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§ 80. The form of fhe Indo-European word. 

All Indo-European words originally of one form . . w 161 
§ 81. Koot-formation. 

The different forms of root; transposition of vowel a in 

roots 164 

§ 82. Stem-formation. 

1. Stems from unmodified root 166 

2. Stems formed by means of suffixes 166 

Primary and secondary suffixes 167 

3. Composition 168 

1. The formation of derived verb-stems. 

§ 83. Derived verb-stems in general ; distinction between stem- 
verbs and derived-verbs 171 

§ 84. Verb- stems in origl. -ya- {-a-ya-). 

Indo-European 173 

Sanskrit ' 174 

Greek (verbs in -eto, -og), -clod) 176 

Latin (verbs in -a-, -e-, -I-) 177 

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§ 85. Koun-stemsusedas verb-stems, without change. 

Sanskrit 180 

Greek 180 

Latin 183 

§ 86. Verb-stems, formed by reduplicating the root 
and adding -«a-, except in the present -«-. 

Sanskrit -. ... 184 

2. Those noun-stems most closely allied to verb-stems (participles 
and infinitives), etc. 

§ 87. I. The root without suffix is at the same time 
a noun-stem. 

Indo-European 185 

Sanskrit (infinitive) 185 

Greek (infinitive of the compound aorist) 186 

Latin . 187 

§ 88. n. Stems with suffix -flh. 

Indo-European 187 

Sauskrit (infinitive) 187 

Greek 189 

Latin 189 

§ 88a. III. Stems with suffix -t-. 

Indo-European 190 

Sanskrit 190 

Greek 191 

Latin 191 

88b. IV. Stems with suffix -w-. 

Indo-European 191 

Sanskrit 191 

Greek 191 

Latin 192 

§ 89. V. Stems with suffix -ya-. 

1. -ya- as a primary suffix 193 

Indo-European 193 

Sanskrit (part, necessit.) 193 

Greek . 194 

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Latin 194 

2. -yfl- as a secondary sufix • 195 

Sanskrit (participia necessit. in -ta/oya-, -anlych) . . . 195 

Greek (part, in -rfo-) 197 

Latin 197 

Note 2. — Part, nec^ in -endo- 198 

§ 90. VI. Stems with suffix -ra- {-van-). 

Indo-European 200 

Sanskrit 200 

Greek .200 

Latin 200 

§ 91. VII. Stems with suffix -ma-, and suffixes which 
have 'fna- as their first element (-«ia»-, -ma-n*-, 

Indo-European 203 

Sanskrit (-»w-, -man-, -mant-y -min-) 203 

Greek (-/«>-, -/xoi^-, -/A€I^•, 'jUMVrf', -fJUV', 'fiar-) - - • 204 

Latin (-»m>-, -men-f -mon-, -mento-, -mOniO') 205 

Participial suffix -mo-MO- 206 

Indo-European 206 

Sanskrit (part. med. and pass, in -mdna-, -dna-). . . . 206 

Greek (part, med., inf.) 207 

Latin (2 p. pi. med.-pass.) 209 

§ 92. VIII. Stems with suffix origl. -r«-. 

Indo-European 210 

Sanskrit 210 

Greek 210 

Latin 211 

§ 93. IX. Stems with suffix -an-. 

Sanskrit 211 

Greek 212 

Latin 212 

§ 93a. X. Stems with suffix -ana-. 

Indo-European , 212 

Sanskrit 212 

Greel^ (infin. in -€vai, ew) 213 

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Latm 214 

§ 94. XI. Stems with suffix -no-. 

Sanskrit 214 

Greek 215 

Latin 215 

Suff. -no- forming pa^t part, pass 215 

Indo-Eur 215 

Sanskrit 215 

Greek 215 

Latin 216 

§ 95. XII. Stems with suffix -nt-. 

Indo-European 216 

Sanskrit (infin.) 216 

Greek 216 

Latin 217 

§ 95a. XIII. Stems with suffix -««-. 

§ 96. XIY. Stems with suffix -ta-; past part. pass. 

Indo-European 218 

Sanskrit 218 

Greek 219 

Latin 220 

Suflixes whose first element is -to- {-tdti-, -tat-f -tana-) . 221 

§ 97. XV. Stems with suffixes -tar-, 'tra-. 

Sanskrit (n. agentis, part, fat.) 223? 

Greek (-re/)-, -ny/o-, -rop-, -ropo', -rpta-y -TpiZ-, ^rpo-, 

'dpo', -t\o-, -tXi7-, '0\o-, -0\rj-) 224 

Latin (part. fut. in -turo- ; secondary formations of -tar- 

by means of -ya- and -ic-) 226 

Latin suflix -Jro- 227 

§ 98. XVI. Stems with suffix -ti-, 

Indo-European 228 

Sanskrit (inf., gerunds in -tf/th, -ya-) 228 

Greek (shortening to -t-^ secondary formation into -aca-) 229 

Latin (-^, -tio, -tian-) 230 

§ 99. XVIL Stems with suffix -tu-. 

Indo-European 231 

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Sanskrit (inf. in -tumy ger. in -tpd, part, necess. in -tva-) 231 

Greek (-ru-, -(rvprf) 233 

Latin (supine ; suff. -tuo-, -tuti-, -tudon-y -tudin-) . . 233 

§ 100. XVni. Stems with suffix -dhi-. 

Sanskrit (inf. in -dhydt) 234 

Greek (inf. in -adai) 236 

§ 101. XIX. Stems with suffix -ant-, -nt-; partic. act. 

Indo-European 235 

Sanskrit 236 

Greek 237 

Latin 237 

§ 102. XX. Stems with suffix -as-. 

Indo-European 238 

Sanskrit (inf.) 238 

Greek 239 

Latin 240 

§ 103. XXI. Stems with suffix -ka-. 

Sanskrit 245 

Greek 245 

Latin 245 

3. Formation of Comparative and Superlative Stems. 


§ 104. 1. Suflix origl. -yam-. 

Indo-European • . . 246 

Sanskrit 246 

Greek 247 

Latin ^ 247 

§ 105. 2. Suflixes 'tara- and -ra-. 

Indo-European 248 

Sanskrit 248 

Greek 249 

Latin 249 


§ 106. 1. Suffix -^0-. 

Indo-European 250 

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Sanskrit 250 

Greek {-to-, -TaTO') 251 

Latin 251 

§ 107. 2. Suffix -wa.. 

Sanskrit 252 

Greek 252 

Latin 252 

§ 108. 3. Suffix -^ama-. 

Indo-European 252 

Sanskrit 252 

Latin ^ 252 

4. SteniB of the ITnmerals. 


§ 109. Simple numerals 1-10 254 

§ 110. Numerals 11-19 256 

§ 111. Numerals 20-90 258 

§ 112. Numerals 100-1000 259 


§ 113. Numerals 1-10 260 

Numerals 11-10 262 

Numerals 20-90 262 

Numerals 100-1000 267 

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The Indo-European language is one of the highest mor- 
phological regularity, since, besides the adjunction of sounds 
indicating relativity, it is also capable of flexion, that* is, of 
regular variation of the root itself for the purpose of express- 
ing relativity ; this variation of the root consists in the step- 
raising of its vowel (§ 2). The addition of sounds expressing 
relativity is found at the end only of a root, never at its be- 
guming (the augment is an originally independent word, which 
only coalesces with the verb, and which can therefore disap- 
pear without detracting from the force of the word). Every 
Indo-European word actually employed in the language has 
a sound expressing relativity after the root, which, moreover, 
can also be reduplicated, e.g. da-dd-mi (I give) : naked roots 
do not appear in Indo-European as words (secondary loss of 
sounds expressing relativity naturally does not come under 
consideration here). 

The unique exception occurs in the vocative of those nouns 
which possess no stem-formative-element besides their case- 
suffix, as e.g. stem mk- (speech, ^/vaky speak), nom. sg. vdk-8, 
gen. mk'OSy etc., but voc. vdk. The vocative is, however, 
no real word, no element of a sentence, but a word which has 


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80. assumed the form of an interjection, a gesture translated into 
sound. Very rarely (and even then due to relatively secondary 
processes) are relativity-sounds found in the root itself. This 
happens in the present form, as e.g. Gk. \afi^dva>, ^Xafi 
(e-Xa^'Ov), fi is here a relativity-sound of the present; Lat. 
iungo, ^iug (cf. iug-um), ©tc. The earlier forms had here 
also, probably, the nasal after the root-termination, v. post. 
* Conjugation.' From this present-stem with medial nasal the 
nasalization has spread further to noim-stems (e.g. Gk. tu/xtt- 
'OVO'V timbrel, ^tvtt strike; Lat. iunc-tU'S, iunc-tura, ^/iugy 

It is, therefore, a distinctive characteristic of the Indo- 
European language, that all words belonging to it have one 
and the same morphological construction ; a regularly variable 
root and a regularly variable relativity-sound affixed thereto. 
The morphological formula for all Indo-European words is 
therefore J2' s* (v. Introd. II.). 

i81. Root-formation. The earliest component parts of the 
Indo-European words are the roots. By *root' we gener- 
ally imderstand the meaning-soimd, the sound that conveys 
the force of the word in question {m *to be' is e.g. the 
root of a^-mi I am, m-ti he is, etc.). But the stem- and 
word-formative suffixes also in Indo-European have arisen 
from originally independent roots by coalescence with other 
roots. Thus every Indo-European word may be treated as a 
whole which has gradually grown out of several roots, at the 
least out of two ; of these roots one (the first) is the root of 
the word (in the narrower sense of the word ^ root ' in which 
it is generally used), and bears the meaning imaided, whilst the 
others have sunk to the subordinate position of relativity- 
suffixes to this chief-root, and have become welded on to it ; 
e.g. a/^-mi (I am), y/a^ with meaning ^be'; the y/may here 
weakened as a suffix to miy expresses the relation of the 1st 
pers. {fna as an independent root means * measure,' * think,' 

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'man/ 'I') ; ds-ti (he is) \la»'\'\lta 'that' dem., 'he'; hhara-ti § 81. 
(he bears), y/bhar (bear) + y/a, here become a suffix, a root of 
demonstrative function, and ta (as in as-ti) ; mk-s (speech n. 
sg.), y/vdk (speak), -{-y/sa demonstrative, here shortened to s, 
etc. In more simply constructed languages we can see the 
early steps still preserved, steps ^diich we must pre-suppose 
in Indo-European (e.g. in the words adduced forms as ma, as ta, 
bhar a ta, vak sa). Since the suffixes of the Indo-European 
language arise thus from roots originally independent, it be- 
comes clear why the suffixes, as regards step-formation, are 
treated in precisely the same way as the chief -roots (e.g. bhar- 
'd-mi ' I bear,' with a of stem-formative sf . raised to d, beside 
bhar-a-ti ' he bears,' without step-formation ; ta-nau-ti ' he 
stretches,' beside ta-nu-masi 'we stretch,' etc.). The exact 
formula of the Indo-European word is therefore ^ s*. We 
shaU now treat of chief-roots, meaning-sounds, alone. 

We have not hitherto any accurate investigation into the 
laws of root-formation in Indo-European. What sound-com- 
binations occur in the roots of the Indo-European? Could 
roots change from one vowel-scale to another at a date as early 
as that of the Indo-European original language? What exten- 
sion of meaning is permitted by a root, and in what cases must 
we assume original roots phonetically identical but nevertheless 
distinct ? Several other similar questions hitherto unanswered 
might be proposed in this place. 

Meaning-sounds or roots (chief-roots) are generally separable 
from the words which they now underlie. The Indo-European 
roots seem in the first period of the life of the original language 
to have possessed a sound-form still simpler than that shown 
by roots existing in the actual language, cf. e.g. Vp^-g beside 
1/u (join), ma-t beside ma (measure), etc. In such cases what 
we see is probably the welding of a second root on to the first. 
Original reduplication also appears, e.g. ka-k (cook), gi-g (live). 
The origin of such secondary root-formations is in a great many 

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I 81. cases due to the cohesion of the root and the addition which 
originally formed the present stem, e.g. ^Jman (think) from ma^ 
gan (be bom) from ga, bhandh (bind) from bhadh, etc. ; the nasal 
originally characterizes the present stem only. Hence we divide 
roots into primary and secondary. 

It is an invariable rule that Indo-European roots are mono- 

There is no distinction, as regards form, between the so-called 
verbal-roots (roots conveying a conception) and the so-called 
pronominal-roots (roots expressing relativity) ; the roots i, ka, 
ta, ya, e.g. are pronominal- as well as verbal-roots {i demonstra- 
tive, go ; ka interrogative, be sharp; ta demonstrative, stretch ; 
cf. Beitr. zur vergl. sprachforschung, ii. p. 92 sqq. ^wurzeln auf 
a im Indogermanischen,' by A. Schleicher. We get the root in 
its fundamental-form when we have taken from a given word 
all soimds expressing relativity and their possible influence 
upon the radical sounds (a process generally easy, but some- 
times scarcely possible), and reduced the root- vowel to its funda- 
mental-vowel, whenever it appears in a raised form in the word, 
e.g. da is the root of da-dd-mi (I give), vak of vdk-s (speech), 
div of daiv-ors (shining, heavenly, God), dyu^=idw of dyau-s 
(heaven), m (bear, beget) of su-nu-s (son), ta of ta-m (him), etc. 

Indo-European roots may be formed in any way provided 
they are monosyllabic. The following are the^ sound-combina- 
tions of the root : — 

1. Vowel, that is, accurately speaking, spiritus lenis+vowel, 
e.g. a (dem. pron.), i (go), u (Sk. enjoy oneself, favour, Sclav., 
Lith., and Lat. ind-uere, ex-uere). 

2. Consonant + vowel, e.g. da (give), bhi (fear), bhu (be). 

3. Vowel + consonant, e.g. ad (eat), idh (kindle), us (bum). 

4. Consonant + vowel + consonant, e.g. pat (fly, fall), vid (see), 
bhugh (bend). 

5. Two consonants + vowel, e.g. sta (stand), pri (love), km 

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6. Vowel+two consonants, e.g. ardh (wax), ark (shine; cele- § 81. 

7. Two consonants + vowel + consonant, e.g. star (strew), 
stigh (ascend). 

8. Consonant + vowel+two consonants, e.g. dark (see), mrt 

9. Two consonants + vowel + two consonants, e.g. skand 

In the case of roots of the form consonant +a+ consonant, 
or a + consonant, even when these forms arise through step- 
formation from u and f, there occurs frequently a transposition 
of the sounds, so that a comes to be final, e.g. gan and gna 
(know, be bom) ; mar and mra (die) ; ghar and ghra (shine, be 
yellow or green) ; par and pra (fill) ; ak and ka (be sharp) ; 
«, raised to aiy and ya (go) ; hu raised to hau, haVy and hva (call)» 
etc. Likewise div and d/yu (shine). 

Note 1. — Transposition of consonants such as is assumed by 
Alb. Kuhn, iiber Wurzelvariation durch Metathesis, Bonn, 1868, 
e.g. in vid (see) and div (shine), Sk. pag (bind), origl. paky and 
Lat. cap (take), etc., I cannot consider proved. 

Note2, — ^In a complete grammar of Indo-European this chapter 
ought to contain a full list not only of those roots which can be 
proved to be Indo-European, but also of those which are peculiar 
to individual divisions or families (fundamental languages) of 
the Indo-European language. 

Note 3. — ^Hindu grammar, which is in this respect still fol- 
lowed by many European philologists, assumes no verbal-roots in 
a. Hindu grammarians mark roots ending in a either (1) in the 
raised form (e.g. dhd put, da give, instead of dha^ da), or (2) give 
to the root final n and p, which arise from the formation of the 
present stem, and therefore originally belonged to a suffix 
(e.g. gan be bom, instead of ga ; hve cry, instead of hva, hu ; 
rdi bark, instead of ra), or (3) mark them with o, which ob- 
viously does no more than indicate certain peculiarities of these 
roots in forming their tense-stems, since in really existing iotms 
d nowhere appears (e.g. go sharpen, for ga, ag)» Cf. Beitr. ii. 
92 sqq. 

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182. Stem-formation. From roots arise word-stems 
(themes), i.e. that part of a word which remaios after we have 
taken away the terminations of conjugation and declension. 
Stems are formed : 

1. By the bare root raised or not. Since the root vowel 
occupies a certain step in the sound-scale, it may always appear 
as the substratum of a certain relation, and thus even by itself 
express a relation. This often happens in the case of verbs, 
o.g. ai", i', present-stem and root (go), 1 sg. ai-mi, 1 pi. i-mcm; 
as-, present-stem and root (be), e.g. 1 sg. as-miy 3 sg. as-ti, etc. 
This kind of stem-formation is less common in the case of 
nouns, e.g, n. sg. dt/au-s, loc. div-i; dt/au-, a raised-form from 
dyu=dw (shine), is here a noun-stem (heaven), and likewise a 
root ; mk-^ (speech), stem vdk-, is a step-form from ^vak (speak), 
etc. The expression of relativity by means of step-formation 
of the root- vowel is symbolical. Moreover the reduplication 
of the root (with or without simultaneous step-formation), for 
the purpose of expressing relativity, is of very early date, and, 
like the simple root, sufSces to form a stem, e.g. stem da-da- in 
da-dd-mi, 1 sg. pros. ; da-da-masi, 1 pi. pros., y/da (give). 

2. By additions made to the end of a simple or redupli- 
cated root whatever step-formation it may occupy. These 
additions were (as we remarked in § 81) originally independent 
roots, which, at an earlier period of development in the life of 
the language, when the language consisted of roots alone, came 
to be joined to other roots as defining elements; these roots 
expressing relation gradually lost their independence, and 
became welded on to those roots which they helped to define 
more accurately, e.g. daiv-a, n. sg. daiva-s (diuos, deus), y/div 
raised daiv, +a; bhdra-t/a-, causative-stem fr. y/bkar {bhdraya-ti 
he makes to bear), cf. a (pron. demonstr.); ya (relat.) ; vak-ta-, 
n. sg. masc. vak-ta-8 (dictus), ^vak+ta, cf. y/ta (pron. dem.) ; 
m(d)vid-vant-y pf. part. act. of reduplicated ^vid (&ee) + vanf, 
etc. Most of these stem-formative elements can be traced as 

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roots of general and weakened function, that is, as pronominal § 82. 
roots (thus e.g. a, i, u, ya^ ta, ka, etc.). 

Note. — ^By a hyphen - we indicate that the element with 
which it is used is always in that very place joined to another. 
Stem-formative sufllxes are accordingly to be known by - at the 
beginning and end, word-formative sff. by - at the beginning 
(e.g. vark-a-s with sflF. -a- and -s). The roots may, we think, 
be left uncharacterized ; it would perhaps be more correct to 
write them with - at the end (e.g. vark-), but by leaviug them 
thus uncharacterized we wish to distinguish them from those 
stems which may coincide with them in sound-form. 

These are the methods of stem-formation from roots. The 
language, however, did not remain stationary, but further 
stems began to be developed from these stems which were 
sprung directly from roots. Stems of the former kind we caU 
primary stems, and sufllxes which are used for their forma- 
tion primary suffixes; stems of the latter kiud, which pre- 
suppose other stems for their formation, we caU secondary 
stems, and the sufllxes used for their formation secondary 
suffixes. The latter partly coincide in form with the primary 
suflBxes. In the case of verbs, the same suffixes are added to 
the derived verbal-stems as to the imderived, the verbal-stem 
being equivalent to a root, whether it be derived or primitive : 
it is, therefore, right to count all suffixes which are joined 
immediately to the end of verbal-stems (forming participles, 
nomina actionis, nomina agentis) as primary suffixes ; e.g. -nt- 
{-ant') in hhdrayant-y pres. part. act. causative stem, is no less a 
primitive suffix than in bharant-^ pres. part. act. of the stem- 
verb. On the other hand, comparative- and superlative-suf- 
fixes, diminutive-formations, etc., which presuppose complete 
noun-stems, are secondary, e.g. Lat. dm-mU'S stem dmo- (diuos) ; 
facil'ior stem fae-ili', ^fac; doct-ior' stem doct-o-, y/doc; whence 
again comes the stem docUia-simo-, in which form -is- is a com- 
parative-suffix (cf. doct'im), and -simo- = -Umo-, f .f . 'tama-, the 
compounded superlative suffix ; the stem doc-t-is-si'mO' has thus 

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82. four stem-fonnative elements after the root. Moreover, vowel- 
raising may be combined with secondary stem-formation, e.g. 
Sk. stem ddiv-ika- (n. sg. masc. ddimka-s godlike) stem devd-, 
origl. daivor (n. sg. devd-s, origl. daiva-a god). 

The identity with pronominal roots of most elements used as 
stem-formative suffixes, including the most common ones, ta, 
ya, ka, etc., arises from the circumstance that this kind of root 
(i.e. a root whose originally more concrete meaning has sunk 
into a more general one, so that its meaning has been reduced to 
a relation), by bearing a general meaning, has become service- 
able for the more accurate definition of other roots which convey 
more concrete meanings. 

A further secondary means of stem-formation — one which is 
essentially distinct from those already mentioned — consists in — 
3. Composition of word-stems to form a new word-stem. 
Composition is much employed in Indo-European languages. 
(Cf . Ferd. Justi, iiber die zusammensetzung der nomina in den 
Indog. sprachen. Gottingen, 1861.) 

Stem-formation by attachment of relation-elements is distinct 
from composition in that it originated in the period of the 
growing language, whereas composition does not occur till the 
language is actually formed, presupposing, as it does, ready- 
made word-stems as its materials. Confluence or combination 
of words is likewise to be separated from true composition : in 
the case of the former words (i.e. elements of a sentence pro- 
vided with terminations of case and person) become welded 
together, while the latter compounds word-stems so as to form 
a new stem. 

Naturally this combination has not occurred till a later period 
in particular knguageef, whereas composition must perhaps be 
ascribed even to the Indo-European original language (the 
archaic stems svastar- sister, avakura- father-in-law, e.g. are 
probably compounded; so, too, must we assign to the com- 
pound stems of the aor. and fut. a date as early as that of the 
original language). 

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Prepositions and the augment before the verb form the com- § 82. 
monest examples of combination or coalition of words once 
independent in our languages; they are adverbs which have 
grown on, i.e. they were originally cases, e.g. abs-tineo from aba 
and teneo ; abs, like ex, etc., seems to be a gen. case ; the loose- 
ness of the connexion shows itself in all cases, e.g. iK-Trhrra) 
beside i^-i'irecov, etc. Yet we find combination elsewhere also, 
e.g. Lat. qtuimuis, quamobreniy etc. ; OeimBSifrankenland (Jranken 
is gen. pL), wolfsmilch (twlfs is gen. sg.), etc. Here the accent 
is the only mark of the combination. 

True composition has the power of expressing a relation ; it 
can give the new word a relation which is foreign to the com- 
ponent parts taken separately, and which originates only in and 
through their composition; e.g. fAcucpo-x^ip, longi-mantis, i.e. 
'whose hands are long, long-handed': here the possessive rela- 
tion belongs to the composition; 'Koy<hypd<l>0'<$ * word- writing' 
=\o7oi;9 ypdffxDv; iu-dic" (index) =**«^ dicem * indicating, saying 
justice,' etc. In the latter instances the former element of the 
compound acts as a case, though it has no case-snffix. A fresh 
relation of this kind can never be produced by combination ; 
for combination is nothing but varied and facilitated utterance 
—nothing but union, by means of a common accent, of words 
previously separate ; it cannot therefore have anything in com- 
mon with stem-formation. 

An exhaustive statement of Indo-European stem-formation 
does not lie within the range of this compendium, since it is 
intended to embrace only what is indispensable for beginners 
in comparative philology. The science of stem-formation is more- 
over full of difficulties, and requires in parts a more detailed 
discussion than can be contained in a work which is confined to 
the narrowest limits possible. Of this wide range we select 
therefore only a few parts, which we shall now proceed to dis- 
cuss, viz. : 1. derivative verbal-stems ; 2. noun-stems which are 
most nearly connected with the verb, i.e. participles and in- 

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82. finitives, and a few other noim-stems yrhich are allied to these, 
or seem to be otherwise noteworthy; 3. comparative- and su- 
perlative-stems; 4. stems of cardinal- and ordinal-numbers. 
The last section, although of subordinate value for the explana- 
tion of the construction of language, is appended on account of 
the high interest of the numerals from other points of view. 
Hence under this last head we pass over the morphological 
arrangement, and direct our attention exclusively to the func- 
tion, by discussing the separate numerals one by one irrespective 
of their phonetic expression. 

Note. — It is obvious that here, in the chapter on morphology, if 
we had wished to be consistent, no regard should have been paid 
to the functions of stems, and that, since stems are not yet words, 
no distinction should have been made between verbal-stems and 
noun-stems. Likewise, the treatment of stem-formation should 
include the stem-forms of tenses and moods as well as all other 
stem-forms. The formation of verb-stems (in the widest sense 
of the word) does not, of course, belong to the statement of 
word-formation (conjugation), in which only the subject of 
person-terminations is to be treated, because the latter are the 
only elements which make the verb-stem a real member of a 
sentence, a word. However, in order not to divide the subject- 
matter in a way hitherto unusual, thereby rendering this work 
difficult to be used by students accustomed to earlier systems, 
we determine to leave the theory of tense-stems and mood- 
elements to the section 'Word-formation' (conjugation), and 
under * noun-stems' (in Part II.) to refer now and then to 
similarly formed verbal-stems. 

Hitherto we have no thoroughly scientific arrangement of 
Indo-European stem-forms. As regards Part II. of our frag- 
mentary exposition of Indo-European stem-formations, in which 
we shall have to produce at least a fair number of stem-forma- 
tive suffixes, we shall for the present foUow the example of 
G. Curtius (De nominum Graecorum formatione, Berlin, 1842) 
in adopting a phonetic principle of arrangement; that is to 
say, we shall treat successively (1) stems without suffixes ; (2) 
the simplest vowel-suffixes; and (3) suffixes having one or 
more consonants. Under the last head the suffixes ya and 
va wiU come first ; after them suffixes with so-called liquids ; 
and, finally, those whose chief element is a momentary sound. 

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to whicli has- been added the suffix as. Compound suffixes § 82. 
should strictly form the last division and be treated separately ; 
however, since the question whether a given suffix is simple or 
compound cannot always be answered with certainty, and since, 
moreover, compound suffixes often very closely resemble simple 
ones in function and employment, we here treat compound 
suffixes under their first elements. 

1. Formation of Berived Verbal-Stems. § g3. 

On derived verb-stems generally. 

Derived verb-stems, though presupposing noun-stems, are 
here treated before the latter, because, like primary verb-stems 
and roots, they frequently underlie noun-stems. 

All verbs which possess no stem-formative elements, except 
those which serve for the formation of the tense-stems, have 
the form of stem-verbs; but those verbs which, in other 
forms than the present, show besides the root such elements as 
were not originally used for the formation of present- or other 
tense-stems, have the form of derived verbs. 

At later periods of language-development, present-stem 
formative elements easily become united with the verbal-root 
so closely, that they even remain in forms other than those 
of the present tense, e.g. iu-n-g-o, ^iug, where n is the present 
infix ; yet perf . is iu-n-c-si for *iu€'8t, even iu-n-e-tU'S for 
*iuc'tu-8y cf. iug-u-m: a verb does not however become in any 
way a derived one by this union. 

Intensive verbs in Sanskrit and Zend must be considered as 
closely akin to verbs which are reduplicated in their present- or 
aorist- stems ; as we do not, therefore, hold them to be derived, 
in the stricter sense of the term (they show no constant addi- 
tional element), we cannot deal with them in this place, but 
shall do so later on where we discuss * present-stem-formation.' 

It cannot be denied that sometimes verbs which are ob- 
viously derived may assume the form of primary verbs, e,g. 

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I 83. Sk. krina-^ti (behave like krana-s), from subst. KrSna-s (proper 
n.) ; Gotli. salti-th (be salts), pf. saisalt, from subst. salt (salt), 
whilst at others stem-verbs appear in the form of derived 
verbs, as e.g. Lat. habe^t, Goth, habai^th (3 sg. pros.), Lat. habe- 
"bo (fut.), Goth, habai'da (pf.), which we can hardly consider 
derived, is conjugated just like decidedly derived-verbs, e.g. 
Lat. mone-t, f.f. mdnaya-ti (causes to think), fut. mone-bo, ^man 
(think), Lat. men (cf. Lat. me-min-i, primary verb from same 
root), stem of causative verb mdnaya" ; Goth, veihai-th (hallows), 
pf. veihai-da from veih-s (holy). In fact the forms of undoubted 
stem-verbs and those of clearly derived-verbs are so inter- 
mingled in certain of the existing languages, that from a 
purely morphological point of view a sharp and complete dis- 
tinction between primary and derived verbal-stems is impos- 
sible, and not imfrequently it is still doubtful to which class a 
given verb belongs. Certain tense-stems often have the forms 
of derived-verbs, whilst others show those of the stem-verbs, 
e.g. Lat. vide-mm (pres.) beside mdi-mm (pf.), etc. ; v. * Con- 

Since we are here considering the form only, not the function 
of the words, we can arrange derived verb-stems only accord- 
ing to stem-formative elements, not according to the relations 
which they express. Hence we speak of stem-formation by 
means of t/a, etc., not of intensive, causative, etc., verb-stems. 
We place first those formations which can be proved most 
archaic, and let follow in order those which occur in particular 
languages only of our family, and which must therefore in aU 
likelihood, be considered as later formations. 

It is often hard to pronounce with certainty what is the next 
underlying form in the case of derived verb-stems. We could 
not venture to decide off-hand whether, e.g. Sk. bhardyd-mi, 
Gk. ^pia}'(fjLc)y stem bhdrat/a-, Gk. (popet/e-, is formed by step- 
formation and by sf . -ya- from verb-stem Sk. bhdra-, Gk. ^€/>€-, 
in Sk. bhara-ti, Gk. ^^/}e-(T)t (3 sg. pres.), or by means of sf. 

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VERBAL-STEMS IN ORIGL. -ya- (-a-j/a-). INDO-EXJR. 173 

-ya- from a substantive stem Sk. bhdra-, Gk. <l)6pO' (n. sg. Sk. § 83. 
bhdra-s, Gk. ^opo-^:). 

Note. — ^The formation of the present-stem has been considered 
as the formation of a derived verb whenever it expresses an evi- 
dent relation, as e.g. the passive or inchoative. This, however, is 
not admissible, were it only for the reason, that origiQaUy every 
kind of present-stem-formation represented a distinct relation. 
If this were not so, aU verbs would exhibit one and the same 
present-stem-form. Besides there is no doubt that we count as 
* derived verb-stems' only such formations as are not confined 
to the present-stem; and it would, moreover, be impossible to 
distinguish verbs as stem- verbs and derived- verbs. 

Verbal-stems in original -ya- {-a-yor) with root-vowel § 84. 
raised to first step, when formed from verbal-stems. 

Verbal-stems in non-radical -ya-- are found in all Indo-Euro- 
pean languages, and must therefore be ascribed to a period as 
early as that of the original language (their function is mani- 
fold, especially causative, transitive, but also durative and in- 
transitive). They naturally lean to verbal-stems and nominal- 
stems. The formative-element -ayon is probably to be broken 
up into -a-ya-y a being the final sound of the fundamental 
nominal- or verbal-stem, while ya is a very commonly used 
element in stem-formation (cf . pronominal ^/yay of rel. and dem. 
functions). The root- vowel is regularly raised a step. 

Indo-European original language. Only one kiad of 
such verbs, and of this only a few forms can be traced, esp. the 
pres. (and what is akin to it), e.g. 3 sg. pres. bhdrayorti (=Sk. 
bkdrdya-tiy Gk. *<l>op€y€{T)i, i.e. ifiopet ; in Sk. with causative, in 
Gk. with durative function, from a stem bhdra-, ^po-y origl. 
V bhar, Gk. ^ep ferre); further future bhdraya-sya-U (Sk. bhd- 
rayi'Syd'tiy Gk. (f)opi]'a€c=:*<l>op€y€-<ry€'Ti), and lastly the com- 
pound aorist a-bhdraya-sam {i-<l>6pr)'aa). So too sdda-ya-ti (he 
places) =Sk. eddd-ya-fif Goth, sat-yi-thy y/sad (sit); vaida-ya-ti 
(foretells) =Sk. veddya-ti (id.), Goth. {fair-)veiteith (looks to) 
for *veit-yi'th, ^vid (see, know), etc. 

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174 VERBAL-STEMS IN ORIGL. -y«- {-a-ych). SK. 

§ 84. The correspondence between Gk. and Sk. makes it not un- 
likely that formations such as e.g. maran-ya-ti (dies, durative) 
from an abstract noim, n. sg. marana-m (whose final a, as often 
happens, has dropped out before sf . ya, V ^^^^ die)* were not 
foreign to the origl. lang. In the formation of the remaining 
tense-forms languages do not agree. Probably the simple aorist 
was not formed at all, and the perfect expressed by periphrasis. 
Sanskrit. E.g. bhardya-ti, 3 sg. pros, causative vb. y/bhar, 
either belonging to a noun-stem bhdra- (load), bhara- (bearing; 
or the act of bearing), or to a verb-stem bhara- (bhara-ti he 
bears) ; sdddya-Uy in the same way fr. ^sad (sit), cf . stem soda- 
(m. placing down, setting) ; veddya-ti (makes to know) similarly 
. fr. ^/ vid (see, know), cf . veda- (m. knowledge, holy writ) ; 
bodhdya-ti (makes to know), y/bvdh (know), cf . bodha-, pres.-stem 
and noim-stem, bodha-s (knowledge, instruction). Roots in -ar 
often have no step-formation, e.g. ddrdya- and dardya-, y/dar 
(burst, split) ; vdrdya- and vardya-y V ^^^ (cover, choose). 
Further, before two consonants the step-formn. does not take 
place, e.g. kalpdya-, ^ka^ (be in order; kalpa-, adj. fitted, 
subst. m. order) ; indeed we actually find weakened root-syl- 
lables, e.g. grbhdya-, y/ grdbh (grasp, akin to grbhd-s, gripe) ; 
mrddya-, ^/mard (grind, both these examples belong to the more 
archaic language). Elsewhere also unraised a is sometimes 
found, e.g. damdya-, V ^^ (l>e tame, tame ; cf . dama-s, the act 
of taming, breaking in), etc. Roots in i, u, have the 2nd step, 
e.g. ndyd'ya-ti, y/ ni (lead) ; gravd'ya-ti, ^ gru (hear). The perf. 
of these verb-stems is periphrasticaUy formed by means of an 
abstract-form in a and the perf. of an auxiliary verb, e.g. vedayd- 
'Jcakdra, lit. ^ notionem feci' ; the aorist does not belong to these 
stems in -aya-, but was formed from the reduplicated root. 
This reduplication has the force of a causal function, which 
may be taken as a step-formation of the active, e.g. d-vivid- 
-amy pros, viddyd-mi; other forms of these verbs lose ya, thus 
the past formed from the future (the so-called conditional). 

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VERBAL-STEMS IN ORIGL. -ya- {-a-ych), SK. 175 

e.g. d'Vid'i'Si/am, stem veddi/a-, etc. This belongs, however, § 84. 
rather to Indian special-grammar, as being peculiar to Sk. 

Amongst stems clearly formed from nouns are ybMrd-ya-ti 
(binds roimd, embraces), noun-stem ybktra- (ntr. band); tula- 
-ya-ti (weighs), stem tula-y n. sg. tuli (fem. balance, scales), 
^ etc. 

But before the -ya- the final -a- of the stem is not seldom 
lengthened to a (v. supr. § 15, 2, a), e.g. vaspd-ya-fe (weeps), 
stem mSpa- (tear), Ibhitd-ya-ti (reddens), stem Idhita- (red), 
agvd-yd-ti (wishes for horses), stem dgva- (horse), etc. ; cf. 
rdgd'ya-ti (behaves like a king), stem rd^an- (n. %. rdgd king), 
thus accompanied by loss of final n from the underlying noun- 
stem. Similar lengthening in the case of i and u before y occurs 
(cf. § 15, 2, a), e.g. patl-yd-ti (desires a husband), stem pati- 
(husband), asu-yd-ti (snarls, is angry), stem dm- (breath, spirit). 

The a also is weakened to i, and then i is lengthened to i, 
e,g, putri-yd'ti (filium cupit), stem putra- (son). 

Moreover the stem-termination drops off altogether, e.g. 
putraikdm-ya'ti (desires a son), stem putrd-kdma- (desiring sons, 
children; putrd-s son, kdma-s wish, love). Here we must esp. 
mention the verbs in -anya which occur in the earliest Sans- 
krit (the Vedas) : they are formed from abstract nouns in -ana- 
(n. sg. -ana-m, ntr.), e.g. Jcaran-yd-ti (he goes), stem Mrana- 
(going) y/Jcar (go) ; bhuran-yd-ti (quivers, is in motion), stem 
bhurana- (adj. active), y/bhur (quiver, move rapidly). Cf. Gk. 
examples such as fiapalvei, (makes to wither away), i.e. ma- 
ranya-ti, ^mar origl. (die). 

To stems in «, -ya- is added immediately, e.g. tapas-yd-ti 
(chastises himself), stem tdpas- (mortification) ; namas-yd-ti 
(worships), stem ndmas- (worship). Through the analogy of 
such forms arose a denominative-form in -sya-, which comes 
into use also where there is no noim-stem in -as-. In other 
than present forms, generally, the y only remaias (e.g. fut. 
namasy-iSyd-ti), yet this y also often disappears (namas'tsyd'ti), 

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178 VERBAL-STEMS IN ORIGL. -yOr {-a-yOr). GK. 

§ 84. 80 that these stems then coincide with those to be treated in 

It is difficult to explain the suffix -paya-y which is added 
regularly to verbal roots in a, more rarely to other roots also, 
and further to monosyllabic, and also less frequently to other 
noun-stems in a ; in function it corresponds perfectly to -aya-, 
i.e. -ya-. Before this sf. a is regularly lengthened to a, or 
raised a step, e.g. dd-payd-ti, 3 sg. pres. cans. vb. V da (give) ; 
satyd'payd-ti (speaks truth), st. satyd- (true); ar-payd-ti, cans. 
^ar (rise, go); gna-payd-ti (makes to know), ^gna (learn) = 
^an, origl. gan ; also others show a instead of regular a ; hence 
fms. like ^dpayd-ti, cans. ^ ^i (conquer), appear to be formed 
ace. to analogy of the frequent roots in a, and not to assume 
-dpaya- as an element of formation, before which the final of 
the root must have been lost. 

The attempts to prove the existence of this -paya- in other 
Indo-European languages, seem to me unsuccessful on the 
whole, so that I prefer to consider it as a new formation in 
Indian, a view which is borne out likewise by the frequent 
occurrence of -paya- in the Prakrt. Probably they are com- 
pound'-fms. (Benfey, kl. Sanskritgrammatik, § 123), containing 
a ^pa=:ap, meaning *do, make,' cf. dp-as, Lat. op-tis, Gk. 
iro'U(o, f .f pdyayd-miy the latter (connected with ^Jpa by means 
of a noun-stem *7roto-, i.e. pd-ya- ; cf. Sk, stem dd-ya-, giving, 
masc. gift, ^da) formed from this root ; pa-ya- will then be a 
causative stem of this root, precisely in the same way as the 
causative kdraya-, ^kar (make), often appears in the function 
of the stem- verb. 

Ifote, — Pdldya-ti, 3 sg. pres. cans, ^pa (protect), is not im- 
mediately formed from the root, but from a noun-stem joa- /a (n. 
sg. pd'ld'8 watcher, guard), and is therefore perfectly regular. 

Greek. ^ Original -a-ya^ has become ^-orye-, *-€-ye, *-o-ye-; 

1 For fuller details on derived verbs of Gk. and Lat., cf. Leo Meyer, Vergl. gr. d. 
Griech. u. Lat. Sprache, ii. 1 sqq. 

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VERB-STEMS IN OEJGL. -ya- {-a-l/a'). GK. LAT. 177 

according to recognized phonetic laws y is lost between vowels § 84. 
(cf. § 65, 1, e), e.g. rifia (honours) =Tt/Aae^ h.*Tifiai/€-TL fr. TCfi'j 
(honour) ; <l>oi,Ta (goes frequently) = *^otTaye-Tt fr. ^o?to-9 
(frequent going) ; Safia = *Safjbay€'7i (cf . hafi-vqiiC) = Lat. 
doma-ty Sk. damdya-tiy Goth, tamyi-th (tameth), etc. ; ^pel 
(bears, durative)=^o/>e€t for *<f>op€y€'TLy origl. bharaya-ti, stem 
<l>6po' in <l>6po-<;, or stem ^/96- in ^pet fr. *^€/}e-Tt, by raising 
of € to o; 0^6? (carries, lets ride) = Fo^eye-Tiy origl. form 
mghaya-ti, cf . o;^o-9 (waggon), f .f . vdgha-8, and ej^e*, f .f . vagha-ti ; 
apiOfjLel (counts) =*a/9t^/A€y€-Tt fr. dpi6fi6'<; (number); ot/ceJ 
(dwells), f.f. vdikaya-ti, oIko"^ (house), f.f. vdika-s ; d(f>pov€i (is 
senseless) f r. stem o^poi;- (senseless) : thus also from consonantal 
stems after analogy of vowel-stems, etc. These verbs in -eye- 
are much used in Gk. (ia Lat.,. on the contrary, those ia -a-). 
Further, %pi;(rot (gilds) ='xpva6ei f r.*%/ovcroy€-T« fr. 'xpvao-^ (gold), 
etc. The less common verbs in 'Lye- are mostly formed from 
noun-stems ia i, and are not therefore to be traced back to -a-ya-, 
e.g. KovicD (make dusty) from *koviuo, *KoviyG}fjLi, fut. Kovta-co, stem 
KovL- {kovit^s, gen. k6vio<;, Koveay;, dust). Some of these derived 
verb-stems form presents also by means of -ska- (v. post. "Con- 
jugation'^), e.g. 7}Pa'(Tice'L (becomes a man, pubescit) beside iJ^Sa, 
7jPd'€if {fj^Ti manhood), where nevertheless we may perhaps 
assume that riPdaKO) is formed direct from stem iJ^Sa- (cf . how- 
ever Lat.) ; aXSjy-cr^o) (wax) beside aXSeo), etc. 

Since ia Gk., after sounds other than origl. «, -ya- is confined 
to the pros., the derived verbal-stems apparently formed by 
means of it will occur hereafter, i.e. where we speak of those 
verbs whose stem is the noun-stem without any further addi- 

Note, — ^In Gk. stem- verbs often assume the form of derived 
verbs in certain tense-forms, e.g. iripSco, but irapBn-aoacu, v. post. 

Latin. In Lat., and* so far as we can see, in the other Italic 
languages, we find three forms caused by the splitting-up of 


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178 VERB-STEMS IN ORIGL. -ya- {-Orya-). LAT. 

84. the a of original -a-ya- into a, «, and through its being weakened 
to i. 

1. -aya- is contracted into -d-, e.g. seda-t (sets, settles) for secte-^, 
*8€dayi't, f.f. sddaya-ti, cL^/sed in s^rf-^o (sit) ; doma-t (tames) = 
Gk. Safid, Sk. damdya-ti; in 1 sg. -ayo, i.e. -aydmi, becomes *aOy 
by elision of y, retained in TJmbrian as au in subocau^^Jjai, 
*subuo€ao, *8uhuoco ; this ao was then further contracted to o, 
like Gk. -cuo fr. -ay<o(fii) to (», e.g. scc^d for *8€dab'mi,*8€day6-miy 
f .f . 8ddayd-mi ; 2 sg. 8edd''8y f .f . sad-ay a'8i, etc. ; perf . sedd-vi, 
part. 8edd'tm, This formation is very common ia noun-stems, 
also ia those which end ia t no less than those which end in 
a consonant, e.g. forma-t (shapes) fr. forma (shape) ; pUnta-t 
(plants) fr. pUnta (plant) ; famort (smokes) fr. fumu-s (smoke), 
st. fumo- ; dona-t (gives), st. rfowo- (donu-m gift) ; formations 
from participles and the like in -to- are particularly conmion, 
e.g. canta-t (sings), st. canto- (cantu-8), past part. pass, of can-it 
(siags) ; faeta-t (makes, intensive), st, facto-, part, of fac-it 
(makes) ; qua88a-t (shakes, intensive) fr. qtumo-, part, of qtmt-it 
(shakes), etc. Of this class are the forms in -tita-, -ita-, like 

factita-t (makes often), cf. facta-t, dictita-t (says often) beside 
dicta-t, stem dtcto- {c^c-it says, y/cKc) ; uolita-t (flies, flits) beside 
uola-t ; uocita-t (calls often) beside uoca-t (calls), etc. Further, 
piscd-tur (fishes) fr. pisci-s (fish) ; n&mina-t (names) fr. nomen 
nbmin-is (name) ; remiga-t (rows), stem remig- ia remex, remig-is 
{rower) [prob. formed fr. stem remo- in rimu-8 oar, and ig 
weakened from ag {ag-erey] ; after the analogy of such forms 
arose a verbal-termination -igd-, e.g. cast-iga-t, lev^iga-t, etc., 
even without a corresponding substantive. A list of verbs in 
-a- in Oscan is given by Corssen, Zeitschr. v. 96 sqq. 

Note. — ^In cases like 8on-ui beside 8ona-t (sounds) fr. 8onu-8 
(sound), the derivational element is lost, cf . monui in 2. 

2. -aya- is contracted to -e-, e.g. mone-mm fr. *moneyi-mu8, 
f.f. mdnayd'masi, 1 pi. pres. caus. verb V ^^^^ (think), maneo 

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VERB-STEMS IN ORIGL. -ya- (-a-^a-). LAT. 179 

(remind)^ i.e. mdnayd for mdnayd-mi, 1 sg. pres. ; 1 sg. pf. m(mu% § 84. 
not *m(>ne'Ui\ past part. pass, moni-tus, not *mone-tm (v. post, 
formation of pf . in Lat.) ; thus e.g. Jldtieo (am yellow) fr. flams 
(yellow) ; cdneo (am grey) fr. cdnu-8 (grey) ; salueo (am hale) 
fr. mluO'8 (hale); floreo (bloom) for *fldseo from consonantal 
stem /os- (flos, gen. flor-is for ^flos-is, blossom), etc. Fnderived 
verbs have very often assumed this form. 

3. -at/a" contracted to -?-, 1 sg. -io = -it/o, -ayd fr. -ayd-mif 
e.g. sdpio (make sleepy) =*sqpty6, f.f. avdpayd for smpayd-mi, 
sopimtcs =i*8qpiyi-mm, f.f. smp-ayd-masi, 1 sg. pL pres. cans, 
verb ^smp (sleep); perf. sqpz-ui, past part. pass. sOpl-tu-s ; 
molli-mm {Qoiten)=:*molliyi'mtis fr. mollis (soft), therefore the 
i is origl. here, as in many other cases, e.g. fim-mm (we end), 
finis (end) ; leni-mm (we smooth), lenis (smooth, mild), etc., 
yet others are by no means wanting where * is not caused by 
the termination of the underlying noun-stem, e.g. saeui-mus 
(we rage), saeuos (raging); ^^m-^ (wants the staUion), f.f. 
akvaya-ti, cf. Sk. agvdya-ti; equos (horse), origL akms, Sk. 
dgvas; pum-mm (we pimish), poena (penalty), etc. Examples 
like cuatodi-mm (we guard), stem custod- {custos guardian), may 
likewise be reduced to stems in i (cmtodi-), because in Lat. 
all consonantal stems follow the analogy of »-stems in most 
cases. In this way, by means of I, verbs were formed from 
the part. (nom. agentis) ending in origl. -tar, Lat. -tor-, -tHrus, 
— ^retaining the archaic short form of origl. -tar (still found 
underlying secondary formations such as uic-tr-ic-, doc-tr-lna, fr. 
*uic-t6r-tc-, ^doe-tdr-ma) — e.g. esurhmm (wish to eat), i.e. 
*€d-tur'Z'mu8, f.f. ad-tar-ayd-masiy stem e8or'=.*ed-tor', origl. 
ad-tar- {ed-o eat ; cf. § 77, 1, b), par-tur-hmus (wish to bear), 
fr. *par'tor- (par-io bear), etc. 

Kote, — ^Lat. has no verbs corresponding to those of Gk. in 
-Oft) : Q, Curtius indicates their traces in ' Ueber die Spuren 
einer lateinischen ©-Conjugation,' Symbola plulologor. Bonnens. 
in honor. Fr. Eitschelii collecta, fasc. i. Lips. 1864, p. 271 sqq. 

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§ 84. In Lat. the forms of stem- verbs and derived- verbs are mixed 
in many ways. Often stem-verbs take the form of derived 
verbs in the pros. ; under this head come many cases such as 
e.g. t^m-mus beside wen-t, t^n-tum, re-pen-mus beside re-pfejper-i, 
re-per-tum. Verbs in eo show on the contrary a regular loss of 
the derivation-element in all stems except the pros., so that 
here the stem- verbs which assimie -e- (=-aya-) in pros, only 
(as e.g. sed-e-mus beside sed-i, 8e8mm=i*8id'tum; uid-e-mm 
beside md-iy utmm-=-*uidrtum, § 77, 1, b) cannot be distinguished 
from derived verbs which have lost the same element. 

These derived verb-stems may form (in order to express in- 
choation) their pres. also by means of -sAa- (v. post, formation 
of pres.-stenj.), e.g. in-uetera'Sci-i (grows old), stem ueferd-=:. 
*uetesd- stem ueter- in uetm, ueter-is (old) ; fldue-sci-t, cf . flaue-t 
fr. flduO'8 ; oh-dormi-aci-t (grows drowsy), cf. ob-dormz-ui, 
ob-dormz'tu-m, etc. 
§ 85. Noun-stems used as verb-stems without change 
are found here and there in the languages. These formations 
are recent. 

From this class of stems we must separate those verb-stems 
(mostly present-stems) which do not presuppose a noun-stem 
for their formation, though they coincide with one ; e.g. tanu- 
from ^ta, tan (stretch) ; bhara-, ^bhar (ferre), etc. ; an origl. 
tanu'tai, 3 sg. pres. med., bhara-ti, 3 sg. pres. act., are not 
formed from a noun ianu-s (tenuis), bhara-8 {j>op6<;)y but both 
are mere coincidences in their stem-formation. If these verb- 
stems had been derived from nouns, the characteristic suffix 
would have remained throughout, whilst in fact it forms only 
the present (or aorist), but does not exist in the other tense- 
stems. On the other hand, the formations now in question are 
closely connected with those treated of in the preceding para- 
graph, from which sometimes they cannot be clearly separated. 

Sanskrit. Rare, e.g. lohitd-ti (is red) fr. iShita-s (red), etc. 

Oreek. Here noun-stems are very often used as verb-stems 

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likewise, in that the present-stem is formed by means of -ya- § 85. 
(our class V; of Present-stem-formation), while the noun-stem 
appears pure in the other tense-stems. To this kind belong the 
numerous verbs in -5© and -<r<ra>, e.g. iKirl^ec (hopes), i.e. *€X7r4S- 
-ye-T^, stem eXTr/S- (n. sg. iKirk hope, gen. sg. iKirlB-o';) ; ipl^et 
(strives), stem epiS^ (ep^? strife ; in these cases, however, f, like 
the 8 of the corresponding noun-stems, might be simply = y, 
and thus *iK7rv-t/€'Tv, *€/>^-ye-Tr, be assumed as fundamental forms, 
cf . § 65, 1, c, note ; yet f between vowels = y is in my opinion 
still doubtful) ; TrefiTrd^c (counts by fives), i.e. *7r€/A7ra8-ye-Tr, 
stem irefiTrdS- {irefiird^ nimiber 5, collection of five) ; luurrO^et 
(lashes), i.e. */Aa(TTt7-ye-Tr, stem ixaanrf- (fidari^ lash) ; irofKf)0' 
\v^€i (bubbles), i.e. *'\vy't/e-Tt, st. 7rofKf>6\vy' (Troft^oXvf bubble); 
ofyird^ec (seizes), i.e. ^apTrarf-ye-Ti, stem apirarf (apira^ grasp- 
ing), fut. in Hom. apTrd^cHy i.e. *dpTrouy'<TO), but subsequently 
apirdcra), as though a stem *dp7raS' underlay it, a confusion be- 
tween -8- and -7- stems not uncommon, caused by the identity 
of the present-tense in each ; a-aXirl^c (trumpets), st. adXirtrfi- 
{(ToKirir/^ trumpet), the nasal falling away before ?=7y, just as 
it does before o*, cf . fut. o-aX7n>yfa>, Le. *aaX7nr^'(T(o, etc. From 
such cases arose the common terminations -^^a>, ->a^a>, which 
afterwards came to be used as independent terminations. In 
like manner was developed the termination -o-cro), which arose in 
the case of stems in t, 0, k, %, e.g. /8X/tto> (cut honey), i.e. 
*fjL\iT't/oi) (§ 68, 1, b. f.), *fi€7uT'i/(o, BtemfiiXcT' (fiikty gen. fjAXir-o^ 
honey) ; Kopva-a-oD (fit with a helm), i.e. *#co/>v^-ya>, stem KopvO- 
{Kopv^, gen. KoptjO'O^ helm) ; KTjpvaao} (proclaim), i.e. */C7fpvK't/(o, 
stem KTipvK- (tcqpv^, gen. /crjpVK-o^ herald) ; ifida-c-a) (I lash), i.e. 
*ifiavT't/(o, stem IpAvr- {ifid^, gen. ipAvr-o^ strap) ; avda-a-o) (am 
king), i.e. *ava/CT'i/(0, with loss of iic in the group tert/f st. dvcucT- 
{ava^f gen. avaKT-o<$ lord), etc. 

Noun-stems in s are seen in reXeUi, reTUec, rekel (completes), 
i.e. *Te\eo--y€-n, stem r^Xe?- (cf . re-riXjeo-'fiac pf. pass.) in 7^9, 
gen. reXoi/?, i.e. *t€X€o--09 (end) ; veixelo), V€iKi(o (wrangle), i.e. 

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i 85. *P€iK€a''if(o, stem veucea- {v€uco<;niv. quarrel); elmrxj^l (is happy), 
i.e. *evTux€<r-y€-T*, stem eimr)(i<T' (adj. n. sg. masc. fern, eurvyff^ 
happy), etc. 

From origl. -an-stems arise verbs in -oti^eo, i.e. *-avyo), e.g. 
fjsKaiv€L (blackens), i.e. *fi€\av'ye'TC, stem fiiXav^ (n. sg. masc. 
/A^\a9, ntr. fiiXav, gen. iiiKav-o^ black) ; afterwards this 
termn. extended also to stems which do not end in -av^ e.g. 
Xevxalvec (whitens), i.e. *\€v/eav'y€'Ti, stem Xev/eo' {7i£V/c6~<; 
white), etc. 

A similar case occurs in verbs in -w/o, i.e. *-viv(o, *^vuy<o ; 
here, however, v is probably origl. from a present-formation in 
na (v. post., present-stem) ; e.g. fihiwet (sweetens), i.e. *^Bv'vy€'Tc, 
f.f. avadu-nyc^tiy stem lySv- {ffiih^ sweet), f.f. svddth ; idxwei 
(straightens), stem Wih (rffv-^ straight); evpin/et (broadens), 
stem €vpu- (6vpu-9 broad), etc. This ending also passed over to 
other stems, e.g. fieyaXxfvec (enlarges), st. fieyaXjo- (great) ; XafiTr- 
pvpev (brightens), stem Xafiirpo^ (bright), etc. 

From r-stems arise e.g. rcKfialpofiac (proclaim, infer), i.e. 
*T€Kfiap'yo'fiat, stem rixfiap (aim, mark) ; fiaprvpofiac (call to 
witness), i.e. *fiapTvp'f/0'fiai, stem fidprvp' (/idpTv^, gen. fidp- 
Tvp-o^ witness). 

After stem-terminations in vowels y is entirely lost (as in 
^vo), earlier ^vlto ; iirvcDy earlier oirvito, v. post. § 165), e.g. fieOvei 
(is drunken), i.e. *fie0v-y€'Ti, f.f. madhu-ya-ti, stem fiiOv (ntr. 
mead) ; l3a<n\ev'{y)€'{T)v (is king), stem ^aaCKev' {^€uriX6v<s 
king) ; /SovXev-ec (counsels) from an unused stem */8ov\€v- 
(formed like fpopev-^ bearer) and many more. 

Frequently the noun-stem loses as a verb-stem the final 
vowel -0-, e.g. fiaXdaa'a} (soften), i.e. *fiaXaK'ya), fut. fuiKd^ 
= *fia\aK-(T<o, stem fiaKoKO' {frnKouco'^ soft) ; ivfyy (scream), 
i.e. Hi/y-yo), fut. Iv^ ^zHvy-a-G), cf . ivyi] (shriek) ; fieCKlatTto 
(soothe, exhilarate), i.e. *fi€i7uX''yo>, stem fietX^xo- (fJi^t^uxo-^ 
mild, friendly) ; icaJdatpto (purify), i.e. *tca0ap'y(o, stem 
KoJdapO' {Ka6ap6'^ pure) ; ScuSaXXu) (work cunningly), i.e. 

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*8cuBa\'i/(o, stem BalSaKo- (cxmningly wrought) ; arfyiXXio (an- § 85. 
nounce), i.e. *dyy€K-i/(o, stem arffeKo- (masc. messenger) ; 
TTOiKtKKxo (adorn) fr. iroi/eiko-^ (variegated) ; KafimvXXof (bend) 
fr. icafimvKcH: (bent), etc. 

Present-stems of similar derived verbs are also formed by 
means of the stem-formative suflSx origl. -aAd- (§ 166, VI.), 
e.g. fie0V'(TK€i (makes drunk), f.f. madhuraka-U, stem fikOv 

After labials occurs also the sf. origl. -ta- (§ 165, VII.) 
similarly used, e.g. aarpdw-raD (lighten) from darpairrj (light- 
ning-flash) ; 'xoKerr-Tto (press hard) from ;^aX€7ro-9 (hard), etc., 
with loss of the vowel stem-termination of the noun, provided 
these verbs are really derived. 

As regards the verbs whose present-stem terminates in origL 
-amu', e.g. aropewufii (spread) for *orop€a'VV'fu, f.f. staraa-nau- 
"fnij f.f. of stem staras-nu, stem of renuiining tenses arope;-, i,i. 
staras", — a stem-form which frequently occurs also among nouns 
(v. post.), — ^f or these verbs, which belong here by rights, v. post, 
under * Present-stem-formation ' ; they appear as stem- verbs, 
because the noun-forms underlying them do not really exist in 
the language. 

In Latin a few noun-stems are used as verb-stems; the 
present is formed, as in Gk., by means of -ya- (§ 165, V.) ; 
but the formation is confined to i4-stems, e.g. atatui-t (sets up), 
i.e. *atatu-'i/i't, f.f. atatu-ya-ti fr* ata-tu-a (subst. standing); 
metui't (fears) from metti-a (fear) ; acut-t (sharpens) from acu-a 
(needle) ; tribui-t (assigns) fr. tribu-a (division) ; minui-t (lessens) 
from a non-existent ^minu-a (small), of which miniia (smaller) 
for *mtmt«, f.f. *manyana, is the comparative. 

Verb-stems, formed by reduplication of the root, § 86. 
and addition of -sa- or -«- in other tenses than the 
present (called desideratives from their function). 

a frequently appears as an element in stem- and word-forma- 
tion, and must be traced back either to the pronominal ^ aa, or, 

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86. as is more probable in the ease in question, to verbal y/ a» 

Although these formations occur in Sk. and Zend only, yet they 
depend, like all reduplicated forms,, on a very early method of 
expression, arising in that period of the language when the 
invariable roots possessed reduplication alone as a means of 
increasing their power of expressing relativity ; Gk. forms such 
as 7*-7i/co-<r/co), lu-fivrj-aKaDy correspond with the Aryan languages 
at least in reduplication, and it is the reduplication of the root 
only that we consider ancient. We doubt therefore whether 
the method of formation belonging to the Aryan language, so 
far as we know it, should be assigned to the origl. language. 
Here perhaps the reduplication alone, without any special suffix, 
served to express desiderative relation. 

Sanskrit (special grammars must be consulted for further 
details of Sk. desiderative-stem-formation). Before the 8 of the 
sf . there is found an auxiliary vowel i after most root-termina- 
tions (§ 16, f). The reduplication is completely retained only 
in cases of the simplest kinds of root, e.g. dr-ir-i-sa-ti, S sg. pres. 
(he wishes to go), V ar (go ; 3 sg. pres. r-nS-ti), cf . op-ap-laKO) 
(fit), at least the same root is reduplicated; otherwise, as is 
usual, only the initial consonant of the root or its representative 
according to sound-laws (v. post, formation of Perfect) remains 
with root- vowel, which is weakened to i whenever it is origl. a, 
e.g. gi'^nd'SOrti (wishes to know), fut. gi-gnors-i-ayd'tiy aor. comp. 
d-^i-gAd'S-i-mt, etc., V ff^^ transposed fr. origL gan (know) ; 
didrk-Sa-te (wishes to see), ^darg, origl. dark, ioT*di'dark'8a''tai, 
M'kljhsarti and Jci-kalp-i-sa-te, yjkalp (be in order) ; some verbs 
lengthen the vowel of the reduplication-syllable (weakened from 
fl), e.g. mVmd'Boirte, i.e. ^ml-mm-Ba'tai (considers, reflects), 
V man (think) ; yii-yuUsa-ti (wishes to fight), y/ yudh\ vi-vik- 
-Sa-ti (wishes to enter), V^Sy origl. vik ; Jci-Klip'Sa-ti (wishes to 
throw), y/ksip (throw), etc. 

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2. Noun-stems which are most closely connected with verb-stems § 87. 
(participles and infinitives) and also certain other nonn-stems. 

I. The root without suffix is also a noun-stem. 

This formation occurs in AryograecoitaKc only ; it is foreign 
to Sclavoteutonic. 

Indo-European original-language. To the Indo- 
Eur. origl. lang. have most likely to be ascribed such, root-forms 
as e.g. hhar (bear), vid (see), yudh (fight), etc., in the functions 
of nomina actionis and nomina agentis. As verb-stems they 
occur in the simple aorist (§ 164), e.g. da-\ in pros. (§ 165), e.g. 
as- (I. a), ai" and i- (II. a). Eeduplicated root without sff. is 
either perfect-stem (§ 163), e.g. vi-vid-, da-da- ; or pres.-stem as 
dha-dha-, da-da- (III.)> or aorist-stem (§ 164). 

Sanskrit. The root appears not unfrequently as a nomen 
actionis and nomen agentis, e.g. in infinitives, as drg- (dat. 
drf-e to see), sad- (dat. d-sdd-e to seat oneself), kram- (dat. ati- 
-krdm-e transgress) ; ya- (dat. d-pdiiT*d-ya-ai come) ; rabh- (ace. 
rdbh-am desire, do) ; idh- (ace. sam-idh-am kindle), etc. Similar 
roots, acting as verb-stems likewise, are also used in ordinary 
Sk. as nomina actionis, e.g. yudh- (fem. battle), sam-pdd- (fem. 
happiness ; sam- with, pad go) ; roots with a also raise it to a, 
e.g. vd]c (speech), ^vai (speak). At the end of compounds such 
stems as coincide in form with roots and primary verb-stems 
are often found used as nomina agentis, e.g. dharma-vld- (know- 
ing one's duty), etc. Boots in a lose it before most cases, or 
raise it to a, e.g. vigva-p- (loc. vigva-p-i) and vigva-pd- (e.g. instr. 
pi. vigva-pd-bhis), f.f. of stem vigva-pa^ (all-protecting), y/ pa 

The pure root-forms appear more rarely in this function with- 
out composition, e.g. drg- (eye, i.e. seeing), y/drg (see) ; vig- (masc. 
cultivator, husbandman, man), ^vig (enter, settle, cf . veg-a- masc, 
veg-man- ntr. house) ; div-y dyu- (m. f . heaven) with different 
scale-steps, e.g. div-l, dydv-i loc. sg., dydu-s n. sg., y/dtv (shine) ; 

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87. mah' (great), V mah (mSh wax). Reduplicated roots without 
sf. are seen in Ved. infinitive- stems such as gigrath- (dat. 
gigrath-e\ cf. reduplicated pres.-steni gigrath-, ^grath (loosen). 

In the stems vak-S" (dat. vak-s-i), V vah (uehere) ; ^e-«- 
(dat. ^e-s-e) and ^i-s- (dat. ^i-s-e), ^/ ^i (conquer); stu-s- (dat. 
stthS-e), y/stu (praise) aorist-stems in 8 have been rightly de- 
tected (Benfey, kurze Sanskritgrammatik, p. 236, § 402, 2) — 
partly, indeed, non-existent in these forms, but yet possible ; 
cf. e.g. *d'8tU'8'ma 1 pi. act. etc. The s is a relic of y/as (be, 
V. post. § 169) added to the root. We adduce here certain other 
similar infinitive-stems formed from tense-stems, belonging to 
the more archaic (Vedic) language, although they partly retain 
suffixes or their remains ; thus vyathisya- (dat. vyathisydi) like 
fut. stem vyathiiya-y y/vyath (be vexed, afraid) ; here -ya- is a 
suffix (v. post. § 170, Future Tense) ; munH' (ace. muni-am), 
whose n comes from pres. stem mun/ca' (e.g. 3 sg. mun/cd-ti), 
y/muk (loose, free). 

Q-reek. The root appears as a noun in cases like /iwr- (n. sg. 
6^^ voice) = origl. mA-, Sk. and Zend M^-, VFeir, origl. vak 
(speak) ; ^Xo7- (n. sg. ^\of flame), y/<f>\ey (^Tiiyecv blaze) ; 
Zev- =:*^y€ih, AiF- (pr. n. of a god, origl. heaven ; n. Zev-^y 
gen. AiF'6si)f root origl. diVy dyu (shine), cf. Sk. dydu-, div-, etc. 
This happens more often at the end of compounds, as x^p-i^^/S- 
(n. sg. x^P^^i^ water for handwashing), y/vc^, origl. nig {vl^fo, 
vhrrG) wash) ; w/>6<r-^i;y- (n. sg. Trpocr-^i/f fugitive), V <j)vy 
(^etJyo) flee) ; yfreva-l-aTvy- (n. yfreva-l-CTv^ lie-hating), ^arvy- 
{oTuy-ia), e-aruy-ov hate) ; SZ-fvy- (Bl-^v^ double-yoked), y/ fvy 
(^€vy-wfM I yoke, ^i/y-ov yoke) ; airo-ppiiy' (n. sg. airo-pfm^ for 
^airo'Fparf'^ fragment), y/Fpay (break ; cf. piiy-vvfic, e-pptoy-a), 

Further, we might here adduce the infinitives of the compound 
aorist, as e.g. 'Xvaad^, Xi^acy which should probably be taken as 
locatives of stems Xt)(ra-,\^^a-, i.e.*X€7-<ra- (cf . x^f^^> ^td^ X^fw»-> 
and infin. in -fih/cuy § 91, and in 'ipod., § 93, a), scarcely as datives 

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of stems Xv-o--, Xef-, i.cj. *X€7-9- (cf . Sk.) ; in any case however § 87. 
they contain the stem of the aorist compounded with origl. y/a^ 
(be), (e.g. eXv-o-a, e-Xefa, i.e. *€-Xe7-<ra) as the stem of a nomen 
actionis which is unused except in this particular case. 

Latin. Stems like nec^ (nex murder), y/nec ; dtw- (dtix leader), 
^dttc; with step-formation leg- {lex law), y/leg ; pdc- {pax peace), 
^pac ; luc-j old Lat. Icmc- {lux light), y/lv^^ origl. ruk ; woe- {uox 
voice), y/uoc ; rSg- {r.^ king), \/reg. Further, stems used at the 
end of compounds, e.g. iu-dic' (index judge), ^dic; con-iug- 
(coniux mate), \/iug ; prae-sid- (praeses president), y/sed {sed-eo) ; 
tuii'Cin (tubicen trumpeter), y/can (can-o) ; arti-fic' (artifex 
skilled workman), ^fac [on weakening of a to i v. § 32, 2 ; on 
e interchanged with i v. § 38], and others show the root as a 

II. Stems with suffix -a-. § 88. 

This is one of the commonest formations ; before the sf . -a- 
the root is sometimes raised, sometimes imraised. 

Indo-European original-language. Already plenty 
of stems in -a- were existent, as yug-a-y cf . Sk. pug-a-, Q-othic 
yuk, etc., y/yug ; vid-a-, cf . Lat. md-o-, e.g. pro-uidu-s ; hhag-a- 
(god), cf . Sk. bhaga-, Zend bagha-, Pers. haga-, O. Bulg. hogilL, 
^hhag ; hhar-ch, cf . Lat. fer-o-, e.g. ensi-feru-m ; mrk-a- (wolf), 
y/vark; daiv-a- (shining, god), y/div (shine), etc. 

Amongst verb-stems here belong all conjunctive-stems (§ 161), 
e.g. ew-a-, pros, stem and y/as\ moreover simple aorist-stems 
(§ 164), as Ihug-a-, y/bhug; vavak-a-, y/vak; so too pres.-stems 
(§ 166) like bhar-a-, y/bhar (I. b) ; srav-a-, y/sru (II. b) ; thus 
here also, as in the case of noun-stems, partly with, partly 
without, raising of root- vowel. 

Sanskrit. Stems in -a-, identical with verb-stems, are fre- 
quently used as nouns, e.g. nomina actionis like bhav-a- (masc. 
being, origin ; cf . 3 sg. pres. bhdva-ti), y/bhu (become, be) ; 
bhdr-a- (masc. burden ; 3 sg. pres, bhdra-ti), y/bhar (ferre) ; 
gdy-a- (masc. victory ; pres. ^dya-ti), y/^i (conquer) ; bSdh-a- 

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88. (masc. knowledge ; pres. bSdha-tt), ^iudh (know) ; hhog-a- (inasc. 
use, enjoyment ; a pres. Hhdga-ti or ^hhoga-ti does not occur), 
y/hhug (enjoy) ; bhed-a- (masc. splitting), ^bhid (split), etc. 
The datives of these nomina actionis serve for infinitives, 
e.g. bharaya, etc. ; the accusatives, mostly repeated, for gerunds, 
e.g. gdmdgamam (ever going), fr. gam-a-y \/ gam (go) ; so 
bodh-a-m, y/budh (know) ; bhid-a-m, y/bhid (split) ; stdv-a-m, 
y/stu (praise) ; kdr-a-m, y/kar (make, e.g. svadu-kdram bhunkte 
' having sweetened he eats '), etc. 

Nomina agentis of similar form are found in e.g. plav-d- 
(masc. boat ; pres. pldva-te), y/plu (float) ; iar-d- (adj. going ; 
pres. idra4i), ^kar (go) ; mh-d- (adj. carrying ; pres. vdha-tt), 
^vah (uehere) ; dev-d- (shining, god), ^div, dyu (shine) ; glv-d- 
(living; pres. giva-ti), y/gzv (live), etc. This kind of stem- 
form is preserved most frequently at the end of compounds or 
words syntactically combined, as arindamd- (ari-m ace. sg. ; foe- 
subduing), ^dam, etc. 

In composition with sw- (ev-) and dm- (8i;<r-) adjectives of 
this kind act like participia necessitatis, e.g. au-kdr-a- (easy to 
be made), dm-kdr-a- (difficult to be made), ^kar (make), etc. 

Feminines of the same kind are e.g. bhid-a (splitting), y/bhid 
(split ; 3 sg. sunple aor. d-bhida-t) ; kSudh-d (hunger), y/kst^h 
(hunger) ; tmid-d (joy), \/mvd (enjoy oneself) ; mrgayd (hunt), 
verb-stem mrgat/ch, 3 sg. pres. mrgaya-te (track, seek), etc. 

Such noun-stems in -a- serve for periphrasis of' the 
perfect, and in Ved. also of the aorist, in many verbs, 
especially all derived verbs, by being placed, in the ace. sg. 
fem., before the perfect, in Ved. also before the aorist of an 
auxiliary verb {kar make; bhu become, be; as be), e.g. st. 
bubodhisa-, 3 sg. pf . babodhiSd Hakdra or babhuva or dsay cf . 3 sg. 
pres. bdhodhi^a-ti, intensive y/budh (know) ; st. bodhaych (e.g. 
bddhayd Rakdra, 3 sg. perf .), 3 sg. pres. bodhdya-ti, cans, y/budh ; 
st. mdO' (3 sg. perf. vidd Xakdra, Yedic aor. fnddm akar), y/vid 
(see, know), etc. 

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Greek. Here also nouns in -a- are common, as Fifyy-o- (neut. § 88. 
work), ^Fepry {ifyy-d^o-fiat I work) ; ^/>-rf- (adj. bearing), if>6p'0' 
(tribute), ifyop-d (fern, payment ; quick motion), ^/<f>€p (ferre) ; 
TOfjirO' (masc. cutting, piece), rofi-i] (cutting, stump), ^T€fi 
(rifM-va), €'T€fi'OV cut) ; fvy-o- (neut. yoke), ^/^vy (bind together) ; 
^pvy-'^ (fern, fligbt), V^vy (^vy-o), e-^vy-o-v flee) ; irXoF-o- (masc. 
Toyage), y/irXv {7rXeF-(o sail) ; poF-'q (stream), ^pv, origl. sru 
(piF'O), origl. sraV'dmi flow) ; (nrovS-i] (haste), y/airuh (awevSay 
hasten) ; Xoitt-o- (adj. remaining), y/TuTr (Xc/tt-o), e-Xiir-ov leave) ; 
aK-cuK-T] (point) reduplicated ^ax (be sharp), etc. These forms 
are mostly not distinguished from the pres.-stems Sepe-, XetTre-, 
irkeFe-, except by the stronger step-formation of the root- vowel 
(perhaps in an unoriginal maimer, cf. e.g. Sk. bhara- plava-, 

In compounds also these nouns with suffix origl. -a-, are 
used, as in Sanskrit, e.g. wnro-SayiL-o- (masc. horse-taming) ; even 
the peculiar relation of these noun-stems after Sva- and ev- is 
not wanting, e.g. hv<T'<f>op'0' (hard to bear)=Sk. dur-bhar-a- 
(cf. supr.). 

Concerning the infinitives of the aorist, as e.g. \v<TaVy Xi^cu, 
which must be taken as locatives from stems Hke Xva-a- and 
\6fa-=*\€7-o'a, V. supr. § 87. 

Latin. Suffix -a- is found in uad-o- (ntr. uadum ford), 
y/uad (go); fid-o- (fidus faithful), Vfi^l iug-o- (iugum yoke) 
y/iug ; aon-O' (sonus sound), y/son; coqu-o- (coquos cook), y/coqu; 
merg-O' (mergus gull), y/merg ; ulu-o- (adj. living), ^uiu (live ; 
3 pres. umi't) ; dm-o- (godlike), deo- (god) fr. ^deu-o-, *detU'0'y 
origl. y/div (shine) ; ruf-O" (red), y/ruby ruf, origl. rudh (be red), 

A great many nouns of this sort occur at the end of com- 
pounds, as causi-diC'O' (causidicus), y/dic ; miri-fic-o- (mirificus), 
y/ fac] maU'UoUo (maleuolus), y/uol; ensi-fer-o- (ensifer), y/fer\ 
armi-ger-O' (armiger), y/ger, ges, etc. 

Not unf requently stems of this kind appear with lengthened 

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§ 88. Btem-terminations^ although expressing masculine relations, as 
colleg-a beside sacn-l^g-o- (sacrilegus), ^/kg ; trana-fug-a beside 
^o./«^^-o (profugus), >Jfug\ parri-cld-ay ^/caed; ad-tien-a, ^uen; 
indi-gen-a-y y/gen ; agrucol^a, y/col, etc. In Gk. a perfectly cor- 
responding formation is e.g. evpthoir-a. Feminines of this sort 
are mol-a (mill), ^mol (molere grind) ; tog-a (upper garment), 
y/teg (tegere cover), etc. 

As a secondary suffix -a- occurs, mostly accompanied 
by step-formation of the stem- vowel, e.g. Sanskrit stem dyasd' 
(adj. iron), stem dyas' (iron) ; gaivd- (masc. Qiva-worshipper), 
stem fiva, (nom. propr. of the god) ; the secondary suffix -a- 
becomes amalgamated with final a when the underlying stem 
ends in a, so that practically no fresh suffix is here added; 
dduhitrd' (masc. daughter's-son), stem duhitdr- (daughter) ; 
mdnavd' (masc. man), stem manii-' (masc. prop, noun of the 
primeval man), etc. 

Greek, e.g. in fffefuivr} (leader fem.), stem ff^eiiov- (masc. 
iqyefuov leader) ; o-irarpo- (having same father), stem irarkp" ; 
here, as often, shortened to irarp- before suffix -o- ; a<7T-6- (masc. 
citizen, burgher), aa^Tv (city), which has lost its termination 
before suffix -a-, etc. 

Latin. Here belong cases like decdro- {decorti'S graceivl, 
decent, adj.) fr. dectis, gen. decor-is (ornament, dignity); hondro- 
(honourable) fr. hands, gen. honor-is (honour), and their like. 
§88a. III. Stems with suffix -f-. 

Suffix -t- is on the whole rare. In Indo-Eur. ak-i- (eye) is 
capable of proof, ^ak (be sharp, see; cf. Joh. Schmidt, d. 
wurzel AK, Weimar, 1866, p. 38) ; agh-i- (snake ; cf. Sk. dh-i, 
Zend, 02-t-, Gk. e^-^-, Lat. angu-i-, Lith. ang-l-), yjagh. 

Sanskrit. IS^omina actionis and agentis, without, and more 
rarely with step-formation, also with weakening of root- vowel, 
e.g. krhi- (fem. ploughing), y/kars (plough) ; sdK-i- (fem. friend- 
ship), y/sai (follow) ; lip-i- (fem. writing), ^lip (smear) ; yd^-i- 
(masc. sacrificer), y/yag (sacrifice); Jchid-i- (fem. axe), y/Xhid 

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(split); gilc'i (adj. pure), Vfw^ (shine); bddh-i- (adj. wise), 
^budh (know) ; gir-i (masc. moimtaiQ), ^/gar (be heavy), etc. ; 
with reduplicated root, e.g. gd-gm-i- (going, hastening), y/gam 
(go); ga-ffhti-i' (striking, slaying), ^han, i.e. ghan (slay); sd-sah-i- 
(bearing), ^sah (bear), etc. 

Greek. e.g. *o/c-*- (ntr. eye) ; retained in dual 8a'(Te=*6Ki/€, 
*o/ct€), V origL ak (be sharp, see) ; ttoX-*- (fern, city), origl. y/par 
(fill, be full) ; Tpox-f'" (masc. runner), y/rpey^ (jp^X'^ ^ ^""^)j ®*o. 

Latin. Bcoh4 {scobis, scobs, fern, sawdust, shavings), y/scab 
{scabo scrape) j trud-ir (trudis fern, punting-pole), y/trud {trUdo 
push) ; (m-i- (outs fern, sheep, cf. oF-l^^, Sk. dv-i-Sy Lith. at;-i'«) 
fr. a y/u, av (perhaps in sense of * clothe,' in which it appears 
in Lat. and Sclavonic), etc. 

rV. Stems with suffix -«-. §88b. 

This suffix, though not very common, is yet on the whole com- 
moner than -»'- ; in some languages it is much used, in others 
but little. 

Indo-Eur. origl.-lang. aA>w- (adj. swift), \/flA (be sharp, 
swift); praUvr- (adj. broad), y/prat\ par-u- (adj. full), y/par 
(fill); svddrUn (sweet), y/svad; ragh-u- (light), y/ragh; pab-u- 
(cattle), y/pah (perhaps 'biud'). 

Sanskrit. The suffix -w- occurs very often, mostly in forma- 
tion of adjectives, e.g. df-u- (swift), y/ag (reach), origl. ak; prathrit- 
usuallyjt?r^A-A- (broad), y/prath (extend oneself, spread) ; pu/r-ii 
(much) for ^par-u-, ^par (fiU ; 1 sg. pres. pi-par-mi) ; svad-ic- 
(sweet), ^svad (taste, smack) ; mrd-ii- (soft), y/mard (crush), 
etc. Similar adjectives from stems of desiderative verbs are 
especially common (§ 83), e.g. didrks-Ur (wishing to see), cf. 
didrksa-te (wishes to see), y/darg (see), origl. dark ; dits-ii- (wish- 
ing to give), cf. dttsorti for ^di-da-sa-'U (wishes to give), ^da, 
etc. Substantives: e.g. bdndh-u- (masc. relative), y/bandh (bind) ; 
bhid'ii- (masc. thunderbolt), y/ bhid (split) ; tan-^ (f em. body), 
y/tan (stretch), etc. 

Greek, cb/c-v- (swift) =Sk. df-A-, origl. y/ak; irXaT-v- 

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192 STEMS WITH Sr. -W-. LAT. STEMS WITH SF. -ya-. 

^88b. (broad) =Sk.^r^A-ii-^ origl. y/prat; iroK-v- (mucli)=Sk. jt?wr-^-, 
origl. joar-M-, y/par; i}8-i;-=Sk. svcUJ-i-, ^svad; ^ap-v- (heavy) 
=Sk. gur-H" for ^gar-u-, origl. V^^'' (be heavy) ; vex-v- (mase. 
corpse) = Zend nag-u-, origl. Vw^A (die) ; Opaa-v- (daring), 
^Oapa-, Opa^ (be bold ; of. ddpa-o^ boldness), etc. 

Latin. These steins have generally been completely shifted 
to the analogy of the ^-declension, by an i having simply been 
added to the originally final u- e.g. tenu-i" (tenuis thin) from 
*t€n'U', f.f. tan-U', origl. y/tan (stretch); breu-i- (short) for 
*bregU'i' (§ 73, 1) from *breg''U', cf . Gk. ^paX'V-, root not other- 
wise traced; ku^i (light) for *%M-f-from *fe^-w-=Gk. €-\a;j^-i5-, 
Sk. lagh-U'f origl. y/ragh (cf. Sk. y/lahgh spring, despise; rah 
haste), grathi' (heavy) prob. for ^garu-i- from ^gar-u-^ Gk. 
fiap-v; Sk. gur-ii', origl. gar-u-; sudu-i" (sweet) for *8tuidU't'y 
from *sudd'U', cf. Gk. jJS-v-, Sk. and origl. Bvad-ii-. The w- 
form has been retained in ac-u- {acua fem. needle), origl. y/ak 
(be sharp) ; id-U' (fem. the 13th or 15th day of the month), 
probably from origl. y/idh (bum, in sense of ' be bright,* thus 
lit. ' full-moon ') and other stems of somewhat obscure deriva- 
§ 89. V. Stems with suffix -ya-. 

This suffix is very common ; it occurs in all Indo-European 
languages. In Sanskrit by means of it the participium 
necessitatis is formed. 

Like most stem-formative suffixes of Indo-European, the 
common primary and secondary relative suffix -ya- appears in 
several functions (cf. pronominal-root t/a with demonstr. and 
relative function, e.g. in nom. sg. masc. Sk. ya-s qui, IAt}x.ji-8 
ille, is). Indeed the stem-formative elements of the more simply 
organized languages are applied in more ways than one; as 
also are the auxiliary roots which are loosely added to the end 
of the meaning-sounds (simple roots) of monosyllabic lan- 
guages. The suffix -ya- has, of course, belonged, even in early 
times, to the Indo-European. 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

STEMS WITH sr. -ya-. indo-eub. 193 

In Sk. this suffix fonns regularly a participle of necessity ; § 89. 
a function of which traces only are found in the other lan- 
guages. It is a frequent phenomenon to find a certain suffix 
developing itself in a particular language^ so as to become a 
regular kind of formation, with a peculiar function, whilst in 
the kindred languages it is otherwise employed ; thus e.g. -ya- 
as the formation of the passive in Sk. ; the nasalized present- 
stems in Sclavonian, Lith., and Gothic as intransitives and 
passives ; -/«-, origl. -ra-, as past part. act. in Sclav., etc. 

1. -ya- as a primary suffix. 

Indo-European original language. 

It is hard to find examples which can with certainty be traced 
to the origl. lang. A perfectly trustworthy example of this 
suffix -ytt' would be seen in madh-ya-, if it were certain that 
madh is the root of Sk. iwdrfA-yfl-=Gk. fdaa-O" for ^fieO-yo; 
Lat. med'iO'y Goth, mid-jch. If we may venture to draw an 
inference for the origl. lang. from the correspondence of Greek 
and Sanskrit, we may ascribe to it yag-ych also (to be revered, 
l^oly)? ^/y(^9 (revere). 

This sf. is common in verb-stems, as e.g. in stems of derived 
verbs (§ 84) ending in -a-ya-, e.g. ihara-ya-, ^bhar ; here be- 
long aU optative-stems in -ya- (mostly raised a step to -ya-), 
e.g. stem as-yd- (§ 162), root and pres.-stem as ; moreover many 
present-stems (§ 165 V.), as e.g. Bvidrya-, ^smd. 

Sanskrit. The function of this sf. -ya- as a primary sf. is by 
no means exclusively that of a part, necessitatis, cf . e.g. md-yd 
(fem. knowledge), ^vid (know) ; mk-yd- (ntr. speech), \/vali ; 
etc. As a rule 1st step-formation of root- vowel occurs before 
this sf. when it forms a part, necessitatis, e.g. ii-ya-, ^/H 
(gather) ; yqg-yd and yog-yd, ^/yu^ (iungere) ; pctk-yd- and 
pdJc-yd', y/pai (cook) ; hdr-yd^, y/har (take) ; garg-yd-, y/garg 
(roar), etc. ; but vrdh-ya-, y/vardh (wax) ; giih-ya- and gih-ya-, 
y/guh (hide), etc. Instead of the regular contraction to e, o, 
there occurs, in many roots in -«, and in all roots in ^u, an unusual 


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194 PBIMAKT SF. ya, GK. LAT. 

§ 89. loosening of At, ow, into ay, av ; e.g. ^dy-ya-y \/g% (conquer) ; 
kady-yo'f kSi (destroy) and stdv-ya-, stav-ya- (2nd step), y/stu 
(praise). For details of this formation see special Sk. granun. 

Stems of derived- verbs in -aych only show the root-vowel 
raised before sf . -ya-, while the sf . of the verb-stem disappears, 
e.g. JcOr-ya- fr. verb-stem Jcdraya- (steal), etc. 

Greek possesses no regular participle in -yo- ; -ya- as a 
primary sufl&x, not uncommonly in the same function as in Sk., 
nevertheless occurs in cases like &y-«)- (holy), f.f. yag-ya-, cf. 
Sk, ydg-yd' (uenerandus), y/yag (worship) ; crriJy-to- (detestable), 
t/oTvy (l-oTvy-oi/ I detested) ; irarf-to- (firm), y/irarf {irify-wfii 
fasten ; irary-o^, masc. thing fixed, hill, frost) ; ipehr-iO' (ntr. * 
ruins), ^Jlpm (in epe/Tr-©, ip-ipiir-To destroy) ; y\&aara (tongue) 
for *y\(0X't/or (§ 68, 1, e, /3), cf . yX^x-iv, gen. yXayxrlvty; (point), 
fjuHpa=:*/M)p'ya (§ 26, 3 ; part, share), ^mar, cf. fUp-ty; (part) ; 
6aara (voice), i.e. ^FoK-ya (§ 68, e) origl. ^vak^ etc. 

Latin likewise has no regular participle in -ya-. The suffix 
appears often primarily, e.g. in ad-ag-io- (adagium proverb), 
'y/ag (say, cf. dio for *ag'io; § 39) ; ex^m-uh (eximius excelling), 
^em, im (ex-im-o pick out) ; gen-io- (genius), in-gen-io- (ingen- 
ium), i?ro-^m-*e- (progenies offspring), ^/gen (gen-tM, gi-gfejno'); 
in-edria (fasting), ^/ed (ed-o) ; per-nic-ie- (destruction), ^nec 
fnec-are, noc-ere) ; fluu-io- (river), y/flu (flu-o) ; con-iug-io 
(coniugium wedlock), y/iug (iung-o, iug-um) ; ob'Sequ-io- (obse- 
quium obedience), ^aec, sequ (sequ-or); od-io- (odiimi hatred), 
^od (od'i) ; Bocri-fic-io- (sacrificium sacrifice), y/fac ; oh-sid-uh 
(obsidium siege) ; in-^id-ia (insidiae ambush), y/aed fsed-eo), etc. 
These formations are sometimes hard to distinguish from 
secondary ones, e.g. con-iug-io-, which has to be traced back to 
the noun can-tug- (n. sg. con-tux spouse), rather than to \/tw^. 

The suffix 'io-nir, -io-n- is probably a further formation made 
by means of sf. -m-, e.g. leg-ion-, leg-ioni-, fr. ^/leg (legere) ; 
reg-ion-, reg-ioni- (direction, region), \/reg (reg-ere make 
straight) ; ob-sid-ion-, ob-sid-ioni-, beside the above-mentioned 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

SECONDARY SF. -ya-. SK, 195 

oh^id-iO' ; con-tag'tdni-, 'idn*, beside con-tag-io' (touching)^ § 89. 
y/tag (tangere toucli), etc. CI suflix -^id»-, 'tiOni' under -ti- 
(§ 98). 

2. -ya- as a secondary suffix. 

-ya- is frequently used as a secondary suffix in every Indo- 
European language, and hence must have existed as early as 
the date of the original-language. 

Sanskrit. E.g. cUv-ya- (adj. heavenly), st* div- (heaven) ; 
gun-ya- (canine), st. gun- (dog) ; pitr-ya- (fatherly), st. pitdr- 
(father); rahas-yd-^ (secret), st. rdhaa- (ntr. secrecy). Stems in 
-a lose their final a before -ya-, e.g. dhdn-ya- (rich), st. dhdna- 
* (ntr. riches), etc. By means of step-formation of the under- 
lying stem are formed stems like rtav-yd- (adj. seasonable) from 
rtit' (season) ; rnddhur-ya- (ntr. sweetness), st. madhurd- (sweet) ; 
idur-ych (ntr. theft) st. Jsdrd- (masc. thief), etc. 

This sf. is added to a nomen actionis in -tu- (v. post.) ; this 
^tu' is thereupon mostly raised to -tav', but more rarely remains 
imraised. Thus by the raising of -tu- arises the compound 
suffix 'tav-ya- so commonly used ; with unraised -tu- arises the 
form -tvya-y which occurs in the more archaic period ; from this 
latter there arises, by evaporation of the v from the group ti>y, 
the sf . -tya- used in certain cases in the ordinary lang. ; by loss 
of the y arises the form pecidiar to the Vedic lang. -tva-. 
These rfF. -tav-ya-, -tv-ya-, -t-ya-, tv-a-, originally identical, have 
the same function as simple -ya-, namely that of a participium 

Before -tav-yd- (or -tdv-ych) most root- vowels are raised, thus 
all final vowels, and also medial i and w, e.g. dd-tavya-, ^da 
(give) ; e-tavya-, y/i (go) ; sid4avya-, y/stu (praise) ; Mettavya- 
for *Uh€drtavya'y ^Uhid (split) ; ydk-tavya- for *yog-tavya-, y/yvg 
(iungere) ; hut pak-tavya^, \/paJk (cook); kar-tcmfa-y \/kar (make), 
etc., without step-formation of root- vowel, because in Sk. a Was 
felt to be a raised vowel, in contradistinction to its weakenings 
(§ 6). There is found also, in certaiu cases, the auxiliary vowel 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

196 SECONDARY SF. -yOr. SK. 

89. 1, 1, between the end of the root and the suffix, e.g. Iddh-i-tavya-, 
y/hudh (know) ; grah-l'tavychy y/grah (take). Examples of the 
shortened form of the sff. are found in Vedic A/-^«jya-, later 
kr-tya-y \/kar (make) ; therefore we must probably assume -tya- 
to have arisen from 'tvya-, also in forms in -i^ya-, which have no 
parallel Vedic -tvya-f as e.g. in i-tya-^ \l% (go) ; ^HL-tya-^ y/stu 
(praise) ; bhr-tya-y y/bhar (bear), and the like. It is however 
strange to find such root-vowels unraised or weakened. 
Vedic kdr'tva- (faciendus, as ntr. subst. kdr-tvarm opus) is ac- 
cordingly to be explained as formed from ^kar-tv-ya-, stem 
kdr-tu^ (v. post.) by means of -ya- ; here y has been lost, whilst 
■V is retained. The function of this form distinctly points to 
this explanation. 

Since -iych is identical with -iych, — ^the vowel being lengthened 
before y, as happens frequently (§ 15, 2, a), — and since -iych 
may moreover stand for -ya- (§ 15, 2, b), we may confidently 
assume that the participia necessitatis in ^amyor correspond in 
their sf . to a fundamental form -an-ya- from *'ana-ya- (the loss 
of final a in -ana- before -ya- is regular, cf. § 14, 1, b), and 
therefore are formed by means of the same sf . ^ya-y which we 
have already found used in this function, cf . hhrdtr-iya- (brother's 
son, origly. 'fraternal') SLndpiir-ya- (paternal) ; parvat-tya- (hill-) 
from parvata-- (hill), and rdth-ya- (waggon-) from rdthor (wag- 
gon) ; etc. The sf. -lya- is thus=-ya-. This sf. 'iya':=i-ya- is, 
added to a nomen actionis in -ana- (as in -tav-ych, -tv-ya-, it is to 
a similar one in -tu- ; on nouns in -awa- v. post.), which, as afore- 
said, regularly loses its final -a before -ya-. This sf . -amya- also 
has the root- vowel almost always raised a step, e.g. stav-aniya-, 
y/stu (praise) ; gay-aniya-, y/gi (conquer) ; dd'nzya'=*dd'amya'y 
\/da (give) ; but kar-anlya-y y/kar (make) ; paJc-anlya-, y/paJc 
(cook), etc. Verb-stems in -aych lose this whole sf. before 
-anlya-, e.g. fcor-aniya-, st. /cor-dya- (steal). 

In the Vedic we find also sf. -en-ya- thus employed ; herein 
we can hardly fail to recognize a variation of f .f . 'an-ya- ; en 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 


has arisen from an probably througb the influence of the fol- §«89. 
lowing y, e.g. ug-int/a-, ^vag (wish.) ; yet we find also vdr-inya-, 
^/mr (choose) with accented root. 

Greek. Here too -t/a- as a secondary sf. is very common, 
e.g. Trdrp-iO' (paternal), irarp^id (f. race), from stem warip- 
(father) ; crcoTiyp-w)- (saving), aroyrrjp-la (rescue), stem cranrip' 
(saviour) ; riXeiO' for *r€\€ar'f/o- (§ 65, 2, c ; complete), stem 
T^X€9- (ntr. sg. T6\o9 end) ; dX^Oeui, ue. *aKrf0€ar'ya (truth), stem 
aX/rfdea- (adj. true) ; Oav-fidaio^ (wonderful) for *davfiaT-u) 
(§ 68, 1, c), stem davfiar- (ntr., n. sg. davfia wonder) ; Sltca-U)- 
(just), stem Slxa- (fem., n. sg. Slfcrj justice) ; irrfyv-iO' (adj. ell- 
long) from irrfyv' (masc, n. sg. tt^xu-? cubit), etc. Here also, 
before sf. -w>-=origl. -ya-, the stem-termination o=origl. a is 
lost, e.g. ovpav'to- (heavenly), stem ovpavS- (masc., heaven) ; 
TTordfi-u)' (river-), stem irorafiO' (masc. river), etc. Here belong 
also the stems of participles and other consonantal stems used 
in fem. alone, like <l>€povara, i.e. *<f>€povT'ya ; T^Jyaimvla, i.e. 
*\eXoi7rvar-ya,*'VT'ya; SoT€t/>a, i.e. *&)Tep-ya ; fiiKcuva=:*fi€\av- 
-ya, etc. 

The form exactly corresponding to the Sk. part, in -tdv-ya-^ is 
in Gk. -rio-, i.e. *-T€-Fyo-, e.g. So-reo-, Sk. dd-tav^ch, y/ho 
(give) ; Urio-y y/i (go) ; TrXe/c-rfo-, ^/ifKeic (twist) ; ^/mtt-tco-, 
y/Tp€<l> (rear) ; TreAcr-Teo-, y/wiO^ pres. ireiO-a}, aor. e-wtO-ov (per- 
suade) ; etc. Perhaps we ought to place here the forms in -aia 
for 'TUif e.g. evepyeaia from -ria, cf. evepyenj-f; ; oKadaparla, cf. 
dicd0apTO'(;, etc. ; this -tul may in other cases have also been 
developed from origl. sf. -ti- (§ 98). 

Latin, -ya- as secondary suffix, e.g. in patr-io* (adj. 
patrius), fem. subst. patr-ia, from pater-, praetor-io- from 
praetor-, victor-ia from motor-, scient-ia from scient- (sciens), 
reg-io- from reg- (rex) ; audae-ia from audao- (audax) ; princip-io- 
from princip- (princeps), nefar-io- from nefaa, sacerdot-io- from 
sacerdot-, etc. Here also the origl. final a of stem is lost before 
-ya-, e.g. domin-io- (dominium) from daminot- (dominus), somn-io- 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

198 SECONDARY SF. -yfl-. LAT. -ttvO', cndo-. 

89. (sonmiiim) from samno- (somnus), colkg-io- (collegiuiii) from 
collega, etc. 

Note 1. — ^Adjs. in -tluo-, as nd'tluo-y aC'tzuo-, have been com- 
pared to Sk. 'tavyory though they do not coincide in function. 
From -tavya- is said to have arisen -taivya-y by insertion of i 
(from y following) into the preceding syllable, thence -taiva-, 
'teivO'y "iluo-. However there is no very strong reason for 
identifying Lat. -/imo- with Sk. -tavych, a comparison which is 
moreover phonetically very doubtful. It is possible that they 
are new formations m Latin, from stem ndto-, acto-, etc. ; cf . 
noC'iu(h beside nocuo-, and mortiM)- for the form *mor-tO'^ which 
we should have expected. 

Note 2. — ^In Latin the participium necessitatis ends in -endo-y 
earlier -undo-, e.g. dic-endo-y dic-mido-y etc. In the former part 
of this sf ., en, un, hence earlier on, we may probably recognize 
the an of the Sk. an-zya- : the -eto- is prob. the sf . -do- so ccHn- 
mon in Latin, e.g. cali-do', uaK-do-, timi-do-, etc., beside calere, 
ualere, timere, etc. ; in uiri-di' beside uirere, -di- appears. This 
'do- probably is derived from the same verb-root da (Lat. dare, 
which has, however, apparently become confounded with origl. 
'y/dha * facere '), which we see in cre-do, con-do, etc. Cf . forma- 
tions like ira-C'Unrdo-, ruhi-c-urirdo-, uere'C-un-do-ffa'C-'Un-do-, in 
which the relation of necessity is not found, — a relation which 
is not really essential to forms m -un-do-, -en-do-, -n-do- (Corssen, 
Krit. Beitr. 120 sqq., and Krit. Nachtr. p. 133 sqq.) ; -bu-n-do- 
infur't-bu-n-do, treme-bu-n-do-, must be treated as a part, necess. 
of origl. ^bhu, Lat./«*. Accordingly we recognize in -do-, the 
latter part of this sf., a new formation in Latin. We can 
scarcely assume that the f.f . -an-ya- (v. supr.) has in an excep- 
tional way in the first place become *-an-dya- by insertion old 
before y, as not unfrequently happens in the languages, e.g. 
middle-Lat. madius for earlier maim, Gk. ^vyov, i.e. *Syir/ov, Sk. 
and f.f. yugdm ; from which form *-an'dya- the loss of y would 
then have to be assumed in the same way as perhaps in minus 
ioT*miniu8, 'bus sf. of dat. abl. pi. for *'bius (v. post, declension), 
so that e.g. coqu-en-do- (coquendus) would stand for *coquen-dyo-, 
*coquen-yo-, f.f. A^Aaw-ya-=Sk. paJianlya- (G. Curt. Gk. Etym.* 
590 sqq.). However, as regards Lat., interchange of d and y 
is not capable of proof ; on the contrary, this language shows a 
tendency towards accimiulation of suffixes and suffixative com- 
position with verb-roots, as e.g. -cro- (hua-cru-m, sepuUcru-m) , 
y/kar (make); -bo- (acer-bu-s, mor-bu-s, super-bu-s) for *bhvo- 

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from bhu (be) ; here probably we must reckon -6/fi^ (sta-bili'S, § 89* 
fie-UU-Sy comprehemirhiliSy Jkod-hili'S) and -bulo- (sta-bulU'tny 
fa-bula), further formations of this -bo- (these forms are otherwise 
explained by others) ; -6ro-, -bra- (candela-bru-m, light-bearer ; 
in this example probably no one will deny the derivation of -bro- 
from y/bhar (bear); uerte-bra, late-bra), from y/bhar (bear); 
-gno- fmali-gnu-sj , y/gan (beget) ; -t^- (rem-ig-, n. sg. remex), 
\lag (drive, do). 

VI. Stems with suffix -m-, % 90. 

Stems with sf . -va- are found in every Indo-Europ. language ; 
in Lat. and Sclavonic, amongst others, it is a favourite suffix. 
Stems in -van- are akin to these, and are seen especially in Sk. 
The sf. -vant- we treat hereafter separately. 

Indo-European original language. Certainly demon- 
strable is ah-va- (masc. horse), y/ak (run ; cf . ak-u- quick). 

Sanskrit, dq-va- (masc. horse), ^Jaq (cf. aq-ii- quick) ; e-va- 
(masc. going), y/% (go) ; pdd-va- (masc. way, waggon), ^pad (go); 
pak'Vd- (adj. cooked), y/palc (cook) ; urdh-vd- (directed upwards, 
raised), i.e. *ardhva- (§ 7, 2), y/ardh (grow), etc. 

-van- is akin, e.g. pdd-van- (masc. way), cf. pdd-va- ; mdd-van- 
(intoxicating), y/mad (become intoxicated) ; rk-van- (praising), 
beside rk-vanf and rk-vd-, y/arlc (praise), etc. 

Greek. On account of the loss of v in Gk. the sflf. in ques- 
tion are hard to recognize. Clearly we may place here e.g. 
tTTTTo- (horse) for *Ik-Fo» =Lat. eqtw-, origl. ak-va-, etc. ; iroWo- 
(many, collateral form to iroXv-) from *7rdK-Fo-y f.f. par-va-, 
^Jpar (fill) ; in some other cases the root cannot be further 
traced, as e.g. >jai-Fd- =Lat. lae-uo- (left) ; o7^-, I6n. oiXo- 
(whole), f.f. *6X-Fo- =Lat. sollo- from *«o/-w-, Sk. sdr-va-, etc. 

The sf. -van- is seen in al-Fdv (atonv lifetime, time), a 
lengthening from a presupposed ai-van- (cf. Lat. ae-uo-, Goth. 
ai-va-y Sk. e-va-), y/i (go) ; perhaps also irhr-ov- (n. sg. masc. 
irkirtav ripe) stands for *ireir-Fov-y cf . Sk. pak-vd-y y/irerr, origl. 
kak (cook). 

Latin* The sf. origl. -va- is common ; besides eq-uo- (horse) 

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200 SUFFIX -mnt'. sk. 

I 90. =origl. ak-^ch; ard-uo- (steep) = Zend eredh^'wa-^ Sk. urdh-^-; 
ae-uo' (ntr. lifetime, age)=Sk. e-va- (masc. going), occur many 
other formations like noc-uo- (hurtfiil), ^noc (noc-ere hurt) ; 
uaC'UO- (empty), ^/uac (cf. uacare be empty) ; per-spic-uo" (per- 
spicuous), ^spec (specere see) ; de-dd-uo- (falling off), y/cad 
{cadere fall) ; re-sid'UO' (remaining), ^sed {sedere sit) ; ar-uo- 
(ploughed, ar-uo-m ploughed field), y/ar {ardre plough) ; al-uo- 
(fem. belly), ^al {alere nourish), etc. 

Here belong also formations in -imo-, like nochiw^ (hurtful) ; 
waoi-wo- (empty), capthuo^ (captive), etc., which are formed as if 
there were parallel forms *woci-r^, *wacf-r^, *captl-re. 

The suffix -vanUy forming a past part, act., whose original 
existence is proved by the correspondence of the Aryan, Greek, 
and Sclavonic, is probably compounded of -e?a- and -n^-=-aw^- 
(§ 101). With 'VanU may be compared the origl. sf. -yant^, 
which also probably consists of -ya- and -ant- (v. post. * Com- 
parative'), and sf. -mant' (§ 91), which is similarly formed from 
-ma- and -ant-y so that we have a scale -aw^-, -yanU^ -vant-, 
-mant'^ to which -an-, -f/an-, -van-, 'man-, and -a-, -ya-, -va-, -ma- 
are parallel. 

The function of this -mnt- is (like that of -mant') that of 
expressing the 'having' the possession of something. The 
perf . part, and the perf . itself are in many languages expressed 
by means of possessive elements (e.g. Finnish, Magyar, the 
Cassia language, etc.), as is indeed the case also in the periphrasis 
by means of the auxil. verb 'have.' A form vi-md-vant-, lit. 
* having knowing or knowledge,' is not originally different, in 
point of suffix, from arkta-vanU ' bear-having.' 

The sf. 'Vant'y which, as forming participles, is a primary sf ., 
occurs also as a secondary suffix, e.g. Sanskrit dgva-vant- (pro- 
vided with horses; n. sg. masc. apt^o-t^dn,- ace. sg. dgva-vanUam, 
gen. sg. dgva-vat-as, n. pi. masc. -vant-aSy etc.), fem. dgm-vati, 
i.e. 'Vat-yd (cf. § 16, c), with loss of w, as in similar cases; 
vdm^vant' (furnished with riches) ; tird-vanU (possessed of 

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heroes) ; pddrvant- (having feet), stem pad- (foot). The sf. § 90. 
-mant^ is employed in similar functions, e.g. Sk. agni-mdnU 
(possessed of fire), v. post. 

The sf. -vant" has also a special use in Sk., that of giving 
active force to past part., e.g. krtd-^ {\/kary make) =' made,* but 
krtd'Vant' 'having made'; bhagnd- (broken), y/hha^, bhan^, but 
bkagnd-vant' * having broken,* etc. 

Greek. The suffix "Vant- becomes -Feur- (the digamma Jbeing 
retained; n. sg. masc. -Fei^i, ntr. -Fev), fem. -Feaara^ i.e. ^-Ferya 
=Sk. 'Vatly i.e. -vatyd, e.g. dfiireXjo-FevT- (having vines), a^jmeKo- 
(fem. vine) ; iy(dv6'FeirT- (having fish), ixPv- (masc. fish) ; firjrui- 
'Fein- (having wisdom), firfrir (fem. wisdom) ; vujyO'FevT" (snowy), 
st. vi<l>' (snow, ace. vlff>-a), etc. Thus aU stems follow here the 
analogy of stems in o-, origl. a-, which is also the case else- 
where in Gk. (e.g. in gen. dat., dual, v. post.) ; yet yapL-Fevr- 
(graceful), x^P^' (fem. grace), and perhaps some few others. 

In Latin -vanU has become -vans-, and passed over to the 
analogy of a-stems, so that we must here assume a f .f . -vansor^ 
from which -vonso- and -voso- must have arisen ; this -vonso- has, 
however, throughout lost its v (the suffix could scarcely have 
been -ans-, since the loss of the v does not occur in this function 
of the suffix, and the existence of the full form of the sf . in the 
S.W. division of the Indo-European languages is moreover 
proved by the occurrence of the well-preserved form in Gk. 
-FevT") ; e.g. fructU'dso-, lumin-dso-, ybrma-osO', whence (§ 37) 
formonsO'y later /orwo«o-. 

We must now treat of the employment of the sf . -vant" (-vam-) 
in forming past part. act. 

Indo-European original-language. e.g. vimd-vant-, 
y/vid (see, know); dadha-vant-, y/dha (set), etc. These stems 
coincided in the three genders. 

Sanskrit. The origl. sf. -vant- appears before the diflferent, 
case-suffixes as -vat-y -f &-, i.e. -mn«- and -tw- (v. post. Declen- 
sion); -vans-, from origl. -vanf-, became -vas- by loss of n 

Digitized by VjOOQIC" 

202 SF. "Vant- in f.p.Acr. gk. stems with sf. -ma-. 

§ 90. before 8, and tliis was weakened to -ws- by loss of a (§ 6) ; -t?5«-, 
i.e. -vans-, is a lengthening or step-formation of -vam-. The 
suflBx is added to the reduplicated root, to the perf.-stem in 
its weaker form (v. post. ' Conjugation '), e.g. rurud-vdnUy y/rud 
(weep), fern, rurud-iisi, from *'Vantyd, *'Van8yd, *-va8yd, *'U8yd ; 
ten-i'Vdnt- from ^tatn-i'VanU^ with auxil. vowel i, V^^^ (stretch); 
the shortened st. -forms have not this i, e.g. dat. sg. masc. teniis-e; 
n. sg. fem. teniisz, etc.; vid-vdnt (knowing, origl. * having seen'), 
with loss of reduplication of y/vid (see, know), etc. 

Greek. The origl. final t of the sf . has been almost always pre- 
served, while the n is lost ; in masc. and neut. it is -For-z^-^a (n) t- ; 
in n. sg. -/o9 for *'Fot (§ 69), masc, -f ©9 for *- A)t-9 with com- 
pensatory lengthening. The fem. is -via, i.e. -twya (§ 65, 2, c) 
from -vasyd, and this from -vanst/d, f.f. -vantpd. This sf. is 
added to aU perf .-stems ending (1) in case of simple perfects in 
the firifll letter of the root, (2) in the case of compound perfects 
in tc ; e.g. (1) XeXotTr-rfr-, n. sg. masc. \eXoA7r(»9=X€Xot7r-/bT-9, 
ntr. X£\oA7ro9 = *X€\oA7r-FoT, fem. XeXotTr-t/ta = *\6\ot7r-t;a;ya, 
y/Xtw (leave) ; likewise (2) *7i£\vK'FoT' (n. sg. masc. XeXuxm, 
etc.), t/\t; (loosen), etc. After roots ending in vowels perhaps 
the V of the sf. held its place longer ; thus iara-FoT' (Hom.) 
from perf.-stem eora- (&Ta-/Lt€i/ 1 pi.), ^ara (stand); yeya-For-, 
perf.-stem yeya-, Vy^,, yep (pres. yir/vofiav become), etc. We 
must leave undecided the question whether the stems yeya-Fdr-, 
TeOvrj'Fdn-', etc., retain in a> a rfelic of the former n in *-/oin--= 
"Vant-, or whether we should see in it an unorigl. lengthening 
from -/or-. 

Archaic forms show the root- vowel still un-raised, especially in 
fem. stems, e.g. FiSvia (usually elBvux, st. ^FeiZ-For-, from /otSa, 
f.f. vivdida 'I know,' y/md, see, know), i.e. *t?trf-w«yd=Sk. viduit 
from *vimd'Vant-i/d. 

Latin shows no such formation. 
§ 91. VIL Stems with suffix -ma-, and sff. whose first element 
is -ma- {'man-, -marnory -manU ; on secondary sf . -ma'' cf . § 107, 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 


where also are treated the sff. ma-ma- and -ma-ta-, whicli all § 91. 
of them form superl.) ; and especially the participle in -ma-, 
-ma-na-, of passive and middle use. 

Participles in -ma-na- aj^ear in the Asiatic and S.-European 
division of the Indo-European, in the Sclavo-Teutonic -ma- re- 
places it. Both forms we hold to be original, since it is 
common enough to find a simple and a compound suffix used 

-ma- is a frequent element in stem-formation (in word-forma- 
tion it indicates 1 pers.). As a secondary suffix we shall find it 
employed to express the superlative. 

Primarily it occurs e.g. 

Indo-European. ^Aar-wa- (warm, heat), y/ghar\ dhu-ma-, 
or probably dhau-ma- (smoke), ^dhu. 

Sanskrit. In tig-md- (adj. sharp, pointed), y/ti^ (become 
sharp) ; bhl-md- (adj. fearful), y/bhi (fear) ; idh-md- (masc. fire- 
wood), y/idh (bum); ghar-md- (masc. warmth), ^ghar; dhu-md- 
(masc. smoke), y/dhu (move); yug-md- (ntr. pair), y/yug (join), 

Eindred to this is sf . -wan-, which apparently must be sepa- 
rated into -mran-y i.e. -mfaj-an-, and is accordingly closely 
parallel to the participial -ma-na-, 

Indo-European. e.g. gnd-man- (name), y/gna=^gan (know) ; 
akrman- (stone), y/ak, etc. 

Sanskrit. In gdn-man- (ntr. birth), y/gan (gignere); dg- 
-man- (masc. stone), y/ag ; veg-man- (ntr. house), V«^^ (enter) ; 
nd-man- (ntr. name) for ^gnarman-, y/gna-=^gan (know) ; iik-man- 
(masc. summer), \/u% (bum). With auxil. vowel t, in Ved. also 
i (§ 16, f), it appears e.g. in atar-i-mdn- (masc. bed), ^Btar (ster- 
nere) ; dhar-i-mdn- (masc. forma), y/dhar (hold) ; gdn-i-man- 
(ntr. birth) beside gdn-man-, from which it is distinguished by 
the i alone. Side by side we find dhdr-man- (masc. bearer ; ntr. 
law) and dhdr-ma- (masc. right, duty) ; e-man- (ntr. going) and 
e-ma- (masc. id.), y/i (go), etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

204 STEMS WITH SF. -mO-. GK. 

§ 91. ^mant' is a secondary sdEx, e.g. ydm-man^- (possessing 
barley), ydva- (barley) ; mddhu-manU (possessing honey), rnddhu* 
(honey) ; gyStis-manU (shining), Myitis (light), etc. 

'fnin-- also is secondary, e.g. vdg^min^ (possessing speech, 
eloquent) for *mA:-mm-, stem vdJc- (speech) ; g^min- (masc. cattle- 
owner), go- (cow, bullock) etc. 

ag-man-tch (ntr. furnace) must not be overlooked, from dg^ 
-man' (stone) ; cf. Lat sf . -men'to- and O.H.G. -munda-. 

Greek. Sf. -wa-, e.g. in Oep-fj^^ (adj. hot), Oep-fiij (fern, 
heat), ^Oep {dep-ofiat grow hot), origL ghar (§ 64, 2, n) ; <l>koy'fj>6' 
(masc. brand), y/^\ey {^>Jy-€iv bum); tceuO-fW' (masc. lair), 
^tcv6 {Kevd'co hide) ; KOfifiO' (masc. planctus) for ^kott^iw' (§ 68, 
1, a), t//co7r (^OTT-T©, K€'K07r-^^ strike) ; av-e-fiO' (masc. wind) 
with an inserted € (§ 29) from origl. y/an (blow) ; x'^fio- (masc. 
^V)> ylyy (x^^"® pour) ; QxhyJi- (masc. mind, spirit), ^jOv {dv-co 
fume) ; yi^yi/q (opinion), 's/yvo {yi-yvco^arKoy), origl. gan (to 
know) ; fivrj-fi/q (memory), ^fiva (fic-fivi^cKOi}), origl, man 
(think) ; t2-/a?{ (price, honour), y/rt {rlrto (honour) ; oZ-/l60- (masc. 
fem. way, course, stripe), \/l {eTrfii go), etc. 

As secondary sf. also -/ao- occurs, e.g. oKKi-fiO" (strong), oKkti 
(strength) ; v6<m-fiO' (belonging to return), vSaro- (masc. return) ; 
<l>v^i'fiO' (whither one can flee, avoidable), (jyv^i- (fem. flight), etc. 

The sf. origl. -man- appears in Gk. as -fiov- and '/nep-, e.g. 
aK-fioV' (masc. n. sg. aK-fuov anvil) =Sk. dg-mcm-, beside aK-firj 
(point, sharpness) ; tB-fjuov- (adj., n. sg. masc. tB-fUDv, ntr. cS-fiov, 
skilful, belonging to later period), \/^*^> origl. vid (see, know) ; 
rXrj'fiov' (n. sg. rXiy-/*©!/ suffering, wretched), y/rT^^i (endure, cf. 
Ti-rXordif Tkrj-aofuu) ; 7i/ci-/«)V- (masc, n. sg. yvol)'fiG)v knower), 
^ypo {yiryiHo-aKO}), origl. gan (know), cf. ypw-firj; fivrj-fiov^ 
(mindful), cf. fivij-firj, y/fjo/a, origl. man (think), etc. In the 
form 'ficDV' we recognize an unorigl. lengthening of the same sf ., 
cf. Kevd'ficov (masc, gen. sg. K€v0-fi&P'(y; lair), ^tcvO, raised to 
jc€i£ (/c€v^-6), e-zcvd'Ov hide), cf. tcevO-fid"^; Orf-fidv (masc, gen. sg. 
07j'imV'O% heap), y/de (rl'drj-fii), etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 


Sf. -/A€i/-, e.g. in mO'fUv- (masc., n. sg. irvO-fii^p hottom, foiin- § 91. 
dation), ^ttvO, cf . O.H.G. bod-am; irot-fih- (masc, n. sg. woi-fii^v 
sh.epherd)=Lith. jt)^*-me«- (n. sg. p^-mu), root accordingly j?/, 
perhaps a weakening from jE?a (protect). 

Closely connected is the sf. -fiovff, e.g. (f>'Key'fiopi] (inflamma- 
tion), V^^^ (^Xi7-tt) bum); x^P-f^^ ii^j)^ Vx^P ix^^ 
rejoice), etc. 

Here too probably belong sff. -fju-v and ^fii'Vo-, e.g. prjy'/Mv^ 
(masc., gen. sg. prff-filv-o^; surf, breakers), ^/pari (in pify-wfiv 
break) ; var-fup- (dat. sg. wr-fuv-t) and var-filvri (strife), y/vdf 
Sk. and origl. yudh (strive) ; also as secondary sf ., e.g. in tcvKXd' 
-fuvo" (masc. and neutr., name of a plant, cyclamen), from 
kvkKo- {kvk\jo-^ circle). 

Also the very common s£ -fiar- (ntr.) is related to the sff. 
above named ; e.g. eUfrnT- (garment), Aiol. FifirfJuiT-, i.e. 
*Fear'fiaT'^ ^/Fe<$ {eim^jM, i.e. ^Fetr-wfu clothe) ; ofifjuiT', i.e. 
*o7r'fiaT' (eye), Aiol. iiT'iraT-y y/oir {Sy^ofuu, Sir^c^ir'a see) ; cf. 
Bic-fiaT' (bond) beside Bea-fio- (masc. id.) and Sea-fi'n (bundle), 
VSe, 869 (Bid) bind) ; fiaZla-fiaT' (going) beside ^aZia-ybo- (masc. 
id.) from fia£l^<a (step, go) ; x^P'H^'^' Q^j) Inside ^fVP^^ 
(v. supr.); p^-/AaT- (fracture) beside piy7-/ui/- (v. supr.); eUfmr- 
beside dv-eZ-fiov- (garmentless) ; 7rpdy-/juiT' (deed), t/ m-parf 
(irpda-a-a)), beside iroXv^Trpay-fjbov- (busybody); prnj-fun^ (me- 
morial) beside puvij-firj and fivrj'fMv (v. supr.) ; airkp-fJuiT* (seed), 
^<nrep {airelpto sow), beside avrep-fiaivoDy i.e. ^airep-fiav'i/oi} (sow), 
and the like. 

In Latin also the sf. origl. -ma- occurs, as Lat. -mo- (-mu-) 
in an-i-mo- (n. sg. animus spirit), origl. y/an (blow) ; fu-mo^ 
(fumus smoke), origl. y/dhu (move) ; fir-mo- (firmus firm), prob- 
ably Sk. y/dhar (hold; cf. fre-n'Um bridle, from same root); 
for-mo' (formus warm), y/fer (fer-ueo) ; aUmo- (abnus nourish- 
ing), v' a/, nourish; fln-f-ma(life),, origl. Van (breathe, 
blow); fa-ma- (fame)=Gk. ^ly-zw;? t//« {/<^ri say); for-ma 
(form), cf. Sk. dhar-i-mdn" (v. supr.), etc* 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

206 PARTICIPIAL SF. -manch. indo-bur. sk. 

§ 91. Sf. origl. -wan-, Lat. -m«n-, is common ; e.g. ger-men (ntr. 
germ, shoot), y/ger, origl. ghar (be green) ; *gnd-men (nd-mefiy 
eo-gnd-men name), Vgno, origl. gan (know) ; s^-men (seed), y/sa 
(sow), teg-men, teg-i-men (covering), V ^^9 (cover) ; ag-men 
(troop, crowd), y/ag (drive) ; sold-fr^en (solace), verb-stem sola' 
(solari console) ; certd-men (contest, match), verb-stem certa- 
(certare struggle); moll-men (effort), verb-stem molt- (moliri 
nndertake), etc. 

This sf. is lengthened into -w5n-, e.g. in ser-mdn- (n. sermo 
masc. speech), ^/ser (arrange, put together; in ser-o, ser-tum) ; 
ter-mDn-, cf . ter-men, ter-min-o- (border), ^/ter, Sk. and origl. tar 
(exceed, come to the end) ; often moreover increased by -to-, 
e.g. in co-gno-mentO', in-cre-mentOy teg-i-mento-, aug-mento- be- 
side aug-men, seg-mento- beside seg-men, etc. ; this -mento- is par- 
ticularly common in case of derived verbs, e.g. armd-ment<h, nutria 
"mento-, expert-mentO', etc. (ntr., n. ace. sg. •mentu-m); to this sf. 
-fw5n- was added the suffix origl. -ya- also, likewise attended by 
lengthening (or step-formation), whereby consequently arose 
sf. -mdnio-, f.f. -munya-, which is mostly a secondary suffix, 
e.g. quer-i'mdnia (complaint), quer-or (complain); acri-mdnia 
(sharpness) from stem dcrin {deer, dcris sharp) ; testirmdnio- 
(testimony) from teatirS (witness) ; rndtri-monio^ (wedlock) from 
stem mdtri', from rndter-, origl. mdtar- (mother), etc. 

Participial suffix -manor, 

Indo-European, -mana-, in the function of forming parti- 
ciples, appears originally annexed to the steins of the present, 
future (formed indeed by means of a present), aorist, and per- 
fect, thus e.g. y/dha, pres.-stem dhadha-, dhadha-mana- (riOi-fiepo-), 
fut. dhd-syormana (Orj-a-o-fAepo-), aor. dha-mana- (di-fieuo-), perf. 
(from ^/dha this part, would coincide with the pres. part, in form), 
e.g. bha-bhar-mana- or bhabhdr-mana- from y/bkar, perfect-stem 
bkabhar-y bhabhdr-, 

Sanskrit. This sf. is here sounded -mdna-, wherein we 
recognize an unoriginal lengthening or step-formation of origl. 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 



-mana- (cf. Zend -mna-, Gk. ^fieuo-, Lat. 'mino-, ^mno-, all with § 91. 
vowel unraised), just as in Lat. -mdn-, -mdn-ia-, Gk. -ficDv- stand 
contrasted with sf . 'tnan-, which is proved to be the original 
form by the correspondence of the languages. It occurs as 
part. med. and pass., added to present- and future-stems as well 
as to the perfect- stem (the latter however almost exclusively in 
the earlier stage of the language). Instead of this -mdna- there 
mostly appears in those present-stems which do not end in stem- 
formative a (except no), and in the perfect, a form -ana-, which 
appears to be a later, secondary form for -mdna-, just as -e for 
■pfw^, origl. ^mai, in 1 sg. med., -a for -ma in 1 sg. act. pf. (v. 
post. Personal-terminations of the verb). The possibility that 
-dnch for earlier -ana- may be a sf. distinct from -mana- cannot 
nevertheless be denied, only in that case -no- would be expected 
rather than -ana-. 

Examples. 1. Sf. -mdna-, e.g. pres. bhdra-^dna-y pres.-stem 
hhdra- V 6Aar (bear) ; nahydrmdnd-y pres.-stem nakyd-, in pass, 
function, med. on the other hand ndhya-mdnory pres.-stem ndhf/a-, 
y/nah (tie), etc. Fut. ddsyd-mdna-y fut. stem dd-syd-, y/da (give) ; 
perf . sasr-mdnd; perf . stem sasar^ ^sar (go) ; iga-mdna- (Ved.) 
with stem-termination a affixed to perfect-stem, according to 
analogy of other tense-forms ; perf .-stem here zga- for 1^- from 
iya^', yaya^' (§ 6), Vy^9 (offer, worship). 

2. Forms with -dna-, e.g. pres. Uh-dndr, root and pres.-stem 
Uh- (lick) ; gdy-dna-, pres.-stem cay-, ge- (ge-fB he lies), V gi ; 
iinv'dnd', pres.-stem Jci-nu-, y/Jci (gather) ; yundnd- from ^yu-na- 
-dna-y pres. -stem -yuna-, y/yu (join) ; ddddna-, pres.-stem dado-, 
dad-, y/da (give), etc. ; perf. dddrg-dna* (Ved.), perf .-stem dadarg-y 
y/darg (see) ; gigriy-dnd-y perf.-stem gign-, y/gri (go) ; hubhug- 
-and, y/bhu^ (bend), etc. 

In nom. sing, these sff. are masc. 'mdna-S', dna-s ; ntr. -mdna-m, 
'dna-m ; f em. -mdnd, -dnd. 

In Greek we find everywhere -/Ltei/o-= origl. -mana- (n. sg. 
masc. 'fi€vo-^y ntr. -fiepo-v, f em. -fievr}), and this in regular use after 

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208 PABTiciPiAL SF. "fnano-. gk. 

§ 91. pres.-, fut.-, perf .-, and aor.-stems ; e.g. pres. <f}€p6'fi€V0', pres.- 
Btem if>€p€', <l>€po', origl. bhard-, bhard-, V^/>j origl. SAar (bear) ; 
SiS6'fi€V0'y pres.-Bteni StSo-, ^/So, origl. da (give) ; Beucpv-fMcvo-, 
pres.-8teiii SeiKPv*, t/ Six (show), etc. ; fut. BaxrS-fiepO'f fut.-stem 
Boao', V^So; perf. XeXv-fiipo', perf.-stem XeXt;-, v^Xt; (loose); 
Ti^Keifi-fievo' for ^Ti^Keiw-fiepo-, perf.-stem XeXeiir, y/Xtir (leave); 
simple aor. So-fAevo-, aor.-stem and ^Bo- ; Tuiro-fievo', aor.-stem 
Xwr€-, XtTTo-, ^Xltt ; compound aor. Xv^ad-fiepo, aor.-stem Xvaa-, 
y/\v, etc. 

The sf . origl. 'tnanch appears in early Gk. (Hom.) also in the 
function of a nomen actionis or infinitive in loc. sg. fem. -fievtu 
(cf . %a/Lta/ loc. from stem yafjui'), shortened to -iiev (also in D6r. 
and Aiol. in verbal stems after the root-termination and aor. pass.), 
e.g. pres. eB-fiej/od,, f.f. of stem ad^mana^y root and earlier pres.- 
stem eS-, origl. ad (eat; the pres.-stem in use is cSe-, €&)-); 
afivpi-fievaif afivpi-fiev, pres.-stem aiivve- (ward off) ; <l>op^'fjb€vai, 
f.f. of stem bhdrat/a-mantsh, pres.-stem ^/wy-, i^pee-, f.f. bhdrayor; 
fut. d^i'fjLevai, d^i-fiev, f.f. of stem agsya-mana-, fut.-stem afe-, i.e. 
*arfa'€',*dry(ri/€', f.f. ag-sya-, y/arf, origl. ag (agere); pf. reOvd-fiepaiy 
T€0vd'fi€Vj pf. stem reOpa-, ^dva=0av (die) ; FlS-fievcu with, lost 
reduplication, as FotSa, f.f. (vijvdida, f.f. of particip.-stem thus 
vimd-mana-, y/FiS (know) ; aor. simpl. BoftevaL, aor.-stem and y/So- ; 
ehre-fievoL, eiiri-pbev, aor.-stem elTre-, f.f. vavaka-, ^/Feir, origl. 
vak (speak); iXBi-fievaCf iXdi-fievy aor.-stem ^^€- (rlxBo-v^ 
fjkvdo-v)y \/ekvd (come) ; aor. -pass. fii'xj9^-fi€pcuy fitrf^-fieuai, 
<f>avri'fi€vaiy etc. Gf. also § 93, a. 

Note. — ^The (Ved.) forms adduced by Benfey (Or. u. Occ, i. 
606 ; ii. 97. 132) in Sk., such as da-man-e, cf. So-fiepai, ind-mdn-e, 
cf . FiB-fievod,, as also the Zend gtao-main-e {y/gtu praise), are indeed 
datives of a neut. subst. stem Sk. da-man^ (gift), md-mdn-, Zend 
gtao-man- (praise) ; notwithstanding which we believe that we 
must adhere to our explanation as regards Gk., on account of 
the parallel participles in -fievo-, and moreover from want of 
evidence for the dat. sf . ai belonging to consonantal stems in 
Gk. It is possible that the Gk. sf. ^fiavor stands parallel to the 

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PARTICIPLE IN -mana-. gk. lat. 209 

Aryan sf. -man-, besides the examples adduced — at least the two § 91. 
which I have met with (damane and gtaomaine) — do not by any 
means correspond with the Gk. infin. in function. 

Latin. The sf. origl. -mana- is retained only in relics, 
which yet show that it was once more generally used, and 
perfectly in accordance with Gk. analogy. 

Substantives like aiu-mno-, fern, alumna (nursling) ; uertu-mno- 
(Vertunmus, name of a god), probably from early Lat. *alO' 
-meno', y/al (nourish); *uertO'menO', y/uert (turn), have lost 
the e of 'meno-:='fi€po-z=~mana' ; the ending is here regularly 
added to the pres.-stem, just as in Sk. and Gk. The ter- 
mination is added immediately to the final of the root in 
ter-minO' (boimd), Vorigl- tar ; also fe-mina (woman) belongs 
here, though there may be some doubt as to the root of 
the word ; further, da-mno- (damnum loss ; Ritschl, Bhein. 
Mus. fur Philol. N. F. xvi. pp. 304-308), pre8..stem and ^du 
(da-mu8, etc. ; the change of meaning is shown by Ritschl in 
the passage quoted ; perhaps also ^/da (cut) or dha (set, make) 
and not da (give), may here be fundamental, so that this has no 
bearing on the explanation of the form given by Ritschl). 

The nom. pi. masc. of the sf ., thus 'mini' from earlier *-menei, 
^-menei-s (v. post. Declension), has remained as a periphrastic 
2 p. pi. of med. pass., with auxil. vb. lost ; the i for e (cf. Gk. 
'fi€V0') is probably caused by following ni (§ 38), and here we 
find Lat. i corresponding to Gk. €, as not unfrequently, e.g. in 
forms like homin-is, Jldmin-is, ani Troifiiv-o^. Accordingly Lat. 
feri'mini corresponds exactly to Gk. (f>ep6'fjb€voi, f .f. of the stem 
hhara-mana-y pres.-stem feri-^ origl. bhara-, yjfer^ origl. hhar. 
This -mini is simply added to tense- and mood-stems, also in 
the latest new- formations, e.g. pres. ind. amd-mini, mone-mini, 
audl'mini ; opt. and conj. f era-mini, moned-mini, ame-mini, etc. ; 
ama-bd'miniy ama-re-mini, ama-hi-mini, etc. 

The singular of this kind of the middle form, which in an 
earlier stage of the language probably coexisted with the other 


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STEMS WITH sr. -ra-. indo-etjr. sk. gk. 

§ 91, (v. post.) in all forms (thus e.g. a *fer%minoa 9um, — es, etc.), has 
been retained as 2 and 3 p. sg. imper. of the earlier lang., 
where it ends, however, not in os, but in o, probably after the 
analogy of the other real imperative endings in o (final 8 may 
be lost in Old-Lat., v. supr. § 79) ; e.g. fd-mino, frui'mino, pro^ 
gredv-mino, arbitrd-mino, profite-mino, to which we must supply 
es or esto: thus the underlying forms are probably such as 
*/dmino8 esto, etc. 
§ 92. YIII. Stems with sf . origl. -ra-. 

Noun-stems with sf . -ra-, -la-, occur in the separate Indo-Eur. 
languages, and consequently it is certain that this formation 
belonged to the period of origl. language. To show that / is a 
particularly common element in sflf., it is enough to mention 
the diminutives in I (for Lat. and Gk. cf . L. Schwabe, de de- 
minutivis Qraecis et Latinis liber, GKssae, 1859). On -m- as 
compar. sf., v. § 105. 

Indo-Eur. origl. -lang. rudh-ra- (red), ^rudh (become 
red) ; sad-ra- (seat), y/sad (sit) ; ag-ra- (masc. field), \/ag. 

Sanskrit. Sf. -m-, -la-, sometimes occurs with auxil. vowel 
i (§ 15, f). rudh'i-rd' (v. supr.) ; dip-rd- (shining), Vc%> (shine) ; 
kid-rdr (pierced ; ntr. defect, flaw), ^/]iid (split) ; dg-ra- (masc. 
plain, field), \/ag (go, drive) ; an-i-ld- (wind), y/an (blow), etc. 

Greek. ipvO-po- (rei) ; Xafiw-po- (shining), T^fiv-CD (shine); 
<f)ai8-p6- (bright), cf. (jxilB-tfio- (gleaming) ; XuTr-po- (grievous), 
^XvTT (\i>7r-^ grief) ; aK-po- (highest, topmost ; ntr. cue-po-v 
top, point; ax-pa fem. top), VorigL ^* (be sharp); irre-po- (ntr. 
feather, wing), ^irer {ireT'Ofuu fly) ; ary-pS- (masc. field), ^^7 » 
85-/00- (ntr. gift), ^So (give) ; eB-pa (fem. seat), y/iS {l^ofuu 
sit), etc. ; hu>^'p6' (thirsty), verb.-stem St-^a- {Zv^dfo thirst) ; 
aiTfq-yJi (silent), verb-stem auya- (be silent) ; aTrariy-Xo- (deceit- 
ful), verb-stem airara- (cheat) ; S«^-Xo- (timid), ^Zl (fear, e.g. 
Si'Si'fiev, Se-SotrKa) ; fiey-aXo^ (big)? V^rigl. mag or magh (wax, 
thus origly. ' grown ') ; 6/i(x'^V (mist), V migh (moisten) ; 
/9i7-X6- (threshold), V/8« (go) ; (fyv-Xo' (ntr. race), (j>v-\i] (tribe), 

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STEMS WITH SF. -rOr, LAT. STEMS WITH SF. -fljp-. SK. 211 

y/^v (beget, grow), etc. As primary and secondary sf. -e/oo- § 92. 
often occurs, e.g. ^xxvepo- (clear), y/<^p {^(vto show) ; hpoaepo- 
(dewy) from Sp6<ro-9 (fem. dew) ; (ffofiepo- (fearful), <f>6^0'(: 
(masc. fear), etc. ; also in other sft, e.g. -vpthy -w/w;-, -cd\o-, 
-©X^-, -iXo-y we find origl. sf . -ro-. 

Latin, rub-ro- (ruber red), ^ rub, origl. n«rfA ; scab-ro^ 
(scaber rough), ^scab (scabo scratch) ; sac-ro' (sacer holy), 
y/BOC (sancire) ; gnd-ro- (gnarus knowing), ^gna (know) ; ple-ro- 
(full), ^pk (fill) ; aff-rcH (ager field), y^ag (agere) ; sella (stool) 
for *8ed-la = SS-pa,. V «^^ (sedere sit) ; sf . -^- is frequently 
added to derived verbal -stems, e.g. cande-^a (lamp), stem 
candi- (candere glow, be white) ; medi-la (remedy), stem mede- 
(mederi heal), etc., whose analogy, as in impf . (v. post. § 173, 7), 
is followed by the formations of stem-verbs, as e.g. seque-la 
(following), sequi (follow) ; fug^-la (flight),/w^r^ (flee); loque-la 
(speech), logui (speak) ; qttere-la (complaint),, qt»en (complain). 
Hence we see here, as in the Sclavonic participle, clearly an 
addition to verbal-stems, which occurs in Greek as well. -/«- 
is also a commcm element in Latin in sff. (-wfo-, -m^-, -«7t-). 

IX. Stems with sf . origl. -an-. § 93, 

These stems occur in all Indo^Eur. languages, but rarely, it 
is true, in some of them, while in others they are very common 
— e.g. Teutonic ; but I know of no example which we may 
confidently ascribe to Indo-European except vad-an- (ntr. 
water), and ak-an- (masc. stone; cf. Sk. dg-an- and Goth, auhna-, 
which may very probably be derived from an older consonantal 

Sanskrit, rdg-an- (n. sg. ra^dy n. pi. rdgdn-aa, loc. sg. 
rdgn-i, rdgan-i, king), \/ra^ (rdg-ati shines, rules) ; sni-han- 
(friend), y/snih (love) ; vrs-an- (rainer ; bull), y/vars (rain) and 
other like nom. agentis; dg-an- (masc. stone, rock), y/ag (strike) ; 
ud-dn- (ntr. water, not used in all cases), ^ttd (wet), probably 
arising from vad. 

The very frequent Sk. sf. -iw- is probably akin, e.g. primary 

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212 STEMS WITH SF. -an-. GK. LAT. SF. -ana-. 

§ 93. in math'in- (beside mdnth^an-y cliurmng stick), y/math (move, 
stir) ; exceptionally common as secondary sf ., ag- dhan-in- (rich), 
dhdnor (ntr. possession), etc. 

Greek. The sff. corresponding to origl. -an- are here not 
uncommon, e.g. rep-tv (n. sg. masc. Tifyqv tender), y/rep {relp-io 
rub) ; apf)y-6v- (masc, n. api^y-eov helper), cf. apf/ff-m (help) ; 
elK-6v- (feuL, n. eU-wv image), cf. i-ow-a (perf. am like) and 
the like ; more frequently still is found the sf . -om^, which must 
be considered a lengthening or step-formation of -an-, e.g. 
aW-toV' (glowing), cf. aX0-m (kindle), y/W; xXuS-mv (masc. wave, 
surge), ^k\vS {kXv^(o rinse, wash) ; vopS-oov (masc. farter), 
^ireph {irepS-io fart), etc. In Treud-ijv (masc. inquirer), V 'n;^ {irw- 
OavojioLy fut. 7r€u(5)-<ro/uM inquire) ; Xca^^-t/i/ (scale), V^X (^^X-® 
Kck), etc., we see the rarer -i7i/-=origl. -an-. As secondary 
sf. -0)1/- appears in avSp-tov (men's apartment), stem avSp- for 
*av/o-, d-vep- (n. dvijp, gen. dvBp'Jq man) ; hnrdv (masc. stable), 
Ttttto- (horse), etc. 

Latin. Sff. with short vowel are not very common, e.g. n. 
sg. a-sperg-o gen. 'in-is (f em. besprinkling), stem thus -sperg-on^^ 
'Sperg-en-, ^sparg (sparg-o sprinkle, scatter ; a-sperg-o be- 
sprinkle) ; com-pctg-en- (fem., n. com-pag-o fastening), Vi^a^ 
{pang-o fix, com-ping-o fix together) ; pect-en- (masc. comb; gen. 
pect'tn-is), pect-o (comb) ; on the other hand, -on- is coromon, 
as in Gk. -(ov-, e.g. ed-on- (masc., n. edo, gen. eddn-is eater), 
com-edrbn- (devourer), \/ed (ed-o eat, com-ed-o eat up) ; com-bib-m- 
(fellow-drinker), cf. com-bib-o (drink with); ger-on- (bearer), 
cf. ger-o (bear, bring) and the like. 

X. Stems with sf . -ana-. 

The sf . -ana-y which in Sk., Zend, Gk., and Gothic forms stems 
used as infinitives, belongs to the period of the Indo-Eur. 
origl. language, in which formations such as bhar-ana-, 
y/bhar (bear) ; vagk-ana-, perhaps vdgh-ana- (uectio, ntr. waggon), 
^Jvagh (uehere), and the like must be presupposed. Cf. more- 
over the med. participles of Sk. and Zend in -anory -ma- (§ 91), 

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STEMS WITH SF. -anfl-. SK. GK. 213 

which perhaps belong here ; the Gk. pres.-8tenis such as U-ave-, 
fiavO-ave-y and Sk. e.g. ia-ana-, grh-dna- (§ 165, iv. b). 

Sanskrit. Sf. -dwd-, with root-vowel i, u accompanied by 
step-formation of root-vowel, forms nomina actionis and nomina 
agentis (also adjectivals). The dat. and loc. sg. of the abstracts 
in -ana- ('andya-, -ane-) are used as infinitives, e.g. dat. 
gdn^-^ndt/a, loc. gdm-ane, stem gdm-ana-, n. sg. gdm^ana-m (ntr.), 
y/gam (go); likewise hhdr-ana- (bear, hold), y/hhar (bear); 
hhsdrana- (split), y/bhid; hhathana- (be), y/bhu\ danor (giving, 
gift), i.e. *dd'ana-f ^da (give) ; kdr-ana-- (cause), verb-stem 
kdraya- (cans., y/kar make), etc. The sf. appears as fem. also 
in this function, e.g. ds-ana- (stay), y/ds (sit) ; t/dJc-and (begging), 
VyaA' (beg). 

Nomina agentis of this form are e.g. nay-ana- (ntr. eye ' the 
guiding thing '), y/ni (lead) ; vad-ana- (ntr. mouth, * the speak- 
ing thing'), ^i^ad (speak) ; vdh-ana- (ntr. waggon, 'the carrying 
thing'), ^vah (carry); ddg-ana- (masc. tooth, 'the biting one'), 
y/da^ (bite) ; ndnd-ana- (masc. delighter), verb-stem nandaya- 
(delight), yfnand (rejoice), etc. Fems. of this function are e.g. 
gan-anl (genetrix), i.e. *^an-anyd from masc. gdn-ana-, verb- 
stem ganaya- (beget), y/^an (be bom; beget), etc. 

As adjs. are used e.g. ^val-and- (burning), \/gval (bum) ; 
gobh-and- (pretty), ^gubh (sparkle), etc. 

Greek. Here belong the nouns in -ai^-; thus neuters ^oTr-az/o- 
(pestle), y/xoTT (^OTT-Ttt), K€-K07r-a>^ strike) ; Spy-avo- (tool), y/Fepy 
(Ipy-ov work) ; &x;'avO' (handle), y/ix (^-fi> have, hold), Bphr- 
-avo' (sickle), y/Bpeir- (SpSTr-ofuu pluck), etc. ; rvfiW'avo- (ntr. 
drum, cudgel) with nasaHzed y/rvir (tw-t© beat), which often 
happens in the stems of this formation used as pres.-stems; 
masculines, e.g. <7T€<^-ai/o- (crown) ^<rr€(f> (orec^-eAi/ gird, crown) ; 
XoB-avo- (H^such. podex), Vx^S (x^t® caco) ; feminines like 
178-on; (pleasure), y/aS (avS-dvoD, oS-f/o-o), i-aZ-ov please), origl. 
svad; drfX'dvt) (strangling, hanging), V^^T^, «% (^TX"® throttle, 
ax-w-fiai am pained), etc. ; Bpen-'dvr) (id. q. Spiir-ai/ov) ; Oriy-dvr) 

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§93b. (whetstone, also O^-oiHhv is attested), ^0rjy {drfi-w whet) ; 
are^'dvri (encircling, crown), cf. ^rri^'^vO'Si etc. Adjectival, 
e.g. crtceTr'apo- (covering), ^aKeir, cf . ^Ken-'ff (cover) ; U-cwo- 
(sufficient), ^uc (U'viofiac, ue-dpA^v oome)^ etc. 

As from sf. -aw- arises Lat. infin. in -re-, and from -mana- 
Gik. infin. -/i€i/at (v. § 91), so also from -ana- comes Gk. infin. 
in '€pai, which we consider a^ loc. sg. of a fem.-stem. A form 
XeT^iir-eiHu points to a stem origL riraikunch^ Le. a nom. 
agentis in -a«a- formed from perfect-stem ; <f>^€iv for *4J}€p€u/iy 
*<j)€p€i^L (§ 26, 3), with shortened ending for *4J}€pei^M, te a stem 
hharanor from pres.-stem ^pe^^bhara-^ whose termination -a 
serves likewise as initial sound of sf. ^anu-. Stems ending 
in a vowel mostly do not assume -a«a-, but only -im5-, hence 
BvSo'Viu, urrd'Vcu, Beucvv-PM ; yet Oeivm = *6€&hii^ Bavvcu = 


Latin. A formation quite corresponding te origl. -^na- 
does not occur te me. As Gk. fJi^oanj appears in Lat. as 
mdchina, we may probably place here the Lat. forms with sf . 
-/no-, 'ina, whose i therefore, as often in Lat., is weakened 
from a; thus, ag. pdg-ina (fern, leaf, page), ^/pag (fasten, join, 
pres. pang-o) ; iarc-ina (fem. bundle, load), i/sarc (sarc-io pateh, 
repair) ; dom-mo- (lord), fem. dom-ina, y/dom {dom-o subdue, 
tame), cf. Sk. dam-ana- (taming, subduing). 
§ 94. XI. Stems with sf . -wo-. 

These stems, used in all Indo-Eur. languages, are much 
employed as past part, pass., in meaning like those in -ta*. 

As a regular formation this part, occurs only in certain Sk., 
Scl. and Teut. verb-stems, whereby its existence in Lido-Eur. 
is sufficiently proved. 

Indo-Eur. The frequent use of -na^ in noun-stems appears 
from words such as svap-na- (masc. sleep), y/avap (sleep) ; ata-na- 
(ground, place), y/sta (stand). 

Sanskrit. Bvap-nor (as orig.) ; yag-nd- (masc. offering, wor- 
ship), y/yag (offer, worship) ; anna-- (ntr. food) for ^ad-na- 

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(§ 59, 1), y/ad (eat) ; sthd-na^ (place, ntr.), y/stha (stand, — ^if § 94. 
it belong not to -ana-) ; secondarily in purd-na (adj. old) from 
purd (previous, earlier) ; mali-nd- (adj. dirty), from mala' 
(masc. ntr. dirt) ; phali-nd (bearing fruit), from phala- (ntr. 
fruit) ; the latter exx. coincide in form and function with past 
part. pass. 

Greek. i59r-w>-=Sk. and origl. erdp-na- ; Xlx'Vo- (adj. dainty, 
greedy), V^X (^*X® ^^^) > ^^'vo- (masc. lamp), y/\vK (\€u«-o-9 
clear), origl. ruk (on x for fc before i/, v. § 68, 1, c; other exx. of 
primary sf. -na- v. post.) ; the sf. is secondary in cases like 
6p€iv6-=^*6p€(r'Vo (hilly), stem Spe;- in 6poq (ntr. hill) ; o-Korewo- 
=V/fOT€o--i/o- (dark), stem <r«0T€9- in axSro^; (ntr. daikness), etc. 

Latin, som-no- for *«op-no-= origl. svap-na-; common as 
secondary sf., e.g. pater-no* ^ uer-no-^ salig-no- (stem salic-)^ etc. ; 
also often with long a, e, I before -na-, as font-dnO'f stem font-, 
equl-nO'y stem eqtw-, alie-no- (§ 38) from stem aluh, cani-no-, 
stem cani'y bouhno-, stem bou-, houi- (conson.^stem8 change to t- 
forms), doctri'na, stem doctor-, doctri- from *doctori', etc. 

Suffix -/la- forming past part. pass. 

We reckon here those languages also which show only a few 
exx. or scattered traces of this use of sf. -na-, 

Indo-Eur. The different uses in the different languages of 
-na- make it almost impossible to find many roots in which we 
can be sure that the p.p. pass, was formed from them by -na- as 
early as the time of the origl. lang. This was however un- 
doubtedly the case with ^par (fill), whose part, par-no- (full), 
masc. parna-8, ntr. parna-m, fem. parnd, was already in ex- 
istence. We cannot believe that this method of formation was 
confined to this one root. 

Sanskrit. The formation in -na- is used in comparatively 
few roots, e.g. pur-nd- for *par-nd- (§ 7), 's/par (fill) ; stir-nd- 
for *8tar-nd- (§ 7), ^star (stemere) ; bhug-nd-, y/bhug (bend) ; 
bhin-nd- for Hhid-nd- (§ 59, 1), y/bhid (split), etc. 

Greek. Not as a regular participial formation. Yet here 

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216 STEMS WITH SF. -fli'. INDO-EUR. SK. GK. 

§ 94. belong adjs. like e.g. a-efivo' for ^cre^-vo- (§ 68, 1, c) ' revered/ 
y/aep {ai^'O/iai revere) ; ar/'vo- (worshipper, hallowed), V«7 
{a^o-fmi revere); arvy'vo- (hated, detested), y/(mrfm e-arvy-ov 
(arvy-eiv hate) ; aT€y-v6- ' covered,' ^/ariy in orey-a) (cover) ; 
Sei-vo' ' feared,' y/Bc (fear, cf . Bei-Xo-^ cowardly, Bi-Boirica) ; 
iroOeir-vo' ' longed-for,' verb-stem irodee- {iroOm long for), etc. 
SubstantivaUy used is reK-vo- 'thing bom, bairn,' ^7€k (bear, 

cf. €-T€K'OV, T^-TO/C-a). 

Latin. Not as regular participial formation. Relics are 
e.g. pie-nO' (filled) ^ origl. par (fiU) ; mag-no- ' in- 
creased,' Vwaflr=Sk. mah (wax); do-no- 'gift,' yjda (give); 
reg-no- ' ruled thing,' ^/reg (rule), etc. 
§ 95. XII. Stems with suffix -m-. 

Sf. -nv- is much like -tir in use and function, but rarer. Like 
-U' it appears added to other sflT. (cf. § 98, Lat. sf. -tid-ni-). 
Generally speaking, there stand side by side the sufl^-scales 
-na-, -ni', -nu-y and -ta-y -ti-, -tu-. Sf. -ni- is origl. 

Indo-Eur. ag-ni- (fire), }/ag?y is the only trustworthy 
example ; yet it is highly probable that abstracts in -»e- were 
formed before the division of languages, because they occur in 
all Indo-Eur. languages. 

Sanskrit. E.g. gld-ni- (fem. fatigue, exhaustion), y/gla 
(lose strength) ; hd-ni- (fem. abandonment), y/ha (leave) ; gir-ni- 
(weakness from age) for *gar-ni- (§ 7), V9^^ (to ag©)* ^^-j 
which all form their p.p. pass, in -nd- : all, however, do not 
take sf. -m-, the majority take -ti-y e.g. Jchin-nd- (splitten), but 
Khit'ti- (splitting, n.), ^Jchid. 

The datives of these abstracts in -m-, like those in -^t-, can 
serve as infinitives. 

Greek. Sf. -m- is rare in Gk. ; e.g. firj-pi- {fif)vi-<;y g. 
fi/i]vi-o<;, fem. wrath), Vorigl. ma (think) ; aird-vi' (fem. want). 

Note. — ^Benfey, followed by Leo Meyer (Ygl. Gramm. ii. 141), 
explains the much-debated Gk. forms in -o), such as lyp^-ei (echo). 

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STEMS WITH SF. -fit*-. PAST PART. PASS. IN -tOr. 217 

TTQiO-ii} (persuasion, earlier p), etc., voc. ireidol^ g. ireiOov^i from § 95. 
*Tr€i6oo^, etc., as stems ia -oi/*-, f.f. thus -ant- (^ir€i,0-oviy whence 
7r€i6'Oiy as e.g. fiel^o) from fiel^ova) ; G. Curtius (Erlaute- 
rungen, p. 50 sqq.) on the other hand, as stems in -oA-, probably 
rightly (cf. their I6n. ace. in -ow). 

Latin. Masculines only, e.g. ig-ni- (ignis fire)=Sk. ag-ni-; 

pd-ni' (bread), %//?« (cf . pchscoj ; pe-nir for ^pes-ni- (§ 77, 1, a), 

Vorigl. pas (gignere ?), cf . Sk. pas-as (ntr. penis), Gk. irioq for 

*7reo--o9, M.H.G. vis-ellln (penis) ; probably also crhni-, fu-ni-, 

fl-ni' and le-ni-y seg-ni-, the roots of which are difficult to trace. 

Xni. Stems with sf. -ww-. 

Indo-Eur. ta-nu- (stretched; body), y/ta (stretch); su-nu- §95a. 
(one bom, son), ^sii (bear, beget). The stems in -nu- are also 
used as pres.-stems (§ 165, iv. a), e.g. ta-nu-y y/ta; ar-nu-, y/ar. 

Sanskrit, ta-nu- (thin; fem. body), ^ta; su-nu- (son), 
V««* ; bhd-nu- (sun), y/bha (shine) ; tras-ni- (fearful), y/tras 
(tremble) ; grdh-nH' (greedy, eager), ^/gardh (seek, strive), etc. 

Greek. Sf. -ww- is very rare, e.g. dprj-vv- (footstool), y/0pa 
(0pi]'(Taa0ai seat oneself ; Opa-vo-^ seat), origl. dhra, dhar (set, 
fix) ; Xtry-vV' (fem. smoke, mist), root doubtful. 

Latin. Sf. -nu- very rare, as in Gk. ; te-nu-i-, like adj.- 
stems in u- generally (§ 88, b), has passed into the *-form; 
*^e-ww-=origl. ta-nU'. Probably ma-nU' (fem. hand) belongs 
here, Vorigl. ma (measure, shape). 

XIV. Stems with sf . 'ta-. § 96. 

The participle in origl. -ta-, the past part. pass, comes 
under special notice here. 

The element -ta- (cf . the pronominal root of like sound), one 
of the commonest sff. of our language, is multifariously used 
in stem- and word-formation (for the formation of the 3 pers. 
of the verb, probably also for the ablat. sg., as case-sf.). The 
sf. 'ta- forms not only the adj. discussed hereafter, which must 
probably have had a mpre general meaning originally (cf . e.g. 
Sk. stem sthi-td- 'standing,* y/stha stand, like Gk. ara-To- ; gak-td- 
* powerful, mighty,* ^gak *be able, capable*), and have been 

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218 SEC50NDART SF. -tch. SF. 'fo-. INDO-EUE. SK- 

I 96. hardened into a regular means of expressing p.p. pass, only at 
a later period of the Indo-Enr. lang. — ^but nouns also substan- 
tivally used are formed by -ia-, e.g. Gk. koI-to' (masc. couch, 
bed), KoL-rri (fern, id.), V^* {Ket-rcu, lies) ; <f>6p-T0' (masc. load, 
burden), V<f>€P (^/>-® bear) ; iro-To- (masc. draught), y/iro 
(drink) ; apo-ro- (masc. ploughing), stem apo- (plough) ; here 
belong nomina agentis masc, with stem termination raised to 
-7T^-, as Kpi-rrf' (n. KpiTi]<; judge), y/xpt {Kpt'V<o sift) ; SeK-rr}- 
(receiver), V ^fc (I6n. Bixofiai beside Sixofjuu, receive) ; 
iroirj'Ti]' (maker, poet), verb-stem Trotr)- (TroAco) make) ; tt/oo- 
-(fyrj'T^- (prophet), ^^a {^-fil say) ; Tofep-Tiy- (bowman), verb- 
stem To^ev" (Tofew® shoot arrows), etc., which end in -ra, some- 
times in nom. case, in Hom. ; Latin noxa (hurt), i.e. *noc-^a, 
^noc (nocere hurt) ; sec-ta (mode of action, sect), y/sec (sequi 
follow) ; and in Zend, Scl., and Lith. 

As a secondary sf. -^a- often occurs, thus in function of 
forming superl. (v. post. § 106), moreover in Gk. -ny- (as pri- 
marily), forming nomina agentis, e.g. rofo-ny- (bowmian), t6^- 
(bow, ntr.) ; wnro-Tiy- and -ra (horseman), twiro- (horse) ; 
iroXl'T^' (burgher), iroXtr (fem. city), etc. ; further often form- 
ing fem. abstracts, e.g. Sk. prthu-td (breadth), prthii- (broad) ; 
Gk. ^io-Tq (life), filo' (masc. life) ; ScL and Goth. 

Sf. 'ta- forms moreover one kind of pres.-stem (§ 165, vii.), 
e.g. Gk. Ti57r-T€-, y/Tinr ; often it stands combined with other sff. 
also added. These combinations will be collected at the end of 
this section. 

Indo-Eur. The sf. -ta-y forming the p.p. pass., occurs 
immediately at the end of the fundamental form of the root in 
case of stem- verbs, in case of derived verbs at the end of the 
verb-stem, e.g. dorta- (datus), n. sg. masc. da-ta-s, ntr. da-ta-m, 
fem. da-td, ^/da (give) ; kru-ta- (*clutus), ^kru (hear) ; kak-ta- 
(coctus) ^kak (cook) ; sadaya-ta- (fixed, set), stem sadayor^ ^sad 
(sit), etc. 

Sanskrit. Sf. -W-, n. sg. masc. -^-«, ntr. -^a-fw, fem. -ta, 

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STEMS WITH SF. -ta.' GK. 219 

e.g. gru-M', ^/gru (hear) ; ma-td-, ^ma, man (think) ; gnd-td-, § 96. 
i/^na (know) ; bhr-td-, \llhar (bear) ; yuk-td-, %/yug (join) ; 
had'dhd' for *badh-tar^ i/hctdh, handh (bind) ; lab-dhd- for 
*IabA'ta'j i/labh (get); mid- for *m('td', ^vig (enter), etc. 
The contact of the sf . with consonantal root-terminations brings 
many sound-laws into play (cf . §§ 58, 59, for details a Sk. special 
grannnar). Several roots have auxil. -vowel i (§ 15, f), e.g. 
pat-i'td', ^pat (fall) ; rarely I, e.g. grh-i-td-, \lgrah^ grabh, 
(seize, grasp) ; stems in -aya- always have «, which is probably 
a relic of -ya-, e.g. vedi-td-, stem vedaya-, or perhaps from a 
stem *ved'yar (make known) \/vid (perceive). 

Boots ending in nasals, which did not become amalgamated 
with the origl. root vowel-termination till a later date, show their 
shorter primitive form before the «f., e*g. gortd-, y/ga (go), 
which appears mainly as gam; ta-td-, y/ta^ which appears 
mostly as tan (stretch), etc. On the other hand, e.g. Mn-td^y 
with nasal retained and root- vowel lengthened, y/kam (love). 

Before this sf . weakening or loss of root- vowel a is very com- 
mon, e.g. kr-td-, i/kar (make) ; prs^d-, y/praJch (ask) ; stM-fd-y 
^8tha (stand) ; M-td- for ^dhi-td-, V dka (set) ; pt-td', y/pa 
(drink), etc. ; dattd- for *dad'ta- retains pres. -reduplication (cf . 
1 pi. pres. dad-mas damns), y/da (give). Particulars of this 
formation would be out of place here. 

Greek. Sf. 'To-, n. sg. masc. -rrf-^, ntr. -rrf-v, fem.-Ti7; e.g. 
«\u-To-, y/fc\v (hear) ; step-formn. of root-vowel remains the 
same as in pres.-stem, ^w-to-, 1 sg. pres. ^evy-o), y/<f>vy (flee), 
at an earlier period ^vk-to- still existed ; Xe^Tr-ro-, pres. Xehr-o), 
y/\Lir (leave) ; other pres. f ormns. however are not retained in 
these forms ; cirap-TO-, y/airep (sow), pres. ^aireipto^^^aTrep-ya) ; 
(TTo-TO-y y/<rra (stand), pres. tarrjfii ; de-ro", y/0e (set), pres. 
rl'drj'fii ; 7w»-to-, y/yj/o (know), pres. 7*-<yw»-o-/c(» ; FfyrjK'TO', 
yl FpaK (break), pres. Fpr^f'Wfu ; TA/Ltay-rJ-, verb-stem ta/lm;- 
(honour), pres. rifjiAto, etc. Ace. to Leo Meyer (Vgl. gr. ii. 318 
sqq.) in like compound forms there occurs -t- also, instead of 

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220 STEMS WITH ORIGL. SF. -^fl-. LAT. -tu-y ETC. 

i 96. complete -to-, e.g. a-yvdyr- (n. ar/vayi, gen. aryv&T'0<: unknown), 
cf . yj/a>-T6- ; a^rj^, apKri-T' beside afikfj-ro- (imstruck), and a 
few similar cases, wherein t follows a long root- vowel. 

Latin. Sf. -tu-, earlier -to-, n. sg. masc. -tu-^, earlier -to-s, 
ntr. 'tihm, earlier -to-m, fem. -ta, e.g. rfa-fe-, V^^ (gi^®) > sta-to-, 
^sta (stand) ; i-to-, y/i (go) ; di-ru-to-, y/ru (destroy) ; in-clu-to-, 
Vclu (hear); but ex-u-to-, ^Ju (put on; ex-u-o put oflf), im-bu'to-y 
etc. ; coe-to-, y/coc (cook) ; rup-to-, y/rup (break) ; strd-to-, y/ster, 
stra (spread) ; paaao- for ^pas-to- for *pa^^o-, ^pat (suffer), etc. ; 
(the sound-laws in cases where final consonants of roots come 
into contact with t of sf. -io- are treated of in § 77, 1). With 
active function, a tolerably common use of this sf., p6-t(h 
(drunken), y/poy origl. pa; pramo- for *prand-t(h (having dined), 
^prand (prandere), etc. These participles are often used sub- 
stantivaUy, e.g. stems die-to- {dic-tu-m saying), gnd-to- (nd-tm 
80ii),faC'tO'y uo'to-y etc. 

Screip'tO' (cf. Umbr. screih-to-) may come from the pres. 
screib'Oy scribo (write), like iunc-to- from tung-o (join). The 
lengthening of vowel in dc-to-y lec-tchy struc-to-y iunc-to-y etc., 
not universally marked in pronunciation (Corssen, Aussprache 
und Betonung, i. 156, 158, sqq.), is a late-formation in Latin, 
or perhaps nothing more than a result produced by the influence 
of grammarians upon the language. In seeu-to-, y/seqUy seCy 
origl. sak, Sk. saJcy etc. (follow) ; locu-to-y y/hqUy origl. rah 
(speak) ; u has been developed out of the v following guttural 
k (§ 71, 1), after the analogy of derived verbs; the origl. 
*8eC'to- occurs clearly in e.g. sedan (Pauli, Geschichte der La- 
teinischen Verba in -wo, Stettin, 1866, p. 17). 

Not unfrequently there occurs the auxiliary vowel i (§ 43), 
e.g. in uom-i'to-y y/uom (spue), beside em-p-to-y y/em (buy ; for 
-P' V. § 77, g); gen-i'tO", y/gen (produce), 1 sg. pres. gi-g(e)n-o; 
amd'tO'y acpl-tO'y acu-to-y from verb-stems amd-, sopi'y ocw-, but 
mon-i'to-y am-to-y etc., according to the class of stem-verbs, not 
*nwne'tO', ^auge-to- (moneo, augeo), yet dele-to-y aui-to-y etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 


The sf . 'tOr often occurs, as we have already remarked, as the § 96. 
first element of compound suffixes; thus in 'ta-tor, forming 
superl. in Gk. (§ 106); -ta-ti- in the Sanskrit (Ved.) secondary 
sf. 'td-ti' (fem.), in which we have probably to recognize a 
further formation of the above-mentioned sf. -^a-, fem. -^d, 
which is used in a similar function to form abstracts, e.g. sarvd- 
'tdti' (totaKty), st. sdrva- (all) ; devd-tdti' (godhead), stem devd- 
(masc. god) ; vasii'tdti- (wealth), stem vdm- (possession), etc. 
The rarer sf. form -td-t-y e.g. devd'tdt-^devd'tdti' ; satyd-tdU 
(truthfulness), stem satya- (true), etc., is clearly a shortening of 
'td-ti'. "With regard to sf. -ti- we shall see that even by itself 
it is shortened to -t- in Sk., Zend, Gk., and Lat. 

In Greek this -tdt- is much used in a similar function in 
form -Tiyr-, e.g. i/eo-nyT- (n. sg. veovq^ fem. youth), stem vio- 
(new, young) ; ^iXo-ttit' (love), (fyiXjo- (dear) ; ^paZv-TqT' (slow- 
ness), PpaZv' (slow) ; ipo-Trfr- (oneness), stem iv- ; iravTo-TrfT' 
(universality), stem irain-y etc. Thus here also, as in not a few 
other cases (e.g. gen. dat. dual. ; before sf. -Fein- § 90), the 
consonantal stems follow the analogy of the a-stems. In Latin 
the sf. becomes -td-ti-, -tdrt-, e.g. duri-tdti- (hardness), duro^ 
(hard ; on i for o, v. § 40) ; anxie-tdti' from arndO' (on ie for tV, 
V. § 38) ; ciui'tdti', dui- ; uetus-tdti-, uetm, etc. 

N'ote. — ^Acc. to Benfey (Or. und Occ. ii. 621 sqq.) Lat. salfit- 
is from *8altiot-, itself a shortening of *8aluo-tdt', like Zend 
haurvat' from hcmrva-tdU, 

A secondary sf. -ta-na- occurs in Sk. e.g. hyas-tana- (yester- 
day's), hyas (yesterday), to which Lat. -tinO' in such forms as 
cras-tinO'y serd-tino-y closely corresponds; cf. Iran, -ta-nch, Zend 
-ganh', Lith. -Una-. 

Concerning sf . 'ta-ma-, forming superl. like -to- and -ta-ta-, v. 
§ 108 ; on -ta-ra- used in comp. degree, v. § 105. It may be that 
the sflf. 'tar-y 'tra-, which will be handled in the next section, are 
likewise contracted forms of -ta- and -ra- combined, for archaic 
abbreviations of the elements of suffixes are undeniable in some 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

222 STEMS WITH SFP. -tar-y -tra*. 

97. Stems with sf f . -tar-, -tra- ; -tav' forms a nomen 
agentis and fut. part, act.; -^tra- forms nouns which 
mostly signify an instrument. 

That the nouns in origl. -tar- in Indo-Eur. were even at that 
period employed as pros, and fut. participles^ we cannot prove 
with certainty, because tiiose functions are found only in the 
Asiatic and S. European divisions of the speech-stem. There 
was no doubt originally only one formation, whose earliest form 
has held its ground in those noims of this kind which are used 
as words of kinship, i.e. -^tar- for all genders,, n. sg. masc. and 
fern, 'iar-s, neut. -tar-. This sf. is added immediately to the 
root, which mostly is raised one step ; in case of derived verbs 
it is added to the verb-stem, e.g. md'tar- (the ^female producer,* 
mother), 's/ma (produce, bring forth) ; pa-tar- (father), ^pa 
(protect, rule) ; bhrd-tar- (brother), ^hhar^ hhra (bear, preserve) ; 
dd'tar- or perhaps da-tar (giver), ^da (give) ; probably su-tar- 
(woman), y/su (produce, bear), whence sva-mtar- (woman re- 
lated, i.e. sister) ; gan-tar- (begetter), ^gan (beget), etc. 

The correspondence between the languages tends to prove 
that already in early times there existed a kindred form in 
*-tara- (for -tara- used to form comparative, v. post.)„ whence 
came -tra- ; whilst -tar- represents persons, this -tara-, -tra- was 
used of things, and hence does not form nomina agentis, but 
usually indicates the instrument. Formations such as dak-tra* 
(tooth), y/dak (bite) ; gd-tra- (limb), ^/ga (go) ; krau-tra- (ear), 
^kru (hear), etc., can scarcely have been wanting in the origl.- 

The origin of the suflEix -tar-, -tra-, is obscure. "We con- 
jectured (§ 96), that it is composed of two sufl^es -ta- and 
-TO-, as -mana- from -ma- and -na- ; we might make an equa- 
tion thus, -tar- : *-ta-ra- (tra) :: -man- : ma-na- (mna). Ab 
-mana-, -man-, is raised to -mdna-, -mdn-, so also "tara-, -tar^, 
is raised in the languages to -tara* (Lat. -turth), -tar- (Lat 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

STEMS WITH SF. -^-. SK. 223 

Sanskrit. Sufl&x -ter-, n. sg. -ta for -tars (§ 15, d), ace. § 97. 
sg. -tar-am, in words expressing kinship, e.g. pi-tdr- for ^pa-tar- 
(father), md-tdr- (mother), bhrd-tar- (brother), etc. The forma- 
tions of this kind which were felt as nomina agentis are 
distinguished by a hi^er step-formation of -tar- to -tdr- (n. 
sg. masc. 'td- for 'tars, but ace. sg. -tdr'am) ; this is also 
shared by svdsar- (sister), for ^sva-star-, *8va-8U-tar- (literally 
kinswoman). The suffix -tar^ belonging to nomina agentis is 
added to the end of the root. "With the exception of medial a, 
the root vowels are raised one step before this suffix, e.g. dd-tdr- 
(dator), y/da (give). The fern, affixes -t/a, e.g. n. sg. dd-tn, Le. 
*da-tryd (§ 16, e), from ^ddrtar-yd; instead of the primary form 
of the suffix, which has held its ground in words expressing 
relationship [md-tar- fem., but may be masc. as well) also in 
f eminines, a further formation has here worked its way in ; cf . 
forms such as pi-tr-ya- (fatherly), irom pi-tar- (father) ; kar-tdr-, 
y/kar (make) ; pak-tdr-, y/paR (cook) ; boddhdr- for *bddh-tar- 
(§ 59, 2), y/hudh (know), etc. Before this suffix, as e.g. in past 
part. pass, and elsewhere, many roots show an auxiliary vowel 
t, more rarely I, e.g. gan-i-tdr-, y/^an (beget) ; grah-i-tdr-, y/grah 
(seize), etc. 

These stems in -tar- serve for a periphrastic future, in such 
a way that the masc. is used for all genders; in pers. 1 and 
2 the nominative form of the singular has become stationary 
(thus passing over likewise into the dual and pL), and is welded 
together with the pres. of the verb as (be), while the 3rd pers. 
does not require the verbal form, e.g. 

Sing. 1. ddtdsmi from ddta asmi (I am [about] to give). 

2. ddtdsi from ddta asi. 

3. ddtd (rarely ddtdsti from ddta astij. 

Plur. 1. ddtdsmas from ddtd (we might have expected 
ddtdras) smas. 

2. ddtdstha from ddtd stha. 

3. ddtdras. 

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224 STEMS WITH SF. -tor-. GK. 

I 97. In the earKest Sanskrit (Ved.) these forms appear also accent- 
uated on the root, e.g. dd-tar^, etc., wherein we ought perhaps 
to recognize an earlier system of accentuation, since the rule is 
for accent and step-formation to go together. 

Suffix -tra-, almost always neut., n sg. -tra-m, rarely fem., 
n. sg. -trd^ e.g. grd-trch (ear), y/gru (hear) ; gd-tra- (Umb), y/ga 
(go) ; mS'tra- (garment), y/vas (clothe) ; vak-trd- (mouth), y/va^ 
(speak) ; dai-tra- masc., and daS-trd fem., ace. to sound-laws 
for *ddg'tra-, -trd (tooth), y/dag, dag (bite), etc. Also with 
auxil. vowel i, e.g. khan-i-tra- (shovel), y/khan (dig), etc. 
Moreover the root sometimes appears furnished with the stem- 
termination fl, as in pres., e.g. pdia-tra" (wing), y/pat (fly), pros, 
stem pata- (3 sg. pdiorti) ; krntarta- (plough), y/kart (split), 
pres.-stem krntra- (3 sg. krntd-ti) , etc. 

Greek. The suffix original -tar- does not serve to express 
the future- relation ; it appears as -rep- in words of kinship, as 
'TVP'9 'Top-, when forming nomina agentis, in the latter of 
which formations the feminine is distinguished by the affix -t/a- 
here also (cf. § 97). 1. Words of kinship, e.g. ira-rep- (father, 
ace. Trarip-a), fj/rj-rip' (mother, ace. infrip-a) ; 2. nomina 
agentis, e.g. Bo-r^p^ (giver, ace. Bo'Trjp-a), also Sa)-T7;/3, ^Bo 
(give) ; the fem. is formed from unraised suffix -tar-, Bo-retpa, 
i.e. *Bo'T€p't/a, f.f. da-tar-yd; cw-Tijp (saviour), stem o-©, fem. 
ad'TCLpa, etc. Forms like ^eve-nfip, y/yei/ (beget), must prob- 
ably be held to have stems in original a underlying them (cf . 
Sanskrit). Beside these also is -To/)-=origl. -tor-, prj-rop- 
(speaker, ace. prj-rop-a), ^p€:=ip (speak); FUr-Top- (Sjto)/), 
loTODp knower, witness), y/FiZ (know) ; BSy-rop- {Bdrayp Hom. 
Od.= S(»T7;/o), etc. ; (l)pd'rop' (n. pi. <l)pd'Top'€si)y origl. bhrd-tar- 
(brother), has become removed from words of kinship in form 
as well as in meaning (member of a ^pdrpa). In -to/)o- we see 
almost certainly a further formation from -rop-, after the analogy 
of the a-stem, thus in BtdK-Topo- (guide, Hom.) ; a-Xda-TopO' 
beside d-Xdc-Top- (malignant, avenger), y/Tiod (forget) ; a solitary 

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STEMS WITH SF. ^tra.^ 6K. 225 

'Tvp-, 'Tupo-y is found in fbdp-Tvp' (gen. fidfyrvpo^ witness), § 97. 
fidp-Tvpo', \/ originally smar (remember). 

The f eminines in -rpia are distinguished from those in 'reipa 
only by the loss of the a of the suffix original 'tar-; from 
'tar-t/a came -trt/a, i.e. ^tria, e.g. 'n-ohf-Tpia, verbal-stem TroAy- 
(make). The secondary formation by suffix -ya- is generally 
very common here, as e.g. from stem Tra-re/)- is formed a stem 
ird-rp-iO' (paternal), fem. ira-rp-td (origin, race) ; (rw-nip-io* 
(saving), stem o-w-ny/)-; these secondary formations intruded 
into the fem. and supplanted the original stem in -^r- with 
few exceptions. 

The f eminines in -rptS- (n. sg. -rpk) are either late-formations 
peculiar to the Greek, formed by means of a later suffix 'iB-, or 
(cf. G. Curtius Gk. Etym.' p. 683 sqq.) -T/)t8- is merely a 
phonetic variation from *Tpit/', so that here a suffix -trp- would 
have to be presupposed, e.g. avkq-rplZ- (flute-player, fem.), 
verbal-stem avkri- ; ira-rpl^ (fatherland) from stem irarrip-^ 

The suffix origl. -tra- appears as -t/)o-, -dpo- (neut.), -rpa, 
'0pa (fem.) ; the aspiration is probably caused by the r, e.g. 
vhr-rpo- (neut. washing- water) for *vi8'Tpo', y/vt^y original nig 
(retained in vl^tOy wa,8\i,=*vt/y't/(o, § 63, 1); apo-rpo- (neut. 
plough), from verbal-stem apo- (plough, in ap6-a>, apo-co), apo-a-ai), 
y/ap. In la-rpo- (masc. healer), verbal-stem la- {idofuu heal) ; 
Bai-rpS- (masc. carver), cf. ial-ofiat (divide), nomina agentis 
are formed in -t/)o- (cf. 'Topo- above). Further Pd-Opo- (ntr. 
base, step), y/^a, original ga (go) ; prj-rpa (fem. agreement), 
Vp€ ; fiaK'Tpa (kneading-trough), ^/juaK (knead, fuura-o) =: 
^fm/ct/co, generally softened into fiary) ; <l>pd'Tpa, Idn. <l>pi]'Tp7j 
(clan), ^(l)pa^=<f>€p, origl. bhra, bhar, cf. ^pa-To/)-= origl. bhrd- 
'tar-; Koifiri-Opa (sleeping-place), verbal-stem Koiiior {xoifido) 
put to rest), etc. The suffixes -rko-, -6\o-, fem. -tXi;-, OXtj-, 
e.g. ;^i5-tXo- (neut. liquor, fluid), y/'xy (pour); ^utr-^Xo- (neut. 
implement for Bacchus-worship), y/6v, the <r appears in other 


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226 STEMS WITH SF. -tar-, -tra-. lat, 

97, formations also from this root ; exi-rkri (plough-tail), verbal- 
stem e^c- (cf. exe-T€)y y/ix (have, hold) ; yei/e-dXi) (birth), stem 
y€v€- (cf. 7^e-<rt9, yevi-affcu, etc.), Vy^y must be treated as 
parallel forms of the above. 

Latin. Words expressing kinship have suffix 'ter-, whose 
e is lost in almost all cases ; the nomina agentis in -tor-, with 
step-formation of original -tar-, like Greek -riy/j- ; for the peri- 
phrasis of the future is used the suffix -tUro- from *'t6r<h, f.f. 
-tdra-f raised from original -tar- and + suffix -a-, as in suffix 
-^ro-, f.f. 'tra-y likewise frequently used. The suffix *'tur(h 
occurs as fem. -tura in forming nomina actionis as weU. The 
fern. 'tnC' is a further formation by means of -c-^ and perhaps 
presupposes 'tria- ; a similar further formation is found in 
'tri-no-y -tri-na- ; cf . with -tr-i-c- such formations as -2-wo-, -i-wo-. 

1. Words of kinship, e.g. pa-ter, md-ter, frd-ter (but aoror- 
from *808dr'y and this from *808'tdr-, *8va8'tdr'y as in Sk. avd-aar-y 
ace. evd'Sdr-amJ ; 2. nomina agentis, e.g. uic-tor-y \/uic (uincOy 
uiC'tus) ; censor- for *cen8'tdr', ^cem (cemeo) ; sponsor- for 
*spond-t6r- (§ 77, b), y/spond (spondee) ; balnea-tdr-y verbal- 
stem *balnea, which is not used, however ; moni-tdr-, ^moni-tm 
(monere) ; da-tor-y ^da, etc. 

Suffix -idra-y forming fut. part., e.g. da-turo-, y/da; uic-turo-, 
^uiCy etc. ; as a fem., forming nomina actionis, e.g. sepuh-tura-, 
cf. sepul-tus (sepelio bury) ; usura (use, interest) for *ut'tiira 
(§ 77, 1, b), cf. Ui'Or (use) ; censura for *cem-tilra, y/cenSy etc. 

Suffibt 'tro- (cf. Corssen, Krit. Beitr. 366 sqq.), e.g. in ros-tro- 
(rostrum beak) for *rbdrtr0' (§ 77, 2), y/rbd (rodo gnaw) ; 
clatcs'tro' (lock, barrier) for *claud'tro- (§ 77, 2), y/clavd (claudo 
shut) ; ard'tro- (plough), verbal-stem ard- (plough), ^ar, etc. ; 
this suffix seldom appears as fem., as infulge'tra- (Plin. =/w/^or 
brightness), verbal-stem /t«/^e- (shine, gleam). 

Further formations of this suffix original -tar-. 1. Through 
-t/a-y esp. -trio- and -tdrto, e.g. in pa-tr-io- from pa-ter ; auc&- 
•tOr-io- from atidi-tor- ; legd-tdr-io- from legd-tor- ; uic-tdr-ia 

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STEMS WITH SP. -U-. 227 

from uic't^r-, etc. 2. Through -w?-, e-g. uic-tr-iC'' from wtc-^r-, § 97. 
or rather from an older unraised form of the suffix original 
'tar-, which lost its vowel before -ic- ; imperd-tr-lo- from im^ 
perd-tor-; ex-pul-tr-uy likewise from an unused *ex-puUor' ; 
pis-tr-lC' from pis-tor-y ^pis (pinso, pistus), etc. 3. Through 
'Inay e.g. pis-tr-lno- (pistrinum), pia-tr-lna from pis-tor-, i/p^; 
doc'tr-lna frcan doc-tor-, ^doc, etc. 

Ifote. — ^In some cases at least Lat. -bro^ appears to be=Gk. 
'Opo- (medial b corresponds of course by rule to Gk. 0; cf . § 77, 
1, c), which, as we saw, arose from -rpo-, -tra- (cf. Leo Meyer, 
Vergl. gr. der griech. u. lat. Sprache, ii. 235, 241; Ebel, 
zeitschr. xiv. 77 sqq. ; Kuhn, ib. p. 215 sqq.). If this assump- 
tion is well founded, this -&ro-=i.f. -tra- has become mixed in 
Lat. with 'bro- = f.f. -bhra- (yfbhar bear; cf. supr. § 89, n. 2), 
precisely as in Lat. the root original dha has become confounded 
with root original da (§ 73, 2). As examples of Lat. -bro-^.-tra- 
we adduce cri-bro- (cribrum sieve), y/kri (cf. fcpl-voD, Kpl'aV'<;)-=. 
O.H.G. hri'tara, M.H.G. ret-ter, f.f. therefore krai-tra-; tere-bra 
(fem. borer), cf. ripe-rpo-v (id.); palpe-bra (eyelid) bes. earlier and 
more vulgar palpe-tra, as in Gk. <l)ipe-dp0'V bes. <f>epe-rpo-v ; tene- 
'brae (darkness) for *tene8-brae,*teme8-brae (§ 77, 1, ei),*t€me8-drae, 
=Sk. tdmis-rd (dark) for *tami8-trd=:0,lB..Q. dins-tar, M.H.G. 
dims-ter, dins-ter (Kuhn, Zeitschr. xv. 238), f.f. iams-tra- from 
tamas-tra-. The maiostay of these explanations lies in como- 
brtno- (consobrinus cousin on mother's side), which is explained 
as from *so8brino-, *so80rtno-, *80-str-ino-, from stem *so-stor-=- 
original sva-star- (sister). So that in consobrinus the t of 
svastar- would be retained, which is lost in soror:=-*80Sor. Corss. 
(Krit. Nachtr. 186 sqq.), however, does not allow Lat. -bro-= 
-tro- ; he explains -sobrinO' from *-sor-bn-nO' (§ 77, 1, a), and this 
from *8oror-brl-no- (§ 77, 2). This view is supported by the 
Keltic, cf . siur, which points to an Italo-Keltic form ^svasar- 
without t. This difficult question has been handled at length 
bv Ascoli, Studj. crit. ii. p. 33 sqq. ; he pronounces in favour 
of Lat. -&ro-= original -tra-. Cf. § 89, Lat. n. 

XVI. Stems with suffix -ti-. § 98. 

The suffix -ti- is often used to form verbal-substantives, which 
serve in several languages (Sanskrit, Zend, Sclavonian, Lithu- 
anian) as infinitives and gerundives in certain cases. The 

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I 98. suffix 'ti- has besides — ^like suffix -a the function of forming 

nomina agentis, but is more rarely so employed. The suffix is 
at home in all Indo-European languages, and was therefore 
already in existence in the original-language. It occurs also 
as a secondary suffix, cf. td-ti- (§ 90), tu-ti- (§ 99) and the 
Jiumeral (§ 109 sqq.). 

Indo-European original-language. From each verbal- 
stem might perhaps have been formed a nomen in -^-, e.g. 
mchti' (thought), yjma; bhu-tir (<l>V'tTt'^) , ^bhu (become, be); 
kak'ti' (coc-ti-o), ^kak (cook) ; mar-tir (death), y/mar (die), etc. 

In the function of a nomen agentis a certain example in the 
original-language is found inpa-ti' (lord), Vj^a (protect). 

Sanskri*t. The suffix -ti- forms : — 

1. Nomina actionis feminina, e.g. md-ti- (meaning, thought), 
^ma (man think) ; stM-ti- (stand), ^stha (stand) ; gru-ti- 
(hearing)^ i/gru; bhu-tU (being), y/bhu (be); pdk-ti- (coctio), 
i/pak (codk) ; iik-ti- (speech),j ^vak (speak) ; yiik-U- (iunctio), 
^ yug {]om\ etc. 

Infinitive functions are found in the dative of these 
nomina actionis in -^^-, thus yiik-taye, etc. 

2. Nomina agentis, e.g. pd-ti" (masc. lord), ^pa (protect) ; 
gnd-ti' (masc. kinsman), y/gna from gan (gignere). 

A shortening of this -ti- (cf. suffix 'td't'='td'tt'' § 96) is 
found in suffix -^-, which occurs especially in those roots which 
terminate in a short vowel, e.g. mahl-kU-t' (ruling the land), 
y/kU (rule) ; sarva-girU (conquering all), y/gi (conquer) ; like- 
wise -srU't' (flowing), y/sru; -kr-t- (making, fashioning), y/kar 
(make), etc. 

In gerundive use we find a shortened instrumental from 
nomina actionis in -ti-, i.e. -ty-a (from -ty-d, v. post. Declen- 
sion), which originally had probably a wider employment, but 
is confined in the actual state of the language to roots in «, u, 
and ar, and is moreover only used where prepositions have 
become welded on before them, e.g. sd-gHt-tya, y/gru (hear); 

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STEMS WITH SF. 'ti-. GK. 229 

n-^-tya, V^t (conquer). If the root end in other sounds, the § 98, 
t of suffix -U' is losty so that -pa only remains; the cause of 
this loss may possibly be seen in the frequent position of t 
after consonants^ and the weakened termination of the word 
due 'to the prefixed, originally adverbial, elements (the preposi- 
tions). A similar unusual loss of consonants in the case of 
person-terminations (y. post, in loco). E.g. d-da-ya from d-da 
(take), ^da (give) ; ni-rig-ya from ni-mg (settle down), ^vig 
(go in), etc. Stems in -aya- lose this first a of the suffix, e.g. 
pra-bodh-ya from steim prchbodhaya- (awaken, remind). Details 
of this formation would be out of place here. 

In the earlier language this formation of the gerundive 
occurs also in case of uncompounded verbal-stems; on the other 
hand there are traces of the more complete -tyO', even after 
consonantal root-terminations (of. post, -tvd used with uncom- 
pounded verbal-stems). 

Perhaps -tya-, fem. -tyd, is a further formation of the suffix 
'ti', e.g. in kr-tyd (deed, doing), ^kar (make) ; i^tyd (going), 
V i (go) ; ^i'tyi (gain, victory), ^/^ (conquer) ; Jha-tyd (slay- 
ing), ^/ha^ han (kill), etc. 

Greek. The suffix -rt-, regularly -<rt- (§ 68, 1, c), which 
has arisen from the earlier -rt- (preserved in D6ric), is fre- 
quently used> and forms nomina actionis fem. from verbal- 
stems, e.g. fjnj'Ti- (wile), ^ma (think) ; (^d-rt" (speech, report), 
y/il>a (say), beside ^-<rt- (speech, saying) ; 0i;-<w- (nature), 
V^v (be, grow) ; Tr^t-, i.e. *w€7r-<7i- from earlier Vctt-t^- 
(coctio), ^/ireir (cook) ; feOf*-, i.e. *(5n;7-crfc- (joining), V?*^ 
(join) ; Ti/S-o-*- (knowing), y/yvOf etc. 

Nomen agentis, e.g. tto-o-*- (lord)=Sk. and original pd-ti-y 
\lpa; fuiv'Tt- (seer), ^man (think). 

T only has remained in ^iio-^pw-r- (raw-eating), y/PpOy fiop 
{^I'^pdha/eta eat, l3op'd food), and perhaps in a few others. 

-a-ia fem. is a further formation through combination of a 
with -a'^-=-Tt-, e.g. dv-ala (sacrifice), y/6v (sacrifice); hoKVfia-ala 

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230 STEMS WITH SF. -ti-. LAT. 

I 98. (test), verbal-stem BoKLfuxZ- {SoKCfid^w for *BoKifJLaSyo} test), etc. 
Cf. Sk. -tt/d. 

Latin. The primary suffix -ti- has mostly been shortened 
to 't' in consequence of the confusion of the /-forms and the 
consonantal stems, e.g. do-ti- (dos dower), \/da (give) ; men-ti- 
(mens mind), y/men (think, cf. memin-i) ; mor-ti- (mors death), 
y/mor (mori) ; the i is retained e.g. in mesai-, i.e. *met-ti' (har- 
vest, § 77, 1, b), y/met (metere) ; ms-ti' (cloak), root original 
vas (clothe). 

Suffix 'ti' appears as forming nomina agentis here too, in 
p(hti', nom. sg. poti'S (powerful, capable), which however serves 
for all genders, Sk. and origl. pd-ti-, Gk. iro'Ci- ; cf. the com- 
pound of this pott', cam-pO'ti' (compos), im-po-ti" (impos) ; 
further in mper'Sti't- (superstes remaining over), y/sta; sacer- 
'dO't' (sacerdos), root probably original dha (set, do), which is 
confused in Lat. with da (give ; thus * sacrificium perficiens ' or 
' dans ' ; cf . Benfey in Kuhn's Zeitschr. ix. p. 106) ; com-i-t- 
(comes, mate), y/i (go), etc. -^«- is kept whole in uec-ti" (masc. 
lever), which can scarcely have been derived from any other 
root except y/ueh (originally carry), and originally probably 
meant something like tiector (bearer, carrier). 

A further formation of -fo- is -tuh neut., -tia fem., both gene- 
rally secondary; thus here an o, origl. a, has been added to the 
earlier suffix, cf . Sk. -tt/d ; e.g. stem ini-tio- (beginning), primary 
formation from y/i (go) ; but serui-tio- (slavery) from stem aeruo- 
(slave) ; imti-tia (justice) from tusto- (just) ; duri'tiasoiiduri'tie', 
stem durO' (§ 38 ; on weakening of final -o to -i, § 40), etc. 

For the formation of abstracts the suffix -ti- has regularly 
given way to -tion-, earlier prob. -tioni', e.g. coc-tion-y collision' 
from */w?-^/6n- (§ 77, 1, b; cf. collid-o), ata-tidn', nd-tion-y etc. 
Note also the diminutives in -tiun-cula formed from these stems, 
e.g. ora-tiun-cula, sessiuncula, i.e. *8ed-tiun-cula. 

The suffix 'tion-, -tidni-, is probably (Leo Meyer, Or. imd 
Occ. ii. p. 686) a further formation from -ti/d-, Lat. -^«o-, -tia 

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STEMS WITH SF. -^«-, ETC. INDO-EUR. 8K. 231 

(v. supr.), by means of suffix -nf-, cf . -td-ti' from -to- ; the sff. § 98. 
-na-, -ni-, often indeed run parallel to 'ta-, ^ti'. As 'td-ti- was 
shortened to -td-t-y so was -tid-ni- to -tio-iP' ; indeed in Latin 
the consonantal-stems are mostly like the i-stems. 

XYII. Stems with suffix 'tu- and kindred suffixes. 

Stems in -tu' serve as verbal-substantives in Sk., Lat., Sclav.^ 

Indo-European original-language. The suffix is § 99. 
imdoubtedly original, and must probably have been in use in 
the case of each verb, as Sk., Lat., Lithuano-Sclav. testify to 
this employment, e.g. da-tti- or dd-tu-, yjda (give) ; hhar-tu-, 
yjhhar (bear), etc. These stems in -tU' were nomina actionis 
capable of complete declension. 

Sanskrit. The suffix -tu- forms nomina actionis, with step- 
raising of root- vowel w, /, medially and finally, whilst a is rarely 
raised except when it is final ; after the auxil. vowel i was often 
introduced before this suffix. These stems serve in ordinary 
Sanskrit in the accusative, but in the older language of the 
Vedas, in the dat. and gen. sing, also, as Infinitive, e.g. 
dd'tu-m, ^da (give) ; athd-tu-m, y/stha (stand) ; ^e-tu-m^ ^gi 
(conquer) ; grdy-i-tthm, y/gri (enter) ; ato-tu-m, ^stu (praise) ; 
bhdv'i'tU'm, ^/bhu (become, be) ; vit-ttMn, y/vid (see) ; yik-tu-m, 
Vy^^ (join) : pdh'ttfrnty i/pali (cook) ; kdr-tu-m, ^kar (make) ; 
iorayirtu-m^ verbal-stem 'kordyor (steal), etc. 

Vedic dat. ; e.g. da-tav-e, e-tav-e, kdr-tav-e, etc. ; there is 
found a dative form also in d% e.g. yd-tav-di (with two accents, 
a very exceptional circimistance), from ^ya (go) ; kdr-tav-di, 
yjkar (make) ; ydm-i-tav-di, yjyam (subdue) ; moreover the gen. 
occurs, e.g. sthd-to-a, ^atha; e'to-Sy y/i (go); Uar-irtdSy y/lcar 


As ordinary nomina actionis there are in use e.g. r-tit, (masc. 
definite time, season), ^/ar (go) ; gd'tii- (masc. going, place), 
V^« (go) ; gd'tU' (masc. singing), ^/ga (sing ; 3 sg. gd-yati); 
gan-ti' (masc. creation, being), ^gan (beget). 

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232 STEMS WITH SF. -tu-, ETC. SK. 

99. From this abstract in -tu- a participiiun necessitatis is formed 
by means of -ya-, v. supr. § 89. 

'tt^ rarely forms nomina agentis, e.g. yd'HL" (wanderer)^ y/ya 
(go) ; hhd-tii (sun), y/hha (shine), etc. 

Suffix -^ra-, near akin to suflix -^w-, and perhaps sprung 
from it; cf. -tya' beside -W-, ^^tra- beside -^r-, ^antch beside 

A gerundive in -tvi (used in case of verbal-stems not 
compounded with prepositions) shows by its accent, and the 
weakening of the root-vowel, that it is formed from -tm-y not 
"tu- ; it is an instrumental of a stem-form in -tva-. In the Ved. 
there appears also -tAy which must therefore be taken to stand 
for *tvyd (§ 15, c), and this *-tvyd most prob. (Benfey, Kl. gr. 
§ 389) by loss of a from *-tvayd, *tva-y'd is however likewise 
only another form of the instrum. sing., i.e. one formed through 
y according to the frequent stem-extension. In the Yed. also 
occurs the dat. from -^m-, viz. -tvaya, Exx. sthi-tvd, ^stha 
(stand ; cf. infin. sthd-tu-mj ; dat-tvd, from present-stem dad, 
^da (give ; cf . infin. dd-tu-mj ; ^i-tvd, V^t (conquer, infin. 
ge-tu-m) ; bhu-tvd, y/bhu (be, infin. hhdv-i'tu-m) ; uk^tvd, yjvak 
(speak; infin. mA-^w-w^ ; ir-^M, VAar (make; infin. Ardr-^w-m^ ; 
pfik'tva, y/paH (cook) ; the auxil. vowel i occurs, e.g. in vid-i-hd 
y/vid (know ; inf. ret-tu-mj ; likh-i-tvd, or lekh-i-ivd, y/likh 
(scratch, write) ; fcdrayi-tvd, verbal-stem Horayor (steal), etc. 

Vedic forms in -tvl are foimd in e.g. kr-tvt, ^kar (make) ; 
Ved. dat. e.g. gchtvdya, ^Jga (go) ; dat-tvdya (cf. supr. dat-tvdj, 
y/da (give) ; kr-tvdya, ^kar (make), etc. 

SuJ0^ 'tva- appears also in the function of forming a partici- 
pium necessitatis (Benfey, Volst. gr. § 904 ; also in Bohtlingk 
and Rothes Dictionary), e.g. kdr-tva- (to be made ; neut. work 
to do, task), y/kar (make) ; ge-tva- (to be gained, captured), y/gi 
(conquer) ; vdk-tvch, ^J vdk (speak) ; snd-tvch, ^sna (bathe), etc. 

The suflSx 'tvd' (neut., n. sg. -ivd-m) is very frequent as 
secondary suffix, forming abstracts, e.g. nag-na-tva- (nakedness) 

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STEMS WITH SF. -tu-. GK. LAT. 233 

from nagnd" (naked) ; pafd-ivd-^ (wedlock), from pdti (lord, § 99. 
husband) ; pan^a-M" {ir&na/;) from pan%an- (five) ; bahu'tvd- 
(plurality) from bahA' (many), etc. 

In Ved. is also foimd -tva-nd- (neut.), a further formation by 
means of suffix -wa-, in a like employment, e.g. sakhi-tvand- 
(friendship) from edkhi- (friend) ; vasu-tvand (wealth), stem 
vam- (id.), etc. 

Also suj0^ 'tvan- occurs in stems which serve as adjectival 
nomina agentis, e.g. kr-tmn- (causing, effective, active), ijkar 
(make) ; another stem, whose f .f . is kar-tva-rya-y serves as fem., 
nom. sing, kr-tvari; both stems occur side by side in gi-tvan-, 
gi'tmror, fem. gi-tvafz, i.e. *gi'tvaryd (victorious), y/gi (conquer) ; 
i'tmn-y i-tmra-, fem. l-tvari (going), ^i (go). 

Greek. Nomina actionis fem. like ^pw-rv- (food), V^po 
(cf . ^/)a)-T09, fipShfia, fiv'^fm-a-KtOy ^pd>'<rofiat) ; fioTf-rv- (fem. 
crying), verbal-stem iSoa-, /Soiy- {iSodm, fiorjaofuu cry) ; €&7-ti;- 
(food), y/ei (eat), originally from a stem eSe-, which also occurs 
elsewhere; yeXcur-TV' (laughter), stem 7e\a9- (cf. yekaa-'TO^, 
iyikaa-'aa) ; Fda-Tv (city), root original vaa (dwell), etc. 

-av-vT} stands for *'iwrf (like <rv for tv; cf . § 68, 1, c) as a 
secondary suffix, cf. Ved. -tva-na-, Zend 'thwa-na-, e.g. Bt/ccuO" 
-avpfi (justice) from Si/ccuo- (just) ; fivrj/Mo-avprf (memory), stem 
/jLvrjfiov- (n. sg. masc. ^ivri^v mindful), which has lost its final n 
before suffix -avwy, as occurs in other cases also, etc. 

Latin. The suffix -^t*- is a very favourite one, and serves 
regularly to form a nomen actionis (masc), which is called 
supine in ace. and abl. sg., e.g. M-tu-y n. sg. Btortu-s (stand- 
ing), ace. as supine Bta-tu^niy abL sta-tUy ^ata (stare, sistere) ; 
i'tU'y y/i (go) ; dic'tu' y/dic (say) ; uiC'tti- (as subst. victuals), 
^uiuy uig (uiuo live) ; tac-tu- (subst. touch), ^tag (tango 
touch) ; cur'SU' for *cwr-^M- (subst. course), y/cur (curro run) ; 
aeS'tU' for *aed'tu- (heat, tide), root original idh (bum); usu" 
for *ui'tvr (as subst. use), cf. ut-or (use) ; gresm- for ^gred-tu- 
(as subst. going, step), ^grad, gred (gradior step) ; cdsu- for 

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234 STEMS WITH SF. -d%i'. SK. 

8 99. *cad'tU' (as subst. fall), y/cacf (cado fall), etc. Sound-laws of 
combination of t with other consonants are stated § 77, 1, b, 
2. appard'tu-, magktrd'tth, aon-i-tu-y audl-tu-y etc., are referred 
to derived verbs, which are moreover partly not in use. 

SuflBx -tm- is rare, e.g. mor-tuo- (dead), ^/mor (mori die) ; 
mthtuo- (borrowed, interchanged), probably from a ^mi (ex- 
change), therefore for *inoirtuo-y which may be traced in other 
languages (e.g. Old Bulgarian me-na change, Lith. mai-na-s 
exchange) ; sta-tua (fern, statue), ^sta (stand) ; fd-tuo- (fore- 
telling), V/« (fari utter). 

As a secondary suflix, in formation of abstracts is found not 
•tU', but 'tH'tp- and 'tH-dan-, -tu-din-y further formation from -tu- 
(the latter is obscure in its second element), both fem., e.g. 
serui-futi' (fem. slavery), stem serm- (slave), gen. pi. aerui- 
'i&ti'Um (Plant.) ; senec-tuti" (old age), stem senec- (senex old 
man) ; iuuen-tUti- (young age), stem iuuen- (earlier than iutieni-s 
youth, cf. Sk. stem yuvan^) ; uir-tuti- (manhood, valour), prob- 
ably from *uiri-tuti', stem uira- (uir man). Concerning this 
suflix cf. Karl Walter, Zeitschr. x. 169. 'tudin- is more com- 
mon, e.g. alti-tudo (height), alto- (high) ; turpi-tudo (loathsome- 
ness, ugliness), stem turpi' (hateful, loathsome) ; canmetudo for 
*con9ueti'tudo (§ 77 ; wont), stem consueto- (wont), etc. 
§100. XVIII. Stems with suffix .«?«... 

Not vouched for except in Aryan and probably in Greek ; it 
is therefore doubtful whether it can be ascribed to a date so 
early as that of the original-language. 

Sanskrit. In the earliest period of the language only a 
dat. fem. (v. post. Cases) of the suffix -dhi', 'Odhi-, i.e. -dhj/di, 
-adhydiy is added to the verbal-stem of the present ; where this 
ends in a, -dhydi only is added, in the other cases -adhydi; e.g. 
yd^Ordhydiy pres.-stem ya^Orj y/yag (sacrifice) ; sdha-dhydi, pres.- 
stem sdhch, y/sah (subdue, endure) ; piba-dhydi, pros. -stem piba-, 
^pa (drink) ; rnddayd-dhydi^ verbal- and present-stem rndddya- 
(cheer), ^mad (rejoice) ; prnd-dfiydi, present-stem prnd-, ^Jpar 

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STEMS WITH SFF. -rfAt-. GK. •anUy •Wt-. INDO-EUR. 236 

(fill) ; duh'ddhydiy present-stem duh- (3 sg. med. dug-dhe for § 100. 
*duh'te)y ^Jduh (milk); gay^ddhydiy present-stem f^-, gay- (3 sg. 
med. ge'te)y ^gi (lie, rest) ; vdvrdh-ddhydi, intensive-stem vdwdh-, 
y/vardh (wax), etc. 

The suffix appears added to the aorist-stem in ^ard-dhydi, of. 
3 sg. aor. d-gara-t, ^J^ar (become rotten^ grow old ; 3 sg. pres. 
^irya-ti, grna-ti) ; huvd-dhydi, aorist-stem huva- (present-stem 
Ved. hava-)y y/hu {erf) ; probably also gamddhydi, aorist-stem 
gama- (d-gama-t, present-stem gdMha-, ^ga, gam (go). 

These forms serve as infinitives. 

Greek. -a-Oat corresponds to this -dhydi; it is, however, 
difficult to decide whether the « has here been tacked on at the 
beginning, or whether it has been lost in Aryan, in which case 
sdhydi would be the general fundamental form ; the y is lost, 
as frequently, in Q-reek. It is not unlikely that the a in -a-dcu 
owes its origin to the analogy of the medial forms in (t0 {-<t0€, 
-affov, -a-0r)v, -<r6o>v) ; besides <r is a very favourite sound before 
dentals in Greek. Also as regards the final ac, which does not 
appear elsewhere in Gk. as the dative suffix of t-stems, we may 
fall back on the analogy of the infinitive -cpcu, -fiepcu. This 
form serves for the med. In Greek -a-ffac only appears as a 
suffix, not -ea-Otu (cf . the perfect), as in Sk. -adhydi. This -cOai 
is added to the different tense-stems ; e.g. pres. ^€p€'<T6cu=^Sk. 
bhara-dhydi; rWe-adcu, i&o-cOcUy aor. 0i-4r0(u, B6'(r0ai; fut. Scoa-e- 
'(r0cu, Sk. *dd8ya»dhydi ; perf. 'XjeKeiff>'0(U for *>jiKei^-(T0cu, If, 
*riraik-dhydi, etc. 

XIX. Stems with suffix -ant-, -nt-. §101. 

The suffix -ant', when added to vowel-stems -nt-, forms 
active participles from the present-stems, and therefore 
also from the stems of the future (which is formed by means of 
a present-form of \/a«), and of the aorist. The suffix -ant-, -nt-, 
occurs in all Indo-European languages. 

Indo-European original-language. Pres. as-ant-, 
pres.-stem and Vas (be) ; bhara-nt-, pres*-stem bhara-, ^Jbhar 

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236 STEMS WITH SF. -ant-, -nt". sk. 

i 101. (bear) ; starna-nt-, pres.-stem star-na-, ^star (strew, stemere), 
etc. ; future ddsya-nUy future-stem dd-at/ch, ^da (give) ; simple 
aorist vavaka-nlry aorist-stem vamka- y/vak (speak) ; compound 
aorist diksa-ni-, aorist-stem dikaa-, y/dik (diow), etc. These 
stems served originally for all genders. 

Sanskrit. HinU is added also to the pres.-stem in -nM-(-t^), 
whilst to other vowd-stems -nU is added. The formation from 
aorist-stems is unknown e::(cept to the earliest language. Ee- 
duplicated-stems lose the n of the suffix, and thus end in -a^, 
'U. In fem.^ as frequently, a stem further formed by -ya- is 
used, and this -yor — ^in fem. therefore -ya is not seldom con- 
tracted to I (cf. § 15, c). 

Examples : ad-dnt-, root and present-stem ad- (eat) ; s-ant-, root 
and present-stem oa-, the initial a is lost also in other forms of 
this root; Hinv-dnt', ^ii (gather), present-stem im6-; ttcdd-ni-, 
y/tud (strike), present-stem (tidd- ; ndhya-nt-, y/nah (tie), pre^ 
sent-stem ndhyU' ; yund-nU^ yjyu (join), present-stem yund- ; 
but dddha-Uy ^dha- (set), present-stem dddha-, etc. The n 
which is lost in most cases never appears at all in neut., e.g. 
ad'dt, etc. ; fem. ad-ati, a-^ti, Xinv^ti, tudd-ntl or ttida-tt, 
ndhya-nti, etc. 

Future -ayd-nt', neut. 'Syd-t-, fem. 'Syd-ntl or ^aya-ti; e.g. 
kariayd-nt', fem. kariayd-ntl or kariaya-ti, y/kar (make), future- 
stem kariayd-y i.e. \/*ar-l-auxil.-vowel i (§ 15, f) and present- 
stem in -yor of ^aa (be). 

Examples of 2 aor. are (ace. to Benfey) e.g. vrdhd-nt-, ^vardh 
(wax), aor.-stem vrdha^; aaniSd-nt-y ^aan (uphold^ love), aor.- 
stem aantsch, i.e. ^/aan^ aux,- vowel i and past tense of y/aa. 

In nandaya-ntd', verbal-stem wa/w?flya-, al. lect. nanda-ntd-, 
present-stem nanda-y yjnand (rejoice) ; ^aya-ntd (nom. propr. 
and in other meanings), present-stem ^aya', V^i (conquer, 
capture), is probably a further formation of this suffix by 
means of a; the same holds good of ddnta- beside dant- (tooth ; 
yet probably from ^da * cut,' * part/ not from ^/ad * eat *), and 

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STEMS WITH 8F. -fln^, -nt-. OK. LAT. 237 

of rajatd (white, neat, silver), cf. argento-, ^rag, f.f. rag, arg §101. 

Greek, -ojrr- and -vt- ; the v is here fixed, and never lost ; 
fern, ^'ovrya, *-vryay which in obedience to sound-laws becomes 
*'Ovca, -ova-Of -aa, with compensatory lengthening of the pre- 
ceding vowel ; e.g. eoirr- (later ivr-), i.e. *^<r-oirr-, fern. eoi)o-a= 
*i<r'OVT'pa, Vc? (be), present-stem eV- ; ^pO'Vr-, fem. ^epo-vaa 
from *<l>€pO'PO'a, *(f>€pO'inya^ V<f>^P (bear), present-stem ^po-, 
^pe- ; T^i-irr-, y/Oe (set), present-stem rlBe- ; BiSo-vr-, y/8o 
(give), present-stem S/So- ; lard-vr-, ^<rra (stand), jpresent-stem 
«rra- ; BeL/ciw-vr-, y/Sitc (show), present-stem Beitcw-, etc. 

Likewise in the future, e.g, XOo-o-in--, ^\v (loosen) ; future- 
stem \v<rO', etc. 

Simple aorist, e.g. Oi-vr-, root and aor.-stem de-, (set) ; So-in--, 
root and aorist-stem So- (give) ; ard-vrf root and aorist-stem 
ora- (stand) ; 0vyo-in--, V^vy (flee), aorist-stem (f>vyo', ^vye-, 

Compound aorist, e.g. Xwa-i/r- VXu, aor.-stem XOo-o-, etc. 

The further formation in -ya which occurs in fem., appears 
also in the noun subst. yepova-la (senate) =*7€/)ovT-ta, from stem 
yipovT' (v. sqq.). 

These formations have sometimes no corresponding verbs 
extant, e.g. yip-ovr- (old), y/yep, Sk. ^ar, original gar (grow 
old); l/c-ow- (willing), y/ex, Sk. vag, original vak (will) ; cuc-ovr- 
(masc. dart), ^dx (be sharp), cf. aK-ri, aK-omc-riy cuc-firi (point) ; 
o-Soin-- (tooth) =Sk. danU. 

Latin. -enUy earlier *-ow^-, -unt-, but mostly -w^-, because 
abnost all present- stems in Latin end in vowels. The same 
stem serves for all genders; e.g. (praels-ent- (present) for 
^-ea-enty root and present- stem es; i-ent-, ^e-unt-, i.e. *e-ont', 
y/i (go), present-stem ei-; *uol'Ont, uol-unt-, present-stem and 
^uol (uol't he wills), is retained in uolunt-arius beside the 
ordinary uol-ent- ; tcehe-nt-, ^Jueh (carry), present-stem uehe-, 
etc. Like all consonantal stems, these also in most cases revert 

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i 101. to the analogy of the i-stems (tcehente-s, uehenti-bmy etc.). The 
further stem-form in -ya-, found in Sk., Zend and Gk. as fem., 
and possessing a yet wider range in Sclav, and Lith., is foimd 
substantively used in Latin, e.g. stlent-iu-m, sapient-ia, licent-ia, 
abundant'ia, lubent-ia, prudent-ia, Constant-iu-s, Fulgent-ii^a, 
Florent'ia, Leuces-w-s^z^LeticenUiO'S (present *leucOy y/luCy v. § 
36), Pnuient-iU'8y etc. No verbs are found parallel to such for- 
mations as freqtcent', recent-, petulant- y (fen^-=Sk. dant- (tooth). 
Here belongs also parent-, as the aorist, to which its form and 
function point us (cf. § 36), is no longer extant (cf. parient- 
from the present stem). 

The further formation by means of suffix -a-, Lat. -o-, is seen 
in argent'O- (neut. silver)=Sk. ragafnjtd- ; unguento- (neut. 
ointment), cf. unguent- part., from present ungui-t, ungi-t (he 
anoints) ; fluento- (neut. stream), beside participle /wew^-, present 
flui-t (flows). 
^02. XX. Stems with suffix -as-. 

Stems in origl. -as-, conmion to aU Indo-European languages, 
serve mostly as neutral nomina actionis, more rarely as nomina 

This suffix forms Infinitives in Sanskrit and Latin. 

Indo-European original-language, e.g. ^aw-as (genus), 
^gan (beget) ; ap-as (opus), y/ap (do) ; man-as (mind), \/man 
(think) ; nabh-as (cloud, sky), ^nabh; vak-as (voice), ^vak 
(speak) ; krav-as (utterance, word), ^kru (hear), etc. 

Sanskrit. Substantives in -as-, before which root- vowels i 
and u are raised a step, e.g. gdn-as (genus), ^^an (beget) ; 
mdn-as (mind), ^man (think) ; sdd-as (seat), ^sad (sit) ; vdJc-as 
(speech), y/vaR (speak) ; vds-as (garment), y/vas (clothe) ; Icit-as 
(mind), ^Kit (think) ; grdv-as (ear), ^gru (hear) ; dp-as (work), 
^ap, etc. 

These substantives are mostly neut., like the above, but there 
occur also nomina agentis, e.g. us-ds- (fem. dawn), y/us (bum) ; 
this stem had in the earlier language step-formation of the 

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STEMS WITH SF* -<M-. GK* 239 

suffix besides, e.g. ace. sg. m-ds-am (the instr. pL uidd-hhis § 102. 
arises from another stem of the same meaning, uaat-y mant- ; 
§ 101). In the earKest Sanskrit adjectives of this form also 
occur (nomina agentis), e.g. tar-da' (quick) beside tdr-as (neut. 
quick advance), ^/tar (arrive at); ap-ds- (active) beside op-os 
(work), etc. This formation is founded on the present-stems of 
verbs ; if they end in a, -s- only is added for -as-, i.e. the final 
a of the present-stem serves at the same time for the initial of 
the suffix (cf. the formation of pres. participle act., the 3 pi. 
pres., etc.) ; present-stems which do not end in a retain 
-as-. This form in dat. is used as infinitive, e.g. gzvd-se 
from pres.-stem giva-, 3 sg. pres. giva-ti, ^/giv (live) ; Udra-se, 3 
sg. pres. Hdra-tiy ^Har (go) ; dhrmd-se, 3 sg. pres. dhruvd-ti, 
y/dhru (be firm) ; Mkaaa (lustre, glance, eye), dative=infinitive 
Kdksas-e, pres.-stem Adksa-, ^Jialcs (see) ; pust/ds-e, 3 sg. pres. 
piist/a-ti, y/pul (nourish ; but in the pres. formation adduced, 
* thrive ') ; rngd%-ey pres.-stem rnga-, y/arg (strive), etc. ; but 
dy-as-By pres.-stem ai-, 3 sg. iti for ^ai-ti, y/i (go). 

Greek, yiiv-ea-y fiev-o^ (mind, bravery, anger), Va^^j origl. 
man ; yev-ea-, -09 (race), y/yei/, original gan (beget) ; Fhr-ea-, 
09- (word), y/Feir, origiual vak (speak) ; SS-ea-, -09 (seat), ^iS, 
original sad (sit) ; KkeF-ea-, -09 (sound, glory), ^k\v original 
kru (hear) ; Trdd-ea--, -09 (suffering), ^ttoO {e-TraO-ov suffer) ; 
firjK-ea-, -09 (length), ^fiaK (in /lOK-po- long) ; ipevO-ea-, -09 
(redness), y/epv6 {ipv0-p6- red), original nulh (be red), etc. 

The Sanskrit and Zend stem m-as-, us-ds- (dawn), corresponds 
in like function, however, with the raised stem of the Gk. stem 
f.f . aus-os- (fem.), Lesb. Aiol. n. sg. avct)^, with regular loss ©f «, 
Ddr. 06)9, Ep. ^^9 from *aF-(o<!;, av-ca^, and this from *au<r-G)9, 
with lengthened a after the loss of the following sound, Att, 
€co9 without this lengthening, and with the asp. prefixed to the 
beginning (§ 65, 2). 

The suffix -^<r- forms adjectives (nomina agentis), e.g. yfrevS^-, 
n» sg. masc. fem. '^et;&;9> neut. y^^evBei (untrue), these adjectives 

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240 STEMS WITH SF. -(W-. LAT. 

i 102. appear especially as the second member of compoimds, e.g. 
o^SepK'ia- {&he^Tp-sighted), ^Sepfc^ original dark (SipK-ofiai, 
Si'Bopfc-a see) ; orXTjOea- (not hidden, true) beside X^^ecr-, -09 
(forgetfulness), y/\aJd (l-Xo^-oi/, escape notice), etc. 

In a-XTjOeia (truth), i.e. *a-\r)0€a''Ui ; ev-fiiveia, I6n. ev-iieveq 
(goodwill), from ^ev-fievea-'ia, f.f. asthman-as-pdy cf. fih/'0<f, origl. 
man-as, and the like, we see a further formation of the suffix by 
meaiis of -^fl-. 

Latin. E.g. gen-tis (race), early Lat. ^gen-oSy Sk. ^dn-as, 
Vg^^ (gigiiere) ; op-U8 (work), early *op-05=:Sk. dp-as ; corp-us 
(body), root Sk. karp; foed-m, earlj foid-os (treaty), Vl/^rf (fido) ; 
iu8 (right), f.f. *ioU'08, ^iu (join) ; pus (matter), f.f. *jpow-os, 
^pu (be foul ; on these formations cf . § 36), etc. 

Here also belong rob-ur (strength), early rob-tiSy gen. rob-or-is 
=Sk. rddh-aSy gen. rddh-as-as (vigour, wealth), cf. robus-tus, 
with change of s to r, etc. Fems. Ven-m, Cer-es, and probably 
also masc. cin-er- (asK), n. sg. cin-is ; pulu-er- (dust), n. sg. 
pulu'is, as also adj. uet-m (old), gen. ueter-is. . 

Moreover the numerous masculines in -or, as sop-or- (sop-Ire) y 
root original svap ; od-or, ^Jod (ol-ere for *odere § 72, 2), with 
lengthening or raising of the suffix (on r=« cf. 77, 1, e), f.f. e.g. 
of sop-or- is therefore svap-ds-, etc. This -or- is also used as a 
secondary suffix, e.g. albor- (whiteness) from albo- (white), etc. 

In aurora (dawn), i.e. *aus-6s-d, the suffix original -as-, 
Latin -os-, -or-, is still further formed through -a- (cf . Greek 
*av-(r(oa-, Sk. us-ds-, us-ds-J. 

In nom. sg. alone the suffix is retained in fem. forms like 
sedes (seat), i.e. *sedes-s (§ 39, 1), cf. sed-eo ; caed-Ss (overthrow, 
slaughter), cf. caed-o; Idb-es (slip, fall), cf. Idb-i, etc. In most 
cases there are i-stems underlying these words (e.g. ace. sede-m, 
gen. pi. sedi-um), a very favourite formation in Latin. This 
explanation of the n. sg. is supported above all by the parallel 
sed-es-, Gk. IS-eo-- and Sk. sdd-as-. In Sclav, also and Teutonic 
the as* stems show parallel forms without this suffix ; the Sclav. 

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STEMS WITH SF. -(W-. LAT. 241 

shows suflixes -««- and -t- interchanged in some stems, just as § 102. 
in Latin. 

The dative of such nouns in -(i« ^no longer felt to be a case, 

and hence shortened — serves as an infinitive in Latin ; e.g, 
ueher-e, f.f . vaghas-ai, Sk. vdhas-e, present-stem uehe-, original 
vagha-, root original vagh; dtcer-Cy f.f. daikaa-ai, present-stem 
dice-, f.f. daika-i ^/dic; moner-e, Li. mdnaj/aa-aiy present- and 
verbal-stem moni-, i.L mdnat/ch, root original man, etc. In 
fieri, fierei (also j^^r^), both from ^feies-ei, LL dhayas-ai, I has, as 
often, been retained beside e (e) = original ai. This form is in 
nowise distinct from the usual infinitive active (cf . L. Lange, 
iiber die bildung des lateinischen Infinitivus Praesentis Passivi. 
Denkschriften der philos. histor. Classe der Kaiserl. Akad. der 
Wiss. in "Wien, Bd. x., and published separately there) ; flo 
has indeed mainly an active form ; the root of this word is dha 
(set, do), and fio a present formation in -ya- of intransitive- 
passive function ; the f.f. of fio is therefore *dhcht/d'mt, in Sk, 
with unoriginal weakening of a to I and middle termination 
dhlya-te from ^dhaya-te, or else the final-sound of the root is 
lost in Sk. and -iya- stands for -ya- (§ 15, b). In either case 
the Sk. form is late and not original, and useless for the expla* 
nation of the Latin. From dha^yd'tni arose regularly in Latin 
*fe'iO'miy */eio, fio ; i.i. of fteri, fiere, is therefore *dhayaa-e; in 
fieri fl has become y^, not an original shortening, the older ^en 
being retained by Naeuius, Plautus, Pacuuius. 

This formation is in Latin so closely joined to the pres.-stem 
that, except where the stem has the stem-addition -a-, it omits 
the -a- of the original suffix -fl5-, e.g. e%-8e (posse^ipot'esse) ^ f.f. 
aS'S-ai (not ^as-^s-ai, which would have produced ^ese-re, ^ere-rej, 
esse for ^ed-se, f.f. ad-s-ai, y/ed (eat); fer-re iot ^fer^se; ueUU 
for ^uelrse (§ 77, 1, b) ; da-re, root and pres.-stem da; fo-re for 
*fu-re, y/fuy u having become o under the influence of the r ; 
i-re, early ^ei-re, f.f. ai-s-ai, pres.-stem i, ei, original ai, ^i. 
The analogy of the present has here throughout exercised 


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242 STEMS WITH SP. -flW-. LAT. 

§ 102. its influence, and has called forth these new f onnations 
peculiar to Latin (perhaps the forms cited were at an earlier 
period of the language ^eaea-e, *ede8-ey ^/eres-e, ^ueles-e, *ete8'e, 
which would correspond exactly to Sk. forms like asas-e, cuias-e, 
bharas-iy varaa-e, at/aa-e). 

This 'Se is added also to the perf .-stem in -w-, which is found 
in Li9,tin only (v. post.), e.g. peperisse, dedta-se, fecis-se, etc. 
Forms like dixe, uexe, seem to be syncopated, like dixti for dixisti; 
possibly however they are older forms from the perf.-stem 
without -is- (v, post.), and thus stand for *didiC'Se, ^ueueg-se. 
Whether the full suffix -ea- = -aa- (^didic-ea-ey ^dicaia-ea-e) ever 
existed or not, depends on the antiquity of these formations. 

Note, — Impetraaae-rey kuaaae-re and the like (used only in case 
of derived- verbs in a, and peculiar to the earlier language only) 
are used as fut. inf. ; 1 sg. would be ^impetraaao, etc., cf . 
faceaaOy incipiaao, etc. The peculiarity of these forms lies there- 
fore not in the suffix, which is the usual one, but in the verbal- 

The infinitive forms of the medio-passive in Latin are hard 
to explain. The assumption of Bopp offends against the sound- 
laws (vgl. Gramm. ui. § 855, p. 273 sqq.) ; the form in -i (dm) 
is held by Bopp to be a curtailed form of the earlier -i-er 
(dic-i-er), whose er he thinks is a transposition of re=zae (ace. 
of the reflexive; cf. amo-r =:*am0'aej y thus explaining dici-er 
from *dici'ae; *dm would correspond to Sk. forms like drg-e 
(§ 87), imless dicier were a shortening of ^dieeri-er from 
*diceri^e, ^diceai-ae (i.e. ^daikaaai-avam), just as laudari-er is pro- 
duced by dissimilation from ^laudare-er, ^laudare-rey ^laudaae-ae, 
i.e. from inf. act. with ae attached, which forms the middle 
voice in Latin. Notwithstanding that this view recommends 
itself in that it makes the inf. med. to be formed from inf. act. 
precisely as the med. generally was formed from the act. in 
Latin (^amari-ae : amare :: *amo-ae : amojy it is difficult to see 
the reason of the transposition of ae, re, to er (from ^laudare^ae, 

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*dici'Sey there wcMild hare arisen according to Lat. soimd-lavs § 102. 
perhaps a< form *laudare'8, ^dice-s or did-^ like lavdaris, 2 sg. 
med., from *iauda8'i'Se ; or also *latidare"rey ^dici-re or *dice-re). 
Pott (the last time in ' Doppelung, etc./ Lemgo and Detmold, 
1862, p. 266 sqq.) makes the division laudarie-ry, earlier *ib«- 
dasie-ae, thus assuming no transposition of -«^, -re^ to -^r; -Hie he 
holds to be an earlier termination of the active -re. But how 
is 'ie then to be explained? In legier and the like. Pott 
assumes loss of the first r in consequence of dissimilation; 
*agerie-r (this -rier is preserved in fer-rier),. thence *agrier 
and agier by loss of the first r, finally *agie, agl [or perhaps 
*agvr, agl?] cf. «js, Xlmbr. m, «l, from sies]. Also Leo Meyer 
(vergl. Gr. der griech. und lat. Spr. ii. 124) explains legier 
from ^kgerie-r, ^legesie-se ; laudarier from ^laudasie-ae, which 
'Sie, -^e, he holds to be " nothing else than a peculiar early 
infinitive-termination, which may perhaps be closely connected 
with Sk. '81/di, in Yed. rauhkhyM [in our spelling r6MHydi\ 
— ^for rauhisy&i — (increase), and d-pyathishy&iy — ^for d-vyathisydi 
(not tcderate).^^ But we hold with Benfey (v. supr.) these in- 
finitives, in 'Sydi to be inf. from fut. -stems rohisya-, vyathist/a-. 
Leo Meyer, raising this objection himself, adds : " Possibly this 
infinitival sye or more fully esye is likewise an early dative 
of an old suffix formation asya, a further formation, by meaiis 
of suffix ya, of the old suffix as, well known in the Lat. act. 
infin.'* Moreover Lea Meyer holds it conceivable that forms 
like ducier may be not shortened from ^ducerier, but derived 
from stems like ducto- (f.f. daukya- therefore). We should 
then have to assume fundamental forms perhaps such as ^dauk- 
ydi'Svam [dat.+acc. of reflexive]. From this very uncertainty 
on Leo Meyer's part it is obvious that none of his conjectures 
are upheld by any decisive arguments. We should scarcely 
venture to maintain datives in I, e (ei), from a-stems in Latin ; 
in the dative the forms in question could only have been 
^laudario-r, *dilcid-r, earlier ^laudasio-se, doticio^se. Also the separ- 

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§ 102. ation of the med. (pass.) inf. from the act. will not approve itself 
to us. Lange (in his above-named work) takes forms like 
legier as shortenings for *kffi-fier, i.e. as compoimded of the pres.- 
stem legi^ (legi-t), with infin. fiere, fieri; medial loss of/ occurs 
e.g. in lupis for *lupais from *lup(hfio8 (v. post. Case) ; amaui 
for *ama'fui, amasti for ^amorfuisti (v. post, § 173, 2). Forms 
like amd-neTy darner^ he explains from ^ama-siere, ^da-siere, i.e. 
from the present-stem and an infinitive *8iere, f .f. ^-st/as-ai, for 
*e8iere, f.f. cLsychs-ai, formed from ^ea (be), pres.-stem *a8t/a' 
(with passive function), ]ike fieri from ^dha, pres.-stem dhaya-. 
The present-formation in -yor appears indeed in ^/es in Latin, 
but has a future, not a passive relation (v. post. § 165 Lat. V.). 
So also according to Lange ferrier is formed (f.f. therefore 
probably Hhar-ayasai or perhaps Hharasyasai), whilst in other 
cases this *-«er, ^rier, is added to pres.-stemB only which end in 
a vowel (amd'Her, mone-rier, molU-rier). 

The forms legl, amari, are explained by Lange from *legie8 
(from *legi'fie8e), ^amasiea (from ^ama-aiese), with frequent loss 
of final a (§ 79), and contraction of ie to I, like later aim, aia, for 
aieni, aiea. Thus from common fundamental forms have been 
developed (1) legier, amarier, with the s- of the presupposed 
*'fieae, ^-aieae, changed into r, and (2) legt, amart, where the a 
has been lost. 

Accordingly in the Lat. inf. pass, also we should see nothing 
but infinitives in -ae, because they all would be compounded 
with either infin. fieri, f.f. dhayaa-ai, or *aiere, i.i. (ajayaa'ai. 
This view also is suspicious in some respects ; above all we 
cannot conceive an inf. of ^ea (be) with passive function. 

G. Schonberg (Zeitschr. xvii. 153 sqq.) has recently explained 
forms like amdrie-r as dat. of stan ^amdai+ae, from ^amdaiai^ae, 
forms like legie-r, on the other hand, as dat. of stem legi- (repre- 
senting stem legea- of the act.)+«e, from ^kgiai-ae, thus separat- 
ing the latter from a«-stem8, probably correctly, like Leo Meyer 
(v. sup.) ; he has recourse to an interchange of consonantal- 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

8TBMS WITH SF. -fcl-. SK. GK. LAT. 245 

stems with i-stems, and of suffix -a«- with suffix -t- (adducing § 102. 
examples). It must, however, be allowed that the like dat. 
forms of i-stems are otherwise unauthenticated. 

Thus Latin infinitives passive (med.)— clearly a recent for- 
mation of the language — must probably be treated as not 
hitherto explained with certainty, 

,XXI. Stems with suffix -ia-. §103. 

The suffix "kU" (cf. pronominal-stem ha-) is not common pri- 
marily, but secondarily is on the contrary a very favourite one 
(e.g. in the function of forming diminutives, cf . Lud. Schwabe, 
de deminutiuis graecis et latinis liber. Gissae, 1859, p. 44 
sqq.). The numerous other suffixes, whose principal element 
is A, need not be considered here, excepting -^Aw- (whose «, it is 
true, is obscure), because it formed one kind of present-stem as 
early as the original language (§ 165, VI.), e.g. ga-ska-. 

Sanskrit. Very rare as a primary-suffix, e.g. in gus-ka- 
(dry) for *8U8'ka (§ 55, 2, n), ^/gm (giii-yati dries), original 
8U8 (cf . Lith. aaits-a-s, Sclav. auch-H dry, Zend hm-kch ; dhd-kd- 
(masc. receptacle), y/d?M (set). As secondary suffix common, 
e.g. sindhthka- (adj. derived from Sindhu), stem sindhu- (nom. 
propr.) ; putra-kd- (masc. little son), putrd- (masc. son), etc. 

Greek. Primary in Orf-icq (store-place), ^0e (place, lay) ; 
very common secondarily (cf . Budenz, das Suffix ko^ im Griech- 
ischen. Gottingen, 1858), e.g. ^uo-^-^rf-, ^va-t-, drjkvKO', OrjXvy 
KapSui'tcO', KCbp^ta, 'Koyirtco" (if rightly separated thus) X070-, etc. 
Suffix 'ur/co- here forms diminutives, e.g. TrcuB-ia/eo-^, iratB-la-KTjf 
stem ircuS'y etc. 

Latin. Here also but few primary formations can be 
pointed to with certainty, as pau-co- (adj. few), cf. Gk. irav-po- 
(small), Goth, fav-a (adj. few) ; lo-co-, early sth-cO" (masc, 
place), from ^stal, stla, further formation from ^sta. Second- 
arily very common, as in Gk,, e.g. ciui-co-j stem ctUi-, urbi-co', 
stem «rW-, ie/ft-co, stem bellO', etc. 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

246 SF. ORiGL. 'yam-, stems in indo-eub. sk. 

i 104. 8. Formation of Ctomparative- and Superlative-Stems. 

Comparative- STEMS. 

1. Suffix original -yam-. 

This suffix is perhaps a variation from a still earlier -yant-, 
and akin to -ant-, -mant-, -vant- (§§ 101, 91, 90) ; in these 
suffixes also we see t frequently passing over into s, and t^s 
change seems to have taken place in the case of -yam- as early 
as the original-language, since a *yant' appears nowhere (e.g. 
mdvadr-hhiSy but ydvzyo'bhis, i.e. ^yamyas-bhis). The suffix is a 
primary one, and is added directly to the final of the root. 
Like most primary-suffixes it is in its use confined to a few 
particular roots. 

Indo-European original-language. E.g. nav-yans-, 
from nav-a- (new) ; magh-yam-, from magh-ant- or perhaps 
also magh-ara- (great) ; avdd-yanS', svad-u- (sweet) ; dk-yans-, 
dk'U (swift), etc. 

Sanskrit. In later Sanskrit the early form -yaws- is re- 
tained as -yas' only after vowels, but in the earlier language 
(Yed.) also after consonants, in which case the later Sk. substi- 
tutes 'zyas' for -yas-, y being split up into iy (§ 15, b) and the 
short vowel being lengthened before y (§15, a). The Sk. form 
-^yaS' shows its modem date also by the fact that it is still 
wanting in a language so closely akin as Zend. 

Suffix -yas- ; e.g. Ved. ndv-yaa- from ndva- (new) ; Sk. 
hhU-yaS' from bhU-ri- (much) ; gyd-yas- (older) y/gya (grow 
old), positive not used ; atheyas-, i.e. ^stha-iyas- or ^sthd-iyas^, 
from sthird' (firm) for ^stha-ra' (§ 7), ^/stha (stand) ; spheyas^, 
i.e. ^spha-iyas-y sphi-rd- (swollen), for *«pAa-ra-, ^spAa (wax, 
. swell) ; pre-yas- from priy-d- (dear), with root- vowel raised a 
step (or perhaps from an older root-form j?ra), etc. 

Suffix 'iyas-; e.g. vdr-zyas- (better), r(fr-fl- (good) and ur^ for 
*var'ii (broad, wide) ; drdgh-lyas-, dirghd- (long) for ^dargh-a- 
(§ 8), y/*dargh (dark), *dragh^ and with many other adjectives 

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STEMS MrnH SF. -yarn-, gk. lat. 247 

formed with suffix -a-; gdr-tySs-, from gur-ii- (heavy) for § 104. 
*gar'ii- (§ 7), like it, from Vff^ff Idgh-lyaS' from lagh-ii- (Kght) ; 
df^tySa-, Ye<L from af-6- (swift), and so with other adjs. formed 
with siiffix -w- ; ksSd'tySs' from ksud-rdr (small, scanty) from 
Vksud with step-formation ; ydv-lyaS' from yiivan- (young), ^/yu 
with step -formation ; mdh-iyaa' from maA-cin^-, Ved. maA- 
(great), ^/mah. 

As a secondary suffix -iyas- appears in certain cases only, e.g. 
mattyaS' from mati-mant' (intelligent), md'ti" (mind, insight, 
^/ma -^ suffix 'ti- + also -mant-), etc. These words are treated 
according to the analogy of the above-mentioned, as if e.g. 
mat were root of matt". 

Greek. The 8 of the suffix -yam- (the 8 is retained in the 
superlative, v. post.) is lost, and the y changed to « or combined 
with a preceding consonant into co-, f (§ 68, 1, d. e), e.g. 
KaK'ioV' (n. sg. masc. /ccucioov) from kcuc-o- (bad), ^kok; eKaaaoih^ 
i.e. *i7uiX'yov', iKa'xy (light), y/i-XaX' 5 ^^-f^ov- from fih-v- 
(sweet), ^/f}h^ aZ\ exO-tov- from ix'^'po- (hostile), from e^^-, 
which serves here as a root ; fiei^oV', i.e. ^fiey^yov, from fiey-a^, 
fMey-dXo' (great), ^/fiey ; TrXefoi/-, irXiov, f .f. pra-yam-, iroK-ih 
(much), f.f. par-U', ^pra^par; so too fAe-loV' (less), f.f. ma-yarn, 
from a root ma, which mostly appears weakened to mi, mi-n (cf . 
Sk. mi-nd-mi, mi-ni-mi, pf . ma-ma, mormdii, fut. md-sydmi (throw 
down, annihilate). 

Latin, -yarn- became -yorn- and subsequently -td«- (e.g. 
ma(g)imbu8; § 77, 1, a), later -tSr- ; in ace. n. neut. the later 
language also shows still the old s in the form -iu8, i.e. -ya8 
with loss of the n. In Lat. the comparative is regularly formed 
by means of this suffix, which is therefore used as a secondary 
one also. E.g. *mag-idr-, hence md-wT' (§ 77, 1, a), n. neut. 
md-%u8, but adverb mag-is for ^mag-im, mag-no- (great) ; plus, 
pUms (more) from *plo-im=:7rX£-lov, f.f. pra-yans-, ylpra'=-par 
(fill), pleores (carmen Aruale) for *ple-ior-es, y/pk:=-plo, original 
pra, compar. of ple^ro- (pkrus Cato, pkri-que), ple-nO' (full) ; 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

248 STEMS WITH SFF. -^arfl- AND -ra-. indo-bub. sk. 

i 104 leU'tdT', i.e. *kgu'idr', can come eqiially well from *kg'idr- 
(§ 73, 1), V%"> f'f' ^9^9 or, though less probably, from adjec- 
tive-stem kgU' in leui' (light), i.e. *leg'Ui', a further fonnation 
of *leg'U-, Sk. lagh-ii', Gk. eXa^-v- ; min-dr' (smaller), from a 
root min, stands for *min'idr'y miip-m for *mw-ft«-, f.f. wan-yan«-; 
doct'tdr- from rfoc^- (doctus learned, ^doc)^ which loses its final 
vowel only before the suffix, like all adjs. in vowels ; facH-idr- 
homfactli- (easy to do ; Vf^)9 etc. 
i 105, 2. The suffix -tara- and -ra-. 

The suffix -tara- is the ordinary comparative suffix in Sk., 
Zend, and Greek ; it is also found here and there in the other 
languages. It is a secondary suffix ; primary but rarely. 

The suffix "tara-JB very probably compounded of the two fre- 
quent stem-formative suffixes -ta- and -ra-; -ra- occurs also alone 
in the function of comparative formation, e.g. Sk. dm-ra- (lower), 
from dva (prep, of), dpa-ra- (hinder, latter), dpa (prep. of) = 
Zend apa'Ta- from apa; cf. Lat. sup-eru-s, sup-er, inf-eru-s, 
inf-er (mp-er-ior^ inf-er-ior, add to the older comparative element 
— ^which has lost its comparative force — the ordinary compara- 
tive suffix). 

Indo-European original-language. 

The suffix 'tara- was, it seems, already applied to the function 
of forming comparatives from pronominal-stems and the like ; 
thus an undoubted primitive stem is found in an-tara- (interior) 
from pronominal ^an, stem ana- (demonstr.), where exception- 
ally the suffix is probably primary ; moreover ka-taror (uter), 
pronominal-stem and ^/ka' (interrog.). 

Sanskrit, -tara- (masc. -tara-s, fem. ^tard) is added to the 
end of nominal-stems simply (used also in case of substantives) ; 
variant nom.-st6ms have their shorter stem-forms before this 
suffix, e.g. piinya-tara" from piinya- (pure) ; ha-tara- (uter, 
interrog.), kor (quis) ; ya-tard- (uter, rel.), ya- (rel.) ; l-tara- 
(other), ^/^ (is) ; giiM-tara- from fA^t- (pure) ; agnimdUtara- 
from agnimdnt' (being with fire) ; vtdvdt'tara-, Ved. also vidii- 

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STEMS WITH SF. 'tarOr. GK. LAT. S49 

'tarory stem vidvanUy mdmne-, weakened to vidm- (part. pf. act.; § 105. 
knowing, cunning) ; dhanl-tara-y Ved. also dhanin-tara-, dhanin- 
(rich). In dn-tara- (interior) -tarch is primary, ^an, stem ana- 
(demonst.) ; -tara" is found after comparatives in ^t/ans-, and 
after superlatives in ^is^tha- also, e.g. frestha-tara- from (restha- 
(best; cf. * Superlative'). 

Greek. SuflGlx -t6/)o- = original and Sanskrit 'tara-, e.g. 
/cowf>6'T€po-y Kov^' (light), iro-repo- ioT Ko-repo- (uter) from 
root and pron.-stem tto-, tco- (quis), but after a short vowel 
preceding, with final o, original a, lengthened, e.g. co^xo-Tepo-, 
ao<l)6' (wise) ; yXv/cv-Tepo; yXv/cv- (sweet) ; x^p^f ecr-Te/w- for 
*F€T'T€po (§ 68, 2) from x^p/^/vein--, in shorter form x^p/fer, 

Cases like ^tK-repo' from <l>l\o- (dear) treat 'T€po- as primary- 
suffix, whilst in ^CKaC'Tepo-y taal-repQ^y fiea-ai-repo-, and the 
corresponding superlatives, ^CKjalrraro-f fAeaal-rarO', etc., there 
is an underlying stem different from that of the regularly-formed 
^CKdy-repo-y etc. 

Note, — ^Benfey (Or. u. Occ. ii. 656) assumes as a basis for 
this formation an early locative in cm, since in Sk. in certain 
cases before -tara-y -tama-y the locative case occurs instead of 
the stem, e.g. apardhne-tara' beside -na-tara-y from apardhnd- 
(masc. afternoon). 

The termn. -^<r-T€po-, e.g. eifSai/jbov-ia-'Tepo- from eifScufiov 
(fortunate), appears to have been transferred from adjs. in -e<r-, 
'e.g. acufyiff'TepOy a-a^^ (clear), to other stems; whilst in 
'Ic-repo-y e.g. \aX-6r-Tepo- from 'KoKo- (talkative), we can hardly 
be mistaken in seeing a combination of the suffix -yawa- in its 
shortest form -w-, with the more recent comparative-ending 
'tara- (cf. superlative -ur-ro-y and Lat. superlative in *-w-toma-, 
-ismmo-y as well as Lat. -M-fero-). 

Latin. The suffix -tara- appears only exceptionally, e.g. 
in U'terO' for *cU''ter(h or ^quo-tero-y n, sg. masc. u-ter (whether, 
i.e. which of two), neut. u4r(Hny fem. U'tray e of the suffix 

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i 105. 'terO', origmal -tara-, being ejected ; dex-ter- (right), cf . S€^L6<i, 
Sk. ddks-inor ; in-ter (between), cf . St. dn-tarch, and the like. 

In min-iS'terO" (minister servant), Osk. min'S'tro- (lesser ; 
gen. sg. masc. neut. mimtreis is attested), and mag-ia-tero' 
(magister master), Umbr. meS'trth (greater) from ^ma-is'tro-, 
*mag-k-trO', and probably in sin-iS'terO" (sinister left), the 
suffix 'tara- has been added to the comparative suffix -««- from 
-yam-y as in Gk. XaX-la-'Tepo- ; in Sk. also the comparatives in 
't/anS' and -istha* were sometimes further raised by means of 
'tara- and -tator. 


For the purpose of expressing the superlative were used the 
suffixes 'tor and its compound -tama-, in Gk. and ^rse also 
-mata-y and reduplication -tata-, in Erse also -mamch, all of 
which, as well as the simple 'ta-, often appear in other func- 
tions also (cf. § 91). These are secondary suffixes often joined 
to the end of comparative-stems. 

1. Suffix 'ta-, alone used especially in ordinal-numbers 
(q, V.) ; added to the end of comparatives in original -t/ans-y it 
forms their superlative. The reduplication -tartar occurs in 
Gk. as the regular superlative-formation beside comparatives 
in 'tarra-, 

Indo-European original-language. It is not easy to 
decide whether here we must suppose a complete magh-yam-tar 
(fiey-ur-ro^), to which the Goth, -os-ta- would seem to testify, 
and ak-yanS'ta- {&Kurro^)y etc., or magh'tS'ta-, dk-is'ta-, with 
-yam- shortened to -is-. The former assumption seems to me 
the best supported. 

Sanskrit. Suffix -^a- added to the word-stem itself, e.g. in 
ordinals aas-thd- (sixth), with -/Aa- for -ta- on account of the 
foregoing i (§ 59, 1), sas (six), JcatuT'thd" (fourth), with 'tha- 
for 'ta- (§ 52, 2), Ratur- (four). 

After the comparative-suffix -yas- ('iyas-J -ta- appears as the 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

SP. '4ar. OK. LAT. SFF. -Wfl-, -^flJ-. GK. 251 

regular formation of the superlative, -yas- being subsequently § 106, 
shortened to -w-, but '-is-ta- changed into -is-tAa- (§ 59, 1) ; 
thus e.g. mdh-datha-, ydv-istha-, Idgh-iS'tha-, gdr-is-thch, Jasod-ts-tha-y 
etc., atfdstha-y aphestha-, gyestha- are=*s^Ad-i8-/Aa-,*«pM-iJ-/Afl-, 
^gyd-ia-tha' ; prestha- either stands for pre-istha-, in which 
case the * of -t«- would have disappeared in the e, or, as I think 
more likely, an earlier ^pra is underlying, and it must be 
divided ^pra-is-ta- (cf . the comparative, § 104, with this superla- 
tive) ; in hhuyistha-f beside the comparative bhu-yas-, ^yis- has 
arisen for -is- by an unusual splitting-up of i to yi. 

Greek. Suffix -To-=Sk. -ta- is commcMi in ordinal numbers, 
thus TrpeS-To- (first), rpl-ro- (third), rirap'TO' (fourth), TrifiTT'TO- 
(fifth), fic-To- (sixth), &a-To- (ninth), SeKa-ro- (tenth), €uco<r-^6' 
(twentieth), etc. 

-To-=-^a-, when added to -Ao--=-yawa-, forms superlatives to 
comparatives in -4oi^=origl. ^yans-y e.g. KOK-Kr-n-o-y eKay^-va-TO-y 
rjB-ta-'TO'y €j(j9'UT'T0-y fj^'ia-TO', TrXe-wr-TO-, etc. (cf. § 104)- 

The redupHcated form of the suffix, -ia-ich = Qk. -Ta-ro-, 
appears as the regular superlative formation beside the com- 
paratives iH'tOrrOr'y e.g. KOV^'Ta-TC'y aO^HO-Ta-TO-y yKUfahTOrTO'y 

yapifea'Ta-TO'^ ^tK-ra-ro-y ^^XoZ-ra-ro-, evScufiov-ia-ra'TO-y 
XaXur-ra'TO'. These superlatives were formed, as the adduced 
examples show, corresponding to the parallel comparative forms 
in 'Tepo-y which may be compared (§ 105). 

Latin. Suffix -to-, -tu-y = Sk. and original -ta-, rarely serves 
as superlative-suffix in Latin, where -wo-=Sk. -ma-, and -ti-mO', 
'Si-mo-y f .f . -ta-nichy is preferred ; ag. quar-to- (fourth) ; quo-to- 
(which in order or number), stem and ^quo-y original ka-. 

After -w-=-yaws- is found not -^o-, but only the representative 
of original -to-wfl- (q. v,), 

2. Suffix -ma- and ma-ta- here and there in Gk, § 107. 

I have not before me any perfectly certain example of suffix 
-ma' used to express the superlative in the original Indo- 
European; however, as -ma- appears in three divisions of the 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

252 SF. -ma-, sk. gk. lat. sp. 'tama-. indo-eub. 

i 107. speech-stem in this function, it must be presupposed as existent 
in the original -language. Perhaps sapta-mo' (seventh) and 
aktarfnor (eighth) must be ascribed to the fundamental-language, 
because in these numbers this method of forming the ordinal is 
almost universal. 

Sanskrit. SufiOlx -nM' forms the superlative in am-ma- 
(imdermost, next, last), from dva^ (as prep. * from '), a prono- 
minal-stem (demonstr.) ; madhya-md-f rnddhya- (mid-) ; para-md- 
(furthest, last, best), pdra- (removed, excellent) ; ddi-md" (first), 
ddi (beginning) ; sapta-md- (seventh), saptdn^ (seven) ; asta-md- 
(eighth), asta' (eight) ; navchmd- (ninth), ndmn- (nine) ; 
daga-md' (tenth), ddgan- (ten). 

Greek. The superlative sulBx -/to-, f.f. -ma-, is not fre- 
quent, it forms ifiSo-fiO" (seventh) alone, from hrrd, with a 
remarkable softening of 'ttt to /3S in the stem of the word. 

In €/3So-/Lta-To- (seventh) we find suffix -mfl-^a-, as in Keltic, ' 
which is seen immistakably in Trv-fm-To- (last) also. 

Latin. Sufl^ -mo-, f.f. -ma-, is a favourite means of forming 
superlatives, e.g. sumrmO' from *mp-mO' (highest), sup-, cf. 
«wp-er, comparative; infi-mo-y cf. comparative tn/fe-ro-; mini-nKh, 
cf . min-dr" ; moreover the ordinals pn-mo-, septi-nKh, deci-mo-. 

In plurim(h (most), earlier plimm(h, ptaurumo-, ploirumo-, 
ptt-d-mo-y a f .f . *^ra-yan«-ma- seems to be imderlying ; between 
8 and m the auxiliary vowel u occurs (cf . s-u-my § 43), later ♦ 
(§ 43) ; thus by the usual eiiortening of -t/ans- to -«-, arose 
*^fo-t«-«-mo-, i.e. ploirumO', and by coalescence of (d to et, i (as 
in dat. abl. pi. of the o-stem, e.g. nauis, notma from ^rwwm), 
*plmmO'; in plourutjuh, later plurimo-, y may have been lost (as 
in minu» for *mm-yti«), so that this form poiats back to a form 
*plo-yti8'thmo-, ]jke plus, plom, to *pl(hyu8. 
i 108. 3. SuflGlx "torma- occurs in Sk., Zend, Gk., Lat. and Gothic, 
and dates therefore from the common original-language. 

Indo-European original-language. Although the 
su£BbL 'tama' was in existence, we can hardly point to any 

Digitized by VjOOQlC 

SF. 'tama-. sk. lat. 253 

word-stems provided with this sufl&x ; a form nava-tama' (per- § 108. 
haps beside nav-yam-tar) maj be merely conjectured. 

Sanskrit, -ta-ma- is the regular superlative formation be- 
side the comparatives in 'tara-, thus e.g. pitnya-tamar^ ka-tamd" 
(one of many, interrog.), ya-tamd" (which of many, rel.) ^Jci- 
'tamchy agnimdMamory mgati-tamd- (twentieth) from vtgdti-, etc. 

Suffix -tama' occurs also after comparatives in -yam-y and 
superlatives in -isthch, e.g. gyeathortamar. 

Greek. "Wanting. 

Latin. The suffix original 'tamo- occurs somewhat seldom 
added directly to the root or stem of the adj. ; but it is the 
regular means of forming superlatives, in which case it is added 
to the comparative in -yam-; f.f. -^-wa-, i.e. Lat. -tti-mo-, 
'ti'fnO'y after gutturals -si-wo- (§ 77, 1, d) is added to the root 
in maximO' (greatest), i.e. *mag'ttm(h, cf. mag-is, mag-nm ; 
ojhtimO', op'tumO' (best) ; uh-timo- (last) ; in'timo- (inmost), etc. 
Suffix 'timo-, or more probably -wwo- (cf . maC'SimO'), is directly 
added to adj. -stems only when they end in r or /, stems ending 
in a vowel lose that vowel; thus ueter-rinuh for ^ueter-Bimo-y 
from *ueter'timO'y stem ueter- (old ; cf . torreo for ^torseo and the 
like), pulcher-rimO', stem puhhero- (beautiful) ; /acil'lim(h for 
*facil'8imO' from yiml-Umo-y imless indeed these forms be for 
*ueter'i8'tim0', ^fadl-iS'timO', whence *tceter8timO'f *facihtimO'y 
*ueter8imO'y *facikimo^ (cf. uellem from ^tcel-aem). 

From the f.f. *'t8-tamchy the combination of the comparative 
suffibt 'iS'^^-yam' with the 'tama- of the superlative, arose next 
-iS'tumo-y 'is-timO'y retained in the archaic soll'iS'-timO' ; from 
'iS'tumO'y 'iS'timo-y arose -iasumo-y isstmo-y by regular assimila- 
tion, e.g. doct'iS'SimO'y etc. Cf. tnag-iS'tery min-is'tery which 
show the combination of the comparative suffix -yaw«--|--^arfl- 
(cf. § 105), and therefore stand parallel to superlative -ya«s- + 
"tama-y and the corresponding Sk. superlative formations. Cf. 
the suffix 'timO' in other functions, mari'timo- (maritime), stem 
mari' (neut. mare, sea) ; fini'timo- (neighbouring), flni- (finis 
masc. bound) ; kgi-timo- (lawful), stem leg-, ligi- (lex, fern. law). 

* " Digitized by VjOOQIC 


4. Stems of Numerals. 

Stems of Fundamental Numbers. 

Simple numbers 1-10. 

1. Indo-European original-language. 

The stem for the first numeral cannot be determined with 
absolute certainty, because the several Indo-Eur. languages 
differ greatly in fhe way they express the number one. Various 
stems in Indo-Eur. indicate the notion of the No. 1, but yet 
they are all alike formed from ^Ji; ai-na- has most in its 
favour, because it serves to indicate the number one in the two 
European divisions of the Indo-European, and is likewise found 
in the Aryan in another function. 

Sanskrit, ika-, probably a stem-formation by means of 
suffix -ka- from pronominal suffix t, or, what is not very 
diflferent, a compound of at from i with pronominal ^ka. 

Greek. Nom. sg. m. eh, i.e. *€z/-9, ntr. &, gen. €j/-09, fem. 
fiia (cf. Leo Meyer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. v. 161 sqq., viii. 129 sqq., 
161 sqq. ; id. vgl. Gramm. der griech. u. lat. Spr. ii. 417 sqq.). 
Stem ev', f.f. aan-, is considered as standing for sam-, and this 
aam (cf. Lat. sim-plex, sem-el, stn-gulij, after losing a final a, as 
corresponding to Sk. samd-^ (similar, like ; a superlative of 
demonstr.-stem so-). This view is especially supported by fem. 
fjLia, which probably stands for ^'fila, i.e. 8m'yd''=.8am'yd' (a 
ya-stem, fem. only, as frequently). It cannot well be doubted 
that h' contains the pronominal-root «a-; however, we hold 
that the final n is a later formation in Greek, cf. stem tI-V'=^ 
original ki- (pron. interrog.), because a change of suffix -ma- to 
n is imexampled. So we conjecture for masc. neut. a stem 
sa-n-y developed from ««-, but recognize in fem. a f.f. sa-myd, 
thus varying from that of masc. and neut., i.e. a superlative- 
stem in -ma-, fem. -mya, from same y/sa. 

Latin. Early Latin oz-wo-, whence ti-wo-, f.f. ai-na-, is, like 

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Sk. pronominal-stein e-na- (this), a stem in -nor from demonstra- § 109. 
tivo-pronominal y/i. 

2. Indo-European original-language duo* or dva-^ 
Sanskrit d/oa-^ Greek Si;o-=c?m-; Latin rfwo-=Si;o- f'c^wo-Jt^ 
like ambo-bm is probably caused by tbe nom. dual duo, ambd, 
f.f. dvd, ambhd). 

3. Indo-European original-language ^rt-; -t- is a 
suffix and tar, tra, the root (of. the ordinal) ; tr-i- is therefore 
probably shortened from Har-U, or perhaps from Hra-i- by loss 
of the a; the assumption that tri- is an archaic weakening 
from tra- is, I think, less Kkely; Sanskrit tri-, the fem. 
having the stem 'ti'Sar-, in which Bopp conjectures a redupli- 
cation, and which he imagines to have arisen from ^ti-tar-^ 
Greek T/04-; Latin fn-. 

4. Indo-European original-language hatvar-; 
Sanskrit Jcatvdr-, shortened Uatiir-, fem. Hatasdr- (clearly 
formed after the analogy of 3, according to Bopp compounded 
with it, in which case ha = ' unum ') ; Greek rkrvap-, reaaap-, 
for *T€TFap', KerFap', D6r. rerop- for ^rerFop-, with T=original 
k (§ 62, 1), Boidt. irerrap-, Hom. and Aiol. irlavp-, f.f. katur-, 
ir-=.K (§ 62, 1), and <r before v=t, as in ot; for tu; Latin 
quatuor-, the best authenticated spelling quattuor is imsupported 
etymologically (inscriptions have also quattor, quator). 

5. Indo-European original-language kankan-, an 
obviously reduplicated form; 8 an sin it pdnJcan-, with j?=A: 
(§ 52, 1) ; Greek wevre, Aiol. irifiire, ir and t=« (§ 62, 1) ; 
Latin quinque. 

6. Indo-European original-language. By combin- 
ing the Zend khsvas on the one side with the Greek, Latin and 
Gothic form with final ks on the other, the resulting f .f . would 
be ksvaks for Indo-European (Ebel, Beitr. iii. 270 ; Zeitschr. 
xiv. 259 sqq.), which likewise seems to be reduplicated, perhaps 
original ^ksvorksva' ; Sanskrit sas, probably immediately from 
^kaaki for ^ksa-ks (§ 55, 2) ; Greek and Latin with dissimila- 

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256 STEMS OF FUND. NUMERAJ.S 7-10; 11-19. 

109. tion of the initial soiind from a f.f. ^svaka for ^ksmks, Gk. If, 
D6r. Fi^, like Lat. sex, both therefore from *8vek8 (Leo Meyer, 
Zeitschr. ix. p. 432 sqq. ; cf. Lat. se for *8ve, etc.). 

7. Indo-European original-language probably sap- 
tan-; Sanskrit saptdn-ylAter saptan-; Greek €7rTa,i.e. ^sc^tan- 
{a=an § 19) ; Latin septem, i.e. *septim. Bopp supposes that 
the m of septe-m has worked its way in from the ordinal 
septi-fnO'y because it would be imlikely that n should change to 
m; possibly however an otherwise unusual sound-change is 
found in it, and we should not cut the Latin numeral adrift 
from the Erse and the Greek. 

8. Indo-European original-language. Stem aktu-; 
Sanskrit astdn-, later as tan-, probably after the analogy of 7 
and 9j and astu- (the latter in the nom. acq. astdu, probably 
shortened from *aktdv-as or *aktdv-a8, apparently a dual-form, as 
also in Gk. and Lat.) ; Greek okto), Latin octd, dual-forms 
arising just like Sk. astdu through loss of the termination, in 
which respect the notion of 4 -f- 4 may have assisted ; in oySoF-O'-, 
octdu-o-, the f.f. of the stem aktu- is unmistakable; it occurs also 
in Goth, and Lith. 

9. Indo-European original-language navan-; San- 
skrit ndvan- ; Greek ipvia, i.e. *v€Fa{v) with € prefixed, and 
unoriginal doubling of initial consonant v ; Latin n<mem (on 
the m cf. 7). 

10. Indo-European original-language dakan- ; the 
conjecture that dakan stands for ^dva-kan- (kan for kan-kan), 
i.e. 2 X 5, is not proved, but it is too tempting to be passed by ; 
Greek Sixa, i.e. *BeKav; Latin decern, i.e. *decim (cf. 7). 

The nuijaerals 11-19. They were formed by joining the 
number 10 to the units ; in some languages we clearly see a 
mere addition. 

Indo-European original-language. Originally the 
two words would probably exist separately, e.g. perhaps 12 
dud dakan; 18, trat/^as dakan, etc. 

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STEMS OF FUND. NUMERALS 11-20; 20-90. 257 

Sanskrit. 11, ikordagan', with, lengthening of final a of §110. 
stem eka^ (one) ; 12, dva-dagau', dvd probably must be con- 
sidered a dual; 13, trdj/d-dafan^, later trayi-^agan'^ n. pi. 
trayas+dagan- ; 14, Jcdtur-dagan- ; 15, pdAJca-dagan-; 16, «5- 
-dagan-; 17, adpta^dagan; 18, astd^dagan-, with dual-form asta; 
19, ndva-dagan-. 

Greek. 11, hf-hexa; 12, hoa-Zeica; from 13 the words origin- 
ally separate are merely joined together, e.g. ia rpur-Kai-ScKa, 
rpi^ must be taken as a shorter form for rpek ; 14, reaaap^-icalr 
'h&ca, etc. 

Latin. un-decimioT*tmi'd^m\ 12, dtw-decim; IS, tr^-decim, 
perhaps with older stem-form tra-, cf . ter-tiiM^ or else tre- is a 
shortening from tree; 14, quatiwr'dedm, etc. 

The numerals 20-90 (the intermediate numerals do not need § 111. 
discussion here; they are clear in all languages, and mostly 
quite imcompounded). In Aryan and South-European 20-90 
were expressed by means of units compounded with a substan- 
tive formed from daka-, mostly shortened or otherwise altered. 
Whereas in the North-European division units and tens are 
separate words, at most joined together. The contrast between 
the two closely-related branches of the speech-stem — Aryan and 
Ghraeco-italo-keltic — and the Sclavo-teutonic is here clearly shown 
(cf. Introduction, IV.). It is scarcely to be supposed that in 
the original-language composition had already taken place; but 
the teiis and units would still be separate words. 

Sanskrit. The tens were originally expressed by daga-tt-, 
dagoria^ the units being prefixed. Of daga-ti, however, -fa^t- 
and even -^»- only remains, of dagortch only -gat' ; so strong is 
the tendency to diminution in words so much used. 

20, m-gdU" for ^dvi'^dagaU-, the nasal of vt=:*di^ and the 
corresponding nasal of the two following numerals is obscure ; 
perhaps we may detect in it the remains of a case-ending. It 
is shown by the Zend to be a late formation. 30, tn-gat-, 
probably for Hnni dagatd, whence probably the nasal arose 

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258 STEMS or fund, numerals 20-90. 

i 111. which worked its way into 20 and 40 by analogy; 40, Jcatvart- 
-gat' ; 50, panJcd-gdU ; 60, ic&'ti ; 70, sapta-ti* ; 80, aghti-, a 
form widely differing from the original ; 90, nava-ti-, all with 
'ti-' for *dagati. 

Greek. Except in 20, where likewise a form ddkorti ap- 
pears, 'Kovra appears as the second part of the compound, 
probably a neut. pi., f.f. dakan-ta, from a sg. ^dakan-ta-m. 20, 
€t'Ko<n=:*€l'K<yn (§ 68, 1, c), Hom. ieUoa-t, earliest form D6r. 
FeUaTL, FiKart ; FtxaTi stands for ^dm-dakchti, the length of / 
may have its origin in an torlier case-ending, whence may 
come also et; ieucoai, i.e. i-FeUoai, with the frequent vowel- 
prefix before consonantal beginning (§ 29, 2). 30, rpid-Kovra, 
i.e. Hrid'dakan'tdy similarly with the following ; 40, reaaapd" 
'Kovra ; 50, ireinfi-Kovra ; 60, i^KOvra ; 70, ifiSofii^'KovTa, 
formed with the ordinal, like 80, oySoij-Kovra, and probably 
also 90, evevrj'Koinay Hom. also ewT^-Kovra, which we should 
accordingly take for a shortening of evevri-Kovra ; eveifrj-Kovra^. 
Lat. nond-ginta; the ordinal ^ive-vo' from ^e-veFa-vo-y it is true, 
presupposes a strong shortening; the sufl&x -yo-, as in Lat. 
'fio-nO' (v. Ordinals), we must treat as having arisen from -/tto- 
through assimilation to the initial sound. 

Latin. Except -gin-ti in 20, -ginrta generally appears, 
probably a neut. pi. ; -gin-ti and -gin-ta stand for *degin'ti, 
*degin'ta, and these for ^decen-ti, ^decen-ta, the f.f. of these 
stems is dakafi'ti-, dakan-ta- ; c has here become g, even as 
uicmmus from a form *mcenti has stood its ground beside the 
unoriginal mgesimm. Accordingly 20, vt-ginti from *dvi'd€cin'i 
(cf . Gk. ; on the form, which seems to be a neut. dual, cf . 
Corssen, Krit. Nachtr. p. 96 sqq.) ; tr$'gin'ta=i*trid decintd, 
*trid becoming *tri€, aad this becoming tri, like s^yd-t, siet, sit 
(3 sg. opt., ^/e8) ; 40, quadrd-gin-ta, with softening of ^ to rf, 
ioT*quatuord decintd; 50, quinqud-gin-ta ; 60, sexd-gin-ta; 70, 
septud-ginta from a stem septtw-, which does not appear else- 
where ; 80, octo-ginta ; 90, nond-ginta, from the ordinal, cf . the 

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STEMS OF FUND. NUMERALS 100-1000. 259 

Greek, with whieli the Latin essentially coincides in these for- § 111. 

Numerals 100-1000. §112. 

100. Indo-European original-language. Probably 
stem kan-ta- neutr., ace. n. sg. kan-ta-m, a shortening of ^dakan- 
'dakan-ta-, i.e. dakan'+ subst. dakan-ta- which forms the tens ; 
we found it already shortened to kan-ta- (Zend -gata-, Greek 
-Kovra, Latin -ginta). (dakan-daj kania- thus means *ten-ty, 
*B€fcij/covTa, *decaginta. The n of kan-ta is kept in Lat., Kelt., 
Lith. and Goth., but is lost elsewhere. 

Sanskrit gdta-; Greek e-zcaro-, I can be nothing else than 
a diminished form of iv- (one) ; Latin cento-. 

200-900. Originally expressed in two words. Sanskrit 
by two words, or by ordinary composition (e.g. dve gate or 
dvigata- neut.) ; Greek from stem Karo- or Koro-y f.f. kafnjta-, 
cf. Sk. gata-, was formed a derivative in -ya-, before which 
according to rule (§ 89) the stem-temunation is lost, thus 
*'/eaTU)', *'KOTU)', f.f. *'kat-ya' ; in Dor. -KaTLO- remains im- 
changed, whereas elsewhere the *-/cot«)- passes regularly (§ 68, 
1, c) into 'KoaxO', So from a hypothetical ^rptorKard or -koto, 
f.f. trid kantd 300, arose Ddric Tput-KaTio-, Attic rpiorKoatO', 
these forms being used as adjs. and in the pi. 

The Latin proceeds in a way similar to the Greek, employ- 
ing as it does the stem cento- as the second member of the 
compound adjectivally in the plural, e.g. 200, du-cento-, du 
shortened from duo ; 300, tre-cento- ; 600, quin-gento- for 
*quinC'CentO', with softening of c to ^ after n, as in 400, 700, 
800, 900 (cf. -ginta) ; 600, sex-cento- \ 900, non-gento-, from 
ordinal-stem nono-. The numerals 400, qu^drin-gento- ; 700, 
septin-gento-; 800, octin-gento-, show an analogy, which perhaps 
may be traced to septin-genti ; septtn-, f.f. saptan- ; octin- also 
corresponds to f.f. aktan-, cf. Sanskrit astan-, and so also a 
stem quadrin- has arisen from qtiadro-, shortened from quatuor 
(cf. quadra-ginta). Pott (Zahlmethode, p. 149) conjectures 

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i 112. distributive in these forms, thus quatemi (quadrinij, octoni, 

1000. The Indo-European original- language seems 
not to have possessed a word to express 1000. 

The two Aryan languages have a common word, Sanskrit 
sahdsra- (masc. neut.), Zend hazanra- (neut.). 

Greek ^fXto-, Hom. in compounds x^\o-, Boi6t. ;^€tX&-, 
Lesb. ;^iXXAO-, D6r. yrikto-^ which points to a f.f. *x«X'yo-, i.e. 
gharya-, of obscure origin. 

Latin. St. mzU-y milli' (neut.), obscure. 

Stems of the Ordinal Numerals. 

\ 113. The ordinals are, except 2, superlatives, partly however with 
peculiarities distinguishing them from other superlatives. The 
forms of the Indo-European original-language for the most 
part cannot be restored, because the different languages fre- 
quently do not coincide in the choice of the suffix. 

1. Original-language probably pra-ma-, stCTi pra- 
(before); Sanskrit jor«-^^m<i- f rom ^a- (as prep. * before') 
'\r'thama-, with th for ^ (§ 52, 2) ; Greek tt/ow-to-. Dor. irpa-TO-, 
from Trpo- 4- suffix -^a- (§ 106), and with step-formation or 
lengthening of stCTi- vowel; Latin prl-mo-, with suffix -mo- 
(§ 107), probably from ^pro-imo-y so that -mo- not -mo- has 
here been added, according to the analogy of other forms in 
^'timO" ; according to Pott (Etym. Forsch. I.^ 560) from 
*pn8'm0' (§ 77, 1, a), *pris=:prim, f.f . pro-yam, comparative of 
pra-, cf. priS'tino-y pri-die, for *pri8'die; according to Corssen 
(Krit. Beitr., 433) pri- is an archaic form (attested) =prae 
(prep. * before'), which is however clearly a case form, and 
would scarcely have admitted a superlative formation, cf. 
Umbr. pru^mu' pro-mo- ; it would perhaps be difficult to come 
to a certain decision on this point. 

2. Original-language (P) ; Sanskrit dvi-tii/a-, i.e. 

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^dvi'tych (§ 15, 2, b), probably therefore a further formation by § 113. 
means of -ya^ from ^dvi'ta- ; Greek Sev-repo^f a comparative 
(§ 105) Sev* appears to be a raised-formation from *du from 
dm; Lat. secundo- is formed not from stem dvii-y but from ^/sec, 
aeq (sequi) ; on the sufi&x cf . § 89, 2, n. 2. 

3. Indo-European original-language probably 
tar^tya- or tra-tyor, -tya" being here also a further-formation of 
-to- ; Sanskrit tr-iiya, i.e. ^tar-tya-, (§ 15, 2, b), as it appears 
to belong to the root of the stCTi tr-i-, i.e. tar or tra (v. sup. 
cardinal 3) ; Greek rpi-ro-, with superlative sufl&x -to-, which 
helps to form all other ordinals in Greek except 7 and 8 ; Aiol. 
rip^To- ; Lat. ter-tio', like Sanskrit. 

4. Original-language probably katvar-ta- ; Sanskrit 
iatttr-thd" (tha=ita), also tUr-ya-^ tur-iya-, for ^Jcatur-ych, with 
loss of initial and suffix -ya-, not elsewhere used by itself to 
form superlatives ; we have already noted the combination of 
-ya- with -to- ; here also we see the frequent phenomenon of 
two suffixes occurring combined, — ^as here -t^ya-, i.e. 'ta^ya^, — 
either of which can exercise the same functions as the com- 
pound; Greek rh-ctp^ro' for *T€T/Nap-To- ; Latin quar-UhioT 
*quattior'tO', qtrntor-to- (on these forms cf. Corss. Krit. Nachtr., 
p. 298, 3). 

5. Original-language probably kankan-ta- or perhaps 
already kan-ta- ; Sanskrit panRa-md-, Ved. panRa-tha-y with 
well-known suffixes ; Greek Tri/iwr-To- ; Latin ^Mtfi(^c^-to-. 

6. Suffix 'ta- throughout, which therefore must be ascribed 
to the original-language with certainty, thus perhaps 
ksmks'ta- ; Sanskrit sas-thd- ; Greek &c-to-, probably for 
*€f-To-, cf. Latin sex-to. 

7. Indo-European original-language sapta'tnO', or 
m^to- to-, or perhaps 8aj!>ton- to- P; Sanskrit «apto-m(f-; Greek 
l^Bo-fJbO' for *eirTo-fiO', with irregular softening of mutes ttt 
into sonants fiB, according to the conjecture of G. Curtius and 
Leo Meyer (cf. Curt. Gr. Et.' p. 488), through the influence of 

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262 STEMS OF NUMERALS. ORDINALS 8-10; 11-19; 20-90. 

i 113. the /», before which o forced its way as an auxiKary vowel at a 
later date (cf . Old BvlgSsed-mii for ^sept-mH) ; archaic and poet, 
form ifiSS'fjbaro' ; L atin s^ti-nKh. 

8. Original -language perhaps aktu-ma- ; Sanskrit 
asta-md' ; Greek SySoFo-, with the same weakening as in the 
case of IfiBo-fiO'y for *6/ctoFo', which, as Curt, conjectures, arose 
from *0ACTf 0-, and whose weakening of kt to 78 must be ascribed 
to the F (cf. No. 7) ; on the other hand SySoFo- and Latin 
octdtio- point to a common f.f. aktdv-a-, which is opposed to 
Curtius' supposition. The suffix here is therefore only -a-, 
which is added to the raised stem akiu- (consequently we must 
not assume either suffix -ra- as in *par'VCh, or still less -ma- 
changed into -m-J. 

9. Indo-European original -language doubtful 
whether with suffix -ma- (nava-ma'J, or with -ta- (navan-ta) ; 
Sanskrit nava-md- ; Greek li/a-TO-, evpa-rq-, probably 
shortened from *€ye/^a-To- ; Latin no-no- from ^nou-no-, 
^noui-nO'y probably from *nowt-wo- by assimilation to the 
initial sound. 

10. Original-language doubtful, as in the case of 9, 
whether daka-mor or dakan-ta-;' Sanskrit daga-md-; Greek 
ieica-ro' ; Latin ded-mo-, 

11-19. Originally by means of two words. — Sanskrit. 
Here, as in other compounds, the final a of the second element 
of dagan-, which has lost its n, serves likewise for an adjective- 
forming sufBx, e.g. 11, ekd-dagd", from ekd-dagan-; 12, dva-dagd-, 
etc. Here consequently we see suffix a also serving to form a 
superlative (as in Gk. Lat. ^akidv-a-, 8). Greek throughout 
'ieKOrTO' ; lly kv-ieKa-TO- ; 19, ei/i/ea-zcoe-Se/ca-TO-. Latin. 11, 
un-deci-mo' ; 12, duO'decirmo-, and the remaining numerals by 
separate words. 

20-90. Originally by two words. — Sanskrit either 
with 'tama-y e.g. 20, vtgati-tamd' ; 30, trtcaH-tamd- ; or by suffix: 
-a- like 11-19, with loss of final -t, 41, e.g. mgd-, tngd-. Greek . 

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To 'KOTb-y -Koma-y was added suffix -to-^ in such a way that §113. 
'KOTL' and -KovTOr- were shortened to -kot- ; hence arose *-/cot-to- 
and by rule (§ 68, 2) "Koa-To-, thus 20, el/coa-'To- ; 30, Tpuucoa- 
'TO', etc. Latin. Suffix -tumo-, -timo-, added to the suffix 
*'Cintt', *'Ctnta', which loses its final ; or rather to an earUer 
*'CenU', ^'Centa- ; thus *'Cent'tumo-, and thence regularly (77, 
1, b) 'CensumO'y -cmmO', and -gmmo- with c softened to g. 
E.g. 20, early vicemumo-, hence vicesimO', vigmmo-, f.f. would 
therefore be some such form as *dm-(da)kanti'tama'; 40, quadra- 
-gensimo-y -gesimo', etc. 

100-1000. 100. Sanskrit gata-tamd- ; Greek, with 
suffix -<rro-, apparently through the analogy of -aoto- (§ 106), 
formed from -to-, iKaro-aro' ; Latin, according to analogy of 
the tens, cent-eaimo-y as though -esimO' were the suffix (from 
^cenUtmmO' would have arisen *cemesimO', § 77, 1, b). 

200-900. Sanskrit with gatartamd- ; Greek with -oto- 
(v. 100) ; e.g. 200, hutKocrio-aro' \ Latin with centesimo, e.g. 
200, du-centmmO'y octin-gentesimo-y etc. 

1000. Sanskrit sahasra-tamd- ; Greek with -oto-, )(puo' 
-oTo-; Latin with -mmO', milUSsimO'. 


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Ahlwardt. — The DivIns of the Six AwciEirr Arabic Poets, Ennabiga, 

'ADtara, Tarafa, Zuhair, 'Algama, and Imruolgais ; chiefly according to the 
MSS. of Paris, Gotha, and Leyden, and the collection of their Fragments : with 
a complete list of the various readings of the Text Edited by W. Ahlwardt, 
8vo. pp. XXX. S40» sewed. 1870. 12«. 

Aitareya Brahmanam of fhe Big Veda. 2 yols. See under Kaug. 

Alabaster. — The Wheel op the Law: Buddhism illustrated from 
Siamese Sources by the Modem Buddhist, a Life of Buddha, and an aecount of 
H.M. Consulate-General in Siam ; M.R.A.S. Demy 8vo. pp. lyiii. and 324. 
1871. 14». 

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from the Chinese by the Rev. 8. Beal, Chaplain, R.N.— III. On the Preservation of National 
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On the Jyotisha Observation of the Place of the Colures, and the Date derivable from it. By 
William D. Whitney, Esq., Professor of Sanskrit in Yale College, New Haven, U.S.— Note on 
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Var^hamihira, Brahmagupta, Bhattotpala, and Bh&skar&ch&rya. By Dr. Bhau Dig!, Hono- 
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the Relations of the Priests to the other classes of Indian Society in the Vedic age By J. Muir, 
Esq.— IX. On the Interpretation of the Veda. By the same.— X. An attempt to Translate 
from the Chinese a work known as the Confessional Services of the great compassionate Kwan 
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CoNTKNT8.~-I. ContributionB towards a Gloasary of the AMyrian Language. By H. F. Talbot. 
—II. Remarks on the Indo-Chinese Alphabets. By Dr. A. Bastian.— IIL The poetry of 
Mohamed Rabadan, Arragoneee. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IT. Catalogue of the Oriental 
Manuscripts in the Library of King's College, Cambridge. By Edward Henry Palmer, B.A , 
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8oci6t6 Asiatique de Paris.— V. Description of the Amravati Tope in Guntur. By J. Fergusson, 
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XVIH. By Dr. H. Kern, Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Leyden.— VII. The source 
of Colebrooke's Essay ** On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow.'* By Fitzedward Hall, Esq., 
M.A., D.C.L. Ozon. Supplement : Further detail of proofs that Colebrooke's Essay, '* On the 
Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow,'* was not indebted to the yiv&dabhang&mava. By Fitz- 
edward Hall, Esq.— Vtll. The Sixth Hymn of the First Book of the Rig Veda» By Professor 
Max Muller, M.A. Hon. M.R.A.S.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions. By E. Thomas,. Esq.— X. Ac- 
count of an Embassy from Morocco to Spain hi 1690 and 1691. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— 
XI. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragom By the Hon. H* E. J. Stanley.— XII. 
Materials for the History of India for the Six Hundred Years of Mohammadan rule, previous to 
the Foundation of the BHtish Indian Empire. By Major W. Nassau Lees, LL.D.. Ph.D.— XIII. 
A Few Words oonoeming the Hill people Inhabiting the Forests of the Cochin State. By 
Captahi G. E. Fryer, Ma&as Staff Corps, M.R.A.&.-Xiy. Notes on the Bhojpurf Dialect of 
HhidI, spoken in Western Bebav. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S., Magistrate of Ghumparun. 

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CoMTSNT8.->I. Contribution towards a Glossary of the Assyrian Lan«rnage. By H. F. Talbot. 
Part II.— II. On Indian Chronology. By J. Fergusson, Esq., F.R.S.— III. The Poetry ot 
Mohamed Rabadan- of Arragon. By the Hon. H. E. J. Stanley.— IV. On the Magar Language 
of Nepal. By John Beames, Esq., B.C.S.— V. Contributions to the Knowledge of Parsee Lite- 
rature. By Edward Sachau, Ph.D.— VI. Illustrations of the Lamaist System in Tibet, drawn 
flrom Chinese Sources. By Wm. Frederick Mavers, Esq., of H.B.M. Consular Service, China.— 
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the Ceylon Civil Service.— VIII. An Endeavour to elucidate Rashiduddin's Geographical Notices 
of India. By Col. H. Yule, C.B.— IX. Sassanian Inscriptions explained by tbe Pahlavt of the 
P&rsis. ByE. W. West, Esq.— X. Some Account of the Senbyti Pagoda at Mengdn, near the 
Burmese Capital, in a Memorandum by Capt. £. H. Sladan, Political Agent at Mandal6; with 
Remarks on the Suli^t by Col. Henry Yule, C.B. — XI. The Brhat-Sanhit& ; or. Complete 
System of Natural Astrology of Var&ha-Mihira. Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. 
H. Kern. -XII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence, and its influence on the Administration of 
Justice in India. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIII. The Mohammedan Law of Evidence in con. 
nection with the Administration of Justice to Foreigners. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq.— XIV. A 
Translation of a Bactrian Pfili Inscription. By Prof. J. Dowson.— XV. Indo-Parthian Coins. 
By £. Thomas, Esq. 

Vol. V. In Two PiBirtB. pp. 468, sewed. \%s.%d. With 10 fall-page and folding 
CoNTBNi»v— I. Two J&takas. The original Pftli Text, with an English Translation: By V. 
FausboU.— II. On an Ancient Buddhist Inscription at Keu-yung kwan, in North China. By A. 
Wylie.— III. The Brhat SauhitA ; or, Complete System of Natural Astrology of Variha-Mihira 
Translated from Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— IV. The Pongol Festival in Southern 
India. By Charles E. Gover.— V. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of Arragon. By the Right 
Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.— VI. Essay on the Creed and Customs of the Jangams. By 
Charles P. Brown.— VII. On Malabar, Coromandel, Quilon, etc. By C. P. Brown.— VIII. On 
the Treatment of the Nexus in the Neo-Aryan Languages of India. By John Beames, B.C.S.— 
IX. Some Remarks on the Great Tope at S&nchi, By the Rev. S. Beal.— X. Ancient Inscriptions 
fh)m Mathura. Translated by Professor J. Dowson.— Note to the Mathura Inscriptions. By 
Major-Qeneral A. Cunningham.— XI. Specimen of a Translation of the Adi Granth. By Dr. 
Ernest Trumpp.— XII. Notes on Dhammapada,. with Special Reference to the Question of Nir- 
vAna. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon Civil Service<— XIII. The fohat-Sanhit& ; or. 
Complete System of Natural Astrology of Var&ha-mihirA. Translated from Sanskrit into English 
bv Dr. H. Kern.— XIV. On the Origin of the Buddhist Arthakathfis. By the Mudliar L.Comrilla 
Vij^inha, Government Interpreter to the Ratnapura Court, Ceylon. With an Introduction by 
R. C. ChUders, late of the Ceylon CivU Service.— XV. The Poetry of Mohamed Rabadan, of 
Arragon. By the Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley.— XVI. Proverbia Communia Syriaca. 
By Captain R. F. Burton. XVII. Notes on an Ancient Indian Vase, with an Account of the En- 
graving thereupon. By Charles Home, M.R.A.S., late of the Bengal Civil Service.— XVIII. 
TbeBhar Tribe. Bv the Rev. M. A. Shening, LL.D., Benares. Communicated by C. Home, 
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India. By N. B. E. Baillie.— XX. Comments on Recent Pehlvi Decipherments. With an Inci- 
dental Sketch of the Derivation of Aryan Alphabets. And Contributions to the Early History 
and Geography of TabaristAn. Illustrated by Coins. By E. Thomas, F.R.S*. 

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CoNTKNTS.— The Ishmaelites, and the Arabic Tribes who Conquered their Country. By A« 
Sprenger.— A Brief Account of Four .Arabic Works on the History and Geography of Arabia. 
Bv Captain S. B. Miles.— On the Methods of Disposing of the Dead at Llassa, Thibet, etc. By 
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Tariha-mihira, Translated ftom Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern.— Notes on Hwen 
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Muhainmadan Conquerors. Part II. Embradng the preliminary period between a.h. 614-634 
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Contents.— The Upasampadd-Kammavdc&y being the Buddhist Manual of the Form and 
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By J. F. Dickson, B.A., sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford, now of the Ceylon Civil 
Service.— Notes on the Megalithic Monuments of the Coimbatore District, Madras. By M. J. 
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the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By R. C. Childers, late of the Ceylon CItU Service.— The Pali 
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Valley of Choombi. By Dr. A. Campbell, late Superintendent of Dujeeling.— The Name of the 
Twelfth Imfim on the Comage of Egypt. By H. Sauvaire and* Stanley Lane Poole.— Three 
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of the Mah&vamsa. By T. W. Rhys Davids.— The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I. 
The Originee of the Mongols. By H. H. Howorth.— Inedited Arabic Coins. By Stanley Lane 
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^Sahasa Malla Inscription, date 1200 a d., and the Ruwanweeli Dagaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d. 
Text, Translation, and Notes. By T. W. Rhys Davids. -Notes on a Bactrian Pali Inscription 
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Jahfingfr. By Edward Thomas, F.R.S. 

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Translation, and Notes. By J F. Dickson, M.A., sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford, 
now of the Ceylon Civil Service.— Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 2. ProofiB of the 
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1. Ballass and Poems pbom MANrscBiPTs. Vol. I. Part I. On the 

Condition of England in the Reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. (includ- 
ing the state of the Clergy, Monks, and Friars), contains (besides a long 
Introduction) the following poems, etc. : Now a Dayes, ab. 1 520 a.d. ; Vox 
Populi Vox Dei, a.Dv 1547-8; The Ruyn' of a Ream'; The Image of 
Ypocresye, ad. 1S38; Against the Blaspheming English Lutherans and the 
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8to. pp. 36, sewed. 1870. 2«. 6<#. 

Chaucer Society's Publications. Subscription, two gnineas per annum. 

1868. First Series. 

Canteebubt Tales. Part I. 

I. The Prologue and Knight's Tate, in 6 parallel Texts (from the 6 MSS. 
named below), together with Tables, showing the Groups of the Tales, 
and their varying order in 38 MSS. of the Tales, and in the old 
printed editions, snd also Speeimens from sereral MSS. of the 
" Moveable Prologues" of the Canterbury Tales, — The Shipman's 
Prologue, and Franklin's Prologue, — when moved from their right 
places, and of the substitutes for them. 
11. The Prologue and Knight's Tate from the EQesmere MS. 
I*-!' »> « •> » ♦» »> 

AV. „ ,} ,) ,) y, ), 

'• » »> ■»» » f» » 

'!• » » w >r M »> 

VII. 9) n i» »y >» >» 

Nos. II. to VII. are separate Texts of the 6-Text edition of the Ca&terbury 
Tales, Part I. 

1868. Second Series. 

1. On Eablt English PRommciATiOK, with especial reference to Shak- 

spere and Chaucer, containing an investigation of the Correspondence of Writing 
with Speech in England, from the Anglo-Saxon period to the present day, preceded 
by a systematic notation of all spoken sounds, by means of the ordinary print- 
ing types. Ineludii^ a re-arrangement of Prof. F. J. Child's Memoirs ou the 
Language of Chaucer and Gower, and Reprints of the Rare Tracts by Salesbury 
on English, 1547, and Welsh, 1567, and by Barctey on French, 1521. By 
Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S., etc., etc. Part 1. On the Pronunciation of the 
xivth, xvith, xviith, and xviiith centuries. 

2. Essays on Chatjceb; His Words and Works. Part I. 1. Ebert's 

ReTiew of Sandras's E*tude »ur Chaucer, eonsid^e eomme Imitateur det Trouveres, 
translated by J. W. Van Rees Hoets, M. A., Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and revised 
by the Author.^II. A TUrtecKth Century Latin Treatise on the ChUindrei **For 
by my ehilwdre it is prime of day " (Shipmannea Tale), Edited, with a Trans- 
lation, by Mr. Edmund Brock, and illustrated by a Woodcut of the Instrument 
from the Ashmole MS. 1522. 

3. A Teupobaby Pbefacb to the Six-Text Edition of Chaucer's 

Canterbury Talcs. Part I. Attempting to show the true osder of the Tales, and 
the Days and Stages of the Pilgrimage^ etc, etc By F. J« Furnivall, Esq., 
M.A., Trinit? Hall, Cambridge. 

Hengwrt „ 
Cambridge „ 
Corpus „ 
Petworth „ 

Gg. 4. 27. 

Lansdowae „ 


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Chaucer Soeiety'B Publications— c^on^tnt^f^. 

1869. First Series. 

YXII. The Miller'fl, Bieeve's, Cook's, and Gamelyn's Tales: Ellesmere MS. 

IX. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ Hengwrt „ 

X. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ Cambridge,, 

XI. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ Corpus „ 

XII. „ „ ,. „ „ „ „ Petworth „ 

XIII. „ „ „ „ „ „ „ Lansdowne,, 

These are separate issues of the 6-Text Chaucer^s Canterbury Tales, Part II. 

1869. Second Series. 

4. Ekoush PBomiKciATiOK, with especial reference to Shakspere and 

Chaucer. By AuiXAMDiat J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part II. 

1870. First Series. 

XIV. Cantbrburt Tales. Part II. The Miller's, Reeve's, and Cook's 
Tales, with an Appendix of the Spurious Tale of Gamelyn, in Six 
parallel Texts. 

1870. Second Series. 

5. On Eably English Peonxjnciation, with especial reference to Shak- 

spere and Chaucer. By A. J. £llis, F.R.S., F.S.A. Part III. Illustrations 
on the Pronunciation of xivth and xvith Centuries. Chaucer, Gower, "Wycliffe, 
Spenser, Shakespere, Salesbury, Barcley, Hart, Bullokar, Gill. Pronouncing 

1871. First Series. 

XV. The Msn of Law's, Shipman's, and Prioress's Tales, with Chaucer's own 
Tale of Sir Thopas, in 6 parallel Texts from the MSS. above named, 
and 10 coloured drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the 
Ellesmere MS. 
XVI. The Man of Law's Tale, &c., &c. : EUesmere MS. 
XVII. „ „ „ „ Cambridge „ 

XVIII. „ „ „ „ Corpus „ 

XIX. The Shipman's, Prioress's, and Man of Law's Tales, from the Petworth M S. 
XX. The Man of Law's Tales, from the Lansdowne M S. (each with woodcuts 

of fourteen drawings of Tellers of Tales in the Ellesmere MS.) 
XXI. A Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I. :— *The 
Dethe of Blaunche the Duchesse,' from Thynne's ed. of 1532, the 
Fairfax MS. 16, and Tanner MS. 346; 'the compleynt to Pite/ *the 
Parlament of Foules,' and * the Compleyut of Mars,' each from six MSS. 
XXII. Supplementary Parallel-Texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I., con- 
taining * The Parlament of Foules,' from three MSS. 
XXIII. Odd Texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems, Part I., containing 1. two MS. 
fragments of * The Parlament of Foules ; ' 2. the two differing versions 
of * The Prologue to the Legende of Good Women,' arranged so as to 
show their differences ; 3. an Appendix of Poems attributed to Chaucer, 
I. 'The Balade of Pitee by Chauciers;' u. 'The Cronycle made by 
Chaucer,' both from MSS. written by Shirley, Chaucer's contemporary. 
XXIV. A One-1'ext Print of Chaucer's Minor Poems, being the best Text from 
the Parallel- Text Edition, Part I., containing: 1. The Dethe of 
Blaunche the Duchesse ; 2. The Compleynt to Pite ; 3. The Parlament 
of Foules; 4. The Compleynt of Mars; 5. The ABC, with iu 
original from De Guileville^s FeUrinage de la Vie hwnaine (edited 
from the best Paris MSS. by M. Paul Meyer). 

1871. Second Series. 
6. Tbial Fobe-wobds to my Parallel-Text edition of Chaucer's Minor 

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Chancer Society's YMiaKMona— continued. 

Poems for the Chaucer Society (with a try to set Chancer's "Works in their right 
order of Time). By Frbdk. J. FuKNivi^LL. Part I. (This Part brings out, 
for the first time, Chaucer's long early but hopeless love.) 

1872. Fir8t Series. 

XXV. Chaucer's Tale of Melibe, the Monk's, Nun's Priesf s, Doctor's, Par- 
doner's, Wife of Bath's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, in 6 parallel 
Texts from the MSS. above named, and with the remaining 13 coloured 
drawings of Tellers of Tales, after the originals in the EUesmere MS. 
XXYI. The Wife's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, from the EUesmere MS., with 
9 woodcuts of Tale-Tellers. (Part IV.) 
XXVIL The Wife's, Friar's, Summoner's, Monk's, and Nun's Priest's Tales, 
from the Hengwrt MS., with 23 woodcuts of the Tellers of the Tales. 
(Part III.) 
XXVIII. The Wife's, Friar's, and Summoner's Tales, from the Cambridge MS., 
with 9 woodcuts of Tale-Tdlers. (Part IV.) 
XXIX. A Treatise on the Astrolabe; otherwise called Bred and Mylk for 
Children, addressed to his Son Lowys by Geffrey Chaucer. £dited 
by the Kev. WalterW. Skeat, M.A. 

1872. Second Series, 

7. Obiginals and Analogues of some of Chaucer'a Canterbury Tales. 

Part 1. 1. The original of the Man of Law's Tale of Constance, from the 
French Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet, Arundel MS. 56, ab. 1340 k.D.y collated 
with the later copy,ab. 1400, in the National Library at Stockholm ; copied and 
edited, with a tmslation, by Mr. Edmund Bkock. 2. The Tale of " Mercians 
the Emperor,'* from the Early-English yersion of the Gesta Romanorum in Harl. 
MS. 7333; and 3 Part of Matthew Paris's Vita .Off<B Trimi, both stories, 
illustrating incidents in the Man of Law^s Tale. 4. Two French Fabliaux like 
the Reeve's Tale. 6. Two Latin Stories like the Friar*s Tale. 

1873. ISret Series. 

XXX. The Six-Text Canterbury Tales, Port V., containing the Clerk's and 
Merchant's Tales. 

1873. Second Series. 

8. Albertano of Brescia's Liber Consilii et Consolationis, a.d. 1246 

(the Latin source of the French original of Chaucer's Melibe)^. edited from the 
MSS. bv Dr. Thor Sundby. 

1874. First Series. 

XXXI. The Six-Text, Part VI., containing the Squire's and Franklin's Tales. 

XXXII. to XXXVI. Large Parts of the separate issues of the Six MSS. 

1874. Second Series. 

9. Essays on Chaucer, his Words and Works, Part II. : 3. John of 

Hoveden's Fraetica Chilindri, edited from the MS. with a translation, by Mr. 
E. Bbock. 4. Chaucer's use of the final -«, by Joseph Payne, Esq. 5. Mrs. 
E. Barrett-Browning on Chaucer : being those parts of her review of the Book 
of the Poets., 1842, which relate to him ; here reprinted by leave of Mr. Robert 
Browning. 6.' Professor Bernhard Ten- Brink's critical edition of Chaucer's 
Compleynte to Pite. 

1875. First Series. 

XXXVII. The Six- Text, Part VII., the Second Nun's, Canon's- Yeoman's, and 

Manciple's Tales, with the Blank-Parson Link. 
XXXVIII. to XLIII. Large Parts of the separate issues of the Six MSS. bringing 
all up to the Parson's Tale. 

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XLIV. A detailed Comparison of the Tfot/lns and Oryaeyde with Boccaccio's 
FihatratOf with a Translation of all Passages used by Chaucer, and 
an Abstract of the Parts not used, by W. Michael Rossetti, Esq., 
and with a print of the Troylus from the Harieian MS. 3943. Part I. 
XLY.) XLYI. Ryme-Index to the Ellesmere MS. of the Canterbury Tales, 
by Hbnry Cromie, Esq., M.A. Both in Eoyal 4to. for the Six-Texi^ 
and in dvo. for the separate Ellesmere MS. 

1875. Second Series, 

10. Originals and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, Part II. 
6. Alphonsus of Lincoln, a Story like the Priore88*a Tale, 7. IIow Reynard 
caught Chanticleer, the source of the Nuri's-Frieafs Tale, 8. 'J'wo Italian 
Stories, and a Latin one, like the Fardover's Tale, 9. The Tale of the Priest's 
Bladder, a story like the Summoner's Tale^ being ' Li dis de le Vescie a Prestre/ 
par Jakes de Basiw. 10. Petrarch's Latin Tale of Griseldis (with Boccaccio's 
Story from which it was re-told), the original of the Olerh'a Tale, 11. Five 
Versions of a Pear-tree Story like that in the Merchant* s Tale, 12. Four 
Versions of The Life of Saint Cecilia, the original of the Second Nun'e Tale. 

11. Early English Pronunciation, with especial reference to Shak- 
spereand Chaucer. By Alexanobr J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part IV. 

12. Life Kecords of Chaucer. Part I., The Robberies of Chaucer by 
Richard Brerelay and others at Westminster, and at Hatcham, Surrey, on 
Tuesday, Sept. 6, 1 390, with some account of the Robbers, from the Enrol- 
ments in the Public Record Office. By Walpord D. Sblbt, Esq., of the 
Public Record Office. 

13. Thtnnb's Animadvebsions (1599) on Speqht's Chaucer* b WorheSy 
re-edited from the unique MS., by Fredk. J. Fu&nivall, with fresh Lives of 
William and Francis Thynne, and the only known fragment of The Filgrim^e 

Childers. — A Pali-English Dictionakt, with Sanskrit Equivalents, 
and with numerous Quotations, Extracts, and References. Compiled by Robert 
Cjssab Childbks, late of the Ceylon Civil Service. Imperial 8vo. Double 
Columns. Complete in I Vol., pp. ixii. and 622, cloth. 1875. £3 3*. 
The first Pali Dictionary ever published. 

Childers. — A PXlt Gbamhab pok BEenwEEs. By Robebt C. Childebs. 

In ) voL 8vo. cloth. * [In preparation, 

Childers. — Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 1. On the 

Formation of the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By R. C. Childers. Demy 8vo. 

sd., pp. 16. 1873. U, 

China Seview; ob. Notes and Qttebies on the Pab East. Pub- 
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Chinese and Japanese Literature (A Catalogne of), and of Oriental 

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Chintamon. — A Commentabt on the Text ob the Bhagavad-GitI ; 

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Chintamon, Political Agent to H. H. the Guicowar Mulhar Rao Maharajah 
of Baroda. Post 8vo. cloth, pp. 118. 68. 

Christaller. — A Diotionaby, English, Tshi, (Asante), Akba; Tshi 

(Chwee), comprising as dialects Ak&n (As^nt^, Ak^m, Aknap^m, etc.) and 
¥knt6 ; Akra (Accra), connected with Adangme ; Gold Coast, West Africa. 
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Clarke. — ^Tbn Gbbai Eelioioits : an Essay in Comparative Theology. 
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Clarke. — Memoir on the Compaeative Geammae op EaypTiAN, Coptic, 
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Cleasby. — An Icelandic-English Dictionary. Based on the MS. 
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Colebrooke. — The Lipe and Miscellaneous Essays op Heney Thomas 
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Chuminffkam. — The Bhilsa Topes; or, Buddhist Monuments of Central 
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D'Alwis. — Pali Teanslations. Part First. By James D'Alwis, 
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D'Alwis. — ^A Descriptive Catalogue op Sanskrit, Pali, and Sinhalese 
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Davids. — Three Inscriptions op pAEaKRAMA Banu the Great, from 

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Davids. — SIgiri, the Lion Eock, near Pulastipura, and the 39th 

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Delepierre. — Tableau de la LrrriatATURE du Centon, chez les Anciens 
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Delepierre. — Essai Histoeiqub et Biblxographique sue les Eebus. 
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13. Seinte Maehebete, hB Mejden aitt Maettk. Three Texts of ab. 

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15. Political, Eelioiofs, ajitd Loye Poehs, from the Lambeth MS. 

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22. The Eomans of Pabtenay, ob Lusionen. Edited for the first time 

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24. Hymns of the Vibgin and Chbist ; The Pabliament of Devils, 

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27. Maniptjlus Yocabitlobum : a Bhyming Dictionary of the English 

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28. The Vision of William concebning Piebs Plowman, together with 

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38. The Vision of William concebning Piebs the Plowman, 

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39. Thk "Gbst Hystobiale" op the Destbuction of Tboy. An 

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44. Joseph op Aeimathie: otherwise called tiie Romance of the 

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and now first printed from the unique copy in the Vernon MS. at Oxford. 
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45. King Alpbed's West- Saxon Veesion op Geeck)et*s Pastoeal Caee. 

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47. SiE Datid Ltndesat's Woeks. Paet T. The Minor Poems oi 

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48. The Times' Whistle: or, A Newe Daunce of Seyen Satires, and 

other Poems : Compiled by R. C, Gent Now first Edited from MS. Y. 8. 3. 
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49. An Old English Miscellany, containing a Bestiary, Kentish 

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College, Cambridge. Edited by the Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. Part I. with 
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60. Meditacyuns on the Sopee of oue Loede (perhaps by Kobeet 

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61. The Romance and Peophecies op Thomas of Eeceldoune, printed 

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62. The Eaely Engfjsh Yeesion of the " Cuesoe Mxtndi," in Eour 
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63. The Buckling Homilies. Edited from the Marquis of Lothian's 

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