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A Cornish Parish. 

Afttr a tkatogvapi by Mr. II'. If. CnaaH. 

A Cornish Parish: 




BY • 

Vicar ; 
Author tf Church or Chaptlf—an Eirenicon " ; " Cott§erning the Church" etc. 


— A. H. C lough. 


SKEFFIN'GTON & SON, Piccadilly, \V. 
9ublitfl)cnt tatt.fB. tbc turrit anH to 16.B.K. tt^t 9vintt oC CQialrir. 


%r 5Z3o.^S 




'-.^.i<A^ t^t-^L-uT ,.^ y 


Ever since I came to St.* Austell, now fifteen years ago, I have 
had the idea of some day publishing my impressions of the 
place and its people. For I had not been here many weeks 
before I discovered that Cornwall was to me, as I believe it is 
to the majority of Englishmen, a terra incognita. It was some 
time indeed', some months at least, before I could divest myself 
of the feeling that I was living on an island. At first I ascribed 
. this impression to the broad sheet of water, the bosom of the 
Tamar, that I had crossed at Saltash, but I came later on to 
connect it, and I believe rightly, with the insularity of the 
people and the aspect of the country, for both Cornwall and 
the Cornish differ, as it seems to me, in a hundred ways — some 
of them, no doubt, sufficiently minute, but still sharp and 
precise — from the rest of England. It was said by the late 
Lord Coleridge that the Devonshire folk form a separate and 
distinct community, with peculiarities all their own ; the same 
may be affirmed, and with even a greater degree of truth, of 
the Cornish. In spite of all the travel and emigration, and of 
the considerable numbers who have lived in foreign parts and 
then returned to us, the Cornishman remains sui generis ; even 
in the Far West, as Mr. R. L. Stevenson has testified, he 
retains his individuality and isolation — caelum non animum mutat: 
how much more those who have never seen a railway, or have 
never gone ten miles from their native heath. Anyhow, what 
I saw and heard, what I was daily seeing and hearing, left on 
me the impression that I had settled in a land unlike my native 

vi. PREFA CE. 

land, the realm of the Angles and Saxons. Nor was I, I find, 
at all singular in labouring under the idea that I had pitched 
my tent among aliens. Mr. Walter White, for example, whose 
Londoner's Walk to the Land's End was published in 1855, tells 
us that ** under the influence of these strange names, the 
peculiarities of the people, and the unfamiliar landscape 
features, it seemed to " him that he " was in a foreign 
country," ** and I often," he adds, ** caught myself saying in 
conversation, * When I get back to England,' " etc.^ And I 
may almost cite the Cornish themselves as witnessing to a like 
impression, for to this day they constantly speak of English- 
men east of the Tamar as ** foreigners." However, rightly or 
wrongly, I had this feeling, and it led me to study my new 
neighbours with a degree of interest and curiosity which I had 
never experienced before — at least within our four seas. And 
every day I found something to interest me, some quaint 
characteristic, some local custom, some odd superstition, some 
trick of speech. Things familiar enough to Cornishmen, and 
never noticed by them, had to me all the charm of novelty, 
and so, believing that others would find as much pleasure in 
reading of these traits and features of our Far West as I had 
felt in discovering them, I was minded from an early day to 
put my impressions into print, and before two years had passed 
I had collected a considerable amount of material, which I 
intended to serve up some day in a light and airy fashion in 
one of the magazines. 

That I have not done so is due partly to the fact that I 
have had other and larger fish than the Cornish pilchard to 
fry — a parish like this does not leave much time for literature, 

1 The very week that I write this, a visitor in my house has volunteered a similar 
testimony. And it has been remarked (in The Times of Oct. 30th, 1896) that " There 
are natives of the South of England who will tell you that a visit to the North is to them 
always the same kind of experience as that of a visit to a foreign country." 

PREFA CE. vii. 

and what time I had was engrossed by other and weightier 
work — and partly to the discovery that I had got a good deal 
more to say — so I was vain enough to think — than I could 
compress into any magazine article. For I found myself not 
only domiciled amongst a strange people, but the custodian 
for the time being of a Church of singular interest and beauty, 
one which, to the best of my belief, stands alone amongst the 
parish Churches of England in respect of its carvings, its silent 
gospel in stone ; a Church, too, possessed of registers and 
records which, so far as I know, have never been carefully 
examined, or if they have, the results have never been pub- 
lished. It will hardly be wondered at that I came to consider 
it as almost a part of my vicarial duty to describe the Church 
and to digest and display its archives. I found myself at the 
same time the persona of a parish whose history and antiquities 
had never been described, except cursorily, as, for example, 
by county historians as a part of a larger work.^ There are 
" Accounts of St. Austell " not a few, but they are imbedded 
in volumes which embrace the whole county in their range : 
if any one had inquired for a handbook to this particular 
region, he would have asked for it in vain. Moreover, these 
accounts exhibit a wearisome sameness ; the later historians 
do little more than repeat the stories of the earlier. And so 
I came by degrees to contemplate a History of St. Austell — 
one which, by drawing its information from documentary 
evidence as yet unexplored, should have a little more life and 
vivacity and detail than any of the extant accounts, and one, 
too, which might serve as a guide to our ever-increasing 
number of tourists, and might even, thanks to the documents 

^ **No detached histories have been published of any of the Cornish towns." Lysons. 
p. 5. This was in 1814. A brief Guide to St. Austell was published in 1872 ; a newspaper 
History of Si. Austell in 1894. 

viii. PREFACE. 

just referred to, convey some information to the oldest in- 
habitants of the town and county, and certainly to that 
considerable class of readers who of late years take an interest 
in this remote region, this " Western Barbary," as some of 
them have been unkind enough to call it. 

This, then, has been the genesis of the book, and this is its 
aim : it aims at killing two birds with one stone. Alike for 
the people of St. Austell and its vicinity as for visitors to our 
shores, I have compiled an unpretentious history of the Town 
and handbook to the Church ; for the latter more especially, 
but not exclusively, I have added a description of our parish 
and neighbourhood, whilst for the reading public who are 
neither inhabitants nor immigrants (who may at the same time, 
as I hope, find in the preliminary ** Account of St. Austell " 
something to interest and instruct them) I have treated of our 
parish as a " Corner of Cornwall," and have attempted a 
portrait, an outline, of the Cornish people, their manners and 
customs. There seemed to me to be the more reason for 
attempting this delineation in that these local customs and 
idiosyncrasies cannot in the nature of things last very much 
longer. Even now we are gradually — I might say, rapidly — 
oecoming assimilated to the rest of England, and with our 
increasing contact with the outer world and the inrush of 
visitors,^ " foreigners," every summer, it is impossible that our 
insularity — or shall I say, individuality ? — can be maintained 
for many more years. All local usages are fleeting ; all, I fear, 
are doomed to absorption, and it is as well to photograph 
them before they fade away and are no more seen. 

So much as to the book : one word as to the writer. There 
was a minister of France who declared that he had not had 
the portfolio of his office in his hands for three days before he 

1 These visitors are said to have already modified our language very considerably. 


had risen to the occasion and felt himself equal to the dis- 
charge of all its responsibilities. I have been parish minister 
of St. Austell — to compare small things with great — for fifteen 
years, but I readily confess that I have not undertaken the 
role of its historian without some misgivings. It is not that I 
am no architect and no archaeologist ; that is, no doubt, a sad 
defect, but it does not dismay me, for I can still give a plain, 
straightforward account of the Church and Town, and of the 
surrounding country ; and I have not always found the descrip- 
tions of experts to be the most entertaining : they will persist 
in encumbering their pages with dry professional details, 
and they make such a prodigious fuss about trifles. But 
I do labour under one serious disability : I am not a Cornish- 
man ; I am myself a foreigner. I do not believe for a moment 
that this county hides within its bosom as many secrets and 
mysteries as Mr. Quiller Couch, for example, in his Delectable 
Duchy, would have us think ; still, it has some arcana, and I 
feel that I am at a great disadvantage in not being " to the 
manner born." For as it is essential in order to speak a 
language perfectly to have acquired it in childhood, so it is 
almost indispensable, in order to know a people thoroughly, 
and therefore to describe them accurately, to have been bom 
and bred amongst them. I fear, consequently, that when I 
come to describe our local idioms, whether of speech or con- 
duct, my acquaintance with the subject may not equal my 
ambition to do justice to the theme. Nor does the reflection 
that a stranger, an onlooker at the game, so to speak, has 
compensating advantages (in that he remarks details and 
detects differences which would hardly occur to aborigines) 
altogether reassure me. Still, I do not think the reader need 
be under any great anxiety on this score, for I have availed 
myself of the kind help of natives and experts — I must express 


my special obligations to the Rev. Preb. Hingeston- Randolph, 
who has looked over some of the proof sheets and has favoured 
me with some suggestions and corrections ; the Rev. W. lago, 
of Bodmin, who has given me information on several points ; 
Mr. William Coode, Mr. H. S. Hancock, to whom also I 
am indebted for the Map of the Parish, Canon and Miss 
Beatrice Rogers, who have also gone over some of the proofs,^ 
and Mr. H. Stocker, who has given me much information as 
to the Clay Industry — and I have spared no pains to make 
the book reliable. I have read every available authority 
on the subject. I hope that it will also be readable, for I 
have not disdained to cater for the reader's amusement. 
This is not exactly a "merrie" county — "Humour," as a 
writer in The Times remarks, ** is obviously a little alien to 
Methodism " — but it has its humour nevertheless, and some 
of this I have endeavoured to embalm in these pages. 

And I have one further consolation in issuing this book, 
that, if I have not myself contributed anything of any great 
value to the reader, the same cannot be said of the authorities, 
the citations, which enrich my pages. They are designed, of 
course, to illustrate and enliven our history, and they are so 
copious and so varied that if he learns nothing from me, he 
will, unless I am greatly mistaken, learn much from them. 
I have embodied this illustrative information, for the most 
part, ill footnotes, so that the cursory reader, which most 
rrtidcrs are in these days, need not be delayed, or compelled 
to rnlarj^r his mind against his will. And if he should think 
that I have overweighted my book with these accessories, 
my randid reply is that I found, when fairly launched upon 

t I wlnh rtUo to expreu my obligations to Mr. W. H. Cowan, Mr. Alan Coode, Mr. 
Hfiit)(^l<l litirnci. Mr. D. O. Roberts and others for their photographs, and to Mr. W. 
t.yoii for the loan of the plate of Mr. Drew's portrait I must also thank Mrs. B. Julyan 
antt Ntit. W. C^rchard for allowing me to copy their photographs. 

PREFA CE. xi. 

my task, that the materials for an entertaining history of 
St. Austell were so meagre that I was bound to make the 
very most of what we had. It is not as if our town had 
figured greatly in the wars, or had been a fortress, or a prison, 
or a seaport — then its history would have had incident and 
adventure enough. But it is not so ; only by diligently 
collecting and expounding every scrap of information can we 
construct a respectable history of the place at all. It is this 
very lack of incident which has led to this excess, if such it is, 
of information. 

I must remark here, however, that, slender as are the 
materials at my disposal for tracing the growth and life of 
this parish, they are ampler than those in the hands of my 
predecessors. It is only of late that we have discovered how 
history ought to be written, or have had the means of writing 
it. The State Papers, which have now for the most part been 
carefully catalogued, and which are accessible to students as 
they never were before, are, and must ever be, along with local 
documents, the main sources from which all veracious history 
is to be compiled. I have gone carefully through the Calendars, 
and have extracted every jot and tittle which I have found 
contributing anything to a fuller or more accurate knowledge 
of the town and its inhabitants. I think I may say with Izaak 
Walton that " I have used very great diligence to inform 
myself, that I might inform my reader of the truth of what 

Still, I am very, very far from being satisfied with my work, 
conscientious and painstaking as I believe it to have been. 
For one thing, it has been done in scraps, in the intervals of 
work, amidst constant interruptions. I am well aware, too, 
that there is no finality about it ; I shall presently be found, 
I make no doubt, wishing that I could re-write portions of it. 

xii. PREFACE. 

or, at least, that I could blot out some blunders. My only 
consolation is that those who have had any experience of work 
of this kind will be the readiest to condone its imperfections. 
I shall venture to appropriate some words of Henry Stephens 
in his Apology for his translation of Herodotus, and with these 
I conclude — 

** Et toutesfois je ne nie pas qu'il n'y ait quelques endroits 
de cette histoire en la traduction desquels je n'ai pu me satis- 
faire. Mais je me fie en une chose — c'est que ceux qui y seront 
le mieux versez, et par consequent apprehenderont mieux les 
difficultez contre lesquelles il a fallu combattre, seront les plus 
aisez d contenter." 

Vicarage, St. Austell, 

May 2yth, 1897. 

List of Works and Authors 



Domesday Book. Facsimile of the Part relating to Cornwall. By 
Col. Sir H. James. London, 1861 

Miscellaneous State Papers. 1501-1726. 2 vols. 

State Papers. Reign of Henry VIII. 11 vols. 

Calendar of State Papers (Domestic). Edward VI. to 
Charles II. 

Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for the 
Advance of Money (1642- 1656). 3 vols. 

Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for Com- 
pounding (1643-1660). 

Calendar of Patent Rolls. From 1202. 

Calendar of Close Rolls. From 1204. 

Calendarium Inquisitionum Post Mortem. 

Calendarium Inquis/tio\um ad quod Damnum. 

Calendarium Genealogicum. 

Liber Institutionum. 

Liber Decimarum, 

Ministers* Accounts. Edward I. to Elizabeth. 

The Augmentation of Livings. 66 vols.* 

1 lo the Library of Lambeth Palace. 



The Itinerarium of William of Worcester (about 1490). 
Nasmith's Edition, 1778 

The Itinerary of John Leland, that Famous Antiquary. 
Begunne about 1538. Second Edition. 9 vols. Oxford^ 1745 

Britannia, or a Chorographical Description of Great 
Britain and Ireland. By William Camden. (First pub- 
lished in 1586.) With additions by Edward Gibson (afterwards 
Lord Bishop of London). Second Edition. 3 vols. London, 1789 

The Survey of Cornwall. By Richard Carew, 1602. Lord 
de Dunstanville's Edition. London, 1811^ 

The History of the Ancient and Moderns Estate of 

the Principality of Wales, Dutchy of Cornwall, and 

Earldom of Chester. By Sir John Dodridge, Knt. 

London, 1630 
Speculi Britann/ae Pars — A Topographicall and Historicall 

Description of Cornwall by the Perambulacon, View, and 

Delineacon of John Norden. About 1728' 

A History of the Rebellion. By Edward Hyde, Earl of 
Clarendon." Oxford, 1888 

The Compleat History of Cornwall. By William Hals.* 

An Alphabetical Account of all the Parishes of Cornwall. 
By Thomas Tonkin. 1736* 

The Sufferings of the Clergy. By John Walker. London, 1714 

An Abstract of the Sufferings of the People called 
Quakers. By Joseph Besse. 3 vols. London, 1733- 1738 

Observations on the Antiquities of the County of Corn- 
wall. By William Borlase, Rector of Ludgvan and of 
St. Just in Penwith. London, 1754® 

1 Carew was born at Antony in 1555, and died there in 162a 

< Norden died in 1633. * Bom in 1608 ; died in 1674. 

* No title page. Hals was born at Menher in 1655, and died at St Wenn in 1737. 

» This exists only in MS. But the materials have been utilized by Mr. Davies Gilbert 
in his Parochial History of Cornwall. Tonkin was bom at St Agnes in 1678, and died 
in 1742. He was sometime M. P. for Helston. 

Borlase was bom at Pendeen in 1695, ^"^ ^'^^ ^^ Ludgvan in 1773. 


A Complete History of all the Religious Houses in Devon 
AND Cornwall. By the Rev. W. Jones. London, 1779 

A Journey into Cornwall. By George Lipscomb. Warwick, 1799 

The Ancient Cathedral of Cornwall. By the Rev. John 
Whitaker, Rector of Ruan Lanyhorne. London, 1803 

The History of Cornwall. By the Rev. R. Polwhele. 5 vols. 

Falmouth, 1803- 1806 
A Tour through Cornwall. By the Rev. R. Warner, of Bath. 


Magna Britannia. By the Rev. Daniel Lysons, Rector of 

Rodmerton, and Samuel Lysons. 6 vols. London, 1814* 

An Historical Survey of the County of Cornwall. By 
C. S. Gilbert. 2 vols. Plymouth Dock, 1817* 

The Gazetteer of Cornwall. Truro, 181 7 

The History of Cornwall. By Fortescue Hitchins, Esq. 
Edited by Samuel Drew. 1824 

Excursions into the County of Cornwall. By F. W. L. 
Stockdale. London, 1824 

The Works of the Rev. John Wesley. 12 vols. London, 1829 

Report of the Trial at Bar — Rowe v, Brenton London, 1830 

A Comprehensive Gazetteer of England and Wales. By 
James Bell. Glasgow, 1833 

The Parochial History of Cornwall. By Da vies Gilbert. 
4 vols. Loftdon, 1838 

An Illustrated Itinerary of the County of Cornwall. By 
C. Redding. London, 1842 

MONASTICON D/OCESIS ExoNiENS/s, By George Oliver, D.D. 


The Cornwall Register. By the Rev. John Wallis, Vicar of 

Bodmin. Bodmin, 1847 

1 Vol. III. contains Cornwall. This work has been playfully, but unjustly, described as 
" Lies on Cornwall.'* It is far and away the best account of the county. 

< Mr. Gilbert was a chemist in Plymouth. He is not to be confounded with Dnvies 
Gilbert, formerly Giddy, author of The Parochial History of Cornwall. 


Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall. 

TrurOf 1850- 1895 
Rambles beyond Railways. By W. Wilkie Collins. London, 1851 

A Londoner's Walk to the Land's End. By Walter White. 

London, 1855 

Cornwall, its Mines and Miners. By J. L. R. (Part of the 

Travellers' Library.) 2 vols. London, 1855 

A Guide to the South Coast of England. By Mackenzie 
Walcott. London, 1859 

Rambles in West Cornwall. By J. O. Halliwell. London, 1861 

Excursions dans le Cornouailles et le Devonshire. 
Par Louis Deville. Paris, 1863 

The Churches of West Cornwall. By J. T. Blight. 

London, 1865 
The Book of Days. Edited by R. Chambers. Edinburgh, 1866 

A Complete Parochial History of Cornwall. Truro, 1867 

Footprints of Former Men. By the Rev. R. S. Hawker, Vicar 
of Morwenstow. London, 1870 

A Guide to St. Austell. Truro, 1872 

MuLLioN : Its History, Scenery and Antiquities. By the 
Rev. E. G. Harvey. Truro, 1875 

The Churches and Antiquities of Cury and Gunwalloe. 
By A. H. Cummings. Truro, 1875 

A Week at the Land's End. By J. T. Blight. Truro, 1876 

A Week at the Lizard. By the Rev. C. A. Johns. London, 

Bibuotheca CoRNUBiENSis—k Catalogue of the Writings of 
Cornishmen. By W. P. Courtney and G. C. Boase. 

London, 1874 
Collectanea Cornubiensia. By G. C. Boase. London, 1890 
Sketches in Cornwall. By M. T. Bragge. London, 1878 
Walks about St. Hilary. By Mrs. Pascoe. 1879 

Peeps into the Haunts and Homes of the Rural Popula- 
tion OF Cornwall. By J. T. Tregellas. Truro, 1879 


Tourists' Guide to Cornwall. By Walter H. Tregellas. 

London, 1882 

A Handbook [Murray's] for Travellers in Cornwall. Tenth 

Edition. London, 1882 ^ 

Cornish Worthies. By W. H. Tregellas. 2 vols. London, 1884 

CiESAR IN Kent. By the Rev. F. T. Vine. London, 1887 

Through England on a Side-Saddle. Being the Diary of 
Celia Fiennes (about 1695). London, 1888 

Cornish Feasts and Folklore. By Miss Courtney. 

Penzance, 1890 


The Legendary Lore of the Holy Wells of England. By 
R. C. Hope. London, 1893 

The History of St. Austell. A Reprint from Hitchins and 
Drew. With " Addenda." St. Austell, 1894 

The History of a Village Community. By the Rev. J. Denny 
Gedge. Norwich, 1893 

The Age of the Saints. By W. C. Borlase. Truro, 1893 

Ancient and Holy Wells of Cornwall. By M. and L. Quiller 
Couch. London, 1894 

The Astonishing History of Troy Town and The Delectable 
Duchy. By A. T. Quiller Couch. London, 1888 and 1894 

The Story of Primitive Times. By Edward Clodd. London, 1895 

Deacon's Court Guide to Cornwall. London, 1896 

A Corner of Old Cornwall. By Mrs. John Bonham. 

London, 1896 


The Clergy-Man's Law or the Compleat Incumbent. By 
William Watson. 2 vols. London, 171 2 

An Attempt to Discriminate the Styles of Architecture 
in England. By Thomas Rickman. Fourth Edition. 

London, 1835 

1 This work, so far as St. Austell is concerned, teems in inaccuracies. Most of them, 
I am glad to know, have been redressed in a later edition. 


The Harrowing of Hell. Edited by J. O. Halliwell. 

London, 1840 

Illustrations of Baptismal Fonts. With an Introduction by 

F. A. Paley. London, 1844 

Transactions of the Exeter Diocesan Architectural Society. 

Exeter J 1850- 1860 

Ancient Crosses and other Antiquities in the East of 

Cornwall. By J. T. Blight. London, 1858 

The English Archaeologist's Handbook. By H. Godwin. 

London, 1867 
Sacred Archaeology. By Mackenzie Walcott. London, 1868 

A Glossary of Cornish Names. By the Rev. Dr. Bannister, 
Vicar of St. Day. Truro, 1891 

Naenia Cornubiae. By W. C. Borlase. Truro, 1872 

A Concise Glossary of the Terms used in Architecture. 
By J. H. Parker. Oxford, 1875 

Divine Worship in England during the 13TH and 14TH 
Centuries. By J. D. Chambers. London, 1877 

The Church Bells of Cornwall. By E. Hadlow W. Dunkin. 

London, 1878 
Greeks and Goths. By Canon Isaac Taylor. London, 1879 

Words and their Histories. By the same. London, 1895 

Names and Places. By the same. London, 1896 

The History of our Lord as exemplified in Works of Art. 
By Mrs. Jameson. Lotidon, 1881 

A Glossary of the Cornish Dialect. By F. W. P. lago. 

Truro, 1882 

Sketches of the History of Christian Art. By Lord 

Lindsay. London, 1885 

The Literature of Local Institutions. By G. L. Gomme. 

London, 1886 

The Monumental History of the Early British Church. 

By J. Romilly Allen. London, 1889 

A Treatise on China Clay. By David Cock. London, 


The Book of Sundials. By Mrs. A. S. Gatty. Third Edition. 

London, 1890 
Sain'ts and their Symbols. By Miss E. A. Greene. Lotidony 1891 

Old English Plate. By Wilfrid Jos. Cripps. London, 1894 

Historical Essays. By Bishop Lightfoot. London, 1895 

The Dictionary of National Biography. Edited by Leslie 
Stephen and Sidney Lee. London, 1888- 1896 

Old Cornish Crosses. By A. G. Langdon. Truro, 1896 


The MS. Account Book of the Parish of Luxulyan (1745-1773). 

Chroxicon Mirabile. Extracts from Parish Registers. 

London, 1841 

The Churchwardens' Accounts of the Town of Ludlow. 
By Thomas Wright. 1859 

On the Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of Stratton. 
A Paper by Edward Peacock, Esq. 1877 

The First Book of the Parish Registers of Madron. 
Edited by G. B. Millett. Penzance, 1877 

The Registers of the Parish of St. Columb Major, Cornwall, 
FROM 1539 TO 1780. Edited by A. J. Jewers. London, 1881 

The Records of St. Michael's Parish Church, Bishop 
Stortford. By J. L. Glasscock, Jun. London, 1882 

KiSGSTHORPiANA. By J. Hulbert Glover. London, 1883 

The History of the Municipal Church of St. Lawrence, 
Reading. By the Rev. C. Kerry. Reading, 1883 

The Annals of Ipswich. By Nathaniel Bacon. Edited by 
\V. H. Richardson. Ipswich, 1884 

Our Parish Books and what they tell us. By J. Meadows 
Cowper. 2 vols. Canterbury, 1884 

Episcopal Registers. Diocese of Exeter (Bronescombe to 
Grandisson, 1291-1330). By the Rev. Preb. Hingeston- 
Randolph. Londoft, 1886-94 


Calendar of the Tavistock Parish Records. By R. N. Worth. 


The Visitations of Cornwall. By Lieut. -Col. J. L. Vivian. 

Exeter y 1887 

The Marriage Licenses of the Diocese of Exeter. By 
the same. Exeter, 1887 

Parish Registers in England. By R. E. Chester Waters. 

London ^ 1887 

The Registers of Ecclesfield Parish Church (1558-1619). 
By the Rev. Dr. Gatty. 

The Register Book of the Parish of St. Nicholas Acons, 
London. Edited by William Brigg. Leeds, 1890 

The Past and Present of the Parish Church ©f Folkestone. 
By the Rev. M. Woodward, Vicar. London, 1892 

Historical Notices of St. Germans. By the Rev. Henry 
Furneaux. Plymouth, 1892 

Wherstead — Some Materials for its History. Second Edition. 
By the Rev. F. B. Zincke. London, 1893 

The Parish Registers of Redruth in Cornwall (1560-1716). 
Edited, with Notes, by Thurstan C. Peter. Redruth, 1894 

Wenhaston, Suffolk. Curious Parish Records. By the Rev. 
J. B. Clare. Halesworth, 1894 

The Parish Registers of Gulval. By G. B. Millett and 
Wm. Bolitho. Penzance, 1893 

The Ancient Diocese of Exeter. By the Rev. Herbert 
Reynolds. Exeter, 1896 

Church Briefs or Royal Warrants for Collections for 
Charitable Objects. By W. A. Bewes. Edinburgh, 1897 

An Account of St. Austell. 



|HE reader who does me the honour to take me as 
his guide in his visits to our Church or in his 
rambles through the parish must not take fright 
at the title of this chapter ; I shall not weary him with 
hard figures or dry disquisitions. I find such details dis- 
tinctly fatiguing myself, and therefore I conclude that he 
would do the same. Indeed, it is partly because the extant 
^ histories, however painstaking and learned they may be, 
have struck me as somewhat sombre and tedious, that I 
have attempted to write an Account of St. Austell, which 
shall at least have the merit of being readable and interesting. 
Still, he will naturally want to know something about the 
place, its situation, population and the like, especially if this 
book should fall, as I hope it may, into the hands of some 
who have never heard of our admirable St. Austell before, 
or who are unaware of the attractions which it offers to the 
tourist. I hasten, therefore, to say that it lies on the South 
coast of Cornwall — the ** Church-town," to use a Cornish 
term, is a mile and a half from the sea — and in the middle 
and most recessed and sheltered part of that coast ; 243 
miles W.S.W. from London by Great Western Railway, 93 
miles W.S.W. of Exeter, 40 miles S.W. from Launceston, 


38 miles West of Plymouth, and 13 miles E.N.E. of Truro. 
It may perchance induce the reader to come and see us for 
himself if I add that we have an excellent service of trains — 
much improved and accelerated within the last few years — 
and that seven hours spent in the corridor express now 
transport the traveller from the fogs and smoke of London 
to the blue skies and waters of St. Austell Bay. " 

The population of the civil parish at the last census was 
11,377; of the ecclesiastical parish 5,702^ — the two parishes 
of Treverbyn and Charlestown were carved out of the mother 
parish of St. Austell in 1847 and 1849 respectively. The 
undivided parish, the parish of history, of which I am to 
treat, covers about 12,125 acres ; it runs along the coast 
from Par Harbour to Pentewan, and penetrates inland as 
far as to Bugle. I may add that though the population of 
the town proper is not more than 4,500, it is a much more 
important place than these slender figures would suggest, 
being the centre of the china clay trade,^ of which I shall 
have something to say presently. It lends its name to a 
parliamentary division of the county, viz., Mid-Cornwall. 

1 The population of the entire county was 318,583, whereas in 1871 it was 362,980 ; 
in 1861 it was 369,390 ; even in 1841 it was 341,269. The decrease has been chiefly 
caused by emigration, the result of the closing of the mines. In 1801, Cornwall con- 
tained 188,269 persons; in 1811, 216,667. (St. Austell in 1801 had 3,788 parishioners; 
in 181 1. 3,686.) Had its population increased at the same rate as the rest of England, 
we should now number 520,000 souls or more. It has been estimated that in the year 
1377 our population was 50,401, for in that year poll tax was paid on 34,274 heads, 
and children under fourteen, the clergy, and beggars were exempt. 

^"The Cornish men rank this town as being about the fourth or fifth best for 
business." Cornwall, its Mines and Miners, p. 25. This was written in 1855. Since 
then, circumstances have raised it to the front rank. Mining has decreased and the 
clay trade has increased, and St. Austell is now believed to be the richest and busiest 
town in the county. Walter White, writing his Londoner's Walk to the LandCs End 
in the same year (1855), remarks (p. 185): "St. Austell was the first Cornish town in 
which I saw noticeable indications of life and business, accounted for by its being the 
capital of a very busy district and not far from the three important ports where mineral 
produce is shipped in large quantities." 


We have a highly respectable bench of Magistrates, and I 
am afraid to say how many ** Boards," of sorts. We have 
four Banks, and only wish we had more to put into them. 
Our possessions are protected by an efficient Police Force 
and a Fire Brigade, the latter with a most imposing uniform ; ^ 
our lives and liberties are guarded by a corps of gallant 
Volunteers. We have a refuge for our destitute in the 
shape of a really elegant Workhouse — it is of the Gothic 
order ; we have a Liberal and a Constitutional Club and a 
Gas Works — I class these institutions together as all engaged 
in the same sort of manufacture. We have an Electric 
Light Establishment, which supplies half the town with its 
illumination and half the county with its appliances. Our 
Post Office is a spacious, brand-new building (not, I must 
admit, distinguished for its chaste beauty), and we have four 
deliveries of letters a day — we thought we were uncommonly 
well served until we heard that Tokio has twice the number. 
But it may save time if I merely add that we are deficient, 
so far as I know, in no single institution of a highly-civilized 
and well-appointed parish. We have even three newspapers, 
written with astonishing fire and eloquence, but not always, 
I grieve to say, on the best of terms with each other ; we 
have a parish pound, and we had till recently the parish 
stocks. There are those amongst us who maintain that this 
last-named institution might be revived with some advantage 
to the community. It must not be inferred, however, from 
this remark that we have an intemperate or disorderly popu- 
lation ; on the contrary, one of the charms of St. Austell is 
its civil and law-abiding people. But one of the last occu- 
pants was put there for propagating a slander ! 

1 A storj is told — no doubt it is den trovato — of one of our firemen, who was summoned 
by the fire-bdl to a burning. He is said to have vie^%'ed it with a critical air. and to have 
1, ** 'Tcs a proper fire, sure 'nu£f : I must go home and put on my uniform ! " 



|HE authorities, such as they are, differ considerably 
as to the origin of the name " St. Austell." " There 
are few parishes in Cornwall," says Hitchins,^ "on 
the origin of whose name more doubts have been entertained 
and on which a greater diversity of opinion has prevailed than 
on that of St. Austell." Some contend that it is the name 
of a saint, a hermit who here lived and died in the odour 
of sanctity, and this is a very old belief. *' Sanctus Austolus " 
is recognized as a person in Robert Fitzwilliam's charter of 
A.D. 1 169. Leland says ^ that Austolus erat hermita, but I 
strongly suspect that this is a mere guess, not on Leland's 
or even Fitzwilliam's part, but on the part of those from 
whom they derived their information, in other words, the 
tradition of their time, which tradition has been thought to 
be embodied in the architecture of the Church. It has been 
observed that the middle figure of the three who occupy the 
lowest tier on the West Front is decidedly distinguished — 
not by position only, but by its size and surroundings — above 
the other two, albeit one of these represents a mitred prelate 

1 TAt History of Cornwall ^ compiled by Fortescue Hitchins, Esq., and edited by 
Mr. Samuel Drew, of St. Austell, 1824, p. 38. In a letter of Francis Bassett to Nicholas, 
dated October 23rd, 1637, at Tehidie, the name is spelt phonetically St. Tawsscll. 
Bassett was Vice-Admiral of Cornwall, but clearly no great scholar. 

« Vol. vii., p. III. Note. 

st. austell church. ; 
Thb West Fkont. 


neighbour's son, or the evangelist of the district — our saints 
are all, in a sense, racy of the soil. Others have seen in the 
word a contraction of Augustulus (whatever could a " young 
Augustus ** be doing dans cette galire ?), whilst Dr. Milles, 
according to Drew and W. C. Borlase (the former calls him 
*' chanter of Exeter"), connected the name with St. Auxtlius, a 
nephew of St. Patrick and an Irish bishop, and demanded that 
we should write it St. Aussil. And it cannot be denied that 
Irish bishops have not unseldom preferred this country to 
their native heath — or bog^ — and this particular bishop may 
no doubt have helped to evangelize this district (for there 
was an Irish as well as an Italian Mission),^ and so have 
given his name to the Church, but then " maybes," as 
the north-country proverb says, " are no honey-bees," and 
when the existence of St. Patrick himself has been called 
in question, we naturally feel a certain scepticism as to his 
relations. Borlase tells us® that in the list of the Brychan 
family there occurs the name of a female saint, Hawstyl, 
who lived at Caer Hawstyl, and it is undeniable that other 
Cornish Churches did take their names from holy Irish 
immigrants who laboured here ; thus, for example, SS. Breaca, 
Jia and la (obviously ladies) have furnished designations to 
St. Breage, St. Ives,^ and St. Ive, just as SS. Elwinus and 

1 George the Third is said to have observed to one of them, "Your see, I believe, 
is in Ireland." " It is, your Majesty," replied the bishop. " I see you very often in 
England," was the dry rejoinder. 

> This was in the fifth century ; in the sixth and seventh centuries some Welsh saints 
settled in Mid-Cornwall — among them SS. Petrock, Sampson, and Teilo. Padstow is 
the modern form of Petrockstowe ; the Church of Golant is dedicated to St. Sampson. 
Some of our Churches are dedicated to Gallican saints — there was a close connexion 
l)etween Cornwall and Brittany, as everybody knows. 

' Age of the Saints, p. 156. 

* St. Ives in Hunts, takes its name from St. Ivon, a Persian bishop. There was a 
St. Ivo in Brittany, an honest lawyer ! He is commemorated in the Hnes — 


Gwithianus have to St. Elwyn, Hayle, and to St. Gwithian. 
Amid so many conflicting opinions it is difiicult to choose. 
Can it be, we are sometimes driven to ask, that " St. Austell " 
is not the name of a saint at all? We may be forgiven a 
suspicion as to all these dead saints of the county after 
whom our parishes are supposed to be named, St. Pinnock 
and St. Feock, St. Ewe and S. Tudy (profanely called 
St. Judy by some), St. Eval (it was once gravely observed 
by a foreigner who did not quite catch the name that " the 
Cornish carried things a leetU too far when they dedicated 
a Church to the devil " ! ) ^ and St. Keyne (famed for the rare 
virtues of its well, now unhappily dried up), especially when 
we observe how few living ones are left, which is precisely the 
remark which Chateaubriand made about the buried saints of 
Palestine. We often fancy that in olden times ** the saints 
were many and the sins were few " ; we often cry with Ariosto, 
" O the great goodness of the knights of old ! " though we 
seldom find our contemporaries overburdened with virtues. 
I am half inclined, therefore — especially when I contemplate 
my parishioners — to give up the derivation of St. Austell from 
a saint, though at times, I confess, I revert to the tradition of 

" Sanctus Ive erat Brito, 
Advocatus. sed non latro, 
Res miranda populo ! ** 

— Taylor. Xam^s and Places, p. 541. 
Whicb I translate as follows — 

'* Blessed Ivo was a Briton. 
A lawyer too. but not a ruffian. 
A marvel to mankind." 

1 It is also a common saying that *' there are more saints in Cornwall than in heaven." 
M. Louis Deville. who made a tour of the county some years ago. has an amusing 
remark. After speaking of Si. Michael's Mount. Si. Ives, and St. Austell, and their 
grmcUuses holes, he exclaims. ** Void une collection de noms de saints qui parait assez 
siiigiiliire dans nn pays protestant ! " Excursions dans U ComouailUs, etc Pans. 1865. 
What woukl be have thought had he had a complete list of our saints or parishes before 
! This is the county of the saints. 


a hermit as not improbable, and the more so when I remember 
that "in most of the Cornish parishes the ancient secular 
name has been superseded by that of the patron saint of the 
Church." ^ Can we suggest anything in its place ? Well, it 
has been justly observed, with respect to our name, that 
** conjecture has supplied the deficiencies of history." I shall 
only be treading, therefore, in the footsteps of my predecessors 
if I venture on one conjecture more. Can " Austell " have 
anything to do with ** hostel " — whence the modern " hotel " — 
shortened from hospitalia, from which, of course, we also 
derive our word " hospital " ? Can the beginning of the 
place have been a lodging-house, a hospitium for the entertain- 
ment of pilgrims or others ? Remember, if you please, that 
the monks of Tywardreath, who had everything to do with 
our ecclesiastical " origins," lisped in Latin, and they may 
have had here a sort of guest-house for pilgrims — called by 
them Hostel^ — who may have come again — here is a fine field 
for conjecture — to the baptismal wells at Towan and Mena- 
cuddle. The days when our parish first appears in history 
under its present name were the age of pilgrimages : — 

'• O come ye from East or come ye from West, 
Or bring relics from over the sea, 
Or come from the shrine of St. James the Divine 
Or St. John of Beverley ? " 

One Other suggestion may be recorded — that of Hals — viz., 
that " Austell " means " remote chapel," i.e., remote from the 
mother Church of Tywardreath, and with this the list may 

1 Lysons, p. xxxii., who proceeds to observe that most of our parishes being called 
after a saint, the Cornish began to imagine that a// were so called. 

> Drew observes that " Inland calls the village Si. Austelles, quasi * Holy Altar/ as if 
the pUce had its name from some remarkable altar there — like Aliamun. " But I foil to 
see where the quasi comes in. Leland, like all his contemporaries, was utterly indifferent 
as to spelling. 


close. Uncertain, however, as is the derivation of the word, 
one thing is clear, namely, that the original name of the place 
was Trcnance, that is to say, " the hamlet or dwelling in the 
valley " ^ — hence it is sometimes called by ancient writers 
TrcnasausUll, Trenance A usUll, or Trenance-priour,^ and we can 
readily beUeve that the earliest inhabitants would build their 
huts in the neighbourhood still called "Trenance," because of 
the meeting of the waters there,^ and I agree with Drew that 
** between 1087, when Domesday Sur\'ey was completed, and 
1169 this name [of St. Austell], if not this sanctuarj', most 
probably started into existence." 

1 Whitaker, who is generally omniscient, observes, truly enough, that "the town- 
ship was originally called Trenance." But when he goes on to say that "in it 
resided the denominating saint, St. Austell," we crave for some sort of e\idence in 

*As by Carcw, in his Survey^ pp. 44, 47. 

'"The presence of water in a convenient form determined the locality of human 
lettienicnts in those early days, for as yet the well-sinker was not." Gedge, History 
wf a Village Community^ p. 2. 



F it be true that to have little history is to have much 
happiness, then our parish must always have been a 
pleasant place to dwell in — save when it was visited 
by the ** black death** or the ** sweating sickness,"^ or when 
Royalists and Roundheads fought at St. Blazey and Tresilian 
Bridge, or when its roads were a sea of sludge, as sometimes 
happens now, for of ** history" in the higher sense of the word 
it has next to none. I do not find in the records of the county 
that our peaceful Pentewan, Cover and Treverbyn Valleys have 
resounded to the cries of combatants or have been reddened 
with the blood of champions. No " Round Table " was set 
up in our homely vicinage: no '* Roland, the flower of chivalry" 
perished in our ** wrestling fields." If we have had our 
** village Hampdens," they have been ** inglorious."^ The 
knights and heroes seem to have found more congenial 

^ To us this seems an obvious exception to make. But the truth is that our forefathers 
took these terrible visitations — or some of them did— with amazing sang froid^ with 
something like gaiety. The "Swatt," or "Sweatte," was jocularly spoken of as the 
"New Acquyntance," "Stop, Knave," and " Know thy master." Similarly, the plagiie 
often appears in the records of the time as the " Stop-gallant," because it chiefly attacked 
young men. In 1675 '^ was called the "Jolly rant" at Newcastle-on-Tyne, and this 
when it swept away whole households ! But the description of the plague at Athens, 
given by Thucydides, prepares us for any outbreaks of blasphemy and cruelty at such 
a time. 

a We are said to have some of these now, but if so, they are by no means "mute.** 
Tout au contraire. 


quarters, if we might trust the legends of Arthur and Launcelot 
and Merlin and Modred, on the wild north coast — Tintagel 
was the seat of Arthur's Court. I do not know that St. Austell 
can even boast of having given birth to cruel baron or fierce 
brigand, nor have we proof that any of our townsmen (with 
one exception, for which reason he holds a prominent place 
in our histories) attained the distinction of hanging from a 
gibbet at the cross roads.^ No, there is nothing very tragic or 
sanguinary in our annals. A "cool sequestered vale," a "happy 
valley," it would seem to have always been. Its history must 
therefore of necessity be short : it could only be made long by 
drawing largely upon the imagination. I am well aware that 
there is ample precedent, even on the part of historians of 
repute, for writing history from this point of view, but, 
being a divine, I somewhat hesitate to follow their example.* 
There is no mention, then — if we are to confine ourselves to 

1 This WAS a poor raw constable. Rosevear by name, who was induced by a gang of 
nuners, some lao years ago. under pretence of a magistrate's order, to break open a 
odUr at Par, where it was reported that large quantities of grain were stored. It was 
really a bread riot, and the tinners meant nothing but plunder, dnd used this unsuspecting 
simi^eton as their tool. All the same, he was held by the authorities to be implicated 
in the crime, and had to save himself by flight, hidmg in the neighbourhood of Launceston 
tin be was weU>nigh starved to death. One day. two men. relatives of his, passed along 
the highway, and the fugitive ventured to address them, little dreaming that they had in 
their hands a warrant for his apprehension. They gave him smooth words, but betrayed 
him to death, tempted by the blood-money offered for his seizure. After the execution 
the body was brought to this neighbourhood (St. Austell Downs), where it was suspended 
from a gibbeL I den\-e these particulars from Hitchins and Drew, pp. 71, 72. 

< Bishop SUibbs. perhaps the greatest of our living historians, is credited with the 

foDowing lines — 

" Froude informs the Scottish youth 

That the clergy speak no truth ; 

The Reverend Canon Kingsley cries 

That history is a pack of Ues. 

Whence acaisations so malign? 

1 his simple statement solves the mystery : 
Froude reckons Kingsley a divine. 

And Kingsley goes to Froude for history." 


facts — of any St. Austell in Domesday Book, the survey begun 
about 1068 (it took some years to complete it), but then that 
book treats of manors only: it takes no account of parishes. 
Three manors in this neighbourhood are referred to — Bewing- 
tone [i.e,, Tewington], which belonged to the king, and 
Treverbin, and Trenant, which were held by the powerful 
Earl of Moriton, the king's half-brother, as his vassal.^ But 
even if the name of Austell was then unknown, and if there 
was no village to speak of, it is nevertheless not at all unlikely 
that a chapel or sanctuary then stood where our Church now 
stands — Domesday Book mentions no Church in Cornwall and 
only two in Devon. Such a building there certainly was about 
a hundred years later, for in a.d. 1169 we find Robert Fitz- 
william,* together with Agnes his wife and Robert his son, 
freeing the sanctuarium de Sancto Austolo from all imposts and 
obligations. The Confirmatio Cartas Roberti Filii Willielmi et 
uxoris ^yws, asalso a Confirmatio donationis Roberti filii Willielmi, 
and other similar documents, may be seen in Oliver's Monas- 
ticon Diocesis Exotiiensis, p. 38. From the former we gather 
that the original deed was dated in 1169. It may be as well 
to give a brief extract : " Henricus Dei gratia rex Anglie, etc. 
. . . salutem. Inspeximus cartam Roberti filii Willielmi et 
Agnetis uxoris sue et Roberti, filii sui, in hec verba : Sciant 

^ He held 253 manors as lord paramount and 25 more under the king, the prior of 
Bodmin, etc. — 293 in all out of the 340 in the county. Hals, in his CompUat History of 
Cornwall, p. xo, says that St. Mewan. St. Blazey, and Menacuisey were ta.\ed as parts of 
Earl Cadoc's Manor of Tewington, but this 1 have been unable to verify ; indeed, the 
record says expressly that " the king holds Bewingtone." The Domesday Survey was so 
complete that it was commonly said they omitted nee lucum, nee lacum, nee locum — 
neither wood, nor water, nor waste. 

* lliis Robert Fitzwilliam was in 1165, the date of the LUer Niger Scaccarii (the Black 
Book of the Exchequer), one of the greatest landowners in the county, for he held 51 
knights' fees, as against 59 held by Reginald de Valletort. These would seem to have 
passed by marriage to Robert de Cardinham, who figures in the scutage rolls of 1200 as 
by far the greatest landowner in Cornwall. He held 71 knights' fees (including those 
held by Robert Fitzwilliam), as against 51 (or 59) held by Reginald de Valletort. Lysons. 


tam presentes quam futuri quod ego Robertus . . . et Agnes 
mihi uxor karissima . . . franchiavimus sanctuarium de Sancto 
Austolo omni servitio omnique consuetudine omnique exactione 
. . . et libenim et quietum concessimus sanctuarium. . . . 
Deo omnipotent! et beato Andree apostolo et Sancto Austolo 
pro animabus Henrici regis et regine Matillde, etc. . . . Hoc 
autem factum est anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLXIX. 
apud Tywardrait, in talamo Roberti filii Willielmi (he would 
seem to have had a cell or chamber set apart for his use in 
the monastery : he can hardly have retired thither), fratre 
Baldwyno existente priore, apud Tywardrait." ^ Among the 
witnesses appears the name of Osward de Sancto Austolo. 
The latter deed, which probably came first in point of time, 
and which goes back to 1235, confirms for the King and his 
heirs to the Church of St. Andrew at Tywardraith " omnes 
donations que ei in Cornubia facte sunt et nominattm 
eccUsiam de Austell cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, quam 
Robertus filius Willielmi ei dedit," etc. Considerably older 
than either of these is a Carta of the same Robert Fitz- 
wiliiam, " confirming the donations of his ancestors and 
adding others." The only words that concern us at present 
are these : " Preterea ego ... ex dono proprio ipsis concessi 
et confirmavi ecclesiam Saucti Austoli cum omnibus appendi- 
ciis suis et quicquid sanctuarii ad earn pertinere dinoscitur, 
scilicet tres acras terre liberas, solutas, et quietas ab omni 
servicio seculari." Then we have in another parchment a 
Notification to the bishop of the ** donatio ecclesiac de Austell 
per Robertum," etc. — *' Ego Robertus filius Willielmi . . . 
dono et concedo meis fratribus moanachis de Tiwardrait 
uclesiam de Austol pro amore Dei et peccatorum meorum 

1 Tbe substance of all this Latin is that Robrrt and his wife Agnes freed the Sanctuaty 
td St. Anstdl from all dues and charges in the yrar X169, in his room at Tywardreath. 


remissione." A " Carta Odonis filii Walteri de Treverbin '* — 
like most of the rest, undated — gives to the Priory "totam 
terram meam quam habui in villis de Sancto Austolo et 
Henegdel'* — explained later on to mean St. Austell and 
Menacuddle. A charter of John, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
bearing date April lo, 1281, confirming certain Churches to 
the use of the Monastery, mentions among others, that of 
Sancti Atistoli cum capella de Landray {i,e,y St. Blazey). It will 
thus be seen that in 1169 the Church belonged to the Priory of 
Tywardreath, and that the prior of that day was one Baldwyn.^ 
It is consequently clear that the Church must then have been 
for some time in existence, and that by the middle of the 
twelfth century, at the latest, it was known by its present 
name. Just let us think for a moment ! Henry II. then 
occupied the throne of England. Thomas d Becket was 
archbishop of Canterbury ; it was the year before he was slain 
at the altar in his Cathedral. The long struggle with the 
Popes had already begun, for the Constitutions of Clarendon 
date from 1164. Ireland was then being conquered by Strong- 

lAs this is one of the earliest extant notices of the Priory, with which our Church 
was for four centuries so closely connected, it may be permitted me to mention here 
that it was "founded by an ancestor of the Cardinham family'' (Oliver, p. 33) — 
according to Godwin {English Archaeologist' s Handbook, p. 149) by Richard, dapifer to 
Henry II. It was a cell or dependency of the religious house of SS. Sergius and 
Bacchus at Angers— "que est subjecta ecclesie Sancti Sergii Andegavie," we read in 
the Con/lrtnatio of 1235 — 19 Hen. III. Oliver says (p. 33) that "in the 12th Century 
an ancestor of the Cardinham family granted to the Convent the Church of St. 
Austell," but this does not appear to nie to be clear from the documents he cites. In 
the eleventh year of Edward III. a survey of the prop>erty of the Convent was made 
by the Crown. It amounted to ;^266 : 6 : io|, to which the following items contri- 
buted " Fructus ecclesie Sancti Austoli, xxxiij libras. vj»- viij<*. Fructus ecclesie Land- 
raeth (St. Blazey) c^ Redditus assise dicti prioratus ... do villa Sancti Ausioli 
v^- iiij»- i<*- obolum." The Convent was not a large one, as Bp. Brantyngham certi- 
fied when Wm. de la Haye was prior {circa 1371), that the superior was resident 
with four monks. In 1540 Henry VIII. annexed the following possessions of this 
religious house, amongst others, to the Duchy of Cornwall : ' ' Manor of St. Austell, 
valued at ;f 5 : 3 : 6 per ann. . . . Fowey ;^i : 19 : 2," etc. In 154a the site of the 
Priory and the Manor of Tywardreath were granted to the Earl of Hertford. 


bow, and soon afterwards, William the Lion, King of Scotland, 
became a vassal of the English crown. And in these days — 
and who can say for how long before ? — the faith of our Christ 
was preached, at any rate in its outlines, and the worship of 
Almighty God was maintained on the very spot where the 
Church stands to-day. About a century and a half later 
a Chantry — a shrine where the singing priest chanted his 
masses for the living and the dead — adjoined the Parish 
Church, and indeed, as we shall see presently, formed a part 
of its structure. The Church was consecrated by Bishop 
Bronescombe on Oct. gth, 1259,^ and some thirty-five years 
later Master Philip le Cornwaleys, Archdeacon of Winchester, 
out of reverence for St. Michael the Archangel, gave the 
advowson of St. Clether, near Camelford, and an acre of land 
to form an endowment of the Chantry which he had founded 
"in the cemetery of St. Austell."* On Dec. nth, 1294, 
King Edward I. licensed this Philip to assign one acre of 
land, "in monte de Tremur," near St. Clether Church, 
and the advowson and patronage of that Church to main- 

1 " Withia the space of ten years" this bishop " dedicated no less than eighty-eight 
rebuilt or enlarged Churches, forty occurring in one single year." (Reynolds, Ancient 
Diocese (f Exeter^ p. 76. who gives an account of the episcopal engagements of 1259. ) 
He was simply indefatigable. He was at Truro on Sep. 29th, and between that day and 
Oct. 9th he had exercised his office at Tregony. St. Antony-in-Roseland. Sl Michael 
Carhayes. Tregoney. Mevagissey, and Bodrigan. From us he passed to Looe and 
St. Gennan's Priory (Oct. ixth), wh«% he rested two days, reaching Launceston on 
Oct. 25th. 

> This Philip Comwallis — which name then meant Philip the Comishman — was evidently 
a native of oar town ; elsewhere he is called " Philip de Sancto Austolo " {e.g. , in the Royal 
License of June 28th, 1301 — see below). So that Bp. Colenso is not the only Church 
dignitary to whom the place has given birth. A Patent Roll of 1285 (13 Edw. I.) contains 
a safe conduct until Michaelmas for Philip de Sancto Austolo, clerk, going to ike court 
of Rowu. He was a person of some importance in his day — he was Official of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury in 1281 (Register of Bp. Quivil, by Preb. Hingeston-Randolph. 
P- 333)' ^^ in (^ 'ic^t yc^f ^'c find Quivil granting him a pension of 40s. a year " de 
Camera sua ** until he could provide him with a benefice which he would be willing to 


tain certain chaplains celebrating Divine Service in honour 
of St. Michael in a Chapel built by him in our churchyard.^ 
A little before this time the first valuation of Cornish benefices 
was made by the bishops of Lincoln and Winchester — it was 
begun in 1288 and finished in 1291, during which time 
Nicholas de Podeforde was Vicar,^ and under the headings 
of Archid' Cornub. and Decanaf de Poudre we find the " Ecclia 
de Sco. Austolo " mentioned ; its taxatio was ^f 10 : 13 : 4, its 
decima £1:1:4, whilst the Vicar' ejusdem is put down at £2. 
The year 1300 brings with it another notice — true, a somewhat 
slight and unsatisfying one — of the Chantry, for I find in a 
Patent Roll of 29th Edward I. that this monarch " confirmed 
to Hugh le Dispenser in fee the manor of Great Haseley — 
Magna Hasele it is called — in the county of Oxford, with the 
advowson of the Church and with its woods and forests, 
pro cantaria de Sancto Austolo, pro Priore de Daventre, etc. 
So that the little chapel in the cemetery derived some benefit — 
probably not very much — from the far-away wooded manor in 
Oxfordshire.^ On June 28th, 1301, we have another mention 
of the Chantry, for on that day Edward I. gave authority 
Magtstro Philippo de Sancto Austolo, Archidiacono Wintonie, to 
convey a messuage and three ferlings of land,* cum pertinenciis, 

1 " After his death the patronage was to pass to the convent, but unless they presented 
within fifteen days, the Bishop of Exeter obtained the right so to do." Oliver, p. 34. 

* Sec Chap. xii. 
This was the Taxafio EccUsiashca Papa Nicholai IV.. wherein he granted all the 
tenths due from the clergy to the king, for six years, to defray the expenses of a crusade. 
The bishops charged with the sur\ey were Oliver Sutton of Lincoln and John de Pontissara 
of Winchester. The latter at least had special qualific.itions for the task, having been 
Canon of Exeter, Rector of Tawstock, and Archdeacon of Exeter. Until the Valor 
EccUsiasticus, a new assessment, was made (28 Hen. VIII.), this taxing of Pope Nicholas 
regulated the amounts due both to King and Pope. 

' On May 12th, 1309, we find among the Close Rolls an order to Walter de Gloucester 
to deliver to John Stor and Alice his wife the lands in Tregereck and Radeway, in 
Cornwall. Can this be our Tregorrick ? * Thirty acres. 


in Menkudel for the maintenance of three chaplains to cele- 
brate Divine Service in the Capella Sancti Michaelis in villa 
dc Sancto Austolo constructa} This Chapel of St. Michael, it 
should be understood, was a distinct benefice from the Parish 
Church, and was served by its own clergy, though, like the 
Church, it was in the patronage of the Tywardreath Prior}\ 
It formed a part of the Church — it is spoken of in 1349, at 
the institution of Sir John Payon, as perpetua Cantaria Capelle 
Beaii Michaelis in ala dexter a ecclesie Sancti Austoli situate — 
" the Chapel of Blessed Michael, sittiated in the right aisle of 
the Church of St. Austell." Again, let us try to realize how 
long it is since Master Philip the Archdeacon made his deed 
of gift. In 1301 Edward I. (Longshanks) sat on the throne. 
Those were the days of Balliol and Wallace and the Bruce, 
of the banishment of the Jews and the schism in the Papacy. 
"The Crusades had only just ended. The English Parliament 
was still in its cradle. Wales had only just been united to 
the English Crown. The pleadings of our Law Courts were 
still in French. The commerce of the world was in the hands 
of the cities of Italy." ^ And through all those years — from 
A.D. 1 169 to 1300 — both in Parish Church and also in 
churchyard Chapel, the Christian priest stood daily — " Divina 
pro anima ejusdem singulis diebus celebrare " is the language 
of the Royal License above referred to — daily ministering at 
the altar, and the Christian sacrifice preached its Gospel to 
a handful of unlettered peasants : — 

1 Patent Roll 29 Edw. I. m. 10. This donation is often referred to in the Caiendarium 
GeneaiogUtim, compiled from the Inquis. foil Mortem. It is mentioned, r^., under the 
aoth. 21st, 23nd, and 29th years of Edw. I. 

• Zincke. Wkers/ead, p. 30. It may help us to realize how long ago this was, if we 
remember that the in\-entions of those days were windmills and spectacles, paper and 
looking-glases. Collier, British Empire^ p. 89. 



" Thrcmgh the Church's long eclipse. 
When from priest and pastor's lips 

Truth Divdne was never heard : 

'Mid the famine of the Word. 
Still these symbols witness gave 
To His power Who came to save." 

But let US return to our scanty pasture — I mean to the 
infrequent notices of our parish found here and there in the 
page of history. In 1223 Walter de Treverbyn* — ^probably 
the Walter mentioned above (page 14) — was Sheriff of 
the county, whilst William de Austell discharged the same 
function in the 29th, 30th, and 31st years of Edward III., 
and his grandson John was Sheriff in 1446.* Between these 
dates there is not much to record ; there are, however, some 
references (they are little more) to the town or the manor of 
Tewington in the early Stannary and other Rolls, and I feel 
sure it will interest our inhabitants at least if I put some of 
these down. " The earliest Stannary Roll is met with in 
the accounts of Thomas de la Hide " (1300-1), Steward and 
Sheriff of Cornwall, who had Thomas de Ocham as his 
receiver, when " the total amount received for the coinage of 
tin in the county was £1120 : 13 : 5.**^ The "rents of 
assize *' of this manor appear in his accounts as £6:5: 11. 
The Inquisitio post Mortem of Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, of 
the same year (29 Edw. I.), mentions the pasture in Wellan 
(Gwallon ?) as worth by the year 22s. iid., and the toll of 
tin as worth 6s. It adds, ** There are certain wastes in 

1 In one of the Patent Rolls of the date of 1286 (14 Edw. I.), among those going beyond 
the seas with the king^ to whom a protection is granted, we find a Walter de Treverbyn — 
"until All Saints'" day. From this Walter —according to Hals— descended Sir Hugh 
Treverbyn, Knt., of the time of Henry VI., one of whose daughters married Trevannion 
of Carhayes. 

«Hals. »Sir John Macleanc, Journal cf R. Instit, <f Cornwall, xii., 238. 


Wellan which are worth by the year 6is." In the Caption of 
Seizin in the Remembrancer's office of the Court of Exchequer 
(A.D. 1337), under ** Tewington " and " Fines of Tin," we read, 
" The land of Nicholas de Mendelir, in the Town of St. Austell, 
renders by the year for a fine of tin, 3id." Robert de Toker's 
land paid 2d. ; John de Tregorreck's, id. ; Philip Pery's, 2d. ; 
the land of the prior of Tywardreath, i^d. ; and that of 
Wm. Walker, i^d. Among the " Fines, Perquisites, etc.," 
the receiver accounts for 12s. 6d. which he had of Hugh Fitz- 
walter of Treverbyn — ^Walter of Treverbyn has just been 
mentioned as Sheriff in 1223 (page 18) — " for relief of land 
which was of his father " : also for 8s. iid. " of Marina of 
St. Aastel's and eleven fellows for trespass," etc. An examina- 
tion of the " Extent of the Manor of Tewington " was ** made 
at Austell" in the first year of Edward III.'s reign (1327); 
its results, so far as they concern us, I have noticed else- 
where. The " Ministers' Accounts " of the same manor begin 
in 15 and 16 Edward III. (1341-2).^ Among them is the sum 
of I7id., " tithe paid to the Church for berbiage " — i.e., for 
the pasturage of sheep. This payment was made ** by ancient 
custom," and at Easter. The reeve of the manor and beadle 
received between them for their services 5s. In the Accounts 
rendered five years later (20 and 21 Edw. III.) the reeve 
accounts for 4s. " for one sea hog taken in the port of 
Tewyn " : and again two years later, 2d. is paid ** for chevage 

^ In the same year (1341) there is a reference to the parish in the Inquisiiio Nnnarum, 
15 Edw. III., p. 343. Nonaewere contributions of the ninik sheaf, lamb and fleece 
granted to the king by Parliament for the purposes of the u-ar with France and Scotland. 
Gruits of tent As were common enoflgh, but this would seem to be the only occasion on 
wbicfa uiniks were levied. It may be as well to give the text *' De nona garb^- [garbarum] 
veil et agn pooh ecclesie Sd. Austoli cum Capell de Landreith tix [ate] ad xij U- xiij •• iiij d. 
[^la : 13 : 4] et sic vend* Johi Tregorcck, Johi Bottomelek et Plo. Lybon. De XV. vero 
luciuL'* This is interesting, as it shows that the sheaves, lambs, etc. were sold on the 
spoL The Ji/UeiUks were only enacted from towns fde Burgis et VillisJ, and as 
St. Austen paid none, it was plainly not then accounted as such. 


of natives '* — a capitation tribute exacted from the nativi 
of the manor ^ — ** at the feast of St. Michael, and no 
more, for the rest are dead of the pestilence.'' ** The 
rest dead of the pestilence" — what a world of sorrow 
and suffering do those few words cover ! Rachel weeping 
for her children, children orphaned, peasants buried by the 
score, ** men's hearts failing them for fear." About this time, 
on June i6th, 1336, two of our townsmen (as I judge from 
their names, John and Alexander Austol) were, with others, 
indicted for carrying away the ship Le Coq Johan at 
Lostwithiel by night. At this time too the De Kendalls were 
receivers of the Lord Duke of Cornwall. There are other 
and similar references to the town or places within the parish, 
in the Ministers' Accounts of 37 and 38 Hen. VI., 17 and 18 
Edw. IV., 39 and 40 Eliz., and elsewhere, but they are of no 
particular interest. 

Returning to the Church, the Chapel at Landraed, or Lan- 
dreth, now known as St. Blazey Church, and which till quite 
recent days — in fact, until the appointment of my predecessor, 
the Rev. Fortescue Todd — was held continuously along with 
St. Austell, would appear to have been consecrated by Bishop 
Stapeldon in 1309. One of our townsmen, a Reginald de 
St. Austell, was Rector of St. Just in 1335^; I should have men- 
tioned that Robert of St. Austell was instituted to St. Anthony 
in Meneage in 1266, on the nomination of the Prior of Tyward- 
reath. In 1374 Bishop Brantyngham, in his return to the 
writ of King Edward III. (March 6th, A. R. 48), tells us that 
** Prater Willelmus de la Haye optinet ecclesiam Sancti Ausioli, 
valoris per annum £50 : 3 : 5," and adds, ** Idem optinet 

In the reign of Henry IV. the manor was granted to the Countess of Huntingdon, 
and it did not revert to the Crown until 38 Hen. VI. 

* rhis we learn from the Glasney Cartulary, now in the possession of Jon. Rashleigh, Esq. 


capellam de Landreth, valoris per annum jfio : 2 : 3."^ In 
the fifteenth century our history is almost a blank, save for 
the records of the institutions of vicars and Chantry priests 
and a bare reference to the place in the pages of William of 
Worcester — he says " Owstalle " is six miles from Graunpond 
and eight from Lastydiell ; elsewhere he says the Tywardreth 
river begins in the parish of ** Seynt Austell.'' *^ The Kalendar 
of the Inquisitiones post Mortem tells us that Edward' Cortenay, 
nuper Comes Devofi, was possessed of divers messuages and 
lands, together with ** tolnet stanni ibidem,*' at Seint Austoll 
in 1402, and that in the 13th year of Edward IV. (1473) the 
manor, together with Lanestock, Penfenton, Tresilion, etc., 
etc., was owned by Philip Copleston and Renfred Arundel. In 
1492 "Seint Austell Maner" was held by Randulph Copleston, 
armiger. In 1504 — this is not much to record, but every scrap of 
information is worth recording — Richard Marston, or Martin, 
the then Prior of Tywardreath, made a seven-light window 
in the Priory Hall, constructing it of that Pentewan or Pol- 
ruddan stone of which we shall hear again presently. He 
did not, however, long enjoy it, for on May ist, 1506, he 
signified to the bishop that his retirement had been arranged 

1 Oliver, Afonasticon, p. 423. 

•The Itinerarium sive Liber Rerum Memorabilium Willelmi Bottoner, diet, de 
Worcestre (Edit. Nasmith, 1778), the date of which is about 1490. mentions many 
castles — among them Castle Carloogus. near to St. Columb, and the Castle of the 
Archdecknes, near to Ruanlanihorne. He speaks also of the Turris at Fowey and 
another at PoUrewen. He gives little more than castles and distances — for example, 
*• A Fowey usque ad Trewardreth, 2 miliaria ; . . . A Lastidielle usque Bodman, 
3 miliaria ; a Bodman usque Fadisco super mare boriale 8 miliaria." He mentions 
Tregenburgh and Trewrewborough. He tells us in one place, however, that " Ricardus 
Rex Alemaniae*' — Richard. " King of the Romans." as he is often called, who had a 
stronghold at Restornicl. and apparently many natural children in the neighbourhood — 
"obiit 3 April. 1329." and then adds presently that " Margeria de Treverbin obiit 
9 June. 1346." She was, I suspect, one of his daughters, and became wife of John 
Psuilet, to whom and to Margaret' his wife Richard II., in the fifteenth year of his 
retfn, granted a moiety of the manor of Treverbyn. 


for, and that he was to receive a yearly pension of £40, 
secured upon the garb ^ of the parish of St. Austell and the 
casualty of toll tin. But he had reckoned without his host, 
for the bishop accepted his resignation (on Dec. 20th), but 
reduced his pension to £20 per annum — evidently the prelate 
had reasons for not taking the prior at his own valuation. 
In 1507, on Nov. 25th, Martin was succeeded by Thomas 
CoUyns, who (on June ist, 1532) leased the tithes of St. Austell 
to Sir John Chamond, Knt.,^ and his son Thomas, for a term 
of fourteen years at £27 per ann. In the preceding half cen- 
tury* — we cannot give the exact date — the Church had assumed 
its present form, for the nave, the aisles, and the stately tower 
were no doubt erected in the reign of Henry VII. ; it has 
often been observed that a great revival of Church building 
preceded the Reformation. The long and wasting wars of 
the Roses were then over — it was in 1483 that the young 
princes were smothered in the Tower, and in 1485 that 
Richard Crookback died on Bosworth field and Henry 
Tudor succeeded to the throne. For the first time now for 
many years the nation enjoyed the blessings of peace — we 
might almost say that " the land had rest for forty years '* — 
and some of those years the people devoted to building and 
restoring their sanctuaries ; it was then that many of our 
Cornish Churches or their towers were rebuilt. 

The next mention of our town, or rather of our Church — 
almost all the notices of these early days are in connexion 
with the Church — is to be found in the returns of the 
inquisition instituted by Cardinal Wolsey, as legate de latere, 
into the state and revenues of the monasteries. This inquiry 

1 The " garb" is the sheaf of wheat, and indeed of other crops, including wood. So 
that the pension was made a charge on the tithes. 

* This name appears several times in the Counte boke of Stratton. 


b^^ in 1 52 1. In 1538 Robert Tregunwell, the then vicar, 
made the return known as the Valor EccUsiasiicus, according 
to which all tenths and 'first-fniits were made payable to the 
king. It is heard of again in the same year, for, on the 
dissolution of the religious houses, Henry VIII. annexed 
the manor of St. Austell (St. Austell Prior), then belonging 
to the convent at Tywardreath, and valued at £5 : 3 : 6, to 
the Duchy of Cornwall.* A Patent of the date of 1527 
(19 Hen. VIII.) shows that the advowson and vicarage of 
Austell and Blazey was then bestowed on Charles, Duke of 
Suffolk. The " free Chapel at Benekudell " (or Manecudell), 
" of the Kynge's gyfte," and '* founded by the auncestors of 
Peryse " — " to fynde a pryste to celebrate certayne masses 
in the paryshe Churche of Benekudell, and he to be deacon 
unto the vicar there at festyvall tymes in the celebration of 
masse " * — was not molested until the days of Edward VI., 
that is to say, its incumbent continued to receive his modest 
stipend of £5 per ann. ; perhaps the smallness of the emolu- 
ment preserved it from the rapacious hands of Henry VIII. 
Thomas Allway, its last incumbent, is mentioned in the Roll 
of fees paid to members of suppressed Chantries, 2 and 3 
PhiUp and Mary (1555). He received £5. The lands belonging 
to the Chapel — 71 acres — are still tithe free ; they were granted 
by Edward VI. to Sir Thomas Pomeroy and Hugh Pomeroy. 

We have now reached the period, that of the Tudor princes, 
when English History, properly so called, is usually said to 
begin ; it is supposed to begin here because of the invention 
of printing, but what sources of history can be as reliable as 

1 The total revenues of the Priory at the dissolution amounted to £12^ : 9s. Jones, 
C^mpifif History of all the Religious Houses in Devon and Comwali, As far back as 
the tune of Henry IV. the Commons bad petitioned that all the property of the 
moosstoies sboold be confiscated. 

« Oil w, p. 485. 


the antient records and State papers ? and printing does not 
affect these. Still, the notices of our town, save in the faithful 
diocesan registers, are few and far between — I daresay there 
was little enough to notice. John Leland, the travelled 
antiquary, who died in 1552, describes the place as a " poore 
village with a Paroche Church," and as being '* VI. Myles 
East fro. Tregoney.'' ^ This author, whose work was " be- 
gunne about 1538," approached St. Austelles, or St. Austols — 
he was quite impartial in his spelling — from Mevagissey. He 
says. Vol. III., p. 20 — ** From Chapel Land [now ** Chapel 
Point *'] to Pentowen, a sandy bay whither to fischar Bootes 
repair for socour, a 2 Myles." Of Pentewan he writes — 
** Here issuith out a praty Ryver that cummith from St. Aus- 
telles, about a 2 Miles dim of.^ And there is a Bridge of 
Stone of the name of the Town." " This Ryver," he adds, 
" renneth under the West side of the Hille that t[he Church] 
of St. Austelles stondith on " (p. 20). He gives the distance 
"from Pentowen to the Blake Hedd " as a mile. He mentions 
the Polrudden Quarry : ** There is a fair Quarre of Whit Fre 
Stone on the shore, betwixt Pentowen and Blak Hed. Pen- 
dinas Castle is of the same stone, except the [Wallinge] . . . 
In the Cliffes betwen the Blak Hed and Tywartraith Bay is 
a certayn Cave, wheryn apperith Thinges lyke Images gilted. 
And also in the same Cliffes be vaynes of Metalles, as Coper 
and other . . . From Dudman Foreland to Trewardreth . the 
Contre is sumwhat baren of Gresse and Come and replenished 
with Tynne werkes, with Vaynes yn the se Clyves [sea cliffs] 
of Coper." ^ (Vol. vii., p. 112.) This lengthy description on 

* TAe Itinerary of John Ltland^ that famous Antiquary ^ 2nd Edit., Oxford, 1745, 
Vol. vii., p. 122, Appendix. 

^I.e., two and a half miles away ; it is really four. 

8 The name Silver Afine Beach attests the existence of a mine, and one in which 
some silver was found, on our coast — indeed, the adits may still be seen and explored. 



value of 3^38 : 12 : 7, and the *' Manner of Austell " as of the 
"yeerly rent of £5 : 3 : 6 " — the "yeerly farme of the Manner 
of Fowye " was only 39s. 2d. — and mentions them as among 
the manors annexed to the Duchy by Henry VIII., in lieu 
of the Honour of Wallingford.^ The State Papers of this 
period point to continuous famines and alarms. 1587 was 
a year of great dearth ; wheat was los. 6d. and " rie " 9s. 6d. 
a bushel. And on May 9th, 1608, the Justices of Cornwall 
assembled at St. Austell to address a request to the Mayor 
of Southampton " for com for the Western parts, which are 
in great distress " * ; whilst on May i6th, 1626, John Osgood, 
Mayor of Plymouth, writes to the constables of St. Austell — 
the letter was to be passed on to the constables of Foye — 
informing them that '' there are eighty great ships between 
the Lizard and Looe, verily thought to be Spaniards." Fancy 
the reign of terror in our little town ! But still graver troubles 
were in store for them. In 1644, a short time before the 
Parliamentarians capitulated near St. Blazey, the town, or 
what there was of it, was taken by the Royalist forces.' We 

1 Dodridge gives "the satmwta toUUis for the profit of the Tynne in Cornwall the last 
yeere" as ;£3.6a3 : 9 : 8. In 1595 th? profit of the coinage of Tin in Cornwall only for 
the year ending Michaelmas, 1594. was ;f 2,465 -.8:7, whilst the fall value of the output 
in the two counties was reckoned (by the Earl of Oxford to Lord Burleigh) at ^f 40,000 
per ammaim. State Papers. 1595, p. 20. 

* One Wm. Foxall undertook to deliver 100 quarters of barley at Mevagissey for the 
nse of the poor. 

* Clarendon, in bis History of the Rebtllion^ Book viii.. p. iii, under date of 
Angost a6th, 1644, tells us that " Lx)rd Essex was then at Listhithiel, and had the 
good town of Foy and the sea to friend. Sir Richard Greenevil was at Bodmin, and 
pQM>wrd himself of Lanhetherick, a strong house of the Lord Roberts. ... In this 
posture both armies lay still for 8 or 10 days." Then "Goring was sent with the 
greatest part of the horse and 1.500 foot a little Westward to St. Blase to drive the 
eoemy yet doser together and to cut off the provi&ions which they received from thence ; 
which was so well executed that they did not only possess tkewuelves of St, Austell . . . 
bat likrwise were masters of the Parr." (With General Goring Sir T. Basset was 

Lysons, p. xx.) 


have in our Church, as in so many others of this county, a 
Proclamation of King Charles, painted on wood, complimenting 
the Cornish on their loyalty and devotion — I believe the last 
stand ** for King Charles upon the throne " was made at 
Tresilian Bridge, some ten miles away, where Lord Hopton 
surrendered to Fairfax. The Proclamation bears date Sep. 
loth, 1643, and was ** given at our camp at Sudley Castle." 
The Proclamation, however, as everybody knows, was in vairt. 
The chances of war went against the king, and when next we 
read of St. Austell in the public records it is under the rule 
of the Commonwealth, and the Royalists are smarting for 
their loyalty. On Nov. 17th, 1646, the Committee for Com- 
pounding fined Lord Mohun (who was in arms against the 
Parliament in 1642-3) 3^2,090 : 17 : 6, or 3^1,500 if Parliament 
allowed of the entail, "and if he settle the tithes of St. Austell" 
value £80 a year, then the fine is reduced to £700. On 
Jan. nth, 1649, the case touching the Rectory of St. Austell 
was referred to the Sub-Committee. On Dec. 4th, 1650, the 
Committee had before them the case of Robert Sawle of 
St. Austell, who ** adhered at first to the king, but repented 
of his error.*' The County Committee had threatened to 
sequester him unless he would compound with them for £45, 
which he did. He begged now to compound with this 
Committee and allowance of the 3^45 from his fine. On the 
following March 6th he was fined £56 : 10, so that his appeal 
to the higher powers did him no good. Information was laid 
before the Committee for Advance of Money on Aug. ist, 
1649, that John Corlyan, Austell, was a serjeant in the King's 
Army for a long time ; also against William La, junr., Austel, 
who was accused of shooting at one of the Parliamentary 
soldiers, of the Plymouth regiment of horse, whom he found 
at his house refreshing themselves. La demanded who they 


were for, and on their answering " for the Parliament," he shot 
at one and wounded him in the shoulder.^ On Nov. 6th, 165 1, 
William Laa, or Lee, of St. Austell, begged to compound, to 
avoid further trouble for adhering to the king ; alleges that 
he has done nothing since 1648 and was never sequestered. 
All the same, on Dec. 2nd, he was fined ^169 : 8 : 2, which 
he paid on Jan. 29th following. We have also in the archives 
in the Exchequer the returns to the Parliamentary Survey, 
which were handed in on May loth, 1650. From these we 
learn, among other things, that Charles Trevannion, Knt.,* 
held lands in Trewerrin [Treverbyn], Wm. Carlyon in Mene- 
ginnis [Menagwins], and Grechial Arundell and Oliver Sawle 
in Austell : also that ** all the parish of St. Austell holds the 
assize of bread and ale " — that is to say, the prices of these 
commodities were assessed by the parishioners — ** within the 
said parish, with stallage for all the tenants there, paying an 
annual sum therefor of 3s. 4d." Among the conventionary 
tenants we find Samuel Hext at Treyaran and Mark Higfnan 
at Trevisecke. The Freestone quarry was held by Walter 
Higman, whilst Oliver Sawle held Hellingstone quarry. The 
latter also purchased the King's Wood, ** that was of Charles 
Stuart '' — of this I have spoken elsewhere. Three years later 
we have a Memorial addressed to the Duchy by the same 
conventionary tenants. It is signed by Oliver Sawell, Richard 
Scobbell, John Moyle, Henry Carlian and John Opy, whilst 
John Bennett, Walter Higman, John Davie, William Band 
[Bond?], Wm. Grehard [Gichard ?J, Luke Peerse, Thomas 
Jesse, Tristram Carlyan and Richard Julyan made their 
respective marks. The next record that I have come across 

1 This is no doubt the source of Hals' story given below, Chap, xviii. 

s Among the Treasury Papers is a report of Sir E. Ward, Attorney General, on a 
petitioQ (in 1693) of Chas. Trevannion respecting encraichments on the manors of 
Treverbyn Courtenay and St. Austell Prior. 


concerns the Church. On Nov. 15th, 1655, we find the 
"Trustees for the maintenance of Ministers" ordering "that 
Major John Hale, Rec»'-» take speciall care to secure the 
p'fitts of ye Imp'priate Rectory of St. Austell in ye County 
of Cornwall, settled by Walwick, Lord Mohun,^ upon his 
composicion, of the yearely value of fowerscore pounds." He 
was also required to " take an acc^- of all the arrears thereof 
since ye 9*** of August, 1648, . . . and w^ is become of ye 
same, how disposed of, by w'- authority." We also learn 
from the Commonwealth Registers, known as The Augmenta* 
Hon of Livings — some 66 volumes — now in the library of 
Lambeth Palace,^ that the intruded minister at this time was 
one William Upcott. In 1661, which is described as " the 
13th year of Charles H.'s reign " — the Commonwealth period 
did not count — we find Oliver Sawle at a Court held at the 
Manor House, St. Austell, surrendering Towan, whereupon 
Joseph Sawle took up the lands. Oliver Sawle served as 
High Sheriff in 1663 : he did much, apparently, to build up 
the family ; his O. S. appears on many old stones and land- 
marks. He was buried March i8th, 1669-70. His son, Joseph 
Sawle, as we shall find, appears prominently in our old Parish 
records, for in the year 1661 the Market tolls were granted to 
Oliver Sawle and Henry Carlyon, Gent.^ — both families are 
still represented amongst us — in trust for the poor, and we 

1 This title became extinct in 171 2, when the last lord fell in a duel with the Duke 
of Hamilton. But some members of the family, under the name of Moon, lived in 
no little poverty in St. Austell at a comparatively recent date. 

* These were handed over by order of the House of Commons in 1662 to Archbishop 
Juxon, to be kept at Lambeth. 

■ Their names are given in the Calendar of State Papers as Oliver Sawby and Henry 
Carlton, They had apparently petitioned for a Market in the time of Charles I. — about 
1638 : there is no doubt as to their names, but the petition is undated. It states that 
" the town has a great trade in corn, fish, and tin, being very populous^ and has a fair 
market house and other necessaries commodious for keeping markets and fairs. There 


have amongst our archives an Account Book " of the Marketts 
and Faires," beginning with the year 1670, from which I give 
some extracts below (in Chapter VI.) In 1665 — as we gather 
from a report of the Deanerj' of Powder (July 17th) — there 
was " never a free school within this Deanery." 

In 1676 a Religious Census of the diocese was taken by com- 
mand of the Archbishop of Canterbury'. There were at that date 
but 67 Romanists in Cornwall ; there were 842 Nonconformists, 
and the rest, 65,811, were Church people. In our own town 
there were 21 Nonconformists, or rather Dissenters, chiefly 
Quakers — " Nonconformist " then meant a Churchman who 
did not conform to certain Church usages — and not a single 
Romanist, whilst the " Conformists " numbered exactly 1,000. 
It does not follow that our population was then 1,021 as the 
return takes no account of children. Then we hear little of 
St. Austell until 1760, some ninety years later, when the road 
from Plymouth to Truro, and indeed to the Land's End, was 
brought through the town — ^the old road, perhaps the Ikcnield 
Street, passes over Gossmoor, some seven or eight miles to the 
north. This new highway — Lysons calls it " the Great Road 
from Lx)ndon to the Land's End by way of Plymouth Dock " ^ — 
would add materially to the life, if not to the wealth, of the 
town, and we may fancy how the inhabitants would at first 
stand in their doon\'ays — there were hardly enough of them 

no market within six miles, they pray the king to grant them liberty to keep a 
weekly market on Fridays, with two fairs yearly." Probably the petition was overlooked. 
owing to the troublous times. Stockdale {Excursions, p. 48) says the '* Charter was 
first bestowed by Oliver Cromwell, as a grateful reward for the heroic exertions of one 
May, who had a seat near the town, and for his particular gallantry in a battle fought 
pear Boconnoc." Apparently, he is citing Hitchins. whose words are. " The Charter 
is said to have been conferred by CromwelL" 

1 P. cxciL Elsewhere (p. xliii.) he writes : "Since Carew*s time ... St. Austell, 
from its vicinity to the Great Nfine of Polgooth. and from its having become a great 
tboroaghfiue on the road from Plymouth to the Land's End, has grown from a mere 
viOaice to be a considerable town." 


to line the street — to watch the vans or coaches pass. It is 
said (and it is a striking illustration of the statement that 
** until the power of steam was known the means of transit 
had not sensibly improved since pre-historic times " ^ ) that 
Russell's waggon — a portentous machine it was — took nearly 
a fortnight between here and London. It was so capacious 
that it gave rise to a proverbial phrase, '* As big as Russell's 
waggon." The passengers brought their own bedding with 
them. We must not forget, however, in picturing the scene, 
that our streets were then in an appalling condition ; even 
now, I must in candour admit, they leave much to be desired, 
for St. Austell, however clean overhead, is frightfully dirty 
, under foot. In our great cities there was, in that day, little 
idea of cleanliness ; what then could you expect in tiny 
country towns? The kennels were often choked with garbage. 
The footpaths, where such luxuries existed, were so rough and 
uneven that every shower produced a crop of pools, which 
greatly exercised the ingenuity of the wayfarer to dodge them. 
Of our St. Austell streets it was said as late as 1817 * that 
" not being paved they are unsafe for foot passengers ! " Even 
Drew allowed in 1824 that they were " crooked and narrow '* 
and innocent of ** flat pavement." Atid the roads — they were 
of the type described in the lines, 

" If you'd seen these roads before they were made, 
You would lift up your hands and bless General Wade"' — 

were sometimes infested by robbers. I imagine the travellers 
over the Plymouth road in 1762 could tell their stories of 

1 Clodd, Story oj Primitive Xfan, p. 172. '^ Gazetteer of Cornwall : Truro. Heard. 

» Perhaps this is why Sir W. Raleigh wrote in 1596 to Lord Cobham, " I am preparing 
for my miserable journey into Cornwall." But our roads have been a reproach till quite 
recently. In 1841 an old man named Orris told Mr. Zincke that when he was a young 
man he "had been employed by the parish to plough in the ruts on the Ipswich and 
Manningtree road, for at that time there were no stone roads." The plough was provided 


" hairbreadth 'scapes," of " moving accidents by flood and 
field," though highwaymen naturally infested the neighbour- 
hood of Lx)ndon, rather than this unremunerative county, 
then, as now, among the poorest of the English shires. A 
journey to London was then a formidable undertaking in many 
ways. Whether our forefathers made their wills before they 
set out, as the Russians are said to do before they take the 
railway journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow, I could not 
undertake to say, but an old parishioner, now deceased, has 
told me that he has often seen in his boyhood one or another 
of the tradesmen passing from house to house in the Fore 
Street, solemnly shaking hands with his friends and ruefully 
saying a fond adieu. " Wheer be 'ee gaun' to ? " " I be gaun' 
to Lunnon, sho 'nufif." "To Lunnon ? Well, I wish 'ee well," 
etc., etc.^ How Wesley, who often visited our town, must 
have rejoiced over the new road ! In 1834 the Vestry resolved 
to adopt the provisions of the Act for public lighting — I may 
mention here that Redruth was one of the first towns in 

bj the parish. " The loads of broom purchased by the parish for mending the road " are 
entered in the overseers* books. Wherstead, pp. 68-9, cf. Wenkaston, p. 19. llie 
Diary tf Ce Ha Fiennes, recently printed, has much to say about oar atrocious lanes and 
highwajTS — this was about 1695; e.g., "In the Road there are many holes and sloughs 
where Ever there is Clay Ground, and when by mines they are filled with water, it is 
difficult to shun danger." P. 217. 

1 The story is told — and it has the merit of being a true one— of how one John 
Tregoning. who went up to London in 181 3 as a witness in the celebrated law suit 
of Rashleigh v. Dingle, when the coach reached Holmbush, a mile and a half away, 
entreated the driver to pull up, as he espied a friend, a miner coming along the road, 
to whom he wanted to give a message. I he message was to Tregoning's wife ; 
it was to let Dolly know that he "had arrived safely so far ! " Many stories are still 
connected with Jan Tregoning's nam*. It is told, for example, how on the return 
journey be brought back with him as a present for Dolly a keg of the prime and potent 
Exeter ale. But, sad to say. Dolly never drank it Somebody got at it, drained it of 
its contents, and substituted some very small beer in its place. And a proverb still 
drcolates amongst us, " He've got a shoit memory, like Jan Tregoning's pig." The o'd 
man used to tell bow he had boiled some potatoes for the " peg" and served them up 
boC The pig dropped one which he found too warm for him with great alacrity, but the 

nixt moment returned to the same potato again. 



England to adopt lighting by Gas, and St. Austell one of the 
first to use the Electric Light. 

But we now come to an event of much greater importance — 
indeed I question whether it does not rank first in our history — 
I mean the development of the great mine of Polgooth, which 
is commonly and justly said to have been the making of 
St. Austell.^ Of the mine itself I shall have something to 
say later on ; here it must suffice to remark that the " Happy 
Union " Mine — the three parishes of St. Austell, St. Ewe, and 
St. Mewan unite at Polgooth ; so did formerly two rich lodes of 
tin ; I expect this latter union gave the mine its name — was 
first opened in 1780, and as for some years it yielded to the 
proprietors some £18,000 per annum, it is needless to say 
what a source of prosperity it has been to this the adjoining 
town. Lipscomb * tells us (p. 252) that " the profits are 
immense, the labour of getting out the ore being so incon- 
siderable. More business," he adds, ** is now transacted at 
St. Austell than at either of the other [Stannary] towns." 
It was not working, however, in 1808, when Warner wrote 
his Tour through Cornwall. Some show of business, neverthe- 
less, was being made when I came into the county in 1881. 

And scarcely inferior to the Polgooth Mine, in its bearing on 
our prosperity, was the beginning of the China Clay trade in 
this region of Cornwall, which we may ascribe to the year 1768. 
In 1858 the railway invaded the parish — it had been for some 
time in the county (for if we are poor, we are enterprising) — 
the little minerals line from Bodmin to Wadebridge being one 
of the first constructed in England. This Plymouth-Truro- 
Penzance line was engineered by the celebrated Brunei ; the 

^ "The great and rich mines of Polgooth once contributed to the rise of St. Austell, 
as the copper mines of Crennis and other mines around do now." Cornwall — its Mines 
and Miners : London, 1855. Alas ! they do this no longer. 

* A Journey into Cornwall, 1799. 


Saltash Bridge, which bears his name stamped upon it, and 
which involved twelve years' work (it was completed in 1859), 
is often pointed to as a monument of his skill : it certainly is 
no great evidence of his taste. As our county is seamed with 
valleys, and as the line maintains a high level, a considerable 
portion of it — not less, I have been assured, than one twelfth 
of the entire distance — consists of viaducts, which, with a 
view to economy, he constructed of wood. The result, how- 
ever, has by no means answered to his expectations, for 
these seven miles of " spider bridges," though undoubtedly 
picturesque, require to be carefully watched, and the huge 
beams, each of which bears upon it the date of its insertion, 
have to be constantly renewed, at a ruinous cost, so much so 
that the repairs of the bridges have absorbed all the dividends. 
However, these costly structures are now being everywhere 
replaced by arches of stone, and the Cornwall Railway has 
within the last few years been taken over by the Great 
Western, so that brighter days, we may hope, are in store 
for the shareholders. Brighter days, it is whispered, will also 
dawn for Cornish travellers, when the G. W. R. has no longer 
the monopoly in this county. But it is only giving that much- 
abosed Company its due to add that it has vastly improved 
its accommodation and reduced its fares within the last few 
years. The conversion of the Broad into the *' Narrow Gauge," 
which was accomplished — 200 miles and more, by 5,000 men in 
thirty-one hours (May 22nd, 1892) — amid considerable excite- 
ment on our part, and the inauguration of a new water supply ^ 
(on April 23rd, 1896), which gives us some of the best water in 
the world — it comes straight out of the granite bed, and is as 
soft as milk — are the latest events in the history of St. Austell. 

1 In 1786 we find the Vestry testifying that "the water lately brought from Bojea to 
sopply the town of St. Austell is the sole property of Mrs. Mary Sawle of Penrice." Till 
qnite reoenUj oar water supply was dependent on Lord Mt. Edgcumbe, whose tenants 
■ught at any moment, by their excavations, have cut it off at the source. 



|NY " Account of St. Austell," or of any representative 
"Cornish Parish," however brief, would be altogether 
incomplete without some reference to its Mines, 
Clayworks, and Fisheries. " Fish, tin and copper " has long 
been the Cornish toast. To this, in Mid-Cornwall at least, 
must now be added " Clay " — a more prosperous industry at 
the present time than any of the others. St. Austell is at this 
moment the most flourishing town in the county, just because, 
whilst other neighbourhoods have been depopulated or im- 
poverished by the closing of the mines or the partial migration 
of the fish to other shores, the china clay trade goes on and 
increases. " By this craft we have our wealth." As, however, 
it is quite a modern industry, it is only fair to give the pas 
to years and begin with 


And the more so, because *' the revolution wrought by metals 
is the greatest that the world has yet seen or that it will ever 
see." ^ I have already observed that the town owes much of 
its prosperity, in past years, to the neighbouring tin mine of 

1 Clodd, p. 172, who adds : " Only when there was placed in man's hand the hard 
sharp-edged bronze or iron axe could he make quick clearance of the trees and hew bis 
path to that goal of civilization which he could never have reached by stone implements." 


Polgooth (" St. Austell mining district is principally stannif- 
erous ")> on which at one period no less than twelve hundred 
hands were employed. Warner, who saw it in 1808, says that 
it then boasted of fifty shafts, twenty-six of which were still 
available, though it had been shut down for two years. Its 
depth was 124 fathoms. He describes the main vein of ore 
as about six feet thick, running from East to West and dipping 
to the North at the rate of about six feet in a fathom. He also 
affirms that it had yielded from £15,000 to £18,000 ^^r annum. 
Upwards of £15,000 had however been expended before the 
adventurers netted one shilling.^ The expense of erecting the 
engine and other machinery was nearly £20,000.* This is now 
worked no longer — not, however, because the ore is by any 
means exhausted,' but because tin can be procured more 
cheaply from the Straits Settlement and other countries. This 
is why " the mines are dead " — as a mine captain observed 
recently. Attempts have been made from time to time to 
resuscitate Polgooth or to start fresh mines in the neighbour- 
hood (I had a circular myself not long ago about a new 
venture, which turned out to be but a mile and a half from 
my doors. Its brilliant prospects were based, apparently, on 

1 Tfur, p. 98. When Miss Fiennes visited it, it employed "more than 1,000 men.** 
Sbe says (p. 318) : " There wais at least 30 mines all in sight. w«b employs a great many 
people at work almost night and day." 

s Gaseifegrtf Cornwall, which also reminds us that "The Blackmore Court, which is 
the most considerable of the Stannary Courts," was held at St. Austell. 

* There is plenty of tin in Cornwall, and there are plenty of men to work it. In the 
earlier half of 1894 a labourer repairing the roads near Belowdah — here pronounced 
Belovely— came upon evidences of tin under the highway. In a trice the owners of the 
land on either side had sunk shafts and constructed adits. They would probably have 
met (and fought) under the middle of the road had not one with great enterprise and 
resdotion filled up the other's shaft, though it all but entombed his miners. " Although 
Cornwall has supplied most of the world with tin for certainly over 2,000 years, and 
probably more than 4,000 years, yet the output is now as large as ever. " This was true 
a few years ago. but it is by no means the case now. Lord Mt. Edgcumbe stated in 1884 
that the aTcrage output of tin ore for the ten preceding years was a little over 14.000 tons. 



the old reputation of Polgooth, for all the plant that I could 
discover was a couple of sheds, a drum and other tackle, and 
a heap of refuse), but they have none of them been brilliant 
successes, whilst most of them have been dismal failures. An 

enterprising promoter — here is one example — bought S 

P mine some years ago for a small sum, I believe it was 

£1,500, and on the strength of this floated a company, capital 
£70,000. That promoter is now a wiser and a sadder man, 
and so are all they that put their trust in him. It is not often, 
however, I may observe here, that you find a Cornishman 
putting money into the mines of his own county ; he sagely 

"The Mines ark dead"— A Cornjsh "Whim," near Duporth. 

From a Sketch by the Author. 

prefers to do the work for others. A proverb circulates 
amongst our miners to the efifect that the county is divided 
between Cornishmen and Lun'oners, and that it is the privilege 
of the former to live by the latter. Advertisements ofifering to 
put investors into really good mines, paying at least from 15 
to 20 per cent, dividend, do not attract them ; they ask why 
the broker or promoter is willing to share so choice a thing 
with others, and whether he will get you out of a Cornish mine, 
when once you have found the bottom, as readily as he will 
put you into it.^ All the same, several mines in this immediate 

1 Vide Cornwall, its Mines and Miners, pp. 244-5. 


neighbourhood have been splendid successes. Such was 
Polgooth ; such was the old Crinnis Copper Mine, near 
St. Blazey, which "was abandoned several times, by the way, 
before its working resulted in a profit. In 1808 a mine captain 
pronounced it " not worth a pipe of tobacco." Nevertheless, 
in the year following, Mr. Joshua Rowe, with a band of co- 
adventurers, began working it again, but for some time 
without success — so much so that the co-adventurers by 
d^prees dropped ofif, leaving to Rowe all the expense and 
the risk. But he was rewarded by the discovery of a rich 
and royal vein of ore, only ten feet, too, below the surface. 
It was not all profit, however, at first, as the co-adventurers 
now stepped in and claimed a share of the spoil, and Rowe 
had to fight them in the Law Courts at a cost of £20,000. 
But he won the day — he celebrated his victory, I have been 
informed, by roasting an ox whole and making a feast to his 
workmen — and in four and a half years made out of that mine 
a clear profit of £168,000. In 1816 it had passed into the 
hands of Mr. Matthew Wood, Lord Mayor of London.^ It 
has long been closed. Wheal Eliza, also on the East side 
of the parish, has done a good business of recent years, but 
this, too, was closed in 1891. Smelting has for some time 
ceased amongst us, but the names of " Blowing House " 
and " Lower Blowing House " show where once the bellows 
worked.* It must be remembered that until comparatively 
recent days all metalliferous ores in this county were smelted 
by means of wood fires — indeed, it is said that our primaeval 
forests have chiefly been cut down in order to feed the 

* /hd, p. 256. Hitchins and Drew (p. 70) give a table of the " Produce of Crionis 
Mine" for the years 181 1 to 1816— a total of 39.000 tons, the value of which was estimated 

■ " There are but few other blowing houses in EUirope." {Gautteer of Cornwall, 1817.) 
"Three spacious blowing houses" wereat work inStockdale*stime, 1824. (Excursions, p. 4^.) 



" blowing houses " — and now our distance from the coal 
fields makes the process of fusion an expensive one. And 
here J shall make a brief digression ; I must spend a few 
words on the mining operations of the ancient Cornish, and 
this because a place in the parish, Pentewan, has revealed 
some of the very oldest workings in the world. Herodotus, 

Afltr a PAHnprapA bf W. Orchanl. 

as far back as B.C. 445, tells us that tin was brought to Greece 

" from the islands of the Cassiierides " ' — kassiteros is the Greek 

for tin, which the Latins called plumbum album, in contradis* 

tinction to lead, which they denominated plumbum nigrum. 

Then Polybius of Arcadia, B.C. 130, refers to the Bretannic 

iGcneralljF idenlitied with Ihe Scilty Isles, Oihers see in tbem "the tin iilaiuls la 
Vifo Bay." 


isles and the working of tin. So, of course, does Julius Caesar, 
who invaded this country in B.C. 55. He tells us, however, 
that the tin came from the inland part of the country ; no 
doubt Cornwall was inland to him. Publius Crassus, possibly 
one of Caesar's generals, a short time before his (Caesar's) 
invasion, had reached Scilly and taught the natives a better 
mode of mining.^ The fullest account, however, is that of 
Diodorus Siculus in B.C. 44, a part of which I shall venture 
to quote. " They who dwell near the promontory of Britain, 
which is called Boleritim [i.e., Cornwall] . . . obtain the tin 
by skilfully working the soil which produces it . . . working 
the ore and then fusing, they reduce it to metal, and when 
they have formed it into cubical shapes they convey it to a 
certain island lying ofif Britain named Ictis.* . . . From hence 
the merchants purchase the tin from the natives and carry it 
across into Gaul, and finally, journeying by land through Gaul 
for about thirty days, they convey their burdens on horses to 
the outlet of the River Rhone," whence it was, no doubt, 
shipped on to the Mediterranean. Strabo, writing about the 
year a.d. 18, speaking of the Cassiterides and their tin — which 
he, too, says was carried from Britain to Marseilles — adds that 
** formerly the Phoenicians alone carried on this traffick from 
Gadeira, concealing the passage [the Straits of Gibraltar ?] 
from everyone, and when the Romans followed a certain ship- 
master that they also might find the mart, the shipmaster of 
jealousy purposely ran his vessel upon a shoal, and leading 
on those who followed him into the same destructive disaster, 

* Borlase, Antiquities, 

•This has been variously supposed 10 be St. Michael's Mount — Diodorus goes on to 
aay the tin is carried across in waggons at low water — the Isle of Wight, and the Isle of 
'rhanet. "The almost unique physical chiiracteristics of St. Michael's Mount in Cornwall 
conform precisely to the account given by Diodorus Siculus of the trading station from 
whence the Phoenicians obtained their tin." Taylor, Words and Places, p. 64. 



he himself escaped by means of a fragment of the ship, and 
received from the State the value of the cargo he had lost." ' 
It is clear, consequently, that tin has been raised in Cornwall 
from time immemorial — indeed, the very mines afford internal 
evidence of this, " for at the depth of fifty fathoms the miners 
frequently meet with large timbers still entire, the props and 
pillars of the mines exhausted at an early age." ' Not only so, 
but dredging in Falmouth harbour some years ago brought up 
an ingot of tin, which in a very remarkable way confirms some 
of the preceding accounts. It is, as the illustration shows, in 
the shape of the letter H, and " its form adapts it for being^ 
laid in the keel of a boat, or slung on a horse's side, two ingots 

thus forming a load for a packhorse." " But similar evidence 

' I have not been able lo refer lo Ihe original*. I quoie these two pusago from 
Vine's Caiar in Kinl. Chap. li. Cornwall haj few libraries, 

■Ibid, p. 68. "In the stream works at Pvnlewan [see below] relics of humaik 
life arid occupation were found more \kaa ferly fat below the surface and several licet 
beneath a ilratum which contained the lemains of n whale now eitincl. Sliil deeper,. 
and some fifty feet below ihe present level of the sea at high water, are tome leninanU 
of that forest, which extended all round our Wesitrn Coast, with oysier-shells atlachetf 
lo the stumps of the trees." Worth, Anciial Mining ImfUmmli tf Cennaall, p. a. 

' Oodd. p. 176. "The form of the block of lin which was dredged up in Faltnoulh 
harbour Is that of an cslragjlui. or knuckle-bone, ll is aft. 11 in, long, 11 iticbes wide,. 
and 3 in. (hick at the centre; perfectlj' flat on one side, but carved on the other, aitd 
having four prolongations of the corners, each i fool long. It is said bj IHodonu ibaL 
the ifihabitanls of Bolerium cisl Ihe tin into the form of aslragali . . . The weight (about 
i3olbs ) is jusi the proper weight for a horse having to cariy iwo of them, on a pndi- 
saddle." ]a.TMi, Journal Kay. Init. Ci}nivi,,ii6a, pp. 39-33. The wdgbl is really I581bt. 


has been supplied by our own parish. " In one [of the stream 
works on St. Austell moor] were lately found, about 8 ft. under 
the surface, two slabs or small blocks of melted tin of about 
28 lbs. weight each, of a shape very different from that which 
for many years has obtained in Cornwall. They have semi- 
circular handles or loops to them, as if to sling and carry them 
more conveniently on horseback." ^ For whether the tin was 
shipped from the Isle of Wight or of Thanet, it had a long 
land journey, on packhorses, before it was put into the boat for 
Gaul, and it had a still longer horseback journey afterwards. 
But let us now come down to later days. Both John Lackland 
and Edward I. granted Charters to the tinners of this county — 
the former in 1201,* the latter in 1305 — and these tinners paid 
a tax, 4s. per cwt., on the produce of their mines to the king 
as Earl of Cornwall. It is amusing to find that in the middle 
of the thirteenth century our miners already suffered from the 
competition of Germany ! The mines of Bohemia and Misnia 
about 1241 greatly injured the English trade, and this would 
be the more keenly felt, as, according to Camden, ** the metal 
called Tinn was found in Germany by a certain Cornishman 
who was banish'd his country." He adds that the competition 
did especial damage to Richard, Earl of Cornwall and King 
of the Romans,^ to whom the whole county of Cornwall, with 
its Stannary, had been granted by Henry III.* St. Austell 

* Dr. BorUse, iVa/. Hist., p. 163. Mr. W. C. BorUse states {Journal, Part iv., 
Supplem., p. 25) that some streamers near St. Austell found in May. 1765. a large cake 
of tin ore weighing about 6 lbs., some 5 ft. below the surface. A mass in which pebbles 
of stream-tin ore and fragments of charcoal were cemented by metallic tin was also 
discovered in our Trethowel Wood, immediately below the surface. 

' After stating that " the Stannaries are our demesnes . . . The tinners are our farmers 
and always in our debt." it graciously adds, " However, the tinners shall be free and quit 
of pleas of natives. " ^Britannia, p. 4. 

' This Charter-roll, 15 Henry HI., M. 4. long kept in the Tower, may be read in the 
Report of the Trial at Bar, Rowe v. Brenton, published by W. Walker, 1830. As 
might be expected, the State Papers teem with references to mining dues and grants. 


was of late years one of the " coinage towns," but in 1838 
" the duties payable on the coinages of Tin in Devon and 
Cornwall were abolished." Some of our mines, though not 
those of this neighbourhood, are of prodigious depth. Botal- 
lack, near the Land's End, has been worked down to 1875 at 
a depth of 2,448 feet, and right under the sea,^ for copper, and 
the great Dolcoath copper mine, near Camborne, attains a 
depth of 2,226 feet — Mr. Thurstan Peter, in Deacon's Court 
Guide, gives the depth as 2,850 feet. He adds that 360,000 
gallons of water are pumped out of this mine every twenty-four 
hours, and that its levels or galleries measure 74 miles. In 
1850 it had yielded a profit of nearly £8,000,000.* We have 
in this parish, however, a mine which, though of no depth 
to boast of — in fact, its workings were near the surface, and 
are now open to the light of day — is equally interesting, and 
well repays a visit ; I refer to the Carclaze pit,® a mighty 

Thus a Grant was made on Nov. 2nd, 1591, to Anthony Martin, the Royal cupbearer, 
empowering him to grant licenses to merchants to purchase tin in Cornwall and Devon 
and export the same. His perquisite was to be 4d. per cwt. In 1599 the Queen (Eliza- 
beth) resolves to take into her own hands as much tin as has usually been exported and 
to sell it, '* giving better conditions to the poor tinners than merchants and dealers had 
done." She evidently piqued herself on her benevolence, for in a letter to the Tinners in 
1600 she reminds them that she lends them ;^4,ooo half yearly, without interest, and 
takes all the tin, whether perfect or not, at £prj the 1,000 lbs. On July 15th, 1606, a 
Grant was made to Robert. Earl of Salisbury, and to Sir John Popham, of the 15th part 
of every cH't. of copper from the mines ; on Aug. 19th, 1607, John Verdun was appointed 
assayer of tin in Cornwall and Devon for life. 

1 According to one authority (Cornwall, its Mines and Miners), 480 feet below the 
ocean. He says that during storms even experienced miners have fled from the place 
in affright. Silver has been found in the Dolcoath lodes. Talking of submarine mining, 
a strange story comes to us from Wheal Cock — I had almost pronounced it a "cock and 
bull story." ** In Wheal Ccck, now a part of the Botallack sett, a miner had followed 
up the lode so near the sea that he drove his pick right through. The water rushed in, 
but he was not at all alarmed, and stopped the hole with a plug of wood, which after 
fifty years remained." Journal Ji. Instit. Comw., April, 1872. It is perfectly true, 
however, that " the sobbing of the sea " can be heard from the galleries of Botallack. 

* Cornwall, its Mines, etc. 

' An astonishing view of " Carclaze Tin Mine " is given in Lysons, p. dxxxiii. 


excavation, some two miles in circumference — in 1850 it 
covered five acres statute — and about 150 feet deep. It stands 
665 feet above the sea. This is said to have been worked by 
the Phoenicians,^ or, as our people phrase it, the " old men " — 
when they explore old workings they say they are " scratching 
the old men's backs." * Talking of these ancient operations, 
it may be interesting to state that wherever miners go, at 
home or abroad, even in places like Colorado or Montana^ 
in search of the ore, they find invariably that the ancients 
have anticipated them ; someone has dug these adits or 
streamed these valleys centuries ago — another proof that 
" there is nothing new under the sun." And talking of '* old 
men," I am afraid that few of our miners attain a respectable 
age — say 60 years. A complaint — " miners' consumption " it 
is called — dogs their steps. Dr. Barham found that out of 
146 deaths of miners, 73 — just one half — were due to this 
disease. Lanyon found in 1837 ^he average age of 1,101 men 
working underground to be 31 years, whereas of 174 agricul- 
tural labourers, the average age was 47.® Carclaze, though 

l"Tbe Phoenicians established a vast colonial empire." Isaac Taylor, IVords and 
Places, p. 59. Still, he admits, as we must all do. that " whether the Carthaginians 
reached the shores of Britain is uncertain " (p. 64). We have no indubitably Phoenician 
names, such as are found in Sardinia, Spain and Portugal. Nor is it, of course, any 
proof that our people speak of old mine works as "Jews works," old blocks of tin (of 
which masses have been found in various parts of the county) as " Jews pieces " or "Jews 
House Tin. ' and old smelting-houses as "Jews houses." The other name of Marazion» 
Market Jew, has been supposed to point to a Syrian settlement, but it is probably a 
corruption of ^l/a/^ajAi^xorss Thursday Market. Taylor interprets Nfarazion to mean 
"the hill by the sea." 

' Gold has been found in the county — among other places, in one of our St. Austell 
stream works 'Journal, Part xv., p. 239], and recently, near the Helford River — but in 
small quantities. Many persons have had rings of Cornish gold. A piece weighing 
more than eight gold guineas is said to have been found once " Silver has been 
discovered in considerable quantities." (J. H. Collins.) Henwood speaks of the 
" occurrence of gold in every part of Cornwall which has afforded stream tin ore."' 
Ibid, p. 239. 

* Cornwall t its Mines, etc 


it is said to have been worked for tin for four hundred years, 
is a mine no longer : it is now a clay work. And this reminds 
me that it is time I passed on to speak of our Clay Industry. 
Before I do this, however, I shall first jot down a few par- 
ticulars out of the life of a Cornish miner who has outlived 
most of his contemporaries. They may have some interest 
for the reader, as showing the sort of work our miners do in 
many parts of the world and the experiences they encounter, 
for this brief biography, I make no doubt, is a fair sample of its 
kind ; it represents substantially the career of hundreds more. 
My informant began his mining operations in the year 1822, 
at the mature age of six years. As may be supposed, he was 
not overburdened with education (we had no School Boards 
then to provide pianos for the rising generation) when he 
went forth, a mere child, to work at Polgooth. His work 
was " trunking '* — that is to say, this innocent had to stir up 
the metalliferous slime with a shovel — and his wage was 
twopence per diem. However, he wrought at it for some twelve 
years — not always, happily, at the same attenuated pay — and 
then he migrated to the Fowey Consols, the mine one sees on 
the left of the G. W. R. soon after you have left Par, where 
he was promoted to sevenpence a day ; before he left he had 
risen to fifteen pence, which then seemed to him a little 
fortune ! This was for work ** at grass,** i.e.^ on the surface. 
Afterwards he went below, sometimes descending, by ladders, 
200 or 300 fathoms below the adit. At first it was '* tot " 
work, then he began to dig and delve " on tribute " — that is, 
he had a small percentage of the profits. His next move — 
he had meanwhile put in sixteen months at the Caradon 
Mine — was to America. He went out in a sailing vessel and 
had what was then esteemed a *' good passage " — it only took 
forty-two days ! Landing at New York he passed to Phila- 


delphia, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Detroit, Sault St. Marie, etc., 
in search of occupation, and found it at West Coniston, but 
it was sadly unremunerative ; he did not earn enough to pay 
for his " meat," and left the place in debt, but he sent every 
penny that was due four or five years later. Thence he passed 
to the Bruce Mine in Canada, and thence again to Cuba, 
where he worked for a year but " did not like it," and so 
went on to Mexico, landing at Vera Cruz, whence he pro- 
ceeded to the Real del Monte Mine, 300 miles away. Here 
he came on his El Dorado, or, let us say, his opportunity. 
An English Company had started a silver mine there, and 
brought out machinery at a prodigious expense from England, 
but after expending (it was said) £2,000,000 on the work and 
finding it comparatively unproductive, they abandoned it in 
despair. Bu^ a long-headed Scotchman organized a Mexican 
Company, who took over the mine, and in a short time paid 
the purchase money out of the refuse which they carefully 
cleaned, and when our St. Austell miner joined it, the enter- 
prise was yielding 300 bars of silver per fortnight, and one 
bar was then worth 3^300. Needless to say, the canny Scot 
had his pickings — he came first, but it was also a good billet 
for the men : sometimes they would make £10 per week, but 
the average was £20 per month ; men have sometimes got in 
England, and in this neighbourhood, jfioo per month. It 
was a help that the Company received money on deposit at 
6 per cent. ; once they paid 10 per cent. Here he stayed ten 
years, and in that time saw six revolutions. On one occasion 
9,000 men, insurgents, came to the mine and robbed the 
Company of 20,000 dollars ; they also took 90 dollars belong- 
ing to our Cornishman — he was down the mine at the time, 
but the rebels held a pistol at his wife's head, and compelled 
her to disgorge his savings. They also made off with his gun 


and his best hat, which he felt acutely. There were some 20a 
Cornishmen working there : the manager, who had been there 
thirty or forty years, had a salary of £$0 per week — so at 
least it was believed, ** and Gashmu saith it" — but after 
one of these revolutions he expressed a decided preference 
for the Workhouse on his native heath and its meagre 
fare, where he would at least have peace and quietness. 
This may have also induced our miner to move, for we next 
find him at Acapulco, on the Pacific side — on the coast, in 
fact. Thence he passed to California, during the gold fever. 
Here he did fairly well, but not so well as in Mexico. And 
the discomforts were considerable ; every man had to be his 
own ** cook, slut, and butler " ; there was not a woman in the 
camp, and all the washing, starching, mending, patching — 
not to speak of other household chores — had to be done by 
masculine hands, or, as often as not, done without. In 1862 
he returned home with his wife and child, and has altogether 
retired from the business, the dollars he earned so hardly 
across the water providing him with a modest competence 
during the latter half of his life. 


Among the precious things stored in our bleak and often 
bare hills — hills out of which, as we have seen, **thou mayest 
dig brass " — is a white powdery clay — kaolin the Chinese (who 
knew of its properties and uses long before we did) call it. 
On our moors (in the four granitic areas of Cornwall) you 
may see almost everywhere the primaeval granite cropping 
out, and in many places under the surface there lies a sort 
of decomposed granite, a formation so very friable ^ that when 

1 •• There is such a thing as soft natural granite"— the very granite that is so hard in 
the streets of London is found soft here. "Such softness arises from decomposition of 


it is lightly broken up with the pickaxe, and streamed with 
water, this liquid is forthwith charged with china clay. And 
as in the mine, so in the claywork, the simple force of 
gravitation is used by the workman to separate the precious 
from the worthless, but with this difference — that in the 
former, after the ore is crushed by the stamps, the soil or 
sand is carried off by the current, the metalliferous earth 
sinking by its own weight and remaining behind, whereas in 

the latter it is the sand that remains, the lighter particles of 
clay being borne off in solution. (The huge white mounds 
which the traveller sees on all hands in this district are largely 
composed of such sand, the residuum after the clay has been 

the rock, more paniculaily of ihe felspai in ii. " Corn-wall, its Minn, elc p. 73. 
"' Kelspar. as a German chemisi says, is a M a'l limes disponed to pii)" Ihe part 
of a false friend and to forsake its companions in distress." l-onJontr's W'.ili lo Ike 
Laaiti Eld. p. 166. 


extracted. Some of these monster heaps — " the overburden " 
and the refuse sand together — it is worth recording, have 
been shifted three times, in order to get at the clay ground 
lying under them. Of course, this means bad management.)^ 
This milky stream, charged with kaolin, is conducted, some- 
times for long distances (for it is, of course, a great saving of 
labour if the "dry," of which I shall speak presently, adjoins 
the railway), to the "clay pits" — which are circular tanks 

about 9 ft. deep and 30 ft. in diameter — in which the kaolin, or 
clayey sediment collects. This sediment has, however, first 
been purged of much of its mica and coarser particles as the 
stream passes slowly over shallow channels or launders, locally 
called "micas." " The more perfect the separation of crystal- 
line matter, the purer and more plastic is the clay." At the 

1 " In ODC place I saw n parly paring off the beathcr and digging away al the over- 
burden. ■ . . The refuse was wheeled away a short dislana." While, p. 187. 


bottom of the pits — you generally find a line of these together — 
are plugs, which, after the sediment is sufficiently thick (say 
in two or three days), are raised, and the clay, now of the 
consistence of treacle, passes into monster tanks, lying at a 
lower level. Some of these will hold as much as 700 tons of 
clay. Here the mixture remains for three weeks or longer to 
thicken, when it is transferred to the waggons which convey 
it on tram lines — a light railway, in fact — right into the 
"dry." This is a huge shed, with a well-ventilated roof, 
fitted with a roaring furnace at one end and with flues which 
traverse its length, terminating in a chimney at the other end 
of the building. On this tile floor the clay is rapidly dried — at 
the end nearest to the furnace in one day, at the opposite end 
in three or four days. It is then dug out in spadefuls and 
pitched to the front of the dry to await another shifting 
into the railway trucks. If it has to travel but a short 
distance, it is generally sent " in bulk," i.e., loose ; if it has 
a long journey before it — and some may travel as far as to 
Bombay and Yokohama — it is crushed into barrels or bags — 
the latter are naturally much less expensive than casks, but 
will not bear so much banging about. The railway journey, 
however, is- not a long one : it generally terminates at Par 
Harbour, or Fowey, or Pentewan. Some of our clay is sent 
by waggons — rough, lumbering structures they are, and 
suggestive of oxen — direct to the port of Charlestown, or to 
St. Austell Station, or to the weighbridge for Pentewan. The 
visitor may see almost any day a succession of these waggons 
passing through our narrow streets with their white loads ^ ; 

1 This procession of clay carts has been going on for about a century. "As we 
entered into St. Aiistle's, we were met by several carts . . . with porcelain earth from 
St Stephen's parish . . . going for exportation to a liitle town . . . called Charlestown. " 
Warner, Tour, p. 96. This trade has been the making of Charlestown. which, at the 
begimung of the century, as one historian after another informs us, only numbered nine 


on the return journey they are laden with coals. The export 
from this district is now about 400,000 tons per annum ; in 
1808 it was 1,200 tons from Cornwall ^ ; ** in 1812 no less than 
1,252 of China clay were exported from Charlestown to the 
potteries"*; in 1824 it had risen to *' not less than 4,000"" ; 
in 1838 the amount had increased to 20,784 tons of clay and 
7,344 tons of China stone ; in 1855 it stood at 80,000 tons, 
and the value was then about £3 per ton.* Of our potting 
clay — there are two main branches of the trade, the " bleach- 
ing" and the ** potting": for the former only the whitest 
clay is available, but for the china manufacture a yellow 
colour makes no difference — of potting clay the bulk goes, as 
one would expect, to the Staffordshire potteries.*^ Little more 
than one third of the clay produced, however, is used for 
porcelain.® Of bleaching clay, some goes to Manchester, 
where it is used as a dressing to stiffen as well as to whiten 
the calicoes ; some is utilized in the manufacture of white 
paper ; much is used in the manufacture of alum, sulphate of 
alumina and ultramarine ; some goes to Paris to be served up 
in confectionery ; some remains at home — it is whispered, to 
adulterate flour and artificial manures ; whilst portions, they 
do say, after travelling to America, return to us in the shape 

persons. Drew traces the growth of the place, and states that about acres of waste 
lands in this neighbourhood — Gwallon Downs — were reclaimed within the century. 

1 Warner. * Cornwall, its Mines, etc. , p. 74. * Stockdale, Excursions, p. 48. 

* In the Journal Roy. Inst. Cornwall, Part xviii., will be found a paper prepared by 
Mr- J. H. Collins, showing how the output of China clay and stone has risen gradually 
from 2,919 tons in 1809 to 226,309 in 1874. 

* "There was a time when we bought our china from the Chinese: they alone were 
believed to possess the materials necessary for its manufacture, until kaolin was discovered 
elsewhere." Specimens brought by a mining adventurer from Virginia in 1745 were 
valued at £1^ per ton. White, Londoner s Walk, etc. 

^ So it was stated by Mr. Jon. Rashlcigh in hii Presidential Address to the Royal 
Insiit. of Cornwall. Journal, P.irt xviii., p. 256. 


of artificial teeth ! So that, altogether, if " the mines are 
dead," the clay trade is very much to the contrary. No 
doubt the profits are not what they were : much more clay 
is raised, but, as constantly happens, the prices are greatly 
reduced by a ruinous competition, and whereas in olden days 
it sometimes fetched £5 per ton, ^i is now an average price. 
Still, St. Austell has no right to complain ; more money, it is 
said, passes through our Post Office, than through those of 
Truro, Camborne, or Penzance. And it is easy to see where 
that money comes from ; the residences of our prosperous 
clay merchants are among the notabilia of the place. 

And here let me commemorate the man who discovered 
this hid treasure, which has contributed so much to our 
prosperity. It was one William Cookworthy, a porcelain 
manufacturer at Plymouth. He was born at Kingsbridge in 
1705* was altogether a self-made man, his mother being a 
widow with a large family, and his father having lost his 
property in South Sea stock ; was a devout Quaker and also 
a Swedenborgian, a firm believer, too, in the use of the 
divining rod, on which, in fact, he wrote a treatise.^ When 
he took out a patent in 1768 for the manufacture of Plymouth 
china, he said that he had first found the ** kaulin *' nearly 
twenty years before. So the foundation of our China Clay 
trade must have been laid by him between 1745-50 ; in fact, in 
a letter written May 5th, '45, he speaks of meeting the person 
who had discovered the china earth ** in the back of Virginia." 
Having seen the Virginian kaolin and the petunze (china or 
growan stone), he presently discovered china clay at Tregonning 
Hill, in St. Breage parish. Once the kaolin was identified, 
Cookworthy quickly recognized its appearance at several 
points in the granitic area of Cornwall and Devon. One of 

1 He is said to have learnt its virtues from Capt. Pereira, a Spaniard. 


the last spots, if not the last, where he discovered China clay 
or stone, was the China clay district par excellence, namely, the 
region of St. Stephen in Brannel and St. Dennis — five or six 
miles distant from St. Austell — but at Carloggas in this region 
he found both. He was quite unaware of the immense deposit 
at Lea Moor, near Plympton. His patent of *68 he afterwards 
sold to Mr. R. Champion, of Bristol, but neither the Plymouth 
nor the Bristol porcelain works were profitable.^ He died in 
1780. The famous Josiah Wedgwood made copious use of 
our China clay in his potteries. For our 


except for purposes of private consumption, we cannot claim 
the same remote antiquity as for our mining operations. 
True, St. Levan, a primitive saint, who has given his name 
to one of our Mission Churches, is reported to have been 
often seen, very scantily attired, fishing from the rocks near 
the Land's End, but that was to satisfy his slender wants — 
the trade was not supplied. Yet our county's export trade in 
fish — not to speak of consignments inland — goes much farther 
back than many people imagine, and is still a considerable 
industry, involving a capital of £300,000 and employing a 
large number of men. The pilchard, or ** gipsy herring," is — 
or rather was — our speciality, being found nowhere else, save 
on the opposite shores of Brittany and on the south coast of 
Ireland, and of this ** sixty thousand hogsheads have been 
caught in the bay of St. Austell and exported from Fowey in 
one season." ^ " On an average 30,000 hogsheads have been 
exported annually." The shoal is supposed to divide its forces 

1 For these particulars I am largely indebted to a paper on TA^ Clays of Cornwall and 
Devon, by R. N. Worth, and to the Dictionary of National Biography, 

s Bell's Gautteer^ s. v., Cornwall; Lysons, ccxii. 



at the Land's End, a contingent passing up each side of the 
county. These fish are believed to winter in the deep waters 
round the Scilly Isles (Warner says *' in the Arctic seas " !), 
where they lie low. In the spring they rise to the surface 
and form shoals, which finally congregate into a compact 
host, which is driven towards our coast by dogfish and other 
enemies ; indeed, the fish behind have been known to force 
those before to the beach, so that they could be taken up in 
buckets or by the hand with ease. Its appearance is looked 
for in July and its disappearance in November — the ** inshore 
fishing" begins in August. A school of pilchards has been 
known to be lOO miles long. ** It is said that in 1846, 
75,000,000 of pilchards were caught at St. Ives in one day, 
worth, at £2 per hogshead, 3^60,000," ^ and they have been 
sold {e.g., in 1876) at 3^5 per hogshead. In the days of Queen 
Elizabeth^ — how much earlier I cannot say — a brisk trade 

1 Tregellas, Tourist's Guide to Cornwall, p. 39, to which I owe some other particulars. 
Wilkie Collins, in his Rambles beyond Railways, London, 1851, says that at the small 
fishing cave of Trereen 600 hogsheads were taken in one week of August, 1850, which, 
allowing 2,400 fish to a hogshead — 3,000 would be the maximum — gives a catch of 
1,440.000 pilchards. At St. Ives, about the same time, hogsheads were taken in 
the first three seine nets cast into the sea. Warner informs us that in 1801, 
hogsheads, landed at St. Ives, were sold for manure at los. the cartload, and that in 1807 
they actually realized 15s. /er ton at Port Isaac ! He also states ihat in the years 1786 and 
1787 not a 5ingle pilchard appeared on the Cornish coast. "The pilchards cured and 
exported during 1869 amounted to 15.139 hogsheads ; the prices ranged from 64s. to 72s. 
per hogshead. " Journal 0/ the Royal Institution 0/ Cornwall, No. xii.. p. xv. The same 
authority (April, 1873. p. 160) states that the average quantity exported from 18x5 to 1877 
is 16,400 hogsheads. In 1871 it rose to 45,680 hogsheads. The value of the flowers 
exported from Scilly exceeds ;^ per annum. 

■ The State Papers of this reign contain many references to the pilchard fishery. Thus, 
on July 17th, 1591, Cely writes to the Lord Treasurer that " great preparations are being 
made for conveying away pilchards" — they were furnished, in fact, to the enemy. On 
February 15th, 1592, a grant was made to Henry Warner of the farm for license for 
salting, drying, and packing fish in the counties of Devon and Cornwall ; later on, in 
1607, we find Mr. Warner in arrear with his dues. In the same year the Queen sanctioned 
a collection of 2s. per hogshead on pilchards exported out of these counties by strangers 
ot in strange bottoms, and is. per hogshead on those exported by Englishmen or in 


in this article was carried on between Cornwall and the 
Mediterranean, for in 1584 Norden testified ^ that " they carry 
them into Spayne, Italie, Venice, and divers places within the 
straytes where they are vendible, and in these parts took the 
name fumados, for that they are dried in the smoake." Hence 
an old Cornish name for this fish, " fair maids," * a curious 
corruption of the Italian word, just as the "Jerusalem** arti- 
choke is a perversion of the Italian girasole, and much as our 
"junket" represents the Italian giuncaie — giunco being the 
word for the rushes on which this commodity was carried. 
The pilchard is now no longer " smoaked '* ; we have greatly 
improved on that primitive process, and now convert thousands 
of them into " sardines in oil '* — they are almost as good 
eating, and there is considerably more of them. " Marinaded 
pilchards,** i.e., the same fish pickled in vinegar, with bay 
leaves, peppercorns, etc., is also a favourite dish, and as 
pilchards can be bought for twelve a penny — sometimes for 
3d. per hundred — it is a distinctly economical one. This fish, 
as the reader will be prepared to hear, holds a considerable 
place in our speech and thoughts. A clouded, sultry morning 
is said to be the harbinger of ** het [heat] and pilchards.** 
Anything particularly good, ambitious or excessive is compared 
to ** cream on pilchards.'* We have in St. Austell, on the 

EDglish bottoms, towards the expense of fortifying Plymouth. Similarly in the reign of 
James I., on July 23rd, 1619, a grant was made to Henry Heron of the sole license for 
drying, salting, etc., these fish. This Patent, however, was objected to by the fishermen 
as contrary to ancient customs and very injurious to the fishing trade. 

1 Similarly Camden writes. " They make likewise a very gainful trade of those little 
fishes they call Pylchards, which are seen upon the sea coast in great swarms ; these they 
catch, salt, smoak, barrel, press, and so send them in great quantities to France, Spain 
and Italy, where they are a welcome commodity, and are called Fumados, At one 
Fishery, viz., MousehoU, many times 800: sometimes 1,000 Hogsheads of Fumados are 
saved in a year." Britannia, p. 6. 

^ A Cornish witness once electrified both Bar and Bench by stating gravely that he had 
been eating " fair maids." 


north side of the railway, a ** Palace Road," and many in- 
genious conjectures have been hazarded as to where the palace 
stood and whose it was. Hitchins and Drew affirm it to 
have been the abode of the May family, and appeal to the 
flowers growing in the fields as evidences of a former garden. 
I have little doubt myself that the " poore village " never had 
a " palace " at all — there are certainly no traces of its departed 
greatness ^ — but suspect that, if the name is ancient, this road 
led to a " pallace," w^hich is the name for the cellar in which 
pilchards are balked [bulked ?] , or stored. The name of** huer " 
again — compare " hue and cry " — said to be old French, is 
the name given to the watcher posted on the cliffs to mark 
the approach of the pilchard shoals, which colour the sea with 
a carmine tint * ; he waves a bush at the same time, and the 
boat turns, right or left, as the bush turns. **Hubba" — no 
doubt a connexion of '' hubbub " — and ** hevah '* describe the 
cries raised when the fish come into view. The pilchard 
fishery, however, is not the source of profit that it was 
formerly, at least in St. Austell Bay, though the neighbouring 
town of Mevagissey — " Fishagissey " some frivolous people 
have called it — is still a great fishing station, and it is not 
an unknown thing for the boats — there is, I believe, a fleet 
of 1 20, all told — to take ^400 worth of mackerel in a night. 
Indeed, not so very long ago, one boat took over 5,000 mackerel, 
and these were sold at i8s. per 100.^ A single boat again has 
brought to shore over 50,000 fish, of sorts, as the result of one 

^ The word "palace" being reserved for royal and episcopal residences, it could only 
be bestowed on any other building in j^t or derision, just as we now speak of " Tregon- 
issey Palace." 

* The mackerel shoal can be traced by the smooth appearance it gives to the water. 
The density of the pilchard school is also indicated by the colour it imparts to the sea. 

* "In October. 1844, the Mounts Bay boats took 1,400,000 mackerel, for which they 
received ^^4.000." Tregellas, Tourist's Guide, p. 41. 


night's drifting. It is somewhat provoking that nearly all this 
fish passes our doors on its way to London or elsewhere — you 
may see a string of fish carts on many a fine afternoon on 
their way to our Railway Station to despatch their contents 
by the ** perishable goods " train, and this whilst some of our 
people, especially in the country, have to get their fish from 
Grimsby, and even to our St. Austell ** soup and fish houses " 
it is not unseldom supplied from Plymouth. We have abso- 
lutely no fish shop, and were it not that a douce and persuasive 
Mevagissey man is good enough to come round with a cart 
and afford us the opportunity of making most advantageous 
bargains, especially if we will take a quantity, we should fare 
badly indeed, so far as a fish diet is concerned, and fish, as 
everybody knows, is good for the brain — the Germans say 
there can be ** no thinking without phosphorus." Formerly 
pilchards were caught in seines, prodigious nets hundreds of 
feet in length — we read of nets which cost ^170 and are 
190 fathoms long ^ — which were dropped around the pilchard 
school and enclosed it. This sort of fishing had one advantage^ 
that it was done in broad daylight. The seine boat, the boat 
with the net on board, was rowed where the ** huer '* could see 
it ; it was attended by a smaller boat to assist in shooting the 
net. When the huer gave the signal, which he did when the 
shoal was embayed in water not too deep for the net to fathom^ 
the seine was shot overboard. As it was a mere enclosing net, 
without top or bottom — the bottom is formed by the floor of 
the sea — all that was necessary to provide was that it should 
be weighted with lead on one side, so that this might sink to 
the bottom, whilst the opposite side was buoyed up on the 
surface by corks. It was then payed out, as the boat pro- 
ceeded round the shoal. If the fish were frightened and tried 

1 Collins, Rambles beyond Railways. 


to escape, the huer would at once observe it, and the boat 
would be directed so as to enclose them. When the school 
was encompassed by this barrier of net, secured by two or 
three ropes to points of the land, the fisherman had a whole 
reservoir of living pilchards at his command, and could let 
down a ** tuck-net " into the enclosed waters. This has a bag 
at its bottom, and certainly bags the fish. Then comes the 
** bulking," a work chiefly done by women.^ The net having 
been drawn to shore and the fish transferred — wooden shovels 
are used — to handbarrows and carried to the salting house, a 
rude quadrangular building — one such may be seen at Porth- 
pean, much resembling an Eastern caravanserai — the pilchards 
are piled on layers of salt ; in fact, a bank of alternate salt 
and pilchards sometimes rises to the height of four feet, and 
men and women may be seen standing up to their knees in 
pilchards. The fish are laid edgewise and close together, and 
then remain '* in bulk " from four to six weeks — thirty days is 
an usual period — the oil, salt and water dripping from them 
into wells in the floor of the cellar — *' pilchard cellar y^ by the 
way, is a misnomer, for it is always above ground and open 
to the light of day. Then they are taken up, washed, and 
packed in hogsheads, as tightly as possible, to squeeze out the 
remaining oil, which escapes through a hole in the bottom of 
the barrel. From 2,400 to 3,000 pilchards go to a hogshead, 
and it takes 300 lbs. of salt to cure them. Fifteen or twenty 
hogsheads of fish will on an average yield one hogshead 
(63 gallons) of oil. The fish in the cask are pressed for eight 
days, after which it is *' headed up " for exportation.* 

1 A fair and readable description of the Pilchard Fishing and Curing may be seen in 
A Comer of Old Cornwall, Chap. v. 

* Gatetteer of Cornwall, 18 17. Cummings, Cury and Gunwalloe, p. 202, has a good 
story. An old fisherman, being asked how many hogsheads of pilchards they had caught, 
replied, " 'Ted na * hogshead,' I tell *ee. 'Tes a kosged. Who ever hecrd tell o' a pig's 
bead full o' pilchards ? ' Tes a hosged" 



|F there is much that is fanciful or conjectural about 
our history, no such reproach can by any means be 
urged against our town ; it is distinctly a matter-of- 
fact and prosaic place. It is impossible to pretend that it has 
aught of poetry or picturesqueness about it ; its warmest 
admirers must admit that it is somewhat trisie and mean and 
gloomy. "The buildings are not deserving of particular 
notice, except the market house and the Church " — so the 
Gazetteer of Cornwall allowed in 1817. " The town is not 
elegant," says a writer of sixty years ago ; " St. Austle is a 
poor town, but the parish is populous," says another, a few 
years later ^ ; ** The little Cornish town of St. Austell affords 
few attractions to the visitor," is the verdict of a recent his- 
torian ; " It contains only one object of interest, the Church," 
says Tregellas. There is one exception, however, to this 
chorus of depreciation. Lipscomb speaks of the town as neat 
and well built. But ** his talk is of bullocks " — he praises the 
" large shops " and never mentions the Church at all. Wesley 
too described it ^ as "a neat little town on the side of a 
fruitful hill." But then he writes, per contra (on Aug. 17th, 
1789), ** I knew not where to preach, the street being so dirty.** 
I must sorrowfully admit that these witnesses are true, and 

1 Illustr. Itin. , p. 105. * Works, vol. ii. , p. 427. 


I must add that this is a reproach which it shares with almost 
every town and village in the county ' ; I may also say that 
of late years much has been done to improve its appearance. 
The fringe of the place — that is to say, wherever the town 
melts into the country — is simply charming,* and has delightful 
houses, with charming and delightful ladies therein, but our 
streets are narrow and irregular, our pavements are by con- 
sequence narrower still or are none at all," and our houses 

ST. AUSTELT- From t 

AfUT a r^ograpk by B. Julyaik. 

' It has been said of St. lve» ihal "he who wishes lo ihink wril" of the place "ihoold 
depart before entering it." And anoiher writer remarks— and wild good reason— on "the 
dreary squalor " of Probus. R. C. Hope. Lfgftdary Lore of IMt Holy U'tlls if England. 

) Warner was apparenily struck wiih this feature in iSo8. Before describing the town 
as " narrow but neat.'* and the Church ns a " beautiful eumple of Gothic architecture," 
he speaks of the country as " decotiiled with several genllenien*s seat;, some respectable 
woods and highly ornanienlal ground.'." A Tour ikrougk CorHanll, p, 95. 

> I havi.- already quoted (p. yz above) the sirangE sUtement, " The streets are narrow, 
and not being paved art uni^ife for fool pasamgiri." Catttlrtr of CoraaaH. 1817. 
Similarly, in 1855, the town was deicnbed as " having narrow streets, ill-pavid, and a tine 
old Church tower, curiously ornamenled." Cemaall. Us Minti, etc.. by J. R. L,, p. 35. 
It is noticeable how later writers almost re^xho unconsciously LeLind's description, " A 
paore village with a Paroche Church." 


and shops are of all or no styles of architecture. We 

have no antient buildings except the Church, and there is, 

so far as I know, only one bit of antientry, in the shape 

of a Gothic doorway,^ in our lanes and courts. I can only 

think of two houses which have any pretensions to a respect- 
able age or to any degree of quaintness — the house so long 

and so honourably occupied by the Veale family at the foot of 
Menacuddle Street, and that now the dwelling of Mr. W. B. 
Luke, Printer, in the Fore Street, which latter, I have under- 
stood, was once, together with the house on either side, the 
dower house of the Tremayne family. It is a puzzle to 
know — and this remark applies to the whole county — where 
all the relics of the past, other than barrows, cromlechs, 
dolmens, and crosses (in which it is remarkably rich — only 
Yorkshire has more inscribed stones) ^ — have disappeared to. 
We have a considerable number of Nonconformist sanctuaries 
— nineteen in all — but I do not believe that their staunchest 
supporters would say that their architectural features consti- 
tuted their strong point. We cannot, therefore, pride ourselves 
on our buildings — save perhaps the Workhouse already referred 
to and the new brewery, and, let me not forget to add, one of 
our Board Schools popularly known as ** Tregonissey Palace." ^ 
The Liberal Club has also some pleasing features, but the 
same cannot be said for the new building of the Young Men's 
Christian Association, nor yet can we boast of the external 
appearance of our new Public Rooms. But why dwell on 
these sad defects, which the visitor can so easily see for himself, 
and when he perchance may esteem our public and private 

1 On the right hand side as you begin to ascend Market Hill. This was pointed out 
to me by Preb. Hingeston- Randolph. 

* In Langdon's Oid Cornish Crosses, no less than 328 are figured or described. 

s Mount Charles Board School, though not conspicuous for architectural merit, has 
one feature of interest : it was the first Board School opened in England. 


buildings more highly than does the wTiter — I have known 
people think our little river, which is charged with china 
clay, much more striking than a pellucid trout-stream.^ The 
Market House and Town Hall — I had nearly forgotten them : 
by a judicious and economical combination they are collected 
under one roof — are not without a certain picturesqueness ; 
I do not refer to the fa9ade — that is sufficiently plain, but to 
the arcade which leads to the market and the gallerj' which 
encloses it. This building dates from 1844.* I* had been 
meditated for some years — certainly since 1834. The old 
Market House (built in 1791, and replacing a still older 
building of the time of the Commonwealth), as may be seen 
from old prints, almost encroached on the Churchyard — it is 
significant that our forefathers built their places of business 
under the shadow of the Church.* We have but one antiquity 
outside the Churchyard, the Mengu or Menagu Stone,* 
recently laid down at the " Fool's Corner " ^ — a brass calls 
attention to it — after it had long formed part of the adjoining 

^ Lipscomb makes a ludicrous mistake in this connection. He writes in his Journey^ 
p. 265, " We crossed one stream as white as milk and very turbid, which no doubt was 
the water of the mine which we had just visited ** ! Our mine streams flow with honey — 
at least, they are of that colour. 

•The Parish records of that year tell us that it was " now approaching completion." 
On February 26ih, 1845, the Vestry met in it for the first lime. 

' " It was only in the reign of Edward III. that an edict was issued for the removal 
of fairs and markets from Churchyards to some neighbouring ground." St. Paul's in 
London— /A^ body of the Church — was long used as a place of exchange and for business 
interviews. ..." Something of the same ancient feeling that religion and business were 
connected . . . long made Churchyards the place of trade, and has made markets in 
towns to locate themselves by the Cathedral or principal Church in numberless instances." 
Hist, Village Community, p. 39. At St. Germans, at the time of the Conquest, the 
weekly market was held on a Sunday. Histl. Notices of St. Germans, p. 6. 

* " Inquire for anything remarkable in the town, and you will hardly fail to be told of 
the Mengu Stone." A Londoner's Walk to the Land's End. By Walter WTiite : London, 
1855. This author ascribes the veneration with which it is regarded to the probability 
that " nobody knows anything about it." (p. 185.) 

^ This was done on October 12th, 1892. 


roadway. The three manors of Trenance-Austell, Towington, 
and Treverbyn are reputed to meet here, and tradition affirms 
that a woman accused of being a witch was here burned alive — 
we know that our forefathers did indulge occasionally in such 
autos da fe} What is more certain is that declarations of war, 
proclamations of peace, and other public notices were formerly 
read here, but I take it that was because it stood in the very 
centre of the town. Perhaps for the same reason, impounded 
and unclaimed cattle were here exposed to view and then sold. 
Anyhow, it was to our town what the ** golden milestone " was 
in the Roman forum, the umbilicus of the place. I have heard 
it said that it is of catacleuse stone, which would of itself show 
that it is a monument of some distinction, for if so, it must 
have been brought hither from Padstow. 

At the other end of the Churchyard is the Bull Ring, so 
called because of the bull-baitings formerly held on this spot ; 
it is reported that a great lady in the neighbourhood erected 
a stand, from time to time, to view the sport, and that it 
rested, by special arrangement, on the Churchyard wall.^ The 

1 The Registers of St. Andrew, Newcastle-on-Tyne, under date of Aug. 21st, 1650^ 
record the execution of fifteen witches. Thirty women were accused at once — a witch- 
tryer, it should be said, had been brought from Scotland, and had been promised aos. 
for every witch he could convict — they were carried to the Town Hall and stripped, when 
pins were thrust into their flesh to test their sensibility. Naturally, most of them were 
found guilty — was he not paid by results ? — and sixteen women only survived their tortures 
to die on the gallows. Sir Thomas Browne, of the Religio Medici — the author, too, of 
Vulgar Errors/ — swore against two women who were tried for witchcraft before Sir 
Matt. Hale and were condemned — this was in 1664. Even the saintly Richard Baxter 
exulted in the death of a poor old crazy Vicar of eighty years of age, who was accused of 
having dealings with the devil. See Waters, Parish Registers of England, pp. 589. In 
1618-19 iwo women were burnt at Lincoln for the alleged crime of witchcraft, and as late 
as 1745. ^uth Osborne and her husband were drowned at Tring by a mob of over 5,000 
persons for the same supposed crime. A full account is given in Chambers' Book of Days, 
ii., pp. 249-50. 

2 It was only in 1835 that this popular but barbarous pastime was prohibited by Act of 
Parliament, a Bill introduced into the Commons in 1802 for suppressing it having been 
thrown out. It had then been for seven centuries a recognized British sf>ort, and not 


street leading hence to the Station is called High Cross Street, 
a name which suggests vety different associations. Probably 
a Churchyard cross — there were scores of them in this county ; 
some are still in existence — under the shadow of which the 
friars may have preached, stood hard by where the bulls were 
worried. Half-way up the street, on the left hand, is the 
Friends Meeting House, where many ** rude forefathers of the 
hamlet sleep " ; opposite is the entrance to a closed Burial 
Ground. It contains no monuments of any especial interest. 
In the house above the Cornish Bank — a brewery belonging 
to the Corys and Colensos once stood here — Bishop Colenso 
was born. I have heard it said that the Colensos succeeded 
one of the Allsopps in this brewing business. The White 
Hart Hotel is of some antiquity in the town ; we can trace 
it back as far as 1735, but it then stood in the Fore Street ; 
its present home was formerly the abode of Mr. Charles 
Rashleigh, the founder of Charlestown ; a large dining-hall at 
the back still shows the imitation tapestry paper with which 
he covered the walls. It was probably at its predecessor in 
the Fore Street that Miss Celia Fiennes lay when she passed 
through our town in the reign of William and Mary.^ The 
reader will pardon me if I digress to cite her description of 
the place ; it comes in fort apropos in connection with the 
hotel. ** Thence [from ** Parr "] I went over the heath to 
St. Austin's, w^^ is a Little market town where I Lay, but 
their houses are like Barnes^ up to ye top of ye house. 

among the " lower orders" only ; Queen Elizabeth, for example, much affected it. And 
it lasted after dear-baih\ng had fallen into disuse. Bulls were baited at Gulval, near 
Penzance, as late as 18 14. 

1 Through England on a Sidt Saddle^ pp. 217-18. 

* What can the lady mean ? Is she referring to our " cob" walls, or to the chambers 

which have no ceilings ? Some cottages have none even now ; as you lie in bed you have 

a fine view of the slates. 



Here was a pretty good Dineing room and Chamber within it 
and very neate country women. My Landlady brought me 
one of ye West Country tarts ; this was ye first I met w^* 
though I had asked for them in many places in Sommerset 
and Devonshire ; it is an apple pye w*^ a Custard all on the 
top ; it's ye most acceptable entertainment y^ Could be made 
me. They scald their Creame and Milk in most parts of these 
Countreys, and so it's a sort of Clouted Creame as we call it, 
w^*^ a Little sugar, and soe put on ye top of ye apple pye. I 
was much pleased w*^ my supper, tho' not with the Custome 
of the Country, w*=^ is a universall smoaking,^ both men and 
women and children have all their pipes of tobacco in their 
mouths, and soe sit round the fire smoaking, w*^^ was not 
delightfull to me when I went down to talke with my Landlady 
for jnformation of any matter and Customs amongst them." 
This same hotel — we may assume that she speaks of the 
White Hart — was warmly praised by Lipscomb in 1799, as 
** the best in Cornwall and the cheapest we had met with on 
our journey." ** I should be wanting," he adds, " in my duty 
to all my travelling readers did I not strongly recommend 
the White Hart at St. Austell to their favour." Similarly, 
Stockdale in 1824 pronounced it "an excellent house for 
commercial gentlemen." I am glad to believe that it still 
deserves these encomiums. The visitor will observe our many 
courts, or **opes" as they are called locally ; they branch out 
of the main street especially, and are quite a feature of the 

1 Miss Fiennes would find a very marked improvement amongst us in this respect, were 
she to revisit us. No one would now say that " smoaking " was one of our besetting sins, 
owing largely to the disfavour with which it has been viewed by Dissent. " He be a 
smoaker," it was remarked to me of one of the ministers, as amply accounting for all his 
unpopularity, and one is often told, as proving the steadiness of a young man, that he 
•* neither drinks nor smoaks." He may have half-a-dozen illegitimate children, but that's 
quite a different thing ; that's " natur." 


town.^ Only a few years ago, I regret to say, there were 
scores of houses here without conveniences of any kind — think 
of this in the nineties of the nineteenth century ! The " Old 
Hill," or ** West Hill," represents the facilis descensus Averni 
which all vehicles must formerly make on their way to the 
West. (How a crowded coach or van ever contrived to 
descend it in safety is a marvel to me ; probably the passengers 
disembarked at the top : they were certainly ill-advised, if they 
did not. And it is equally a wonder how they managed to 
drag ponderous mine boilers — from the Hayle foundry — up it, 
but they did, with the aid of many horses, as some of the oldest 
inhabitants can remember. Such hills as this, and there are 
many worse, justify the remark of a cleric recently come from 
the levels of East Anglia that " our roads are precipitous.") 
Not until seven miles further on did they come on what 
we should now call a high road. This was Miss Fiennes* 
experience ; she was two-thirds of the journey to Truro, when 
she " Came into a broad Coach Rode, which I have not seen 
since I left Exeter.** Moreover, our Old Hill represents the 
new road made in 1760 ; that new road made no new depar- 
ture here. The fact is, our town shows at every point that 
it was laid out in the days of pack-horses. Miss Fiennes 
writes (p. 225), ** All over Cornwall and Devonshire they have 
their carryages on horses backes." She is eloquent about our 
precipices. Of the descent into Truro she says, ** You would 
be afraid of tumbling w*^ nose and head foremost." The 

1 One of these courts, still known as " Biddick's Ope," preserves the memory of a 
somewhat original character. Dr. Biddick was a medical practitioner, who had the 
singular habit of always making his rounds after dark. Even patients far away in the 
country he would reserve for a night journey. You might meet the man almost any day — 
no, any night of the week, armed with an ordinary stable lantern and a stout stick, 
pursuing his vocation ; if you encountered him in the daytime, you might be sure it was 
a case of life and death. He was the possessor of a fairly good collection of rare prints 
and engravings, which were sold at his decease. 


present "Truro Road" only goes back some sixtj- years. 
The new *' Bodmin Road " was made about 1S40 : the old 
road through Trenance reminds me of the old Norwegian — 
and indeed Roman — tracks, which went fearlessly up hill and 
down dale, never dreaming of skirting the side of the hills. 
One good level road, however, we Jo possess — that to Pente- 
wan, of which more hereafter. As we pass down Vicarage 
Hill to join it, the Old Vicarage — the Glebe House until 
1S82 — may be seen on the right ; at the back may still be 
descried the arms of the Tremaj-nes; it is figured (after a 
drawing by the Rev. R. Hennah, made in i8io> by C. S. 
Gilbert in his Survey. The street below, now called " Duke 
Street," does not owe its name, I believe, to the Duke of 
Cornwall, although he is one of our landowners and a prince 
of the realm to boot, but to a Duck Pond, which formerly 
stood where the Congregational Chapel — long known as the 
" Calvinist Chapel " — now stands.^ And here our perambula- 
tion of the town must terminate. 1 am painfully conscious, 
though I am its attached Vicar, of its many imperfections, 
not the least of which are its crabbed and tortuous and 
dirty streets. They give it an air of gloom and meanness. 
I shall be glad if anything that I have written contributes, 
in ever so slight a degree, to its reformation in this respect. 

1 The Colensos, father and mother of the bishop, were at one time the main pillars 
and supports of this sanctuary. Afro^s of " pillars," there is a good story which 
really belongs to St. Austell. A curious old fossil, B — d — n by name, was one day 
speaking disparagingly of a brother Wesleyan. " I'm surprised to hear you describe 
him like that," said one who was present, "why, I thought he was one of the pillars 

of your Chapel." " Pillar o' the Chapel," remarked B with infinite scorn ; ** he's 

a cater\i\\\?ix ; that's what 'e is ! " This same B on another occasion sold a jibbing 

horse. Before the bargain was concluded, the purchaser inquired carefully whether the 

Ijcast could draw. " Draw," cried B , '* why, you'd be delighted to see him draw ! " 

This sounded satisfactory enough, so the purchase was made. Great was the surprise 
and distress of the buyer when he had harnessed the horse to a cart, and then found 

he wouldn't budge an inch, and his complaints to B were deep and loud. But he 

did not get much change out of him. " Didn't I tell you," he shouted, " that you 
would be delighted to see him draw ! " 



|Y last chapter was a brief description of St. Austell 
Town. We saw that it still leaves much to be 
desired. But what was it like formerly — what was 
its life, its occupations, its concerns, its government ? Well, 
we have happily a picture, if only a slight one, of the St. Aus- 
tell of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, preserved for 
us in that Account Booke of St. Austell of which mention 
has been made already.^ It goes back to ** the yeare of our 
Lord 1671," when Joseph Maye the younger was Vicar, and 

Thomas and Samuel Hodge were Churchwardens,^ and comes 


1 There is in it a memorandum in 1695 : "The o/J Account book of ye Parish lycs now 
in the hands of Mr. Wm. Vivian" ; and in 1741 : " Mr. Carthew has given a Receipt 
for an old Parish Hook." Alas! that it should have disappeared. Its value would be 
incalculable. It may still be in existence somewhere. 

3 The archives or accounts of Ipswich, to give a few examples, begin in 1200; those 
of Tavistock in 1287 (the Churchwardens' accounts are from 1425) ; those of the 
Municipal Church of St. Lawrence, Rcadini;. date from a.d. 1410, "and are tolerably 
complete down to the present time " (Kerry's History, etc.) ; those of SS. Edmund and 
Thomas, Sarum, to 1443 ; those of St. Peter in the East, Oxford, to 1444 ; of 
St Michael's, bishop Stortford, to 1431 ; of All Saints', Derby, to 1465 ; of Horley, 
Surrey, to 1507: the Counte boke of Siratton to 15 12. " The Churchwardens' Accounts 
of the Town of Ludiuw*' begin with 1540; those of St. Michael's, Comhill, with 1546; 
those of Wenhaston, Suffolk, with 1551 ; those of Loughborough with 1583; the IJber 
Compti, or "Green Book," of St. Columb goes back to 1585; the Overseers* Accounts 
of Holy Cross, Wcstgate, Canterbury, to 1642. Some of these arc of profound interest 
to the antiquary. As a rule, they have been treated with gross neglect, and it is a marvel 


down to April, 1783. Like the Register book, of which I shall 
treat hereafter, its beginnings are much better than its ending ; 
the earlier pages are written in a scrupulously neat hand, 
but the same cannot be said of many subsequent leaves. 
No doubt here, as elsewhere, someone was at first paid for 
keeping these records. We come across such entries as — 
" Pd. for writting these accoumpts, 3s. " ; ** Gave John 
Eastlake for writting, 5s. " ; " To pay Sampson Eastlake for 
Transcribing the Register, 03 : 04." " Then came a time 
when Churchwardens and Overseers imagined they could 
perfect their own accounts. What they did was to leave a 
record of their own unfitness for office." ^ I must say, how- 
ever, that our St. Austell accounts, compared with some 
others, are of a high order. Of course, no one expects 
perfection in spelling or in grammar — at least, anyone who 
does look for these qualities in antient records will be doomed 
to disappointment ; it is quite a modern idea that words should 
be spelt — or ** spelled " (we have still some trifling liberty left 
to us) — in one uniform way; even in the last century persons of 
quality wrote words at will, sometimes in one form, sometimes 
in another. But the variations in our Book are, I incline to 
think, much less startling than they are elsewhere. We have 
nothing, for example, which can compare for a moment with 
the Canterbury orthography ; I consider that I lay the reader 
under an obligation by giving him a few specimens of what the 
Overseers ** Dispurst for the Eas of the pore " — their ** Dis 
Bustments," as they call them in another place — or, as it 
stands in the Luxulyan Account Book, ** For the Rising of 
ther Despusments." 

bow so many of them have escaped destruction. The Canterbury accounts, for example, 
had been thrust into a sack — although they had two piirish chests— which sack (a confused 
mass of papers) had been stowed away, high up in the tower of the Church. 

^ Our Parish Books, p. lo. 


•• Kiping of ms. dowening gierell [girl], 3 weeckes. 
When wee met at the Cooke [Cock, an inn much beloved of the 

Churchwardens] to see the ould over seres accountes. 
For here [beer, not bier] when thay laid her forth.^ 
For a nicke of motton. 
For a coofon for Goodeye King. 
For a soupinee [subpanal* 
Eliz**> Dingley for to by her cild to shifts. 
Lett the woman to by him vitals. 
3 Blanck Sir Tifcats. 

St. Dunstan's Clarck for Nell and grave and Min Nester's fees. 
Payed a garle for a payer of secind hand shose. 
Caring Mary Joans to Cumberfols and Hauein har wipt. 
Goning to the Gutis [going to the Justice] with a French humen 

For Ringing for King Geore in ter session [accession]. 

„ one King George Croune-Asyone. 
one ye prinse of Whale Bethday." 


>» »» 

Similarly, in the Canterbury Churchwardens' Accounts we 
find, '* Bothering the tankers*' (for ** soldering the tankards") ; 
" Procklamation a Gainst Profaness " ; " dafter " for daughter 
(this is very common); **rops" and " roapes " for ropes; 
" Buring cloath " ; ** Bell roaps and put in them oup " ; 
" plomer " (for plumber) — they ** treated the plumber " in those 
days ; we rather feel as if he ought to treat us, but perhaps he 
had soldered down some plague patient — and so forth ; they 
designate these items " Dis Bors Ments." Our spelling is 
antique, but that is the worst that can be said of it — vulgar 
it certainly is not. The first page reveals that the ** p'ishe " 
had land at Lane End,^ let at the amazing rental of 2s. per 

1 Probably she had died of some infectious disease. 

^ " Lane End" is in one place defined as " Killane End." The parish also possessed 
some little property at " Polkey " and Holmbush — this latter comprised a garden ; in 1690 
we are told that "Holmbush with the gardens" was " unsett." Treverbyn Mill also 
appertained to the parishioners. 


annum, and several sums of money — one of £ioo — invested at 
six per cent. In later years we find sums of parochial money 
in the hands of Jos. Sawle, Esq., Mr. Moyle, John Daddow 
(who paid his interest quarterly), Richard Scoble, gent., John 
Allen, John Band, Wm. Slade, Thos. Baker, etc., etc. Men- 
tion is also made of the interest on ^^20 " given by Mr. Carlyon 
to the poor." These sums often changed hands — St. Austell 
had not four Banks then. The second page records payments 
of los. to John Killigarne ** for 3 foxes heades'' and 6s. ** for 
vermin's heades." Similar entries are not unfrequently found 
later on ; thus in 1679 there are several payments ** for ffitches 
heads.** ^ Elsewhere we read, ** P*^- the Hunters for killing a 
wild Catt . . . 03 . 00 ** ; on one occasion no less than £$ : 14 
was paid *' for ffoxes and vermin,'* and in 1726 3^8 : 18 : 8 
** for Catchers of divers sorts.** This, however, was quite an 
exception. In 1678, 15s. were paid ** to severall p'sons for 
ffitches and ffoxes and kites heades ** ; the next year Nicholas 
Marten had 5s. ** for 2 ffoxes and ii ffitches ** ; in *85, 2s. were 
bestowed ** for ii ffitches heads and 2 cats heads**; in *87, 
Samuel Bennett had los. for fitches*, cats* and kites heads, 
and so forth.^ In 1742, 5s. was paid for each fox and los. for 

1 The " fitchet," according to Skeals, Etymolog. Diet., p. 209, is the polecat, and the 
name refers to the smell. Three polecats, for which is. was paid, figure in the Church* 
wardens' Accounts of St. Martin in Meneage, for 1783-4. 

^ At Loughborough, in 1622, Clement Gibson received ijd. " for killing a mould in the 
churchyard'* ; at St. Martin in Meneage (in 1786), 2s. 6d. was paid for "an ould fox," 
and 4s. for "two half-grown foxes"; and a fox fetched the same sum at Gunwalloe 
{Journal of Roy. Inst, of Cornwall^ Part x., pp. 87-8). At Lanrcath, los. was paid for 
two foxes in 1803, and 4d. for a fitch in 1797-8. In the St. Columb " Green Book" we 
often read of " Vcrmons " or " Vermonts heades." The money was sometimes paid in 
Church ! A shilling was paid " ffor a ffox's head" in 1704. At I^ndewednack, in 1756, 
4d. was paid for " two he.ige hogs," and in 1798 is. for a badger ; 6d. " for a fitchet" ; 
IS. for an " oater " (oiter). and 5s. for two foxes ( Week at the Litaidy p. 47). At Wen- 
haston, Suffolk (and doubtless elsewhere), considerable sums were paid for killing sparrows. 
But there ihey only paid is. apiece for foxes. In the Ludlow Accounts (in 1569) are such 
entries as these : "for ij dozen of myse heades . . . ijd." ; "for iiij dozen of myse heades 


** I fox big w^^ young, killed by Mr. Sawle's hounds and Mr. 
Carlyon's." The third page it may be interesting to give at 
length as a sample — it concerns the 


** St. Austell 

An accounte of the marketts and faires of the p*ishe 
aforesaid given unto Joseph Sawle Esq*"* and the rest 
of the 12 men of the said p'ishe the 24*** daye of 
Aprill, 167 1. 

Paid to the Collectors for the poore 

Pd Mr. Growden for 30 dell bords 

pd. Hunnywrll * for a half year's wages ended the 29^** Sep- 
tember 1670 

pd. William Chalke for i q*"- wages 

pd for amending the Markett stuffe 

pd. for a new Buckett 

pd. for the Kinge's Rent 

pd. for Crooks for the butchers 

pd for amendinge the markett stuff 

pd. Mr. John Maye for i q''- parte of a month rate- 
pd. George EUott for 16 new Tressells 

pd. William Howe for a q"^- pte. of a month's Rate 

pd John Treveale for 2 dozen of pooles 

pd Peter Lukis for 2 dozen of pooles 

pd. Peter Lukis for 2 dozen of pooles and 8 tressells 
pd George Ellott for amendinge the Markett stuffe 

pd for lent of poles and boards 

pd John Treveale for 2 dozen of poles 






. 10 

. 00 


. 18 

. 00 


. 00 

. 00 


. 00 

. 00 


. 01 

. 06 


. 02 

. 00 


. 02 

. 00 


. 00 

. 06 


. 01 

. 00 


. 03 

. 06 


• 03 

. 00 


• 03 

. 06 



. 06 



. 06 


. 10 

. 00 


. 02 

. 06 


. 01 

. 06 


. 04 

. 00 


. 06 

. 06 

iiijd." ; "for ix crowes heades . . . iijd." ; for " ihree young crowes heades," " Mr. 

Barnabe's sonne" received jd. , eic. The Churchwardens record ihat they have "paid 
for myse heades" accordinj^ to the Statute, ll should be explained that by the Statute 
8 Eliz., cap. 15— "An Act for the Preservation of Grain" — the Churchwardens of every 
parish, with other persons to the number of six, are required to provide for the destruction 
of " noyfull fowles and vermyn," and varying prices are set upon their "heades." A list 
of " vermyn " is given in the Act. 

1 I think he was parish clerk. His name is prominent in the Church Registers. 
Chalke no doubt was sexton. 


The Rents of the Marketts and faires the last yeere 
came to ■ 

disbursed as above appeareth 

yett resteth due to the p'ishe 

More pd. Samaell Hodge, Churchwarden • 
More gave Giles Buck lo^- and is earnest- 

53 . 


. 00 

30 . 


. 06 




02 . 
00 . 


. 08 
. 10 

02 . 


. 06 

yett rest due to the p'ish 19 . 16 . 00 

li. •. 

which said 19 : 16 : was paid in unto the p*ishioners 

the daye and yeere abovesaid." 

This page, which suggests several matters for remark, gives a 
very fair idea of the main contents of the book ; that is to say, 
it is occupied for the most part with the annual statements of 
parochial accounts submitted to the Easter Vestry, and with 
the various agreements made at that Vestry with the Lessee 
or Farmer of the 

Marketts and Faires, 

which subject has consequently the first claim on our attention. 
In 1671 these Marketts were *' lett unto William Giles for i 
whole yeere to be ended at Easter Mundaye *' at the rent of 
£^0 ; in 1675 the rent was ** £yo (seventie pounds of lawful! 
money of England) " ; by 1698 it had risen to £85 ; in 1699 it 
dropped to £7^ ; in 1724 it was £91, and in 1783 it was ;fi64. 
Sometimes the farmer was ** allowed £5 for repayring the 
Market Stuff''; sometimes " the taker to have no allowance^ 
but to rest sattisfyed with the materialls delivered to him." 
In 1690 John Hooper " managed the concernes," and was 
** allowed for his paines and losses in collecting and managing 
the Market for the s^- year £oy . 03 : 02." As early as 1675 
we have an ** Accounte of all the boards, pooles, Trussels and 
other necessarys belonging unto the Marketts and faires," and 


a very modest show it makes. The " Pooles '* were 157 ; 
" Trussels," 080 ; " Boardes,*' 213, ** of w^^ 26 short boards." 
So far as appears, this was all their stock-in-trade. By 17 13 — 
I take this date almost haphazard — "the Markett stuffe" 
showed a considerable increase. In addition to "25 new 
boards provided last yeere ** and " 17 Trussles w^** 3 Leggs 
each'* and "7 more without leggs," we now read of "A new 
Winchester bushell ; a measure conteyning 5 gallons, and a 
striker ; Two Toll dishes w^** iron handles ; A good brass pint ; 
two small iron stamps ^ ; A brass Quart to bee dd him by 
m"^- Nics- Giles" and " 18 paires of old boards." In 1738 it is 
provided (as usual) that the tenant shall " clean the streets of 
all dung, straw and dirt the next day after ev'ry fair or Market 
day " ; it is here added that ** otherwise he is to pay one 
Shilling for ev'ry such offence to ye sexton, who has liberty 
to carry it off" — this, I presume, means the dung, not the 
shilling^ — and convert it to his own use. As late as 1819 we 
find the Lessee of the Markets fined 5s. ** for not sweeping the 
streets of the town on Saturday last " — our streets seem always 
to have been a discredit to us. In 1720, Major Sawle was 
paid " for 3,000 stones used about the Markett House the last 
yeare." In 1737 there is — for us — an unusually illiterate 
entry — ** Wer nominate for Churchwardens, Charles Slade, 
gent., and Samuel Hendy." The statement found under date, 
of 1741, "Then set ye Prophets of ye Faires," etc., does not 
refer, as the unwary reader might suppose, to the ** twelve 
men " (of whom more presently) who undoubtedly had the 
letting of the " concernes," and I daresay were prophets in 

1 In a parchment Inventory (date 1686) of the goods, etc., belonging to the Parish 
Church of Wenhaston, one item is, "An Iron-brand, being a key w*** w«J» all Things 
belonging to ye Towne ought to be mark'd." 

s So we gather from an entry in 1714 — " Itt shall be lawful for the Saxon ... to take 
away and convert such Dung and Soyle to his own use." 


their own country, but to the yearly gain. It may be as well 
before we quit the subject to show what was generally done 
with this Market ** prophet.*' Let us take the year 1699, when 
the rent was ** threescore and thirteene pounds.*' This is the 
account passed ** the first day of Aprill, 1700." 

lb. s. d. 
Payd- the overseers of the Poor 25 : 00 : 00 

V^' Sam. Higman the County Stock : Rate 00 : 10 : 10 

Pd- the Great Rate 03 04 . 6 

pd- Ric. Roscorlia, Const*>^«' for bridge rates 02 : 19 : 6 

F^' Lawrence Broakensheere for mending ye highwayes 00 05 . o 

Left the Count day to pay, wci» was charged on Jo. Vivyan — 00 : 02 : 6 

Left out by the Churchwarden order when the L<*- Bpp. was 

att Penrise * 00 : 06 : o 

F^' Sampson Eastlake, the Clark 04 : 00 : o 

pd. wna. Giles y« Sexon 04 : 00 : o 

P<*- for 4 Bell Roapes 01 : 05 : o 

P<*- Tho : Manning ye Glazier 03 : 00 : o 

P<l- John Ward Cons^We for the County Stock 00 : 10 : 10 

Left to pay by Marke Higman att the makeing the Great Rate 00 : 04 : o 

Left out to the Ringers the 5 of Nouember 00 : 10 : o 

F^- Humphery Cleeve for Repaering ye Church 05 : 12 : o 

pd- Petter Pearce ye Reve for the King's Rent 00 : 02 : o 

pd- Mr. John Sawle for mending Bodman Highwayes 00 : 10 : o 

pd- for mending the Pentices [penthouses] and Markett house 

planching 02 : 02 : 4 

Left out more to Churchwardens for 3 dell Boards and 3 planks 00 : 05 : 6 

allowd for the btuff 05 : 00 : 6 

59 : 10 : 6 
pd- afterwards to mr. Henry Hawkins for Rent due to Mr. 

Growden for the Markett plott 05 : 00 : o 

more pd- to the Churchwardens in full of y' ace* 04 : 13 : 4 

pd. to Wm. Nicholas, Churchwarden ye last year 00 : 07 : 6 

1 There is a curious entry in the " Counte boke of the hye cross Wardenys" of Stratton, 
in 1512 — " Paid for a gallon of wyne to Give my lord bosbopp. ijd." Nor was his 
lordship alone regaled. Presently we read, " Payd for bred and drynk to the ryngers 
to renge a gens my lord boshhopp, ijd." 


Distributed to severall poore people the Count day 02 : ii : 2 

Pd. for a bottle of brandy at the setting of y« Markett 00 : 03 : o 

Gave Merdith Williams, his house beeing lately burnt 00 : 15 : o 

In full for ye Markett 73 : 00 : o 

To some of these items — the bottle of brandy, for example — I 
shall recur later on. But I prefer to dispose of the markets 
before I descend to any such festive details. I will therefore 
add that our second Parish Book (which begins with 1744) 
contains a resolution, passed in 1760, " That no Market be 
held on Good Friday next year '* — the barbarians would seem 
to have formerly held one on that day ; another (in 1836), 
** That the Market House be taken down," after one in 1834 
that " Thanks be given to Mr. Sawle for his unparalleled 
generosity in giving up his claim to the Market Tolls hitherto 
received by him and his Tenants, and for the offer of a site 
for the new market." In 1839, ^^e new Vicar, the Rev. For- 
tescue Todd, in the chair, it was resolved, ** That £110 be 
allowed out of the Tolls of the Markets and Fairs for the use 
and benefit of the Church for the year ensuing," which must 
have been most gratifying to the new incumbent — new brooms 
do sweep clean. A sum of ^90 was also allowed to the 
Churchwardens in 1840, and jfioo in 1841 — both from the 
tolls of the markets. But then these contributions cease. 
Can it be that the Vicar had already worn out his welcome ? 
The Cornish are said to be fond of fresh faces, and it is often 
remarked with respect to our Methodist preachers who change 
their circuits every two or three years that they **are angels 
the first year, men the second, and devils the third." There 
was a precedent for these grants, for in 1814 3^20 per annum 
was voted from the rates, to be paid for the singing, ** which 
of late is very much improved." It was to be paid over to 
Hy. Lakes, Esq. From the markets let us pass to 



The Twelve Men 

who managed them. Under date of April 8tb, 1672, we read: 
*' This day Thomas Came, gent., was elected and chosen by 
the generall consent of those of the twelve men that were now 
present to be one of their society," and similar entries appear 
constantly. At a later date the twelve are called the *' Prin- 
cipals ** of the parish ; in 1741 they are described as ** the 
principal inhabitances.'' ^ A similar council was of course found 
in other towns and villages — in Tavistock they were eight in 
number (the two Churchwardens were sometimes joined to 
them) ; so they were at Stratton ; at St. Columb it endures 
for certain purposes unto this day. At Ipswich, in 1200, it 
was ** ordered that twelve Portmen shall be elected as in 
other ffree townes of England," and ** fower men were elected 
and sworne to elect Portmen out of the better rank."^ At 
St. Columb the duties of the Twelve must have been somewhat 
multifarious, for it seems that " sheepe ** were lent at 7d. per 
annum each, the farmer taking the increase and the wool. The 
parish also possessed a ladder and a carriage, each of which was 
lent on hire.^ Here then we have a survival of that local self- 
government which is popularly believed to have been granted 
by the Crown — some have even ascribed its beginnings to the 
recent Act establishing Parish Councils ! — but which is really 
older than many of the sovereign rights and present-day 
prerogatives of our monarchs.* The *' twelve men " really 

1 A footnote gives the following " Memerandam " : " Mr. Hugh Hewet is chosen one 
of ye principle Inhabitantes." *^ Bacon, Annals of Ipsttnch, p. 7. 

* We read (about 1593), " The organ do conteyne xv pipes." There are also references 
to the " trayned soldiers" prepared to fight the Spanish Armada. Here too people were 
buried at half-price when there was no coffin. 

< " The central authority has been built up by taking to itself, one by one, all the powers 
which originally belonged to the local authorities. The process has been a long one, and 
very insidious. . . . The Norman Conquest marks very strongly the age of this surrender." 
Gomme, Literature of Local Institutions, p. 2. 


represent the old hundred assembly ; it was a sort of 
*' committee of twelve members to transact the judicial 
business of the court." ^ The duties of our Twelve men were 
also very various ; in '87, e.g., ** John Came laid out by the 
gents, order to John Crowle for the clock, 5s.** Then they 
paid large money for maintaining roads and repairing bridges 
all over the county — at Bodmin, Hessenford, Looe, Penpont, 
St. Erth, etc. ; ** ffor the cutting of the cloth *' for the poor 
they paid is., and a like sum ** ffor a warrant to call forth the 
old overseers." One year they gave Mathew Woone " for 
warning of severall p*sons to Court," 2s. ; another they paid 
Degory Mathew for crying ye faire, is. — and so forth. In 
1727 seven ** of the number of the twelve of the said parish," 
viz., Jos. Sawle, Hen. Hawkins, Edmond Carthew, Tho. Hext, 
Jno- Carthew, John Harper (who made his mark), and John 
Hodge, record that they ** have observed great increase in the 
disbursements of the late Overseers ^ for Lynnen and Wollen 
Cloth," and give notice ** That wee, and our successors, the 
Number of the Twelve, being the principall Inhabitants of 
the said parish . . . will provide and supply the occasions 
of such persons as are and shall become chargeable to the 
said parish." This change was greatly conducive to economy, 
for whereas the *' lynnen and wollen " of the preceding year 
cost £41 -.4:4, in 1728 these worthies had reduced it to 
£14 : 2 : 8. In 1743 these same ** principals " are empowered 
to ** give leave to any person they think Proper to keep School 
in ye Markett House and reserves leave for workmen about 
ye Workhouse to work therein [t.^., obviously in the Market 
House, fwt the Workhouse] and to lodge timber and deals 

1 Gomme, p. 54. 

'-« At Holy Cross, Weslgale, Canterbury, between 1643 and 1651, the cost of maintaining 
the poor increased fourfold. Our Parish /Records, p. 21. 


there." Vacancies in the number of the twelve were filled up 
by co-option, i.e., by the free choice of the survivors. At a 
later period the twelve managed the Workhouse, in addition 
to their other duties — our second Parish Account Book is 
entitled, ** A Book of Orders and Resolutions of the Principall 
Inhabitants for the better management and government of the 
Workhouse," and on July 30th, 1744, it was res6lved *' that 
every Principall Inhabitant . . . under the denomination of a 
twelve-man shall be an acting Manager and Trustee." It would 
almost seem from an entry in 1745 that Churchwardens and 
Overseers were chosen from this body. On one occasion, at 
least, the twelve somewhat exceeded their powers, for in 1747 
they directed " that no person presume to ring or chime the 
bells without the permission of Richard Williams, one of the 
Churchwardens, in whose custody the key is now kept." ^ 
Their powers appear to have lasted until 1819, when the twelve 
gave place to the select Vestry — we then have the first of the 
annual lists which were submitted to a Justice of the Peace. 
It will be observed that one item is a **qr. p^<^ of a month's 
Rate," which may well introduce the subject of 


The way in which the necessary expenses of the Poor and 
of the Parish — and, I must add, of the Church — were raised, 
is at first somewhat bewildering : we read with amazement 
at one time (1745) of '* six rates for the Releife of the Poor 
at Michas next " ; then in '59 of twelve rates, for Poor and 
Church ; the next year of ** six Poor Rates and two Church 
Rates." ^ By '67 we have mounted up to fourteen rates, by 

^ In 181 1 we find the key lodged with the Vicar, and no one is to ring without his 

* In 1723-4 there were iwtlve rates, realizing ;^i9i. The next year there were thirty, 
which brought in l^\jo. This rapid increase was due to the " casting of 6 Bells." etc. 


the next year to twenty, by 1800 to twenty-eight, by 1801 
to forty, and by 1802 to fifty ! The thing goes on by leaps 
and bounds ; we feel as if this will never do ; it must be 
checked. The explanation is — I do not know that I can 
express it better than by quoting a sentence from the 
Luxulyan Book, which, after giving a list of ratepayers and 
the various amounts at which they were assessed, adds that 
such rate ** is to be collected as often as need shall requier for 
the Rising of ther Despusments." This appears to have been 
the antient plan. Sometimes a rate or ''sesse" was made to 
cover three months or four months ; at other times, as in our 
case, they multiplied each man's registered proportionate pay- 
ment according to the parochial needs. When Mr. Robt. May 
had received his 7s. (in 1679) ** for writing the rates," and 
A, B, and C had been assessed, let us say, at is., 2s., and 3s. 
respectively, all that was needed was to multiply these amounts 
by 12, or 20, or 50, according to the sum required to be raised. 
And another thing that we observe with respect to the rates 
is that the authorities were much more genial and complaisant 
in their collection (or remission) than are their hard-hearted 
successors of to-day. We are constantly reading of remissions. 
Parson Hewgoe especially had parts of his rate '' respited " — 
£1 15s. in 1703 — in 1738, 15s. was, ** by consent, allowed to 
him by courtesy " — no doubt, on account of Church Rates, on 
the principle of not *' robbing Peter to pay Paul." ^ Similarly, 
** the proprietors of the Sheaf" — that is, of the Rectorial 

This sum, large as it was, had to be supplemented by £2^ 7s., in Subscriptions. Of this 
amount, however, los. 6d. promised by Mrs. Joane Giles, 5s. by Richd. Halls, and is. by 
John Mannell, were never paid. 

1 At Canterbury it was resolved (25 Aprill, 1698) " That the minister be excused from 
Payeing ani Thinge to the Poore of the above Siiid parish, he burling and Baptizing the 
Poore Gratious." In 1667 he had begun to charge for attending funerals, which, thirty 
years later, led to the dispute thus compromised. (Meadows Cowper. ) 



tithes — were abated 13s. 4d., ** one rate.*' So was the tenant 
of Menacuddle excused something, and he of Treverbyn Mill — 
all these entries are of frequent occurrence — these properties 
being tithe free. So elsewhere were my Lord Mohun and 
Mr. Maye — the lay rectors, as I suppose — ** being not lyable 
to repayr the Church." ^ In 1703 Loveday Julyan*s rate of 
IS. 4d. was abated, she ** beeing poore." Yet the temper 
of those days was distinctly less benevolent than it is now — 
Meadows Cowper tells us that ** daughters did not look after 
their own mothers without payment,*' so that probably the 
Overseers did not take precisely what they could not get. 
Thus, Mr. John Carthew's rate {£1 .-1:4) was written off, 
he ** beeing not supposed to have any p'sonall effects," though 
he would appear to have been one of the " twelve men." In 
1684, ^2 : 16 : o was ''allowed for severall poor people who 
are rated and not able to pay " ; in '86, ;f 3 : i : 3 was ** allowed 
of the rate charg^ uppon poor people " ; in '73, as the parish 
had £7 : I : 8i in hand, the Overseers had "craved for the 
poore people that are unable to pay, £1 : 10 " ; in '86, as the 
balance was only 2s. 2d., it was all ** given a way to poor 
people." In 1708, the ** ballance," £002 ."6:5, was ** ordered 
to bee pd to Mr. Ste. W";s («« Doctor Williams " ? see p. 91) 
in Refference to Geo. Davey's Illness." In 1818, on a new 
valuation of the parish, Mr. Smyth, the then Vicar, com- 
pounded his Poor Rates for an annual payment of £50, ** on 
condition that the small tithes do not exceed is. 3d. in the 
Pound" — since that day the Vicar's rates have amounted, 
at times, to £*ioo per annuw, A proposition made the same 
year that *' all Methodist and Dis$enting Chapels be excused 

1 In 1689 we read, " Allowed for the whole lithe sheaf to the Lad/ Harris and 
Mr. John May, £i." In '83 it is, "Allowed for the sheaf and MenacuddU^^ and this 
item is mixed up with some allowances to the poor. 


payment of Rates " created a considerable storm, and led to 
an appeal to the Justices, who referred the complainants to 
another Vestry Meeting — how it was finally settled, it is need- 
less to say. And — also in the same year — Mr. Elias Martyn 
was appointed ** a General Agent to collect all the Rates, pay 
all the Poor, and make out the Rates," to which he was to 
devote all his time at a salary of £80 per annum. 

But this brings us to a very copious subject (also suggested 
by page 3), 

The Relief of the Poor — 

copious because it included orders and regulations respecting 
settlement in the parish, aid afforded at birth, cases of ille- 
gitimacy, clothing, education, apprenticing, doctoring, and 
interment, and it may be convenient if, as far as is practicable, 
I classify the various entries under these heads ; I will also 
adhere, as far as possible, to the order of time.^ On page 6, 

1 In the '* Counte boke" of Stratton ws have an entry as far back as 1532 concerning 
the relief of the poor, for in that year vs. was set apart " for the bedreden," whilst xxd. 
was paid " to make raccbytes for the chylder " — observe the old form of children (still in 
use in the North of England). Similarly, in 1547. we read. " Paid to [x>reraen at the 
comondement of the viii men, is." These accounts are full of interest ; I jot down some 
few particulars here. The " prieste's wages" in 1519 were 13s. 4d. — in 1513 be only 
received xs. In 1562, 4d. was " paid to a mynystcr to help play and syng." For 
" frankencens " was paid the same year ijd. ; for "the Church dore kay " (in 1512), id. ; 
for a truss of rushes (for strewing on the floor of the Church), ijd. — in 1541 John maior 
received "for a trusse of rushes agenst Mr. Arundell ys dafter was marryed iiijd. " ; in 
'25, "for mendyng of the prieste's chamber " 2s. was paid ; and about the same time 
Johanne morton received " for mendyng of ij surples id.," and ijd. was paid " for 
schering the Church hagg" [hedge]. In '32 a man was paid xvjd. "for seying to the 
belles by the yere." For the use of the "Church House" some "players" paid id. 
in *39 — on another occasion Jews or gipsies were lodged there; in "42 " a ladder for the 
clock " cost 3d., and " a chayne for the bybill " iijd. od (i.e., 3Jd.) ; in '70. 4d. was paid 
" for mending of John Jude's bybell which he lonyd to the Church when the other was 
bynd." For a communion cup — of pewter, as the weight was iij [x>unds — xixs. was paid ; 
vjs. for "a newe communion bocke and a Psalter in the same," and iiijd. "for a sawser 
to put the communion bred in.*' In '62, xijd. was paid " for 200 of howsselen bread," 
which shows that wafers were still used in this Church; in '61, 3s. were set apart "for 
bread and wyne a gainst ester." In '38, the wardens received "of Robyn hode and of his 
men— probably a company of strolling or woodland players — £s ' ^ • *o»" *"d so forth. 


then, we have what we may reasonably regard as a list of the 

poorest families in the parish, but as it is incidentally supplied, 

in connection with fines levied on the Quakers, I reserve it for 

further mention later on.^ The first disbursements to the poor 

I find in 1675 — 

** Given unto Tregennow's boy 00 : 00 : 10 

Given unto William Morr*s wife 06 ; 06" 

William Abram also received sixpence in that year. 
** Tregennoe's sonne '* received a further advance of ois. o6d. 
in '76, and ** Harris als. Blew, 4s." The Tregennows make 
a fair show in the book — much more than many decent honest 
people — e.g., in this year the Overseer paid to Mr. Tremayne — 
probably the new Vicar — i6s. ** for Tregennow's rent." In 
'79 he ** gave to Charity Clemense a poore widdow," is. 8d. — 
in '82 she was apparently in a better way, for she received 4s. 
** for keeping Rich. Hobba's child " — these and similar sums 
were bestowed quite apart from the allowances made ** upon the 
account day " ; in *8i, for example, the Overseers ** Disbursed 
for the charges of the poore the yeare last past, ^92 : 2 : 7 " ; 
and in '83 they ** p^ for cloath distributed among the poor at 
Christmas and at other times, £*I2 : 16 : 7 " ; in '89, ** at the 
severall pay dayes and for cloath, both of Linnen and Woollen," 
they expended £93 : 13 : 10. Sometimes the recipients are not 
named — thus, ** To a poore maid of the p'ish, is.," ^ followed 
by, ** Given away, 00 : 00 : 01." It would be interesting to 
know who received this substantial sum, and what he did with 
it. So minute a record I have not found elsewhere, save in 
the Canterbury Accounts, where the Overseers paid id. ** for 
cutting peche's haire." ^ In '75 we find this item in our book, 

1 Page 98. 

« At Canterbury, is. was given to "a Por hunien" and the same " to a poor woman 
in the hog-sty." 

« They also gave a man 2d. to go out of the parish, whereas "a great l)elyed woman " 
received 2s. for the same purpose. No doubt this was to obviate the expenses attendant 


** Paid Croll [Crowle] for lent of a horse about ye p'ish 
business, 2S.," but I could not swear that this was connected 
with any branch of poor relief. At Stratton, in 1564, xxjd. 
was ** paid to Nicolas bond for lone of his horse when mr. 
marris and John Jud rode to Exeter" — no doubt on parish 
business, and probably to attend the Assizes, or to interview 
the Lord " Boshopp." In 1701 the sum of 3s. lod. was paid 
at St. Austell ** for 5 horse journeys for bringing tymber for 
Repayre of the Church and 2 Journeys for A man." At 
St. Martin in Meneage, however, in 1776-7, we find 2s. paid 
for horses employed in the pursuit and forcible marriage of 
Walter Johns,^ and at Canterbury, a record of 4d. having 
been paid **for a warrant for the wenche that left her child 
in the parish," 2s. was ** pd for a horse to ride after her," 
and 6d. ** to a woman for keeping the child till hee [she ?] was 
brought back agayne." In the same Canterbury Accounts, 
we find Adam Williamson bribed with the sum of 7s. 6d. 

on her accouchement, and perhaps this was why they gave is. 6d. to " a way-goeing 
woman y^ was bige with child." Probably, they had then, as now, more tramps than 
we have. At Wenhaston. is. was expended " in getting rid of 6 Frenchmen w^^ came 
into street." When every parish paid for its own poor, they were naturally much afraid 
of paupers settling therein. 

1 It may be worth while to put down the different items connected with this matrimonial 
incident, which has been unearthed by the Rev. S. Rundle. Johns had fled to Breage. 
apparently with the lady of his choice. He was pursued, overtaken, and put through the 
ceremony. Let us hope that it consoled him to find that the wedding festivities included 
the discharge of artillery and much feasting at the (>arish expense. 

10 . II 

" To arresting, marreing Walter Johns) 
To three days under arrest ) 

To licians [license] i 16 o 

To expenses and Turnpike ; fatching them at Breag. 2 : o 

To 2 horses 2 : o 

To the minister for marreing them 10 . 6 

To the Clerk 5 . o 

To meat drink and firing to the wedding i . 13 . 

(Journal, R. Inst, Comw, x. 87.) 


"for to get married to ye Widdow Wimark.'*^ The ** expenses 
about them '* amounted to 2s., which, compared with the 
St. Martin's charges set forth in the note below, was reason- 
able to a degree. But then 12s. 6d. is charged for ** going 
after Hester Brockman to prevent her marriage " — one would 
think she was an heiress. In 1702 our Overseers had £18 in 
hand at Easter — ** of w^^ the gent^ thought fit to distribute 
amongst divers poore people £02 " — in addition to the **7 rates 
for the poore," which had yielded ^f 112 : 5 : 4J. We also hear, 
especially in the earlier years, of '* the poor man's box " — 
probably that in the Church, as ordered by the Canon. In 
1671 it yielded 14s. ; in '72, 8s. gd. ; in '73, 9s. ; and so forth. 
Out of this some of the charities above-named were given. 
In '83, for example, it was opened soon after Easter, and its 
contents were forthwith given to the poor, whose names are 
specified. It was not all paying out to the poor, however ; 
sometimes the Overseers acknowledge small sums that they 
have received, in the shape of moneys accruing from the sale 
of the chattels of deceased paupers. Thus, in 1699, Hoba's 
goods realized ^^2 : 16 : 6, and in 1700 they ** Rec^ for Ann 
Hodge's Goods, 19s." Such entries are found all over 
England.''^ In 1675 we find the first entry respecting the 

1 There are many such marriages recorded in the old Account Books. At Wenhaston, 
f.g., Mr. Banks was paid 6s. in 1761 "for marrying H. Hall" ; in '64, the "taking of 
Richard Brown and marrying him " cost £4 : g : 4, and a similar capture and dispatch 
of Daniel Tovell £s - 14 • ii« " Parishes actually bribed people in adjacent parishes 
to relieve them by marriage of paupers generally, but especially of paupers with large 
families," thus "shifting the burden on to other shoulders." Wenhaston, p. 19. When 
men were married perforce, it was doubtless because there was a solid reason why they 
should marry. 

2 The Canterbury Records, e.g., so often referred to, contain an " Account of the 
goods which blind Jane hath in her house " — this was during her lifetime ; also " the 
a prasell of goode Lanke Sher [Goody Lancashire's] goods" — "one bed stedell, with 
mat and cords," etc. ; they give a list, too, of Widdow Precs's effects. The Wenhaston 
Accounts contain many such inventories. 


Elementary Education 

of the St. Austell youth — 
" Pd. Mr. Slade for the schoolemaster 05 . oo . oo " 

From a later entry — 

" Pd. to the Schoolemaster for teaching three poore 

schollers 03 : 00 : 00 " 

It would almost seem as if this good pedagogue had so much 
per head. The entries respecting 


are much more numerous. The first of these, found on the 
SIXTH page, and referring to the year 1671, I cite at length — 

" Memorand. This ace* day the overseers brought in indentures 
for placing apprentices those severall poore children hereafter 
named, viz. : — 

SamiJ- the sonne of Phillip Willeton, bound to Jos. Sawle Esq«"- 

Wm. Sonne of Ph. Abram, dec<*t to Mr. Moyle. 

Johane Rawne to Mr. Josias Vivian. 

Francis May to Mrs. Menhire. 

Thomas Tockell als [alias] Julian to W™- Rawett. 

W™- Mishell to Mr. John May. 

Alexander Allen to John Bouett of Carvath. 

Pentecost Abram to Rob** Thomas. 

fflorence Allen to John Cusgarne." 

The Abrams and Aliens were no doubt brother and sister 
respectively. One wonders how they fared under their different 
masters, and whether they saw much of each other, or cared to 
see. It is plain that these pauper children were not popular; 
the poor seldom are. Elsewhere, in 1708, we find this entry — 

*• Charges relating to one of the poore children when 

hee was refused by his first intended master 00 : 02 : 01 " 

and there is record more than once of parishioners paying 


£^5 • 5 : o» a substantial sum at that period, to be excused 
taking a parish apprentice. In i8i8 it was resolved ** that 
no one be allowed to choose a parish apprentice." Our 
Overseers (in 1708) paid 6s. 8d., that time-honoured fee, for 
the indentures of " 2 Poore children," but then they only gave 
£2 with the two; in fact, £1 was the almost invariable sum 
here paid with an apprentice.* What they paid for the board 
and lodging of pauper children it is impossible to estimate 
aright ; two of Tho. Dallen's children were maintained for 
13s. 6d. — this was in 1689 — and in 1710 John Roseveare 
received £1 ** with a poore child," but we cannot say for 
how long, and the same remark applies to Joan Marshall, 
who in 1690 was paid 5s. ** for takeing of a poor child," and 
to **Sam Hatches Bastard," towards whose support the twelve 
advanced £1 : 10 : o, in '98.^ Nor can we, for want of details, 
compare the cost of clothing. In 1683 they gave Charity 
Clements — this time out of ** the poore man's box " — 4s., for 
** cloathes for Barnok fford's child," but as a rule they appear 
to have bought their *' Wooling and Lynnen " wholesale, and 
to have doled it out as necessity required. Thus, in 1692, 
there is a charge of £ro 14:3 ** To Wooling for the poor," 
and a further sum of £*I2 : 11 : of for ** lynnen," whilst in '98, 
£2:3:9 was paid '* For Flannings for shrouding for ye Poor," 
and £"8:9:2 for ** Linnig given to the Poor" — but that is all. 
In 1764 it was " ordered that Widow Esterbrook have a cloth 

1 At Canterbury, in 1664, £2 was paid with an apprentice, as when "Cocks his boy" 
was apprenticed to his brother; 2S. were also paid for the indentures and as. "for a 
payer of shoes for him " : also sixpence was "laid outt for oyntment " (at Wenhaston, 
in '72, Goody Buxton had 2s. for making " linniment ") for the same youth, for whose board 
3s. a month had for some time been paid ; then later, as bis appetite increased, 6s. per 
month (to "Gudewife Hodgman "). The " kiping of ms. dowening gierell [girl] 3 weekes" 
cost 5s. 

2 At Wenhaston, about 17 16, the usual inclusive charge for a pauper's board, lodging, 
apparel and washing was about is. 7d. per week. 


coat and a shift " ; that " Widow Warrick have two shifts for 
her daughters, two cloth coats, and no more for this year " 
(it looks as if these young wenches had been importunate 
or extravagant), and Widow Hodge " a pair of shoes," but 
nothing is said as to their respective cost. In 1747 it was 
decided that ** the Price of Linnen for the Poor is not to 
exceed 8Jd. per yard," and that " the price of wollen cloth, 
conTonly called Cape cloth, for the Poor, is not to exceed is. 6d. 
per yard," ^ but we have no further details. A '* shovel for the 
Bedman " * cost is. 7d., in 1696 ; a hatchet (in '99) cost is. ; a 
*' lock and kay for ye new Market house," is. 2d. ; the same 
** for the Quire," 6d. ; *' four bell roapes," £1 5s. ; lead cost id. 
per lb. ; ** Sooder " (they used up 365 lbs. of this in '99 !), lod. 
per lb. ; a shroud for Mellin's widow, 5s. 6d. — other " charges 
for burying her " amounted to 5s. — and in 1716, John Crapp 
received 7s. for making a coffin ; but these, with the 2s. paid 
for ** a new Buckett," in 1690, and is. 4d., the cost of ** making 
Zenobia Quick's cloaths,"^ are about all the prices I can cite.* 

1 At Wenhaston, in 1733. ^ texture called Fiarnotking was bought at is. 8d. per yard. 

• The sexton. This is clear from other entries. •* W">- Giles the Bedman " is elsewhere 
called " W"»- Gilles the sexon," and in 1693 we read, " To W"»- Giles the Bedman for his 
attendance on the Church work. £1 . 16." This was additional to his salary of £^ and 
to los. " for keeping the clock." The Rev. W. lago. of Bodmin, who has, with great 
kindness, given me information on many points of archaeology, whilst allowing that he 
cannot gather this meaning from most of the standard dictionaries, appeals to Ricbards's 
(1861) and Williams's (1865) works. There is no doubt that Bedh or Beth is Celtic for 
•' grave," as may be seen in the name " Bethgellert" — grave of Gellert — still I cannot find 
•* Bedman " either in Skeat's or Murray's Dictionaries. 

'At Luxulyan, "making Ann Topper's gown" cost 6d. ; John NichoU's shroud, as. iid., 
and Eliz^*»- Petherick was paid 4s. for " washing John Crip's Linen " — this was in 1763-71. 

* The Canterbury records, on the contrary, are full of details ; one might almost com- 
pile a price list of that period from them. For example : a winding sheet cost from 
as. 8d. to 4s. 3d. (in 1649) ; a boy's pair of shoes, is. 6d. to as. ; a " paire of hoose." 8d. 
to IS. 6d. . according to the size of the child ; " a pair of hoose and a pair of breeches for 
the parish child," 3s. ad. ; a coffin, 4s. 6d. ; a "reage" (ridge) coffin, 8s. ; a "sburt," 
2S. ; a " Loyne of Mutien for Goodwife Bullock," 9d. ; a " nicke of motton," 7d. to lod. ; 
four new bell ropes, i6s. 6d. ; a " funt roope," for suspending the font cover, as. 6d. ; 


The next items of poor relief to be noticed have to do with the 


Here are some of the entries ; the first goes back to 1688 — 

'* pd. D'- Dyer for curing of John Robins, 6s.'* 
Then we have, among others — 

** i6gi P<*- D*"- HoUoway for cureing severall poor people — 01 00 . 00 
pd. D''- Holloway for curing the Wid. Davy of a 

dislocation 02 : 10 : o 

pd- Doctor Williams in part of his labour and 
charges about Jane Cornish (hee must have 

a guinea more) 06 : 15 : 2^ 

More to him in order to cure Jane Cornish of a 
late scald shee rec<* and under which shee 

now labours 01 : 01 : o 

Doctor Williams for cureing the poore 06 : 09 : o * 

To Doctor Williams for curing Vercoe 01 : 00 : 00 

More allowed for curing Mary Devonsheer's legg — 15 . 00* 

More allowed them a bill for Phissick for Mark 

Hydon's family 09 : 00 

To be p^- to Doctor Williams for cureing Thomas 
Hobbs and in full of all his former arrears 
of demd"** 10 . 15 . o" 

•*a paire of Stilts for the Tanner," 3d. — I should have thought the tanner might have 
paid this himself, and not have come upon the parish for it ; half a pound of wool — 
probably for *' socking " — is. ad. ; for " a peticoat for Blanchett's girl," 5s. ; for a '* wast- 
coat and bodies for her," is. (at Wenhaston. "a pair of upper bodies" cost 8d., in '53; 
"a pound of Raysons," 4d., and ilb. of hog's suet the same) ; for 9 yards of lace and 
silk, for a petticoat — what were the Overseers doing to pay for this finery ? and this at the 
very time when " Blanchett's girl's I^gg " was costing the parish a pretty penny — is. 8d. ; 
for •* to [two] shifts," 2s. ; for " black cloath to lay upon the cofen," is. ; for '* 8 bushells 
of lime," 3s. 4d. ; a gallon of wine for the E^ter Communion cost 12s. At Loughborough, 
in 1586, " a gaune of Aale " cost vijd. ; a surplice (in 1634), ;^2 . 9 . 8 ; ** for washing of 
the surplusse" was paid in '22, xijd. ; " a shovell " (in '82) cost is. 3d. — and so forth. 

^ It appears from an entry in 1712 that this was the sum agreed on " for labour and 
medicines administered to the poor." In '15 it is called '* Doctor Williams Sallary." At 
Wenhaston, in '32, only £2 per annum was paid, and only £2, 2s. in '49. No doubt the 
population there was small. 

*-* At St. Columb, " Cissly Crosse's legge * was cured for los. * The " guinea more" ? 


In 1713, ** the ffarmer was ordered to pay unto Dr. Williams 
jf 5 : 7 : 6 for his care and payns about John May." In 1719 
there was paid **to Doctor Livingstone" — Williams did not 
have it all his own way — jf 12 12s. ** for his Labor and charges 
about John Hobba's late wife since deceased, who were very 
poor." The doctors certainly knew how to charge then, as it 
is whispered they do now. This Williams was a regular 
cormorant ; I cannot understand his being in arrear with 
his demands ! And he was an indifferent paymaster : in 1715 
we read, ** Rec^ of Doctor Williams for Interm^ of his child 
in the Church 2 yeares since, 3s. 4d." Sometimes, however, 
a woman — the sage femme of the place, or perhaps even a 
charmer — was employed, whose charges were extremely 
reasonable. Thus in 1709 — 

"To Mary Collins for cureing Joane ffrancis 10 : 00" 

It is also to be remembered that for the most part the pay- 
ments were for cures^ ; if there was no cure, there was no pay, 
especially when the practitioner was of the weaker sex. In 
the Canterbury accounts we read — 

" To Eliz. Burden, alias young, for curing John Creepes [!] 

head 1:1:0 

By cash returned by Mrs. Burden for not curing Creppees 

head 1:1:0" 

At Luxulyan, if one doctor did not succeed, the parish tried 
another. In 1775, Dr. Treweek received ** for medicines for 
Eastbrook," £1, and soon after we read, **More to Dr. Lamb 
for the same person — 3s." ; at St. Austell, in 1720, two doctors 
shared the fees between them. Those fees amounted to 

1 This was apparently the general rule. At Wenhaston, in 1651, £1 was " paid to the 
Surgion who hea/J Margaret Anthony." In 1707, however, ^^i : 10 : o was paid '* for 
chyrurgery to John Edwards," and in 1711, £7 19:9} over a single smallpox case 
irrespective of results. An annual stipend of ^^2— sec above — could not cover such cases 
of inordinate sickness. 


£6 15s., '* for cureing of Jane Cornish and Loveday Coombe 
of some Distempers, beeing poore persons." ^ Sometimes the 
Doctor's bill, or a part of it, was paid to the patient. In 1708 
we find los. allowed to " Jos. Baring, a poore man, tow**- the 
charge of cureing his hand *' ; sometimes — see p. 91 — the bill 
was paid by ** the flfarmer '* or lessee of the markets. 
The next page in the book is occupied with the 


St. Austell) 

Sainuell Hodge and) 

y Churchwardens. 

Thomas Hodge J 

24° Aprill Theise accountants doe charge themselves 

1 67 1 with monye received of the p'she Markett lb. s. d. 

mony 02 . 15 . 08 

More reed of John Kannilyan [?] for M'- ffrauncis Robins 

and his daughter Jone's burialls 00 . 06 . 08 

For I buriall For Jane Luggier 00 . 03 . 04 

For M*"- John Moyle 00 03 . 04 

For M""- John Hodge and Temperance his wife 00 06 . 08 

1 1'he Canterbury charges, however, appear to have been altogether more diffident than 
ours, though Dr. Peters did receive £^ los. for curing a leg. Here are some of them — 

'' Pd- I^uncelott Kcnnistone for setting Widd. Thomas thyke 15 : o" 

It nuist be said, however, that this charge appears twice in the accounts. Was it that 
like our " Doctor Williams" " hee must have 15s. more " ? Probably he was only a bone- 
setter, and did not know how to charge courageously. 

" P<1- James Meade for letting Goodman Bayliffe blood 1:0" 

This was apparently of no avail, for there is a charge this year (1649) of 2S. 8d. " for a 
winding sheet for bailiffe." Still, the family resolutely tried it on again, for in 1654 
we find — 

" For letting Bayly*s girle blood 0:6" 

M"- Aimet, again, only received 3s. 6d. "for Phisicke for Mary Fuller"; Goodwife 
Woodruffe had 4s. 6d. for doctoring and "letting Patt Eaten blood in hir sickness." 
The charges for confinements are singularly modest — 

"Paid Elias Taylor for ye barth of Will Garet child a : o" 

(This 2S., however, may have been for the lax— sec p. 96.) 

Again. Dorothy Drout's midwife received only 2s. 6d., though 5s. was expended " for 
beere and ale at ye christning and Buriall " of this infant. 



For Elyn6«- the wife of M'- William Slade 
For M"- Pricsilla Scoble * 


oo . 03 . 04 
00 . 03 . 04 

04 . 02 . 04 

Disbursed as by p*ticulars appeers the sume of 10 . 17 . 09 

Soe disbursed more then reed. 06 . 15 . 05 

more Rec<* for 2 Burialls for Lowday Hunnye and J one 

the daughter of John Stephens o . 06 . 08 

Yett rest due to the Churchward"* 

6 08 . 09 

more rec<i for Tho : Hodge and fflorance Cosgarne, 

2 burialls o . 06 . 08 

Yett rest due 

02 . 01 

wci> sume of six pounds two shillings and one penny 
was this day p^ to Sam^*- Hodge one of the abovesaid 

This leads me to speak of 

Burials in the Church. 

It will be observed that the charge was only 3s. 4d. — say, one 
pound of our money — no wonder that so many were interred 
within its walls : there are few years in which there were not 
from five to twenty-five of these (in 1731 there were thirty 
** burj^alls " ; in 1676, out of thirteen of these, three were 
non- parishioners), and the names are generally recorded,^ 

I This and the three preceding names are those of persons buried in the Church. 

• At Stratlon, as early as 1512, we find the right to a grave in the Church sold for 
3s. 4d., r^., ** Rcc of Walter Gyste for his wyfy's pytt iijs, iiijd " — burial in the 
Churchyard was apparently free. Stratton Church, like ours, "must have been almost 
paved with corpses." (Peacock.) Here 4d. was paid for a " knell " after death — the 
passing bell again was free. In 1526 a music book was given instead of the fee for 
the grave; in '30 the Vicar gave a "kercher"; in '34 Christian Elet gave her kirtle, 
value 6s. iid. These interments in the Church— for a consideration — recall the epitaph — 

'* Here I lie, outside the chancel door. 

Here I lie, because I'm poor ; 

'I he farther in, the more you pay. 

Here I lie, as warm as they." 
But this was not exactly the case in St. Austell, as in 1680 no fee was paid for Thomas 
Tippett's wife, against whose name is written "poor." 


but only in connexion with the fees paid,^ which at St. Austell 
were not exorbitant — at Canterbury 6s. 8d. was charged for 
" breaking up the ground." They did not remain at this 
attenuated figui:e, however ; by 17 12 the charge had been 
doubled. In 1772 it was decided that, great injury having 
been done to the Church by digging graves therein, no one 
should be buried within its walls unless an undertaking had 
been given to pay to the Churchwardens the sum of four 
guineas. In 1793, " the faculty for the new Churchyard 
having passed the Great Seal," it was resolved that such 
new Churchyard be now used, and that no graves be made 
even in the old Churchyard except at a fee of £^ 4s., the sum 
charged for interments in the Church. In 181 1 it was decided 
that no one should be buried in the Church except on payment 
of fifty pounds, which heroic charge effectually put an end to 
these intramural interments. It should here be added that 
those buried within the building have no more been allowed to 
rest in peace than those who were laid to sleep under the sod. 
The latter were disturbed in their long repose in 1839, when 
Church Street was widened ; in 1844, when it was resolved that 
the excavated soil be removed to **the Higher Burial Ground," 
and the sexton was directed to collect all bones and to see 
to their re-interment ; in 1886, when the Memorial Vestry was 
erected, and finally in 1887, when the mound which had risen 
on the North side of the Church was levelled ; the precedent 
of 1844 was then followed, the soil being carefully transported 
to the High Cross ground. But the dead within the Church 
were also taken up, or what remained of them, in considerable 
numbers during the restoration of 1870. 

Apart from these lists of ** Burials of Corps " in the Church, 
our accounts have little to say as to the 

1 In 1696 there is a mcineranm — "No buryols nof yet accounted for." 



of parishioners — the overseers received much more than they 
paid. In 1679 there is a reference to a pauper funeral — 
" Pd M^- Rob^- Sawle and Phillip Elliott for burying Chalice's 
wife, i6s. 4d.'* ; so there is in 1706 — 

•' Paid to — Coombe for duty on interment of Thomas Cornish 

a poore man 04 : 00 " 

a pretty stiff charge if it was the parson's fee (I do not think 
it was, as at Luxulyan, in 1763, Mr. Cole, the parson, was 
paid a like sum ** for burying of three paupers and churching 
a poor woman " into the bargain), and in 1716, John Crapp 
was paid 7s. ** for making a coffin for Eliz : Allen," but I find 
little else which calls for remark.^ Under 1701 there is an 
entry which, like the 4s. above, may mean a good deal — 

" More for three burials of poor people to be paid to the 

King by the Overseers 00 : 12 : o " 

1 At Canterbury, as already intimated, not only were " cofens " and winding sheets 
supplied, but refreshments for the fijneral parties on a liberal scale. Here are some of 
the entries, in addition to those already cited — 

" P**- for laying Bing's daughter forth 0.0.4 

— for a winding sheet for Widd. Bayly o 4.3 

— 4 men for carrying him to ye ground o . i . o 

— to Good wife Starke for laying Goodwife Thomas forth 4 

— for drying hir [Goodwife Peche's] bedding to aire (probably she died 

of an infectious disease : hence her four bearers received is. ^d.) 2 

— for bire at har finerall 4 , 6 

Wool to sock her with 6 

Black cloath to lay upon the cofcn i . o 

— for old James Arnold's grave and his knell 3 6 " 

There are also some payments for rosemary and " sweet watter " at funerals, which again 
point to infectious complaints— those were the days of the plague. These overseers were 
equally lavish at the beginning as at the end of life. Thus they 

" ?•*• Goodwife Renn at her lying-in (in 1663) 2 o 

Paid the way-going woman in har lying-in and loging and nursing 9 6" 

But they gave, as Cowpcr remarks, "to all comers." In 1716, "36 semen castaway" 
were relieved by the Churchwardens— I must add that the total cost was only is. In 
1718, 74 poor sailors received 6s. amongst them — less than id. each. UThere is also an 
entry of 7s. for " 23 Persons castaway," and another, " Gave to 18 slaues — 2S. 6d." 


In 1694 an Act (6 and 7 William and Mary) was passed 
imposing, for a period of five years, a tax upon all births, 
marriages, and burials, in order to help defray the expenses 
of the war with France.^ On the birth of every child, save 
those of paupers, there was an invariable tax of 2s., but the 
children of the quality paid more — the eldest son of a Duke, 
for example, paid £30 2s. ; the younger sons paid jf 25 2S. ; 
Archbishops paid in proportion ; even Canons paid an enlarged 
fee, in their case 22s. So with burials, save that the charges 
were higher. The minimum fee was 4s., but an Archbishop 
paid £50 4s., a Bishop £20 4s., a Dean £10 4s., a humble 
Canon £2 14s. In 1701 the quinquennial period had just 
ended, and I think it almost certain that this payment to 
the King represents the fees of those whose friends — if they 
themselves were not paupers — could ill afford the fee. To 
the same tax again we are to ascribe an entry of 1698 — 

'* Pd Joseph Rowse for the buryalls of 11 Poor people 2.4:0** 

And I incline to think it is to this Statute that the payment 
of 4s. on the burial of Thomas Cornish, mentioned above, 
refers ; it was the exact amount of the tax, and our Overseers 
do not appear to have paid ** Min Nesters' fees '' as they did 
at Canterbury.^ 

But if our Overseers were not too merciful to the needs of 
maternity, they kept a sharp look out over cases of 


Mention has already been made of ** Sam Hatches bastard." 
In 1598, 3s. was paid ** for remouving of Jane Donkin," but 
far be it from me to suggest that this person's crime was 
profligacy. As to other entries, however, there can be no 

1 France returned this compliment in 1707. when Louis XIV. imposed a duty on 
baptisms and marriages. 

a P. 71. 


doubt — one such I give below.^ In 1707 mention is made of 

** Extraordinary charges about whores and bastards — 001 : 04 : 02 
Charges about Coryton and Pryor, a Rouge and a 

whore 00 : 1 1 : 6 " • 

In our second book are two entries which may be commended 
to the notice of our present-day Guardians. In 1730 they 
** Rec^ of Mat. Edivean in p^* of maintenance of his Bastard, 
los. 6d." In 1765, Matthew and John BenaUick, tin-blowers, 
give bond® to indemnify the parish against the maintenance 
of " a base child, with which Mary Dingle, single woman, is 
now pregnant," and as late as 1819, Mr. R. Trestrain offers 
£25 to the parish " to serve as remuneration for any expense 
in the maintenance of a child of which Eliz^**- Luenstone is 
now pregnant of [sic] and which child she has sworn Thos. 
Trestrain to be the father of." Now, we welcome such char- 
acters to our workhouses, where they have attentions which 
many honest women cannot command in their hour of pain, 
and as for their partners in guilt, they generally get off scot 
free ; the struggling ratepayer has to bear the burden. 

The FOURTH page, which is dated April 24th, 1671, has 
also a certain interest because of the stringent and intolerant 
measures which it shows to have been taken against the 
Quakers — 

" Received before this tyme by Joseph Sawle Esq'- the sume of fower 
pounds and ten shillings levied upon the Quakers by distresse 
for being at Conventicles, wch. 4 : 10 : 00 was paid to the said 

» P. 104. 

* At Shillingslone, Dorset, on January 1st, 1742, David Pitman and Mary Haskett, 
" a rogue and a whore," were married. Perhaps our "charges" last named concem«?d 
a like consummation. 

' In the Registers of St. Nich. Aeons we often find, " There is a bond to discharge the 
p'ishe of this child." 


M^- Sawle by Digory Polwhele Esq. * a Justice of Peace and 

distributed by him as hereafter followeth (viz^) 

Rec<* more by M""- Sawle the same time — los w^* lo in G<* whole 

_ u, •. 

and distributed by him the sume of ;£'5 . lo . oo, vf^^ 5 . lo is 

disbursed as followeth 

Widdowe Coombe 

. 05 

. 00 

Jane Cosgame 



. 6 

Humphrie Tregennow 


. 00 

. 00 

Jane Perkyn 



. 6 

The almes poore 


. 00 

. 00 

Robert Clemence 



. 6 

Mathew Higman's children 



. 00 

Grace Abram 



. 6 

Job's wife 

, 05 

. 00 

Thomazin Medders 



. 6 

John Cornish 

. 05 

. 00 

Edward Nicholl 



. 6 

Tho. Benett, Pentewan 

. 05 

. 00 




. 6 

Henry Knap 

. 05 
. 05 

. 00 
. 00 

Phillip Kipper 



. 6 

Henry Comon 

I . 


Hum. Rickett 


. 05 

. 00 

Widdowe Trebithick 


. 00 

Tempo: Chissel 

. 05 

. 00 


. 10 

. 00 




5 . 10 . 00 
M'- John May Const We has rec<i more £^ . 10 , 00 am ace* whereof 
is to be given to ye p'ish." 

The Friends, however, appear to have continued obdurate, 
for we read presently (under 1672) that 3^13 : 07 : 06 was 
levied upon them, which amount was expended in sums 
varying from is. to 15s. on 67 poor persons, whose names 
are given. This is the poor list to which I referred on p. 84. 
After this, however, they appear to have been left to them- 
selves — perhaps because of the Indulgence granted by the 
King in this year to all Dissenters.* Be that as it may, it 

1 In the Report of the Deanery of Powder, dated July 17th, 1665, we read — 
*' I>eg. Polwheel. Esq., sometymes fellow of Exeter Coll. in Oxford, practiseth 
Phisick in Probus." 

3 As it has been too readily assumed that this persecution of the Quakers was the work 
of Churchmen, it may be well to quote here the testimony of Mr. H. S. Skeats, the 


was time they had a respite. No doubt they had brought 
much of the persecution which they endured upon themselves 
by their pubHc and unsparing denunciations of others ^ ; still, 
it was a hard and cruel measure that was meted out to them. 
At the end of 1660, forty-seven Quakers were imprisoned in 
Cornwall for refusing to swear allegiance to the King. On 
Nov. 27th of that year, " Thomas Martin was taken out of a 
peaceable meeting at St. Austell and sent to gaol for refusing 
the oath."^ Worse than that, the intruded minister of 
St. Austell — as we shall see later on — allowed his own 
daughter to be put into the stocks for turning Quakeress.' 
As our Books contain the Churchwardens' as well as the 
Overseers' Accounts, there are a goodly number of entries, 
as might be expected, pertaining to 

historian of the (so-called) " Free Churches." " During the Protectorate, three thousand 
one hundred and seventy-three Quakers were imprisoned, thirty-two of whom died in 
confinement Their persecutors were, for the most part. Presbyterians and Indepen- 
dents." History of the Free Churches, p. 55. And again: " In i66a. more than four 
thousand Friends were in prison in England. . . . None had been more vehement against 
the Quakers than Bunyan." IHd, p. 61. I may add that nowhere were they more 
severely treated than in Puritan New England. " By a law of Massachusetts." passed on 
Oct. X4th. 1656, " it was enacted that any Quaker landing on the coast should be seized 
and whipped. . . . The very captains of vessels were flogged for bringing Quakers into 
port." Curteis, Dissent in its Relation to the Church of England, pp. 8a, 83. 

1 They held that it was *' their indispensable Christian duty to testify," not only against 
tithes and Church rates, et id genus omne, but *' against vice and immorality, openly in 
the streets and marhets." 

• An Abstract of the Sufferings of the People called Quakers, commonly called Besse's 
Sufferings ; Vol. i. In other places they suffered worse things than in our town. John 
Rowett, of Mevagissey, lay for six months in Launceston gaol ** for speaking a few words 
to the priest of Penryn." At a later date he was set on by a mob at St. Stephen's in 
Brannd. James Myers suffered a long imprisonment and was fined 90 marks " for speaking 
to the priest at Tudy Steeple-house." and so forth. And His Most Gracious Majesty 
might ship any Quaker convicted of a third offence " to any of His Majestie's plantations 
beyond the seas." 

* Chap, xit 










The Church.^ 

Thus, in 1679, we find that John Crowie was paid lis. "for 
keeping the clock and mending." ^ How long this economical 
arrangement lasted we cannot say, but on May 8th, 1743, 
Mr. Wm. Hext undertook to "repair and keep in order 'the 
Town Clock for seven years at Two Guineas per annum, from 
Easter Monday last." In 1685, jf 3 : i : o was " p^ for a 
Pulpit cloath and table cloath " ; in '87 was 

'' Laid out towards the repairing of the middle 

chancell 00 07 . 00 

1687. More p^' to Barrow the Painter for writing the 

sentences in the middle chancell 01 

1679. Pd Dixon the plaisterer for the Kings armes ' 02 

1683. pd. for hinding the Church Bible 00 

There are many entries concerning Chapel Main, or " Chappell 
Meane," as it is sometimes written. It was let in 1659 — *bat 

1 It is significant that there are no entries for Communion bread and wine. Was it 
that Communions were so infrequent and Communicants so few ? At Holy Cross, 
Canterbury, on one occasion (1699), they had a gallon of wine (at 12s.) for the Easter 
Communion — the bread cost 2d. (The preceding year the elements cost ;f i : 4 : 4 ; 
there were /our celebrations in the year.) At Ludlow, in 1545. half a thousand wafers 
(the syngynge [singing] bread) only cost 2|d. 

> In 1482. at Bishop Stortford, there was *' payd to John Marchant for keeping of ye 
Clokke the same yere vis. viijd. " ; in 1505 a like sum was given to the sexton •• for 
kepping the chyme and the clokke all the yere." For " playng at the organs at 
Cristmas" John Cosyn received vjd. in 1491. but only id. "for pleyyng at the organs 
agenst mighelmas." At Ludlow, in 1540, "the organ bloere" received for his yeare's 
wages ijs. viijd. ; at Stratton, in the year following, xijd. was " paid to the organ maker 
for hys ffee." 

* At Bishop Stortford, in 1650. John Pegrome was. paid 3s. 8d. " for blurring of the 
King's Arms in the Church and makeing up M*** Harts child's grave." At Stratton, in 
1576, vs. vjd. was "paide to gcorge the penter for drayng the X Commandments." At 
Wenhaston, in 1714. the Creed, Lord's Prayer, X Commandments, and two sentences 
cost £1 : 10. In '44 the Commandments were the worse for wear, and 6d. was paid for 
putting in some letters ; the year before money had been " paid for altering a sentence 
in the Church that was wrong." These accounts also show 8d. '* layde out for an houre 
glasse" ; 9s. 3d. (in 1697) for a " Typett or Hood "—in 1765 a Hood for the Minister 
cost £1 IS. — and an umbrella for the same (probably for use at funerals) i8s. 


is to say, during the Commonwealth — at the yearly rent of 
6s. 8d. In '85 the half of it was unlet. In 1689 we find it 
unlet altogether, and in 1731 it was let to Mr. Hugo — probably 
the Rev. Stephen Hugo, who was then Vicar — for 21 years, at 
2s. per annum — it had been let (in 1706) for is. 6d. This is 
the only scrap of land now belonging to the parish — the rest 
of our communal estates were sold in 1844. They realized 
about 3^460. The money was applied to the cost of the new 
Market House. In 1839 it was resolved " That all the Parish 
property excepting Chapel Main be forthwith sold." The pro- 
ceeds were to be " appropriated to the erection of a suitable 
building for holding of Parish Vestries and for the erection of 
a lock-up.*' In 1840, however, another Meeting resolved that 
it did not consent to the sale of the parish property which is 
specified. But, later on, it did consent, and on November 30th 
the authorities selected a site for a new Market House, and 
applied for an Act of Parliament. The rent of Chapel Main 
is now £2 per annum, which is expended by the Churchwardens 
upon the Church or Churchyard. 

The Churchwardens also make frequent mention of 8s. 2d. 
which they have " laid out at ye visitacbn," ^ whilst amongst 
their receipts is one item of constant recurrence, viz. — 

" Of Mr. Sawle and Mr. Arundell for one yeare's rent 

of their wall on the churchyard hedge 00 : 00 : 04 ** * 

In 1710 a crushing indictment is brought against the out- 
going Churchwardens. " It plainly appearing that ye said 
Churchwardens have in many particulars overcharged the. 

1 At Stratton. in 1513. the "expenses of visitacion at lanceston" were but xiiijd. ; two 
years later, " at the visitacion of my lord boshopp," they were but xvjd. ; but in 1523 they 
were as. 4)d. 

* Sometimes this payment appears in a different form — " for a Punion end in ye Church- 
yard/' or. "a bunion." At Stratton, under 1563. we have, " Rec^ for standen a gainst 
the pooyoa of Wyllyam yoe," etc. 


parish, it was thought convenient to pay them with fifteen 
pounds, w*^ ye Farmer of ye Market was ordered to pay." ^ 

In 1727 the Churchwardens acknowledge to have received 
of their predecessors in office, 1,428 lbs. of bell metal, and to 
have lodged the same in the storehouse, which statement may 
fitly introduce what other references our Parish Records 
contain to the 

Bells and the Ringers. 

Neither of these are expressly mentioned in the following 
extract from the accounts of 1685, which is the date of the 
accession of James II. — 

**pd. for powder and expenses at the bonfire at the 

polamacon of the King ■ 00 . 14 : 00" 

but I incline to think that the bell-ringing was one part of 
the expenses. The proclamation referred to was, I daresay, 
made at the Mengu stone. The next entry, however, is beyond 
all suspicion — 

** For the Ringers, the Queens Crounason 05 : 00 " • 

I cannot be quite so certain of the following, in 1706 — 

** Expended on 5*** of 9^»" [November] and another day 

on Rec*- of good news 00 . 17 : 06** 

1 Their names are given in Chap. vii. 

2 The same sum was paid at Wenhaston on this occasion. The Loughborough 
Accounts contain many references to the Ringers, as e.j^. — 

" 1586. P^- for a gaune of Aale for the ringers, viid. 
1642. P^ to the ringers for His Majesty, los. 

P<*- to the same when Prince Rupert went to Leicester, is. 
Pd. to the ringers when the King was here another tyme, ss. 
1658. Spent on the ringers when the Lord Protector [Richard Cromwell] was pro- 
claimed. 4s. 6d." 
Here are two items — the wide difference between the amounts shows on which side the 
sympathies of the parish lay— from the accounts of St. Lawrence, Reading, in 1644 — 

" Item. P^ for ringing when the King came last to the Towne, los. 
It. pd for Ringing a Peale when the Earle of Essex came to the Towne, 2S. 6d." 


I wish I could tell the reader, positively, what the ** good 

news " was — perhaps it was the news of Marlborough's victory 

at Ramillies. In 1725 it was decided that our bells should be 

re-cast, and among the expenses of that year is the following — 

** For carriage of Weights to weigh the Metall, is," 

and in 1726 we have this Memoranda- about the Great Bell — 

** That the Metall of the great Bell late in St. Austell Tower and 
broken into pieces weighed 1428 lbs. and lodged in the Store howse of 
the said parish.'' 

In the next year, things remained in statu quo — the outgoing 

Churchwardens simply handed over the 1,428 lbs. of " Metall " 

to their successors, and it was not until '47 that this metal 

found its way to Gloucester, to the Bell Foundry. In 1740 

we find this item — 

** The Proctor's fees on account of the bells 13 : 8d." 

Now I come to speak of what I may call the 


of the parish, of its dealings with rogues and vagabonds. It 
is difficult to believe that all the crime of our town is reflected 
in these records ; it can only be an occasional misdemeanant 
that is brought before us. The primitive simplicity with which 
the Vestry protected our morals is very taking. Here is an 
entry of this type in 1690 — ** Disburst towards Thomas 
Hendye's imprisonment," 7s. id. ; in '94 they " p^- the 
constables for taking up men," 13s. id.; in 1700 we read — 

" Gave Philip White for prosecuting a theife 10 : 00 " * 

Here is another excerpt — 

** Paid for expenses on taking upp divers idle fellows ^ — 01 : 10 : 09 

1 In the Luxulyan book I read similarly — 

•' For Putting forth John Pollard to Justice and 2 summons 11 . o 

And at Wenhaston two girls were carried to the Justices' sitting to fnake ihemgo to service, 

* In the Canterbury Accounts we find this item (in 1654) — " For Ketching I^nkasbir," 
3S. 6d. 




Their names are given, but let them rest in peace — de mortuis 
nil nisi bonum. In 1701, £2 : 13 : 3J was paid to John Harper 
" for carrying Theifes to Goale." Under 1707 we read — 

" Disbursed relating to Florence Harrys/ a whore 01 : 01 : 10 " 

In 1716, as in other years, there is a contribution to prison 
maintenance — 

"To pay Mr. Hawkins which hee paid for Goale and 

Marshalsea money 01 : 18 : o" 

In '33 the parish resolves on a prosecution — 

**That Peter Allen be prosecuted with respect to his house, if he 
doth not comply with the terms," etc. 

It is to be hoped they did not persevere with it, for it was 
subsequently discovered that it was not Peter Allen at all ; 
over his name the scribe has ingenuously written, "A Mis- 
take," ^ and we presently find that John Allen did comply with 
the terms — at least, he pays ** the arrears to this day." Now, 
at last, I may pass to the bottle of 

Brandy — 

sometimes for a change they had wine ; the cost was the same, 
2s. — which was consumed with unfailing regularity, year by 
year, to celebrate the letting or survey of the Fairs and 
Markets. I mention this item with deep respect. When we 
remember the copious feasting of parish officials elsewhere, 
it is a striking tribute to the simplicity and sobriety of our fore- 
fathers that there are no entries in our book — save perhaps on 
that one occasion '* when the L^- Bpp. was att Penrise," when 
their joy would seem to have momentarily carried them away — 

1 " For a poore child of Harrys." Bennett Hendy was paid 4s. 

s Mistakes are of common occurrence in these account books, especially in the additions. 
At Holy Cross. Canterbury, we are informed. " Ther was a mistake in casting up the Sess 
before ye Justis Singed it, two pounds." Meadows Cowper. p. iia 



on account of guzzling and carousing. How different from 
Canterbury, for example, where the accounts could never be 
passed without a convivial meeting at the Cock, and where — 
as I gather from this entry (in 1672), ** Spent at a parish 
meeting on Ester Monday, 4s. id.^ — they had refreshments 
dealt out to the Vestry ; how different, too, from less decorous 
parishes nearer home ! The accounts of St. Anthony in 
Meneage, for example, show that in 1792, 13s. 3d. was ex- 
pended on the Easter Meeting — 8s. for a gallon of spirits, is. 
for lemons, 2S. 3d. for 2 lbs. of sugar, and 2s. for the house. 
They seem to have made a night of it — at Wenhaston, 
there is a charge (6d.) for tobacco and pipes. In fact, it is 
not too much to say that the conduct of our parish business 
as a whole compares most favourably with that of "up- 
country " Overseers and Churchwardens. Candour, however, 
compels me to allow that before the end of the volume 
is reached the parish officials do not always display the same 
severe self-control. In 1741 a suspicious entry occurs for the first 
time ; after the time-honoured " bottle of wine, 2s.," we read — 
" P*- for ye bowle and cryer, 6s.," 

which looks as if the flask of wine were now succeeded by a 
bowl of punch. Observe, too, the sly and knowing way in 
which this innovation is masked behind the trifle paid to the 
bellman. I conclude this study of our 

Account booke 

with some miscellaneous extracts, which I hope may interest 
the reader. 

1 Here, in 1716, of the total disbursements of the Churchwardens, namely, £1^ : 14 : 5, 
no less than £6 : 7 : o went in visitation dinners and fees. In 1698, los. was expended 
00 bread and beer at the perambulation of the parish (in 1685, at Wenhaston. it cost 
"half a coombe of Malt"). Can this entry have any connection with a subsequent one 
(in »99)- 

** Paid for being Indited at ye Towne Sessions, 3s. 8d " ? 


** 1686. rec<^« for a dole farme in twelve in Carbean Lane End, 15s. 
1689, more rec^- in farm out of Carbean Lane End 

being i8ti» 00 : 04 : 06 ^ 

1686 Pd. John Giles for cutting the Leat above the bridge 6s." 

The next three recall to us the dark days of the Press Gang — 

" 1 691 Allowed on account of expenses of prest-seamen 07 : 02 

1700. Disbursed for Impressing men 06 : 11 

1 70 1. John Gilles (sic) the farmer is ordered to pay ;f i : 7 : o to 

Nic»- Hewitt, ConWe. for Impressing men for sea service." 

These sinister entries suggest that the parish had to pay not 
only for the Gang and its odious work, but for the temporary 
maintenance of its captives. Then follow some payments for 
lodging strangers — the first, a son of Mars, who cost the 
parish dear — 

" 1707. p<*- William Thomas for his dem<*« for enter- 
taining a soldyer £^ : 14 : 6 

1 712 To M"- Can beeing brought to this parish by 

A warr*- from two justices of the peace — 000 : 01 : 00 
To John Crapp for harbouring Widow Cann 

and A poor distressed traveller 001 : 00 : 00" 

The Crapps seem to have done a fair business in the way of 
lodgings, for another entry is — 

** More to Mary Crapp for entertaining Jane Cornish whose arm was 
very lately cutt off — one weeke — 6s." 

This Jane Cornish was a most undesirable parishioner ; next 
year she had a scald, and one doctor's bill for her and another 
amounted to £6 : 15 : o. In 

"1690 Allowed W"*- Vivian for . . . a new paire of stocks,* ;f i .0.0" 

1 These last quoted entries I must confess that I cannot explain, in spite of much 
research and enquiry. A " dole meadow " is a meadow shared among several persons. 
Perhaps the parish had a share in a farm : one year a twelfth, another an eighteenth. 

2 At Wenhaston, as elsewhere, they had a Whipping Post, and the frequent refereoces 
to a renewal or a removal of the stocks prove that that institution was much in request. 


In 1703 a striking footnote is appended to the Accounts, 
" Mind Mr. Moyle's bond for ^f 100, besides interest of 
Mr. Vivyan's money." (Richard Moyle, of Trevissick, married 
Emblen Vivyan about 1631 ; their initials, with this date, are 
still found on the gateway at Trevissick.) Then we read of 
various "legasies," e.g. — 

** 1674 Rec<*- of Mr. Sawle for Mr. Carlyon's legasie 

the sume of ;f20 : o : o 

1689 Given by Mrs. Tremain to the poor of the 

parish 00 10 00 

1695 W"»* Rowett gave to ye poor of the parish £1 : o : o 

1 716 Reed, of Mr. Hugo, beeing a legacy given to the 
poore of St. Austell by Mr. W™- Hambly of 
St. Nyett (Neot) deed. £1 : o : o" 

Two items of constant occurrence are — 

** For a denominacon 2 : o 

To the reeve of Tewington for the King's rent (or for one 

yeare*s rent) of the Market house 2 o*' 

1708 Three pounds was paid ** to make reparation for non-payment 
of the Toll Tyn of Tewington to the land tax for the last 
year, 1708, there beeing none gotten." 
•* 1716 To John Eastlake for makeing and coppying 

Militia bookes 02 : 00 

1722 Charges in the removeing paupers 003 : 13 : 08 

1725 To Cha. Goode for gathering stones 000 : 02 : 10" 

At Ludlow, in 1545, ijd. was paid ** for reddying the Churclie 
of stonys." But I apprehend Goode gathered his stones from 
our streets. The first bill I have observed for ** paving ye 
streets" is in 1741, and it amounted to 5s. 4d. 

** ^733« Polkey pay<J- to ye Manor of Tewington 2 : 6 

„ for the assize of bread 2:0'* 


We have already seen (page 29) that the parishioners of 
St. Austell held the assize of bread and ale ; that is to say, 
they had the power of assigning or adjusting the weight and 
measure of bread or beer,^ subject to an acknowledgment 
paid to the Lord of the Manor, which sum was apparently 
charged on the parish property at Polkyth. In 1735 we 
observe that the accounts are for the first time submitted to 
two magistrates, viz., John Hawkins and Josh. Sawle (Mr. 
Sawle was also Overseer and Churchwarden this year). In 
1742 it was decided to erect a workhouse, and the principal 
inhabitants signed their names thereto in the account book. 
This same year there were two farmers of the markets and 
fairs, viz., Bullock and Hendy, who shared the expenses in a 
curious way ; each, for example, ** paid George Pollard 6d. for 
placing the great stone (was this the Menou ?) by Mr. Card's 
standing." And each paid 4s., ** one half the bottle of wine, 
bowle, and cryer." There was paid in 1741 ** for scowering 
the plate, 6d.,*' and Mr. Carlyon's huntsman received 2s. 2d. 
for vermin. In 1747 it was ordered "that Elizabeth Watts 
be forthwith turned out of the workhouse," which looks as if 
they had made the new building a comfortable abode, though 
the idea of expelling paupers is new to us. In 1755, Robert 
Mole having been summarily ** dismissed from being governor 
of the parish workhouse," Chudleigh Cock and his wife were 
appointed ** at a sallary of 3^12 : 12 : o." It is quite credible 
that the public notice to this effect ** given in the church last 
Sunday " had been read out during Divine Service. 

And here our examination of this quaint old record must 
come to a close. I do not pretend to have exhausted the more 

1 Many corpoiate bodies possessed such powers. The ancient boroughs, for example, 
appointed not only their mayors, port-reeves and constables, but their breaJ-wtigher and 
ale-tasier, to regulate the quality as well as the quantity of these commodities. 


or less interesting entries which it contains ; I have consider- 
ately left some pickings for those who come after me. Still, 
I venture to hope that the excerpts here given throw some 
little light on the daily lives and occupations of the men 
who walked our streets or found a home in our Church two 
centuries ago. 



jT has been observed of Weimar, the " Athens of 
Germany," that it is " a park with a town attached." 
Of course, it is an exaggeration, but it serves 
excellently well to convey the idea that the park is the chief 
ornament and characteristic feature of the place. In the 
same way, or, rather, in a truer sense, it might be said that 
St. Austell is a " Church with a town tacked on to it." In 
a truer sense, because the Church is not only the feature of 
the town, but the town has literally grown up around the 
Church. The history of the place is for many centuries the 
history of the Church,^ as the careful reader of Chapter III. 
will have observed — so much so, that it has been doubted 
whether, when the Church first comes before us, and for some 
years afterwards, there was any village hard by to support it.* 
I may perhaps add that, when writing the chapter entitled 
" Our History," I was tempted — it seemed almost an act of 
justice — to transfer many of the materials there embodied — 
the charters of Robert Fitz William and the donation of Philip 
de Sancto Austolo, for example, to this chapter on the Church, 
to which they really belong. They only stand where they do 
for convenience of arrangement. 

1 "The Parish Church stands where and much as it stood eight or nine or even ten 
centuries ago. It alone saw the making of England." F. B. Zincke. W her steady p. a. 
3 Norden's map shews a Church, but no houses. 



height, is only exceeded in this country by that of Salisbury 
Cathedral (404 feet). But splendid as are these structures, 
and humble as is the place which our Parish Church must 
take amongst them, if that place is to be determined by 
dimensions or associations, there is one particular in which I 
believe it stands second to none — I mean in respect of its 
carvings, its carvings both in wood^ and stone.* It is an 
epitome of the Creed ; it is a Gospel addressed to the eye.^ 

^ Only a small portion of these, unfortunately, those displayed in the Belfry, survive. 

3 One is at first tempted to wonder how our sculptures escaped the hands of the 
destroyer. But " Destructive Dowsing " and his tribe did not extend their ravages West 
of Exeter — we were saved by our remoteness. And the victory of the Royalists here may 
have spared us the humiliation of having the Church occupied and plundered by the 
Roundheads. Many Churches elsewhere were converted to their use as barracks for the 
time being, and we often read of frankincense being burnt (as at Loughborough in 1644) 
to sweeten the place after the soldiers had left it. Here are two extracts from the 
/Records of St. Michaets Parish Church, Bishop Slortford — 

" 1648 For clensing the Charch and for sweeting it and washing the seats after the 
soldiers, 13s. 4d. 
For mending the chymes and wyres that the soldiers broke, 3s." 

And an entry under 1643 shews that the troopers carried off the brasses and images 
(see pp. 75, 106). Here are others from the Church of St. Lawrence, Reading — 

" 1644. To Pharrowe for making upp the seats when the parliamentary 

Souldiers were here 3s. 4d. 

To Daniel Browne and Goody Venter for makeing cleane the 
Church then 2s. 

It. for ffrankincense to sweeten the Church is. 

It. p^- for mending the seats in the Church w^b the souldiers had 

broken downe is. 6d." 

Similar entries are found in the Accounts of '45 and '46. At Wenhaston, about 1644, 
we read in the Accounts — 

" Lay'de out to the men which cam to break down the pictures in the 

glasse windows 5s. 

Layde out for the rerooveing of the topp of the funt and organies out of 

the Church 6d." 

* " In the sanctuaries of God, men who could neither read nor write cut out sermons, 
painted homilies and wrought doxologies which spoke to the eye and thence to the spirit. 
. . . The teachers were the carpenters, masons, and smiths of the village, and right well 
they wrote their lesson in the sanctuary. Every cut of the chisel inscribed a doctrine on 
the hearts of generations in the country homes of Devon and Cornwall." Reynolds. 
Ancunt Dio. of Exeter, pp. 131 -2. 


There are eighteen statues on the Tower ; there are fifteen 
escutcheons on the South side. The Trinity (to Whom it is 
dedicated), the Incarnation, the Passion, the Resurrection, the 
Ascension — all are ** evidently set forth " upon its walls. 
Indeed, it may safely be said that, with one exception, the 
outpouring of the Holy Ghost (and was not that idea sym- 
bolized there once ?) there is hardly a leading feature of our 
most holy faith which the builders have not essayed to 
represent. Even the Intermediate State and the Preaching 
to the Spirits in Prison are here portrayed by the mason's 
chisel. The stone, we may truly say, cries out of the wall, and 
the beam out of the timber answers it.^ 

But let us proceed to examine it, this bit of Nuremberg, as 
it would seem, which has found its way into Cornwall. We 
will first make a tour of the exterior^ and then we will enter 
the building and observe its notabilia. And perhaps the best 
point to begin with will be 

The Tower,*'^ 

of which, according to Stockdale, even in 1824 the inhabitants 
boasted as the handsomest in the county. If the reader really 
cares for such things, he will do well to take his stand on the 
steps of the Queen's Head Hotel, opposite the West Front ; 

1 Hab. ii. 11. 

' This was restored in 1896, at an expense of ;^3oo, under the direction of Mr. G. H. 
Fellowes Prynne. But it was not " Grimthorped " ; all that was done, apart from the 
new leads and the timber to support them, was to scrape off the decaying stone and to 
replace it where it was perishing. For once I am glad to find myself in agreement with 
Mr. Drew; he speaks of the tower as a " magnificent structure," and of the nave as 
••equally superb" (p. 44). But I read with some surprise in Murray's Handbook (1882) 
that "this tower divides the honours of ihe extreme West" with Probus. We call this 
East Cornwall. In its ground plan and general structure ours is not unlike " the typical 
Cornish Church," which "has a low, square, pinnacled tower, three low aisles of nearly 
equal height ... a roof of the vaulted shape known as a ' waggon roof,' and continuous 
from the nave to the chancel and without a chancel arch." Tregellas, in the Court Guide 

to Cornwall, p. 296. 



or, better still, by the kind permission of the proprietor, which 
is always readily given, ascend to the room on the first 
floor, which commands the best view of the sculptures. He 
will have already remarked the graceful pinnacles — four 
" silent fingers pointing to the sky '* — the battlements, the gar- 
goyles, the fantastic faces — actually described in the Itinerary 
through Cornwall (1824) as ** sculptured monstrosities ! " ^ 
He will also have observed the elaborate diaper work — there 
are ten lines of carved stones, of nine different patterns — which 
decorates the topmost story, and all these are better examined 
from a little distance away. Our present study, however, is 
the religious sculpture — I do not mean that any scrap of it, 
even the line of grinning crocketts, is non-religious. " There 
is nothing secular," said Archbishop Benson, " but sin," and 
our forefathers never dreamed that there was anything profane 
in chastened mirth ; had they done so, we should never have 
had these humorous effigies built into the temple of God. By 
the term " religious sculpture," therefore, I mean that which 
was designed to teach the lessons or doctrines of our religion. 
And first, occupying the highest position, on the West Front, 

1 These ' ' monstrosities " will repay a careful study. One idea pervades the series — 
that of amusement. Just as other carvings are for edification, so are these for mirth ; 
they were meant to raise a laugh. We must remember that when the Church was built 
there were no books. So the Church took the place of the book. Only in wood or stone 
could the men of that age embalm their humour. This has been well expressed by Bishop 
Lightfoot in his Historical Essays. In that on " England during the latter half of the 
Thirteenth Century," he says: "Time was when Temple or Cathedral was the most 
effective form in which creative genius could appeal to the public. The stone book was 
the most easily deciphered, the most widely read, the most importunate and self-asserting 
form of poetry. . . . Imagination wrote down all her poetic thoughts in masonry, grave 
and gay alike — her lightest effusions as well as her more serious communings ; for what 
else are the grotesque carvings which sometimes appear in such strange company with 
the most solemn subjects but the mopings and mournings of the age, the cynicism, the 
satires, possibly even the scepticism of the mediaeval mind, the imagination seeking relief 
in some freak of merriment or some grin of sarcasm." All this was lost on Gilbert, who 
speaks of our " fanciful sculpture " and "uncouth animals " {Historical Sun/ey, p. 864), 
and on Stockdale {Excursions, p. 47), who probably copied from Gilbert. 


facing the Fore Street, we have a remarkable, if rude, repre- 
sentation of the Trinity ^ — what is technically known as the 
" Italian Trinity,'* of which I cannot do better than borrow 
the following description from Mrs. Jameson's History of our 
Lord as Exemplified in Works of Art. ** The First Person," 
she observes, " is here alone invested with human shape, and 
the Second Person is represented by the mere symbol of a 
Crucifix, with an image of a dead Christ upon it,* thus 
sacrificing the idea of His Divine nature to that of His earthly 
sufferings." She proceeds to say that this " strange device . . . 
obtained a strange popularity from the twelfth to the seven- 
teenth century,^ exhibiting little variety of composition during 
all those ages. The Father is always seen supporting the 
Cross by the two ends of the transverse beam, the effigy of 
the dead Son hanging generally between His knees,* while 
the Dove appears proceeding from the lips of the Father 
and touching the head of the Son — which is the earliest 
form — or perched like a mere bird on the side of t^e Cross. 

1 See the illustration, p. ii6. Drew — or Hitchins was it? — actually says this figure " dis- 
plays His Holiness in enormous state, beneath whose feet are Joseph and Mary and 
sowu other characters " ! 

* The accomplished authoress of this monumental work appears to have overlooked 
the fact that a " Crucifix " involves a figure of our Lx>RD and that a " dead Christ " has 
"human shape." Apart from these inaccuracies, however, I am disposed, in the main, 
to agree with her estimate of this "anthropomorphous representation of the Trinity." 

' No personal representation of the Father can be found earlier than the ninth, or, 
according to M. Didron, the twelfth century. *• II faut le dire enfin, les premiers 
Chretiens jusqu' aux cinqui6me et sixieme sidles, furent assez mal disposes pour les 
images en g^n^ral ; tous etaient iconoclastes, ceux-ci un peu plus ; ceux-la un peu moins. 
On sortait du paganisme." Icon de Dieu, p. 204, quoted by Lord Lindsay. I believe 
that in the first ages the Father was always represented by the figure of a hand, a 
symbol of creating and sustaining power, 'lliere is no instance of a simple Cross earlier 
than the fifth century, and even to the seventh century our Lord was generally represented 
by the Agnus Dei. The Quinisext Council, held at Constantinople (a.d. 683), decreed 
that the figure of the Redeemer should replace the Lamb. Langdon, p. 18. 

^ Possibly to express the idea of generation. 


... It would be difficult to explain this spurious kind of 
Ecce Homo by any text of Scripture or tenet of theology. It 
comes before our eyes like false logic in Art, the propositions 
of which are unequal ... a theological absurdity." ^ Still, 
the fact remains that, altogether inadequate and grossly un- 
suitable as this carving is, and as every attempt to symbolize 
the mystery of the Triune Nature must necessarily be, it does 
aim at expressing in stone the Christian doctrine of the Blessed 
Trinity ; the teaching may be lame, but the lesson is there. 
And to me there is something almost touching in the idea it 
conveys of the succour and support afforded by the Father 
to the Crucified ; it also emphasizes the thought that the 
Cross was part of ** the determinate counsel and foreknowledge 
of God.*' " It pleased the Father to bruise Him." And it 
is noticeable, too, that whilst the Father holds the Cross, 
He blesses mankind at the same moment. A similar carving 
is found in York Minster and on one of the bosses in Carlisle 
Cathedral. In our case, I have not been able to find any 
traces of the Dove, but that it must have been there originally 
admits of little doubt — otherwise this would be no emblem of 
the Trinity at all ; it would assert a duality in unity. The 
carving has obviously suffered from the tooth of time ; some 
of the fingers of the hand raised in blessing have disappeared, 
and the nose is injured ; so, no doubt, the Dove has perished : 
it is just the part of the effigy that would be the first to fall. 
Underneath this group is the representation of Hades, of 
which I spoke a moment ago. It consists of a sort of sheet, 

J Lord Lindsay's description (Ske/ches of the History of Christian Art, p. 248) of ihc 
Italian Trinity is more appreciative : " The Ancient of Days, in the form of an aged man, 
wearing a crown or tiara, seated on the clouds of heaven, holds forth, as the sign of 
salvation to mankind, the Son of Man nailed to the Cross, which He (the Father) 
sustains by the two transverse arms. The Holy Ghost, in the form of a dove, hovers 
between them, as proceeding from the Father." 


grasped on either side by the hands of an angel, standing in 
which appear four figures with their hands folded in prayer. 
These are " the souls under the Altar " of whom we read in 
the Apocalypse,^ the dead in Christ, waiting under the 
shadow of the Cross and the benediction of the Father for 
the day of recompense — "The souls of the righteous are in 
the hands of God, and no torment can touch them."* We 
now turn to the two figures below the Trinity. That to the 
left represents the angel Gabriel, that to the right the Blessed 
Virgin. The angel's wings are plainly discernible in the case 
of the former, and the pot of lilies below, the constant emblem 
of virginity, leaves us in no doubt as to the identification of 
the other statue. The hands slightly raised, both on his part 
and hers, are meant here, as in similar representations else- 
where, to import a dialogue, the delivery and receipt of a 
message — ** Ecce . . . partes filium " ; ** Ecce, ancilla Domini ! *' ' 
I referred to this just now as a lesson on the Incarnation ; 
the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary comes to the same 
thing. I may observe here that the brackets on which the 
statues rest, as well as the " supporters " of the shields at the 
angles of the tower, are worthy of a moment's notice ; the 
angel has in every case a fillet or band round the head, bearing 
on it a cross. The same thing is of course to be found else- 
where ; still, it is not always observed how the sign of our 
redemption appears at every turn in our ancient ecclesiastical 
architecture ; even the bright messengers of God bear it on 
their brow.* Now we come to the three statues of the lowest 

1 Rev. vi. 9. « Lysons speaks of this cloth as " the usual representation of All Saints." 

'"Since Century X. both Gabriel and Mary are represented standing, the angel 
extending his hand towards Mary in the delivery of his message, the latter raising her 
hand in astonishment and meek acquiescence." Lord Lindsay, Sketches, p. 256. 

* In the same way, the sacred monogram Ihu stands at the bead of evety page of the 
Church Account Book of Kingsthorpe and other parishes. 


tier, as to which there have been endless speculations. I think 
I have had the good fortune to decide the question as to the 
central figure, which, as already observed, has long been 
supposed to represent St. Austolus. For when the tower was 
repaired in the spring of 1896, I ascended in the workmen's 
cage, and then remarked for the first time that the left hand 
of this figure grasps a staff tipped with the Cross of the Resurrec- 
tion — the right hand is raised in benediction. The Cross of 
Resurrection is distinguished by the banner or miniature flag 
attached to it. And this settles the point. This middle figure 
stands for our Risen Lord.^ But what of the statues on 
either side ? All we can say is that one represents a bishop, 
the other a ** regular" priest — observe the chasuble, the rosary, 
the cord. I cannot believe that any particular bishop or priest 
is intended, but I do think the idea was to emphasize the 
connection of this Church with the Diocese of Exeter and the 
Priory of Tywardreath ; also, and above everything, to indicate 
that the clergy, in their vocation and ministry, are Christ's 
delegates and derive their authority from Him. It will be 
observed that they are portrayed in the act of blessing, just like 
the Father and the Son. ** God having raised up His Son 
Jesus, sent Him to bless you " — this is one message of the 
middle figure ; " As My Father sent Me, even so send I 
you" — this is the idea embodied in the other two. I may 
point out in passing, that the brackets which support these 
two figures suggest a distinction of order between them and 
the other persons portrayed on this West Front ; in the latter 
case, angels are employed ; in the former, the effigies are those 
of human beings. The only other point to be remarked here, 
apart from the chaste doorway with its label or dripstone 

1 Lysons (p. ccxxix.) saw in this figure "our Saviour crowned with thorns, holding the 
Cross in his left hand." But the banner escaped him, as well it might do. 




and carved spandrils, is the ancient Clock Face, with its four 
and twenty bosses or circles, below and to the right of the 
West window. It has been too hastily assumed that this 
arrangement shows that our Cornish forefathers divided the 
day and night into twenty-four consecutive hours, whereas the 
circles may have been marked so as to indicate hours and 
half-hoars, though one wonders, if this were so, why no dis- 
tinction was made in the size or shape of the circles. Still, 


I think we have evidence that the hours, or hours and half- 
hours — whichever it was — were marked. If the spectator 
regards them carefully he will observe a little hole in the centre 
of each boss, from which I infer that they were once faced, 
probably with some metallic plate or covering, on which the 
hours may have been inscribed. Tradition ascribes — so I 
have read somewhere — this clock face to John Austle, a miller, 
probably also a myth, who is also held to have given his name 


to the town. It has been pointed out, too, that this stone 
was probably inserted some years after the tower was built, a 
part of the window-sill having apparently been cut away to 
make room for it. It is also of different stone from the 
adjoining masonry, the line under the sill being granite. Any- 
how, I am clear that this is one of our greatest curiosities, and 
is probably the face of that ** clok '* which existed in the time 
of Edward VI., when " Austoll " is described as possessing 
*' four bellys and a clok" — the only place in the county, 
apparently, which had one ; at any rate, there is no mention 
of one elsewhere.^ 

But we must now tear ourselves away from this ** museum 
of antiquities *' and proceed on our journey round the Church. 
The visitor will do well to cast an upward glance at the 
armorial Shields which stand right over the gargoyles at the 
four angles of the tower. At the N.W. corner we have the 
arms of the Courtenays — Or, three Torteaux, differenced with 
a label of three points, supported by two angels — which must, 
I think, point to the episcopate of Peter Courtenay at Exeter. 
It thus enables us to fix approximately the date of the erection 

1 Dunkin, Church Bells of Cornwall, p. 6. The inventory of our Church goods at 
that period (1552) may be seen in the Exchequer Q.R., "Church Goods, Cornwall A*" 
Under the " Hundred de Powdrc " we read : " The sma [summa] of the Plate and 
Bellys of every Pysche in the Hundred of Powdre, ut sequit : 

Pochia de) Item, iiij bellys and a clok, ye wyght unknown. 
Austoll ) Item, a porcyon of a Crosse of Sylver and Gylte, 

of ijcxx uncs. 
Item, a sylverne Senser of xxvi. unc*- 
Item, ij chalic* of xiiij unc. 
Item, ij cruetts of Sylver of iiij uncs." 

la the History of the Municipal Church of St, Lawrence, Reading, there is a reference 
to a clock as early as 1433. In 1520 they had a " new clok." Clocks date from the early 
part of the tenth century, time having been measured before then by sun-dials and hour* 
glasses. The monk Gerbert, who became Pope in A.D. 999, as Sylvester II.. is credited 
with the invention of the first clock, but they do not appear to have come into common 
use before the fifteenth century. Chambers, Booh of Days, Vol. ii., p. 418. 


of the tower. Bishop Courtenay was consecrated in 1478 and 
translated in 1487. On the shield to the S.W, are three fleur 
de lys, which must surely refer to the Prince of Wales and Duke 
of Cornwall ; that they represent the arms of the Scobells is 
altogether out of the question — more honour would never be 
given to a private and by no means distinguished family than 
to the Bishop of the diocese or the great and powerful house 
of Courtenay. This shield is supported by two lions, langued. 
At the S.E. corner we have a shield, supported by two angels, 
bearing a flowering branch, which is supposed to represent the 
broom — plania genista — of the house of Plantagenet, so that 
the place of honour is assigned to royalty. If this surmise is 
correct, we have another indication of the date of the structure, 
for the last of the Plantagenet princes died in 1485. The 
shield at the N.E. angle is plain ; it bears no device ; it is 
supported on the breast of a single angel. On the Vane may 
be traced the initials E. H. (Edmund Hennah) and G. G. 
(George Geach), and on the slate slabs which do duty for 
louvre boards, G. G. (George Geach) and J. W. (John 
Wheeler). These worthies were Churchwardens in 1814 and 
1823 respectively. Mr. Geach certainly magnified his office 
to the perpetuation of his name. 

The next thing to be observed is the effigies of the 
Twelve Apostles, four on each face of the tower (except 
the West). Some of these carvings are much the worse for 
wear, but still, some eight out of the twelve can be identified 
by means of their symbols. Those on the South side appar- 
ently were thought worthy of special distinction, in the shape 
of a nimbus or corona, which I cannot trace elsewhere. That 
to the left is ** Simon Peter, the first " : he is known by the 
keys he carries in his right hand ; in his left hand is a book — 
no doubt St. Mark's Gospel. This is in a state of much better 


preservation than the other three, of which, indeed, the middle 
one is a shapeless mass, and as to which I hesitate to offer any 
conjectures. On the East side St. John stands first : he is 
readily identified by means of the chalice which he holds and 
by his beardless face. Next to him stands St. Thomas : he is 
marked by the carpenter's square. The next grasps a staff 
surmounted by a foliated cross in one hand and a bag or 
wallet in the other : I take this to represent St. Philip, or 
possibly St. James the Less. The fourth presents to us an 
open book : I assume that this represents St. Matthew, the 
Evangelist- Apostle. On the North side we have — but it is 
idle to prosecute these identifications any farther ; it can hardly 
interest the reader to learn that this is the effigy of St. Simon 
and that of St. Jude. The point is that the effigies of the 
Apostles are here to teach, rightly or wrongly, the Apostolic 
Succession ; that the Church is ** built on the foundation of 
the Apostles and Prophets," etc. But let us descend to a 
lower plane — to the West windows. There is U resolution 
of the Vestry in the year 1823 that the new belfry and two 
Western windows in the South aisle, the two East windows 
in the North aisle, and the window over the porch, be taken 
out, and new ones with stone mullions be put in — probably the 
existing mullions were largely of cement, as are some few of 
those existing now. The Vestry also decided " that the whole 
of the South wall of the East end of the Church be covered 
with Roman cement." This must refer, of course, to the 

Of much greater interest, however, than even the emblems 
of the Apostles, are the Escutcheons,^ a series of which 
illustrates the South side of the Church, and forms an exposi- 
tion of the Passion of our Lord. They constitute indeed a 

1 Landewedoack Church has shields even on its M/s. Blight, p. 42. 


sort of Ober-Ammergau representation, in stone and symbol. 
As already remarked, they are fifteen in number — I do not 
include the pelican over the entrance to the South porch 
among them — and they stand for the most part, if not alto- 
gether in chronological order.' On the first shield is pictured 
a doorway — and one closely resembling those three within the 


Pr9m n Dramitv bp tkr Antl^or. 

' The Flamank family, to one of wboni is dedicated the tombjlone under ihc" Bipliimal 
WRpdow," formerly occupwMl one of Ihr principal houses in Fore Street— that now 
inbabited by Mr. T. Grou. It wai quite a home la the early Methodist iiineranli, 
and John Wnley is said lo have preached from its steps. (He did stand, as he lelli ux 
bimself in 1770, al IJU /U^dof llu sirttl. and look for his lexl. "Thou shall worship Ihe 
LOKD thy God.") It should, however, be added that other steps in the same street claim 
a like diiiinction — we are almost reminded of the pieces of ihe inie Cross. Some of Ihe 
Flamank* iniermarried wiib the Colensos. ll is an old Coraisb name : FkunAnk and 
JtBcpfa, a smitb of Bodmin, were the leaders of the rebellion of 1497. The " High Crosi 
Ptdd~— DOW the Burial Ground— was exchanged in 179a by one of Ibe Flamanks for 
Ihreefields, called "Polkeys." plus ^38 17s. 


Church leading to the Parvise (or Paradise, the room over the 
porch) and the rood-loft — a doorway and a bunch of hyssop, thus 
reproducing one of the earliest and most eloquent types of 
our redemption ^ ; so that the shields begin with the Old 
Testament, with the prefigurement of the Passion contained 
in the Jewish Passover, and thus they speak indirectly of the 
slaying of the Lamb from the foundation of the world. The 
second shield, which, like the fifth and eighth, is supported by 
an angel, may at first sight appear to be out of its proper 
place, for it is a representation of the five wounds, and we 
have not yet reached the crucifixion ; the third shield only 
speaks of the betrayal. I believe the explanation to be this — 
that just as the first carries us back to the types of our Lord, 
so does the second speak of the prophecies : ** They pierced my 
hands and my feet,'* " Reproach hath broken my heart " 
(observe the gash in the heart) — it is of such predictions of the 
precious death as these that this second shield would remind 
us. The first takes us to the Law ; the second to the Prophets. 
With the third we enter on the Gospel narrative ; it tells of our 
Saviour's apprehension ; it reproduces the ** lanterns and torches 
and weapons" of ** the men that took Jesus."* The fourth 
carries our thoughts to the scourging ; in the centre is depicted 
the pillar or post to which, according to tradition, our Lord 
was bound ; on either side is a fiagellum — the horribile flagellum, 
as Horace calls it — or whip of several thongs. The branch-like 
appearance of the scourges may, however, point to rods, rather 
than whips, for the Romans did sometimes scourge with rods as 
well as with thongs. The fifth shield, on one side of which is a 
sword or dagger, and on the other something like a fleur de lys 
(lily flower), has been reasonably supposed to signify the agony 

1 See Exod. xii. 22. 23. and compare Heb. ix. 19. 
' St. John xviii. 3 ; Si. Matt. xxvi. 47. 


of the Blessed Virgin — "Yea, a sword shall pierce thine own 
heart also " — but some uncertainty attaches to this sculpture, 
and there are those who see in the supposed }ily a flowering 
sceptre. The idea in that case would be that the judicial 
sword which slew our Lord was the instrument of His 
exaltation and dominion — crux scala cceli, in fact, or per angusta 
ad augusta. The next, the sixth, has been generally supposed 
to tell of the mockery of Christ by Herod's men of war and 


Pilate's brutal guard. In the centre has been seen the crown 
of thorns, crossed by two staves, these latter pointing perhaps 
to the mock sceptre put into our Lord's hands or to the rods 
with which He was beaten. But a careful examination of the 
carving has convinced me that this crown is "composed, not 
of thorns, but of leuves, and ■woolly leaves like those of the 
hyssop. It will be observed, too, that the staves stop short 


of the chaplet : there is no show of crossing it, and that each 
is tipped with a kind of trough or support. I can only see 
in this sculpture, therefore, the bunch of hyssop that was put 
to our Lord's lips, and the reed or reeds — there were four 
soldiers — that held it. The carving below the crown has been 
variously supposed to represent a seat — Pilate's bema ^ — or the 
label with the inscription thereon, which Pilate put above the 


Cross ; for myself, I incline to the latter view. This brings us 
to the South Porch. Under the window of the chamber 
above it is an inscription in bold antique letters which has 
given rise to much controversy." The lower line, I N R I, is 

1 S(. John xix. 13. 

' There is a drawing of ii 
"curious cyphers" have ■' 
iBlelligenl antiquarians." 

Lysoni, p. ccxxiiL Stockdale (p. 47) sayi Ibeie 
T been sallsbctorily explained even by Ihe moat 


perfectly clear, and everybody knows that these letters stand 
for Zesus Wazarenus Rex /udieorum — it is idle to interpret 
them otherwise. But the upper line is not so easy to explain, 
part}y because one of the letters is now well-nigh illegible.' 


Frtm a PltotoffropK 6jr S, Juti/tin- 

But they are, and were formerly, believed to read KY CH, 
in which case there can be little doubt, I should imagine, as 
ilalcd — a mail Tiiionary idea. The 

■ Wbilaker held tbal (he ii 
letlen are figured in the Addi 

.0 Camden's Brilanit 


to their meaning : they must stand for KYnus Cf/ristus — 
** Christ is Lord." And this interpretation agrees admirably 
with the I N R I below. The idea in that case would be that 
the upper line gives us in Greek, the latter in Latin, a brief 
account of our Saviour's offices, whilst the former also points 
to the Divine and the latter to the human nature of our Lord — 
** God hath made this Jesus Whom ye crucified both Lord 
and Christ." Anyhow, the builders of our Church, like 
Pilate, have put an inscription over His Cross — for the shields 
speak of His Cross and Passion — if not in letters, in language of 
Greek and Latin. The interpretation R Y C H as ** Richard," ^ 
or Ry. IL, is out of the question — what Richard forsooth could 
our architect have desired to commemorate, and what king 
or common man could have had his name placed above the 
sacred monogram ? So is RY DU — said to be the Celtic 
for **GoD is King," or KY CH, which others say is Cornish 
for ** flesh," or ** He gave us His flesh " — explanations no doubt 
suggested by the Pelican below,^ which was restored in 1889 
at the expense of the Rose Croix Freemasons of the county, 
chiefly through the exertions of the late Mr. William Guy, our 
then Postmaster. It is hardly needful to say that the pelican, 
which was anciently believed to vuln, i.e., wound itself for the 
benefit of its brood, which it nourished indeed with its own 
blood, is an ancient and very eloquent emblem — ** the pelican 
in its piety " — of the self-sacrifice of our Redeemer, Who 
** gave His flesh for the life of the world." Before leaving the 

1 This idea was, I believe, first sugf^ested to Mr. Hennah, a former Vicar, by 
Mr. Arundel, Vicar of Landulph. According to Polwhele, Mr. Hennah himself main- 
tained the words to be Syro- Phoenician (!) and KYCH to mean "Dearly beloved." 

^ It has been stated that these letters resemble some on tombs in Westminster Abbey 
of the period 1273 to 1291. But if so, 1 do not see how that helps us, for our porch is of 
much later dale. 


South Porch, ^ the visitor should observe the very beautiful 
tracery above the outer doorway. Now we pass to the next 
escutcheon, the seventh, which brings before us the implements 
employed in the Crucifixion — hammer, nails, spear and sponge. 
Observe the three nails, one for each of the hands and one for 

the crossed feet of Christ, according to ancient belief. The 
eighth shield is the Veronica (i.e., vera iconica, or " true like- 
ness"), and is the only one of the entire series which is based 
on tradition ; all the rest reproduce the teaching of Holy 

» Within living memory, nolices have been posled up hen 
(tbe clerk) has a fine bull-calf for sale," and so forth. 




Scripture.' The tradition is that our Lord, when on His 
way to crucifixion, returned to St. Veronica the napkin that 
she had compassionately given Him, wherewith to wipe' the 
sweat and dust from His face, with His own blessed image 
imprinted thereon. Then we have, next, a representation of 
the Crucifixion: now Christ is "evidently set forth" as 
crucified. We are reminded, too, by the st^s to the cross, of 


/Vnn a Divintig Irt At Anlkar. 

the stages in His sorrow and shame. It may be mentioned 
here that these new shields — the freshness and colour alike 
show in a moment which are new — the work of Mr. Doney, 
sculptor, of our town, which have replaced some that were 
perishing, have all been inserted within the last ten years 
(chiefly through the energy of Mr. H. S. Hancock, who 

' It 19 very Tenuu-knble how thonii^hly Scriplural and evangelical are all out ouvingi, 
etpedally wben il is remembered thai Ihey were all cblsclled in pre-Rdbmulkm timet. 



industriously collected funds for the purpose), and are exact 
copies of the original carvings. The old work has been care- 
fully preserved {with the exception of the old pelican, now in 
Truro Museum), and it is hoped some day to display it, either 
inside the porch- or in the Church — I mention this to reassure 
the Society for the Protection of Antient Monuments. The 
tenth tablet treats of the descent from the Cross ; it encloses a 


Fntn a Praitimff by the Author. 

bas-relief of the ladder and of the pincers used to draw out 
the nails. The bitterness of death is now past ; the burial is 
at hand. The next represents — or recalls, rather — our Lord 
in His sepulchre ' ; it is a symbolical representation of the 

a bench end id 

< Mr. lago inrorms me t 
Launcelb Church — figured 

at a very similitr sepulchre » found c 
1 Tit Weiltm Antiquary, VoL vi., p. 



sealed stone, the punctured or indented crosses standing for the 
seals. It is significant that the seals take the form of crosses — 
a reminder that the sleeping Saviour has been crucified. The 
twelfth tablet speaks of a part of redeeming work which in 
modern times has been almost entirely lost to view — our 
Lord's descent into hell and His " preaching to the spirits in 
prison"*; in fact, it is a representation of that "harrowing 


of hell " of which so much was made in the Middle Ages ; it 
was sometimes called the Extradio Animarum ab Inferno, and 
was a favourite subject of miracle plays.* Our Lord is repre- 

1 Mr. J. O, Halliwetl publlihrd in 1B40 a mir 
entitled Tht Harrmiing of Htlt, which he proi 
dramllic composilion in Ihe Enghsh language." 

e play of lh« lime of Edward 11., 
incFS to be " tbe earliest exiiting 
le hold: it 10 be founded on the 


seated carrying the vexillum, or banner of triumph, through 
the realm of death and darkness. The thirteenth panel treats 
of the Resurrection, and by a symbol of the simplest kind : we 
have the same representation of the stone (or tomb) as before, 
but the seals are gone — the stone has been " rolled away." 
Grouped around it are the axes of the guard and their 
ensign. The latter suggests a contrast between Christ's flag 


^n»H a l>ra<tiKg b) U( Avllitr. 

of triumph and the disgraced banner left behind by the soldiers. 
It may be, however — one cannot obviously be positive in 
such matters — that the banner here points again to our 
Lord's triumph. The fourteenth "sermon in stone" is on 

apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus ; be adds that the legend (as he calls i( !) roniis a part 
of alnioil every known secies of miracle plays. Il was ex fm\ represented by prietli. 
afterwards by laymen. ThouKh Cornwall, as repreKnled by its Methodism, is now 
violenity opposed to the drama, yel about two-thirds o( tbe existing literature of mediaeval 
Cornwall is dramatic poetry. 


the subject of the Ascension; in the upper part we see sun, 
moon and stars, and below, our Lord's robe — His high-priestly 
robe, because the bare feet appear underneath it (the priests 
always ministered barefooted), so that it is a picture of our 
Great High Priest passing through the heavens.^ Below this, 
again, stands a font, the idea manifestly being that when our 
Lord ascended up on high He left behind Him a Church and 
a commission to bring men into it, to ** make disciples of all 
the nations, baptizing them," etc.^ The last of the series 
represents " this same Jesus " as ** crowned with glory and 
honour."^ He is now on the right hand of God. The 
Agnus Dei, the " Lamb as it had been slain," carries once 
more the banner of victory ; the crown attests His kingly 
state ; the sun, representative of all the heavenly bodies, 
suggests that He is now seated in the heavenly places. Such 
is the Gospel, preached to the eye, sculptured on the walls of 
our Parish Church ; such is the delineation of the tragedy of 
Calvary. I do not know of any Parish Church which can 
boast of such curious and eloquent and evangelical bas-reliefs, 
and I do not think I shall be accused of exaggeration for 
having affirmed that the " stone book of St. Austell " presents 
us with an epitome of the Creed and brings before us in outline 
the cardinal doctrines of Christianity. 

As the shields end with the Turret — beyond which is older 
work, probably the very wall of ** that Chapel of St. Michael 
in the Cemetery of St. Austell," of which we read in the old 
charters* — this may be a fitting place to remark that our 
Church has two spiral staircases, as well as a third leading 

1 Heb. iv. 14. 

a St. Malt, xxviii. 19, 20. Compare St. Mark xvi. 15-19 — " Preach the Gospel to the 
whole creation. He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved. ... So then ihe 
Lord Jesus, after He had spoken unto them, was received up into heaven." 

» Heb. ii. 9 ; iv. 14. * See p. 17. 


to the Parvise, each leading to the rood-loft of former days, 
and thence on to the roof. Each of these terminates in a 
battlemented turret. On the South face of the South turret 
is a Sun-dial with the somewhat tame inscription, ** Every 
hour shortens life." ^ 

The rest of the exterior calls for but little notice. We may, 
however, as we pass round by way of the Priest's Door to the 
North side, observe the antient cross. It was brought (by 
Mr. H. S. Hancock) from Treverbyn to its present site in 
1891, as the inscription at its base records. According to 
Mr. lago, it was found near the boundary line of St. Austell 
and Luxulyan parishes, on a spot which lies on the straight 
line between the antient Priory at Tywardreath and the antient 

1 "Before the invention of clocks" — 1 quote from the Monumental History of the 
British Church, p. 301 — " a sun-dial was a necessary adjunct to every religious estabUsb- 
roent, for the purpose of marking the ecclesiastical divisions of the day and ensuring 
punctual attendance at the various religious services. Most Saxon Churches appear to 
have been provided with a sun-dial." So. according to Mrs. Gatty {The Booh 0/ Sutg- 
dials, p. 30). were most of our London Churches. " Many a mark in a Church wall still 
shows where a dial once has been." I have spoken of the St Austell inscription as 
*' tame." No one could bring a similar charge against the inscriptions which dials, as a 
class bear. Some of them are profoundly striking — Charles Lamb says they are " more 
touching than tombstones." I give a few instances. Catterick Church — Fugit hora, ora ; 
Wycliffe-on-Tees— *' Man fleeth as a shadow"; Sidbury Hall, Yorks. — Eheu, fugaces ; 
Overton, Flints.— Car/e diem; Whitworth, Durham — //oc tuum est ("This hour is 
thine ") ; Yattenden — " Like to this sirkell round, No end to Love is found " ; Whitburn 
Church, Durham— Lux Diei, Lex Dei ("The light of day is the law of GoD"); Park- 
stone, Dorset — Lux et umbra vicissim^ Sed semper amor (" Light and shade in turn, 
But Love always ") ; Cokethorpe Park, Witney — Moneo, non maneo ("1 warn, but wait 
not"); Woodhorn, Northumberland — Mora pereunt et imputantur; Goldney House, 
Clifton — Sine sole sileo. (There is a similar inscription, in French, at Boileau — Quand 
je ne vois pas clair, je me tais ; another apt French inscription is — Souvenex-vous la 
demiire.) Here is an admirable legend on a School porch — Doce, disce aut discede 
("Teach or learn, Or out you turn"). None of our Cornish mottoes show much origi- 
nality, except perhaps that of St. Eval (1734) — " We shall die all." which I assume to be 
a play on the word "dial." St. Just in Pen with has, Sic transit gloria mundi. Every- 
one knows the inscription, Moras non numero, nisi arenas ("I count no hours, except 
they are calm ") but almost as striking are these two in tfaeir brevity— Z>0ife^ dies (" Until 
the day dawn") and Ita viia ("Such is life ")— for all of which I am indebted to 
Mrs. Gatty. 


Chapel at Treverbyn.^ Such crosses, many of them much 
more elaborate and imposing, if not much older, are very 
common in this county. " Cornwall possesses a larger and 
more varied number of early Christian monuments than any 
other county in the British Isles." ^ The visitor will observe 
the grassy slope at the northern extremity of the Churchyard ; 
he may be surprised to hear that down to the year 1886 a huge 
bank of earth (of which this slope is the only survival), the 
accumulation of centuries of interments, rose to this height 
on this side of the Church, very much to the detriment of its 
appearance. In that year it was reverently removed — there 
had been no interments (save that of Mrs. Smyth, wife of a 
former Vicar, in 1820, as her tombstone records) within living 
memory — to the High Cross Burial Ground hard by. Much 
the same thing was done in 1839, for the purpose of widening 
Church Street, and again in 1844, when the Churchyard wall 
was built. The Vestry is of St. Stephen's granite, and was 
built in 1886, from the plans of Mr. J. Piers St. Aubyn, by 
public subscription — its cost was £330 — as a memorial to 
Mrs. Marianne Carlyon, wife of Mr. Edmund Carlyon, of 
Polkyth, for thirty-three years in succession one of our 
Churchwardens. The stonework of the ** Census Window," 
that next to the Vestry on the North side, is worthy of notice 
for the careful and minute decoration of its tracery, and the 
same remark applies to the North- West window, that at the 
end of the North aisle, which we pass presently on our way 
back to the tower, where, having completed our circuit of the 
Church, we may well begin our examination of the interior. 

1 I^angdon, p. 253. who also (p. 7) quotes Mr. Haslam's testimony that the wayside 
cross was not so much designed to make men " thynke on Hym that dyed on ye Crosse 
and worshippe Hym above al ihynge," as to "j^ard and guide the way to Church." 

« Langdon, Old Cornish Crosses, p. i. Till I read this, I always imagined that 
Yorkshire came first. Mr. Romilly Allen {Monumental Hist, of the- British Church, 
pp. 221, 225) gives it 24 inscribed and 66 uninscribed stones, as against 7 and 24 to 
Cornwall. He also adds that the Cornish art is very poor (p. 179). 



I ROM an architectural point of view — possibly also 
from an ecclesiastical, for Church life begins at 
the Font — the visitor should enter the Church by 
way of the South Porch rather than the Tower, because 
of the interlacing arches which are visible from that coign 
of vantage. Our study of the interior, however, may be 
somewhat more methodical, if we make the Tower our 
terminus a quo. So let us enter by the West Door, and 
begin with the Belfry. The first thing to be observed is 
that the Tower is not in line with the nave, nor is either 
in line with the chancel. A glance at the ground plan reveals 
this double deflection from a right line more plainly than does 
the view of the Church, though it is conspicuous enough there. 
The obliquity between nave and chancel is common enough — 
it is supposed to symbolize the droop of our Lord's head as 
He hung upon the Cross — but I do not know a Church (there 
may be many) with so marked a deviation from rectitude at 
either end. The Tower is faced, internally, with granite — and 
fine blocks of granite they are — whilst its exterior, like that 
of the nave and aisles, is of Pentewan stone. This being the 
exact opposite of what most persons would have expected, it 
may be as well to remind the reader again that our Cornish 
granite is of very variable quality, some of it being extremely 


soft and spongy,* and nothing like so durable as ordinary 
elvan or limestone.* The Tower Arch, under which we shall 
pass presently, is of Pentewan stone, and attention may be 
directed here to the beautiful colouring — between a cream 
and a carmine — ^which it has in the course of years acquired. 
Before the restoration of 1870, this Arch was disfigured by 
a gallery which projected into the Church and stretched 
right across it ; needless to say, it was occupied by the 
singing men and singing women, the players on instruments 
of music, and the unfortunate Sunday School children.' 
The copy of the royal proclamation already referred to,* the 
royal arms — a vestige of a bygone state of things — and the 
doggerel verses which embody certain antiquated rules for the 
bell-ringers — and which show plainly that such rules were not 
unnecessary — need not detain us. But the old Bench Ends, 
now ranged for preservation and observance on either side 
of the Tower, the only antient woodwork, alas ! which still 
remains to us, are worthy of a more particular notice. Though 
they are by no means comparable with the rich carvings of 
many West country Churches, and though they have suffered 
greatly from neglect, yet they are distinctly interesting and 
instructive, not only because of their antiquity — they go back 
to the times of the early Tudors — but because of their evan- 
gelical symbolism, their subject being, for the most part, like 

1 See p. 48, Note. 

> "Pentewan stone lasts better than granite, as in the case of the beautiful cross at 
Lanherne, which is made of this material, and has retained its ornament in almost as 
perfect a condition as when first cut." Langdon, p. i6. 

s This gallery was erected in 1752. At least, there is a statement in the Parish Account 
Book of that year to the effect that James Devonshire undertook to build it» together with 
a ringing floor or loft, according to plan, for a hundred guineas, inclusive of the plastering, 
which John Hooper subsequently engaged to do at 4|d. per y^-rd /or labour; the parish 
was to provide the materials. 

< Page 28. This is, I believe, the best preserved copy in the county. 


that of the shields outside, the Passion of our Most Holy 
Redeemer.^ On the North side we see, as we have seen 
already elsewhere, the five wounds — there is a similar gash in 
the heart ; the instruments of the Crucifixion — hammer, nails, 
ladder, spear, sponge and pincers — and we have also pickaxes 
and shovels, which were long supposed to be mere representa- 
tions of implements used in mining. And they are, no doubt, 
accurate copies of Cornish tools of a former age ; indeed, they 
are very like those used amongst us at the present day. But 
I think we are bound to ascribe to them a religious significance ; 
why should we think them secular emblems when everything 
else is, in a sense, sacramental ? And I cannot but hold that 
they stand for the mattock and spade used in preparing the 
place for the Cross. We have also the Alpha and Omega, the 
I H S, a foliated M (Mary) surmounted by a crown — we have 
four of these emblems of the Blessed Virgin * — a griffin with 
gaping jaws, symbolical of Hades, the all-devouring^; a 
St. Andrew's Cross, supposed to point to the connection of 
our Church with St. Andrew's Priory at Tywardreath ; the 
letters B. J., possibly the initials of some benefactor*; the 

1 The writer of the Illustrated Itinerary of Cornwall only saw in these bench ends 
"various implements used by miners" (p. X05). 

* A similar monogram of the B.V.M. is found at St. Keverne and elsewhere. The 
bench ends at St. Keverne include many representations of the instruments of the Passion. 
Here is also a face, probably meant for that of Pontius Pilate, whose authority is indi- 
cated by the sheaf of spears on the next shield ; a cock and a fish — both references to 
St. Peter ; a chalice and wafer, etc. Mullion. which is remarkable for its carvings 
{Afullion, p. 27), has arms of the Passion very like ours ; among them are the spear of 
Longinus placed diagonally with the reed, three dice, and a ladder with torches. This 
series, too, closes with a shield bearing a chalice and wafer. Blight. Churches of West 
Cornwall, p. 42 sqg. 

* We speak of the jaws of death. At St. Just in Penwith there is a representation of a 
dragon's head, with figures (representing souls) actually in its mouth. So there is, 
Mr. lago informs me, on a bench end in Launcells Church, though here the banner of 
resurrection waves over the gaping jaws, thus symbolizing the '* Victory over Hades." 

* In Bodmin Church many such initials are found. The letters B. T. there stand, 
according to Mr. lago. for Bartholomew Trott. 


letters ma, no doubt an abbreviation of " Maria," and what 
is apparently a representation of the Holy Coat or vesture of 
our Lord. On the South side we have, first, a small portion, 
easily recognized (it is quite in the corner) of the antient rood- 
screen ; then one of those quaint conceits in which the 
mediaeval artist so much delighted,* namely, a fox in the 
pulpit, before which kneels a woman with ruff and furbelows ; 
a satire on the preaching of the time — perhaps of all time.* 
Then we have two ecclesiastics — their faces unhappily much 
marred, in fact they are gone altogether ; still, we can, 
I think, say positively that the one was a priest, because 
of the maniple which hangs over the right arm, and that 
the other represents a deacon, because of the book — no 
doubt the " Gospels-boke '* — with its clasp. In some cases 
the wood is so much worn or decayed that it is difficult to Say 
what has been figured on it. The escutcheons with armorial 
bearings are believed to give the Arms of the Archdeckne (or 
I'Ercedekne) and Haccomb families, the former being, "Argent; 
3 chevronels, gules " (the same device is found in Tintagel 
Church) ; the latter, *' Argent, 3 bends sable." Sir John 
Archdeckne, of Ruan Lanihorne, a few miles away, married, 
in 1342, Cicely, daughter and heiress of Jordan de Haccombe, 
or Hautcombe — Haccombe is in Devon.^ On the side of the 
wooden framework which encloses the clock weights the Prince 
of Wales's feathers may be seen in their original form — the Prince 
of Wales, it is needless to observe, is also Duke of Cornwall.* 
The Stained Glass Window over the Tower Doorway was 

1 See Note, p. 114. 

* Hitchins and Drew entirely mistook the sex as well as the significance of this figure. 
"Close by," they inform us, "is a monk in prayer/" 

* The fine monumental effigies in Haccombe Church attest the distinction of this family. 

^ " The eldest sonne and heir apparent of the King of England is Duke of Comewall 
as soone as he is borne, or as soone as his father is King of England. But he is created 


inserted in 1882 by public subscription to the memory of the 
Rev. Fortescue Todd, Vicar of St. Austell for forty-three years — 
from 1838 to 1881. It is from the atelier of Mayer and Co., of 
Munich — in fact, it was "made in Germany" — but the colouring 
has been much admired. The door in the corner leads to the 
Clock, provided in 1883 by public subscription, and replacing 
a very antiquated and erratic machine.^ There are eight 
Bells,^ cast by Rudhall, of Gloucester, in 1747 — vide the 
statement framed and hung in the Tower, and kindly presented 
by Mears and Stainbank, RudhalPs successors.^ The weight of 
the tenor bell is 15 cwt. They bear the following inscriptions — 

" First Bell : By music minds an equal temper know, 

Second „ Nor swell too high nor sink too low. 

Third ,, Music the fiercest grief can charm, 

Fourth „ And Fate's severest rage disarm. 

Fifth ,, Music can soften pain to ease, 

Sixth „ And make despair and madness please; 

Seventh ,, Our joys below it can improve, 

Eighth „ And antidate [sic'} the bliss above. 

Richard Hennah, Vicar" * 

Prince of Wales by a special! creation." Sir John Dodridgc (a.d. 1630), who adds that 
this was "the first erected Dutchie in England after the Norman Conquest." It was 
created in favour of the Black Prince, on March 7th, in the eleventh year of Edward III. 
The Charter conveys to him " Tewington with the appurtenances." 

1 The cost of the clock and chiming arrangement was ^^240. It was supplied by 
Gillett and Co., of Croydon. 

2 When Dunkin wrote his Church Bells of Cornwall — in 1878— only seven Churches in 
the county had peals of eight bells. Those of Landewednack are interesting, as having 
shields with sacred emblems on them. (Blight. Churches of West Cornwall.) This 
county was one of those threatened, temp. Edward VI., with the removal of its bells, and 
an order was issued in 1549 for the removal of all bells except the smallest in each peal — 
this was when the people had taken up arms in support of Arundel's rebellion, and the 
bells had been used to collect the insurgents. The usual number of bells at this time for 
a Cornish Church was three or four. (Dunkin, p. 3.) St. Austell had four. 

■^ The old bells were sent by sea from Padstow to Bristol. 

^ I do not know that we are to conclude from Mr. Hennah's name appearing at the end 
of this poetic effort that he is responsible for these lines. They have a curious antiphonal 


Passing into the Church, the spectator will be struck with 
what is undoubtedly a drawback — its lack of height ; like 
many other Cornish Churches, it is painfully dwarfed ; it is 
said that they were afraid to build them higher because of the 
fierce gales which sweep across the county. Anyhow, it would 
have gained immensely in impressiveness had the wall-plate 
of the roof, which lies just clear of the rounded arches, stood 
some three or four feet higher. He will, however, be charmed 
by the cradle or waggon roof, a common feature in the West 
country. The principals, purlins and rafters, now hidden by 
the plaster panels, are all of good solid oak. The bosses were 
picked out with gold and colour in 1883, but traces of an 
older colouring were even then discernible in places. He will 
also be impressed by the elegance of the columns and the 
whiteness of the stone ; he will hardly believe at first that it 
comes from the same Polrudden quarry as the worn and dis- 
coloured materials which compose the outer walls. I may 
say here — it is as good a place as any other — that the Church 
was restored in 1870, at a cost of £2,500, Mr. J. P. St. Aubyn, 
whose handiwork is so traceable all over this county, being 
the architect. It was re-opened on May 17th, 1870, Archbishop 
Temple — then Bishop of Exeter — preaching morning and 
evening. One good thing at least that restoration did — it 
swept away the " loose boxes " and " pues," and all the seats 
were declared "free and unappropriated for ever." We are 
mainly indebted for this consummation to Mr. Edmund 
Carlyon, but the system of appropriation had then lasted too 

ring, as if the two Churcbwardeos had contributed a line in turn, or the eight ringers one 
each. Bells have always afforded a fine opportunity to the local poet. Here is one effort 
of his genius — 

"This bell was broake and cast againe, as plainly doth appeare; 
John Draper made me in 1618, wich tyme Chvrchwardens were 
Edward Dixson for the one. who stode close to his tacklin, 
And he that was his partner there was Alexander Jacklin " ! 


long for the reform to be effected without some opposition.^ 
Passing down the Nave we observe the Churchwardens' staves of 
office at the intersection of the gangways. They are interesting 
in this respect — that they were carved (by Mr. Harry Hems) 
out of some antient oak taken out of Exeter Cathedral, and 
were presented to the Church by Mr. Arthur Coode. Turning 
to the left, and passing up the North aisle, we see on the wall 
a monument erected to Mr. Charles Geach, M.P., a native 
of our town, and sometime Mayor of Birmingham. He died 
in 1854. A little farther on are two brasses, one to the 
Rev. George Lambe, formerly Vicar of Charlestown, and a 
member of an old St. Austell family — this was erected in 
1889 — and one to the memory of his second son, who fell 
at Krugersdorp on January ist, 1896, one of the few victims 
of Dr. Jameson's unfortunate raid. The adjoining window, 
locally called the " Census Window," was inserted in 1891, 
as the inscription at the foot explains, as a memorial of the 
census of that year. This brings us to the Pulpit, which 
is of Derbyshire alabaster, resting on a granite base. A brass 
on the wall behind it explains the subjects of the four panels 
and records the names of the donors. It is the work of 
Mr. Hems, of Exeter, and cost £120. It was first occupied 
on Friday, October 7th, 1881, by the late revered Archbishop 
Benson, then Bishop of Truro, on the occasion of the institution 
of the writer as Vicar.* The brass pulpit desk and candlesticks 

1 The Churchwardens' Accounts of St. Michael,. Comhill (1456- 1475), show that pews 
were then common enough. There are many entries as to their construction and repair. 
From the Churchwardens' Accounts of the Town of Ludiow, edited by Thomas Wright, 
F.S.A., London, 1859, we gather that the custom was to grant a piece of ground, 
measured out on the floor of the Church, on which a man erected his own pew. 
Mr. Kerry in his History (f the Municipal Church of St, Lawrence, Reading, remarks 
(p. 77) that there " Seal rents appear to have been a source of revenue from very early 

^ I'his was said at (he time to have been the first public institution of a clergyman ever 
held in CornwalL 


were given by the Rev. F. B. Paul, then Rector of Lanivet, 
for nine years Assistant-Curate of this parish. The Oak 
Parclose Screen behind the Pulpit was erected in 1894, 
and is the gift of Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Coode, of Trevarthian, 
St. Austell. Of the two screens on the South side of the 
Chancel (we may as well speak of them here), that to the East 
was given by the Hancock family — vide the brass plate — and 
that next to the Nave by the women of St. Austell — or, more 
accurately, by the ladies of the congregation, with some help 
from others outside it. The cost of the three screens was 
£150. They were carved by Messrs. Luscombe and Son, 
of Exeter, after the designs of Mr. G. H. Fellowes Prynne. 
The two-manual Organ is the creation of Messrs. Bryceson, 
of London ; it has cost about ;f750.^ Opposite the Pulpit and 
Screen on the North Chancel wall are three monuments, one to 
the Rev. Richard Hennah, for nearly half a century " minister 
of this parish," the other two to the first and second wives of 
the Rev. T. Scott Smyth, Mr. Hennah's successor. A brass 
plate over the doorway into the Vestry (into which we will 
enter for a moment) informs us as to the circumstances of its 
erection, but of these I have already spoken.* The window 
on the East side is the work of an amateur, Mr. Freeth, of 
Duporth (obiit 1882), and commemorates the father and a 
brother of Bishop Colenso. Mr. Colenso, perCy was at one 
time mining agent to the Duchy of Cornwall, but afterwards 
became a brewer. The oak chest carries us back to the 
Restoration ; the date, 1662, has luckily been preserved ; the 
rest of the lid is obviously new. Behind the door stands what 

1 I wish we could exhibit the instrument which (perhaps /ongo intervallo) it has replaced. 
In 1820 the Vestry decided that it was " very desirable to obtain a Barrelled Organ for 
the Church of this parish, and that the sum of ^^150 will be required to purchase one of 
sufficient dimensions to suit it." The present Organ has been added to from time to time. 

* Page 136. 


was formerly the Credence. The porphyry shaft is modern, but 
the base and the capital are antient work. Of the Registers 
contained in the Iron Safe, and of our Church Plate therein, 
I shall speak later on. Over the doorway is a stone, rescued 
from the Churchyard at the time of the removal of the mound,^ 
bearing the inscription — 

w. p. 

W. D. 




On turning to the " Book of Marketts and Faires," we find 
that the Churchwardens of that year were William Parkyn 
and William Davey, so that we are left in no doubt as to 
the persons who are here immortalized. And here is a curious 
and instructive circumstance : a.d. 1710 is precisely the year 
in which complaint is made that the Churchwardens " have 
in many ways overcharged the parish," * so that in our long 
history, down to 1866, the only Church officials whose memory 
is perpetuated in enduring stone or brass are just those whose 
character and example are least to be commended. " Which 
things are an allegory." How much of worldly fame is of this 
order ! I suspect that this stone was a part of Messrs. Parykn's 
and Davey's extravagances. Now let us proceed to the 


The Reredos of alabaster, with effigies of the four evangelists 
in Venetian mosaic, was originally constructed by Mr. Earp, 

1 See page 136. * See p. loi. 

3 With a sublime ignorance of architecture and its periods, Hitchins and Drew (p. 43) 
engage to show that the Chancel must be older than the Nave, etc., because, " if the 
building had been found too small for the congregation," it is absurd to suppose that 
"such a miserable patch would have been added to the superb workmanship and elegant 
appearance of the Church . . . with the beauty of which its deformity may be justly 
contrasted." I quote this as a literary curiosity. 



at the restoration of 1870, but it was so dwarfed, to meet the 
wishes of the then Incumbent, who objected to any encroach- 
ment on the space occupied by the East Window, that it lent 
no dignity either to Church or Chancel. It was therefore 
enlarged and much adorned (by Luscombe and Son), under 
the direction of Messrs. J. P. St. Aubyn and Wadling, in 1890, 
the cost being defrayed by Mrs. Arthur Coode, as a memorial 
to her brother, the Rev. W. K. Mott, of Wall, Lichfield. 
The East Window is of Munich glass, and was erected to 
the memory of Mr. Philip Wheeler, a Clay Merchant of this 
town, and a prominent Churchman. The East Wall was 
illuminated in 1891 as a memorial to the late Mr. John Coode, 
of Polcarne, and his daughter, Evelyn Carey, at the expense 
of his widow and surviving children — a brass behind the pier 
next to the organ refers to this gift. The work was carried 
out by Messrs. Fouracre and Watson, of Stonehouse, Plymouth, 
from Mr. Prynne's designs. The two panels, the one repre- 
senting the Nativity, the other the Lord's Supper, were 
painted by Mr. E. A. Fellowes Prynne, the architect's brother, 
the idea underlying them being the Incarnation, and the 
extension of the Incarnation through the Sacraments — He 
Who took our flesh gave His flesh for the life of the world : 
" The Son of God became the Son of Man that we the sons 
of men might become the sons of God." ^ The painting of 
the side walls and the decoration of the roof, including the 
illuminated oaken arch, were done at the same time by the 
same firm, and under the same direction. The carved angels 
supporting the arch were the gift of Mr. H. S. Hancock. The 
beginning of all this chaste and elaborate decoration was an 
anonymous gift of £100 presented to the Vicar to make a 

1 The face of the Virgin has been much admired, but that of Joseph has been thought 
to be somewhat suggestire of Lord Salisbury. 


beginning.* And I think it may now — in June, 1896 — be said 
that our Chancel is practically finished, the work of former 
years having been crowned by the recent introduction of carved 
oak choir stalls — Mr. Prynne was the designer ; the work was 
executed by Mr. J. Northcott, of Ash water, Devon ; the cost 
was £245 — and new tiles and marble steps. The Sacrarium 
was undertaken by Miss S. P. Martyn (now Mrs. A. Hitchins), 
of Clynton, in memory of her father, Mr. Richard U. Martyn — 
to whom a tablet has also been erected on the South wall 
of the Church ; the tiles of the rest of the Chancel are the 
gift of Mr. William Coode, of Trevarna, and the black and 
red marble steps have been contributed by Mrs. NancoUas, 
as a memorial to her husband, the late Mr. Christopher 
Nancollas. It will be observed that the very colours of the 
marbles are here (as elsewhere) symbolical — the black, of sin ; 
the red, of redemption ; the white, of purity. To this it only 
remains to add that the piers on the North side of the Chancel 
are of Duporth beach stone, and those on the South side of 
Polrudden — Hitchins ("a primrose by the river's brim," etc.) 
pronounces these pillars to be " low, large, irregular and 
clumsy " ; that there is an ancient piscina, now used as a 
credence^; that the Processional Cross, of brass and ebony, 
with bosses of crystal, was given in 1895 ; that the handsome 
festival Altar-cloth was presented by Mrs. A. Coode in 1894, 
whilst other frontals have been worked by Mrs. William Coode 
and other ladies ; that the violet cloth for Advent and Lent 

1 It has been sUted in a recent compilation (Tke History of St, Austell, 1893) that this 
was the gift of a lady. 1 may perhaps go so far as to say, without any breach of confi- 
dence, that this was not the case. It is further stated that during my incumbency the 
sum of " ;^ 10,000 has been spent on the repair, renovation and adornment of the Parish 
Church," This is altogether too flattering. However, the same writer elsewhere reduces 
this generous estimate to ;^i,920. which, though not adequate, is much nearer the mark. 

'<< " In many instances the place of the credence table was supplied by a shelf across the 
piscina." Parker, p. 80. 


was given anonymously in 1883, and that in the clergy vestry 
behind the Organ hangs a sumptuous banner, reproducing our 
pelican, the work of Mrs. S. Roberts. The oak lectern was 
the gift of the Rev. F. B. Paul. The recessed arch of the 
East window is, I believe, somewhat of an architectural 
feature.^ Now we proceed to the .. 

Chapel of St. Michael,* 

long known locally as the Lady Chapel ; a former verger used 
carefully to explain that it was called the " Ladies' Chapel, 
because the ladies of the town preferred to sit there " ! ^ Here 
is, unfortunately, but little deserving of notice, though it is by 
far the oldest part of the edifice — the thickness of the walls 
indicates by itself an earlier date, for this was a feature of 
Norman architecture. On the North side, in the corner, is an 
Almery (ix.y place for the alms), formerly, no doubt, fitted 
with doors and used as a locker to contain the sacred vessels.* 
Another piscina will be found at the South-East angle ; 
this chapel had, of course, its separate altar. Of the Monu- 
ments, the first as we enter is to the memory of John 
Graves, Esq., Rear-Admiral R.N., who died in iSii*^; the 

1 Hitchins speaks of a " monumental stone " — " between the pulpit and the Communion 
table " — with the date One Thousand in Arabic numerals, which were only introduced in 
991. I am glad to say that this imposture, if ever it existed, has disappeared. 
J * It should be remembered in connection with the dedication of this Chapel to 
St. Michael the Archangel, that it was antiently believed that this prince of GOD had 
appeared on St. Michael's Mount. William of Worcester gives — or professes to give — 
the dates. 

8 Similarly, " Our Lady's Well " at Mevagissey has been known in later days as " My 
Lady's Well." Ancient and Holy Wells, p. 113. One is reminded of the lady who 
spoke of Hannah's Bampton Lectures as " Hannah Bampton's Lectures." 

< In some larger Churches these are found in various parts of the building, and they 
were occasionally as large as closets. 

* The concluding lines of a brief poem, setting forth the virtues of the deceased, arc 

ihese — 

•• Merit he noticed 1— knavery he scorned ! 

To humble worth a friend ! — io rogues a thorn/'* 


next is to Mary Sawle, who died in 1803, and with whom 
the long line of Sawles, dating (it is said) from the conquest,^ 
became extinct ; or rather, I should say, the estates passed, 
through Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Sawle, of Barley 
House, Devon, and wife of Admiral Graves, to her son, 
Mr. Joseph Sawle Graves, who afterwards (in 1815) assumed 
the name of Sawle, and was created a baronet in 1836.' The 
" Sarcophagus,*' as it has been called, a black funeral urn 
(suggestive of cinerary ashes) resting on a square marble 
pedestal, is to the memory of Joseph Sawle, Esq., of Penrice 
(died 1737) and John Sawle (died 1783) ; the monument above 
it — to another Joseph Sawle — goes back to 1715. The East 
window of this aisle does not exactly command universal 
admiration, though the multifoil in the gable above it is worthy 
of notice. It is to Edward Coode, Esq. (obiit 1845) and 
Dorothy his wife (died 1848), and to Edward Coode, their 
son, who died in 1865. Of the South windows, that to the 
East (to Mary, widow of Edward Coode the younger) is by 
Clayton and Bell ; the middle window (to Mr. Robert Dunn ; 
the adjoining brass commemorates his widow) is by Mayer of 
Munich ; the third (to Mr. William Shilson) is by Suffling. 
A small brass plate in the wall informs us that hard by is the 
vault of the Sawle family. Over the doorway is a tablet to 
the memory of Mr. Thomas Jones, a lawyer, whose name 
will come before us again. ^ It was proposed some years 

I may perhaps be allowed to say that if the stories told of him are true, his son, afterwards 
Sir Joseph Graves Sawle. Bart. , inherited the worthy Admiral's mantle. It is said that 
being once in Ireland, at the house of a magistrate who had to deal with a poacher— or a 
" rogue " of some kind — Sir Joseph was consulted as to what should be done. The force 
of habit came out in the prompt reply, "Send him io Bodmin / Give him six months 1 " 

^ See Chap. xv. * Wallis, Cornwall Register, p. 443. Bodmin : 1847. 

> The tablet states that Mr. Jones "retired to Trinity." This is another name for 
Restormel Castle. " Mr. Richard Sawle sold the lease of Restormell to Thos. Jones» 


ago to adapt this ** chapel of St. Michael " for use as a ** morn- 
ing chapel," and a lady of the town generously offered to bear 
the expense, but the project encountered some opposition, and 
was therefore abandoned, or adjourned. No opposition, how- 
ever, would be raised to any cheerful giver who undertook to 
decorate the roofs and walls of this antient sanctuary, and the 
improvement in the appearance of the whole Church would 
be prodigious. Now we pass into the South aisle. The door 
adjoining the ** Priests' door " leads by a winding stair to the 
rood-loft of former days ; so does a similar door near the 
stove. The feature of this part of the Church is the 

Stained Glass, 

the four windows, which only cost /66o, being the work of 
E. R. Suffling and Co., of London. The first, representing 
the Last Supper, aims, as indeed do the rest, at instruction ; 
we have called the Church a book in stone, and it has seemed 
to me that our glass should not be the least edifying of its 
pages ; they also are devoted, like so much of our carving, to 
the subject of the Passion. The chalice under our Lord's 
hand is a copy of the old chalices ^ still used in the celebration 
of Holy Communion. The grapes overhead are introduced in 
accordance with an idea that some such cluster may have 
suggested the words, '' I am the true vine." * Judas is seen 
grasping the bag, and on the table near his elbow stands a 
salt-cellar not yet overturned, as in Leonardo da Vinci's fresco. 
On the ground will be observed an ewer, basin and towel, 
reminding us of the recent washing of the disciples* feet ; also 
some inscribed scrolls, suggesting that they will presently be 

Esq." So I read in the anonymous work, Losiwithiel and Restormell^ which also 
informs me that the Communion Plate belon^ng to St. Bartholomew's Church was 
the gift of Thomas Jones, Esq. , in 1775. ^^ ^^as buried at St. Austell. 

* See Chap. xi. * St. John xv. i. 


used in the singing of the " hymn " ^ before they go to the 
Mount of Olives.^ This window has a curious history. It 
was inserted during his lifetime by Mr. Thomas Drew, of 
Rock, near Padstow, a native of this town, and donor of one 
of the panels in the pulpit, but it was not until his death in 
1891 that it was known who had given it. The next window 
represents Our Lord before Caiaphas. I am afraid it must be 
admitted that the desire to make it instructive has somewhat 
spoiled its effectiveness ; it is perhaps too crowded. The lamp 
and the stars remind us that it was then night ; our Saviour's 
hands, according to an old tradition, are pictured as tied behind 
his back. To the right are seen in the distance St. Peter 
warming himself before the fire, the maid-servant and the 
cock. As stated in the brass below, it is to the memory of 
Bishop Colenso, a native of St. Austell (born in 1814) and 
baptized (in 1827) in our Church. It expresses, it need hardly 
be said, no sort of sympathy with the Bishop's peculiar views, 
as may be gathered from the fact that his episcopate is not 
even referred to.^ The next of the series pictures Our Lord 
before Pilate, and is to the memory of Juliana, wife of Mr. 
Thomas Graves Sawle. The sacred hands are still bound, 

1 The " Great Hallel," Psalms cxiii.— cxviii. a St. Matt. xxvi. 30. 

9 And as little does it contain a sly hit at his theology, in the words, " He hath spoken 
blasphemy," which words were, in fact, chosen by the artist. And we have only to 
remember against Whom that charge of blasphemy was brought i I cannot forbear, 
however, citing here the epigram penned on Dr. Colenso's instantaneous conveision — 

"A Bishop there was of Natal, 
Who took a Zulu for his pal ; 

Said the Kaffir, ' Look here i 

Ain't the Pentateuch queer?* 
And converted that lord of Natal." 

Yet Colenso deserves to be commemorated, not only because of his eminence as a 
mathematician and as a friend of the native races, but because of his indomitable pluck 
and perseverance, and his honesty. He was heavily weighted in his start in life, by 
having to help to support his family, and his life as an usher at Dartmouth and a sizar at 
St. John's College, Cambridge, was hard to severity. He died June 20th, 1883. 


but in front, and they now hold the reed. Pilate's movable 
judgment-seat is placed on *'the pavement." A page prepares 
the basin of water. The priests stand and vehemently accuse 
our Saviour.^ The fourth window, inserted in 1889, is 
peculiarly appropriate to its position near the font, for its cost 
was defrayed by the contributions of persons baptized thereat, 
or by their friends, and moreover, " it doth represent unto us 
our profession," made in Baptism, which is to carry the cross 
after Christ.* It pictures to us the Via Dolorosa ; we see the 
procession issuing from the city gate — going " without the 
camp " ; the women lamenting our Lord ; Simon the Cyrenian 
carrying the cross ; the Roman centurion with his vitis, the 
emblem of his office ; Christ with a halter round His waist ; 
in the distance, going before, the malefactors, etc. It will be 
observed that these windows, like the shields on the other side 
of the wall, form a series. The idea was that they should 
serve as a sort of Stations of the Cross, leading up to a picture 
of the Crucifixion, which it is hoped some day to put into the 
great West window, which seems marked out for that subject 
by its size. 

The door opposite the font leads to the Parvise or Priest's 
Chamber already referred to. Probably the archives of the 
Church, or the vestments were kept here^ — before 1886 the 
Church had no vestry. Among the tablets on the adjoining 
wall is one to Samuel Drew, z, native of St. Austell, author of a 
work on the Immortality of the Soul, and Editor of Hitchin's 
History of Cornwall, a work to which I have occasionally 
referred. Mr. Drew, who died in 1833, was a worthy man, who 

1 St. Luke xxiii. lo. > St. Luke ix. 23. 

* This room may have served as a study, or one of the clergy may even have slept here. 
In some cases " the room over the porch contains a piscina, which shows that it once 
contained an altar, and was used as a Chapel ; it is occasionally provided with a fireplace, 
as if it had served for a dwelling-room." Parker, p. 206. 



did not " stick to his last," but deserted it for philosophy, for 
which he was hardly qualified, and for history, for which he 
was even less so.' Another name immortalized here is that of 
Ralph Allen,* a native of St. Blazey Gate — his mother was 
Mary Elliott, of St. Austell ; she married John Allen on Feb. 
loth, 1687. Ralph Allen's career was so remarkable that I 

digress for a moment to record a few particulars. His father 
kept a small inn, tlie "Duke William" or "Old Duke," at 

1 " ll cannol be said ihal his arguments show more than a strong mind, quite unversed 
in Ibe lileraiure of the lubject. He appeati to have been a very honourable and indepen- 
dent man. strongly attached ID bis family and energetic as a preacber and writer." 
DiclioHary of National Biography. A list of Drew's writings is to be seen in tbe 

Biiliolluca Comuiiiniii. 

I In a tablet to Richud Elliott, of Polm 
sister. She died in 1769, at the age of 9a. 

r. and Gertrude b 

dow, Ralph Allen's 


St. Blazey Highway; his grandmother kept the St. Columb 
Post Office. Whilst staying with her, the lad attracted the 
favourable notice of a P.O. inspector, who got him an appoint- 
ment in the Bath office. Here he had the good fortune to 
detect a plot for introducing arms into the city in connexion 
with a Jacobite rising. Promoted to be deputy Postmaster, he 
devised a system of cross posts for carrying letters — at that 
time a letter from Bath to Birmingham must go via London — 
which he farmed himself, with the result that from 1720 to 
1764 his profits averaged £"12,000 a year — in all over half a 
million. This lucrative business qualified him for marriage 
with a Miss Earl, a natural daughter of General Wade; it also 
enabled him to equip at his own expense a corps of Bath volun- 
teers. Nor was it his only success. At the Combe Down 
quarries, near Bath, he employed a large number of men, who 
added still further to his income, so that in 1736 he began the 
erection of a mansion (using, of course, his own stone) at Prior 
Park, which was seven years in process of building, and he it 
was, too, who erected '* Sham Castle." His many under- 
takings and his princely generosity — he was especially good to 
impecunious literary men — won for him the name of ** the 
man of Bath," of which city he was once Mayor and always 
manager — hence its Municipal Council was spoken of as the 
" one-headed corporation." He is the Squire AUworthy of 
Fielding's Tom Jones ; there is also a reference to him, com- 
paring him to the " man of Ross," in Joseph Andrews — "one 

Al , Al , I forget his name," whilst this author's Amelia 

is dedicated to him. Pope ha; immortalized him in the 
familiar lines — 

" Let humble Allen, with an awkward shame, 
Do good by stealth, and blush to find it fame," 

and in a letter to Dr. Doddridge (Feb. 4th, 1742-3) speaks of 


him thus — ** In a word, I believe him to have been sent by 
Providence into the world to teach men what blessings they 
might expect from Heaven, would they study to deserve them.'* 
Allen also became allied to Bishop Warburton, who married 
his favourite niece, Gertrude Tucker. He was an intimate 
friend and great admirer of Pitt, to whom he bequeathed 
;f i,ooo in his will. Pope left Allen £"150, ** being to the best 
of my calculation," he says, ** the account of what I have 
received from him.'* Allen's own calculations, however, 
showed a very different result. ** He forgot to add the 
other 0,'* he observed quietly, *'to the 3^150," and he sent the 
money to the Bath Hospital. He gave away £"1,000 a year, 
and among other things cased the exterior of St. Bartholo- 
mew's Hospital, in Smithfield, with his Bath stone. He died 
in 1764.^ But our attention is now demanded by the 


which is justly considered one of the features — it is certainly 
one of the ornaments — of the Church. The bowl is sculptured 
with ** gorgons and hydras and chimaeras dire *' — Drew (or 
Hitchins : one never knows which is responsible) says 
** crocodiles and owls " *^ — probably symbolical of the powers 
of evil renounced at Baptism. On one side, and that 
the East, is a branching plant, which may speak of ** new- 
ness of life,** or of *' the fruits of righteousness *' — observe 
the stone bosses on either side of the leaf — for with the 

1 1 am indebted for many of these particulars to the Dictionary of National Biography ^ 
and for some to Tregellas's Cornish Worthies. 

' He also sagely observes that the font is " generally considered to be of Saxon work- 
manship " (p. 46). 

3 Mr. lago suggests Hosea xiv. 5, " His branches shall spread," etc., as interpreting 
this device. Similarly, he cites Psalm Ixxiv. 13, " Thou brakest the heads of the dragons 
in the waters," as explaining the sea monsters. In the Bodmin font, dragons, knotted 
snakes, etc., are pictured on the East and North sides, whilst on the South and West are 



architects and builders of old, everything had a meaning : 
even the five feet — four columns surrounding the central 
support, are supposed to symbolize the five wounds.* The 
feces on the capitals of the four columns are, however, not 
striking, and they have a modern look ; one writer has taken 
them for monks ; others see in them the four evangelists. The 
visitor will observe that the bowl is large enough, as antient 

From n Dramnff bf At Juthor. 

nuuet or foliage. At Lostwilbiel, on Ibe South side is a Chop's mitml bead ; on the 
North, an ape's, surrounded with snakes. I much deplore that our foul does not appear 
in Ibe llluitralimi of Bapliimal /^tfni'i— perhaps because il is so like thai o( Bodmin. 
No one realiies how varied and beautiful our fonts are who bai not seen tbit or « similar 

' " The arehitecl is nothing, it he be not a preacher. The 
been among God's greatest prophets and preachers- . . . H 
his chisel upon it [the font] for nothing. . . 
Church of ihe living God." Bp. Gott, Ckui 

It BrchilcctS of old have 

Nothing is done for mere omanii 
in Ikt Wat, Vol. xiii., p. 656. 


fonts always were, to admit of the baptism of infants by 
immersion. " By a constitution of Edmund, Archbishop of 
Canterbury (a.d. 1236), fonts were required to be covered and 
locked,^* ^ and it is only recently, as the stonework shows, that the 
staples to confine the cover have been removed at St. Austell — 
our font cover, it should be said, is of quite recent date (1870). 
Fonts were to be locked " because people were in the habit of 
carrying away the baptismal water for use in magical rites." ^ 
Nor am I prepared to say that all superstitious ideas with 
respect to the baptismal water have died out in this county, 
notwithstanding the comparative neglect with which baptism 
is now treated. Here, as elsewhere, extremes meet. Mr. 
Wilkie Collins * tells of one of our villages where a small farmer 
died, as was supposed, of English cholera. As four weeks later 
his wife married again, suspicion was excited, and the body 
was exhumed ; the stomach was found to contain arsenic 
enough to kill three men. The wife was tried for murder and 
was hanged. Soon there sprang up stories of a ghost ; she was 
said to haunt her husband's grave. But another circumstance 
excited even greater attention. Hard by the Church was a 
gifted well from which the font was filled for christenings, and 
it was a firm belief in the village that no child baptized with 
that water could be hung. Had then the tradition been dis- 
proved by the hanging of this farmer's wife? The register 
was anxiously searched, and great was the rejoicing when it 
was discovered that she had been baptized elsewhere. The 

1 Parker, p. 119. The Accounts of St. Lawrence, Reading, contain this entry under 
the year 1508 — " Payd for a padlock to the font . . . iijd." 

'^ " Many of our mediseval fonts show where the hinges and staples for the lock were 
formerly fastened." In Kerry's History of St. Giles's, Reading, we find this item 
among the accounts of the year 1508— " Pay 'd for a padlock to the font . . . iijd." 

3 In his Rambles beyond Railways (1851), p. 85. 


water now became in greater estimation and request than ever, 
and bottles of it were exported to other parishes for baptismal 
use. With the font, our perambulation of the Church con- 
cludes. But I shall ask the reader to return with me to the 
Vestry, to begin the examination of our Registers. 



|HE reader who has no connexion with our town, or 
who never weeps when a funeral sermon is preached 
for a non-parishioner, will, I daresay, be sorely 
tempted to skip this chapter, as dealing with dry and musty 
records with which he has no concern whatever. I venture 
to think, however, that he will find it, if he will give me a 
patient hearing, at least as interesting and instructive as any 
of its predecessors — I assume that these have afforded him 
some degree of entertainment. It is quite true that our own 
Registers are unfortunately little more than lists of St. Austell 
names, records of the " rude forefathers of the hamlet," ^ each 
baptism and burial but a nominis umbra,^ but even these, 
when carefully studied, reveal a good deal more of interest to 
the stranger that is within our gates, than he would at first 

1 Bishop White Kennet, of Peterborough, about 1720 advised his clergy to enter in 
their Registers, not merely the day and year of a christening or a marriage, but also, as 
opportunity offered, particulars of the times and seasons, such as storms, pestilences, 
excessive mortality, etc. " If such things," he said, " were fairly entered, the parish 
Registers would become chronicles of many strange occurrences." How much more 
ample the materials for our local histories would be had this wise counsel been anticipated, 
or even generally followed from that day. 

*'*The mossy marbles rest 

On the lips that he has pressed, 

In their bloom ; 
And the names he loved to hear 
Have been writ for many a year 

On the tomb." 


imagine, and when compared with and illustrated by con- 
temporary records, they will be found to contain a mine of 

Our St. Austell Registers begin with the year 1564, the sixth 
year of good Queen Bess. There are, however, at least 820 
register books which go back to an earlier date. There are 
eight in the country anterior to the year 1538, whilst 812 began 
with that year ; the keeping of registers of births, deaths, and 
marriages, as we shall hear presently, was then commanded by 
royal authority. 

This seems a long time ago, and any writing of such a 
remote period can only be regarded with veneration. Still, 
it is strange that we have nothing older — I mean that the 
keeping of such records was so long neglected in England and 
throughout Europe, for the public registration of births and 
deaths, as Mr. Waters observes, was a feature of civilization 
common to Jews, Greeks and Romans.^ It was not, however, 
till the closing years of the fifteenth century that any systematic 
registration was attempted in Christendom. It began in Spain, 
and owed its introduction to Cardinal Ximenes, then Arch- 
bishop of Toledo. He directed registers to be kept of those 
baptized and of their sponsors — which reveals to us the object 
of this early registration. It was to prevent unauthorized 
marriages ; for the Church regarded godfathers and godmothers 
as of kin with those for whom they answered in Baptism. 

In England, registration, not of baptisms alone, but also of 

1 1 may mention here two works which I have read with singular pleasure, and to 
which 1 am greatly indebted, Our Parish Books and what they tell us, by Mr. J. Meadows 
Cowper, and Parish Registers in England, by Mr. R. E. Chester Waters. The latter is, 
I believe, out of print, for which additional reason I have borrowed from it the more 

3 " The public registers at Sparta and Athens were as old as Lycurgus and Solon. At 
Rome. Marcus Aurelius required all persons to deliver to the Imperial treasury an account 
of iheir children within thirty days of their birth." Waters, p. i. 


marriages and deaths, was projected and announced in 1536, 
the first year of the rule of Thomas Cromwell as Vicar-General.^ 
The project, however, encountered considerable opposition — 
the people saw in it the beginning of a new tax — and for two 
years it remained dormant. But on Sep. 29th, 1538, the 
parish clergy were required by royal injunction to begin their 
lists. A fine of 3s. 4d. — the money to be devoted to the 
Church — was to be levied on the Curate for every omission of 
which he was guilty.*'^ 

We have seen that some eight hundred registers, begun at 
this date, still survive, in one shape or other. How many 
more were commenced, the records of which have perished, 
no one can say. It would seem as if registration was pretty 
generally adopted, for in 1555 Cardinal Pole directed that the 
names of godparents should be added in the baptismal lists, as 
in Italy and Spain. ^ And it is to be feared that many of the 
earlier registers may not have been preserved, for they were 
on paper, and they would be exposed to damp and mildew. 
Accordingly, Queen Elizabeth, on her accession in 1558, made 
some provision for their better custody — possibly her zeal for 
the preservation of these documents suggested to the then 
Vicar — one Hamund Hansert — that it was high time he had 
something to preserve. Anyhow, he or Robert Bracker, who 

1 Waters suggests that he may have seen in the Low Countries the baptismal registers 
of the Spanish clergy. 

« Waters ciuotes a letter of Sir Piers Kdgcunibe— the date is April 20th, 1539— saying 
that in Cornwall and Devonshire this new ordinance was regarded with much fear and 
distrust, and asking what was to be done. We have an indirect testimony to this state 
of disquiet in the royal proclani.ition of 1548, which forbade the clergy to preach without 
a license therefor, the rexson assigned being that the popish preachers represented that 
the King intended strange exactions, and that half-a-crown was to l)e charged on all 
marriages, christenings or burials. 

3 Waters, who states, p. 8, that the custom of entering the names of godparents in the 
register was retained in the parish of St. NichoUs, Newcastle-on-Tync, down to the 
beginning of the present century. 


succeeded him in 1563, presently began them, if he had 
not begun them before. Forty years later, at a Synod of the 
Province of Canterbury — a Meeting of Convocation, in fact — 
held on October 25th, 1597, as is recorded in the first pages 
of our earliest book, a new injunction was made, which was 
presently approved by the Queen under the Great Seal, requiring 
each parish to provide a parchment book,^ into which all the 
paper registers were to be copied. Every minister at his insti- 
tution was to subscribe to this undertaking, " I shall keep the 
register book according to the Queen's Majesty's instructions." 
Each page of the book was to be certified at its foot by the 
signatures of the Incumbent and the Churchwardens. In our 
case, this was never done. The first page is signed " R. May, 
Vicar, Austle," but in succeeding pages down to 1660 even this 
much is absent, whilst there are no signatures of Churchwardens.* 
These attestations to the copy have led to some ludicrous 
mistakes — people have imagined that these signatures repre- 
sented one incumbency — as to the longevity of the clergy of 
that century. Thus Duncomb (cited by Waters, p. 10) says, 
in his History of Herefordshire, that " Rob^- Barnes was Vicar 
of Bromyard for 82 years, as his name appears, etc. . . . and 
one of his Churchwardens filled that office from 1538 to 1600"! 

1 This was not always provided. At Littleham, Devon, complaint was made in 1599 
that the Register Book of Baptisms, etc., was in paper, not parchment, as prescribed 
by the Canon. So at St. Winnow, in 1607 : " They want a pewter pott ; they want a 
register booke in parchmente." 

3 At the foot of a page of weddings (a.d. 1607) are two names, " W»- Hunnywill " and 
" Abell Carlyon," but they are in the same handwriting, so that both cannot be signatures. 
Similarly, across a page of funerals of 1623-4, are the names — in the same illiterate 
hand, so that they cannot both be autographs — of Thomas Baker and John Trefry. I 
take these latter to represent the Churchwardens of that day. In a void space later on in 
the book, where the burials of 1628 should be, I read, " W>n. Hunnywill was burned the 
i8th September, 1647." I suspect that he was Parish Clerk. The Gulval Registers are 
signed by R. Veale ; those of St. Columb (from 1604) by the Curate, and later, by the 
Churchwardens also. 


Another writer states that the Vicar of Keyham served his cure 
for 92 years, and had the same Churchwardens for 70 years ! 
The 70th Canon of 1603 directs this parchment book to be 
kept in a ** sure coffer, with three locks and keys," and requires 
entries to be made by the minister only, in the presence of the 
Churchwardens- None of these provisions, however, appear to 
have been observed in our remote parish ; indeed. Lord Eldon 
declared that not one register in a hundred had been kept 
according to the Canon.^ Certainly the book was not always 
guarded in the ** sure coffer," for we have a curious entry on 
her own account made by the minister's little daughter. On 
a blank page about the middle of the book we stumble on the 
following unecclesiastical entry, in a very creditable hand, but 
written upside down — 

•' upon a tyme a countrey mouse 
That in A cave did live 
Unto a thottless city mouse 
Did entertainment give. 

Grace Ma ye ; her writhing." 

Here and there, too, a page is scribbled, as if by one trying 
a new pen. And if the minister made all the entries himself, 
I can only say that he wrote a surprising variety of hands. 
Nor was the rule as to entries in the presence of the Wardens 
much better observed. For example, we learn from the Exeter 
archives that Mr. Richard Parson, Curate of Aishperton (Ash- 
burton), was " presented," " for that he doth not everie Sondaie 
in the presence of the Wardens sett down the names in the 
Registre booke of such as are wedded, christnd and purified." 
(Reynolds, p. 209.) The **Tythes Book" of Ralph Maye, of 
which much will be heard later on, contains a list of the baptisms 
at St. Austell in 1620. They have all been entered in the Church 

1 Waters, p. 86. 


Register, but with some discrepancies as to names and dates.^ 
Our books from 1696 onward are not of parchment, but paper — 
quts custodiet ipsos custodes ? Some of the old registers inform 
us as to the amount paid for them. At St. Margaret's, West- 
minster, the cost — this was in 1538, and for a paper book — 
was 2d. At Leverton, Lines., according to the Church- 
wardens* Accounts for 1599, vijs. was ** paid for parchment 
for the newe Register booke," and xiijs. iiijd. ** for makeing and 
writ tinge therein, baptizemige, marryage and burialls." At 
St. Michael's, Bishop Stortford, under 1598, we read, " P<*- for 
the register booke in parchment with my charges caring for it, 
xviijs. ; pd. for wryting and Regestiring in the same booke all 
the christenings marriage and buryalls, xjs." Sometimes the 
register preserves the name of the copyist. That of Lough- 
borough, for example, **begynnynge according to the com- 
mandment of our Sovereign Lord King Henry VIIL" on 
Nov. 1st, 1538, reads as follows — "John Dawsone, the Sonne 
of Henry Dawsone did coppye and writte oute this booke out 
of the ould paper booke when he was at the age of Threscore 
and one yeares and at that tyme had beyne Scoolm*" of the 
Grammer Scoole in Loughborowe xxxvj yeares. And in his 
tyme Toughte and brought up many Scollers, Gentelmen, men 
of Worshipp, Justices of Peace and pooremen's sonns, profit- 
able to the Churche of God, Precherrs and ministers," etc.* 
Waters informs us (p. 9) that in some few instances the 
original paper books are still extant, and that they are, as a 
rule, fuller than the copy — the copyist, of course, wanted to 
save himself trouble ; sometimes, too, he had religious 

1 At Madron, it was clearly the custom to enter Baptisms, etc., in batches of a year or 
more. When a new hand appears, it is at the beginning of a new year. 

* In the Churchwardens' Accounts for 1598 we find, " Item, paid for writtinge the 
Regester Booke xvjd." They managed things more economically here than at Bishop 



scruples.^ At Stratton, in 1562, vjd. was '* paid m' offycyal to 
schow our Regester boke att the vycytacyon," and a like sum 
" to m"" vycar for taken owtt of ye names" — the former entry 
points clearly to an inspection of these records. I fear it 
must be admitted that as a rule our registers have been 
but indifferently kept — this has certainly been the case at 
St. Austell. Sometimes there are great gaps ; I shall mention 
most of these as they occur. Occasionally these gaps can be 
easily accounted for, as during the Commonwealth, when 
registration was taken out of the hands of the clergy, but it 
is to be feared that others are due to carelessness or neglect — 
the memoranda were lost, or the Curate was idle or incom- 
petent. We find that at Bishop Stortford, for example, " a 
period of nineteen years was allowed to elapse before the 
memoranda of the various christenings, marriages and deaths 
were entered into the parchment book." ^ At St. Peter's, 
Dorchester, this entry was made in the register — " In twelve 
months there died fifty-two persons whose names are not 
inserted, the old clerk being dead who had the notes.'* At Meop- 
ham, Kent, we find this — '* In the daies of Mr. James Day, 
Vicar of Meopham, for fyve yers space none were registered " ; 
at Hindringham, Norfolk, things were infinitely worse, for 
under date of Dec. gth, 1782, we read, " Register of baptisms 
and burials from 1749 and of marriages from 1747 neglected 
by Mr. Hemington, Curate, to this day " — that is to say, for 
thirty-five years. At Staindrop it was recorded that from 
1644-6, ** through want of a minister and carelessness of ye 

1 He gives these among other instances: St. Dunstan's West, " 1560-1. Feb. 17, 
Mr. Rithe buried." The paper book adds. "A benchar of Lyncolnes Yne, buryed out 
of the newe brycke byldynge." At Staplehurst. Kent, a prayer for the dead — " Whose 
sowle Jesu pardon. Amen" — is omitted. 

* /Records cf SL Michaets Parish Church, Bishop Stortford, p. 107. Edited by J. L. 
Glasscock, junr.. London. 1882. 


Cleark during the wars, much of the Register is lost." And 
here is a curious thing in connection with our neighbouring 
parish of St. Ewe. At the present time (1895-6) it is without 
a sexton, because the parishioners — whatever the reason may 
be — decline to provide the funds. But St. Ewe is only true 
to its former self, for in 1677, as the register records, "The 
Parishioners refusing to allow 5s. per annum for keeping a 
register, there was none kept for the years 1675-6-7 ; only these 
two baptisms were put down by me, Joseph May, clerk." ^ It 
was not always the Vicar, however, who was to blame. ** Of all 
the incapables," says Mr. Meadows Cowper, ** who have under- 
taken to keep parish registers, the Puritans must, I think, be 
allowed to have won ' the silver bell.' " ^ Nor was it always 
the Parish Clerk ; a scribe was often employed to make the 
entries — " the three Vicars " of Holy Cross, Westgate, Canter- 
bury, according to Mr. Cowper, " in Charles the Second's time, 
all left the registers to the care of subordinates." At Bishop 
Stortford, in 1649, one Thomas Barnard was paid 12s. for 
writing the registers "w^** in 11 or 12 yeares last past." What 
the spelling was like when the clerk officiated passes belief; 
it was simply too excruciating ; we shall hear of some instances 
in our own records presently.® Sometimes, too, entries were 
made which, if not scandalous, are little short of it. Here is 
one of the former class, at Bitteswell, Leicestershire, in 1638 : 

1 1 am indebted to Mr. Waters for these three extracts. 

* Our Parish Records, p. 12, Appendix. Mr. Waters, however, affirms (p. 17) that the 
register books of the Commonwealth period were kept exceptionally well, but are often 
missing, as the clergy failed to get possession of them on resuming their livings. 

* See above, p. 71. Here are a few samples from the North of England, embalmed 
in the Chronicon MirabiU. "A poore man having a decease in a legg." [But this was 
matched quite recently in the West. I was inquiring of a College porter about a Cornish 
squire, how he was getting on, when I received for answer. " He's diseased** l\ Again, 
"John Elleson, kild hy ax sidence." And once again, " 'llie Wkakers Meeting house." 
And finally, John Rogers is described as Sexgerston—ht had attended nine ministers in 
that capacity. 



** Maxy Snelson is stark naught, stinking naught. Blot not this.'* 
At Shillingstone, Dorset, again, it is recorded that on Jan. ist, 
1742, David Pitman and Mary Haskell, ** a rogue and a whore," 
were married. At Hart, among the baptisms, " William, son 
to John Armstrong . . . being base begoten with his own 
ante," and among the burials, ** Margaret Herisone, being with 
child to her unkle's prentis " (April loth, 1643). At St. Peter's 
in the East, Oxford, among the burials is found that of " Alice, 
the wife of (a naughtie fellow whose name is) Mathew Manne " 
— poor Alice, what she may have endured at his hands ! at 
Hesledon (ist January, 1663), " Isbell Ellenir, an olde, lame, 
impident ^ woman " (Chron. Mirab.) ; and at Kyloe, North- 
umberland, under 1696, is recorded the interment of Henry, 
son of Henry Watson, "who lived to the age of 36 yeare, and 
was so great a fooll that he never could put on his own close, 
nor never went a quarter of a mile off ye house in all this 
space." ^ Of the many and diversified entries respecting ille- 
gitimate children I shall have something to say later on. But 
let us now, after this long, but I hope neither unnecessary nor 
uninteresting introduction, address ourselves to our 

First Book, 

which extends from 1564 to 1631. It is, as already intimated, 
of parchment, and is strongly bound in o^k and leather, 
profusely stamped or embossed with images of Faith, Hope 

1 Preb. Hingcston Randolph suggests that this is not scandalous, but merely a mis- 
spelling of " impotent." 

* Waters, pp. 45-47. " Innocent," or insipiens is often used to denote imbeciles. At 
St. Helen's Auckland we find "Edward Wright, the lawyer, was buried. * Woe unto 
you lawyers, for." etc., etc. And it is hardly respectful to describe Mrs. Dongworth, who 
in 1779 was buried in Durham Cathedral, as an " old virgin." The same may be said of 
" Deafe Si bbe," buried at Bishop Auckland in 1615. But '* Brian Pearson, the Abbey 
dog-whipper," was a respectable official — there were many such in England. When 
Churches stood open all day. it needed someone to expel intruding suaimals. 


and Charity.^ It is written in a neat court hand down to the 
beginning of 1599, after which it is, for the most part, abomin- 
ably kept. No burials are entered, for example, from 1605 to 
1608,^ and many of the entries of other years are barely legible. 
The Christian name of the child baptized or person buried is 
occasionally omitted, or that of the father or mother, or the 
day of the month : in 1604 a line is left for the insertion of a 
baptism.^ Of thirty-six interments in 1583, six — all being 
children — have no name, though a space is left for its insertion. 
The Marriages came first, then the Baptisms, then the Burials. 
Down to 1625 all the entries are in Latin ; Mr. Waters gives 
the accession of Charles I. as the date before which Latin entries 
were generally discontinued.* I find, however, that a great 

1 It was re-bound — at a cost of £2 5'* — W Zaehnsdorf. in 1895. It is as well that 
posterity should know the sacrifices we have made for it. 

* Nor are there any in 1574 ; no weddings in 1575 (it is just possible there were none : 
only two are entered under '77 and '86. ) A vacant page is left for the weddings of x6s8. 
but they were never inserted. There are no baptisms entered under the years 1573-4-5. 
A vacant space is left for the baptisms of 1607. Seven of the baptisms of 1617 have no 
Christian name entered, and in one case " Rosea" has been supplied in different ink. Of 
the baptisms of 1628. only those in the month of April and two in October were entered — 
a vacant page still awaits the rest. The funerals of 1637-8 are obviously imperfect— there 
are but two entered in the latter year. It will be observed that all these irregularities 
cluster round three periods. 1574 is given in the Composition Book as the first year of 
Daniel Neyland. In 1607, R. Maye had been Vicar for 33 years ; he died in 1633. but 
his successor was appointed in 1621. In 1638, Joseph Maye was Vicar. He was also 
Vicar of St. Neot. 

' Our registers, though they give few or no details and particulars — down to 1757 they 
are bare lists of names, neither ages nor trades are recorded— yet are not quite so brief as 
some entries found elsewhere. Mr. Cowper has collected the following from the burials 
of Holy Cross, Westgate, Canterbury — 1563, " A mayde servant buryed " ; 1569, *' Adrian 
buried": "Alice a wyddowe buried"; 157a, "A souldyar out of Fraunce buryed"; 
" Elizabeth, a lytle mayde, buryed " ; 1578, " Agnes, an olde mayde buryed " ; 1715, " A 
way -going Boy buried." Canterbury, however, was a thoroughfare, and all sorts and 
conditions passed through it, including many foreigners. 

* He also quotes (p. 38) from the Register of All Saints', Derby : " 1610. May 16. I 
see no reason why a register for English people should be kept in Latin. Richard Kilbie, 
Minister." All the same, it was kept in Latin for some years afterwards. At Gulval, 
Latm entries are found occasionally down to 1713. At Loughborough there is but one 
Latin entry from 1538 downwards. 


diversity prevailed with regard to this language. Some of our 
oldest records — I do not include deeds — are in English : those 
of St. Michael, Bishop Stortford, for example (they have a Latin 
preface), and those of St. Lawrence, Reading^; some of later 
date, like Ecclesfield, where the baptisms begin in 1599, are in 
Latin. It is curious to observe the transition. Our baptismal 
entries pass from ** Jana, fillia Willi Scoble, xxv Septembris," 
1625, to " Margaret the daughter of Willm Thomas, the if 
October ; Phillip the sonne of John Hodge of Buscoppa, the 
ix of October ; Margert, the daughter of Tristram Carlian, 
xviij October," and so forth. But there is an occasional 
reversion to Latin, as if by force of habit. Thus the last entry 
of 1628 is, ** Susanna, filia Johis Carlian et Susannae uxor., 
Octobris 25," and all those of 1629-30 are in the same tongue. 
Similarly, our funerals, which from 1625-8 are written in 
English, in 1629-30 are in Latin, and we pass from "John the 
Sonne of Thomas Barne buryed the 25 of Aprill," 1628, to 
''Alicia Daddow, sepult' est Aprilis xij°," 1629, and "Johes 
Sawell gent, sepultus est Septembris vij°." In these instances, 
however, it was not from force of habit, but from a change 
of scribe. The headings of the different years — where there 
are such : in 1623 they are wanting — are always in Latin. 
Marriages are always indicated thus — In matrimonio copulati 
sub Anno Dni, 1567^; Baptisms — Baptismatis aqua abluti sub 
A nno Dm, etc. ; Funerals — Ecclesiastic, sepultur. affecti sub Anno, 

1 These are Churchwardens* Accounts. 

> In the Latin entries of Ecclesfield, the weddings are simply headed Nuptiae^ and are 

written thus — 

•' Mense Junij 

Nicholas Deye nupt. fuit Elizabethe Beamonde xiij die." 

Sometimes, however, the copyist lapsed into "maryed," sometimes for "nupt' " we find 

" conjugat'," *• cojug'," and " conjung." The funerals are specified as '* vidua," " infans." 

"uxor." "puer," " puella." "abort," "pauper," etc. Registers of RccUsJield Parish 

Church, by A. S. Gatty. The usual headings of Baptisms, Weddings and Funerals are 

Jlluminatif Nuptiae, Sepulti. 


etc. As most of the names still survive amongst us,^ I will 
transcribe the first two pages of our Weddings (1564-77), etc. 

[Page i.] 

** In matrimonio copulati sub Anno Dni 1564 

Willmus Bonde et Juliana xxv*o Septembris Ano Dni predicto * 

Johes Jackson et Jana Home xxvj^ Septembris 

Johes Kestell et Joan a Rowse viij° Octobris 

Thomas Collyn et Constantia Carlyan viij® Octobris 

Willmus Thomas et Pascalia Resoga ix® Octobris 

Stephus Dadowe et Thomasina Gumowe xv^ Octobris 

Nichus Rescoria et Elzabetha Trembere, xxix** Octob. 

Johes paskowe et Wilmota Martyn xxij° Nouembris 

Johes George et Catharina Rowe xiii** Nouembris 

Johes Toker [Tucker ?J et Joanna Maye xxviij** Nouembr. 

Willmus Will et Joanna Vyvian, secundo Decembr. 

Johes Bond et Amia Kelly e xv'° Januarij 

Johes Davye et Emma Pawlyn xxx** Januarij 

Willmus Nancollas et Blanchea Every xxviii** februarij 

In matrimonio copulati sub ano Dni 1565 ' 

Thomas May et Joana Lugger xxviij® Julii, Ano Dni 1565 
Stephus Dadowe et Joana mayne xxi octobris 
Michaell Pears et Thomasina Trewynow xxviij** octobr. 
Willms Saundrie et Joana Trembere xxv^ nouembr. 
Georgius Jagowe et Joana Cocke xxvj'o Nouembr. 
Willmus Balberie et Jana James xxij° octobr. 

In mriomio copulat* sub ano Dni 1566 

Johes Renold et Agmes Scoller, v** Augusti Ano Dni 1566 
Thomas Edward et Wilmota La v*« octobr. 
Johes menhire et Helena pan tow ix** octobris 

1 Of the 27 names in the marriage list of 1564, assuming that "Collyn " and " Will" 
stand for " Collins" and " Wills," and " Toker" for " Tucker," all save two or three are 
still found in the parish or in its vicinity. Yet marriages were then celebrated between 
parties neither of whom resided in the parish. 

s These words, or Anno Dni /** dic/c, are repeated in every case. I have not thought 
it necessary to do the same. 


Johes gumowe et Joana Lavrean tertio Nouembr. 
Thomas Morgan et Constantia quarto Nouembr. 

Henricus Cowche [Couch] et xriana penhale xxiiij^ Nouembr. 
Johes Cripps et Helena Thomas xxvj Nouembr. 
Johes Hanaford et Margreta pent owe xxx^ nouebr. 
rinus Phillip et Joana Pascow xxvj^ Januarii 
Willmus Carlyan et Catherina Dallamyne xxvij^ Januarii 

In matrimonio copulat* sub Anno Dni 1567. 

Johes Renold et Joana Trussell xiiij*^ Aprilis 

Thomas Walter et Olivia Vyvian xj Maij 

Christopherus Balhatchet et Elzabetha Trage viii^ Septembr. 

Robertus Tregonion et Thomasina Rescorla xvj® Decembr. 

Richus Ingram et Elzabeth Trehane xxv^ Nouembr. 

Richus Dado et J ana Tremayne primo febr. 

Matheus Tonking et margret Carlyan viij februarii 

In matrimonio copulat' sub Anno Dni 1568 

Lucas Jacob et Joana Maye quinto Julii . . 
Willmus Even et Oliva Dadow xxv*® Augusti 

R. may Vicar, Austle. 

[Page 2.] 

Johes Philippe et Eua xxx® Augusti Anno Dni p dicto 

Willmus Hyebe et Joana Ede quarto Octobris ,, 

Richus Jamys et Joana Opye xix*® 

Paschovus Jocob et Jana Dadow xxv*® 

Willus Euen et Phillippe xx Novembris 

Richus Trenannce et Joana Lougge xxiijj^ Januarij. 


In Matrimonio copulat* sub Anno Dni 1569. 

Thomasina Rescorla vj^ Junij. Anno Dmi 1569 
Edmundus Robin xxviij*® Julii „ „ 
Nichus, son of Johes Creby xxij*» Julij „ 
Johnes Jagow xxij Septembris 
Samsonus Clemens quinto Octobris „ 
Pascus Olyuer xij"® Octobris 
Johes Luke, decimo Novembris 



Symo' Honkin xxj*® Novembris 
Richus Tonkin xij"« Januarij 
Johes Alyn vvij*® Januarij 
Radulphus Crasoote xxj Januarij 
Christopherus Perye xxx'<* Januarij 
Edmundus Niclys et Nicola carlyan xix"° Janu. 
Willim Parky n et Philyppa Pentow xxi»<* Januarij 

In Matrimonio copulat* sub Anno Dni 1570 

Nichus Water et Joana Ryscasa xxx Aprilis 
Willim Hooper et Anna Lamore xx Junij 
Johes Broode et Alitia younge xij Novemb. 
Johes Came et Margeria Scotte xix Novemb. 
Johes Binsett et Elyzabetha Minor xxx^ Nouemb. 
Johes Dallamyne et Joana Tokar, quinto februarij 
Richus Coke et Margareta Nottell, quinto februarij 
Edmund* Sayemore et Christiana Teege x™« feb. 

In Matrimonio copulat' sub Anno Dni 1571. 

Georgius Killegrine et Anna Webbe xiij Maij 
Willmus Roger Joana water xij Maij 
Johes Tregenven et Joana Millys xij februarij 
Johes Vivian et Anna Ledder xxviij Julij 
Johes Bakar et Joana Smythe tertio Septemb. 
Johes Jacke et Joana Bount xxj Septemb. 
Thomas Coke et Joana Kelow primo Septemb." 

I now proceed to give the first page of Baptisms, omitting, 
however, most of the dates as unimportant. 

** Baptismal aqua abluti sub Anno Dni 1564 

Joana filia LeRowse* iij® Junij 
Willims, filius Johannis Craddicke xxv^ Junij 
Johes filius ffrancissi Balhachat xiiij Julij 
Joana filia Thomae Graye. xiiij Julij 
Johes filius Henrici Comene xvij Julij 

1 Or Lesscowse. I'bis has been scratched out and re-written, and is not very lagiblei 


Otte filius Willimi dadwo [Dadow ?], ij Augusti 

Johes filius Nichi Rowse, quinto August 

Johes filius Constanci Nowell, vj August 

Thomasina filia Willmi Minord 

Johes filius Willmi Ivye 

Joana filia Willmi James 

Thomas filius Johannis Hero 

Johes filius Johannis Tressa 

Michaell filius Johannis Tregemven 

Margera filia Willmi Gelyege [Gerridge ?] 

Nicolla filia Johannis Roberte 

Elyzabetha filia Richardi Molle [Moyle ?] 

Johes filius Johannis Tocer [Tusser ?] 

Agnis filia Johannis Ede 

Rich us filius Lucae Jocob 

Anna filia Georgi Kelegrine. 

Maria filia Nichi Jerman. [Sherman ?] 

Agnis filia Paschole 

Joana filia Pascho 

Henricus filius Johannis Teme 

Johes filius Willmi Hopper. [Hooper ?] 

Johes filius Radulphi Hewe [Hugh ?] 

Johes filius Johannis Vivian xii Martii. 

Elyzabetha filia Willmi Hego [Hugo ?] vii** Aprilis 

Thomas filius Thomi Rcnaud viii Aprilis 

Baptismatis aqua abluti sub Anno Dni 1595 
Joana filia Johannis Tregore iij° Aprilis 
Johes filius Michalis Higman 
Margera filia Richardi Gomow 
fflorentia filia Johannis Maye " 

In transcribing the Burials I carefully record the dates, for 
reasons which will appear presently. Here is the first pag< 

"Ecclesiastic' sepultur' afTecti sub Anno Dni 1564 

Johes filius Johis Vivian iiij° Aprilis 
Mgreta filia Richi Gumow xxiiij^ Aprilis 


Mgreta filia Richi Lawe [Laa ?] x^ maij 
Johes et Joana Woulcocke xxiiij Junii 
Elena Hocke xvij° Julii 
Penticosta filia Johis Gregory xx Julii 
Joana filia Stephi Tredinname xx Janu. 
Johannes Sparre xxiij Januarii 
Thomasina filia Johis Phillippe xxiiij Janu. 

Ecclesiastic Sepultur. afTecti suh Anno Dni 1565 

Willmus filius Willmi Dadow xxviij Augusti 1565 

Philippa filia Johis Beste xxviij Augusti 

Johes filius Johis Gomer [Gummo ?] xxix Augusti 

Paschus filius Johis Stevens eidem die 

Joana filia Richi Crebby [Creba ?] xxx Augusti 

Philippa Tregomanne eidem die 

Elizabta filia Johis Dadow eidem die 

Maria filia Richi Crebby iij Septemh. 

Thomasina Dennys iij Septemh. 

Johes filius Willmi Dadow eidem die 

Johes filius Stephi Light v** Septemh. 

Willms filius Thomasinae John eidem die 

Johes filius Willmi Dadow vij Septemh. 

Johes filius Henrici Vivia viij Septemh. 

Alitia filia Willmi Traye eidem die * 

Matheus Trewinne eidem die 

Joana Crebby ix Septemh. 

Matheus ptavow ix Septemb. 

Elizabta Crebby x Septemb. 

Thomasina Oppie eidem die 

Pascha Robins eidem die 

Ottis filius Willmi dadow xii Sept. 

Mgreta dadow eidem die 

Alitia filia Edvardi Honniwell xiij Sept. 

Mylliar [Amelia ?] James xiij Septemb. 

Maria Thretherby • xiiij Septemb. 

1 Eidem here, and in several cases below, has been corrected to eadtm by a later hand. 
* A hamlet in this parish is named Trethurgy. 



Willms filius Willmi John xv Sept. 

Stephus Hamblie xvj Sept. 

Elizabta Gelen xviij Sept. 

Anna Wasteynge xx Septemb. 

Andreus filius Johis Teue eidem die 

Mgrita uxor Johis Saymere [Seymour ?] xxj Sept. 

Johes filius Johis Stephen xxiij Sept. 

J ana filia Thomas Vivia xxviij Sept. 

Roger filius Johis Sebe [Sobey ?] eidem die 

Matheus filius Johis Polglas xxix Sept. 

Dorothea Woulse xxix Septembr. 

Willms filius Thomae Carlyan xxx Sept. 

Philippa filia Johis Kebbe eidem die " ^ 

Instead of transcribing the second and third pages of Burials, 
I prefer to give those of two years, viz., 1567 and 1671. And 
it may be as well if I give them in English. 

** Buried with the rites of the Church in the year of our Lord 1567. 

John, son of John Penton 

Divid Roo 

John Terkin, on the same day 

Joana, daughter of Andr. Hew 

Nicholas, son of John Vivian 

Friswetha, d. of John Treshan 

Phihppa, d of John Penton 

Henry Donne of Fowey [de ffoye] 

Jane Luggar 

Catherine, d. of Christopher Woulcocke 

Simon, s. of Andrew Hew 

Stephen, s of William Penhale 

Joan, dr. of Thomas Graye 

Matthew, s of Thomas Trenshaye 

Elizabeth, dr. of Thomas Trenshaye 

Anna, Walter, children of Mathew Rescorla 

1 There were twelve more funerals thai year — all but two 

June 22 

July 2 









n October. 


»» »» 
»» »i 

Christina, dr. of John Lescose July 21 

Thomas, son of John Pascho „ 22 

Alice, dr. of Jerome J ulyan „ 23 
Jane Trewinne 

John, 8. of Thomasina Morishe 

Margaret, dr. of William Graye „ 24 

William Graye „ 28 

John Jacob „ 28 

Peter, 8. of William Ewyn Aug. 2 

Henry, 8. of John Rennold „ 3 

Roger Perkyn „ 4 

Joan, WIFE of John Slawby „ 4 

John Baker „ 4 

Michael, 8. of Matthew Rescorla „ 4 

Richard, 8. of Matthew Rescorla „ 4 

John, 8. of Pascho James „ 6 

John, 8. of Constance Nowell ,, 6 

Christina, dr. of John Hodge „ 7 

John, 8. of Stephen Dadow „ 10 

Thomasine, dr. of William Richard ,, 11 

Henry, 8. of John Treganine „ „ 

John, 8. of Joan Oppie „ 12 

Dorothea, d. of John Vivian „ 15 

Catherine, d. of William Dadow „ „ 

Paschus, 8. of John Renolds „ 17 
Catherine, dr. of Myliar James 
Elizabeth, dr. of Wm. Miniver 

Anna, Peirs, ohildren of Cradicke ,, 18 

Robert, son of John Rennold „ 19 

Thomas Graye „ „ 

John, 8. of Philip Vivion „ 20 

Albiana, dr. of John Oppie „ „ 

Thomas, 8. of Thomas Benniha „ 24 
Richard, 8 of Thomas Dennys 
Anna, dr. of Olliver Thomas 

Elizabeth, dr. of John Oppie ,, 25 

Anna, dr. of Richard Gobbin „ 25 

»i II 

»♦ »i 

»» 11 

11 If 


Paschus, 8. of Joan Porhes Aug. 25 

John, 8. of John Gregory „ 26 

Loveday, dr. of William Perres „ „ 

Helen, dr. of Richard Besse „ 27 

Fifty-nine interments, nearly all within two months, and forty- 
eight of these children, after which no funerals are recorded 
until April the ist of the next year. In 1570 there were 
nineteen funerals — seven those of children and four of married 
women. Now we come to 


Elizabeth, wife of John Hore 

March 25 

John, 80n of Mathew Rescorla 

April 15 

Elizabeth, wife of John Perkin 

„ 16 

John, 80n of John Edmund 

„ 26 

Margery, wife of John Cooke 

May 20 

John Braye 

,. 30 

Jane, dr. of Thomas Hogge 

June 4 

John, 80n of Christopher Balhatchet 

„ 18 

Richard Dollynge 

,. 18 

Joan, dr. of Richard Rowse 

„ 21 

William Mynor 

» 30 

Joan, WIFE of Nicholas Novell 

July I 

Joan, dr. of Thomas Colle 

M 13 

Elizabeth Gichard 

.. 20 

Elizabeth, wife of Martin Poyle [Powell 

?] Aug. 2 

Richard Mellnard 

»» 3 

John Pollard 

„ 16 

John, 80n of Thomas Benam 

Sept. 5 

Martin Poyle 

„ II 

Joan, dr. of Pascho Dallamyne 

„ 14 

Joan, WIFE of John Nicholas 

» 30 

Elizabeth, wife of Nich« Toker 

Oct. 22 

John, BOD of Nich. Toker 

» 23 

Francis, 80n of Henry Olyver 

». 25 

Maria, dr. of William Whedan 

M 30 



Elizabeth, wife of John Dallamine Nov. 8 

John Menys 

Nicholas German 

Thomasine, dr. of William Graye 

Elizabeth Sayemore 

John, 8. of Pascho Jellen 

Joan, WIFE of Edmund Sayemore 

Nicholas, son of Edmund Sayemore 

William, son of Nich? James 

Mathew Killegrine 

Temperance, dr. of Thomas Dollynge 

Thomasine, wife of John Rao we 

Margery, wife of Robert Allen 

John Siccocke 

Edmund, son of William Hego 

Nicholas Wetter 

John, son of Mathew Tonking 

Pentecost, wife of John Killegrine 

Joan, WIFE of Henry Balbery 

Anna, dr. of Thomas Kelowe 

John Bounsell 

Loveday, wife of George Killegrine 

Christina Peires 

Amy, dr. of John Kelligrine 

Thomasine, wife of Jno. Vivian 

William Lawean [Lavrean ?] 

Florida, wife of William Gryme 

Maria Hoskinge 

Thomas Killegrine 

Nicholas James 

Thomasine Penglle [Pengelley ?] 

Anna, wife of Richard Cornwall 

Jane, dr. of Thomas Morgan 

Anna, dr. of Rich<i- Cornwall 

Elizabeth wife of William Dadow 

John Killegrine 

Robert Chayell 












. 7 




















• 7 














. I 




























Joan, dr. of John Tregennow 



Jane Poke 



William Evan 



Nicolla, WIFE of Thomas Morgan 

March i 

John Tonking 



John Gillet 



Joan Crosse 



Christina, wife of John Vivian 



John Trembere 



Thomasine Ranffra 



Thomasine Trekone 



John Crosse 



Alice, dr of John Tonking 



John Beratte [Barratt ?] 



Jane, dr. of Thomas Kellow 



Thomasine, dr. of Richard Cocke 



Edward, son of Thomas May 



John Rawe 



Now then we have some ten pages of the book before us. 
Let us see what we can make out of them, in the light of other 
similar records. 

I begin with the Christian names — they come first. It may 
be well to observe first that neither here nor for many years 
afterwards have we a single instance of a double Christian 
name. I may remark, in passing, that of the thirty-seven 
known Vicars of this parish, only one — Thomas Scott Smyth — 
has had more than one such name. It is quite a modern fashion 
to accumulate Christian names ; we have derived it from Italy ; 
it arose, in all probability, from giving the child the names of 
its godparents. ** In the long list of the Deans of West- 
minster " Dean Stanley ** found only one predecessor who had 
two Christian names.'' * Only two Bishops of London have 
had two — Charles James Blomfield was the first. No Vicar of 

1 Zinckc, Wkerstead, p. 40. 


Tavistock before 1812 had such a distinction, and but one out 
of fifty Vicars of Wenhaston (1217-1890), and one out of 
the Vicars of Folkestone (1323-1890). In the St. Columb 
Registers we have two entries in 1542 which look Hke double 
names, viz., " James John Jane " and " John William Elsa- 
beth," but are not : I believe the seeming surname represents 
the wife's name.^ I must also remark on the steadfast recur- 
rence of the same homely names — ^Johannes, Willelmus, Joana, 
etc. — again and again. Girls' names do indeed show some 
little variety — we observe Penticosta, Constantia, Petronella, 
Dorothea, fflorentia, etc.* — but a rigid simplicity characterizes 
those of the men — they are all, with rare exceptions, good old- 
fashioned Bible names. The predominance of ** John " is very 
remarkable — " in all Christian countries the name of the 
beloved disciple was in high favour." ^ I may mention that 
of the thirteen Vicars of Wenhaston, Suffolk, between 1365 
and 1475, ten were Johns. Just one-half of our bridegrooms 
of 1564 bore this name, and it is almost as prominent else- 
where, whilst of the thirty-three children baptized, eleven were 
Johns and five Joans} Equally remarkable is the absence of 

1 Mr. Chester Waters says {Parish Rtgisttrs, pp. 40, 41), " I have found only one 
solitary instance of an Englishman bearing two names before the middle of the sixteenth 
century." He adds that this instance {Henry Algernon, fifth Earl of Northumberland, 
in 1477) is doubtful. " Thomas Fuller," he continues, "says that Queen Mary gave her 
name to all her godsons, e.g., ' Anthony Maria,' ' Edward Maria,' etc." There is not a 
single instance of a double name among the 2,222 students admitted to the Inner Temple 
between 1571 and 1625. In the next generation a few ladies were named " Henrietta 
Maria," after the consort of Charles I. "In the reign of George I. not one grown-up 
person among 200 of the aristocracy, and only one in a thousand of the general popula- 
tion, had more than one name. George III. was baptized ' George William Frederick.'" 

'^ Penticost, Petrenell and Emblen were also common Christian names at St. Columb. 

3 Zincke, p. 41, who remarks that " Biblical names were a Norman introduction." 

* Waters observes (p. 43) that in the Middle Ages several children of the same family 
may be found bearing the same Christian name. Thus the Lord Protector Somerset had 
three sons named Edward, and John Leland the antiquary had a brother John. In the 
Register of Beby, in Leicestershire, twins of the name of Sicke are recorded as having 



" George," especially when it is remembered that St. George 
is the patron saint of this country. It will be observed that in 
the long lists of interments which I have given, not one of the 
dead bore this name. It is everywhere rare in English records 
until the sixteenth century ; our King Georges came from 
Germany. Some of the less common names were doubtless 
due to the time of their birth, as Christiana, Pascha, Penti- 
costa, and perhaps Michaell ; in 1580-r I observe the name ol 
'* Pessavoure " and ** Paschomaisod'' in 1737. Other names, 
such as Radulphus, look fanciful, owing to their Latin dress ; in 
English it is plain Ralph. It will be observed that surnames 
are not used as Christian names — ** Mylliar James " (among 
the funerals) I take to represent "Amelia James** (in the 
St. Columb lists we find ** Petherick Parnell,** but Petherick 
is but our form of Patrick ; Anlyff Torker and Reskymer 
Spraye are not so easy to explain) — though this is not a purely 
modern fashion ; they have been fairly common in many parts 
of England since the reign of Henry VIII. — we may remember 
Lord Guildford Dudley.^ 

each received the name of John, and two days later the same "John and John" were 
buried. He adds that all the male Ashleys are still christened " Anthony," and that in 
the Austrian family of Althann all the males have borne the name of Michael, and all the 
females of Maria, for three hundred years. 

1 Waters, p. 44, who informs us that Snape, a Puritan minister, refused to christen a 
child by the profane name of Robert, whereas *' Ananias" and " Sapphira," being 
Scripture names, were favourites with them. Elsewhere (p. 17) he states that Puritan 
names, such as " Repcnte," "Freegift," "Constant," "Faint-not," belong rather to the 
period ^/ore the Commonwealth, than to that or a later age. " Praise-Gou " Barcbone 
almost certainly received this name at his baptism. His brother, however, adopted the 
name " If-CHKiST-had-not-died-for-lhee-lhou-shouldesl-have-been-damned " Barebone. 
" Milcom Groat " changed his baptismal name (which was certainly not a happy one) to 
"The-abomination-of-the-children-of-Ammon Groat"; no doubt he thought he had 
mended it, whatever our opinion may be. " Mahershalalhashbaz *' is said to be a 
" regularly transmitted name in a family at St. Agnes" (by Dr. Bannister, in a paper on 
Jtivs in Cornwall, Journal R. Inst., p. 325). In 1673, a girl was baptized " Estofidclis," 
at Whcrstead. I have found no trace in our books of a custom which prevailed elsewhere 
in the sixteenth century of calling children baptized by the midwife "Creature" (1.^., 


But let us now pass to the surnames, for by this time 
almost everybody here had a surname ^ ; at an earlier date, 
as the lists of our Vicars, etc., go to show, nobody had ; most 
of them are designated, in addition to their baptismal name, by 
the place of their birth or residence, as Nicholas de Podeforde, 
Ralph de Retyn, Henry de Treverbyn, etc. Then, as many 
persons might bear the same baptismal name, they came to be 
distinguished by their personal peculiarities, such as Brown, 
Black, Grey, Courtney ( = short nose), Crookshanks, Goodfellow, 
etc., or their trades — hence the Smiths, Carpenters, Walkers, 
Fullers, etc. (Walker = Fuller) : I find the name of Piscator 
(Fisherman) in our lists ; or the son bore also his father's name — 
hence the Johnsons, Jacksons, Robinsons, etc. — or his mother's, 
as in the Bettisons, Margerisons, Ansons. Anyhow, before 
our Registers begin, surnames appear to have been thoroughly 
established amongst us. I do not remark any greater pre- 
dominance of Tre, Pol and Pen than at the present time, 
though ** the names of most of the Cornish gentry are local.** * 
Nor do I observe here what is undoubtedly a feature now — 

creatura Cbristi). As the midwife sometimes baptized the child before it was separated 
from the mother, a mistake might easily be made as to its sex. A curious instance of 
some such mistake is found in the Register of Bishop Wearmouih. in 1730. " Robert. 
daughter of Wm. Thompson, bap. 15 feb. — the midwife mistaking the sex — ebrietas 
dementat." In the St. Nicholas Aeons Register we find — '* Joseph Leet, \\\e daughter of 
Matthew Leet." The St. Columb Register testifies to a midwife baptism in Feb., i6oo*i. 
Such baptisms were forbidden by the Hampton Court Conference of 1603. " Creature" 
suited in any case. Waters cites from the Staplchurst Register, anno 1547, '* Ther was 
baptized by the midwyffe and so buryed the child of Thomas Cioldham, called ' Creature,' " 
and the same books record the marriage of John Haffyden and Creature Cheesman. 

1 Mr. G. B. Millett, in editing the Registers of Madron, remarks that even in 1593 
" surnames appear to have been scarcely settled," and " seem to have been often assumed 
from a trade or calling." " John the Roper" appears in the lists of that year. In 
1577 ^e marriage is recorded of " Peter and Hellynor, servauntes to Walter Lanyon, 
gentellman" — without any surnames at all. Similarly we find, "Richard, the base son 
of Pacyens." In our Tythes Book I read of " John the Tynner," elsewhere called "John 
Tynner." He was then acquiring his name. So was Roger the Hellior. 

* Lysons. 


the considerable proportion of Christian names which do duty 
as surnames^; ** the Cornish," saysCarew, "entitle one another 
with his own and his father's Christian name." No doubt we 
have Thomas, George, James, and Robert as surnames in the 
brief lists above given, but such names are found everywhere, 
whereas we have also amongst us such additional names as 
Sawle, Sara, Tom, Jane, John, Michael. It is also a custom 
at the present time to duplicate the name in such cases — I 
have met with Luke Lukes, Henry Harry, Francis Francis, 
Edward Edwards, and Richard Richards, and I find Jane Jane 
at St. Columb in 1576. I think it is noticeable, too, how few 
patronymics — names like Jackson and Johnson — there are in 
the lists ; now they are common enough. As was inevitable, 
some good old names, such as Laa, Killegrine, Dallamyne, 
Trevanion, and Scoble, have died out in the parish ; others, 
like Carlian, Ivye, Tredinname, Trembere, Jagowe, have 
assumed a somewhat different shape — but then, there is no 
accounting for spelling in the old registers ; the clerk or 
parson just followed his own sweet will. 

From the names let us turn to the numbers. The average 
number of baptisms at this period is twenty-seven, which 
points to a population of about 800 — the birth rate is at 
present 30*6 per thousand per annum. I incline to think that 
all our baptisms, apart from cases of neglect or oversight, 
were entered in the book — partly because of the number of 
illegitimates, and partly because this was a country parish : 
our rude forefathers had not learned to charge.^ The weddings 

1 In the Tyihci Book, however, this feature is very maiked. Half the surnames in p. i 
are Christian names. 

^ Waters observes (p. 39) that entries of baptisms and burials were often omitted when 
no fee was paid, and that therefore the numt)er of bastards and foundlings is somewhat 
uncertain. He also says that as a rule the Burial Register is fuller than that of Baptisms, 
because Dissenters were unwilling to be excluded from the Churchyard, but this remark 


about this time vary from two to fourteen — the average during 
the first twenty years was 8*6, presuming that the lists are 
complete — but then, it is said that even now marriages fluctuate 
with the price of corn.^ As we should expect, we do not dis- 
cover many traces of marriages during Lent, though we have 
one in 1564 on the second Monday in Lent ; then none till 
1592, when we have a wedding on the third Friday in Lent ; 
but I am not quite so sure about Advent.^ 

Now we come to what is perhaps the most instructive 

must refer to a later date than Century XVI. We have no traces of any Dissent here 
until the rise of the Quakers : in 1670 there were only twenty-one " Nonconformists " in 
St. Austell. (See p. 31.) Mr. Meadows Cowper, speaking of Canterbury, says there is 
abundant evidence, especially in the Burial Register, that all the names were not entered. 

1 " Looking back over the records for the last 25 years, one notices that the year 1873 
showed the highest marriage rate (17 '6), and this year was also remarkable for the highest 
degree of commercial activity, the total exports and imports for the year being worth 
£^1 4s. 2d. per head of population. The least matrimonial year of the 25 was 1886, 
when only 14*2 married per 1,000 living, and then the value of the total exports and 
imports was only £17 os. lod. per head of population." Pall Mall Magazine, x. 438. 

^ In 1564 there was a wedding on December 2nd, but this was the Saturday before the 
first Sunday in Advent. In 1587 there was a wedding on December 24th, which that year 
in the Julian Kalendar was the fourth Sunday in Advent, and in 1594 on December ist, 
which was the first Sunday. The strictest rule on this subject is embalmed in some lines 
which Waters quotes from the Registers of Everion, Notts — 

" Advent marriage doth deny. 
But Hilary gives thee liberty ; 
Septuagesima says thee Nay, 
Eight days from Easter says you may ; 
Rogation bids thee to contain, 
But IVinity sets thee free again." 

Our Marriage Registers contain no entries of any particular interest. The Chronicon 
MirahiU tells of this entry — I think at Bishop Middleham, in 1652 — "John Bedford and 
An Anderson wer maryed, yc 30th of Dec. God send her wel delivered in child-bearing" — 
a clause suggesting a sinister interpretation. At Chestcr-le-Street, in 1676, it is recorded — 
"6 April Mr. Ralph Hedworth and wife, mar." The Register of Chiltern, All Saints • 
Wilts (1714), tells of one Anne Selwood, " who was married in her smock, without any 
clothes or head-gier on " — a procedure which was supposed to free her husband from all 
liability for her debts. And at St. James', Bury St. Edmunds, we read of a bride who, 
l^ing armless, had the wedding ring placed on the fourth toe of the left foot, and signed 
the register with her right foot. (Waters.) 



feature in these old records ; there is nothing that throws such 
a lurid light on the life of our past centuries as the Funerals. 
The prodigious difference in the interments of different years 
must strike the most casual observer. He will have observed, 
for example, that in 1564 the deaths were but 10, whereas the 
next year they were five times as many, and in 157 1 they 
were eight times as many — of which 50 took place between 
December 7th and March 23rd — whilst in '76 they dropped to 
10, and in '84 they were but 14. In '88 they rose to 82, in 
1600 they fell to 9, and so throughout our history.^ There is 
no mistaking the significance of these figures ; they point to 
epidemics such as, at that insanitary period, so often decimated 
our parishes. This is clear, if from nothing else, from the 
numbe^rs of the same family who died ; sometimes parents and 
children follow one another in swift succession to the grave.^ 
Thus in 1565 five ** Dadows " and four " Crebbys " were 
carried to their long home within a fortnight or so — two of 
the former on the same day. Not only so, but, unless I am 
much mistaken, we can in some cases conjecture with reason- 
able certainty what sort of epidemic it was. We rarely find 
in our books any reference to the disease which was the cause 
of death — the small-pox is indeed indicated about the year 
1777 — but in the registers of some other parishes we have 
frequent and often most touching mention of the plague or 

^ The Register of St. Nicholas Aeons (begins 1539) records one death, and that a 
stranger's, in 1541, but 28 in 1543. Similarly, in '61 there were 5 deaths ; in '63, 54 (2a 
of which v/ere in September). At St. Oswald's. Durham, in 1597, 344 persons died in 
" the great visitation.'* There were 84 deaths at St. Austell in that year. 

* At Holy Cross, Canterbury, in 1564, out of 37 burials, there were 5 Holmeses, 6 Mylers, 
and 3 Bynggs. Another year, 5 Carpenters in one month, and 3 children of John Bridge 
within twenty-four hours. Meadows Cowpcr, p. 7. At Tavistock, during the plague of 1726, 
there were nearly 600 deaths in the twelve months. The population was larger in 1680 
than in 1780. In 1591, over 100 persons died — Polwhele says of the plague — at Illogan, 
and 535 at St. Ives in 1645 in six months. Half the inhabitants fled from the place. At 
Gateshead, in '44, five from one house were buried the same day. 


other malignant distemper ; indeed, as Waters observes (p. 73), 
** our knowledge of the severity of this visitation is mainly 
derived from the parish registers." Meadows Cowper men- 
tions (p. 10) that in the Holy Cross, Canterbury, register, 
though 35 died in 1666, the year when the Great Plague 
raged in London, there is not one word of regret or pity 
or alarm. But this was not the case elsewhere. At 
Loughborough, for example, the pages from June, 1558, to 
June, 1559, are headed, ** A Plague begun,** ** The Plague 
continueth," etc. Mr. Fletcher states that in 1551, 295 were 
buried in one year, most of them victims of ** tlie Sweatte" 
or ** New acqu'ntance." At Stranton, in 1597, the Register 
says, " Here began the sickness 21 May.'* At Hart, in 1587, 
we read how ** several died in the street, and so were buried." 
In that year there were ** 89 corses, whereof tenne were 
strangers.** In 1610 we find this entry in the Register, 
** Loughborowe veree sore visitted with the plague and the 
whole towne much impoverished ** — so much so that no 
subsidy was collected from the inhabitants, who indeed 
camped outside the town in large numbers to avoid infection. 
The letter p. is here prefixed to the names of those who died 
of this disease. In the Leicester Corporation Accounts for 
1631 is a charge of ^13 los. ** to keep Loughborough people 
forth of the Town ** — 135 people died of the plague that year. 
In 1564-, per contra , the assizes were held at Loughborough 
because of the ravages of the plague in Leicester. Similarly, 
** at Barnstaple, in 1592, the Wardens paid 5s. 4d. to watchmen 
to stand at Litchedon on Fridays to keep out Moulton men 
infected with the plague.*' ^ In the Register of St. Alkmund's, 
Derby, we read under 1592, ** Hie incipit pestis pestifera.'' It 
lasted twelve months, and it is on record that, though no 

1 Reynolds, p. 254. 


two houses were free, it never entered the house of tanner, 
tobacconist, or shoemaker. Whilst it lasted, the country 
people would bring their produce to a stone at Headless 
Cross — this was the market pro tern. — where they stood with 
their mouths filled with tobacco. The money paid them was 
placed in a basin of vinegar upon the stone, which, indeed, 
has been done in much later days elsewhere. At St. Giles', 
Durham, there is this entry, in 1604, recording the death of 
'' Ann Ourd wyflfe of Christopher Ourd. ... So all the hole 
household dyed in the visitacion at this tyme and so y^ plague 
ceased." At Malpas, in Cheshire, we read of a plague-stricken 
patient digging his own grave and laying himself in it — 
*' Richard Dawson, being sick of the plague and perceyving 
he must die at y^ tyme arose out of his bed and made his 
grave and caused his nefew, John Dawson, to cast strawe into 
the grave which was not farre from the house and went and 
lay'd him downe in the say'd grave and caused clothes to be 
layd uppon and so deputed out of this world. This he did 
because he was a strong man and heavier than his sayd nefew 
and another wench [!] were able to bury." ^ Nor are we 
altogether without evidence here in St. Austell as to those 
dark and troublous days. In 1565, for example, out of the 
51 funerals, 30 were those of children — this is indicated by 
the '' filius " or ** filia '* after their names ; it is therefore 
reasonable to conclude that this epidemic was one which 
especially attacked young life. Of course, we must always 
remember how great was the infant mortality of those days, 
and, in truth, of days much more recent ; even at the beginning 
of this century it was computed that more than half the children 
born died under three years of age. And it will be observed 
that of the ten deaths of 1564 — when there was no infectious 

1 Waters, p. 73. 


disease — seven were those of children. Still, I feel sure that 
this conclusion is a just one. But in '71, when there were 
81 funerals, only 22 were those of young people, whilst 20 
men lost their wives — the word uxor shows it.^ This by 
itself is startling, but it becomes much more so when 
we observe that of the 51 funerals of '65 only four were 
those of married women ; and still more, when we find 
that in the first month (April) of '72 five more wives died, 
and only one in the rest of that year. We can hardly 
be wrong, therefore, in ascribing some part of this special 
mortality to fever — fever which engendered puerperal fever. 
And I find a confirmation of this theory in observing, first, 
that the deaths are spread pretty evenly over the year, and 
secondly, that mother and child, in six instances at least, died 
within a few days of each other. And I have little doubt but 
that a careful study of the mortality of other years would 
reveal somewhat similar results. I must now, however, con- 
fine myself to recording some of the few notabilia in our lists. 
In 1575 occurs the first reference to a trade — Rogerus the 
Hellior — i.c., roofer, slater. In the weddings from '69 to '76 
are many lacnnce — in some cases only the man's (in one case 
only the woman's) name, or only the woman's Christian name 
(as c,g., Johes Jellen et Alitia) or only the wife's surname (as, 
Johes Pearse et Daddowe). In one case (Nov. 28th, 1572) we 
have nothing but Johes — no great help towards identification. 
In 1582 we come across Mater Nancollas and Mater Michalis 
Pears; in '86, Joana Julian, vidua; in '87, a pauper mulier, 
whose name was evidently unknown — probably a ** way-going 
woman " who died in the parish. In '89 we have some aliases, 
e.g.y Mariana Wren als Wrooth ; in '91, Elena Pope et ejus puer 
were buried on the same day. 

1 To mark this difference, I have printed "son" and "dr." in thick type and "wife" 
in capitals. 


The illegitimates, as might be expected, are plentiful 
enough — in '83 they numbered six out of 43 baptisms — but 
they are not branded in our books as they are elsewhere ; 
the record — with one or two exceptions (that mentioned 
on p. 199 is one ; another occurs in 1612 — Jokes et Matheus, 
filii reputati Michaelis Dustowe) — never goes beyond filius 
illegitimus or filia illegitima} The names of the Vicar's 
children — a goodly number, as usual — have been written 
over by a later hand, presumably Ralph Maye's ; as for 
example, GrattUy filia Radulphi Maye, 14 July, 1591. So also 
is (in 1589) the name of Elizabetha, filia Johis Tonking, 
which lady, we find subsequently, married the Vicar's eldest 

1 In some registers these entries are very forcible. I extract the ten following from Waters. 
At Croydon, in 1567 — Alice, JlUa vulgi ; 1582 — William, ^//i/j terrae — elsewhere, yf/iwj 
populi : at Heme, Kent, in 1583 — Agnes, Jlfia Bariholomati fomicatoris ; Stepney, '89 — 
•• Jonas, a biistard son of that ancient harlot, Elizabeth Duckett of Poplar " ; Twickenham, 
'90^* 'A scape-begotten child"; Sedgefield, '98 — Forsaken (at Bishop Weai mouth we 
find, •* John, a child foresworne of his father, forsaken of his mother" — Chronicon Mirab.) 
Jilius meretricis Agnetis Walton ; at Isleworth — Anna Twine, Jil. uniuscujusque — 
" daughter of somebody or other" ; at Waldron (1609) — " Flie fornication, the bace son 
of Catren Andrews"; at Lambeth (1685) — "George Speedwell, a merrybegot"; at 
Ellham, in 1778— " John Whore, a base born infant." Not afew of these unfortunates were 
foundlings — hence the names Thomas Nameless and Cuthbert Godsend (St. Nicholas, Dur- 
ham), Mary Porch, Elizabeth Middlesex, Elizabeth Aeons, etc. This parish — St. Nicholas 
Aeons — gives us (in 1577), '* Hewghe Haskins, the soone of a strampett." At St. Laurence, 
Jewry, the name of Laurence was given to all foundlings. The Redruth registers often 
record the name of the reputed father, thus — "Genet, bastard of Michael George"; 
•' John, bastard of Richard Angolan " ; " Agnis, bastard of Thomas Cocke," etc. Other 
entries are — "Margery, daughter of Jane Rainold"; "Joan, the bastard daughter of 
Maud Couch," etc. At Ecclesfield, the usual term was "spurious" or "base-gott"; 
here are two samples — " Spur M'garet fi. M'garete Cooper de Ecclesfelde spinst." ; "Ann, 
rtlia Georg. Ashton, base-gott." The Stranton Register is more judicial. It tells how 
" Robert the sonne of Jane Waller and Thomas Fulthorpe, as she saith — illegit.," was 
baptized (July 13th, 1634). So is that of Bishop Middleham, which records the burial (in 
1641) of "The baze child of Alice Busyth, the suppozed child of John Marry." The 
St, Columb Register occasionally gives the name of the reputed father, as " Anne, bastard 
to W'alter Crips," and " Alson, a bastard to Remfrey Carter," but as a rule it is more 
merciful, merely giving the mother's name, thus (1583) — "Malachie, mother Anne 
Edward" ; " Marye, daughter of a strange woman"; "Thomas, his mother sister of 
Thomas Tyer " ; " Honor, the mother one Isett, a poore woman" ; " Emanuel, son of a 
poure beggar," etc. 


son. The name of Elizabeth, daughter of Henry Row- 
cliffe, who (in 1646) married Joseph Maye, junr., Ralph's 
grandson, has been inserted among the baptisms of '26 
by her husband. The names of the ** quality " — after 
1600, when the registers are no longer transcripts — are 
generally in a bolder hand ; this is more marked, how- 
ever, in our next book. In 1623, under date of July 28th, 
we have among the Funerals Radulphus Maye, Vicarius, 
in very large letters. Among the first entries in English 
is the marriage (on March 13th, 1627) of Mr. John Sawell 
(Sawle) and Mrs. Mary Putt, which I cite as the first 
instance I have remarked of any ** Mr." or '* Mrs.*' In like 
manner the Johannes Sawell, whose burial took place on 
Sept. 7th, 1629, is distinguished as ** Gent," but this word 
was added by an afterthought. The burial of ** Oliverus Sawle 
gen " is recorded years before. The marriage of Josephus 
Maye, Clericus et Elizabetha Tamiking [TonkingJ, is recorded 
as taking place Jan. 17th, 1607 ; he succeeded his father as 
Vicar in 1621. By 1610 the Baptisms only average 32 per 
annum, and in 1629, when the book comes to an end, they 
are much the same. The mother's name is first given in 
1628 — ** Susanna filia Johis Carlian et Susannae uxor,'' and 
so forth. Now we pass to the 

Second Book, 

which begins in 1632 and goes down to 1695. On the back is 
the inscription, ** Registruin in Ecclesia parochiali,'' etc., much 
as before, save that there is no mention now of any copying 
or transcribing. Some one has rudely scribbled beneath it 
the names of the three Mayes who were Vicars here, giving 
as dates — Radulphus (1584-1614), Joseph (1614-1657), and 
Joseph Maye, junior (1660-1678). The second date is certainly 


incorrect, as Joseph Maye was instituted in 1621, two years 
before his father's death. Nor can the date 1614 imply 
that he was de facto Vicar from that year, discharging his 
father's duties, for in 1616 we find him resident at St. Neot. 
The gaps in this volume are much greater — partly, no 
doubt, because of the troublous times.^ Between 1638-50, 
for example, only two years have any baptismal record, and 
the weddings of 1634-36 and 1652-60, and the funerals of 
'34-'36, '39 and '4i-'47 are also missing. This is partly, but 
only partly, accounted for by the fact that during the Common- 
wealth a civil registrar was appointed,* as appears from the 

1 The Register Book of Rotherby, Co. Leicester, under 1643-4, has the headings 
Bellum ! Bellum ! and in 1645, Bbllum ! Interruption ! Persecution ! At 
Maids Moreton, Bucks, in 1642, we read — " This year ... the worst of parliaments . . . 
iA€ register was hid, and for that reason is not absolutely perfect for divers years." 

3 On Jan. 3rd, 1644-5, ^ ^^^ *^**ys before laud's death, the Directory was substituted 

for the Prayer Book. It ordained that " a fair register book of velim " should be provided 

by each parish, in which the date o{ birth, as of baptism, should be entered. In 1653, on 

Aug. 24th, it was decided by Act of Parliament that all marriages were to be performed 

btrfore a Justice of the Peace — after Sept., 1654, banns were to be published by the 

Registrar, either in the Church or the nearest Market Place (on three successive Market 

days). Sometimes the same banns were called partly in Church and partly in the Market 

Place (this plan was more expeditious), as appears from the following entry at St. Columb — 

"26 July [1654]. Robert James and Maud George had banns published first in the 

Markett Place, 13 July; the second tyme in the Church, 16 July ; the third tyme in the 

Markett Place. 20 July." In the same register we read—*' 18 Sep. [1654]. Willm. Beaffbrd 

of this parish and Alice Hearle of Cuby . . . were married by Richard Carter Esq." To 

this was subsequently added, "In the time of the Rebellion and were fully maryed by the 

minister the loth day of September 1656"— i.r., nearly two years later. There is another 

entry under Dec. 20lh, 1656— " Mar. by William Orchard, maior of Bodmyn." By '57 

these civil marriages were evidently falling into contempt, and none are found after 

July 20th, but we often meet instead, " Mar. by Thomas Travcrs, clerk." Moreover, all 

clergy were to give up their register books to laymen, who were to be called the " parish 

registers." They were empowered to charge I2d. for every publication of banns or entry 

of marriage and 4d. for each entry of birth or burial. Such lay " registers " were to be 

chosen by the parishioners, but sworn and approved before the local magistrates. The Act 

was only partially obeyed. One Vicar records — " None in this parish were bedded before 

ihey were solemnly wedded in the Church." Yet the celebration of marriage according to 

the Prayer Book was made punishable by a fine of £$. Marshall, however, who had a great 

hand in compiling the Directory^ insisted on the use of the Prayer Book at his daughter's 

wedding and paid the fine. Any form of ceremony at funerals the Directory forbade (Waters). 


following note in our book at the year 1653 — "The Names 
which follow until January 1661 were transcribed from the 
booke of him who was a sworn Registrar appointed by 
the cheife of the parish and approved by John Kendall, 
justice of the peace, the 4th day of November, 1655,"^ from 
which it also appears that two full years elapsed — I take 
Nov., 1655, to be the date of appointment, not of copying — 
before our parish was provided with its new official, whose 
name has passed into oblivion. It was not always so. At 
Loughborough, for example, the Act was no sooner passed 
than it was brought into operation, as appears from the 
following extract — ** 1653 Nov. 7. Mar. W™- Batson and 
Eli2th. Wheatcrafte had their intention of marriage published 
3 severall lord's dayes . . . and were maryed before W™- 
Danvers Esquire, Justice of the peace." At St. Columb, 
too, a **Regester" was promptly elected, and ** approved and 
sworne by Richard Carter Esq.,'* and he began a new book 
on Jan. ist, 1653-4. From this date, down to Oct., 1660, 
**was borne'' is substituted for "baptized" in the Register 
of Baptisms. The baptisms here are in no little confusion, 
as the following Note shows — ** The names of those who 
were baptized in the rest of the year 1554 were lost or not 
registered." So were all the rest down to April, 1571. In 

1 Waters, p. 14, gives the following extract from the Register of Iselham, Cambs., 
1653-4—" Edmund Shilling look the oaths, being chosen to be Presbyter"! He further 
mentions (p. 18) that when the parish clergy recovered possession of the Registers, their 
first act, in many cases, was to record their contempt for the intruding ministers ! The 
Register of Elswick, Northd.. contains this Memorandum — " That maryinge by Justices, 
election of Registers by the parishioners and the use of ruling elders first came into fashion 
in the times of the rebellion <ind that monstre of nature and bloudy tyrant, Oliver Crom> 
well." An oft-quoted extract from the Register of Kibworth, Leics., may be given here. 
" A.D. 1641. Know all men that the reason why little or nothing is registered from the 
year 1641 to the year 1649 was the Civil Wars between King Charles and his Parliament, 
which put all into a confusion till then, and neither minister nor people could quietly stay 
at home for one party or the other." 


1597 we read, " The following were not registered by the 
Curate w^^ did baptize them." At Madron the Act appears 
to have been almost inoperative — certainly it was as far as 
marriages were concerned : probably the parish was too remote 
to trouble about such things. Births, however, are substituted 
for baptisms from Nov. i6th, 1653, to 1661. But the parish 
of Paul, which is equally remote, duly appointed a Registrar, 
as this entry proves — ** Wee whose names are subscribed doe 
think W™- Badcock to bee a fitt man for our p'rish to be 
regrstrar and wee desire your approbation in it." This is 
followed by, '* Sworne and allowed by P. Ceeley, Jn. Daniell." 
From '61, however, onwards, our entries are made with 
exemplary regularity — those of that year are signed by "Jos. 
Maye, Vicar," and are in his handwriting, as they are down 
to the end of 1673-4. The death, not burial, of his father is 
recorded on Oct. 6th, 1657 ; probably he was buried away 
from St. Austell. Before we pass on, however, to the days of 
the Restoration, one word more must be said as to these Civil 
Marriages. Here is one which was subsequently entered in our 
book — ** Nicholas Carne, gentleman and Mrs. Mary Rescorla 
were married the 27th daye of Maye, 1656 by Richard Carter, 
Justice of the Peace, as by his certificate appears." ^ In the 
Book of St. Nicholas Aeons, London, as elsewhere, they 
occupy a formidable amount of space. Sometimes the pre- 
sence of a minister is mentioned in this volume as well as the 
Justice of the Peace. In fact, after 1656, when the declaration 
was omitted which invalidated all marriages not made before 
a magistrate,^ it became a common practice for marriages to 
be celebrated by minister and mayor. Here is a Cornish case 

1 This Richard Carter of St. Columb did a steady business in marriages. His name 
frequently appears in the St. Cohimb Book. 

* Waters, p. 16. 



in point : it is from the Register of St. Mary Magdalene, 
Launceston ; the date 1657-8 — "Jan 5, were married by 
Nich. Gennis, gent, and Maior of this Towne and also by 
Mr. William Oliver, Minister of this Towne, Thomas Roberts 
of the p'ish of Lifton and Eliz*** Glanville . . . Their Banes 
beeing by me pub^- three severall Lord's dayes without contra- 
diction."^ But the most extraordinary publication of banns 
that I have met with is found in the Register of St. Nicholas 
Aeons, already referred to — ** These are to certify that publica- 
tion and entenshun of Marridge was made by Nichloas Elles, 
Citty cryer, on 29 Aprele and 3 and 8 May, between me, 
Thomas Bonfoye and me, Lettes Barker." Fancy the banns 
being called by the bellman ! I suppose he always published 
those of the Market Place. In this Church, people of any 
parish were married, irrespective of residence ; the mention of 
parishes only dates from 1618. So they were at Holy Cross, 
Canterbury, and many other places ; we find some traces of a 
similar license at St. Austell.* From Marriages we pass to 
Funerals. In 1688 — the year of the Revolution — we have the 
first express mention of Burials in Woollen, which had been 
enjoined by an Act of Parliament of twenty-two years before ; 
the idea was, of course, to encourage the woollen manufacture.^ 
At the end of '79, however, there is evidence that the Act was 
in force, for we find this " Memorand." at the foot of the 
funerals — " There was no affidavit made for Peter the son of 
Stephen Dadow, as I have already certified, according to the 

1 Waters, p. i6. 

> ** Out of 110 couples who were joined in wedlock in St. Peter's Church, Canterbury, 
during these four years (1641-4), no less than one hundred came from places outside 
Canterbury," Meadows Cowper. 

* As senseless a proceeding, as someone has observed, as if the legislature, in order to 
benefit the fanner, had enjoined that no one should be buried without a sack of flour on 
the coffin. 


Act. Charles Tremayne." The Act of *66 had prescribed 
that the vesture of the dead, even to " the quilling round the 
inside of the coffin and the ligature round the feet of the 
corpse," should be " of woollen only." But this statute was 
inoperative — who was to know whether its injunctions had 
been obeyed or not ? It was accordingly strengthened in 
1678, and in this way : the clergy were now required to enter 
in the register that affidavits had been brought them, within 
eight days after the funeral, that the Act had been complied 
with. So that it presently became the practice for the parish 
clerk to cry out, whilst the funeral cortege still stood round the 
grave, ** Who makes affidavit ? " ^ We have no difficulty, 
consequently, in understanding Mr. Tremayne's remark, and 
there is, I fear, little doubt that poor Peter Dadow had 
not been properly habited for his long sleep, and possibly 
his friends had to pay the fine imposed in such cases — 
jf5, which was applied to the use of the poor.* How- 
ever, if this was a defiance of the law, it was not the only 
one in our parish of which we have a record. No affidavit was 
made respecting Emblyn Bennett in 1680 ; in '81 there were 
two such cases ; the same in '82 ; after '89 we read no more 
of affidavits during Mr. Tremayne's incumbency * ; at the end 

1 Waters, p. 20. 

3 If the Dadows violated the Act, others did the same. Mrs. Oldfield, the celebrated 
actress, according to the testimony of her maid, Elizabeth Saunders, was charmingly 
attired in a very fine head-dress of Brussels lace, a holland shift, and a pair of kid 
gloves, with a winding sheet of fine linen (Waters, p. 12) — a brave array, which called 
forth Pope's oft-quoted lines — 

" 'Odious ! in woollen ! 't would a Saint provoke,* 
(Were the last words that poor Narcissa spoke) : 
'No, let a charming chintz and Brussels lace 
Wrap my cold limbs and shade my lifeless face ; 
One would not sure be frighted when one's dead, 
And — Betty — give this cheek a little red.'" 

3 At St. Oswald's, Durham, in 1678, is an entry, " Mrs. Faith Buck, spinster, bur. 
^ut not in wjollen*\' and at St. Mary-lc-Bow the same year " Christopher Bell, gent, 
was lap^d in linen, contrary to the late act." (Ckron. MirahJ 


of '95 he was himself laid to rest — beneath the Holy Table 
in the Church — in his woollen shroud. I may mention here 
that one of our volumes, of a later date (1767-1811), consists 
exclusively of copies of the Burial Registers, made in order 
to be submitted to the magistrates to receive their counter- 
signature. The form may be worth citing. " Cornwall to 
wit ! Seen and allowed by us, three of his Majesty's Justices 
of the Peace for the said county, this of 


Sometimes the book was submitted to the Bench at Meva- 
gissey ; sometimes the magistrates met at Portmellin of all 
places. The Justices who signed the most frequently were 
Mr. Fortescue — his large, bold signature is a sight to 
behold — Mr. H. Hawkins Tremayne, Mr. Joseph Sawle, and 
Mr. Thomas Graham, but the names of Francis Gregor, 
Wm. Gregor, Jeremiah Trist, and Edward Collins also appear 
occasionally. These later copies are generally attested by 
** R. Hennah, Vicar," once or twice by ** Richard Hennah, 
Junr., Curate." It is perhaps worth observing that for 
** woollen " is sometimes substituted " sheeps woollen only^'* 
which may suggest to us that shoddy was not even then 
unknown. ** Woollen " is spelt with the usual unconstrained 
freedom — sometimes it is "woolen," sometimes "wooling," 
sometimes " wollen." In 1808 burials in linen attract our 
attention. The letter P opposite certain names leads to the 
conclusion that special arrangements were made for paupers.* 
But we have wandered away from our Second Register Book* 
In the blank space provided for entering the weddings of 1639 
— which was never done — Mr. Joseph Maye, fils, has favoured 

1 By 8 and 9 William III., cap. 30, sect. 2. it was enacted that every person receiving 
public alms should wear a badge — in the shape of a large Roman P— on the shoulder 
of the right sleeve, cut either in red or blue cloth. Meadows Cow per, p. 27. In the 
Wenhaston Account Book we find this entry in 1718— " Item, p^ for two Badges for the 
Poor, IS." At St. Columb paupers* funerals were charged half fees. 


^s with the dates and particulars of his own marriages, the 
iirst of which — to Elizabeth Rowcliffe — took place "in the 
city of Exon," in 1643 : her funeral is recorded under June 
19th, 1663 ; the second — to Ann Bourne, widow — at Stoke 
Damerel, in Jan., 1663-4, ^^^ seven months after poor Eliza- 
beth was laid to rest. He has also utilized a void space after 
the baptisms of 1651 to record the names of his eight children 
by his first wife, the proverbial parson's quiverful, most of 
which, he tells us, are to be found in the Registers of Winck- 
leigh, Devon. He has also preserved the names of his five 
step-children, the offspring of Mr. Edmond Bourne ; four of 
them, he tells us, were born " att Pendennis Castle," and the 
register tells of three more which the widow Bourne bore 
to him. Towards the end of the volume, a page is devoted 
to the 

PuBLi^)UE Collections in the P'ishe of St. Austell. 

The first entry tells of ** ffower and twentie shillings and Two- 
pence for and towards the brieffe for repairinge the losses 
happened by fire in the towne called Piddletrent-head [Puddle 
Trenthide] in Dorsett ... on the seacond of Maye 1654." 
These ** Briefs," it may be explained, were royal mandates^ for 
collections in Churches, and were issued, for the most part, 
after some great loss or calamity. Collections were formerly 
so much under governmental control that it was ordered in 
1648 that no collections should be made in Churches save such 
as were issued under the Great Seal under direction of both 
Houses of Parliament — which suggests abuses ; perhaps there 
had been collections in some shape for the Royalist cause. 
After the Restoration, owing, it may be, to the ravages wrought 

1 At the Reformation the royal warrant took the place of the Papal letter. Bewes, 
Church Briefs, 


by the war, such appeals became very numerous.^ So much 
so that Pepys writes (June 20th, 1661), " The trade in briefs 
is now come up to so constant a course every Sunday 
that we resolve to give no more to them."^ I am afraid 
a good many people all over the country must have been 
much of this mind, for the sums collected were, in many 
cases, ridiculously small. Zincke,^ speaking of Wherstead, 
observes that " the liberality of some of the collections is 
remarkable, but still more so is the exiguity of others.'* 
The same remark may be made of our St. Austell collections. 
By far the largest sum — £3 : 13 : 01 — was that collected on 
Oct. loth, 1666, after the great ** ffyre in London " — a really 
creditable amount, especially as an additional sum of lis. 2d. 
was contributed by St. Blazey. Equally remarkable is £1 : 19 : 9 
given to ** Richard Paschow of this parish." Nor, considering 
the prodigious difference between the values of money then and 
now, is 13s. ** towardes the brieflfe for flfakenham in Norfolke '* 
to be at all despised, or los. " for the towne of Great Drayton 
in the countye of Salop," or 14s. lod. **for the Cittye of Oxford," 
or 8s. " for the towne of Byllingbrooke in Lincolne," or " nyne 
shillings and seavenpence for the Church and tower of Rippon '* 
— still less is 20s. lod. given to " Robert Body of St. Just," 

J In one of these I have a sort of personal interest. The " Old Church " of Pontefract, 
of which I was once Vicar, was reduced to a ruin during the siege of Pontefract Castle — 
it was besieged thrice between 1643 and 1647. After the Restoration, in 1661, a Brief was 
issued on its behalf, and some ;^i,50o was collected. A part was intercepted somehow, 
and the remainder was applied to build the Chapel of St. Giles. So the " Old Church," 
for which nlone the money was collected, got nothing. Nor was this a solitary case. The 
leakage was often prodigious ; to issue Briefs cost much money. One in 2709, for eX'^ 
ample, for the rebuilding of a Church at Colchester (estimated damage by fire ;f6,ooo), 
realized ;f 1,595, ^"^ ^^^ e.xpenses were £$^6. Bcwes. 

2 Waters, p. 80. There were three Briefs at St. Austell in April, 1699, and three in 
January, 1 700-1. 

» Wherstedd, p. in. He says that sixpence was collected for the sufferers at Dover, 
and wonders how it can have been transmitted. 



but 5s. for " David Longe in the Countye of Wilts " is not 
exactly a munificent contribution, nor was 3s. 6d. ** for the 
poore of Mevagissey " — perhaps the latter were too near neigh- 
bours to be very popular. But we shall hear more about these 
Briefs later on.^ The baptisms at the time when this book 
ends (1695) averaged 67 per annuftty which suggests that the 
population then approached 2,000. About this time, too, on 
an average, one illegitimate child is registered annually — there 
must surely be a mistake somewhere * ; in 1695 there were four, 
and one pair of twins. Passing to the 

Third Book, 

I remark in 1699 three entries of " twains '* out of 76 births. In 
1705 we have an entry by Mr. Hugoe in singularly outspoken 
language — ** Edward, ye base child of Mary Varcoe, a notorious, 
impudent, brazen-fac'd whore, Jan 21." In 1729 the baptisms 
amount to 93, but some of the names are those of St. Blazey 
people : in 1736 there were twelve from that parish, and in '39 
there were thirteen. In 1741 it is observable that ten of those 
baptized were the children of soldiers, whilst in 1740, out of 
nineteen marriages, four were of soldiers — details which point 
to a military force somewhere in the parish : what there was 
to account for its presence I cannot say ; in 1744 the young 
Pretender threatened us with invasion, and in '45 he nearly 
succeeded. Almost all the marriages are made between 
parishioners or persons in adjoining parishes : there was not 
much coming and going in those days. In 1698, however, out 
of nine weddings, four were celebrated at St. Mewan — can our 
Church have then been closed, and if so, why ? The popula- 

1 p. 202. 

2 Waters remarks, as does Meadows Cowper. that entries of baptisms and burials were 
sometimes omitted where no fee w.ns paid. Hence the number of bastards and foundlings 
is uncertain. But see p. 183. 


tion of the place about the middle of this century must have 
been about 2,200, for the baptisms average some 88 per annum. 
All the entries in this book (with a few exceptions) down to 
1729 are in the hand of Stephen Hugoe, Vicar, and they 
appear to have been made with much greater regularity than 
formerly. But this is only what we find elsewhere, and the 
reason, no doubt, is that in 1695 the clergy were required to 
keep a register of all births, whether the children were baptized 
or not, under a penalty of £100.^ Add to this that in 1783 a 
duty of threepence was made payable on the registration of 
every marriage, baptism, birth or burial, from Oct. ist,^ and we 
can readily understand why the later registers are so much 
better kept than the earlier. At Gainsford, in 1653, we find 
this sad plaint — ** Courteous reader, this is to let thee under- 
stand that many children were left unrecorded or unredges- 
tered, but the reason and cause was this ... to save a Groate 
from the poor Clarke." From 1729, however, for the next 
thirteen years, the entries were not made by Mr. Hugoe, after 
which his handwriting reappears until '47, when it disappears 
finally, though he did not die until '57. The marriage of 
Mr. Stephen Hugo, Clark, and Mrs. Elizabeth Tremayne is 
recorded on Dec. 7th, 1696, the year of his appointment, 
and just one year after the death of her first husband. In 
1746 we have two lists of marriages — his and somebody 
else's, perhaps the parish clerk's — and the variations in 
the spelling of the names are very suggestive. Where 
the clergyman wrote " Pearce, Lob, Edevean, Hammer, 
Warn, Pascoe, Runnals, Easterbrooke, Redruth," the clerk 

1 Waters. 

^Zincke, Wherstead^ p. 102. Waters says that some clergy readily entered the 
baptisms, etc., of Dissenting ministers, because of the fee. Such entries in this county, 
however, must have been extremely rare. When Defoe came to Cornwall he found only 
four Meeting Houses. 




gives us " Peaxse, Lobb, Edyvean, Hamer, Warne, Pasco, 
Runals, Easterbrook, Redrewth." I say " suggestive," because 
it is often supposed that the Smiths and Smythes, Clarks 
and Clarkes, Courteneys and Courtenays, Jocelyns and Joslins, 
Vivians and Vyvyans, Hamonds and Hammonds, etc., etc., 
represent so many different stocks ; what they do represent 
is, in most cases, the arbitrariness of the scribe or the illiteracy 
of the parish clerk, of which latter I shall give a few specimens 
presently.^ In 1708 there was an epidemic of some kind — 
Mr. Hugoe remarked at the time that there were 76 "burialls," 
and again in 1730, when there were 124 deaths : 57 in the 
three summer months. This Vicar was the first to give 
{though not always) the mother s name as well as the father's 
in the Baptismal Register, as, for example, " Nicholas, y^ son 
of Robert Robins, by Dorothy his wife.'' The Burial Registers 
of this book frequently have a C or Ch in the margin opposite 
certain names — I first observe it in the second book in 1677 — 
it indicates burial in the Church.^ In 1700 is the first mention 
— also in the margin — of the ** Quakers' Burying place " : Ruth 
White was " buryed " there on Jan. 29th, and there are eight 
such entries within the next few years. These were not all 
St. Austell people, however, Mevagissey, Lostwithiel, Probus, 
St. Dennis and St. Erme each contributing one or more.^ In 

1 The noble name of "Cecil" has for its original "Siisill," and appears at different 
limes as Sice//, SeycU, Seise/, and Cici/, 

*-* See p. 93. 

^ As I have occasion to mention St. Ernie, I cannot forbear a reference to the strange 
story which Polwhele has culled from its register. This is the entry, under 1699. 
** Francis Carthcw. minister of St. Ernie, died one night and revived the next morning, 
by the operation of the Mighty God and now records this truth. He was not put into a 
coffin, but died in his bed. And unless thou believes that God can rise the dead. He will 
damn thee for ever." He also records that when I^dy Mount Edgcumbe was buried, 
about 1748. the butler came to the vault to possess himself of her rings. As he was busy 
about his work, the corpse stirred, whereupon he fied in affright, leaving the lantern 
behind him. The lady, he adds, arose and proceeded to the mansion. 


1715 one such burial is incorporated into the text} The public 
collections recorded in this book do not conduce to an exalted 
estimate of Parson Hugoe's persuasiveness or popularity : 
certainly they did not yield magnificent results. For Heavi- 
tree Church, destroyed by fire, there was contributed 5s. 6d.> 
though the loss was estimated at jfggi- For Dursley Church, 
which had sustained damage to the amount of ;f 1,995, 3s- 6d. 
was subscribed ; for Orford Church, Suffolk, which it would 
cost ;fi,450 to repair, the amount collected was 2s. yA. But 
these sums appear to be almost substantial, compared with 
8id. for Southam Church, which had sustained injury to the 
estimated amount of ;f 4,454 15s., and 7id.^ towards the loss 
by fire in ** Charles Street, Middlesex " ; one cannot help 
conjecturing how much the combined offerings of the Vicar 
and the two Churchwardens contributed towards such heroic 
totals. The largest amount collected during this period 
was £2 : 2 : 4i " for the redemption of poor captives . . • 
under the Emperor of Fez and Morocco, being over 300 
persons" — this was in Jan., 1700.^ It is very observable 
how the thought of Englishmen in durance vile and in Moslem 
hands appealed to the generous sympathies of our countrymen. 

1 One is thankful to find that our Vicars and Clerks have abstained from all spiteful 
reference to such interments, for this has not always been the case. At Knipton, in i665» 
the register tells how " Cecily Grosse, an Anabaptist, yc wife of J. Grosse, Oatroeal-maOr 
was Anabaptistically buried" But this is mild compared with these entries in the book 
of Toddington. Beds. "1725. Bernard Stoniford, hurled into a grave," and, "1728; 
Mary Shaw, widow, hurled into ye ground." It does not strike us as the way to win 

* Waters, p. 80, cites some similar collections elsewhere. At Stock Harward, in X707» 
towards a brief for Towcester, which had lost ;f 1,057 by fire, was given ^Jd., and the 
next year 7d. was contributed towards a loss by fire of ;f 31,770 at Lisbum. Towards this 
latter object St. Austell contributed ;f i : o : la 

^ In 1670 was gathered at Whcrstead " the just sum of forty shillings and twopence 
towards the redemption of the poore captives in Turkey." " Fifteen years before, BUke 
had taught the Algerines to respect the English flag, but without putting an end to their 
piracies." Zincke, VVkersteadt p. 11 1. 


The collections for this object were equally large elsewhere. 
At Scraptoft, Co. Leicester, on July 28th, 1679, £1 : 11 : 3 
was contributed to redeem one captive, "Thomas, son of 
Mr. Owsley, Rector of Gloosten, taken by the Algerines," and 
at Weedon Beck, Northants, on August 9th, 1680, £1 8s. was 
collected " for the redemption of Christians (taken by y^ 
Turkish pyrates) out of Turkish slavery." ^ We can hardly 
realize in these days what a terror the " unspeakable Turk '' 
has been to Europe, or how long his corsairs ravaged its 
seas. But to return. In 1710 there were five collections, 
which yielded altogether the sum of i8s. 6Jd., after which 
Mr. Hugoe would seem to have despaired of his parishioners 
(as perhaps they did of him), for we hear of no further 
charitable appeals. The 

Fourth Book, 

is of parchment, but only extends from 1752 to 1766, during 
most of which period the Rev. Walter Harte was Vicar. It 
is quite likely that he never saw the registers, for he was Canon 
of Windsor and much about the Court — I daresay he seldom 
appeared at St. Austell after his induction^; anyhow, the 
registers are in the same uneducated writing as in the last 
years of Mr. Hugoe's reign, and this vile character continues 
until the accession of Mr. Hennah in 1775. The spelling is 
sometimes agonizing — we have " Henery, Florance, Patiance, 

1 These entries are given in Waters, p. 80. 

> A story is told of a pluralist Vicar and Dean of Burian, near the Land's End, who 
took it into his head to visit for oi\ce his remote parish, and condescended to relieve the 
Curate by preaching the morning sermon. He was afterwards introduced to one of the 

Churchwardens, who was so overjoyed that he ran to fetch his colleague. " Mr. ," 

he cried, " this is our Vicar ! " whereupon both stared at him as if he were a Hottentot. 
As soon as they had somewhat recovered, they expressed their great pleasure at making 
his acquaintance, and then stammered out, as was only proper, a compliment — they said 
he had "given them an excellent sermon." "So it ought to be," he replied, " I paid 
three guineas for it ! " 


Jeney, Margeret, Tamesin, Fancy [Fanny], Samvel, Sarle, 
Jeremyah, Burlace, Uague [Vague], Widdow," etc., etc.* 
In one place and in one line he boldly supplies two versions of 
the same name for us to choose from — ** Jenepher Hammer, the 
child of An Hamer " : we are reminded of Mr. Billings, who 
^* didn't take no count of people who couldn't spell a word 
more'n one way."'^ In the year 1752 there is a break, or a 
new page is begun, owing to the adoption of the " New Style " 
in that year, when the 3rd of September became the 14th.* In 
1753 we notice another change : the years now run from 
January to December, instead of from March 25th to March 
25th. With the 

Fifth Book (1767-1812), 

which roughly coincides with Mr. Hennah's incumbency, our 
study of these records must, for the present at least, conclude. 
These later volumes cannot, of course, have the same interest 
as the earlier ; still, their testimony is not to be despised. 
This book shows, for example, that at the beginning of the 
century the population had touched 3,000, for the baptisms 
now average 119 per annum. It tells us, again, that illegitimacy 
had increased at a still greater rate, and that notwithstanding 
the religious revival which had made such a deep impression 
on this county. Mr. Hawker, of Morwenstow, used to say — 
I think most unjustly — that Wesley persuaded the people to 
change their sins. They little know Wesley who write such 
words as these. Had he affirmed that the result of that 

1 Someone would almost seem to have expostulated with him about " Widdow," for in 
later enti ies it is spelt correctly. 

* In the Registers of St. Nicholas Aeons, as, I daresay, in hundreds of other parishes, 
we have similar xtiriations, almost if not altogether in the same line. Here is one 
instance—*' jtxms Jl«:k*im, the sonne of jams^M«'^iit and margret his wife.'* 

'lite change encountered much opposition. "Gix-e us txack our eleven days!** 
became a political cry. It was quite as sensible as many other such cries. 


preaching was in many cases that they merely did change 
' them, I should be disposed to agree with him ; that is the 
result of much of our preaching. In 1797 there were six such 
births entered, in 1798 sevetty in 1799 nine. It also shows how 
epidemics still ravaged our parishes. In 1777,^ out of 44 deaths 
in November and December, 34 were from small-pox ^ — which 
is indicated by the letters S. P. in the margin. Double Christian 
names, even down to 1812, are almost unknown, and our sweet 
British and Anglo-Saxon appellations, our Arthurs and Ediths 
and Winifreds, are conspicuous by their absence.^ 

I should like, in concluding this part of my task, to express 
the pious wish that our earlier registers may some day be 
published in extensOj as those of some other parishes have been. 
To the descendants of our old families they must be replete 
with interest, just as they are full of information to the careful 
and discerning reader. Nor do I think their publication un- 
desirable because these old records, as the reader will have 
observed, use great plainness of speech and call a spade a 
spade. I have had to quote some observations which are not 
exactly delicate, according to modern ideas, but then we have 
not yet arrived at an expurgated Bible. 

1 Canterbury had a similar visitation of small-pox in 1783, and the deaths from that 
disease are similarly marked. That, too, was the year of the severe frost, which lasted 
for eight weeks. 

' The Rector of East Worlington wrote in 1726 — '* The small-pox is so very hot and 
mortal at Barnstaple that the major part of my parish that intend to be confirmed are 
afraid to appear at his Lordship*s visitation there, as I am also myself." Reynolds, p. 409. 

3 Jenefer is common enough. And this is a corruption of Guinevere. 



EXT to our own Registers and the " Account Booke " 
of the Twelve Men, we learn more about our fore- 
fathers from the archives preserved in the District 
Registry at Bodmin than from any other quarter. For there 


we find not only copies of the last wills and testaments of our 
more substantial parishioners/ but the "presentments" of our 
Churchwardens tendered from time to time at the Court of the 
Archdeacon of Cornwall. I cannot pretend to have explored 
this mine — at least, to any depth — but I think a few particulars, 
gathered from the surface, may be of interest to their descend- 
ants and others. It will suffice if I set down two columns — 
the first two — of the Probate Register, which merely gives the 
name of the testator, and records the day, month and year 
when the will was proven, or when letters of administration 
were taken out. The " I. ex." in the margin stands for Inventory 
exhibited : in cases of intestacy a full account had to be given 
of the goods and estate of the deceased. ** T. p." represents 
Testament proven, I only reproduce here the Ts and T's. 
These wills begin with April, 1570. After the first three 
■entries, I give the dates in modern dress. 

** Thom«- Carlyan, dec^ xxij** Aprilis, 1570 

Eliz***- Getchat „ xxviij® Julii 1570 

I William Minor „ xj° Junii 1570 



T John Sincoke dec^ 

March 13, 


T Sampson Remfra „ 

It 29, 


I John Killegrin „ 

»» »» 


T J no. Barrett 

April 20 


I Martin Powell 

May 10 


I Robert Chailie 

'» »» 


I Richard Lyodye 

>» »t 


T Thom«- Carlighan 

«i »» 


T Henry Lee 

Aug. I 


T John Clements 

Jan. 14 


T Henry Bealbery 

Feb. 13 


T Germain Julian 

March 4 


T Richard Sawll 

„ 11 


T Thomas Carlyan * 

May 10 


I Richard Ingram 

Oct. 9 



T Uoger Terell 

March 20, 


T John Rescorla 

July 20 


T William Opie 

May 10 


T John Gomowe 

Nov. 20 


T Robert Peres 

Dec. 21 


I John Vivyan 

April 4 


T Richard Ingram * 

May 10 


T Pascoe Julian 

»» »» 


T Philipp Sherme 

Dec. 12 


T William Bearden 

May 16 


T Richard Moyll 

July 28 





T William Carlyan 

May II 


T Thomas Callard 

June 23 


T Thomas Coler 



I Pascoe Bond 

Nov. II 


I John Darke 

Jan. 8 


T Thomas CoUynge 

« 15 


T John Harrison 

July 27 


I Thomas Lanworthie 

April 24 


1 Possibly a second grant. 




John Clemence 

Sept. 3 



John Laa 

.. 27 



Thomas Hoskinge 

May 4 



Joanna Avrean 

July 30 



John Cam 

Jan. II 



John John 

March 24 



John Farell 

June 9 



Stephen Tredinham 

Nov. 13 



Thomas Triscott 

June 19 



John Cole 

May 10 



Richard Richards 

Oct. 4 



William Braye 

Nov. 8 



Edward Knight 

Dec. 4 



John Vyvian 

Feb. 14 



Alice Terrell 

March 13 




.» 15 



April 15 



»» »j 


Constance Collins 

May 13 


William M inhere 

June 12 


John Erode 

ff ft 


It would only weary the reader were I to continue these lists. 
I may add, however, that among the names between 1588 and 
1602 are the following — Margarete Goomo, John Treganowen, 
John Moile, Thomas Hodge, Wm. Opie, Cosegarn, Robyns, 
Soper, Hugh, Burnard, Dadowe, I vie, Pascoty, Cocke, 
Peres, Salaman Nancollas, Richard Sawll, Jagoe, Rowatt, 
Rowse, Hawkin, Congdon, Body, Tonkin, Treleaven, Wool- 
cock, Honny and May, nearly all of which are found here 

The Archidiaconal archives entitled the *' Causes of Office " 
are not, as a rule, vet}' pleasant reading. They are for the 
most part complaints of immorality. Here are a few samples, 
all of them pertaining to our parish. 


" Parish of 
St. Austell, 

We the Churchwardens of the aforesaid Parish at the 
Archdeacon's Court held at Truro, the twenty-fifth day of 
April, 1769, present John Harford for being the reputed Father of a Base 
child by Mary Vercoe, otherwise Varcar, of our said parish. And we 
hereby certifie that we have no other presentments to make 

Sami Hodge, 
Jacob Borlase." 

The following is of an earlier date, viz., 1747 — 

'* We present Richard Hancock of our said Parish for being the reputed 
ffather of a Base child by Elizabeth Hancock, his own brother's widow, 
and for cohabiting with the said Elizabeth Hancock under a pretence of 
being lawfully marryed to her the said Elizabeth Hancock. 

Sam^' Hendy. 
Richd. Williams." 

Similar indictments are brought, in 1770 against "John 
Phillips of the parish of Roach, yeoman," and " Jane Cock of 
our said parish '* ; against William Pearce of Mevagissey and 
Ann Mills of St. Austell — this was in '68 ; against John Leach 
and Mary Cornelious in '73 ; against John Harding and Eliza- 
beth Row in '79 — the Churchwardens at this time were Saml. 
Hendy (he seems to have been a jealous guardian of our 
morals) and Oliver NancoUas ; against Peter Hammer and 
Essabella Dallen in 1780, in which year they also presented 
Margery Barons and Mary Woolcock, each "for having a 
Base child by a Person to us unknown." There are also many 
presentments "ffor antenuptial fornication" — among them 
Radulphus Maye in 1707 — and some for non-payment of 
ecclesiastical dues.^ In 1742 we come across a faint gleam of 
humour. Hugh Hewett and John Tallack, the Churchwardens 
for the time being, " doe hereby p'sent two of our Bells for 
being broken." 

1 On Jan. nth. 1665, " Sybella Prout, of Lanceston, was presented by John Ruddle the 
minister, for refusing to cohabit with her own husband, and for railing against the Bishops.' 




|HOUGH our sacred vessels cannot boast of any great 
antiquity — " the examples of pre- Reformation art 
now left in England are very few " ^ — yet our two 
silver-gilt chalices, and possibly our flagons, are deserving of a 
brief inspection. These chalices are not indeed, as has some- 
times been supposed, of a great age ; still, they go back to the 
days of good Queen Bess, and that is something. No doubt 
they make a poor show, put them all together, in comparison 
with that which our Church had once to exhibit. " It is 
difficult," says Mr. Wilfrid Cripps, **to realize' the splendour 
of the display that met the eye as one entered a great Cathedral 
or a wealthy Parish Church in the third century before the 
Reformation." ^ But most of these disappeared at the time 
of the Reformation — many of them were altogether unsuited 
to the Reformed ritual. Some — perhaps the majority — were 
sold by the parishioners, the amounts they yielded being 
expended in altering and adapting the Churches ; some were 

1 Cripps, Oid English Plate, p. 174. 

^ The Archbishops, and Dotably Wiochelsey in 1305 and Simon in 1368, required a long 
list of articles to be provided and maintained Even as late as 1553, St. Olave's, Soutll* 
wark. possessed 1063 oz. of silver, and a Norwich Church about the same time 8570s. ; 
and this after the king had laid his rapacious hand on so many treasures of the ChurdL 
Cripps, p. 176. 


Stolen, if we may trust the Churchwardens' Accounts^; some 
devoted to secular purposes, " over 3^200 worth of plate 
belonging to the Churches of the City of Exeter being applied 
to the use of making the canal " ^ ; whilst at St. Gluvias 3^20, 
which they had in hand from the sale of jewels, was devoted to 
building a Market House in Penryn.^ Some were confiscated 
by the Crown — it was in the last year of Edward VI. that his 
commissioners attached what was left ; they left to each parish, 
however, " one, two, or more chalices or cuppes." * What our 
Church possessed at the time of this commission (1552) may be 
seen above on p. 120, note. Everything has disappeared. Perhaps 
we cannot wonder at it, for the old chalices were never designed 
for the " communion of the blood of Christ " ; they were meant 
for a mutilated Sacrament, one in which the cup is denied to 
the lay people. And so they went their way; they were reckoned 
among the " monuments of superstition " ; they were replaced 
by cups both longer and larger. And in Cornwall and through- 
out the West this change was made about 1576 or '77, whilst 
every village far and near was provided with its " fair and 
comely communion cup " by 1580.** And with this date agree 
the hall-marks still discernible on our much-worn chalices : they 
show, too, that these are of London make, not Exeter, as we 
might have expected,® and that they were stamped in 1573-4. 

1 An extraordinary number of losses by thieves are mentioned in these records, 
especially between 1547 and 1553. Cripps suggests that this was the quietest way of 
accounting for the missing articles. 

» Reynolds, p. 184. » State Papers— Domestic, 1601-3, p. 398. 

< In the Visitation of 1559 we find inquiries about *' prophane cuppes, bowles, dishes," 
etc. Cripps, p. 180. 

^ Cripps. p. 182. He adds that Grindal, who was then Archbishop of York, in 1571 
required the clergy to minister the Eucharist in a communion cup of silver, with a cover 
of silver for the bread. 

^ The Norwich and Exeter goldsmiths had patterns of their own, and the latter 
produced especially handsome vessels, many of them richly gilt or parcel gilt. Cripps, 
p. 208, who gives a drawing of a chalice, in shape and engraving very much like ours. 


It has also been inferred from a bead which runs round 
them, not far from the rim, that they were constructed to 
sustain a cover ; probably they had covers, which were used 
as patens, each of them fitted with a foot, which served 
as a handle to the cover, but I question whether they 
rested on this bead-line. Of our other vessels the oldest is 
a flagon, on the front of which are engraved the arms of the 
Hexts, with the inscription. Ex dono Samuelis Hext, gen., 1708. 
As we find the interment of " Sam^ Hext, gent.," amongst 
those of 1706, I conclude that this vessel was bought by a 
sum bequeathed by him, or was provided at his request. 
Next in point of time comes a paten, which has in its 
centre a mule, the crest of the Moyles. The hall-mark 
shows that it was stamped in 1718-ig, but it also bears 
the date 1719 below the crest, to the left of which are 
the letters M. M., and on the right E. M. — " Mrs. Emlyn 
Moyle's " burial (in the Church) is among those of the 
preceding year. Another paten, similar in size and shape, 
is emblazoned with the arms of the Sawles ; it was given in 
1752 (the hall-mark is that of 1722), but what the letters A on 
the one side of the escutcheon and B on the other mean, I 
cannot be certain — Anne Sawle had married the Rev. Jas. 
Beauford, Rector of Lanteglos, earlier in the century, and it 
may be her gift. The large silver dish with a foot comes, like 
the rest, from the London assay office, and its date is pro- 
claimed by the hall-mark to be 1731. We have two more 
flagons — one devoid of any inscription, but of the date of 1722 ; 
the other, the largest of the three, bears this legend — " The 
gift of Mary Sawle, late of Totnes, widow, dec<^-, to the Church 
Service of St. Austle, Cornwall, by her last will, 1754." I take 
this to be the widow of John Sawle (son and heir of Joseph 
Sawle by Amy Trevanion), who was born in 1695 and died 


without living issue in 1715 — ^their only child, Trevanion Sawle, 
died in Jan., 1714-15. Mary Sawle's maiden name does not 
seem to be known, but she was a cousin of the Carews of 
Antony.^ A former Vicar used to display all three flagons on 
the Holy Table at every celebration, which unfortunately 
suggested to some the idea of a sideboard. None of them, 
however, were then used for the purpose to which they had 
all been consecrated, but one of the number served to conceal 
a black bottle, from which the wine was poured direct into 
the chalice. Thanks to the Church revival, nous avons change 
tout fa. 

It is significant that all these gifts to the Church were made 
during Mr. Hewgoe's incumbency, perhaps the very deadest 
period of English Church history. It seems strange that an 
age which contributed collections of a few pence to charitable 
objects should nevertheless evoke so many and such substantial 
offerings. But it not unfrequently happens that men who have 
been indifferent to religion during life try, " when dying," to 

" put on the weeds of Dominic, 
Or as Franciscans think to pass disguised," 

and it must also be remembered that such offerings flatter and 
gratify the giver : they keep his memory green, and men speak 
well of him, whilst only God knows what goes into the bag. 
And " the Kadi," says the Eastern proverb, is near, *' and 
God is a long way off." 

1 Vivian, yisUaiions of Cornwall, p. 419. 



ROM the Church and its contents, its Plate and its 

Registers, it is a natural transition to pass to the 

Vicars and Priests who have at different times 

officiated therein. I say "Vicars and Priests^'' because, as 

already stated, for over two centuries — from 1300 to 1520 — 

there was a Chantry, a Chapel in the Churchyard, with its 

separate clergy and ministrations, though associated with and 

forming part of the Parish Church. And I owe, and I think 

St. Austell owes, a great debt of gratitude to Prebendary 

Hingeston- Randolph, Rector of Ringmore, who, with a 

singular industry and patience, has compiled for us from the 

Exeter Registers complete lists of the clergy instituted to these 

two benefices. These lists I shall now give, in his own words,^ 

and I shall then ask the reader to join me in a brief study of 

their contents, and shall tell him what is known about my 



(From the Episcopal Registers — a.d. 1257 '^ '^ present time,) 

(i) John Noreys, priest, instituted 4 Aug., 1259 ; Patrons (throughout« 

till the Dissolution), the Prior and Convent of Tywardreath. 

(Register Bronescombe, fol. 66.) 

1 The Notes I am responsible for, and for a few additions to the text indicated by the 
letter H. When I speak of these lists as "complete," I mean complete as far as the 
Registers show. There were, certainly, earlier Vicars, and there may have been one or 
two later ones of whom we have no record. 


(2) Sir Robert, a chaplain, instituted 12 March, 1280. (Ibid, foL 956.) 

(3) Nicholas de Podeforde, deacon (to be ordained priest at the next 

Ember Season), collated by lapse 8 April, 1284, on account of the 
negligence of the Prior and Convent. (Register Quivil, fol. 124.) 
The Taxation of Pope Nicholas IV. was made in 1288- 1291, and 
shews that the annual value of the Rectory was then ;^io 13s. 4d., 
Tenths — £1 is. 4d. ; and that of the Vicarage £2. The Benefice 
became void 14 July, 13 10, and 

(4) Sir Randulph de Rossydenet, priest, was instituted, 31 Aug. 

following. (Register Stapeldon, fol. 54 b,) It again became void 
II Aug., 1323, and 

(5) Roger Dollynge, deacon, was instituted, 17 Oct. following. {Ibid^ 

fol. 181.) The next Vicar was 

(6) Sir Laurence de Carnbygan, whose institution is not recorded ; 

but on his death 

(7) Sir Robert de Tresodorne, priest, was instituted, 26 April, 1362.* 

(Register Grandisson, iii., fol. 142.) He exchanged for the 
Rectory of Botusfleming with 

(8) Sir John Kylmynanthe,* who was instituted 15 Dec, 1377 ; Patron, 

King Edward III., in consequence of the war with France, 
Tywardreath being an alien Priory. (Register Brantingham, 
ii., fol. 506.) On whose death 

(9) John Juyl,* chaplain, succeeded, 2 April, 1391 ; Patron, still the 

King, now Richard II. {Ibid, fol. 121 6.) On whose death 
(10) Vivian Codan, chaplain, was instituted, 11 Dec, 1414; Patron, King 
Henry V., for the same reason as before. (Register Stafford, 
ii., fol. 162 6.) The next Vicar was 

1 In 1371-2 the Vicar of St. Austell was appointed Penitentiary for the Deanery of 
Powder. (Register Brantingham, vol. i., fol. i8,) 

3 John Kylmynant was ordained deacon by the Archbishop of Canterbury in his Chapel 
at Hieme on April i6th, 1351. ad titulum Prioriset Conventus Lancestonie ^r Dimissorias* 
(Register Islepe, fol. 311.) His presentation to this Vicarage is found recorded in a Patent 
Roll of the date of Dec. 14th, 1377. 

3 Preb. Hingeston- Randolph informs me that John Jul, Vicar of St Austell, was one 
of six persons who were handed over to the secular arm by the Bishop for contumacy on 
Jan. 4th, 1398-9. Among the others were the Rector of St. Mewan and the Chaplain of 
Carhayes, also a layman of Veryan bearing the name of John Symon Montfort ; the double 
Christian name at this date is remarkable. Register 0/ Bishop Stafford , p. 60, Note a. 


(ii) Sir William Codan, chaplain, who was instituted, on Vivian Codan^s 
resignation, 26 Feb., 1445-6. (Register Lacy, ii., fol. 220.) From 
this time the Priory again presents continuously. On whose death 

(12) Sir Luke Philippe, chaplain, was instituted, i Jan., 1448-9. {Ibid^ 

fol. 240 6.) The next Vicar was 

(13) Master Robert Aiscoghe, whose institution is not recorded. He 

resigned 17 Aug., 1467, and 

(14) Sir Thomas Denys, chaplain, was instituted on the 21st of the same 

month. (Register Bothe, fol. 9.) He was succeeded by 

(15) Sir Richard Marke, whose institution is not recorded ; but on his 


(16) Master William Ewryn, chaplain, was instituted, 18 Oct., 1500. 

(Register Redmayne, fol. 176.) He was succeeded by 

(17) Master Peter Lygham, Doctor of Decrees, whose institution is not 

recorded ; but on his resignation 

(18) Robert Tregunwell, M.A., was instituted, 14 April, 1522. (Register 

Vesey, fol. 11b,) [He made the return for the Valor Eulesiasticus 
in 1536, when the Vicarage was valued at ;£'2i per annum ; 
Tenths, £2 2S.] On whose death 

(19) William Harrywatts, priest, was instituted, 21 June, 1543. (Ibid, 

fol. nob.) [His name appears in the Composition Book under 
the date of July 2, 1543. H.] On his death 

(20) Master Nicholas Nicholls, M.A., was instituted 29 Oct., 1547 » 

Patron, King Edward VL (Ibid, fol. 127.) His successor [in 
the ** Vicaria de Austell et Blasy "] was 

(21) Sir John Bridgewater, priest, who was instituted 2 April, 1550; 

Patron, the same. (Ibid, fol. 136.) He was succeeded by 

(22) Hamund Hansert, who was instituted 9 March, 1556-7 ; Patrons, 

Philip and Mary. (Register Turberville, fol. 15.) His successor in 
the Vicarage, which is described as '* certo modo vacantem," was 

(23) Robert Bracher, S. S. Bacc, instituted 24 July, 1563 ; Patron, 

Queen Elizabeth. (Register Alley, fol. 826.) On whose death 

(24) John Bisshoppe, clerk, was instituted, 9 July, 1571 ; Patron, the same. 

(Register Bradbridge, fol. 2.) He was succeeded by 

(25) Daniel Nayland. As his name appears in the Composition Book, 

there can be no doubt that he was instituted before 30 April, 1574* 
the date of his composition. [H.] 


(26) Ralph May, clerk, who was instituted 28 July, 1584 ; Patron, the same. 

(Register Woolton, ii., fol. 18. Woolton was then acting as Com- 
missary of the Archbp.) On whose resignation ^ was instituted 

(27) Joseph May, M.A., clerk, i June, 1621 ; Patron, King James I. 

(Register Cotton, fol. 115.) During the Rebellion there were, of 
course, no Episcopal Registers. In Walker's Sufferings of tlu 
Clergy y May is described as Vicar of St. Neot and also of 
St. Austell — " He was succeeded in one of the Livings, on the 
Sequestration, by one Bond ; but the Plague happening to come 
into the Parish some time after. Bond fled, and got to Maugan- 
Meneage, another sequestred Living in this County. Upon 
which Mr. May assumes the care of the Parish, and continued 
to discharge all the Offices of it throughout the whole time of the 
Sickness ; during which the Plague came not nigh his Dwelling, 
so as to enter. For though it raged all about him, yet not one 
of his Family had it. As soon as the sickness was over, Mr. 
May was again turned out ; but whether by Bond, or by 
Mr. Machin, whom I find at St. Neot during some part of the 
confusions, or by another Person,' I know not. He hath a 
Sermon extant, called Epaphras" (Page 305.) The next Vicar was 

(28) William Upcott, intruded during the Commonwealth period.* [H.] 

He was displaced by 

1 He did not die until 1623. The interment of " Radulphus May, Vicarius," is 
recorded in our Register as taking place on July 28th of that year. 

* I am able, in part at least, to supply Walker's lack of information. For after a long 
and fruitless search, I at last discovered in the Lambeth Registers [See Note 2, p. 30] 
that William Upcott was intruded as Vicar of St. Austell into Maye's place. But whether 
he succeeded Bond or Bond him, or whether Bond was ever here at all, or when Upcott 
became minister, it is impossible to determine. All that the Register yields is this — 
The Place. The p'son Sume 

St. Austell W» Upcott 80 : o : o ye profitts 

Not even the date of his appointment is recorded. The Composition Book contains only 
twelve names for the whole of the Commonwealth period, and of these Upcott's name is 
not one. His Vicariate is mentioned by Hals, who was a connection of his — Arcades 

< At Folkestone, the register marks the reign of the intruding clergy very conspicuously, 
thus — 

In the time of the usurper 
William Russell and John Baker. 


(2Cf} Joseph Maye, Junior, clerk. The See of Eseter was void, and 
consequently Maye. on his presentation by King Charles II., was 
instituted by Archbishop Jozoo. 17 Aog.. 1660. 1 J axon's Register* 
fol. 24.) 
[Job Weale, clerk 'see p. 222*.] His institution is not recorded in 
the Exeter registers. Soon after his death 

(30) Charles Treuaine, clerk, was instituted, 26 Sept., 1675. (New Series, 

vol. ii., p. 45. j His Patron was King Charles II. On his death 

(31) Stephen Hewgoe, clerk. B..\., succeeded, 11 April, 1696; Patron, 

William III. (N. S.. vol. iv., p. 17.) He was Vicar for 62 years, 
and on his death 

(32) Walter Harte, clerk, M.A., was instituted, 15 .April, 1758; Patron, 

George II. (N. S., vol. viii., p. 68.) On whose death 
iSi) Richard Hennah, clerk, B.A., was instituted, 28 March, 1775 ; 
Patron, George III. iN. S.. vol. ix., p. 103.) On whose death 

(34) Thomas Scott Smyth, clerk, M..A., was instituted, 31 May, 1815 ; 

Patron, the same. (N. S., vol. xi., p. 75.) On whose resignation 

(35) Fortescue Todd, clerk, LL.B., was instituted, 4 Oct., 1838; Patron, 

Queen Victoria. (N. S., vol. xii., p. 134.) On whose death 

(36) Joseph Hammond, clerk, B.A. and of Laws, was instituted, 7 Oct., 

1881 ; Patron, the same. (Truro Book, vol. i., p. 37.) 



Copy of the Royal License, from the Patent Roll, 29 Edw. I., ra. 

** Rex omnibus, etc. Licet de communi consilio Regni nostri, etc., per 
finem, etc., coram Venerabili Patre, Waltero, Coventrensi et Lichefeldensi 
Episcopo, Thesaurario nostro, concessimus, etc., Magistro Philippo de 
Sancto Austolo, Archidiacono Wintonie, quod ipse unum mesuagium et 
trcs ferlingatas terrc, cum pertinenciis, in Menkudul dare possit et assig- 
nare tribus Capellanis, Divina pro anima ejusdem Philippi, in Capella 
Sancti Michaelis in Villa de Sancto Austolo constructa, singulis diebos 
cclcbraturis . . . imperpetuum." (28 June, 1301.) 

Wardens. The first Warden was 

(i) Sir John de Trenansvedeke ; on whose death, which occurred 
20 May, 1319, 


(2) Sir Ralph de Retyn, priest, was institated, 7 June following ; 

Patrons, the Prior and Convent of Tywardreath. (Register 
Stapeldon, fol. 141 6.) His successor [Retyn having become 
Vicar of Treneglos, 8 June, 1322 {Ibidf fol. 176 6.], 

(3) Sir Henry de Treverbvn, priest, was collated by lapse, 12 March, 

1322-3. (Ibid, fol. 1746.) He exchanged Benefices with 

(4) John Bray, priest. Vicar of Fowey, who was instituted 5 Aug., 1336 ; 

Patrons, the Prior and Convent of Tywardreath. (Register 
Grandisson, iii., fol. 35.) He exchanged Benefices with 

(5) Sir John de Trewythosa,* " Primarius Ecclesie Collegiate de Suth- 

mallynge,*' who was instituted 4 Aug., 1340 ; Patrons, the same. 
{Ibidy fol. 43.) His successor [no doubt he fell a victim to ** the 
Black Death "] was 

(6) Sir John Pa yon, priest, who was collated by lapse, 12 Oct., 1349, to 

the ** Perpetua Cantaria Capelle Beati Michaelis, in ala dextera 
Ecclesie Sancti Austoli situate." [This is very interesting as 
shewing the position of this Chantry Chapel : the Chancel and 
its aisles are of good early fourteenth century work.] (Ibid, 
fol. 87.) His successor was 

(7) Sir Robert de Nywenham, priest, who was instituted 25 Aug., 1360; 

Patron, King Edward HI., " racione Prioratus de Tywardrathe 
existentis in manu sua, occasione guerre inter ipsum Regem et 
adversaries suos Francie mote . . . salvo jure cujuscumque " ; 
Witnesses, Masters Benedict de Pastone, Nicholas de Braibroke, 
and Roger Inkepenne. (Ibidy fol. 121.) He was succeeded by 

(8) Laurence Boskeveleke, priest, who was collated by lapse 15 Feb., 

1364-5. {Ibid, fol. 151 6.) On the resignation of Sir Laurence 
Boscofelde (sic), 

(9) Sir John Stephyn, priest, succeeded (by exchange for his Vicarage 

of Lanlivery), 25 Jan., 1370-1 ; Patron, the same. (Register 
Brantingham, ii., fol. 11.) Stephyn exchanged, for the Vicarage 
of Bently, Diocese of London, with 
(10) Sir Philip Rogers, who was instituted 5 Nov., 1376; Patron, the 
same. (Ibid, fol. 45 b,) He exchanged for the Rectory of Gren- 
don-Underwood, Diocese of Lincoln, with 

^ In Z334 a Simon de Trewythosa was informer in a case of assault at St. Keveroe. 
CaUndar of Close Rolls. 

230 0\'R riCARS. 

ill} SiJb Teckas WcTBcriJcr- wb^ w»s z ar. :,:fd r- ApdL 1577 ; Piitroo, 
the liarr^, /r-ii. fc^ x*. H« exchanged ibc the RecCocy of 
WhbcalL Dvxtse of Liacfx^.. vtsh 

^12; John i^e Miicstsetobce. chaplafr.. vbo was issdnzted 27 June, 1377; 
PaxroQ. the same. -isii. foL 50. « He liere caDed John Spenser 
de Mistretoiie' exchanged for the Rectory o£ St. yaxy Magda- 
lene. Widlev. Diocese of Winchester. «ith 

(13) Hesky Pace.- who was institxitcd S May. 137S; Patron, still, the 

King, because of the war with France. (/fiJ. foL 51 6.) Sir 
Henr\- Pake tsuf * exchanged for the Rectofy of St. Leonards, 
Beaoinont 'Belmont. MS.~. Diocese of London, with 

(14) Sir Richasd Whitefote.' who was instituted i April, 1379; Patron, 

still, the King. (IbU, fol. 56:.) On whose death 
(15; Sir Henry Stontone, chaplain, was instituted, 14 Aug., 1381 ; 
Patron, as before, the King. (I bid, fol. 676.) He exchanged 
for the Vicarage of Hutton. Diocese of London, with 

(16) William Markowe, who was instituted 10 Feb., 1400-1 ; Patrons, 

the Prior and Convent. (Register Stafford, ii. 526.) His suc- 
cessor was 

(17) John Soor, chaplain, who was instituted 20 Oct., 1408 ; Patron, 

King Henry IV., because of the war with France (as above). 
He exchanged for the Deanery of the Collegiate Church of 
St- Crantock with 

1 The presentation of Henry Pace, p>arson of the Church of St. Mary \f agdalene. Wyde- 
lefi^h, is recorded in a Patent Roll dated May ist, 1378— the 6rst year of Richard II. — and 
that of Whitrfote. who succeeded him. in a Roll of March i6th, 1379. It will be observed 
that six of the Chantry priests in succession came or went by reason of an exchange, and 
that within ten years. 

« •• Pace" (so described in the Roll of '38) is called '* Pak" in that of '39. 

* From an extract from the Register of Bishop Brantingham (Vol. i., foL 84^), also 
kindly supplied m« by Preb. Hingeston- Randolph, it appears that the fruits of the Rectory 
of St. ( lether r/ CapelU seu Cantarie sue apud Sanctum Ausiolum were sequestrated 
during Whitfote's incumbency (in 1380). I give a pait of the mandate. *'Adnostrani 
audienciam est deductum quod Ricardus VVhitfote, Rector Ecclesie Parochialis Sancti 
Cledri in Cornubia, predicte nostre Diocesis, plures defectus notabiles tarn in Canoello 
Ecclesie predicte et Capelle Sancti Michaelis in Cimiterio Ecclesie Sancti Austoli, ejusdem 
nostre iJiocesis, prefate Ecclesie Sancti Cledri annexe, quam in doniibus et claustiris 
rjusdem [eisdem?] Rectorie et Capelle psrtinentibus, sua negligencia et incuria, dimittit 
notoric incorrectos. Nee Ecclesie aut Capelle prefatis officiat ut tenetur, sed ab eis, 
nbs(iue nostra Licencia et causa racionabili, in grave anime sue periculura, se absentat'* 


(i8) Thomas Hendeman, chaplain, S. T. P., who was instituted 25 Feb., 
i409«io ; Patron, the King. {Ibid, fol. 108 b,) Hendeman was 
Rector of Sampford - Courtenay, 1403-1410; Archdeacon of 
Exeter, 1409-1416; Vicar of St. Winnow, 1411-1412; of Wide- 
combe-in-the-Moor, Aug. to Oct., 1412 ; Rector of Farway, 1412- 
141 5 ; he was instituted to St. Mabyn in 141 5, and collated to 
the Chancellorship of the Cathedral in 141 6, when he resigned 
his Archdeaconry.^ On whose resignation 

(19) John Suttone, chaplain, LL.B., was instituted, 22 Aug., 141 1 ; 

Patron, the same. On Suttone*s resignation 

(20) Sir John Alet, chaplain, was instituted, 19 April, 1449; Patrons, 

the Prior and Convent. (Register Lacy, ii., fol. 243.) On whose 

(21) Sir John Crane, chaplain, was instituted, 26 April, 1454 ; Patrons, 

the same. {Ibid, fol. 2806.) On whose death 

(22) Sir Stephen Hall, chaplain, was instituted, 20 May, 1477 ; 

Patrons, the same. (Register Bothe, etc., fol. 41.) His suc- 
cessor was 

(23) Sir Ralph Edward, whose institution is not recorded ; but on his 


(24) Sir Richard Higowe was instituted, 3 June, 1495 ; Patrons, the 

same. {Ibid, fol. 171.) On his death or resignation — we are not 
told which — the Benefice was suffered to lapse to the Bishop, 
who admitted in commcndam 

(25) Sir Vincent Colman (for six months), 18 Jan., 1502-3, afterwards 


(26) Master Thomas Wyse ; on whose resignation 

(27) Sir Vincent Colman, chaplain, was instituted, 15 April, 1506. 

(Register Arundell, fol. 3, and Register Oldham, fol. 76.) On 
Colman's death 

(28) Sir Thomas Alway, chaplain, was instituted, 3 Feb., 1519-20. 

(Register Vesey, fol. 2.) He seems to have held the Chantry 
till the Dissolution, as there is no record of any subsequent 

1 It may be worth mentioning that Hendeman was admitted to his Canonry by 
Rob. Rigge. the well-known Chancellor, in the absence of the Dean. Reynolds, 
Ancieni Diocese cf Exeter ^ p. 47. 


The Chantry was a substantial Benefice and well endowed. 
It was quite distinct from the Vicarage. The Rectory of 
St. Clether was appropriated to its Wardens, who presented 
the Vicars of that parish. 

Before I comment on these lists, there is one incumbency 
about which I am not clear ; indeed, I am in much perplexity. 
It is that of Job Weale. That he was sometime Vicar is 
distinctly implied in the Diocesan Registers, though these 
same records contain no mention whatsoever of his institu- 
tion. Still, they state explicitly that Charles Tremaine was 
instituted as Vicar of St. Austell on Sept. 26th, 1675, the 
vacancy being occasioned ** by the death of Job Weale, the last 
vicar thereof." But where does he come in ? When did his 
incumbency begin ? It has been suggested that he was an 
intruder, and in favour of this view it may be mentioned that 
he was apparently intruded into the Vicarage of St. Minver 
when William Drake (who had been instituted on May 14th, 
1644) was sequestrated (Walker, Sufferings, p. 229). This 
piece of information I owe to Preb. Hingeston- Randolph, who 
has pursued Mr. Weale throughout his career with untiring 
energy. He finds that he was the son of John Weale, who 
was instituted as Vicar of St. Minver on Sept. 24th, 1624. 
To Weale pere succeeded Wm. Drake mentioned above, who 
was ousted, as we have already remarked, by Weale yj/s. The 
latter conformed in 1662 — he rather reminds one of the Vicar 
of Bray — and in that year signed the St. Minver Register as 
'* minister." He had been ordained, I should have observed — 
this I discovered accidentally — by Bishop Gauden on Jan. 13th, 
1660-1, along with some twenty others, deacon and priest in 
one day. But his ordination only secured his position at 
St. Minver, and at St. Minver he resided, at least for the most 
part, to the time of his decease. He was baptized there, as 



the register shows, on July 17th, 1633. He married Mary 
Hammett, Nov. 19th, 1661. Their daughter Judith was 
baptized Jan. 13th, 1662-3, a-nd their son John on May 
17th, 1664, both at St. Minver. There he was buried 
on May i6th, 1675, and there his widow was laid to rest 
in 1682. It is clear, accordingly, that St. Minver, and 
not St. Austell, was his home. But it is equally clear 
that he could have been Vicar of St. Austell only for a 
few weeks before his death. For Joseph Maye, the younger, 
was instituted by Archbishop Juxon, the See of Exeter being 
then vacant, on August 17th, 1660, and from that time 
to the day of his death he acted as Vicar. He it was who 
kept the Registers down to March 22nd, 1673-4, and no doubt 
performed the marriages, baptisms, and burials which they 
record : we find his " Jos Maye, vie. ibm," as regularly as 
clockwork at the foot of each page. And his ** buriall " is 
entered as having taken place on March 30th, 1675, not seven 
weeksy that is to say, before Job Weale's funeral. Preb. 
Hingeston-Randolph suggests that the latter may have been 
appointed by the Crown and admitted by the Bishop in the 
course of this brief period, but to me that appears to be, I 
will not say quite impossible, but most improbable. I rather 
incline to suspect an error in the Register, which is the less 
to be wondered at, inasmuch as on Sept. 21st, 1675, Edward 
Cornish was instituted Vicar of St. Minver on the death of 
Job Weak, only five days before Charles Tremayne was 
instituted to St. Austell ** on the death of Job Weale." I 
think the second mention of Weale's decease may have been 
made per incuriam — the scribe may have been misled by the 
former entry. This is why I have retained Weale's name on 
the list within brackets, but do not count him amongst my 


Such, then, have been the spiritual pastors and teachers of 
St. Austell for many a long year. Now let us see what we 
know, or can infer, about them. 

I imagine that the first remark which every casual reader 
would make is one which a lady of my acquaintance ingenuously 
did make, namely, what a very gratifying number of our earlier 
Vicars, etc., were of gentle birth — were, in fact, knights or 
baronets. It may therefore be well if I explain, for the sake 
of the uninitiated, that the title " Sir " is only the equivalent 
of dofftinuSy and merely means a member of the University 
who is not yet a " Master " (Magister arttum). So that it 
rather points to inferiority, to one as yet in statu pufnUari, 
than to dignity. The old records often tell of Sir This or 
Sir That having leave of absence that he might proceed to 
his Master's degree. The " Masters " in our lists ranked 
higher than the " Sirs." 

The next point which requires notice is the word *' Chap- 
lain." It must not be supposed that the ** Chaplains " were 
not ** Priests " ; they were all in Priests' Orders ; had they not 
been such they could not have officiated either at the parish 
altar or at St. Michael's. ** The capellani " — I quote Preb. 
Hingeston-Randdlph — ** were a body of men found in every 
diocese, many of them, practically, unattached and always 
available for special work. For instance, when, as was too 
frequently the case, an acolyte or a deacon, or even a youth 
who had only received the First Tonsure, was instituted to a 
benefice, and then allowed, by license, to go up to Oxford to 
keep his terms, a Chaplain was sent to the parish as, in fact, 
Curate-in-charge, the Bishop assigning him a sufficient salary 
out of the income of the living. A somewhat similar body 
of clergy, only much fewer in number, is found in some 
dioceses now." 

• OUR VICARS. 225 

I next observe that, leaving out this dubious Weale, our 
parish has had, since its records of institutions first began, and 
presuming that the lists are complete, 36 Vicars in 640 years, 
which gives an average incumbency of 17 J years. I also 
observe that the post-Reformation Vicars have enjoyed by far 
the longest tenure of office. This is not to be wondered at when 
it is remembered that married and family men, having ** given 
hostages to fortune," cannot move about as easily as celibates 
— hence there are fewer exchanges — and also that Anglican 
Bishops of to-day cannot exactly say to their clergy, as Roman 
prelates boast that they do, " March ! " and they march. Still, 
the disproportion is more marked than might have been 
exj)ected. For whilst the first 300 years (1259-1559) exhibit a 
succession of 20 parish priests, with an average incumbency of 
15 years each, the last 300 (1581-1881) have witnessed only 10 
Vicars — I exclude myself and my time — who have therefore 
held office on the average for 30 years each. Whether such 
long incumbencies are for the good of the parish may perhaps 
be doubted — one is inclined to speculate whether some of our 
septuagenarian Vicars may not have ** possessed every virtue 
except resignation " — but the fact remains, and I think it is as 
well to call attention to it. 

But what were these men like ? what manner of persons 
were they ? what have they accomplished ? Alas ! of the 
pre- Reformation Vicars we know absolutely nothing. We 
have their names, nominis umbra, each one of them, but 
that is all. Some of them, we can see, were Cornishmen ; 
others, as certainly, were not. We cannot say positively 
which of them witnessed the building of the Nave or the 
Tower ; nor do the frequent changes teach us anything 
as to their attitude towards the Reformation. It certainly 
looks as if 


Hamund Hansert 
could not accept the Elizabethan settlement ; he was appointed 
in Mary's reign, and a few years later (in 1563) his benefice is 
described as " certo modo vacantem." Four of our Vicars were 
appointed by Queen Elizabeth, and the last of these, 

Ralph Maye, 

is the first of whom we know anything definite. We have his 
signature in our registers ; he was Vicar when the parchment 
book was bought and the entries on paper were copied into it, 
and his name, " R. may, vicar," as already mentioned, appears 
at the foot of the first page. Apparently he, or some member 
of his family, was not altogether satisfied with the cop)ring 
(though it is infinitely superior to the later entries made during 
his incumbency), as the names of six of his children — ^Jo§eph, 
afterwards Vicar (born in April, 1585), Peter (March, '86-7), 
Grace (July gth, '92), Robert (Oct., '95), Alice (June ist, 1600), 
and Margaret (June, 1603), as well as that of Elizabeth, 
daughter of John Tonking (Aug., 1589), who subsequently 
married Joseph May — have been roughly renewed in darker 
ink ; possibly that very ink for which the old man, as we shall 
see in the next chapter, had a receipt. And that same chapter 
will also enable us to form some idea of his character — I may 
say here that the impression the " Tythes Book" gives me is that 
of a shrewd, keen, resolute, but just and kindly man, perhaps, 
if anything, more concerned about the fleece than the flock.* 

1 This allegation rests on documentary evidence. For whilst the '* Tythes Book" sbows 
him 10 have kept an exact and minute account of all tithes, mortuaries, oblations, etc, 
due to him, it also shows him to have been careless or unbusinesslike as to the registration 
or his ministerial acts. Here is a case in point. Among the sums due and received, at 
the beginning of the book, we find this note — "Thomas Lamy et Jone Pooley weare 
married the vj^ of November. 1600." This wedding was never entered in the Marriage 
Register. Again, later on. we find a list of " St. Austell Christenings 162a" This 
certainly was embodied in the Baptismal Register, but with considerable variations. But 
no one can possibly praise Parson Maye for his care of the Registers, and that is all we 
have whereby to judge of his discharge of his duties. 


But the reader will hear of its contents, and can then form 

his own opinion. I think it likely that he was a St. Austell 

man — Mayes were plentiful at that period — and it is said that 

some of his descendants abide amongst us unto this day. One 

of his progeny, a Ralph Maye like himself, was no great credit 

to the name, as we have already gathered from the Bodmin 

Records.^ However, he judged our Israel for 37 years, and 

was then laid to rest in our Church or Churchyard, but no 

man knoweth of his sepulchre : possibly his dust has been 

carted through our streets — ** Imperial Caesar, dead and turned 

to clay," experienced no better fate. It has been stated by 

Hitchins and Drew that a stone commemorating the Maye 

family (of which they speak as ** extinct ") once existed in our 

Church — a ** large thick slate, in which much labour of the 

chisel appears." They go on to say that ** of late years it 

has been laid in the floor," with its devices and inscriptions 

exposed to the scraping feet of those who walked our aisles — 

sic transit gloria mundi ! Anyhow, it has now disappeared, and 

no wonder. Of 

Joseph Maye, 

who stepped into his father's shoes in 162 1 — two years before 
the old Vicar's death (our second Register Book mistakenly 
dates his Vicariate from 1614) — we know comparatively little, 
but everything that we know is in his favour. The testimony 
of Walker has already been cited,* and though we can allege 
nothing to prove it, it agrees with what we know of the 
man. That he was Vicar of St. Neot is not only proven 
by the Registers, but may be inferred from our own 
records, for after attesting his marriage — to a towns- 
woman, Elizabeth Tonking, on January 17th, 1607-8 — and 
the births of three children — Radulphus, Nicholas, and 

^ See page 209 above. * Page 217 above. 


Petrus — we find (on March 2nd, 1616-7) an addition in the 
handwriting of Joseph Maye, the younger : ** Joseph, son of 
Joseph Maye, was baptised at St. Neott's, March," etc. And 
we have an incidental testimony to his position and the esteem 
in which he was held in the petition of Robert Handcock and 
others, tinners, addressed to Secretary Windebank, about 1635. 
They state that they are forced to flee the country by reason of 
their debts, and they pray Mr. Secretary that Lord Robartes, 
Thomas Hearle, J. P., and Mr. May, " minister of St. Austell," 
be directed to call the creditors together, so that a reasonable 
time may be assigned them for the payment of their debts,^ 
But it is on his sermon Epaphras, a discourse which I have not 
had the advantage of perusing, that his reputation mainly rests. 
It was preached at St. Austell, " in commemoration of a bene- 
factor," on Feb. 2nd, 1639.^ The preacher is described as 
** Master of Arts and Pastour of that parish." It was not 
published until 1641 — then copies were " printed by T. H. for 
Humphry Robinson and are to be sold at the sign of the Three 
Pigeons in Paul's Churchyard." It was " Dedicated to his 
worthy friend and friendly benefactor, Mr. Richard Delamine, 
Servant to his Majesty in the practice of the mathematickes." 
It is also addressed ** To his beloved parishioners of St. Aus- 
tell" — two pages of Dedications and twenty-eight pages of 
Sermon.^ He died at the age of 72, on Oct. 6th, 1657. He 
was not buried in St. Austell,* which looks as if he were not 

1 Siaie Papers^Donusiic, Charles I. , 1635-6. They petitioned again to the same effect 
on Nov. 29th, 1639, and this time with success. 

^ In 1670, when our Account Booke begins, we find the parish possessed of a sum of 
;£ioo. I suggest that this was very likely the benefaction which evoked Mr. Maye*! 

* Biblioifuca Cornubiensis. I hope he found it a more profitable speculation than most 
divines who have yielded to the importunity of " beloved parishioners " and have published 
sermons have done. 

4 The register says he "died Oct. 6," etc. In all other cases the words are " was buried." 



resident there ; as if, in fact, he were extruded from his benefice 
at the time of his death. Now we come to 

William Upcott, 

who superseded Maye, whilst the Presbyterians and Indepen- 
dents were in power. Of him we know too much. We have 
a strange account of him in the pages of Besse's Abstract of 
the Sufferings of the People called Quakers.^ It would seem that 
his daughter Anne turned Quakeress — but I will give the story 
in Besse's own words. After observing that she was the 
** daughter of the parish priest/' who became convinced of 
the truth, separated herself from their way of worship and 
testified against their vain conversation, he proceeds : ** Her 
father and three brothers were exceedingly embittered against 
her and laid hold of any occasion to persecute her, a peculiar 
instance of which is as follows — In the month called October 
1658, on a First Day of the week, as she was putting on her 
clothes she found her waiste-coat tome and was mending it 
before she put it on, when one of her sisters came into the 
room, who, acquainting her brother the constable of it, he 
goes to a neighbouring justice and gets his warrant to bring 
her before him, who ordered that she should pay a fine of 5 
shillings for Sabbath-breaking and authorized her said brother 
either to levy the same upon her goods or to set her in the 
stocks. The spiteful brother took the rougher course, and in 
a time of much rain put her into the stocks, himself with his 
Father and Brothers placing themselves in a window hard by 
and from thence jeering and flouting at her, and encouraging 
the Boys and other Rabble to abuse her, insomuch that some 
of the sober neighbours wept to see their unnatural usage of 
her." A sad story, if true, and I fear there is no doubt of its 
substantial truth. It does not look as if Cromwell's " Committee 

1 Vol. i. (from 1650-1660), pp. 40, 41. 


of Triers " had mended matters in their quest for orthodoxy 
and their hatred of prelacy and the Prayer Book. Our 
Registers tell of the burial of this Spartan father, who was 
also Vicar of St. Clement's, near Truro — he is merely desig- 
nated as "Clerk" — on June 13th, 1665 ; no doubt his occupa- 
tion as Vicar was gone from the day of the younger Maye's 
institution. His strong-minded daughter, as we learn from 
other sources, further showed her independence by setting up 
a small linen draper's shop in the town. She subsequently 
married one Thomas Salthouse, who died in 1696, and was 
buried at the Tregongeeves Friends' Cemetery. We hear also 
of the family of Upcott from another quarter, even Hals' 
History. Speaking of St. Austell, he says, " In this parish 
was born Jonathan Upcott, son of George Upcott, gent, (by 
Mrs. May of High Cross Street) . . . son of William Upcott, 
clerk, sometime Vicar of this parish and St. Clements, by 
Anne, daughter of Sir Nicholas Hals." From which we 
gather, first, that the Vicar was connected by marriage with 
the historian — was, in fact, his cousin ; and secondly, that, 
though the Mayes and Upcott s may have been as hostile as 
the Montagus and Capulets, yet Cupid arranged a marriage 
between their young people. Jonathan Upcott, the fruit of 
this marriage, distinguished himself in Flanders by his bravery, 
and lost his life in a daring attempt to storm the enemy's camp 
at Enghien. Now we come to 

Joseph Maye, the Younger, 

who was born, as we have seen, at St. Neot in 1616-17, and 
married Elizabeth Rowcliffe, as he himself has recorded in 
our Register, in 1643-4. He was Vicar of Winkleigh, in 
Devon, from Dec. 22nd, 1643, till his cession in, or about, 
January, 1660- 1, his successor, Richard Baily, having been 


instituted on the 14th of that month ; but his first child, born in 
'45, was " borne att Exon "; it is just possible that the father 
was then serving a cure in that city. But the next six saw the 
light in the home at Winkleigh, only Katherine being born 
at St. Austell, February 25th, 1661-2. When she was barely 
sixteen months old, the mother was taken from this " large 
little family *' by death — her burial took place in June, 1663 : 
she did not long enjoy their preferment to St. Austell, which 
preferment had no doubt been bestowed on her husband in 
recognition of what his father had suffered at the hands of the 
Commonwealth. The care of this brood of children accounts, 
I daresay, for Mr. Maye's somewhat hasty marriage to Mrs. 
Bourne, who presently added three more to the number, apart 
from the five little Bournes who, it may be presumed, accom- 
panied her to her new home. On March 30th, 1675, at the 
age of 58, Mr. Maye was gathered to his fathers ; apparently, 
he did find a resting place amongst us. And this is literally 
all that we know of him ; let us hope that the gaps in our 
knowledge consist of 

"That best portion of a good man's life — 
His little, nameless, unremembered acts 
Of kindness and of love." 

He was succeeded by 

Charles Tremayne, 

the second son of Col. Lewis Tremayne, by Mary Carew, his 
wife. Born in 1650, he was entered at Cambridge in 1668, 
and there he remained until he took his Master's degree in '75, 
the year of his appointment to St. Austell. He was also 
Rector of Lansallos. He married (in 1685) Elizabeth, the 
youngest daughter of John Jago, of Truthan, St. Erme. Our 
register tells of I he baptism of " Lewis, son of Charles 


Trcmayne, clerk, on Nov. 22, 16S7 " ; of John, on Feb. 7th, 1688*9 
— in this entry the V^icar, we may observe in passing, spelt his 
name as Tremaine : so he did in registering the baptism of his 
son Charles on " Aprill i, 1690 " ; when William was baptized, 
on July iSth, '92, he has got down to "Tremain," and so he 
persists in writing it when recording William's burial on Sept. 
14th of the same year ; elsewhere he generally MTites Tremajne. 
He died at the age of 45, and on Dec. 2nd, '95, he was laid 
to rest beneath the altar of our Church.^ He is somewhat 
prominent in our registers in connexion with burials in wooUen, 
which were enforced by Act of Parliament in '78, three years 
after his appointment as Vicar. The Exeter registers tell of 
his giving a Title on Sept. 14th, 1686, to Mr. William Polking- 
horne, B.A., who was to officiate at St. Blazey. " I shall 
allow him thirty pound per ann., until such times as hee shall 
bee better provided for." * This is no reflection on Mr. 
Tremayne's generosity, as £30 then was as much as / 150 now ; 
the living of St. Austell was valued at ^fSo only in 1645, and 
as late as 1722 a labourer's wages were only is. per day. And 
in 1641 His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury only gave a 
salary of £'20 per annum to the Curate who served the Parish 
Church of Folkestone.^ Now we come to 

Stephen Hewgoe, 
or Hugoe,* who married Mr. Tremayne's widow on Dec. 7th, 

1 So I am informed by the present head of the family, Mr. Tremayne of Heligan, to 
whom I am also indebted for several of the particulars given above. I should like to 
remark, however, that there is no mention of this funeral in the Account Boake, but that 
may l>e Ix'causc no fee was paid— the parishioners had no control over the chancel. It ii 
recorded, of course, in the Register. * Reynolds, p. 342. 

* Woodward, p. 45. Macaulay. speaking of 1685. says. " A young Lcvite might be 
had for his boiird. a small garret, and ten pounds a year." Mr. Hugoe in 1600 gave 
his Curate, Sir Marlyn Pjirnall, £% per annum. 

^ In the earlier signatures at the foot of each page the Vicar signed his name as ** Hew- 
got\" In thirtet»n instances this has been subsequently altered to " Hugoe." After 1705 
it is always " Hugoe." 


1696, just a twelvemonth after her first husband's death.^ He 
is chiefly remarkable for his long tenure of office — he was Vicar 
for more than sixty years, though that his ** diamond jubilee " 
was observed with any great rejoicings it would be rash to 
affirm. Wesley, who always went to the Parish Church, and 
took his followers with him, heard Mr. Hugo officiate on 
Sunday, Sept. 25th, 1757, a few months before his death, and 
was much impressed, if not with the discourse, with the vigour 
and vitality of the aged Vicar. " The whole Church Service," 
he says, ** was performed by a clergyman above 90 years of 
age. His name is Stephen Hugo. He has been Vicar of 
St. Austell between sixty and seventy years." Then he 
characteristically adds, ** O, what might a man full of faith and 
zeal have done for God in such a course of time ! " I am 
afraid we must confess that " zeal " is not exactly the word 
we should associate with Parson Hugoe's name. I venture on 
this observation because of the attenuated amounts which his 
congregations — they must have been minute — contributed to 
charities.^ On one occasion, however, he had a gratifying 
announcement to make. It was on Aug. 4th, 1745 ; the 
Account Book informs us that on that day ** Mr. Hugo 
acquainted the persons present [the Vestry] that on the 29th 
of June last " he had found a sum of 3^21 within the pages of 
his Prayer Book, with a letter directing that half-a-guinea 
should be given to the Vicar, 9s. 6d. expended for bread 
and wine for the Holy Communion, and the balance "be 

1 Mrs. Hugoe died in 1725. and was interred (on Aug. ist) by the side of her first hus- 
band. She bequeathed 50s. to the poor of St. Austell and 30s. to the poor of St Blazey. 
Mr. Hugoe apparently married again— the ** Tythes Rook " was given to Mr. Harte in 
1758 by a Mrs. Hugoe— but who the lady of his choice was, or when they were wedded, I 
have not been able to ascertain. The first Mrs. Hugoe bore her husband one son, 
William, who was baptized July loth, 1699. 

*See p. 2oa above. 


paid into the hands of the twelve men who shall be 
Churchwardens and Overseers of the Poor," to form an 
endowment to meet a similar expenditure year by year. 
During his incumbency, I ought also to say, dead as were 
those days, the bells were recast (in 1747), and the gallery 
was erected (in '52). In 1757, the year before Mr. Hugo's 
death, Mr. J. Carlyon acquainted the Vestry that he had 
received from the Rev. Mr. Trewbody twenty guineas, to be 
paid to the Churchwardens — see how one good deed provokes 
another — and to be put out at interest ; half-a-guinea to be 
paid to the Vicar for preaching a sermon on the Holy 
Communion on the Sunday after Midsummer Day, and a 
like sum to be set apart for purchasing the bread and wine 
for the Sacrament then to be administered. I regjret to say 
that both these charities have long since been confiscated — 
it is not always that faith is kept with the dead, and the 
tendency is always to secularize the things of God — for on 
August i6th, 1829, during Mr. Smyth's incumbency, it was 
resolved " that the Church be lighted with gas . . . and that 
the sum of 3^41 : 8 : 6 found in the Church some years since, 
and denominated by the persons who left it * A Benefaction for 
the Church,' be appropriated to the purpose," which, accord- 
ingly, was done.^ On Jan. 7th, 1758, Mr. Hugo, who had laid 
some thousands of his parishioners under the sod, was himself 
gathered to his fathers,^ and was succeeded by 

Walter Harte, 

the only Vicar of St. Austell who has had a reputation 

1 This resolution was approved, as the signatures show, by Wm. Pattison (then the 
occupant of Duporth), Thos. S. Smyth, Vicar, Edw. Coode, Junr., llios. Coode, and 

Ph. Wheeler. 

"i In the Loughborough Registers, under August i6, 1561, we read — " So Edward 
Arnoldc, the prieste, when he had buried all thos before written was buried himselfe." 


outside the county, for he was a man of letters, a friend 
of Pope, and tutor to the hopeful son of Lord Chesterfield, 
the same to whom the famous Letters were addressed. 
Harte was born in 1709, a son of Walter Harte, Canon 
of Bristol and Prebendary of Wells, and a nonjuror, and 
was educated at St. Mary Hall, Oxford : he took his B.A. in 
1728. His first book, entitled Poems on Several Occasions, 
highly eulogized Pope (who had subscribed for four copies), 
and so led to a friendship between them. Pope commended 
the book to Caryll, modestly adding, ** It praises me too 
much " — indeed, Elwin observes that " the praise amounts to 
adulation.'* This was followed in 1735 by an Essay on Reason, 
a close but tame imitation of the " Essay on Man." A sermon 
preached in '37 before the University on The Harmony of 
Reason, Moral and Revealed Religion, attracted much attention, 
and passed through five editions. About this time he became 
Vicar of Gosfield in Essex ; we also learn from one of Pope's 
letters that Harte had ** condescended to stand for the Poetry 
Professorship at Oxford " ; if he did stand, he was not 
elected, this gracious act of condescension notwithstanding. 
He was now made Vice-Principal of St. Mary Hall — no one, 
by the way, could say of him what was said of one of 
his successors in that post, "I'm afraid there's more of 
Vice in you than Principle " — and attained some reputation 
as a tutor. In '45 he was appointed travelling tutor to 
Mr. Stanhope, Lord Chesterfield's natural son, but Mr. 
John Morley writes that he was not successful in that 
capacity. ** His partiality to Greek and Latin, German 
law and Gothic erudition, rendered him rather remiss in 
other points." He adds that Harte, "long accustomed to 
College life, was too awkward both in his person and address 
to be able to familiarize the Graces with his young pupil," 


and Lord Chesterfield wrote to the same effect. After four 
years' travel he returned to England and was appointed 
Canon of Windsor in 1750 and in '58, probably through the 
influence of the Eliot family, became Vicar of SS. Austell and 
Blazey. The next year appeared his magnum opus, the Life 
of Gustavus Adolphus, which had occupied his leisure moments 
for many years. Chesterfield pronounced its style to be 
execrable — ** Where the d 1 he picked it up I can't con- 
ceive ; it is full of Latinisms, Gallicisms, Germanisms, and 
all other isms but Anglicisms ; in some places pompous, in 
others vulgar and low." Carlyle brands it as a " wilderness." 
It was, however, translated, perhaps because of its ** German- 
isms," into German the next year. He must have had a 
good deal in him, for Dr. Johnson commended him as " a 
man of the most companionable talents he had ever known," 
and maintained that his defects of style " proceeded not 
from imbecility, but foppery." In 1764 he published his 
Essays on Husbandry, the style of which Chesterfield was 
pleased to praise, and which Johnson thought a good 
book. During his last long illness he went back to poetry, 
his first love, and produced The Amaranth, a volume of 
religious poems. He died in '74. It is very doubtful whether 
he ever resided here for any length of time. Perhaps that 
is one reason why our history during his reign is so very 
uneventful : I find nothing in the parish books more exciting 
than an attempt on the part of the Rev. Mr. Saml. Gurney, 
the Dean Rural, ** under colour of his office," to exact a fee 
of " half-a-crown, for visiting the Church of this parish " ! 
This gross imposition was brought before the Vestry by Mr. 
Saml. Hendy, and it brought up the " principal inhabitants " ; 
it was forthwith resolved ** that means be made use of for 
recovering it," and Mr. Jones, probably the honest attorney 


commemorated in a tablet over the Priests' door/ was in- 
structed to ** commence such prosecution against the said 
Mr. Gurney as he shall think fit." How many pounds they 
wasted and Mr. Jones pocketed over this precious prosecution 
does not appear, but it has struck me as a fine illustration of 
the good old obstinate Cornish fighting spirit — not yet wholly 
extinct — 

" Then thirty thousand Cornishmen 
Will know the reason why." 

We are now arrived at a.d. 1775, and before we proceed 
farther, I should like to remark that our seventeenth and 
eighteenth century Vicars — so far as we have knowledge of 
them — do not seem to me to agree with Lord Macaulay's 
estimate, so often accepted without question, of the country 
clergy of 1685. I can well believe that Sir Martyn Parnall, 
the Curate who served St. Blazey in 1601, and who, as we 
shall see hereafter, received his stipend in instalments of los. 
and 6s. 8d., was of a humble social position, but I cannot 
persuade myself that any of the Mayes or Mr. Hugo, and 
certainly not Mr. Tremayne or Mr. Harte, were the sort of 
men to hang about a patron's back stairs, or to till his fields, 
or curry his coach horses, or marry his discarded mistress or 
his wife's waiting maid, or hire out their children as domestic 
servants.* The Vicars of St. Austell from 1570 to 1770 would 

1 Page 149. 

* The historian who says that " a waiting woman was generally considered as the most 
suitable helpmeet for a parson " appears to have been unaware of the fact that persons of 
quality, at this period thought it no disgrace to engage themselves as attendants on their 
more opulent relations. " Before the civil wars," writes Mr. Waters, '* the upper servants 
in great households were almost invariably persons of gentle birth " — and the custom 
cannot have changed all at once. Dame Mary Cordell, widow of Sir W. Cordell, Master 
of the Rolls, left a black gown, etc., " to my niece Hubbard, my toayting rvoman " — this 
was in 1584. And in 1710, Mary, widow of Sir A. Chester, bequeathed her diamond 
earrings '*'to my Cousin Elizabeth Richers, my waiting woman." We have, I apprehend, 
a much truer, though still exaggerated, portraiture of our Vicars of that age in the lines — 


never, I feel sure, have recognized themselves nor (I incline to 

think) any of their contemporaries in this highly imaginative 

picture of the country parson. This said, to vindicate the 

respectability of my predecessors, let us proceed to speak 

of Mr. 

Richard Hennah, 

who succeeded Mr. Harte in 1775. Now it is somewhat 
curious that though his incumbency is so recent, compara- 
tively ; though it lasted forty years,^ and though some of his 
descendants or connections still survive amongst us, I can 
discover little or nothing about him to impart to the gentle 
reader. I hear that he was of a Tregony family ; that he was 
also Rector of a parish near Tregony, St. Michael, Penkevil, 
and so became private chaplain to Lord Falmouth, and that 
he married a lady of this neighbourhood, Mary Carthew ; I am 
also told — and this we can readily believe ; no one has ever 
accused the clergy of that age of asceticism — that on Sundays 
when his duties took him to St. Blazey, he would often turn in 
to dine with General Carlyon at Tregrehan. I should judge 
from his handwriting that he was a man of some considerable 
capacity and force of character, but beyond this I cannot go." 

" A jolly parson of the good old stock, 
By birth a gentleman, yet homely too, 
Suiting his phrase to Hodge and Margery, 
Whom once he christened, and has married since. 
A little lax in doctrine and in life, 
Not thinking God was captious in such things 
As what a man might drink on holidays ; 
But holding true religion was to do 
As you'd be done by ; which could never mean 
That he should preach three sermons in a week." 

1 The tablet to his memory states that he was minister of this parish for over half et 
century — a strange blunder, as he was instituted in 1775 and died in 1815. 

s 'I'he Rev. T. J. Bennett, Vicar of St. Wenn, formerly Curate in St. Austell, informs 
me that Mr. Hennah and his congregation would often repair, after the Church service, 
to the old Wrestling Green, to witness this peculiarly Cornish sport The prise was 



His son Edmund ^ was established in the town as a printer — 
the specimens of his art which have come down to us are not 
particularly striking ; perhaps no printing of that period is. 
Mr. Hennah, who was laid to rest in St. Austell Churchyard, 
was succeeded in 1815 — 3ome three weeks before the Battle of 
Waterloo — by the Rev. 

Thomas Scott Smyth, 

who was a Fellow of Oriel, and became a Prebendary of 
Exeter, so that he must have been a man of some parts ; his 
brother William was Professor of Modern History at Cam- 
bridge ; the poetry which adorns the monument in our Church 
to the first Mrs. Smyth (one of the Ryles of Macclesfield) is 
from his facile pen. For his second wife this Vicar married 
Theophila Metcalfe, whose brother, known as Lord Metcalfe, 
was sometime Governor-General of Canada. Mr. Smyth is 
still remembered in St. Austell, though those who knew him 
are now comparatively few ; it is nearly sixty years since his 
voice was heard in our Church or his form seen in our streets. 
But how is he remembered ? Not by his learned and scholarly 
discourses ; of these, so far as I know, no vestige remains in 
any living memory^ — let us hope that they served a useful 
purpose all the same ; he is chiefly remembered by a trick 

usually a hat. and the Vicar acted as umpire. Further, he traces to Mr. Hennah's abode 
the original form of a well-worn story. Two solid M evagissey fisher-women, each almost 
as broad as she was long, often called with their baskets at the Vicarage. Miss Hennah, 
the Vicar's sister and housekeeper, having a frugal mind, would bargain long about the 
price, but sealed the contract, when it was made, with a miniature glass of gin, which 
the old goodies much appreciated, whilst they as much regretted that there was no more 
of it. and they determined to convey this impression to the lady as delicately as possible. 
So when the glass was next produced, one of them dropped it, as if by accident, and it 
was broken to pieces. " What have you done?" cried the lady ; *' that glass was much 
prized by my brother ; it was so very old " — they had heard of its age before. ** Law. 
now. m'am," said Betty, " who would a thought it ; a was so very small for his age." 

1 See p. 121. 

^ The late Mr. T. Coode copied part of a Funeral sermon ; this remains. 


he had of rolling his ample tongue and licking his lips when 
he spoke, which led to the remark that '* a must have had 
traycle for breakfast.*' It is also reported that he wore black 
gloves in the pulpit, which gloves were considerably longer 
than his fingers could fill. The void space was not altogether 
wasted, however, for when he wept, which he often did (I 
honour him for it), he used the extremities to mop his eyes 
with. I am sure that his were no crocodile tears ; it was not 
in the margin of his MSS. that the direction ** Cry here ! '* was 
found. Mr. Jonathan Rashleigh, who as a boy knew him well, 
and whose family esteemed him greatly, recalls the following 
story concerning him. It was his custom to ride a stout pony, 
to which, when he was on an unfrequented road, he would give 
the rein, whilst he, John Wesley-like, occupied himself with 
one or other of his favourite classic authors, the said pony 
being left to follow its own sweet will. On one occasion it 
had sought ** fresh fields and pastures new," and when Mr. 
Smyth woke up it was in an unfamiliar country that he found 
himself. Wanting to know where the lane led to, he asked 
a country Johnny, whom he presently met, " Where am I 
going to, my lad ? *' The rustic looked up in utter astonish- 
ment, and 'replied, ** How should us knaw where yew be 
gaun to ? " on which Mr. Smyth presented him with a sixpence 
for his discrimination. I also hear that it was a favourite 
pastime with him to gallop this pony, the same which bore 
him each Sunday afternoon to St. Blazey, round his neighbours* 
fields. He died in 1854, at the age of 77, but in 1838 he had 
effected an exchange with Mr. 

FoRTEScuE Todd, 

at that time Incumbent of a Chapel in Marylebone.^ As a 

1 The Rev. C. R. Sowell, Vicar of Si. Goran, writes, in reply to my inquiries — " Hii 
father CapL I^vell Todd, was in the Falmouth Packet Service. . . . His residence was 


young man, Mr. Todd had the reputation of being one of the 
best shots in the county. As a divine, he was chiefly remark- 
able for his elocution, which art he had studied under Macready. 
The sonorous and stately way in which he read the " Bewrial 
Service " — as they call it here — was much admired ; even now 
people will refer to it, and they tell of a commercial gentleman 
who said it was a treat worth going ten miles to enjoy. He 
did not rely on " that blessed word Mesopotamia," but the way 
in which he rolled out, ore profundo, " BethabAra" and ** pome- 
granates," has often been described to me. I have also heard 
that when he came to that verse in the Psalms, " Lice in all 
their quarters," he would substitute for that indelicate expres- 
sion the word " insects." He was a man of striking presence 
— so much so that in his broad-brimmed shovel hat which 
he wore to cover a seton in the neck, he was more than once 
mistaken for a Bishop. A meek curate, who did obeisance to 
him under this impression, was satisfied that he had made no 
mistake when Mr. Todd waved his hat in return, thereby 
revealing the letters F. T. in the crown, which incontinently 
proclaimed him to be Frederick Temple. He is said to have 
been an excellent raconteur. In his later years he became very 
deaf, but I have heard people complain that he could hear well 
enough when they particularly desired him not to hear. He 
repeatedly failed, as I have been informed, to effect an insurance 
upon his life, but that did not prevent his living to the mellow 
age of 88. His sepulchre may be seen in the High Cross 
Burial Ground. 

at Trenarth, near Falmouth. On one occasion an invalid Duchess of Bedford was 
entrusted to this gentleman's care on a voyage to Lisbon. She so much appreciated his 
attentions that she laid a last injunction on the Duke to 'remember Todd.' This was 
carried out by a clerical appointment, which Mr. Todd eventually exchanged with 
Mr. Smyth." 




|N our parish chest, as I remarked soon after I became 
Vicar, is a manuscript volume — "volume" is perhaps 
a too flattering title, for it is manifestly of home 
manufacture, and is rough and rude to a degree — a book 
which, from its fine coffee colour, its dilapidated condition, 
and its antiquated writing, I readily perceived to be a relic 
of the dim and distant past, but which, I regret to say, I 
never found the time or the courage to examine. It bears 
this inscription on the back, in Mr. Hennah's handwriting — 

"N.B. The most ancient Book. 

This Book of Tythes was given by Mrs. Hugoe to Mr, Hartc upon his 

coming to the living of St. Austell in 1757,"* 

but a glance at the writing within, which recalls the tables 
of sines and tangents or the accounts of Eastern merchants, 
is enough to dismay anyone but a born antiquarian, and 
so I left it, year after year, unexplored. One day, however, 
an enterprising friend, Mr. W. Melvill Coode, set himself 
to examine these hieroglyphics, and with such promising 
results that I was induced to send the MS. to an expert, to 
Preb. Hingeston-Randolph, to whom this volume is already 

^ It really consists of two private account books — one 12 X 4I in., the other 15 X 6 in. 
The former consists of some 128 pages of coarse paper ; the latter, of similar paper, has 
a cover of parchment. The two have been sewn together at the back. The parchment 
is part of an indenture of the 43rd year of Queen Elizabeth. 


so much indebted. He told me that he had never seen an 
antient Tithes Book, and as he has an almost unique acquaint- 
ance with old ecclesiastical documents, I think it very likely 
that others have not either, and that we possess in this dirty, 
dog-eared record a literary treasure.^ However, he was able, 
with his wide experience, to make out nearly all the scribbling — 
it is little else — which had defied Mr. Coode's examination, and 
the result is that, without any trouble on my part,^ I have been 
put into possession of the contents of the book — between the 
two they have almost made a fair copy of it — and am able to 
impart them to such of my readers as may care to see how a 
country Vicar kept his accounts, and what were the sources of 
his income, three centuries ago. I incline to think that those 
who will join me in turning over its pages will find them by no 
means lacking in interest.^ 

I begin by observing that in spite of the heading of the 

first page, 

"S/. Austell Vicaridge 

Receipts in ye yeares of our Lord god, I599f 1600, 1601. R, May, Vic.,'* 

the accounts really extend from 1598 to 1606.* They profess 

to be in Latin — the bulk of them are in that language — but we 

constantly find a curious mixture of Latin and English. Here 

are one or two instances — 

" Nicholas Pears 
A^ 1600 . . . pisus 4d. 
„ 1601 for fishe vijs. viijd. 

1 Such account books, being the property of the Vicar who compiled thero, would 
hardly be likely to descend to his successors, nor would they, having served their purpose, 
be treasured up by his executors. It can hardly surprise us, therefore, if most of them 
have perished. It is a wonder to me that this disreputable-looking book of ours has been 

s I must say, in justice to my reputation, that I have since learned to read it for myself. 
* In one place Mr. Maye speaks of another book— »/ paUi in alio libra. This majr 
account for the non-appearance of some familiar names in this record. 

^ Some entries are as late as i6aa 


Luke Pears computavit cum patre. Compounded with him for hys 
tith, etc., of their boote in Anno 1601 to be due for vjs. Witnesses 
Mr. Kendall, Mr. Woulridge and others. Rec. xijs. in discharge 

A° 1602 computavit cum patrt in compoto precedents 

Composui cum eodem Luca pro X^^ [decimis"] piscium cymbe sue,** etc. 

Again — 

**John Honye, A no 1602 at Ester rec. vijs. and he oweth other vijs. 
rec. at Michmas 1602 other 7s. and for the yeare 1603 is. rec^ 
14s. rec<i- in festo Paschae 1605 I4S*» ^^ pro Anno 1606 debet xiiijs, 
et xxd. ; pro mortuario, xs. ; pro funcrale et oblaciones ijd.," etc. 

Sometimes there is a confusion of tongues, even in the same 
sentence, e.g. — 

** Robert Tynner, servant, for half ;f 3 . 6 . 8 anno 1603 et pro Anno 
1604— /Wv. acq. for Anno 2S. rec." 

Some pages are entirely in Latin, others as entirely English. 

Now for the plan of the book. Its idea is to give a list of 
the tithe-payers, according to their holdings or places of abode. 
He begins with " Carvarth : inhabitantes " ^ ; then proceeds 
to Rosweeke, Treganhisuth, Bojeth, Trethowell, Trembere, 
Trenance, Buscavellack, etc., etc. I cannot trace any strict 
order in his arrangement ; what does exist is roughly geo- 
graphical ; the places on the coast, e.g., and elsewhere, are 
given consecutively. When dealing with a locality, he seems 
to exhaust the tithe-payers therein. 

From the number of names that are entered, as well as from 
the word inhabitantes above, I should imagine that he gives us 
most of the St. Austell householders of that period, except, 
perhaps in the *' Church towne." (Judging from the number 
of baptisms — about 2% per annum — I should conclude that the 

1 This looks as if he had designed a list of parishioners or householders* 



parish then contained about 900 souls.) One half of them 
appear to have paid nothing ; some, like ** Margery brooke 
vid. and Mary Rouse vid.,'' were probably excused ; in other 
cases, it was conceivably found difficult to collect the poor 
man's penny. Or names of non-tithe-payers may have been 
entered with the idea of their possibly becoming chargeable 
for mortuaries or funeral fees. 

The next thing to remark is the items. It must be remem- 
bered that Parson Maye had only to do with the small tithes} 
Hence we find no mention of the cereals. A Vicar's income 
then arose — apart from land or endowments — from mixed and 
personal, with some few predial tithes, i.e., tithes on crops. 
Since the Commutation, we are so accustomed to a Tithe 
Rent-Charge that it is a surprise to many of us to hear that 
our forefathers paid tithes on foals, on fowls, on fish, on their 
private earnings, and even on their servants' wages, and I feel 
sure that many St. Austell people will read with amazement, 
and perhaps with a feeling of deep relief, of the burdens borne 
by their ancestors. It is well that they should know what 
these were. Mr. Maye, as we shall see presently, levied tithes 
on all kinds of 

I. Cattle — cows, calves, colts, ewes, lambs, goats, and 
the like. For this, it is needless to say, there is Scripture 
precedent. It was not only, however, that the tenth calf or 
tenth lamb fell to his share, but he received payment pro 
rata for any less number ; as soon as an animal was wean- 
able it became tithable. Hence, whilst we read in one place, 


Ed. Clemens debet agnum, and elsewhere that Agnes Scollier 
paid 22d. pro agno vendito, and Wm. Hickes 2S. pro agno decimali, 
we also find 4d. or 8d. or other small sum charged under the 

1 Tithes are not called * ' great " or " small" because of the amounts, but according to their 
subject-matter. At St. Austell, for example, the small tithes amount to more than the great. 


head of vaccae or vituli or capillae. He was also entitled to a 
fleece or a share of the wool of sheep, Vellus lanae appears 
more than once in the accounts. Moreover, he gives us, at 
the very end of the book, a list of the sheep that were in 
Trewydle on June 13th, 1604 — ** of old wethers 23 ; young 
wethers 81 ; old yewes 28 ; Rammes 3 ; yew hoggets 43," and 
so forth, but whether this list points to wool or to pasture I 
could not be positive. In some places the parson had tithes of 
the milk — every tenth quart was delivered at the Parsonage or 
the Church porch — but seemingly Mr. Maye did not enjoy this 
rare good fortune. Again, if animals were removed out of the 
parish, they still paid tithe to the parish whence they were 
depastured — this explains the frequent mention of vacce delocate 
or boves delocati in the lists. Indeed, it was so thoroughly 
understood that the parson had his share in the flock as well 
as in the field that it was a custom in some parishes for him 
to maintain ** a common Bull and a Boar ... for the increase 
of calves and pigs." ^ Tithe was also paid for barren stock, 
such as horses and steers ; we read of pastura animalium 
infrugiferorum (" barrenners ") at Molinnis. Of the charges 
for Agistment I shall speak later on. Tithes were also 
payable on 

2. Poultry. There is frequent mention of pulli — some- 
times it is pullus, as if there were but one, and as a penny only 
is charged, this may have been the case^; sometimes we read 
of geese — the word is always anser (in the singular), but as the 
invariable charge is 8d., more, I should suppose, than the 
value of a goose in those days, and as no one would care to 

1 TAe CUrgy-Man*5 Law, p. 1007. "The Court were of opinion that this was a 
reasonable custom, and that every Inhabitant prejudiced by [his] not keeping the Bull 
and Boar might maintain his Action." 

3 It should be remembered that colts were called pulli equini ; at Treverbyn, Wm. 
George paid 2d. for Apullus equinus. 


keep one goose, I think we are right in understanding ** geese." 
He also had a trifle (the charge is usually id. or 2d.) for hens' 
eggs, but Preb. Hingeston-Randolph remarks that there was 
not much poultry kept in the parish.^ Again, 

3. Bees or their honey contributed a few pence to his 
exchequer. More than once we hear of tnel, the tithe on which 
was 2d. Now we come to 

4. The Crops. The custom in this parish was to reckon 
grass and hay amongst the small tithes, hence herba and fenum 
meet us at every turn, but the charges in each case seldom 
exceed 2d. ; Hy. Cowch, however, paid I2d. for hay at Bos- 
coppa. But here is a curious circumstance. Three parishioners 
of St. Blazey were charged viiid. apiece, for that they " bought 
hay in Anno 1600 " ; I suppose that they paid on their profits. 
Rye also is mentioned, but only once (this was at ** Knightier "), 
so that very little rye bread was eaten, whereas hemp and flax* 
were cultivated in many places ; we must remember that these 
were the days of the spinning-wheel, when every diligent house- 
wife laid her hand to the distaff and made her own house-linen. 
We observe also some charges on account of peas and beans — 
not those grown in gardens ; Mr. Maye did not exactly descend 
to tithe the mint and anise and cummin of his people. About 
the tithes of 

5. Fish more will be said presently. Here it must suffice 
to remark that such charges were almost peculiar to this 
county of Cornwall ; I believe, however, that tithe was paid on 
herrings taken at Yarmouth, and that fish tithes were usual 
in Ireland. They have been exacted within living memory at 
Mevagissey. They were regarded as a branch of 

1 Turkeys, as being /<?r« naiura^ were not tithable. 

s llie tithes of these crops were subsequently regulated by the Statute 3 and 4 W. and 
M., c. 3 : a sum not exceeding 4s. per acre — raised a few years later to 5s.— was to be 


6. Personal Tithes, i.e., ** the tenth part of the clear 
profits of labour and industry." ^ Such tithes having been 
paid here before the Reformation, they were secured to our 
Vicars by 2 and 3 Edw. VI., c. 15, which enacted " That 
every person exercising Merchandises, Bargaining and Selling, 
Clothing, Handicraft or other Art or Faculty," should "pay 
for his Personal Tythes the Tenth Part of his clear Gains." * 
This is how Parson Maye came to have a tithe of the fish 
taken on our coast. This, too, is why mills are mentioned ; 
John Hodge paid 3s. 4d. annually for his at Boscoppa (apart 
from his private earnings) ; Thos. Rosevere made a composition 
for his at Treverbyn ; that at Spit paid 2s. Mr. Sawle had 
Austell Mill. "Privy ff " — sometimes "privy fFord " — also 
points to profits. John Morishe, a tynner, paid for his 
" privy fF " xiid. This, too, accounts for a charge which 
figures in almost every account, viz., privata acquisita, private 
earnmgs : only day labourers were exempt from this payment. 
The charge varies, but I should say the usual sum paid was 
I2d. One man at Boscoppa paid that amount pro se et genero 
suo — for self and son-in-law, annually, whilst Wm. Renold 
at " Chipons " paid xviijd. pro se et suis filiis, and Samson 
Clemens 2s. for the same. John Hamblye paid 6d. and 
I2d. in alternate years ; Stephen Clemens paid 2s. 6d. 
regularly ; John Carlyan 3Jd. in 1602. It is under this 
head, too, that we must class the charges on servants, which 
I reserve for a separate paragraph. For I think it may be 
well — now that I have roughly indicated the subject-matter 
of Mr. Maye's accounts — if, before going further, I give here a 
specimen page, taken almost at hazard, out of his MS. The 
first page is mainly concerned with debts owing to the Vicar ; 

1 PersonaUs decimae are mentioned in one account. 
* The Clergy-Man* s Law, pp. 102 1-2. 


the second with certain loans or gifts, and among them the 
following — 

** Lent Stephen Jacob to pay Thos. Taylor vjs. 

paid to Thos. Baker for him xxs. 

promised Steph. Gumow for his debt xxxvs. 

promised Rob^- Hodge vs." 

from which I conclude that Parson Maye, eager as he was for 
his dues, was not without the milk of human kindness. He 
was not the man, however, to work for nothing, as the following 
entry proves — 

" Laid out for Rose Trewynek her commission and the 

proctor's fees xiiijs. 

Item, for writing her Invent. iijs. iiijd. 

Item, more to Trevithick in 1606 xvijs. iiijd." 

(He appears to have assisted Rose, who apparently could not 
write, in taking out letters of administration.) The page I cite 
is the third ; in the first few lines I give all contracted forms 
in full. 

" Carvarthy inhahitantes 


5^ 2d oh, 2d 2d 

^ John Vyvian sen^- vaccae vituli herbae poma — reccpi i2d 

A no 1600 rec i2d ut in prcudcntc [annol 

^ td \d oh. 2d 2d 2d 

Ano 1601 vaccac vituli hcrhac poma canahi [hemp] rec. 

^ 6d ^ oh. 2d 2d 2d 2d 

Ano 1602 vacc. vituL herb. pom. canahi matrices [ewes] privata 

acquisita 6d rec. 

^ 6d ^ oh. 2d 2d 2d id 2d 

Ano 1603 vacc. vituL herh. poma canah. matr. pulli 

2d ltd 

Una [flax] privata acquisita 6d ; pro velUre lanae 

dehito anno precedente 

1 A -f. is put here in the MS. before each year's account, probably to indicate that these 
sums were paid. The -|- ^'^ written at the same time as the account. 



3^ id ob. \d id 6d id 

John Rcnold voce. vituL matrices herbac poma Una p*vat, 

acq, izd rec, 

^ 4d 2d 2d 2d 6d 

Ano 1600 vacc. vituL matt, herbac poma p*vat, acq, izd rec. 

^ 4d 2d id 2d 6d 

Ano 1601 vacc, vitul, matric. herbae poma p^vat, acq, izd rec* 

^ id id id ob, 2d 6d 

Ano 1602 vacc, vitul. matri. herb, poma p'vat, acq, lod rec. 

^ id id ob. 2d 2d 6d 

Ano 1603 vacc. vitul. mat. herb, poma p^vat. acq, 6d rec,** 

Now I propose, for the sake of the reader who, like rare Ben 

Jonson, knows ** little Latin and less Greek," to translate one 

of these pages — page 8 it shall be — into English. Mr. Maye 

is now dealing with Tregonissey. 

5d 2|d 5d 2d 

" [^599] Walter derdow [Daddow ?] cows, calves, ewes, grass, 


fruit, a servant, 40s ^ : received lyd. 

4d id 5d 2d 2d 

1600 cows, a calf, ewes, grass, fruit : a servant, 28. for 


4d 5d 5d 2d 2d 

1 601 cows, calves, ewes, grass, fruit : received i8d. 

4d 2d 5d 2d 2d 2d 

1602 cows, calves, ewes, grass, fruit, hemp, private earnings 

6d : received. 

3d id 5d 2d 2d 2d ad 

1603 cows, calf, ewes, grass, fruit, hemp, fowls, private 

earnings 6d : received. 


Thomas Trelevane for cows removed in 4 past years ; 
private earnings in the year 1600 and in the pre- 
ceding year, 2s. 

*v •** *•* *•* *'• a* 

1 2d 4d 2id 4d 

[1599] John Trelevane owes a mortuary ; cows, calves, ewes, 

2d 2d 7^ 

fruit, grass ; private earnings, i2d. A funeral fee l 

1 He means that a servant at 406. per annum wage was kept here. 


4d 6d 4d 2d 2d id 

1600 cows : calves : ewes ; fruit : grass : a fowl : private 

earnings of Nicholas, i2d. received ; private earoiogs 
of John Treleaven, i2d. received. 

2d 5d 3d 4d 4d 

1 60 1 cows : calves : ewes : fruit : grass : private earnings 

i2d. : hemp : received 

4d 2d 2d 4d 4d 

1602 cows : calves : ewes : fruit : grass : servant Davies I2d. : 

private earnings 6d. : hemp 2d. : received 

4d 2}d 2d 2d 4d 

1603 cows, calves, ewes, fruit, grass, private earnings i2d., 


Nichs. Trelevan in the year 1601 ; received private 

earnings i2d. 

2d 6id 3d 
Thos. Trelevan cows, calves, ewes, private earnings 6d." 

These extracts will give the reader a very fair idea of the 
contents of the book — ex uno disce omnes. It was not always, 
however, that Parson Maye had to calculate his dues in two- 
pences and threepences — it will be observed, by the way, that 
he descends to halfpennies; we read just now of id. ob. (i.e., 
obolus) for calves; elsewhere he does not scorn to charge 
farthings ; Stephen Hodge paid id. quadr. for ewes in '99 — for 
as often as not the tithepayer made a composition with him, 
paying a fixed sum year by year : Thos. Culleis, e.g., in 1603, 
exoneratur per solucionem compositionis stme. Similarly, John 
Josephe, junr., at Carbean, paid 15s. in 1599, et sic est com- 
positum de Anno in Annum. Thomas Vanson, at " Gomheath," 
who in 1603 paid vijs. for the two preceding years, now made 
a composition for 3s. 4d. yearly ^ — and so forth. The com- 
positions do not appear to have been put down in writing — 
except in this book ^ : probably but few of his parishioners 

^ ** Ei est facta compositio cum eo pro dicto Agestimento. Annua summa y. ^d." 

*The "Blazie Compositions," in Anno Dom. 1599 (twelve in number) arc entered in 
a separate list. 


could read ; but we often hear of the witnesses in whose 
presence they were made. The agreement with John Joseph, 
for example, just referred to, was made iestibus W^- Carlyan et 
Eduardo hooper. Another, with Luke Pears of Trenarren, 
" for their boote," was attested, as we have seen, by " Mr. 
Kendall, Mr. Wouldridge and others," and the occupant of 
Treverbyn Mill was exonerated from tithes per compotum factum 
in presentia Penhale et Henrici Pethrick, and so with many more. 
Life in those days had but few distractions, and peasants had 
tenacious memories — so for the matter of that they have now, 
in all money transactions at least. They may forget to pay, 
but they remember the amount. 

I now proceed to observe that, small as the amounts for 
the most part were — or as they seem to us — they were not 
always punctually paid. We often hear of arreragia, arrears, 
and occasionally they were of long standing. John Baker, for 
example, in 1600, owed for the two preceding years ; so did 
Vanson at Gomheath and Richd. Warring of Trembere, who 
in 1603 **paid for all things before that dew and he is clered" — 
he had paid nothing since 1599 ; John Honye paid vijs. in 1602, 
but " he oweth other vijs. *' ; Ed. Clemens was not the only 
one who owed a lamb and a fleece of wool ; of many a tithe- 
payer it is recorded, " solvit in sequente anno,'' Thomas AUyn 
settled for all his former debts in 1603 ; it is added that Rich. 
Tredinam had stood surety for them. Stephen Dadow paid 
8s. 2d. for de antique per patrem debita. We find, as we should 
expect, that Easter was the usual time for settlement — Easter 
and Michaelmas. Thos. Cock's payments were made regularly 
in festo Paschatis ; Luke Pears' reckoning, his composition for 
the tithe of fish, solvendum in fcstis Michaelis et Pasche; Stephen 
Harry owed " for a yeare and half ended at Michmas next " ; 
of several tithe-payers we are told, ** solvit in festo Paschatis pro 


anno precedente.'' But this was not the invariable rule. Of 
Rich. Bennett the Vicar writes, ** he oweth me more for my 
cow and right dew at Whitsun tyde next." Richard Opye 
" compounded for the tithe fish of his bote called the George 
untill St. James tyde next," but I observe that the next pay- 
ment cleared him " untill the 25th of March." The " Blazie 
compositions in Anno Dom. 1599 " began and ended at 
Michaelmas, but were mostly paid at Easter ; the " Austle 
servants " also reckoned at Easter. Most of the tithe-payers 
would appear to have seftled with Mr. Maye personally, as, 
for example, did Johannes Scollier, who paid xs. in 1601 — unde 
dedi 6d — ''out of which I returned him 6d." So with Phillip 
Daddowe who in 1602 ** computavit pro omnibus et est dismissus 
quietus.'' Occasionally, however, as we might expect, the 
money was remitted by a brother or a neighbour. Thus 
Johannes Scollier, who has just appeared before us in propria 
persona, on another occasion ** solvit per manus Thome Congon " ; 
Phillip Josephe paid his dues ** per Jo. Joseph eius fratrem^' : 
in 1602 his payment was made ** by Jo. Josep's wyffe." This 
Jo. Joseph was apparently much in request as an intermediary 
or messenger ; John Marke of Higher Buscavellack paid 
through him thrice and twice ** by Elford," whose name 
appears several times : was he, I wonder, a sort of collector ? 
Richard ffarrowe '' exoneratur . . . per manus Johannis filii sui,'' 
and so forth. I gather from the record that Mr. Maye sat on 
certain days of the year to receive his dues, and that most of 
the tithe-payers paid in person — perhaps there was a tithe 
dinner afterwards — but that some were so old or infirm or sick 
or busy that they remitted their moneys through a neighbour 
or friend. 

I now come to the charges on Agistments. Tithes were 
payable on the profits made by feeding cattle on commons 


or other pasture lands, and such tithes we find levied by and 
paid to our good parson. In the very first page we read : 
Stephen Harry debet pro Agestament in Carvarth, ijs. viiid. — 
this was for two years. For 20 accres in Rosweeke Thomas 
Cock paid vijs. in 1600 and viijs. in later years. Richard 
Cock's ** justment rent " — he had 12 acres — was 4s. Phillip 
Bodye at ** Bogeth," on his " Agestment " of 60 acres, paid 
xxvs. per annum, whereas Richard Warring, with a similar 
acreage at Trembere, only paid xvjs. — in both cases they 
settled at Easter ; John Cowch at Rescorla paid as little as 
4d., whilst "Walter Kendall esq," for his Agestment of 30 
accres, paid only 3s. : ** solvit apud Lostwithiel,'" it is added — 
payments, we find, were not uncommonly made there, but why 
I am not certain. Phillip Josephe, on the contrary, who had 
40 acres, paid vjs. viijd. — of course, the land, and therefore the 
pasture, varied greatly in quality.^ For the pastura duorum 
animalium pinguium at Menagwins, Wm. Carlyan paid 26d.* 
But let us now turn from the produce of the land to the 
harvest of the sea — to the tithes on fish. From Stephen Tom 
at Porth in 1603 the Vicar " rec^ for his [Tom's] share of 
great fishe at this tyme Dew and past at our lady last the some 
of vs." At Trenarren, where at this time there must have 
been a considerable population, the tithe of fish taken by the 
boat called Trinity was compounded for 12s. : those of the boat 
perel [Pearl] were 6s. at Michaelmas, 1603, and another six 

1 Mr. Maye makes mention oi pastura bona at " Knightier." 

>I^ter on we have a list of the Agestamenis held in Anno 1600. It contains aa 
names — I give the first and the last. 

" John Hambly holdeth their [at Carvath] Mr. Killiow's land, which Baker bdd and 
the tith thereof is ... . 

Wm. Treffry Esquire holdeth in Trethirgy and payeth yerljr 4<^ (£a) the tith is 

Wm. Vivian paid 9<i : John Coll of Golant xvjd. 


at Easter, 1604. Richard Opye's boat, **the George," in 1601 
paid "for Tyth " xvjd., on the 21*^ (sic) of May, and in 1602 
compounded for i6s., while Mathew Tonking's boat. The Colt, 
paid ** for the tith of the Anno [1600] of all fishing, saine 
pilcherd and sayning maccrell, xxs and 6d, paid at Michmas 
and Ester in my grace." At ** Blazie," Mr. Maye " compounded 
(in 1600) with John Pendrey and his partner Richard Cock for 
tithe of their bote called the makeshift,'* and with one Thomas 
" for all fishing except sayning craft for the rent of xxs.," but 
he only received xs. Further, he compounded with John 
Younge ** for one boote called the John, whereof John Rowse 
and he are owners, for the same rent " (i.e., 20s.) : " in his 
grace " he ** rec^ in parte 8s. lod." Also, John Menhire and 
Otis Haine paid " for tithe of their sayne and men shared 
before 24th of August vijs.," after which the Vicar **rec** of 
Otis Haine for the same men and right shared before the 14 
of September xlijs." ** Rouse and Pendrey owners " paid xvs. 
in 1600 ; then we read, whatever it may mean, ** for Rouse 
sayne and Youngs that day shared and the women ^ xvs. iijd. " ; 
for a sharing on Sept. 7th he had xliijs. So that altogether, 
in spite of the arret agia piscium, the income from this source 
was not to be despised. 

Another of the sweets of office in those days came to the 
parson in the shape of Easter offerings and mortuaries. The 
Easter offering was the sum of twopence (by custom it might 
be more), which was payable by every parishioner who was 
of age to be a communicant — some authorities give the age 
as sixteen. And in Mr. Maye's time they were paid. We 
have on the last page of the first book a list of Oblacions at 
Easter Anno 1600. It would seem as if the Vicar or his deputy 

1 I imagine that " the women" were those employed in salting the fish. Their wages 
would be tithable. 


sat in the Church to receive them most days of Easter week. 
He received ^n'ww) die a Willelmo Allyn xiid. ; sectmdo, in ccclesia 
xijs. vjd. ; tercio in ccclesia ijs. ijd. ; on the fourth day (also in 
the Church), vijs. xd. ; on the fifth, xxxviijs. 8d. ; and on the 
last, iij^'- js. 4d. ; altogether £6 : 3 : 6, which represents — 
presuming that each paid 2d. and no more — the offerings of 741 
persons, so that this amount, if we could depend upon it, would 
be some help towards estimating the population at this period. 
One cannot, however, be positive, for it may include arrears.* 
On an earlier page, after this statement, " Mathew Ivy paid 
for his duties at Easter in Anno 1602 then dew, 2s.," we find 
the following — ''Anno 1603. Rec^ for Easter duties then dew 
xliijd." This greatly reduced sum encourages a suspicion that 
the '* Oblacions " of 1600 must have been above the average. 
The book gives one the impression that the Vicar was at this 
period making a special effort to realize his dues ; it is also 
clear that he experienced some difficulty in getting in his 
money. ** Mortuaries " or corse-presents were payable (in 
some places) on the death of every householder. Their 
amount was fixed by a statute of Henry VIII. ; in no case was 
it to exceed los. Jane Bond of Trenarren paid only 3s. 4d. on 
her husband's death, so that his moveable goods cannot have 
exceeded ^^30 in value ; but Joan Tonking of Roseweek paid 
los., so that her late husband's chattels were worth over ^^40. 
I also find frequent mention of a funeral fee (Junerale or sepul' 
tura), which also varied in amount. Thus Rich. Carlyan, 
Wm. Stephen and Nich. Thorne paid sd. each, John Honye 
owed 6d,^ John Treleaven paid yd. 

1 Arrears are mentioned. John Honye, f.g.^ owed in i6c6 oblaciones ijd. 

'^ Honey also owed 3s. 4d. pro regracione testamenti and something for his ohum extcu* 
toris. Altogether, he was in bad arrears, for be owed a sum total of £^ 12s. I wonder 
was it ever paid ? 


Now I come to the tithes paid by servants, or in some cases, 
perhaps, by their masters for them — " wages-men's tithes " he 
calls them in one place. The reader will have observed that 
I2d. was paid by or for *' Servus Davies" in the account of 
p. 251. Elsewhere we find a note — "Service of Thomas 
Congon ; wages 5''-," but what was paid does not appear. 
Nor does it in the case of ** Ambrosse Skewes," servant to 
Alexander Bone, whose yearly wages reached £6, the highest 
stipend I have met with : it is almost as much as the Curate 
had at St. Blazey. Hodge, servant to John Hambly at 
Tregongeeves, had only 40s. wage, and his servants Agnes and 
Alson Beaton but 13s. 4d. each, but they, no doubt, were 
lodged and boarded in the house. For one or all of these 
Hambly paid 2s. 4d. in 1600, and for one servant 2S. in 1602, 
and 8d. in 1604. Later on, Mr. Maye favours us with a list 
(which I give in extcnso) of 

^^Austlc Servants in Anno Domini 1599 that paid 

Nicholas Dalamyne serves R. Tooking, wages 13s. 8d viijd. 

Alice Polkinghome . . . 13s. 4d viijd. 

Thomas Nicoll, serves Coisgarne xiiijd. 

Margery Allen, serva ejusdem Domini 8d. 

Elizabeth Thomas serves W. Stephen 8 

Robert Nicholas servit sua manu I2d. 

Peter Burges, servant 

W™ Payne, servant xvjd. rec. 

Ed. Aunter serves Mr. Saule xvjd. 

Ipsigh Carlyane, serves Richard Body xd. 

John Brihan serves Mr. Kendall xvjd. 

John Cowlyn scrvus ejusdem xxd. 

Marget Robyn serva ejusdem viijd. 

Thomasine Northey serva ejusdem viijd. 

John Penhale serves H. Cowch . . . 25s xvd. 

John Nawle serves Mr. Saule xijd. 

Mathew John serves Joseph of Grey viijd. 



Wra Portery serves Mathew Tonking 

Jane Vice serves Jo. Martyo xd. 

Bennet Bosvarva serves Richard Sanders . . . 28s 

Hamond Penhale serves Jo. Hodge xxd. 

Ed. Hoper serves Mr. Kendall xviijd. 

Jo. Thomas, upon his hand 

Robert Menhire, servant xvjd. 

Otes Davy serves Rich<J- Robyn xijd. 

Davyd May serves Dalla [mine?] xvd. 

W™ Clemens, servant , 

VV™ Portery serves Mathew Tonking* I2d. 

Marget Rescorla, servant 6d. 

Jo. Dadow Jun*"- serves Hony xxd. 

Jo. Holton serves R. ffar vjd. 

John Soper, servant ijs. 

John Dadow J un'-, servant xxd." 

We have also a list for 1600, another for 1601, and a third 
for 1604.*-^ And the curious thing is that these three lists 
have very few names in common. One of Mr. Saule's 
servants, J. Nawle, or Nawell — for his name varied, like his 
master's — appears in each, and eight names appear in two 
lists, but that is all. The inference from which is, either 
that servants paid most irregularly or that they did not keep 
their situations much longer than they do now : probably they 
were hired at the annual Statutes and remained for the year. 
Of one, a servant of Mr. Kendall's (I find he had five servants, 
and Mr. Saule four), Elizabeth Paulye by name, Mr. Maye 
records diidum venit et non stetit mensem — "came but lately 
and did not stop a month.'* Of Elizabeth Robyn, who only 

i This is a second entry. But this time the amount is given. Serva, serves, etc., are 
not writ large in the MS. Mr. Maye uses an abbreviation. " Upon his hand" means 

obviously "On his own account." 

3 He also gives a list of " Blazie servants" in 1599 — six men and two women. In 1600 
only two are mentioned ; in 1603 one man and two women servants appear to have paid 
2S. 4d. altogether. 


paid 6d., it is recorded that she " serves p. d." — which I take 
to mean that she was a sort of charwoman who went out by 
the day. This is the smallest sum paid; ijs. is the highest, 
with two exceptions, Pasco Dadow and "John the Tynner," each 
of whom paid iijs. — probably this charge was for skilled labour. 
Now we must turn from Mr. Maye's receipts to the pages 
which record his payments — they were chiefly made to Sir 
Marten Parnall, the Curate at St. Blazey. This good Levite 
appears to have received his stipend in very small driblets, and 
sometimes his account was overdrawn ; well it might be, when 
the pay was so meagre, only eight pounds a year.^ On March 
26th, 1600, we have this ** Memorandum, that the same day 
and yere I reconed with Sir Martyn Parnall, and he dothe owe 
me, above all things dew unto him at the 14th of May next, 
the full some of xxs. more.'* Then follows the reckoning ; I 
give a few items. " I payd him at Whitson Day fayre at 
Bodmyn, los." " More, White paid him which was rec^- of 
Wilton, iiijs." " Item, paid the 26*^ of August by myself xxs." 
" Item, more at severall tymes in money, before March xxs." 
" So I owe (thus the account concludes) Ser Martyn no wages 
but have paid for this quarter till the 14*^ day of May next and 
he must allow me in the next accompt the hole receipts of the 
Regester booke." This must have been cold comfort to the 
poor Curate, but his signature proves that he admitted the 
stern correctness of the calculation. One wonders how he 
lived from March until May 23rd, when he received his next 
los. On one occasion he received xls. all at once, but this was 
a special favour " against his daughter's wedding." I give the 
entire account for one half-year — he has apparently had a 
gratifying increase of salary — 

1 Mr. Nfayc gives 40s. ;is the summa of one quarter's pay in z6oi. From Sept., 1601, 
however, to May, 1602, Sir Marten received 120s. 


'* Item, paid Sir Martyo at St. Blasy, the 4th of September 

1602 — monye xs. 

Item, for a subsidy vijs. 

and to Eles Bennett xijd. 

more the 8^ of November xxijs. 

more the 6**» of December, at Bodmyn xs. 

more, the last of January xxs. 

more by Trenaur in February xs. 

more to your wiffe in Foye, the 5^ of March vs. 

paid your self the first of Aprill, 1603 xs. 

for the Regester booke ended at the 25*** of March last ... vs. 

more to make up his quarter his payment which will be 

full at the 14*^ of May next xxs. 

[Signed] Marten Parnall.'* 

I conclude these extracts, which by no means exhaust the 

interest of the book/ by transcribing for the reader's benefit 
Mr. Maye*s receipt "to make good incke." I must say, if he 

used his own manufacture in writing these accounts, it has 
stood the test of time fairly well. 


Take a quarte of goode stronge beere ; of bruised Galls 4 oz. ; of 
Coppras finely beaten 3 oz. ; of gumme, 2 oz. ; and a quarter of a spoone- 
ful of bay salte. Stere yt every day till nyne dayes be fuUe." 

I trust that no one will affirm, after this piece of information, 
that these pages contain nothing practical. 

1 St. Austell people maybe interested to hear that at this period there was a Rashleigh at 
Coombe — he is dignified as " Esquire," as is Lewes Dart (mentioned by Carew and, I beUeve. 
by Leland) at Polrudden. Mr. Kendall was apparently at Lavrean ; Mr. Woulridge at 
Trewhiddle ; John KilHow, Esq., is mentioned in connection with Forth, near Mertber, 
where was the family of La, as the Moyles were at Trevissick. Mr. Saule is put down 
under " Teuingion " (Towan ?), Wm. Carlyan under Menagwyns. At Roseweek there was 
quite a nest of Tonkings. Edward Coisgarne was at " Trevarrack." The longest accomit 
is perhaps that of Jno. Hamblye at " Tregangeues." In connection with " Austell Church 
Townc " wc have 37 names, but 19 of the number seem to have paid nothing. The 
Scobles, Hexts and others do not appear in these pages ; perhaps they were in alw li^r§^ 



|F the reader has found anything to interest him in 
the Church or ** Church town '* of St. Austell, or, 
indeed, if he has not, I think I can promise him 
something to engage his attention and charm his fancy, if 
he will now accompany me on a few excursions through the 
parish. I was going to hazard the statement that ours is a 
typical Cornish parish — because of its rugged, indented coast and 
its breezy, furzy downs, its wooded valleys and bare uplands, 
its scattered hamlets and isolated town places (in this county 
a nest of two or three cottages about a farm-house is dignified 
with the name of " town place ") : its many meeting-houses, 
its mines, clayworks and fisheries — but on second thoughts I 
do not know that it is typical ; it is perhaps too diversified and 
many-sided to be that. Anyhow, it is a comprehensive Cornish 
parish ; it embraces within its borders most of the salient 
features of this singular county, and for that reason, if for no 
other, I think these walks will be found to be interesting. 

The civil parish, then, is a continent of 12,000 acres, being 
more than ten miles long, with some seven miles of sea- 
board. In my first parish we had over 1,200 people packed, 
like sardines in a box, into ten acres of ground ; in my 
present charge, St. Austell ecclesiastical, there are, or were 
in 1891, but 5,702 persons in 4,525 acres, and this is quite a 


dense population compared with many parts of this sparsely- 
inhabited region. Altarnun, for example, has but 900 souls 
in 11,200 acres, St. Neot 1,000 in 14,000, and Bolventor 300 
in 6,000. But then it must be remembered that the population 
of the whole county is not equal to that of Leeds or ShefHeld, 
and, as I have already remarked,^ it is steadily declining, owing 
principally to the closing of the mines ; in the decade between 
'71 and *8i it decreased by just one-tenth. In a village not 
four miles away there were recently, out of a hundred houses, 
no less than forty-five inhabited only by women and children ; 
the men had all gone to seek their fortunes in foreign parts.' 
But, revenons a nos moutons ! St. Austell is hardly a fair 
representative of the county in another respect, namely, that 
it is so much more engaging and picturesque than most parts 
of Cornwall, and above all West Cornwall, are. I do not 
know that the county as a whole can be justly pronounced 
beautiful : ** parts of it,'* like the Curate's egg, "are excellent," 
and other parts very much the reverse — ** stale, flat, and un- 
profitable." It has been happily compared to an indifferent 
picture in a gorgeous frame. The interior, and especially the 
table-land in the centre, with its downs, its scrub and its scoriae, 
like the interior of Australia, gives to me and to many others 
the impression of ** profound melancholy." * But, thanks to the 

1 Page 2. 

s Cornwall stands third among the counties of England in which the females out- 
number the males. There are ii6 women to every zoo men. The proportion for the 
whole of England and Wales is zo6 women to zoo men. In Cardiganshire there are 
127 women to zoo men, in Glamorganshire only 90'8. 

8*«To persons travelling by the common roads, the county of Cornwall appears 
peculiarly bare and uninviting. . . . The waste lands were formerly reckoned at one-fiftb 
of the whole county— there have been many recent enclosures, however.'* GateUeer pf 
Cornwall^ zSzj. This writer mentions, as if by way of compensation, that " it retumi 
more Members to Parliament than any other county in the kingdom," the whole number 
of representatives being forty-four. Places like Tregony, Grampound, Fowey, West Looe, 
East Looe. Camelford, etc., etc., had two members apiece. The Reform Bill, however, 
changed all that. 


rugged, jagged, iron-bound coast, and also to the many pleasant 
combes or valleys which run up from it, that is hardly the 
impression which the county as a whole leaves upon the mind. 
It is not, perhaps, a joyous or a smiling land — it is not 
rich in pastoral beauty — but it is interesting and engaging. 
St. Austell, however, is beautiful ; there are few finer things 
in Cornwall than the Pentewan valley,^ and if the coast is not 
so stern and grand and stately as are the cliflfs of Newquay or 
Bedruthan, still it has charms of verdure and of colouring to 
which they are strangers. We have also, as already hinted, 
our " fuzzy downs," our patches of moorland, with gorse^ and 
heather in great abundance, but, alas ! with never a tree. I 
do not mention these, of course, as proofs of the picturesque, 
though some people find endless enjoyment therein, but they 
are certainly characteristic. The stranger in this ** Wild 
West *' of England is at first much impressed, not to say 
rfcpressed, by its baldness and nakedness, and he may perhaps 
think of Madrid, where the traveller is often asked, on his 
arrival, if he ** saw the tree " (there is but one) on his way 
thither. No trees will grow here on any elevated spot exposed 
to the furious and salt-laden blasts of the West wind ; it must 
be remembered that there is nothing between our North coast 
and North America. It is said that the trees were cut down 
centuries ago to furnish fuel for the smelting furnaces,* but 

^ I have read somewhere that a Russian lady, when she saw the lUy of Naples in all 
its glory, exclaimed, "C'est bien joli, mais ce n'est pas la SiMrie." Similarly, I have more 
than once in Switzerland found myself murmuring, " This is all very well, but give me our 
valley." As Lord Beaconsfield observed, men tire of lakes and mountains, but never 
weary of pastoral scenes. 

2 The gorse is a sight to behold, worth going some way to see. It revels in the 
sandy soil. 

3 Miss Fiennes believed the timber to have been absorbed by the mines. She says, 
" Those mines do require a great deale of timber to support them and to make all those 
engines and mills wc|» makes fewell very scarce here" (p. 219). 

2'?4 Cl'x PA5c:SF£—:7E BxC'AZ FEATZ^ES, 

thri sCcptic car.r.:: ii-=:^ •^:r'ferl-^ -yiiecrier ihey ever ^i 
a: all ir. ="ch -ix-^sei -t.-siticrLr- Azvb:w. zhis ib^ence of 

M ^ urn 

tr-eres. =o 'i-ear t'j H', l-:vr:r5 :t mnr*. L? rde :c ihe express 

lir.rra.T.-ir.ts g: :r.^ cin-ty. Simetjne — a local p:e:. I pre- 
5urr.e — has th^:= apr.-^tnphiz'rd it — 

'*\'''^r* 'cjLT-i'.i \..z-'. z-i'. r'M'±.i iz-i rirre is fccz-i 
S'-r cr.'f.i :i;<Kr: 'A'-oi f-.r icfEz-s -^bec ibev r« ■'-^■* 

I havr:. h^jwever. r>eeR told :hit if you count in coppices 
and plantations, our peninsula stands :hirl among Enisrlish 
counti-^^f? in point of woods and f: rests. The fact is. our 
tree!?, likf: Brer Rabbit, *' lie low." Thev are stowed awav in 
the valleys, where they have some protection a^inst the piti- 
less ?.torms, and thev are jrenerallv huddled close togrether for 
companionship ; so close that lar:^€ ^owths of timber are 
impossible ; so close, too, that you can hardly *' see the trees 
because of the wood." The woodman is afraid to thin out 
redundant ;(rowths lest the next storm should tear a passage, 
as with a ploujjhshare, through his plantation.^ It is curious 
to observe, too, how, as soon as a tree presumes to thrust its 
head above the line of shelter, it is straightway throttled and 
cruelly buffetted by the tempests. All our timber, wherever 
the wind can get at it, has a crimped and driven and tortured 

' I iii'i t. Iiow.'ver, in ']n-X\LK to the county, add the next stanza, which takes a very 
coiiiiii' virw of our place among the shires of England — 
" Oh. Cornwall, tiappy, blessed spot of ground. 
Where richest ores of every kind abound ! 
Thy very hills are brass ; thy rocks are tin ; 
Thy wealth is not exposed without, but hid within." 

2 I hrarrl the extremely low pitch of most of our Cornish Churches accounted for 
by tti'-^'er which would threaten taller structures in a storm. Miss Fiennes remarks 
on th>* .ibsrnce of windmills, " I saw not a windmill all over Cornwall and Devonshire, 
ihoiiKh they have wind and hills enough." She supposes *' it may be too Bleakg for 
th«*in." I here is also much water power in our valleys. 


appearance ; I pass much which reminds me of that solitary 
tree, blasted by the wind, on the Mount of Corruption, on 
which, as tradition tells us, Judas hanged himself. You often 
see elm or oak pushing bravely upwards till it reaches the 
storm-line, when off it goes at a right angle. They tell of a 
merchant from the Midlands who came to visit a Cornish 
" passon," and who was much exercised in his mind by these 
uncanny and fantastic growths. ** Dear me," he cried, "what 
a remarkable tree, to be sure ! " " Yes," replied his friend, 
**that is peculiar to this county; we call it quercus horizontalis !** 
Our weather-beaten hedges, again, are regularly graded, where 
they do not strike out at right angles, into a sort of curve, 
in section like a horn — broad at the base, but receding to a 
feather-edge at the summit. It is rumoured that a Scotch 
gardener once came to one of our big houses with a view to 
a situation. He was duly shown the vineries and the pineries, 
the flower and the kitchen garden, to all of which he professed 
himself quite equal. But he must confess, he added, that he 
was quite unequal to the Jtedges ; he had never seen them 
clipped in that fashion before. ** O," said the master of the 
house, ** you may be quite easy on that score ; nature trims 
our hedges for us, and so saves us further trouble." 

But if our trees are so often stunted and contorted, we have 
some compensation in the vigorous, the luxuriant growth of our 
shrubs. All kinds of conifers flourish in our valleys, attaining 
dimensions seldom seen elsewhere, whilst there is perhaps no 
place in England where the rhododendron grows and blooms 
as it does in and around St. Austell, the choice Himalayan 
varieties being quite naturalized in our granitic soil. A lady 
once asked Bishop Phillpotts if he did not admire the shrubs 
of the county. ** Yes, indeed," he replied ; " your shrubs are 
trees." '' And your trees," he presently added, ** are scrubs.'* 


The mildness of our climate, some half-dozen degrees warmer 
than London in winter and as many degrees cooler in summer, 
encourages growths which under other conditions would be 
impossible. Not only do the palm and the scented verbena, the 
myrtle,^ fuschia and hydrangea defy our brief frosts, but even 
the lapageria and the bougainvillea are found, in certain 
sheltered nooks, growing out of doors.^ The visitor who 
wants to see what our Cornish flora can do, should ask per- 
mission — it will be readily granted — to walk through the 
grounds of Trevarrick or Duporth. On the former the present 
proprietor, Mr. R. G. Lakes, has expended almost a lifetime of 
loving care, and the latter has been described as an ** earthly 
Paradise,** and it is not, like Naples, " a Paradise inhabited 
by devils." I present the reader with a view taken from- the 
terrace at Duporth. 

And these excursions through the outlying hamlets will also 
afford the stranger another satisfaction, in the opportunities he 
will enjoy of studying our domestic life and architecture. Of 
the latter, but little can be said : it is not exactly of a striking 
order. Our cottages are about as unpicturesque as they 
make them — such a contrast to the timbered houses of 
Thuringia, or the wooden chalets of Switzerland : I never 
return from either place without feeling our inferiority 
acutely ; they are also far behind the thatched homesteads of 
Suffolk and the mullion-windowed dwellings of the Yorkshire 
dales. Whether this is " an age of prose " or not, this is 
certainly, in many ways, a prosaic county ; you have only to 
glance at our cottages to see that. It is not only that they 

1 "Myrtles may be seen along the entire Southern coast, as at Looe." lUustr, Uin.^ p. 9. 

' At Lamorran, for example, where a late Rector, the Rev. the Hon. J. T. Boscawen, 
had a celebrated garden, in which he found much satisfaction. It is averred that you 
were not permitted to enter by the front door because of the creepers. The lapageria 
grows out of doors at North Hill in St. Austell. 


are dwarfed and plain to a degree, but they are either plastered 
with whitewash, or when that is not the case, the lintel and 
the two side-posts of the door are frequently adorned by the 
tasteful Cornishman with a white border — an excellent arrange- 
ment, no doubt, in pit villages, where the miner must be very 
far gone in his cups to mistake that staring landmark. But 
here, most happily, there is little or no need for such friendly 


Frtm a /"AMsfrrapA bf B, Julian, 

beacons. It is quite an event, at least in the company which 
I frequent or in the streets and lanes which I traverse, to see 
a Cornishman the worse for drink. It was not always so ; it 
was not thus when the mines were prosperous, but it is un- 
deniable that our people, of the working class especially, are 
now models of sobriety.' I had been here for months before I 

■ In the middle clais, [( muil be idmitlecl, we have bad some stasooed lopen. But 
notbinK Lke the number they bave elsewbere. 


saw a drunken man, and when I did, he had not advanced very 
far ; not beyond the " British constitution " stage. A gentle- 
man of this neighbourhood tells me that, being on a pedestrian 
tour in the West of the county, he inquired one morning, as 
he passed through a village, for the public-house, hoping to 
get some breakfast there. He was presently surrounded by 
a crowd of children, members, no doubt, of the local " Band 
of Hope," who pursued his steps with cries of " Drunkard ! 
Wants a public-house first thing in the morning ! " This, too, 
is a fact, that a clergyman near Camelford, finding a girl in 
a country lane who had been bitten by a viper, supported 
her to the Rectory and gave her some brandy, like the Good 
Samaritan that he was. He was somewhat taken aback, 
however, when the next day her indignant friends came to 
reproach him, in no measured terms, for his good offices. 
The girl was a " life abstainer," and he had given her " the 
devil in solution *' ! It might be as well, therefore, if this 
white border were replaced, say by honeysuckle. The student 
of our rural architecture will not fail to observe the slate 
awning over the door, nor yet the hatch or half-door, which 
is invariable in the older cottages.^ He must not be misled, 
however, by the dates inscribed over some of the chapel 
porticoes, into the belief that they date from a remote 
antiquity. ** B.C. 1881 *' does not mean in Cornubian what 
it means elsewhere : it stands for " Bible Christian chapel ; 
built in 1881.'* A Cockney was once greatly perplexed by 
such a superscription ; he meditated long, and then incredu- 
lously shook his head. 

If our houses are not externally striking, however, they are 

1 In the district about the Land's End a custom once prevailed known as " riding the 
hatch." Persons suspected of immorality were mounted on the half-door, which was 
then violently rocked until they fell off. If the accused fell into the house, he was judged 
to l>e innocent ; if into the street, guilty. Cornish Feasts and Folklore^ p. 70. 


generally clean and comfortable within, though they are per- 
haps more meanly furnished than are cottages in the heart of 
England. Many of them are entirely destitute of ceilings and 
the floor is of a rough plaster or composed of rude slabs of 
stone. Some of them, again, here and there, are extremely 
dilapidated and would long ago have fallen if they could only 
have made up their minds which direction to take. Callington 
is said to be the politest town in England, because the houses 
on one side the street are for ever bowing to those on the other 
side. I ascribe these ill-conditioned buildings and this chronic 
disrepair to our system of tenure. Most of these cottages are 
built on land leased on lives — three lives or ninety-nine years 
is the usual term. That is not the same thing as your freehold 
— " 'Tis a poor virgin, sir, but 'tis mine own ! " — and the tenant 
who may be turned out to-morrow, if the last surviving life is 
quenched, cannot and will not uphold the premises as the 
owner of the ** land " does : freeholds are called ** land " here- 
abouts, and the ground-rent is known as the " high-rent." 
Speaking of leases on lives, it is sometimes told, as illustrating 
the Cornish longevity, the result of their frugality and sobriety 
(I have myself buried a parishioner aged lOO years and lo 
days !), that once on a time an old man came to the lawyer's 
office with a bundle of papers under his arm, carefully swathed 
in his red pocket-handkerchief. *' I've a brought they writins," 
he said, as he proceeded to divest the deed of its envelope. 
" Why, you don't mean to say," said the lawyer's clerk, after 
glancing at them, " that old So-and-so is dead ? " ** Naw," 
answered the patriarch, " I b^ant dead nat yet, but the ninety- 
nine years is out." So that he was well over the hundred ! 
The interior of our cottages is frequently, though not so 
frequently as it was, brightened by a dresser, displaying a 
copious collection of crockery — china dogs, with chains of gilt. 


are especial favourites — and in some houses the cosy " settle " 
still finds a place before the hearth, but it is but seldom that 
we have any antiques to show. Whether the old oak chairs 
and chests have been broken up, like Pallissy's, to feed the 
smelting fires, after the forests gave in, I could not say, but 
there are few traces of them left. 

The stranger will also, I think, be interested, as he passes 
along, in observing the distinctively Cornish names both of the 
places and of the people. " There heard I a language that I 
understood not." It is not only the predominance of Tre, Pol 
and Pen^ that is so noticeable, but other names, racy of the 
soil, are equally strange to outsiders. I do not think that I 
shall weary the reader if I devote a brief space to our local 
nomenclature. Here then in St. Austell parish or its im- 
mediate vicinity we have as names of places, Trenance,* Tre- 
varrick, Trethowel, Tregorrick, Trewhiddle (or Trewydel), 
Trenarren, Trevissick, Tregonissey, Treverbyn, Trethur- 
gey, Tregongeeves, Tregontrees, Trenavissick, Trenoweth, 
Tregrehan, Tremena, Tretharrup, Treskilling, Trembear, 
Trelawny, Trenowah, Tregassick, Tregiskey. As names 
of persons we possess our Tremaynes, Tredinnicks, Tre- 
theweys, Tregonnings, Tregaskises, Tregidgas, Tregenzas, 
Trebilcocks, Treganowans, Treleavens, Trevans, Trenberthes, 

1 "By Tn. Pol and Pen 

You shall know the Cornishmen/' 

sometimes enlarged thus — 

•• By Tre, Ros, Pol, Lan, Car and Pen 
You may know the most Cornishmen." 

^ Tre^ it is almost needless to say, means place, dwelling. According; to Canon Taylor 
( Words and Places, p. 152) " it occurs 96 times in the village names of Cornwall " — '* more 
than 1,000 times if wc include hamlets and homesteads." It is also found 20 times in 
Wales, 5 times in Herefordshire, thrice in Devon, and once in several Midland and 
Northern counties, as Treton in Yorks. " It is frequent," he says, *'in Brittany," and 
" it occurs some 30 times in other parts of PVance." He also traces this root in Trtvts, 
TroyeSf Trieste , Trient, etc. 


Treflfrys, Tregions, and have had Trevanions, Treloars, 
Tresidders, Tregennas, Trevithicks, Tregenows, Tremonts, 
Trewins, Trengoves, Trenances, Treleases, Trengrowses, 
Tresoderns, Trewinneys, Trehares. The Pols and Pens are 
not quite so popular, but of the former we have, or have 
had, families named Polkinghorne, Polsue, Polwhele, Polgrene, 
Polgoone ; and as places, Polkyth,^ Polgooth, Polruddan, 
Polglase, Polmear (the old name of Charlestown ; it is still 
represented in Polmear Farm), Polgwyn (Beach), Polkerris 
(across the bay), Polphemy and Poltarrow (in St. Mewan). 
Of Pens^ we have Pentewan, Penrice, PenceguUas, Penweir, 
Pendelow, Penhale, Pengrugla, Penwithick, Penellick, Pen- 
hedra, Penare, Penventon, Pencarrow, among our local 
habitations ; and among our family names Penna, Penwarden, 
Penhaligon, Penaluna, Penalurick, Pendry. Of other names 
not to be ranked with "the first three" are the Cars^ — Carvath, 
Carthew, Carbean, Carclaze, Carlyon, Cardew, Carloggas, 
Garkar [Carker ?] Carluddon, Carwallon, Carrancarrow, 
Carrickowell, Carbis, Carngray, Carnjewey, Carnmoggis, 
Carne, Carenas ; the Lans^ — Lanjeth, Lanyon, Lansalson, 

1 Po/ is supposed to be "another form of the name of the god Balder" — perhaps a 
connection of the Syrian Baal. Names and Places, p. aao. I can hardly believe, 
however, that all our many "pols" represent the sites of ancient Pagan altars. Has 
it not something to do with "pool," as is the case in PwllheWi, Pwll-meurig, etc.? 
Dr. Bannister, in a tract on Cornish Names, interprets it to mean "pool," or "head" — 
compare "*poll " — a conjecture affording a wide choice, but suggesting great uncertainty. 

3 Pen (compare Ben, as the name of mountains in Scotland) is Welsh for " head." It 
is "widely diffused through Europe." We trace it, e.g., in the Pennme. range, the 
Appennxnes, Mount Pindxis, and the hill La Penne, near Marseilles. At home, it 
presents itself in Penmaenmawr, Pendleton, Pen Hill, Penrith, Penntgant (a considerable 
hill in Yorks.), Pensburst, Pencoid, Pembroke, Pentlaw, etc. Thus Penzance means 
"the Saints* headland," Pentewan "the Towan headland," etc. 

^ Car is certainly the same as Caer in Welsh {cf. Co^rmarthen, Ca^rleon), but whether 
we are to connect it with the Latin castra (as in " Chester," " Doncaster," etc), or with 
the Erse caihair, a fortress, is doubtful. Anyhow, it points to a military post. 

< Lan (Welsh Llan), like the Irish fCil, indicates a religious enclosure, a place set apart 
as a sanctuary. There are 479 ** Llans" in Wales and some 1,400 " /Cils" in Ireland. 
This prefix " often enables us to detect the spots first dedicated to Christian worship." 


Lanhadron ; the Nans — Nansladron, Nanpean, Nancollas, 
NankivelP; the Menus — Menacuddle, Menagwins, Menabilly.* 
Some others I put down alphabetically without any pretence at 
classification, viz., Alseveor, Barbolingey, Biscovallack, Boscoppa, 
Boscundle, Bojea, Bosinver, Bohemia, Buzza, Behenna, Ben- 
netto, Bennallack, Bolitho, Clymo, Clemo, Colenso, Carvosso, 
Canamaning, Cuddra, Chytane, Chyprase, Cockaluney,® Dren- 
nick, Fentengellan, Glentowan, Gwendra (a beach), Gotha, 
Gewans, Hallane, Lavrean, Levalsa, Ledrah, Mulvra, Molingey, 
Molinnis, Nancemellin, Pharnyssick, Rescorla, Resugga, Res- 
tineas, Sconhoe, Vallanoweth, Vounder, etc. In a former 
parish we had a schoolmistress of the name of Eighteen — we 
used to say they might have made it Twenty — and a rate 
collector called Paternoster, but these were our jewels ; the bulk 
of the names were of the ordinary English types ; here, on the 
other hand, it is difficult to divest yourself of the feeling that 
you are in a foreign land. And indeed, it is suspected that 
some of these hidalgo-looking names, like Bolitho and Carvalho, 
lago and Jose, are of foreign origin, perhaps inherited from the 
Spaniards who were cast upon our coast at the time of the 
Armada.* It is said that the inhabitants of Mevagissey, for 
example, exhibit a distinctly Spanish colouring and caste of 
features. In the next chapter we will go and see them for 

1 .Van (in Welsh JVani) means " valley." It appears in Tr^nance, the " valley town " ; 
Pennan/, the " vale head " ; Aaw^^mellin, the " valley of the mill " ; in Naniyi'xch^ Nancy, 
NanltSf and compare Val. de Nant. Words and Places, p. 154. 

* Man in Celtic means "district." Taylor (p. 153) connects with this root Maine. 
Mayenne, Mantes, La Mancha, Manchester, Menai Straits, Isle of Man, etc. 

s This is the name of a beach just beyond Portgishey, in Mevagissey parish. This 
name /ooJfes rather Cockney than Celtic. 

* The Spanish gallants burnt and destroyed the Church of Paul, near Penzance. 




UT we have lingered long enough over the general 
features of the parish, and the reader is perhaps 
impatient to start on the road and see them for 
himself. Then let us set out on our first excursion. 

And I recommend that this first walk or drive should be in 
the direction of Pentewan. A drive by preference, for the way 
is long and the hills are formidable. I regret that I cannot 
promise the visitor the unwonted experience of a Cornish "stage- 
van.*'^ I do not know that he would want to repeat it*; still, 
it is the proper thing to do. The passengers are packed like 
herrings : I have often watched them straightening their 
stiffened limbs, as they emerged from this instrument of 
torture. It is said, too, that the van has its first, second, and 
third-class passengers, just like the railway, though all are 
crammed into the same close narrow chest. The first-class 
have the privilege of riding all the way : the second-class must 
get out and walk up the hills; the third get out and push I 
Still, the van had its virtues, one of which was economy. '* I 
have travelled," says the author of Cornwall^ its Mines and 
Miners, **in a two-horse van for fourteen miles for one shilling." 

1 They no longer run on the Pentewan road. In other directions this treat may be 
enjoyed : vans are still to be seen on market days in considerable numbers in our towns. 

2 A Frenchman, after a day's hunting — someone had given him a mount — is said to have 

asked whether the same man ever went out hunting twice ! 



" It is remarkable," he adds, " how the fares could be made 
remunerative." He might also have added that the economy 
of the ride becomes all the more conspicuous when you discover 
how long you are on the road. I daresay for that precious 
shilling he was squeezed and jolted, not to say " cabined and 
confined " for a good four or five hours. Anyhow, whatever 
you miss, you cannot have the van journey to Mevagissey ; you 
must reconcile yourself to 'bus or break. Passing down South 
Street, I will not ask you to linger over the ornate Church 
Schools on the left, or the classic Chapel on the right. It is to 
nature that our parish owes its attractions, not to art and man's 
device ; we are often reminded that " God the first garden 
made, and the first city Cain " ; if any of our erections here- 
abouts are noticeable it is the huge wall on the left, because of 
its cost : Balbus has built one more wall. In the hollow to the 
right the drainage of the town was formerly collected in cess- 
pools, in connection with which a strange ceremony was at one 
time observed. It was called ** the choosing of a Mayor " ; 
what was done was to pick out the man who had been the 
hardest drinker, especially during the feast (it was on the 
Thursday in ** Feasten week " that this took place), chair him as 
Mayor of the place, and then duck his Worship in the pond of 
sludge. Proceeding, you soon find yourself in a charming valley 
(Stockdale in 1824 described this road as " very pleasing "), 
fairly well-wooded, and watered by one of our streams that flow 
with milk and honey — those charged with clay strongly resemble 
the former ; those from the mines might well be infused with 
the latter. This, the Vinnick, the St. Austell river, is of the 
former order. A mile from the town a road branches to 
the left ; this leads to the little hamlet of Tregorrick,^ and 

1 "Tregorrek tenement." together with ".Seynt AustoU reddit'," is mentioned as among 
the possessions of Warinus Lercedekene, miles, 9, Ric. II. And two years later, among 
the Inquisiciones post Mortem, a messuage and half an acre of land at Tregorreke, 


a second road diverges, as you reach the bridge, to Menagwins, 
once the seat of the Scoble family (Thomas de ScobhuU was 
Sheriff of Devon, 19 and 20, Edward I.), one of whom, Henry 
by name, was a considerable figure under the Commonwealth ; 
he must have been a persona grata to the Protector, for he 
officiated, in his capacity of Magistrate, at the civil marriage 
of Cromwell's daughter, on Nov. 14th, 1657.^ The Menagwins 
estate now belongs to the Carlyons of Tregrehan, to whom it 

and five messuages and two acres at St. Austell are included in the appreciacio of the 
possessions of Johes Tr^orret. In the Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds we find a 
grant of a messuage and two parts of an acre of land, Cornish, by Richardj son of Henry 
de Tregerrick. In 1380 one John Tregorrek, along with Robt. Tresilian, Roger Juyle and 
others, was appointed a Commissioner to inquire touching wrecks. It was mentioned as 
justifying a Commission that from some wrecks no one escaped alive, and all the wreckage 
was carried off by Comishmen. There is also a mention of this place in the *' Ministers* 
Accounts" (37 Hen. VI. — 3 Jac I.— 1605) relating to the Arundel estates in ComwalL 
That powerful family — we often come across boundary stones incised with £ (denoting 
Eklgcunibe) on the one side and A (for Arundel) on the other — had a deer park at Lan- 
hadron in St. Ewe, and in 1581 Edward Hambly was reeve. Tregorrick was one of their 
smaller manors. Under " Nansladron " we find this entry — 

" Reed, at Polgowth for toll at the 12th dish (a " dish " = i gallon) 5 feet, 2 quarts, and 
one half-quart of tin " (a " foot " of tin = 60 lbs). 
Under *' Tregorreck" this — 

*• Item. Received at Tregorreck for toll at the fourth foot, 2 foots of tin." 
I may add here that in the Paper book of Bailiffs' accounts (from Nov. 1604 to Nov. 1605) 
for the Sale of Timber at Lanhadron, there are several references to Polgooth mine — among 
them is the receipt of £\i : 5 : 8 " for 21 oakes sold to the Capten of Polgoothe Myne." 
yidc, presidential address of Mr. Jon. Rashleigh, Joum, R. Instit. of Cornwall^ Part 
xviii., 256, sqq. 

1 Lysons says that Richard Scoble was " Clerk of the Parliament to Oliver Cromwell " ; 
Henry was certainly Clerk to the Council. Francis Scoble, his kinsman, however took 
the Royal side, and suffered for it. The State papers of the Commonwealth show that 
Francis Scobell. of St. Austell, was accused before the Committee for Compounding (Aug. 
26th, 1651) of being active against Parliament ; he confessed that he was a constable in 
the late war ; on Oct. 21st, the County Committee was directed to inquire for some act 
done by him as constable, in raising or levying money or in enforcing men ; on March 
30th, 1652, his discharge was to be drawn up, provided he had not been sequestered on 
Dec. ist. 1650. However, he did not get his discharge, for on Dec 9th, 1651, Eras. 
Scoble or Scobell, St. Austell, together with Thos. Grosse, of Burien. Thos. Tresilian, of 
St. Levan, and others, petitioned that the County Commissioners have seized their estates, 
they know not why. All but Scoble pleaded that they constantly obeyed Parliament 
throughout the late wars. 


passed by marriage, having — a curious coincidence — formerly 
passed by marriage from the Carlyons to the Scobells. A 
William Carlyon (baptized 1575) lived at Menagwins. His son, 
Henry (baptized 1603), left the estate by will, dated 1684, to 
his daughter Barbara, who in 1660 had married Richard Scobell, 
of Polruddan. The Archdecknes are believed to have resided 
here before either Carlyons or Scobells ; hence the arms of 
Archdeckne and Haccombe on our Bench ends now in the 
Church tower.^ Crossing the *' Iron bridge " — it is obviously 
constructed of stone, but there was once a bridge of iron here — 
we see on the right Moor Cottage, now the summer residence 
of the Coodes,* of Polapit Tamar, and once the home of 
the six families of that name who now occupy some of our 
largest houses. " Moor cottage," like " Iron bridge," is not 
exactly a case of lucus a non lucendo. No moors are found here 
any longer, but at one time all the valley was moorland. An 
antient cross, brought from Hewas some sixty years ago, now 
stands in the woods at the back of the house.® Two lodges a 
little farther on mark the entrance to Trewhiddle, the abode of 
Mr. D. H. Shilson.* A silver goblet or chalice-shaped cup, 
together with about 114 coins, silver pennies issued during the 
reigns of five of the Kings of Mercia, was found hereabouts on 
November 8th, 1774, during the process of streaming for tin. 

^ Page 14a 

s Edward Coode and Wm. Payntcr were '* Agents for the Committee of Parliament for 
the Countie of Cornwall," in 1646. 

> This is our only example of a Latin cross with bead, shaft, and base complete. Total 
height, 6 ft. 8 in. Another similar unornamented cross may be seen in St. Ewe Church- 
town. Langdon, p. 424. 

^ Drew remarks in his ponderous way that '* Trewhiddle seems fitted up as a Temple for 
retirement." When he wrote, it was in the occupation of Mr. Polkinghome. Since that 
day it has been considerably enlarged, and the grounds especially have been greatly 
improved by Mr. Shilson. Mr. Drew was something of a I%ilistine. He speaks of 
Trevissick as " a genteel habitation," and says there is " a genteel house" at Nansladroii. 


It is in connection with these operations that Mr. Colenso is 
believed to have lost his money. They are supposed to have 
been deposited here about a.d. 874-6. They were found some 
seventeen feet below the surface in a tenement which formed 
part of the manor of Trewhiddle. Along with them certain gold 
and silver ornaments were brought to light ; among them a 
silver cord, supposed to have been a disciplinarium. The cup 
was, unfortunately, broken into several pieces. Davies Gilbert 
most unaccountably says, that ** it has since been used for the 
sacramental wine at the Church." About 70 of the coins are 
now in the cabinet of Mr. Jon. Rashleigh of Menabilly : nearly 
all the ornaments, save two of gold, are in the collection of 
Captain Rogers of Penrose.^ 

Half a mile lower down we reach the village of New Mill, 
better known as London Apprentice, so named after the modest 
public-house of the place, now converted into a post-office. Of 
the minute Methodist chapel that we pass on the right it has 
been humorously observed that when the preacher would go in, 
the congregation has to come out, so modest are its dimen- 
sions. On the opposite side of the valley stands the farm-house 
of Molingey — a former farm-house was literally washed away 
in a flood — where was once a chapel dedicated to the Blessed 
Virgin ^ ; verily ** the old order changeth, yielding place to 

1 An account of this find, by the late Mr. J. Jope Rogers, may be read in the Journal 
of the Royal Institution of Cornwall, Part viii., pp. 292-5. Mr. Rogers argues that they 
must have been secreted about 874, that is, before the date of the Danish invasion. 
The Danish army was driven beyond Exeter by King Alfred in 877, and in the next year 
a Danish fleet of twenty-three ships threatened our S.W. coast. Twelve of these coins 
were long in the hands of the Rev. R. Hennah, Vicar of St. Austell, but they appear to 
have been lost. Five are at Penrose. 

3 According to Hitchins and Drew, Borlase in his MSS. SAys "There was a Chapel of 
St. Mary at Mellinse in St. Austell." The reference can only be to Molingey. At the 
date of this work— I mean Drew's Edition of Hitchins — " memorials of an ancient window 
were still to be seen, which appear to have belonged to a Chapel." In an adjoining 
garden, some foundations were discovered, as also a stone trough. History, p. 56. 

r> ?£-vr£^_JV asz ^{£ta^:sszt : 

Some bits 'A the ar.ti-ect r^iis-icrv. pcrri-jcs :f x window, are, 
I beli^tr/*, :r.crpr,rs.i.*:i :-:: ih-r ziid-ar:: b:cse. A: ibe post- 
r^fSoi aforesaid i r-.^i t j the right leids t: P:l?:cch. tbe mine 
of which n*r.::on has several r—ris be=n nsde we will visit it 
another day , ar.d pres-rnily 2. r:ai :: the left passes over a 
bridge to To-x-an. once the hjcrie zi the Sawie tintily, now 
frstablished at Penrice. At TjW2^ is a wishing or baptismal 
well, not easy to find the visitor had better inquire f^r it at the 
" town place"',* and on the uphill way thither we get what 
is perhaps the ver\- best general \"iew of St. Austell. Now, 
however, we must go straight on. and as we mount the hill, a 
lovely view spreads itself before us seawards. We also have 
a striking coup cTctil of the town from this point. The lands 
of ** four lords " meet in the vallev bevond us. Lord Mount 


Edgcumbe's, Sir Charles Brune Graves Sawle's, Mr. Tremayne's, 
and Mr. Thomas Graves Sawle's. The line of wood right in front 
of us, a mile away, is Heligan Drive ; we come to the Heligan 
lower lodge,' after passing Nansladron * — the word means " the 

1 ll':T\jtat of M'-'lingey is m*:ntioned (a? doing no suit) in the survey of the Manor of 
Tewingu>n. made at St. Austell, z Edw. III. 

)'I he first farmhouse has an antique, canred stone embedded in its side. Part of the 
rlat'' if div:ernible. but the rest has perished. The well is now dry, except in winter. A 
(ledcstal for ;i statue is found opposite the door. What Lysons observes of Menacuddle, 
that, whilst most wells are in ruins, this " remains pretty entire." may also be said of 
'lowiiii. The liuilding is in excellent preservation. The walls are about two feet thick. 
Thr Imgih (within) is only six feet. On a line with the threshold is a socket in the wall, 
fitted to receive the end of a plank. 

^At this itiiint Mevagissey parish begins, embracing all the land to our right. The 
Urni-houv*, however, which stands to our right as we turn to enter Pentewan village, is in 
St. Austell, (IS also is Sconhoc. the house on the beach. 

< 'I his place is mentioned in the Ik>ok of Escheats (15 Edw. II., p. 301, No. 49), in an 
.icccMHit of thir Iniifis of Thomas, Earl of I^ncaster. and other rebels. Under CornwalU 
tlieii' in mention in/tr alia of liodrugan, Tywardraythe, the manor of Tewington, etc 
I'his unfortunate nobleman, who was beheaded on March aand, 1333, for re^lion against 



valley of robbers " (Cornish ladety = latro^ gen. plur. laddron) — 
on our right. Heligan is the seat of Mr. John Tremayne,^ 
formerly M.P. for East Cornwall, and the drive is remarkable 
not only for its length and the luxuriant Benthamias — here first 
naturalized in any number — and rhododendrons which garnish 
it, but also for the striking peeps of St. Austell town which 
it affords. The house is not particularly interesting * ; it was 
built at a debased period of domestic architecture, but St. Ewe 
Church is worthy of a visit, if only because of its rood-screen, 
a fine piece of antient work.® At Nunnery Hill, in St. Ewe 
parish, is a cross with an inscribed base. The letters are much 
abraded, but Mr. lago believes it to read, ALSUE CURAVIT 
H' CRUCEM F ANIMA SUA. This valley, or " bottom," 
as the Cornish unpoetically call their vales, is so level that the 
visitor may well imagine that he sees before him the bed of a 
primaeval lake. The fact is, that it has been " streamed for 
tin," even within living memory — the Pentewan stream-work 
was long one of the most interesting in the county ; it was 

his cousin Edward II., supplies a connecting link between this parish and my last charge, 
that of the Old Church of Pontefract. At Earlsmount in that parish he was overuken 
and beheaded, hard by Pomfret Castle. In the Ministers' Accounts of 30 and 31 
Edw. III., a certain "John of Nansladrun" appears as tenant of the *' Mill of Portb- 
melyn." Nansladron was occupied for a short time by Archbishop Temple, when Bishop 
of Exeter. ' 

1 A John Tremayn was placed on the Commission of the Peace for Cornwall, 
May 1 6th, 1378. 

2 • ' The present house was completed about 1809 " (Gilbert). Murray {Handbook, p. 42) 
pronounces it "extremely ugly." 

^ In St. Ewe Churchyard, as C. S. Gilbert (p. 853) informs us, the following inscription 
might formerly be read — 

" Here lies the body of Joan Carthew» 
Born at St. Mewan, died at St. Ewe ; 
Children had she five, 
Three is dead and two's alive; 
They that are dead choosin' rather 
To die with mother than to live with father." 


begun in 1780 * — and afterwards levelled. All the same, 
there is evidence that an arm of the sea formerly extended 
as far up as to Nansladron or even to 'Prentice. When 
the valley was excavated for mining purposes, a number 
of trunks of trees, together with the bones of some extinct 
animals, were brought to light — some were found about fifty 
feet below the present level of the sea at high water — and 
also traces of antient oyster-beds.* The site of this sub- 
merged forest is to be found just where the railway diverges 
from the river. The wood on the opposite side of the valley, 
which the said railway skirts, is known as the " King's Wood " — 
probably it was part of Earl Thomas's property which, on his 
attainder and execution, reverted to the King.® I do not mean 
that the name goes back to the time of Edward II. ; I suspect 
it is called the ** King's Wood " because the Common- 

1 The work was done in instalments. A pit was made, streamed, and filled up with 
the dlbris of the next section. " The valley is a continuation of St. Austell moor, where, 
for ages, a gjeat quantity of tin has been obtained by streaming. The quantity of tin 
ground opened at Pentewan has been iS.aoo fathoms, and the average block tm got per 
sq. fathom, i86 lbs. The quantity of overburthen removed has been upwards of 900,000 
tons." Cornwall, iis Mines, etc., p. 25. 

*' Hitchins and Drew have much to tell us about this stream work and the revelations 
it led to. It was first opened in 1780 ; in 1816 it was inundated by an extraordinary tide. 
They say that many trees were found in the layer of peat, from five to twelve feet below 
the surface. Of some, the stumps were standing as they grew ; others were laid flat on 
their sides — some of these latter were three feet in diameter. In one place, some forty 
or fifty feet below the surface, six or seven stumps were discovered stretching across the 
valley and about six feet Mow the oyster beds, which in ages past must have been under 
the sea at high water. No mark of any sort of tool was visible on the broken stump. 
Large numbers of antlers of deer — Murray's Handbook says, " of the so-called Irish elk" — 
and horns of cattle were brought to light, and last, but not least interesting, two human 
skulls were found in the same marine stratum ; that is to say, below both the soil and the 
subjacent peat. Worth concluded from these appearances that our tin mining goes back 
at least to B.C. 1000. A paper on the Phoenicians and their trade with Britain, by Mr. 
Reg. Stuart Poole, may be found in the Journal of the R, Instil, of Cornwall, Part iv. 
He thinks that two blocks of tin " discovered in a mine near St. Austell'* point to 
Phoenician occupation. They are about the weight of an Attic talent, or a multiple thereof. 

A Tewington Wood, otherwise Fentengellan. appears among the possessions of Queen 
Elizabeth in the Ministers' Accounts, 39 and 40 EUiz. 


wealth, just before the sale, had taken it over from the King.^ 
A mile beyond Nansladron we are close to the Pentewan 
beach (a little strand hard by is called Porthtowan), which has 
been considerably enlarged by the sand formerly carried down 
by the stream from the clayworks.* Pentewan is mentioned — 
the receipt of sixpence " for the bede of the mill of Pentewyn 
by the year " is — in the Ministers' Accounts of the Tewington 
Manor, begun 5 and 6 Edward II.' The name borne by 
the common or waste which lies between us and the beach, 
*' the Winnick," preserves for us the name, now almost 
forgotten, of the river which here enters the sea. Not far 
from the farm-house on our right is, according to the 
Ordnance Map, the site of an antient Barton, or farm- 
manor (Barton = Barley-town). The road to the left, past the 
Board School, leads to Pentewan (*'the headland of Towan") 
village, but before visiting that miniature seaport, nestling 
comfortably at the foot of its hills (three valleys meet here), 
the tourist will do well to extend his walk (or drive) up the 
*' Big Hill " opposite, to Mevagissey, two miles farther, than 

* See p. 29. 

'^ Till within the last half-century the refuse sand, after the clay had been washed out of 
it. was for the most part precipitated into the river, with the natural result that the stream 
constantly became choked, and overflowed its banks, to the great detriment of the adjacent 
lands, and that, notwithstanding that a number of " river men " were kept at work to pre* 
vent a block. To put a stop to this Mr. Coode, of Moor Cottage, and Mr. Lakes 
threatened proceedings in Chancery; the matter was, however, compromised. In our 
Parish Records we find complaint made in 1852 that the sand had gradually accumulated 
and had practically dammed up or diverted the Pentewan river. It is there stated that 
formerly this sand was carried away by the winter floods, but of late the quantity had 
grown to be so enormous that the bed of the river was choked with it, and the outlet at 
the Pentewan beach had become obstructed, with the result just described. Mr. Carveth. 
who was employed to report on this nuisance, recommended (i) That sand be not thrown 
into the river from the clay works ; (2) That the channel be narrowed and straightened ; 
(3) That new banks be constructed. He estimated the cost at not less than £2po\ it 
would. I should think, have been more satisfactory if he could have stated the maximum 
outlay. However, these recommendations were carried out. 

3 The same item appears in the accounts of subsequent years. 


which the county contains few places more thoroughly Cornish 
and primitive.^ It is supposed to derive its curious name from 
two saints, St. Mewan and St. Issey, who have separately 
impressed their names on other parishes.* It is a quaint spot 
and no mistake ; you feel as if you had at last reached the end 
of all things. Justice compels me to add that, if it is bizarre 
and picturesque, it is hardly less smelly and insanitary. It is, 
as already remarked, a great fishing station, and the odour of 
fish which pervades the place has led some profane persons to 
call it " Fishagissey." In 1849 it was desolated by cholera, 
which wrought such ravages that for a time, until the plague 
abated, the inhabitants were lodged in tents, outside the 
town. Things are vastly better now, but (if I may speak 
and live) there is still room for improvement. The Meva- 
gissey fishermen, fine fellows as they are, are extremely 
conservative in their ideas, some of which are most ex- 
emplary ; nothing will induce them, for example, to fish on 
Sundays. In other respects I cannot commend them ; they 
are profoundly indifferent to all sanitary improvements ; indeed, 
they threatened not so long ago to convert an Irish officer of 
health into Irish bacon, if he meddled any further in their 
affairs. Sturdy independence characterizes the natives of this 
region, as a proverb which circulates amongst us testifies : 
** Like the Mevagissey volunteers ; all officers and no privates." 
A story is told of their forefathers, which if non vero, is ben 
trovato. They say that during the wars of Napoleon, when 
that great commander talked of invading this country, a vessel 
went ashore near Mevagissey, and amid the flotsam and jetsam 
was a gibbering baboon. The good people of the place, not 

1 The population of tbcpcirish was in 1801, according to Lysons, 2,053. It is now 2,aoo. 

a St. Mewan we shall visit on another day ; St. Issey lies between Wadebridge and 
Padstow. I'hc same name is preserved in Trcgonissgy, 


understanding the creature's strange chatter, incontinently set 
it down for a French spy, and dispatched a messenger in quest 
of the St. Austell constables to apprehend it. If this story 
bears marks of concoction, not so the following, which I give 
on the authority of a former Vicar. He had published the 
banns of marriage of John Trethewey and Jenefer Pascoe — I 
don't pretend to give the exact names — when a man rose up 
and forbade them. He was asked to see the Vicar in the vestry 
at the close of the service, which he did. ** I understand," 

said Mr. C , " that you forbid the banns." '* Certingly I 

do," said the man ; ** I weant have it no ways." " May I ask 
your name ? " said the clergyman. ** My name," replied he, 
** is Jawn Trethewey." " John Trethewey ! " said the parson, 
** why that is the name of the man whose banns were called." 
" Yes, Tm the man," replied he ; " she went and put un in, 
and I beant a gawn to stand it." There is one sight of Meva- 
gissey which it is worth going a long way to view, namely, the 
fishing fleet putting out to sea. When the afternoon sun gilds 
and glorifies the tiny craft and the basin and the cliffs, and as 
vessel follows vessel in swift succession out of the harbour, the 
spectacle is one to kindle " thoughts that do lie too deep for 
tears." A large portion of the new pier, built in 1887, mainly 
through the generosity of Mr. John Charles Williams, of 
Carhayes Castle, was swept away by the furious blizzard of 
March 9th, 1891. The Church has been carefully and success- 
fully restored (in 1886-7) by Mr. St. Aubyn ; it was a truly 
woeful spectacle before this was done. It had no tower 
(Stockdale said in 1824 that it had fallen down a few years 
before) and no bells ; the Mevagissey folk are jestingly said 
to have sold their bells to pay for pulling down their tower.^ 

1 ** Ye men of Porthilly [Mevagissey], Why were ye so silly, 
As Gorran men tell. To sell e^try bell 
For money to pull down your tower." 



right slope is not wooded ; otherwise the view would be perfect. 
Below the grounds may be found the site of an antient Manor 
house. The highest clilf in this neighbourhood bears the name 
of "The Van,"' The Trenarren lands belonged of old to 
the Priory of Tywardreath, down to the dissolution of 
the monasteries ; they were given to this religious house 
in the time of Richard I. by Robert de Cardinham. The 

rnm m PiUtafrnvJt iy B. Julya^. 

visitor may either descend to the beach at Rope Hawn 
(Haven), or may go over the Ledrah to the Black Head, where 
two young girls who were bathing were drowned in 1884, 
or down the lane to Halleyn or Hallane Mill, which place has 
also been pronounced to be " the end of all things." Perhaps 
the visit to the Black Head hardly repays the fatigue of getting 

1 ■ Near Penlewan, in the parijh of St. Austell, a an oval camp, called • The Van." ud 
anoiher near Pennce, in Ihe jame pariih, called • Casile Golhia." " Lyion*. 


to it, though on it are traces of an old-world camp or eatrench- 
ment ; they are very plentiful in this county, and along this 
coast. Beyond Trenarren lies Trevissick — we read of a Robert 
Trevysek, temp. Edw, III. — once the seat of the Moyle family,' 
which figures so largely in our annals, but now the property of 
Mrs. Gully Bennett, of Tresilian, to whom it passed through 
the Slades. Returning to the main road (there is a footpath 
across the fields which cuts off a considerable corner ; it also 








crosses the antient entrenchment from which the place derives 
its name of CastU Gotha * : can the word Gotha, I wonder, be a 
survival from the Goths or Jutes who once swept along our South 

■ A Moyle or Moil— Ihe name also appears aj Molle and Mule — i* mentioned as emrif 
US 7 Edw. 111. John Moile joined in a memorial addressed lo the Duchy in 1633. 
David Moyle was one oF tbe convenlionary tenants under Ibe Commonwealth in ifijo. 
One of our Church flagons comei from this family. 

'Kogcrde Casleleoithan was roeve of the manor of Tewinglon. 15 Bdward III. Mathew 
Kestelgovian is mentioned in the accounts of Thoi. de la Hide, 85 Edw. I., and " Aroicia 
Malhew de Keslelgolban " in tbe survey of tbe Manor made temf, Edw. 111. 


coast ? There is also a delightful path along the cliffs past 
Gotha farm to Porthpean) we make for the hamlet just named. 
On our left lies the deer park of Penrice, and half a mile farther 
on we come on the gate at the beginning of the drive. Penrice 
itself is a good mile from the gate, and is a dignified and good- 
looking house, and very snugly placed, but in such a hollow 
and so surrounded by woods that the family could not view the 
comet which visited us a few years ago without driving a mile 
or more to get free of them. It contains some portraits of the 
Graves family — the admirals. Before the Sawles resided here, 
the place was occupied by the family of Cosgame.^ The Sawles, 
who died out in 1803,^ go back to remote antiquity ; Hals 
reports that one "Sauley" came over with the Conqueror® — but 

^ The premises, like many more in Cornwall, are much infested by rats ; Sir Charles 
tells me that on an average they kill one every day. I should not suppose, however, that 
this would interest the reader, but that Carew remarked long ago on the prevalence of 
rats in Cornish houses, and it is curious to find this plague in undiminished force at the 
present day. 

« Page 149. 

^ " Originally, the first ancestor of the family came out of Normandy, a soldier under 
William the Conqueror, in 1066. Beyond the records of time, at Towan in this parish and 
elsewhere in Devon, this family or tribe hath been extant in fame and splendour as the 
descendants of that Sauley or Sawle mentioned in Battle Abbey RoU." Hals's glowing 
account was probably coloured by partiality for "my very kind friend, Joseph Sawle, 
Esq.. that married Trevannion." But we do find Sawles or Sawells in the Tavistock 
records as far back as 1476. Richard Sawell was warden there in 1573. The name of 
Nicholas Sawell, gent., appears in a petition addressed to Charles I. by the principal men 
of the county in 1642. Oliver Sawle or Sawell is mentioned among the " conventionary 
tenants " of the Duchy at Towan in 1633. and again in the time of the Commonwealth, 
and in 1650 he bought from the Commissioners some 16 acres of wood at £^ per acre. 
He also held lands in socage at St. Austell, Tcwyn, Towyn, and " Carwarth," but this is 
but the second mention of the family which I have so far found in our histories. 
(Nich. Sawle, armiger, is mentioned in a patent of 4 Carol. I., as holding vi acres in 
Treverbyn-Courtney.) That it is descended from a Norman soldier of the name of Sauley 
may perhaps be doubted. At the time of the Conquest, and indeed much later, 
surnames such as this were quite unknown — a man bore only his Christian name, 
and possibly his place of residence, as Roger de Hoveden, Robert de Cardinham, etc 
It may be said, indeed, that Sauley was a baptismal name, but if so it would not descend 
to the son. Saul's son might be named Simon, or anything else. Lysons (p. cxlix.) 
includes the Sawles of Penrice and Levrean in his list of extinct families. Major Sawle, 


they do not date quite so far back as some of our young people 
have supposed. A lady in one of our Sunday Schools asked a 
boy in her class "who was the first King of Israel ? " As he 
did not know, she presently informed him that it was King 
Saul. " What, Sir Charles ! " said the youth, in open-eyed 
astonishment. Sir Charles and Lady Graves Sawle celebrated 
their " golden wedding " on Feb. i8th, 1896, amid the hearty 
congratulations and warm good wishes of a large concourse of 

Porthpean — take the first turn to the right after passing 
Penrice gate — possesses a beautiful little Church, built in 1884 
by Sir Charles and Lady Sawle. It was dedicated by Bishop 
Wilkinson, now of St. Andrew's, the then Bishop of Truro, on 
St. Levan's Day, October 15th, in the name of St. Levan.^ 
The legend over the narthex, or porch, "Jesus came to them, 
walking on the sea," was suggested by Archbishop Benson ; the 
text over the altar by Bishop Wilkinson. There is a tablet to 
the memory of " Etha, wife of Lieut.-Col. Graves Sawle." A 
portion of ground at the East end has been consecrated as a 
burial place for the Sawle family, and its exquisite position, 
overlooking the peaceful bay, might have suggested the lines — 

who often appears in our old account book, is said to have been aide-de-camp to the great 
Duke of Marlborough. There is an inscription on a slate tablet in Sl Winnow Church, 
which is believed to refer to one of the members of this family ; anyhow it is well worth 
recording, for the admirable anagram which it embalms. It runs — 

** William Saule. 

I was ill ; am well 
When I was sick, most men did deeme me ill ; 
If I had lived, I should have been soe still ; 
Prais'd be the Lord that in the Heav'ns doth dwell, 
Who hath received my soule ; now I Am Wel.'* 

^ It was a curious coincidence, this. The name had been chosen, and the date 
fixed, when the service had to be postponed. It was then fixed, by hazard, for 
St. Levan's Day. 


" Lay me under the grass 

As it slopes lo the South and the sea, 
Where ihe living I love may pass, 
ADd passing may think of me." 

The architect of the Church was Mr. Reeve. The School was 
built by Sir Joseph Graves Sawle. The house near the shore 
(the tourist should go down the leafy lane on the South 
side of the Church to the beach) is the summer residence 

of Mrs. Petherick ; it is conspicuous in the picture.^ Hard by 
is a comfortable little hotel and boarding-house, well spoken of 
by visitors. The Glen, in a very sunny and sheltered spot. I 
give them this advertisement out of pure goodwill. Porthpean, 
like the rest of the coast, was much addicted to smuggUng — 

> This phoio^raph was taken on the occa* 



the shady road to the right ; that to the left leads to Tre- 
gorrick ; a footpath which begins some hundred yards on the 
right of this road represents the shortest way to St. Austell ; 
or we may go straight ahead towards Mount Charles. The 
only recommendation of the route last named is that it leads 
past The Longstone, a rude obelisk, twelve feet high, by some 
called Tregeagle's Walking-stick. The legend is that the giant, 


his hat being blown away by the wind, started in pursuit of it, 
but planted his huge walking-staff in the ground, as it interfered 
with his pace. He is said to have wandered about for long 
in the dark, and then to have given up the search. Next 
morning, the natives discovered his staff and hat — this latter 
a stone something like a millstone, which formerly stood on 
White Horse Down, but which in 1798 was rolled over the 


cliff into the sea by some soldiers encamped in the neighbour- 
hood, who — I cannot call it sancta simplicitas — held it respon- 
sible for the long spell of wet weather which they were then 
enduring.^ The Longstone is supposed to be really a land- 
mark ; possibly it indicates the site of a battle or burial. A 
barrow — " One Barrow " it was called • — was opened in this 
neighbourhood (Gwallon Downs') in 1805, and was found to 
contain a sepulchral urn. Otherwise, apart from the legend, 
this road is uninteresting, and I recommend that to the right, 
which is shady and pretty, and lands us near Charlestown 
beach. The old name of this place was Polmear ; it was called 
Charlestown after Mr. Charles Rashleigh, who developed its 
resources as a seaport. In 1790 it contained but nine persons. 
The pier was begun in 1791, and was enlarged the year follow- 
ing. About 1800 Mr. Rashleigh was resident at Duporth, and 
a curious story is connected with his name. He took into his 
employ a lad named Dingle, for whom he conceived a great liking 
and at last determined to bring him upas a gentleman. To this 
end he must make him a magistrate — I believe he was to be a 

1 See Courtney, Cornish Feasts and Folklore, p. 59, 60. Borlase, however (Af^e of iht 
Saints, p. 95), says this stone " marked the spot where the devil perpetrated a silly trick 
upon a saint who was belated." Tregeagle, pronounced Tregaygle by the common folk, 
is our Cornish Bluebeard. He is accused of having married many heiresses for the sake 
of their money, whom he afterwards murdered. Now his voice may be heard on dirty 
nights above the howling of the storm, and he is condemned for his sins to empty 
Dosmery Pool, near Bolventor, with a tiny cockleshell. It need hardly be said that he 
gets " no forrarder." 

* Mr. W. C. Borlase {Naenia Comubiae, p. 152) suggests that " one " is probably a cor- 
ruption o{ gwyn, ije., " white." He cites Whitaker's account, which merely informs us 
that the workmen found a great variety of stones, all undressed, forming a square 
enclosure, which contained a multitude of bones, none of them above seven inches long, 
and then adds that the Kist vean was rebuilt in a hedge, and the bones replaced therein. 

8 There is frequent mention of Wallen in the old records. In the 29th year of Edw. I. 
the pasture of Wellan was worth by the year 22s. iid. It is added, " There are certain 
wastes in Wellan which are worth by the year 6is." From the Ministers' Accounts, 15 and 
16 Edw. 111., we learn that "the land of Wallen contained x6o acres." In those of 36 
Edw. I. we hear of 46 acres of waste in Wallen. 



|OR a second excursion, let us take the Bodmin Road, 
making Roche our terminus ad quern. This Bodmin 
Road was constructed in 1835 ; at least the parish in 
that year contributed ;f200 towards its cost. The old road to 
Roche passes through Trenance, the hamlet which lies on our 
left, in the valley, as we leave the town. The rock is six 
miles distant, so the tourist may think it prudent to drive. 
The first object which arrests the attention en route is the huge 
** spider '* bridge, one of the many wooden bridges which have 
earned for the Cornwall Railway the name of " a line on 
stilts,*' and of which I am able to give an illustration. Alas ! 
by the time this excellent work is in the hands of the reader 
it may be dismantled, and only the piers left to show where it 
stood. If this is not so, I will ask the traveller to observe that 
each separate beam bears branded on it the date of its inser- 
tion. It is generally supposed that these wooden bridges are 
precarious, and there have been people who would not take the 
railway journey through Cornwall because of their supposed 
insecurity. I believe that they are really safer than iron struc- 
tures.^ One thing is certain, that if there is any weakness or 
decay, it is open to the light of day and is detected at once, 

1 This is true of the beams, but some of the stone piers are said to be shaky. One in 
the Gover Valley (so one of the engineers assures me) moves when a train passes over it. 


whereas iron girders may rust away unseen. The cuiA-e in the 
structure is said to add to its stability, just as a curved piece 
of paper will stand when a straight one falls. The new piers 
are constructed of Dartmoor stone. A few yards farther on, a 
road to the right leads past " Carlyon's Farm " to the Mena- 
cuddle Road, and thence to the " Look Out," a walk which 
anyone who has the time should take, because of the pleasing 

Fnn n PMttrapk i* Mr. <!. liuHp. 

views which it afftirds. This side of the valley was once as 
wt;ll wooded as the opposite side happily is still, thanks to the 
forethought of Mr. Chas. Rashleigh, who planted these trees a 
century ago. The timber was cut down by Sir Joseph Sawle, 
who wanted to have more arable land or pasture. A relic of 
this wood remains near Menacuddle Farm. Fifty years ago 
this farmhouse was an antique building with a groined roof, 
but so low that you could hardly stand upright therein, and so 



> that Sir Charles was compelled to rebuild it. The 
house on the opposite slope is known as " The Brake " ; it is 
the residence of Mr. Walter Hicks, and is a conspicuous 
object from the railway bridge as the train passes over it. 
Two seafaring men were one day heard to observe that " a 
chap with that place and three or fower pounds a week 
could make hisself very comfortable " ! The road to the 



rnm a fMojrapk bf Mr. D. 0. RohtlU. 

left, which presently descends into the " bottom," is the 
approach to the Brake,' and it also leads to the Menacuddle 
Well or Baptistery — one of the many "wishing wells" of the 
county, which Christianity attempted to consecrate to nobler 
uses. A little Gothic building, with a groined roof, nine feet 

n ibe Brake Woods is 

e, knowa in the ndgfaboutbood as King Arthur's 

»% 70 irjCHE AXD ITS ROCK. 

V,xt% and six (vil tiv^ inches wide, has been reared over it * : 
" t yif/J: 'A /intientry," they call it hereaboats.* Its sitnatkn 
i* fATtainly r'<mantic — " it lies in a vale at the foot of Mena- 
'■.\\AA\n Orove, niirroundfcd with romantic scenen-,"* says Mr. 
Miiy., who add* fafter Drew, p. 15S) that "weak children 
hav»! fr'^[iiently Vc^n carried here to be bathed ; ulcers have 
■.rWi \>fj:n wa.=>h'MJ in th« sacred water" — which is not pleasant 

ftvM n noMprsfiA ^ Ur. K. Barm 

f I'i'llin ('liiirL'll icMik miller il» proleclion the heathen " withing welli." aod ihejp 
!• " Hilly Wi'll*. woFkiiiji woildrou* curei," Court Guiit h ConraaU, p. 494. 

.1 HRiiinl in Mr. lto|wii l^gtmJarf l^n ef ikt Half WtUi ^ RHgUnd, p. at; 

Mill I'liiirlmiy'i t'iMiiii4 I'tjsts, elc p. 191 in Blijchl'i Anritni Cmi*j, etc. 

In (h>' .11,11^1 jmJ Half ll'rila »f Vtrnvtill. p. 15S. Hope expUint h 
II Vkt llAimk't StMt (w.nii it ctrJl\. Knd M]n the WAler oT thii well ii n 

tliitMinK lit ibv plan ihrwl a lillle lake ikirting ihc BaptiMcrj; thii involied 
il watrifall. which would apprar lo luve bc«n much lulmind. ai C S, Gilb«ft 
lvr><^<'■••«^u■V|!1n■t ut a new of il ; it it aba mentioned bjr Stodidale, p. 4^ 


reading for those who have thought it their duty to drink here. 
** People in seasons of sickness have been recommended by 
neighbouring matrons to drink of the salubrious fluid" — so 
writes Drew. But it is not only or principally for its curative 
properties that this " gifted well " is esteemed. It is primarily 
a wishing well — hence it is sometimes called pinni-menny} 
Hard by this well, the Menacuddle Chapel ^ is believed to have 
stood. Whitaker is positive — he always is cocksure about 
everything — that the hermit Austolus took up his residence not 
far from this fountain, which (he says) in his day was still 
called St. Austell well, though a good way from the town. 
The hermit's cell, however (he proceeds to inform us), was 
probably in the town itself, was modelled into a chapel after 
his death, and magnified into a parish church at last. As to 
which one feels inclined to cry, C^est magnifiqtu, mais ce n' est pas 
Vhistoire, The proper thing to do is to throw a pin into the 
well, and to wish (menny) at the same time. Strictly speaking, 
it would appear to be a place for wishing ill to others, as the 
pin, according to some authorities, represents a miniature 
dagger, a sign of injury to the person ** ill-wished " (or "over- 
looked," as they phrase it hereabouts). We have our super- 
stitions, as everybody knows, in this county, and the evil eye 
is one of them ; people often complain that they have been 
ill-wished. The writer's little daughter, when a child of seven, 
has been denied admission into a house at Pentewan, because 
of her alleged **evil eye" — an appalling instance of juvenile 
depravity ! It is curious how deeply rooted these beliefs are 
in this Methodist county. The very people who would cry out 
if this well were used, as of yore, for Christ's sacrament of 

1 Miss Courtney (p. 19) says that " pinnameony " is Cornish for "heads and tails" — 
pedna a maen, 

*See p. 23. 


Baptism, are left to use it for charms and spells.^ It reminds 
one of that philosophic German who passed from atheism to 
spiritualism, and of whom a friend affirmed that " he would 
now believe anything, so long as it wasn't in the Bible ! " 

Pursuing our course along the highway, we pass many clay- 
works and ** dries," and though there is nothing very remarkable, 
nothing to linger over, yet there are many beautiful bits of 
scenery and objects of interest which those who are content to 
take their happiness in little slices will by no means scorn. 
For example, I think our granite gateposts are worthy of notice. 
A careful observation will show how the granite was split up to 
serve this purpose : a series of holes are drilled into it ; these 
are filled with water, after which the rock splits with the 
greatest readiness. But this by the way. We pass *' Provi- 
dence " — so named after its chapel ; then Carthew, and 
presently reach Treverbyn, where away to the right stands a 
Church, one of Mr. Street's earlier efforts. The district was 
formed in 1847, and the Church was erected in 1850. There 
was antiently a Chapel here, with a burying place — " of public 
use," according to Hals, before the Church of St. Austell was 
erected.* But it will repay us better, instead of pressing on to 
Treverbyn, to turn aside to Roche : a finger post directs us 
where to diverge from the high road. This branch road leads 
past mighty clay works ; the road has been diverted two or 

1 In the parish of St. Cleer is a holy well formerly used for boussening^ i.e. , ducking mad 
people. If it did not restore them on a first application, they were ducked again until it 
did — or until they died or were half-dead with fright and hydropathy. The water of 
St. Jesus well at Miniver is celebrated for the cure of whooping cough (Courtney). The 
'*well of St. Keyne," thanks to Southey's verse, is famed far and wide for its special 
virtue in establishing the conjugal supremacy of the husband or wife who first partakes of 
it after marriage. Sad to record, it is now run dry ! When the author had recourse to it, 
it would not yield a drop ! 

s The Manor of Treverbyn, on the attainder of the Marquis of Exeter, reverted to the 
Crown, and was annexed (in 1540) to the Duchy. It is now held by Messrs. Ivimey 

and Gill. 



three times to make way for their encroachments ; then past 
" Vinegar Point " — those who have passed it on a wild winter 
night will know why it is so called, and presently Roche, or the 
rock whence it takes its name, rises before us. The rock is 
a spur projecting from the granite, is of schorl mingled with 
quartz; St. Mewan Beacon is of similar formation. The rock 
is 100 feet high,' 680 feet above the sea. On its summit stand 

f niu a PlalotrarK Ajr Mr. Alan Caadt. 

the ruins of a cell and chapel once occupied or used, it is 
believed, by a hermit.* It consists of two rooms, one above 

■arn from Upscomb {Journty into Carnioall, p. 371) Ihal (bil C«U 
t or a fitici of acurilfl "Another idea." he gravely adds, "h«i 
. on Ihis subject, viz., that it was one of (he places of rendeivoui for 
assembled to lii the price of tin." Polwhele (p. 66) sajra thai thi* 
Itie earliest in Cornwall. 


the other ; the lower measures twelve feet by nine, and has a 
window at the East end. Steps cut in the rock lead from the 
chapel to the hermitage. It was dedicated to St. Michael ; 
Roche Church is dedicated under the name of St. Conant.^ 
The tradition is that the first and perhaps the only occupant of 
the cell was a leper, Gonnett or Gundred by name, who was 
shut up in this cell for years,* being ministered to by his 
daughter, who daily brought him water from the well below, 
which is still called St. Gonnett's well. Roche has been held 
to be a corruption of Tr^roach, just as Goss-moor is short for 
Tregoss, but I think this questionable. It is also said that the 
village was once the seat of the Tregorrick family (" Garrack " = 
rock), otherwise known as the De Rupes? The well just 
mentioned is a crevice or hole in the rock below, six inches in 
diameter and twelve inches deep*: it contains a little water, 
which the natives stoutly affirm rises and falls with the tide, 
in confirmation of which phenomenon they bid you observe 
that the liquid has a distinctly salt taste. A former rector, 
however, warned me against building on such evidence, 
stating that he had repeatedly seen the village lads — but it 

^ The founding of a Church or Chai>elry, as required by the Celtic Church, was a simple 
matter, the missionary having to reside on the spot, and fast and pray for forty days, after 
which the Church was consecrated, and, no doubt, was called by his name. Court Guide, 
p. 294. 

s Polwhele (p. 96) says that the tradition is that he shut himself up to avoid infecting 
others. Blight, in his Week ai the LancTs End, p. X2i, quotes these lines (by Hawker 
of Morwenstowe) about our hermitages and oratories — 

" They had their lodges in the wilderness. 
Or built them cells beside the shadowy sea. 
And there they dwelt with angels — like a dream ; 
So they unclosed the volume of the Book, 
And filled the fields of the Evangelist 
With thoughts as sweet as flowers." 

> A Ralph de Rupe is mentioned in the Returns to the Commission of Inquest, 
2 Edward I. (1273). And the parish is called " de Rupe " and sometimes " de la Roche" 
in the early Registers. * Quiller Couch, p. 195. 


is unnecessary to pursue this subject farther.^ Roche also 
contains a wishing well, near a group of cottages, to which 
it has given the name of Holy Well, over a mile away 
from the rock, formerly much frequented by maidens each 
Ascension Day — many wells must be visited on a Thursday — 
before sunrise. The rites were very simple : they merely 
threw in crooked pins, and wished : possibly the pins were only 
meant to " grapple " their lovers " to their hearts with hooks of 
steel." The Church is not striking; it was of striking plainness 
before its restoration — it had been rebuilt by Mr. Fisher, as 
Lake's Guide to Si. Austell observes, "in the Riding School 
style." That was really a " restoration," for it gave back to the 
building something of the Gothic order of which it was denuded 
by a former rector, whose idea — many rectors had this idea 
at one time — was to make it as much like a meeting-house 
as possible ; now, the tables are turned, and we see every- 
where strenuous efforts to make the meeting-houses resemble 
Churches. Lipscomb went into the building in 1799, but " saw 
nothing remarkable, except an old grey-bearded schoolmaster, 
teaching a few boys in the chancel with his hat on." * At the 
village public he slept, he says — 

1 Carew writes of /his well — 

" You ndgbbours. scomers, holy, proud, 

Goe. people Roche's cell ; 
Farr from the world, near to the heavens 

There, hermits, may you dwell. 
Is't true that spring in Rock hereby 

Doth tidewise ebbe and flow ? 
Or have we fooles with lyers met ? 

Fame sales it : be it so ! " 

2 A Journey into Cornwall, p. 271. Such irreverence was not peculiar, however, to 
this village. Cornwall has not a good reputation for it. In our own parish complaint was 
made to the Vestry in 18 13 of the " gross misconduct and bad practice of many people, as 
well grown people as boys, particularly during the time of Divine Service," and special 
constables were appointed to check it. 


"In the worst inn's worst room. 
The floor of plaster and the walls of dung." 

Goss Moor lies a mile or two farther on. Here King Arthur 
and his knights — Arthurus^ flos regum — are believed to have had 
some good days' sport in their time ; this, according to tradition, 
was their hunting ground. I question whether the tourist will 
say the moor was worth a visit, although it does contain one of 
the antiquities of the county, the old Road — I had almost 
written Roman road — to the Land's End, but it seems to be 
doubtful whether the great military roads extended west of Exeter 
or Totnes.^ He may return to St. Austell, either by train from 
Victoria Station, or he may pass the Board School and take 
the road through Bugle, or he may keep to the old road which 
leads past Hensbarrow. (This tumulus, the burying-place of 
some prince or princes of a remote antiquity — the long barrows 
are held to have been erected by a long-headed pre-Aryan race ; 
the round barrows by a later, round-headed Celtic people* — 
stands 1,034 ^^^^ above the ocean, and commands a view of 
both seas. Carew happily denominated it "the Archbeaoon of 
Cornwall."^) I recommend him to take the route last men- 
tioned. If his time is short, however, and I shall here assume 
that it is, he had better combine with this excursion a visit to 
Carclaze Pit on the homeward journey : Murray's Handbook 
(p. 43) is right for once when it pronounces Carclaze our 

1 Mr. Worth was never able to trace any evidence of Roman road-making in ComwalL 
Their occupation of the county was very slight — rather for trade than for dominion ; there 
are few if any Roman names. Still, a considerable number of Roman coins have been 
found, at Carhayes, Falmouth, Hayle, Marnzion, and, most of all, Tywardrcath. Mr. 
N. Whitley, /ournai /^. Institut. Cornwall^ xvii. 199. 

^ These latter are generally found to contain the ashes of a cremated body. In one 
place, in St. Just in Penwith, over 50 urns were found surrounding the principal and 
central urn. 

s An incised stone was found at Hensbarrow in April, 1883, but it proved to be of no 

FroM a riiBliifnipk l>t ilr, AlaM Onlt. 



given them by Thomas Lower — it had been given to him by 
Lord Mount Edgcumbe in 1710 — a London physician, who 
visited George Fox when the latter was lo<^ed in Launceston 
gaol, and forthwith became a convert to Quakerism. Here, 
at " Hill Head," a mysterious light, popularly supposed to be 
something uncanny — the knowing ones ascribe it to " a large 
iron lode which traverses the locality " — is said to be occasion- 


FnoL a FKMoffrapk bg W^ OreJard. 

ally seen {I have never met with anybody who has seen it ') on 

d;irk November and December nights. It is described as of 

" a yellow hue, and seems to resemble a smalt embodied flame." 

At the School we take the road to the right, which presently 

brint;s us to St. Mewan Church, which, like so many churches 

I Mr. Drew clainint Ihis tionout. " Between Ihe hours of siiaod len." he writes, " the 
Kdilcr repeatedly seen it." 


in this county, is far away from the people. Tradition says 
that the devil, always a foe to Church architecture, prevented 
the completion of the tower, but then other traditions say that 
he has always given this county a wide berth, being apprehen- 
sive lest the Cornish should put him into a pasty, as they do 
anything and everything that is edible. After inspecting the 
little Church, a fine choice of routes lies before us. We may 
either go on to Trewoon (pronounced Truan) and thence to 
St. Mewan Beacon, a bunch of grey, sparry, quartz rocks 
commanding a fair view : the name carries us back to those 
days of Sturm und Drang, when our forefathers lived in constant 
terror of invasion and the beacon fires were ever ready to be 
lighted ; St. Mewan, we may be sure, bore its part when the 
Armada appeared — or we may turn aside below the Rectory 
to BurnguUow, remarkable for its quarter-mile or so of Clay 
" Dries," belonging to Messrs. Parkyn and Peters (where the 
China Clay industry may be inspected on a large scale) ; or 
we may hark back to the School House and keep the high road 
to Sticker ; or we may take the footpath below the Friends* 
Burial Ground to Polgooth — of which mention has so often 
been made — and go on thence to London Apprentice. If only 
one of these excursions is possible, I should choose the last on 
the list, as every visitor to this neighbourhood should see 
Polgooth mine, which in Hals's time was esteemed the richest 
that had ever been worked in England. He can at least 
imagine what the place was like when it employed 1,200 hands. 
This mine has been the best friend St. Austell ever had, and it 
may still do us a good turn. 



ESTERDAY we went West ; to-day our drive shall be 
to the opposite point of the compass ; we will make 
for Par, otherwise Biscovey, and St. Blazey. The 
main road lies through Mount Charles, diverging to the left 
from the Charlestown Road soon after we pass the Cross 
Roads, but it is — until we reach Holmbush, at any rate — a 
somewhat unattractive route (the rest of the way to St. Blazey 
is, as Stockdale said in 1824, " a very pleasant road "), and we 
shall find it repay us in the matter of scenery if we go via 
Polkyth and Sandy Bottom to Tregrehan Mills, or even if we 
make a still longer circuit by Tregonissey and its Board School 
and by Carn Gray, turning down the valley shortly before we 
reach the hamlet of Trethurgey. This also conducts us to 
Tregrehan Mills — we pass close to Knightor, where was the seat 
of the Trevannions, some of whom settled at Carhayes — whence 
it is but a short stretch to the main road already mentioned ; 
had we taken it from Mount Charles we should have passed 
through Holmbush (i.«., Holly Bush), so named from its inn, 
with Cuddra, the residence of Mr. R. H. Williams, C.E,, on 
our right, and Wheal Eliza, the mine over which he so long 
presided — in fact, until it was shut down — on our left. Soon 
after we regain this road we pass the entrance lodge to 


Tregrehan (the "Granite Place"-.* the seat of Mr. G. R. C. 
Carlyon, a place famed for its rhododendroos : the Dalhoosia 
and Aucklandia \'aneties are found here. The house and 
grounds are undennined in almost ever\' direction by the work- 
ings of Old Crinnis Copper Mine. Then we mount the hill 
and obser\'e Biscovey Church on the left. This, too. is one of 
Mr. Street's earlier efforts : unfortunately, the spire was built 
of stone which has proved to be unsatisfactory-. The parish 
boasts of one antiquity, the " Biscovey Stone,'* probably the 
shaft of a memorial cross : till recently, alas ! used as a gate- 
post. It has just <Nov., 1S96.1 been rescued from this humiliating 
position, and is now erected in the Churchyard. It i%-as probably 
a mortuary monument; it has been thought that the words 
ALRORON ULLICI FILIUS can be traced thereon. It has 
been fractured, probably by means of a fall, at the top of the shaft. 
Once it was surmounted by a cross head. It has one peculiarity — 
it is widest in the middle. The letters are contained in two 
panels, one in front and the other on the back. It has been 
figured and described in Borlase's A ntiquUies of Cornwall j^ and 
by Langdon, in his Old Cornish Crosses, p. 371. The village 
also boasts of having given birth to Ralph Allen, whose eventful 
and almost romantic history has already been recounted.* The 
Methodist Chapel at the top of the village, not the one near 
the Church, has figured in story ; it is the original " Leek-seed 
Chapel."* As we descend the hill, a road to the left leads 

1 In the time of Edward III. William de Bodrygaa held of the lord, the Duke of 
Cornwall, seven acres of land Cornish in Tregran. On the attainder of Sir Henry de 
Ikxlrugan, in the reign of Henry VII., his lands were distributed among the Edgcumbes, 
Trevannions and Paulets. The Earl of Mt. Edgcumbc still holds Bodrigan and much of 
Tregrehan. Lysons is hardly correct in setting down Sir Henry as the first owner of the 
estate last mentioned. 

a Page 363. Plate xxxi. • P^ges 153-155. 

* The story is that some young sparks at Tregrehan, hearing that the gardener. Wm. 
Stephens, was collecting money for building a chapel, resolved to play a practical joke 


us to Par Green, where a Church has recently been erected 
by the Bishop of Truro ; it was dedicated in 1896 as a thank- 
offering for the recovery of two members of his family. But 
our present destination is St. Blazey, so we keep right on.^ 
The Church, long served by the Vicars of St. Austell (the 
severance was only made in 1845), has not many features of 
interest ; it is shortly, if all goes well, to be restored.^ It was 
endowed with a parsonage and grounds by General Carlyon of 
Tregrehan, who in return was invested with the patronage. 
The house above the town — it is a conspicuous object from the 
railway — is Prideaux, the seat of Sir C. B. Rashleigh, Bart. ; 
it commands a fine view of the bay.^ At the station, on the 

upon him. Having blackened their faces, they burst into his house at night, to find him 
sitting on his bed and reading his Bible. They had demanded his money, when their 
eyes fell on what appeared to be a heap of gunpowder on the table hard by. They also 
observed, with manifest alarm, that the old man held a flint in one hand and a steel in the 
other. Stephens was now master of the situation. Telling them that they would soon be 
in another world, he made them fall down and pray for mercy ; they had already emptied 
the contents of their purses on to the table. Then he compelled them to sing a Psalm, 
during which, believing the end to be near, they made a rush for the door and escaped. 
The following Sunday, Stephens, who was a local preacher, told the story to his congre- 
gation, adding that the supposed gunpowder was his year's stock of leek-seed. The 
spoils of the three Egyptians helped very materially to build the meeting-house. ' 

I Blasius. Bishop of Sebaste in Cappadocia, was beheaded in A.D. 398, during the Dio- 
cletian persecution — some say in 316. He is the patron saint of woolcombers, having. 
according to tradition, been lacerated with combs. He is said — what will they not say 
next ?— to have landed at Par, when he came on a visit to this country. His aid was 
specially invoked in cases of toothache. The generally well-informed writer of Cornwall^ 
its Mines and Miners, actually informs us that St. Blazey was " the birthplace of Bishop 
Blazes, the patron of the woolcombing trade " (p. 34). 

'^ The work has just been commenced (May, 1897). Since St. Blaxey was separated 
from St. Austell, it has had the following Vicars :— 1845-1853, the Rev. C. E. Hosken ; 
1853-1863. the Rev. J. Bartlett ; 1863-1870. the Rev. F. B. Paul ; 1870-1893, the Rev. 
J. Penistan ; 1893-1896. the Rev. A. L. Browne. Mr. Browne, now Vicar of Looe, has 
been succeeded by the Rev. W. C. Tuting, Assistant Curate of St. Austell in 1896. 

3 A good story is told of the late baronet, who died in 1896 : it reached me through a 
schoolfellow of his, the late Mr. Edward Coode. who, however, did not vouch for its 
absolute truth. When they were boys together at Eton, they had to write a theme on the 
text. Xil temere facias—*' Do nothing rashly." The story is that Sir Colraan did not 

zJZ 7 J. 

4 w v^ 

'Aitr.-tir. :::.'.£• th:5 pr::-ic:.:-. \z-z ::-a-:: »-i5 bcrzt by the French 
;r. 1547. Ir. i'044 L;ri Ess^x rscip-rC fr:z:. F3vreY. and here 
thf; Firiiinentar}- arr::y. •:.:»:o 5tr:r.?. uzier Skippen. surren- 
d':r*:d or: fj^pt. 4:h. Ir. i':c7 the Dutch adniiral De Rujter 
mad': an stttack on the port, bu: was repulsed. Some of its later 
d':v';;op:r.*:nt5 have been pictured — no doubt i*ith much poetic 
\vMZ\\*i — in the Astonishing History cf Troy Tovn ; the gifted 
author, Mr. A. T. (^uiller-Couch. has his residence here. The 
C'hiir^h, (I'Aic'dittd to St. Fimbarrus, will of course be visited. 
Th': d'rrostory windows were inserted by the Freemasons of the 

wriir » 11 nr, ari'J wat sumrnon^i before the dreaded Keate in cooseqaence. Whea Uie 
A Mini ilrnf\ fukrd what ihc \xiy meant by such indolence and insubordinatioo, the 
tfiff^nuoun youth r«;phrd thut he understood the words to mean, "Do nothing, Rashleigh," 
%*» hr had don«r hothini;. It is said that Keate puUed his ear — almost facetiously, but 
vvrrly • iirid I'M him not to try that on again. 

■ I hfVT nhniild tie fieen, if possible, at low water. A charming excursion may be made 

to Il«-ilrtiih4ri Steps and St. Mawgan. 



county as a memorial to the late Rev. Dr. Treffry, and a fine 
parclose screen has recently been placed therein, at a cost of 
£170, in memory of Miss Myldrede Purcell, daughter of the 
present Rector, who died in March, 1894. At Place, of late 
called " Place Castle," the residence of the Treffrys, is a cele- 
brated Porphyry Room ; the walls, floor, and ceiling are literally 
of porphyry. The house has another distinction in the fact that 
it is haunted, or is said so to be ; a former housekeeper, Ann 
Barnicoat by name, is believed to walk there, and there are 
those who profess to have seen her quite recently. Equally 
interesting and much more credible is the story of the bland 
Bishop Phillpotts' visit to Place. I believe he had been holding 
a Confirmation in the Church, and had adjourned to the house 
for tea. Mrs. Austin, the lady of the house, was, like others of 
her charming sex, somewhat given to praise her own goods, and 
on this occasion she was loud in her commendation of some 
saffron buns, or something of the kind. The courtly bishop was 
good enough to express his warm approbation of them, where- 
upon nothing would satisfy her but that he should have a 
substantial parcel made up for him to take away with him in 
the carriage. Alas, they never reached their destination ! they 
were subsequently found lying about the grounds in various 
directions; that determined prelate had shied them all out of the 
window. One story is that when the chaplain asked what was 
to be done with this offering of affection, his Lordship promptly 
replied, *' Throw it away," which accordingly was done. Of 
the Dr. Treffry just mentioned, some amusing stories are told. 
He was a little king in the place, and often acted as such. For 
example, when he collected the offertory in Church, did anyone 
presume to pass the bag, he would not hesitate — so one of his 
descendants informs me — to expostulate with them in a stage 
whisper, ** What, can't you raise a penny ? Why, I paid you 


five shillings myself last week," etc., etc. The road to Par 
leads past the entrance to Point Neptune, and also past Mena- 
billy Lodge. Menabilly is the home of the Rashleighs ^ ; the 
obelisk on the headland known as the Gribbin was erected 
by the Trinity House as a guide to navigation ; observe the 
antient almshouses at the foot of the hill. Close to Par 
Station is Tywardreath, so often referred to in our history, 
and a mile and a half beyond is Trenython. This was built 
by Col. Peard, Garibaldi's " mad Englishman " ; it is now 
occupied by the Bishop of Truro. The harbour at Par was 
formed by J. T. Treffry, Esq., formerly Austin, a most enter- 
prising person. He was largely connected with mines, notably 
the Par Consols and Fowey Consols ; I have been told that he 
paid some thousands a week in wages. He not only con- 
structed the harbour, but built a tram-line across the county to 
Newquay, so that his barges might disgorge their cargoes of 
coal there, and thus be spared the rounding of the Land's End 
and the Lizard. He established smelting works hard by ; the 
chimney still remains to speak of their departed greatness. 
Within the last century the tide flowed up from Par — the 
word means ** swamp " * — to St. Blazey Bridge : that is to §ay, 
the sea has been driven back some two miles within living 
memory. The tall chimney just mentioned, which is so 
conspicuous an object as we take the road across the moors 
to St. Austell, is known in the neighbourhood as " Par Stack '* 
— it is one of our little pleasantries to speak of a top hat as a 
" Par Stack." About twenty-five years ago a Fowey sailor 
undertook, ' for a wager, to stand upon his liead on the top of 
this column, and did it ; the name of this acrobat is given as 

1 LysoDS states that the possessions of the Rashleigh family for the most part came into 
its bands by purchase in the time of Queen Elizabeth or James I. See p. 260, note. 

s Polwhele says that these low-lying lands have generated many agues (p. 7a). 


Daniel Ambrose. The traveller will observe the great mounds 
of Mundicky or Mine Sand : it has of late been used on the 
railway, as it is fatal to all vegetation. A road to the left leads 
to Crinnis, and if we pursued it we should come to the field 
of operations of the Old Crinnis Mine, of which mention has 
been made elsewhere.^ The lands hereabout, before we diverge, 
were once known as Nancemellin, or Nansmelyn, and it was 
concerning the mineral rights therein that the famous Trial 
at Bar, Rowe v. Brenton, was held. At Merther, in this 
neighbourhood, once resided a family of the name of Laa, 
of whom a stirring story is told by Hals. It is that after 
Lord Hopton had surrendered to Fairfax, some of the latter*s 
soldiers entered the house at Merther, and presently threatened 
to murder Mrs. Laa, who was dilatory in preparing food for 
them. Her husband was riding about his estate, when he 
heard of their arrival, and also heard that they were enter- 
taining themselves at his expense. Returning to the house 
in no amiable mood, a quarrel was picked in a very short 
time, whereupon he took down a gun and shot one of 
the rebels dead on the spot. Then, realizing his danger, 
he leaped upon his horse and made for the Parr — clearing 
a five-barred gate on the way — where he dashed into the 
sea (it was then high water), swam across to the opposite 
shore, and so escaped. I may perhaps add that it is a con- 
firmation of this story that we find * William Laa of St. Austell, 
in 1651, having to make his peace with the Commonwealth by 
paying ;f 169 : 8 : 2 — about ;f 1,000 of our money. Family and 
house have both disappeared ; every old house in this neigh- 
bourhood has been improved off the face of the earth. From 
this point we may pass along the cliffs to Charlestown, or take 
the valley road to St. Austell. 

' Page 39. « Sec page 29. 


And with this excursion to Par, our rambles through the 
district must for the present terminate. But the incautious 
reader must not suppose that we have exhausted either the 
beauties or the notabilities of this region — " the heart of Corn- 
wall," as it might fairly be called : St. Austell is the capital of 
the Mid-Cornwall Division. The parish abounds in beautiful 
walks — my kind neighbour, Canon Rogers, has counted some 
four-and-twenty of these — and the neighbourhood in objects of 
interest, which I hope my readers may be tempted to come and 
see for themselves. 



|F, as we have so often heard, ** the proper study of 
mankind is man," then I may venture to hope that 
this appreciation of the Cornish folk, this account of 
their speech, dress, manners, customs and usages, and these 
anecdotes concerning them, may be deemed a fitting close to 
this volume. It will certainly supply some information to out- 
siders, and will not, I hope, be entirely void of interest to " our 
people ** themselves. 

I must, however, explain — partly in self-defence — that I do 
not pretend in these last pages to describe the inhabitants of 
St. Austell in particular. Tolerant as they have been of my 
failings, I am not at all sure that they would care or endure to 
have their portrait painted by my 'prentice hands. Moreover, 
however flattering my account as a whole might be, it would 
be more than my place is worth to venture on one word of 
disparagement. I propose, therefore, to speak of Cornishmen 
generally ; indeed, I do not know that one Cornish parish can 
differ very materially from another, though they do say here- 
abouts that contiguous parishes, Redruth and St. Agnes for 
example, have their subtle differences of intonation and phrase- 
ology.^ But one county may differ considerably from other 

1 That districts difTer here in Cornwall is beyond doubt, E. and W. Cornwall for 
example. And the mining portion differs from all the rest. 


counties, and especially one so remote and isolated and sea- 
girt as this is; a peninsula must breed its own peculiarities. 
Under the head of " our people," therefore, it must be remem- 
bered that I include the three hundred thousand souls of the 
Duchy. And I will first discourse of their 


For I must hold that, in spite of all the inter-marriages with 
outsiders and all the importations of foreigners (of which I 
plead guilty to furnishing one example), there is a distinct 
type, a Cornish type of face. My friend. Canon Rogers, in- 
deed, holds that there is a distinct 5^ Austell type, and 
very flattering language he uses about it ; he has been 
greatly impressed, I understand, by our young men and 
maidens ; many are by the maidens.^ I cannot be quite 
positive on that point, but as to the facial characteristics of 
the county I am quite clear, though I might find it difiicult to 
describe them exactly. All that I can say is that the prevailing 
type is distinctly less Saxon and more Spanish-looking than 
that of the shires. I think that our complexions are darker 
and our features less marked, less rugged, more classic : in 
short, I seem to trace here in a modified degree — ^and this is 
only what we might expect — the features which one discovers 
in Wales in a marked degree. If this is questioned, as it may 
be, I can only repeat that this is my impression, and has been 
ever since I came hither. And it is confirmed by observing 
that red-haired people — I am thinking of a flaming and 
aggressive tint — are almost as rare amongst us as they were 

1 " The women of Cornwall are handsome, but not particularly fresh coloured. They 
are modest, open and unaffected in manner." Illustr, IHner,, p. i8. The sentence 
which I next quote refers to St. Austell in 1695. " I must say they are as comely sort of 
women as 1 have seen anywhere, tho' in ordinary dress — good black eyes and crafty 
enough and very neate." Diary of Ctlia Fiennes, p. 2x8. 



in antient Egypt, where such persons were sacrificed to the 
immortal gods.^ As to their 


I confess I cannot trace any marked difference, or rather, let 
me say, any difference of any kind, between the Cornish and 
men of other counties. It has been held that they are broader 
and sturdier than the generality of Englishmen ; it is affirmed, 
for example, that ** a regiment of Cornish militia, when at 
Chatham camp, stood on more ground than any other militia 
of the same number of men," ^ but one would like to know who 
made this observation, and whether other regiments have con- 
firmed it. Similarly, Polwhele pronounces the Cornish to be 
** short and thick, with legs too slight for their bodies," but 
one sees a good number of ricketty limbs elsewhere, and 
possibly Cornish legs have improved since his day. One 
thing, however, may be affirmed of the most of them — that 
whatever constitutions God has given them, they have taken 
good care of them, with the result that our race can boast of a 
robuster health and a greater length of days than most of our 
countrymen.* This longevity was remarked as far back as the 
time of Carew. ** For health," he says, ** eighty and ninety 
years of age is ordinary' in ever)' place, and in most persons 
accompanied with an able exercise of the body and senses." 
He further gives some extraordinary instances of longevity, 

1 Miss Courtney affirms that such persons are here described as " looking as if they 
were born on bonfire night." which, I think I may say, is an ordinary sample of Cornish 

rustic uit. 

3 See Polwhele. p. 30. Others say that the Cornish have sloping shoulders. 

3 Polwhele remarks on the prolific families found in the county, among whom he places 
in the first rank the Rogerses of Penrose, but I think 1 could mention others that entirely 

eclipse them. In my own parish, Mrs. B , of C , was one of a family of 2Z 

children, and her father was one of 23 children, all of whom grew up, married, and bad 

considerable families. 


and Borlase and Polwhele furnish many more, but Sir G. 
Cornewall Lewis did not live in those days to test them. 
The Rev. T. Cole, Minister of Landewednack, is said in the 
Register to have been upwards of 120 years of age when he 
was buried. The sexton, Michael George, who died the same 
year (1683), is also put down as over 100.^ I find no reason, 
however, to doubt the statement of Mr. Trist, Vicar of Veryan, 
that his Registers prove that one person in eight in that .village 
attained the age of eighty (the average elsewhere being one in 
thirty-two — one in forty in London) and one in fifty-three the 
age of ninety or more." 

Dare I say anything about our 

Mental Properties and Endowments ? 

I will risk one or two observations ; I use the word " risk ** 
advisedly. I think there is a prevailing type of mind and 
character, just as there is a predominant caste of features, the 
product of Celtic blood and Cornish environment. I do not 
seem to find here, but I speak under correction, the grit, the 
force, the warmth, the raciness — I am glad to say that as little 
do I find the frequent rudeness or (shall we say) brusqueness — 
of the North. There is not so much individuality : we have, 
perhaps happily for our peace, very few " characters," and 
there is an unmistakable insularity and parochialism of mind ; 
perhaps this is inevitable. And this, I take it, is what Mr. 
Stevenson complains of in his striking paper Across the Plains^ 
when he says that, whatever Lady Hester Stanhope could do, 
he cannot make anything of the Cornish. Not even a Red Indian 
seemed more foreign in his eyes ; he describes bitterly how 

1 Johns, ll'fei ai the Lizard. 

-Of burials in Nfullion Churchyard —apart from those of infants under five years of 
age— in the fifty years from 1813 to 1863, 178 out of 405 were of persons over seventy 
years of age, whilst 84 were of persons over eighty. {Mullion, p. m.) 


the emigrants from this county stood aloof from everybody 
else ; ** a racial difference,'* he says, ** older and more original 
than that of Babel, keeps this close esoteric family apart from 
neighbouring Englishmen '* ; he pictures the knot of emigrants, 
'* one reading the New Testament all day long through steel 
spectacles, and the rest discussing privately the secrets of their 
old-world, mysterious race." And he is not singular in 
accusing us of aloofness ; in fact, it is admitted by Cornishmen 
themselves. ** It is not to be concealed,*' says The Gazetteer of 
Cornwall, ** that that degree of reserve before strangers which 
is so peculiarly and in some instances so unpleasantly the 
characteristic of Englishmen, is very discernible among all 
ranks in Cornwall.** The impression that many Cornishmen, 
yes, and some of my parishioners, contrive to give me, is that 
they are apprehensive lest I should want to borrow money from 
them, whereas in other parishes my relations with my flock 
have been so cordial that they have not hesitated to borrow 
from me ! Someone says, ** the Cornish are all heart,*' but it 
is one of the last things that I should accuse them of; it may 
be because I do not know them better.^ We are not original, 
again, nor am I sure that we are altogether abreast of the age — 
perhaps we are too far away from the metropolis for that. 
** The Cornish people," observes Wilkie Collins, "are left, as 
it were, to struggle in the rear of the great onward march of 
the busy world before them. Modern improvements reach 
them but slowly." * Nor am I convinced that, as a class, we 

1 I think it most instructive that, as Mrs. Pascoe tells us. people have had to pay a 
halfp>enny — and did pay it— to have a chapter of the Bible read to them. 1 find, too, that 
a charge of one penny is made for carrying the pay of paupers who are loo old or too 
weak to fetch it. I cannot discover much " heart " here, and 1 doubt whether this is done 
in other counties. 

This was written before the railway invaded the county. I hope no one will think 

that I say that Cornishmen are not enterprising; how could I do so ? Their capacity and 

energy are proved by mines all over the world. 



are eager to embrace them ; I seem to trace a certain lethargy 
in our people ; some people ascribe it to our enervating climate. 
A cute Scotsman tells me he observes such a wide difference 
between John o' Groats and the Land's End. In bonnie Scot- 
land, the lads of the villages will ever be engaged in manly 
competitions: the idea is 

whilst here the young fellows collect aimlessly at ** the Fools' 
Corner,'* or moon about the lanes with a girl. I am glad to 
believe, however, that things are mending ; we are now taking 
up football and cricket with some approach to enthusiasm (I 
trust the Cornish common sense may preserve us from visita- 
tions of such severity as are witnessed elsewhere). But our 
athletics are not of an illustrious order. It is affirmed, indeed, 
that W. G. Grace, or some eminent cricketer, when he visited 
the county, was unspeakably surprised to see a covey of 
partridges rise from the pitch during the first ** over," but this 
grotesque and calumnious story carries with it its own refuta- 
tion. I can, however, pledge my credit to the truth of the 
following statements. A St. Austell eleven was playing at 

R , when one of the home team got not only his leg but 

much of his ample person before the wicket. ** How's that ? " 

cried the bowler. ** Nat out ! " replied the R umpire, with 

astonishing promptitude. But this did not prevent the said, 
umpire from presently informing the offender in a stage 
whisper that, though " not guilty," he ** must not do it again." 
** Jawn Minear," he said impressively, **how often be I to tell 
vou about that leg o' yours ? Next time, I'll give 'ee out, shure 
'nuff." This, however, may have been a local peculiarity, for 
at the same place another team was playing in a field kindly 
lent by Farmer , who was himself one of the players. He 


was presently given " out " — he was out unmistakably — to his 
immense surprise ; he had never counted on such ingratitude. 
** Be I out?" he cried, "then out o' this field yiew goes!" 
And — I blush to write it — at St. Austell (please remember that 
this was some years ago), at a football match, our sturdy 
captain was overheard vowing bodily mischief against a rough 

player of the L team. ** Lemme get that young G 's 

leg 'tween my teeth," he cried, " and see ef I doant make 'em 
meet 'fore I've a done with un." But let no one conclude 
from this sanguinary threat that we are savages. I allow that 
Camborne has an evil reputation, but we are not in the habit 
of ** giving him Camborne '' elsewhere, and if I were ever, for 
my sins, condemned to pass through the fires of football, I 
would rather trust my unhappy person to a Cornish team than 
to any other ; I think my remains would be less mangled. I 
believe the Cornish to be distinctly less brutal and truculent, if 
less forceful and resolute and ambitious, than the fair-haired 
Saxons. But we were talking of mental qualities. I should 
not incline to say that the Cornishman, as compared with 
other men, is brilliant (we are none of us particularly so), but 
what can you expect from such a soft, steamy atmosphere as 
ours ? But I do observe throughout the county a prodigious 
amount of sober, steady, useful common sense — and this is 
generally allowed to be the rarest kind of sense. They may be 
reserved, borncs, and somewhat cntctes ; they may occasionally 
be lacking in robust physical courage (the charge brought 
against our miners in the Transvaal, however undeserved, is 
no new thing : as far back as the times of Froissart we hear of 
it ; I myself seem to have observed a certain deficiency of moral 
coura^^e, perhaps more than elsewhere^), but they are neverthe- 

1 I think 1 ought perhaps to say that I have received more anonymous letters since I 
came here than in all tbe rest of ray life. 


less calm, quiet, practical, dependable. And I connect this 
sober, useful, if prosaic character which the race has acquired 
with the fact that the part assigned to Comishmen — by the 
very necessities of their position, by their environment — ^the 
part assigned them in the development of their country and in 
the service of humanity is that of the hand, the instrument, 
rather than of the head. They have ever been among the 
workers, rather than the thinkers of England, and they have 
been this just because they are so racy of the soil. Cornwall 
is no 

" Caledonia, stem and wild, 
Meet nurse for a poetic child." 

but it is a region of enterprise, of delving into the bowels of 
the earth, of constant battling with the cruel sea. It is this 
accounts for the versatility and capability of our people ; there 
are Cornishmen not a few who can turn their hands to almost 
anything — mining, fishing, building, farming, tailoring, shoe- 
making : their very isolation has made each man self-sufficing 
— totus, teres atque rotundus. I am not surprised, therefore, that 
the county has produced few minds of the first order ; I mean 
few, if any, poets or philosophers, humorists or statesmen.^ 
No one would say that Sir Humphrey Davy, or the saintly 
Henry Martyn, or Opie the painter, or our own Samuel Drew,* 
or Samuel Foote, or Lord Exmouth, were in the first rank, yet 
I am unable to call to mind any Cornishman of much greater 

1 If I may speak and live, I should say that, as a class, the Cornish are lacking in the 
sense of humour. Nor am I singular in this belief ; it is an impeachment which some of 

themselves have brought against the rest. One of the typical Cornish family of B , 

for example, a Hebrew of the Hebrews, tells how at a mine meeting he plajrfully suggested 
to the shareholders that they should try to dispose of their antiquated machinery to a 
museum or to an archaeological society. Not a muscle stirred ; no one saw the joke. Of 
course there are Cornishmen and Cornishmen but we are speaking of the prevailing type. 

a See p. 153. 


eminence: Whitaker, the author of The Ancient Cathedral of 
Cornwall, has by some been pronounced to be 

" Cornubia's proudest boast, 
The brightest gem that genius ever lost." 

but few outside the county have ever heard of this gentleman. 
Yet it has given birth to a ho3t of shrewd, steady, plodding, 
practical workers, and such sons of our soil are found at the 
present day, the world over, replenishing the earth and sub- 
duing it. I must also mention that our people, if not, as a 
rule, distinguished in the walks of literature or in the schools 
or the senate, are as little conspicuous in the Police Courts and 
the Newgate Calendar. They are, with rare exceptions, sober, 
honest, industrious, and law-abiding. And they have not in- 
frequently another charm in their quaint and sweet simplicity. 
We have, or had a few years ago, Cornishmen not a few w^ho 
have never seen a railway train, or been ten miles away from 
home. I have had in my own employ a lad of eighteen who 
until he came to me had never seen a train ; I may add that 
after once seeing it, he was for ever wanting to see it again. 
Our house adjoins the railway station, and the first few weeks 
the sound of the whistle was the signal for this Boeotian boy 
to flin^ down his spade and rush to the gate to see the 
monster pass. ** They're jealous of me," said a Redruth 
woman, ** because I've been up countrj' '* — she had never gone 
farther East than St. Austell. And one writer ^ tells us how 
his driver from St. Just to the Land's End, who had lived 
all his life, man and boy, at St. Just, had only once been to 
the Land's End before. But here is something more curious 
still. One Market day a clergyman called my attention to a 
youth in the crowd. He said, ** That boy is eighteen years of 

1 Comwallt Us Mines, etc. 


age ; he is the son of an engine driver ; he Hves at St. Blazey, 
five miles away. He is a fairly intelligent lad, but he has 
never been in a train, nor has he seen St. Austell until to-day." 
Is it any wonder if we have preserved an engaging simplicity 
which in other parts of "this machine -driven, devil -driven 
England " has long since been improved off the face of the 
earth ? And here I cannot resist quoting an amusing instance 
of this quality. In 1887, at the time of the Queen's Jubilee, 
some ladies in the parish of G wen nap were collecting the 
pennies of poor people towards the Women's Offering. One 
old democrat flatly declined to give a farthing, or to let his 
wife give. He said the Queen had too many overfed, overpaid 
servants. '* There's the Lord Chamberlain," said he, *' *ee do 
draw ;f 5,000 a year, *ee do ! And what do 'ee do for it ? Only 
makes the beds, ents a few slops, and that sourt of thing ! " 
Talking of Jubilees, which are now (May, 1897) in the air, 
I may cite here the definition given by one old goody to 
another. " What es a Jewbilee, my deear ? " said one of the 
pair. *' Why, 'tes like this," said the other. ** If yiew and 
yiewr auld man 'ave ben marrid fifty years, 'tes a Golden 
Wedden', but if the Lord 'ave took un, 'tes a Jewbilee." 
This mention of marriage reminds me of a ridiculous thing 
which happened recently in St. Austell Church, and which 
illustrates the humility of our ideas. A Curate, who was 
marrying a loving couple, unfortunately got hold of the 
wrong names in the Banns Book, with the result that he 
put altogether wrong Christian names into the lips of the 
contracting parties ; in fact, he made the man, who had been 
christened Samuel, call himself Richard Augusti^ Alexander. 
But Samuel adopted this new designation — as she did hers — 
with the greatest facility, and the mistake was never suspected 
till they came to sign the register. The blushing bridegroom, 


when taxed with his perversity, pleaded that he ** thought it 
was printed like that in the book." For the following con- 
tribution a neighbour is responsible. A ** visiting lady " was 
talking to a poor woman about a sermon which the latter had 
lately heard on the subject of King Solomon. What had most 
impressed her was the number of wives and ** porcupines '* — 
so she is believed to have called them — which he possessed. 
** Law, ma'm/' said she, "what privileges they early Christians 
did have, to be sure ! '* I have just cited the experience of one 
of my excellent Curates ; let me give that of another. He was 
uniting in bonds of matrimony a couple of swains — it was not 
in Cornwall — when the lady's responses were so extremely 
faint that he had to request her to speak louder. The bride- 
groom energetically seconded this interpellation, for he gave 
fair Dulcinea a dig in the ribs, and cried at the same time 
into her ear, ** Buck up, Disy ! *' But to return to our 
Cornish simplicity. A lady in the neighbourhood, a year 
or two ago, asked her new cook to send up the veal for 
lunch, when she was floored by the question, ** Which 
part o' the bullock be vale, please, ma*m ? " Again, the 
Vicar of Tywardreath, in the course of catechizing, asked 
a little maid, ** Who gave you this name ? " Sharp and 
prompt came the reply, ** My godfathers and godmothers in 
my back' kitchen J*' etc. Equally ridiculous was an answer I 
heard in our own schools. The Diocesan Inspector had been 
taking a class on the Stilling of the Tempest — " Let us cross 
over unto the other side," etc. Their replies being somewhat 
slack, he prompted them. ** Come now, * Let us ' — * Let us ' ; 
what was it ? " ** Let us prayy' said a gawky youth.^ But 

^ I must really embalm in these pages a story told me by one of H.M. Inspectors. 
The able and amiable Chief Inspector, in the course of an examination, wanted to arrive 
at the answer "flesh." and it was not forthcoming. So he pinched his own fresh and 
ruddy cheek, and asked, '• Why, what do you call this f" *'Fork,'* was the ready reply. 


all these illustrations are taken from the humbler classes, 
whereas a primitive and almost patriarchal order and habit 
more or less enfolds all conditions of Cornishmen in its 
embrace. A worthy \'icar on the North coast, for example, 
never slept outside his own Vicarage for some thirty years. 
And a lady tells me of an amusing scene which she witnessed 
in a country Rectory, ten miles from our telegraph station. 
One day a telegram, a thing almost unheard of in those 
solitudes, for it was an expensive luxury, was put into the 
Rector's hands. Forthwith all the household was in a fever 
of excitement. Fearing bad news, his loving spouse besought 
him to let her open it, but he rejected her advances and braced 
himself to the ordeal. Between them, with trembling fingers, 
they at last tore open the envelope. But it was only to read 
these words, '* Will you have that manure or not ? " 

I hear that some writers accuse the Cornish of curiosity ; 
Miss Celia Fiennes did those of 200 years ago, and those, 
too, of this neighbourhood. After premising that they " are 
very ill guides and know but little from home, only to some 
market towne they frequent,'* she adds, '* But they will be 
very sollicitous to know where yon goe and how farre and 
from whence you Came and where is y^ abode." ^ And I 
strongly suspect that this shrewd observer has put her finger 
on a Celtic characteristic ; not because I have ever remarked 
this feature myself, but because more Cornishmen than one 
have confessed to this weakness. Canon Hockin, Rector of 
Philhick, tells me that a ** foreigner," asking the way to 

St. , was electrified when the tables were turned on him, 

and he was asked where he had come from. " I don't see 
what that matters to you," he replied ; ** what I asked was 
how I am to get to ." ** Aw," said the Cornishman, 

1 Page 222. 



'* if so be yiew wean't tell we wheer yiew be cum from, 

we bean't a goin* to tell yiew the way to St. ." 

A lady, not a foreigner, tells me that this very thing 
happened to her, not far from Newquay. For myself, I 
should be more disposed to charge them with excessive caution 
than with curiosity. They stand aloof even from each other. 
** I keep myself to myself" they sometimes tell me. Nor are 
they to be indiscriminately condemned for this. One result is 
that there is very little gossiping : one does not see women 
here, with their arms akimbo, whiling away the hours ; they 
leave that to the men at the Fools' Corner. But another 
result is — a seeming lack of sympathy and help. Did an 
accident befall any of our Yorkshire folk, all the women far and 
near would crowd into his room, all wanting to help, all willing 
to take a turn at nursing, all scorning the thought of pay. To 
be sure their attentions were somewhat embarrassing; they 
deprived the sick man of fresh air, and their strident voices well- 
nigh deafened him, but the goodwill was so manifest and so 
precious. Not very much of that is exhibited here (I am speaking 
of our poor) ; I make no doubt it is sometimes/?// all the same. 
They seem so dreadfully afraid of committing themselves ; they 
are not downright ; they are strangers to the ** scorn of con- 
sequence." It is manifest even in their speech, which savours 
of the canny Scot. " I wouldn't say but ** — that is a favourite 
phrase. There is a marked disposition to ** hedge." I asked 
a rather superior person one day whether she had been con- 
firmed, but I did not get a ** Yes " or a ** No " even to that 
plain question. ** Well, ahem ! partially so,'* was the guarded 
reply. I believe she meant that she had been prepared for 
Confirmation and got no further.* 

1 In a recent railway accident, it will be remembered that the first request of a poor 
mangled lady, when she was extricated from the dibris, was that they would " put her 


May I venture on one criticism more ? It seems to 
me that the West-country folk do not look you quite 
so straight in the face as they do north of the Trent; 
nor are they, on the other hand, " thanks be," so brutally 
candid and plain-spoken. It may be because of my calling 
(for I cannot conceal from myself that our Dissenting poor 
do, in very many cases, distrust the clergy, if they do not 
look on them as their natural enemies), but one often has 
the feeling that they are making a snook at you behind 
your back, especially if you have watched them doing this 
to somebody else. They are often said to be ** so indepen- 
dent," but they rather give me the impression of having been 
repressed ; of having had to order themselves lowly and 
reverently to betters whom they did not respect. I suspect 
that in ages past this was the case, and that the ** lower 
orders " had short shrift at the hands of the quality. An old 
man, now under the sod, has often complained to me of the 
falling off in respectful manners which he witnessed. When 
he was a lad, everybody touched his hat to the " passon," 
though sometimes the return they got was a cut with his 
riding-whip ! And a Quaker gentleman who has made for 
himself a name and a fortune has been heard to tell how as 
a boy the iron entered his soul. His family declined to pay 
tithes, and their goods were distrained upon from time to time 
in consequence. This did not tend to augment their affection 
for the Vicarage, and it was with some surprise that his 
mother, who had a reputation for curing hams, one day 
received a message from that quarter, asking her to go up and 
teach them how to salt theirs. She declined, with the result 

bonnet straight." A man, equally mangled, cried, " Gi* my love to my poor lads." 
This has been unjustly supposed to represent the difTerence between the sexes ; it 
illustrate one difference between South and North. 


that the next time there was a distraint, their hams were taken. 
To add insult to injury, the ** passon,'* when he met any of the 
family in the street, would compliment them on the excellent 
ham he was now eating. No doubt this was an extreme case, 
but I cannot but fear that, if the Cornish poor are ever double- 
faced, it is partly the result of the state of semi-serfdom in 
which their forefathers lived. The pleasing and refined 


of the Cornish have been celebrated for centuries. Queen 
Elizabeth is reported to have said that ** the Cornish were all 
born courtiers." ^ Camden is equally flattering. ** Nor is 
Cornwall,'* he writes,* " more happy in the soil than in the 
inhabitants, who, as they are extremely well bred and ever 
have been so, even in those more antient times (for, as 
Diodorus Siculus observes, by conversation with merchants trading 
hither for Tinn, they became remarkably courteous to strangers), so 
are they lusty, stout, and of a competent stature," etc. But 
such testimony has repeatedly been borne to the respectful and 
self-respecting behaviour of all classes. John Wesley, speaking 
of St, Austell, writes in his Journal,® ** I preached to an exceed- 
ingly civil people." Mr. Warner, whose Tour through Cornwall 
I have more than once referred to, ascribes these pleasing 
manners to the change wrought in the county by the labours of 
** the Wesleian Methodists,"* which, however, does not agree 
with Camden's account, or with that of Diodorus Siculus, or 
with Wesley's testimony just cited. Mr. Wilkie Collins testified 
(in 1851) that the Cornish are essentially a contented, cheerful 
race. **The views of the working men," he proceeds to say, 
** are remarkably moderate and sensible. I never met with so 

1 Carew has the remark that " all Cornish gentlemen are cousins " — there have been so 
many intermarri<iges. 

- Britannia, p. 7. • Works, VoL ii., p. 427. * Page 399. 


few grumblers anywhere." ^ And again, "The manners of the 
Cornish of all ranks, down to the lowest, are remarkably dis- 
tinguished by courtesy — a courtesy of that kind which is quite 
independent of artificial breeding. . . . Civil questions are 
always answered civilly." ^ "I never received an impertinent 
answer that I can remember," writes the author of Cornwall^ 
its Mines and Miners. ** They show more courtesy to strangers 
than usual. My companion," he playfully adds, ** formed a 
very favourable opinion of the females, whom he, as a family 
man, could well estimate." This was in 1855, but I am proud 
to say that this amiable trait remains unchanged. I have 
understood that the London police who came down both to 
the foundation and the consecration of Truro Cathedral were 
much impressed by the appearance and behaviour of the 
crowds ; they said that the working classes were dressed and 
behaved like gentlemen. But they cannot have been more 
impressed than I was myself when I first came here. The 
contrast between West Country and West Riding is ** pro- 
digious." A swear-word, for example, is seldom heard amongst 
us. Of betting and its concomitants we know little or nothing, 
and we know very little of obtrusive vulgarity ; I verily believe 
that Cornwall yields fewer 'Arrys and 'Arriets, in proportion to 
its population, than any other county ; there is a propriety, a 
civility which I have never seen surpassed in England. The 
" Larrikin " element is especially conspicuous by its absence. 
Wilkie Collins^ was at Foey (as he writes it) during the boat 
races — i.e., Fowey Regatta — and two men with knapsacks 
excited universal wonder : some people innocently asked if 
they could not afford to ride. Yet "the staring," he says, 
" was without one jeering word or impertinent look." Alto- 
gether, a pleasanter people to live and work among you shall 

1 Page 84. « Page 91. • Rambles, p. loi. 


not find within our four seas. At the same time, I confess to 
one anxiety. These charming manners characterize the older 
people, and I sometimes ask myself whether the rising genera- 
tion will maintain these honourable traditions. The Board 
School does not always teach manners ; it is said that some of 
the masters have souls much superior to such trifles. 

But, polite and patient and law-abiding as our people gener- 
ally are, there is a certain Celtic fire which smoulders beneath 
the surface, but which can easily be fanned into a flame — and 
has been — as demagogues have long since discovered. It is, in 
fact, the same spirit which we trace in the ** Thirty Thousand 
Cornishmen " of the immortal song. They have been ready 
enough to rise on occasion, and to march on Exeter, or even 
on London. The rebels under Flamank and Joseph, the latter 
a smith of Bodmin, penetrated as far as to Blackheath in 1497 
before they were defeated by Lord Daubeny, whilst in the 
September of the same year Exeter was besieged by the West 
countrymen under Perkin Warbeck. And in later days this 
Cornish fire has blazed up from time to time. In 1756, when 
there was much distress among the tinners, several hundreds 
of them assembled at St. Agnes and planned to march on 
Padstow, where there was believed to be much corn, to loot the 
shops and ships, and, if necessary, to fire the town. It is true 
they melted down on the journey to ten red revolutionists, who 
persevered to the bitter end ; a mob of 500 or 600 did, how- 
ever, make some show of a raid on the stores. So again, ten 
years later, the tinners were once more at war with the farmers, 
and at Truro, at Redruth, and elsewhere, they collected and 
clamoured loudly for a lowering of prices to the standard they 
had unanimously adopted as just and fair. Butter was not to 
exceed sixpence a pound, and potatoes were to be retailed at 
2\d, per gallon, and these prices the farmers were in many 


cases overawed into conceding. Even as late as 1847 the 
miners gave no little trouble at St. Austell ; it was the same 
old idea that the farmers were demanding exorbitant profits. 
The outbreak would have been serious had not Mr. Nicholas 
Kendall, who was then High Sheriff, stood for three hours in 
our streets between an obnoxious corn dealer and a furious 
mob of 300 men, and dared them to come on, except over 
his prostrate body,' And since that day there has been a 
threatening of trouble once or twice on the part of the clay- 
workers ; one sees, too, at election times that the antient 
enthusiasm is not extinct ; still, I believe that our people 
generally have learnt a more excellent way, and emigration, 
for one thing, has taken the place of the emeutes of former years. 
Now I pass to speak of our 

which I think is calculated to impress the beholder, sometimes 
by its gorgeousness, but generally by its sobriety and sensible- 
ness. I must confess that a great deal of attention is paid to 
dress, and in St. Austell in particular ; you should see some of 
our toilettes ; it is a common saying amongst us that people 
will go well dressed, even if they have to go without food. I 
came to the county from a region where the working classes 
have far higher wages * and yet are not nearly so well habited ; 
in Yorkshire, much of the wage disappears down the throat, 
and their feminine toilettes, when they attempt any, are often 
excruciating; I was struck with the contrast at once. Though 
we have much more pauperism — 38 in the thousand ; exactly 
double that of the West Riding ' — the dress of poverty (often 

1 At Ihe Bodmin Summer Assices. on July aSIh. '47, ten of Ihc ringleaders nere sen- 
tenced 10 hard labour for letms varying from six months 10 two years. 

> In 1830 Wilkic Collins found ilie farm labourers of ibis county rucrivinj; only 9a, per 
week. Now our clay-workers, etc.. have 155. 

> In Devon Ihe proportion 1940 to the 1,000; in Norrolk. 47-4 1 in Middletex, )9'6. 


it is the livery of drink) is much more frequently seen in the 
North than in the South. I turn to our 


I say ** dialect," because our speech has its peculiarities, though 
they are much less marked than in most other districts ; in 
fact, I do not know a county in England with less patois ; even 
so far West as Penzance travellers have remarked on the 
purity of the English spoken there.^ And I account for this 
phenomenon — that Cornwall, though more remote from the 
metropolis, speaks an infinitely purer English than, say, 
Devon or Somerset — by remembering that our people had till 
comparatively recent times a language of their own ; they had 
their own Celtic tongue down to the fifteenth or sixteenth 
century. I do not mean that this now dead and buried 
language was generally or even widely spoken at the latter 
date (Warner says it was everywhere spoken throughout the 
county, temp. Henry VIII., but I very much doubt it), but that 
it lingered in certain districts, much as Welsh does now in 
parts of Wales.^ We are told, for example, that in St. Feock 
parish, Mr. Jackman, the Vicar, administered the Sacraments 
in Cornish down to 1640, the poorer people not understanding 
any other tongue. Later still, in 1678, Mr. Robinson of 
Landewednack, close to the Lizard, preached sometimes, it is 
said, in Cornish. By the year 1700, however, it had quite 

1 Illustr. Itinerary, p. 169. 

'^ Camden says that in his day Cornish was " only spoken by the vulgar in two or three 
parishes at the land's End. . . . Tis a good while since that only two men could write 
it." He gives the LorcTs Prayer and the Creed in Cornish (p. 9). In 1768 Daines 
Harrington found no one — save Dolly Pentreath — who could speak it at all. And Ray 
the naturalist found no larger a number of proficients in this tongue in 1662. But Mr. 
Harvey (Mullion, p. 96) asserts that it was " spoken by many on to the beginning of the 
present century." He instances one. of the Matthewses who died in 1800. And Mr. Lach 
Szyrma, formerly Vicar of Newly n St. Peter, says that the fishermen of that place still 
count in Comisb. 



died out, except in five or six villages, clustering round the 
Land's End, and when Dolly Pentreath of Mousehole passed 
away in 1778, the antient Cornish language may be said to 
have died with her. 

But one obvious consequence of their having a language of 
their own has been that the people of this county have acquired 
a later English than that inherited by other Englishmen ; they 
have learnt it in schools and the like, free from many of its 
archaisms : the people of Menheniot, for example, are said to 
have first learnt the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten 
Commandments in English from their Vicar, Dr. Moreman.^ 
But, be the reason what it may, it is indisputable that the 
dialect of Cornwall is not to be named, for broadness and 
ruggedness, by the side of the Doric of Lancashire or York- 
shire ; it is sometimes said in the latter county that ** a Pudsey 
man" — Pudsey is a village between Leeds and Bradford — 
" will make his way in Germany," so like is the lingua franca 
of the place to the old PlatUDeutsch. Still, Cornwall has its 
idioms, its odd words and expressions, its tricks of speech, and 
so forth, and some of these I proceed to record.* 

And first as to words : then as to phrases. The words, I am 
afraid, I must set down without any attempt at classification, 
unless it is that the commonest come first. We use the word 

1 Since I wrote this. I find that Camden made a similar observation long ago. "Their 
language," he says, "is the English, and (which is something surprising) is observed by 
Travellers to be more pure and refined than that of their neighbours. Devonshire and 
Somersetshire. The most probable reason whereof seems to be this, that English is to 
them an introduced, not an original language, and those who brought it in were the Gentry 
and Merchants, who imitated the Dialect of the Court." Britannia, p. 8. 

3 I must express my obligations to Mr. lago's Glossary of the Cornish Dialect; to 
papers by Mr. T. Q. Couch and Mr. Thomas Garland in the Journal of the Roy. Inst. 
of Cornwall for March and April, 1865 ; and to the Rev. Canon Rogers, who has put at 
my disposal a MS. list which he has prepared. 


" wisht '' for sad or wretched — ** 'tes wisht, shure 'nuff'*^; we 
use *' slight " for poorly, indifferent, just as in Scotland they use 
** sober " ; a stout party was much taken aback on being told, 
" Yiew be lookin' fine and slight." ** Glome " or " cloam " stands 
with us for pottery, earthenware — ** emptying cloam" is a 
euphemism for drinking ; *' clunk " stands for swallow (" clunk 
et down" is often heard), and the throat is called the ** clunker'*; 
** clodgy " (compare " stodgy ") means sticky ; ** scat " or ** scat 
abroad " is our way of referring to breakage, bankruptcy, etc. — 
** he's gone scat " ; " scat in jowds " means broken in pieces. 
The '* cheens " are the loins; the ** nuddick " is the nape of 
the neck — this speech was heard somewhere, "I hitched my 
foot in the sconce [pavement] and knacked my nuddick, an' 
a wadn't able to clunky for a fortnight " ; a " cheel " is a child; 
** banger " stands for big ; ** bal " for mine — in the St. Breage 
Registers we find the entry, ** Died at the Bal " ; the racehorse 
'* Bal-maid '' was Cornish ; " braave " for large^ fine, as in " a 
braave family," ** a bra' fine day," etc. — compare the Scotch 
** braw " : ** Eh, ye're a braw lad : God gi' ye grace " ; " bad " 
for poorly — ** HeVe been bad for years," ** Yew be lookin' bad 
in the face " ; *' poor " for bad, decayed ; a rotten apple would 
be said to be ** poor " ; we also speak of a '* poor temper," and 
shoes that are wearing out are described as ** coming poor " ; 
'' core " for the shift or time of work in a mine — " I be on the 
night core " ; " passel " is used for much, a quantity, as, "We be 
'avin' a passel o' rain " ; " few " means little (as in Scotland) — 
'*ril have a few broth"; a ^^/um^ is a ** pretty smell"; ''chores" 
are household jobs. A " cappen " is a nomen generalissimum for 
master, overseer — even a master mason is addressed as " cap'm," 

1 Can •• wisht " be the remainder of " ill-wished *'? See p. 299. This word is used by 
Bishop Latimer in a sermon. Speaking of Adonijah's guests (i Kings i. 49), be says, 
" All was wtsk£ : all their good cbeer was done." 



so that captains are as plentiful with us as colonels in 
America ; a ** flasket " is a linen-basket ; lard is " mort " ; suei is 
** kidney tallow '';/>/«;;« and raisins are "figs" — so, I understand, 
they are in Lancashire ; a plum pudding is called " a figgy 
pudden " or ** a figgy dowdy ** : what elsewhere, among highly 
civilized people, are called ** figs," are here known as ** flat 
figs " or ** broad figs " ; we use " iss " for ** yes," and " iss fy " 
for "yes, indeed" (fy = French /<?t; in Chaucer the word 
appears as /ay) ; " fitty " means suitable, proper, sensible — a child 
may be told, " You're not be'avin' fitty to the lady " : " not 
fitty" may mean non compos mentis; to "fit" is to prepare, 
make ready— '' ShBll I fit 'ee a dish o' tay?"; "gashly" 
[ghastly] is horrid ; " half-baked " or " half-saved " are 
synonyms for half-witted ; a " crib " or " croust " is a crust, 
a snack ; a " crock " is an iron pot ; in the old open fireplaces 
a crock was put over the bread whilst it was baking ; a 
" buzza " is a small jar ; a tripod for a kettle to rest on is a 
" brandis " ; to " louster " is to do hard work — we have a pro- 
verb, " Ef a can't schemy, a must louster." Instead o{ feeding 
cattle, we " mait " them — " I be gaun to mait the pigs " a 
labouring man will say ; a Judge at the Assizes expressed 
some astonishment at the idea of meeting pigs ; " meat " is 
used for any kind of food ; no " stummick for meat " means 
no appetite whatsoever ; instead of standing we " pitch " — 
" I can't pitch on thiccy foot," " They two maids was 
pitched, one on either side of 'ee " ; we also say " 'ee 
pitched [i.e., started] to groan and to 'oiler " ; sometimes you 
are asked, " Won't you pitch a bit ? " meaning, " Won't you 
sit down ? " ; instead of sitting we " set " — a deaf old woman, 
on being asked by her Vicar whether she heard better in 
Church, replied, " Iss, sur, Tve 'eard better since I 'ave a set 
agin the feowl " (the fowl being, of course, the lectern ; that in 


Falmouth Church has been called " the goose " ^ ; instead of 
irregular or topsy-turvy we say " forth and back " — " You've 
got your pinny on foorth an' back " ; " forthy " means forward, 
self-asserting ; instead of growing fat, we ** fall abroad " ; in- 
stead of digging the ground, we " teal " [till] it — " A'es tealing 
'teaties," one often hears ; instead of spreading manure, we 
*' skid " or "skate" dung. The surface of a mine is spoken 
of as ** the grass," though not a blade of grass may be visible — 
our miners ** come up to grass " ; the surface overseer is the 
** grass cap'm." We are not sick, but we " 'eave up " ; a 
cancer is a ** canster," an ulcer an " ulster," which, if it 
discharges, is said to " weep " ; instead of hurt one hears 
*'hurted"; our wrists are '* arm wrists " ; the spine is always 
*' the spine of his back " ; we lose our **moM/Aspeech " ; if our 
faculties decay, we are ** totelin " ; if we are distracted with 
pain, we are "roving" [raving?], or "in racks" or "screetches 
o' pain " ; physic is expressively called " traade " ; if we die, we 
are said to "pass" or "quench away." We ^'make out the 
gas " : we " put a man home " ; we " shut *ome " a door. 
" Plum " means soft — dough is described as " plum," * so is a 
soft road lif sloppy, it is described as " liggy "), whilst a feather 
bed is known as a " plum-tye " ; a puddle is a "plosh," which 
is manifestly onomatopoetic. Clotted cream is called " ream" — 
compare the German Rahm ; the natural cream which rises 
from the milk is called " rai£^-ream " ; instead of drooping or 

1 A Yorkshire Vicar was much perplexed when at the Easter Vestry — they were dis- 
cussing some improvements — one of the Churchwardens said, "We mun hev a doovt." 
The use of "set" for "sit" reminds one of the frequent misuse of "lay" for "lie." 
"The Dean always lays on Mondays," said a Cambridge bed-maker to a lady who called 
early one morning on the Etean of College. 

'^ A farmer near the Lizard— I borrow this story from Cummings's Cury and Gunwailot, 
p. 202 -Ijeing ill in bed and suffering much from distention of the stomach, was told that 
a pitcher of yeast had been accidentally emptied into the well from which he had drank. 
" Then," he cried. " that's what 'ics ! I'm flumming/" 


faded, we use the word " davered " ; instead of mildewed, 
" asleep " ; instead of sheltered, " loo " — a sheltered spot is a 
" looth," in Scotch ** lowan " : the towns of East and 
West Looe are so called from their cosy position ; " suant " 
stands for smooth, even : a level road or a field regularly 
planted would be called "suant." Instead of enticing, we 
"slock away"; playing truant is "mitching" or " minch- 
ing " ; a liar is a " liurd." The fidgets are known as 
the " squitches " [twitches] or " squitchems " ; a crutch is a 
" scrootch " ; squinting is " squinny " ; a fork is a " prong " ; 
a gutter below the eaves is a " launder " ; the wooden 
flooring of a room is the " planchen " ; a lean-to roof is 
called a " linney " ; a haycock is a " mow " ; the farmyard 
where the hayricks are is the " mowhay " ; black cherries are 
" mazzards " ; wasps are " applebees " ; cocks are " stags " — 
" It's a young stag," the poultry man will say ; " you can see 
by its spurs " * ; a sucking-pig is a " sucker," presently he 
becomes a " vear," a little later a " slip " ; a boar is always 
a " pigi" whilst a sheep under a year old is a " hog " ; a cow 
of no particular breed is a " sparkey." Banns of marriage, to 
pass to a very different subject, are called "spurrings" (compare 
the Scotch " speiring ") — so they are elsewhere — and people 
whose banns are published are said to be " prayed for " ; in 
Lancashire they are said to be " shouted" — "t' Canon shouted 
'em last Sunday." And here I am reminded of a question 
asked in connection with myself — " Why does the Vicar give 
out," it was said one day, " that these persons are to be 
respectably joined together " ? Once, too, it fell to my lot to 
publish the banns of Billy S . I tried hard to persuade 

1 A School Inspector who asked a child what it was recalled St Peter to repentance, 
was much nonplussed when informed that it was "a stag." The children were no less 
so, when he replied, " No, I don't remember that we read anything about such cattle in 
connection with St. Peter's falU" 


him that his name was William, but in vain. '* Naw," he said, 
'* 'tes plain Billy," and plain Billy he was called. 

All these words are in constant use ; the following, I must 
confess, I have not heard myself, viz. : " buckaboo," or simply 
**bucca," for a scarecrow^; a " padgedy-pow " for a lizard; a 
'*janjakes" for a snail — in Suffolk it is a " hodmadod " ; a 
** dishwasher" is a wagtail ; an "airymouse" is a bat; a little 
stool is called a ** cricket *' ; b. flail a " drashel," ».«., a thrasher ; 
a mess is a " caudle." Nor have I heard, though I believe it 
is common enough, ** palch " for pale; or " fooch " for push; 
or 'Meery " — compare the German leer — for empty; or "jan- 
jansy " for two-faced — ** Some of the servants " (a lady was told 
by her housekeeper) ** are so jan-jansy " (Mr. Quiller Couch 
suggests that this word is connected with Janus, but I should 
doubt whether our poor people ever heard of the gentleman) ; 
or ** tadly-oodly " for tipsy ^ ; or " wimbly-wambly " for giddy , 
unsteady; or ** piran " for downright drunk — St. Piran (whence 
Perran, Perranwell, Perranzabuloe, etc.) is the patron saint 
of miners, and is said to have died in a state of intoxication ' ; 
or ** kiddlywink" {or public -house ; or "caprouse" for tumult; 
or **gammut '' for nonsense; or ** pilm " for dust; or "purgy" 
for thick-set; or ** bustious " [robustious] for stout; or " sproil " 
for strength — '* there's no sprowl about her," no push and 
power, is, I am told, common enough ; or " haveage " for Am.* 

^ The Buckaboo is the storm-god of the old Cornish mythology. *' Buoca " is also the 
Penzance name for the inhabitants of Newlyn St. Peter. Courtney, Comisk Ptosis^ etc., 

p. 29. 

> Such duplications are much commoner in East Anglia. where we have ** cozy-rozy '* 
for fantastically drunk ; " crawly-mawly " for weak and ailing ; ** hoit-a-poit," a variation 
of " hoiiy-toiiy " ; " lag-a-rag " for lazy fellow ; *• quavery-mavery " for undecided ; 
" nifflenaffle ••=to trifle ; and *' sad-bad "=very bad. Zincke's IVJUrsitad. 

^ Miss Courtney quotes a Cornish saying. "As drunk as a Piraner." His feast-day 
(March 5th) is observed as a tinner's holiday. This shews bow tinners once spent their 

spare time. 

« These last words I derive from TJU As/omisAinx History tf Troy Tawm. 


Nor have I been so fortunate as to meet with " giglet " for a 
romping girl, a tomboy ^ ; ** tom-holla " for a loud, boastful 
talker ; " tongue-tabbas " for a swaggerer ; " hollibubber " for 
a quarryman who deals with the refuse of the slates ; ** good 
tummels " for a heavy crop (they will speak of " tummels of 
grass " or hay), or " zess " for a great fat woman.* 

This is a sufficiently long list, but it would have been easy to 
make it much longer, especially if I had included words which 
are found throughout the West Country, as I observe some 
writers have done. It will perhaps be more entertaining if I put 
down a few choice Cornish phrases, some of which I have heard, 
whilst others I have collected from books. Here is a fearful 
threat — ** I'll scat your chacks [cheeks] you great gashly 
bufflehead ! " Here is a description of a ntalade imaginaire — 
" Ae's whiffy and whimmy and a bit hippety like." But this 
is entirely eclipsed by the following — " Ae's pinikin, palchy and 
totelin ; ae's clicky and cloppy an' a kiddles and quaddles oal 
day ; *tes wisht " : which, being translated, runs, " He's little, 
weakly and imbecile ; he's left-handed and lame, and he fidgets 
idly about all day long ; 'tis sad." Again — this was said by a 
maid of all work — ** I can fouster and louster, but a can't 
tiddly" [I can't tidy]. A lad left in charge of the Sunday 
dinner whilst the family was at Church, and who, like King 
Alfred, had let it burn, appeared at the porch and endeavoured 
by his energetic signs to draw out the housewife. She in turn 
made signs to him to wait, when, growing impatient — so much 
was at stake — he cried out, to the scandal of the congregation, 
" Yiew may winky and skrinky as long as yiew du plase, but 

1 A Giglet-fair is (or was once) held at L<iunceston ; it was principally attended by 
young men and maidens. Here the blushing swain might introduce himself sans ciri- 
monie to any of the numerous nymphs. 

3 I ago ungallantly connects this word with the Greek cvs, "pig," which is rather a 
far cry. 


the figgy dowdy is burnt gin the crock." The following 
sagacious remark is said to have been made at a farmers' 
dinner at Wadebridge — ** Ef oal squires wur to diew as our 
squire dew, there wouldn't be half as many squires dew as they 
dew dew." Mr. lago gives this in a somewhat different shape. 
*' If yiew wur to diew as yiew oft to dew, yiew wud diew a 
guddel better than yiew dew dew." Miss Rogers has kindly 
supplied me with the following, heard in the neighbourhood 
of Bodmin. A mother, speaking of her troublesome children, 
said, ** There beant wan in the 'arritch [household] to scour 
down the planchen, or dish up the cloam, or pick a bit o' 
crackle in the *adge ; they be oal sa vassentrary [perverse and 
contrary ?] ; they've tooked after our ould he.'' And this. An 
old man at Gwennap, having had an order for some gravel, 
was asked whether it was ready. He replied, ** Naw, Sur, but 
we've a got un in coose ; we must buck [break] et and cob 
[pick over] et and spal [break smaller] et an' griddle [sift] 
et twice, ^ an' then et'll be fitty." 

Before I quit this subject, I must remark that the peculiarities 
of our speech lie, as one would expect, quite as much in the 
irregular use of ordinary words as in the employment of un- 
usual terms, of words peculiar to the county. For example, 
a ** young man " in Cornwall means a bachelor : he may be 
eighty years of age, but he is " young " still ; it was said of 
a very young bride, ** She du look a pretty lot better than 
when she was young.'' Similarly, " ould antient " is very 
common instead of ** old." "Frightened" means surprised; 
** hurried " means flustered ; " rash " is used for impetuous, 
eager — ** Tm so rash that I cut myself" ; " necessary " is used 
in the West (so I am informed) for suitable; "belong" expresses 
obligation as well as ownership — " I belong to be gauin home," 
** I du belong to work at the mine." Instead of ** let it alone," 


we say '* leave it be '' or " lev un bide '* ; instead of "widower/' 
**widow-man"; instead of "widow/* "widow-woman"; instead 
of " twins," " two twains." One never hears " I think so," but 
" Iss, I think." We do not say " Goodbye," but " I wish 'ee 
well " ; we never speak of April or May, but " April month " 
or " May month " ; we use " busy all " to imply effort — "it was 
busy all that I caught the train." " Churching " is used of any 
service in the Church, an idiom which once led to a laugh- 
able blunder in our own parish. A Curate recently imported 
into the county was saying Evensong, as it happened, without 
any congregation ; the bell had been duly tolled, but nobody 
appeared. As he neared the end of his devotions, however, 
a young woman entered and sat down. As she was still 
seated and waiting at the end of his silent service, he went 
to her and asked what her mission was. She replied that she 
had understood there was " churching." " Certainly, there 
is," he said, whereupon he conducted her to the usual place 
and proceeded to " church " her in due form. As she was a 
girl of spotless character, though of dull understanding, it will 
readily be believed that this function, when she had grasped 
its import, gave neither her nor her friends much satisfaction. 
" Churching," as it is understood elsewhere — that service is 
here called "upraising" — has almost died out amongst our 
poor. But to return to our usus loqtiendi. The auxiliary verb 
" do " is very much en evidence : " I du theenk like this 'ere." 
" Tell 'ee what 'tes, maister," said Billy Bray, the Methodist, 
to Canon Rogers, "yiewdu love pace and quietness in religion, 
and we du dearly love a naise." Then, an archaism is trace- 
able in such expressions as " 'E 'ave a been," " 'E *ave a dun 
et " (compare, " Forty and six years was this temple a building," 
as we read in Tyndale's, Cranmer's, and the Genevan versions). 
The pronouns are in glorious confusion, though this is not 


peculiar to Cornwall. I think it was in Wiltshire that a local 
preacher, being asked how he came to expound Scripture so 
fluently, when he could not read a word of it, made answer, 
''They reads to oi, an' oi expounds to they/'^ and I quite 
forget where it was that a traveller, hearing a woman (as he 
thought) calling to some children, directed their attention to 
her, and then was told, '* Her isn't a calling we; us doesn't 
belong to she,'' but right across the country, in Suffolk, 
they would say, " I heard he and saw sA^," just as in 
Cornwall. A gardener, for example, on being told to consult 
his wife, replied, " I don't pay no regard to she" Hardly 
less noticeable are our terms of endearment. ** My deear " 
is used in addressing both men and women, with rigid 
impartiality. ** Aw, my deear ! " is an everyday ejaculation, 
so is ** My dear life ! " A little child is always ** tender dear " 
or ** My 'ansome," sometimes even ** tender worm," whilst 
'* son " and ** sonnie " are freely used quite irrespective of 
paternity. I have heard a lad address his father as ** My son," 
and some go so far as to use this form of speech to their wives. 
Speaking of husbands and wives, I must advert to a formula 
which we often see in Cornish cemeteries, " Sacred to the 

memory of John, the beloved husband of Jane ! " as if that 

fact constituted his claim to remembrance, or as if, at any rate, 
*' the grey mare were the better horse." I may also observe 
that wives are still sometimes described by their maiden name. 

** She's called ," they will sometimes add, " by her husband." 

Miss Rogers tells me she has remarked some extremely nice 
and accurate distinctions used in speaking of places, but I 
suspect that they are more or less common to all country 
districts. At Gwennap they spoke of going up to St. Day 

1 I have come across several instances of local preachers who can neither read nor write. 
Some of these are said to be the most popular of their order. 


(which stands high), in to Redruth (the market town), over 
to Camborne (which is some miles away), away to Penzance 
(which is still farther off), out to Perran (on the North coast) 
and down to Falmouth (on the South coast), down along to 
Frogpool (in the same direction) and ont Ferny way. 

I conclude with two expressions of everyday occurrence, 
which spring out of the piety of our people. One is the 
abbreviated Doxology, ** Thanks be " ; the other an expression 
of resignation, " If it be so pleasin'." I have never heard them 
elsewhere. Just as the Irishman says *' Thank God^'^ where 
the Englishman says ** Thank j'ow," they tell their tale as to 
the devout Cornish character. 

Now I proceed to speak of our Cornish 

Cuisine — 

no unimportant matter, in the opinion of most people. John 
Wesley observed that this was ** the best place he knew for 
getting an appetite and about the worst for getting it satisfied." 
He was speaking of the lack of houses of refreshment, a 
reproach to which we are still exposed, but I incline to think 
that the observation is true in other ways ; I should, however, 
say that a traveller whom I met in the train informed me that 
St. Austell ever lived in his memory as the place where he had 
had the biggest dinner at the most moderate price. And I 
have no doubt that those who can accommodate pasties and 
saffron cake will have no complaints to make of insufficiency of 
supply or exorbitancy of charge, but we have not all stomachs 
or palates of the same robust order. The pasty is our piece de 
resistance ^ — children, so far as I can see, are weaned on them ; 

1 " We had heard that Cornwall was very famous for pasties, so we asked our landlady 
to-day to make us one. We were rather disappointed in it, as the grand name of ' pasty* 
had led us to expect some imposint^ dish, reminding us of ancient baronial feasts, and it 
turned out to be a little common mutton pie, with the addition of tiny scraps of potato.'* 
Miss Bragge, Sketchn in Cornwall, p. 32. 



it is very significant that Brazil nuts are here known as " pasty 
nuts,'* and the segments of an orange as ** pasties " — the shape 
recalls that familiar article. One sees it everywhere : you shall 
find the waggoner in our streets, or the hedger and ditcher in 
our lanes, munching his daily pasty with infinite content, 
holding the lower half in a bag or piece of newspaper whilst 
he works away at the upper end. (This pasty-bag is quite 
an institution amongst us ; it is called ** Hoggan-bag " or 
** Hobben-bag.") As to the composition of a pasty there is no 
limit ; the question is not what may enter into it, but what 
may not; the devil, according to the common saying, leaves 
Cornwall severely alone, because he fears it might be his un- 
happy fate to be sliced and served up in pasty form. And 
hereby hangs a tale ; I vouch for its absolute truth. A 
gardener or hind at one of our houses was used to have 
his mid-day pasty, which he regularly brought with him 
in the morning, warmed in the kitchen oven, and he 
would eat it in the servants' hall when they had their 
dinner. One day the cook remarked that it was of in- 
ordinate length ; however, it was warmed and set before him 
on a plate as usual. But when he proceeded to dissect it, 
his jaw dropped and his face became a study, as he gradually 
extracted from under the crust half the leg of a chair ! It 
appeared that he had lately had a little tift with his wife, and 
had broken a chair leg either over her or under her, and this 
was her revenge. Next to the pasty comes the pie — Cornwall 
is famous for its pies — of which only two or three varieties can 
be mentioned here. The first is squab-pie, which is a sort of 
hotchpot, and embraces mutton, or other meat, apples, onions, 
raisins, sugar, pepper and salt. This — crede experto — is very 
good : it is a dainty dish to set before a king. Sour-sab pic 
is made with the most juicy stems and leaves of the common 


sorrel. Staring-pie. or starry-^jzy pie. is compounded prin- 
cipally of leeks and pilchards, and is so called because the 
noses of the fish peer throu.^h the crust. Leeky-pie is made 
of leeks and cream : it you can get conger to put into it, so 
much the better. Mu^^itiy — muggets are sheeps' entrails — 
and mackerel pies are also eaten with cream, with a flavouring 
of parsley. SparabU-pic is a figure of speech for something 
sour and unpalatable — •" Til give *ee some sparrable-pie " — the 
same dish which is elsewhere known as " tongue-pie." The 
puddings of the peninsula are not among its strong points, 
always excepting the '" figg>* pudden' " already referred to, 
which is in great favour : it is a common saying that a Cornish- 
man's idea of happiness is " a fresh preacher and a figgy 
pudding every Sunday." Their cakes, too, are, me judicey in- 
different — needless to sav, thev don't think so : one is reminded 
of what the lively French woman said of America, ** One sauce 
and a hundred and one religions." In St. Austell we have 
eleven denominations and but one or two cakes in general use — 
one is the " saffron cake '' {saffern they pronounce it), which to 
"foreigners" has a fine flavour of the drug shop, but is pro- 
digiously popular among the natives : those who like it care 
for no other cake. So much is it prized that in former years 
it was constantly sent — a pinch of it — in letters to Comishmen 
abroad. They also make a " heavy cake," which they compound 
with cream. Muffins and crumpets we have to import from the 
Midlands ; the natives generally are content with the " split,*' 
a fat sort of Brodchen, which they cut in two, and then smear 
with butter, or with cream and jam or treacle, which latter 
compound is popularly known as " thunder and lightning." 
This is esteemed a great delicacy, but it requires no little 
practice to eat it gracefully. Cream, Anglice "clotted cream" — 
nothing offends us more than to call it " Devonshire cream," 


as uninstructed persons sometimes do — figures largely in all 
our cookery. It is the Sunday treat even of the poorest 
families who can afford a treat at all, and I am happy to say 
that we have no grinding poverty in our town. It is so 
identified with our county, this cream, that there are those 
who maintain that it was for this, and not for our tin, that the 
Phoenicians came to our shores, the curds or Icbben now found in 
Palestine being cousin-German to Cornish cream — " He asked 
for water . . . she brought forth curds." Housewives " up- 
country," that is to say, beyond the Tamar, may be interested 
to hear that our cream is easily convertible, without any 
churning, into butter ; it simply requires to work it in the 
hand. A Cornish dairy is simplicity itself, compared with, 
say, a Cheshire dairy. The principal article of furniture is the 
pan in which the milk simmers over the fire. Our beverages 
are very simple — as Warner observed in his day,^ they are 
" chiefly water and tea, of which (he means the tea) many of 
them are so fond that they drink it with their dinners." He 
might have added that some of them stew the tea, to extract 
all its potency, and keep the teapot on the hob, so as to have 
the cup that cheers always within their reach. And it may 
not be amiss if I set down here the Grace with which some 
of ** our people " are said to begin and to end their meals ; I 
cannot vouch for them myself, as I have never heard them. 
*' The Grace before meat " is said to take this form — 

" Lord mek us able 
To eat what's upon table " ; 

that which concludes the repast to run as follows — 

"The Lord be praised 
Wer stummicks be aised." 

1 Tour through Catnwali, p. 299. 



O account of ** our people " could possibly be complete 
which passed over the subject of charms and super- 
stitions. I imagine that few ** foreigners " have any 
idea how deeply rooted is the belief in charms in the Cornish- 
man's bosom. Superstitions not a few no doubt are found 
elsewhere,^ but I know of no region with the same robust faith 
in charms.* Elsewhere they may be resorted to sub rosa ; here 
they are proclaimed from the housetops ; any elderly Cornish- 
man of the humbler class will talk to you quite freely on the 
subject. I first came into close contact with this belief in a 
sick room, where was an old man much tortured by eczema. 
He had just had a visit from the prayer leader, who had 
carried thence a handkerchief to the blacksmith's. It was 

^ Certainly they are in " silly Suffolk." Zincke tells of a woman who baked a duck 
alive ^ur encourager Its autres — to make the survivors lay. Bees are still told of a death 
in the family : some people will even put crape round the hive, just as in West Cornwall 
they put mourning on plants after a death, to prevent their withering away. ( Waiks 
about St. Hilary t p. 94. ) All over England the croak of a raven or the howling of a dog 
foretells death ; so does a cat looking in at the window. Similarly, the nail that has 
lamed a horse must be kept bright and greased if the animal is to recover. And what 
county is there where a cast-off horseshoe is not supposed to bring luck, or people do not 
dislike to spill the salt at dinner. Even in Paris, thousands avoid travelling on Fridays. 

^ " The strong superstitious feelings of the ancient days of Cornwall still survive and 
promise to remain." Wilkie Collins, p. 85. He does not. however, allege much proof. 
He mentions that a boy was being treated by a doctor for a wound in the back, caused by 
a pitchfork. The friends, to assist the cure, kept the weap>on in a state of high polish. 
But this they would do in Suffolk and elsewhere. 


somehow charmed at the smithy, and was then applied to old 

B 's back, I regret to say without producing any marked 

effect. I mentioned this, or some similar incident, as a sort 
of curiosity, at my wife's mothers' meeting, when I speedily 
discovered that there was not a Cornish woman present who 
did not regard it as quite a natural and proper thing to do. 
Subsequently I became fast friends with an old and very dirty 
charmer, so much so that he has transmitted his powers to one 
of my own family ; I fear we have not benefitted by them as 
he intended us to do. (I should explain, perhaps, that a man 
can only impart the gift to a woman and vice versa, and that 
if the recipient does not guard the secret from profane eyes 
and ears, he loses the power to charm.) Anyhow, I have in 
my possession some of his formulae, which I will share with 
the reader ; they are mostly in request for burns and scalds, 
for sore eyes, for warts, for stopping bleeding, for fevers, for 
extinguishing fires, and for healing divers diseases of animals. 
I write them down just as they were given to me, but they 
must be used by persons who have the gift, and this they 
cannot have without faith. 


** When our Saviour was upon the Cross to be crucified 
He were troubled with a quivering and a shaking. I asked 
Him if He were troubled with an ague. He answered, * No, 
I am not, nor he that believeth in Me shall not be troubled 
with the ague nor the feavour.' " 


** Christ was born in Bethlehem, baptized in the river of 
Jordan, and as the waters stood still, so shall the blood stand 

still in thee, A B . In the Name of the Father," etc. 

Another form is to repeat Ezekiel xvi. 6. 



" When Christ was upon earth. He was stabbed, and the 
blood flew up to heaven. But the thorn that stabbed [thee] 
shall neither rot nor rankle, but it shall die. In the Name 
of the Father/* etc.^ 


it is only necessary- to repeat Psalm Ixviii. i, 2, and this is held 
to be equally efficacious for driving the venomous beast away 
and for curing its bite. Some persons, however, in order to 
charm a snake, also draw a circle around it on the ground, 
and make a cross inside the circle. 


there is nothing like the hand of a dead person of the opposite 
sex passed nine times over the place or round the neck, but 
then you should also bur\' one of the handkerchiefs of the 
patient in the coffin with the dead. Another plan is to take 
the napkin from the face of the dead, tie it round your neck, 
and wear it till the time of the funeral. You must then follow 
with the mourners, and drop the napkin on the coffin after it 
has been lowered into the grave.* This, I suppose, shifts the 
complaint to the corpse. 


Blow three times on the place, and say nine times — 

" Two little angels came from the East. 
One brought Fire and the other brought Frost; 
Out Fire, in Frost. 
In the Name of the Father," etc.* 

' Miss Courtney cites a rhyming formula for the same purpose— 

" Christ was of a Virgin born. 
And He was prickikl by a thorn ; 
And it did never bele [fester]. 
And I trust in JRSUS this never will" 

'•'"Ihe belief in the efficacy of a dead hand in curing diieases in Cornwall is 
marvellous." Courtney, p. 153. This charm is especially good for sore eyes. 

^ Miss Courtney gives this charm in a slightly different form. 



On seeing the new moon (it must not be seen through glass) 
for the first time, bare the foot and show the corns to the 
moon, and say the following sentence nine times, pointing 
the while to the corns and the moon — " Corns down here, 
Nary waun up there.*' 


**As Jesus passed by He saw Peter sitting on a marble 
stone, and Jesus said, * What aileth thee ? ' And Peter 
replied, * O, my Lord, the toothache.' And Jesus said, 
* Take this, and thou shalt no more have the toothache.' " 
This may be muttered by a charmer over the sufferer. But 
if written on paper and kept in a box near the patient, it 
will prevent an attack. 


Cut a little hair from the shoulder of a donkey at the point 
of the shoulder where the cross is ; put it into a bag and hang 
it round the child's neck. The donkey must be of the opposite 
sex to the child.^ Here is another charm, which I give in the 
very words in which it was imparted to a friend — **Take a 
mouse ; 'tes a clean eatin' animal, sur ; kill un and roast un as 
black as a coal ; then put un in a pessle and mortar and pound 
un up and put milk to un, an' clunk et down, an' et'll cure 'ee." 
Here is a third — I give it in case the others should unhappily 
fail — '* Take a clean pocket-handkerchief and spread it under 
the nose of a donkey ; give the animal a piece of white bread ; 
take up the crumbs that will fall ; mix them with milk and 
drink the mixture." 


Go before sunrise on May Day to the grave of the last young 
woman buried in the parish — presuming that the patient is of 

1 A p-ece of a donkey's ear is sometimes used for a cough. 


male sex ; if of the female order, to a man's grave — and apply 
some of the dew on the grave to the swelling. 


this formula, written on paper, is efiicacious, provided it be not 
exhibited to anyone — 




A R E P O 

S A T O R 

It will be observed that, whichever way it is read, the same 
words result. If a person feels that he has been bewitched, 
one plan strongly recommended is to scratch the face of (and 
so draw blood from) the person who has laid his spell upon 
you. Other measures are sometimes resorted to, which my 
modest pen hesitates to explain. 


I have not been favoured with any prescriptions, but Miss 
Courtney says one plan is to rub them with a piece of stolen 
beef, which must then be buried. It is believed that as the 
beef decays the warts will wither away. Another method of 
treatment is to touch them with a knot made in a piece of 
string — as many knots as there are warts — which must then be 
buried as before. Or you may touch each wart with a pebble, 
put the pebbles into a bag, and throw it away. This last 
device has the additional recommendation that the finder will 
have the warts instead of you. 

For the following magical remedies or rules I am also 
indebted to Miss Courtney's pages. A piece of a stale Good 
Friday bun, grated into a glass of water, is good for most 


complaints. A knuckle-bone carried in the pocket is a protec- 
tion against cramp, a bit of potatoe against rheumatism, a bit 
of forked ash will cure the ague, whilst the tip of a dried ox- 
tongue will bring you good luck. A stye on the eyelid may be 
stroked nine times with a cat's tail. A coral necklace round a 
baby's throat will ensure easy teething. It conduces greatly 
to easy birth or easy death to unfasten all the locks in the 
house. You should cut your hair when the moon is at the full, 
if you would not have it fall off. If you rock an empty cradle, 
you will have a large family — 

" Rock the cradle empty, 
You'll rock the babies plenty." ^ 

It will bring you good luck if on your first sight of the new 
moon — seen outside the house — you curtsey, spit on your 
money and keys and turn them in your pocket. It is very 
unlucky to wash on Innocents' Day — this rule is still observed 
in St. Austell ; it is about the only Saint's Day we keep. Seeds 
sown on Good Friday are sure to grow. If you particularly want 
anything, look on the new moon and wish for it before you speak. 
The same agreeable writer tells us that this happened near 
St. Austell in 1839. A woman was seen to approach a grave. 
She stood at the side and seemed to mutter some words. She 
then drew from under her cloak a good -sized piece of cake, 
threw it into the grave, and departed. The cake was composed 
of oatmeal and dog's urine. This was done to cure the yellow 
jaundice. At Sancreed, as late as 1883, a girl with whooping 
coupjh was passed nine times under a donkey's belly, from a 
man on one side to a woman on the other, a boy meanwhile 
feeding the animal with " cribs." 

* C ummings. p. 206, gives us the following as a Cornish belief — 

" Cross a stile and a gate hard by, 
And you'll be a widow before you die.** 


Elsewhere she states that spiders' webs sometimes escape 
destruction, through the belief that such a web concealed 
our Lord, as He lay in the manger, from the messengers 
of Herod. Also that the " knockers " who cause the noises 
sometimes heard underground (see p. 359) are none other 
than the imprisoned spirits of the Jews who crucified Him. 
She adds that clergymen are still supposed to be able to 
exorcise evil spirits. I must say that none of my parishioners 
have betrayed any such amiable weakness. 

Mr. Hawker^ quotes as a superstition firmly rooted in the 
Cornish mind — 

"Save a stranger from the sea, 
And he'll turn your enemy," 

and no doubt that is the case. But a somewhat similar belief 
is found all over Europe. He further says that two-thirds of 
the people West of the Tamar believe in the power of an evil 
eye,^ but so do the Italians — do they not speak of mal occhio ? — 
so do the fellahin of Egypt and Palestine ; so does the mild 
Hindoo. He records a remedy for its malign influence, or a 
way of getting rid of it. It is to go to the Sacrament, hide a 
piece of the consecrated bread and carry it about with you ; it 
is curious that Irish priests, who are often taken from the 
lowest peasant class, have recourse to this expedient to awe 
their parishioners; at least, the witnesses in a recent trial so 
believed. Hawker also says that when the " milky mothers of 
the herd ** rush, as in a panic, from field to field, it is only 
because they have been ill-wished ; so have sheep whose lambs 
are born dead ; so have cattle of any kind which sicken and die. 
He also mentions among our superstitions that the great 
charmer of charms is a seventh son, born in direct succession 
from the same father and mother. But I must again remark 

1 Footprints of Former Men, p. 190. * Page 165. 


that this is an antient and widespread belief — I met with it 
recently, curiously enough, in one of the State Papers. 

For the following contributions I am indebted to Miss 
Beatrice Rogers. ** My deear," said an old goody to her, 
" ef your dawg du lose his 'air, yiew mix up some hoil, gun- 
powder, and the hashes of an old shoe — that'll make 'air grow 
'pon a boord." ** My neighbour," remarked another, " put up 
a blue shawl t'other day " — as a protection against lightning — 
** but 'ee come through so blue as bluein', and she was fo'ced to 
'eave down the shawl and clap up a blanket 'gin the winder." 
A blanket is believed to be an impenetrable defence. Again, 
she has repeatedly met with the belief that dying persons 
cannot '' pass " peacefully, if the bed in which they lie crosses 
the boards of the room. A young person thus described her 
mother's departure. " She was a fine long time goin' off, shure 
'nuff. Betsy an' me was setting down in the kitchen, talking 
about 'er. * Well,' says I, * I can't thenk 'ow she doan't go off 
aisy.' ' Law,' says Betsy, * I du knaw what 'tes : the bed is 
athurt the planchen ; lev us go up and 'eave un round.' So we 
went up and 'eaved un round, and she went off like a beaby." 
Poor soul, well she might ! As a remedy for rheumatism she 
has met with the following — A ha'porth of mustard boiled in 
a pint of beer. ** I reckon," said an old crone, " I've a tuk 
up twenty-seven quarts av it, an' et 'ave a dun me a power 
o' good ! " I conclude this long list with two remedies which 
have come under my own observation. The first is, a tea- 
spoonful of shot for heartburn, which hereabouts is called 
'* the rising of the lights." The other was for influenza — it 
is, if equally heroic, of a much more pleasing character. " I 
bought," said a labouring man, " a bottle of whiskey and half 
a dozen of stout and mixed un together, and kept at un. I 
thought I'd hit un hard" 


I seem to notice a peculiar sentiment ^or lack of it) on 
the subject of death throughout the Duchy, nor am I sure that 
it is strictly confined to the Duchy. It is astonishing how 
coollv thev will discuss a sick man's chances before his face ; 

mm ^ 

sometimes they have no hesitation in settling how long he is 
going to live. I know of one case where a man comforted his 
dying wife with the assurance that he had already procured her 
coffin, and had got it more cheaply than he at first expected. 
I must say, however, that they speak about their own coffins 
with equal sangfroid ; a girl who had had a little affaire de caur 
which did not run smoothly, had herself measured for hers and 
slept in it for years ; it is not unusual here, I may remark, for 
girls who have had a disappointment to take resolutely to their 
beds, but I have only heard of one who proceeded to this last 
extremity. But it is not only hysterical maidens who buy 
their coffins in advance, as the following conversation, which 
took place between two florid farmers, will prove — 

Farmer A. — ** I du b'lave my booys beant moinded to give 
me a fitly bewrial. So I have a been and boughten me own 

Farmer B. — ** Where du 'ee keep un to ? *' 

-■1. — ** Under me bed. Doan't leave no one touch un but 

B. — ** Been in un, *ave 'ee ? " 

A, — ** Iss, scores o* times. 'Ee galled me a bit round the 
shoulders, first goin' off, but now 'ee du fit proper." 

B, — ** Keep anything in un ? '* 

A. — **Iss; seed pertaters, or happles, or honions, or hany- 
thing that be gauin'." ^ 

1 The Boers, who often live hundreds of miles away from timber, will frequently, when 
they go to a town, biing their coffins back with them. They are conspicuous objects in 
many of the farmhouses, and are used as storeplaces for fruit. 



Closely allied to such a feeling as this is the Cornish love for 
a ** fooneral.'* That the friends are not unduly lugubrious 
on such occasions may be gathered from this couplet, which 
I borrow from Tregellas — 

"To shaw our sperrits, lev us petch 
The laast new berryin' tune." 

I must allow, however, that of late years our " berrying " tunes 
are seldom heard ; the dirges with which they once carried the 
dead to their long home have somehow gone out of fashion, at 
least in this neighbourhood. 

But to return to our superstitions. I conclude this 
excursus by borrowing some materials from a paper which 
a Redruth gentleman, who modestly wishes me to withhold 
his name, has been so good as to prepare for me. They deal 
mainly with the misbeliefs of miners, of which I myself have 
had very little experience. He tells me, for example, that 
whistling under ground is held to be obnoxious to the spirits 
of the mine ; so also, one is glad to hear, is swearing. " Sir," 
said an old miner to him, ** the fust thing as I wus towld when 
I went belaw grass was that I should 'ave me skull bate in ef 
I cocked lip under tha adit level '* — he meant that a piece of 
rock would fall and crush him.^ The ** spirits of the mine " 
just mentioned are almost as much dreaded by the Cornishman 
as the manes of his ancestors by the Chinaman, and a China- 
man's brain has been described as a ** chamber of horrors.*' 
They call them ** nuggies " or " knockers '* ; they are what 
other people understand by elfs or gnontes. These ** little old 
men,'* as just observed, cause the strange noises so often heard 
underground, the sounds of digging, of the fall of ** stuff,*' of 

1 The following rhyme is said to be current among miners — 

" Whistling by night Brings spirits in sight. 
Whistling by day Drives them away." 

. ;iis niuraerin< somebody else, 
v:ll is recovered or a wrong 

. ^.=y of T P , a timbernic 

.t:s sister. Grace A , was oi 

. ifioiir, when she was surprised i 

^ :-. and slowly :y.;ike his way up t\ 

^ . ::uled to her sister to come to tl 

, Mth somethiniT in his appearano 

•; iiour fixed for his return. Th 

-.:. * My dear Grace, how pale he 

v.irtcd." They hurried to the doc 

. where to be seen : they called hir 

. .;h. ^>f inprrTT'*. !-'.■!» i-* \-\\i .is .ippariiions. of ih 

.^ r .iisupci itir I grve ont* instance which ha 

Iheie ^»»i -'^-'i - •»'■ ^i- Austell parish a truei 

, ...,; iiid V>s :i\.i^ :Mi:ve J person than H D 

... 1 '.rie :u.;ort i'.»; :Mr:at vc lie cm nr:iher read no 

.^w .-- ' : •**^ -^'' "'^^ " •"^'" *^*«' •-'•-.*''' umier v.Apiaii 

. .odCS -1 --isi:;-'! "'■■■* ^'*^ "^^^^^ ^'- '••'-• i"iy or year; 

•.'..J. ^Ve -^i'-r » «■?; ■• i'-<^ lagus. antl one morn:ng » • :--^-' ■: :!»y iMmmock. I 5.1U my brothei 

■ ua n •^'» .". 'i:. ..-.■' . ■'■M«i ih.ii >fie wa5 c.'in:njj rounc 

..01 » i'->* ■ '■'■" ■* ■■=• ■""'^^'' '" '"■'■' ''i«*"i">ook. wher 

i.'. :iu- ' ■• ■ = "■^'*-''' ' '^y >^ ■•■ >»^i he vaniihed. 


But in this favoured county apparitions are by no means to 
be seen and heard underground only ; these ghostly forms will 
venture forth even into the light of day. Here is an instance 

connected with the neighbourhood of St. Austell. A B 

was returning from **bal " one summer evening, when he saw 
before him a pale, bluish light. He realized at once that he 
was pixy-led, but felt unable to destroy the spell, and blindly 
followed for some time. He was becoming exhausted when 
the light disappeared, but only to be replaced by a human 
form — that of a man wheeling a barrow. He swears that he 
saw this man as distinctly as he ever saw anything in his life ; 
that the apparition approached him, whilst he stood rooted to 
the spot, unable to move with terror ; that it came nearer and 
nearer, with noiseless tread, until it was quite close, when he 
burst into a long and loud cr>' for help, at which the spectre 
stopped and seemed to melt into the ground a few feet away. 

A B was a stranger to the neighbourhood at that time, 

but the natives soon informed him that, a few years before, a 
miner driving a wheelbarrow across the same crofts had walked 
right into a disused and unprotected shaft, from which his 
body had never been recovered. 

Here is another. W T , of Mount Hawke, will tell 

you that he, his mother and his sister, after spending a social, 
but strictly sober evening at a friend's house, were returning 
home, when they suddenly became aware of a man walking 
a few yards ahead of them. Presently they quickened their 
pace ; the apparition did the same. Prompted by curiosity, 

W T began to run, but in vain ; this mysterious 

visitor always kept the same distance ahead. At the cross 
roads, however, the padfoot — every step of his was perfectly 
noiseless — vanished into thin air. There are three persons 
prepared to swear to it ; and the more so, as a few weeks later 


they learned that on that night and at that hour W- 

senior, husband of one of the party and father of the other two, 
was killed in North America.^ 

But that is not all ; the wraiths of living men will sometimes, 
apparently without rhyme or reason, exhibit themselves to their 
friends. We can understand and respect a ghost that haunts 
the scene of his murder, or of his murdering somebody else, or 
who ** walks" until a lost will is recovered or a wrong is 

redressed, but what shall we say of T P , a timberman 

in a mine near Lanner ? His sister, Grace A , was one 

day tidying her little front parlour, when she was surprised to 
see him open the garden gate and slowly make his way up the 
long path to the house. She called to her sister to come to the 
window, for she was struck with something in his appearance, 
and it was long before the hour fixed for his return. The 
sister immediately exclaimed, ** My dear Grace, how pale he's 
looking ! I hope he isn't hurted." They hurried to the door 
to admit him, but he was nowhere to be seen ; they called him 

^ I confess to a belief in apparitions, or impressions as vivid as apparitions, of this 
order ; the evidence appears to me to be insuperable. 1 give one instance which has 
come under my own immediate notice. There was not in all St. Austell parish a truer, 

more honest and cheery, less sentimental and less imaginative a person than H D , 

an old man-o'-war's man. 1 took down the following narrative (he can neither read nor 
write) from his lips on June 3rd. 1889: — " I wai serving in Tkt Revtnge under Captain 
W. Waldegrave in 1839 or thereabouts — I cannot now be sure of the day or year ; I 
never thought of its importance then. We were lying in the Tagus. and one morning, 
between two and three, whilst stretched wide awake in my hammock, I saw my brother 
Roger, then a seaman (I think it was in The Cornwalli^^ and that she was coming round 
the C!ape), in his bodily shape, in sailor's dress. I was lying back in the hammock, when 
he came and looked at me. It gave me a terrible shock. I lay still, and he vanished. 
I had time to speak to him, if I had had the presence of mind so to do ; he looked at me 
for two or three seconds. A month or two afterwards I had a letter from England, sayii^ 
that at that hour he fell out of the rigging ; he had been washing his clothes, and was 
hanging them out to dry ; he had just told a sergt-ant of marines that he felt a terriUe 
pain in his head. However, he was drowned, and the body was never recovered. At 

the s-ime hour my mother, Martha D . then living at Bcre Ferris, Devon, saw the 

same ap{>earance. Roger stood at the foot of her bed and looked at her. I told mjf 
mat«>s about it, but they only laughed at me until the letter came." 


by name, but there was no reply. Thoroughly alarmed, they 
ran to tell a neighbour, an old woman two or three doors away, 
what they had seen. She must have had a large and pleasing 
experience of ghostly visitations, for ** her wrinkled features 
beamed'* as she said, ** Don't 'ee be afeard, my deears; 'tes 
awnly 'ees ghost ; 'ees sure to live to a good old age " — which, 
in fact, he has done. On his return in the evening, the sisters, 
as may well be believed, questioned him as to his extraordinary 
conduct, but he stoutly maintained that he had been "below 
grass '' all day, and had experienced nothing particular. Why 
in that case he should " walk " and terrify honest people out 
of their wits remains a mystery. However, nothing came of 
it ; ** 'Tes nigh upon fifty years agone," said Grace, as she 
concluded the story, '* and he's still as keen for 'baccy and for 
ale as ever." It is consolatory to find that one may appear to 
one's friends without at all impairing a vigorous appetite. 

That the Cornish, or at least the middle and lower classes 
in the county, have a firm faith in dreams, goes without the 
saying, for the Cornishman is by no means singular in this 
respect ; the belief in dreams, however, is perhaps more robust 
and widespread here than elsewhere. Mrs. Bonham, in her 
Comer of Old Cornwall, vouches for the following incident. A 
farmer's wife dreamt that if she dug in a certain part of a 
certain cove she would find a vessel full of gold coins. Next 
morning she told her dream at the family breakfast, and asked 
who would go with her to the spot, but they all laughed at the 
idea. The next night she dreamt the same thing over again, 
and so she did the third night, after which two of her sons 
agreed to go with her and do the necessary digging. When 
they reached the spot they found men there, and as they went 
up to them one of them struck his spade against the vessel 
and revealed the coins. They also, or one of theait had had 


a similar dream, and they were first on the spot, and so reaped 
the harvest of hid treasure. 

It is in connection with approaching death or disaster, 
however, that the visions of the night appeal most powerfully 
to the faith or credulity of " our people " ; can we wonder at 
it when we remember how few marriages there are in May 
throughout England, and how many intelligent persons stoutly 
object to sit down thirteen to dinner ? Here is one story. 
Twenty years ago a miner, working near Pachuca, in Mexico, 
dreamed that his beloved daughter had passed away from his 
and her Cornish home. It seemed to him that her cold hand 
was laid on his brow, and that he heard her say distinctly, in 
the old familiar tone, ** Oh, father." He at once concluded 
that it was a warning, and learnt without surprise that she 
did actually die on the following night, after uttering some 
such words as these. 

Then there is the dream, thrice repeated in one night, of 
Mr. Williams, of Scorrier, who saw Mr. Percival shot in the 
lobby of the House of Commons. But the story is so familiar, 
to Cornishmen at least, that I cannot persuade my pen to 
repeat it. Let us go back to the Redruth MS. I learn from 
it that rats, though they are rare in deep mines, are believed 
to have sometimes warned the miner, by their shrill scream, 
of danger from the fall of rock. Toads are equally rare, and 
it is an augury of good luck to find one. Said an old miner, 
** Once, when lookin' at a piece, I saw a toad jump out from 
behind some rubble ; 'pon that I goes to the cap'm, and, ses I, 
* ril take that end on tribit for six months.' We agreed for 
price, and I tell 'ee, never afore nor sence 'ev I 'ad such a 
payin' job." Spiders are also thought to be harbingers of good 
fortune ; some families aver that all their prosperity has been 
heralded, if it has not been caused, by a spider's descent upon 


the nose or cheeks of one of their number. On the other hand, 
it is considered unlucky to go back to fetch anything that you 
have forgotten ; if you do, you must stop there. This belief 
has been embodied in verse — 

" Forget, return, and there remain, 
Or bad luck follows in your train." 

A miner, for example, who on changing his garments in the 
** dry " has left his " clay " or his " croust " in his coat pocket, 
would never return, however much time he might have at his 
disposal, to fetch it. Occult science has, however, devised 
means of averting the threatened mischief. My correspondent 
says that once at Illogan a man entered a room where he and 
several others were seated, and without saying a word or 
seeming to be conscious of their presence, drew a chair to the 
fire, sat down before it, and for some ten minutes gazed silently 
into the coals, after which he took up a canvas bag that lay on 
the sofa, wished them all " Good day " and departed. This 
was his way of counteracting the ill-luck which his return 
would other\vise have brought him. It is also unlucky to 
throw bones into the fire ; if you do, your bones will drop off 
or rot away. But, as may well be imagined, of unlucky things 
to do there is no end ; as we hear of this and that, we can only 
stand amazed that we have taken no more harm. 

Redruth would seem to be rich in charmers and wizards, 
or is it only that they have found a sacer vatcs in the person 

of my informant ? For over twenty years B M has 

driven a lucrative trade as a fortune-teller, though people do 
say that there is a striking similarity between all her prophecies. 
Those who have satisfied her modest demands learn to their 
satisfaction that they will marry well, then go abroad * to 

Mt is (iu:te a custom in Cornwall for young fellows about to emigrate to marry just 
before their departure. leaving tbeir disconsolate brides behind tbem. I have known 


amass wealth, with which they will return to live happily 
ever afterwards. Be that as it may, her fame has extended 
as far as to " London Church town," for she tells with 
no little pride of a lady who came all the way from 
the metropolis to consult her, but as she came on a 
Sunday, Bella could not be induced to consider her case ; 
no ** gain of money " would persuade this antient witch to 

" break the Sabbath.'' Mrs. G , another wise woman of 

the West, had clients in every grade of society. Her usual fee 
was ** three and a tanner," but small quantities of tea, flour 
and bacon have been accepted from the impecunious. In the 
seventies, and in the gloaming, her house would often be 
besieged by visitors. The charms she supplied them with were 
usually dried herbs or salt, stored in small cotton bags ; these 
phylacteries, if worn on the chest night and day, preserved the 
happy possessor from bewitchment, the evil eye, bad legs, sore 

throats, and all manner of disease. The speciality of A 

R was the charming of blood. M E had a 

kennal stone, which, when passed over the eye, cured it of all 

complaints present and future. J P was renowned 

for his poultices, which were singularly efficacious in inflamma- 
tions and ** joint-racking rheums"; for toothache, warts and 
chilblains he had recourse to charms. " Jimmy the Wizard," 
at Camborne, appears to have been proficient in all things 
pertaining to his craft. But whatever good these Cornish 
** medicine men " accomplished, it was certainly not unmixed 
with harm, as the following story, for every detail of which my 
informant vouches, proves : this thing happened at Bodmin, 

not two years ago. Mr. P of that town was laid low by a 

disorder of some kind, which baffled the skill of the doctors, 

cases where they have gone straight from the Church porch to the Railway Station, but 
it is perhaps more usual to depart after a week or a month of matrimony. 


whereupon a wise woman pronounced him to be bewitched. 
** He has been bewitched," she said to the wife, "by a person 
whom you little suspect. He attends the same chapel as your 
husband : he will call in the course of a day or two to inquire 

for him. Mr. P will gradually recover his health, and the 

man who has bewitched him will succeed to his complaint." 

Two days later, Mr. B called with his kind inquiries ; of 

course, he was suspected ; a little later on, he was accused ; 
his health gave way under the distress which these aspersions 

caused him ; Mr. P did recover, and the prophecy was 

triumphantly fulfilled, but at the cost of a cruel estrangement. 

But I have dwelt long enough on this subject of superstition. 
I ought properly to conclude with some remarks on the state 
and quality of religion in the county, for to appraise a Cornish- 
man and to ignore his religiousness is like the play of Hamlet 
with the person of Hamlet left oiit. On reflection, however, 
I have decided to say nothing on this, to my thinking, first 
and highest of all questions, for I cannot but fear lest the 
language I should use, however charitable and even appreciative 
it might be, might be misconstrued — " our unhappy divisions " 
have made us so sensitive and so suspicious — and I should be 
sorry indeed if this history of A Cornish Parish caused any 
feeling of pain or dissatisfaction to any one of OCR People. 
And so I will conclude my task by expressing the hope that 
there is not one word in these pages to wound the most 
sensitive of my readers ; I wish I could also cherish the hope 
that he has found anything like the same amount of pleasure 
in reading that I have experienced in compiling this Account 
OF St. Austell. Be that as it may, I take my leave of the 
gentle reader with the homely but cordial Cornish phrase, 
** I wish 'ee well." 

The End. 

List of Subscribers. 

Alexander, William, Henley Road, Ipswich. 
Anderson, Mrs., The Chaplaincy, Bodmin. 
Andrew, Benjamin, Bodmin Road, St. Austell. 
Anthony, Thomas, Pentewan, St. Austell. 
Appleyari), James, Southgate, Pontefract. (Two copies.) 

Baker, Rev. S. Valentine, Tywardreath Vicarage, Par Station. 

Barnes, Reginald, 41, Clock House Road, Beckenham, Kent. 

Barratt, Mrs. James, Holywath, Coniston, R.S.O. 

Batterson, Rev. Dr., 156, West 93rd Street, New York. 

Bekte, Mrs., 21, Craven Park, Harlesden. 

Bennett, Rev. T. J., St. Wenn Vicarage, Bodmin. 

Berryman, Miss, 2, Bramham Gardens, S.W. 

Bice, James, Fore Street, St. Austell. 

Blackmore, Rev. W., Grove Park, Lee, S.E. 

15LIGHT, J. T., Fore Street, St. Austell. 

Bolitho, T. Bedford, M.P., Trewidden, Beryas Bridge, R.S.O. 

Bolitho, T. Robins, Trengwainton, Penzance. 

BoNi:, Canon, Xewlyn East \'icarage, Grampound Road. 

Borrows, Mrs., Truro Road, St. Austell. 

BouRKE, \'en. Archdeacon, Hill House, Taplow. 

F>oi'RNE, Rev. Dr., The College, St. Edmund's, Salisbury. 

Bower, Mrs., Elmhurst \'illas, Hayes, Kent. 

Bowles, V. J., Falmouth. 

Brewer, John, G.W.R. Station, Swindon. 

Bridgewater, Rev. C, Rectory, St. Tudy, R.S.O. 

Brindley, Rev. J. C. F., Tregarne Terrace, St. Austell. (Three copies.) 

Brooksbank, Mrs., La Bocca, Bournemouth. 


Browne, Miss A. F., Parkinjear, Par Station. 

Brown, Edwin, Old Bridge, St. Austell. 

Brune, C. G. Prideaux, io, Grosvenor Gardens, S.W. 

Bryceson Bros., Organ Builders, London. 

Buck, Rev. R. E. S., St. Allen Rectory, Truro. 

BuLLHN, H. E., 8i, Lemon Street, Truro. 

BuRCH, Arthur, Diocesan Registry, Exeter. 

Burton, John, The Old Curiosity Shop, Falmouth. 

Burton, Mrs., Moorview, St. Austell. 

Bush, Canon, Rectory, Duloe, R.S.O. (Two copies, j 

Carreer, Arthur, Penventon, Redruth. 

Carlisle, Miss, Llanvapley Court, Abergavenny. 

Carlyon, Edmund, Polkyth, St. Austell. 

Carter, Canon F. E., The Close, Canterbury. 

Cathedral Library, Truro. 

Chapman, Rev. A. G., Tintagel Vicarage, Camelford. 

Chappel, Canon, Rectory, Camborne. 

Clayton, F. S., Haycroft, Hook, Surbiton. 

Clare, Rev. J. B., Wenhaston Vicarage, Halesworth. 

Code, Mrs., The Rookery, Marazion. 

CoGGiN, Rev. F. E., Lemsford Vicarage, Hatfield. fSix copies,/ 

Colley, Rev. W. W., 20, Penshurst Road, South Hackney, N.E. 

(Two copies,) 
CoMYNs, Rev. T. M., Grampound Road. 
CooDE, Arthur, Trevarthian, St. Austell. (Three copies, f 
CooDE, Miss, Pond-dhu, St. Austell. 
CooDE, Miss Jane, Pond-dhu, St. Austell. 
CooDE, Mrs. J., Polcarne, St. Austell. 

CooDE, Capt. R. C, Polapit Tamar, Launceston. {Two copies,) 
CooDE, William, Trevarna, St. Austell. (Four copies,) 
CooN, Fred A., Ledrah, St. Austell. (Two copies,) 
Courtney, Right Hon. L. H., M.P., 15, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, S.W. 
Cowan, William, Marlborough Road, Bournemouth. (Five copies.) 


Cowan, \V. Henry, Marlborough Road, Bournemouth. (Six copies,) 
Crisp, F. A., F.S.A., Grove Park, Denmark Hill. 
CuMBERLEDGE, J. A., Mouut Charles Road, St. Austell. 
CuNDY, Capt., Southborough Park, Surbiton. (Three copies.) 

Darlington, Mrs., Belle Vue Terrace, St. Austell. 

Da u BUZ, J. C, Killiow, Kea, Truro. 

Devon and Exeter Institution, Exeter. 

DoMviLLE, Dr., Exeter. 

DoNEY, W. J., Truro Road, St. Austell. 

Downing, John, Cosgarne, St. Austell. (Two copies,) 

Drake, Dr. H. H., 43, St. George's Avenue, Tufnell Park, N. 

Dreaper, Rev. R. W. S., The Chaplaincy, St. Pancras Union. 

Drew, Mrs., Rock, Wadebridge. (Two copies,) 

DuNKiN, Edwin, F.R.S., 27, Kidbrooke Park Road, Blackheath, S.E. 

Dunn, Brothers, Philadelphia, U.S.A. (Four copies.) 

Durno, Rev. George, Egloshayle Vicarage, Wadebridge. 

Eade, Somerset, Hurley House, Surbiton. (Six copies.) 
Edwards, Mrs. Arthur, Bristol. 
Enys, John Davies, Enys, Penryn. 
Everard, M. M. 

Ferris, Rev. A. H., Gwennap Vicarage, Redruth. 

Flint, Canon R. S., Nansawsan, Gram pound Road. 

Floyd, James, Belle Vue Terrace, St. Austell. 

Flynn, Rev. J. S., St. Mewan Rectory, St. Austell. 

Forbes, Rev. G. F., St. Paul's Vicarage, Truro. (Two copies.) 

I'^oster, Colonel C, Crinnis, St. Austell. 

Foster, Henry D., Trelevan, Bodmin. 

Foster, Richard, Lanwithan, Lostwithiel. 

Fox, Robert, Grove Hill, Falmouth. 

Eraser, J. B., Crane Hill Lodge, Ipswich. 

(ieer. Rev. H. I., Beeston Parsonage, Leeds. 
Giles, Miss, South Street, St. Austell. 


Gill, Arthur W., Kenwyn, Truro. 

Gill, H. Rockingham, 31, Earl's Court Square, S.W. 

Gill, William, Junr., D. and C. Bank, St. Austell. 

Graham, W. J., Fowey. 

Grant, Miss Frances, Belle Vue Terrace, St. Austell. 

Graves Sawle, Sir C. B., Bart., Penrice, St. Austell. (Three copies.) 

Graves Sawle, Miss, Alphington, Exeter. 

Hamilton, E. Theodore, D. and C. Bank, Redruth. 

Hammond, Canon C. E., Menheniot Vicarage, Liskeard. 

Hammond, F. A. L., Nagpur, India. 

Hammond, E. L. L., Bhagalpur, E.I.R., India. 

Hancock, H. Sydney, Sydney House, St. Austell. (Two copies, j 

Harper, S. J., Redruth. 

Hart, Richard A., Fore Street, St. Austell. 

Hems, Harry, Fair Park, Exeter. 

Hermon, Rev. G. E., Doublebois, Liskeard. 

Hext, Mrs., Penlee Villas, Stoke, Devonport. 

Hext, Rev. George, Steeple Langford, Bath. 

Hext, George, Cowbridge, Lostwithiel. 

Hext, Charles H., Polgwin, Bodmin. 

Hicks, Walter, The Brake, St. Austell. fTwo copies.) 

Hicks, Walter, Junr., The Brewery House, St. Austell. 

Hicks, Miss, Boxmoor, Herts. 

Higman, Mrs., Methleigh, St. Austell. 

Higman, John W., Charlestown, St. Austell. 

HiTCHiNS, Mrs. A. S., Clynton, St. Austell. (Two copies./ 

HiTCHiNS, Thomas, Trevarrick, St. Austell. 

HocKiN, Canon, Phillack Rectory, Hayle. 

Hodge, Henry, Duporth, St. Austell. 

Holmes, Mrs., Earlham, St. Marychurch. (Two copies.) 

H OR ROCKS, Lindsay, Bismarck Strasse, Weimar. 

HoRsnuKGH, Rev. W., St. Enoder Vicarage, Grampound Road. 

HoRSLEY, Miss, 22, Cambridge Street, Hyde Park Square, W. 


HovENDEN, R., F.S.A., Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon. 

(Two copies.) 
Howard, Dr. A. Dashwood, Park Lodge, Hampton Hill. 
Howard, Dr. J. Jackson, Mayfield, Orchard Road, Blackheath. 
HuDDY, George, Higher Trewhiddle, St. Austell. 
HuLLAH, Canon, The Rectory, Calstock. 

Iago, Rev. \V., Westheath, Bodmin. 

JuLYAN, Mrs. B., Church Street, St. Austell. 
JuLYAN, Thomas C, Ponddhu Lane, St. Austell. 

Kyngdon, Rev. G. B. T., St. Winnow, Lostwithiel. 

Lakes, R. Gould, Trevarrick, St. Austell. 

Lam be, C. A., 15, Kensington Mansions, EarPs Court, S.W. 

La Touch e. Rev. C. J. D., Cardynham Rectory, Bodmin. 

Layland-Barratt, F., Tregarne Lodge, St. Austell. (Two copies, j 

Lewis, Rev. Frank E., St. John's Vicarage, Truro. 

LovERiNG, Fred. R., Caprera, St. Austell. 

Lovering, Miss, Menacuddle Street, St. Austell. 

Lovering, Mrs. J., Cosgarne. (Two copies,) 

Lovering, William T., The Grove, Charlestown. 

Lucas, Lieut. -Col., Dunchideock House, Exeter. 

Luke, Alfred, Eastleigh, St. Austell. (Two copies,) 

Luke, William B., Fore Street, St. Austell. 

Luke, William Henry, Charlestown, St. Austell. 

Lukes, T. H., White Hart Hotel, St. Austell. (Two copies,) 

Malet, Hugh P., 17, Queen's Gardens, London, W. 

Mann, Thomas, Fore Street, St. Austell. 

Martin, Edw. Snow, Sedgemoor Terrace, St. Austell. 

Martyn, Henry J., Seaward, Newquay. 

Mason, Frank, Northcliffe, Felixstowe. 

Matthews, Chas. M., Post Office, St. Austell. 

McArthur, W. A., M.P., 14, Sloane Gardens, S.W. 


Merifield, Miss, Penweir, St. Austell. (Four copies./ 

Mock, William John, Belle Vue, St. Austell. 

Moore, J., Gwennap, Trewithen, Granipound Road. 

Moore, Canon J. H., Kenwyn, Truro. 

Morris, Mrs., Tokio Cottage, Mount Charles. 

Mount Edgcumbe, The Right Hon. the Earl of. Mount Bdg- 

cumbe, Plymouth. 
Mowbray, Right Hon. Sir J. R., M.P., Mortimer, Berks. 
MuGFORD, Rev. J. Trounsell, Vicarage, Lanteglos by Fowey. 

Nancollas, Mrs., Angle House, St. Austell. 

Nattrass, Rev. Ronald, 39, Portland Road, West Brighton. 

Nettle, Mrs., Portland House, St. Austell. 

NicHOLLS, Walter J., Tregarne Terrace, St. Austell. 

NoRRis, Rev. J., Vicarage, Liskeard. 

NouRSE, Rev. Stanhope M., St. Andrew's, Plymouth. 

NuNNS, Rev. T. J., Vicarage, Launceston. (Two copies.) 

Page, Mrs., 5, Worcester Avenue, Clifton. 

Page, J. Ll. Warden, Elmfield, Totnes. 

Palmes, Rev. Preb., Vicarage, Dover. 

Parkyn, Miss, II, Osborne Place, Plymouth. 

Parnall, T. R., Belfield, St. Austell, f Four copies.) 

Parsons, Rev. G. M., St. Crantock Vicarage, Grampound Road. 

Paull, Mrs., Bosvigo, Truro. 

Pearce, Howard D., Arthog, Babbacombe. 

Penrose, G. B., Elm Terrace, St. Austell. 

Penzance Public Library. 

l^ETER, Thurstan C, Towu Hall, Redruth. 

Peters, Woodman, Bay House, St. Austell. (Two copies. j 

Petherick, Mrs., 2, Bramham Gardens, S.W. fTwo copies, j 

Petherick, G. E., 18, Gledhow Gardens, S.W. 

Philp, W., The Queen's Head Hotel, St. Austell. 

Pike, Miss, Tre, Pol and Pen, St. Austell. 


Piper, W. W., Basset Street, Redruth. 

Plymouth Borough Library. 

Pole-Carew, Rev. G., Vicarage, Kea, Truro. 

Pollard, J., Highfield, Tregolls Road, Truro. 

Pre SCOTT, Rev. G. F., 76, Cambridge Terrace, Hyde Park, W. 

Prynne, G. H. Fellowes, 6, Queen Anne's Gate, S.W. 

PuRCELL, Rev. H. N., Vicarage, Fowey. 

PuRVES, Rev. R. D., The Rectory, Redruth. 

QuiLLER-CoucH, A. T., The Haven, Fowey. 

Kashleigh, Evelyn, Kilmarth, Par Station. 

Kashleigh, Jonathan, Menabilly, Par Station, f Three copies.) 

Rash LEIGH, Rev. J. K., St. Ewe Rectory, St. Austell. 

Kaynar, John, Moorfield Lodge, Headingley, Leeds. (Three copies. j 

Real, William, Fore Street, St. Austell. 

Relf, George R., Trethowell, St. Austell. 

Rhodes, John, Snydale Hall, Pontefract. 

Rippon, Mrs. G., Oakleigh, St. Austell. 

Robartes, The Right Hon. Lord, Lanhydrock, Bodmin. fTwo 

Roberts, Samuel, Consolidated Bank, St. Austell. 
RoDD, Mrs., Trebartha, Launceston. 
Roe, Rev. S. H. Farwell, Zennor Vicarage, St. Ives. 
Rogers, Canon Saltren, Tresleigh, St. Austell. 
Rogers, Mrs. J. Jope, Lamoria, Falmouth. 
Rogers, Captain J. P., Penrose, Helston. 
Rogers, Mrs. Reginald, Carwinion, Falmouth. 
Rogers, Mrs. William, Penalverne, Falmouth. 
Rogers, Rev. G. A., The Old Ride, Branksome, Bournemouth. 
RosEVEAR, William, Fancourt Villa, St. Austell. 
RuNDLE, Rev. S., Godolphin Vicarage, Helston. 

St. Andrews, The Lord Bishop of, Birnam, N.B. 
Samble, John, Duke Street, St. Austell. 


Scott, S. Noy, Elmsleigh, Plymstock. 

St. Aubyn and Wadling, Messrs., Brick Court, Temple, E.G. 

St. Levan, The Right Hon. Lord, St. Michael's Mount, Marazion. 

St. Germans, The Right Hon. the Earl of. Port Eliot, St. Germans. 

Seccombe, C. \V., Tregarne Terrace, St. Austell. 

Shaw, George, Wentworth Terrace, St. Austell. 

Shilson, D. Henry, Trewhiddle, St. Austell. (Four copies.) 

Shuttleworth, Rev. Prof., St. Nicholas Rectory, Laml>eth 

Hill, E.G. 
Slater, Rev. F. G., North Rode Vicarage, Gongleton. 
Smith, Lady Protheroe, Tremorvah, Truro. 
Stackhouse, Rev. J. L., Berkeley Vicarage, Glos. 
Stephens, John, Sydenham, St. Austell. (Ttvo copies.) 
Stephens, R. F., High Cross House, St. Austell. {Two copies.) 
Stephens, Mrs., Hembal, St. Mewan. fTwo copies,) 
Stocker, Thomas, Glen view, St. Austell. 
Stocker, Henry, Elmsleigh, St. Austell. 
Stovve, H. \V., Heniel Hempstead. 
SuFFLiNG, Ernest R., i, Portsdown Road, W. 

Tangve, Sir R., Knt., Gilbertstone, Kingston Vale, Putney, S.W. 

Taunton, Rev. C. \V. S., St. Teath Vicarage, Gamelford. 

Taylor, Rev. Edward F., West Hoe, Plymouth. 

Thomas, Fred A., Ivy Cottage, St. Austell. 

Thornton, Rev. A. \'., The Rectory, Roche, R.S.O. 

Todd, Mlss, Tregonissey Lane, St. Austell. (Two copies, j 

ToLSON, Miss, Fairholm, Ilkley-in-\Vharfedale. 

ToLScxv, Rev. R. T. S., Tregarne Terrace, St. Austell. 

Tomi.ln'son, Rev. A. R., St. Michael Penkevil Rectory, Probus, R.S.O. 

Tonkin, Rev. John, Treverven, St. Burian. 

Tremayne, John, Heligan, St. Austell. 

Tremayne, Lieut. -Col. , Carclew, Perran-ar-\Vorthal. (Two copies.) 

Trevaldwyn, Rev. B. \V. J., St. Martin's Rectory, Looe, R.S.O. 

Tri-ro, The Lord Bishop of, Trenython, Par Station. (Two copies.) 


Trcscott, J. Lynn, 138, South Fourth Street, Philadelphia, U.S.A. 

f Three copies, j 
Trusted, Rev. C. F., St. Samson's Vicarage, Par Station. 
Turner, Walton, St. Mary at Elms, Ipswich. (Thru copies.) 
Turner, Edward R., Clare Lodge, Ipswich. 

Vawdrey, Mrs., Bodmin Road, St. Austell. ^ Three copies.) 

Veale, J. E., North Hill, St. Austell. 

Vyvyan, Sir Vyell D., Bart., Trewan, St. Columb. 

Warne, Mr. A. S., Market Place, St. Austell. 

Warne, Frederick, Victoria Place, St. Austell. 

Wellington, Richard, Bodmin Road, St. Austell. 

Westlake, Professor, 3, Chelsea Embankment, S.W. 

Whhtter, C. H., Fore Street, St. Austell. 

Whitaker, Canon G. H., Gardengraith, Ocklynge, Eastbourne. 

White, Alfred J., School House, Mevagissey. 

WiLKiNs, Mrs. A., The Quarry, Oxted. 

Wilkinson, Ven. Archdeacon, St. Andrew's Vicarage, Plymouth. 

Williams, Mrs., Llangarran, Salisbury. fTwo copies.) 

WiLLWAY, Rev. A. P., Vicarage, Charlestown. (Two copies.) 

Winder, Mrs., Clifton House, The Avenue, Eastbourne. 

WooLcocK, Mrs., Bodmin Road, St. Austell. 

WooLLcoMBE, Rcv. G. L., Hemerdon, Plympton. 






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