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600096477$

THE

ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

EXPLAINED

JOSEPH ADDISON ALEXANDER, D.D.,

rRornsoB in tub princbtom tubuuxiical skmimary.

VOL. 11.

LONDON:
JAMES NISBET AND CO., 21 BERNERS STREET.

M.DCCC.LVII.

• *3

/^/. ^. Z

THE

ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.

• ••

CHAPTER Xm.

The first great movement, from Jerusalem to Antioch, having
l>een recorded in the previous twelve chapters, the historian
now enters on the second, beginning at Antioch and end-
ing at Rome, in which the field of operations is the Gentile
world, and the principal agent the Apostle Paul (xin-
xxvin.) The first and largest portion of this narrative is
occupied with the Apostle's active ministry, or his official
labours while at liberty (xm-xxi.) The historical account
of these commences with his first foreign mission, that to
Cyprus and certain parts of Asia Minor (xni, xrv.) The
division of the text now immediately before us contains the
first part of this mission, from its inception in the church at
Antioch to the arrival of the missionaries at Iconium (xm.)

We are first told how Barnabas and Saul were designated
to the missionary work (1-3). They then sail from Syria
to Cyprus (4.) They visit Salamis and Paphos in that island

!5, 6.) A sorcerer resists them and is struck with blindness
6-11.) The Roman Proconsul is converted (12.) Saul,
henceforth called Paul, as Apostle of the Gentiles, conducts
the mission into Asia Minor, landing at Perga in Pam-
vou u. A

2 ACTS 13, 1.

?hylia, where their attendant, John Mark, leaves them (13.)
'hey proceed to Antioch in Pisidia, and attend the syna-
gogue (14, 15.) Paul preaches his first sermon upon record
(16-41.) It produces a powerful effect upon the people (42-
44.) The unbelieving Jews make violent opposition (45.)
Paul avows his mission to the Gentiles (46, 47.) Many Gen-
tiles are converted (48, 49.) The Jews excite a persecution
(50.) Paul departs to Iconium, leaving the new converts in a
nappy state (51, 52.)

1. Now there were in the church that was at
Antioch certain prophets and teachers ; as Baraabas,
and Simeon that was called Niger, and Lucius of
Cyrene, and Manaen, which had been brought up with
Herod the tetrarch, and Saul.

At Antioch in the being (or existing) church. The parti-
ciple {being) is emphatic, and has been variously explained,
as meaning the real or true church, in opposition to the false
Judaic one ; or the church as it then was, in its actual condi-
tion, still requiring inspired teachers, until uninspired ones
could be provided ; or the church now really existing, and so
well established that it could spare labourers to go abroad.
All these interpretations supply something not expressed or
necessarily suggested by the text or context. The only nat-
ural construction is the one adopted in our version, which
supposes bei7ig to denote nothing more than the existence of
a church there, or the fact that Antioch had not only heard
the Gospel and invented the name Christian (see above, on
11, 26), but was now the seat of a regularly organized church,
with a full and efficient corps of ministers. ' There were at
Antioch in the church which now existed there.' The powers
of this church were exercised, according to the apostolical
principle and practice, through divinely constituted officers,
here described as Prophets and Teachers (see above, on 2, 18),
i. e. either inspired teachers, as a single class, or inspired and
uninspired teachers, as distinct classes. Or, still more proba-
bly than either, the two words are generic and specific terms,
applied to the same persons, one denoting their divine
authority, the other the precise way in which it was exercised.
•Other distinctions which have been assumed, such as that be-
tween itinerant and settled ministers, or occasional and stated

ACTS 13, 1. 3

preachers, or exhorters and instractors, are possible enough,
but not susceptible of proof. As may seem to imply that
there were others not here mentioned ; but the Greek word

iTc) simply means hot\ i. e. not only Barnabas, but those who
bllow. (See the very same form in 1, 13 above.) Bamahas
is probably named first, as the oldest man and oldest minister,
or as the one who had been sent down from Jerusalem (see
above, on 11, 22j, or perhaps as being really the pastor or
presiding older of the church at Antioch. Simeon (or Simon)^
a very common Hebrew name (see above, on 1, 13. 8, 9.
9, 43. 10, 6), here distinguished by the Roman surname
Niger {Black)^ which has Ted some to identify the person
here meant with Simon the Cyrenian, who bore our Saviour's
cross (Matt. 27, 32. Mark 15, 21. Luke 23, 26.) Luciita is
expressly described as a Cyrenian, and may be the same
whom Faul salutes (Rom. 16, 21) among his kinsmen, either
in the wide or narrow sense. (See above, on 10, 24.) That
this was Luke himself, is an ancient but improbable conjec-
ture. Manaen is a Hellenistic form of the Hebrew Menanem
(2 Kings 15, 14.) Which had been brougJU up with Herod is
more concisely and exactly rendered in the margin, Herod'a
foster-brother. The tetrarchj i. e. Herod Antipas, the one so
often mentioned in the Life of Christ. Josephus and the
Talmud speak of a Menahem, an Essene, who predicted the
elevation and long reign of Herod the Great, ^and was there-
fore an object of his special fevour. It is very possible that
this man's son was nursed or educated with the king's sons,
and afterwards converted to the Christian faith. (For another
follower of Christ connected with the court of Herod, see
Luke 8, 3.) As the same Greek particle (tc) is repeated with
this name, although here translated simply and^ some suppose
a distinction to be thereby made between the first three as
prophets and the last two as mere teachers. But who can
suppose Saul to have been less a prophet than Barnabas?
(Compare 1 Cor. 14, 1-5.) The place assigned to Saul in this
list has been variously explained ; but the most satisfactory
solution is, that his apostolical commission had not yet been
made known, and that until its disclosure, he was to remain
undistinguished from his fellow-labourers, or even to take the
lowest place among them, as on this occasion. (See below, on
vs. 9. 13.) The word certain {rivts) in the first clause is omit-
ted by the oldest manuscripts and latest critics.

4 ACTS 13, 2.3.

2. As they ministered to the Lord and fasted, the
Holy Ghost said, Separate me Barnabas and Saul for
the work whereunto I have called them.

Uiey ministering^ the Greek word from which liturgy is
derived, but which is never elsewhere used in the New Testa-
ment with any special or exclusive reference to prayer. Ac-
cording to its derivation, it means any public service or official
function. The cognate verb and noun are applied to the min-
istry of angels (Heb. 1, 7. 14), to Christian charity and kind-
ness (Rom. 15, 27. 2 Cor. 9, 12. Phil. 2, 30), to magistrates
as ministers of God (Rom. 13, 6), to the Christian ministry
and missions (Rom. 15, 16), to public worship, and especially
the Jewish ritual (Luke 1, 23. Heb. 10, 11.) Later ecclesias-
tical usage restricted it to the Sacraments, and Chrysostom
explains it here to mean preaching. But its true sense is the
general one expressed in the translation, ministering^ engaged
m the discharge of their official functions, with particular
reference to public worship, and with the special addition, in
this case, of &sting, not as a stated periodical observance,
which is rather discountenanced than recommended in the
New Testament, but as a special aid to prayer, no doubt for
the spread of Christianity, and perhaps for guidance as to
their own duty at this interesting crisis. The Holy Ghost
saidy while they were thus engaged, perhaps to all at once by
audible communication, or by special revelation to some one
among them. Separate^ a verb used elsewhere in a bad sense,
(see Matt. 13, 49. 25, 32. Luke 6, 22), but here (as in Rom.
1, 1. Gal. 1, 15) meaning, set apart^ designate, implying sepa-
ration from the rest, and from the ordinary work in which
they had been all engaged, to another special and extraordi-
nary business. Called them, i. e. Barnabas and Saul, but not
the rest of you. This work was not to supersede or take the
place of the stated ministry, but to be superadded to it. The
very form of the command shows that tnis was no reception
of Barnabas and Saul by the others to their own body, but a
solemn and extraordmary separation from it.

3. And when they had fasted and prayed, and laid
(their) hands on them, they sent (them) away.

This verse records the execution of the previous command.
Then having fasted and prayed may be a mere continuation

ACTS 13, 3.4. 5

of the fast already mentioned, or a subsequent observance of
the same kind, implying a continued need of this auxiliary to
their prayers for the divine blessing on this new and most im-
portant measure. Laid hands on them, as a sign of transfer
from the ordinary service of the church to an extraordinary
mission. (See above, on 6, 6. 8, 17. 9, 12.) Sent them away^
dismissed, discharged them, let them go (see above, on
3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 5, 40), again implying separation from their
own body, as prophets and teachers of the church at Antioch.
The nature and design of this proceeding have been variously
understood, in accordance with various conclusions or hypo-
theses as to church-organization. It could not be an ordina-
tion to the ministry ; for the very two now set apart were
already eminent and successful mmisters, far more illustrious
in the church than those who are supposed to have ordained
them. It could not be a consecration (so called) to the dio-
cesan episcopate ; for, even admitting its existence, why should
all these prelates be attached to one church (v. 1) ? Or if not
prelates, how could they bestow a higher oflSce than they
held themselves ? Least of all could it be (as some allege)
an elevation of these two men to the Apostleship, to fill the
places of the two Jameses ; for how could ordinary ministers,
or even bishops, create Apostles ? Or how could such an act
be reconciled with Paul's asseveration (Gal. 1, 1) that his
Apostleship was not from men, nor even through men ? Or
with the fact that Barnabas is nowhere subsequently called an
Apostle, except on one occasion in conjunction vrith Paul, and
even then in a dubious sense? (See below, on 14, 4. 14.)
The only remaining supposition is, that this was a designation,
not to a new rank or oflSce, but to a new work, namely, that
of foreign missions, or rather to this single mission, which
they are subsequently said to have " fulfilled." (See below,
on 14, 26.) It IS not necessarily implied that this was the first
intimation made to Barnabas and Saul of their vocation to the
work of missions. The divine communication mentioned in
22, 21, below, may have been previously made ; and they may
have come to Antioch for the very purpose of obtaining a dis-
mission from the church there ; and it may have been in refer-
ence to this request, that the Prophets and Teachers were
engaged in special prayer and &sting for divine direction.

4. So they, being sent forth by the Holy Ghost,

__«> ft A«MA

**uy special or exclusive reference
rding to its derivation, it means any public
action. The cognate verb and noun are ap
ry of angels (Heb. 1, 7. 14), to Christian c
88 (Rom. 15, 27. 2 Cor. 9, 12. Phil. 2, 30^

ministers of Gk>d (Rom. 13, 6), to the Ct
d missions (Rom. 15, 16), to public worship
d Jewish ritual (Luke 1, 23. Heb. 10, 11.)
al usa^ restricted it to the Sacraments, a
plains It here to mean preaching. But its t
neral one expressed in the trandation, minis

the discharge of their official functions,
ference to public worship, and with the spec
is case, of &8ting, not as a stated periodi«
lich is rather discountenanced than rccomi
9W Testament, but as a special aid to prayei
9 spread of Christianity, and perhaps for [
wr own duty at this interesting crisis. Th
id, while they were thus engaged, perhaps to
dible communication, or by special revelatio
long them. Separate, a verb used elsewhere i
)e Matt. 13, 49. 25, 32. Luke 6, 22), but hei
1. Gal. 1, 15) meaning, set apart j designate, j
don from the rest, and from the or£nary ^
By had been all engaged, to another special ]
ry business. Called them^ i. e. Barnabas and
B rest of you. This work was not to superse
k)e of the stated ministry, but to be superadd
ry form of the command shows that this wa
Barnabas and Saul bv thp f^*\^'^^'' -^- ''

ACTS 13, 3.4. 5

E relates, how could they bestow a higher oflSce than they
eld themselves ? Least of all could it be (as some allege)
an elevation of these two men to the Apostleship, to fill the
places of the two Jameses ; for how could ordinary ministers,
or even bishops, create Apostles ? Or how could such an act
be reconciled with Paul's asseveration (Gal. 1, 1) that his
Apostleship was not from men, nor even through men ? Or
with the feet that Barnabas is nowhere subsequently called an
Apostle, except on one occasion in conjunction with Paul, and
even then in a dubious sense? (See below, on 14, 4. 14.)
The only remaining supposition is, that this was a designation,
not to a new rank or oflSce, but to a new work, namely, that
of foreign missions, or rather to this single mission, which
they are subsequently said to have " fulfilled." (See below,
on 14, 26.) It IS not necessarily implied that this was the first
intimation made to Barnabas and Saul of their vocation to the
work of missions. The divine communication mentioned in
22, 21, below, may have been previously made ; and they may
have come to Antioch for the very purpose of obtaining a dis-
mission from the church there ; and it may have been in refer-
ence to this request, that the Prophets and Teachers were
engaged in special prayer and fiisting for divine direction.

4. So they, being sent forth by the Holy Ghost,

6 ACTS 13, 4. 6.

departed unto Seleucia ; and from thence they sailed
to Cyprus.

As it had just been said that they were dismissed or let go
by the church, their divine legation is again asserted, to pre-
vent mistake. Being sent forth by me Holy Ghoat^ not
merely by their associates at Antioch. Departed^ literally,
came dotmi^ which might seem to mean down the Orontes, on
which Antioch is situated ; but it more probably means, from
the interior to the seacoast. (See above, on 12, 19.) Seleu-
cia^ a Syrian port, near the mouth of the Orontes, west of
Antioch, built by Seleucus Nicator, and called by his own
name, as Antioch was by that of his father. (See below, on
v. 14.) Sailed, or more emphatically, sailed away^ i. e. from
Syria, where they had so long been labouring. Cyprus^ a
large island off the coast of Palestine, renowned in the re-
motest times for wealth, fertility and luxury. It was now a
Roman province, ruled by a ProconsuL (See below, on v. 7.)
This island may have been selected as their first field of mis-
sionary labour, not merely on account of its proximity to
Syria, but because it was the native land of Barnabas (see
above, on 4, 36), and perhaps of John Mark also (see the next
verse, and compare Col. 4, 10.) It could hardly be fortuitous
that this first mission was directed to the native countries of
the missionaries, and to Cyprus first, as Barnabas still took the
lead.

5. And when they were at Salamis, they preached
the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews : and
they had also John to (their) minister.

JBeing in Salamis^ or having got there. This was an
ancient city in the south-eastern corner of the island, after-
wards called Constantia, and now Famagusta. PreacJied
(announced, declared) tfie word of God (the new or Christian
revelation.) Synagogues^ assemblies, meetings, whether large
or small. It is not probable that Salamis contained more than
one such building, nor certain that it had even one ; but the
Greek word, as we have already seen (on 6, 9), admitted of a
wider application than the one assigned to it in later usage.
The first preachers of the Gospel, being Jews by birth and
education, obtained access, through the synagogues, not only
to their countrymen, but also to uie serious and devoutly dis*

ACTS 13, 6.6. 7

posed Gkntiles, who were in the habit of attending Jewish
worship. (See above, on 9, 20. 10, 1.) To {or for) their minr
ister^ attendant, servant. (For the origin ana usage of the
Greek word, see above, on 5, 22.) As the same word is else-
where used by Luke to desi^ate an officer or servant of the
synagogue in Nazareth (see Luke 4, 20), it might seem here
to have specific reference to what immediately precedes.
* They preached in the synagogues of Salamis, and in so doing
were assisted or attended on by John.' It is generally under-
stood, however, in a wider sense, to wit, that he attended
them upon this journey ; but in what capacity, has been dis-
puted. Some make him a mere personal attendant, like the
young men who accompanied the ancient prophets ; others an
ordained minister of lower rank, to aid in preaching and ad-
ministering baptism; others still, avoiding these extremes,
regard him as a Dersonal attendant, but preparing for more
sacred duties. (See below, on 16, 1-3.)

6. And when they had gone through the isle unto
Paphos, they found a certain sorcerer, a false prophet,
a Jew, whose name (was) Bar-jesus :

Having gone through the whole island^ is the reading of
the five oldest manuscripts, i. e. through its whole len^h, from
east to west. Though not expressly mentioned, it is highly
probable that in this, as in other previous cases of the
same kind, they preached in smaller towns upon the road.
(See above, on 8, 25. 40. 9, 32.) UhtOy even to, as far as,
the particle again suggesting that they had traversed the
whole island. Paphos, a city on the western coast of Cyprus,
famous for the worship of Venus in a temple near it, whence
she is called JPaphian by Homer and Horace. It was now
the seat of Roman government, i. e. the residence of the Pro-
consul. Found, met with, learned that he was there before
them. (For the passive of the Greek verb, see above, on 8, 40,
and compare v. 9 of the same chapter.) Several of the oldest
manuscripts and latest editors read, a certain math, a sorcerer.
For the true meaning of this last word {magus or magician)^
see above, on 8, 9. A false prophet (and) a Jew, or a Jewish
false prophet, as the last word in Greek may be either an ad-
jective or a substantive. This man was, therefore, not a hea-
then sorcerer, like Simon Magus, but a Jewish renegade, or
8tiU more probably, a professed Jew, but falsely claiming in-

*S ACTS 18, 6.7.

spiration. There were probably many snch among the Goetes
or impostors who abounded in the Apostolic age, not as mere
jugglers, but as teachers of a higher kind of science, in which
trade Jews would have a great advantage from their real su-
periority in relisrious knowledge. Whose name (Gr. to whom
the nam^) was JBar-jesics^ an Aramaic form, meaning the Son
of Joshua. See above, on 7, 45, and compare the kindred
forms, Barabbas ^Matt. 27, 16), Bartholomew (see above, on
1, 13), Barjonas (Matt. 16, 17), Barnabas (vs. 1. 2), Barsabas
(1, 23), Bartimeus (Mark 10, 46.)

7. Which was with the deputy of the country, Ser-
gius Paulus, a prudent man ; who called for Barnabas
and Saul, and desired to hear the word of God.

Was with, not merely at some one time, such as that of
their arrival, but habitually, in his service or his company.
We know, from contemporary writers, that such associations
were not uncommon at the courts or residences of distin-
guished public men, arising no doubt, at least partially, from
the prevailing discontent of the most serious heathen with
their own reUgion, and perhaps, in some degree, from their
prevailing expectation of a great deliverer from among the
Jews, which would account still further for the presence of
Bar-Jesus in the case before us. (See above, on 2, 5, vol. 1,
p. 47.) Deputy of the country is in Greek a single word, used
oy the later writers, such as Polybius and Plutarch, to repre-
sent the Latin Proconsul. We have here a striking instance
of a supposed error becoming a conclusive proof of accuracy
even in minute points. The Roman provinces were divided by
Augustus into two great classes, senatorial and imperial, the for-
mer governed by Proconsuls, and the latter by Proprastors or
Consular Legates. Now as Cyprus was originally an Imperial
province, the use of the word Proconsul, or its Greek equiva-
lent, was once regarded as an error, though of no importance ;
but it was afterwards discovered, by a more minute examina-
tion of original authorities, that before the date of these events,
the island bad been transferred from the one class to the other,
and was now actually under a Proconsul, a feet confirmed by
the existence of a Cyprian coin, belonging to the same reign,
on which Proclus, the successor of Sergius Paulus, beai*s the
very title given to the latter in the verse before us. Prudent^
though always used to represent this Greek word in the £ng-

A C T S 13, 7. 8. 9

lisb version (see Matt. 11, 25. Luke 10, 21. 1 Cor. 1, 19), is
not so expressive of its meaning as intelligent or sensible.
Perhaps, however, it was not here used to denote capacity or
knowledge so much as disposition or habit of mind, and might
therefore be still better rendered thoughtful or reflecting^ with
particular allusion to religious subjects. This state of mind,
so £ir from being inconsistent with his patronage of Elymas,
explains it, by suggesting that he had precisely^ that kind of
uneasiness or curiosity, which one acquamted with the Hebrew
Scriptures would be best prepared, however partially, to sat-
isfy. TF^o, literally, this^ the latter, i. e. Sergius Paulus, the
name last mentioned. CaUed for^ literally, caUing to, i. e. to
himself, or to his presence, summoning, requiring to attend.
(See above, on 5, 40. 6, 2, and compare the application of the
same verb to the call of God, in 2, 39.^ Desired, in Greek an
emphatic or intensive compound, mucn stronger than the sim-
ple verb employed in the next verse, and meaning sought foTy
inquired after, but here construed with another verb {to hear.)
It is clear from the tense and collocation of this verb, that it
was not meant to express (although it certainly implies) his
previous state of mind, but rather that occasioned by the news
of their arrival, or their actual appearance in obedience to his
summons. (Whereupon) he sought (or earnestly requested)
to hear the word of God, i. e. the gospel, claiming to be a
new revelation or divine communication. (See above, on v. 5,
and on 4, 31. 6,2.7. 8,14. 11,1. 12,24.)

8. But Elymas the sorcerer (for so is his name by
interpretation) withstood them, seeking to turn away
the deputy from the faith.

TTien withstood them Elymas, the same Greek verb with
that in 6, 10, where it is translated resist. The kind of oppo-
sition, which the word most readily suggests in this connec-
tion, is open argument or disputation ; but it does not neces-
sarily exclude more indirect and private methods, which would
be facilitated by his previous relations to the governor. Ely-
mas is commonly explained as the Greek form of an Arabic
word meaning wise or learned, the plural of which ( Ulema )
is am>lied to the collective body of Mahometan doctors in the
Tunush empire. While the verbal root in Arabic means to
know, the corresponding root in Hebrew means to hide, both
which ideas {occult science) are included in the term by which

10 ACTS 13, 8. 9.

Luke here ex|)lains it {Magiis) The last clause gives the motive
of this opposition. Seeking^ the uncompounded form of the
verb used in the preceding verse ; not only wishing but cU-
tempting, using active means to gain his end. To turn away,
a very strong Greek word, used in the classics to denote the
act of twisting or distorting, but commonly employed in the
New Testament to signify moral perversion or perverseness.
(See below, on 20, 30, and compare Matt. 17, 17. Luke 9, 41.
23, 2. Phil. 2, 15.) It here means to divert attention or with-
draw the mind, out with an implication of violence or great
exertion. The same verb is applied, in the Septuagint version
of Ex. 5, 4, to the diversion of the Hebrews from their work
by the visits and discourses of Moses and Aaron. The Deputy,
or rather the Proconstd, as in v. 7. From the faith may
either mean from the Christian faith, the new religion, which
these strangers preached ; or from the act of faith, i. e. believ-
ing the new doctrine thus made known to him.

9. Then Saul, who also (is called) Paul, filled with
the Holy Ghost, set his eyes on him —

There is here a sudden change in Saul's relative position,
not only with respect to Barnabas, but also to the whole
conduct of the mission, and the whole course of the history.
From holding an inferior place, as indicated even by the order
of the names (see above, on vs. 1. 2, and compare 11, 30. 12,
25), he now comes forward in this singular emergency, address-
es Elynaas in tones of high authority, and acts as the organ of
the divine justice, in predicting or inflicting a retributive ca-
lamity. This change in his position is accompanied, as in the
case of Abraham, Jacob and Peter (Gen. 17, 5. 32, 28. John
1, 42), by a change of name. Then (8c) Saul, the (one) also
(called) Paid. It is not improbable that Saul, according to
the custom of the Jews in that age (see above, on v. 1, and on
1, 23. 9, 36. 12, 12), had already borne the Roman name of
Paidus / and Luke might seem to introduce it here merelv
because of the coincidence with the name of the Proconsul.
But tliis does not accoimt for its invariable use, from this

Eoint onwards, to the absolute exclusion of the Hebrew name
y which he had been always before called. (See above, 7, 68.
8,1.3. 9,1.4.8.11.17.19.22.24.26. 11,25.30. 12,25. 13,
1. 2. 7.) Jerome's idea, that he now assumed the name, in
conunemoration of the victory achieved by the conversion of

ACTS 13, 9. 10. II

the Roman governor, exaggerates the value and importance
of that incident, and assumes an adulation of great men entire-
ly at variance with apostolic principles and practice, as well as
a violation of the early Christian usa^e, according to which,
teachers gave their names to their disciples, and not vice versa.
Augustin, on the contrary", supposes that the name is an ex-
pression of humility (origmally meaning little.) But such hu-
mility is too much like that of the Pope, who calls himself a
servant of servants ; and the Latin name would not so readily
suggest this idea as that of a noble Roman family who bore it.
Besides, why should it be assumed just here, either in point
of fact or in the narrative ? The only supposition which is
free from all these difficulties, and affords a satisfactory solution
of the facts in question, is, that this was the time fixed by di-
vine authority for Paul's manifestation as Apostle of the Gen-
tiles, and that this manifestation was made more conspicuous
by its coincidence with his triumph over a representative of
unbelieving and apostate Judaism, and the conversion of an
official representative of Rome, whose name was identical
with his own apostolical title. The critical juncture was
still further marked by Paul's first miracle or sign of his
apostleship (see 2 Cor. 12, 12), preceded by a few words, but
conceived and uttered in the highest tone of apostolical au-
thority. ^Filled with the Holy Ghost, not for the first time
(see above, on 9, 17), but renewedly and specially inspired to
utter this denunciation, which is therefore not the natural ex-
pression of any merely human sentiment or feeling, but an
authoritative declaration of God's purposes and judgments.
Set his eyes on Aim, a phrase very variously rendered in our
Bible, but the strict sense of which is gazing (or intently look*
ing) into him (see above, on 1, 10. 3, 4. 12. 6, 15. 7, 55. 10,
4. 11, 6.) This was no doubt intended to arrest the attention
of the sorcerer as well as the spectators, and to awe them un-
der an impression of God's presence and authority. With the
following address of Paul to Elymas, compare that of Peter
to the Magus of Samaria. (See above, on 8, 20-23.)

10. And said, O full of all subtilty and all mis-
chief, (thou) child of the devil, (thou) enemy of all
righteousness, wilt thou not cease to pervert the right
ways of the Lord ?

.-^.^.j tiiuiiii perve
^^c>oe below, on 20, 30, and compare Mat
23, 2. Phil. 2, 15.) It here means to div
draw the mind, but with an implicatior
exertion. The same verb is applied, in tl
of Ex. 5, 4, to the diversion of the Hebn
hj the visits and discourses of Moses and j
or rather the Proconsul, as in v. 7. I
either mean from the Christian faith, the
these strangers preached ; or from the ac
ing the new doctrine thus made known t(

9. Then Saul, who also (is called
the Holy Ghost, set his eyes on him-

There is here a sudden change in Saul
not only with respect to Barnabas, but
conduct of the mission, and the whole coi
From holding an inferior place, as indicate!
of the names (see above, on vs. 1. 2, and c
25), he now comes forward in this singular e
es Elymas in tones of high authority, and a
the divine justice, in predicting or inflictin
lamity. This change in his position is accc
case of Abraham, Jacob and Peter (Gen. 1
1, 42), by a change of name. Then (8c) a"
(ccUled) Paul, It is not inaprobable that
the custom of the Jews in that age (see ab(
1, 23. 9, 36. 12, 12), had already borne th(
Pcmlus ; and Luke might seem to introd
because of tho /»o>;-»--j

ACTS 13, 9. 10. 11

the Roman governor, exaggerates the value and importance
of that incident, and assumes an adulation of great men entire-
ly at variance with apostolic principles and practice, as well as
a violation of the early Christian usa^e, according to which,
teachers gave their names to their disciples, and not vice versa.
Augustin, on the contrarv, supposes that the name is an ex-
pression of humility (origmally meaning little.) But such hu-
mility is too much like that of the Pope, who calls himself a
servant of servants ; and the Latin name would not so readily
sugj^est this idea as that of a noble Roman family who bore it.
Besides, why should it be assumed just here, either in point
of fiict or in the narrative ? The only supposition which is
free from all these difficulties, and affords a satisfactory solution
of the facts in question, is, that this was the time fixed by di-
vine authority for Paul's manifestation as Apostle of the Gen-
tiles, and that this manifestation was made more conspicuous
by its coincidence with his triumph over a representative of
unbelieving and apostate Judaism, and the conversion of an
official representative of Rome, whose name was identical
with his own apostolical title. The critical juncture was
still further marked by Paul's first miracle or sign of his
apostleship (see 2 Cor. 12, 12), preceded by a few words, but
conceived and uttered in the highest tone of apostolical au-
thority. Filled with the Holy Ghoat^ not for the first time
(see above, on 9, 1 7), but renewedly and specially inspired to
utter this denunciation, which is therefore not the natural ex-
pression of any merely human sentiment or feeling, but an
authoritative declaration of God's purposes and judgments.
Set his eyes on him, a phrase very variously rendered in our
Bible, but the strict sense of which is gazing (or intently look*
ing) into him (see above, on 1, 10. 3, 4. 12. 6, 15. 7, 55. 10,
4. 11, 6.) This was no doubt intended to arrest the attention
of the sorcerer as well as the spectators, and to awe them un-
der an impression of God's presence and authority. With the
following address of Paul to Elymas, compare that of Peter
to the Magus of Samaria. (See above, on 8, 20-23.)

10. And said, O full of all subtilty and all mis-
chief, (thou) child of the devil, (thou) enemy of all
righteousness, wilt thou not cease to pervert the right
ways of the Lord ?

12 ACTS 13, 10.

JhH^ not merely tinged or tainted with these qualities,
but full of them, composed of them. (See above, on 8, 23.)
Subtilfy^ so translated also in Matt. 26, 4, but twice deceit
(Mark 7, 22. Rom. 1, 29), once craft (Mark 14, 1), and often
guile (e. g. John 1, 47. 2 Cor. 12, 16. 1 Pet. 2, 22. Rev. 14, 6.)
The Greek word primarily means a bait for fish ; then any de-
ception ; then a aesire or disposition to deceive. Mischiefs
unscrupulousness, recklessness, facility in doing evil, wliich is
the original and etymological import of the word. It occurs
only here in the New Testament, but a kindred form (trans-
lated lewdness) in 18, 14, below. AU^ before these nouns,
denotes both quality and quantity, variety and high degree.
(See above, on 4, 29. 6, 23. 12, 11.) Child (literallv. Son)
of the devil, i. e. Uke him, a partaker of his nature, belonging
to Ris party, " the seed of the serpent." fSee above, on 6, 16,
"and compare Gen. 3, 15. John 8, 44.) The devil (i. e. slan-
derer, false accuser) is always so translated, except m 2 Tim.
8, 8. Titus 2, 3. (See above, on 10, 38.) Enemy of aU rightr
eousness, i. e. of all that is right and good. The pronoun
(thou) twice supplied by the translators rather weakens the
expression than enforces it. Wilt thou not cease ? may be
also read affirmatively, thou toUt not cease. But the inter-
rogative form has more force, as conveying a severe expostu-
lation, like the famous exordium of Cicero's first oration against
Catiline {Quofisque tandem abutere palientia nostra?) To
pervert, Uterally, perverting, the participle of the verb trans-
lated turn away in v. 8. The essential meaning is the same
in either case, but the construction different, the object of the
action being there a person, here a thing. The truth, from
which Barjesus sought to turn the governor away, is here de-
scribed as turned away itself, i. e. distorted or perverted, by
misrepresentation or misapplication. The ways of the Jjord,
i. e. here, most probably, his methods of salvation or his pur-
poses of mercy. Hight, in the physical sense, straight, as ap-
plied in mathematics (a right line or a right angle.) The
term here has reference to the figure of a path, the ways of
the Lord which, although straight in themselves, Elymas was
trying to make crooked. (Compare Isai. 5, 20.) The essen-
tial idea is not the specific one of doctrinal error or of practi-
cal misconduct, but the general one of interference with God's
purposes, and the impious attempt to hinder their accomplish-
ment. As he tried to turn away Sergius Paulus from the faith,
60 he tried to turn away the grace of God from Sergius Paulus.

ACTS 13, 11. 13

1 1 . And now, behold, the hand of the Lord (is)
upon thee, and thou shalt be bUnd, not seeing the sun
for a season. And immediately there fell on him a
mist and a darkness ; and he went about seeking
some to lead him by the hand.

And now is a phrase often used to mark the close of a pre-
amble and to introduce the main proposition (see above, on
3, 17. 7, 34. 10, 5) ; but here it seems to have its strict sense
as a particle of time, ' and now (at length) your hour is come,
your career is at an end, your course is finsdly arrested.' JSg-
holdy as usual, introduces something unexpected. (See above,
on 1, 10. 12, 7.) 7%« hand of the Lord^ i. e. his power, espe-
cially in active exercise, whether in mercy or in judgment.
(See above, on 4, 28. 30. 11, 21. 12, 11, and compare Ex. 9,

3. 1 Sam. 5, 11. Ezr. 7, 9. Neh. 2, 8. Job 19, 21.) At the
same time, it suggests that this was no fortuitous or human
stroke, ' the hand of the Lord and not of man.' (Is or shall
he) upon thee ; as the verb is not expressed, it may be either
descriptive of the present or prophetic of the future. If the
first, it is equivalent to saying, ' already (or even now) upon
thee.' Blind and not seeing may be an idiomatic combma-
tion of the positive and negative expression of the same idea.
(Compare Luke 1, 20, where a similar form is used in refer-
ence to speech and dumbness.) Or not seeing (even) the sun
may be a strong expression for total blindness. I*br a season^
literally, to (or tiU) a time^ i. e. a set time, which is the proper
meaning of the Greek word, as explained above (on 1, 7. 3, 19.
7, 20. 12, 1.) This may mean, as long as it shall please God,
and does not therefore necessarily imply that Elymas should
be restored to sight. That is certainly, however, the most
natural construction, and the one which has been commonly
adopted. Chrysostom says that this was not a word of Pun-
ishment but of conversion ; and the Venerable Bede, that rani
knew by experience how the darkness of the eyes might be
followed by illumination of the mind. There is certainly a
singular resemblance between this first recorded miiacle of
Paul and the miraculous accompaniments of his own conver-
sion. (See above, on 9, 8. 9.) Some have inferred from GaL

4, 15, and other passages, tnat Paul's own sight was never
perfectly restored. The same phrase {till a time or for a sea-
son) is used by Luke in reference to the intermission of our

14 ACTS 13, 11.12.

Lord's temptation (Luke 4, 13.) Immediately^ or on the
spot, the same word that is used above in 3, 7. 6, 10. 9, 18.
1 2, 23, and there explained. Fell on him^ the same verb with
that used in 8, 16. 10, 10. 44. 11, 15, in reference to spiritual
influences. Common to both cases is the idea of suddenness
and also of descent from above, or the agency of a superior
power. Mist^ a poetical Greek word, applied by Homer to
the failure of the sight at death or in a swoon. Darkness
may be either the more usual prosaic word expressive of the
same thing, or denote the effect as distinguished from the
cause, or mark a gradation in the blindness, first a mist, then
total darkness, the reverse of that in one of our Lord's mira-
cles. (See Mark 8, 24.) As the word translated m,ist is also
used by Galen, the Greek medical writer, some regard it as a
trace of Luke's profession. Went about, literally, leading
about or around (as in 1 Cor. 9, 5), a verb often used in the
intransitive sense first given, perhaps by an ellipsis of the re-
flexive pronoun {kading himself about) See Matt 4, 23.
9, 35. 23, 15. 3Iark 6, 6, and compare the like use of the
simple verb in Matt. 26, 46. Mark 1, 38. 14, 42. John 11, 7.
15. 16. 14, 31. Went about seeking just reverses the original
construction, which is going about sought. The last seven
words in English correspond to one in Greek, meaning hand-
guides or hand-leaders, (See the active and passive partici-
ples of the corresponding verb in 9, 8 above, and 22, 11,
below.) The scene so vividly described in this clause has been
realized, or rendered visible, in one of Raphael's cartoons.

12. Then the deputy, when he saw what was done,
beheved, being astonished at the doctrine of the Lord.

TJien, in its strict sense, as a particle of time, equivalent
to saying, when (or after) this had happened. The deputy^
used by our translators here and in vs. 7, 8 above, though
more specific, is less accurate than Tyndale's ruler, as the
Greek word {av^iraroi) does not mean a deputv in general,
but the deputy of a supreme magistrate (vTraro?), i. e. of a Ro-
man Consul, to whom the uncom pounded form is constantly
applied by the later Greek historians. The Vulgate and its
copyists in English (Wiclif and the Rhemish Version) give the
corresponding Latin form {Proconsul,) When he saw (liter-
ally, having seen or seeing) what was done, or more exactly,
the {thing) done^ come to pass, or happened, L e. the sudden

ACTS 13, 12. 13. 16

blindness of Barjesus, in immediate execution of Paul's sen-
tence or prediction. Believed can only mean that he believed
in Christ, or in the truth of the religion thus attested. Astonr
ished, literally, struck or smitten^ not with wonder merely, but
with admiration, as appears from Mark 11, 18, where mere
amazement would be insufficient to account for the effect de-
scribed. The same verb is often used (see Matt. 13, 54. Mark
6, 2. 7, 37. Luke 2, 48), and sometimes with the very same
construction (Matt. 7, 28. 22, 33. Mark 1, 22. 11, 18. Luke
4, 32), to express the effect produced upon the people by our
Saviour's miracles and teachings. In all those cases, as in that
before us, doctrine does not mean the truth taught, but the
mode of teaching. The doctrine of the Lord^ i. e. Paul's doc-
trine with respect to Christ, is a grammatical construction,
but at variance with the first clause and its obvious relation to
the last, as well as with the numerous analogies first cited
from the Gospels. What struck the mind of the Proconsul
and commanded his belief was the Lord* a {mode of) teaching
(his own religion), both by word and miracle. Here, as in the
case of Simon Magus (see above, on 8, 24), we are not told
what became either of Elymas or Sergius Paulus. The tradi-
tion which describes the latter as accompanying Paul to Spain,
and afterwards as Bishop of Narbonne in France, is probably
entitled to no credence.

13. Now when Paul and his company loosed from
Paphos, they came to Perga in Pamphylia ; and John
departing from them returned to Jerusalem,

iVoM?, and, or but. Paul and his company (in the older
English versions, Paul and they that were with him) is in
Greek, those about Paul. This peculiar idiom is common in
the classics, sometimes literally meaning the attendants or
companions (as in Mark 4, 10), sometimes only the persons
named (as in John 11, 19), sometimes both together, as in this
place. The expression seems to have been chosen here, to
render prominent the change in Paul's position, and to show
that he was now the leader. (See above, on v. 9.) This
change may possibly have been deferred till they were leaving
Cyprus and about to enter Asia Minor ; whereas Barnabas
haa been allowed to take the lead as long as they were in his
native country. (See above, on v. 4, and compare 4, 36.)
Loosed is so translated in two other places (16, 11. 27, 21),

16 ACTS 13, 13. 14.

but elsewhere launched (21,1. 27, 2. 4), launched forth (Luke

8, 22), sailed (20^ 3. 13), set forth (21, 2), departed (27, 12.
28, 10. 11.) The Greek verb, thus variously rendered, strictly
means to lead (or to be led) up (as in 9, 39. 12, 4 above), but
as a nautical expression to go out to sea, being so used by
Herodotus and Homer. Its form is here that of a passive
participle but may be translated, having sailed or put to sea.
They enter Asia Minor, not through Cilicia, which was Paul's
native province, where he had alreadjr laboured (see above, on

9, 30. 11, 25), but through Pamphyha, the adjacent province
on the west. Perga^ its capital, a few miles irom the coast,
was &mous for the worship of Diana, as Paphos was for that
of Venus (see above, on v. 6, and below, on 1 9, 24.)* Its ruins
are supposed to be still visible. John^ who was mentioned in
y. 5 above, as their attendant. That John Mark is the person
meant, appears from a comparison of 12, 25 above with 15, 37
below. Jbeparting denotes not mere local separation, but
secession or desertion, being elsewhere used in an uniavour-
able sense (see Matt. 7, 23, and compare Luke 9, 39.) A term
still stronger is employed in 15, 39 below. John's motive for
abandoning the mission has been variously conjectured to be
weariness, home-sickness, feeble health, important business at
Jerusalem, i&c. &c. That it was not understood from the be-
ginning that he should take leave of them at this point, ap-
pears, not only from the terms here used and just explained,
but still more clearly from Paul's censure of his conduct as a
species of apostasy (see below, on 15, 39.) The most satisfac-
tory solution seems to be, that he was discontented with the
unexpected transfer ofprecedence and authority from Barna-
bas his kinsman (see Cfol. 4, 10) to one who had hitherto oc-
cupied a lower place. This feeUng, though a wrong one, will
not seem unnatural, when we consider, that Barnabas was not
only older as a Christian and a minister (see above, on 4, 36),
but had been the means of introducing Paul to active labour,
both in Jerusalem (9, 27) and Antioch (11, 26.) That he did
not share in Mark's resentment, may be ascribed to his supe-
rior piety and wisdom, or to a less ardent temper, which re-
quired time for its excitement. (See below, on 15, 37.)

14. But when they departed from Perga, they came
to Antioch in Pisidia, and went into the synagogue on
the sabbath day, and sat down.

* Pergae fanum antiqaissimuin et ftanctisaimiuxi ccimos esse. — Cicero
(in Yerrem.)

AGtS 13, 14. 15. 17

TTief/ is expressed in Greek and therefore emphatic, mean-
ing Paul and Barnabas, as the remaining members of the
misfflon after Mark's desertion. Departed^ literallv, passing
through^ or having passed through^ i. e., throngh tne country
between Perga andAntioch. (See above, on 8,40. 9, 32. 11,
19. 22.) Some of the older English versions have the strange
translation, wandered through the countries^ as if the words
were intended to describe an itinerant ministry, and not a di-
rect passage from one point to another. They seem to have
visited Pamphylia at this time, only as the key or entrance to
Pisidia, the next province on the north, reserving missionary
labour in the former until their return, (See below, on 14, 25.)
Antioch is referred by different ancient writers to the adjacent
provinces of Phrygia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, a variation owing
either to actual change in the political arrangements of the
country, or more probably to vagueness and uncertainty in the
boundaries themselves. The rums of this Antioch have been
discovered in our own day. The frequent occurrence of thL«
name in ancient history arises from its application by the Greek
King of Syria, Seleucus Nicator, to a number of towns founded
or restored by himself, in honor of his father, Antiochus the
Great. I^ synagogue^ meeting, or assembly, of the Jews
for worship, whether in a private house or public building.
(See above, on v. 5, and on 6, 9.) The sahbath-day^ literally,
day of the sabbath^ the Aramaic form of the Hebrew name
(Knair) resembling a Greek plural, and being often so de-
clined^ and construed by all the evangelists excepting John,
who always treats it as a singular. Sat down^ i. e., as some sup-
pose, in a place usually occupied by public teachers ; but see
the next verse.

15. And after the reading of the law and the pro-
phets, the rulers of the synagogue sent unto them,
saying, (Ye) men (and) brethren, if ye have any word
of eidiortation for the people, say on.

The reading of the Law (i. e. the books of Moses) seems to
have formed a part of public worship, from the earliest times
to which its history can be traced. That of the Prophets is
said, in a tradition of the later Jews, to have been introduced
as an evasion of an edict of Antiochus Epiphanes prohibiting
the reading of the law, and afterwards continued as a perma-

VOL. IL B

18 ACTS 18, 16.16.

nent usage. The rulers of tJie synagogue (in Greek one com-
pound word) were probably the elders of the Jews in Antioch,
1. e. the heads of families, or other hereditary chiefe and repre-
sentatives, as such conducting or controlling public worsnip.
It is not impossible, however, that in foreign countries, the
synagogue had more of a distinct organization than in Pales-
tme itself. (See above, on 6, 9. 9, 2. 20.) But most of the
minute details now found in Jewish books are probably pos-
terior in date to the destruction of Jerusalem and the disso-
lution of the Jewish nation with its hereditary eldership, a
change which would naturally lead to the separate organization
of the synagogue or Jewish church. Sent to them^ not said to
them, implying that they were not in the chief seats of the
synagogue (Matt. 23, 6), but had probably sat down near the
entrance. They were no doubt recognized as strangers, and
perhaps as teachers, by some circurastaijce of dress or aspect.
The message was probably conveyed by the "minister''
or servant of the synagogue. (See above, on v. 5, and com-
pare Luke 4, 20.) Men and brethren^ the same courteous and
kindly form of speech which we have already had occasion to
explam. (See above, on 1, 16. 2, 29. 37. V, 2.) It implies a
recognition of the strangers by the rulers of the synagogue,
as fellow Jews, the Christian schism being probably as yet
unknown to them. If ye have^ literally, if there is in you^ i. e.
in your minds or your possession, (any) tcord of exhortation^
i. e. any exhortation to be spoken or delivered. (See above,
on 4, 36. 9, 31.) Say on is m Greek simply say or speak.

16. Then Paul stood up, and beckoning with (his)
hand said, Men of Israel, and ye that fear God, give
audience.

As Barnabas derived his very name from his experience
and gifts as an exhorter (see above, on 4, 36], it is the more
remarkable that Paul should now appear as tne chief speaker,
not only in this one case but before and afterwards. (See
above, on v. 9, and below, on 14, 12.) The uniformity of this
proceeding, and the seeming acquiescence of Barnabas himself,
confirm the previous conclusion, that Paul's commission as
Apostle of the Gentiles (Rom. 11, 13), although given long
before (see above, on 9, 15, and below, on 22,21. 26,17. 18),
was now first publicly made known and acted on. Arising^
standing up, see above, on 2,15. 5,34. 11,28. Beckoning^

ACTS 13, 16.17. 19

above, on 12, IV. Men of Israel^ i. e. Jews by birth, de-
scendants of Jacob, hereditary members of the chosen people.
(See above, on 2, 22. 3, 12. 6, 35.) Te that fear (literally,
tho%e fearing) God^ a phrase applicable in itself to all devout
men, but specially applied in the New Testament to Gentiles,
whether Proselytes, i. e. professed converts to the Jewish fidth
(see above, on 2, 10. 6, 6), or merely well disposed to it and
more or less influenced by it (see above, on 10, 2. 22, 35.) Of
this class many seem to have been found, wherever there was
access to the Jewish worship, and from this class the Apostles
gathered some of their earliest and most important converts.
Give audience^ literally, /lear^ implying, as in all like cases, that
they might hear something to which they were not accustom-
ed, or S>r which they were not prepared. (See above, on
2, 14. 22. 29.) The discourse which follows has peculiar
interest and value, as the first of Paul's on record, and most
probably the first that he delivered after the avowal of his
Apostohcal commission. When compared with those of Peter
and his own epistles, the degree of difference and sameness is
precisely such as might have been expected from the circum-
stances under which they were composed or uttered. (See
above, on 3, 26. vol. 1, p. 122.)

17. The God of this people of Israel chose our
fathers, and exalted the people when they dwelt as
strangers in the land of Egypt, and with a high arm
brought he them out of it.

Beginning with a brief sketch of the early history of Israel,
as the ancieut church or chosen people, from their first voca-
tion to the reign of David (17-22), the Apostle suddenly
exhibits Jesus, as the heir of that king and the promised
Saviour (23), citing John the Baptist as his witness and fore-
runner (24-25) ; then makes the ofier of salvation through
Christ to both classes of his hearers (26), describing his re-
jection by the Jews at Jerusalem (27), his death, burial, and
resurrection (28-31) ; all which he represents as the fulfilment
of God's promise to the fathers (32), and of specific prophecies,
three of which he quotes, interprets, and applies to Christ
(33-37) ; winding up with another earnest offer of salvation
(38-39), and a solemn warning against unbelief (40-41.) The
mixture of law and gospel, threatening and promise, doctrine

20 ACTS 13, 17.18.

and exhortation, in this sermon, are highly characteristic of
its author, and yet too peculiar, both in form and substance,
to have been compiled, as some allege, from his epistles. In
the verse before us, he describes the vocation of the Hebrews,
and their organization as the chosen people. ThU people {of
Israel is omitted by the latest critics) seems addressed rather
to the Gentiles than the Jews. Choae^ or more emphatically,
chose out for himself or for his own use and service. (See
above, on 1, 2. 24. 6, 5.) Oimt fathers^ thus acknowledging
his own hereditary kindred to them. (See above, on 3, 13.
25. 5, 30. V, 2. 11. 12. 15. 19. 38. 39. 44. 45j This first clause
may relate to the original vocation of the Patriarchs, and the
second to the national organization, for which the people were
prepared in Egy])t ; or the whole may be referred to the
Egyptian period, the choice mentioned in the first clause being
then the choice of Israel, not as a &mily, but as a nation. The
last of these constructions is the one most readily i^ggested
by the words, although the first gives more completeness to
Paul's retrospect, by mcluding the Patriarchal period. (See
above, on 7, 2-16.) The people^ thus chosen and separated
from all others. Exalted^ literally, heightened^ made high, ap-
plied elsewhere to the raising of the brazen serpent and to
Christ's elevation on the cross (John 3, 14. 8, 28. 12, 32. 34) ;
to his ascension and exalted state in heaven (see above, on
2,33. 5, 31) ; in a moral sense, to selfexaltation or elation
(Matt. 23, 12. Luke 14, 11. 18, 14) ; and in an outward sense,
to extraordinary privileges and prosperity (Matt. 11, 23. Luke
10, 15. 2 Cor. 11, 7. Jas. 4, 10. 1 Pet. 5, 6.) This last appears
to be the meaning here, in reference either to the honour put
upon the chosen people, even under persecution, or to their
miraculous increase and national development. When they
dwelt as strangers^ literally, in the sojourn, (For a comate
form, applied to the same subject, see above, on 7, 6. 29.) A
high army an idiomatic expression for the manifest exertion of
extraordinary power, corresponding to the stretched oiU arm
of the Old Testament, and like it specially applied to the
exertion of Jehovah's power in the exodus from Egypt. (Com-
pare Ex. 6, 6 Deut. 5, 15. Jer. 32, 21. Ps. 136, 12.)

18. And about the time of forty years suffered he
their manners in the wUdemess.

Next to the Exodus he puts the Error, or forty yeara'

ACTS 13, 18.19.20. 21

wandering in the wilderness. About, literally, as, see above,
on 1, 15. 2, 41. 4, 4. 5, 7. 36. This expression is the more
appropriate, because the actual error lasted only thirty-eight
years. (See above, on 7, 42.) Suffered their manners, i. e.
bore witn them, endured them. Another reading, differing
in a single letter, and preferred by most modem cntics, yields
the meiming, bore tnem as a nurse does, i. e. nursed or nour-
ished. The same figure is applied by Moses to this period in
the history of Israel (see Num. 11, 12. Deut. 1, 81, m which
last place the Septuagint version exhibits the same textual
variation)and by JPaul to his own treatment of the Thessalo-
nians (1 Thess. 2, 7.)

19. And when he had destroyed seven nations in
the land of Canaan, he divided their land to them bv
lot.

Next to the Error comes the Conquest of Canaan. When
he had (literally, having) destroyed. (For a very different
meaning of the same verb, see below, on v. 29.) Seven na-
tions, L e. tribes of the Canaanites, to wit, those enumerated
in Deut. V, 1. Josh. 3, 10. Neh. 9, 8. Gave by lot, or, accord-
ing to the oldest manuscripts and latest editors, gave as an
ituieritance, or caused them to inherit. Neither of the two
Greek verbs occurs elsewhere in the New Testament, but both
are used in the Septuagint, and sometimes to translate the same
Hebrew word (e. g. Num. 33, 54. Josh. 14, 1, compared with
Deut. 21, 16. Josh. 19, 61.) It is a curious inference of Ben-
gel, that because three rare words used in these two verses
occur also in the Septuagint version of the first chapters of
Deuteronomy and Isaiah, these are the portions of the law and
Prophets read, in the synagogue of Antioch for that day, aa
he says they still are in the Jewish service.

20. And after that he gave (unto them) judges
about the space of four hundred and fifty years, until
Samuel the prophet.

After that, literally, ajter these {things), i. e. the conquest
and settlement of Canaan. About, literally, as ; see above,
on V. 18. By adding together all the periods mentioned m
the book of Judges, i. e. the periods of foreign domination and
the intervals of rest under tne Judges, we obtain almost the

22 ACTS 13, 20.21.

very number here affirmed. This agreement between Paul
and the inspired record of the time to which he here refers
cannot be shaken bv the seeming discrepancy in 1 Kings 6, 1,
the solution of which belongs to the interpretation of that
book. Gave them Judges^ who were therefore not self-consti-
tuted rulers, but divinely commissioned. UntU Sarrmel the
I^rophety the next one oi eminence after Moses (see above, on
8, 24.) He was also the last in the series of tfudges, under
whom the regal form of government was introduced.

21. And afterward they desired a king, and God
gave unto them Saul the son of Cis, a man of the tribe
of Benjamin, by the space of forty years.

Afterwardy literally, thence^ from there, a local particle
applied, in this one case, to time, as we say in English, thence-
forth, henceforth. The expression may involve an allusion to
the regular succession of the history which Paul was tracing,
like a une or path presented to the eye. They asked (for
themselves), to gratify their own desires, and not to answer
any higher end. (For the exact force of the verbal form here
used, see above, on 3, 14. 7, 46. 9, 2.) God gave^ in dis-
pleasure and in judgment, but so that Saul was nevertheless a
legitimate though not a theocratical sovereign. Cis should
have been written Kis^ the nearest approach that could be
made in Greek letters to the Hebrew Kish, The coincidence,
in name and tribe, between this king and the Apostle speak-
ing, is undoubtedly remarkable. (Compare 1 Sam. 9, 1. 16.
21, with Rom. 11, 1. Phil. 3, 5.) One of the early Fathers
(Tertullian) makes one Saul a type of the other, and even ex-
plains Gen. 49, 27 as a prophecy of Paul's persecutions and
conversion. By the space of is needlessly supplied by Tyn-
dale, and transcribed by his successors. Wiclit has simply by^
which seems to be equivalent to for in modern English, when
prefixed to chronological specifications. The most simple and
exact translation is the Rhemish {forty years.) This is under-
stood by some as the age of Saul at his accession, but by most
as the length of his reign. We have no account of its dura-
tion in Scripture ; but Josephus states with great precision,
perhaps relying upon public records or tradition not pre-
served in Scripture, that Saul reigned eighteen years in Sam-
uel's lifetime, and twenty-two years after his decease.

ACTS 13, 22. 23. 23

22. And when he had removed him, he raised
Tip unto them David to be their king ; to whom also
he gave testimony and said, I have fomid David the
(son) of Jesse, a man after mine own heart, which shall
fulfil all my will.

Having removed (or deposed) him^ i. e. from his kingly
office, as recorded in 1 Sam. 15, 11. 23. 35. 16, 1. Some sup-
pose it to refer to hb death, as a removal out of life ; but this
would be otherwise expressed, and the Greek verb here ufeed
is repeatedly applied to removal from office, both in the Sep-
tuagmt (2 Kings 17, 23. Dan. 2, 21) and the New Testament
(Li^e 16, 4.) liaised up then relates, not merely to David's
coronation (2 Sam. 2, 4), but to his original designation and
anointing (1 Sanu 16, 1. 13.) To be their king, literally, as
(or for) a king. To whom also, i. e. besides making him a
king, he testified expressly of his character. Gave testimony
and said, in Greek, said testifying. The words that follow
are not found in the Old Testament, precisely as they stand
here, but are made up of two passages, " The Lord hath sought
him a man after his own heart" (1 Sam. 13, 14), and "I have
found David my servant" (Ps. 89, 20.) They are not com-
bined through inadvertence or a lapse of memory, as some
pretend, but as real expressions of what God did say, through
Samuel and otherwise, on difterent occasions, or as the spirit
and the meaning of his whole mode of dealing with this favoured
servant, like the prophetic summary in Matt. 2, 23 (see above,
on 2, 22.) The same explanation will apply to the last, clause,
which describes him not as personally free from fault or even
crime, but as merely blameless in his character and conduct
as a theocratic sovereign. Fulfil all my will, or more exactly,
do all my wills, i. e. all the things that I shall will or order.

23. Of this man's seed hath God, according to (his)
promise, raised unto Israel a Saviour, Jesus :

The particular promise here referred to must be that
recorded in 2 Sam. 7, 12, and frequently repeated elsewhere.
Raised, or according to the text now commonly adopted,
brought, (This expression occurs in the Septuagmt version
of Zech. 2, 9, as the other does in that of 3, 9. 15.) Unto
Israel^ as the chosen people, to whom the offer must be first

24 A G T S 18, 23. 24. 25.

made. A Saviour (even) JesuSy such being the import of the
Hebrew name. (See Matt. 1, 21.)

24. When John had first preached, before his
coming, the baptism of repentance to all the people
of Israel.

•■MS •

John having heralded (proclaimed) beforehand^ the same
Greek verb that appears in the common text of 3. 20. Be-
fbre, literally, before theface^ an expression commonly applied
to persons (Matt. 11, 10. Mark 1, 2. Luke 1, 76. V, 27), but
here used in imitation of the corresponding Hebrew phrase
(^3Bb.) Sis coming^ not his birth or incarnation, which was
before John's public appearance, but his entrance on his office,
in which sense the Greek word is used by Isocrates. Etymo-
logically it is the correlative or converse of exodus^ which i^
twice applied to death in the New Testament, being rendered
in both mstances decease (Luke 9, 31. 2 Pet. 1, 15), as it is
departure^ when the reference is to the exodus from Egypt
. (Heb. 11, 22.) baptism of repentance^ of which repentance
was not only the condition but the meaning or thing signified.
(See above, on 2, 38, and below, on 19, 4, and compare Mark
1, 4. Luke 3, 3.) To all the people of Israel^ not necessarily
to every individual, but to the body of the nation as such.
(See above, on 5, 31.)

25. And as John fulfilled his co\irse, he said,
Whom think ye that I am ? I am not (he). But,
behold, there cometh one after me, whose shoes of
(his) feet I am not worthy to loose.

25. JFlUJUled^ or was fulfilling, i. e. as some explain it, was
engaged in executing his commission (see above, on 12, 25,
below, on 14, 26), without reference to any particular period
of his ministry ; while others understand it as referring to its
close, whUe he was finishing his course (see above, on 2, 1.
7, 23. 30. 9, 23, and below, on 24, 27.) Course^ in its proper
sense of race or running, a figure borrowed from the ancient
games and used in the New Testament by Paul alone, who
twice applies it to his own official life or ministry. (See be-
low, on 20, 24, and compare 2 Tim. 4, 7.) The qualities which
it suggests are those of energy and swiftness. lie said^ in the

ACTS IS, 25.86, 25

imperfect tense, not once for all, or on a single occasion, but
habitually, he was wont to say. The next clause is construed
in the Yulffate and by Luther without interrogation, and in
this sense, lam not he whom ye suppose me to he. But this
is now admitted to be ungrammatical, although it gives the
true sense of the language. Whom, do ye suppose (or suspect)
me to be? (The Messiah, but) lam not. (bee the same form
of negation in Mark 13, 6. Luke 21, 8. John 13, 19.) The
historical feet here referred to is recorded in John 1, 19-28.
See John 1, 20, 27. Luke 3, 15. With the remainder of the
verse compare Matt. 3, 11. Mark 1, 7. Luke 3, 16. Shoes of
his feet is pleonastic in English, but not in Greek, where the
first noun strictly denotes underbmdingy and the feet are men-
tioned to determine or define it. (See above, on 7, 33, and
compare John 1, 27.) To unloose^ untie, or take ofl^ the low-
est kind of menial service, used by John to signify the vast
disparity between himself and Christ.

26. Men (and) brethren, children of the stock of
Abraham, and whosoever among you feareth God, to
you is the word of this salvation sent.

This was not a matter of local or temporary interest, but
an offer of salvation to the very persons whom he now ad-
dressed, both Jews and Gentiles. The former he describes as
his brethren (see above, on 1, 16. 2, 29), sons (or children\ of
the stock (race or lineage) of Abraham ; the latter as tnose
fearing dod (i. e. the true God), although not belonging to
the chosen people (see above, on v. 16^ The form of the
original is, those among you fearing God. To you, i. e. as
some understand it, you as distinguished from the Jews of
Palestine, referred to in the next verse. But as we know that
these were not excluded from forgiveness and salvation, the
meaning rather seems to be, that the rejection of the Gospel
by the people at Jerusalem ought not to occasion its rejection
elsewhere. The word of this salvation is a similar expression
to the words of this life in 5, 20. There is no need of resolv-
ing it into this word of salvation, i. e. this saving word or doo-
tnne. It simply means the word (or tidings) of this (method
of) salvation (through Christ.) Is sent, literally, wa^ sent,
L e. was intenaed to be sent from the beginning, although
necessarily presented to the Jew first (Rom. 2, 9. 10.) This
agrees better with the form of expression, as well as with the

26 ACTS 13, 26-28.

known fiicts of the case, than the explanation, hcia been sent^
i e. now, since the Jews at home have rejected it. This would
rather have deterred the Jews of Antioch from hearing than
incited them to do so.

27. For they that dwell at Jerusalem, and their
rulers, because they knew him not, nor yet the voices
of the prophets which are read every sabbath day, they
have fulfilled (them) in condemning (him).

The conduct of the Jews at home, fiir from discrediting
the claims of Jesus, had confirmed them, by contributing to
verify the prophecies respecting him. Not the rabble merely,
but their rulers, their chief men and most enlightened spiritual
guides, had failed to recognize him as the Messiah foretold in
the Scriptures, which were weekly read in their assemblies ;
but in the act of judging him as an impostor, they fulfilled
those very Scriptures, which predicted his rejection. Voices^
i. e, audible predictions, in allusion to the circumstance just
mentioned, of their being read aloud every sabbath. Judging^
i. e. acting as judges, sitting in judgment ; the idea of con-
demning IS suggested by the context. (See above, on 7, 7.)
The construction of the sentence is ambiguous, as the verb not
knowing (or ignoring^ seems to govern an accusative both
before and after it. Some avoid this syntax by construing
voices vfxth fulJiUed directly (and the voices of the prophets^
every sabbath read^ judging thet/ fulfilled,) But the construc-
tion adopted in our version is more natural, and yields a
stronger sense, by expressly stating that the Jews mistook
the meaning of their Scriptures, as well as the person of their
Messiah 2var yet is simply and in the original

28. And though they fomid no cause of death (in
him), yet desired they Pilate that he should be slain.

So completely blinded were they to their own Messiah, and
Bo bent on his destruction, that being unable to convict him
of any capital offence, they asked it as a favour to themselves,
and that too of a heathen governor, that he might be put
to death. Cause of deaths or ground of capital punishment.

(See above, on 9, 16, and below, on 26, 25. 28, 18.) Finding
or having found) ^ implying search and effort, on the part of
accusers, witnesses, and judges. Desired^ requested for them-

ACTS 13, 28-31. 27

selves ; see above, on v. 21, and compare 3, 14. 7, 46. 9, 2.
12, 20. Slain^ despatched, made away with ; see above, on
12, 2. Here again, though is simply and in the original. With
the whole verse compare Matt. 27, 24. Lu. 23, 22. John 18, 31.

29. 30. And when they had fulfilled all that was
written of him, they took (him) down from the tree,
and laid Hiim) in a sepulchre. But God raised him
from the aead

The very acts which seemed to put an end to Christ and
his pretensions, were fulfilments of prophecy, and preparations
for his reappearance. In venting their own spite, they (unwit-
tingly) accomplished aU the (things) vsritten (in the prophecies)
concerning him. They might have thought their work com-
plete when, taking (him) dotcn/rom the wood (or tree^ i. e. the
cross, see above, on 5, 30. 10, 39), they placed him in a tomb
(or monument, a word akin to that used in 2, 29, and there
explained.) JBut God raised (or roused) him from (among)
the dead. So that even his burial was only a prelimmary to
his resurrection. The ascription of his death and burial to
the same agents has been variously explained. Some suppose
that, as Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea were themselves
rulers of the Jews, as well as those by whom Christ was con-
demned, that whole class is here described as performmg both
acts. Others suppose the reference to be not to the immedi-
ate agents, either in the crucifixion or the burial, but to the
prime movers in this whole judicial murder, of which the
burial was the natural conclusion. A third opinion is, that
even this part of the process, by itself considered, although at
first accomplished by the hands of friends, was transferred, as
it were, to those of enemies, by the sealing and guarding of
the sepulchre (Matt. 28, 66.) Paul here presents the contrast
of which Peter is so fond, between the acts of men and the
acts of God, in reference to Jesus. (See above, on 10, 39. 40.)
This resemblance is no argument against the authenticity of
the discourse, but rather for it, since this was no peculiarity
of Peter's, but a view which every Christian must have taken,
and which every preacher to the .lews was bound to set before
his hearers.

31. And he was seen many days of them which

%S ACTS 13, 31-33.

came up witli him from Galilee to Jerusalem^ who are
his witnesses unto the people.

The resurrection of Christ was not assumed or asserted
without evidence. He not only rose, but he was seen after he
had risen ; not for a moment, but for many days ; not by
strangers, but by those who knew him well, and had accom-

Eanied him on his last journey from the chief scene of his
kbours to the Holy City. Nor had these witnesses all passed
away ; they were still bearing testimony to the great event.
This last point is particularly prominent in the text of the old-
est manuscripts and latest editors {who now are) witnesses.
Lastly, this testimony to the resurrection of the Saviour was
not private or informal, but public and official, addressed di-
rectly to the chosen people.

32. And we declare unto you glad tidings, how
that the promise which was made unto the fathers —

The same testimony which was thus addressed bv the com-
panions of the risen Saviour to the body of the Jewish church
m Palestine, was now borne by Paul and Barnabas, to Jews and
Gentiles, in the synagogue at Antioch ; not as a mere histo-
rical &ct, but as joyful intelligence, good news ; yet not as
somethinff altogether strange and unconnected with their pre-
vious rehgious faith and nope, but as the fulfilment of a
promise made to former generations of God's people, the
natural progenitors of the Jews then present, and the spiritual
fathers of believing Gentiles. We and yoi/, at the beginning
of the sentence, stand together in Greek, which gives great
force and point to the antithesis ; ' What they are telling
the people yonder, we tell you .' Declare glad tidings is
in Greek one word, often translated preach in this book (see
above, on 6,42. 8,4. 12.35.40. 10,36. 11,20), sometimes
more fully, preach the gospel (see above, on 8, 25, and below,
on 14,7. 21. 16,10), but nowhere so exactly rendered as in
this place (and in Luke 1, 19. 2, 10. 8, 1.) The promise meant
is that of the Messiah's Advent, which pervades the Hebrew
Scriptures.

33. God hath fulfilled the same unto us their
children^ in that he hath raised up Jesus again ; as it

' ACTS 13, 33.84. 29

is also written in the second psalm> Tbou art my Son,
this day have I begotten thee.

This oft-repeated, long-continued promise to the fathers
God has now performed to us, their natural and spiritual
children, bv raising up or bringing forward, in our day and to
our view, the long expected Saviour of his people, and as such
called Jesus ; and this he does not only in fulfilment of the
promises in general, but of that one in particular, which is con-
tained in the second Psalm, where God is represented as pro-
claiming the organic law or constitution of Messiah's kingdom,
and uttering as its fundamental principle, the intimate relation
of Messiah to himself, ^ot merely mutual affection, but commu-
nity of nature. The idea is derived from the great Messianic
promise made to David (2 Sam. 7, 14), "I will be his fether,
and he shall be my son." The expression in the Psahn, I have
begotten thee^ means, I am he who has begotten thee, i. e. I
am thy father. To-day refers to the date of the decree itself,
{Jehovah said^ To-day^ &c.) ; but this, as a divine act, was
eternal, and so must be the sonship it affirms. Raising up is
here applied by some, not to Christ's incarnation, but his re-
Burrection, on the ground that it is certainly so used in the
next verse. But this rather proves the contrary ; for there
the meaning is defined or specified by adding, from the dead^
which cannot retroact upon its absolute use here, especially
when it has been repeatedly employed before, in this same
book, to signify the act of giving him existence as a man. (See
above, on 2, 30. 3, 22. 26. V, 37.) In the only other place
where it seems to be used absolutely of the resurrection (see
above, on 2, 32), it is really determined by the previous
reference to death and dissolution. (For a fuller view of the
passage quoted, in its original connection, see the writer's ex-
position of Ps. 2, 7.) Instead of second psalm, the latest
editors read first psalm, but on very doubtful manuscript au-
thority. Even admitting it to be the true text, it is not a
lapse of memory, but a relic of the old opinion that the first
Psalm is a pre&ce to the whole collection.

34. And as concerning that he raised him up from
the dead, (now) no more to retmn to corruption, he
said on this wise, I will give you the sure mercies of
David.

80 ACTS 13, 34.

But tliifl was not the only sense in which Christ had been
raised up, or the only scripture which his raising up had veri-
fied. Ai8 his incarnation was the advent of that Son of God
predicted in the second Psalm, so his resurrection fi*om the
dead was the redemption of the promise, I toUl give you the
sure mercies of David. That this is a quotation, is clear from
the formula which introduces it, he said on this wise^ or, he
thus hath spoken. The passage quoted is Isai. 55, 3, but with
some variation, both from the Hebrew and the Septuagint
version. Thus the promise, ItoHl make with you an evertast-
ing covenant^ Paul contracts into the brief phrase, I will give
youy which is only a conciser and less definite expression of the
same idea. On the other hand, he follows the Greek version
in translating ('^'iDn) favours^ m^cies^ by a word (oo-ta) which
properly means sacred^ holy {things) ^ particularly such as have
respect to God, and not to human usages or institutions
(ScKaia.) Besides this passage, and 2, 27 above, the word oc-
curs in reference to God (Rev. 16, 4), to Christ (Heb. 7, 26j,
and to men (1 Tim. 2, 8. Tit. 1, 8), in all which places it is
rendered holy. In the verse before us, and the Septuagint
version of Isai. 55, 3, it appears to have the sense of solemn,
sacred, or inviolable, as applied to the divine engagements.
* I will give you (or fulfil to you) the sacred promises once
made to David.' This explanation is given in the margin of
the English Bible, while the text retains the original ex-
pression (mercies,) Sure^ i. e. sure to be accomplished, liter-
ally, faithful^ credible, or worthy of belief and trust. The
reference is to 2 Sam. V, 8-16 (compare 1 Chr. 17, 11-14. Ps. 89,
3. 2.) As the burden of this promise was perpetual succession
on the throne of David, it was fdlfiUed in Christ (compare Isai.
9, 6. 7. Luke 1, 32. 33), but only on the supposition, that his
resurrection was not a mere temporary restoration, but the
pledge of an endless immortality. Hence the Apostle speaks
of this prophetic promise as fulfilled in the momentous fact,
that God raised hun from the dead, 7io more to return to cor-
ruption^ i. e. into the condition, of which dissolution is a
natural and in every other case a necessary incident. This
perpetuity of Christ's restored life, as a necessary element in
the doctrine of his resurrection, is insisted on by the Apostle
elsewhere. (See Rom. 6,9, and compare Rev. 1,18.) The
English version inserts one word {now) and omits another
jjLtcAXovra), which can be translated only by the use of an en-
feebling paraphrase, no more about (or being about) to return.

ACTS 13, 34.35. 81

(See above, on 3,3. 5,35. 11,28. 12,6; and for the origin
and osage of the word corruption^ on 2, 27. 31.) In the fore-
going exposition of this verse, the original order of the clauses
IS inverted, for the sake of the lo^cal connection. The actual
connection of both verses is as foDows. * That God raised up
Jesus (L e. brought him into being as a man), is a verification
of that passage in the second Psahn, Thou art my Son, this
day have I begotten thee : that he raised him from the dead,
no more to be subjected to the power of corruption, is a veri-
fication of that promise in Isaiah, I will give you the sure
mercies of (or thmgs inviolably pledged to) David.'

35. Wherefore he saith also in another (psalm),
Thou shalt not suffer thine Holy One to see corruption.

The necessity and certainty of Christ's perpetual exemption
firom corruption, i. e. from dissolution of the body, was not a
matter of mere inference or implication, but a subject of ex-
plicit prophecy and promise. To evince this, Paul adduces
the same passage which Peter had expounded and applied in
his Pentecostsd sermon (see above, on 2, 25-31.) He also
argues with respect to it precisely in the same way, namely,
by denying that the words quoted (Ps. 16, 10) could apply to
David, and afiirming that they did apply to Christ. Here
again the sameness of the two discourses has been made a
ground of argument against their independent authenticity ;
as if each of the Apostles must use difierent methods of prov-
ing the Messiahship of Jesus ; or as if the one here used be-
longed exclusively to Peter. We may even suppose that Paul
heard Peter's exposition of this passage, or heard of it after-
wards, without detracting from his independent apostolical
authority (see above, on v. 3.) That one discourse is not com-
piled or copied fi'om the other, is sufficiently apparent from
the diflTerence of form, Paul quoting only one verse, and that
only in part, of the four which Peter had made use of, and con-
necting that one with a passage of Isaiah, not alluded to by
Peter, while he passes by the latter's kindred argument derived
fi-om Ps. 110. (See above, on 2,34. 35.) All this goes to
show the independence of the two Apostles and their two dis-
courses, but at the same time their exact agreement in the
exposition of a Messianic prophecy. The logical connection of
Paul's arguments is indicated in the text itself. Wherefore^
for which reason, L e. because the sure mercies of David com-

82 ACTS 13, 35-37.

prehended the Messiah's perpetual exemption from mortality
when once arisen from the dead. In another (psalm), or less
specifically, in another (place or part of scripture.) For the
meaning of the last clause, see above, on 2, 27.

36. 37. For David, after he had served his own
generation by the will of God, fell on sleep, and was
laid unto his fathers, and saw corruption. But he,
whom God raised again, saw no corruption.

The perfect independence of the two Apostles, even in ex-
pounding the same passage and employing the same argument,
is furthermore apparent from the curious fact, that while the end
they aim at is identical, namely, to show that David's words
were inapplicable to himself^ and the proof coincident, to wit,
that he did die and see corruption, this last phrase id the only
one common to both speakers, their other expressions being
wholly different. While Peter (see above, on 2, 29) begs leave
to remind his hearers that the Patriarch, or founder of their
royal family, was dead and buried, and his sepulchre among
them at the time of speaking, Paul, with exact agreement as
to substance but a beautiful variety of form, describes him as
an eminent servant both of God and man while he lived, but
as sleeping with his fathers for a course of ages, and subjfected
long since to that process of corruption, from which this pro-
phecy (Ps. 16, 10) declared its subject to be free. He could
not therefore be that subject ; whereas Jesus, being raised up
from the dead by God himself, before the process of corrup-
tion had begun, did really enjoy that very exemption
which is here foretold. The consequence is plain, that he
must be the Messiah. (See above, on 2, 32.) The marginal
translation, hamng (iri) his own age (or generation) served the
toill of Godj is not so natural in its construction of the dative
(ycKc^) as denoting time, and in giving the verb (served) an
impersonal or abstract object {will) ; nor does it yield so rich
a sense, as it obliterates the nne idea of his serving man as
well as Gt)d. Sis own generation^ or contemporary race, is
here emphatic and exclusive, as distinguished from all later
times and generations. (See above, on 2, 40.) Served or min-
istered, by doing good, officially and privately. (Compare
Paul's description of his own voluntary service, 1 Cor. 9, 19.)
£i/ (L e. according to, or in obedience to) the wiU of God

ACTS 13, 36-38. 83

(see above, on 2, 23. 4, 28. 6, 88.) MH on aleep^ an unusual
expression even in old English, but entirely synonymous with
the common phrase, fell asleep (or stiU more simply and ex-
actly, slept) ^ which here means died, perhaps. with an impli*
cation of serenity and peace, as in the case of Stephen. (See
above, on 7, 60, where the same Greek word is rendered feU
cisleq}.) Laid (literally, added^ as in 2,41. 47. 5, 14. 11,24.
12, 3. Ghd. 3, 19) utUo his fathers^ i. e. with them, but imply-
ing close proximity and union (as in John 1, 1. 2.) This is
usually understood of burial in the same grave or &mily vault ;
but in the earliest instances of the expression, it seems to be
distinguished both from death and burial, and has therefore
been supposed to imply the separate existence of disembodied
spirits. (See Gen. 25, 8. 35, 20. 2 Kings 22, 20, and compare
Matt. 22, 32.) Even here, it may have reference to the soul,
and the words following to the body, thus corresponding more
exactly to the language of Ps. 16, 10, as fuUy quoted and ap-
plied to Christ by Peter. (See above, on 2, 27.) He whcyln
Ghd raised {again)^ i. e. Jesus, as stated in v. 34. Raised,
however, is not tiie verb there used, but that employed in
V. 30, and in 3, 15. 4, 10. 5, 30. 10, 40, in the same sense ;
while in vs. 22, 23 above, it has the general sense of calling
into being ; so that this double usage really belongs to both
verbs, one of which originally means to stand or cause to
stand, the other (the one here used) to arouse or awaken out
of sleep. Saw no corruption^ literally, did not see (perceive,
experience) corruption (i. e. dissolution of the body.) We
have thus the authority of two Apostles, and those the two
most eminent, for denying that David is the subject of his own
prophecy in Ps. 16, 10.

38. Be it known unto you, therefore, men (and)
brethren, that through this man is preached unto you
the forgiveness of sins.

It was not mere historical, nor even doctrinal or exe-
getical instruction that the Apostle here intended to commu-
nicate, but practical and experimental knowledge of the ut-
most moment, as relating to the only method of salvation.
Having shown therefore that the Jesus, whom the people of
Jerusalem had crucified, must be the Christ predicted both by
David and Isaiah, he now brings the matter home to the
bosoms of his hearers, by announcing that this Jesus is not

VOL. II. c

84 ACTS 18, 88.89.

only the Messiali, but the vehicle or medium through whom
alone forgiveness is now offered to the guilty. Be it known
is the same solemn formula, employed by Peter in the begin-
ning of his Pentecostal sermon (2, 14), and again when he as-
cribed the healing of the lame man to the name of Jesus
Christ of Nazareth (4, 10.) It implies that the truth declared
was one of which the hearers had been ignorant, but which it
was important they should know. Therefore^ as the logical
no less than the practical conclusion of the whole preceding
argument. Men and brethren^ the respectful and affectionate
address, with which he had already introduced the offer of
salvation (see above, on v. 26), and with which he now im-
pressively repeats it. Through this {one)y this same Jesus,
whom our brethren in Judea crucified, but whom I have just
proved to be the promised Christ. jRernission of sins^ see
above, on 2, 38. 5, 31. 10, 43. There is something impressive
in the very order of the words in this clause — that through
this {man) unto you remission of sins is preached — ^i. e. de-
clared, announced, proclaimed. See above, on v. 5, and com-
pare 4, 2. The idea of an offer or an invitation is implied, as
when a government proclaims peace or pardon.

39. And by him all that beUeve are justified from
all things, from which ye could not be justified by the
law of Moses.

The gift thus offered was not only pardon, or deliverance
from punishment, but justification, or deliverance from guilt,
reachmg to all the sins of all believers, and effecting what the
law, in which they trusted, had completely failed to bring
about, through their fault, not its own. JBy him and bt/ the
law are correlative expressions, strictly meaning in him and
in the law^ i. e. in union with, and in reliance on, him and the
law, as grounds of hope and means of justification. By some
this verse is understood as drawing a distinction between sins
which could and sins wliich could not be atoned for by the law
of Moses, and asserting the necessity of justification only in
relation to the latter. Others suppose the contrast to be that
between mere ceremonial offences, for which ceremonial expi-
ation was sufficient, and sins or oftences against God, for which
legal observances could make no satisfaction, though they
might prefigure it. But most interpreters and readers take
the words in an exclusive sensei ^ from all which sins ye were

ACTS 13, 39. 40. 35

not able to be justified in the law of Moses.' The English
version has departed here materially from the form of the
original, by substituting the plural, all thai believe^ for the
singular, every one believing^ and by changing the whole order
of the sentence, not without some diminution of its force and
beauty. The original arrangement is as follows: and Jrom
aU (the things from) which ye were not able to be justified in
t/ie law ofMbseSy in this man every one believing is justified,'*^
This collocation is entitled to the preference, not only as that
chosen by the writer, but because it puts the two antagonistic
phrases, in the law of Moses and in this man^ side by side, and
ends the sentence with the sum of the whole matter, every one
believing is justified. The antithesis just mentioned shows
that in this man depends upon the verb is justified, and
not, as some suppose, upon believing. It is needless to
show how much more this part of Paul's discourse resembles
his epistles than any part of Peter's. (Compare Kom. 1, 16.
3, 22. 4, 25. 5, 10. 11. 6, V. 8, 3. 10, 4. Gal. 3, 11. 22.)
J^om after justified implies deliverance from guilt and right-
eous condenmation.

40. Beware, therefore, lest that come upon you,
which is spoken of in the prophets :

The offer of salvation is accompanied, as usual in Scripture,
by a warning against the danger of rejecting it, here clothed
in a peculiar form, derived from the Old Testament, and
threatening the despisers of this offered mercy with as sud-
den and terrific judgments as Jehovah brought of old upon
his fidthless people, by allowing fierce and cruel foreign na-
tions to invade and conquer them. Take heed, literally, seey
look, i. e. see to it, or look out, be upon your guard ; an ex-
pression nowhere else employed in tlus book, but of frequent
occurrence in the writings of the Apostle who is here speak-
ing. (See 1 Cor. 3, 10. 8, 9. 10, 12. Gal. 6, 16. Eph. 6, 16.
Phil. 3, 2. Col. 2, 8. 4, 17. Heb. 3, 12. 12, 26.) The coinci-
dence is here so slight and yet so striking, that a later writer
could not have invented it, or would not have left it to be
brought to light by microscopic criticism, ages after it was
written. Therefore, since the true Messiah has appeared and
been rejected at Jerusalem, and you are now in danger of
committing the same sin. Come upon you, suddenly, and
from above, or as a divine judgment. (See above, on 8, 24,

86 ACTS 13, 40.41.

and compare Luke 11, 22. 21, 26. 35.) As it sometimes has
a good sense (see above, on 1, 8, and compare Luke 1, 35),
the unfavourable sense here is determined by the context.
Spoken of^ or rather spoken^ not merely mentioned or referred
to, but recorded as directly uttered by Jehovah. In the pro-
phetSy the division of the Hebrew Canon so called. (See above,
on V. 15. 7, 42, and compare John 6, 45.)

41. Behold, ye despisers, and wonder, and perish:
for I work a work in your days, a work which ye shall
in no wise beUeve, though a man declare it unto you.

These words are from the Septuagint version of Habakkuk
1, 5, which varies considerably from the Hebrew. JBeholdye
despisers is, in the original, behold (or see) among the nations.
Wonder and perish (or be wasted, consumed) is there, won-
der {and) wonder (or as the English version oi Habakkuk has
it, wonder marvellously^ The remainder of the verse agrees
almost exactly with the Hebrew, the chief difference of form
consisting in the substitution of the impersonal construction
{if one tell you) for the passive {when it is told.) The neces-
sity of tryiDg to account for these departures from the Hebrew
text is precluded by the obvious consideration, that this pas-
sage is not quoted, expounded, and declared to be frilfilled,
like those from David and Isaiah in vs. 33-37 above, but
merely made the vehicle of a warning similar to that con-
tained in the original prediction. As if ne had said, * Be upon
your guard lest, by rejecting the salvation which I have now
offered in the name of your Messiah, you should call down
judgments on yourselves as fearful and incredible as those
predicted by Habakkuk, and inflicted by the hands of the
Chaldeans, on our unbelieving fathers.' The Septuagint ver-
sion is retained without correction, because no interpretation
or application of the passage is intended, but a simple use of
its expressions to convey the Apostle's own ideas to the minds
of his hearers in a strikmg manner. This is the less surprising
or improbable, because that part of the quotation which he
had especially in view, is that which agrees best with the ori-
ginal. For although the word despisers, in the first clause,
may seem specially appropriate to the Jews who rejected
Christ, Paul seems to have intended to dwell chiefly on the
greatness of the threatened judgment or prediction, as in-
credible in either case. This quotation, therefore, does not

ACTS 13, 41.42. Z1

of itself prove that Paul spoke in Greek, though this is highly
probable for other reasons ; but it does prove that he thought
oimself at liberty to use the words of the Old Testament in
application to new cases, and even in a version not entirely
accurate. But let it be observed, that in neither of these
things is he an example to us, because in both he acted under
the control of inspiration and by virtue of his apostolical
authority, without which we are utterly incompetent to say
what new application may be made of words prophetically
uttered, or how far an imperfect version may be used witn
safety. Let it also be observed that no such use is made by
the Apostle Paul of Scripture, where his doctrine or his argu-
ment depends upon it, as in a previous portion of this very
chapter. (See above, on vs. 33-37.)

42. And when the Jews were gone out of the syna-
gogue, the Gentiles besought that these words might
be preached to them the next sabbath.

The text of the first clause varies very much in the edi-
tions. According to the latest critics, the words JisioSj Synor
goaucy and Gentiles^ have all been interpolated by the copyists,
either to supply some supposed deficiency, or to make the
verse intelligible, as the abrupt beginning of an ancient
pericope or lesson, to be read in public worship. The read-
mg now adopted, on the authority of the five oldest manu-
scripts and two oldest versions, is, and they having gone outy
they besought^ &c. The subjects of the verbs are not ex-
pressed, which makes the clause obscure ; and to remove this
ambiguity was probably the motive of the textual changes in
the later copies. The first verb most probably refers to the
preachers, and the second to their hearers, whether Jews or
Gentiles. These wordSy this doctrine, or this new religion.
(See above, on 5, 20. 32. 10, 22. 44. 11, 14.) Might be
preached^ literally, to be spoken. The next sabbath^ or, as the
margin of the £nglish Bible has it, in tfie week between^ or in
the sabbath between. The last appears to be unmeaning, as no
points can be assigned, between which this sabbath is described
as intermediate; whereas ths week betioeen would naturally
mean the week between the sabbath when these things hap-
pened and the next. That the Greek word sometimes has the
sense oftoeek, is plain from Mark 16, 9. Luke 18, 12 ; but this
usage is so rare, that it is not to be preferred without necea-

38 ACTS 13, 42.43.

fiity. Between is certainly the strict sense, and in classic
Greek the common one, of the particle (/jcrafu), and it always
has that meaning elsewhere in tne New Testament (see above,
on 12, 6, and below, on 15, 9, and compare John 4, 31, where
the sense is, in the time between, or in the meanwhile.) But
the later writers, such as Plutarch and Josephus, give it the
sense of next or afterward ; and this is preferred here by al-
most all interpreters. It seems, then, that they were invited
to repeat their instructions, no doubt in the synagogue, to
which both Jews and Gentiles were accustomed to resort.
(See above, on v. 6.)

43. Now when the congregation was broken up,
many of the Jews and rehgious proselytes followed
Paul and Barnabas ; who, speaking to them, persuaded
them to continue in the grace of (jod.

The congregation is in Greek the synagogue^ a clear in-
stance of its primary or strict sense. (See above, on vs. 6. 14,
and on 6, '9. 9, 2. 20.) Being broken up, dissolved, or dis-
missed. Beligious proselytes, (Tyndale, virtuous converts,)
i. e. serious and devout Gentiles, who had become Jews, either
wholly or in part. (See above, on 2, 10. 6, 6.) J^ Paul and
Barnabas were said in the preceding verse to have gone out
of the synagogue, this mention of the meeting's being broken
up occasions some confusion. One solution of the difficulty is
that they withdrew when they had spoken, but before the
service was concluded ; another, that it was the Jews who
went out, and the Gentiles who requested them to preach
again ; a third, that these two verses relate to two successive
sabbaths, and that between them something is to be supplied,
e. g. they did so, or they did repeat their teachings the next
sabbath, and then, when the assembly was dissolved on that
day, some of the hearers followed Paul and Barnabas. In the
last clause of this verse, as in the first of that before it, the
subjects of the verbs are not expressed, so that it may either
mean, that these Jews and proselytes persuaded Paul and Bar-
nabas to persevere in the good work which they had begun,
or that Paul and Barnabas persuaded them to persevere in
their inquiries after saving truth, here called the grace of the
Lord, i. e. the new revelation of the divine favour made in and
by the Lord Jesus Christ. Although Calvin thought the first
of these constructions probable, the second has been almost

ACTS 18, 48-45. 89

ODiyersiall J regarded as the tme one. Besides other reasons
in its favour, it agrees better with the verb persuaded^ which
is so often used to denote the effect produced by public teach-
ing and official exhortation. (See below, on 18, 4. 19, 8. 26.
26, 28. 28, 28.)

44. And the next Sabbath day came almost the
whole city together to hear the word of God.

TTie next Sabbath {day is not expressed here, any more
than in v. 42), i. e. the second or the third, according to the
meaning put upon the two preceding verses. If they relate
to the same sabbath, this is a second ; if to two sabbaths, this
is a third. Nisxty in the received text, is literally coming^
i. e. following, ensuing ; but several of the oldest manuscripts
have a word which differs only in a single letter (see above,
on V. 18), but which means holding fast to, adjacent, next,
as applied both to place (as in Mark 1, 88) and to time
(see below, on 20, 15. 21, 26, and compare Luke 18, 88.)
Almost is a sHght but significant proof how little the historian
is given or incmned to exaggeration. The whole city^ all the
city, L e. aU the people. (Tame together^ or, adhering to the
passive form of the original, was gathered (or assembled), the
same verb that is apphed to the assembly of the Sanhedrim
and of the disciples (see above, on 4, 6. 26. 27. 31. 11, 26.) To
hear the word of God, the Gospel, the new revelation. It is
worthy of remark that nothing is here said of miracles, so
that the desire of instruction and salvation would appear to be
the only cause of this great concourse, which resembles that
occasioned by our Lord's appearance as a public teacher. (See
Mark 2, 2. Luke 8, 19.) The place of meeting was no doubt
the synagogue, or customary place for the assembling of the
Jews. The crowd itself was probably increased by the in-
structions and appeals of Paul and Barnabas, during the in-
terval between these sabbaths.

45. But when the Jews saw the multitudes, they
were filled with envy, and spake against those things
which were spoken by Paul, contradicting and blas-
pheming.

However patiently the Jews of Antioch might have borne
with the new doctrme preached by Paul and Barnabas, so

40 ACTS 13, 45.46.

long as it was limited to their own body, the extraordinary
popular effort which it produced would naturally rouse their
jealousy or party spirit. Seeing the muUitudes (or crowds)^
not merely the great numbers but the various characters and
classes (see above, on 1, 15), which assembled, no doubt at
the place of worship, where the strangers were expected to
appear again. JSnvy^ or rather emulation, jealousy, and party-
spirit. Both zeal and indignation were of course included, but
neither of these terms expresses the full force of the original
(see above, on 5, 17.) Among the feelings thus excited was
no doubt the fear of forfeiting that influence upon the Gentiles
which the Jews appear to nave derived from their posses-
sion of the true religion, even when they were the objects
of oppression or contempt, and which they actually exer-
cised on this occasion (see oelow, on v. 50.) This moral power
of the true religion in overcoming even the most serious social
disadvantages, is among the clearest evidences of its being what
it claims to be. Spake against and contradicting are in Greek
but two forms of the same verb which includes the meaning
of both English ones, to wit, the idea of denial and that of vi-
tuperation or abuse. Blaspheming Paul and Barnabas, i. e.
reviling them as heretics and false teachers ; or blaspJieming
Christ himself, as an impostor and a false Messiah. (For the
twofold usage of this verb and its cognate forms, see above,
on 6, 11. 13.) The second participle (contradicting) is not
found in several of the oldest manuscripts and versions ; but
the very critics who have commonly most deference for such
authority, regard this as an unauthorized omission, intended
to remove what was considered an inelegant repetition. It
really adds strength to the expression, whether taken as an
idiomatic combination of two cognate forms for emphasis (see
above, on 4, 17. 6, 28), or as a natural resumption and reiter-
ation for the same effect, resulting in a kind of climax ; contra-
dicting and (not only contradicting but) blaspheming. Here
again Paul appears as the chief speaker, or perhaps the only
one, and therefore as the object against whom this opposition
was directed. (See above, on v. 9, and below, on 14, 12.)

46. Then Paul and Barnabas waxed bold, and said.
It was necessary that the word of God should first have
been spoken to you ; but seeing ye put it from you, and

ACTS 13, 46. 41

judge yourselves unworthy of everlasting life, lo, we
turn to the Gentiles.

This opposition, far from intimidating the Apostles, only
served to hasten an explicit declaration of their purpose and
commission, with respect to Jews and Gentiles. Then (8c),
and, but, or so. Waaxd boldy or more exactly, speaking
freekiy talking plainly, the idea of boldness being rather im-
plied than expressed, ^^ee above, on 9, 27. 29, and compare
2,29. 4, 13. 29. 31.) What might have been disclosed m a
more gradual and gentle manner, was, in consequence of this
malignant opposition, plainly and abruptly stated. As this
declaration is ascribed expressly both to Paul and Barnabas,
some argue that the previous speaking must have been by both
alike ; while others from the same fact draw the opposite con-
clusion, that where only one is mentioned, as in the preceding
verse, the other is thereby excluded. Here again, the em-
phasis, though not the meaning, of the sentence is affected by
a change of the original arrangement, which, however, may
have been necessary to accommodate our idiom. To you^
the Jews, who had been just described as contradicting and
bbspheming. Necessary^ i. e. to the execution of the divine
plan and purpose, with respect to the first proclamation
of the Gospel. (See above, on 1, 16. 21.) Put it from yow,
thrust it away, scornfully reject it ; a kindred form to that em-
ployed by Stephen in relatmg the rejection of Moses by his
countrymen in Egypt. (See above, on 7, 27. 39.) Judge your-
selves untoorthy^ hterally, not worthy judge yourselves. The
thought suggested, altnough not immediately expressed, is
that they condemned themselves as thus unworthy (see above,
on V. 27), not in word, nor even in thought, but by their con-
duct. They proved themselves unworthy of salvation by re-
iusing to accept of it, when freely offered through their own
Messiah. To the striking but unusual expression here em-
ployed a fine parallel is found in Cicero, who says that Catiline
had judged himself worthy of confinement or imprisonment :
Qui se ipsum dignum custodia judicaverit. The interjec-
tion, loy behold, as usual, introduces something unexpected
and surprising. (See above, on vs. 11. 26.) As if he had
said, however strange it may appear to you, however unpre-
pared you may be to receive it. We turn (or are turning at
this moment) to the Gentiles (or tfie nations) ^ not considered
as fiu: distant (see above, on 2, 39), but as represented here,

42 ACTS 13, 46-48.

in this assembly (see above, on 11, 1. 18.) This cannot mean
that Paul was now commissioned for the first time as the
Apostle of the Gentiles (see above, on vs. 3, 9, and compare
9,15. 22, 21. 26, 17. 18) ; nor can it mean that he was hence*
forth to abandon all attempts at the conversion of the Jews
(see below, on 18, 5. 19, 8, and compare Rom. 1, 16. 2, 9. 10.)
The primaiy idea is the obvious one, that they were thus to
turn fi-om Jews to Gentiles where they were, i. e. in Antioch
of Pisidia, but with an impUcation that the same course was
to be repeated, whenever and wherever the occasion should
present itself. And this agrees exactly with Paul's later prac-
tice, as for instance in Corinth (18, 6), Ephesus (19, 9), and
Rome (28, 28.)

47. For so hath the Lord commanded us, (sajring),
I have set thee to be a hght of the Gentiles, that thou
shouldest be for salvation unto the ends of the earth.

This was not a voluntary self-imposed commission, but a
necessary part of their divine vocation. Tlie Lord^ according
to New Testament usage, might be understood to mean the
Lord Jesus Christ (see above, on 1, 24.) But as the words
which follow are addressed to the Messiah, the Lord may bo
regarded as the usual translation oi Jehovah. The passage
quoted is Isai. 49, 6 (compare 42, 6), where the Messiah is de-
scribed as a source of light, not merely to the Jews, but to the
nations, not merely in the Holy Land, but to the ends of the
earth. The same description had already been applied to
Christ by Simeon (Luke 2, 31. 32.) Commanded us is not
an arbitrary transfer or accommodation of the passage, but a
faithfiil reproduction of its original and proper import, as re-
lating both to the Head and the Body, the Messiah and the
Church in their joint capacity, as heralds of salvation to the
world. (See Isaiah Translated and Explained, vol. n. p. 216.)

48. And when the Gentiles heard this, they were
glad, and glorified the word of the Lord : and as many
as were ordained to eternal life beUeved.

Searing this announcement, that the apostolical ministry
was now to be directed to themselves, the Gentiles^ literally,
nations (as in v. 46) rejoiced^ that they were no longer to be
shut out from the privileges hitherto monopolized by Jews

ACTS 13, 48.49.60. 43

and proselytes, and glorified, or praised and honoured, the
word of the Zordj the doctrine of Christ, the new revelation
which had now been preached to them, not merely as a theme
of speculation, nor even as a system of divine truth, but also
as a method of salvation, so that the^ believed^ not merely in
the truth of what they heard, but in the Lord Jesus Christ as
the only Saviour. As many as were ordained^ ordered or
appointed, to eternal life^ a fiivourite expression of John and
Paul to signify salvation. It occurs in this book only here,
but is several times employed by Luke in his Gospel (10, 25.
18, 18. 30.) The violent attempts which have been made to
eliminate the doctrine of election or predestination from this
verse, by rendering the last verb disposedy arrayed^ &c., or
by violent constructions, such as that adopted by Socinus {as
many as believed were ordained to everlasting life I) can never
change the simple fact, that wherever this verb occurs else-
where, it invariably expresses the exertion of power or
authority, divine or human, and being in the passive voice,
cannot denote mere disposition, much less self-determination,
any more than the form used in 2, 40 above, which some
have cited as a parallel example.

49. 50. And the v«^ord of the Lord v«^as pubHshed
throughout all the region. But the Jews stirred up
the devout and honourable women, and the chief men
of the city, and raised persecution against Paul and
Barnabas, and expelled them out of their coasts.

The purpose which had been announced in v. 46, was car-
ried into execution. The word of the Lord^ the doctrine of
Christ, the new religion, wa^ published (literally carried^ i. e.
circulated or diffused) througfiovt all the region^ meaning that
part of Asia Minor, without reference to any political division
into provinces. Stirred up^ excited, instigated, no doubt by
misrepresentation, as well as by appealing to the prepossessions
of these female proselytes in favour of their new religion, and
against all further change. The niunber of female converts
from Heathenism to Judaism in that age, we know from Jo-
sephus to have been very great. Devout^ literally, worship-
ing^ a term conmionly applied to Gentiles who acknowledged
the true God, and were more or less under Jewish influence,
whether open professors of that faith or not. (See above, on

44 ACTS 13, 50.51.

V. 43, and below, on 16, 14. 17, 4. 17. 18, 7.) Neither devaiU
nor honourable is here descriptive of personal character, so
much as of social relations and position. The word translated
honourable means originally handsome, comely (as in 1 Cor.
12, 24) ; then resectable in point of rank and station (as in
Mark 15, 43.) The chief {or first) men (see below, on 25, 2.
28, 7. 17) may have been the husbands, or other near connec-
tions, of these honourable women. JRaiaed^ aroused, or awak-
ened, a compound form of the verb used above in vs. 22. 23.
30. 37. Persecution^ see above, on 8, 1. MepeUed^ literally,
cast out, but not always used to express violent exclusion (see
above, on 9, 40), although sometimes so used (see above, on
7, 58), and most probably in this case. Coasts, in the old
English sense of borders, bounds, or frontiers, often put for
the whole country thus defined or bounded. The word is
used repeatedly by Mark and Matthew, but in no other part
of the New Testament, with the exception of the verse be-
fore us.

51. But they shook off the dust of their feet against
them, and came unto Iconium.

The act described in the first clause was symbolical, ex-
pressive of unwillingness to have the least communication or
connection with the place or country, even by suffering its
flying dust {Kovtoprov) to settle or remain upon the person. It
is said to have been practised by the ancient Jews whenever
they re-entered Palestine from other countries. Paul and
Barnabas performed this ceremony in obedience to our Lord's
express command. (See Matt. 10, 14. Mark 6, 11. Luke 9, 5.
10, 11.) A similar act of the same signification was the
shaking of the raiment. (See below, on 18, 6.) Against them,
either m the local sense of towards, on, at them, or in the fig-
urative sense of testifying against them ; probably the latter,
as it is expressed in Luke 9, 5. Iconium, an important town
of Asia Minor, referred by Xenophon to Phrygia, by Strabo
to Lycaonia, by Ammian to Pisidia, while Pliny seems to repre-
sent it as the seat of a distinct provincial government. It is
still a place of some importance under the corrupted name of
Conieh or Koniyeh.

62. And the disciples were filled with joy, and
with the Holy Ghost.

ACTS 13,62. 45

We have here another instance of a fact already noticed,
that the primitive disciples are repeatedly described as re-
ioicing in the very circomstances which might seem peculiarly
idapted to produce an opposite effect. (See above, on 5, 41,
ind compare Luke 24, 52.) That the cause of this effect was
mpematural, we learn from the concluding words. Although
not the grammatical construction, it is really the import of
this verse, that they were filled with what Paul elsewhere
sails "joy in the Holy Ghost" (Rom. 14, 17), "all joy and
peace in believing" (Rom. 15, 13.) The disciples who were
thus affected were no doubt the converted Jews and Gentiles,
whom the missionaries left behind at Antioch in Pisidia, and
E^ainst whom the persecution was perhaps continued for a
time. (See below, on 14, 22.) The prosperous condition of
the early churches, even in the midst of outward trials, is a
characteristic feature of this history. (See above, on 4, 32-35.
9, 31. 12, 24.)

•♦»

CHAPTER XIV.

Tms division of the text records the ministry of Paul and Bar-
nabas at Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe ; their return through
these places to Pisidia and Pamphylia ; their voyage from
Attalia to Antioch ; their report to the church and resump-
tion of their work there. They preach at Iconium with great
success (1.) But here asain the unbelieving Jews oppose
them (2.^ They remain there long, however, and are greatly
blessea (3.) The city is divided into two parties (4.) At
length ail their enemies combine against them (5.) They flee
to Lycaonia and there introduce the Gospel (6.) At Lystra
Paul performs a si^al miracle (8-10.) The heathen popula-
tion offer to worship him and Barnabas (11-13.) They indig-
nantly refuse it (14.) They avow the object of their mission
(15.) They contrast the idols of the heathen with the true
God (16, 17.) With difficulty they prevent their own deifica-
tion (18.) Even here they are pursued by their old ene-
mies (19.) Paul narrowly escapes destruction (2d.) They
preach at Derbe without opposition, and return as they had

46 ACTS 14, 1.2.

come, organizing churches by the way (21-24.) They preach
now for the first time at Perga (25.) They sail from Attalia
to Antioch in Syria (26.) They make a report of their mis-
sion to the church there (27.) After this they resume their
old position and employment (28.)

1. And it came to pass in Iconium, that they went
both together into the synagogue of the Jews, and so
spake that a great multitude, both of the Jews and also
of the Greeks, beUeved.

It came to pasa^ i. e. (something) happened (or took place,
while they were) in Iconium (see aoove, on 13, 62.) Together^
not as usual, or according to custom^ but at the same (time),
either with one another (as in 3, 1), or with the congregation
or the multitude. The synagogue was still the medium of
access, not only to the Jews, but to the serious Gentiles. (See
above, on 13. 14. 16.) So spake is commonly explained to
mean, in so remarkable a manner, with such force, warmth,
unction, or assistance of the Spirit. The original order of the
words is, spake so that, which some explain as making the
effect described dependent simply on their speaking, not on
any thing peculiar in their mode of speaking upon this occa-
sion. But as this would have been sufficiently expressed bv
one of the Greek particles here used (okitc), the other (ovrcusj
must have a distinctive sense {in such a manner) y and the
common explanation is the true one. (See above, on 1, 11.
3, 18. 7, 1. 6. 8. 8, 32. 12, 8. 15. 13, 47.) The original order
of the last clause is, believed, both of the Jews and Greeks,
a great multitude, I^elieved, i. e. in Christ, or were con-
verted to the new religion. Greeks, not foreign Jews, but
Gentiles. (See above, on 6, 1. 9, 29. 11, 20.) Some deny
that heathen Greeks would frequent the synagogue ; but such
a practice is not only natural and probable, but actually
mentioned in the classics, which bear witness to the interest
felt in Judaism and the practice of attending on its worship,
even in Rome. It is said, indeed, that these were proselytes ;
but how could they become such, if entirely unacquamted
with the Jewish worship ?

2. But the unbeUeving Jews stirred up the Gentiles,
and made their minds evil affected against the brethren.

ACTS U, 2.3. 47

Unbelieving^ and also disobedient^ both which ideas are
suggested by the Greek verb (compare 1 Pet. 2, 7. 3, 20. Rom.
10, 21, and the Septuagint version of Isai. 65, 2.j Belief in the
Gospel was not a matter of indifference or option, but of duty
and obedience to divine authority, a favourite idea both with
Paul and Peter. (See above, on 6, 7, and compare Rom. 1, 6,
15, 18. 16, 19. 26. 2 Cor. 7, 15. 10, 5. 6. 1 Pet. 1, 2. 14. 22.) jKb-
dted and embittered^ literally, made bad, L e. disaffected, hos-
tile, or malignant. (See above on 7, 6. 19. 12, 1.) ITie Gen-
Hies, literally, tfie nations, (see above, on 4, 27. 9,15. 10,45.
11, 1. 18. 13, 42. 46. 47. 48.) The brethren, the new con-
verts, whether Jews or Gentiles, sometimes called disciples
(see above, on 13, 62.) What is here recorded shows, not
only the determined ill-will of the unbelieving Jews, but also
their extraordinary influence upon the Gentiles. (See above,
on 13, 50.)

8. Long time therefore abode they speaking boldly
in the Lord, which gave testimony unto the word of
his grace, and granted signs and wonders to be done
by their hands.

liOng time, literally, sufficient time, or time enough. (See
above, on 6, 37. 8, 11. 9, 23. 43. 11, 24. 26. 12, 12, and com-
pare Luke 8, 32 with Matt. 8, 30.) The precise time is pur-
posely left undetermined, but, as the very form of expression
may suggest, it should suffice us to know that it was long
enough to carry out the divine purpose. Therefore, or rather,
SO then, a resumptive or continuative particle, connecting this
verse more directly with the first than with the second, which
may be regarded as a sort of parenthesis or interruption, the
author's main design being rather to record the success of the
Gospel than the opposition to it, which is therefore only men-
tioned by the bye. But although the opposition of the Jews and
Gentiles is not given as the reason of their stay {long tim^ there-
fore), it is plain that it had no effect in hindering it. Abode, lit-
erally, wore out, wore away, but commonly applied to time,
even when not expressly mentioned. (See above, on 12, 19.)
Boldly, or freely (Geneva Bible, frankly), as opposed not
merely to timidity or cowardice, but to all reserve, obscurity, or
partiality. (See above, on 2, 29. 4, 13. 29. 31. 9, 27. 28. 13, 46.)
In the Lord, or rather on him, i. e. in reliance on him, and by
his authority, both which ideas are suggested by the next

48 ACTS 14, 3.4.6.

clause. (See above, on 2, 38. 3,16. 4,18. 9,42. 11,17.) ?7i^
Ijord^ i. e. God, as manifested in the Lord Jesns Christ. (See
above, on 13,49.) The Lord^ the {anej testifying^ bearing
witness, to the word of his graces his gracions word, or the doc-
trine of his grace, the proclamation of his mercy in the Gros-
pel. Signs and wonders^ i. e. miracles, as proofe of the divine
approbation, and as prodigies or wonders. (See above, on 2,
19. 22. 43. 4, 30. 5, 12. 6, 8. 7, 36.) Giving^ granting or per-
mitting, miracles to be performed by their hands, through their
agency as simple instruments, in order to attest their divine
legation. (See above, on 2, 4. 27. 4, 29. 13, 36.)

4. But the multitude of the city was divided ; and
part held with the Jews, and part with the Apostles.

Divided (rent, split, the Greek verb from which schism
is derived) was the muUitude^ the mass or body of the people
(see above, on v. 1. and compare 2, 6. 4, 32. 6, 16. 6, 2. 6.J
JPart heldwith^ literally, some were withy L e. on the side ol^
joined with^ in the schism or separation now in question (see
above, on 4, 13. 6, 17. 21.) 27ie JewSj i.e. the unbelieving
Jews, so called in v. 2. The Apostles^ i. e. the body of
Apostles, represented by the missionaries ; or more probably,
the (two) Apostles, i. e. I*aul, the Apostle of the Gentiles, and
Barnabas, either as holding the same office and equal in au-
thority, or simply so called as Paul's colleague and companion,
which explains the fact that he is never so called separately or
in the singular number, nor indeed at all, except in this one
passage, though he is so often mentioned. Some find an anal-
ogy in the case of Silas (see below, on 16, 37. 38j But a still
more natural and satisfactorv solution is, that !raul and Bar-
nabas are both here called Apostles, not in the technical dis-
tinctive sense, but in the primary and wider one of mission-
arieSy ministers sent forth upon a special service. (Compare
John 13, 16. Rom. 16, 7. 2 Cor. 8, 23. PhiL 2, 25.)

5. And when there was an assault made both of
the Gentiles, and also of the Jews, with their rulers, to
use (them) despitefiilly, and to stone them,

WTien, literally, <w, suggesting both the time and cause of
the departure mentioned in the next verse. (See above, on

ACTS 14, 6. 6.1 40

1, 10. 5, 24. 1, 23. 8, 36. 9, 23. 10, 1. 17. 26. 11, 26. 29.) An
assaulty properly a rush, a violent onward movement, bat
Bometimes applied to an internal impulse, resolution, plan, or
purpose ^compare James 3,4), which some prefer here, as
agreeing oetter with the first words of the sixtn verse. ITieir
filers mav refer to the Jews alone, as the nearest antecedent,
or to both Jews and Gentiles, which seems more natural. By
the rulers of the Jews we are probably to understand, not
elective or sel^constituted officers, but their natural, hereditary
chie& and representatives, the heads of &milies or elders, ac-
cording to the patriarchal system, which the Jews carried with
them in their wide dispersion, as an organization reconcileable
with any social or political condition, because really a mere
extension of the &mily relation. (See above, on 4, 6. 6, 21.
6, 12. 11, 30.) To insuUy outrage, treat with insolence, wan-
tonly abuse. The idea of physics^ violence is not necessarily
included in the meaning of tms word, but suggested by what
follows. The Greek verb is once rendered by reproach in
English (Luke 11, 45), but always elsewhere by entreat (i. e.
treat) or use desintefuUy (Matt. 22, 26. Luke 18, 32. 1 Th.
2, 2, and here), while the cognate noun is represented by re-
proach in one place (2 Cor. 12, 10), and by hurt and harm in
another, within the compass of a dozen verses (see below, on
27, 10. 21.) The essential idea is not so much tnat of spite or
malignity as that of insolence and outrage. To stone them,
either as an act of brutal rage and violence, or as a sort of ju-
dicial testimony against the impiety of Paul and Barnabas.
(See above, on 5, 26. 7, 58. 59.) If the latter, it must have
been confined to the Jews ; or rather, they alone can be sup-
posed to have attached this symbolical meaning to the act,
while the Gentiles regarded it, and perhaps took part in it,
merely as a public ignominious insult.

6. 7. They were aware of (it), and fled unto Lystra
and Derbe, cities of Lycaonia, and unto the region that
Ueth round about; and there they preached the
Gospel.

Being aware (of it), literally, hnovsing with (one's self^ L e.
bein^ conscious), or knowing with (others, i. e. being privy,
cognizant, or in the secret.) See above, on 5, 2. 12, 12. Some
infer from this expression, that the movement mentioned in

VOL. IL D

60 ACTS 14, 6.7.8.

V. 5 muBt have been a secret plot, and not an open assatdt ;
but even the latter might have been discoyered or perceived
in its inception or first movements. Observe the exact agree-
ment here between Luke's speaking of a plan or plot to stone
them, which was not carried into ezecntion, and Faol's saying
^2 Cor. 11, 25^, ^^ Once was I stoned," i. e. at Lystra (see be*
low, on V. 19.)* Fled, not in terror, or in undue care for
.their own safety, but in the exercise of that discretion, which
.sometimes prompted them to stand and sometimes to retreat
before danger. (See above, on 4, 13. 20. 5, 29, 42. 8, 1. 9, 20.
25. 29. 30. 12, 17. 13, 51.) The original order of the next
clause is, to the cities of Jjycaonia, Jjystra and Derbe. The
definite expression {the cities) does not necessarily exdude
Iconium, which Straoo and Pliny reckon also to that province,
but may be equivalent to t?ie (other) cities. This construction
is not necessary, however, as tne limits of these provinces were
always vague and often shifting. (See above, on 13, 51.) Tlia
sense may therefore be, the (prmcipal or well known) cities of
(the neighboring province) Jjycaonia, Thus Xenophon caus
Iconium, " the hust town of Phrygia." JA/ccumia was an in-
land tract of Asia Minor, lying between Phrygia, Gkdada, Caj^
padocia, and Cilicia. Xystra was in the southern part of it,
thirty xmles south of Iconium. Ptolemy includes it m Isauria,
which was probably not a political division, but a district on
the frontier of several provmces, infested by a race of robbers
called Isauri. The site of Lystra is supposed to have been
recently discovered. Derbe was east of Lystra and south-east
of Iconium, mentioned by Cicero as the residence of his fiiend
Antipater. Some travellers suppose both the site and name to
be preserved in the modem JOiide. 27ie region that lieth
rotmd about (one word in Greek) i. e. about Lystra and Derbe,
not about Lycaonia, but within it. Preached, or more
•exactly, were preaching, i. e. for a time not specified, but ne-
cessarily implying more than a mere transient visit. Preach-
ing, evangeUzing, telling the good news of Christ and his sal-
vation. (See above, on 5, 42. 8, 4. 12. 25. 35. 40. 10, 36. 11,
20. 18,32.)

8. And there sat a certam man at Lystra, impotent

* " Truth is necessarily consistent ; but it is scarcely possible that Inde>
pendent accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus adyanoe to
the Tery brink of contradiction without falling into it.**— Palkt.

ACTS 14, 8. 61

in his feet, being a cripple fix)m his mother's womb,
who never had walked.

Having given, in the two preceding verses, a snmmary de-
scription of their missionary work in the region of Lystra and
Derbe, the historian now gives a more particular account of
what occurred at Lystra, including a miracle (8-10), an
apotheosis (11-13), an apostolical discourse (14-18), and a per-
secution (19-20.) They may have performed manv miracles
in Lystra, as they did during their long stay in Icomum (v. 3),
and this one may have been recorded merely on account of
the events to which it led. Or it may have been the only one
performed, because Paul and Barnabas were soon after driven
from the place (vs. 19, 20.) The strong resemblance between
these occurrences and those recorded in the third and fourth
diapters, where a miracle is likewise the occasion both of a
discourse and a persecution, so &r from tending to discredit
either narrative, serves rather to confirm both as authentic, on
the principle that like causes produce like effects, so that these
two narratives, instead of being copied one from the other,
are only specimens of what was frequently experienced in that
age, on a larger or a smaller scale. That one of these remark-
Mble examples is recorded in each great division of the history,
18 no proof of a disposition to assimilate the life of Paul to that
of Peter, but a natural result of the plan on which the whole
book is constructed, and agreeably to which one Apostle ig
Mpecially conspicuous in one part, and the other in the other.
The resemblance in the miracles themselves can be a difficulty
only on the supporation that they were fortuitous and under
no particular divine direction. A certain man^ as in 3, 2. 5,
1. 34. 6, 9. 8, 9. 9, 10. 33. 36. 10, 1. 23. 11, 20. 12, 1. 13. 1, 6,
in all which cases, by a sort of antiphrasis, certain seems really
to mean uncertain^ the Greek word being merely an indefinite

gronoun, corresponding both to same and cmy. Impotent^
terally, unable (to make use of them.) 8at^ not dweU^ as
some dUute the meaning, by a false comparison of Matt. 4,
16, where sat is also the true version. (Compare Gren. 23, 10.
where the meaning is not that Ephron dwelt among the chil«
dren of Heth, which there was no need of afiirming, as he was
their chiei^ but that Ephron was then sitting in the midst of
them or surrounded bv them.) 8(xt^ which in Mark 5, 15 was
a proof of cure, in this case only proved the need of it. Ho
sat because he could not stand or walk. Being is not found

62 A C T S 14, 8. 9. 10.

in the oldest manuscripts, and is rejected hy^ the latest critics,
as an unauthorized assimilation to the narrative in 3, 2. Orip-
pie is a more exact translation than the lame man of that pas*
sage. Both men had been so from their birth, and of this one it
is added negatively, he had never walked. Congenital infir-
mities of this kind beins oonunonly regarded as incurable, the
man's condition seemed to be a hopeless one.

9. 10. The same heard Paul speak, who steadflEist-
ly beholding him, and perceiving that he had faith to
be healed, said with a loud voice. Stand upright on thy
feet. And he leaped and walked.

This (man) heard^ or according to the common text, was
hearing, hstenmg, when the cure was wrought ; but the oldest
manuscripts and latest editors have the aorist instead of the
imperfect. Paul speaking, i. e. publicly, not merely talking
but preaching. Gazing at him, as in 3, 4. 13, 9 (compare 1,
10. 3,12. 6,16. 7,66. 10,4.11,6.) This act, when connected
with miraculous performances, was probably intended, first, to
fix attention on the person, then to arrest nis own, also to as-
oertam his actual condition, and lastly by divine assistance to
discern his spirit or read his heart, as JPaul did in the case be-
fore us. Phith to be healed (literally^, to be saved) is variously
understood to mean what tneologians call saving faith, and
which was often, if not commonly, connected with miraculous
healing, as a previous condition or a subsequent effect (see
above, on 3, 16) ; or confident assurance that he could or would
be healed of (saved from) his disease (see above, on 4, 9) ; or,
intermediate Detween these two extremes, such a confiding
state of mind as made him a fit object of compassion, and in a
good sense qualified him to be saved both trom bodily and
spiritual maladies. With a great (or loicd) voice, like our
Saviour in the case of Lazarus (see John 11, 43.) There was
no need of Peter's doing likewise, as the cripple whom he heal-
ed was lyin^ at the gate through which he was about to pass
(3, 2. 3) ; whereas the one whom Paul healed may have been
at a considerable distance, in the midst of the assembly which
he was addressing. In some of the old manuscripts, and one
modem critical edition, Paul begins by saying, I say unto thee
in the name of the Lord Jesus Vhrist, which is conunonly re-
jected by the critics as an evident assimilation to the words of

ACTS U, 10.11. 68

Peter in 3, 6. Bat the words, though not recorded here, may
have been uttered in both cases, or u not pronounced by Paul,
were certainly implied in his avowed relation to the Saviour,
and perhaps anticipated in his previous discourse, which may
have included or wound up with an account of Christ's own
miracles of healing (compare that of Peter to Cornelius and
his company, 10,38), and by this "hearing" (Rom. 10,17)
may have come the cripple's " fiuth to be healed " (v. 9.) Arise^
stand up, upon thy feet^ which he had never used (v. 8), erect^
straight, uprisht, a word occurring elsewhere only m Heb. 12,
13, where it is translated straight. This implies that he was
previously bent or otherwise deformed (compare Luke 13, 16.)
Me leaped and walked^ the same gradation or succession as in
3, 8, but more concisely stated. The leaping here most prob-
ably denotes the first exertion of his newly acquired power in
an effort to obey the Apostle's mandate. Leaping K)r jov is
not distinctly mentioned here as in the other narrative (3, 9.)

11. And when the people saw what Paul had done,
they lifted up their voices, saying in the speech of Ly-
caonia. The gods are come down to us in the likeness
of men.

TTie crotodsy i. e. the assembled masses who had witnessed
the miracle, perhaps called crotods^ not merely in reference to
their numbers, but to their promiscuous composition (see above,
on 1, 15. 6, 7. 8, 6. 11, 24. 26. 13, 46.) Seeing what Paul did,
to wit, that he had healed the cripple. liaised their voicesy
shouted, cried aloud, with one voice (see above, on 2, 6, and
compare 4, 24. 7, 67. 8, 7. 13, 27.) In JOycaonian, JOyccumi-
eaUy (lat. IJyccumice)^ an adverb similar in form to those trans-
lated, in Mdn'eujy Ghreek^ and Latin (John 19, 20.) This was
the vernacular language of the country, supposed by some to
be a dialect of Greek, by others a Semitic tongue, but evi-
dently meant to be distinguished from the Greek which the
Apostles spoke, and which was no doubt understood by the
people, as the English is in Wales, Ireland, and the Highlands
of Scotland, even where the native language of the people is
Welsh, Erse, or Gaelic. This sudden falling back upon their
mother-tongue, when strongly excited, is exquisitely true to
nature and experience. But why is it recorded? Most
interpreters (since Chrysostom) agree that it is mentioned to

54 ACTS 14, 11.12.

acconnt for the delay of the Apostles in refiisiiig divine hoor
ours, which they seem not to have done until they saw the
priest approaching with the victims and the glands (v. isi
so that the acclamations of the people were either not hearo,
although apparently uttered on the ^)ot as soon as they had
seen the miracle, or not understood, because uttered in an on*
known tongue. From this fkct various conclusions have been
drawn, e. g. that the gift of tongues was not constant but oo>
easional or temporary ; that it was not universal but restricted
in the case of mdividual apostles ; and therefore that it was
not a mere practical convenience in the preaching of the Gos-
pel, but a token of God's presence and a symbol of the calling
of the Gentiles. (See above, on 2, 4. 10, 46.) Likened (aa-
similated, made like) to men (or having been so) for the nonce,
on this particular occasion, H(we (or areS come down to ue^
descended from above, from heaven or Olympus, where the
gods resided. This luigua^e agrees perfectly, not onl^ with
the general belief in such epiphanies or theophanies, divme ap-
pearances in human form, as found in Homer and the later
classics, but also with the local superstitions and traditions of
the verv country where the words were spoken, Jjycaonia, so
called ETom JDycaon^ whose &tal entertainment of Jupiter ia
one of Ovid's fables in the first book of his MetamorphoseS|
while in the eighth he tells the bibulous but interesting story
of the visit paid to Philemon and Baucis, in the adjacent
province of Phrygia, by Jupiter and Mercury, the very gods
named in the next verse.

12. And they called Barnabas Jupiter ; and Panl
Mercurius, because he was the chief speaker.

Jupiter^ the Roman name of the divinity whom the Greeks
called Zeue^ and in the early ages Die^ the accusative of whidi
word {Dioi) is the one here used. Mercuriue (more usually
written with an English termination, Mercury^ like 7}imotheue
and Timothf/j 2 Cor. 1, 1. 19), the Roman name corresponding
to the Greek Hermee^ the interpreter or spokesman of the
gods, and represented in the popidar mythology, as commonly
attending Zeus or Jupiter in nis visits to the earth (see above,
on V. 11.1 This accounts for the application of the name to
Paul, as being the chief speaker^ literally, the (oni) Uading in
the word (or in diacouraej, not merely (if at all) tne one that
said most, but the one that spoke for both, or acted as the

ACTS 14, 12.18. 55

mokesman of the jparty. (See above, on 1, 13. 15.^ Hanng
tans named Paul tor a specific reason, they inferrea of conrse
that Barnabas was Jupiter, for which no reason is asaimed at
aU. Not content with this simple, unembelHshed ezphnation
of the text, interpreters have chosen to imagine other reasons^
some of which may possibly be true, but none of which are
cither expressed or necessairily implied. Such are the usual
hypotheses, that Barnabas was older and of more mi^estio pres-
ence, Paul younger and more active ; while others have gone fur-
ther and described him as diminutive in stature and contemp-
tible m aspect, on the ground of certain dubious expressions
in his own epistles (2 Cor. 10, 1. 10.) But even granting this
to be the true interpretation of his Isoiguage, how would such a
picture correspond to the ideal forms of Mercury, with which
they were fiuniliar, and some of which are still jpreserved, as
aa athletic, graceful, active youth? This discrepancy is
enough to prove, either that Paul was not such a looking per-
flOB as these writers represent him, or, which is probably at all
•vents a true and safe concluedon, that the people of Lystra, in
eaUing him Mercurius, had no regard at all to his appearance^
hut exclusively to what is here expressly stated^ that he was
lAe leading 9ptaker in behalf of both. To this absurd depre-
datioii of Paul's person or physique, the opposite extreme is
that of maldng them descru)e him as Mercurius, because of
his extraordii^ry eloquence, an art or gift of which that sod
was the reputed patron. This hypothesis, thouffh in itselffar
better founded than the other, is excluded, in the case before
vs, partly by the &ct that Baniabas himself received hb nama
from the Apostles on account of his excelling in this very gift
(see above, on 4, 36. 11, 23) ; but chiefly by the silence of the
narrative, which does not say that Paul was eloquent, or more
eloquent than Barnabas, who cannot be supposed to have been
qpeechless (see below, on v. 15), but simply that he was th^
leading speaker, took the lead in peaking, really because he
was superior in rank as an Apostle, but as they very naturally
IhouglU., because he held the same position of'^interpreter, am*
bassador, or qsokesman, which the Mercury or Hermes of their
mythology sustained to Zeus or Jupiter.

13. Then the priest of Jupiter, which was before
their city, brought oxen and garlands unto the gates^
and would have done sacrifice vrith the pe<^k»

56 ACTS 14, 18.

The excited heathen followed up their words with corre*
eponding acts. Having recognized two gods as present, thej
consistently proceed to offer sacrifice. 77ie priest does not
specifically mean the chief priest (see above, on 5, 24), as some
contend because there must have been a number. Even grant-
ing this, which is by no means certain, it may mean the priest
who happened to be present, or the one then officiating at the
temple. Which toaa be/ore the city might seem to describe
the priest as standing or residing there ; but there is no sudi
ambiguity in the original, the priest of the Jupiter (to wit) the
(Jupiter) being (or thcU vxzs) before the city. Tina mAj be
figuratively understood as meaning its protector or champion,
which is really implied ; but the woros should rather have
their literal or local sense, as describing the position of the
ima^e, or more probably the temple, of the tutehuy god, which
is often mentioned in the classics as without the citv (extra
urbem.) The very phrase here used is applied by .^^nvlus to
Pallas as the Queen before the city (Syaaau irp6 ttoXccos), and
tiie tutelary Jupiter derived one oi his titles from it {Zeus
JPropyluSy or Jupiter before the gates.) £ulls or bullocks
were regarded, both by Jews and Gentiles, as the most costly
victims, and as such were offered to the chief or fitther of this
gods, a fact abundantlv attested by Homer, Virril, and Ovid,
who moreover says tnat cows were offered to jMQnerva and
calves to Mercury ; but anotherpoet (Persius) expressly speaks
of bulls as also sacrificed to Mercury. The offering in this
case therefore may have been designed for both ; or that to
Jupiter may be considered as supersedrog or including any
other. JBiUls and crowns is by some explained as an example
of the figure called hendiadysy equivalent, in ordinary
language, to the phrase, crowned buUs / but the occurrence of
this forced construction in a fiunous line of Virgil, though re-
lating also to a sacrificial service (that of pouring libations
from cups and gold^ i. e. golden cups) cannot warrant its as-
sumption in the plain prose of a narrative Hke that before us.
Crotons or garlands^ wreaths of flowers, were profusely and
continually used in ancient sacrifice, and are so still, at least in
India. It has been disputed whether those here mentioned
were designed to decorate the victims or the god ; but the
authorities appealed to upon both both sides of the question
have most clearly shown that they were used, not only lor both
purposes, but iJso to adorn the priests, the altars, and the
temples, and indeed whatever else, connected with the sacrifice.

ACTS U, 13.14. 67

admitted of saoh decoration. Here again the ancient heathen
ceremonial agrees with that still practised by the idolatrotui
Hindoos. JBtiUs and crowns to the gates having brought^ i. e.
as some suppose to the entrance of the temple ; but why tliere,
when the supposed gods themselves were elsewhere ? Others
understand the door of the house where Paul and Barnabas
were lodging ; but this requires another supposition, namely,
that they had returned home in the mean tmie. A third hy-
pothesis, more probable than either, is that the gaies (literally,
vestibules, porticoes, or porches, see above, on 10, 17. 12, 13)
were those of the dtv itself near which there was probably an
image or a temple of the tutelary deity, and to which Paul and
Barnabas were now conducted, either from within or from
without, according as the scene of the miraculous performance
which occasioned this idolatrous proceeding lay in the suburbs
or the city proper. With the crowds (which comes next in
the Greek^, i. e. accompanied or followed by them, when he
brought tne victims and the garlands. There is no need of
connecting these words with the following verbs, as in the
English version, and in some editions of the Greek text. Would
have done sacrifice^ in modem English, means that he would
have done so but for what is afterwards recorded as preventing
him. But would havcy even in this version, is not an auxiliary
tense but a distinct and independent verb, meaning that he
wished (intended, or was just about) to sacnfice, ft is not
~ to whom ; but this is sufficiently apparent from the context.

14. (Which) when the Apostles, Barnabas and
Paul, heard (of), they rent their clothes, and ran in
among the people, crying out—

Hearing (or having heard) stands first in the original, and
either means that they were told by others, possibly by
Christian friends, what was passing ; or that they now heard
and understood the words of the idolaters themselves, as they
proceeded to effect their purpose, either because they had
come nearer, or were speakmg more loudly and distinctly, or
because some or all of them were speaking Greek instead of
Lycaonian (see above, on v. 11.) Jlie Apostles JBamabas and
Paulj as in V. 4, where they were intended, although not ex-
pressly named, as here. It is a fine stroke in this simple but
most graphic narrative, that Barnabas is here for once restored
to his old place, because he occupied it in the scene described|

68 ACTS U, 14.15.

as being the Jupiter, for whom the sacrifice was chiefly or ex-
clusively intenoed. Bending (tearing open or apart) their
(upper or outer) garments (see above, on 7, 57. 9, 39. 12, 8),
a customary oriental method of expressing grie^ and also in-
dignation and abhorrence of impiety or bl^hemy committed
in one's presence. (Compare the conduct of the High Priest
when our Lord avowed himself the Son of Gk>d, Matt. 26,65,
Mark 14, 63.) In this case it was no doubt a spontaneous or
involuntary burst of feeling, prompted by the sudden and as-
tonishing discovery just made by the Apostles, and not intend-
ed as a demonstration to the multitude, although these were
probably no less ^miliar with this ancient exhibition of strong
feeling. But Paul and Barnabas were not contented with
this t3rpical expression of repugnance. They ran in^ Uterally,
leaped (or sprang) in^ or according to the text now com-
monly preferred, leaped (or sprang) out^ L e. from the house^
or from the city-gate, or more mdefinitely, from the place
where they were standing. Into the crowds not merely ran
about among the people, but plunged into the heart of the
excited mass, now bent upon their own deification. This
movement of the two was not a silent one. Calling^ shouting,
crying out, may denote the inarticulate but nois^ sounds, by
which they tried to interrupt the service and divert the at-
tention of the people, before uttering the words that follow.
Or the two participles, although strangely placed in dififerent
verses, may be construed together, as quali^ng one another,
calling and saying^ that is saying with a loud voice, shouting
or vociferating, what is given in the following verses. There
are few passages, in history or poetry, at once so simple and
so vivid as this narrative, of which no higher proof can be de-
manded than its being chosen by the greatest of modem
painters, as the subject of one of his most masterly^ though not
most finished, works. (See above, on 13, 11.)

15. And saying, Sirs, why do ye these (things ?)
We also are men of like passions with you, and preach
unto you that ye should turn fix)m these vanities imto
the living God, which made heaven, and earth, and the
sea, and all things that are therein :

Sira^ literally, men^ nearly equivalent to our gentlemen
(see above on 1, 11. 16.) The question in the first clause my

ACTS 14, 15. 16. 69

plies censure or expostulation, for which the other clause as-
agns the reason. We are men^ a different word from that at
the beginning of the verse, and meaning mere men, mortals,
human beings. Of like passions corresponds to one Greek
adjective (the root of our familiar word hamceopathic) mean-
ing similarly constituted or affected. Passions, in the English
versions, has not its moral sense of violent affections or desires,
but its physical sense of suffering (as applied to the death of
Christ m 1, 3) or liability to suffering. The whole phrase
means, therefore, subject to the same infirmities, partaKers of
the same mortal nature, with yourselves, and consequently not
entitled to divine honours. Preach unto you, bringing you glad
tiding of deliverance from your present su^rstitious bond-
age, by callinfip you to turn from the worship of these very
gods wit^ wnich you have confounded us. Yanities, or
rather vain {things), not only useless but unreal, without per*
sonal existence, in which tense Paul says that ^^ an idol is no-
thinj^ in the world*' (1 Cor. 8, 4, compare 10, 19.) Similar
epithets are anplied to &lse gods in the Old Testament (e. g.
Jer. 2^5. Zecn. 11,17, compare 1 Kings 16,2.^ 77ie living
Oed, 1. e. really existing, as distinguished from tnese lifeless or
imamnary deities ; and also Ufergiving, or the source of aU
exiftence. (See Matt. 16, 16. 26,63. John 6, 69. 2 Cor. 3, 3.
6, 16. 1 Th. 1, 9. 1 Tim. 3, 15. 4, 10. 6, 17. Heb. 3, 12. 9, 14.
10, 31. 12, 22. Rev. 7, 2.) This naturally leads to the descrip-
tion of him as Creator of the Universe, the principal parts of
which are here enumerated, not in scientific but in popular
form, with the contents of each.

16. Who in times past suffered all nations to walk
in their own ways.

Of this supreme Ood they were ignorant, because he had
not fiiUy revealed himself to them. Past, departed, gone by.
TimeSy literally, generations, or contemporary races (see
above, on 2, 40. 13, 36.) iS^jfered^ permitted, or allowed ; not
approved, much less required, but did not hinder or prevent.
Ttie word used in the version is the nearest equivalent that
eould be chosen. All nations, L e. all but one, to whom he
granted an exclusive revelation. It is therefore equivalent to
aU the Oentiles (see above, on vs. 2, 5, and on 4, 27. 7, 45. 9,
15. 10. 45. 11, 1. 18. 13, 42. 46-48.) To uHxIk, Bdvsaice, move
onwara, implying not merely active but progressive motion.

60 ACTS U, 16.17.

(See above, on 1,10. 25. 9,31.) WaySj paths, a common
ngure for the course of life. (See above, on 2, 28. 9, 2. TTietr
own fjoays^ as opposed to Gk>d's, which somethnes mitans the
ways in which he walks himself (as in 13, 10 above), and some-
times those which he prescribes to man, as here.

17. NiBvertheless he left not himself without witness,
in that he did good, and gave U3 rain from heaven, and
fruitful seasons, filling our hearts with food and glad-
ness.

And ye% notwithstanding this rejection of the Gentiles, by
withholdmg from them an explicit and a written revelation,
they were still without excuse. (Compare Paul's statement of
the same truth in Rom. 1, 18-21.) Jyot unattested (or untes-
tified), as really existing and as infinite in power and goodness.
Doing good^ bestowing benefits or favours (compare the simi-
lar but not identical expression in 10, 38 above.) Us and our
hearts are in the oldest manuscripts and latest texts, you and
your hearts. The original order is, from heaven to you rains
giving. Rains may be understood as a generic plural, simply
equivalent to rain ; or as referring to the stated periodical
rams of certain climates, especially the early and the latter
rains of Scripture (James 6, 7) ; or more naturally still, as sig-
nifying mere abundance, frequency or constancy. It is said to
have been usual with the heathen to ascribe rain not to the
gods, but to God, the Supreme Being. It has also been ob-
served that rain was peculiarly appropriate here, as the phe-
nomenon or element which keeps up the connection between
heaven, earth, and sea, the great divisions of the universe
enumerated in the context (see above, on v. 16.) It is chiefly
spoken of, however, as a source of good to man, by its fertil-
izing and productive power. Fruitful^ fruit-bearing, or pro-
ductive. Filling^ sufficing, satisfying, abundantly supplymg,
not only what is necessary to subsistence, but the means of
bodily enjoyment. JFbod^ nourishment, support of life. cToy,
pleasure, happiness, as something more than mere existence.
Hearts^ not stomachs, as some writers would explain the word
from the analogy of heartburn and other like expressions ; but
minds or sotds^ as the only real seat of all enjoyment, even
when afforded by the body. It is a strong though incidental
proof of authenticity, that when the Apostles address heathen

ACTS 14, 17-11^. 61

bearers, unacqaainted eyen with the Hebrew Soriptores, they
begin with the great truths of natural theology, and not by ap-
pealing to the prophecies or proving the Messialiship of Jesus,
as they did in their addresses to the Jews (see above, on 2,
16-36. 3, 22-26. 4, 11-12. 13, 17-41, and below, on 17, 22-31.)
As these words are ascribed both to Barnabas and Paul (v.
14), they may be regarded as the sum and substance of
what both said, more at large and perhaps in a variety of
forma.

18. And with these sayings scarce restrained they
the people, that they had not done sacrifice unto them.

With these sayings^ Hterally, tfieee Uhinga) saying. Scarce^
scarcely, i. e. almost not at all ; but the oric^al expression,
from its very etymology, answers more ezactTy to our hardly y
L e. with difficulty, and by painful effort. It implies however
that they did succeed. Jtestrained^ or more exactly, quieted^
arrested, caused to cease. (The Greek word occurs elsewhere
only in Heb. 4, 4. 8. 10.) IT^e people^ crowds, or masses, as in
TB. 11. 13. 14. ITuU they had not done sacnfice^ a singular
and awkward use of the j^uperfect to translate an infinitive
present, not to sacrifice. This, with the negation implied in
the preceding verb, amounts to a double or emphatic negative,
a pomt in wmch the Greek idiom differs most remarkably, not
only from the English but the Latin. (See above, on 8, 16.)
We express the same idea without a negative by saving, ' they
restrained them from sacrificing.' It may however be resolved
into our idiom thus, ' restrained them so as not to sacrifice.'
(See above, on 10, 47.) To them^ i. e. to Paul and Barnabas,
as representatives or incarnations of Mercurius and Jupiter
(v. 12.)

19. And there came thither (certain) Jews from
Antioch and Iconinm, who persuaded the people, and,
having stoned Paul, drew (him) out of the city, sup-
posing he had been dead.

By a violent reaction, persecution follows the apotheosis,
but a persecution prompted from without and by inveterate
enemies. Came thither^ literally, came upon (them), i. e. sud-
denly assailed them (see above, on 8, 24. 13, 40.) Antioch

62 ACTS U, 10.20.

aitd Iconiumy from both which places Paul and Barnabas had
been expelled by the same influence. (See above, on y. 5, and
on Id, 50.) Hamng persuaded the crowds (or tnasses) and
stoned Paul may possibly mean, having persuaded them to
stone Paul, but more probably, having persuaded them to let
the Jews themselves stone him. (^ Havmg gained the consent
of the people and then stoned him.') This agrees better with the
form of expression, as well as with the &ct that stoning was a
Jewish punishment (see above, on v. 5.^ The persuasion was
effected no doubt by the same acts of misrepresentation and ap-
peal to evil passions, as at Antioch and Iconium (see above, on
v. 2, and on 13, 46.) Drew^ violently puUed, or dragged (see
above, on 8, 3, and below, on 17, 6.) This was not for burial,
but for exposure, and to free the city from the impurity in-
curred by the presence of a corpse so odious, accordmg to the
notions both or Jews and Gentiles. Stephen was first brought
out and then stoned (see above, on 7, 68), a minute but not
unimportant difference, so far from involvmg inconsistency be-
tween the two accounts, that it illustrates the exactness of the
writer in distinguishing between Jerusalem and Lystra, the
Holy City of the Jews, in which it was unlawful to put any
one to death, and a provincial city of the Gentiles ; where no
such scruple could be entertained by either class. Supposing^
thinking, being of opinion. That lie had been dead^ another
antique use of the pluperfect (see above, on v. 18), meaning
simply that he toas dead, or adhering still more closely to the
form of the original, supposing him to be dead. This ex-
pression does not necessarily imply that he was not so really ;
out that is certainly the natural and obvious suggestion (see
below, on 21, 29), as the word suppose is otherwise supemu-
ous, the £Etct asserted being then simply that he was dead^
whether they supposed him to be so or not. (But see below,
upon the next verse.)

20. Howbeit, as the disciples stood round about
him, he rose up, and came into the city ; and the next
day he departed with Barnabas to Derbe.

There is nothing corresponding to howbeit but the usual
continuative particle (Se), so often rendered and^ but^ now, or
then, TJie disciples^ converts. Christians, called the brethren
in V. 2, but disciples also in 13, 62. Stood round about him,
literally, having encircled (or surro^u^ded) him^ some think to

ACTS 14^ 20.21. 68

bury him ; others, to lament (oyer) him ; others, to see whether
he was still aHve ; others, to conceal that &ct from his op-
pressors. JRising (or standing up) he came into the cUy^ out
of which he had been dragged (v. 19.) Some maintain that
P^ol was only stmmed or in a swoon, from which he naturally
Boon recovered. Others, on the contr^, regard it as a case
of real death and miraculous resuscitation. Litermediate be-
tween these two extremes is the opinion, that he was not ac-
tually dead (see above, on v. 19), but that the miracle consisted
in the preservation of his life and his immediate restoration to
his usual activity and vigour after being stoned by an infuri-
ated mob, or by stiU more vindictive and malignant enemies.
The restoration was so perfect that he went out (or departed)
to Derbe (see above on v. 6) on the morrow (or the next day)
after these events occurred. An ingenious livmg writer thinKS
it probable, that this deliquium or swoon at Lystra was the
trance or ecstasy described by Paul in one ot his epistles
^2 Cor. 12, 1-4), whether in the body or out of the body he
aid not know. With JBamaha^^ who seems to have escaped
the persecution, which would naturally &11 with most severity
on Paul as the ^^ chief speaker " (v. 12), not only in behalf of
Christianity, but in opposition both to Heathenism and anti-
Christian Judaism, not in Lystra only but in Antioch and
loonium. The first of these three places seems to have differ-
ed from the others as a seat of unmixed heathenism, without
a Synagogue or Jewish settlers, which accounts for their ex-
ooife superstition and credulity, and is itself explained by
their secluded residence beyond Mount Taums, in the heart
of.Asia Minor.

21 . And when they had preached the Gospel to
that city, and had taugnt many, they returned again to
Lystra, and (to) Iconium, and Antioch,

Having both evangelized that city and discipUd m^iny.
They not only preached the Gospel, but received converts,
which implies a church-organization. (See Matt. 28, 19, and
compare Matt. 13, 62. 27, 67.) Both (tc), not both Paul and
Barnabas, but both evangelized and discipled, a distinction
obliterated in the English version {preached and taught.)
Their ministry at Derbe was none the less successful on ac-
count of its am>rding so little historical material, according to
the adage that the hoBl times to live in are the worst to write

64 ACTS 14, 21.22.

about. They here enconntered probably neither heathen
flattery nor Jewish persecution ; and although they may have
performed miracles, these probably produced no ulterior e£>
fects and are therefore not recorded. Instead of returning to
Syria by the nearest way, L e. through Cilida, Paul's native
country, they retraced uieir steps from Derbe, and revisited
Lystra, Icomum, and Antioch in Pisidia, in an order opposite
to that of their first journey, and for reasons given in the next
verse.

22. Confirming the souls of the disciples, (and) ex-
horting them to continue in the faith, and that we must
through much tribulation enter into the kingdom of
God.

Confirming (strengthening, establishing) Vie saitls (or
minds) of the disciples (Christian converts in those places),
by additional instruction in the doctrines of their new fiiith,
and by exhortation to perform its duties. JSxhorting (and
entreating) tJiem to continue in (adhere to or abide by) the
(Christian) faith (which they had recently embraced.) iBefore
the last clause some supply saying^ or assuring them^ because
what follows is not exhortation but instruction. Two
instances, however, of the very same construction {to exhort
that) have been cited from Polybius and Xenophon. What
follows is the statement of a general or universal &ct common
to the experience of all believers, and presented as a reason
why they should not be deterred from holding fast their pro-
fession by distress or opposition. Much tribulation^ literally,
many tribulations^ which expresses not mere quantity or num-
ber but variety. THbiUationSy literally, pressures^ straits,
through which the Christian is described as struggling. (See
above, on 7, 10. 11. 11,19, and compare Matt. 7, 14. 2 Cor.
2, 4.) It is necessary (Set) for us to go in^ a necessity result-
ing from the will of God, and from the nature of the evils
which attend our faUen state. The kingdom of Oodj the new
economy or dispensation of his grace, sometimes viewed in its
inception (see above, on 1, 3. 6), and sometimes in its con-
summation, as a state of friture blessedness, which seems to be .
the meaning here. Compare Paul's fiivourite idea of inherit-
ing this kingdom, 1 Cor. 6,9. 10. 16, 60. GaL 6,21. Eph. 6,
6, also found in James 2, 6.

ACTS U, 23. 65

23. And when they had ordained them elders
in every church, and had prayed with fasting, they
commended them to the Lord on whom they be-
lieved.

83. Besides these eidiortations and mstructions, thej gave
their oonyerts a distinct organization as societies or diordies.
The meaning of the word ordained has been the subject of
protracted and vehement dispute between Presbyterian
and Episcopal interpreters. The latter grant that the original
etymolo^cal import of the Greek word is to vote by stretch-
ing out the hano^ but they contend that usage had so modified
its meaning as to generate the secondary sense of choosing or
appointing, without any reference to votes or popular election ;
and this they insist upon as the unquestionable use of the
word here, where the act is predicated, not of the people but
of Paul and Barnabas, who cannot be supposed to have voted
for these elders with the outstretched hand. Some go farther
and adopt the patristical usage of the word to denote impo-
sition or hands, as the ordaining act ; but this is commonly
agreed to be an ecclesiastical usage of the word long posterior
in date to the times of the Apostles. The opposite extreme
i§ that of making the word here denote, directly and exclu-
sively, the act of suffi^ge or election by the people. To meet
the objection, which has been already statea, that the act de-
scribea is not that of the people, but of Paul and Barnabas,
some modify this explanation of the term, so as to make it
mean that Paul and Barnabas appointed or ordained the elders
chosen by the people. The philological objection to this mod-
ification, that the same verb cannot denote both these pro-
cesses at once, can only be removed by taking one step fur-
ther and thus reaching the true mean between the opposite
extremes. This middle ground is, that the verb itself ex-
pressing as it clearly does the act of Paul and Barnabas, can
only mean that they appointed or ordained these elders, with-
out determining the mode of election or the form of or-
dination ; but that the use of this particular expression, which
originally signified the vote of an assembly, does suffice to
justify us in supposing that the method of selection was the
same as that recorded (not in 1, 26, where the election vras by
lot and by direct divine authority, but) in 6, 6. 6, where it is
explicitly recorded that the people chose the seven and the
twelve ordained them. Anotner question, as to this verse, is

VOL. IL E

66 ACTS U, 23.

the qaestion whether Elders means diocesan bishops, presby-
ters (L e. teaching elders), ruling elders, deacons, or church-
officers in general, including perhaps all these special officer^,
except the first, which was of later date. In favour of this
comprehensive meaning is the &ct that Deacons are not men-
tioned, and the corresponding usage of the word in the organ-
ization of the old theocracy or Jewish church, from which the
term was silently transferred to that of Christ, and not from
the human and most probably much later institution of the
synagogue, considered as a separate society. (See above, on
6,9. 9,2.20. 13,5. 15.43.) As the Jewish elders were the
heads of families, and other men of like position in society,
these Christian elders were most probably selected from the
same class. In every churchy or rather, as a distributive phrase,
church by church (see above, on 2, 46. 47. 3, 2. 5, 42. 8, 3. 13,
27), which does not necessarily imply that there were several
ordained in each, though this is the most natural construc-
tion of the language, and the one most agreeable to Jewish
usage, as well as to the fact of a plurality of bishops, no less
than of deacons, in the church at ^hilippi (Phil. 1, 1.) Pray-
ed with fasting^ literally, fastings^ faats^ the plural form re-
ferring to successive ordinations in the several churches. The
practice of combining these attendant services with ordination
has extensively prevwled throughout the church in later times.
This organization of the churches may have been deferred till
the return of the apostles, to allow time for some progress in
the Christian life and some development of character before
the choice of elders ; or it may have been a matter of necessity
arising from the persecution and expulsion of the Apostles out
of all these places. On their journey back, the persecution
may have ceased (but see above, on v. 22) ; or they may have
escaped it by not preaching as before in public, but conversing
only with the Christian converts. Commended^ deposited,
entrusted for safe keeping, as a precious charge. (See below,
on 20,32, and compare Luke 12,48. 23,46. 1 Tim. 1, 18.
2 Tim. 2, 2. 1 Pet. 4,19.) To the Lord (Jesus Christ) in whom
they had believed (as their Redeemer) and thereby become
members of his church, before they were thus organized ex-
ternally. The pluperfect form, inappropriately used in the
translation of vs. 18, 20, is here peculiarly expressive, as de-
noting that their faith or their conversion did not now begin,
but dated back from the first visit of Paul and Barnabas to
these three cities.

ACTS 14, 24-26. 67

24. 25. And after they had passed throughout
Pisidia, they came to Pamphylia. And when they
had preached the word in Perga, they went down into
Attidia:

JBaving came for gone) through Pisidia^ on their way to
Antioch its capital (see above, on v. 21 and on 13,14), and
also after leaving it, so that tiley passed through the whole
length of the province. When they had preached^ literally,
having spoken^ for the first time in Ferga, where they merely
landed on their first arrival (see above, on 13, 13), and where
they now seem to have met with no opposition or mal-treat-
ment. Attalia^ a city of Pamphylia, at the mouth of the river
Catarrhactes, built bv Attains Philadelphus, king of Pergamus,
and still a seaport of considerable size and commerce, under a
slightly altered name.

26. And thence sailed to Antioch, from whence
they had been recommended to the grace of God for
the work which they fulfilled.

Sailed^ or more exactly, sailed away^ implying distance.
Antioch^ in Syria, see above, on 11, 19-27. 13, 1, From the
same port to the same port sailed a fleet of French Crusaders,
in the year 1147, after passing through a part of the same re-
gion which had twice been traversed more than a thousand
years before by Paul and Barnabas, on a very different errand
and with very different success. liecommended is not, as it
might seem from the version, a compounded form of the sy-
nonymous verb used in v. 23, but a similar derivative of the
verb to give^ meaning here delivered, given up, in a good sense,
although often employed elsewhere in a bad one (see above,
on 3,13. 7,42. 8,3. 12,4.) TFAewce, i. e. from Antioch, they
had thus been committed or entrusted to the grace of Oody
L e. to the divine care and protection, not in general merely,
but with special reference to the work of missions in their na-
tive countries (see above, on 13,4, 13), which (work) they
(now) fulfiUedy completed, brought to a conclusion, by return-
ing to the point from which they had set out. The last words
of this verse show that th>e work to which they had been
solemnly separcUed hj the church at Antioch, and in obedi-
ence to an express direction of the Holy Ghost, was not an

68 A C T S 14, 26. 27.

office in the church or an order in the ministry, nor even the
whole missionary work, but this one mission, which they (nau))
fulJUled. (See above, on 13, 2. 3.)

27. And when they were come, and had gathered
the church together, they rehearsed all that God had
done with them, and how he had opened the door of
fsdth unto the Gentiles,

Being there (or having got there, see above, on 5, 21. 22.
25. 9, 26. 39. 10, 32. 33. 11,23. 13, 14) and having ossenMed
(or convened) the church (still spoken of as one) bjr which they
had been " separated to the work," and from which they had
been " sent forth by the Holy Ghost *» (13, 41), they rehearsed
(reported, brought back word) hxrw many (or how great)
things (see above, on 2,39. 3,24. 4,34. 13,48.) God did
(or Aoe? done) with them^ in conjunction with them, as his in-
struments, his agents, his co-workers. The objection, that
this interpretation shares the honour between God and man,
applies with equal force to Paul's express declaration (1 Cor.
3, 9), " We are labourers together with God," and to others
like it (e. g. Marie 16, 20. 2 Cor. 6, 1.) The same double use
of the preposition with prevails in English, as when one is said
to travel with a sword, and to fight with a sword, the first
tdth denotes merelv that the sword is in his company, the
second that he uses it. There is no need, therefore, of resort-
ing to the Hebrew use of the corresponding particle, after
words denoting treatment, just as we speak of dealing with
one (well or ill) ; especially as this would seem to limit their
report to what God had done for them, instead of making it
include what he had done through them for the GentUes.
(See below, on 16, 4. 12.) The beautiful figure in the last
clause is a fevourite with Paul (1 Cor. 16, 9. 2 Cor. 2, 12. Col.
4, 3), but here employed in a peculiar sense or rather applica-
tion, to denote the opportunity afforded to the Gentiles of be-
lieving upon Christ and being saved, whereas elsewhere it de-
notes the opportunity afforded to himself of preaching that
salvation. (See 1 Cor. 16, 9. 2 Cor. 2, 12. Col. 4, 3, and com-
pare Rev. 3, 8.) Oentiks^ literally, natiohSj see above, on vs.
2. 5. 16. This report was not made to the local church of
Antioch, as such, but as a sort of missionary board or council
for the Gentiles (see below, upon the next verse.)

ACTS 14, 28. 69

28. And there they abode long time with the dis-
dples.

There is ommitted by the oldest tnannscripts and latest
critics. Abode long time^ literally, spent (the same verb as in
V. 3, and in 12, 19) time not a little (literally /ew, see above, on
12, 18), toith the disciples J converts, brethren. Christians (see
above, on 11, 20), still considered as learners, and as such re-

r' ring teachers, which suggests a reason for their long stay
ve and beyond that of repose or relaxation ; not however
as mere visitors or temporary labourers, but as having now re-
sumed their place among the prophets and teachers of the
<&nrch at Antiooh (18, 1), not as a single, much less as an in-
dq)endent congreeation, but as the Jerusalem or radiating
centre of the G^tue world, from which they were in due time
to go forth again, not only to the old Jerusalem (15, 2), but
also to the heathen (15, 86. 40.)

-•-♦-»■

CHAPTER XV.

This chapter contains an account of the controversy with re-
spect to the observance of the ceremonial law, as a condition
of reception to the Christian church (1-35) ; and also the be-
ginning of Paul's second foreign mission (36-41.) The church
at Antioch is disturbed by Judaizing teachers (1.) Paul and
Barnabas oppose them, and are sent to consult the Apostles
and Elders at Jerusalem (2.) They report the conversion of
the Gentiles, on their way and after their arrival (3. 4.) The
converted Pharisees insist upon the circumcision of the
Gentiles (5.) The Apostles and Elders are assembled (6.)
Peter ^ows that the question has already been decided by
divine authority (7-11.) Paul and Barnabas confirm this by
a statement of their own experience (12.) James shows from
prophecy that it had always been a part of the divine plan,
(13-18.) He proposes a conciliatory and temporary com-
promise (10-2LJ It is adopted and deputies to Antioch are
chosen (22^ llic decision of the council is reduced to writing
(28-29.) It is received at Antioch with great joy (30,31.)

10 ACTS 16, 1.

The deputies continue there for some tune and are then dis-
missed (32, 33.) (Silas,) Paul and Barnabas continue preach-
ing there (34-35.) Paul proposes to revisit the churches
planted in tneir former mission (36.) He and Barnabas differ
as to John Mark, and separate in consequence (37-39.) Paul
goes with Silas through Syria and Cilicia (40, 41.)

1 . And certain men which came down from Judea
taught the brethren, (and said), Except ye be circmn-
cised after the manner of Moses, ye cannot be saved.

As the division of the chapters is conventional and arbi-
trary, this verse is to be read in the closest connection with
the one before it. And (while Paul and Barnabas were thus
employed at Antioch) certain men {some persons, see above,
on 14, 8). The suppression of the names may be contemptu-
ous, or at least intended to suggest that they were personally
men of no note or authority, although they may have been
lawfuUv commissioned teachers (see bdow, on v. 24.) Coming
doton (see above, on 11, 27) from Judea may mean from Je-
rusalem (see above, on 11, 1), or from Palestine, as opposed to
Syria, from the mother-coimtry and the mother-church, be-
tween which and the church at Antioch the communication
seems to have been frequent. Taught^ in the imperfect tense,
implies something more than a mere transient visit or occa-
sional address, and also makes it probable, as nothing is sug-
gested to the contrary, that these men had a regular com-
mission or authority as public teachers. 77ie brethren^ the
disciples, the converted Gentiles. The last clause gives their
Qwn words, not on any one occasion, but the sum of what
they used to say upon the subject. (See above, on 14, 17.)
Mccepty in Greek, if not, unless. Circumcision is here put
for the whole law, as the cross is sometimes put for the whole
Gospel (1 Cor. 1, 18. Gal. 6, 12. 14. Phil. 3, 18), and the baptism
of tfohn for his whole ministry (see above, on 1, 22.) After
the manner is too weak a version of the Greek, which means
{according to) the institute (or institution) of Moses^ including
the idea both of law and custom (see above, on 6, 14.) The
clause does not mean that being circumcised would save them,
or that faith in Christ was not required, but that it would not
avail them without circumcision or observance of the law.
This was afterwards the doctrine of the Jewish-Christian sect

ACTS 15, 1.2. n

called Ebiooites, whose origin indeed ma7 be traced back to
the very controversy here recorded.

2. When therefore Paul and Barnabas had no small
dissension and disputation with them, they determined
that Paul and Barnabas, and certain other of them,
should go up to Jerusalem unto the Apostles and El-
ders about this question.

There being (or arising) therefbrej i e. in consequence of
this erroneous teaching. No «ma/7, precisely the same phrase
that is translated long in 14, 28. I)is8ensiony a Greek word
which in Greek means standing (as in Heb. 9, 8), then the act
of standing up or rising in rebellion, insurrection (Matt. 15, 7,
from the Latin verb insurgo^ to rise up against), once trans-
lated uproar (19, 40), thrice sedition (24, 5. Luke 23, 19. 25),
here denoting violent contention and commotion. This does
not necessaruy imply that they succeeded in forming a party,
or gained any followers, but only that the preachiug of this
doctrine produced great excitement, as it naturally would
among the Gentiles, who had been received into the church
without conforming to the ceremonial law. Disputation^ lit-
erally, seeking^ search, investigation, but always applied in the
New Testament to that of a polemic kind, whether the form
be compounded (as in v. 7. 28, 29, and in the common text of
this verse) or uncompounded (as in John, 3, 25. 1 Tim. 1, 4.
6, 4. 2 Tim. 2, 23. Tit. 3, 9, and here, according to the latest
critics.) JPaul and Barnabas had^ literally, being (or arising)
to Paul and Barnabas^ not merely as distinguished " prophets
and teachers in the church at Antioch'^ (13, 1), but as the first
two missionaries to the Gentiles, who had organized their con-
verts into Christian churches (14, 23), without any reference
whatever to the principle which these men laid down as es-
sential to salvation, and who therefore, being specially attack-
ed, were under the necessity of specially opposing this fiJse
doctrine, in their own defence as well as for the truth's sake.
With them^ literally, to^ at, or against them (see above, on 11,
2^, i. e. the Judaizing teachers, who appear as the only cham-
pions of their cause at Antioch. They determined^ ordered, or
appointed (see above, on 13, 48, and below, on 22, 10. 28, 23),
must be construed with neither of the nearest antecedents, but
indefinitely (so as to mean, it was ordered)^ or referred to the

12 AGTS 16, 2.8.

church-officers or members, although not ezpresdy mentioned.
Should go up^ literally, {appointed Paul and Barnabas) to go
up (see above, on 11,2, and below, on 18,22. 21,4. 12. 15.
24, 11. 25, 1. 0.) Certain other (or in modem phrase, some
others) of them (out of them, or from among, them), i. e. other
ministers or members of the church at Antioch, one of whom
is commonly supposed to have been Titus (see below, on v. 4.)
The Apostles^ who were probably always returning to Jerusa-
lem, as Paul and Barnabas to Antioch, from their missions and
official journeys, so that some were always present iu the Holy
City, thus preserving to the mother-church its representative
and normal character, and giving it authority to act for the
whole body. JSlders^ presbyters, or local officers of that
church. (See above, on 11, 30. 14, 23.) Question^ or dispute^
a kindred form to that translated disputation^ the Greek
words differing only in the final syllable, one denoting the act,
the other the subject, of contention.

3. And being brought on their way by the church,
they passed lb,l„gh ?heolee and SaUa. deel.ri.g
the conversion of the Gentiles : and they caused great
joy unto all the brethren.

And^ or more exactly, so then (see above, on 1, 6. 18. 2, 41.
6,41. 8,4.25. 9,31. 11,19. 12,5. 13,4.14,3.) They being
brought on their way^ or more exactly, forwarded^ sent for-
toara, i. e. publicly escorted to a certain distance and then for-
mally dismissed or taken leave of. This ancient mark of
kindness and respect was often practised by the early
Christians. (See below, on 20, 38. 21, 5, and compare Rom.
16, 24. 1 Cor. 16, 6. 11. 2 Cor. 1, 16. Tit. 3, 13. 3 John 6.) It
was not an act of private friendship merely, but performed by
the church as a collective body, represented either by its
elders, or by delegates appointed for the purpose, or more
probably than either, by as many of its members as could be
assembled. This method of dismissing them or parting from
them, was a kind of additional commission, over and above the
written one, with which they were of course provided. Pass-
ed {went or came) through Phenice^ i. e. Phenicia (see above,
on 11, 19. 12, 20) and Samaridy not the city but the province
(see above, on 8, 6. 9. 14.) Galilee, which lay between these
provinces, is here omitted (as it is above, m 1, 8) ; perhaps be-

A C T S 16, 3. 4. IS

canse it was not customary to distinguish it in such enumera-
tions (but see above, on 9, 31) ; or perhaps because they went
Iff sea from Tyre to Ptolemais or Cesarea, as in Paul's last
visit to Jerusalem (see below, on 21, 2-8) ; or because thej
did not publish the conversion of the GentUes there, the Gah-
lean Christians being Jewish converts, which was not so in
Phenicia, nor (strictly speaking) even in Samaria (see above,
on 1, 8. 8, 1. 14, and compare John 4, 9.) Declaring, not in
general terms merely, but relating folly, giving a particular
account (compare the use of the same emphatic compound in
13, 41 above.) Conversion, turning, i. e. in this case, from the
worship of idols, as well as from the service of Satan, to the
true God (see above, on 14, 15, and below, on 26, 18.) Ccpwh
ed, literally, made, created, or occasioned. All the brethren^
or disciples, i e. Christian converts, in Phenicia and Samaria,
who would naturally feel peculiar interest in the tidings thus
announced to them, which no doubt reminded the Samaritan
disciples of their own conversion and the joy which followed
it. (See above, on 8, 8, and compare John 4, 39--42.)

4. And when they were conie to Jerusalem, they
were received of the church, and (of) the apostles and
elders, and they declared all things that God had done
with them.

Being come (or Juiving arrived) They were received, or
more emphatically, welcomed, received gladly, as the same
verb is translated in Luke 8, 40. Of (i. e. by) the church, the
body of believers, not as individuals merely, but as a collective
body (see above, on v. 3.) The Apostles, still residing there,
at least as their headquarters (see above, on v. 2) ; or as some
with less probability suppose, assembled to attend this meet-
ing ; while others gather from Gal. 2, 9, that the Apostles
here meant are the three there named. It is commonly
agreed now that the visit to Jerusalem referred to in that
chapter of Galatians is the one recorded in the narrative be-
fore us, although some identify it with the one in 11, 30.
12, 25, some with that in 18, 22, and some with an additional
journey not recorded in the history. It is objected to the first
hypothesis that Paul speaks of having gone up '^ by revelation"
(Gal. 2, 2), i. e. by express divine command, wnereas Luke
represents him as a delegate from Antioch. But the two

74 ACTS 16, 4.6.

things are perfect^ compatible, as appears from a comparison
of 13, 3. 4, where Barnabas and Saul are expressly said, in two
successive verses, to have been sent both by the Church and
by the Holy Ghost. In the present case, we may suppose the
"revelation" to have been made, as in that case, to the
" Prophets and Teachers in the Church at Antioch" (13, 1),
directmg them to act as they are said to have done in v. 2
above ; or secretly to Paul himself, directing him to imdertake
the task imposed upon him by his brethren. It is on the sup-
position of the identity of these two jom-neys, that one of the
" some others " who went up with Paul and Barnabas (v. 2) is
commonly supposed to have been Titus (see Gal. 2, 1), who is
nowhere named in Acts, if we except a spurious or doubtful
reading in a single passage. (See below, on 18, 7.) The date
of these transactions has been variously fixed from A. D. 47 to
62, but the best modem writers are in favour of the year 60,
or at the latest the beginning of the next year. The elders
may be here described as givmg Paul and Barnabas a separate
welcome or reception, as well as the Apostles ; or both may-
be mentioned as the organs through which they were wel-
comed by the church. It would not be ungrammatical indeed,
though not perhaps so natural, to construe the clause thus,
* they were welcomed by the church, both the apostles and
the elders,' i. e. both these classes acting as the organs or
channels of communication, between the cmurch at Jerusalem
and the deputies from Antioch. Declared^ reported, brought
back word, a different verb from that in v. 3, and expressmg
more distinctly the idea of official statement, as diBtinguished
from popular narration. AU things^ literally, how great Yor how
many) things ; see above, on 3, 24. 4, 34. 13, 48. With them^
see above, on 14, 27.

5. But there rose up certain of the sect of the
Pharisees which beUeved, saying, That it was needful
to circumcise them, and to command (them) to keep
the law of Moses.

This is not a part of their report, relating the same feet
that is recorded in v. 1 above, which would require " saying '*
or " said they " to be prefixed (as in the Geneva Bible), but
Luke's own statement of what happened at Jerusalem, after
Paul and Barnabas had made then: report. The only argu-

ACTS 16, 6.6. 15

ment in fiivoor of the first construction mentioned is that othei>
wise the reason of their coming is not given at all. The
answer to this is, not that they probably did state it, though it
is not here recorded, which supposes the main theme of their
discourse to be omitted, but that it was really involved in
their report of " what God had done with them " (v. 4), which
of course included the immediate reception of the Gentiles
"without circumcision. This would at once raise the same
question that had been discussed at Antioch, with or without
a formal narrative of that discussion. JRose up, in Greek a
double compound, meaning that they rose up out of some-
thing, probably their place in the assembly, or rose up from
among the persons who composed it. This would not be a
natural expression in the mouth of Paul or Barnabas, but is
perfectly appropriate in Luke's own narrative, where the fact
of a meeting is implied, if not expressed, in the preceding con-
text. Some of those from, (i. e. belonging to, or who had
come out from) the sect ^school or party), of the Pharisees
(see above, on 5, 1 7. 34.) The form of expression implies that
there were other converts from that sect, besides those who
acted upon this occasion, and also accounts for the rise of such
a doctrme, which might naturally spring from Pharisaic habits
and associations, even in the case of such as had believed, i. e.
in Jesus as the true Messiah. It is necessary, in the present
tense (see above, on 1, 16. 21) ^o circumcise them, i. e. the
Gentile converts, showing that their reception without cir-
cumcbion had formed part of the preceding statement. The
last clause is explanatory of the one before it ; to circumcise
them was in fact to require them to observe the whole law, of
which circumcision was the distinctive badge and sacramental
seaL

6. And the apostles and elders came together for
to consider of this matter.

Came together is in Greek a passive form meaning were
collected or assembled. (Then were convened the Apostles,
4&C.) That the Apostles did not undertake to settle the dis-
pute alone, is a strong proof that the permanent organization
of the church had already taken place, and that the system
was in active operation. 2he elders, not the diocesan bishops
of Judea, for as yet there were none ; nor the pastors of Judea,
or of a still wider region, for of this we have no intimation in

76 ACTS 16, 6.7.

the text or context ; but the local rulers of the mother-church,
actmg in conjunction with the Apostles as representatives of
the church at large. {JFbr to^ see above, on 6, 31.) Consider
of^ literally, see about, an expression common to both idioms.
f%is mattery literally, this word, which may either mean this
doctrine^ as to the necessity of circumcision, or this statement,
this report, of Paul and Barnabas. That it cannot simply
mean this thing, without regard to word or speech at all, see
above, on 5, 24. 8,21. 10, 29.

7. And when there had been much disputing,
Peter rose up, and said unto them, Men (and) brethren,
ye know how that a good while ago God made choice
among us, that the Gentiles by my mouth should hear
the word of the gospel and believe.

And much discussion (see above, on v. 2) having taken
place, Peter standing up (or rising, see above, on 1, 16) said
to them (i. e. to the Apostles and the Elders, mentioned in the
verse preceding). Men (and) brethren (see above, on 1,16.)
Te know is very strong in the original, Te (yourselves) are
(toeU) aware (see above, on 10,28.) A good while ago,
hteraUy, from, old (or arunent) days, a strong but indefinite
and relative expression, the precise extent of which must be
determined by the context, and which here evidently means
at the beginning of this work among the Gentiles, referring
no doubt to his own vision at Joppa and his subsequent recep-
tion of Cornelius and his household into the Christian Church,
without requiring circumcision or subjection to the law of
Moses. Among us, literally, in us, which some regard as a
Hebraism for chose us, the verb choose being followed in He-
brew by a preposition often rendered in. But although this
idiom is sometimes copied in the Septuagint version, there is
no other instance of it in the Greek of the New Testament,
and the conmion version is no doubt correct. Among its, or
according to some manuscripts, among you, i. e. the Apostles,
whom, in either case, he may be considered as addressing.
Made choice, or more exactly, chose out, selected for himself
or for his own use (see above, on 1. 2. 24. 6, 5. 13, 17.) The
verb may either govern me understood, or be understood to
mean chose this (to wit, that) by my mouth, i. e. through my
preaching and oral instruction. iVie Gfentiles^ literally, the

ACTS 16, 7. 8. 9. 10. 77

nations^ see above, on 10, 45. 11, 1. 18. Should Jiear^ in the
original, c?iose the Gentiles to Tiear. The word of the Gospel^
i. e. its utterance or proclamation, as a joyful message to man-
kind. And believe^ in Jesus, admitting him to be the tme
Messiah, and trusting in him as the only Saviour. The fiict
which Peter here reters to, as &miliar to his hearers, is not
the general fact that Gentiles had already been converted and
received into the church, but that it was through his agency,
though known as the Apostle of the circumcision.

8. 9. And God, whicli knoweth the hearts, bare
them witness, giving them the Holy Ghost, even as (he
did) unto us ; and put no diflFerence between us and
them, purifying their hearts % faith.

J%e heart'Jenovsing God^ or God the hsart^cnower^ the same
expression that is used above, in 1, 24. Sare witness^ testified,
to them, the Gentiles thus received into the Church. Peter's
argument is here the same as in 10, 47. 11, 17, to wit, that all
doubt was precluded by the act of God himself who had de-
cided the whole question by dealing with those Gentiles pre-
cisely as he did with the converted Jews, bestowing the same
spiritual influence on both, and with the same moral effect.
PtU (or made) no difference, did not distinguish or discrimi-
nate, between its (as Jews) and them (as Gentiles.) By faith^
not merely by the truth objectively considered, but by the
belief of it, including personal acceptance of the Saviour, with-
out which even the truth can have no sanctifying influence
(see John 17, 17). Both these, i. e. sanctification and the fiuth
n-om which it springs, are the fruits of that Spirit who was
given equally to Jews and Gentiles.

10. Now therefore why tempt ye God, to put a
yoke upon the neck of the disciples, which neither our
fathers nor we were able to bear ?

And now seems to be used both as a temporal and logical
phrase. ^ Such was the divine decision in the former case, and
now, in the case before us, why <fcc.' (See above, on 3. 17.
7, 34. 10, 5. 13, 11.) Tempt ye God, i. e. put him to the proo^
try his patience and forbearance, by requiring further evidence
of what be has already made so plain. (See above, on 5. 9,

?8 ACTS 16, 10.11.

and compare Ex. 17, 2. Deut. 6, 16. IsaL 7, 12. Mai. 3, 15. Matt.
4, 7. Luke 4, 12. 1 Cor. 10, 9.) When God had so explicitly
declared that ^th, with its effects, entitled men to be received
into the church, it would be tempting him to look for other
evidence or prescribe other terms of admission. Especially
would this be so if the conditions thus insisted on were not
only gratuitous but intrinsically onerous, and proved so by
the experience of those who now wished to impose them, and of
their predecessors. The intolerable yoke of which he speaks
is not merely the complex requisitions of the ceremonial law ;
for these they and their fathers could and did bear, and were
only too prone to increase the burden in the hope of beuig
thereby saved. The yoke meant is the whole law, as dis-
tinguished from the Gospel, and of which the ceremonial sys-
tem was a mere form or expression ; the covenant of works
as distinguished from the covenant of grace in the economy of
man's salvation ; the hope of deliverance by merit or obedience,
as distinguished from deliverance by grace or favour. This
had always been a yoke or burden, even to believers, who were
now delivered from it by the change of dispensations, being
taught to come at once to Christ without obstruction or delay,
a privilege of which these Christian Pharisees were anxious to
deprive Sie Gentiles.

1 1 . But we believe that through the grace of the
Lord Jesus Christ we shall be saved, even as they.

£ut^ on the contrary, so fer from hoping to be saved our-
selves by that which we are asked to impose upon the Gentile
converts. Through the grace of the Lord Jesus Christy i. e.
the divine mercy exercised through him alone, and here con-
trasted with the heavy yoke of legal, ceremonial bondage.
We (the converted Jews) believe (i. e. confidently expect) to
he saved. JEken as^ literally, after (or according to) what
manner (see above, on 1, 11. 7, 28, where the same noun and

Sronoun are used, but without the preposition.) This phrase
enotes exact resemblance, even in minute particulars. They
is explained by some to mean the gentile converts, by others
the fathers, both which classes are referred to in the verse
preceding. Both constructions are granmiatical, and each
affords a good sense in itself and in relation to the context.
According to the first, the meaning is, we ought to lay no un-
necessary yoke upon them, for our own hope of salvation is

ACTS 16, 11-13. 79

the same with theirs. Accordiog to the other, it is, we ought
not to lay upon the Gentiles the same yoke which our fathers
found so useless, since they as well as we were obliged after
all to be saved by grace. On the whole, the former explana-
tion is more natural, and now commonly preferred. The
reference of vse and they to Peter and Paul or to Peter and
James, Paul and Barnabas, respectively, is a forced construc-
tion needing no refutation.

12. Then all the multitude kept silence, and gave
audience to Barnabas and Paul, declaring what miracles
and wonders God had wrought among the Gentiles by
them.

Then^ and, or but. AU the mvUitude^ the whole mass, of
those present, implying a much larger number than the
Apostles and the l^lders (v. 6), unless these were very numer-
ous. (See below, on vs. 22. 23.) K^ silence is a single word
in Greek, to which there is no exact equivalent in English.
There was no continuation or renewal of the previous dispute,
but silent attention to the statement made by Barnabas and
Paul in confirmation of Peter's argimaent. Oave audience^
literally, heard or listened. As Paul was not one of the
twelve, but the Apostle of the Gentiles, his name stands nat-
urally after that of Barnabas, by whom he was originally intro-
duced and recommended to the brethren at Jerusalem. (See
above, on 9, 27.) Declaring^ see above, on 10, 8, and below, on
21, 19. Miracles (or rather signs) and vsonders (see above, on
2, 43. 4, 30. 5, 12. 6, 8. 7, 36. 8, 13. 14, 31) is not a figure for
extraordinary moral changes, such as conviction and con-
version, which might be aescribed as " miracles of grace ;'*
but literal miracles, attesting their divine legation and the au-
thority by which they received Gentile converts and organized
Gentile churches.

13. And after they had held their peace, James
answered, saying, Men (and) brethren, hearken unto
me:

Held their pea^ were silent, ceased; the same verb that
is used in the preceding verse. Answered^ not merely spoke
(see above, on 3, 12. 5, 8. 10, 46), but respondedXo what Peter.

80 ACTS 15, 13-15.

Paul and Barnabas had just said ; or replied to the question
which had brought them together. James is supposed by
many to be ^^ James the brother of the Lord" (QaL 1, 19),
not one of the twelve, but an xmbeliever ^John 7, 5), till
oonvinced by Christ's appearing to him after nis resurrection
(1 Cor. 15, 7), sumamed the Just, and put to death by the
Jews soon after the dose of the New Testament history.
There is however a strong presumption that the person hold-
ing so distinguished a position in the church at Jerusalem,
wmle the Apostles still survived, was himself one of their num-
ber ; and as James the son of Alpheus was probably a cousin
of our Saviour (see above, on 1, 13), he might be called his
brother (GraL 1, 19) in strict accordance with biblical and ori-
ental usage. (See Gen. 14, 16. 29, 12. 15. Rom. 1, 13. 9, 3.
1 Cor. 1, 1.) It is very possible that James resided in Jeru-
salem more constantly than any other of the twelve, and had
special charge of the church there, not however as an ordinary
pastor, much less as a diocesan bishop, but as a resident
Apostle. (See above, on 12, 17, and below, on 21, 18.)
Mearken unto me, or simply hear me, i. e. me too, or me also ;
hear what I, as well as they who have already spoken, have to
say upon the suWect. This request is very fer from &vouring
the notion that James spoke with superior authority, or even
as the president of the assembly.

14. 15. Simeon hath declared how God at the first
did visit the Gentiles, to take out of them a people for
his name. And to this agree the words of the proph-
ets; as it is written :

Simeon, the Septuagint form of the Hebrew name, found
also in 13, 1 above, and in Luke 2, 25. 34. 3, 30. Rev. 7, 7, and
used by Peter himself in one of his epistles (2 Peter 1,1.) The
more usual form {Simon) is rather Greek than Hebrew ; but
both occur in Jewish books. Some have strangely supposed
that James has reference here to the words of Simeon in Luke
2, 80-32. At the first, or simply first, L e. before Paul and
Barnabas had preached to tne Gentiles, thus deciding the
whole question in advance (see above, on vs. 7-9.) Visited,
or viewed, surveyed, with a view to choosing (see above, on
6, 3. 7, 23.) Gentiles, nations (see above, on vs. 3. 7. 12.
A people, chosen people, church (see above, on 13, 17. 24, 31.)

ACTS 16, 15.16. 81

For his namej i. e. to ^be called his people, or perhaps, to be
founded on Ins name, or in reliance on it (see above, on 2, 38.
4, 17. 18. 5, 28. 40.) JFor his hofumr or glory is not expressed
though necessarily implied. The whole verse refers to the
important fact, alleged by Peter, that this direct reception of
the Gentiles was no new thing introduced by Paul and Barna-
bas, but practised long before by Peter, with express divine
approval. The &ct thus historically proved James now shows
to have been no afterthought or departure from the purpose
previously revealed, but a part of the divine plan from the
beginning, as attested by the Prophets, the inspired writers of
the Old Testament, and more particularly tnose who were
commissioned to predict the advent of Mesfflah (see above, on
3,21.24. 7,62. 10,43, 13,27.)

16. After this I will return, and will build again
the tabernacle of David, which is fallen down ; and I
will build again the ruins thereof, and I will set it up.

These are not given as the words of more than one
prophet, but as a specimen or single instance of the way in
which the prophets, as a class, contemplate the vocation of the
Grentiles. The quotation is made from the Septuagint version,
even where it varies most from the original ; not because the
latter would not answer the Apostle's purpose, but because he
no doubt spoke in Greek, and therefore used the current
version, witnout regard to its inaccuracies, as they did not in-
terfere with the design of his quotation. The original passage
is Amos 9, 11. 12. After these things^ although not a literal
translation of the Hebrew, conveys the same essential meaming,
that of mere posteriority or subsequence. IwiU return is nei-
ther in the Hebrew nor the Septuagint, but supplied by the
Apostle, in perfect keeping with the sense of both, as an intro-
ductory suggestion that the prophecy is one of restoration and
returning favour. Some, with less probability, regard it as a
Hebrew idiom for again (I will again rebuild), which would
be singularly out of place in a translation when it is not found
in the ori^naL (As to the idiom in question, see above, on
7, 42.) Muild again, or rebuild^ answering to one Greek
word. TaberrMcle, tent, not put for house or dwelling in
genera], but for the meanest and least durable of human
habitations, contrasted with a royal palace, to denote the low
condition to which David's fiunily must be reduced before the

VOL. II. p

82 ACTS 15, 16-18.

prophecy could be fulfilled. The same change is elsewhere
represented by a shoot sprinring from the root or stump of a
prostrate tree (Isai. 11, 1.) The image here presented is not
merely that of a tent, but of a fallen tent. JiuinSj breaches,
firaements, or remains. iSet it up (or rather upright) is again
a smgle word in Greek and might be rendered, re^erect.

17. That the residue of men might seek after the
Lord, and all the Gentiles, upon whom my name is pall-
ed, saith the Lord, who doeth all these things.

The original is, that they may inherit (or possess) the rem-
nant of Edom and aU the nations. Edom is particularly
named as a hereditary enemy of Israel, who had been subdued
by David, but revolted under his successors. That it is merely
used to represent the Grentiles, appears from the generic terms
that follow. That the conquest here foretold is a spiritual one,
is clear from the last clause, upon whom my name is called^
which is often applied to Israel, as Jehovah's consecrated or
peculiar people. (See Deut. 28, 9. 10. Isai. 63, 19. Jer. 7, 10.
11. 14, 9, and compare Deut. 12, 6. Jer. 15, 16. 33, 2.) The
essential meaning of the passage, therefore, is that the restora-
tion of the kingdom of David was to be connected with the
spiritual conquest of the Gentiles ; and as such a subjugation is
not merely passive, but involves the act of seeking after God,
it is expressed sufficiently though not exactly in the Septua-
gint version here adopted. All these things is merely an am-
plification of the original expression (this,\ AU^ however, is
omitted in the oldest manuscripts and versions.

18. Known mito God are all his works fix)m the
beginning of the world.

According to the received text, here translated, this verse
expresses still more strongly and directly than v. 15, the im-
portant fact that the reception of the Gentiles into the church
was no afterthought or innovation, but a part of the divine
plan from the beginning. But as the greater part of this
verse is very variously given in the manuscripts, and whollv
wanting in several of the oldest, the modem critics have ex-
punged it, leaving only the words, known from, the beginning^
which must then be read as the concluding words of the pre-
ceding sentence, saith the Lord^ the (one) doing these things

ACTS 15, 18. 19. 83

(which are or have been) known from the beginning. This is
then a supplementary or exegetical clause added by the
Apostle to the passage quoted, and perhaps on that account
converted by transcribers into an mdependent proposition.
Beginning of the world is a single word in Greek, the same
that is used in 3, 25, and there explained as an indefinite or
relative expression, sometimes denoting absolute eternity,
sometimes endless existence, sometimes a particular period,
age, or dispensation. Hence some would make it here equiv-
alent to Peter's phrase {from ancient days) in v. 7 above, i. e.
from the first promulgation of the Gospel to the Gentiles.
But there seems to be no suflicient reason, even if the shorter
reading is adopted, for diluting or extenuating this expression,
as its strongest sense is equally appropriate and far more strik-
ing. JTiua aaUh the Lord who doeth these things^ known (to
himself as part of his own plan or purpose) from eternity. Or
the verb and adjective may be connected, as in 7, 10, making
these things known from the beginning of the world, or of the
old dispensation, or of the prophetic ministry (see above, on
3, 21, and compare Luke 1, 70.)

19. Wherefore my sentence is, that we trouble not
them, which from among the Gentiles are turned to
God:

Wherefore^ because this mode of dealing with the Gentiles
has been fully sanctioned by divine authority, and long ago pre-
dicted by the prophets. My sentence is^ literally, I judge (as in
the Rhemish version ; WicUf has, I deem)^ a common formula,
by which the members of the Greek assemblies introduced the
expression of their individual opinion, as appears from its re-
peated occurrence in Thucydides, with which may be com-
pared the corresponding Latin phrase (sic censeo) of frequent
use in Cicero's orations. That James nere settles the whole
question by a decision ex cathedra^ is as groundless an opinion
as that Peter had already done so by his dictum. There is
no trace in the narrative of any such superiority on either side.
The whole proceeding is analogous to that which continually
takes place m our own church-courts, when the roll is called to
give the members present an opportunity of stating their judg-
ment upon some important question. Even in Tyndale's
version, copied by King James's Bible, sentence no doubt
means opimon {senterUia) not a final decision. TTiat we trouble

84 ACTS 15, 19.20.

noty literally, not to trouble, or more emphatically, not to
trouble in addition, i. e. besides 6or over and above) the indis-
pensable conditions of salvation, by imposing a gratoitous and
supererogatory burden of mere ritual observance. (The same
emphatic compound is used in the Septuagint version of Job
16, 3 Micah 6, 3.) Those from the GerUilea rUterally, nations)
turning unto Gody i. e. from &lse gods to tne true God (see
above, on 14, 15.)

20. But that we write unto them, that they abstain
from pollutions of idols, and (from) fornication, and
(from) things strangled, and (from) blood.

Sut to charge tJieiny in writing or by letters, as the verb
(from which epistle comes) specifically means in later Greek.
To abstain^ or as the middle voice emphatically means, vjith-
held themselves^ implying selfcontrol and some restriction of
their Christian liberty. Pollutions is in Greek an abstract
form, found nowhere else either in classical or hellenistic usage,
and derived from a verb found only in the Septuagint version
of Dan. 1, 8. Mai. 1, 7. 12, and in a single text of the Apocry-
pha. Some construe it with all the nouns that follow, pollu-
tions of idolsy and of fomicationt &c. But this makes the
first particular denote idolatry in general, from which it can
hardly be supposed that Grentile converts needed any special
exhortation to abstain, inasmuch as it was from this that they
had just turned to God. It is therefore conunonly agreed that
hj pollutions of idols the Apostle means participation in some-
thing that had been connected with idolatrous worship, es-
pecially the flesh remaining after sacrifice, on which the
neathen used to feast, and the residue of which was often
sold in the market. Now since the eating of such food, as
Paul expressly teaches (1 Cor. 10, 19-33), was not sinftil in it-
self and yet to be avoided out of tenaemess to those who
thought it so, the abstinence here recommended must be un-
derstood in the same manner ; not as an essential Christian
duty, but as a concession to the consciences of others, i. e. of
the Jewish converts, who still regarded such food as unlawful
and abominable in the sight of God. It would seem to follow
that the next particular must be explained in the same way,
as relating not to an intrinsic evil {malum per «e), but merelv
to what seemed to be so in the eyes of Jewish converts. This
has led to various explanations of the Greek word, as a meta-

ACTS 16,20. 85

phorical description of idolatry itself as spiritual whoredom ; or
as meaning the licentiousness inseparably joined with certain
forms of heathen worship ; or concubinage, as substituted by
them for marriage or connected with it ; or marriage itself
within the decrees forbidden by the law of Moses ; besides
many other stfll less obvious interpretations. But to all these
it has been objected that the word occurs^ not only in the
speech of the Apostle James, but in the written formula to
which it gave occasion (see below, on v. 29), and which was to
be generally circulated m the Gentile churches (see below, on
16, 4.) The term must therefore be explained as they would
naturally understand it, even without oral explanation, i. e. in
the proper sense of fornication. This is indeed intrinsically
evil, but it was not so regarded by the heathen, and the Gen-
tile converts were in dsuiger of at least appearing to retain
this fidse view, and thereby offending the more scrupulous be-
lievers of the circumcision. James proposes, therefore, to en-
join upon them the most careful abstinence from every sem-
blance of this sin, as well as from the more indifferent and in it-
self innoxious practice of eating flesh which had been sacrificed
to idols. This combination of an essential with a ceremonial
sin has led to much dispute respecting the two last particulars,
or rather to the one which is expressed in two forms. Strangled
i e. killed without shedding the blood ; so that this clause de-
notes flesh with the blood still in it, as the next does blood it-
self^ either separate from the meat, or in a generic sense, in-
cluding both. That blood here means bloodahed^ L e. homi-
cide, is a notion which appears to be confined to one or two
of the Fathers (such as Cyril and Cyprian) ; as the application
of the ancient prohibitions to the use of flesh from the living
animal appears to be peculiar to the Jewish Rabbins. The
use of blood for food had been forbidden, not only in the law
of Moses, but in the covenant with Noah, as being the vehicle
or seat of life, which some reeard as a physiological &ct at-
tested by divine authority, while others understand it as an
arbitrary designation of the blood as the appointed represen-
tative of life for sacriJicicU purposes^ without affirming or de-
nying their physical relation in the animal economy. Con-
nected with the first of these hypotheses is the beliel^ that the
use of blood is here forbidden on the same ground with the
practice of licentiousness, to wit, that both are necessary and
mtrinsic evils. In accordance vidth this view, the prohibition
is enforced as a perpetual one by some of the ancient Fathers

86 ACTS 16, 20. 21.

and CouncilB, and in the practice of the Greek Church to the
present day. The Western Churches, both reformed and
unreformed, adhere, with individual exceptions, to the doc-
trine of Augustin, that the prohibition was prudential and
temporary, founded on no natural necessity or principle, the
Old Testament restriction having ceased with the sacrifi-
cial services to which it had relation, and the one before us
being merely an expedient for maintaining peace between con-
verted Jews and Gentiles, during the anomalous and doubtful
interval between the organization of the Christian Church
and the outward as well as inward abrogation of the Jewish
one. (See above, on 2, 46.) This is now commonly regard-
ed as tne import and design of all these prohibitions, which
as being purely negative could not be regarded even as a tem-
porary " yoke " imposed upon the Gentiles.

21. For Moses of old time hath in every city thera
that preach him, being read in the synagogues every
sabbath day.

The sense of this verse by itself seems clear, but its con-
nection with what goes before has been very variously under-
stood. Some suppose it to assign a reason why it was not
necessary to enjom such abstinence upon the Jewish converts,
namely, because they had the law of Moses to enforce it. But
such a statement is entirely superfluous, as the point at issue
had no reference at all to the converted Jews, except as being
those for whose sake these restrictions were to be imposed
upon the Gentiles. Another explanation is, that it contains a
reason why the Jewish Christians need not fear that Moses
would grow obsolete in consequence of this indulgence to the
Gentiles, being still read every sabbath in the Christian syna-
gogues or congregations. A third regards it as a reason why
me Gentile Christians should not allow themselves, by any
heathen usages, to fell behind their Jewish brethren, who were
constantly preserved from such corruptions bv the reading of
the law in public worship. It cannot be demed that there is
some obscurity in the connection, from the obvious suppression
of an intermediate or connecting thought, which may be vari-
ously supplied; but on the whole, the simplest supposition
seems to be, that the Apostle here assigns a reason why the
Gentile converts ought to spare the feelings of their Jewish
brethren, in this respect and for a time, to wit ; that the con-

ACTS 16, 21. 22. 87

tinned reading of the Law, in services accessible to both, af-
forded some excuse for the remaining prepossessions of the
one class, and at the same time left without excuse the disre-
gard or violation of them by the other. As if he had said,
* these Gentile Christians know, by continually hearing the law
read, to what the Jews have been accustomed, and have no
right therefore to abuse their own exemption from its ceremo-
nial precepts, by woundmg the consciences of those who reckon
some of these to be still binding.' From ancient generations
is a much stronger expression than from anderU days in v. 7,
and can hardly denote any thing, in this connection, but the
immemorial use of the Hebrew scriptures in the Jewish wor-
ship; which again seems to determine that by synagogue^
though in itself denoting any meeting or assembly (see above,
on 6, 9. 13, 43), we are here to understand, as usual, the meet-
ings of the Jews for public worship, not the separate assem-
blies of the Christians (compare James 2, 2), in which it could
be scarcely said that Moses was proclaimed or preached, im-
plying his continued recognition as a legislator and supremo
authority. The reference to the synagogues at all is sufficient-
ly explained by the fact so often mentioned or referred to, that
they were frequented both by Grentiles and by Christians, who
had therefore every opportunity of knowing what the Jews
had been accustomed to believe and practise. So too the
word sabd<Uh does not mean the Lord's Day, or the first day
of the week, which is not so called in the New Testament,
nor by the oldest Christian writers, but the seventh day or
Jewish sabbath, which is known to have been long observed
by Christians in addition to the Lord's Day, a practice not en-
tirely unconnected with the one just mentioned of attending
at the Svnagogue or Jewish worship, wliich was open con-
stantly, ii not exclusively, upon the last day of the week.

22. Then pleased it the apostles and elders, with
the whole church, to send chosen men of their own
company to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas, (name-
ly), Judas sumamed Barsabas, and Silas, chief men
among the brethren.

It pleased, or seemed good, and according to Greek usage
still more strongly, was decided, or determmed. Hence the
derivative noun dlogmOy meaning that which is determined or

88 ACTS 15, 22. 23.

decreed by competent authority (see below, on 16, 4. 17, 7.)
This word, and not that judge used in v. 19, denotes the final
decision of the question. James no more determined it than
the mover of a judgment or a resolution in any deliberative
or judicial body. TTie Apostles and Elders^ not as independ-
ent bodies, nor as one body separate from the church itself
but acting in harmonious conjunction with the whole churchy
as there represented, not by human delegation but by divine
appointment. Having chosen men out of (or from among)
tnemselves^ i. e. members of the mother-church and probably
belonging to the number of its elders. To Antiochy as the
secondary centre of the Gentile church (see above, on 14, 28.)
Wi^h Paul and Bamahas^ thereby confirming their authority
and at the same time saving them from the suspicion of a par-
tial or interested statement. Chief (literally leading^ men
ixmong the brethren (Christians or believers in Jerusalem.) The
restricted application of the term to ministers or elders may
be true in pomt of fiict, but is without foundation in the text
or context. Barsahas was also the surname of the person
mentioned in 1, 23, hence supposed by some to be his brother,
and by some himself. Silas^ the contracted form of SilvanuSy
(compare Lucas from Lucanus, Demas fi-om Demetrius, Anti-
pas from Antipater, <&c.) the latter being always used in the
epistles (1 Thess. 1, 1. 2 Th. 1, 1. 2 Cor. 1, 19. 1 Fet. 6, 12) and
the former in the book before us (see below, on vs. 27. 32. 34.
40. 16, 19. 25. 29. 17, 4. 10. 14. 15. 18, 5.)

23. And they wrote (letters) by them after this
manner : The apostles and elders and brethren (send)
greeting unto the brethren which are of the Gentiles
in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia —

Writing by the hxmd of them (or hy their hand) does not
mean employmg them to write the letter, but sending it,
when written, through their agency to Antioch (see above, on
2, 23. 5, 12. 7. 25. 35 11, 30. 14, 3.) Writing is there a com-
pendious expression for sending a written message or a letter,
as when we speak of one man's writing to another. After this
manner^ in Greek simply, these {things) Some manuscripts
omit and the in the superscription of the letter, so as to make
it read, the Apostles and Elders^ brethren (i. e. being brethren,
or your brethren) ; but this is commonly regarded as an

ACTS 15, 23.24. 89

emendation of the text, perhaps intended to remove the ap-

Eearance of co-operation on the part of the whole body of be-
evers. To the brethren (fellow Christians, believers, or dis-
ciples) those from (out of^ from among) the Gentiles^ those at
ArUiochj and (in or throughout) Sf/ria and Cilicia, Hence
it appears that there were GentQe converts, and perhaps
Christian churches, throughout both these regions, probably
gathered by Paul on his return home after his conversion (see
above, on 9, 30.) Send greeting^ literally, to rejoice^ i. e. tell
them to rejoice, wish them joy, salute them. This was the
usual salutatory formula in Greek epistles, and as such is used
by Claudius Lysias in his letter to Felix (see below, on 23, 26.)
The only other instance of its use in the New Testament is in
the title or inscription of the Epistle of James, which has been
regarded as an mcidental proof that he wrote both epistles.
That he wrote the one before us is highly probable, apart from
this consideration, as it really embodies his proposal, which had
been adopted by the whole assembly.

24. Forasmuch as we have heard, that certain
which went out fix)ra us have troubled you with words,
subverting your souls, saying, (Ye must) be circum-
cised, and keep the law ; to whom we gave no (such)
commandment —

Forasnvuch ew, whereas, since, referring to what follows,
as because most generally does to something said before.
Here, as in Luke 1, 1, it introduces a preamble or preliminary
reason for their writing. Certain^ i. e. some, mdefinitely.
From us going outj is usually taken in the literal or local
sense, as meaning simply that they went from Judea or Jeru-
salem to Antioch (see above, on v. 1) ; or more emphatically,
that thev were members of the church there. A still stronger
sense might be put upon the words, to wit, that they were
clothed with a regular commission as religious teachers. But
the strongest sense of all, and one directlv opposite to this, is
that suggested by the use of the same phrase elsewhere (see
1 John 2, 19) to signify desertion or apostasy. But the otner
seems more natural in this connection, and agrees better with
the negative expression in the last clause. Troubled^ dis-
turbed, destroyed your peace, by insinuating doubts of your
safety and acceptance in the sight of God. With toordsj i. e.

00 ACTS 16, 24-26.

discourses, speeches, or perhaps with forms or modes of ex-
pression, which were new to them. Suhverting^ turning up-
side down, confounding, may be taken as a stronger synonyme
of troubling^ or in the more emphatic sense of ruining^ de-
stroying, by teaching a false method of salvation. The ori-
ginal meaning of the Greek verb b to pack up, then to carry-
off, used in a military sense by Xenophon to signify the spoli-
ation of an enemy. Saying ye mtist (or telling you to) be
circumcised and keep (observe, obey) the law^ not the moral
law, which is perpetually binding as a rule of duty, but the
ceremonial system, or the whole law as a means of justifica-
tion and salvation. (See above, on v. 10.) Buch^ in the last
clause, is supplied by the translators, introducing a restriction
which, although it may be true, is not expressed. The mean-
ing may be a much wider one, ^ we gave them no commission
or authority to teach at all.'

25. 26. It seemed good unto us, being assembled
with one accord, to send chosen men imto you with our
beloved Barnabas and Paul, men that have hazarded
their hves for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ.

It seemed good is the same verb that is rendered pleased
in V. 22. Being assembled with one accord^ or rather, having
become of one mind (or unanimous), implying previous dis-
agreement, not among the Apostles (see above, on vs. 14, 15),
but among the brethren, and perhaps among the elders (see
above, on 9, 26. 27.) Their being assembled is implied out
not expressed either by the verb Twhich simply means being
or becoming) or the adverb, whicn cannot mean together in
the local sense, but by its very etymoloe:y denotes unity of
mind or coincidence ot judgment and of feeling. (See above,
on 1, 14, 2, 1. 46. 4, 24. 5, 12. 7, 57. 8, 6. 12, 20.) To
send chosen men, or more exactly, having chosen men to send
(thetn,) Chosen out, selected for ourselves, as in v. 7 (see
above, on 1, 2. 24. 6, 5. 13, 17), and therefore independently
of Paul and Barnabas, who mignt have been accused of select-
ing the messengers themselves. Our beloved, not an empty
compliment or ceremonious form of speech, but an important
attestation of the light in which these two men were regarded
by the Apostles and the brethren at Jerusalem, with whom
their Judaizing adversaries may have represented them as

ACTS 15, 26-28. 01

being utterly at variance. But besides this general expres-
sion of regard and confidence, the letter indirectly sanctions
their missionary labours by describing them as having haz~
arded (literally given upy exposed, or risked) their lives, not
merely as a proof of courage, or without a moral and religious
motive, but expressly and specifically, for the name of our
Ijord Jesus Christ, i. e. for all denoted by his names, in his
service, in his cause, for his honour, as the Sovereign and the
Saviour, the anointed Priest and Prophet of his people, (See
above, on vs. 14. 17.) To have hazarded their lives in this
cause was indeed an honour, which the church here recognizes
as belonging to her two first foreign missionaries.

27. We have sent therefore Judas and Silas, who
shall also tell (you) the same things by mouth.

Sent is not the same verb that is used in v. 25, but the one
from which Apostle is derived, and a favourite of Luke's,
though convertible and often interchanged with the other.
(Compare 10, 6. 8. 21. 33. 11, 29. 30.) Who shall also tell
you, or retaining more exactly the peculiar form of the ori-
ginal, also themselves telling, or reporting, carrying back word,
m answer to the message sent from Antioch (v. 2.) The pres-
ent participle represents the future scene at Antioch as actually
passing (see above, on 7, 25), as the perfect tense at the be-
ginning of the sentence represents the sending as already
past. Also, and the same (things), are referred by some to
Paul and Barnabas, by others to the letter, both which ideas
are compatible and probably included. Judas and Silas were
not only to confirm what Paul and Barnabas had said and
done, but also to state orally, and no doubt with the necessary
explanations, what was briefly recorded in the letter. -By
mouth, literally by word, through speech, or as the Latins
phrased it ore tenus, viva voce,

28. For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to
us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these neces-
sary things —

The preceding reference to the oral statements of the dep-
uties accounts for the brief summary here given of the resolu-
tion which had been adopted. It seemed good, as in vs. 22.
25, denotes not mere opinion but authoritative judgment. 7b

92 A C T S 15, 28. 29.

iht Holy Ghost and t/«, as his accredited organs of communi-
cation. (See above, on 6, 11, and compare Ex. 14, 31. Judg.
7, 18. 20. 1 Sam. 12, 18.) Some refer the first words to a
miraculous ratification of their judgment ; others to the wit-
ness of the Spirit in the case of Cornelius (10, 44-46), and no
doubt in others like it ; but the natural and obvious construc-
tion is, that the Apostles, and those joining with them in this
act, claim for their own decision a divine authority, as having
been suggested or inspired by the Holy Ghost. Nothing can
therefore be inferred fi-om this phrase, with respect to the
authority of Councils and their canons, except so far as they
are known to be under the same guidance and control. To
lay (put, place, or impose) upon you no greater burden (liter-
ally, more weight) than (save or except) these necessary
(things)^ or retaining the original adverbial construction,
these {things) necessarily (enjoined, exacted.) The necessity
alleged is not, as some suppose, perpetual or absolute, but on
the contrary, as indicated by the whole connection, and by all
the circumstances of the case, provisional and temporary, so
that the expression might be £drly paraphrased or amplified
by saying, ' except these things, necessarily required by pres-
ent exigencies, although in themselves, and at a future day, of
no importance.' This must of course be qualified in reference
to fornication^ if that word be taken in its proper sense, in
which case the necessity was temporary only with respect to
the immediate reasons lor peculiar circumspection in relation
to that class of sins, to wit, the morbid and excessive jealousy
of Jewish converts, as to Glentile liberty or license in such
matters.

29. That ye abstain from meats offered to idols,
and from blood, and from things strangled, and from
fornication ; from which if ye keep yourselves, ye shall
do well. Fare ye well.

Thai ye abstain^ literally, to abstain (see above, on v. 20.)
Meats offered to idols corresponds to one Greek compound
meaning idol-sacrifices^ or as an adjective, sacrijiced to idols.
Meats is supplied by the translators, and no doubt correctly,
both in the specific modem sense of Jiesh^ and in the wider
ancient sense of food^ which was probably intended, but
which really includes the other. This unambiguous expression

ACTS 15, 29-81. 93

must determine the more obscure one in v. 20 {poRutions of
idols.) The only other difference between the verses is, that
here the prohibitions which relate to food are put together,
and that of fornication at the end, an improvement in the order
which agrees exactly with the natural relation of an oral pro-
position as originally uttered, to the same idea afterwards re-
duced to writing ; thus affording an unstudied but most inter-
esting proof of authenticity and genuineness in the record.
Froni which is by one distinguiMied writer understood to
mean, from which statements^ or according to which rtdes^
keeping yourselves^ i. e. acting circumspectly, ye shcUl do weU.
He objects to the usual ana obvious construction {keeping
yourselves from whichy L e. from these prohibited indulgences)
as contrary to usage ; but at least one clear example of the
same verb (in its uncompounded form) followed by the same
preposition in the same sense has been found in the New Tes- .
tament.* Ye shall (or wilt) do well^ in accordance with Greek
usage, suggests three distinct ideas, all compatible and all ap-
propriate in this connection. The first is, ' you will do right,'
do your duty, act acceptably to God, The next is, ' you will
do good,' do a favour to your brethren, by your tender care
of their weak consciences. The third is, ' you will do well *
for yourselves, promote your own best interest, or prosper.
This last idea is repeated in the form of a concluding valedic-
tion. JFare ye weU, literally, be ye strong (or healthy), corre-
sponding to the Latin word (vcUete) used in the same way at
the conclusion of a letter, a common expression in the clas-
sics, but confined in the New Testament to this place and the
one before referred to. (See above, on v. 23, and below, on
23, 30.)

80. 31. So when they were dismissed, they came
to Antioch ; and when they had gathered the multitude
together, they delivered the epistle, (which) when they
had read, they rejoiced for the consolation.

So wheny or rather so then^ the resumptive or continuative
phrase, of which Luke makes such frequent use. (See above,
onv. 3, and compare 1,6.18. 2,41. 5,41. 8,4.25. 9,31. 11,

• I pray not that thon shouldeeit take them out of the world, but that thoa
•honldoat keep them from the evil (njp^o^t oinovs iK rov wonipov), John
17, 15.

04 ACTS 16^ 31.32.

19. 12,5. 13,4.) They having been dismissed, allowed to
go, or sent away (see above, on 3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 5, 40. 13, 3.)
Gathered together answers to one compound Greek word
meaning colUctedf assembled, or convened. The multitude^
the whole mass or body of believers (see above, on 6, 12, and
compare 2, 6. 4, 32. 5, 16. 6, 2. 6. 14, 41), called the church
in 14, 27. The decision of the council being one in which all
Christians were concerned, as well as one in which the whole
mass of believers at Jerusalem had taken part, this public and
promiscuous announcement was not only admissible but indis-
pensable. Delivered and read belong to different subjects,
the former to the messengers of the church in Jerusalem, the
latter to the members of the church in Antioch. The mean-
ing therefore is not, that they delivered the epistle by reading
it, but that they delivered the epistle to the church (i. e. to the
church-officers) who read it. Which when they had read^ lit-
erally, and having read {it). The plural participle refers to
the multitude as a collective, or to the church-officers who
represented it; more probably the former, as it must have
been the whole church that rejoiced^ and not the elders
merely. Reading has no doubt here its primary and proper
sense of reading aloud. (See above, on v. 21, and compare
8, 28. 30. 32. 13, 27.) For the consolation^ or as some prefer
to render it, the exhortation. Both senses may be justified
by usage (see above, on 4, 36. 9, 31. 13, 15) ; but the stronger
sense of consolation seems to agree better with the effect de-
scribed, as it was not the requisitions of the apostolical epistle
that excited joy at Antioch, but the comforting assurance that
their faith was not vain or their souls in jeopardy.

32. And Judas and Silas, being prophets also
themselves, exhorted the brethren with many words,
and confirmed (them.)

Prophets^ inspired teachers (see above, on 11, 27. 13, 1.)
Also^ as well as leading men and delegates. Themrselves^ as
weU as Paul and Barnabas. With many words, literally,
through (or by means of) much speech (word or discourse ;
see above, on v. 27.) JEochorted, the verb corresponding to
the noun in v. 31, and including the ideas of exhortation and
consolation (see above, on 11, 23.) The brethrefL, the disci-
ples or believers, there called Christians (see above, on 11, 26.)
Confirmed^ strengthened, or established in the faith, by fur-

ACTS 16, 31-85. 96

ther instruction and animating exhortation. (See above, op
13, 43. 14, 22.)

33. And after they had tarried (there) a space,
they were let go in peace from the brethren unto the
apostles.

After they had tarried there a 8pa>ce^ literally, having made
time^ i. e. passed or spent some time there. This use of the verb
is rare, but found at least once in Demosthenes. Let go^ dis-
missed!, discharged, the same verb that occurs above in v. 30.
In peace^ or more exactly, with peace^ i. e. with the usual
benediction or good wishes, the most ancient form of which
is probably the invocation of peace or prosperity upon the
person thus saluted. (Compare the Latin Pax vobiscum with
the Arabic Sala^am alaikum^ still the customary oriental salu-
tation.) The brethren of the church at Antioch, as in v. 32.
To the apostles^ or as several of the oldest manuscripts and
latest critics read, to those who sent them.

34. Notwithstanding it pleased Silas to abide there
still.

Notwithstanding is in Greek the usual continuative par-
ticle (3c) rendered and in the preceding verse. It pleased^
or seemed best, as in vs. 22. 25. 28. Abide there stilly stay
on, remain over, as in 10, 48. This verso seems inconsistent
with the one before it, where Silas and Judas are both said
to have been sent back to Jerusalem. This seeming incon-
sistency may account for the omission of the whole verse in
several of the oldest copies; but the latest critics rather
suppose it to have been inserted in the others, to explain how
Silas could be there to take the place of Barnabas, as Paul's
companion in his second mission. (See below, on v. 40.) The
communication seems, however, to have been so frequent (see
above, on 11, 26. 30. 12, 25. 15, 2), that there is no improba-
bility in supposing, either that Paul sent for Silas before setting
out upon his second mission, or that Silas had returned to
Antioch in the mean time.

35. Paul also and Barnabas continued in Antioch,
teaching and preaching the word of the Lord, with
many others also.

96 ACTS 15, 85.86.

Continuedy literally, wore or spent (time), see above, on
12,19. 14,3.28. Teaching and preaching^ either distinct
official acts, the one more public than the other, or a two-
fold description of their ministry, both public and private, as
didactic or instructive and yet cheering or encouraging.
JEfOangelmng the word of the JOord, proclaiming it as good
news or glad tidings (see above, on 6, 42. 8, 4. 12. 35 11, 20.
13, 32. 14,7. 21.^ With many others cUso (Gr. also many
others)^ so that Antioch appears to have abounded more and
more m "prophets andteacners" (see above, on 13, 1), prob-
ably because it had become a centre both of radiation and at-
traction, from which preachers were now sent forth in various
directions, and to which there was a concourse of inquiring
Gentiles, from the surrounding provinces, if not from distant
countries. (See above, on 14, 28.)

36. And some days after, Paul said unto Barnabas,
Let us go again and visit our brethren in every city
where we have preached the word of the Lord, (and
see) how they do.

Some days after^ literally, after some days^ an indefinite
expression, which however seems more naturally to suggest a
short time than a long one (see above, on 8, 36.) Let us go
again and visit, literally, returning let us visit (or look after /
see above, on 6, 3. 7, 23.) Between the participle and the
verb in Greek there is a particle (817), which might be ren-
dered 7WW, as it is a contraction of (5817) already, but com-
monly employed to emphasize the word to which it is attached.
(See above, on 13, 2, and compare Luke 2, 15. 1 Cor. 6, 20.)
This proposition shows the same concern in Paul for the
churches founded by himself tl: at is displayed in his epistles
and indeed occasioned them. In every city is in Greet still
more expressive, as the preposition (Kara) corresponds not only
to our in, but also to our through, throughout, along, and is
also used distributively (see above, on vs. 21, 23. 2, 10, 46. 5,
16.42.8,1.3.36.9,31.42. 10,37. 11,1. 13,1.27. 14,23.)
Where, literally, in which, a plural form referring to the col-
lective, every city. We have preached, or more exactly, we
preached, i. e. upon our former mission. Preached, announced,
proclaimed, declared, the same verb that is used in 4, 2. 13, 6.
38. 27ie word of t/ie JOordy the doctrine of Christ, i. e. the

ACTS 15, 36-38. 97

Grospel. How they do^ literally, how they have (themselves),
i. e. how (or in what state) they are (see above, on 7, 1. 12, 16.)
The words supplied in the translation {and see) give the sense,
but not the syntax, as this last clause \how they do) must be
grammatically construed with the vero let us msU, which in-
cludes, both in Greek and English, the idea of seeing, inquir-
ing, or examining.

87. 38. And Barnabas determined to take with
them John, whose surname was Mark. But Paul
thought not good to take him with them, who depart-
ed &om them from Pamphyha, and went not with
them to the work.

Determined is too strong a version, even of the common
text, which simply means that he ifitended, purposed, or that
such was his design and plan ; and still more of the reading
ffiven by the modem critics, he desired or wished. Some light
IS thrown upon this wish or purpose by Col. 4, 1 0, where we
learn that Mark and Barnabas were cousins, either in the
strict sense or the wide one common to both idioms. Tyndale's
version (sister^s son), retained in our Bible, is entirely too spe-
cific. The Khemish (cousin-german) is better, and Wiohf s
(cousin) better still. Thought not good to take him, or re-
taining the original construction, thought goodfwt to take him,
TTiought good is a single word in Greek which strictly means
thought worthy (as in Luke 7, 7. 2Th. 1, 11. 1 Tim. 5, 17. Heb.
3, 3. 10, 29), but when absolutely used, thought right or proper.
It sometimes means in classic Greek to ask, demand, but only
as a matter of right, in which sense it is so translated by the
Vulgate here (rogabat) and in 28, 22 below {rogamus), where
it is copied by the English version {we desire.) If this sense
be adopted in the case before us, the idea is, that Paul d&-
tnanded or insisted, upon principle, or as a right, that John
should not go with them. This differs only by suggesting the
idea of oral expression, from the common version, thought not
good or right. But it seems best to adhere to the common
usage of the verb in the New Testament, and understand it as
at least implying, that he did not think Mark Jit or worthy to
be taken with them. The ground of his objection is distinctly
stated by referring to a fact recorded in its proper place (see
above, on 1 3, 1 3.) The work^ L e. the missionary work in which

VOL. II. u

98 ACTS 15, Sr-^O.

they were engaged. Here, as in several other cases, the point
of the sentence is impaired by a needless change of collocation.
In the original the sentence closes, not to take along with
Uhem) this {man), L e. such a person, one who had thus acted.
JPaul's objection to so doing gathers strength if we suppose, as
was before suggested (in the comment upon Id, 13), that Mark
was guilty of resisting or refusing to acknowledge Paul's apos-
tolical authority. There was thus a motive upon each side for
the difference here recorded, the one being private or personal,
the other public and officiaL

89. 40. And the contention was so sharp between
them, that they departed asunder one from the other,
and so Barnabas took Mark, and sailed unto Cyprus ;
and Paul chose Silas, and departed, being recommend-
ed by the brethren unto the grace of God.

Afid should be there/are, i. e. because they were divided in
opinion upon this point. This English clause is not a version
but a paraphrase of the original, which may be strictly ren-
dered, there toas therefore (or arose, began to be) a paroxysm,
L e. an excitement, elsewhere used in the good sense of incite-
ment, provocation, to good works (Heb. 10, 24.) The idea of
anger is suggested by the context, and confirmed by the usage
of the verbal root (see below, on 17, 18, and compare 1 Cor.
13, 6.) It is not to be magnified, however, into any thing
beyond a sudden and a temporary irritation (sharpening, as
the Greek words primarily signify,) suflScient to account for
the effect hero mentioned, and, we may add, to carry out the
divine purpose of multiplying labourers and even missions by
a painful but momentary alienation between Paul and Barna-
bas. Departed asunder is in Greek a passive verb properly
denoting violent division or forcible separation. (See above,
on 1, 4, where an uncompounded form of the same verb is
used.) It miffht here be rendered, they were parted, severed,
sundered. .£%d so, or rather both (tc), or on the one hand,
placing this clause in antithesis to that which follows. Took
Mark, taking Mark along, as he at first proposed and Paul re-
vised to do. Sailed out ^or away) to Cyprus, his own coun-
try, and perhaps that of his kinsman also. (See above, on 4,
36. 13, 4.) Chose Silas is a feeble although not an incorrect
translation of a very expressive Greek verb, which denotes

ACTS 15, 39. 40. 99

the act of choosing for himself in addition to (or in the place
of) some one else, thus conveying the whole process of ex-
change and substitution by a single word. Departed^ literally,
went forth (compare 13, 4 above), it is not said how soon
after the dispute, and therefore, if v. 34 be excluded from the
text, it is not at all improbable that Silas was summoned from
Jerusalem, no doubt with the consent of the church there as
well as at Antioch, expressly to supply the place of Barnabas.
Being recommended^ literally, given wjt) (as in 14, 20 above),
which may include the idea of release from service there, as
well as that of consignment to divine protection. By the
brethren^ as in v. 32 above. The inference usually drawn from
the omission of any similar expression as to Barnabas and
Mark, to wit, that their mission was without authority, divine
or human, seems a little forced, since Luke is writing the his-
tory of Paul as the Apostle of the Gentiles, and had mentioned
the dispute with Barnabas at all, only to account for the subse-
quent appearance of Silas as his substitute. It is equally ad-
missible, and much more pleasant, to suppose that the " par-
oxysm," although directly caused by human frailty, was a
providential means of sending out four men instead of two, on
the same errand but in different directions, so as at the same
time to avoid collision and enlarge the field of missionary la-
bour. This hypothesis is favoured by the fact that it supposes
the leader of each mission to have gone again to his own coun-
try (see above, on 13, 4. 13), and the two to have revisited,
apart but simultaneously, the whole field of their first joint
mission ; whereas if Barnabas went forth without authority,
Paul's proposal of a second visitation (see above, on v. 36) was
not realized at all in relation to the island where he may be
said to have achieved his first conquest, and indeed to have
been first acknowledged as Apostle of the Gentiles (see above,
on 13, 9.) This view of the matter also supersedes the disa-
greeable necessity of inquiring whether Paul was chargeable
with undue rigour or Barnabas with nepotism, or both, or nei-
ther, all which alteniatives have been maintained. The simplest
and most satisfactory conclusion is, that the " paroxysm " nere
recorded was permitted to take place for the important
reasons which have been suggested, and had no ulterior effects
whatever on the mutual relations of the three men, whom we
find in several of Paul's epistles reunited in the closest bonds
Df Christian fiiendship. (See 2 Cor. 9, 6. Col. 4, 10. 2 Tim. 4,
11. Fhilem.24.) The same state of feeling is implied in

100 ACTS 15, 39-41.

Gal. 2, 13, where Paul seems to express surprise that "even
Bamab«is," his old friend and associate, shared in that unhappy
inconsistency of Peter, which by some is referred to the " cer-
tain days " of y. 36, though some put it later, and others think
it could not possibly have happened after the decision of the
council at JerusalenL

41. And he went through Syria and Cilicia, con-
firming the churches.

He went through^ i. e. Paul, as leader of the mission and
Apostle of the Gentiles, Silas holding a subordinate position,
because although a prophet (see above, on v. 32) not of Apos-
tolic rank, and moreover just enlisted in the foreign service.
Syria and Cilicia^ the regions of which Antioch and Tarsus
were the capitals, and to the Gentile converts of which the
epistle from Jerusalem was formally addressed (see above, on
V. 23.) This was the natural and necessary course to be pursued
by one who went by land from Antioch mto Asia Minor. The
Gk)spel had most probably been first preached in Cilicia, and
perhaps in the adjacent parts of Syria, by Paul himself, a few
years after his conversion (see above, on v. 23, and on 9, 30) ;
but churches may not have been organized till now, when the
great Judaic controversy had been settled, and this organi-
zation may be here included under the term confirming^ es-
tablishing^ or at least connected with it, as it seems to be in
14, 22. 23.

-•♦♦-

CHAPTER XYI.

CoNmrcriNG his second foreign mission, Paul revisits Derbe
and Lystra, where he enlbts 'umothy in the service, after cir-
cumcising him (1-3.) They deliver the decrees of the council
at Jerusalem in the towns through which they pass, and find
the churches in a prosperous condition (4-5.) After visiting
rPhryffia and Galatia, and being excludea from other parts of
Asia Minor, they arrive at Troas (6-8.) There a vision calls
them into Macedonia (9-10.) Leaving Ask, they begin tlieir
European labours at Philippi, and a church is gathered in the

ACTS 16, 1. . 101

house of Lydia (11-15.) A miracle performed by Paul oc-
casions his arrest and imprisonment with Silas (16-24.) They
prevent a suicide and baptize a household (26-34.) They as-
sert their right as Roman citizens, and are honourably dis-
charged and suffered to proceed upon their journey (36-40.)

1. Then came he to Derbe and Lystra ; and, behold,
a certain disciple was there, named Timotheus, the son
of a certain woman which was a Jewess and believed ;
but his father (was) a Greek :

Then is the usual continuative particle, connecting this
verse in the closest manner with what goes before, the division
of the chapters being here mechanical. Game doton, or down
upon, a favourite verb of Luke's (see below, on 18, 19. 24.)
Ijie additional idea of return or coming back, which the word
sometimes has in later Greek, would be appropriate here, but
does not seem to belong to the New Testament dialect. Derbe
andlA/atra are named together as in 14, 6, but in the reverse
order, as they were now approached from the opposite direc-
tion. Paul and Silas had probably come through the ^unous
Cilician Gates, a pass in the Taurus range, leading from north
to south, and eightv miles in length, behold (or lo) usually
introduces somethmg unexpected, and may Mere imply that
Timothy was not at home, though in a place where he was well
known, as appears from the next verse. This may seem to
favour the opinion that he was a native of Derbe (see below,
on 20, 4), or of Antioch in Pisidia (see 2 Tim. 3, 11) ; but
nothing can be certainly deduced from any of these texts as
to that point. There no doubt refers to I/ystra^ as the nearest
antecedent, and as named again in the next verse ; or to Derbe
and Lyatra together, as being not &r apart, or for some other
reason spoken of as one place. Disciple^ Christian, probably
one of Paul's converts on his former visit (14, 7), and hence
called his son or child (1 Cor. 4, 17. 1 Tim. 1, 2. 18. 2 Tim. 1,
2. 2. 1.) Named (literally, by name) TimotJieus^ sometimes
written in our Bible with an English termination, Timothy,
Certain before woman is omitted in the oldest manuscripts.
Son of a believing Jewish woman^ i. e. a Christian or converted
Jewess. From 2 Tim. 1, 5, we learn that his mother's namo
was Eunice, and his grandmother's Lois, both eminent for faith,
by whom he had been early made acquainted with the scrip-

102 • ACTS 16, 1.2. 3.

tares (2 Tim. 3, 14. 15.) This exclusive mention of his female
relatives agrees exactly with the fact here stated that his
fiither was a Greek, and as ^^ believing '^^ is not added, no
doubt a heathen ; as well as with the fact that he had not been
circamcised. Intermarriage with the heathen was forbidden
by the law (see Deut. 7,4. Ezra 10,2. 44. Neh. 13,23) ; but
some suppose a distinction between strange wives and strange
husbands, founded on the cases of £sthcr and Drusilla (see be-
low, on 24. 24.)

2. Which was well reported of by the brethren that
were at Lystra and Iconium.

Well r^xyrted of^ literally, testified^ attested, testified to be
(what is not expressed, but suggested by the context.) He
had probably been labouring in these cities since Paul's former
Tigit, either in a private way, or by express divine appointment
(1 Tim. 1, 18), and ordination by the presbytery or elders of
these churches (see above, on 14, 23, and compare 1 Tim. 4,
14. 2 Tim. 1, 6.) All this however may have happened after
what is here recorded. Iconium^ see above, on 1 4, 2 1 . Besides
this testimony from the church itself, Paul instructs Timothy
himself to require that of those without (1 Tun. 3, 7.)

3. Him would Paul have to go forth with him, and
took and circumcised him because of the Jews which
were in those quarters ; for they knew all that his fa-
ther was a Greek.

Him (literally, this one) Paul would have (literally, wish-
ed^ desired) with him to go forth (or out)^ i. e. upon this
foreign mission, in the place of Mark, or as some say, of Titus,
which supposes Paul's visit to Crete (Tit. 1, 1) to have been
made just before ; but this is mere conjecture on a point not
here revealed or ascertainable. And took (literally, taking)
seems to imply decision and authority, and also that he per-
formed the rite himself, as it was not a sacerdotal act, but
rather belonged to the father or his representative. It was
not done as a necessary act, on Paul's part or on Timothy's,
but because of the Jews that were (literally, the ones being) in.
those quarters (literally, places)^ i. e. Derbe, Lystra, and per-
haps Iconium. For they all knew his father^ that he was a

ACTS 16, 3.4.6. lOS

(Sreek (or Gentile), and therefore concluded that the son had
not been circumcised. As one reason for selecting Timothy
was no doubt his connection with both races, fitting him to bo
an instrument of good to both, Paul acted on the principle
avowed in 1 Cor. 9, 22, and availed himself of the liberty
enjoyed, as to ceremonial usages, during the interval between
the advent and the downfall of Jerusalem. (See above, on 2,
46, and below, on 21, 23.) As this concession, though intend-
ed to conciliate the Jews, could scarcely have been misunder-
stood either by them or the Christian converts, it involves no
sacrifice of principle, as the very same act would have done in
the case of Titus, who seems to have had no connection with
the Jews at all, and whose subjection to the rite would there-
fore have acknowledged the necessity of the legal ceremonies
to salvation. (See above, on 15, 1, and compare Gal. 2, 3-5.)

Was a Greek may mean was {still) a Greeks the original ex-
pression being not the mere verb of existence, but one some-
times denoting change of state and sometimes its continuance.
(See above, on 2,30. 3,2.6. 4,34.37. 5,4. 7,55. 8,16. 10,
12. 14,8.)

4. And as they went through the cities, they de-
livered them the decrees for to keep, that were ordained
of the apostles and elders which were at Jerusalem.

Went (journeyed, travelled) through the cities, where
Paul had preached before, Deroe and Lystra, Iconium and
Antioch. Decrees, literally, dogmas, see above, on 15, 22. 25.
28. Ordained, decreed, decided. The apostles and elders of
the church at Jerusalem, representing the whole body. (See
above, on 15, 2.) These decrees, though temporary or pro-
visional, were highly important to the present peace and unity
of the church, and therefore perfectly consistent with the doc-
trine taught by Paul in his epistles (Rom. 14, 2. 17. 1 Cor. 8,
8. 10,25. Tit. 1,5.)

5. And so were the churches established in the
faith, and increased in number daily.

So then, in consequence of this visitation (see above, on 16,
30, and compare, 14, 22), not merely by means of the decrees,
the Greek connective {fxev ovv) commonly referring to a re-
moter antecedent. JSstablished, settled, or confirmed, as op-

104 ACTS 16, 5.6. 7.8.

posed to doubt and vacillation. (Compare Eph. 4, 14.) Th^e
faith^ not merely the doctrine of Christ, but their belief of it,
and trust in bun. InereasecL, abounded, were abundant.
DaUy^ literally, by day^ that is, day by day^ the same ex-
pression that is used above in 2, 46. 47. 3, 2.

6. Now when they had gone throughout Phrygia
and the region of Galatia, and were forbidden of the
Holy Ghost to preach the word in Asia —

And having gone through Phrygia^ a district of dubious or
variable extent, in the interior of Asia Minor, divided at one
time into two, and at another into three parts. It included
not only Colosse, Hierapolis, and Laodicea, but according to
the classical writers, Antioch in Pisidia. The GakUian region^
dsewhere called Galatia^ another inland district of the same
peninsula, occupied by Gauls and Celts in the third century
before Christ, and still retaining the lanjguage of those settlers
six centuries later. The mixed population were called GaUo-
grecians. To the churches of tins province, probably founded
by himself, Paul addressed one of his epistles. The phrase
wdatian region may include more than Galatia proper. For-
bidden^ hindered, or prevented, either by express command or
by 'insurmountable hmderances, most probably the former, as
it is referred specifically to the Spirit. The omission of details
in this account of Paul's visit to Galatia might lead to the con-
clusion that it was marked by no occurrences of interest ; and
yet to this date may be probably referred various facts men-
tioned in the epistle, showing a strong mutual attachment, and
implying intimate acquaintance. The details are probably omit-
tea here because no radiating centre was established, and the
churches may have been in rural districts rather than in large
towns, none of which are mentioned, either in Acts or in Ga-
latians.

7. 8. After they were come to Mysia, they assayed
to go into Bithjmia, but the Spirit suffered them not ;
and they passing by Mysia came down to Troas.

Having come doum to Mysia, the north-west province of
Asia Minor. Assayed^ endeavored, tried. As the &reek word
is usually applied to moral trial or temptation, it may possibly
imply that there wa«i something presumptuous in this attempt.

ACTS 16, 8.9. 106

(See above, on 15, 10.) Bithynia^ a province on the northern
coast of Asia Minor, to the east of Mysia. Here again they were
forbidden by the spirit of Jesus^ a phrase occurring only here,
but probably denoting the mission of the Spirit by the Son
(see above, on 2, 33.) These prohibitions were no doubt in-
tended gradually to disclose to them their mission or vocation
to introduce the Gospel into Europe. Passing ly may mean
passing through without stopping, or at least without preach-
mg, as they must have traversed Mvsia to reach Troas^ a sea-
port near the site of ancient Troy (see below, on 20, 5. 6, and
conoipare 2 Cor. 2, 12. 2 Tim. 4, 13.) Here they were opposite
to Grreece and near it, so as to be ready to enter on their new
field of missionary labour when conmianded.

9. And a vision appeared to Paul in the night.
There stood a man of Macedonia, and prayed him, say-
ing, Come over into Macedonia, and help us.

The divine will is now more fully made known by a vision
or preternatural appearance (see above, on 7, 31. 9, 10. 12. 10,
3.17.19. 11,5. 12,9.) J/i (through, during, in the course of )
the nighty perhaps the night of their arrival. Appeared to
Paul, or u)(is seen by him^ as in 2, 3. Y, 2. 26. 30. 35. 9, 17.
13, 31. It is not said in a dream^ which expression occurs
onlv in the case of Joseph (Matt. 2, 13. 19. 22) and of Pilate's
wife (Matt. 27, 19.) Some believe the supposition of a dream
to be excluded here, as the lowest form or stage of divine com-
munication, never used with the Apostles. There was a certain
man, a Mczcedoniany standing arid beseeching ; but the latest
editors omit there was a certain, and read simply, a Macedo-
nian man standing and beseeching, or exhorting, as the same
word often means (see above, on 2, 40. 11, 23. 15, 32), but the
stronger sense is also fullyjustified by usage (see above, on 8,
31. 9,38. 13,42. 15,32.) The essential idea, of which these are
only modifications, is that of calling on (or to) a person, whether
in the way of exhortation or entreaty. Come over, literally,
passing through or crossing over, which some explain as im-
plving difficulties or obstructions to be broken through, but
which rather implies nearness and at the same time separation,
both which ideas are appropriate to PauPs position at the
moment, on the confines of Europe and Asia. There is no
need of inquiring whether he was known to be a Macedo-
nian by his dress, voice, or words ; as the whole commuuica-

106 ACTS 16, 9. 10.

tion being preternatural might immediately suggest this fact
without any reasoning at aU. (See above, on 9, 12^ Hdp us^
to be saved, or to obtain salvation. ^, the Macedonians,
Greeks, or Europe-ms, as well as thy own countrymen of Asia
Minor. Macedonia is thus specified, because it was the part
of Europe nearest to the scene of this vision, and the part
where his European work was to begin.

10. And after he had seen the vision, immediately
we endeavoured to go into Macedonia, assuredly gather-
ing that the Lord had called us for to preach the gospel
imto them.

After he had seen^ literally, <i8 (or when) he saio (see above,
on 1, 10.) Immediately^ without any mention of his rising
from sleep, as in the case of Joseph (Matt. 2, 14. 21.) £J7i-
deavouredy literally, sought^ i. e. means or a conveyance. To
gOy or more exactly, to go out (or forth) ^ implying a departure
from their previous field of labour, and a migration into
foreign parts. Assuredly gathering is in Greek one word,
which we have already met with in the sense of proving (see
above, on 9, 25), but which here seems to retain more of its
primary or strict sense, that of combining, putting things to-
gether, in the way of argument, and as the ground of a conclu-
sion. (Compare the similar expression in 4, 15 above, and Luke
2, 1 9.) In the present CAse, they may have reasoned by compar-
ing this vision with the previous obstructions to their work in
Asia (vs. 6. 7,) Called us, literally, called to us^ or called us
to (himself), as in 6, 40. 6, 2. 13, 7, but also used to signify a
choice or designation of individuals, either to salvation (see
above, on 2,39), or to special service (see above, on 13,2.)
To preach the gospel to them^ literally, to evangelize them^ as
in 8, 25. 40. 13, 32. Here, for the first time, the writer uses
the first person {we sought)^ implying his own presence and
participation in the facts recorded. Some explain this by sup-
posing it to have been transferred from the narrative or jour-
nal of one who accompanied Paul from Troas to Philippi,
where this form of expression is discontinued, but resumed
again in 20, 5. To this ingenious combination it may be ob-
jected that so abrupt an introduction of another's language,
without any intimation or change of form, is far less probable
than an abrupt change in the author's own mode of expres-

ACTS 16, 10. 11. 107

kjlon, even if he had been present from the first. Still more
natural is the supposition that the writer of the book joined
Paul at Troas, perhaps as his physician (see Col. 4, 10), which
agrees well with the supposition, that the infirmities of
which Paul speaks in his epistles (see Gal. 4, 13. 14, and com-
pare 2 Cor. 12,7) arose from bodily disease, though some
refer them to the cares and doubts occasioned by the in-
terruption of his labours (see above, on vs. 6. 7), and others
deny any direct reference to this part of his history. That
Tunothy is not the person here appearing for the first time,
see below, on 20, 5. Had it been either Timothy or Silas, it
would be wholly unaccountable that this form of expression
should begin just here and not before, and also that the ancient
and uniform tradition of the church, attested by such names as
those of Clemens Alexandrinus, Irenseus, andTertullian, should
have dropped so eminent a name and substituted that of Luke, as
the author both of this book and of the third gospel. That
the use of the first person ceases at Philippi (see below, on v.
17), and is resumed there on a subsequent voyage (see below,
on 20, 6), is a plausible reason for supposing that Luke re-
mained there during that whole interv^al, or even that it was
his place of residence. It is very possible, however, that he
may have been in constant attendance upon Paul, but only
wrote in the first person when he took part himself in that
which he relates as a historian. Compare the similar interval
between 21,17 and 27, 1, during which we have no means of
determining whether Luke was m Paul's company or separated
from him. That he does not name himself, or explain now he
happened to be present, is ascribed by some to modesty, by
others to the fact that Theophilus, for whom he wrote in the
first instance (see above, on 1, 1), was already acquainted with
these circumstances. The suppression was altogether natural
if Luke attended Paul as his physician, and not as an assistant
in the missionary work, for which, however, then as now, his
profession offered great advantages.

1 1 . Therefore loosing from Troas, we came with a
straight course to Samothracia, and the next (day) to
Neapolis —

Therefore^ in several of the oldest manuscripts, is simply and
or hut. Loosing^ sailing, putting out to sea, the same term
that is used in 13, 13, and there explained. According to some

108 ACTS 16, 11. 12.

dassical authorities, it originally means to loose the ropes.
Came with a straight course^ or more briefly and exactly, ran
$traight^ i. e. sailed before the wind, without tackinsf) another
nautical expression, implying that the wind was fmr. This
must have been from the south, to overcome the current which
sets constantly in that direction from the Dardanelles. Samo-
thracef an island midway between Troas and Neapolis, called
ITiracictn Samoa to distinguish it from Samos on the coast of
Lydia (see below, on 20, 15), and still known by the slightly
altered name of Samotraki or SamandrikL It is the highest
land in the northern Archipelago except Mount Athos, and
was anciently renowned for the worship of Cybele and the
mysteries of the Cabiri, forming a sort of link between Greek
and Oriental heathenism. This historical association, with its
local position between £urope and Asia, connects it, in an in-
terestmg manner, with Paul's transit from one to the other,
though he seems not even to have landed there. The next
(literally, coming^ coming on, ensuing), an abbreviation of
the phrase employed in 7, 26 above, and there explained.
(See below, on 20, 15. 21, 18. 23, 11.) NeapoliSy a maritime
<aty, properly belonging to Thrace, but afterwards annexed by
Vespasian to the Roman province of Macedonia. Its site,
though doubtful, is supposed to be still marked by remains of
Roman pavements, aqueducts and cisterns, at the Turkish vil-
lage of Kavalla (or Cavallo.)

12. And from thence to Philippi, which is the chief
city of that part of Macedonia, (and) a colony ; and we
were in that city abiding certain days.

The direct continuation of the sentence seems to show that
they merely landed at Neapolis, without unnecessary stay, per-
haps because there were no Jews there, but more probably be-
cause Paul was impatient to arrive at towns of primary impor-
tance, in which radiating centres of Christian influence might
be established. Such a place was Philippic anciently called
Datos and Crenides (from its many springs), but afterwards
named in honour of Philip of Macedon, by whom it was re-
built and fortified. In the year 42 before the Christian era,
it was the scene of the great battle, which decided the fete
of the Roman republic, and in which Brutus and Cassius
were defeated by Octavian and Anthony. In commemo-

ACTS 16, 12. 109

ration of this victory, and also as a safeguard of the empire,
Augustus afterwards established there a colony, i. e. a military
settlement chiefly composed of soldiers who had been parti-
sans of Anthony. These Roman colonies were organized
precisely on the model of the great metropolis, as to govern-
ment, laws, language, and external forms, so that each exhib-
ited a Rome in miniature. To some were granted in addition
the jits itcUicum^ or the same exemption from all taxes on the
land, which Julius Caesar had extended to the whole of the
Italian peninsula. Troas and Antioch in Pisidia were also
colonies ; but the fact is particularly mentioned here, because
connected with occurrences which took place at PhilippL
(See below, on vs. 37. 38.) Luke describes Philippi, not omy
by the Latin term colonia (as distinguished from the Greek
diroucio, which coincides more nearly with our modem use of
colony <i as meaning any foreign settlement or emigration), but
also as the first (or rather, a first) city of that part (literally,
the part) of Macedonia. This description has been variously
explained, some understanding first of rank or dignity, and
others of local situation, i. e. the first to which Paul came,
Neapolis being then regarded either as a Thracian (not a
Macedonian) city, or as the landing-place or harbour of
Philippi, to which it is nearer than Seleucia to Antioch (see
above, on 13, 4) or Ostia to Rome, and not much further than
Cenchrea from Corinth (see below, on 18, 18), or even than
the Piraeus from Athens.* The present tense {which is not
which was) is urged in favour of the other explanation of firsts
as meaning first m rank or importance. It cannot, however,
mean the capital of Macedonia, which was Thessalonica, and
the word part or portion cannot naturally signify a province
or division of the Roman Empire. It is true that the old
kingdom of Philip and Alexander, when subdued by Paulus
-^milius, was divided into four provinces or districts ; but the
capitals of these have been preserved by Livy, and that of the
most easterly was not Philippi but Amphipolis. (See below,
on 17, 1.) Some connect first with colony^ 'the first colony
in that part of Macedonia,' either in point of time, or dignity,
or local situation, i. e. the first colony to which they came.
But this construction is forbidden by the collocation of the
sentence, although not by the conjunction and^ which is sup-
plied in the translation. All these interpretations introduce

* Conybeare and Howbod, toL L 9. 810.

110 ACTS 16, 12. 13.

the article before Jirsty though found in no Greek manuscript,
the only reading extant being simply {Trpurrrj irdXis) a first dty^
i. e. a city of the highest rank, as we might say a first-class
(or a first-rate) city^ not in reference to political arrangements,
but to population, wealth, <feo. The same epithet (first) is
applied, on coins still extant, to Pergamus and Smyrna, as
well as to Ephesus, which was the political capital of Asia
Proper. (See below, on 18, 19. 19, 1.) The fact that there
are no such coins belonging to Philippi, or to any city out of
Asia Minor, only renders improbable the technical and formal,
not the popular descriptive use of the expression in the case
before us. We were in that (literally, this) city^ abiding
(literally, spending ; see above, on 12, 19. 14, 3. 28. 15, 35)
certain (i. e. some) days^ an indefinite expression, but most
readily suggesting the idea of a short time. (See above, on
9, 19. 10, 48. 15, 36, and compare 8, 36.)

13. And on the sabbath we went out of the city
by a river side, where prayer was wont to be made ;
and we sat down, and spake unto the women which
resorted (thither.)

On the sabbath^ literally, the day of the sabbaths^ the
Aramaic form of the Hebrew word resembling a Greek plural,
and being often so inflected, even when a single day is meant.
(See above, on 13, 14.) Out of the city^ or according to the
oldest manuscripts, out of t/ie gate. The Syriac version com-
bines both readmgs {out of the gate of the city,) By a river
side^ literally, along a river, i. e. the small stream flowing near
Philippi into the Strymon, which is several miles distant.
Where prayer was wont to be made, i. e. by the Jews of
Philippi, whose worsliip may have been excluded from the
city by the strict laws or the prejudices of a Roman colony ;
or they may have been too few to have a synagogue, in which
case it was usual to have a place of prayer, with or without a
building, often without the walls, and where it could be so
arranged, near water, probably on account of the ablutions
which accompanied the Jewish worship. Thus Tertullian
speaks in one place of the Jews as praying on every shore
(per omne litus), and in another of their sea-shore prayers
Iprationes litorcUes.) From this usage the Hellenistic word
lor prayer {vpocr€vxq) acquired a local sense, being sometimes

ACTS 16, 13. U. Ill

synonymous with aynagogtie^ and sometimes used to distin-
guish the minor places of worship which have just been men-
tioned. The Latm form (prosetccha) is thus used by Juvenal.
The Greek word is most commonly explained so here, tohere
there was wont to be a prayer-pldce (or house of prayer,) But
the very same phrase is employed by Philo in explaining what
^proseucha was (viz. a place where prayer was wont to be
made), which seems to determine the sense here, or rather to
confirm the invariable usage of the word in the New Testa-
ment, where it occurs nearly forty times, and always in the
sense of prayer. The verb occurs fifteen times, and always
elsewhere in the sense of thinking or supposing. (See above,
on 7, 25. 8, 20. 14, 19.) Adhering to this constant usage of
both words in the New Testament, the simplest version is,
where prayer was supposed to be^ i. e. where the missionaries
were informed that the Jews were accustomed to assemble,
or still more probably, where they saw a company of women
gathered, and themselves supposed that they were met for
prayer. That this explanation is an ancient one, appears from
the various reading found in several of the oldest manuscripts,
they supposed prayer to be. But although this is the most
natural interpretation, and the one most in accordance with
New Testament usage, the modem interpreters are almost
unanimous in preferring the secondary sense of the noun (a
place of prayer) and the primary or classical usage of the
verb {was wont or wa^ accustomed.) The mention of women
only has been variously explained, by supposing that the men
were inattentive, or came later ; or that there were no male
Jews at Philippi ; or that the men and women prayed apart,
as they are separated in the synagogue. But here again, the
simplest supposition, and the one most readily suggested by
the text itself^ is that Paul and his associates, seeing a com-
pany of women there upon the sabbath, supposed them to be
met for prayer, although they may have been mistaken, which
agrees well with the usage of the verb in this book (see
above, on 7, 25. 8, 20. 14, 19, in all which cases it suggests
the idea of a false impression or erroneous judgment.) On
any supposition, it is worthy of remark with what fidelity Paul
carried out his plan of addressing the Jews first, and through
them gaining access to the Gentiles. (See above, on 13, 5.
14. 46. 14, 1.)

14. And a certain woman named Lydia, a seller

112 ACTS 16, 14. 16.

of purple, of the city of Thyatira, which worshipped
God, heard (us) ; whose heart the Lord opened, that she
attended unto the things which were spoken of Paul.

Lydia^ or a Lydian^ as the name originally means, and as
some explain it here, because Thyatira was situated on the
confines of Lydia and Mysia in Asia Minor ; but named a ^
Ijydian^ or a Lydian hy name^ would be a very unusual ex-
pression, and we know that Lydia was in common use among
the Greeks and Romans as a proper name. It may indeed
have been a surname, given to her as a Lydian by the stran-
gers among whom she dwelt. Thyatira, between Pergamus
and Sardis, was famous in the ancient world for its purple dye,
and old inscriptions have been found there which originated
with the Dyers (Bapheis) as a craft or a society. The purple
colour, so extravagantly valued by the ancients, included
many shades or tints, from rose-red to sea-green or blue.
Lydia's occupation may have been the sale of the dye itself,
procured from a shell-fish (purpura murex), but more proba-
bly was that of cloth or clothes dyed with it, an art expressly
mentioned in the classics as practised by the Lydian women.
She seems to have been temporarily residing at Philippi for
this purpose, as Luke would scarcely have named Thyatira,
merely as her birth-place, if it was not still her home. Wor-
shipping God^ i. e. the true God, a phrase constantly applied
to Gentiles who had obtained some knowledge of the Scrip-
tures by attendance on the Jewish worship (see above, on
13, 43. 60, and compare 10, 2. 7), whether proselytes, i. e.
professed converts to Judaism, or not. The technical distinc-
tion between different kinds of proselytes is probably of later
date. ^See above, on 2, 10. 6, 6. 13, 43.) Opened her heart

!i. e. disposed the understanding and affections) to attend
apply the mind, but often in the classics with the accessory
notion of beUeving, giving credence) to the (things) spoken of
Paul (not concerning or about him, as the phrase would mean
in modem English, but by him), or the things which Paul
spake.

15. And when she was baptized, and her house-
hold, she besought (us), saying, If ye have judged me
to be faithful to the Lord, come into my house, and
abide (there). And she constrained us.

ACTS 16, 16. 16. 118

When she was baptized^ not Hecessarily at this first meet-
ing, but rather, as this phrase would seem to intimate, after
im mterval. In the former case, the natural expression would
have been, she was baptizedy whereas the idea now suggested
is, that the Lord opened her heart at once, and then T>men she
was afterwards baptized, &c. Her household^ lit. hmise^ sup-

Eosed by some to mean her femily, by others her assistants m
er business. Both foeiug mere conjectures, and entirely com-
patible with one another, there is nothing in the text to decide
the controverted question, whether children were baptized on
this occasion. Both parties reason in a circle from foregone
c<mclusions ; one contending that as in&nts are incapable of
6ith, there either were none, or they were excluded irom the
ordinance ; the other, that as households include children, we
have no right to except them fi*om the general statement.
The real strength of the latter argument lies not in any one
case, but in the repeated mention of whole houses as baptized.
(See above, on 10, 2. 49. 11, 14, and below, on v. 33.) The
whole dispute, however, rests on grounds entirely independent
of these cases, and everyreader will interpret these according
to his views of those. He who believes m the perpetuity of
the patriarchal covenant, with a change in the accompanying
seal, will need no proof that children were baptized with their
parents upon such occasions ; whereas, he whose very defini-
tion of the ordinance excludes children, will of course deny
their actual reception of it in all given cases. She besought^
entreated, or invited (see above, on 8, 31. 9, 38. 13, 42) ; us
is supplied by the translators. If ye have fudged is commonly
explained to mean, since ye have done so,, i. e. by baptising me
(see above, on 4, 9.) Faithful to the Lord (Jesus Christ), or
rather a believer in him (see above, on v. 1, and on 10, 45.)
Entering into my house^ stay (or lodge) there, i. e. during
their visit to PhiHppi. Abide, at least m modem English,
is too strong, as it suggests the idea of permanent residence.
Constrained, or forced, i. e. by urgent importunity, as in
Luke 24, 29, and often in the classics. Us, i. e. Paul's whole
company, including the historian.

16. And it came to pass, as we went to prayer, a
certain damsel possessed with a spirit of divination met
us, which brought her masters much gain by sooth-
saying.

VOL. IL H

114 ACTS 16, 16.17.

It happened, at a time still later, as the words seem natu-
rally to suggest, though some have strangely understood them
to mean, on the same day, after baptizing Lydia and her
household, but before they had gone into the proseucha.
Still more improbable is it that he here goes bacK to relate
what had happened on their way to the river-side. The natu-
ral impression made by the whole context is, that Paul and
his company took up their residence at the house of Lydia, as
requested by her, and there formed a church or congregation
of disciples, and that on their way to worship upon some oc-
casion not particularly specified, it came to pasSy Sdc, As we
went, literally, we going, a Greek verb not denoting simple en-
trance, but a walk or journey of some length (see above, on
V. 7, and on 1, 10. 11. 26. 8, 26. 36. 39. 9, 3. 10, 20. 12, 17.)
A certain damselj girl, youns woman, commonly applied to
servants (see above, on 12, 13), and perhaps denoting here a
slave. JPossessed with, litendly, having, or possessmg. A
epirit of divination, or as the margin reads, cf Python. In
the Greek mythology this was the name of a serpent which
guarded an oracle on mount Parnassus and was slain by
Apollo, thence called JPt/thitis, as being himself the god of
divination. That she was not, as some suppose, a mere ven-
trikx][uist or sheer impostor, nor a mere somnambulist or luna-
tic, but a demoniac (see above, on 5, 16), is clear from
Paul's address to her ^see below, on v. 18.) Brought, literal-
ly, vielded or afforded. Masters, joint-owners or employers,
such partnerships in valuable slaves being not unusual in
ancient times. Soothsaying^ divining, telling fortunes, by the
aid of the spirit which possessed her.

17. The same followed Paul and us, and cried, say-
ing, These men are the servants of the most higjh God,
which shew unto us the way of salvation.

The same, literally, this (woman), i. e. the one just described.
Followed, literally, following down, dogging or pursuing.
Paul and us, i. e. Silas, Timothy, and Luke, who therefore
uses the first person. Cried, not once but often, as suggested
by the form of the Greek verb and expressly stated m the
next verse. Shew, literally, tell, declare, announce, proclaim.
(See above, on 4, 2. 13, 5. 38. 15, 36.) These expressions she
had probably heard used by Paul and Silas in their preaching
and now repeated, either without knowing what they meant.

ACTS 16, 17. 18. 115

or in a sort of scornful irony, or as an involuntary testimony
to the truth, like that borne to the Sonship and Messiahship
of Jesus by the demons whom he dispossessed. (See Mark 1,
8. 6, 7. Luke 4, 34. 8, 28.) There is no need, therefore, of
supposing any particular motive on the woman's part, such as
a desire to conciliate the strangers, or to increase her masters'
profits, or her own &me as a prophetess. Some have even
imagined that she wais impelled by a desire of salvation, and
that this was gratified. But see below, upon the next verse.

18. And this did she many days ; but Paul, being
grieved, turned and said to the spirit, I command thee
in the name of Jesus Christ to come out of her. And
he came out the same hour.

Many days^ literally, for many days^ the omission of the
reposition being allowed both by Greek and English usage.
See above, on 1, 3.) Orievedy or more exactly, wearied^ worn
K ut, out of patience, fi'om the frequent repetition of the same
annoyance (see above, on 4, 9.) The common version, borrowed
from the Vulgate {dolens)^ seems to fiivour the idea, enter-
tained by some, that Paul was not offended at her constant
cries, but only grieved (Rhemish version, sorry) that she was
under demoniacal possession, and therefore, instead of reprov-
ing her, expelled the demon. But this is equally intelligible
on the supposition that, although he was displeased or vexed
with her repeated outcries, he considered her responsibility as
merged in uiat of the demon who controlled her actions, and
whose testimony, even to the truth, especially when thus ob-
truded, Paul rejected, as more likely to impede than to ad-
vance his work, and no doubt with intentional conformity to
Christ's example (Mark 1, 34.) Turning ^ i. e. towards the
woman, who was following them through the street as usual.
To the M)irit^ present in her and acting through her, a sufficient
proof that, in the view of the Apostle, it was not a case of
mere disease, sonmambulism, or derangement, but of actual
possession by a personal spirit (see above, on 5, 16.) Com-
mandy or order peremptorily, as an officer his soldiers (but
see above, on 1. 4.) In the name of Jesus Christy by his au-
thority, and as his representative. Come out ofher^ withdraw
the preternatural control now exercised, and cease to influence
her as at present. The same hour^ or as the same phrase is
rendered elsewhere (Luke 2, 38), that instant. Tlie word

116 ACTS 16, 18. 19.

translated hcur is more comprehensiye than its English deriva-
tive, meaning properly a season (of the year) in classical
usage, and in that of the Xew Testament sometimes a wholo
day (as in Matt. 14, 15. Mark 6, 35), sometimes any short time
^as in John 5, 85. 2 Cor. 7, 8), sometimes any definite or set
time, whether long or short (as in John 4, 21. Matt. 24, 42),
but most frequently a definite division of the day, correspond-
ing to our use oihow^ though varying in length according to
the season. All that is here intended is, that the miraculous
effect, as usual, was instantaneous. (See above, on 3, 7. 5, 10.
9,18.34. 13,11.)

19. And when her masters saw that the hope of
their gains was gone, they caught Paul and Silas, and
drew (them) into the market-place unto the rulers —

Her masters^ owners, or employers (see above, on v. 16.)
Seeing^ by her ffllence, or the change in her demeanour at the
moment ; or perceiving afterwards, that her extraordinary gUl
was lost. Oains, in t£e plural, is derived from Tyndale and
Cranmer, whereas the other old English versions give it more
exactly in the singular. ITie hope of their gain^ or their hope
ofgairiy not only their actual inmiediate profit, but their pros-
pect of it for the future, upon which they may have been
depending for subsistence. Was gone^ literally, gone out^
with obvious allusion to the use of the same word in the
preceding verse. The spirit went out, and their hope of gain
went out with it. Caught^ literally, catching^ seizing, or ar-
resting, as in 18, 17. 21, 30. 33, though the Greek verb does
not always imply violence (see above, on 9, 27, and below, on
17, 19. 23,19.) Paul ana Silas are not put for the whole
company, but specificalljr mentioned as the only two arrested,
Timothy and Luke having probably attracted no attention,
from their silence or their obvious subordination to the others.
Xhreu) is not so strong a word as that employed in 8, 3. 14, 19,
being sometimes appued to the drawing of a sword (John 18,
lOj, or of a net (John 21, 6. 11), or of men by moral, spirit-
ual influence (Jonn 6, 44. 12, 32.) The niarket-place^ aaora^
or forum^ the chief place of concourse in an ancient city (com-
pare Matt. 11, 16. 20, 3. 23, 7. Mark 0, 56. 7, 4), sometimes
m the centre, sometimes just within the gate, where business
was transacted, both commercial uid judicial. Jtvlers^ a
generic term, denoting those who take the lead, especially in

ACTS 16, 19-21. 117

government, and rendered more specific in the next verse.
(See above, on 3, 17. 4, 5. 8. 26. 7, 27. 85. 13, 27. 14, 5.)

20. And brought them to the magistrates, sayings
These men, being Jews, do exceedingly trouble our
city—

Brought (literally, bringing)^ i. e. formally presenting or
arraigning, as distinguished from the violent, tumultuous draw-
ing, which had just been mentioned. (For a very different
use of the same verb as a nautical term, see below, on 27, 27.)
Magistrates^ literally, generals^ or leaders of an army, but
transferred in military governments or those of a militaiy
origin, to civil rulers of a certain rank. By the Greek histon-
ans of Rome, it is used as an equivalent to Prcetores^ a title
which (as Cicero informs us) was affected by colonial and pro-
vincial rulers. Philippi, as a Roman colony (see above, on v.
12), was no doubt organized in imitation of the great metro-
polis, with its Duumviri or miniature Consuls, who are proba>
bly the persons here intended, not as a distinct class from the
nUers oi v. 19, but as a more exact specification of that vague
description. They drew them to the forum, as the place
where the magistrates or rulers usually sat, and actually
brought them up before the Duumviri or PraBtors whom they
found there. The real ground of the original disturbance is
entirely suppressed, and one of a more public nature substi-
tuted ; just as Christ himself was condemned by the Sanhe-
drim as a blasphemer, and then accused by them to Pilate as
a traitor and a rebel. (See Luke 22, 66-71. 23, 1. John 18, 19.
19, 12.) JSxceedingly trouble is in Greek an emphatic com-
pound, strictly meaning to out4rouble, or to trouble out^ i. e.
to drive out of the regular and normal state by stirring up dis-
turbance. " Being Jews to begin with," as an EngliSi writer
somewhat quaintly phrases it ; but this agrees better with the
English than the iGrreek collocation of the sentence, in which
the phrase (being Jews) comes after the chief accusation. It
is, however, no doubt introduced as an additional or aggra-
vating circumstance, intended to excite the national antipathy
of the Roman colonists. As if he had said, ' who, by the bye,
are Jews, and therefore less excusable for this intrusion.'

21. And teach customs, which are not lawful for us
to receive^ neither to observe^ being Romans.

118 ACTS 16, 21.22.

This is not a new charge, but a mere specification of the
one in the preceding verse, explaining how these Jews dis-
turbed the city, namely, by attempting to introduce a new
religion. Tecuih is precisely the same word that is translated
show in V. 17, though really meaning in both cases to an-
fKmnce^ declare^ but not without an implication of requirement
and authority, like that suggested by the word proclaim^ from
its habitual association with the acts of governments or rulers.
Cuatoma^ or rather institutions^ whether established by law
or usage. See above, on 6, 14. 15, 1, where the term is ap-
^ed, both in the singular and plural, to the Law of Moses,
lliis is also the sense here, as tne Philippian colonists had
probably no notion of the difference between Jews and Chris-
tians. Are not lawful gives the sense but not the form of the
original, in which the construction is impersonal, it is not law-
ful^ or still more strictly, possible^ but in a moral, not a physi-
cal sense, i. e. admissible, right, proper. The same form
occurs above in 8, 37, and the participle in 2, 29. To receive^
admit, -or adopt in theory. To observe (literally, do) in prac-
tice. (For a similar combination of work and counsel^ see
above, on 5, 38.^ Being MomanSy an obvious antithesis to
being Jews in tne preceding verse, and intended as a double
aggravation of the charge, that Jews should dare to force
their own religion upon Romans. The appeal is rather to the
pride of race or national connection than to the Roman laws,
which allowed the exercise of different religions, but forbade
conversions and innovations without public sanction and au-
thority. Maecenas is said to have advised Augustus to abide
by the hereditary worship, and make others do the same, pro-
hibiting all novelties, as tending necessarily to insubordination
and confusion. It was this worldly policy, rather than any
bigoted hostility, with which Christiamty at first had to strug-
gle in the Roman Empire.

22. And the multitude rose up together against
them ; and the magistrates rent off their clothes, and
commanded to beat (them).

The appeal to the prejudices of the Roman population was
successful. The miUtititde, crowd, mob, or rabble, as distin-

fuished from the magistrates or rulers, before whom Paul and
ilas were arraigned. Jiose up together^ not with one another
merely, by a general and simultaneous movement, but with

ACTS 16, 22.23. 119

the accusers, in conjunction or in concert with them. The
charges, prompted by the selfish wishes or resentments of the
owners of the slave, were now effectually seconded by the ex-
cited passions of the populace. The first clause of this verse
explains the second. It is plain that the rulers were unable
or unwilling to resist the multitude, and therefore, it would
seem, without even the form of a judicial process, hastened to
infiict a painful and disgraceful punishment upon the strangers.
Hent ojf their clothes^ hterally, tore around (or from around)
them the clothes^ not their own, as some imagine, which would
be wholly out of character in Romans, but those of Paul and
Silas. ClotheSy not then* outer garments merely, as the
Greek word means when used distinctively (see above, on
7, 58. 9, 39. 12, 8. 14, 14), but their garments generally, as it
was the custom to infiict this punishment upon the naked back
and shoulders. To beat them with rods^ as the original word,
from its very etymology, specifically signifies. ^The nearest
equivalent in English is to cane them,) This is one of the
three cases, to which Paul refers in 2 Cor. 11, 25 ; the other
two are not on record. He also alludes to this disgraceful
punishment in 1 Thess. 2, 2. As the magistrates commanded
them to be beaten by others, some suppose them to have also
torn off their clothes by proxy ; but as this is not expressed,
they may have performed that act themselves, in order to con-
vince the mob of their zeal in executing its commands, and
possibly by tliis unlawful violence to save the prisoners from
sometlung worse.

23. And when they had laid many stripes upon
them, they cast (them) into prison, charging the jwler
to keep them safely —

Having laid^ imposed, inflicted, by the hands of their
officers or others, whom they are said to have commanded in
V. 22. Many stripes, strokes or blows, there being no such
merciful restriction in the Roman practice, as in that of the
Jews (2 Cor. 11, 24), or rather in the law of Moses (Deut.
25, 3.) Cast (or threw) th^m does not necessarily imply lite-
ral violence, but may sunply mean committed them to prison.
(See below, on 22, 4. 26, 10.) But considering the violent,
tumultuary character of the whole proceeding, and the way
in which the magistrates were evidently urged on by the peo-
ple, the word may be strictly understood as denoting, not only

126 ACT& 16, 28.24.

the im^riflonment of PauI and SSas, but the harshness with
which It was effected, by the agents of the magistrates, if not
by their own hands. This last, though not a necessary suppo-
sition, agrees well, not only with the view already taken of
their motiyes, but with the words of the remaining clause,
which seem more naturally to suggest the idea of personal or
oral charge than that of a mere message or a written order.
The scene thus presented is a yiyid one, but not without its
parallels in real life ; the magistrates, unable to resist the mob,
apparently complying with its wishes, but really providing for
the safety of the victims, first by an unjust punishment, and
then by &lse imprisonment, oflSciously demanding of the jailer
more than usual fidelity and strictness in the execution of his
trust ; for these words cannot mean mere ordinary diligence
or care, as appears from the whole connection, and especially
from what is added in the following verse. Safely^ surely, or
infallibly. (See above, on 2, 36, and compare Mark 14, 44.)

24. Who, having received such a charge, thrust
them into the inner prison, and made their feet fast in
the stocks.

The jailer (literally, prison-guard or keeper) is not here
represented as exceeding his commission, and cruelly aggra-
vating the condition of his prisoners, as some suppose, by
wanton and gratuitous seventies, but simply as obeying the
command of his superiors, which is therefore here repeat-
ed, or again referred to, as a sort of explanation or apol-
ogy for his proceedings. Having received such a charge (or
peremptory order), what was there left but to obey it ? Or
the sense may be otherwise expressed in this way : it was not
from any cruelty or malice upon his part, but because he had
received such a special order that he did what follows. The
slight but obvious suggestioti of this extenuating circumstance
may possibly be owing to the fact that when the history was
written this Philippian jMler was an eminent disciple. (See
below, on vs. 33. 40.) Thrust is precisely the same verb that
is translated ca^t in the preceding verse, and admits of the
same wide or strict interpretation. The inner prison is by
some understood to mean a subterranean dungeon ; but the
phrase necessarily expresses nothing more than greater dis-
tance from the entrance, and as a consequence of this, more
security, not only from the chances of escape, but also from

ACTS 16, 24-26. 121

the fhry of the mob. Made their feet fast, literally, sctfe,
secure, in the stocks, literally, irUo (i. e. by putting them into)
the woodf log, or block, an instrument employed in ancient
times, not only for safe-keeping, but for punishment, the
limbs being stretched as well as iastened. This implement of
torture (called in Latin nertms) was sometimes more and some-
times less complex in structure, which accounts for the various
descriptions given by the ancient writers.

25. And at midnight Paul and Silas prayed, and
sang praises unto God, and the prisoners heard them.

At, about, or towards. (See above, on 12, 1, and below,
on 19, 23. 27, 27.) Praying, hymned (or sang toj God,
seems to express, not two distinct acts, as in the English ver-
sion, but the single act of lyrical worship, or praying (i. e.
worshipping or calling upon Gk)d) by singing or chanting,
perhaps one or more of the many passages in the Book of
tsalms peculiarly adapted and intended for the use of prison-
ers and others under persecution. Or the reference may be
to similar expressions of religious feeling, spontaneously sug-
gested by their circumstances, or by a special divine influence,
but not to metrical, much less to rhymed hymns, and to arti-
ficial melodies, with which we now associate the term, but
which are usages of later date. This psalmody of Paul and
Silas showed their confidence in God and their superiority to
human spite and violence. The difference in this respect be-
tween their case and that of Peter, as described in 12, 6,
shows that the one account has not, as some pretend, been
copied from the other, but that each is independently authen-
tic and original. That two such imprisonments and two such
liberations should have taken place, is less improbable and
strange, than that Qod should have thus interposed in one case
only. Heard them, should rather be were listening to them,
the imperfect tense suggesting the idea of continued action.
That Luke may have received an account of what took place
in the prison from one of these ear-witnesses, is not impossible,
though quite unnecessary to account for his minute description.

26. And suddenly there was a great earthquake, so
that the foundations of the prison were shaken : and
immediately all the doors were opened, and every one's
bands were loosed.

122 ACTS 16, 26.27.

There was (began to be, took place, or happened) a great
earthquake^ strictly a commotion, shaking, once translated
tempest (Matt. 8, 24), but always elsewhere used in the spe-
cific sense of earthquake. Immediately^ at once, simultane-
ously, and not successively, as when they were opened by the
hands of men. AU the doors, not only the external entrance,
but the intermediate ones conducting to the " inner prison.'*
(See above, on v. 24.) Every one^s, in Greek a plural form,
of all. Bands, i. e. fetters, chains, or other means used to
confine the limbs. Loosed, relaxed, let go, abo used as a
nautical term (see below, on 27, 40), and in a metaphorical or
moral sense (Eph. 6, 9. Heb. 13, 3.) Some understand it here
as denoting mere relaxation or diminished pressure ; but the
context seems to indicate the stronger sense of total liberation
from constraint (but see below, upon the next verse.)

27. And the keeper of the prison awaking out of
his sleep, and seeing the prison doors open, he drew
out his sword, and would have killed himself, supposing
that the prisoners had been fled.

Becoming sleepless or awake (2fu7rvos.) Seeing, either from
the place where he was lying, or more probably, on rising and
passing through the several wards or subdivisions of the
prison, which he foimd all open, or more exactly opened, i, e.
just opened, implying that they had been shut and locked as
usual. (See above, on 7, 56.) Having drawn a sword, per-
haps one that happened to be near him, but more probably
the one which he habitually wore, it may be even in nis sleep,
or which he seized as soon as he awoke. There can be little
doubt that the keeper of this prison in a military colony of
Rome (see above, on v. 1) was himself a Roman soldier, or at
least subjected to the Roman discipline. His very title (see
above, on v. 23) seems indicative of military service. Woitld
have killed, or more exactly, was {just) about to kill, or on
the point of despatching (making away with) himself, (For
the usage of the two verbs, see above, on 3, 3. 6, 35. 11, 28.
12, 6. 13, 34, and on 2, 23. 5, 33. 30. 7, 28. 9, 23. 24. 29.
10, 39. 12, 2. 13, 28.) Self-destruction was considered by
the Romans as not only lawful, but a duty or a virtue under
certain circumstances. Cato's suicide was celebrated as a
heroic act, and by a singular historical coincidence, this very

ACTS 16, 27.28. 123

city of Philippi, or its neigbbonrhood, bad been signalized,
witbin a bundred years, not only by the great defeat of Bru-
tus and Cassius (see above, on v. ij, but by the suicide of
both, and by a sort of wholesale selMestruction on the part
of their adherents who had been proscribed by Octavian and
Anthony. There is something rather providential than fortui-
tous in this rescue of a virtual self-murderer on a spot which
had been consecrated, as it were, to suicide by such examples.
Supposing the prisoners to have escaped^ and considering him-
self liable, according to the rigorous requirements of the Ro-
man law or discipline, to suffer in their stead. This penalty,
including the disgrace of having forfeited his trust, and liter-
ally slept upon his post, which could not have been iustified
to his superiors, or even to himself by any allegation of a
miracle, seemed worse, at least to the excited feelmgs of this
heathen jailer, than any thing to be expected in a future state ;
a delusion which might seem incredible, but for the daily
proo& of its existence in our own times, and amidst the clear-
est light of Christianity.

28. But Paul cried with a loud voice, saying, Do
thyself no harm, for we are all here.

Cried^ called, or as the verb itself originally means, raised
his voice, which is then separately expressed, with a loud (lit-
erally, a great) voice, (See above, on 7, 57. 60. 8, 7. 14, 10.)
Harm^ literally 6Vi7, which may perhaps suggest the ideas
both of bodily violence and moral wrong. As if he had said,
* Neither hurt thy body nor sin against thy soul.' We are all
here^ i. e. all the prisoners, not only Paul and Silas, but those
who were confined before them, and who were described in
V. 25 as listening to the prayers and praises of the two new
comers. This seems to imply, that if not in the same apart-
ment, i. e. the inner prison (see above, on v. 23), they were
near at hand, and that Paul could therefore see them to be
still there when he spoke ; although he may, with equal prob-
ability, be understood as making this assertion on direct divine
authority. The feet itself that all the prisoners remained,
without embracing the occasion of escape, is supposed by
some to prove that their chains were only loosened, not en-
tirely removed (see above, on v. 27), while others more cor-
rectly refer it to a special divine influence, or to the natural
effect of certain physical phenomena, such as storms, eohpses.

124 ACTS 16, 28-30.

earthquakes and the like, in generating a religions awe, even
where there is nothing properly miraonlous. If prisoners,
even in snch cases, nught forego the opportunity of liber-
ation, how much more credible is such forbearance or neglect
in this case, where the circumstances were so evidently pre-
ternatural, and where the supposition of a special divine influ-
ence upon their minds, although not requisite, is so admissible.

29. Then he called for a Ught, and sprang in, and
came trembling, and fell down before Paul and Silas,

Saving asked for (or demanded) is the active form of the
verb used m 3, 2. U. 7, 46. 9, 2. 12, 20. 13, 21. 28. A
lights literally, lights^ which may either be a generic plural
simply equivalent in meaning to the singular, or really denote
a plurality of lamps or torches, brought by different attend-
ants and from dif&rent apartments of the prison. Sprang in
is by some understood to mean that he leaped down into the
subterranean dungeon, with which they identify the " inner

Erison" of v. 23. But it probably denotes nothing more than
is abrupt and hurried entrance into the ward or cell where
Paul and Silas were confined. Came trembling introduces an
idea not expressed in the original, which strictly means, he-
combing trem^ilotcSy i. e. beginning to tremble, as a natural ex-
ternal sign of fear. The very same phrase is translated else-
where by the one word trembled^ and almost the same by
qicake, (See above, on 7, 32, and compare Heb. 12, 21.) ^dl
down before, in Greek a very strong expression, meaning fell
to or against, conveying the idea of a passive or powerless
rather than an active and deliberate prostration. It is usually
rendered as it is here (see Luke 8, 28. 47. Mark, 3, 11. 5, 33),
but once fell at (Mark 7, 25), once fell doton at (Luke 3, 8),
and once, in reference to a tempest, beat upon (Matt. 7, 25,
the only place where it is not applied to persons.) It here
expresses, in the strongest and most vivid form, the terror
and despair of the awakened jailer, and the awe with which
he looked upon the two men whom he had so recently com-
mitted to the closest and most rigorous confinement.

30. And brought them out, and said, Sirs, what
must I do to be saved ?

brought otUy literally, leading forth (or forward)^ not

ACTS 16, 80-88. 125

from the house into the street or open air, but from the
** inner" to the "outer prison," which was no doubt a more
spacious, light, and airy place. This was, therefore, of itself
an act of deference, if not of kindness, which prepares the way
for what subsequently passed between them. Sirs is not the
word so rendered in 7, 26. 14, 15, and in many other places
Mefij which is its proper meaning (see above, on 1, 11. 16.
2, 14. 22. 29. 37. 3, 12. 5-, 35. 7, 2. 13, 15. 26. 15, 7. 13),
but the word translated Masters in vs. 16. 19, and used
in Greek, as that word is in English, to express respect and
courtesy, especiallv to strangers. What must I do^ or re-
taining the original impersonal construction, what is it neces-
sary for me to do^ a stronger and more definite expressioo,
though substantially equivalent to that used in 2, 37 {tohat
shcUl toe do f) and there explained. It is rendered still more
pointed and explicit by the additional words, thai I may he
saved? This does not mean delivered from the wrath oi his
superiors, which he had not incurred, as the prisoners were all
safe, and from which Paul and Silas could not be expected to
protect him, or even to advise him how to save himself. Nor
does it mean delivered from the anger of the gods, by whom
these strangers seemed to be protected, and who might there-
fore be expected to avenge their wrongs. If this had been
his meaning, it would have been otherwise expressed, and not
in terms appropriated in this history and throughout the New
Testament to the expression of a wholly different idea. Nor
would the Apostles nave replied to such a question as they
did, imless we adopt the forced hypothesis, that he inquired
in one sense and they answered in another. The only natural
and satisfactory interpretation is the obvious and common one,
that saved is here used in its highest and most comprehensive
sense, that of deliverance from sin and ruin, guilt and punish-
ment, the wrath of God and everlasting exclusion from his
presence. The assertion that a heathen could not seek salva-
tion in this sense, is an absurdity, refrited by the case of every
Gentile convert ; and that this person in particular had heard
of the new doctrine, and had even heard it preached by Paul
and Silas, is decidedly more probable than that he had not.

31-33. And they said, Believe on the Lord Jesus
Christ, and thou shalt be saved, and thy house. And
they spake unto him the word of the Lord, and to all

126 ACTS 16, 31-33.

that were in his house. And he took them the same
hour of the night, and washed (their) stripes ; and was
baptized, he and all his, straightway.

This answer, though entirely different in form from that
of Peter to the same inquiry on the day of Pentecost (see
above, on 2, 38), is perfectly harmonious in substance, saving
&ith and evangelicsd repentance being inseparable in expen-
ence, and mutually implying one another. Baptism, although
not included in Paul's answer, as it is in Peter's, was actuaSy
administered in either case. J%ou and thy house (or house-
hold^ see above, on v. 15), does not mean that they were to be
saved by his &ith, but by &ith in the same Saviour. Before
receiving them as converts or disciples, Paul and Silas now in-
structed them more fully in the doctrine of Christ, or the word
of the Lord (see above, on 8,26. 13,48.49. 15,36.36.)
iSpake (or taJJced) may here denote a' more colloquial instruc-
tion than in other cases (see above, on vs. 6. 13. 14, and on 4,
1.17.31.6,20.40.6,10.8,25. 9,29. 10,44. 11,19.20. 13,
42. 46. 14, 1. 9. 25) ; but the difference, if real, is suggested by
the context. AU those^ or aU the {j[>ersons) being in his house
or dwelling, which may include his familv and all dependent
on him. Taking them^ the same word that is used above in
16, 39, where it evidently means taking away as well as taking
along or with one. As Barnabas there leaves the company
of Paul and takes Mark with him, so here the jailer takes
Paul and Silas from the society of their fellow-pnsoners into
that of his own household. I%e same hour^ literally, in that
{very) hour^ late and unseasonable as it was (see above, on v.
18.) Washed their stripes^ literally, from the stripes^ i. e.
from the blood or wounds occasioned by them. The Greek
verb (Xovo)) usually means to bathe or wash the body, as an-
other (vCima) does to wash the face, hands, or feet (see Matt.
6, 17. Mark 7, 3. John 13, 5) ; but the former does not neces-
sarily imply a greater quantity of water, or require the suppo-
sition of a cistern or a swimmmg bath. Even granting Chry-
sostom's suggestion, therefore, that the washing was reciprocal,
he cleansing them and they baptizing him, perhaps in the same
water, nothmg follows as to his immersion, since both ablutions
may have been performed at the mouth of a deep well, or even
with a bowl of water brought in for the purpose. Here again,
the narrative proves nothing by itself, but will always be hi-
terpreted according to the previous conclusions of the reader.

ACTS 16, 81-34. 127

He who regards immersion as the essence of the rite, will of
coarse assume the one wherever the other is mentioned ; he
who does not wiU find it hard to believe that the jaUer
of Philippi and his household were immersed at midnight
{straightway^i on the spot, or at the moment, see above, on v.
26. 3, 7. 6, 10. 9, 18. 12, 33. 13, 11), either inside or outside
of the prison. Tlie same thing may be said, mutandis muta-
tiSy of Uie phrase aU his. He who considers in&nts as exclud-
ed from this ordinance by its very nature, will of course ex-
clude them from the aU here mentioned ; he who regards them
as entitled to it by the stipulations of a divine covenant will
just as naturally give the word its widest application. What
IS most important is to settle this disputed question upon other
grounds and higher principles, and then explain these histori-
cal details accordingly.

34. Apd when he had brought them into his house,
he set meat before them, and rejoiced, beUeving in God
with all his house.

Leading (or having led) them up into his hause^ which
was probabljr above the prison, or perhaps the upper part of
the same buildine. Se set meat before them is m Greek he
set a tabU^ placed a table near (or by them), a natural expres-
sion in all languages for giving food, and more especially for
Punishing a regmar repast or meal. There is no need, there-
fore, of supposmg an allusion to the moveable tables of the
£ast, or of the Greeks and Romans in the age of the apostles.
That this was a communion or a love-feast, although not a
necessary supposition, agrees weU with the customary combi-
nation, in the early church, of social intercourse and sacra-
mental services. (See above, on 2, 42. 46.) Rejoiced^ exulted,
a peculiar Hellenistic verb, not foimd in classic Greek (see
above, on 2, 26.) With all his house, in Greek an adverb,
used to signify what men do with their whole ^unilies or
households, not excepting children, whom none perhaps would
here exclude, as they are capable of joy, if not of baptism.
But their comprehension in the phrase here used requires still
stronger proof that they are not so comprehended in the
equally wide terms of vs. 31 and 32 above. That there were
no children, may be easily assumed in one case, but is highly
improbable in many. Believing ^or more exactly, having be-
lieved or trusted) in Ood^ L e. m his mercy K>r salvation.

128 ACTS 16, 34-37.

This may denote mere sequence or succession, that after his
conversion he was joyful, but more probably assigns the cause
or reason of his joy, to wk, that he had now bc^eved. (See
above, on 2, 41. 46. 8, B. 13, 52. 15, 3.)

35. 36. And when it was day, the magistrates sent
the Serjeants, saying, Let those men go. And the
keeper of the prison told this saying to Paul, The ma**
gistrates have sent to let you go ; now therefore depart,
and go in peace.

Day having come^ begun, or dawned. The magistreUes^
commanders, duumviri, or praetors (see above, on vs. 20. 22.)
Serjeants, literally, rod-bearers^ the ministerial officers of the
colonial rulers, corresponding to the lictors of the Roman
consuls. (Wiclif translates it by the homely English catch-
poles.) Those men is hardlv a contemptuous expression, being
the only one that could well have been used, if the magistrates,
as seems most likely, did not know their names. JLet go, re-
lease, dismiss, the proper term for a judicial discharge (see
above, on 3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 5, 40), or any formal and official
dismission (see above, on 13, 3. 15, 30. 33.) Whether this
proceeding was intended by the rulers from the first, or occa-
sioned by a change of mind on better information, or extorted
by the earthquake and their superstitious fears, can only be
determined by conjecture. Told, announced, reported, as in
4,23. 5,22.25. 11,13. 12,14.17. 15,27. He would natu-
rally look upon tins order as a happy deliverance for his
prisoners as well as for himself, and expected them no doubt
to accept it thankfully, as an unexpected condescension on the
part of his superiors. Now therefore, so then, or accordingly,
since such an opportunity of quietly withdrawing is afforded
you. Depart, literally, going out, not only from the jail but
from the city. Go, go away, depart, or journey. In peace
may mean the same as loith peace in 15, 33, that is, with the
blessing or good wishes of those left behind. But in this con-
nection, it suggests the somewhat different though not incom-
patible idea of withdrawing quietly, without disturbance.

37. But Paul said unto them, They have beaten us
openly uncondemned^ being Romans, and have cast

ACTS 16, 87. 129

(us) into prison ; and now do they thrust us out privi-
ly ? Nay verily, but let them come themselves and
fetch us out.

Urtto them^ the messengers, who therefore seem to have
been present when the jailer told their errand, unless we sup-
pose that Paul's answer was communicated through him, which
appears less probable. JTiey have beaten^ literally, hamnff
layed or skinned us, a strong expression often used in the
^ew Testament for the severest kind of scourging. (See
above, on 5, 40, and below, on 22, 19.) This is the first ag-
gravating circumstance of which Paul here complains. Operdy,
publicly, before the people (see above, on 6, 18, and below, on
18, 28. 20, 20.) Tins, as adding to the ignominy 6f their
treatment, was a second aggravation. Xmcondemned is a
third, which does not mean that they were tried and found
not guilty, but that they were not tried at all and could not
therefore be condemned, a statement very similar to one of
Cicero's, in charging Verres with a like violation of the rights
of others. Being Romans (literally, Roman m^en) is the
fourth and highest aggravation which he mentions of their
&lse imprisonment, itself a gross injustice, if committed against
any one, without authority of law, but fearfully enhanced in
Roman eyes by its commission against Roman citizens. This
does not mean natives or inhabitants of Rome, nor even of
Italy, for Paul was neither. Nor does it mean merely subjects
of the empire, for this was no distinction. But it means the
honorary dvitas or citizenship, granted as a special fiivour or
reward to certain individuals or families, entitling them to
many of the same immunities and positive advantages enjoyed
by native Romans, and among the rest to absolute exemption
from imprisonment and corporal pimishment, except as the
result of a judicial process. This sanctity of the person had
become a part of their religion, and any violation of it was es-
teemed a sacrilege. The almost fanatical extreme to which
this feeling had been carried is exemplified in Cicero's orations
against Verres, one of whose offences was a violation of this
privilege, which the orator describes as being known and
reverenced not only throughout the empire but among barba-
rians, 80 that the simple words, " I am a Roman citizen," had
hitherto sufficed as a protection anjrwhere. All this illustrates
the effect produced by Paul's disclosure of his civic rights, as
described in the next veise. But why was this disclosure not
VOL. n. I

130 ACTS 16, 37.

made sooner, so as to prevent both scour^g and imprison-
ment ? Some say, because he was not questioned and had no
opportunity of putting in his claim ; but we find him, on a sub-
sequent occasion, urging it without challenge or interrogation
(see below, on 22, 25.) Another eicplanation is that he was
not heard in the tumult, or knew that he would not be heard
and therefore remained silent. But it was in such critical
emergencies that Cicero describes the three talismanic words
{Romarma civis sum) as instantly disarming the most lawless
violence ; and these words, or their Greek equivalents, might
certainly have reached some ears amidst the riot at PhilippL
The only remaining supposition seems to be, that Paul inten-
tionally suffered his own rights and person to be outraged, in
order to secure a greater good than mere exemption from dis-
grace and suffering, not only by admonishing the magistrates
to shun a repetition of their error, but by so departing from
Philippi as to leave the infant church there under the protec-
tion of the laws and in possession of the popular respect. As
to the origin of Paul's civic rights, we omy know that he pos-
sessed them by hereditary right (see below, on 22, 29), not as
a citizen of Tarsus, for although that city was a free one, i. e.
allowed to govern itself^ as a reward for public services, this
did not protect Paul from the punishment of scourging on a
subsequent occasion (compare 21, 39 with 22, 24), till he had
besides declared himself a Roman by hereditary right (22, 29^,
L e. most probably in recompense of services rendered by his
father, or some other ancestor, to one or more of the contend-
ing parties in the civil wars. The same thing may have been
true in the case of Silas, who had a Roman name (Silvanus)
as well as Paul ; but some suppose that he is here included in
the general description, just as Barnabas and Paul are called
Apostles (see above, on 14, 4. 14.) And now, aft^r all this
public injury and insult. Do tJiey thrust us (literally, ccLSt ui)
ow/, the converse of the term used in vs. 23. 24, and like it
necessarily suggesting the idea of some force or violence, to
wit, that of freeing them or sending them away against their
wiU, at least in pomt of time and manner. The clause may
also be aflSrmativelv rendered, they are thrusting us out (or
driving us away^ ; but the interrogative construction has a
stronger tone of mdignation and expostulation. It also agrees
better with the next clause, in which Paul seems to answer
his own question. Nay verily, if closely rendered, would bo
no, for, an elliptical expression wholly foreign from our idiom.

ACTS 16, 87-39. 181

bnt which may thus be amplified, no (they shall not do so),
for (we will not submit to it), but let them come^ i&c. The ori-
ginal construction of the last clause is, coming let them fetch
us out^ or lead us forth, another compound form of the verb
used above in v. 30. Two things have always been admired
in this verse ; Paul's condensed and pointed statement of the
case, in which it has been said that every word is full of
meaning ; and the moral courage, calm decision, and sound
judgment, which he showed in the assertion of his legal rights,
precisely when it was most likely to be useful to himself and
others. This is enough to show how far he was from putting
a fanatical or rigorous mterpretation on our Saviour's princi-
ple of non-resistance (Matt. 6, 39. Luke 6, 29), which, like
many other precepts in the same discourse, teaches what we
should be willing to endure in an extreme case, but without
abolishing our right and duty to determine when that case
occurs. Thus Paul obeyed it, both in letter and in spirit, by
submitting to maltreatment and by afterwards resenting it, as
either of these courses seemed most likely to do good to men
and honour to God.

38. 39. And the Serjeants told these words unto
the magistrates, and they feared, when they heard that
they were Romans. And they came and besought
them, and brought (them) out, and desired (them) to
depart out of the city.

Told, the same verb that is elsewhere rendered rehearsed
(14, 27), and declared (15, 4), but in all these cases has the
more specific sense, reported, carried back, implying previous
departure or commumcation. Feared, or adhering to the pas-
sive form of the original, were frightened, or afraid, which is
itself a passive participle, although now used onljr as an ad-
jective. When they heard, having heard, or hearmg. That
they were, literally, that they are, the present tense, m this as
in many other cases, calling up the scene before the reader's
mind as actually passing. (See above, on 7, 25.) Cam>e and
(literally, coming) besought, invited, or exhorted (see above,
on vs. 9. 15) ; but the strongest sense is here the most appro-
priate. What they besought them to do is stated in the last
clause. And brought ^literally, bringing, or having brought)
them outy L e. out of tne prison or the jailer's house, whicn

132 ACTS 16, 89. 40.

were probably the same (see above, on v. 37.) Desired^
literally, asked, inquired, but in HeUenistic Greek also mean-
ing to ask a favour, or inquire whether one will do it, which
agrees exactly with the usage of the corresponding word in
Riglish. (See above, on 3, 3. 10, 48^ Depart oitt is in Greek
simply go out, as in v. 36 above. Tnis was not intended as an
insult, but as a precautionary measure to ensure their safety
and the public peace.

40. And they went out of the prison, and entered
into (the house of) Lydia : and when they had seen the
brethren, they comforted them, and departed.

Even in complying with this natural request, Paul and Silas
seem to have avoided all appearance of timidity or haste, for
which indeed they had a double motive ; first, to make such
an impression of their own respectability and innocence, as
might serve to neutraUze their^^previous maltreatment, ind
prevent its repetition in the case of the disciples whom they
left behind ; and secondly, to part from these disciples in a
suitable and edifying manner. This they did by deliberately
going from the prison to the house of Lydia, where the church
had been originally formed, and where it was accustomed to
assemble (see above, on v. 16.) And having seen the brethren,
no doubt gathered for the purpose, they exhorted them, the
"more specifac sense of consolation being really included, and
departed, went out, from Philippi. Such was the first organi-
zation of a Christian church in Europe, of which we have any
authentic record, that of Rome resting merely on a vague tra-
dition, though its date may certainly have been much earlier,
as well as that of many others, founded by the foreign converts
on the day of Pentecost, who afterv^^ards returned to their re-
spective homes. It is remarkable, however, that of such or-
ganizations there is no memorial in Scripture, while the nar-
rative before us leaves the natural impression, that the one
which it records, if not really the first m time, was designed
to hold the first place in the memory of men, as the earliest
fruits of Apostolical labour in the territory settled by the sons
of Japhet. Another claim to this preeminence is founded on
the singular affection which the great Apostle cherished
towards this people, and which still appears as fresh as ever in
his short epistle to the church of the Philippians, between
which and the narrative before us there are many cross lights

ACTS 16^ 40. laa

of reciprocal elucidation. A peculiar mark of his attachment
was his breaking or suspending his own rule pf self-support
amone the Gentiles, by accepting contributions &om this
church when he reftised them from all others. (See Phil. 4,
10-16. 2 Cor. 11, 7-12.) As the subjects of the verbs ia this
verse, and the whole preceding context, must be Paul and
Silas, they alone are here expressly said to have departed.
This does not forbid the supposition that both Timothy and
Luke went with them, and m 17, 14, we find the former with
them at Berea ; but the use of the first person, which is com-
monly regarded as the token of Luke's presence, does not re-
appear until the close of Paul's next European mission (see
above, on v. 10, and below, on 20, 5.) This, although not
conclusive evidence, creates a strong presumption that Paul left
him at Philippi, either to attend to his own business, or more
probably to nurse and train the infant church, which may have
owed to him, as a chosen instrument in God's hand, that early
advancement in the spiritual life which Paul so thankfully ac-
knowledges long after. (See Phil. 1, 3-5.)

-•-•-•-

CHAPTEE XVn.

The account is still continued of Paul's apostolical and
missionarv labours in the two great provinces of Greece,
Macedonia and Achaia. He passes through Amphipolis and
Apollonia to Thessalonica (1.) He preaches there with great
success (2-4.\ The Jews raise a persecution (5-9.) The
same things nappen at Berea (10-13.) Paul, leaving Silas
and Timothy behind, removes to Athens (14-15.) He
preaches in the synagogue and in the market (16-18.) He
IS brought to the Areopagus and requested to gratify the
curiosity of the Athenians (19-21.) Taking occasion from an
altar to an unknown God, he teaches them that the Creator can-
not be confined to temples or in need of human care (22-25.)
He is himself the source of all existence, and the common
Either of all nations, whose history is ordered by his provi-
dence, with a view to his own glory (26-27.) As the fiither
of the human race, he is dishonoured oy the use of images to
represent him (28-29.) This practice he has hitherto en-

184 ACTS 17, 1.2.

dured, but now forbids and will inexorably judge, through
Christ whom he has raised from the dead (30-31.) At tms
point his audience refuse to hear him frirther, and he leaves
them, but not witl^out having gained some converts, two of
whom are named (32-34.)

1. Now when they had passed through AmphipoUs
and ApoUonia, they came to Thessalonica, where was a
synagogue of the Jews.

The history of the Macedonian mission is continued with-
out interruption. Having made their way (or journeyed)
throuah Amphipolis and ApoUonia^ it would seem without
stoppmg, probably because there were no Jews, or at least no
synagogues, in those two cities. Amphipolis^ an Athenian
colonv, femous in the history of Greece, almost surrounded 1^
the nver Strymon, a circumstance indicated by its name. It
was above thirty miles w^st of Philippi ; ApoUonia as many
miles still frirther west ; Thessalonica about as &r, still in the
same direction. When Paulus JEmilius, the Roman con-
queror of Macedonia, divided it into four provinces or districts,
Amphipolis was the chief town of the first, and Thessalonica
of the second. When all Greece was afterwards divided into
two great provinces, Macedonia and Achaia, Thessalonica was
the capital of the former. It was anciently called Thermae,
but Cassander, who rebuilt and fortified it, named it in honour
of his wife, the sister of Alexander the Great, who had her-
self been so named by her father Philip in commemoration of
a great Thessalian victorv. The fine situation of the town at
the head of the Thermaic gul^ and on the great £gnatian
road from Italy to Asia, gave it early importance, both com-
mercial and political, which it has ever since retained ; being
still one of the most flourishing cities of the Turkish Empire,
under the abbreviated name of Salonica or Saloniki. A syna-
gogue^ or more exactly, the synagogue^ i. e. the well-known or
£mious synagogue ; or still more probably, the only one to
which they had yet come in Macedonia. The Jews appear to
have been always numerous in this place, and at present con-
stitute a large proportion of the population.

2. And Paul, as his manner was, went in unto
them, and three sabbath days reasoned with them out
of the Scriptures-

•ACTS lY, 2.3. 185

According to the custom (or what was cuatomcmj) to Pauly
lie went in^ Ac. A similar practice of our Saviour is expressed
in the same manner, Luke 4, 16. Paul was so &r from having
ceased his efforts to convert the Jews, that he stiU began with
these wherever he went. (See above, on 13, 46.) Tliis also
afforded him the best means of access to serious and inquiring
Gentiles. Upon (or for) three sahhatha^ which implies a stay
there of at least two weeks, but without forbidding the sup
position of a much longer one, which some prefer, as more m
Keepingwith the statements and allusions in the two epistles
to the Thessalonians, presupj)osing a longer residence and a
more intimate acquaintance with the people* Some, however,
think a residence of two or three weexs quite sufficient to ao^
count for all that is there said ; while others arbitrarily refer
it to a later visit. Heaaoned^ or discoursed argumentatively,
either in the way of dialogue, which is the primary meaning
of the Greek verb (see above, on 1, 19. 2, 6. 8), or in that of
formal and continuous discourse. Out of {ovfrom) the Scrips
tureSj as the source and starting-point of ail his teachings.
Some connect this with what follows, out of the Scriptures
opening^ &xi. But although the division of the verses is with*-
out authority, it seems here to assume the true construction.

3. Opening and alleging, that Christ must needs
have suffered, and risen again fix)m the dead ; and that
this Jesus, whom I preach unto you, is Christ.

Opening^ in Greek an emphatic compounding, opening cvt
or thrcmgh^ i. e. completely opening or explaining. The same
word is elsewhere applied by Luke to the Scriptm*es them-
selves as the subject of instruction (Luke 24, 32), and also to
the minds of those instructed (Luke 24, 45.) Alleging^ or
propounding^ setting forth, as in Matt. 13, 24. 31. (For other
senses of the same verb, see above, on 14, 23. 16, 34.) The
distinction here is variously supposed to be that between par-
ticular and general instruction, or between synthetical and
analytical ratiocination, but is more probably between eluci-
dation or solution of difficulties, and the authoritative propo-
sition of things to be believed. It was necessary^ made so by
the divine purpose as revealed in the Old Testament, thr
the Christ (the Messiah there predicted) to suffer (and espe-
cially to die, see above, on 1, 3) as a sacrifice for sin, a doc-
trine which the Jews had very commonly lost sight o£ And

186 ACTS 17, 3.4.

to nsejram the deadj as the appointed test of his divine lega-
tion, and a necessary proof that his great work was accom-
{lished. And that this (suffering and rising Messiah foretold
y the prophets) is (po other than) the Jesus Christ whom I
announce to you. The usual construction {this Jesus is the
Christ) is not so natural or easy ; and the sense which it
affords, though good, is less complete and less appropriate in
this connection. We learn from this verse, that the two great
doctrines preached by Paul at Thessalonica were those of a
suffering Messiah and of his identity with Jesus of Nazareth.

4. And some of them believed, and consorted with
Paul and Silas, and of the devout Greeks a great mul-
titude, and of the chief women not a few.

The immediate success of his preaching appears to have been
great. Some of them^ i. e. of the Jews and Proselytes at Thes-
salonica. ^Believed, literally, were persuaded (or conmnced) of
the truth of Christianity. This inward conviction was fol-
lowed by a corresponding outward profession or admission to
the church. Consorted with (or more exactly, were allotted
to) Paul and SHas^ by divine grace, as their portion, or the
fruit of their ministry. The effect thus produced upon the
Jews extended also to the Proselytes, as the writer adds dis-
tinctly in the last clause. And {rt, as well as) of tJie worship-
ping Greeks^ i. e. Gentiles (so called because Greek was now
the general language) who worshipped in the synagogue, or
worshipped the true God, whether professed converts to the
Jewish feith or not. (See above, on 13, 43. 50. 16, 14.) A
great (literally, much) mtdtitude^ an indefinite but strong ex-
pression, showing in a general but striking way the extent of
the effect produced by the first preaching of the Gospel in the
capital of Macedonia. Ar^d (tc, also, or as well as) of the first
women^ i. e. first in rsmk and social position. (See below, on
v. 12, and above, on 13, 50.) The reference is still, as it would
seem, to the Jewesses and female Proselytes, through whom,
however, the Apostle, no doubt, obtained access to the Gen-
tile population, out of which the church at Thessalonica seems
to have been chiefly gathered. (See 1 Thess. 1, 9. 2, 14. 4, 5.)
We have here indeed recorded only the beginning and the
end of Paul's Thessalonian ministry. In his two epistles to the
church there, we have a more particular account both of the
method and the spirit of that ministry, as well as of Paul's

ACTS 17, 4.5.6. 187

self-denying labonrR to support himself and his companions.
(See above, on 16, 40, and below, on 20, 34, and compare
1 Thess. 1, 5. 2, 1-11. 2 Thess. 3, 7-10.)

5. But the Jews which believed not, moved with
enw, took unto them certain lewd fellows of the baser
sort, and gathered a company, and set all the city on
an uproar, and assaulted the house of Jason, and sought
to bring them out to the people.

Unbelieving (and disobedient), see above, on 14, 2. Moved
with envy^ as in 7, 9, answers to a single word in Greek, and
that an active participle, envying or being jealous, i. e. of the
influence exerted by the strangers. (See above, on 5, 17.
13, 45.) Taking to (themselves), into their company and
councils. Certain fellows, literally, some men. Lewd, or more
generally, wicked, or as the word is sometimes used in such
connections by the classical writers, mean^ low, referring di-
rectly to their social standing, but by necessary implication to
their moral character. This is perhaps the sense expressed by
our version, of the baser sort, or this may correspond to
another word m the original strictly meaning of the market,
or belonging to the forum, but familiarly apphed to idlers who
frequented public places, without emplojTnent or respecta-
bility. Almost the same terms are combined by Aristoi^hanes
to describe a person of the same class in his own times. Gath-
ered a company, or rather, made a mob (or riot.) Set all the
city on an uproar, literally, disturbed the city. Assaulted,
literally, standing over, coming suddenly upon, the actual at-
tack being certainly implied, if not expressed. (See above, on
4, 1. 6, 12. 12, 7.) Jasoti, the GreeK name borne by a Jew-
ish resident, perhaps corresponding to the Hebrew Joshica (or .
Jesus, see above, on 7, 45.) It is here implied, and afterwards
aflirmed, that Paul was lodged or entertained by this man,
possibly because he was of the same trade and could give him
work, as Aquila did in Corinth. (See below, on 18, 3.) To
the people, not the mob, but into tm assembly, or the people
in their corporate capacity, Thessalonica being a free city, like
Tarsus, and not a Roman colony like Philippi. (See above, on
12, 22. 16, 1. 37.)

6.' And when they found them not, they drew Ja-

188 ACTS 17, 6.7.

son and certain brethren unto the rulers of the city,
crying, These that have turned the world upside down
are come hither als(

Not finding tJiem^ i. e. Paul and his companions, as in the
preceding verse. DreWy violently dragged, the same verb
that is used above in 8, 3. 14, 19. (Tertain brethren^ some
disciples or believers, converts to Christianity since Paul's
arrival. JRviera of the cityy in Greek one compound word,
PolitarchSy the proper designation of the elective magistrates
of this free city, as distinguished from the Praetors or Duum-
viri {oTpdrrfyoij of a Roman colony. (See above, on 16, 20.)
Luke's unstudied but exact precision in the use of these ofScial
titles has been justly urgea as a strong incidental proof of
authenticity. A further confirmation of his accuracy is afford-
ed by an ancient arch still standing at Thessalonica, inscribed
with the names of seven PoUtarchs^ three of which, by a curi-
ous coincidence, are also the names of three Macedonians else-
where mentioned as Paul's travelling companions, viz. Sopater,
Glaius, and Secundus. (See below, on 20, 4.) Crying^ shout-
ing, or bellowinff, a word suggestive of unusual excitement
and confusion. The worlds the inhabited (earth), the Roman
empire. (See above, on 11, 28.) Turned upside doton^ else-
where translated made an uproar^ and troubled. (See below,
on 21, 38, and compare Gal. 5, 12.) It is a verb belonging to
the later Greek, and strictly meaning to produce a state of
insurrection or rebellion, and therefore very nearly corre-
sponding to revolutionize in modem English. The idea meant
to be conveyed is evidently that of social disturbance and dis-
organization ; but the figure of turning upside down is not in
the original. (See below, on v. 30, where a similar but more
objectionable liberty is taken by the common version.) These
also here are present, implying that they had been often heard
of elsewhere, which indeed is altogether natural, considering
how long the Gospel had been preached, and the political ten-
dencies with which it had been charged from the beginning.
(See below, upon the next verse, and the passages there cited.)
The Geneva version of this clause is, " these are they which
have subverted the state of the world, and here they are ! "

7. Whom Jason hath received ; and these all do
contrary to the decrees of Cesar, saying that there is
another king, (one) Jesus.

ACTS 17, 7.8.9. 139

Received under (his roof or his protection.) Compare
the use of the same verb in Lake 10, S8. 19, 6. James 2, 25,
in all which cases it is rendered by the simple verb received,
although really expessing shelter and hospitaole entertainment.
These ally not merely Jason and his guests, but the whole sect
or party which they represent. Do, act, practise, as distin-
guished from a single momentary action. The decrees of
Cesar^ the laws or edicts (or in a wider sense, the sove-
reignty and government) of the Roman Emperors, who bore
as an official title the name of their great predecessor, Julius
Cesar. It properly denoted one branch of the noble JuUan
race or family, but was adopted by Augustus and his succes-
sors, even after the race had ceased to reign, until Hadrian
assigned it to the secondary emperor or heir-apparent, reserv-
ing that of Augustus for the actual sovereign. The particular
violation of the imperial rights here charged was the procla-
mation of a rival sovereign. The word king {rex) was abjured
by the Romans after the expulsion of the Tarquins, so that
when monarchical institutions were restored with greater
pomp and power than ever, the name assumed was really a
military one (imperator, commander), although now consid-
ered higher than king itself. Had Luke been writing in Latin,
the use of the word king would have been contrary to usage,
and at least a pretext for some skeptical misgiving ; but the
Greek writers constantly applied the corresponding Greek
word even to the Roman Emperors. The charge itself may
be regarded either as a Jewish calumny, like that alleged
against our Lord himself (Matt. 27, 11. 12. Mark 15, 2. 3. Luke
23, 2. John 18, 33-37. 19, 12), or as a misconception of Paul's
Messianic doctrine, which appears to have been misappre-
hended even by the Thessalonian Christians. (See 1 Thess.
5, 1. 2 Thess. 2, 1.) One^ supplied by the translators, makes
the expression too contemptuous, implying that the name was
never before heard there, which, however possible or even
probable, is not suggested by the form of the original. (Wio-
lif 's construction of the last clause is, that Jesus is another
king,)

8. 9. And they troubled the people and the rulers
of the city when they heard these things. And when
they had taken security of Jason, and of the others,
they let them go.

140 ACTS 17, 8.9. 10.11.

TWntNed^ disturbed in mind, as in 15, 24 above, a different
verb from that in v. 6, which relates rather to external tumult
and confusion. The people^ populace, or mob, not the word
80 rendered in v. 5 above, and there explained. Rulers of the
eitf/y Politarchs, as in v. 6 above. Hearing these things^ L e.
the charges first alleged against the Christians. Having taJcen
security^ literally enough^ supposed to be a Latin law-phrase,^
the correlative of satisdare, to give bonds or security. JFVom
Jason and the others (or the rest), not Paul and his company,
but the certain brethren mentioned in v. 6 above. Ztet them
gOy discharged them, a judicial term employed above in 16>
86. 86, and often elsewhere. The security was probably to
keep the peace, or to abstain from every tlung opposed to the
imperial government, or possibly to send away the causes or
occasions of this tumult, as they did.

10. And the brethren immediately sent away Paul
and Silas by night unto Berea, who coming (thither)
went into the synagogue of the Jews.

JTie brethren^ disciples. Christians, acting in one body, as
the same class had done long before, in a similar emergency,
at Damascus and Jerusalem. (See above, on 9, 25. 30.) Irn^
tnediatelyy no doiibt upon the same day, or in the course of
the ensuing night, ^nt away (or out from Thessalonica)
both (tc) Paul and Silas^ i. e. not only Paul, whose safety was
particularly cared for, but also Silas, who might perhaps have
been expected to remain, as he did at the next place from
which Paul was driven. (See below, on v. 14.) Berea^
another town of Macedonia, southwest of Thessalonica. It is
a curious coincidence that Cicero, in his oration against Piso,
represents him as escaping from the same Thessalonica to the
same Berea. Coming thither^ being there, having got there
or arrived. (See above, on 5, 21. 22. 25. 9, 26. 39. 10, 32.
83. 11, 23. 13, 14. 14, 27. 15, 4.) Weiit, or more exactly,
went avcay^ went out, perhaps because the sjTiagogue was out
of town, as at Philippi. (Sec above, on 16, 13.)

11. These were more noble than those in Thessa-
lonica, in that they received the word with all readiness
of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily, whether
those things were so.

ACTS 17, 11-lS. 141

These^ i. e. the Jews of Berea, whose synagogue had
just been mentioned. Calvin, it is true, understands it of
the higher ranks, or first families in Thessalonica {the more
noble of those in ITiessahnica), a construction whion appears
to be adopted also in the Vulgate, and by Luther ; but with
these exceptions, interpreters appear to be unanimous in un-
derstanding it as a comparison between the Thessalonian and
Berean Jews, the latter being represented as more noble in a
moral sense, i. e. more candid and impartial, just and devoted
to the truth. JReceived the word^ i. e. listened to the preach-
ing of the Gospel. Headiness of mind (WiclifJ desire ; Tyn-
dale, diligeiice ofm^ind; Geneva, readiest affection / Rhemish,
greediness^ They were not only open to conviction, but pre-
disposed in favour of the new religion. (J^ay) by day^ a
strengthened form of the expression used above, in 2, 46. 47.
3, 2. 5, 42, denoting not mere occasional but constant and as-
siduous investigation. Searching^ the verb employed above
in 4, 9. 12, 19, and properly denoting an official or judicial
inquisition, thus suggesting the idea that they acted not as
advocates or partisans, but judges, i. e. with unbiassed equa-
nimity and conscientious love of truth. TTiese things^ i. e. the
things taught by Paul and his companions, which had just
been called the word. Were so^ literally, hrad ^themselves) so
(see above, on 7, 1. 12, 15), i. e. as the Christian teachers
represented.

12. Therefore many of them believed ; also of hon-
ourable women which were Greeks, and of men, not a
few.

Tlierefore^ or rather, so then (see above, on 1, 18. 2, 41.
8,4.25. 9,31. 11,19. 12,5. 13,4. 14,3. 15,3.30. 16,5), as
might have been expected from these predispositions. Many
of (or from among) tfiem,^ the Berean Jews who had been
just described. Believed in Christ, were converted, became
Christians. And of the Grecian (i. e. Gentile) women, the
respectable (see above, on 13, 50.) The female converts were
probably most numerous, and perhaps most distinguished, but
of men too (there were also) not a few, i. e. there were many,
as in V. 4, above.

13. But when the Jews of Thessalonica had know-

142 ACTS 17, 13.14.

ledge that the word of God was preached of Paul at
Berea, they came thither also, and stured up the people.

Paul's labours at Berea were disturbed precisely as they
had been at Lystra on his former mission. (See above, on
14, 19.) Both cases serve to show not only the inveterate
hostility, but the intelligence and energy, of these dispersed
Jews, who appeiur to have been well mformed of what was
passing even at a distance, and habitually ready for decided
action. Of (literally, from) TTiessalonica, i. e. belonging to
that place (see above, on 10, 23. 38. 15, 5. 19), not simply com-
ing from it upon this occasion, for their commg is recorded in
the last clause. 77ie word of God^ the Gospel, as a special
revelation. (See above, on 4, 31. 6,2.7. 8,14. 11,1. 12,24.
18, 6. 7. 44.) Preached^ declared, announced, proclaimed
(see above, on v. 3, and on 4, 2. 13,6.38. 15,36. 16,7.21)
of PatUj i. e. by Paul. Thither^ literally, there^ which some
construe with what follows, there also stirring vp the muUi-
tudeSy because it is to this act, and not to that of coming, that
the also must apply. Stirring up^ exciting, agitating, else-
where spoken both of bodily and mental agitation. (See
above, on 2, 25. 4, 31. 16, 26.)

14. And then unmediately the brethren sent away
Paul to go as it were to the sea ; but Silas and Timo-
theus abode there still.

Immediatelf/ then^ i. e. as soon as this commotion had begun.
77ie brethren^ as in v. 10, implying the formation of a Chris-
tian society or church here also, as the fruit of the Apostle's
short and mterrupted visit. Sent away is not the same verb
that is used in v. 10, but a somewhat more expressive double
compound, meaning they sent out and away (to a distance, as
in 7, 12. 9, 30. 11, 22. 12, 11.) To go, go away, depart, travel,
journey. (See above, on 16, 7. 16. 36.) As it were is in Greek
a single word (ws) strictly meaning as, but often used by the
best prose writers, with the preposition following it here
(ws cTTt), to signify the mere direction in which any thing or
person moves, or at most the design to move in that direction.
The ftill force of the phrase may be, to journey as (he must
if he would get) to the sea. This idiom is so common in
Thucydides, Polybius, and Xenophon, that it cannot be con-
sidered as implying an intention to elude pursuit, by seeming

ACTS 17, 14.15. 148

to go to the sea, but really journeying by land. That he
actually went by sea, although not absolutely certain, is made
highly probable, not only by its being easier and usually
shorter than the land route, but also by Luke's silence as to
any of the places through which he must have passed if he
had gone by land. Both frc) Silas and Timothy^ not only
Silas but Timothy, one of wnom might have been expected to
attend the Apostle. (See above, on v. 10.) Ahode^ not per-
manently, as the word in modern English usually means, but
remained^ continued, for a time, no doubt, according to Paul's
constant practice, to watch and train the infant church there.
It is very remarkable, considering the description above given
(v, 11) of the class from which this church must have been
chiefly formed, that it is never again mentioned, especially
when such abundant evidence exists of Paul's solicitous regara
for the Christians of Thessalonica and Philippi, in his three
epistles to those churches still preserved in the New Testament
canon. This silence has been variously explained, by suppos-
ing that although the word of God was preached in Berea (see
above, on v. 13), no permanent society or church was formed
there ; or that it soon declined and died out ; both of which
hypotheses are fax from having any antecedent probability.

15. And they that conducted Paul brought him
unto Athens, and receiving a commandment unto
Silas and Timotheus for to come to him with all speed,
they departed.

Those conducting (or escorting) Paul^ a different word
from that in 15, 3, and descriptive of a different proceeding,
not, as in that case, the affectionate and honorary act of ac-
companying one for a short distance and then taking leave of
him, but the more substantial service of attending him
throughout a journey, both for guidance and protection. The
word here used means strictly, jt^w^^in^ (or setting) down, as a
deposit in a place of safety, and is stronger than the corre-
sponding phrase in English, as specially applied to the convey-
ing of a person in a carriage to his home, or any other point
along the way, while the carriage proceeds further. In the
sense of conveying to one's destination, or his journey's end,
the Greek verb is employed by the best ancient writers, and
by Homer with specific reference to a voyage by sea, Brought

144 ACTS 17, 15. 16.

(led, or conducted) him as far as (or even unto) Athens. Far
to come (see above, on 6, 81.) The Greek construction is,
that they as soon as possible (with all speed, or immediately)
^shoiUd come to him. This seems to favour the opinion that
Silas and Timothy were merely left behind for ^ safety, or to
cover Paul's retreat, and that for want of time no church had
been gathered at Berea, notwithstanding the &vourable pre-
dispositions of the Jews there. (See above, on v. 14.) The
urgent message sent to Silas and Timotheus may imply a wish
for their assistance in the work which he believed to be await-
ing him in Athens. But it may just as well imply a wish for
euch assistance in his work at Corinth, and an intention to re-
main at Atliens only until they should join him. (See below,
on V. 23.^ The occurrences recorded in the rest of this chap-
ter may nave hastened his departure, so that his companions
did not really rejoin him until after his arrival in Corinth (see
below, on 18, 5.) It would seem, however, from his o^ra
words elsewhere (1 Thess. 3, 1), that Timothy did come to him
at Athens, but was sent back to Thessalonica ; unless we un-
derstand that passage, as some have done, of what happened
at Berea, and of Paul's prospectively consenting to be left
alone at Athens, as he was when his Macedonian escort had
returned. Departed^ literally, went out (or away) from Athens
on their way home.

16. Now while Paul waited for them at Athens,
his spirit was stirred in him, when he saw the city
wholly given to idolatry.

Having thus disposed of Paul's arrangements for his fur-
ther travels and his messages to Silas and Timothy, Luke
turns to his short but memorable stay in Athens. JBut in
Athens itself^ literally, in the Athens^ a more definite expres-
sion than the one in the preceding verse. This city had for
ages been the source and centre of Hellenic culture, the me-
tropolis of Gentile science, art, and wisdom. Although now
deprived of all political importance by the Roman conquest,
it was still revered throughout the civilized world for what it
had accomplished in the cause of human freedom, as well as
for its literature and its genius. The Athenian schools were
still frequented by the flower of the Roman youth, and the
great names of its history idolatrously cherished. There is
something, therefore, very striking in the contrast here ef-

ACTS 17, 16. 17. 145

fected between Jewish, Christian, and Hellenic wisdom in the
visit of St. Paul to the intellectual metropolis of Greece and
of the Roman Empire. Paul awaiting them (or while he
waited for them), i. e. for Silas and Timotheus, whom he had
lefl in Berea, but had summoned to rejoin him. It is a natu-
ral though not a necessary implication, that he only stopped
in Athens for this purpose, which may help to account for his
impatience and excitement, though its main source was a
deeper one, as here described. Stirred^ or more exactly,
sharpened^ set on edge, the verb from which coxn&^ paroxysm^
violent excitement, as a medical term signifying the access or
fit of an acute disease, as an ethical term commonly applied
to an^er fsee above, on 15, 37), but admitting of a wider ap-
plication nere, where we may readily suppose Paul to have
felt, not only indignation in the proper sense, but grief, shame,
wonder, and compassion likewise. In (or within) him may
imply that for a time he was obliged or disposed to stifle his
emotions, or at least to abstain from publicly expressing thenu
When fie saw is more expressive in the Greek, where it agrees
directly, as an active participle, with the pronoun which im-
mediately precedes, his spirit was stirred within him seeing^
or surveying as a spectacle (see above, on 3, 16. 4, 13. 7, 56.
8, 13. 10, 11.) Wholly yive7i to idolatry^ a paraphrase (copied
from the Vulgate) of the Greek phrase, being idol-full (or full
of idols.) The original epithet occurs here only, but is fonnod
on the analogy of many adjectives, compounded with the same
preposition, and expressing tlie abundance of the object which
the noun denotes (KaraSevSpo?, full of trees ; Karu/xTrcXo?, full
of vines, &c.) It was peculiarly appropriate to Athens, which
is repeatedly described by ancient writers as not only crowd-
ed with images and temples, but as containing more such
objects than all other cities or the rest of Greece. Xeno-
phon, poetically though in prose, refers to it as one great altar,
one great sacrifice, etc. These general descriptions are abun-
dantly sustained by the existing relics of these ancient struc-
tures, and still more completely by the enumeration and ac-
count of them in ancient writers. It Avas this peculiarity of
Athens, visible and palpable to every one however ignorant or
vicious, and not its mere moral aspect as devoted to idolatry,
that Luke expresses here as the occasion of Paul's "paroxysm"
while detained there.

17. Therefore disputed he in the synagogue with

VOL. U. K

146 ACTS 17, 17.

the Jews, and with the devout persons, and in the
market daily with them that met with him.

In order to give vent to his emotions, he resorted to hw
customary method of communicating with the public. He
disputed (or discoursed, the word translated reasoned in v. 2
above,' and there explained.) With the Jews (literally, to
them) and to the devout persons (literally, worshipping^ a term
explained above, on v. 4.) We iind therefore, here, as in Be-
rea and Thessalonica, the same two classes of native or heredi-
tary Jews, and Gentile proselytes or worshippers of Jehovah
in the synagogue, with or without a formal profession of the
Jewish faith. But finding this mode of access to the native
mind of Athens still inadequate, Paul was obliged to employ
the old Socratic method, handed down by a perpetual tradi-
tion, of conversing in the public squares or markets to the
people whom he happened to encounter there. It has been
disputed whether by the Agora (or Ifhrum)^ here translated
market (see above, on 16, 19), is intended the Ceramicus (the
ancient Forum) or the Agora Eretria (the new one) ; but it
seems rather to be used generically, just as we might say the
street^ without intending any one exclusively. Daily is a still
stronger phrase than tliat in v. 11, and means on (or through-
out) every day^ which seems to imply a sojourn or detention
of considerable though uncertain length. Met loith him^ in
English, may suggest the idea of a formal meeting or a pre-
vious appointment, both which are expressly excluded in the
Greek phrase, meaning those who chanced or happened to be
by, so that Thucydides employs substantially the same form to
denote the first comer (i. e. any body), and the neuter of the
same to denote whatever may turn up (i. e. any thing). No
form of speech could therefore have been ch'osen to express
more clearly a fortuitous or random intercourse Avith people
in the public places, a circumsUince not wholly without inter-
est, because of its exact agreement, which has been already
mentioned, with the old Athenian and Socratic method of in-
struction. The facility with which the great Apostle of the
Gentiles here adopts peculiar national and local habits, for the
sake of reaching the Athenian mind, is one of the most strik-
ing illustrations and examples of the holy art, with which he
ever stood prepared to become " all to all," that he might " by
all means save some " (1 Cor. 9, 22.)

ACTS 17, 18. UX

18. Then certain philosophers of the Epicureans,
and of the Stoics, encountered him. And some said.
What will this babbler say ? other some, He seemeth
to be a setter forth of strange gods; because he
preached unto them Jesus and the resurrection.

Out of the promiscuous mass with which Paul thus came
into contact, Luke now singles two well known schools or
classes of philosophcFs. That he says nothing of the still more
illustrious schools founded by Plato and Aristotle, has been
variously explained, by supposing that these had lost their in-
fluence even in their native city ; or that they were more em-
ployed in abstruse speculation, and took less interest in prac-
tical discussions ; or that their principles were less immediately
assailed by Christianity ; or finally, that the only schools who
happened to be represented in the Agora, when Paul appeared
there, were the two here mentioned. The Epicureans, or Phi-
losophers of the Garden, owed their name to Epicurus, who
died at Athens in the year 270 before the birth of Christ,
leaving his house and garden to be the constant seat of
his philosophy, which was accordingly maintained there till
the time of which we are now reading. He taught that the
highest good and great end of existence was serene enjoy-
ment, which his followers interpreted as meaning pleasure, and
that often of the grossest kind. He ascribed the creation of
the world to chance, and although he acknowledged the exist-
ence of the gods, described them as indifferent to human inter-
ests and human conduct. The Stoics, or Philosophers of the
Porch, were so called from the Stoa Pcecile or Painted Porch,
adjoining one of the Athenian squares or markets, where their
founder, Zeno, taught at the same time with Epicurus. The
Stoics acknowledged the supremacy of moral good, and even
affected to deny the difference between pain and pleasure.
They also acknowledged a supreme God and a Providence,
but the former confounded with the world or universe, the
latter governed by a fatal necessity. In later times, the Epi-
curean system was a favourite with the Greeks, and the Stoical
with the Romans, as suiting their national characters respect-
ively ; but each had adherents in both races, one of the most
eminent Stoics (Epictetus) being a Greek of Asia Minor, and
one of the most eminent Epicureans (Lucretius) a Roman poet.
Encountered is the verb translated convened in 4, 15 above,

148 ACTS 17, 18.19.

and met with in 20, 14 below, which last may be the meaning
here, to wit, that in his public walks and conversations he feu
in with some philosophers of these two schools. It may, how-
ever, have the more specific meaning of conferring^ or com-
paring views, in conversation. Babbler^ literally, grain-picker^
or seed-gatherer^ an epithet at first appUed to birds, then to
beggars who collect and live on scraps, and finally, as an ex-
pression of contempt, to any low or worthless character, or
more specificallv to a retailer of borrowed sayings, which is
very nearly the idea suggested by the English version. Some
derive the same sense fi*om a different etymology, according
to which the compound strictly means a sower (or scattered
of words. Setter forth^ announcer or proclaimer, a noun cor-
responding to the verb employed in vs. 3. 13 above, and oflen
elsewhere. Strange^ not wonderful or singular, but foreign,
which in the mouth of an Athenian necessarily suggests the
accessory idea of barbarous, or to use a homely Enghsh term,
outlandish. Gods^ or demons^ a word which has only a bad
sense in the New Testament, but which in classic Greek was
used to designate the gods of secondary rank, who in Latin
were called JDii Minores^ or more indefinitely, deities, divini-
ties, or superhuman beings in general. The last clause has
been variously understood as meaning that they, really or in
pretence, took Jesus and Anastasis (Resurrection) for a god
and goddess ; or that gods is a generic plural, meaning Jesus
only ; or that it has its proper meaning, and refers to Jesus
and the God who raised him fi*om the dead. Although not
necessary, it is very natural to understand these two charac-
teristic speeches as proceeding fi'om the Epicureans and the
Stoics, as they had just been mentioned, and as the words
themselves agree so Avell with the levity and gravity for which
they were respectively proverbial. Preached^ or announced
as good news (see above, on 15, 35. 16, 10.)

19. And they took him, and brought him unto
Areopagus, saying. May we know what this new doc-
trine whereof thou speakest (is) ?

TaJcifig Aim, or laying hold upo7i him^ not with force or
violence, as in 16, 19, but in a friendly manner, as Barnabas is
said to have laid hold on Saul in 9, 27, in both which cases the
same verb is used. The most that can be meant here is a sort
of mock arrest, in allusion to the place whither they were tak-

ACTS 17, 19. 20. 149

ing him. Areopagus, or SiU o/MarSy a rooky ridge facing
the Acropolis, where Mars was said to have been tried for
murder, and from which the highest court of ancient Athens
took its name. The seats of the judges, hewn in the solid
rock, are said to be still visible. Some have supposed the
name in this case to denote the court itselfj before which Paul
was now arraigned, as Socrates had been 450 years before, for
the same offence of introducing strange or foreign gods. The
objection to this supposition is, not that the court had been
dissolved or deprived of its authority, which is uncertain, but
that the ensuing context is without a vestige of judicial pro-
cess, and that Paul, at the close of his address, went out, as it
would seem, without the slightest molestation. (See below,
on V. 33.) He was no doubt taken to the Areopagus as a con-
venient and customary place for public speaking, but with a
sort of half jocose allusion to its being a seat of justice, and to
the whole proceeding as a species of mock trial, which is per-
fectly in keeping with the national humour and traditions since
the days of Aristophanes, and serves to explain his being taken
up the steep hill, no doubt by the rocky steps which still re-
main, instead of being led into the more capacious Pnyx which
was close at hand, or suffered to discourse in the Agora itseli^
or one of its adjacent porches. It seems to have been very
much as if ,a stranger, preaching in the streets of any modern
town, should be taken, not before a court, but to a court-house,
as a convenient and appropriate locality in which to answer for
himself before the public. In the selt-same spirit, and in ex-
quisite agreement with Athenian taste and manners, is the
balf-comic courtesy of the request recorded in the last clause.
May we A7iat«?,. literally, can we, are we able, i. e. morally, is it
lawful, will it be allowed ; a mode of address wholly out of
place in a judicial trial, but exactly suited to the temper and
the motives of the pcc/ple, as described above. Another slight
but striking trait of genuineness and consistency in this whole
passage is the use ot doctrine, not in its usual sense in this
Dook and the Gospels (see above, on 2, 42. 6, 28. 13, 12), but
in that of the truth taught or the sentiment propounded.
Whereof thou speakest, literally, fty thee spoken, told, or talked
of (see above, on 16, 13. 14), i. e. in his previous colloquial dis-
courses in the Agora or market (see above, on v. 11.)

20. For thou bringest certain strange things to our
ears : we would know therefore what these thmgs mean.

160 ACTS 17, 20.21.

Strange is not the word so rendered in v. 18, but the par-
ticiple of a cognate verb, which might be Englished strange-
seeming^ i. e. startling or surprising. Elsewhere in Acts the
Greek verb means to receive or entertain a stranger (see
above, on 10, 6. 13. 23. 32, and below, on 21, 16. 28, 7, and
compare Heb. 13, 2), but is twice employed by Peter in the
kindred sense of thinking strange, or wondering (1 Pet. 4, 4.
12.) To (or rather into) our ears (or hearing), although not
without classical analogies, seems to savour of the comic or
hali^erious tone of this entire proceeding. We would know
(literally, desire to know) what these thhigs mean^ or rather,
wJuit they may be^ or more closely still, what they would wish
(or choose) to be. Of this peculiar idiom we have already had
an instance (see above, on 2, 12.)

21. For all the Athenians, and strangers which
were there, spent their time in nothing else, but either
to tell or to hear some new thing.

This is Luke's explanation of the eagerness with which the
multitude at Athens, unlike that of other cities, sought to hear
this stranger, without any disposition to believe his doctrine,
or any sense of spiritual want. AU the Athenians^ not as
elsewhere the more leisurely or idle classes, but the people as
a body. Strangers, temporary residents or sojourners, nhich
were there, the same word that is used above m 2, 10, and there
explained. This class Avas very numerous at Athens,* as sl&t
mous seat of learning, still frequented from all quarters, both
by students and by men already famous, of which we have an
earlier example in the life of Cicero, who spent much time
here and with great delight. These temporary residents
would share of course in the peculiar habits of the natives
with whom they had come there to hold intercourse. Jlad
time (or leisure) for nothing else, a strong expression for their
social and restless disposition. Some 7iew thing, literally,
something newer, i. e. newer than the last news heard before.
The very same description, and with some of the same terms,
is found in Theophrastus and in two orations of Demosthene8.f

* OoAXol iwidfifjLOvo'i ^lyoi. Thcophr. Char. 8.

f *^ Tell me, do you still wish going round to ask throughout the market,
is there any news ? Can any thing be newer (ri KcuvSr^poy) than that a Maco-
doniao, &c.'* Demosth. Philippic. 1. ** We sit here doing nothing but triflingi

ACTS 17, 21.22. 161

These ancient and authentic witnesses agree not only with
Luke's own description, which he might be charged with hav-
ing borrowed from them, but with the whole course of pro-
ceedings upon this occasion, which he could not have obtained
in the same manner.

22. Then Paul stood in the midst of Mars' hill,
and said, (Ye) men of Athens, I perceive that in all
things ye are too superstitious.

Stoodj literally, standing, or, as the form in Greek is pas-
sive, being placed, or made to stand. Mars'* HiU, the transla-
tion of the name retained in v. 19. ' The margin here has, " or
court of the Areopagites ; " but see above, on v. 19. Men of
Athens, Uterally, Athenian men (or gentlemen), the form of
address common with the Attic orators and constantly occur-
ring m the speeches of Demosthenes. (See above, on 1, 11. 16.
2, 14. 22. 6, 35. 13, 16^ In all things, or in all respects, en-
tirely, altogether. Ye are, Uterally, cw, i. e. as being. Too
superstitious is in Greek one word, and that a comparative,
like the one translated new in the preceding verse. Supersti-
tious, literally, god-fearing, or more exactly, demonfearina
(see above, on v. 18), a word used by the classical Greek
writers, both in the good sense of religious or devout, and in
the bad sense of superstitious, i. e. slavishly afraid of the divine
wrath. This equivocal expression seems to be deliberately
chosen here, as justlv descriptive of the Athenians, and yet
not hable to shock tneir vanity or prepossessions in the very
outset of this great discourse. A multitude of passages has
been collected from the ancient writers, which agree with this
in representing the Athenians as the most religious (in their
way) of all the Greeks, and indeed of all the ancient heathen.
Of this distinction they were naturally proud, and Paul avails
himself of that well-known feeling to secure attention and con-
ciliate his hearers. This end, however, would have been de-
feated by directly and explicitly denouncing them as supersti-
tious in the very first sentence that he uttered. It is not,
however, on the other hand, to be regarded as mere praise,
much less as empty compliment or flattery, but simply as con-
ceding to them what they might have justly clmmed, the

and voting, and inquiring in the market whether anjr thing newer ia reported
(r« wi^Mpop.) " £p. PhU.

{

162 ACTS 17, 22.23.

credit of superior devotion in the heathen sense, which, at the
name time, to a Christian, was the grossest superstition. /
perceive, behold, contemplate (see above, on v. 16), stands
uist in the original, in all things as (being) more devout (than
others) you I behold, with some surprise and admiration, not
of their idolatrous delusions, but of their assiduous devotion
to what they regarded as the true religion.

23. For as I passed by, and beheld your devotions,
I found an altar with this inscription, To the Un-
known God. Whom therefore ye ignorantly worship,
him declare I unto you.

As I passed by, literally, coming through, which may
mean simply passing through the streets, but it may also mean,
passing through the city, on his way from Macedonia to Cor-
mth (see above, on v. 16.) Beholding, an emphatic compound
form of the verb used in the preceding verse, here suggesting
the additional idea of attention, curiosity, or interest. JDevO'
tions, in the sense of religious services or worship, is an inex-
act translation. The one given in the margin of the English
Bible {gods that you worship) is more accurate, but too re-
stricted, as the Greek word denotes every thing connected
with their worsliip, not its objects merely, but its rites and
implements, including temples, images, and altars. Found
seems to denote something more than saw, perhaps implying
that the altar was not in public view, but in some corner or
less frequented place, where Paul had unexpectedly discovered
it or come upon it. Also an altar, the first of which words b
omitted in the version, but essential to the sense, as meaning
in addition to the well known and more obvious appurtenances
of the heathen woi*ship. With this inscription, literally, in
{ov on) which had been written (or inscribed?) The pluperfect
form of the Greek verb may be intended to suc^gest the same
idea of neglect, or at least of great antiquity. !to an unknown
(not THE unknown) God, a species ot inscription not uncommon
in antiquity, especially at Athens, Avhere JPausanias and Phi-
lostratus bear witness to the existence of anonymous altars.
Some light is thrown upon their origin by the statement of
Diogenes Laertius, that when Epimenides was brought from
Crete to stay a plague at Athens, he directed white and black
Bheep to be driven from the Areopagus, and where they first
lay down, new altars to be built to the appropriate God (-np

ACTS 17, 23. 163

Jc^ TrpoayJKovn)^ i. e. to the divinity by whom the plague had
been inflicted, and by appeasing whom it was to be removed.
The practice, thus estabhshed or exemplified, of trying to pro-
pitiate an offended deity without even knowing who it was,
a^ees with the statements of the other writers above men-
tioned, that there were altars there to anonymous or unknown
eods. Of this fact, plainly showing the uncertain and unsatis-
tpng nature of the heathen superstition, which required so
many gods to be appeased, and left it doubtful after all
whether some had not been overlooked, the Apostle takes
advantage, to show his cultivated but deluded hearers "a
more excellent way." For whom and Aim, the oldest manu-
scripts and latest editors read what and that^ which gives a
better sense, because the object of their worship in such cases
was not the true God, but a mere nonentity or vague abstrac-
tion. Jerome's arrogant and foolish statement — tnat the fact
was not as Paul asserted, but that the altar was inscribed to
the gods of Europe, Africa and Asia, and that Paul, having
need of only one, so represented it — if worthy of regard at
all, proves only that there was such an inscription as Jerome
describes in his day, but not (as some seem to imagine) that
there was none such as Paul describes four hundred years be-
fore. Ignorantly is in Greek a participle {not knowinff), and
tDorship a compound form of the verb commonly so rendered
(see above, on vs. 4. 17, and on 13, 43. 50. 16, 14), expressing
the idea of peculiarly devout or pious reverence. fComparo
the use of the correlative adjective in 10, 2. 7 above.) Jvhat
ye worship without knotoing (what it is), that I declare unto
you. The reference is not directly to Jehovah, as one of the
Ibreign deities to whom they had erected altars ; nor to the
yearnings after the Supreme God, which are said to under-
lie the grossest forms ot polytheism ; but simply to the practi-
cal acknowledgment of insufficiency and worthlessness, includ-
ed in the very fact that their religion allowed the worship of
an unknown god. As if he had said, ' I perceive from one of
your neglected altars, that you recognize another god ^or
other gods) besides the many which you worship formally oy
name, and I announce to you that under this indefiiyte de-
scription falls the very Being whom you ought to serve to the
exclusion of all others. What yourselves acknowledge to ex-
ist and to be worthy of religious reverence, although you
cannot even name it, I make Known to you this day, in the
person of the only true and living God.'

164 ACTS 17, 24. 26.

24. God that made the world and all things therein,
seeing that he is Lord of heaven and earth, dwelleth not
in temples made with hands —

The God, whom he thus proclaimed to them, is the maker,
and by necessary consequence the sovereign, of the universe,
desciibed in one clause as the world and all things in it^ and
in the other as heaven and earthy which is plainly an equiva-
lent expression (see above, on 4, 24. 7, 49. 14, 15.) Seeing
that he is^ in Greek a single word, existing^ being (see above,
on 16, 3. 20. 37.) The inference from these two facts, to wit,
that God is the Creator and therefore the Lord (or Sovereign)
of the universe, is that he does not dwell in artincial (literaBy,
hand-made^ manufactured) shrines (or temples^ see above, on
7, 48, and below, on 19, 24.) The error here denied is that of
Heathenism and corrupted Judaism, namely, that the Deity
could be confined or unchangeably attached to any earthly
residence, not the genuine Old Testament doctrine of Jeho-
vah's real and contmued dwelling in the tabernacle and tem-
ple. There seems to be an evident allusion here to Stephen's
words, which had been heard by Paul himselC (See above,
on 1y 48. 58.)

25. Neither is worshipped with men's hands, as
though he needed any thing, seeing he giveth to all
Ufe, and breath, and aU things—

Another necessary inference from the doctrine of creation
and divine sovereignty is God's entire independence of all
human care and service as essential to his blessedness or
fflory. With (literally, hy) the hands of men^ i. e. by men
(as the agents) with their hands (as the instruments.) Wor-
shipped is not exactly the idea conveyed by the original ex-
pression, which means cared for^ taken care of, in the way of
service, by supplying want and (in the case of human subjects)
healing sickness (see above, on 4, 14. 5, 16. 8, 7, and the Gos-
pels passim.) As though he needed (literally, needing) any
\thing)^ or any (one)^ as the pronoun may be either masculine
or neuter. It is somewhat singular that this same sentiment
is uttered by Lucretius, the ]S)icurean poet, and by Seneca,
the Stoic moralist. But in flagrant contradiction to these
speculative doctrines was the whole religious practice, of
philosophers as well as of the multitude, implying the necea-

ACTS 17, 25. 26. 165

rity of human service to the divine blessedness. Seeing fve
giveth (literally, himself giving) to aU (without exception or
distinction) life and breath (the word translated wind in 2, 2),
as a necessary incident and condition of life. The phrase is,
therefore, not a mere hendiadys for vital breathy though this
is the essential meaning. And all the (things) required for
the support of life.

26. And hath made of one blood all nations of men
for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath deter-
mined the times before appointed, and the bounds of
their habitation —

This relation of the maker to the made is uniform and
universal. With respect, not only to the local pride of the
Athenians, as autochthones or aborigines, distinct from other
races and the offspring of their own soil, but also to the gen-
eral connection between the beUef in many gods and that in
many races, Paul here asserts the original unity of men, as the
creatures of the same God and subjects of the same providen-'
tial government. Hlood is omitted in some manuscripts and
versions and editions: but this omission is more easily ex-
plained than the insertion of an expression so unusual, although
mtellieible and appropriate, as evidently meaning a commu-
nity ot nature and of origin. Made may either mean created
J as in 4, 24. 7, 60. 14, 15, and v. 24, above) for the purpose of
[welling, ifcc, or caused (as in 3, 12. 7, 19) to dwell, &c. The
difference is one of mere construction, the creation of the race
being as certainly implied in one case as it is expressed in the
other. The great fiict here alluded to, though frequently as-
sailed and sometimes given up by the defenders of revealed
truth, is confirmed by every new discovery in science, showing
that the actual diversities among mankind are not more real
or more marked than those which can be clearly traced in the
same species of other animals. AU nations (literally, even/
nation) to dwell (or more specifically settle), begin to dwell (see
above, on 1, 19. 2, 6. 9. 14. 4, 16. 7, 2. 4) on all the face (or
surface) of the earth, a studied generality of language, ap-
parently intended to exclude all reservation and exception,
even in fevour of the Greeks or the Athenians. Having de-
termined (or defined), not in the metaphorical or secondary
sense of tnc verb elsewhere (see above, on 2, 23. 10, 42. 11,

156 ACTS 17, 26-28.

20), but in its proper sense of marking bonndaries or limits^
either in reference to time (Heb. 4, 1) or space, or both, as in
the case before us. TimeSj set times, junctures (see above,
on 1, 7. 3, 19. 7, 20. 12, 1. 13, 11. U, 17^ meaning here the
dates of history, the turning points in tne experience of na-
tions. Before appointed^ or according to the latest critics,
simply appointed or commanded. Bounds^ literally hcwndr
settings^ limitations, definitions of extent and mutual relation.
Habitation^ settlement, the noun corresponding to the verb
dweU (or settle) in the preceding clause. In this verse Paul
claims for the Most High the right to govern, and indeed the
actual control of the vicissitudes of nations, whether tempoi*al
or local, as a part of his great providential plan or purpose.

27. That they should seek the Lord, if haply they
might feel after him and find him, though he be not
far from every one of us —

A further statement of the end for which this one race was
created and established in the earth. To seek the Lord^ or
according to the critics, God^ which may, however, be an
emendation founded on the supposition that the Lord does not
express God's true relation to the Gentiles ; but in this case it
is perfectly appropriate, as meaning the divine authority or
sovereiOTty, arising from the act of creation, and explicitly
affirmed in v. 24 above. If haply (or by chance^ implying
contingency and doubt) they might feel or grope after him (as
in the dark) and find him (even under all these disadvan-
tages), a vivid and expressive exhibition of the state in which
the Gentile world was placed, without a written revelation or
direct communication with their Maker, yet with light enough
to make their ignorance of God inexcusable. (See above, on
14, 15-17, and compare Rom. 1, 18-21.) Though he be, lit-
erally, thovgh being ^ or existing, the same verb that is em-
ployed above, in v. 24, and here the last word in the clause or
sentence. Not far^ an instance of the figure called litotes or
meiosis, the idea suggested being that of the closest and most
intimate proximity. Each (or every) one o/" t^, L e. of men
in genera], mankind, the human race.

28. For in him we live, and move, and have our
being ; as certain also of your own poets have said,
For we are also his oflTspring.

ACTS 17, 28.29. 157

The relation thos existing between God and man is not a
mere external nearness, but an intimate, essential oneness.
Fcyr in him^ not merely by or through him, which gi*atuitously
weakens the Apostle's meaning, but in vital union with him,
and included in him, as the source and sphere of our existence.
Save our being, literally, are, the ordinary verb of existence,
not the one employed in vs. 24. 27. Some suppose a climax
in these words, the first denoting animal life, the last exist-
ence in the highest sense. Others suppose an anticlimax, live
meaning spiritual life, move animal life, and are bare being or
existence. Another view of the meaning is that without (or
out of) God we could not live, nor even move, as some things
without lile can do, nor even (which is less than both) exist
at all. But all these explanations are perhaps too artificial,
and the words may be regarded as substantially equivalent, a
cunmlative or exhaustive expression of the one great thought,
that our being and activity are wholly dependent on our mti-
mate relation and proximity to God our Maker. That this
was no peculiar tenet either of the Jews or Christians, Paul
evinces by a sentence from a heathen poet, his own countryman,
Aratus of Cilicia, who had lived in the third century before
Christ, and who, in his astronomical poem, the Phenomena,
translated into Latin bv at least two illustrious Romans
(Cicero and Germunicus), has these very words as part of a
hexameter. The same idea, but conveyed in a direct address
to Zeus or Jupiter, is found in an old hymn of Cleanthes the
Stoic. Hence the plural form, some of your own 'poets, or of
the poets among you (or belonging to you.) That Paul was
familiar with the classics, although not deducible from this
quotation,. is much more probable, considering the reputation
of his native city as a seat of learning (see above, on 9, 11. 30.
11, 25), than that his trainhig was exclusively rabbinicsd. Tiie
use here made of heathen testimony is not an abuse, or even
an accommodation, of the language quoted, which althouijh
applied by Aratus and addressed by Cleanthes to a mytholo-
gical divinity, could only be regarded, even by themselves, as
true of the Supreme God, as distinguished from all others.
Thenar belongs to the quotation, and refera to notliing in this
context. We also, as well as other orders of intelligences
nearer to him. Offspring, family or race (see above, on
4,6.36. 7,13.19. 13,26.)

29. Forasmuch then as we are the offspring of God,

168 ACTS 17, 29.30.

we ought not to think that the Godhead is like unto
gold, or silver, or stone, graven by art and man's device.

The relationship existing between Grod and man must be
chiefly spiritual, not corporeal. To deify matter, therefore, is
to make God inferior to man, the Creator to the creature.
Forasmtich then as we are^ literally, there/ore being. Ought
not, are bound not, as a matter both of interest and moral
obligation. Graven^ literally, with carving, sculpture. Art
and marCs device disturbs both the order and the syntax, the
first and last noun being equally dependent on the second, art
and device of man. The two ideas here combined are those
of skill and genius, the power of execution and the power of
invention or artistical creation, neither of which, nor both to-
gether, can change matter into spirit, much less clothe it with
divine perfections. The Godhead, literally, the divine, i. e.
the divine nature or essence. The corresponding abstract
term in English is the Deity. The original order of this sen-
tence, although scarcely reproducible in English, is peculiarly
striking and expressive, the first word being offspring^ and
the last, ths Godhead to he like.

30. And the times of this ignorance God winked
at, but now commandeth all men every where to
repent —

A thought to be supplied between the verses is, that this
degradation and denial of the Godhead had been practised
universally for ages, i. e. in the whole heathen worship and
mythology. Tfie times of this (literally, the) ignorance (of
what God was and what was due to him from man) include
the whole of the preceding ages or the past history of the
Gentile world. Times is not the word employed in v. 26, but
one denoting periods, as distinguished from mere points or
junctures. (See above, on 1, 7. 3,21. 7,17.23. 8,11. 13,18.
14, 3. 28. 15, 33.) Winked at is not only an inaccurate
translation, but a very objectionable although unintended
degradation of the subject, by applying to the Most High,
even in a figure, a bodily gesture trivial in itself and its asso-
ciations, and entirely wanting in^ the Greek, which simply
means, having overlooked, or passed by, i. e. suffered or en-
dured, without declaring his disapprobation. (See above, on
14, 16, and compare Kom. 3, 25.) This period of forbear-

ACTS 17, 30. 31. 15fi

ance is now past. The revelation of God's will is confined no
longer to a single nation. NoWy in emphatic opposition to the
past times of man's ignorance and God's forbearance (see
above, on 4, 29. 5, 38.) Commands^ peremptorily requires or
orders (see above, on 1, 4. 4, 18. 5, 28. 40. 10, 42. 15, 5.
16, 18. 23.) AU {men) every where, a double expression of the
universality of the command, made still more striking in the
Greek by the use of two cognate terms {iraa-L iravraxov), which
might be Englished, everybody everywhere. To repent^ to
change their minds and reform their practice (see above, on
2, 38. 3, 19. 5, 31. 8, 22. 11, 18. 13, 24), with special reference
to this sin of idolatry, but not excludmg a more general and
comprehensive revolution both of heart and life.

31 . Because he hatli appointed a day, in the which
he will judge the world in righteousness by (that) man
whom he hath ordained ; (whereof) he hath given assu-
rance unto all (men), in that he hath raised him from
the dead.

because refers directly not so much to what immediately
precedes as to an intermediate thought, which is suppressed
out may be readily supplied, to wit, this divine command is
not without a sanction and a penalty. Its violation will be
made the subject of judicial inquest, before one who has
already been appointed and accredited by God himself. Ap-
pointed, set, or tixed (see above, on 1, 23. 4, 7. 5, 27. 6, 6. 13.)
A day, i. e. a definite or set time, with particular but not ex-
clusive reference to the final judgment. See above, on 10, 42,
where Peter presents Christ in his judicial character and ofiice
to another company of Gentiles. In the which., an obsolete
redundancy or pleonasm in English, meaning neither more nor
less than in which without the article, there being nothing
corresponding to it in Greek, either here or elsewhere. Will
jttdge, is about (or just about) to judge (see above, on 3, 3.
5,35. 11,28. 12,6. 13,34. 10,27.) the «^or/^, literally, the
inhabited (earth), here put for the whole world or its inhabit-
ants, the whole human race. (See above, on v. 6 and 11, 28.)
In righteousness, not merely righteously or justly, as an epi-
thet of quality or manner, but in the actual and active exer-
cise of righteousness or justice as amoral attribute or trait of
character. (See above, on 10, 35. 13, 10.) The judgment

160 ACTS 17, 31.

here predicted will not only be a just one, but a grand display
of God's essential justice. (Compare Rom. 1, 17. 3, 25.) By
that mariy literally, in a many not merely through the agency,
but in the person, of a man as yet unknown to Paul's immedi-
ate hearers, but about to be more definitely set forth and iden-
tified. Ordainedy the same verb with determined in v. 26,
but here, as applied to a person, meaning designated^ pointed
out, as well as chosen and appointed. (See above, on 2, 23.
10, 42, and compare the use of the same verb in Rom. 1, 4.)
Wherefore he JuUh given aaaurance^ literally, having offered
faith (as in the margin of the English Bible), i. e. having
made it possible by furnishing the necessary evidence. &
that he hath (literally, having) raised him from (among) the
deady the same expression that is used above in 13, 34, and
there explained. The resurrection of Christ established his
divine legation and the truth of all his doctrines and preten-
sions (see above, on 1, 22), among which was his claim to the
judicial functions here ascribed to him by Paul. As this dis-
course was interrupted (see below, upon the next verse), we
have no right to describe it as a mere lesson in natm*al theol-
ogy, nor even to assume (with Calvin and some others) that
it is less fully reported in tne last than in the first part. The
Apostle showed his wisdom, in addressing such an audience,
by setting out from principles of natural religion, and gradu-
ally introducing the distinctive doctrines of the Gospel, as he
begins to do in this verse. That he did not fully carry out
his plan, was the fault of his hearers, not his own.

32. And when they heard of the resurrection of
the dead, some mocked, and others said, We will hear
thee again of this (matter).

W/ien they heard^ literally, having heard (or hearing)
Mockedy derided, ridiculed, the same verb that is used above,
in 2, 13, although the latest critics give it there a compound
and therefore more emphatic form. The possibility of resur-
rection after death was not only no part of the Greek creed,
either philosophical or popular, but was positively repudiated
as a gross absurdity. The universal faith may be summed up
in the poetical but strong and clear phrase of ^schylus,
" Once dead, there is no resurrection." This incredulity ap-
pears to have been felt, not only by the mockers of the first
clause, but also by the graver and more courteous class men-

ACTS 11, 32.38. 161

tioned in the second. Others said (or some said)^ We wiU
hear thee again abotU this^ not the resurrection merely, but
the whole theme of his discourse. This is commonly explained
as a polite refusal to hear further, even on the part of those
who did not mock or ridicule the speaker, and has sometimes
been compared to the procrastinating speech of Felix to the
same Apostle (see below, on 24, 25.) Some, however, under-
stand it as a serious proposal, which was never carried into
execution, while some even think it was, and that one more
conference at least was held, but as it led to no result, was not
recorded. Here again, though not a necessary supposition, it
is certainly more natural than any other, that the classes whom
Luke BO distinctly characterizes, by the few words which he
puts into their mouths, were tiie gay Epicureans and the
graver Stoics. (See above, on v. 18.)

33. So Paul departed from among them.

And (omitted in some copies) so (or thus\ not a mere con-
nective or continuative particle, but like the same word as
employed by Stephen (see above, on 7, 8), summing up the
substance of what goes immediately before. And thus reject-
ed, thus derided by one portion of^^his hearers, thus put off to
a more convenient season by another, and perhaps regarded
with indifference by the rest, the Apostle of the Gentiles went
out from among (or from the midst of) them^ fortuitous but
real representatives of Gentile wisdom and of Greek civiliza-
tion. Tlie way in which his going forth is here described
shows clearly that he was not on his trial or under any per-
sonal restraint whatever (see above, on v. 19.) Whether he
merely left the Areopagus, or now took his aeparture from
the city, is a question which depends, in some degree, upon
the explanation of the following verse.

34. Howbeit certain men clave mito him, and be-
lieved, among the which (was) Dionysius the Areopa-
gite, and a woman named Damans, and others with
them.

Had the story of Paul's ministry at Athens ended with the
foregoing verse, it would have seemed to be entirely fruitless.
To correct this &lse but natural impression, an addition is
here made to the whole narrative, the very form of which be-

VOL. u. L

162 ACTS 17, 33.84.

trays its supplementaiy or qualifying purpose. Howheit^ yet,
but, notwithstanding the apparent nl success of the Apostle's
labours in this famous city, they were not without finut after
all. Some men (and one woman), cleaving to him^ an expres-
sion which implies the sacrifice involved in doing so, adhering
to him in the &ce of ridicule and opposition, believed his doc-
trine, and in Christ, as the Redeemer whom he preached to
them. As if to make up for the fewness of the converts in
this &mous city, one of them was chosen from among the
judges of the Areopagus itself, the most august tribunal of the
ancient world. As usual in all such cases, the tradition of the
church describes him as the first Christian bishop of Athens
(so Eusebius), and a legend of much later date as having suf-
fered martyrdom there (so Nicephorus.) A still less credible
tradition has attached the name of Dionf/sius the Areopagite
to certain mystical and hierarchical productions of a later age,
which influenced both practice and opinion in the medieval
church to a remarkable degree. The other name particularly
mentioned here is Damaris^ which differs only in a single let-
ter from the &vourite Greek female designation, DamcUiSy a
heifer (compare Dorcas and Tabitha, 0, 36, and Rhoda or
Rhode, 12, 13.) Some suppose her to have been the wife of
Dionysius ; but she would hardl j have been simply called a
woman. Some infer from her bemg so particularly mentioned,
that she was a person of distinction ; others, from her miidng
with the crowd on this occasion, in direct violation of Greek
usage, that she was a woman of bad character. More proba-
ble than either is the supposition that she was the only lemale
convert, and is therefore named with Dionysius as the most
distinguished male one, while the rest are indefinitely classed,
at the beginning and the end of the sentence, as "certain
men" and "other (men)," besides or with them.

•♦•

CHAPTER XYin.

We have here the conclusion of Paul's second mission, and the
commencement of the third. The first of these divisions is
entirely occupied with his ministry at Corinth. Becoming ac-
quainted with Aquila and Priscilla, he takes up his abode with
Kiem, and works as a tent-maker, at the same time preaching

ACTS 18, 1.2. 163

in the synagofi^ie (1-5.) The Jews opposing him, he leaves
them for the Gentiles, and converts many of both classes (6-8.)
Encouraged by a special revelation, he continues thus em^
ployed eighteen months (9-11.) The Jews accuse him before
Gallic, but are ignominiously defeated (12-17.) Sailing from
Cenchrea, he visits Ephesus, and with a promise to return, pro-
ceeds upon his journey to Jerusalem, and thence to Antioch
(18-22.) While he is begioning his third mission by revisiting
Galatia and Phrygia, Apollos makes his first appearance at
Ephesus, but removes to Corinth before Paul's arrival (23-28.)

1 . After these things Paul departed from Athens,
and came to Corinth —

After these things^ an indefinite expression, which cannot
be rendered more determinate by any calculation or con-
jecture. Departed is in Greek a passive participle meaning
parted^ separated, as if by force or against one's will. (See
above, on 1, 4, and compare Matt. 19, 6. Mark 10, 9. Rom. 8,
85. 39.) It may here imply that Paul left Athens with reluc-
tance and regret. Cori?ith^ a famous Grecian city, mentioned
by Homer, situated on the Isthmus between Northern Greece
and the Peloponnesus, with a port on each side, hence called
by Horace bimaris (on two seas). The town was fitmous in
remote antiquity for commerce, riches, luxury, and vice. It
was destroyed by the Roman Consul Mummius, in the same
year with Carthage (B. C. 146), but rebuilt by Julius Caesar.
It was now the capital of Achaia, one of the two great pro-
vinces into which Greece was divided by the Romans, the
other being Macedonia. (See above, on 16, 9. 10. 12, and be-
low, on V. 27. 19, 21.) It is now an inconsiderable town of
two thousand inhabitants, with few remnants of the splendid
buildings which gave name to the Corinthian order of archi-
tecture. Its identity is clearly ascertained, not only by its
singular position, but by the Acrocorinthus, a hill eighteen
hundred feet high, upon which stood the Corinthian Acropo-
lis. Paul was no doubt directed to this place, as one peculiarly
adapted to become a radiating centre of Christian infiuence.

2. And found a certain Jew named Aquila, bom
in Pontus, lately come from Italy, with his wife Priscil-
la, because that Claudius had commanded all Jews to
depart from Rome, and came unto them.

164 ACTS 18, 2.

Finding^ meeting unexpectedly, &lling in with ; or per-
haps it may mean, finding afW search, upon inquiry (see
, above, on 11,26.) By name Aqaila^ hy birth (or r<zce^ a
PorUian^ or ncUive of PontuSj one of the northern provinces
of Asia Minor. By a carious coincidence, Suetonius speaks
of a Roman senator named Aquila Pontius, a contemporary
of Caesar and Cicero, who also names him in his private letters.
Hence some have hastily concluded that the Jew here men-
tioned was a freedman (or emancipated servant^ of the sena-
tor, and according to the Roman custom, bore his name. But
nothing can be more precarious than an inference from mere
^coincidence of names, a circumstance by no means rare either
in history or real life. In this case the coincidence is doable,
as Aquila, the Greek translator of the Old Testament, is also
said to have been bom in Pontus. LcUdy^ recently, a term
originally applicable only to fresh or newly killed meat, then
extended to fruits and flowers, and in tne later Greek em-
ployed in a generic sense, without regard to its etymology and
primary us^e. JPmcifli, a diminutive of PrUcou, which form
IS itself used in 2 Tim. 4, 19. On account of Claudiuses hav-
ing ordered all the Jews (not indefinitely, all Jews^ but specifi-
caUy, aU the Jetos there resident) to depart (the verb used in
the preceding verse and there explained). Suetonius relates
' that Claudius expelled the Jews because they were continual-
ly making a disturbance (assidue tumultiumtes) under the
influence, or at the instance, of one Chrestus ( Chresto impair
sore) J which some regard as the proper name of a person now
unknown, but others as a mistake for Christus (which Tertul-
lian mentions as a freauent error.) The reference may then
be either to the Jewish doctrine of a reigning and conquering
Messiah, or to the Christian doctrine of our Lord's Messiah-
ship, which was a constant subject of disturbance and dispute
among the Jews, with whom the Christians were as yet con-
founded. There is less probability in the opinion that the
edict here referred to is one of the same emperor, recorded
by Tacitus, in which all astrologers {mathematici) were ban-
ished. Came to them^ L e. to their house or dwelling, for he
had already found them or become acquainted with them.
His coming to them seems to imply that they were Christians,
although some take Jew and Jews in the distinctive sense,
and suppose that Aquila and PrisciUa were among Paul's
converts.

ACTS 18, 3.4. 165

3. And because he was of the same craft, he abode
with them, and wrought ; for by their occupation they
were tent-makers.

Besides the national and spiritual tie, there was also a pro^
fessional or business one. On cuicaunt of being a feUovy-crafl^
or of the same trade, literally art^ a term orisinalfy signifying
manual employment, L e. such as requires skill and not mere
strength, it was an ancient Jewish custom to teach all boys
some trade, even those who received a liberal education, both
as a means of subsistence and a moral safeguard. He abode^
continued, or remained with them, how long is not expressed
(but see below, on v. 11.) Wrought^ the old and genuine past
tense of tcorA;, now superseded by the so-caUed regular form,
toorked. It is here used in its proper sense of manual labour.
The last clause is explanatory of the ^' fellow-crail " in that be-
fore it. (He was of the same trade) for they were tenUmakers.
There was a great demand for tents in ancient times, both for
travellers and soldiers. They were sometimes made of leather,
whence Chrysostom explains the compound term here used as
meaning curriers or leather-dressers ; but still more frequently
of hair-cloth, and especially of the coarse hair furnished by a
species of goat which abotmded in Cilicia, whence the Latin
name {cilicium) for hair-cloth. As Paul was a native of that
eoontiy, this may help to account for his having acquired this
particular trade. As the demand for tents, though great, was
Tariable, it is not improbable that those who made them went
from place to place, which would account for Aquila and Pris-
cilla having hved at Kome,^and for their being there again
when Paul wrote his epistle (Kom. 16, 3-5.) These migra-
tions may, however, have had other causes.

4. And he reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath^
and persuaded the Jews and the Greeks.

Here again Paul addresses himself first to the Jews, who
were very numerous in Corinth, on account of its extensive
trade and advantageous situation near the confines, not only
of Peninsular and Continental Greece, but of Europe and Asia,
and its immediate intercourse both with East and West by
sea. As in Salamis (13, 5), Antioch (13, 14), Iconium (14, 1^,
Thessalonica (17, 1), Berea (17, 10), and Athens (17, 17), so m
Corinth, he avails himself of the fiicilitieB afforded by the syna-

166 ACTS 18, 4.5.

gogne for addressing both the Jews and the devonter Grentfles,
whether formal proselytes or mere inquirers. Reasonedj or
di^nUedf both which equivalents are used in the translation
of the same Greek verb m the preceding chapter. (See above,
on 17, 2. 17.) The second idea is rauier suggested bj the
context than expressed by this word, which denotes aug-
mentative discourse, even as uttered by a single person. Jrer-
suadedf endeavoured to convince, and in many cases did con-
vince, both Jews and Greeks^ L e. Grentiles who frequented the
gynagogue. In such connections, all sudi Qentiles may be
called Greeks, on account of the prevailing use of the Greek
language ; but in this case, as in 17, 4 above, the word may
have its primary and strictest sense.

5. And when Silas and Timotheus were come from
Macedonia, Paul was pressed in the spirit, and testified
to the Jews (that) Jesus (was) Christ.

There is some doubt both as to the reading and the sense
of this verse. Instead of spirit^ the latest editors read wordy
as found in several of the oldest manuscripts. The ori^al
meaning of the verb is hdd togethefy or compressed^ as m 7,
57 above, and in Luke 8, 45. Sometimes it seems to denote
a painM pressure on the mind or heart, as in Luke 12, 50.
Phil. 1, 23, and perhaps 2 Cor. 5, 14. This is the sense com-
monly adopted here, to wit, that Paul was painfully affected
in his spirity or constrained by the Holy Spirit to pursue a
certain course. If the other reading be preferred, the sense
may be, that he was pain^illy occupied in preaching (or con-
strained to preach) the gospel (compare 1 Cor. 9, 16.) There
is also some doubt as to the connection between what is here
affirmed of Paul and the fact recorded in the other clause, to
wit, the arrival of Silas and Timothy from Macedonia. The
usual assumption seems to be, that their arrival gave him a
new impulse, or imposed a new sense of necessity and obliga-
tion. But this is neither so intelligible in itself nor so con-
sistent with the form of the original, the verb being in the
imperfect tense, as the supposition that this second clause de-
scribes, not the effect of their arrival, but the state in which
they found him. And when Silas and Timothy came down
from Macedonia, Paid was (already) pressed in spirit (or ' had
been already pressed by the Holy Ghost ') ; or, according to
the other text, ^ Paul was solicitous about (or wholly taken up

ACTS 18, 6.6. 7. 167

•with) the word,' i e. the preaching of the gospel. The effeot
of tnis pressure or constraint is given in the last clause. TeS"
tifying to the Jewa^ and through them to the Gentiles who
were present at their worship. That Jesua was Christ is in
Greek but two words, Christ Jesria^ the sense of which, how-
ever, b correctly given in the English version. Testifying to
the Jews, and aU who were acquainted with the Hebrew
Scriptures, that the Messiah there predicted was identical with
Jesus of Nazareth. (See above, on 2, 36. 6, 42.)

6. And when they opposed themselves and blas-
phemed, he shook (his) raiment, and said mito them.
Your blood (be) upon your own heads ; I (am) clean ;
fix)m henceforth I will go unto the Gentiles.

The course of events here described is very similar to that
at Antioch in Pisidia (see above, on 13, 45-47), but precisely
audi as might have been expected wherever there were unbe-
lieving Jews. They resisting (or opposing) is in Greek a
military term, and strictly means, arraying themselves^ as an
army'to resist an enemy, implying not mere private or fortui-
tous but systematic and concerted opposition, blaspheming^
either in the lower but more classical sense of reviling, abusing
(L e. Paul and his companions), or in the stronger Hellenistic
sense of impiously maligning (God or Christ.) See above, on
6,11.13. 13,45. ShcSiingy or shaking out^ the same verb
which in 13, 51 means shaking off the dust, for the same pur-
pose which is there explained. The accompanving words,
however, are here different. Yovr bloody L e. the blame of
your destruction, be (or isy or shall be^ as the verb is not ex-
pressed in Greek) upon your (oton) headsy L e. rest upon your-
selves. (See Matt. 23, 30. 35. 27, 25, and compare Lev. 20, 9.
Deut. 19, 10. Ezek. 18, 30. 33, 5.) C^ean (am) /, or pure, L e.
guiltless of your ruin. (See below, on 20, 26.) Mvm the now
(L e. the present moment), henceforth, to the nations (i. e.
other nations, Gentiles) / will go^ i. e, as an apostle and a
preacher. This and the parallel passage in 13,46 illustrate
one another, by showing that Paul's language in such cases
has immediate reference only to the place or the community
in which he uttered it.

7. And he departed thence, and entered into a car-

168 ACTS 18, 18.

tain (man^s) house, named Justus, (one) that worshipped
God, whose house jomed hard to the synagogue.

£emomng^ as the same verb is twice translated in Matt.
17> 20. TTiencey not from the house of Aqoila, as some sup-
pose, for which no motive is assignable, but from the syna.
gogue, where this conflict with the mibelieving Jews had
taken place. JEkUeredy came or went in, not at that time
merely, or once for all, but as a permanent arrangement. He
began to preach there, as he had done in the synagoffue. A
certain man^ literally, some (one), Named^ literally, by name
(see above, on 6, 1.) Justus^ a Latin name, which we have
already met with, as the Roman surname of Joseph Banabaa
(see above, on 1, 22.) There is a singular diverfflty of reading
in the manuscripts and versions as to this name, JttatuSy TUub
Justus^ Titius JustuSy Titus son ofJustuSy Titua. Some have
hence inferred that the Justus mentioned here was f^aUy the
Titus often named in Paul's epistles (Gkd. 2, 1. 8. 2 Tm. 4,
10. Tit. 1, 4. 2 Cor. 2, 13, et passim), but never elsewhere in
the Acts, an omission which these textual variations may have
been intended to supply. (See above, on 1^9 4^ If the sup-
posed connection or identity has any lustorical roundation^ the
tradition of the Church has not preserved it. Both munes asre
Roman, which agrees well with the description of Justus as
worshipping the (true) Gody a phrase conmionly applied to
Proselytes or Gentiles who acximowledged and adored J ehovah.
(See above, on 13, 43. 50. 16, 14. 17, 4. 17.) He had now, no
cioubt, gone further, and recognized the Jesus whom Paul
preached as the Messiah. Joined hardy an old English phrase
lor neadty adjoining^ or contiguous. It was no doubt for this
reason that Paul chose it, as his removal and resort to it would
be a kind of public declaration and memorial of his permanent
secession firom the tmbelievers and blasphemers of^ the syna-
gogue. A comparison of synagogue in this verse with the
same word in 14, 43, will illustrate the transition from the pri-
mary and proper sense of meeting to the secondary one of
meeting-house,

8. And Crispus, the chief ruler of the synagogue,
believed on the Lord, with all his house ; and many of
the Corinthians, hearing beUeved and were baptized.

Crispus^ another Roman name, but in this case certainly
belonging to a Jew, perhaps a proselyte, as Glentile birth might

ACTS 18, 8. 169

not disqualify him for his office. Ohief ruler of the synagogue^
in GreeK a single word, the plural form of which is rendered
simply rulers of the synagogue in 13, 15. The chief msky have
been added on account of the article (tlie ruler) ^ supposed by
the translators to imply that there was only one. But the
definite form of the expression may merely designate him as a
person of some note, ' Crispus the (weU known) ruler of the
^nagogue,' just as we say, " the Apostle Paul," " the Prophet
Daniel," although there were many other Prophets and Apos-
tles. There is aJso reason to believe, that these rulers of the
synagogue were not elective officers, but the hereditary elders
of the Jews, of whom there would of course be a plurality in
every synagogue or congregation. (See above, on 4, 6. 8. 23.
5, 21. 6, 12, and below, on 23, 14. 24, 1. 25, 15.) If this be
so, the position occupied by Crispus, although highly respecta-
\i^ among the Jews, was not so eminent, especially in Gentile
eyes, as our translation may suggest to English readers. It
could hardly be the reason, as some think, for Paul's baptizing
this man with his own hand, as we know that he did from his
own explicit statement in his first epistle to this very church.
(See 1 Cor. 1,14.) It is well observed by Paley, that the cor-
respondence here between the letter of the narrative is just
sufficient, in degree and kind, to prove the authenticity of
both, without exciting the suspicion of collusion or assimila-
tion. If the epistle had been framed to suit the history, the
names of Stephanas and Gaius would not have been added ;
in the contrary case, they would not have been omitted.
Paul's departure from his ordinary practice in these cases, far
from implying that they were peculiarly important, or entitled
to particular attention upon his part, seems to be treated by
himself as something accidental or fortuitous. (See above, on
13, 9, and compare 1 Cor. 1, 13-17.) Believed on (or in) the
Lord (Jesus), as the true Messiah and the only Saviour. (See
above, on 9, 42. 11, 17. 14, 23. 16, 31.) With all his house,
or more exactly, with his whole house, household, fitmily. (See
above, on 11, 14. 16, 15. 31.) That they were ail baptized is
not affirmed, but seems to be implied both here and in Corin-
thians. The same thing is recorded, in the last clause of the
verse before us, as to many of the Corinthians^ i. e. Greeks
or Gentiles, who, hearing (not of t7, i. e. that Crispus was
converted, but the gospel as Paul preached it in the house of
Justus), believed^ or were converted, became Christians, in the
same sense as before.

170 ACTS 18, 0.10.

9. Then spake the Lord to Paul in the night by
a vision. Be not afraid, but speak, and hold not thy
peace —

And the Z/ord, L e. the Lord Jesos, as in 9, 17. Said by
vision^ L e. a divine communication, with or without a visible
appearance. See above, on 16, 9, where the word appeared
IS expressly used. Fear not^ perhaps implving that he was
disposed to shrink from the dancers of his new position.
/Spiak and be not sUenty as he may have been tempted to re-
main. Or this ma^ be merelv the idiomatic combination of a
positive and negative expression, as in other cases. The idea
of some writers, that Paul was dejected, when he came to
Corinth, by the failure of his ministrv at Athens, and by a
consciousness of having erred there in his mode of preaching,
is at variance, not only with his apostolical authority, but aliK)
with recorded &ct8. The way in which he introduced the
Gospel to his Athenian hearers is among the strongest proo&
of his extraordinary wisdom. That he did not preach Christ
fully to them, was because they would not hear, and not be-
cause he had begun with an appeal to the principles of natural
religion. The divine approbation was attested by several con-
versions, perhaps many (see above, on 17, 34.) The reference
in the verse before us can be only to such natural misgivings
as may be felt by the best and most courageous men.

10. For I am with thee, and no man shall set on
thee to hurt thee ; for I have much people in this city.

This verse assigns the reason why he should not fear, by
assuring him of the divine presence and protection. I am
with thee, in a special and extraordinary sense, to aid and
guard thee. (See above, on 10, 38.) The effect of this pro-
tection is then stated. No many literally, no one (see above,
on 5, 13. 23. 9, 7. 8. 10, 28.) Set on thee, an old English
phrase, of which a kindred form still current is the noun onset.
The Greek verb strictly means, to place or lay upon, impose,
a burden (as in 15, 28), a yoke (as in 15, 10), stripes fas in
16, 23), the hands (as m 8, 17. 19. 9, 12. 17. 13, 3), the latter
always as a spiritual or religious act ; whereas a kindred
phrase {to throw hands upon any one) means to seize or arrest
[as in 4, 3. 5, 18. 12, 1.) The other verb may here have a re-
lexive sense, to place or set one's self against, L e. to assail.

ACTS 18, 10-12. m

attack, in which sense it is also used by Xenophon and in the
Septuagint (Gen. 43, 18.) To hurt (or harm) thee^ i. e. for
the parpose of so doing, or as the actual result. (For the
usage of the Greek verb, see above, on 7, 6. 19. 12, 1. 14, 2.)
The last clause gives another reason why he should not fear.
The meaning is not that there were already many converts in
the place who would protect him, but that there were many
yet to be converted, for whose sake his life must be preserved.
(Compare John 10, 16.)

11. And he continued (there) a year and six
months, teaching the word of God among them.

Paul believes the promise and obeys the order. He con-
tirmed there^ literally, he sat^ implying safety and tranquillity,
perhaps with some allusion to the customary attitude of an-
cient teachers. (But compare Luke 24, 49, where the same
Greek verb is rendered tarry.) A year and six monthsy a
much longer stay than any one oefore recorded in Paul's mis-
sionary life, and affording time ibr the abundant and extensive
labours presupposed in his epistles to the Church of Corinth.
The period here mentioned may be either that of his whole
residence at this time, or the part of it extending to the inci-
dent recorded in the next verse. In the latter case, the sense
will be, that he continued quietly and safely at his work for
eighteen months, when it was unexpectedly disturbed and in-
terrupted. Some prefer this explanation on the ground that
it vindicates the truth of the Lord's promise (see above, on v.
10), that he should not be attacked, whereas ne was attacked
before he left Corinth. But this, though plausible, is incon-
clusive, as the promise may be understood to mean that no
one should assail him with success, or so as really to hurt him,
either personally, or by interrupting his work as an Apostle.
Teaching among (literally, in) them (the Corinthians) the word
of God (the true religion, see above, on 4, 31. 6, 2. 7. 13, 5. 7.
44. 17,13.)

12. And when GaUio was the deputy of Achaia,
the Jews made insurrection with one accord against
Paul, and brought him to the judgment-seat —

OnUio was the brother of Seneca, the &mous Stoic, who
describes him in his letters as a man uniyerBally beloved on

172 ACTS 18, 12.13.

account of his amiable disposition, and refers to his having
canght a feyer in Achiua (the province of which Corinth was
the capital.) This relationship probably gave rise to the tra-
dition and the fabrication of a correspondence between Seneca
and PaoL According to one account, Callio Glared his bro-
ther's &te, being pnt to death by Nero ; according to another,
he destroyed himsel£ GaUio being (or acting aS) proconsul^
the Greek verb corresponding to the noun used in 13, 7. 8. 12,
and there explained. Here again Luke's accuracy, even in
minute points, is remarkable. One historian (Dio Cassius)
says that Achaia was at first an imperial province, and there-
fore governed by Proconsuls (see above, on 13, 7) ; another
(Tacitus) that it was afterwards transferred to tne Senate,
which would cause it to be governed by a Prsetor ; but a third
(Suetonius) records its restoration to the Emperor before the
time of these events ; so that the nomenclature of the narra-
tive is perfectly correct. Since Gallio's proconsulate is here
assigned as the date of the new movement, it is probable that
he arrived and entered on the office during Paul's abode there,
and that his reputation as a man of easy temper led the Jews
to make the attempt here recorded. Made insurrection^ or
rose up against^ a strengthened form of the Greek verb used
in 4, 1. 6, 12. 17, 5, and there explained. With one accord^
unanimously, which implies not only joint action, but precon-
cert and a systematic plan. (For the etymology and usage
of the Greet word, see above, on 1, 14. 2, 1. 46. 4, 24. 6, 12.
7, 67. 8, 6. 12, 20. 15, 25.) .Brought, led, not necessarily im-
plying force or violence, but only the presenting of his person
as a prisoner before the magistrate. The judgment^eatj or
the tribunal of the governor, to which the Romans attached
great importance and a kind of sanctity, so that the Prtetors
and Proconsuls, sent into the provinces, sometimes carried
their tribunals with them. (For the meaning of the Greek
word here used, see above, on 12, 21, and compare Matt. 27,
19. John 19, 18.)

13. Saying, This (fellow) persuadeth men to wor-
ship God contrary to the law.

Saying that (orj), the usual Greek formula of citation, even
when the very words are given ; whereas we use it only when
we give the substance. It is omitted in translation here, as it
was in 2, 13. 5,23.25. 6,11.14. 11,3. 13,34. 16,36. 17,6.

ACTS 18, 13. 14. 178

In the few places where it is expressed (7, 6. 15, 5), there is a
slight change of construction to accommodate oar idiom. JFil-
low is not expressed in Greek, but supplied by the translators,
to convey the contemptuous meaning commonly attached to
the demonstrative (this) when absolutely used. But besides
the uncertainty of the alleged usage, the simple idea of t?Us
man (or person) would have been expressed precisely in the
same way. Peratiadeth^ an emphatic compound of the verb
so rendered in v. 4, and in 13, 43. 14, 19. above. To worship
Gody the Greek verb so repeatedly applied to the worship of
Jehovah by the Gentiles. (See above, on v. 7, and compare
13, 43. 50. 16, 14. 17, 4. 17.) Against the law is understood
by some to mean the Roman law, which, like those of Turkey
and some Christian states, recognized certain kinds of worship
or religion besides that estabushed, and allowed no others.
To the supposition that it means the law of Moses, these in-
terpreters object, that with this the Roman magistrates had
no concern, either as interpreters or executioners. But as
this is just what Gallio says in the next verse, the objection
rather favours that construction. It is possible, however, that
the phrase was meant to be equivocal bv those who used it, so
that what was really a violation only or their own law might
be taken by the inexperienced Proconsul as an offence against
the Roman government, and as such punished.

14. And when Paul was now about to open (his)
mouth, Gallio said unto the Jews, If it were a matter
of wrong or wicked lewdness, 0 (ye) Jews, reason
would that I should bear with you —

Paul being about (sec above, on 3, 3. 5, 35. 11, 28. 12, 6.
13, 34. 16, 27. 17, 31) to open his mouth (see above, on 8, 35.
10, 34), i. e. to speak in hb own defence and in answer to the
charge Just brought against him. Some suppose Gallio's in-
terruption to be here recorded as a disrespectful or contemp-
tuous act towards Paul himself. But it seems to have been
rather like the practice in the £nglish courts of hearing only
one side when the case is too plain to require discussion, and
stopping the party in whose &vour the decision is to be.
Thus viewed, the interruption was a virtual decision in Paul's
favour, or at least an intimation that he needed no defence.
The reason is given in the other dause by Gallio himself. If

174 ACTS 18, 14-16.

indeed^ a particle suggestiD^ that the case is only a supposed
one. A matter of wrong^ hterally, an irijtiatice^ or a legal in-
jury, a violation of your civil rights. Lewdness is too strong
and too specific a version of a Greek word near akin to that
translated mischief in 13, 10, and denoting undue &cilitY of
action, i. e. recklessness, unscrupulousness, here determmed
by. the epithet {wicked^ to denote an immorality, perhaps as
distinguished from an illegal act, which had just been men-
tionecL The two together are intended to describe the whole
class of offences, of which the civil magistrate was bound to
take cognizance. Reason would is an obscure translation of
a dubious Greek phrase, which may either mean, according to
reason, or throughout (j/our) speech. * I would hear you as in
duty bound,' or ' I would hear you to the end.' The verb
does not literally mean to hear^ but to bear or bear with, ' I
would think it rational or right to bear with your complaints,'
or, ' I would bear with you, as long as ^ou thought fit to
speak,' if your complaints had reference either to legal or to
moral wrong.

15.16. But if it be a question of words and names,
and (of) your law, look ye (to it) ; for I will be no judge
of such (matters). And he drave them from the judg-
ment-seat.

But if as you know to be the case, which is equivalent to
since^ the conditional particle not always signifying doubt (see
above, on 4, 9. 16, 15.) A question^ Hterally, sometlnng
sought, that is a subject of inquii'y and dispute (see above, on

16, 2, and below, on 23, 29. 25, 19. 26, 3.) Words, literally,
a word, or language, speech, as opposed to action. Names
does not necessarily denote the names Messiah, Christ, and
Jesus, although these may be included, as may those of Chris-
tian, Jew, &c. But the term has rather a generic sense, as
when we say proverbially " names are things." The sentence
is descriptive of mere verbal controversy or logomachy, as
opposed to questions of principle or fact. And of law, the
(law) with you, or that belonging to, prevailing among you,
not us. The preposition and construction are the same as in

17, 28 (your oton poets, L e. yours, not ours.) I^ook ye to it,
literally, ye shall see (i. e. must see to that) yourselves, a very
similar expression to that used by the chief priests in reply to
Judas, when he repented of his crime and returned the price

ACTS 18, 16-17. 176

of blood (Matt. 27, 3-6.) Far a judge of these things I do
not wish (or choose) to be. Nothing could be more charac-
teristic of a Roman, such as Gallic is reputed to have been,
than this contemptuous indifference, unmixed with any thing
like spite or anger, towards the Jews and their internal feuds
and broils. The perfect truth of these unstudied portraits,
without any thing like fbrmal or avowed description, is among
the strongest incidental proofs of authenticity. (See below,
on 25, 18-20.) In perfect keeping with this speecn is the act
by which it was accompanied (v. 16), and which is not to be
regarded as an act of brutal violence, but merely as a summa-
ry and practical expression of the resolution which he had
expressed in words. Drave (or drove) them from the jitdg-
merUrseat (tribunal, as in v. 12), i. e. peremptorily dismissed
them and refused to hear them further. This attenuated
meaning of the verb is found in the best Greek writers, who
&pply it to banishment, and even to the marching of an army.

17. Then all the Greeks took Sosthenes, the chief
ruler of the synagogue, and (beat) him befbre the judg-
ment-seat ; and GfiJlio cared for none of those things.

Instead of Greeks^ some manuscripts read Jews^ according
to which text the sense would seem to be, that they ascribed
their failure to the way in which their case had been present-
ed to the governor by Sosthenes. Another still less probable
opinion is that Sosthenes, like Crispus (see above, on v. 8),
was a Christian convert, and was beaten dv the Jews on that
account. But if Gallic would not even near their charges
against Paul, he surely would not have allowed such violence
against his followers. According to the common text, the
meaning seems to be, that when the governor so cavalierly
sent them off, the Greeks who had been looking on expressed
their indignation, or perhaps gave vent to their long cherished
hatred of the Jews, by beating their official representative.
The latest critics omit both words {Greeks and Jews)^ which
leaves the clause indefinite, or refers it to all present ; but as
these must have been mostly Greeks or Gentiles, the essential
meaning still remains the same. There is no need of assuming
that Sosthenes was the successor of Crispus, or the ruler ot
another synagogue, as the office probably was not elective,
and was held by a plurality of persons (see above, on v. 8.)
That this is ^' Sosthenes the brother,'' named in the beginning

1»6 ACTS 18, 1». 18.

of Fftul's second epistle to the Corinthians, is not imposdblei
and rather favoured by the identity of name ; but it rests on
no other prool^ and requires us to assume that he was after-
wards converted. And none of these things concerned GaUio
(or uras a care to him.) The original construction is imper^
sonal, like that in John 12, 6, where the same form of the verb
is used, whereas in every other case it is the present tense (see
Matt. 22, 16. Mark 4, 88. 12, 14. Luke 10, 10. John 10, 13.
1 Cor. 9, 9. 1 Pet. 5, 7), and in one the imperative mood
(1 Cor. 7, 21.) The immediate reference in these things is to
the disorderly proceedings of the multitude before the very
judgment-seat of Gallic, whose silence and indifference is re-
corded as a token of his nonchalance or stoical apathv, and
onl^ indirectly of that callousness or coldness in religion,
which is commonly regarded as the principal thing here in-
tended ; so that GaUio has become a standing type, and ^^ Gal-
lio-like" a stereotyped simile, in our religious phraseology.
That he knew little and cared less about the true religion, is
most probable ; that he was equally indifferent to all reugions,
true or false, is possible; but neither of these facts is here dis-
closed, except by inference from what is really afSrmed, to
wit, that when the Jews accused Paul he refused to hear
them, and when Sosthenes was beaten by the mob he suffered
it, and none of these things troubled or concerned him.

18. And Paul (after this) tarried (there) yet a good
while, and then took his leave of the brethren, and
sailed thence into Syria, and with him Priscilla and
Aquila, having shorn (his) head in Cenchrea, for he
had a vow.

The original construction is, 'And Paul, having still re-
mained (continued on, or staid over) many days (literally,
days enough), having taken leave of the brethren, sailed, ifcc.'
After this J supplied by the translators, may be said to repre-
sent the particle with which the Greek verb is compounded,
and which properly denotes addition or continuance. It may
here suggest that he remained there longer than he first in-
tended, as another compound of the same verb does in 10, 48.
15, 34. The brethren, the converts who composed the inJ&nt
church of Corinth. Sailed thence^ literally, sailed out^ a kin-
ired form to that in 13, 4 {sailed away,) Into Syria^ L e. on

ACTS 18, 18. 177

hiA way to Antioeh, though not by a direct course (see below;
on vs. 19. 22^ Having shorn (or shaved) the head in Cen^
chreOf one of the two ports of Corinth, on the east side of the
isthmus (see above, on v. 1.) It has been a subject of dispute
for ages, and especially since Chrysostom and Jerome, whetheif
this relates to Paul or Aquila. In favour of the latter con*
struction, it is urged that Aquila not only is the nearest ante-
cedent, but is postponed to Priscilla, as if to bring him into
closer connection with the verb that follows. The force of
this argument is much diminished by the fact that the names
occur in the same order elsewhere (Rom. 16, 3. 2 Tim. 4, 19),
perhaps because Priscilla was more active and InteHigent oi*
better known. The position of the name is also neutralized
by the construction, in which there is a series of participles,
au relating to Paul, unless this be an exception. If Aquila
were meant, the natural expression would have been, who
shaved (not having shaded) his head in Cenchrea, There is,
moreover, no sufficient reason for the mention of a circum-
stance so unimportant in relation to a minor personage like
Aquila. If meant to show Paul's tolerance of ceremonial ob-
servances among his followers and friends, which i^ by no
means an obvious supposition, this design would doubtless
have been more distmctly stated. But admitting that the
words refer to Paul, there are still two questions to be an-
swered. The first is, how this ceremonial act is to be recon-
ciled with Paul's anti-judaic principles and practice. The
answer is, that during tne anomalous interval between the day
of Pentecost and the downfall of Jerusalem, the observance of
the ceremonial law, whether stated or occasional, was always
lawful, sometimes necessary, oflen expedient, as a means of
^safety or conciliation. (See above, on 2, 46. 16, 3.) In the
'present case it may have had respect to persons with whom
Paul expected soon to meet, either in Jerusalem or Antioeh,
where some suppose the conference referred to in Gal. 2, 11-14,
to have taken place soon after this, although it has been com-
monly referred to a much earlier date. The other question
has respect to the nature of the vow here mentioned. Its
form resembles that of the Nazarites, who abstained from
strong drink and allowed their hair to otow for a specific
time, at the close of which they shaved their heads and offered
certain sacrifices, as prescribed in Num. 6, 1-21. But as these
rites could be performed only at the temple, or at least in Pa-
lestine, the most probable conclusion^ on the whole, is that this

VOL. IL M

178 ACTS 18, 18-21.

was a Dersonal or private tow, such as we read of elsewhere
(e. g. (ien. 28, 20. Lev. 27, 2. Num. 80, 2. Deut. 23, 21. Judg.
11, 30. 1 Sam. 1, 11. 2 Sam. 16, 7. Ps. 65, 1. Ecc. 5, 4), the
outward formalities of which would naturally be conformed
to those of which the law took cognizance. Some suppose that
the shaving of his head was the assumption of the vow, but
this is contrary to all analogy and usage. (See below, on 21,
24, and compare Num. 6, 13. 18.)

19. And he came to Ephesus, and left them there :
but he himself entered into the synagogue, and rea-
soned with the Jews.

Came down upon (or inJtd^ Ephesua^ arrived there (see
above, on 16, 1.) Ephesus bemg opposite to Corinth, on the
eastern side of the Egean Sea, may have been a customary
stoppmg-place in voyages from Greece to Syria. Left them
(Aqmla and Priscilla) there (in Ephesus.) Tne relation of the
clauses is obscure and doubtfuL Some suppose the synagogue
at Ephesus, as at Berea (see above, on 17, 10), to have been
outside of the city, and tnat Paul went out to it, leaving his
companions in the town. But this, even if true, was too
minute a circumstance to be recorded, which objection does
not lie against the common opinion, that the leaving here
meant was at Paul's departure to resume his journey eastward,
and that after mentioning it, Luke reverts to his short stay
there, for the purpose of noting that he did not neglect even
this occasion of addressing the Jews in the synagogue. As if
he had said, Aquila and Priscilla went no further, leaving
Paul to complete his voyage alone, but not till he had gone
into the synagogue and there addressed the Jews, showing
how far he was from having abandoned the desire and hope
of their salvation. (See above, on v. 6, and on 13, 46; and
for the meaning of the verb translated reasoned, on v. 4. 17,
2. 17.)

20. 21. When they desired (him) to tarry longer
time with them, he consented not ; but bade them fare-
well, saying, I must by all means keep this feast that
Cometh in Jerusalem : but I will return again unto
you, if God wUl. And he sailed from Ephesus.

ACTS 18, 20-22. 179

When they desired himy literally, they asking him (see
above, on 3, 3. 10, 48. 16, 39.) To tarry longer time, liter-
ally, /br m^ore tim£ to remain. This request implies that they
were favourably impressed with Paul's address, and, as some
suppose, with his ceremonial act at Cenchrea. Consented, a
Greek verb originally meaning nodded, as a natural and cus-
tomary gesture of assent or affirmation. Bade fareweU, the
same verb that is rendered took his leave in v. 18. I must, or
%t is necessary for me (Set /tc.) By all means, or at aU events,
whatever else may happen, in &miHar English, any how. The
feast, the coming (one), that now approaching or at hand.
This is commonly supposed to have been Pentecost, as naviga-
tion was not commonly resumed before the passover, and no
other annual solemnity was absolutely called "the feast.'*
jffeep, literally, make, which may either mean observe, cele-
brate, or spend, pass, as applied to time in 15, 33, above. The
latter is commonly preferred, because it seems less probable
that Paul considered himself bound to keep a Jewish festival,
than that he wished to take advantage of it as an opportunity
of meeting with great numbers from all quarters, (bee above,
on 2, 6.) Some of the latest critics expunge this clause, as an
interpolation from 20, 16, on the ground of its omission in
several of the oldest manuscripts and versions. But others,
with much more probability, account for this omission by
supposing, that these old transcribers and translators fell into
the natural mistake, still made by many readers, of believing
that no visit to Jerusalem is mentioned in the context, ana
therefore thought it necessary to omit a promise which was
not fulfilled (but see below, upon the next verse.) There is
no doubt that the last clause of v. 21 is genuine. GodwiUr
ing, Vulg. Deo volente. Sailed, not the verb used in v. 18,
but that in 13, 13. 16, 11.

22. And when he had landed at Cesarea, and gone
up, and saluted the church, he went down to Antioch.

When he had landed, literally, having come dovm (i. e.
from the vessel) into Cesarea, and gone up (i. e. to Jerusa-
lem), and saluted the church (i. e. the mother-church there,
the only one that would be absolutely so called), he went down
(from Jerusalem again) to Antioch, thus returning to his point
of departure, as he did at the close of his first mission (see
above, on 14, 26.) It may seem more ob\ious and natural

180 ACTS 18, 22.23.

at nrst sight to ^ply the middle clauses of this verse to
Cesarea, which is actually mentioned, while Jerusalem is not.
9ut whj should he have gone out of his way to Cesarea, if not
in execution of the purpose so explicitly avowed in the pre-
ceding verse ? And why should his saluting the church there
be mentioned as a circumstance of any moment ? He is alsa
said to have gone t//>, for which no reason can be given at
Cesarea, whereas it is the constant usage with respect to Je-
msalem« (See above, on 11, 2. 15, 2, and compare Matt. 20,
17. Mark 10, 32. Luke 2, 42. John 5, 1. T, 8. 11, 55. 12, 20.
Gal. 1, 17. 18. 2, 1. 2.) The same is true of going down from
Jerusalem to Antioch (see above, on 8, 5. 9, 32. 11, 27. 12, 19.
15, 1) ; but in what sense could he go doton from Cesarea to
the same place ? To all these reasons may be added a con-
clusive one derived from the preceding verse. If Paul was
not really in haste to reach the Holy City, how can his decla-
ration there be justified, or what could be his motive for mak-
ing it ? I^ on the other hand, this was his purpose, when was
it carried into execution ? Or if it was prevented, why is not
that recorded, to explain and justify the fidlure ? The only
method of avoiding all these difficulties is by adopting what is
now the usual interpretation of the verse before us.

23. And after he had spent some time (there), he
departed, and went over (all) the comitry of Galatia
and Phrygia in order, strengthening all the disciples.

A chapter might conveniently have been begun here, at
the opening of Paul's third foreign mission. Hamng made
(i. e. spent, see above, on v. 21 and 15, 33) some time (at An-
tioch, see above, on 4, 28.) Departed, literally, came out,
went forth (see above, on 7, 4. 10,23. 11,25. 12,17. 14,20.
15, 24. 40. 16, 3. 10. 40. 17, 33.) Went over, literally, comiiig
(i. e. passing) through (see above, on 8, 4. 40. 9, 32. 10, 38.
11,19.22. 13,6. 14. 14, 24. 15,3.41. 16,6. 17,23.) Galatia
and Phrygia, interior provinces of Asia Minor, mentioned to-
gether with the same brevity as here, and with the same pecu-
liar formula {the Galatian region) in the account of Paul's
second mission (see above, on 16, 6), but in the opposite order
{Phrygia and Galatia), to which some refer the phrase in
order here used ; but it rather has respect to the methodical
successive visitation of the churches, the details of which were
probably diversified by no extraordinary incidents, as both

ACTS 18, 23.24. 181

visitations arc so briefly mentioned. StrengtTiening^ the same
word that is rendered confirming ^or confirmed) in 14,22.
15, 32. 41, in all which cases, as in this, it denotes not a cere-
mony but an intellectual and spiritual process of instruction
and conviction.

24. And a certain Jew, named Apollos, born at
Alexandria, an eloquent man, (and) mighty in the
Scriptures, came to Ephesus.

Having thus despatched in a single sentence Paul's re-
visitation of Galatia and Phryria, Luke proceeds to the more
important part of his third nussion, namely, his residence at
£phesus ; but first, as a preliminary topic, introduces the ap-
pearance of Apollos there before Paul's arrival. A JeWy by
birth and education, in wliich sense Paul himself was one.
Apollos by name^ most probably a contracted form of ApoUo-
nius. (For similar contracted forms in as, see above, on 16,
22.) An Alexandrian by birth {race or nation^ see above, on
V. 2. 4, 36.) Alexandria in Egypt, so called from its founder^
Alexander the Great, was at this time, not only a great com-
mercial mart, but an illustrious seat both of Greek and He-
brew learning. A multitude of Jews were settled here under
the Ptolemies or Macedonian kings of Effypt, and were thus
brought into contact with the Greek phUosophy and civiliza-
tion. It was here that the Septuagint version had its origin,
and the school of Platonizing Jews represented by Philo.
There was no place where greater advantages of education
were enjoyed in the age of the Apostles, among which may be
reckoned the greatest library of the ancient world. Eloquent^
a Greek word also meaning learned^ especially in history ; but
the first sense is more common with the later writers, and is
probably the prominent one here, as Apollos's scriptural leam-
mg is separately mentioned in the last clause. Tlie original
order is, arrived at Ephesus^ being mighty in the Scriptures^
This collocation, which is not retained in EngHsh, seems to
separate the qualities ascribed to Apollos, as if one were pre-
vious and the other subsequent to his arrival ; or as if the first
were of a general nature, and the second had a more specific
reference to the object of his visit. He was eloquent ana edu-
cated, but when he appeared at Ephesus, displayed another
special qualification, that of intimate acquaintance with the
word of God, and an extraordinaiy power in expounding arid

182 ACTS 18, 24.25.

enforcing it, both which ideas are suggested by the pregnant
phrase, mightt/ in the Scriptures.

25. This man was instructed in the way of the
Lord ; and being fervent in the spirit, he spake and
taught diligently the things of the Lord, knowing only
the baptism of John.

Was instructed might be understood to mean after he ar-
rived at Ephesus ; but the original expression is the usual form
of the pluperfect passive, he had been instructed, i. e. already,
or before he came there. The verb itself is one peculiar to
the Hellenistic and Ecclesiastical Greek, and is used to denote
oral elementary instruction, being the root of the words cate-
chism, catechize, &c. (Compare Luke 1, 4. Rom. 2, 18. 1 Cor.
14, 19. Gal. 6, 6, and see below, on 21, 21. 24.) The way of
the Lord is a phrase used elsewhere only in relation to the
ministry of John the Baptist, as our Lord's forerunner (see
Matt. 3, 3. Mark 1, 3. Luke 3, 4. John 1, 23), and as John's
baptism is expressly mentioned in the last clause, it has been
suggested, and is not impossible, that it here means the reli-
gion taught by John, i. e. the doctrine of a Messiah come or
coming, and of his kingdom as at hand (see Matt. 3, 1. 2. 11.
12.) It is commonly, however, understood to mean the gos-
pel, or the doctrine of Christ himself elsewhere called the
\fJiis or that) way, (See above, on 9, 2, and below, on 1 9, 9.
23. 22, 4. 24, 14. 22.) Ferve^it (literally, boiling) in spirit, is
a phrase used by Paul in Rom. 12, 11. Spake (or talked) and
taught may signify private and public teaching (see above, on
16, 13. 32.) Diligently is not the meaning of the Greek word,
but exactly, accurately, or correctly, i. e. as far as he knew or
had as yet been taught, if by the things of (or dbmit) the Lord
we understand the gospel. But if that phrase means John's
prospective preaching of the Saviour, the adverb may be taken
m its strongest sense. Knoxcing, knowing well, a stronger
word than that which is commonly so rendered (see above, on
10, 28. 15, T, and below, on 19, 15. 25. 20, 18. 22, 19. 24, 10.
26, 26.) The baptism of John may be either the rite properly
so called, or John's whole ministry and doctrine (see above,
on 1, 22. 10, 37.) The meaning cannot be, that Apollos did
not know that tne Messiah had actually come, or who he was ;
for John had identified him and baptized him before the close

ACTS 18, 26-27. 183

of his own ministry. (See Matt. 3, 13. Mark 1, 9. Luke 3, 21.
John 1, 29-36. 3, 26-36.)

26. And he began to speak boldly in the syna-
gogue ; whom when Aquila and PriscUla had heard,
they took him unto (them), and expounded unto him
the way of God more perfectly.

TTiis same man (ovros tc), or this man also^ besides talking
and teaching as above related, now began to speak publicly
and plainly (sec above, on 9, 27. 29. 13, 46. 14, 3) in the syna-
gogue of Ephesus, where, as a native Jew, he had liberty not
only of worship but of speech (see above, on 13, 5. 14. 15.)
Bui Aquila and PrisciUa (whom Paul had left at Ephesus, v.
19), having heard him^ in the synagogue which they still fre-
quented, or to which they were attracted by the fame of this
new preacher, took him, unto {them)^ into their society or com-
pany, the same verb that is used above in 17, 5. Eacpoundr
ed, set forth, stated, and explained, the same verb that is used
above in 11, 4, and in a very different sense, in 7, 21. 27ie
^cty of Gody i. e. his method of salvation, and the doctrine of
his Son. The latest critics omit God, and simply read the way^
which may then be an abbreviation of the phrase used in v.
25. That it means the same with that phrase, seems to follow
from their teaching him this way m,ore accurately or exactly^
the comparative form of the adverb in v. 25. The English
versions are peculiarly unfortunate in rendering this adverb
by two entirely different English ones {diligently smd perfect-
ly), neither of which expresses its true meaning. The sense
ot this clause may be either that they gave him a more accu-
rate idea of the gospel, the Christian svstem ; or that they
taught him more exactly what the way of the Lord was which
John came to prepare.

27. And when he was disposed to pass into Achaia,
the brethren wrote, exhorting the disciples to receive
him; who, when he was come, helped them much
which had believed through grace.

WTien ?ie was disposed (literally, he desiring) to pass, or
go through, i. e. throu^^h the intervening space (see above, on
V. 23) into Achaia^ and no doubt to Corinth, as the most im^-

184 ACTS 18, 27.28.

porUnt place in the province (see abore, on t. 1.) This widi
inay have been prompted by the representations aiid advice
of Aqoila and Priscilla, who perhaps preferred that he should
boild at Corinth upon Paul's foundation, rather than anticipate
Paul's work in Ephesus. The brethren may denote the same
two persons, but perhaps includes some other Christians whom
they had found or gathered there. It is not impossible indeed
that the Ephesian church was organized already, as Paul in
his epistle to it nowhere claims to be its founder, as he does
in other cases. (Compare 1 Thess. 1, 5. 6. 9. Phil. 1, 6. 6. Gal,
1, 8. 9.) There is here an ambiguity in the original, which
has not been retained in the translation. Exhorting stands
before the brethren lorote, and is bv some supposed to mean
exhorting {him)^ i. e. encouraging him in his purpose. . But
most interpreters explain ex/iorting as a statement of what
they wrote, the verb and participle indicating simultaneous
acts, as in 1, 24. 19, 2. When he was come^ or, having arrived^
L e. in Achaia, and no doubt at Corinth (see below, on 19, 1.)
Selped^ or contributed, the same verb that is used above in 4,
16. 17, 18, and below, in 20, 14. Had believed^ or been con-
verted, not through his preaching, but through Paul's, before
Apollos came. These he assisted, as appears from the next
verse, in their controversy with the unbeheving Jews. Through
grace is by some connected with the remoter verb, contributed
or helped through grace, i. e. by special divine influence. To
the other and more obvious construction with believed^ it is
objected that the statement woiild be here superfluous and
out of place, as Luke is not relating how they became Chris-
tians at a former time, but how Apollos now assisted them.
It may be doubted whether this consideration is sufficient to
outweigh the argument derived from the collocation of the
words.

28. For he mightily convinced the Jews, (and that)
publicly, shewing by the Scriptures that Jesus was
Christ.

The way in which he helped them is particularly stated.
Mightily^ intensely, vehemently, which may refer either to the
force of his arguments, or to the warmth of his delivery, most
probably to both together. (Compare Luke 23, 10, where the
Greek word is the same.) Convinced^ refuted, or coniuted
utterly, in Greek an emphatic double compound verb, denot-

ACTS 18, 28. 19^ 1. 185

lag not a <2liange of mind in the opponents, as the English ver-
sion would imply, but their logic^ discomfiture or fidlure in
argument, and the complete triumph of ApoUos over them.
The adverse party were the unbelieving Jews, with whom he
was particularly qualified to deal (see above, on v. 24.J Pub-
lidy (see above, on 16, 37, and below, on 20, 20), no aoubt in
the synagogue (see above, on v. 26.) Showing^ evincing, or
demonstratmg. By (or thrcmgK) the Bcripturea^ as the only
means of proof (see above, on 17,2.11.) The Christy the
Messiah of the Prophecies (see above, on v. 5.)

^^ J

CHAPTER XIX.

We have here the history of Paul's long residence and minis-
try at Ephesus. He first receives into the church twelve dis-
ciples who had only been baptized with the baptism of John
(1-7.) He then preaches three months in the sjmagogue, and
two years in another place, until the whole provmce had heard
the gospel ^8-10.) His preaching is attested by extraordinary
miracles, wnich certain Jews attempt to imitate, but to their
own discomfiture (11-17.) This is followed by a general con-
fession and destruction of magical writings (18-20.) Paul
prepares for his departure and sends two of his attendants
mto Macedonia before him (21-22.) Meantime the city is
aroused against him by interested persons (23-34.) The tu-
mult is allayed by the authority and reasonings of a public
officer (35-41.)

1. And it came to pass, that, while ApoUos was at
Corinth, Paul having passed through the upper coasts
came to Ephesus ; and finding certain disciples —

It came to pass (or happened'jy a connective formula, re-
suming and continuing the narrative of Paul's third mission,
which was interrupted (18, 24) to record the first appearance
of ApoUos. WhUe ApoUos was^ literally, in his being. He
was gone to Corinth, therefore, before Paul arrived in Ephe-
sus. CoastSy in the old English sense of borders districts

186 ACTS 19, 1.2.

(see above, on 13, 50.) The Greek word here used properly
means parts^ i. e. divisions of the country. Upper ^ i. e. inland,
perhaps with some allusion to the mountains in the interior of
Asia Minor. The parts here meant may be Phrygia and Gala-
tia (see above, on 18, 23), or the country between them and
Ephesus. This last was a very ancient city of Ionia, near the
mouth of the Cayster, famous for its wealth and commerce,
and for the temple of Diana just without its walls, built in the
sixth century before Christ, burnt down in the fourth, on the
night that Alexander the Great was bom, and rebuilt in such
a style as to be reckoned by the ancients one of the seven
wonders of the world. (See below, on v. 24.) Ancient Ephe-
sus was always flourishing, and under the Roman domination,
the greatest city of Asia Minor, whereas now it exists only in
ruins, near the Turkish village of Asayaluk ; while Smyrna,
by a singular but not uncommon contrast, is now more flour-
ishing and populous than ever. In fulfilment of the promise
made on his way from Corinth to Jerusalem (see above, on
18, 21), Paul now commences his long residence at Ephesus,
of which the fruits were so abundant and so durable. Find-
ing^ unexpectedly, and on his first arrival (see above, on 18, 2.)
Certain n. e. some, a few) disciples, not oi ApoUos, or of John
the Baptist, but of Christ, as the word always means when
absolutely used (see above, on 18, 23. 27), and as appears from
the way in which Paul treated them.

2. He said unto them, Have ye received the Holy
Ghost since ye believed? And they said unto him,
We have not so much as heard whether there be any
Holy Ghost.

Did ye receive the Jloly Ghost when ye believed (or were
converted) f not, have you received it since ? which would be
otherwise expressed in Greek. The verb and participle de-
note simultaneous actions, as in 1, 24. 5, 30. 10, 39. 18, 27.
Tlie Holy Ghost, i. e. his extraordinary influences, with their
miraculous efiects, by which baptism was so frequently accom-
panied (see above, on 2, 38. 8, 17. 9, 17. 10, 44-48. 11, 15. 16.
15, 8.) It might seem indeed to have been an invariable con-
junction from Paul's question ; but this question may have
been occasioned by something else not here recorded ; or it
may have been customary in such cases, to ask whether these

ACTS 19, 2.3. 187

extraordinary gifts had been received or not, without imply,
ing that they were essential or invariable in every case of
genuine conversion. Paul's doubt as to their baptism did not
arise from the absence of these gifts, but from their imperfect
knowledge of the true religion. If they had simply answered
No, ho might have questioned them no ftirther ; but the sin-

fular form of their denial led him to pursue the subject. We
ave not so much as heardy may be more exactly rendered,
hut (or wht/y i. e. so fiir from receiving it) we did not even hear
if (or whether) there is a Holy Spirit. That they had literal-
ly never heard of his existence is incredible, even if they were
mere Jews (whose Scriptures teem with references to him), or
disciples of John, or of Apollos, much more if they had be-
lieved in Christ, which is the constant meaning of the verb be^
lieve when absolutely used. (See above, on 2, 44. 4,32. 11,
21. 13, 12. 39. 48. 14, 1. 15,6.7. 17,12.34. 18,8.27.) Beard
is in Greek an aorist relating, not to a long interval, but to a
single point of time, to wit, the date of their conversion or
profession. They did not then hear the Holy Spirit mentioned,
any more tlian if there had been no such being. Far from re-
ceiving his extraordinary gifts, they were not even baptized
in his name, or instructed in relation to his work and office.
The expression of this fact is strong but natural, and not with-
out analogies, even in the dialect of common life. As if an
Englishman were asked whether he swore allegiance to the
Queen on a particular occasion, he might simply say that no
such oath was tendered to him ; but if he wished to make his
negative peculiarly emphatic, might express the same idea by
declaring that he did not hear her named; or still more
strongly, that he did not hear that there was such a person,
without any risk of being understood to mean that he had
never heard of her.

3. And he said unto them, Unto what then were
ye baptized ? And they said, Unto John's baptism.

This second question is not founded on the first, but on
their strange and unexpected answer. He does not mean to
ask them how they could have been baptized at all without
receiving these extraordinary gifts, for the two things did not
always go together (see above, on 8, 16) ; but how they could
have been baptized without so much as hearing of the Holy
Spirit. This implies, what is otherwise most probable, that

188 . ACTS 19, 3. 4,

Christian baptism was adnunistered from the besrimiing in the
form prescribed by Christ himself (Matt. 28, 19), and that no
one tnerefore could receive it without hearing of the Holy
Ghost, in whose name, as well as in the Father's and the Son's,
every convert was baptized. Since they could not be baptized
into Christ (see above, on 8, 16) without so much as hearing
of the Holy Spirit, Paul infers that they had not been so bap-
tized at all, and asks them into what they were baptized, i e.
into what profession or communion, into wh«t creed or system,
ioto what faith or religion, they had been initiated by the rite
to which they had submitted. UntOi in both clauses, should
be into^ as the usual and strict sense of the Greek word, and
as more expressive of the main idea here suggested, namely,
that of initiation, union, and incorporation. jBut how could
they be baptized into a baptism f Not at all, if by baptism
be understood the sacrament or rite itself. They might be
baptized vnth it, or according to it ; but neither of these
senses is expressed in the original, which means simply into it,
as just explained. The solution of the difficulty is afforded by
the use of the word baptism elsewhere to denote John's min-
istry or mission (see above, on 1, 22), and the subject of his
preaching (see above, on 10, 37.) Retaining this sense here,
to be b^^tized into John's baptism is to be initiated, by that
rite, into the doctrine, system, or religion which he taught.
This was the doctrine of repentance (see above, on 13, 24), or
reform of heart and life, not as sufficient of itsell' or practicable
by itself, but as a preparation for something else, namely, fedth
in the Messiah, whose way John himself came to prepare.
This Messiah he identified as Jesus of Nazareth (John 1, 29-36.
3, 26-30), who must therefore be acknowledged by all who
were baptized with the baptism of John. There is no ground,
therefore, for supposing that these men knew nothing of Jesus
as the true Messiah ; for this was an essential part of John's
doctrine, and without this they would not have been called
disciples (see above, on v. 1^ Their deficiency consisted in
their stopping sliort at the MLessiahship of Jesus, without any
knowledge of his doctrine, miracles, atoning death, resurrec-
tion, ascension, and effusion of the Spirit, m a word, of any
thing distinctively or characteristically Christian.

4. Then said Paul, John verily baptized with the
baptism of repentance, saying unto the people, that

ACTS 19, 4.6. 189

they should believe on him which should come after
him, that is, on Christ Jesus.

Paul explains to them the prospective and preparatory
character ol John's ministry, who exhorted the people to be-
lieve, not on himself but on the coming (one) ; and this coming
one was Jesus. Though not expressed, it is implied that John
had no church or rebgion of his own, into which men were
initiated by his baptism, but merely introduced men to his
principal, by whom alone they could be saved, or even fully
mstructed. Where this effect did not ensue, but men stopped
short at the baptism of John, it was deprived of its whole
meaning and effect. /

5. And when they heard (this), they were baptized
in the name of the Lord Jesus.

And hearing^ they were baptized. There is here a remark-
able ambiguity of syntax, which has led to two entirely differ-
ent interpretations of the narrative. Some of the older writers
understand this as a part of what Paul said, and therefore as
referring to the people mentioned in v. 4. And hearing (what
John said about believing in the coming one) they were bap*
tized (as so believing) into the name of the tsord Jesus (i. e.
into union with him as the only Saviour.) The objection
UBuaUy made to this construction, that John did not, in point
of fiict, baptize into the name of Jesus, begs the question here
at issue, as this passage, if a part of Paul's discourse, would be
sufficient to establish what is thus denied, though not in the
most obvious meaning of the words. Paul may, iu that case,
have intended to describe, not the formula which John used,
but the end he had in view. As if he had said, ' Since John
called the people to believe on a Messiah yet to come, and
this Messiah was Jesus, those who received his baptism were
really (though not ostensibly^ baptized into the name of the
Lord Jesus.' This view of tne passage is preferred by some
who are unwilling to admit the fact of a rebaptism. Most in-
terpreters, however, are agreed that these are not the words
of the Apostle, but of the historian, describing the effect of
what Paul said upon his hearers. Hearing (his statement in
relation to John's baptism, as deriving all its worth and mean-
ing from its relation to the Saviour) they were baptized in (or
inJUi) the name of the Lord Jesus. The question why this was

190 ACTS 19, 6.

required or permitted has been variously answered. Some
say, because John's baptism was essentially distinct from that
of Christ and could not answer the same purpose. But we do
not read that Apollos was rebaptized, or our Lord's own dis.
ciples, some or ^1 of whom had been baptized by John. It 'm
true, however, that Peter, on the day of Pentecost, requires
all to be baptized, without inquiring whether any had been
John's disciples. To reconcile these seeming contradictions,
some suppose that there was no fixed rule, but that baptism
was administered or not, at the discretion of the minister, or
even at the option of the convert, who might wish to be as-
sured of his legitimate admission to the church, by a repetition
of the rite, even where it was unnecessary, as for instance in
the case before us. Another explanation is, that they were
not again baptized with water, but for the first time with the
Holy Spirit ; an idea nowhere else expressed by the phrase,
baptized into the name of Jesus. Perhaps the most satisfac-
tory solution is the one afforded by the mtimate relation be-
tween John and Christ, and the entire dependence of John's
baptism upon faith in Christ for its whole meaning and validi-
ty. Where tliis was understood, and those baptized by John
went on, as he instructed them, without undue delay or inter-
ruption, to embrace Christ as their Saviour and his doctrine
as their faith, rebaptism would have been a ceremonial mock-
ery. This was probably the case with most of Christ's disciples
who were resident in Palestine. But where, from their removal
OB return to foreign countries, or from other providential in-
terruptions, they had gone no further than this first step, but
continued at the threshold to which John had led them, long
after the conclusion of his ministry and life, the work had as
it were to be begun de novOy not because John's baptism was
invalid or even insufiicient, when correctly understood and
followed up, but because by being insulated and divided fi-om
the work of Christ and of the Holy Ghost, to which it was a
solemn introduction, it became useless and unmeaning, and
must therefore be renewed from the beginning. This hypothe-
sis not only serves to throw light on the case before us, but to
harmonize it with the other facts which have been mentioned.
That these men regarded John himself as the Messiah, as we
know him to have been by later heretics, is inconsistent with
Luke's calling them disciphs (v. 1), and Paul's speaking of the
time when they believed (v. 2.) A similar question of con-
struction has occurred before in 15, 5 3 but a stUl more striking

ACTS 19, 6.6.7.8. 191

parallel is that in Luke 7, 29. 30, because the reference is there,
as well as here, to John the Baptist's preaching, and to its ef-
fect upon his hearers.

6. 7. And when Paul had laid (his) hands upon
them, the Holy Ghost came on them ; and they spake
with tongues, and prophesied. And all the men were
about twelve.

^Pavl having laid {his) hands upon them^ they proph^sied^
not foretold, but spoke by inspiration. ^See above, on 2, 1 7.
18.) The effect is similar to that described in 8, 17. 10, 44,
except that in the latter case baptism had not yet been admin-
istered, and there was no imposition of hands. Those who
explain v. 5 as the words of Paul, regard this as a confirmation
of their previous baptism ; those who do not, as a confirmation
of that just administered. Such confirmation cannot now be
practised, as it had relation, not to the sanctifying influences,
out to the miraculous endowments, of the Holy Spirit, which
have long since ceased. All the men were about twelve^ is an
unusual expression, meaning something more than a simple
designation of the number. It may have been intended to
preclude the false impression, that all the brethren in Ephesus
(see above, on 18, 27) were in this infantile state of ignorance
and backwardness. AU may then be understood to mean aU
toldy or at the most. ' So far was this from being universal,
that the men concerned in this transaction, on the highest
computation, were not more than twelve.*

8. And he went into the synagogue, and spake
boldly for the space of three months, disputing and
persuading the things concerning the kingdom of God.

The occurrence iust related took place at the time of
Paul's arrival in Ephesus. Luke now begins the history of
his residence and labours there. He gives his first attention
to the Jews, not only in accordance with his general practice,
but because they had invited him to come among them. (See
above, on 18, 20.) Disputing (or discoursing) and persuad-
ing may describe his preaching as both doctrinal and practical,
didactic and hortatory ; or Uie first term may describe his

193 ACTS 19, 8.9.

preaching, and the second its effect. (See above, on 18, 4.)
The subject of his preaching was all that related to the Idng-
dom of God, the new dispensation^ the doctrine and church
of Christ. (See above, on 1, 3. 8, 12.)

9. But when divers were hardened, and believed
not, but spake evil of tlmt way before the multitude,
he departed from them, and separated the disciples,,
disputing daily in the school of one Tyrannus*

When^ literally, a^, suggesting both the time and the oo-
casdon of Paul's conduct. Were hardened^ became obstinate
in unbelief. Relieved noty in Greek a single word which may
be rendered disbelieved^ denoting not a mere negation, but a
positive refusaL The Greek verb also suggests the idea of
disobedience or resistance to authority, ^^e above, on 14, 2,
17, 6.) Speaking evU^ viUfj^ing, or revilmg, here used as an
equivalent to blctspheming (see above, on 13, 48. 18, 6), in its
oneinal or lower sense, and also in the secondary higher sense,
so mr as the evil speaking was directed against Gk)d or Christ.
ITuU toaj/y literally, the tray, i. e. the new religion, elsewhere
more fully called the way of God, of the Lord, and of salva-
tion. (See above, on 16, 17. 18. 25. 26.) The same abbreviated
form occurs above, 9, 2. Before the mvUitudey i..e. the con-
gregation in the synagogue, as appears from the preceding
verse. The opposition was probably so violent and noisy as
to make all further efforts in the same place useless or impos-
sible. Departing^ not merely going out from one place to
another, but seceding, formally withdrawing. (See above, on
15, 38.) From the bad sense of the Greek verb here used
comes the noun apostasy, (See below, on 21, 21, and com-
pare 2 Thess. 2, 3.) Separated the disciples^ drew a line be-
tween them and the unbelieving Jews, withdrew them from
the synagogue, and formed a separate society or church. This
was no new measure (see above, on 13, 46-49. 18, 6. 7), but is
mentioned here as having been occasioned by the violent resist-
ance to the truth at Ephesus, which is the more remarkable
because this very class or body, and most probably some of
the same individuals, had urged Paul to remam upon his former
visit. (See above, on 18,20.) Disputing, reasoning or dis-
coursing, see above, on v. 8, and on 17, 2. 17. 18, 4. 19. The
word has reference, no doubt, to the polemic, argumentative

ACTS 19, 9.10. 193

oharacter imparted to Paul's preaching by the oppositioQ cf
the unbelieving Jews. School^ a Greek word originally mean*
ing leisure or spare time, then study or instruction, then a
place for teaching. One TyrannuSy or a certain 2\/rannuSy
as the pronoun is translated elsewhere. (See above, on 5, 1.
10, 1. 12, 1. 13, 1. 15, 1. 16, 1. 18, 2. 24.) As JSfrannua orig-
inally means a king, Calvin thinks it not impossible that the
place here mentioned was a school or college built by some
former sovereign of the country, who reim^ before Uie }Uh
man Conquest. It is commonly agreed, however, that it is n
proper name, of which use there are numerous examples both
m classical and hellenistic Greek. Whether this T]rnumus
was a Jewish rabbi, and his school a beth-nUdrash or private
synagogue ; or a Greek sophist, with his school of rhetoric ; is
as doubtful and as unimportant as the questions, whether ha
and Paul occupied the room together, and whether it waa
hired or only borrowed.

10. And this continued by the space of two years ;
so that all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of
the Lord Jesus, both Jews and Greeks.

ThiSy L e. this practice of discoursing daily in the sehooi
of Tyrannus. Cantinuedy literally, haj^pened^ came to pasa^
was done, the same Greek word with which the chapter op^ia.
By the space of^ an obsolete and needless paraphrase oi the
preposition for^ as in v. 8. Two yeare^ from the time aS his
removal to the school of Tyrannus, and therefore exclusive of
the three months mentioned in v. 8. (See below, on 20, 81.)
AU those inhabiting Asia^ L e. Asia Proper, or Proconsular
Ada, of which Ephesus was the capital. (See above, on 2, 9.
6, 9. 16, 6.) Ally a natural hyperbole, and not a strong one,
as it may have been literally true, that the entire population
of that province heard the new doctrine, not all by comine to
£phesus, nor aU directly from the lips of Paul, but some m>m
him or his assistants, in their journeys through the province.
It was probably at this time that the seven diurches of Asia,
to which the epistles in the Book of Revelation are addressed,
were originally founded. To this time, likewise, are now
commonly referred the epistle to the Galatians and the first
to the Corinthians, which last contains a reference to Paul's
Ephesian labours in perfect harmony with what is here re-

VOL, IL N

194 ACTS 19, 10-12.

oorded. (See 1 Cor. 16, 8.) ITie ward of the Lord (Jesus),
that of which he is both the author and the subject. (See
above, on 8, 26. 13, 48. 49. 15, 83. 36. 16, 32.)

11. 12. And God wrought special miracles by the
hands of Paul, so that fix)m his body were brought
unto the sick handkerchiefs or aprons, and the diseases
departed from them, and the evil spirits went out of
them.

Special mirades^ literally, powers^ not tJie common {ones),
or still more closely, not those happening (readily^ or often^
The same phrase occurs again in this book, and is rendered,
no little, (See below, on 28, 2.) Poioers or forces is a term
applied to miracles, as being proofs and actual exertions of
omnipotence. (See above, on 2, 22. 8, 13.) What distin-
guished these from ordinary miracles was not their number or
mtrinsic magnitude, but the way in which they were per-
formed, through articles of dress, which had been in contact
with Paul's body. Handkerchiefs and aprons are both Latin
words in the original, the former strictly meaning sweairdoths
{stidaria, elsewhere translated napkin (Luke 19, 20. John 11,
44. 20, 7), from sudor), and the latter half-girdles {semicinctia),
L e. going only half round the body, covering the front of the
person. It here denotes most probably a workman's apron,
perhaps those of Paul himself if we suppose, as some do, that
the articles here mentioned were his own, and were carried
to and fro between him and the persons to be healed. It
seems more natural, however, to suppose that the people
brought their handkerchiefs or aj^rons and applied them to
Paul's person, for the purpose of securing a miraculous effect.
Or (not and) may be intended to suggest, that it mattered
little what the garment was, or that it was not always the
same ; as if he had said, handkerchief, aprons, or other arti-
cles of dress, that could be easily removed and carried.
BrougJu unto (or upon)^ L e. applied, imposed ; but accord-
ing to some critics, the true text is brought away. His body,
properly, his skin (or surface), not implying that these arti-
cles were worn there, which was not the case with either, but
that a mere superficial touch or contact was sufficient to im-
part the healing virtue. The idea of a vulgar superstition,
with which Paul had no concern, and which was mercifully

ACTS 19, 11-13. 195

cotmtenanced by the event, is as gratuitons and groundless
here as m the case of Peter's shadow. (See above, on 5, 15.)
In either case, there was a special divine ordering, intended
to communicate a healing influence to greater numbers and a
greater distance, yet without allowing any doubt as to the
source or channel of communication, such as might have arisen
if the miracles had been performed by mere word of com-
mand, without actual proxunity or contact, mediate or inmie-
diate, with the object. Departed^ were got rid of, or escaped
from, as the Greek word properly denotes. (Compare Luke
12,58. Heb. 12,15.^ As in other cases of the same kind,
demoniacal possessions are distinctly mentioned, as the worst
form of disease, because entirely preternatural and arising
from the real though mysterious agency of evil spirits, the ex-
pulsion of which frimished the most striking proof of a divine
legation and authority. (See above, on 5, 16. 8, 7.) These
were " the si^s of an Apostle," by which Paul's commission
was attested m Ephesus as well as Corinth (2 Cor. 12, 12.)

13. Then certain of the vagabond Jews, exorcists,
took upon them to call over them which had evil spir-
rits the name of the Lord Jesus, saying, We adjure
you by Jesus whom Paul preacheth.

Then (8c) undertook^ took in hand, or attempted. (See
above, on 9, 29, and compare Luke 1, 1.) Certain^ some, see
above, on vs. 1, 9. Of^ hterally, frora^ L e. from among (see
above, on 12,1. 13,23. 15,5. 17,13); but the latest critics,
following the oldest manuscripts, read aovne also (kou). Vdg-
abond Jewa^ exorcists^ is too strong a version, as the first
Greek word {going abouty wandering) is descriptive of their
mode of life and not their character. (Compare its use in
1 Tim. 5, 13. Heb. 11, 37.) The whole phrase rather means,
itinerant Jewish exorcists^ as the second word may be either
an adjective or substantive. (See above, on 13, 6.) These
were men who imdertook to expel demons by the use of spells
or charms, some of which, according to Josephus, were said to
have been handed down from Solomon. Such exorcists were
very numerous in the days of Christ and his Apostles, partly
because there was a general taste for mysteries and occult
science in that age, partly because the number of demoniacs
was unusually great. (See above, on 5, 16, and compare

106 ACTS 10, 13-15.

Matt. 12, 27.) They lued the name of Jesus, no donbt, be-
oanse they had heard Paul so use it, and desired to try its
efficacy for diemselyes. Over or tuxm^ implyingpersonal
proximity, not merely a« to them, in their behalt We (or ac-
cording to the oldest conies, I) adjure you^ i e. solemnly re-
quire you to come out of those whom you hare thus possessed.
These are here actively described as having evil ^rOsy as a
sick man may be either said to have a disease, or to be seized,
held, by it. As Jesus (or Joshtta) was a conmion name among
the Jews (see above, on 7, 45. 18, 6), the person meant is here
distinguished as the Jesus whom Paiu preached^ or proclaimed
as the Messiah.

14. And there were seven sons of (one) Sceva, a
Jew, (and) chief of the priests, which did so.

This may either be a single case among those mentioned
in V. 13, or a more specific statement of the only one there
meant ; as if he had said, ^ the exorcists who did this were
certain sons,' &o. Some or certain (omitted in our version)
may be construed, as a qualifying term, with seven^ in the
sense of some (or abotU) seven. But it suits the collocation of
the Greek words better to take them separately, one as an
indefinite, the other as a definite description of the same per-
sons, * certain sons of Sceva, seven (in number.)* A chief
priest^ resident at Ephesus, is something strange, and has
been variously explained according to the different senses of
the Greek word. (See above, on 4, 4.) It is not impossible
that a member of the sacerdotal race, entitled to be uius dis-
tinguished, may have been residing there. But it is also pos-
sible that chief-priest here has reference to the worship of
Diana, and that this Sceva was a renegade or apostate Jew.
This is the less improbable because the Greek word {jLpxfj^pm)
was not only in general use among the heathen, but occurs re-
peatedly on coins and in other inscriptions relating to the wor-
ship of Diana at Ephesus. The word Jeuo^ as in 18, 23, and
often elsewhere, relates only to his origin. The name SccBva
occurs both in Greek and Latin writers.

15. And the evil spirit answered and said, Jesus I
know, and Paul I know ; but who are ye ?

And ansvoering^ responding to this impious invocation.

ACTS 19, 16.16. 197

The evil ^'^^ i* e* wicked, fiJlen, as distingnished from good
angels. The same idea is sometimes expressed by the phrase
unclean (or impure) spirits. (See above, on 5, 16. 8, 7. Lake
4,36. 6,18. 8,29. 9, 42, and compare Lake 7, 21. 8,2. and vs.
12. 13, above.) The evil spirit said^ throagh the vocal organs
of the man whom he possessed, bat probably in such a man-
ner as to indicate the presence of two personal stents. (See
above, on 8, 7.) I know is expressed by two entirelv distmct
Greek verbs, tne last of which is commonly explained to mean
a more familiar knowledge, though the first is applied even to
onr Lord's omniscience (e. g. in John2, 24. 25. 5,42. 10,14.
15. 27.) The difference meant to be expressed, if any, is prob-
ably rather one of quality than quantity, the first verb being
more reverential and the second more ramiliar. *' I know who
Jesus is, and as for Paul, I am well acquainted with himu'
One writer paraphrases, 'Jesus I know (to my cost) ;' but
this can hardly be included in the meaning of the verb, nor is
it even necessarily suggested by the context, though readily
deducible from other passages. (See Mark 1, 24. Luke 4, 34.)
The question ( Who are ye f) is expressive both of indignation
and contempt, in which sense it is familiar to the dialect of
oonmion life. It is here equival^t to saying, What right
have you to use this venerable name, at which the very devils
tremble ? (See James 2, 17. 19.)

16. And the man in whom the evil spirit was
leaped on them, and overcame them, and prevailed
against them, so that they fled out of that house naked
and wounded.

The verbal expression of contempt is followed up by cor-
responding acts, which are here ascribed to the man himself
as the words in the preceding verse are to the evil spirit, a
variation altogether natui-al, as both belonged to both. Un-
der the resistless power of the demon, the demoniac attacked
the presumptuous exorcists. Overcame them^ mastered them,
lorded it over them, the same verb that is used in Matt. 20,
25. Mark 10, 42. iPet. 5, 3. Prevaifee^ (literally, was strong
or powerful^ against them. Nakedy i. e. with their clothes
torn partially or wholly ofil The Greek word sometimes
means impenectly or badly clothed (e. g. Matt. 25, 36. John
21, 7. James 2, 15.) This violence was permitted both as a
proof of real demoniacal possession, ana as a punishment of

198 ACTS 19, 16-18.

the exorcists. Some of the oldest manuscripts and latest crit-
ics read against them hoth^ as if only two of the seven were
actoally thus maltreated. But this may be a mere correction
by some copyist who thought the disproportion too great be-
tween one and seven.

17. And this was known to all the Jews and Greeks
also dwelling at Ephesus ; and fear fell on them all, and
the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified.

This occurrence was recorded, not for its own sake merely,
though sufficiently remarkable, but on account of its effect m
discouraging all such attempts, and vindicating Paul's miracu-
lous performances from the charge or the suspicion of ma^cal
imposture. Was knoton^ or became known, by report, to
many who were not eye-witnesses. (See above, on 1, 19. 9,
42.) Jews and Greeks (or Gentiles j see above, on v. 10, and
compare 14, 1. 16, 1. 3. 17, 4. 18, 4. 17), the two great classes
or divisions of the people as to religion. Both are particular-
ly mentioned, either because the Jews were very numerous in
Ephesus and formed a large proportion of the population, or
because they were primarily interested in this mcident, as
having taken place among themselves (but see above, on v.
14.) tTetos and Greeks cdso, or both Jews and Greeks. Ihar^
not mere terror, or dread of similar discomfiture to that ex-
perienced by the sons of Sceva, but religious awe, a sense of
the divine presence, such as signal providences sometimes pro-
duce, even in irreligious men. (See above, on 2, 43. 6, 5. 11.)
This feeling had particular respect to the Lord Jesus, as the
Saviour whom Paul preached (see above, on v. 13), and whose
name had been profaned by the exorcists, but was now mag-
nifiedj extolled, and honoured, by their ignominious defeat
and punishment.

18. And many that believed came, and confessed,
and shewed their deeds.

A ftirther effect of this remarkable occurrence was to
touch the consciences of many converts and constrain them to
acknowledge their malpractices. Many too (tc) of those who
had believed (in Christ) or been converted to the true religion.
This may mean those who were converted now, on this occa-
sion, in consequence of this event. But the past form of the

ACTS 19, 18. 19. 199

participle rather seems to indicate those who had before be-
fieved or been converted, but were now re-awakened by this
singular occurrence, and the proof which it afforded, both of
Paulas divine legation, and of God's displeasure at all magical
and occult arts. Came^ no doubt to Paul, but whether pub-
licly or privately, is not recorded, though the former is more
probable from what is mentioned in the next verse. Carney
not once for all, or all at once, but, as the form of the verb in-
dicates, were coming^ or continued to come, came from time to
time. Conf easing^ or acknowledging, a Greek verb sometimes
used in a good sense (e. g. Matt. 11, 25. Luke 10, 21. Rom.
14, 11. 15, 9. Phil. 2, 11. Rev. 3, 6.) Hence some of the old
writers understood this verse as meaning, that those who had
already been converted, and had gone forth to convert others,
now came back to the Apostle, as the twelve and seventy re-
turned to Christ (Mark 6, 30. Luke 10, 17), acknowledging
and. reporting^ thankfully acknowledging and joyfully announc-
ing (or reporting) their proceedings and performances, L e.
what they had been enabled to accomplish for the good of
others. This construction, though it yields a good sense, and
removes the appearance of tautmogy or needless repetition in
the next verse, is otherwise less &voured by the context and
the usage of the terms employed. Such a report from the
Ephesian converts would be out of place between the reference
to exorcism in the previous context and to magic in what fol-
lows. The word translated deeds^ though in itself generic or
indifferent (see Matt. 16, 27. Rom. 12, 4), is commonly used
in a bad sense (see Luke 23, 51. Rom. 8, 13. Col. 3, 9.) That
the verb confess is also so used, see Matt. 3, 6. Mark 1, 5. Jas.
5, 16. It is therefore commonly agreed, that deeds means evil
deeds or sins, and the verb the confession of them, either prir
vately to Paul, or publicly before the people. Some understand
this as a general confession of misdeeds, occasioned by a new
conviction or alarm of conscience ; others, more specifically,
that of magical or occult practices continued since their bap-
tism ; others still, that of having dealt with sorcerers or wizards,
whose own confession is recorded separately in the next verse.

19. Many of them also which used cnrious arts
brought their books together, and bumed them before
all (men), and they counted the price of them, and
found (it) fifty thousand (pieces) of silver.

800 ACTS 1«, Id.

And (or but) mani/y not the word bo rendered in the verse
preceding, bnt one wmch literally means enough^ and is of fre-
quent occnrrenoe in this book (see above, on 5, 37. 8, 11. 9,
28.43. 11,24.26. 12,12. U, 8. 21. 17,9. 18,18.) Used, lit-
erally, i>ra(^mn^, the verb corresponding to the nonn trans-
lated deeds in v. 18. Curious carts, in Greek an article and
adiective, the curious (things). The adjective originally means
officioQS, over-busy ; uien meddlesome, inquisitive, as to the
concerns of others (see 1 Tim. 5, 13) ; then as to invisible reali-
ties with special reference to fhturity, occasioning the use of
magical or occult arts, as means of information and discovery.
Curious means inquisitive in this sense, i. e. prying into the
secret things of God (Dent. 29, 29.) (The sense of rare or
singular belongs to later usage.) For such practices Ephesus
was fkmous in the ancient world, so that ^' J^oheeian letters^'
or ** inscriptions " (^^o-ca ypdfifwra) was almost proverbial as
a designation of written charms, amulets and talismans. These
were connected with the worship of Diana there, on whose
fanage certain mystical and unintelligible words (such as cuki,
Uooy Ac.) are said to have been inscribed, and thence trans-
ferred to the grctmmata aforesaid. To this bad eminence the
mty seems to have attuned very early* Croesus, king of Lydia,
is reported to have muttered some of these Ephesian charms
upon his ftmeral pile, and Enstathius relates a mmous story of
an Ephesian wrestler at Olympia, who could not be thrown
until he was deprived of an Ephesian amulet about bis ankle.
It is not strange, therefore, that one of the effects of Christie
anity in Ephesus was to reveal this class of evil deeds. Some
identify the persons here referred to with those mentioned in
V. 18 ; others, with more probability, distinguish them as sin-
ners of a certain sort from sinners in general, or as practition^
ers of occult arts from their patients or employers. Books, in
a wide sense, writings, papers, so as to include the charms al-
ready mentioned and the large rolls or volumes which con-
tained the rules and formulas of incantation. The converted
sorcerers attested their sincerity by burning these instead of
selling them, as they might have done for the enormous price
mentioned in the last clause. Counted, calculated, or com-
puted. Found, as the product of this reckoning, an expression
often used in Greek, to signify an arithmetical result. Fifty
thousand (literally, five myriads) of silver, but of what de-
nomination is not mentioned, although commonly supposed to
be the Attic drachma, varying in vsdue from fifteen to seven-

ACTS 19, 19-21. 201

teen cents of our money, making a total of at least seven or
eight thousand dollars. This snm would be tripled or quad-
rupled by supposhig the coin meant to be the JeMdsh shekel,
which, however, is less probable, as Luke was writing for
Greek readers, and is here relating what occurred in a week
city. It must be remembered that all ancient books were
dear compared with ours, and that books of the class here
described are always rated &r beyond their real worth and
even their commercial value.

20. So mightily grew the word of God and pre-
vailed.

So mightih/y in EneHsh, means with such force and rapidity,
as that just mentioned. But in Greek, the first word does not
necessarily qualify the second, but has an independent mean-
ing, namely, thus^ in this way, or by this means. Mightily^ in
Greek a compound phrase, with power ^ or by force. The word
of God (the gospel, the Christian religion) grew^ in extent of
influence and number of adherents, and prevailed^ became
strong, as in V. 16 above. (See also, 6, 7. 12, 24.)

21. After these things were ended, Paul purposed
in the spirit, when he had passed through JVlacedoma
and Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying, Aft;er I have
been there, I must also see Rome.

As (or w?ien) these (things), not the growth and prevalence
just mentioned, but the occurrences respecting the exorcists.
Were ended^ literally, filled or fuMUedy i. e. &iished or com-
pleted. Purposed^ literally, placed or set, i. e. settled or de-
termined (see above, on 1, 8.) In the spirit^ i. e. under the
divine direction, or in his own mind as determined by the
Holy Ghost. Going (or having gone) through Macedonia
(md Achaia^ the two great provinces into which Greece was
divided at the Roman conquest (see above, on 16, 1. 18, 1.)
To goy depart, or journey (see above, on 1, 26. 8, 26. 9, 3. 12,
17. 17, 4.) To Jeruealem^ to carry the collections which he
had been making, or was now about to make, for the poor
saints there, as appears from the first epistle to the Corinthip
ims, written from this place and about this time. (See 1 Cor.
16, 1-9, and compare Rom. 15, 25. 26. 31.) Saying^ either to

202 ACTS 19, 21.22.

himself in meditation, or to his fiiends in consultation. After
having been there^ or arrived there ; having come so far, I must
go further. I must (or it is necessary for me to) see Home
also^ not to gratify a private wish and lawful curiosity, but as
a part of the divine plan which he was engaged in executing,
by the establishment of radiating centres at great points of
influence throughout the empire, which of course would have
been incomplete if Rome had been neglected. The same pur-
pose or desire is expressed in his epistle to the Romans, writ-
ten probably at Corinth, after leavmg Ephesus (see Rom. 15,
28. 29|, but with a further intimation of his purpose to go by
them mto Spain. (On the perfect but unstudied agreement
of these passages with that before us, and the evidence of
genuineness thence arising, see Paley's Horse PaulinsB.)

22. So he sent into Macedonia two of them that
ministered imto him, Timotheus and Erastus ; but he
himself stayed in Asia for a season.

And havifig sent away into Macedonia^ i. e. probably to
Thessalonica and Philippi, two of those serving him (or min-
istering to him)^ both as personal attendants and as fellow-
labourers in the Gospel. (See above, on 13, 6, and compare
1 Thess. 3, 2. 2 Cor. 8, 23. Rom. 16, 21. Phil. 2, 25. Col. 4, 11.
Philemon 13.) These were probably sent before to set on
foot the collections above mentioned. (See 1 Cor. 16, 1. 10.)
Most interpreters distinguish the Erastus here named from
the one mentioned Rom. 16, 23 (compare 2 Tim. 4, 20), be-
cause the latter was the steward (or chamberlain) of Corinth ;
but he may not have become so until afterwards, and even
while he held the place, it may not have required his constant
presence, especially as it is quite uncertain what the office was,
and whether it was shared by more than one incumbent. The
general presumption is of course in favour of identifying per-
sons who are called by the same name, without some positive
reason for distinguishing them. (See above, on 18, 17, and
below, on v. 29.) JSut is supplied by the translators, be-
ing rendered necessary by their change of the construction.
Stayed^ literally, held on^ an expression similarly used in col-
loquial English. (For a very different application of the same
verb, see ^ove, on 3, 6, and compare Luke 14, 7. 1 Tim. 4, 16.
Phil. 2, 16.) I^br a season^ Uterally, a time^ without a particle
prefixed, an indefinite expression Uke our English some time.

ACTS 19, 22-24. 203

In Asia^ literally, irUo Asia, which some regard as a mere
interchange of prepositions ; but the more exact philologists
explain it as a pregnant construction implying motion. The
sense may then be that he stayed behind, and carried the Gros-
pel further into Asia, L e. Asia Proper or Proconsular (see
above, on v. 10.)

23. And the same time there arose no small stir
about that way.

This verse introduces an account of the extraordinary in-
terruption to Paul's work in Asia after the departure of Erastus
and Timotheus. About that time, the new religion, which
had been triumphantly but quietly advancing since the defeat
of the exorcists (see above, on vs. 17. 20), gave occasion to a
violent and sudden outbreak of hostility, the causes and effects
of which are circumstantially recorded in the remainder of the
present chapter. (At or adout) the same time^ the preposition
being here omittea, as it is supplied in the preceding verse.
There arose^ happened, came to pass, began to be, implying
previous tranquilhty or freedom from disturbance. 8tir^ com-
motion, tumult, the same word that is so rendered in 12, 18,
and with the same qualifying adjunct. No smcUl (literally,
/et/?, which can be used in English only with the plural), i. e.
by a natural meiosis or litotes, very great, (See above, on 14,
28. 15, 2. 17,4. 12.) About that way is ambiguous in Eng-
lish, and may seem to mean, in those partSy or in that place^
namelv, Ephesus or Asia. But neither noun nor preposition
has a local sense here, and the meaning of the phrase is, ahout^
(L e. respecting or concerning) the way^ i. e. Christianity con-
sidered as a way of thinking, living, and salvation. (See
above, on v. 0, and compare 9, 2.)

24. For a certain (man) named Demetrius, a silver-
smith, which made silver shrines for Diana, brought no
small gam unto the craftsmen —

For introduces or assigns the ground and the occasion
of the uproar. One Demetrius by name^ or a certain man by
name JDemetriiM, a famous name in history, and also one in
common use, derived from DemeteTy the 6reek name of the
goddess Ceres. It occurs again in 3 John 12, where some sup-
pose it to denote the same man, and infer that he had been

204 ACTS 19, 24.25.

oonverted in the mean time. (See above, on 18, 17.) A
sUversmith^ silyer-beater, one who works in silver, used by
Plutarch to denote a coiner, but here a manu&ctorer of silver
wares, described more particularly in the next clause. Making/,
manufiicturing, habitually, as his constant business. Shrines
far DiancUi hterally, temples of Artemis^ the Greek goddess
corresponding most nearly to tne Diana of the Roman mythol-
ogy. Whatever may have been the points of resemblance,
there was also a great difference, at least between the Diana
of the Latin poets and the Artemis of Ephesus, the former
being usually represented in the succinct garb of a huntress
armed with now and arrow, while the latter was a less pleas-
ing form distinguished by its many breasts, supposed to rep-
resent the prolific and nutritive attributes of nature. The
temples here meant were not shrines for Diana, to be used in
the great temple, but either medals stamped with its image,
or more probably small models of the edifice itself which were
sold in great numbers, to be used in devotion, or as charms
and ammets, a practice common in the heathen world, and not
nnknown in certain parts of Christendom, for instance at Lo-
retto, where such models of the Virgin Mary's house, (trans-
ported by the hands of angels through the air from Nazareth
to Italy) furnish the staple of a constant traffic. Brought (af>
forded, yielded) no small (i. e. very great, as in the verse pre-
ceding) gain, or work, employment, which is the primary
meamne of the Greek word, and firom which the other sense
is readily deducible. (See above, on 16, 16.) To the crafts-
men, artisans, or artists, those employed by Demetrius, or, in
a wider sense, all who worked at the same trade. (See above,
on 18, 3.)

25. Whom he called together with the workmen
of like occupation, and said, Sirs, ye know that by this
craft we have our wealth.

Whom having gathered, or assembled, the Greek verb, by
its very etymology, suggesting the idea of masses or great num^
bers, which is not necessarily implied in calling them together.
With the workmen, literally, and the workmen, or as it might
be rendered, even the workmen, i. e. those already mentioned.
But it seems more naturally to express another class besides
these. Some suppose the distinction to be that between art-
ists and artisans, those who devise and those who execute, or

ACTS 19, 25.26. 205

those who execute the finer and the coarser parts of the same
work. But this distmction belong rather to modem than to
ancient usage, in which art (rcxn;) not only comprehends me-
chanical eniployments, but originally signifies no other, being
applied by Homer to ship-buil£ng, the working of medds, ioQ^
It IS therefore more probable that the distinction here, if any
be intended, is between the workmen whom Demetrius him-
self employed, and others of like occupation^ or as the words
literally mean, the {other) workmen about such {things,) Sirs,
literally, men (or gentlemen); see above, on 1,11.16. 7,26.
14,16. 16,7.18. 17,22.) J% A;notr, or know well, ye are well
aware, without my telling you. (See above, on v. 16. 10, 28.
16, 7. 18, 26.) drc^ft^ trade, business (see above, on 18, 3), a
word used in modem English chiefly in a bad sense, that of
cunning or deceit. The Greek word is the one translated
gain in the preceding verse, but even there denoting not so
much the gam itself as the employment which produced it.
WecUthf affluence, abundance, comfort, a Greek noun corre-
sponding to the verb employed above in 11, 29, and there ex-
plained. We have our wealthy literally, our wealth is^ or ac-
cording to the oldest manuscripts and latest critics, wealth to
us is. He rouses their attention by appealing, first to their
cupidity or selfish interest, and then to tneir religious feelings.
(See below, on v. 27.)

26. Moreover ye see and hear, that not alone at
Ephesus, but aknost (throughout) all Asia, this Paul
hath persuaded and turned away much people, saying
that they be no gods which are made with hands —

Ye seCy behold, contemplate as a spectacle, as something
more than ordinary sights. (See above, on 3, 16. 4, 13. 7, 56.
8, 13. 10, 11. 17, 16. 22.) And hear^ from others, what you
do not see yourselves, referring probably to that part of Paul's
work which is mentioned in the next clause as extending be-
yond Ephesus. The names Ephesvs and Asia may be either
genitives of place, as in the English version, or dependent
m construction on the following noun, a great crowd not
of jEjphesus only^ but of almost all Asia, The latter syntax
is more regular, the first more natural and simple, both essen-
tially the same in meaning. Having persuaded^ or persuad-
ing^ i. e. both convincing and alluring. (See above, on v. 8.

206 ACTS 19, 26.21

5,40. 12,20. 13,43. 14,19. 17,4. 18,4.) Saa turned atoaf/^
diverted, or perverted, from their former &ith. The same
verb, with the same essential meaning, is applied to Saul's re-
moval, either from office or from life. (See above, on 13, 22.)
Much people^ literally, a aujfident crowd, (See above, on v.
19.) T?^ hCy an old English form of the verb, simply equiv-
alent in such constructions to the modem one, tltey are. The
exact translation of the clause is, they are not goda^ the (ones)
by hands made Hiterally, heing^ made to be.) The doctrine
here ascribed to l^aul is substantially identical with that which
we have heard him preach at Athens. (See above, on 17, 29.)

27. So that not only this our craft is in danger to
be set at nought ; but also that the temple of the great
goddess Diana should be despised, and her magnificence
should be destroyed, whom all Asia and the world wor-
shippeth.

8o thaty literally, and or but. Craft is not the word so
rendered in v. 25, but one meaning sun^plypart or portion^ as
in 2, 10. 5, 2, and in the first verse of this chapter, where it is
translated coasts. Here it may either mean this portion^
share, which we enjoy ; or this party department, of our busi-
ness, as they were not merely manufacturers of shrines, but
silversmiths or jewellers, though the former was much the
most profitable part of their employment, and perhaps the only
one in many cases. Is in danger to w«, for us, with respect to
us, and by necessary implication, to our loss and damage.
(The English version treats the dative as a genitive and trans-
lates it our.) To be set at nought^ liter^fiy, to come to (or
into) confutation^ a word occurring nowhere else, perhaps
coined for the occasion, but admirably expressive of the
speaker's meaning, as its obvious etymology determines it to
signify not mere contempt in general, but logical or rational
contempt, arising from a reductio ad absurdum, in allusion to
Paul's arguments against the very being of a man-made god.
We hav^ here the transition from their own loss to that of
their patroness or tutelary goddess. The temple^ not the
word translated shrine in v. 24, but a neuter adjective denot-
ing sacredy i. e. set apart, appropriated to the deity, and con-
stantly applied to the whole enclosure or consecrated ground,
both at Jerusalem and among the heathen. (See above, on 2,

ACTS 19, 27.* 207

46. 3, 1. 4, 1. 5, 20.) The great goddess is not merely an ex-
pression of praise and admiration, on the part of the speaker
or his hearers, but a sort of standing epithet or proper name,
by which she was distinguished, not only from inferior deities,
but also from all others bearing the same name oi Artemis or
Diana. Thus Xenophon describes an Asiatic Greek as swear-
ing by his national ancestral god, "the great Ephesian Artemis.**
This eminence was partly owing to the peculiar oriental attri-
butes ascribed to this divinity, and altogether different from
those of the Hellenic Artemis and Roman Diana (see above, on
V. 24), whose name was given to her, no doubt, on account of
some minor and fortuitous resemblance, in accordance with
the Greek and Roman custom of transferring the names of
their own gods to those of other nations, though belonging to
a system jdtogether different. (See above, on 14, 12.) This
method being practised by both nations, not only with respect
to the barbarians, but to one another, is a chief source of the
endless contradiction and confusion of the classical mythology.
Another cause of the peculiar greatness, universally ascribed
to the Ephesian goddess, was the greatness of her temple,
which has been already mentioned (see above, on v. 1) as ex-
tremely ancient, and rebuilt after its destruction by Herostra-
tus, on a scale and in a style which caused it to be reckoned
among the seven wonders of the world. Besides the admira-
tion which it thus commanded, it was built at the joint expanse
of many cities, who had thus a common interest, not only in
its sustentation, but in the honours of the resident and tutelary
deity, the great goddess Diana, Both these, the temple and
the goddess, Demetrius here tells his associates, are now in
danger to be reckoned for nothing^ a much stronger expression
than despised. The next clause, on account of its peculiar
idiomatic form, can scarcely be translated into English, though
its meaning is entirely clear. By a slight irregularity or
change of construction, Luke proceeds as if, instead of giving
the exact words of Demetrius, he were merely telling what
he said in substance. This is what the old grammarians call
the change from direct to indirect narration. And tJiat her
greatness was about to be destroyed^ a Greek verb originally
meaning to be taken doton or pulled doton^ and therefore pe-
culiarly appropriate, both in its strict sense to the threatened
ruin of the temple, and in its figurative sense to the dishonour
of the goddess. Whom the whole (of) Asia (or all Asia) and
t/ie world doth worship^ no unmeanmg boast, nor even an ex-

i08 ACTS 19, 27-29.

timTaffant hyperbole, considermg the &ct8 already mentioned
and the nsi^e of the word here rendered worlds the same that
we have had re]>eatedly before (see above, on 11, 28. 17, 6. 31),
and which originallj means inkabUedt but is indefinitely uscnI
to signify the whole world, or the Roman Empire, or some
one of its divisiona, as the writer chooses or the context may
require.

28. And when they heard (these sayings), they were
foil of wrath/and cried out, saying. Great (is) Diana
of the Ephesians.

But (or tlien) hearing {these sayings is supplied by the
translators^ <md beinp (or becoming) fviXL of wrath (anger,
passion), mey cried (m the imperfect tense, were crvingj or
continued to cry), saying^ Great J^ Diana of the B^hesians

SOT the JEphesians'^ Artemis I) Here again, tnis is not a mere
loxology or panegyric, but an assertion of their grand reli-
gious tenet, namely, that the goddess whom they worshipped
was, in the strictest and the highest sense, entitied to be caUed
ThbGbsat.

29. And the whole city was filled with confusion ;
and having caught Gains and Aristarchus, men of Ma-
cedonia, Paul's companions in travel, they rushed with
one accord into the theatre.

Saving caught^ or rather, seizing and carrying along with
them, the same verb that is used above in 6, 12, and below in
27, 15. The original order of the sentence is, they rushed with
one <iccord into the theatrey seizing OaixjLS^ <&c. The latter is
therefore only a secondary or accompanying act, and not the
main one, as the English may suggest. The theatre^ among
the Greeks, was used not only for dramatic exhibitions but
for public meetings, particularly those in which the whole
population was assembled. A modem analogy is that of the
theatre at Oxford, which is never used for dramatic purposes
at all, but only for academical solemnities. The Greek thea-
tres were vast unroofed enclosures, semicircular in form, with
tiers of stone seats rising one above another. The amphithe-
aireSy in which were held the fights of gladiators and wild
beasts, were double theatres, or rather mere elliptical enclo-

ACTS 10, 20.50. 269

sures, with spectators' seats sarroanding the arena. The the-
atre at Ephesos was one of great size, as appears from the
endosure, which may still be traced, althouffh the seats, Ac.
have long since disappeared, the materials having been em-
ployed in other buildmgs. With ofie accord^ or by a common
mipolse, such as often actuates a mob, without implying any
dennite design or knowledge of each other's purpose (see be-
low, on Y. 82.) Gaius^ the Greek form of the Latin CavuSy
was a very common name among the Romans and their sub-
jects, which greatly weakens the presumption (see above, on
V. 22), that wherever it is used m the New Testament, it
designates one and the same person. This, however, is by no
means impossible; for although the Gains mentioned ad%er-
wards in this book (see below, on 20, 4) is described as a
Derbean ; and the Gains of whom Paul writes (Rom. 16, 23.

1 Cor. 1, 14) would appear to have been resident in Corinth;
and the Gains to whom John writes (3 John 1) may have lived
long after ; none of these circumstances is sufficient to disprove
the identity ; the date of John's epistle being doubtful, and
there being reason to believe that many of the early converts
often changed their place of residence, both for prudential and
religious reasons, like Priscilla and her husband. (See above,
on 18, 2. 18. 26, and compare Rom. 16, 3. 1 Cor. 16, 19.) Arts-
tcurchiis is more commonly agreed to be the same who after-
wards attended Paul to Palestine, and shared in his imprison-
ment. (Compare Col. 4, 10. Philem. 24.) Both are h^e
called Macedonians (or as the English version has it, men of
Macedonia)^ which agrees with the description of Ari^tarchus
elsewhere as a ITiesscdonian (20, 4), and a T^eeaalonian Mor
cedonian (27, 2.) They are also here described as PavPa con^

Cions in travel^ or more exactly, those who were away from
e with him. (Compare the use of the same word in

2 Cor. 8, 19.)

80. And when Paul would have entered in unto
the people, the disciples suffered him not.

And Paul wishing (or intending) to go in, though not
carried in by the people, probably because he was not in their
way, as his companions were, who do not seem to have been
sought for and arrested, but swept along by the living stream
in its resistless course. (See above, on v. 20.) Unto the peO"
pU^ or into the assembly, the Greek word being that used tc

VOL. II. o

210 ACTS 19, 30.31.

denote the people as a soyereign, or as acting in a corporate
capacity. What was merely a mob or rabble (c^x^) ^ ^^®
streets, became a {)opalar assembly (^/^os), although not a legal
one, when seated in the theatre. (See above, on 1, 15, and be-
low, on V. 39.) This attempt of Paul evinced that it was not
jQrom fear, or any other personal motive, that he was separated
from the others. JTie brethreriy his own converts, the Ephesian
Christians, who appear to have been no less anxious for his
safety than the same class at Damascus, Jerusalem, Lystra,
and Thessalonica (see above, on 9, 25. 30. 14, 20. 17, 10.) Suf-
fered him notj did not allow him or permit him.

81. And certain of the chief of Asia, which were
his friends, sent unto him, desiring (him) that he would
not adventure himself into the theatre.

Some of the Asiarche^ not civil magistrates, nor priests in
the ordinary sense, although their office was connected with
religion. They were annually chosen in the cities of the prov-
ince, to conduct the sacrificial services and public games in
honour of Diana, They derived their title from the name of
the province, as the corresponding officers in Cyprus, Syria,
and Lydia, were called Cypriarchs, Syriarchs, Lydiarchs, &c.
Those of Asia are said to have been ten in number; but
whether equal and co-ordinate, and whether always resident at
Ephesua, is doubtful As the ancient narrative of Polycarp's
martyrdom at Smyrna says that " Philip the Asiarch'* refused
to loose the wild beasts when required by the people, it has
been inferred that there was only one such officer on duty at
the same time, and with more probability that they exercised
their functions at the different cities of the province in rota-
tion, or as occasion might require. As the games and sacri-
fices over which these Asiarchs presided, were provided at
their own expense, they were always chosen from the richest
class, and may be said to represent the highest rank of the
community. It is therefore no slight inmcation of Paul's
standing with the highest class of heathen, that these Asiarchs
are said to have been his friends^ or rather friendly to him
(avr^ <^iXoi), L e, personally well disposed, without implying
any faith in his new doctrine, which mdeed seems inconsistent
with their social and official station, as conductors of ceremo-
nies altogether heathenish. It is worthy of remark, however,
that the church-councils of the third and fourth centuries were

ACTS 19, 31.32. 211

sometimes called upon to laj down rules for the direction of
those Christians who were summoned b^ official or hereditary
duty to perform this very service. It is possible, therefore,
that these Asiarchs were converts, or at least inclined to be-
come Christians, though the terms of the narrative are satis-
fied by simply assuming a respectful and benevolent feeling
upon their part towards the great Apostle. Even this throws
an interesting light upon his character and social position in
the midst of that idolatrous community, by showing that his
teachings and his miracles were not done in a comer, and that
he was most respected by the most intelligent and wealthy
classes. (See below, on v, 37.) Sending to him^ messengers
or letters, but more probably the former, from their residence,
private or official, or perhaps firom the place where they were
actually engaged in their public duties, and which may have
been forsaken by the people when the tumult about Paul arose.
JEkhorted or besought him^ the same verb that is used above
in 2, 40. 8,31. 9,38. 11,23. 13,42. 14,22. 15,32. 16,9.15.
39. 40. Not to give (risk, or venture) himself into the theatrey
already filled with the infuriated populace, whose conduct and
condition are described in the next verse.

32. Some therefore cried one thing, and some
another ; for the assembly was confused, and the more
part knew not wherefore they were come together.

So then (ficv ow), the resumptive particle so often used in
this book after an interruption of the narrative or argument.
(See above, on 8, 2. 25. 9,31. 11,19. 12,6. 13,4. 14,3. 15,3.
80. 16, 5. 17, 12. 17. SO.) Having told how the people rushed
into the theatre, and then paused to relate what happened
outside, Luke now resumes his account of what was done in
the assembly. The description given in this verse is admira-
bly true to nature, being perfecuy appropriate in all its parts
to many a convention and conventicle among ourselves. The
more (jxxrt)y the majority, the greater number. This clause
shows that the one consent^ with which they rushed into the
theatre (v. 29), had reference only to that act, or at most to
the general purpose of consulting what to do, but not to any
definite proposal, which had been concerted, if at all, only be-
tween the leaders, i. e. those immediately connected with
Demetrius. This agrees so exactly with the mode of man-

^12 Acts 19, 32.33.

agin^ such mattet^ now, that it imparts to the whole narratiye
E TStnldng character of authenticity and graphic truth.

88. And they drew Alexander out of the multi-
tude, the Jews putting him forward. And Alexander
Ibeckoned with the hand, and would have made his de-
fence unto the people.

And from (or cfut of) the crowd (aasembled in the theatre)
fhey (i e. some, indefimtely) brougfU forward Alexander, Cal-
Tin and others have supposed this to be Alexander the copper-
smithy of whom Paul says (2 Tim. 4, 14^ that he did him much
evil (literally, showed him many evils), but whether at this
time or afterwards, they are not agreed. The identity of
name proves still less here than in the case of Gains (see above,
on V. 29), on account of its frequency in Jewish usage ever
since the time of Alexander the Great. (See above, on 4, 6,
and compare Matt. 15, 21. 1 Tim. 1, 20.) The identity of busi-
itess, too, is not sufficientlv exact, although the Greek word
used by Paul might possibly have some degree of latitude, or
one who was properly a coppersmith (or brazier) might be led,
by the prospect of extraordmary profit, to engage in the same
liusinete with Demetrius. But apart from tYm question of
identity, and eveu granting that the person here named is one
otherwise unknown, interpreters are much divided as to his
relation to the parties and the matter now at issue. As the
Jews put him forward, some suppose that he Was to defend
them from the charge of having any thing to do with Paul,
and to explain the difference between Jews and Christians.
Others think that he was himself a convert to the new religioti
(which is not inconsistent with the statement in the next verse),
and that the unconverted Jews malio'ouslv invited the atten-
tion of the Gentiles to him, in order to divert it from them-
selves. In either case, it was the Jews who put him forward,
either to defend them or himself. Would ?iave made his de-
fence is too specific, as the Greek phrase simply means, wished
to apologize^ or make defencCy but whether for himself or
others, is not here expressed. Reckoned with his hand^ or
more exactly, shook it downwards, almost but not precisely
the same phrase with that employed in 12, 17. 18, 16, and
there explained. To thepeople, not as a mere mob, but as an
organized assembly. (See above, on v. 80.)

ACTS 19, 34.85. 218

84. But when they knew that he was a lew, all
with one voice about the space of two hours cried out.
Great (is) Diana of the Ephesians.

JBiU {they) knowing^ recogniziDg, or discovering^ the same
verb that was used above in 8, 10. 4,13. 9,80. 12,14, and
there explained. How they perceived or ascertained this, we
are not told, possibly by something Jewish in his looks oi: lan-
guage; or the information may have been communicated
orauy from those who knew him to the others, and eventually
to the whole assembly. UuU A€ t«, in the present tense, as
if the scene were actuisLlly passing, a graphic trait of which we
have had several examples. (See above, on 7, 25. 9, 22. 26. 88^
12, 8. 9.) A Jew^ i e. by birth or nation, and therefore equally
descriptive of an unconverted aad a Christian Jew. (See.
above, on V. 88, and compare 10, 28. 16,1.20. 18,9.24.) There
toaa one voice (or one voice aroee) from aUj a similar expres-
sion to the one in 4, 32, but there relating to one heart and
BouL Crying (or ehonting) about the epace of (literally, aa,
for) two hours. The cry is the same as in the last clause of^
• V. 28, and is here repeated, not as a mere act of adoration or
reli^oua praise, but as a kind of watch-word, an expression of
their zeal and resolution in the cause of their insulted and en-
dangered goddess. Viewed in the former light, it may be
reckoned as a sample of the bcUtology or ^' vain repetitions,^'
which our Lord describes as characteristic of the heathen wor-
ship. (See Matt. 6, 7, and compare 1 Kings 18, 26.)

85. And when the town-clerk had appeased the
people, he said, (Ye) men of Ephesus, what man is
there that knoweth not how that the city of the Ephe*
sians is a worshipper of the great goddess Diana, and
of the (image) which fell down from Jupiter ?

The first words, as thus rendered, seem to refer to some-
thing previously mentioned (^when the town-clerk had thus
stilled the crowd ') ; whereas in the original, a new character
appears upon the stage (Hhe town-clerk, having stilled the
crowd, says, ifec.') Appeased implies that they were satisfied,
or reconciled to something which before offended them;
whereas the Greek word means to put doum^ quell, subdue,
not by persuasion, which was yet to come, but by authority
and influence of character or office. In describing this effect,

214 ACTS 10, 35.

Luke, with great exactness of e3q)re8sioii, substitutes the word
denoting crowd or mob for that denoting an assembly of the
people. (See above, on vs. 30. 33.) It was in the former, not
the latter character, that they were shouting and extolling
Artemis. This dgnificant though slight varuttion may illus-
trate at the same time the resources of the language and
Luke's power to employ them. TownrcUrk is evidently much
too modest a description of the person, whose appearance
seems to have inmiediately restored the mob to oraer. The
Greek word is QrammaAeuSy the one so often rendered scribe
(see above, on 4, 5. 0, 12), and like it means a writer, or one
who has official charge of writings, whether sacred scriptures
or official records. Xike the l^glish derk and aecretarVy it
admits of numberless gradations in the rank of those to whom
it is applied, extending from a toum-derk (or stiU lower) to a
secretary o/stcUe^ which last is probably much nearer than the
former to the meaning of the title here. Whether it be so
rendered, or, as some prefer, recorder^ actuary, chancellor, Ac.,
it undoubtedly denotes a functionary whom tiie people were
accustomed to respect, and whose very presence was sufficient
to compose them ; for until this was effected, he could neither
reason with them nor exhort them. Besides abundant proof
that OrammatetM is used in classic Greek to signify not only
humble but exalted office, there are extant inscriptions of
Ephesian origin, in which this title is combined with that of
^siarchy before explained (on v. 31), in such a way as to sug-
gest the question, whether the person here referred to was
not a relieious rather than a civil officer, and therefore the
more likely to command a hearing, when the honour of the
goddess was itself at stake. This is still more probable i^ as
Domninus says, the Grammateus at Antioch, on similar occa-
sions, was the representative or spokesman of Apollo. But
however this may be, it is unquestionable that the person here
meant awed the multitude, as well by his official rank or per-
sonal character as by his arguments which follow, and the
drifl of which is to convince them that their riotous proceed-
ings were superfluous and dangerous. Te men of JSpheiue,
literally, Ephesian m^en (or gentlemen), the usual Greek for-
mula of popular address (see above, on v. 25.) What man,
in Greek, for what man, as if referring to something previously
said but not recorded, possibly to something said before the
noise was wholly stilled. (Q. d. * Be silent, cease this uproar,
which is both imnecessary and alarming; for what man, AcJ*)

ACTS 10, 85.36. 215

Who does not know is a form of rhetorical interrogation, also
used by Demosthenes in speaking of a certain and notorious
&ct. jETow that^ an old English pleonastic phrase, to which
nothing corresponds in the origmal, the form of which is
forei^ from our idiom, consisting of a noon and participle,
both in the accusative, loho does not knoio the city oeing^ Ac.
City of {the) ^phesians^ like Diana of (the) JEphesians (see
above, on vs. 28. 34) seems to have been a ravourite formula
in preference to city (and Diana) of J^heeus, like ^^ Emperor
of the French," and " King of the Belgians," instead of " Em-
peror of France," and " King of Belgium." A worshipper^
or as the margin more exactly renders it, a temple-keeper.
The Greek word is commonly explained to mean, at least in
the first instance, temple-sweeper } but one of the old Greek-
lexicographers (Suidas) denies that there is any reference to
Bweepmg, and aeclares the true sense to be that of decking
or adorning. Hence some compare it with the English sexton^
others with churchwarden^ the only difference being one of
dignity and rank, as the essential idea is, in either case, that
of one who has charge (or takes care) of a temple. This, even
in its lower sense, was reckoned a great honour, when connect-
ed with the service of such a deity as Artemis, and such a
temple as the one at Ephesus. (See above, on vs. 24. 27.)
Even to sweep that sacred and magnificent abode was a dis-
tinction for which cities and crowned heads contended. The
very epithet here used is found upon Ephesian coins still ex-
tant, and applied not merelv to the city but the state or body
politic {Bijfjkos vccjicdpos.) And of the JbvefcUlen (image) ^ a
phrase used by Eunpides in application to the same divinity
as worshipped at Tauris. According to Pliny and other
ancient writers, there was a wooden image of Diana at Ephe-
sus, so old that it had outlived seven restorations of the tem-
ple, and was therefore fiibled to have dropped from heaven,
no unusual belief among the ancient heaUien. Other exam-
ples are the fiimous Palladium at Troy and Rome, and an
image of Cybele at Pessinus, as described by Livy. This no-
tion has by some been traced to the real fall of meteoric
stones ; but in the case before us, we are told not only that
the image was a wooden one, but also, by different authorities,
of what wood it was made (vine, ebony, &c.)

36. Seeing then that these things cannot be spoken
against, ye ought to be quiet, and to do nothing rashly.

216 ACTS 10, 36.37.

The reference just made to their most highly prized dis-
tinction as a city was intended, partly as a solace to their
national or local pride, and partly as the basis of an argument
affainst tumultuous proceedings, which he now propounds
distinctly. Undeniable^ therefore^ being these {things)^ namely,
that their city was confessedly the constituted guardian of
Diana's temple and its heaven-descended image. It is neces*
scary (i. e. morally, in Greek a participial form, like binding
and becoming) for you to be (or thai ye be\ continue, or begin
to be (the same verb that is used above, in 5, 4. 8, 16. 14, 8.
16, 20. 17, 27, and there explained.) Qiuiet is in Greek the
passive participle of the verb at the beginning of v. 85, and
might be here translated settled or subdued, but is still more
exactly rendered in the Vulgate by the Latin word sedatoSy
which is reallv a corresponding form, and from which comes
sedate in English. The idea meant to be conveyed is not that
of coercion by superior authority or power, but a dignified
and reasonable self<M)ntroL Mashly^ literally, headlong or
head-foremost^ then precipitate^ which means the same in
Latin, but is always tropically used in English, as a synonyme
of hasty, inconsiderate, or rash, as applied to human character
and conduct.

87. For ye have brought hither these men, which
are neither robbers of churches, nor yet blasphemers
of your goddess.

With a skill showing natural sagacity as well as great ex-
perience in argument and public speaking, he now insinuates
without asserting that they had actually ikllen into the m-eat
error against which he had just warned them. Listead oi say-
ing that they had already acted rashly, he describes the act
itself without express qualification or description, which their
own minds, influenced by what he had before said, would im-
mediately supply. The only application which he makes him-
self is by the use of the word for, referring to the thought
which he had first suggested but without expressing it. This
aposiopesis (as the Greek grammarians called it) may be thus
completed or filled up. * You have the strongest grounds for
doing nothing rash, and yet you have been acting, and are
acting now most rashly ; for,' &c. Ye have brought (or ye
brought just now, in Greek an aorist) these men, not an ex-
pression of contempt, but rather of respect, the Greek noun

ACTS 19, SI. 38. 217

being that employed above in vs. 25. 35, and there explained.
HUIier^ supplied by the translators, is correct, but hardly ade*
quate to give the Ml force of the speaker's language, which
suggests not only the idea of locality (brought them into this
place or assembly), but also that of mode or manner (brought
them violently and disgracefully.) The rashness tacitly mi*
puted to their whole proceeding lay in the fact that there was
no sufficient ground for it afforded by the conduct of the pri»
oners themselves. Uiese men (being, or who are) neither
tempte-spoilers (and. so chargeable with sacrilege) nor revUers
of (literally, reviling) f/our goddess (and so diargeable with
blaf^hemy.) Robbers of Churches is a Christian phrase put
into the mouth of a heathen, less absurd but not more accu-
rate than the change of Passover to JEaster elsewhere. (See
above, on 12, 4.) The latter statement of the Grammateus, in
reference to Paul and his associates, has been very variouialy
understood, by some as a mere fidsehood, meant to calm the
mob; by others as a true description of Paul's abstinence
from all direct warfare against idol-worship ; by a third class,
as describing only his forbearance as to particular deities, or
forms of heathen worship, which, according to Josephus, waa
avoided also by the Jews ; and lastly, as denying not even this
kind of attack, but only an offensive and insultmg method of
conducting it. Shaftesbury's reflection upon Paul for allow-
ing false witness to be borne in his behalf when he was not
present, and could not have spoken if he had been, is both
raise and foolish.

88. Wherefore if Demetrius, and the craftsmen
which are with him, have a matter against any (man),
the law is open, and there are deputies ; let them im-
plead one another.

8o then^ as in v. 32, where it resumes the narrative, as it
here does the argimient, after a momentary interruption in
V. 37, which is a £nd of parenthetical allusion to their conduct
as at variance with the nile which he had laid down. ^ You
ought to do nothing rashly — as you have done bv your treat-
ment of these persons — so then, if Demetrius, Ac' Crafts
men^ artisans or artists (see above, on v. 24.) With him^
not merely in his company, or in the same place, but on his
side, in his interest, associated with him, members of his party.
(See above, on 5,17. 14,4.) Jfo^^, literally, u^ora, here

218 ACTS 19, 38.

used like the corresponding Hebrew term, in a judicial or
forensic sense, for cctuse^ complaint, or accusation. (See Ex.
18, 16. 22. 22, 6. 24, 14, and compare the full phrase, word of
judgment, 2 Chron. 19, 6.) Any {man), or more generically,
any (person), the same pronoun that is so often rendered cer-
tain, (See above, on ts. 1. 13. 14. 24. 31.) The law is open,
a mere paraphrase, the version bein^ given in the margin, the
eowrt-days are kept. From a Greek word (oyopo) meaning
both a market ana a court (see above, on 16, 19. 17, 17) comes
an adjective (dyopoios), applied in 17, 5 to idlers or frequenters
of the public places, but here employed in the higher sense of
forensic or judidcU, and most probably agreeing with days
understood. The verb {are lea, passed, or passing) may be
expressive either of a general £^t (there are such times or
terms of court), or of what was actually taking place at that
time (there are such terms now held or holding.) There are
deputies, a word before applied to Sergius Paulus (see above,
on 13, 7. 8. 12, and compare the corresponding verb 18, 12),
and there explained to oe the Greek translation of Proconsul,
the appropriate title of one who governed an imperial prov-
ince (see above, on the passages just cited), such as Asia
Proper was, and therefore often called jProconsularts, The
only difficulty here arises from the &cts, that the Proconsul
was the highest judicial magistrate, and that there was never
more than one in the same province. The plural form {Pro-
consuls) has been variously explained, as comprehending the
legates or assessors of the governor ; or as including the pro-
consuls of adjacent provinces, who may have been attenaing
the Ephesian festival ; or as denoting two procurators who
about this time had murdered the Froconsul, and perhaps
usurped his title ; or finally, as a generic plural, representing
the whole class, and not the individual, examples of which
usage have been found by some in Matt. 2, 20, where the plu-
ral IS supposed to denote Herod, and in 17, 18, above, where
it is supposed to denote Jasus. Whether this bo the true
grammatical analysis or not, it is no doubt the essential mean-
mg, which has reference not to the person but the office of the
judges, whether one or many, whose existence and judicial
nmctions are asserted as notorious facts. Implead (i. e. plead
against) each other is a good translation of the Greek verb,
'vmich, although it strictly means a>ccuse or charge, is here ap-
plied apparently to both the parties, although only one had
been expressly mentioned*

ACTS 10, 30. 219

39. But if ye inquire any thing concerning other
matters, it shall be determined in a lawful assembly.

Haying shown them how all private litigation should be
settled, he now gives them similar advice in reference to ques-
tions of more public interest, municipal or legislative matters.
Ye, i e. Demetrius and his associates, of whom he had just
spoken in the third person, but to whom he may now have
turned or specially aiddressed himself. It is equdly admiad-
ble, however, and perhaps more simple, to understand these
words as still addressed to the assembly, all of whom were
really concerned in what is here asserted. Inquire^ not merely
in the popular or vague sense of seeking or desiring (as in 12,
19. 13, 7, above), but in the more specific one of controvert-
ing or disputing, commonly expressed by another compound of
the same Greek verb. (See above, on 6,9. 9,29. 16,2. 7.)
^ If you want a decision upon any other question not within the
jurisdiction of the courts just mentioned.' Aaaembly is a
general expression for all public meetings, but especisdly ap-
plied in classic Greek to legislative bodies, as in Scripture to
the Congregation of Israel, and ultimately to the Christian
Church. (See above, on 2, 47. 6, 11. 7, 38. 8, 1. 3. 11, 22. 26,
12,1.6. 13,1. 14,23.27. 16,3.4.22.) A lawful assembly
seems to be contrasted with an unlawful or forbidden one.
The Romans, however, did not deprive their Grecian subjects
of their darling right to hold public meetings, the abuse of
which, by needless gatherings and speeches " in the theatre,'*
Cicero (in his defence of Flaccus) represents as a chief cause
of their political misfortunes. This Ephesian meeting, there-
fore, could be called urdawfvl^ only with respect to its disor-
derlv, tumultuous proceedings, and the opposite expression
would denote nothing more than one decorously conducted ;
which would not be an appropriate antithesis or supplement
to what had been already said about the court-days or assizes.
It is plain that the Grammateus is stating two ways of deter-
mining two kinds of controversy, private and public, or foren-
mc and municipal. The former must be settlea by the regular
tribunals, the latter in a general assembly, but of what kmd ?
Not merely lawful or permitted by the laws ; for such was
this one, in itself considered. Not merely orderly and well-
behaved ; for such was this, since he had been addressing it.
The true sense of the words is, the (not a) legal (or constitu-
tional) assembly^ L e. the one held at certain periods (as at

930 ACTS 19, 39.40.

Athens thrice a month) for the transaction of public basiness.

i Hence, in the viargin of the English Bible, lawful is exchanged
or ordinary.) The assembly now in session is described by
implication, not as unlawful or forbidden, but as informal and
without authority; just as a voluntary meeting or conven-
tion, although per^tly lawBil, differs now from a judicial or
legislative body. The word translated lawful, therefore, here
means, not permiUedy but required or constituted by the laws.
ShaU be determined^ literally solved^ implying doubt and differ-
ence of judgment, in relation to the principles or facts involved.
(Clompare the use of the same GrecK verb in Mark 4, 34, and
of the corresponding noun in 2 Pet. 1, 20.) This phrase, in the
orimnal, emphaticaUy ends the sentence, in the legal assembly
it MaU be determined. The same argument is urged by Seneca
agamst tumultuous and riotous proceedings.

40. For we are in danger to be called in question
fop this day's uproar, there being no cause whereby we
may give an account of this concourse.

Having shown that their tumultuous proceedings were
gratuitous, there being other more legitimate methods of ac-
eomplishing their lawM ends, he now suggests a still more
serious consideration, namely, that the same proceedings were
extremely dangerous, not oidy to the persons who took part in
them, but also to their whole community. The danger arose
from the extraordinary strictness of the Roman government
in reference to every thing like riotous disturbances among
their subjects and dependents. It was not the mere act of as-
sembling, even in large numbers (see above, on the preceding
verse), which was prohibited, but what is here called uproar
and concourse^ corresponding to the Latin terms ccetus et con-
cursuSy which appear to have been technical expressions of the
Koman law, ana descriptive of a capital offence. We are in
danger J the same verb that was used by Demetrius (see above,
on V. 27.) To be called in question^ also a single word in
Greek, tne same that was explained above (on v. 38), as strict-
ly meaning to be charged or accused. The original construc-
tion is, ^0 ^ accused of riot for to-day (or this day^ see a
similar construction of to-morrow^ 4, 3. 6), i. e. concerning, on
account o^ this day's conduct or proceedings. The danger
was not merely that of being charged, but that of being left
without excuse and unable to defend themselves. TJicre being

ACTS 19, 40.41. 521

no eause^ a judicial term, elsewhere translated /at^ (see Luke
28,4.14), and here denoting, not a cause in general, but a
goiltj cause upon the part of those accused. iTiere being (or
esdftHng^ see above on y. 36) no cHme or offence wherein/ (lit-
eridly, as to or concerning which) tre can^ or adhering to the
ftettiFe form of the original, we shaU be able^ in the case sup-

Sosed, of their being charged or called in question. Give (ren-
er or deliver, an emphatic compound, used above, 4, 33. 5, 8.
Y, 9, and there explamed.) Accotmt^ literally, word^ the one
translated matter in v. 38, but sometimes sigmfying an account
or reckoning, both in a financial and a moral sense. (Compare
Matt. 12,36. 18,23. Phil. 4, 17. Heb. 13, 7. 1 Pet. 4, 6.) In
all the passages referred to, there is more or less distinct allu-
sion to judicial process and self-vindication, which is here the
main idea, and as such expressly mentioned. Concourse is
the literal translation of the Greek word, and denotes a violent
tumultuary running together. The idea of conspiracy^ or law-
less combination, may be also implied, but is not prominent in
this case, as it is in 23, 12 below.

41. And when he had thus spoken, he dismissed
the assembly.

And these things having said (or saying)^ he dismissed
(or dissolved^ the verb explained above, on 3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 5,
40. 13, 3. 15, 30. 33. 16, 36. 36. 17, 9) ths assembh/ (the ecde-
sicUi as in vs. 32. 39.) This is evidently mentioned as an act
of authority, implymg that the tumult had entirely ceased,
and that the people quietly dispersed ; an important and re-
markable effect, but not at all incredible, considering the pro-
verbial mobility from which the mob derives its name, and
also the extraordinary force and skill, with which the Gram-
mateus appealed to their religious feelings, local pride, muni-
cipal usages, and selfish fears. The intrinsic merit of this
speech, with reference to the end in view, its congruity and
suitableness to the speaker and the hearers, and its total un-
likeness to the other speeches here recorded, stamp it as pal-
pably original and genuine. And this internal evidence
instead of losing gains strength j&'om the low views entertained
by some of Luke's ability as a writer and the literary merit
of the book before us.

929 ACTS eo, 1.2.3.

CHAPTER XX.

Tms division of the text contains the accoont of Paul's retnm
from his third mission, from his leaving Ephesos to his leaving
Miletus. We have first his visit to the Grecian provinces
(1-3.) Then comes a list of his seven companions who went
before to Troas and were followed by Paul and Luke (4-6.)
Paul there preaches and performs a miracle (7-12.) His
course from Troas to Miletus is recorded with great minute-
ness (13-^15.) Passing by Ephesus, he sends for the elders of
the church tiiere to Imletus, and delivers a &rewell discourse
to them (16-35.) He then prays with them and takes leave
of them (31-38.)

1. And after the uproar was ceased, Paul called
unto (him) the disciples, and embraced (them), and de-
parted for to go into Macedonia.

The cessation of the tumult is not given as the cause of
Paul's departure, but as a mere specification of time, or rather
an indefinite description, since the length of the interval is not
recorded (see above, on 19, 22.) Embraced is a secondary
usage of the Greek verb, which originally signifies to ^reet or
welcome, but is also used by Xenophon and later writers in
the sense of taking leave or biddmg farewell, which is the
meaning here. Departed^ literally, went out (see above, on
16, 36. 40.) JFbr to go^ depart, or journey (see above, on 5,
31.) Into Macedonia^ as he had before designed, and whither
he had already sent Timothy and Erastus (see above, on
19, 22.)

2. 3. And when he had gone over those parts, and
had given them much exhortation, he came into Greece,
and (there) abode three months. And v^hen the Jev«rs
laid wait for him, as he was about to sail into Syria, he
purposed to return through Macedonia.

Having gone (or paseed) through those parts, i. e. Mace-
donia, and perhaps some adjacent regions (see Rom. 15, 19.)
Given them much exhortation, literally, having exhorted them
(L e. the Christians in those parts) with much speech (or many

ACTS 20, 2.8.4. 228

words.) Greece^ properly so called, or what the Romans
named Aohaia, to distingoish it from Macedonia (see above,
on 16, 1. 18, 12. 27. 19, 21.) Having made three mont/is^ i. e.
passed or spent them, but perhaps with an implication of active
employment (see above, on 15, 33. 18, 23.) This is the more
worthy of attention, as Luke gives us no details of this second
missionary tour in Greece, the greater part of which was pro-
bably spent at Corinth, where he is commonly supposed to have
written the epistle to the Romans. Being about to sail into
Syria, i. e. to enter on the voyage which was to terminate at
^tioch, as in the case of his two previous missions. (See above,
on 1 8, 1 8, and below, on 2 1 , 3.) The words express his purpose,
not the actual event, which was altogether different, as he did
not reach Antioch, but was arrested in Jerusalem, and after
being long detained in Cesarea, sent to Rome. A plot (the
same word that occurs above in 9, 24) being made (or formed)
against him by the Jews. What was the nature or occasion
of the Jewish plot here mentioned, we have no means of de-
termining. We only know that Paul was led, no doubt by
the detection or divine revelation of it, to relinquish his design
of setting sail from Corinth or Cenchrea (see above, on 18, 18),
and to revisit Macedonia for that purpose. Purposed to re-
turn^ literally, there teas a purpose (or it became his purpose)
to return. The Greek noun properly means judgment or
opinion, but is used by the purest Attic writers in the sense
of will or purpose,

4. And there accompanied him into Asia Sopater
of Berea ; and of the Thessalonians, Aristarchus and
Secundus ; and Gains of Derbe, and Timotheus ; and
of Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus.

There followed with him^ an expression which implies both
association and subordination. They were in his company,
not as his equals, but as his adherents and attendants. As far
as Asia^ in the usual restricted sense (see above, on 19, 10. 22.

26. 27.) As far as may have reference to their waiting for
him at Troas. It does not necessarily imply that they attend-
ed him no further, although only two of them are afterwards
expressly named as being with him. (See below, on 21, 29.

27, 2.) ScpateTj an abbreviation of Sosipatery and probablv
denoting the same person whom Paul mentions (Rom. 16, 21)

224 ACTS 20, 4.

as a kinsman who was with him in Corinth. Some of the
oldest manuscripts and versions have Sopater (son) ofPyrrkuSj
which seems more likely to have been omitted than inserted
without reason. OfJBereOy literally, a Berean^ an inhabitant
or native of that place in Macedonia, idiere the Jews gave
I^ul so cordial a reception and so candid a hearing (see
«bove, on 17, 11.) SecunduSy a Latin name, occurring only
here in the New Testament. Gmus (or Caius)^ commonly
supposed to be a different person from tne one so called in 11,
29, Decause he is thwe called a Macedonian and here a Derbe-
4m, or citizen of Derbe, which was in Lycaonia (see above, on
14, 6.) Some connect Derbean with IKmotheus^ and thus
make Graius a Thessalonian ; but this construction is forbidden
|yy the and between Derbean and Timotheus^ unless, by an-
other arbitrary supposition, we can change the form of the
(Greek partiole (from koL to Sc.^ Some ad<^ that Timothy was
certainly of Lystra, not of Der oe ; but that &ct is too doubtful
to decide the question here at issue (see above, on 16, 1. 21),
especially as Derbe and Lystra are so often nuned together,
as if constituting one community. It is not certain, although
commonly assumed, that these local adjectives denote the na-
tive place or constant residence of those to whom they are
applied, as they may possibly denote the last place of abode,
or some officisJ position in the church or representative relar
tion to it. The question is, however, less important, as Caius
was one of the most common Roman names. In favour of the
identity is the slight but noticeable circumstance, that the
name is in both cases joined with that of Aristarchus. Ac-
cording to the usual construction, Timothy has no local epithet
connected with his name, perhaps because his origin was gen-
erally well known. But besides the construction which has
been already mentioned as forbidden by the syntax, we mav
read, Gaius a Derbean and (also, or from the same place)
HmotheuSy against which it may again be urged, but not
more conclusively than in the other instance, that he was from
Lystra. Of Asia^ literally, Asians^ Asiatics, i. e. representa-
tives of Asia Minor, or rather of that part of it called Asia
JProconsularis, Tychicus is several times named by Paul, as
his messenger to the churches, and the bearer of two of his
^istles. (See Eph. 6, 21. Col. 4, 7. 2 Tim. 4, 12. Tit. 3, 12.)
Trophimu^ was with him at Jerus^Uem, Mid there became thi;
innocent occasion of his arrest and long captivity (see below,
on 21, 29.) He is also mentioned in the latest of Paul's epis-

ACTS 20, 4.5. 225

ties, as having been left sick at Miletus (2 1^111. 4, 6o.) The
presence of these seven men on this occasion has been various-
ly explained and understood. That it was not fortuitous, i. e.
that they did not merely happen to be travelling the same
way at the same time, is evinced by the formality and fulness
of the catalogue, if not by their being named at all. That
they simply attended Paul to aid him m his missionary work,
is peculiarly improbable at this point, where he is about to
leave his field of labour and to have less need of such assist-
ance than before. That they accompanied him as a body-
guard, or to protect him from the violence or machinations of
the Jews, seems inconsistent with the fact recorded in the
next verse, that at the very outset of his journey, and before
he left the country where his life had been in danger, they
were sent before him, and thus separated from him, at least
five days, and possibly much longer. Perhaps the most feli-
citous conjecture which has been proposed, is that these men
went as representatives of the Gentile churches lately founded,
in the presence of the mother-church and the Apostles; three
representing Europe and four Asia, two of the latter the inte-
rior and two the western coast of Asia Minor. If they were
also bearers of a general contribution from the Gentile church-
es for the poor saints at Jerusalem, as some infer from certain
passages in Paul's epbtles written about this time or not long
before (e. g. 1 Cor. 16, 1-4. 2 Cor. 7, 1-5. Rom. 15, 25-28),
the whole number (seven) may have had some reference to
that of the almoners or deacons in the mother-church itself
(see above, on 6, 3, and below, on 21, 8.)

5. These going before tarried for us at Troas.

JTiese, i. e. the seven named in the preceding verse^ and
not merely the two last, as some explain it, which is perfectly
gratuitous and arbitrary. Awaited (waited for) us, i. e. for
Jraul and the historian himself^ a form of expression which has
not occurred before since the sixteenth chapter, and the re-
appearance of which here has justly been regarded as a proof
that Luke rejoined Paul at Philippi, where he had been left
by him so long before. (See above, on 16, 40.) It also shows
that the writer was not Timothy, who is not only uamed in
the preceding list, but explicitly said to have gone before and
waited for the writer, as well as for Paul, at 'Iroas.

VOL. n. p

226 ACTS 20, 6.7.

6. And we sailed away from Philippi after the days
of unleavened bread, and came unto them to Troas in
five days, where we abode seven days.

After the days of unleavened breads i. e. the week follow-
ing the Passover. (See above, on 12, 3.) This not only fixes
the season of the year, but, as some suppose, assigns the rea-
son for Paul's staying at Philippi, while the seven went imme-
diatelv to Troas, namely, that he wished to keep the feast.
But although such observance was by no means incompatible
with Paul's principles of Christian liberty, it can hardly be
supposed that he would have deferred his voyage on that ac-
count, or have attached as much importance to the spending
of a paschal week in Philippi, as he might have done m Jeru-
salem. It is equallv probable, at least, as Luke alone remained
with him, whUe all the rest went on to Troas, that this delay
had some connection with the state of the Apostle's health ;
or that he waited until Luke had made his preparations to
withdraw from the place where he had probably been resident
for several years, without detaining the whole company on
that account. On either of these latter suppositions, the days
of unleavened bread mav be regarded as a mere date or chro-
nological specification (see above, on 18, 21), like Christmas
and Easter in modem parlance, when employed to designate
the season, without reference to religious observance. Lfifive
day 8^ literally, unto (or as far as) five day 8^ the same particle
employed above (v. 4) in its proper locsJ sense, but here ap-
plied to time, and suggesting two ideas, namely, that this
number was the maximum or limit, that they were not more
than five days on the way, and also that this number was un-
usually great, as appears moreover from the fiict, that on his
first voyage from Troas to Philippi, he was only two days go-
ing the same distance, a diversity no doubt arising from a dif.
ference of wind. Abode seven days is the sense but not the
form of the original, in which the last word is directly gov-
erned by the verb meaning parsed or spent, (See above, on
12, 19. 14, 3. 28. 15, 35. 16, 12.) These minute chronolo^cal
specifications are in perfect keeping with the previous intima-
tion that the writer had again rejomed PauL (See above, on
16, 11.)

7. And upon the first (day) of the week, when the
disciples came together to break bread, Paul preached

ACTS 20, 7. 227

unto them, ready to depart on the morrow, and con-
tinued his speech until midnight.

Cranmer's version, upon one of the scibhath-days^ seems at
first sight more exact, but is not even grammatical, the Greek
nmneral and noun being of different genders. Equally incor-
rect is Tyndale's version, tlie morrow after the sabhathrdau^
except that it retains the reference to the first day of the week.
We have seen already that the Hebrew word sabbath^ in its
Aramaic form, resembles a Greok plural, and is often so in-
flected, even when a single day is meant. (See above, on 13,
14. 16, 13.) Still more natural is the use of the plural to de-
note the interval between two sabbaths, or ratner a whole
week, a division of time connected, both in origin and usage,
with the religious observance of one day in seven. Even in
Hebrew, weeks and sabbaths are convertible terms (compare
Lev. 23, 15 and Deut. 16, 9.) In the Greek of the ISew Tes-
tament, a week is once or twice expressed by sabbath in the
singular (see Mark 16, 9. Luke 18, 12), but usually by the
plural (see Matt. 28, 1. Mark 16, 2. Luke 24, 1. John 20, 1. 10.
1 Cor. 16, 2), which, however, as explained above, is only such
in form, but in reality a singular. The substitution of the
cardinal (one) for the ordinal {first) is not a Hebrew idiom,
but a usage equally well known to other languages, as in our
own familiar phrases, "number one," "chapter two," etc.
Thus the phrase which, rendered word for word, would mean
one of the sabbaths^ is determined by analogy and use to mean
{th^) first {daiA of the week^ a striking illustration of the curi-
ous fact, that hteral translation is not always the most faithful.
Li the case before us, it is not a simple date or chronological
specification of the day on which this meeting happened to be
held ; for such a circumstance was too minute to be recorded
for its own sake, and is never given elsewhere. The only sat-
isfactory solution is, that the observance of the first day of the
week, as that of our Lord's resurrection, had already become
customary, so that the assembling of the church at that time
for the purposes here mentioned, was a matter of course, with
or without special notice and arrangement. This agrees well
with the form of the expression here, being assembled ^. e. as
usual) to break breads etc,^ and also with the words of Paul in
1 Cor. 16, 2, where the designation of the day would be gra-
tuitous and inconvenient, unless founded on a previous and &-
miliar custom. The observance itself though not explicitly

228 ACTS 20, 1.

enjoined, nor even formally recorded, seems to date from the
very day of Christ's resurrection. Compare John 20, 19. 26,
where " eight days" is a common idiomatic expression for a
week, and ^^ again " implies a periodical reunion, not by chance,
but by order or agreement, on the same day as before. The
ori^al or Jewish sabbath may have been observed, at least
by Jewish Christians, either alone or in conjunction with the
first day of the week, until the downfall of Jerusalem and final
abrogation of the old economy, after which the former was
entirely superseded by the latter, except among the Ebionites
and Judaizing Gnostics, who were really, as well in form as
spirit, rather Jews than Christians. In all the places which
nave now been cited, the expression used is simply, the first
day of the week. The Lord's Day is a phrase derived from
Rev. 1, 10, which is also comimonly regarded as a proof of
apostolical observance, although some interpreters identify it
with the day of the IJord {or qf Jehovah)^ so often mentioned
and foretold in prophecy.* The disciples being assembled^ or,
according to the oldest manuscripts and latest critics, we being
assembled, which renders still more prominent the fact that
the historian himself was an eye-witness of the fhcts recorded.
(See above, on v. 6.) Assembled^ literally, brought together,

fathered, but not necessarily impljring a special convocation,
eing elsewhere applied both to stated ana occasional assem-
blies. (See above, on 4, 6. 26. 27. 31. 11,26. 13,44. 14,27.
15, 6. 30.) It is in fact the verbal root of the noun synagogue,
the most generic hellenistic term for any meeting, though
especially applied to worshipping assemblies. (See above, on
6, 0. 13, 43. 15, 21. 18, 7.) To break bread, socially and sacra-
mentaUy, according to the primitive and apostolic usage, which
attached the eucharist to an ordinary meal, as in its original
institution. (See above, on 2, 42. 46, and compare 1 Cor. 11,
20-22.) Heady is in Greek the participle of a verb denoting
mere futurity, to which we have no exact equivalent in Eng-
lish, and which is therefore very variously rendered. (See
above, on V. 3. 11,28. 12,6. 13,34. 16,27. 17,31. 18,14.
19, 27.) It might have been translated here, intending (as in
6, 35), or still better, being about (as in 3, 3, and v. 3, above.)
To depart, or go out, go away, i. e. from Troas (see above,
on V. 1.) On the morrow, or the next day (see above, on
4, 3. 6. 10, 9. 23, 24. 14, 20. Preached, the word translated
reasoned and disputed elsewhere (see above, on 17,2.17.
18, 4. 19. 19, 8. 9.) As it primarily signifies colloquial dis-

ACTS 20, 7.8. 229

course or conversation (being the root both of dialogue and
dialect)y some understand it to have that sense here, as agree-
ing better with the extraordinary length referred to in the
next clause. It is probable, however, both from the usage of
the word in this book (see the places above cited), and from
the circumstances of the present case, that it was not a desul-
tory talk, but an act of official or professional instruction, how-
ever informal and unshackled by rhetorical or other rules.
The length of the discourse depends upon the time when it
began, which is not specified ; but that it was unusual, seems
to be implied in the suggestion that it was his last opportunity
of meeting with them, and also in the incident recorded in v.
9 below. It is still more explicitly affirmed in the ensuing
clause of this verse, where continued is a stronger word in
Greek, meaning stretched out or protracted, i. e. beyond the
time to which they were accustomed in such cases. Some in-
fer from this verse, that the meetings of the Christians were
already held at night, as they were afterwards in times of per-
secution ; others that this was an extraordinary meeting held
in view of Paul's departure. It is possible, however, that he
spent the whole day m the manner here described, as he seems
to have done afterwards at least on one occasion (see below,
on 28, 23), not in continuous discourse, but in animated con-
versation, ivith occasional intervals of rest or silence.

8. And there were many lights in the upper cham-
ber where they were gathered together.

Lights^ literally, lamps, but in a wider sense than that
which we attach to it, including torches, candles, lanterns, etc.,
and therefore, both in etymology and usage, corresponding
very nearly to the word used in the English version. Upper
chamber, commonly the chief room in an ancient house, and
best adapted to accommodate largo numbers. (See above, on
1, 13. 9, 37. 39.) The mention of this circumstance, apparent-
ly so unimportant, has been variously and sometimes strangely
accounted for. Some refer to the ancient (Jewish and hea-
then) use of lights, for ornament as well as use, in solenm
ceremonies. Others suppose it to be intimated that the Chris-
tians of Troas took this method of avoiding the suspicious and
malignant charges sometimes provoked by their nocturnal
meetmgs. A third opinion is, that the multitude of lij^hts is
mentioned to account for Uie drowsiness of Eutychos ; a fourth,

280 ACTS 20, 8.9.

to explain why his &U was instantly observed. More natural
than either is the simple supposition, that the lights are men«
tioned, not with any definite design, but as a part of the scene
strongly impressed upon the writer's memory, and therefore
serving, in conjunction with the intimations previously given,
to remmd the reader that he is again receiving the report of
an eye-witness. (See above, on vs. 5. 6. 7.) As Luke, m oral-
ly rehearsing this same narrative long alter the occurrence,
might have said to those who heard lum, ^ My recollection of
that night is still so vivid, that I seem almost to see the upper
chamber brightly lighted up, the crowd, the young man in the
•window, etc.,' so in recording it, first for Theophilus, and then
for us, he might naturally use some of the same expressions,
without any pragmatical or utilitarian design at all. Manyy
the word so rendered in 9, 28. 43. 12,12. 14,21. 19,19. They
were gathered^ or according to the oldest copies, toe were gath-
ered, as in the preceding verse. In both these cases later
copyists seem to have entirely overlooked the graphic and au-
thentic character imparted to the passage by the use of the
first person, or rather to have looked upon it as an incongruity,
and so expunged it. It is certainly remarkable that these
slight emendations of the text, supported as they are by such
external evidence, should not only render the whole narrative
more lifelike, but assimilate it still more completely to the
context, and enhance the proof that the Apostle of the Gen-
tiles had recovered his "beloved physician" (Col. 4, 14.)

9. And there sat in a window a certam young man
named Eutychus, being fallen into a deep sleep ; and
as Paul was long preaching, he sunk down with sleep,
and fell down from the third loft, and was taken up
dead.

There sat Hiterally, sitting^ seated) in a window Hiterally,
on the window)^ L e. on the ledge or window-seat. The defi-
nite form {the window) does not necessarily imply that there
was only one ; or denote one looking towards Jerusalem, as
some suppose ; but is exactly like our own familiar phrase, to
look out of the window, without any reference to number or
position. His sitting in the window has been thought to im-
ply, that he was a careless, inattentive hearer ; but with more
probability, that there was no room elsewhere. The occur-

ACTS 20, 9. 10. 23X

rence of the same name {Eutychus) in old inscriptions, as the
name of freedmen or emancipated slaves, is no sufficient
gromid for the conjecture that this person was a servant. A
young man is in Greek one word, corresponding to our youth^
but even more indefinite. That it does not mean a child^ see
below, on v. 12, and above, on 7, 58. The marked resem-
blance of this scene to one of our own public meetings, with
its many lights and even crowded windows, serves to stamp
the narrative as that of an eye-witness. Fallen and sunk are
different participles of the same verb, strictly meaning borne
(or carried) down^ and specially applied in Greek to the effects
of sleep, not only when the latter is expressed, as in our phrase
to fall (or drop) asleep, but also when the verb is absolutely
used. The medical Greek writers even use a cognate noun
(Karac^opa) to designate the lethargy. The present participle
nere denotes the natural relaxing influence of sleep, the aorist
an additional corporeal movement as its result, by which he
lost his balance. Into and toith, although substantially cor-
rect, do not exactly reproduce the form of the original, in
which the first is represented by the dative (vTmp), and the
second by a preposition (diro) meaning from. The final con-
sequence was that he actually fell dovm from the third loft^
L e. floor or story, probably the highest in the house, as the
vpper room, was usually next the roof ^see above, on 1, 13.)
Taken up, raised, lifted from the grouna, an uncompounded
form of the verb used above (in 1, 9) to denote the first stage
or incipient movement of our Lord's ascension. Dead must
of course be strictly understood, unless afterwards explained
or qualified.

10. And Paul went down, and fell on him, and
embracing (him) said, Trouble not yourselves, for his
hfe is in him.

Going dovm, descending, to the street, or to the inner
court, around which an oriental house is built, and into which
" the window " may have opened. Embracing, not the word
so rendered in the first verse, but a double compound, strictly
meaning to seize with and around, often used by the classics
in the figurative sense of comprehending or including, but
here in its etymological import of folding or encirclmg in
the arms. Said, to those who stood by, probably to such of
the assembled Christians as had come down with Paul, or be-

232 ACTS 20, 10.

fore him, and immediately after the occurrence of the accident.
Trouble not yourselves (or be not troubled) seems in English
to refer exclusively or chiefly to internal perturbation or dis-
order, and to me.in, ^be not anxious or alarmed.' But the
Greek verb properly, and almost constantly, expresses outward
disturbance, and particularly noise or uproar, as the kindred
noun is rendered in the first verse of this chapter, and the verb
itself in 17, 5, above. Its specific application here derives
some illustration from its use m Matt. 9, 23. Mark 5, 39, where
it evidently signifies the noisy and tumultuous expression of

frief^ which was customary at an oriental funeral. Such a
emonstration had perhaps begun in this case, and Paul may
then be understood, not merely as forbidding them to grieve,
but as exhorting them to keep silence or be quiet. The rea-
son he assigns has been very variously understood. Sts life
(or soul) is in him^ is by some explained to mean, ^ he is not
dead, as you imagine.' (Compare the words of Christ himself
in the passages last cited.) Paul's language, thus expltuned,
is then used to qualify Luke's absolute expression, in v. 9, as
meaning, *• he was taken up for dead,' or ^ he was taken up
dead, as they supposed.' This reasoning, however, may be
just as easily reversed, and the terms of v. 9 made to qualify
those here employed, instead of being qualified by them. As
we are there expressly told that he was taken up dead, Paid
may here be unaerstood to mean, his life is (again) in him.
The " again " in this construction is no more forced into the
text than " still " is in the other ; so that in this respect they
stand at least on equal ground. In favour of a real death, be-
sides the positive assertion in v. 9, is the act, here ascribed to
Paul, of falling on the body and embracing it, in obvious allu-
sion to the conduct of Elijah and Elisha in cases of miraculous
resuscitation (see 1 Kings 17, 21. 2 Kings 4, 34.) That this
act was in either case designed to ascertain the tact of life or
death, is far less probable than that it was intended to connect
a miraculous efiect with the person by whom it was caused or
brought about. (See above, on 5, 15. 19, 12.) The present
case 18 altogether different from that of Paul himself in 14, 19,
where the words, " supposing him to be dead," seem to give
us a discretion, or an option, not afforded by the absolute ex-
pression, he was taken up dead. A further proof that this
was a miraculous recovery from death may be founded on the
fact that it is introduced at all, which cannot be explained bv
the startling impression or the vivid recollection of the acci-

ACTS 20, 10.11. 233

%
dent ; for although this may be sufficient to account for the
minuteness and vividness of the details, it does not serve tc
show why Luke should thus have paused in his relation of this
memorable journey, to record what happened to a person
otherwise unknown and insignificant, unless it was accompa-
nied by some display of Paul's miraculous endowments as the
signs of his apostleship (2 Cor. 12, 12.) Thus his last recorded
visit to this place was rendered memorable by a signal mira-
cle, as the first was by a vision and a special revelation. (See
above, on 16, 9. 10.)

11. When he therefore was come up again, and
had broken bread and eaten, and talked a long while,
even till break of day, so he departed.

Saving then (8c) gone up, to the room in the third story,
where the Christians were assembled, and from which the
youth had fallen. Eaten, literally, tasted, which may be strict-
ly understood, as in Matt. 27, 34. John 2, 9. Col. 2, 21. But
the wider sense of eating, taking food, partaking of a meal,
is found, not only in the later classics, but in Xenophon. (See
above, on 10, 10, and below, on 23, 14.) Most interpreters
identify this breaking of bread with that mentioned in v. Y
above, and which had been deferred by Paul's protracted con-
versation or discourse. It is possible, however, that the love-
feast and the eucharist had been observed as soon as they as-
sembled, and that the eating here described was what we call
an early breakfast, preceding the departure of these honoured
guests. Talked, the nearest Greek equivalent to our converse^
both in its narrower and wider sense. (See above, on 10, 27,
and below, on 24, 26, and compare Luke 24, 14. 16.) It is
somewhat curious that althougn this verb denotes familiar
conversation, as distinguished from more formal or elaborate
discourse, it was afterwards applied, in ecclesiastical usage, to
the latter, and is the root or theme of the words homily and
homiletics, (For a somewhat analogous change, see above,
on 13, 2.) A long while, literally, /or sufficient (time), or
(time) enough, a favourite expression in this book, and one
which has already been repeatedly explained. (See above, on
V. 8.) The strict sense is retained here by the V ulgate {satis)
and its English copyists (Wicl. spake enough. Rhemish Vers,
talked sufficiently,) This second mention of Paul's long con-
tinued talk illustrates his vivacious and communicative habits,

284 ACTS 20, 11-18.

and implies the interest with which the hrethren or disciples
heard nim. Break of day^ or rather, broad day-light, the
Greek word properly denoting brightness and particularly
sunshine. So^ not so then^ as a mere connective or resumptive
(see above, on 19, 32. 88), but thus, in this way, i. e. discours-
ing or conversing to the very last. (See above, on 7, 8. 14, 1.
17, 83. 19, 20.) Departed, literally^ went out, not only from
the room, or n*om tne house, but from the city (see above,
on V. 1.)

12. And they brought the young man alive, and
were not a little comforted.

The sense is not, as some suppose, that in the mean time
they had taken him home, but that now, about the time of
Paul's departure, they brought him in, and showed him to the
company, alive and well. Both verbs refer to the disciples,
whose assembly had been so abruptly interrupted, and ap-
peared to be completely broken up by this distressing casu-
alty. Comforted, relieved from the shock which they had felt
at first, and from their subsequent solicitude as to the issue.
The word may indeed suggest still more, to wit, the natural
reaction from distress of this kind to unusual excitement and
exhilaration. Not a little is in Greek not moderately, an ex-
ample of the figure called meiosis or litotes, which employs a
negative expression to convey a very positive idea, such as
mu^h or greatly. (See above, on 12, 18. 14, 28. 15, 2. 17, 4. 12.
19, 23. 24.) Young mxin is not the word so rendered in v. 9,
but one which answers to our hoy (Geneva Bible) or lad
(Rhemish version), and like it may be substituted both for son
and servant, (See above, on 3, 13. 26. 4, 26. 27. 30.) WicliPs
version (child) is here at variance with the previous descrip-
tion of nim as a youth or young man (see above, on v. 9.)

13. And we went before to ship, and sailed unto
Assos, there intending to take in Paul ; for so had he
appointed, minding himself to go afoot.

We, i. e. the writer and his company, which here excludes
Paul, as it did the others in v. 6 above. Going (or having
gone) before, i. e. before Paul's own departure, although pre-
viously mentioned. (See above, on v. 11.) The idea seetns
to be, that they had left him in the house with the assembled

ACTS 20, 13. 235

Christians. To ship^ or more exactly, to the ship^ i. e. the one
in which they were to sail. It is not necessarily implied that
this was the same ship in which they came to Troas ; or if it
was, that they had chartered it, and kept it waiting on their
movements. For their own protracted stay of seven days in
one place may have been the consequence, and not the cause,
of the ship's delay there, for the purpose of refitting, loading,
or awaiting a more favourable wind. (See above, on v. 0.)
Sailed^ the same nautical expression used above in v. 3, and
in 13,13. 16,11. 18, 21, and there explained. Unto Assos^
literally, into Assos, which appears to be the technical or cus-
tomary form in such connections, being found in all the pas-
sages just cited. Some of the oldest manuscripts, however,
have a different preposition in the case before us. Assos (or
Apollonia)^ a Mysian seaport, opposite to Lesbos, and a few
miles south of Troas, on a spot still marked by a wretched
hamlet. There^ literally, thence^ from that place. Intending
is too strong a term, especially as it was not their purpose, but
his own, that was to be accomplished. The Greek verb is the
one denoting mere futurity (see above, on vs. 3. 7), and here
means simply that they were to take him, in pursuance of his
own plan as expressed in the next clause. To take in, liter-
ally, to take up, i. e. from the land, which in nautical language
is described as lower than the water. (See above, on 18, 22,
and below, on 27, 3. 28, 12.) He had appointed is in Greek
a passive form, and may be tnerefore more exactly represented
by determined or resolved. (For the meaning of the verb it-
self, see above, on 7, 44. 18, 2.) Minding, the same partici-
ple just translated intending, but here too, although purpose
IS implied, expressing only futurition (that he was to go, or
being about to go.) Afoot (in modem parlance, on foot) may
be strictly understood, as the distance was so short ; but the
verb is used by the best Greek writers (such as Xenophon and
Aristotle) to denote a journey or march by land, as distin-
guished from a voyage by sea. The cognate adverb is em-
ployed in the same way by Herodotus and Thucydides, and
may be so explained in Matt. 14, 13. Mark 6, 33. The cause
of this arrangement has not been recorded and can scarcely
be conjectured. Whether designed for health, or safety, or
retirement, or intercourse with others, the unstudied mention
of this tact without explanation, so far from discrediting the
narrative, imparts to it a fresh air of reality and simple truth.
In every such case there are acts and incidents, which natur-

236 ACTS 20, 13-15.

ally dwell upon the memory of those who witnessed them,
although they neither can nor need be fully understood by
others, not because they are mysterious or important, but per-
haps for a reason diametrically opposite.

14. And when he met with us at Assos, we took
him in, and came to Mitylene.

Whetiy literally, a«, an idiom common to both languages.
(See above, on 1, 10. 18, 6. 19, 9. 21.^ Met^ a Greek verb
which primarily means to throto (or put) togetJier^ but has sev-
eral secondary senses, three of which occur in this book. (See
above, on 4, 15. 17, 18. 18, 27, and compare Luke 2, 19. 14,
31.) It here means something more than met^ which might
have been fortuitous, whereas Paul joined (or rejoined) them
by express preconcert. Usy including the historian (as in vs.
5. 6. 7. 8. 13), whose continued presence is evinced, moreover,
hj the minute specifications both of time and place which fol-
low. At Assos IS the same phrase that is rendered unto Assos
in V. 13. Took him in, took him up, as in the same verse.
Mitylene, the capital of Lesbos, on the east side of the island,
fiunous as the birthplace of Sappho and Alcaeus, described by
Cicero as noble, by Horace as beautiful, by Vitruvius as mag-
nificent. It is now called Castro. The preposition is the
same with that prefixed to Assos,

15. And we sailed thence, and came the next (day)
over against Chios ; and the next (day) we arrived at
Samos, and tarried at Trogyllium ; and the next (day)
we came to Miletus.

We have here Paul's itinerary given with all the precision
of a journal, or the vivid recollection of one personally pres-
ent. Sailing away, a different verb from that in v. 13, and a
different compound of the one in v. 6. Came, came doHH
upon, the verb employed above in 16, 1. 18,19.24. Over
against, opposite to, implying that they did not land or touch
there, but simply passed in sight of it. Chios, a beautiful
and fertile island, near the coast of Asia Minor, between
Lesbos and Samos. It is now called Scio, and is famous for
the Turkish massacre in 1822. Arrived, a Greek verb, liter-
ally meaning to place one thing by or near another, lor com-
parison or any other purpose. Hence in Mark 4, 30, it means

ACTS 20, 16. 16, 287

to compare, and is the root of the word parable. As a nauti-
cal expression, it means to come to, touch, or land, at any
place. Samos^ an island of the Archipelago, south-west of
Ephesus, the birth-place of Pythagoras. Maving remained^
probably all night. Trogyllium^ the name both of a promon-
tory and a town, upon the coast of Asia Minor, opposite to
Samos. Miktiis^ a famous seaport, about thirty miles fron^
Ephesus, in Ionia, but near the Carian border, famous as the
birth-place of Thales, and at one time the chief commercial
town of Asia Minor. It is a curious circumstance, that tfie next
day^ thrice repeated in this verse, answers to three different
Greek phrases, meaning the coming or ensuing (day) ; the
other (day) ; and the adjoining or adjacent (day), the same
expression that occurs in the latest text of 13, 44, and is there
explained.

16. For Paul had determined to sail by Ephesus,
because he would not spend the time in A^sia : for he
hasted, if it were possible for him, to be at Jesusalem
the day of Pentecost.

This verse assigns the reason of Paul's visiting Miletus
when he did not visit Ephesus, although much more im-
portant and attractive. Determined, literally, judged, imply-
mg not mere arbitrary resolution, but a deliberate opinion
and conclusion (see above, on 3, 13. 16, 19.) To sail by^
i. e. without stopping, though it really lay in his way (see
above, on 18, 18. 19.) Because he would not spend the time^
though correct as a paraphrase, is not an exact version. That
it might not happen to him (against his own will and judg-
ment) to spend the time in Asia, which he felt bound to spend
elsewhere. One fine trait, not apparent in the common ver-
sion, is the Apostle's wise distrust of his own constancy sug-
gested in the beginning of this clause. As if he had said,
'Who knows what may happen, when I find myself again
among ray old friends and old enemies ? In spite of present
views and resolutions, I may be induced to waste time there,
which I ought to be redeeming elsewhere.' Asia, i. e. Asia
Proper or Proconsular, the province to which Ephesus be-
longed (see above, on v. 4.) I^or he hasted, was impatient,
or solicitous (see 2 Pet. 3, 12.) If it were possible, imply-
ing some doubt, and at the same time some anxiety. The last

288 ACTS 20, 16. ir.

daase may be oonstmed, that the day of Pentecost should he
(observed or spent) in Jerusalem^ without material change of
meaning. (Afi to Pentecost^ see above, on 2, 1, and compare
1 Cor. 16, 8.) It has been disputed whether this desire had
reference to the observance of the feast, or to the multitudes
assembled at it ; but there seems to be no reason for excluding
dther motive, though the latter may have been the main
one (see above, on 18, 21.)

17. And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus, and
called the elders of the church.

Sending to Ephesus^ he called for^ called to him, sum-
moned (see above, on 7, 14. 10, 32.) The elders of the
churchy and as such its official representatives, as well as its
divinely constituted rulers. (See oelow, on v. 28, and above,
on 11, 30. 14, 23. 16, 2. 4. 6. 22. 23. 16, 4.) The churchy i. e.
the church of Ephesus, considered as one organic whole, what-
ever may have been its subdivisions or affiliated congregations.
Whether this description is to be extended beyond the bounds
of Ephesus itself is a disputed question. Irenaeus, followed by
some later writers, understands the church to mean the church
of the whole province or surrounding country. But this con-
struction is intended merely to account for the use of the word
bishops in V. 28 below, without relinquishing its later sense
of prelates or diocesans. As Ephesus alone is mentioned ; as
a general citation would have taken time, of which Paul cer-
tamly had none to spare ; and as the principle of such inter-
pretations is precarious, and admits of an indefinite extension ;
It is safest to abide by the letter of the narrative, and under-
stand the church to mean the Christian body then existing in
the place which is expressly named. That he should cite these
presbyters alone, is altogether natural, considering their cen-
tral and conspicuous position, and the influence which they
must have exerted on the other churches of the province. It
is possible, indeed, and perfectly consistent with the apostolic
mode of church extension (see above, on 19, 21), that these
other churches were supplied and governed by the elders of
Ephesus, or that their own elders went and came to Ephesus,
as the Apostles still did to Jerusalem, both as the mother-
church, and as a central source of radiation (see above, on
16, 2.) But however this may be, there can be no doubt that
what Paul said to the elders of Ephesus on this occasion, he

ACTS 20, 17.18. 239

said through them to the other presbyters, not only of that
province, but of the whole church, not only then, but ever
since, and through all ages, for which end it has been left on
record. It is therefore a comparatively trivial question who
were personally present, as they virtually represented those
who were not. The objection to supposing a citation of all
the Asiatic churches does not lie with equal force against the
notion entertained by some, that the elders of Miletus were
among the persons here addressed, and not expressly named
because, bemg on the spot, they were not sent for. There is
no proot^ however, that a church existed there at this time,
or even at the date of 2 Tim. 4, 20, which was some years
later. Perhaps, indeed, the natural impression made on every
reader by the narrative itself is rather that Paul, wishing, for
the reason before given, not to stop at Ephesus itself sent for
the elders of the church to meet nim in a place where there
was none, but where they could conveniently confer together.

18. And when they were come to him, he said unto
them, Ye know, from the first day that I came into
Asia, after what manner I have been with you at all
seasons —

Wheriy lit. cw, see above, on v. 14. This discourse of Paul
to the £phesian elders has been justly regarded, not only as a
masterpiece of apostolical and pastoral fidelity, but also as ex-
tremely characteristic of its author, and therefore affording a
strong proof of its own genuineness, and of Luke's fidelity as
a reporter. (See above, on 3, 26.) Besides a multitude of
verbal similarities between this speech and the epistles, too
minute and indirect to be regarded as the product of a studied
imitation, the discourse is full of those impassioned vindica-
tions of himself from various malignant charges, which occa-
sionally burst forth in his writings, and especially pervade hia
second letter to the Church at Corinth. Some of these coin-
cidences will be indicated in the exposition, but the greater
part of the minuter ones, although by no means the least in-
teresting, must be left to the reader's own comparison and
observation. He first appeals to their own recollection of hia
faithful and unwearied ministry among them (17-21.) He
then adverts to the dubious prospect now before him, but only
to assert again his own fidelity and fireedom from responsibility

240 ACTS 20, 18.

for their perdition (22-27.) He exhorts them to a like fideli-
ty, and warns them of the perils that await them, still return-
ing to the subject of his own unwearied labours, as a model
for their imitation (28-31. J He finally commends them to the
divine favour, with a partmg protestation of his own disinter-
ested toil among them, winding up with a memorable saying
of the Saviour, nowhere else recorded (32-35.) The charge
of egotism and boasting, brought by infidels against this vale-
dictory discourse, never occurs spontaneously to any devout
reader, a sufficient proof that it is not only false but artificial
and factitious. Every such reader feels that these are not
ebullitions of personal vanity or pride, but as it were official
claims to apostolical fidelity, by one who had been placed
there by the Holy Ghost, not only as an oracle to be believed,
but as a leader to be followed, and an exemplar to be sedu-
lously copied. Lest the whole effisct of this divine arrange-
ment should be lost on his departure, he concentrates in this
last discourse expressions which might otherwise have been
expanded over many, and details in words what otherwise
might rather have been said in action. It is this necessity of
tittering as much as possible, and in as strong a form as possible,
on one occasion, that imparts to this incomparable speech the
SOT which has been mentioned, but which none can fail to un-
derstand correctly, who have any sympathy with Paul's affec-
tions or his situation when the words were uttered. It may
be added, that throughout the whole discourse, the idea is
spontaneously suggested of malignant calumnies against Paul,
possibly invented since he " fought with beasts at Epliesus "
(1 Cor. 15, 32), and designed not only to affect him personally,
but to stop the progress of the new religion. That the Jews
of Asia were among his most inveterate enemies, appears from
their connection with his subsequent arrest (see below, on 21,
27. 24, 18.) The heathen feeling towards him we have seen
displayed already (see above, on 19, 23-34.) By supposing,
as we naturally may, that this address was designed in part to
be a general and final answer to such charges, we obtain an-
other explanation of the prominence here given to himself and
his Ephesian ministry. These general remarks upon a com-
mon misconception or perv^ersion will preclude the necessity
of dwelling on it, in connection with the several expressions
which have given rise to it, as they present themselves. Ye
know, or more emphatically, ye yourselves are well aware (see
above, on 10, 28. 15, 7. 19, 25.) He thus appeals to their own

ACTS 20, 18.19. 24)

memory, in proof of what he is about to utter. As if he had
said, *• whatever others may allege, as to my miaistry among
you, I abide by your testimony ; you at least have been ac-
quainted with my whole course since I fimt appeared among
you.' ITiat I came^ literally, Jrom which I enJtered^ with refer-
ence not merely to arrival but to public appearance on this
stage or field of action. Ana^ in the same sense as before
(see above, on v. 16.) At aU seasonsy literally, the lohole
time^ which is understood by some to mean that he was never
absent ; but the emphasb is evidently on the adverb hoWy or
as the English version justly but diffusely phrases it, after
fjohat manner^ i. e. in what way. I was with you^ not merely
in the local sense of being personally present, but in that of
intercourse, association. They were well aware of his rela-
tions to them, or connections with them, during the whole
period of his residence in Asia.

19. Serving the Lord with all humflity of mind,
and with many tears, and temptations, which befell me
by the lying ii wait of the Jew8-

The sentence is continued and the fww of the preceding
verse explained and amplified. Ye know how I was with you,
namely, serving the Lord^ not as a private Christian, but as a
preacner and apostle, in which sense Peter, James, and Jude,
as well as Paul, use the cognate noun {servant) to describe
themselves in their epistles. (See James 1,1.2 Pet. 1, 1. Jude
1. Rom. 1, 1. Gal. 1, 10. Phil. 1, 1. Tit. 1, l,and compare Rev.
1, 1.) HumUity of mind, m Greek a single word, but com-
pounded of the t.wo expressed in English. It is sometimes
rendered lowliness (Eph. 4, 2) or lowliness of mind (Phil. 2, 3.)
The adjective answenng to humble has commonly a bad sense
in the classics, namely, that of mean, base, abject, although
sometimes used by Xenophon and Plato to express a virtue.
Christian or evangelical humility was something unknown to
the heathen, both in theory and practice. AU humility^ i. e.
all kinds and degrees that were appropriate to his condition.
This may be taken, in accordance with a previous suggestion,
as a tacit answer to the charge of pride, which may have been
alleged against him. Many tears, or according to the latest
critics, simply tearSy the many beings reckoned an interpola-
tion or unauthorized assimilation to PauPs language in 2 Cor.
2j 4. Even the weaker fiirase conveys a strong idea of Paul's

VOL. IL Q

842 ACTS 20, 19.20,

snffermgs in his ministry at Ephesus. One specific cause or
occasion of these suffering is here presented. Tears and
temptations^ L e. tears arismg from temptations, not in the re-
stricted sense of allurements or inducements to commit sin,
but in the primary and wider sense of trials, mcluding trou-
bles or afflictions, when regarded as a test of character. (Com-

, pare the use of the same Greek word in James 1, 9. 12. 1 Pet.
1, 6. 4, 12. Rev. 3, 10.) The trials thus referred to are then

, specified as those occurring to me (or be/aUing me) in the plots
(or machinations) of the Jews. In does not merely mean by
means (or on cuicount) of, but suggests the additional idea of
his being in the midst of them, surrounded bj them. The
Greek noun is the same with that in v. 3, and m 9, 24 above,
23, 30 below, in all which cases it is rendered by the English
phrase, laid wait or lying in wait, a metaphor not found in
the original, which simply means a jo/on, plot, or design against
one. What these plots were we have now no means of de-
termining ; but the met of their existence agrees fully with the
glimpse which we obtained of Jewish policy and feeling in the
riot of Demetrius (see above, on 19, 33.) The same machina-
tions still beset his path in Greece (see above, on v. 3.) The
Jews of the Diaspora appear to have maintained an active in-
tercourse among themselves, as well as with Jerusalem, and
this enabled them to operate with more effect ag^st the
Christians (see above, on 14, 19. 17, 13, and below, on 28, 21.)
This verse, then, describes PauPs ministry at Ephesus as any
thing but ostentatious and self-pleasing.

20. (And) how I kept back nothing that was profit-
able (unto you), but have shewed you and have taught
you, pubUcly and from house to house —

Having thus described the spirit and external circumstan-
'^ ces of his mission, he proceeds to state its more substantial
qualities of faithfulness and diligence, instructiveness and
soundness. He first alleges negatively, and as if in answer to
some charge of negligence or partiality, that he had withheld
nothing and neglected no means to promote their improve-
ment and salvation. Jffow (or that) connects this sentence
with his previous appeal to their own recollection. As they
knew how humbly and amidst what trials he had toiled among
them, so they knew that he had kept back nothing of the
things expedieM^ i. e. to be known in order to salvation. Jjx

ACTS 20, 20. ' 2*43

• • ■ ■

the other places where the verb occurs, it means to shrink, re-
coil, or draw one's self back. (See below, on y. 27, and com-
pare Gal. 2, 12. Heb. 10, 38.) Mere, being construed with an
expressed object, it denotes the act of holding back what
ought to be presented or exhibited. Mcpedient is in Greek a
participial form, the etymology and usage of which both give
It the sense of condu<nng or corUributing^ i. ^ to the benefit
of those concerned. (Compare 1 Cor. 7, 36. 10, 33. 12, 7. Heb.
12, 20.) The verb itself is used impersonally (like the Latin
escpedity from which expedient is derived) except in 19, 19,
above, where it has its physical and proper sense of bringing
together. But have showed you is the sense but not the form
of the original, which literally means, so as not to show you^
and describes not what he did but what he would have done,
if he had kept back any thing to which they were entitled.
What kind ot withholding he is here disclaiming, is apparent
from the last clause, where the same negative construction is
continued, so as not to teU you and to teach you. The first
of these verbs is the one variously rendered showed (19, 18),
toW(l6, 38), declared {\b^ A)^ rehearsed {14^ 21) ^ but strictly
meanmg to announce^ to bring news, and in this connection,
therefore, nearly equivalent to preachy m which sense it is
joined with teach. (See above, on 4, 2. 18. 5, 21. 25. 28. 42. 4,
26. 15, 35. 18, 11. 25.) It appears, then, that what he here
denies havmg held back from them is the word of God, in-
struction in the truth, and the negative assertion that he did
not so withhold the truth as not to preach and teach, is equiva-
lent to the strongest affirmation that he did thus preach and
teach it. Publicly^ or (in) a public (jpiace)^ before the people,
in assemblies, ^om house to house^ or in houses^ as distin-
guished from the public meetings previously mentioned. (See
above, on 2, 46. 5, 42. 8, 3, where the singular number of the
Greek noun is employed in the same manner.) Thus the two
modes of instruction, which have ever since been found most
efficacious, are here combined in Paul's description of his own
Ephesian ministry. The church has yet invented nothing to
supply the place or rival the effect of church and household
preaching,

21. Testifying, both to the Jews and also to the
Greeks, repentance toward God, and fiedth toward our
Lord Jesus Christ.

S44 ACTS 20, 20-22.

Having claimed for his ministrj in Ephesns the praise of
being humble, affectionate, diligent, and faithful, he now de-.
scribes its specific character or substance, what it was and
wherein it consisted. In the first place, it was testimony to
the truth, a common description of Christian and pailicularly
Apostolic preaching. (For the usa^e of the Greek verb, see
above, on 2, 40. 8, 25. 10, 42. 18, 5.) The subject of this tes-
timony he reduces to two sreat heads of doctrine and of duty,
repentance and fJEiith. There is no distinctive reference to
Jews and Gentiles, both being equally in need of both. Nor
18 it intimated that repentance can be exercised without re-
gard to Christ, or faith without regard to God the Father.
Mepentance toward God (or with respect to God) is that
change of heart and life which every smner owes to God as
his rightful sovereign, irrespectively of any offered mercy, al-
thou^ never really experienced till this has been revealed and
apprehended. Faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ is that
belief or trust, of which he is the specific object, and which
cannot therefore be reposed in God as God, without regard to
mediation or atonement. The two together constitute the
whole of practical religion, and comprise all the lawful and
obligatory themes of evangelical instruction. He who preaches
the repentance and the faith here spoken of, in all their ful-
ness and variety, will need to seek no other topics, and may
hnmbly boast of having kept back nothing that was profitable
to his hearers.

22. And now, behold, I go bound in the spirit unto
Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me
there —

He now turns from the past to the future, from the recol-
lection of his former labours to the anticipation of approaching
trials. And now often marks the transition from one topic to
another as a sort of logical connective (see above, on 3, 17. 7,
84. 10,6. 13,11); but here it may be taken in its proper
Bense, atid pow^ at present, at this time, as distinguished from
the former times of which he had reminded them. I go^ or
rather, I am going^ journeyinp^ (see above, on v. 1, and on
19, 21.) Bound in spirit has been variously understood as
meaning, hound to the Spirit^ i. e. under his controlling power ;
or encircled, guarded, and protected by him ; or prospective-
ly, though not yet really, a prisoner ; or constrained in my

■•^SHi

^ i--

ACTS 20, 22. 23. 245

own mind (see above, on 18, 5, and compare 7, 59. 15, 16. 18,
25.) Perhaps the meaning of the phrase is given in the next
clause, not trowing the (things) about to meet (encounter or
befall) me. Bound in Spirit may then mean, kept in igno-
rance, restrained from knowing, either in his own mind, or
more probably by the Holy Ghost, who did not vouchsafe to
reveal this to him. It thus appears that PauPs inspiration,
though infallible, was not unlimited as to its objects, and did
not extend to some things in which he was personsdly most
concerned. 7%ere, literally, in it^ or in her^ l e. in the Holy
City, which he had just mentioned.

23. Save that the Holy Ghost witnesseth in eveiy
city, saying that bonds and afflictions abide me.

The negative statement just made is now qualified. The
ignorance in which he had been left was not a total one. 77ie
Holy Ghost is here expressly mentioned as the source of what
he knew upon the subject, and therefore probably as the con-
cealer or withholder of that which he did not know, or in other
words, as the Spirit by whom, according to the figurative lan-
guage of the verse preceding, he was bound or kept in igno-
rance. In every city is too strong a version, the Greek phrase
being not universal but distributive, ctfy by city y or from town
to town^ which necessarily denotes no more than an occasional
communication, here and there, as he proceeded. Witness-
eth, the verb translated testifying in v. 21. Saying^ either by
direct revelation to himself, or by means of such communica-
tions as are afterwards recorded (see below, on 21, 10-12^
That no such intimations have been previously mentioned,
does not prove that they were not received, as they may fre-
quently have been of such a nature as to be observed and un-
derstood by no one but himself. It is possible, however, that
the reference is alter all to internal revelations, which might
just as well be made progressively aa outward warnings.
jBorulSy imprisonment, captivity, a form of suffering which he
bad frequently inflicted upon others. (See above, on 8, 3. 9,
14, and oelow, on 22, 4. 5. 26, 10.) Bonds and (other) c^io-
tionSy a specific and generic term combined. Abide^ await,
are ready for me.

24. But none of these things move me, neither
count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might finish

246 ACTS 20, 23. 24.

my course with joy, and the ministry, which I have
received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the Gospel of the
grace of God.

None of these things move me is a very free paraphrase of
the origmal, which strictly means. I make account of (i. e.
value, care for) nothing, (For this use of the Greek noun,
see above, on 19, 40.) The verb is in the middle voice, and
therefore means to value for one^s sel^ or on one's own ao-
oount. This profession of mdiiference is then made still
stronger. I ao not even hold my lif^ dear ^i. e. valuable,
precious) to mysdf fhere expressed by a reflexive pronoun^
The Greek adjective is that used in 5, 34, and there explained.
The necessary qualification of these strong expressions is con-
tained in the last clause. So as to finish (perfect, or complete)
my course (or race) with joy^ in allusion to the joy of victory
in the athletic games or contests, from which I^aul so often
draws his illustrations. (See above, on 13, 25, and compare
Rom. 9, 16. 1 Cor. 9, 24. 26. Gal. 2, 2. 5. 7. Phil. 2, 16. 3, 14.
Heb. 12, 1. 2 Tim. 4, 7.) So as to finish is equivalent to say-
ing, so that {oT provided) I may finish. This is the condition
on which, or the good compared with which, he cared for
nothing, no, not for life itself That this course or race was
not his personal experience merely, is apparent from the last
clause. And the ministry, i. e. (in feet, though not in form)
even the ministry, to wit the ministry. ThS ministry was
that of the Apostleship (see above, on 1, 17. 25, and compare
Rom. 11, 13.) He valued it even more than life, not only for
its fruits, but for its author. Which I received from the Juord
Jesus, i. e. at the time of my conversion (see above, on 9, 16.
17, and below, on 22, 15. 21, and compare liom. 1, 1. Gal. 1, 1.)
This definite allusion to a critical juncture in his history is
weakened bytranslating the verb, have received. (See above,
on 19, 2.) Wherein this ministry consisted, he again tells, as
if never weary of the repetition. To testify (the same verb
as in vs 21. 23, meaning not only to proclami out to attest as
true) the gospel (good news or glad tidings) of the grace of
Ooa, i. e. the good news that he can and will be gracious even
to the chief of sinners who believes in Christ. (Compare Rom«
8, 26. 1 Tim. 1, 16.)

25. And now, behold, I know that ye all, among

ACTS 20, 24.25; 247

whom I have gone preaching the kingdom of God^ shall
see my face no more.

The formula in v. 22 is repeated, perhaps because he had
recurred for a moment to ms previous ministry, and now
comes back to his anticipations of the future. In both cases,
h (behold) as usual suggests something unexpected. As if he
had said, ^ See to what our friendship comes at last ; after all
our intimate relations, we are now to part, and part for ever.*
The ori^al order is, no more shall see my /ace ye all among
V3?iom I have gone^ literally, I went through (see above,
on 9, 32), i. e. when I was resident among you. This does
not necessarily implY) ^ some suppose, the presence of elders
from other parts of Asia besides Ephesus (see above, on v. 17) ;
nor is it an impassioned apostropne to all among whom Paul
had laboured, whether present or absent. It is simply an ad-
dress to the Ephesian elders, not as individuals merely, but as
representatives. We have here still another description of his
ministry, but one with which we are already well acquainted,
preaching (heralding, proclaiming) the kingdom, of Gtod. (See
above, on 1, 3. 8, 12. 14, 22. 19, 8.) Some suppose that this
was merely an opinion or surmise of Paul without divine com-
munication or direction ; but this idea was expressed in v. 22
by the phrase not knowing^ and it surely cannot be assumed
that knowing and not knowing mean precisely the same thing.
Mnot knowing there denotes that it was hidden from him and
remained uncertain, then I know must mean that it had been
revealed in some way and was certain. To attach the same
sense to directly opposite expressions, in the same context, and
in reference to the same subject, is to nullify the use of lan-
Rua^e. The only natural interpretation of Paul's statement
IS, that he did not know in detail what should befall him, but
he did know that imprisonment and other sufferings awaited
him, and he did know that all those among whom he went
about in Ephesus should see his face no more. The only mo-
tive for preferring a different construction is that Paul, accord-
ing to some writers, was released from hb captivity at Rome
and did revisit Asia Minor. But this historical uncertainty,
instead of altering the sense of plain words, must itself be
qualified or settled by them. There is no need even of avoid-
ing the supposed contradiction by insisting on the strict sense
of the word a/Z, as if Paul meant to say that he would never
more be seen by every one then present, though he might be

848 ACTS 20, 25-27.

Been \>j some, perhaps by most of them. This, which is always
true of every large assembly, with respect to one who is about
to leave them, would not have been entitled to such solemn
utterance. The obvious meaning of the words is that he was
about to take a final leave of them and of their country.

26. Wherefore I take you to record this day, that
I (am) pure from the blood of all (men.)

I take you to record seems to mean, I cite (or summon)
you as witnesses, as he had actualhr done in vs. 18-21. But
the Greek verb here used means, I testify^ I myself bear wit-
ness, or at most, with reference to the customary form of oath,
I call God to witness. (Compare the use of the same verb in
Gal. 5, 3, and especially m Eph. 4, 1 7, where the divine name
IS expressed, I testify in the Lord.) This day is very strong
in the origiiud, the noun day and the adverb to-day bemg both
expressed, a combination which can only be imperfectly re-
tamed in English by such phrases as thia very day. The very
strength of the original expression shows that it was meant to
be emphatic and significant, implying even more than now in
vs. 22. 25. As if he had said, on this the last day we shall
spend together, or the last day of our meeting upon earth, -I
testify, etc. The fiwit thus solenmly attested is, that if they
perished it would not be his &ult, or for want of faithful wam-
mg and instruction upon his part. This idea is expressed in
scriptural and oriental form by saying, I am dean (pure, with-
out stain, innocent) from the blood (i. e. the murder, or the
guilt of the destruction) of aU (i. e. of all among whom he had
labouredO Clean from^ which has by some been represented
as a Hebraism, occurs in classical Greek writers. There is
obvious allusion in this passage to Ezek. 3, 17-21. 33, 1-9.

27. For I have not shunned to declare unto you
all the counsel of God.

Shunned^ the same verb that occurs above in v. 20, but
without an expressed object as in that place. The essential
meaning is, however, still the same, namely, held or drew back
so as not to telly announce, report, another verb occurring in
that passage, and with the same infinitive construction. 77^6
whole counsel (plan or will) of Ood^ respecting your salvation,
comprehending the two carcunal requisites or repentance and
Ikith. (See above, on v. 21.)

ACTS 20, 28. 249

28. Take heed therefore unto yourselves, and to all
the flock, over the which the Holy Ghost hath made
you overseers, to feed the church of God, which he
hath purchased with his own blood.

Having thus affirmed his own fidelity, he urges them to
follow his example. Take heed, the same yerb that is used
above, in 5, 35. 8, 6. 10. 11. 16, 14, and there explained. It
denotes not mere attention but attendance, sedulous and
anxious care. To yourselves^ to your own safety and salva-
tion, as a prerequisite of usefulness to others. The flacky a
term applied by Christ himself to his disciples (Luke 12, 32),
and by Peter to the church already organized (1 Pet. 5, 2. 3).
It is a favourite figure with the prophets for the chosen peo-
ple or the church of the Old Testament. (See Isai. 40, 11. 63,
11. Jer. 13, 17. 23, 2. 31, 10. 61, 23. Ezek. 34, 3. Mic. 7, 14.
Zech. 10, 3. 11, 4. 7. 17.) Our Lord describes himself as the

food shepherd, and believers as his sheep (John 10, 1-16.)
*eter describes him as the shepherd and bishop (or overseer)
of souls (1 Pet. 2, 25), and as the chief shepnerd (5, 4), to
whom ministers are under-shepherds. Over the which is not
a correct version, as it makes the overseers entirely distinct
fi'om and superior to the flock, whereas the original makes
them a part of it, although superior in office. In which, in
the midst and as a part oi which. TTie Holy Ghost tnade, lit-
erally, placed or set, not only by creating the office, but by
choosing the incumbents, either by express designation (as in
13, 2), or by directing the choice of others (as in 6, 5.) bish-
ops is the Anglicised form of the Greek word, which means
overseers, inspectors. It is here applied to the same persons
who were before described as elders (see above, on v. 17),
proving clearly that the titles are convertible in this case, as
they are in Tit. 1, 5-7 ; a conclusion strengthened by the other-
wise inexplicable fact, that both are never named together as
distinct classes of church officers. (See above, on 11, 30. 14,
23. 15, 2. 4. 6. 22. 23. 16, 4, and compare 1 Tim. 3, 2. 6, 1. 17.
19. 1 Pet. 6, 1.) That these bishops were diocesans with pres-
byters under tnem, is inconsistent with their bein^ themselves
called presbyters or elders. That they were subject to dio-
cesans not mentioned, is precluded by the improbability that
these, though superior in rank, should have passed unnoticed.
That the office of diocesan was vacant at this time, is not only
a gratuitous assumption, bat at variance with the fikst that

tSO ACTS 20, 28.

Pan], when he warns the elders of approaching dangers, makes
no allusion to their ^tore prelate, but addresses them as if
they were about to be left in sole charge of the flock. There
18 no tenable ground, therefore, but the obvious and simple
one, now commonly sidopted even by Episcopalians, that bish-
ops and presbyters, when Paul spoke and when Luke wrote,
were the same thing, a &ct affinned also by Theodoret and
Jerome. When it is added that the name bishop was after-
wards assumed by a higher order who succeeded the apostles,
it is only true in reference to a subsequent though early devi-
ation from the apostolic theory and practice. Thi>oughout the
New Testament the same class of officers are called both pres-
byters and bishops. To feed is a very inadequate translation
of the Greek word, which means to act as (or do the duty of)
a ehep?ierd^ and includes, not only feeding, but protection, reg-
ulation, and the whole care of a shepherd for his flock. (Com-
pare the use of the same verb in Rev. 2, 27. 12,5. 19,15,
where the sense of feeding is entirely merged in that of rul-
ing.) 1^ church of Godf or according to the latest critics,
of the Lord, Both readings are very ancient, the latter being
found in several of the oldest manuscripts, the former in the
oldest one of all. The phrase church of God is of frequent
occurrence (see 1 Cor. 1, 2. 10, 32. 11, 16. 22. 15, 9. 2 Cor. 1, 1.
6aLl,13. iThess. 2, 14. 2Thess. 1,4. 1 Tim. 3, 5), whereas
church of the Lord is without example elsewhere. But this
&ct is urged as an argument on both sides, some contending
for the usage as decisive of the question, others accounting for
the change of reading as an unauthorized assimilation of this
one place to the others which have just been cited. The in-
terest of the question arises from its bearing on the divinity
of Christ, whose blood, according to the common text, is here
described as the blood of God, a phrase found in several of the
earliest Christian writers (such as Ignatius and Tertullian) as
if in allusion to some text of Scripture. In favour of this read-
ing it may also be alleged that the apparent incongruity of
the expression would naturally tempt men to amend it, while
the very same cause would prevent its introduction if it were
not genuine. The blood of Gk)d is of course the blood of
Christ who, though a man, was a divine person. Purchased^
a Greek verb meaning properly to cause to remain over, then
to save or lay by, then to acquire or gain. The middle voice
denotes specifically to acquire for one's sel^ both here and in
the only other place where it is used in the New Testament

ACTS 20, 28-80: 29>

(1 Tun. 3, 13.) The corresponding noun occnrs more fr^

?[uently and always in reference to redemption or salvation.
See Eph. 1, 14. 1 Thess. 5, 9. 2 Thess. 2, 14. Heb. 10, 39.
1 Pet. 2, 9.) The motive here urged for fidelity is not, as in
V. 27, that their office was created by the Holy Ghost, but
that the church itself was purchased by the blood of Christ.

29. For I know this, that after my departing, shall
grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the
flock.

I know thi8 can have no other meaning here than that be-
longing to the same words in v. 25. How he knew it, we are
not informed in either case ; but that he knew it, is explicitly
affirmed in both. This^ this too, besides what he professed to
know before. Departing^ in the original a noun, used by the
old Greek writers (as Herodotus) to signify arrival, but by
Plato and Demosthenes, a going home again, and then in the
Apocrypha and here, departure in general, which may either
refer to his death or to his leaving them at this time, the two
things coinciding as to practical effect. (See above, on v. 25.)
WolveSy the natural enemies of sheep, ana therefore used as a
figure for those who ravage or lay waste the Church. (See
matt. 7, 15. 10, 16. Luke 10, 3. John 10, 12.) Orievous (from
the Vulgate graves) ^ literally, heavy y but explained by the
context to mean cruel and destructive. (See below, on 25, 7.)
Enter in among you (or come in to yow), L e. from without,
as distinguished from those mentioned in the next verse. Not
sparing^ a litotes or meiosis (see above, on v. 12) for devour**
ing or destroying.

30. Also of your own selves shaQ men arise, speak-
ing perverse things, to draw away disciples after them.

Another class of enemies or wasters shall arise from a very
different quarter, namely, of (L e. out of^ from among) your own
selves. MefK, not as opposed to wolves, which were also repre-
sentatives of human bemgs, but a like class described without
a figure. Wolves were to come in from without, i. e. wicked
and destructive men, and such men were also to arise within.
Some suppose the wolves, or enemies from without, to denote
{>erBecutor8, as distinguished from errorists ; but the only dis-
tinction here intended seems to be that between wasters from

fiM ACTS 20, 30.31.

witUn and from without. STuxU arisey appear, come forward.
(See above, on 5,36.37. 7, 18.) Perverse^ perverted, or di»-
iorted, L e. from the standard of truth and rectitude. (See
lEbove, on 13, 8. 10, and compare Matt. 17, 17. Luke 9, 41. 23,
2. Phil. 2, 15.) So (18 to draw atoay^ the same infinitive con-
Btmction that occurs above in vs. 20. 27. It may here denote
either the design, or the effect, or both. They should not
only teach error in the church, but rend it by schismatical divi-
■ions, forming schools or parties. Disciples seems to mean
disciples of their own ; but in the original it is the disciples^
L e. of Christ, by drawing whom away from the belief of the
truth and the communion of the Church, these schools or sects
were to be formed. After (or behind) themj implying not
only influence and imitation, but dependence and subjection.
With this prediction of the evils which were to invade the
church at Ephesus after Paul's departure, may be compared
the description of its actual condition many years later m the
emstle of the Saviour to it, as recorded by John ^Rev. 2. 2-7.)
We there learn that the church had been visited oy false apos-
tles, and infested by the Nicolaitans ; but that although she
had left her first love and fallen from her high estate, and was
in danger of losing what she still possessed, she had endured
and laboured in her master's cause, and had especially un-
masked the false apostles, and abhorred the practice of the
Nicolaitans ; all which may bo regarded as the fruit and the
fulfilment of this very prophecy and exhortation.

31. Therefore watch and remember that by the
dpace of three years I ceased not to warn every one
night and day with tears.

Therefore^ because these dangers threaten you, and you
have been forewarned of them. Wdtch^ in the primary and
strict sense of the verb, both in Greek and English, be awake^
be wakeful (1 Thess. 5, 6. 10), and also in the secondary and
more common sense, be on your guard (1 Pet. 5, 8.) Ite?nem-
berinffy as a motive and example of such vigilance, that Paul
himself had exercised it night and day for three years, when
the danger was less imminent. Bt/ the space of is supplied
by the translators, as in 7, 42. 19, 10 (compare 13, 20, 21. 19,
8. 34), unless it be regarded here as a part of the translation
of the Greek noun, which denotes a period or interval of three
jrears, Uke the corresponding Latin form {triennium,) This

%^rz

ACTS 20, 31.32. 2M

is here a ronnd ntunber, inclading the two years and a half
expressly mentioned ^see above, on 19, 8. 10), together with
the undefined period tnat Paul may have remained there after
the two years expired. Night and day^ a natural hyperbole,
familiar in all lan^ages, for constantly^ unceasingly, at all
times when he cotud be so employed, without regard to his
own ease and comfort. Ceased not^ paused not, another
hyperbolical expression, to be understood in the same way.
With tears^ still another, meaning not that he was literally
always weeping, but that his whole ministry was something
more than a cold and heartless exhibition oi the truth, being
warmed and animated by the tenderest affection towards them,
and a heartfelt desire for their salvation. Warning^ literally,
putting in mind, or into the mind, so as to include the ideas
of instructing and reminding. This verb and the correspond-
ing noun are used in the New Testament by Paul alone, with
whom they are favourite expressions. Earn one (or every one)
who came within the reach of his instructions. This expres-
sion seems descriptive not of public but of personal or private
warning.

32. And now, brethren, I commend you to God
and to the word of his grace, which is able to build
you up, and to give you an inheritance among all them
which are sanctified.

And now^ a third effort to conclude (see above, on vs. 22.
26), the others having failed, as it were, from strong emotion
and unwillingness to leave them. Commend^ commit, deposit
for safe keeping (see above, on 14, 23, and compare the very dif-
ferent use of the same verb in 16, 34. 17, 3.) The same iaea is
expressed, but by another verb, in 14, 26. 15, 40. The word
of his grace may either mean the doctrine of salvation through
God's mercy (see above, on v. 24. 14,3, and compare 11, 23.
13, 43^, or his gracious word of promise. In the latter case,
what follows must refer to God himself; whereas in the other
case, it may be construed \vith the word or doctrine, which is
able, as an instrument or means, to accomplish what is thus
ascribed to it. To build up (or edify) ^ another favourite of
Paul's, who often uses it to signily spiritual progress or in-
crease upon a tii-m foundation and a certain plan. (See 1 Cor.
3, 10. 12, 14. Ephi 2, 20. Col. 2, 7. Jude 20, and compare the
uncompounded form of the same verb explained above, on

i64t ACTS 20, 32-35.

9, 31. Inheritance^ possesfflon by a filial right, the portion of
8<His. Sanctified^ made holy, as the very end of their salva-
tion (1 Thess. 4, 3. Heb. 12, 14.)

S3. I have coveted no man's silver, or gold, or
apparel.

His labours had been not only fiuthful and affectionate but
dimnterested. Silver or gold or raiment of no one did I covet^
L e. when I was among you. Raiment or clothing is often
alluded to in Scripture, as a principal kind of riches in the
east, where the &shion of dress seldom changes, and the son
not unfrequently inherits the apparel of his fattier. Hence the
reference to moth as well as rust in Matt. 6, 19. 20. A similar
profession of disinterestedness is made by Samuel in relin-
quishing his office (1 Sam. 12, 3.)

84. Yea, ye yourselves know, that these hands
have ministered unto my necessities, and to them that
were with me.

Here, as at the beginning of the whole discourse (v. 18),
he appeals to their own knowledge of the &cts which he as-
serts. The original order of the following words is, that to
my toants^ and to those being with me^ ministered these handsy
a much more pointed and emphatic collocation. Whether he
showed his hands, as some suppose, exhibiting the marks of
labour, is a doubtful question. There can be no doubt, how-
ever, that the form of expression is peculiarly appropriate to
a person speaking, and would scarcely have occurred to a mere
writer. To those with me^ that is, to their wants, or to them
considered as amon^ his own wants. The word translated
wants (or necessities) is one of very frequent occurrence in
Paul's writings. Ministered^ served, provided for. (See
above, on 13, 26, and below, on 24, 23.) Although Faul
teaches clearly that the preachers of the Gospel are entitled
to support, he refused to avail himself of this nght in the Gen-
tile churches, lest his motives should be liable to miscon-
Btruction. (See 1 Cor. 9, 11-16. 2 Cor. 11, 7-12. 12, 13-16.
2 Thess. 3, 7-12.)

85. I have shewed you all things, how that so la-

ACTS 20, 35. 26$

bouring ye ouglit to support the weak, and to remem-
ber the words of the Lord Jesus, how he said, It is
more blessed to give than to receive.

Showed^ the same verb that is used above, in 0, 16, and
there explained. AU things may be either the object of the
verb, as m the English version, or an adverbial ezpresaion
meaning cUtcaySj or hj all means, or in all things. Tiiis last
construction is not only favoured by the collocation of the
words in Greek, but by ^Paul's usage elsewhere (see 1 Cor. 10,
33. Eph. 4, 16.^ So idbawring^ i. e. as I did, with my own
hands, and witnout compulsion. Ye ought is in Greek a more
indefinite expression, it is right (or necessary)^ as a general
fsLCt or principle of duty. The same word (Set) is translated
toe ought elsewhere (see above on 5, 29.) To support^ a most
expressive Greek verb which, according to its etymology, ori-
ginally signifies to lay hold of any one (or some thing) oppo-
site, as if to hold it up. (Compare the use of the same verb
in Luke 1, 64. 1 Tim. 6, 2.) The weak^ in Greek a participle
commonly denoting weak in body, i. e. from disease (see above,
on 9, 37. 19, 12), but sometimes weak in &ith or conscience,
i. e. scrupulous (compare Rom. 4, 19. 14, 1. 2. 21. 2 Cor. 8, 9.
11.12.) Some prefer the latter meaning here, viz., that Chris-
tians ought to waive their privilege in this respect, in conde-
scension to the doubts or prejudices of others. This agrees
well with Paul's principle and practice, but scarcely with the
strong expression to sustain^ support, or hold up. It is better,
therefore, to explain the weak as meaning all who stand in
need of such support from any cause. This also agrees better
with the words which follow, and which speak of giving, not
of refusing to receive or to depend on others. To remember
too (tc), L e. we ought (or it is right and necessary) so to do.
The words of the Lord Jesus^ nowhere else preserved, but
breathing the spirit of his life and doctrine. As neither all
Ws YfovSa nor deeds have been recorded (see John 21, 25),
there is no need of supposing that Paul here sums up several
expressions of the Saviour scattered through the Gospels, as
Matthew does the prophecies of his humiliation in the words,
" He shall be called a Nazarene." (See above, on 2, 22, and
compare Matt. 2, 23.) It is much more natural in this case to
regard the words as literally spoken by our Lord, and inci-
dentally recorded here. The words themselves are exquisitely
simple, but embody an important truth and principle of action.

25$ ACTS 20, 35-88.

JBkssedj happy, or conducive to happiness, the very word used
in our Lord^s beatitudes (see Matt. 5, 3-11. Luke 6, 20-22^,
and often elsewhere, so that it may be described as one of his
£iyoarite expressions, which confirms the authenticity of Paul's
quotation. The same sentiment is found in Aristotle, but with
uur less clearness and directness of expression ; and the spirit
of heathenism is no doubt much better embodied in the
opposite maxim of an old poet, ^^ silly the giver, lucky the
receiver.'*

86. And when he had thus spoken, he kneeled
down, and prayed with them all.

ITiese things having said (or saying), placing his knees
(upon the ground), with them all he prayed. The mention of
his kneeling seems to imply that it was not his customary pos-
ture in public prayer, but one occasioned by the strength of
his emotions. Long after, as we learn from Justin Martyr
and others, it was the practice of the church to stand in pub-
lic prayer upon the Lord's Day, although kneeling was no
doubt used m smaller circles, as it is still bv those who stand
in public, or on special occasions, like the one before us.
Prayed with them, no doubt in the sense attached to the
words now, to wit, that of leading the devotions or praying
in the name of all.

37. And they all wept sore, and fell on Paul's neck,
and kissed him,

T/iere was (or arose) a great (or sufficient) weeping of all,
and falling on his neck (i. e. embracing him) they kissed him
(an cm})hatic compound form denoting frequency or tender-
ness.) This childliKe expression both of love and sorrow is to
be explained, not merely from ancient or oriental usage, but
as a proof of the intense regard, which Paul appears to have
commanded on the part of all who were in bonas of spiritual
friendship with him. As in many other cases, this attachment
seems to have borne due proportion to the malice of his
enemies.

38. Sorrowing most of all for the words which he
spake, that they should see his face no more. And
they accompanied him unto the ship.

ACTS 20,88. 257

Sorraunng^ or in the passive form, distressed^ grieved. The
strength of the expression may be learned from its application
elsewhere to maternal nnguish and the torments of the
damned. (See Luke 2, 48. 16, 24. 25.) Most {of all is sup-
plied by the translators), chiefly, or especially, the usual su-
perlative adverb. The word^ not the whole speech as the
Greek noun sometimes means (see above, on 2, 41. 6, 5. 18,
14), but a particular expression in it (compare John 6, 60.
7, 36. 18, 9. 19, 8. 21, 23.) Spake^ or retaining the pluperfect
form, had spoken^ which suggests that it was not the close of
his discourse that thus affected them, but something which he
had said before, viz. in v. 25 above. That they no more are
{al>oiU) his face to see^ behold, contemplate (see above, on
7,66. 8,13. 10,11. 17,16.22. 19,26.) Accompaniedy escort-
ed, literally, sent him forward. (For the verbal and the social
usage, see above, on 15, 3.)

•••

CHAPTER XXI.

Tms division of the text contains the conclusion of Paul's
voyage from Greece to Syria, his last recorded visit to Jeru-
salem, and the close of his active ministry or labours as a free-
man. The chapter opens with a very particular itinerary of
his route from Miletus to Tyre (1-3.) He spends a week
there, and one day at Ptolemais (4-7.) He next visits Cesa-
rea, where Agabus foretells his imprisonment, and his friends
endeavour to dissuade him from continuing his journey (8-14.)
The next stage is Jerusalem, where he is welcomed oy the
brethren and the elders with James at their head (15-18.)
They rejoice in the conversion of the Gentiles, but aescribe
the converted Jews as numerous and zealous for the law, and
prepossessed against Paul as one who taught men to neglect
It (19-21.) They advise him to conciliate these zealots by an
act of ceremonial conformity, while at the same time they
reiterate the preWous decision as to Gentile converts (22-25.)
Paul accepts their counsel, but while acting on it, is attacked
tumultuously by the Jews with a design to kill him (26-30.)
He is rescued by the Roman soldiers, but pursued by the in-

VOL. XL B

S58 ACTS 21, 1.2.

ftniated mob (31-86.) The Roman commander takes him for
another person, but on being undeceived, allows him to ad-
dress the people (37-40.)

1. And it came to pass, that after we were gotten
firom them, and had lamiched, we came with a straight
conrse unto Coos, and the (day) following unto Rhodes,
and from thence unto Patara —

And when (or €u) U happened that we sailed^ i. e. from
Miletus, where the previous discourse was uttered. (See
above, on 20, 17.) After we were gotten^ literally, having been
torn from them^ wmch means more than mere departure,
namdy, painful and reluctant separation. (See above, on 1, 4.
18, 1. 2.) Han straight^ the same Greek compound as in 16, 1 1.
Oooe (or Cos)^ a small but fertile island near the coast of Caria,
&mous of old for wine, silk, cotton, the worship of Esculapius,
and the residence of Hippocrates. It is now called Stanco^
said to be a mere corruption of a Greek phrase meaning to (or
into) Cos, IfbUowing^ literally, in order^ next. Rhodes^ an-
other Carian island, one of the Sporades, with a city of the
same name, &med for its Colossus, or gigantic statue of Apol-
lo, which however was now prostrate or in ruins. PcUarOy a
town on the coast of Lycia, n^ar the mouth of the Xanthus,
where Apollo riras believed to utter oracles at certain seasons,
and hence derived one of his epithets or titles {Patareue,)
The minuteness and exactness of this narrative evmce that it
proceeds from an eye-witness, while the nautical phraseology
shows him to have been familiar with the sea, though not a
seaman by profession.

2. And finding a ship sailing over unto Phenicia,
we went aboard and set forth.

Sailing over^ crossing, passing through the intervening
sea, which may either mean, about to do so now, the present
being then used for the future, or accustomed to do so peri-
odically, in which case the present participle has its proper
sense. Phenicia^ see above, on 11, 19. 12,20. 15,3. There
was an open sea, and no doubt constant trade, between the
Lycian and Phenician ports. Went aboard^ literally, ascend-
ing^ mounting, but apphed (as here) to going on board ship by

ACTS 21, 2.8.4. 259

Mark (6, 51) and John (21, 3.) SetforChy the word translated
2at<ncAe(^ in V. 1, and explained above, on 13, 13. 16,11. 18,21.
20, 3. 13.

8. Now when we liad discovered Cyprus, we left it
on the left hand, and sailed into Syria, and landed at
Tyre ; for there the ship was to unlade her burden.

WTien uoe had discovered is another technical expression,
bein^ in form a passive participle, not easily translated into
English. The nearest approach perhaps is being (or having
been) shown Cyprus^ L e. made to see it at a distance, passing
in sight of it. As to the island itself, see above, on 4, 36. 11,
19. 20. 13, 4. 15, 39. The apparent play upon words here
{left it on the left) is confined to the translation, the original
containing two entirely different terms, the last literally mean-
ing well named (or of good name) and then lucky^ in which
secondary sense it was applied, by a superstitious euphemism,
to the left hand or side, which was regarded by the ancients
as unlucky, though they did not dare to call it so. On the
left hand is in Greek a single word, and that an adjective
agreeing with the noun or pronoun (leaving it sinister or left.)
They sailed therefore to the south of Cyprus, as Paul, on his
first missionary voyage, had traversed its whole length from
east to west (see above, on 13, 5. 6.) Sailed into Syria^ i. e.
completed our voyage to it. (See above, on 20, 3, and com-
pare 18, 18.) Landed^ Uterally, were brought down^ the con-
verse or correlative expression to the one employed above in
T. 1. (See below, on 2V, 3. 28, 12.) Tyre^ the fimious sea-port
and commercial city of Phenicia, which with Palestine formed
part of the Roman province of Syria. (See above, on 12, 20.)
7%€re, literally, thither^ which may here have the former sense,
as it seems to have elsewhere (see below, on 22, 5), or be strict-
ly understood as implying previous motion (going thither to
unload), or motion from the harbour to the town itself Was
to unlade^ literally, was unlading^ which admits of the same
two constructions as the participle crossing (see above, on v.
1.) -fler burthen^ literally, the load (or cargo)^ elsewhere put
for merchandise or wares in general (see Rev. 18, 11. 12.)

4. And finding disciples, we tarried there seven
days; who said to Paul through the Spirit, that he
should not go up to Jerusalem.

260 ACTS 21, 4. 6.

Finding^ after search or previous inquiry. (See above, on
11, 26, where the less emphatic uncompounded form is used.)
The gospel had been early introduced into Phenicia (see above,
on 11,19. 15,3); but the Tynan Christians were probably
few in proportion to the whole population, though enoueh to
verify, at least prospectively, the prophecy in Isai. 23, 18 ^m-
pare Ps. 87, 4.) Tarried^ staid over, remained longer than
they had expected (see above, on 10, 48. 12, 16. 15, 34.) This
was probably because the ship was long discharging its cargo.
The abrupt construction of the relative in English is exactly
copied from the Greek. Through the Spirit^ under his influ-
ence, by inspiration. (See above, on 1, 2. 11, 28.) Not to as-
cend (or go up)y the expression commonly employed in speak-
ing of motion to the Holy City. (See above, on 11, 2. 15, 2.
18, 22.) This was not a ivine command to Paul, but an in-
ference of the disciples from the &ct, which was revealed to
them, that Paul would there be in great danger. It was not
revealed to them, as it was to him, that he must go up at
all hazards. Should not go t(p, besides being an unnecessary
deviation from the form of the original, suscgcsts the idea
of a moral obligation more distinctly than the simple infin-
itive. Not to go upj i. e. if he valued his own ease and safety.

5. And when we had accomplished those days, we
departed and went our way ; and they all brought us
on our way, with wives and children, till (we were) out
of the city ; and we kneeled down on the shore, and
prayed.

And when it happened (or befeU) us to complete the days^
L e. the days of this involuntary stay at Tyre. Some under-
stand the verb, however, in the sense of thoroughly equipping
or supplying (compare 2 Tim. 3, 17), and refer it to the ship,
V)h£n we had got (it) ready (during) th^ days ; but this con-
struction is less natural. Going out we journeyed (or de-
parted), aU escorting us (see above, on 15, 23. 20, 38) untU
(or as far as) outside of the city ; we were is supplied by the
translators. Placing the knees^ precisely as in 20, 36, but
with the local specification here, upon the shore or beach (see
below, on 27, 39. 40.) We prayed^ i. e. the whole company,
though led no doubt by the Apostlo, ajs in 20, 86.

A C T S 21, 6. 7. 261

6. And when we had taken our leave one of an-
other, we took ship, and they returned home again.

Taken our leave^ the verb translated saluted in the next
verse and in v. 19 below, and in 18, 22 above (in 20, 1 it is
embraced.) Took ship^ the same verb that is rendered went
aboard in v. 2, but without the noun, which is here expressed.
Home again^ literally, to their own ^things or places, as in
John 19, 27), not to their own friends (as in 24, 23 below), the
own being masculine there and neuter here. (Both forms are
combined in John 1, 11.) The mention of these unimportant
but impressive circumstances would not have occurred to any
but a witness of the scene which he describes.

7. And when we had finished (our) course fix)m
Tyre, we came to Ptolemais, and saluted the brethren,
and abode with them one day.

But we^ as the other party, here opposed to those whom
we have just seen going home. Having finished the voyage^
not merely from Tyre, but the whole of their journey by
water. From Tyre came down to Ptolemais (see above, on
16, 1. 18, 19. 24. 20, 15.) The Greek collocation makes the
construction less ambiguous, the voyage having finished^ from
Tyre we came. The aorist participle may denote a simultaneous
act, as in 1, 24. 19, 2. Finishing the voyage (or the maritime
part of our journey), we came doion^ i. e. in the act of coming
down we finished it. Ptolemais^ one of the oldest and most
celebrated places in the world, the Acco of the Old Testament,
which name it still retains among the Arabs, while its modem
European name is Acre^ or in French more fully, St, Jean
d'Acre^ from the Hospitallers, or Knights of St. John, by
whom it was once occupied. It is situated north of Mount
Carmel, and is still the best harbour on the coast. It was as-
signed to the tribe of Asher, but never actually occupied by
them (Judges 1, 31.) It was so near the frontier, that the
ancient geographers assigned it to Phenicia, and a dictum of
the Talmud says that it is and is not in the land of Israel. It
was called Ptolemais no doubt as a compliment to some of the
Ptolemies or Macedonian kings of Egypt. It is famous in his-
tory for its sieges, not only during the Crusades, and in the
wars occasioned by the French Revolution, but also in the

262 ACTS 21, 7.8.

latest times, having been bombarded by Ibrahim Pacha in
1832, and by the Aostrians and English in 1840.

8. And the next (day) we that were of Paul's com-
pany departed and came unto Cesarea ; and we en-
tered into the house of Philip the Evangelist, which was
(one) of the seven, and abode with him.

The next day^ literally on the morrow^ as in 10, 9. 23. 24,
14, 20. 20, 7. We that were of Pomta company^ literally,
those about Paul^ the idiomatic phrase employed above m
13, 13, and there explained, but here rejected by the latest
critics, as not found m the oldest manuscripts, and probably
added to begin a pericope or lesson. The reading then is
simply, toe departedf literally, going otU^ i. e. from Ptolemais.
Cesarea, the new searport on the Mediterranean, built by
Herod the Great upon the site of Straton's Tower, and when
Paul was there the residence of the Roman Procurator of
Jndea. (See above, on 8, 40. 9, 30. 10, 1. 12, 19. 18, 22, and
below, on 23, 23. 24. 33.) Mitered (literally, entering) into the
house of Philip the JEvangdist (not the Apostle, but) one of
the seven (whose appointment is recorded in 6, 5. 6.) It has
been disputed how he could be absent from Jerusalem, unless
he had resigned his office there. Some say the office was
itself a temporary one (but see Phil. 1, 1. 1 Tim. 3, 8. 12.) A
more satisfactory reply is furnished by the history itself from
which we learn that in the persecution on the death of Ste-
phen, all the church at Jerusalem wore scattered abroad
throughout Judea and Samaria except the Apostles (see
above, on 8, 1.) Among those thus dispersed was Philip, who
seems never to have gone back after the re-organization of the
church in which he was ordained a deacon. Li the mea^ time
he had "purchased (or acquired) to himself a good degree"
(1 Tim. 3, 1 3), and had long been doing " the work of an evan-
gelist " (2 Tim. 4, 6.) This word strictly means a preacher of
the Gospel, but is specially applied to a particular office in the
primitive church. It does not express, as in modern times,
the negative idea of a minister without charge, or a mere itin-
erant preacher ; nor the more positive idea of a missionary, or
a commissioner invested with extraordinary powers for a special
or temporary purpose ; but a stated office in the apostolical
chnrch of great importance. While the local government and

ACTS 21, 8.9. 263

ordinary teaching of the charch were committed to its elders,
the work of preaching was performed by the Apostles, and by
others whom they sent forth for the purpose, and who are
called Prophets when inspired, but Evangelists in reference to
their essential functions, just as the same persons were called
Presbyters and Bishops (see above, on 20, 28.) This was a
temporary system, smted to the period of organization and
formation, and to be gradually superseded by the pastors and
teachers of particular congregations, who began to take the
place of these itinerant instructors before the end of the Apos-
tolic age, as appears from PauPs enumeration of church-offices
in £ph. 4, 11, ^^he gave some apostles, and some prophets, and
some evangelists, and some pastors and teachers," with an ob-
vious reference in the following verses to the temporary nature
and design of the arrangement. This important office Philip
had been executing since he left Jerusalem, if not before, al-
though his ordination to it is not expressly recorded, as his being
made a deacon is, not for its own sake, but as a preliminary to
the martyrdom of Stephen and the great events occasioned by
it. (See above, on 6, 5.) It is not improbable that Paul and
Philip had been formerly acquainted, being both Hellenists
and m Jerusalem together (see above, on 6, 5. 7, 58.) But
however this may be, the Apostle would naturally take up his
abode with Philip, not only as a labourer in the same field with
himself but as being now, perhaps, the stated pastor and
teacher of the Gentile church at Cesarea, formed at the con-
version of Cornelius. (See above, on 10, 48. 11, 18.)

9. And the same man had four daughters, virgins,
which did prophesy.

With respect to Philip's family, an interesting fiu5t is
stated, namely, that his four unmarried daughters, no doubt
still residing with him, were inspired, literally, prophesT/inffy
not as pubhc teachers, which would be wholly inconsistent
with Paul's principle, as laid down both before and after these
occurrences (1 Cor. 14, 34. 35. iTim. 2, 12), but in private,
perhaps actually prophesying in the strict sense at the time ol
Paul's arrival, i. e. predicting what was to befall him, like the
Tyrian disciples (see above, on v. 4.) This would account for
the mention of the circumstance, without assuming, as some
Komish writers do, that Philip's daughters were the first nuns
of the Christian diurck Their virgmity is probably referred

264 ACTS 21, 0. 10.

to, only as a reason for their being still at home, and not as hay-
ing any necessary connection with their inspiration. We read
olprophetesses under the old economy, not only wives of
prophets (IsaL 8, 3), but themselves inspired, from Miriam
(Ex. 15, 20) and Uoldah (2 Kings 22, 14), to Noadiah (Neh.
6, 14) and Anna (Luke 2, 36.) Joel's promise of extraordi-
nary spiritual gifts was to servants of both sexes, and to daugh-
ters as well as sons. (See above, on 2, 17. 18.) It is possiUe,
however, that the present participle {prophesying) was not
intended to describe a constant but a special momentary in-
spiration pro hoc mcCy which would make what they predicted
still more striking and impressive.

10. And as we tarried (there) many days, there
came down from Judea a certain prophet, named
Agabus.

We remaining Honger), staying over, the same verb as in
T. 4. Manyy literally, more, L e. more than one, equivalent
to our modem use of several. (See above, on 13, 31.) That
the prophesying of Philip's daughters had respect to Paul's
captivity, is rendered still more probable by this verse, which
immediately connects with it another intimation of the same
sort from a very different quarter. As if he had said, ' these
prophetic wammga of the four inspired virgins were confirm-
ed, before we left the place, by a prophet from Judea.' This
last expression may denote Jerusalem (see above, on 1 1, 1. 29),
or that part of Judea nearest to Cesarea, where Agabus may
have been when he heard of Paul's arrival. The former is
more probable, as he is said to have come doton, although this
might have reference merely to the site of Cesarea on the sea-
coast. There seems to be no reason for disputing the identity
of this man with the prophet who foretold the famine, and
gave occasion to Paul's first official mission to Jerusalem. (See
above, on 11, 27-30.) That two contemporary prophets of
Judea should have borne the not very common name of Aga-
bus, though not incredible if well attested, is in itself much
more improbable than that Luke might mention him a second
time without referring to his previous appearance. (Compare
the reference to Barnabas in 4, 26. 9, 27.) It does not follow
from these two cases of prediction, that Agabus was a prophet
only in the strict sense, and not in the wider and more usual
New Testament sense of an inspired teacher. If these had

ACTS 21, 10.11. 265

been the only instances of his foretelling things to come, they
would still have been entitled, from their very nature, to a
more explicit record than his ordinary teachings, although
equally inspired.

1 1 . And when he was come unto us, he took Paulas
girdle, and bound his own haifds and feet, and said.
Thus saith the Holy Ghost, So shall the Jews at Jeru-
salem bind the man that owneth this girdle, and shall
deliver (him) into the hands of the Gentiles.

Coming to tis, i. e. to the house of Philip, either as the
place of usual resort for Christians, or because Paul and his
^company were lodged there. It is probably though not neces-
sarily implied that Agabus came to Cesarea expressly for the
purpose of uttering this prediction. Taking^ or more exactly,
taking t^ (as in 20, 9 above), or taking away (as in 8, 33
above.) If the former, the idea is that Agabus picked up
Paul's girdle, which he had laid aside while in the house (see
above, on 12, 8.) If the latter, that he took it from his per-
son, which may then have been a part of the symbolical action,
or prophecy by deed as well as word, of which we have re-
peated instances in the old Testament, and one relating also
to a girdle. (See Jer. 13, 1. 10, and compare Isai. 20, 2. Ezek.
4, 1. 8. 6, 1. 1 Kings 22, 11, <fec.) The girdle was made use
of, in the case before us, not because it happened to be lying
near, or simply as an article of dress, but because it was essen-
tial to all active movement, and therefore a £imiliar metaphor or
emblem of vigorous and energetic action. (See Job 12, 18. 21.
Ps. 18, 32. Prov. 31, 17. Isai. 5, 27. 11, 6. Luke 12, 35. Eph.
6, 14.) To bind him with his own girdle, therefore, expressed
far more than to bind him with the strongest cord or heaviest
chain. His own hands and feet is the unequivocal reading of
the five oldest manuscripts (cavrov) and latest critics. The re-
ceived text is ambiguous (avrov or avroC) and may be referred
either to Paul or Agabus. But although the former reference
may seem to agree better with the fact that it was Paul's gir-
dle, not his own, the other is not only required by the true
text, but is in itself more probable, as the acting or binding
Paul himself for such a purpose would have been indelicate
and inconvenient. Thtis (literally, these things) saith the
Holy Ohost^ a formula eqmvalent to Thtu saith the Lord in

266 ACTS 21, 11-13.

ancient prophecy, and claiming for the words of Agabus direct
divine authority. The original order of his words is, TKr man
whose is this girdle, so shall bind in Jerusalem the Jews, titc.
Thus (or so\ i. e. in such a manner as to paralyze or cripple
his extraordinary energy. Deliver is the true sense of the
Greek verb, which does not necessarily imply a treacherous
proceeding, although frequently applied to the betrayal of our
Lord by Judas. (See abov^, on 3, 13, and compare the use
of the same verb in 6, 14. 7, 42. 8, 3. 12, 4. 14, 26. 15, 26. 40.
16, 4^ The Gentiles, literally, nations, i. e. other nations,
not Jews (see above, on 4,27. 7,45. 0,15. 10,45. 11,1.18.
18,42. 14,2. 15,3. 18,6.) This whole prediction, with its
symbolical accompaniment, though derived remotely from an
ancient usage, takes its form directly from our Saviour's pro-
phecy of Peter's martyrdom, recorded in John 21, 18. 19.

12. And when we heard these things, both we and
they of that place besought him not to go up to Jeru-
salem.

Both we (L e. the writer and the others who came with
him) and they of thatpkice, literally, the local (Christians),
i. e. those of Uesarca. Besought, an expressive and significant
Greek word, which means in different connections, to invite,
entreat, exhort, console, which last sense would here be inap-
propriate. (See above, on 8,31. 9,38. 11,23. 13,42. 14,22.
15,32. 16,9.15.39.40. 19,31. 20,2.12.) This unanimous
importunate request was prompted by the concurrent and ac-
cumulating tokens of impending danger. It implies, of course,
that they were only acquainted with this fact, and not with
the express communication of the divine will, which had been
made to Paul alone. (See above, on v. 4, and below, on v. 13.)
These Christians, therefore, were not guilty of dissuading
Paul from obeying a divine command, but simply exercised
the right, which all possess, of judging for themselves or others
in a doubtful case.

13. Then Paul answered, What mean ye to weep
and to break mine heart ? for I am ready not to be
bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name
of the Lord Jesus.

ACTS 21, 13. U. 267

Then^ but, or and (5e.) WTuU mean ye to weep, literally,
tehat do ye weeping f i. e. what is this that you are doing ? or,
without interrogation, see what you are doing, or consider the
effect of your own conduct, which is simply to aggravate my
present sufferings, without diminishing my danger, or affecting
my unalterable resolution. To break (literally, crashing^
shivering) my heart, i. e. weakening, as far as in you lies, my
courage, and endeavouring to shake my resolution, by work-
ing on my own fears and my sympathy with your distress.
The same verb (in its uncompounded form) is used by Aristo-
phanes and Xcnophon to signify the moral weakness caused
by vicious indulgence. For has reference to something not
expressed, e. g. Mt is in vain,' or ' cease these fruitless efforts
to unman me.' The original order is, for I, not only to be
hound, but also to die, at Jerusalem, am, ready, <bc. This last
phrase is in Greek still more expressive, and might be ren-
dered, hold (myself) in readiness. It is elsewhere used only
by Paul (2 Cor. 12, 14) and l*eter {\ Pet. 4, 5.) For the name
of the Lord Jesus, not merely for nis sake, or for the honour
of being called by his name, but for all that his name or names
import, viz. his sovereignty, Messiahship, and saving grace.
(See above, on 6, 41, 9, 16. 15, 26.)

14. And when he would not be persuaded, we
ceased, saying, The will of the Lord be done.

He not being persuaded, or not obeying, both which ideas
are suggested by the Greek verb, in accordance with its usage
and its form, which may be either passive or middle. The
word may have been employed here to express the pregnant
sense of an obedience prompted by conviction, as distinguished
from concession to mere force or even to authority. Of this
sense we have had already three examples in a single chapter
(see above, on 6, 36. 37. 40), and in the present case it is pecu-
liarly appropriate, as conveying the distinct but perfectly com-
patible ideas, that Paul was not convinced by their representa-
tions, and therefore did not yield to their mistaken wishes,
being fortified not merely by his natural decision, but also by
his certain knowledge of the divine will that he should go up
to Jerusalem, whatever might befall him there. Thougn
he does not seem to have avowed this knowledge even now,
his friends appear to have inferred it from his fixed determina-
tion. We ceased, or more exactly acquiescedj not merely held

208 ACTS 21, 14. 15.

their peace, but submitted to his pontive decision, as appears
firom their own words here recorded. (For the meaning of
the Greek verb, see above, on 11, 18.) The toill of the
Lord he done (or happen, come to pass) is understood by some
as a quotation or allusion to the third!^ petition of the Lord's
Prayer (Matt. 6, 10. Luke 11, 2), the substance and indeed
the very terms of which were no doubt daUy in the minds and
on the ups of the first Christians. These words might also be
explained as an expression of submission to the Lord's will in
allowing Paul to rush, as it were, blindfold to his own destruo-
tion ; but the natural impression, made perhaps on every read-
er, is the one already given, to wit, that of acquiescence in
Paul's own decision, as itself indicative of what the Lord would
have him to do. (See above, on 9, 6, and below, on 22, 10.)

15. And after those days we took up our carriages,
and went up to Jerusalem.

After th/e%e days^ i. e. at the end of the several (or many)
days mentioned in v. 10. Carriages is here used in its old
English sense of things carried, bearing the same relation to
the verb carry ^ that luggage does to the verb lug^ and baggage
to the verb bag. This use of the noun occurs in Spenser and
in several other places of the English Bible. (See «i udg. 18, 1.
1 Sam. 17, 20. 22. Isai. 10, 28.) fi was here gratuitously intro-
duced by the last translators, being found m neither of the
older versions. (Wiclif : were made ready, Tyndale : made
ourselves ready, Cranmer : took up our burthens. Geneva :
trussed up our fardels, ^BhQ\m&: being prepared,) The whole
phrase answers to one Greek word, a participle, which might
DC more exactly rendered, having packed away (our bag-
gage) ; either in the sense of stowing away what they did not
need upon their journey to Jerusalem, or in that of packing
off (or forwarding) all their effects. The latter explanation
presupposes that the particle (d^o), with which the verb is here
compounded, gives it the sense of packing up and sending offj
the nearest approach to which in classical usage is the sense
of clearing dishes from a table, which is found m Suidas. To
the first sense above given it has been objected that if they
wished to stow away superfluous incumbrances, they would
have done so at Ptolemais, where their sea-voyage ended (see
above, on v. 7.) But the plan may have been formed at^er
leaving that place ,* or, whicli is still more probable, Paul may

ACTS 21, 15.16. 269

have expected to return very soon to Cesarea on his way to
Rome (see above, on 19, 21.) He would sail in that case, not
from Ptolemais but from Cesarea, as he actually did, but not
till after a delay and imprisonment of more than two years.
(See below, on 24,27. 27,1.) All these constructions have
respect to the received text (airoo-iccvacra/uicvoi), for which the
latest editors, on the authority of several of the oldest manu-
scripts, have substituted another compound form of the same
verb (^uriccvcura/xcvoi), more common in the classics, where it
means to fit, prepare, or furnish (as a meal, a horse, a ship,
etc.), in which sense Tyndale, and the Rhemish version imder-
stand it here, while the modem writers take it in the more
specific sense of packing up, and so preparing for a journey.
Went up, literally, go up, in the present tense, a graphic form
of narrative, much used not only by ancient, but by modem,
and especiaUy by French historians.

16. There went with us also (certain) of the disci-
ples of Cesarea, and brought with them one Mnason
of Cyprus, an old disciple, with whom we should lodgQ.

And (8e) at the beginning of the sentence is omitted in the
English version, or perhaps merged in the cUso, which how-
ever corresponds to a distmct Greek particle (icaO Disciples^
i. e. Christians, members of the church there. Of (or from)
Cesarea, which may either mean belonging to it (as in 10, 23.
12, 1. 16, 6. 19, 13), or denote more strictly motion from it
(as in vs. 1. 7. 10 above.) Went (or came) with ns, means of
course to Jerusalem, there being nothing to restrict or qualify
the language, as in v. 6, and in 15, 3. 20, 38. The construc-
tion in the last clause is unusual and ambiguous, so as to leave
the meaning doubtful upon one point. This is the question,
whether the disciples brought Paul to Mnason in Jerusalem,
or Mnason to Paul in Cesarea. In the one case the construc-
tion is, ' bringing (us to one) with whom we might be lodged *
— in the other, 'bringing (one) with whom we might be
lodged,' <fec. The English version changes the order of the
sentence, and inserts "with them," which is not in the ori-
ginal. The first construction is now commonly preferred, and
IS certainly favoured by the fact that the disciples went with
Paul to Jerusalem, whereas they might have brought Mnason
to him without leaving Cesarea. There is less ferce in the
argument that the other construction supposes Mnason to have

270 ACTS 21, 16-18.

been in Cesarea, though his home was in Jerusalem, a circnm-
Btance by no means strange on any supposition, but especially
as Mnason was a Cyprian, and may have been returning now
from Cyprus. It is not even necessary to assume that he was
living in Jerusalem, since multitudes, like Paul himself, were
on their way to Penteoost (see above, on 20, 16), and Mnason
may have simply invited them to share his lodgings. Whether
he was an old acquaintance or even a convert of Paul's during
his visit to Cyprus (see above, on 13, 4-12), we have no means
of determining. Old does not here mean personally aged,
though he must have been so, but ancient, old as a disciple or
a Christian. The Greek adjective, and the noun from which
it is derived, are both applied in this book to the beginning
of the Gospel or the Christian dispensation (see above, on 11,
15. 15, 7.) There is therefore no absurdity in the conjecture
that this man was a disciple of our Lord himself or at least a
convert on the day of Pentecost, and possibly one of the
" Cyprians,'' by whom the Gospel was first preached in An-
tioch (see above, on 11, 19. 20.) It is worthy of remark how
many points of contact are presented in this book between the
apostolical history and the isle of Cyprus.

17. And when we were come to Jerusalem^ the
brethren received us gladly.

We being come^ or having got there (see above, on 9, 3.
18, 5. 19, 21. 20, 16, and compare the compound form in 5, 21.
22.26. 9,26.39. 10,32.33. 13,14. 14,27.16,4. 17,10. 18,27.
20, 18.) TTie brethren^ not their personal friends merely ; nor
the whole church as an organized body ; nor its elders, whom
they seem to have met for the first time on the next day ; but
such individual believers as they met with on the day of their
arrival. Received U8 gladly^ the same adverb that is used
above in 2, 41. Ua^ as well as Paul himself, and that not only
upon his account, but as the representatives of Gentile Chris-
tendom or Christianity. (See above, on 20, 4.)

18. And the (day) following Paul went in with us
unto James ; and all the elders were present.

Tlie day foVxming^ or coming on, ensuing (see above, on
7,26. 16, 11. 20, 16), supposed by some to be the day of Pen-
tecost. WerU in with tcs^ i. e. introduced us, showing plainly,

ACTS 21, 18. 19. 2*11

that his travelling companions had a part to play in this trans-
action, as the circumstance that they were with him (or rather
he with themj would be otherwise unworthy of repeated men-
tion. There is not the slightest ground for doubtmg the iden-
tity of this James with the one already named in 12, 17. 15,
13, as president at Jerusalem. It is far' less certain, although
on the whole most probable, that this was James the Less
(Mark 15, 40), so called to distinguish James the Son of Al-
pheus from James the Son of Zebedee, whose death is record-
ed in this book (see above, on 12, 2.^ The anomalous condi-
tion of the church until the downfall of Jerusalem, sufficiently
apparent from this very chapter, required the constant pres-
ence of an Apostle, while the others were engaged perhaps on
distant missions. This responsible and arduous commission,
which was far more than the pastoral care of ^my single church,
however eminent or important, would not have been assigned
to one of less than Apostolic rank, and is therefore a sufficient
proof that James was an Apostle.

19. And when he had saluted them, he declared
particularly what things God had wrought among the
Gentiles by his ministry.

Saluted (greeted) tfiem^ in words of kindness and respect,
which is far more probable, in this connection, than the idea,
entertained by some, that he embraced or even kissed them.
(See above, on vs. 6. 7, and compare 18, 22. 20, 1.) Declared^
expounded, set forth in detail, the same verb tliat is used
above, in 10, 8. 15, 12. 14, and there explained. Particularly
is in Greek by ea^h (or every) one^ or giving to the particle its
usual distributive force, every {thing) one by Ofie, This strong
expression shows that Paul's report of his missionary labours
was by no means a mere vague or general account, but an
exact and circumstantial statement. (See above, on 14, 27. 15,
12.) The original construction is, each one of the things which
God did in the nations^ or among the Gentiles (see above, on
V. 11.) Here, as elsewhere, the efficient agency is ascribed to
God, that of Paul being only instrumental. My (or through^
by means of) his ministry, i. e. his labours as an Apostle, both
in the strict sense of a witness and an organizer, and in the
wide one of a missionary and itinerant preacher. (See above,
on 1, 7. 25. 6, 4. 14, 4. 14. 20, 24.)

272 ACTS 21, 20.

20. And when they heard (it), they glorified the
Lord, and said unto him, Thou seest, brother, how
many thousands of Jews there are which believe ; and
they are all zealous of the law —

They^ L e. James and the Elders, aU of whom were present,
as we learn from the preceding verse. JEearing (or having
heard) Paul's report, confirmed by the presence of Gentile
converts from the principal churches founaed by him. Glcru
fied the Zordy or Gody which is the reading of the oldest
manuscripts and latest critics. The effect is the same with
that ascnbed to previous disclosures of God's favour towards
the Gentiles, and in one case to the Gentile converts them-
selves. (See above, on 11, 18. 13, 48.) The Greek verb is ap-
Sropriate only to some signal exhibition and exercise of the
ivme perfections, as for instance to a miracle (see above, on
S, 13. 4, 21, and here to an extension of God's mercy, which
the Jews no doubt considered equally miraculous.) Grlorifiedy
not onlv in their hearts, but with their lips, confessing it to be
in truth the work of God, And said, or said too (re), L e.
beffldes glorifying God, they also said to Paul what follows.
The indefinite and plural form here used is worthy of atten-
tion, as James is often incorrectly mentioned as the sole au-
thor of the statement and advice nere given ; whereas it is not
even said that he concurred in it, although most probably he
did, and even acted as the spokesman of the Presbytery. It
can hardly be unmeaning or fortuitous, however, that the
narrative so carefully ascnbes what is here said, not to an in-
dividual, not even to a sole Apostle, but to the whole assem-
bly, in which he presided, and with which he acted jointly,
(^e above, on 16, 2. 4. 6. 22. 23. 16, 4.) Thou seest, beholdest
as a spectacle, the verb employed in 3, 16. 4, 13. 7, 56. 8, 13.
9, 7. 10, 11. 17, 16. 22. 19, 26. 20, 38, in all or nearly all which
cases it expresses more than simple vision, and implies some-
thing strange and striking in the object. It cannot here refer
to what he saw before him, which was only an assembly of the
elders (see above, on v. 18, and below, on v. 22), but must
rather denote what he had already seen and learned from his
experience, the present tense imparting force and point to the
expression, as in v. 15 and elsewhere. Brother ^ an expression
both of personal affection and official recognition, the highest
title ^ven in the primitive church, even to Apostles. It is
here miportant, as evincing the unhesitating recognition of

ACTS 21, 20. 278

Paul's claims as the Apostle of the Gentiles, even by the
mother-church and Jewish Christians of Jerusalem. How
many myriada (or tens of thousands^ is not a mathematical
but an indefinite and popular expression, meaning what great
numbers, or (at most) vast multitudes, without defining their
extent or sum. This is the primary sense of the original ex-
pression in the classics, where the definite idea of ten thousand
IS entireh^ posterior to Homer. It is also a favourite hyper-
bole of Faul himseL^ who writes to the Corinthians of tneir
having had ten thousand teachers, and of his uttering ten
thousand words in an unknown tongue (1 Cor. 4, 15. 14, 19),
in both which cases he can only mean what we mean when we
say " innumerable,*' numberless," or " endless," not to define
or specify a number, but to convey the vague idea of a multi-
tude, which is itself a relative expression, meaning more or
less according to the context or the circumstances in which
we employ it. These considerations are sufiicient to remove
the necessity of carefully inquiring where these mvriads of
Christian Jews were to be found, or what became of them a^
terwards, or how this statement can be reconciled with Ori-
gen's, that all the Jewish converts in the world would not
amount to the apocalyptic number of a hundred and forty-four
thousand (Rev. 7, 4. 14, 1.) It is not the statistics of the
Jewish Church that we have now before us, but a strong yet
natural expression of the fact that they were very numerous,
a feet which is altogether credible, especially if we remember,
that many of these Jewish converts afterwards apostatized or
separated from the church as Ebionites or Judaizing heretics.
This may also throw light on the character here given of them,
although strictly appucable and explicitly applied to those
Jews who had really believed or been converted. But that
this conversion was not always real, we may learn from the
use of the same word in reference to Simon Magus (see above,
on 8, 13.) And aUy as a body or a class, no doubt with indi-
\ndual exceptions. jZealoita^ literally, zealotSy the name given
by Josephus to the ultra or fimatical anti-Roman party, whose
excesses finally occasioned the destruction of the J ewish state
and of the temple at Jerusalem. It is here, no doubt, applied
to Christian or converted Jews ; but such in every age, have
oflen brought into the Church the spirit of their old profes-
sion, and the Christian zealots, here described, may have par-
taken largely of the violent fanaticism, which was already
teeming and fermenting in the bosoms of their unconverted
VOL. n. s

274 ACTS 21, 20.21.

brethren. The verb stands m Greek at the end of the seiK
tence, and is not the ordinary verb of existence {are)^ but that
more emphatic form, with which we have already met repeat-
edly, and which in this connection, as in others, seems intended
to suggest the idea of continuance, and might almost be ren-
dered still are (or continue) zealots of the lato^ as they were
perhaps before conversion. (See above, on 6, 4. 8, 16. 16, 3,
and compare 2, 3. 3, 2. 6. 4, 34. 37. 7, 55. 10, 12. 14, 8. 16,
20.37. 17,24.27.29. 19,36.40.)

21. And they are infonned of thee, that thou teach-
est all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake
Moses, saying that they ought not to circumcise (their)
children, neither to walk after the customs.

Are (or have been) informed is a correct though not an
adequate translation of the Greek verb, which properly de-
notes oral elementary instruction (see above, on 18, 25, and
compare Luke 1, 4. Kom. 2, 18. 1 Cor. 14, 19. Gal. 6, 6), and
is here descriptive, not of mere report or rumour, but of care-
ful inculcation on the part of Paul's opponents. The Chris-
tian zealots of Jerusalem, or of the Holy Land, had been not
simply told but taught by his calumniators what here follows.
Of thee^nothj thee {asm 2, 24. 4,11. 10,33.38.41.42. 12,6.
15, 4. 16, 4. 14. 17, 13), but about, concerning thee (as in 1, 1.
31. 5,24. 7,52. 8,34. 9,13. 11,22. 13,29. 15,6. 17,32. 18,
15. 25.) Among^ not the particle so rendered in v. 19, but a
stronger one which might be rendered through^ tJirovghout
(as in 8, 1. 9, 31. 42. 10, 37), implying an extensive dispersion
among various nations. These were the Jews of the IMaspo-
ra, so called in the original (though not in the translation) of
John 7, 35. James 1, 1. 1 Pet. 1, 1. To forsake Moses^ or
more emphatically and at the same time more exactly, ajx>S'
^<^y from Moses, (Compare the verbal root or tlieme, as
used above, in 5, 37. 38. 12,10. 15,38. 19,9.) Saying that
they ought not (or more simply and exactly, telling them not)
to circumcise their children^ nor to walk after (i. e. live accord-
ing to) the customs (institutes, or institutions) of the ceremo-
nial law or old economy. (See above, on 6, 14. 15, 1. 16, 21.)
This account of Paul's teaching with respect to the ^losaic
rites was true only in the sense of his denying their necessity
to personal salvation, but not in that of representing them as

ACTS 21, 21-23. 276

worthless or unlawful while the temple was still standing. (See
above, on 2, 46. 16, 3. 18, 18.)

22. What is it therefore? the multitude must
needs come together : for they will hear that thou art
come.

W?iat is (it) therefore might be understood to mean, what
is the truth as to the subject of these accusations ? What is
really your theory and practice in relation to the law ? But
as they do not wait for or require an answer, it is better to
explain the words, with most interpreters, as meaning, tohcU
then is {to be done) f how shall this false impression be re-
moved ? The very question, thus explained, implies that the
Presbytery, as a body, did not credit the malicious accusation.
They spesJc throughout of Paul's accusers, and of those whom
they had prejudiced against him, as a class entirely distinct
from themselves. The multitude should rather be a multitude,
the article not being used, and cannot therefore mean the
church or body of believers as a corporate or organized society,
but rather a promiscuous assemblage, or an accidental con-
course, of such zealots as had first been described (in the pre-
ceding verse^, of whom great numbers were assemoled in Je-
rusalem to Keep the feast (see above, on 2, 1.) Must needs
(or by all means^ i. e. unavoidably) come together^ not in
orderly assemblies to discuss the question, but in crowds or
mobs to gratify their curiosity. The latest critics have ex-
punged the words, the multitude m,ust come together^ but re-
tain the adverb fTravrco?) and connect it with the last clause,
bt/ aU means (or mevitably) they wiU hear that thou art come.
As the oldest manuscripts and versions are divided between
these two readings, it is safer to retain the words in question,
the omission of which it is at least a« easy to explain as their
insertion. Even the shorter reading, but still more the longer,
gives us a clear glimpse of the interest with which Paul and
his movements were regarded, both by friends and foes.

23. Do therefore this that we say to thee. We
have four men which have a vow on them —

The original order is, this therefore do. Therefore^ be-
cause there are so many zealots prepossessed against thee, and
because they will unquestionably come together, when they

276 ACTS 21, 23.24.

hear of thy arrival. We say to thee^ not IJamea^ but we the
assembled elders of the representative or mother-church Tsee
above, on 15, 2. 6.) We have\ literally, there are to w«, i. e.
among us and belonging to our body, but also under our con-
trol, at our dkposaL liiey must therefore have been Chris-
tians, and not unconverted Jews. The number {four) may
have been fortuitous, there happening to be so many just at
that time in the ceremonial condition here described. Or the
elders may have chosen four out of a greater number, as sof^
ficient for the purpose, and yet not so many as to give un-
necessary trouble. A single subject would not have attracted
public notice, while a dozen might have proved unmanageable
or produced concision. Having a vow upon them^ no doubt
that of Nazarites, provided for in Numbers 6, 1-21, and ex-
plained above, on 18, 18. This was not, however, as in that
case, an informal private vow, externally conformed to legal
usage, but a regular and normal case of ceremonial observance,
as no other would have answered the proposed end of evincing
Paulas respect for the Mosaic institutions.

24. Them take, and purify thyself with them, and
be at charges with them, that they may shave (their)
heads, and all may know that those things, whereof
they were informed concerning thee, are nothing, but
(that) thou thyself also walkest orderly, and keepest
the law.

Them taJce^ literally, these {men) taking^ i. e. to thyself
into thy company. The Greek verb is the same with that
employed above, in 15, 89. 16, 33, in both which cases, as in
this, it denotes not momentary contact but prolonged asso<^
tion. Purify thyself or rather, as the GreeJk verb is a passive
form, be purified (by others, i. e. by the priests), submitting to
the necessary ceremonial rites. This is usually understood to
mean, become a Nazarite like them, assuming the same obli-
gation, and undergouig or performing all that they do. This
agrees well with the general usage of the Greek word, and
with its special application in the Septuagint version of Num-
bers 6, 3, to the ifazarite abstinence or separation. But as
this hypothesis creates some difficulty in explaining the details
that follow, some understand the verb as signifying, not the
Nazaritic vow itself^ but those preliminary rites of purification

ACTS 21, 24.25. 213

which preceded every solemn act of ceremonial worship, as
required by the law (see Ex. 19, 10. 14) and still practised in
the time of Christ (see John 11, 55.) The exhortation, thus
explained, is not that he should make himself a Nazarite, but
merely that he should perform such preparatory rites as would
enable him to take part with these !N azarites in the conclusion
of their solemn service. JBe at chcirges with them^ literally,
spend (money) on theni^ L e. pay the expenses of their offer-
ings and other ceremonial forms attending the conclusion of
their vow. (Compare the use of the same Greek verb in
Mark 5, 26. Luke 15, 14. 2 Cor. 12, 15, and especially in
James 4, 3, where the construction is the same, though not
the preposition.) TTiat they may shave their heads (literally,
tht head\ one of the chief external badges of the Nazaritic
vow being long hair (Num. 6, 6), and its public cutting off or
shaving the appointed sign of its completion (Num. 6, 18.)
Nothing is said of Paul's own hair, which no doubt was short
already (see 1 Cor. 11, 14), but only of his paying what was
necessary to enable the four Nazarites to cut theirs likewise.
That such participation in the vows of others by advancing
money, was a practice not unknown in that age, we may learn
from the statement of Josephus, that Amrippa (the Herod men-
tioned in the twelfth chapter of the book before us) on coming
to Jerusalem from Rome, in this very way enabled many Naz-
arites to shave their heads. His motive was probably the
same here suggested by the Presbyters to Paul, namely, to
vindicate his doubtful claim to be esteemed a Jew, by publicly
conforming to the rites and ceremonies of the law. AU may
know (or according to the latest critics, wiM knov)\ that of the
(things) which they have been informed (or taught) aboiU thee^
there is nothing (i. e. there is no truth in them or foundation
for them), hut that thou thyself also walkest (or that thou
walkest even thyself) keeping the law. The verb translated
walkest is a military term, and means to keep the ranks or
march in order, then to walk by any rule, i. e. to act or live
according to it. It is a favourite word of Paul's, occurring
elsewhere only in his writings (see Rom. 4, 12. Gal. 5, 25. 6,
16. Phil. 3, 16.) Keeping^ m the proper sense of watching,
then observing or obeying (see above, on 7, 53. 12, 4. 16, 4.)

25. As touching the Gentiles which believe, we
have written (and) concluded that they observe no such

278 ACTS 21, 26. 26.

thing, save only that they keep themselves from (things)
offered to idols, and from blood, and from strangled,
and from fornication.

All that the Elders had said thus far went upon the sup-
position that the charges against Paul were &lse, and that he
looked on the continued observance of the ceremonial services
as lawful in the case of Jewish Christians. But it might have
seemed to be their purpose to lay down the same rule for con-
verted Gentiles, which would have been directly contrary to
all Paul's principles and practice. (See above, on 16, 3. 18, 18.)
To preclude this fidse mipression of their purpose, they ex-
pressly add, that as to the believing Gentiles (literally, the
nations who had believed or been converted), they had noth-
ing new to ask or offer, but adhered to their own previous de-
cision (that recorded in the fifteenth chapter), that they should
be only required to abstain from what was unavoidably offen-
sive to their Jewish brethren. Written and concluded^ liter-
ally, sent (by letter or in writing) judging (or deciding,)
Observe^ a different verb from that at the end of the preced-
ing verse, but like it originally meaning to watch or keep (as
in 12,5. 6. 16, 23), and then to observe or obey (as in 15, 5.
24.) No such thingy L e. nothing ceremonial as a permanent
observance or as necessary to sdvation. These words (that
they observe no such thing save only or except)^ though found
in several uncial manuscripts, are wanting m the oldest, and
therefore excluded by the latest critics, but on insufficient
grounds. That they keep (or guard) themselves^ the middle or
reflexive form of the verb used in the last clause of v. 24. The
specific prohibitions are the same as in 15, 29, except that the
genitive is here exchanged for the accusative throughout, and
the plural for the singular in the first noun, and also in the
third according to the latest critics.

26. Then Paul took the men, and the next day
purifying himself with them entered into the temple,
to signify the accompUshment of the days of purifica-
tion, until that an offering should be offered for every
one of them.

Then is not the continuative particle (8c) often so trans-
lated, but the adverb of time (totc) strictly meaning th>en or

ACTS 21, 26. 27. 279

afterwards, i. e. when he had thus been counselled by the
elders. Took^ literally, taking (see above, on v. 24.) The
fneuj the four who had been previously mentioned (see above,
on V. 23.) Next^ the word employed in 20, 16 above, and
there explained. The temple^ in the wide sense of the sacred
enclosure (see above, on 2, 46. 3,1. 4,1. 6,20. 19,27.) To
signify^ literally announcing^ giving notice, i. e. to the priests
on duty. The accomplishment^ fulfilment, or completion, of the
days of purification, which may either mean the term of the
Nazaritic vow, or the time of the concluding service. JShould
be offered^ literally toas offered^ the form of the Greek verb
being indicative and not subjunctive. This has led some to
imderstand the verse as meamn^ that Paul notified the priests
that the term of the vow was idready finished, and then wait-
ed at the temple till the necessary offerings were actually
made. The more usual interpretation is that the notice was

Erospective, or that Paul announced how soon the vow would
e expired, in order that the priests might make arrangements
for the sacrifices when the time for offering them should
arrive.

27. And when the seven days were ahnost ended,
the Jews which were of Asia, when they saw him in
the temple, stirred up all the people, and laid hands on

And when (literally, as) the seven days were almost (liter-
ally, about to be) ended. It has been much disputed what the
seven days were. Some suppose that the duration of the Naz-
aritic vow was optional, and that in this case it continued only
for a week. But although the law prescribes no term (" the
seventh day" in Num. 6, 9, having reference to an unexpected
interruption and renewal of the vow), a week would be too
short a time to make the growth of the hair perceptible, and
a month is mentioned as the customary period, both by Jo-
sephus and the Talmud. Another supposition is, that those
who undertook to pay for others were allowed to keep a
shorter term, and that when Paul joined these Nazarites, there
were only seven days of separation left. But as this solution
rests upon a mere conjecture, some understand ths seven days
to mean the first week afler Paul's arrival, which is thought
to be at variance with other chronological specifications ^ee
below, on 24, 11.) Others suppose a whole week to have been

180 ACTS 21, 27.

obflerved at Pentecost as at the PassoTer ; for which however
there is no gronnd either in the law or in historical tradition.
Others still explain the seven day$ as seren sabbaths, or the
interval of seren weeks between the two great festiyals (Lev.
23, 15. 16.) The question, ahhoogh difficult, is unimportant,
and its Tery difficulty, fiur from discrediting the narrative, c(hi-
firms it by this natural reference to fiu^ with which Luke's
Jewish readers must have been fiuniliar, although some of
them to us are necessarily obscure. The essential point, in
this case, is that the time of Paul's ceremonial conformity was
almost ended, when the following occurrences took i^ace.
The Jews from AeiOj L e. from the western part of Asia Mi-
nor fsee above, on 20, 4. 16. 18), and especially no doubt from
the Ephesian district. The idea expressed in the common
version (which were of Asia) is really suggested by the prepo-
ntion here used (see above, on v. 16.) Having seen (or beheld)
him^ with an implication of something strange and unexpected
in the sight. (See above, on 1,11. 8, 18, and compare the
like use of another verb in v. 20, and the places there referred
to.) The Jews of Ephesus, among Paul's most malignant ene-
mies (see above, on 20, 19), may not have been prepared to
meet nim in the Holy Citv. Regarding him as an apostate,
and as such no longer entitled to the privileges of a Jew, they
were naturally moved with indignation, when they saw him in
the temple, and perhaps engaged in ceremonial duties. These
excited feelings they of course endeavoured to impart to
others. Stirred t//>, fiterally, poured together^ threw into eon-
fusion (see above, on 2,6. 9, 22. 19,29.32.) All the people^
more exactly, all the crowds the promiscuous assemblage or
mixed multitude which filled Jerusalem at such a season.
With his usual exactness in the use of such terms, Luke does
not describe them as the people^ either in the Greek sense (tw
89/Aov) or the Jewish (tov Xoov), but as the mob or rabble
(tov ©xXov), all which terms are carefully distinguished in the
usage of this book. (Compare 12,22. 17,6. 19,30.33 with
8,43. 4,1.2.10. 10,2.41. 12,4.11. 13,31. 15,14. 18,10.
19, 4, and with 1, 6. 8,6. 14,1. 16,22. 17,8. 19,33.35.) Em-
boldened by the presence, and perhaps by the applause, of the
assembled masses, they laid hands on Paid, i, e. arrested,
seized him. (See above, on 4, 3. 5, 18. 12, 1.) This, though
not perceived to be so at the moment, either by himself or
others, eventually proved to be the end of his ministry at
large, and the commencement of his long apostleship in bonds.

ACTS 21, 27.28. 281

(SeePhU. 1,7 13.14. 16. Col. 4, 18. Philem. 10. 13. Heb. 10,
34. 2 Tim. 2, 9.)

28. Crying out, Men of Israel, help ! this is the
man that teacheth all (men) every where against the
people, and the law, and this place ; and further brought
Greeks also into the temple, and hath polluted this holy
place.

We have here the way in which they acted on the multi-
tude, to wit, by appealing to their national and theocratic pre-
possessions. Men of Israel (literally, Israelites), not merely
sons of Israel or Jacob (compare Gen. 32, 28^, but as such
members of the ancient church or chosen people, in which ca-
pacity the people are here summoned to the rescue. Selpy
succour, a verb, which from its very etymology, was specially
appropriate in outcries like the one before us, being compound-
ed of the two verbs cry and run^ and often used by the Greek
poets in like manner. The whole phrase corresponds to a well-
known one in Latin {cives adeste f) It was not therefore as a
mob, though truly such, but as tne house of Israel, that the
people were now sunmioned to protect the temple. The last
clause clearly implies Paul's celebrity or notoriety among his
unconverted countrymen. This is the man, of whom you
have all heard, and whom some of us have often seen in other
places. That teacheth, literally, the {one) teaching, i. e. habit-
ually, constantly. All men every where, a double hyperbole or
exaggeration, showing clearly what importance was attached
by such men to the acts and mfluence of the apostle. Against
tne people, not the populace as such, but the chosen or pecu-
liar people, against wnose privileges Paul is represented as
contending. The law, the whole Mosaic system under which
they lived, and by which they w^tc segregated from the other
nations. This piace, Jerusalem, the seat of the theocracy, and
more especially the temple, as the heart and centre of the cer-
emonial law. This hostile cry must have painftilly reminded
Paul of that in which he had himself joined against Stephen,
and in consequence of which he was arraigned before the coun-
cil. (See above, on 6, 12. 14,) But the charge against him-
self was more specific and exciting still. And further also (or
moreover, in addition to all this), nearly the same expression
that is used above in 2, 26, and there explained. Oreeks^ not

282 ACTS 21, 28.29.

in the national or local sense, but in the wider one of Gen-
tiles, so called from the general and almost miiversal use of
the Greek language among all known nations. Hence the
perpetual antithesis of Jew9 and Greeks in the New Testament.
(See above, on 11, 20. 14,1. 16,1.3. 17,4. 18,4.17. 19.10.
17. 20, 21, and compare Paul's epistles passim.) Into the tem-
ple^ or sacred enclosure (see above, on v. 26), and especially
the inner courts, from which all foreigners (or Gentiles) were
excluded upon pain of death, by a stone wall and pillars with
inscriptions warning against all pro&ne intrusion. According
to a speech which Josephus puts into the mouth of Titus, the
Jews were suffered by the Ilomans themselves to kill a Ro-
man who was guilty of such violation. PoUuted^ desecrated,
rendered common, the verb employed above in 10, 15. 11, 9,
and there explained. Holy^ consecrated, set apart, devoted
to divine use (see above, on 6, 13.) Considering the charac-
ter and spirit of the men by whom this cry was uttered, we
might well regard it as a spiteful fiction, framed expressly to
excite the Jewish zealots agdnst Paul, but for the candid and
impartial explanation which is given in the next verse.

29. For they had seen before with hun m the city
Trophimus an Ephesian, whom they supposed that Paid
had brought into the temple.

The charge contained in the preceding verse was founded
on a natural though inexcusable mistake of those who made
it. /Se€7i before^ i. e. before they saw Paul in the temple, on
the occasion just referred to. Trophimus^ one of those who
sailed from Greece before Paul and awaited him in Troas (see
above, on 20, 4.) He and Tychicus were there described as
Asians (or of Asia), which is here made more specific, Trophi-
mus the (not an) Jiphesian^ i. e. the one previously mentioned
in more general terms, and also the one well known, both by
name and person, to these Jewish countrymen. In the city^
no doubt in the streets, beyond the temple-area. They sup-
posed^ were of opinion, or believed, a false impression which
might easily have been corrected, which they consequently
had no right to propagate, but which exonerates them from
the charge of sheer invention or malignant felsehood. This is
not to be explained away by saying that they used equivocal
expressions, so that a mere inference or guess of theirs was
taken by the people as a positive assertion of a fact. This

ACTS 21, 29. 30. 283

would be a forced construction of the words before us, which
are wholly unambiguous, and furnish a remarkable example
of the fairness with which every thing is stated in the sacred
history, whoever may be honoured or dishonoured by it, and
however slow interpreters may be to own it.

30. And all the city was moved, and the people ran
together ; and they took Paul, and drew him out of the
temple, and forthwith the doors were shut.

AH the city^ the whole city, L e. its entire population, a
hyperbole so natural as scarcely to appear one. (See above, on
13, 44, and compare Matt. 8, 34. 21, 10. Mark 1, 33. 6, 33.
Luke 8, 1. 4.) Thepeojyle ran together^ literally, there was for
arose) a concourse of the people (see above, on 19, 40.) Tnis
rush was no doubt to the temple, whence the cry proceeded.
TJiey took, or rather, laying hold on Paul, the same verb that
is used above in 16, 19. 18, 17, but sometimes not implying
\dolence (see above, on 9, 27. 17, 19), which is here suggested
by the context, threw, on the contrary, does imply it, and
might be translated dragged, both here and in the other place
where it occurs (James 2, 6.) Out of the teniple, in the same
sense as before, i. e. the court or enclosure of the temple (see
above, on vs. 26. 27. 28.) Forthwitli, immediately, without
delay. Tlie doors, or gates, of the enclosure before mentioned,
either those communicating with the city, or more probably
those separating one court from the other, i. e. the inner court
or court of the Israelites from the outer court usually called
(but not in Jewish books) the court of the Gentiles. The
shutting of the doors has been variously understood. Ac-
cording to some, it was intended to prevent Paul's taking
refuge at the altar, as Adonijah and Joab did (1 Kings 1, 50.
63. 2, 28. 29), although the law of Moses recognizes no right
of asylum, except in the case of unpremeditated homicide (Ex.
21,1 2-1 4.) Others suppose that it was meant to save the sacred
precincts from the defilement of Paul's blood, whom they were
now about to put to death. A third opinion is, that the shut-
ting of the doors, during the time of ceremonial service, was a
formal suspension of that service. Equally satisfactorv with
any of these explanations, and perhaps more natural than
either, is the simple supposition, that the Priests or Levites
upon duty in the temple, when they saw Paul violently dragged
out, shut the doors, m order to exclude both him and his as*

284 ACTS 21, 30.31.

sailants, with a view not only to their own security, but also
to preserve the sanctuary from being made the scene of a tu-
mmtuous brawl.

31. And as they went about to kill him, tidings
came unto the chief captain of the band, that all Jeru-
salem was in an uproar —

Went abouty in the old English sense of sought, endeavoured.
(Compare John 7, 19. 20. Rom. 10, 3, where the Greek verb
is translated in the same way.) The literal translation is, thet/
seeking to kill him. The subject of the verb here is not ne-
cessarily the same as in vs. 27. 28, but more indefinite, refer-
ring not specifically to the Jews of Asia, but to the nearer
antecedents in v. 30, i. e. the city and the people. Tidings, or
rather, a report, either in the sense of rumour, or in that of
official information, probably conveyed by the Roman sentries,
on or near the spot, to their superiors. Came, went up, as-
cended, both in a figurative sense, from the lower to the high-
er military ranks, and in a literal or local sense, from the area
of the temple to the tower of Antonia which overlooked it.
This fortress was an ancient one, but had been several times
rebuilt, and named by Herod the Great in honour of his friend
and protector, Anthony. Josephus represents it as a lofty
structure, at the north-west comer of the temple-area, with
which it communicated both by stairs and by interior passages.
It was constantly occupied by a Roman ffarrison, to watch and
overawe the Jews, especially in times ot more than ordinary
concourse, as for instance during the great festivals. This is
the force here called the band, corresponding to a Greek word
which originally means a roll or coil (being the root of our
word spiral), but in military history a maniple, the third part
of a cohort, or two centuries. It is here supposed by most
interpreters to signify the cohort itself, or a thousand men.
Hence the commander of the force is called a chiliarch, or
leader of a thousand, corresponding to the Latin tribmie.
Both these military terms are elsewhere used in the New Tes-
tament to denote the levitical guard of the temple and its
Jewish leader. (See above, on 4, 1. 5, 24. 26, and compare
John 18, 3. 12.) As the Jews at this time were peculiarly im-
patient of the Roman yoke, and insurrections had been fre-
quent (see below, on v. 38, and above, on 5, 36. 37, and com-
pare Mark 15, 7. Luke 23, 19. 25), the garrison was no doubt

ACTS 21, 31-83. 285

more than usnally Tigilant, particularly when the population
was increased by multitudes of strangers in attendance on the
yearly feasts (see above, on 2, 6.) Was in an uproary literally,
has been confoundedy i. e. thrown into coniusicm (see above,
on V. 27.)

32. Who immediately took soldiers and centurions,
and ran down unto them ; and when they saw the chief
captain and the soldiers, they left beating of Paul.

Taking unth him^ or along with him, the same verb as in
vs. 24. 26. Centurions^ conunanders of a hundred men, whom
Mark calls by their Latin name (Mark 15,39.44.45), but
Luke and Matthew by the corresponding Greek one {hecaton-
tarchs. Matt. 8, 5. 8. 13. 27, 54. Luke 7, 2. 6. 23, 47.) His
taking more than one centurion implies that he was followed
by at least two hundred men. Han dovm^ literally, from the
fort or castle to the street or the exterior enclosure of the
temple, and also in the figurative sense of rushing on, assailing,
or attacking. Unto them, or more exactly, on them, i. e. on
the mob who were attempting to kill Paul. Aiid when they
saw, or more exactly, but they seeing. Left, literally, paused
or ceased. Beating of Paul, L e. beating Paul, there being
nothingin the Greek corresponding to the pleonastic preposi-
tion. This instantaneous effect illustrates the immense dispro-
Eortion between mobs and armies, and at the same time the
abitual submission even of the zealots to their heathen mas-
ters, till the national antipathy, exasperated by religious
bigotry, finally burst through all restraints and brought about
the great catastrophe.

33. Then the chief captain came near, and took
him, and commanded (him) to be bound with two
chains, and demanded who he was, and what he had
done.

Then (totc), at that time, afterwards, or in the next place
(see above, on v. 26.) Came near, coming near, approacning.
Took him, laid hold upon, arrested, seized him, the same vero
that is used above in v. 30. Paul was thus treated as the cvi-
dent occasion of the uproar, whether innocent or guilty, which
could only be decided by a subsequent investigation. In tho

286 ACTS 21, 33.34.

mean time the tribmie was bomid to keep the peace and to
secure the person who had caused the breach of it. With two
chains^ or two ligatures, applied to the hands and feet respec-
tively, as some suppose, but more probably to both arms, &b-
tening the prisoner to a soldier on each side, a Roman method
of safe-keeping, which we have already seen exemplified in
Herod's imprisonment of Peter. ^See above, on 12, 6, where
the same Greek terms are used as m the case before us.) De-
manded^ asked, inquired, not of Paul himself but of the people
round him. Who he was^ or rather, who he might &, the
contingent particle prefixed to the Greek optative expressing
a high degree of doubt and curiosity, whereas the other ques-
tion, although similar in English, is in Greek more direct and
categorical. What he had done^ literally, what he is having
done^ a combination foreign from our idiom, consisting of the
perfect participle of the verb to do with the present tense of
the verb to be. The use of this peculiar form has been ac-
counted for, upon the ground of the chief captain's knowing
that he must have done something. But then the same form
should have been used in the other case, for the chief captain
was no less certain that he must be somebody.

34. And some cried one thing, some another, among
the multitude ; and when he could not know the cer-
tainty for the tumult, he commanded him to be carried
into the castle.

Nothing can be more lifelike or more true to nature
than this picture, which could scarcely have been drawn from
hearsay or imagination. The highly idiomatic form of the
first clause {others cried sotne other thing) does not admit of
an exact translation ; but the meaning is correctly ffiven in
our version. (For another instance of the same idiom, see
above, on 19, 32.) When he could not (literally, not being
able to) know the certainty Uhe certain^ sure, infallible), i. e.
the true state of the case. Jphr the tumult^ on account of the
confusion, noise, and uproar (see above, on 20, 1.) Carried^
in the wide sense of conveyed, conducted, not in the specific
sense of borne or lifted, which is mentioned in the next verse.
The castle is supposed by some to mean the fortress of Anto-
nia described above (on v. 31), by others a fortified camp
witliin it, or the barracks (quarters) which the soldiers occu-

ACTS 21, 34-86. 287

pied. The later classics sometimes use it to denote an army
drawn np in a certain manner (compare Heb. 11, 34), but'
commonly to signify a camp (compare Heb. 13, 11. 13), both
which senses have been put upon the word in one place (Rev.
20, 9.)

35. And when he came upon the stairs, so it was,
that he was borne of the soldiers for the violence of the
people.

Came^ became, was, or began to be, the same verb that is
used above, in vs. 1. 6. 14. 17. 30. Ths stairs^ leading up
from the area of the temple into the castle of Antonia, and
particularly mentioned by Josephus in describing it. So it
wa^^ or rather, it occurred, chanced, happened, implying that
what follows was entirely unintentional and unexpected. (For
the use of the verb, see above, on 3, 10. 20, 19.) Bome^ lift-
ed, carried, not as an act either of hostility or kindness, but
for the violence (or from the pressure) of the crowd (which
followed.) This little circumstance 18 mentioned, not to show
how careftilly the Roman soldiers guarded and protected
Paul, but simply as a vivid reminiscence of the scene by Luke,
who well remembered seeing his beloved teacher, as the sol-
diers led him up the stairs, completely lifted from his feet by
the resistless pressure of the crowd behind, so that without
intending it, the soldiers carried him instead of leading him.
(See above, on 20. 8, 13, and for the usage of the verb, on
3,2. 9,15. 15,10.)

36. For the multitude of the people followed after,
crying, Away with him.

Three of the collective terms, or nouns of multitude, which
Luke elsewhere so carefully distinguishes, are used succes-
sively in this connection, each in its proper and distinctive
sense, although the English version has confounded two of
them. Having stated m the foregoing verse that Paul was
lifted from his feet by the pressure of tfie crowd {rov o-xXav),
Luke now adds, by way of explanation, that the mass (ro ttXt-
^os) of th^ people {rov Acwi)), i. e. of the Jews, was following^
the imperfect tense of the Greek verb denoting both continu-
ous and simultaneous action. While the soldiers were remov-
ing Paul, the mob was following. (For the usage of the two

288 ACTS 21, 30-38.

first noirns of multitude, see above, on vs. 27, 30 ; for the third,
on 2, 6. 4, 32. 6, 2. 14, 4. 16, 12. 30.) Crying^ calling with a
loud voice, shouting (see above, on 7,57.60. 14, 14. 16, 17.
10,28.32.34.^ Away with him^ literally, take him {away)^
the same vero that was used above in v. 11, and the same ory
that was uttered near the same spot, many years before, by a
deluded and infuriated rabble, thirsting K)r the blood of the
same person whom, within a week, they had welcomed with
hosannas, as the true Messiah. (Compare Luke 19, 38. 23, 18.
John 12, 12. 13. 19, 15.) The verse before us furnishes an ez-
^anation of what otherwise might seem strange, that although
Paul was now in the possession of the soldiers, he was never-
theless closely pressed by his pursuers, who were following
him even up the castle stairs.

37. And as Paul was to be led into the castle, he
said unto the chief captain, May I speak unto thee ?
Who said, Canst thou speak Greek P

Bdng about to be led into the camp (or castle) Paul says
to the chiliarch (or tribune)^ the present tense, in this as in
man^ other cases, representing tne whole scene as actually
passmg (see above, on v. 15.) May /, literally, if it is per"
mitted (or cUlowable) for we, to say som^hing to thee. For
the use of the conditional in asking questions (if it iSy mean-
ing, tell me if it is), see above, on 1, 6. 6, 8. 7, 1. 19, 2. The
latest critics omit something (rt) although found in several of
the oldest manuscripts, and read, specw to thee. Who said
(or rather, and he said)^ Canst thou speak Greek (literally,
dost thmi know Greek f) The original for Greek is an adverb,
corresponding to the Latin Graece^ which is used by Cicero in
a connection very similar to that before us, when he says of
those who do not understand the language, qui Graece nesciunt,
(See above, on 14, 11, and compare John 19, 20, where three
such adverbs stand together.)

38. Art not thou that Egyptian, which before
these days madest an uproar, and leddest out into the
wilderness four thousand men that were murderers ?

Art not thou seems to foresee an affirmative answer, and
imply that the commander still regarded Paul and the Egyp-

ACTS 21, 38. 289

tian as identical ; whereas he must have been conTinced of his
mistake as soon as Paul began to speak. This agiees exactly
with the Greek phrase, which is hardly interrogative at all,
and might be rendered, thou art not then (or so t/ien thou art
7iot) the Egyptian, He is evidently speaking of events still
recent, and in which he may have been concerned himself.
Before these days is an indefinite expression, which determines
nothing as to the precise date, since it may mean just before,
or long before, according to the context. Madest an up-
roar is the verb translated turned upside down in 17, 6, and
trouble in Gal. 5, 12, in both which cases, as in this, it means
to revolutionize, or violently alter the existing state of things,
and might be rendered here, who made (i. e. tried to make) a
revolution ; or if this is too strong, uproar is as much too
weak, and insurrection may be taken as a mean between them.
Leading out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the
assassins. The omission of the article before the last two
nouns materially affects the sense, by making the chief cap-
tain seem to speak of something known to him but unknown
to his hearers; whereas the four thousand men of course
means those four thousand men, of whom you have so often
heard, or rather whom you well remember, not as murderers
merely, but as the assassins^ a defined and well remembered
body, once perhaps the terror of the country. Assassins is
in the original a Greek inflection of the Latin word (Sicarii)^
80 called from sica, a short sword or dagger, and described
by Josephus as a kind of robbers who concealed short swords
beneath their garments, and infested Judea in the period
preceding the destruction of Jerusalem. Such a band had
been led by the Egyptian here referred to, who is also men-
tioned by Josephus, but in terms at once extravagant and in-
consistent. In one place he describes him as the leader of
thirty thousand men, of whom the most part were destroyed,
while in another place he states the number of the latter at
four hundred. It is not impossible to reconcile these state-
ments with each other and with that before us by assuming
what is altogether probable and common in such cases, that
the nimiber of his followers, small at first, was vastly multi-
plied by popular delusion and fanatical excitement, and event-
ually thinned again as this subsided, or the government began
to use its strength against them. The four thousand may in
that case be regarded as the military force of the Egyptian,
and the thirty thousand as the aggregate number ot his fol-

VOL. II. T

290 ACTS 21, 38-40.

lowers, in the height of his success, while the four hundred
may have been the remnant finally destroyed when that suc-
cess was at an end. That he should ever have enjoyed it
is the less incredible liecause Josephus caUs him a fidse
prophet, which implies that he gained influence not only by
appealing*to political dissatisfaction, but to popular delusions.
Ijiat the cases are the same is clear from the Egyptian origin
of both, and from the date, to wit, the government of F^ix
(see below, on 23, 24.) It seems that thb Egyptian knew no
Greek, which accounts for the chief captain's wonder when he
heard Paul speak it, not because Egyptians did not usually
do so, but because he knew that this one did not.

39. But Paul said, I am a man (which am) a Jew
of Tarsus, (a city) in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city :
and, I beseech thee, suffer me to speak unto the people.

A Jew of Tarsus^ literally, a Tarsean Jew^ the same form
of expression as in d, 11. The translators having introduced
the name of Tarsus, place the following words m apposition
with it, thereby changing the entire construction. The syn-
tax, although not the collocation, of the second clause in Greek
is, a citizen of no mean city of CUicia^ Tarsus being meant
of course, but not expressly named, though really suggested
by the adjective connected with the word Jew in the first
clause. Mean^ in the original, is negative, and might be ren-
dered undisti7iguished. The Greek word is said to have been
once applied to immarked cattle and uncoined money. The
very phrase here used, with its litotes or meiosis, meaning
really illustrious or famous, is foimd, with very little difference
of form, in the Greek poets, one of whom (Euripides) employs
it, just as Paul does, to describe a city. Having thus asserted
his respectability, he makes it the ground of a request, not for
his own advantage, but for that of his kinsmen according to
the flesh (Rom. 9, 3), his love for whom could not have been
more clearly proved than by his asking to address them at
such a juncture, when his life had just been rescued from their
fury by the interposition of a Roman soldier. To the people
(Xaov), not the multitude (ttX^^os), or the rabble (ox^^v), but
the chosen people as there represented,

40. And when he had given (him) Ucense, Paul
stood on the stairs, and beckoned with the hand unto

ACTS 21, 40. 291

the people ; and when there was made a great silence,
he spake unto (them) in the Hebrew tongue, saying —

Given license is the same verb that is rendered suffer
in the verse preceding. Standing on the stairs^ where he had
stopped when just about to go into the camp or fort to which
they led (see above, on vs. 35, 37), and where the crowd was
no doubt still in contact with hira (see above, on v. 36.) There
is something grand in the position here assigned to the Apos-
tle of the Gentiles, in the custody of Gentiles, yet by their
permission speaking to the Jews, not only in the Holy City,
but in sight of the temple, and on the very verge of its sacred
enclosure, which he had just been accused of wantonly pro-
faning. So far, he could not have begun his passive ministry,
or rather his apostleship in bonds, in a more imposing or
auspicious manner. Beckoned (in modern English, motioned,
gestured, made a sign) with the hand^ an action previously
ascribed in this book both to Paul and others (see above, on
12,17. 13,16. 19, 33.J Jfi/cA «i/€mJ6 ^tn<7, or arising, begin-
ning, the same verb that means coming in v. 35. The silence
was probably occasioned by the presence of the Roman offi-
cers and soldiers ; bv the sight, if not the hearing, of what
])assed between the Tribune and his prisoner ; by Paul's unex-
pected presentation of himself upon the stairs and offer to ad-
dress them ; but above all by the circumstance recorded in the
last clause, that he spake in Hebrew, not because they would
not have imderstood Greek, but because he wished to rouse
their better feelings, and to prove himself an Israelite indeed
by using their own sacred language, or at least the kindred
dialect m use among them. Some suppose an allusion to the
Tribune's question, Canst thou speak Greek ? ' Yes, but I
would now speak Hebrew.'

»♦•■

CHAPTER XXn.

The passive ministry of Paul, or his Apostleship in bonds, may
be divided into trials or defences before various tribunals, the
first of which is recorded in this chapter, with the subsequent
occurrences until the second. He gains attention by respect-

293 ACTS 22, 1.2.

folly accosting them in their own langua^ (L 2.) He avows
himjBelf a Jew by birth and education (3!) He describes his
persecuting zeal against the Christians (4. 5.) He relates his
miraculous conversion (6-11.) He shows that even his recep-
tion into the new body was by Jewish agency (12-16.^ He
comes at last to his Apostleship amon^ the Grentues, which he
represents as unsought by himself' and forced upon him by di-
vine authority (17-21.) He is interrupted by an outburst of
fimatical excitement (22. 23.) He is rescued from their fury
by the Romans, and from the severity of the Romans them-
selves by avowing his citizenship (24-29.) He appears before
the Sanhedrim, to make his second apology or self^efence (30.)

1 . Men, brethren, and fathers, hear ye my defence
(which I make) now unto you.

To the customary form of address, Men (and) brethren^ or
Men (who are) brethren (see above, on 1, 16. 2, 29. 37. 13, 26.
15, 7. 13), Paul, like Stephen, and perhaps in imitation of him
(see above, on 7, 2), ados JFhtherSy either as a general expres-
sion of respect, or, as most interpreters suppose, with refer-
ence to such priests or elders as he may have seen or known
to be among the multitude (but see below, on 23, 1.) Hear^
as in other cases of the same kind, seems to bespeak their pa-
tience in the hearing of what might offend their prejudices
(see above, on 2, 22. 7, 2. 13, 16. 15, 13.) Defence^ in Greek
apology^ but without any implication of confession or ac-
Imowledgment. Thus the ancient Apologies, or defences of
Christianity, presented to the heathen emperors, involved no
admission of fault or error in the system thus defended, but
on the contrary were often bold attacks upon the heathen
superstitions. My now (L e. my present, actual) defence
unto you,

2. And when they heard that he spake in the He-
brew tongue to them, they kept the more silence ; and
he saith —

It seems to be implied that Greek would have been equally
intelligible, even to the native Jews. His not employing it
appears to have surprised as well as pleased them. The He-
brew dialect may either be the ancient Hebrew, which was
still the sacred and the learned language of the Jews, or that

^'j!»l

\„i

ACTS 22, 2. 3. 293

Aramaic modification of it which had now become their ver-
nacular dialect (see above, on 1, 19) ; more probably the latter,
as he was not addressing the Sanhedrim but the populace,
composed both of native and foreign Jews (see above, on 6, 1.)
His wisdom in adopting this mode of suggesting his own Jew-
ish origin and education was approved by the effect as here
recorded. Spake^ was calling to, addressmg them, the same
verb as in 21, 40, often used by Luke elsewhere (see Luke 6,
13. 7,32. 13,12. 23,20, and compare Matt. 11, 16.) 2%€
more^ i. e. even more than at first, as mentioned at the close
of the preceding chapter. Kept silence^ literally, c^orded
quietness^ not the same word that was used before (^21, 40),
but a stronger and more positive expression, denotmg not
mere silence but a studied stillness and attention. (Compare
the still more expressive use of a cognate verb in 11, 18. 21,
14.) This breathless stillness of the multitude so lately raging
adds to the sublimity of Paul's position, standing between the
Jewish temple and the Roman fortress, and about to address,
for the first and last time, his assembled brethren.

3. I am verily a man (which am) a Jew, bom in
Tarsus (a city) in Cilicia, yet brought up in this city
at the feet of Gamaliel, (and) taught according to the
perfect manner of the law of the fathers, and was zeal-
ous toward God, as ye all are this day.

With admirable art and skill, he renders prominent what-
ever marked him as a Jew, in order to refute the charge on
which he was arrested, namely, that of traitorous hostihty to
the religion of his fathers. Verily should rather be indeed
(or it is true)^ a concessory particle which qualifies this whole
clause, or its second member. ^ I am a Jew, bom it is true in
Tarsus, but nevertheless a Hebrew of the Hebrews (2 Cor. 11,
22. Phil. 3, 6), and brought up among you.' The Jews of the
Diaspora (see above, on 21, 21), who did not intermarry with
the Gentiles, claimed an absolute equality with those of Pales-
tine (see above, on 2, 39.) His bemg a Hellenist was there-
fore nothing to his disadvantage, especially as his early life
was chiefly spent, not only in the Holy Land, but in the Holy
City. Tarstis of Cilicia, L e. belonging to it, situated in it.
(See above, on 6,9. 9,11.30. 11,25. 15,23.41. 21,39.) A
man which am a Jeto^ a needless and enfeebling circumlocu-

294 ACTS 22, 3.

tion for a Jewish man^ the Greek word (tovSato?) being pro-
perly an adjective which means belonging to the tribe of Ju-
dah or the country of Judea. (See above, on 2, 14. 19, 13.)
Brought up^ reared, or nourished, strictly denoting the nur-
ture of children (as in 7, 20. 21), but commonly explained here
as denoting mental culture, on account of what immediately
follows, at the feet of Gamaliel, Some, however, understand
it strictly, as meaning that Paul was not only a pupil of Ga-
maliel, but an inmate of his family, perhaps a relative. There
is no ground for disputing the identity of this Gamaliel with
the eminent Pharisee and member of the Sanhedrim, who ap-
pears before in this same history, and often in the Jewish tra-
ditions (see above, on 5, 34-40.) At the feet is commonly ex-
plained as an allusion to the customary posture of the ancient
teachers and their pupils, but is much more probably a natural
figure for their mutual relation. (See above, on 4, 35. 37. 6, 2.
10, and compare Luke 10, 39.) At the feeJt will then convey
the two distmct ideas of intimate nearness and subjection to
authority. The meaning of this verse depends somewhat upon
its pimctuation. For a reason already suggested, some divide
it thus, brought up in this city^ at the feet of Gamaliel trained
(or educated,) But as both the otner participles {horn and
brought up) precede the words which qualify them, this would
be a harsh inversion. Most interpreters avoid the supposed
incongruity of making Gamaliel Paul's nurse as well as his in-
structor, by treating both verbs as substantially synonymous,
and here intended to express the same idea of education in the
widest sense. The second verb means more than taught in
English, namely trained^ implying systematic discipline. (See
above, on 7, 22, and compare 2 Tim. 2, 25. Tit. 2, 12.) Its
most frequent use in the New Testament, however, is in the
secondary sense of correcting or chastening, as a necessary
part of all such discipline. (See Luke 23, 16. 22. 1 Cor. 11, 32.
2Cor. 6, 9. Heb. 12, 6. 7. 10. Rev. 3, 19.) Perfect manner,
literally, strictness or exactness (compare the corresponding
adverb, as explained above, on 18, 25. 26.) The reference is
here to the Pharisaic rigor, both of theory and practice, as
contrasted with the Sadducean laxity and latitudinarianisni.
(See above, on 4, 1.) Zealous towards God, literally, a zealot
of God, L e. in his service, for his honour, as he then under-
stood it (see above, on 21, 20.) The last clause intimates that
he had passed through what they now experienced and gone
beyond it.

ACTS 22, 4. 5. 295

4. And I persecuted this way unto the death, bind-
ing and delivering into prisons both men and women.

He proved the sincerity of his convictions by persecuting
all that contradicted them. ThU way^ this new sect or reh-
gion (see above, on 9, 2. 19, 9. 23.) Unto decUhy not only in
desire and intention, but in &ct, as we know him to have done
in Stephen's case (see above, on 6, 1, and below, on v. 20), and
probably in others (see below, on 26, 10.) With the rest of
this verse compare 9, 1.

5. As also the high priest doth bear me witness,
and all the estate of the elders, from whom also I re-
ceived letters unto the brethren, and went to Damascus,
to bring them which were there bound unto Jerusalem,
for to be punished.

This was no secret, resting only on his own assertion, but
matter of record, or at least of recollection on the part of
others. The (then) high priest^ from whom he had received
his commission, and who was still living, perhaps present.
This is commonly supposed to have been either Theophilus or
Jonathan, who had been displaced in the mean time by the
Romans (see above, on 4, 6.) Doth bear me witness^ literally,
testifies to me, which may simply mean, he is my witness, or
the witness whom I cite in proof of these things ; though the
words seem rather to imply a personal appeal to him as actu-
ally present. ' Do you ask for proof? There is the very high
priest who commissioned me.' The estate of the elders^ a
needless paraphrase of one Greek word. Presbytery^ which is
retained in the translation of 1 Tim. 4, 14, while in Luke 22,
QQ^ it is simply rendered Elders, Estate is here used in the
old sense of a national assembly, as in the phrases third estate^
states getieraJ'^ etc. The body described is the Sanhedrim, as
chiefly composed of elders or hereditary representatives, even
the priests being elders of their own tribe (see above, on 4, 5.)
It was therefore imder national authority that Paul went to
Damascus (see above, on 9, 1. 2.) To the brethren^ L e. to the
Jews in Syria, not against the Christians there, a form of
speech which, if not unintelligible, would have been oflensive
to Paul's Jewish hearers, and out of keeping with the rest of
his discourse, in which, if ever, he became to the Jews as a

296 ACTS 22, 5.6. 7.

Jew (1 Cor. 9, 20.) TTiere^ literally, thither^ which some un-
derstand as implying previous removal, perhaps flight from
the persecution in Jerusalem (see above, on 21, 3.) Ab<ntt to
bring cUso those there being^ i e. in addition to those preyioufily
seized at home. For to 6e, literally, that they might be (see
above, on 6, 32.)

6. And it came to pass, that, as I made my jour-
ney and was come nigh unto Damascus, about noon
suddenly there shone from heaven a great light round
about me.

Here begins Paul's own account of his conversion, which
should be compared throughout with that of Luke in 9, 8-19,
and need not be explained, except as to the points of differ-
ence. These are merely formal, and precisely such as might
be naturally looked for in two free unstudied statements of
the same occurrence. Some modern critics have affected to
contrast the two accounts, as independent and discordant nar-
ratives, forgetting that the one before us was as much at Lake's
disposal as his own, and that his not attempting to assimilate
them is a clear proof that he looked upon them as harmonious,
or he would not have inserted them in one and the same his-
tory. This verse is parallel with 9, 3, and differs from it
chiefly in grammatical forms, the infinitive being twice ex-
changed for a participle, and once for an aorist, of the same
verbs, the preposition /row for out q/\ etc. The only additions
here are that of the epithet great (literally, siffficient) to the
noun light, and that of the precise time when the scene oc-
curred, to wit, about noon (or midday), the same Greek word
that is elsewhere used in the secondary sense of south (see
above, on 8, 26.) These variations and additions are not only
perfectly consistent with the truth of both accounts, but far
more natural than perfect uniformity.

7. And I fell unto the ground, and heard a voice
saying unto me, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ?

This verse is parallel to 9, 4, from which it differs, in addi-
tion to the use oi the first person for the third throughout, by
substituting for the word earth (or ground) one which origi-
nally means a bottom or foundation, then a floor or pavement,

ACTS 22, 7. 8.9. 297

and may here have reference to a paved road leading to or
into Damascus. Still less important is the change oi prepo-
sitions {on to into), and of the case of the noun voice (from
the accusative to the genitive), though the latter is connected
with the explanation of a seeming discrepancy to be noticed
afterwards (see below, on v. 9.)

8. 9. And I answered. Who art thou. Lord? And
he said unto me, I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou
persecutest. And they that were with me saw indeed
the light, and were affaid, but they heard not the
voice of him that spake to me.

V. 8 is parallel to 9, 6, and differs from it chiefly in the
change of said to answered^ the addition of the pronoun {to
me), and of the epithet {Nazarene) after Jesua, V. 9 answers
to 9, 7, from which it varies more than either of the two pre-
ceding verses from their parallels. The {men) who were (or
being) with ms is less full and explicit than the phrase there
used, t?ie (men) jmimeying with nim, although perfectly con-
sistent. Speechless is here afraid, the cause being put for the
effect or outward indication. There is, however, a much
greater variation, and one which has been sometimes repre-
sented as a contradiction. Paul's companions are described in
9, 7, as hearing the voice hut seeing no one, whereas here it is
affirmed, that t?iey saw the light indeed, and were afraid, btU
the voice they heard not of the {person) talking to me. Be-
sides the gross improbability of Luke's inserting what directly
contradicted his own statement, there are several possible so-
lutions of this seeming inconsistency, each one of which is
more entitled to belief than the hypothesis of contradiction.
One consist* in referring the two statements to successive
points of time, so that they are said to have heard the voice
at last, but not at first, or vice versa. Another makes a differ-
ence between the accusative and genitive construction of the
verb to hear, the one denoting mere sensation, the other in-
tellectual perception. Substantially identical with this, but
simpler and more natural, is the distinction, between hearing
a voice speak and hearing what it says, as nothing is more
conmion m our public bodies than the complaint that a speaker
is not heard, i. e. his words are not distinguished, though his
voice may be audible and even loud« In these two obvious

ACTS 22, fi. 10.

?n9es, it might be eaid, with tqual truth, that
liona beard the voice, I c. knew that it was
that they did not hear it, i. e. did not know

Whether this distinction was deagncd to be
he difierencB of conatniction or the change of

the validity or tnith of the solution. It is jios-

■iy, that instead of the voice (0, 7), we have here
eit phrase, tfie voice of the (one) apeakitiff to me,

it does not necesaarily suggest, admits and
iipposition, that the voice which they did not
iiking (i. c. an articulate, distinguishable) voice,

vocaJ sound or utterance, without regard to
;uage. A remarkable analogy is ftimiAeiJ by
led in John 12, 28-30, where Bome said that it
.1 others that an aiigo! spoke, implying that it
id not a mere sound) that they heard, while the
Drds the very words that it pronounced. In

that before us, it might well be said of the first
l1, that they did and that they did not hear the
,':ivcn." Their mistaking it for thunder proves,

ACTS 22, 10-12. 299

{what shall I do ?) In the other clause, admitted to be gen-
uine, there are only formal variations, some of which are not
perceptible in the translation. Arise is an imperative in that
place, and a participle in this. Go is there enter^ here proceed
(or journey^ For the city we have here the proper name,
jDamascus, Before the verb, the adverb there is here insert-
ed. Wliat thaii must do is amplified, without a change of
meaning, into about (i. e. concernmg) the (things^ which have
been appointed (or ordained) for thee to do, (For the usage
of the leading verb in this clause, see above, on 13, 48. 15, 2^

11. And when I could not see for the gloiy of that
hght, being led by the hand of them that were with
me, I came into Damascus.

This verse corresponds to 9, 8, a comparison with which
will show that the narrative is here abridged, though other-
wise unvaried. I could not see is the sense but not the form
of the original, which strictly means, / did not see^ or was not
seeing. The only addition here made to the narrative is the
statement that his blindness arose from the glory (i. e. the
celestial or divine effulgence) of that lights already mentioned
in V. 6 above. That he was not merely dazzled but miracu-
lously blinded, is suggested by the use of the word glory^
which denotes something supernatural (see above, on 7, 2. 55),
and still more necessarily implied in v. 13 and the parallel
passage,

12. And one Ananias, a devout man according to
the law, having a good report of all the Jews which
dwelt (there) —

Here again the narrative is abridged on one hand, and sup-
plemented on the other. Paul omits what passed between the
Lord and Ananias (see above, on 9, 10-16), and proceeds at
once to the interview between the latter and himself (9, 17.)
But in describing Ananias, he is more particular than Luke, in
order to conciliate the Jews by showing that his introduction
to the Christian Church was through a well-knowTi Jew, of
high repute among his brethren at Damascus. The certain
disciple of 9, 10, now becomes a pious (or devout) man^ not
merely in the Christian sense, but according to the lato^ i. e.
the law of Moses, the religion of the Jews. But not content

800 ACTS 22, 12-14.

with this description of his spiritual character, he adds that
he was certified, attested, recommended (see above, on 6, 3.
10, 22. 16, 2) ^ all the Jews residing (for the time, or perma-
nently settled) at Damascus. (See above, on 1, 19. 2, 5.) The
emphasis and fulness with which Paul insists upon these cir-
cumstances, altogether wanting in Luke's narrative, althongh
it does not in the least impair the harmony between them,
caUs for explanation ; and this is furnished bv the circum-
stances and occasion of his speaking at this tune at all, and
more particularly by his obvious desire to render prominent
whatever was most Jewish in his own biography, and even in
the mode of his professing Christianity, especially his being in-
troduced into the Church, not by a Gentile minister, but by
the hands of one whom all the Damascene Jews might be
said to have endorsed, as a devout and exemplary meniber of
their body. This shows a definite design in this address of
Paul, but one involving no duplicity or evil purpose.

13. Came unto me, and stood, and said unto me.
Brother Saul, receive thy sight. And the same hour I
looked up upon him.

Coming to me (in the house of Judas), and standing over
me fas he sat or lay there.) Brother Saul^ or retaining the
origmal order, both of this verse and the parallel passage,
Saul {my) brother (see above, on 9, 17.) Receive tny sight
and looked up are imperative and indicative forms of the same
Greek verb, and ought to have been so translated, the recov-
ery of sight being not expressed but implied, whereas the rela-
tive position of the two men is expressly mentioned, and the
natural relation of the order and its execution ought not to be
hidden by a needless change in the translation. Ananias,
standing over him, says, Look up, which he could not do un-
less his sight had been restored, and therefore when it is added
that he did immediately look up as he was told, it is the
strongest way of saying, though by implication, that his eyes
were opened. Looked up upon him, i. e. Ananias, still standmg
by or hanging over him, was the first object of his restored
vision. The same hour, i. e. time or moment (see above, on
16, 18.33.)

14. And he said, The God of our fathers hath
chosen thee, that thou shouldest know his will, and

ACTS 22, 14.15. 801

see that Just One, and shouldest hear the voice of his
mouth.

The words ascribed to Ananias in the parallel accounts
differ not only in order but in substance, some things which
in one place are described as having been addressed by Christ
to Ananias being spoken in the other by Ananias to Paul.
But this only shows that neither statement is complete, Ana-
nias having naturally repeated much that he had heard, a repe-
tition which was needless in the record. What is contained
in this verse, therefore, was no doubt said to Paul by Ananias,
although not recorded in the parallel passage. The God of
OUT fathers^ another intimation that both he and Ananias were
native Jews, like those whom he was now addressing (see
above,on3, 13. 26. 6,30. 7,2.11.14.15.19.38.40.45. 13,17.)
Chosen^ appointed, or prepared beforehand. (For a distinct
but siniilar expression, see above, on 10, 41.) To know his
will, by special revelation, and to see the Rightemis (or thai
Just One), the Messiah, who is expressly so called elsewhere
(see above, on 3, 14. 7, 5 2. J To see is no doubt to be strictly
taken (see above, on 9, 17.) The voice of his mouth, literally,
a voice from (or otit of) his mouth, i. e. his immediate in-
structions, without any human intervention. This was neces-
sary to put Paul upon a level with the twelve Apostles. (See
above, on 13, 3, and compare Gal. 1, 1.)

15. For thou shalt be his witness unto all men of
what thou hast seen and heard.

What was just before implied is here expressed, that is,
the reason why it was necessary that Paul should see and hear
the Lord himself, to ^vit, because he was to be an Apostle,
although not one of the twelve, and the essential function of
that office was to testify of Christ, not from hearsay, but from
])ersonal acquaintance and direct communication with him.
(See above, on 1, 8. 22. 2,32. 3,15. 5,32. 10,39. 13,3.) His
witness, i. e. sent forth and commissioned by him, or a witness
to him, i. e. testifying of him. (Compare the two readmgs in
1 , 8 above.) The extent of this official witness-bearing is de-
termined or defined in a twofold manner. To all m^n, with-
out social, personal, or national distinctions, Greeks and Bar-
barians, Jews and Gentiles, wise and unwise, bond and free.
(Compare Rom. 1, 14. Col. 3, 11.) OfwJiat (or of the things
which) thou hast seen and heard, L e. especially, though jiot

302 ACTS 22, 15-1 r.

perhaps exclusively, in vision and by revelation, or direct com*
munication, from the Lord himself. (See below, on "vs. 17, 18,
and above, on 16, 9. 18, 9, and compare Gal. 1, 12. 2, 2. 2 Cor.
12, 1. Eph. 3, 3.) The nearest parallel to this verse, although
very different in form, is that contained in 9, 15.

16. And now why tamest thou? arise, and be
baptized, and wash away thy sins, calling on the name
of the Lord.

The other narrative records the execution of this proposi-
tion, but not the proposition itselfl As Ananias here calls upon
Saul to be baptized, so in 9, 18, we read that he received sight
forthwith and arose and was baptized. Why tarriest thouj
literally, what art thou about (to do ?) or rather, why art thou
about (L e. still just about to act) instead of acting really ?
Arise a^idj hterally, arising^ which may either mean, address
thyself to action, or be taken in the strict sense of arising from
a sedentary, prostrate, or recumbent posture. (See above, on
9, 1 8.) J?e baptized is not a passive, as in 2, 38, but the mid-
dle voice of the same verb, strictly meaning, baptize thyself^
or rather, cause thyself to be baptized, or suffer (some one) to
baptize thee. The form of the next verb is the same, but can-
not be so easilv expressed in English, as it has a noun depend-
ent on it. This peculiarity of form is only so far of importance
as it shows that Paul was to wash awav his own sins in the same
sense that he was to baptize liimself, i. e. by consenting to re-
ceive both from another. As liis body was to be baptized by
man, so his sins were to be washed away by God. The iden-
tity, or even the inseparable union, of the two effects, is so far
from being here affinned, that they are rather held apart, as
things connected by the natural relation of a type and antitype,
yet perfectly distinguishable in themselves and easily separable
in experience. Calling on the nwne of th^ Lord (or accord-
ing to the latest critics, his 7ia/ne), i. e. invoking it in worship,
recognizing Christ's divinity and sovereignty, as an indispen-
sable prerequisite of baptism. (See above, on 2, 21. 7, 59.
9, 14. 21.)

17. And it came to pass, that, when I was come
again to Jerusalem, even while I prayed in the temple,
I was in a trance —

The historical formida {it came to pass) betokens a transi-

ACTS 22, 17.18. 808

tion, or the introduction of anotlier topic. The Apostle now
approaches the most delicate and doubtful part of his assumed
tasK, that of explaining and defending his peculiar mission to
the Gentiles. Having traced the history Of his profession as
a Jew and his conversion as a Christian, without being inter-
rupted or denounced as an apostate, he was probably encour-
aged to believe that even this most trying part of his defence
would be received in the same spirit. He is not on that ac-
count, however, the less careful to connect this difficult portion
of his task, as well as that which he had now accomplished,
withthe sacred places which he was accused of wantonly pro-
faning. It was true that he had preached among the Gentiles,
not of his own choice, but by express divine command, com-
municated to him not abroad, but in the Holy Land, but in
the Holy City, but in the Holy House, i. e. within the precincts
of the temple at Jerusalem. He therefore speaks of his return
thither after' his conversion, passing over many intermediate
events, and leaving the chronology indefinite, though most
interpreters identify this visit with the one described above,
in 9, 26-29. Nor is it merely his return to Palestine and
to Jerusalem that he insists upon, but also his return to the
temple, as a place of stated and habitual resort. It happened
to me^ having returned to Jerusalem^ and I praying in the
temple^ i. e. in the inner court or customary place of prayer.
(See above, on 2, 46. 3, 1. 5, 20. 21, 26-30.) The abrupt
change of construction, from the dative to the genitive, might
almost seem intended to give prominence to Paul's own person
as the actor in these strange proceedings. As if he had said,
* You seem to think that after I became a Christian, I forsook
the temple and the Holy City and my old associations as a
Jew; but you are very much mistaken. I, even I Paul
(1 Thess. 2, 18. Philem. 9), came back to Jerusalem, and to
the sanctuary ; and it was while I Paul was actually praying
there, that what I am about to tell occurred ; so far is my
conversion or apostleship from having severed my connection
'v^dth the fathers and the covenants, the law, the service, and
the promises to Israel (see Rom. 9, 4.) ' It came to pass
^while I was there and thus employed) that I was in a trance
(or ecstasy)^ L e. under special divine influence, and in direct
commimication with my Master. (See above, on 10, 10. 11, 6,
and compare the use of the same word in 3, 10.)

18. And saw him saying unto me, Make haste, and

804 ACTS 22, 18.

get thee quickly out of Jerusalem ; for they will not
receive thy testimony concerning me.

The constmction \s continued from the verse preceding',
{U came to pass that I was in a trance) and that isaw Attn,
L e. saw him again, with obvious allusion to the sight record-
ed in v. 14, where precisely the same verbal form is used in
Greek, The person here meant therefore is the same as there,
to wit, the Just One, i. e. the Messiah. His name may be
suppressed because Paul was unwilling to ofiend his hearen
by an unnecessary repetition or obtrusion of what he befieved
but they did not, and because he was still more unwilling to
expose that name to their irreverence and even blasphemy, if
they should be so offended. He may possibly have wished
moreover to convey the idea, that in going to the Gentiles he
had acted by divine authority, without expressly stating that
this authority was that of Christ, whom he regarded as divine,
but they as an impostor. By saying Isato him he might be
understood to mean a theophany or vision of Jehovah, without
specifying in or under what form he appeared to him. (For
a somewhat similar ambiguous allusion to our Lord by Peter,
but addressed to Gentiles, see above, on 10, 38.) It appears,
however, from what follows, that his hearers must have un-
derstood him as referring to a vision or appearance of our
Lord himself (see below, on v. 19.) The unusual combination,
saw him saying, is not to be explained away by taking the
last verb in the diluted or extenuated sense of perceiving
either by the eye or ear, which is equivalent to making see
and hear synonymous. The true explanation is that saw him
is a substantive or independent proposition, and that saying
is an afterthought or subsequent description of the way in
which he was employed when seen. The expression may be
amplified or paraphrased as follows. / saw him (and when I
saw him, he was) saying, etc, or, I saw him (and at the same
time heard him) saying, etc. This implies, however, that the
seeing was not a mere incidental circumstance but something
of intrinsic moment. So it is, when considered as a proof of
Paul's Apostlcship and of his being qualified to testify of Christ
from personal acquaintance and communication (see above, on
V. 14.) ' Once more, as liis Apostle and his witness, I was suf-
fered to behold him, and on this occasion heard hhu saying,' etc.
Hasten and go oxit quickly (literally, in quickness, or with
speed), a repetition which, together with the sudden and ab-

ACTS 22, 18. 19. 305

rupt address, seems to imply that Paul had been already too
long in Jerusalem, or even that he ought not to be there at
all. This agrees well with the evidence which follows of his
having entertained a felse view of his own vocation. TTiey
(i. e. the Jews, or the people of Jerusalem) toiU not receive (as
true or credible) th^ testimony about me, to bear which was
the very task imposed upon hmti, and the vital function of his
apostolic office (see above, on v. 14.) This was therefore a
distinct annunciation, that he was not an Apostle to Jerusa-
lem or to the Jews, as Peter and the twelve were (see above^
on 1, 22. 26.)

19. And I said, Lord, they know that I imprisoned
and beat in every synagogue them that believed on
thee —

We have here another instance of that singular reluctance
on the part of God's most honoured instruments, and of that
freedom in expressing such reluctance, which have been al-
ready noticed m the case of Ananias (see above, on 9, 13.) To
the observations there made, it may here be added, that the
opposition is in all such cases momentary, and succeeded by
implicit acquiescence, whether produced by rational convic-
tion, or by simple iteration of the order as in this case (see be-
low, on V. 21.) The words of Paul, as here reported by him-
self are in £u;t, though not in form, an argument against the
Saviour's requisition, and in &vour of his own preconceived
idea of the way in which he might expect most effectively to
aid the cause which he had once sought to destroy (see above,
on 9, 21.) It is not a formal argument, because he only states
the premises or data, without venturing to draw the bold con-
clusion, which, however, is too obvious to be mistaken. Lord^
both in Greek and Aramaic, an ambiguous expression, which
might either be addressed to man or God, though really ap-
plving here to Christ, in whom both natures were united.
They know is very strong in the original, the pronoun and the
verb being both emphatic, t?iey {thetnselvea) know (weWj^ as if
he had said, none know better. (For the usage of the Greek
verb, see above, on 10,28. 15,7. 18,25. 19,15.25. 20,18.)
Imprisoned and heat^ or more exactly, was imprisoning and
scourging^ L e. was continually doing it. The last word pro-
perly means flaying, skinning, but is used to denote the most
severe and cruel lund of flogging. (See above, on 5, 40. 16^

VOL. 11, t

806 ACTS 22, 19.20.

87.) In every synagogue is too strong, like in every house
(5,42. 8, 3), tn every city (15,21.36. 20,23), in all which
cases the Greek preposition might be rendered through or
throughout (as in 8, 1. 0, 31. 42. 10, 37), througJumt the syna-
gogues^ or (as in 2, 46. 20, 20),yh>m synagogue to synagogue.
Those believing on thee, a ])eriphrasis for Christians, which of
course implies that Christ is the person here addressed, and
therefore shows that Paul, though reserved in the use of our
Lord's name where it was liable to be dishonoured, had no
thought of dissembling his religion, which indeed was so noto-
rious as to have occasioned his misfortunes upon this occasion.

20. And when the blood of thy martyr Stephen
was shed, I also was standing by, and consenting unto
his death, and kept the raiment of them that slew him.

To this general description of his own participation in the
persecutions of the church, he adds one particular example, as
the earUest in date, and most indelibly impressed upon his
memory, as having given the first impulse to his youthful zeal
in this fknatical and murderous direction. Bloodshed is pro-
bably here put by a familiar figure for loss of life by violence,
without necessarily implying a specific mode of killing, al-
though stoning may have been accompanied by literal efiTusion
of blood. Martyr is itself a Greek word meaning witness^ and
repeatedly occurring in the book before us (see above, on v.
15, and on 1, 8. 22. 2, 32. 3, 15. 5, 32. 6, 13. 7, 58. 10, 10. 41.
13, 31), but in English having the specific sense of one who
dies for his religion, or seals his testimony to the truth with
his blood. The transition from the general sense of witness to
the specific sense of martyr is traced by some m this verse and
inllev. 2, 13. 11,3. 17,6. Our translators would, however,
have done better to retain the usual term, witness, which is
found in all the older English versions. I also is in Greek still
stronger, as the pronoun means myself, or I myself. * Not
only other men, but even I, or I myself too,' possibly with
reference to his youth, ' not only older men, but even I ' (but
see above, on 7, 58.) Was standing is precisely the construc-
tion which occurs m the preceding verse, and here as there
denotes continued action, but confined to one occasion. As
if he had said, ' all the time that they were shedding Stephen's
blood, I was stajiding by,"* or more emphatically, standing
over (see above, on v. 13), that is, on some spot which over-

ACTS 22, 20. 21. SOI

looked the scene of murder, or literally over Stephen's body
as he knelt or lay upon the ground (see above, on Y, 60.) J^ept
the raiment (literally, guardmg, watching, the upper garments)
of those killing (or despatching^ Aim, which they had thrown
off for convenience in the act oi stoning. This circumstance,
recorded by Luke likewise (see above, on Y, 58), would of
course be deeply impressed upon the memory of Saul, even
after his conversion. As mere reminiscences, these facts
would have been out of place, both as originally uttered in
the temple, and as here repeated on the castle stairs. The
only way in which they can be made significant or relevant,
is by supplying the conclusion evidently meant to be deduced
from them, to wit, that as the first scene of Paul's persecutions,
and of Stephen's martyrdom from which they took their rise,
was in Jerusalem, that was the place for the convert and
Apostle to retrieve his character, and there the most inviting
field of labour in the cause which he had once sought to de-
stroy, but which he now lived only to promote, because the
last place where his motives or the truth of his conversion
coula be questioned, in the face of all the suffering and re-
proach which it had brought upon him. That the argument
suggested (not expressed) in these words is a strong one,
every reader feels, and has often been attested by its applies
tion to a multitude of later cases, as for instance when con-
verted Jews or popish priests are sent to labour among those
whom they have lately left, upon the very ground, at least
substantially, which Paul here urges for remaining in Jerusa-
lem. The frequent Mlure of such missions may be owing
partly to neglect or misconception of the way in which Paul's
argument was answered, as recorded in the next verse.

21. And he said unto me, Depart, for I will send
thee far hence unto the Gentiles.

Though Paul may have expected a more formal answer to
his tacit argument, derived from the facts mentioned in the
two precedmg verses, he could not have received one more
cogent and conclusive than this stern and peremptory iteration
of his Master's orders. The words derive a high degree of
dignity and grandeur from the very absence of all ratiocina-
tion, and their purely imperative or juisive character. There
is something also very striking in the childlike simplicity with
which Paul here recites this crushing answer, L e. crushing to

308 ACTS 22, 21.22.

his sel^omplacent and ambitious prepossessions, althoagh
no doubt long since fully justified and hallowed, even to him-
self as proofs of the divine benevolence as well as wisdom. It
is possible, however, that he might not have been willing to
recite so publicly his own humiliating disappointment, which
would otherwise never have been known, if he had not wished
to use it as a proof that his devotion to the Gentiles sprang
from no indifference to the interests of Israel, but from an
absolute divine decree. And he said unto me (without any
direct answer to my plea for license to remain), Depart (set
out upon thy journey), because I to nations far off am abaui
to send thee oiU away^ the first and last verb both implying
distance. (See above, on 1,10. 8,26. 9,3. 18,6. 21,5, and
on 7, 12. 9,30. 11,22. 12,11. 17,14.) Although uncertain,
it is not impossible, nor inconsistent with this passage, to sup-
pose that the departure here required is the one already men-
tioned in 9, 30, and there referred to outward dangers and the
anxious care of the brethren at Jerusalem. That the opera-
tion of such secondary causes is entirely compatible with an
express divine command, is not only matter of experience, but
exemplified in other cases upon record (see above, on 15, 1. 4.)
We have only to suppose, what is altogether probable and
suited to Paul's character, that notwithstanding the impend-
ing dangers and the counsel of the brethren, he refused to
leave the post of danger, till convinced that it was not the
post of duty, and could not therefore be the post of honour.
This conviction may have been effected by the argument in
this verse, which may be resolved into the simple statement,
that whatever God or Christ commands, it must be right, and
safe, and wise to do, whatever man may have to say against it,

22. And they gave him audience unto this word,
and (then) lifted up their voices, and said, Away with
such a (fellow) from the earth, for it is not fit that he
should live.

Notwithstanding the consummate skill with which Paul
seemed to have conducted his defence, it was not to prove
successftil. What the Lord had said to him in vision long be-
fore w^as now to be verified anew, " they will not receive thy
testimony concerning me" (see above, on v. 18.) If any thin<y
had been required to confirm his acquiescence in the former

ACTS- 22, 22. S09

disappointment of his hopes and wishes, it mnst have been
afforded by this fresh proo^ that his time and toil would have
been thrown away upon his " kinsmen according to the flesh."
Gave him audience (as in 13, 16. 15, 12), literally, heard^ were
hearing, or continued still to listen. (See above, on 14, 9, and
compare 16, 25.) Unto^ until, as far as, but no further, an ex-
pression applied sometimes to space (11,5. 13,6. 20,4), but
commonly to time (1,2. 2,29. 3,21. 7,18. 13,11. 20,6.11),
and once or twice exclusively to neither (as here and in v. 4
above.) This word^ not the word Gentiles^ as the English
reader may suppose, for it is not the last word in the Greek
sentence, and word will bear a wider meaning, such as that
of saying, proposition, or expression. The word meant is
no doubt the last part of Paul's discourse, in which he under-
took to justify his mission to the Gentiles on the ground of an
express divine command, and more especially the last verse, in
which that command is given totidem verbis. Voices^ liter-
ally voice^ as that of one man (see above, on 19, 34, and com-
pare the like use of the singular in 2, 6. 4, 24. 7, 57. 8, 7. 14,
11.) Away with^ literally take away^ remove, i. e. by death,
the same cry that was raised against our Lord himself almost
upon the same spot. (See Luke 23, 28. John 19, 15.) The
contemptuous term,^c/Zoio, is supplied by the translators, but
in perfect keeping with the tone of this ferocious acclamation.
Fit^ becoming, the original word being also a participle in the
common text, with which a verb must be supplied, (^7 is) not
becoming. But all the oldest copies have the past tense mean-
ing, it was not fit^ or was not right, probably in reference to
their previous attempt to kill him, and his rescue by the Ro-
mans. The sense will then be, ' We were right at first, it was
not fit that he should live, as we declared belbre.' This allu-
sion to their first attack upon him is of some importance, as
expl^ning why they now refused to hear him further, and
broke out with these intemperate expressions. It could not
be the simple mention of the Gentiles that provoked them ;
for among these many of the Jews now present had their
homes and business. It was not the intimation that the Gen-
tiles might be saved, for this had always been conceded, and
the Pharisees were fiimous for their proselyting zeal (see Matt.
23, 15.) But Paul's claim to a divine oommission as Apostle
of the Grentiles (see above, on vs. 17-21) was immediately con-
nected by his hearers with the previous charge against him
(see above, on 21, 28) of apostasy and blasphemy and sacri-

310 ACTS 22, 22. 23.

lege, which seemed to be confirmed by what he now said, so
that they broke out afresh against him, not simply because he
said he had been sent forth to the Gentiles, but because his
saying this convinced them that he did reject the law, and had
pro&ned the temple.

23. And as they cried out, and cast off (their)
clothes, and threw dust into the air —

This verse describes the outward signs of rage, with which
the words just given were accompanied. The construction is
that of the genitive absolute, they crying^ an unusual intensive
form in Greek, which might be rendered by some stronger
term in English, such as yelling, shrieking, screeching. Vast
off their clothes conveys the false idea that they stripped them-
selves, which would be wholly unnatural and out of place, as
well as foreign from the true sense of the words, which do not
even mean that they cast off their upper garments^ as a pre-
liminary to the act of stoning (see above, on v. 20, and on 7,
68.) Tliis, though an appropriate Jewish punishment fsee
above, on 5, 26. 7, 59. 14, 6. 19), was here out of the question,
as the Romans had Paul in possession, and the Jews would
scarcely have expressed the mere desire to stone him, when
they knew they could not, by so violent and troublesome a
gesture. Besides, we know that when they had him in their
power and sought to kill him, it was not by stoning but by
beating (see above, on 21,31. 32.) The verb, moreover, is not
the compounded one which elsewhere means to cast off (see
below, on 27, 43), but a frequentative form of the primitive
verb, meaning to throw about, to toss. The act described
here may be either that of tossing up their loose cloaks or
outer garments, or that of violently shaking them without re-
moval ; not as a gesture of concurrence or applause, in which
sense agitation of the dress is sometimes mentioned in the
classics, but as a spontaneous expression of intense and irre-

Eressible excitement. Throwing dust into the air^ not, as it
as sometimes been explained, that it might descend upon
their own heads as a sign of mourning, an idea probably con-
nected with the false assumption that they rent their garments,
whereas they only shook or tossed them. The act described
is to be understood precisely like the one before it, as an out-
ward symptom of internal rage, resembling its expression in

ACTS 22, 23.24. 811

the lower animals, and said to be quite common in the East,
upon the part of whole crowds, when impatient or exasperated.

24. The chief captain commanded him to be brought
into the castle, and bade that he should be examined by
scourging, that he might know wherefore they cried so
against him.

They thus acting, i. e. while and because they did so, the
Roman Tribune, or commander of the garrison, saw that the
time was come for a second interposition and rescue. But
while he thus provided for the safety of the prisoner, he felt
constrained to use some other means for the discovery of his
crime, or of the charge alleged against him. This he had not
learned from the speech of Paul, either because he did not un-
derstand the language, or because it would convey no definite
idea to a Roman, even if complete, much less when violently
broken off. The method of discovery to which he now re-
sorted was no proof of peculiar cruelty or ill-will to his pris-
oner, but only of the rigour of the Roman discipline. To he
examined by scourging (literally, scourges) was a species of
judicial torture, intended like the similar but worse devices
of the Inquisition and some other civilized but barbarous tri-
bunals, to supply the want of proof or information, by extort-
ing a confession or compelling a prisoner to accuse himsel£
From this use torture has acquired a euphemistic name, the
application of the rack, the iron boot, the thumb-screws, and a
hundred other hellish cruelties, being known in history as put-
ting men (or women) to the question. In comparison with
these refinements, there was something merciful in the Roman
practice of examining by scourges. That lie might knowy dis-
cover, ascertain, a compound of the verb to know, employed
above in 3, 10. 4,13. 9,30. 12,14. 19, 34, and there explained.
I^or what causey in the general sense of motive, ground, or
reason (see above, on 10, 21), or in the more specific one of a
judicial cause, a crime or accusation ^see above, on 13, 28.)
Soy as usual, is not an expletive or iaiomatic pleonasm (see
above, on 1,11. 3,18. 7,8. 13,47. 14,1. 17,33. 19,20. 20,
11. 35. 21, 11), but means, in such a manner^ i. e. here with
such extraordinary fury, without any visible occasion or intel-
ligible explanation. Criedy an entirely different word from
that in the beginning of v. 23, derived from voice^ and else-
where used by Luke, once to denote the acclamation or idola-

812 ACTS 22, 24.25.

trous applause of Herod by his flatterers jnst before the Angel
smote him (see above, on 12, 22), and once the awful cry of
"crucify him" by the rabble of Jerusalem (see Luke 23, 21.)

25. And as they bound him with thongs, Paul said
unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you to
scourge a man that is a Roman, and uncondenmed ?

Bound toith thongs (or straps)^ a word used elsewhere
only to denote the straps of shoes or sandals. (See Mark 1, 7.
Luke 3, 16. John 1, 27.] Our translation here supposes it to
mean the straps by which the person to be scourgea was fiut-
ened to a post or other fixture, or according to some writers,
was suspended in the air. To suit this explanation, the pre-
ceding verb is rendered bound, but without authority from
usage. It really means stretched forth or extended, and may
here be literally understood of bodily position, or taken in a
figurative sense, such as presented, subjected, or exposed, for
which however there is less authority. This latter explanation
of the verb requires the thongs (or straps) to be explained as
meaning the lashes of the scourges to which they were about
subjecting or exposing him. The same explanation of the
noun may be combined with the Uteral or strict sense of the
verb, to wit, that they stretched him oiU for the whips, i e. in
a suitable position for receiving them. All these interpreta-
tions coincide in one point, and the only one of much impor-
tance, namely, that the clause describes the preparation made
for Paul's immediate scourging. This was prevented by a
similar avowal of his civil rights to that made at Philippi and
before recorded (see above, on 16, 37.^ That stood by, liter-
ally tfie (one) standing, i. e. standing tnere to see the Tribune's
order carried into execution. The Roman histoiians some-
times speak of centurions as presiding over punishment, and
an officer of that rank seems to have had charge of our Sa-
viour's crucifixion (see Matt. 27, 54. Luke 23, 47. Mark 15, 39.
44. 45.) And uncondemned, i. e. not even tried, an aggravat-
ing circumstance which Paul had long before urged at Phi-
lippi (see above, on 16, 37.) Is it lawful, the impersonal verb
so rendered 16, 21, but elsewhere by the auxiliary let (2, 29)
or may (8, 37. 21, 37.) {TeU me) if it is lawful, see above, on
1,6. 5,8. 7,1. 19,2. 21,37. lor you, the Roman soldiery,
who ought to be the guardians and protectors of your fellow-
citizens.

ACTS 22, 26. 27. 813

26. When the centurion heard (that), he wetit and
told the chief captain, saying, Take heed what thou
doest ; for this man is a Roman.

Having heard (the question just recorded) the centurion
coming to (him) reported (what he had thus heard) to the
chUiarch (or tribune.) The last verb is the one employed in
4,23. 5,22.25. 11,13. 12,14.17. 15,27. 16, 36, and there ex-
plained. For the meaning of the military title here used, see
above, on 21, 31. Take heedy literally, see {to it), a phrase
synonymous though not identical with that in 13, 40, but
omitted here by all the oldest manuscripts and latest critics,
who make the sentence interrogative, tohat doest thou? or
more exactly, what art thou about to do f the first verb being
that employed above in v. 16, and often elsewhere (see above, on
3,3. 6,35. 11,28. 12,6. 13,34. 16,27. 17,31. 18,14. 19,27.
20, 3. 7. 13. 38. 21, 27. 37.) For assigns the reason of his ask-
ing, or according to the other text, his warning, which indeed
is equally implied in the interrogative construction. A Ro-
man, not by birth or residence, but in right and privilege, a
Roman citizen. As to the nature and the value of this civitas
or citizenship, see above, on 16, 37. 38.

27. Then the chief captain came, and said unto
him. Tell me, art thou a Roman ? He said, Yea.

Neither the centurion nor the chiliarch appears to have
suspected Paul of claiming what was not his due, perhaps be-
cause of the severity with which false claims were punished
(see above, on 16, 38.) The centurion without hesitation goes
to his commander, saying. This man is a Roman. The com-
mander, it is true, interrogates the prisoner, but rather from
surprise and curiosity than doubt or incredulity, which would
have led him to stay where he was, instead of hurrying back
to question him. Tell me if thou art, the full form of the ab-
breviated question in v. 25. The oldest manuscripts, how-
ever, omit ify so that the form of the interrogation is precisely
that presented in the English version, except as to the order
of the words, which in Greek is. Tell me, thou a Homan art f
This might be construed as an exclamation, which would make
the expression of surprise still stronger. Yea, in modem Eng-
lish, yes, a form scarcely w^ed in the English Bible. The
Greek particle occurs above in 5, 8.

S14 ACTS 22, 28.29.

28. And the chief captain answered, "With a great
sum obtained I this freedom. And Paol said. But I
was (free) born.

With (or for) a great gum (literally, much capUat^ this
freedom (literally, polity^ citizenship) / obtained (acqiiired
or purchased, as m 1, 18 above.) The chiliarch was probably
sorprifled that one of Paul's appearance should possess the
rignt at all, and still more that he should have the means to
purcliase it, the customary mode of acquisition, and the only
one &miliar to his own experience. The sale of such rights
was undoubtedly a conmion practice in the reign of Claumus,
and was especially promoted by his in&mous wife, Messalina,
who at first exacted the highest prices, but afterwards ex-
pressed her contempt for the distinction by allowing men to
purchase it for almost nothing. JSut luxisfree born^ literally,
btU I also have been bom^ an unusual expression, which most
probably means, ' I not only have this freedom in possession,
as it seems that you have, but was also bom to it, as you were
not.' It was not merely as a citizen of Tarsus that Paul claimed
this birthright; for although that city received important
grants from Julius Caesar and Augustus, this was not among
them. If it had been, Paul would nave escaped imprisonment
and stripes before, by simply stating his nativity (see above,
on 22, 39.) It was not a local but a femily distinction, how
or when acquired is now unknown, most probably by service
which his father or some other ancestor had rendered to the
state, or the successful party, during the long civil wars. As
to his motive in avowing it precisely at this juncture, it was no
doubt essentially the same as at PhiHppi (see above, on 16, 37),
but regulated by the same discretion which he exercised m
that case. Here, besides exemption from a painful and dis-
graceful process, it seems to have procured for him the oppor-
tunity and honour of appearing in the presence of the Sanhe-
drim, as he had already in the presence of the people (see
below, on v. 30.)

29. Then straightway they departed from him
which should have examined him : and the chief cap-
tain also was afraid, after he knew that he was a Ro-
man, and because he had bound him.

Then^ not a particle of time, but a logical connective mean-

ACTS 22, 29. 30. 315

ing therefore^ i. e. because Paul had thus avowed his birth-
right as a Roman citizen. Straightway^ immediately, without
even waiting, it would seem, for an order from the Tribune,
although some assume that it was given, but omitted in the
record, as a matter of course or of routine. Departed, drew
off, left him to himself (see above, on 5. 38. 12, 10. 16, 38. 19,
9.) Those alxyut to examine him, i. e. by scourging (see above,
on V. 24.) That they were influenced by fear in thus abandon-
ing their task, appears from what immediately follows, and
th€ chiliarch also teas afraid (or frightened), not the subal-
terns or soldiers merely, but their chief conmiander. Knowing,
or having ascertained, the same verb that is used above in v.
24. That he wa^ a Roman, literally, that he is one, thus re-
calling the whole scene to mind as actually passing. And
because he had bound him., not at first, as mentioned in 21, 33,
for this restraint still continued (see the next verse), and was
lawful till the charge against him could be tried. The refer-
ence is rather to the binding mentioned in v. 25, in order to
his being scourged, a measure inconsistent with Paul's civil
rights, as well as with the statute of Augustus, stiU preserved
in the Digest of the Civil Law, that process never must begin
with torture {non esse a tormentis incijnendum,) It is not
impossible, however, that the Tribune's fears had reference to
Paul's imprisonment, but were not strong enough to put an
end to it, especially as he was yet in doubt as to the charge
against him.

30. On the morrow, because he would have known
the certainty wherefore he was accused of the Jews, he
loosed him from (his) bands, and commanded the chief
priests and all their council to appear, and brought
Paul down, and set him before them.

because he would have known, in Greek simply, wishing
to know (see above, on 14, 18. 19.) T/ie certainty, in Greek,
the certain (or infallible), i. e. the true state of the case, the
real facts. (Compare the use of the same phrase above, in 21,
34.) The article is here used in a way peculiar to the Greek
idiom, and therefore not expressed in the translation, which
would literally be, the why (i. e. the question or the reason
why) he is accused, the present tense as in the verse preced-
ing. Ry (or according to another reading, /rom, on tne part

816 ACTS 22,80.

of) tlve Jews, Loosed hirn^ freed him from personal restraint.
JFrom his hands is omitted in the oldest manuscripts and
latest critical editions. Commanded^ or required, no doubt
by virtue of official powers in cases of emergency belonging
to the governor when present, but devolving m his absence on
the commander of the forces in Jerusalem, most probably the
second Roman officer or magistrate in all Judea. (See below,
on 23, 24.^ T/ie chirf priests are mentioned as the most im-
portant class of counseUors, and then aU the Sanhedrim^ the
pronoun their being omitted by the latest critics. To appear^
literally, to come^ which would naturally mean, to him, into
the castle ; but the oldest reading is to come together^ to as-
semble, i. e. in their customary place of meeting. This had
once been in the temple, but according to an old tradition,
was at this time in a hdl upon Mount Zion. The former mtu-
ation seems to be impUed, however, in the phrase, brought
Paul dotnn^ i. e. from the camp or castle of Antonia, by the
stairs already mentioned (see above, on 21, 35. 40), into the
area or enclosure of the temple. Set him^ set him up, caused
him to stand (see above, on 1, 23. 4, 7. 5, 27. 6, 6. 13.) -Se-
fore theniy literally, into them^ i. e. into the midst of the assem-
bled council. This last attempt of the commander to find out
what Paul had done or been accused o^ by making a national
affair of it and bringing him before the senate, was most pro-
bably suggested by his previous discovery that the prisoner,
at first so harshly and contemptuously treated, was a Roman
citizen of equal privileges with himself (see above, on v. 28.)
The whole narrative illustrates the perplexity in which the
Roman rulers of the Jews were constantly involved, and to
which Paul owed this unexpected opportunity of making his
second Apology before the highest court of Israel.

• ••

CHAPTER XXm.

It is highly important here to bear in mind, that Paul was not
a mere chance visitor to Jerusalem, accidentally involved in a
disturbance there, but the Apostle of the Gentiles, specially
conMnissioned to make, as it were, a last appeal to Israel, be-
fore he finally transferred his centre of operations to the great

ACTS 23, 1. 317

metropolis and mistress of the heathen world. All that is re-
corded of his acts and sufferings, in his farewell visit to the
Holy City, must be viewed as having an official character on
his part, and a representative or national significancy on the
part of those with whom he came in contact, both as friends
and foes. Having borne his testimony to the people from the
castle stairs and been rejected by them, he now appears, for
the same momentous purpose, in the presence of the Sanhe-
drim, of ifrhich he had once been a member, or at least an
emissary. But the rejection of his testimony here is still
more prompt and violent than in the other case (1-6.) Un-
der the innuence of party spirit, the Pharisees espouse his
cause, but only for the moment, and so as to increase his per-
sonal danger, from which he is a third time rescued by the
Romans (6-10.) The disappointed zealots form a plot against
his life, from which he is a fourth time rescued by the Romans
(11-22.) Having been thus repeatedly rejected by the Jews
and protected by the Gentiles, he is finally delivered from the
power of the former, and entrusted to the keeping of the lat-
ter, being transferred by the Tribune at Jerusalem to the
Procurator at Cesarea (23-35.)

1 . And Paul, earnestly beholding the council, said,
Men (and) brethren, I have lived in ail good conscience
before God until this day.

Gazing steadily (or intently)^ a fevourite word of Luke's,
especially in this book (see above, on 1, 10. 3, 4. 12. 6, 15. 7,
55. 10,4. 11,6. 13,9. 14,9), and therefore not to be ex-
plained here in any special sense, as denoting or implying
weakness of sight, but in accordance with its general usage as
expressive of earnestness and boldness, and especially of that
good coTiscience which is afterwards expressed in words. Mer§
{and) brethren^ without the still more deferential title, fathers^
which he used in the beginning of his speech to the people
(see above, on 22, 1), although here, as it would seem, pecu-
liarly appropriate when he was addressing the Senate or El-
dership of Israel (see above, on 22, 5.) It the difference was
not accidental and unmeaning, or belonging rather to the
summary report than to the actual discourse, it may be under-
stood as an indirect assertion of his equality with those whom
he addressed, and as having forfeited no rights which he had
once possessed, as a member of the body, or at loast of the

818 ACTS 23, 1.

theocracy, a claim which is also then expressed in words. The
notion that it was mere rudeness, or at best for^etfulness in
Paul, is an absurd device of that neology which loves to pick
flaws even in the manners of Apostles. Anticipating, proba-
bly, the interruption which ensued, Paul puts into a single
sentence the sum total of what he wished to say, to wit, that
so far from being an apostate or a renegade, he claimed to be
still a &ithful member of the chosen people, and to have uni-
formly acted in accordance with his theocratical obligations.
This involved the doctrine which he always taught, that
Christianity was the genuine developement of ancient Judaism,
80 that he, and not his adversaries, held fast to the true design
and spirit of the Mosaic institutions. The word conscience
and the phrase good conscience are confined (with the excep-
tion of John 8, 9) to the dialect of Paul and Peter. (The full
phrase occurs only in 1 Tim. 1, 5. 19. Heb. 13, 18. 1 Pet. 8, 16.
21.) It here means consciousness of rectitude and faithfulness,
not merely in the general, but with specific reference to those
peculiar rights and obligations which are suggested by the
accompanymg verb in the original, though not at all by the
translation. Lived is a gratuitous attenuation of a Greek verb
derived from the noun citizen^ and meaning therefore to act
the part, enjoy the rights, perform the duties, of a citizen, or
one belonging to some state or body politic. The only such
organization that can be referred to here is the Theocracy, or
ancient church, in its twofold form, ecclesiastical and national,
of which the Sanhedrim was still the ostensible representative,
but which was really continued in the Christian Church, with-
out its national restrictions, and of which Paul therefore was
more really a citizen than those whom he addressed. In this
same proper sense, and not as a mere figure or accommoda-
tion, he applies the Greek word to the Christian life, in the
only other place where it occurs (Phil. 1, 27), and where it is
no less diluted by the English version, although not precisely
in the same form. The specific sense of theocratic citizenship
is given to the verb here by the phrase, to God, which does
not mean be/ore God, i. e. in his presence, nor is it a superla-
tive expression (see above, on 7, 20) meaning trult/ or com-
pletdy, but is to be strictly understood as qualifying what
precedes, I have lived as a citizen to God, or of that body in
which God is the immediate sovereign. That this sense of the
terras is agreeable to Hellenistic usage, may be seen from the
occurrence of the same verb in the apocryphal but ancient

ACTS 23, 1.2. 819

books of Maccabees, in reference to the practice of the Jews'
religion, and accompanied by qualif3dng pnrases corresponding
to the one here used, e. g. to the lawy to the laws of God^ ac-
cording to the customs {Wrj) of their forefathers (2 Mace. 6, 1.
11, 25. 3 Mace. 3, 4.) Thus understood, the clause before us
is not a vague profession to have acted conscientiously, either
before or afler his conversion, but a definite and bold claim to
have acted theocratically, L e. as a faithful member of the
Jewish church, from which they represented him as an apos-
tate. UiUU this day^ or to this very day, not only while he
persecuted Christiamty, but still more since he was converted
to it.

2. And the high priest Ananias commanded them
that stood by to smite him on the mouth.

This was not an unmeaning act of brutnl violence, nor a
mere expression of resentment at Paul's not addressing them
as Fathers, as it might have seemed to be if the preceding
verse only contained the first words of his address without
disclosing what he meant to say. But as it reallv contains the
sum and substance of his whole defence, which ne could only
have explained and amplified if suffered to proceed, the action
here recorded was an arbitrary but sigmficant reply to it,
clothed in the form of a symbolical gesture, like stoning and
the rending or shaking of the garments. Striking on the mouth
implies a previous umawful use of it, as well as an injunction to
cease speaking. This mode of silencing improper self-defence
upon tne part of accused persons Ls said to be still practised
at the court of Persia. Translated into language it was here
equivalent to saying, that Paul's claim, not only to integrity
and innocence as some suppose, but to the highest theocratical
fidelity, was false in itself^ and grossly insulting to his judges,
whom it charged, by necessary implication, with being them-
selves unfaithful to their great national and religious trust.
(See above, on 7, 51-53, where Stephen urges the same accu-
sation in express and most ofiensive terms.) Whether this
practical repudiation of Paul's theocratic claims can be regard-
ed as the act of the whole body, depends upon the doubtful
and disputed question, as to the position occupied by Ananias.
It is commonly assumed, as a matter of course, or as the only
sense that can be put upon this verse and v. 4 below, that he
was the actual High Pnest at this time, and as such presiding

820 ACTS 23, 2.

in the Sanhedrim ^see above, on 4, 6. 7, 1.) That there was a
High Priest of this name about the time in question, is ex-
])ress1y stated by Josephus, who describes him as an avaricious,
overbearing man, and represents him as having been involved
in a dispute with the Samaritans, in consequence of which the
Roman governor, Quadratus, sent him to answer for himself
before the Emperor. But whether he was there detained or
sent back to Judea, and if so, whether he continued or was
re-appointed High Priest, are disputed points, in reference to
which Josephus has been variously understood, although the
latest writers are inclined to the opinion that he did return,
which vindicates Luke's accm*acy in referring to him here.
But even upon this hypothesis, it still contmues doubtful
whether he retained his office, or usurped it during a vacancy,
or merely held a place among the many High Priests who had
been successively put up and down by Roman intervention.
(See above, on 4, 6.) It should be remembered that the in-
tricacy and confusion of the history on these points is not ne-
cessarily the fitult of the historian, but arises irom the actual
irregularities existing at this crisis of the Jewish history, when
every thing was ten£ng to the outbreak of that war in which
the Hebrew commonwealth was finally destroyed. As the
same Greek word is rendered High and Chief Priests^ and as
there certainly were many titular High Priests at once, it is
highly arbitrary to insist upon the strict interpretation of the
title here, as meaning the one recognized and acting at the
time here mentioned, although this is certainly the natural
presumption, unless something in the context should require
or suggest the wider meaning which is equally agreeable to
usage. 77iose stayidlng by him might denote those members
of the council who were nearest to the prisoner ; but the verb
commanded seems to favour the opinion that the phrase de-
notes the ministerial officers or attendants of the council.
There is no need, however, of taking bystanders in the specific
sense of servants or attendants, which it is thought to have in
Luke 1, 19. John 18, 22 (but compare John 19, 20), as thb
would require us to read, standing by (or 7iear) hit/isel/] L e.
the High Priest, whereas the natural construction is, t/iose
standing by (or fiear to) Paul, If Ananms is here introduced,
not as the actual High Priest presiding in the council, but as
a previous incumbent and the leader of a faction, this com-
mand may be addressed to his own adherents or those stand-
ing near to him, as the leaders in the English Parliament de-

ACTS 2S, 2.3. 821

scribe those acting with them as the gentlemen around or nigh
them. The qnestion as to Ananias cannot be conclusively de-
termined witnout some regard to the ensuing verses.

3. Then said Paul unto him, Grod shall smite theie,
(thou) whited wall ; for sittest thou to judge me after
the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to
the law ?

Shall smite^ literally, is (or i$ aboiU) to smite^ the first verb
denoting simple ftiturity (see above, on 22, 16. 26. 29), without
expressing (although it of course implies) intention or deter-
mination on the part of Ood, much less a desire on the part
of Paul himself; so that the old idea of a (human) curse or im-
precation is at variance with the very form of the original.
The only sense consistent with this form is that of a prediction
or prophetical denunciation, not of the general fact that con-
dign punishment awaits such sinners (compare Oen. 9, 6. Matt.
26, 52^, but of the specific fact that this nmn was himself to
be smitten of God. This is not only the natural meaning of
the words, but is confirmed by the event, as we learn from
Josephus that this Ananias, in the beginning of the Jewish
War, was taken from an aqueduct where he lay concealed,
and put to death by sicarii or assassins, perhaps some of the
same zealots, whose fanaticism he encouraged and inflamed on
this occasion. Whited^ i. e. either washed or plastered with
lime, as the original word signifies. A whited wall is a fami-
liar figure for a fair outside, behind which or within which all
is foul and filthy. Our Saviour uses the still stronger image
of a whited sepulchre (Matt. 23, 27.) In this case, as in that,
there is reference, no doubt, to personal hypocrisy ; but as the
essential idea is a wider one, to wit, that of false appearances
in general, it is natural to give the phrase a wider meaning, as
applied not only to the private character of Ananias, but to
the hollow and unreal nature of the very office which he held
or had held, and indeed of the whole system which it repre-
sented. Nothing could well be more descriptive of the Cere-
monial Law, as it was sufiered to subsist till the destruction
of Jerusalem, a mere shell or framework, venerable and be-
loved for the fothers' sake, but from which the vitality or
essence had now passed into another form, than this homely
figure of a whited wall, behind which there was nothing, at

VOL. II. X

922 ACTS 23, 8.

least nothing ^ood or even sightly. Thus explained, Panl's
hoiguskge may be paraphrased as follows. * Ton command me
to be smitten, bat a &r worse stroke from €k>d himself awaits
YOU, the unworthy claimant of an office once ordained of God,
but now itself a mere mask and disguise of human corruption
under the name and garb of institutions, which have done
their office and are soon to vanish even from the sight of men.'
That this severe denunciation was a burst of sinful passion,
is entirely at variance with Paul's whole position in this narra-
tive, and not supported in the least by his complaint of the in-
justice done him, which he had a right to utter, even if only
personally interested, much more when thus treated in his offi-
cial representative capacity. For aittest thouy literally, and
thou sittesty the conjunction having a peculiar force in such
connections, nearly equivalent to t?ien or so then (as in Luko
10, 29, and elsewhere!) Sitting is probably in all languages
and nations the appropriate judicial posture. (See Judg. 5,
10. Ps. 9, 7. 122, 6. Prov. 20, 8. Isal 28, 6.) Sittest judging
(or to Judge) me, does not necessarily imply that Ananias was
presidmg, because every member of the Sanhedrim was acting
as a judge on this occasion, and because by his command to
smite Paul he had volunteered a premature decision of the
case before he heard it, whether acting as the president or as
an individual. (For a similar abuse of the same verb, but in
another application, see above, on 16, 19.) Contrary to the
law is in Greek a participle, and means breaking the laWy or
acting lawlessly, (Compare the corresponding noun in 2 Pet.
2, 16.) The lawlessness was twofold and consisted, first, in
the unworthy and unjust treatment of Paul's person ; then,
in arbitrarily condemning hira before he heard hira. Here let
it be again observed, that Paul was not on trial simply for
himselti but for his Master, whose pretensions as the true Mes-
siah were involved in Paul's defence before the Sanhedrim.
The truth of his assertion in the first verse, that he had been
£uthful to the church of the Old Testament, depends entirely
on the feet that Christ had not destroved its institutions but
fulfilled them. Here then, as well as m v. 6 below, he identi-
fies his own cause with the cause of Christianity, and therefore
when he speaks of having been unjustly dealt with, the com-
plaint has reference to something more than personal maltreat-
ment, and cannot possibly be reckoned as an ebullition of mere
private feehng.

ACTS 23, 4.5. 823

4. And they that stood by said, Revilest thou God's

high priest ?

This has often been regarded as conclusive evidence that
Ananias was the actual High Priest, because no other would
be called the High Priest of God, But the force of this argu-
ment depends entirely on the persons so describing him. Ab
we have seen before (on 4, 6), the actual possession of the
office was determined, not by the Mosaic law, but by the Ro-
man government, who looked upon the priesthood chiefly as a
national or civil function, representing the whole body, and
the most convenient medium of communication with its for-
eign masters. This seems to be the only explanation of the
&ct that, while in other points the Jews were left in undis-
turbed possession of their own religion, the High Priesthood
was subjected to continual change, at the caprice or discretion
of the Romans. In the eyes of all strict Jews, however, there
could be but one legitimate High Priest living at the same
time, and his rights were founded on descent from Aaron, not
on the decisions of a heathen power. There might indeed be
adverse claims among the Jews themselves, and more than one
competitor mi^ht be supported, each by his own adherents, as
the legitimate mcimibent. That there were such rivalries and
conflicts, is not only in itself a probable result of causes which
we know to have been in operation, but the natural impression
made by the contemporary history. If they that stood by are
the same in this verse as in that before it, where, as we have
seen, the words may have respect to the immediate friends
and partisans of Ananias, then the phrase God's High Priest
only proves that his adherents so regarded him, while others
may have been preferred by other Jewish factions, and still
another recognized and upheld by the Romans in the actual
possession of the title and prerogatives belonging to the office,
I^ on the other hand, Ananias was the actual High Priest, they
that stood by will have the same sense as in v. 2, either the
general one of persons present, or the more specific one of offi-
cers, attendants. On any of the suppositions which have been
suggested, the adherents of the High Priest would of course
regard PauPs prophetic denunciation as impious and insolent.

5. Then said Paul, I wist not, brethren, that he
was the high priest : for it is written. Thou shalt not
speak evil of the ruler of thy people.

9H ACTS 28, S.

The &fthioiiable sentimental view of thii yerse i% that
Paul acknowledges his having spoken in a fit of paadon, and
apologizes for it. But besides the sheer impossibility of
making I wist not (i e. did not know) mean Jtdid not cof^
9ider (or remember at the moment), the acknowledgment
itself would be at variance with all the fiicts and circumstances
of the case. The objection is not, as some seem to imagine,
that the great Apostle was entirdv free from human weak-
ness, but that its exhibition b precluded by the special com-
mission under which he acted as a witness for his Master at
Jerusalem, both to the masses and the rulers of the Jews. In
what imaginable juncture of his history, if not in this, could he
expect Christ's promise to be verified, " but when they deliver
you up, take no thought how or what ye shall speak ; for it
ahaU be given you in uiat same hour what ye shall speak ; for
it is not ^e that speak, but the Spirit of your Father which
f^>eaketh in you'* (Matt. 10, 19. 20. Mark 13, 11.) After hav-
ing been directed to postpone his long-desired voyage to Rome,
for the very purpose of this &rewell visit and appeal to his
own people, and then so providentially brought into contact,
first with the representative assemblage from all nations in the
area of the temple at the feast of Pentecost, and now with the
official representatives of Israel in their aggregate and organ-
ised capficity, there is something monstrous in the supposition
that a single act of violent injustice, added to the tnousands
which he had before experienced, betrayed him into an intem-
perate expression of unsanctified resentment, and that Luke
nas solemnlv recorded this unhappy and unseasonable burst
of feeling, for the sake of showing how inferior Paul was to
his Master, and yet how gracefully and frankly he could make
amends for such ofiences. Jerome's famous contrast between
Paul's behaviour and that of Christ's upon a similar occasion
(John 18, 22. 23), though often quoted with applause, contains
a double fallacy ; first, m assuming that our Saviour literally
acted on his own rule, that when smitten upon one cheek we
must turn the other also (Matt. 6, 39), whereas he expostulated
and resisted no less really, though certainly in milder terms, than
Paul himself; and then in takmg it for granted that the con-
duct of bis followers was to be governed by his own example
in a situation to which theirs was never perfectly analogous,
rather than by his immediate and express instructions with re-
spect to the particular emergency in which they were to act.
Ihat Paul was thus directed and restrained, is not explicitly

ACTS 23, 5. 825

affinned, but is really included in the promise above cited,
which of course extends to Paul as an Apostle, and in perfect
keeping with the whole series of events by which he had been
brought into his present trying situation. Another fallacy,
which runs through some interpretations of this verse, is that
of confounding Paul's supposed infirmity of temper with the
sins of Patriarchs and other holy men, so frequently and can-
didly recorded in the Scriptures. But in all such instances,
the act is sinful in itself and incapable of any other explana-
tion, which is very fer from being the case here ; or the oivine
displeasure is distinctly indicated, either in express words, or
by retributive judgments, or by both, as in the case of David

i2 Sam. 12, 10. 11) ; whereas no case can be found in which a
*rophet or inspired man, acting by express divine direction,
in a most momentous crisis, was allowea to fall into such errors
in the very act of executing his commission, or another man
inspired to record his weakness. (See below, on v. 11.) To
the view now taken of the passage no objection can be drawn
from the quotation in the last clause, which is simplytanta-
mount to saying, ' I know the law that you refer to (Ex. 22,
28), but I am not guilty of its violation.' This is at least as
natural and easy a construction as the one which supposes the
sudden recollection of the law in question to have brought
Paul to his senses and convinced him of his indiscretion. But
the question still remains, in what sense Paul could say, I wist
not that he was the High Priest^ or as the words ought to be
translated, I knew not that he is the High Priest, Some say
that Paul was not acquainted with his person, on account of
his long absence and the frequent changes in the office. The
reply often made to this, that the official dress and seat of the
High Priest must have revealed him even to a stranger, much
more to one so familiar with the Jewish forms and usages as
Paul was, is only true upon the doubtful supposition, that this
Ananias was the acting High Priest, in the strict sense of the
terms, and as such presiding upon this occasion. Another an-
swer is that Paul, from weiXness of sight, or looking in a dif-
ferent direction, or the general confusion, did not know from
whom the order had proceeded. But besides the statement
in V. 3, that Paul addressed Jthe words to him^ i. e. to Ana-
nias, this would not have been an answer to the general
charge of speaking evil of the rulers of his people. Another
objection to both these solutions is that they suppose Paul to
mean, ^ I did not know him bat I know him now,' whereas the

326 ACTS 23, 6.

present tense (ccrri) necessarily implies, that his iCTorance,
whatever it might oe, still contmued. The combination of the
past and present forms can only be explained by understanding
nim to mean, ^I did not know (and I do not now know^ that he
is the High Priest.* This is referred by some to his irregular
appointment, or to his having been deposed, or, by a sort of
irony, to his personal tm worthiness. ' I did not Know that
such a man could be the High Priest.' But the most satis&o-
tory solution is, that Paul means to deny that Ananias was in
any such sense High Priest, as to make him a violator of the
law in Exodus, ^d this he might affirm, on either of the
previous suppositions as to this man's actual relation to the
office, L e. wnether he was acting now as High Priest, or was
only one of many who had filled the office and still bore the
title (see above, on v. 2.) This distinction is of less exegetical
importance, because Paul's denunciation was not meant to ter-
minate upon the individual, but through him aimed at the en-
tire system, of which he claimed to be the representative.
That this is not more clearly stated is a part of that reserve
and toleration which distinguish the whole apostolic mode of
treating the Mosaic institutions, during this anomalous and
doubtful interval As Paul could at the same time teach the
independence of salvation upon all ceremonial observances, and
yet conform to them himself for safety or conciliation, so he
might virtually represent the priesthood, and the law of which
it was the centre, as an abrogated system, without saying so
explicitly, as long as God permitted the external framework
to continue ; a reserve which may have had respect to the pre-
possessions of the Christian Jews, of which they were not
wholly disabused until the great catastrophe, a few years afler
these events. (See above, on 21, 20.) If the views nere taken
of this difficult and interesting passage are correct, Paul's re-
ply to the reproach of the bystanders may be paraphrased as
follows. ' You upbraid me with insulting the High Priest of
God, but whom or which of those who bear the name ? The
very presence of so many claiming this distinction shows how
utterly your practice has departed from the ancient one, and
makes it scarcely possible to know who or who is not the legit-
imate successor of Aaron. When I reproved this man, and
threatened him with condign judgments for his malice against
me and against him whose I am and whom I serve, I did not
know, and do not now know that he is the High Priest of 6od.
I know, though you do not, that the office exists only in ap^

AC T S 28, 5. 6. 827

pearance and in name, and that even that vnll soon be done
away, so as to leave not a vestige of that ancient and divinely
constituted priesthood, which 1 could not have reviled with-
out a fla^ant violation of the law, Thou shalt not speak evil
of the rmer of thy people.*

6. But when Paul perceived that the one part were
Sadducees, and the other Pharisees, he cried out in the
council, Men (and) brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son
of a Pharisee : of the hope and resurrection of the dead
I am called in question.

When Paul perceived might seem to mean that among
those present he now recognized persons belonging to both
parties ; but the meaning ofthe Greek is simply, PaiU knoto-
ing^ i. e. knowing it beiorehand as a standing fact, and not
that he discovered it as something new, by looking round him
upon this occasion. Were Sddduceea, or more exactly, is (com-
posed) of Sadducees^ and the other of Pharisees, These were
the two great parties, commonly called sects, between which
the nation was divided, and the representatives of which were
no doubt as continually present in the Sanhedrim as Whigs
and Tories in the British Parliament. (See above, on 4, 1. 6,
IV.) Men (and) brethren^ the same friendly but not flattering
address which he had used before (in v. 1^ Son of a Phari-
see, or as the oldest copies, versions, and Fathers have it, son
of Pharisees^ which some refer to both his parents, others to
the whole line of his ancestry, as far back as these party lines
existed, which are commonly hereditary, though the plural
form does not exclude particular exceptions. The essential
fact asserted is, that his connections had been always with
that party, which contended for the national peculiarities of
Judaism, m opposition to the liberal or latitudmarian conces-
sions of the Sadducees. In their later and degenerated state,
the former had been led to overload the law with mere tradi-
tions, and the latter to repudiate even some essential doc-
trines. Of one such difierence between them Paul avails
himself by crying, ^ (i. e. about, concerning) hope and resur-
rection of (the) dead Jam called in question^ ]iterB}ly^ judged
or tried. By hope and resurrection many understand the
hope of such a resurrection, by the figure called hendiadys
(see above, on 2, 42.) More probably, however, one is a gene-

928 ACTS 23, 6.

rio and the other a specific term, the hope (of Israel) and (as a
necessary part of it, or necessarily connected with it, that of
the) resurrection of (the) dead. ]N ow the hope of Israel, when
absolutely used, most mean the hope of the Messiah ^see be*
low, on 26, 6. 7), and this, in Paul's view, was inseparable from
the great £ict of his resurrection, which again, as he demon-
strates in one of his epistles, is the pledge and foretaste of a
ff^eral resurrection (l Cor. 15, 12-20.) Thus explained, the
brief phrase, Jiope and resurrection of the dead^ embraces all
that was believed, as to the future, by the Jews in general,
and by the Pharisees in piuiicular. There was, therefore,
something which the Christians held in common with the
Pharisees, but not with the Sadducees, to wit, the doctrine
of the resurrection ; so that Paul, in making this last effort to
conciliate his kinsmen according to the flesh, appeals of course
to this remaining link between himself and the school to whidi
he once belonged, abandoning the Sadducees as destitute of
any thing on which to found the hope of reconciliation. lasn
a jPharisee means, therefore, as to this ^eat point of differ-
ence between you ; nor is this qualification merely left to be
inferred, but distinctly intimated in the last clause. As if he
had said, ' I am and always have been on the Pharisaic side,
and opposed to the Sadducean doctrine with respect to resur-
rection, which indeed, as I connect it with the hope of a Mes-
siah, is the real although not the obvious occasion of my
standing here this day before you.' So a converted Papist
might exclaim in an assembly of his former brethren, where
the most contradictory opinions were asserted in relation to
the doctrines of grace, ^ I am a Jansenist and always was a
Jansenist,' without intending or being understood to express
any further acquiescence in their views than as they stood op-
posed to those of Jesuits and Semipelagians. This view of
ms meaning, as suggested by the whole connection and the
circumstances imder which the words were uttered, will pre-
pare us to appreciate the twofold charge which has been urged
gainst him, in addition to the one already mentioned (see
above, on v, 5), namely, that he used an unworthy artiiice in
order to divide his enemies, and that he misrepresented the
true nature of the charge against him. The first objection is
connected with the arbitrary notion, that this policy was sud-
denly suggested to him, when forbidden to proceed with his
defence ; whereas it probably formed part of the defence it-
sel£ The other rests upon the false assumption that he gives

^y*

ACTS 23, 6.7.8- 829

this as the formal charge alleged against him; whereas he
means to say the very opposite, to wit, that this was not the
formal charge at all, but that it might be easilj redaced to
this, as the great principle at issue.

7. And when he had so said, there arose a dissen-
sion between the Pharisees and the Sadducees, and
the multitude was divided.

He having said this (literally, this he having said) there
arose (happened, came to pass, began to be) a dissension^ not
a mere difference of opinion, but an actual dispute (as in 15, 2),
or a violent commotion (as in 19, 40), not in reference to doc-
trinal divisions, but to !raul and to the charges which had
been alleged against him, as a teacher of apostasy and a pro-
fener of the temple (see above, on 21, 28.) The multitude
does not mean the people as distinguished from the Sanhedrim
or council, but the whole mass or body of the Sanhedrim it-
self, as distinguished from the parties into which it was divid-
ed. (For a like relative use of the same Greek word, see
above, on 2, 6. 4,32. 6,2.5. 15,12.30. 19,9. 21,22.) Di-
vided^ rent, split, the Greek verb from which schism is derived
(see above, on 14, 4, where the whole phrase occurs, both in
Greek and English.) The division here described was not a
permanent or new one, but a sudden paroxysm of their usual
antipathy and party-zeal, immediately produced by Paul's
avowal of his Pharisaic sentiments on one important subject,
which would irritate one party in the same proportion that it
pleased the other.

8. For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrec-
tion, neither angel, nor spirit ; but the Pharisees con-
fess both.

This is Luke's explanation of the effect produced by Paul's
appeal to the Pharisees, consisting in a statement of the points
of difference between the parties, so far as they affected this
division. JFbr, literally^, for indeed^ or on the one hand, cor-
responding to the but m the other clause, the two correlative
particles employed to balance a Greek sentence or make it
antithetical m form (see above, on 1, 5.) For Sadducees
(without the article) indeed say (i. e. are accustomed so to
say or teach) that tnere is no resurrection (literally^ not to b$

880 ACTS 23, 8.9.

a resurrection) neither angel nor spirit^ i. e. any other spirit^
the genus of which angel is a species. Or spirit may be used
in the specific sense of a disembodied human soul (as in Heb.
12, 23.) This additional difference is mentioned, either on
account of its connection with the other, since the resurrection
of the body necessarily implies a previous separate existence
of the disembodied spirit, or because of the allusion to it, made
by the Pharisees themselves, in v. 9. It has been disputed
how the Sadducees could reconcile their unbelief on this point
with their reception of the Pentateuch, if not of the entire Old
Testament, in which the reference to angels is so frequent.
Some explain this by supposing, that the Sadducees regarded
such appearances as transient, or believed that angels were
created pro Juic vice^ and as soon as they had done their
work, annihilated or absorbed into the Deity. But without
resorting to such methods of solution, we may be content to
know from all experience, that no limits can be set to the ca-
pacities of sceptical interpretation, which can easily eliminate
nrom Scripture even its most palpable contents, but Phari-
sees acknotoledge bothy i e. both the doctrines which the Sad-
ducees had just been said to disbelieve, that of a future resur-
rection, and that of the existence of pure spirits. Angd and
spirit are so evidently used to express one great idea, that it
seems absurd to count them separately, so as with resurrection
to make three, and then to ask how both can be applied to
more than two. Chrysostom, who ought to be acquainted
with Greek usage, says that it was so used ; but this, though
available in case of exoffetical necessity, is not so satis&ctory
as the explanation which has just been given.

9. And there arose a great cry, and the scribes
(that were) of the Pharisees' part arose, and strove, say-
ing, We find no evil in this man ; but if a spirit or an
angel hath spoken to him, let us not fight against God.

That the whole afiair was one of passionate excitement,
not of rational conviction, is sufficiently apparent from this
mention of the cry or clamour. Arose is here employed, not
only to express two different ideas, but to render two distinct
Greek verbs. The first is that used in v. 7, meaning happened
or began to be. The other is a participle and means standing
upj arising from their seats, in tumultuous confusion. T?ic

ACTS 23, 9. 10. 381

Scribes of the part (i, e. party) of the Pharisees (considered
as a portion or division of the council), their learned men and
professional leaders, the official guarouans and expounders of
the law (see above, on 4, 6.) These would naturally take the
lead in doctrinal discussion, or in any other controversy grow-
ing out of it. Some suppose that all the Scribes were Phari-
sees, since none are mentioned, here or elsewhere, as belong-
ing to the other party ; while the opposite conclusion has been
drawn by others from the form of expression here, which is
really ambiguous and may be construed either to mean, ' such
Scribes as were of the party of the Pharisees,' or ' the Scribes
who were all of the party of the Pharisees.' The truth lies
probably between the two extremes, to wit, that the majority
of Scribes, as of the Jews in general, was on the Pharisaic
side. Such was the magical effect of Paul's avowed agree-
ment with them, that these Scribes, for the time, became his
friends and champions, at least as much in opposition to the
Sadducees, as from sincere conviction of his innocence. No
evily i. e. crime or ground of condemnation. If a spirit did
speak to him or an angel is supposed by some to be a refer-
ence to Paul's visions, mentioned in his speech the day before
(see above, on 21, 14. IV.) There is also an obvious allusion
to the Sadducean disbelief, and an indirect profession of their
own faith in angels and spirits. In the previous disputes, the
Sadducees may possibly have urged these visions as objections
to the truth of the Apostle's story. Let us not fight against
God is in Greek a compound verb, corresponding to the ad-
jective in 6, 39, from which the latest critics suppose it to
have been interpolated here, as it is wanting in the oldest
manuscripts and versions, and was probably mserted to com-
plete the sentence, which without it is an instance of the figure
of speech called aposiopesis. If a spirit did speak to him or
an angel (what of that ? or what is there incredible in that ?)
Some modem writers make it interrogative throughout,
(what) if a spirit did speak to him or an angel f which
amounts to the same thing. In favour of the conmion text
it has been urged, that an interpolation would have proba-
bly retained the very form used oy Gamaliel (see above, on
6, 89.)

10. And when there arose a great dissension, the
chief captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled

333 ACTS 23, 10.11.

in pieces of them, commanded the soldiers to go down^
and to take him by force from among them, and to
bring (him) into the castle.

Much dissension arising^ the same nonn and verb as in
V. 7 above. Fearing^ in Greek a passive, m&ajong frightened or
gHarmedy and corresponding to afraid in its original participial
form (affirayed)y though now used only as an adjective.
Pvllea inpiecesy literally, draton asunder (or ajKirt), which is
no doubt to be strictly understood, as implying that both par-
ties seized him and endeavoured to secure Ms person. Here
again the ever watchful care and solicitude of the Roman
commander is exemplified. The soldiers is in Greek a collec-
tive singular, translated army in v. 27 below, but really mean-
ing in both cases a detachment, or a body of troops, whether
large or small. Going down (from the tower or castle of
Antonia into the enclosure of the temple, where the Sanhe-
drim must therefore have been meeting) to seize (or snatch)
him from the midst of thern^ to bring him too (re) into the
camp (or fortified enclosure, see above,. on 21, 84. 37. 22, 24.)

11. And the night following the Lord stood by
him, and said. Be of good cheer, Paul ; for as thou
hast testified of me in Jerusalem, so must thou bear
witness also at Rome.

It is not surprising that Paul, after this extraordinary series
of apologies, rejections, and rescues, should have needed some
express encouragement and indication of divine approval.
The coming (or ensuing) nighty the corresponding phrase to
that in 7, 26. 16, 11. 20, 15. 21, 18. The nightf here meant is
that which followed the exciting scenes described in vs. 1-10.
The Lardy i. e. the Lord Jesus Chnst, as in 22, 8. 10. 16. 19.
Standing by (or ocer) him^ perhaps as he lay upon his bed,
though not necessarily in a dream, but rather in a waking
vision. Be of good cheer (or cmirage)^ be courageous, cheer-
fuL Such exhortations do not necessarily imply excessive or
unusual dejection, but are simply assurances of the divine fa-
vour and approval. As if he had said, ' Be not troubled or
discouraged by this opposition and rejection of thy testimony;
it is enough that I approve and will reward thee.' The last
dause intimates that he had now perfoimcd his mission in Je-

ACTS 23, 11. 1^- 388

rosalem, and must torn his &ce towards Rome for the same
purpose. The length of time and various events which were
to intervene of course formed no part of this soothing and en-
couraging disclosure. But what was the testimony thus ap-
provingly referred to as already borne, if not that very ut-
terance to which a sentimental age would now attach the
sense of an apology for hasty language and unbridled temper,
and that last appeal to I^ansaio orthodoxy, which the scrupu-
lous morality of modem sceptics brands as Jesuitical. If
Paul's address to the people was a part of his apostohc testi-
mony, so of course was his defence before the Sanhedrim, and
nothing can be more unreasonable than the supposition of his
having interrupted this official witness-bearing with a burst of
sinful anger, except the supposition that in case he did so, his
testimony would nave been approved, aa it appears to be in
this verse, without qualification or reserve. This clause is not
a simple warning that he was to suffer in Rome as he had
done m Jerusalem, but a promise that having now discharged
his functions in the Holy City, he should complete his work
as the Apostle of the Gentiles, by appearing in that character
at Rome itself.

12. And when it was day, certam of the Jews
banded together, and bound themselves under a curse,
saying that they would neither eat nor drink till they
had killed Paul.

It being (or having become) day^ certain of the Jews^ or
according to the oldest text, simply ths Jew8^ these zealots
representing really the spirit and temper of the whole contem-
porary generation. Banded together^ literally, made a com-
biriation^ the same Greek word that is used above, in 19, 40,
and there rendered concourse^ but here more nearly corre-
sponding to the kindred term concurrence^ i. e. concert and
collusion. Bound themselves under a cursCy in Greek anathe-
matized themselveSy i. e. pronounced themselves anathema or
cursed of God, unless they executed this engagement. Anath-
ema originally means a deposit, then more particularly some-
thing set up or suspended in a temple as a votive offering.
Among the Jews it seems to have been used to represent a
Hebrew word denoting an irrevocable vow, or something
consecrated either to (£>d's special service or to irremissiblS

884 ACTS 23, 12-14.

destruction. (Compare the usage of the Hebrew noun, Ley.
27,21.28.29. Num. 18, 14. Deut. 7, 26. 13,18. 1 Kings 20,
42. Isai. 34, 5. Zech. 14, 11. Mai. 3, 24.) Later ecclesiastical
usage gave it the sense of excommunication, as in the ancient
formula by which the councils of the church condenmed es-
sential errors, or denounced the man by whom they were be-
lieved or taught, (ovo^c/ia tarwS *•*• let him be anathema," a
custom founded on the words or Paul in Gal. 1, 8. 9 (compare
Rom. 9, 3. 1 Cor. 12, 3. 16, 22.) By such a curse these «lews
had bound themselves, i. e. they had invoked the curse upon
themselves if they should prove fiuse to the pledge which they
had given. Saying (promising, engaging) neither to eat nor
drink^ an ancient form of oath or vow, of which we have ex-
amples in 1 Sam. 14, 24. 2 Sam. 3, 35. By engaging to abstain
from the most essential act or means of life until their promise
was redeemed, they gave the strongest proof ortheir sincerity,
and at the same time the most potent stimulus to prompt and
energetic action o;i their own part.

13. 14. And they were more than forty which had
made this conspiracy ; and they came to the chief
priests and elders, and said, We have bound ourselves
under a great curse, that we will eat nothing until we
have slain Paul.

That this was not a scheme for the commission of an ordi-
nary murder, is evinced by two things, first, that it was not
the act of one or two desperadoes, but the joint resolution of
no less than forty, probably well known in the community.
The other reason is that it was not kept secret, but submitted
to the Sanhedrim, whose tacit approbation gives it both a
national and religious character. We have here a specimen
of that fanatical yet conscientious zealotry, which ultimately
brought about the downfall of Jerusalem (see above, on v. 5,
and compare 1, 13. 21, 20.) We learn from Josephus, that
this bigoted and sanguinary zeal was gradually ripening for
years before the great catastrophe. The repetition in the last
clause seems designed to show the grave deliberation and
formality with which they set about their task, not as a crime,
but as a pious act by winch they thought to do God service,
as predicted by our Lord himself (John 16, 2.) To taste no-
thing may be simply equivalent to neither eat nor drink in v.

ACTS 23, 14.16. 886

12 (see above, on 10, 10. 20, 11), but the idea natarally sug-
gested is that of still more total and exclusive abstinence.

15. Now therefore ye with the council signify to
the chief captain that he bring him down unto you to-
morrow, as though ye would inquire something more
perfectly concerning him ; and we, or ever he come
near, are ready to kill him.

The Chief Priests and Elders were not only made acquaint*
ed with this plot, but summoned to take part in it, not as indi*
viduals but as a body, by bringing Paul mto the power of his
murderers through &Ise representations to his Koman pro-
tector. It was evidently by a vote or act of the whole council
that this plausible request was to be made, as it was founded
on Paul's previous appearance in that body, and perhaps upon
the fact that he had not obtained a hearing, which these zeal-
ots now propose to grant him, but with the avowed determi-
nation not to let him even reach the council hall alive. The
same thing is suggested by the word translated signify^ which
properly denotes a formal or official notice. Some suppose
that this flagitious proposition was made only to the Chief
Priests and elders of the Sadducean party, as the Pharisees
had openly espoused Paul's cause. But as this effect was
owing to a momentary impulse, and as both parties afterwards
accused him before Felix (see below, on 24, 15), it is better
to make no limitation not suggested by the text or context.
Bring him down^ from the tower of Antonia to the council-
chamber, probably within the enclosure of the temple ^see
above, on v. 10.) As {if) about (or intending) to knoio thor-
oughly (or ascertain) more accurately (or exactly) the (things)
concerning (or about) him. For the use of the Greek adverb,
which is never accurately rendered in our version, see above,
on 18, 25. 26, and compare the corresponding noun in 22, 3.
Or every an old Fnglish phrase, precisely equivalent to before,
Heady to kill^ or ready for the killing, an unusual construction
and peculiarly expressive. The proposal was not to despatch
him m the council, but to relieve that body of the whole re-
Sjponsibility, by killing him while still afar off. If the Sanhe-
orim assented to this proposition, they were guilty of the
grossest hypocrisy, as well as of complicity in the proposed
murder.

89A ACTS 23, 16.17.

16. And when Paul's sister's son heard of their
lying in wait^ be went and entered into the castle, and
told Paul.

The execution of the plot is prevented by its premature
disclosure to the Romans. The providential instrument of
tills disclosure was a relative of Paul himself not elsewhere
mentioned, and the blank attached to whose name it is vain to
fill with fanciful conjectures, as for instance, that his mother ;
the companion of Paul's childhood, was residing in Jerusalem,
or that he was sent there, as his uncle had been, to receive his
education ; or that he accompanied him on this journey. Not
only is there nothing gidned by such conjectures, but they
really detract from the air of authenticity imparted to all nar-
ratives by unexplained and incidental reference to &cts intrin-
aoally not improbable though often wholly unimportant. (See
above, on 20, 13.) What is more natural and likely than that
Paul should have a nephew, otherwise unknown to history,
but providentially employed to baffle the designs of his blood-
thirsty enemies ? Their lying in wait^ literally, the dmhuscade
or ambushy not in the figurative sense of plot, but with a lit-
eral allusion to their plan of watching for him and despatching
him while on the way. Heard of seems to imply that it had
oome to him by rumour, or that he had overheard their secret
plottings. But the Greek text simply represents him as hear^
ing the (plan of) ambiiscade itself, L e. hearing it proposed in
some assembly, probably the Sanhedrim, as stated m v. 14.
The whole affair appears to have been publicly concerted,
at least so far as related to the Jews, the only concealment
necessary being from the prisoner himself and from his Roman
guardians. The providential fact that a near relative of Paid
was in the midst of them, and in attendance on their meetings,
was of course unknown to them and unsuspected ; yet to this
was owing the defeat of the whole project. Entered into the
castky which was probably accessible to any person, but espe-
cially to Paul's friends, as we know to have been the case at
Cesarea (see below, on 24, 23.) Told hiniy reported to him,
brought him word, the same word that is used above in 4, 23.
5,22.25. 11,13. 12,14.17. 16,27. 16,36.

17. Then Paul called one of the centurions unto
(him), and said, Bring this young man unto the chief
captain, for he hath a certain thing to tell him.

ACTS 28, 17-10. 887

The graphic minuteness with which all the details of this
transaction are recorded ma^ be due to Paul's own vivid re-
collection of the scene, but still more naturally seem to imply
that the historian witnessed it himself although we have no
certain information whether Luke was with Paul till the time
of his setting sail from Palestine to Italy (see below, on 27, 1),
when the use of the first person is again resumed (see abovOi
on 16, 10. 20, 5.) One of the cerUurians on duty near him, or
perhaps in charge of him (see above, on 22, 25/) Bring^ litep*
ally, take (or lead) away^ implying that the Tribune was not
close at hand. ThU youtJi^ tne word applied to Paul himself
upon his first appearance in the history ^ee above, on 7, 58.)
To teU him^ or report to him, as in die (uose of the preceding
verse.

18. So he took him, and brought (him) to the
chief captain, and said, Paul the prisoner called me
unto (him), and prayed me to bring this young man
unto thee, who hath something to say unto thee.

The deference paid to Paul's request may have been partly
owing to humanity and partly to an interest in his mysterious
character and mission, out perhaps more than either to his
recognition as a Roman citizen (see above, on 22, 25. 26.) The
prisoTier Paul may mean no more than that he was confined
to the precincts of the camp or castle ; but it may be, that the
bonds, which are described as loosed in 22, 30, had been now
replaced and that he was again chained to a soldier (see above,
on 12, 6. 21, 33.) CaUing me to {him) askedy may have been
intended to suggest that the centurion had not volunteered
his services or begun the conversation, which might have
seemed to show too great an interest in the prisoner and too
familiar an acquaintance with him. Bring is the strict trans-
lation of the verb here used, which is the simple uncompound-
ed form of that employed in the preceding verse. Who hath^
literally, having, an acti> e participle whidi agrees grammati-
cally with young m^n or youth.

19. Then the chief captain took him by the hand,
and went (with him) aside privately, and asked (him),
What is that thou hast to tell me ?

Taking his hand^ or taking him by the hand^ a mark of

VOL. n. T

888 ACTS 23, 19.20.

afiability and kindness, which are not so strange and misplaced
in a Roman officer of rank, as to implj a special divine influ-
ence compelling him to act in opposition to his real disposi-
tions, although this, as well as every other part of the trans-
action, was undoubtedly controlled and ordered by an all-wise
Providence, as means to an important end. Aside privatelt/^
are not in Greek two adverbs in immediate juxtaposition ; but
the former is included in the compound verb, which means to
withdraw or retire (compare Matt. 4, 12. 12,15, Marks, 7.
John 6, 15), and from which, in its later application, is derived
the English anchorite. Privately^ apart, alone. The seem-
ing eagerness of this interrogation is explained not only by
Paul's sending him, but also by the commander's anxious wish
to know the cause of Paul's arrest, and also perhaps the state
of public feeling. No military service, probably, was ever
more solicitous or harassing than that of Roman officers in Pal-
estine, at this eventiul epoch, when the whole nation was in
such a state of feverish mobilitv, that a popular outbreak might
be daily looked for. This anxiety was naturally heightened, in
the case before us, by imperfect information and a want of
personal acquaintance with the language and the institutions
of the country. It would be amusing to observe the symp-
toms of this ignorant solicitude, combined with great profes-
sional sagacity and promptness, and with traits of natural
nobility, if it were not all connected with the painful trials of
the great Apostle, and the fearful doom impending over Israel

20. And he said, The Jews have agreed to desire
thee that thou wouldest bring down Paul to-morrow
into the council, as though they would inquire some-
what of him more perfectly.

Although the facts had all been previously stated, they are
here repeated, no doubt in the very words employed by Paul's
nephew, who most probably addressed both his uncle and the
officer in Greek, llie Jews again implies that this was only a
fortuitous display of the spirit which now governed the whole
nation (see above, on v. 12.) Agreed^ literally, put together
or co7nbined^ i. e. concerted or devised a plan. (Compare the
use of the same verb in Luke 22, 5. John 9, 22.) To asky de-
sire, or request (see above, on v. 18. 3,3. 10,48. 16,39. 18,
20), implying that they could not claim it as a right, or at least

ACTS 23, 20-22. 880

choose to ask it as a fitvour. As though^ etc,y precisely as in v.
15, except that know is here exchanged for inquire^ both verbs
in Greek usage meaning secondarily to ascertain^

21. But do not thou yield unto them ; for there he
in wait for him of them more than forty men, which
have bound themselves with an oath, that they will
neither eat nor drink till they have killed him ; and
now are they ready, looking for a promise from thee.

JSut should be then or there/ore, i. e. because the real mo-
tive of their plausible request is what he then proceeds to
state. Yield to them^ literally, be persuaded by them^ as in
5, 40, where it is translated by the verb agreed. Lie in waity
the verb corresponding to the noun in v. 16 above. Ofthevn^
literally, out of^ from among them, which again imphes that
there was nothing peculiar in the spirit or the conduct of these
forty zealots, but that they were merely representatives and
agents of all Israel. Bound with an oath^ the same verb that
is rendered, bound under a curse in v. 12, but in the margin,
with an oath of execration. That they wiU^ etc., literdly,
neither to eat nor drink. Killed^ not the verb used in vs. 12.

14, but that in V. 16, and often elsewhere, corresponding very
nearly to despaJtch or moke away with (see above, on 2, 28,
22, 20.) Looking for (i. e. expecting or awaiting) a promise

ii. e. an assent to their proposal, an agreement to produce
*aul as they wished.) Some prefer the sense of order^ others
that of notice or announcemertt^ both which are agreeable to
Classical but not to Hellenistic usage, or at least not to that
of the New Testament, in which it always means a promise.
For the usage of the book before us, see above, on 1, 4. 2, 83.
39. 7,17. 13,23.)

22. So the chief captain (then) let the young man
depart, and charged (him, See thou) tell no man that
thou hast shewed these things to me.

So then tfie chiliarch dismissed the youth^ charging (or
having charged^ or strictly ordered) him, (For the meaning
of the first verb, see above, on 3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 6, 40. 13, 3.

15, 30. 33. 16, 35. 36. 17, 9. 19, 41 ; for that of the second, on
1,4. 4,18. 6,28.40. 10,42. 15,6. 16,18.23. 17,30.) The

940 A C T S 23, 22. 23.

English version changes the oonstmction for the sake of nni*
formity, the Greek abmptly passing from the third to the first
and second persons. Charging him to teUno one, that thou
hast disclosed these (things) to me. The same end might haye
been secured by inserting saith Ae, as in 1, 4. To teUj or more
exactly, to speak out^ or as we say in English, let out. Di^
closed^ the verb translated signify in v. 15 above. This pro-
hibition was of coarse intended to gain time for sending Faul
away, before the zealots knew that their design had been
betrayed.

23. And he called unto (him) two centurions, say-
ing, Make ready two hundred soldiers to go to Cesarea,
and horsemen threescore and ten, and spearmen two
hundred, at the third hour of the night —

Calling to (him) some (or certain) two (an idiomatic phrase
not easily expressed in EInglish) of the centurions ([under his
oonmiand, of whom there were usually ten in a legion, as de-
noted by the titles, chUiarch^ commander of a thousand, and
centurion^ commander of a hundred men. (See above, on 10,
1. 21, 31.) Make ready is in Greek a single word, /w^pare,
provide. Soldiers^ when absolutely used, denotes the heavy-
armed infantry of ancient warfare. To (as fiir as) Cesarea^ on
the Mediterraneaij coast, the Roman capital of Judca. (See
above, on 8,40. 9,30. 10,1.24. 11,11. 12,19. 18,22. 21,8.
16.) Since the death of Herod Agrippa, recorded in this book
(see above, on 12, 23), Judea had again become a part of the
•eat Roman province of Syria, and was governed by deputies
[or procurators) of the Syrian proconsul. Spearmen is in
rreek a word occurring nowhere else in ancient Greek, sup-
posed by some to be a term in popular but not in written use,
apparently compoimded oi right hand and take^ and variously
explained as meaning those who take the right hand of the
king, or of the general, or of the army ; or those who take a
weapon in the right hand, as a spear or dart ; while one of the
oldest manuscripts presents a different form compounded of
right hand and cast or throw^ a reading also found in the
Peshito or old Syriac version. It is now commonly agreed
that it denotes some kind of light troops, as distinguished
from the heavy infantry and cavalry which are separately
mentioned. Surprise has sometimes been expressed that so

ACTS 23, 23-26. 841

large a force should have been needed to protect Paul against
forty zealots. But besides that these were only representa-
tives of the popular feeling in Jerusalem, the country was at
this time in a most unsettled state, and travelling particularly
dangerous to strangers. At (literally, frorn^ i. e. beginning,
setting out from) the third hour of the nighty according to the
Roman computation, about nine o'clock of our time (see above,
on 2, 15. 3, 1. 10, 3. 9. 30.) This was late enough to escape
observation, and early enough to give them a long night-
journey.

24. And provide (them) beasts, that they may set
Paul on, and bring (him) safe unto Felix the governor.

Beasts too (tc) to provide {or furnish) ^ i. e. riding animals,
horses, mules, or asses. 7%at mounting JPauly they might
bring (him) safe (literally, save him through) to Pelix the
governor. The last word is generic (meaning leader or a
leading man) and applied in Greek to any class of Roman
governors. Claudius Feltx^ or Antonius J^eliXy as the diflTer-
ent historians call liim, perhaps because he was a freedman or
emancipated slave of the emperor Claudius and also of his
mother Antonia. His brother Pallas was a fevourite of Nero,
and through his influence Felix was made Procurator of Judea,
at first either jointly with Cumanus or alone. He is de*
scribed by his contemporaries as a cruel, avaricious and licen-
tious man. Tacitus, in one of his most famous sentences, ex-
hibits him as one who exercised the power of a king in the
spirit of a slave. He showed great energy, however, in sup
pressmg the commotions of the country, and especially in
quelling the insurgent zealots, commonly called thieves or
robbers, but not m the ordinary sense of the expression.
(Compare Matt. 21, 13. 26, 65. 27, 38. Luke 10, 30. John 10,
1. 8. 18, 40. 2 Cor. 11, 26.) On the other hand, he hired as-
sassins to kill Jonathan the High Priest, to whose influence
he partly owed his own appointment.

25. 26. And he wrote a letter after this manner :
Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix
(sendeth) greeting.

Writing (or having toriUen) an epistle containing this
type^ L e. form of words, though some {H*efer the opposite

348 ACTS 23, 25-27.

sense of sketch or dransht, as distin^ished from the very
words, in which sense Uie term is said to be employed by
Plato. V. 26 discloses, for the first time, and m a very
natural and simple way, the name of the IVibune or Chief
Captain, with whom the narrative has made ns so fiuniliar.
Both names are common, one in Latin, one in Greek, which
last is supposed by some to have been his native language, as
he was only a Roman citizen by purchase (see above, on 22,
28.) As Greek was in such extensive use, tnere is no need of
supposing that this letter is translated from the Latin. It is
not impossible that Paul obtained it at the time from Felix or
the officer in charge of him, though some suppose that it was
sent to Rome and Luke there found it in the public archives.
Jtfost excellent^ the word so rendered in Luke 1, 3, and most
nohU in 24, 3. 26, 25 below. It was a title of respect to pub-
lic officers, like honourtMe^ right honourable^ excellency^ eta,
Sendeth greeting^ literally, to r^oice, the usual salutatory for-
mula in Greek epistles, used above in that from the council at
Jerusalem to the Svrian and Cilician churches, and also in
that of the Apostle James (see above, on 15, 23, and compare
James 1, 1.)

27. This man was taken of the Jews, and should
have been killed of them ; then came I vdth an army,
and rescued him, having understood that he was a
Roman.

The original construction is, this man^ having been seized
by the Jewa^ cfec, I rescued Aim, the last pronoun being pleo-
nastic. Should have been killed is now an equivocal expression,
which mi^ht seem to mean, he ought to have been killed,
whereas the Greek means simply, and about to be dispatched
(^T the usage of the two verbs, see above, on vs. 15. 21.)
Then came i^ literally, staiiding over^ the same verb that oc-
curs above in v. 11, but here applied to sudden attack, as in
4, 1. 6, 12. 7, 5. With an army^ with the garrison, the forces
under his command (see above, on v. 10, where it is translated
soldiers.) Hescuedj literally, took out (or away) from them
(see above, on 7, 10. 34. 12, 11, where deliver or delivered is
the English version.) Having learned for learning) that he
is a Roman, This inaccurate expression lias been oden repre-
sented as a wilful '^Jsehood on the part of Claudius Lysias, in*

ACTS 23, 27-80. 843

tended to conceal his own precipitate treatment of a Roman
citizen and at the same time to display his zeal for the honour
of the Roman name. But this elaborate invention, which a
word from Paul or the accompanying soldiers would have in-
stantly refuted, is far less natural and likely than the supposi-
tion of mere negligence, precisely such as a commanding officer
might readily mil into, when reporting his own actions. As
he did eventually save a Roman citizen from Jewish fury, he
could scarcely be expected to report his first mistake and sub-
sequent correction. This very negligence, in point of fact as
well as of expression, is a much stronger proof of authenticity
than that afforded by the supposed falsehood.

28. 29. And when I would have known the cause
wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth into
their coimcil : whom I perceived to be accused of ques-
tions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge
worthy of death or of bonds.

Wishing to know the cause for which (or on account of
which) they were accusing him^ I brought him forth (literally,
downy as in vs. 15. 20, and in 22, 30) into tfieir council^ con-
sistory, synedrion^ of which sanhedrim is a corruption (see
above, on 4, 16.) Perceived^ literally, /ownc?, discovered, with
an implication of surprise and novelty. Accused of questions
seems to represent the questions as themselves the crimes of
which he was accused ; whereas the meaning is, accused conr
ceming questions^ i. e. charged with crimes involving or relat-
ing to such questions (or discussions) of their law, the law of
Moses, the whole Jewish system. But having no charge (i. e.
being charged with nothmg) worthy of death or bonds (l e.
confinement or imprisonment.) Compare this Roman estimate
of Jewish strifes with that of Glallio (in 18, 14. 15), and that of
Festus (in 25,18.19.)

30. And when it was told me how that the Jews
laid wait for the man, I sent straightway to thee, and
gave commandment to his accusers also to say before
thee what (they had) against him. Farewell.

But a plot against the man having been reported to me,
(as) about (or that it was abotU) to be (attempted) by the

944 ACTS 23, 80.91.

Jew^. For the word j^Uit^ see above, on 9, 24. 20, 8. 19 ; re-
ported^ compare John 11, 57. 1 Cor. 10, 28^ To be (or oome
mto existence) hy (or on the part of) Oie t/etM, is an unosoal
constniction, ooth in Greek and English; but the sense is
plain. At once (forthwith, the word employed in 10, 33. 11,
11. 21,82), without farther hesitation or delay. Siatvmg
charged (or orderedy the verb used above in v. 22) the accusers
alsOy to say the {things) concerning (or against) him before
theCy a peculiar fmrase appropriated to judicial hearing, as in
Matt. 28, 14, where the meaning is, if this come to be heard
hrfore the governor^ or tried at his triDunal. The order men-
tioned in this verse was no doubt riven after Paul's departure,
but before the letter could reach Felix, and is therefore men-
tioned in the past tense, not with an intention to deceive, but
in accordance with ancient epistolary usage, which has refer-
ence in such forms to the time of reading, not of composition.
FaareweUy be stroujg or healthy, the usu^ concluding formula
of Greek epistles (»ee above, on 15, 29, where the plural of the
same Greek word occurs.)

31. Then the soldiers, as it was commanded ihem,
took Paul, and brought (him) by night to Antipatris.

The danger being greatest near Jerusalem, a large part of
the military escort only went about two-thirds of the distance,
leaving Paul to be conducted to his journey's end by the
smallest of the three divisions, which was mounted. Soldiers^
in the first clause, mav be used generically for the whole de-
tachment, or specifically, as in v. 23, for the heavy-armed in-
fimtrv, who constituted the main force of every Roman army,
whether large or small. In fiivour of the latter explanation is
the form of expression in the first clause of v. 32. So then^ as
in V. 22, L e. accordingly, in execution of these plans and or-
ders. As it teas (literally, according to the thing) command-
ed themj referring to the orders before given (see above, on
vs. 23. 24.) Tooky or more exactly, taking t//>, which is not
only the original and proper sense of the &reek verb, but its
invariable usage in this book (see above, on 1, 2. 11, 22. 7, 43.
10, 16. 20, 13. 14.) It may here have reference to Paul's be-
ing mounted (see above, on v. 24.) Commanded^ not the
verb employed in vs. 22. 30, but the one used in V, 44. 18, 2.
20, 13, and originally n^eaning to arrange, with special applica-
tion to military disposition or array, m which sense it may

ACTS 23, 31-8SI. 845

here be taken, as the orders had specific reference to the ar-
rangements of the march and escort. JBrougJU^ led, conduct-
ed, as in vs. 10. 18 (compare 21, 34. 22, 24.) By nighty liter-
ally, through (x>r in the course of) the night (see above, on 1,
3. 16, 9), whicn naturally seems to mean the first night, or the
same night upon which they set out. 7b (or into) Antipatris^
accordmg to Josephus anciently called Capher Saba^ but re-
built by Herod the Great and named in honour of his father,
Antipater the Idumean. The Crusaders identified it with
a town upon the sea-coast ; but the description in Josephus
shows that it must have been some miles in the interior. He
also speaks of it as situated on a stream ; but this may have
been nothing more than an occasional or temporary torirent
flowing through the adjacent valley from the mountains. If
so, there can be no doubt that the place is that described by
Smith and Robinson, and still called by the ancient name,
thoughpartially concealed by needless variations of orthogra-
phy. This is one of the most striking and instructive instances
of old names surviving, in the local or popular tradition, those
which had displaced them by authontv or in the dialect of
books, eighteen hundred years ago. According to the old
itineraries, Antipatris was twenty-six Roman miles from Cesa-
rea, and forty-two from Jerusalem. On the ground that this
distance was too great to be accomplished, even by a forced
march, in a single night, some suppose that the night meant is
the second after their departure D'om Jerusalem, which seems
to make the time as much too long ; others, that the chief
part of the journey was performed at night, but that they ar-
rived at Cesarea in the course of the next day.

32. 33. On the morrow they left the horsemen to
go with him, and returned to the castle ; who, when
they came to Cesarea, and deUvered the epistle to the
governor, presented Paul also before him.

The meaning of the first phrase, on the morrow (or ^A«
next daiAy will depend of course upon that of the one just
explained in the preceding verse. According to the sense
there preferred, the day here meant will be either the first or
second after their departure from Jerusalem. ie/U, or more
exactly, let, i. e. suffered or {Hermitted (as in 5, 88. 14, 16. 16,
7. 19, 80) the horsemen to go (go on, proceed, or journey, as

846 ACTS 23, 33-35.

in V. 23, and in 8, 26. 9, 3. 16, 1. 17, 14. 19, 21. 20, 1. 21, 5.
22, 5. 21.) The grammatical sulp'ect is the same as in y. 31,
to wit, the sotdierSy who are here mstinguished from the horse-
men^ and must therefore have the more restricted meaning in
both cases. The spearmen or light in&ntry are not here men-
tioned, but as being an auxiliary force they probably accom-
panied the main force on its return to its camp or quarters in
the castle of Antonia (see above, on 21, 34. 37. 22, 24. 23, 10.
16.) There is something in the promptness and precision of
these movements, both as to the order and its execution, that
is perfectly in keeping with all that we know otherwise of the
Roman discipline, and therefore the less likely to have been
invented by a Greek physician, or any other foreign and un-
military writer. WTio^ at the beginning of v. 33, refers back
to horsemen in v. 32, a syntax less abrupt in the original, be-
cause the pronoun here employed, thougn often used precisely
like the simple relative (as in vs. 14. 21 above), sometimes re-
fers to the remoter antecedent (as in 17, 11), or resumes an
interrupted construction (as in 21, 4.)

34. 35. And when the governor had read (the let-
ter), he asked of what province he was. And when he
understood that (he was) of CiUcia, I will hear thee,
said he, when thine accusers are also come. And he
commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall.

The governor is not found in the oldest manuscripts and
latest critical editions, but is readily supplied from the pre-
ceding verse. Heading (or having react) ^ perhaps aloud, as
an o&cial form, which is the stricter and more ancient appli-
cation of the verb in Greek, though afterwards employed (hke
the corresponding verb in Hebrew, which originally means to
call) even m reference to silent reading. (See above, on 8, 28.
30. 32. 13, 27. 15, 21. 31.) The object or the verb is not ex-
pressed but easily supplied, to wit, the lettery mentioned in v.
33, or the pronoun it^ referring to the same. Having asked^
not merely out of private curiosity, but in a judicial or official
way, as seems to be suggested by the Greek verb, which is
that employed in 5, 27, and there explained (but see above, on
1, 6.) Province, eparchy ^ the domain, jurisdiction of an ^
archy a term used by the later Greek historians to denote the
Roman ruler of a conquered country. He was^ or more ex-

A C T S 23, 34. 36. 847

actly, i«, the direct form of narration being gradually substi-
tuted for the indirect, as in v. 22 above, but less abruptly ; or
the present tense may be intended to call up the scene as ac-
tually passing (see above, on vs. 5. 6, and compare 7, 25. 9, 20.
38. 12, 9. 19, 34. 22, 29.) Having learned (or ascertained)
by inquiry, which the verb itself denotes (see above, on vs.
19. 20, and compare 4, 7. 10, 18. 29. 21, 33), and which is here
expressly mentioned in the clause inmiediately preceding.
That (he 18 or was) of (or more exactly from^ i. e. belonging
to, as me, 9. 10,23. 14,19. 15,6.19. 17,13. 21,16.27) Ci-
licia (see above, on 6, 9. 15, 23. 41. 21, 39. 22, 3.) Hear theey
or more emphatically, hear thee through., i. e. examine thy
whole case from the beginning, as the Roman magistrates
were required to do, by a law still extant in the Pandects of
Justinian, when a prisoner was sent from an inferior tribunal
or authority, with a statement of the charge against him, tech-
nically called ehgium, {Qui cum elogio mittuntur ex Integra
audiendi aunt,) The hearing meant is therefore a judicial
audience and investigation. (See above, on v. 30, and com-
pare the place in Matthew there referred to, where the
simple verb to hear has the same judicial meaning.) 77ig
a<:cuser8y the Jews mentioned in the letter of Claudius Lysias,
as having been directed to appear before the Procurator (see
above, on v. 30.) Are came, are present, on the ground, ar-
rived, the same verb that is used in v. 16, and often elsewhere
(see above, on 6,21. 9,26. 10,32. 11,23. 13,14. 14,27. 16,
4. 17,10. 18,27. 20,18. 21,18.) The connection of these
clauses is hbtorical not lo^cal, as some suppose, who under-
stand Luke as saying that Felix would not undertake to hear
the case, until he knew that Paul was of Cilicia ; just as Pilate,
when he heard that Christ was of Galilee, sent him to be tried
by Herod (Luke 23, 7.) But the cases are not parallel, as
Felix only ruled Judea as a deputy (or procurator, see above,
on vs. 23. 24), and had no authoritv whatever in Cilicia. His
question in relation to Paul's provmce is to be connected, not
with what follows but with what precedes, that is to say, with
the statement which he had just read in the elogium of
Claudius Lysias, that Paul was a Roman citizen, and as such
probably enrolled or registered in some division of the empire,
to determine which the question was proposed, and not as a
condition of the promise in the next clause, which was not
dependent upon Faul's nativity or residence, but absolutely
binding as a part of the governor's official duty. He com*

848 ACTS 23, 34. 86.

manded him too (re) to be k^ (or guarded as a prisoner, see
above, on 12, 4) in the Praetorium of Herod. The Praetorivm
was ori^ally the commander's tent in an encampment (from
the ancient military sense of Praetor)^ bnt the term was after-
wards applied to the official residence of governors, and finally
to any large palatial building. Here, no doubt it has the
second of these senses, and denotes the palace of the Roman
ffovemor at Cesarea, at this time actually occupied by Felix.
It is probably called HerodB^ because built by Herod the
Great, or perhaps by his grandson Herod Agrippa, for his own
use when the sovereign of the country, and the scene of his
melancholy death ; for although smitten in the theatre, he lin-

fered five or six days, both which circumstances are recorded
y Josephus and entirely consistent with Luke's narrative
(see above, on 12, 23.) When Judea was again annexed to
Syria and consigned to Procurators (see above, on v. 23), this
palace of the former kings at Cesarea would of course become
the official residence of their successors, and from them most
probably derived the Latin name by which it is described in
this verse. From these local statements, and from what is
said in 24, 23 below, it is plain that Paul, although under con-
finement or arrest, was not committed to a common prison.

•»•

CHAPTEE XXIV.

This chapter contains Paul's third Apology or self-defence,
delivered before Felix (1-21), and his subsequent transactions
with that governor (22-27 ) He is formally accused by the
High Priest and Elders tnrough an advocate (1-4.) The
charges are the old ones of sedition, schism, and sacrilege
(5. b!) There is also a complaint of the Chief Captain's inter-
terence, and a reference to him for further information, with a
ftdl assent to all these statements, on the part of the Jews
present (7-9.) Paul congratulates himself on the Procurator's
knowledge oi the country and the people, states the time and
purpose of his visit to Jerusalem, denies the charge of having
disturbed the public peace, and all the other charges brought
against him (10-13.) He then more positively defines his re-

ACTS 24, 1. 349

lation to the Jewish Church and the Theocracy (14-16.) He
then recurs to the time and purpose of his coming, tells how
and where he was arrested, complains of the absence of his
first accusers, and challenges those present to bring any other
charge against him (17-21.) Felix, perceiving how tne mat-
ter stands, postpones it, and commands Paul to be mildly
treated (22-23.) To gratify his wife, he summons Paul again
before him, not to defend himself but to explain the new
religion, in hearing which his conscience is alarmed and he
remands the prisoner (24-26.) During the next two years he
often talks with him, but only for the purpose of extorting
money, failing in which attempt, and anxious to conciliate the
Jews at the close of his administration, he leaves Paul still a
prisoner at his departure (26-27.)

1. And after five days Ananias the high priest de-
scended with the elders, and (with) a certain orator
(named) Tertullus, who informed the governor against
Paul.

The five days have been variously reckoned from Paul's
arrival in Cesarea, and from the order riven to the Sanhedrim
(see above, on 23, 30) ; but nothing of historical or exegetical
importance is depenaent on this question, though the mention
of the fact is an mcidental proof of authenticity. DeBcended^
went down, from Jerusalem to Cesarea, implying both a phys-
ical and moral difference of elevation (see above, on 9, 32.
1 8, 22, and often elsewhere.) The High Priest Ananias^ who
was previously mentioned in the same terms (see above, on
23, 2.^ Even here, though natural, it is not necessary, to
explam the title in its strictest sense, as a well known chief
pnest (or former high priest) might be sent to represent the
actual mcumbent, more conveniently perhaps than he could
leave Jerusalem himself. The necessity for this interpretation,
however, is removed ifj according to the latest investigations,
Josephus does represent Ananias as acquitted and sent back
from Rome, and still retaining his High Priesthood. He is
then to be regarded here as representing, not an official supe-
rior, but the whole Sanhedrim and nation. With the elders^
or as several of the oldest manuscripts and versions have it,
some (or certain) elders^ which is no doubt implied (though
not expressed) in the received text, as the whole Presbytery,

850 ACTS 24, 1.

or estate of elders (see above, on 4, 5. 22, 5), could appear at
Cesarea only by their delegates. A certain orator^ a Greek
word originally meaning speaker^ but specially applied to pub-
lic speakers in the national assemblies, then to advocates, and
finally to teachers of eloquence or rhetoricians^ a word derived
from that here used. It is here used, no doubt, in the last
but one of these senses, to denote what the Romans called an
orator forensis or causidicua. From the name TertuUus (a
diminutive of Tertitis^ like Catullus from Catius, and LucuUus
from Lucius), and the well-known custom, to which Cicero
refers, of young Romans practising at first in the provinces
before thev ventured to appear at home, some have inferred
that the advocate here mentioned was of this description, and
that he must have spoken in Latin. But the Jews of that
age, and of every other till the present time, have been so ac-
customed to bear Gentile names, that nothing can be gathered
from this circumstance with certainty (see £U>ove, on 1, 13. 23.
6, 6. 13, 9. 17, 7. 18, 2. 7.) And even if TertuUus was a Ro-
man, there was nothing strange in their employing him to
plead their cause before a Roman magistrate, especially if (as
Valerius Maximus affirms) the Latin language was employed
in all the tribunals of the empire, even Greeks and orientals
being forced to use it or to plead through an interpreter. On
the other hand, a later Greek historian (Dio Cassius) repre-
sents his own tongue as continually heard in the Senate and
the courts of Rome itself. Both statements may be reconciled,
not only by referring them to different dates, but even at the
same time by supposing such a joint use of the languages as
now exists in Canada and Louisiana, where speeches are de-
livered, in the same assemblies, on the same occasions, both in
French and English. Who^ the relative employed above in
23, 14. 21. 33, and here intended to include the remoter ante-
cedent {Ananias) as well as the nearer {the elders and Tertul-
lus)^ as taking part in the act described. Informed^ in the
forensic or judicial sense, of which we have examples in the
English terms, informer^ criminal information^ etc. The
Greek verb literally means to show or make appear, and is the
same with that employed in 23, 15. 22. The Geneva version

{appeared before the governor) is inconsistent both with the
brm and usa^e of the Greek word. WTiether this informa-
tion was in writing or by word of mouth, is not determined
by the narrative, and happily of no iniportance. The original
expression may include both modes of accusation, L e. written

ACTS 24, 1.2.8. 361

charges amplified in oral argument, an English parallel to
which is furnished by the technical and popular sense of
pleading.

2. And when he was called forth, Tertullus began
to accuse (him), saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy
great quietness, and that very worthy deeds are done
unto this nation by thy providence —

He (Paul) having been called (cited or sununoned to ap*
pear), according to the Roman law, which suffered no man to
be judged without a hearing and an opportunity of self-defence

!see below, on 25, 16.) Began to accuse is not a pleonasm
see above, on 1, 1. 2, 4. 11, 4. 18, 26), but may be intended
to suggest that only the beginning of Tertullus's oration is
recorded, at least with any mlness, the rest being given in a
summary or abstract. As if he had said, 'TertuUus then
accused him in a speech, of which the exordium was as fol-
lows.' This exordium is an apt example of the conciliatory
introduction (captatio henevolerUiae) prescribed by Cicero and
other rhetoricians, and from its very nature complimentary,
so that the charges of gross flattery and lying, brought by
almost all interpreters against Tertullus, although not without
foimdation, are a little overcharged, as will appear from the
particulars recorded in the next verse,

3. We accept (it) always, and in all places, most
noble Felix, with all thankfulness.

The change of collocation in the version partially conceals
the rhetorical and classical form of the original, which opens
with the leading or emphatic words, Much peace enjoying
through thee^ etc, Peax^^ not in the vague sense of prosperity,
nor even in the more precise one of tranquillity or quiet, but
in the proper and specific one of freedom or deliverance from
war and the commotions which attend it. To such disturb-
ances the Holy Land had long been subject (see above, on 23,
12. 23), partly from religious causes, and in quelling them
Felix had been active and successful, having seized and sent
to Rome a famous robber (i. e. zealot or guerilla partisan)
named Eleazar, besides suppressing the rebellion spoken of in
21, 38 above, and other prompt and energetic measures men-
tioned by Josephus. For these administrative acts the terms

868 ACTS 24, 3.

here used by TertullnB can scarcely be regarded as eztraya-
gant, or certainly not more so than was warranted by Greek
and Roman usage. That the crimes of Felix are not also set
forth, is a negative objection, which applies with equal force
to the Apology of Paul himself. Nothmg is gainea by these
exaggerated charges of deception, even against wicked men,
whicm are often copied by one writer from another, till they
finally almost become as disingenuous as that by which they
were at first provoked. Apart fi-om these traditional invectives,
the oration ot Tertullus is an average sample of forensic adula-
tion in all a^es. J3njof/inffy or obtaining, lighting upon, happen-
ing to acqmre or be possessed o£ (See above, on 19, 11, where
the participle of the same verb is employed to denote what
usoally happens and is therefore common.) By (or through)
thee^ by thy means or agency. Very worthy aeeds^ in Gredc
a single word denoting wliat is rightly done (recte fousta^ as
Cicero defines it), but specially applied to martial achieve-
ments or exploits, and therefore here appropriate to the mili-
tary or coercive meyures which had just been mentioned.
The Vulgate version {myUa corrigantur)^ which makes it
mean reformatory measures, rests upon another reading
(l^op&tafMTiay for KaTop^tafumov) found in several of the oldest
manuscripts, but not regarded by the critics as the true text.
Doney happened, come to pass, or brought about, the same
verb as in 23, 1. 9. 10. 12. ITiis nation is supposed by some
to imply necessarily that the speaker was a Gentile ; but al-
though the conclusion is probably correct, the proof is insuf-
ficient, as Paul uses an analogous expression {t?ii8 people) in
speaking to the Jews themselves (see above, on 13, 17.) -Sy
(or rather through) thy providence ^or foresight) as an attri-
bute of administrative wisdom. This was a favourite mode
of flattery in that age, as appears from its occurrence on im-
perial coins (Providentia Ccesaris), a part of the idolatrous
process, by which the Roman Emperors arrogated to them-
selves divine honours. Always and everywhere^ or, preserving
the original alliteration, at all times ana in all places. Some
connect this with what goes before, as a part of the description
of the Procurator's merit, ' done to this nation through thy
constant and universal providence;' but most interpreters
connect it with what foUows, always and everywhere (not
merely now and in thy presence) we accept^ and by implication
thankfully acknowledge. (For the strong sense of the Greek
verb, see above, on 2, 41. 15, 4. 18, 27.) Most noble^ excel-

ACTS 24, 8.4. 853

lent, or honourable, the pame honorary epithet employed by
Claudioi L^siaa in hig letter (see above, on $23, 26), and after-
wards appUed by Paul himself to Festus (see below, on 26, 25),
as it ifl by Luke to the person for whom both his books were
originally written (see above, on 1, 1, and compare Luke 1, 3.)
But for these examples, the usq of the term here would probi^
bly have been among the sins imputed to TertDUos. As tbp
epithet relates to the office, not tne person, it was just as ap-
propriate to Felix as to Festus, altnough very different m
moral character (see below, on v. 27.) With aU thankjkilness^
or aU the gratitude to which such favours are entitled, whether
great or small, and therefore not to be denounced as hypo-
critic^ exaggeration. The Greek noun is used elsewhere only
by Paul (e. g. 1 Cor. 14, 16. 1 Tim. 2, 1), and John (Rev. 4, 9.
7, 12), but in later ecclesiastical usage was applied specifically
to the Lord's Supper or Communion, on account of the thanks-
giving {eucharist) by which it was accompanied. Jnboth
5iese cases, it denotes not merely the internal feeling but its
audible expression. (For the sense of aU^ as here used, see
above, on 4, 29. 5,23. 12,11. 13,10. 17,1 J, 20,19. J23, 1.)

4* Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious
unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of
thy clemency a few words.

JTotwithetanding indicates an opposition or antithesis
which does not really exist, the Greek word being nothing
but the usual continuative particle (^'), so often rendered but
or and. That J may not more detain (or hinder) thee^ a verb
originally meaning to cu^ tn or into^ then to stop one's way
(as oy a ditch), or cross one's path, to intercept, impede a per-
son's progress. I pray (invite, exhort, beseech) thee^ the verb
so used m 8, 81. 9, 38. 13, 42. 16, 9, 15. 39. 19, 31. 21, 12.
To heor ua^ the Jews, with whom he identifies hunself as ac-
tually being one of them, or as an advocate, who makes his
client's cause his o wa. Of thy clemency^ or in th^ moderation
and impartiality (cpmpare the cognate adjective m PbiL 4, 5.)
Tho essential ideia is not so much that oi ki9dness or gentlioh
ness, as that of fiumess, reason^lenes^ freedom from extremes
of every kind. This is a peeuUarly judicial virtue, and is there-
£:>re pertinently here a}){)ealed to. A fw> tfiords is in Greek
an adverb, correspondmg, h&iih in etymology and sense, to
our con^i0efy, an iMi>l>rpvj|»t«d but i/almffb^^ {dmse loir hear
yoL. u. z

854 ACTS 24, 4.5.

us speak concisely. This promise to be brief mi^ht almost
seem to have been caused oy some appearance of mipatience
in the Procurator, at the prospect of a formal and elaborate
harangue. There would tnen be no need of supposing that
the rest of the oration has been less fully given than the intro-
duction (see above, on v. 2), the difference, on that supposition,
being not in the report but in the speech itself

5. For we have found this man a pestilent (fellow),
and a mover of sedition among all the Jews, through-
out the world, and a ringleader of the sect of the Naz-
arenes —

The exordium being ended, he proceeds to the statement
of the case itself. For may have reference to the request and
implied promise in the verse preceding. * We only ask your
impartial attention to a few words ; for all we have to say is,
that ha\dng found, &c.' A pest (or plague)^ a natural and
common figure in all languages for one who is at the same
time troublesome and mischievous. It is so used by the two
great orators, Demosthenes and Cicero, who speaks of different
persons as the pest of the republic, of the state, and of the
empire (pestis reipublic<xe^ civitatis^ imperii,) Pestilent feUoto^
though essentially correct, is a needless departure from the
form of the original. Finding may either have its strict
sense, and refer to their detection or discovery of Paul in
the temple ; or be taken in the secondary sense of ascertain-
ing, findmg out. Upon the meaning of this verb depends the
construction of the clause, which may be either ' havmg found
this man (who is) a pest,' or, ' having found this man (to be)
a pest.' In either case, the syntax is irregular, the sentence
having no finite verb, except in its relative dependent clause
(see V. 6.) The sense is clear, however, and such freedom of
expression may be found in the best writers of all languages,
in whom it is frequently applauded as a beauty, while in Scrip-
ture it is censured as an imperfection. Here, however, it is
perfectly in keeping as a natural effect of the orator's precipi-
tate attempt to cut short what he saw would rather give
offence than please. Moving^ stirring up, exciting, see above,
on 21, 30. /Sedition (literally, rising^ standing up) may either
have its proper sense of insurrection, or its secondary sense of
strife, dissension (see above, on 15, 2. 19, 40. 23, 7. 10.) Paul

ACTS 24, 5.6. 855

was really accused of both crimes, that of sowing strife among
the Jews themselves, and that of rousing them against their
Roman masters (see above, on 16, 20. 21. 17, 6. 7. 18, 13. 21,
28.) The ambiguous term may have been selected to suggest
both these ideas ; but the former is the one especially pre-
sented in the context. ToaUthe Jevoa^ not only amon^ them,
but to their injury or disadvantage. Throughout the inhabited
(or civilized world), L e. the Roman Empire, or indefinitely
everywhere, in all directions. (See above, on 11, 28. 17, 6. 81.
19, 27.) A ringleader too (re, introducing an afterthought or
supplementary idea, see above, on 1> 13), not only a public
pest in his own person, but the leader ol a dangerous organi-
zation. The Greek noun is a military term, used by Thucy-
dides to signify the front man on the right of an army in array,
but afterwards more generally to denote a front rank man,
and metaphorically, any leader. 7%€ sect (or party ^ see above,
on 5, 17. 15, 5) o/" the Nazarenes^ the followers of th^ Nazor
rene^ contemptuously so called (see above, on 2, 22.) Al-
though this designation in the plural form occurs only nere, it
was probably in common use among the Jews, as Christians
was among the Gentiles (see above, on 11, 26), until after
the destruction of Jerusalem, when Nazarene became the
name of a Christian sect, which still adhered to the Mosaic
law, but with less exclusive rigour, and with worthier notions
of the Saviour, than the kin£*ed party of the Ebionites (see
above, on 21, 20.)

6. Who also hath gone about to profane the tern-
pie ; whom we took, and would have judged according
to our law.

An additional specification of the general charge. He was
not only a pest, and a ringleader of the Nazarenes, but had
attempted a particular ofience against the law and the religion
of the Jews, that of profaning the temple, Hterally, rendering
accessible, depriving of its consecration, making common (see
above, on 10, 14. 16, where the verb, however, is not the same,
as it is in Matt. 12,5.) Hath gone abouty the old English
phrase for sought or tried, (See above, on 21, 31, where it
represents a synonvmous Greek verb.) The charge of actual
desecration (see above, on 21, 28) is here softened down to
that of merely attempting it, perhaps because they had dis-
covered their mistake (see above, on 21, 29), or because they

»M ACTS 24, 6.7.8.

ireM imaMe to prove what they at first alleged. Whom dfo
^MK^ BOl expressed in the yersion), corresponding to toAo a&o
in the &fit diaose, both belonging to the sommaiy or recapita-
latorf style, like the Latin Uem in an enumeration oi partica-
iars, and diowinffeither that we have only a brief abstract of the

r»dh, or that Tertnllns ^nnd it necessary simply to reeite
heads or salient points of the char^ which he would other-
vise have stated at foil length. As if he had said, ^Another
point is hb connection with t^e Nasarenes ; another his at-
tempted pro&aation of the temple ; another, the way in wludh
we were prev^ited from trying Inm onrsdves.' Wham aiw
tM took^ raid hold on, seised, arrested (see above, on 2, 24. S,
11.)^ And would have iudged^ in modem English, wishedy
beared to do so (see above, on 7, 39. 10, 10. 14, 13. 16, 3.
\%y 33.) Judged^ i. e. tried, according to due form of law (see
above, <m 17, 81. 23, 3. 6.)

7% But tlie chief captain Lysias came (upon ns),
and widi great violence took ^liin) away out of our
]i8nd&-^

Coming hy (or Qlong)^ as if by accident, the idea of attack
being not expressed but 8a|;ge8ted by what follows. With
gredZ violence (or mttch/orc^ out qf our hands took (literally,
led) him away. There are several points here, in which the
fects are, no doubt wilfully, misrepresented, so as to exhibit
the conduct of the Jews in a more favourable light than that
of Paul "and Claudius Lysias, whose interference was at once
injntaoms to their int(»«sts and humbling to their pride. That
they wished to try Paul according to their law, is wholly at
variance with the fact that they were beating him to death
when the chief captain rescued him (see above, on 21, 31. 32.)
That rescue, therefore, was not from the peaceful protection
of the law by brute force, as they here insidioufiily intimate,
but "from tbew own brute force by a lawfid exercise -of miltary
power. The misrepresentation is the worse for being rather
ninted than expressed ; and although this may be ascribed in
part to the professional adroitness of TertuBus, it no doubt
entered into the concerted poHcy of those for whom he plead-
ed, and from whom he had of course received his instruotians.

8. OommandiT^ Us accusers to come unto £hee»

by examining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge
of all these things, whereof we accuse him.

The first olause adds a snppIemeDtwy oomjdaint agsinM
the Tribune, who had not only thus deprived them of the
privilege of tTring I^nt according to the law which he wu
charged with breaking, bnt bad pat thomYo great inoonTcm-
ence by requiring them to come to Ceearea and accuse him
before Felix. Here again the fact is truly stated, very much
as Claudios Lysias hadstated it himself (see above, on 28, 30) ;
and yet the whole connection irresistibly oonveys the imprea-
sion that they had not been well treated, and evmoee a strong
feeling of resentment against Lysias, who had acted so decid-
edly and conscientiously in opposition to tbclr mnrderons de-
ngns. This claose, however, with the whole of the preoeding
verse, is rejected by the latest critica because not foond In the
oldest extant manuacripta ; but this omission makes the apeech,
already bne^ so strangely meagre, and the introducdon of the
passage is so bard to be aocoanted for, that its geDoiaoiieu la,
on the whole, more probable than its interpolation, as It may
have existed in still older copies now no longer extant. Upon
this qnestion of criticism depends the meaning of the ouior
clause, which is admitted to be genuine. Of whom (L e, Jrom
wAom), if the dispated words are genuine, refers moat natu-
rally to Claudius Lysias, whom the Jews then desire Felix to
examine, as the most impoi-tont witness on their side. But if
the disputed words are spurious, Claudius Lysias is not named
at all, and from whom must refer to Paul lumselfl But such
a propoution, to examine the prisoner on the truth of their
assertians, would be either monstrous or superfluous ; a fbi-
ther argument in favour of the genuineness of the words in
question, to which may be added the extreme improbability
that nothing would be said of Claudius Lysias In this com-
iilaint to Felix. The luture form (thou xoill be able, in the
£nglish version, mayeat) seems to refer to something which
could not be done upon the spot, but would require time,
whereas the eiamioation of the prisoner might take place at
onoe. Lastly, the reference to Claudius Lysias, rather than
to Paul, though not made certain, is made bigblv probable by
the ground on which Felix postpones the case (see below, on
V. 22), and which would seem gratuitous unless proposed by
one of the parties. Bnt if| for these or other reasons, the
words from wAom, Ao^ be referred to Clandina LyoM, the

858 ACTS 24, 8.9. 10.

genidneneflB of the clanse in which his name appears becomes
a necessarj omseqaence. JExaminingy L e. jadidaDy (see
above, on 4, 9. 12, 19), without any reference to tortnre,
whidi is not suggested by the context, as in 22, 24. Tbe
reference of from lehofn to the plural noun accusergj ahhou^
natural in En^ish, is impossible in Greek, where the relative
itself is in the angular number. Take kmndedge^ L e. gain it,
ascertain, ^soover ^see above, on 3, 10. 4, 13. 9, 30. 12, 14.
19, 34. 22, 24, 29.) The spirit of this verse, as just explained,
IS, ^ Such are our charges, and the witness by whom we sus-
tain them, is the very man who sent us here to make them,
after interrupting our proceedings at Jerusalem, to whom we
now refer you for all further information.'

9. And the Jews also assented, saying that these
things were so.

The JewSy as represented by the High Priest and the El-
ders (see above, on v. 1.) AlsOy L e. in addition to the char^
made by Tertullus in their name and as their advocate. As-
9ented is the meaning of the common text (ovi^cito) ; but all
the oldest manuscripts and late editions have a double com-
pound form of the same verb (crvi^cire^ciTo), which yields the
stronger sense of joifUiy set upon (compare the use of the an-
gle compound in 18, 10), unitedly attacked him, or concurred
m the attack made by Tertullus. Saying, not the ordinary
verb so rendered, but a more emphatic form, elsewhere trans-
lated professing (Rom. 1, 22) and affirming (see below, on
26, 19.) Not content with smiply saying, they formally and
solemnly declared, asserted these things (those just stated by
Tertullus) so to have (themselves), L e. to be. (For this
idiomatic usage of the verb have^ see above, on 7, 1. 12, 16.
17, 11.)

10. Then Paul, after that the governor had beck-
oned unto him to speak, answered. Forasmuch as I
know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto
this nation, I do the more cheerfidly answer for myself —

TTien answered Paul, having signed to him the governor
to speak. Signed, literally, nodded (compare John 13, 24, and
the compound form in 18, 20 above.) There is a strilung con-

ACTS 24, 10. 359

trast here between the order and &imess of this Roman pro-
cess, though conducted by a wicked man, and the passionate
confusion of the Sanhedrim, although composed of Priests,
Scribes, and Elders of the People (see above, on 23, 2-10.) It
seems as if the Jews and Gentiles were beginning to change
places as the guardians of the church, a transposition after-
ward brought out in terrible relief at the destruction of Jeru-
salem, where Titus was as temperate and humane as the
Zealots were ferocious to themselves and others. This cir-
cimistance imparts new interest to the crisis which we have
now reached, and in which Paul begins his third Apology, or
Apostolical defence of Christianitv and of himself, not uttered,
like the first, to a vast crowd of Jews from all parts of the
world assembled to observe the feast of Pentecost ; nor like
the second, in the presence of the Sanhedrim or £ldership of
Israel ; but before a Roman magistrate, and under the pro-
tection and restraint of Roman arms, yet in the presence of
the High Priest and a deputation of the Elders, so that he
was stiU appealing to the chosen people, and before these Gen-
tile witnesses attempting, for the last time, to convince them
of the true relation between Law and Gospel, Christ and Mo-
ses. He begins, like TertuUus (see above, on vs. 2. 3), with a
regular captatio benevokntiae^ oy ascribing to Felix at least
one most important qualification for his present duty, that of
long experience and thorough knowledge of the men with
whom he had to deal Here again the leading words stand
first in the original, though needlesslv displaced in the trans-
lation. As Tertullus had begun with much peace enjoying
through thee^ Paul begins, since many years a judge unto this
nation, Since^ literjuly, from^ L e. dating or beginning to
compute fi"om. Many^ here as elsewhere, is a relative ex-
pression, and as Felix had been governor at least six years —
still longer, if as Tacitus relates,Tie shared the power of Cu-
manus, nis immediate predecessor — this was a long time, in
the view of the Apostle, when compared with the ignorance
and inexperience of a Roman just arrived among the Jews,
even though he might be such an one as Porcius Festus (see
below, on 25, 1.) More cheerfully^ or readily, with less appre-
hension of the issue, than if I were arraigned before a novice
or an ignoramus. The latest critics, with the oldest manu-
scripts, read cheerfully without the more, which really implies
the same as the comparative, though in a less emphatic form.
(As to) the {things) about myself (i. e. in my own case or bo-

360 AOTB 24, 10.11.

haU) Imake defence (the nmererb is in 19, %%. Liike 12, 11.
21, 14.j The Bunilaritj of form between this exordium and
tiiat or TertoDiis is too strong to be foitnitons. Bren in sub-
stance, there is less dirersity than those are willing to admit.
Who exaggerate the advocated proieflnonal laadation into ser-
irile flatterj and shamdess lying. Eadi gives the Procurator
credit for possesmg what he reaU j posseswd, indomitable
energy and long experience ; whfle both are dlent, as thej
diotud have been on this occasion, with respect to his baa
mialitiea. Tliat Pknl^ forbearance was not cowardly, we
mow from his deportmoit at another and more private
andience (see below, on t. 25.) Tlie nn&imess of T^nDnS,
as we have already seen, lies rather in the sabstance of his
speech than in the oratorical exordiam.

11. Because tbat thou mayest tmderstand, that
there are jet but twelve days since I went va^ to Jeru-
salem f(»r to worship.

Tliis is not a deduction ^rom the &ct just stated, that Felix
had been manv years a magistrate in Palestine, but an addi-
tional reason for P&ul^ cheerfully defending himself namely,
because Felix had the best means of knowing how lately he
had come into the country, and how groundless was the
charge of his being a disturber of the pubuc peace. £ecmtse
that thou mayest understand^ an awkward circumlocution
likely to mislead the EInglish reader, as it has misled a noble
and devout interpreter of recent date (Lord Lyttelton), who
explains it thus, ** I speak so that thou mayest understand.'*
The original construction is the genitive absolute, thou being
able to knoujy i. e. since thou hast it in thy power, both from thy
office and thy place of residence, to ascertain how long it is
since I went up from Cesarea to Jerusalem (see above, on 21,
15-17.) With this appeal to the Procurator's means of infor-
mation, Paul confidently states the time himself TTiere are to
me (L e. I have lived or spent) not more than ttoelte days since
(or n-om the day that) I went t//>, etc, A vast amount of cal-
culation and discussion has been lavished on the question, how
these twelve days are to be reckoned, all agreeing in the only
point of any moment, namely, that Paul's statement may l>e
justified in several ways, the variation having reference chiefly
to the seven days spoken of in 21, 27, and to the admission or
exclusion of the days which had elapsed suice his return to

ACTS 24, 11.12. HI

Cesarda (see above, on v. 1.) To (or aboiU to) worship b in
Greek a future participle, the same with that in 8, 27^ and like
it denoting, not an incidental or fortuitous occurrence, but the
very end and purpose of the journey. There is no need of ex-
plaining this away, as inconsistent with the statement in v. 17,
for neither statement is exclusive of the other ; or as at vari*
ance with his principles, for these not only suffered but con-
strained him to perform acts of worshi|) in the temple upon fit
occasions (see aoove, on 21, 26.) While the temple was still
standing, and the framework of the ceremonial law unbroken,
even Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles could not go up to Je-
rusalem without some devotional as well as business purpose.
By an almost insensible transition from his exordium to his
argument, he here alleges two tacts, bearing on his own de-
fence ; first, his recent arrival in the country, leaving him no
time for such proceedings as were charged against him ; and
then, the avowed religious end for whidi he went up, to per-
form the duties of that very &ith, which they accused him of
renouncing.

12. And they neither found me in the temple dis-
puting with any man, neither raising up the people,
neither in the synagogues, nor in the city —

The third point of his defence consists in a direct denial
of the charge of having moved sedition (see above on v. 5.)
He had been but twelve days in the country, and in those
twelve days they had detected him in no disturbance of the
peace or violation of decorum. They had found him neither
publicly discoursing (the same verb as in 17, 2. 17, 18, 4. 19.
19, 8. 9. 20, 7. 9), nor m any other way raising up the people,
literally, making a gathering of a mob. This he boldly afiirms,
not only in the general, but with specific mention of the only
places where he could have done it, in the temple^ in the sywp-
gogues^ and through the city^ i. e. in the streets, perhaps
including private houses, so as to exhaust the list of possible
localities. This bold assertion that he not only had not had
the opportunity of doing that which they alleged against him,
but still more categorically, had not done it, could never have
been made in the presence of accusers who were capable of
proving what they charged. Its very utterance is tantamount
to a denial thiU the charges were susceptibie of proof at all.

862 ACTS 24, 18. 14.

13. Neither can they prove the things whereof they
now accuse me.

Not content with the implied denial in v. 12, he now re-
peats it in a definite and formal manner. Or the logical rela-
tion may be that of a deduction from admitted data. As if
he had said, ' Since I have been only twelve days in Jerusa-
lem, and during that time they have found me nowhere pub-
licly or privately exhibitini? the character which they would
fiusten on me, as a mover oi sedition and a sower of dissension
among the Jews throughout the world, I am entitled to con-
clude that they have no proof to adduce of that calumnious
description, or of any charge which they have brought against
me.' The confident and sweeping terms which Paul employs
in these two verses seem to mipTy that he had carefully ab-
stained during this visit to the Holy City, even from those
customary modes of usefulness to which he was addicted in
his proper sphere as the Apostle of the Gentiles, and as a
necessary consequence, that his present mission was a tempo-
rary, special, and restricted one.

14. But this I confess unto thee, that after the way
which they call heresy, so worship I the God of my
fathers, beUeving all things which are vnitten in the
law and in the prophets —

Having thus answered one of the two charges in v. 6, to
wit, that which described him as " a pestilent fellow and a
mover of sedition," he now takes up the other, which described
him as " a front-rank-man (or leader) of the sect (or party) of
the Nazarenes." The exquisite transition here is worthy of
Demosthenes. Thus far he had denied and contradicted ; now
he comes to acknowledge and confess. But I ow7i this to thee,
perhaps with emphasis upon the pronoun, ' I have nothing to
confess to them, and yet to thee I own that there is one charge
which is true, though not in the sense put upon it by its
authors.^ The flattering charge of being a ringleader he mod-
estly and wisely passes by in silence, but admits the more im-
portant feet that he was really a " Nazarene." According to
the way which they caU sect (br schism)^ I do thu^ worship
the paternal God. The translation heresi/y though found in all
the English versions, is doubly objectionable j first, because it

ACTS 24, 14. 863

puts a meaning on the Greek word which it never has in the
J^ew Testament (see above, on5, lY, 15,6); and then, be-
cause it hides from view the striking correspondence between
this defence and the accusation in v. 5, by using different Eng-
lish words to render the same Greek one. Tertullus calls him
a ringleader of the sect (or party) of the Nazarenes. Paul ad-
mits that he belongs to it, but not that he is guilty of aposts
from Moses. The way (of thinking, living, worshipping, etc.
seems to have been a common Jewish name for doctrinal an<
practical diversities among themselves; a supposition which
accounts for its repeated application to the Christian £uth
in this book (see above, on 9, 2. 10, 0. 23. 22, 4), not as a spe-
cific but as a generic designation, i. e. representing it as one
out of many such diversities existing in the bosom of the
Jewish church itself. Heresy^ as here used in its ancient sense
of school or party, is a more specific term, and as such is dis-
tinguished here by Paul himself. *That peculiar way of
thinking, living, etc., which my accusers call a sect or schism,
but which I deny to be so.* But how could Paul deny that in
becoming a Christian he had ceased to be a Jew ? This ques-
tion is answered in the next clause by himself. So (i. e. in this
peculiar way described by my accusers as schismatical) I wor-
ship the poUemal God^ i. e. the God of my forefathers and of
theirs. There is great propriety and beauty in the use of the
adjective paternal^ constantly applied in the classics to the
tutelary and ancestral gods of nations, &milies, and places.
In adi-essing Jews, he employs the Scriptural phrase, God
of our fath^s (see above, on 3, 13. 6, 30. 22, 14), which, in
addressmg Felix, he exchanges for a classical expression, more
familiar yet to all intents and purposes synonymous. The
idea commonly attached to this clause i[' I worship as a
Christian') is but half its meaning, and the least important
half in this connection. Assuming that as undisputed and
notorious, he asserts that when he worships as a Christian, he
adores no new God, but the same who had been worshipped
by his fathers, or in other words that Christianity was really
the genuine continuation of Old Testament Judaism. This,
although presented in a new form, is precisely the same claim
that Paul asserted in the single sentence which comprised his
defence before the Sanhedruji (see above, on 23, 1.) As ad-
dressed to Felix, and adapted to his heathenish associations,
it may thus be paraphrased. ' They charge me with abandon-
ing oar old religion, and with worshipping some strange god ;

9U ACTS24, 14. 1&

but the Teiy GadL, wbom I thns worship, is our own anoestnl
Qodj whom I woold no more leave than jon would abEmdon
TOOT hereditary deities ; and this I prove by my adherence to
the sacred books of oar religion, to that Law and to those
Ftophets, of ndiich even yon have often heard, as the very
baas of our fiuth, and in which I now believe as finnly as I
ever did, and more oncerely than the men who chiu*ge me
with rejecting them.'

15. And have hope toward God, which they them-
sehres also allow, that there shaU be a resurrection of
the dead, both of the just and unjust.

The relation of the daoses here is often misconceived, as
if Paul meant to say that he indulged a certain hope, and then
as a subordinate or incidental circumstance that other Jews
indulged the same ; whereas this sameness is the main idea
here expressed, and that on which his argumentative defence
entirely turns. Having a hope towaims €hd which thete
{men) also themselves entertain (or look for^ i. e. for its reali-
zation, as in Tit. 2, 13.) This, it must still be borne in mind,
is addressed to Felix, and intended to explain to him the true
relation between Judaism and Christiamty, so &r as it could
thus be made intelligible to a heathen, and thereby to meet
the charge of having apostatized from his reliction. The
amount of this explanatory statement, as contained m this and
the preceding verse, is that he still worships the same God ;
and still believes in the same sacred books ; and still cherishes
the same hope for the future. With these points of agree-
ment, how could he be cast out as a schismatic or an apostate ?
But what was the hope which he still held in common with
the unconverted Jews ? It seems to be explained, in the last
clause, as the hope of a general resurrection. But this was
not held by the Sadducees, nor is it elsewhere represented as
the great distinctive hope of Israel. Considering the brevity
of this defence, or the abbreviated statement of it here pre-
sented, it is allowable to fill up its omissions and elucidate its
darker places, by comparing it with the fuller (or more fully
reported) Apology before Agrippa as contained in ch. xxvi.
This will be done more particularly in the exposition of that
chapter ; it will here be sufficient to anticipate the inference,
hereafter to be drawn (from 26, 6-8. 22. 23), that the national
hope referred to, even here, was the hope of the Messiah, and

ACTS 24, 15.16. 305

the resarrectton, here oonnected with it, that of Chricit himseli^
but represented aa the j^edge and foretaste of a general rising,
here expressed by sajing, both of the just and unjust^ i. e. of
all kinds and characters without exception (compare Matt. £,
45.) The three points of adherence, then, to ancient doc-
trines, here alleged by Paul, are one God, one Scripture^ one
Messiah,

16. And herdn do I exercise myself, to have always
a consci^ioe Toid of offence, toward Grod and (toward)
men.

Herein (or in this)^ i. e. in this adherence to the God, the
revelation, and the hope of IsraeL I exercise {myself)^ a verb
originally denoting any kind of hard work; th^i «>ecially ap-
plied to athletic strife or training ; and then to moral discipline,
especially to that of the severest kind, in which sense it is the
etymon or theme oi ascetic and its cognate forms. It here
denotes, not only constant or habitual practice, bat methodical
and systematic effort. Void of qffence^ in Greek a single
word, suggestive of the two ideas, unoffended and unoffending^
i. e. a conscience neither wounded by transgression nor allow-
ing me to be the means of tempting others. The same word
occurs onoe in the Apocrypha, but in the New Testament is
confined to Paul and to the conscience (see 1 Cor. 10, 82. Phil.
1, 10), a strone though incidental mark of genuii^eness in the
passage now before us. Toward (i. e. in relation or regard
to) w)d (as the head of the theocracy) and to men (as my
fellow-citizens or fellow-members.) Always^ not perhaps in
the restricted modem sense {at aU times)^ but in the wider
sense suggested by its etymology {in aU ways\ ^i^ch agrees
well with the form and originsTmeaning of the Greek word
{through oMy or by means of aU,) This word, though dislo-
cated m t^e version, emphatically closes the whole verse in the
original J£ this verse merely meant, as many readers may
im^ne, that Paul was consdentious in his whole deportment^
it would be a very needless aod unmeaning dose of the pre-
ceding argument in proof of his fidelity to the theocracy or
ancient dhuroh. It is in &ct the winding up of that whole
argument, with obvious allusion to his words before the San-
hedrim, for which Ananins had required him to be smitten on
the mouth (see above, on 28, 2), and which he here takes oo-
caaontoei^ilamandjwtx^. AsiflieiuMlflaid, *In ttasseaBe

366 ACTS 24, 16.17.

and on those grounds, I affirmed before and now affirm again,
that &r from beine an apostate or a renegade, I am and always
have been, both before and since mj confession of Christ, a
conscientious and consistent Jew.'

17. Now after many years I came to bring alms to
my nation and offerings.

Now^ the usual continuative particle, translated and in v.
16, hut in Y. 14. After^ literally, through^ or in the course of
(see above, on 23, 31), but often used to signify the dose as
well as the duration of a period (see Matt. 26, 61. Mark 2, 1.
14, 68.) Many^ not the word so rendered in v. 10 above, but
its comparative, strictly meaning more^ and like the corre-
sponding words in Latin and German, used in the modem
English sense of several^ L e. more than one, in this case mean-
ing about four years (see above, on 18, 22. 23.) Having now
defined his relative position to the Jews and their reugion,
Paul reverts to the purpose of his visit to Jerusalem, and to
the charge of having come as a mover of sedition. In contra-
diction to this groundless calunmy, he had already said (in v.
11) that he came to worship^ to which he now adds that he
came to brin^ alma (literally, to do or make^ L e. dispense
them). This is perfectly consistent with the other motive, and
is added to it as a proof that his whole object was pacific and
religious, not divisive or disorderly. But what were these
alms ? Not the private charities of Paul himself, which must
have been comparatively small, and could not have occasioned
his long voyage and journey. He must refer to more exten-
sive and important contributions, of which he was the channel
or dispenser. But none such are mentioned in this book, a
seeming difliculty which, when properly explained, becomes a
striking incidental proof of authenticity. While Luke says
nothing in his narrative of these " alms," Paul himself^ in his
epistles written just before this journey, is abundant in allusion
to them (see above, on 19, 21. 22. 20, 1-4, and compare Rom.
16,25-31. lCor.16, 1-4. 10. 11.17. 2 Cor. 8, 1-24. 9,1-15.)
From those allusions it appears that at his own suggestion a
general contribution had been made throughout the churches
m the two great provinces of Greece for the relief of the poor
saints at Jerusalem, and that one important object of Paul's
visit was to deliver or distribute these benevolent donations.
As they were not designed for Gkntiles he expressly adds,

ACTS 24, 17. 867

unto my nation^ thus suggesting that such conduct towards
his kinsmen according to the flesh was incompatible with hat-
ing or despising them. And offerings^ not the alms just
mentioned ; first, because the repetition would be needless ;
secondly, because the collocation of the words,* both in Greek
and £nglish, shows that something additional or supplementa-
ry was meant to be expressed ; and lastly, because the word
here used is never applied elsewhere to mere charities, but
always, either in the hteral or figurative sense, to the oblations
of the Mosaic ritual. (See Heb. 10, 6. 8. 10. 14. 18. Rom. 16,
16. Eph. 5, 2.) It was to sacrifice, as well as pray, that Paul
had gone up to Jerusalem. This might be understood as
nothing more than a specification of the phrase to worship in
V. 11. But a more precise sense is suggested by the fact that
the very same term {offering) occurs above in 21, 26, with
reference to the sacrifices of the Nazarites, the cost of whose
ceremonial purification Paul had undertaken. Here then are
offerings, in the strict sense, which we know him to have ac-
tually made, or to have been upon the point of making, at the
time of his arrest ; a clear proof that he was not a despiser and
blasphemer, even of the legal ceremonies, as his enemies alleged.
It is certain, therefore, Uiat the alma and offerings of this
verse are distinct from one another, though adduced for the
same pun)ose, that is, to establish his fidelity and loyalty to
that wnich he was represented as rejecting and attempting to
destroy. But the auns and offerings, though not the same
thing, may have been connected if, as some suppose, the
money spent by Paul upon the Nazarites was taken from the
fund which he had brought from Greece, as a real compliance
with the wishes of the donors, perhaps authorized if not pro-
posed by the Elders at Jerusalem, though not recorded in the
narrative of their conference with Paul (see above, on 21, 23.
24.) But this, though in itself entirely credible, and serving
to account for the peculiar way in which the alms and offer-
ings are here put together, is a mere conjecture, and must not
be forced upon the passage as a part of its essential meaning.
To the question how Paul could oe said to have gone up for a
purpose, which was first suggested after his arrival, it may be
answered, that perhaps this suggestion was but the occasion
of performing what had been before projected, or communi-
cated by the Holy Ghost ; and also, that without this suppo-
sition, the peculiar way in which the offerings are added, oy
a kind of afterthought, may be intended to exclude them

S66 ACTS i4, 17. IS.

fixHn his original desga and to denribe them as a anhaeqagpt
expedient. * How oonld I oome up to defile the temple and
divide the people, when I broogfat relief to many poor among
them ; yea, and while there actuaDj offered sacnfioea at the
rery aanctoary which I am aecnaed of trying to profime.'

18. WhereupoD certain Jews bom Asia foond me
fmrified in the temple, neither with makitade, nor
with tumnlt.

Wheret^ixm should be in tthieh^ i e. in idiich deeds or
employments, aidii^ the poor saints and perfi>nning sacrifice.
*In the very act of proving my devotion to the race and my
ie^>ect for the Mosaic law, they seised me, and have since ar-
nd^ed me, as an enemy of both ! ' Some of the oldest mano-
acnpts have which in the feminine form, and therefore neoes-
aarily referrine to the feminine nomu abn$ and qffering^
wluch only nuuLes the reference more definite, without a real
idiange of meaning. Tlie defensive argument, implied in this
claose, is still further carried out by adding, purified Qu e.
midergoing ceremonial purification, see above, on 21, 24. 26)
m the temple (L e. in its courts or area, see above, on vs. C. 12,
and compare 2, 46), thereby proving his respect for the Mosaic
law in reference to two of its great parts or features, sacred
rites and sacred places. The mcX that Paul was thus engamd
when seized and charged with sacrilege, was a genuine reaue-
tio ad absurdum for bis &lse accusers. They could not even
say that, although present at the temple, and apparently en-
gaged in ceremonial duties, he oerformed them in an unbe-
coming or disorderly manner. iV ot with crowd (or concourse),
so as to attract undue attention and disturb the devotions of
his neighbours, nor with tumult (uproar, as in 20, 1. 21, 34),
jk stronger term denoting the natural result of mobs or lawless
gatherings. There is here a question of grammatical con-
struction, closely connected with one of textual critidsm.
This cannot be intelligiblv stated to the English reader with-
out restoring the original order of the sentence, which is this,
whereupon ^r wherein) found me purified in the templey not
with crowd nor with tumult, certain Jisws/rom Asia. As the
last words evidently constitute the subject of the verb found
(which is plural), the translators have transposed them ux
accommodation to English usa^ But the latest critics have
- ^-^ tlie continuative particle (3c) after some (or oerXatn)

ACTS 24, 18.19. 869

from a few of the old manuscripts, thus separating certain
Jeto8 from the preceding verb, and leaving the latter to be
construed indefinitely, they (L e. my enemies and false accus-
ers) found me purijiedj <fec., but (or and) certain Jews from
Asia, The autnorities for this emendation, although strong,
are not decisive, as the oldest copy extant (Codex Vaticanus)
either has the common text or has not yet been collated as to
this point. Even admitting the proposed change, the con-
struction may be made at least intelligible, although still sin-
gular, by repeating or supplying something from the first
clause. They fmmd vne purified in the temple^ not with crowd
or tumuUy but certain Jews from Asia (were the cause of
these.) Jews from Aeia^ the same Greek phrase that is ren-
dered Jews which were of Asia in Luke's account of the
transaction here referred to. The preposition indicates that
they not only came from but belonged to Asia Proper or Pro-
consular (see above, on 21, 27.)

19. Who ought to have been here before thee, and
object, if they had aught against me.

The mention of the Jews from Asia, as the real authors of
the timiult at the temple, leads Paul to urge another circum-
stance, showing the un&imess and irregu^ity of this whole
process. Who had accused him of pro&ning or attempting
to pro&ne the temple? Certain Jews from Asia, Why
wore they not present to sustain their accusation, either as
witnesses or parties ? Why was their place supplied by Ana-
nias and Tertullus, who knew nothing of the &ct8 except as
they had heard them from those Asiatic Jews, whose absence
could not be supplied by a contemptuous reference to Claudius
Lysias as the .only witness (see above, on v. 8.) To have been
here (literally, to bepreserU) before thee (i. e. as a judgo, or at
thy bar, the preposition used above in 21, 30, and there ex-
plained.) Tliis was no forensic quibble or finesse, but a legiti-
mate objection to the whole procedure as evincing bad faith
and a conscious inability to prove their charges. Object
should be a^cuse^ the same verb as in vs. 2. 8. 13, and in 22,
30. The variation in the version here obscures the meaning
by suggesting as Paul's meaning, that they ought to have
been there to make objections to the method of proceeding or
to his defence ; whereas he means that they ought to have ap-
peared as his prosecutors or accusers. Jfthey had aught (or

VOL.* u. 2 a

370 ACTS 24, 19-21.

any thing) aaainst me^ is in Greek peculiarly exJOf^Are firom
the nse of the optative mood, implying that the case was
purely hypotheticiEil, or in other words, that they had really
DO dbiarge against him.

20. Or else let these same (here) say, if they have
found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the
comicil.

Or else seems to imply that Paul is here presenting an al-
temative, proposing two things, one of which ought to be
done. * Either let the Jews from Asia be brought forward, or
else let these, AcJ* But what he really says is, not that they
ought now to be produced, but that they ought to have ap-
peared from the beginning as his prosecutors. He proposes
nothing as to this point, but merely censures what had been
already done. With this relation of the verses agrees the
connective particle which simply denotes or^ the else being
introduced by the translators. Or (as it is now too late to
remedy this error, and the Jews from Asia have perhaps gone
home) let these (Ananias and the Elders) themselves (not
merely through an advocate, but in their proper persons) say,
if they found any wronq (or according to the oldest copies,
what vjrong they found) in me, while (or w?ien) I stood (lit.
/ standing) before the council (the Synedrium or Sanhedrim,
see above, on 4, 15.) The allusion is of course to the scene
described in 23, 1-10. Wrong^ the word translated matter of
vyrong in 18, 14, and there explained. Before, the same word
as in V. 19, at their bar, at their tribunal. Having shown,
from the absence of the original accusers and of all other wit-
nesses, that the charge of sedition was abandoned, he now
challenges the High Priest and the Elders to bring forward
any other accusation which they could establish, even by their
own testimony. They had not witnessed the alleged desecra-
tion of the temple ; they had only seen him as he stood before
the council (see above, on 22, 30) ; if they knew any thing
against him from their own observation, it must have hap-
pened then, and he accordingly gives this specific form and
limitation to his challenge.

21. Except it be for this one voice, that I cried
standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the
dead I am called in question by you this day.

ACTS 24, 21. 871

JSiccept Uhe^in Greek a single letter, meaning thanj L e.
other than, besides, except, ^or (or (ibotU) this one voice
seems dependent in construction on a verb suppressed ; or it
may be connected with the phrase found wrong in the pre-
ceding verse, unless (they found fault or condemned me) for
this one^ etc, VoicCy utterance, not only the words said, but
the act of saying them. Among thern^ literally, in them^ i. e.
in their circle, in the midst of them. (For the idiomatic use
of ori, thatj omitted in the version, see above, on 2, 13. 3, 22.
6,23.26. 6,11. Y,e. 11,3. 13,34. 16,1. 16,36. 19,21. 28,
20.) His quotation of hij9 own words agrees as nearly with
LuKc^s narrative in 23, 6 as would be natural in any case of
repetition. The only variations are that he omits hc^ before
rehirrection^ and adds, this day by you. Called in question^
here, as in the other case, means judged^ tried, put upon my
trial, summoned to defend myself. As this was tne expression
which created the division in the council (see above on 23, 7),
it has been disputed whether those to whom Paul here appeals
(though not directly) were Pharisees or Sadducees. But this
is a question of no moment, as he is not here appealing to their
diverse principles or prepossessions, but is smiply recalling
what had happened on a recent occasion, for the purpose oi
strengthening his previous statement, that they could have
nothing to aUege against him. ^ They have only seen me in
their council at Jerusalem, and surely! did nothing there for
which I must be tried, unless it was my uttering those words
which threw them into such confusion.' The reference is not
so much to what he said as to his having said so little, and that
little so inadequate to justify their conduct. At the same
time the Apostle, with consummate skill, by thus repeating
his own words before the Sanhedrim, renews his enigmaticiu
but solemn declaration, that so far from having given up his
Messianic hope, it was because he held it fast in its original
intent, it was because he had embraced the true Messiah when
he came, while Israel at large denied him, this was the very
reason of his being now a prisoner and called on to defend
himself. That he still described his hope of the Messiah as a
hope of resurrection, may have been intended to disguise a
doctrine which the Jews would instantly regard as nimifying
all that he had said in proof of his own loyalty to Israel and
Moses. The key to this enigma of his being both a Christian
and a Jew was furnished by his holding that Messiah had al-
ready come. But as this, distinctly stated, might have pre-

872 ACTS 24, 21.22.

vented their attending to his further statement, he ezcdtes
their cariosity and gains their ear by speaking only of the
resurrection, as the crowning attestation of our Lord's Messi-
ahship, reserving a fuller explanation of his meaning for his
last Apology and last appeal to Israel, before he left the Holy
Land for ever (see below, on 26, 6.) It is not to be forgotten
that although this third apology was formally addressed to
FeUx, and was really intended to apprise him of the true state
of the case which had been so misrepresented by the Jews, it
was virtuallv an additional appeal to the Jews themselves, as
there officially and representatively present, a further effort to
convince them of the &lse position which they occupied in

reference to Christ and Moses.

•

22. And when Felix heard these things, having
more perfect knowledge of (that) way, he deferred
them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain shall
come down, I will know the uttermost of your matter.

Saving heard these things is omitted by the oldest manu-
scripts and latest critics, according to whom the verse begins,
And Felix, pat them offy which comes next in the origmal.
More exactly (see above, on 18, 26. 23, 16. 20) knowing the
(things) about the way have been explained by some as the
words of Felix himself. ' More exactly knowing (i. e. when I
do know more exactly) the things concerning this way, said
he, when Claudius Lysias,' &c. But this construction is con-
demned by the harsh transposition it involves and by the
sense it puts upon the participle {diruiv,) The way has here
been variously understood to mean the present case ; or the
character and practice of the Jews ; or the Christian religion,
as in V. 14, and other places there referred to. This usage
seems decisive in favour of the last interpretation ; but the
question still arises in what sense Felix is said to have under-
stood the new religion more exactly. Some suppose the com-
parative to be here used, as it often is in Latin, to express a
moderate degree of something (knowing pretty accurately),
which, however, is by no means very natural or obWous.
Others give the comparativ^e its proper sense, but differ as to
the things compared (knowing more exactly than was usual
with Romans, or than could have been expected, or than the
Jews imagined, ifcc.) all which supply something not expressed

ACTS 24, 22. 378

or necessarily suggested by the context. The simplest syntax
and the best sense are obtained by supposing these words to
describe the effect of Paul's discourse on Felix, whom, as we
have seen, it was intended to enlighten with respect to the
relation between Judaism and Christianity, a subject always
puzzling to the Romans, though important to the exercise of
their authority (see above, on 18, 15. 23, 29.) What Gallio
and Lysias could not comprehend had now been made in some
degree perspicuous to Felix by the masterly discourse of the
Apostle. More exactly knowing (than he did before, the
true state of the case) about tJie way (of living and believing)
to which Paul adhered and which the Jews had represented
as an absolute rejection of their whole religion. Seeing this
charge to be a false one, and the whole proceeding frivolous
and spiteful, he determined to get rid of it, but not by openly
acquitting Paul, and thereby putting an affront upon the Jews,
as represented in his presence by the High Priest and the El-
ders. This, as we shall see below (on v. 27), he had personal and
selfish reasons for avoiding, while he must have seen that there
was not the slightest ground for the proceeding against Paul.
In this dilemma ho resorts to the cowardly expedient of delay,
enjbracing for that purpose the suggestion offered by Tertul-
lus (see above, on v. 8), that the Tribune should himself be
made to testify. When I/ysias the chUiarch comes dovm
(from Jerusalem, as in v. 1 above), IwiU know the things con-
ceniing you (or in which you are interested.) Some regard
this as a threat that when he did obtain the necessary informa-
tion, they might expect to be put upon their trial in their
turn. But this agrees neither with the character of Felix,
nor with his actual position, as Josephus describes both ; nor
with the natural import of the terms employed. The com-

found Greek verb (Stayvoxro/xai) might be explained to mean,
will discriminate, and so decide (Geneva Bible) ; but usage
is in favour of the sense, I will know (your matters) thoroughly

for through and through), perhaps with some allusion to the
brensic use of knowledge to denote judicial cognizance or
jurisdiction. The first of these ideas (that of knowing thor-
oughly) was no doubt meant to be conveyed by Tyndale's
I paraphrastic version, retained in King James's Bible, / wUl
know the uttermost of your matter. That this adjournment
was a mere device to end the whole proceeding, may have
been apparent, even at the time, from the extreme improbar
bility that Lysias could leave his post at such a turbulent and

8U ACTS 24, 22. 28.

anxionB jonctore, and is now confirmed hj tbe silence of the
histoiy in reference to any such appearance of the Tribune as
a witness in this matter.

23. And he commanded a centurion to keep Paul,
and to let (him) have liberty, and that he should forbid
none of his acquaintance to minister or come unto him.

The impression made upon the governor by Paul's defence
is further shown by the directions which he gave for his safe-
keeping. He was still to be detuned, because not yet acquit-
ted, and for other reasons afterwards disclosed^ but to have
remission (relaxation, mitigation of his bondage.) The trans-
lation liberty^ if strictly understood, makes the sentence con-
tradict itself To be kept (watched, guarded), and at the same
time to have liberty y are incompatible conditions. (For the true
sense of the Greek word, compare 2 Cor. 8, 13. 2 Thess. 1,17.)
Some suppose an allusion to the technical distinction between
diSereut Idnds of custody practised by the Romans, such as
the custodia piMica^ or connnement in the common prison ; the
custodia militarise or perpetual surveillance by a soldier, and
in its severer forms attachment to his person by a chidn ; and
the custodia libera^ in which the prisoner was entrusted to a
magistrate or other well known person, who received him into
his own household and was answerable for his safety. This
last might seem to be the libertv which Felix ordered Paul to
have ; but it was practised only in the case of prisoners of
great distinction, and it seems to be implied in the words be-
fore us that the centurion still had charge of him. That this
was the centurion who escorted him to Cesarea (the other
having gone back from Antipatris, see above, on 23, 23. 32),
although possible, cannot be inferred from the definite ex-
pression {the centurion) , because this may only mean the one
on duty, or the one who was entrusted with such matters. To
forbid none of his own (friends or acquaintances, see above,
on 4, 23. 2lyQ)y to wait upon him^ minister to him, take care
of him, supply his wants (compare the use of the same verb in
13, 36. 20, 34.) Or come to him^ have access to him, visit him,
even without performing services so intimate and confidential.
To the latter class we may perhaps refer Philip and his house-
hold (see above, on 21, 8. 9) ; to the former Trophimus (see
above, on 21, 29), Aiistarchus (see below, on 27, 2), but above
all, Luke, ^'the beloved physician," and the author of this

ACTS 24, 23. 24. 875

histonp^, which may owe much of its contents to this renewal
of the intercourse between them (see below, on v. 27.)

24. And after certain days, when Felix came with
his wife Drusilla, which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul,
and heard him concerning the faith in Christ.

After certain (L e. somi) daya^ an indefinite expression,
but suggestive rather of a short than of a long time (see above,
on 10, 48. 15, 36. 16, 12.) Came^ coming, bemg there, the
same as in v. 17. 23, 16. 35, and often .elsewhere (see above,
on 5, 21.) According to Tacitus, the wife of Felix was Dru-
silla, daughter of Juba the Numidian king, and grand-daughter
of Anthony and Cleopatra. According to Josephus, she was
Drusilla, daughter of Herod Agrippa, whose death is recorded
in 12, 23, and great-grand-daughter of Herod the Great. This
mieht seem to be total contradiction, but for the statement of
a third historian (Suetonius), that Felix was the husband of
three queens, by which he no doubt means three wives of
royal Imeage. This would comprehend and reconcile the
statements of Josephus and Tacitus, although there may have
been some confusion of names, the double Drusilla being cer-
tainly remarkable. The Jewish Drusilla was betrothed in
childhood to Antiochus Epiphanes of Comagene, but he re-
fusing to comply with the conditions of the contract by re-
ceiving circumcision, she was actually married to Azizus king
of Emesa, who did become a Jew. Felix, according to Jo-
sephus, was smitten with her beauty, and through the agency
of Simon, a ma^cian from Cyprus, but supposed by some to
be the same with Simon Magus (see above, on 8, 24), per-
suaded her to leave her husband. As the ordinary word for
loifcy in Greek as well as French, is looman^ and as some man-
uscripts omit the pronoun, it might be understood as a con-
temptuous expression, with the woman DrusiUa^ like the
woman Jezebel in Rev. 2, 20. But the pronoun is expressed
in many manuscripts, and two of the most ancient have the
strong expression, with his own wife ; so that most interpret-
ers agree that she is so described, but in a popular sense, with^
out implying that the marriage was a la\mil one. If it took
place aoout this time, of which we have no other evidence, the
words of Luke might naturally mean, Fdix arriving with his
wife DrusiUdy L e. bringing her home for the first time, a cir-
oomstance more likely to m mentioned so distinctly than their

876 A C T S 24, 24. 25.

merely going from one palace to another, or, as some suppoee,
from one apartment to another m the same. Being a Jewess^

S birth and probably by actual profession, and as such natur-
y curious to hear the &mous Christian preacher and learn
something of the strange sect which was everywhere spoken
against (see below, on 28, 22.) That it was for her gratifica-
tion that the Procurator sent for Paul, is clear from the diffi-
culty of explaining otherwise the formal mention of her name
and her religion. Heard him (not preach an ordinaiy ser-
mon, but explain what was peculiar) abotU the faith in Cfhrist,
i e. the new religion, of which Christ is the centre, the foun-
dation, and the topstone, and a personal fidth in him its only
method of salvation (see above, on 4, 11. 12.)

25. And as he reasoned of righteousness, temper-
ance, and judgment to come, Felix trembled, and
answered, Go thy way for this time ; when I have a
convenient season, I will call for thee.

As he reasoned^ literally, he discoursing (see above, on 17,
2. 17. 18,4. 19. 19, 8. 9. 20, 7. 9, and v. 12 of this chapter.)
Mighteousness^ not justification, as the other terms denote hu-
man virtues, but justice, in the wide sense, or the rendering to
every one his due (see above, on 10, 22. 35.) Temperance^ not
in the restricted modem sense of abstinence from strong drink,
but in that of self-control and moderation as to all the appe-
tites, with special reference, in ancient usage, to chastity or
continence, which last is derived directly from the Latin
word answering to the one here used. The Christian doctrine
upon these points must have been peculiarly awakening to the
Roman's conscience, as his whole life seems to have been one
of unjust tyranny and sensual indulgence, so that Tacitus uses,
to describe his moral character, two of the strongest words
afforded by the language {saevltiam et Ubidinem) For ano-
ther portrait, bv the hand of the same master, see above, on
23, 24. There is no need of supposing, as some have done,
that Paul purposely went out of his way to gall the conscience
of his hearers, or, as others imarine, that he preached the Law
exclusively without the Gospd. This is not the apostolical
method, which presents the two together, and convicts the in-
dividual, not by personal invective, but by manifestation of
the truth, commending itself to every man's conscience in the

ACTS 24, 25.28. 877

Mght of God {2 Cor. 4, 2.) Paul no donbt compiled with the
request that he would state to them " the iaith in Christ," in
doing which he conid not &il to treat of Christian virtues and
their corresponding vicee, as the traits of taith and unbelief
reepectively ; and this phun statement, without digression or
exaggeration, would suffice to reach the conscience and to
louste the apprehension of that coming judgment, literally, the
judgment, that about to be, the same verb that occurs above,
m V. 15, and live times in the preceding chapter (23, 3. 15. 20.
27. 30.) Secoming fearful (or alarmed), .fhlix answered, or
responded to this terrible discourse, so unhke what he had
lootced for, as a gratification of Drusilla's ciu-iosity or his own.
^or this time is m Greek an idiomatic phrase which can hardly
be translated into English, consisting of an article and parti-
ciple in the neuter gender, the having, i, e. the time having
itself (being) nnw. (See above, on v. 0, and the places there
referred to.) This is equivalent to our phrases, as the matter
DOW is, for the present, and some others, different in form, but
of the same essential import. €fo thy way, in Greek a single
word, depart, {begone!) Having got time, or obtained an op-
portunity, I will settd for thee {again). It is a curious m-
siancc of the way in which a text may be severed from its
context by the tradition of the pulpit, that the three points
commonly made prominent in this verse are entirely adventi-
tious and have no trace in the text itself. Trembled ia merely
Tyiidale's loose translation of a phrase denoting inward feel-
itiK, not its outward indications ; convenient Is an epithet
added by the same hand to the bare noun time or opportu-
nity ; and lastly, the traditional assertion, that the season never
oame, is directly contradicted by the foUo«'ing verses.

26. He hoped niso that money should have been
given him of Paul, that he might loose him ; wherefore
he sent for him the oftener, and communed with him.
At the eame time also, a phrase only partially translated in
our Bible, which tbrougbout this passage follows Tyndale
closely. At the same time that he thus dismissed him, hoping
that money will be giveji him by Paul. The remaining words,
that he might loose (or Jree) him, although no doubt a true
statement of the motive, are omitted by the latest critics, be-
cause not found in the oldest copies extant. Wherefore, be-
oaoH he entertained this mercenary hope, the o/Una- (or even

8T8 ACTS 24, 26.2?.

ofiener^ than he would otherwise have done so) sending for
Paul (from the PrsBtoriom to his own house, or from Uie pris-
imer's apartments to his own, if they were under the same
roof) lie conversed with him^ the verb employed in 20, 11,
above, and there explained. That Paul abstained from aU re-
ligious conversation in these frequent interviews, is utterly at
variance with his character and practice (see above, on 20, 20.
21. 26.27. dl,.and compare Ck>L 1,28.) It cannot, tiierefore,
be alleged that although Felix often talked with Paul, it was
exclusively on business, and he never found an opportunity of
hearing hun again ^^ concerning the &ith in Christ.'' The very
fru^ that Felix, while his conscience trembled, could conceive
the plan of getting money out of him, shows that he would not
shrink from hearing him reason of righteousness, temperance,
and future judgment, every day, if thereby he might gain his
darling end. This hope of bribe or ransom must have rested
on the zeal of Paul's mends and his influence upon them, not
without some reference to the foreign alms of which he was
the bearer (see above, on v. 17.) '&e same spirit that col-
lected these would surely do still more for the Apostle's
liberation. But however plauidble the expectation, it was
disappointed.

27. But after two years Porcius Festus came into
Felix' room ; and Felix, willing to shew the Jews a
pleasure, left Paul bound.

A hiennium (or period of two years) having been con^
pleted (or elapsed since Paul's imprisonment), ^elix received a
successoTy Porcius festus. The date of this change has been
commonly assigned to the summer of the year 61 ; but the
latest chronological investigations make it probable, at least,
that it occurred a twelvemonth sooner, in the summer of A. D.
60, ten years before the destruction of Jerusalem. Wishing
too (tc) to deposit favours with the Jews^ L e. to place them un-
der obligations, thereby laying up in store a future claim upon
their gratitude or kindness. The same figure is employed by
Demosthenes and other classical Greek writers. It may seem
strange that a ruler so unscrupulous as Felix, who practised
every method of extortion and oppression on this very people,
should be so desirous of securing their good will when ne was
taking leave of them for ever. But like Pontius Pilate, and
some others of his predecessorsi he was recalled to answer the

ACTS 24, 27. S19r

complaiiits of the oppressed Jews, and was therefore anxious
to propitiate them and perhaps induce them to withdraw their
charge, before he made his appearance at the emperor's tri«
bun:u. From contemporary history we learn that he escaped
through the intercession of nis brother Pallas, then a favourite
of Nero, but a few ^ears later put to death by him, perhaps
involving Felix in his own destruction.

■ M '

CHAPTEE XXV.

Wk have here the narrative of Paul's fourth Ajjology, or pub-
lic appearance, as a prisoner, in defence of himself and his
religion, together with the circumstances which prepared the
way for the fifth, recorded in the following chapter. The one
related here, like that before it, was at the tribunal of the
Roman governor, but in the presence of Jewish representa-
tives, and like it also exhibits only a brief summary of the
defence itself, with a fuUer statement of the interlocutory
proceedings. The chief points of difference are those of char-
acter and situation between Felix and Festus, and the step in
advance which the Apostle here takes by appealing to the
Emperor. The chapter naturally falls into two parts, the first
of which contains the direct transactions between Paul and
Festus (1-12). Under this head are included the arrival of
Festus, his first visit to Jerusalem, the renewal of the charge
and plot against Paul, the refusal of the Procurator to remove
him, and the appointment of a new trial at Cesarea (1-5).
Then comes the trial itself with a summary statement of the
charges and defence (6-8). Paul refuses to be tried once
more at Jerusalem, and appeals to the Emperor in person,
which appeal the governor allows (9-12). Tne remainder of
the chapter describes the occasion and preliminaries of his fifth
appearance (ld-27). Among these is a visit from Agrippa
to Festus, and a statement of Paul's case by the latter to the
former, with an expression of Agrippa's wish to see and hear
him (18-22). Then follows an account of the meeting for this
purpose, a second statement of the case by Festus, with his
own reason for desiring Agrippa to hear the prisoner himself
(23-27).

880 ACTS 26, 1.

1. Now when Festus was come into the province,
after three days he ascended from Cesarea to Jerusalem.

Festus is alfio mentioned by Josephus, in both his histories,
as the successor of Felix in the government of Judea, and as
having been occupied, during his short administration, in sup-
pressing the-Sicarii (or Assassins) and other disturbers of the
public peace, including an impostor who had tried to raise the
people m rebellion by fanatical delusions (see above, on 5, 36.
87. 21, 38.) In these respects his government was very simi-
lar to that of Felix (see above, on 23, 24. 24, 2. 3), but his
personal character much better, as appears, not so much from
any positive description, as from the way in which Joseph us
contrasts him with his successor Albinus, as a man who gov-
erned in a manner altogether different, and had a hand in
every kind of wickedness. According to the latest chronolo-
^cal authorities, Festus administered the government a little
less than two years, from the autumn of A. D. 60 to the sum-
mer of A. D. 62. From an incidental statement of Josephas
(" that the Eraperor, hearing of the death of Festus, sent Al-
binus to Judea as his Procurator"), we learn that, unlike most
of his predecessors and successors, he died in office. In jus-
tice to the memory of this short-lived and comparatively up-
right magistrate, he ought to be carefully distinguished from
his predecessor (Felix), with whom, no doubt from the resem-
blance of the names, he has sometimes been confounded, not
only by superficial readers, but by learned writers. Festtis
then (or therefore)^ a resumption of the statement in the first
clause of 24, 27. Having come^ literally, come up, mounted,
or ascended, sometimes applied to embarkation on board a
vessel (see above, on 21, 2. 0, and below on 27, 2), but also to
entrance or arrival in a country (see above, on 20, 18) ; and
as this is perfectly appropriate here, there is no need of resort-
ing to the figurative sense of entering on his gontrnnient (or
\ffice)^ which however, although not expressed, is necessarily
implied in his arrival and the acts that follow. After three
dags may be strictly understood as meaning three whole days,
or, according to a common ancient idiom, as implying that he
took one entire day of rest between his arrival at Cesarea
and his journey to Jerusalem. This prompt departure to
the Holy City may evince both official promptness and a
natural curiosity to see a place so famous even in the history
of empires.

ACTS 25, 2.3. 381

2. Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews
informed him against Paul, and besought him —

Then (8c) the High Priest^ or according to the oldest cop-
ies and the latest critics, the High (or Chief) Priests^ in the
plural number. The actual High Priest, at this time, as we
learn from Josephus, was not Ananias (see aboye, on 23, 2.
24, 1), but Ishmael the son of Phabi, nominated to that office
by Agrippa (see below, on v. 13.) The chief or first (men)
of the Jewa^ a general description of the class commonly de-
scribed as elders (see above, on 4, 5. 8, 23. 6, 12. 23, 14. 24, 1),
with whom they are identified by Festus, in relating this very
occurrence (see below, on v. 15.) Informed^ the same verb,
with precisely the same meaning, as m 24, 1, where it is ex-
plained. This revival of the criminal information a^inst Paul,
after an interval of two years, shows the national miportance
which the Sanhedrim attached to the proceeding, if not the
person^ mali^ty and rancor of its leading members, which,
at all events, is evident enough from the petition here record-
ed. (For the usage of the last verb, see above, on 2, 40. 8, 31.
16,40. 20,12. 21,12. 24,4.)

8. And desired favour against him, that he would
send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to
kill him.

Not content with renewing their old accusation, they pre-
sent a petition of the most extraordinary kind. Asking (for
themselves) favour (or a favour) against him^ the idea of
gratuity or special favour being doubly suggested, by the
added noun and by the form of the verb, which is in the mid-
dle voice and has the same reflexive sense as in many other
places (see above, on 3,14. 7,46. 9,2. 12,20. 13,21.28.)
This direct demand for partial judgment, or respect of per-
sons, a sin so frequently forbidden in their own law (see above,
on 10, 34), would seem to imply an unfavourable estimate of
the new Procurator's character and judgment, were it not
more eaisily referred to that insane delusion, under which the
Jews, at this eventful crisis of their history, appeared to act,
and which has been already mentioned as transforming them,
in temper and spirit, from devout Jews to ferocious heathen
(see above, on 24, 10.) One of the clearest premonitions that
the days of Israel, as a church and as a state, were numbered.

382 ACTS 25, 3.4.

is this very loss of the true theocratical spirit, and this cal-
lousness of conscience both as to means and ends ; a change
made known to us, not only or most vividly in Scripture, but
in the writings of the contemporary Jewish historian. It is
possible, however, that the words, ashing favour^ in the verse
Dcfore us, relate not to the form of the request, but merely to
its secret motive. The sense will then be, not that they en-
treated Festus to confer this favour on them, but that they
simply asked him to transfer the trial to Jerusalem, as a matter
of right or of convenience, while the real purpose of this prop-
osition would have made the granting of it by the governor
a gross act of judicial partiality or favour to one party at the
cost and hazard of the other. This may seem more natural
and credible, in itself considered ; but the other is more read-
ily suggested by the language of the narrative. Laying toait^
literally, making an ambtiscade (or ambush)^ either in the
strict sense, or in that of plotting. (See above, on 23, 21, and
compare the use of the cognate verb in 23, 16 and Luke 11,
64.) If literally understood, the present participle (making)
may be used for the future, or imply that they were actually
making preparation to way-lay Paul. To kiU (despatch, or
make away with) him in (by or along) tfie road. (For the
usage of the verb, see above, on 2, 23. 9, 23. 16, 27. 22, 20.
23, 15 ; and for that of the preposition, on 5, 15. 8, 36. 16, 7.)

4. But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept
at Cesarea, and that he himself would depart shortly
(thither).

But^ or so then^ the resumptive particle, following the
parenthetical statement in the last clause of the third verse
(see above, onl, 6. 2, 41. 8,4. 9,31. 11,19. 12,5. 13,4, 16,5.
19, 32. 23, 18, 22. 31.^ Sh(ndd be kept is not the meaning of
the Greek verb, which is in the infinitive mood and present
tense, and according to Greek usage means that he was actu-
ally then kept (i. e. watched or guarded, see above, on 12,
5. 6. 16, 23. 24, 23.) The governor's reply to their exorbitant
or treacherous petition was, that Paul was already in sai'e-
keeping at the seat of government, and as the governor ex-
pected to be there himself before long, his removal was un-
necessary and indeed would be inconvenient. Would depart^
or was about to set forth (see above, on 9, 28, and on 24, 15. 25.)

ACTS 25, 4.5.6. 383

25.) Thither (I e. to Cesarea) is mmecessarilj, bat not erro-
neously, supplied by the translators.

5. Let them therefore, said he, which among you
are able, go down with (me), and accuse this man, if
there be any wickedness in him.

Ther^ore^ i. e. because it would not be convenient to re-
moTe him. Able^ i. e. able to do so, as in 11, 17 above (com-
pare Luke 14, 31. Rom. 4, 21. 11, 23. 14, 4. 2 Cor. 9, 8. 2 Tim.
1, 2. Tit. 1, 9. Heb. 11, 19. James 3, 2.) The meaning then is,
* Such of you as have it in your power to attend there.' But
although this usage of the Greek word is established bv the
passages lust cited, and by its frequent construction with the
mfinitive m the classics, most interpreters prefer the stronger
sense of powerful, which occurs above, in 7, 22. 18,24 (com-
pare 1 Cor. 1, 26. 2 Cor. 10,4. 12, 9. 18, 9. Rev. 6, 15.) This
may then be taken either as a vague description of the leading
men (like Jirat or chief in v. 2), or as a more specific designa-
tion of the persons authorized, by office or by special delega-
tion, to perform the duty here prescribed, and represent the
Sanhedrim at Cesarea. The first interpretation, although fa-
voured by a similar but rare use of the Greek word by Jo-
sephus and Thucydides, is less appropriate and natural, as
bemg a mere complimentary description, than the other, which
denotes official rank and obligation. The word wickedness^
although not printed in italics, is supplied by the translators,
being found neither in the common text nor in the critical
editions ; but several of the oldest copies have a Greek word
(aroirov) elsewhere rendered Aarr7» (28, 6), amiss, (Luke 23, 41,)
unreasonable (2 Thess. 3, 2.) The idea of fault or crime is of
course suggested even by the shorter reading, ' if there be
any thing in this (or the) man.'

6. And when he had tarried among them more
than ten days, he went down unto Cesarea, and the
next day, sitting on the judgment seat, commanded Paul
to be brought.

Having spent (or passed), the same verb as in 12, 19. 14,
3. 28. 15, 35. 16, 12. 20, 6. The marginal reading, not more
than eight or ten days^ is now regarded by the critics as the

884 ACTS 26, 6.7.

true text. The difference between this and the common read-
ing is, that the latter seems to represent the sojourn as a long
one (' he said he would set out soon, but he really remained
there more than ten days') ; while the other refers to it as
very short (' he said he would set out soon, and accordingly be
staid there only eight or ten days.') Going down to CesareOy
on the morrow sitting (or taking his seat) upon the bench (or
tribunal^ see above, on 12,21. 18,12.16.17.) Here again
Festus is presented to us as a prompt and active man of busi-
ness (see above, on v. 1), punctual to his engagements and ex-
acting punctuality of others.

7. And when he was come, the Jews which came
down from Jerusalem stood romid about, and laid many
and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could
not prove.

Comej arrived, i. e. either from the prison to the palace,
or from one apartment of the latter to another (see above, on
24, 17. 24.) Maving (or who had) come down^ in obedience
to the procurator's order, and as representatives of the na-
tional council (see above, on v. 5.^ Stood around hirn^ ac-
cording to some ancient copies, wnich is commonly regarded
as the true sense, although not perhaps the true text. Some
interpreters, however, understand it to mean, round about
(the judgment-seat) ; but this is really included in the other,
which suggests the additional idea of the eagerness with which
they crowded round their long-lost victim. Tlie charges are
described in general terms as many and grievoiiSy literally,
heavy^ which might here have been retained, as it could not
be in the translation of the same word in a former case (see
above, on 20, 29.) Com,plaints^ charges, accusations, grounds
of punishment, a kindred form to that in 13, 28. 22, 24. 23, 28,
and primarily meaning causes. The nature of these charges
may be gathered from the former accusation (see above, on
24, 5. 6), and from the abstract of Paul's answer in the next
verse. Laid^ literally, bearing^ bringing^ which is equally
agreeable to Greek and English usage. Which (compljunta
or charges) they were not strong (enough, or able) to prove
(literally, shoioforth^ as in 1 Cor. 4, 9. 2 Thess. 2, 4), i. e. show
to be true. (See above, on 2, 22, and for the usage of the pre-
ceding verb, on 6, 10. 15, 10. 19, 16. 20.)

ACTS 2k j aid. m

8. Wlifle he answet^d forhims^ Neitlter'a^tt
the' law of the Jews^ neither' agamst tlie temple,) nc^
yet against Cesar,, have I c^nded any thing at^ alii

Paul's defence isstatedin tUe same (56mpetidioiUi aiid shm-
maty form. J36 apdogizinp^ saying in his^ bti^ defence (see
above, oni 1^9,38. 24^ 10), not' once for all,' j^erbapiB, or in a
contihaons discoor^e, bat, 2(Sthe absolUtb construction' seem^
to intimate, from time to tinie; replyiiig'tli^ eacU charge as \i
was opened or alleged a^idnst' liim. {ITiat^ omitted in the
version, as at variance with English usage, see above^ on 24|
21;) Againsty or m6r(^ ex^tly, as tdj witi respect to, the
idea of hostility Or opposition being rieally suggested by the
context: (S6e abWe, on*2, 26. 6, n, 9, 11 lY, 211 20, 21. iV.
16. 24.) From ndiat Paul here d&Ab^y^e Ic^arn what his ene-
mies atirmed, to -wit, th% same old clialr^^s of schisYn or appsk
tasT* (from the lAw), sacrilegloite dfesecratibn (of the temple)j|
and treacherous revoh (ag^hist' the emperor^ Ttese are sub-
stantiidly the charges* urged, tWd years befofe, at'the bar of
Felix, by Tertullus (see above, on*2t4, 6. 6.). . Vesary pVoperly
the name of apatHcian Roman &miiy, frotbi'the most illustrious
of whom (Juhus Cesar^ it was derived by his adopted son

i Augustus), and from him by his adopted son (Tiberius), and
rom him by hiS'snccessors (Caligula, Clatidius, and Nero), under
whom it'liad1)econle a royal title, e^quivalent toBrnp^eror (ti€^^
above, on 11,28. 17^ 7»)

9. Bnt Festusi willing to do the Jews a jlleaime,
answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem,
and there be judged of these things before me?

7h do the Jho8 a pleasure^ almost the same phrade witli^
the one applied above (in 24, 27) to Felix. Tire variation be-
tween dd and show belongs exclusively to the translation,
which, however, is in neither case exact, the Oreek verb mean-
ing to deposit or lay up in store. A real difference of form,
not observed in the translation, is that between the plural
{favours) in the other place* and the smguhtr {favour) in the
one before us. Tins may hare reference t6 the fiwt that Felix
had used many such m«ans of' conciliation, whereas this was
the fiirst and perhaps the lilst attempt u^n' the part of Fesths.
It cannot be denied, however, that the samenete of expf essioii
VOL. u. 2 b

386 ACTS 25, 9. 10.

in these cases shows that Festus, though apparently less selfish
and unscrupuloas than Felix, was in some measure actuated
by the same desire to secure the good will and the good word
of his subjects, wh^i he should come to give account at Rome
of his administration. The means by which they undertook
to gain this common end, however, were extremely different.
While Felix, after keeping Paul in prison two years, left him
still in bondage at his own departure, Festus merely asked
him if he would consent to undergo another trial at Jerusalem.
This mi^ht indeed be regarded as a wholly unobjectionable
proposition, made by a new-comer, unacquainted witl) th^
murderous designs of the accusers, and regarding their request
as one of little moment. But this favourable view of the Pro-
ourator's conduct must be very materially qualified by the
tone and substance of Paul's answer, as recorded in the next
two verses. It should also be remembered that Paul had just
been tried already, as we read of charges and defences sum-
marily but distinctly spoken of in vs. 7. 8 above. This was
therefore a proposal to be tried once more, and that before
the Sanhednm, though in the presence of the governor, and
subject to his ultimate decision. (See above, on 23, 30. 24,
19. 20.)

10. Then said Paul, I stand at Cesar's judgment
seat, where I ought to be judged ; to the Jews have I
done no wrong, as thou very well knowest.

To the unreasonable proposition in the ninth verse, which
could only be intended to conciliate the Jews by a gratuitous
reiteration of a process which had been already several times
repeated with the same result, Paul replies by re-asserting, for
the third time, his immunities and rights as a Roman citizen.
(See above, on 16, 37-39. 22, 25-29!) At Philippi he had
aone this to reprove the magistrates for scourging and con-
fining him ; at Jerusalem, to prevent the repetition of that
outrage ; but now at Cesarea, to secure himself from being
sacrificed by Festus, even through mere ignorance or weak-
ness, to the malice of his enemies. I stand at (or before) Ce-
aar^s judgment-seat (i. e. the tribunal of the Emperor.) This
is not to be confounded with the appeal at the close of the
next verse, but explained as a preliminary to it. Jam stand-
ing (now) at Cesar"* s bar, i. e. before his representative, as
the very title Procurator signified, and not at that of the

ACTS 25, 10. S87

Jewish Sanhedrim. He here claims the protection of that
Roman power, to which the Jews had virtually betrayed him,
and by which he had been long robbed of his liberty. Where
(L e. in the Roman not the Jewish courts) / aught to be (or
still more strongly, must be) tried (if tried at all.^ This natu-
rally followed from the fact that he was actuaUy in Roman
hands and under Roman jurisdiction, and that no reason could
be given fbr removing his case elsewhere. It followed, still
more clearly and conclusively, from his being an hereditary
Roman citizen, and as such entitled to the fuU advantage of
the Roman laws. These claims would have been valid, even
if a case had been made out against him by the Jews ; how
much more when they had utterly fidled so to do. This third

f round is stated in tne last clause, with a confident appeal to
estus's own judgment, as to the nature of the charge against
him. The Jews I have (in) nothina vyronged, in the judicial
sense, L e. they have no ground of charge against me. If this
was merely a profession of his innocence, it would be no argu-
ment at all, as it would reaUy be tantamount to saying, ^ I am
not guilty, and therefore ought not to be tried,' a mode of
reasoning which would put an end to all judicial process, ex-
cept in the case of persons pleading guilty. This aosurd sense
has been sometimes put on Paul's expressions by interpreters
who overlook the fitct that this was not a mere preparatory
meeting, a discussion about trying him, but that ne had just
been tried on manv grievous charges, and defended himself
a^^ainst them (see above, on vs. 7. 8), and that he here asserts
his innocence, not as a witness in his own behalf, but with ex-
plicit reference to the result of the preceding trial. ^ With
respect to the Jews, I am not guilty, having just been proved
so by their total failure to substantiate their charges.' This
view of the matter also serves to explain the last clause of the
verse, which has veij much perplexed interpreters. As thou
also (not expressed m the translation, L e. thou thyself as well
as I and others) knovoest right well (literally, better,^ This
comparative expression, like the one applied to FeUx (see
above, on 24, 22), has been variously explained as a superla-
tive, or as meaning better than could be expected, better
than thou choosest to acknowledge, <fec. But in this, as in
the other case, the simplest and most satisfactory hypothesis
is that which compares his present with his previous know-
ledge, as thou also knotoest better (now than thou didst a little
while ago.) Besides the simplicity of this oonstructioD, the

388 ACT.a.26, 10.11.

strict sense which ^it pats on tiie comparative expresrion, and
the analogy a£fbrded oythe other case just cited, it is fhrtlier-
more confirmed by the usage of the verb translated knmoestj
which elsewhere means to recognize, discover, ascertain, or
come to know what was previously unknown or nusuader-
Btood. (See above, on 3, 10^ 4, 18. d, 30.^ 12, 14« 19, 34. 22^
24* 29. 24^ 8.) As thus ^roliuned^ the whole verse maj be
paraphrased as follows. ^ Why do yon ask me such a needless
question ? Can you really expect' a Roman citizen, already
standing at the Koman bar, to consent- to undergo another
trial lat the tribunal of these Jews^ who have just failed again
to prQve their charges against* me, and have therefore not the
sUghtest claim upon me, as jovl must yourself be now oob^
vinced, if you knew it not beiore ? '

Ifl; For if I be an offender, or h3Ye committed any.
t^g worth|y of dearth, I. refuse not to die ; but if there
be none of ^ these things whereof these accuse me, no
man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Cesar.

Hiis verse shows still more clearly that the ground as-
sumed |by Baul in that before it, is the ground of his ow»
innocence, not merelv as asserted by himself but as judicially
established. He indignantly disclaims a base desire to shun-
investigation or to escape any punishment of which he may be
proved worthy. -?br relates to this disclaimer — 'I am not
merely seeking to shun danger, for if,' <fcc. If I am ffuil^^
the same technical expression used in Vi 10, although here,
translated by a different phrase {Jf I be an offender)^ which'
obscures the connection to the English reader. If I have
done^ etc,^ i. e. if I am proved on trial to have done so ; if such
is the result of the investigation just concluded, then I do not
refuse^ literally, beg off^ ask to be exempted as a favour from
the punishment which I deserve. (Compare the less emphatic
use of the same verb in Luke 14, 18. 19. 1 Tim. 4, 7. 5, 11.
2 Tim. 2, 23. Tit. 3, 10. Heb. 12, 19. 25.) If there he none of
these things^ i. e. if their charges have been proved already to
be frivolous and groundless. This is really equivalent to say-
ing, since they have been proved to be so, the conditional ex-
pression being often so employed in Greek (see above, on 4, 9.
11, IV. 23, 9.) No [one) can (i. e. lawfully) deliver me^ a very
inadequate translation of the Ureek verb, which means to do

ACTS 26,11. 889

a ftvour, or bestow a-gift Jaee above, 6n 8, W, imd below, on
27,24^, and should be taken in its strict ^ense here. ^Ifl
have oeen found guilty, let me suffer, without further trial.
If I have not, to remand me to their bar would be to make a
present of me to'iriy enemieis, 'Which no man, tio, not even you,
can rightfully or just^ do.* 'From this reply of Paul, we
learn tnat Festus, although not unfriendly, and no doubt con-
vinced of his innocence, had made a gratuitous and dangerous
proposal, simply to gratifir the Jews, by conceding what ap-
peared'to him a msitter of indifference, or &t most a matter of
mere'lform. 'By this proposal he betrayed such a deficiency,
either df judgment or* of^ knowledge, that no uprightness tif
intention or amenity of temper coifld have made the cause of
the Apostle safe so long as It was under his control. By a
pompt and unexpected movement, therefore, he removes it
mstitntly beyond the reach, not only of the Jews, but df th^
governor hmisel£ / appeal unto Cesar^ or, as the words
primarily signify, {)e8c^ I invoke^ the same verb that is else-
where used to denote the religions invocation of our Lord by
his discroles (see above, on 2, 21. 7, 59. 9, 14. 21. 22, 16.) The
essentisll meaning may be that of ciatling to one's aid, invoking
help, ^either in prayer to a superior being, or by appeal to a
superior tribunal The right of appeal to the people, in a
body or as represented by the tribunes, was one of the most
valued rights of Roman citizens, and still continued to be so
regarded, even after the supreme judicial power of the people
had been transferred to the emperors. Particular importance
was attached to the right of appeal from the judgments of
povindal magistrates. Accordmg to ancienlt writers, no de-
lay or written form was requisite, the only act necessary to
arrest the judgment being the utterance of the word AppeUof
The magic power of this one word is described as similar to
that of the talismanic phrase, Givis Homanus stun I (See
above, on 16, 37. 21, 25.^ Indeed the two things coincided,
as it was the Roman citizen, and not the mere provincial sub-
iect of the empire, who could thus transfer his cause from any
mferior tribun^ to that of the Ehnperor himself. The posses-
sion of this citizenships therefore, was the providential means
of saving Paul, at this critical inncture, not only from the
power of his Jewish foes, but also from the weakness of his
Roman friends. For it will now be seen, that while in v. 10
he contrasts the Jewish conrts trith that of Fe^us, as the re-
presentative of BoBian justiK^e, in the close of that before ufl^ he

800 ACTS 25, 11-13.

ascends even from the bar of Festus to the tribunal of his lord
and master. (See below, on v. 26.)

12. Then Festus, when he had conferred with the
council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cesar?
unto Cesar shalt thou go.

Having conferred Qlterally, talked or tpokeri) wUh the
cauncily not that of the Jews, which was not present as a body,
and is never so described, the Greek word elsewhere always
meaning consultation. Matt. 12, 14 not excepted ; but his own
assessors or advisers, a kind of local court or jury, who assist-
ed the provincial magistrates in their judicial functions. The
conference, in this case, was occasioned not so much by any
doubt or difficulty as by the surprise which Paul's abrupt ap-
peal occasioned. According to the ancient legal books, there
were some excepted cases, in which the right of appeal was
suspended or entirely withheld ; but ^t seems to have been
only where the pubUc peace or safety was endangered by de-
lay, as when a pirate or insurgent was detected in the very
act. However this may be, the Procurator's council could
see no ground for revising Paul's appeal, and Festus therefore
entertains it. Hast thou invoked (or appealed to) Cesar f
may be also read affirmatively, as in the oldest English ver-
sions and the best modern conmientaries, thou hast appealed
unto Cesar. It is objected, that the interrogative construc-
tion makes the clause more spirited and pointed ; but the very
argument against it is, that it imparts to this reply of Festus a
flippant and sarcastic tone, which does not properly belong to
it. Without the question, the words simply mean, ' (As) thou
hast appealed to Cesar, unto Cesar thou shalt go,' which may
have been the customary formula in granting or sustaining
such appeals. By this decided and sagacious step, Paul, act-
ing under the divine direction, although not perhaps entirely
aware of what was to ensue, not only placed himself beyond
the reach of his vindictive enemies, but secured his long de-
signed and promised visit to Rome. (See above, on 19, 21. 23,
11, and compare Rom. 1, 15.)

13. And after certain days king Agrippa and Ber-
nice came unto Cesarea to salute Festus.

ACTS 25, 18. 301

The appeal recorded in the verse preceding pat an end to
all judicial process against Paul, both in the Jewish and the
Roman courts of Palestine. It might have seemed, therefore, *
that he could have no further opportunity of selMefence or
argumentative appeal to his own nation. And yet he did ap-
pear once more, before its highest representative, and there
delivered what, in some respects, is tne most characteristic
and complete of his Apologies. This singular and unexpected
dose of Paul's extraordinary mission to Judea seemed to call
for explanation, to afford which is Luke's purpose in the re-
mainder of this chapter, where he states distinctly the appa-
rently fortuitous occasion of this last appearance. After cer-
tain day 8^ litferally, iome days having intervened^ or happened,
come to pass, between (see below, on 27, 9, and compare Mark
16, 1.) Agrippa the king^ sometimes called Agrippa the
Second or Younger, to distmguish him from his fiither, Agrip-
pa the First, always called Herod in this book, whose misera-
ole death is recorded in 12, 23 above. When that event took
place, the Emperor Claudius, the friend and patron of the
younger Agrippa, who had been brought up at Rome, was
dissuaded by his counsellors from giving to a vouth of seven-
teen the whole dominion of his father (see above, on 12, 1),
but bestowed upon him the kingdom of Chalcis which had
belonged to his uncle Herod, and afterwards gave him the
tetrarchate of his uncle Philip, with certain parts of Galilee
and Perea, with the royal title. To this was eventually added
the guardianship of the temple, the keeping of the sacred vest-
ments, and the right of nominating the High Priest. Here
again the writer's truthfulness and knowledge of his subject
are evinced by the precision and the confidence with which he
steers through all these complicated changes without once
committing even an anachronism or misnomer. Three times,
in the course of the New Testament history, we find a Herod
on the throne, yet always with some variation in the circum-
stances, which would have proved a snare to a fictitious writer.
Thus the two Agrippas were both kings, but not of the same
kingdom, the fiither reigning over Judea, while the son was
present only as a visitor, and the province was again annexed
to Syria and governed by a Procurator (see above, on 23, 23.)
He IS represented by Josephus as a zealous Jew, at least ex-
ternally, and even in the Talmud there is a story of his weep-
ing at the public reading of the law forbidding any Gentile to
bear rule in Israel, whereupon the people cried out to console

^d Tenure Jiim. According to Jos^ub, he ^f^na inqt le^
jgfarded by the Jews .with much affection <^r xmpt^ on #<>-
count of hiB heathen education and equivocal ipositioii between
Jews and Gentiles, which was a^rwards defined by ^aia •d-
,hering to the Romans, in the final strug^ which daqtroyed
it^e Jewish church an4 conunouwealth. During the «hoFt.ad-
jninistration of Fe^tus, he and ^^ppft w<ere involved in a
rcontroyeray w;iith the Jews, occasioned by .the ,king!8 eneotwg
an apartment in his palace on I^Iount Zipn, £*om which il%e
.could see all that naase^ in tlt^e enclosure of the temple, ie¥«p
when reclining at jhis meals, to obstruct which .view the |)e€^le
bj^t a nirall before his windows. This dispute was earned up
to ^me, and finally decided in figtvour of the i>eople throoffn
4^e jmfluence of Nero's wife, ^oppsa, whom Josephus apeMV
iof as devout, that is, a seci;et or avowed adherent of the Jew-
idi fi^th. AU this was subsequ^it to what is here i:ecoE4od;
jfor y^e find Agrippa paying a visit of congratulation to the
iiewly arrived goyeinor, with whom he may have been #o-
'quainted formerly at Rome. The incestuous marriages, for
which the Herods were proverbial, are said to bav.e had^ooe
.example in the case of this Agrippa and his eldest sister Bep:-
jpicCj who now attended him to Oesarea. Her |u»t J^Hisba^^
was her uncle, Herod king of Ohalcis, after whose death fihe
resided wiUi Agrippa, till, in order to avoid reproach aii4
.scandal, she persuaded Polemon, king of CiHcia, to becoi^e a
Jew and marry her, which he did for the sake of her supposed
wealth, but afterwards forsook both his wife and his religion,
whereupon she returned to her brother, and at length crowned
her infamous career by becoming the mistress of two £ucces-
jive Roman Emperors, &ther and son, Vespasian (so says
Tacitus) and Titus (so says Suetonius^ With such repre-
sentatives of Judaism long resident at Rome, it is no wonder
that the poet Juvenal, in one of his most bitter and sevei:^e
allusions, should combine the sabbath and abstinence froai
swine's fiesh with the incest of Bernice and Agrippa, as chac-
^kiteristics of the race and the religion. This odious relation,
as a key to Agrippa's moral character, is thought by some to
be suggested by the prominence here given to Bernice, with-
out any designation of her rank or lineage. That these cor-
ruptions were not merely personal, but tainted the whole
;&mily, may be ioferred fi'om the description previously given
of Drusilla, a younger »ster of the two here mentioned. (See
«bove, on 24, 24.) Some suppose Agrippa's i^t upon this

ACTS 26, 13-15. «08

'Occasioii, though ostensibly designed to welcome Felix, to
have h^ some reference to the case of Paul, which he may
have r^arded as belonging Xo his own jurisdiction as the
^ardian of the ten^ple tand protector ^of the Jewi^ though not
the civil ruler of Judea. But as no -such motive is suggested
in :the conte^, and as both Agrippa and Bemice paid a simi-
iar vi3it to the Procurator Gessius Ploru^, it is better to ez-
^plain it as a co^pUmentary attention, or ;perhaps as an official
recognition of the JKoman fM)¥e];e]gnty by ;the successors of the
native Jongs.

14. And wien they had been theie many days,
^estns declared Paul'3 cause unto the Ju^g, saying,
There is a certain man lejft in bonds by Felix —

When (literally, 04, or while^ ^ley had been ^erally, vsere
spending time) there^ the same Greek verb that is used above
in V. 6. Many^ Uterally, more^ i. e. more than one, several, a
few (see above, on 18, 31. 21, 10. 24, 17.) Declared Paulas
cofuse^ >or mo<re exactly, stcUed (or referred) the i^ngs) con-
^oeming Puml, '(Compare fthe use of the same verb bv Paul
himself, Gal. 2, 2.^ Ojie idea is not that of official rel^rence
or report, but ratn^* of a casual coUoqnial statement, although
Festus, if the inotive afterwards expressed was real, may have
meditated such a course cfrom the (beginning. This narrative
of Festus is as near to that of Luke as would be natural in
such a case, although there may be some exaggerations or em-
bellishments, as we shall see below. In dondsy literally, a
prieoneTj or imprisoned, the <3keek word being used in the
classics as an adjective, but in the N«w Testament always else-
where as a noun (see above, on 16, 25. 27. 23, 18, and compare
Matt. 27, 1^. 16. Mark 15, 6.) In Paul's epistles, written dur-
ing his captivity, he uses this w(Mrd as a &vottrite description
of himself (see £ph. 8, 1. 4, 1. 2 Tim. 1, 8. Philem. 1, 9.)

15. About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the
chief priests and the elders of the Jews mfonned (me),
desiring (to have) judgment against him.

About (concerning, with respect to) toAom, I being at (or
tOy L e. having previously come to) Jeruealem. Inform^ as
in Y. 2 and in 2i, 1 above. DesirmgtQ kavCf UteraUy, asking

894 ACTS 26, 15. 16.

(for themselves), the same verb in the middle voice employed
above in v. 3. The expression here is not so strong, however,
since instead of favour^ they are said to have OBkedJudffmeTU^
not condemnation^ as the Greek word elsewhere means from
its connection (see below, on 28, 4, and compare 2 Thess. 1, 9.
Jude 7, in all which places it is rendered vengeance)^ but jus-
tice, i. e. a fair trial, which was the pretext of the application,
as appears from Luke's account of it (see above, on vs. 3. 9.)
They desired Paul's condemnation, no doubt, as the issue of
his trial at their bar ; but all they dared to ask was justice.

16. To whom I answered, It is not the manner of
the Romans to deUver any man to die, before that he
which is accused have the accusers face to face, and
have Ucense to answer for himself concerning the crime
laid against him.

This reply is altogether different from that in v. 4, where
the application is refused from mere considerations of conven-
ience. It is altogether possible, however, that both answers
were returned, and that Luke has chosen to record each only
once. Another explanation of the difference, less pleasing in
itself and less creditable to Festus, is that he embellished his
statement to Agrippa, by relating not only what he said but
what he might have said on that occasion. The reply itself
has always been regarded as a true and honourable testimony
to the Roman love of justice, the most real and conspicuous
of the national virtues. Manner (or cicstom) is a feeble repro-
duction of the Greek word (c^os), which, in reference not only
to the Jews (see above, on 6, 14. 15, 1. 21,21), but to the
Gentiles (see above, on 16, 21), would necessarily suggest the
additional ideas of established law and religious usage. The
practice here repudiated was to the Romans both illegal and
irreligious. To delivery as a gift, or as a means of gratifying
others, the same expression that occurs above in v. 11, and
which Festus may have borrowed from Paul's speech on that
occasion, a remark admitting of a wider application to the
whole of this fine Roman sentiment, for which the judge was
very possibly indebted to the prisoner at his bar. To die^ lit-
erally, to (or for) destruction (or perdition^ see above, on 8,
20) ; but these words are not found in the oldest copies, and
are therefore omitted by the latest critics, the idea being cer-

ACTS 26, 16-18. 896

tainly implied, if not expressed. He which is accused^ or more
simply and exactly, the accused^ corresponding, both in form
and sense, to the accuaers. The combination of the singular
and plural form was probably suggested by the case in hand,
where one man was accused by many. JFuce toface^ literally,
to {his) face^ i. e. before him, in his presence (see above, on
3, 13), which maybe regarded as an aobreviation of the other
phrase (see 1 Cor. 13, 12, and compare the marginal translation
of 2 John 12. 3 John 14.) Zficense to ansioer for himself or
more exactly, pkice of apology (or self-defence)^ which some
take literally in the sense of a place where he may defend him-
self, but most interpreters in that of opportunity, including a
sufficient space of time. (Compare place of repentance^ Heb.
12, 17, and the correspondmgLatin phrase, poenitentiae locus^
used by Livy, Tacitus, and Fliny.) The crime laid against
him is in Greek a single word meaning charge or (zccuscUiany
as explained above (on 23, 29.)

17. Therefore, when they were come hither, with-
out any delay, on the morrow, I sat on the judgment
seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth.

When they were come hither^ literally, tJiey having come
together here^ i. e. at Cesarea, in obedience to the order here
omitted but before recorded (see above, on v. 6.) Withmt
any delay^ literally, making no delay (or postponement)^ a
noun corresponding to the verb used above (in 24, 22) of
Felix, to whose gratuitous procrastination there may here be
a complacent reierence, though true in fact, as the testimony
of Festus is confirmed by that of Luke himself (see above, on
V. 6.) Sitting (or having sat down) on the bench (or judg-
ment-seat, tribunal, see above, on vs. 6. 10), J commanded
the man to be brought {in or forthy L e. from the prison, as
supplied by the translators.)

18. Against whom when the accusers stood up,
they brought none accusation of such things as I sup-
posed —

Against toAom, literally, about whom,^ which may either
mean, concerning ithom^ as in the last clause of v. 16, or have
its primary and local sense, around him standing^ an idea be*

896 ACTS 25, 18.19.

fore expressed hy a verb compounded with this same prepoo-
tion (see above, on v. 7.) This construction is now oommonlj
preferred, as it connects the first *words of the verse to^thes^
and at the same time makes the scene more lively by describ-
ing the accusers not as standing merely, but as standing or
gathering around the accused. NanCj as an adjective directly
coupled with a noun, belongs to old £nglish xisage, the modem
direct, in all such cases, siuwtituting no. (Other exampLes of
the old form mav be seen in Deut. 28, 66. Mic. 3, 1 1. 1 Cor. 10,
32. 1 Tim. 5, 14.) Q/ etich things as (or those thmffe whiek^
I &^pposed (surmised, suspected, or conjectured), impj^ing s
want of clear and definite knowledge (see above, on 13, ^S,
and below, on 27, 27.) Festus here refers, no doubt, to that
which GalUo exipressly named upon a like occasion (see above,
on 18, 14), namely, legal or moral wrong, as distingm^ed
from mere error of opinion. The resemblance between these
two speeches, although not so great as to impair their indi^d-
uality, is just what might have been expected from the simi-
larity of circumstances, both the governors in question being
Strangers or new comers, and entirely unacquamted with the
Jews' reUgion,

19. But had certain questions against him of tiheir
own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was ^ead,
whom Paul aflSrmed to be alive.

Questions^ the plural of the word employed by Gallio, in
18, 15, and there explained. Against him^ literally, to or at
him^ as the person whom they charged with heresy, the pre-
position signii}ing not hostility directly, but the object of ad-
dress or controversy (see above, on 11, 2.) Of (about, con-
cerning, as in V. 16) their own religion^ an equivocal expression,
upon which the speaker and the hearers were at liberty to put
their own construction, as denoting either piety or supersti-
tion. It is a kindred word to that employed in the exordium
of Paul's discourse at Athens (see above, on 17, 22) and there
explained. From the use of tnis word (in the sense of siwer-
stitioyi) it has been inferred diat Agrippa could not be a Jew,
or Festus would not have insulted him so grossly. But ttre
argument is ^1 the other way, to wit, that as we know Agrippa
to have been a Jew (see above, on v. 13, and below, on 26, 3.
27), the word must at least admit of a good sense. That this

ACTS 26, Ift 897

speech is not copied from the speech of Gktllio, m i^parent
from the circumstance that vhile the latter uses terms of gen^
cral description {toorda and names and lato)^ Festus fastens on
a single question, that of Christ's resurrection, and descrihes
it just as might hare been expected from a Roman of good
sense, bnt not acquainted with the Jewish Scriptures or the
Christian doctrines. The transition from* the general to the
special statement of the points at issue is indicated by the and
— ^ about their own religion and (especially) about one (or a
certain) Jisstis (now) de<id (or a certain deceased Jesus)^ whom
Pa/ul affirmed (or solemnly declared, the same verb as in 24^
9) to live (i. e. to be alive), which may either mean to live stiU
(i. e. not to have died)^ or to live again (L e. to have revived
or risen from the dead.) The very ambiguity of this express
sion corresponds no doubt to the precise state of the speaKer^
mind on this perplexing and . confounding subject, as he prob-
ably was not aware precisdy what Paul meant beyona the
general assertion that the man in question was alive. The
charge of scornful and incredulous misrepresentation, brought
by some of the old writers against* this description of the con-
troverted question, is at variance with what we know besides
of Festus, and £ur less natural in this connection than the view
just taken of the passage, as exhibiting precisely the impres-
sion likely to be made upon the ndad of even an intelligent
and candid heathen, by thie complicated issues of the controi-
versy between Jews and Christians. This character of truth*
fulness is made more striking W the fact that the specific
point, which Festus singles out in his description of the charges
against Paul, is precisely that which Paul makes even strangely
prominent in his own discourses {see above, on 23, 6. 24, 15^
16, and below, on 26, 6^.) • The more inexplicable this pro-
ceeding upon Paul's part may as yet appear, the more surpris-
ing is tne strict fidelity with which it is reproduced by Festus,
to whom it must have been still more enigmatical, and whose
account of it is therefore a strong proof of authenticity and
genuineness in the record. Besides the points of similarity
and difS&rence between the words of Galuo and Festus, they
may also be compared with those of Claudius Lysias in lus let-
ter to Felix (see above, on 23, 29), where the same natural
perplexity appears, but with more reference to practical than
speculative diflSculties, and with a more negative description
of the '^ questions," as involving no offence deserving death,
or even imprisonment*

398 ACTS 25, 20.

20. And because I doubted of such maimer of
questions, I asked (him) whether he would go to Jeru-
salem, and there be judged of these matters.

Because I doubted^ literally, being at a hsSy perplexed,
confounded (see above, on 2, 12, where the etymology and
usage of the Greek verb are explained.) The marginal ver-
sion of the next words {how to inquire hereof) ia probably
nearer to the sense of the original than that given in the text,
though both are paraphrases rather than translations. JBeing
perj^exed (or at a loss) as to the inquiry about these {thinffs)^
L e. how such matters could be judicially investigated. The
word here rendered inquiry/ is a cognate form to that so often
rendered question (see above, on 15, 2. 18, 15. 23, 29, and be-
low, on 26, 3), but with a difference of termination (£71^70-19 and
iqTrjfia)y regarded by the best Greek philologists as expresmng
two distinguishable shades of meaning, namely, the subject
and the act of disputation. The questions mentioned in v. 19
were themselves perplexing to the mind of Festus ; but the
particular perplexity, of which he here compUuns, was in rela-
tion to the method of inquiry or investigation. ' Being doubt-
ful how such questions could be made the subject of inquiry
in a court of justice.' This seems a natural and reasonable
ground for wishing to transfer the case to Jewish hands ; but
It is not found in Luke's account of what was said on this oc-
casion, which ascribes the Procurator's proposition to a very
different motive (see above, on v. 9.) Nor is any such reason
presupposed or recognized in Paul's reply, which treats the
proposition as unreasonable and unfair, and makes it the occa-
sion of his own appeal. From all this it is probable that Fes-
tus, like too many men in similar circumstances, instead of
simply stating what he said before, avails himself of what has
since occurred to him upon reflection, and improves the logic
of his speech at the expense of its historical exactness. He
originally made the proposition, as Luke tells us, to conciliate
the Jews, but afterwards excogitated reasons of a higher kind,
by which it might be plausibly supported. Such variations
may be made almost unconsciously, and cannot therefore be
adduced as proofs of mala fides or malus animus^ although
they may evince, as in the case before us, a greater care for
one's own credit than for truth or for the interests of others.
These (tilings) is the reading of the oldest manuscripts and
latest critics ; the received text is this,^ in the singular num-

ACTS 25, 20.21. 899

ber, which in Greek may be either masculine or neater, this
(m(ftn)y i. e. Jesus, whose life or death was in dispute, or this
(thing), L e. tins whole matter or afiair, which is substantially
the same thing with the plural reading. I asked him (literally,
said) if (or whether) he would gOy not an auxiliary tense but
two distinct verbs, whether he desired (or wcu willing) to go.
(See above, on 17, 20. 18, 15. 19, 30. 22, 30. 23, 28 ; and for
the like use of a different verb, on 7, 28. 39. 10, 10. 14, 13.
16, 3. 17, 18. 19, 33. 24, 6.) Goj depart, or journey, a verb
implying distance and removal (see above, on v. 12.) Judged^
tried, put on trial (see above, on vs. 9. 10.) Of (about, con-
cerning) these (things)^ or about these questions, which to
Festus were so puzzling and inscrutable. The impression nat-
urally made by this whole statement must have been, that
Paul had not been tried at all since Festus came into the prov-
ince, but had stubbornly refused to be so, and in order to
avoid it had appealed to Cesar. But this impression is to us
corrected by the narrative of Luke himself^ from which we
learn that it was a^r Paul had been accused and heard in his
defence by Festus, with an utter &ilure, on the part of his ac-
cusers, to substantiate their charges, that the governor had
asked him to be tried again at Jerusalem, from which gratui-
tous and dangerous proposal, whether made ignorantly or in-
sidiously, Paul was obhged to escape by suddenly appealing
to the Emperor. Whatever impression this misstatement may
have made upon A^ppa, it has not been without effect on
some interpreters, who seem to take their views of Paul's case
rather from what Festus asserts here than from what Luke re-
lates in vs. 7-12 above.

21. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved
unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be
kept till I might send him to Cesar.

Paul appealing (or having appealed) to be reserved (or
k^) seems at first an incongruous construction ; but the first
verb really includes the sense of claiming^ which would here
be perfectly appropriate. He appealed (and thereby virtually
claimed) to be reserved, etc. Hearing (margin, judgment) is
in Greek diagnosis^ a term still employed in medicine to sig-
nify the critical discrimination of diseases, but applied more
widely in the classics to any discriminating judgment or deci-
sion. (For the usage of the primitive or cognate verb, see

400 ACTS 35, 31. 2&

above, on 23, 15; 24, 22.)' AuguitH$^ like the Greek wati.
which it here translates, is properly an 'adjective denoting vra*
erable, reverend, angtuit. It is strictly a*religloni title, and
describes its sabjeot as entitled to divide hononrSy* in wfaiob
sense it was idoli^ronsljr given by the Roman Senate and peo*
pie to Oetavian Caesar^ the first Emperor, fit>mw^ott it was
mherited by his successors, as an omdal title or deaoriptiea.
It is here applied to Nero, not by Pttol, who uses only the fiun«
ily name Uesar' (see above, on vs. & 10. 11, and compare
Phil. 4; 22), but by Festos, not as a mere honorarfr title, bot
no doubt in its highest and most heatheni^ acceptation, thoiu^
he also uses the less flattering name in tins same sentence^ ih
be keptj another t^Ase of the verb rendered in ■ the preoedinff
dause, to be reserved^ both suggesting the additional idea <?
being watched or guarded (see above, on v.*4^ and on 12, 5.0.
16, 23. 24^ 23.) UfUU ^the time when or at which) I migki
(should or could) send nitn to Ceear. The dday referred to
might have reference to legal forms required in such cases, or
to military orders for the escort of the prisoner, or to an op*
portunity of safe and speedy passage from Judea into Italy.
The interval, however, was not probaUy a long one (see be-
low, on 27, 1.)

22. Then Agrippa said unto Peetus, I would aho
hear the man myself. To-morrow, said be, thou shah
hear him.

Wotild hear^ like wouid go in v. 20, is not a compound
tense of one verb, as in English, but a phrase consisting of
two distinct and independent verbs, the first of which means
to desire (or tdish)^ and is here in the indicative imperfect
form. The simplest and most obvious version, therefore,
would be, I desired (or / was loishing)^ with respect to past
time, more or less remote. Some accordingly expL'un it- as
referring to a wish excited in Agrippa's mind while listening
to Festus (* I was wishing just now that I could myself hear
him ') ; others to a wish of earlier date and longer standing
(' I desired to hear him long ago,' or ' before I came upon this
visit'), which might then be understood as implying that he
came .it least in part for this purpose. This construction is
especially preferred by those who think it not unlikely that
Agrippa came to Ce8area,-with a view to claim at least con-
current jurisdiction with the Procurator over Paul's case, as

ACTS 25, 22. 23. 401

that of a native Jew, and as such under his protection and
control (but see above, on v. 13.) Most interpreters, however,
and especially the most exact philologists of modem times,
explain the 6reek verb, like the simSar imperfect used by
Paul in Rom. 9, 2, as the indirect expression of a present wish,
correctly rendered in the English version. The nice distino-
tion in Greek usage, as explained by these authorities, is that
the present tense would have represented the result as de-
pendent on the speaker's will (as in Rom. 1, 13. 16, 19. 1 Cor.
16, 7. 1 Tim. 2, 8) ; the imperfect with the qualifying particle
(av) would have meant, IcotUdtoish (but I do not) ; whereas
this precise form is expressive of an actual and present wish,
but subject to the will of others, 'I could wish, if it were pro-
per, or if you have no objection.' This courteous suggestion
or request is promptly responded to by Festus, who was no
doubt glad of such important aid in settling this vexatious
question. The dramatic movement of the sentence is still
more marked in two of the oldest extant manuscripts, which
omit the verb said in the first clause, and its subject or nomi-
native (6 8c) in the last clause.

23. And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come,
and Bemice, with great pomp, and was entered into
the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and prin-
cipal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul
was brought forth.

On the morrowy a favourite expression in this book, though
not always uniform in English, being sometimes rendered the
next day. (Compare 10, 9. 23. 24. 20, 7. 22, 30. 23, 32, with
14, 20. 21, 8, and v. 6 above, in all which places the original
expression is the same.) Agrippa hamng come (or coming)
and jBemicCy again named as hiis companion, and again with-
out describing her relation to him, perhaps for the reason be-
fore hinted (see above, on v. 13.) With great pomp^ literally,
rmuih fantasy^ a Greek word current in old English, in the
restricted sense oi fancy ^ which is really contracted from it,
but in ancient usage meaning show, display, parade, pomp, as
it is here correctly rendered. This might be nothing more
than the usual and nece,ssary state mamtained by royal per-
sonages, as the only means of distinguishing their rank ; but
most interpreters suppose it to be here recorded in the way

VOL. II. 2 c

402 ACTS 25, 23. 24.

of censure, as a needless and excessive ostentation, throwing
light npon the character of these two persons, and made
doubly odious by their mutual relation and by the local cir-
cumstance, that this display was made almost upon the very
spot where their father, a few years before, was smitten by an
angel and devoured by worms, for the indulgence of a pride
Tery similar to that supposed to be here charged upon his
children. (See above, on 12, 21-23.) Entered, literally, coming
in^ a compound form of the verb coming in the firi9t clause.
Place of hearing is in Gree)^ a single word, not used by the
ancient classics, and supposed to have been formed upon the
model of the Latin^ auditorium^ which properly means any
place of hearing, such as a lecture-room or court-room ; but
as this last usage, even of the Latin word, did not become
fixed till the second century, its Greek equivalent most proba-
bly denotes, not a place constantly appropriated to this use,
but one appointed for the present occasion, no doubt an apart-
ment of the Praetorium in Cesarea (see above, on 23, 35.)
The other persons mentioned were probably invited to give
eclat to the audience, which in this respect was therefore the
most brilliant and imposing of all Paul's appearances. Chief
captains^ chiliarchs, commanders of a thousand men, i. e. of
cohorts (see above, on 10. 1. 21, 31), five of which, as Josephus
mentions twice, were stationed at Cesarea, as the political
capital of the province. Principal m,en^ literally, tnen by (way
of) eminence {or prominence) y the prominent or leading men
of Cesarea, whether ex officio or as private citizens.

24. And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men
which are here present with us, ye see this man, about
whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with
me, both at Jerusalem and (also) here, crying that he
ought not to live any longer.

For the information of the strangers present, and perhaps
to justify the singular occurrence of what seemed to be an-
other trial after an appeal to the supreme tribunal, Festus
opens the assembly with an explanatory statement of the pre-
vious proceedings and of his own design in this. King Agrip-
pa (in the original, Agrippa King) is first addressed by name,
as the highest in rank of the spectators, and the one for whose
gratification this assembly had been really, though not perhaps

ACTS 25, 24. 25. 403

ostensibly, convened. And aU the men (or gentlemen) present
with U8 {here is supplied by the translators.) J^emicey although
present, is not named, because a woman could not be consid-
ered as taking part injudicial business, without a violation both
of Oriental and Roman usage. Ye see^ behold, survey, con-
template as a strange sight (see above, on 7, 56. 8, 13, 10, 11.
17, 16), or imperatively, see^ behold (the man of whom you
have so often heard.) All the multitude (or mciss^ see above,
on 2, 6. 6, 2. 15, 30. 23, 7) may be either a hyperbole, relating
to the priests and elders, or a reference to some popular move-
ment not recorded elsewhere, although perfectly consistent
with the known facts of the case, and with the habits of the
people at Jerusalem (see above, on 21, 36.) Dealt with /we,
applied to me, petitioned me, a Greek verb originally meaning
to fall in with or encounter, then to meet, confer, converse,
negotiate, intercede, either for, as in every other place where it
occurs (Rom. 8, 27. 34. 11, 2. Heb. 7, 25), or against a person,
as in this place. Crying^ shouting, and thereby showmg the
passionate excitement under which they acted. Here, at Ce-
sarea, in allusion, no doubt, to the deputation from Jerusalem,
of which we read in vs. 5. 17 above. As no popular commo-
tion is recorded to have taken place there, it is not improbable
that even what is said in the preceding clause has reference to
the Sanhedrim and not to the rabble at Jerusalem.

25. But when I found that he had committed
nothing worthy of death, and that he himself hath
appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him.

When I foundy literally, appreliendingy ascertaining, or
perceiving (see above, on 4, 13. 10, 34) Aim to have done
nothifig worthy of death, another proof that Paul had actual-
ly been tried before Festus, when the latter made the proposi-
tion which occasioned his appeal (see above, on vs. 7. 8. 20) ;
for on what other ground could Festus here assert his inno-
cence ? Had Festus promptly acted on the strong conviction
here expressed, by setting Paul at liberty, the latter could
have no pretext for appealmg. It was because Festus, though
convinced of his innocence, instead of giving judgment in his
favour, weakly and unreasonably asked him to submit to a
new trial, at another and most prejudiced tribunal; it was
therefore that Paul found himself compelled to gain deliver-
ance from both by an assertion of his civil rights. This (man)

404 ACTS 25, 25. 26.

himself fuwtng appealed to Cesar ^ from what decisioiL, or for
what cause, Festos carefully abstains from saying, either here
or in his previous and private statement of the case to Agrip-
pa. I determined to send him^ not by an arbitrary act of wifi,
or even by a peremptory act of judgment, which is not the
meaning of the Greek verb (see above, on 3, 13. 4, 19. 15, 19.
20, 16. 21, 25), but I came to this conclusion, I was satisfied
that this was the true course, as it was in &ct the only one
left to his discretion (see above, on v. 12.) Before proceeding
to the next verse, it is indispensable to get a just view of the
painful and embarrassing position, to which Festus had re-
duced himself by a vacillatm^ and time-serving policy. Here
was a man who had been tried before him (see above, on vs.
Y. 8), with an utter failure, on the part of his accusers, to sub-
stantiate their charges, as the governor himself admits in this
verse. He was therefore virtually though not formally ac-
quitted, and his appeal was not from a decision in his &vour,
which would be absurd, but from the Procurator's failing or
refusing to pronounce such a decision, unless Paul would sub-
mit to a new trial at Jerusalem.

26. Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto
my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before
you, and specially before thee, 0 king Agrippa, that,
after examination had, I might have somewhat to
write.

Having seen the false position in which Fostus had been
placed by his attempt to please the Jews instead of acting on
his own sense of justice and conviction of Paul's innocence, we
come now to his own disguised confession of the error into
which he had thus fallen. Of (about, concerning) whom (as
in V. 24) any (thing) safe (infallible or certain, see above, on
2, 36. 5, 23. 16, 23. 24. 21, 34. 22, 30) to write unto the Zord
I have 7iot ; wherefore (for the reason just assigned, that he
had nothing definite or certain to report) I brought him forth
(oT forward) before you^ and especially before thee (as a judge,
which idea is suggested by the Greek preposition, as in v. 9,
and in 23, 30. 24, 8. 19. 20.) Not that Agrippa was to be a
real judge in this case, or could possibly decide it after the
prisoner's api)eal to Nero ; but by acting just as if he could
do this, he might relieve the governor from some perplexity.

ACTS 25, 26. 27. 405

That the inquest (or eacamination) having taken place^ 1
might have aomewnat to write (or according to the latest
critics, have what I may write,) This pkusible address, with-
out directly violating truth, b suited, and was probably in-
tended, to convey the felse impression, that the governor's
embarrassment arose entirely from his ignorance of Jewish
usages and doctrines, and could therefore be removed by the
assistance of a person so well skilled in all such matters, and
at the same time so exalted in position, as the king Agrippa.
But this embarrassment, though real when the cause first
came before him, must have been removed in a great measure
by the trial spoken of in vs. 8. 9, or he could not have pro-
nounced Paul guiltless, as he does m v. 25. The real difficulty
of his present situation lay in the necessity of sending Paul to
Rome, because he had himself neglected to perform his duty,
and was therefore utterly unable to report the case to Nero
without self-crimination, unless something should occur m this
mock-trial or rehearsal of the one before the Emperor, to put a
new face on the whole affiiir, of which he seems to have indulged
some vague and groundless expectation. The Lord (or Mas-
ter) in this verse is not a synonyme for sovereign^ iu the ordi-
nary secular or civil sense, but like Augustus (see above, on
V. 21), a religious or idolatrous description of the Emperor as
a divine person (see above, on 24, 2.) There is here a strong
proof of the writer's intimate acquaintance with the facts to
which he even incidentally alludes, or rather of the absolute
fidelity with which he has reported what was said by others,
in the circumstance that this very title {Dominus) had been
indignantly rejected by Augustus, and in imitation of him by
Tiberius, but afterwards accepted by Caligula and Claudius,
and exacted by Nero, to whom Festus here applies it. (For
kindred arguments derived from the right use of the titles
corresponding to proconsul^ king, etc., see above, on 13, 7.
17,7. 19,38.)

27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a
prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes (laid)
against him.

Unreasonable might perhaps be still more exactly rendered
irrational, absurd, something not only unbecoming or impro-
per, but a suitable subject of contempt and ridicule. This
strong expression, whicn would hardly be appropriate to such

406 ACTS 25, 27.

an error if arising from mere ignorance of Jewish laws, be*
trays a secret consciousness that he had played the fool, as
well as failed in duty, hy allowing Paul to take advantage of
his weakness and escape from his control hefore he had passed
judgment in the case, and while he was gratuitously urging a
new trial, with the risk of an unrighteous condemnation,
merely hecause the Jews desired it, though convinced by
what had passed already in his presence, that the prisoner was
ffuiltless ot the capital oflfence with which he had been charged
(see above, on v. 25.) It is very probable that Festus would
have forced Paul to submit to a new trial at Jerusalem, not
for the purpose of destroying him, but simply to gain &voar
with the Jews, if such coercion had been in nis power. But
from this the Apostle was delivered by his civitas or citizen-
ship, which enabled him, by one decisive act, to overleap the
beads both of the High Priest and the Procurator into the

Sresence of the Emperor himself. To this, no doubt, he waa
ivinely guided, as the providential means, not only of pro-
longed life and of safe escape from Palestine after he had
done his errand, but also of a final apostolical appearance at
the bar of Nero (see below, on 28, 30. 31.) To send (literally,
sending) a prisoner^ and not withal (literally, not also) to re-
port (or signify^ but not in the same sense as in 11, 28 above)
the charges (literally, causes^ grounds of punishment or prose-
cution, as in V. 18) against him {laid is introduced by the
translators.)

• ••

CHAPTER XXYI.

This division of the text contains Paul's fifth Apology, the one
before Agrippa, representing both the Jewish and the Roman
power, at whose joint tribunal the Apostle recapitulates or
sums up his defence, thereby closing his extraordinary mission
to the Holy Land with another attempt to gain his kinsmen
according to the flesh.. The chapter requires and admits of no
division beyond that afforded by the progress of the argument
or drift of the discourse. Being called on by Agrippa to do-
fend himself, he expresses satisfaction at the oi)portuiiity of
doing so before one so familiar with all Jewish matters (1—3).

ACTS 26, 1. 407

Then referring to his early Pharisaic life, as well known to the
Jews, he points out the remarkable circumstance, that his
old associates now accused him of believing their own doc-
trines (4-8). Then resuming his narrative, he paints in the
strongest colours his own persecuting agency, with aggravat-
ing circumstances not recorded elsewhere (9-11^. This is
followed by a third account of his conversion, with a fuller
statement of his great commission then received from Christ
himself (12-18). This commission he had faithfully fulfilled,
and by so doing had been brought into his present situation
(19-21). He continues to maintain, however, that his teach-
ing is in strict accordance with the ancient Scriptures, as to
the Messiah's being both a sufferer and a saviour (22, 23).
At this point Festus interrupts him with a charge of madness,
to which Paul replies by courteously denying his assertion and
reminding him that this defence was not addressed to him, but
to a person well acquainted with the subject, and indeed a be-
liever in the Scriptures (24-27.) Agrippa acknowledges the
power of Paul's argument, and agrees with Festus that the
charges were without foundation, but reminds him that he
ought to have discharged the prisoner before, instead of let-
ting him appeal to Nero (28-32).

1. Then Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permit-
ted to speak for thyself. Then Paul stretched forth the
hand, and answered for himself :

Agrippa here begins to act his part as judge in this mock-
trial, which was a sort of rehearsal or anticipation, on a small
scale, of what might be expected to take place before the
Emperor. It is permitted to thee^ for thysdf to apeak. The
first verb, in the classics, usually means to commit or to en-
trust, but sometimes to permit, which is its only sense in the
New Testament. (See above, on21, 39. 40.) Then^ in the
first clause, is the usual connective (8c) ; in the last clause, the
adverb (totc) meaning at that time, or after that, as soon as ho
received permission. (See above, on 21, 26. 33. 23, 3. 25, 12.)
For himself is not expressed, as for thyself is, by a pronoun
and a preposition, but by the middle voice of a verb which
originally means to taUc off^ or save from punishment by speak-
ing. (See above, on 19,33. 24,10. 28,8.) Hctending (or
stretching out) the hand^ not motioning for silence, as in 12, 17.
13, 16. 19,33, 21, 40, where the Greek verb means to shake

408 ACTS 26, 1-3.

or shake down ; bnt either as a customary gesture at the open-
ing of a speech ; or a specific recognition of Agripj>a, as the
one whom he consented to address ; at the same tune intend-
ed to remind him and the others of Paul's unjust confinement,
by exhibiting the chain, with which he was fisistened to his
guard in prison. (See above, on 24, 23, and below, on t. 29.)

2. I think myself happy, king Agrippa, because I
shall answer for myself this day before thee touching
all the things whereof I am accused of the Jews —

Paul begins, as he did before Felix (see above, on 24, 10)
with a conciliatory exordium {captatio benevolentiae)^ but
more strongly expressed, as might have been expected from
the difierence in the judges. Here again the onginal order
of the words is more sonorous and rhetorical than in the ver-
sion " As to all the tlimgs of which I am accused by Jews,
king Agrippa, I have thought myself happy, before thee being
about this day to defend myself" -Sy Jetcs (not by the t/gir*),
i e. by persons of the same religion which the king professed,
and witn which Paul describes him as being so familiar. JBap-
pt/y a much stronger term than cheerfully in 24, 10. Have
thought, in the perfect tense, L e. since I heard of this appoint-
ment or arrangement, which was probably announced to him
as soon as it was made. Being about, the verb expressive of
futurity, so often used in this book (see above, on 24, 15. 25.
25, 4.) To defend myself the same verb as in v. 1. Before
thee, not merely in thy presence, but at thy tribunal, as ap-
pointed pro tuic vice to sit in preliminary judgment on the
case before it is submitted to the Emperor.

3. Especially (because I know) thee to be expert in
all customs and questions which are among the Jews ;
wherefore I beseech thee to hear me patiently.

Especially may either indicate his principal reason for re-
joicing, namely, because Agrip])a was expert, etc., or may
qualify what follows, expert Cm other things no doubt but)
especially, etc. The words, / knoio th^ie, are supplied by the
translators, the original construction being the comparatively
rare one of the accusative absolute. Expert, literally, a knouy-
or, corresponding to the French connoisseur, but without its

ACTS 26, 3. 409

restricted application. Customs^ legal and religious institu-
tions (see above, on 6, 14. 15,1. 16,21. 21,21. 25,16.)
Questions, controversies, subjects of dispute (see above, on
16, 2. 18, 16. 23, 29. 25, 19.) Among is in Greek a stronger
word, meaning through, throughout, and thus suggesting the
idea that the things in question were of universal not of local
interest. (See above, on 8,1. 9,31.42. 10,37. 11,1. 13,1.
18,15. 21,21. 24,5.12.) This was not an idle compliment,
but a fact of great importance in relation to Paul's testimony
or defence both of himself and his religion. Of the four apol-
ogies already past, two were delivered to the Jews, but in the
presence of the Gentiles, and two to th,e Gentiles in the pres-
ence of the Jews. (^See above, on 21, 39. 40. 22, 30. 24, 1.
25, 6. 7.) As a windmg up of this extraordinary mission to
Judea, he was now to recapitulate and close his whole defence,
before a man who might be said to represent, in his own per-
son, both religions and both governments ; a Jew by education
and profession, the official guardian of the temple and defender
of the faith, but at the same time a crowned vassal of the Ro-
man Empire, bound to it not only by political necessity, but
by personal interest and predilection. There was certainly no
man living who united m himself so many diverse qualifica-
tions for the singular position in which Providence now placed
him ; a knowledge of Roman affiiirs rare among the Jews ; a
knowledge of Jewish affiiirs still more rare among the Ro-
mans ; official authority, both civil and religious, with the ad-
ventitious dignity belonging even to a tributary and depend-
ent sovereign. No wonder that the " prisoner of the Lord "
(Eph. 4, 1), after pleading his cause before the people and the
Sanhedrim, and at the bar of Felix and of Festus, should have
thought himself happy, i. e. highly favoured by the providence
of God, in being suflered to sum up his cause before an auditor
so singularly qualified and chosen. Wherefore, the rather as
thou art thus qualified to understand my case and to appreci-
ate the grounds of my defence, I pray thee, I make bold to ask
thee, not as a mere favour but a right, arising from our mu-
tual relations at this singular conjuncture, to hear me patiently,
or with long-suffering, a Greek word modelled on a Hebrew
I)hrase of frequent occurrence, especially in application to the
divine forbearance with the sms of men. (Compare the Sep-
tuagint version of Ex. 34, 6. Num. 14, 18. Neh. 9, 17. Ecc. 7,
9. Prov.29, 11.)

410 ACTS 26, 4.5.

4. 5. My manner of life from my youth, which was
at the first among mine own nation at Jerusalem, know
all the Jews ; which knew me from the beginning, if
they would testify, that after the most straitest sect of
our reUgion, I hved a Pharisee.

After this exordium he begins, as in his first Apology (see
above, on 22, 3), with his early history, but instead of repeat-
ing the details, refers to them as well known to the Jewish
population, and requiring no other proof than that which it
could furnish. My manner of life is a correct paraphrase of
one Greek word, meaning life or living^ and occurring only
here. Which was at the firsts literally, th^ {Hf^) from the be-
ginning past (elapsed or happened^ I71 my (own) nation^
not abroad, among the Gentiles, jtn Jerusalem^ the capital
and Holy City, not in any obscure province or provincial town.
Know all the Jews^ implying that he not only came very early
to Jerusalem, but was there conspicuous and well known,
either from his family connections, his relations to Gamaliel
(see above, on 22, 3), or his personal ability, activity, and zeal.
The fact that he was thus so well and generally known is re-
peated with great emphasis, as one of some importance to his
own defence. Knowing me before^ i. e. before these present
troubles, as if he had said, ' I am no stranger or new acquaint-
ance of these people, but an old familiar friend and neighbour.'
From the beginning is the literal translation of the phrase ren-
dered at tJie first in v. 4, and employed in v. 5 to express an
adverb strictly meaning from above (as in Matt. 27, 51. John

3, 31. 19, 11. 23. James 1, 17. 3, 15. 17), but applied less fre-
quently to time (see Luke 1, 3, and compare John 3, 3. 7. Gal.

4, 9.) If iJiey would testify^ i. e. are willing so to do (see
above, on 7, 39. 10,10. 14,13. 16,3. 24,6. 25,0.) This
Bcems to imply that his accusers had affected to know nothing
of his antecedents. Most straitest^ an anomalous pleonasm,
not found in the original, but handed down from Tyndale
through the later English versions. Straitest^ i. e. strictest,
most exact, in reference both to doctrinal and practical rigour.
(See above, on 18, 25. 26. 22, 3. 23, 15. 20. 24, 22.) JReligion
is in Greek a word denoting more especially the external form
or mode of worship, and therefore peculiarly appropriate to
the Jewish ritual, as rendered still more ceremonial by the
Pharisees (see above, on 4, 1.) I lived a Pharisee^ an excel-

ACTS 26, 4.6.6.7. 411

lent translation of a beautiful and pointed phrase, which would
be greatly weakened by inserting as. He not only professed
this form of Judaism, but lived it, exemplified, embodied it, in
his life and practice.

6. And now I stand and am judged for the hope
of the promise made of God imto our fathers —

And now^ the usual transition from the past to the present
(seeabove, on 3, 17. 10,6. 13,11. 20,22.26. 22, 17), but here
suggesting an antithesis or contrast. * Such was I of old, and
now see what and where I am.' He here repeats, but more
distinctly, the assertion made upon his trial before Felix (see
above, on 24, 14. 15), that the real ground of his arrest and
prosecution was not his having left the old religion, but his
having too faithfully adhered to it. For the hope of the prom-
ise^ i. e. founded on, excited by the promise ; or the sense may
be, the hope of its fulfilment. (See above, on 1, 4. 2, 33. 7, 17.)
Madey happened, brought into existence (see above, on v. 4,
and on 25, 15. 26.) 2b t/iefatherSy i. e. to the Patriarchs and
to the intervening generations. Owr, which identities the
speaker with the Jewish race and church (see above, on 3, 13.
25.5,30.7,2.11.12.15.19.38.39.44.46. 13,17. 15,10. 22,
14), is omitted by the latest critics. I stand and am judged^
literally, stand (or have stoody see above, on 1, 11. 9, 7. 21, 40.
24, 20. 25, 10) being tried (or on my trial.) The hope here
meant is more explicitly described in the next verse.

7. Unto which (promise) our twelve tribes, instantly
ser\'ing (God) day and night, hope to come. For which
hope's sake, king Agrippa, I am accused of the Jews.

Promise is correctly supplied by the translators from the
verse preceding, the antecedent being indicated by the gender
of the relative m Greek. Our twelve tribes^ in the original a
single word, not occurring elsewhere, but of obvious etymol-
ogy and meaning, being properly a neuter noun denoting a
collective body composed of twelve tribes. (Compare the
words translated two years^ three years^ in 20, 31. 24, 27.) It
is here put for the whole Jewish race or nation, either because
it was at first composed of twelve tribes, although now re-
duced to a much smaller number ; or because it virtually
still consisted of twelve tribes, the ten being represented by

412 ACTS 26, 7.

the descendants of such as adhered to Judah after the Assy-
rian Conquest, and of such as returned with Judah from the
Babylonish exile. The expression here used is equivalent to
saying, the Theocracy or Jewish Church. Instantly^ literally,
in tension^ i. e. with intensity, the Greek noun corresponding
to the adjective in 12, 5. This may refer either to the tradi-
tional hereditary zeal ^vith which the Jews adhered to the
Mosaic law, or to the expectation, which is known to have
been speciallv alive at this time, of Messiah's advent (see above,
on 2, 5.) Ikrving^ worshipping, a Greek word primarDy
signifying work Yor wages, and even in its higher use suggest-
ing the idea of hard labour undergone with a view to some
valuable recompense, an excellent description of the old econ-
omy with its Durdensomo impositions and restrictions (see
above, on 15, 10), borne by some as meritorious, by others
simply in obedience to the will of God, by others still as a
provisional or temporary system until Christ should come.
Hope (agreeing with the singular collective in the first clause)
to come^ come dowTi, arrive at, or attain to. (For the local
usage of the Greek verb, see above, on 16, 1. 18, 19. 24. 20, 15.
21,7. 25,13; for its higher application to spiritual attain-
ments, compare Eph. 4, 13. Phil. 3, 11.) 0/ (about, concern-
ing) which hojye^ I am accused (and that) by Jews (not the
Jtics^ see above, on v. 2), i. e. by men whose whole religion
rests u])on the very hope which they accuse me of raaintahi-
ing. The hope described in this verse cannot be tliat of a gen-
eral resurrection, which is only partially revealed in the Old
Testament, and was not held by all the Jews at this time (see
above, on 24, 15.) The only hope answering to the descrip-
tion, as an ancient, national, and still intense one, is the hope
of the Messiah, as promised to the Patriarchs, prefigured in
the Law, predicted in the Prophets, and still ardently expect-
ed by the People. This was in iact the end at which the com-
plicated legal system aimed, and towards which it continually
pointed. The words, king Af/rijijxi, are omitted by the latest
critics, as an unauthorized repetition from v. 2, though several
of the oldest manuscripts have one or both. The sense, in
which Paul represents himself as charged with holding fast the
hope of the nation, although not distinctly stated, must have
been perceived by every Jewish hearer. Common to him and
his accusers was the hope of a Messiah ; the breaking point
between them was the question whether he had come, which
they denied and Paul affirmed. He coidd therefore say with

ACTS 26, 7.8.0. 413

perfect truth, that he was tried (or on his trial) about, con-
cernmg, in relation to this hope, i. e. to its fulfilment.

8. Why should it be thought a thing incredible
with you, that God should raise the dead ?

The first word may be also construed as an exclamation,
WTiat I ia it judged incredible^ etc. f This is now commonly-
preferred, as giving more vivacity and point to the apostrophe.
Is it (not should it he) judged incredible with you^ i. e. among
the Jews, including Agrippa, whom Paul here addresses as
their representative. Tliat God should raise^ or rather, if
God raises dead (men)^ not as a mere possible contingency,
but as an actual fecj;, equivalent to saying, since he has done
BO. (For this use of if in Greek, see above, on 4, 9. 11, 17.
16, 15. 23, 9.) The reference is plainly to the resurrection of
Christ, as the crowning proof of his Messiahship, and thus the
nexus between this verse and the one before it, which appeared
to be abruptly broken, is completely re-established. As if he
had said, ' they believe in a Messiah, so do I ; but they expect
him yet to come, while I believe that he is come already, not
without grounds or on hearsay, but because God has identi-
fied him by raising him irom the dead ; and surely this, if
properly attested, cannot be thought by any devout Jew to
DC beyond his power.' Dead (not the dead) is in Greek a
plural, and by some explained as a generic form relating to a
single person (see above, on 17, 18) ; but it is rather an allu-
sion to the general resurrection, of which Christ's was the
pledge and the example. (See above, on 24, 15, jvhere this
part of Paul's doctrine is more prominently brought to view.)

9. I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do
many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth.

Verily^ or rather, so then^ the continuative particle resum-
ing what had been previously dropped or interrupted (see
above, on 8,4.25. 9,31. 11,19. 12,5. 13,4. 15,3.30. 16,5.
17, 12. 17. 30. 18, 14. 19, 32. 38. 23, 18. 31.) It here connects
this verse with the last words of the fifth (l lived a Pharisee)^
from which he had digressed to point out the remarkable fact
that he was now accused by Pharisees for holding their own
doctrines, and to which he now returns, by showmg how his
Pharisaic spirit was displayed in action. * W ell then, as I was

414 ACTS 26, 0.10.

Baying, being such a Pharisee, I thought, etc' With (to or
in) myself y a pleonastic phrase, found also in the classics, and
suggesting the idea both of independent judgment and of ia-
timate conviction. Ought (or must)^ in Greek the infinitive
of a verb used to denote both physical and moral necessity
(see above, on 25, 10. 24.) Contrary (hostile, or in opposition)
to the name of Jesus the Nazarene (see above, on 2, 22. 3, 6,
4, 10. 6, 14. 22, 8. 24, 5), i. e. opposed to the person so caUed
in contempt, even by Saul the Pharisee himseli ; or, according
to the usage of this book, against all that is denoted by his
names and titles, which describe him as a Saviour, the Messiah,
Prophet, Pyest, King, etc. (See above, on 2, 38. 3, 6. 16. 4,
10.12.17.30. 6,41. 9,15. 15,14.26. 19,5.13.17. 21,13.)
It never simply means the person of Christ, nor those who
bear his name. Many {things) may either signify a frequent
repetition of the same acts, or various forms and modes of
opposition.

10. Which thing I also did in Jerusalem; and
many of the saints did I shut up in prison, having re-
ceived authority from the chief priests ; and when they
were put to death, I gave my voice against (them).

Which also I did^ i. e. I acted on this strong conviction
of necessity and duty, beginning at Jerusalem. TTie saitits^
or holy ones, a designation of believers used three times in
one chapter of the book before us (see above, on 9, 13. .'^2. 41),
and still more frequently in Paul's epistles (see Rom. 1, 7. 8,
27. 12,13. 15,25.26.31. 10,2.15. 1 Cor. 1, 2. 4,12. 14,13.
16, 1. 15. 2 Cor. 1, 1. Eph. 1, 1. Col. 1, 2. 4. 12. 26. 1 Th. 3, 13.
2 Th. 1, 10. 1 Tim. 5, 10. PhUem. 5, 7. Ileb. 6, 10. 3, 24.) The
use of the term here implies an acknowledgment of his former
error in relation to these Christians, whom he now admits to
have been saints of God. But while he thus confesses his own
sin, he denounces that of the Jewish rulers, by declaring under
what authority he acted, namely, that of the chief priests, here
put for the whole Sanhedrim or national council (see above,
on 4, 5.23. 5,24. 9,14.21. 22,30. 23,14. 25,15.) In prison^
literally, in prisons. They also (tc) being executed (or de-
spatched, see above, on 25, 3), I gave my voice (literally,
brought a vote) against them. This is Hterally understood by
some, as proving that Saul was a member of the Sanhedrim,

ACTS 26, 10. 12. 416

which others think improbable for various reasons, and explain
the phrase as a figure for personal concurrence and assent,
which is elsewhere spoken of in literal terms (see above, on
8,1. 22,20.)

11. And I punished them oft in every synagogue,
and compelled (them) to blaspheme; and being ex-
ceedingly mad against them, I persecuted (them) even
unto strange cities.

The second and is supplied by the translators. The origi-
nal construction is, and often punishing them^ forced them to
blaspheme. In every synagogue^ or more exactly, throughout
aU synagogues^ a natural hyperbole, implying that this perse-
cuting agency was not con&ied to one community or congre-
gation, nor indeed to one country, as appears from the state-
ment in the last clause. Punishing^ no doubt by scourging,
which was a customary form of punishment, and practised in
the synagogues or public meetings for religious worship (see
Matt. 10, 17. 23, 34. Mark 13, 9.) Forced them to blaspheme
(or curse the name of Christ), not only tried to do so, but suc-
ceeded in the case of those whose faith was weak or spurious.
In the reign of Trajan, forty years later, as we learn from one
of Pliny's letters, the same thing was required of the perse-
cuted Christians in Bithynia ; but he says that none who real-
ly believed in Christ could be induced or forced to do it. The
last clause is descriptive of the highest point to which his per-
secuting zeal attained, and which he here looks back upon as
a paroxysm of insane excitement. Exceedingly too (tc) raving
(being mad or furious) against them^ I pursued {or persecuted)
them even also (or as far as even) to the foreign (literally,
outside) cities. As Damascus is the only one of these expressly
mentioned, some suppose the plural here again to be generic
(see above, on v. 8) ; others tlunk that this one instance was se-
lected out of many, because connected with such great events.
Most probably, however, Paul's commission extended to other
cities, but his progress was arrested at the first.

12. Whereupon as I went to Damascus with au-
thority and commission fix)m the chief priests — •

In iohich {things)^ L e. while thus employed (compare a

416 ACTS 26, 12-15.

similar expression in 24, 18 above.) As Iteent, literallj, joi
neying, proceeding (see above, on 24, 25. 25, 12. 20.) Coi
mission^ a noun corresponding to the verb employed above
V. 1. Paul insists upon his regular commission and aathorit
not so much as an extenuating circumstance in his own est
as because it proved the personal and national complicity <
those who now accused him. As if he had said, * tet it '
observed that this fanatical mission, mad and wicked at it ws
must not be reckoned a mere personal or private act, but oi
performed by national authority and under the most ^acn
auspices, to ^i-it, those of the PViesthood and the Sanhedrin
In the account of Paul's conversion which now follows, it w
only be necessary to advert to what is new, or to remore a
parent inconsistencies between this and the two previous na
ratives of the same event. (See above, on 9, 1-9. 22, 6-11.)

13. At mid-day, O king, I saw in the way a ligl
from heaven, above the brightness of the sun, shinin
round about me and them which journeyed with me.

Here, as in 22, 6, the time of day when this occurrenc
took place is particularly mentioned, namely, mid-day (or 0
middle of the day\ which may be intended either to remin
the hearers that this was no nocturnal vision, but an incidei
occurring in the blaze of noon, or as a vivid recollection, whic
would naturally dwell upon the mind of the chief actor, a
though just as naturally passed by in the narratives of other
An addition to the previous accounts is the description of th
light from heaven as above (or heyoyid) the brightness of tl
sun^ and as shining not only about Paul himseh^ but als
about those journeying with him.

14. 15. And when we were all fallen to the earti
I heard a voice speaking unto me, and sayino- in th
Hebrew tongue, Saul, Said, why persecutest thou me
(it is) hard for thee to kick against the pricks. And
said. Who art thou. Lord ? And he said, I am Jesu
whom thou persecutest.

We all having fallen to the earthy i. e. Paul and his con
panions mentioned in the verse preceding. This is not a
variance with the statement in 9, 4. 7, where Paul alone i
spoken of as falling to the earth, and those who journeyed

ACTS 26, 14-16. 417

with him as standing speechless. But the verb etood^ there
used, may be rendered had stood stilly or stopped^ at the first
appearance of the light, and is opposed not so much to lying
prostrate as to going on. They may therefore have fallen
after Paul did, whose prostration Luke records exclusively, as
that of the chief actor and great subject of the history. In
the Mehrew dialecty L e. perhaps the ancient Hebrew, although
commonly explained to mean its Aramaic corruption, then
vernacular in I'alestine (see above, on 21, 40. 22, 2.) The last
clause is admitted to be genuine in this place, even by those
who reject it in 9, 5, where it has already been explained as a
proverbial expression, not for difficulty merely, but for danger
as attending blind resistance to superior power. The question
and answer in v. 15 are substantially the same in all accounts
(but see above, on 22, 8), the chief variation being in the col-
location of the words, which here follow, as in 9, 5 they pre-
cede, the proverbial expression just referred to.' ThisVno
contradiction, inasmuch as neither of the narratives professes
to record the exact order of the incidents, which indeed is
altogether unimportant.

16. But rise, and stand upon thy feet ; for I have
appeared unto thee for this purpose, to make thee a
minister and a witness both of these things which thou
hast seen, and of those things in the which I will ap-
pear unto thee —

In the following verses, some things are ascribed directly to
the Saviour, which in the former narrative are put into the
mouth of Ananias, either because the^ were originally uttered
by the Lord, and then repeated by his messenger, or because
the distinction between what came directljr and mdirectly jfrom
the same source was considered unessential to the purpose of
Paul's narrative. The command to arise is found in all the
narratives, but in the first two followed by an order to go into
the citj, and there receive further instructions, which are here
given immediately as if uttered on the spot. Stand upon thy
feet is an additional expression, no doubt preserved in Paul's
own memory, though not recorded in the other places. To
rtiakey the verb translated chosen in 22, 14 above, and there
explained. A minister and a witness may be understood as
a generic and specific expression of the same idea, one who
VOL. n, 2d

418 ACTS 26, 16-18. •

ministers by witnessing ; or each term may have its distinct
meaning, one who administers and one who testifies, which is
not only a simpler construction, but appropriate in this con-
nection, where the things referred to in the last clause are the
divine communications and commands, which Paul was both
to execute and make known to others Which thou scBwesi
(just now) or hast seen (on this occasion), referring to the
whole interview or vision in which Christ appeared to him at
his conversion. And of the things which (i. e. as to which or
in which) I wiU appear to thee^ conununicate with thee, or
make revelations to thee, hereafter. The causative constracy
tion ilwiU make thee see) is consistent neither with the form
nor tne usage of the Greek verb.

lY. Delivering thee from the people, and (from)

the Gentiles, imto whom now I send thee —

•

Delivering^ rescuing from danger or the power of another,
is the constant meamng of this verb in the New Testament
(see above, on 7, 10. 34. 12, 11. 23, 27, and compare Gal. 1, 4),
except where it is used in its primary and physical sense of
taking out (as in Matt. 5, 29. 18, 9), from which, in classical
usage, it derives that of choosing (picking out), and this is
prelerred by some modem writers m the case before us. But
Desides the settled Hellenistic usage, to which this would be
almost the sole exception, there is something not entirely
natural in representing Paul as chosen from among the Gen-
tiles as well as the Jews, The words indeed admit of an in-
telligible sense (to wit, that he was chosen out of the whole
field in which he was to labour), but by no means so appropri-
ate and obvious as that which is obtamed by adhering to the
usage elsewhere, namely, that although he was to be in danger
both from Jews and Gentiles, to whom Christ was now about
to send him, he should be finally delivered from their enmity
and power.

18. To open their eyes, (and) to turn (them) from
darkness to light, and (from) the power of Satan unto
God, that they may receive forgiveness of sins, and in-
heritance among them which are sanctified, by faith
that is in me.

Having assured him of his own safety, the Lord now de-

ACTS 26, 18.19. 419

scribes the work to which he was appointed, by a ftill specifi-
cation of the moral changes to be wrought, through his agency,
upon the Gentiles, as the words are usually understood, but,
as some of the best modem writers understand them, both on
Jews ("the people'*) and Gentiles ("the nations"), as the
double antecedent of the relative U^ whom) in the last clause
of V. 1 7. This agrees not only witn the form of the expression
here, but with the fact which runs through Paul's whole his-
tory and writings, that wherever he had the opportunity ho
preached to Jews as well as Gentiles. (See above, on 9, 20. 29.
13,5.14. 14,1. 16,1.3.13. 17,1. 18,4. 19,8, and compare
Rom. 1, 16. 9, 3. 10, 1.) The effects themselves are stated
both in a literal and figurative form. To open their eyee^ i. e.
remove their spiritual blindness and enable them to distinguish
spiritual objects (1 Cor. 12, 14) by communicating both the
object and the power of perceiving it, the truth itself and a
believing apprehension of it. To turn {tliem)^ or convert
them, which is only a corresponding Latin form, both denoting
change of condition and especially of relative position, with re-
spect to God, his service and his favour. Darkness and ligJU
are common figures in the New Testament, not only for igno-
rance and knowledge, especially of spiritual things, but for the
several states or characters, of which these are necessary inci-
dents, a state of sin and one of holiness. (See Matt. 6, 23.
Luke 1, 79. John 3, 19. Rom. 13, 12. 1 Cor. 4, 6. 2 Cor. 4, 6.
6, 14. Eph. 6, 8. Col. 1, 13. 1 Thess. 5, 4. 6. 1 Pet 2, 9. 1 John
1,5. 2,8-11.) The two worlds thus distinguished are then
described by naming their "respective sovereigns, from the
power (or dominion) of Satan (tne great adversary, see above,
on 5, 3) to Ood^ not only to his power or dominion, but to
himself, implying a more intimate union and communion.
This change oi relation, comprehends or carries with it, exemp-
tion from punishment and guilt, or the remission of sins (see
above, on 2,38. 5,31. 10,43. 13,38), and as its positive re-
sult, participation by a filial right in the holiness and happi-
ness of those who are heirs of God and joint-heirs with Chnst
(Rom. 8, 1 7.) By faith in me does not qualify the last pre-
ceding clause above, but is presented as the only means or
principle by which any of the changes here described can be
effected.

19. Whereupon, O king Agrippa, I was not dis-
obedient unto the heavenly vision — <

420 ACTS 26, 10. 20.

Whereupon^ literally, xofience^ from which place fas in 14,
26 above and 28, 13 below), but sometimes logicadlj used,
from which cause, or for which reason (as in Matt. 14, 7.
1 John 2, 18), an idiom particularly frequent in the epistle to
the Hebrews (2, 17. 8, 1. 7, 26. 8, 3. 9, 18.) This is the only
sense appropriate in this place, where the reference is clearly
to the previous description of the work to which he had be^
called. For which cause^ i. e. because thus instructed in the
nature of the work before me, I was not (or rather, did not
become^ in consequence of this disclosure) disobedient to th€
heavenly vision^ or divine communication from the visible Re-
deemer, the extraordinary sight being put for the whole reve-
lation which it accompanied and attested. (Compare the like
use of a kindred verb in v. 16 above.) Thus understood, the
verse seems to imply that if controlled by selfish motives, or a
merely human wisdom, Saul would have recoiled from the re-
sponsibilities and hardships of the ministry, to which he was
thus set apart by Christ hunsel£

20. But shewed first unto them of Damascus, and
at Jerusalem, and throughout all the coasts of Judea,
and (then) to the Gentiles, that they should repent and
turn to God, and do works meet for repentance.

Far from refusing his commission, he accepted it and in-
stantly began its execution, although not avowedly as an
Apostle until long after his conversion (see above, on 13, 9.)
The particular localities here named are probably designed to
show how promptly and how fully he had executed his impor-
tant mission* ^ut to the (Jews) in Damascus firsts the very
place where he became a Christian (see above, on 9, 20-22),
and (to those) in Jerusalem (as soon as he returned there, see
above, on 9, 29), I showed^ the verb so rendered in 11, 13.
12, 17, but elsewhere more exactly told (5, 22-25. 12, 14. 15,
21. 16,36. 22,26. 23, 16. 17. 19), and once rq>orted (4,23.)
The act here described is that of preaching, considered as a
publication or announcement of the Gospel. This was not
confined to the metropolis, but penetrated also (tc) into the
whole region of Judea. (For the English usage of the word
coasts^ see above, on 13, 50.) If thb related to the beginning
of his ministry, it would be inconsistent with his statement in
Gal. 1,22; but he here puts together his whole ministry among

ACTS 26, 20. 21. 421

the Jews, before proceeding to the other and chief part of hia
commission, to the nations^ i. e. other nations, Gentiles (see
above, on y. 16.) Having shown his prompt obedience as to
time and place, he now asserts his fidelity m reference to the
subject of his preaching, as prescribed in his divine commis'
sion (see above, on v. 18), the substance of which is here re-
peated in another form. (Announcing both to Jews and Gen-
tiles by authority, in other words commanding them) to repent
(see above, on 2, 38. 17, 30), and turn (convert, or be convert-
ed) unto Ood (see above, on. v. 18, and on 8, 19. 9, 36. 11, 21.
14,15. 15,19. 20,21), doing (habituaUy, practising, a word
derived from that here used) works facts, nabits,) worthy of
repentance^ not merely consistent witn it, but suited and pro-
portioned to it, both as its necessary fruits, and as prooro of
Its existence and sincerity. This varied yet harmonious state-
ment of Paul's great commission may throw light also on the
ministerial work in general, and on that of the missionary in
particular.

21. For these causes the Jews caught me in the
temple, and went about to kill (me.)

Having stated his commission and its execution, he pro-
ceeds to connect it with his present situation as a prisoner.
For {on account or for the sake of) these {things)^ i. e. because
I haa received and executed this commission, as a teacher and
apostle (2 Tim. 1,11) both to Jews and Gentiles. This was
the true around, even of the first charge against him, which
occasioned his arrest (see above, on 21, 28. 29.) The alleged
profiwation of the temple would not have been thought of by
the Jews firom Asia, but for their previous knowledge of
Paul's intercourse, as a religious teacher, not with Jews only,
but with Gentiles, in their native country (see above, on 19,
8-10.^ That he should venture to preach Jesus as the true
Messiah, expected by the Jews and predicted in their Scrip-
tures, and invite the Gentiles to partaxe of the advantages be-
longing to his kingdom, without even passing through the
vestibule of Judaism ; this was the real crime of Paul in Jew-
ish eyes, for which they seized (me) in the templey and en-
deavoured to despatch (or make away with) me oy summary
violence, without legal process, though the verb here used
is elsewhere applied to tne judicial murder of our Lord him-

422 ACTS 26, 21.22.

self. (See above, on 5, 80, and compare the account of the
attempt on Paul's life, 21, 31.)

22. Having therefore obtained help of God, I con-
tinue unto this day, witnessing both to small and great,
saying none other things than those which the prophets
and Moses did say should come * —

The order in Oreek is somewhat different. Succour^ help
and protection against enemies, which is the specific usage of
the Greek word. Then (or therefore) is not to be pressed as
a logical connective, though it really refers as such to an in-
termediate &ct or thought, not here expressed, to wit, the
&ilure of the murderous attempt j ust mentioned. * They would
ffladly have despatched me, and repeatedly attempted it, but
&od confounded all their plots, and so (or therefore) etc' S<Mt>-
ing obtained^ experienced, met with, the same verb that is used
above in 24, 2 (3), and there explained. JBVom God, as the
ultimate and sovereign author of this help, in whose bands the
Romans were but instrumental agents, as declared by Christ
himself to Pilate (John 19, 11.) Unto this day^ from its posi-
tion in the sentence, mav be construed either with the words
preceding it in Greek {having obtained help from God)y or
with those following it {I continue) both of which it quaufies
in fact, although the last granmiatical construction is entitled
to the preference, because the other leaves the following verb
too insulated. J continue^ literally standi or have stood (see
above, v. 6, and on 1, 11. 9, 7), which means not merely, I am
still alive in spite of these attempts to kill me, but more point-
edly, I still maintain my ground, I hold fest my position, the
idea expressed in Hebrew by the phrase, to stand m judgment

{compare Ps. 1, 5.) But even this is not the whole of what
^aul here claims. It was not only negatively true that he had
been sustained as an innocent though accused party, but also
positively true that he had stood fast as a witness to the truth.
Witnessing (or testifying)^ not as a self-commissioned volun-
teer, but in execution of the charge which he received at his
conversion (see above, on v. 16.) £oth to small and great,
an idiomatic phrase for all classes and varieties of condition,
without exclusive reference to rank (high and low) or to age
(old and young.) A similar expression {from smcUl to great)
is employed above in 8, 10 (and in Heb. 8, 11), though need-

ACTS 26, 22. 23. 428

lessly disguised by a superlative translation (from the least to
the greatest,) Still nearer to the formula here used is one re-
peatedly employed by John in the Apocalypse (see Rev. 11 ^
18. 13,16. 19,5.18. 20,12.) If the common text (jjMfyrvpov-
ficvos) be here retained, the clause will have a whollv d^erent
sense, this participle being always passive elsewhere (see above,
one, 3. 10,22. 22, 12, and compare Rom. 3, 21. 1 Iliess. 2, 12,
1 Tim. 5, 1 0. Heb. 7, S.) Some accordingly translate it here, at-
tested (testified, accreoited) both l»/ small and great (as) saying
nothing^ etc, JBut besides that the expression, small and greats
is not so natural on this construction, it contradicts the known
facts of the history, as all did not bear witness to Paul's &ith-
fulness in this respect, or he would not have been a prisoner
or had occasion to defend himself at all. ' By a happy coinci-
dence which does not often happen, the best sense here agrees
with what the latest critics reckon the true text, four uncial
manuscripts and several Greek Fathers having another read-
ing (/Aoprvpo/Mvos), the participle of a different though kindred
verb, occurring elsewhere only in an active or deponent sense
(see above, on 20, 26, and compare Gal. 6, 3. Eph. 4, 17.) The
last clause then describes this testimony, not as something new
or anti-jewish, but in strict accordance with the Hebrew
Scriptures. Saying none other things (literally, nothing say-
ing) than (literally, outside of besides, except) tfiose which the
prophets spoke of {as) about to come (to pass, take place or
happen.) For the usage of the two last verbs (/acXXoitwv ytvc-
fT^ai) see above, on vs. 2. 4. 6. 19. Lest his profession of a^ee-
ment with the prophets should be understood in too confined
a sense, he adds, by a kind of afterthought, and MoseSj not the
other prophets merely, but the ^eat prophetic legislator, from
whom I am particularly char^ednot only with apostatizmg, but
with teaching apostasy to outers also. (See above, on 21, 21.)
The emphatic position of these words in the original is lost in
the version by connecting them direotiy with the prophets.

23. That Christ should suffer, (and) that he should
be the first that should rise fix)m the dead, and should
shew light unto the people, and to the Gentiles.

Having thus &r spoken of his preaching as a testimony
borne to small and great, perhaps with some allusion to the
rank of those whom he addressed on this occasion, he now re-
members, as it were, that it had also a polemic character, in

424 ACTS 26, 23.

reference to certain Messianic doctrines, upon which its truth
depended, and which he had heen under the necessity, not
only of expounding but defending from the open opposition or
corrupt interpretation of the Scribes and their disciples. What
the version positively states as Paul's own doctnne, he him-
self states as a subject of discussion or debate between him and
his Jewish adversaries. That Christ should suffer^ literally, if
(or whether) the Messiah {is or was to he) passible (susceptible
or capable of suffering.) As we know, however, that the same
parties who denied that the Messiah was to suffer, also denied
that he was to be a divine person, the last word in this clause
is probably to be taken, not in a philosophical or technical but
rather in a popular and loose sense, as referring less to his ca-
pacity of suffering than to his suffering in &ct, and the predic-
tion of that fact by the ancient Prophets. Tlius understood,
it might be rendered, wheiher the Messiah (was to be) a suf-
ferer. As the suffering meant is that of death (see above, on
1, 3. 3, 18. 17, 3), it would of course imply his resurrection,
which is stated as another controverted question. Whether
{hey as the) Jlrst from {the) resurrection of {the) dead) L e. the
nrst so to arise, is (or is about) to proclaim light (L e. truth,
holiness, and happiness, see above, on v. 18) to tlis people (of
the Jews) and to the (other) nations (L e. to the Gentiles.')
As thus explained, the whole verse may be paraphrased as fol-
lows. 'Through the help of God, I have maintained my
ground to this day, bearing witness of the truth, to men of all
conditions, and discussing the great question, whether the
Messiah of the prophecies was to die and rise again, before he
could be set forth as a Saviour, both to Jews and Gentiles.'
Here at last we have the key to that mysterious connection
between the doctrine of Messiah and the doctrine of a resur-
rection, which seems to be implied though not expressed in
Paul's defence before Felix (see above, on 24, 14-16.) It is
now clear that in speaking, upon that occasion, of the general
resurrection as the hope of Israel, he tacitly connected it, per-
haps expressly in his self-defence as actually uttered, with the
resurrection of our Lord himself as the Messiah foretold in the
Hebrew Scriptures ; and on this ground claimed to be a strict
adherent of the old religion, holding all that was taught in the
law and the prophets, and therefore able conscientiously to
claim his birthright as a faithful member of the Theocracy or
Jewish Church, and as such guilty of no treason or disloyalty
to God or man.

ACTS 26, 24. 428

24. Ancl as he thua spake for himself, Peshis said
with a loud voice, Paul, thou art beside thyself; much
learning doth make thee mad.

As Paul had addressed himself directlf to Agrippa (see
above, on vs. 2. 7. 13. 19), and had therefore presupposed an
acquaintance with the Jewish Scriptures and religion, much
that he said must have been wholly unintelliffible to the Ro-
mans present (see above, on 2S, 23), while tne warmth with
which he uttered these mysterious doctrines wonld of course
appear irrational to such a hearer. It is therefore altogether
natural that Festna, without any feeling of malignity, or even
oftontempt, but simply as a Roman, ignorant of Doth religions
now in conflict, aa the same in principle but opposite in fact,
should have uttered jnst such an apostrophe as that recorded
in the verse before ua. He apologizing these (ihinga), u e.
saying these things in Ills own defence, seems to imply that
FestuB interrupted him, but probably not long before the
meditated close of bis discourse. The loud (or great) voice
only implies eagerness and boldness, not contempt or insolence,
which Paul could not consistently have answered as he does
in the next verse below. T^ou art beside tkyadf, in Greek a
Mngle word, thou raveat, thou art mad. Much learning, lit-
erally, many letters, which, according to its Greek etymology
and uB^e, may denote either books and writings (as in John
0, 47_), or the knowledge obttuned from them (as in John 7,
15), I. e. literature, learning, as in our phrases, men of letters,
polite letters, etc. The tatter sense la given in the English
version and preferred by most interpreters, although the other
is no less appropriate and much more pointed. There is no
need of supposing a specific reference to the books and parch-
ments over which the governor had seen Paul poring wliile in
prison (compare 2 l^m. 4, 13); but there does seem to be an
obvious allusion to the Jcwiah Scriptures, from which his ar-
guments were drawn, on the sense of which the truth or false-
hood of his claims depended, which moreover were habitually
designated by a kindred Greek word (ypo^t), and at least ia
one place (John 6, 47) by the very word here used (ypo^fiara.)
The sense will then be not that learning in general had dis-
turbed his reason, which a cultivated Gentile would be slow to
think, but that Scripture learning in particular had this effect,
which any Greek or Roman would have thought most natural.
Jhth make thee mad, literally, turtu tAe» round to mania,

426 ACTS 26, 24-26.

which may either mean, inclines thee to insanity, or more e
phatically, overturns thee^ L e. subverts thy reason, to (or so
to produce) insanity,

25. But he said, I am not mad, most noble Festu
but speak forth the words of truth and soberness.

lam not mad, the first person of the same verb, moo
and tense employed in the preceding verse, though renders
by a different one in English, thus destroying the antithet
which gives force and beauty to the answer. Jam not nu
may correspond in substance to the phrase, thou art beside th
«6//^/ but how much more exactly to the literal translatio

' 'Aou art mad I am not niad.' Most noble, excellei:

or honourable, an official title, not a personal description (»
above, on 24, 3. 7.) As the use of it was optional, Paul's app
cation of the term to Festus must be understood as a respec
ful recognition of his office, if not of his character, which wou
not have been uttered if the speech that called it forth hi
been an insolent or scornful one. As it is, the Apostle tur
to Festus, whose proximity he seemed to have forgotte
saying, ' I am not surprised that your Excellency thinks n
mad, but you are much mistaken.' But words of truth a«
soberness^ or sanity, the opposite of madness, which is the pr
cise sense of the Greek word here employed. T speak ov
utter forth, as with authority, the Greek verb used above
2, 7, and there explained.

26. For the king knoweth of these things, befoi
whom also I speak freely ; for I am persuaded thj
none of these things are hidden fix)m him ; for th
thing was not done in a comer.

The tact and courtesy have always been admired, wit
which the Apostle here reminds the governor, that this Ap<
ogy was not addressed to him, but to Agrippa. Festus ha
already sat in judgment on him, and by trymg to concilia
the Jews at Paul's expense had forced him to appeal to Ner
thereby involving both the prisoner and himself in great ei
barrassment, from which he was now trying to escape by le
ting king Agrippa hear the case again, while Festus hims€
sat by as a spectator. He had no right, therefore, to distu]

ACTS 26, 26. 27. 427

or interrupt a proceeding which he had himself requested, and
in which he was incompetent to take an active part, as he had
more than once acknowledged (see above, on 26, 20. 26.) To
this Paul delicately here refers, as if he had said, ^ It is not
surprising that you cannot understand me, as I am not speak-
ing now to you but to the king.' I^br the king knows (or is
well informed, see above, on 19, 15. 25. 20, 18. 22, 19. 24, 10)
about these things (the usages and questions mentioned in v.
3 above), to whom (not before whom^ but directly to whom) I
speak freely (or speak using freedom, see above, on 9, 27. 29.
13, 46. 14, 3. 18, 26. 19, 8.) The reference is not so much to
boldness as to plainness or freedom from reserve, because he
knew that what he said would be intelligible to his hearer, not
only from his general acquaintance with the matters in de-
bate, but from his previous knowledge of the fects in this par-
ticular case. For any of these (things) to be concealed from
(or escape) him^ I do not believe (literally, am not persuaded) :
for not in a comer (L e. in obscurity or secret) has this (thing)
been done^ i. e. this whole aff^ or series of events, in which
Paul had been actively or passively concerned. In thus ac-
knowledging the king's acquaintance with the subject and ca-
gacity to understand his statements, Paul's design is not to
attcr or exalt him, but to humble Festus, without giving him
offence, by reminding him that what appeared to him mere
visionary raving might be perfectly coherent and intelligible
to another, who was qualified by early education and experi-
ence to comprehend the subject of discussion.

27. King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets?
I know that thou believest.

All that precedes might have been said, had Amippa been
a heathen, but familiar with the Jews' religion, which would
certainly have given him a great advantage over any one as
ignorant as Festus was of these things, however intelligent in
other matters. But besides this mere difference of knowledge,
there was one of more importance in the fisict, that Agrippa
was a Jew by education and profession, and as we here learn
by sincere conviction that the Scriptures were inspired of
God. This interesting circumstance Paul here turns to his
own advantage, not by boldly stating it, but by a natural
rhetorical expedient, carrying it home with tenfold force to all
who heard him. JBeliwest thotij {oh) king Agrippa^ i»i the

428 ACTS 26, 21. 28.

prophets f i. e. dost thou trust them and rely ucnoh them i
the spokesmen and messengers of God himself? With anothi
stroke of skill and power worthy of Demosthenes, instead c
waiting for an answer to his question, he replies to it himsel
I know that thou hdievest (i. e. in the inspiration of the andei
prophets.) I know cannot mean I think or I conjectnre, an
more in this place than in 20, 25. 29. Even if the absolute ei

Eression did admit of this attenuated meaning elsewhere, it i
ere forbidden by the solemnity of the occasion, and especiall
of this appeal to the convictions of Agrippa, which would b
greatly weakened if the last words on^ meant, ^ I think yo
do.'

28. Then Agrippa said unto Paul, Almost tho
persuadest me to be a Christian.

Without explicitly assenting to what Paul had saic
Agrippa really responds to it by stating the impression whici
he had received from Paul's discourse, the ar^mentativ
effect of which depended wholly on the divine aathority o
those very writers, m whom ho had just been represented as b
licving. This remarkable expression of Agrippa has been vs
riously represented as a trivial jest, a bitter sarcasm, a grav
irony, a burst of anger, and an expression of sincere convi<
tion. Corresponding to these different conceptions of th
temper in which the words were uttered are the senses pu
upon the words themselves, or rather on the first two word
in Greek (cV oXtyw), which might be literally rendered, in <
few^ but that this word is exclusively employed with plurj
nouns, whereas the Greek word is a singular in form an<
meaning, and may therefore be translated, in a little, (Se
above, on 12, 18. 14, 28. 16, 2. 19, 23. 24.) Almost, the con
mon English version, although very ancient, is immediatel;
derived from the Geneva Bible, being found in none of olde
date. It supposes the Greek phrase to mean within a litth
wanting a little, or the like, in which sense several kindre
"1 phrases are employed, but not the very one here used. Ai

other objection to it is, that it requires the correspondinj
phrase in Paul's reply to mean altogether, which it never do€
elsewhere. Adhering to the strict sense, in a little, some suj
ply time, in a little while, or soon ; but this requires the pre
ent tense {thou persuadest) to be taken as a future, and th
correspoudmg phrase (in v. 29) to mean, in a long time. Sti

ACTS 26, 28.29. 42d

more nnnatural is the explanation of some recent writers, with
little trouble, easily, which not only takes the words in an mi-
usual sense, but assmnes an irony, of which there is no other
intimation. By fisur the simplest and most satis^tory inter-
pretation, although not even mentioned b^ some modem
writers, is the one found in the oldest English versions, in a
little, i. e. in a small degree, (Tyndale and Cranmer, $om&-
what.) The idea then is, *' thou persuadest me a little ^or in
some degree) to become a Christian,' i. e. I begin to feel the
force of your persuasive argimients, and if I hear you longer,
do not kjiow what the effect may be. This is neither sport-
ively nor bitterly ironical, but rather complimentary and
courtly, no doubt expressing a sincere admiration of Paul's
eloquence and logic, and a strong persuasion of his innocence,
but not a genuine conviction of the truth of Christianity, as
may be gathered from the later histoir of this man, as r^
corded by Josephus, and from his use of the term GkrUtian^
which had not vet been adopted bv the church itself but was
still a heatheni^ if not a disrespectml designation. (See above,
on 11, 26.)

29. And Paul said, I would to God, that not only
thou, but also all that hear me this day, were both al-
most, and altogether such as I am, except these bonds.

The Apostle's answer to this courteous but evasive com-
pliment, no doubt intended to ward off aU appeals to the
ting's conscience, has been always praised as^a model of Chns-
tian dignity and kindness, and a rhetorically^dmirable perora-
tion. I would to Oody or more exactly^ la^ltld pray to Gody
i. e. if it were proper and would not onend, I could now burst
forth into an audible petition, which with graceful art he does
indirectly, even while he seems to be deferring it. Another
fine trait in this closing sentence is the ease with which he
passes from A^ppa, hitherto the only auditor whose presence
ne had recognizeo, except when Festus for a moment inter-
rupted him, to all those present, not by a direct address, which
could not have been made becoming at the very end of his
discourse, but by including all in his benevolent petition.
Were (or rather, might become) both in little and in much
(or in a small and great degree) such as even lam^ save these
bonds (which he again perhaps held up to view.) The exqui-
site mixture of severity and tenderness in this allusion to his

430 ACTS 26, 29-31.

own unjust confinement, and the acoompanymg^ wish for their
exemption both from this and from a &r worse bondage, fonnfl
a noble peroration of this great discourse, and an appropriate
winding up of the whole series of Apologies, wbicn occopies
the history of Paul's last visit to the Holy Land.

30. And when he had thus spoken, the king rose
up, and the governor, and Bemice, and they that sat
with them —

When he had thus spoken (or A€ having spoken these

things) is omitted in the oldest copies and excluded by the
latest critics. Some suppose their rising to be here described
as an abrupt one, prompted by the kmg's unwillingness to
hear more ; but the regidar and beautiful conclusion, to which
Paul's address was brought in the preceding verse, seems
rather to imply that he had said what he intended, and that
the purpose of the audience was accomplished. The persons
who composed the assembly are enumerated in the order of
their personal rank, and not of their official authority ; first
the King, as such, and on account of his relation to the Jews,
although without political power in Judea ; then the Gover-
nor, whose relative position was the converse of Agrippa's;
then Bemice, as a person of royal lineage, and the sister of
the hi<yhest dignitary present ; after which the military officers
and citizens (see above, on 25, 23) are grouped together as
assessors, or those sitting with the chiefs just severally men-
tioned. These are little things, of no importance in them-
selves, but tending to confirm the supposition that the writer
was a witness of his master's last Apology in Palestine. (See
above, on 24, 23.)

31. And when they were gone aside, they talked
between themselves, saying, This man doeth nothing
worthy of death or of bonds.

Some explain the first words, and withdrawing^ or as they
withdrew from the "place of hearing" (see above, on 24, 28),
they conversed among themselves as follows. But the con-
stant meaning of the Greek verb is to go aside for s:ifety, pri-
vacy, or consultation (see above, on 28, 19, and compare Matt.
2, 1*2. Mark 3, 7. John 6, 15.) This is especially appropiiate

ACTS 26, 31. 32. 431

in this place, where the whole ^roceedins had a definite de-
sign (see above, on 25, 26), wmch would not have been ac-
complished without something more than a colloquial expres-
sion of opinion. The only question is, to whom this verse
refers as thus withdrawing and consulting. Not to all those
mentioned in v. 80, who would then be represented as with-
drawing from themselves. The most probable solution is
afforded by the next verse, where the two leading personages
are expressly named, and may therefore be regarded as the
subjects of the verb in this verse. The sense will then be, that
Agrippa and Festns, withdrawing from the company, perhaps
going aside but in the same apartment, there exchanged views
m relation to the hearing which had just been held, and coin-
cided in the iudgment previously formed by Festus (see above,
on 25, 25), that the prisoner was guilty of no crime deserving
either the highest or the lowest form of punishment, imprison-
ment or deaui. Thus again the innocence of Paul had been
triumphantly established, not only to the frirther satis&ction
of the governor, by whom he had been virtually cleared be-
fore, but also in the iudgment of the best informed and most
disinterested arbiter before whom he had yet appeared.

32. Then said Agrippa unto Festus, This man
might have been set at Uberty, if he had not appealed
unto Cesar.

If this meant only that the charges against Paul were
groundless, it would be a needless and unmeaning repetition
by Agrippa of what he and Festus had agreed upon already
in the verse preceding. But Paul's was not the only case on
which Agrippa was to sit in judgment. The very man who
had requested his assistance as an arbiter in Paul's case, had
by that act made him judge of his own conduct. We have
seen already (on 25, 9 above), that Festus by neglecting to
discharge Paul when his innocence was proved, had forced
him to appeal, and at the same time placed himself in the em-
barrassing position of a magistrate sending home a prisoner,
who might nave been disposed of on the spot, but for his own
neglect of duty. During this last hearing by Agrippa, Festus
seems to have indulged a hope that something would occur to
relieve him from his false position ; but of this hope he was
now deprived by the expression of Agrippa's jugdment here
recorded. This man could have been discharged (or set at

432 ACTS 26, 82.

liberty), the technical expresdon for jndiciil libersdoii, lued
above in 3, 13. 4, 21. 23. 5, 40. 16, 35. 36. 17, 9.^ He does not
BBj that he could now be set free, but that he mi^ht have been
so at some former period, both verbs being in the past tense.
This can refer only to the time of Paul's appearance befiire
Festus (see above, on 25, 6. 25), and is therefore a civil way
of saying that he ought to have oeen set free then. J^ he had
not appealed unto Cesar is not added to exonerate Festus, but
in reality to make him answerable for the whole result, as
having forced Paul to appeal by his denial or delay of justice.
It is worthy of remark that this appeal, though apparently pre-
cipitate on Paul's part, and embairassing to him as well as to
the Procurator, was the providential means by which he was
removed from Palestine and brought to Rome, an end which
might never have been reached, it he had not, as many of hu
friends no doubt lamented now, appealed to Cesar.

■♦-♦-•-

CHAPTER XXVn.

This chapter is entirely occupied with Paul's last recorded
voyage, from his leaving Cesarea to his shipwreck on the
island of Malta. It is chiefly remarkable for the fulness and
exactness of its nautical details, which the latest and most crit-
ical investigations have only served to render more surprising
in themselves, and more conclusive as internal proofs of authen-
ticity and genuineness. This \'iew of the chapter has been
recently presented in a masterly monograph,* the valuable
substance and results of which, omitting technical minutiae,
are embodied in the followang exposition. The original nar-
rative begins with the delivery of Paul and other prisoners
into the custody of a Roman officer, their embarkation in a
ship of Asia Minor and short stay at Sidon, with their subse-
quent slow progress till they reach Myra in Lyoia (1-5). Here
tney are transferred to an Alexandrian vessel bound to Italy,

* The Voyage and Shipwreck of St Panl : with Disflertations on the Life
and Writings of St. Luke, and the Ships and Navigation of the Ancients. By
Jameii Smith, Esq., of Jordunhill, F. R. S. etc Second edition, with additianal
proofs and illustratiom;. London, 1856.

ACTS 27, 1. 433

bnt are forced by contrary winda to the east and eonth of
Crete, where they find a harbour, but, in opposition to Paul's
warnings, leave it for another more coininoaioae on the same
coast (il-12). While prosperouBly nearing it, as they suppose,
a violent and andden coange of wind drives them to the sonth-
wost and involves them in the greatest danger (13-19). When
the storm has contmued many days, Paul assures them, on
divine authority, of their ultimate escape, bat predicts an in-
tervening shipwreck (20-26). In the fourteenth night they
make land, and are now exposed to danger of another kind,
which tempts the crew to leave the others to their fete ; but
their proposed desertion is prevented, at Paul's instance, by
the soldiers (27-32). He then induces the whole company
(the nnmber of which is precisely stated), both by exhortation
and example, to partake of food before the ship is lightened
for the last time (33-38). As soon aa daylight renders the
land visible, they run the ship aground, hot are still in a por-
tion of great peril, fromwhicn Paul ia the occatdon of their all
escaping (39-44).

1. And when it was determined that we should
sail into Italy, they dehvered Paul and certain other
prisoners unto (one) named Julius, a centurion of
Augustus' band.

When (literally, as) it vsaa determined that tee aAould sailt
or rather (about) our Bailing, i. e. as to the precuse time and
mode of their departure, the general determination having
been previously iormed and recorded (see above, on 25, 12.
21. 25, and compare 26, 32.) We, including the historian, the
first occurrence of this form of speech since the appearance of
Paul and his companions before the presbytery at Jernsalem
(see almve, on 21, 18.) Paul's arrest no doubt separated theee
companions from him, at least until Felix ordered that his
friends shoold have access to him (see above, on 24, 23.) Sail,
literally, sail ateay, i. e. from Palestine, one of several eom-

Kund forms of the same verb, belonging to the nautical dia-
1 of Greece, and used by Lake in this book with great fi-ee-
dom and precision. (Sec above, on 13,4. 14,26. 15,39. 18,
IS. 20, e. 2i, 3, and below on vs. 2. 4. 6. 7. 24.) The one here
emplojred suggests, more distinpthr than the simple verb, the
idiA of •eparatiom aod departure from the Holy Land, where

434 ACTS 27, 1.

his mission was now ended* The place of departure, thoogli
supposed by some to have been Ptolemais (see above, on 21,

7. 15), is commonly, %id no doubt justly, understood to have
been Cesarea, as being both the seat of government and the
most frequented seaport on the coast, as well as the scene of
the last previous transactions, without the slightest intimation
of their setting out from any other point. Into Italy ^ L e. a8
their final destination (compare into Syria^ 18, 18. 20, 3. 21,
3), but not directly, as appears from the next verse. The}f
delivered has been variously explained, as a generic plural
meaning Festus only (see above, on 17,18. 19,38); or as a
proper plural including his assessors and perhaps Agrippa (see
above, on 25, 12. 23, 26) ; or, more probably than either, as a
plural indefinite (like that in Luke 12, 20. John 15, 6) which,
though comparatively rare in Greek, is one of our most fiumlr
iar English idioms, the plural being used instead of the indefi-
nite pronouns in French (on) and German {man^) For the
most part it may be resolved into the passive, as in this case,
Paul was delivered^ etc, Certaiii other prisotverSy who may
have been accumulating for some time at Cesarea. To a oefi-
turion^ strictly the commander of a hundred men, but used
perhaps with some degree of latitude (see above, on 10, 1. 21,
32.) Of a hand (called) the August (or Augustan)^ the femi-
nine form of the word used above in 25, 21. (For the mean-
ing of the word translated handy see above, on 10, 1. 21, 31.)
As the eijithet August appears too strong for a subdivision of
the army, it is comniouly exj)lained to mean Augiistan^ L e.
belonging or related to the Emperor in some peculiar sense
or nianuer. Tlmt this honorary title was bestowed on certain
Roman legions, is a certain fact of history ; but not that any
such were stationed in the East. Hence some suppose the
word to mean Sainarltany from Sehaste^ the name given to
the ancient Samaria when rebuilt by Herod (see above, on

8, 5) ; but although Josephus does speak of Samaritan battal-
ions in the Roman service, he uses a different derivative, as
Luke would no doubt have done also, to express the same
idea. Some maintain that the Augustan rank (equivalent to
that of imperial guard) was given not only to legions, but to
cohorts and even to still smaller corps ; others, that the title
here describes the Procurator's body-guard, as that of the
Emperor's ofiicial representative. All these explanations pre-
suppose that Julius was detached, for this important service,
liom the army in Palestine ; whereas it is at least as probable

ACTS 27, 1.2. 435

that he came from Italy, perhaps with a special commission,
and was now returning thither, which removes the necessity
of explaining the epithet Augustan^ wkether Julias be identi-
fied with any other person named in history or not.

2. And entering into a ship of Adramyttium, we
launched, meaning to sail by the coasts of Asia ; (one)
Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Thessalonica, being with
us.

There seems to have been no direct communication, just
at this time, between Palestine and Italy, or at least no vessel
of the requisite capacity about to sail immediately in that di-
rection. Besides the other prisoners^ who may have been nu-
merous, as we read in contemporary history of many being
sent from Judea to Rome together, the centurion conmiandcd
a military escort, as we learn fi'om the mention of the soldiers
in vs. 31. 42 below, and this detachment may have been a large
one (see above, on 23, 23.) JSntering^ embarking, see above,
on 21, 2. 6, and compare 20, 18. 25, 1. Adramyttium^ a sear

E^rt of Mysia, on the western coast of Asia Minor, opposite to
esbos (altogether different in form from Adrumetum on the
coast of Afnca.) This vessel, having sold its cargo, was now
upon its homeward voyage, and Jimus availed himself of its
accommodations to reach Asia, where he knew that he should
meet with vessels on their way to Italy ; just as Americans
who visit India often go by way of England, the circuitous
route being more than made good by the greater certainty,
frequency, and ease of the communication. Even this ship,
however, was not going directly to its final destination, but
about to sail (or navigate) the places along Asia^ i. e. proba-
bly to carry on a coasting trade along the western and south-
western shore of the peninsula which we call Asia Minor (see
above, on 21, 27. 24, 18.) Meaning^ in Greek a verb denot-
ing mere futurity (see above, on 26, 2. 22. 23), and according
to the common text (/icAAovrcs) agreeing witn the subject of
the verb (vt>e launched or sailed)^ but in the oldest copies with
the ship itself (/AcAAovrt), as explained above. It is possible,
however, that this clause has reference not to trade but to the
necessary route from Cesarea to Adramyttium, which was
also the course usually taken from Palestine and Syria to Italy.
They were really, therefore, on their way until they reached

436 ACTS 27, 2.8.

the south-west corner of the peninsula, although obliged to seek
another vessel to complete their voyage. Juaunched^ set sail,
departed, went out to sea, another nautical expression, (A
wliich we have already met with several ezaniples (see above,
on 13, 13. 16, 11. 18, 21. 20, 3. 13. 21, 12.) One ArUtardm
seems to imply that he had not been previously mentioned ;
but see above, on ID, 29. 20, 4. He is here described by his
country (a Macedonian) and his city (a Thesacdonicm^ see
above, on 17, 1. 11. 13.^ How long he was separated frfm
Paul, and when he rejoined him, can only be coDJectnred
The praise of constancy bestowed by some upon this man^
though doubtless just, has no foundation in the text here
(being with vs) but only in the Vulgate version {persecer-
ante nobiscum,) In two of Paul's epistles, commonly sup-
posed to have been written during his captivity at Kcnne,
Aristarchus is mentioned, once as his fellow-labourer (Philem.
24), and once as his fellow-prisoner (Col. 4, 10), which may
have reference to his voluntary share in Paul's confinement
during and after the voyage here described,

3. And the next (day) we touched at Sidon. And
Julius courteously entreated Paul, and gave (him) Ub*
erty to go unto his friends to refresh himself.

Their first day's course, instead of being north-west towards
the coast of Asia (Proper), was considerably east of north, along
the coast of Palestine and Phenicia, so as to reach Sidon (see
above, on 12, 20) on the next day (literally, the other ^ as in
20, 15) after leaving Cesarca. This movement may have been
for pur})ose8 of trade, or simply occasioned by the westerly
wind, which is almost as constant as a trade wind, in that
j)art of the Mediterranean, during the summer and autumn.
Such a whid would be a fair one between Cesarea and Sidon,
and a day would thus be gained in their course towards the
coast of Asia Minor, even if there were no business to be there
transacted, either by the ship or the centurion. In favour of
the latter supposition, however, is the fact, that the vessel re-
mained long enough at Sidon to admit of Paul's visiting his
friends there. Courteott^ly^ benevolently, philanthropically
(a word of kindred origin with that here used.) Touched^
came to, or landed, is in Greek a passive, literally meaning, wt
were brought doicn^ i. e. from the high sea to the shore (see
above, on 21, 3, and compare the converse or correlative ex-

ACTS 27, 8. 437

pression in the first clause of the next verse. Entreaiedy in
Its old sense of treated (now superseded by that of prayed^
besought) or used, which is the hteral meaning of the Greek
verb. This clause {benevolently using JPaul) though relat-
ing strictly to the instance here recorded, may be also taken
as a general description of the Roman officer's deportment
towards his prisoner throughout the voyage. It is not to
be regarded as implying any faith in FaiS's religious doc-
trines, which would no doubt have been more distinctly men-
tioned, nor even as arising wholly from a personal regard for
him. Whatever part of the result may have been owing to
the free-will or discretion of the officer, there can be no doubt
that he acted in obedience to specific orders, similar to those
which Felix issued after Paul's defence before him (see above,
on 24, 23), and prompted in both cases, not by mere humanity
or good- will to the individual prisoner, but also by respect for
his rights and privileges as a Roman citizen. (See above, on
16, 38. 22, 29.) Gave him liberty , literally, permitted (see
above, on 21, 39. 40. 36, 1.) Going to the friends (whom he
had there), either old acquaintances, or simply Christians, who
as such were necessarily his friends, at Sidon no less than at
Tyre (see above, on 21, 2-4), the other great city of Phenicia,
into which country the Gospel had been early introduced (see
above, on 11, 19.) These two cities are always named in the
New Testament together, except here and in Luke 4, 26,
where Sidon stands alone. It was much more ancient than
Tyre, which is mentioned neither in the Pentateuch nor by
Homer, whereas Sidon is named not only by Moses but by
Jacob, as a well-known boundary or landmark even in the
patriarchal age. (^See Gen. 10, 19. 49, 13^ In the book of
Joshua (19, 28) it is called Cheat Zidon {Zidon Rabhah) and
apparently assigned to Judah, but remained unconquered

SJudg. 1, 31. 10, 10, 12), and was afterwards eclipsed by Tyre
2Sam. 5, 11. 1 Kings 5, 6. Isai.23, 8. Ezek.26, 15. 27,8. 28,
21^, subdued by the Assyrians, destroyed by the Persians but
reouilt, reconquered by Alexander the Great, alternately pos-
sessed by his successors, the Greek kings of Syria and Egypt,
until finally wrested from them by the Romans. It is stiU a
town of more than five thousand inhabitants, under the slightly-
altered name of Saida^ and for some years past the seat of an
American mission. The ancient geographers describe its har-
bour (or rather harbours, for it seems to have been double) as
the finest on the mainland, from the shelter afibrded by a nat-

438 ACTS 21, 3. 4.

ural breakwater or ridge of rocks ; but it was filled up daring
the middle ages. To refresh himself, literally, to obtain (ex-
perience, meet with, as m 24, 2. 26, 22) care^ attention, which
may either denote hospitality in general, or more specificaliy
nursing, care required by delicate or ill health, to which a
Greek medical writer applies almost the same expression (cn-
/xcXcta (Tw/jiaTos.) As to Paul's bodily infirmities, see above, on
16,10. 20,6.

4. And when we had launched fix>m thence, we
sailed under Cyprus, because the winds were contiaij.

And thence (from Sidon) loosing (setting sail, departing),
in form as well as sense the converse of the verb tran&lated
touched in the preceding verse. Launched is applicable strictly
only to boats or vessels which were drawn ui on the land (as
in Luke 8, 22.) Uhdersailed (or sailed under) Cyprus (see
above, on 11, 19. 13,4. 15,39. 21,3), another nautical ex-
pression, falsely understood by some as meaning south of Cy-
prus^ and by others close beneath its shore ; w^hereas the best
authorities explain it to mean ujider the lee of Cyprus, L e.
between the island and the wind (or the point towards
which the wind was blowing.) They did not tnerefore leave
it on their right hand, which would have been the direct course
to the coast of "Asia" with a favourable wind (compare
Paul's last voyage in the opposite direction as described above,
on 21, 3), but upon their left hand, i. e. to the west, sailing
along the eastern coast and northward, as the only course per-
mitted by the wind, and also for a reason brought to light by
modern nautical investigation, that from Syria to the Archi-
pelago, along the coast of Asia Minor, there is a constant cur-
rent to the westward, so strong at certain times and places as
to break into the cabin windows, even in calm weather. By
getting into this strong current they would be able to make
some way westward, even in the face of an unfavourable wind.
This fact, derived, from the familiar practice of those seas and
attested by i)rofessional experience, not only stamps Luke's brief
account as nautically accurate, but shows the ship to have been
managed just as it would have been at this day by the most
experienced and skilful mariners. It also confirms the previ-
ous statement, that they sailed not to the south but to the east
of Cyprus, which is further shown by the repeated mention
of the reason, /t>r (or on accoioit of) the winds being contrary^

ACTS 27, 4.5. 439

i. e. from the west. Had they left the island on the right
hand, this wind must have been directly in their face or nearly
so, whereas by sailing to the north they were enabled to avail
themselves of it as a side wind, and at the same time to secure
the advantage of the current on the coast of Asia Minor. That
they sailed close to the shore, though not expressed, may be
implied, or is at least most probable.

5. And when we had sailed over the sea of CiKcia
and Pamphylia, we came to Myra (a city) of Lycia.

That their course was northward, and to the east of Cy-
prus, now becomes still more apparent from their being next
found in the sea of (or along) Cilicia and Pamphylia, i. e.
that part of the Mediterranean which washes the two south-
easternmost provinces of Asia Minor in the modem sense of
that term, although not included in the ancient Asia, the neg-
lect of which distinction by some writers on this passage has
involved it in complete confusion. These are just the waters
into which they would be brought by sailing towards the north
along the eastern coast of Cyprus, and which Luke accord-
ingly describes them as now sailing through (not over), an-
other compound of the verb to sail, belonging to the technical
vocabulary of ancient navigation (see above, on v. 1.) By the
aid of the current which has been already mentioned, and the
indentations of the coast of these two provinces, they came
down (we are not told how soon), an active verb equivalent
in meaning to the passive one in v. 3, both denoting arrival at
a port or harbour. Lyda, a south-western province of Asia
Minor, also included in the strict and ancient sense oi Asiai
It was only now, therefore, that the ship began to reach its
destination, and to naviaate the places along {the coast of)
Asia (see above, on v. 2.) The first of these was Myra, now
in ruins, but at that time an important city with its port An-
driace, at the mouth of a small river with the same name
(now Andriaki.) The size of the city in its palmjr days is sup
posed to be indicated by that of its theatre, which may still
be traced and is of vast extent. (See above, on 19, 29^ Ly-
cia often changed its political relations, having been depend-
ent upon Rhodes in the period of the Roman Republic ; then a
free state under the first Emperors ; then deprived by Claudius
of this honour on account of its perpetual commotions, and
united with Pamphylia as one province, ruled by a Proconsul,

440 ACTS 27, 5.6.

as appears from inscriptions still extant ; and at last separately
organized with Myra for its capital. But these political yicis-
situdes do not affect its geographical position as a part of
Asia Proper. Myra was still a place of note and resort daring
a great part of the middle ages.

6. And there the centurion found a ship of Alex-
andria saUing into Italy ; and he put us therein.

The centurion's expectation of finding an immediate op-
portunity to Italy was fulfilled as soon as he arrived npon the
coast of Asia. And there (at Myra) finding an Alexandrian
ship sailing (then or periodically, see above, on 21, 2) into
Italy, That a vessel bound &om Alexandria to Italy should
be found at Myra on the coast of Asia Minor, may seem at
firht sight purely accidental, as the direct route between those
two countries was much further to the south, between the
island of Crete and the coast of Africa. Yet Julius seems to
have counted upon it as a matter of frequent if not usual oc-
currence. The solution of this difficulty is afforded by the
fact that the same wind, which forced the ship from Cesarea to
sail northward on the eastern side of Cyprus, might force the
ship from Alexandria to the coast of Asia Minor, with the same
advantage, on arriving there, of a powerful current setting
westward and a local land wind in the same direction. Ju-
lius was justified, moreover, in expecting to find a ship from
Alexandria, not only by the general trade of which that city
was the centre, but by the special and extensive trade in
wheat, with which at this time Rome was supplied chiefly
from that quarter. The vessels built for this trade were of
great size, fully equal, it is said, to the largest class of modem
merchantmen, and therefore able to accommodate a much
larger company than that which now embarked at Myra, and
afterwards at Malta (see below, on 28, 11.) About this same
time, as we learn from Josephus, he was shipwrecked in a ves-
sel of this class with six hundred others. A few years later,
Titus, after conquering Jerusalem, returned to Rome in one
of these store-ships. In the second century, one was driven
by stress of weather into Athens, where it was visited as a
great curiosity, and is described in one of Lucian's dialogues.
From all this it is plain that what Luke here records, far from
being incredible or even strange, is in strict accordance with
contemporary usage and familiar facts of history. J^ut its

ACTS 27, 6.7. 4«

therein, embarked os, made na go aboard (compare the verb
in V. 2.) That such changes and transferB were by no meana
rare upon that coast we have already had a proof in Paul's
adopting the same measure, on hia eastward voyage, at Pa-
tara, another port of Lycia (see above, on 21, 1.2.)

7. And when we had sailed slowly many days, and
scarce were come over against Cnidus, the wind not
suffering us, we sailed under Crete, over against Sal-
mone —

On leaving Myra and attempting to go further westward,
they were met by the still prevdling wind from that direction,
without the counteracting influence before exerted by the
local wind and current of the soutfaem shore. Hence their
progress was not only alow but difficult. In many (literally,
gufficietU) days tloK-aailing, a Greek word not found in the
classics, but obviously belonging to the nautical dialect, only a
amall part of which would find ita way into contemporary lit-
erature, aa in modem cases of the same tind. Scarce, or ecaTcety^
should rather have been rendered hardly, as in the next verse,
and taken in its proper sense, with di^fficidty, namely, that of
" working to windward," or advancing in the face of adverse
winds. Over against (opposite or parallel to) Cnidue, a
peninsula projecting between Cob and Khodes (see above, on
21,1) into the .^!gean Sea (or Archipelago) of which it may
be said to mark the entrance. The distance between Myra
and Cnidus (about 130 geographical miles) being only one
da^'a sail with a &ir wind, the delay must have arisen from its
bemg still adverse, as intimated in the next clause. This ren-
ders needless and gratuitous the supposition that they were
becahned, which alw> agrees less with the eipresMon hardly,
aa explained above. Jvof ntffering, another word unknown
to classical Greek usage, and possibly belonging to the dialect
of sailors. It is in form a compound of the verb to Ut (or
suffer, see above, on 5,38. 14,16. 16,7. 19,30. 23,32) and
the preposition to or unto, expressive cither of addition or
approach, advancement. Some understand it here accordingly
to mean, not admitting {or permitting) us to (enter Cnidus),
as a reason why they did not land there as at Myra. Others,
inolading the I>e8t nantical authorities, explain it to mean, not
' aUomng vs to proceed (or go further) in the tame direction.

442 ACTS 27, 7.8.

L e. west by south, from the point of the peninsula to Italy.
The wind forbidding this, according to the same authorities,
must have been what is popularly called north-west, the very
wind which even now, as we have seen, prevails in those seas
towards the end of summer. Repeated mstances are quoted
from the history of modem navigation, in which the same
cause has produced the same effect, to wit, that of driving the
vessel to the east and south of Crete, along the northern coast
of which her direct course would have lain in this case. Un-
dersaUed (or sailed under) Crete has precisely the same sense
as in V. 4, where it is applied to Cyprus. The only difference
in the cases is, that in the one they would otherwise have
sailed alon^ the south and in the other on the north side of
the island, but in both they actually sailed on the east side, so
as to be under its lee, or protected by it from the wind. Ov^
against Salmone^ \& no doubt the true translation of the Greek
phrase which corresponds in form and sense with over against
Cnidus in the first clause. Towards (or in the direction of)
Salmone^ the construction preferred by some, would be equal-
ly grammatical and equally agreeable to usage, but a needless
variation from the sense which must be put upon the same
phrase in the clause preceding, and yielding scarcely so appro-
priate a meaning, as they rather passed in sight of than
sailed towards Salmone. This is still, slightly modified, the
name of the extreme point of the island eastward.

8. And, hardly passing it, came unto a place which
is called the Fair Havens, nigh whereunto was the
city (of) Lasea.

Having hardly (or with difficulty, as in v. 7) passed or
rounded this point, they were soon upon the southern coast
of Crete, and therefore in the same relative position as before
they left the coast of Asia, i. e. with a high indented shore
upon their right, and perhaps with something of the same ad-
vantage from a land-wind and a westward current, which
would account for their apparently soon reaching a compara-
tively safe port called Fair Havens, a name not unknown to
modern and American geography. That they chose to get
upon the southern coast because the northern had no har-
bours, is a common error founded on a statement of Eostathi-
us, refuted by the now familiar fact that there are at least two
excellent ones (Souda and Spina Longa) upon that side of the

ACTS 27, 8. 9, 443

island. It is clear from the narrative of Luke that they were
driven to the east and south of Crete against their will and by
the north-west wind, which would also allow them to proceed
as far as Cape Matala, where the coast begins to trend towards
the north-west, thus exposing them without obstruction or
defence to the wind from that direction. The harbour which
they reached must, therefore, have been situated to the east
of Cape Matala, and there accordingly it was discovered by
PococKe in the seventeenth century, two leagues east of that
point, and has since been repeatedly identified, both by the
Greek name which it still retains almost unaltered, and by its
position furnishing a shelter from the very wind to wnich
taul's vessel was now exposed, but not from all the winds by
which it might be threatened during a whole winter (see be-
low, on V. 12.) This place is described simply as a harbour
(or harbours) but not lar from the city of La^ea (or Laaaia)^
which was long supposed to have entirely disappeared, both
from books and from the surface of the earth, but the remains
of which, with the old name still preserved in the local tradi-
tion, were identified by two Scotch travellers (Brown and
Tennent) in the year 1856.

9. Now when much time was spent, and when
sailing was now dangerous, because the fast was now
ah^ady past, Paid admonished (them) —

Now (Sc, and, or but), much time (literally, tims enough^
as in V. 7. 8, 11. 18, 18) having passed (elapsed, or happened,
as in 25, 13), and the sailing (or navigation^ rendered course
in 21, 7 above, and voyage in v. 10, below) being already unr
safe (a correlative expref^sion to the one translated safe in
Phil. 3, 1, sure in Heb. 6, 19, and certain in 25, 26 above) be-
cause (or on account of the same construction as in v. 4) the
fast being already past (or gone by), i. e. the annual fest of
the Mosaic calendar, the great day of atonement, being the
tenth day oi the seventh month, corresponding partly to Sep-
tember and October. (See Lev. 16, 29-34. 23, 26-32.) It is
here used simply to define the season of the year, like Pente-
cost in 20, 16, or like Michaelmas in English, which occurs
about the same time. There is of course no reference to any
physical connection of the close of navigatipn with the Jewish
last as a religious service, or, as some have strangely thought.

444 ACTS 27, 9. 10.

"With the abstinence of the crew from food during the previoM
toils and perils of the voyage (see below, on vs. 21. 33.)
Others, though regarding it correctly as a simple designation
of the season, would derive it from some last coimected with
the Greek mythology and heathen worship, on the ground that
the ship's company were not Jews ; as if that would prevent
Luke from using Jewish marks of time, with which his read-
ers were familiar, any more than an English writer would ab-
stain from saying Michaelmas to designate the season, althoosh
writing about Turks or Chinamen. The Roman period of t£e
niare clausum (or suspended navigation) began later, reachmg
from about the middle of November to the corresponding
part of March. It is probable, however, that the two preced-
mg months were reckoned unsafe or precarious, although
navigation was not absolutely interrupted. Paul admonished
(or exhorted)^ a Greek verb used only in this chapter (see be-
low, on V. 22), but originally meaning to commend, and then
to recommend, advise, especially in public, as a speaker in the
Greek assemblies. It is probable, therefore, that this exhorti^
tion was addressed to the whole company, not merely to the
chiefe and officers (compare t?ie more part in v. 12 below.)

10. And said unto them, Sirs, I perceive that this
voyage will be with hurt and much damage, not only
of the lading and ship, but also of our lives.

Saying to them^ i. e. cither to the whole ship's company, in-
cluding sailors, soldiers, aud the officers of both sorts, or, as
some infer from the next verse, only to the latter (see above,
on V. 9.) Sirs^ an excellent translation of the Greek word
literally meaning men^ which in English would be rather dis-
respectful than the contrary. (See above, on 1, 11. 16. 2, 14.
22.29.37. 3,12. 5,35. 7,2.26. 13,7.16.26. 14,16. 15,7.13.
17,22. 19,25.35. 21,28. 22,1. 23,1.6.) These may either
be the words he uttered once for all, or the sum of what he
said on more than one occasion, during their long stay at Fair
Havens. I perceive^ behold, contemplate (see above, on 25,
24), denoting something more than simply seeing. Whether
it here means supernatural perception, inspiration, revelation,
or mere human forecast and conviction, is disputed. In favour
of the latter may be urged the very different assurance after-
Wards imparted on express diviiie authority (see below, on v.

ACTS 27, 10.11. 445

28.) The first is then to be regarded as an error ; but the
two may be reconciled without this supposition, by explaining
loss and damage as concise expressions for the risk or danger
of them, as in 16, 26 above. ITurt^ a Greek word properly
denoting insolence and insult^ as the attributes or act« of hu-
man agents, but applied by Pindar and some other poets to
the fury of the elements and its effects, which seems more
natural in this connection than to understand it of the mari-
ners themselves, ' with arrogant presumption on our own part
and much loss, &cJ* Loss and damage^ both which negative
and positive ideas are expressed by this one Greek word.
Lading^ load, freight, cargo, from the verb to carry ^ like the
noun translated burden^ 21, 3, from the verb to jUX, ZdveSy
the word so rendered in 15, 26, but souls in 15, 24 (compare
2, 27. 3, 23. 4, 32 with 20, 10. 24), the primary idea being that
of the soul as living or a vital principle. This voyage wiU (or
is about to) he stands last in the original, with some irregu-
larity of syntax, not affecting the sense and occurring in the
best Greek writers.

11. Nevertheless the centurion believed the master
and the owner of the ship, more than those things
which were spoken by Paul.

7%e centurion^ as commander of the troops and guardian
of the prisoners, appears to have possessed the chief authority,
either because he nad chartered or engaged the ship on that
condition (see above, on v. 6), or as a necessary consequence
of his official rank and special mission in the public service
(see above, on v. 1.) JBelievedy literally, teas persuaded (or
conmnced)y the same passive verb employed above in 5, 36.
37.40. 17,4. 21,14. 23,21. 26,26, and implying previous
doubt and reasoning, as distinguished from the exercise of
mere authority. 27ie master^ governor (a word of kindred
oririn with that here used), or pilot, who steered the vessel
with his own hands, or at least, in modem parlance, sailed it.
Owner of the ship^ in Greek a single word, ship-owner^ who
in ancient times most commonly accompanied his vessel in
person, althoujgh sometimes represented, as at present, by a
supercargo. That Julius should defer to the opinion of these
mariners, in preference to that of his own prisoner, was natural
enough, and is here recorded, not as a reproach or censure,

440 ACTS 27, 11. 12.

but as the unintentional occasion of the subseqaent disasten
(see below, on v. 21.)

12. And because the haven was not commodious to
winter in, the more part advised to depart thence also,
if by any means they might attain to Phenice, (and
there) to winter ; (which is) a haven of Crete, and lieth
toward the southwest and northwest.

57i€ havtn (port or harbour) heing^ from tbe begimmig,
L e. naturally, always (for the usage of the Greek verb, sec
above, on 3, 2. 14, 8. 16, 3. 17, 24. 21, 20. 22, 3.) Incommih
dious^ unsuitable, badly situated, probably another technical
expression, as it is not used by classical (Jreek writers. It is
here to be comparatively understood, as meaning that the
harbour did not afford shelter from all the winds to whi^ the
ship would be exposed if it should winter there (see above, on
V. 8.) To tninter in is not a verb in Greek (as to winter in the
next clause is), but a cognate noun preceded by a preposition,
for wintering (or for a winter-station,) Both words are used
m classic Greek, and the verb by Paul in his epistles (1 Cor.
16, 6. 3, 12.) The more {part supplied by the translators) is
in Greek a plural adjective, meaning the more (men or per-
sons), i. e. the majority of those consulted, or of all on board
the vessel, to whom the decision of this question seems to
have been left. Adrised^ or as some explain the phrase, gave
counsel^ might be more exactly rendered, laid a plan, or
adopted a rosohition. The verb (meaning literally placed or
put) is one used elsewhere in tlie strong sense of determined
(see above, on 1, 7. 5, 4. 19, 21) ; the noun in that ofwiU, de-
sign, or purpose (see above, on 2, 23. 4, 28. 5, 38. 13, 36. 20,
27.) According to this usage, the whole phrase denotes not
mere advice but positive determination, whether that of the
whole company or of the officers, decided by majority of
voices, although not, most probably, by formal voting. To
depart, the word translated loosed in 13, 13, sailed inlS, 21,
and launched in v. 2 above, where its usage is explained more
fully. Thonce^ i. e. from Fair Havens, where they still con-
tinued. The reading and thence (or thence also) is not found
in the oldest manuscripts, and seems to be preferred by certain
critics only on account of its embarrassing the syntax. If by
any means (or if perchance), implying the uucert^ty and

ACTS 27, 12. 447

hazard of the course proposed (compare Rom. 1, 10. 11, 14.
Phil. 3, 11, the only other cases of its use in the New Testa-
ment.) They migfU he able, coming dovm to ^or arriving at)
Phenice (or more exactly, PTwenix, the masculme form of that
occurring in 11, 19. 15,3. 21,2.) Although Ptolemy men-
tions such a place, its situation remained undiscovered till
within a few years, when it was identified with what is now
called Lutro, and in 1856 the ancient name was found, as in so
many other cases, to have been preserved by popular or local
tradition (see above, on v. 8.) The proof of the identity, how-
ever, is afforded by the fact that no other place upon the
southern coast of Crete affords a shelter even from the winds
to which it opens, and which never " blow home," but expend
their force before they reach the roadstead. The only diffi-
culty is that Lutro opens to the eastward, whereas Phoenix is
here described as lying (literally, looking, an expression used
by Cicero and modem writers to express the same idea)
toward the southwest and northwest, here denoted by the
Latin names of winds from those points of the compass.
The obvious sense of this translation is that the haroour
could be entered only from the south-west or the north-
west ; and this is insisted on by some as the only meaning
which the Greek itself will bear. But as the preposition here
used {Kara) is among the most variable in its application (see
above, on vs. 2. 5. 7), and sometimes (with the genitive) de-
notes a downward motion (as in Mark 14, 3. 2 Cor. 8, 2), it
may here mean down the winds in question, i. e. in the direc-
tion towards (not from) which they blow. The harbour then
will be described as opening to the north-east and the south-
east, which accords exactly with the site of Lutro, whether
the double aspect be referred to an island in or near the mouth
of the harbour, having two entrances at its extremities, or un-
derstood more generally as descriptive of a spacious entrance
stretching far round in different directions. This construction,
although certainly not the most obvious, is rendered less harsh
by the doubtful meaning of the preposition, and more positive-
ly recommended by its reconciling the description with the
features of the only port upon the southern coast of Crete
where the ship can be supposed to have sought refuge. That
Lutro is not now frequented or accessible to large ships, if a
feet, which seems uncertain, may be readily accounted for by
long neglect and by the gradual encroachment of the sand,
which has destroyed so many fine ports in the Mediterranean

448 ACTS 27, 12. 18.

(see above, on v. 3.) That the ancient ships sometimes wm-
tered here, is clear from an inscription, found hy recent visiton)
in honour of the Emperor Nerva (himself of Cretan lineage),
erected by a pilot {gultematore) and the superintendent of
some public work upon the island. It appears from this TerM
that tne judgment of the captain and the owner, which the
centurion preferred to Paul's, was not merely arbitrary or c*-
pricious, but founded on their knowledge of a harbour better
suited to their puqK)se. It appears, moreover, that the hope
of reaching Italy before the spring was now abandoned, and
the only question where they might securely winter. Some
indeed explain the cognate verb and noun in this verse, fitnn
one of the senses of the root {x^ifMay or X'^^f"')^ ^ mean shelter
from the storm or tempest then upon them ; but no example
of this usage has been cited, while the other has the sanction
of Demosthenes, Polybius, and Diodorus Sioulus.

13. And when the south wind blew softly, suppos-
ing that they had obtained (their) purpose, loosing
(thence), they sailed close by Crete.

The plan of removing to Phenice (or Fhcenix) was not
only reasonable in itself, because founded upon maritime ex-
peneiice, but apparently most feasible and on the eve of being
carried into execution. A south wind blowing gently^ liter-
ally, nndcrbrcathing^ a beautiful Greek compound which, ac-
cording to the usaire of the particle Umder) in composition,
denotes a small degree or a subdued force (as rideo m Latin
means to laugh and subrideo to smile.) A south windy the
Greek word used by Aristotle as the opposite of Boreas
(compare Luke 13, 29. Rev. 21, 13), but applied by Hesiod to
the south-west, and by Herodotus to both. A gentle south
wind would, according to the nautical authorities, be alto-
gether favourable to their course from Fair Havens to Cape
Matala, lying four or live miles distant ; and as Phenice was
only thirty-four miles further to the west-north-west, it is not
surprising that they looked upon their purpose as already ac-
complished. fSftpposing (thinking or believing, as in 12,9,
26, 9) to have gained (or more emphatically, mastered^ seized
upon, obtained possession of, as in 2, 24. 3, 1 1 . 24, 6) the pur-
pose (see above, on 11, 23), i. e. the purpose of removing to
Phenice (as stated in the verse preceding.) Loosing^ not the

ACTS 27, 18.14. 449

word so rendered in 16, 11 (see above, on vs. 2. 4. 12), but one
which primarily means taking up or raising (as in 4, 24. 20,
9), and in nautical language may be applied either to a boat
(as in V. 17), a sail, or an anchor, with both which it is coupled
by the ancient writers. As absolutely or elliptically used here
it may be translated either setting (sail) or weighing {anchor)^
without effect on the essential meaning, which is that of leav-
ing or departing from a port, to go to sea or to proceed upon
a voyage. (See above, on vs.' 2. 4.) Sailed close by Crete is
the exact sense, but not the form, of a peculiar nautical Greek
phrase, consisting of an adverb meamng nearer^ i. e. nearer
than usual or nearer than before, when coming to Fair Ha-
vens, as related in v. 8, and of the same verb that is there used,
strictly meaning they laid themselves (or laid their course)
by (or along) a certain place. (Compare the corresponding
Latm phrase, legere oram.) This close adherence to the land
between Fair Havens and Cape Matala, was at once their
shortest and their safest course with such a wind.

14. But not long after there arose against it a tem-
pestuous wind called Euroclydon.

N^ot long after, literally, after not much, i. e. probably as
soon as they passed Cape Matala, beyond which the coast of
Crete turns abruptly to the north and afterwards to the west,
so that their direct course lay no longer close along the shore,
but across a bight or bay of some extent. Arose, literally
threw or cast {itself), of which reflexive sense examples may
be found in Homer, who describes a river as throwing (i. e.
throwing itself) into the sea, or as we should say in English,
emptying (L e. emptying itself and its contents.) Against it
has by some been understood to mean against the purpose
mentioned in the first clause of v. 13, and defeated by the
change of wind here spoken of. Others refer it to the ship,
although the pronoun is a feminine in form, and the noun m
vs. 2. 6. 10 is neuter; to remove which grammatical objection,
Luke is supposed to have had in his mind another noun of the
feminine gender, which he actually employs below in v. 41, or
still less probably, some part of the vessel (as the prow, the
stem, etc.) A third interpretation refers the pronoun to the
A£)iand; either in the sense against it, which is inconsistent
with the fiicts, as they were driven from the island, not upon
it^ or in that of down from it, as the preposition {koto) some-

VOL. IJ. 2 F

4S0 ACTS 37, 14. 15.

times meona (see above, on v. 12, and compare Matt. G
Marks, 13. Luke 8, 33.) Tbls last construction is tbe
adoiitcd \>y tbe latest {jhilolo^cal and naatical interpretei
bein^ in accordance both with the usage of the language
the circumstances of the cose. 7%mpeatuous, in Greek typKt
L e. like a typhoon, a word still used to denote the hurric
or whirlwinds of the eastern seas. In Greek it seems to 1
a mvtbologicat origin, Bueb tempests being saperstitic
ascnbed to Typbon, Tyiihos, or l^phceus, a giant buried ni
Etna. The {one) caHea, suggestmg the idea of a local ni
encli as Pliny says are particularly frequent with respec
winds. Muroelydon, accordingly, is not lound elsewhere, ai
hero variously written in the manuscripts and ancient ver«
though the weight of critical authority is strong in &voar ol
common text, which seoma to be compounded of £!uro*,
south (or south-east) wind, and a noun denoting waves or
lows, a combination somewhat incongruous and teas deai
tive of a wind than of a sea. Another reading is Eurwiy\
w hich seems to mean wridc-wavy {from the same noun i
the adjective «upvs, broad), or wide-washing, wide daal
(I'roni a cognate verb,) As none of these poetical compoi;
seem appropriate to a wind, some of the best authorities, 1
nautical and philological, prefer still another reading, foun
two of the oldest copies and the Vulgate ilHwoaquito), and
noting the northeast wind, wbieh is just the one that w<
])ro(lu<;e the effects afterwards described. Some prefer
(•u]i|iosition that the whid did not blow from any fixed pc
but I'roni various quarters at the same time or in quick
cession. Such winds, however, are but momentary, whe:
tliis one drove the vessel long and far in one direction. '
sense of nortfi'easC wiml is put by some even on the comi
text (ti'ponXv&aii'), whicli they regard as a corruption, very i
uuiong sailors, of the original name (dpaxvKuiv.) It is n
than A fortuitous coini'idence, that modem navigators sp
of sudden elianges from a gentle south to a tempestuous d<
wind as not only frequent, but ahuost invariable in that ]
of the Mediterranean,

15, And when the aliip was caught, and could
bear up into the wind, we let (her) drive.

And t/ie ship liaoing been {or being) caught, the same i
that is used above in 0, 12. 19, 2S, and strictly meamug «e

ACTS 27, 15-17. 461

together^ or carried along hj some impetuous movement,
swept away in its resistless course. And not being able to
face the loindj or look it in the eye, an expressive compound
very common in Polybius, who applies it to the facing of an
enemy in war or battle. The transfer of this figure to a ship
is much more natural and striking than the reference, assumed
by most interpreters, to a practice still prevailing in the coast-
ing craft of the Mediterranean, that of painting an eye on each
side of the bows. We let her drive^ hterally, giving up (the
ship or ourselves) toe were borne {ov carried along) without re-
sistance (see above, on 2, 2), i. e. m nautical phraseology, they
were forced to scud before the wind, and therefore towards
the south-west.

16. And running under a certain island which is
called Clauda, we had much work to come by the boat —

Running under^ a technical expression similar to sailing
under in v. 7, but distinguished from it by the nautical inter-
preters, both denoting that they sailed to leeward of the near-
est land, but in that case with a side wind, and in this before
the wind ; a nice distinction, resting on professional authority,
and showing Luke's precision in the use and application of
sea phrases. A certain island or islet^ the Greek noun being
a diminutive in form. Clauda or Claude^ written in the Vul-
gate Cauda^ and in several other forms by ancient writers,
now called GozzOy a small island off the southern coast of
Crete and south-west of Cape Matala. Ifad much work (liter-
ally, were hardly able) to come by (i. e. to obtain, or more ex-
actly, to become possessed or masters of) tlie boat. Some of
the older writers, disregarding the article, strangely under-
stood this to mean that tney had difficulty in procuring a boat
from the people of the island ; whereas the sense is, that the
raging of the storm made it hard to secure the boat belonging
to the ship and probablv towed after it. This circumstance is
mentionea as a proof of the elemental strife in which the ves-
sel was involved.

17. Which when they had taken up, they used
helps, imdergirding the ship ; and, fearing lest they
should fall into the quicksands^ strake sail^ and so were
driven.

452 ACTS 27, 11.

Which (referring to the boat already mentioned) having
taken up (see above, on v. 13), i. e. on deck from the sar&ce
of the sea where it was floating. Hdps^ not the assistance of
the passengers, as some of the old writers thought, but either
such extraordinary methods as are mentionea in the next
clause, or perhaps the appliances and means provided for that
purpose. Under girding^ not fastening the boat tinder the
ship, as one interpreter absurdly thinks, a process equally use-
less and impossible, but strengthening the hull by compressioii,
either by means of wooden stays within the vessel, or more
probably by cables passed repeatedly around the outside and
made fast on deck. This operation is still known to modem
seamen by the technical name o^ f rapping^ and although not
often practised now, has been resorted to in several well-
known instances of recent date, among the rest especially by
Captain Back on his return from his arctic voyage in 1837.
In ancient navigation it was so habitually practised that the
undergirding apparatus formed a paiii of every complete ship's
provision, as appears from the inventory of the Athenian navy
discovered a few years ago. The learned editor of this work,
and some writers on the passage now before us, have supposed
that the cables passed from end to end (or stem to stern)
around the sides; but this would not be undergirding, or
effect the purpose ; and it has now been shown conclusively
that both the ancient and the modem practice was to pass
the cables vertically round the hull so as to tighten it by out-
ward pressure. Fearing^ in Greek a passive form like being
afraid (see above on 22, 29.^ FaUy or more exactly, /a&
oiity an expression also used m classic Greek to signify the
driving of a vessel from its course or from the high sea uf)oii
shoals and rocks. Quicksands is in Greek a proper name,
tM SgrtiSy one of two sandy gulfs particularly dreaded by
the ancient seamen on the northern coast of Africa, the Syrtis
]Minor near Cathale, and the Syrtis Major near Cyrene, which
last is the one here meant, as being that to which a north-east
wind would naturally drive they from the coast of Clauda,
tStrake sail is regarded by the latest nautical interpreters as
not only incorrect but contradictory, denoting not a wise pre-
caution against danger but a reckless rushing into it. The
first word properly means loosing, slackening, then lowering
(as in 9, 25 above.) The other is a very comprehensive term,
which has no exact equivalent in English, corresponding more
or less exactly to our vessely utensil^ etc. As a nautical term

ACTS 27, 17-lfl. 463

it IB translated ^eor or tatikit, and supposed in this place to de-
note, not the mast which was immoTable in large snija then as
now, but the j'ard with all that was attached to it^ or more
spedfically what is called the " head-gear " or " top-hamper,"
i e. the topsails and other tackle used only in fiur weather.

18. And we being exceedingly tossed with a tem-
pest, the next (day) they lightened the ship —

We beinff) exceedingly (or vehemently) lempeet-tosaed, a
ungle word in Greek, used in the same sense by Thucydides
and Plato. T/ia next (das/),8ee above, on 21, 1, 26, 17, where
the same form occurs and is expired. This phrase is not
to be connected, aa in eome editions both of the Greek and
English text, with what precedes, as if the tempest were par-
ticularly violent the next day, but with what follows as the
date of the proceeding there recorded. The next day, not
after the beginning of the tempest, bat the next day after
they iwerf helps, Sa. Lightened the ship, literally, made an
Gut-casi (or ejecli(m) for that purpose, the translators baring
put the effect for the cause. The original expression is en-
tirely different from the one so rendered In v. 38 below.
What was thrown out in the first instance is not stated;
but no doubt it was the least valued portion of the ship's
contents.

19. And the third (day) we cast out with oxa own
hands the tackling of the slup.

7%e third day, in reference to the next (or second) men-
tioned in the verse preceding. With (our) own hands is in
Greek a single word (own-nanded, self-banded), and implies
that others besides tbe crew took part in this second operation.
The tackling, a cognate form to that in v. 17, and meaning
generally apparatus, equipage, Ac., but in reference to a vessel,
understood by some to mean its furniture, by others the pas-
sengers' ba^rgage, bnt by the nautical interpreters some heavy
portion of the rigging, such as the mmnyard with its appurte-
nances, by throwing which overboard the ship would De ma-
terially lightened. All these methods of relief have been
repeatedly exemplified in later voyages, from the narrativea
of which some writers have collected parallels, oorreapondiDg
to the namtire before us, almost verse for vene.

454 ACTS 27, 20 '*

20. And when neither sun nor stars in many dajs
appeared, and no small tempest lay on (us), all hope
that we should be saved was then taken away.

Neither sun nor stars appearing to (or shining on) us far
many days^ literally, more days^ i. e. several (as in 25, 14.)
And no smaU tempest^ i. e. bv a figure of speecn common in
this book, a very great one (see above, on 12, 18. 14, 28. 15,
2. 17, 4. 12. 19, 23. 24.) Lying on (us), i. e. pressing, weigh-
ing, as in Luke 5, 1 (compare John 11,38. 21, 9), elsewhere
metaphoricaDy used to signify the pressure of necessity, duty,
importunity, Ac. (see LiSte 23, 23. 1 Cor. 9, 16. Heb. 9. 10.)
Then^ or rather thenceforth^ after that, literally, {fcyr) the rest.
(Compare Matt. 26, 15. 14, 41. 1 Cor. 7, 29. Heb. 10, 13.) AU
hope of our being saved (from death or shipwreck) was taken
away^ or, as the comi)ound Greek verb strictly means, taken
away all round, in which sense it is literally applied to the
removal of the anchors in v. 40. As their state could not be
rendered hopeless by the darkness mentioned in the first clause,
nor even by the tempest mentioned in the second, which might
possibly have driven them into some safe harbour, the nautical
mterpreters suppose it to be tacitly implied, though not ex-
pressly mentioned, that the vessel was already leaking, and
their situation therefore looked upon as desperate.

21. But after long abstinence, Paul stood forth in
the midst of them, and said, Sirs, ye should have heark-
ened unto me, and not have loosed from Crete, and to
have gained this harm and loss.

Mv<^h abstinence (literally, foodlessness) existing (or con-
tinuing^ see above, on v. 12, and on 5, 41), not a religions fast,
nor a scarcity of food, as the vessel must have been provided
for a much longer voyage, and indeed appears to have been
loaded with wheat (see below, on v. 38), but that neglect of
regular repasts, which is so frequent a concomitant of storms
at sea, and so familiar to the readers of the liistory of ship-
wreck and marine disaster. Then (not expressed in the trans-
lation), i. e. after this long period of festing or indifierence to
food. At this juncture Paul the prisoner comes forward, not
as a mere adviser, but a cheerer and encourager of his com-
panions in distress and danger. Stood forth^ literally, stand-

ACTS 27, 21.22. 455

ing, or rtill more exactly, statiotiedy i. e. having taken his
stand in aome conspicuous position, where he could address
the whole ship's company. In the midst of them, among
tlicm, and surrounded by them (see above, on 1, ]5. 17,
22.) Sirs, literally, meti (or gentlemen, see above, on v, 10,
and compare 7, 26. 14, 15. 6, 25.) Ye should, literally, it teas
right (or necessary, see above, on 1, 16, 17, 3. 24, 19.) Hact
hearkened, literally, obeying, yielding to authority, the same
verb that is used above in 5, 28. 32 (compare Tit. 3, l), and
there explained. It has here a peculiar propriety and force
(not preserved in the translation) because Paul had spoken
with authority, not as a mariner, bnt as a person under divine
inflaencc, although they knew it not, until they learned their
error by experience. As if he had said, ' You may now see
that when I counselled you to stay where you were, I did not
speak at random, but with an authority entitled to obedience.'
He then reminds them what it was he had advised, namely,
not to loose (sail or depart, see above, on vs. 2. 4. 12) from
Crete, i. e, from the port in Crete where they were already
safely housed, to wit, Fair Havens fsce above, on vs. 10-12.)
And to gain (or to gain too) this harm and Ions, the same
two nouns th&t are translated hurt and damage in v. 10 above,
and which have certainly the same sense in both places ; so
that the first cannot mean presumption there, as this idea
would be wholly inappropriate here. To gain this outrage
(of the elements) and it^ury, may either be ironical, or mean
to shun, escape, an idiom of which several examples have been
quoted from the classics.

22. And now I exhort you to be of good cheer, for
there shall be do loss of (any man's) hfe umong you,
but of the ship.

Lest they should regard this reference to his previous
couDNcI as a taunt or a reproach, he immediately resumes the
tone of consolation and encouragement. And now, the same
l>eculiar formula of transition that occurred above in 20, ;t2
(compare 4, 29. 5,38. 17,30.) It is here equivalent to saying,
* but whatever may have been your error in rejecting my ad-
vice before, there is no need of dex]>ondiDg now,' / exhort
you (see above, on v. 9) to elieer up (or be of good cheer), a
verb oorrespondinfi to the abverb used ia 24, 10. Lots, liter-
Ally, r^eotion, outmg away, as in Rom, 11, 15 (compare tha

456 ACTS 27, 22-24.

cognate verb, Mark 10, 60. Heb. 10, 35^ Ofcmy man^$ Ufe^
literally, of life from {among) you. ^ut (only) of' the <Aip,
literally, excepting of the ship, an ezpressioii forci^ to oar
idiom, but not unusual in Greek.

23. For there stood by me this night the angel of
God, whose I am, and whom I serve —

He claims attention to this cheering assurance on the
ground of its divine authority and origin. ' Do not regard
this as an unauthorized assertion of my own, for, <fec.* ^ood
by me (2A m 1, 10. 4, 10. 9, 39. 23, 2. 4.) Not at a distance,
but at hand, within reach of my senses. The angel of God
(or rather, an angel of the God^ whose I am^ i. e. whose pro-
perty, to whom I belong) and whom I serve (or worship^ see
above, on 7, 7. 42. 24, 14. 26, 7.) This form of expression was
particularly natural in addressing Gentiles, who knew little or
nothing of the true religion, but to whom the word angel was
£imiliar, not only in its general sense of messenger, but as
more specifically meaning a messenger from heaven (see
above, on 14, 12.)

24. Saying, Fear not, Paul ; thou must be brought
before Cesar ; and, lo, God hath given thee all them
that sail with thee.

Fear not (or be not terrified), the same expression as in
18, 9, where Paul, in the beginning of Ills ministry at Corinth,
was encouraged by a similar divine communication, brought
before^ the same tense (but a different mood) of the same verb
that is rendered stood by in the verse preceding, and which
here means to stand before (or in the presence of) Oesar^ the
Emperor Nero (see above, on 11, 28. 17, 7. 25, 8-12. 21. 26,
32.) Tliis is an obvious allusion to his own appeal, as one link
in a chain of causes and eftects which could not be curtailed
or broken. As if he had said, 'You have appealed to Cesar,
and before Cesar you must stand, or the purpose of God will
be defeated.' And behold^ as usual, introduces somethino- un-

to
the
preserved, (roct tiath given thee^
presented to thee, or bestowed upon thee, as a free ^ift and a
token of his tUvour ^see above, on 3, 14. 25, 11. 16.) AU

ACTS 27, 24-27. 467

those sailing mith thee^ i. e. their lives, here expressed as if
their persons had been given to him.

25. 26. Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer ; for I be-
lieve God, that it shall be even as it was told me.
Howbeit we must be cast upon a certain island.

WTtereforey because of this divine assurance, cheer up^ be
cheerful, or of good cheer. JSirSy as in vs. 10, 21. Jfbr assigns
the reason of this exhortation, I believe (or trust in) God, not
only in the general, but thcU it will be (come to pass or hap-
pen) even as, literally, after lohat manner (see above, on 1, 11.
7, 28. 15, 11) it has been told {or spoken to) me. Howbeit (8c,
but) we must (or it is necessary for u^) upon (literally, in
or into) a certain island be ca>st (literally, fall out, see above,
on V. 1 7.) The name of the island, it would seem, was not
revealed to Paul.

27. But when the fourteenth night was come, as
we were driven up and down in Adria, about mid-
night the shipmen deemed that they drew near to
some country —

WTien (literally, as) the fourteenth night (since leaving
Crete) was come (occurred or took place, see above, on 23, 12.)
We being carried about, literally through, a verb used in the
classics, as the corresponding Latin verb {differo) is by Horace,
to denote the driving of a vessel up and down or hither and
thither by the wind. Adria, or the Adriatic {sea), not in the
modem sense, which confines it to the gulf oi Venice, but in
the ancient sense, which makes it co-extensive with the central
basin of the Mediterranean, between Sicily and Greece. This
difference of usage is a point of some importance in identify-
ing the place of Paul's shipwreck (see below, on 28, 1.) About
midnight, literally, towards (or near) the middle of the night,
tShipmen, sailors, mariners, the officers and crew belonging to
the vessel, as distinguished from the soldiers, prisoners, and
other passengers. Deemed, conjectured, or suspected (see
above, on 13, 25. 25, 18) that they drew near to some cotmtry,
literally, that some country drew near to them, or retaining
the original construction, they supposed some country to ap-
proach themj in accordance with the optical illusion, mentioned

468 ACTS 27, 27-29.

by Cicero and other ancients, and familiar to all navigators
now, according to which the vessel seems to stand still and
the land to move. The word translated countfy does not
mean land indefinitely as opposed to water^ which is forbidden
by the i)ronoun, but a certain land or country, not yet recog-
nized (see below, on v. 39. 28, 1.) They discovered the prox-
imity of land, not by the sense of smell, as some interpreters
imagine, which supposes that the wind blew from the land,
whereas their danger was occasioned by its blowing in Uie
opposite direction ; but by the sight or sound of breakers on
the rocky coast.

28. And sounded, and found (it) twenty fathoms j
and when they had gone a Uttle further, they sounded
again, and found (it) fifteen fathoms.

having sounded (heaved the lead, to ascertain the depth),
t?iey found {it) twenty fathoms. The Greek word is derived
from a verb meaning to stretch out, and properly denotes the
space between the extremities of the outstretched arms, most
measures of length, in all languages and ages, being taken
from the human bodv (such as foot, handbreadth, span, ell,
&c.) The ancient fathom and the modem coincide so nearly,
that the nautical interpreters, in their calculations, treat them
as identical. Having stood apart a short (distance)^ or ad-
vanced a little further, a7id again souyided^ they found (a
depth of) fifteen fathoms. Such a diminution would of course
be looked for, iu approaching any land ; but as the greater
depth here mentioned must have been close to the spot where
they perceived the nearness of the land, and in a certain direc-
tion from the second sounding, and at such a distance as to
give time for the operation mentioned in the next verse ; these
data, when combined, may aid us in determining the place
where the ship was run aground (see below, on 28, 1.)

29. Then fearing lest we should have fallen upon
rocks, they cast four anchors out of the stem, and
wished for the day.

TJien^ or more exactly, also^ likewise, too, which may here
be taken as equivalent to a7id. Lest we should fall out (from
our course or from deep water, see above, on vs. 17. 20) upon

ACTS 27, 29. 30. 469

(or into) rocks, Kterally, rough (or rugged) places, a technical
term of Greek hydrography. C<Mting (or having cast) four
anchors from the stem, which was not the customary mode in
ancient vessels, although more frequently resorted to than
now, from their different construction, and from their having
both extremities alike. In a picture found at Herculaneum,
and belonging to the period of which we are now reading,
there is a figure of a vessel vrith the hawser and anchor at the
stem. The same mode of anchoring has been occasionally
used in modem times, for instance by Lord Nelson at the bat-
tle of the Nile, although the other is in ordinary circumstances
more effectual in promptly stopping the ship's way or progress.
Wished for the aay, or more exactly, prayed that ckiy might
be (begin or come, the same verb as in v. 27.) The first verb
properlv denotes prayer as an expression of desire, and then
desire m general, which most interpreters suppose to be the
meaning here, although there seems to be no reason for ex-
cluding the idea that the crew, or the whole company on
board, did literally pray to the objects of their worship for
deliverance in their extremity.

30. And as the shipmen were about to flee out of
the ship, when they had let down the boat into the sea,
under colour as though they would have cast anchors
out of the foreship —

The ship had been anchored to retain her in her actual
position until morning, when she might perhaps be safely run
aground. This precarious chance of safet v did not satisfy the
crew, who now, with natural but odious semshness, determined
to abandon both the ship and their companions in misfortune
and escape at once to the shore, under the cover of a nautical
manoeuvre which they reasonably thought the others would
not understand. The shipmen (sailors, see above, on v. 27)
seeking (attempting, using means, see above, on 13, 8. 16, 10.
17, 6. 21,31)^0 escape out of the ship, and lowering (the same
verb as in v. 17) the boat, belonging to the ship, which had
been taken up on deck soon after the beginning of the storm
(see above, on v. 16, J ( Under) a pretext (or pretence) as be-
ing about to extend (or cany out) anchors from the prow (or
forepart of the ship), in addition to those previously cast from
the stem (see above, on v. 29.) This was a measure the no-

460 ACTS 27, 80-32.

cessity of which could hardly be appreciated by a landsman,
and which therefore furnished a convenient means to gain
possession of the boat without endangering its bein^ sank bj
others crowding into it. This treacherous contrivance, found-
ed on the ignorance of those who were to be abandoned, is
not without its i)arallels in modem shipwrecks, and would no
doubt have proved successful, but for a sudden interposidon
from an unexpected quarter, as related in the next verse.

31. Paul said to the centurion and to the soldiers,
Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved.

For the third time in this memorable voyage and tempest
(see above, on vs. 10. 21), Paul the prisoner comes forward as
the counsellor of those who seemed to have his life and liberty
at their disposal. Perceiving, either by a natural sagacity, by
nautical experience, or by special revelation, the ungenerous
purpose of the crew, perhaps including both the captain and
the owner (see above, on v. 11), he addressed himself to the
military portion of the company, to wit, the centurion and the
soldiers under his command, all of whom, with the prisoners
committed to their charge, would have fkllen victims to this
murderous desertion of the vessel by the only men on board
who knew how to control her, or could be expected to avail
themselves of the precarious and dubious opportunity of safety
which might be presented when the morning dawned. JExcejpt
(or u?ile^s, literally, if not) these (mariners or sailors, who were
in the act of lowering the boat, or had already done so) abkle
(remain, continue) in the ship^ ye (the soldiers whom he was
addressinrj) cannot he saved (from shipwreck or from instant
death.) The condition thus prescribed, though often used
to prove that the divine decrees are not absolute, is perfectly
consistent with the previous assurance (in v. 22) that they
should all escape, because the means are just as certainly de-
termined as the end, which in this case was to be secured bv
the prevention of the seamen's flight, and that by the verv
exhortation here recorded, and its eflect upon the soldiers, as
related in the next verse.

32. Then the soldiers cut off the ropes of the boat,
and let her fall off.

Theny not the mere connective (8c) often so translated, but

ACTS 27, 32.33. 461

the adverb of time (totc), meaning at that tune, or afterwards,
when Panl had thus addressed them, and by necessary impli-
cation, as a consequence of that address. The aoldiera^ indefi-
nitely, meaning some of them, acting perhaps under the cen-
turion's orders, but more probably prompted by the sense of
their own danger and the instinct of self-preservation. Cut
off (or cut away) the ropes (originally meaning rushes twisted
into cords, but afterwards applied to ropes in general^ of the
boat (either those by which it had been lowered, or toose by
which it was still fastened to the ship, the sense preferred by
nautical interpreters) and let (permitted, suffered, as in 14, 15.
16, 7. 19, 30. 23, 32, compare v. 7, above) her (the boat) fall
off (or oiU^ the same verb that is used above, in vs. 17. 26. 29),
but here to be literally understood as meaning to fall from the
ship into the sea, implying that she had not yet been entirely
let down, unless the verb be taken in the less specific sense of
separation or removal from the vessel.

33. And while the day was coming on, Paul be-
sought (them) all to take meat, saying, This day is the
fourteenth day that ye have tarried and continued fast-
ing, having taken nothing.

For the fourth time Paul the prisoner assumes, as it were,
the command of the vessel, or at least the direction of the
company, wisely and carefully providing for the crisis which
was now approaching, and in which they would have need of
all their strength and spirits, unabated by neglect or insuffi-
ciency of food. While the day was coming on^ or more ex-
actly, until it ioas about to become day^ implying that through-
out the interval fi-om midnight (or a little later) to the dawn
of day, Paul was exhorting them^ which is the proper force
of the imperfect tense here used. (For the usage of the verb
itself, see above, on 2, 40. 25, 2.) The fourteenth day to-day
expecting (as in 3, 6. 10, 24), looking for, deliverance or ship-
wreck, without food (foodless, an adjective corresponding to
the noun in v. 21) ye complete (or spend the time), L e. con-
tinue or remain. Having taken nothing is not to be strictly
understood, but as a natural and popular hyperbole, denoting
the omission of all stated meals, with the deficient and irregu-
lar supply of food, which may be said to be invariable incidents
of storms at sea, and as suca recorded in most narratives of

462 ACTS 27, 38. 3i.

shipwreck and marine disaster (see above, on v. 21.) The
irregularity arises partly from forgetfulness and want of appe>
tite occasioned by anxiety or sense of danger, and partly from
the difficulty of preparing, serving, and partaldn^ of the usiud
repasts, amidst the disorder and confusion of a storm, by
which the provisions are often damaged or swept away before
they can be used. Some, with less probability, sappose in
allusion to religious fasting ; others to scarcity or failure of
provisions, which is inconsistent with the fistcts recorded in the
following verses.

34. Wherefore I pray you to take (some) meat;
for this is for your he^th : for there shall not a hair
fall from the head of any of you.

Wherefore^ because you have already fasted so long, and
because the consequent debilitation must unfit you for exer-
tion, at the very time when you are most in need of aU your
energy and vigour. I pray (exhort, invite, entreat) you (the
same verb that is used in the preceding verse) to partake of
nourishment (or meai^ in its wide old English sense offood^
tlie only one belonging to the word in our translation.) JFor
this (the act of eating, or the use of food) is (the same verb
that is used above in vs. 12. 21) for (connected vrith, belonjriiii^
or coiiducive to) your safety^ the word usually rendered ..W-
vation (see above, on 4, 12. 13, 26. 47. 16, 17), but here used
in the lower sense of salvation or deliverance from danirer.
The common version (health) is too restricted, unless taken in
the wider sense of welfare, safety. The second for has refer-
ence to an intermediate thought, implied though not expressed.
' What I advise is an appointed means to the ap2K)inted end
of your deliverance, for, ifec' The collocation of the last
clause is peculiar, far of none of you a fiair from the. head
(i. e. a hair from the head of none of vou) sh<iU fall (to the
ground), a proverbial expression for the slightest injury or
loss. (Compare Matt. 10, 30. Luke 12,7.) Listead of fatt^
which is the Hebrew or Old Testament formula (see 2 Sara.
14,11. 1 Kings 1,52), the oldest manuscripts and versions
here have perish^ wliich may however be a mere assimilation
to the form of the same proverb used by Christ himself (see
Luke 21, 18.)

ACTS 27, 36-37. 463

35. And when he had thus spoken, he took bread,
and gave thanks to God in presence of them all ; and
when he had broken (it), he began to eat.

Saying (or having said) these {things)^ and taking (or
having taken) bread, he thanked God be/ore {them) aU, and
breaking (or having broken it) began to eat. In this Paul is
supposed by some to have acted as a Christian minister keep-
ing a love-feast if not administering the communion ; by oth-
ers, as the &ther of a &mily, asking a blessing on his children's
food ; by others, as a pious Jew, acknowledging the Lord in all
enjoyments. The most natural construction of his conduct
is, that his primary desim was to induce the rest to eat by his
example, but that in so doing he did not forget the Christian
practice of returning thanks for providenti3 bounties. (See
Matt. 15, 36. 26, 27. John 6, 11. 23, Rom. 14, 6. 1 Cor. 10, 30.
11, 24. 14, 17. Eph. 6, 20. 1 Thess. 5, 18.) This religious act
was commonly connected, both by Jews and early Christians,
with the breaking of bread as the formal commencement of
the meal. It is not, therefore, necessarily implied that bread
alone was eaten upon this occasion, though it may have been
so ; but in that case it is necessary to suppose ,a regular and
orderly participation of this frugal &re, as distinguished from
the scanty and occasional refections of the previous fortnight
(see above, on V. 33.) Began is no more pleonastic here than
elsewhere (see above, on 1, 1. 2, 4. 11, 4. 15. 18, 26. 24, 2),
but denotes that he made a beginning which the rest con-
tinued, or that he began what others finished, as related in the
next verse.

36. 37. Then were they all of good cheer, and they
also took (some) meat. And we were in all in the ship
two hmidred threescore and sixteen souls.

Then (Sc, not totc, as in v. 32) being encouraged, or becom-
ing cheerful (see the corresponding verb in vs. 22. 25), tliey
also (or themselves too) i, e. the whole ship's company as well
as Paul himself. Took, the verb used in the last clause (and
akin to that used in the first clause) of v. 33, and strictly mean-
ing took to {themselves), as in 17, 5. 18, 26, where it is applied
to persons. The same verb is found also in the received text
of V. 34 ; but the oldest manuscripts and latest critics have the
same form there as in the first claose of y. 83 (fAcroXa/Scu^, to

464 ACTS 27, 37-89.

partake) That this participation embraced all on board the
vessel, is apparent from the statement in v. 87, Mrhich does not
mean we were in all so many, for this would here be out of
place between vs. 36 and 38, but we (who thus partook of this
last meal) xcere all the souls on board the ship uiinountiog to)
two hundred and seventy-six. This number, far from beii^
incredible, as some have thought, is not unusually large, coii-
sidering the size of these Egyptian storeships (see above, on v.
2), and compared with the statement of Josephus, that about
this same time he was wrecked in the Adriatic with a shipload
of six hundred.

38. And when they had eaten enough, they light-
ened the ship, and cast out the wheat into the sea.

A7id being satisfied (or sated), having eaten heartily, their
first full meal since the commencement of the storm. Lighi-
ened t/ie ship^ the very phrase employed in v. 18 above to
represent a Greek one altogether different frova that here
used, which is a technical term in ancient navigation. In this
case we are told more particularly what it was that they threw
overboard. Casting out the wheat into the sea^ L e. as some
explain it, the remainder of the ship's provisions, as no longer
needed, since they expected either to oe rescued or to pensh
without long delay. To this it is objected that the provisions
would have made but little difference in the burden of the
ship ; whereas the cargo, which had not been previously men-
tioned, would be naturally spared until the last, and would
most probably consist of wheat, as this was the great staple
of the trade between Italy and Egypt (see above, on v. 6.)

39. And when it was day, they knew not the land:
but they discovered a certain creek with a shore, into
the which they were minded, if it were possible, to
thrust in the ship.

When it was (or became) day (see above, on v. 29), they
did not recognize the land^ as one already known to them
(compare the use of the same verb in 3, 10. 4, 13. 12, 14. 19,
3 4. J Discovered^ or as the verb strictly means, observed ex-
ammed closely, then discerned, distinguished (see above on 7,
31. 32. 11, 6.) A creek^ in its proper English sense of a small

ACTS 27, 39.40. 465

inlet, coye, or bay, metaphorically called in Greek and Latin
a bosom. With a shore^ literally, having a heach^ and there-
fore suitable for landing. This specific usage of the Greek
word is found in the best writers, and removes the OTound of
the objection that all creeks have shores, as well as me absurd
construction founded on it, a creek with a shore^ i. e. a shore
with a creek. They were minded^ L e. they intended, pur-
posed, such was their design (see above, on 5, 33. 13, 37.) If
it toere possible^ lit., if they were able, if they could, the opta*
tive form suggesting the idea of contingency and doubt. To
thrust ifL, or rather, to thrust otU^ the particle referring not to
the creek but to the sea from which they there found refuge.
(See the same verb as employed above, in 7, 45, and compare
the kindred verb in vs. 27. 39 of the same chapter.)

40. And when they had taken up the anchors, they
committed (themselves) unto the sea, and loosed the
rudder bands, and hoisted up the mainsail to the wind,
and made toward shore.

Having taken up (or away all round), the same verb that
occurs above in v. 20, and which is here more correctly ren-
dered in the margin of the English Bible {cut the anchors,)
The same remark applies to the words following {committed
themselves unto the sea) which the margin properly explains
as still referring to the anchors, and left them in the sea, or as
it may be still more exactly rendered, let {them fall) into the
sea, the verb being the same with that applied in v. 32 to
their letting the boat &11 off or away. At the same time (a/xo,
in the version simply and) loosing (relaxing or unfastening,
as in 16, 26) the junctures (ligatures or &stenings) of the rud-
ders, which in ancient ships were two large oars on each side
of the stem, and which in this case had no doubt been raised
out of the water and lashed together while the ship was an-
chored by the stem (see above, on v. 29) but must now be
loosed again in order to direct her movement towards the
shore. And raising (hoisting) the artemon, an ancient nauti-
cal expression still retained in several modem languages, and
variously applied to all the principal sails (the main-sail,
mizen-siul, iic.) but believed by the latest and best nautical
interpreters to mean the fore-sail, both on historical grounds
and as the most appropriate in the circumstances here de-
void IL 2 G

469 ACTS 21, 40. U.

scribed, to which interesting parallels are cited from the his-
tory of modem navigation. To the toind^ literally, to the
brecUhing (air) or bhwing (breeze)^ an ellipsis also fomid in
Xenophon and other Attic writers. M<ide toward, literally,
held dowHy i. e. by steering, kept her head in that direction.
Herodotus combines the very same yerb, particle, and noun
(meaning beach or sandy shore, as in the yerse preceding.)

41. And falling into k place where two seas met,
they ran the ship aground ; and the forepart stuck feist,
and remained unmoveable, but the hinder part was
broken with the violence of the waves.

Falling irUOy literally, falling rounds embracing, bat with
the secondary sense of falling among^ so as to be surroimded
by, robbers (as in Luke 10, 30), or temptations (as in James 1,
2), or falling within (getting inside of) a place, as here.
WTiere two secu metj in Greek a single word and that a com-
pound adjectiye, analogous to bimaris^ the epithet applied by
Horace to Corinth on account of its position on an isthmus
(see aboye, on 18, 1.) The same sense was adopted by the
older writers here and referred to a projecting pomt or tongue
of land, on which the yessel struck or ran aground. Later
interpreters suppose it to denote the meeting of two opposite
currents forming a shoal or sand-bank. But the modern nau-
tical interpretation imderstands it of a narrow channel between
two seas or two portions of the sea, as Strabo uses the same
term in application to the Bosphorus. Ran aground^ another
technical term belonging to the nautical dialect of Greece and
still preserved by other writers, such as Xenophon, Polybius,
and Herodotus. The forepart (prow or bows), the word
translated foreship in v. 30. Indeed (/*«/), corresponding to
the but (3c) in the next clause, is omitted in the version (see
above, on 1,5. 6,23. 11,16. 19,4. 22,3.9.) Stuck fast^ lit-
erally, leaning (resting upon something), and then settling,
fixing itself, in a certain situation, here most probably a bed
of sand or clay. Unmoveable (in modern phrase, immoveable
or motionless)^ a term used elsewhere only in a figurative
sense (Heb. 12, 28.) £ut (Sc, in opposition to the /xo' preced-
ing) the hinder part (or stem, as it is rendered in v. 29) wa^
broken (literally, loosened or dissolved, see above, on 2, 24. 7,
33. 13, 25. 43. 22, 30. 24, 26) with (or rather bi/) the violence

ACTS 27, 41-43. 467

lee above, on 5, 26. 21, 35. 24, 7, where it is applied to hnmaa
ibjects) of the waves. This is supposed by nantical writers
> imply that the stem of the vessel was imbedded in mud
id thus exposed to the action of the sea.

42. And the soldiers' counsel was to kill the pris-
QCTS, lest any of them should swim out, and escape.

As the sailors had their plot (see above, on v. 30), so the
ildiers had their plan, but of a very different nature, not to
ive their own lives, but their honour and the charge entrust-
l to them, a proposal in the highest degree characteristic of
le Roman discipline and spirit. The soldiers^ counsel toas^
)ems to imply a consultation and the asking of advice by the
mturion from different classes, of which this was one. But
ds is not the sense of the original, which might be more ex-
jtly rendered, of the soldiers there arose a plan (or proposi-
on^^ without reference to any other which had been proposed.
ImU they should kiU the prisoners (Paul and the others men-
oned in v. 1), lest some (or any one)^ swimming out (or from
16 vessel) should escape^ and thereby bring dishonour on the
Oman arms, by which they had been guarded and protected.
ar from seeking to preserve their own lives by the sacrifice
r others, they proceeded rather on the supposition that they
Bre to perish in the shipwreck, while some of those entrusted
\ them might escape, a thought intolerable to their stem
leHty and rude sense of military honour.

43. But the centurion, willing to save Paul, kept
lem from (their) purpose ; and commanded that they
hich could swim should cast (themselves) first (into
le sea), and get to land —

T%e centurion^ as the first in rank and in responsibility,
iUmg (or rather wishing^ although never so translated in our
ible ; see above, on 5, 28. 12,4. 17,20. 18,16.27. 19,30.
2, 30. 23, 28. 25, 20. 22) to save PaiU^ literally, to save him
urough, or bring him safe through (see above, on 23, 24),
hioh implies more hope of their escape from shipwreck than
16 soldiers seem to nave indulged. Here again, as in v. 3
K>ve, the language does not necessarily imply a personal re-
urd for Paul, as the governing motive in the mina of the ceu-

468 ACTS 27, 43.44.

turion, but rather a desire to execute his own troBt and dis-
charge his obligations, by bringing this important prisoner at
least, through the perils which beset him, safe to Kome and
into the imperial presence. Preferring the precarious chance
of doing this to the desperate remedy proposed by the men
under his command, hs tcept them (literally, hindered or wiUir
held them ; see the various versions of the same Greek verb
in 8,36. 10,47. 11,17. 16,6. 24, 23) ^<wi their purpose (%
kindred form to that translated counsel in v. 42), i. e. ^om its
execution, as distinguished from the proposition or conceptian.
And commanded^ or commanded too (re) those able to swim^
throwing (themselves) out firsts upon the land to go forth
(from the ship or from the sea.) By issuing this unrestricted
order, the centurion, boldly but prudently, incurred the risk
of some among his prisoners escaping, for the even chance of
saving all their lives and yet securing all their persons.

44. And the rest, some on boards, and some on
(Ibroken pieces) of the ship. And so it came to pass,
that they escaped all safe to land.

The construction is continued from the verse preceding ;
we have here the second part of the centurion's order. (He
commanded those who could to swim ashore) and the rest
(who could not swim, to get to land) some indeed (/*«', as in
v. 21) on boards (or spars, perhaps thrown over for the pur-
pose), but (Sc) others on some of the {things) from, the ship^ i. e.
articles of furniture or others which had been swept over-
board, or broken pieces of the ship itself, as the English ver-
sion rather paraphrases than translates it. And so (or thus)
i. e. by these means, namely, swimming and floating with the
aid of such appliances as those which had been just described,
it came to pass^ or happened after all, as something more than
could have been expected, t?iat all (without exception, sailors,
soldiers, and prisoners, the whole ship's company of 276 souls)
escaped safe (the passive of the verb translated save in the
preceding verse, and strictly meaning in both places to he
brought safe through^ impending or surrounding perils. Al-
though not expressed, there is an obvious allusion to the pro-
mise in vs. 22. 23. Not only was Paul's prophecy fulfilled,
but the divine assurance upon which it rested shown to be no
mere invention or imagination, but an authenticated, proved
reality. Besides the smgular position of authority, already

ACTS 27, 44. 469

'anl the prisoner (see above, on tb. 10. 21. 31. 83),
8 forth m the extraordinary character of one to
Dd had made a present of 276 human lives, al-
ght have rescued him alone or with a few com-
displaying the benevolence as well as the omni-
im whose worshipper and servant Paul professed
ose immediate agency in this miraculous deliver-
zed beyond the reach of doubt by the distinct
the danger (v. 10), of the ultimate escape (vs. 24.
leir intervening shipwreck on an island (v. 26), a
ication no impostor would have ventured, and
lot have been verified by accident.

»♦•

CHAPTER XXVni.

winds up the whole history by recording Paul's
I great metropolis and centre of influence, and
; of his labours there. It may be divided into
oe of which describes his three months' residence
to) ; the second, his continued voyage to Rome
third, his proceedings when he first arrived and
foUowing two years (17-31). They find them-
A and are kindly treated by the natives, who
first as a murderer, and then as a god (1-6).
bly entertained b^ the chief man of the island,
I a miracle of heabng in his household, followed
ers, with a marked effec^t upon the population
^ing the island in the spring, thev touch at Syr»-
gium, and land at Putooli (1 1-13). Thence they
md to Rome, by the way meeting two deputa-
) church there ; and on Paul's arrival he is treated
ice, althoui^h still a prisoner (14-16). He con-
ef men of the Jews and vindicates liimself before
his last Apology on record (17-22). At their
he expoimds and proves his Messianic doctrine,
al diversity of effect upon the hearers (23-25).
leal to his brethren according to the flesh, he
J applying to them a well-known prophetic

4?0 ACTS 28, 1.

picture of jndicial blindness, as exactly descriptive of thdr
own condition (26-29). Having thus brought tne Apostle to
the end of his exertions for the J ews, and to the beginning of
his work at Rome, Luke concludes with a brief statement of
his unobstructed labours there for two whole years (30. 31).

1. And when they were escaped, then they knew
that the island was called Melita.

Having been saved^ or brought safe through, the same
verb that is twice employed in the two preceding verses
(27, 43. 44.) 7%€y knetD, or according to tne oldest manu-
scripts and latest critics, toe knew^ or rather came to know,
discovered, ascertained (see above, on 27, 39), either by fur-
ther observation, or from the natives, who are mentioned in
the next verse. Was called^ literally, is called, being still so
called when Luke wrote. Melita, or Melite, now Malta^ an
island south of Sicily, described by Diodorus as a Punic or
Phenician colony, and once a famous seat of Cartha^iman
manufactures, especially of cloth. There was another island
of the same name, on the Illyrian coast and in the gulf of
Venice, now called Meleda, which one of the Greek emperors
of Constantinople, followed by some later writers, supposed to
be the scene of the Apostle's shipwreck. The arguments in
favour of this notion are, that Malta is not in the Adriatic ;
that its people were not barbarous but civilized ; and that
venomous animals are there unknown, though numerous in
Meleda. But in ancient geography, the Adriatic was the
whole central basin of the Mediterranean (see above, on 27,
27.) Barbarous (in vs. 2. 4) simply means not Greek or Ro-
man, and was therefore applicable to the Punic population of
Malta, but not to that of Meleda, which was probably of Greek
or Roman origin. The presence of venomous reptiles in the
latter is ascribed by the writers who assert it to the island's
being damp and woody, which was once the case wuth Malta,
but is so no longer. Precisely the same change, and arising
from the same cause, has been noted in the Isle of Arran and
in other countries. Against Meleda, as the place of shipwreck,
it may be objected, that it lies entirely out of the course which
the ship had been pursuing ; that the presence of the other
Alexandrian vessel there cannot be accoimted for ; that it does
not agree with the subsequent course of the shipwrecked
vessel, as it is described below in vs. 11-13 ; whereas Malta

ACTS 28, 1.2. in

gprees perfectly with both, being in the way from Crete to
^uteoli and south of Sicily. The bay of Saint Paul, on the
orth-east coast of Malta, which tradition assigns as the place
f shipwreck, presents all the features mentioned in the narr»-
ve ; a rocky shore with creeks or inlets ; a place of two seas,
oth in the sense of a narrow channel and in that of a project-
ig point ; a tenacious anchorage, with beds of mud contigu-
as to banks of sand and clay ; soundings exactly answering to
lose recorded, and in the same relative position ; and pre-
isely such a coast, as to shape, height, breakers, currents, etc.,
3 would account for a shipwreck taking place just here, in
lis case and in others of more recent &te. If any thing is
'anting to complete the resemblance, it is easily accounted
>r by changes which geologists regard as quite demonstrable,
hat the seamen did not recomize the island at first, is easily
cplained from the &ct that it was not the most frequented
art, and presented no marked features by which it could be
3adily identified. To all the coincidences which have been
3cited, it may now be added, that independent calculations,
lade by several experienced naval officers, as to the rate at
'hich a ship would drive before the wind in such a storm as
lat descrioed above, a^ee almost exactly in the singular
dnclusion, that the vessel, on the fifteenth morning after leav-
ig Crete, must have been precisely where tradition has as-
gned the place of the Apostle's shipwreck. *

2. And the barbarous people shewed us no little
indness ; for they kindled a fire, and received us every
ae, because of the present rain, and because of the
old.

ITie barbarous (people)^ the same word that is rendered
trbarians in v. 4, and appUed by the Greeks, and afterwards
J the Romans, to all nations but themselves, with reference
ither to a difierence of language than of civilization. In this
^nnection, it b nearly equivalent to the common use of nOr
ves for the inhabitants of unknown countries. Shotoedy lit-
rally, afforded, or extended to us. No little^ literally, not
rmmon (see above, on 19, 11.) Kindness^ literally, philan-
iropy (see above, on 27, 3.) Kindled^ literally, touched (or
gJUed) up (compare Luke 12, 49. James 3, 5.^ Received us
} (il), L e. to the ^^ or to their company (as in 17, 5. 18|

472 ACTS 28, 2. 3. 4.

26.) M)ery one^ literally, aU^ agreeiog with the plural pro-
noun (u8.) Because (or on account) of the rain, me present,
literally, having come upon (us)^ which some refer to the pre-
ceding storm, but most interpreters, no doubt correctly, to a
rain which followed it. The ideas of suddenness and Tiolence
(compare fying on, 27, 20) are not expressed by this word,
but suggested by the context. TTie co/c? shows that the wind,
which no doubt still continued, could not be the south-east or
sirocco with its stifling heat, but must have been the north-
east (see above, on 27, 14.)

3. And when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks,
and laid (them) on the fire, there came a viper out of
the heat, and fastened on his hand.

Paul assists in keeping up the fire, which affords occasion
for a new proof of the special divine care extended over him.
Having gathered^ literally, turned (or twisted) together^ a verb
corresponding to the noun applied, in 19, 40. 23, 12, to human
gatherings and combinations. Fire^ not the element so called,
but a cognate form, meaning a heap or pile of burning ftiel.
Came out, or according to the latest text, coming out through
the wood or sticks, in which it had been lying, no doubt in a
torpid state, until aroused by the heat. Out o/^ or as some
explain it, away from,, or because of as in Rev. 8, 1 1 , which
is a rare use of the preposition. Fastefied on, literally, fitted
(itself) down upon, i. e. with its mouth or teeth, though some
infer from v. 5, that it merely coiled itself about his hand with-
out biting it (but see below, on that verse.)

4. And when the barbarians saw the (venomous)
beast hang on his hand, they said among themselves,
No doubt this man is a murderer, whom, though he
hath escaped the sea, yet vengeance suffereth not to
Uve.

And when (literally, a^) the barbarians (or natives, as in
V. 2) saw the bea^t (a Greek word specially applied to venom-
ous serpents) hanging from, (or out of) his hand, w^hich seems
naturally to imply that he was bitten, although some suppose
the viper to have merely clung to him without inflicting any
wound (see above, on v. 3.) No doubt, or by all means, cer-

ACTS 28, 4-6: 473

tainly (see above, on 18, 21. 21, 22.) Saved {saved thnyugh^
or rescued^ the same verb {hat occurs at the beginning of the
first verse.) Yengearuie^ literally, justice^ either as an act or
an attribute of Crod (compare 2 Thess. 1, 9. Jude 7.) There
is no need of supposing a personification, or a reference to the
Nemesis, or goddess oi retributive justice, represented by the
Greek mythology as the daughter and avenger of the supreme
Deity. Sufferethy literally, suffered^ in the past tense, as de-
noting a result already fixed and certain. The inference drawn
by the barbarians is supposed by some to imply that murder
was punished in Malta by the bite of serpents, which appears
gratuitous and ^r-fetched. Others suppose it to imply a pop-
ular belief that the guilty member would be providentially
punished, but murder is not the only crime committed with
the hand. The only natural supposition is, that seeing Paul
to be a prisoner, perhaps still mstened to a soldier, they in-
ferred that he was guilty of some crime, and seeing him as-
sailed by a venomous ammal, whose bite they well knew to be
mortal, they concluded that his crime was that of murder, as
the highest known to human laws, and one appropriately pun-
ished by the loss of life.

5. And he shook off the beast into the fire, and
felt no harm.

And, or so then^ the resumptive particle so common in
this book, by which the writer, dler telling what the natives
said, returns to his main subject, and relates what Paul did.
(See above, on 26, 4. 9.) Snook (or more exactly, sfuiking^
having shaken) off^ (the verb employed in Luke 9, 5, and a
kindred form to that in 13, 51. 18, 6 above.) The beast^ or
reptile, as in v. 4. The fire,, not the word so rendered in vs.
2. 3, but the primitive form, meaning fire in the proper sense,
or fire itself. FeU no harm^ literally, suffered (or experienced)
no evU, This does not mean that the viper did not bite, or
that it was not venomous, though so regarded by the natives,
who must have been acquainted with its nature and habits,
and who could not have expected such effects Mrithout a rea-
son (see below, upon the next verse.)

6. Howbeit they looked when he should have swol-
len, or fallen down dead suddenly ; but after they had

474 ACTS 28, 6.7.

looked a great while, and saw no harm come to him,
they changed their minds, and said that he was a god

Bvt they waited ^or were waiting)^ the imperfect tense of
the verb used above in 3, 5. 10, 24. 27, 33. Or, retaining the
original oonstruction and Greek idiom, they eapected him to
be about (see above, on 27, 2. 10. 30. 33) to be inflamed^ the
only sense supported bv the usage of the Greek verb, that of
swelling being either miplied as an effect and sign of inflam-
mation, or derived from a confusion of this verb with one
which differs from it only in a single letter, and means strictly
to be filled or filled up. Sudden and violent inflammation is
described, both by Lucan and Lucian, as an eflect of the bite
of serpents. Or to faU down suddenly deady an alternative
suggested also by experience. (" Tremblingly she stood and
on the sudden dropped," Shakspeare, Anthony and Cleopa-
tra, 6, 2.) But for much (time, i. e. long, compare 16, 18.
27, 14), they waiting (or eacpecting)^ and beholding (see above,
on 25, 24. 27, 10) /lo harm^ literally, nothing out of placey'i. e.
amiss, injurious, elsewhere used only in a moral sense (see
Luke 23, 41. 2 Thess. 3, 2.) Com>e to him^ literally, happen-
ing (occurring, taking place) to (or towards, in relation to)
him (see above, on 2, 25. 6, 11. 20, 21. 24, 15. 25, 8. 20. 26, 7.)
Changing (themselves or their mind), a verb used in the clas-
sics, both without and with a noun, to signify a change of judg-
ment or opinion. The change in this case was the opposite of
that undergone by the idolaters at Lystra, who first tried to
worship Paul, and then to kiU him, or at least consented to his
being stoned (see above, on 14. 11. 13. 20.) A god, not neces-
sarily any particular deity of their own or of the classical
mythology (^sculapius, Hercules, etc.), but a divine person ;
not because the serpent was itself regarded as divine, but be-
cause he had escaped what they knew to be the usual, perhaps
the invariable, effects of its virus.

7. In the same quarters were possessions of the
chief man of the island, whose name was PubUus ; who
received us, and lodged us three days courteously.

In the (parts) about that place^ i. e. the place of shipwreck,

on the north-eastern coast of Malta (see above, on v. 1.)

Were^ a verb implying permanent possession (see above, on

4, 34. 37. 6,4.) Possessions^ ]iteTaMy, places, lands, the same

ACTS 28, 7.8. 475

word that is used above, 4, 34. 5, 3. 8, and the plural of that
in 1, 18. 19. Chief men^ literally, first (i. e. in rank or office.
Compare the plum of the same Greek word in 13, 50. 17, 4.
25, 2.) That it does not denote mere superiority of wealth or
social station, some infer from the &ct that his father was still
living, who, in that sense, would have had precedence. That
it rather signifies official rank, may be inferred from the Ro-
man name IPublius)^ and from the &ct that two inscriptions
have been found upon the island, one in Greek and one in
Latin, in which the same title is preserved (MEL. PRIMUS
. . . nP0T02 MEAITAION) and in one of them applied to a
Roman knight, most probibly the Governor. Cicero, in one
of his orations against Verres, speaks of Malta as dependent
on the Praetor of Sicily, whose legate or lieutenant l^nblius
may have been. JReceiving us^ in Greek a more emphatic
term, implying cordiality and kindness, although not so
strongly as the cognate form of the same verb in 2, 41. 15,
4. 18,27. 24,3. Lodged^ in its modem sense, is too re-
stricted to convey the force of the original, which means to
entertain as guests, and comprehends all the rites of hospi-
tality, as well as the mere furnishing of shelter for the night
or even comfortable quarters (see aoove, on 10, 6. 18. 23. 32.
21, 16.) Courteously^ not the word so rendered in 27, 3, but
an analogous compound of the same verb or adjective with
another noun, and meaning benevolently^ amicaoly, kindly.
Three days^ i. e. probably until they could be otherwise ac-
commodated for their residence of three months in the island
(see below, on v. 11.) Us^ not the whole ship's company, as
some suppose, for this was too large to be so received, and
probably dispersed at once; but, as in v. 10, Paul and his
compamons, Luke and Aristarchus (see above, on 27, 2), with
probably the Roman officer, and possibly the whole detach-
ment under his command.

8. And it came to pass, that the father of PubUus
lay sick of a fever and of a bloody flux, to whom Paul
entered in, and prayed, and laid his hands on him, and
healed him.

The Apostle was enabled to repay this kindness to himself
and his companions in a very gratifying manner. It came to
passy or happened^ either afterwards or at the time of this

A K 1:1. ant .-»o#ati»?tlT
^#wr.irv V.rj.

'T. ir uut

viMSL. A » -r-^rv i;c3L. x » «
n tiut ^jrr*

kfcMU BAT \0^ tTMibi. f See ftfejw^ «K Js. T. It. I«C 43;. 12. 23.

Mk u^ ^MdOid <>f MaA» : bos beads tie rffci -ri wnn^kt is

^Hi^^TtkA M dMfiCOfed by UMr expcriesee bccb of trxreUcfs and

trit A^ a/y>re. <« 1, ^4f, tlttpebj srowi^ tbad he healed fci"»^
wA m bii own ftrength. bvt at «i imtraiBeBt of the ^firine
mtiff^j (h:0z abore, <» 9, 40.) It bM beat veil oba^rred, ^>«t
Paul exp^rkiK^ Afanr/st Jt tbe same tme, two fiiiffiments of
li» yizxt^Y^ promiie. ^ tber ihaD take up serpents ; and if ibev
drifik ;&irjy d*^:T tLiii2- it shall not hurt tbeia: ihev shall lav
liaiidi fffi XiiH ftkk, and thev shall recover (Mark 16,'lS.i''

9. So when this was done, others also, which had
dw^.-aaes in the Island, came, and were healed —

TIjc hc-aling of the father of their host was only the begin-
ninjf of a '•i;r\('.r<t of such miracles, ioclading, if the words are to
b«? Mtrictly understood!, all the sick upon the island, or at least
ftl) who could be brought to the Apostle. Xor is this incred-
ible, the jiojjiilation Injing probably a small one, and his stay
protrji/.-ted throuj^h the winter. This therefore hacinff taken
jdw'A (i. e. the miracle of healing mentioned in the verse pre-
<j<fdiug) oth'TH (or more exactly, the rest^ those remainincr as
in 2, .'J 7. 5, l.'J. 17,9. 27,44) Juiving infirmities (diseases,°the
noun c/^rrcHjKniding to the adjective in 4, 9. 5, 15. 16, and the
M'vh in 9, .'i7. 19, 12) came (or more exactly, came to^ i. e. to
liini), UH he could not go to them, being still a prisoner (see

ACTS 28, 9.10. 477

above, on v. 4) and inert healed^ or more exactly cwred^ the
Greek verb meaning strictly cared for^ but with special refer-
ence to the sick (see above, on 17, 25, and compare 4, 14.
6, 16. 8, 7.)

10. Who also honoured us with many honours;
and when we departed, they laded (us) with such
things as were necessary.

The effect of these extraordinary fitvonrs on the barbarians
or rustic population is expressed by two of its external signs.
Who also (i. e. not content with praising God, or simply
thanking Padl) honoured its (the whole party) vrUh many hon-
ours (or attentions), L e. marks of affection and respect during
our stay among them. As the word translated honours some-
times means price or valuCy and is always so used elsewhere in
the book before us (see above, on 4, 34. 5, 2. 3. 7, 16. 9, 19),
some retain that meaning here and understand the clause of
fees or pecuniary giils, to which the word honorarium is ap
plied in Latin, and even the word honoSj it would seem, m
one of Cicero's epistles (lU medico honos haberetur)^ and the
Greek word itself in 1 Tun. 6, 1 7 (compare v. 3 of the same
chapter) as explained by some interpreters. But all these
parallels, together with one found in the Apocrypha (Ecclus.
38,1), are either doubtful or determined by the context;
whereas here the wider sense is eaually appropriate and much
more natural, especially as these honours seem to have con-
tinued during their abode upon the island, and to be distin-
guished from the presents made to them at their departure.
Xaded uSj literally, laid upon uSj which denotes not merely
that they put the things into the ship, but that the gifts were
very numerous and abundant. When v>e departed, literally,
on our setting sail, or setting out, the nautical expression for
departure from a seaport, used above in 13, 13. 16, 11. 18, 21.
20, 3. 13. 21, 1. 2. 27, 2. 4. 12. 21. Such things as were neces-
sarr/y literally, the things (pertaining) to the use or need (or
according to the latest critics needs or wants) of Paul and his
companions. For the usage of the Greek noun, see above,
•jn 2, 46. 4, 35. 6, 3. 20, 34 (comparing Phil. 2, 25. 4, 16.)
These gifts, consisting no doubt chiefly or entirely in pro-
visions and other necessaries for the voyage, were particu-
larly seasonable after the hardships and losses of the ship-
wreck.

478 ACTS 28, 11-13.

11. And after three months we departed in a ship
of Alexandria, which had wintered in the isle, whose
sign was Castor and Pollux.

After three months^ probably as soon as navigation was
considered safe (see above, on 27, 9.) We d^M^rted, set sail,
put to sea, the same verb that occurs in the preceding verse.
Which had wintered (literally, having wintered) in the islcmd
(Malta), perhaps driven there as the other was, but more suc-
cessful in avoiding shipwreck. An Alexandrian (vessel) like
the other ; this particular is added in the Greek text by a kind
of afterthought to the statement of its having wintered in the
island, as if he had said, ^ which, b^ the way, was also a ship
of Alexandria.' Whose sign was is in Greek a single word,
and that an adjective, meaning signed, signalized, distin*
guished, designated by a badge. The ancient ships, beddes
the image of some tutelary god upon the stem, bore a carved
or painted figure-head upon the prow, which ^ave name to
the vessel ; but in some cases, and perhaps in this, the insignt
and tutela were the same. Castor and PoUttXj literally, IH-
oscuri^ L e. the boys or sons of Jupiter (and Leda), regarded
by the ancients as the gods of navigation and the guardians
of seamen. This particular la mentioned, not to show the
piety or superstition of the mariners, nor to show how Paul
was brought into compulsory contact with heathenish corrup-
tions, but as a lively reminiscence on the part of an eye-
witness. As to the number, size, and quality of these ships,
see above, on 27, 6.

12. 13. And landing at Syracuse, we tarried (there)
three days. And from thence we fetched a compass,
and came to Rhegium ; and after one day the south
wind blew, and we came the next day to Puteoli —

Landiyig^ literally, being brought down (see above on 21,
3. 27, 3.) Syracuse^ the famous capital of Sicily, on the east-
em coast, stLQ in existence under the same name, but with not
more than a twentieth of its ancient population. Tarried^ re-
mained over (see above, on 10, 48. 15, 34. 21, 4. 10), either for
purposes of trade, or waiting for a favourable wind. Fetdied
a compass^ literally, coming (or going) rounds i. e. as some
suppose, round the island or the southern point of Italy, or out

ACTS 28, 13. 14. 419

to sea in order to avoid the coast, or along the winding of the
coast itself; but most interpreters now understand it either of
the zigzag movement technically known as tacking, or of the
more irregular course caused by an un&vourable wind. Came^
or came down, the verb used to denote arrival at a place in
16, 1. 18, 19. 24. 20, 16. 21, 7. 25, 13. 26, 7. 27, 12. RhegU
um^ now Reg^o, a seaport near the south-west point of ItsJy
opposite Messma. It was ruined by an earthquake in 1783,
but is still the chief town of the province of Calabria in the
kingdom of Naples, and has nearly twenty thousand inhabit-
ants. The aouih wind (see above, on 27, 10) springing up^
arising, a Greek verb used in the same sense oy JPolybius and
Thucydides. TTie next day is in Greek a plural adjective
analogous to secondary y but used in the specific sense of be-
longing to (or happening on^ the second day (compare the
sinular derivation from four m John 11, 39.) Its application
to persons (we of or on the second day) is wnollv foreign from
our idiom ; but the sense is clear. One day would be sufficient
with a fair wind to proceed from Rhegium to Puteoli, now
Pozzuoli or Puzzuoli, seven miles south-west of Naples, once a

Elace of great resort, both on account of its mineral springs
*om which or from their odour it derived its name, and as
the landing place of the Egyptian corn-ships, the arrival of
which was an occasion of great interest, as described by Sene-
ca and Suetonius.

14, Where we found brethren, and were desired to
tarry with them seven days ; and so we went toward
Rome.

Even here they found Christians, showing how extensively
the gospel had already been diffused, though some suppose
the ^^ brethren '' at Puteoli to have been Alexandrians residing
there for purposes of trade. We were desired^ invited or en-
treated (see above, on 27, 33. 34.) The very same verb fol-
lowed by the same preposition has in 2 Cor. 7, 7 the sense of
being comforted in, wmch some suppose to be the meaning
here ; but this requires a change of text, so as to read tarrying

inot to tarry), an emendation without manuscript authority,
t seems to be implied that this request was granted, which
could not have been without the leave of the centurion, an-
other proof of his indulgent treatment of his prisoner, what-
ever may have been the motive (see above, on 27, 3. 43.) And

480 ACTS 28, 14-16.

80^ L e. after these delays and interruptions, toe toerU toward
Jtome^ a phrase analogous to that in 27, 1 Uail into Italy)
and others there referred to. But the best pliilolosical inter-
preters regard it as denoting their arrival, as it does in the
beginning of v. 16, and explain what intervenes as a parenthe-
sis or supplementary addition. ^ So we came to Rome, but on
the way, certain brethren came to meet us, ^ba'

15. And from thence, when the brethren heard of
us, they came to meet us as far as Appii Forum, and
the Three Taverns ; whom when Paul saw, he thanked
God and took courage.

And thence (from Rome) t?ie brethren ^Christians there re-
siding) hearing (or having heard) the fuiings) abotU us (or
concerning w«), i. e. of their arrival at Puteoli, their stay at
which place would afford time for the news to be received at
Rome. Came out to meet uSj an attention similar to that so
often paid at parting with distinguished and beloved guests
(see above, on 16, 3. 20, 37. 21, 6.) There is no need of sup-
posing a formal division into two companies, but only that
some set out earlier than others, so that Paul found them
waiting at two well-known stopping places on the Via Appia,
the oldest and most famous of the Roman roads, leading from
the capital to Capua and thence to BrundisiunL Appii Forum
was a market-place, and Tres Tabemae a group of shops or inns,
the former above forty miles from Rome, the latter about ten
miles nearer. Appii Forum is described by Horace in a well-
known passage of great humour ; and both are named together
in one of Cicero's epistles, dated from Appii Forum and refer-
ring to another letter written a few hours before from Tres Ta-
bemae. Whom Paul seeing^ and beholding in them living rep-
resentatives of that important church which he had so lon<^
purposed and desired to visit (see above, on 19, 21. 23, 1 1, an3
compare Rom. 1, 9-15), having thanked 6rOC?,for his safe arrival
and the fulfilment of his hopes so long cherished and deferred,
he took courage^ either in the passive sense of receiving encour-
agement from God, or in the active sense of rallying his jaded
spirits, and rousing himself to new or more implicit trust in
the divine protection.

16. And when we came to Rome, the centurion

ACTS 28, 16. 48i

delivered the prisoners to the captain of the guard ;
but Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a sol-
dier that kept him.

Having mentioned Paul's reception hj the Christians (or
the Chnr^) at Rome, Luke now aesoribes tiis treatment by
the public authorities. We came, implying that the writer
was still with him. We catne to (or into) Rome, the same
phrase with which t, 14 cloBes, the narrative there interrupted
being here resumed after the statement (in t, 15) of what
happened by the way. As if he had said, 'so then, when we
got to Rome at last, the centurion, eto.' The special commis-
sion of Julius now expired on his deUvering Paul to the cap-
tain of the guard, or as the Greek word hterally means, M«
commander of the camp, i. e. of the Pnetorian camp, occupied
by the Pr«torian or Imperial Guard, created bj" Augustus,
and permanently organized under Tiberius by Sejanus. This
formidable force, like the Janissaries of modem history, be-
came the most powerful body in the state, and finally con-
trolled the choice of the Emperor himseIC There were usuhI-
ly two Pnetorian Prefects, or commanders of this guard; but
under Nero, the place was filled for a time by his preceptor
Burrus without any colleague. Hence some have inferred
that as only one is mentioned here, it must have been this per-
son, and attempt to fii the time of Paul's arrival by the fact
that Burrus was put to death in March, A. D. 62. It is evi-
dent, however, that no such conclnaon can be drawn from the
use of the singular number, which may just as well denote the
one on duty, or be taken as equivalent to one of the preftcta
or commanders. The delivery of Paul to this hi^h ofticer
^rees exactly with an order of the Emperor Tr^ao, fort^
years later, to the younger Pliny, that a prisoner from his
province should be sent to the Prtetorian Prefects. ( FincttM
m,itti ad praefectof praetorii mei.) The first clause relates to
the delivery of all the prisoners (see above, on 27, 1. 43), but
the last to the disposal made of Paul in particular. JBut to
Paul it wot permitted (or allowed, as in 21, 39. 40. 26, 1. 27,
3), not by the centurion, whose power over him had ceased,
but no doubt by the Prefect, who had now assumed the
charge of him. To dvseU (literally, to »tay, remain, abide,
oontmue) by himedf, i e. apart from other prisoners, but not
entirely alone, as appears from what is added in the last clause,
wUh tM toldiir (not a aoldiet, but the one already mentioned

TOU IL 3 U

482 ACTS 28, 16. 17.

as) keying (L e. guarding, watching) him, (See above, on
12,6. 21,33. 22,30. 23,35. 24,23. 26,29.) The definite
form of the expression has respect to the general method of
confinement, not to the person of the guard, which was no
doubt continually changed, thereby affording Paul the oppor-
tunity of talking with a multitude of the imperial guards in
turn, to which some suppose him to allude in FhiL 1, 13. Even
the confinement here described was indulgence in comparison
with that to which most prisoners were subjected, and was
probably owing to the favourable statements made by Festos
m writing and by Julius orally. (See above, on 25, 25. 26, 31.)

17. And it came to pass, that after three days
Paul called the chief of the Jews together ; and when
they were come together, he said mito them, Men (and)
brethren, though I have committed nothing against the
people, or customs of our fathers, yet was I delivered
prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Ro-
mans—

It came to pass is not a pleonastic or superfiuoos expres-
sion, but equivalent to saying, the next remarkable occurrence
after Paul's arrival was that after three days, etc., thus mark-
ing, as it were, the stages or divisions of the narrative. After
three days^ during which interval Paul may have removed
from the Praetorian camp to the private lodging mentioned in
v. 23, and where the interview about to be recorded would
more probably take place than in a camp or prison. Paid^ or
according to the oldest manuscripts and versions, A€, without
expressly naming hira. Galled together^ to or for himselt^
which is the full force of the middle voice in Greek. The
chief or more exactly, those being chief to wit, at that time,
the actual existing chiefs, perhaps with some allusion to their
banishment by Claudius (see above, on 18, 2) and restoration
under the mild government of Nero during the first five years
of his reign. The sense will then be, ' those who now again
were recognized as chiefs and representatives of the Jews at
Rome.' (Compare the similar expression used in 13, 1, and
there explained.) It has been disputed whether these were
elders and rulers of the synagogue, or merely heads of famiUes
and men of weight in the community ; but the two classes

ACTS 28, 17. 483

are in faot coincident, the elders both of the Jewish and
the early Christian church comprising most of those to whom
the description above given would apply. Some have thought
it strange that the Apostle^s first communication should have
been with imbelieving Jews, and not with that community of
Christians, in whom he had long felt so deep an interest, and
to whom he had addressed the greatest of his doctrinal epistles.
But having related the readiness and eagerness with which the
Roman Christians came forth to receive Paul, Luke might
leave his readers to infer from that feet, as a matter of course,
the cordial, confidential intercourse which afterwards took
place between them, and instead of dwelling upon facts that
any one could take for granted, might proceed to mention
others not so easily conjectured, and for that very reason
needing to be placed on record. The surprise felt at Paul's
negotiation with these Jews is of itself enough to justify its
bemg given at full length, while other matters are omitted,
which il* stated would have generated no surprise at all. As
to the motive of this singular proceeding, it was not mere
anxiety to stand well with the Jews at Rome, or to avoid their
machinations, neither of which could give the great Apostle,
after all that he had passed through, much uneasiness ; but
rather an intention to wind up his dealings with his unbeliev-
ing brethren by a solemn declaration of the truth as to him-
self and the religion which he now professed, and thus, through
them as representatives, to bid farewell to Israel according to
the flesh for ever. In this last appeal and apology, he uses his
old formula. Men and brethren^ thereby acknowledging them
still, not only as his countrymen, but also as his coreligionists,
or fellow-Jews. (See above, on 2, 29. 7, 2. 13, 26. 22, 1. 23, 1.
6.) I having dene nothing contrary (or hostile^ see above,
on 26, 9) to the people (i. e. to the rights and privileges of the
Jewish church or chosen race) nor to the paternal (or ances-
tral, see above, on 22, 3. 24, 14) institutions (see above, on 6,
14. 15,1. 16,21. 21,21. 26,3), (nevertheless 2^) a prisoner
ffom Jerusalem teas delivered into the hands of the Itomans,
Two questions have been raised as to the truth and ingenuous-
ness of this statement. The first is, how Paul could deny that
he had opposed the Jewish church and institutions, when his
whole life as a Christian had been spent in maintaining that
they were not necessary to salvation. The answer is the same
that Paul himself gave before Felix (24, 14-16) and A^rippa
(26, 6-8. 21-23), namely, that he did not embrace Christianity

484 ACTS 28, 17.18.

as a succedaneum for the old religion, but as its legitimate
successor and predicted consummation, so that the Christian
was in fact the best Jew, or rather the only Israelite indeed
in whom there was no gmle (compare John 1, 48.) The Mo-
saic ceremonies, having been intended for a temporary pur-
pose now accomphshed, could no longer be essential or even
conducive to salvation. The other question is, how Paul could
justly represent the Jews as having betrayed him to the Ro-
mans,'when in &ct he had himself declined the jurisdiction of
the Sanhedrim and appealed to the imperial tribunal (see
above, on 25, 9-12.) The answer is, that Faul is here referring
not to the outward form of the proceedings, but to their secret
springs and actual effects. His original transfer from the
power of the Jews to that of the Romans, though immediately
occasioned by the armed interference of the latter, was ulti-
mately referable to the violence and malice of the former (see
above, on 21, 31. 82.) So too, his final appeal to Cesar, though
a voluntary act, was rendered necessarv by the continued
machinations of the Jews against his lite and the apparent
connivance of the Procurator Festus (see above, on 23, 12.
25, 3. 9-12.) It was therefore true, in fact if not in form, that
Paul was forced into the power of the Romans and the pres-
ence of the emperor by the treacherous and murderous designs
of his own countrymen. The immediate reference is here to
his original transfer from the Jewish to the Roman power, as
appears from what is added in the next verse.

18. Who, when they had examined me, would have
let (me) go, because there was no cause of death in me.

As an aggravation of their guilt in thus betrajdng him, he
adds, that they prevented his acquittal by the Romans when
convinced that he was innocent, after a judicial investigation
(for the usage of the Greek verb, see above, on 4, 9. 12, 19.
24, 8.) This is not a mere inference or conjecture, but a sup-
plementary completion of Luke's narrative in 25, 8. 9, where
we read that aner Paul's refutation of the charges, Festus
asked him if he would be tried again before the council at
Jerusalem. The seeming abruptness of this proposition, and
its destitution of all ground or reason, are in some degree re-
moved by Paul's own statement to the Jews at Rome, which
although perfectly consistent with the other narrative, com-
pletes it by informing us, that in the interval between Paul's

ACTS 28, 18.19. 485

defence and Festns's proposal, the latter had expressed a wish
to set him free, but oy the opposition of the Jews had been
induced to offer a new trial as a sort of compromise. ^ This,
while it explains the Procurator's conduct, does not in the
least extenuate his error in sacrificing Paul's rights to the
wishes of his enemies, and proposing a new trial when he
ought to have acquitted and discharged him. (See above, on
25, 12. 25. 26, 31. 82.)

19. But when the Jews spake against (it), I was
constrained to appeal unto Cesar ; not that I had aught
to accuse my nation of.

The Jews contradicting or opposing (the proposal to ac-
quit or set him free), I was constrained (compelled or forced)
to appeal to Cesar (or invoke the emperor, see above, on 25,
11.) The compulsion here alleged is not a physical compul-
sion, forcing him against his will to take this step, but a moral
force, depriving him of any other means by which he could
ensure his safety. As the Jews were determined to destroy
him, and Festus seemed unable or unwilling to protect him,
he was forced, as his only means of safety, to assert his civic
rights and to invoke the imperial protection. It was therefore
simply a defensive measure, and mvolved no charge against
the Jews as a nation, of which he here still claims to be a
member. The idea is not that his persecution in Judea was a
local one, for which the Jews at large were not responsible ;
for the sacred history uniformly treats the proceedings against
Christ and his apostles as a national offence. The <ustinction
drawn is not between the whole race and its subdivisions, but
between offensive and defensive action on the part of Paul
himself; and even this has reference only to his formal appeaL
He does not say, and could not say with truth, that he had
no complaint to make against his nation ; nay, he had already
made one in this very speech, to wit, that they had betrayed
him to the Romans and prevented his acquittal and discharge.
Not that I had, might have been translated more exactly, not
as having^ and immediately connected with the verb preced-
ing, / toas forced to appeal to Cesar (for my own protection)
not as having any thing to charge my nation with (at this
tribunal.) This view of the g^mmatical construction does
Away with an additional charge of disingenaousness, by evino-

486 ACTS 28, 19. 20.

ing that the last clause of the verse before as has excludTe
reference to the form and gronnd of Paul's appeal to Nero,
which was purely a defensive act, involving no attack whatr
ever upon others, whether innocent or guilty with respect to
the appellant.

20. For this cause therefore have I called for you,
to see (you) and to speak with (you), because that
for the hope of Israel I am bound with this chain.

For this cause, not the one suggested in the last clause, as
the English version seems to mean, but that involved in the
preceding statement; because he had been passive in this
whole affair, not active ; because he was *' more sinned against
than sinning ; '' because his present errand to the court was
not to bring a charge against his nation, but to save himself
from their mjustice; for this cause he had called for (or w-
vited) them, to see (them) and speak with (or tcUk to) them,
that they might not of themselves suspect, or be induced by
others to beheve, that he was an apostate and a traitor to the
theocracy in which they gloried. JFbr (not becattse, which
changes the relation of the clauses), so far is this from being
true, that I am actually suffering because of my fidelity to that
religion which they charge me with abandoning. On a/^count
(oT for the sake) of the hope of Israel, I wear (or am surround-
ed by) this chain, the one by which he was attached to the
accompanying soldier. (See above, on v. 16, and compare the
use of the same compound verb in Heb. 5, 2. 12, 1.) Bv this
skilful but most natural conclusion, Paul connects the simple
sttitement of his own case, and the purpose of his present vis«it,
with the great Messianic doctrine which was at once the cen-
tre of the Jewish and the Christian systems. Here, as in 23,
6. 24, 15. 26, 6. 7, the hope of Israel is faith in the Messiah as
predicted in the Hebrew Scriptures. Here too, as in his pre-
vious apologies just cited, he describes this hope as the occa-
sion of his sufferings, because it was his Messianic doctrine
that had caused the breach between him and his countrymen,
and thus led to his loss of liberty and accusation as a renegade
and heretic. But this doctrine, far from iuvolving a rejection
of the ancient Jewish faith, was in his view an inflexible ad-
herence to it, and he thus conies back to the point from which
he set out, namely, that the best Christian is the best Jew in

ACTS 28, 20.21. 487

the true sense of the term ; "for," as he had said long before in
writing to the Jews at Rome, " he is not a Jew, which is one
outwardly ; neither (is that) circumcision, which is outward in
the flesh ; but he (is) a Jew, which is one inwardly ; and cir-
cumcision (is that) of the heart, in the spirit, (and) not in the
letter, whose praise (is) not of men, but of God." (Rom. 2,
28. 29.)

21. And they said unto him. We neither received
letters out of Judea concerning thee, neither any of the
brethren that came shewed or spake any harm of thee.

Paul's address presented two points to his Jewish hearers ;
his motive in appealing to the Emperor (vs. 17-19), and his
firm adherence to the ancient doctrine (v. 20.) To both these
they reply in the same order, to the first in this verse, to the
second in v. 22. Letters^ the same word that is rendered
teaming in 26, 24, the strict sense in both cases being writings.
Nor did any {one) of the brethren coming (or arriving here)
report or tell any {thing) about thee (that was) evU, Report and
tdl may possiblv have reference to official and colloquial com-
munication. Any of the brethren coming (or that came) may
seem in English to imply that some had come, but that none
of them had brought any bad account of Paul. In the Greek,
however, there is no such implication, as the participle {com^
ing) agrees with the singular pronoun {any one,) It is rather
implied, though not explicitly affirmed, that no one had ar-
rived who could have brought the news of Paul's appeal before
him. This is not improbable, as he had left Judea near the
close of navigation (see above, on 27, 9), and no doubt soon
after his appeal (see above, on 26, 32. 27, 1), and anv vessel
sailing near the same time must have been arrested in the same
way and could scarcely have reached Italy before him. This
may serve to account for the fact here alleged by the Jews,
without supposing that their banishment by Claudius had in-
terrupted all communication with Judea, or that this denial
was untrue and meant to avoid participation in a feud with
which they had not been immediately concerned, and in which
they may have seen the powers at Kome to lean in favour of
the prisoner. This last hvpothesis, though not at variance
with the Jewish character m that or any later age, is less prob-
able in reference to a number of the leading men than it
would be in the case of a private individual

488 ACTS 28, 22.

22. But we desire to hear of thee what thou think-
est ; for as concerning this sect, we know that eveiy
where it is spoken against.

This is their answer to his second point or closing intiiiia-
tion, that the cause of his imprisonment was not his abjuration
of the old Jewish doctrine, but his close adherence to it. We
think it right (perhaps with the suggestion of a wish, see aboTe,
on 15, 38) to hear from thee tohcU man thinkest^ and bow thoa
feelest, for the Greek verb denotes not mere opinion but affec-
tion (compare its use in Matt. 16, 23. Rom. 8, 5. 1 Cor. 13, 11.
Phil, 2, 5. 3, 19. Col. 3, 2.) This is therefore a respectful pro-
position to do justice to Paul's doctrinal as well as bis legal or
forensic position, by allowing him to state his own views with
respect to the great doctrine which divided between him and
other Jews, and on which his pretensions to be still an ortho-
dox and faithful Israelite of course depended. JFbr (the rea-
son why they wish or think it right to hear him) as to (or can-
ceming) this sect (or schismatical party, see above, on 5, 17.
15, 5. 24, 5. 14. 26 5), meaning of course the Nazarenes or
Christians, to whom Paul notoriously belonged, as he was no
doubt understood by them to hint in the conclusion of his first
speech (see above, on v, 20.) We knowy literally, it is known
to ySy perhaps implying that they knew no more, as if they
had said, ' all we know about it is, thM it is every where op-
posed (or contradicted) y^ i. e. by the Jews, with whom they
were in correspondence or communication. This, if not a pru-
dent or contemptuous pretence, implies a singular want of in-
formation with respect to a religion represented by a large
and famous church in Rome itself, whose feith had long been
spoken of throughout the whole world (Rom. 1, 8.) This de-
scription of the Roman church by Paul himself, some years
before the date of these events, precludes the explanation
which might otherwise be drawn fi*om the extent, confusion,
and diversified interests of the imperial city, where two reli-

fious bodies might well co-exist in ignorance of one another,
ome would account for the phenomenon in question by sup-
posing that the temporary exile of the Jews fi*om Rome,
already mentioned, had prevented their knowing many things
that had occurred there in their absence, and among the re.st
the rise and progress of the Christian Church. But the edict
of Claudius is supposed by some judicious writers not to have
been fully executed, or at least to have been soon repealed by

ACTS 28, 22. 23. 489

Claudius himself^ and it oertainlj would seem from Rom, 16,
8, that Aquila and Priscilla had returned before the date of
that epistle (see above, on 18, 2.) On the whole, the natural
impression, made perhaps on most unbiassed readers, is that
the Jewish leaders here dissemble or disguise their knowledge
of the Christian sect, either from a supercilious disposition to
disparage its importance in addressing one of its ringleaders
(see above, on 24, 5), or from prudential motives and a natu-
ral unwillingness to be involved afresh in quarrels which per-
haps had caused their previous misfortunes, but which certain*
ly seemed likelv now Jo bring them into conflict not onljr with
the church itself but with the government which at this mo-
ment seemed disposed to favour it. This obvious and natural
hypothesis accounts for all the £ftcts, without being open to
the same objection with the similar assumption in relation to
the statement in the verse preceding.

23. And when they had appointed him a day,
there came many to him into (his) lodging ; to whom
he expounded and testified the kingdom of God, per-
suading them concerning Jesus, both out of the law of
Moses, and (out of) the prophets, from morning till
evening.

Hdving appointed (or, as the Greek verb ori^ally signi-
fies, arranged, agreed upon) a day with (or to) hiniy after how
long an interval is not said, but the natural implication is a
short one. Many^ literally, more^ which may be understood
indefinitely, either of a great or small number (see above, on
2,40. 13,31. 21,10. 24,17. 26,14. 27, 20), but is commonly
explained here strictly as a comparative, meaning more than
had attended the first interview. Besides the leading men
then present, there were others now assembled, to hear jPaul's
account of the new religion. Lodging^ a Greek word used by
the older classics in the wide sense of hospitable entertainment
(compare the co^ate verb in v. 7), but by the later writers
in the more restricted local sense expressed in the translation.
Here (and in Philem. 22) it may denote a private house where
Paul was entertained as a guest, perhaps that of Aquila and
Priscilla (see above, on 18, 2, and compare Rom. 16, 3) ; but
most interpreters identify it with the hired house mentioned
in V. 30. One modern writer paradoxically holds that Paul

490 ACTS 28, 23. 24.

was now at liberty, his trial and acquittal having taken place
between the two meetings with the Jews here recorded. But
the principal ground of this opinion, a provision of the Roman
law requiring such appeals to be determined within five days,
has been shown to be an error, that provision havine refer-
ence, not to the trial of the merits, but to the preliminary
forms, receiving the appeal, &c. (That Paul was still a pris-
oner at the close of this book, see below, on v. 30.) The
terms used in describing Paul's address are very similar to
those employed before on like occasions. Expounded and
testified^ hterally, expounded testifying^ not as two distinct
acts, but as one, partaking of both qualities, and answering
the twofold purpose of explaining and attesting the true doc-
trine. (For the usage of the Greek verbs, see above, on 2, 40.
8, 25. 11, 4. 18, 5. 26. 20, 21. 24.) The kingdom of God, the
reign of the Messiah, the new dispensation, as predicted by
the Prophets and fulfilled in Christ. (See above, on 1, 3. 8, \i.
14, 22. 19, 8. 20, 25.) Persuading them too {r^) concerning
Jesus y i. e. not merely proving him to be the Cnrist, but striv-
ing to enlist them in his active service. (See above, on 13, 43.
18,4. 19,8.26. 26,28.) The verb denotes, not the actual
result, nor yet the mere endeavour, but the whole subjective
process as performed by Paul, without respect to the diversity
of its effect. J^oth out of the law^ as the source of his argu-
ment, or more exactly, /rom the law^ as his starting-point, and
the prophets^ or remaining scriptures, as expounding and cou-
firming Moses. (See above, on 3, 18. 21. 24. 10,43. 13,27.
24, 14. 20, 22. 27.) From morning^ more exactly, ^ro//i early
(in the morning) until evenitig^ i. e. all day long. The whole
aay was thus occupied, of course not in formal or continuous
discourse, but partly in familiar and colloquial discussion (see
above, on 20, 7.)

24. And some believed the things which were
spoken, and some beUeved not.

As in most other cases where the auditors were Jews, the
effect was a divided or diverse one. (See above, on 13, 43-45.
14, 1. 2. 18, 4-6. 8. 12. 19, 8. 9.) Some believed (or more ex-
actly, were persuaded or convinced by) the things spoken, that
Paul's doctrine as to the Messiahship of Jesus was correct^ and
as a necessary consequence that he and not his enemies had
held fast to the old religion. (For the usage of the passive.

ACTS 28, 24. 25. 491

see above, on 6, 36. 37. 40. 17,4. 21,14. 23,21. 26,26. 27,
11.) This effect was probably foreseen by Paul, who had not
been led by accident to give this exposition of his Messianic
doctrine, but had deliberately seized the opportunity, afforded
by the Jews themselves (v. 22), of bearing witness to the truth
before his kinsmen according to the flesh, however his testi-
mony might be treated.

25. And when they agreed not among themselves,
they departed, after that Paul had spoken one v^ord,
Well spake the Holy Ghost by Esaias the prophet unto
our fathers —

Being discordant^ a musical expression (literally, unsymr
phoniou8)y but applied by Plato, as it is here, to diversity of
feeling and opinion. They departed, not abruptly, or before
Paul had accomplished his design, as may appear to be the
meaning of the English version, but they were dismissed (or
sent away) by Paul himself. (Compare the use of the same
verb in 19, 41.) Pavl saying (as they went), or having said
(before they went), not as the reason or occasion of their go-
ing, which they would have done if he had added nothing, but
as a solemn close of the whole interview, a last farewell to
them and to the doomed race whom they represented. Here,
as well as in the preceding verse, it is impHed that the greater
number persevered in unbelief and the rejection of the true
Messiah (but see below, on v. 29.) One word, saying, dictum
(see above, on 10, 37. 11, 16), full of fearful import, selected,
not at random, but as an appropriate conclusion to Paul's deal-
ings with his unbelieving brethren, WeU, not properly or
truly, which would be superfluous, if not irreverent, in allusion
to words uttered by the Holy Ghost, but exactly or appropri-
ately, as a description of the sons, no less than of the fathers,
to whom and of whom it was jprinaarily spoken. The form of
expression is derived from Christ himself (see Matt. 15, 7.
Mark 7, 6.) Our fathers still identifies the speaker with the
hearers, as descendants of the same progenitors (see above, on
8, 13. 25. 5, 30. 13, 17. 15, 10. 22, 14. 26, 6.) But the oldest
manuscripts and latest critics read your fathers, which appears
more natural in this connection, just as Stephen, after using
the first person ten times, suddenly adopts the second in his
closing invective or anathema (7, 2. 11. 12. 15. 19. 38. 39. 44.

492 ACTS 28, 25. 26.

45. 51. 52. For the idiomatic use of ori, that^ in a direct quo-
tation, see above, on 2, 13. 3, 22. 6, 23. 25. 6, 11. 11, 8. 13,34.
16,1. 16,36. 17,6. 18,13. 10,21. 23,20. 24,21. 25,8.16.
26, 31.) The passage quoted is here recognized, not only
as the genuine composition of Isaiah, but as a prophecy in-
Bpired by the Holy Ghost. (See above, on 1, 16. 4, 25.)

26. Saying, Go unto this people, and say. Hearing
ye shall hear, and shall not understand ; and seeing ye
shall see, and not perceive — -

The passage chosen for Paul's final utterance to the Jews
is still found m the writings of Isaiah (6, 9. 10), where it con-
stitutes a part of the renewed (or, as some think, the original)
commission of the Prophet, after a solenm vision of Jehovah
in the temple, and a symbolical assurance of his own forgive-
ness, as a preparation for the pain^l duty now to be imposed
upon him. This consisted in preaching to the people, but
with an assurance that it would have no effect, as to the mass,
except to blind and harden them. Hearing (or unth hearing)
ye shall hear and not (at all) understand (the Greek negation
being very strong), and seeing ye shall see and not (at all)
perceive (or looking ye shaU lookj and not see.) Searing and
seeing^ though alike in English, are entirely different in their
Greek form, the last being the active participle of the verb to
see^ agreeing with the plural pronoun (ye seeing) j and the first
a noun derived from the verb to hear, and construed as the
dative of means or manner. The distinction in both phrases
is between sensation and perception, or between a mere im-
pression on the organ and a corresponding intellectual effect
(see above, on 22, 9.) The combination of the noun and par-
ticiple with the cognate verb is designed to represent a com-
mon but peculiar Hebrew idiom, which joins an infinitive and
finite verbal form, for the sake of eniphasis in general, or of
some particular intensive meaning. Thus in this case, it may
either simply strengthen the expression (ye shall hear indeed,
ye shaU certainly hear), or suggest the accessory ideas of
clearness (hear distinctly), or abundance (hear sufficiently), or
continuance (hear on), or repetition (hear again), <fcc. The
idea of hearing and seeing in one sense without hearing or
seeing in another may have been proverbial among tlie He-
brews, as we know it to have been among the Greeks, from a
similar expression of JEscbylus, and stiJl more clearly jfrom

ACTS 28, 26. 27. 493

another of Demosthenes, who expressly cites it as a proverb,
^' seeing not to see, and hearing not to hear."

27. For the heart of this people is waxed gross,
and their ears are duU of hearing, and their eyes have
they closed ; lest they should see with (their) eyes, and
hear with (their) ears, and understand with ('their)
heart, and should be converted, and I should hed
them.

This part of the original prediction has the form of an
ironical commission or command, in which the Prophet is re-
quired to stupefy and blind the people, which is onl^ a strong
and paradoxical mode of conmianaing him to do his duty or
perform his office, with an accompanym^ intimation of its ac-
tual effect upon the people through then: own perversity and
imbeliefl (Compare the similar command of Christ in Matt.
23, 32.) In this fearful process there are three distinguishable
agencies expressly or implicitly described, the ministerial agen-
cy of the Prophet, the iudiciai agency of God, and the suicidal
agency of the people themselves. The original passage makes
the first of these most prominent (Fatten the heart of this peo-
ple, dull their ears, shut their eves, Ac,) The quotation in
John 12, 40, draws attention to the second (He hath blinded
their eyes and hardened their heart.^ That in Matt. 13, 15,
like the one before us, dwells upon tne third and represents
the people as destroyed by their own insensibility and unbe-
lief We have thus a striking and instructive instance of the
way in which the same essential truth may be exhibited in
different parts of Scripture under several distinct aspects or
successive phases. Heart is neither the affections nor the in-
tellect exclusively, but the whole mind or soul as comprehend-
ing both. (See above, on 2, 87. 4,32. 7,23. 8,21. 11,23. 14,
17. 16,9. 16,14. 21,13.) Waxed grosB^ literally, /a^ten€<f,
made £it, i. e. gross and stupid« l^ir ears are duU ofhear-
ing^ literally, with {fheir) ears they have heard heavUy^ i. e.
obtusely, dully, indistinctly. Closed^ in Greek a strong ex-
pression, strictly meaning shut dawn^ L e. shut £ist, and ap-
plied especially to sleep and death. The corresponding word
m Hebrew is still stronger, meaning smeared^ or glued fast,
so that the^ cannot be opened. The moral effect of this in.
sensibility is stated m the last clause. £e converted^ literally.

494 ACTS 28, 27. 28.

turriy i. e. to God by true repentance (see above, on 3, 19. 9,
36. 11, 21. 14, 16. 15, 19. 26, 18. 20.) As in the previous de-
scription, their own agency is prominently presented, so in this,
without excluding that of Goo. in either case. JBeal them^ for-
give and save them, sin being often represented in the Scrip-
tures as a spiritual malady. (Compare Ps. 41, 4. Jer. 3, 22.
IIos. 14, 4. 1 Pet. 2. 24.) The terms of this quotation, not
excepting the change of construction in the verse before us,
are derived, with little variation, from the Septuagint vermon
of Isaiah.

28. Be it known therefore unto you, that the sal-
vation of God is sent unto the Gentiles, and (that)
they will hear it.

Therefore., because you are thus hardened, and exhibit just
the character and state described in this appalling passage as
the fruits and symptoms of judicial blindness and abandon^
ment by God. JBe it knoum unto you^ the same emphatic
formula employed by Peter at Jerusalem (2, 14. 4, 10), and
by Paul himself at Antioch in Pisidia (13, 38), to introduce a
solemn and authoritative declaration. Salvation^ not the
Greek word commonly so rendered fas in 4, 12. 13,26.47.
16, 17), but one used only by Luke (Luke 2, 30. 3,6) and
Paul (Ej)h. 6, 17.) It is properly an adjective meaning sain-
tary^ saving (as in Tit. 2, 11), but here, and in the passai>-es
just cited, absolutely used without a substantive to sii^nitv
God's method of salvation, the remedial system made known iia
the gos})el. Is sent^ literally, loas sent^ i. e. has already been
sent. The past tense seems to be employed, and not the fu-
ture, because what he here refers to was not somethinir yet to
be begun in consequence of what had just occurred, but some-
thing begun long before and still in operation, of which this
was only the farewell annunciation, repeating to the Jews of
Rome what Paul had previously said to those of Antioch (13,
46) and Corinth (18, O), and no doubt in other cases not re-
corded. In the present case, however, it is made particularly
impressive by its being the conclusion of Paul's efforts to eon-
vert the Jews, and the commencement of those undivided
labours for the Gentiles, of which Rome was now to be the
seat and centre. To the Ge?itiles^ literally, the nations i. e.
other nations (see above, on 4,26.27. 9,15. 10,45. 11 is!
26, 17. 20. 23.) They shall /i^ar it, in the lower sense, L e.

ACTS 28, 28-30. 495

fihall have the opportunity of doing so, and (manyj wiU hear
ity in the higher sense, L e. give heed to it, accept it, and ob-
tain salvation by it.

29. And when he had said these words, the Jews
departed, and had great reasoning among themselves.

This verse is rdected by some critics, because not fo.und
in several of the oldest manuscripts and versions, but retained
by others on account of the agreement as to form among the
copies which do give it, and because its insertion is as hard to
be accounted for as its omission. It contains a natural though
not a necessary close of this transaction with the Jews at
Rome, again recording that they were not all of one mind,
but divided on the subject of Paul's Messianic teaching. He
having said (or saying^ L e. as or while he said) thsse words
(to wit, the one word mentioned in v. 25, but more especially
his last words in v. 28), the Jisws departed, not the passive
verb so rendered in v. 25, but one which properly means went
atray (employed above, 4, 15. 5, 26. 9, 17. 10, 7.) And had^
(literally, having, i. e. at the time, or as they went) great rear
soning, literally, mtich dispute, the same word that is used
above, 15, 2. 7 (compare the cognate verb in 6, 9. 9, 29)
among themselves, literally, in themselves, which might be
strictly understood of an internal conflict, as a like phrase is
employed above in 10, 17. 12, 11, but for the preceding noun,
which originally means joint inquiry or investigation, and
therefore necessarily implies a plurality of persons. (For the
use of in to mean with or among, see above, on 2, 29. 4, 12,
34. 5,12. 6,8. 7,44. 12,18. 13,26. 15,7.22. 17,34. 18,11.
20,25.32. 21,19.34. 24,21. 25, 5. 6. 26, 4. 18.) This is in
one sense the conclusion of Paul's ministry, i. e. so far as it
extended both to Jews and Gentiles. From the former it was
now to be withdrawn, and during the remainder of his life
exclusively directed to the latter, not so much, if at all, by
travelling among them, as by setting a ministry in motion at
the heart of the empire which should reach to its extremities,
and giving an impulse to the energies of others that should
still be felt when he had left the field of labour.

30. And Paul dwelt two whole years in his own
hired house^ and received all that came in unto him — •

496 ACTS 28, 30.81.

Having brought the Apostle of the Oentiles to the heut
and centre of the Gentile worlds and recorded his last dealings
with the Jews, the history closes with the interesting fact, that
he continued to exert his apostolical influence, from this gre^it
radiating point, without interruption or obstruction, lor a
whole biennium or period of two years after his arrivaL IhceU^
remained, continued (as in v. 16 aboye.]| Two wJiole ytan^
literally, a whole biennium^ or period of two years, the same
word that occurs above in 24, 27. The word whole shows, not
only that the two years were elapsed when Luke wrote, bat
that the condition here described continued without any in-
terruption for that length of time. Sis owfh, or as the word
may mean, a separate or private dwelling, which amounts,
however, to the same thing. (See above, on 1, V. 19. 25. 2,6.
8. 3,12. 4,23.32. 13,36. 20,28. 21,6. 23,19. 24,23. 25,19.)
Hired house^ a single word in Greek, used in the Classics and
the Septuagint to denote the act of hiring or the hire itself
but here the thing hired or rented, which the context deter-
mines to have been a place of residence, and therefore an
apartment, if not an entire house. Whether this hired lodg-
ing was the same tiiat is referred to in v. 23, or one to whiSi
he afterwards removed, is a question happilyof little moment,
as the narrative does not afford data for its satia&ctory solu-
tion. And received (as visitors or guests^ all the (persons)
coming in to him (as such), a statement which implies that his
intercourse with others was confined to his own dwelling, and
as a necessary consequence that during these two years he was
still a prisoner, an inference corroborated by the allusions to
his bonds in the epistles written at this time. (Compare
Philem. 1. 9. 10. 23. Col. 4, 18. Phil. 1, 13. 14. 16.)

31. Preaching the kingdom of Grod, and teaching
those things which concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with
all confidence, no man forbidding him.

These were not visits of mere courtesy or friendship, but
connected with the great work even of his prison-lile. (Com-
pare Phil. 1, 12-21.) Preachi?ig^ proclauning as a herald (see
above, on 8, 5. 9, 20. 10, 42. 19, 13. 20, 25, and compare the
cognate noim in 1 Tim. 2, 7. 2 Tim. 1, 11.) T7ie ki?igdom of
God, see above, on v. 23. Tmching^ explainuig, as well as
heralding, announcing (see above, on 15, 35. 18, 25. 20, 20)
t/ie {things) about {of or coficerning) t/ie Lord Jesus Christy

ACTS 28, 31. 491

1 e. Jesns as a sovereign, and as the Mes»ah of the Scriptures,
the predicted Prophet, Priest, and King, not of the carnal but
the spiritual Israel. (See above, on 2,30.36. 8,12. 9,22. ].%
20. 17,3. 16,5. 19,4. 20,21.) With all cmjidence, the void
translated btfldnes» in 4, 13. 29. 31 (compare the kindred verb
in 9, 27. 29. 13,46. 14,3. 18,26. 19,8), but always moaning
strictly freedom and plainneaa of speech, as opposed, not only
to a timid reserve, but to a partial and obscure exhibition of
the truth (see above, on 2, 29. 26, 16.) This is the gift for
which the twelve apostles prayed in persecution (see above,
on 4, 29. 31), and of which Paul speaks repeatedly m his epis-
tles, as essential to the full proof of his ministry. (Compare
Eph. 6, 19. 20. PhiL 1, 20. 1 Thess. 2, 2.) AU, i. e. all that
was required for thia purpose (see above on 4, 29, and com-
pare the use of the same epithet in 5, 23. 13, 10. 17, 11. 20,
19. 23, 1. 24, 3.) The mention of this circumstance as some-
thing singular, or contrary to what might naturally have been
looked for, serves to confirm the previous conclusion that
throughout these two years he was still a prisoner (see above,
on V. 30) ; and the same thing may be said of the emphatic
adverb which coqcludes the whole book, and to which our lan-
guage affords no nearer equivalent than unforbidden (or re-
tainm^ the adverbial form, wn/orfitcfcfen/y), the essential mean-
ing bemg that of the English phrase, utfAou{ ht or hindrance.
This emphatic and sonorous close shows that the book is not
imfinished, as so many have imagined, and endeavoured to ac-
count for its abrupt conclusion on the ground that Luke was
interrupted, or intended to compose a third book (see above,
on 1,1), or that the ori^al conclusion has been lost, Ac
These are not only arbitrary and gratuitous assumptions in
themselves, but are invented to explain a fact without exist-
ence. Because no account is ^ven of what afterwards befell
Paul, of his condemnation or acquittal, his release and re-arrest,
and final martyrdom, it does not follow that the history is in-
complete, but only that these interesting lacts were not in-
cluded in the writer's plan. The book is not a personal biog*
raphy of Paul, who is not even named until the close of the
first subdivision (see above, on 7, fi7J, but a history of the
planting and extension of the churcn among the Jews and
Gentiles, by the institution of great radiating centres at im-
portant points throughout the empire, beginning at Jerusalem
and ending at Rome. The ministry of Paul, aa the Apostle
qS (he Gentiles, fills a large part of the book, and aa Boon as

VOL. IL 2 I

498 ACTS 28, 81.

lie arrives at the last point in the series lust referred to and
commences operations there, the subject is exhausted and the
history complete. All subsequent occurrences, however inter-
esting in themselves, or useful for another purpose, belong
rather to biography than history, or rather to thjp later apos-
tolical history and the interpretation of the Pastoral Epistles,
than to this succinct and well-defined account of the great
process, by which Christianity was carried from its cradle at
Jerusalem, not only to its secondary homes in Antioch, Phi-
lippi, Corinth, Ephesus, and other cities of inferior rank, but
also to its throne in the Eternal City, the locality selected for
its highest exaltation and its most profound abasement. To
have added any thing beyond this point, except so much as
might suffice to show that Rome did really become a radiating
centre before Paul died, would have been to open a new
history and not to close an old one. However tantalizing,
therefore, the reserve of the historian may be to modem curi-
osity, it gives his work a unity and relative completeness,
which could only have been marred by supplementary addi-
tions. He does not even stand in need of the apology, which
some have made for him, that all the rest was well known to
Theophilus, and therefore needed not to be recorded ; as if
the book, although inscribed to one man, was not meant from
the beginning for the use of all men. It ends where it does,
for no such personal or trivial reason, but because the writer's
purpose is accomplished and bis task performed. As soon as
he has traced the course of Christ and Christianity from the
Holy City to the Mistress of the World, he has alreadv shown
the virtual fulfilment of the promise and the plan with w^hich
the history begins, "Ye shall be my witnesses, both in Jeru-
salem and in all Judea and Samaria, and unto the uttermost
part of the earth." (See above, on 1, 8.)

TUE END.

BALLANTYNL ANL> COiQ'.VNV, riUXTEllS, EDINBURGH.

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