give up the sim-
ple rule, that the termination o^, nominative and geni-
tive, passes into cor, as ci>9 cannot possibly^ as an inde-
pendent case-termination, arise at one time from a
nominative, and that of the masculine gender, and at
another from a genitive. The agreement in accentua-
tion, etff*, of cofpu)^ with ao<j>6s, of evdetM)^ with eidv^, euOeo^f
corresponds with the phenomenon, that in Greek, as in
Sanscrit, the accent regularly remains on the syllable
on wliich the base or the nominative has it ; thus, in
Sanscrit, from the base samd, " like," comes the nomina-
tive 8am6'St ace. samd-m, abl. sama-t, as in Greek from 6fi6
come the analogous forms ofi-o^, ofio-v, 6/xcd-f. The fol-
lowing are Latin adverbs with an ablative form, e.g.,
contimWf perpdtw, raro, primo, secundo ; and in Gothic
these have a genuine ablative signification, e.g.i hva-thrd,
"whither?" tha-thrd, "therefrom" (see §. 294. Rem. l);
and the following have not an ablative meaning like the
Greek in o)? and Latin in 6: sinteind, "always;" sniu-
* See §. 183. Since, then, Ahrens ("De dialecto Darico^'* p. 370) has
similarly explained the Doric adverbs in a (irS>y rovrot, avrm, Trjva)^ which,
as representatives of the adverbs in 6(v (see §.421.), havQ a genuine abla-
tive meaning. By their termination o), for fo-r^ they correspond admi-
rably to the Gothic adverbs, which are likewise strictly of an ablative
nature, like alyathrd^ ^^aUunde" (see §. 294. Rem. 1.).
INDECLINABLES. 141 1
mundd, " hastily," Sec. (1. c.). We have a Sanscrit ad-
verb with a genitive form in chirdsyat ** finally," lite-
rally, "of the long;" so in Greek, e.g., ofiov, ttoC, oAAot;,
in Gothic, offw, " entirely ;" gistra-dagiSf " yesterday."*
In Sanscrit, prAhnSf " in the forenoon,'** is regarded as
an adverb with a locative termination, as the said case-
termination, without transgressing its original destina-
tion, as is frequently the case vrith adverbs, stands here
quite in its place. The language, however, itself dis-
tinguishes prdhn6 from the common locative in this,
that it forms from it, as from a theme, the derivative
prdhni'tana-s (see §. 960.). From Latin [G. Ed. p. 1467.]
we refer to this class, as has already been done (p. 1227,
Note *, G. ed.), the adverbs of the second declension,
and compare, e.g., novi with the Sanscrit locative navS,
" in the new," which is no obstacle to regarding the
genitive also, novi, according to its' origin, as locative
(see §. 200.). As the Lithuanian forms locatives in i
(see §. 197.) from bases in a, but occasionally contrasts
aU too, with the Sanscrit Guna diphthong 4 (from at)
(see p. 997), so perhaps its adverbs in ay, ey (the latter
from to), and which spring from bases in a, are, accord-
ing to their origin, locatives, since ay, ey, are not distin-
guished in pronunciation from aU ei (see Kurschat, "Con-
tributions," IL 9.). The following are examples : gieray,
" good, well" (giera-s, ** a good man ") ; zinnomay, " know-
ing" {zinnoma-s, "a male acquaintance"): pirmay, "be-
fore" (pirmas, "the first") ; tenay, "there" (Old Prus-
sian tans, from tanas, "he," ace. tenna-n) ; didey, "very"
(didis, " great,'* theme didia, euphonic didiia). Ruhig
remarks, that, in Lithuanian, adverbs can be formed from
* Matt. vi. 30, ^^ to-morrow," see Gabelentz and Lobe, 1. c. Regard-
ing the comparative adverbs, see §. 301. Remark ; and as to High Ger-
man adverbial genitives, see Grimm, III. 93.
4 Y 2
^^
1412 FORMATION OF WORDS.
verbs by adding the syllable nay to the infinitive ; but I
believe that the language has arrived in a difierent manner
at adverbs like laupsin-tinayt ** in a praiseworthy manner
(infin. laupsinti, *' to praise"), than by appending the
syllable nay to the infinitive suffix ii, I believe, viz.
that in Lithuanian abstract bases in tinors existed, whieli
suffix might be added to the root or the verbal theme
in the same way as the infinitive suffix ti. I pre-
suppose, therefore, e.g., abstracts like lavpsintina-s, "the
praising," fnytetina-s, " the loving ;" and I deduce there-
from the adverbs laupsin-tinay, myJ/rlinay, in the same
way as gieray, "ftene," from giera-s, **6/mi£4." I regard
the suffix tina as identical with the secondary suffix
tvanaisee p. 1216 G.ed., Note), which forms abstracts in the
[G. Ed. p. 1468.] Veda dialect With regard to the loss
of the V, remark the relation of the Lithuanian sapna-s,
" sleep,"' to the Sanscrit ^vdpnas. To the Vedic suffix
tvana, and in fact to its locative tvani ( = tvanmX I refer
also the Old Persian infinitives or gerunds in tanaiy, if
Oppert is right, as I think he is, in assigning the t of
chartanay and thastanay to the suffix ; cliar-tanay then
ranks itself under the Sanscrit root char, '*ire,^'' also
^yajcercy" " agere,^ '' commiltere T and thas-tanay under thahs
which Rawlinson compares "j* with the Sanscrit root ^w
ians, the final sibilant of which is protected by the t
following. But if it be correct to divide char-ianay and
• Benfey refers the t, e.g. that of chartanaiy, "to make," to the root,
and takes ana as the suffix.
t "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society," Vol. XI. p. 176. I formerly
thoDght (Glossar. Sanscr., a. 1847, p. v) of a connection of the Old Per-
sian thah with the Sanscrit chaksh ; but if we do not follow Benfey in
referring thastanay (the original confirms also the reading thastaniya) to
the Sanscrit root chhhtj ^ to strive," other Persian forms are wanting
with th for Sanscrit ch, though it is true that further instances may be
quoted where the Persian | ^ | th is substituted for sibilants.
INDECLlNABLBfc. 1413
thas^tanayt instead of chart-^nay, thast-anay, in which,
too, Rawlinson recognises gerunds, then the agreement
with the Lithuanian verbal adverbs under discussion is
very remarkable ; and I think that laupsin4inay, myle-
'tinay, which Ruhig translates by "in a praiseworthy,
loveable manner,'' signify, according to their origin,
nothing else than "in the praising,^' "in the loving,''
** in laudandor ''In amandoy*
992. There are in Sanscrit also several [G, Ed. p. 1459.]
adverbs which can be referred to no settled principle of
formation. To this class belong, among others, the nega-
tive particles a (as prefix), na (see §. 371.) ; the adverbs of
time, sand, ^'everf," adya, "to-day" ("on this day"),
svas, "to-morrow" (Latin eras), hyas, "yesterday," panU,
"in the past yeart," sadyas, "simultaneously" (probably
from sa, " this," and dyas from divas, " day") ; the prefixes
su, "well," "fine,*' and du5,,"bad.''
* As in Greek, together with the abstracts in <nnnj (see p. 1216 G. ed.,
Note), there exist adjectives in <tvvos (see Anfrecht, ^' Journal of Compar.
Philol./ p. 482), e.g,, fjLajrr6avyo9, together with fiayroavvrj; and as, in
Sanscrit, the suffix tva, which is specially devoted to abstracts, and with
which Pott (£. I., II. p. 490) compares the Greek suffix avprj^ may, in
the Veda dialect, form also the future passive participle (see §. 885.) ; so,
in Lithuanian, together with the to-be-presupposed abstracts in tinas
there exist also adjectives with the signification of the future passive ;
e,g,, bar-Una-8, ^^ vituperandus ;*' biyo-tina-a, ^^ timendiu ;'* weS'tina-s^
*^ducendus" (wedti^ '< I lead," cf. §. 102. conclusion). In my opinion, it
cannot be denied that these formations, too^ have much in common with
those in tvana in Sanscrit ; and if, in Lithuanian, where we ordinarily find
masculines for Sanscrit neuter substantives, there never existed abstracts In
tina-Sy we must then derive the adverbs in tinay from those adjectives.
t Probably from the demonstrative base sa (cf. sa-doj §. 422., and see
Gloss. Sanscr., a. 1847, p. 867).
I From par for para, '^ the other" (see §. 375.), and ut, a contraction
probably of the syllable vat, from vatsara, ^^ year." Pott (£. I., II.
p. 305) rightly compares the Greek ntpvai.
1414 FORMATION OF WORDS.
CONJUNCTIONS.
993. The diflFerent members of the Indo-European family
of languages agree in the construction of genuine conjunc-
tions in this point, that they form them from pronominal
roots (see §. 105.); but great difference prevails in specialities,
i. e., in the choice of the pronouns, whence conjunctions of
the same meaning are formed in the various languages
[6. £d. p. 1460.] and groups of languages ; so that, e.^., our
*'dass,'' Old High German daZf answers neither to the
Sanscrit yat, ydthd, nor to the Latin quod^ uf, nor to the
Greek oti, i}£, iva^ otto)^, nor to the Lithuanian yog, kad,
nor to the Russian kto, at least not to the last as an en-
tire word, but only to the concluding portion of it (to) (cf.
§. 343.). The Old High German da^: is nothing else than
the neuter of the article, and the difference in writing
which we make between das and dass has no organic foun-
dation, as the s in the neuter of the pronouns and strong
adjectives is everywhere based on an older z, and properly
should always be written g. I see no sufficient ground
for regarding, with Graff (V. 39.), the conjunction daz as
the neuter of the relative, though the Gothic thatei con-
tains the particle eu which gives relative signification to
the demonstrative ; but for the conjunction dass the de-
monstrative meaning is more suitable than the relative ;
and when we say, Ich weiss dass er kra'nk ist, ** I know
that he is sick,"* this is tantamount to Ich weiss dieses: er
ist krank, " I know this : he is sick f' and I have, for this
reason, already, in my Conjugational-system (p. 82), called
the conjunction dass the article of the verbs. We cannot
place a verb or a sentence in the accusative relation
without prefixing to it a conjunction, le. sl pronoun, which
is the bearer of the case-relation in which the sentence
appears. As neuter, too, dass is adapted to express the
nominative relation : this it does in sentences like, Es ist
CONJUNCTIONS. 1415
erfreulich dass er wieder gesund ist, " It is pleasing that he
is well again,"' which is equivalent to das Wtedergesundsein
desseJben ist erfreulich, ** the being well again of that person
is pleasing.'"" With dass, be it in the accusative or nomi-
native relation, the grammatical sentence, the general
grammatical scheme is in a manner completed ; so that,
after Ich weiss dass , ... or Es ist erfreulich dass, " I know
that,'' or " it is pleasing that," the logical import, whatever
it may be, follows. As the accusative can express ad-
verbially other oblique case-relations also, and, e.g., the
Sanscrit tat and yat express not only [G. Ed. p. 1461.]
" this" and " which," but also, " on which account,"
"therefore," "wherefore," "since," 7. e. the instrumental or
causal relation, and may therefore be substituted for tSna
and y^, so dass too is suited to assume the place of
damit, " therewith," where the preposition mit^ " with,"
takes the place of the instrumental termination, which is
wanting: hence, e.g., Nimm diese Arzenei, dass (damit) du
wieder gesund werdest, " Take this medicine, that (therewith)
thou become well again." Like dass, most of the other
conjunctions also always stand in some case-relation,
though it be not formally expressed in the conjunction.
Our aber, " but," properly, " other '' (see §. 350.), like the
conjunctions which correspond in sense to it in other lan-
guages, stands always in the nominative relation ; as, Er
brfindet sich nicht icohl, aber er wird doch kommen, " He does
not feel well, but he will come notwithstanding." With
aber, therefore, the other thing, that is to be said, begins,
as antithetical to the preceding. In Greek, aK\a, in spite
of the difference of accentuation, is evidently identical
with the neuter plural oKKa. The Sanscrit gives us tii,
which, like the Greek 5e, never stands at the beginning of
a sentence, and which, as it appears to me, is a weakening
of the base ta, to which we have above (§. 350.) referred
the Greek 5e also. For *'aber'"' we also find in Sanscrit
1416 FORMATION OF WORDS.
hintu from him, " what ?"' and also for the iu just mentioned,
to which the kim serves, in a manner, only as a fnlerum ; as
yddi, " if," to vdt and, in Latin, si to ve, in yddivd, sive, " or,^^
which v(h vp, by themselves signify.
994. The just-mentioned Sanscrit yidi, " if'*; has
sprung, I doubt not, from the relative base ya, to which,
too, the Gothic conjunction ya-bai, of equivalent significa-
tion, likewise belongs (see §. 383. p. 539) : on the other
hand, the it (see §. 360.) contained in ^ chH, " if," is to be
[G.Ed. p. 1402.] classed under the demonstrative base i,
and can scarcely be any thing else than the neuter of the
said base, not occurring in use by itself, and identical with
the Latin id. It may be left an open question whether
the Gothic iba of n-iba, " if not," be a contraction of ya-ba
(cf. thauh-yaba), or whether its i belong to the base of the
Sanscrit it, with which the Gothic i-th, *' but," " if," is also
connected in its base. The Latin si belongs evidently,
like se-d and si-c, to the reflexive base (cf. si-bi). The
Greek el might be taken as an abbreviation of e5/, and so
be compared with vif^ yddU to which it would bear nearly
the same relation that, e,g.^ fpepei does to bhdrati, " he bears."
Our fvenm ** if," is identical with wann, " when," and the
meaning "if" is still unknown to the Old High German
adverb of time hwanne, htvenne. The Old High German
expression for wenrit and also for ob, " whether," is ibu,
ipu, &c. (formally = Gothic ibot English if), Middle High
German obe, obj on which our ob is based, which has lost
the signification " if," the case-relation of which is always
accusative, a relation expressed in the Latin num and utrum
also by the form. The transition of the lightest vowel i
in the Gothic iba and Old High German ibu, ipu, to the
heavier o of the Middle and New High German o6e, ob, is
* Zt'iid J^I^jC^ y^xi, j^AJ^ y6idhi^ sec §. 520., §. G38. Note, §. 703.
Rem. sub iinem (for y&dki^ better yiidhi).
CONJUNCTIONS. 1417
SO far remarkable, in that languages become defaced, in the
course of time, usually only by the weakening, not by the
strengthening, of vowels.* In Sanscrit the above-men-
tioned yddi signifies, like the Greek e/, and [G. Ed. p. 1463.]
Old High German i-feu, i-pih besides " if,'' also " whether.''
The Lithuanian yey, " if," answers, with respect to the
diphthong ey, to the adverbs ay, ey, discussed above (p. 1457
G. ed.) ; but, with reference to its base, it is identical with
that of the Sanscrit yddi (see §. 383.). In the syllable gu
of yty-gu, "if, perhaps '^ (also yei-g), I believe I recognise
the Sanscrit particle ha, Vedic gha, ghdy hd, Greek ye, dis-
cussed above (§. 814. p. 1104, Note) ; and in the gi of yey-gi,
"albeit, although, notwithstanding,'' the particle f^ hi,
which occurs without any perceptible meaning, or signifies
" for,'' and in the latter case, too, never appears at the be-
ginning of a sentence.']'
995. From the relative base ya spring also, in Sanscrit,
the conjunctions ydt and ydthd, "that;" the former in the
* To what has been observed above (§. 383., p. 589) regarding the syl-
lables ba^ bai, in the conjanctions referred to, and of the adverb in a-ba^
which spring firoro strong adjective bases in a, one more attempt at expla-
nation may be here added, according to which ba might be baaed on the
Sanscrit pa, whereby, from the demonstrative bases a and ti, the preposi-
tions d'pa and H-pa have arisen. The Gothic prefers between two vowels
a medial instead of the tennes of the formative snffixes and the terminations ;
while, at the end of a word, an aspirate is preferred (cf. §. 828., p. 1120) :
hence the preposition of, contrasted with the Sanscrit d-pa^ cannot hinder
ns from recognising also, in the conjonctions ya-haiy n-i-btiy and in the
adjective adverbs in ba, the Sanscrit snffix pa of a^pa, u-pa, prati-pa,
samUpa^ihe Latin pe^ of prO'pe, nem-pe, quip-pe (from quid-pe)^ ste-pe.
Then, too, in Lithuanian, the pronominal adverbs tai^po^ tai-p^ ''so,
kittai-p^ "otherwise 
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