/a.. 2. 3. o5".
PRINCETON, N. J. ^^
Presented by(S\fi/Or'c( S. Vxo O\rA^0r\~I3:ZD.'
O
Division
I)5ZL2.5
Section .f..f^.D..LiO
I8(p7
THE
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
EXPLAINED
JOSEPH ADDISON ALEXANDER
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I
THIRD EDITION,
NEW YORK :
OHAPvLES SCPJBNER & CO., 654 BROADWAY.
1807.
Ejtteekd, accordmg to Act of Congress, in the year 1S57, bj
JOSEPH ADDISON ALEXANDEB,
1* the Clerk's Office of the United States District Ck)nrt for the District of New Jersey.
J0H5 F. ISOT,
BEOTTTZa, AST) rXXCTROTTTZB,
i? ic 50 Greene Street,
ye^ York.
PREFACE.
The materials of ttiis book wexe collected in a course
of academical instruction, and prepared for publication,
in the first instance, with a view to the peculiar wants
of mmisters and students. But after the first chapter
was in tj-pe, the writer was induced to recommence
the work upon a new plan, in the hope of making it
more srenerallv useful, by the reduction of its size, and
the omission of all matter supposed to be interesting
only to professional or educated readers. This will
account for the prominence given to the EngHsh ver-
sion, the exclusion (for the most part) of the Greek text,
and the absence of any detailed reference to other
writers. It will be found, however, that the constant
subject of tlie exposition is the iaspired original, and
that one of its main objects is to perfect the translation,
so as to place the Enghsli reader as nearly as possible
on the same footing with the student of the Gi^k
PEBF ACE.
text. In attempting to effect the change of form
already mentioned, it has sometimes been difficult to
obliterate all trace of the original design ; but this, it
is hoped, will be considered rather a literary blemish
than a practical inconvenience. The numerous cita-
tions have been carefully selected, for the benefit of
those who wish to master the analogy and usage of the
Scriptures ; and the frequent reference from one part
of the commentary to another is intended to fit it for
occasional consultation as well as for continuous perusal.
It may not be superfluous to add, that the purpose of
the work, as indicated by the title, is simple explanation
of the sense and illustration of the history, leaving all
further uses, and among the rest all practical improve-
ment, to those who may avail themselves of its as-
sistance, and especially to such as may employ it in
historical as well as exegetical instruction,
Peinceton, June 1, 1867.
INTRODUCTION.
The Biblical History consists of two great parts, contained in
the Old and New Testaments respectively. The New Testa-
ment portion naturally falls into two divisions ; the Gospel
History, or Life of Christ, from his birth to his ascension ; and
the Apostolical History, from his ascension to the close of the
canon. The Apostolical History may again be subdivided
into two parts ; a connected narrative, extending from our
Lord's ascension to the second year of Paul's captivity at
Rome; and a body of detached and incidental statements,
scattered through the other books of the New Testament.
The materials of this last class may be used to illustrate
and complete the other, but are not to be confounded or in-
corporated with it. This is forbidden, first, by the uncertain
chronological relations of these insulated data to the forma?
history recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. For example,
the account of Paul's visits to Jerusalem and Corinth, as given
in the Acts and in his own Epistles, although no doubt per-
fectly consistent, cannot be reduced to one harmonic view,
except by probable approximation, quite sufficient for all
IV INTEODtJCTION.
necessary uses, whether exegetical or apologetical, but not
for a precise specification of the corresponding points in the
collateral or parallel authorities. The same thing is still more
emphatically true as to the dates of Paul's Epistles, some of
which are still disputed, and the rest, though commonly
agreed upon, are still not so absolutely certain as to justify
their being made a part of the authoritative narrative, and
put upon a level with the facts there positively stated.
Another objection to the actual insertion of these supple-
mentary details into the history is the violence done to its in-
tegrity and unity, as being not a mere collection of materials
but a regular historical composition, the plan and character of
which depend as much on the omission or exclusion as upon
the introduction, both of general topics and minute particu-
lars. The choice between these rests exclusively with the his-
torian, and any foreign interference, though it may enrich the
composition as a storehouse of materials, must impair its one-
ness, as an intellectual creation, and the realization of a defi-
nite idea. The omissions in any of the sacred histories are
not inadvertent or fortuitous, much less the fruit of ignorance
or want of skill, to be supplied by subsequent interpolation,
hut belong to the original design and must be left untouched,
excepting in the way of illustration and interpretation. This
is the use which it is here proposed to make of the detached
and incidental facts found elsewhere, in explaining the Acts of
the Apostles, as a complete and independent history, con-
structed on a rational, consistent plan, designed to make a
definite impression and to answer a specific purpose.
This description can be fully verified by nothing less than
a detailed examination of the book itself; but a compendious
statement of the grounds on which it rests will be given in its
proper place below, as a part of this general introduction. In
the mean time its truth may be assumed and used to prove
that the book is not a mere farrago of heterogeneous frag-
ments, or a collection of independent documents, or a series
r»f anecdotes or desultory recollections, but the continuoitf
INTRODUCTION. f
and systematic product of a single mind. The conclusion thus
drawn from the unity of purpose traceable throughout the
book is confirmed by its marked uniformity of style and man-
ner. While the Greek of this book is comparatively classical
and pure, it has peculiarities of language, not the less real be-
cause slight and unimportant in themselves, distinguishing its
style from every other except that of the third Gospel, which,
besides a general resemblance not to be mistaken, coincides
with it in some of its iru)st striking singularities of thought
and diction. This remarkable coincidence creates of course a
strong presumption that the two books which exhibit it are
works of the same author. This presumption is still further
strengthened by the fact, that the two together make up an
unbroken history, the one beginning where the other ends, to
wit, at the Ascension. It is further strengthened by the later
book's purporting on its face to be the sequel or continuation
of another, the contents of which, as there described (Acts 1,
1), exactly correspond to those of the third gospel. It is still
further strengthened by the circumstance that both books are
inscribed to the same man (Theophilus), and seem to have
been primarily meant for his instruction. AU these considera-
tions go to confirm, and are themselves confirmed by, the
unanimous tradition of the ancient church, that the third
Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles are works of the same
author.
In attempting to determine who the author was, we find
that this, hke all the other histories of Scripture, is anonymous.
Even the titles of the Pentateuch and Gospels, though correct,
are traditional, and form no part of the text itself. This usage
is the more remarkable because the contrary is uniformly true
as to the prophecies, in all of which the writer's name is given,
not excepting the Apocalypse, in which John names himself
repeatedly, although he never does so in his Gospel, nor in
either of his three Epistles.
When we look into the Acts for some internal indication
>f its origin, we find in certain parts (ch. xvi. xx. xxi. xxvxi.
Wl INTEODUCTION.
xxviii) the first person plural {we and us)^ implying that the
writer was an eye-witness of the circumstances there recorded,
which in all such cases are detailed with an unusual precision
and minuteness as to times and places, showing that the form
of speech in question is not merely accidental or unmeaning,
but expressive of a personal and Hvely recollection on the part
of the historian.
Some have attempted to account for this phenomenon by
supposing that these portions of the narrative were taken from
the notes or journals of those actually present, and incorporat-
ed Tvdthout change into the history. But this is to get rid
of a supposed improbability by means of one still greater, since
tne supposition of two wiiters is less obvious and natural than
that of one. For if we may assume without proof that the
historian derived this part of his materials from one who wit-
nessed the events, much more may we assume that the histo-
rian witnessed them himself. It may be said, indeed, that if
this were the case, the same form of expression would have
been employed throughout. To this it may be answered, in
the first place, that the writer, although constantly present,
might refer to himself only when directly acting or concerned
In the events related ; and in the next place, that he may not
have been always personally present, which, as we shall see, is
probably the true solution.
Another objection to the supposition of incorporated docu
ments from other sources is, that a writer who was capable of
planning and composing such a history as this, would be l-uca-
pable of thus inserting extracts from the manuscripts of others
in their crude state, without either intimating that they were
su or assimilatiug them in form to his own context.
The only remaining supposition is, that the writer of the
history was at least occasionally one of Paul's travelling com-
panions. Now of these we know that some of the most emi-
nent, particularly Silas and Timothy, were present upon some
of the occasions here recorded, and we therefore naturally
think of them, or one of them, as probably the writer. But
INTEODUCTION. VK
to this there are objections both internal and external. The
use of the first person begins at Troas and ceases at Philippi
(16, 10. 18) ; but Snas and Timothy had joined Paul long be-
fore (15, 40. 16, 3), and were with him in Thessalonica and
Berea (17, 1. 14), and afterwards rejoined him in Corinth
(18, 5.) Yet in all these movements, there is no mdication of
the writer's presence by the use of the first person. And
when this peculiar form of speech does re-appear, it is so em-
ployed as to distinguish Timothy at least from the historian,
by expressly saying, " these (among whom he is by name in-
cluded) going before, waited for us at Troas " (20, 4. 5.) An-
other objection, both to Timothy and Silas, as the author of
the history, is that so eminent a name would have been per-
petuated by tradition, which is only too apt to connect such
names with famous writings and achievements, as for instance
to make aU the persons mentioned in the Acts and Apostolical
Epistles bishops of the places where they seem to have resided.
In the present case it would be wholly unaccountable, that
such names as those of Timothy and Silas should be dropped
or exchanged for one otherwise unknown.
This is the name of Luke, whom an ancient and uniform
tradition recognizes as the author, both of the third Gospel
and the Acts of the Apostles. The only supposition that ac-
counts for the origin of this tradition is the simple supposition
of its truth. It may therefore be added to the internal evi-
dence already state'i, as a ground for the conclusion that the
writer of both books was Luke, who is three times named in
Paul's epistles, once as a companion (2 Tim. 4, 11), once as a
fellow-labourer (Philem. 24), and once as a beloved physician
(Col. 4, 11.) This is absolutely all the information with respect
to Luke afforded directly by the books of the ^N'ew Testament,
though other facts have been deduced from these by inference
and combination. The name, in its original form {Znj.cas)^ is
most probably contracted from Lucanus, Lucius, or Lucilius,
this" termination {as) being commonly used in such abbrevia^
vions, as in Demas from Demetrius, Silas from Silvanus. Antl
Vm INTRODUCTION.
pas from Antipater, &c. On the ground that such contracted
names were often borne by freedmen or emancipated slaves,
and that Greek slaves were in that age the physicians of their
Roman masters, Grotius builds the fanciful hypothesis that
Luke was a freedman of the Lucian or Lucilian family. A
less extravagant but still precarious conjecture would identify
him with the Imcius of Acts 13, 1 and Rom. 16, 21. Connect-
ed with the former name, perhaps, is the old tradition of his
being born or resident at Antioch, and there first introduced
to Paul's acquaintance. From the way in which he is sup-
posed to be distinguished from the " circumcision " (in Col. 4,
11), some infer that he was certainly a Gentile, which is also
thought to be confirmed by his apparent reference to Gentile
rather than to Jewish readers. The notion that he was a
painter is comparatively recent and perhaps occasioned by a
misconstruction of some reference to his graphic or descriptive
mode of writing history. Some have imagined that Paul calls
him a physician in a metaphorical or spiritual sense, as Christ
called his first disciples " fishers of men." But even this de-
scription presupposes that they had been literally fishermen,
and no good reason can be given for the special application of
this name to Luke's spiritual ministry, unless it was descrip-
tive of his secular profession. It is probable, however, from
Philem. 24, that he exercised the cure of souls as well as
bodies. The traces of his medical profession, found by many
in his writings, although faint and doubtful, will be noticed as
they present themselves in the progress of the exposition.
This remarkable dearth of information as to Luke, beyond
his name, profession, and the general fact- that he was one of
Paul's most intimate associates, and perhaps for many years
his medical attendant, gives the more importance to the uni-
form tradition of the early church, not only that he wrote
these books, but that he wrote them under Paul's direction
and control, thereby imparting to them, in addition to the
common seal of inspiration, the specific stamp of apostolical
authority. Another tradition represents the second Gospel as
JNTKODUCTION. IX
biistaining a similar relation to Mark as its immediate author,
and to^ Peter as its apostolical endorser, and the source fi*ora
which some of its most interesting statements were du-ectly
drawn. These traditions, though intrinsically not improbable,
may possibly have sprung fi'om the supposed necessity of giving
to the second and third gosj)els, though not written by apostles,
an equality of rank and honour with the first and fourth,
which were so written.
However this may be, the canonical authority of Acts has
never been disputed in the church at large, the book having
always formed a part of the New Testament Canon, as far
back as its history can now be traced. It was rejected by
some ancient heretics for obvious reasons, as opposed to their
peculiar notions ; by the Manichees, because it represents the
Holy Spirit (and not Manes) as the promised Comforter ; by
the Encratites, because it showed their meritorious absti-
nences to be inconsistent with the doctrine and the practice
of the early church ; by the Ebionites, because it proved the
ceremonial law to be a temporary institution; by the Mar
cionites, because it recognized it, while it lasted, as divine and
sacred. On the other hand, the book is found in aU the an-
cient catalogues of orthodox or catholic authority, and quoted
(or referred to) by the earliest Christian writers, fi'om Clement
of Rome in the first century to Irenseus at the close of the
second, in whose extant works a modern writer has discovered
more than thirty citations from the Acts of the Apostles.
That the book was not received from the beginning as canoni-
cal, has been inferred by some from an expression of Chrysos-
tom, that many in his day were not aware of its existence.
But this, if genuine, which has been doubted, is a mere rhe-
torical hyperbole, intended to rebuke in strong terms the
neglect of this important part of Scripture. The same thing
might be said now, in the same sense, as to other books, the
canonicity of which has never been disputed.
It is no doubt true, that certain parts of the New Testa-
ment, in ancient as in modern times, were more read and
X INTKODUCTION.
therefore better known than others. It must be remembered
that the books of the New Testament were separately wi'itten,
and origmally circulated one by one, but gradually gathered
into groups or classes, and eventually mto one complete col-
lection. One of the earliest divisions of the canon, which wt
know to have prevailed before the time of Origen, was into
two unequal parts called Gospel and Apostle ; the first con-
taining the four Gospels by themselves, not as superior to the
rest in inspiration or authority, but only in dignity of subject,
as exhibiting the Life of Christ, and also as the chronological
basis of the whole, corresponding to the Books of Moses in
the Hebrew Canon. The other division, being not only larger
but more miscellaneous, was familiarly subdivided into several,
one containing Paul's Epistles, another the Apocalypse, another
the Acts of the Apostles, and another the Cathohc Epistles,
the two last, however, being often jomed together, that is,
written in one volume.
That these conventional di^'isions of the Canon were not
transcribed with equal frequency, we learn from a comparison
of extant manuscripts. Of those collated by the modern
critics (excluding JLectionaries^ or selected lessons used in
ancient worship) it may be stated in round numbers, that the
Gospels are found in above five hundred, the Epistles of Paul
In about three hundred, the Catholic Epistles and the Acts in
above two hundred, and the Book of Revelation in about one
hundred. Of the two hundred manuscripts (or more) con-
taining Acts, eight or nine are of the Uncial or most ancient
class, written in capital letters, for the most part without ac-
cents, breathings, stops, or even spaces between the words, the
common use of all which is a sign of later date. Among these
are the four oldest copies of the Greek Testament known to
be extant, and distinguished in the latest critical editions by
the four first letters of the alphabet. A. The Codex Alexan-
drinus, in the British Museum. B. The Codex Vaticanus, in
the Papal Library at Rome. C. The Codex Ephraemi, in the
Imperial Library at Paris. D. The Codex Bezse, in the Uni-
INTRODUCTION. XI
versity Library at Cambridge. The precise d^e of these manu-
scripts is still disputed, but is now commonly agreed to range
from the fourth to the sixth centuries inclusive. From this it
follows that, although the extant copies of the Acts are far
less numerous than those of the Gospels or of Paul's Epistles,
they include the very manuscripts whose aid is most important
in determming the true text even of those other books.
Besides the preservation of the Greek text in these copies,
the book has also been preserved in several ancient versions,
the most important of which are the Syi'iac Peshito, made in
the third if not the second century, and the Latin Yulgate,
made by Jerome, on the basis of an old Italic version, near
the close of the fourth century. Other early versions, from
the third to the ninth century, are the Egyptian in two dia-
lects, the Ethiopic, Gothic, Armenian, Georgian, Arabic, and
Slavonic. Occasional reference will be made, in the following
exposition, to some modern versions, more especially to Lu-
ther's, and the six old English versions, those of Wiclif (1380),
Tyndale (1534), Cranmer (1539), the Geneva Bible (1557), the
Rhemish Version (1582), and King James's Bible (1611), the
last of which is stiU in common use. T^wo of these, Wiclif 's
and the Rhemish, are translations of the Vulgate ; Cranmer's
is little more than a reprint of Tyndale's, with a few unimpor-
tant variations ; the same is true, but in a less degree, of the
Geneva Bible; while the common version, though to some
extent influenced by all the others, is founded mainly upon
Tyndale's, with occasional changes for the worse and for the
better, but a frequent adherence to him even when in error.
Besides mere versions or translations, this book has been a
favourite subject of interpretation, more or less minute and
thorough, from the earliest to the present times. In addition
to the interest belonging to it as part and parcel of the sacred
history, it possesses great importance in connection with the
most exciting questions of Ecclesiology, as furnishing the sole
authentic record of the primitive church-government and or^
ganization. Hence it has been interpreted in every variety of
ni INTEODUCTION.
form, from the most elaborate and learned to the most popu
lar and practical, as well in general expositions of the Bible,
or of the New Testament, as in special works on this book in
particular. Besides formal commentaries on the text, this
part of Scripture has received much illustration from a class
of writers who have sought rather to present the substance
of the history in popular and interesting forms. Among the
latest and best specimens of this kind may be named the Apos-
tolical History of Baumgarten, and the Life and Letters of St.
Paul by Conybeare and Howson, and as a masterly elucidation
of a single passage, the Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul by
Smith of Jordanhitt. The plan and limits of the following ex-
position forbid particular citation of the many works consulted
in preparing it.
The oldest known division of the Greek text, by Euthalius,
who lived in the sixth century, was into forty chapters. The
present division into twenty-eight was made by Cardinal
Hugo, m the thirteenth century, to facilitate the use of his
Concordance to the Latin Vulgate, and was not adopted in
the copies of the Greek text till the fifteenth century. The
division into verses first appears in the margin of Stephens' edi-
tion (1551), and is said to have been made by him during a jour-
ney between Paris and Lyons. The actual separation of the
verses, by printing them in paragraphs, appears for the first
time in Beza*s edition (1565), and although discontinued in
the latest publications of the Greek text, still prevails in most
editions of the English Bible and of other modern versions.
The history of these divisions should be clearly understood,
not only to prevent their being thought original, or even
ancient, but also to deprive them of an undue influence upon
the exposition of the text itself The distinction of the chap-
ters in this book is often injudicious and unskilful, and at
best, these conventional divisions are mere matters of me-
chanical convenience, like the paragraphs and pages of a
modern book.
But while we make use of these mechanical contrivances
INTEODUCTION. XIU
for ease of reference and consultation, they must not be suf-
fered to usurp the place of a more rational division growing
out of the relations of the history itself, as a methodical and
systematical whole, designed to answer a specific purpose.
The ideas of most readers as to this point are derived from
the familiar title. Acts of the Apostles. But this title is re-
garded by the critics as traditional, and forming no part of the
text, but added by a later hand. It is, however, very ancient,
being found in all the oldest copies, though with some variety
of form. That the book appeared at first without a title, or
that its title has been lost and another substituted for it, seem
to be equally improbable hypotheses, unless it be assumed
that it was first sent, as a sort of historical epistle, to The-
ophilus, and afterwards provided with a name when brought
mto more general circulation.
Even this title does not mean, however, nor is the book in
fact, a history of the twelve apostles, most of whom are barely
named in the first chapter. It is not the biography of Peter
and Paul, as Apostles by way of eminence ; for each of
them is prominent in one part only, and the whole life of nei-
ther is recorded in detail. It is not a general history of the
Apostolical period, as distinguished from the ministry of Christ
himself; for many interesting facts belonging to that subject
are omitted, some of which have been preserved in the Epis-
tles. But the book before us is a speciajl history of the
PLANTING AND EXTENSION OF THE CHUKCH, BOTH AMONG JEWS
AND GENTILES, BY THE GRADUAL ESTABLISHMENT OF RADIATING
CENTRES OR SOURCES OF INFLUENCE AT CERTAIN SALIENT POINTS
THROUGHOUT A LARGE PART OF THE EMPIRE, BEGINNING AT
JERUSALEM AND ENDING AT ROME. That this is really the
theme and purpose of the history, any reader may satisfy him-
self by running through it with this general idea in his mind,
observing how the prominent points answer to it, and that
as soon as this idea is exhausted the book closes, in a way
that would be otherwise abrupt and harsh. The same thing
may be ascertained in more detail by using this description as
nV INTRODUCTION.
a principle or method of division, without any forced or arti-
ficial process, simply letting the history divide and subdivide
itself in reference to its subject and design, as these have been
already stated. Such an analysis, though presupposing a de-
tailed examination of the book, may be presented here as a
preliminary basis of the exposition.
^ The whole book naturally falls into two great parts, each
hf which may be grouped around a central figure. The sub-
ject of the first part is the planting and extension of the Church
among the Jews by the ministry of Peter. The subject of the
second is the planting and extension of the Church among the
Gentiles by the ministry of Paul. It is not as individuals, nor
merely as Apostles, that these two men occupy so large a
space and a position so conspicuous, but as the chosen leaders
in these two distinct but harmonious movements. "We have
therefore no details of their biography except so far as these
are needed to illustrate this important period of church-history.
It may also be observed that neither is presented, even in his
own sphere, to the absolute exclusion of the other ; but the
spheres themselves are so connected as to show that both be-
long to one great system. Peter, the Apostle of the Circum-
cision, introduces the first Gentile to the Christian Church.
Paul, the Apostle of the Gentiles, preaches always " to the
Jew first" when he has the opportunity, not only in the open-
ing of his ministry at Damascus and Jerusalem, but down to
its very close at Rome. With this important quaUfication,
the fii'st part of the history (ch. i-xii) may be described as that
of Peter and the Church among the Jews, and the last (ch.
xni-xxviii) as that of Paul and the Church among the Gentiles.
Looking now at the first of these divisions (i-xii), in which
Peter is the central figure, and the Church among the Jews his
field of labour, we can almost see it subdivide itself into two
successive processes or series of events, distinctly and succes-
sively exhibited. The first is the formation and maturing of
a mother-church and model-church within the precincts of the
holy city, nurtured and trained by apostolic care to be not
I'iNTRODUCTlON. XV
©nly the beginning or the germ, but for a time, and in a cer-
tain sense, the representative of all the other churches in the
world, or rather of the one undivided body, to which all other
churches are related, not as separable portions, but as living
members. This original and normal church is here presented
in its unimpau'ed, undivided state, from its inception to its
temporary dissolution and the wide dispersion of its members
and materials on the death of Stephen (i-vii). This affords a
natural transition to the second process here recorded (vni-
xii), that of sudden, simultaneous radiation from the central
point in various directions, spreading the light, which had
been hitherto confined, to other regions, and accomplishing
the purpose revealed centuries before, that the law should go
forth from Zion, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem
(Isaiah 2, 4).
Let us now for a moment fix our eye upon the former of
these subdivisions (i-vii), and allow it, as it were, to fall apart,
without mechanical contrivance or coercion, into topics or his-
torical phenomena, precisely as they lie upon the surface, or
succeed one another in the progress of the narrative. The
whole book opens with two preliminary incidents, by which
the way is prepared for the organization of the church and
the commencement of its history. The fii'st is the Ascension
of our Lord, connecting this whole narrative with that of
which it is the sequel (Luke 24, 51), and at the same time open-
ing the way for the effusion of the Spirit, which was not to be
expected till the Son had returned to the bosom of the Father
(John 14, 26. 15, 26. 16, 7.) The other is the choice of an
Apostle to supply the place of Judas, that the theocratical or
patriarchal form of the new organization might be perfect
when the Spirit came to give it life (ch. i).
These preliminary incidents are followed by the great
events of Pentecost, the birth-day of the Christian Church,
the outpouring of the Spirit, and the gift of tongues, Peter's
sermon and the baptism of three thousand, with a picture
of the social and the spiritual state of the newly organized
community (ch. ii).
XVI INTRODUCTION.
Tlien follows a succession of vicissitudes, by which the in*
fant church was purified and hardeneij, an alternate series ol
disturbances and trials from without and from within, whicli
at the time of their occurrence may have seemed fortuitous,
but which can now be seen to form a chain of disciplinary
providences, all preparatory and conducive to intended
changes (ch. in-vn).
First, a miracle of healing gives occasion to another pub-
lic exhibition of the Gospel, and this to an attack upon the
Church by the authorities, resulting in a triumph of the truth,
increased zeal and boldness in its propagation, and more rapid
growth of the new body both in numerical and spiritual
strength (ch. in-rv).
But to warn the Church of other dangers fi'om a very dif-
ferent quarter, which had hitherto perhaps been unsuspected,
God permits her purity and peace to be disturbed by a com-
motion from within, the first appearance of hypocrisy and sec-
ular ambition in the infant body, but immediately disarmed
of its pernicious influence on others by a signal indication of
divine displeasure, which not only punished the original offend-
ers, but deterred all hke them from presumptuous imitation.
By another alternation, too exact to be fortuitous, the next
disturbance is again ah extra^ a concerted movement of the
High Priest with the Sadducean party, to suppress the preach-
ing of the resurrection, and by that means of the new religion ;
a proceeding only saved from being murderous by Pharisaic
policy or wisdom, and resulting, as before, in the triumphant
propagation of the new faith, in defiance of the Jewish rulers
(ch. v).
The next vicissitude presents a second movement from
within, but wholly different from the first, and owing not to
ialse profession or corrupt ambition, but to jealousy of races
and administrative discontents, allayed by the erection of a
new church-office, and the consequent appearance of a new
and interesting character, whose preaching, miracles, and con
troversial triumphs over Jewish bigotry and prejudice, result
INTRODUCTION. XVU
in his arrest aud accusation at the bar of the great national
consistory, before which he concisely recapitulates the history
of Israel as the chosen people, shows the temporary nature of
their cherished institutions, and unmasks their national apos-
tasy and treason, with a clearness and a pungency which rouses
them to madness, and precipitates the terrible but glorious
translation of the first Christian martyr (ch. yi-vii).
The death of Stephen is the signal for a general persecution,
which at first appears to threaten the complete extinction of the
Church, but in fact only changes its condition from a local and
confined to an expansive and aggressive one. This great dis-
aster, like a terrible explosion, served to scatter the materials
and seeds of fire into distant regions, where they kindled many
shining fights and opened many sources of congenial heat,
to warm and illuminate the nations. This radiating process
is the subject of the second subdivision which, beginning
where the other closes, with the martyrdom of Stephen, in a
series of contemporaneous views exhibits the extension of the
Church in various directions, still returning at the close of each
description to the point of original departure, thus disclosing
at the same time the relation of the incidents themselves and
the peculiar structure of this portion of the history, as not
consecutive but parallel (ch. VHi-xn).
From the centre of the movement and the highest point
of observation in Jerusalem, we first see Phifip on his mission
to Siimaria, followed by two Apostles, introducing to the
Church the excommunicated heretics of that despised and
hated region ; then proceeding with a new commission to
thx3 south, receiving the first-fi'uits of Ethiopia, and acting as
a pioneer until he reaches Cesarea, where the history leaves
him for the present (ch. vin).
Looking back to the scene of Stephen's martyrdom, we
Bee the young man at whose feet the actors in the tragedy
deposited their garments, setting out as a fanatical persecutor
to Damascus, but arriving there an humble convert, then ap-
pearing as a champion of the faith which he had once sought to
XVm INTKODUCTION.
destroy, forced to flee for his life, but repeating the same pro-
cess at Jerusalem, and finally returning to his native land and
city, not now as a destroyer, but a founder and a buildei of
the church there (ch. ix).
Returning once more to the starting point, the history ex-
hibits Peter on an Apostolic visitation of the churches, work-
ing miracles at Lydda and at Joppa, disabused by vision of
his Jewish prepossessions in relation to the Gentiles, and then
called to Cesarea, where he openly receives into the church a
Roman officer and his dependants, as the pledge and foretaste
of a glorious harvest to be reaped by other hands, but as yet
requiring to be justified before it can be sanctioned by the
brethren in Judea (ch. ix-xi).
Looking forth for the last time fi'om Jerusalem, we see a
nameless company of Cyprians and Cyrenians preaching Christ,
not only to the Jews, but to the Gentiles of the Syrian metro-
polis ; their efforts seconded by Barnabas irom Jerusalem and
Saul from Tarsus ; the new name of Christian first applied at
Antioch, destined now to be a secondary centre to the Gen-
tile world, and yet maintaining its own filial relation to her
mother at Jerusalem, by sending help for the approaching
famine by the hands of her two most honoured ministers
(ch. xi).
The institution of this radiating centre for the heathen
world concludes the first division of the history, the transition
to the second being furnished by a narrative, connected equally
with both, of what befel the mother Church while Barnabas
and Saul were on their mission of mercy in Judea ; the Hero-
dian persecution at Jerusalem, the death of James the Elder,
the imprisonment of Peter, his miraculous deliverance and de-
parture from Jerusalem, the dreadful end of the persecuting
Herod, the return of Barnabas and Saul to Antioch, in order
to be ready for the opening of the second act of this grand
drama, in which both for a time and one of them throughout
had to act so conspicuous a part (ch. xii).
In the^ second great division of the book (ch. xiii-xxvnii
INTRODUCTION. tit
Paul is tlio central figure, and the Gentile church his field of
operations. It divides itself without constraint into two parts,
corresponding to two different conditions under which the
great Apostle laboured, which may be distinguished as his
Active and Passive Ministry, or less equivocally as his Apos-
tleship at large and his Apostleship in bonds, the turning
point or bounding Une being fixed by his arrest at Jerusalem
and subsequent captivity.
The former of these subdivisions, Paul's active ministry, or
his Apostleship at large (ch. xiii-xxi), may be resolved into
Missions, and the Missions classed as Foreign and Domestic ;
not of course in the familiar sense of this distinction, but em-
ploying the second of these terms as a convenient designation
of his official journeys to Jerusalem; the other, as usual, denot-
ing visits to the heathen with a view to their instruction and
conversion. The two sorts of missions thus distinguished are
not entirely separate in the history, but intermingled, no
doubt in the order of their actual occurrence (ch. xiii-xxi).
We have first the solemn separation, by express divine
authority, of Barnabas and Saul to this important work-; their
setting out from Antioch, and sailing from Seleucia to Cyprus ;
their preaching in the synagogue at Salamis, and journey
through the isle to Paphos ; the hostility and punishment of
Elymas the sorcerer and false prophet, and the conversion of
the Roman Proconsul. At this juncture Saul assumes a new
position, as Apostle of the Gentiles, takes the place of Barna-
bas as leader of the mission, and is thenceforth known exclu-
sively as Paul. From the native land of Barnabas, they now
proceed to that of Paul, where Mark, then* minister, forsakes
them. From Pamphylia they pass into Pisidia, at the capital
of which province Paul delivers his first apostohcal discourse
on record, and announces to the unbelieving Jews his mission
and commission to the Gentiles. Being driven to Iconium, he
there renews the same experience. At Lystra, by a miracle of
healing, he excites the heathen population to do sacrifice, but
by q, sudden change of feeling, owing to the machinations of
XX INTRODUCTION.
the Jews who had pursued him, he is stoned and left for dead^
but soon proceeds to Derbe, where his mission terminates.
Returning as he came, he organizes churches in the cities pre-
viously visited, and coming back to Antioch, the point from
which he had set out, he reports his proceedings to the church
there and resumes his former labours (ch. xni-xiv).
This mission to the GentUes in their own lands, naturally
raises the question whether they must first be Jews before
they can be Christians. The affirmative, maintained by certain
teachers from Judea, gives occasion to a warm dispute at An-
tioch, in con|equence of which Paul and Barnabas are sent up
to consult the mother Church in its representative character,
maintained by the continued presence and co-operation of Apos-
tles. The decision of this body in favour of Paul's conduct^
at the instance of Peter and James, is reduced to writing and
sent back to Antioch, where Paul and Barnabas now again re-
sume their labours. While they are thus employed, Paul
proposes to revisit the field of their first mission, to which
Barnabas consents, but on condition that John Mark shall
again attend them. Paul's refusal, with the sharp dispute
arising from it, leads to their temporary separation, which is
overruled, however, as a means of multiplying labourers ; for
whUe Barnabas and Mark proceed to Cyprus, Paul revisits
Asia Minor, having filled their places with two new asso-
ciates, Silas, a leading member of the mother church, and
Timothy, a convert of his own in Lycaonia (ch. xv).
This second mission seems to have been undertaken with-
out any express intimation of the divine purpose ; for we find
them vainly trying to efiect an entrance into several provinces
of Asia Minor, and from some peremptorily excluded by the
Holy Spirit. This mysterious failure and repulse are not ex-
plained until they come to Troas, near the site of ancient
Troy, and opposite to Greece, whence the hosts of Agamem-
non came against it. From this memorable battle-field a
very different war is to be carried into Europe, which is now
for the first time to receive the Gospel. At this interesting
INTRODUCTION. XXI
juncture, Paul is warned in vision to go over into Macedonia,
where so many of his triumphs were to Be achieved, and
where he proceeds, in the face of the most violent resistance,
both fi'om Jews and Greeks, to lay the foundations of those
Macedonian churches, now immortalized by intimate and in-
destructible association with his three canonical epistles to the
I*hiUppians and Thessalonians (ch. xvi).
Havmg fixed these central points of influence in Northern
Greece, and one perhaps less lasting at Berea, he proceeds to
Athens, the most famous seat of ethnic art and science. Here
he shows his versatility of talent and his apostolical wisdom
by his formal and colloquial discourses in the synagogue, the
market, and the areopagus, adapting his instructions, with ex-
traordinary skill, to the capacities and wants of those whom
he addressed. Although apparently without effect on the
philosophers who heard him, his appeals at Athens were re-
sponded to by some, including one at least of high rank, and he
left behind him even there the germ or the basis of a Christian
church. At Corinth, the chief city of Achaia, he stays longer
and accomplishes more visible results by founding that impor-
tant Church to which he afterwards addressed two of his long-
est and most interesting letters (ch. xvii).
Having thus, as it were, taken possession of the most im-
portant points in Greece, he turns to Ephesus, the influential
capital of Asia Proper, as another fortress to be won and oc-
cupied for Christ. At present he attempts only to reconnoitre
the defences of the enemy while on his way back to the east,
reserving his attack upon them as the work of his thii*d mis-
sion. This design he is enabled to accomplish, in a residence
of three years, during which, by teaching and by miracle, he
not only gained the respect and esteem of the most enlight-
ened classes, but drew off many thousands from the worship
of Diana and the practice of the occult arts. " So mightily
grew the word of God and prevailed" (ch. xviii-xix).
This triumph over heathenism, in one of its impregnable
strongholds, seemed to leave but one great post unoccupied,
XX11 INTKODUCTION.
the citadel of Rome itself, to which accordingly, while still at
Ephesus, he turned his thoughts, saying, " I must also see
Rome." But here a most extraordinary part of the divine
plan or purpose is disclosed. Instead of sailing from Ephesus
to some Italian port, as he no doubt might have done mth
ease, he first revisits Greece, and then, accompanied by seven
representatives of Gentile Christianity, as well as by his be-
loved physician, who seems now to have rejoined him, he de-
liberately sets his face, not to the west but to the east, per-
forms a miracle of healing or resuscitation at the place where
he had seen his Macedonian vision, puts an end to his third
mission by a solemn and affecting valedictory address to the
Ephesian elders, and then journeys towards Jerusalem, thoiigh
warned at every step, and sometimes by inspired men, of the
danger there awaiting him (ch. xx-xxi).
This persistency in rushing upon certain peril, in the face
of such dissuasives, is entirely unaccountable except upon the
supposition of an express divine command, requii'ing it for
some mysterious and momentous purpose. And accordingly,
on putting all the facts together, it becomes quite certain that
instead of journeying at once to Rome, and there establishing
the last great centre of his operations, he was secretly directed
to revisit Palestine, and there make a last appeal to his own
countrymen, by whom it was foreseen that he would be re-
jected and delivered to the Gentiles, thus prefiguring or sym-
bolizing, in his own experience, the transfer of the Gospel from
the one race to the other, and arriving at his final destination,
not as he once expected, in the use of his own freewill and
discretion, but as a prisoner, accused by his own people, and
removed by his own appeal to the tribunal of the emperor.
We have here then the transition from his active to his pas-
sive ministry, or rather from his free and unconfined apostleship
to that which he so long exercised in bonds (ch. xxi-xxvni).
As Paul is still the central figure of the history, this last
division may be readily resolved into Apologies, defences of
himself and of the Gospel, upon various occasions providential-
INTRODUCTION. XXlll
ij afforded, and to various auditories both of Jews and Gentiles,
who are brought into a remarkable and interesting juxtaposi-
tion both with him and with each other, as accusers, persecu-
tors, judges, and protectors. His first Apologies are to the
Jews, but in the presence of the Romans ; one to the people
from the castle-stairs adjacent to the temple, and the other at
the bar of the great national council. His third and fourth
defences are addressed to Roman Governors, but in the pres-
ence of a Jewish delegation from Jerusalem, the former before
FeUx and the latter before Festus, both as it would seem in
the Praetorium at Cesarea. His fifth Apology was to Agrippa,
representing both the Jewish and the Roman power, and con-
tained a fuller statement of his true relation to the old religion,
and his claim to be regarded as a genuine and faithful Jew
(ch. xxii-xxvi).
His extraordinary mission being thus accomplished, he
again turns his eyes to Rome, as the distant but conspicuous
goal of his career, which he at length attains, but as a prisoner,
and after having suffered shipwreck by the way, a sort of
symbol representing the vicissitudes through which the
C/hurch was to attain her ultimate and universal triumphs.
Having made one more appeal to unbelieving Israel, as repre-
sented by the Jews at Rome, and having finally abandoned
them to their judicial blindness, he turns wholly to the Gen-
tiles, and establishes the last great radiatiug centre from
which light was to be shed upon the world, until the light
itself was turned to darkness (ch. xxvii-xxvin).
Whether the view, which has been now presented, of the
nistory considered in its internal structure and its mutual rela-
tions, is a true and natural or false and artificial one, can only
be determined by a patient process of detailed interpretation.
THE ACTS
OP
THE APOSTLES
CHAPTEE I.
This chapter contains the prelimmaries of the Apostolical
Church History, which does not properly begin until the day
of Pentecost. The time included in the chapter is a period
of n'early fifty days, divided into two unequal intervals.
The two main incidents recorded are our Lord's Ascension
and the designation of a new Apostle. The book itself
purports to be the sequel of Luke's Gospel {iV and begins
where that ends, at our Lord's Ascension (2) ; but iirst
tells ' V the interval of forty days was spent (3), and
more p.a-ticularly, what passed at the final meeting be-
tween Christ and his Apostles (4 — 8). Then follows an
account of the ascension itself (9), and the heavenly assurance
of Christ's second coming (10, 11), the return of the eleven to
Jerusalem (12), with a list of their names (13), and some
account of their associates and emplojanents (14). During
the interval between Ascension Day and Pentecost, Peter
addresses an assembly of disciples (15), representing the apos-
tasy and death of Judas as events predicted in the ancient
scriptures (16-20), alleging the necessity of filling the vacated
place, and stating the necessary qualifications (21, 22). Of
2 ACTS 1, 1.
the two tlius eligible (23), after prayer for the divine decision
(24, 25), one is chosen by lot to be the twelfth Apostle (26).
1. The former treatise have I made, O Theopliilus,
of all that Jesus began both to do and teach.
This verse describes the whole book as the sequel or con-
tinuation of another, by the same writer, and containing the
history of our Saviour-s personal ministry on earth. Formcf
treatise might be more exactly rendered ^rs^ hooh or diS'
course. Herodotus applies the same Greek word {koyov) to
the divisions of his history. It is not so much Si. former treatise^
or distinct work, that is here referred to, as a first instalment
of the same that is continued in the book before us. Have I
made^ or, more definitely, did make^ made^ at a particular
time, well known to the person here immediately addressed.
As to this person, we have no historical or certain informa-
tion, although various conjectures are proposed respecting
him. The name, according to its Greek etymology, denotes
a Friend of God, and has by some been taken as an ej^ithet,
equivalent to " Christian Reader " in a modern preface. But
besides being in itself improbable, this notion is refuted by
the reference to his previous acquaintance with the history, in
Luke 1, 4, as well as by the honorary title there applied to
him. As that title is repeatedly applied in this book (23, 26.
24, 3. 26, 25) to the Koman governors or procurators of
Judea, some have hastily concluded, that the person here
addressed was one of high official rank. This, though pos-
sible, is not susceptible of proof from such imperfect data ;
and the same thing may be said of the attempt to prove that
he was resident in Italy, because the writer seems to presup-
pose a knowledge of that country, while, in writing of others,
he often gives minute geographical details. The' tradition
that he was a high priest mentioned by Josephus, rests upon a
mere comcidence of names, and is intrinsically most improbable.
The most that can, with any plausibility, be gathered from
the book itself, is that Theopliilus may have been a Christian
resident at Rome, at whose request the book was originally
written. The whole question is of less importance, as the
mswiption of the history to this man has probably afiectcd its
consents and form as little as a modern dedication. Of all^
i. e. about ^ coiicerning all^ thus pointing out the subject of the
former treatise, or earlier division of the history. All, in the
ACTS 1, 1. 2. 3
original, is plural, and means all things. It is not a hyper-
bole or exaggeration, but a relative expression, meaning all
that was included in the writer's plan or necessary to his
purpose. Began is not a pleonastic or superfluous expression,
but emphatic, and suggestive of two important facts. The
first is, that what our Saviour did, he did for the first time ;
no one ever did it before him. The second is, that what he
thus began in person upon earth was afterwards continued b\
his Apostles, under the influence and guidance of his Spirit.
Doth seems to make a marked distinction between doing and
teaching ; but the one may be understood as comprehending
all ofiicial acts not included in the other. Thus explained, the
verb to do refers especially, but not exclusively, to our
Saviour's miracles. The first hooh^ or former treatise^ thus
described, is no doubt the Gospel accordmg to Luke, which
is addressed to the same persou, v^aitteninthe same style, and
exactly corresj^onds to this description.
2. Until the day in which he was taken up, after
that he through the Holy Ghost had given command-
ments unto the Apostles whom he had chosen.
As the first verse represents this book to be the sequel or
continuation of another, so the second draws the line between
them, or defines the point at which the one closes and the
other opens. This j)oint of contact and transition is afibrded
by our Lord's ascension, which is really recorded in both
narratives. (See Luke 24, 50. 51.) Until the day^ the very
day, a form of speech implying a j^recise chronological speci-
fication. I7i ichich^ on which or during which, the prejwsi-
tion not being expressed in the original, which simply means
the day ichich^ or still more exactly, what day^ a construction
not imcommon in old English, and still used in poetry. Taken
up^ and taken hack^ i. e. to heaven, both which ideas are sug-
gested by the Greek verb (aveXri<}>^r]), which moreover has
peculiar force from its position at the end of the sentence,
until the day i?i which, after etc., he teas taken up. The second
clause describes what Christ had done before he was taken
up. The six words, after that he had given commandments,
correspond to one in Greek (efreiXa/xevos), a past particij^le,
the exact sense of which is, having charged or commanded.
This may refer, either to the whole period of forty days men-
tioned in the next verse, or to the last interview between our
4 ACTS 1, 2.3.
Lord and his Apostles, on the very day of his ascension. Tha
latter is more probable, because, in the original, the verse
before us closes with the words taken iip^ and the next verse
seems to go back to the previous interval of forty days. The
reference may then be specially, though not perhaps exclu-
sively, to the great apostolical commission recorded by Mat-
thew (28, 18-20) and Mark (16, 15. 16), as well as to the
specific charge recorded in Luke 24, 49, and in v. 4 below.
The apostles are here mentioned as a well defined and well
known body of men, whose vocation and mission had already
been recorded by this writer (Luke 6, 12-16), though their
names are afterwards repeated for a special reason. (See below,
on V. 13.) Sad chosen^ more exactly, did choose^ chose out
for himself, which is the full force of the Greek verb (e£eXe-
^aro). Through the Holy Ghost: these words, in the ori-
ginal, stand between the verbs commanded and chose^ and
are by some connected with the latter, whom, he chose through
the Holy Spirit. But although there is, in either case, a
transposition foreign from our idiom, the usual construction is
more natural and jdelds a better sense, as the interesting
question here is, not how he had chosen them at first, but
how he charged them and instructed them at last. The
Avords, thus construed, may denote either the spiritual in-
fluence imder which our Saviour's mediatorial acts were all
performed, or the influence by which his last instructions were
accompanied, and by which the apostles were enabled to obey
them. Here again, the second explanation is more obvious,
and better suited to the context, which would lead us to
expect, not a mention of the spiritual gifts which our Saviour
had received, but of those which he bestowed on this occasion.
3. To whom also he showed hhnself ahve after his
passion, by many infallible proofs, being seen of them
forty days, and speaking of the things pertaining to the
kingdom of God.
Before proceeding to describe our Lord's ascension, Luke
reverts to the long interval between that event and his resur
rection, showing how it had been spent, and what important
purposes it answered. The first of these was, that the mmds
of the apostles were convmced of his identity, and of his
having actually risen from the dead. To lohotn refers, of
fcourse, to the apostles, who had just been mentioned, and who
ACTS 1, 3. 6
not only witnessed his ascension, but saw and conversed with
him for many days before it. Also is not unmeaning or sn-
perfluous, but marks the recurrence to a time preceding that
referred to in the second verse. As if he had said : although
this was his last meeting with them after his resurrection, it
was not the first ; for besides this final charge immediately
before ascending, he also showed himself^ etc. This last verb
{7rap€(TT7](r€v) Strictly means presented, placed before or near
one (23, 33), and is elsewhere used in reference to resurrec-
tion or resuscitation (9, 41) ; but besides this physical and
strict sense, it sometimes means to place before the mind or
prove (24, 13). Both these ideas may be here suggested,
that of sensible exhibition as the means, and that of rational
conviction as the end. Showed himself is therefore a felici-
tous translation, as the same double sense belongs to the
nsage of the English verb, shoio being often equivalent to
prove. Alive, literally living, after his passioji, literally after
suffering, or after he had silffered, i. e. suffered death. This
absolute use of the verb to suffer in the sense of dying, is a
common idiom in the Greek of the New Testament. (See
Luke 22, 15. Acts 3, 18. 17,3. Heb. 9, 26. 13, 12. 1 Peter
2, 21. 3, 18. 4,. 1.) What he showed in this case was that
he was living after being dead, not only vivus but redi-
vivus. (See Rev. 1, 18. and compare Rom. 11, 15.) The
proofs of this were not only many but infallible, conclusive
or convincing. This epithet is not expressed in Greek, but is
really included in the meaning of the noun (reK/xT^piot?), which
is used by Plato and Aristotle to denote the strongest proof
of which a subject is susceptible. The particle before it
properly means in, i. e. in the use of such proofs, and is there-
fore an emphatic equivalent to by, which only denotes instru-
mental agency or means to an end. Being seen of them, or
more exactly, appearing to them, i. e. from time to time, not
constantly seen by them, as before his passion. This distinc-
tion is suggested not only by the participle here used (oTrra-
vo/xevos^, but also (according to Chrysostom) by the preposi-
tion (ota) before forty days, which is not expressed in the
English version, but which means through, during, in the
course of, any given time. According to this view, every
appearance of our Saviour, in the interval between his resur-
rection and ascension, was an apparition, not in the sense of
an optical illusion or a superstitious fancy, but in that of a
miraculous or preternatural manifestation of his person on
e ACTS 1, 3.4.
particular occasions, as a proof of his idtmtity and resurrec-
tion. Forty clays^ the length of the interval just mentioned,
and known to us only from this passage, which enables us
moreover to determine the interval between the Ascension
and the day of Pentecost. (See below, on 2, 1.) The other
use to which our Saviour put the longer of these intervals was
that of conversation and instruction. Bpealcing^ not merely
talking, but authoritatively teaching and declaring. Of is
not in the original, and is superfluous in the translation.
He not only spohe of or about the things^ etc., but he
uttered or declared the things themselves. Pertaining
to^ concerning, is expressed in the original, and indicates
the subject of our Lord's authoritative declarations. This
w^as the hingdom of God^ denoting in its widest sense the
Church under all its forms and dispensations, and including
therefore the Theocracy or Je^\dsh Church, but here referring
more especially, no doubt, to the Messiah's kingdom, or the
new form under which the Church, or chosen people, was
about to be re-organized. It is worthy of remark, that tiie
last days of our Lord on^earth were still employed in w^ords
and acts relatmg to the great end of his mission, and in strict
accordance with his words and acts in early childhood. Wist
ye not that I must he about tny Father^ s busiiiess f (Luke 2,
49.) In this he furnishes a model and example to his peoj^le,
not only in their last days, but throughout their lives.
4. And being assembled together with them, com-
manded them that they should not depart from Jeru-
salem, but wait for the promise of the Father, which
(saith he) ye have heard of me :
This is the command, or one of the commands, referred to
in V. 2, as given on the day of the ascension, at the last meet-
ing between Christ and his disciples. Assembled together^ or
more simply, tnet^ having (or being) met with them, not acci
dentally or unexpectedly, but most probably by previous
appointment. The translation, lodging with them^ rests upon
a diflerent reading (o-wai;A.t^o/>ia/os), that of eating with them^
on an ancient but erroneous explanation of the common text
(o-vt-aAt^o/xevos), perhaps suggested by the analogy of Luke
24, 43. John 21, 13. Acts 10, 41. The active construction,
having assembled (or assembling) them^ gives a good sense,
but is less agreeable to Greek usage. Commanded is a
ACTS 1, 4.5. 7
different verb from that in v. 2, and denotes a peremptory
order, sucli as a military word of command. That they should
not depart^ literally, not to he parted or divided^ either by
physical or moral force. This is the meaning of the Greek
v-erb (xwpt^ecr^at) for the most part in the classics, and always
in the Scriptures. See 18, 1. 2, where it seems to imply selt-
constraint or effort, and compare Rom. 8, 35. Heb. V, 26.
I Cor. 7, 10. 11. 15. Philem. 15. There is no need of dilut-
ing it in this case, so as to mean mere departure. The ex-
pression seems to have been chosen for the very purpose of
conveying the idea, that they must not allov>^ themselves to
be either drawn or driven from Jerusalem, until the time
prescribed had fully come. The original order of the words
is, from Jerusalem not to he parted. Wiclif's version of the
next clause is, abide the behest of the Father. The promise
of the Father was the promise given by him, not merely in
the prophecies of the Old Testament (such as Joel 3, 1. Zech.
2, 10), all which were summed up in that of John the Baptist,
mentioned in the next verse ; but through our Lord himself,
as he expressly adds. (See Luke 24, 49. John 14, 16. 15, 26.
16, 1. 13, and compare Matt. 10, 20. John 20, 22.) The
promise is here put, by a natural metonymy, for its fulfilment.
Heard of me is ambiguous in English ; but the context here
determines it to mean heard from me. This abrupt transition
from the indirect to the direct form of expression, by the sub-
stitution of the first for the third person, is not uncommon in
the best Greek writers, and a favourite idiom of the historians,
both Greek and Latin. For scriptural examples of the same
thing, see Gen. 26, 27. Deut. 21, 3. Ps. 2, 3. 6. 91, 14. Luke
5, 14. Acts 17, 3. 23, 22. Most modern versions preclude all
ambiguity by the insertion of the words said he.
5. Tor Jolm truly baptized with water, but ye shall
be baptized with the Holy Ghost, not many days hence.
This verse assigns the reason for the command in v. 4,
namely, because it was necessary to the execution of the
divine purpose, as revealed by John the Baptist, when he
taught that the rite which he administered was only a pre-
cursor, pledge, and type of that extraordinary influence, foi
which they are commanded here to v/ait, as for something
that must necessarily precede the renovation of the Church
and the commencement of their own official functions. (See
8 ACTS 1, 6.
Matt. 3, 11. Mark 1, 8. Luke 3, 16. John 1, 33. Acts 11, 16.)
But had not the Spirit been ah'eady given ? Yes, to indivi-
dual believers, and indeed to the apostles in a body (John 20,
22) ; but not in such a mode or measure as was necessary,
both for themselves and for the church at large. Truly ^ or
indeed^ is the inadequate equivalent in English of a particle
(/xcV), which, with its correlative (8e) in the next clause, gives
the verse an antithetical or balanced form extremely common
in Greek prose. This relation of the clauses may be other-
wise, but still imperfectly, exj^ressed m English. ' As John
baptized with water, so ye shall be baptized etc' ' Though
John baptized with water, yet ye must be baptized' etc. The
extraordinary influences of the Holy Spirit are repeatedly de-
scribed, both in the language and the types of the Old Testa-
ment, as poured on the recipient. Thus the standing symbol
of official gifts and graces is the rite of unction or anointing,
as described or referred to, in the Law (Lev. 8, 12), the Psalms
(133, 2), the Prophets (Isai. 61, 1), and the Gospel (Luke 4,
18). The official inspiration of Moses was extended to the
seventy elders by h&iVi^ put \ipon them (Numb. 11, 17. 25. 26.
29), and the highest spiritual gifts are promised in that ex-
quisite expression, " until the Spirit be poured upon us from
on high." (Isai. 32, 15.) This effusion is the very thing for
which they are here told to wait ; and therefore, when they
heard it called a baptism, whatever may have been the pri-
mary usage of the word, they must have seen its Christian
sense to be compatible with such an application, particularly
as they must have known it to be used in Hellenistic Greek
to signify a mode of washing where immersion was excluded,
such as that of tables or couches, and the customary pouring
of water on the hands before eating, as still practised in the
East. (See Mark 7, 4. 8. Luke 11, 38.) With their fixed Old
Testament associations, when assured that they were soon to
be baptized loith the Holy Ghost^ they would naturally think,
not of something into which they were to go down, but of
something to \)q p>oured %ipon thein from on high. The inde-
finite expression, holy sp>irit^ might without absurdity be
taken as a parallel to loater in the first clause, each then de-
noting a baptismal element or fluid. But the personal sense
of Holy Spirit is so frequent and predominant in Scripture,
that the presumption must be always in its favour ; and that
presumption is confirmed in this case by the very absence of
the article in Greek, which may be understood as implying
ACTS 1, 5.6. 9
ttat the phrase had come to he regarded as a personal or
proper name. With, literally m, the Holy Spirit, which may
either be a synonymous expression, or expressive of more inti-
mate relation, and perhaps of the essential difference between
a mere material element and one not only living but divine.
N'ot many days hence, literally, not after these many days.
All the old English versions, from Wiclif 's to* the Rhemish,
have either after or icithin these few days.
6. When they therefore were come together, they
asked of him, saying, Lord, wilt thou at this time
restore again the kingdom to Israel ?
The construction of the first clause is ambiguous, as it may
also be translated, they then (or so then they) icho had come
together asked etc. This makes it doubtful whether vs. 4 and
6 refer to different meetings or the same. In favour of the
former supposition is the circumstance that otherwise the
mention of their having come together is superfluous, unless
we understand it of their gathering around him, to propose
the question ; and this is hardly consistent with the usage of
the Greek verb {arvve\^6vTe<i). On the other hand, the natural
impression made by the whole context is that of one continued
conversation. The question happily is one of little exegetical
importance. Asked of him. Here, as in v. 3, of seems su-
perfluous, at least in modern English. The Greek verb is a
compound one, perhaps denoting to interrogate or question,
with formality and earnestness. IVilt thou restore, or more
correctly, art thou restoring, or about to restore ? The
precise form of the original is foreign from our idiom, tliough
not unusual in Greek. Lord, if thou art restoring, i. e. (tell
us) if thou art restoring, etc. The verb itself is applied both
to physical and moral changes, as for instance to the healing
of a withered limb (Matt. 12, 13), the miraculous recovery of
sight (Mark 8, 25), and the revival of the old Theocracy, to
be effected by Elijah at his second coming (Matt. 17, 11.
Mark 9, 12). The essential idea is that of return to a previous
state, Avhich had been lost or mterrupted. The question
shows, neither an absolute misapprehension of the nature of
Christ's kingdom, nor a perfectly just view of it, but such a
mixture of truth and error as might have been expected from
their previous history and actual condition. That the king-
dom of Israel was to be restored, they were justified in think-
VOL. I. — •!*
10 ACTS 1, 6. 7.
ing by such prophecies as Isai. 1, 26. 9, 7. Jer. 23, 6. 33, 15.
17. Dan. 7, 13. 14. Hos. 3, 4. 5. Amos 9, 11. Zech. 9, 9. They
were only mistaken, if at all, in expecting it to be restored in
its primeval form. Some have miderstood them as protesting
against its restoration to the people who had so lately put our
Lord to death. His reply shows, however, that the gist of
the inquiry was not Israel,, but at this tiine.
7. And lie said unto tliem, It is not for you to
know (the) times or (the) seasons, which the Fatliei
hath put in his own power.
This is our Lord's answer to their curious inquiry as to
the time fixed for the erection of his kingdom. The first
word answers to the continuative particle in Greek (Se), which
may be rendered either and or hut. It is not for you., lite-
rally, it is not yours., i. e. your province or your jDrivilege,
your duty, or your share in the great work now going for-
ward. Tbues and seasons are not synonymes, but generic
and specific terms, the one denoting intervals and periods,
the other points and junctures, like era and epoch in modern
English. By supplying the article, our version puts a limita-
tion on the words, which may be true, but is not found in the
original. It was not the times or seasons of this one case
merely, but ti7nes or seasons generally, that they were for-
bidden to pry into. Father may here be put for God, as
opposed to creatures, without regard to the distmction of
persons ; or for the Father, as distinguished from the Son.
(See Mark 13, 32. and compare Matt. 20, 23.) Perhaps our
Lord here speaks of the Father's knowledge rather than his
own, in order to divert the minds of his disciples from the
subject. Put m his oicn power seems to mean that they
were not so of necessity, but made so by an arbitrary act of
will. This is not only an incongruous idea in itself, but vv^ould
have been otherwise expressed in Greek. The verb {Wero)
has no doubt the same meaning as in 19, 21, viz. determi7ied
or resolved^ and the next phrase {Iv i^ovaia) the same as in
Matt. 21, 23. 27. The whole clause will then mean, which the
Father hath fixed (or settled) in (the exercise of) his own
power (or authority., both physical capacity and moral right).
This is a general reproof of all excessive curiosity in reference
to such times or seasons as have neither been explicitly re-
ACTS Ij 7. 8. 11
vealed, nor rendered ascertainable by ordinary means. (See
Deut. 29, 29.)
8. But ye shall receive power, after tliat the Holy
Ghost is come upon you, and ye shall be witnesses unto
me, both in Jerusalem and in all Judea, and in Sama-
ria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth.
This verse contrasts what they were not to know with
wliat they might know, as a sort of consolation or compensa-
tion for the repulse which they had just experienced. They
were not to have the knowledge which they sought, but
something better for themselves and others. The knowledge
which they needed was rather knowledge of the past than of
the future. The prophetic gift is not excluded, but implicitly
denied to be the primary function of the Apostolic office,
which w^as testimony, not prediction. He cures their morbid
curiosity (says Calvin) by recalling them to present duty. If
they really expected to be kings, at once and in the worldly
sense, these words must surely have sufficed to disabuse them.
Poicer may here be either a cause or an effect : the power of
the Holy Ghost exerted on them, or tlie power wrought in
them by the Holy Ghost. In favour of the latter is the
parallel expression in Luke 24, 49, " until ye be endued with
power from on high," which could not have been said of a
divine perfection. The power then is their extraordinary
preparation for their work, including the gifts of tongues, of
teaching, and of miracles. The margin of our Bible gives a
diffi3rent construction of this first clause, ye shall receive the
p)Oicer of the Holy Ghost coming %ipon you. There are two
grammatical objections to this syntax; the absence of the
article before the noun (^^oioer), and the position of the parti-
ciple {comi7ig). The modern philological interpreters prefer
the absolute construction of the genitives, the Holy 8pi7'it
coming^ i. e. by his coming, at his coming, when he comes,
or as the text of our translation has it, after that the Holy
Ghost is come upon you. The same verb is applied elsewhere
to the divine agency in the miraculous conception of our
Saviour (Luke 1,35). Instead of icitnesses unto or for m^
(/xot), some of the oldest manuscripts have my witnesses (ftov),
without material effect upon the sense. They were to be wit-
nesses of all that they had seen and heard from the beginning
of their intercourse with Christ (John 15,27. Luke 24,18),
12 ACTS 1, 8.9.
his doctrines, miracles, life, death, resurrection, and ascension,
(See below, v. 22. ch. 2,32. 10,39.41. 22,15. 26,16.) The
Greek word for ioit7iess (fxaprvs) is not here used in its later
sense of martyr (see below, on 22, 20), as the grand func-
tion of the apostolic office was no more martyrdom than it
was prediction. The gradation in the last clause corresponds
to the great periods of the history recorded in the book
before us. Both in Jerusalem and all Judea, not merely in
the capital, as might perhaps have been expected, but through-
out the country. All Judea may mean all the rest of that
province besides the capital (as in Isai. 1, 1. 2, 1. 3, 1), or Judea
in the wide sense, as denoting the whole country. This last
is not forbidden by the mention of Samaria, the inhabitants
of which were not considered Jews (John 4, 9), and which is
here introduced as a sort of neutral ground or frontier between
Jews and Gentiles. This wider sense is also favoured by the
circumstance that Galilee is not named, although some have
thought it to be mentioned m the last words, which must
then be rendered, the uttermost (^xirt) of the land. But this
limitation of the sense is forbidden by the obvious climax, or
progressive enlargement of their field of labour to its utmost
limits, as well as by the clear analogy of other places, where
any but the strongest sense is inadmissible. (See below, on
13, 47, and compare Isai. 49, 6.) Uttermost {part)^ or extreme
(point), of the earth. This and other kindred phrases are
employed in the Old Testament, to signify all nations, not
excepting the remotest. (See Ps. 2, 8. 19, 4. 67, 1. 72, 8. Isai.
48, 20. Zech. 9, 10.) Unto does not fully represent the Greek
preposition (ews), which can only be expressed in English by
such strengthened forms as out to, eve7i to, as far as, all sug-
gesting the idea of great distance. Chrysostom hints at the
remarkable contrast between this charge and their original
commission (Matt. 10, 5). " Go not into the way of the Gen-
tiles, and into (any) town of the Samaritans enter ye not."
(Compare Matt. 15, 24.) The time of this restriction had
expired, and the last great apostolical commission is entirely
catholic and ecumenical.
9. And when he had spoken these things, while
they beheld, he was taken up, and a cloud received
him out of their sight.
The preliminaries of our Lord's ascension having been
ACTS I. 9. 13
described, the historian now records the Ascension itself.
TFheji he had spoke?!., literally, having spoken. The past
participle (etTroV) implies that his discourse Avas finished, not
interrupted by his disappearance. While they beheld., lite-
rally, they beholding. It was not behind their backs, or while
they were looking in a different direction, but in full view,
and as an actual object of their vision, that our Lord ascended.
TaJcen up would be a perfectly correct translation, if it did
not seem to make the verb {iTrrjp^'q) coincide exactly with
the one in v. 2 (ttveA.7}(^^7;), as descriptive of the whole trans-
action, beginning on earth and ending in heaven ; whereas it
signifies the first stage or incipient act of the Ascension, that
of rising, or rather being raised, above the surface of the
ground. The nearest equivalent in English would be, he teas
lifted. By a cloud some understand a dark or thunder cloud,
like that at Sinai (Exod. 19, 16) ; others a luminous or briglit
cloud, such as that which overhung the transfiguration (Matt.
TV, 5.) The mtervention of a cloud may have been designed
to answer two important purposes ; first, that of making our
Lord's transit from earth to heaven more distinctly visible ;
and then that of recalling to the minds of the spectators the
awful but familiar symbol of Jehovah's presence under the
Old Testament (Exod. 16, 10. 19, 16. 24, 15. 18. 33, 9. 10. 40,
34-38.) Received is a very inadequate translation of the
Greek verb (vTrekapev), which primarily means to raise a thing
by getting under it, and then to catch up or raise suddenly,
as a wind or storm does. This sense, which is common in the
classics, is entirely appropriate here, and marks the second
step or stage of the Ascension. A cloud caught him up (and
away) out of their sight., or, more exactly, from their {very)
eyes. Here again we are reminded, that they were actually
looking on and saw the whole proceeding, till the object
passed the natural and necessary boundary of vision. This
distinguishes the case from every other like it ; not only from
the fabled apotheosis of Hercules amidst the smoke of his own
funeral-pile, and that of Romulus during an eclipse, with the
addition, in both cases, of a preternatural and fearful storm ;
but also from the fiery translation of Elijah (2 Kings 2, 11),
the difference between which and our Lord's ascension has
been thought to prefigure that between the spirit of the old
and new economy, or of the Law and Gospel. (Compare Luke
9, 52-56.) It is characteristic of the sacred history, that
Luke's whole narrative of this astonishing occurrence, in the
1* ACTS 1, 9. 10.
book before ns, is confined to this one verse, the context hav
mg reference to what occurred before and afterwards. And
yet it is not a mere reiteration of his previous account, which
is also comprised in a single sentence. (See Luke 24, 51, and
conij3are Mark 16, 19.) From Luke's mention of the eleven
and'them tliatioerexoitli them (Luke 24, 33), and the unbroken
narrative that follows there, it has been inferred that there
were many witnesses of the Ascension; but the narrative
before us makes the natural impression, that this grand sight
was confined to the Apostles.
10. And while they looked stedfastly toward heaven,
as he went up, behold, two men stood by them in
white apparel.
They looked stedfastly^ or rather, they were gazmg. The
Greek verb strictly denotes tension or straining of the eyes.
The word translated lohile corresponds to our as, and like
it may express either time or resemblance. If the latter
meanmg is assumed here, the sense of the whole clause will
be that they were like {mer^ gazing^ or icere as (if) gazioig^
into heaven. But the temporal meaning (when or while) is
preferred by almost all hiterpreters. Toward heaven might be
more correctly rendered into heaven. They gazed not only
at but into heaven, as if to penetrate its secrets and discern
their now invisible Redeemer. As- he loeiit up, Hterally, he
advancing or proceeding, the direction of his course being
not expressed but suggested by the context. All this is in-
tended to evince more clearly, that our Saviour did not vanish
or miraculously disappear (compare Luke 24, 31), but simply
passed beyond the boundary of vision, behold, as usual, in-
troduces something unexpected or surprising. While they
were gazing into heaven, ttoo ?nen stood, or rather had stood
(or taken their stand) beside them. White cqyparel, or white
garments, as in such connections elsewhere, seems to signify
not colour merely, but a preternatural efiiulgence. (See Matt.
17, 2. Mark 9, 3. Luke 9, 29.) This has led to the conclusion
that the men here mentioned, though in human form, were
angels, like the strangers who aj^peared at the "resurrection,
and to whom both designations are applied by difierent evan-
gelists. (Compare Matt. 28, 2. John 20, 12, with Mark IG, 5.
Luke 24,4.) Some have thought it not unlikely, that the
same two angels reappeared on this occasion ; but a still more
ACTS 1, 10. 11. 16
striking supposition, which I owe to the suggestion of a friend,
is that these two men were Moses and Elijah, who had been
present at the transfiguration, and there talked with Jesus of
his exodus about to be accomplished at Jerusalem (Luke 9,
31.) There is something sublime in the idea, that the great
prophetic Legislator and Reformer, Avho had come from
heaven to be present at the momentary anticipation of the
Mediator's glory, now appeared again as witnesses of his de-
parture to take final and perj^etual possession of it. This
hypothesis may help us to account for the abruptness and con-
ciseness of the narrative, as if the writer, for the moment,
thought of the Transfiguration and Ascension as immediately
successive, losing sight of all that intervened, and therefore
mtroducing the same persons T\ithout naming them again. It
also gives unspeakable authority and interest to the promise
in the next verse, as proceeding from two most illustrious
prophets of the old economy. After all, however, this idea,
fruitful as it is, must be regarded as a mere conjecture.
11. Which also said, Ye men of Galilee, why
stand ye gazing up into heaven ? This same Jesus,
which is taken up from you into heaven, shall so come
in like manner as ye have seen him go into heaven.
Here, as in v. 2 above, the also is by no means super-
fluous, but adds to the smiple meaning of the verb, that they
did not merely take their stand by the disciples, which was
sufficient of itself to awe them, but also audibly addressed
them. Men of Galilee^ or Galilean 3Ien, or still more'
closely, Men^ Galileans^ that is. Men (who are also) Galileans.
This designation, which was afterwards derisively applied to
Christians, can of course have no such meaning here, but is
rather a respectful recognition of those present, as the coun-
trymen and tried friends of the person who had just ascended.
The same idea is suggested by the use of the word trans-
lated me7i (ai/Spe?), which, in ancient usage, approaches to the
modern sense of gentlemen^ in this and other like combina-
tions. (See below, v. 16. 2, 14. 22. 17, 22, etc.) Why stand
«/e, or, adhering closely to the form of the original, why have
ye stood (or been standing^ so long) loohing into heaven f
The word gazing^ which is here used by four of the old Eng-
lish versions, would have been more appropriate in v. 10,
where they all have looked. The question of the two men
16 ACTS 1, 11. 12.
seems to involve an indirect reproof of their forgetfulness or
unbelief of wliat their Lord himself had told them. This
was betrayed by their excessive and continued wonder at his
disappearance, as if they had expected him to stay on earth
for ever, though the promise of the Paraclete, which he had
just renewed to them, was formally suspended on his ovm
departure, and return to the bosom of the Father (John ] 6,
7.) Their astonishment, moreover, seems to show that they
despaired of ever seeing Christ himself again ; whereas he
had repeatedly declared that he would come again (John 14,
3) , and in the very way that he had now dej)arted, i. e. in a
cloud (Luke 21, 27), or as it is variously expressed by the
Evangelists, i?i clouds, 07i the clouds, or loith the clouds of
heaven. (See Mark 13, 26. 14, 62. Matt. 24, 30. 26, 64,
in several of which places, the English versions have gra-
tuitously changed the preposition.) The question of the two
men was intended therefore to recall them to themselves,
and to remind them that, instead of stupidly and idly gazing
after one who was no longer visible, they should rather sho\\'
their love to him by instantly obeying his farewell commands,
and trusting his repeated promise to return, which they ac-
cordingly repeat, as if to show their own implicit confidence
in its fulfilment. In like man7ier, literally, what manner, an
expression similar to what day m v. 2 above. The Greek
phrasS (6V r^o-nov) never mdicates mere certainty or vague
resemblance ; but wherever it occurs in the New Testament,
denotes identity of mode or manner. (Compare Matt. 23,
37. Luke 13, 34. Acts 7, 28. 2 Tun. 3, 8.) Ham seen, or
more exactly, saio, the form of the original imj^lying that the
sight was over when these words were uttered. The verb
itself is not the ordinary verb to see, but one impljdng some
unusual or striking spectacle, the root of our word theatre
and all its cognate forms. We read nothing more of the two
men, who may have disappeared as suddenly as Moses and
Elijah at the Transfiguration (Mark 9, 8.) It would seem, at
least, perhaps from the conciseness of the narrative, that the
Eleven thought no more of them, but in their eagerness to
do as they were bidden, turned their backs on those by
whom the admonition was conveyed to them, mthout in-
quiring whence they came, or what was now become of them.
(See below, on 8, 39.)
12. Then returned they unto Jerusalem from the
ACTS 1, 12. 17
mount called Olivet, which is from Jerusalem a sa"b-
bath-day's journey.
This verse and the two followhig furnish the transition
from the first to the second principal event recorded in the
chapter We have here the return of the Eleven from the
place of tl e Ascension to the Holy City. JJnto^ or more ex-
actly, into Jerusalem^ denoting not mere approach or arrival,
but actual entrance, as appears from the verse followmg.
In the next clause the original construction is peculiar —
frotn a mounts the {one) called Olivet — as if he had said,
'they returned from a mountain where all this occurred,
and which, it may be added, w^as called Olivet.' This name
is borrowed from the Vulgate ( Oliveti) and is found in all
the English versions, except that of Geneva, which has Olive
Hill. The Latin word is used by Cicero, and means an olive-
yard or orchard. The Greek word occurs only here in the
New Testament, but often in the Septuagint version, with a
similar form meaning vineyard. The name is given here, and
sometimes by Josephus, to the high ridge on the east side
of Jerusalem, beyond the Kedron, elsewhere called the Mount
of Olives (Zech. 14, 4. Matt. 21, 1. Mark 11, 1. Luke 19, 29.
John 8, 1.) The English Bible also uses the form Olivet in
2 Sam. 15, 30, where the Hebrew, Greek and Latin have the
Mount of Olives. It still bears the tree from which it takes
its name, but not in such abundance as of old. The old
tradition, mentioned by Eusebius in the early part of the
fourth century, that Christ ascended from the summit of the
mountain, seems to contradict the statement in Luke 24, 50.
51, that lie led them out as far as JBethany.^ which was on the
eastern side of Olivet, and fifteen furlongs from Jerusalem
(John 11, 18) ; whereas the distance of the mount itself is
here described as little more than half as great. The sabbath-
day^s journey., or as it might be more exactly rendered sab-
bathes icay or walk, was not a long one, as the use of the
word journey has led many English readers to imagine, but
a space of .two thousand tjubits, between seven and eight fur-
longs, the extent to which the Jews were allowed, by the tra-
dition of the elders, to leave home upon the sabbath. The
measure is supposed to have been borrowed from the space
between the people and the ark, when they passed over
Jordan (Josh. 3, 4.) The distance seems to be here stated
only for the purpose of conveying the idea, that the Moimt of
18 ACTS 1, 12. 13.
Oli ves was not far from the city. This idea is, besides, expressed
in Greek by a word omitted in the common version, namely,
near (eyy^'s). The literal translation of the clause is, ichich is
near Jerusalem^ having a sahbatli's icalk (between them.)
The word having (fx^^) is also omitted in the English version,
by a double inadvertence, with which our translators are not
often chargeable. Some take the Greek word in the sense
of distant^ w^hich belongs however only to the compound
form {cLTrexov). There is no allusion to the customary sabbath
promenade of the inhabitants, but only to a measure of dis-
tance, with which all Jewish readers were familiar.
13. And when they were come in, they went np
into an upper room, where abode both Peter and James
and John and Andrew, Philip and Thomas, Bartholo-
mew and Matthew, James (the son) of Alpheus and
Simon Zelotes, and Judas (the brother) of James.
The entrance mentioned in the first clause may be either
that into the city or that into the house. Aoi iqyper room^
not any room above the ground-floor, which would be other-
wise expressed in Greek ; much less a garret or inferior
apartment ; but a com.paratively spacious room reserved,
both in Greek and Jewish houses, for the use of guests or for
unusual occasions. (See below, on 9, 39. 20, 8.) The original
expression has the article {the upper room)^ which may mean
the only one belonging to the house ; but as no house is spe-
cified, it seems ratlier to refer to something previously men-
tioned or already known. This is altogether natural if we
suppose them to have still frequented the same upper room,
in which they had partaken of the Passover, and which had
been designated by the Lord in a remarkable manner (Matt.
26, 18. Mark 14, 15. Luke 22, 12.) This is much more
probable than that they had procured another place for their
assemblies, either in a private house or in the precincts of the
temple. Even supposmg that they could have been accom
modated in one of the chambers or small houses which sur
rounded the courts of the temple, they could have had n(
reason for preferring it to one already consecrated by th
presence and the farewell words of their ascended Master
It is probable, indeed, that strangers, who continued in Jeru-
ealem from Passover to Pentecost, commonly retained tho
ACTS 1, 13. 19
same rooms during the whole interval. Besides, an apart-
ment belonging to the temple would hardly have been sim-
l^ly called an ui^per room. The statement in Luke's Gospel
(24, 53) that after their return from the Ascension, "they
were continually in the temple, praising and blessing God,"
means nothing more than our familiar phrase, that any one
is always at church. To the argument derived from the
propriety or fitness of the first Christian meetings being held
within the precincts of the Jewish sanctuary, it has been re-
plied, that there was nothing more distinctive of the new dis-
pensation than its freedom from the local and ritual restric-
tions of the old. Though neither of these reasons can be
deemed conclusive, they may serve at least to neutralize each
other. Where dbode^ or literally, were ahiding^ a form of
expression which implies continued, but not necessarily a con-
stant residence. The Greek verb is jDromiscuously used to
signify both permanent and temporary occupation. The
requisitions of the text and context are quite satisfied by the
assumption, that they daily assembled in the upper room, or
at the most spent a large part of their time there, in the acts
and services described below. We have then a catalogue of
the Apostles, introduced, as some suppose, because they were
now re-assembled and re-organized after their dispersion
(Matl. 26, 56. Mark 14, 50.) But besides that they had several
times met since that defection (Matt. 28, 16. Mark 16, 14.
Luke 24, 36. John 20, 19.26. 21, 14), a distinct enumeration
of their names would have been natural, not to say necessary,
as an introduction to the apostolical history. This is the
fourth list contained in the New Testament (compare Matt.
10, 2-4. Mark 3, 16-19. Luke 6, 14-16), and m some points
different from all the rest. Although no two of these cata-
logues agree precisely in the order of the names, they may
all be divided into three quaternions^ which are never inter-
changed, and the leading names of which are the same in all.
Thus the first is always Peter, the fifth Philip, the ninth
James the son of Alpheus, and the twelfth Judas Iscariot.
Another difference is that Matthew and Luke's Gosjoel give
the names in pairs, or two and two, while Mark enumerates
them singly, and the list before us follows both these methods,
one after the other. A third distinction is that this list adds
no titles or descriptions to the leading names, but only to
those near the end. Both Peter ^ hke a similar expression in
V. 8, moans not only Peter but the others also. This, with
20 ACTS 1, 13.
his uniform position at the head of the list, marks distinctly
his priority, not as a superior in rank and office, but as a repre-
sentative 'and spokesman of the rest, like the foreman of a
jury or the chairman of a large committee. This priority,
which often incidentally appears throughout the Gospel His-
tory (e. g. Matt. 15,15. 16,16. 17,24. 18,21. 19,27. Mark
10,28. 11,21. Luke 8, 45. 12,41. 18,28. 22,32.33. John 6,
68. 13, 24), so far from amounting to a primacy or permanent
superiority, was less an advantage to himself than a con-
venience to his brethren, and indeed occasioned some of his
most serious errors and severest trials. (See Matt. 16, 16. 22.
26, 33. 51. 58. Mark 8, 32. 14, 29. 47. 54. 66. Luke 22, 34.
50.55. John 13,8. 36.37. 18,10.11.16.) It is now a very
general belief, that the affecting scene in John 21, 15-17, was
Peter's restoration to the apostleship, from w^hich he had
fallen for a time by the denial of his master ; the three ques-
tions and injunctions there recorded corresponding to his
three acts of apostasy. Be this as it may, we find him here
resuming the position which he occupied before and is to
occupy throughout a large part of the present history. The
other names are all familiar from the Gospels. James and
Jolin^ the sons of Zebedee, and Sons of Thunder, early called
to be disciples and apostles (Matt. 4, 21. 10, 2. Mark 1,19. 29.
3,17. Luke 5,10. 6,14), and with Peter frequently distin-
guished from the rest as confidential servants and companions
of our Saviour (Matt. 17,1. Mark 5, 37. 9,2. 13,3. Luke 8,
51), while John was admitted to a still more intimate and
tender friendship (John 13,23. 19,26. 21,7.20.) Traits of
their character appear in Mark 10,35-41. Luke 9,52-56.
Andrew., the brother of Simon Peter, and placed next to him
by Mark, but here postponed to the two sons of Zebedee.
On one or two occasions in the Gospel history, we find him
incidentally referred to, as attending on the Master and con-
versing with hmi (Matt. 4, 18. 10,2. Markl, 16. 29. 3,18. 13,
3. Luke 6, 14. John 1,40.44. 6,8. 12,22.) The same thing
may be said of PA^7^p, his townsman and associate (Matt. 10,
3. Mark 3,18. Luke 6,14. John 1,44-49. 6,5-7. 12,21.22.
14, 8. 9.) It is worthy of remark, that these two apostles are
known only by Greek names, though, according to the custom
of the age, they may have had Hebrew ones besides. Thomas^
elsewhere surnamed Didymus (the Twin, a Greek translation
of his Aramaic name). He also appears now and then in close
attendance on his master and peculiarly devoted to him,
ACTS 1, 13. 14. . 21
although chiefly remembered for refusing to believe that
Christ was risen from the dead, until assured of it by oc-
ular inspection (John 11,16. 14,5. 20,24-29. 21,2.) JBartho-
lomew is commonly supposed to be the same with the N'a-
thanael of John's Gospel, chiefly because it seems improbablb
that one so highly honoured by the Saviour, and so intimately
known to the Apostles, should be excluded from their number,
while a person otherwise unknown was admitted to it. (See
John 1,46-50. 21,2.) Matthew the Publican, also called
Levi and the Son of Alpheus, whose vocation and first inter-
course with Christ are recorded by himself and others. (See
Matt. 9, 9. 10,3. Mark 2, 14. 3,18. Luke 5, 27-29. 6,15.)
James of Alpheus^ i. e. as is commonly supposed, his son,
while, on the other hand, Judas of Jaones is no less generally
understood to mean his brother, although some assume the
same ellipsis in both places, and make Jude the son of a James
otherwise unknown. By comparing the evangelists, it seems
that Jude, or Judas not Iscariot, was also called Lebbeus and
Thaddeus. (See Matt. 10,3. Mark 3,18. Luke 6,16. John
14, 22.) Between James and Judas appears the name of
Simooi^ surnamed here Zelotes, in reference either to his
ardent temper, or to his previous connection with the party
of the Zealots, v/hose fanatical zeal ultimately caused the
downfall of the Jewish state, and of whose organized existence
there are traces even in the book before us. Zelotes seems to
be the Greek translation, as Ga^ianites is the Greek form, of
an Aramaic name denoting Zealot. The Greek word for
Canaanite is altogether difierent. The meaning Canaite (in-
habitant of Cana) rests upon another reading. (See Matt. 10,
4. Mark 3, 18. Luke 6, 15.)
14. These all continued with one accord in prayer
and supplication, with (the) women, and Mary the
mother of Jesus, and with his brethren.
To the names of the Apostles is now added an account of
their employments during the interval between Ascension
Day and Pentecost. These^ whose names have just been enu-
merated. All^ without exception, none of the eleven being
absent at this interesting juncture. Continued^ literally, xoere
continuing {oy persevering)^ a construction similar to that m
the preceding verse, were dwelling (or abiding). The Greek
verb here used strictly denotes personal attendance, sticking
22 ACTS 1, 14.
close to any thing or person, particularly that of a superior,
and is then transferred to perseverance in duty, such as that
of public worship, and particularly prayer. With one accord^
or one mind^ as the Greek word j^roperly denotes, implying
unanmiity of sentiment and concert or agreement, as well as
mere coincidence of time and place. Prayer and supplica-
tion. The last word is omitted in the Vulgate, and in seve-
ral of the oldest manuscripts and latest critical editions. It
is not a mere tautology, however, as the word translated
prayer originally signities the votive or j^romissory part of
worship, that which man presents to God ; while the one trans-
lated supplication properly means want, then desire, and then
the exj^ression of it, whether addressed to God or man. The
two (if both be genuine) are here joined to express the whole
idea of devotional address to God. With the women., or, as
Calvin and some others understand it, with their loives. But
this, according to Greek usage, would require the insertion
of two words, to wit, the article and pronoun [iclth the icioes
of them)., neither of which is found in the original. The strict
translation is, loith womeii., i. e. with women as well as men ;
these services were lunited to neither sex. There is no
express reference to those particular women who accompanied
our Lord from Galilee, witnessed his crucifixion, watched
his burial, and rejoiced in his resurrection (Luke 8, 2. 3. 23,
55. 24,1. Matt. 27, 55. 56. Mark 15,47. 16,1. John 19, 25.)
Some of these were no doubt present ; but the fact is expli-
citly asserted only of his mother. This is her last appearance
in the history, a striking comment on the false position which
the church of Rome assigns to her, and from which, if it were
well founded, she might be exj^ected to fill much the largest
space in all that follows. According to one old tradition, she
died early in Jerusalem; according to another, she accom-
panied John to Ephesus and lived to an advanced age. With
his brethren., or his brothers., probably the same who accom-
panied his mother upon several remarkable occasions in the
Gospel History (John 2, 12. Matt. 12,46-50. Mark 3,31-35.
Luke 8, 19-21), and w^ould therefore seem to have been mem-
bers of her household. Beyond this, who his brethren were,
has been a subject of dispute for ages. The bearing of this
question on the personal identity and apostolical authority of
James, the so-called bishop of Jerusalem, will claim attention in
its proper place. (See below, on 12, 17. 15, 13. 21, 18.) In the
case before us, it is of little exegetical importance, wliether w«
ACTS 1, 14. 15. 23
suppose his brethren to have been the sons of Joseph and
Mary, or her nephews, or the nephews of her husband, or his
children by a former marriage ; all which opinions have been
plausibly defended. The only fact certainly revealed here is,
that among those who united in the prayers of the Apostles
at this interesting juncture, were the nearest relatives of
Christ liimself.
15. And in those days, Peter stood up in tlie midst
of the disciples and said — the number of names together
were about an hundred and twenty —
Here begins the second topic or occurrence recorded in
this chapter, the election of a new Apostle. We have first
the proj^osition made by Peter (15-22), and in this verse a
specification of the time and place. In those clays^ an indefi-
nite expression elsewhere used with great latitude, but here
restricted by the context to the ten days, which constitute
the difference between the forty mentioned in the third verse
and the fifty denoted by the name of Pentecost. (See below,
on 2, 1.) We have no means of determining at what part of
this interval the occurrence here recorded took place. It
seems most natural however to suppose that it happened near
the end of the ten days, and perhaps on the very eve of Pen-
tecost. Peter^ as might have been expected, takes the lead
on this occasion, in the exercise of that representative pri-
ority, with which he had so long been invested, and to which
he had been recently restored. Stood iix?^ or arose^ implying
more publicity and form than belongs to a mere conversation.
In the midst of the disciples^ i. e. among them, or surrounded
by them, without any reference to exact position. After
writing the word said^ but before recording the words uttered,
the historian guards against the error of supposing that this
speech was made to a small or select audience. The number
of names together were might have been more exactly ren-
dered, there was a croicd of names together. The first Greek
"noun {o)(ko^) does not mean mere number ; nor a very great
absolute number, which a hundred and twenty is not ; but a
promiscuous assemblage, as distinguished from a corporate or
official body, such as that of the Apostles. (See below, on
19, 26. 33. 35.) Names is not synonymous with pe^^soois^ either
here or elsewhere (Rev. 3, 4. 11,13), but implies registration,
and that again supposes some degree and k?ud -of o^-g-^^^^
24 ACTS 1, 15. 16.
tion. The distinction here suggested is not that between
males and females, only the former being registered in ancient
times ; nor that between distinguished names and unknoTVTi
persons ; but the word is meant to qualify the one before it,
by suggestmg that although the meeting was promiscuous
rather than oiRcial, it was not a nameless rabble, but a gather-
ing of persons known by name, and therefore one by one, to
be^ disciples. Whether these were all Galileans, or all iVes-
byters, or Presbyters and Bishops, or representatives of con
gregations, there is nothing in the text or context to deter-
mine. It is highly improbable, however, although frequently
asserted, that this meeting comprehended the whole body of
believers, even in Jerusalem. (See John 2, 23. 3, 26. 7, 31.
11, 45. 48.)
16. Men (and) bretliren, this scripture must needs
have been fulfilled, which the Holy Ghost by the mouth
of David spake before concerning Judas, which w^as
guide to them that took Jesus.
Peter begins by showing that the apostasy and death of
Judas had been long before predicted, and could not tlierc-
fore fail to happen. 3Ien {and) hretlvren is a combination simi-
lar to that in v. 1 1, although very differently rendered. While
men has the same respectful import as in that case, the use of
the word 'brethren recognizes them as fellow Christians. The
singular form scripture does not necessarily denote a single
passage (as in Luke 4, 21), but here includes the two quota-
tions in V. 20 below. Must needs have heen^ or it was neces-
sary (eSet) that it should be fulfilled, as it has been, in the
death of Judas. (Compare the present of the same verb in v.
21 below.) The prediction here referred to is not only spoken
of as scripture^ i. e. written by divine autliority, but expressly
ascribed to the Holy Spirit, as its ultimate author, and to
David only as the vehicle or chamiel of communication. We
have thus the testimony, both of Peter and of Luke, to the
inspiration and Davidic origin of the psalms in question.
Sjxtke before^ not merely spake of old or formerly, but fore-
told or predicted long before the event, an act necessarily
implying inspiration and prophetic foresight. Goncemmg
Judas cannot be grammatically construed with fulfilled, so as
to mean that although spoken of another it was verified in
ACTS 1, 16. i;. 25
him. This is forbidden by the collocation of tb^ v/ords and
by the preposition (Trcpt), Avhich can only uidicate the tlieme
or subject of the prophecy itself. Which was gulde^ or more
exactly, whc became a guide^ implying defection and apostasy ;
he had been a friend and an apostle, but he afterwards became
a guide to those who seized him. In both these clauses, the
original construction has a participial form, tJie {one) becoming
guide to the (7nen) seizing liim. The reference is of course to
the arrest of Jesus in the garden of Gethsemane (John 18,
2. 3). One of the oldest commentators (Chrysostom) directs
attention to this mild and almost negative description of the
crime of Judas, and ascribes it, not improbably, to Peter's
painful recollection of his own denial of his master, which
had only been prevented by that master's intercession (Luke
22, 32) from being equally complete and fatal. This is cer-
tainly more natural and candid than the charge, which some
have brought against Peter, of uncharitable harshness, in re-
ferring to Iscariot at all, when his own analogous but tem-
porary fall was still so recent.
17. For he was numbered with us, and had obtained
part of this ministry.
This verse assigns a reason why the proi:>hecy and its ful-
filment concerned them especially, to wit, because Judas had
been one of them, not only in appearance or in name, but by
actual and personal participation. Numbered with us implies,
not only registration or enrolment, like the use of the word
names in v. 15, but also a definite and well-known number,
namely, that of twelve, which was by no means arbitrary or
unmeaning, as we shall see below. As if he had said, ' he helped
with us to make up that significant and sacred number, which
has now been broken and must be restored.' Or the word
may be referred, in a less emphatic sense, to the whole body
of believers, and the mention of his apostolic ofiice be restricted
to the last clause. Part of this ministry might seem in
English to denote a portion as distinguished from the whole.
But both the verb and noun {obtained part) have reference
in Greek (cAa^c tov KXrjpov) to the ancient practice of distri-
buting by lot, though secondarily applied to any allotment, oi
appointment not dependent on the will of the recipient,
whether the bestowing powder be divine or human. The clause
might be more exactly renaerea, snared the allotment of this
2
26 ACTS 1, 17. 18.
ministry. The ministry in question is of course the apostle
ship, to which the same word is applied by Paul (Rom. 11, 13.)
Both the Greek and the English word strictly denote service^
although commonly suggestive of official power. It is a iine
remark of -^schines, that office, when conferred by an elec-
tion, is not a lordship {a.pxq) but a service (StaKovta).
18. Now this (man) purchased a field with the
reward of iniquity, and falling headlong, he burst asun-
der in the midst, and all his bowels gushed out.
Having mentioned the treachery of Judas, and his long
connection with the college of Apostles, Peter reminds his
hearers of his frightful end ; not as something new to them,
or something which they had forgotten, for the facts were too
recent and notorious to be so presented ; but to impress upon
their minds the actual and terrible fulfilment of the divine
threatening. There is no need, therefore, of regarding this
verse as a parenthetical remark of the historian, which mdeed
is forbidden by the form of the original, where now is not a
single but a double particle (/^cv ow), employed to mark the
interruptions and resumptions of a continuous discourse, like
so then in the pauses and transitions of a narrative. Such an
expression would be wholly out of place in the beginning of
an insulated note or comment, interrupting the thread of the
discourse. This may be regarded as contemptuous, a mean-
ing which it sometimes has in Classical as well as Hellenistic
Greek. Peter is here speaking, not as a historian but as an
orator, to those already well acquainted with the facts, and
therefore in no danger of misapprehension. He contrasts the
loss and gain of the betrayer ; he had lost his office and hi&
soul, and he had gained — a field, a piece of ground, which
only served to perpetuate his infamy ! The disproportion
here suggested is still greater than the one involved in our
Saviour's awful question. What is a man profited if he gain
the whole world and lose his own soul ? Purchased is not
so good a version of the Greek verb as acquired or gained.
There is therefore really no disagreement between Peter's
oratorical and Matthew's plain historical account of the same
natter, according to which it was the priests who bought the
Potter's Field with the betrayer's wages after he was dead
(Matt. 27, 7.) Nor is it even necessary to apply the legal
maxim, qui facit per alium facit per se, or to cite the
ACTS 1, 18. 27
universal practice of describing one as building, planting,
saving, or destroying, when he only uses means or instru-
ments. In all such cases there is a conscious purpose, and
at least a mediate or indirect co-operation, on the part of
the prime agent, which is here entu*ely wanting. A fields
or literally, a place^ but like the latter word, applied fa-
miliarly to landed property, estates, or residences. With,
the reioard^ or rather, out of^ from^^ the wages of iniquity^
not merely as the means of acquisition, but the source,
the fountain, of his infamous celebrity. Iniquity^ injustice,
with particular allusion to our Saviour's lawless condem-
nation, but including also the more positive idea of corrup-
tion and malignity, as causes and occasions of the treachery
of Judas. Falling headlong^ literally, becoming prone ox-
prostrate, an expression often used by Homer in connection
Avith verbs of falling, which completely justifies the common
version from the charge of introducing an idea not contained
in the original. Burst asunder : the original verb primarily
signifies a bursting noise, but secondarily, the rupture which
occasions it. In the miclst^ not of us, or of a circle of specta-
tors, as the common version might suggest to English read-
ers, but as Wiclif has it, i7i the middle^ i. e. of his body.
Giished out^ or rather, as the form is passive, they were spilt,
poured out, or shed forth. This shocking description of the
death of Judas may be reconciled with Matthew's simple state-
ment that he hanged himself {}ii2itt. 27, 5), by merely supposing
what is constantly occurring in such cases, that the rope or
branch from which he was suspended broke, and he was vio-
lently thrown upon the ground, with the efiect above described.
As no one can deny that the two statements are compatible,
the only difiiculty is that the two Apostles should record
entirely difierent parts of the transaction. The solution is
afibrded by the difference of the circumstances under which
the two accounts were given, and which has been already
mentioned. Matthew wrote as a historian, for a wide circle
of readers, many of whom had no previous knowledge of the
case ; he therefore states the main fact, and according to his
usual custom passes over the minute details. Peter, orally
addressing those who knew the facts as fully as himself, and
less than six weeks after their occurrence, and upon the very
spot, assumes the main fact as already known, and naturally
dwells upon those very circumstances which the Evangelist,
many years later, no less wisely and naturally leaves out alto-
28 ACTS 1, 18. 19.
gether. However this may seem to others, there is scarcely
an American or English jury that would scruple to receive
these two accounts as perfectly consistent, if the witnesses
were credible, and any cause could be assigned for their re-
lating two distinct parts of the same transaction.
19. And it was known unto all the dwellers at Je-
rusalem, insomucli as that field is called in their proper
tongue, Aceldama, that is to say, the Field of Blood.
We here learn from Peter himself, that what he is relating
is no news or fresh discovery to his hearers, but a fact noto-
rious to all Jerusalem, and already perpetuated by a descrip-
tive and commemorative name. It loas hnown^ or rather it
became hnown or notorious, i. e. from the very time of the
occurrence, and of course had so continued till the time of
Peter's speaking. Insomuch as is an awkward and obscure
expression, found in none of the older English versions, most
of which have insomuch that^ while the oldest of all (Wiclifs)
gives the simple and exact translation, so that. The common
version must not be confounded with the similar phrase inas-
much as, which is equivalent in meaning to because. In their
'proper tongue, i. e. their own language or peculiar dialect, an
Aramaic modification or corruption of the Hebrew, spoken by
the Jews from the time of their captivity in Babylon, and
often called by modern writers Syro-Ghaldaic, which is apt
however to suggest the false idea of a compound language
formed by the mixture of two others, rather than that of a
correlative or parallel derivative from a common source. As
Peter seems to speak of the language as a foreign one, some
understand by it the dialect of Judea or Jerusalem, as distinct
from that of Galilee. But although there Avas certainly a per-
ceptible difference (Matt. 26, 73. Mark 14, 70), it was proba-
bly not greater than that which now distinguishes the Enghsh
from the Scotch and Irish, and would scarcely have been
made so prominent by Peter, even if his hearers were all Gali-
leans like himself, which is by no means certain. Some have
inferred, therefore, that these cannot be the words of Peter,
and that this verse, at least, if not the one before it, must bo
a parenthetical addition by the hand of the historian. But
the utmost that can be inferred is that the clause immediately
before us was so added, which may be admitted without any
derogation from tlie credit of the narrative or the authenti-
ACTS 1, 19. 20. 29
city of the discourse. If a French orator shoiild alhide to
the original meaning of the word tuileries in speaking of the
famous palace, an English reporter of his speech could scarcely
fail to add, "which in French means a brick-kiln," without
dreaming that the reader would suppose these words to have
been uttered, or that their insertion would impair the credi
bility of the report. Aceldama is easily reducible to two
words (x73"j bpn), of frequent occurrence in the ancient Ara-
maic versions, and equivalent in meaning to Luke's Greek
translation, JField of Blood. This name would readily suggest
two ideas, that of our Lord's judicial murder, to which he was
betrayed by Judas, and the subsequent suicide of Judas him-
self. (See Matt. 27, 8.)
20. Por it is written in the book of Psalms, Let his
habitation be desolate, and let no man dwell therein :
and, His bishopnc let another take.
In the preceding verses (17-19) the Apostle seemed to
have lost sight of his main purpose, as propounded in v. 16 ;
but he now returns to it, in such a way that the aj^parent in-
terruption fortifies his argument. Having stated in general,
that the apostasy of Judas was the subject and fulfilment of a
prophecy, and having dwelt upon the fearful circumstances
of his death, he now shows what particular predictions had
been terribly verified in these events. The logical connection
is with V. 16. The scripture concerning Judas must be ful-
filled— and there is such a scri23ture — -foo* it is written^ etc.
But the intervening verses, though in formx a digression, have
prepared the mind for the citation, and so make it more im-
pressive than it could have been, if immediately subjoined to
the general proposition m v. 16. As if he had said, 'these
are awful realities, still fresh in every memory, and yet they
were predicted many centuries ago, for it is loritten., etc'
The original expression is still stronger, for it has been writ-
ten (yeypttTTat). The BooJc of JPsalms is here distinctly
recognized, as a collection well known to his hearers, and
acknowledged by them as a part of the divine revelation com-
prehended in the Hebrew Canon. The indefinite term scri}^
ture^ used in v. 16, is here defined, not only by the mention
of the book, but by the actual quotation of two passages, tho
first from Ps. 69, 25, the other from Ps. 109, 8. They are not
combined throutrh inadvertence or mistake, as some have
30 ACTS 1, 20.21.
foolishly alleged, but from a clear and profound view of theij
mutual connection, as belonging to the same class, and admit-
ting of the same interpretation. This is not to be regarded
as a mere accommodatiooi of the language to a subject alto-
gether different from that at first intended, which is incon.
sistent, not with inspiration only, but with common sense,
especially as these alleged predictions are here made tha
ground and warrant of an important jDublic measure. Those,
however, who reject the notion of accommodation, are by no
means agreed as to the j^rinciple, on which the cited passages
may be applied to Christ and Judas. Some regard the whole
of both psalms as exclusively and strictly Messianic, and ex-
plain the confession in Ps. 69, 5, as relating to imputed sin.
Others suppose one part to relate to the Messiah and his ene-
mies, while the remainder in both cases has respect to David
or some other ancient sufferer. A third hypothesis applies
the whole to David and his adversaries, in a lower sense, but
in a higher sense to Christ and Judas. To avoid the incon-
veniences attending all these exegetical hypotheses, some
modern writers make the subject of these Psalms, and others
like them, a generic or ideal person, representing a whole
class, to wit, that of the righteous under persecution, and
apply them to Christ, not exclusively but eminently, as the
highest and most perfect representative of that class, although
some strokes of the description are true only of inferior ex-
amples. The quotations, as recorded, are taken from the
Septuagint version, with a few slight variations. Habitation^
in Hebrew, an enclosure or encampment ; in Greek, a shelter
for the night, with special reference to shepherds and their
flocks, and thence transferred to farm or coimtry houses, but
here used in the generic sense of home or dwelling. Bishop-
ric^ though in itself correct, because a mere corruption of
the Greek word, suggests foreign ideas by its modern usage
and associations. The marginal translation in our Bible
{charge or office) is not only free from this objection, but
much nearer to the meaning of the Greek and Hebrew words,
which both denote official visitation and inspection.
21. 22. Wherefore, of these men which have com-
panied with us, all the time that the Lord Jesus went
in and out among us, beginning from/ the baptism of
John, unto that same day that he w^s taken up from
ACTS 1, 21. 22. " 3":
US, must one be ordained, to be a witness with us of
his resiurection.
This is the practical conclusion of the argument, the
proposition with which Peter closes his address. The first
word indicates the logical connection. Wherefore^ or there-
fore^ i. e. since the apostolical office is ordained of God, and
this first breach in it was foreseen a,nd predicted by the Holy-
Spirit centuries ago, it must be the divine will and purpose,
that its integrity should be preserved. In the English ver-
sion of this sentence, there is an unusual departure from the
original order of the words, a change not only needless, as in
multitudes of other cases, but in this case really injurious
to the force and clearness of the passage. Thus the Avord
must^ in the middle of v. 22, stands in Greek at the beginning
of the whole sentence, which is its natural and proper place,
as it contains the sum of the conclusion drawn from all that
goes before. It is necessary therefore (Set ovv) that the
place of Judas should be filled, as afterwards expressed.
The necessity alleged was proved, but not created, by the
prophecy, which was a mere announcement of God's will and
purpose. Peter then proceeds to state the necessary quali-
fications, or to define the class from which the new Apostle
must be taken. The grand qualification was familiar inter-
course with Christ and his immediate followers throughout
his public ministry, and a consequent capacity to bear witness
of his words and actions. 3Ie')i (di/Spcoi/), not in the vague
sense of persons or human bemgs, but in the distinctive sense
of males, or men not women. W^hich have companied loith
us, or more literally, those gomg (or who went) with us. As
the Greek verb really answers both to come and go in Eng-
lish, it might here be rendered coraiiig a7id going, i. e. moving
about, or in various directions. The essential meaning,
although not the form of the original, is well expressed by
companied tcith us. The idea evidently is, that the candidate
must not only have believed Christ's doctrines and submitted
to his teaching, as a discijDle in the widest sense, but formed
a part of that more permanent body, which appears to have
attended him from place to place, throughout the whole
course of his public ministry. This last idea is ex23ressed iu
a peculiar idiomatic form, all the time that (or more exactly,
in which, during which) the Lord Jesus xoent in and out
among us. To go (or come) iu and out is a Hebrew phrase,
32 ACTS 1, 21. 22.
denoting constant and habitual movement, sometimes applied
to the whole course of life (Deut. 28, 6. 10. John 10, 19),
sometimes restricted to official action (l Sam. 18, 13. 16. Acts
9, 28.) Among us does not fully reproduce the sense of the
original expression, which, according to the usage of the
Greek words, rather means upon us, i. e. over us, above us,
as our head and leader. This important idea of superiority
IS merged, by the English version and most others, in the
minor one of mere association or companionship. But how
was this period to be computed or defined ? By fixuig its
extremities, as Peter does in v. 22. The construction of be-
gmniiig is ambiguous in English ; but in Greek, its very form
shows that it must be construed wdth the Lord Jesus, and
vienotes the beginning of his active ministry. The starting
point w^as the baptism of John. This does not mean the
baptism of our Lord him^self by John, which Avould be other-
wise expressed, and which throws the terminus a quo too far
back, as the public ministry of Christ did not begin as soon
as he had been baptized ; nor would it have been possible to
find men w-ho had constantly attended him from that time to
the day of the election ; so that this construction would make
the prescribed condition Tin impossible and therefore an absurd
one. The baptism of John no doubt means his entire minis-
try, so called from the peculiar rite by which it w^as distin-
guished, just as the circumcision means the Jewish church or
party, and the cross is often put for the Gospel or the Chris-
tian religion. The precise point indicated is not the begin-
ning but the close of John's preparatory ministry, with vfhich
the beginning of our Lord's is exjolicitly connected by the
statement in the Gospels, that "after John w^as put into
prison, Jesus came into .Galilee, preaching the gospel of the
kingdom of God." (Mark 1, 14, compare Matt. 4, 12. 17.)
I7?ito that same day is a strong but not inaccurate translation,
as the Greek preposition (eoas) is the same used in a local
sense above (v. 8), and here means quite to, or until the very
day in question. Taken up from us suggests two ideas, that
of their own loss, and that of their own presence as eye-
witnesses. Ordained, like bishopric (in v. 20), has acquired a
fixed ecclesiastical meaning, wholly foreign from the Greek
word here used, which means simply to become, or more em-
phatically, to be made. A loitness of his resurrection, the
great key-stone of the Christian system, presupposing his life
and death as necessary antecedents, and implying his ascen-
ACTS 1, 22. 23. 81
sion and exaltation as necessary consequents. Hence the
extraordinary prominence given to this fact in the first
preaching of the gospel (2, 32. 3, 15. 4, 10. 5, 30. 10, 40. 13,
33. 17, 18. 31. 25, 19. 26, 23), and in the doctrinal parts of the
ISTew Testament. (See particularly 1 Cor. 15, 12-20.) Wiih
us, not by himselfj or independently of those already con-
stituted Avitnesses, but as a member of that organized and
indivisible body, to which this great trust had been jointly
committed. The end, as well as the beginning, of this long
and pregnant period, differs very much in the translation and
original. As the first word in Greek is (Set) micst, or it is
necessary, so the closing words are 07ie of these. Although
our idiom would hardly have admitted of this collocation, yet
it ought to be observed that by. connecting this phrase with
the word onen in the first clause of verse 21, the English
version unintentionally suggests an idea, which, although it
may be true, is not expressed in the original, to wit, that the
choice was to be made from among those actually present ;
whereas these, in its original position, does not mean these
now before you, but these whom (or such as) I have now
described.
23. And tliey appointed two, Joseph called Bar-
sabas, wlio was surnamed Justus, and Matthias.
This verse records the execution of the plan proposed by
Peter. The act described has been referred by some to the
eleven, and by others to the whole assembly of an hundred
and twenty. In the absence of any thing to solve this doubt,
and in accordance both with Greek and Hebrew usage, the
verb may be indefinitely construed, as equivalent in meaning
to a passive, they were set up or appointed. The process
itself seems identical with that called in modern parlance
nomination as distinguished from election, i. e. the propound-
ing of a limited number, out of which the choice is to be
made. But a dififtculty here arises, as to the authority, by
which this preliminary step was taken. If the apostles or
disciples v\'ere competent to choose two, why not to choose
one ? If, on the other hand, the ultimate decision was neces-
sarily referred to God himself, what right had this assembly
to restrict his choice to two whom they had previously fixed
upon ? The only escape from this dilemma is afforded by a
supposition, in itself entirely natural, that these two were tho
S4 ACTS 1, 23.
only persons present or within reach, who possessed the ne.
cessary qualification. It is by no means probable that many
could be found, who had companied with the disciples during
the whole period of Christ's ministry, and who were there-
fore competent to act as his official witnesses. Some have
imagined, it is true, that the whole body of believers present
upon this occasion were thus qualified ; but this is a gratuitous
assumption, and intrinsically most improbable. The explana-
tion just proposed may seem to be at variance with the fact
that these two persons were appointed ; but this is equally
at variance with the subsequent divine decision. To appoint
two new apostles and then ask God to choose one of them,
would certainly have been both foolish and irreverent. The
truth is that the Greek verb (^a-Trjaav) simply means the^
placed (or set up) these two men as duly qualified, and then
left the decision to their Lord and Master. The part per-
formed by the apostles or disciples in this grave transaction
was entirely ministerial, and consisted in ascertaining who
were eligible, on the principles laid down by Peter, and then
placing the men thus selected in the presence of the multi-
tude, or rather before God, as objects of his sovereign choice.
Joseph called Barsahas^ a name very similar to two others
which occur below, Joses surnamed Barnabas (4, 36), and
Judas surnamed Barsahas (15, 22.) Some have regarded
the three forms as accidental variations of the same name ;
but the difference, though slight, is sanctioned by the highest
manuscript authority, as well as by the fact that in the later
cases there is no allusion to the earlier, nor any intimation
that the persons were identical. The name Barsabas is of
doubtful etymology, but is commonly explained to mean a
son of swearing (or an oath). His third name is a Latin one,
and may have been imposed by Romans, as a testimony to
his character. It was not uncommon with the Jews of that
age to have Gentile names as well as Jemsh ones. (See be-
low, on 12, 12. 13, 6. S. 9.) From the triple name of this man,
and his being named first, it has been inferred that he was the
choice of the apostles, and that Matthias was put forward
oiAj pi'o forma or in obedience to express command. If so,
their expectations were defeated, and from this imaginary dis-
appointment Calvin draws the lesson, that the favourites of
men are not necessarily the favourites of God ; a wholesome
doctrine, but one resting on a firmer basis. One of the names
must of necessity stand first, and all of Joseph's are recited
ACTS 1, 24. 25. 35
for the same reason, no doubt, that he bore them, namely, to
distinguish him from other Josephs.
24. And they prayed and said, Thou, Lord, which
knowest the hearts of all (men), show whether of these
two thou hast chosen.
The presentation of the candidates is now followed by ai
appeal to the divine decision. Prayed and said^ or more
exactly, praying said ; the acts were not successive but coin-
cident. (See below, on 16, 25.) It has been disputed whether
this prayer was especially addressed to Christ. In favour of
that supposition is the uniform usage of the word Lord in the
New Testament, together with the obvious j)ropriety of leav-
hig the selection of a new apostle to him by whom the twelve
had been originally chosen. (See above, on v. 2.) The as-
cription of omniscience to the Saviour is in perfect keeping
with such passages as John 2, 24. 25. 21, 17. Rev. 2, 23, and
entirely consistent with the application of the same term to
God in ch. 15, 8 below. Which knoioest the hearts is a neces
sary but enfeebling paraphrase of one Greek word (KapSto
yvtoo-Ttt) meaning heart-Jc7ioioer^ and resembling in form Homer's
favourite epithet of Zeus or Jupiter, cloud-gatherer or cloud
compeller (re</)eX7;yep€Ta), but how much more sublime and
worthy of a spiritual being ! Whether is here used in its old
English sense, as a pronoun, equivalent to which or which one.
The word translated show has a peculiar propriety, because
used in Attic Greek to signify the public announcement of the
result of an election. It is altogether different from the verb
so rendered in v. 3 above. Mast chosen^ already, for thyself,
which accessory ideas are suggested by the tense and voice
of the original verb (e^eAe^w.)
25. That he may take part of this ministry and
apostleship, from which Judas by transgression fell,
that he might go to his own place.
Even in the act of asking the divine decision, they dis-
tinctly state for what end they desire it, or for ^hat specific
purpose one of these two men was to be chosen. That he
may take part might have been more simply and exactly ren-
dered to take pai% i. e. to take his share, or lot, or his allotted
6bar<i. The Greek noun is the same as in v. 17 above; but
36 ACTS 1, 25. 26.
Bome old manuscripts have place {tottov). Ministry and apos-
tlesMp is not a mere liendiadys meaning apostolical ministry,
but a generic and specific term combined, the one denoting
service in general, the other a particular office. (See above,
on V. 17.) J^y transgression fell is a para^^hrase rather than a
version, and introduces a new figure, that of fiiUing, which is
not in the original. A close translation would be,/rom v^hich
Judas transgressed or apostatized. That he might go^ like that
he might take part above, is a needless departure from the in-
finitive construction, which is equally correct and more con-
cise, to go to his own place. Various eiforts have been made
to escape from the obvious but fearful sense of these words.
Some refer them, not to Judas, but to the new apostle, who
was chosen to go into his oicn place., a most superfluous addi-
tion, and still more so if we understand by own place that which
Judas had left vacant. Who is ever chosen to supply his own
place, or to fill the own place of his predecessor ? Both these
constructions are objectionable also on account of the harsh
syntax which they both assume, and the imusual sense put
upon the Greek verb (TropevOrjvaL), Avhich does not mean simply
to go, but to go away, depart, or journey. (See above, on v.
10, where it is applied to Christ's ascension.) Another expla-
nation grants the reference to Judas, but by his own place un-
derstands his house, his field, his new associates, or the scene
of his self-murder. All these are ingenious but unnatural ex-
pedients to avoid the plain sense of the words, as substantially
synonymous with what is elsewhere called the place of torment
(Luke 16, 28.) The same sense is put by the rabbinical inter-
preters on Num. 24, 25, Balacim rose up and loent and re-
turned to his (oicm) place ; and similar expressions are applied
by Plato to a future state of retribution. The essential idea
may be that of fitness and condignity, including, in the case
before us, by a sort of fearful irony, a contrast or antithesis
between the place, of which Judas had proved so unworthy,
and the place for which he had exchanged it, and which suited
him exactly.
26. And they gave fortli their lots, and the lot fell
upon Matthias, and he was numbered with the eleven
apostles.
We have here the conclusion of the whole matter by the
final designation of a new apostle. It has been disputed
ACTS 1, 26. 37
»<^hetlier it was only the eleven, or the whole assembly, that
gam forth their lots. The very question assumes, either that
this was au election, in the ordinary sense of the expression,
and that lots means votes or ballots^ which is utterly at vari-
ance with the usage of the word and with the circumstances
of the case ; or that their lots means the lots of the apostles
or assembled brethren ; whereas it means the lots of the two
candidates, i. e. the lots y»diich were to choose between them,
and were probably inscribed with their respective names.
Especially must this be the sense if we adopt the reading of
the oldest manuscripts and latest editors, which changes their
lots into lots for them. This makes it wholly ununportant
who performed the mere external act of drawing, shaking, or
the like, which seems to be intended by the phrase they gave
lots, an expression also used in the Old Testament, though
sometimes confounded in our version with the more familiar
formula, to cast lots. The precise mode in which the lots were
used can only be conjectured, or inferred from analogous
cases in the classics, as for instance in the third book of the
Iliad, where the lots were cast into a helmet, after prayer for
the divme direction, and the one that first came out when
shaken was decisive of the question. The same thing is
here expressed by the figurative j^hrase, the lot fell upon
Matthias, perhaps with some allusion to the maxim of the
wise man, that " the lot is cast into the lap, but the whole
disposing thereof is of the Lord." (Prov. 16, 33.) The valid-
ity of this whole proceeding has been questioned, upon several
grounds ; because there is no express command recorded ;
because Peter was habitually rash and forward ; because the
Holy Ghost was not yet given to qualify them for such func-
tions ; because we read nothing more of Matthias in the his-
tory ; and lastly, because Paul is thus excluded from the
number of the twelve apostles. To these specious arguments
it may be answered, that a command is often left to be in-
ferred from the recorded execution, and vice versa ; that this,
although proposed by Peter, was no more his act than that
of the whole body ; that the choice Avas really the act of
neither, but of God himself; that the history is equally silent
as to most of the ap<5stles ; and that Paul might with more
probability be reckoned the successor of James the Son of
Zebedee than of Judas Iscariot ; or rather that he was not
one of the twelve at all, but an additional apostle for the Gen
tiles, as the twelve were the apostles of the circumcision.
38 ACTS 1, 26.
Add to all this, that they who had been called the eleven since
the death of Judas, are afterwards called the twelve^ and that
while Saul was still an enemy of Christ ; and consider the
e5:treme improbability that so much space would have been
given, in so brief a history and at such a juncture, to an un-
authorized proceeding of this nature, not omittmg even the
accompanying prayer, and yet without the slightest intima-
tion of its being uncommanded, and consequently null and
void. But apart from these considerations, the whole ques-
tion, if there is one, seems to be determined by the last words
of the narrative itself, which admit of but one natural inter-
pretation, namely, that Matthias was now reckoned, by divine
right, as the twelfth apostle. (Compare Matt. 28, 16. Mark
16, 14. Luke 24, 9. 33, with Acts 2, 14. 6, 2.)
CHAPTEE II.
Here begins the Apostolical Church History, to which the
events recorded in the preceding chapter were preliminary.
The two topics first presented are the events of Pentecost
(1-41) and the condition of the infant Church (42-47.) Under
the first head are described the gift of tongues (1-4), with its
effect npon the foreign Jews who witnessed it (5-12), the
frivolous or malignant charge of drunkenness (13), and Peter's
Pentecostal sermon (14-36), in which he first repudiates the
odious charge (14), and then declares what they beheld to
be the very effusion of the Spirit promised by the Prophet
Joel (15-18), as a part and token of a great revolutionary
change (19. 20), which would be ruinous to all who did not
trust in the appointed Saviour (21), whom he shows to be no
other than the man whom they had crucified but God had
raised (22-24), as David had predicted in the sixteenth psalm
(25-28), in terms which could not be applied to David him-
self (29), but must refer to the Messiah (30. 31), and had
been fulfilled in Jesus (32), who was really the author of the
present miracle (33), being now exalted, according to another
pro23hecy of David (34. 35), which was also inapplicable to
himself, and had only been fulfilled in Jesus, whom he there-
fore concludes to be the true Messiah (36.) Then follows the
ACTS 2, 1. 38
effect of tliis discourse upon the hearers (37), and Peter's fur-
ther exhortations and instructions in reply to their inquiries
(38-40), with the consequent addition of three thousand con-
verts to the church by baptism in that single day (41.) The
remainder of the chapter is occupied with a description of
their social state and mode of life, from that day onward
(43-46), and of their steady growth in poj^ularity and num-
bers (47.)
1 . And when the day of Pentecost was fully come,
they were all with one accord in one place.
The writer here begins his account of the reorganization
of the church by an exact specification of the time when it
occurred. The day selected for this great event was one of
the three yearly festivals prescribed in the Mosaic Law. It
is one of the most interesting features of that system, that
these annual observances were not mere arbitrary institutions,
but connected, in the minds of those observing them, w^ith
three distinct sets of associations, the first derived from
nature, the second from experience, the third from the prom-
ises of God and the expectations of his people. Thus the
Passover, the first in time and dignity, was associated, in the
revolution of the seasons, with the early harvest ; in the na-
tional recollections of Israel, with the exodus from Egypt ;
and in his hopes, with the advent and sacrifice of the Messiah.
The Feast of Tabernacles, or of Trumj)ets, had a like three-
fold association, with the vintage or ingathering of fruits,
with the journey through the wilderness, and with the rest
that remaineth for the people of God. These two great feasts
were placed at the beginning and the end of the half-year, to
which the annual solemnities of the ceremonial system were
confined. Between them w^as a third, but nearer to the Pass-
over, from which it took its name, both in Hebrew and in
Greek. It was celebrated at the end of seven weeks (or a
week of weeks) from the second day of the Passover, or Feast
of Unleavened Bread, i. e. the sixteenth day of the month
Nisan (Lev. 23, 15. 16.) Hence it was called the Feast of
Weeks (Ex. 34, 22. Deut. 16, 10.) From the Greek-speaking
Jews of later times, it received the equivalent name of Pente*
cost or Fiftieth^ 1. e. the feast of the fiftieth day after the
sixteenth of Nisan. The Greek adjective thus used became
a substantive, and is so employed in the verse before us,
40 ACTS 2,1.
where it is not to be construed with festival or day undei •
stood, but taken as the proper name of the festival or day it-
self. It might have been expected from analogy that this
anniversary, like the other two, would have its threefold as-
sociations, natural, historical, and typical or prophetical. It
is remarkable, however, that only one of these can be dis-
tinctly traced in the Law itself. This is the first, as we know
hat Pentecost occurred at the completion of the harvest or
cereal ingathering, and w^as therefore sometimes called the
feast of harvest (Ex. 23, 16), and the day of the first fruits
(K'um. 28, 26), because its distinctive rite was the oblation of
two loaves, as a sample and acknowledgment of the harvest
(Lev. 23, 17.) But with what historical event was it asso-
ciated, past or future ? That it had no such association, like
the Passover and Feast of Trumpets, is antecedently improba-
ble ; but none such is recorded. Jewish tradition has filled
the chasm, as we learn from the Talmud and Maimonides, by
affirming that the Pentecost, or fiftieth day after the sixteenth
of Nisan, was the very day on which the law was given from
Mount Smai. This ingenious combination, if it be not rather
a collateral tradition, is entirely consistent with the facts and
dates of the Mosaic record, and may therefore be allowed to
supply the omission, though we- cannot account for the omis-
sion itself. If this be granted, as to the historical significance
of Pentecost, its typical significance mil be found in the pas-
sage now before us, that is to say, in the selection of this day
for the reorganization of the church, which may be said to
have been organized at first, or at least to have received its
ceremonial form, on the same day many centuries before. It is
no trivial result and recommendation of this view, that it
completes what seems (but only seems) to be imperfect in
the ceremonial calendar, by clothmg this third feast with the
same threefold associations, which the Law expressly, or by
necessary implication, has attached to the other two. Why
this day was chosen is perhaps sufficiently explained by the
coincidence or correspondence between these two great acts
of organic legislation. As additional reasons it may be ob-
served that the selection of one of the great yearly feasts
secured, not only a great concourse of the native Jews, but a
fuU representation of the foreign Jews or Hellenists ; and
that the death and resurrection of our Saviour having been
associated with the Passover, it was natural and convenient
that the next great movement in the erection of liis kingdom
ACTS 2, 1. 2. 41
eliould be likewise associated with the next great annual olv
servance of the Jewish church and the Mosaic Law. Accord-
ing to Chrysostom, another reason was, that the same persons
might be mtnesses of both events. That some importance and
significance belong to the selection of the time, appears to be
implied in the expression of the verse before us, lohen the day
of Pentecost was fully come^ or retaining the peculiar form of
the original, in the fulfilling {of) Pentecost^ i. e. when the
appointed and therefore necessary interval had quite elapsed.
The corresponding festival in Christian calendars is W^hitsu7i-
day^ which, although so called for a different reason, is the
fiftieth day after Easter. In Luke 9, 51, the same Greek
phrase is applied to the mere approach, and not the actual
arrival, of a certain time ; but there the time itself is more
indefinite, being not the day^ but the days^ of his assumption.
The plural form is also employed here, but inaccurately, by
-Jie Vulgate. On what day of the week this Pentecost oc-
curred has been a subject of dispute for ages, but is happily
a question of no moment. All is a strong, but not a definite
expression, i. e. not one that determines what precise number,
or Avhat specific class of persons, were assembled upon this
occasion. It must therefore be interpreted by the foregoing
narrative, in which we read of two assemblages, the first of
eleven (1,4), and the second of a hundred and twenty persons
(1, 15.) The proximity of this last, and the strength of the
expression all^ &eem to forbid its restriction to the twelve,
but not its extension to a greater number than a hundred and
twenty. Indeed, as there is reason to beheve that this last
was a fortuitous assemblage, representing a much larger body
of believers (see above, on 1, 15), it seems most probable that
all here designates that body, and aflirms its j^resence, not
in all its indi^ddual members, nor in just the same who were
convened before, but in such numbers that the crowd (o;)(Xos
1, 15) was a full and fair representation of the aggregate
body. The two phrases previously used to signify coincidence
of place and purpose, are here combined, in order to express
more fully the kindred but distinct ideas of local convention
or assemblage, and of concert and intelligence as to its pur-
pose. They were not merely together^ or in one i^lace^ as they
might have been without design, but they were there with
one accord and by previous agreement.
2. And suddenly there came a sound irom heaven.
4^ ACTS 2, 2. 3.
as of a rushing mighty wind, and it filled all the house
where they were sitting.
Tlie effusion of the Spirit was preceded and accompanied
by sensible signs addressed to the ears and eyes of those as-
sembled. The first impression was that of an extraordinary
noise, preparing them for the still more extraordinary sight
that was to follow. This sound came suddenly^ and conld not
therefore be referred to any natural external cause. It came
from heaven^ which may refer both to the sensible impression
of a sound descending from above, and to its real supernatu-
ral origin, as caused by God .himself. The natural sound
which it resembled most was that of a strong wind ; but it was
something more, as appears from the comparative expression
as, which would be otherwise superfluous. The word trans-
lated rushing is a passive participle, meaning home or carried^
and is properly descriptive of involuntary motion caused by a
superior power, an idea not suggested by the active partici-
ples rushing^ driving^ or the like, which seem to make the
wind itself the operative agent. The other epithet in Greek
means more than mighty, being expressive not only of a
quality but of an effect, moUn% destructive. The noun itself,
which these words qualify is not the ordinary term for wind,
but a stronger one answering to blast or gust. The whole
phrase therefore is descriptive of a powerful tempestuous com-
motion of the air by some extraordinary cause. (Vulg. adve-
nientis S2nritus vehementis.) Such a phenomenon was spe-
cially appropriate in this case, on account of the generally
recognized analogy between breath or wind and spiritual influ-
ences, which may be traced in various languages, for instance
in our own. The point of resemblance seems to be an in-
visible cause producing visible eftects. It filled all the house,
i. e. the sound, not the wind, which is only mentioned in the
way of comparison. The house where they were sitting was
no doubt the same in which they were accustomed to assem-
ble (see above, on 1, 13.) The form of expression is far more
natural in reference to a private dwelling or a hired lodging,
than to the temple or any of its appurtenances. The sup-
posed difficulty as to its capacity assumes that a private house
iould not be a large one, and is further removed by the obviou8
assumption that, although the commotion began in the house,
the crowd may have assembled in the open air.
ACTS 2, 3. 43
3. And there appeared unto them cloven tongues,
like as of fire, and it sat upon each of them.
The audible sign was followed by one addressed to the
sense of sight.* Appeared unto them^ or, as some explain the
Greek words, loere seen upon them^ i. e. by others ; but the
common version is more agreeable both to the context and
to usage. (See Matt. 17,3. Mark 9,4. Luke 1,11. 22,43.
24, 34. Acts 7, 2. 26. 30. 35. 9, 17. 16, 9. 26, 16.) The form
of the original is passive and means strictly, icere seen by them.
Cloven should rather be distributed^ so that one appeared on
each. (Vulg. linguae dispertitae) The common version,
which implies that each tongue was divided into two or more,
as represented in most paintings of the scene before us, is at
variance with the usage of the Greek verb (Sta/tcpt^d/xci/ai),
which sometimes denotes moral separation or estrangement
(Luke 11, 17. 18. 12, 52. 53), but never physical division. Its
usual sense of distribution or allotment may be seen by a com-
parison of Matt. 27, 35. Mark 15, 24. Luke 22, 17. 23, 34, and
V. 45 below. Tongues may be regarded as a metaphorical
description of the natural appearance of all fire, as in Isai.,
5, 24, from which comes the classical figure of a lambent
flame ; but here there is moreover an evident allusion to a
special miraculous resemblance, prefiguring the extraordinary
gift that was to follow. Like as of fir e^ or more exactly, as
if offire^ i. e. the appearance of these tongues was the same
as if they had been really composed of fire, but without for-
bidding the conclusion that they were so. This comparative
expression, like the one in the preceding verse, leaves room
for doubt as to the presence of material fire or of a real wind.
A similar dubiety exists in Luke's account of the bloody
sweat (Luke 22, 44), and of the visible descent of the Holy
Ghost upon our Saviour at his baptism (Luke 3, 22.) The
very frequency, however, of this form of speech in Luke's
writings makes it proper not to press it, as a proof that the
appearance was unreal. It sat upon each of them. The sin-
gular number has been variously explained, as referring to
Spirit in the next verse, or to fire in this, or to the whole ap-
pearance {to (fiatvofxevov) viewed as one, or to the distribution
previously mentioned, which implied that 07ie of the tongues
sat on each. As this last is the preferable construction, it
affords an additional objection to the version cloven tongues^
which leaves the singular verb {it sat) without satisfactory
44 ACTS 2, 3. 4.
,v«fsolution. Each of them^ i. e. of these assembled upon this
^occasion. There is nothing to restrict or qualify the Avide
A* expression used in v. 1, or to limit what is here said to the
• ^ . tAYelve apostles. The whole assembly was collectively a
representation of the body of believers, now about to be re-
.V- organized upon a Christian basis, and perpetuated as the
N -^ Christian Church. This representative character accounts for
the want of precise specifications as to the names and number
of those present, and precludes the necessity of trying to sup-
• ply the omission either by reasoning or conjecture.
4. And tliey were all filled with the Holy Ghost,
vand began to speak with othen tongues, as the Spirit
V ^.v.^gave them utterance.
I vJ 'v^ \ The sensible signs of an extraordinary spiritual influence
^j , I :Jare followed by the influence itself, and this again by a sensi-
>!^ i)le efiect, afibrding external proof of its reality. The repeated
^ ^-^.-use of the word all shows that this eftect was not confined to
K ^;^''the Apostles. No one could have been disposed to doubt
A^ ^'-^^that the extraordinary gift extended to all the A2)ostles^ if
0^ J : vouchsafed to any ; but the very feeling which leads us to
> 'S^^ "doubt its further extension, shows the necessity of sa}ing they
^ "5- ^were all filled with the Holy Ghost^ if such were really the
*Vi ^'-case. This expression is a favourite one mth Luke (4, 8. 31.
^^HJ^$. -6,3.5. 7,55.9,17. 11,24. 13,9.52. Luke 1, 15. 41. 67. 4,1),
.1 * "-" and denotes afresh illapse and extraordinary influence of the
^"^j divine agent, not excluding previous communications, but
J ^|--s always impl}Tiig the reception of supernatural gifts or powers.
( . . < (Compare Luke 24, 49. Acts 1, 8.) Here the precise nature
v'^m''- of the gift is particularly stated ; they heg an to speak icith
r"^ :; other tongues. Began is no more pleonastic here than in the
5^* 5 - first sentence of the book, but conveys, as it does there, the
i T'twofold idea, that what is here recorded happened for the
' " first time, and that it was afterwards repeated or continued.
Other tongues can only mean languages difierent from their
own, and by necejisary implication, previously unknown.
(Vulg. Unguis variis.) In our Saviour's promise of this gift
before his Ascension (Mark 16, 17), he uses the equivalent
expression, oieio tongues., i. e. new to them. The attem[)t
to make these phrases mean a new style or a new strain,
or new forms of expression, is not only unnatural but in-
consistent with the foUovrlng narrative, where every tiling
f •*
ACTS 2, 4. 46
implies a real difference of language. Some have imagined
that the miracle was wrought upon the ears of the hearers,
each of whom supposed what he heard to be uttered in his
mother tongue. But this is a gratuitous and forced assump-
tion, and at variance with the fact that the use of other
tongues appears to have preceded the arrival of the foreign
witnesses, whose hearing is supposed to have been thus al-
fected. The design of this gift was not merely to facilitate
the preaching of the gospel. It is nowhere historically men
tioned as contributing to that result. Its necessity for that
end was in a great measure superseded, at least within the
Roman Empire, by the general use of the Greek language.
That it was not a permanent and universal knowledge of all
the tongues spoken in the countries visited by the Apostles,
is inferred by some from 14, 11, where the use of the vernacu-
lar language seems to be mentioned, as an explanation of the
tardiness with which Paul and Barnabas rejected the idola-
trous honours of the heathen Lycaonians. While the gift of
tongues may, in particular emergencies, have answered this
important purpose, it had other uses, even regarded as a
transient or momentary inspiration. It served, like any other
miracle, but with a special propriety and force, to prove the '
reality of an extraordinary spiritual mlluence, which might ,
otherwise have been denied or doubted. And it served, as
a symbol, to prefigure the vocation of the Gentiles, whose
excision from the church or chosen people had been typified
of old by a corresponding prodigy, the miraculous confusion
of tongues at Babel. As the moral unity of mankind had
been then lost, it was now to be restored, by the preaching
of the Gospel to all nations. To this historical connection
between diversities of language and the spiritual condition of
the world, there seems to be allusion in the frequent use of
the word tongues in prophecy to designate nations. (See
Isaiah 66, 18. Dan. 3, 4. V. Rev. 5, 9. V, 9. 10, 11. 11, 9. 13, 7.
14, 6. 17, 15.) While the practical design of this gift, as an
aid in preaching, would confine it to one sex and a small class
of believers, its demonstrative and symbolical design made it
equally appropriate to others. Its original exercise was not
in mere talk, the generic Greek term (AoXeti/) being qualified
by one (d7ro(^^eyy6o--9at) which primarily means to speak out^
clearly or aloud, and secondarily, to utter something weighty
or authoritative, in which sense, it is the root of the word
apophthegm. (Compare v. 14, 4, 18, 26, 25.) Even this utter-
46 ACTS 2, 4.5.
ance, however, was not left to their own choice or discretion,
but directed by the same divine influence which enabled them
to speak at all. They spoke as the Spirit gave them utterance.
literally, to utter (Vulg. dabat eloqui), i. e. gave the capacity
and right to do so. Cranmer and the Geneva Bible mark
the identity of the divine agent by rendei'ing, the same Spirit.
5- And there were dwelling at Jerusalem Jews, de-
vout men, out of every nation under heaven.
Publicity was necessary to the effect of this great miracle,
both as a symbol and a proof of special divine agency ; and
witnesses accordingly had been provided. The word trans-
lated dwelling does not of itself denote either permanent or
temporary residence, but rather the act of settling or begin-
ning to reside, as in Matt. 2,23. 4,13. 12,45. Luke 11,26.
Acts 7, 2. 4, whether the subsequent abode be temporary, as
in Heb. 11, 9, or permanent, as in Acts 9, 32. 17, 26, and often
in the book of Revelation, where it is a favourite expression
for the general idea of inhabitation. There is nothing there-
fore to confine the Word here to Jews who had come to end
their lives in Jerusalem, as they have done in all ages, or to
such as had come merely to attend the feast. The special
reference, if any, would be naturally to the latter. All that
is expressly said, however, is that there were then present
at Jerusalem, either as visitors or constant residents, repre-
sentatives of every nation under heaven. This is a natural
hyperbole belonging, not to artificial rhetoric, but to the
dialect of common life. It loses something of its strength
when compared with the statements of Philo and Josephus,
that there were Jews then settled in every country upon
earth. There is also an allusion to the language of Gen. 11,
4, confirming the assumed relation of the gift of tongues to
the confusion there recorded. These representatives of all
nations were themselves, as might have been expected, Jews,
and of the serious or devout class, such as were believers in
the prophecies and looking for the consolation of Israel. (Com-
pare Luke 2, 25. 38.) The Greek epithet (evXa/Sus:) originally
signifies cautious, timid, but in Hellenistic usage is applied to
the fear of God. The Geneva Bible has expressly, Jeios that
feared God ; Wiclif, after the Vulgate, religious men. Some
have supposed it, like the similar phrase, fearing God., to be
descriptive of proselytes from heathenism (10, 2. 22. 13, 16.
ACTS 2, 5.6. 47
26) ; but its application to Simeon, if I'xOt to Ananias (22, 12),
shows it to be properly expressive of a certain type of Jewish
piety. (See below, on 8, 2.) Its introduction here is not un-
meaning, as it shows that the effusion of the Holy Ghost waa
attested by the most competent and trustworthy witnesses,
Jews of the most serious and perhaps most bigoted character,
who at the same time represented every nation under heaven.
It is an admissible, though not a necessary supposition, that
this concourse at Jerusalem had some connection with the
general expectation of a great deliverer, which prevailed at
this time, not in Israel only (Luke 2, 25. 26. 38. 3, 15. 19, 11
John 1, 20. 21), but among the Gentiles, as attested by Sue*
tonius and Tacitus.
6. Now when this was noised abroad, the multitude
came together, and were confounded, because that
every man heard them speak in his own language.
The first clause is more literally rendered in the margin
of the English Bible, when this voice was made. The exact
form of the original is, this voice having happened^ or come
into existence, i. e. become audible. The common version
seems to take voice in the sense of rumour or report ; but
there is no such usage either in classical or hellenistic Greek.
Some identify it with the noise of v. 2, and voice is certain
ly applied elsewhere to inarticulate sounds, as that of the
wind (John 3, 8), of a trumpet (Matt. 24, 31), of thunder
(Rev. 6, 1), wings and chariots (Rev. 9, 9), waters (Rev. 14,
2), etc. But as it properly denotes the human voice, it
seems best here to understand it of the voice of the disciples
speaking in other tongues. The singular number {voice, for
voices) is collective, and as natural in this case as in 4, 24, and
in the phrases, voice of many angels, voice of harpers and
musicians (Rev. 5, 11. 18, 22.) The voice of the disciples
would at first attract the notice of those near at hand, and
then, by an influence of which we have continual examples,
gather a still larger audience. The multitude is neither the
multitude accustomed to assemble at the temple, from which
some have. drawn an inference as to the scene of these events ;
nor the multitude ready to assemble upon such occasions, or
what we call 'the mob' ; but the large body of foreign Jews
described in the preceding verse, and providentially provided
as witnesses of this great miracle. Having said that there
48 ACTS 2, 6. 7.
were such men in the city, the historian noT\' says that the
whole mass of them (to ttXt^^os) came together, when these
strange sounds became audible. He then describes the effect
produced upon them by this su\gulaii phenomenon. Con-
foimded means originally poured together^ and describes the
mixture of liquids, but is secondarily applied to any confused
mixture, as of people in a tumult (19, 32. 21, 31), or of
thoughts in the mind, as in 9, 22 and here. The Greek verb
is peculiar to this book of the New Testament. The margin
of our Bible has troubled in mind j the older English ver-
sions read astonied^ astonied in thought^ or astonied in mind.
The cause of their confusion or perplexity is expressly stated.
The form of the last clause in the original is, because they
hecird^ each one in his oicn dialect^ them speaking. Dialect
a kindred form to dialogvx^ originally means discourse or con
versation ; then mode of speech, style, or diction ; then di-
versity of language, whether national or provincial. Oicn is
emphatic ; not merely in a language which he understood,
but in his own particular, peculiar tongue. What could this
possibly mean, if the other tongues were merely higher strains
or smgularities of diction ? Some have strangely under-
stood this clause to mean, that each of those who came to-
gether heard all the disciples speaking in his own tongue ;
and on this interpretation rests the notion that the miracle
was not wrought on the tongues of the disciples, but the ears
of those who heard them. This is certainly not the sense
suggested by the words to an unbiassed reader. They evi-
dently mean no more than that each of the witnesses heard
his own language spoken, whether by one or more. Another
objection to this view of the passage, as already stated, is,
that the fact of their speaking in other tongues is distinctly
mentioned, as something j^revious to, and therefore indepen-
dent of, the concourse and confusion here recorded.
7. And they were all amazed and marvelled, saying
one to another, Behold, are not all these which speak
Galileans ?
Amazed and marvelled are not descriptive of something
Subsequent to the confusion mentioned in v. 6, but either
mere specifications of the term there used, or expressive of
the inward state by which the outward confusion was pro-
duced. The verbs themselves are not synonymous in Greek,
ACTS 2. 1, 49
but generic and specific forms of the same idea. The first
(e^to-rai/To) means properly to be out of one's normal condi-
tion, and when applied to the intellect, to be beside one's
self, with any strong emotion. It is the root of our word
ecstasy^ applied in English usage to extreme degrees of joy,
whereas the Greek noun is appropriated, in the same vray, to
extreme degrees of wonder. As if he had said, they were
beside themselves with wonder. This specific application of
the term is then directly given by the second verb, th'iy mar-
velled. Their wonder was expressed in mutual ejactdations ;
not that each of them uttered these precise words, but that
this was the sum and substance of what they said to one an-
other. (See below, on 4, 16. 24.) Their surprise is furthermore
denoted by the particle behold. (See above, on 1, 10.) The
particular description of the twelve as Galileans has been va-
riously explained. Some take it as synonymous with Chris-
tians^ which is both irrelevant and contrary to usage ; irrele-
vant, because it mattered not of what religion the men were,
to whom this power was imparted ; it was no more wonderful
in Christians than it would have been in Jews or Gentiles :
contrary to usage, because Galilean had not yet become the
designation of a sect or a religion. (See above, on 1, 11.)
Others suppose the speakers to have reference to the igno-
rance and barbarism of the Galileans, and the consequent
contempt with which they were regarded, even by the other
Jews. (See John 1, 46. 7, 52.) Their very dialect seems to
have been difierent from that of the Jews properly so called
(Matt. 26, 73. Mark 14, 70) ; but this was a difierence too
slight to have attracted the attention of foreigners, and one
which could not have increased their wonder at the gift of
tongues. So far as education and learning were concerned,
the Gahleans were no doubt inferior to the other Jews, and
this might seem to make the wonder greater, that they should
now be heard speaking in tongues which they had never
learned. But on the other hand, the Galileans were espe-
cially accustomed to free intercourse with foreigners ; partly
because their country was a thoroughfare between Judea and
the countries to the north and east ; partly because Galilee
itself had a mixed population, especially that part of it called
(it may be for that very reason) Galilee of the Gentiles (Isai.
9, 1. Matt. 4, 15.) In this point of view, it would be rather
less than more strange that they should speak foreign tongues.
The true solution seems to be, that Galileans here means
3
50 ACTS 2, 7.8
Jews or inhabitants of Palestine, the local designation beiiig
substituted for the general one, simply because it happened
to apply ; just as Frenchmen might express their surprise at
the correctness with which French was spoken by a Scotch-
man or an Irishman, although his native tongue be neither
Scotch nor Irish, but English. The strangers might have
said, Are not these which speak all Jews or natives of Pales-
tine ? But as they saw them to be chiefly from one district,
they naturally use the local or provincial name. Some have
inferred from this expression, that all the followers of Christ
were Galileans ; others, that only the Apostles are referred
to. But the language is sufiiciently explained by the large
proportion of disciples from that province, and by the promi-
nence of the Apostles. It should also be observed, that the
words are not affirmative but interrogative, and uttered not
by those who knew the fact, but by a crowd of strangers,
judging merely from aj^pearances, and speaking from the im-
pulse of the moment.
8. And how hear we every man in our own tongue
wherein we were born ?
The logical connection is more clearly indicated in the
Geneva version, hoio then ? i. e. if they are all Galileans, how
is it that they speak our languages ? The question is only an
additional expression of surprise, an indirect assertion that
the fact is unaccountable. The construction seems to be dis-
turbed by the insertion of every man or each one ; but with-
out it, they might seem to have spoken all one language, and
the writer seems resolved that the reader shall remember the
diversity of dialect among these strangers. In order likewise
to preclude all doubt as to the other tongues of v. 4, he not
only here repeats the strong expression own tongue from v.
6, but adds the still stronger one, in which we were horn,
equivalent in meaning to the common phrase, our mother
*.ongue or native language. This strange accumulation of
terms necessarily denoting literal diversity of language, is not
only unaccountable but perfectly unmeaning, if (as some
allege) the wonder consisted merely in the use of unusual ex
pressions or a style of extraordinary elevation. How could
either of these modes of speech be called by any hearer his
own dialect in which he was born ? If the terms used in this
narrative do not express diversity of language, in the obvious
ACTS 2, 8. 9. 51
and proper sense, it is impossible for that idea to be clothed
in words at all. Some complete the construction of the sen
tence by supplying (as the object of the verb %oe hear) them
speaking / but the true completion of the syntax is contained
in V. 11 below, where the same verb {a.KovoiJ.^v) is repeated and
the sentence closed, after the long parenthesis in vs. 9, 10.
9. Parthians and Medes and Elamites, and the
dwellers in Mesopotamia, and in Judea and Cappado-
cia, in Pontus and Asia ;
The sentence is continued from the foregoing verse. The
long list of names which follows is a specification of the pro-
noun loe in V. 8. ' We who are Parthians, etc' As we have
here recorded, not the very words of any individual speaker,
but the sum and substance of what all said, we may suppose
each man to have mentioned his own country, or one man to
have mentioned several, without detracting in the least from
the fidelity and fulness of the record. The names are neither
chosen nor arranged at random, but follow each other in a
certain geographical order, beginning at the north-east, and
then proceeding to the west and south. The first three de-
note races adjacent to the Caspian Sea, and all belonging to
the ancient Persian empire. During the interval between
the Old and the New Testament, that empire had been par-
tially resuscitated by the Parthians, who became a formidable
hinderance to the progress of the Roman arms in Asia. From
these north-eastern tracts he passes to Mesopotamia, so called
from its position between the two great rivers, Tigris and
Euphrates. There is here an apparently unnecessary change
in the construction of the sentence. Instead of proceeding
simply to enumerate the races or inhabitants of countries, he
enumerates the countries themselves, prefixing the participle
dwelli7ig or inhabiting^ until the end of the next verse, when
the original construction is resumed. The only reason that
can be suggested, even by conjecture, for this change of form,
is that there was probably no gentile noun in use derived
from Mesopotamia (and answering to Mesopotamians)^ and
that having been obliged to use a circumlocution with respect
to that name, Luke continued it through this verse and the
next. From Mesopotamia he passes over to the peninsula of
Asia Minor, and as Judea lay between, he introduces it,
although not properly belonging to a catalogue of foreign
62 ACTS 2, 9. 10.
countries represented at Jerusalem. It is then equivalent to
saying, ' We, as well as those inhabiting Judea.' Some ac-
count for its insertion from the fact already mentioned, that
the dialect of Galilee was different from that of Judea proper,
and that Jews (in the local sense) might therefore joia in the
expression of surprise at hearing a Galilean speaking their
own language. But this was nothing new to them, unless we
arbitrarily assume that their provincialisms were miraculously
rectified. Another explanation is that Luke, writing proba-
bly at Rome, surveys the countries rather from that pomt of
view than from Jerusalem. At all events, there can be no
ground for a change of text, by omitting Judea altogether,
or by changing it to Syria^ Arinenia^ Bitliynia., Lydia^
India^ or Idumea^ all of which have been suggested. Of
Asia Minor five provinces are named, viz. Pontus on the
north coast, Fampliylia on the south coast, Gappadocia and
JPhrygia in the mterior, and on the west coast Asia^ in its
oldest and most restricted sense. Modern geography applies
this name to one of the great primary divisions of the eastern
hemisphere or old world, and, v.ith the qualifying adjunct
Minor^ to the peninsula between the Black Sea and the Ar-
chipelago. But neither of these is its original and proper
application, which was restricted to the provinces along the
western coast of that peninsula. According to Pliny, it in-
cluded Mysia, Lydia, and Caria, and nearly or exactly coin-
cided with the ^olis and Ionia of still older geographers.
Whatever doubt there may be as to its precise extent, there
can be none as to its relative position, on the shore of the
Egean Sea and opposite to Greece. In this ancient and re-
stricted sense, Asia is used throughout the Acts of the Apos-
tles, the alleged exceptions being more than doubtful. (See
below, on 19, 26. 27. 21, 27. 24, 18. 27, 2.) In later times it
was extended to the whole peninsula, and finally attained its
present latitude of meaning, as a correlative of Europe, Africa,
and America.
10. Phrygia and Pampliylia, in Egypt, and in the
parts of Libya about Cyrene, and strangers of Home,
Jews and Proselytes ;
From the central and southern provinces of Asia Minor
he crosses the Mediterranean to Africa, in which he singles
out two well-knov^l and adjacent countries on the northern
ACTS 2, 10. 53
coast. Libya^ lying west of Egypt, was divided by tlie old
geographers into three parts, one of which was called Libya
Pentapolis or Pentapolitana^ from its five noted cities. One
of these was Gyrene^ a Greek colony and seaport, from which
the whole region was sometimes called Libya Cyreniaca.
(See below, on 6, 9. 11, 20. 13, 1.) The periphrastic descrip-
tion, Libya about (or towards) Gyrene^ is very similar in form
to those which Dio Cassiiis and Josephus apply to the same
country. From Libya Luke proceeds to Italy, as here rej)re-
senting the whole west. At this point the series of accusa-
tives governed by the participle in v. 8 is concluded, and the
original construction reappears. The irregularity of form is
greater in English than in Greek, because the translators
have gratuitously changed the participle {inhahiti7i.g) into a
noun and preposition (dwellers ^V^), which last they have
omitted before some names and inserted before others,
whereas the form of the original has no such inequality.
Strangers of Home does not mean, as some have imagined,
strangers at Home^ which would be wholly out of place, as
well as contrary to usage, but strangers from Rome^ Roman
strangers, at Jerusalem. Here again the Greek word is a
participle and means sojourning, temporarily residing. The
distinctive meaning of the Greek verb may be traced in its
derivative epidemic^ applied in medicine to the temporary
prevalence of diseases, as distinguished from those which are
endemic or at home, i. e. permanently established in j^articu-
lar locahties. By Jeics we are here to understand those born
such, natural descendants of Abraham and Israel, as opposed
to converts from the heathen, called irpocnjXvroL, advenae, or
new comers. Wiclif uses the word comelings to translate
eTrtSi^/xowres, though in etymology it seems to coincide exactly
with Tvpoa-qXvToi. The latter is rendered by Tyndale converts.,
and paraphrased in the Geneva Bible, those that loere con-
verted to the Jewish religion. The combmation of the two
words here includes all sorts of Jews there represented. The
position of the words is somewhat strange and has been vari-
ously explamed. Some suppose that they were meant to
apply only to the Romans ; but for this no reason can be
given. Others regard them as qualifying the whole cata-
logue ; but this is not completed till the next verse. On the
whole, perhaps, the best solution is, that the qualifying phrase,
though really applicable to the whole, is introduced just here
because it here occurred to the writer. As if he had said,
54 ACTS 2, 10. 11.
' Sojourners of Rome, including, as in all the other cases }
have named, both native Jews and Gentile converts.'
11. Cretes and Arabians; we do hear them speak
in our tongues the wonderful works of God.
The names here added do not violate the order previously
followed, but complete the circle, as it were, by passing from
the extreme west (Italy) to the extreme south (Arabia), be-
tween which two extremes the important island Crete (now
Candia) lies in a direct line. This conclusion of the catalogue
is followed by that of the whole sentence begun in v. 8, the
connection being made clear by the repetition of the leadmg
verb (we hear), of which the proper names preceding consti-
tute the complex subject. Our toiigues corresponds to oicn
tongue (Gr. ovm dialect) in v. 8. Wonderful loorks is a cor-
rect paraphrase, but not an exact version, of the Greek word
(/xeyaXeta), which corresponds more nearly to tnagnificent, as
an expression of the highest admiration. (Vulg. magnalia.)
As the noun is not expressed, and as Xenophon repeatedly
applies the adjective to words or sayings, it might here be
understood as meaning that they heard the disciples speaking
the wonderfid loords of God, i. e. words relating to hun and
m spired by him. But the reference to works or acts is fa-
voured by the use of the Greek word, in the Septuagint ver-
sion of Ps. 71, 19, to translate a Hebrew one (r.ibns), derived
from a corresponding root and constantly applied in the Old
Testament to the divme attributes and acts. (See Job 5, 9.
9, 10. 37, 5.) Still more decisive is the analogy of Luke 1,
49, the only other instance of its use in the New Testament,
where it is joined directly with the verb to do. There is
nothing in the text or contex:t to determine what specific acts
are here referred to ; but it may be safely affirmed that the
eifusion of the Spirit upon this occasion was at least included.
Some who deny the gilt of tongues, in the sense of a plurality
of languages, make this the emphatic word of the whole sen-
tence, and suppose the wonder to consist in the greatness of
the matter, and not in the mode of the expression. It was
the glorious works of God, as uttered by the disciples under
a special divine influence, that filled these Jews with wonder.
But even granting this to be an adequate occasion of the feel-
ing here expressed, how could it have been clothed m words
by saying that each of the spectators heard them speak his
ACTS 2, 11. 12. 13. 65
language, his own dialect, his mother tongue ? If these
phrases, and the other tongues of v. 4, may be made to mean
an elevated spiritual strain or style, the fruit of strong ex.
citement, or even of a real inspiration, but without effect
upon the dialect, then all interpretation is uncertain, and the
most important end of language nullified.
12. And tliey were all amazed, and were in doubt,
saying one to another, What meaneth this ?
This may be taken either as an emphatic repetition of
what had been already said, or as a direct continuation of the
narrative. In the latter case, the meaning is, that their mu-
tual interrogations led to no satisfactory result, for they were
still astonished and perplexed. In addition to the verb ex-
plained above (on v. 7) and here repeated, Luke employs
another very strong expression to describe the extent of their
confusion. From a Greek noun meaning passage {iropo'^)
comes the adjective iinpassahle {airopos), or when applied to
persons, having no passage, outlet, or way of escape. From
this again is formed the verb (dTropeco) to be shut up or at a
loss, and its emphatic compound (8ta7ropea)) to be utterly or
wholly at a loss, which is the word here used. This continued
uncertainty betrayed itself in further questionings, of Avhich
an example is here given in a very idiomatic form. TT/iat
ineaneth this is no doubt the correct sense, but the form of
the original is, what will (or would) this be f Examples of
the same mode of expression have been quoted from Herodo-
tus, Anacreon, and other classics. The nearest approach to
the original in any English version is by Wiclif, what wole
(will) this thing he ? Weaker and less exact is the Geneva
version, what may this thing he f From this extended and
minute description, it is clear that the historian considered it
important for his purpose, that the reader should be strongly
impressed with the helpless confusion and extreme astonish-
ment of these beholders.
13. Others mocking said, These men are full of new
wine.
Thus far the language and the conduct of the witnesses
have been described as altogether serious and earnest. ISToav
another and a very different tone is audible. The apparent
56 ACTS 2, 13.
inconsistency between the all of v. 12 and the others i>f v. 13
may be solved in two ways. One is by supposing that Ave
here have an example of a form of speech common to all lan-
guages, but particularly frequent in the Greek and Hebrew,
and consisting in the use of an absolute expression to be quali-
fied immediately by one which follows. Resolved into our
idiom, the sense would be, ' all were astonished and per-
plexed excepting some who mocked and said,' etc. But this
solution, although perfectly admissible in case of exegctical
necessity, is not imperatively needed here, as there is yet an-
other, still more satisfactory. This consists in limitmg the
application of the word all in v. 12 to the foreign Jews and
proselytes just mentioned, and api)lyiug the others of v. 13 to
the natives of Judea or Jerusalem. The reason of this dif-
ference will appear below. Mock'mg^ or making a jest of the
whole matter. Some of the oldest manuscripts and latest
critical editions have a stronger form than that in the received
text (8taxA.€i;a^oi/T€b), which, without altering the sense, makes
the expression more emphatic and intensive. Full^ literally
yj/M, saturated, sated, the idea of excess being necessarily
suggested by the Greek word. N'eio wine might be more
exactly rendered sxoeet wine^ as the Greek word properly de-
notes sv/eetness, and altliough sometimes applied in classic
Greek to the fresh grape-juice before fermentation, is also
used of those fermented wines, in which the sweetness was
retained by a peculiar process, and some of which were unu-
sually strong. The very phrase, drunh with siceet wi?ie, is
employed by Athena^us, The same Greek word is used in
the Septuagint version of Job 32, 19, to represent the common
Hebrew term for wine, in a connection where the reference
to fermentation is not only certain but essential to the mean-
ing. But apart from these authorities, the reference to new
wine, in the sense of unfermented must or grape-juice, would
be here a gross absurdity. The very nature of the case, as
well as Peter's answer, shows the charge to have been not
merely that of drinking but of being drunk. Some have used
this as an argument against the actual diversity of languages,
which could not (it is said) have been ascribed to drunken-
ness. But even supposing the charge to have been serious,
what could more naturally have suggested it, than the very
mixture of strange languages, which to the great mass of
these native Jews must have been an unintelligible jargon?
Ft is indeed a strong though incidental proof of authenticity,
^-^ ACTS 2, 13. 14. 51
^ - that this great mh-acle is represented as affecting these two
v\ i classes in so different a manner, yet so perfectly in keeping
j^ with their situation. A fictitious writer might very naturally
J ^-i have described them as affect dd all alike, forgetting that
j ^ while every additional diversity of dialect would furnish a
ll }, fresh proof of divine agency to some among the foreign wit-
^ »^ N^ nesses, the same cause would render the whole scene still
i '^ ^ nore confused and apparently absurd to the resident or native
j V" 4 Jews. This necessary difference between the cases would
v<; J^Y^ suffice to account for the levity with Avhich the latter class
d ix ^^^o^^'^^^ the whole matter, without referring it to any radi-
^\ij cal diversity of character, which cannot be historically shown
O^nj to have existed. Language which conveys no meaning almiost
^--, invariably excites a ludicrous emotion in the hearer. Another
'^ if>,^ observation to be made upon this charge of drunkenness is,
(4 J ' that it affords a further refutation of the notion entertained
^ ^^"^ by Cyprian and Erasmus^, that the miracle Avas wrought upon
]^^ the ears of the spectators, so that each thought he heard his J j
i^ v> vernacular language. For in that case, these Jerusalemites I "
«*> 0 would have understood what they heard, and could have had ;^ .
^ 5^ DO pretext for the charge of drunkenness, unless it had refer- 5 '
^ >^^ ence merely to the excitement and enthusiasm of the speak- ^
ii,-^"^ ers. It was this frivolous aspersion, rather than the serious ^
^ N X inquiries of the devout Jews, that gave occasion to the great ^ <
^- ^ apostolical discourse which follows. <>$ 1
V\-' 14. But Peter, standing up with the eleven, lifted 's^^
><**nI up liis voice and said unto tlieni, Ye men of Judea, and\^"' ^
'S^io^all (ye) that dwell at Jerusalem, be this known unto you^\^v^
^ / 3 and hearken to my words. ;
*j ;; !•.>• The Apostles repudiate the charge of drunkenness and
^:5\Vexplain the true nature of the whole occurrence. Peter, as
^ > "usual, is the spokesman, acting no doubt by divine suggestion.
^< -and with the tacit acquiescence of his brethren. (See above,
^-•on 1, 15, and below, on 5, 3. 29.) With the eleve?i, himself
5^ being the twelfth. (See above, on 1, 26.) The meaning ia
-•not that they came together when they heard of the aspersion
•rl^ least upon them, but that they repelled it on the spot, and as
<0 J ^ oon as it was uttered. /Standing up is, in several of the
^ yS 4 Ider English versions, rendered stejyped forth, or came for-
/ mir^^i"*^- But the proper sense is that of standing up or rising,
5 j ^ i as a preliminary to the act of public speaking. The particu
58 ACTS 2, 14.
*ar mention of this gesture is a favourite idiom of Luke'si
(See below, 5, 20. 11, 13. 17,22. 25, 18. 27, 21, and compare
Luke 18, 11. 40.) With the eleven naturally, though not ne-
cessarily, implies, that the eleven stood up with him. It may
indeed mean only that they kept together as one body ; but
in eitlier case, the idea of unity and concert is essential. They
not only were, but were seen to be, governed by one purpose,
actuig under one commission. It was important that Peter
should be recognized as not speaking in his own name, but as
representing the whole body, which was itself the representa-
tive of Christ, in the organization and administration of his
church or kingdom. That what follows was a speech or ser-
mon, not a private and informal talk to a few chance hearers,
is implied, not only in the act of rismg, but in that of lifting
up his voice, or speaking so as to be heard by a great num-
ber. There is no need of diluting the full import of the
phrase, so as to mean merely, he began to speak. Said is a
very feeble version of the Greek verb, which is the same with
that employed at the end of v. 4, and there explained to sig-
nify the solemn and authoritative utterance of something
weighty and important m itself. Men of Jiidea is a similar
expression to 3fen of Galilee in 1, 11, and strictly means 3Ien
Jews or Jewish Men. It has here a local rather than a reli-
gious sense, and is correctly rendered in the common version.
It is nearly equivalent to native Jews or Hebrews. That the
foreign Jews, however, were included in the object of address,
is intimated by the wider phrase, and all inhabitbig Jerusa-
lem^ which does not mean the foreign Jews expressly or dis-
tinctively, but comprehends them with the natives under one
generic formula. That the Greek verb does not of itself
mean either permanent or temporary residence, see above, on
V. 5. Be this hnoion unto you is equivalent, m modern phrase,
to saying, I have something to communicate or make known,
with an implication that it is not without interest and impor-
tance to the hearers. The formula is found in this book only,
(See below, 4, 10. 13, 38. 28, 28.) The remaining introduc-
tory phrase, hearhen to my words^ bespeaks attention to what
follows, with a slight suggestion that it may prove to be
Bomethmg not only unexpected but unwelcome. Analogous,
in this point, are the words which Shakspeare puts into the
mouth of Brutus, when about to justify the death of Cesar.
" Hear me for my cause, and be silent that you may hear."
The word translated hearkeyi (Vulg. aurihus percipite) is a
ACTS 2, 14. 15. 69
later Greek verb, unknown to the fclassics, and apparently
formed in imitation of a Hebrew verb common in the Psalms,
and usually rendered in our Bible, give ear. Both verbs are
derived from the noun ear^ which is probably the case like-
wise with the English hear. This introduction, though un-
studied and entirely natural, is not without rhetorical merit
and eflect. The discourse itself, which follows, has peculiar
interest, not only as the first in time, the earliest specunen of
apostolical preaching, but also as a public exposition of the
principles on which the church was to be organized, pro-
pounded at the organization itself. Though often repeated,
and by some distinguished writers, it is far from being true,
that this discourse consists simply and entirely of historical
facts. How can this be a correct description of a passage, in
which no less than three prophecies of the Old Testament are
expounded and applied, with a formal refutation of a diflerent
exposition ? The truth is that the mere historical facts, so
far from making up the whole, are rather assumed or inci-
dentally referred to, while the body of the discourse is argu-
mentative and exegetical. In this, it resembles the first
preaching generally, and is a model for our owti, which ought
not to be the telling of a story merely, but the logical and
practical interpretation of the word of God. Another false
view of this great discourse is that which makes it whoUy de-
sultory and even incoherent. Though informal, it is perfectly
consecutive and even symmetrical m structure. It first repu-
diates the charge of drunkenness (14) ; then shows what had
occurred to be the fulfilment of a signal prophecy (15-21) ;
and then demonstrates the Messiahship of Jesus (22-36.)
The details, as well as the transitions, of this scheme, and its
• coherent unity, will be pointed out as we proceed.
15. For these are not drunken, as ye suppose, see-
ing it is but the third hour of the day.
This is the negative part of the defence, or^the denial of
the false solution, which had been suggested, of the gift of
tongues. Brief as it ' is, it includes three distinguishable
points. The first is the categorical denial, or direct rei)u-
diation of the odious charge. These men are not driuik-
en., i. e. drunk^ the form of the adjective when absolutely
used, while drunken is usually followed by the noun. The
next point is an mdirect suggestion that the charge was
60 ACTS 2, 15.
groundless and gratuitous, a mere assumption without proof
or reason. This is the full force of the phrase, as ye suppose^
or rather, assume^ take for granted. For the primary mean-
ing of the Greek verb, as applied to bodily motion, see above,
on 1, 9. Its metaphorical or secondary sense oi taking up) an
opinion, or assicnmig a fact, especially without proof, is of
frequent occurrence in Herodotus, Xenophon, and Plato.
The third point is an argument or proof, that they could not
be drunk, drav.n from the time of day. The ancient Hebrews
reckoned the day from evening to evening (Gen. 1, 5. Lev.
23, 32), and are thought to have divided the day and night,
i. e. the varying periods of light and darkness, each into three
watches. (See Judges V, 19. Ex. 14, 24. 1 Sam. 11, 11. Lam. 2.
1 9.) The later Jews adopted the Roman division of the night
into four watches (Matt. 14, 25. Luke 12, 38. Mark 6, 48. 13,
35), and of the day into twelve hours (John 11, 9), reckoning
from sunrise or, as an average, from six o'clock. The third
hour, according to this computation, would fall between what
we call eight and nine. At or about this time of day the effu-
sion of the Holy Ghost took place, and from this circumstance
Peter seems to argue that what they had now witnessed could
not be the effect of intoxication. But wherein does the proof
lie, or the argument consist ? Who was to determine when in-
toxication could begin, or to forbid its being reckoned as the
cause of its apparent effects ? Some suppose an allusion to
religious usage. The third hour, in the sense explained above,
was the first of the three stated hours of daily prayer, ob-
served by the Jews, without express divine command, but
probably in imitation of David and Daniel (Ps. 55, 17. Dan. 6,
10. 13.) The other two hours of prayer are also mentioned
in this book. (See below, 3, 1. 10, 9.) From this fact, and*
the alleged Jewish practice of abstaining from all food and
drink until this hour, some explain the clause as meaning that
the charge of drunkenness was inconsistent with their charac-
ter and habits as devout Jews. But the charge itself virtu-
ally called in question their pretensions to this character, and
could not therefore be disproved by claiming it. A much
more obvious and simple explanation is that which supposes
the third hour to be mentioned, not as an hour of prayer, but
simply as an early hour of the day at which intoxication
would imply the^most intemperate and reckless habits. A
etriking parallel is furnished by a passage in one of Cicero's
Philippics, where he characterizes the license practised at
ACTS 2, 15. 16. 61
Antony's villa by saying that they revelled there from nine
o'clock. {Ab hora tertia hihebatiir^ ludebatur^ vomehatur.) But
still it maybe asked, if such thmgs were done, why might they
not be done in this case ; and how could a mere reference to the
early hour be an answer to the implied charge of early revels ?
The answer to this question seems to be, that although such
intemperance was possible, it was credible only in the case of
habitual and reckless drunkards (1 Th. 5, 7), and the impu-
tation of this character to Peter and his brethren carried its
refutation with it. The clause may then be paraphrased as
follows. 'As to the charge of drunkenness, it refutes itself;
for unless you mean to class us with the lowest revellers and
debauchees, which all who see us see to be absurd, it is in-
conceivable that all of us should be already drunk at this
early hour of the day.' K to any the Apostle's reasoning,
m answer to this charge, should still seem inconclusive, let it
be observed that he does not undertake a formal refutation
of so frivolous an accusation, which may not have been seri-
ously intended even by its authors, but merely makes use of it
in a single sentence, as an introduction or transition to the
true solution of this wonderful phenomenon, contained in the
next sentence. This view of the connection may be rendered
clear by paraphrase as follows. 'Passing by the charge of
drunkenness, as too absurd to be repelled except by simply
reminding you how early in the morning it still is, I now
proceed to tell you the true meaning of the strange things
which you have just seen and heard.' Here again the transi-
tion is so natural and easy, yet so logical and suited to the
speaker's purpose, that it does not more effectually clear him
from the charge of rhetorical artifice or tricks of speech, than
it does from the more common one of artlessness, not only in
this good sense, but in that of rudeness and unskilfulness, a
helpless incapacity to use language as the vehicle of thought
with clearness and coherence. Let those who are continually
thus describing the inspired writers learn to lo6k at home.
16. But this is that which was spoken by the
Prophet Joel.
The negative defence is followed by the positive ; the
alse explanation by the true. The sum of it is ; this is not
ntoxication, it is inspiration, and the fulfilment of a signal
prophecy. In all such cases, it is necessary, first, to identify
62 ACTS 2, 16. 17.
tlie passage ; then, lo ascertain the form of the quotation ;
and tinally, to fix ilio sense in which it is applied. The first
question is determined here, partly by the mention c^ the
Prophet's name, omitted in some copies, manuscript and
printed, but without sufficient reason ; and more completely
by the actual existence of the j^assage quoted in the text of
the Old Testament. The Greek preposition (Sta), more dis-
tinctly than the English (5y), denotes the instrumental cause
or agent, and might be correctly rendered through. ' Spoken
by God through (or by means of) the Prophet Joel.' The
whole form of expression implies, that Peter's hearers were
familiar with the name of Joel, not only as a ^Titer, but an
inspired writer, or Old Testament Prophet. The personal
history of Joel is unknown and unimportant with respect to
the interpretation of this passage. The precise date of his
writings is disputed, but the best authorities refer them to
the reign of Uzziah, at least eight centuries before the date
of these events. The passage quoted is the first five verses
of the third chapter in the Hebrew text, corresponding to
the last five verses of the second chapter in the Septuagint
and English versions. The words are quoted fl-om the for-
mer, but with several variations. Some suppose this passage
to have formed a part of the temple-service on the day of
Pentecost, and allege that it is still so used by the Caraites
or anti-talmudical Jews. But this usage, even if sufficiently
attested, may be of later date.
17. And it shall come to pass in the last days, saith
God, I will pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh ; and
your sons and your daughters shall prophesy ; and your
young men shall see visions, and your old men shall
dream dreams.
It shall Z>e, happen, or come to pass, is the common mode
of introducing a particular prediction in the Old Testament.
The time of the event is indefinitely stated in the Hebrew,
afterwards^ here rendered somewhat more specific by the
paraphrase, in the last days., i. e. in the days of the Messiah,
or in the last days of the old dispensation, the very days of
which we are now reading. Saith God is neither in the He-
brew text nor in the Septuagint version, but supplied by the
Apostle, to remind his hearers who is speaking, not only as a
ACTS 2, 17. 6S
means of making the words quoted more impressive and an
thoritative, but of making tliem intelligible, by supiDlying the
subject of the sentence, which is here detached from its con-
nection. For the use of pouring, as a figure for abundant
gifts and influences, see above, on 1,5, and compare Pro v. 1,
23. Isai. 44, 3. Zech. 12, 10. Instead of the origmal expression,
2your out my jSjnrit, the Septuagint, followed by Peter, has
the partitive form, of my Sjnrit^ intended to suggest ,as some
have thought, that the gift was not exhausted, that the resi-
due of the Spirit was with God (Mai. 2, 15), and would still
be bestowed upon the church. All flesh is an idiomatic He-
brew phrase, sometimes denoting the whole animal creation
(Gen. 6, 17), but more usually all mankind (Gen. 6, 12.) To
prophesy has here its usual sense, to speak by inspiration, or
under a special divine influence. The idea of prediction or
foretelling is not the primary et}Tnological sense, nor even the
prevailing one in usage. The collective or aggregate expres-
sion, all fleshy is defined and strengthened by the specific men-
tion of both sexes, various conditions, and all ages. Sons and
daughters is explained by some as a comprehensive descrip-
tion of the whole race, but there seems to be no reason for
departing from its strict sense as denoting the two sexes,
male and female ofispring. Thus imderstood, the phrase
would seem to confirm the previous conclusion, that the gift
of tongues had been imparted to the whole assembly, includ-
ing men and women. The objection that the gill could not
be exercised by women, who are commanded to kee]) silence
m the church (1 Cor. 14, 34. 35. 1 Tim. 2, 11. 12), applies only
to the permanent use of this miraculous endowment in the
service of the church, and not to its primary exhibition as a
sign or as a symbol. (See above, on v. 4.) The next two
clauses of the prophecy are inverted without any visible de-
sign, unless it be, as some have thought, to render prominent
the case of the apostles, who were, for the most part, in the
prime of life. K any distinction was intended to be made
between the parallel expressions, dreams and visions^ the
latter may denote day-dreams, waking visions, and the former
visions seen in sleep, or dreams properly so called. As we
do not read of any such eflfects at Pentecost, the terms of the
prediction must have been understood by the apostles as
figures or types of extraordinary spiritual influence, and not
as the precise forms in which the promise was to be fulfilled.
The prominence given to miraculous endowments is to be
64 ACTS 2, 17. 18. 19.
explained by theii* peculiar fitness to evince tlie reality and
designate the subject of the spiritual operation, and not by
their intrinsic superiority to what are called the ordinary in-
fluences of the Spirit, and which are really included in thf.
promise of the Prophet as here quoted.
18. And on my servants and on my handmaidens
I will pour out in those days of my Spirit ; and they
shall prophesy.
This is a repetition of the promise in the verse preceding,
with a simple substitution of male and female servants for
sons and daughters. As the antecedent probabilities are
adverse to a sheer tautology, mthout qualification or addi-
tion, we must look upon this verse as designed to add diver-
sity of rank to that of age and sex. The word translated
and at the beginning of the sentence, is not the simple copu-
lative (K-at), as in the Septuagint, but a strengthened form
(Kttt ye), impl}dng an emphatic addition to what was said be.
fore, q. d. nay more, not only sons and daughters but servants
and handmaidens. Not only shall the weaker sex, but the
hmnblest of both sexes, be admitted to participate in this
great honour. The Greek words corresponding to servaoits
and handmaidens are masculine and feminine forms of the
word which properly denotes a slave. The repetition of the
partitive form {of my S2)irit) shows that it was not accidental
or unmeaning in the verse preceding. The last clause, they
shall prophesy^ is added by the Apostle to remove all ambi-
guity and doubt as to the effusion of the Spirit promised. As
if he had said : ' the Spirit which I thus pour out will be one
of pro2)hetic inspiration.' This precise specification, in a case
where general and comprehensive terms might seem apjn'o-
priate, arises from the fact that this was the precise form in
which the promise was fulfilled at Pentecost. The gift of
tongues was not a mere philological contrivance for the use
of pubhc speakers, but a real inspiration, extending to the
matter as weU as the expression, so that those who shared in
It were heard, not only speaking foreign tongues, but in those
tongues declaring the wonderful or glorious works of God.
(See above, on v. 11.)
19. And I will show wonders in heaven above, and
ACTS 2, 19. 20. 65
signs ir/ the earth beneath ; blood and fire and vapour
of smoke.
To the promise Peter adds the threatening wliich attends
it in the prophecy, not merely for the purpose of rounding the
period or completing the quotation, but as a solemn warning
to his hearers that, as the promise had begun to be fulfilled,
the execution of the threatening might be no less confidently
looked for. Or perhaps the true view of the matter is, that
this is not a threatening in the strict sense, as distinguished
from a promise, but a prophecy of great revolutionary
changes, clothed in famiUar figures drawn from the prophetic
dialect of scripture. (Compare Isai. 13, 10, 34, 4, etc.) The
revolution thus foreshadowed was that through which Israel
Avas to pass at the change of dispensations, and of which the
outpouring of the Spirit at Pentecost was a certain premoni-
tion. y/oPode7's and sig?is are absolute and relative expres-
sions for the same thing, viz. miracles. The first word, both
in Greek and English, represents them as they are in them-
selves, portents or prodigies (Vulg. 2^'^odigia). The other
indicates their use or purpose, as signs or proofs of something
else, the divine existence, will, or presence, the divme lega-
tion of the prophets and apostles, or the truth of their official
teachings. The Vv'ord translated show properly means give^
and is so rendered by Wiclif and the Rhemish version.
20. The sun shall be turned into darkness and the
moon into blood, before that great and notable day of
the Lord come.
These are prophetic figures for great and sudden revolu-
tionary changes. (Compare Isai. 13, 10. 34,4, etc.) Before
that day, the change shall be as great as the dissolution or
extinction of the heavenly bodies would be in the fran^ of
nature. Notable^ remarkable, extraordinary, corresponds to
a Greek word {hvi^avy]) meaning manifest, conspicuous, illus-
trious, and that to a Hebrew one (^<'J''-^) meaning feared or
fearful. The day of the Lord is not only the day appointed
and foretold by him, but his own day, in a more emphatic
sense, a day appropriated to himself, to the execution of his
purpose and the vindication of -his honour. (See Isai. 2, 12.)
The day meant is that great day of judicial visitation, which
may be said to have begun with the destruction of Jerusalem
C6 ACTS 2, 21. 22.
by Titus, and is to end in what we call the Day of Judgment.
The portentous sights described by Josephus and Tacitus as
seen both by Jews and Romans during the last siege of Jeru-
salem, may be regarded as among the outward signs fore-
told, but not as the main subject of the prophecy, which is
symbolical.
21. And it shall come to pass, that whosoever shall
call on the name of the Lord shall be saved.
The Apostle closes his quotation with the Prophet's cheer-
ing assurance of salvation to every one who looks to and
confides in the true Saviour. It shall cone to 2^ciss^ literally,
it shall be^ as given in all the older English versions except
Cranmer's and King James's. (See above, on v. 17.) Invo-
cation is here mentioned as an act of worship. Even if the
call meant be only a call for help, it implies omniscience and
almighty power in the object of address. (See below, on 7,
59. 9, 14. 21. 22, 16.) The forensic usage of the same Greek
verb to denote an appeal (as in 25, 11. 12. 21. 25. 26, 32. 28,
19) implies a recognition of judicial sovereignty. Lord cor-
responds, in the Septuagint version, to the Hebrew Jehovah^
the incommunicable name of God, considered as the God of
Israel. The constant application of the Greek equivalent
(Kupios) in the New Testament to Jesus Christ, is a strong
proof of his divinity. For such an application of the prophecy
this verse prepares the way, and at the same time for another
great division of the apostolical discourse.
. 22. Ye men of Israel, hear these words. Jesus
of Nazareth, a man approved of God among you, by
miracles, wonders, and signs, which God did by him in
the midst of you, as ye yom^selves also know ;
It is universally agreed that Peter here introduces a new
topic, or in other words, that this is the beginning of a new
division of his speech, namely that in which he asserts and
proves the Messiahship of Jesus. It seems to be commonly
assumed, however, that the transition is abrupt and arbitrary
as if he had merely taken advantage of the charge against
him and his brethren, to bring forward an entirely different
subject. This view of the passage, however it may favour
the idea, that a rational coherence is not to be looked for in
ACTS 2, 22. 67
the sacred writers, may be easily refuted by a simple state-
ment of the true connection. Having met the charge of
drunkenness, first briefly and negatively, by a flat denial and
the suggestion of a single reason why it could not possibly be
true (v. 15) ; then fully and afiirmatively by representing what
was thus ascribed to wine as the work of the Spirit prom-
ised ages before by an inspired prophet (16-18), he quotes
from the same context a warning and a promise well adapted
to excite the fears and hopes of those who heard him, and to
turn their thoughts upon the practical question of their own
salvation (19-21.) Whosoever shall call upon the name of
the Lord shall he saved. But what Lord ? Not the absolute
Elohim, or the half-revealed Jehovah,^ of the old economy, as
they might naturally have supposed. What Lord was meant
then ? Why the very man whom they had crucified, and
whom, in the remainder of this sermon, he proves to be the
true Messiah. This analysis is certainly as simple and natural
as any other, while it gives a perfect continuity and unity to
the discourse. According to it, the leading thoughts of the
Apostle are as follows. This is not drunkenness but inspira-
tion— it was predicted centuries ago — on the fulfilment of
that promise is suspended your personal salvation — and the
promised Saviour is the man whom you have crucified. No
wonder that in introducmg such a doctrine, the apostle takes
a new start, and conciliates afresh the indulgence of his hear-
ers. Men of Israel is not a merely local or genealogical
description, but a formal recognition of their national and eccle-
siastical character as representatives of the chosen people.
As if he had said : ' Thus far I have addressed you as natives
of Judea and professors of the true religion ; but I now appeal
to you still more emphatically, as belonging so the Israel of
God, and in that capacity entreat you still to hear me.' Hear
these words is one of those expressions which are almost uni-
versally slurred over in the reading, as mere exj^letives, un-
meaning forms of speech, affording a transition from one topic
to another, or intended to impart a sort of finish and com-
pleteness to the composition. But in multitudes of cases,
these neglected formulas are pregnant and emphatic clauses,
upon which depends the force, if not the meaning, of the con-
text. Li the case before us, the Apostle again intimates (as
in the opening of the whole discourse, v. 14) that he expected
contradiction and impatience upon their part. ' Who then is
the true and only Saviour, by invoking whom you may escape
68 ACTS 2, 22.
destruction? In answering this question, I am under the
necessity of shocking your most cherished prepossessions and
convictions ; but nevertheless hear me, inasmuch as this is a
matter, not of idle speculation, but of life and death, a ques-
tion of salvation and perdition.' Having thus prepared them
for the introduction of an unexpected or at least unwelcome
topic, he delays no longer, but with fine rhetorical elFect, if
not design, immediately names Jesus, as the theme of what
he further has to say. Jesus of Nazareth {oy from JSFazareth)
is the literal translation of a phrase used by the same apostle
on a subsequent occasion. (See below, on 10, 38.) But here,
and in every other case where it occurs in this book (3, 6.
4, 10. 6, 14. 22,8. 26,9), the original expression, though
equivalent in sense, is somewhat difterent in form, and might
be more exactly rendered, Jesus the Nazarene. The avoid-
ance of this form by our translators is without apparent
reason, and, though unimportant in itself, has the unfortunate
eifect of hiding or obscuring from the merely English reader
the direct and intimate connection of this title with a dif-
ficult but interesting statement of Matthew (2, 23), which
seems most probably to mean, that all or many of the prophe-
cies of Christ's humiliation were summed up, as to substance,
in his reputed birth and real residence at an obscure town of
a despised province, and as to form or expression, in his being
habitually called The Nazarene. Some suppose that there
can here be no allusion to its reproachful or contemptuous
import, because used by an apostle. But even when em-
ployed by Christ himself (as in 22, 8), the allusion to this
usage is not only evident but prominent. ' I am that Naza-
rene, whose very home is a reproach to him, and whom thou
Paul hast often cursed and scoffed at, by that hated name.'
Thus too it is used by the Apostles, who appear to have
delighted in recalling this opprobrious description and apply-
ing it to their master's highest exaltation, so that he reigns
and triumphs by the very name which was expected to con-
sign him to eternal infamy. In the case before us, it is not
to be lost sight of, that the great Apostle, in jDropounding the
unwelcome theme of his remauiing argument, propounds it
under this offensive form, not merely Jesus, but Jesus of
Nazareth, the Nazarene, As if he had. said : ' I may well
entreat you still to hear me while I name the true and only
Saviour ; for the one whom I intend to name, is he whose
name is already a proverb of reproach among you, and whon^
ACTS 2, 22. 69
perhaps you have this very day reviled and derided as the
Nazarene? Havmg named him, as a person whom they well
knew, he describes him as one, with whose pretensions and
credentials they were all familiar. He speaks of him, not as
an adventurer, or one whose character vras yet to be estab-
lished, but as one already proved {to he) from God. This is
most probably the true sense of the j^hrase ambiguously ren-
dered in our Bible, approved of God. The word approved.,
like the apjyi'ohaium of the Yulgate, from which it seems to
have been copied, was once used as a synonyme of proved.
Vv^ebster quotes two instances from one line of Milton.
" Wouldst thou ajyprove thy constancy ? Approve first thy
obedience." But this sense is now obsolete, and the only
idea which the word conveys here to a modern reader, is a
false one, namely, that of moral approbation or approval.
The idea meant to be conveyed is that of proof or attestation.
This is not essentially affected by the different grammatical
constructions which have been proposed. ' A man from God,
attested (or accredited) by miracles, etc' ' A man accredited
from (i. e. by) God through miracles, etc' ' A man accredited
(or proved to be) from God by miracles, etc' The words
from God do not refer to the divinity of Christ, which would
be otherwise expressed, and would here be out of place, at
the beginning of a series of expressions all relating to our
Lord's humiliation. From God expresses his di^-ine legation,
the commission or authority under which he acted as the
teacher of mankind and the foimder of a new religion. This
commission was attested by his miracles, to which, besides
the two terms used in v. 19 {loonders and signs)., the Apostle
here applies one meaning powers., forces., i. e. exhibitions or
exertions of a power above that of man. The translation
miracks, although it designates the proper objects, fails to
distinguish the three terms applied to them, expressive of
their source, their use, and their intrinsic quality, as poicers.,
signs., and loonders. These miracles are then ascribed to
God as the efiicient cause, and to Christ as the instrumental
agent, which God did by him.. For the true sense of the
preposition (8ta), see above, on v. 16. This representation is
entirely consistent TS'ith the proper deity of Christ, since he
is really mcluded under both descriptions, his human instru
mentality being subject to his o^m di^dne agency, as well as
to the Father's. It is also in keeping with 1:hat true subor-
dination of the Son to the Father, which the Scriptures teach,
70 A C T S 2, 21^ 23.
and which the Church has always held fast, even when tempted
to abjure it by the hope of leaving heresy without excuse.
It is rendered necessary, in the case before us, by the speaker's
purpose to exhibit our Lord in "the form of a servant" and
a messenger from God. Observe the confidence with which
Peter here appeals to the knowledge and the memory of his
hearers. The attestations or credentials of Christ's ministry
and mission had not been presented at a distance, or in a
corner, but in the midst of you (iv fxea-id v/xcov), sent or ad-
dressed directly to you (ets vynas), as the parties to be con-
vinced and satisfied. This last idea is less clearly expressed
in the common version, among you. It is again suggested in
the last words of the verse, where the appeal is a direct one
to themselves, as ye yourselves do Jcnoiv (or also hioio.)
23. Him, being delivered by the determinate coun-
sel and foreknowledge of God, ye have taken and by
wicked hands have crucified and slain.
Ilim^ i. e. the person thus described ; a method of resump-
tion not unusual after so long an interruption of the syntax.
Delivered, not bestowed, as some explain the Greek word
(€k8otov), but in violation of its usage, which requires the
meaning giveot %ip, surrendered. Some refer this to the
treachery of Judas, but most readers and interpreters sup-
pose it to express the divine act of giving Christ up to the
mercy of his enemies, or, in other words, permitting him to
suffer. The word translated counsel properly means will, as
appears both from etymology and usage. Determinate is not
detennined, in the moral sense of resolute, intrepid, but deter-
mined, in the physical or proper sense of bounded, defined,
settled, as opposed to what is vague, contingent, or indefinite.
The dative may be either one of cause, hy the loill, or of rule
and measure, according to the will, most probably the latter.
The same relation of Christ's death to the divine decree is
formally asserted in the prayer of the Apostles (4, 28), and less
distinctly by our Lord himself (Luke 22, 22), in both which
cases the expressions, although not identical, are very similar
to those here used. Ye have taken might be more exactly
rendered ye tooJc, or rather ye received, as the correlative of
given up, and not as denoting the original or independent act
of taking. God gave him and they took him. What God
permitted they performed. By wicked hands might seem to
ACTS 2, 2ii. 11
mean no more than with wicked hands, i. e. your own, which
adds no new idea to the general one of murder expressed in
the next clause. But as the word translated loicked (dvo/xwi/),
and which properly means lawless, is applied by Paul (1 Cor.
9, 21), in its primary etymological sense, to the heathen as
xGithout law or a written revelation of the divine will, some
have understood the phrase to mean either lawless (i. e. Ge^i-
tile) hands, or hands of lawless ones (i. e. Gentiles.) It
seems no sufficient reason for preferring this construction,
that the language is otherwise too harsh for the Apostle's
purpose of conciliation, if not inconsistent with his own con
cession in 3, 17 below. The main design of his discourse
was to convince them of their own guilt, and nothing tending
to promote that end can be inconsistent with it. But a
stronger reason for referring these expressions to the Gen-
tiles is afforded by the fact that the oldest manuscripts and
latest editors read ha7id {x^tpos) for hands (xetpwy), thus re-
quiring the construction, by the hand of laioless men, and
suggesting the idea of some secondary agency, through
which the malice of the Jews was gratified. Now such an
agency was that of Pilate and the Roman soldiers, the use
of which was certainly a fearful aggravation of the crime of
Israel, because they not only rejected and murdered their
Messiah, but gave hhn up to the power of the Gentiles. (See
below, on 4, 27.) The word translated crucified means
properly transfixed, and is applied in the classics to impale-
ment and to the fastening of human heads on poles or stakes.
It may here be understood in the specific sense of nailing to
the cross, and is perhaps contemptuously used, to aggravate
the suicidal folly of the Jews, who, instead of welcoming
their long expected Prince, took him and nailed him to a
tree. We have here a curious instance of the variations
even in the authorized editions of the Latin Vulgate. Those
published in the last years of the sixteenth century translate
this word afiligentes, while those of later date expunge the
interpolated letter and read affigentes. The original con-
struction is, having nailed (or crucified) ye sleio. This last
verb (di/etXcre, dvetAare) is a favourite with Luke, occurring
twenty times in his two books, and only tmce in the rest of
the New Testament. It does not mean directly to kill, but
to despatch, to maJce away with, English phrases which are
constantly applied to murder, though they do not necessarily
exj)ress it. It is clear from this verse that the guilt of those
12 ACTS 2, 23. 24.
who mnrdered Christ was neither caused nor nullified by
God's determinate counsel and foreknowledge. Even Chrys-
ostom refers to the analogy of Joseph's case (comparing
Gen. 45, 8 with 50, 20), as shoeing how consistent, both in
scripture and experience, are the doctrine of God's sover-
eignty and that of human freedom and responsibility.
24. T\'Tiom God hatli raised up, having loosed th
pains of death, because it was' not possible that he
should be holden of it.
With their treatment of the Saviour he contrasts that of
God himself. When God gave him up, they took him ; but
when they crucified him, God raised him. This is a favourite
antithesis ^dth Peter, and repeatedly recurs in his discourses.
(See below, on 3, 14. 15. 4, 10. 5, 30. 31. 10, 39. 40.) The
Greek verb (di/tcrr-^/xt), in its active tenses, always means to
raise up ; from what or to what is determined by the context.
It is applied to raising from the dead by Homer in t]ie last
book of the Iliad (551). Loosing pains is an unusual com-
bination, perhaps arising from the use of the second word
((iStvas) in the Septuagint, to represent a Hebrew one, winch
has the double sense of cord and sorroic. (Compare Isai.
13, 8. with Ps. 18, 5.) Thus the two Greek nouns may have
become associated, and their corresponding verbs convertible.
The very combination here used appears also in the Sep-
tuagint version of Ps. 39, 2. It is the less unnatural because
the verb to loose has a figurative sense (relax) no less appro-
priate to pains than its proper sense (untie) to cords. The
Greek noun strictly means the pains of parturition, which are
often used as figures of intense but temporary suflfering. (See
Isai. 26, 17. John 16, 21, etc.) Impossible^ both physically,
as a condition inconsistent with his deity, and morally, because
the divine plan and purpose made his resurrection neces-
sary. The verb (KpaTctcr-^at) which in classical Greek denotes
conquest or superiority, in the New Testament always means
to hold or to be holden fast, either in a literal or figurative
sense, but never jDcrhaps without some trace of its original
and proper import, as for instance in the case before us,
where the sense is that he could not be permanently lield fiist
by death as a captive or a conquered enemy.
ACTS 2, 25. 26. 73
25. For David speaketh concerning liim, I foresaw
the Lord always before my face ; for he is on my right
hand, that I should not be moved.
The alleged impossibility is now confirmed by the testi-
mony of David, which is also cited as a further proof of our
Lord's messiahship. Besides the evidence afforded by his
miracles (22) and resurrection (24), he v/as the only subject
in which a certain signal proj^hecy had been or could be
verified (25-32.) For the sake of the connection the Apostle
quotes the entire passage (Ps. 16, 8-11,) but the proof of his
position is contained in the last part of it. This may account
for some apparent incoherence of the clauses beginning with
the word /br. The first of these, however, has respect co the
assertion at the end of the preceding verse. It could not be,
for he had said it should not be. The passage is quoted in
the Septuagint version, almost without variation. The six-
teenth Psalm, here ascribed to David, is so described also in
the title of the Psalm itself, nor is there any internal evidence
of later date. Concerning hvn^ literally, to or towards hlm^ i. e.
in reference or relation to liim. The Greek phrase (ets amov)
has the same sense in Luke 19, 9. Eph. 5, 32. Foresavj^ in
English, has respect to time, and means saio beforehand ; but
the verb here has respect to place and means saw before 7ne,
v/hich idea is also expressed by the next phrase (ivioinov fxov.)
This repetition is not found in the Hebrew, where the verb
means to set or place. The general sense, in either case, is
that of constant recognition or remembrance. At the right
hand is not only a post of honour, but a position of defence or
protection. (See Ps. 73, 23. 121, 5.) That I should not be
moved is a slight modification of the sim])le future used in
the original. The Greek verb {aakcv^ui) is applied both to
bodily and mental agitation (17, 13. 2 Thess. 2, 1.)
26. Therefore did my heart rejoice and my tongue
was glad ; moreover also, my flesh shall rest in hope.
Therefore., on account of this assurance of divine protec-
tion. My tongue corresponds to ray glory in Hebrew, and
may be regarded as a very ancient exposition of that phrase
preserved in the Septuagint version, and according to which
the tongue (i. e. the faculty of speech) is regarded as the
glory of the human frame, or as the instrument of the divine
4
74 ACTS 2, 26. 27. 28.
praise. Moreover also introduces an emphatic addition, as in
V. 18. Not only this, but more, my very flesh, etc. JP^esh
seems here to mean the body as distinguished from the soul.
The verb translated rest originally means to pitch a tent, en-
camp, and then to sojourn for a time ; that mode of life being
constantly opposed to permanent abode in houses. Hope is
hardly an adequate equivalent to the Hebrew word (n::3),
wliich in this connection denotes confident security. The con-
secution of the tenses, did rejoice, was glad, shall rest, is
closely copied from the Hebrew.
27. Because thou wilt not leave my soul in hell,
neither wilt thou suffer thine Ploly One to see corrup-
tion.
because, or that, introducing the ground or subject of the
confidence expressed in the preceding verse. In hell, lit-
erally, to or mto, corresponding to a Hebrew phrase, which
means not merely to leave in but to abandon or give up to.
The Geneva Bible has m grave. Hell, in its old and wide
sense of the unseen world (hades), the world of spirits, the
state of the soul separated from the body, without any refer-
ence to happiness or misery. The essential meaning is, thou
wilt not leave my soul and body separate. /Suffer, literally,
give, grant, permit, a use of the verb also found m Xenophon
and Homer. (See below, on 10,40.) Holg One answers to
a Hebrew word which properly denotes an object of the
divine favour, but suggests the idea of a corresponding charac-
ter. In , both senses, it is peculiarly appropriate to Christ.
Bee corruption, or exjDcrience dissolution. Comj^are the
phrase see death, Luke 2, 26. There are two Hebrew nouns
of the same form (nnd) but of different derivation, one de-
noting the grave and the other putrefaction. The first would
here be false, if not unmeanmg:
28. Thou hast made known to me the ways of life ;
thou shalt make me full of joy with thy countenance.
The gist of the quotation was contained in the preceding
verse. The conclusion of the psalm is added to express the
same idea still more strongly by contrast. There is but one
verb in the Hebrew of this verse, and that a future, thou
ihalt make me know. Instead of the second verb, the He-
ACTS 2, 28. 29. 15
brew has an abstract noun, satiety or fulness, which may
either be governed by the verb at the beginning, or construed
with the verb is, as in the English version (of Ps. 16, 11.)
With thy countenance is a literal translation of a phrase which
means, however, in thy presence. The last clause of the psalm
is omitted, as unnecessary to the speaker's purpose. It is
also to be borne in mind, that as all devout Jews were familiar
with the passage, and could easily supply what was omitted,
it mattered less to what length the quotation was extended.
29. Men (and) brethren, let me freely speak unto
you of the Patriarch David, that he is both dead and
buried, and his sepulchre is with us unto this day.
The respectful and conciliatory compellation, men and
brethren (see above, on 1, 16), does not indicate a change of
subject here, the connection with what goes before being as
close and intimate as possible. But this form of address im-
plies again that he had need of their indulgence, or had some-
thing to say which might oifend their prejudices. Tlie same
thing is suggested by what follows, let me speah, or retaining
the form of the original, {it is or let it be) permitted (lawful or
allowable) to say to you loith boldness (Trapp-qo-Las:) or freedom
of speech, implying that what he said might be considered too
free, or not entirely consistent with becoming reverence for
the 2mtriarch or founder of the royal family. The same title
is applied in the New Testament to Abraham (Heb. 7, 4) and
to the sons of Jacob as the fathers of the twelve tribes (Acts
7, 8.) The Rhemish version of the next clause is much better,
that he died and icas buried. There is then no tautology in
adding that his sepidchre, memorial or monument, is with ^(s,
or amony us, i. e. in the city and not merely in the suburbs,
or more generally, in the comitry, near us, and in our posses-
sion. It could be still identified in the reign of Adrian, if not
in the days of Jerome, but has since been lost sight of. But
wherein lay the boldness or presumption of asserting this
familiar and notorious fact ? How could any one deny, that
David had died and been buried, or be shocked by hearing
it affirmed ? This question is connected with the drift and
structure of the whole passage. It was not the fact of David's
death and burial, at which Peter expected them to stumble,
but at the conclusion which he meant them to draw from it,
and which is not expressed. That conclusion was, that this
16 ACTS 2, 29. 30.
remarkable prediction, which they were no doubt accustomed
to apply to David, could not apply to him at all, but must
have reference to another. This was a doctrine sufficiently
at variance with their prepossessions to account for Peter's
so respectfully asking leave to state it. But what is the
reasoning by which he reaches this conclusion ? It is this,
that as the prophecy declares that the speaker's soul should
not continue separate from his body, nor his body itself expe-
rience dissolution, it could not apply to David, /or he did die
and loas huried^ and had long since mouldered in the grave,
still designated by a well-known monument among them.
Precisely the same argument, but m^ore concisely stated, is
employed by Paul m his first apostolical discourse on record.
(See below, on 13, 35-37.) This express and argumentative
denial, that the words can be applied to David, excludes not
only the ty}>ical but also the generic method of interpreta-
tion, which was adopted in 1, 20 above. At all events, the
words cannot be understood of both in one and the same
sense, consistently with Peter's declaration ; and the only
sense in which they are true of David, that of future resur-
rection, was wholly irrelevant to Peter's proof, that Jesus
was the Messiah of the prophecies. In order to preserve
what seems to be the obvious allusion of the Psalmist to his
own case, some eminent interpreters suppose the words to be
appropriate to David only as he was in Christ, represented by
him and a member of his body. But how could it be said,
even on this hypothesis, that David's soul and body were not
permanently severed, and that his body did not see corrup-
tion ? Whereas this, as Peter afterwards affirms, was lite-
rally true of Jesus and of him alone.
30. Therefore, being a Prophet, and knowing that
God had sworn with an oath to him, that of the fruit
of his loins, according to the flesh, he would raise up
Christ to sit on his throne ;
SiGce David, then, was not and could not be himself the
subject of this prophecy, who was ? A person altogether dif-
ferent and posterior by many ages. This of itself vras not
incredible to those who knew that David was a Prophet^ in
the strict as well as in the wider sense, i. e. endowed by inspi-
-ation with a knowledge of the future. This general descrip-
ACTS 2, SO. 31. 17
tion is then followed by a reference to a specific promise, that
contained in 2 Sam. 7,12-16, and repeated in Ps. 89,3.4.
132, 11, forming the basis of all the Messianic Psalms, and
frequently referred to in the other prophecies. Its lowest
sense is that of mere unbroken succession ; but this is evi-
dently not the whole, from the extraordinary gratitude ex
pressed by David, and from his singular language in 2 Sam,
7, 19 (compared with 1 Chr. 17, 17), where it seems to be im-
plied, if not expressed, that this was not a personal, nor even
a national assurance, but a universal one concerning the whole
race. The same thing is clear from the fact that this promise
constitutes a link, which would otherwise be wanting, in the
chain of Messianic Prophecies, by applying specifically to the
house of David, what had been successively applied to those
of Seth, Shem, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Judah. Several of
the oldest manuscripts and latest critical editions omit the
Vv^ords, according to the flesh would raise up Christy so that
the clause reads, knowing that God had -suborn icith an oath
to him that of -the fruit of his loins {one) should sit upon his
throne. Besides the external evidence in favour of this read-
ing, it relieves the text from an enfeebling and embarrassing
anticipation of what follows in the next verse. There the
Apostle finally identifies the j^erson of whom David wrote.
Here he is only showing, in the general and in the way of
introduction, that David might, without absurdity, be under-
stood as speaking of a person difierent from himself and long
posterior, because he was a prophet, and because he had
received a most explicit promise, sanctioned by the oath of
God, that he should have perpetual succession on the throne,
a promise which had been already broken, if restricted to his
natural descendants.
31. He seeing this before, spake of the resuiTection
of Christ, that his soul was not left in hell, neither his
flesh did see corruption.
Having sIiotvti that David could not mean himself, and
that he might mean one who was to five long after him, the
Apostle positively and authoritatively tells them whom he
iid mean. He referred not to his OAvn still future resurrec-
tion— the only sense in which he could have said this of him-
self^— but to another resurrection, future when he wrote, but
now already past, and therefore furnishing at once the explan-
78 ACTS 2, 31.32. 33.
ation and fulfilment of the prophecy. This was the resur^
rection of Christy not as a personal but as an official title, tM
Messicih^ the Anomted One, the Prophet, Priest, and King
of Israel, of whom the ancient prophets, priests, and kings
were merely representatives, filling his place until he came,
and for whose coming the whole race had been impatiently
looking for a course of ages. Not content with saying simply
that he spoke of the Messiah's resurrection, Peter shuts out
all evasion and mistake by repeating the ipsissima verlja of
the prophecy in question and applying them to Christ, of
w^hom alone it was predicted, and of whom alone it is histori-
cally true, that his soul was not left disembodied after death,
and that his body, though it died, was not corrupted.
32. This Jesus hatli God raised up, whereof we are
all witness<3s.
But one more step was wanting to complete this process
of triumphant argument, and that step is here taken. It was
not enough to show, as Peter had done, that the prophecy
could not relate to David, or that it might relate to one long
after him, or even that it did relate to the Messiah, unless he
could identify the individual. The importance of distinguish-
ing between our Lord's joersonal name and his official title is
peculiarly apparent here, where the neglect of it converts into
a mere tautology the last link of a concatenated argument.
What he said in the preceding verse was, that David spake
of the Messiah's resurrection. What he here says is, that
this Messiah was no other than the Jesus whom they cruci-
fied. Why so ? Because in him, and him alone, the prophecy
has been fulfilled. The Messiah was to rise from the dead —
Jesus of Nazareth has risen from the dead — therefore the two
must be identical. But where is the proof that Jesus rose ?
The evidence is twofold, human and divine. God bore wit-
ness in the very act of raismg him. This Jesus hath God
raised %(p. We bear witness of the same thing, not' only the
Apostles, whose primary function was to testify of this event
(1, 8. 22), but a multitude of others who had seen him since
his resurrection (1 Cor. 15, 6.)
33. Therefore, being by the right hand of God
exalted, and having received of the Pather the promise
ACTS 2, 33. 79
of the Holy Ghost, he hath shed forth this which ye
now see and hear.
Having thus identified the subject of the sixteenth psalm,
first negatively with a person different from the writer, then
positively with the Messiah, and then personally with the
Nazarene whom they had crucified, he now describes the
present state and employments of the glorious though despised
Redeemer. His humihation being past, and its design accom-
plished, he is now exalted^ lifted up, or raised on high, both in
a local sense, i. e. in heaven, and in the sense of freedom from
all suffermg and superiority to all created powders, whether
friendly or adverse. Compare the same Apostle's language
in 1 Pet. 3, 22, and that of Paul in Eph. 1, 20-22. The
right hand is a scriptural figure for active power. In a
local sense, it is the post of honour. Either of these ideas
would be here appropriate, exalted hy God's right hand, as
the instrument, or to his right hand, as the place of exaltix-
tion. In favour of the former is the Greek usage of the
dative case (Se^ta) vfhich rarely denotes place, but often means
or instrument. In favour of the other is the use of right
hcmd in the passage quoted in the next verse. After all tliat
has been said against the assumption of a double sense, as
contrary to nature and the very use of words, there are mul-
titudes of phrases in all languages which, though intended to
convey one idea directly, not only may but must suggest an-
other. Thus the hearers of Peter, upon this occasion, could
not, without i». process of reflection, separate the two familiar
senses of God's right hand from each other. The only ques-
tion is, whicJi is the primary and which the secondary mean-
ing ; and this question is of little exegetical importance here,
because botl) are so agreeable to fact and to the context. It
was hy as weJl a.s to God's right hand that our Lord had been
exalted, i. e. by the exertion of divine power, and to the en-
joyment oi divine honours. Besides this general participa-
tion in the honours of the Godhead, Peter mentions a specific
gift bestowed by the Father on the Son as Mediator, and by
him upon his Church. The promise may be put for the thing
proniisedy as in 1, 4, but with this distinction, that the genih
tive in that case indicates the giver, but in this the gift itself.
Or promise may be taken in its proper sense, and the per-
formance sought in the ensuing clause. In favour of the first
construction, though apparently less simple, is the fact that
80 ACTS 2, 33. 34. 35.
the Son, and not the Father, is the agent in the last clause.
Ilavmg received of the Father the Holy Sjnrit premoiisly
promised^ he has shed forth^ i. e. poured out, a figure imply-
ing both abundance and descent from above, this (Sjnrit), or
more probably, this (yift)-, as Cranmer renders it, this {in-
fluence) ^ ichich ye noio see and hear. The Rhemish version
mai-ks the reference to the Spirit by the singular combination,
this ivho7n^ copied from the Yulgate {hunc quern.) Some
refer the two verbs to the acts and gestures of the disciples
and to the gift of tongues respectively. But why should the
sight of the fiery tongues be exchided, which in all probability
was not confined to the disciples ? On the whole, however,
such exact distinctions are superfluous, the two senses or per-
ceptions being mentioned simply to include all that they had
Avitnessed. Instead of 7ioto, some manuscripts and editors
read both, without a change of sense. By thus ascribing the
phenomenon, which had occasioned his discourse, to Jesus,
Peter completes the picture of his master's exaltation, and at
the same time, comes back to the point from which he started,
by a natural yet masterly transition, showing any thing but
want of skill or helpless mcoherence.
34, 35. ~FoY David is not ascended into the heavens,
but he saith himself, The Lord said nnto my Lord, Sit
thou on my right hand, until I make thy foes thy foot-
stool.
Having shown the resurrection of Christ to be the subject
of an ancient prophecy, he nov/ proves the same thing of his
exaltation. The argument is rendered still more parallel and
uniform by drawing the proof from the same part of the
Old Testament. The passage cited is the first verse of Psalm
110, which, like Psalm 16 above, is declared to be inappli-
cable to David. The same thing had been previously afl^irmed
by Christ himself (Matt. 22, 41-46), but on adifierent ground,
to wit, that David calls him Lord or Sovereign. Here tho
ground is the same as in the previous exposition of Ps. 16, to
Avit, that the prophecy never was fulfilled in Daidd. It conld
only be fulfilled in one who had ascended into heaven and sat
down on the right hand of God. But no one pretended or
imagined that David had so done ; whereas Christ did thus
ascend and reign, as the Apostle had affirmed in the preceding
verse. Here then were two signal Messianic Prophecies, nni-
ACTS 2, 35.36. 81
versally recognized as such and universally ascribed to David,
neither of which could be applied to David as its subject,
both of which must have respect to the Messiah, and both of
wliich had been fulfilled in Jesus ! The apparent play upon
words in the phrase, The Lord said to my^ Lord^ is found only
in the Greek and other versions. The original expression is,
Jehovah said to my Lord. The strong expression in the last
clause of v. 35 for total subjugation may be borrowed from
.an actual usage of ancient warfare. (See Josh. 10, 24.) The
exact form of the original is copied in the Rhemish version,
the footstool of thy feet.
36. Therefore let all the house of Israel know as-
suredly, that God hath made that same Jesus, whom
ye have crucified, both Lord and Christ.
This is the conclusion which the speaker draws from his
whole argument, or rather which he leaves the house of Israel
to draw for themselves. (See above, on v. 29.) The prefa-
tory formula is not to be neglected, any more than in v. 22
above. It refers the decision of the question to the Jewish
Church itself, but, by the use of the phrase, let it know., sug-
gests that all dispute is at an end, that nothing now remains
but to accept the only possible conclusion. This is indicated
also by the qualifying adverb, assuredly., or tnost certainly
(Wiclif ), or for a surety (Tyndale) . According to strict rule and
usage, the phrase translated all the house means rather every
house {qy family) of Israel. But as there is great license
with respect to the insertion of the article, v/hich constitutes
the difference of meaning here, the common version is sub-
stantially correct. The Greek word (da</)aX(os) corresponds in
etymology, and partly m its usage, to infallibly., i. e. without
the fear or possibility of error. The common version follows
Tyndale and Cranmer in a transposition of the list clause,
which is not only needless, but injurious to the emphasis and
beauty of the sentence. The Greek collocation, as retained
by Wiclif, the Geneva Bible, and the Rhemish version,
closes the sentence with the words, this Jesus lohom ye cimci-
^*ec7, which has 'h^Qn quaintly but expressively described as the
Bting in the end of the discourse. Besides the loss of this
peculiar beauty, the inversion has occasioned the omission of
a pronoun in the clause immediately preceding. The literal
translation is, God made him Lord and Christy or still more
4*
82 ACTS 2, 36.
closely, both Lord mid Christ him hath God made — ihis Jesus
'xhom ye crucified. The him is commoniy assumed to be
Buperliuons (as in the Greek of Matt. 8, 1. 5.) But this is an
hyi^othesis, seldom adopted now by the best writers, and only
admissible in case of urgent exegetical necessity. Others go
to the opposite extreme by making it mean Lord himself in
allusion to the double Lord of v. 34 and Ps. 110, 1. 'The
Lord who said to David's Lord, Sit thou, etc. has made Jesus
himself to be that Lord.' But this construction seems too arti-
ficial. A much more simple one, and intermediate between the
omission and exaggeration of the pronoun, supposes the sense to
be grammatically complete without the words this Jesus, etc.,
and these words to be superadded as an emphatic supplement
or afterthought. God hath made him (to be) both Lord and
Christ — this Jesus ichom ye crucified. Here, as in v. 27 and
elsewhere, it is important to take Christ in its official preg-
nant sense, as distinguished from a mere name or personal
designation. In the latter sense, it would have been absurd
to say that God had made Jesus to be Christ, i. e. to be him-
self; but it is highly significant, and expressive of a most im-
portant fact, to say that God made Jesus to be the Christ or
the Messiah. The verb made in this clause may be under-
stood in two ways ; as expressing the divine decree or consti-
tution, which attached the office of Messiah (as explained
above on v. 31) to the person of Jesus the Nazarene ; or as a
declaratory act, that of setting forth, exhibiting our Lord in
this high character. While the latter is undoubtedly im-
plied, as an actual efiect of the Saviour's exaltation, the former
seems to be the thing immediately expressed, both by the
verb tnade, which is never a mere synonyme of shoiced, de-
clared, and by the whole connection, which requires that Peter
should conclude by affirmmg, not only the divine attestation
of our Lord's Messiahship, but also its divine authority and
constitution. If this be the correct construction, • Ijord can-
not mean a divine person, in allusion to the first Lord (or
Jehovah) of v. 34, for the Father did not make the Son to be
God, but must mean a mediatorial sovereign. This Christ
was made to be, as well as the Messiah, and because he was
Messiah, the two characters or offices being indivisible. The
second person, lohom ye crucified, especially in Greek, where
the pronoun [vfx€L<;) is pecuharly emphatic, carries home the
fearful charge of having disowned and murdered the Messiah
to his hearers, both as individuals, so far as they had taken
ACTS 2, 36. 37. 83
pai't in that great crime, and as the representatives of Israel,
the ancient church, or chosen people If those critics who
consider it their duty to exalt the inspiration of the sacred
writers, by denying them all intellectual and literary merit,
can improve upon the logic or the rhetoric of this great apos-
tolical discourse, or even on the force and beauty of this per-
oration, let them do it or forever after hold their peace.
37. Now when tliey heard this, they were pricked
111 their heart, and said unto Peter and to the rest of
the Apostles, Men (and) brethren, what shall we do ?
The personal bearing of the whole discourse, but more
particularly of its close, was not without effect u^^on the
hearers. This effect is described by a strong but intelligible
jSgure. They were irricked^ pierced, perforated, not in body,
but in hearty i. e. mind or soul, as distinguished from the
body. The specific reference to the conscience is not sug-
gested by this word, but by the context. Xor is that refer-
ence an exclusive one, the effect described extending to the
whole mind, in the way of rational conviction no less than in
that of compunction^ a word of Latin origin, analogous in
figurative import to the one which Luke here uses. Peter's
argument, imanswerable on their own avowed and cherished
principles, must have convinced them that the man whom
they had crucified was the Messiah, and that if so they had
been guilty, not only of judicial murder, but of blasphemy
and treason to their rightful sovereign. Their desperate per-
plexity was well expressed by the question, what shall we do f
i. e. what ought we to do, as a matter of duty, and what
must we do, as a means of safety ? Their putting this ques-
tion to the other (or retnaining) apostles^ does not imply that
these had also spoken, but only that Peter was considered as
the sj)okesman of them all, and that they concurred in what he
said, as well as that the twelve were still together and collec-
tively accessible. It may also show the eagerness with which the
awakened hearers crowded round these witnesses of the Mes
siah, repeating and reciprocating Peter's compellation, Men
and brethren^ as if conscious of some new and intimate rela
lion, over and above that of mere Judaism, civil or religious.
38. Then Peter said unto them, Kepent, and be ,
S4 ACTS 2, 38.
baptized, every one of yon, in the name of Jesus
Christ, for the remission of sins., and ye shall receive
the gift of the Holy Ghost.
Although the question was addressed to all the Apostles,
Peter agaui answered for the rest, in the language both of
exhortation and of promise. Two distinct acts afe required,
one inward and one outward. The first verb, according to
its etymology and classical usage, denotes afterthought, re-
flection, and then, by a natural association, change of mind,
inciudmg both the judgment and the feelings. In the Greek
of the ^ew Testament, it is applied to change of mind in
reference to moral good and evil, and more especially tc
one's own character and conduct. Regret or sorrow is only
one of its ingredients. Evangelical repentance, in its widest
sense, is an entire revolution of the prmciples and practice,
of the heart and life. Nothing less than this, or what directly
led to it, could be required of these Jewish bigots v»'ho had
murdered Christ. The Geneva version, amend your lives^ is
too restricted and one-sided ; that of Wiclif and the Rhemish,
do ye penance., now conveys a false idea, but was originally
only a close copy of the Vulgate i^pcenitentiara agite)^ which
was no doubt intended to convey precisely the same sense
with the original. (See below, on 3, 19.) The change of
mind required Avas to be attested by an outward act : repent
and he baptized. Even granting that this Greek verb origi-
nally meant to immerse, i. e. to dip or plunge — a fact which
is still earnestly disputed — it does not follow that this is
essential to its meanmg as a peculiar Christian term. On
the contrary, analogy would lead us to suppose that, like
other Greek terms thus adopted, it had undergone some
modification of its etymological and primary import. As
'preshyter no longer suggests personal age, nor deacon menial
service, nor supper a nocturnal meal, as necessary parts
of their secondary Christian meaning, why should this one
word be an exception to the general rule, and signify a mere
mode of action as no less essential than the act itself? Even
if it could be shown that immersion was the universal ancient
practice, both of Jews and Christians, it would prove no more
than the universal practice of reclining at meals and mixing
wine with water. Least of all can it be shown that Peter, in
requiring this vast crowd to be baptized upon the spot,
intended to insist on their complete submersion under water
ACTS 2, 38. 85
as the essence of the rite prescribed. Besides the arbitrary-
character of such a supposition iii itself, it is forbidden by the
obvious analogy between water baptism and the baptism of
the Holy Ghost, which, as we have already seen (on 1, 5),
from the time of Moses to the time of Christ, had always
been conceived of, not as an immersion, but as an affusion oi
effusion, an abundant pouring from above. With such asso-
ciations, when the multitude were told to he baptized^ they
v/ould of course thmk, not of the depth of the water, or
their own position with respect to it, but of the water itself
and of its application, as a well known token of repentance
on the one hand, and of regeneration on the other. The
fu'st of these associations had already been established in
most Jewish minds, if not by the baptism of proselytes, the
antiquity of which is still disputed, yet by that of John the
Baptist, which is expressly called the haptism of repentance.
(Mark 1, 4. Luke 3, 3. Acts 13, 24. 19, 4.) The other asso-
ciation, that of baptism mth regeneration, was of older date,
having its origin in natural relations, and confirmed by the
significant ablutions of the ceremonial law, which were de-
signed to keep this very doctrine in connection with the
doctrine of atonement, as disj^layed in the sacrificial ritual,
before the minds of all devout believers in the law of Moses.
In the name of Jesus Christ is not the formula by which
they were to be baptized, and therefore different from the
one prescribed by Christ himself (Matt. 28, 19), but a descrip-
tion of the rite as Christian, and not merely Jewish, much
less heathen, baptism, or an unmeaning form, connected with
no religious creed whatever. (See below, on 8, 16. 19, 5.)
In the name of Christy i. e. by his authority, acknowledging
his claims, subscribing to his doctrines, engaging in his ser-
vice, and relying on his merits. The beneficial end to which
all this led was the remission of sins. The first Greek noun
(a<^eo-tv), derived from a verb (a<^t7y/xt) which means to let go^
is applied by Plutarch to divorce, by Demosthenes to legal
discharge from the obligation of a bond, by Plato to the
emancipation of a slave, and to exemption from punishment,
which last is its constant use in the i^ew Testament. The
whole phrase, to (or toioards) remission of sins, describes
this as the end to which the question of the multitude had
reference, and which therefore must be contemplated also in
the answer. To this implied promise of forgiveness, Peter
idds an express one, that they should receive the gift of the
86 ACTS 2, 38.39.
Holy Ghost. It has been disputed whether this denotes pai
ticipation in tlie miraculous endo^vments just imparted to the
twelve, or only those internal influences which we are accus-
tomed to call spiritual in a special sense, and which the scrip-
tures represent as absolutely indispensable to all regeneration
and salvation. But as these were only different operations
of one and the same Spirit (1 Cor. 12,4-12), the assurance
may be understood both as a promise of his ordinary sancti-
fying agency, to be experienced by all believers now and for
ever, and also as a promise of extraordinary, temj^orary gifts,
to answer a specific end, on this occasion.
39. For the promise is unto you, and to your chil-
dren, and to all that are afar off, even as many as the
Lord our God shall call.
This verse contains an explanation of the promise just pro-
miscuously made to the whole multitude. Spiritual influence,
the great gift of Christ to his church, was not confined to his
immediate followers or their first converts, but intended to
embrace all classes and all generations of those whom God
should call^ i. e. choose, designate, and actually bring into
communion with his Son through faith. The promise was
addressed to themselves and to their children, as in the cove-
nants of the Old Testament, an expression favouring the sup-
position that their children were to be baptized with them,
but not necessarily requiring it, as some, though less natu-
rally, understand these words of later geneTations. But
Peter is here dealing with the contemporary race, as repre-
sented by his hearers, and would therefore seem to mean by
their children those already in existence, and especially those
present upon this occasion. All afar off is likewise a dis-
puted phrase. Some would refer this also to succeedmg gene-
rations ; but this is forbidden by the usage of the Greek word
(^taKpav), which relates to space, not time. Others apply it to
the Jews dispersed in distant countries ; but all Jews were
so accustomed to equality of privileges in their o^vn religion,
that such an assurance would have been superfluous. Besides,
the greater part of those whom he addressed belonged to this
class, and could not therefore be distinguished from the you
(v/xtv) of the first clause. A third opinion is, that all afar off'
denotes Gentile converts. It has been objected that Peter
himself was not initiated into this great doctrme till long
ACTS 2, 39. 40. 87
after. (See below, on 10, 28. 34.) Some have endeavoured
to evade this objection, by admitting that Peter did not fully
understand his own words. But both the objection and the
answer rest upon a misconception, as to Peter's views at dif-
ferent periods of his history. He never could have thought
that the Gentiles were excluded from the church or from sal-
vation. There Avas no such exclusion, even under the restric-
tive institutions of the old economy. All the Gentiles in the
world might have shared the privileges of the Jews, by com-
plying with the prescribed conditions. Peter's error consisted
hi believing that these conditions still existed under the gos-
pel, or in other words, that Gentiles must become Jews
before they could be Christians. Of this error he was not
yet disabused ; but there was nothing in it to prevent his ap-
[)lying the expressions here recorded to the Gentiles. The
only condition w^hich he recognizes is the call of God, without
regard to difterence of rank or nation. In the first clause of
this verse, the older English versions supply icas made after
iwomise.
40. And with many other words did he testify and
exhort, saying, Save yourselves from this mitoward
generation.
We have here an interesting intimation both as to the
quantity and quality of Peter's apostolical instructions on the
day of Pentecost. As to the first, we learn that all his w^ords
are not recorded, but that icith many other (literally more)
icords he did testify^ etc. (Vulg. aliis vefrhis plurimis.) This
admits of several suppositions, as to w^hat is given in this
chapter. It may be regarded as a summary or abstract of
all that the Apostle said, or as a full report of one discourse,
besides which others were delivered, but have not been left
on record. The first is the more natural hypothesis, because
it is not easy to conceive of what material the others were
composed, or why they were considered requisite, as every
thing essential seems to be included in the one here given,
and the terms of the narrative are satisfied by simply sup-
posing, that the ideas here recorded were expressed at greater
length, and with such rej^etitions and amplifications as were
guited to render them universally intelligible. As to the
quality or character of Peter's preaching, it is indicated by
two verbs, testify and exhort. The first expresses the complex
88 ACTS 2, 40. 41.
idea of testimony, argument, and solemn affirmation, and ia
therefore frequently applied in this book to the preaching of
the Gospel. (See below, 8,25. 10,42. 18,5. 20,21.23.24.
23, 11. 28, 23.) The other verb is also one of comprehensive
import, mcluding the ideas of summoning, commanding, and
persuading. As the first describes the theoretical or doc-
trinal part of the apostolical preaching, so this may be re-
garded as expressive of its practical and hortatory element.
They testified to what men should believe, and exhorted them
to what they ought to do. As a sample or a summary of
these exhortations, we are told that Peter said. Save your-
selves^ etc. The Greek verb (o-co^T^re) is a passive form, and
although there are some instances, in which this aorist seems
to have the meaning of the middle voice, there can be no
reason for departing from the strict sense, when it suits the
context better, as in this case. Such a departure is the more
gratuitous, because the reflexive meaning {save thyself) is
elsewhere expressed by an entirely difterent form of the same
verb (o-ojo-ov o-eavroi/). (See Matt. 27, 40. Mark 15, 30. Luke
23, 37.) The sense of the form here used is, be saved^ i. e.
consent that God shall save you, from (the character and des-
tiny of) this imtotoard generation. The English word unto-
vmrd is defined by its opposite, tovmrd^ and its cognate ad-
jective, toioardly^ the first of which is used by Shakspeare,
and the last by Bacon, in the sense of docile, manageable,
tractable. The negative form, therefore, means perverse, in-
tractable, and is no inaccurate translation of the Greek word
here used, which means crooked^ both in a physical and moral
sense. (See Luke 3, 5. Phil. 2, 15. 1 Pet. 2, 18.) Its appli-
cation here is founded on the description of Israel by Moses
in Deut. 32, 5, where the Septuagint version has this very
phrase. The crooked generation is the mass of unbelieving
Jews, not considered as a race or nation, which is not the
usage of the Greek word (yei/ca?), but as a contemporary
generation, out of which the penitent are urged to extricate
themselves by consenting to be saved.
41. Then they that gladly received his word were
baptized, and the same day there w^re added (unto
them) about three thousand souls.
The Apostle's exhortation meets with a prompt and gene-
ral response. There is the same ambiguity of construction in
ACTS 2, 41.42. 89
the first clause as in 1, 6. The common version, tliey^ that
gladly received his word, seems to draw a distinction between
two classes, those who did, and those who did not, gladly
receive the Apostle's word. It seems more natural, however,
to understand this clause as relating to the whole body of
those mentioned in v. 37, as asking what they should do.
IViey then gladly received his v;ord, etc. The idea of cheer-
fulness and joy is twice expressed, being really included in
tiie verb, according to Greek usage, and then separately indi-
cated by an adverb. To the supposition that these converts
were baptized by immersion, it may be objected, besides the
greatness of the number and the shortness of the time, that
Jerusalem has always been remarkably destitute of water,
the fountain of Siloam being its only constant source. That
the three thousand went out in procession to this fountain, or
that many were baptized in swimming-baths or cisterns be-
longing to public establishments or to private dwellings, or
that these difficulties were miraculously overruled for the oc-
casion, are conceivable hypotheses ; but whether they are
probable or preferable to the simple supposition that the
water, like the Holy Ghost in spiritual baptism, and the blood
in ceremonial purifications, was poured or sprinkled — every
reader must determine for himself. The saine day evi-
dently qualifies baptized as well as added, because it was by
baptism that the additions were efiected. Added unto them
seems to mean to those mentioned in the first clause, but
these were themselves the persons added. It is better, there-
fore, Y>-ith the Geneva Bible, to supply unto the church from
V. 47, i. e. to the previously existing body of believers,
amounting, as some think, to a hundred and twenty, but
probably a much larger number. (See above, on 1, 14. 2, 1.)
About, literally as, as if, implies that the following number
is a round one. (See above, on 1, 15.) The use of the word
soids for persons in enumeration is an idiom, not only of the
Hebrew (Gen. 46, 27) and the Hellenistic Greek (v. 43. 3, 23.
7, 14. 27, 37), but of many other languages.
42. And they continued stedfastly in the apostles*
doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread, and
in prayers.
The history of Pentecost may be said to close sviih. the
lji<>ceding verse, what follows being an account of the condi-
' ' ■ - i
90 ACTS 2, 42.
tion of the infant clinrch, from that day onward. Continued
stedfastly^ or as the Rhemish version more exactly renders it,
were persevering. For the exact sense of the Greek verb, see
above, on 1, 14. Here, as in many other cases, doctrine doe?
not mean the truth taught, but the act or mode of teaching.
(See Matt. 7, 28. 29. 22,33. Mark 1, 22. 27. 4,2. 11, 18. Luke
4, 32. 1 Tim. 4, 13.) What is here affirmed is not their ad-
lierence to a certain system of behef, but their personal at-
tendance on the actual instructions of the twelve. Thus
instruction followed, if it did not precede, baptism ; or rather
it both followed and preceded, for these converts were not
heathen, but religiously trained Jews, and Peter had in-
structed them, before they were baptized, in many icords^
besides those here recorded. (See above, on v. 40.) But
even if they had been received without instruction, that
would be no warrant for a similar proceeding now, when
there are no apostles and extraordinary gifts have ceased.
The teaching here meant, however, is not merely that of
catechumens, to prepare them for admission to the church,
but that which is essential to the Christian life, and for the
sake of which the convert is admitted to the church, as to the
school of Christ. The word translated fellowship is very com-
prehensive in its import and various in its applications, corre-
spondmg, more or less exactly, to our words community^
communion^ and communication. Its rarest sense, at least in
the New Testament, is the vague ooie of society or social in-
tercourse. It might be applied, with strict propriety of lan-
guage, to the community of goods described in the ensuing
verses ; to mutual participation of the same food, whether
social or sacramental ; and to the interchange of charities by
alms or any other species of beneficence. All these are so
appropriate and essential to the Christian character, that it is
desirable to comprehend as much of them as possible in this
description. We may therefore understand the historian as
saying that the infant church was constantly engaged in mu-
tual communion, both by joint repasts and sacramental feasts
and charitable distribution. This last is, in actual usage, the
prevailing application of the word in the New Testament.
(See Rom. 15, 26. 2 Cor, 8, 4. 9, 13. Heb. 13, 16.) But the
fact is that the three senses run into each other, as the three
practices were really inseparable in the primitive or infant
church. Its whole organization and condition was as yet that
of a family, so that all their acts performed in common par-
ACTS 2, 42. 43. 44. 91
took more or less of a religious character. It was at their
social meals that their charities were dispensed ; it was at
these same meals that the eiicharist was administered ; so that
all these elements must be combined to make up the full
sense of apostolical communion [KOLvuivta.) According to the
connnon version, this word, as well as doctrine, is dependent
on apostles ; J they adhered to their teaching and continued
in communion with them.' But in Greek, communion is a
separate and independent item in the catalogue. They con-
tinued, first, in the apostles' doctrine ; then, in communion,
not with them alone, but with the body of believers. The
general idea of communion is then rendered more specific by
the mention of the breaking of bread. As this was the begin-
ning, or the initiatory act, of an ancient Jewish meal, it may
be put for Ihe repast itself, or for the eucharist that followed,
or for both, as being then inseparable. The devotional char-
acter of all these services is shown by the addition, aiid in
prayers. Such was the social state, and such were the em-
ployments, of the church, as reorganized at Pentecost and in
Jerusalem. The Avhole might be summed up as consisting in
apostolical teaching, mutual communion, common prayer.
43. And fear came upon every soul, and many
wonders and signs were done by the Apostles.
While their internal state was such as has been just de-
scribed, their outward state was one of safety under the
divine protection. This safety was secured by a prevailing
sentiment of awe (^oySos), not alarm or dread of injury, in-
spired origmally, no doubt, by the great events of Pentecost,
but afterwards maintained by miracles, here as in vs. 19. 22,
described as signs and wonders^ wrought by the Apostles.
This connection of the clauses may be made clear by supply-
ing between them, ' and in order to maintam this fear.' Game
in the first clause, and icere done in the second, are transla-
tions of the same Greek verb (eytVero), which strictly means
became, came to pass, or happened.
44. And all that believed were together, and had
all things common.
Such was the unity of feeling and afiection in the infant
church that, notwithstandhig their numerical increase, they
92 AC TS 2, 44.55.
seemed to constit ate a single household, with identity of in*
terest, and even of possession. All that believed, those be-
lieving, the believers. This is one of the names given in the
history to those who followed Christ and were professors of
the new religion. The phrase is elliptical for those who be-
lieved in Jesus as the true Messiah. Were together does not
mean that they assembled or resided in one place, for their
numbers rendered this impossible ; nor that they now began
to meet in stated but distinct assemblies, an idea which the
words do not express. The sense of unity in heart and pur-
pose, vrhich the word has elsewhere (see above, on 1, 15. 2, 1,
and compare the Septuagint version of Ps. 133, i), is perfectly
appropriate here, and better suited to the context, both be-
fore and after, than that of outward local convocation. As
one specification of this general description, it is added, thei/
had all thi?igs conunon, i. e. no one regarded his possessions
as belonging absolutely to hunself, but as a trust for the
benefit of others also.
45. And sold tlieir possessions and goods, and
parted them to all men, as every man had need.
The proof of this disinterested spirit was afforded by the
fact that, when there was occasion, they actually sold such of
their possessions as were necessary for the comfort and relief
of others. Parted, divided, distributed, allotted. The words
necessarily denote nothing more than what is often exempli-
fied at present, except so far as this ancient Hberality was
modified by the more intimate relation which existed among
Christians then, as members of one family or household.
There is nothmg said of a compulsory renunciation of all indi-
vidual property, either as a di^dne institution or a voluntary
self-denial. Such a renunciation is indeed at variance with
facts recorded in the later history. (See below, on 5, 4.) Of
those who understand it to be here meant, some regard it as
a normal and commanded state, which ceased on the depart-
ure of the church from its prmiitive simplicity, and vrill return
when that returns. Others m^ake it a divine but tem2)orary
constitution, suited to the mfant stage of Christianity, but
not required, nor even possible, in its maturity. A third
view is, that it was a mistaken though well meant attempt to
continue in the church at large the mode of life adopted by
our Lord and his Apostles. Whether the fact assumed in ail
ACTS 2, 45. 46. 93
these hypotheses is really recorded, either here or m the
parallel passage at the end of the fourth chapter, is a question
which will there present itself again. (See below, on 4, 32.
34.) The distinction sometimes made between the words
translated possessio7is and goods, as denoting what is now
called real midi personal property, has no more foundation in
Greek usage than the one made by Wiclif, who, instead of
goods, has cattle. The second Greek word corresponds to
our word sidjstance, as applied to wealth. i^vX^. possessiones
et substantias.) So far is KT^yuara from meaning real or im-
movable estate, that in Homer it almost always denotes jewels
or oClier hoarded treasure, and the Attic vvriters sometimes
put it in antithesis to land (aypos), sometimes to money (xp"^-
/xara). The two words are substantially equivalents, here put
together to express more fully the one idea of property or
wealth. Here, as often elsewhere in the English Bible, the
vrords 7na?i and 7ne7i, though not distinguished by italics, are
supplied by the translators, who appear to have considered
them essential to the meanm^, although modern usage would
allow the ma?i to be replaced by one, and the men to be
omitted altogether : and p)arted thern to all, as every one had
need. This insertion of the word man, as a sort of pronoun,
is a favourite idiom of the old English versions. That it had
a pronominal force, analogous to that of the same word in
German, may be inferred from 1 Cor. 2, 11, where it is ap-
plied to God.
46. And they continmng daily witli one accord in
the temple, and breaking bread from house to house,
did eat their meat with gladness and singleness of
heart. ^
The writer here returns to his description of their daily
habits and religious spirit, which he interrupted at the close
of V. 42, to mention the effect produced on others (43), and
the means of their subsistence (44. 45.) Their religious life
is here presented under its two aspects, public and private.
For the sense oi continuing with one accord, see above, on 1,
14. This daily attendance at the temple is referred by some
to meetings of their own within the sacred enclosure. This
opinion seems to be confined to those who understand the
house lohere they were sitting, in v. 2 above, lo be a chamber
of the temple. By others, what is here said is referred to the
94 ACTS 2, 46.
daily temple service, or at least to public prayer, in the ai>
pointed place, and at the stated hours. If this be the correct
interpretation of the passage, we have here the first intima-
tion of the singular fact, that although the ceremonial law,
of which the temple was a part, had been abrogated by the
advent and sacrifice of Christ, the apostles considered them-
selves bound, or at least authorized, to treat it with respect,
so long as it was suffered to continue in existence. Some
have explained this as an act of mere political obedience ; but
its combination, here and elsewhere, with their spiritual wor-
ship and their whole religious life, without a trace of any such
distinction between secular and sacred as the one alleged,
appears to show that their attendance at the temple was as
really a part of their religion as their meeting elsewhere.
The probable design of this paradoxical arrangement was to
shield the new religion from the charge of being hostile to
the old, or essentially distinct from it, and to show the iden-
tity of the church under both dispensations, by allowing one,
as it were, to overlap the other, or the two to coexist for a
time, instead of establishing the Christian church on ground
left absolutely vacant by the total destruction of the ancient
system. A precisely similar relation had subsisted for a time
betAveen the ministry of John the Baptist and the public
ministry of Christ himself, and may be said indeed to have
prefigured the one mentioned in the case before us. The
evils, which might easily have sprung from this arrangement,
if continued longer, were prevented by the speedy and en-
tire destruction, not only of the temple and the ceremonial
system, but of the civil organization, with which the Jewish
church had for ages been identified. One incidental evil,
which did really arise from this peculiar providential consti-
tution, was the state of uncertamty and strife, in which the
Jewish Christians long continued, with respect to the observ-
ance of the law, and the way in which the Gentiles should be
brought into the church, until all reasonable doubt was ended
by the great ecclesiastical and national catastrophe. Of these
unhappy errors and disputes we shall have instances enough
in the ensuing history. (See below, on 10, 1. 15, 1. 18, 18.
21, 20. 21.) From house to house is Cranmer's version ;
Tyndale has in every house; the Vulgate, circa domos.
Compare in every city (Kara TroXtv) Tit. 1, 5. But the best
i authorities are now in favour of explaining it to mean in the
'\, house pr at home, as distinguished from the foregoing phrase,
ACTS 2, 46. 47. 95
in the temple. This philological decision is confirmed by the
repeated use of the same Greek words in Paul's epistles, to
describe a church, or stated meeting of believers, in a pri-
vate dwelling. (See Rom. 16,5. 1 Cor. 16, 19. Col. 4, lo.
Philem. 2.) The whole clause then describes the two great
parts of their religious life, j)ublic and private, or as Jews
and Christians. Breaking bread at home^ or in lyrivate houses,
as we have already seen (in v. 42), exclusively denotes
neither social repasts nor sacramental services, but both, in
that most intimate conjunction, which was one of the charac-
teristic features of the infant church, but which can no more
be revived by us, than the innocent simplicity of childhood,
or the habits of a father's house, can be contmued in mature
age and in distant homes. That the reference to the eucha-
rist is at least not exclusive, may be seen from the ensuing
phrase they took their meat, or more exactly, they partook of
nourishment. The remauider of the verse describes the tem-
per or the spirit, in which all these acts and duties were per-
formed, viz. with gladness, or rather exultation, the Hellenis-
tic word here used, being one of great strength, and with
singleness (Tyndale), or simpleness (Wiclif), or simplicity
(Rheims), which seems to be the corresponding negative
expression, by which every feelmg is excluded, that could
mar this picture of exquisite but childlike happmess. The
quality described is not mere sincerity, or freedom from
hypocrisy, but singleness of purpose, aim, and motive, as
opposed not only to deceit, but to complexity of mind and
character. This, too, in its perfection, or its highest mea-
sures, appertains peculiarly to the early stages both of indi-
vidual and social progress. It is therefore eminently well-
placed in this portrait of the iDrimitive or infant church.
47. Praising God, and having favour with all the
people. And the Lord added to the church daily such
as should be saved.
The first words, praising God, close the description of
their spiritual state and mode of life. He winds up all by
saying that they praised God. This evidently means some-
thing more than that praise formed a part of their worship.
The phrase is obviously intended to describe their whole
life as a life of praise to God. It is not so much an ad-
ditional particular in the description as a pregnant summary
96 ACTS 2, 41.
of the whole. As if he had said, ' In a word, they only lived
to praise God and glorify their master.' The eflect produced
by all this upon others had before been represented as reli
gious awe, maintained by a succession of miraculous perform-
ances. But this might have seemed to imply that the popu-
lar feeling towards the new society was one of distance, if
not of aversion. It is therefore added here, that they had
favoiir icith the people^ not with one class merely, buticith all
the people^ as a Avhole, and as a body. There is obvious allu-
sion to the constant use of this expression [rov \a6v) to denote
the people by way of eminence, the chosen people, the people
of God. The Jews collectively, no doubt with individual
exceptions, favoured them. This state of public feeling is
remarkable, and seems to be recorded, on account of the un-
happy and inexplicable change which afterv>-ards took place.
But as yet, they enjoyed popular as vrell as divine favour.
This last was manifest m their mcrease, not merely by great
sudden movements, such as that of Pentecost, but also by
constant though insensible accretion, thus exemplifying, in the
experience of the infant church, both the great methods of
advancement by which she has since been growhig, culture
and revival. This daily increase is described as a divine work
and the v>'ork of Christ himself. The sudden change from
God to Lord^ in this short verse, can only be expiaiocd by
supposing that the writer intended to describe the Great
Head of the church as personally adding to its numbers.
This is the first historical use of the word church (iKKXrjo-La) in
application to the body of believers after its reorganization.
In the gospel of Matthew it is twice applied to the sam.e
body by our Lord himself (Matt. 16, 18. 18, 17), but m the
way of anticipation. The Greek word, which expresses the
idea of evoking, calling out, also suggests that of convoking,
calling together, and is therefore most appropriate to the
Christian "church, as a select organic body, called out by
di^dne choice from the mass of men, and called together by
divine authority as a spiritual corporation. The Greek vrord
was familiar to the Jews, not only as applied to the political
assemblies of the Grecian states, in which sense it occurs be-
low, 19, 39, but also as applied in their own Septua^int ver-
fiion to the host or congregation of Israel. Having thus
been used for centuries to designate the ancient Jewish
Church, it was peculiarly appropriate as an expression for the
Church of Christ. To this body, now possessing an organic
ACTS 2, 47. 97
constitution, the Lord added daily such as should be saced.
This awkward periphrasis, borrowed from the Vulgate {qitl
salvifierent)^ has occasioned no small stir among the Calviii-
ists and their opponents in the Church of England, who have
warmly disputed w^hether it should be translated, those who
had been saved, or those who were in the act of being saved,
or those who were in the way of salvation ; whereas Luke
simply says the saved^ as an additional description of the
same class whom he calls believers in v. 44. It might as well
be queried whether that expression denotes those who had
believed, or would believe, or were believing. Men are said
to be saved in reference not only to the final consummation
but to the inception of the saving work. Of every penitent
believing sinner, we may say, mth equal truth, that he will
certainly be saved, and that he has been saved already.
There is therefore no occasion for doctrinal dispute afforded
by the simple statement, that the Lord daily added saved (or
saved 07ies) to the churchy which is the order, as well as the
true sense, of the original. The Vulgate adds to this verse
an apparently unmeaning phrase {in id ipsion^) which is re-
tained by Wiclif {in the same thing^) and is really the first
words of the following chapter.
CHAPTER III.
Thus far the infant church had enjoyed the favour both of
God and man. But this state of tilings was not designed to
last. Opposition, and even persecution, were essential to the
execution of the divine purpose, not only as a means of moral
discipline, but also as a means of outward growth. The new
religion was not to be a national or local one, but catholic
and ecumenical. In order to attain its end, it must be spread;
and in order to be spread, it must be scattered ; and in order
to be scattered, it must undergo strong pressure, from withm
and from without. The history now presents to us the series
of providential causes by which these efiects were brought
about. The subject of the next two chapters is the first at-
tack upon the church, occasioned by a signal mii-acle and
apostolical discourse. Chapter HI relates to the occasion,
Chapter IV to the attack itself. At a certain time and place,
VOL. T. — 5.
98 ACTS 3, 1,
distinctly specified (l), Peter and John perform a miracle of
healing (2 — 8), which attracts attention and occasions a great
concourse (9 — 11), of which Peter takes advantage to dis-
claim the honour of the miracle (12), and give it all to Christy
whose treatment at their hands he sets forth with several
aggravating circumstances (13 — 15), and contrasts with the
evidence of his divinity afforded by this miracle which they
had witnessed (16.) Then, with a sudden and affecting
change of tone, he represents their great crime as the fruit
of ignorance (17), and as the execution of a divine purpose
(18), not to extenuate their guilt but to encourage their
repentance (19), which he also urges by the promise of
Clirist's coming (20, 21) as the Prophet of his people fore-
told by Moses (22, 23), Samuel and the other prophets
(24), in whose predictions, as well as in the patriarchal
promises (25), and in Christ himself as their fulfilment,
the children of Israel had a primary interest and right,
but only on condition of personal repentance and conver
sion (26.)
1. Now Peter and John went up together into the
temple, at the hour of prayer, (being) the ninth hour.
Out of the multitude of miracles performed by the
apostles after Pentecost (2, 43), Luke singles one, not merely
on account of its intrinsic magnitude and great pubhcity,
but chiefly on account of its connection Avithj the progress
of events and the condition of the infant church, as having
furnished the occasion of a new apostolical discourse, and
of the first hostile movement from without. This first verse
specifies the place, the time, and the performers of the
mu-acle. There is something striking in the mutual relations
of Peter and John, as they may be traced in the history.
After their joint mission to prepare for the last passover
(Luke 22, 8), they seem to have been inseparable, notwith-
standing the marked difference in their character and con-
duct. Peter alone denied his master ; John alone continued
with him to the last. (See John 18, 15. 19, 26.) Of Peter's
fall John would seem to have been the only apostolical wit-
ness. Yet we find them still together at the sepulchre, and
ill Galilee after the resurrection (John 20, 2. 21, 7.) It is an
observation of Chrysostom, that Peter's question (John 21,
21), Lorcl^ what shall this man do? was prompted rather by
ACTS 3, 1. 2. 99
affection than by curiosity. Here again we find tfiem still
together (eVl ro avro), an expression implying not mere coin-
cidence of place but unity of purpose. (See above, on 1, 15.
2,1.44.) Went up is, the appropriate expression for the
physical and moral elevation of the temjole. At the hour
(inl T^v uipav) might perhaps be more exactly rendered
toicards (i. e. just before) the hour. All the English versions,
prior to king James's, have the strange expression, the ninth
hour of prayer^ which may however mean no more than the
paraphrase given in our Bible. The ninth hour of the day,
corresponding to our three o'clock in the afternoon, was
the third stated hour of prayer, according to the Jemsh cus-
tom, being probably the hour of the evening sacrifice.
(See above, on 2, 15.) Here, as in 2, 46 above, there is
nothing in the text or context to determine for what pur-
pose the Apostles visited the temple, or rather nothing to
determine whether, in addition to their private devotions,
they took part in the ceremonial service. For the reasons
in favour of supposing that they did, see above, on 2, 46.
2. And a certain man, lame from his mother's
womb, was carried, whom they laid daily at the gate
of the temple which is called Beautiful, to ask alms
of them that entered into the temple.
To show the certainty, as well as greatness, of the cure
effected, the case is here described as one of long standing
and of general notoriety. It was not a case of lameness by
disease or accident, but one of congenital infirmity. It was
also one with which the people were familiar, from its daily
exliibition in one of the most public situations of the city.
The practice of placing objects of charity at the entrances
of temples, both on account of the great concourse and the
supposed tendency of devotional feelings to promote those
of a charitable kind, was common among Jews and Gentiles,
and is still kept up in some parts of the Christian world. No
antiquarian research has yet succeeded in determining which
gate of the temple or its area is here meant, or in accounting
for the name here given to it. As the Greek adjective
(wpat'av) was not commonly employed to express the general
idea of beauty, but rather that of youthful bloom and fresh-
ness, which seems wholly inappropriate to such an object, i^
100 ACTS 3, 2. 3.
has been explained as the corruption of some oriental name
no longer ascertainable. But the wider Hellenistic usage of
the word is clear from its being applied to feet (Rom. 10, 15)
and whited sepulchres (Matt. 23, 27.) The more common
opinion is, that the gate meant is the great eastern gate of
the temple-enclosure, corresponding to the entrance of the
temple itself, and described by Josephus as suj^erior in size
and decoration to all the others, being wholly covered with
Corinthian brass. The material fact here implied, if not ex-
pressed, is that this was the most frequented entrance to the
temple, and was therefore chosen by the cri2:)ple or his friends,
as his place of habitual solicitation. Here, as in many other
instances, the Rhemish version {Specious) violates our idiom,
by closely copying the mere form of the Vulgate (Sjyeciosa),
even where it makes no sense in English. Wiclif, although
equally a copyist of the Vulgate, had shown far more taste,
as well as knowledge of the language, by his simple Saxon
version {Fair). The word translated alms^ like charity in
English, denotes a feeling or a prmciple, but is secon-
darily applied to its outward manifestation or effect. The
two verbs laid and carried^ although similar in form, must be
carefully distinguished, as relating to distinct times. They
(i. e. others, or his friends) laid {him) daily at the gate of
the temple^ and had probably been doing so for many years.
But he icas carried^ or in modern phrase, was being carried^
to the customary place, on this occasion, just as Peter and
John were gomg in.
3. Who, seeing Peter and John about to go into
the temple, asked an alms.
About to go is expressed in Greek by a participle and in-
finitive, the first of which {jxiX\ovro.i) has no equivalent in
English, the verb denotmg merely the idea of fiiturity, to he
about to do the act expressed by the dependent verb. The
Vulgate version {inci2)ientes), copied by Wiclif {beginning to
enter), goes as much too far in one direction as mtending or
designhig in the other. Tpidale and Cranmer have the sin-
gular and now obsolete ellipsis, would into the temple. There
is another verb in the last clause not expressed in the English
version. Ashed., in the original, is asked to receive, a plcv
onasm even in Greek, but one of which there are examples,
after verbs of asking, both in Classical and Hellenistic writers.
ACTS 3, 3-5. ' 101
(See below, on 7, 46.) A7i alms has been recrarded by cer
tain hypercritics as a solecism or a blunder. The final letter
is not here the sign of the j^liiral number, but one of the con-
sonants of the Greek word (eXe-qixoavinf) of which the English
is a mere corruption, like ^x^Zsy of ^:)ar«?y5^5. (See above,
on V. 2.)
4. And Peter, fastening his eyes upon him, mtb
John, said. Look on us.
Fastening his eyes is the same verb Avith looked stcdfastly
in 1, 10 above. Here too it might be rendered gazing into him.
This act, though formally affirmed of Peter only, the Greek
participle (drei/tcras) being singular in form, is ascril3ed to both
Apostles by the words, icith John., which indeed may be said
of both the verbs, between v>^hich this parenthetic phrase is
placed. It was Peter that looked and Peter that spoke, but
he performed both acts icith John^ i. e. John looked and
spoke at the same time, or Peter looked and spoke for both.
The latter is more probable, at least in reference to the act
of speaking. The intent look may have been designed in
part to ascertain the man's condition and to verify his story ;
but also, no doubt, to arrest his own attention and prepare
him for what followed, which was likewise the design of the
command, look on (or at) us.
5. And he gave heed unto them, expecting to re-
ceive something of them.
The literal meanmg of the first clause is, he fixed (or kept
fi,xed) on thetn. "We may supply either mind (as in Luke 14,
7. 1 Tim. 4, 16) or eyes., more probably the latter, as the
verse describes his obedience to the previous command of
the Apostles, look on us. The original order of the last
clause is, cupecti^ig something from them to receive. This
graphic yet natural account of the successive steps, by which
the cripple was restored, imparts to the whole narrative a
life-like character of authenticity, which can neither be mis-
taken nor assume^.
6. Then Peter said. Silver and gold have T none,
but such as I have give I thee. In the name of Jesus
Christ of Nazareth, rise up and walk.
102 * ACTS 3, 6.
Then^ in the original, is nothing but the usual continuative
particle (Se) translated and at the beginning of v. 5. Silver
and gold are put for money, the kind of alms which the lame
man had asked (3), and was expecting to receive (5.) Have
I none^ literally, ^s not (or exists not) to me. It might be
supposed that we have here a literal Greek version of what
Peter said in Aramaic, as this is the usual periphrasis for the
verb to have, which is unkno'wn to the Semitic family of lan-
guages. But this supposition seems to be forbidden by
the occurrence of that verb in the next clause. Such
as I have might have been more briefly and exactly
rendered, ichat I have. This may refer specifically to
the gift of healing which he was about to impart, or more
generally to the power of working miracles with which
he was entrusted. But as this power does not appear to
have been constant or unlimited, the first construction seems
entitled to the preference. Give I thee., or retaining still
more closely the original arrangement, tchat I have, this to
thee I give. The demonstrative pronoun {tovto) is omitted in
our version, but adds something to the force of the ex-
pression. These authoritative words might seem to arrogate
an independent power to the speaker, but for what directly
follows. The apostolical miracles were all performed in the
name of Christ, according to his own command and promise
(Mark 16, 17. 18. John 14, 12.) This fact is expressly men-
tioned in some cases (see below, on 9, 34. 16, 18), and suf-
ficiently implied in others (see below, on 9, 40. 14, 9. 10. 28,
8.) Our Lord's own miracles were not wrought even in the
name of God, but by his own authority, and yet in intimate
conjunction with the Father (John 11, 41. 42.) I7i the name
here means by the authority of Jesus, ' as his representative
and in his behalf I command thee.' The form of expression
in 2, 38 is somewhat different. The preposition there usea
(cTTt) suggests the additional idea of dependence or reliance.
Jesus Christ of Nazareth, in Greek, the Nazarene, with an
allusion to the contemptuous usage of the name. (See above,
,on 2, 22.) The combination thus arising is remarkable, and
represents our Lord as being at once the Saviour of his
people from their sins (Matt. 1, 21), the* Messiah of the
prophecies (Acts 2, 31), and yet an object of contemptuous
neglect (Matt. 2, 23.) The command, arise and walk, is
rendered still more laconic and abrupt by the omission of
the first verb in some ancient manuscMpts and late editions.
Tn the name of Jesus Christ the Nazarene, walk !
ACTS 3, 1, 8. 103
7. And he took him by the right hand and Kfted
him up, and immediately his feet and ancle-bones re-
ceived strength.
In this, as in many of our Saviour's miracles, the healing
word was attended by an outward act or gesture, serving to
connect the miraculous effect with the person by whom it
was produced. (See Matt. 8, 15. 9, 25. 14, 31. 20, 34. Luke
7, 14.) Immediately^ on the spot, or on the matter, as the
Greek word (7rapaxp^/^a) might be etymologically rendered.
The common word for feet is not here used, but one which
properly means steps^ and is then transferred from the effect
to the cause. Both senses of the word are found in Sopho-
cles. The two words a7icle hones are used to represent one
(a-j>vpd) sim2)ly meaning ancles. Received strength^ literally,
were strengthened or 7nade firm. The particularity of this
description is among the traces, found by some in Luke's
writings, of his medical profession.
8. And he, leaping up, stood and walked, and en-
tered Avith them into the temple, walking and leaping
and praising God.
His leaping up or ont {k^aX\6\x^voi) is understood by some
as a spontaneous sign of joy, which is undoubtedly the mean-
ing of the uncompounded verb {oX\.6y,^voi) in the other clause.
But this very fact seems to show, that the compound form
rather denotes the act of leaping up from his recumbent
posture, or the incipient attempt to walk. We have then a
regular gradation in the cure ; his limbs were strengthened ;
he sprang up ; he walked, or in "Wiclif 's antique English,
loandered. The mention of the fact, that he entered with
them into the temple, reminds the reader that all this oc-
curred between the arrival of the two apostles at the gate
of the temple and their passage through it. The acts de-
scribed in the last clause were, at the same time, proofs of
his real restoration, and expressions of his gratitude and joy.
Wal/cing, or as the Greek word properly denotes, icalki7ig
ahout^ walking freely, without help or hinderance, as a man
would naturally do, who had been thus restored, as if to
satisfy himself that the change was real, and to try the ex-
tent of his recovered powers. That the man who had been
104 ACTS 3, 8. 9. 10.
healed was not without religious feeling, is evinced by the
additional words, pt'aisiiig God.
9. And all the people saw him walking and praising
God.
The repetition in this verse is not a mere tautology, but
doubly emphatic, as implying, on the one hand, that the mira-
cle v.as public and notorious, and on the other that it gath-
ered a great multitude, to whom Peter presently addressed
himself. Here, too, as in 2, 47, all the people does not mean
a promiscuous rabble accidentally assembled, but the chosen
people, the Jewish church or nation, represented by the wor-
shippers then gathered at the temple. As if he had said, ' this
miracle was not done in a corner, but in the holy place and
in the presence of the people, Avho distinctly saw, Avalking
about the sacred courts, and loudly praising God for his re-
covery, the very man whom they had seen for many years
lying daily at the entrance of that very enclosure, a cripple
and a beggar.'
10. And they knew that it was he which sat for
alms at the Beautiful Gate of the temple, and they were
filled with wonder and amazement at that which had
happened unto him.
The material point here is the unquestioned identity of
him who had experienced the cure. Plad the miracle been
wrought upon a stranger, its moral eifect upon others would
have been far less than it was, when the people universally
recognized him as the crippled beggar, whom they were ac-
customed to see lying helpless in a certain spot, and that one
of the most public and frequented in the city. Luke saysj
not only that it Avas the same man, but that they kneio or
recognized him (cTreyiVwo-Kov) as the same. The other clause
describes the natural effect of this unhesitating recognition.
The sight of this man walking, in the free use of his limbs,
and loudly thanking God for his recovery, excited feelings of
the highest wonder, not unmixed with awe, at this indication
of God's special presence and activity among them. The word
rendered mnazement is the noun corresponding to the verb
employed in 2, 7 above, and there explained. The word trans-
lated wonder is confined, in the New Testament, to Luke's
ACTS 3, 10. 11. I0i>
wi'itings (Luke 4, 36. 5, 9), though the verbal root is also used
by Mark (1, 27. 10, 24. 32.) Though not so stated iu the lexi-
cons, it seems, at least in Hellenistic Greek, to have combined
the primary idea of wonder or astonishment Avith that of fear
or awe, especially in such a case as this, and others just re-
ferred to, Avhere the wonder was excited by a special indica-
tion of the divine presence. The strongest English version is
the lihemish, exceedingly astonied and aghast. What had
happened or occurred to him^ the change which he had sud-
denly experienced, and which could not be referred to any
natural or ordinary cause.
11. And as the lame man which was healed held
Peter and John, all the people ran together unto them,
in the porch that is called Solomon's, greatly wondering.
The six words, the lame man lohich loas heated^ correspond
to three in Greek {jov ta^eVro? x^^o^)? which might be more
concisely rendered, the heeded cripple. Instead of these words,
some of the critical editions have the simple pronoun (avroS^
he. The original construction is, he (or the healed cripple)
holding Peter and John. The idea that he was afraid of a
relapse is much less natural than that he clung to them with
thankfulness and admiration as the human instruments of his
deliverance and restoration. In strict agreement with the
language of v. 4, John is here not only said by the historian,
but acknowledged by the man himself, to have jomed in the
performance of the miracle ; whether by word or deed, or
simply by his silent presence and concurrence, must be matter
of conjecture. It is a natural, though not a necessary suppo-
sition, that this holding fast was subsequent m time to the
acts mentioned in the foregoing verses. After proving the
reality of his recovery by walking and leaping, and his grati-
tude to God by vocal praise, he may have run back to his two
benefactors and embraced them in the manner here described.
This fact may be mentioned to account for the great con-
course which unmediately ensued, and which perhaps would
have been less, if the lively gestures of the restored cripple
had not partially diverted the attention of the people from
himself to the Apostles. It was to them., i. e. to Peter and
John; that all the people^ in the same emphatic sense as* in v.
9 above, ran together in or to (cttc) the porch., the {one) called
Solomon'' s^ a form of expression which implies that there were
VOL. I. 5*
106 ACTS 3, 11. 12.
others, but that this was the most noted and frequented.
The word translated porch {(r-roa) means a y^2jlz2^ or a colon-
nade, such as were attached to the Greek temples, and em-
ployed as places of instruction by the Greek philosophers, to
one of whose sects or schools (the Stoics) this very word has
given name. Several such porticoes or colonnades surrounded
the courts of Herod's temple at Jerusalem, and one of them
is described by Josephus as " the work of Solomon." This
would account for the name and the pre-eminence of this par-
ticular piazza, as implied here and in John 10, 23, where we
learn that Christ himself was accustomed to frequent it. It
also enables us to fix in general its relative position, which,
according to Josephus, was ujDon the eastern side, or, as some
understand him, at the eastern end of the south side of the
area of the temple. It is an old opinion that the wing or pin-
nacle [TTTepvyiov) mentioned in the history of our Lord's
temptation (Matt. 4, 5. Luke 4, 9), was some elevated point
of this same structure. Greatly wondering is, in Greek, a
single word, and that an adjective (eK^^a/x/?ot), em^Dhatic or in-
tensive in its form, and corresponding in its etymology and
meaning to the verb and noun exj^lained above, on the pre-
ceding verse. Placed at the close of the whole sentence, it
describes the crowd as still cimcized or aicestrucJc^ and implies
that the effect, at first produced by the miracle itself, so far
from being weakened or effaced, was at its height, when
Peter entered on the following discourse.
12. And when Peter saw (it), he answered unto
the people, Ye men of Israel, why marvel ye at this ?
or why look ye so earnestly on us, as though by our own
power or holiness we had made this man to walk ?
With the wisdom, by which the Apostles after Pentecost
were characterized, Peter, who now re-appears alone as their
spokesman, when he saw what is recorded in the foregoing
verse, to wit, the concourse of the people and their even more
than natural amazement^ instantly embraced the opportunity
agaiQ to preach Christ tc a portion of the multitude by whom
he was betrayed and murdered. Answered is explained by
some as a pleonastic synonyme of said^ or began to speah ;
by others as relating to their thoughts or looks. But al-
though there are examples of the latter usage elsewheie,
ACTS 3. 12. 13. 107
there is no need of resorting to it liere, where the strict sense
is so perfectly admissible ; the verbal expression of their won-
der, although not recorded, being almost necessarily imj^lied.
' When Peter saw the concourse of the peoj)le and their
wonder, as expressed by looks and words, he answered.' His
reply was addressed to the people^ not as a mere mob, but as
men of Israel^ assembled at the sanctuary and representing
the whole Jewish nation. Why marvel ye at this {maji)^ or
at this {thing) which has happened to him, either of which
constructions is admissible. The question does not mean,
that there was nothing wonderful in what had happened, but
that their surprise was either excessive in degree, or of the
WTong kind, i. e. disposed to rest in the mere instruments,
without looking beyond them to the efficient cause, which
last idea is expressed in the remainder of the verse. Look
earnestly is still the same verb as in 1, 10. Instead of
poioer and godliness^ some versions have two synonymes,
strength and pov:er. But extraordinary piety (evae/Sua) was
commonly associated with the idea of peculiar divine favour,
both being expressed in Hebrew by the same word (see
above, on 2, 27) ; and this idea was near akin to that of
superhuman power. As though ice had m,ade, literally,
as having made (i. e. caused or enabled) this man tu
walk.
13. The God of Abraham and of Isaac and of Ja-
cob, the God of our fathers, hath glorified his son Jesus,
whom ye dehvered up, and denied him in the presence
of Pilate, when he was determined to let (him) go.
The miracle which so amazed them was not wrought by
magic, or by any unknoT\Ti power, but by that of Jehovah,
their own God, and the God of their Fathers. To express
this idea more emphatically, he employs the customary for-
mula, in which the three first patriarchs are separately named.
(See Ex. 3, 6. 15. Matt. 22, 32.) He thus reminds them that
tlie new religion was essentially identical with the old, and
that God had himself done honour to the man whom they
had crucified; the same contrast as in 2, 24 above, and v. 15
below. Glorified^ by this extraordinary miracle, performed
in Christ's name, and by his authority. The word translated
^on is not the one commonly so rendered (l-io's), but another
108 ACTS 3, 13. 14.
(Trats) used both for son and servant (Matt. 8, 6. 8. 13. 14, 2,
Luke 12, 45, etc.) In this dubious or double sense, it is ap.
plied to David and to Israel collectively (Luke 1, 54. 69), as
sustaining both a servile and a filial relation to Jehovah, and
as representatives of the Messiah, to whom the title therefore
belongs by way of eminence. (Compare Matt. 12, 18, and see
below, on v. 26. 4, 25. 27. 30.) Delivered up^ abandoned, to
his enemies or executioners. The idea of treacherous be-
trayal, though not necessarily included in the meaning of the
verb, may be suggested by it, as in its application to Judas
Iscariot (Matt. 10, 4. 26, 16. 21. 46. 27, 3. etc.) The essential
idea is that of putting into the power of another, whether by
treachery or force (Matt. 5,25. 10,17.19.21. 18,34. 24,9.
10, etc.) The gross injustice of this treatment to an innocent
man was, in their case, aggravated by peculiar circumstances,
which the Apostle now proceeds to specify. The first was
that it involved a formal rejection of their own Messiah. Y^e
de7iied him to be what he was, and what he claimed to be,
the Prophet, Priest, and King of Israel. This was in fact
disowning and renouncing all for the sake of which the Jews
existed as a nation. The second aggravating circumstance
suggested is, that this rejection, ruinous and wicked as it was
in itself, was rendered still more heinous by its having been
committed in the presence of a heathen ruler, representing
the great dominant power of the Gentile world. Je denied
him in the presence of Pilate. (See John 19, 15.) But even
this was not all. They rejected their Messiah, not only before
Pilate, but against his will and better judgment. This idea
might seem to be expressed by the words translated in the
presence., which may also be rendered to the face ; but Greek
usage is m favour of the former sense. The aggravation now
in question is expressed in the last clause, tohe7i he icas deter-
mined to let him go., or as Tyndale has it, judged hbn to he
loosed. The original construction is, he (or Jiimself) deter^
minijig., etc. It is a shght coincidence, but not unworthy of
remark, that the Greek verb here used {aivoXvciv) is the very
one which Luke elsewhere j)uts into the mouth of Pilate him-
self (Luke 23, 16.)
14. But ye denied the Holy One and the Just, and
desired a murderer to be granted unto you.
There is a double antithesis here, tending to aggravate
ACTS 3, 14. 15. 109
tneir guilt still further. They had not only demanded the
condemnation of the innocent, but also the acquittal of the
guilty. But more than this : they had rejected the Messiah
and preferred a murderer ! (See Matt. 27, 21. John 18, 40.)
Holy and Just are epithets expressive not only of his inno-
cence before the law (Matt. 27, 19. 24), but in a higher sense,
of his peculiar character and mission as the Holy One of God
(Mark 1, 24. Luke 1, 35), whom the Father had sanctified
and sent into the world (John 10, 36.) The Just or {Bight-
eous) One is a common description of our Lord in the New
Testament. See below, on 7, 52. 22, 14, and compare 1 John
2, 1. Murderer^ in Greek, a man^ a 7nurderer^ the last noun
having all the force of an adjective, a murderous man, i. e.
one guilty of murder. Compare the phrase, me??-, hrethfen^
in 1, 15 above. Ghxmted^ not as an act of justice, but of
favour. (See below, on 25, 11. 16. 27, 24, and compare
Philem. 22.)
15. And killed the Prince of Life, whom God hatli
raised from the dead, whereof we are witnesses.
Nay, they had preferred a murderer, not only to an inno-
cent or just man, not only to their own Messiah, but to the
prince of life himself The word translated prince (apxT/^^)
is so translated also in 5, 31 below, but in Heb. 2, 10, it is
rendered captain^ and in Heb. 12, 2, author. This example
may suffice to show the want of jDerfect uniformity even in
the best translations, and the inexpediency of urging the
mere language of such versions, mthout reference to the
original. The figure used is no more regal here, or martial
in Heb. 2, 10, than in Heb.d2, 2, where there seems to be no
trace of either. Most interpreters prefer the Yulgate version
here (ciuctorem)^ as better suiting the antithesis between the
giver of life audits destroyer. (See John 1, 4. 5, 25. 10, 28.)
This climax of antitheses and aggravations is rhetorically
striking and eftective. Having brought it to its height in
the first clause of this verse, Peter reverts to the old contrast
between Christ's treatment by divine and human hands. (See
above, on 2, 23. 24.) They killed him and God raised him.
Instead of the ambiguous term {avicTT-qo-ev) used in 2, 32, we
have here the unequivocal though figurative phrase, awakened
{rjyupev) from (cimong) the dead^hut with the same addition
as in that case, of which (or of whom) loe are icitnesses.
110 ACTS 3, 16.
10. And his name, tliroiigli foith in his name, hath
made this man strong, whom ye see and know ; yea,
the fiiith which is by hnn hath given him this perfect
soundness in the presence of you all.
This verse assigns a cause for the effect which they had
witnessed. The effect was that the infirm man had been
made strofig, and restored to perfect soioidness. The Greek
word (oAoK/Vrypta) orignially means an undivided or entire in-
heritance, but by the hiter writers is applied to bodily integ-
rity and soundness. The causes to which this effect is
ascribed are the name of Christ and faith^ each of which
is mentioned twice, with a singular complication of the two
together. In the lirst clause it is expressly said that the
mwie of the Lord of Life had strengthened the hitirm man.
If the following words are exegetical of these, the meaning
is, his }iame^ that is, faith i?i his name. But as the order of
the clauses is inverted, and the preposition (cVt) cannot mean
that is, the second clause (in English) must be understood as
pointing out the means by which, or the reason for which,
the name of Christ had wrought this wonder. His name, by
means (or on account) of laitli in that name, had restored
this nuin to perfect soundness. This studied repetition of the
word 7iame shows that it cannot be a mere periphrasis foT
himself (See above, on 1, 15.) It must either mean the in-
vocation of his name, the fact that the miracle was wrought
avowedly by his authority and delegated power ; or the
actual exertion of that power, as the name of God in the
Old Testament so often means the manifestation of his attri-
butes, especially in outward act. The first explanation is
more simple and agrees better with what follows, through
faith in his name, i. e. through faith in him whose name had
been invoked, or in whose name, and by whose represen-
tative, the miracle had been performed. (See below, on 19,
17. 26, 9.) The preposition here translated through is not
the one commonly so rendered (8ta), but another (cvrt) which,
in such connections, properly means on or for. Some here
explain it, for faith, i. e. for the purpose of producmg faith ;
but this is unexampled in the Greek of the New Testament ;.
vv^hereas the preposition often sio-niiies by means of or because
of (e. g. Matt. 4, 4. 19, 9. Mark 3, 5. Acts 4, 9. 21. 26, 6.)
On the whole, the meaning seems to be, that the perfect
restoration of the (Tipple was the work of him in whose
ACTS 3, 16. 17. Ill
name and by Avhosc authority the miracle was wrought, and
that the condition upon which he acted, was tliat of faith in
nimself as thus invoked. But tliis faith is furthermore and
otherwise described as the faith v'hich is hy (or through)
him. Tlie only natural interpretation of these words is that
wliich makes tliem represent Christ as the author or procuring
cause, as well as the end or object, of the faith in question.
(Compare Heb. 12, 2.) But by whom was this faith exer-
cised, or whose faith was it that had wi'ought such wondeis :
The most obvious answer to this question would be, faith on
the part of the man healed. Nor is there any thing to con-
tradict or peremptorily exclude this answer. Some of the
Fathers, followed by some modern wiiters, have alleged that
in their early miracles, both Christ and his Apostles dispensed
with faith in the recipient as a previous condition of relief,
although they afterwards required it. But this is a mere con-
jecture founded on the silence of the narrative in certain
cases. We have every reason to believe that their practice
was consistent if not uniform, nor can any reason be imagined
why they should require faith afterwards and not at first.
Interpreters, however, have been commonly, disposed to un-
derstand by laith, in this place, that of the Apostles them-
selves, which we know to have been necessary, from the
words of Christ on a remarkable occasion (Matt. 17, 20.)
Three circumstances are insisted on, in this verse, as en-
hancing the proof of Divine agency, to wit, the notoriousness
of the man's previous condition ((whom ye see and know)^ the
completeness of his restoration {this perfect soundness)^ and
its publicity {in the presence of you all.)
17. And now, brethren, I wot that through igno-
rance ye did (it), as (did) also your rulers.
And noio is a common formula, denoting a transition to
some other topic, or the application of what has been already
said. (See below, on 10, 5. 13, 11. 20, 22. 22, 16. 26, 6.) It
may here be regarded as equivalent to saying, 'and now,
since you are guilty of this, what hope remains ? ' The appel
lation brethren indicates his fellow-feeling and desire for their
welfare. (See above, on 1, 16. 2, 29. 37.) Of the verse itself
two very different views may be taken. The more obvious
and common one regards it as a merciful concession on the
part of the Apostle, an extenuation of his hearers' guilt.
112 ACTS 3, 17. la
This is not only a natural explanation of the language, 1DU\
one recommended by the striking analogy of Christ's prayer
for his murderers (Luke 23, 34), and Paul's declaration with
respect to himself (l Tim. 1, 13. Compare 1 Cor. 2, 8, and
see below, on 13, 27.) To meet the objection, that whatever
palliation might exist in the case of the multitude, there
could be none in the case of their rulers, it has been pro-
posed to construe the words thus, that through ignorance ye
did as your rulers did^ thus making a most marked distinction
between these two classes. But this construction, though
ingenious, is forbidden by the phrase as also {oxnrep kul),
which indicates comparison, not contrast. If then the verse
contains a concession or extenuation, it must comprehend the
rulers no less than the people. Some deny, however, that
there is any such extenuation, and suppose the ignorance
here mentioned to be merely that of God's design in suffering
all these things to happen. ' I know that you acted in igno-
rance of God's design, and so did your rulers ; but this only
aggravates your guilt without retarding the complete exe-
cution of his plan ; he has effected his own purpose, and
now calls you to rej^entance.' This view of the passage
avoids the difficulties of the other, and agrees w^ell with the
next verse, which undoubtedly describes what had taken
place as the fulfilment of prophecy. The principal objections
are the restricted sense of ignorance, which it assumes, and
the parallel passages before referred to. Wot is the old Eng-
lish verb to Icnoio, of which loist and to toit are other forms,
unwitting and unioittingly derivatives. Through ignorance,
or more literally, according to (or in proportion to) your igno-
rance. Miulers is Cranmer's version ; Wiclif has princes, Tyn-
dale heads, the Geneva Bible governors.
18. But those tilings, wliich God before had showed
by the mouth of all his prophets, that Christ should
suffer, he hath so fulfilled.
The death of Christ, although a crime on your part, was
the execution of a divine purpose, as predicted by the ancient
prophets. Before had showed is more exactly rendered in
the Rhemish version, by a single word, as m Greek, fore-
showed. The Greek verb, however, does not mean to show,
but to announce beforehand. By the mouth, a common phi-ase
for instrumental agency, when exercised in words, as by the
ACTS 3, 18. 19. 113
handis, where the reference is to act. (See above, on 1, 16.
2, 23.) All his prophets^ i. e. the whole series of Old Testa-
ment Prophets, viewed as one organic body or official corpo-
ration. Whether each particular book contams such a pre-
diction, is a question of no more importance than the question
whether one is found m every chaj^ter or on every page. The
ancient prophets constitute one great representative body
(see l)elow, on v. 22), whose utterances are not to be viewed
as merely those of indi\iduals. The obvious meaning is that
the point, to Avhicli the whole drift of prophetic revelation
tended, was the death of Christ. For the New Testament
usage of the verb to suffer^ see above, on 1, 3. So fulfilled^ in
the origmal, fidfilled so, or as Tyndale has it, thusicise, i. e. in
the great events which you have lately witnessed.
19. Repent ye, therefore, and be converted, that
your sins may be blotted out, when the times of refresh-
ing shall come from the presence of the Lord ;
The first verb is here exactly rendered by the Yulgate
(jDoe?^^Yem^?^^), and somewhat less so by its English copyist?
(be repentant, he penitent), and yet the Greek word (/xeravoi}-
o-are) is identical v/ith that in 2, 38. The exhortation to repent
is here accompanied by one to he converted, or Hterally to
turn, the Greek verb being of the active form. It may either
be taken as the same thing Avith repentance ; or as the outward
change of life corresponding to the inner change of mind ; or
as a generic term, denoting the entire moral revolution, of
which repentance is a necessary part. (See above, on 2, 38.)
Listead of remission, we have here the stronger figure of ab-
stersion or obhteration. The Greek verb is apphed by Xeno-
phon to the erasure of a name from a catalogue or roll. It
may here denote the cancelling of charges against any one,
and thus amounts to the same thing with the remission of
2, 38. The metaphor of blotting out occurs several times else-
where (e. g. Ps. 51, 9. 109, 14. Isai. 43, 25. Jer. 18, 23. Col.
2, 14.) The word translated times is the same that is so ren-
dered in 1, 7. It may here denote, still more specifically, set
times or appomted times. The Greek word tor refreshing
admits of a twofold derivation (from ^v^ and ^vxoi), according
lo which it properly denotes either cooling and relief from
heat, or the" recovery of breath after exhaustion. In either
CAse, the essential meaning is the same, although the first ia
114 ACTS 3, 19.
the idea naturally suggested by the English word refreshing.
What is here meant is relief from toil or suffering, not without
an implication of more positive enjoyment. What times are
thus described depends upon a previous question as to the con-
nection of the clauses and the grammatical construction of the
sentence. Wheoi corresponds to a compound particle in Greek
(oTTws av), which always elsewhere (Matt. 6, 5. Luke 2, 35
Acts 15, 17. Rom. 3, 4), hke the uncompoimded form (ottws),
when followed by the same mood (Matt. 2, 8. 23. 5, 45. 6, 4.
16. 18. 8, 17), denotes the final cause or the effect {so that, in
order that.) This gives a perfectly good sense, so far as this
verse is concerned, to wit that their repentance would be fol-
lowed by relief from the sense of guilt and God's displeasure.
But this reference to personal experience may seem to be ex-
cluded by the promise of Christ's commg in the next verse,
which can hardly be applied to any thing internal. In order
to harmonize the two expressions, our translators make the
particle a particle of time, showing ichen their sins were to be
blotted out. But this, besides its violation of a imiform and
constant usage, has the grave inconvenience of postponing
their repentance, or at least their absolution, to some fiiture
time, if not to what we are accustomed to call Christ's second
advent. How could the Apostle urge them to repentance by
a promise that their sins should be cancelled as soon as the
times of refreshing were come ? Even if the interval were
very short, this limitation of the offer of forgiveness is entirely
at variance Avith the whole analogy of faith and scripture.
This translation, therefore, which has been copied fi-om the
Vulgate into all the Enghsh versions, must be set aside upon
a double ground ; because it violates the usage of the language
to obtain a sense which in itself is not a good one. If the
stress of exegetical necessity were such as to justify a forced
interpretation of the particle (oVw? av), it would be better to
take it in the sense of now that, and refer it to the present or
the past, and not the future. 'Repent and be converted to the
blotting out of your sins, now that times of refreshing (i. e. the
long expected times of the Messiah) are come from the presence
of the Lord, and (now that) he has sent, etc' This would
render the whole passage clear and coherent, if it could be
philologically justified. But as our task is to interpret what
is written, in accordance with the general laws and usages of
language, we are bound to reject every explanation which
supposes oTTtos av to be a particle of time, until some clear ex-
ACTS 3, 19. 20. US'
ample of that sense can be discovered. Coming back, then,
to the only sense justified by usage, we must understand the
times of refreshing (or relief) to be in some way suspended
upon their repentance as a previous condition. From the
presence of the Lord (i. e. of God in Christ) denotes the source
of the refix3shing to be heavenly and divine, and the authority,
on which the promise rests, to be absolute and sovereign.
The divine face or presence, in such cases, may suggest the
idea of his court or royal residence, from which his messengers
go forth to execute his orders. (Compare Mattt. 18, 10. Luke
1, 19. 16, 22. Heb. 1, 14.) Lookmg simply at this verse, the
times of refreshing^ as observed already, might denote nothing
more than the relief from pain, and other pleasurable feelings,
which accompany repentance and conversion. Whether any
other meaning is required by the context, is a question which
can be solved only by determimng the sense of the next
verses.
20. And he shall send Jesus Christ, which before
was preached unto j'^ou.
The objections to this version have been already stated, as
well as to the version, now that he has sent, etc., which last
would otherwise afford the best sense. The only grammatical
construction, as we have already seen, is so that (or i?i order
that) he mag setid Jesus Christ, here presented as a motive or
a reason for repenting now. But to what sending do the
words refer ? Not to our Lord's first advent or appearance
as a Saviour, which had already taken place, but either to his
visible return hereafter, or to his presence in the hearts of in-
dividuals. The last agrees best with the context, as a motive
to immediate personal repentance, but the first with aU analogy
and usage, as the Father is not elsewhere said to send tbe
Son, as he is said to send the Spirit, into the hearts of men, as
a matter of inward and invisible experience, but into the
world, as a literal external fact of history. (Compare Gal. 4,
4 and 4, 6. See also Luke 4,43. John 1,10.16.17. 3,34. 5,
36. 6,14. 8,42. 9,39. 10,36. 11,27.42. 12,46. 16,28. 17,3.
8.18.21.23.25. 18,37. 20,21. 1 John 4, 9. 10. 14. 1 Tim. 1,
15. Heb. 10, 5.) Whatever be the sense of the particular ex-
pressions, it is clear from the whole drift of the discourse, that
Peter here connects the times of refreshing and the mission
of the Saviour, as identical, or at the least coincident events.
116 ACTS 3, 20. 21.
with the repentance and conversion which he urges on his
Jewish hearers. This being held fast, as undoubtedly involved
in every possible, that is to say, grammatical construction of
his language, some latitude of judgment, if not license of con-
jecture, may be tolerated as to the question w^herem the
connection of these things consists. In this sense, and to this
extent, the passage may be paraphrased as follows. ' I exhort
you to repentance and conversion, and I hold up, as induce-
ments to these necessary acts, the delightful feelmg of refresh-
ment and relief, w^hich has been*rendered possible by God's
gift- of his Son to be a Saviour, and of his actual appearance
for that purpose, in accordance with a previous divine appoint-
ment ' or divine announcement, according as the common text
(7rpoK€Kr)pvyixevov, preached or proclamied before), or that of the
old manuscripts and latest editors (7rpoKe;)(etpta-/xeVoi/, appointed
or ordained before) may be preferred.
21. Whom (the) heaven must receive, mitii the times
of restitution of all things, which God hath spoken by
the mouth of all his holy prophets, since the world
began.
That the tunes m question were still distant, is implied in
the accomit here given of Christ's local habitation during the
mterval. The before heaven^ although not so distinguished in
the English Bible, is supphed by the translators, not only with-
out reason, but almost in violation of our idiom, which prefixes
the article only to the plural number of this noun (the heavens.)
Its insertion here would scarcely deserve notice, if it did not,
by its A^ery smgularity, occasion a false emphasis, of which the
original knows nothing. The construction of this first clause
is ambiguous, as heaven may be either the subject or the
object of the verb receive. The latter is preferred by Luther,
Tyndale and Cranmer, who must receive heave7i^ i. e. take
possession of it, occupy it, hold it. But the Greek verb
(Se^ao-^at) does not mean actively to take or seize, but pas-
sively or simply to receive or accept what is given by another.
This sense though not irreconcilable with Luther's explana-
tion, agrees much better with the one now commonly adoptecL
* In the mean time, i. e. until God shall send Christ and the
times of refreshing from his presence, he is conmiitted to the
heavens as a sacred trust to be delivered up hereafter.' The
ACTS 3, 21. 117
^-wi^teV-i )t^init7 {hd^ i>c'^:>tes an actual necessity already in exist-
enorr, ki^^i txn-Aiig fi-om tVoa's settled and avowed plan of pro-
cedure. (See alDove, on 1^ ib. i^l.) By heaven we are here to
understand that place, or portion of the universe, where God
manifests his presence to glonied saints and holy angels.
Beyond this relative description, we have no account, and can
have no cwiception, of its locality. To true believers the
most interesting attribute of heaven is the one here specified,
to wit, that the incarnate Son or v^tod resides there. He
then adds a third description of the times, to which he had
directed their attention. Besides bein^* tunes of refreshing
(19), and of the Saviour's mission (20), ttiey are also to be
tiines of 7'estitutio7i. The Greek word is tr\e noun correspond-
ing to the verb explained above, on 1, tt. The indefinite
expression is defined by the specification oi the things to be
restored, namely, all things lohich God horn spoken^ etc.
This has led some to take restitution in the sens^ c^i fulfilment
or accon%ijlishment^ as being more appropriate \o prophecy.
But this, besides being destitute of all authority iVom usage,
does not even suit the context ; for the thmgs to be restored
or reinstated are not the predictions but the things predicted.
As to the phrases, hy the inoiith and all the prophets^ see
above, on v. 18. They are here called holy^ not so much in
reference to personal as to official character. As Aaron, in
liis character of High Priest, was the saint or holy one of God
(Ps. 106, 16), notwithstandhig his infirmities and eriors, so the
Prophets are collectively described as holy^ not as Having all
been emuiently pious, but as having all been consecrated, set
apart, devoted, to a special service, in discharge oi which, and
not as individuals, they uttered the predictions here referred
to. Or rather, to retain the Apostle's strong and favourite
expression, it was by their mouth that God spoke. Since the
vmrld hegan is not a version but a paraphrase. Of old or
from eternity would be more faithful to the form of the origi-
nal (ctTr' atcovos), which is found only in Luke's writmgs (see
below, on 15, 18, and compare Luke 1, 70), as the correlative
phrase (ets rov alihva) is a favourite idiom of John's (see John
4, 14. 6, 51. 58, and passim.) But the first is too weak, and
the last too strong, in this connection. The Greek noun
means duration, and especially indefinite duration, sometimes
rendered more specific by the context in particular cases,
wliich require the sense of age, hfetime, dynasty, or other
gi-eat but variable periods (Matt. 12, 32. 13, 39. 40. 49. 24, 3
118 ACTS 3, 21. 22.
Mark 10, 30. Luke 16, 8. 18, 30. 20, 3i. 35.) Sometimes, on
the other hand, the absence of all Umitation, if not something
still more positive, imparts to it the full sense of eternity
(Mark 3, 29. Rev. 1, 6. 18, and passim.) Li this case it may
either be indefinitely taken as equivalent in meaning to our
legal phrase, from time immemorial^ or as a relative expres-
sion having more specific reference to the oX<siv or cycle of the
old economy, already virtually at an end and now fast verging
to a visible conclusion. All the holy prophets from (the be-
ginnmg of the prophetic) period or dispensation^ Avhich is
tantamount to saymg, ever since there were prophets in exist-
ence. This is clearly the opposite extreme to the final resti-
tution mentioned just before, which does not therefore mean
the restoration of all moral agents to a state of perfect hohness
and happiness, but simply the completion or the winding up
of that stupendous plan which God is carrying into execution,
with a view to his o^vn glory and the salvation of his elect
people. This consummation may be called a restitution^ in
allusion to a circle which returns into itself, or more probably
because it really involves the healing of all curable disorder
and the restoration to communion with the Deity of all that
he has chosen to be so restored. Till this great cycle has
achieved its revolution, and this great remedial process has
accomplished its design, the glorified body of the risen and
ascended Christ not only may but must, as an appointed
means of that accomphshment, be resident in heaven, and not
on earth.
22. For Moses truly said unto the fathers, A pro-
phet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you, of
your brethren, Hke unto me : him shall ye hear in all
things, whatsoever he shall say unto you.
The for coimects this with the 20th verse, and verifies the
statement there made, that Jesus Christ had been fore-
ordained of God. The intervening verse is a digression or
parenthesis relatmg to his present and future abode. This is
the fourth prophecy expounded in this book by Peter ; so far
was he from deahng in mere narrative or exhortation. (See
above, on 1, 20. 2, 16. 25. 34.) It is also his third exegetical
argument in proof of the Messiahship of Jesus. The passage
quoted is still found in Deut. 18, 15. 19. The omission of the
ACTS 3, 22. 23. 119
words to the fathers in the oldest manuscripts is therefore of
no moment. The quotation is made, with scarcely any variar
tion, from the Septuagint version. The substitution of tho
plural {you) for the singular {thee) not only leaves the sense
unaltered, but is fully justified by a similar change in tho
original. The truth is that the singular form there has refer-
ence to Israel, as a collective or ideal person. The objection
to the application here made of this prophecy, derived from
the original connection, may be obviated by extending it to
the whole series or succession of prophets, representing Christ
and terminating in him. The correctness of the Messianic
application, here and in 7, 37 below, is confirmed by the his-
torical fact, that tliis prophecy was never understood to be
fulfilled in any intervening prophet, and that when John the
Baptist came, he was asked, not only whether he was Christ,
i. e. the Messiah, or Ehjah his forerunner, but also whether
he was " the prophet," or, as the Enghsh versions render it,
"that prophet,^' the august but nameless subject of this very
promise. (See John 1, 21. 25.) The resemblance between
Christ and Moses, as prophets, mediators, legislators, founders
of new dispensations etc. is obvious enough. The superiority
of Christ is argumentatively urged in the epistle to the He-
brews (3, 3-6.) It may be doubted, however, whether like
me, in the prophecy, was not designed to qualify the words
immediately preceding, ' one of yourselves, belonging to your
OAvn race and lineage, as I do.' {Truly (/>tej^), as in 1, 5.)
23. And it shall come to pass that every soul,
which will not hear that Prophet, shall be destroyed
from among the people.
This is merely the conclusion of the passage, the essentia
part of which was quoted in the verse preceding. (See above,
on 2, 25.) At the same time, it served to remind the hearers,
that this question of Messiahship was no vain speculation, but
a practical question of the utmost moment to themselves.
(See above, on 2, 19-21.) That prophet is, in this case, the
oxact translation of the Greek words {tov irpo<j>riTov kmivov.)
The phrase with which the quoted passage closes, I will
require it of him^ is a pregnant one, and means far more than
strikes the eye at once. To express this latent meaning, the
Septuagint version, Iicill take vengeance^ is by no means too
strong. In the verse before us, the Apostle brings it out still
120 ACTS 3, 23. 24. 25.
more emphatically, by emplopng the customary legal formula
for the highest theocratical punishment, that of excision from
the church or chosen j)eople. (See Ex. 12, 15. 19. Lev. 7,
20-27.)
24. Yea, and all the prophets, from Samuel and
those that follow after, as many as have spoken, have
likewise foretold of these days.
It was not Moses only that predicted the times of the
Messiah, but the whole series of the Hebrew prophets. This
idea is expressed in a peculiar but intelligible manner, all the
prophets from Samuel and those that folloio after. Placmg
Moses by himself as the Prophet by way of eminence, he
sums up all the rest as Samuel and his successors. Samuel is
mentioned (here and in Ps. 99, 6) as the next great prophet
after Moses, the first who remarkably resembled him in per-
sonal character and official position, and whose doiegated
work was to bring back the theocracy, as near as might be,
to the ground where Moses left it, and from which it had de-
clined during the agitated period of the judges and the inter-
rujDtion of prophetic inspiration (1 Sam. 3, 1.) The words
and {froon) those that folloio after seem to express no more
than had been expressed already in the words all the prophets
from (or after) Samuel ; but this redundancy rather makes
the meaning clearer than obscures it.
25. Ye are the children of the prophets, and of the
covenant which God made with our fathers, saying unto
Abraham, And in thy seed shall all the kindreds of the
earth be blessed.
But why should he refer to prophecies so ancient ? What
had the contemporary race to do with the old prophets and
the Abrahamic covenant ? The answer to this question, which
might readily arise in any mind not thoroughly imbued with
the true theocratical spirit, was exceedingly important, to
define the scope of the Old Testament economy, as temporary
m its OAvn duration, but tending to ulterior and general re-
sults. The Apostle teaches them that they (aitd those who
should come after them) were included in the scope of the old
prophecies and the stipulations of the patriarchal covenant.
ACTS 3, 25. 20.^ 121
This is expressed, in a peculiar oriental form, by calling them
the sons of the prophets. This cannot mean literal descend-
ants, which could be true of only some among them, and is
wholly inapplicable to the next phrase, (so7is or children) of the
covenant. The only sense that will apply to both is tliat of a
hereditary interest and intimate relation to the promises and
prophecies. (Compare Matt. 8, 12. Heb. 6, 17. Gal. 3, 29.)
The form of expression may have been suggested by the men-
tion of Samuel, and the historical association between his name
and the prophets over whom he presided (1 Sam. 10, 5. 10), and
who seem to have been afterwards called sons of tlie prophets
(1 Kmgs 20, 35. 2 Kings 2, 3. 4, 1. 5, 22. 6, 1. 9, l), an ex-
pression commionly supposed to denote pupils (whence the com-
mon though not scriptural phrase, " schools of the prophets,")
but admitting also of a very diiterent interpretation, namely,
that of adlierents to the prophets of Jehovah under the schis-
matical kingdom of the ten tribes. With the same essential
meaning, that of intimate relation and hereditary interest, the
Jews whom Peter was addressing might be justly called sons
of the prophets and of the Abrahamic covenant. This wide
scope of the promise he establishes by citing the assurance
three times made to Abraham (Gen. 12, 3. 18, 18. 22, 18), and
repeated successively to Isaac and Jacob (Gen. 26, 4. 28, 14),
that in their seed aU the nations of the earth should be blessed.
The substitution of kmdreds or families for tribes or nations,
has of course no effect upon the sense. As to the seeming in-
consistency of these views with Peter's scruples at a later
period, see above, on 2, 39, and below, on 10, 34. 35.
26. Unto you first God, having raised up his Son
Jesus, sent him to bless you, in turning away every one
of you from his iniquities.
As the large views opened in the foregoing verse might
seem to reach beyond the case of those to whom he now ad-
dressed himself, the Apostle here returns to his immediate
subject, by adding to the certain truth, that the promise was
to all the nations of the earth, the no less certam truth, that
it was first to Israel. The expression is the same that Paul
employs in teaching the same doctrine, to the Jew first and
also to the Greek (Rom. 1, 16. 2, 9. 10.) Raised up is an am-
biguous Greek verb (di/ao-rrjo-as), which sometimes means to
toring into existence, sometimes to raise from the dead. (For
VOL. T. — 6.
122 ACTS 3, 26.
examples of both senses in the same context, see above, on
2, 30-32.) If the former meaning be adopted here, the next
clause {sent him^ etc.) must relate to our Lord's first advent ;
if the latter, to his coming by his Spirit after his ascension.
It is not impossible that here, as in multitudes of other cases,
both ideas were meant to be suggested, but mth difierent
degrees of prominence. (See above, on 2, 33.) The meaning
of the verse will then be, that what God had promised to the
fathers he had performed to the children by the advent,
death, and resurrection of his Son in the form of a servant,
whose original appearance was for their salvation, and al-
though rejected and despised by many, was renewed ui what
they had so lately witnessed, the ofier of forgiveness being
still made on the same conditions to all who would consent
to turn aw^ay from their iniquities. The Vulgate and some
other versions make the verb {aiTO(TTpi<^€Lv) reflexive or m-
transitive, in every o?ie^s turning or converting himself. But
the common version, w^hich makes every one the object, not
the subject of the verb, is simpler and in keeping with the
uniform doctrine of the Scriptures as to God's efficiency in
man's conversion. (For a Hke ambiguity of syntax, see
above, on v. 21, and for the pregnant sense of TratSa, on v. 13.)
This last clause is mtended to preclude the favourite and fatal
Jewish error, that the patriarchal promises and covenants
would be fulfilled to Abraham's descendants, irrespective of
their personal repentance and conversion. If saved at all, it
must be from their sins, not in them. God had sent his Son
to bless them, not by conniving at their guilt or leaving it
unpunished, but by turning every one away ffom his iniqui-
ties. To bless you, literally, blessing you, in the very act of
executing this commission. A comparison of this discourse
with that recorded in the second chapter will disclose that
mixture of variety and sameness, which is the surest test of
authenticity. Had both discourses been identical in sentiment
and structure, or had both been utterly unhke, the case would
have been equally suspicious. But when both agree and
difi'er, just as any speaker may agree and differ with himself
on different occasions ; when we find the same unstudied but
effective rhetoric and logic, the same mode of interpreting
the prophecies, the same mode of appealing to the conscience,
yet without a trace of studied repetition, and with marked
peculiarities of thought and style, distinguishing the tAvo dis-
courses from each other, not as incompatible or uncongenial,
ACTS 3, 26. 123
but as harmonious products of the same mind acting under
varied circumstances and excitements ; the hypothesis of
forgery or fraudulent imitation becomes vastly more incredi-
ble than that of genuineness, oneness, and identity of author-
ship. And this again creates a general presumption in behalf
of Luke's habitual fidelity as a reporter.
CHAPTEK lY.
As the foregoing chapter describes the occasion of the first
assault upon the church fi-om without, so this describes the
assault itself (1-22) with its efiects (23-37.) The discourse of
Peter, occasioned by the healing of the lame man, rouses the
jealous indignation of the Jewish rulers, and especially the
party-spirit of the Sadducees (1, 2), in consequence of which
the two Apostles are imprisoned (3), but a multitude again
embrace the new religion (4.) Being questioned by the San-
hedrim (5-7), Peter ascribes the miracle to Christ (8-10), the
Messiah whom they had rejected, but whom God had exalted
(11) and revealed as the true and only Saviour (12.) Aston-
ished at their boldness (13), and embarrassed by the presence
of the man who had been healed (14), the rulers, in a private
conlerence (15), confess the fact of the miracle (16), but deter-
mine to arrest its effects (IV), by forbidding them to preach
Christ (18.) Peter and John, leaving the rulers to judge
for themselves, announce their own determination to obey God
rather than man (19. 20.) The rulers threaten but dare not
punish them, on account of the jDublicity and popularity of what
had happened (21. 22.) Reporting all this to their brethren
(23), Peter and John unite with them in prayer to Gcd, as the
Creator (24), and as the author of an ancient prophecy (25), in
which the rulers of the earth are represented as arrayed against
the Lord and his Anointed (26), and Avhich they acknowledge
to have been fulfilled by the enemies of Christ (27), who thus
imintentionally executed the divine plan (28.) The petition
of the prayer is, that God would embolden them (29) and
glorify their Master, by continued tokens of his favour and his
presence (30) ; which petition was granted, both by sensible
124 ACTS 4, 1.
signs and spiritual influences (31 .) After this triumphant issue
of the first trial through which the infant church was called to
pass, the historian describes her as still perfectly united and
inspired -svith love (32), sustaiaed by apostolical testimony and
divine grace (33), sharing each others' secular advantages
(34), under the guidance and control of the Apostles (35.)
This general description is exemplified by two particular cases,
one of which illustrates the reality and power of the ruling
principle (36. 37) ; the other, of an opposite description, is
recorded in the following ch-apter.
1. And as tliey spake unto the people, the Priests,
and the Captain of the Temple, and the Sadducees, came
upon them —
It was not to be expected that the freedom of speech exer-
cised by Peter, in addressing the multitude assembled at the
temple, would be sufiered to continue undisturbed by the au-
thorities. Came upon them (iTria-Trjo-av)^ implying sudden
movement or appearance, is a favourite verb of Luke's, occur-
ring only thrice in any other part of the New Testament.
(See below, 6,12. 10,17. 11,11. 12,7. 17,5. 22,13.20. 23,
11. 27. 28, 2, and compare Luke 2, 9. 38. 4, 39. 10, 40. 20, 1.
21, 34. 24, 4.) The 2^f^^ests, i. e. those then on duty in the
temple, who were bound ex officio to prevent all disturbance
m the sacred precincts. This was especially incumbent on a
certain body of Levites, whose commander is called in the
Apocrypha the prefect (Trpoo-TarT^?) of the temple. A similar office
may be traced m the Old Testament. (See Jer. 20, 1. 1 Chron.
9, 11. 2 Chron. 31, 13.) The term used here (o-rpaxTTyos) is a
mihtary one, from which some have inferred, that the person
meant was a Roman officer, the commander of the garrison
stationed in the castle of Antonia, at the northwest corner of
the temple-area. (See below, on 21, 31.) But in the latter
chapters of the book, this officer is repeatedly designated by
another title (xtXtap^os), which is also applied by John (18, 12)
to the leader of the Roman detachment that arrested Jesus.
Nor is it probable that the religious scruples of the Jews,
which were always respected by their conquerors, would have
Buffered a heathen solcher to act as the guardian of their tem-
ple. The application of the title general or captain (arpaT-qyos)
to officers not strictly mihtary is justified, not only by the
{luthority of Josej^lius, who uses it to designate the levitical
ACTS 4, 1. 125
officer described above, but also by classical usage. Having
been extended from the generals, properly so called, to the
ministers of war in Athens, it was afterwards applied to other
pubhc functionaries, and is used by Polybius to describe the
Roman Consuls. As there may have been several such offi-
cers, who served at the temple in turn, there is no need of
putting a different sense on the plural form in Luke 22, 4. 52
Some have attempted to distinguish the several motivos of
the parties joining in this opposition, by supposing that the
officer of the watch objected merely to the breach of order in
the sacred place, the priests to the assumption of the teachers'
office by unauthorized j)ersons (Matt. 21, 23), and the Saddu-
cees to the doctrine taught by the Apostles, as described more
particularly in the next verse. The Sadducees were not
merely a religious sect, but a political party. They differed
from the Pharisees, not only as to certain doctrines and the
obligation of the oral law, but also in their national and patri-
otic feelings, and their greater disposition to assimilate them-
selves to the surrounding nations. The very name Pharisee
most probably means Separatist, not in the modern sense, nor
in allusion to their personal strictness and austerity, but rather
as defining the position which they occupied in reference to
other nations, by insistmg upon every thing peculiar and dis-
tinctive, and affecting even to exaggerate the difference be-
tween the Gentiles and themselves. This, which was at first,
i. e. after the return from exile, and even later, under the first
Maccabees or Hasmonean princes, the true national and theo-
cratical spirit, by degrees became corrupt, by losing sight of
the great end for which the old economy existed, and worship-
ping the Law, with its traditional additions, as a system to be
valued for its own sake, and designed to be perpetual. The
opposition to this great national party arose chiefly from
the Sadducees, a name of doubtful oiigin, but commonly
traced, either to the name of a founder (Zadok), or to a He-
brew word denoting righteous (p*^"^^). At first, they seem to
have objected merely to the narrow nationality of their oppo-
nents, and to have aimed at smoothing down, as far as possi-
ble, the points of difference between Jews and Gentiles, com-
bining the Mosaic faith ^Yith. the Greek philosophy and civili-
ation, and renouncing whatever, in their own manners and
eligion, appeared most offensive or absurd to cultivated Gen-
tiles. But this dangerous process, of assimilation could not be
carried far witho'it rejecting matters more essential ; as we
126 ACTS 4, 1. 2.
find that the Sadducees did, not only with respect to the ora.
law or Pharisaical tradition, but also with respect to several
miportant doctrines, and, as some think, to the greater part
of the Old Testament ; but this point is disputed. The Sad-
ducees here mentioned may have been private individuals, but
were more probably in public office, as we know from other
parts of this same history, that the power was divided between
these two great j^arties. (See below, on 5, IV. 23, 6.)
2. Being grieved that they taught the people, and
preached through Jesus the resurrection from the dead.
This verse assigns the motive for the attack mentioned in
the one preceding. It has been disputed whether two dis
tinct subjects of complamt are here assigned, or only one ; and
also whether the whole verse relates to all the parties named
before, or the first clause to the Priests and the last clause to
the Sadducees. According to the latter view, the Priests
were offended that the Apootles should presume to teach at
all, the Sadducees only that they taught a certain doctrine.
The principal objection to this viev/ of the passage is, that it
assumes an artificial structure of the sentence, and distin-
guishes too narrovvly between the Priests and Sadducees as
independent agents, whereas they may have been to some
extent identical. (See below, on 5, 17.) Being grieved^ or,
as Tyndale has it, talcing it grievously^ though not an incor-
rect, is an madequate version of the Greek word (8ta7rovoi;/>(,ej/ot),
which has the same sense here as in the classics, namely, hard-
worhed^ exhausted by labour, and then, by a natural transition,
wearied, out of patience, from the long continuance or fre-
quent repetition of the cause, whatever it might be. In this
case, they were tired of hearing the Apostles, and resolved
that they should teach no longer. (See below, on 16, 18, and
compare the Septuagint version of Gen. 6, 6. Ecc. 10, 9.) The
people^ i. e. the chosen people, the people of God, as m 2, 47,
3, 9. 11. 12. 23. 4, 1. Yfhat offended them was not the shnple
act of popular instruction, but the assumption of a right to be
masters of Israel (John 3, 10) or the Jewish Church. Breached
is too specific, from its familiar associations, to convey the
exact sense of the Greek verb (KarayyeAAetv), which means
simply to announce or proclaim. Through Jesus seems to
mean that they proclaimed a general resurrection, to be ef-
fected or obtained through him. But this, though true and
ACTS 4, 2. 127
sufficiently taught elsewhere (e. g. 1 Cor. 15, 21. 1 Thess. 4,
14), is not the meaning of the words here used, but rather that
they taught the doctrine of a resurrection, as proved and ex-
em pUfied in that of Christ. So Paul says (1 Cor. 4, 6), "that
ye might learn in us,''^ i. e. by our example. The double article
in Greek, before and after resurrection, has a force entirely
lost in the translation, as implying that the noun is ambiguous,
and that its sense must be determined by what follows. Like
its verbal root (explained above, on 2, 24), it may be appUed
to any rise, or any act of raising ; as it is by Plato to the act
of rising up before one as a token of respect ; by Sophocles to
rising out of sleep ; by Demosthenes to the rebuilding of a
wall. It is true that in the Greek of the New Testament, it
always means the resurrection from the dead ; but it is not
surprising that Luke, who wrote for Gentile readers, should
preclude mistake by this express specification, both here and
in Luke 20, 35, where the use of the article is precisely simi-
lar. As if he had said : ' they taught the doctrine of a rising,
not from sleep, or from a low condition, or the hke, hutfro^n
tJie deacV This last is not an abstract term, as it seems to have
come to be in English, and as Tyndale formally translates it
{death), but strictly means, /rom {among) the dead, from their
society, or from a share in their condition. The very fact
which they proclaimed, to ^Y\t, that Christ had risen from the
dead, was fatal to one favourite dogma of the Sadducees (Matt.
22, 23. Mark 12, 18. Luke 20, 27. Acts 23, 8.) This accounts,
not only for their wrath on this occasion, but for the general
and otherwise inexplicable fact that, while the Pharisees are
most conspicuous and active in the Gospels, as the opponents
of our Lord hunself, the Sadducees became so in the history
before us, as the enemies and pei*secutors of his servants.
They had httle fault to find with the new doctrine, so long as
it denounced the pharisaical traditions and corruptions, but as
soon as the hated doctrine of the resurrection had been prac-
tically verified by that of Christ, they lost all patience with
the men who preached it, and became, for a time at least, the
most mahgnant of their persecutors. (See below, on 5, 17.
23, 6.) Less obvious and certain, although not entirely desti-
tute of truth, is the distinction, made by some, between the
Sadducees as m;^re disposed to quarrel Avith Christ's doctrine,
and the Pharisees with his morahty, especially his treatment
of themselves and then* pretensions.
128 ACTS 4, 3.4.
^ 3. And they laid hands on them, and put (them) m
hold unto the next day ; for it was now eventide.
Their first step was to arrest and imprison the two Apos
ties, not as a punishment, but for safe-kee^nng, which wouiti
not be an erroneous translation of the Greek phrase {eU Trjp-q-
trtv), although most interpreters prefer the local sense oipriso7i^
on account of the parallel expression in 5, 18, where this sense
is supposed to be required by the addition of the epithet com-
mon or public. The English version there has prison^ but
here hold (Wiclif, loard)^ which corresponds almost exactly to
the strict sense of the Greek word. JJ^ito the next day^ or the
m,orrow. The original expression is an adverb (avptov, to-mor-
row) used to quahfy the word day understood. Eventide is a
fine old English word, now obsolete m prose, equivalent to
evening-time. This last clause may imply that it was either
unlawful or unusual, or more probably than either, incon-
venient to assemble the Sanhedrim at night, or on so short a
notice. As they entered the temple at the ninth hour (v. 1),
i. e. about three in the afternoon (see above, on 3, 1), and as
Peter's discourse was probably much longer than the report
of it here given (see above, on 2, 40), it must have been near
evening, hi the strict sense of the term, as denoting dusk or
twilight. There is no need, therefore, of resortmg to its wider
usage, as denoting the vWiole afternoon, or to the Hebrew
reckoning of a double evening (c;';'3-irn) between noon and
night. See Ex. 12, 6. 16, 12. 29,"39.'41. 30, 8. Lev. 23, 5.
Num. 9, 3. 28, 4, m all which places the phrase translated in
the evening or at even^ MteraUy means, between the {two) eve-
nings,
4. Howbeit many of them which heard the word
believed ; and the number of the men was about five
thousand.
The preachers were arrested, but as Paul expresses it,
(2 Tim. 2, 9), the word of God was not bound. Li order to
bring out this antithesis more clearly, the translators have em-
ployed the strong adversative howheit^ i. e. notwithstanding or
in spite of all this, to express the continuative particle (Se),
wliich is not always even rendered hut. (See above, on 1, 7.)
The v:ord is a phrase several times used in this book for the
Gospel, the doctrine of Christ, the new rehgion. (See below
ACTS 4, 4. 129
6,4. 8,4. 11,19, 14,25. 16,6. 17,11.) Still more frequent
are the phrases word of God or of the Lord^ of which this is
an abbreviation, (See below, v. 31. 6, 2. 7. 8, 14. 25. 11, 1.
12,24. 13,5.7.44.40.48.49. 15,35.30. 10,17,13. 18,11. 19,
10. 20.) Other forms, occasionally used in the same sense_
are icord of scdvation (13, 20), word of grace (14, 3. 20, 32),
loordofthe Gos2Jel {15,1.) This sense is perfectly appropri-
ate here, but less specific, and perhaps less natm-al-, than that
of speech, discourse, which also occurs elsewhere. (See below,
6, v>. 14, 12. 20, 7.) The effect here spoken of is not ascribed
to the hearing of the Gospel elscAvhere or before, but to the
hearing of it as it had been now proclaimed by Peter. (See
above, on 2, 41.) Believed, i. e. received it as true, and
trusted in the Saviour whom it offered. This is one of the
standmg scriptural expressions fOr the saving change described
in modern religious phraseology as getting religion, becoming
j)ious, becoming a Christian, or obtaining a hope, with respect
to all which harmless but needless innovations on the primi^
tive church dialect, it may well be said, " the old is better"
(Luke 5, 39.) Two questions have been raised, as to the num-
ber stated in the last clause of the verse. The first is, whether
it includes the three thousand of 2, 41, or is to be added to
that number, making a total of about eight thousand. The
former is more probable, for two reasons ; first, because the
sentence otherwise contains an enfeebling tautology, which
ought not to be assumed without necessity. The first clause
is then unmeaning and superfluous — 'many believed, five
thousand believed ' — whereas, upon the other supposition, the
two clauses are ahke essential to the meaning — ' many were
added upon this occasion, so that the whole amoimted to five
thousand.' Another reason for preferring this construction is
derived from the Greek verb (eyerjy^T^), which does not mean
simply that the number was, but that it became (or came to
'be) five thousand, a distinction often overlooked in the imme-
diate English versions. (See above, on 1, 16. 19.) Those
founded on the Vulgate, such as WicHf 's and the Rhemish,
here as elsewhere, coj^y it almost too closely (factiis est, was
wxide.) There is less force in the argument, which some have
urged, that Solomon's porch (3, 11) could not probably con-
tarn more than five thousand persons. It is equally improba<
ble that it could contain so many, and still more so, that the
crowd was compressed into the porch itself, instead of filling
the vast court into v\'hich it opened. (See above, on 2, 2.)
VOL. I.— 6*
130 ACTS 4, 4.
Another gratuitous assumption in this argument is, that all
the previous converts were still present in Jerusalem and at
the temple, whereas many of the foreign Jews had probably
gone home ; unless we add a third assumption, namely, that
what is here recorded took place immediately after Pentecost,
if not in the evenmg of the day itself. But this, besides being
perfectly gratuitous, and therefore just as easily denied as
affirmed, is hardly consistent with the general description
above given (2, 42-47) of the condition of the church, not
merely on the day of its erection, but from that day onward,
during a time long enough at least for the display of benevo-
lent aifections there described, as well as to justify the use of
the expression that "the Lord added daily to the church"
(2, 47.) A more legitimate though not conclusive argmnent,
additional to those drawn from the language of the verse is,
that if five thousand were converted by this one discourse, its
effect far transcends that of the one at Pentecost, which never-
theless seems to be recorded as a signal and unique result,
intended to do special honour to the organization of the Chris-
tian Church. The second question in relation to this number
is, whether it includes both sexes, or is limited to males. In
favour of the latter supposition is the uniform Greek usage,
in which the generic and specific terms for men (av^pwTrot and
aj/Spes) are seldom interchanged. The absolute force of this
consideration is impaired by the occurrence of exceptions,
some of which are very doubtful, in the Greek of the New
Testament (e. g. Matt. 14,35. Luke 11,31.32. Rom. 4,8.
James 1, 12. 20. 23), as well as in the classics (e. g. m the fa-
vourite Homeric phrase, dvSpwv re ^caiv re, and the no less
favourite Platonic one, ttus dvTJp, in the sense of every one or
every body.) This usage, although rare, is sufficient to destroy
the necessity of holding fast the strict sense here, if exegeti-
cally inconvenient. Of those who so explain it, some under-
stand it as implying what is expressed m Matt. 14, 21, "five thou-
sand men besides women and children'^'' (compare 15, 38), which
would raise the aggregate much higher. Others, with far
less j)robability, assume that the first converts may have been
literally all men in th,:; strict sense, especially if Solomon's
porch, as some allege, was not accessible to female worship-
pers, who were restricted to the Court of the Women, as
they are at this day to the latticed galleries of the syna-
gogues. The ambiguous term souls in 2, 41, and the
explicit ones, both men and wo7nen in 5, 14, have been used
ACTS 4, 4.5. 131
as arguments on both sides of the question ; some alleg-
ing that the very mention of both sexes in the latter case
shows clearly that the verse before us has respect to only one,
while others no less plausibly contend, that the laconic and
ambiguous - expression here must be explained by the une-
quivocal language of the parallel passage. The whole ques-
tion is more curious than important, as we know that there
were multitudes of female converts not long after (5, 14) ;
and even on the lowest computation of the numbers in the
case before us, the increase of the Church Avas wonderfully
great and rapid. The insertion of this parenthetical state-
ment, m a narrative of suifermg and persecution, suggests in
a most striking and exhilarating manner God's sovereign in-
dependence, even of his chosen and most highly honoured
instruments.
5. And it came to pass on the morrow, that their
rulers and elders and scribes —
The sentence is completed in the next verse. The
first phrase {it came to pass), as common in history as the
future (it shall come to 2^cfss) in prophecy (see above, on 2,
17), here indicates the resumption of the main subject, after
the brief digression in v. 4. On (he morrow, a similar ex-
pression to the one in 3, 1, might be rendered towards the
tnorning or the next day, implying that the Sanhedrim sat
very early, but is usually understood as referring merely to
the day and not the hour. Their nders may, without the
least absurdity, refer to the apostles or disciples, who were
still subjects of the Jewish government ; but most interpreters
assume a prolepsis or anticipation of something mentioned
afterwards. But as the Jews are not particularly named there,
it is better to assume a free construction with a reference
to the people generally, or their representatives mentioned
in the first verse. A similar use of the same pronoun
(avToJi/) without an expressed antecedent, occurs in Matt. 4,
23. In the use of the third person {their rulers) some find an
indication, that Luke wrote, in the first instance, not for Jews
but Gentiles. Riders is best explained as a generic term, in-
cluding the two clauses mentioned afterwards, elders and
scribes. These are two of the orders represented in the
national council, which is said to have been composed of
seventy-one persons in imitation, if not in actual continuation,
of the seventy elders who assisted Moses (Num. 11,16.) From
132 ACTS 4, 5.
Synedrion^ the Greek word meaning Session or Consistory
and frequently applied to this later council (v. 15. 5, 21. 27.
34. 41. 5, 12. 15. 22, 30. 23, 1. 6. 15. 20. 23. 28. 24, 20), comes
the Hebrew or Aramaic fomi Scmhedri'm^ by which it is
now usually designated. The High Priest was the President
of this assembly. (See below, on 7, 1. 23, 2.) By elders some
have understood the rulers of the synagogues (Mark 5, 22.
Luke 8, 41, 49. 13, 14. See below, on 13, 15. 18, 8. 17.) But
this was only a later designation, or perhaps a real modifica-
tion, of an older institution, that of the theocratical eldership,
composed of the hereditary chiefs of tribes and heads of
families, the natural as well as legal representatives and
rulers of the people under the patriarchal system, which
seems to have survived all changes in the Hebrew state from
its foundation to its downfall, and may still be traced in other
nations, bemg nothing more than an extension of domestic
government, and therefore scarcely more destructible or
mutable than the family relation upon which it rests. The
elders, who composed a part of this ,great council, sat there
as the proper representatives of Israel, considered as the
church or chosen people. The Scribes of the New Testament
are sometimes said to have been clerks or secretaries to the
magistrates, appointed to assist "them in the administration
of the laws. But this was a Roman custom, rendered neces-
sary by the military profession of most provincial governors ;
v/hereas among the Jews no such necessity existed. The
more common exj^lanation is that they were copyists or tran-
scribers of the law. To this it has been objected, that the
copies of the law in circulation were scarcely numerous
enough to occupy so large a body of Scribes as seems to
have existed in our Saviour's time (Luke 5, 17.) It is also
objected that this theory leaves unexplained the authority
evidently exercised by these men (Matt. 23, 2), which was
far too great to be wielded by mere coppsts, even of the
Scriptures. It is said, in reply, that they were also expound-
ers of the law ; but this (it is alleged) has no necessary con-
nection with the business of transcription. The truth lies,
not between the two contending parties, but on both sides.
The Scribes were copyists, but they were more. They were
official guardians or conservators of the sacred text, in
which work they succeeded Ezra, the first Scribe, in this
sense, upon record. (See Ezra 7, 6. 10. 11. 12. 21. ISTeh. 8, 4.
9. 13. 12, 26.) As he was commissioned to complete the
ACTS 4, 5. 133
canon of the Hebrew Scriptures, so the later Scribes were to
preserve it unimpaired from generation to generation. This
could only be secured by the most scrupulous transcription,
and accordingly the care which has been exercised in this
way by the Jewish Scribes is utterly unparalleled. Even
what seems to be their superstitious and absurd excess is only
the exaggeration and abuse of a most wise precaution. The
severe rules by which new Hebrew manuscripts are still
judged, and even the most beautiful condemned if blemished
by a few mistakes, are relics of an immemorial custom, and
bear witness to the care Avith which the Hebrew text has
been preserved for ages. Thus a transcriber of the law, or
he who officially had charge of its transcription, was some-
thing very different from an ordinary copyist. His work was
not mechanical but critical, analogous to that which now en-
grosses some of the most learned men of modern times. The
qualities required for this work were at the same time quali-
fications for the work of exposition. Thus the Scribes were
naturally the interpreters, as well as the conservators of
•Scripture, and are therefore frequently called laioyers (vo/xtKot),
not in the modern sense of advocates or aids in litigation,
but in that of jurists, men officially employed about the law,
and sometimes doctors (i. e. teachers) of the law, (vo/xoStSao--
KaA-ot), both which expressions, chiefly used by Luke, would
seem to be convertible mth Scribes. (Comj^are Matt. 5, 20.
Mark 2, 16. Luke 5, 30 with Luke 5, 17. 7, 30. 14, 3, and see
below, on 5, 34.) Now as the Jewish state was a theocracy,
in which law and religion were identified, these lawyers and
doctors of the law were at the same time theologians and
religious teachers. That this important office or profession
should be represented in the Sanhedrim, is far less surprising
than that English prelates should be members of the House
of Lords. Such being the office of the Scribes, even on the
supposition that its primary function was the preservation
and perpetuation of the sacred text, there can be no need of
discarding the common derivation of the name, in Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin, from the verb to icrite, in order to derive
it from a noun denoting scripture (">SD, ypa/jt/xara), and so to
make it mean directly scripturist or hiblist, an idea necessarily
suggested by the nature of the office, as we have already
seen, but not necessarily included in the meaning of the name.
These two classes, the elders or hereditary representatives,
and the scribes or spiritual guides of Israel, are here put foJ*
134 ACTS 4, 5.6.
the Sanhedrim, of which they formed a necessary part. The
omission of the priests, as a class, in this description, may be
explained from their having been already mentioned as prime
movers in this whole transaction (v. 1), whose presence there-
fore would be taken for granted as a matter of course ; or from
the fact that many of the Scribes were priests, as the same
essential functions were discharged, in ancient times, by the
sacerdotal tribe of Levi (Deut. 33, 10. 2 Chron. 17, 8. 9),
and Ezra himself was both a Priest and Scribe (Ezra 7,
11.12.)
6. And Annas the High Priest, and Caiaphas, and
John, and Alexander, and as many as were of the kin-
dred of the High Priest, were gathered together at
Jerusalem.
Having described the Sanhedrim in general terms, by
naming two of its constituent orders, Luke mentions sepa-
rately several of its most distinguished members present
upon this occasion, beginning mth the High Priest, as the
President. But a difficulty here arises from the fact, that
Caiai^has, who is knoA^ii, from Josephus as well as from the
Gospels (Matt. 26, 3. 5. John 11, 49. 18, 18. 24), to have been
the actual high priest at this time, is named in the second
place without a title, while his predecessor Annas is named
first, and expressly called High Priest. The confusion, which
undoubtedly exists in relation to this matter, is not the fault
of the historian but of the times, and corresponds exactly to
the actual condition of the Jewish priesthood under the
Roman domination. While the office was continued and
regarded in its true light, as the representative of the the-
ocracy, its authority and sanctity were greatly lessened in
the eyes of all devout Jews, by the arbitrary interference of
the Romans with its constitution and succession. According
to the law, there could be only one High Priest, and he the
hereditary representative of Aaron (Ex. 9, 44.) The office
therefore was for life, and the incumbent immovable by any
but divine authority. To this part of the system, with an
inconsistency not easily accounted for, the Romans seem tc
have paid no respect whatever, but to have deposed and ap-
pointed the High Priest at pleasure, only limiting their
choice, so far as now appears, to the sacerdotal race and
ACTS 4, 6. 135
lineage. Some idea of tne length to which they pushed this
license may be gathered from the fact recorded by Josephus,
that no less than five sons of the Annas here named were
High Priests successively, besides himself and his son-in-law
Caiaphas. In consequence of this usurped authority and
flagrant violation of the Law, there were sometimes several
men living who had been High Priests, a thing unheard of
and impossible in better times. The eflect of this was two-
fold ; first, to weaken and confuse the feeling of allegiance to
these titular heads of the theocracy ; and secondly, to intro-
duce great latitude and looseness in the use of the official
title. Those who still held fast to their integrity as Jews,
could not acknowledge more than one High Priest, or recog-
nize the claims of any man whose predecessor was still living.
Thus he whom a Roman or Herodian called High Priest,
might have no such character in the estimation of a Zealot or
a Pharisee. This state of things may throw some light upon
the passage now before us. Annas, who was probably a man
of energy and talent, had been High Priest, and although
displaced by secular authority, was still the only High Priest
in the eyes of any strict or conscientious Jew. Even if his
first appointment was irregular, he probably had no pre-
decessor living, and being of the sacerdotal race, was the
nearest representative of Aaron. But the title and the actual
authority were now in the possession of his son-in-law Caia-
phas, or, as Josephus calls him, Joseph. By some, the one
would be regarded as the true High Priest, by some the
other, by a third class neither. As the older and most
probably the abler man, as well as the earliest incumbent, and
perhaps the legitimate successor of Aaron, Annas would ne-
cessarily retain a large, if not the largest share of influence,
through all the changes that succeeded his removal, especially
as several of his successors were his own sons, and the one
who held his place at tliis time was his son-in-law. Under
such circumstances, nothing but prejudiced or morbid skepti-
cism can discover inconsistency or error, either in the lan-
guage of this passage, or in Luke's mention of these two men
in his gospel (3, 2) as being both High Priests at once, which,
in the sense above explained, was literally true. John and
Alexander^ from the position here assigned them, were no
doubt well known members of the priestly race. Some have
attempted to identify them with historical persons of that
age ; the first with Johanan Ben Zaccai, mentioned in the
136 ACTS 4, 6. 7.
«
Jewish traditions as an eminent contemporary priest; the
other with a brother of the famous Jewish Avi-iter Philo, who
was Alabarch or chief of the Jews at Alexandria. But no
concKision can be dra^oi from the names, which were both
extremely common ; the Hebrew name Johanan, on accomit
of its meaning {Jehovah favours) ; the Greek name Alex-
ander on account of the kind treatment of the Jews by the
Macedonian conqueror, in consequence of which his name is
said to have been given to all the males, at least of the sacer-
dotal race, who were born during the year, or on the anni-
versary, of his visit to Jerusalem. There can be no doubt,
however, that the persons here meant were well known to
Luke and to many of his early readers. The next clause has
been variously explained, as denoting the chiefs of the twenty-
fOur courses, into which the family cf Aaron was divided ; or
the Hneal descendants of his eldest son ; or the various per-
sons who had filled the office of High Priest. If another
conjecture is worth stating, it may be that the words are
intended to describe the family of Annas, so remarkable as
having furnished half a dozen High Priests without lineal
succession, and therefore worthy to be called that archi-
sacerdotal (or high-priestly) race. This distinction, it is true,
was acquired chiefly after these events, but might be gener-
ally known when Luke recorded them. At Jerusaletn^ ac-
cording to the latest critical editions, iyi (iv) Jerusalem. The
common text has to or into (ets) Jenisalem^ which some ex-
plain as a mere interchange of prepositions, but which rather
implies, that all the members of the Sanhedrim were not
residing, or at least not actually present, in Jerusalem. (See
a similar expression in 1, 12 above.)
7. And when tliey liad set them in the midst,
they asked, By what power, or by what name, have ye
done this ?
After the constitution of the court we have the formal
arraignment of the prisoners. In the midst is by some un-
derstood to mean in the exact centre of the circle, or the
semicircle, in which the members of the Sanhedrim are
represented by tradition as habitually sitting. But it much
more probably has the same sense as m 1, 15 above, where no
Buch formal arrangement can be thought of. The essential
meaning, although ui a loose form, is conveyed by Tyndale's
ACTS 4, ^.8. 137
version, set the others before them. Then follows the judi-
cial interrogation, no doubt conducted by the High Priest,
as in 5, 27, and 7, 1, below. The question is similar to
that put to Christ hunself (Matt. 21, 23), but with a dif-
ference entitled to attention. Instead of asking, as in that
case, by what authority {i^ovo-Lo)^ i. e. moral or legal right,
they ask by what power (8wa/xet), i. e. physical capacity or
force^-and by what name (ovo/xart) they had done this. The
preposition before all these words is in, i. e. in the use or
exercise of what power etc. (See above, on 1, 3.) Name
seems here to have the same sense as in 3, 6. 16, although
some suppose a reference to the magical use of the divine and
other names by the exorcists and enchanters of that day.
(See below, on 19, 13, and compare Matt. 12, 27.) The ques-
tion then implies a suspicion of some occult and forbidden
means in the performance of the miracle ; for to that the pro-
noun this must be referred immediately, if not exclusively.
To refer it, as some do, to the speech of Peter, or as others,
to the speech and miracle together, is less natural. The
question then is, ' in the use of what mysterious power, and
as whose representatives, or by the invocation of whose name,
have you effected this extraordinary cure ? '
8. Then Peter, filled with the Holy Ghost, said
unto them, Ye rulers of the people, and elders of
Israel !
Peter again speaks for hunself and John. This is his fourth
speech recorded in the book before us. (See above, 1, 15. 2,
14. 3, 12.) What Avas before said, as to sameness and variety,
might be here repeated. (See above, on 3, 12.) Filled with
the Holy Ghost, not only by a previous or constant inspira-
tion, but by an iimnediate and peculiar impulse, having
special reference to this occasion. (See above, on 2, 4, and
compare the promise, Mark 13, 11.) Under this influence, he
not only addresses the assembly with respect, but recognizes
its members m their official character and dignity. Rulers
of the people and elders of Israel may be taken as equivalent
descriptions of the whole body, since the rulers of the chosen
people, under the patriarchal system (see above, on v. 5),
were not elective but hereditary magistrates. Or the two
titles may be so distinguished, that the last shall be descrip-
tive of these natural representatives, and the first of persons
138 ACTS 4, 8. 9.
holding ofiice, independently of this hereditaiy rank, or in
addition to it.
9. If we this day be examined of the good deed
(done) to the impotent man, by what (means) he is
made whole —
The sentence is completed in the next verse. This exor
dium, like those of Peter's previous discourses (see above,
on 2, 15. 3, 12), although perfectly unstudied, and suggested
by the circumstances under which he spoke, is, even rhe-
torically, striking and effective. The one before us is distin-
guished from the others by a tone of irony resembling and
perha}:is directly copied from our Lord's memorable saying to
the Jews (John 10, 32), "Many good works have I showed
you from my Father ; for which of those works do ye stone
me ?" If (ei) does not always imply doubt, but is sometimes
equivalent to since^ or, as the Geneva Bible here translates
it, forasmuch as. (See below, on 11, 17, and compare John
7, 4.) In this case, however, it is better to retain the proper
sense, not only on the general prmciple of always giving it
the preference, but because it strengthens the ex^n'ession, l5y
rei:>resenting what was done as something strange and scarcely
credible, as though he had said, 'if it can be true that
you arraign us for this act of kindness.' The Greek vei b
(avaKpLv6/x€'^a) is confined, in the New Testament, to Luke
and Paul, who use it frequently, and ahnost always in the
sense of judicial investigation, literal or figurative. (See
below, on 12, 19. 17, 11. 24, 8. 28, 18, and compare Luke 23,
14. 1 Cor. 2, 14. 15. 4, 3. 4. 9, 3. 14, 24.) As it implies accu-
sation and authority, examiiied is too weak here, unless un-
derstood to mean called in question, called to account, re-
quired to explain and justify one's conduct. The cognate
noun (dva/cpto-is) is used in like manner. (See below, on 25,
26.) This day^ to-day^ adds point and force to the hypo-
thetical expression if etc. ' Have we lived to see the clay
when men are called in question for their good deeds ? ' The
effect is further heightened by the Greek noun (cuepyeo-ta),
which, both in etymology and usage, has the general sense
of good conduct or behaviour, and the specific one of active
kindness or beneficence. The English versions are weakened
by the needless introduction of the definite article, " the good
deed done to t?ie impotent man," instead of " a good deed
ACTS 4, 9. 10. 139
done to an impotent man," which is the form of the original.
Another less gratuitous departure from that form is the in-
sertion of the participle done^ to represent a simple genitive
construction (cuepyco-ta dv-^pwTrot;), which could not have been
retained in our idiom, but might have been more closely-
copied by simply substituting to for of. A third addition in
the version, of which the English reader has no intimation,
is that of the word means ^ which may be justified by the
analogy of Matt. 5, 13, where the same phrase {kv tlvl), al-
though not so translated, must be so understood. But the
context here rather favours the translation in whonij i. e. in
whose name, as in vs. V and 10. (For a similar construction
of the preposition in a similar connection, compare Luke 11,
19.) Impotent., or more exactly, weak., infirm. Is made
whole., literally, has heen saved., which, in its widest sense,
means saved from all evil, natural and moral (see below, on
V. 12), but is sometimes used specifically to denote deliver-
ance from bodily suflerings considered as efiects of sin. (See
Matt. 9, 21. 22. 27, 42. Mark 5, 23. 6, 56. 10, 52. Luke 8, 36.
50. IV, 19. 18, 42. John 11, 12.) In many of these places
our translators use the verb to heal or make whole ; whereas
Wiclif even here translates m,ade safe.
10. Be it known unto you all, and to all the peo-
ple of Israel, that by the name of Jesus Christ of
Nazareth, whom ye crucified, whom God raised from
the dead, (even) by him doth this man stand here
before you whole.
The exordium or preamble, which may almost be de-
scribed as sarcastic or ironical in tone, is followed by a formal
and most solemn answer to the question of the Sanliedrim,
addressed not merely to themselves, but through them to the
people of Israel, the chosen peoi^le, whom they represented.
This implies that the fact declared was one of national con-
cern, and less directly that the crime of crucifying Christ
was that of Israel as a nation. The formula, he it knoion.,
occurs repeatedly in this book. (See above, on 2, 14. 36, and
below, on 13, 38. 28, 28.) The Greek adjective (yvworToV) is
one of Luke's favourite expressions, being used only thrice in
other parts of the New Testament. If we (^^tels) in v. 9 is
emphatic, as it is in v. 20, there may be the same antithesis
140 ACTS 4, 10.
in this case as in that. ' If we must listen to your questioni
and reproofs in relation to this good deed, you must listen in
your turn to us. Be it known, etc.' By the name^^ literally,
in the name^ as in the question of the Sanhedrim. (See
above, on v. 7.) The accumulation of descriptive terms in
this verse is remarkable. Jesus (the Saviour), Christ (the
Messiah), the Nazarene (as such an object of contempt, but
-a subject of prophecy), the Crucified (by the hands of men),
the Kisen (or raised by the power of God.) The same con-
trast between Christ's treatment at the hands of God and
man, is here presented as in both the previous discourses.
(See above, on 2, 23. 24. 3, 14. 15.) The design, in all three
cases, is to bring this great personal and public crime home
to the consciences of those who heard him. The even^ sup-
plied in the beginning of the last clause, is mtended to iden-
tify the subject of the sentence, still more clearly than it is
in Greek by the repetition of the particle. By him^ literally,
in this^ which may be referred directly to the person of the
Saviour, or still more naturally to his name, which makes the
parallelism of the clauses more exact. In what name ? . . . ,
in the name of Jesus . , . . in this {7iame) etc. So much is
comprehended in the name, as here used (see above, on 3,
16), that nothing is lost, but something gained, by this con-
struction. Here^ though not expressed in the original, is no
gratuitous addition, being really included in the verb (vrap-
€<Trr)Kcv), which means to stand by or 7iear. (See above, on 1,
10.) The same idea is expressed by the addition of the
words before you, in your sight, in which he appeals to their
own senses as eye-witnesses. From this we learn that the
man who had been healed was also present, either of his own
accord as a spectator, or cited by the council as a vvitness, or
as a prisoner with the two apostles. W7wle, not only as
opposed to mutilation or the loss of limbs, but in the sense
of sound or healthy. If the question of the Sanhedrim (v.
7) contains, as some suppose, a tacit reference to the law in
Deut. 18, 19-22, where so much is said of speaking m the
name of God, as opposed to that of other gods, it is remark-
able that Peter, in reply, speaks only i?i the name of JesuSy
which was either a direct violation of that law, or an indirect
assertion of the deity of Christ. It is highly probable indeed
that the continual reiteration of this phrase by the Apostles
has some reference to its emphatic repetition in the passage of
the law just cited. An old Greek manuscript, supposed to
ACTS 4, 10. 11. 141
have been used by the Venerable Bede, and now deposited
at Oxford, adds, and in no other.
11. This is the stone which was set at nought of
you builders, wliich is become the head of the corner.
There being no formal reference to scripture here, as there
is in several previous cases, some have supposed the words
here quoted to be merely a proverbial expression of the fact
that what men slight and overlook is often afterwards exalted.
But although the sajdng may have been proverbial likewise,
yet since Christ himself had quoted the same words as "wi'it-
ten" (Luke 20, I'Z), and as something which his hearers must
have " read in the scriptures" (Malt. 21, 42), and since they
are still extant in the Book of Psahns (118, 22^, there can be
no doubt that this is a sixth (if not a seventh) prophecy, ex-
pounded and applied by Peter since the opening of this his-
tory. (See above, on 1, 16. 20. 2, 16. 25. 34. 3, 22.) The form
is substantially that of the Septuagint version, but with the
substitution of the stronger term (e^oD-^evr/^ets), nullified^ made
nothing of, treated as nothing, for the more exact but weaker
one ((XTreSoKt/xaa-av) rejected or repudiated. Tyndale adapts it
to the figure of a building by translatmg cast aside. The idea
no doubt is that of a stone thrown aside as worthless or unfit
by the builders of a house, but afterwards selected as the
head (not the top-stone, but the chief foundation) of the corner^
where the strength of the structure is supposed to reside lq
the juncture of the walls. Its appropriateness to Christ has
never been denied, but only its original reference to him as
its munediate subject. Besides those who find here another
case of mere accommodation (see above, on 1, 20), some who
grant the correctness of the application, grant it only in a
typical or secondary sense, while others make the whole
psalm a direct and exclusive prophecy of Christ. Interme-
diate between these two, but nearer to the first, is the hypo-
thesis, that this psalm was fii'st sung at the laying of the
corner-stone of Zerubbabel's temple, as described in the third
chapter of Ezra; that the immediate reference is to that
structure, which however was itself a type, not only of the
church or chosen people, in whom God resided, but of Christ,
in whom he was to dwell in a far higher and yet stricter sense,
and by whose advent the material temple would be super-
seded. This symbolical relation of the ancient sanctuary to
142 ACTS 4, 11.
the person of our Lord is not an exegetical expedient for the
explanation of this passage, but the only hypothesis by which
that feature of the ceremonial law can be accounted for, or
Christ's own language on the subject vindicated from the
charge of fanciful caprice. It was because the tabernacle and
temple were designed to teach the doctrine of divine indwell-
ing, by giving God a home among his people, similar to theirs,
until he should take up his permanent abode in human nature
by the incarnation of his Son ; it was only for this reason, and
on these conditions, that the Son himself, without a mere
play upon words, or an evasion utterly unworthy of him,
could say, " Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise
it up," when in fact he only '' spake of the temple of his body "
(John 2, 19-21.) Since then the temple was intended to pre-
figure Christ, there can be nothing fanciful or forced in ap-
plying what was said, in the first instance, of that temple to
" the temple of his body " or his theanthropic person. That
such an application was not altogethei- novel, vre may learn
from the hosannas of the multitude in honour of our Saviour's
Messianic entrance to the Holy City (Matt. 21, 8. 9. Mark 11,
8-10. Luke 19, 36-38) ; the expressions there used being
taken from this very Psalm (118, 26), which must there-
fore have been commonly regarded as in some sense a Mes-
sianic prophecy. The very word Hosanna is the Save now
(or I pray) of Ps. 118, 25, almost as nearly as the Hebrew words
could be expressed by the Greek alphabet. There is peculiar
beauty in the application made by Peter, since it raises the
image of Messiah's kingdom, as a palace or a temple still un-
finished, and the very men whom he addresses as the regu-
larly constituted builders {you builders^ more exactly, you the
builder s) who, with fatal blindness, had rejected the chief cor-
ner-stone of the whole structure, and were now confounded
because God, in spite of them, had set it in its proper place.
It would be hard to frame a figurative exhibition of these
great events, more striking in itself or more appropriate to
those whom the Apostle was addressing, than the one fur-
nished ready to his hand in the Old Testament, and already
used for the same purpose by his Lord and Master. The same
application is implied in Paul's description of the church, or
the body of believers, as " built upon the foundation of the
apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief
corner-stone" (Eph. 2, 20.) A kmdred prophecy, referring
more exclusively to the Messiah, is that in Isai. 28, 16, twice
ACTS 4, 11. 12. U3
explicitly applied to Christ by Paul (Rom. 9, 33. 10, 11), and
once by Peter in his first epistle (2, 6.) In reference to both
these passages it might be said, as Peter here says with respect
to one of them, " this is the stone," i. e. ' this man, whom you
crucified but God raised from the dead, is the very stone, of
which you have so often read or heard in your own scriptures,
as a stone rejected by the builders, but replaced by God him-
self at the foundation of his spiritual temple, i. e. of his church
or kingdom.'
12. Neither is there salvation in any other, for there
is none other name under heaven, given among men,
whereby we must be saved.
The Apostle, here as elsewhere, brings his reasonings and
expositions to a practical conclusion. (See above, on 2, 38-40.
3, 26.) He gives them solemnly to understand, that the mis-
take which they, as builders of the temple, had committed,
was not merely theoretical or exegetical, but practical and,
if persevered in, fatal, to themselves and others. He reminds
them that the character ascribed to the Messiah was not
merely one of dignity and honour to himself, but of vital in-
terest to others also. The system, of which he was the cor-
ner-stone, was a system of salvation, and the only one which
God had sanctioned or revealed. Name is here used in allu-
sion to its frequent repetition in the foregoing context, and
of course with the same latitude of meaning. No other per-
son, no other authority, no other invocation, etc. may be all
included. Tinder heaven^ i. e. in the world, or on the earth.
(See above, on 2, 5.) Given^ i. e. by authority, bestowed by
God, from whom all saving methods must of course proceed.
Amo7ig men is not simply to men^ as the objects of the favour,
but among them, with a reference to its diffusion. ' No other
method of salvation has been made known and diffused among
mankind by God's authority.' Whereby^ or more exactly,
wherein^ in tchich^ not only by it as the means, but in the
possession, use, and application of it. (See above, on v. 7.)
Must he saved^ not only may, as a matter of option or of right,
but must, as a matter of necessity, if saved at all. This text
is often weakened in quotation by the change of must to may
or can. Because the verb saved is applied in the original of
V. 9 to corporeal healing, some insist upon the same interpre-
tation here, as if Peter meant to say that there was no other
144 ACTS 4, 12. 13.
name, the invocation of which could eifect a miraculous cure.
But ai3art from the unworthiness and incongruity of this in-
terpretation in itself considered, and the absence of all usage
or analogy to recommend it, an argument against it may be
drawn from the obvious parallelism or correspondence of the
verb to he saved and the noun salvation^ which is never, in
the Greek of the New Testament, applied to the healing of
disease, whereas it is the standmg, not to say, the technical
expression for the whole remedial work, vv^hich the Messiah
was expected to accomplish, and of which his personal name
{Jesus) was significant (Matt. 1,21), the great salvation (Heb.
2, 3), which was to go forth from the Jews (John 4, 22), and
which the Apostles preached to Jews and Gentiles (13, 26.
47), the greatest gift of God to man, and so described both
here and elsewhere (Isai. 9, 6. 2 Cor. 9, 15. Eph. 1, 22. 2 Tun.
1, 9.) This salvation, although something infinitely more than
bodily relief or heahng, comprehends it, as the whole includes
the smallest of its parts, and as the least cflect must cease
with the cessation of its cause. Even on earth, especially
when Christ was personally present, the restoration of health
w^as often but the outv/ard and accompanying sign of spiritual
healing, or at least the type and pledge to others of a blessing
not immediately experienced. And in the case of all who
shall be ultimately saved, the lower sense of this expression
will be certainly included in the higher, not by an arbitrary
constitution, but by a natural and rational necessity. " The
inhabitant shall not say, I am sick, (because) the people that
dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity." (Isaiah 83, 24.
See also Rev. 21, 3. 4.)
13. Now when they saw the boldness of Peter and
John, and perceived that they were unlearned and ig-
norant men, they marvelled, and they took knowledge
of them, that they had been with Jesus.
Nov) is not an adverb of time, but a continuative particle
(Se), which might as well be rendered and or but. (See above,
on v. 4.) It is remarkable that, although the effect of this
discourse is here distinctly stated, as in the case of Peter's
Pentecostal sermon (2, 37), the effect itself was altogether dif-
ferent. We read here of no compunction or alarni, no inquiry
what they must do, and therefore no additional instructions
ACTS 4, 12. 145
as to that point. The only hnpression here described is that
of wonder and perplexity. Looking at these two cases by
themselves, we might be led to the conclusion, that the Gospel
prevailed only in the humbler classes, and that the rulers
were beyond its reach. Such a distinction seems in Ihct to
have been made by the leading enemies of Christ themselves.
" Have any of the rulers {apxovTojv) or of the Pharisees believed
on him ? As for this rabble (o'xAos), who know not tlie law,
they are accursed " (John 7, 48. 49.) But this proud boast,
if not false when originally uttered, was afterwards falsilied
by the event. It would even seem that this relation of the
rulers and the rabble was reversed ; for we read in the same
Gospel (12,37.42), that "although he had done so many
miracles before them, they (the o'xAos of v. 34) believed not in
him nevertheless even of the rulers {Koi ck twv
apxovTiov) many believed on him, but because of the Pharisees
did not confess him, lest they should be put out of the syna-
gogue." Of this class some, we know, did afterwards confess
him, such as Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea (John 19,
38. 39), and the same Vv'as probably the case with others.
Whether these were present on the occasion now before us,
we have no means of deterimning. It is most probable that
thay were not, since no dissent or opposition is recorded, as
in John 7, 50. 51 ; but even if they were, being already con-
verts, they had no cause for compunction, and the rest re-
mained insensible, not because they were Pharisees or rulers,
but because they were abandoned to themselves, by that mys-
terious but not unjust discrimination, which may still be
traced in the dissimilar effects produced by the same truth,
from the lips of the same preachers, upon different companies
or individuals. The verb translated saw, though not the same
with that in 1, 11, has much of the same force, denoting not
mere sight but contemplation, the act of viewing as a specta-
cle or show. The idea is, not simply that they saw the bold-
ness of the two Apostles, but that they surveyed it for some
time before they could account for it. One of the latest
"WT-iters on this passage understands it as ascribing their won-
der to the boldness of these men who had so lately left their
master and been scattered (Matt. 26, bQ. Mark 14, 50.^ But
this puts too confined a sense upon the word (Trappryo-iai/) trans-
lated boldness, which signifies not merely, nor accordmg to its
derivation mainly, bravery or courage, but freedom and readi-
ness of speech, as opposed to hesitation and reserve, no less
VOL. I. — 7.
146 ACTS 4, 13.
than to timidity or cowardice. See above, on 2, 29, and be-
low, on vs. 29. 31. 28, 31. With respect to the joint mention
of the two Apostles, as concurring in the words and deeds re-
corded, see above, on 3, 4. 11. There is, however, a distinction
in the Greek, which is entkely lost upon the Enghsh reader.
Not only is the name of John postponed to that of Peter, but
also to the noun which governs it. The nearest English imi-
tation would be, seeing Peter'^s boldness and Johii's. Per-
ceived^ or more exactly, axjprehending^ the latin etymology of
which corresponds to that of the expression here used (KaraXa-
ySd/zcvot), i. e. forming a conception of something not known or
correctly understood before. Some understand it to mean
having learned (or ascertained) by information from others ;
but it rather signifies perceiving, apprehending, from their own
observation of the prisoners' appearance, language, and de-
portment. Unlearned^ or, adhering more closely to the form
of the original (dypa/x/xaToi), illiterate^ unlettered. It does not
necessarily imply gross ignorance, or inability to read, since
the Greek root (ypa/x/Aara) means something more than letters
in the lower sense of alphabetical characters, namely, letters
in the higher sense of learning, literature, education. Among
the Jews it had particular reference to scriptural or sacred
learning, as the only kind much cultivated by them, so that
the adjective here used is virtually the negative or opposite
of the noun (ypaja/xarevs) translated scribe (see above, on v. 5),
and means without scholastic or rabbinical training. Igno-
rant seems simply an equivalent expression, but the Greek
word (iSicoTat) has a different derivation and a marked signifi-
cancy of its own. Its primary sense is that of p^'ivate persons.,
as opposed to kings by Homer, to rulers by Herodotus, to
military officers by Xenophon, and to the state or body politic
by Thucydides. A secondary sense is that of one without
official or professional knowledge, in which sense Thucydides
opposes it to the physician, and Plato to the poet and musi-
cian. This approaches very nearly to the wider use of our
word layman., which is perfectly consistent with its derivation
(from \a6<i, people)., its specific opposition to the clergy (kA^pos;
see above, on 1, 17) being merely conventional and matter of
usage. Accordingly the oldest English versions, made di-
rectly from the Greek, translate the phrase, unlearned men
and lay people (Tyndale), xmlearned and lay men (Cranmer.)
The same is probably the sense of Wiclif 's version, imlettered
and levxl men., the bad moral sense of lev^d belonging to a
ACTS 4, 13. ' 147
later usage. By a further change the Greek word (tStwrr;?)
came to have the general sense of ignorant, uneducated. If
this wide meaning be preferred here, the two epithets are
nearly synonymous, as in the Geneva version, unlearned men
and without knowledge. (Comj^are 2 Cor. 11,6, where iSio>
Ti^s TO) Aoyw is translated rude in speech^ the very phrase which
Shakspeare puts into the mouth of his Othello, " Rude am I
in speech, etc.") From the sense of ignorant arises, by a
natural association, that of imbecile or foolish, which belongs
however only to the modern derivative form {idiot or ideot)^
and not at all to the original Greek usage ; so that Matthew
Henry undesignedly misleads the English reader when he
says, " they were idiots (so the word signifies) ; they looked
upon them with as much contempt as if they had been mere
naturals^ and expected no more from them, which made them
wonder to see what freedom they took." This is a gross ex-
aggeration of the feeling here imputed to the rulers, and one
founded solely on the version ; for " so the word signifies" only
in the modern tongues. Even the milder and better authen-
ticated sense of ignorant is not entitled to the preference in
this case, on accbunt of the tautology which it produces, and
because, according to a recognized hermeneutical principle,
the presumption is always in favour of the primary or strict
sense, in the absence of specific reasons for departing from it.
The best sense, therefore, of the whole descriptive phrase is
that of uneducated men and private individuals or laymen,
with an implication of obscurity and want of experience as
public speakers. (The Rhemish version has uiileltered men
and of the vulgar sort.) Marvelled^ wondered, were aston-
ished and unable to account for what they saw. (See above,
on 2, 7, where the same verb is used, both in Greek and Eng-
lish.) Took knoioledge of is an unusual expression, here em-
ployed to represent a Greek verb (eTrcyiVwo-Kov), which, though
sometimes only an mtensive, meaning to know fully (Luke 1,
4. 1 Cor. 14, 37. 2 Pet. 2, 21), or to receive mformation
(Luke 7, 37. 23, 7), is also used in the New Testament (e. g.
Matt. 14, 35. 17, 12. Mark 6, 33. 54. Luke 24, 16. 31), as well
as by the best Greek writers, in the specific sense of recog-
nizing, knowing again, a thing or person known before. (See
above, on 3, 10.) The choice Ues here between this sense and
that of learning, ascertaining, from others ; but as no such
source of information is referred to in the text or context, the
former meaning seems entitled to the preference. 'They
148 ACTS 4, 13. 14.
recognized them as men whom they had seen with Jesus.*
There is no improbability in this, since rulers are particularly
mentioned m some cases as attending on our Lord's instruc-
tions. (See Matt. 21,23. Luke 18,18. John 12,42.) It is
not, however, necessary to restrict the recognition here de-
scribed to recollection of their persons. It is equally natural,
and may be more so, to explain it of an inference drawn from
the matter or the manner of their preaching, as sufficient to
show that they had kej)t the company of Jesus. The pluper-
fect form, they had been^ is substantially correct, though not
an exact copy of the Greek, which strictly means, they were^
i. e. they were (once) with Jesus as companions, or were (still)
with Jesus as disciples or adherents ; most probably the for-
mer, the idea of discipleship or partisan attachment being
rather implied than expressed, both here and in Mark 14, G.
There still remains a question of some moment Avitli respect
to the connection of the clauses. Some understand this last
clause as a part of what they wondered at, or as their reason
for considering them ignorant unlearned men. ' They mar-
velled at their readiness of sj^eech, recognizing them as former
associates of Jesus, and therefore of course ignorant and com-
mon men.' But this construction is at variance with the natu-
ral consecution of the sentence, which first describes the
Sanhedrmi as struck wi):h the Apostles' freedom of speech,
then as noting or observing their illiterate and low condition,
and finally as recognizmg or recalling their connection with
Jesus. The only natural interpretation of this last particular
is that which understands it, not as a reason for their w^onder
but a remedy, the means by which they finally accounted for
what seemed to them at first so unaccountable. While the
form and manner of the men's discourse betrayed their want
of education, and especially of rabbinical training, its substance
and its spirit seemed to indicate a higher source, and this
could be found only in their intercourse with Jesus, whose ex-
traordinary T/isdom and authority in teaching could not be
disputed, even by his enemies. (See Matt. 7, 29. 22, 16. Mark
1,22. 12,14.32. John 7, 15.46.) The peculiar copulative
(re), which some would render, they both marvelled and took
knowledge (see above, on^ 1, 1. 13), is compatible with both
constructions, and cannot therefore help us to decide between
them.
14. And beliolding the man which was healed
ACTS 4, 14. 14g
standing witli them, tliey could say nothing against
(it).
This verse describes the embarrassing position of the San-
hedrim, produced not merely by the eloquence or reasoning
of the Apostles, but by the miracle, which served, as a divine
attestation to the truth of their pretensions and their doc-
trines. This they would gladly have denied or called in ques-
tion ; but how could they, with the man himself before their
eyes, perhaps brought thither by themselves as a prisoner or
a witness? (See above, on v. 10.) The man lohich icas
healed, in Greek, the healed {man.) The word standing seems
to be emphatic. It was not his simply being iclth them, in
their company, that silenced these grave rulers, but his stand-
ing there, erect like other men, a sight which every moment
must recall to mind the miracle just v/rought. A beautiful
parallel has been cited from the Gospel History (Mark 5, 15),
where the same stress may be laid upon the act of sitting,
i. e. sitting in an orderly and decent manner, or sitting at all,
instead of roving and raving, as a proof that the maniac had
been suddenly restored to reason. Coidd say nothing against
(it) is a free translation, in which the last word, although not
so distinguished in the English Bible, is supplied, in order to
complete the construction, but without a grammatical ante-
cedent. The literal version is, theg had nothing to feply,
or still more closely, to say hack, in the v/ay of contradiction
or denial. That the verb to have ever m.eans to he able, is a
common but precarious assertion, insufficiently supported by
such passages as Matt. 18, 25, where the strict sense* is
properly retained in our translation, and Mark 14, 8, where
the exact sense is, what she had she did, meaning no doubt
what she had at her command or in her power ; but thi?
ellipsis does not change the meaning of the verb itself. The
other verb is common in the classics, although rare in the
New Testament. The only other instance of its use is in a
promise of our Lord, which may be said to have received its
first fulfihnent in the case before us. " Settle it therefore in
your hearts (i. e. when delivered into synagogues and prisons,
and brought before kings and rulers for his name's sake) not
to meditate before what ye shall say in your defence (d7roAoy?y-
^rjvai) ; for I will give you a mouth and wisdom, which all
your adversaries shall not be able to gainsay {avTUTrelv) or
withstand." (Luke 21, 14. 15.)
150 AC TS 4, 15. 16.
15. But when tliey had commanded them to gc
aside out of the council, they conferred among them-
selves.
Unwilling to commit themselves by rash concessions in the
presence of the prisoners, they first confer among themselves,
resjjecting what they are to say and do. £ut^ and, or so then.
(See above, on v. 13.) Tf^e^z they had commanded is a
periphrastic version of the participle, having commanded.
To go aside^ or more exactly, to icithdraw or go away
{airck^eiv). The exclusion of the prisoners was not an act of
violence, or even of contempt, but like that of ambassadors
from the Greek assembhes after they had spoken, a custom
often mentioned by Thucydides, and not without its counter-
parts in modern usage, as for mstance in the practice of courts
martial and the trial of impeachments. Conferred or as the
Greek word threio (or laid) together^ i. e. compared opinions
on a given subject. Among themselves^ literally, to each
other.
16. Saying, What shall we do to these men ? For
that indeed a notable miracle hath been done by them,
is manifest to all them that dwell in Jerusalem, and we
cannot deny (it.)
We have here, not the very words of any individual, but
the sum and substance of what all said. (See above, on 2, V.)
The question has been idly raised, how Luke became acquaint-
ed with these secret consultations. To the obvious answer,
that he wrote by inspiration, it has been objected, not without
some truth, that mspiration was intended to supply the de-
ficiencies of knowledge otherwise obtained, but not gratui-
tously to replace it. What wrs known, however, from other
sources, if incorporated in a revelation by divine command,
has all tlie authority of an original divine suggestion. There
is no need therefore of attempting to discriminate between
these elements of revelation. If Luke had human sources of
intelligence, he doubtless drew upon them, by divine permis-
sion or command ; but if he had not, this- is so far from im
pairing the credit of his narrative, that on the contrary, it
adds to it, by making the divine authentication of his state-
ments more exclusive and direct. To the unbeliever in hia
ACTS 4, 16. 17. 151
inspiration, it may be a question of some interest and moment,
whether he was personally present upon this occasion, or re-
ceived his information, viva voce or in writing, from converted
priests or rulers who were members of the Council. But to
those whose judgments are convinced and satisfied by over-
whelmuig evidence, that this whole history is more than a
mere human composition, these inquiries must be matters of
comparative indifference, because neither needing flor admit-
ting of a certain answer. The form of the question in the
first clause is precisely similar to that in 2, 37, that is accord-
ing to the common text, for several of the oldest manuscripts,
instead of shall we do (Troirjo-oixev,) read mai/ or ca7i we do
(ttoitJo-co/xo/), both here and in 2, 37 above. Indeed, not in
fact, 171 truth, or really (see below, on v. 27), but simply the
continuative particle (fteV), usually answering to hut (Se), and
really without an equivalent in our idiom. (See above, on 1,
3, where it is translated truly)) Notable is not a happy ver-
sion, either here or in 2, 20, where it answers to a Greek
word altogether different in form and meaning. The expres-
sion here used (and explained above, on v. 10) strictly means
well known, familiar, and implies unquestionable certainty ; a
miracle knovyn to have been wrought, and therefore unde-
niable. The other adjective means nearly the same thing,
namely, manifest or evident, but instead of bemg applied to
the miracle itself, is applied to the fact of its occurrence, as
something visible and clear to all Jerusalem. The word here
put for miracle is that which strictly means a sign or proof
of something else. (See above72, 19. 22.) This is therefore
a concession, not only of the fact, but of its logical conse-
quences and results. This nice distinction is observed in the
Rhemish version {a notorious sign.) Them that dwell in,
literally, those inhabiting. (See above, on 2, 5.) Ca7i is not
a mere auxiliary, but an independent verb, we are not able.
It is again supplied, as in v. 14, but its antecedent is in this
case obvious, to mt, sign (or miracle) immediately preceding.
17. But, that it spread no further among the peo-
ple, let us straitly threaten them, that they speak hence-
forth to no man in this name.
This verse records the poor expedient, to which they were
reduced in their perplexity. The words are still those of the
Sanhedrim in private consultation. The word translated but
152 ACTS 4, 17.
is not the copulative particle (Se) so rendered in v. 15, but
the proper adversative (dAXa), corresponding to the previous
concession. ' ThougJi the miracle is perfectly notorious, and
it Avere foUy to deny it, yet let us do what we can to hinder
its effect.' Sjyi'ead no further^ (literally, inore^ or to a greater
degree) is commonly explained, as in the Vulgate {ne divul-
getur)^ of the miracle, 'that it may be no further known or
heard of.' To this, though perhaps the obvious construction,
there are grave objections. In the first place, what could
they have gained by the s-uppression, in the country or the
provmces, of what was already known to "all inhabiting
Jerusalem ? " If it be true that Paris is France, how much
more true was it that Jerusalem was Jewry, as being not
merely its political centre, but the seat of the theocracy, the
chosen and exclusive sphere of the ceremonial law, in whicn
alone its most important rites could be performed, and from
w^hich, as the heart of the whole system, vital influences not
only did but were mtended to go forth to the extremities.
K the fact in question was notorious in Jerusalem, to foreign
no less than to native residents, it mattered little whether it
sprciid further in Judea and Samaria and Gralilee or not. But
even if it had been never so desirable to check the spread of
this report, how could it be accomplished ? And especially,
how could it be accomplished by the means here proposed,
i. e. by threats and prohibitions, not to state this fact, but to
speak in this name, i. e. to preach Christ ? The entire
irrelevance and insufficiency of this expedient to prevent al]
further knowledge of the miracle, evinces that the end Avhich
they proposed to gain was something else ; and as the end
may be determined by the means, it seems to follow that,
unless they were berelt of reason, their forbidding them to
speak in Christ's name was intended, not to stop the news of
Avhat had lately happened, but to stop the progress of the new
religion. The grammatical objection to this explanation, that
the nearest antecedent is not doctrine but miracle^ is very
feeble, as the tacit change of subject in successive sentences
is one of the most natural and common licenses in any lan-
guage, and particularly frequent in the Scriptures. An ex-
ample is afforded by this very context, vs. 10, 11, where a
rigid application of the rule contended for would make the
corner-stone to be not Christ but the recovered cripple!
The force of this objection may be further weakened by
observing that the miracle is called a sig7i^ i. e. a proof or
ACTS 4, 11. 18. 153
attestation of the truth of the new doctrine. There is there*
fore scarcely even a grammatical irregularity in making
the new doctrine itself the subject of the verse before
us. As a positive argument in favour of this view, it may
be stated that the primitive form (i/e/xoo) of the Greek verb
(SLaveixrj^rj) rendered spread, was familiarly applied to the
eating of a cancer or malignant sore, and that Paul uses the
derivative noun {vofxrjv) as a figure for doctrinal and moral
corruption (2 Tim. 2, 17.) What could be more natural than
such a figure, as applied to the new doctrine by its virulent
opposers ? This explanation agrees well too with the phrase
among tliepeojjle, or more accurately, into the people ; 'lest
it eat into the body of the church or chosen people, as a gan-
grenous ulcer.' JStraitly threaten, literally, threaten with a
threatening, which is often represented as a peculiar Hebrew
idiom, although examples may be found in every language.
Some of the oldest manuscripts and latest editors omit the
noun ; but Luke employs a similar combination elsewhere
(Luke 22, 15.) The double negative in Greek {rio more to
speak to no mari) does not cancel the negation as in Latin,
but enforces it. Threaten them that they speah (or more ex-
actly, to speali) is a pregnant phrase meaning to forbid with
threats, as the means employed to make the prohibition
eifectual. In this oiame is not the phrase so rendered in v.
10, and in 3, 6 above, and meaning by the authority, or as the
representative, but that employed in 2, 38 above, and strictly
meaning either for or on the name, i. e. for its sake, or in re-
liance on it. Some suppose the omission of the name itself
to be either superstitious or contemptuous ; but see the next
verse.
18. And tliey called them, and commanded them
not to speak at all nor teach in the name of Jesus.
We have here the execution of the plan proposed in the
preceding verse. It is remarkable how frequently the par-
ticipial construction is resolved by our translators hito finite
tenses, as if foreign from our idiom, although to modern ears
there is nothing offensive in the literal translation, having
called them they commanded. (The second them is omitted
by the latest critics, as not found in the oldest manuscripts and
versions.) Commanded, peremptorily required or ordered.
(See above, on 1, 4, where the same verb is employed, and
VOL. I. — V*
154 ACTS 4, 18. 19.
below, on 5, 34.) At all, in the translation, seems to qualify
the first verb only, but in Greek it stands before both nega-
tives, and therefore qualifies both verbs. The Greek phrase
(to Ka%X.ov) properly means wholly, altogether (corresponding
to the Latin omiiino), but in negative constructions must be
rendered 7iot at all, by no mea7is, or, with the older English
versions, on no inan7ier (Wiclif), in no loise (Tyndale). The
distinction made by some between speaJc and teach as denoting
private talk and public speech respectively, is not consistent
with the usage ,of the first Greek verb (cp^eyyecr^aL), which,
although not so strong as its compound (dTro^^eyyco-ifai) used
above in 2, 4. 14, still denotes the act oi S2:)eaking out or speak-
ing loud, and is therefore more appropriate to public than to
private talk. The true distinction is that, while both verbs
here refer to public speaking, the first relates more to the
sound or utterance, the second to the matter uttered' or the
subject of discourse. The common version therefore, with a
slight transposition, is correct, not at all to speak or teach.
In the name is precisely the same phrase as in the verse pre-
ceding. The addition of the name itself refutes the notion
that it was suppressed through fear or in contempt, unless we
arbitrarily suppose it to be added here by the historian, or
assume a diflerence between what they proposed to say and
what they did say.
19. But Peter and John answered and said unto
them, Whether it be right, m the sight of God, to
hearken unto you more than unto God, judge ye !
The same remarkable conjunction of the two Apostles,
which has run through the entire previous narrative, here
occurs again, perhaps because the words recorded are a sum-
mary of what both said at greater length, although this is by
no means a necessary supposition. (See above, on 3, 1. 4. 11.
4, 1.13.) Ansioered is never wholly pleonastic (see above, on
3, 12), and has here its full force, as the words that follow are
a direct reply to the command recorded in the verse pre-
ceding. The same remark apj^lies to if (ct) or lohether. (See
above, on v. 9.) As right (Wiclif, rightful) by itself might have
been understood to mean only lawful, in a lower sense, i. e.
allowed by human laws, they add before (or in the sight of)
God, i. e. in his estimation, or according to his judgment,
which is the meanmg of the Greek phrase elsewhere." (See
ACTS 4, 19. 165
be^ow, on 8, 21, and compare Luke 1, 6. Rom. 3, 20.) Hear
or hearken never of itself means to obey^ but that idea ia
often necessarily implied, as in 3, 22. 23 above, Luke 10, 16.
16,31. John 5,24. 8,47, and in the dialect of common life,
where men are said to hear or not to hear advice or instruc-
tion, by a natural figure, without any reference to Hebrew
usage. The word, however, suggests more than obedience,
namely, attention and intelligence, as necessary antecedents.
More is by some translated rather^ on the ground that more
implies mere difference of degree, whereas the question was
not which should be obeyed the most, but which should be
obeyed at all. The parallel cited in support of this correction
(Luke 18, 14) is not entirely in point ; for there, from the na-
ture of the case, the denial of the Pharisees' justification must
be absolute ; whereas the Apostles cannot mean to say that
men are not bound to obey human magistrates at all, but
merely put the question, whether they are bound to give
those magistrates, the preference, when their authority con-
flicts with God's. Another difi*erence, of no small moment,
is that in the Gospel, the word [iiaXkov) here translated more
does not occur at all, but merely the conjunction {rj) than^ or
according to the oldest text, its strengthened form (t) yap),
leavmg the term of comparison itself to be supplied from the
connection. There is no objection, therefore, to the version
more^ even considered as expressing a mere difference of de-
gree, although it may, agreeably to English usage, have pre-
cisely the same sense that is proposed to be expressed by
rather. The concluding words, judge ye, admit of two inter-
pretations somewhat different, in emjDhasis and force, if not
in their essential import. One meaning, and perhaps the one
most commonly attached to them, is, 'you may judge for us;
we are willing, in a case so clear, to abide by your decision.'
The other, and to my mind the most striking and impressive,
is, 'you may judge for yourselves, and take the consequences
of your own decision ; but as for us, we cannot but speak,
etc' (See below, w^otl the next verse.) The noble principle
implied, if not expressed, in these words, was not wholly un-
known, even to the more enlightened heathen. Parallels,
more or less exact, have been cited from Herodotus and
Livy ; but by far the nearest and most striking is one found
in Plato's Defence of Socrates, where the philosoi^her is made
to say, " You, oh Athenians, I embrace and love, but I wilJ
obey God (aaXXov) more (or rather) than you."
156 ACTS 4, 20.
20. Por we cannot but speak (the things) which we
have seen and heard.
This verse must be read in the closest connection with the
one before it, on account of the antithesis between the first
and second person, indicated by the pronoun wc^ which in
Greek is not necessary, as it is in English, to distinguish the
person of the verb, and therefore when inserted is most com-
monly emphatic. (See above, on v. 10.) This affords an-
other argument m favour of the explanation just proposed of
the words judge ye. ' Yoic may judge for yourselves; we
have already judged for ourselves.' The meaning then is, not
that the Apostles ask the council to judge for them, what
they ought to do, but quite the contrary. In v. 19, they ex-
l^ress their indifference to the judgment of the rulers ; in v.
20, their own settled resolution. The true connection may
be made clear by a paraphrase. ' Whether God would ap-
prove our listening to your commands in preference to his,
you may determine for yourselves ; but whatever your deter-
mination may be, our course is clear, we cannot hut^ etc'
This last is an idiomatic English version of a Greek phrase
strictly meaning, we are not able not to apeak. The first verb
is the same as in tlie last clause of v. 16. Cannot hut is not
yet obsolete in EngHsh, but is often erroneously replaced by
the correlative expression, can hut^ which is altogether dif-
ferent in meaning. In the present case, icc can hut speak
would mean 'we can only speak, we can do no more than
speak,' whereas we cannot hut speak means ' we must speak,
we cannot avoid speaking.' An additional argument in fa-
vour of the view which has been taken of v. 1 9, may be drawn
from the remarkable analogy of Josh. 24, 15, where the very
same antithesis occurs, but unambiguously stated. " Choose
you this day whom ye will serve but I, and my house,
wx will serve the Lord." (See below, on 6, 4.) The tilings,^
though wanting in the Greek, is not distinguished by italics
m the English Bible, no doubt because it was considered as
essential to the translation of the plural pronoun (a) which or
what. The things meant are of course the works and Avords
of Jesus, of which they were the w^itnesses, appointed by him-
self (see above, on 1, 8. 22. '2, 32. 3, 15), a trust which would
have been betrayed if they had ceased, as required by the
council, " to speak or teach in the name of Jesus." The
verbs aro aorists and properly refer to tune already past.
ACTS 4, 20. 21. 15^i
what {things) we saw and heard^ while Jesus was on earth,
and we were his companions. There is some loss of emphasis,
though not of clearness, in the English version, from the ne-
cessary change of collocation in accordance with our idiom.
The original order of the sentence is, not able are we^ idtat
(things) we saio and heard^ not to speah.
21. So when they had further threatened them,
they let them go, finding nothing hoAV they might pmi-
ish them, because of the people ; for all (men) glorified
God for that which was done.
The construction m the first clause is similar to that at thci
beginning of 1, 6. 2, 41, except that one continuative particle
(Se) is substituted for another (ykv ovv). There is here, how-
ever, no such ambiguity as in those cases, since the subject
of the sentence must be the magistrates, to whom the answer
in the two foregoing verses was addressed. Here again the
participial construction is avoided in the English version,
although perfectly agreeable to modern usage and retamed in
the next clause. A more exact translation would be, they
then (or they however) having further threatened them. Fur-
ther^ or more, or in addition, is expressed in Greek, not by an
adverb, but by a compound verb, in which the particle
prefixed {irpo^^ to) joins to the meaning of the verb itself the
idea of addition or repetition. The power thus to modify the
radical idea of a word, without the addition of another, is one
of the chief excellencies of the Greek language, and enhances
the difiiculty of exact translation mto English, which possesses
the same power in a far inferior degree. Examples of the
same thing may be found in Luke 10, 35, where the words
thou spendest more correspond to a single word in Greek,
compounded with the same joreposition ; and m Luke 19, 16,
where the verb translated gained is of the same form and
means gained besides or in addition to the capital. Further
threatened^ i. e. in addition to the threats proposed in v. 17^
and no doubt actually joined to the commands in v. 18, though
not particularly mentioned. Let them go, released them, or
discharged them, no doubt by a formal and judicial act,
whereas the English version rather suggests the idea of mfor-
mally allowing their escape. (See above, on 3, 13, where the
same Greek verb is used in reference to Christ and Pilate.)
353 ACTS 4, 21.
The use of the verb finding is like that in Luke 5, 19, imply,
ing, in both cases, previous search and effort. Some would
supply fault or charge from Luke 23, 14, but that introduces
an idea not necessarily suggested here, where not finding
rather signifies discovering no means or way of doing what
they wished. Another singular Greek idiom, entirely foreign
from our oAvn, and therefore not apparent in the version, is
the use of the article to qualify a whole clause or member of
a sentence, where to us it seems , entirely superfluous, and in-
deed would, without explanation, convey no idea to an Eng-
lish reader. Thus in the verse before us, the exact form of the
middle clause is, not finding the how-they-niight-piinish-them^
the last five words (corresponding to three Greek ones) being
treated as a noun. \n\h which the article agrees, and which
the participle governs. The nearest approach, of which our
idiom admits, is by the use of a demonstrative, not finding
this (namely) hoio they might punish them. This peculiar
form of speech is particularly frequent m Luke's writings (see
below, on 22, 30, and compare the Greek of Luke 1, 62. 9, 46.
22, 4. 23. 37), but is also used by Mark (9, 23) and Paul (Rom.
8, 26. 13, 9.) The reserve here mentioned did not spring
from any equity or moderation m the rulers, but was practised
07% account (or because) of the people. These words, "from
their position, both in Greek and English, might appear to
qualify the verb immediately preceding ; but as this construc-
tion would destroy the sense (how they might punish them
because of the people), it is another illustration of the fact
that there are exceptions to all rules, and that a most im-
portant function of sound exegesis is to ascertain them, with-
out unduly multiplying or reducing the amount of such gram-
matical irregularities, if such they may be called. (See above,
on V. 17.) The common sense of every reader leads him here
to overleap the nearest antecedents, and connect this qualify-
ing clause with one of the remoter verbs, 'they let them go
^not finding, etc.) on account of the people ' — or, ' not finding
(how, etc.) on account of the people.' The fact in either case
remains the same, that they were hindered from punishing
the two Apostles, by the state of public feeling, which must
therefore have been clear and unambiguous. How did they
know it ? JBecaase all loere glorifying God for ichat had
happened. The use of the imperfect, not regarded in the
English versions, adds to the essential meaning the accessory
notion of continued action. They not only did so when they
ACTS 4, 21. 22. 159
saw the miracle, but now, upon the next day, they were slill
employed in the same manner, while the Sanhedrim was sit-
ting, and most probably within hearing of the praises of the
multitude. The word translated glorified is sometimes used
in that sense by the best Greek writers, but most commonly
in that of thinking or opining, being of opinion. Both these
senses, although seemingly remote, may be reduced to the
same radical idea (So^'a, an opinion), in its two distinct phases,
that of the opinion entertamed by a person upon any subject,
and that of the opinion entertained of Imn by others, more
especially when this is highly favourable, and thus the same
word which denotes opinion may be used to denote fame or
glory. Tyndale has lauded^ Cranmer praised^ and Wiclif
clarified^ a curious example of the gradual restriction to ma-
terial processes of words which once expressed intellectual
and spiritual acts ; unless the supposition be preferred, that
the Reformer simply copied too closely the mere letter of his
Vulgate {darificcdjcint)., thus committing the same error which
he shunned in 3, 2, while the other English copyist of Jerome
(the Rhemish version), which was there betrayed into the
solecism of a specious gate^ has here the same form with King
James's Bible, glorified, (For the meaning of the preposition
for {iTTi), see above, on 3, 16. 4, 17.) That which icas done^
or more exactly, fior the (thing) happened^ come to p)ass^ or,
as the Rhemish version has it, chanced. This refers of course
to the miracle of healing, which had given occasion to the
whole proceeding. We learn from this verse, that the oppo-
sition of the rulers to the infant church had not yet extended
to the body of the people. (See below, on 5, 13.)
22. For the man was above forty years old, on whom
this miracle of healing was shewed.
The length of time during which he had been crippled is
not mentioned to enhance the miracle itself, as if a case of
shorter standing might have been more easily restored, but to
show the notoriety, both of his previous condition and oi the
sudden change which had been wrought, precluding all possi-
bility of error or deception, and accounting for the popular
effect described in the preceding verse. ' All were still gloria
lying God for such a signal and unquestionable miracle, in
which there could be no suspicion of illusion or collusion, as
ihe subject of the cure had been born a cripple and was now
160 ACTS 4, 22. 23.
more than forty years of age.' Above forty years old^ lite,
rally, of more (than) forty years. On whom is the version of
a Greek phrase implying motion and rest over and npon an
object (see above, on 1, 21), and suggesting therefore the idea
of an mliuence or power from above, and at the same time of
a permanent effect. Tliis miracle of healing^ Vulg. signum
istud sanitatis. Tyndale's inexact translation of the last verb
{sheioed) is retamed in our Bible. The Greek verb is one that
has rei^eatedly occurred before (e. g. in vs. 4. 5. 11. 16.21) and
means had happened^ come to pass, or been performed. Wic-
lif still adheres closely to the letter of the Vulgate, tlie m.an in
whom that sign of health was made. The peculiar form of
the original is, 07i wihoin had come (or come to pass) the sign —
this (sign) of healing.
23. And being let go, tliey went to their o^vn (com-
pany), and reported all that the chief priests and elders
had said unto them.
And in this verse, noio in v. 13, hut in v. 15, and so m v.
21, are aU translations of the same Greek particle (Se) ; nor is
there any reason for the variation but the taste of the trans-
lator. Li the next phrase {hemg let go) the participial con-
struction is retained in our version, although Tyndale has the
usual periphrasis, as soo7i as they icere let go. (For the mean-
ing of the Greek verb, see above, on v. 22.) Went^ or came^
the Greek verb being used for both in different connections.
(See above, on 1, 21.) There is nothing answering to com-
pany in Greek, nor is it necessary, either to complete the
sense, or to accommodate the English idiom, as may be seen
from John 1, 11. 13, 1, in which two places the translation has
his own three times, without supplying any thing, while in
Acts 24. 23, it is translated his acquaintance. The meaning
here is their oion people^ friends., or as the oldest English ver-
sions have it, fellows. The Vulgate (suos) is much nearer to
the Greek than its Rhemish copy (theirs.) The neuter (to
lSlo) is used to signify one's home. (See below, on 21, 6, and
compare John 16,32. 19,27.) Both forms are combined in
that remarkable sentence, " he came unto his ovrn (to. ISlo.) and
his own (ol lSlol) received him not" (John 1, 11.) As the lan-
guage is designedly indefinite, it is wiiolly arbitrary to restrict
it by conjecture. All that we can gather from the context is,
that a particular assembly must be meant, and not a generaJ
ACTS 4, 23. 161
visitation of the dispersed Christians. Reported (i. e. carried
back) is an excellent translation of the Greek verb (a-TnT^/y^i-
A.av), which, though it may originally mean no more than to
announce^ is scarcely ever used in the New Testament, with-
out some unplication, more or less distinct, of previous inter-
course between the parties. (See below, on 5, 22. 22, 20, and
compare Matt. 2, 8. 8, 33. 11, 4. 28, 8. 10. Luke 7, 22. 14, 21,
and many other places, where this special sense is not admitted
by the lexicons, though no less natural than m the others.)
Instead of elders cmd scribes^ put for the whole Sanhedrim in
v. 5, we have here chief pj^iests cmd elders. As the first of
these titles (apxtepets), though always rendered in the English
version chief p)i'iests^ is the plural of the one translated high
priest in v. 6, and elsewhere (see below, 5, 11. 21. 24. 27. 7, 1.
9, 1. 22, 5. 23, 2. 4. 5. 24, 1. 25, 2), it becomes a question who
are meant by high p/riests in the plural number. The prin-
cipal 02:)inions are, that it denotes the near relations of the
High Priest (see above, on v. 6) ; or the heads of the twenty-
four courses into which the priesthood was divided by David
(1 Chron. 24, 1-19. Luke 1, 5) ; or the natural elders and
hereditary chiefs of the house of Aaron ; or priests appointed
over certain parts of the temple service ; or finally several of
these combined. As all these explanations are conjectural,
and none of them entirely accounts for the extension to these
priests of a title properly belonging to the one High Priest ;
it may be worthy of consideration, whether this usage, at least
ui the book before us, may not have arisen from the strange
confusion m the high priesthood which has been described
above (on v. 6) ; so that chief pi^iests really means high priests.^
i. e. all such as had been high priests de facto under the Ro-
man domination, however small their niunber may have been
at this time, since the two who are expressly mentioned (An-
nas and Caiaphas, see above, on v. 6) are sufficient to explain
and justify the plural form. The question is of less importance
here, because the phrase high pyi^iests is evidently joined with
scribes., to designate the Sanhedrim, by nammg two of it?
component classes, whether few or many. What the two
Apostles now reported to their brethren Avas not so much the
violence which they had sufiered as the words of their op-
pressors. The Greek word (oo-a) rendered all that is applied
in the classics both to magnitude (Jiow great) and to number
{jiow many) / but according to the lexicons, the latter sense
predominates in the Greek of the New Testament. Our ver-
162 ACTS 4, 23. 24.
sion uses great and somewhat arbitrary license in translating
it which (John 21,25), what (Mark 6,80), whatsoever (Lnke
4, 23), all that (Acts 14, 27), all things that (15, 4), hoio many
things (2 Tim. 1, 18), how great things (Mark 5, 19. 20), lohat
great things (Mark 3, 8.) If it ever has the more emphatic
meaning, a specific reason must be given for diluting it, and
no such reason can be given here. The best sense seems to bb
how great things^ as expressed by Wiclif, and referring to the
threatenings of v. 17. (See below, on v. 29.)
24. And when they heard that, they hfted up their
voice to God with one accord and said, Lord, thou
(art) God, which hast made heaven and earth, and the
sea, and all that in them is —
The effect of their threatenings, as reported by the two
Apostles, was to call forth so remarkable a prayer from the
assembled brethren, that it has been left on record, in its sub-
stance, if not at full length. (For the meaning of the phrase
with one accord^ see above, on 1, 14. 2, 1. 46.) Lifted up
their voice^ or prayed aloud, not merely in their hearts, but
Avith their lips and tongues. But how could all do this at
once, and m the same words ? This question has been va-
riously answered. Some suppose a special inspiration, promp-
ting the same thoughts and Avords in all who were assembled.
There is nothing incredible in this to those who admit the
possibility of inspiration. But the case supposed is certainly
so rare, that we are not bound to assume it, if the words
admit of any other explanation, without violence either to
the text or context. Some accordingly su2:>pose that this was
a liturgical form, already introduced into the infant Church,
and used on this occasion as peculiarly appropriate to the
existing juncture or emergency. It is worthy of remark that
this very singular opinion has found more favour, at least
recently, with German than with Anglican interpreters. To
the obvious objection, that the prayer is here recorded as a
sudden outburst of devout emotion and desire, provoked by
what the worshippers had just been told, it is replied, that
there is nothing in the prayer exclusively relating to its prox-
imate occasion, or forbidding its repeated use in other like
emergencies. Another objection, not so easily disposed of, is
that this hypothesis assumes the existence of a certain practice
ACTS 4, 24. 163
in the mfant Church, not only without definite authority from
Scripture, but in opposition to its whole drift and tenor. For
whatever use ingenious theorists may make of insulated terms
or passages, a thousand unsophisticated readers might peruse
the whole New Testament, without once thinking of a form
oT ]:)rayer, any more than of a rosary or a crucifix. Besides,
if Christian forms of prayer had been already introduced-^
and no one will contend that this was borrowed from the
Jews — how does it happen that we have but this one speci-
men preserved to us ? Whereas its i^reservation becomes al-
together natural when we regard it, not as the recital of a form,
however earnest and devout, but as the fruit of sudden and
spontaneous imj^ulse, growing out of the history, and therefore
forming just as much a part of it as Peter's Pentecostal sermon,
or his answer to the arrogant injunction of the Sanhedrim,
recorded in this chapter. The only other argument that need
be urged against this paradoxical interpretation, is that ac-
cording to the warmest friends and most accredited historians
of Liturgies in our day, they were not forms concocted and
prescribed at once, but gradual collections and notations of
such prayers as had first been orally repeated until they
became the natural expression of religious feeling to the mul-
titudes who used them, and were finally reduced to ^\Titing,
not as something new but something old, not as a cause but
an effect of devotion in the Church, developed and matured
by the experience of generations, or perhaps of ages. If
this be the true genesis of liturgies, on which some of their
highest claims to admiration arc now founded, there is
somethmg ludicrous in the idea of a peculiar Christian
liturgy so early introduced and established at Jerusalem,
that the disciples, upon this unexpected and remarkable occa-
sion, could express their strongest feelings and desires in a
form already known to all of them. At all events, it may be
safely said, that neither the hypothesis of a special revelation,
nor that of a familiar written form, is so self-evidently true
as to preclude all possibility or need of a more natural inter-
pretation. Two still remain to be considered, one of which
appears to have commanded the assent of most interpreters
in all times and churches. This is the simple supposition,
that they are all said to have lifted up their voices with one
accord, because they all united in the prayer of one, just as
we now speak of a whole congregation praying, when a sin-
gle voice is audible, whether the prayers be written or un-
164 ACTS 4, 24.
written. This exi^ression becomes still more natural if we
assume that the whole company gave audible assent to the
expressions of their spokesman, which we know to have been
the ancient practice, both of the Jewish and the Christian
Church. (See Deut. 27, 15-26. 1 Chron. 16, 36. Ps. 106, 48.
1 Cor. 14, 16.) The remaining explanation is, that all did
actually pray aloud, and each one for himself, and that Luke
here gives, not the exact Vr^ords of any one among them, but.
the substance of the spirit of the prayers of all, clothed in ex-
pressions of his own, or rather m words taught by the Holy
Ghost (Aoyots 8tSaKTots TTvcvfiaTos, 1 Cor. 2, 13). The advan-
tage of this exi^lanation is, that it enables us to take the
words, they lifted tip their voice with one accord^ m their most
natural and proper sense. The advantage of the other is, that
it enables us to look upon the words here recorded as those
actually uttered. Both are in strict accordance with the
usage of this book, as the eleven are said to have prayed
(1, 24) when every thing in the connection would lead us to
regard the words as those of Peter ; and in another case,
where this is also the most probable assumption, both his
words and actions are ascribed equally to John (compare vs.
18 and 13 of this chapter, and see above, on 3, 4. 11.) On
the other hand, there are repeated instances, m the foregoing
context, where the words ascribed to a plurality of persons
seem to be a summary or abstract of what all said m another
form and at greater length (compare v. 16 of this chapter,
and see above, on 2, 7-12.) Each of these two hypotheses
will probably commend itself to some minds as entitled to the
preference, while most unbiassed readers will agree that both
are more entitled to belief, than either of the two first men-
tioned, as requiring less to be assumed, and offering less vio-
lence to usage and analogy, but at the same time meeting all
the requisitions of the narrative. The form of the prayer
itself is worthy of particular attention. The petition occupies
the smallest part (vs. 29, 30), being added, as a sort of sup-
plement or afterthought, to the invocation of the Most High
as Creator of the Universe (v. 24), and to an exposition of
the second Psalm as a prophecy of Christ (vs. 2-28), the lai-ge
space occupied by which makes it still more improbable, that
this was a prescribed form of devotion in the infant Church.
The address to God in this verse has a peculiarity of form not
visible in the translation. The word here rendered Lord is
not the common one (Kvpte, 1, 6. 24), but the Greek term for
ACTS 4, 24. 25. 165
a master as distinguished from his slaves, and is repeatedly
so used in the New Testament (1 Tim. 6, 1. 2. Tit. 2, 9. 1 Pet.
2, 18.) In its wider application by the classical writers,
it denotes any one possessed of absolute authority or power ;
hence our English despot, with its odious associations. In a
good sense, Euripides and Xenophon apply it to the gods ;
and this religious use has been retained in several passages
of the New Testament, where the full force of the original
ex])ression is not felt in the translation (e. g. Luke 2, 29.
Jude 4. Rev. 6, 10.) Paul and Peter both apply the term to
Christ (2 Tim. 2, 21. 2 Pet. 2, 1.) .In the case before us, it
has reference to God's creative power, and his sovereign au-
thority over his creatures thence arising, as appears from the
remainder of the verse. The word God is omitted in the
oldest manuscripts and latest critical editions. The word art
is supplied m our translation, although not distinguished by
italics. Most interpreters omit it and regard this verse, not
as a complete proposition, but as a description of the being
here addressed. Oh Lord^ icho didst mahe (or according to
the common text, the God icho made) heaven and earth and
sea, with their contents, here put for the whole frame of na-
ture or material universe. Here agam the Greek verb has a
participial form, and strictly means the (o7ie) maJcing or hamng
made. The article should either have been inserted or omitted
before all the nouns. The inequahty, in this respect, belongs
entirely to the version ; in the Greek the words aU have the
article, though our idiom does not require it. This address
to God as the Creator, and by necessary consequence the
providential ruler of the world, prepares the way for another
description in the next verse.
25. Who by the mouth of thy sen^ant David hast
said, Why did the heathen rage, and the people im-
agine vain things ?
This is the eighth prophecy expounded in this book (see
above, on v. 11), a sufficient commentary on the notion that
it is a desultory series of anecdotes or reminiscences. Servant
is the word translated son in 3, 13 above. As there explained,
it really expresses both relations, but with different degrees
of emphasis. When applied to Christ, the prominent idea is
that of son ; when apphed to David, that of servant. (See
below, on v. 27.) The Vulgate here has piierU but its Eng-
166 ACTS 4, 25.
lish copyists have not ventured to write hoy. Wiclif indeed
has a different reading, also found in some Greek manuscripts,
our father David. The quotation is from the second Psahu
(vs. 1. 2), which is explicitly declared to be the inspired work of
David and a prophecy of Christ. The first of these descrip-
tions is confirmed by the relation of the psalm to those which
follow, and which are all acknowledged to be David's, as well
as by the internal structure of the psalm itself The imagery
of the scene presented is evidently borrowed from the warlike
and eventful times of David. He cannot, however, be him-
self the subject of the composition, on account of the univer-
sal dominion there ascribed to the king, and the general
revolt of subject nations, the solemn declaration of his filial
relation to Jehovah, and the absence of any thing answering
to the whole description in the history of David, or of any
other earthly sovereign. These considerations exclude David,
even as the primary or inferior subject of the psalm, a com-
plex and unnatural assumption here, which can only embar-
rass the interpretation. Even those writers, who give to
other prophetic psalms a more generic meaning (see above,
on 2, 25), are disposed to regard this as an exclusive Messianic
prophecy. As such it was explained by the oldest Jewish
interpreters, and as such it is repeatedly applied in the New
Testament; the seventh verse by Paul (13,33. Heb. 1,5);
the ninth by John (Rev. 2, 26. 27. 12, 5. 19, 15.) Who hast
said, literally, the {one) saying (or having said), correspond-
ing to the similar construction in v. 24, and giving an addi-
tional description of the being here addressed, as the God of
revelation no less than of nature, as the God who made the
world and who inspired the prophets. This passage was cor-
rectly used by IrenjBus and Theophylact, against those Gnos-
tics who denied that the Supreme God was the author of the
Scriptures or the maker of the universe. The Septuagint
version, which is closely adhered to, is peculiarly expressive
in the verse before us. The Greek word here translated rage
origmally signifies the neighing and snorting - of a spirited
horse, but is figuratively used for any noisy or obtrusive indi-
cation of self-confidence. The other verb properly denotes
solicitous and anxious forethought (Mark 13, 11. 1 Tim. 4,
15.) The most expressive, although not the most exact, of
the English versions here is Wiclif s, heathen inen gnashed
with teeth together. Two of the most familiar names applied
by the Jews of that time to the great deliverer whom they
ACTS 4, 26. 27. 167
expected, are derived from this psalm, namely, Christ (oi
Messiah) and Son of God, (See John 1, 49. Matt. 26, 63.
Mark 14, 61.)
26. The kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers
were gathered together, against the Lord and against
Ijis Christ.
The quotation from the second psalm is still continued.
Stood xip^ or as Wiclif more exactly renders it, stood nigh.
The Greek verb, which occurs above in v. 10, like the Hebrew
one to which it corresponds, does not of itself denote hostihty,
but simply the act of aj^pearing in one's presence, or approach-
ing him, for any purpose. The idea of enmity and opposition
is suggested by the context, and particularly by the preposi-
tion twice used in the last clause. Gathered together^ imply-
ing coincidence of time, place, and purpose. (See above, on
1, 15. 2, 1. 44. 3, 1.) The Hebrew verb originally means to
sit together, but with special reference to taking counsel. The
Lord and his Christy is, in the Hebrew, Jehovah and his
Messiah, Christ (Xpicrrds), from the verb (xp'^w) to ajioint^ is
used in the classics only as an adjective, and only of the sub-
stance so applied. Its higher sense and personal applica-
tion are pecuhar to the Hellenistic Greek. The Septuagint
constantly employs It to translate (n^tj^) the HebrcAv for
Anointed. Messiah and Christ are therefbre Hebrew and
Greek equivalents, and are so explained in the New Testament
itself (John 1,42. 4,25.)
27. jFor of a truth, against thy holy child Jesus,
whom thou hast anointed, both Herod and Pontius
Pilate, with (the) Gentiles, and the people of Israel, were
gathered together —
This verse justifies the application of the prophecy to Jesus,
by showing the agreement of the circumstances. For is there-
fore to be taken in its strict sense as a logical connective.
* This is really a prophecy of him, for, etc' Of a truths not
merely doubtless^ as the Geneva Bible has it, but in fact., hte-
rally, really, as opposed to a mere verbal correspondence or a
fanciful accommodation. The Greek phrase is used four times
besides by Luke and twice by Mark. It is once translated
168 ACTS 4, 27.
truly (Luke 20, 21), once in truth (Mark 12, 14), and once the
truth (Mark 12,32), but in all the other cases of a ti-ath (10,
34. Luke 4, 25. 22, 59.) In this part of the sentence, several
of the oldest manuscripts and versions, followed in quotation
by some early Fathers, introduce the words, in this city (or,
according to the Codex Alexandrinus, in this thy city)^ which is
accordingly adopted as the true text by the latest editors. It
is supposed to correspond to the words, upon my holy hill of
Zion^ in the second psalm. Against is not the same preposi-
tion that is twice used in the foregoing verse, but that em-
ployed in V. 22 and 1, 21, denoting motion over and upon an
object. Its true equivalent is on^ as in our phrase to make an
attack or assault on one. Holy^ as here applied to Christ, de-
notes not only character but office, not only his exemption
from all moral taint, but his peculiar consecration to the work
which his Father gave him to do (John 10, 36. 17, 4. 18. 19.
See above, on 3, 14. 21.) Child is the word translated son in
3, 13, and servatit in v. 25 above, Avhere its twofold usage is
explained. Hast anointed^ didst anoint, i. e. Vvhcn lie was
sent into the world. This denotes not merely consecration \\\
general, but special preparation for his work by the influences
of the Holy Spirit, of which unction is a symbol in the Old
Testament. (See above, on 1, 2. 5. 2, 30. 31. 36. 38. 3, 6. 18.
20. 4, 10, and compare Isai. 61, 1. Luke 18, 21.) There is
also an allusion to the use of the word Christ in the preceding
verse. As if he had said, ' whom thou didst consecrate by
unction to the office of a Prophet, Priest, and King, and v/ho
is therefore the Anointed One foretold in this and other an-
cient scriptures.' Both Herod and Po7itius Pilate^ not only
one or separately, but both together by a remarkable conjunc-
tion, making the fulfilment still more striking. ^Vith the
Ge7itiles^ or with nations^ as the article is not expressed in
Greek, although the sense of Gentiles is required by the ob-
vious antithesis with peoples. This plural, which has never
obtained currency in English, although used by LoA\'th and
other writers of authority, is not so necessary here as in a
multitude of other cases, where the idea of plurality is an es-
sential one, and yet unsusj^ected by the English reader. So
impossible did such a plural seem to our translators, that at
least in one case, they avoid it by a circumlocution, which is
not only awkward but conveys a wrong idea. (See Gen. 25,
23, where the words tioo manner of people are a mere periph-
rasis for two peoples., the Hebrew phrase being similar in
ACTS 4, 27. 169
form to that preceding it, two nations.) The plural form is
not so necessary here, because it seems to have been chosen
merely as a parallel to nations^ while it really agrees in sensg
with the usual expression people^ as applied to Israel (see
above, on 2, 47. 3, 9. 11. 12. 23. 4, 1. 2. 8. 10. 17. 21) ; whereas
in V. 25, it denotes the Gentries, or perhaps all nations, com-
prehending both. Another explanation of the plural form
here is, that it denotes the tribes of Israel, which composed
the nation, and are sometimes used to designate it, even when
there is no reference to any separate or local action of the
tribes as such. (Compare Ps. 105,37. 122, 4. Isai. 49, 6. 63,
17, and see below, on 26, 7.) The main idea here is, that the
prophecy had been fulfilled in its widest sense, for the nations
had combined against the Christ, both Jcavs and Gentiles.
Some suppose Herod to be mentioned as belonging to the lat-
ter, on account of his Idumean lineage and irreligious charac-
ter. It seems more natural, however, to regard him as the
representative of Israel, at least in this afiair, as Pilate repre-
sents the Roman Empire or the Gentiles. The idea is at least
as old as Chrysostom, that in the Greek verb {(Tvvy]x^r}<Tav),
which was also used in v. 26, and literally means tJiey loere
brought together^ there is an allusion to the ominous reconcilia-
tion of these two men, at the time, if not by means, of their
concurrence in the unjust condemnation of our Saviour (Luke
23, 12.) The Herod meant is Herod Antipas, a younger son
of Herod the Great (Matt. 2, 1. Luke 1, 5), who became te-
trarch of Galilee and Perea on his father's death, and is often
mentioned in the Gospels, especially in the history of John
the Baptist, whom he put to death. (See Matt. 14, 1-12.
Mark 6, 14-29. Luke 3, 1-19. 9, 7-9. 13, 31. 23, 7-15.) His
elder brother Archelaus having been removed from the eth-
narchy of Judea (Matt. 2, 22), it was annexed to the great
Roman province of Syria, the governors of which ruled it for
some years by their deputies (procuratores.) Of these pro-
curators Pontius Pilatus was the sixth, on whose recall it was
attached to the kingdom of Herod Agrippa (see below, on 12,
1), and after his death fell again into the hands of procurators,
among whom were the Fehx and the Festus of this history.
(See below, on 23, 24. 24, 27.) It is somewhat curious that
the first word in the Greek of this long verse ((rwTJx^r/o-ai/)
stands last in the translation. For a similar but more im-
portant change of collocation, see above, on 1, 21. 22. The
Greek order is, " they were gathered of a truth (lq this city)
VOL. I. — 8
170 ACTS 4, 28. 29.
against thy holy child Jesus, whom thou hast anointed —
(namely) Herod, etc." Wichf 's antique version of the last
clause is, JEroude and Pounce Pilat icith heathen inen^ etc.
He elsewhere calls the procurator Pilate of Pounce.
28. Por to do whatsoever thy hand and thy counsel
determined before to be done.
Here, as in 2, 23 above, the guilt of those who put our
Lord to death is brouo-ht into the closest juxtaposition with
the divine purpose, which it was the means of carrying into
execution ; another proof of the compatibility, assumed rather
than aflirmed in scrij^ture, between God's sovereignty and
man's responsibility. For is not the logical connective (yap)
used at the beginning of v. 27, but a pleonastic sign of the in-
finitive, still sometimes heard in English as a colloquial or pro-
vincial idiom, and retained in French {pour f aire) as a correct
and elegant expression. So much less do some distinctions
between good and bad grammar depend upon any law of
mind or language, than on accidental usage and association.
The Greek verb (Troi^crat) is dependent, not on anointed^
w^hich, although preferred by some, is an impossible construc-
tion, on account of the intervening words, but upon assembled
or brought together^ which, although still more remote in the
original, is separated from the verb to do only by its own
nominatives and qualifying phrases. (For the true sense of
the words translated counsel and determined^ see above, on 2,
23. For that of hand in such connections, see above, on 2,
33, and below, on 11, 21, and compare Luke 1, 71. 74.)
29. And now, Lord, behold their threatenings,
and grant unto thy servants, that with all boldness
they may speak thy word —
The first phrase in Greek {koX to. vvv) is an instance of as
singular an idiom as that in v. 21 above, and like it consist-
ing in a use of the neuter article, which cannot be retained
or reproduced in English. Mechanically copied it would be,
and the {thioigs) 7iow, which may be an elliptical expression
meaning, ' and now (as to) the things which have been men-
tioned.' The addition of the article distinguishes this phrase
from that in 3, 17, where now is rather logical {these tliingt
being so) than temporal in meaning {at this time.) Precisely
\
ACTS 4, 29. 171
the same words that are here used occur also in 20, 32. 27,
22, below, and without the and in 17, 30, in all w'hich cases
they contrast past time with the present or the future. So
here, the disciples, after speaking of what had been said and
done, in a kind of historical preamble, now present their pe-
tition or prayer in the strict sense of the term. It is worthy
of note, that though they pray for personal protection, it is
only as a means to the discharge of their official functions,
and is really postponed to their petition for the moral gift of
boldness and fidelity. Behold^ or look itpon (eTriSe or £</)tSe),
in the only other place where it occurs (Luke 1, 25), implies
a favourable look or visitation, which idea may, however, be
suggested by the context. Or if it be inherent in the verb
itself, it may be here referred, not to the threats or their
authors, but to those against whom they were uttered. ' Look
with favour on (the objects of) their threatenings.' It is
much more natural, hovrever, and affords a more emphatic
sense, to give the verb its strict and simple meaning, and to
understand the clause as signifying 'keej) thine eye upon
their threatenings,' that they may not be accomplished. The
threatening s are those of vs. 17 and 21 above. Grant is in
Greek the ordinary verb to give. Thy servants, literally
slaves, the Greek word (SovAots) being the correlative of
lord OY master (SeWora) in v. 24. The two together are
descriptive of absolute authority on one hand and of absolute
subjection on the other, but without implying either tyranny
or slavish fear, for these are not essential but accessory ideas,
superadded to the strict sense by the habitual abuse of power
and submission to it. The word slave, therefore, can no more
be used in actual translation here than despot in v. 24, or
idiot in v. 13, though the reason is not perfectly the same m
all three cases. It is indispensable, however, to the emphasis
or full force of the passage, that we understand both lord
and servants in the very strongest sense that can be called a
good one, i. e. free from every implication of either oppres-
sion or of degradation. The infinitive construction in the
last clause {with all boldness to speak thy loord) is again
exchanged for a subjunctive one {that with all boldness they
may speah thy icord), not without some loss, both of concise-
ness and of force, from the suggestion of contingency or
piere possibility, rather than of certain and direct results.
(For the true sense of boldness or freedom of speech, see
above, on v. 13, and 2, 29.) The meaning of all boldness
172 ACTS 4, 29. 30.
may be either absolute, entire^ perfect^ the highest possiblft
degree of boldness ; or it may be relative, every kind and all
degrees of boldness that can be required for the performance
of our ministerial work. This work is itself described as the
speaking of God's word, i. e. acting as an organ of communi-
cation between God and man, or more precisely, preaching
Christ, and thereby making known the new religion. (See
above, on v. 4.)
30. By stretching forth thine hand to heal, and
that signs and wonders may be done, by the name of
thy holy child Jesus.
This verse defines the way in which they desire their peti-
tion to be granted. The boldness of the servants was to be
secured by displaying the power of their master. To the
figure of a hand, employed above in v. 28, is now added that
of stretching it out, or exerting the power which the hand
denotes. The nearest approach m Enghsh to the form of the
origmal is, in stretcMng (or according to the common text,
in thy stretching) out thy hand (Rhemish, in that thou stretch
forth ; Tyndale, so that thou stretch forth.) Their demand
is not now for miracles of vengeance or destruction, such as
fire from heaven (Luke 9, 54), but for miracles of mercy.
To heal^ literally, for healing. (Compare sign or miracle of
healing in v. 22, and for the sense of signs and wonders^ see
above, on 2, 19. 22. 43.) The verb of the second clause (ytVeo-^at)
depends on the verb ^z ye in v. 29. 'Grant miracles to take
place, or to be performed.' The first clause merely quahfiea
or amplifies the previous petition, ' give us boldness by per-
forming miracles of healing.' The addition of the words signs
and wonders may appear to indicate some other kinds of mira-
cles than those of healing ; but as the clauses are co-ordinate
and not successive, this is really another way of saymg the
same thing, or rather an express specification of the figurative
terms preceding. * Stretch out thy hand for heaUng, i. e
enable us to work miracles of that kind.' By the name is not
the phrase so rendered in v. 10, nor that translated in the
name in v. 18, but still a third (Sta rov 6v6{xaT09), strictly mean-
ing through, by means of, his naine (see above, on vs. 16. 25),
and therefore really including both the others. Holy child
Jesus has precisely the same meaning as in v. 27 above.
ACTS 4, 31. 173
31. And when they had prayed, the place was
shaken where they were assembled together, and they
were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and they spake the
word of God with boldness.
This verse contains the answer to the prayer immediately
preceding, first in a momentary sensible manifestation of God's
presence, then in the permanent moral efiect which they had
asked, secured by a new or greater spiritual influence. W7ien
they had prayed is in Greek a participial and absolute con-
struction, they haviny prayed. The common version, though it
does not reproduce this form, is more correct than Tyndale's,
as S0071 as they had prayed.^ there being nothmg to determine
the precise length of the interval between the prayer and the
response ; and although they were probably immediately suc-
cessive, it is not so said, and we have no right to msert it. The
place where they icere assembled (or brought together^ the
same verb as in vs. 26, 27), though as usual not further spe-
cified, was probably the house ichere they were sitting on the
day of Pentecost (see above, on 2, 2), of which scene this
was a partid repetition, on a smaller scale and' in a narrower
circle, but with precisely the same spiritual and an analogous
sensible efiect. As there the sound of wind filled the house,
so here the place itself Avas shaken. The sign here given of
God's presence was familiar to the saints of the Old Testa-
ment (Ex. 19. 18. Ps. 68, 8), and it is not perhaps surprising
that the same belief prevailed among the heathen, whether
from tradition or a natural association. The example usually
cited is a well known passage in the third book of the ^neid,
which certainly does bear a remarkable resemblance to
the words before us. The permanent effect, prefigured by
this sign, and produced by the spiritual influence that fol-
lowed, was that according to their OAvn petition, they did
speak the icord of God with boldness^ sustained mternally by
new illapses of the spirit, and externally by new miraculous
performances, attesting the divine presence and protection
(see above, on 2, 43.) This triumphant issue of the first per
secution, which the Church sustained, prepares the way foi
another descrij^tion of its social state, or it may be more cor.
rect to say, for the resumption of the previous description
(2, 42-47), which was dropped or interrupted, to relate this
first attack, and now that this is seen to have had no injurious
174 ACTS 4, 31. 32.
effect upon the Church, is resumed and continued in the r&
mamder of the chapter.
32. And the multitude of them that beheved were
of one heart and of one soul, neither said any (of them)
that ought of the (things) which he possessed was hi?
own, but they had all things common.
A characteristic feature of this history of the infant church
is the repeated alternation of particular narratives and gen-
eral descriptions, suggestive and illustrative of one another.
The detailed account of what occurred upon a single day, the
day of Pentecost, is followed by a picture of the condition
of the church for an undefined period ensuing. (See above,
on 2, 42. 4, 4.) This again is interrupted by the account of a
particular occurrence, tilling the whole of the third cliapter
and a large part of the fourth, but near the close of the latter,
passing again into the form of a more general description,
not relatmg to a single day or i^omt of time, but to a period
of some length, although not defmed, being no doubt the
whole time, v/hether long or short, during which the Church
continued undivided and restricted to Jerusalem ; a period
the history of which is contained in the first seven chapters
of the book before us. Due attention to this structure of the
narrative would have saved the world many crude sugges-
tions, as to the total want of plan and method in the Acts of
the Apostles. We have here the second alternation of the
kind just mentioned, the remainder of this chapter corre-
sponding to the last six verses of the second. It is, in fact,
the same description, interrupted and resumed, with some
repetitions and some new additions. The earlier passage (2,
42-47) is not to be considered as relating to an earlier period
and the later (4, 32-37) to a later ; but both are synchronous
or co-extensive as to time, including the whole history of the
primitive or infant church, as it existed at Jerusalem. While
the sameness of the two accounts is quite sufficient to sustain
this view of their relation to each other, they are far from
being mere reiterative duplicates, the passage now before us
adding several new points, both of fact and of expression.
The original form of the first clause is still more beautiful
and striking. Of the multitude (or mass) of those believing (or
believers) ivas t/ie heart and the soid one. (For the meaning
ACTS 4, 32. lib
of Tov 7rXr]%v<;, see above, on 2, 6 ; for that of tcov Trio-Tcvo-avTwv,
on 4', 4.) Strongly analogous to this is the Greek proverb
(Svo (fiiXoL if/vxq fJiLo) "two friends, one soul," and the de-
linition of friendship ascribed to Aristotle by Diogenes Laer-
tius [fJLLa \f/vxf] Suo (Toj/xacriy ivotKovcra) ^ "one soul residing in
two bodies." There could scarcely be a stronger expression
of the unity prevailing in the infant church, and not confined
to sentiment or language merely, but extending to the inter-
change of social advantages and legal rights. Neither said
any of ihem is still stronger in the Greek, 7iot one said^ or
still more exactly, was saying^ used to say^ the form of the
verb denoting not a single but habitual action. Ought of the
{thi?igs) which he possessed, or, a9ig of the {things) belonging,
(literally existing) to him. (See the same verb in 2, 30. 3, 2.
6.) The infinitive construction is, as usual, avoided m our
version ; the exact translation is, to he his oion (tStov, as in 1,
7. 19. 25. 2, 6. 8. 3, 12. 4, 23), or as the Romans called it, his
Ijeeidium, from which comes our adjective peculiar, properly
descriptive of exclusive rights or property. But if all were
required, or expected as a thing of course, to throw what they
possessed into a common fund, what was there meritorious
or remarkable in no man's calling what he had his own, i. ;i.
no man's saying what every body would have known to be
untrue ? It is vain to urge that this is unfairly pressing the
expression said ; for if it means no more than that the case
was so in fact, there is an end of argument from words or
phrases. If it be said, that it relates to language, but to lan-
guage used before the surrender of the property, and indi-
cating the spirit by which it was prompted, there is still
something strange in the expression, 'no one said that his
possessions were his own,' when he w^as under the necessity
(legal or moral) of abjuring them. This argument may seem
to apply only to compulsory abandonment of property, and
not to voluntary self-impoverishment or assimilation to the
general condition. But if this voluntary act was universal
and without exception, it is still, to say the least, a strange
expression, that of all who thus renounced their property,
not one saidji it was his own, either before or after he re-
nounced it. It is not contended that the language is un-
meaning, or even unintelligible, but only that it is unnatural,
and not what might have been expected, in describing a com-
plete and universal abjuration of all mdividual property by
these believers. ' Kot one spoke of any of the things be-
JVC ACTS 4, 32.33.
longing to him as his own.' How much simpler to have said,
'no one retained them, or continued to make use of them.'
But on the other hand, how apt and how expressive is this
language on the supposition that, while every man who had
possessions still retained them, he was so inspired, not mth
mere philanthropy or pity, but with a sense of Christian one-
ness, that he did not speak of his possessions as his own, but
as belonging to the church at large. It may be laid down as
a law of sound interpretation, that where one view of a pas-
sage makes its terms unmeaning, and another gives them a pe-
culiar emphasis and point, then, other things being equal, i. e.
both being grammatical and philologically unexceptionable, the
last is necessarily entitled to the preference. The conclusion
thus reached helps us to another in relation to the last clause,
which is repeated from 2, 44, with the imimportant change
(not regarded in our version) of a Greek idiom {they had all
things common) into a Hebrew one {all things icere common
to them.) (See above, on 3, 6.) If these expressions may,
without violence, be used to describe either an absolute com-
munity of goods arising from the personal renunciation of all
property, or a virtual community of goods arising from the
practice of the most disinterested and self-sacrificmg Chris-
tian love ; and if the terms immediately preceding are, as we
have seen, far more apj^ropriate and significant upon the
latter supposition ; then we need resort to none of the hy-
potheses already stated (see above, on 2, 44), to account for
a literal or absolute community of goods, which really had
no existence. Both these conclusions haA^e been drawn from
these two passages exclusively, without regard to the cor-
roborative evidence supposed to be contained in other places,
yet to be considered. (See below, on vs. 34-37, and on
5, 4. 12,12.)
83. And. with great power gave the Apostles wit-
ness of the resurrection of the Lord Jesus, and great
grace was upon them all.
Such was the social and spiritual state of the church, both
before and alter the first onset from without, which seems to
have had no efiect upon it, but for good. In the mean time
the Apostles did not sufier any thing to divert their minds
from their great oflicial function, that of testifying to Christ's
resurrection, which, for reasons before given, may be under-
ACTS 4, 33. U1
stood as comprehending the whole work of preaching ^Jhrist
and making known the new rehgion. (See above, oa 1, 22.
2, 32. 3, 15. 4, 2.) This they did tcit/i great poioer^ not merely
force of argument or eloquence, but in the exercise of that
extraordinary spiritual power, with which they were invested
for this very purpose, and by which they Avere enabled, both
to testify of Christ, and to confirm their testimony by the evi-
dence of signs or miracles. (See above, on 2, 43.) All this
may be considered as included in the great pouer heve as-
cribed to the Apostles. The verb translated gai^e often means
to give back^ pay or repay (e. g. Matt. 21, 41. 22, 21. Mark
12, IV. Luke 20, 25. Rom. 13, 7, in which j^Iaces it is trans-
lated render) ; and this, though given in some lexicons as a
secondary sense to that of giving out or aicay^ appears to be
the primary and proper one in Attic and Homeric usage.
Here, however, the idea seems to be that of giving forth or
uttering^ with or without an implication of freeness and com-
pleteness. As our version sometimes introduces the article
without necessity (see above, on 1, 7. 14. 4, 9), so here (as in
1, 13, and elsewhere) it omits it. There is force, if no addi-
tional idea, in the definite expression, the testimony of the re-
surrection^ i. e. not a mere spontaneous attestation which they
volunteered upon their own authority, but that formal and
official testimony, which they had been chosen and commis-
sioned to present. The English word witness^ which was
once equivocal, is now used chiefly of the person testifying,
the sense of testimony being confined, perhaps exclusively, to
one phrase, that of hearing witness. The Lord Jesus^ as in
1,21, the only other case where we have met with it in this
book, is a pregnant combination of the Saviour's personal de-
signation with that descriptive title, which exhibits him not
only as the mediatorial sovereign (see above, on 2, 36), but as
the Jehovah of the old economy and Hebrew scriptures. (See
above, on 2, 21.) To the great power of the first clause cor-
responds the great grace of the second. This word, which
means favour in the general, though commonly applied to
that of God, and therefore properly translated grace^ is also
used to denote human favour or good-will, as in the only place
where we have previously met with it, to wit, in the parallel
description to the one before us. (See above, on 2, 47.) This
might seem decisive here in favour of that sense, or rather
application, of the word ; but it is better still to comprehend
them both, as perfectly compatible and perfectly appropriate.
VOL, I. — 8*
178 ACTS 4, 33. 34.
The old cry against a double sense, besides its emptiness in
general, may here be met by an appeal to Luke's expressions
elsewhere, "Jesus increased in wisdom and stature, and in
favour (xapiTt) with God and man" (Luke 2,52.) If the same
word may be thus used expressly to denote both kinds of
grace or favour, why may it not be used eiliptically, i. e. by
Itself, to suggest the same ideas ? Had Luke, in that place,
left the word to explain itself, it might have been as plausibly
asserted as in this place, that it could not be intended to de-
note the favour both of God and man ; and yet we now know
from his own authority that this assertion would have been
a false one. Upon them is the right translation, not in them
Wiclif) or vnth them (Tyndale),but^^^:>o;^ them^ as descending
from above, in reference to the grace of God, which may
be regarded as the primary though not the only meaning.
For reasons, which have been already given (see above,
on 2, 1), all does not mean all the Apostles, which would
be a most superfluous specification, but all the believers,
whom they represented, who are the subject of the verse
preceding, and to whom the writer now returns in the
verse following. It is not unworthy of remark, that the re-
tention of the Greek collocation in the English version of this
sentence, to a greater extent than usual, not only makes the
copy more exact and faithful, but by a slight inversion com-
mon in our older writers, improves its beauty to the eye and
ear.
34. Neither was there any among them that lacked ;
for as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold
them, and brought the prices of the things that were
sold —
The sentence is completed in the next verse. There is
certainly some harshness and iiTCgiilarity in this abrupt return
to the community of goods, which seemed to have been
finally disposed of, in the verse preceding. But the fault is
that of the translation, which omits the very word mdicative
of the connection. Neither icas there should have heen for
neitJier was there^ or still better, for there was not^ as the par-
ticle (ouSe) can here have no effect but .that of simply nega-
tiving the idea of the verb that follows. The omitted for
(ydip) shows that this is the reason or the explanation of some-
thing that precedes, not necessarily the nearest antecedent
ACTS 4, 34. 179
(see above, on v, 21), although that must always be entitled
to the preference, where other things are equal. The only
choice in this case lies between v. 32 and v. 33. Kthe former
be preferred, the latter must be read as a parenthesis. ' They
had all things common (and with great powxr the Apostles,
etc.) for there was no one, etc' To this construction there
are two objections. In the first place, it leaves wholly unex-
plamed the introduction of the facts recorded in v. 33, which
is then not only parenthetical in form, but foreign from the
context and an awkward interruption of the sentence. In the
next place, the logical connection between vs. 32 and 34 is
only apparent and not real ; for how could it be said that
they had all things common because {ov for) there icas no o?ie
destitute among them^ unless we arbitrarily give /or the sense
of so ^Aa^, and confound cause and eifect by a preposterous
inversion. It is vam to say that this and other particles are
often used with great latitude ; for besides the gross exag-
geration of the general fact alleged, it cannot justify the
preference of the lax use to the strict one, when the latter
may be held fast, and a better sense obtained, by a diiferent
construction. Such a construction is the other above men-
tioned, which supposes for to introduce the reason of the
statement immediately preceding : ' great grace was upon
them, for (or because) there w^as no one destitute among
them.' Besides the two advantages of giving for its proper
sense and getting rid of the parenthesis, the sense evolved by
this construction is a good one. They enjoyed both divine
and human favour, the one as the cause, and the other as the
consequence, of their extraordinary freedom from distress.
The favour of God w^as evinced by there being no distress
among them, and the samxC thing gave them popularity and
credit, as a people freed from poverty and all its evils through
the favour of their God, not by enriching them, but by dis-
posmg every one among them to regard what he possessed as
the property of others also, and to deal wdtli it accordingly.
The verb translated icas is not the common verb to be^ but
one origmally meanmg to begin^ and then to come into ex-
istence, but most frequently employed without any percepti-
ble allusion to this origin, as in 2, 30. 3, 2. 3, 6, above. If any
such allusion should be here assumed, the meaning might be,
that no one after this became poor, which, however, is at va-
riance with the known facts of the history. (See below, on
11,29. 24, 17, and compare Rom. 15,26 ) Any that ladcedy
180 ACTS 4,34.
literally any poor or destitute (person.) The Greek adjectire
which occurs only here in the New Testament, properly means
wanting or deficient in any thing, but is absolutely used to
signify without the means of subsistence or the necessaries of
life, by Xenophon and in the Septuagint version of Deut. 15,
4. 7. The condition here described is not one of affluence or
wealth, but one of freedom from distress and want. The
second /or is unambiguous, and evidently indicates the ground
or cause of this surprising absence both of poverty and riches.
(Compare Prov. 30, 8.) It was because those who had lands
or houses sold them and distributed to those who had not.
Lands^ literally, 2^^cices^ grounds, the same noun that is trans-
lated j^e^c? in 1, 18, above. As many as [oa-oi) is the mascu-
line form of the word translated all that in v. 23. It does not
necessarily mean all, as that word is occasionally added to
strengthen it (see above, 3, 22. 24, and below, 5, 36. 37) ; but
neither is the idea of totality excluded, as appears from its use
in 2, 39. 4, 6. 23. In this respect, it approaches very nearly
to our English such as, which may be applied to all or less
than all, according to the context. Even the absolute term
all (Trai/res) must be restricted in the parallel passage (2, 44.
45), or we are brought to the conclusion, that all loho believed
sold their goods and distributed to all. But if all had prop-
erty to sell, the sale itself Avas nugatory and superfluous, un-
less the object had been simply to put all upon a level by a
common sustentation fund ; and this idea is excluded by the
words, as each had need, implying something more than ine-
quality, to wit, the existence in some cases of actual necessity.
In the case, however, more immediately before us, no restric-
tion is required, as the adjective has reference not to all be-
lievers (as in 2, 44), but to all proprietors of lands or houses.
Thus the parallel passages explain each other. Perhaps the
best translation here would be, /or as many oioners of lands
or houses as there were, or as existed in the infant church.
We thus retain, not only the original arrangement, which is
always an advantage, unless purchased at the cost of some-
thing more important, but a certain shade of difference be-
tween the two verbs of existence, not unlike that between our
expressions were and there were. Sold them and brought is
another departure from the Greek participial construction,
selling brought. The word translated price commonly means
honour (e. g. John 4, 44. Rom. 2, V. 1 Pet. 1, 7, and through-
out the writmgs of John, Paul, and Peter), tut in this book
ACTS 4, 34. 35. 181
always cost or value (see below, on 5, 2. 3. 7, 16. 19, 19) with
the single exception of 28, 10, which Is disputed. Both senses
are reducible to one radical idea, that of worth ; whether
that of persons, as acknowledged by respectful words and
actions, doing honour to the object ; or that of things, as esti-
mated and expressed in price or value. The latter sense is
here determined by the qualifying genitive, of the {things) sold,
another participial construction and another resolution of it
in our version, of the things that were sold.
35. And laid ^hem down at the Apostles' feet ; and
distribution was made unto every (man), according as
he had need.
The sentence is continued from the verse preceding. It
was the owners or proprietors there mentioned who performed
this act. Laid them down is in Greek simply ^^/acec? {ov put)
them. At thefeet (i. e. by or near the feet) is as close an ap-
proximation to the Greek as our idiom permits. The Vulgate
version {ante pedes), copied of course by Wiclif and the Rhe-
misli {before thefeet), is not a mere capricious variation, but a
classical expression of the same idea. Thus Cicero (for Fiaccus)
speaks of a certain weight or sum of gold as having been paid
"before the feet of the praBtor in the forum" {ante pedes
prcetoris in for o expensiim.) That feet are here put for the
person, the A2?ostles^ feet for the Apostles themselves, is a
sample of the same kind of interpretation which makes 7iames
mean persons likewise, and affirms began and ansicered to be
always pleonastic. (See above, on 1, 1. 15. 2, 4. 3, 12.) The
examples cited in the present case prove nothing, namely, 5, 9
and Rom. 10, 15, in both which cases the feet are mentioned,
not for the whole body, but as organs or mstruments of loco-
motion. Some have inferred from Y, 58, that the idea meant
to be conveyed is that of a deposit for safe-keeping; but
there is surely an important difference between laying clothes
at a man's feet and laying money there. That it is not a mere
figure, but expresses Avhat was actually done, may be inferred
from the repetition of the words in the next verse and in 5, 2
below. In the absence of explicit information and analogy or
usage, we may lawfully resort to natural association, for the
probable design of this proceeding. Viewed in this light, it
would seem to imply, first, the presence and the presidence
of the Apostles in the meetings of believers ; next, their great
182 ACTS 4, 35.
superiority in rank and autliority to all the others, even
though mvested with high office ; then, the fact that these pe-
cuniary gifts had a religious character, or were regarded as
oblations, votive offerings ; and last, not least, that this whole
work of reheving the necessitous, although sustained by pri-
vate contribution, was considered not a personal affair, but a
public or ecclesiastical proceeding, and was therefore meta^
phorically placed at the Apostles' feet, i. e. implicitly subjected
to the apostolical control and management, just as the pro-
ceeds of the sales were literally placed there, not for con-
venience or safe-keeping merely, for the hand would then
have served a better purpose, but as a sort of emblematical
acknowledgment of what has now been stated as the natural
import of the act itself. The last and most important of these
implications, namely, that the distribution of the sums con-
tributed was regulated, not by the contributors but the Apos-
tles, may be gathered, partly, from the order of this sentence,
in which the statement of the fact in question is immediately
followed by the act of distribution ; and partly from the narra-
tive contamed in the sixth chapter, w^here the whole proceed-
ing presupposes such authority in the Apostles. (See below,
on 6, 1.) The rule or principle of distribution is the same
precisely as in 2, 45. The only difference of form is in the use
of the Avords all and each or every one. The word man^
w^hich to some may seem exclusive, as it is in 1, 21 and else-
where (see above, on v. 4), corresponds to nothing in the
Greek, but is the pleonastic noun or pronoun, so profusely
used by our translators. (See above, on 2, 45.) Another
seeming difference, but confined to the translation, is the
change of as (2, 45) into according as. The latter is the more
exact translation of the Greek phrase, w^hich is identical in
both the places. Both in its simple and augmented form
{KaOoTL and KaOoTL av), it is peculiar to Luke's writings. (Com-
pare Luke 1, 7. 19, 9, and according to the latest critics, 17,
31 below, where the common text has Stdrt.) Etymologically,
as compounded of a preposition and a pronoun, it means after
or according to lohat, while the addition of the particle (av)
imparts to it a doubtful or contingent character, Hke ever in
the English word u^herever, i. e. 'be it where it may.' So
here, the rule of distribution is the need of the recipient, be
it what it may, implying both contingency and 'inequality in
different cases.
ACTS 4, 36. 183
36. And Joses, who by the Apostles was surnamed
J3araabas, which is, being interpreted, the Son of Con-
solation, a Levite, and of the country of Cyprus —
The sentence is completed in the following verse. We
have here exemplified again that feature in the structure of
this history, described above (on v. 32) as a frequent alterna-
tion of particular narrative and general description. Having
fully described the spirit of self-sacrifice and mutual be-
nevolence pervading the whole body of believers at this
period, Luke illustrates this description by the statement of
two cases, one of a favourable and the other of an opposite
description. The first, being simply intended to illustrate,
by an eminent example, Vv'hat had just been said of the whole
church, is briefly stated in a single sentence (vs. 36, 37.) The
other, being introduced, not merely for the sake of the an-
tithesis or contrast, but as introductory to further changes, is
described more fully, but thrown, in the conventional division
of the text, into another chapter (5, 1-11.) The first or fa-
vourable case is that of Joses or, according to the reading of
the oldest manuscripts and versions, Joseph^ of which some
regard the first form as a familiar Jewish variation. He is
further distinguished, not by an ordinary surname, but by
one derived from the Apostles (according to the latest critics,
(XTTo Tojv dTTco-ToAwi/), wMch sccms clcarly to imply that the
name given had respect to some ofiicial gift or quality. The
Hebrew or Aramaic etymology of JBarnctbas has never yet
been satisfactorily ascertained. The form most commonly
assumed (nxn33-"i3) denotes a son of prophecy or inspiration ;
and as one important function of the New Testament Prophets
(or inspired teachers) was persuasive exhortation, as a means
of enforcing doctrinal instruction (see above, on 2, 40), it is
not improbable that in the author's Greek translation of the
name, the last word {TrapaKXijaeojs:) has its primary sense of ex-
hortation (or p)ersuasio7i^ 13, 15. 15, 31. Rom. 12, 8. 1 Cor.
14, 3. 2 Cor. 8, 4. 1 Tim. 4, 13. Heb. 12, 5. 13, 22), rather
than its secondary sense of consolation (9, 31. Luke 2, 25.
Rom. 15, 5. 2 Cor. 1, 3. 6. 7. 7, 4. 7. 13. Phil. 2. 1. 2 Thess. 2,
16. Philem. 7. Heb. 6, 18.) It will then describe him as a
zealous and successful preacher or exhorter, which agrees well
with his character and conduct as described in 11, 23. 24.
The natural import of the words is, that he had already been
tlms surnamed when he made his gift; but all that they
184 ACTS 4, 36.37.
necessarily imply is that he was so distinguished before this
history was written. (See above, on v. 6.) He is still fur-
ther described as a Lemte, or as paraphrased by Wiclif, of
the lineage of Levi. As some Levites formed a part of the
Diaspora, or general dispersion of the Jews among the na-
tions, after the Babylonish conquest, and even after the return
from exile, Barnabas is furthermore distinguished as a Cy-
prian by birth or by descent (yeVet), which is better paraphrased
in Tyndale's version {a Cyprian born) than in King James's
{of the country of Cyprus) That this is the same Barnabas,
who acts so conspicuous a part in the sequel of this history
(see below, on 9, 27, and compare 1 Cor. 9, 6. Gal. 2, 1. 9. 13.
Col. 4, 10), has probably never been disputed. As to Ms con-
nection with Cyprus, see below, on 13,4. 15,39. As to the
identity of Barnabas and Barsabas^ see above, on 1, 23, and
below, on 15, 22.
37. Having land, sold it, and brought the money,
and laid it at the Apostles' feet.
The sentence is continued and completed from v. 36. It
represents a single individual as doing what was said in v. 34
to have been done by all proprietors of lands and houses.
Saving land^ literally, afield being (or belonging^ to hhn. The
word translated land is different from that in v. 34 and 1,18,
and is the common Greek term for di field. Some have thought
this statement inconsistent with the law (Num. 18, 20-24.
Josh. 18, 7), excluding the Levites from a share in the land of
Canaan. To this it has been variously answered, that he may
have abandoned it for that very reason ; that the law did not
extend to Cyprus, where the land may have been situated ;
that it did not extend to individuals, but only to the tribe as
such, which is inferred from Jer. 32, 9. It may be added
that the tribe itself was excluded only from a continuous and
compact portion of the promised land, but not from holding
cities and their suburbs and adjacent pastures for their flocks
and herds. (See Numb. 35, 1-5. Josh. 21, 1-42.) For prices
(v. 34) we here have money ^ (xRVf^^)-) elsewhere written in the
plural number (Matt. 10, 23. 24. Luke 18, 24. Acts 8, 18. 20.
24, 26), although the same use of the singular is found in He-
rodotus and other classics. The word for selling is also dif-
ferent from that before used, though substantially synonymous.
If the distinction made by lexicographers be just, to wit. that
ACTS 4, 37. 185
the verb employed in v. 34 originally signified trafiic beyond
seas, it might seem more appropriate to this case, especially
on the supposition that the land sold lay in Cyprus. But
why was this case singled out and placed on record, while so
many others were passed by in silence ? Some have answered,
as the first case of the kind that happened ; others, as the case
of one so highly honoured and so eminently useful. As if he
had said, ' among the many who thus showed their benevo-
lence and zeal, was one, with whose name you have long been
familiar, or are yet to meet repeatedly in this same history.'
Now both these explanations — and there seems to be no other
worthy of attention — presuppose that there was something
remarkable in what is here ascribed to Barnabas. But if all
were required to abandon their possessions, or if all did in
point of fact abandon them, wherein lay the distinction of this
single case, or what mattered it who did first what all did as
a matter of course afterwards ? To say that this case set the
fashion or example, is not only a gratuitous assertion, but sup-
plies by mere conjecture what would no doubt have been
clearly and emphatically stated, as the most important part
of the transaction. The only satisfactory solution is the one
already given (see above, on v. 34), to wit, that these were
voluntary acts of genuine benevolence, among w^hich that of
Barnabas, thougli not more meritorious than others, was more
interesting to Luke's readers, for one of the two reasons which
have been suggested, either as the first in time, or far more
probably, because of his subsequent celebrity. This then may
be reckoned as a further proof, that the community of goods,
described above, was not a social regulation or an article of
primitive church polity, but the natural and necessary acting
out of the principle of oneness, or identity of interest among
the members of Christ's body, arising from their joint relation
to himself; a principle expressly taught in scripture and re-
ceived by all believers, and though far less oj^erative than it
should be, no less capable, when nurtured and developed, of
producing such fruit now, than in the first church at Jerusa.
lem, where every thing external helped to foster and mature it.
186 ACTS 5, 1.
CHAPTEK Y.
This conventional division of the text contains the first re-
corded case of hypocritical profession in the infant church
(1-4), with the severe but necessary means- used to prevent
its repetition (5-11), and the consequent increase of true con-
versions, and of popular respect and faith in the miraculous
gifts of the Apostles, leading to innumerable cures (12-16),
but also to a new attack upon the church (17-32), which
seemed about to end in the death of the Apostles, when pre-
vented by the interposition and advice of a distinguished
Pharisee (33-39), in consequence of which they were sub-
jected to a minor though disgraceful punishment, but joy-
fully continued to assert, both in public and in private, the
Messiahship of Jesus (40-42.)
1. But a certain man named Ananias, with Sap-
pMra liis wife, sold a possession :
To the eminent example of self-sacrificing charity, exhib-
ited by Barnabas (4, 36. 37), the history now adds, by way
of contrast, one of a very different description, yet springing
from the same peculiar state of things, and showing the
abuses to which it might afford occasion, by converting into
a mere form or fashion, what was at first, and continuexl stiU
to be in most, the spontaneous impulse of a genuine affection.
Such perversions are continually taking place wherever there
are zealous and extensive efforts to do good in any way. The
real charity and zeal of some are copied outwardly by others,
not always with deliberate hy]30crisy, but often from a super-
ficial short-lived sympathy. From this, as weU as other evils
since prevailing, the primitive church, even under the control
of the Apostles, was not wholly free ; and her experience is
Iiere left on record "for our learning" (Rom. 15, 4), and "for
our admonition, upon whom the ends of the world are come "
(1 Cor. 10, 11.) The excessive regard paid to the division
of the chapters, although often infehcitous and injudicious,
bides from many readers the most intimate connection be-
tween this narrative and the conclusion of the fourth chap-
ter ; an effect not wholly counteracted by the melancholy but
(as Matthew Henry calls it) which stands at the beginning of
ACTS 5, 1. 2. 187
this verse, and which, in Greek, is nothing more than the
continuative particle (Se) so constantly employed throughout
this history. The antithesis is indicated not so much by this
as by the whole connection when continuously read. A cer-
tain man is an idiomatic English phrase, often apphed to
^ases where there is no certainty at all, and simply meaning
somebody or some man (Lat. quidam.) Here, where the
aoun tnan is expressed, the indefinite pronoun (tis) merely
intimates, that he was otherwise or previously unknoAvn to
the reader. JSfamed^ literally, hy name. Ananias is the
Greek form corresponding, in the Septuagint version, both
to IIana7iiah (Dan. 1, 6) and Ananiah (IS'eh. 3, 23), which
are more unlike in Hebrew than in English letters. Both
were auspicious names, one denoting the favour, and the other
the protection, of Jehovah (see above, on 4, 6) which ac-
counts for the repeated occurrence of the Greek form, even in
this history, as the name of different persons. (See below, on
9, 10. 23, 2.) The other name, which is variously written in
the manuscripts (Sappheira, Sapphira, Saphphira, Saphphura),
is commonly identified with the Hebrew and Greek words for
a sapphire (Ex. 24, 10. Rev. 21, 19), but by some with an
Aramaic adjective denoting fair or beautiful (Dan. 4, 9. 18 ;
hi tlie English Bible, 4, 12. 21). In either case, the names
(as Bengel hints) were too good for their o^\mers. With
here implies what is expressed hi the next verse, not mere
joint action, but preconcert and conspu-acy. It really means,
therefore, in the closest and most intimate conjunction with
her. Possession^ although afterwards defined (see v. 3), is
correctly rendered here as an indefinite expression, the plural
of which occurs above (2, 45.) The specification is needlessly
anticipated here by the Vulgate {agrum) and its Rhemish
copyist (a j9^ece of lajid.) The verb in 'this clause, and the
act which it expresses, are the same as in the case of Barna-
bas, and other " owners of lands or houses," mentioned at the
close of the last chapter (4, 34. 37.)
2. And kept back (part) of the price, (his) wife
also being privy (to it), and brought a certain part, and
laid it at the Apostles' feet.
The sentence is continued from the first verse. Kept
lacky literally, set apart^ appropriated^ but ^dth special refer-
ence, in classical usage, to embezzlement or peculation. The
188 ACTS 5, 2.3.
old Greek lexicograpliers (Hesychiiis and Suidas) define it by
a compound verb (tStoTroteoj) meaning to make one's own^ not
in a good sense, but in that of stealing (kActttw) or embezzling.
The only other instance of its use in the New Testament,
besides the next verse, is in Titus 2, 10, where it is translated
purloining^ and relates to the dishonest practices of slaves or
servants. The whole phrase might be here expressed in Eng-
lish, he abstracted from the price^ without supplying part^
which is implied but not expressed in the original. (Wiclif,
defrauded of Whitby, defalked from.) The word for jr?rice
is the same that was explained above, on 4, 34. His icife^ or
less respectfully, the vj07nan^ as the pronoun is suppressed.
(See above, on 1, 14.) £eing privy ^ literally, being conscious
or aware^ or, as the Greek verb primarily signifies, knowing
(the same thing) icith him. (See below, on 12, 12. 14, 6, and
compare 1 Cor. 4, 4, where the sense of cooisciousness^ or co7i-
scie7ice, is determined by the pronoun, by or to myself) In
the rest of the verse, the terms used in 4, 34. 35, are
studiously repeated, as if to show how perfectly the cases
were ahke in mere external form and circumstances. To the
eye of uninspired man, Ananias did precisely what was done
by Barnabas and many others. The essential difierence be-
tween the cases is expressed by the addition of the words, a
certain part., another instance of the English idiom which
occurs at the beginning of v. 1. The Greek phrase (]ix,ipo<i n)
might be more exactly rendered, some part., suggesting,
although not directly expressing, the idea of a small part,
which is also implied in the whole context, as the reservation
of the larger share seems to assign a more adequate motive
for reserving any. This explanation of the phrase gives a
peculiar aggravation to the sin of Ananias and Sapphira, and
to that extent assists us in explaining the severity with which
they were punished.
3. But Peter said, Ananias, why hath Satan filled
thine heart, to lie to the Holy Ghost, and to keep back
(part) of the price of the land ?
Peter again acts as the representative and spokesman of
the twelve, whose presence, however, is implied in the plural
form {apostles) at the end of the preceding verse. {But., as
in V. 1.) Satanic a Hebrew word, meaning an adversary or
opponent, whether in war (1 Kings 5, 4) or Utigation (Ps.
ACTS 5, 3. 189
109, 6), often applied to human enemies, but in one place to
an angel (Num. 22, 22), and with the article (2 Sam. 24, 1),
or as a proper name without it (1 Chron. 21, l), to the Evil
Spirit, or the Prince of fallen angels, as the adversary and
accuser of mankind (Job. 1, Y. 2, 2. Zech. 3, 1. 2. Compare
Rev. 12, 9. 10.) In this sense and application, it is nearly-
equivalent to the Greek Ata/?oXo5 (Rev. 12, 9. 20, 2) and Latin
Diaholus^ meaning slanderer, mformer, false accuser, to which
the English Devil may be easily traced back, through the in
termediate forms of the French {Biable) and Italian [Diavolo).
As the same being is the tempter of our race from the begin-
ning (2 Cor. 11, 3), the name jSatan sometimes has that special
meaning (Matt. 4, 10. 16, 23. Mark 8, 33), and is so used
here. But while the sin of Ananias is referred to this Satanic
influence, the question (why f ) represents it as a voluntary-
act, thus as it were making both agents jointly responsible.
Filled thy heart is not so strong an expression as the one
appHed to Judas (John 13, 27), although the influence de-
scribed may be the same. This influence is never represented
as coercive, but as persuasive and resistible (James 4, 7.) To
Jill the hearty however, must mean something more than to
suggest or to encourage. Taking heart in the generic sense
of mind or sold (see above, on 2, 37), the idea seems to be
that of occupying or engrossing the whole man with some par-
ticular desire or purpose. To lie, or as the Greek verb with
the accusative is used by the purest Attic TSTiters, to deceive,
which is the marginal translation in our Bible. The verb is
the same as in the next verse, but the syntax different. The
verb itself does not mean to belie, as some would here explain
it (i. e. to belie the Holy Spirit, either in himself by false
profession, or in the Apostles by questioning their inspiration),
but to cheat by lying. Some refer the act to Ananias, some
to Satan, a difference of little exegetical importance, on ac-
count of their inseparable union in responsibility and guilt.
There is no need of giving to the verb a merely tentative
meaning (sought or attempted to deceive), as it does not here
express the actual result, but the desire or purpose, with
which Satan filled the heart of Ananias. The intimate gram-
matical connection of the two verbs shows that one is a spe-
cification of the other, or that the way in which he sought to
deceive the Holy Ghost, was by keeping back, etc. This
last verb (explained above, on v. 2), with the same preposi-
tion (ttTTo), occurs in the Septuagint version of Josh. 7, 1, in
190 ACTS 5, 3. 4.
reference to the sin of Achan, between which and that of
Ananias some of the older writers have discovered even too
great a resemblance. The generic term possession (in v. 1 )
is now defined or specified as land^ literally, place (see above,
on 1, 18. 4, 34.) Tyndale uses here the old word lyvelod,
which seems to be identical with livelihood^ i. e. subsistence,
or the source from which it is derived, namely, property or
income.
4. Whiles it remained, was it not thine own ? And
after it was sold, was it not in thine own power ? Why
hast thou conceived this thing in thine heart ? Thou
hast not lied unto men, but unto God.
Willies is an antiquated form of while or whilst. There
is nothing corresponding to it here in Greek. The hteral
translation of the clause is, remaining did it not remain to
thee ? (Wiclif, whether it ujisold zoas not thine f) So in the
next clause, heioig sold (or having been sold) loas it not f etc.
This shows conclusively, that no compulsory abandonment of
property, or absolute community of goods, existed in the
primitive church. (See above, on 2, 44. 45. 4, 32.) The sen-
tence, it is true, is interrogative, not affirmative (see above,
on 2, 7) ; but the form of interrogation (^Wth ovyi) is one used
when an affirmative answer is expected. (See Matt. 20, 13.
Luke 12, 6. John 11, 9. Rom. 3, 29.) Was {vTrrjpx^v)., existed
or subsisted (see above, on 4, 34. 37), has here very nearly
the force of coiitinued or remained., as in the first clause.
Power., not physical but moral, authority, discretion. (See
above, on 1, 7. 3, 12. 4, 7.) The sin of Ananias was therefore
perfectly spontaneous and gratuitous, without coercion or
constraint ah extra. He was not required to sell his land, or
having sold it, to devote the proceeds to a public use. His
freedom from aU antecedent obligation so to do, is the very
soul of this expostulation, robbed of which it becomes utterly
unmeaning. If Peter knew that Ananias had no choice, but
was compelled to give up all that he possessed when he
became a Christian,- these upbraidmg questions would have
been a cruel mockery. Why is not the same Greek form as
in the verse precedmg. There the words mean strictly, for
(or on account of) what f (Sta Tt;)here (and hi Luke 2, 49),
the expression is elliptical and seems to mean, hoio (is it)
ACTS 5, 4. 191
tha% as Tyndale here translates it, or lohat (is the reason)
that f {tl on; ) or the full form may be that in John 14, 22 (ri
yiyovev otl}) what has happened that f Conceived^ liter ally jt>w?
ovj^laced. A similar Hebrew phrase is used to denote purpose
(Dan. 1, 8) or serious consideration (Mai. 2, 2.) See below,
on 19, 21, and compare Luke 1, 66. This thing^ or retaining
the original and full force of the Greek word (-Trpay/xa from
Trpdacroi, to do), this deed or actio7i. JOied is here construed,
not with the accusative, as in v. 3, and in the classical Greek
usage, but with the dative. Some regard this as a mere
dialectic variation, belonging to the Hellenistic Greek, but
identical in sense with the accusative construction. It seems
hard, however, to account for both forms bemg used in two
successive sentences, unless there is some difference of mean-
ing. If there is such a difference, it is probably that between
deceiving, as the end, and lyi?ig, as the means of its accom-
plishment. (See above, on v. 3.) N'ot unto men, so much as
unto God, as some explain it ; or not unto men at all, since all
regard to them is swallowed up in that due to God (compare
Ps. 51, 4) ; or not unto (us as) men, but as the vehicles and
organs of the Holy Ghost. (See Matt. 10, 20. Acts 13, 2.
15, 28.) The reference is then not merely to the presence
and inhabitation of the Holy Ghost in all believers (l Cor. 3,
16. 6, 19), but to his special and authoritative acting through
the Apostles ; so that disobedience to their rightful apostol-
ical authority is represented as resistance to the Holy Ghost.
(See V, 51 below, and compare 1 Thess. 4, 8.) The use of
the terms God and Holy Ghost, in these two verses, as con-
vertible expressions, has always and most justly been regarded
as a strong proof both of the personality and the divinity of
the Spirit. In allusion to this doctrine, and to one of its
heretical opponents in the early church, the Venerable Bede
says, the Scripture here condemns the heresy of Macedonius
before Macedonius was born. The sin of Ananias is so clearly
and precisely said to have been that of lying to and trying to
deceive the Holy Ghost, that it is strange men should ever
have disputed whether it was sacrilege or avarice, ambition
or vainglory. All these were undoubtedly included ; but
the grand specific charge against him, twice alleged by
Peter, is that of lying to the Holy Ghost. The interpretation
of the passage has been hindered and embarrassed, from the
earliest times, by the neglect of this obvious and simple fact,
and the attempt to make the guUt of Ananias and Sapphira
192 ACTS 5, 4.5.
lie in their violation of a vow, by which they had consecrated
all their property to God, so that in withholding what they
did, they were not only guilty of the crime of sacrilege, but
(as one of the Fathers here observes) of self-robbery or steal-
ing their own money ! Such refinements are often handed
down from age to age, in the tradition of the pulpit, or by
one interpreter transcribing others, till the true sense, obvious
and simple though it be, is supposed to be condemned by the
Judgment of the church, or lost sight of and forgotten. How-
ever complicated the offence of Ananias may have been, the
head and front of his offending, as declared by the Apostle,
was his lying to the Holy Ghost.
5. And Ananias, hearing these words, fell down
and gave up the ghost ; and great fear came on all
them that heard these things.
Gave up the ghost is not, as the English reader might sup-
pose, a Greek or Hebrew idiom, introduced into our language
by too servile a translation, but an idiom of our own, retained
in all the English versions subsequent to that of Tyndale.
Wiclif 's simple but expressive words are, fell down and was
dead. The Greek verb [i^ixj/v^e) means breathed out, i. e. his
life or soul, as the ellipsis is supplied by Euripides and Virgil.
Our word expire (from the Latin exspiro) originally means
the same. The phrase employed in the translation is one of
the very few, in which the word ghost still retains its strict
sense as a synonyme of spirit. The other forms in which it
lingers are Iloly Ghost and ghostly, as applied to spiritual
guides or teachers. With these exceptions, English usage
now restricts the word to the supposed return of disembodied
spirits. As to the immediate cause of the death of Ananias
there are various opinions. The earlier neologists of Ger-
many, belonging to the so-called natural (or naturalistic)
school of exegesis, in their eagerness to get rid of one mira-
cle, almost assumed another, by ascribing the sudden death
to fright or apoplexy, not perceiving that its occurring when
it did, and in the case of man and wife, is enough to render
even such a death miraculous. One writer of the same class,
but more bold and reckless, alleges or insmuates that Peter
actually killed him with a concealed weapon, and that Luke
relates merely what was seen by the spectators. Apart from
these monstrosities of exposition, there is a question, even
ACTS b, 5. 19S
among those who are agreed in considering the death of
Ananias as a signal act of the divine justice, namely, Avhether
this act was performed through Peter, or without his know-
ledge and co-operation. It is commonly assumed, as a matter
of course, that Ananias was destroyed by a judicial word or
act of the Apostle, as the representative of God or Christ.
But there is no such intimation in the narrative itself, the
terms of which are perfectly consistent with the supposition
or conclusion, that the sudden death of Ananias was as much
a matter of surprise to Peter as to others, and that his first
knowledge of the divine will upon this occasion vv'as derived
from the appalling sight of the dissembler lying lifeless at his
feet. We have no right to affirm this as unquestionably true ;
but we have still less right to affirm the contrary, and thus
give colour to the charge of cruelty and rash vinclictiveness
against the great Apostle. False as such charges are, on any
exegetical hypothesis, it is not wise to give them even an oc-
casion or a pretext, by gratuitously representing as his own
act, what the language of the narrative allows us to regard as
the immediate act of God. If the Avriter had intended to
exhibit the Apostle as a minister of wrath or vengeance,
would he not have left on record some judicial sentence,
some express premonition of the stroke that was to follow,
such as Paul uttered in the case of Elymas the sorcerer (see
below, on 13, 11), or at least such a warning and exhortation
as Peter himself addressed to Smion Magus (see below, on 8,
20-23 ?) But whether used directly against Peter, or indi-
rectly against God himself, the charge of rashness and undue
severity may be repelled, without resorting to the ultimate
unanswerable plea of the divine infallibility and sovereignty,
by the complex aggravations of the sin committed, as em-
bracing an ambitious and vainglorious desire to obtain the
praise of men by false pretences ; a selfish and avaricious
wish to do this at. as small expense as possible ; a direct false-
hood, whether told by word or deed, as to the completeness
of the sum presented ; but above all, an impious defiance of
God the Spirit, as unable to detect the imposture or to punish
it ; a complication and accumulation of gratuitous and aggra-
vated crimes, which certainly must constitute a heinous sin —
if not the one unpardonable sin — against the Holy Ghost
(Matt. 12, 31. 32. Mark 3, 29.) That Ananias had a view to
his support from the common fund, while secretly retaining
feomethmg of his own, presupposes a more Uteral and strict
VOL. I. — 9
104 ACTS 5, 5. 6.
community of goods than we have found recorded. If the
property sold by Ananias was so vahiable that he could hope
to gain a name by giving it away, and yet reserve a portion
for liimself, the hope of sharing in a common sustentation-
fund could hardly have been much of a temptation. As addi-
tional reasons for inflicting so severe a stroke, it has been
said, that an example of severity was specially required in
the beginning of tlie Christian dispensation, analogous to
those of Nadab and Abihu under Moses (Lev. 10, 1-3) and
to that of Achan under Joshua (V, 1-26.) That the punish-
ment, though just in itself, was specially intended to deter
men from repeating the oflence, is rendered probable by its
actual effect, as here recorded. Great fear (both terror and
religious awe) came (i. e. came to pass or happened) upon all
tJian that heard (literally, those hearing) these {things.) The
last word (ravra) is omitted by the oldest manuscripts and
latest editors, without effect upon the meaning. The only
question is, whether the clause describes the hnpression made
by the death of Ananias upon those who witnessed it, or
on a wider circle who were reached by the report of it.
The objection to the latter, which is certainly the natural
import of the words — since the persons present would be
rather spoken of as seeing than as hearing what had happened
— is that such a statement seems misplaced between the death
of Ananias and that of his wife, which happened so soon after-
wards. But this may be explained in either of two ways.
The first is by supposing a prolej^sis or anticipation, which is
altogether natural in such a case, the writer going on to tell
what impression this fearful stroke eventually made, and then
returning to complete his narrative of what occurred at once.
*This sudden death of Ananias caused a universal dread in all
who heard it, and so did that of his companion in wickedness,
which I shall now relate.' The other method of solution is to
understand the language of this verse, without prolepsis, as
describing the immediate effect produced by the news of
Ananias's death, which, as in all like cases, would be spread
with groat rapidity, especially if the event took place in an
assembly of disciples, as to which point, see below, on v. 7.
6. And the young men arose, wound him up, and
carried (him) out, and buried (him.)
Some understand by the young (or more exactly, younger)
ACTS 5, 6. 1. 195
m€w, a class of officers or servants in' the primitive churchy
chiefly on two grounds ; first, tliat the correlative term elders
(TTpes^vrepoL) is SO used, and sometimes contrasted with (v€wt€-
poi) the one which here occurs (1 Tim. 5, 1. 1 Pet. 5, 5. Tit.
2, 6) : and secondly, that the word here has the article and
therefore must denote a well-defined and well-known class.
As to the first of these reasons, it would serve as well to prove
that because the Enghsh elder is a title of office, there must be
a corresponding class of officers called yoimgers. It may also
be observed that the alleged opposition between the two
Greek words occurs chiefly where presbj-ter or elder has
its natural or personal, and not its technical official sense. As
to the other reason, it is difficult to see in what respect an
order of church-servants would be any more entitled to a defi-
nite description than the younger men of the community, or
rather of the company present upon this occasion, who might
naturally be expected, with or without an order or a sign from
the Apostles, to perform the unpleasant duty here assigned to
them. The mam fact is, hoAvever, that the word in question
never occurs again as an official title. VTound him up^
wrapped him in his own clothes, or shrouded hun in grave-
clothes. The last is not so probable, considering the haste
with which the burial was performed. Carried out might
seem to refer merely to the house, but the analogy of Luke
7, 12. John 11, 31, and the well-known usage of the Jews,
seem decisive in fiivour of referring it to the city. From the
ancient sepulchres still extant in the Holy Land, it would
seem that the usual mode of burial was in lateral excavations,
either in the hill-sides or in artificial vaults and natura!
caverns.
7. And it was about the space of three hours after
when his wife, not knowing what was done, came in.
It is not an improbable conjecture, that Ananias and Sap-
phira are described as coming into the Apostles' presence at
two successive hours of prayer, the interval between which
was three hours. (See above, on 2, 15. 3, 1.) This would
imply that the incidents recorded here took place in a meet-
ing for worship. But see what is said above (on 2, 42. 46) as
to the mode of life among the primitive Christians. The first
clause admits of two grannnatical constructi«jns. The simplest
is the one adopted in our version, which makes S2mce (or ^>^-
196 ACTS 5, 1. 8. 9.
terval) the subject of the verb at the beginning. 'There waa
(or there elapsed) an interval of about three hours, and (then)
his wife, etc.' The other, which is harsher, but preferred by
the highest philological authorities gives to the first verb
(eyevero) its frequent sense of happened, came to pass, and con-
strues the following words absolutely, as in Matt. 15, 32.
' And it came to pass — a space of about three hours (later) —
that (literally, and) his wife, etc' This use of and, in the last
clause of a sentence, especially after a specification of thne, is
a common Hebrew idiom, and as such often used in the Greek
of the New Testament. (See for example Luke 9, 28, where
the structure of the sentence is the same as here.) What
was done, or rather, what had happened, i. e. to her husband.
How she had remamcd so long in ignorance of what must
have been generally known, is not revealed, and it is idle to
conjecture. Such exceptions are not only possible, but fa-
miliar matters of experience.
8. And Peter answered unto her, Tell me whether
ye sold the land for so much ? And she said, Yea, for
so much.
Answered, not merely said (see above, on 3, 12), but re-
pfied, as some think, to her salutation, or, as others, to her
looks or to her thoughts. Tell me is in "Wiclif 's version.
Woman, say to me. The word translated sold here and in
7, 9 below, is the middle voice of the verb rendered gave in
4, 33 above. It has been disputed whether so much repre-
sents a specific sum which Peter named, or the money lying
at his feet at which he pointed, or whether it here means so
little, which, however, is at variance mth usage. Yea, yes,
the usual Greek particle of affirmation.
9. Then Peter said unto her, How (is it) that ye
have agreed together, to tempt the Spirit of the Lord ?
Behold, the feet of them which have buried thy hus-
band (are) at the door, and shall carry thee out.
Then is not an adverb of time, but the conjunction (Se),
translated a7id at the beginning of the three preceding verses.
How is it that, the very phrase translated why in v. 4. These
variations in the version, though intrinsically unimportant,
ACTS 5, 9. 197
are occasionallj noticed, lest the English readei should sup-
pose a difference of meaning, Avhere there is not even one of
form, in the original. Ye have agreed toget]iei\ literally, it
was concerted by you (or between you.) It is plain that this
preconcert or conspiracy was viewed by the Apostle as a
serious aggravation of the sin committed ; not only because
each was bound to hinder or dissuade instead of helping and
encouraging the other ; but because this previous agreement
showed the sin to be deliberate and presumptuous, and cut
off all excuse or palhation that might otherwise have been
derived from haste, ignorance, or inconsideration. The sin
itself is here described as that of tempting God, i. e. trying
his patience, or putting to the test, and thereby impiously
questioning, not merely his omniscience, but his veracity and
power to punish. The term is repeatedly applied to God
(Deut. 6, 16. Matt. 4, 1. Luke 4, 12. Heb. 3, 8. 9), and once
to Christ (1 Cor. 10, 9), but here to the Sinrit of the Lord,
i. e. of God, or according to the prevalent New Testament
usage, of Christ himself. See above, on 1, 24. 2, 21, and com-
pare the Spirit of his Son^ Gal. 4, 6. See also John 14, 26.
15, 26, where the Spirit is said to be sent, not only in the
Son's name by the Father, but from the Father by the Son
himself. The same relation of the divine persons is expressed
in 2, 33 above. Ananias and Sapphira had consi^ired to tempt
the omniscient Spirit, by agreeing to practise a deception on
the men, in whom he manifestly dwelt in an extraordinary
manner, and through whom he now spoke and acted, as the
ruler and the guardian of his infant church. The connivance,
or rather the complicity of Sapphira in her husband's sin — for
she is evidently treated, both by Peter and by Luke, not as a
mere accessory, but as a co-ordinate and independent party
to the whole transaction — vv^as so clear to her own conscience,
and to others from her prompt and categorical reply to the
judicial question put to her by Peter, that he thinks no fur-
ther trial necessary, but contents himself with simply an-
nouncing her participation in the punishment, as well as in
the sin, of her husband. Some have argued from the sen-
tence here pronounced by Peter on Sapphira, that he must
have acted likewise as a judge in the case of Ananias. (See
above, on v. 5.) The conclusion might be valid if the premi-
ses were true, i. e. if what is here recorded were a formal and
authoritative sentence, instead of being, as it is, a mere pre-
diction. Even the word shall, used by our translators, con-
198 ACTS 5, 9.
veys too strong a sense to modern readers. There is nothing
to show that the Greek verb means more than that tJiey will
(or are about to) do for her what they have just done for her
husband. Carry out^ i. e. for burial, from the house, and
probably from the city also, as in v. 6. This w^as known to
Peter, not by mere conjecture, nor by reasoning from analogy,
but no doubt by express revelation, which is perfectly con-
sistent with the view already taken of his agency in executing
the divine will upon Ananias. Although it may have pleased
God, in the first instance, to eflect his purpose without any
previous intimation to his servant, in order to disburden him
of all responsibility for so severe and sudden an infliction ; yet
as soon as the divine will had been made known by the death
of Ananias, it seems altogether natural that Peter should
resume his ordinary functions as a Prophet and Apostle. Be-
hold (or Zo), as usual, announces somethmg unexpected and
surprismg (see above, on 1, 10. 2, 7), as this declaration must
have been to her whom he addressed, and who had just come
in, " not knowing what had happened " (v. 7.) The idea that
feet may be put for the whole person (see above, on 4, 35-37),
seems to be favoured .here by the construction of that
word as the subject of the verb in the last clause, 'behold
their feet are at the door, and shall carry thee out,'' which
could be said only of the hands, if particular members, in the
strict sense, were intended. But the true construction is, and
they (not the feet, but their owners, who had buried Ananias)
shall carry thee oict. At the door has by some been regarded
as a figure for at hand, within reach, and the w^hole cla'ise as
meaning, that death and burial were as near to her as they
had been to her husband. But this sense may be obtained,
and in a much more striking form, without departing from
the literal interpretation of the clause as meaning, that the
young men who had buried Ananias were returned, and either
waitmg fit the door or in the act of entering. If the former,
there is no need of assuming a long interval between their
going and returning ; if the latter, it is easily explained by
the necessity of burying the dead without the city. Some
preparation also for the burial may have been required, al-
though not as much as usual, and not including (as some in-
terpreters suggest) the digging of a grave, which is a transfer
of our own associations to a very diflerent mode of buriaL
(See above, on v.' 6.) According to the literal interpretation
of this clause, Peter's knowledge of the fact, that they were
ACTS 5, 9. 10. 199
at the door, may have been derived from a divine suggestion,
or from hearing their approach, or from both, as in the case
of Abijah, who was warned of a visit from the wife of Jero-
boam, and yet " heard the sound of her feet as she came in at
the door" (1 Kings 14, 5. 6.) Them which have buried is in
Greek those burying (or having buried^
10. Then fell she down straightway at his feet and
yielded up the ghost ; and the young men came in and
found her dead, and carrying (her) forth buried (her)
by her husband.
Peter's prophetical announcement to Sapphira is instanta-
neously fulfilled. Then^ see above, on v. 9. Straightway^
the same word that is rendered immediately in 3, 7, and there
explained. At his feet^ in evident allusion to the fact men-
tioned in V. 2 (compare 4, 27.) As the money had been laid
at the Apostles' feet, so now the deceivers fell down dead
upon the same spot ; for the same thing, although not dis-
tinctly mentioned, was no doubt true of Ananias also. Yielded
up the ghost may seem to be a stronger expression than the
one in v. 5 ; but in Greek they are identical. So too is the
carrying forth of this verse mth the carried out of that. The
young men^ namely, those who had removed Ananias (v. 6.)
The argument derived from the analogy of the comparative
forms (Tfpeo-jSvTepoL, elder, and vewrepoi, younger) in favour of
regarding both as technical official titles (see above, on v. 6),
is considerably weakened by the younger being here called
simply young or youths {veavto-Koi). On the' other hand, sup-
posing these expressions to be used in their popular and sim-
ple sense, there is not only nothing strange in the promiscuous
use of the comparative and positive degree, but an obvious
significancy in the former where it stands (see v. 6), as sug-
gestive of the reason for their undertaking this unpleasant
duty, namely, that it would have been unbecoming to devolve
it on their elders. In any civifized society or company, the
younger men would feel themselves in honour bound to act in
such emergencies, without official right or obligation, not
merely on account of their supposed strength and activity,
but also from a natural and reasonable disposition to relieve
or spare, not only women and children, but the older men.
Where the line between the ages should be drawn, is a ques-
tion theoretically difficult enough, but one which would not
200 ACTS 5, 10. 11.
give the slightest trouble in a practical emergency. Caine in
and found her dead^ though not decisive, seems to favour the
opinion that the foregoing verse relates to their actual return
from the place of burial. The Codex Beza and the Syriac
version here repeat the word which means to shroud or wrap
up in V. 6 above. Though no part of the text, it may be sup-
plied or understood, like the expression at his feet in the pre-
ceding clause. JBy her husband^ literally, to (i. e. close to)
lier husband^ implying proximity and juxtaposition. The
Greek word (Trpd? ), with the accusative, strictly denotes mo
tion to or towards an object, and may here be used because
the verb includes the idea of rem.oval. The same preposition
is substituted here, in what is now regarded as the true text,
for another {irapa) meaning by or «#, in the phrase at his feet ^
repeated from v. 2 above. The same idea {by or at) is ex-
pressed by still a third preposition (cTrt) in v. 9, as well as in
3, 10. 11 above. The speedy burial of this unhappy pair has
been often cavilled at, and variously justified. The naked
reference to 'divine authority, without a positive command on
record, is a virtual concession that the act admits of no excuse
on ordinary prmciples, and also fails to guard against untimely
imitation. The alleged practice of the Jews, from the time of
the Captivity, to bury on the day of death, is historically
doubtful, and by no means an example for the Christian world.
The physical necessity, arising from the climate, is also doubt-
ful, or at least exaggerated and at variance with scriptural
examples. The true explanation seems to be, that the usual
reason for delaying burial did not exist in this case. That
reason is the propriety of ascertaining that the death has
taken place before the body is interred. But here there was
neither doubt as to the fact nor interment in the proper sense.
The bodies were most probably deposited uncoffined in the
horizontal niches of an open sepulchre above ground (see
above, on v. 6.) But it matters little whether this were so or
not, as the Apostles, who presided at this awful scene, must
certainly have kno^vn that Ananias and Sapphira were com.
pletely dead.
11. And great fear came upon all the church, and
upon as many as heard these things.
The effect' of these judgments w^as an universal sense of
awe and dread. The first and last words of the verse agree
ACTS 5, 11. 201
exactly with the second clause of v. 5 ; the change of all that
io as many as existmg only in the English version. This co-
incidence of form seems to favour, though it cannot of itself
establish, the opinion that v. 5 is a prolepsis or anticipation
of the statement here made in its proper place. The only dif-
ference between the two is that the general expression, all
those hearing these things^ is preceded, in the verse before us,
by the more specific phrase, the lohole church. This is the
second instance of the use of this word in the book before us,
or the first, according to some ancient manuscripts and recent
critics, who omit the word (iKKkruria) in 2, 47. It may here
mean either the assembly in whose presence these events took
place, or the whole body of believers. But at this stage of
the re-organization, there is reason to believe that the two
ideas were coincident, that is to say, that those who met, es-
pecially for worship, were in fact the whole body or its stand-
ing representatives. Whether Tyndale and Cranmer, in
translating the word congregation^ meant to put the more re-
stricted sense upon it, may be doubted, as this English word
had once a v/ider usage. Thus Knox calls the Church of
Christ his " Congregation," and the same name was long
borne by the whole body of the Reformed in Scotland. Besides
the general objection to the punishment of Ananias and his
v>ife as cruel, it has been accused of undue relative severity
compared with that of Elymas the Sorcerer (see below, on 13,
11), and with the suj)posed impunity of Simon Magus (see
below, on 8, 24.) In explanation of this seeming dispropor-
tion, it has been suggested, that such rigour was particularly
needed at the very outset (see above, on v. 5) ; and that Ana-
nias and Sapphira had most probably experienced the extraor-
dinary influences of the Holy Spirit, and having "fallen away,"
could no more be "renewed to repentance" (Heb. 6, 4-6),
having really committed the unpardonable sin (Matt. 12, 31.
32. 1 John 5, 16.) The same considerations have been used
to justify the sudden death of these two persons without pre-
vious notice, and without opportimity or space for repentance
(Heb. 12, 17.) It is worthy of remark that such apologies are
called for, only where the Scriptures are ^concerned, and that
no man thinks it needful thus to " vindicate the ways of God
to man," in reference to the multitudes of cases, in which un-
converted sinners are continually swept into eternity A^dthout
immediate warning and without repentance.
VOL. I. — 9*
202 ACTS 5, 12. 13.
12. And by the hands of the Apostles were maiij
signs and wonders wrought among the people; and
they were all with one accord in Solomon's porch.
As the impression made by the events of Pentecost was
strengthened and maintauied by a succession of miraculous
performances (2, 43) ; so now, the effect of the tremendous
judgment upon Ananias and Sapphira was continued or in-
creased in the same manner. The terms used in the two pla-
ces are almost identical. As to the additional expression, ^y
the hands, implying instrumental agency, see above, on 2, 23.
3, 18, and below, on 7, 25. As to the other phrase here added,
in (or among) the people, see above, on 2, 47. 3, 9. 11. 12. 4,
1. 2. 21. The last clause has reference to neither of the near-
est antecedents, the Apostles or the people, but to the whole
body of disciples. (See above, on 2, 1. 4. 4, 31.) This clause
has been understood to mean, that as the number of disciples
had become too great to be accommodated elsewhere, their
religious services were now held in the spacious portico, where
Peter had addressed the people in relation to the healing of
the lame man. But whatever acts of worship or instruction
may have been performed there, it is more natural to under-
stand the words here used in a wider sense, as meamng that
Solomon's Porch, at all times, doubtless, one of the most pub-
lic places in Jerusalem (see above, on 3, 11), now became the
favourite resort and promenade of the disciples, as it may
have been of Christ himself (see John 10, 23), which would
give it, in their eyes, a kind of consecration, similar to that of
"the upper room," where they had last eaten with him (1, 13)
and " the house where they were sitting " on the day of Pen-
tecost (2, 2.) The clause does not refer to a particular assem-
blage on a certain day, but to their habit of convening there
by common consent {rja-av oixo^vfxaSov), though not perhaps by
any formal rule or resolution. Here again, the record of ^mr-
ticular occurrences is gradually merged in a description of
what took place during a longer and less definite interval of
time. (See above, on 2, 42. 3, 1. 4, 32. 36.)
13. And of the rest durst no man join himself to
them ; but the people magnified them.
The relation of the rest to all in the preceding verse is like
that of o^Aers to the same .word in 2,12.13. Here it only
ACTS 5, 13. 203
shows, however, that the all of v. 12 is a relative expression,
meaning all the disciples, and not all the people. The word
translated joi7i themselves originally means to be glued or
stuck fast ; then, as a neuter verb, to cleave or adhere to any
thing or person. It is almost confined, in the New Testa-
ment, to Luke and Paul, bemg once used by Matthew (19, 5)
and once in a doubtful text of the Apocalypse (18,5.) Its
strength of meaning is evinced, not only by its primary usage,
as above described, and as exemplified in Luke 10, 11, but
by its application to the most intimate of all personal relations,
that of marriage (Matt. 19, 5, compare 1 Cor. 6, 16), and by
the words to which it is opposed (as in Rom. 12, 9.) Even
where it seems to have a weaker sense, the stronger is admis-
sible, and therefore, uj)on general principles, entitled to the
preference. (See below, on 8,29. 9,26. 10,28. 17,34, and
compare Luke 15, 15. 1 Cor. 6, 11.) We are bound, there-
fore, to explain it here, not merely of association or familiar
mtercourse, but of conjunction and adhesion, either in the lite-
ral and local sense of personal contact, or in the metaphorical
and moral sense of joint profession and organic union. This
usage of the word sufiices to exclude some of the many expla-
nations of the first clause of the verse before us; such as
Lightfoot's notion, that the twelve Apostles were henceforth
regarded with more deference by the hundred and eight pres-
byters (12-fl08=120, see above, on 1, 15) ; and that of other
writers, that the same thing is afiirmed as to the body of dis-
ciples. That these, or any part of these, ^should not have
dared to come in contact or associate with the twelve, is alto-
gether inconsistent with the general impression made by this
whole narrative, or rather by the whole New Testament, in
reference to the social relations of the infant church. (See
above, on 2, 42-47. 4, 32. 33.) The same objection does not
lie agamst the old and prevalent opinion, that the rest here
means the unconverted multitude, who were deterred by
what had taken place from either joining or assailing the disci-
ples. But this last sense (assailmg) is entirely foreign from the
usage of the Greek verb, and the other (joining) makes the
clause directly contradictory to what is stated in the next
verse, namely, that great multitudes did join them, both of
men and women. Two evasions of this argument have been
attempted ; one by making this verse and the next successive
as to time — 'the rest were at first afraid to jom them, but the
people still admired them, and by degrees the number of be-
204 ACTS 5, 13.
lievers multiplied, etc' — a construction wliicli supposes the
decisive terms, " at first " and " by degrees " or " afterwards,"
to be omitted, which can never be assumed except in case of
exegetical necessity, that is, when it enables us to clear up
what is otherwise hopelessly obscure; and this is not the
present case, as we shall see. The other evasion is by making
a distmction between Joining (13) and heUevi7ig (14), so as to
restrict the latter to the faith of miracles, or faith in the
power of the Apostles to perform them ; a distinction wholly
arbitrary in itself, and directly contradicted by the fact that
these believers were added to the Lord (14). As another
sample of the singular diversity of judgment in relation to this
clause, it may be added, that some eminent interpreters sup-
pose the rest to be contrasted, not with all (12), but with the
people (13), and therefore to denote the rest of the wealthy
and superior class, who were deterred by the fate of Ananias
and Sapphira, as well as by the proofs of superhuman power
afforded by the miracles of the Apostles, from uniting them-
selves with them, as they would otherv/ise have done. This
is commonly rejected as a forced interpretation, and is justly
liable to such a censure, on account of the antithesis which
it assumes, and on which it appears to rest. But this antithe-
sis is not essential and may easily be modified in such a way
as to entitle this interpretation to the preference over every
other, except one y>diich will be afterwards presented. The
modification consists in making the rest refer, not to the people
in the next clause, but to Ananias and 8app)hira in the fore-
going context. The rest Avill then mean others of the same
class, or rather the same character, i. e. ambitious, worldly,
and dishonest people, who might otherwise have joined the
church as hypocritical professors, under some momentary im-
pulse, or with some corrupt design, sufficient to outweigh the
fear of persecution, which indeed at this time must have been
extremely slight, but who were now deterred, by a regard
to their own safety, from incurring even the remote risk of a
fate like that of Ananias and Sapphira. This agrees well with
the foregoing context, in which Luke has been describing the
effect produced by that catastrophe and afterwards main-
tained by other miracles, to all which it is certainly a natural
conclusion or apj^endix, that the salutary fear thus engendered
was the means by Avhich it pleased God to preserve the church;
in this its infant state, from the intrusion of impure and hypo-
critical professors. The only objection to this view of t^e
ACTS 5, 13. 205
passage is its not accounting for the local specification which
unmediately precedes, and seems to separate the cause and
the efiect from one another in a very unusual and puzzling
manner. ' The fear produced by this event was heightened by
the miracles which followed — and the disciples now habitually
occupied the porch of Solomon — and no more hypocrites, like
Ananias and Sapphira, dared to join them.' This is certainly
no natural association of ideas, although not absolutely fatal
to the exposition which involves it, ii* no other can be found
that is not open to the same objection, and at least as satis-
factory in other points. The question then is, whether the
first clause of v. 13 can be so explained, that the last clause
of V. 12 shall not be an abrupt interpolation or parenthesis,
but a natural and necessary member of the sentence. This
can only be effected by supposing that the writer, in the first
clause of v. 13, instead of reverting, as the other exegetical
hypothesis assumes, to the moral effects, which he had been
describing, vv'hen he paused to speak of the locality in ques-
tion, is still speaking of that same locality, as now by common
consent given up to the disciples, and generally recognized as
their appropriated place of meeting. The whole coimection,
thus explained, may be paraphrased as follows. ' The death
of Ananias and Sapphira filled the public mind with awe, and
this was afterwards maintained by a contmued series of mira-
cles, in consequence of which the disciples were allowed to
constitute a body by themselves, without molestation or in-
trusion from without ; and as they had now gradually formed
the habit of assembhng daily in the porch of Solomon, no
others ventured to mix with them there, but the people were
contented to look on as mere spectators from the courts ad-
joining, and continually magnified (i. e. admired and praised)
them, as a company among whom God was present in a new
and most extraordinary manner.' Besides the difference be-
tAveen these two interpretations, with respect to the connec-
tion of V. 13 with v. 12, they also differ as to the precise sense
of the verb to join themselves ; the one referring it to union
with the church by profession, the other to mere external
contact or joint occupation of the same place. But as both
tliese meanings are legitimate deductions from the etymology
and usage of the Greek verb, as explained above, the choice
between the two constructions cannot rest upon this differ-
ence, but must be decided by a view ol the whole context.
Ajid as the one last stated is the simplest and, without de-
206 ACTS 5, 13. 14.
£)arting from the natural import of the words, gives clearness
and coherence to an otherwise perplexed and interrupted
context, it appears, upon the whole, to be the true interpreta-
tion.
14. And believers were the more added to the
Lord, multitudes both of men and women.
Believers is in Greek a participle and means helievmg (men
or persons.) Some connect it with the Lord (believing in or
on him), which is a possible construction ; but the one given
in the version is not only simpler and more obvious, but also
recommended by its unambiguous occurrence elsewhere. (See
below, on 11, 24.) On the other supposition, added means
added to the churchy as in the common text of 2, 47. The
ellipsis is the same as in 2, 41. Added to the Lord^ i. e. to
Christ, as the Head of the Church, which is his body, and of
which all converts become members. Some of the oldest
writers on the passage have observed, that Luke no longer
gives specific numbers, an omission which enhances the idea
of increase. As to the mention of both sexes, see above, on
4, 4. The distinct mention of female converts, for the first
time, may have been occasioned by the melancholy end of
Sapphira, as if the writer had intended to suggest, that the
place left vacant, not only by the husband but the wife, was
speedily supplied by many true behevers of the same sex. It
is plainly impUed that these accessions took place, not at once,
but during an indefinite period. (See above, on v. 12.) The
statement here made has already been referred to, as a proof
that the first clause of the preceding verse cannot mean that
the people were deterred by fear from joining the disciples,
as professors of the new religion. On the other hand, it is
entirely reconcileable with either of the two interpretations
of that clause, which were left to the decision of the reader.
According to the one first stated, the idea is, that although
no more Ananiases or Sapphiras joined the church, it was re-
plenished with a multitude of true converts ; according to
the other, that although the unconverted mass remained aloof
as admiring spectators, many were continually passing from
their ranks to those of the believers, and the numbers thus
subtracted from the adverse party were of course added to
the host, the household, and the body of the Lord. There
is a subtle difference, in English usage, between more and the
ACTS 5, 14. 15. 207
more. * Believers were more added' would mean simply
more than ever, or continually more and more. ' Believers
were the more added' means that the addition was greater
on account of something previously mentioned, and which
might have seemed to threaten diminution. In the other
places where the Grfeek phrasa {{xaXXov Se) is used, it is trans-
lated but rather (l Cor. 14, 1. 5. Eph. 4, 28. 5, 11), or rather
(Gal. 4, 9), and might have been so rendered here, 'biit be-
lievers (instead of being lost or lessened) were rather added
to the Lord, etc' In this case, however, there is not, as in
the others, any reference to what immediately precedes,
namely, the people magnified them, but either to the first
clause of V. 13, or to some remoter antecedent, as for instance
to the death of Ananias and Sapphira, which, instead of di-
minishing the number of conversions, caused them to abound
the more. The simplest spitax is to make this clause a part
of the preceding verse. ' None dared to join them, but the
people magnified them and believers were more and more
added to the Lord.'
15. Insomuch that they brought forth the sick into
the streets, and laid (them) on beds and couches, that
at the least the shadow of Peter passing by might over-
shadow some of them.
The original construction of the first clause, so as to bring
out the sick, etc. connects it still more closely with what goes
before than in the common version, where they brought might
seem to be indefinite, and to mean nothing more than that
the sick were brought forth (see above, on 1, 23) ; whereas the
hteral translation above given identifies the subject of the
verb with persons previously mentioned. But with whom ?
Or on what preceding verb is the infinitive dependent ? Few
questions of construction in the whole book have been more
disputed. The older writers, with surprismg unanimity, pass
over the immediate context, to discover a remoter antecedent,
throwing what is thus passed over into a parenthesis. But
as to the extent of this parenthesis, they disagree among
themselves. Some begin it in the middle of v. 12, and read,
by the hands of the Apostles onany signs and wonders were
performed among the people so that they brought, etc.
This is the arrangement of the text in the Geneva Bible,
208 ACTS 5, 15.
copied by King James's version. Others, regarding such a
long parenthesis" as neither natural nor needful, place the
Deginning at the end of v. 13, and read, the ijeojple magniiied
them so that they brought out the sick, etc. The cur-
rent of opinion among modern critics and pliilologists is
adverse to the assumjDtion of parentheses at all, especially in
plain historical prose, without some urgent exegetical neceg-
eity. Such a necessity, indeed, is here assumed by those who
plead for the constructions above given, and who seem to be
agreed, however much they differ otherwise, that the last
words of V. 14 and the first Vfords of v. 15 cannot possibly
belong together. It is hard, however, to perceive the ground
of this grammatical assimiption. "What better reason, than
the multitude of converts, could be given for the multitude
of cures performed ? Without insisting that believers in v.
14 simply means believers in the wonder-working gifts of the
Apostles — which indeed, as we have seen above (on v. 13), is
inconsistent with the fact that they were added to the Lord —
and without insisting that the passive faith of miracles was
always accompanied by saving faith ; we know that the con-
verse of this proposition must be true, or in other words, that
saving faith included that of miracles, or trust in the miracu-
lous endowments of Christ's servants ; so that the multiphca-
tion of believers would be naturally followed by more numer-
ous applications for miraculous relief. There is nothing
therefore to forbid the obvious construction of the clauses as
immediately successive, without any parenthesis at all, and
believers were more added to the Lord, multitudes both of men
and women, so as to bring (or so that they brought) forth the
sick, etc. The sense obtained by this construction is indeed
much better than the one afforded by assuming a parenthesis ;
for the apostolical miracles were rather the efiect than the
cause of this great concourse, and the people's magnifying
them (13) is not so good a reason for that concourse as the in-
crease of faith and the multiplication of true converts. TMs
view of the passage has moreover the advantage of confirming
what we know in other ways, that the miracles of Christ and
his Apostles were not always the prime motive of the multi-
tudes who followed them, but often secondary to the craving
for instruction and salvation. (Compare Luke 5, 1.) Lnto
hardly expresses the fall force of the Greek particle (Kara)
which sometimes means alo7ig (8, 26. 25, 3. 26, 13) or through
(8,1. 11,1. 15,23. 24,12.) The sick were laid along thg
ACTS 5, 15. 209
streets, tliroiigliout their whole length, to await the approach
of the Apostles. Streets, literally, broad {ways), in the sin-
gular denoting the main street of a town or city (Rev. 11, 8.
21, 21. 22, 2. Judg. 19, 15. 20. LXX), and m the plural its
thoroughfares or Avide streets, as contrasted with its nairow
streets or lanes (Luke 14, 21), and especially considered as
public places of resort (Matt. 6, 5. 12, 19. Luke 10, 10. 13,
26.) A7id laid, literally, a7id to put or ^:>Zace, the infinitive
construction being still continued. The word translated into
properly means doim to, i. e. from the houses, or alo?ig, un-
plying that they lay there and awaited the approach of the
Apostles, which agrees exactly with the intimation m the
other clause, and dependent upon so as (or so that) in the be-
ginning of the sentence. JBeds and couches, so that even the
most lielpless and bedridden were included in this dispensation
of healhig power. In the oldest manuscripts, the first word
is diminutive in form {KXivapiiav), as well as in the Yulgate
{lectuUs), denoting small beds that were easily carried, ^eds
may either have its proper sense or that of bedsteads, which,
though no longer used in the East, were well known to the
ancients. The oldest and the latest writers are agreed in
supposing, that the two words here used were intended to
describe the couches of the rich and poor, a distinction coun-
tenanced, if not required, by a phrase of Cicero's {non modo
lectos verwn etiam grabbatos), from, which some have inferred
that the second noun (KpajS/Sarwv, Kpa/^aroov, or Kpaf^arTOiv) is
of Latin origin, Avhereas the modern Greek philologists de-
scribe it as a Macedonian word, used only by the latest
writers. (Tyndale's translation here is, beds and pallets^
The original construction in the last clause is, that, Peter
coming^tJie shadow might, etc. At the least (Tyndale, at the
least loay) is in Greek a compound or contracted particle
(kclv for KoX edv), meaning originally and if, and repeatedly so
used (Mark 16, 18. Luke 13, 9. James 5, 15), but sometimes
more emphatically, even if {Matt. 21, 21. 26, 35. John 8, 14.
10, 38. 11, 25), or if even (Heb. 12, 20), and then absolutely
or elliptically, if but or if only (2 Cor. 11, 16), which is the
meaning here and in a passage of the gospels, where precisely
tiie same thing is said, in reference to the fringe or border of
our Saviour's garment (Mark 6, 56.) The crowd was so great
and so incessant, that many could do nothing more than place
tliemselves, or their afilicted friends, under the shadow of the
Apostles, and especially of Peter, as the most conspicuous
210 ACTS 5, 15. 16.
and active, as he came by or along (ipxo/xivov.) But tliis wai
in itself as powerless, and by divine appointment as effectual,
as any word or deed, by which the miracle was commonly
connected with the person of the thaumaturge or wonder-
worker. (See above, on 3, 7.) Far from being supei-stitious,
it was rather a strong proof of the people's faith, analogous
to that which Christ commended in the woman with the issue
of blood (Matt. 9, 22), but especially in the centurion (Matt.
8, 10), who believed that Christ could heal his servant with-
out personal contact or even being present. In order that
these miracles of healing might extend to all who sought
them, and yet be visibly connected with the persons who
performed them, it pleased God that their shadow should, in
this case, answer the same purpose with the words and ges-
tures used on other occasions. This seems much more natural
than the supposition, that the writer pauses here to mention
a pitiable superstition which had no effect whatever, or was
mercifully made effectual in spite of its absurdity and sinful-
ness. As to the Popish argument in favor of the primacy of
Peter, from the virtue here ascribed to his very shadow, this
is an error in the opposite extreme, but one refuted by the
great Apostle's representative position, and by the similar
statement elsewhere with respect to Paul. (See below, on 19,
12.) So7ne ofthein, i. e. some one of them, the first pronoun
(tlvl) being singular in Greek. This qualifying phrase has
reference rather to the hopes of the recipients than to the
actual effect, as appears from the last clause of the next
verse. The Codex Beza and another uncial manuscript make
an addition to this verse in somewhat different forms, one of
which is copied by the Vulgate and its followers (et libe-
rarentur ab infirmitatihus suis.)
16. There came also a multitude out of the cities
round about unto Jerusalem, bringing sick folks, and
them which were vexed with unclean spirits ; and they
were healed every one.
The concourse and the miracles, described in the preced-
ing verse, though locally restricted to Jerusalem, were not
confined to its inhabitants. The idea of confluence or con-
course is more clearly expressed in the original, which means,
^ere came together. Also represents a double particle iu
ACTS 5, 16. 21]
Greek (8e Kat), wliicli, although strictly meaning nothing more
than and (or hu^j als-o^ has in usage an emphatic sense,
equivalent to 'nay more' or 'besides all this.' (Compare
Kttt ye, 2, 18 above, and the remark there.) A multitude^ or
more exactly, the multitude^ a much stronger expression,
meaning the whole mass of the people (see above, on 2, 6),
^\'hieh Avas no doubt literally true, though not without indi-
vidual exceptions. The impression made by this as well as
by the Gospel History, is that these great movements com-
prehended the whole body of the population, which was thus
made thoroughly acquainted with the claims of Jesus and the
doctrine of his servants. Another variation from the form of
the original consists in the insertion of the small word ou%
which materially modifies the meaning. ' A multitude out of
the surrounding cities ' is a very different thing from ' the mul-
titude (or mass) of the surrounding cities.' The former might
have come and left the vast majority at home ; but no such
sense can be attached to the exact translation. Hound
about is m Greek a single word {iripL^Y a rare and strength-
ened form of a coimnon preposition (Trept), here used as an
adverbial adjective (tojj/ 7rept| TrdAewi/), and therefore well ex-
pressed m English by surrounding. The noun which it qual-
ifies would here be more exactly rendered by the generic term
toicns, in its proper English sense, as including villages and
cities. It is no doubt put for the whole country ; partly
because the population hved ahnost entirely in towns great or
small ; partly because these towns represented the more rural
districts, wliich were civilly dependent on them. The omission
of the preposition (ets) before Jerusalem, in some old manu-
scripts and late editions, can have no effect upon the sense,
which must still be that of motion towards the holy city.
The crowd are not described as merely bringing (ayovTcs) but
as bearing, carrying (cfi^povres) the sick, literally, strengthless,
weak, infirm, but applied, like the last English word, not only
to debihty, but to bodily disease. The -yfovdi folks (ov 2^eople)
is not in the original, which might have been exactly rendered,
the infirm (or sick.) Besides this general description of the
objects upon which these healing miracles were wrought, the
writer mentions a specific malady, because of its extraordinary
prevalence at that time, its pecuUai-ly distressing character, its
strange complication of moral and physical disorder, and
above all, its mysterious connection with the unseen world and
with another race of spirits. These are called unclean or
212 ACTS 5, 16.
impure in a moral sense, essentially equivalent to wicked^ but
suggesting more directly the idea of corruption, as existing
in themselves and practised upon others. These are the
angels or ministering spirits of the Devil, who feU with him,
or have since been added to him, as believers are added to the
Lord (v. 14), and are co-operating with him as the tempters
and accusers of mankind. (See above, on v. 3, and compare
Matt. 25, 41.) To these fallen and seducing spirits our race
has ever been accessible and more or less subjected ; but when
Christ was upon earth, they were permitted to assume a more
perceptible, if not a more complete ascendency, extending to
the body and the mind, and thus presenting the worst forms
of insanity and bodily disease combined. That these demo-
niacal possessions are not mere poetical descriptions of disease or
madness, but the real acts of spiritual agents, is apparent from
the personality ascribed to them, as well as from their being so
explicitly clistmguished from all other maladies, as m the case
before us ; while the fact that they did reaUy produce disease
abundantly accounts for their being sometimes so described
and constantly connected \\A\h corporeal illness. The extror
ordinary prevalence of these disorders in the time of Christ,
while we scarcely hear of them in any other period of history,
may be partly owing to the fact, that what is always going on
in secret was then brought to light by his authoritative inter-
position ; and partly to the fact, that the stupendous strife
between the " seed of the woman " and the " seed of the ser-
pent" (Gen. 3, 15), which gives complexion to all human his-
tory, then reached its crisis, and these demoniacal possessions
were at once the work of Satan, as a means of doing evil, and
of God, as a means of doing good, by glorifying him whom
he had sanctified and sent into the world. (See John 10, 36.
17, 1. 5.) Every expulsion of a demon by our Lord hunself,
or in his name by his Apostles, was a triumph over his great
enemy, not only in the unseen v/orld but upon earth, m the
sight of men as well as angels (Luke 10, 17. 18. John 12, 31.
16, 11.) This immediate relation of these strange phenomena
to Christ's person and official work, accounts for their absence
both before and since, as well as for the impotent resistance
of the e\il ones themselves, and their extorted testimony to
the character and rank of their destroyer. (See Matt. 8,
29-32. Mark 5, 7, 9, 26. Luke 4, 33-35. 41. 8, 28. 29.) It
explains likewise the distinct mention of this class of mh-acles,
both liere and elsewhere (e. g. Matt. 4, 24. 8, 16. 28, 33. Mark
ACTS 5, IG. IV. 213
1,34. 6, 18. 16, 17.18. Luke 8, 2. 36), as being in themselves the
most surprising of all cures, and at the same time the most pal-
pable of all attestations to the Messiahshij) and Deity of Jesus.
Yexed (Wiclif, travailed)^ literally, thronged or crowded^ the
original expression being a derivative of '6yXo<i (see above, on
], 15), as our words perturbed^ disturbed^ etc., are of the sy-
nonymous word turba. As the Greek word, though employed
by later writers in the vague sense of annoying or harassing,
has in earlier usage, such as that of Herodotus and ^schylus,
the specific sense suggested by its etymology, namely, that of
harassing with crowds or mobbing, there is no absurdity in
supposing, both here and in the other place where it occurs
(Luke 6, 18), an allusion to the grarwi peculiarity and fearful
aggravation of such sufferings, namely, the co-existence of two
spiiitual agents in connection with a single body, one the
tyrant, one the slave ; a state of things which could not better
be expressed in one word than by saying they were crowded^
thronged^ by evil spirits. (See Mark 5, 9. Luke 8, 30. 11, 26.)
But terrible as this condition was, we know that it was not
incurable, and that although the Apostles had once failed,
through want of faith, to work a dispossession (Matt. 17, 14-21.
Mark 9, 18. 19. Luke 9, 40. 41), yet now, though the Master
was no longer with them, when demoniacs were brought to
them in crowds fi-om the surrounding country, they were all
healed^ or retaining the emphatic collocation of the Greek
text, they loere healed all. The less exact but expressive ver-
sion, every one^ is that of Tyndale.
•
17. Then the High Priest rose up, and all they
(that were) with him, which is the sect of the Saddu-
cees, and were filled with indignation.
Here begins another alternation or transition from more
general description to particular narration. (See above, on 2,
42. 4, 32. 36. 5, 12.) li then were an adverb, meaning at that
time, (as in 1, 12. 4, 8), it might indicate a mere chronological
connection between what is here related and what imme-
diately precedes, as if he had said, ' about the same time other
things occurred entirely distinct from these.' But as it is the
usual continuative particle (8e), by which the members of the
previous narrative are linked together, it denotes a much more
intimate relation, and suggests that this new attack upon the
church was not only preceded but occasioned by the state of
214 ACTS 5, 17.
things described in vs. 12-16. It was not only when (or after)
the believers were so greatly multiplied, and the people so
impressed by the miracles of the Apostles, but for that very
reason, that this new assault was made, which may be regarded
as the second hostile movement from without, the first being
that recorded in 4, 1-22, as the afiair of Ananias and Sapphira
was the earHest disturbance from within. (See below, on
6, 1.) In this, as in the former case (4, 1), the hostile parties
are the Priesthood and the Sadducees ; but here the move-
ment has a still more national or public character, because
the High Priest is particularly mentioned. As we have no
clew whatever to the length of the interval between these
several occurrences, the safest as well as the most natural
presumption, is that Annas is the person here intended. (See
above, on 4, 6.) Mose up^ literally, risi7ig or having risen.
This is a neuter or intransitive form of the verb explained
above, on 2, 24. 32. 3, 22. 26. It is a favourite of Luke's, and
not unfrequent in the other books of the New Testament. In
some cases, it has obviously the literal or local sense of rising
from one's seat or bed (e. g. Matt. 9, 9. Mark 1, 35. Luke 4,
16, 29. 39. John 5, 8.) In a scarcely figurative sense, it is
applied to resurrection from the dead (Matt. 17, 9. Mark 6,
14. Luke 9, 8. John 20, 9.) In other cases, it seems to have
the vague sense of rousing or addressing one's self to action,
without reference to actual corporeal movement (e. g. Mark
7, 24. 10, 1, 50. Luke 1, 39. 4, 29, etc.) As in many of these
instances, however, the strict sense is admissible, or at least an
allusion to, it, that sense is of course entitled to the preference,
without some reason for departing from it. (See above, on
4, 9.) This is peculiarly the case here, as the same word
occurs twice in the Gospels (Matt. 26, 62. Mark 14, 60) in re-
lation to pubhc acts of the High Priest. Upon this ground,
some understand it here as meaning, that the High Priest rose
up from his seat in the Sanhedrim, or in some private consul-
tation with his allies mentioned in the other clause. But this
explanation overlooks a material difierence between this case
and the two last cited, namely, that in them the High Priest
had been represented as presiding in the Council, whereas here
there is nothing of the kind referred to in the previous con-
text, but the act of rising up is introduced abruptly. Anothc
explanation gives the verb the emphatic sense of rising up in
opposition or against (Beza, insurgens^) which may seem to
be sustained by the analogy of Mark 3, 26 ; but there the
ACTS 5, 17. 215
object is expressed, and the idea of hostility conveyed, not by
the verb but by a preposition. Most interpreters have there-
fore acquiesced in the third meaning above given, namely,
that of addressing one's self to action ; which is certainly far
better than the favourite notion of a certain school, that it is
pleonastic, or in other words, means nothing at all. The ad-
ditional idea which it here suggests is that of previous inac-
tion. Since the first abortive eflbrt to arrest the progress of
the new religion (4, 18. 21. 31), the authorities would seem to
have been passive or indifferent, but now aroused themselves
again to action. All they that were with him, or more exactly
cill those vnth hiin, is supposed by some to mean the othei
priests, or the other members of the Sanhedrim; but no such
vague and loose description of official persons occurs elsewhere.
Still more imlikely is the sense of relatives or private friends,
wliich some support by a reference to 4, 6. 13. The only satis-
factory interpretation is that which makes the clause mean,
those (now acting) icith him, m his opposition to the church,
implying that it was not his o^vn personal or party friends.
This precludes the inference, which some have drawn from
these expressions, that the High Priest was himself a Saddu-
cee. We know from Josephus, that a son of Ananus (or
Annas), bearing the same name, attached himself to that sect ;
but all our information on the subject tends to the conclusion,
that both Annas himself and Caiaphas were Pharisees. (See
below, on 23, 6.) What is here described is, therefore, not a
party-organization, but a coahtion of distinct and hostile par-
ties for a special purpose, not unlike that of Herod and Pilate
against Christ. (See above, on 4, 27, and compare Luke 23,
12.) Which is the sect, in Greek, the sect being, or the exist-
hig sect. The participle does not agree (as it appears to do
in English) ^\ith the nouns preceding, but with that w^hich
follows (t7 ovo-a atpeo-tg). This is explained by some as a case
of the grammatical figure called attraction, and equivalent in
meaning to (oi/res y\ alpeai^) being the sect, i. e. ' they who acted
with the High Priest, upon this occasion, were the sect of the
Sadducees.' But this, though true and necessarily implied,
can hardly be the meaning of the words here used. The par-
ticiple {being) seems intended, from its feminine and singular
form, not to identify the allies of the High Priest mth the
Sadducees, but rather to describe the Sadducees themselves,
as an existing, long established, well-known body. (See be-
low, on 13, J, where the same imusual expression is employefl
il6 ACTS 5, 17.
m reference to the church at Antioch.) The authors of the
movement then are here described as the High Priest and
those acting with him, the existing (i. e. previously existing,
or perhaps still existing) party of the Sadducees. Sect^ al-
though now fixed by prescription, is not perfectly appropriate
to these great Jewish parties. The Greek word (aipcons) ori-
ginally means the act of taking, then a choice, a preference,
especially of certain views or principles, philosophical, reli-
gious, or pohtical. Its nearest equivalents, as thus applied,
are school and party, w^ithout any necessary unplication of
erroneous doctrine or improper practice. Thus the word is
used in Greek to designate the Stoical syste^n of philosoj^hy ;
and Cicero, referring to a certain person's philosophical pref-
erences, says, 171 ea haeresi est. Later ecclesiastical usage ap-
propriated it to doctrinal departures from the orthodox or
catholic faith, which is the only meaning of its English deriva-
tive {heresy.) But in the ISTew Testament, the Greek word still
retains its older application to the party holding an opinion,
rather than to the opinion itself. Even in 1 Cor. 11, 19. Gal.
5, 20. Tit. 3, 10. 2 Pet. 2, 1, the immediate reference is rather
to schismatical divisions than to doctrinal corruptions, although
these are necessarily implied. In other parts of the book be-
fore us, it is apj^lied to Pharisaism (15, 5. 26, 5,) and, in an
unfavourable sense, to Christianity itself (24, 5. 14. 28,22.)
In all these cases, the word heresy is as inappropriate as idiot
in 4, 13, or despot in 4, 24, though the three English w^ords are
not even corruptions of the Greek ones (like cdms, pcdsy.^
bishop), but direct derivatives, formed by a simple change of
termination. So far is mere coincidence of origin or form
from proving words to be synonymous. There is not the
same objection to the word sect, used by our translators here
and elsewhere (15, 5. 26, 5,) and now established as a stereo-
typed technical expression in relation to the Pharisees and
Sadducees. The word, however, should be carefully exj^lained
and clearly understood, as not implyuig what its general
usage now includes, to ^^At, distinct organization and a sepa-
rate worship, but merely a diversity, in certain points of theory
and practice, between persons holding the same creed and
joining in the same devotions. If a word were now to be
selected for the first time, it is plain that this idea Avould be
better expressed by the term school, when doctrinal diversities
are specially in question, and the tevinparty, when the reference
is rather to practical matters of authority or discipline. Such
ACTS 6, 17. 18. 217
were the relations of tlie Pharisees and Sadducees who, far
from being independent sects or churches, in the modern
sense, were two opposing factions in the same great church
and body politic, continually striving, with alternate or varia-
ble success, for the predominance, and at this time probably
sharing the great offices between them. As to their distinctive
views and practice, and the motives of the Sadducees in per
secuting the Apostles, see above, on 4, 1. They are liere said
to have been filled mth jealousy or party-spirit. Indignation
is a sense, of which there seems to be no clear example, either
in classical or hellenistic usage. According to its etymology
and primary usage, the Greek word (C^Aos) denotes any w^arm
aflection or enthusiastic impulse, either in I'avour of or opposi-
tion to a given object, thus coinciding almost perfectly Avith
its derivative in English {zeal.) But besides this Avider sense,
it has the more specific one of jealousi/., wiiich some high au-
thorities pronounce a Hebraism, but which occurs, though
rarely, in the purest Attic writers, and is really a slight modi-
fication of a meaning common in the best Greek usage, that
of eager rivalry or emulation, whether good or bad, and there-
fore opposed by Plato to envy {<f>06vos), while Hesiod con-
founds them. In the case before us, the Avord necessarily
suggests the ideas of zeal, party spirit, and malignant jealousy
or envy, all of which are perfectly appropriate.
18. And laid their hands on the Apostles, and put
them in the common prison.
The first step of this movement is the same as in the for-
mer case, to wit, arrest and imprisonment, not as a punish-
ment, but with a view to their arraignment and trial. (See
above, on 4, 3.) The subject of the sentence is the same as in
V. 17, the High Priest and the Sadducees wiio acted Avith him.
laid their hands is, in several of the oldest manuscripts, laid
hands (or laid the hands) without the pronoun. This abbre-
viated form is A^ery common (see Matt. 26,50. Luke 20, 19.
John 7, 30. 44. Acts 12, 1. 21, 27.) There is but one certain
instance of the other (Luke 21, 12 ; in Mark 14, 46, the text
is doubtful.) This is not a mere figure for arrest, but a literal
descrij^tion of the act by Av^hich it is effected. There is no
ground whatever, in the text or context, for the sujjposition
that Apostles here means Peter and John, of which restrict e* I
use there is no example elsewhere, unless it be in 14, 4. li,
VOL. T.— 10
218 ACTS 5, 18. 19.
where Apostles^ as we shall there see, has itself a different
meaning. In every other case, throughout this history, th6
Apostles means the twelve as a collective body. (See below,
on V. 29.) Prison is the word translated hold in 4, 3, but in
a different case, and preceded by a different preposition. The
noun, according to Greek usage, is an abstract, meaning ciis-
tody or keeping^ and is so used in a moral sense by Paul
(l Cor. 7, 19.) The only classical example of the local mean-
ing {2^riso7i) is said to be a dubious expression of Thucydides.
Tiiat sense is thought to be required here by the adjective,
which might however be applied to the confinement as well as
to the prison. The adjective itself is apt to be misappre-
hended by the English reader, from the equivocal language
of the version. Commooi prison naturally calls up the idea
of promiscuous association between prisoners of various rank
and character ; and this has actually been insisted on by some
interpreters, as an intentional insult to the twelve, or at least
a serious aggravation of their suffermgs. But the English
word most "probably, and the Greek word most certainly,
means nothing more than pid)lic^ belonging to the people
(S^/xos) or the whole community, and not to any individual.
Though common in the classics, it is found only in this book
of the New Testament, and exceptmg in the case before us,
only as an adverb (Sv^/xotrta), which is once translated openly
(16, 37), and twice publicly (18, 28. 20, 20), but might have
been still more exactly rendered by the corresponding English
phrase, i7i public.
19. But (the) angel of (the) Lord by night opened
the prison doors, and brought them forth, and said :
From this imprisonment they were delivered, not as be-
fore, through the fears or policy of their oppressors (4, 21)^
but by a divine interposition. {But^ and, or then. See above,
on V. 17.) The angel of the Lord is an expression used in the
Old Testament to designate the Angel of Jehovah's presence,
whom the church has commonly identified with the second
person of the trinity. According to Greek usage, the words
here employed denote an angel of the Lord, which may how-
ever be an imitation of the Hebrew idiom, in which a noun gov-
erning another does not take the article, however definite its
sense may be. In this very title, for examjle, the word angeo
is without the article («"»>T? T|i<^»). But as the phrase itself,
ACTS 5, 19. 20. 219
in tliis emphatic sense, belongs to the Old Testament exclu-
sively, and as we have no reason to ascribe this deliverance
to a personal appearance of the Son of God, the more indefi-
nite or Greek construction of the words (an angel) seems en-
titled to the preference. The absence of the article before
Lord rests upon a different usage, namely, that of its omission
before proper names, to which class this word (Kvptos), as the
Greek representative of the Hebrew Jehovah^ may be properly
considered as belonging. The deliverance took place by
night (8ta, through or in the course of, as in 1, 3), probably in
order to increase the terror and surprise which it occasioned.
It was effected, not by a miraculous suspension of the laws of
nature, but by simply opening the doors of the prison, no
doubt so insensibly as not to be perceived by those who
guarded it, although there may have been a supernatural effect
produced upon their senses, as in other cases. (See Matt. 28,
4. Luke 24, 16. John 20, 14.) The pretence that this is Im
poetical or oriental figure for the release of the Apostles by
the jailor, or the guards, or any other human intervention,
has been long since exploded as a sheer absurdity, or unmasked
as an indirect denial of the truth of Vv^hat is here recorded.
By a strange revolution of opmion, many of the same class of
unbelievers, who could once resort to such means of evasion,
rather than abandon their old Sadducean error (see below, on
23, 8), noAv profess to be in actual and confidential intercourse
witli spirits in the other world. Brouglit tliemfortli^ literally,
bringing (or having brought) them forth. This participial
construction is extended, by some' manuscripts and editors, to
tlie preceding verb {opening for opened^ That this miracu-
lous deliverance v/as not intended merely for their own relief,
but for a higher end, appears from the instructions of the
angel, given in the next verse.
20. Go, stand and speak in the temple to the peo-
ple all the words of this life.
Go is not a mere expletive or pleonasm, as it often is in
English, but has here its full sense, go away., depart hence,
linger here no longer. (See above, on 1, 10. 11. 25.) As they
had been released, not merely to enjoy freedom, but to exer-
cise their ministry, the angel here exhorts them to renew it.
Stand and speak., literally, standing (or having taken your
stand) spadk. (For the use ^f the verb stand in such conneo
220 ACTS 5, 20. 21.
tions, see above, on 2, 14.) In the temple (tepo)) i. e. in th«
sacred enclosure, as distinguished from the edifice itself, which
is denoted by another word (vaos, Matt. 23, 35.) They were
to preach there the whole Gospel, all the words of this life.
Most interpreters regard this as an instance of" the figure
called hypallage, equivalent in sense to all these words of life^
i. e. living or life-giving doctrines. (Compare John 6, 68.
Acts 7, 38. John 12, 50. 17, 3.) Other examples of the same
construction are supposed to be found in 13, 26 below, and in
Rom. 7, 24. But some deny the hypallage in any of these
cases, or at least retain the obvious construction here, exj)lain-
ing all the words of this life to mean all the doctrines or in-
structions, which are necessary to make known to Israel this
new form of their own religion, as a rule of life here, and a
means of everlasting life hereafter. (For a like use of the
word way, see below, on 9, 2. 19, 9. 23. 22, 4. 24, 14. 22, and
compare the fuller forms, 13, 10. 16, 17. 18, 25. 26. 2 Pet. 2,
2. 15. 21.) Their angelic commission (see above, on 1,11) was
not merely to talk but to preach, not privately but publicly,
not in the streets but in the temple, not to the rulers but the
people, not a part of the truth necessary to salvation, but all
the words of this life. (See below, on 20, 27.)
21. And when they heard (that), they entered into
the temple, early in the morning, and taught ; but the
High Priest came, and they that were with him, and
called the council together, and all the senate of the
children of Israel, and sent to the prison, to have them
brought.
Whe7i they heard that, literally, hearing or having heard ;
that is supplied by the translators. The teniple, i. e. the sa-
cred enclosure, as in the preceding verse. Early in the morn-
ing, just about (or just before) daybreak.- The Greek noun
sometimes means the dawn, sometimes the morning-twilight.
The preposition under, both in Greek and Latin, is applied to
time, when the idea to be expressed is that of indefinite near-
ness. Taught, i. e. preached, taught publicly, as the angel
had directed them. But (Se,) and, or then. TJie High Priest
und those with him is exactly the phrase used above in v. 17,
with the omission of the word all. Here again it means those
acting with him upon this occasion, i. e. the Sadducees, as
ACTS 5, 21. 221
there expressed. It is rather implied that they were not, than
that they were, his nsual confederates or associates. Came^
literally, heiiig (or becoming) near^ at hand, or present. The
Greek word is seldom used in the Ne^v Testament, except by
Luke, Avith whom it is a favourite expression. (See below, on
vs. 22. 25, where it occurs again.) It is nearly equivalent, in
this case, to our phrase, being on the groimd^ implying rather
than expressing previous arrival. There is no need therefore
of inquiring to what spot, or what apartment of the temple,
they now came. That they were not in the same part of the
vast enclosure with the Apostles, who were probably as usual
in Solomon's porch (v. 12), is clear from what follows, but
creates no difficulty, as the courts of Herod's temple were
both large and many. Senate^ or eldership, the Greek word
bearing the same relation to (yepcav) an old ina7i^ that senate
does to the correspondmg word in Latin (senex.) Neither
primitive nor derivative occurs more than once in the New
Testament. (See John 3, 4.) The latter is applied m the
classics to the highest council of the Doric States, particularly
Sparta. In the Septuagint version, it is used, as a collective,
to translate the plural elders^ when considered as the repre-
sentatives and rulers of the whole people (as in Ex. 3, 16. 18.
Deut. 27, 1), or of any particular locality (as in Deut. 19, 12.
21, 2.) In the Apocrypha it signifies the Sanhedrim, and is
so used also by Josephus. Luke elsewhere uses the synony-
mous term presbytery^ from presbyter or elder. (See below,
on 22, 5, and compare Luke 22, 66.) The Yulgate and the
older English versions, have a plural form {seniores^ eldermen^
ancients^ elders.) The only question here is whether it is
merely a synonymous expression with the one before it (to
(TweSptov) ; or denotes the elders, as a part of the Sanhedrun ;
or a body of elders not included in it. Some infer from the
use of the word all^ that instead of a mere representation of
the elders, as in orduiary cases, the High Priest and his asso-
ciates, upon this occasion, summoned the whole eldership, so
far as it was within reach. A striking analogy Avould then be
furnished by the Great Consistory of the Reformed Dutch
Churches. One thing is certain, that the body now assembled
was a regularly constituted Sanhedrim, identical in law with
that before which Peter and John had been arraigned (v. 6.
^), and as such, ordered the Apostles to be brought before it,
The word translated prison is not that used above in v. 18,
but a derivative of the verb (Sew) to bmd, from which comea
222 ACTS 5, 21. 22. 23.
(p€(Tfx6s) a band or bond, from this (Secr/tw-nys) a bondman oi
prisoner, and from this (S^crixoiTypiov) a place of bondage. 2h
have them hrouglit^ or more exactly, for them to he brought.
The unusual length of this verse, though admitting readily of
subdivision, is probably a mere inadvertence of the learned
printer, to v>^hom we are indebted for this whole arrangement.
(See the Introduction, p. xii.)
22. But when the officers came, and found them
not in the prison, they returned and told :
But^ as in v. 21. Came is the same verb as in that verse.
Officers^ civil not military. The Greek word originally means
a rower, then any sailor, then any labourer, then any servant
or dependent, in Avhich sense it is apphed to the attendant in
a synagogue (Luke 4, 20), and still more frequently to officers
of justice, the mmisterial agents of a court or magistrate. The
later Greek historians use it to describe the Roman lictors.
It here denotes the officers attending on the Sanhedrim to ex-
ecute its orders, precisely as in Mutt. 26, 58. Mark 14, 54. 65.
John 7, 32. 45, 46. 18, 3. 12. 18. 22. 19, 6. The older English
versions here have ministers. Prison is still a third Greek
word for th^it idea, entirely different in form from both the
others, but resembling that in v. 18, as being properly an ab-
stract {guard or loatcJiing)^ and almost exclusively so used in
the classics. Returned and told., returning (or having re-
turned) told, reported, brought back word, as in 4, 23 above.
23. Saying, The prison truly found we shut with
all safety, and the keepers standing without before the
doors ; but when we had opened, we found no man
within.
Prison., as in v. 21. Truly (/w-eV), as in 1, 5, here answering
to hut (Se) in the other clause. Shut., i. e. shut fast or fastened,
the Greek expression being stronger than our dosed., as ap-
pears from John 20, 19. 26, v/here the mere closing or shutting
of the doors would have been no protection. 'With all safety .^
in complete security or certainty. All., as in 4, 29. (Cran«
mer, with all diligence. Tyndale, as sure as was possible.)
Without (e't'oo) is omitted in the oldest manuscripts and latest
critical editions. It was probably inserted as a counterpart
ACTS 5, 23. 24. 223
to within (ecrw). Wlien we had opened^ literally, having
opened. No man^ no one, nobody. (See above, on 2, 45.)
They were, therefore, the only prisoners, unless 2yriso7i here
means ward or cell^ or unless the others were set free at the
same tune. (See below, on 16, 26.)
24. Now when the (High) Priest, and the Captain
of the Temple, and the chief priests, heard these things,
they doubted of them, whereunto this would grow.
The noio of this verse is the hut of that before it. When^
literally, as^ the comparative particle being used, both in
Greek and English, as a particle of time. (See above, on 1,
10.) The HigJi Priest is in Greek simply the Priest^ and even
that is omitted in several of the oldest manuscripts and ver-
sions, but probably on account of the unusual expression.
The Priest^ i. e. by vray of eminence, the High Priest. Or
the title may be used generically, without reference to minor
distinctions, as in Ps. 110, 4. Heb. V, 17. Of the former usage
there are some examples elsewhere. Thus in one of the
Apocryphal books (1 Mace. 15, l), Antiochus is said to have
written to Simon, " the Priest and Etlmarch of the Jews ; "
whereas the letter itself, which immediately follows, is ad-
dressed to "the Grand or High Priest (tepa /xeyaAw)." The
same use of the sunple term occurs in Josephus. As to the
captain of the temple^ see above, on 4, 1. (Vulg. magistratus
tempU.) He is mentioned again here, because as the conser-
vator and guardian of the sacred place, he shared in the soli-
citude of the national rulers. As to the chief pyt^iests^ see
above, on 4, 23. Cranmer inverts the usual distinction and
reads Chief Priest and high priests. Tyndale has Chief
Priest of all. Poiihted is not strong enough to represent the •
Greek verb, which means that they were utterly perplexed
and at a loss. (See above, on 2, 12,) Of them^ concerning
or about them, is by some referred to thmgs, but by most to
persons, namely, the Apostles* They were wholly at a loss,
and knew not Avhat to think of them, or expect from them,
Whereunto this woidd grow^ literally, what this woidd become.
It is different therefore from a phrase resembling it in form
ri av CL7]), what it inight 5e, what it was^ which is elsewhere
used in connection with the same verb. (See above, on 2, 12,
and below, on 10, 17.) The question here was not what it waa
224 ACTS 5, 24. 25. 26.
that they beheld, but what it would be, if they failed to use
preventive measures. This seems to be the meaning of the
Vulgate version [de illls quidnamfieret)^ which is better imi-
tated by the Khemish {what icoidd befall) than by Wiclif
(ichat was done). Even some modern writers understand the
words to mean, hoio it had happened., which is wholly ungram-
matical.
25. Then came one and told tliem, saying, Behold,
the men, whom ye put in prison, are standing in the
temple, and teaching the people.
Then is the word translated now in the preceding verse.
Came., coming, or having come, the same verb as in vs. 21. 22.
One., some one, somebody. (See above, on v. 1.) Told., re-
ported, brought back word, implying perhaps that he had
been sent, or gone of his own accord, to bring intelligence.
The verb told., and the noun prison., are the same as in v. 22.
3ehold., as usual, introduces something unexpected and sur-
prising. (See above, on 1, 10. 2, V. 5, 9.) Are standing and
teaching is a better version than the older one of Tyndale,
stand and teach. The original order is, are in the temple^
standing and teaching., i. e. not in conversation merely, but in
public discourse. (See above, on v. 20.) The people., in the
usual emphatic sense, almost equivalent to the church. (See
above, on 4, 1.)
26. Then went the captain with the officers, and
brought them without violence, for they feared the peo-
ple, lest they should have been stoned.
Then (not Se but rori) is the adverb of time, properly so
rendered, and serving not merely to continue the narrative
(like then in the preceding verse), but to mark the succession
of events. It was after the report recorded in v. 25, and in
consequence of it, that tliis step was taken. Went., literally,
going aicay., as in 4, 15 above. The captain., i. e. of the tem-
ple, as the Geneva Bible adds, w^hile Tyndale reads, the ruler
of the temple loith the ministers. The persons here described
as acting are the commander of the Levitical guard (see above,
on 4, 1), and the executive or ministerial servants of the San-
hedrim (see above, on v. 22.) Without molence., literally, not
with violence (or by force), wliich implies that the Apostlea
VOL. I. — 10*
ACTS 5, 26. 27. 225
offered no resistance. Lest they should have been stoned is
Tyndale's awkward version, retained in King James's Bible.
The exact translation is, in order that they might not he stoned,
("Iva, omitted in some ancient manuscripts, is retained as
genuine by the latest critics.) The clause therefore cannot
be dependent on the verb feared^ which would require a dif-
ferent conjunction ; although this construction is required by
the parenthesis in most editions of the English Bible. The
true parenthesis, if any be assumed, includes only the words,
for they feared the people^ and the true construction is, not
xoith violence^ lest they should he stoned. The stoning, so often
mentioned in the New Testament, is not mere pelting, as an
act of popular violence, but an ancient theocratical expression
of abhorrence for some act of blasphemy or treason to Jeho-
vah. This. form of capital punishment, for such it was, had
been preferred to others in the law, because it made the death
of the offender, not the act of a hated executioner, but that
ot all the people who were present, and especially of those
who had acted as informers and witnesses. From this arose
the peculiar Jewish custom of taking up stones to stone one,
as a sort of testimony against him. (See below, on 7, 58. 59.
14, 19, and compare John 8, 5. 10, 31-33. 11, 8. 2 Cor. 11, 25.)
To stone, as a transitive verb, is Hellenistic ; in the classics, it
means to throve stooies, and is followed by a preposition. Such
was the popular regard for the Apostles, that the men sent to
arrest them were afraid, not merely of bodily injury, but of
being denounced and disowned by the people, as imtrue to
the theocracy and law of Moses.
27. And when they had brought them, they set
(them) before the council, and the High Priest asked
them :
Aoid, but (22), now (24), then (25). When they had
brought, having brought. Set, set up, presented, as in 1, 23,
Before (literally, iii) the council, i. e. in the place of their as-
sembly (see above, on 4, 15), or still more naturally, in the
midst (see above, on 4, 7), or in the presence, of the Sanhe-
drim itself. The High Priest presides in the assembly and
conducts the judicial examination, as he afterwards did in the
case of Stephen and of Paul. (See above, on 4, 5, and below,
on 7, 1. 23, 2. 3.) This authority was not derived from the
Sanhedrim, bnt inherent m the office of High Priest, in whom
226 ACTS 5, 27. 28.
was concentrated and summed up the representation, net only
of the family of Aaron and the tribe of Levi, but of Israel as
a Tv^hole, and through it of all God's elect, or the invisible
church, of which the chosen people was the type and repre-
sentative ; while on the other hand, he prefigured the Mes-
siah. This ofiicial representation, both of the Body and the
Head, made the High Priest at all times, but particularly
when the royal and prophetical ofiices were in abeyance, the
visible head of the theocracy, entitled, not by popular choice
but by divine right, to preside in its most dignified assemblies.
28. Saying, Did not we straitly command you,
that ye should not teach in this name ? And behold,
ye have filled Jerusalem with your doctrine, and intend
to bring tliis man's blood upon us.
The reference is to the injunction upon Peter and John,
recorded in 4, 18. The critical editions now omit the nega-
tive (ou), as does the Vulgate, so as to read, we straitly com-
7nanded you^ etc. In favour of the common text is the
expression asked (or questio?ied) the??!, in v. 27. Straitly,
literally, loith commandment, an expression similar to straitly
threaten (threaten ^Hth a threatening) in 4, 17. The inten-
sive force of the added noun may be variously ex]3ressed
in English; strictly, expressly, absolutely, peremptorily, etc.
Here, too, the suppression of Christ's name is commonly re-
garded as contemptuous ; but see above, on 4, 18. It maybe
added that, according to Je^^-ish notions and traditions, the
suppression of a name is rather reverential than contemptuous,
as appears from the immemorial refusal to pronounce the name
Jehovah, and the singular interpretation of Lev. 24, 15. 16,
upon wliich it rests. A7id behold, contrary to what we had
expected, and to our surprise. (See above, on v. 25.) Filled
Jerusalem is not a Hebraism but a natural hy]>erbole, common
to all languages. It appears in a much stronger form in
2 Kings 21, 16, where we read that "Manasseh shed innocent
blood very much, till ne nad filled Jerusalem from one end to
another." Doctrine^ i. e. teachmg ('you have taught this
new religion in all parts ot Jerusalem ') not belief (' you have
converted all Jerusalem to your rehgion ') a concession which
would hardly have been made by the High Priest. (See
above, on 2, 42.) Intend, literally, wish, but often with an
ACTS 5, 28. 29. 30. 227
implication of design and plan, as well as mere desire. (See
below, on v. 33. 12,4. 15,37. 18, 27. 19, 30. 28, 18, and com-
pare Matt. 1, 19. 2 Cor. 1, 15. 17.) To Iring blood upon the
head is a peculiar Hebrew idion, meaning to make one answer
for the death or murder of another. (See below, on 18, 6,
and compare Ezek. 33, 4. Matt. 23, 5. 27, 25.) One of the
Fathers here remarks that the High Priest had forgotten the
fearful imprecation, by which he and his followers had assumed
the very responsibility, which he charges the Apostles with
desiring to fasten on them. The reference here, however, is
not so much to the divine vengeance as to that of the people,
whom the rulers had misled and urged on to this dreadful
crime, but whose feelings had already undergone a violent re-
action, which might well seem threatening to their faithless
guides. (As to this man^ see above, on this name.)
29. Then Peter and the (other) Apostles answered
and said, We ought to obey God rather than men.
The origmal form of the first clause is peculiar, one verb
agreeing with J^eter in the singular, and the other with Aj^os
ties in the plural. This seems to mean that Peter alone spoke,
but that aU the Apostles spoke through him. {Then, as in v
25, not as in v. 26.) We ought should rather be we must,
expressing not mere obligation but necessity. (See above, on
1, 16. 22. 4, 12.) The same principle is here avowed as m 4,
19. 20, but in a more positive and pointed form. Instead of
the verb hear or hearhen there used, we have here, not the or-
dinary verb to obey, but a compound form of it, denoting sub-
mission to government or constituted authority (apx^)- I^ is
the word translated to obey magistrates in Tit. 3, 1. Besides
the essential idea of obedience, it here suggests, that God is
superior to man, not only in power, but in rightful authority.
The translation rather, contended for by some in 4, 18, is here
adopted by the translators themselves.
30. The God of our fathers raised up Jesus, whom
ye slew and hanged on a tree.
Here again we have the favourite antithesis or contrast
between Christ's treatment at the hands of God and man,
which may be described as the key-note of this, as of the three
previous discourses of Peter. (See above, on 2, 23. 24. 26. 3
228 ACTS 5, 30. 31.
13. 15. 4, 10.) The, God of our fathers^ our own national and
covenant God. The our identiiies the speaker and the hear-
ers, as belonging to the same race and believing the same
scriptm-es. liaised up^ Uterally, aroused, awakened, i. e. from
the sleep of death. (See above, on 3, 15. 4, 10.) Slew is none
of the verbs commonly employed in that sense, but one strictly
meaning to handle, manage, and applied by the later classics,
hke our despatch^ both to the transaction of business and the
destruction of Hfe. (See below, on 26, 21, the only other
place where it occurs in the Xew Testament.) Hanged on a
tree,!, e. crucified. (See below, on 10,39, and compare Gal.
3, 13. 1 Pet. 2, 24.) The word translated tree has no such
usage in the classical Greek writers of an early date, but cor-
responds to wood in EngUsh. In the Hellenistic dialect it cor-
responds to the Hebrew word (73) denoting both. The
contrary change has taken place in our word tree, which once
had a T\ider meaning than it now has, as appears from such
copapounds as axle-tree, saddle-tree, gallows-tree. This ambi-
guity of the Greek and Hebrew words has some importance
in connection with the fulfilment of prophecy. Crucifixion
was a punishment unkno^\Ti to the law of Moses or the prac-
tice of the Jews till introduced by foreign conquerors. The
hanging mentioned in the law (Deut. 21, 22) is the posthumous
exposure of the body after being otherwise put to death.
And yet the curse pronounced on such is so framed as to be
strictly appUcable to the case of crucifixion, the terms hang-
ing on a tree being appropriate to both, but only on condition
that the word tree be considered as equivalent to icood. The
ancient hanguig was most probably on trees, in the literal
sense of the expression ; the later crucifixion was on wooden
crosses framed expressly for the purpose.
31. Him hath God exalted with his right hand (to
be) a Prince and a Saviour, for to give repentance to
Israel, and forgiveness of sins.
Sim, literally, this (one), i. e. the very one whom you thus
crucified. JExalted, or as TjTidale has it, lift up. With his
right hand, by the exertion of his power, and to Ids right
Imnd, i. e. to a share in that power and in the dignity con-
nected with it. (See above, on 2, 23.) To he, or as a Prince
and Saviour already, which last is preferred by some inter-
preters. (The Rhemish version is, this Prince and Saviour
ACTS 5, 31. 82. 229
hath God exalted) JP)'in<:e, captain, author ; (see above, on
3, 15.) JFhr to give (see above, on -i, 28.) To give rejyentance
is not merely to give time for it (as Philo says, 8t8oxn ^6vov
CIS fjieravoiav), or place for it (as QiimtLlian says, detis locum
jKenitentice, compare Heb. 12, 17), but to give the grace of
repentance, i. e. power and disposition to repent. The old
sense of^:>6;?a/?c6 may be seen in Wiclif's version of this clause
{that 2)t/ia?ice icere given). Forgiveness is the word translated
remission in 2, 38, and there explained. The express mention
of Israel, as the object of this favour, is not mtended to re-
strict it to the Jews ; but either to intimate the priority of
the ofier made to them (see above, on 3, 26) ; or to embrace
the spiritual Israel, the entire church of God's elect (see Rom.
9, 6) ; or more probably than either, to assure the contempo-
rary Jews, who had been implicated in the murder of their
o^vn Messiah, that even this most aggravated sin was not be-
yond the reach of the divine forgiveness, if repented of; to
bestow both which gifts, i. e. repentance as the means, and
forgiveness as the end, was the very purpose for which Christ
had been exalted as a Prince and Saviour.
32. And we are his witnesses of these things, and
so is also the Holy Ghost, whom God hath given to
them that obey him.
Some of the oldest manuscripts omit his before icitnesses^
without material eflect upon the sense. Things, literally,
tcords or sagings. It may be doubted whether the Greek
word ever has the vague sense of things, -^-ithout some refer-
ence to their being spoken, promised, or conunanded. See
below, on 10,37, and compare Luke 1, 37. 2,19. 51. Li the
last two places, our version renders the same word things and
sagings, although the comiection is precisely similar. Some
suppose an allusion here to the words of this life in v. 20,
where the same Greek word is used. They again assert theii-
apostolical commission as witnesses for Christ (see above, on
1, 8. 22. 2, 32. 40. 3, 15), but with a remarkable addhion,
claiming to be joint-witnesses with the Holy Spirit, whom the
Lord had promised (John 15, 26) in that very character. (See
below, on 15, 28, and compare Heb. 10, 15.) The testimony
of the Spirit, here referred to, is not that spoken of in Rom.
8, 16, as involved in the experience of all believers, but an
outward testunony corroborating that of the Apostles. This
230 ACTS 5, 32. 33.
could only bo aiTorded by the miraculous endowments of the
first discij^les, vv'ho are here described as those obeying God^
with manifest allusion to the principle avowed in v. 29, the
Greek verb being the one there used and explained, as de«
noting obedience to the rightful authority and government of
God.
33. When they heard (that), they were cut (to the
heart), and took counsel to slay them.
The effect of this discourse was very different from that
upon the day of Pentecost, although the terms used to de-
scribe it are somewhat similar. WJie7i they heard that^ or
more literally, they hearing. Cut to the heart., literally, sawn
through. As the Greek verb is sometimes used with teeth., to
signify the act of sawmg, grinding, or gnashing them, some
suppose that to be its meaiung here. But besides the absence
of the noun which indicates this meaning elsewhere, it is for-
bidden by the analogy of 7, 54, where the same verb is used,
with the addition of the noun hearts., to denote that the effect
was an internal mental one. The same noun is added in 2, 37,
but to a milder verb {pricked or pierced). The effect here
described is probably a mixture of conscious guilt with re-
vengeful wrath, as expressed m the Geneva Bible, they hrast
(burst) for anger. (Vulg. dissecahantur. Wiclif, were tor-
mented. Tynd. they clave asunder. Rhem. it cut them to the
heart.) This feeling led to a new step in the march of perse-
cution. Listead of idle threats and prohibitions (see above,
on 4, 17. 18), they now conceived the thought of capital pun-
ishment and bloody persecution. Took cou^isel., deliberated,
or consulted, denotes mutual conference and comparison of
views, as in 4, 15. But the verb here used more probably
means, formed the plan or purpose., nearly equivalent to i7i-
tended. (See below, on 15, 37, where determined is too strong,
as co7isulted is too weak in John 12, 10.) Tyndale's sought
means is not a version but a paraphrase. Several of the oldest
manuscripts and versions read [I^ovXovto) they wished., which,
as explained above (on v. 28), amounts to nearly the same
thing ; but the common text (i/SovXevovro) is retained by the
latest critics. Slay is not the verb translated slew in v. 30,
but the one used in 2, 23, and there explained.
34. Then stood there up on-e m the council, a Phari-
ACTS 5, 34. 231
see, named Gamaliel, a doctor of the law, had in repii^
tation among all the people, and commanded to put the
Apostles forth a little space.
These sanguinary measures are prevented by the interpo-
sition of a new and interesting character. TJien stood there
up is TjTidale's version ; a more literal translation would be,
and arising. One (rts), some (one), a certain (man or person.)
See above, on v. 1. In the council^ and by necessary implica-
tion, a member of the body. In what capacity he sat there,
is afterwards explained. A Pharisee., and therefore not one
of the party which was actmg in conjunction with the High
Priest, and in opposition to the new religion. (See above, on
V. 17.) Gamaliel., an old and honourable name in the tribe of
Manasseh (IsTum. 1, 10. 2, 20.) There is no reason for dis-
puting the identity of this man with the Gamaliel of the Tal-
mud, a grandson of the famous Hillel, and a son of Simon
(supposed by some to be the Simeon of Luke 2, 25), himself
so eminent for wisdom, and especially for moderation, that his
death is represented in the Jewish books, as the departure of
true Pharisaism from Israel. ISTor is there any ground for
doubt, that this was the Gamaliel at v/hose feet Saul of Tarsus
sat. (See below, on 22, 3.) A doctor (i. e. teacher) of the
law., in Greek one compound w^ord (vofjiohSda-KaXo^), used only
by Luke and Paul (Luke 5, 17. 1 Tim. 1.7), and either con-
vertible with scribe and Icmyer, or a specific designation of
those scribes and lavf yers, who were recognized as public and
authoritative teachers. (See above, on 4, 5.) It was in this
capacity or character, no doubt, that Gamaliel acted as a mem-
ber of the Sanhedrim. Had in reputation (Tyndale, had in
authority) is a paraphrase of one Greek word (tlixlos from
Tt/x^, honour, see above, on 4, 34), meaning honoured, highly
valued, precious, dear (Wiclif, icorshipful.) To all the peo-
ple., as distinguished from the rulers or the higher classes.
He might therefore be regarded as the leader of the opposi-
tion to the dominant party, which was now that of the Sad-
ducees, or under Sadducean influence. Commanded is not
the word so rendered in 1, 4. 4, 18, but the one used in 4, 15,
in a precisely similar connection. This seems to favour the
distinction made by some, but not recognized by others, be-
tween the first of these verbs (-n-apayyeAAw), as denoting an
absolute or peremptory order, and the other (KeXcuw), as de-
noting rather an authoritative exhortation, and applied by
232 ACTS 5, 34. 35
Herodotus and Homer even to the petitions or requests of an
inferior. In this connection, it approaches very nearly to the
modern usage of 2^'^o])osed or moved, but with an implication
of authority, official or personal, on the part of him who made
the proposition. At all events, it furnishes no ground for the
inference, which some have drawn, that Gamaliel was pre-
siding in the Sanhedrim, a dignity belonging ex officio to the
High Priest. (See above, on v. 27, and with respect to the
exclusion of the prisoners, on 4, 15.) Some of the latest
critics, follo^^Hing the Vulgate and several ancient manuscripts,
instead of the apostles, read the men. To put forth is the
English equivalent of an idiomatic Greek phrase (e^w Troirjcrai)
meaning literally to make out or outside. Tyndale and Cran-
mer have aside, as King James's version also has in 4, 15.
Another idiomatic phrase follows (/^paxvrt), originally mean-
ing something short, and then some little, whether appUed to
quantity (as in John 6, 7), or to distance (as in Acts 27, 28),
or to time (as in Luke 22, 58), which last is here preferred by
most interpreters, and may have been intended by our own
translators, although they have retained Tyndale's ambiguous
phrase, a little space, which rather seems to have a local
meaning.
35. And said imto them, Ye men of Israel, take
heed to yourselves, what ye intend to do, as touching
these men.
Them, is without a grammatical antecedent, as the same
pronoun is in 4, 5 above. The apphcation of a rigid rule
would represent Gamaliel as addressing the Apostles. (See
above, on 4, 17.) To supply this omission, one old version
and one old Greek manuscript read, said to the rulers and the
counsellors. Gamaliel's speech is interesting in itself, and on
account of the effect w^hich it produced, but also as a specimen
of Jewish oratory, wholly distinct from that of the Apostles,
and exhibiting just that degree of sameness and variety which
might have been expected from the circumstances of the case.
(See above, on 3, 26.) After a prefatory warning (35), he
refers to two historical examples (36. 37), and then lays down
and apphes to the case before them an important principle of
action (38.39.) 3Ie7i of Israel (as in 2,22. 3, 12) remmds
them that they are acting in a national or theocratical capaci-
ty, and may be likened to the warning given to our church.
ACTS 5, 35. 36. 233
courts, when about to exercise judicial functions. Tahe heed
IS in Greek an elliptical expression, meaning hold to or apply
(the mind), i. e. advert, attend. With the dative, it means
to pay attention or regard (as in 8, 6. 10, 11. 16, 14) ; with a
preposition (cxtto), to beware of, to avoid (as in Matt. 6, 1.
Luke 20, 46) ; with a reflexive pronoun (eawots), to take heed
to one's self, to be on one's guard (as in 20, 28. Luke 12, 1.
IV, 3. 21, 34.) This is the meaning here, where the Sanhe-
drim are warned, not only of error, but of danger to them-
selves. The remamder of the verse admits of two construc-
tions. One connects the words as touching these men (Tyn-
dale's antiquated phrase for as to or concerning them) with
the verb to do. ' Be careful (or consider well) what you are
about to do to these men.' This, though natural enough in
English, is in Greek made less so by the collocation of the
ncntence, in which the words, ye are about to do^ come after
these men^ not before it. This mconvenience is avoided by
the other sjTitax, which connects concerning these men with
the words precedmg. ' Take heed to yourselves, as touching
these men, what ye are about to do.' Intend is not the verb
so rendered in v. 28, but that employed in 3, 3, and there ex-
plained as signifying mere futurity, to he about to do the act
denoted by the verb that follows.
36. For before these days rose up Tlieudas, boast-
ing himself to be somebody, to whom a number of men,
about four hundred, jomed themselves ; who was slain,
and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered and
brought to nought.
In support of his advice, he adduces two historical exam-
ples, both familiar to his hearers, and perhaps still fresh in
their recollection, before these days is an indefinite expres-
sion, not so strong as that in 15, 17, and intended merely to
suggest, that the case before them was by no means new.
Arose^ or stood up^ does not mean rebelled^ or made an insur-
rection iinsurrexit)^ which is neither the classical nor scrip-
tural usage of the Greek verb (see above, on v. 17), but ajp-
pcared^ came forward. (See below, on 7, 18, and compare
Heb. 7, 15.) JBoasti7ig^ Hterally, saying. Somebody^ i. e.
some great one, as it is more fully expressed in reference to
Simon Magus. (See below, on 8, 9, and compare the well
234 ACTS 5, 36.
known phrase of Juvenal, si vis esse aliquis.) Joined iliem^
selves^ a compound form of the verb used above in v. 13, and
there explamed. The latest editors adopt another reading
(irpoaeKXiSr]), which originally means leaned towards or inclined
to, but in its secondary usage, coincides very nearly with the
common text {-Trpoa-eKoWrjS^r})^ both denoting adherence or ad-
hesion. Slaioi^ despatched, made away with, as in v. 33, and
in 2, 23 above. All as many as, see above, on 4. 34. Obeyed
is properly a passive, meaning were persuaded, and is never
used to signify compulsory obedience. It is therefore pe-
culiarly expressive of the voluntary deference paid to party
leaders and religious teachers. Scattered, or rather, dissolved,
disorganized. Were brought to nought, or came to nothing
(see above, on 4, 11), in obvious allusion and antithesis to his
thinking himself somebody or something. Josephus also gives
the history of an impostor {y6r]<i), by the name of Theudas^
who drew a great part of the people after him, and promised
to divide the Jordan, but was seized and beheaded by order
of the Roman Procurator of Judea. But this was in the
reign of Caligula or Claudius. The supposed anachronism
has been variously solved, by dating the events here recorded
several years later than the usual chronology ; by charging
the error on Josephus ; by identifying Theudas with some one
of the many such insurgents, whom Josephus mentions under
other names ; or lastly by supposing two of the same name,
one recorded by Jose|)hus and the other by Luke. This last,
which has been the common explanation since the time of
Origen, is favoured by the fact, that the Theudas of Josephus
was beheaded, and could not therefore'liave been cited by
Gamaliel, as-a proof that such pretenders should be lell to
themselves, without official interference. Such a coincidence
of names, though not to be assumed without necessity, is com-
mon enough in history and real life to be admissible where
such necessity exists, especially in this case, where the name
in question is said to have been common, even among Greeks
and Romans. This explanation would be stUl more satisfac-
tory if it could be shown, as some assume, that Theudas was
the name of a father and a son, who successively excited in-
surrections. The essential point to be observed, however, is
that therQ is no ground for charging Luke with ignorance or
error. Such a charge is in the last degree improbable, con-
sidering how often such apparent mconsistencies are reconciled
by the discovery of new but intrinsically unimportant facts ;
ACTS 5, 36. 37. 235
and also that the error, il' it were one, must have been imme-
diately discovered, and would either have been rectified at
once, or made the ground of argumentative objection.
37. After this man rose up Judas of Galilee, in the
days of the taxing, and drew away much people after
him : he also perished, and all, (even) as many as
obeyed him, were dispersed.
This man is also mentioned by Josephus, once as a Gaulo-
nite, but in several places as a Galilean, one name perhaps de-
noting his place of residence, the other that of his nativity.
In the days of the taxing^ or as Tyndale has it, in the time
when tribute hegcvn^ which seems to mean, at the beghming of
the Roman domination. But this is a mere paraphrase, and
most interpreters apply the words to a particular measure of
the Roman government in Palestine, of such a nature as to
furnish a convenient date or epoch. The word translated
taxing primarily means transcription,, then inscription or en-
rollment, both of things and persons, being applied by Plato
to the registration of proj)erty, by Polybius to that of men
liable to military duty, by Josephus to a census, both of citi-
zens and their estates. Li Luke 2, 2, it denotes such a census
or assessment, taken with a view to taxation, under Cyrenius
(the Greek form of Quirinus), Proconsul of Syria. This same
Cyrenius is said by Josephus to have vanquished and de-
stroyed the^Galilean rebel Judas j a coincidence of much
more Aveight in favour of the narrative before us, than any
difference or doubt, as to minute chronology or other circum-
stances, ought to have against it. Tried by the rigid rule,
which many would apply in this case, the most accredited his-
torians, ancient and modern, might be constantly convicted of
mistake or falsehood. It was against this census, or the taxa-
tion which it had m view, that Judas roused the people to re-
isistance, as inconsistent with their national and theocratical
immunities. Josephus mentions the destruction of his sons,
but not his oa\ti, which is explicitly asserted here. That
■ui'iter also represents him as the founder of a sect or party,
which survived him. This is not inconsistent with the state-
ment that his followers were dispersed^ as the Greek verb here
used properly denotes the scattering of mdividuals by sudden
violence ; whereas the verb of the preceding verse expresses
236 ACTS 5, 37.38.
rather the entire dissolution of an organized body, as for in*
stance the disbanding of an army, to which Xenophon applies
it. Drew away^ incited to apostasy^ a word derived from the
Greek verb here used, as well as in the Septuagint version of
Deut. 7, 4. 13, 10, where it denotes the act of turning others
from the worship of Jehovah. For a very different use of the
same verb as an intransitive, see the next verse.
38. And now I say unto you, refrain from these
men and let them alone ; for if this counsel, or this
work, be of men, it will come to nought ;
He here applies the principle, deducible from the cases
which he had just cited, to the case in hand. A7id 7iow marks
the transition from the past to the present or the future in
the speaker's mind. (See above, on 4, 29.) I say unto you
is not an unmeaning or superfluous expression, but an indica-
tion of the speaker's earnestness, and of the importance he
attached to what he was about to say. (See above, on 2, 22.
29.) Refrain^ literally, stand off^ stand aloof, a neuter or in-
transitive form of the verb used in the preceding verse. (For
other examples of the same sense, see below, on 12, 10. 15,
38. 19, 9. 22, 29.) Let them alone^ or more exactly, suffer
them^ permit them, i. e. to go on, to do as they are doing.
The suppression of the second verb is not uncommon in the
best Greek writers. The second clause assigns the ground or
reason of the exhortation in the first. Counsel and icorh are
related to each other as plan and execution ; wb^t they wish
or purpose, and what they have actually done or are now doing.
The prmciple here laid down is a general but not an universal
one, Gamaliel could not mean to say that every human
scheme must fail, which is notoriously false. His words may
be qualified or limited in two ways. Of'iuen (literally out of\
i. e. arising or originating from men) may be understood to
mean without regard to God or in defiance of him. But a
still more natural and satisfactory solution is afforded by re-
ferring the entire proposition to such cases as the one in hand,
i. e. attempts to introduce a new religion, or at least new
modes of faith and practice. Of these it may be truly and
emphatically said that if they are of men^ i. e. of human ori
gin, they must eventually co'ine to nought. The Greek verb
thus translated is a kindred form to one in v. 36, not that
rendered brought to nought^ but scattered. The essential
ACTS 5, 38. 39. 287
weaning in both compounds is solution, dissolution, that kind
of destruction which consists in or arises from internal sepa-
ration or disintegration, such as the ruin of the temj)le, in
which not one stone was to be left upon another, and to which
this verb is applied by the evangelists. (See Matt. 24, 2.
Mark 13,2. Luke 21, 6, and compare Matt. 21,61. 27,40.
Mark 14, 58. 15, 29. 2 Cor. 5, 1. Gal. 2, 18.) The expression
is peculiarly appropriate to that internal dissolution which,
even in the absence of all outward force, awaits every system
of religious faith which has a merely human origin.
39. But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it,
lest liaply ye be found even to fight against God.
This is the alternative hypothesis, which he suggests, as
no less possible than that propounded in the former verse.
Of God corresponds exactly to of men in v. 38, and therefore
means, proceedmg from him, as its origin or source. Cannot^
or according to the text adopted by the latest critics, will not
be ahle^ the future form suggesting still more strongly than
the present, the idea of remote contingency. The parallelism
of the verses, and of Gamaliel's suppositions, is partially hid-
den from the English reader, by a needless variation in the
rendering of the same Greek verb, the overthrow of this verse
being the same with the come to nought of that before it. An-
other various reading in the text is them for it^ which seems
sufficiently attested, but has no material effect upon the
meaning, as it merely substitutes the men themselves for their
work or counsel. Between the clauses some supply, as a con-
necting thought, * and ye ought not to attempt it, lest etc'
Ye he found, i. e. prove unexpectedly to be so, as the same
form of the same verb means in Matt. 1, 18. To fight against
God gives the sense, but not the form or the peculiar force
of the original, in which these four words are replaced by one,
and that one not a verb, but an expressive compound adjec-
tive {Godfighting, or, taken absolutely as a noun, Godfight-
ers.) It is unknown to the classics, but is used by one of the
old Greek translators to represent a Hebrew word for giants^
which he probably confounded with the Titans of the Greek
mythology. A verb compounded of the same elements (^eo-
fiaxeoj) is found in Euripides, and in the received text of 23, 9
below. Very extreme views have been taken of this speech
and of its author's character and motives. The old opinion.
238 ACTS 5, 39.40.
found with various embellishments in several early writers,
that Gamaliel was a Christian, of the same class \vith Nicode-
mus and Joseph of Arimathea, is inconsistent with the high
position which he has maintained in the tradition of the Jews
(see above, on v. 34), if not with Paul's allusion to him as his
own instructor in the strictest form of Pharisaical religion (see
below, on 22, 3.) That the speech itself is an authoritative
statement of the true principle to be adopted and applied in
all such cases, is as groundless an opinion as its opposite, to
wit, that there is no truth at all in the doctrine here pro-
pounded, but only a sophistical apology for temporizmg unbe-
lief. The common sense of readers in all ages has avoided
both extremes by regarding the speech as an argument ad
hominem^ designed to show, and actually showing, that his
hearers, on their own principles, were bound to take the course
here recommended, as a matter both of duty and of safety.
If they, as conscientious Jews, believed the new religion to
be altogether human in its origin, and utterly without divine
authority, and yet could neither question nor explain away
the miracles by which it was attested, they were bound to do
precisely what Gamaliel here advises, i. e. nothing at all. The
position of the rulers who continued to reject Christ had be-
come extremely difficult and dangerous. Umv^illing to ac-
knowledge him as the Messiah, yet unable to refute his claims,
or to deny the evidence by which they were attested, their
only safety was to sit still and observe the progress of events.
A resort to violence was full of peril to themselves, and yet
on this the council seemed resolved. There could not, there-
fore, have been wiser comisel, under the circumstances of the
case, than that here given by Gamaliel, whether prompted by
habitual aversion to all rash and hazardous expedients ; or by
jealous opposition to the Sadducees, from whom the proposi-
tion came ; or by a secret misgiving that the new religion
might be true. .
40. And to liim tliey agreed ; and when tliey had
called the Apostles and beaten them, they commanded
them that they should not speak in the name of Jesus,
and let them go.
To him they agreed might seem to mean that they were
previously of the same opinion, and therefore assented to it
ACTS 5, 40. 41. 239
as it "was pronounced by him. But the original expression
means, tliey were persuaded or convinced^ and implies a change
of mind eifected by Gamaliel's speech. This was the more
remarkable because he seems to have been one of the minor-
ity. (See above, on vs. 34. 36.) Whe7i they had called^ etc.,
literally, having called the apostles^ having beaten^ they corn-
indiided them. This cruel inconsistency shows the perplexity
to which they were reduced. The scourging could not be in-
tended as a means of inquisition or discovery (see below, on
22, 24), for there was nothing to discover ; but only as a
punishment, too light if they were guilty, too severe if they
were innocent. This kind of punishment was common among
the Jews, from the time of Moses (Deut. 25, 1-3) to the time
of Paul (2 Cor. 11, 24), who seems to distinguish between dif-
ferent forms or methods of infliction. The word here used,,
which properly means flaying^ denotes the severest kind of
scourging. This punishment was also thought peculiarly dis-
graceful (rt/xojpta aX^-^KjT-r], as Josephus calls it.) Their subjec-
tion to the scourge had . been explicitly predicted by their
Master (Matt. 10, 17), and was a necessary part of their con-
formity to his example (Matt. 27, 26. Luke 23, 6.) Ordered
not to speali^ as in 4, 18, where the terms 'here used have been
already explained. This repetition of a measure, which be-
fore had proved entirely ineifectual, illustrates the degraded
position of the rulers, while the scourging shows their impo-
tent mahgnity.
41. And they departed from the presence of the
council, rejoicing that they were counted worthy to
suffer shame for his name.
So then {fxcv ovv, 1, 6. 18. 2, 41) they departed {iiropevovro, 1,
10. 11. 25. 5, 20) rejoicing from the presence^ etc. One of the
Fathers notes it, as a characteristic of the first disciples, that
they are. so often represented as rejoicing under circumstances
naturally suited to awaken opposite emotions (see below, on
13, 52, and compare Luke 24,52.) Counted worthy to suffer
shame, a beautiful antithesis (the honour to be dishonoured,
the grace to be disgraced) far more pointed and expressive
than the famous words of Seneca, sometimes quoted as a paral-
lel. (Digni visi sumus Deo in quihus experiretur quantum
humaiia natura pati posset.) For his name, not merely for
being called by liis name, but for the sake of all that it im-
240 ACTS 5, 41. 42.
plies, his doctrine, his messiahship, his service, his divinity.
The oldest manuscripts, and all the ancient versions, omit his
(avrov)^ not only without loss, but with advantage to the sense,
or at least to the force and beauty of the passage. The name
is then used absolutely, like the word (see above, on 4, 4), and
the way (see below, on 9, 2), for the name above every name
that is named, at w^hich every knee must bow. (Phil. % 9.
10. Eph. 1,21. Heb. 1,4.)
42. And daily in the temple, and in every liouse,
they ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ.
Besides the immediate and more personal eifect of this
maltreatment on the feelings of the sufferers, as described in
the precediag verse, the historian records its permanent effect
on their official conduct, namely, that they did precisely what
they were commanded not to do. To make this prominent,
the terms of the prohibition are repeated. (See above, on 4,
18. 5,40.) Emry clay^ both in the temple and at home, in
private houses, not in every house, which would be an inap-
propriate and gratuitous hyperbole. (See above, on 2, 4G.)
Ceased not, as might have been expected, and as they had
been explicitly commanded. Teaching and preaching are
specifications of the speaking forbidden in v. 40. They may
either correspond to the private and public ministrations pre-
viously mentioned, or be descriptive of all their ministrations,
whether public or j^rivate, as instructive and yet cheering,
communicating truth and at the same time joyful tidings or
good news, which is the full sense of the verb here rendered
preach, whereas the other verbs so rendered elsewhere simply
mean to pubhsh or proclaim. (See above, on 3, 24, and below,
on 8, 5.) The one here used sometimes governs, as an active
verb, the persons preached to (see below, on 8, 25. 40), a con-
struction also used with its derivative in modern English {to
evangelize a country or the icorld), but not when the accusa-
tive denotes the subject of the preaching, as in 8, 4. 12. 35,
and in the case before us, where the Rhemish version violates
our idiom by its slavish imitation of the Vulgate {to evcmgelize
Jesus Christ). The last words of the verse are to be under-
stood as in 2, 38. 3, 6. 20. 4, 10, not as personal names but as
official titles, meaning Savioicr and Messiah ; or, as in 2, 36,
where Jesus is the subject and Christ the predicate — * teach-
ACTS 6, 1. 241
ing as a doctrine, and proclaiming as good news, that Jesus is
the Christ,' i. e. the anomted and predicted Prophet, Priest,
and King of Israel.
CHAPTEE yi.
To prepare the way for the extension of the Church, a differ-
ence is permitted to arise within it (1), in consequence of
which the twelve assemble the disciples (2), and propose a
cure for the existing evil (3. 4), which is accordingly applied
by the appointment of seven men to dispense the charities of
the church (5. 6.) A great addition, from the most important
class of Jews, ensues upon this measure (7.) One of the seven
is involved in a controversy with certain foreign Jews (8-10),
who by false charges rouse the populace, and arraign him be-
fore the Sanhedrim as a blasphemer and a traitor to the Mo-
saic institutions (11-14.) All this, with the account of his
extraordinary aspect at the bar (15), is introductory to his
masterly defence, recorded in the following chapter.
1. And in those days, when the number of the dis-
ciples was multiplied, there arose a murmuring of the
Grecians against the Hebrews, because their widows
were neglected in the daily ministration.
Those days is an indefinite expression, sometimes relating
to an interval of a few days (as in 1, 15), sometimes to one of
many years (as in Matt. 3, 1), but always implying some con-
nection between what precedes and follows. It may here be
understood to mean, ' while they were thus engaged in preach-
ing Christ ' (see 5, 42.) The disciples rmdtiplying is the lite-
ral translation. JDiseiples^ not in the restricted sense of apos-
tles (Luke 6, 13), but in the wider sense of learners^ pupils in
the school of Christ, a favourite expression for behevers, con
verts to the new religion (sfee below, on 9, 26.) Arose, Kte-
rally, happened, came to pass, or into existence; imj)]ying
that the dissatisfaction was a new thing and subsequent to the
increase just mentioned. Murmuring or whispering, any sup-
VOL. I. — 11
242 ACTS 6, 1.2.
pressed talking, sometimes indicative of fear (John Y, 12. 13),
but commonly, as here, of discontent (Phil. 2, 14. 1 Pet. 4, 9^^
Gh^ecians {Hellenists)^ not Greeks {Hellenes)^ but Jews using
the Greek language in their worship, and therefore applied to
the "vrhole class of foreign or Greek-speaking Jews, as distin-
guished from the Hebreios^ or natives of Palestine and others,
who used the Hebrew scriptures, and spoke the Aramaic dia-
lect before described (on 1, 19.) Between these races there
was no doubt constant jealousy or emulation, although no real
difference of faith or practice ; and this party-spirit many seem
to have carried with them mto the Christian Church on their
conversion. Widoics are often specified in Scripture, as par-
ticular objects of compassion, both divine and human, and
therefore may be said to represent the whole class of helpless
sufferers. (See Ex. 22, 22. Deut. 10, 18. 1 Tim. 5, 3. 4. 5.)
But here no doubt, the complaint was a specific one respect-
ing widows in the proper sense. Neglected^ literally over-
looked^ not necessarily implying ill-will or contempt, but
merely such neglect as might arise from their bemg less known
than the natives. The jealousy of the races may have
prompted the complaint, without affording the occasion for it.
Ministration^ dispensation, distribution, probably of food, to
which the Greek word properly relates, and which agrees best
with its being daily. The charities of the infant church were
connected originally with its social meetings and repasts (see
above, on 2, 42, and compare ISTeh. 8. 10), although no doubt
afterwards extended, as occasion served, to domiciliary and
pecuniary aid. This verse confirms the previous conclusion,
that there was no absolute community of goods, or common
sustentation-fund, from which all might draw alike.
2. Then the twelve called the multitude of the dis-
ciples unto (them), and said, It is not reason that we
should leave the word of God, and serve tables.
Then^ so, Jnit, or and, as in v. 1. The twelve, now com-
plete by the election of Matthias (1, 26), and acting as an
organized and organizing body, evidently authorized to ma-
ture the constitution of the church, by providing for emergen-
cies as they arose. The one before us being of a popular or
social nature, they refer it to the aggregate body of beUevers,
but themselves prescribe the mode of action; thus applying
ACTS 6, 2. 3. 243
and exemplifying two great principles of apostolical cliurcli
polity, the participation of the people in the government of
the body, and its subordination to divinely constituted officers.
Galling or having called^ i. e. summoned or convened them
in the presence of the twelve. The multitude^ not merely a
great number, but the whole mass or aggregate body of be-
lievers, as distinguished from its subdivisions and from the
Apostles. Disciples has precisely the same meaning as in v.
1. Not reason^ literally, not pleasing^ acceptable, agreeable,
i. e. to God or to Christ, and to us as his vicegerents. The
idea of right or proper^ although not expressed, is necessarily
implied. That we should leave . . . and serve, literally, /br us
leaving , . . to serve. The word of God, i. e. the duty of dis-
pensing and proclaiming it, the propagation of the new reli-
gion (see above, on 4, 4.) jServe tables, i. e. wait upon, attend
them. The Greek verb is the one corresponding to the noun
{ministration) in v. 1. Its being here combined with taUes
shows that the latter is not to be taken in the sense of money-
tables, counters, banks (which it has in Matt. 21, 12. Luke 19,
23), but in that of dining-tables, boards at which men eat (as
in 16, 34. Mark 7, 28. Luke 16, 21.) There is no reference
to what we call communion-»tables, except so far as sacra-
mental and charitable distributions were connected in the
practice of the infant church.
3. Wherefore, bretliren, look ye out among you
seven men of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost and
wisdom, whom we may appoint over this business.
Wherefore, because the two employments are thus incom-
patible, and one of them has much the stronger claim on us.
brethren, not brethren in the ministry but in the faith (see
above, on 1,16.) Look out, literally, look at, visit, or in-
spect, for the purpose of discovering the necessary qualifica-
tions. Among you, Hterally, out of, from among you, of
yourselves, belonging to your body (see above, on 3, 22.)
3Ie7i, not in the vague sense of persons, but in the specific
sense of males, not women (see above, on 4, 4.) Seven has
been variously explained, as a number arbitrarily selected, or
for some reason of convenience, now unknown ; or because
seven nations are supposed to have been represented ; or be-
cause the church was now divided into seven congregations ;
or, most probably of all, because of its sacred associations.
244 ACTS 6, 3.4.
whicli may all perhaps be traced back to the institution of the
Sabbath, by the consecration of one day in seven to God's
special service. (See Gen. 2, 3. T, 2. 3. 8, 10. 12. 41, 2. Lev.
23, 16. 25, 8. Num. 23. 1. Josh. 6, 4. Job 5, 19. Prov. 9, 1.
Mic. 5, 5. Zech. 3, 9. 4, 2.) This is sufficient to account for
its selection, where any other number might have served as
well, but not to prove it necessary, as it was considered after-
wards, and formally declared by one of the early councils.
Rome, at one time, we are told, had forty presbyters and only
scA^en deacons. Of honest report^ literally, testified^ attested^
i. e. certified by others to be what they ought to be (see below,
on lb, 22. 16, 2. 22, 12.) Full of the Holy Ghost, both of his
ordinary sanctifying influences, and of his extraordinary pre-
ternatural endowments. Wisdom, not merely practical skill
or professional experience, but heavenly prudence, teaching
how to act in all emergencies. We may appoint (or accord-
ing to another reading, wiU appoifit), place, constitute, estab-
lish. (See below, on 7,10.27.35. 17,15.) Business, lite-
rally, Qieed, necessity (2, 45. 4, 35. 20, 34. 28, 10), or neces-
sary business, implymg a present and particular emergency.
4. But we will give ourselves continually to prayer,
and to the ministry of the word.
But we, emphatically (see above, on 4, 20), we on our part,
as distinguished from the persons thus selected. Prayer, not
personal devotion merely, but the business of conducting pub-
lic worship, as the ministry (or dispensation) of the word (see
above, on v. 2), evidently means the work of preaching or pub-
lic and official teaching. Will give ourselves continually cor-
responds to one Greek verb, the same that occurs above, in
1, 14. 2, 42. 46, and there explained, meaning to adhere to or
attend upon a person or a duty. We have here the apostol-
ical decision as to the relative importance of alms-giving and
instruction, as functions of the ministry. Whether the Apos-
tles had previously discharged both and now relinquished one,
or whether they should here be understood as decUning to
assume a burden which they had not borne before, there is
nothing in the text or context to determine. The first idea
is perhaps the one conveyed by the language of the passage
to most readers.
ACTS 6, 5. 245
5. And the saying pleased the whole multittide:
and they chose Stephen, a man full of faith and of the
Holy Ghost, and Phihp, and Prochorus, and Nicanor,
and Timon, and Parmenas, and Nicolas a proselyte of
Antioch ;
Saying^ word, discourse, or speech. The idea of plan
or proposition is implied but not expressed. Pleased^ lite-
rally, pleased before, or in the sight of, an imitation of the
common Hebrew idiom, to be good or right in the eyes of any
one (see Gen. 41, 37. 45, 16. 1 Sam. 29, 6. 2 Sam. 17, 4. 1 Chr.
13,4. 2 Chr. 30, 4. Esth. 1,21.) The whole multitude^ ap-
parently without exception or dissent, which seems to , show
the absence of mahgnant jealousy and party-spirit. Chose^ or
as the Greek verb properly denotes, chose out for themselves.
(Sse above, on 1, 24, where the same form is apj)lied to the
divme choice.) Faith here takes the place of wisdom in v. 3,
not because the words are synonymous or the things identi-
cal, but because the wisdom there meant is a fruit of faith,
and therefore something more than secular prudence or skiU
in business. This descrij^tion is not applied expressly to all
the seven ; for then it would have had the plural form and the
last place in the sentence. But its limitation to Stephen does
not imply, that the others were destitute of these gifts, which
had been required in all (v. 3) ; nor even that they were in-
ferior, for why should such inequality exist in men appointed
at the same time to the same vv^ork ? The true explanation
is, that this whole narrative is simply introductory to Stephen's
martyrdom, and he is therefore singled out and rendered
prominent among the seven, not only in this general descrip-
tion, but in vs. 8-10. Hence it appears, moreover, that we
have not here a formal history of the institution of an office in
the church, but at most an incidental notice of it, as the occa-
sion of a subsequent discussion, persecution, and diffusion of
the gospel. (See below, on 8, 1. 4.) As all the names are
Greek names, it is not improbable that these men were se-
lected from among the Hellenists, to silence their complaints ;
either by a generous concession of the Hebrews, who agreed
that this whole business should be managed by their foreign
brethren ; or by adding seven Grecians to the Hebrew almo-
ners before existing, whose official action had been called in
question. The inference from the Greek names is not conclu*
246 ACTS 6, 5. 6.
sive, as many Jews had double names in that age (see abovCj
on 1, 23. 4, 36) ; but this does not account for the concurrenco
of so many Greek names, without Hebrew equivalents, and in
connection Avith a strife between the races. Nicolas the
proselyte of Antioch., literally, the Antiochean proselyte^ or
convert from Heathenism to Judaism, and now to Christianity.
Some have inferred from this description, that the other six
were Jeios by birth, although not Hebrews^ in the sense ex-
l^lained above (on v. 1) ; others, that they were likewise prose-
lytes, but of Jerusalem not Antioch. A third hy^^othesis, that
three were Hebrews, three Greeks, and one proselyte, is
purely conjectural and madmissible, because no heathen con-
verts had as yet been directly introduced into the church (see
above, on 2, 39, and below, on 10, 34. 35.) The old opinion,
that this Nicolas was the founder of the Nicolaitans, con-
demned in Rev. 2, 6. 15, seems to be a mere conjecture from
the similarity of names, and in the absence of ail proof j does
gross injustice to one of the men chosen by the Church, ap-
proved by the Apostles, ar.d described, at least by necessary
implication, as full of wisdom and the Holy Ghost. Fhilip^
not the Apostle (see above, on 1, 13), who was one of those to
be relieved by this appointment, but another person of the
same name, who becomes conspicuous in the sequel of the his-
tory. (See below, on 8, 5. 40. 21, 8.) Prochorus^ Nicanor^
Timon^ and Parmenas^ are names recorded only here.
6. AVhom they set before the Apostles : and when
they had prayed, they laid (theu^) hands on them.
8et^ placed, caused to stand, the verb translated appointed
in 1, 23. In both cases it denotes the presentation of the per-
sons found to possess the prescribed qualitications. Election,
m the proper sense, is not suggested by this word, but expli-
citly recorded in the context (v. 5.) The subject of this verb
is the collective term, the onultitiide^ but not of the verbs in
the last clause ; for if the people performed all the acts, the
presentation was superfluous. When they had prayed^ lite-
rally, having prayed^ or praying^ as the two acts were most
probably performed at once. That of prayuig was a solemn
recognition of their own dependence on a higher power. The
imposition of hands is a natural symbol of transfer or commu
nication, whether of guilt, as in the sacrificial ritual (Lev. 2, 2.
8, 13), or of blessmg (Gen. 48, 14. Matt. 1ft, 13.) In the New
ACTS 6, 6. 1. 247
Testament, we find it accompanying certain signal gilts, aa
that of bodily healing (Matt. 9, 18. Mark 6, 5. 7, 32. 8, 23.
16, 18. Luke 4, 40. 13, 13), that of the Holy Spirit (Acts 8, 17.
19, 6), and in one case both together (Acts 9, 17.) In the
case before us, it denotes, not only delegation of authority,
but also the collation of the special gifts required for its
exercise. This might seem to render doubtful the propriety
of using it in modern ordiuations, where no extraordinary
gifts are thus imparted; but even when performed by the
Apostles, it was only as a sign, without intrinsic efficacy of its
own. In the case before us, it has even been disputed whether
the act was that of ordination to a permanent office in the
church, or only that of designation to a temporary service,
like that of Barnabas and Saul in 13, 3 below. But although
the title deacon is not used in this passage, nor indeed in this
whole book, yet the judgment of the church has m all ages
recognised this as the institution of that office, the continuance
of which ui other places and iu later times is inferred from
1 Tim. 3, 8. 12. Phil. 1, 1. Rom. 16, 1. What were the func-
tions of the office thus created, has also been a subject of dis-
pute ; some inferring from the circumstances of its institution,
that its only work was that of charitable distribution, or at
most of secular economy ; while others argue from the fact
that Stephen preached, and Philip both preached and baptized,
that the seven deacons were already ministers when called to
this work, or that the diaconate itself was only an inferior de-
gree or order in the Christian ministry. To this it may be
answered that the ministerial acts of Philip were performed,
not as a deacon, but by virtue of another office, that of an
evangelist (see below, on 21, 8) ; and that Stephen, if he really
performed such acts at all, may have performed them in the
same capacity. (See below, on 8, 5. 11, 30.)
7. And the word of God increased ; and the num-
ber of the disciples multipHed in Jerusalem greatly ; and
a great company of the priests were obedient to the
faith.
The word of God is here an elliptical expression for its
effect upon the minds of men, in the way of conviction and
conversion, and its increase is the growth or enlargement of
the church. It seems to be implied, thoi%h not explicitly af-
firmed, that this effect was promoted by the measure just
248 ACTS 6, 7.8. '
before described, the ordination of the seven almoners or dea
cons. It may have operated thus ia two ways ; first, by allay-
ing the incipient divisions in the church itself, and thus re-
moving one chief obstacle to its advancement ; then, by bringing
into public view and into contact with the foreign Jgavs espe-
cially, such men of their own kindred as the seven must have
been. Besides the general description of uicrease here given,
a particular accession is recorded, from the most important
class of the conmiunity, the Priests. Some have thought this
incredible, on two grounds ; first, on account of their peculiar
zeal and obstinacy as opponents of the Gospel ; and secondly,
because we find them subsequently active as its enemies and
persecutors. But no degree or kind of opposition to the truth
is inaccessible to savmg grace ; and if there were above four
thousand priests at the return from the captivity, their
number must have been so great noAV that a crowd might be
converted, and yet leave enough to carry on the persecution.
There is no need therefore of changing JPriests to Jews,*\vhiGh.
makes the phrase almost muneaning, or of adopting forced
constructions, e. g. ' a multitude beheved (and among them
some) of the priests ' — or ' a rabble of priests ' (i. e. the lowest
members of the priesthood.) Were obedient to (literally,
obeyed) the faith, i. e. submitted to the Gospel, as a system
of belief and practice. (Compare Paul's similar expression
for obedience to the faith, Rom. 1, 5.) This was not the first
time that great numbers of the most mtelHgent and influential
Jews embraced the doctrine of the Saviour. (See above, on
4, 13.) It was no doubt one of the means used to prepare for
the diffusion of the Gospel not long after. (See below, on 8, 1.)
8. And Stephen, full of faith and power, did great
wonders and miracles among the people.
That the growiih of the church mentioned in v. 7 was
occasioned or promoted by the appointment of the Seven, is
confirmed by Luke's returning here to Stephen and continuing
his history. JF'ull of faith (or according to the latest critics,
grace) and power is a third variation of the same essential
formula. (See above, on vs. 3, 5.) Vtj power we are here to
understand preternatural, extraordinary power, as appears
from the remainder of the verse. Wonders and miracles, or
prodigies and signa^ are two of the descriptive epithets ap-
plied to miracles before. (See above, on 2, 19. 22. 43. 4, 30t
' ACTS 6, 8. 9. 249
5, 12.) This is the first instance of miraculous performances
by any one not an Apostle (see below, on 8, 6. 7), and may
serve to illustrate the remarkable position occupied by Ste-
phen, who was evidently more than a deacon in the strict and
ordinary sense. Among the people^ literally, in the people^ not
as mere spectators, but as subjects and recipients. The im*
perfect tense {I-koUi) refers, not to a point of time, but to a
longer though indefinite period.
9. Then there arose certain of the synagogue, which
is called (the synagogue) of the Libertines, and Cyre-
nians, and Alexandrians, and of them of Cilicia and of
Asia, disputing with Stephen.
Then arose certain^ or more exactly, and some arose^
i. e. aj^peared, came forward, and addressed themselves to
action. (See above, on 1,15. 5,17.34.30.37.) Some of
those of the synagogue. This Greek Avord originally means
collection^ and is properly applied to things, but in the Hel-
lenistic dialect to persons also, like our English meeting. It
;'s frequently applied in the Septuagint version to the whole
congregation of Israel, as an aggregate and corporate body.
During the Babylonish captivity, it seems to have been trans-
ferred to the divisions of this body, in their separation and
dispersion, and more especially to their assemblies for religious
worship. After the second great dispersion of the Jews, oc-
casioned by the Roman conquest and destruction of Jerusa-
lem, the synagogues assumed the form of organized societies,
with a peculiar constitution and discipline, from which that of
the Christian Church is commonly supposed to have been
copied. It is doubtful, however, whether synagogues, in this
later sense, existed in the time of Christ and the Apostles,
when the word, though sometimes, like the English churchy
school^ courts etc. transferred to the place of meeting, prop-
erly denoted the meeting itself, not as an organic body, but
as an assembly of the people for a special purpose. In Jeru-
salem, where multitudes of foreigners were gathered, to at-
tend the feasts or as permanent settlers, it was natural that
those of the same race and language should convene together,
both for worship and for social intercourse ; and this accounts
for the extraordinary number of synagogues, alleged by the
Jewish tradition to have existed in Jerusalem before its down*
VOL. I. — 11*
250 ACTS 6, 9.
fall (480), an incredible number if we understand by syna«
gogues distinct organizations of a public and a formal nature,
but possible enough if nothing more be meant than gatherings
of the people, in larger or smaller circles, for religious pur-
poses. Of such synagogues we have clear traces in the verse
before us ; but how many are here mentioned, is a subject of
dispute. The ambiguous construction of the sentence allows
us to suppose either one or five such bodies to be here referred
to — i. e. the synagogue of the Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexan-
drians, etc. — or, the synagogue of the Libertines, and that of
the Cyrenians, and that of the Alexandrians, etc. Between
these extremes lie the possible hypotheses of three synagogues
(1. of the Libertines, 2. of the Cyrenians and Alexandrians,
3. of the Cilicians and Asians) — or two (l. of the Libertines,
Cyrenians, and Alexandrians ; 2. of the Cilicians and Asians.)
Still a difierent construction, and perhaps the simplest, is to
connect synagogue only with the first name, and to under-
stand the rest of individuals belonging to the nations men-
tioned. 'Some of the (members) of the synagogue called
(that) of the Libertines, and (some) Cyrenians and Alexan-
drians, and (some) of those from Cilicia and Asia.' However
the question of construction may be settled, the essential fact
affirmed is still the same, to wit, that the opponents of the
Gospel here described were chiefly or entirely foreign Jews,
and from the two great regions of North Africa and Asia Mi-
nor. (As to Asia and Cyrene, see above, on 2, 9. 10.) Aleoo
andrians^ inhabitants of Alexandria, the great commercial
city of Egypt, founded by Alexander the Great, and under his
successors inhabited by a multitude of Jewish colonists, so that
it became the chief seat of Hellenistic learning. Cilicia was
the south-eastern province of what v/e call Asia Minor, and
the native country of St. Paul, who was born at Tarsus, its
chief city. (See below, on 9,11.30. 11,25. 21,39. 22,3.)
Libertines is understood by some to be a national or geo-
graphical name like the rest, either put by an error of the
copyist for Libyans (see above, on 2, 10), or denoting the
people of Lihertum^ a city of Proconsular Afi*ica. But as all
the ancient manuscripts agree with the received text, and as
Libertum, if it then existed, was too obscure to be largely
represented in Jerusalem, the great body of interpreters iden-
tity the word with the latin libertini^ meaning fi.'eedmen or the
sons of emancipated slaves, and suppose it to denote hero
Roman proselytes of that class, whom Tacitus describes as
ACTS 6, 9. 10. 11. 251
numerous in Rome itself, or the sons of Jews carried captive
into Italy by Pompey ^nd afterwards set free. Either of
these is much more probable than the opinion, that these
Libertines were slaves set free by Jewish masters and residing
at Jerusalem, where they formed a separate sj-nagogue or
congregation, either from necessity or choice. The moral
sense of libertine^ as meanmg a hcentious liver, is of later
date. (Compare the corresponding difference of idiot and
despot^ in ancient and modern usage, as explained above, on
4, 13. 24.) Disputing^ or, as the Greek word signifies accord-
ing to its etymology and classical usage, seeking (or inquiring)
together^ but in the New Testament always with an implica^
tion of dissension and debate. Arose disputing may imply
that the discussion, which at first was private, became gene-
rally known and public. With Stephen^ not pei'haps exclu-
sively, but only as the first and best known of the seven ; or
his name may be particularly mentioned for the reason before
given (on v. 5), that this whole account is introductory to
that of Stephen's martyrdom and its effect on the condition
of the church. It is no improbable conjecture, that his minis-
try among the Christian Hellenists may have brought him
into contact and collision with their unbelieving relatives and
friends. The subject of this controversy may be gathered
from the following account of his arraignment and defence.
10. And they were not able to resist the wisdom
and the spirit by which he spake.
Another fulfilment of the promise in Luke 21, 15 (see
above, on 4, 14), and another variation of the formula em-
ployed above in vs. 3. 5. 8. The analogy of v. 3 here pre-
cludes the vague and somewhat modern sense of spirit^ i. e.
energy or vigour, as well as the more genuine but lower one
of intellect or sense, and requires that of Holy Spirit, if not as
a person, as an influence. The relative {by lohich) agrees in
form with spirit only, but in sense Avith wisdom likewise, al-
though our idiom would use diflerent jDrepositions to denote
the two relations. He spoke with wisdom^ for he spoke by
inspiration.
11. Then they suborned men, which said. We have
heard him speak blasphemous words aganist Moses,
and (against) God.
252 ACTS 6, 11. 12.
Then^ in the proper sense, at that time, or after what
had just been mentioned. The^, the Libertines and Hel.
lenistic Jews, whom Stephen had vanquished in debate. Sub'
orned, i. e. procured indirectly or unfairly, but specially ap-
plied in English law to the procuring of false testimony. The
Greek verb means both to substitute (e. g. a supposititious
child), and to suggest or prompt, which is also appropriate to
false swearing. Which said, literally, saying. The Greek
idiom, which prefixes that (ort) to the words quoted or re-
peated, cannot be retained in English. Speak, literally, speak-
ing, talking. Blasphemous, in Demosthenes and later clas-
sics, means abusive or calumnious (as in 2 Pet. 2, 11. 2 Tim.
3, 2), but in the Greek of the New Testament, is specially a|)-
plied to railing words when spoken of divine things or of God
himself. (See 1 Tim. 1, 13, and compare the cognate noun and
verb, blasphem^e and blasphem^y, whi^h are of frequent use in
the New Testament.) Against, hterally, to or toioards, a par-
ticle which indicates the subject of discourse, the idea of hos-
tihty being suggested by the context. (See above, on 2, 25.)
The second against is supplied in the translation. Moses and
God is not an irreverent or preposterous inversion, but a preg-
nant combination, which may be thus resolved and amplified,
' against Moses, our great legislator, and by necessary conse-
quence, against the God, whose representative he was, and
from whom all his legislative power was derived.' Compare
the words, " it seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us,"
in 15, 28 below.
And they stirred up the people, and the elders,
« ilie scribes, and came upon (him), and caught him,
and brought (him) to the council,
..urred up, literally, moved together, agitated at the same
ume, in reference either to what goes before or follows. If
the former, the verb must be construed with the remoter sub-
ject, those Avho procured the witnesses, and who are then de-
scribed as adding popular agitation to subornation of perjury,
as a means of destroying Stephen. If the latter, the subject
of the verb may be the witnesses themselves, and the commo-
tion mentioned the effect of their misrepresentations. Both
{r-i) the people, as an aggregate body, and the elders and the
scribes, as its representatives and rulers. (See above, on 4, 5.)
Came upon him, unexpectedly or suddenly (see above, on 4,
ACTS 6, 12. 13. 14. 253
1), probably while engaged in teaching or discussion. Caught
him^ seized and carried him along with them, as the Greek
verb properly denotes, being appUed in the classics to an eagle
and a storm. To the council^ literally, into it, i. e. into the
place where it assembled (see above, on 5, 2 '7), or into the
midst of the assembly itself.
13. And set up false witnesses, which said, This
man ceaseth not to speak blasphemous words against
this holy place, and the law.
And also (re) set up^ as in v. 6, and in 1, 23. False wit-
nesses^ not in the sense of mere inventors, fabricators, or gross
liars, but in that of unfair and perverse reporters, who, even
in repeating what he really had said, distorted it and caused
it to produce a false impression. (Compare Matt. 26, 59-62.
Mark 14, 55-60.) Which said^ literally, saying^ as in v. 11.
This man is perhaps contemptuous; but see above, on 4, 17.
18. Ceaseth not^ an evident exaggeration, intended to aggra-
vate the charge which follows. To speah^ literally, speaking.
Blasphemous is omitted by the latest critics, as an interpola-
tion from V. 11, not found in the oldest manuscrij^ts. The
sense is then to utter words^ an emphatic equivalent to speak.
Instead of Moses and God (v. 11), the objects of the blasphe-
my are here described as this (or according to the latest
critics, the) holy place^ i. e. the city of Jerusalem, or more pre-
cisely, the temple, and the law^ i. e. the theocratical and cere-
monial system, of which it was the visible heart and centre.
(See above, on 4, 11. 5, 27.)
14. For we have heard him say, that this Jesus of
Nazareth shall destroy this place, and shall change the
customs (or rites) which Moses delivered us.
This is not a merely formal variation of v. 13, but a more
precise specification of the general charge recorded there.
' He is guilty of that charge, for we have heard him saying
thus and thus.* If this was contemptuous in the preceding
verse, it is doubly so here, being jomed with the derisive title,
Jesus the Nazarene. (See above, on 2, 22. 3, 6. 4, 10.) De-
stroy^ the same verb that is used above in 5, 38. 39, and there
eiplauied. This place^ the temple and the city, as in v. 13,
254 . ACTS 6, 14. 15.
A
considered as the centre of the whole Mosaic system, the con
geries of customs (f^^^?), rites, or rather institutions, which
Moses delivered, revealed, communicated, by divine authority,
to be handed down from one generation to another ; which
last idea would also be suggested by the Greek verb, as the
root of the noun meaning tradition. (Compare Mark 7, 13,
where both occur ; and for a very different sense of the verb,
see above, on 3, 13.) This charge was no doubt true so far
as it related to the doctrine, that the new religion, or rather
the new form of the church, was to supersede the old. Its
falsity consisted in the representation of the two as hostile or
antagonistic systems, and of the change as one to be effected
by coercion or brute force.
15. And all that sat in the council, looking sted-
fastly on him, saw his faoj as (it had been) the face of
an angel.
All that sat, literally, all the (persons) sitting. In the
council itself, as members of the body, or m the council-cham-
ber, as spectators ; it is doubtful, however, whether any such
were present. Looking stedfastly on him is in Greek still
stronger, gazing into him., as if to read his very soul, an em-
phatic expression for the most intense and eager curiosity, the
same phrase that is used above in 1, 10. 3, 4, and below, in V,
55. 13, 9. This clause stands first in the original {and gazing
at him, all those sitting in the council saw, etc.) As it had
been, literally, as if, as though, without a verb expressed. In
the history of David, he is four times compared by others to
an angel (or the angel) of God, but always in reference to in-
tellectual or moral quahties, his goodness (l Sam. 29, 9) or his
wisdom (2 Sam. 14, 17. 20. 19, 27.) An analogous comparison
to that before us, but still stronger, is the one addressed by
Jacob to Esau (Gen. 33, 10), " I have seen thy face, as though
I had seen the face of God, and thou wast pleased with me."
This is clearly a hyperbolical descrij^tion of a friendly or be-
nignant countenance, and many understand the words before
us as a similar description of the calmness and serenity ex-
pressed in Stephen's looks. It seems more natural, however,
to explain them of a preternatural glow and brightness, like
the shining of the face of Moses when he came down from
Mount Sinai (Ex. 34. 29.) In either case, the comparison with
an angel is not intended to convey a definite idea of the actuaj
ACTS 7, 1. 2. 256
appeai-ance — as we know neither how an angel looks nor
whether all angels look alike — but merely to suggest the
tliought of something superhuman and celestial.
CHAPTEIi YII.
This chapter contains Stephen's defence before the council
(1-53) and his execution (54-60). His defence is drawn en-
tirely from the Old Testament history, and is designed to
show, that all God's dealings with the chosen people pointed
to those very changes which Stephen was accused of having
threatened. This he proves by shomng, that the outward
organization and condition of the church had undergone re-
peated change, under Abraham (2-8), Joseph (9-16), Moses
(17-44), David (45-46) ; that the actual state of things had
no existence before Solomon (47) ; that even this was mtend-
ed from the beginning to be temporary (48-50) ; and lastly,
that the Israelites of every age had been unfaithful to their
trust (9. 25. 27. 35. 39-43. 51-53.) The remamder of the
chapter describes the effect of this discourse upon the council
(54), Stephen's heavenly vision (55. 56), and his death by
stoning (57-60).
1 . Then said the high priest, Are these things so ?
The High Priest, as president of the council and chief
magistrate of the nation, interrogates the prisoner, as when
our Saviour was crucified (Matt. 26, 62. Mark 17, 60. John
18, 19.) The verse is connected in the closest manner with
the one before it by the continuative particle (8e) here ren-
dered then. Are these things so? hterally, whether these
{things) so have (themselves) ? This idiomatic phrase, equiva-
lent to are, occurs again below (17, 11. 24, 9.) These thi7igs,
namely, those alleged by his accusers (6, 11. 13).
2. And he said, Men, brethren, and fathers, heark-
en. The God of glory appeared unto our father Abra-
ham, when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in
Charran,
856
To the phrase. Men (and) Brethren^ used by Peter (l, 26
2, 29). Stephen adds J^ithers, either to distinguish his judges
from the mere spectators, or as a twofold description of the
tbrmer, first as his countrymen or fellow Jews, then as his
superiors, the Senators or Conscript Fathers of his nation
(see above, on 5, 21.) The same form of address is elsewhere
used by Paul (22, 1), perhaps not without allusion to the
speech before us, of which other recollections have been
traced iu the Apostle's writings. The exhortation to IteoTj
found in both these places, and also in the introduction to
Paul's speech at Antioch iu Pisidia (13, 16), seems to imply-
that something mi^rht be said which would offend their preju-
dices, and that patience would therefore be required on then-
part. (See above, on 2, 14. 29.) After thus bespeaking their
attention, he appeals at once to history, not for the ii^brma-
tion of his hearers, whose Jewish education and tanuliarity
with Scripture he assumes, but simply for the purpose of his
argument. As his first object was to show the outward
changes, through which the church or chosen people had
already passed, he begins with the event from which it de-
rived its separate existence, the calling of Abraham. 77ie
God of glory, not merely the glorious God, or the God wor-
thy to be glorified (Ps. 29, 1. Kev. 4, 11), but more specifical-
ly, that God who sensibly revealed himself of old, which is a
standing sense of glory ("si-2, 8o^a) iu the Old Testament
(e. g. Ex. 24, 16. Isai. 6, 3. Ps. 24, 7-10), here employed by
Stephen iu allusion to the charge of blaspheming Moses and
Jehovah (6, 11.) For the same reason he caUs Abraham our
father^ thus professing his adherence to the national traditions
and associations with respect to their great foimder. Ap-
peared^ was seen (see above, on 2, 3), may denote any special
and direct divine communication, but is properly expressive
of such as were conveyed by vision, or addressed to the sense
of sight. Tr/f6/i he icas^ Hterally, heing. Mesopotamia^ a
term of physical rather than political geography, denoting the
region between the Tigris and Euphrates. (See above, on 2,
9.) Like other ancient names of this kind, it is used with
considerable latitude. Thus Ammianiis Marcellinus mentions
Ur (of the Chaldees or Chaldea) as a town of Mesopotamia,
and Josephus makes it include Babylonia itself. So, too, the
poet Lucan calls Charran (Haran) Assyrlas Carras^ the
scene of the femous defeat of Crassus. This confusion of
terms arose, no doubt, at least in part, from the want of defi-
ACTS 7, 2. 3. 4. 257
nite boundaries. There is therefore no nustake here, either
in geography or history, as some have alleged, because in Gen.
12, 1, Abram is said to have been called after his removal to
Haran. But even admitting the pluperfect form of the Eng-
lish version there {tfoe Lord Md said) to be inexact, it is highly
probable (and seems to be at least implied in Gen. 15, 7. Xeh.
9, 7), tliat he had been called before, and thus induced to
eave his native country. That such repetitions of the divine
communications were not foreign to the patriarch's experience
we may learn from Gen. 12, 3. 18, 18. 22, 18. That the first
call is not explicitly recorded in its proper f»lace, is not sur-
prising in so brief a history. Upon this obvious and natural
interpretation of the narrative iu Genesis, rests the Jewish
tradition, preserved both by Philo and Josephus, that Abram
was t^-ice called, once in Ur and once in Haran. Jjwdt^ or
more exactly settled^ took up his abode (see above, on 2, 5.)
3. And said unto him. Get thee out of thy country,
and from thy kindred, and come into the land which I
shall shew thee.
These words are from the Septuagint version of Gen. 12,
1, the foiTQ in which Stephen seems to have adduced them, as
he was probably a Hellenist or Greek Jew (see above, on 6,
5), and that language was no doubt ^miliar to his judges.
The only variations from the SeptuagiQt are, that he omits
the [jhrase, and frora thy father^ s hou^ as being really
included in the more generic one, and from thy kindred ; and
also that the article before land is omitted in the common
text, but not in the oldest manuscripts. Con\e^ in. the origi-
nal, is properly an adverb (^etpo), meaning hsre or hitfier!
sometimes coupled with a verb of motion (as in Matt. 19, 21.
Mark 10, 21. Luke 18, 22), sometimes elliptically used without
it or in place of it (as here and in John 11, 43. Rev. 17, 1. 21,
9.) Ttoe land tcfdch I shaU show tfu&e is too definite ; the
true sense is, whatever land {rpf av) I show thee (or tn^iy show
tloee)^ implying uncertainty, and therefore strong feith, upon
Abram's part. A beautifril comment is afibrded by the last
clause of the parallel passage in Heb. 11, 8, "he went out not
knowinsc whither he went."
4. Then came he out of the land of the Chaldeans,
and dwelt in Charran: and from thence, when his
258 ACTS 7, 4.5.
father was dead, lie removed him into this land^
wherein ye now dwell.
Then^ in the proper sense, as a particle of time, meaning
afterwards or next. Gatne he out^ literally, having come out,
{Dwelt^ as in v. 1.) Whe^z his father was dead^ or more ex-
actly, after his father died. This seems to contradict the
chronological statements of the Old Testament, that Terah
was 70 years when he beg^at Abram (Gen. 11,26); that
Abram was YO when he left Haran (Gen. 12,4); and that
Terah lived to be 205 (Gen. 11, 32), i. e. 60 years after the
migration of Abram into Canaan. The difficulty has been
variously solved; by reading (in Gen. 11,32) 145 for 205,
which seems to be a mere conjectural emendation of the Sa-
maritan Pentateuch; or by imderstauding Stephen's words
of Terah's spiritual death, according to an old tradition found
in Philo, and probably founded upon Josh. 24, 2 (compare
Judith 5, 6. 7), that Terah in his old age apostatized to idola-
try, so that Abram was justified in leaving him, although he
lived long after and died in Haran (Gen. 11, 32) ; or far more
probably than either, that the age given in Gen. 11, 26, is that
of Terah when he begat his eldest son, as in the preceding
genealogies, and that Abram was not the eldest son, but put
first on account of his great eminence, as Napoleon might be
named first in a fist of the Bonapartes, though not the eldest.
This would enable us to fix the birth of Abram at such a dis-
tance from that of his elder brother or brothers, as would
bring his seventy-fifth year after the natural death of his
father. Either of these possible solutions is more probable
than the supposition of so gross an error on the part of Ste-
phen. Wherein^ hterally, whereinto^ into which, the verb
implying previous removal, not of themselves but of their
fathers. (See the same construction in the Greek of 12, 19.
Matt. 2, 23. Mark 1, 39.) Ye is emphatic (see above on 4,
20), as opposed, not only to their fathers, but to Stephen him-
self, as a Hellenist or foreign Jew.
5. And he gave him none inheritance in it, no, not
(so much as) to set his foot on : yet he promised that
he would give it to him for a possession, and to his
seed after him, when (as yet) he had no child.
So far was the present complex and imposing system from
ACTS 7, 5.6. 269
existing in the timp, of Abram, that he had not even foot-hold
in the land as a possessor. JSfone^ or more exactly, not. Bi-
heritcmce^ property which he could transmit to his heirs. In
it^ this land, just mentioned in v. 4. JSFo not is a single word
in Greek, meaning simply not or nor. So much as to set his
foot 071, literally, a foot-step, or a stepping-place for his foot.
The same phrase is used in the Septuagint version of Deut. 2,
5. (Compare Gen. 8, 9.) It is here put for the smallest space
or quantity, without regard to any definite measure. (Tyn-
dale, Cranmer, and Geneva, the breadth of a foot.) But how
does this eonsisi/ with Abraham's purchase of a hereditary
burial place (Gen. 23, 20. 50, 13) ? We may understand the
words to mean that he had not yet given him., or still more
exactly, did not give him., i. e. in the first years of his resi-
dence, the smallest portion of the land of Canaan. This is all
that was necessary for Stej^hen's purpose, which was simply to
show what changes had already taken place in the condition
of the chosen people since the calling of Abraham. His later
acquisition might be reckoned as one of these changes, and
would therefore rather strengthen than impair his argument.
Yet., Hterally, and., which is here equivalent, however, to and
{yet). He gave him none of it at first, and but little of it after-
wards, but promised him the whole for his descendants. Pro-
mised., insured, or assured, which is the full force of the original.
That he looidd give, literally, to give. For a 2)ossession, a Greek
v/ord specially appropriated in the Septuagint version, to the
occupation of the promised land. (See Geu. 17, 8. Num. 32,
5, and compare v. 45 below.) Wlien as yet he had 7io child,
literally, {there) not being to him a child, is added to enhance
the faith of Abram, who believed a promise made expressly to
his offspring, when as yet he had none.
6. And God spake on this wise, That his seed
should sojourn in a strange land ; and that they should
bring them into bondage, and entreat (them) evil four
hundred years.
Having given the substance of the promise, he now gives
its form, or rather one of the forms in which it is recorded.
The citation is made from the Septuagint version of Gen. 15,
13. 14, with a few unimportant variations, chiefly in the order
of the words. On this wise, an old English phrase, synony-
mous with in this way or manner. The original is one word,
260 ACTS 7, 6.
meaning so or thus. Seed, offspring or posterity. /Should
soJour?i, literally, shall be sojourning, or a sojourner, a tempo-
rary resident, as in v. 29 below (compare the verb in Luke 24,
18.) The futm*e belongs to the direct form of quotation, in
which the very words used are repeated, but the third person
{his seed) to the indirect form, which only gives the substance.
A strange land, not unknown, but foreign ; not their o-s^m,
belonging to others. They, i. e. the land, often put for its
mhabitants. That they shoidd bring them into bondage
(Wiclif, make them subject to servage), literally, and they shall
enslave it, (i. e. the seed of Abram, which is a collective.) En-
treat them evil, or in modern English, treat them ill. Here
again the original is one word, corresponding to abuse or mal-
treat. (See below, on v. 19. 12, 1. 18, 10. In 14, 2, it has an
intellectual or moral sense.) Four hundred is a round number
for four hundred and thirty, and is so used likewise by Jo-
sephus. In Ex. 12, 40. 41, it is expressly said that the sojourn
of Israel in Egypt lasted 430 years, and that they came out on
the very day when the 430 years were completed. But Paul
speaks of the law (Gal. 3, 17) as having been given 430 years
after the promise to Abraham. This might be understood to
mean at least so long, because the longer the interval the
stronger the Apostle's argument. But as this does not ac-
count for his using that specific number, and as the genealogi-
cal tables seem to indicate a shorter period, a better solution
is to understand the 430 years of Ex. 12, 40 to include the
previous residence in Canaan, as weU as that in Egypt. The
difference between these two sojourns being merely circum-
stantial, and the main idea being that of an expatriated,
homeless state, it was more important to tell how long they
were in such a state, than how much of this period was spent
in Egy]3t. This is a possible, though not a very obvious, con-
struction of the terms used in Exodus, which may be under-
stood as meaning, that the whole period of exclusion from the
actual possession of the promised land, including both their
residence in Egypt and their previous nomadic life in Canaan,
was 430 years, and that this period expired on the day of the
exodus from Egypt. This solution is at least a very old one,
being found not only in Josephus, but in the Samaritan text
and the Septuagint version, both which add, " and in the land
of Canaan," while the former, and a very ancient copy of the
lutter, insert after Israel, " and then- fathers." These are not
to be regarded as independent witnesses, nor as exhibiting the
ACTS 7, 6. 7.8. 261
true text, which has no doubt been preserved in the Masora,
or critical tradition of the Jews. But the emendation shows
how early the diificulty was perceived, and this means used
for its solution.
7. And the nation to whom they shall be in bond-
age will I judge, said God : and after that shall they
come forth, and serve me in this place.
The quotation from Genesis is here concluded. To whom^
hterally, to whomsoever (w cav), because it had not been ex-
pressly named. As if he had said, ' and that nation, whatever
it may be, &c.' See above, on v. 3, where a similar expression
(^1/ ay) is employed. Shall he in bondage^ or shall serve as
slaves^ is the translation of a single Greek word, differing only
in a single letter from the one just used in the transitive or
active sense of enslaving or bringing into bondage. Will I
jiidge^ deal justly with, do justice to, and as a necessary con-
sequence, imphed but not expressed, condemn and punish.
Said God is suppUed, as in Peter's quotation from the Prophet
Joel (see above, on 2, 17), to remind the hearers that these
words were still those of a divine speaker and must therefore
be fulfilled, and at the same time to reUeve the syntax, which
was somewhat embarrassed by the mixture (before mentioned)
of direct and indirect quotation. After that^ literally, after
these {things). They refers to the remoter antecedent, the
collective phrase, his seed fin v. 6). Gome forth^ or out of
Egypt. And shall serve (or worship) me in this place is im-
phcitly contained in Gen. 15, 16 {they shall return hither)^
though the form of expression is borrowed from a promise
made to Moses, when about to carry into execution the one
made to Abram. See Ex. 3, 12, ye shall serve God upon this
mountain^ i. e. Horeb (v. 1), for which Stephen substitutes in
this place^ an expression which may be appHed to a whole
country, as when Xenophon says, "this place was called
Armenia."
8. And he gave him the covenant of circumcision :
and so (Abraham) begat Isaac, and circumcised him
the eighth day ; and Isaac (begat) Jacob ; and Jacob
(begat) the twelve patriarchs.
262 ACTS '7, 8.
Another outward change was the subjection of the chosen
people to the distmctive rite of circumcision. Abram was
called and justified while yet uncircumcised (compare Rom. 4,
10-12) ; but circumcision afterwards was peremptorily re-
quired. He gave him^ i. e. God gave to Abram. Gave^ not
merely as a favor or a privilege, bat as a duty to be done, a
aw to be obeyed. Covenant^ originally, disposition or ar-
angement^ commonly applied in the classics to a testamentary
iisposition of one's property, a last will, but in Scripture, with
he probable exception of Heb. 9, 16. 17, to a mutual arrange^
ment or agreement, binding on both parties. A covenant of
circumcision may be either circumcision itself, as a covenanted
stipulated rite, or a covenant of which circumcision was the
sign and seal. (See Gen. 17, 10. 11, where both these ideas
seem to be expressed, and compare Gen. 9, 12.) aS'o, i. e. ir.
tliis new condition or relation, under this new covenant, not
as an ordinary progenitor, but as one sustaining a peculiar
federal relation, both to God and to jDOSterity. This is much
better than to make it a connective or continuative particle,
equivalent to so then in colloquial narration, which is other-
wise expressed in Greek. (See above, on 1, 6. 18. 2, 41. 5, 41.)
The emphatic v/ord is not hegat but circumcised^ as if he had
said, ' aU the other patriarchs were born under this covenant
of circumcision.' This idea is obscured in our translation by
repeating the first verb alone, instead of repeating both {begat
and circumcised)^ or neither, leaving the reader to supply
them from the first clause, as in the Rhemish version [Isaac
Jacobs and Jacob the twelve patriarchs) . The mere genealogy
or lineal succession was entirely irrelevant to Stephen's pur-
pose, as weU as perfectly familiar to his hearers. The mam
idea of the verse is, that the patriarchs who followed Abraham
were all born under a covenant or dispensation, which had no
existence when he was himself called to be the Friend of God
(Isai. 41, 8. James 2, 23) and the Father of the Faithful
(Rom. 4, 1 1. 16.) The recital of these sunple and familiar facts
IS perfectly unmeaning, unless intended to establish Stephen's
proposition, that the outward condition of the chosen people
had already undergone repeated changes, quite as great as
those which he was charged with blasphemy for having
threatened. Patriarchs^ founders of distinct families or races.
See above, on 2, 29, and compare the use of the primittv©
toun elsewhere (Luke 2, 4) to denote the lineage o^JJa-v-id
ACTS 7, 9. 263
9. And the patriarclis, moved with envy, sold Jo-
seph into Egypt ; but God was with him,
The next important change in the condition of the chosen
race was the migration into Egypt, providentially secured by
the sale of Joseph as a slave there. Stephen dwells on the
particulars of this change more than was absolutely necessary
for his argument; partly, because of their extraordinary
character, evincing the whole series of events to be the exe-
cution of a divine plan ; but also for the purpose of suggesting
an analogy between Joseph's treatment by his brethren and
that of Christ by their descendants. Here then begins an-
other thread of the discourse, running parallel to that which
we have thus far traced, and adding to the proof that the ex-
isting state of things was not immutable, a proof derived from
the same source that Israel had always been unfaithful to his
trust and his advantages. This course of defection and rebel-
lion is here tacitly traced back to the treacherous and cruel
conduct of the sons of Jacob toward theii* innocent and hel]>
less brother. The motive assigned is not indignation (Tyn-
dale, Cranmer, and Geneva), nor mere emulation (Rheims),
but jealousy and envy. (See the use of the kindi-ed noun in
5, 17 above.) The original expression is a single word, envy-
ing or having envied. Sold^ see above on 5, 8, where the
same verb is employed, as well as in the Septuagint version
of the history of Joseph (Gen. 37, 27.) Sold into Egypt is a
pregnant construction, which implies (without expressing)
motion or removal. The very same construction, both of verb
and noun, occurs m the Septuagint version of the passage just
referred to (Gen. 37, 36.) But^ literally, and^ but with a
really adversative effect, producing an antithesis like that in
2, 23. 24. 3, 14. 15. 4, 10. 5, 30, between divine and human
treatment of the same person, thus confirming the existence
of a typical relation, or a recognised analogy, between the
sufferings of Christ and Joseph. The suggestion of this par-
allel, however slight, was really equivalent to saying, ' As you
nave now dealt with the Saviour of the world, your fathers
dealt with the deliverer of theu' nation, showing even then
the same unthankful and rebellious disposition which we see
in you.' God was with him^ in a providential sense, as his
protector and preserver, which is the lower of the two ideas
conveyed by the prophetic name Immanuel or God with us
264 ACTS 7, 9. 10. 11.
(Isai. 7, 14. Matt. 1, 23). What was tine, in tliis lower sense,
of Joseph, was true, and in the highest sense, of Christ.
10. And delivered him out of all his afflictions, and
gave him favour and wisdom in the sight of Pharaoh
king of Egypt ; and he made him governor over Egypt
and all his house.
This is a mere amplification of the last clause of the ninth
verse, showing in what respect or what sense God was with
him. Delivered^ extricated, plucked out (Matt. 5, 29. 18, 9.)
See below, on v. 34. 12,11. 23,27. 26,17. Afflictions^ lite-
rally, pressures^ straits, distresses. See below, on v. 1 1. 11,19.
14, 22. 20, 23. Favour and wisdom^ i. e. gave him favour by-
giving him extraordinary wisdom, both as an interpreter of
dreams and as a statesman. This wisdom was exhibited he-
fore (over against, opposite, in presence of) Pharaoh. The
subject of the last verb may be either God or Pharaoh ; but
the former gives a more striking sense by making Joseph's
exaltation altogether a divine act. Made him governor
(Wiclif, ordained him sovereign). The verb means properly
to set down in a place (see below, on 17, 15), then to set %ip^
constitute, appoint (see above, on 6, 3, and below, on vs. 27,
35.) Governor., literally, leader., or still more exactly, leading
(ma7i), chief magistrate, prime minister (see below on 14, 12.
15, 22, and compare Matt. 2, 6, and the antithesis in Luke 22,
26.) This last idea is also expressed by his being placed over
the royal household. (See below, on 8, 27. 12, 26.)
11. Now there came a dearth over all the land of
Egypt and Canaan, and great affliction ; and our fathers
found no sustenance.
He now relates the other part of the strange providential
scheme, by which Joseph was made the means of bringing
his whole family to Egypt. Now, and, or but, the usual con-
tinuative (8e). A dearth, a famine, a destitution or deficiency
of food. Came over, or upon, implying not mere prevalence
but judicial infliction by a higher power. The form of expres-
sion is closely copied from the original history (Gen. 41, 54.
42, 5), with which most of Stephen's hearers were as well ac-
quainted as himself. Our fathers, here and in the next verse,
ACTS 7, 11. 12. 13. 266
has been thought to express a kind of sympathetic feeling for
the sufferings of the patriarchs ; but it is rather an assertion
of the speaker's kindred or relation to his hearers, as descended
from a common ancestry. (See above, on 3, 13.) Found 7io
(literally not^ or did not find) sustena7ice, provisions, victuals.
The Greek word is plural and applied in the classics only to
the food of cattle (fodder), which sense it also has in the Sep-
tuagint version (Gen. 24, 25. 32.)
12. But when Jacob heard that there was com in
Egypt, he sent out our fathers first.
J^ut is the word translated now in v. 1 1 . Jacob hearing (of)
corn being in Egypt is nearer the form of the original. Corn^
in the generic sense of grain or bread-stuffs, which is its proper
English usage. The particular reference is no doubt to wheat,
for which Egypt was flxmous in the ancient world, and with
which it afterwards supplied Rome itself. (See below, on 27,
6. 38. 28, 11.) Sent out^ sent off or away, the compound
Greek verb bemg very emphatic and conveying, at least some-
times, the idea of an authoritative peremptory sending, almost
equivalent to driving out or off (e. g. in Luke 1, 53. 20, 10.
11.) But in other cases it denotes a simple mission, or at
most a distant one. (See below, on 7, 30. 11, 22. 12, 11. 17,
14. 22, 21.) Our fathers^ see above, on v. 11. Firsts i. e. a
fii'st time, implying that they went more than once, and that
nothing extraordinary happened till their second visit.
13. And at the second (time), Joseph was made
known to his brethren, and Joseph's kindred was
made known unto Pharaoh.
At the second {time), or in the second (visit) of the patri-
archs to Egypt. Was made known occurs twice in this one
verse, a repetition only foimd in the translation, the original
expressions being altogether different. The first is a single
word, the passive of a Greek verb used by Plato in the sense
of knowing again, recognizing. (For another verb expressing
that idea, see above, on 3, 10. 4, 13.) Ife was recognized by
(or again made Jcnown to) his brethren. Although used in
the Septuagint version (Gen. 45, l) to translate a reflexive
verb (he made himself Jcnown), it is not itsejf reflexive, but a
simple passive. The other i^hrase translated icas made hnoxon
VOL. I. — 12
266 ACTS 7, 13. 14.
denotes strictly became manifest^ i. e. was discovered or dis-
closed. Josepli^s Idndred^ not his kinsmen, but his descent,
extraction, race, or family^ considered as an abstract not a
concrete term, like that used in the next verse. (See above,
on 4, 36.)
14. Then sent Joseph, and called his father Jacob
to (him), and all his kindred, threescore and fifteen
souls.
Then sent Joseph^ Gr. and Joseph sending. To him is not
expressed in Greek, but may be considered as included in the
verb, which means sent for^ while the middle voice has the
usual reflexive meardng. (See below, on 10, 32. 20, 17. 24,
25.) His kindred^ or according to the oldest manuscripts, the
kindred^ the family, in the concrete sense, as denoting persons.
(For the corresponding abstract term, see above, on v. 13.)
Threescore and fifteen souls^ i. e. seventy-five persons. (See
above, on 2, 41. 43. 3, 23). Omitted in our version is the
preposition in^ which stands before these words in Greek, both
here and in the Septuagint version of Deut. 10, 22. Some
suppose it to be put for a Hebrew prefix, corresponding both
to in and with. Examples of the latter sense are found in Hel-
lenistic Greek, not only that of the Apocrypha (1 Mace. 1, 17.
7, 28), but that of the New Testament (Luke 14, 31). But
although Jacob might have been sent for loith seventy-five
others, how could this be said of the whole family f Another
explanation gives to in the same sense as in our phrase con-
sistbig in., i. e. composed of seventy-five persons. But besides
this grammatical question, there is one of more importance in
relation to this clause. The nimiber here given (75) is also
found in the Septuagint version of Gen. 46, 27. Ex. 1, 5, and
in some very ancient copies of Deut. 10, 22, whereas the He-
brew text, in all these places, has the round number (70).
This difierence has been variously explained, by supposing that
though only seventy went down vdth Jacob, Joseph invited
{called for) seventy-five, the supernumerary persons being
three wives ot Jacob and two sons of Judah, whom Joseph did
not know to be dead ; or that in addition to the 66 mentioned
in Gen. 46, 26, Stephen reckoned the twelve mves of Jacob's
sons, omitting Judah's, who was dead, and Joseph's, who was
iu Egypt, as well as Joseph himself, for the same reason ; or
lastly, that in Gen. 46, 20, the Septuagint adds the sons of
ACTS 7, 14.15. 267
Ephraim and Manasseh, from the genealogy in 1 Chron. 7,
14-21, while the Hebrew text omits them, because not born
until afterwards. In one of these three ways, the variation
of the Septuagint from the Hebrew may be readily accounted
for. Stephen's adhering to the former may be then explained,
by supposing, either that he quoted the most current and fa-
miliar version without alteration, in a matter of so little mo-
ment in itself or in relation to his o^vn immediate purpose ; or
that he spoke in the language of the country, and that the
quotation was recorded in its present form by Luke. But
this last would only shift the charge of error, not remove it ;
and that Stephen spoke most probably in Greek, see above,
on V. 3 But either of tliese suppositions is more reasonable
than that Stephen was himself mistaken, or that the Hebrew
text is wrong, and that he meant to correct it.
15. So Jacob went down into Egypt, and died, he,
and our fathers —
The sentence is completed in the next verse. Stephen now
comes to the critical change in the condition of the chosen
people, for which vs. 9-14 were a preparation. So is not the
same Greek word as in v. 8 above, but merely the continuative
particle (8e), so constantly occurrmg and so variously rendered,
and (v. 6), now (v. 11), but (v. 12), then (v. 14.) Died, lite-
rally, ended (sc. his life.) This elliptical use of the verb, which
is the only one found in the New Testament, is sanctioned by
the usage of the best Greek writers, from Herodotus to Xeno-
phon. He aiid our fathers connects the verb died^ which is
singular in form, with Jacob's sons as well as with himself A
similar construction occurs in John 2, 12, and in the common
text of Matt. 12, 3. The whole clause is equivalent to saying,
' Jacob went down into Egypt, and so did our fatkers^^ i. e.
his sons, the patriarchs^ or founders of the twelve tribes of
Israel. (See above, on v. 8.) Went doion sometimes denotes
literal descent from a higher to a lower level, or at least from
the interior to the sea-coast (as in 8, 26. 16, 8, below). In
other cases, it is doubtful whether the expression is thus used,
or with reference to the moral as well as local elevation of Je-
rusalem (see below, on 24, 1. 22. 25, 6. V.) In the case before
us, there may be allusion, either to the physical difference be-
tween Palestine and Egypt, as a hilly and a level land respect-
ively ; or to the moral difference between the Holv Land and
268 ACTS 7, 15. 16.
any heathen country ; or to both these pomts of dissimilitude
together.
16. And were carried over into Sychem, and laid
in the sepulclire that Abraham bought, for a sum of
money, of the sons of Emmor, (the father) of Sychem.
•Carried over, transferred, or removed ; a compound form
of the verb following, laid, put, or placed. Sychem, a Sep-
tuagint form of the Hebrew Shechem (Gen. 33, 18. 19. 34, 21).
A later Aramaic form is Sychar (John 4, 5.) The Romans
called the town Flavia Neapolis, of which the present name,
Nahlus or Nahulus, is an Arabic corruption. In the time of
Christ, it w^as already a chief city of the Samaritans, and has so
continued ever since. Siepulchre, memorial, monument (see
above, on 2, 29). A sum of money, literally, a price of silver
(see above, on 4, 34.) Emor or JE'}nmor, the Greek form of
the Hebrew Hamor (Gen. 33, 19. 34, 2.) The Yulgate and
its followers supply son instead of father, but the latter
agrees better with the narrative in Genesis (33, 19. 34, 2. 4.
6. 8. 13. 18. 20. 24. 26.) As Jacob was buried iu the cave of
Machpelah at Hebron (Gen. 49, 30. 50, 13), the first verb in
this verse must refer to his sons, whose place of burial is not
designated in the Old Testament. (' Jacob went down into
Egyi^t and died there, and so did our fathers, and were removed
to Shechem.') It is highly probable, however, that their
bodies were transported, like their father's, into Canaan, ex-
cept Joseph's, which would naturally be retained, as that of
an Egyptian ruler, in the land of his adoption till the exodus.
Another reasonable supposition is, that they were all removed
together, but that Joseph's bones alone are mentioned (Ex.
13, 19. Josh. 24,32), on account of the recorded oath (Gen.
50, 25.) It is far less improbable that these facts were omitted
in the history, than that the remains of the eleven patriarchs
were left to moulder in the land of bondage. This conclusion
is confirmed by the tradition, both of the Jews and early
Christians, that all the sons of Jacob were buried at Shechem.
Which Abraham bought of the sons of Emor. But accord-
ing to Gen. 33, 19, this purchase was made by Jacob ; whereas
Abraham had bought a place of burial n^ar Hebron, from
Ephron and the Hittites (Gen. 23, 3-20.) This apparent con-
tradiction has been variously explained, by reading Jacob for
Abraham f or by omitting Abraham, and construmg the verb
ACTS 7, 16. 17. 269
mth Jacob in v. 15, or "s\dth an indefinite subject {ooie hoiigJit
it = it was bought), both which emendations of the text are
destitute of manuscript authority ; or by suj^posing a concise
and therefore an obscure aUusion to both purchases — ' which
Abraham (and Jacob) bought of the sons of (Heth and) Em-
mor ' — ; or by admitting a confusion of the two transactions
in the mind of Stephen, who was not an inspired historian.
But as he was under an extraordinary influence, and endowed
with extraordinary spiritual gifts, including that of msdom
(see above, on 6, 3. 5. 8. 10) ; and as Luke has preserved his
words without correction, w^hich, although it might evince
his candor and veracity, is hardly consistent ^vith his task as
a historian; this last hypothesis (that Stephen erred), even if
admissible in case of exegetical necessity, is far less natural
and probable than either of the others. With respect to the
concurrence or accumulation of supposed inaccuracies in this
one verse (as to Jacob's burial, that of the Patriarchs, and
Abraham's purchase), so far from proving one another, they
only aggravate the improbability of real errors having been
committed in such quick succession, and then gratuitously left
on record, when they might have been so easily corrected or
expunged. This circumstance, when duly weighed, makes
the assumption, even of unusual constructions or of textual
corruptions, however improbable on general grounds, com-
paratively easy. In all such cases, it is necessary to consider
the difficulties which attend the supposition of mistake or con-
tradiction, as well as that of truth and consistency, especially
as skeptical critics and their Christian folloAvers are accus-
tomed to look only at one side of the question. In this case,
for example, it is easy to cut the knot by assuming a mistake
on Stephen's part, but not so easy to account for its being
made by such a man, addressing such an audience, and then
perpetuated in such a history, without correction or exposure,
for a course of ages.
17. But when the time of the promise drew nigh,
which God had svvoni to Abraham, the people grew and
multiphed in Egypt —
The sentence is completed in the next verse. We Lave
here a transition from the times of Joseph to those of Moses,
as the next stage in the progress of the chosen people.
[But = so in V. 15.) Wheii^ lit. as, the Greek word being
no ACTS 7, 17. 18.
elsewhere always expressive of resemblance (see above, 2,4,
22) not of tinie, as its primitive or uncompounded form some-
times is (see above, on 1,10. 5, 24.) Here it probably means
in proportion (or according) as^ and intimates, not only abso-
lute increase, but a progression in its rate or ratio, which
agrees well with the obvious unplication in the history (Ex.
1, 7. 12. 20), that the growth of Israel in Egypt was j^reter-
natural, if not miraculous. The time of the promise is the
time that had itself been promised ; or the promise may be
put for its f.iliilment. (See above, on 2, 33.) '- Sioorn (co/xo-
o-ev), or according to the latest critics, ^:)rom^5ec?, agreed ifijxo-
X6yr](T€v). There is no oath mentioned in the passage more
immediately referred to (Gen. 15, ? 3); but there is in the
parallel promise (Gen. 22, 16). According to Maimonides,
every divine assurance, such as that in Gen. 15, 13, is equiva-
lent to an oath ; and such a sanction is undoubtedly im|>lied
in every covenant or stipulation between God and man. The
people^ not yet organized as a nation, but preparing, by this
very increase, to become one, greio and multiplied^ or more
exactly, loas midtiplied^ the active and passive being probably
combined, as an exhaustive or complete expression of the
whole idea. Or j)erhaps the one may be intended to express
spontaneous, natural increase, and the other that which was
extraordinary, or produced by the immediate act of God.
Here, and throughout this whole discourse, the speaker is not
giving a historical lesson, but reminding his hearers of the
most familiar facts, for a specific purpose. (See above, on v.
2.) Having shown the djvine independence of all outward
forms, by reciting the extraordinary changes which occurred
in the experience of the Patriarchs, he proceeds to show the
same thing, by exhibitmg the still more startling contrast be-
tween Patriarchal freedom and Egyptian bondage on the one
hand, and the Mosaic dispensation on the other. With a view
to this, he mentions the condition of the people while in bond-
age, and the proiddential means by which the next change
was prepared for and eventually brought about.
18. Till another king arose, which knew not Jo-
seph.
The sentence is completed from the foregoing verse. Until
is not to be mterpreted exclusively, i. e. as meaning that the
growth then ceased, but negatively, i. e. as meaning merely
ACTS 7, 18. 19. 271
that it had not ceased before. ' This process of increase was
still in operation, when a new king arose^ etc' This verb
does not imply rebellious usurpation (see above, on 5, 17. 36.
37. 6, 9), nor even accession to the throne, which is suggested
by the word kmg and the context, but appearance m the
world or on the field of history. Another king^ not only nu-
merically difierent, but, as the Greek word sometimes means,
diverse in kind or quality. (See above, on 2, 4, and compare
1 Cor. 14,21. Mark 16,12. Rom. 7,23. Gal. 1,6. James 2,
25. Heb. 7, 11, 15. Jude 7.) This may refer, either to his ig-
norance of Joseph, or to his being of another house or dy-
nasty, as stated by Josephus. Various attempts have been
made, both by ancient and modern writers, to identify this
"new king" (Ex. 1, 8), but without success. Who knew not
Joseph is by some supposed to mean, who did not love him or
regard him, or remember his great public services, as reasons
for kmd treatment to his brethren and descendants. But no
clear example can be cited of the Greek or Hebrew verb in
this sense (the most plausible, 1 Thess. 5, 12, admitting of a
strict interpretation), and the proper one is perfectly appro-
priate, to wit, that the new king was partially or wholly igno-
rant of Joseph and his public measures, either from lapse of
time or intervening revolutions. The idea of hidifference or
enmity, at all events, is not expressed by this phrase {knew
not), but suggested by the context.
19. The same dealt subtilly with our kindred, and
evil entreated our fathers, so that they cast out their
young children, to the end they might not live.
The same, or this, i. e. this king who knew not Joseph.
The pronoun refers to the remoter antecedent, as in 4, 11.
Dealt suhtilly, outwitting, circumventing, by the use of indirect
and crafty means to break the strength of Israel, both by ex-
cessive labor and by promoting the exposure of their children.
The Greek verb is borrowed from the Septuagint version of
Ex. 1, 10. Our kindred, family, or race, as in 4, 6 above, and
13, 26 below, where the same word is translated stock, as it is
in the Rhemish version here {circumventing our stock ; Wiclif^
beguiled our kin) Moil entreated, or in modern English, ill
treated, maltreated, persecuted. (See above, on v. 6.) Our
fathers, as in vs. 12. 15 ; compare v. 2. &o that they cast
out makes the infanticide the mere result of this atrocious
272 ACTS 7, 19. 20.21
persecution, while the Greek seems to make it the design oi
Pharaoh. Cast out (or ex2)ose)^ hterally, tnade exposed^ as wo
say, made known and the like (see Matt. 12, 16. John 7, 23.)
To the end^ in order that, implying purpose, either that of
Pharaoh in oppressing them, or that of the oppressed, in their
despair desiring to exempt their children from the sufferings
which they felt themselves. Might not live, literally, be pre-
served alive (as in Luke 17, 33 ; compare Mark 8, 35), a com-
mon Hellenistic meanmg of the verb, which in the Classics
denotes procreation. (See the Septuagint version of Gen. 6,
19. Ex. 1, 17.)
20. In which tmie Moses was born, and was ex-
ceeding fair, and nourished up in his father's house
three months.
As the word translated time does not denote a period but
a juncture (see above, on 1, 7, and compare 3, 20), it might
be better to translate the phrase here, at which time, i. e.
when the crafty and cruel persecution of the Israelites by the
Egyptians was at its height. It was at this crisis in the histo-
ry of the chosen people, that their great deliverer came into
the world. Exceeding fair, or as it is translated in the mar-
gin of the English Bible, fair to God, which is variously ex-
plained to mean like God (divinely fair), a common expression
in the classics ; or through God (made so by him) ; or before -
God (in God^s sight or estimation) ; or ^mi-^\j very fair, as an
idiomatic periphrasis of the superlative, of which other exam-
ples are supposed to occur in 1 Cor. 3, 6. 2 Cor. 1, 12. 10, 4.
Col. 2, 19. The Greek adjective means civic as opposed to
rustic ; then urbane or polished ; then agreeable or pleasant ;
and then beautiful, or rather (according to Aristotle) pretty^
as applied to familiar and diminutive objects. In Heb. 11, 23,
the same word is rendered proper, in the old English sense of
fair or handsome. Some suppose this beauty of the child to
have been supernatural, as an indication of what was in reserve
for him, and the reason of his being concealed three months.
Josephus describes him as " divine in form," and the Roman
historian Justin also speaks of his extraordinary beauty. The
house of his father, i. e. Amram (Ex. 6, 20.)
21. And when he was cast out, Pharaoh's daughter
took him up, and nourished him for her own sou
ACTS 7, 21. 22. 273
"When he icas cast out (or exposed)^ in Greek, him being
exposed^ or according to several of the oldest manuscripts,
he being exposed. One old version adds, by his people^ another,
by his mother^ a third, along (or ^V^) the river^ wliicli is also
found in several Greek manuscripts, and is retained in Wiclif 's
English {put out in the flood) Pharaoh's daughter is named
by several of the ancient writers, but so discordantly as to
evince that the names are fictitious or conjectural. Toole him.
up^ not out of the water, which would have been otherwise
expressed in Greek, but rescued, saved him, as opposed to
his exposure, the two Greek verbs being those employed in
the classics to express the same two acts. JSFourished up^
nursed, brought up, the active form of the same verb that oc-
curs in the preceding verse. For her oicn so?^, as (or to be)
a son for herself. This last idea is also expressed by the mid-
dle voice of the Greek verb. (See above, on 1, 2. 24.)
22. And Moses was learned in all the wisdom of
the Egyptians, and was mighty in words and in deeds.
The consequence of this adoption v»^as an education such as
Moses could not have received otherwise. Learned seems
here to be not an adjective but a participle, in the old sense of
taught^ instructed^ which is the meaning of the Greek verb.
The wisdom of Egypt was proverbial in the ancient world,
being rivalled, in the general estimation, only by that of the
East, the region of the Tigris and Euphrates, which was re-
garded as the cradle of the human race, and the fountain-head
even of Egyptian knowledge. In this oriental wisdom Daniel
was instructed (Dan. 1,4), and both are joined in describing
that of Solomon, which " excelled the wisdom of all the chil-
dren of the East country and all the wisdom of Egyj^t " (l Kings
5, 10 ; in the Enghsh Bible, 4, 30.) Philo pretends to enume-
rate the branches of knowledge, in which Moses was instruct-
ed, includmg astrology and magic, but coromits a gross
anachronism when he adds that the rest of the encyclopedia
(or circle of the sciences) he learned from Grecian teachers;
whereas even Pythagoras and Plato are represented in the
Greek tradition as disciples of Egyptian sages. The last clause
describes the effect of this instruction upon Moses. Mighty
in words and deeds (or as the oldest manuscrij^ts and versions
have it, his deeds)^ is supposed by some to be at variance with
bis own description of hmiself as " slow (»f speech " (Ex. 4, 10) ;
VOL. I. — 12*
2-ii ACTS 7, 22. 23.
to remove which contradiction, words has been taken in the
sense of writings, doctrines, laws, predictions, and deeds (or
works) in that of miracles or military feats, such as Josephus
ascribes to Moses when he makes him the conqueror of Ethi-
opia. Another solution is to give the whole phrase a pro-
verbial sense, as meaning strong in every way, in theory and
practice, ia judgment and in action, as Thucydides describes
Themistocles, "most able both to say and do." The necessity
of all these explanations is removed by the simple observation
that the passage in Exodus relates to readiness or fluency,
but this to energy and force of speech.
23. And when he was full forty years old, it came
into his heart to visit his bretlnren the children of Israel.
This is Tyndale's version; Wiclif gives the first clause
more exactly {ivhen the time of forty years teas filled to hhn)
This chronological specification is nowhere else contained m
Scripture, but agrees well with the old Talmudical tradition,
that Moses vras forty years in the Egyptian court, forty years
in the land of Midian, and forty years with Israel in the desert.
(See below, on v. 30, and compare Ex. 7, 7. Deut. 34, 7.)
Another tradition, of inferior authority, assigns him twenty
years of age at this time. Forty years^ Gr. a time of forty
years^ or still more literally, a fm^ty-year time. 'When he
was^ etc., Gr. as {this time) was fulfilling^ or in modern phrase,
was being fulfilled, i. e. was drawing to a close. The divine
delay in fashioning such instruments has often been contrasted
with the haste and impatience of corresponding human pro
cesses. Came, literally, came up, rose, ascended, a favouriie
expression in the Septuagint version (e. g, Isai. 65, 17. Jer. 3,
16. 32, 35.) The subject of the verb is not a noun understood
(such as plan or thought, compare Luke 24, 38), but the verb
to visit, which in the New Testament has a very pregnant
meaning, as it almost invariably (the only exception being that
in 6, 8,) means to visit for the purpose of assisting or relieving,
v/hether the action be ascribed to God (Luke 1, 68. 78. 7, 16.
Acts 15,^14. Heb. 2, 6) or man (Matt. 25, 36. 43. James 1, 27.)
The unfavourable sense of visiting to punish prevails in the
Old Testament (e. g. Ps. 89, 33. Jer. 14, 10.) The most ap-
propriate sense m this place is the primary one of looking
after, which implies that Moses now conceived the purpose,
not of simply going to see his brethren, but of attending to
ACTS 7, 23. 24. . 275
their interests, becoming their i:)rotector ; and that not merely
as a scheme or notion of his own, but no doubt as a divine
communication or suggestion, wh,ich " came up into his mind
(or heart)."
24. And seeing one of them suffer wrong, he de-
fended (him), and avenged him that was oppressed, and
smote the Egyptian.
One of them^ literally, some {pne)^ or a certain {man)^ as
the same pronoun is translated in 3, 2. 5, 1 above. That it
was one of the Israelites themselves, is assumed as perfectly
well known to Stephen's hearers, and also that the wrong-doer
was an Egjq^tian. This confirms what was said above (on vs.
2, 17), that he is not communicatmg information, but reason-
ing from familiar facts. Suffer wrong^ literally, wronged or
injured. That the injury consisted in blows or other bodily
violence, is probable, but not afiirmed. Defended^ literally,
warded off^ averted from one's self; but the use of the middle
voice, in the sense of defending others, is found, though rarely,
in the purest Attic writers. By inserting him^ the English
version seems, at first sight, to distinguish between him that
suffered wrong and him that loas oppressed ; whereas the
Greek construction is, defended and avenged the oppressed
(o7ie.) Avenged., however, is too strong a word, at least in
modern English, to express the Greek phrase, which means
properly did justice to (maintained the right of) the oppressed.
Compare Luke 18, 7. 8, where avenge is equivalent to vindicate
or right., as a judicial act. The strong sense of the same word
in Rom. 12, 19. Heb. 10, 30, is determined by the context,
both in the original and the quotation. Oppressed., literally,
worn out., broken down by hard work (see a kindred form in
4, 2 above, and 16, 18 below), w^hich may here refer, not
merely to the struggle which Moses witnessed, but to previous
maltreatment and oppressive bondage. And smote., not as an
additional, distinct act, but smitiyig., as a simultaneous act,
or rather as the mode in w^hich the act of defence and vindi-
cation was performed. The Greek verb m.eans properly to
hnoclc or heat ; then to wound., and when emphaticall)' used
(like the corresponding Hebrew word) to wound mortally, to
kill, which is expressly recorded by Moses himself (Ex. 2, 12.)
It is an old and not improbable opinion, that the Egyptian
was one of Pharaoh's overseers or taskmasters, by whom the
276 ACTS 7, 24. 25.
Israelitee were driven to their work (Ex. 5, 6. 10. 14), and that
the wrong or injury here meant was an aggravated case of
their habitual severity.
25. Tor he supposed his brethren would have un-
derstood, how that God by his hand would deliver them ;
but they understood not.
By inserting /br and the auxiliaries would and would have,
the translation seems to limit what is here said to the single
act of slaying the Egyptian, either as one justified by his offi-
cial mission, or as a sign and symbol of the mission itself. But
supposed or thought (Wiclif, guessed)^ being in the imperfect
tense, denotes continued or habitual belief; he was thinking,
or used to think, before he did this, that his brethren (or ac-
cording to the latest critics, the hrelhreii) understood (did
actually know) that God^ by his hand (i. e. the instrumental
agency of Moses) not would deliver, but does deliver, i. e.
is about, or has begun to do so, the speaker throwing him-
self into the time of which he speaks, and using such ex-
pressions as Moses himself might have employed. Deliver
them, Gr. gives to them deliverance (or salvatioii.) Some
suppose their not understanding this to be here represented
as a fault or sin, since they had seen so many proofs of
an extraordinary providence, and special divine purpose, in
the life of Moses. Others suppose the fault to be upon the
side of Moses, who, although divinely called to this great
work, had prematurely entered on it, before the people had
been made acquainted with his high vocation. A third opinion
is that there was fault on both sides, rash zeal and revengeful
f;er on the part of Moses, unbelief and stupidity on that of
•"rael, to punish which their liberation was deferred for forty
years, and Moses sent for the same term into such complete
inaction and obscurity, that when God called him to the ac-
tual discharge of his important functions, he refused to under-
take it (Ex. 3, 11. 13. 4, 1. 10. 13.) The allusion to the failure
of the ancient Israel to recognize their temporal deliverer,
no doubt involves one to the still more fatal error of their
children in mistaking and disowning the Messiah. As if he
had said, * Your rejection of Christ proves nothing with respect
to the truth of his pretensions ; since your fathers for a time
rejected Moses.' This parallel is afterwards suggested still
more clearly (see below, on v. 35.)
ACTS 7, 26. 2V7
26. And the next day, he shewed himself unto
them as they strove, and would have set them at one
again, saying. Sirs, ye are brethren ; why do ye wrong
one to another ?
This is the proof of what had just been affirmed, to wit,
that the people did not recognize him as the great deliverer
whom they expected. JSfext day^ hterally, coming or coming
on^ ensuing, following (Wiclif, the day suing)) It is joined in
like manner with night once below (23, 11), and several times
used without a noun, but agreeing mth day understood (16,
11. 20, 15. 21, 18.) The Hebrew text has secorA day (Ex. 2,
13), in reference to his first appearance as recorded in v. 25.
(See above, on v. 13.) Shoioed himself to them., literally, loas
seen hy them., the same form of expression as in 2, 3. The
context shows that this was something more than a fortuitous
appearance or encounter. It was rather a deliberate and for-
mal presentation of himself in a public or official character.
The conimon version therefore {showed himself unto them) is
correct considered as a paraphrase. As they strove., literally,
to them strimng {quarreling or fighting.) The Greek verb is
elsewhere used in the New Testament to signify a war of
words, disputing, wrangling (John 6, 52. 2 Tim. 2, 24. James
4, 2.) But as the Septuagint frequently applies it to a bodily
struggle or contention (e. g. Ex. 21, 22. 2 Sam. 14, 6), it is
better so to understand it here. To them may refer to the
"two men of the Hebrews," mentioned in Ex. 2, 13, and here
assmned to be both well known and remembered by the hear-
ers (see above, on v. 24) ; or it may be regularly construed
with the nearest antecedent, brethren., and the combatants
supposed to represent the whole mass, because suffi3red so to
act -without constraint and hinderance, or because they were
in fact congenial spirits and fair samples of the general body.
Here, as in v. 25, the would have of all the immediate Enghsh
versions weakens the sense, which is, he drove them together
into xnace., i. e. he authoritatively required them to be at
peace, by virtue of his office, either entered on before the
time, or disowned by the people. (See above, on v. 25.) Set
them at one again., i. e. reconciled or brought together.
Atonement., in old English, denotes reconciliation (Rom. 5, 11.)
Neither eftbrt nor persuasion is expressed by the verb, but
an act of authority. By a singular coincidence, the same verb
i& repeatedly employed by Homer (but without the additiou
278 ACTS 7, 26. 27.
of the words to peace) in the opposite sense of setting against
each other or causing to fight, ^irs^ literally, men^ gentlemen
(see above, on 2, 14) ; but some connect it Avith the next
word, so as to mean men-hrethren^ i. e. men who are brothers,
kinsmen, countrymen, and of the same rehgion. This was a
reason both for not fighting and for not provoking others, as
suggested in the follow^ing question. Why (the same word
as in 4, 25 above) do ye icrong (or treat tmjustly) one another f
The passive j)articiple of the same verb occurs in the first
clause of V. 24.
27. But he tliat did his neighbour wrong thrust
him away, saying, Who made thee a ruler and a judge
over us ?
The first words imply that one of the two was simply act-
ing in self-defence Hke the Hebrew of v. 24 (compare Ex. 2.
11.) The original construction is, the {one) wronging the
neighbour. This last word, which in Greek is properly an
adverb meaning 7iear^ and vath the article, the (one) near (or
9iext), has here its Scriptural or Hebrew sense of fellow-man,
but probably with some allusion to the more intimate relation
of these combatants, expressed in the preceding verse by
brethren. Thrust him away, or pushed hun back, both in the
literal and proper sense of a corporeal movement, and in the
figurative one, v/hich it suggests or symbolizes, of rejecting
with disdain, a meaning found not only in the Septuagint
version (e. g. Jer. 6, 19. Hos. 9, 17), and in the best Greek
wiiters (such as Herodotus, Thucydides, and Plato), but also
in the Greek of the New Testament (Rom. 11, 1. 2. 1 Tim. 1,
19), and in this very book (see below, on 13, 46.) In the last
clause this expressive action is translated into words. The
question is equivalent to a strong negation, or at least to a
demand for his authority, like that addressed to Christ (Matt.
21, 23) and his apostles (see above, on 4, 7) by the rulers of
Israel. The jealous feeling thus expressed is the same that
was entertained towards Lot in Sodom (Gen. 19, 9), and seems
to be referred to by our Lord in decHning all judicial inter-
ference with men's property or secular affairs (Luke 12, 14.)
Made, constituted, placed, appointed, as in v. 10 and in 6, 3.
Over us, precisely the same phrase that occurs in 1, 23 above ;
but the latest critics change the case, though without a change
of meanmg. Huler and judge may be generic and specific
ACTS V, 27. 28. 29. 279
terms denoting the same thing, as in 4, 5, or distinctive terms
for what would now be called judicial and executive authority.
(Wiclif, v:ilio ordained thee prince and doomsman on us P)
This taunting question shows that Moses was regarded, not
as a mere intruder or officious friend, but as asserting some
official right to interfere between them. And as this agrees
exactly with the previous narrative, especially with vs. 23, 24,
as we have just explained them, the reproaches cast by some
uiterpreters upon the angry Hebrew, for putting so uncharitar
ble a construction on an act of simple kindness, are entirely
undeserved.
28. Wilt thou kill me, as thou didst the Egyptian
yesterday ?
So far from acknowledging this act of homicide as proving
his official right to interfere, he taunts him with it as an act
of lawless violence, and insinuates a charge that he w^as seek-
ing to repeat it. The peculiar form of the interrogation {[j-'^),
and the emphatic introduction of the pronoun (o-u), make the
original much stronger than the version, and almost equiva-
lent to saying, ' Surely thou dost not- mean to kill me, etc'
The verb repeated in this clause is the one translated took uj)
in V. 21 above, but here used, as in 2, 23. 5, 33. 36, in the
sense of despatchmg, making away with, or destroying. As,
literally, ichat mamier^ the idiomatic phrase employed in 1, 11,
and always denoting, not mere general resemblance, but
specific similarity of form or circumstances ; so that there is
probably a covert and ironical allusion, not only to the fact
that he had killed an Egyptian, but to the circumstances not
here mentioned, though recorded in the Pentateuch by Moses
himself (Ex. 2, 12), that he did it secretly and hid the body.
As if he had said, ' Perhaps you mean to murder me and hide
my body in the sand, as you did yesterday to the Egyptian.'
29. Then fled Moses at this saying, and was a
stranger in the land of Midian, where he begat two
sons.
The7i^ and, or but, as in the two preceding verses. The
sense oithen (immediately or forthwith) is sufficiently expressed
by the following phrase, at (literally m) this saying^ i. e. in
the very act or time of hearing it. When it is said (Matt,
/
280 ACTS 7, 29. 30.
12,41. Luke 11,32), that the Nmevites repented at th€
preaching of Jonah, the idea may be likewise that of instanta*
neons or simultaneous action ; but the form of expression dif-
fers more in the original than in the version. 'Was a stranger^
literally, became a sojourner^ implying change as well as actual
condition, and suggesting what he left and lost, as Avell as
what he found. The Greek noun, in the classics, means one
who dwells or settles by another, but in Hellenistic usage ir
apphed specifically to domesticated aliens (e. g. Gen. 15, 13.
Ex. 2, 22), and in this place is synonymous with Moses's de-
scription of himself as " a stranger in a strange land." The
land {of) Madian, being without the article, might seem to
mean a land (called) JIadian, but for the like expression in
V. 36 {J^and of Egypt) ^ where no such explanation is admissi-
ble. Madian is a sort of intermediate form or compromise
between the Hebrew Midian and the Greek Madiam^ the
name of one of Abraham's sons by Keturah (Gen. 25, 2), also
applied to his descendants, a nomadic tribe who roved about
the desert between Moab, Sinai, and the Red Sea, and are
therefore found in dififerent and distant places. (Compare
Ex. 3, 1. 18, 5. Num. 31, 2. Judg. 6, 1.) The last clause
means that though he Still felt himself a stranger, he was so
far settled and domesticated among these people, as to be a
husband and a father. (Compare Ex. 2, 21, 22. 4, 20. 18,
1-6.)
30. And when forty years were expired, there ap-
peared to him, in the wilderness of Mount Sina, an
Angel of the Lord, in a flame of fire in a bush.
This translation of the first clause is found in all the Eng-
lish versions except Wiclif^s, who retains the true sense of the
verb {filled)^ though not the original construction, which is
that of the genitive absolute, forty years having been fulfilled
(or completed.) See above, on v. 23, and 2, 1. This marks
<he close of another period of forty years in the history of
Moses. Tlie wilderness of Mount Sinai is the jdesert tract,
through which extends the mountainous range of JSoreb.
This is the distinction made by the highest modern geogra-
phical authorities, although tradition recognizes Horeb and
Sinai as northern and southern peaks of the same mountain.
This tradition seems to have arisen from the fact that Moses,
in his farewell discourse, no longer designates the scene of his
ACTS 1, 30. 31. 32. 281
divine legation by its proper name of Sinai^ as lie does in the
earlier books, but applies to it the general name of Horeh.
(Compare Ex. 19, 11. 18, 20. 23. 24, 16. 34, 4. 29. 32. Lev. 7,
38. 25, 1. 26, 46. 27, 34, with Deut. 1, 6. 4, 10. 15. 15, 2. 18,
16. 29, 1.) Appeared to him^ literally, was seen hy him^ as in
V. 26 and 2, 3. An angel (or according to the Hebrew idiom,
the anget) of the Lord^ see above, on 5, 19. This is ex-
plained by certain modern interpreters to mean some natural
object, such as a bush struck by hghtning and instantly ex-
tinguished ; by some Christian writers, an extraordinary sensi-
ble impression of God's presence ; by others a created angel ;
but by most interpreters in every age, the second person of
the Godhead, even then appearing as the revealer of the
Father (Matt. 11, 27. Luke 10, 22.) A flame of fire is in
several of the oldest manuscripts, as in the Septuagint version
of Ex. 3. 2, afire offlame^ i. e. according to a well-knoT^Ti He-
brew idiom, a flaming fire. In a bicsh, literally, of a bush,
which gives the whole phrase an exceedingly peculiar form,
although the sense is clear.
31. When Moses saw (it), he wondered at the
sight, and as he drew near to behold it, the voice of
the Lord came unto him.
The original construction is, and Moses seeing .... and he
approaching. Admired (or wondered at) the sight, either in
the simple sense, as denoting an object of vision, or in the
stronger one of a supernatural spectacle, as in 9, 10. 12. 10, 3.
17. 19. 11, 5. 12, 9. 16, 9. 10. 18, 9, from which it will be seen
that this is one of Luke's favourite expressions, being found
elsewhere only in Matt. 17, 9. To behold, or rather to observe,
i. e. more closely than he could while at a distance. (See be-
low, on 11, 6. 27, 39, and compare Matt. 7, 3. Luke 6, 41. 12,
24. Heb. 3, 1. James 1, 23. 24.) Came, literally, became, or
came into existence, became audible, precisely as in 2, 5 above.
32. (Saying), I am the God of thy fathers, the God
of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of
Jacob. Then Moses trembled and durst not behold.
Some of the oldest manuscripts and versions omit the
name of God before Isaac and Jacob. The form is then the
same as in 3, 13 above. In either case it is a solemn claim to
282 ACTS 7, 32. 33.
be the God who covenanted with the Patriarchs, and accord
ing to our Saviour's own interpretation (Matt. 21, 32), was
still their God as living spirits, one day to be reunited with
their bodies. This was probably the first divine communica-
tion to Moses since his flight from Egypt. (See above, on v.
25.) Trembled^ literally, becoming tremulous, a natural sign
of fear. (See below on 16, 29, and compare Heb. 12, 21.)
Behold^ look, observe, as in v. 31.
33. Then said the Lord to him, Put off thy shoes
from thy feet, for the place where thou stand^st is holy
ground.
Then said^ and said, so said, as m vs. 29. 32. The Lord
to him^ Gr. to him the Lord. Put off^ ht. loose^ untie (as in
Mark 1, 7. Luke 3, 16.) Thy shoes, Ut. thy sole (or sandal),
any thmg bound under the foot. The smgular form is applied,
as a collective, to both shoes, like the French chaussure,
meaning shoes and stockings, or whatever is worn upon the
feet. From thy feet, or rather, of thy feet, belonging to them,
or now on them. The Syriac version has ' the land (or ground)
on which thou standest is holy.' The holiness was moveable
and temporary (except as a matter of memory), arising from
the momentary presence of Jehovah. The expression of rev-
erence or awe by uncovering the feet is very ancient, being
enjomed by Pythagoras ("Unshod sacrifice and worship "),
who had probably learned it in Egypt. (See also Josh. 5, IV.)
The ground of it is not clear, as it can scarcely have been
transferred, as some imagine, to God's presence fi'om the
floors of palaces or private houses, even supposing that the
custom there existed. As the same thmg is expressed among
ourselves by uncovering the head, it may be a mere accidental
habit or association. The most probable solution perhaps is,
that it symbolized the putting away of all impurity, to which
the feet are pecufiarly exposed in walking (compare John 13,
10), more particularly in the East, where the Mahometans still
leave their slippers at the entrance of their mosques. From
Juvenal's alluding to this custom in connection with the Sab-
bath, it would seem to have been known to him only as a
Jewish practice. Though not explicitly enjoined, it is implied
in the silence of the law as to any covering of the feet, amidst
such particular directions as to head-dress and other parts of
the sacerdotal costume. Chrysostom points out Stephen's
ACTS 7, 33. 34. 283
tacit argument against the perpetuity and absolute necessity
of the temple, from the holiness ascribed to any place where
God chose to reyeal himself.
34. I have seen, I have seen, the affliction of my
people wliich is in Egypt, and I have heard their groan-
ing, and am come down to dehver them. And now
come, I will send thee into Egypt.
The literal translation of the first words is, Seeing I have
seen, a form of expression much more frequent in Hebrew
than in Greek, though found in both, the very same verb being
so used by Lucian (tScby etSov) and Arrian (iScbv oTSa.) It may
either be intensive ('I have indeed seen'), or may suggest
the additional idea of distinctness, frequency, duration, or
the like. (See above, on 4, 17, where the form is sunilar,
but not the same.) Afflictw?i, or more exactly, 02^2^'essio7i,
maltreatment, the noun corresponding to the verb used in v.
6. 19 above, and in 12, 1. 18, 10 below. I}Iy peo2?le, belonging
to me, although not yet formally organized as such, nor fully
conscious of our mutual relation. Which is in Egypt, ht.
the {one) in Egypt, as distinguished from all others. Groan-
ing (or sighing) under their oppressions, whether addressed
to God as a complaint, or uttered merely as a natural expres-
sion of distress. A^n come doion, or more exactly, came
doicn, from heaven which is God's throne (Isai. 66, 1. Matt.
5, 34) i. e. became visible on earth. God is often represented
as coming down to see for himself before he punishes. (See
Gen. 11, 5. 18, 21, and compare Ps. 144, 5.) To deliver, see
above, on v. 10, and below, on 12,11.-23,27. 26, 17, in aU
which cases the same verb is used. And now, since this is so,
as in 3, 17 above, and 10, 5. 13, 11. 20, 22. 25. 22, 16 below.
Come, or retaining the original adverbial form, here ! hither !
(See above, on v. 3.) I will send, or according to the oldest
copies extant, let me send, the same form being used in the
Sej)tuaguit version of Ex. 3, 10. The explanation of the
aorist subjunctive as a future, although sanctioned by Greek
usage, is unnecessary here, where a proposition is at least as
natural as a peremptory order.
35. This Moses, whom they refused, saying. Who
made thee a ruler and a judge ? the same did God send
284 ACTS V, 35.
(to be) a ruler and a deliverer, by the hands of the An
gel which appeared to him in the bush.
The repetition of the pronoun this is highly emphatic, both
here and in the beginning of the next three verses ; but it
does not mean this great onan^ which is as arbitrary as to
make it constantly expressive of contempt. (See above, on 6,
14.) Refused^ denied to be what he was, i. e. a messenger
from God (see above, on v. 27.) The refusal of the one man
was virtually that of all ; for all were of the same mind, and
this was a fortuitous disclosure of the general feehng. The
same (or this), i. e. the very same whom they rejected forty
years before, (if not by word or deed, in thought and will,) and
no one else. The question is repeated from v. 27, with the
omission of over us, and even this is found in some old manu-
scripts. i)id God send, or according to the latest critics, has
sent. To he (or as) a rider, see above, on 5, 31. Three of the
oldest manuscripts read, hoth a rider and deliverer, i. e. not
only a ruler, which they had denied him to be, but a deliverer,
which was vastly more. Deliverer, literally, redeemer, from a
verb which means to buy back from captivity by payment of
a ransom. The noun occurs only here ; but the cognate forms,
redeem, redemption, ransom, are repeatedly applied to Christ.
(See Matt. 20, 28. Mark 10, 45. Luke 1,68. 2,38. 24,21. Heb.
9, 12. 1 Pet. 1, 8.) As there is c\ddent allusion to the parallel
between Christ and Moses, and as the deliverance from Egypt
was a type of that from sin, there is no need of diluting the
expression so as to mean mere deliverance, without reference
to ransom or redemption in the proper sense. Even in refer-
ence to this temporal salvation, if it could not be said of Mo-
ses, it could be said of God, whose messenger and instrument
he was, that he had bought his people out of bondage, by a
natural and not uncommon figure. (Seelsai. 45, 13. 14.) By
the hands, lit. in the hand, which may mean under the pro-
tection and control of the uncreated Angel who accompanied
the chosen people. (See Ex. 14, 19. 32, 34. Isai. 63, 9.) But
the five oldest manuscripts read with the hand (Vulg. cum
mana), wliich may mean, 'clothed Tvdth the power of the
Angel,' but more probably describes him as the organ of com
munication between God and Moses. (See the Septuagint
version of Num. 15,23. 2 Chron. 29,25.) The Angel who
appeared might also be grammatically rendered, the Angel of
him (i. e. of the God) loho app>eared to him in the hush. But
ACTS 7, 35. 36. 285
this construction is less obvious and altogether needless, as
we read expressly, both in Ex. 3, 2, and in v. 30 above, that
it was an Aigel that appeared to him. Both readings, in
and with {the hancH)^ may have arisen from too close an imita.
tion of the corresponding Hebrew phrase (ifa), in which the
preposition corresponds to several distinct particles in Greek ;
or it may be a pleonastic form for the dative of cause, manner,
and instrument. (See above, on 1, 3. 5. 4, 7. 9. 10. 12.) Either
is more probable than the supposition, that the in (h) is merely
tlie last two letters of the preceding verb, repeated by mis-
take. The meaning of the whole verse seems to be, that God
had rebuked the mcredulous and disobedient Israelites in
Egypt, by sending the same man, whom they had taunted
with aspiring to judicial authority, to exercise far higher func-
tions, namely, those of a national liberator and protector.
36. He brought them out, after that he had shewed
wonders and signs in (the) land of Egypt, and in the
Red Sea, and in the wilderness, forty years.
This verse describes the third great period of forty years
in the life of Moses. (See above, on vs. 23. 30.) He brought
them out is not sufficiently emphatic, a defect which some ver-
sions, ancient and modern, have attempted to supply (Pesh.
this is he loho brought thetn out. Wicl. this Moses, Tynd.
and the same). The full force of the clause is, this (same man)
did bring thein out. He not only received the commission,
but he executed it. He was the actual leader of the Exodus,
the great migration to which Israel owed its national exist-
ence. His divine legation was attested, not only by success,
but by miracle. After that he had implies that all the signs
and wonders were previous to the exode, which is inconsistent
with the remainder of the verse. The aorist participle strictly
means having wrought., but sometimes denotes a simultaneous
action (Yulg./(XC^ews. Tynd. shewing ; see above, on v. 14, and
on 1, 24.) It may even mean by working miracles, as in 10,
39, whom they sleio and hanged^ i. e. slew by hanging, though
the Hteral translation seems to imply that he was dead be-
fore his crucifixion. For wonders and signs., the Peshito has
signs and wonders and weighty deeds. For land of Egypt.,
several of the oldest manuscripts have the land Egypt., others
simply Egypt. In the Red Sea is by some translated on or
{tt the Bed Sea ; but the in refers to the miraculous change
286 ACTS Y, 36.37.
WTOuglit upon the sea itself, to the passage of the Israelites
through it, and to Pharaoh's destruction in it. The Bed Sea,
in the earher Greek wi'iters, is what we call the Indian Ocean,
with its two great arms, the Persian and Arabian Gulfs, to
the last of which the name is given in the Septuagint version.
It was called Red, as some of the ancients thought, from the
colour of the water ; but even Quintus Curtius speaks of this
as an ignorant mistake, and derives the Greek name from that
of an old king (Erythra.) The moderns trace it to the colour
of the sea-weed which abounds in it, and from which it was
called in Hebrew (and in the Peshito here) Ya?n Suph {Mare
Algosum) the Sea of Seaweed. The name Red Sea is still
applied to the same narrow gulf between Arabia and Africa,
about 1400 miles in length, through the northern extremity
of which the Israelites passed (Ex. 14, 21. 22.) Local tradi-
tion still identihes the spot as the Bahr-al-Kolsum or Sea of
Destruction, ia allusion to the fate of Pharaoh's host (Ex. 14,
28.) The ancient Christian historian Orosius says that the
traces of the chariot-wheels were visible in his time ! All the
miracles here mentioned are included in the forty years ; the
actual error in the wilderness, though often so described in
round numbers (Num. 14, 33. Josh. 5, 6. Neh. 9, 21. Am. 2,
10), lasted only tliirty-eight years (Deut. 2, 14.)
37. This is that Moses which said unto the children
of Israel, A Prophet shall the Lord your God raise up
unto you of your brethren like unto me ; him shall ye
hear.
This is the Moses presupposes their acquamtance with the
history and prophecy, which last had been quoted and applied
by Peter (see above, on 3, 22), and to this there may here
be an allusion. As if he had said, ' this is the author of that
prophecy so lately quoted and interpreted before you.' Mo-
ses was not only a type of the Messiah, but the author of one
of the most striking testimonies to him. The Lord is omitted
in the oldest manuscrijots and versions (except the Peshito^,
and may have been inserted from the parallel passage (3, 22;,
foi the purpose of assimilation. This may also be the case
with your, which is omitted in several of the oldest manu-
Bcripts, while two read our. Like unto me^ lit. as one, i. e. ac-
cording to some, as {he raised up) me. Some copies of the
Vulgate connect it with what follows {tanquam me audietis.
ACTS 7, 37. 38. 287
Wicl. as me ye shall hear Jiim.) Most refer the liJce me to
his dignity and rank (see Num. 12, 8. Deut. 34, 10) ^ but it
may relate to from your brethren^ one of yourselves, as I am
(see above, on 3, 22.) Some suppose it to describe Christ as
the end of the law (Rom. 10, 4.) Him shall ye hear is omitted
by the oldest manuscripts and fathers, and is regarded by
some modern writers as another effort at assimilation on the
part of the transcribers. The inference that Jesus was this
prophet (John 1, 21. 25. 6, 14), Stephen leaves the Sanhedi'im
to draw for themselves (see above, on 2, 36), with its neces-
sary consequence that they, not he, dishonoured Moses, by
refusing to aknowledge and obey the Prophet whom he had
so solemnly predicted.
38. This is he that was in the church in the wil-
derness, with the Angel which spake to him in the
Mount Sina, and with our fathers ; who received the
lively oracles to give unto us.
There is here a contrast or antithesis (like that ia 2, 23. 24.
3, 15. 4, 10. 5, 30) between the treatment of the same person
at the hands of God and man. The Moses whom they so con-
temptuously sUghted, was the chosen organ of communication
between Israel and Jehovah, throughout the error in the wil-
derness. According to the best interpreters, in the church in
the icilderness is a parenthetical specification of the time and
place, and the main proposition is that Moses loas with the
Angel (then another parenthesis) and with our fathers^ i. e.
the mediator or interpreter between them. The idea of inti-
mate and confidential intercourse with either party is rather
implied than expressed. (See above, on 4, 13, and below, on
20, 18, and compare Mark 16, 10.) Church (Tynd. congrega-
tion^ Rh. assembly) is by some understood to mean the actual
assemblage at the giving of the law, because the next clause
refers to a specific time and place ; but it does so only to iden-
tify the Angel, without necessarily restricting what precedes
to that particular juncture. ' The Moses who communicated
with the Old Testament church throughout the error in the
wilderness, was the same who acted as the organ of the divine
Angel at the giving of the law.' The last clause may then
have reference either to the legislation or to the subsequent
divine communications. Oracles^ di\ine responses or author-
itative declarations. The Greek word (Xoyia) has \;een van-
288 ACTS 7, 38. 39. 40.
ously explained as a diminutive of (Xdyos) word^ meaning a
brief, condensed, and pregnant utterance ; or as the neuter
of an adjective (Ad-^tos) meaning rational, profound, wise, and
as a substantive, a T\ise saying. Herodotus and Thucydides
apply it to the responses of the oracles (compare Rom. 3, 2.
Heb. 5, 12. 1 Pet. 4, 11.) Lively^ i. e. living or alive; not
because uttered mva voce^ which is both unworthy and at
/ariance with usage ; but either as the words of the living
Grod, or as being in themselves efficacious and especially life-
i^ivm^. (Compare John 6, 51. Heb. 10, 20. 1 Pet. 1, 23.)
Even the law is such in its own nature (Rom. 7, 12.) The
Vulgate and the oldest English versions have the words (Tynd.
word) of life. Lively oracles is the Geneva version. Moses
is here represented, not as the author, but as the recipient, of
these authoritative revelations.
39. To whom our fathers would not obey, but
toust (him) from them, and in their hearts turned
back again into Egypt.
The to at the beginning is a violation of the English idiom,
copied from TjTidale by the other old translators, and arising
from the needless substitution of obey for the original expres-
sion, he (or become) obedient which is retained only in the
Rhemish Bible. Would not is more than an auxihary and
means loere not willing., did not choose. The repetition of the
verb thrust away (from v. 27) suggests the idea that they still
repeated or contmued the same act which was at first per-
formed by their representative on that occasion. As he re-
fused the Prophet's mediation in the quarrel with his neigh-
bour, so the people refused his mediation betwetn them and
God. Turned bach again into Egypt does not refer to the
attempt of the children of Israel hterally to retrace their steps
(see Num. 14, 4, and compare Ex. 16, 3. 17, 3), as may be
inferred from Ex. 32, 1. 4. Neh. 9, 18, where they ask for
the God who brought them out of Egypt, not for one who
should conduct them back again. The reference is rather to
their Egyptian spirit and propensities, their lingering attach-
ment to the idolatries of their native country. (See Ezek. 20,
5_8. 24.) In their hearts., i. e. their thoughts and their de-
su-es, as distinguished from their outward movements.
40. Saying unto Aaron, Make us gods to go before
ACTS V, 40. 41. 289
US ; for (as for) this Moses, which brought us out of the
land of Egypt, we wot not what is become of him.
This verse explains the statement in the one before it, that
they turned back in (or with) theii* hearts to Eg}^t. How V
By saying unto Aaron, &g. Gods might be taken as too
close a translation of the plural Elohim^ if the latter were not
construed with a plural verb in the passage quoted (Ex. 32, 1,
compare Gen. 20, 13. 35, 7.) It is variously explained as a
categorical plural, denoting the whole class, though immediate-
ly referring to a single object ; or by supposing that the peo-
ple asked for a plurality of idols, but that Aaron made them
only one. To go before us, literally, who shall go before us,
as Jehovah had gone before them in the pillar of cloud (Ex.
13, 21), and as unages Avere carried by the heathen in their
marches. The meaning is not, who shall guide us back to
Egyjjt ? see above, on v. 39. The second clause assigns the
ground of their request, to wit, the absence of Moses, not
merely as a strenuous opponent of idolatry, but as the repre-
sentative of Jehovah, whose place they proposed to fill by a
visible representation of the divine being. This is commonly
regarded as contemptuous ; but in Hebrew and the Septuagint
it is this man, and the Hebrew noun is one of a respectful mi-
port. Besides, how else could this (man) be expressed, if no
contempt at all were intended ? This consideration, with the
opposite sense put by some upon the same pronoun in v. 35
above, shows how precarious such assumptions are, although
sustained by the authority of eminent interpreters. This
3Ioses has no verb agreeing with it, but is placed at the be-
ginning of the clause as a nominative absolute, which some
regard as a mere negligence of style, but others as intended
to enhance the sarcasm, or at least the emphasis*. Other ex-
amples of the same construction may be seen in Matt. 12, 36.
John 15, 2. 7, 38. Acts 20, 3. Gal. 1, 20. Wot^iot, know not.
Wiclif ha? a still more antiquated form {ice icitten not.) What
is become of him, literally, what has happened to him.
41. And they made a calf in those days, and offered
sacrifice unto the idol, and rejoiced in the works of
their own hands.
The first verb in Greek occurs only here, and is supposed
to have been coined by Stephen, or, if he did not speak in
VOL. I. — 13
290 ACTS V, 41. 42.
Greek, by Luke. The nearest equivalent in English would
be calf-made. Offered^ literally, led up., i. e. to or upon the
altar, or caused to ascend., which is the meaning of a Hebrew
verb, from which comes the noun translated hurnt-offering.,
but strictly meaning what ascends., i. e. upon the altar as a
victim, or from the altar in the form of vapour. The Greek
phrase here used occurs also in Herodotus, and in the Septua-
giiit version of 1 Kings 3, 15. The idol (Wiclif, mawmel^ i. e.
the golden calf, designed no doubt, like the calves of Jero-
boam (l Kings, 12, 28), to represent Jehovah (Ex. 32, 4), but
under a forbidden form, borrowed from the Egyptian worship
of Osiris, one of their ancient kings, the reputed inventor of
the plough, and tutelary god of agricultural labour, worshipped
under the form of a bull, rejoresenting the productive power
of nature, called Apis at Memphis and Mnevis at Heliopolis.
Analogous appearances are furnished by the colossal bulls
lately found at Nineveh, and by the ox as a cherubic symbol
(Ezek. 1, 10.) Rejoiced., made merry (Ex. 32, 6), not as a
mere fortuitous accompaniment, but as an essential part of the
idolatrous service (see 1 Cor. 10, 7.) Rejoiced in., not merely
on account of, or in reference to, but in the possession of, and
in the closest union Avith, the works of their own hands., not
the idol alone, called works for emj^hasis ; or as the product
of united labour ; but the idol with all that appertained to it,
the altar, implements of sacrifice, &c. Bengel observes that
God alone has a right to rejoice in the work of his own hands
that man may rejoice in the works of God, but as soon as he
begins to rejoice in his own works, he becomes an idolater.
42. Then God turned and gave them up to wor-
ship the host of heaven, as it is written in the book of
the Prophets, O ye house of Israel, have ye offered to
me slain beasts and sacrifices, by the space of forty
years, in the wilderness ?
Then., and, but, or so. Turned and gave is by some un-
derstood to mean gave again. But this, though a Hebrew
idiom, is not a Hellenistic one, the first verb in all supposed
xamples which have been adduced, expressing a distinct
and independent act. Another construction sui^plies them j
he turned them from one form of idolatry to another. A
third supplies his mind, his manner, or his hand. It is now
ACTS 7, 42.43. 291
commonly agreed, however, that the verb has here a re-
flexive meaning, as in English, and is equivalent to saying,
turned himself^ or turned aioay in ^nger, as Isaiah says
(64, 10), "he was turned to be their enemy." A cognate
verb is used below (15, 16), in the favourable sense of turmng
back or being reconciled. Gave them up^ not merely suffered
them, but condemned or punished by suffering them, as in
Rom. 1, 24. 26. 28. The host of Heaven sometimes means the
angels (as in 1 Kings 22, 19. Ps. 103, 21. 148, 2. Luke 2, 13),
but more frequently the heavenly bodies (as in Deut. 4, 19.
2 Kings 17, 16. Isai. 34, 4. (Wiclif, the knighthood of heaven ;
Tyndale, the stars of the sky ; Cranmer and Geneva, the host
of the sky.) Because they chose to worship the true God
under a forbidden form, he gave them up to Sabaism, so called
from the Hebrew word for host. The book of the Prophets^
i. e. either the twelve minor prophets, which were reckoned
in the Jewish canon as a single volume ; or in a wider sense,
the whole body of the prophets, as the second great division
of the Hebrew Scriptures. The quotation is from Amos 5,
25-27, in the words of the Septuagint version. The interro-
gation (with /xt}) anticipates a negative answer ('you did not
— did you ? ') and is therefore equivalent to a strong negation.
This has been variously understood as meaning, that they
literally offered no sacrifices in the desert, which is inconsist-
ent Avith the plain terms of the history ; or that their offerings
were only occasional and few ; or that the offerers themselves
were few ; or that they did not offer from right motives and
in a right spirit ; or that they sacrificed to devils, not to God
(Lev. 17, 7. Deut. 32, 17.) As if he had said, ' Was it to me (or
to your idols) that ye offered in the ^vilderness ? ' Slain beasts
(or victims^ Rhem. Vers, hosts) and sacrifices., i. e. offerings ot
all sorts, animal and vegetable, as the Hebrew w^ords express,
although the Septuagint version fails to make the distinction.
43. Yea, ye took up the tabernacle of Moloch, and
the star of your god Remphan, figures which ye made
to worship them ; and I will carry you away beyond
Babylon.
Jea, literally, and., as if he had said, ' and (while ye thus
withheld from me the service which was due) ye took up tfcc'
Took up., i. e. as some explain it, carried in procession ; but
unless we refer the whole verse to the idolatry of later tiraes,
292 ACTS 7, 43.
it cannot be supposed that Moses would have tolerated such
unblushing heathenism in the camp of Israel, any more than
he connived at the unlawful worship of Jehovah under the
form of a golden calf. (See above, on v. 41.) Others, with
more probability, assume a reference to the secret carr}ing
about and worshipping of small shrines, shnilar to those of the
Ephesian Artemis or Diana. (See below, on 19, 24.) Taber-
nacle^ literally, te^it^ may then denote the shrine itself, as Di-
odorus Siculus, the Greek historian, m.entions the "sacred
tent" carried in the van of the Carthagmian army. At the
same time, there is evident allusion to the tent or tabernacle
of Jehovah ; as if he had said, ' instead of carrying my taber-
nacle (or at the same time that you carried it), you took up
that of Moloch? The Hebrew name is Molecli^ an ancient
form of the noun melech {Jcing)^ sometimes written as a proper
name, Milcom (1 Kmgs 11,5.33. 2 Kings 16,3. 23,13),
which bears a strong resemblance to the word here used by
Amos, and denoting properly your king. But as this idea is
suggested or expressed by all the forms, there is no need of
supposing that the Greek translator confounded any one of
them with any other. Moloch was the national god of the
Ammonites (1 Kings 11, 7), worshipped, according to the
Rabbins, imder the form of a brazen image with outstretched
arms, into which, when heated, children were thrown as offer-
ings and burnt alive. This horrid superstition was long jDrac-
tised in the valley of Hinnom on the south side of Jerusalem
(1 Kings 11,7. 2 Kings 23, 10) ; and that it was not unknown
in the time of Moses, is clear from its express and repeated
prohibition in the law (Lev. 18, 21. 20, 2. Deut. 12, 31. 18,
10.) The reference of yoicr king to Moloch, therefore, is in
perfect keeping with historical analogy. In the next clause
there is a transposition of the Hebrew words, which does not
necessarily affect the sense. JRernphan is not in the original,
unless it be identified with Chiun (l^^s), which some inter-
preters explain as an appellative, denoting framework, stand,
or pedestal, but which may also be so pointed as to read JS^e-
va?i^ and this, according to some eminent interpreters, might
easily be changed, by successive transcription, into Mevan^
Hefan (or Rephaii)^ Remphan^ as it is variously written in the
manuscripts both of Acts and Amos. Another mode of recon-
ciling the Greek and Hebrew forms, instead of assuming a
corruption in the text, identifies the two as Semitic and
Egyptian names of Satnrn., both as a planet and a deity,
ACTS 7, 43. 44. 293
which some go further and ^identify with Moloch, thus ac-
counting for the human \ictims offered up to both, and for the
mention of a star in the passage now before us, as well as of the
heavenly host in the preceding verse. By Coptic scholars, Rera'
phmi is variously explained to mean " light-giver," " dweller in
heaven," and " king of heaven," on which ground some sup-
pose it to denote the sun. Figures^ forms, or types, imich ye
made^ Heb. and Sept. for yourselves^ to which Luke or
Stephen adds by way of explanation, to adore (or worsJiip)
And {therefore^ as expressed in the Geneva Bible), I iclli
remove you (as the same version has it), i. e. make you
migrate (as in v. 4 above). All the other English versions
have trcmslate you. Beyond (Wiclif, into) Babylon substi-
tuted for beyond Damascus (Am. 5, 27, Heb. and Gr.),
which is not an error or an inadvertence, but designed to
bring the prophecy, without any real change of meaning, into
contact and agreement with the historical associations of the
people in relation to tlie Babylonish exile.
44. Our fathers had the tabernacle of witness in
the wilderness, as he had appointed, speaking unto
Moses, that he should make it according to the fashion
that he had seen.
The tabernacle of Moloch naturally suggests, by way of
contrast, the tahernade of loitness or testimony. This is the
phrase constantly employed in the Septuagint to translate a
Hebrew one meaning the tabernacle of congregation., or rather
of appointment., not the tent belonging to the congregation or
host of Israel, nor the tent in which they were accustomed to
assemble, but the tent where God appomted to meet with
them, or the place of meeting between God and Israel, or Mo-
ses as their representative. (See Ex. 25, 22. Num. 17, 19, in
the English Bible, 17, 4.) The Greek translators seem to have
confounded this phrase with another, sometimes applied to
the tabernacle, as a witness of the covenant between Jehovah
and his people, or as containing the tables of the law, which
were a divine testimony against sin. (See Num. 9, 15. 18, 2.
17, 22. 23, in the English Bible, 17, 7. 8.) The use of both
Dames in the law makes the substitution in the case before us
v/holly unimportant. Our fathers had., literally, was to our
fathers., which is the reading of the oldest manuscripts and
294 ACTS 7, 44.45.
latest critics. The common text is, loas in (i, e. among) our
fathers. Aj^pointed^ arranged, ordered, see below, on 18, 2.
20, 13. 23, 31. 24, 23. Bpeaking^ more exactly, the {one)
speahing^ or as it is translated in the margin of our Bible, he
who spake. The command referred to is the one recorded in
Ex, 25, 9, 40. 26, 30. (Compare Heb. 8, 5.) While the pre-
ceding verse establishes one part of Stej)hen's argument
that founded on the national unworthiness, this verse estab-
lishes the other, that derived from the comparatively recent
origin and frequent changes of the sanctuary. Not only
the temple, but the tabernacle which preceded it, had no
existence till the exodus from Egypt, the divine command to
make it being still on record in the books of Moses. Fashion^
type, or model, the same word that is rendered yt^wre in v. 43.
45. Which also our fathers that came after brought
in with Jesus into the possession of the gentiles, whom
God drave out before the face of our fathers, unto the
days of David.
The tabernacle thus 2-)lanned and constructed lasted only
till the time of David. Which^ from its form m Greek, can
have no antecedent except tahernade in v. 44. Also,j i. e. not
only its origin, but its later history, is perfectly well known.
Our fathers again identifies the speaker with the hearers, as
belongmg to the same race (see above, on vs. 2, 12, 15.) That
came after^ literally, succeeding {one another)^ or still more
probably, receiving {from each other) ^ and transmitting by
succession, which aj^proaches very nearly to the idea of in-
heriting. Brought in^ i. e. into the promised land, or land of
Canaan, which there was the less need of expressly naming,
because Stephen was within its borders when he spoke. It is
as if he had said, brought in here (or hither). Jesus, the Sep-
^uagint form of Joshua, occurs also m Heb. 4, 8, and in both
cases creates some confusion in the minds of English readers.
With Jesus, i. e. when they followed Joshua, or marched
along with him, to conquer Canaan. Brought in.... into, an
inelegant if not ungrammatical construction, seems to mean
that the fathers brought the tabernacle into possession of tht
Gentiles, which must either signify that they were in possession
of the tabernacle, or it of them ; but the former is untrue and
the latter unmeaning. Still more incorrect and arbitrary is
ACTS 7, 45.46.47. 295
the explanation of possessio7i as equivalent to land possessed,
or territory/, since the Greek word means the act of seizure or
of taking possession. The true construction of the clause is,
which our fathers (i. e. the younger race who came m under
Joshua) inheriting, receiving by succession (from the older
race, who came out of Egypt, and by whom it was construct-
ed), brought in (to the land of promise, when they came
themselves) with Joshua, in (or ai) the conquest (forcible pos-
session, capture) of the nations (who had previously occupied
it.) This use of possession to mean dispossession, or the act
of dispossessing, corresponds exactly to that of the Hebrew
verb (d'i'nin) m speaking of this very matter. (See Ex. 34,
24. Num. 32, 21. Deut. 4, 38.) Drave out, hterally, pushed
(or thrust) out, is a very strong expression, near akin to those
in vs. 27, 39 /ibove. Before the face, literally, from the face
(oY p^resence), implying liight and total disappearance. In the
lamous inscription, which Procopius professes to have seen in
Africa, recording the arrival and settlement of fugitives from
Canaan there, a similar expression is employed (" who fled
from the face of the robber, Joshua the son of Nun.") Until
the days of David, if connected with the words immediately
preceding, describes the expulsion of the Canaanites as gradu-
al, and not completed till the reign of David. But this, al-
though historically true, would not have been expressed by
the aorist (e^oocrev), which denotes an act performed once for
all. Nor is it relevant to Stephen's purpose to relate how the
Canaanites were driven out, but rather to describe the con-
dition of the sanctuary during that long interval. From
Joshua to David, God abode among his peoj^le in a moveable
tent, which was often shifted from place to place, and handed
doAvn from one generation to another.
46. 47. Who found favour before God, and de-
sired to find a tabernacle for the God of Jacob ; but
Solomon built him an house.
A new era in the history of the sanctuary opens with " the
days of David," which had just been mentioned (v. 45.) The
repetition of the verb to find can hardly be unmeaning or for
tuito<us. He did find favour before God (i. e. in his presence
or his estimation, as in 4, 19. 6,5 above), as to many other
matters, or in general ; but this did not satisfy him, he desired
to find something more, to wit, a dwelling for Jehovah. De-
296 ACTS V, 47.48.
stVec? (Cranmer, would fain have fou7id)^ ov moie exactly,
aslced (as a favour) /or Jiimself (the idea suggested by the
middle voice, as in 3, 14 above), asked permission, begged
leave, which agrees exactly with the governing desire and
cherislied purpose of his life, so beautifully expressed in the
132d Psalm. To find^ v^\\ich occurs there also, and cannot
therefore be a mere allusion to the same verb in the first
clause, may refer to the discovery of the place where the tem-
|i!e Avas to be erected, which vras made knoAvn to David by a
special revelation (1 Chr. 21, 22. 26. 22, 1). The use of the
Avord tabernacle^ in all tlu> English versions, makes a false an-
tithesis between it and house in v. 47 ; as if David had only
sought to pitch a tent, and Solomon had actually built a
house ; whereas the first Avord (not the same that had been
used in v. 44, but a deriA'ative or cognate form) means any
shelter, being applied in classical usage to the cover of a Avag-
on or a bed &c., and here denotes precisely the same thing
Avith house. There is really a tacit contrast between Davicl
and Solomon, in faA^our of the former, Avhich is apt to be neg-
lected, but Avithout AA^hich Stephen's aa^ojcIs cannot be fully un-
derstood. Solomon, notAvithstanding his Avisdom and the
splendour of his reign, holds a very inferior place to David in
the Scriptures, bemg scarcely mentioned after the close of his
OAvn history, and only as a sort of executor to his father.
This being Avell known to the priests and scribes whom Ste-
phen Avas addressing, he employs it to enforce his argument,
but tacitly and indirectly, lest he should appear to speak in-
decorously of so great and Avise a king as Solomon. What is
thus suggested or implied may be brought out more distinctly
by a paraphrase. ' So far is a permanent and solid temple
from being essential to acceptable Avorship, that CA^en David,
the favourite of Jehovah, the man after God's own heart,
Avhose darlmg Avish it was to find a shelter and a home for his
diA^ine protector, was not sufiered to erect the house which he
had planned, ancl for Avhich he had collected the materials, bur
it Avas Solomon who built it ! ' (Wiclif, Solomon huilded the
house to him.) God of Jacob (in allusion to Ps. 132, 2. 5),
i. e. the national and covenanted God of Israel, as the chosen
people.
48. Howbeit the Most High dwelleth not in tem-
ples made with hands, as saith the Prophet :
ACTS V, 48. 49. 297
The sentence is continued in the following verse, to which
the last clause of this verse refers, and not to the preceding
words, which are a summary or paraphrase of Solomon's own
language at the dedication of the temple. " Will God indeed
dwell on the earth ? Behold, the heaven and heaven of hea-
vens cannot contain thee; how much less this house that I
have builded ! » (1 Kings 8, 27. 2 Chron. 6, 1. 2. 18.) These
words, considering by whom and in what circumstances they
were uttered, cannot involve an absolute condemnation of ma-
terial temples, but only of their abuse. Under the ceremonial
law, the doctrine of God's presence wdth his people was sym-
bolized by gi^ong him a home among them, and resembling
theirs, a tent while they were wandering, a solid house when
they were permanently settled. But this was a temporary in-
stitution, and any attempt to prolong it, after the time set for
its abrogation, was contrary, not only to the gospel, but to
the spirit of the law itself. No stronger proof of this could
be adduced than the testimony of Solomon, the very builder
of the temple w^hich they now almost worshipped as immuta-
ble ; for the temples built by Solomon, Zerubbabel, and Herod;
were regarded as historically and morally identical. That
Solomon is not named, or his words exactly quoted, w^ill ap-
pear less strange if this verse and the one before it are thrown
together as a single sentence, v/hich will also remove the ine-
quahty in the division of the text. As if he had said, ' Solomon
indeed did build the temple ; but you know w'ho said, when it
was dedicated, that the Most High dwelleth not &c.' Howheit^
copied by our version from three older ones (Tyndale, Cranmer,
and Geneva), is in Greek the usual adversative (dAAa), properly
answering to but in English, whereas but (Se) m v. 47 might as
well have been translated and or then. The Most High varies
strangely in the old English versions ; Wiclif has the High
God ; Tyndale and Cranmer, he that is highest of all ; Gene-
va, the 3Iost Highest / Rheims, the Highest^ which is nearest
to the form of the original. Temples is omitted by the oldest
manuscripts and latest critics, having probably crept into the
text, by assimilation, from 17, 24 below. The Rhemish version
supplies houses^ Wiclif things y the Vulgate nothing {irnanu-
factis.)
49. Heaven is my throne, and eartli is my footstool;
what house will ye build me, saith the Lord, or what
ib the place of my rest ?
VOL. I.— 13*
298 ACTS 7, 49.
This is the saying of the Prophet cited at the close of the
preceding verse. The unskilful division of the text throws
the whole into confusion. The true division would have been
as foJlows. ' 47. And Solomon built him a house, but (Solomon
well knew and publicly declared that) the Most High dwelleth
not in hand-made (temples). 48. As (likewise) saith the
Prophet, Heaven is my throne, etc' The quotation is made
from the Septuagint, with few and unimportant variations.
The Prophet quoted is Isaiah (66, 1. 2), and the passage that
in Avhich he wmds up all his prophecies with an express pre-
diction of the change of dispensations, of the time when Je-
hovah would no longer dwell in temples (v. 1) but in human
hearts (v. 2) ; when the ritual, although divinely instituted,
would be no less hateful than idolatry itself (v. 3), and they
who still cling to it would be fearfully but righteously re-
quited (v. 4.) This remarkable prophecy is doubly appropriate
to Stephen's purpose ; first, as a declaration of the general
truth before affirmed by Solomon, and therefore showing that
the same doctrine was maintained by the prophets between
him and Christ ; and then, as a pointed and direct prediction
of the very changes that were taking place when Stephen
spoke. A Httle amplified and paraphrased, the meaning of the
sentence is as follows. ' The arbitrary unessential nature of
all temples was affirmed by Solomon in dedicating his ; a doc-
trine afterwards repeated by Isaiah in the very act of point-
ing out the temjDorary nature of the ceremonial law, denounc-
ing the divine wrath upon those who should still cling to it,
when abrogated by the same authority that first enacted it,
and formally predicting the precise change, which I am
charged with having blasphemously threatened ! ' Throne^
in all the older Enghsh versions, is sea% which is the primary
usage of the Greek word, with particular reference in Homer
to a high seat with a footstool ; in Herodotus (with royal) to
a chair of state ; and in Xenoj^hon (without it) to a throne
in the restricted sense, which is the one belonging to the
word in the New Testament. Will ye build is the true sense
of the Hebrew word, and therefore more correct than the
common version of Isaiah. Place of my rest^ i. e. my perma-
nent abode after wandering so long without one, a frequent
description of the temj^le as contrasted v:ith the tabernacle
which preceded it. (See 2 Sam. 1. 6. 2 Chron. 6. 41. Ps. 132,
8. 14.)
ACTS 7, 50. 51. 299
50. Hath not my hand made all these (things) ?
The division of the verses here was probably made in
imitation of the Hebrew, where this sentence is the first clause
of the second verse, but forming only a small part of it, and
as the rest is not here quoted, it would have been better to
put all Isaiah's words with Stephen's prefatory formula to-
gether, instead of dividing them among three verses, thus
obscuring the connection, and attaching the form of quotation
{as the Pro2:)het says), not to the language of Isaiah, but to
that of Solomon or Stephen himself. We have here the most
considerable variation from the form of the original, as well
as of the Greek version, an interrogation (hath not, etc. ? )
being substituted for an afiirmation {cill these hath my hand
made), but without a change of meaning, since the question
admits only of an affirmative answer. The passage in Isaiah
presents a striking climax. First, the temples made by men
are contrasted with the great material temple of the universe ;
tlien this is itself disparaged by Jehovah as his own handi-
work, and still more in comparison with a nobler temple of a
spiritual nature, the renewed and contrite heart. (Compare
Isai. 57, 15. Ps. 34, 18. 138, 6. 2 Cor. 6, 16.) A bare citation
would of course suggest the whole connection to the minds
of Stephen's judges.
51. Ye stiff-necked and micircumcised in heart
and ears ! Ye do always resist the Holy Ghost : as
your fathers (did), so (do) ye.
One of Stephen's lines of argument was now completed.
He had shown, by a simple but masterly historical deduction,
the temporary nature of the ceremonial law, and of the tem-
ple as a part of it, concluding with a reference to Solomon him-
self, and to Isaiah, who had foretold the same changes now
foretold by Stephen. What link could have been added to
this chain of proof? Had he pursued the history and multi-
plied quotations, as he might have done from Jeremiah (7, 4)
and other later prophets, he would only have consumed time
and patience without adding to the strength of an argument
already finished and wound up by citing the great builder of
the temple and the great evangelical prophet, as authorities
to prove that the temple itself was designed to answer a tem-
porary purpose, and that no sin or folly could be greater than
300 ACTS 7, 51.
that of trying to make it answer any other. All that was left
then was to take up and complete his other line of argument,
designed to show, by means of the same history which he had
been expounding, that the Jews had always been unfaithful
to their trust, and that the abrogation of the present system
was not only necessary to the execution of God's purpose as
revealed from the beginning, but a righteous retribution of
the sins of those by whom the system was administered.
Having prepared the way for this conclusion by referring to
the sms of Joseph's brethren, and of the IsraeUtes in Egypt
and the wilderness, he now suggests the conclusion itself, not
by a formal inference, but by a terrible invective, summing up
all that he had said on this point in a brief description of the
men whom he addressed, and of the nation which they, repre-
sented. There is no need, therefore, of supposing any inter-
ruption in the thread of his discourse, much less a passionate
excitement caused by an appearance of hostility or inattention
in his hearers. Such an assumption is not only quite gra-
tuitous, but docs dishonour to the memory of Stephen, by
ascribing to a sudden fit of anger what was really suggested
by the Holy Ghost, besides the folly of supposmg that a grave
historian, and above all an inspired one, would leave on record
an unfinished sj)eech, which never reached the point (as some
imagine) where it might have done some good to those who
heard it. This whole idea of a sudden interruption and a
violent apostrophe is founded on the notion, that this long
discourse of Stephen is a rambling talk which never comes
to any point, and therefore must have been unfinished ; or at
most a desultory incoherent compend of the national history,
which could not be complete unless brought down to date ;
whereas the speech is a historical argument, in which the
fiicts are rather presupposed than formally related ; and as
soon as it has reached the conclusion aimed at, it is instantly
arrested. Thus understood, the meaning of the verse before
us is that, as the ancient Israel had always, as a nation, been
rebellious and unfaithful, so the present generation had exactly
the same character, and therefore might expect the evils
threatened to their fathers. To them the Prophets had
applied the same reproachful epithets which Stephen here
applies to his accusers and his judges. Stiff-necked, rebel-
lious, like a stubborn ox, refusing to receive the yoke, is never
said of individuals as such, but only of- a race or a contem-
porary generation. (See Ex. 32, 9. 33, 3. 5. 34, 19. Deut. 9
ACTS 7, 51. 301
6. 13.) In one place (Deut. 10, 16) Moses has connected it,
as Stephen does in this place, with the figure of a heart un-
circumcised. (See also Lev. 26, 41. Deut. 30, 6. Jer. 9. 2Q.
Ezek. 44, 1.) That of an ear imcircumcised is also used by
Jeremiah (6, 10.) These expressions denote tar more than
impurity or insensibihty, however great. Whatever circum-
cision may have sjinboHzed, or naturally represented, of a
moral nature, it was chiefly regarded by the Jews as a dis-
tinctive sign of their relation to Jehovah as his people, and
entire segregation from all other races. The thought most
readily suggested by the epithet uncircimicised., so common
in the Hebrew Scriptures (e. g. Gen. 34, 14. Ex. 12, 48. Judg.
14,3. 15,18. iSam. 14, 6. 17,26.36. 31,4. 2 Sam. 1, 20. 1
Chr. 10, 4. Isai. 52, 1. Jer. 9, 25. Ezek. 28, 10. 31, 18), is not
that of personal uncleanness, whether physical or moral ; but
that of national and ecclesiastical exclusion from the favour
of Jehovah and the privileges of his people. Its nearest
equivalent, as here applied, is heathenish^ the most insulting
name that could be given to a Jev»^ in any age or any country,
as implying not merely social degradation and inferiority, but
treason to Jehovah and unfaithfulness to Moses, by a violation
of the most solemn and important trust that God had ever
confided to a people. The comj^ound terms, imcircumcised in
heart and ears^ mean therefore, those who hear and think and
feel like gentiles, Hke the heathen ; and their sudden apphca-
tion to the Sanhedrim, instead of necessarily implying a de-
parture from the theme of his discourse, is rather a tremen-
dous summing of it up in the conclusion, that these proud
representatives and rulers of the chosen people were in fact
mere heathen. Some conception of the force of this con-
cluduig blow may be obtained by supposing one impeached
among ourselves to describe the senate at whose bar he stands
as slaves and negroes. Even tliis, however, is without the
sting belonging to the charge, not only of political and social
infamy, but of religious apostasy and rej)robation. Far from
being an ungovernable burst of passion, this was the other
great conclusion at which Stephen had been aiming from the
first, and which was now established by irrefragable proofs,
not only with respect to the contemporary race, but also to
preceding generations, whose accumulated guilt might justly
be rewarded with the loss and abrogation of those very insti-
tutions wliich had been the object of their trust and worship.
(Sec Matt. 23, 32.35. 36. Luke 11,50, and compare 2, 40.)
302 ACTS 7, 51.52.
Resist^ lit. fall against^ implying active as well as passive op«
position to the Holy Ghost, as the divine author of all reve-
lation, whether history or prophecy, doctrine or precept, law
or gospel. Ye do always is addressed to the whole race of
Israel, past and present, as a collective or ideal person, as ex-
plained in the remainder of the sentence, which is greatly
weakened in translation by supplying did and do, instead of
construing all the nominatives with one verb. ' As your fathers
10 yourselves are ever resisting the Holy Ghost.' (Wicl. as
your fathers, so ye. Rhem. as your fathers, so ye also.)
52. Which of the Prophets have not your fathers
persecuted ? And they have slain them which shewed
before of the coming of the Just One, of whom yc
have been now the betrayers and murderers.
It now becomes still more clear, that Stephen's speech is
not unfinished, from the way m which he comes back to his
starting-point, and makes a most effective application of the
facts recited to his own case. The first clause is a specification
of the sweeping charge, that both they and their fathers had
constantly withstood the Holy Ghost, as he spoke to them,
not only -in the Law, but in the. Prophets, who were really his
messengers and spokesmen. The form is not affirmative but
mterrogative, and does not necessarily exclude a qualified or
palliative answer. It is not therefore strictly hyperbofical ;
but even if it had been a direct assertion, that they had
rejected and maltreated every prophet who had ever come to
them, so natural a figure could be quarreled with by none but
captious cavillers or hypercritical grammarians. (See above,
on 3, 24, and compare Matt. 23, 34-36. Luke 13, 33.) There
may seem to be a reference to two distinct classes in the two
first clauses of this verse ; but the second only gives a more
particular description of the prophets who had just been spoken
of, by mentioning their great ofiicial function, that of fore-
telling {shelved before is Tyndale's version) the Messiah, who
is here, as in 3, 14 above, emphatically called the Just {One),
that is, innocent before the law of what he had been charged
with, and intrinsically righteous (Wicl. the rightfzd man.
Tynd. that just.) The original construction is, did not your
fathers iDersecute and kill tJiose foretelling, etc. Ye have been,
or more exactly, have become, by virtue of your late proceed-
ACTS 7, 52. 53. 303
ings. Betrayers^ (Wicl. traitors) is a term applied elsewhere
(Luke 6, 16) to Judas Iscariot. Betrayers and murderers
express two of the blackest crimes which one man can com-
mit against another, both which are here charged home by
Stephen on his judges, and through them upon the people
whom they represented. Now and ye stand m emphatic
opposition to the ancient times and former generations, which
had just been mentioned. This antithesis, however, only
serves to aggravate the guilt of those immediately addressed,
ill comparison even with the guilt of their progenitors ; for
these had only persecuted prophets, whereas those had both
betrayed and murdered the Messiah, to predict whose advent
the old prophets had been sent from God. Of this great per-
sonal and public crime he thus remmds them, with a view not
only to their own conviction but to his defence, as showing
that the mere -fact of his prosecution no more proved hun
guilty of the crimes alleged, than the bloody persecution of
the Prophets, and of Christ himself, could have a similar
effect in their case.
53. Who have received the law by the disposition
of angels, and have not kept it.
The obvious meaning of the vei'se is that the Jews, as a
nation, had betrayed the highest trust, and proved them-
selves unworthy of the greatest honour ever granted to a
people. They, the recipients and depositaries of an exclusive
revelation, had themselves endeavoured to defeat the very
end for which it was vouchsafed to them. Beyond this, accu-
sation or invective could not well be carried. In pomt both
of rhetoric and logic, Stephen could not have concluded more
effectively. There is no ground, therefore, for the favourite
idea of interpreters and editors, that his voice was here
drowned by the cries of his infuriated hearers, and that not
only the discourse but the sentence is unfinished, as indicated
even to the eye, in some editions of the Greek text, by the
mode of printing. TF7io ought rather to be ye who^ as the
form of the Greek relative is one employed, not merely to
continue or connect the sentence, but to introduce a further
description of its subject. As if he had said, 'and this has
been done, not by Gentiles, but by you, the very people who
received the law,' etc. Only the emphasis, and ]iot the mean-
ing, of the passage is dependent on the doubtful and disputed
804 ACTS 7, 53.
words translated hy the dis2yositio7i of angels. Whatever
may be their specific meanmg, they are evidently meant to
aggravate the charge here brought against the Jewish nation,
\jy exalting and ennobling that pecuhar system, under which
they lived, in which they trusted, and of which they boasted,
but against which they were nevertheless guilty of the worst
conceivable oifence, to wit, that they refused to keep (i. e.
observe, obey) it. Another undisputed fact is, that the aggra-
vating circumstance suggested is the agency of angels in the
giving of the law ; the only question is, in what that agency
consisted. The Greek noun (Siarayas) rendered dis2:>ositioii
(after the Rhemish Bible, Avhereas Wiclif, Tyndale, and Ge-
neva have ordinance^ and Cranmer ministration) occurs only
once in the Septuagint version (Ezra 4, 11) and nowhere in
the classics ; but its general meaning is determined by its
obvious deduction from the verb employed - in v. 44 above,
and by the usage of a kindred noun (Stara^ts) to signify ar-
rangement, disposition, applied by Herodotus to the drawing
up of troops, and by Polybius to a will or testamentary order.
In accordance with tliis usage, some would give it here a mili-
tary sense, among troops of angels^ in allusion to their pres-
ence on Mount Smai, which, though not recorded hi the
history, appears to be implied in Deut. 3-3, 2. 3 (where the
word angels is actually inserted by the Sei^tuagint version),
and still more clearly in Ps. 68, 17. Gal. 3, 19. Heb. 2, 2. The
sense obtained by this construction is a good one in itself,
and sufiiciently sustained by the analogy of Scripture. The
only objection, but perhaps a fatal one, is the meaning which
it puts upon the preposition (eis) contrary to all Greek usage.
The same objection lies, at least in some degree, against the
common explanation, hy (or tlirougli) the ministration of
angels., which agrees well with Paul's language in the places
above cited ; but in both those places the preposition (Sia)
properly means hy or through. The only meanings of the one
hero used that can be justified by usage are at., upon., in refer-
ence to tune (as in Matt. 12, 41), and as, for (as in v. 21 above.)
Assuming the latter, an old Greek interpreter exj^lains the
clause to mean, that they received the law as {or for) angelie
institutions., i. e. such as, if observed, would have made them
hke or equal to the angels (Luke 20, 36.) Assuming the other,
we obtain the much more natural and obvious idea of a law
received at the orders (or command) of angels., not as its
authors or as legislators, wbich is sometimes made an argmnent
ACTS 7, 53. 54. 305
against this explanation, but as messengers or heralds, through
whom the di\dne communications passed, as a military word
of command does fi'om rank to rank, or from officer to officer,
until it reaches the whole corps or amiy. The silence of the
history, as to any such proceeding at Mount Sinai, only raises
a presumption, which can easily be set aside by countervailing
evidence, and such would seem to be afforded by the passages
already cited, and especially by Paul's repeated declaration,
that it was through angels that God's word was spohen (Heb.
2, 2), and his laio enacted or ordained (Gal. 3, 19), the very
verb from which the noun before us is immediately derived.
This explanation is moreover recommended by its really in-
cluding the one first proposed {among troops of angels)^ but
with an additional suggestion that they were not mere spec-
tators, and without a violation of Greek idiom or usage. In
comparison with this, no attention need be given to the many
other senses which have been proposed ; by Chrysostom, for
instance, who refers it to the angel in the burnmg bush, and
by Lightfoot, who takes angels in its primary sense {messen-
gers) and then apphes it to the prophets, as inspired ex-
pounders of the law. It is this angehc agency or ministra-
tion in the giving of the law that Stephen here employs to
aggravate the guilt of those who had not kept it. At the
same time, this allusion to a preternatural and superhuman in-
cident in sacred history, as well as to a spectacle or scene of
unexampled grandeur, and connected with the great trans-
action from which Israel derived his national existence and
pre-eminence, imparts to the conclusion of this speech, which
Bome regard as broken and unfinished, a rhetorical sublimity,
which, added to its logical and moral force, entitles it to take
rank witli the noblest specimens of ancient eloquence.
54. When they heard these (things), they were cut
to the heart, and they gnashed on him with their
teeth.
Wheji they heard is more exactly rendered in the Rhemish
version, and hearing. These {things)^ i. e. the thmgs uttered
m vs. 51-53, if these are an abrupt apostrophe, and an ex-
pression of excited feeling, unconnected with what goes before
(see above, on v. 51.) But according to the view which we
have just been takmg of the passage, there is nothing to pre-
vent our understanding these things of the whole discourse.
306 ACTS 7, 54. 55.
consisting, as it does, of a concatenated argument, whose
logical conclusion is at the same time a powerful in^?ective.
The drift of Stephen's speech towards this conclusion must
have been long suspected, if not clearly seen, by so attentive
and intelligent an audience ; but when it was actually
reached and formally propounded, and in terms so terribly
insulting, it is not to be considered strange, that even priests
and scribes expressed their brutal spite by noises borrowed
from the brutes themselves. The word translated gnashed
originally means any audible but inarticulate outburst of pain
or rage, such as groaning, roaring, bellowing, etc. Its specific
meaning is determined here by the addition of the word teeth^
even without which Homer uses it, according to some eminent
philologists, in this sense, although others understand it of
the cry uttered by the wounded warrior in the agony of
death. On him^ or ovei' him^ not merely at him^ v/hich they
might do at a distance, whereas this implies a rushing move-
ment towards him, which is afterwards expressed (in v. 57.)
Wiclif has grenoieden (grinned ? ) with teeth on him. The
preceding clause is variously rendered in the older versions
(Wicl. w^ere diversely tormented. Tynd. their hearts clave
asunder. Gen. their hearts burst for anger. Rhem. Avere cut
in their hearts.) The Greek verb is the same with that in
5, o3, and there explained as literally meaning they were saioii
through^ here defined or specified by the addition, (m) their
hearts. It evidently means more than rage or self-exasper-
ation, as explained both by ancient and by modern lexicog-
raphers. The strength of the expression, and the obvious
analogy of 2, 37 (they were pricked, or pierced, in their
hearts), seem to indicate a more complex and violent emotion,
which may be supposed to have consisted in the simultaneous
combination of a strong conviction, both of mind and con-
science, with unbending pride, vindictive spite, and furious
anger, which together were no doubt suflacient to saw through
their very hearts.
55. But he, being full of the Holy Ghost, looked
up stedfastly into heaven, and saw the glory of God,
and Jesus standing on the right hand of God.
Being^ not the ordinary verb of existence, but one em-
ployed repeatedly above (2, 30. 3, 2. 6. 4, 34. 37. 5, 4), and
originally meaning to begin, or to begin to be, but used as
ACTS 7, 55. 307
early as Herodotus and ^schylus in the general sense of
being or existing (see above, on 4, 34.) If any accessory
idea is suggested here, it is rather that of being stiil, or con-
tinuing to be (see above, on 5, 4.) The fact here mentioned
is intended to explain the vision which follows as a special
revelation. Looked up stedfastly^ or more exactly, gazing
into heaven (see above, on 1, 10. 3, 4. 12. 6, 15.) l7ito heaven
does not necessarily imply that he could see the sky from
where he stood, but merely that he looked up towards it ;
all the rest was preternatural, ecstatic vision. As such, the
process was, of course, inscrutable and indescribable. In
Avhat sense, or in what way, Stephen saw this glorious sight,
whether by a miraculous extension of his bodily vision, or by
mere removal of all intervening obstacles, or by the presen-
tation of a visionary object, or by a miraculous impression
on his mind, there is no need of inquiring, as the actual effect
must still have been the same, and must have seemed so even
to himself It is enough to knov/ that this effect was super-
natural and wrought upon him by the Holy Ghost, and also
that it was confined to Stephen, as appears from the conduct
of his judges, recorded in the next verse. The glory of
God^ i. e. a sensible manifestation of his presence. (See above,
on \. 2.) On the right hand of God^ as the post of honour
and coequal power. (See above, on 2, 33. 34. 5, 31.) Stand-
ing^ not sitting, as he is usually represented (Matt. 26, 64.
Mark 16, 19. Eph. 1, 20. Col. 3, 1. Heb. 1, 3. 13. 8, 1. 10, 12.
12, 2.) Some regard this as an unimportant difference, not
meant to be significant, as Paul and Peter elsewhere simply
say that he " is at the right hand of God," without defining
his position (Rom. 8, 34. 1 Pet. 3. 22.) But most inter-
preters, especially since Gregory the Great, explain the
standing posture as implying, that he had risen from his
throne to meet or to assist his servant. The local phrase,
though uniformly rendered, for the most part, in the English
Bible, is considerably varied in the Greek, right being some-
times in the singular (ev Se^ta), and then agreeing with ha^id
understood, and sometimes in the plural, either dative (as in
Mark 16, 5), or genitive, (as in Matt. 27, 38. Mark 15, 27.
Luke 23, 33, and here), in which cases it agrees, not with
hands^ but with parts^ sides, or places. The particle prefixed
is sometunes ^7^, but here and often elsewhere from^ an idio-
matic equivalent to at or on in English. Wicl. on the right
half of the virtue of God.
308 ACTS 7, 56. 57.
56. And said, Behold, I see the heavens opened,
and the Son of Man standmg on the right hand of
God.
Behold,^ as usual, introduces something unexpected and
surprising. (See above, on 1, 10. 2, 7. 5, 9. 25. 38.) I see^ oi
rather, I survey, contemplate, implymg something grand and
solemn in the object. (See above, on 3, IG. 4, 13, and com-
pare 1, 11.) The heavens opened^ not merely cpen^ as Tyndale
and his followers have it, but just opened, i. e. to the view
of Stephen. Some cit6 as a parallel a line from Virgil {video
mediicm discedere coelum) describing a flash of lightning ; but
no such idea is suggested by the Greek words here, any more
than in the account of our Lord's baptism (Matt. 3, 16. Mark 1,
10. Luke 3, 21.) The Son of Man^ which here replaces Jesus in
the foregoing verse, is nowhere else in the Xev/ TcstaniL'iit
applied to Christ, except by himself. Stephen's use of the
phrase here is not sufficiently exi3]ained by the fact, that Jesus
appeared in his human form and as the representative of man-
kind, unless we furthermore suppose a reference to his Messi-
anic claims and honours. ' I see the heavens opened to my
view, and him who used to call himself the Son of Man on
earth, now standing as the Son of Man in the highest place
of honom- and authority.'
57. Then they cried out with a loud voice, and
stopped their ears, and ran upon him with one accord.
Then they cried, literally, and crying. (Tynd. then they
gave a shout.) One or two manuscripts have crying in the
genitive singular, {lie) crying, or {Stephen) crying ; but
Greek usage would require the noun or pronoun to be ex-
pressed. Cried out with a loud (literally, a great) voice^
some understand to mean, that they called upon him to be
silent ; but it seems rather to denote a confused clamour,
some crying one thmg, some another, as expressly stated on
a different occasion. (See below, on 19, 32.) Stopyped, hterally,
held fast by pressing, as the same verb means in other appli-
cations. (Compare Luke 8, 45. 22, 63.) This act, which is v^
natural expression of unwiUingness to hear, appears to have
been practised both by Jews and Gentiles, as a special gesture
of abhorrence, on the utterance of blasphemy or impious lan-
guage. The tumultuous excitement here described may seem
ACTS Y, 57. 58. 309
incredible in a grave national assembly, and especially in one
of a religious character. But it is perfectly in keepiog ^\4th
the treatment of Paul, and of our Lord himself, before the
same tribunal. (See beloAV, on 23, 2, and compare John 18,
22.) It also agrees well with what we know, from other
sources, of the growing fanaticism of the Zealots, Avhich pre-
cipitated, if it did not cause, the final downfall of Jerusalem,
and with it the destruction of the Hebrew state, and of the
Jewish Church, in its legitimate and ancient form. (See
above, on 1, 13.) Man upon him is in Greek stiU stronger,
the verb originally meaning to rouse, urge, drive, and then as
an intransitive, to rush^ which last is the most exact equivalent
in this place. With 07ie accord^ not merely at the same time,
but with one spontaneous unpulse, as if the movement had
been previously agreed upon. The original expression is a
single word, which has occurred repeatedly before in this
book. (See above, on 1, 14. 2, 1. 46. 4, 24. 5, 12.)
58. And cast him out of the city, and stoned him ;
and the witnesses laid down their clothes at a young
man's feet, whose name was Saul.
The Ijlasphemcr in the wilderness was stoned without the
camp (Lev. 24, 14), and the same form was observed in the
case of N^aboth (1 Kings 21, 13.) Li the case of an idolater,
the law explicitly requires, that " the hands of the witnesses
shall be first upon him to put him to death, and afterwards
the hands of all the people" (Deut. 17, 7.) This law was de-
signed, no doubt, to regulate the zeal of informers and ac-
cusers, by requiring them to act so conspicuous a part in the
execution of the sentence founded on their testimony. Li
order to perform this duty with convenience, as the stones
first cast are said to have been very large, they were obliged
to free themselves from the encumbrance of their long
and flowing upper garments^ which is the precise sense of the
word here rendered clothes. Laid down, or as the Rhemish
version more exactly renders it, laid off, the oth«r idea being
implied but not expressed, at (near or by) the feet, the same
phrase that occurs above, in 4, 35. 37. 5, 2. 10. From the
analogy of those passages, it might seem to denote here, not
a mere deposit for safe-keeping, which would hardly have
been mentioned, but the recognition of some oflficial authority
or dignity in the person mentioned. (See below, on 20, 10.)
310 ACTS 7, 58. 59.
But perhaps the true view of the matter is, that a circum
stance, which in itself was wholly unimportant, is introduced
into the narrative because of its connection with the first
appearance of a person so illustrious, and so conspicuous in
the sequel of this very history. You?ig man, youth, is used
both in Greek and Hebrew, with great latitude, and therefore
furnishes no certain measure of Ms age at this time. His de-
scription of himself to Philemon (v. 9) as Paul the aged, even
m the largest computation of the interval consistent with
known facts, would seem necessarily to show that at the time
of Stej^hen's death, he had long passed the period of adoles-
cence. It is by no means certain, therefore, that he was still
sitting " at the feet of Gamaliel," (another instance of the
phrase implying superiority of rank and office,) which some
regard as highly improbable, because the conduct here de-
scribed was so much at variance with Gamaliel's own advice (see
above, on 5, 38. 39.) But disciples are not always as forbear-
ing as their teachers ; and in this fanatical excitement, even
Gamaliel himself may have yielded to the torrent of un-
governable zeal. Saul, the same name with that of the
ancient king, who was also of the tribe of Benjamin (see
below, on 13, 21, and compare Rom. 11, 1. Phil. 3, 5), from
which some have inferred that the Apostle was his descend-
ant. The name is sometimes wiitten in its original Hebrew
form (as in 9, 4. 17. 22, 7. 13. 26, 14), but usually with a Greek
termmation (as in 8, 1. 9, 1. 11, 25. 13, 1, and here.)
59. And they stoned Stephen calHng (upon God)
and saying, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit.
The repetition of the statement, that they stoned Stephen,
has been variously understood, as distinguishing the formal
execution from rude pelting by the way ; or the general
stoning by the peoj^le from the preliminary stoning by the
witnesses ; or as a mere resumption and continuation of the
narrative, after the parenthetical statement with respect to
the witnesses and Saul. A more important question is,
whether this was a judicial execution or an act of tumult-
uary violence. In favour of the former supposition are the
facts, that Stephen was arraigned before a regular assembly
of the Sanhedrim (6, 12. 15) ; that he and the witnesses had
Deen judicially examined (6, 11. 13. 7, 1) ; and that the law
of Moses was punctiliously complied with in the act of stoning
ACTS V, 59. 311
(v. 58.) It is objected, that we read nothing of a formal sentence ;
but the same omission is observed in cases where we know
that all the legal forms were meant to be complied with, as in
that of Naboth (1 Kings 21. 13.) A much stronger argu-
ment is that derived from John 18, 31, where the Jews them-
selves say, " it is not lawful for us to put any one to death "
This is commonly understood to mean, that the Romans had
deprived them of the power of life and death ; and we find
in the Talmud a tradition, that the Sanhedrim did lose this
power about fofty years before the destruction of the temple.
But if this were so, how shall we account for Paul's repeatedly
speaking of himself as having aided in persecuting the disci-
ples imto death? (See below, on 22,4. 26,10.) Although
this, and similar expressions in Josephus, may be explained
upon the supposition, that the Jews could pass a sentence of
death (Matt. 26, 66. Mark 14, 64), but could not execute it,
some have preferred the explanation of John 18, 31, proposed
by Cyril and Augustin, who suppose the incapacity alleged
there to be merely ceremonial and temporary, arising from
the sacredness of the season ; so that being equally unwilling
to defer their vengeance and to desecrate their feast, they
asked Pilate to do for them what they did not feel at liberty
to do for themselves. But even if the common explanation
of that passage be adopted, it is not impossible that the per-
secution unto death, of which Saul speaks, was permitted or
connived at by the Roman governor, and therefore not a vio-
lation of the rule which John records. As to the passionate
and furious dejDortment of the judges, it has been explained
already (on v. 58) as the effect of violent excitement actuig
on the growmg fanaticism of the Zealots, and analogous to
outbursts of vindictive feeling, which have sometimes accom-
panied the execution of not only regular but righteous sen-
tences in modern times. There is neither necessity nor war-
rant, therefore, for assuming a distinction in the narrative
between the judges and the populace, referring what was
formal and judicial to the one class, and what was lawless and
tumultuous to the other. From all that we know of these
Jewish rulers, they were capable of any thing that could be
perpetrated by the peoj)le, whose worst excesses upon pre-
vious occasions had been instigated by themselves. (See
Matt. 27, 20. Mark 15, 11. Luke 23, 23.) U^pon God is intro-
duced by the Geneva version and King James's, no doubt
with a good design, but with a very bad effect, that of sep
312 ACTS 7, 59.
arating Stephen's invocation from its object, and obscuring,
if not utterly concealing, a strong proof of the divinity of
Christ. Galling^ not merely naming or addressing, but in-
voking, calling to one's aid, which is the meaning of the
middle voice of this verb in the best Greek writers. The
object of the invocation is aj^parent from the invocation itself
which immediately follows. Galling upon God a7id saying
Lord Jesus may have been intended by the translators to
identify these objects in the strongest manner ; but besides
the impropriety of such interpolations, even for such a pur-
pose, the actual impression is most probably the contrary, to
wit, that there are two distinct acts here recorded, that of
calling upon God, and that of saying Lord Jesus, whereas
these acts are spok'en of as one and the same, in the Greek
and in several of the older versions. (Vulg. invocantem et
dicentem. Tyndale and Cranmer, calling on and sayi7ig.)
The religious invocation of our Lord was not only })ractised
by the first disciples, but gave rise to one of their most common
appellations. In this very book, they are repeatedly described
as those who "call upon this name" (9, 14. 21), which can
only mean the name of Christ, because the general invocation
of the name of God was no distinction, being common both
to Jews and Christians, and in a wide sense, to the heathen
also. This usage makes it highly probable, that even the less
definite expression, calling on the natne of the Lord (2, 21.
22, 16. Rom. 10, 12. 13), was designed to have the same spe-
cific meaning. Li the face of all this, it is folly to deny that
invocation implies worship, and worse than folly to pretend
that Jesus^ in the last clause of the verse before us, is a geni-
tive {Lord of Jesus !) Besides the grammatical objection,
that this construction would require the article in Greek, it is
condemned by the analogy of Rev. 22, 20, where no one can
deny that the very same phrase means Lord Jesus, and in-
volves a recognition of him in the twofold character of a
Sovereign and a Saviour. The petition is nbt that he Avould
take away his fife or suffer him to die, as in the case of Elijah
(1 Kings 19, 4) and of Jonah (4, 3), but that he would receive
or accept his soul when separated from his body. This prayer
of Stephen is not only a direct imitation of our Lord's upon
the cross (Luke 23, 46), but a further proof that he addressed
hun as a divine person, since he here asks of the Son precisely
what the Son there asks of the Father.
ACTS V, 60. 313
60. And he kneeled down and cried with a loud
voice, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge. And
when he had said this, he fell asleep
He Jcneeled down^ literally, placing the hnees^ i.e. upon the
ground (as in 9, 40. 20, 36. 21, 5. Luke 22, 41.) Paul, in suni-
lar cases, speaks of hending the knee^ as a preliminary act to
that here mentioned. (See Rom. 11, 4. 14, 11. Eph. 3, 14.
Phil. 2, 10.) In the case before us, this movement may have
been, not merely an expression of religious feeling, but a
symptom of exhausted strength {Khera. falling on his knees) ^
as in Luke 23, 34. Some with less probability suppose him
to have kneeled up^ or risen from a prostrate to a kneehng
posture. This last prayer of the martyr is also copied from
our Lord's upon the cross (Luke 23, 34.) Lay not to their
charge^ a correct paraphrase though not an exact version
of the Greek, which strictly means do not set (or pjlace)^ i. e.
to their account, or, as some explain it, do not fix (or establish)
this against them. Another sense is that suggested by the
usage of this verb in Homer (and in Matt. 26, 15) to denote
the act of weighing money, which was the most ancient mode
:)f paying it. Do not weigh their sin, or reckon it, iu dealing
out to them what they deserve. The essential meaning of
the prayer is stiU the same on all these suf)positions. Jle fell
a^leejy may simply mean he died, a figure common in the dia-
lect of Homer, and perhaps in every other ; but it more
probably implies that the martyr died a peaceful death, not-
withstanding the fury of his murderers and the violent means
by which he lost his life. The same exquisite figure reappears
in Paul's description of departed Christians as those who are
fallen asleep^ in Christ (1 Cor. 15, 18), and those who sleep
in Jesus (1 Thess. 4, 14.)
CHAPTEE Yin.
Feom the history of the undivided Mother Church, we now
pass to that of its extension in successive or contemporary
radiations, occasioned by what seemed to be a great disaster,
VOL. I. — 14
314 ACTS 8, 1.
but resulting in tlie wide and rapid spread oi tne new doo
trine, and in the formation of affiliated churches, at various
central points of influence throughout the empire. The con-
ventional division of the text has thrown into the chapter
now before us the commencement of this process, beginning
with its proximate occasion, in the persecution following the
death of Stephen (1-3), and the consequent dispersion of be-
lievers (4), among whom the historian selects, as an eminent
example, Phihp and his mission to Samaria (5-8), with its re-
markable success, both real and apparent (9-1 3), followed by an
apostolical commission from Jerusalem (14-17), and the public
conviction of a spurious convert (18-24). Before or after the
return of the Apostles to the Holy City (25), Philip receives
a new commission (26) to become the instructor and baptizer of
an Ethiopian ruler (27-39), after which he preaches in a num-
ber of important towns, including Cesarea, where the history
now leaves him (40), and where he reappears long after (21, 8.)
1. And Saul was consenting unto his death. And
at that time there was a great persecution against the
church Avhich was at Jerusalem, and they were all
scattered abroad, tlu'oughout the regions of Judea and
Samaria, except i^ie Apostles.
We have here one of the most striking instances of care-
lessness, or want of judgment, in the division of the chapters
and verses. Not only is this first verse of unusual and need-
less length (see above, on 5, 21), but it is made so by annex-
ing to it what would have sufficed to form another {cmd they
v^ere all scattered^ etc.), and by prefixing to it what should
have been the conclusion of the foregoing verse and chapter
{find Scad was consenting to his death.) Was consenting is
the true sense of the participial construction, which denotes
not a momentary act (Tynd. consented)^ but continued or
habitual action. (See above, on 1, 10. 13, 14.) Consenting^
i. e. agreeing, acting in concert, with the murderers (Luke
11, 48. Rom. 1, 32. 1 Cor. 7, 12. 13), not merely approving or
assenting to the murder. Death is too negative a version of
the Greek word, which is the noun corresponding to the verli
translated slay in 5, 33. 36, and hill in 7, 28, and here used Id
the active sense of kilHng, murder. (For Paul's account ot
his own share in this transaction, see below, on 22, 20, an«
ACTS 8, 1, 315
compare 26, 10.) At that time, lit. in that day, which is some-
times used indefinitely by the Prophets (e. g. Isai. 2, 11. Jer.
39, 17. Ez. 29, 21. Hos. 2, 18), but in the ISTew Testament
always seems to mean that very day, whether spoken of the
past (Matt. 13, 1. 22, 23. Mark 4, 35. John 5, 9. Acts 2, 41),
or of the future (Matt. V, 22. Mark 2, 20. 4, 35. Luke 17, 31.
John 14, 20. 16, 23. 26) ; the more indefinite idea being ex-
pressed by the plural form, m those days (Matt. 3, 1. 24, 19.
Mark 11, 9. 8, 1. 13,17.24. Luke 2, 1, 4,2. 9,36. 21,23.
Acts 2, 18.) It was therefore on the very day of Stephen's
death and burial, and as an immediate consequence, that this
persecution began. There icas, or more exactly, there arose,
began to be, or happened. (See above, on 7, 52.) For church,
Tyndale, Cranmer, and the Geneva Bible have, as usual, co7i-
gregation. (See above, on 5, 11.) Wliich was at Jerusalem,
Ht. the {one) in Jerusalem. The disciples, although now so
numerous (see above, on 2, 41. 4, 4. 5, 14. 6, 1. 7), are spoken
of as still constitutuig one body. They were all scattered,
more exactly, all were scattered, as they is not expressed in
Greek, and has no grammatical antecedent except church.
All has been variously understood, as a natural hyperbole for
most or many / as denoting all the preachers (see v. 4) ; or
as strictly meaning all, with the exception mentioned in the
last clause, many of whom, however, afterwards returned, so
that the church did not become extinct, or require to be or-
ganized afresh, the presence of the twelve being indeed suf-
ficient to preserve its existence and identity. Throughout is
here the best equivalent for the Greek preposition, which
means, in diflferent connections, down, along, among, etc.
(See above, on 2, 10. 5, 15.) Galilee is again omitted (as in
1, 8), perhaps because Judea and Samaria was a customary
designation of the whole country (but see below, on 9, 31) ;
or because something not recorded really prevented the dis-
persed from visiting that province, so highly honoured by the
long-continued residence of Christ himself, and possibly for
that very reason less in need of visitation now. Except
(Wicl. out-takeii) the Apostles seems to be at variance with
our Lord's express command to them, " When they persecute
you in this city, flee into another" (Matt. 10, 23.) This has
been variously explained by supposing, that the twelve, from
the awe with which they were regarded, or for some other
reason now unknown, escaped the persecution ; or, which ia
the simplest and most obvious solution, that the general rule.
316 ACTS 8, 1. 2.
laid down in Matthew, was suspended or qualified by special
revelation. Apart from the command in question, it is easy
to imagine reasons why they should remain at the centre of
operations, as the constituted organizers and administrators
of the system which had just been set in motion, and as such
imparting to the one church of Jerusalem a representative
and normal character, in consequence of which its acts were
binding on the whole body, v/hen extended even into other
countries. (See below, on 15, 2. 6, 22. 23. 16, 4.) According
to an old tradition, which Eusebius has copied from an earlier
writer, the Apostles were required to stay twelve years in
Jerusalem ; but this has no foundation in the history itself,
nor any intrinsic probability to recommend it. The general
dispersion here described may be regarded as the first fulfil-
ment of the double or repeated promise, that the law should
go forth from Zion and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem
(Micah 4, 2. Isai. 2, 3.)
2. And devout men carried Stephen (to his burial),
and made great lamentation over liim.
After stating the general effect of Stephen's death, to wit,
the persecution and dispersion, the historian, before following
the exiles, as he does in this and several ensuing chapters,
pauses to tell us what became of Stephen's body, and what
Saul was doing in the mean time. Such interruptions and re-
sumptions are so natural and common in all history, that it is
hard to understand the objections made in this case, and the
various propositions to amend, transpose, or strike out, as the
only means by which the text can be made intelligible or co-
herent. There is no need even of assuming a double contrast
or antithesis, between the persecution and the burial, and
then betVv^een the devout men and Saul. The whole objection
rests upon the prevalent but shallow notion, that the slightest
deviation from the order of time, in the narration of events,
if it does not vitiate the truth, at least impairs the form of
history, whereas such deviations are continually practised by
the best historians, as well as in the dialect of common life.
There is indeed a certain beauty in these momentary pauses
and returns to something previously mentioned, for the pur
pose of completing it before proceeding further, that 4s far
more pleasing to a cultivated taste than inflexible adlierence
to a mathematically straiglit line, without looking to the right
ACTS 8, 2. 317
hand or the left. That the sequence of ideas in the narrative
before us is entirely natural and easy, may be made clear by
a paraphrase. ' The martyrdom of Stephen, in which Saul so
heartily concurred, produced a general persecution and dis-
persion of believers from Jerusalem, none bemg left there for
a time but the Apostles ; and yet this did not deprive the
martyr's body of religious burial, for devout men bore him to
his grave and mourned for him, while Saul was actually
ravaguig the church and searching every house for Chris-
tians.' Devout men^ a phrase used above (2, 5) in application
to the foreign Jews who witnessed the efiusion of the Spirit
on the day of Pentecost. As in that case it denotes the
serious and sincere, as distinguished from the frivolous and
hypocritical, so here it seems to mean the just and consci-
entious, as distinguished from the bigoted and the fanaticat
The objection to the explanation of these words as describing
disciples of Christ, is not that they vrould not have been per-
mitted to perform the act here mentioned, for they might
have braved the prohibition, and thereby provoked the i3er-
secution ; but it is that the epithet here used is nowhere else
applied to Christians. (See above, on 2, 5, and belovf, on 22,
12.) Carried^ hterally, gathered^ brought together, as applied
to fruits by Xenophon, and in the Septuagint version of Job
5, 26, where it is also metaphorically used of burial, as it is
by Sophocles, while Plutarch and Thucydides apply it to the
literal collection of dead bodies on a field of battle to be
burnt. The common version is derived from the Geneva
Bible ("certain men fearing God carried Stephen among
them to be buried,") whereas Tyndale and Cranmer render
the verb dressed^ perhaps confounding it with that used in
5, 6, and the Rhemish version has the singular periphrasis,
took order for Stephen's funeral. The simplest, and perhaps
the best, of all the English versions is the oldest (Wicl. good
men hurled Stephen^ Lameyitation^ literally, heating., in
allusion to the ancient practice of beating the breast, as a
sign of mourning. (Analogous, both in etymology and usage,
is the Latin planctus from plango^ Over., not merely in the
figurative sense of about, concerning, but in the literal and
local sense, implying that they mourned while standing (or
hanging) over the dead body. Some have made it an objec-
tion to the reference of this clause to devout Jews, that they
could not be expected to express such sorrow as is here de-
scribed. But why not, if they were his countrymen, his rela-
318 ACTS 8, 2. 3.
tives, liis private friends ? Such ties are not necessarily
destroyed by religious diflerences, however great ; and this
is a much more satisfactory solution than the one derived
from the alleged custom of the moderate and pious Jews to
bury those whom they regarded as unjustly put to death.
This, if sufficiently attested, would explain the act of burial,
but not the great lamentation over Stephen, unless that be
ascribed to other mourners, i. e. the disciples, which, although
a possible construction, is by no means obvious or natural.
The case may seem analogous to that in 6, 6, where the sub-
jects of the two successive verbs are diflerent ; but in that
case, the subject of the last clause is expressly mentioned in
the first. " Whom they (the people) set before the Apostles,
and they (the Apostles) laid their hands upon them." But
^n the ^case before us the only subject named is the devout men
of the first clause. It is better, therefore, on the whole, to
understand this great lamentation^ not J» a public or sectarian,
but as a personal or private mourning,"perhaps made more in-
tense by what they loohcd upon as Stephen's apostasy from
God and Moses (6, 11.)
3. As for Saul, he made havoc of the church, en-
tering into every house, and hahng men and women,
committed them to prison.
The connection between this and the i^receding verse
would be correctly indicated by translatmg (Se), instead of
as for ^ loliile^ or in the 7nean time. The idea is, that all these
things were going on at once, or nearly at the same time,
devout men bearing Stephen to his burial, disciples flying
from Jerusalem, and Saul still driving them before him.
Hade havoc (Tyndale, Cranmer, and Geneva), literally, vmsted
(Rhemish version), i. e. laid waste, ravaged, as a beast of prey
does ; then transferred to human tyranny and persecution.
(Compare the similar expressions used in 9, 21 below, and m
Gal. 1, 13.) Into every house (Tyndale, Cranmer, and Geneva),
or from house to house (Rheims), should rather be translated
into houses^ as distinguished from more public places. (See
above, on 2, 46.) Haling (in the first edition of King James's
Bible written hailing) is an old English form of haiding^ i. e.
violently pulling, dragging. As the Greek verb is repeatedlji
applied by Luke (17, 6. 12, 58) to the bringing up of accused
persons before magistrates, it may mean nothing more in this
ACTS 8, 3.4.5. 319
case ; but the strict and strong sense is entitled to the prefer-
ence, not only as such, but because proceedings of this kind
must always be attended with some force or violence. Saul's
agency in these imjDrisonments is more than once referred to
by hunself. (See below, on 22, 4. 5. 26, 10.) This form of
persecution was expressly predicted by our Lord (Luke
21, 12.)
4. Therefore they that were scattered abroad went
every where preaching the word.
Therefore (Cranmer and Geneva) should be so then., as a
resumptive and continuative particle, the same that is used
above, in 1, 6. 2, 41. 5, 41, and there explamed. The writer,
having paused to tell us what became of Stephen and of Saul,
now resumes his narrative of the dispersion, not by repeat-
ing what he said in v. 1, but by advancing a step further. As
he there said that all (except the twelve) were scattered, he
now says that all who were thus scattered preached the word.
Some would infer from this, that none but preachers were ex-
pelled ; but it is far more natural to understand the verse as
referring, not to preaching in the technical or formal sense,
but to that joyful and spontaneous diffusion of the truth,
which is permitted and requu'ed of all believers, whether lay
or clerical, ordained or unordained. Weyit every ichere
(T}Tidale, Cranmer, Geneva), literally, we7it through (Rheims,
passed through, Wiclif, passed fortli), i. e. through the coun-
try, or its towns ; but when absolutely used, it is nearly equiv-
alent to u^ent about. (See belovr,^on v. 40, and 10, 38.) The
icord, a common abbreviation for the icord of God, the Gos-
pel, or the new rehgion. (See above, on 4. 4.) Preaching,
proclaiming it, as good news or glad tidings. (See above, on
5, 42.) Here again the Rhemish version violates om* idiom
by the barbarous translation, eiKingelizing the word. "We
have here a signal illustration of the providential law, accord-
ing to which what appears to be an u-retrievable calamity, is
not only overruled, but designed from the beginning, to pro-
mote the very cause which it seems to threaten with disaster
and defeat.
5. Then Philip went down to the city of Samaria,
and preached Christ unto them.
The general statement, that the dispersed disciples carried
320 ACTS 8, 6.
with them the glad tidings of salvation, through whatever
region they might pass, is now exemplified by one specific in-
stance out of many, chosen either as the fii'st in time, or as
relating to a race who occupied a sort of intermediate position
between Jews and Gentiles. (See above, on 1, 8.) The con-
nection would have been better indicated by a simple copu-
lative {and) than by an adverb of time [theoi). Philip^ not the
Apostle (see above, on 1, 13) — for he would then be an
exception to the previous exception in the last clause of v. 1,
but one of the Seven (6, 8), who may have been pecufiarly
exposed to persecution, as the colleagues of Stephen, or be-
cause their ofiice brought them into frequent contact and col-
lision with the unbelieving Jews. (See above, on G, 9.) He
is no doubt the same person described in 21, 8, as an Evan-
gelist, perhaps from the circumstances here related. His
being expressly so described relieves all difiiculty as to a
Deacon's preaching, without requiring us to grant that it be-
longed, as a necessary fuuction, to that office. His being
called a Preacher, or Evangelist, so late in the history, is no
objection, as that description must be retrospective, and as
Philip, if ever entitled to be thus called, must have been so
when he preached Christ to the Samaritans. The city of Sa-
maria can in English only mean the city (called) ^amaria^
the royal residence of the kings of Israel for two hundred
years, from the time of Omri, by whom it was founded (1
Kings 16, 24. 2 IGngs IV, 5. 6) on the summit of an insulated
hill in the central plain or table-land of Palestine, a site de-
scribed by travellers as unsurpassed in the whole country for
combined richness, strength, and beauty. Nothing could
seem more natural than that some of the dispersed disciples
should visit the Samaritans, to whom their Master had hunself
done so much honour at an early period of his ministry
(John 4, 40), and that in so domg they should make the
ancient caj^ital the centre of their operations. Yet to this
obvious and in English only meaning of the passage there are
several objections, some of which have little force, but others
are less easily disposed of. One objection is, that the old city
was no longer in existence ; but we learn from Josephus, that
although destroyed by Hyrcanus, it had been rebuilt by Ga-
binius, and beautified by Herod the Great. It is alleged,
however, that this new or renovated city was not caUed
Samaria^ but Sehaste^ the Greek equivalent of Augusta^ in
honour of Augustus Caesar. This is true, but it is also true
ACTS 8, 5. 321
that old names seldom die in popular and local usage ; and
that this was not the case with the name Samaria^ we know
from its occasional occurrence in the writings of Josephus.
But even granting that the place was in existence, and might
still be called Samaria, its designation here by that name is
less probable, because in every other passage where the name
occurs, it means the province, not the city. (See Luke IV, 11.
John 4, 4. 5, 1. Acts 1, 8. 9. 31. 15, 3.) It might still by pos-
sibility have that sense in this context ; but m v. 9, the wide
one is required by the use of the word nation {IQvoi)^ which
could not, iA accordance vath Greek usage, be applied to the
j)opulation of a single city ; and m v. 14, although the same
doubt may exist as in the case before us, the wide sense is at
least as natural as the restricted one. Strong as these reasons
are against Ihnitmg the name to the city of Samaria, they are
made still stronger by the genitive construction, which, though
perfectly familiar to all English readers, occurs but rarely, if
at all, in classic Greek, and only once besides in the New Tes-
tament (2 Pet. 2, 6), and even there admits of another ex-
planation, as referring not to Sodom and Gomorrah alone, but
to the towns dependent on them. If, in spite of all these ar-
guments from usage, this should still seem to be the only
natural import of the city of Samaria^ it may finally be
urged, that the original expression is indefinite, i. e. without
the article, and strictly means a city of Samaria. The simi-
lar expression, city of David (Luke 2, 4), is not perfectly
analogous, as we might call Bethlehem David's city^ but
could hardly call Samaria JSa77iaria''s city. The conclusion
from all these considerations seems to be, that the historian
here speaks, not of the city called Samaria, but of some other
place belonging to that province ; the distinction being just
the same with that between " the city of New York," which
is applicable only to one place, and " a city of New York,"
which is appropriate to many. To the question what town
of Samaria is meant, if not the ancient capital, no certain
answer can be given. It may stilL be the capital, though not
expressly so described, just as " a city of New York " may
vaguely designate " the city of New York," as well as any
other. Or it may be some place unknown to history, and
wholly unimportant in itself, perhaps the first town of Samaria
to which Philip came, where he instantly preached Christ
without delay, and where the general reception of the gospel
might be justly represented (in v. 14 below) as the act of
VOL. I. — 14*
322 ACTS 8, 5.
Samaria, i. e. of the race or nation, represented by these early
com^erts or first friiits of apostolic labour. Or, a^'oiding both
extremes, the place meant may be Sychar, the ancient She-
chem, a city famous in primeval history, more lately honoured
by a two days' residence of Christ himself, and ever since,
until the present day, the chief seat and centre of the Samari-
tan race and religion. (See above, on 7, 16.) That no good
ground can be assigned for the suppression of the name is
true, but as a purely negative objection or argument a
siUntio^ can hardly neutralize the cumulative reasons for in-
terpreting Samaria in a wide sense, and a city in a vague
one. But whatever may be the particular place meant,
the essential fact is still the same, that it belonged to the
Samaritans^ a mixed or, as some suppose, a purely heathen
race, introduced by the Assyrians to supply the place of the
ten tribes (2 Kings 17, 24), and afterwards partially assimi-
lated to the Jews (ib. 25-41),. by the rece^jtion of the law of
Moses, and the professed Avorship of Jehovah on Mount
Gerizun, involvmg a rejection of the sanctuary at Jerusalem,
from the rebuilding of which, after the Babylonish exUe, they
were excluded by the restored Jews (Ezra 4, 1-3.) At the
time of the Advent, they were expecting the Messiah, but
only, it should seem, in his prophetic character (John 4, 25),
for which reason, and because of their entire segregation from
the Jews (John 4, 9), our Saviour did not scruple to avow his
Messiahship among them (John 4, 26. 29, 42), and to gather
the first fruits of an extra- Judaic church (John 4, 39), with
the cheering promise of a more abundant harvest, to be
reaped by his Apostles (John 4, 35-38.) Of this promise we
have here the first fulfilment, and at the same time the in-
cipient transition of the gospel from the Jews to the Gentiles,
between whom the Samaritans might be regarded as a link,
or as a frontier. (See above, on 1, 8.) To them Philip now
preached Christ or the Jlessiah, i. e. proclaimed that he was
come, and that Jesus of Nazareth was he. As all this had
been taught by Christ himself at Sychar, that may be re-
garded as an argument, though far from a conclusive one,
against supposing that place to be here particularly meant ;
since Philip is not said to have taught doctrmes altogether
new, and since just such a rej^etition of renewal of his work
had been predicted by our Lord himself (John 4, 35-38.)
Uiito them, i. c. to the inhabitants, the grammatical antece'
ACTS 8, 5. 6. 323
dent being latent in the name or description of the place, as
it is ill Galilee^ Matt. 4, 23, and church in v. 1 above.
6. And tlie people with one accord gave heed nnto
those things which Philip spake, hearing and seeing
the miracles which he did.
The previous preparation of the ground, by the visit of
our Saviour, may have contributed to the success of Philip's
ministry. The people^ literally, the croicds or midtitudes^ a
word implying not mere numbers, many as opposed to few,
but promiscuousness, masses as opposed to classes. (See above,
on 1, 15. 6, 7.) Gave heed^ lit. applied (the mind), i. e.
attended, paid attention to his teaching. (See above, on 5,
So.) It may imply belief here, as it seems to do in vs. 10. 11,
and in 16, 14. Tlie {things) spohen by Philip^ as described
in the last clause of v. 5, i. e. the Messiahship of Jesus and
the doctrine of salvation through him. The common version,
perhaps in order to remove an ambiguity, transj^oses unani-
mously^ or with one accord, from its original position, which
IS after the things spohen by Philip^ both in Greek and in
the old English versions. The Rhemish even joins it to the
last clause, by its punctuation of the sentence (with one accord
hearing and seeing.) For the meaning of the word itself, see
above, on 1, 14. 2, 1. 2, 46. 4, 24. 5, 12. 7, 57. Hearing and
seeing may either mean hearing (of the miracles) and seeing
them, i. e. seeing some and hearing of others; or, hearing {them)
and see'mg the miracles^ i. e. hearing the things S23oken by
Philip, and seeing the miracles which he performed. 3fira-
cles, literally, sig)is ; see above, on 2, 19. 22, 43. 4, 16. 22, 30.
5, 12. 6, 8. V, 36.) Hearing and seeing .^ literally, in the (act,
or at the time of) hearing and seeing., not in (consequence
of) hearing and seeing., i. e. because they heard and saw,
which, though implied, is not expressed. (See above, on
7, 29.) As in our Saviour's day, so now hi that of the Apos-
tles and Evangelists, the masses were attracted and impressed,
not merely by the miracles performed, but also by the truth
proclaimed. (See above, on 5, 15, and compare Luke 5, 1.)
The two inducements mutually fortified each other. The
miracles of Christ and his Apostles were designed, not merely
to relieve distress and prove their own divme legation, but to
open men's hearts to instruction, and to serve as signs and
324 ACTS 8, 6. 7.
pledges of a spiritual healing, with which bodily relief was
often really connected. (See above, on 4, 12.) The posses-
sion of the same extraordinary powers by Philip and by Ste-
phen (6, 5. 8) shows that the description there was only for-
mally restricted to the latter.
7. Por unclean spirits, crying with loud voice,
came out of many that were possessed with them ; and
many taken with palsies, and that were lame, were
healed.
Lest the incidental reference to Philip's miracles (in v. 6)
should be overlooked or misconceived, the fact is now ex-
j^licitly asserted, and with some minuteness of detail. As if he
had said, ' I speak of miracles, for out of many of those hav-
ing unclean spirits, etc' As to the prominence given here
and elsewhere to this class of miracles, see above, on 5, 16.
The frequent mention of the demons as crying when they
came out (Mark 1, 26. 3, 11. 9, 26. Luke 4, 41) may arise
from the flict, that the cry was evidently not uttered by the
patient, in the free use of his vocal organs, and therefore
proved the reality of the possession. The construction of
this verse is ambiguous, as unclean spirits may be either the
object of the verb had^ or the subject of the verb came out.
In the former case, the literal translation is, {from) many of
those hamng unclean spirits^ crying icith a loud voice {these)
loent out ; in the other, {froiri) many of those having {them)^
evil spirits, crying with a loud voice, loent out. The essential
meaning is of course unaffected by this question of construc-
tion. The Vulgate and its followers read, ' many of those
having unclean spirits, crpug with a loud voice, went out,'
which apparently absurd construction is found in the text of
the three oldest manuscripts, and, if received as genuine, may
be explained as an irregular expression of the same idea, the
demoniac being substituted for the demon, either intention-
ally, on account of their intimate union, or by a natural and
unimportant negligence of style. To this worst class of mala-
dies are added two of the most common and severe, but not
preternatural affections. Taken with p)alsies, literally, p)Cira'
lyzed, both English words being derived from the Greek one
here used, which is almost confined to Luke (the only other
instance being Heb. 12, 12), while the corresponding adjective
ACTS 8, 7. 8. 9. -325
{paralytic, never used in any of tlie English versions, bnt
invariably expressed by a circumlocution) is found only in the
other evangelists. (Compare the Greek of Matt. 4, 24. 8, 6.
9, 2. 6. Mark 2, 3. 4. 5. 9. 10, ^ith that of Luke 5, 18. 24,
9, 33.)
8. And there was great joy in that city.
The happy effect of Philip's mission upon these Samaritans
is beautifully set forth in this one short sentence, which is not,
hoYfever, fully reproduced in EngHsh. There was (eyeVero),
there came to be, began to be, arose, or happened, impljnng
a great change and neAV occasion of rejoicmg. (See above,
on V. 1, and on 7, 29.) There seems to be allusion to the pro-
verbial joy of harvest (Isai. 9, 3. 16, 9), as predicted by our
Saviour, in relation to this very people (John 4, 35. 36.) That
city is compatible mth any supposition as to the particular
place meant, but seems more natural if spoken of a to^Yn not
named before, than if applied to the famous city of Samaria.
For the Tvdde sense of the word translated city^ see above, on
5,6 (p. 211.) The Joy here mentioned is to be restricted,
neither to the natural enjoyment of recovered health, in one's
own person and in that of others, nor to the mteUectual
pleasure of acquiring knowledge and discovering truth, nor
to the spiritual happiness arising from conversion and as
surance of forgiveness, but must be understood as compie
bending all these elements, and therefore justly called a
great joy.
9. But there was a certain man called Simon, which
beforetime in the same city nsed sorcery, and be-
witched the people of Samaria, giving out that him-
self was some great one.
The field presented in this city, although highly promismg,
was not unoccupied when Philip entered it. A certain man^
hy name Simon (the precise form of expression used above in
5, 1), was there before him {Tvpovwripxcv)^ using sorcery^ or
practising the profession of a Magus. This word, of Persian
origin, but found in the Old Testament (Jer. 39, 3), as well as
in the Classics, is said to have been originally the name of a
Median tribe, but was afterwards emj^loyed, like Chaldee or
Chaldean (Dan. 2, 2. 4, VI), as a generic designation of tne
326 ACTS 8, 9.
priests, philosophers, and men of science, in the Persian
empire. Such, no doubt, were the Wise Men {3fagi) super-
naturally guided from the East to Bethlehem, to do homage
to the new-born King of the Jews (Matt. 2, 1.) The connec-
tion which existed between ancient Oriental science and the
occult arts, as for instance between astronomy and astrology,
occasioned a lower application of the name to sorcerers and
wizards, a secondary usage which may still be traced m our
words magic and magician. Such pretenders to extraordi-
nary 230wer and knowledge appear to have been very numer^
ous in the Apostolic Age, their influence arising, no doubt, in
great measure, from their real science, as compared with the
great mass of their credulous contemporaries. It is in this
sense, and not in that of mere juggling, that Simon seems to
be described here as (/xayei;(oi/) j^ractising magic, acting as a
Magus, in this city of Samaria, not at a former time, as might
seem to be the meaning of the English version, Ibut imme-
diately before Philip's appearance. Simo7% was before {hhn)
in the city^ using sorcery^ etc. His success appears to have
been very great, though not precisely such as might be
gathered from the version, and bewitched the loeople^ which
implies the real exercise of some extraordinary physical power,
whereas the Greek word only means amazing them, as in 2, 7.
12 above, and 9, 21 below, or at the most maddening, de-
priving them of reason, by excessive admiration and excite-
ment, the idea conveyed by the Italian phrase, far furore.
The subjects of this violent commotion were the people (or
more exactly, the nation) of Samaria^ not the mere popula-
tion of one city, but the race uihabiting the whole province
of that name, and who have been described already. (See
above, on v. 4.) This may perhaps imply that he was an
itinerant magician, like the " vagabond exorcists " of Ephesus
(see below, on 19, 13), and like the other sorcerers of that
day, as described by Josephus and the classical historians.
We may then suppose him to have reached the city here in
question upon one of his professional visits, just before Phihp's
arrival, although previously known to the uihabitants, as men-
tioned in the next verse. Giving out (an old English phrase
for declaring or professing) hhnself to be some great {one), or
rather some great {being), not merely a distinguished man, but
something superhuman. The expression is the same as in
f), 36 above, with the addition of the epithet great.
ACTS 8, 10. 11. 32';
10. To whom (they) all gave heed, from the least
to the greatest, saying, This man is the great power
of God.
They is superfluous, as in v. 1. Gave heed^ as in v. 6, ex-
pressing only Hxed attention, but implying faith or confidence
in either case. All^ as in v. 1, means the mass or body of the
people, without reference to individual exceptions. From the
least to the greatest (so in all the English versions) might be
more exactly rendered, fro77i small to great^ a Hebrew idiom,
or a natural expression, for all ranks and ages, which occurs
again m Pleb. 8, 11 (compare Jon. 3, 5.) This man (Tynd.
this felloio) is the ]}oicer of God^ not only clothed with dele-
gated power by God, but himself a divine person, or at least
an emanation from the Godhead, in accordance with the
favourite theosophy of that day, afterwards embodied in the
Gnostic systems. Several of the oldest manuscripts and ver-
sions read, the (power) called great^ which may either mean
so called but not so really, or so called in some well known
theory or doctrine, as in Simon's own description of himself.
What he claimed to be precisely, we have no means of deter-
minmg. According to different early vrriters, he professed to
be the Logos, the Messiah, the Samaritan Archangel, and the
Power of God personified, which last is a mere gloss uj^on the
words before us. Jerome represents him as saying, " I am
the Word of God, I am the Paraclete, I am the Almighty, I
am all (or the whole) of God {omnia DeiP) But this is proba-
bly a figment of later Christian origin.
11. And to him they had regard, because that of
long time he had bewitched them with sorceries.
This is not a mere repetition of the statement in v. 10, but
assigns a reason for the fact there stated. The Enghsh reader
would hardly suspect that had regard in this verse is identical
with gave heed in the one before it. Some of the older ver-
sions go still further in these heedless variations. TjTidale,
for exam2:)le, renders the same Greek word gave heed (v. 6),
regarded (v. 10), and set much hy (v. 11), in all which changes
he is closely followed both by Cranmer and the Geneva Bible.
The reason that they paid him such attention is here said to
ba, that he had long bewitched, as m v. 9, i. e. astonished and
3onfound#i them by sorceries (//.ayetats) or magical iUusious,
328 ACTS 8, 11. 12.
perhaps the fruit of his superior scientific knowledge, but
which these Samaritans could neither call in question nor ac-
count for, and were therefore, so to speak, obliged to submit
to his i^retensions, as incapable of refutation. There is no
allusion to any physical effect, but only to this moral influence,
exerted by his arts, whatever they may have been. (Wiclif,
who had deceived in v. 9, here has madded.) All this, we here
earn, was no new thing, but had continued time enough^ a
phrase used in Greek, as it might be in familiar English, for a
long time, but without affording any definite, measure of
duration. (See below, on 9, 23. 43. 14, 3. 18, 18. 27, 1. 9, and
above, on 5, 37, where the same term is applied to quantity
or number.)
12. But when tliey believed Philip preachmg the
(things) concerning the kingdom of God and the name
of Jesus Christ, they were baptized, both men and
women.
This verse describes the striking change effected among
Simon's dupes by Philip's preaching. The question whether
they believed has reference to these alone, or to the people
generally, is of no importance, as the context shows that these
two classes were identical. It is plain, at all events, that what
is here described was a general conversion of the people.
One subject of the preaching which produced it is described
as the things concerning the kingdom of God, the same ex-
pression that was used in 1, 3, with resj^ect to our Saviour's
conversations with the twelve before his ascension. The
oldest manuscripts omit the {things), and read, concerning the
hingdom of God, without material effect upon the sense,
which is still, that Philip told them all about it, not the mere
fact of its existence, but its history, doctrines, duties, hopes,
yet all as good news (evayyeXt^o/xeVo).) The other subject of
his preaching was the name of Jesus Christ, i. e. all denoted
by these names, one of which means the Saviour of his people
(Matt. 1, 21) and the other their Messiah, or Anointed Prophet,
Ppiest, and lung. Into this name, i. e. into union with Christ,
and subjection to him, in all these characters, the Samaritan
believers were introduced by the initiatory rite of baptism,
vvhich, unlike that of Judaism, was administered alike to hoth
men and wome^i. The same minute exactness isi^bservablo
ACTS 8, 12. 13. 329
in what is said above (v. 3), with respect to the extent and
rnthlessness of Saul's persecution, in which neither sex was
spared.
13. Then Simon himself believed also, and wlien
he was baptized, he continued with Philip and won-
dered, beholding the miracles and signs which were
done.
Then^ not afterwards, but at the same tmie. And (8e
Simon also himself believed^ as well as his adherents, who ha
just been mentioned. Not only the followers, but the leader,
beheved. With what kind of faith, is an old subject of dis-
pute, and various answers have been given to the question,
chiefly in the form of technical distinctions, e. g. with a his-
torical, speculative, temporary faith, etc. These designations
may be all correct ; but they throw little light upon the his-
tory, the most obvious sense of which is, that the sorcerer
believed to all appearance as the rest did ; he professed belief,
became a convert in the view of others, and in the customary
way, by submitting to the rite of baptism. If Philip vras de-
ceived, this only shows that he was not omniscient, or even
competent to read the heart. If he was not deceived, his
sufferance of Simon's false profession is analogous to that of
Judas by our Lord himself (John 6, 64. '70. 11.) Simon's own
motive has been variously exj)lained and understood. Most
probably he went at first with the multitude to hide the
shame of his desertion and defeat. With this may have been
combined a vvisli to know the secret of Philip's miraculous
performances, and perhaps to add this higher magic to his
own, so as to do really what he had before done only in a^^pear-
ance or pretence. For this j)urpose, havmg been baptized,
and thus admitted to free intercourse with Philip, he not only
continued with him^ as the English versions somewhat feebly
render it, but was cleaving (or adhering) to him^ the intrinsic
strength of the expression being heightened by the participial
construction, which suggests the idea of continuance or j^er-
severance in addition to that of sticking close to PhiUp.
(Compare the use of the same verb in 2, 46. 6, 4, and of the
came construction in 1, 14. 2, 42.) l^eholding, as a curious
spectator (see above, on 3, 16. 4, 13. Y, 56.) Miracles^ hter-
^Ij, powers^ i. e. exhibitions and exertions of divine or pupi-^i-
830 ACTS 8, 13. 14.
human power. See above, on 2, 22, where the same word ia
joined with signs and wonders^ to exhaust the idea of mirac-
ulous performances. The copies vary with respect to the
order and grammatical form of these words, but without
effect upon the sense, except that several of the oldest manu
scripts and versions add the epithet great. Which were dont
is a single work in Greek, a participle, strictly meaning hap-
pened^ come to pass. Wondered^ which expresses the effect
on Simon, is the last word m the origmal sentence, and might
have been consistently translated, was bewitched^ being sim-
ply the passive of the verb so rendered in vs. 9, 11. The
absurdity of this translation here ought surely to have hin-
dered its adoption there. The true sense in both cases is that
of extreme Avonder or amazement, which the Khemish Bible
labours to express here by translating, loas astonied with ad-
miration.
14. Now when the Apostles, wliich were at Jeru-
salem, heard that Samaria had received the word of
God, they sent unto them Peter and John.
Now represents the same Greek word (Se), and indicates
the same connection, with the and^ hut^ and ^Ae;z, of the three
preceding verses. When the Ajjostles heard, Gr. the Apostles
having heard (or hearing^ 'Which were at Jeruscdem, Gr.
those in Jerusalem, might seem to mean that some were
absent, and thus to contradict the last clause of v. 1, or to
imply an intervenmg change ; but it really describes them as
all there, and for that very reason calls them tJie Apostles in
Jerusalem. Samaria, not the city, whose reception of the
Gospel would have been a small thing in comparison with its
reception by the " nation of Samaria," as it is expressed above
in V. 9. In the one case, this great change is affii'med of the
capital exclusively ; while in the other case, that city, or some
other, represents the whole, as being the first fruits of its con-
version, and at the same time an important step towards the
general and unrestricted preaching of the gospel. (See above,
on V. 5.) It is not surprising, therefore, that the college of
Apostles, when they heard (Tynd. heard say) that Samaria
had received the word of God, should send a deputation to
the place where the good work had begun, wherever it might
be ; not, as has been variously imagined, because Philip was
only a Deacon, for he was more, as we have seen above (on v.
ACTS 8, 14. 15. 16. 331
5); or because they were jealous or suspicious of him ; or
because they doubted the sincerity or depth of the Samaritan
conversions ; or to show that the Apostles, though this work
began without them, still retained their old position ; but
because they were the constituted organizers of the church,
alid as such not only authorized but bound to enter every
open door, whoever might have opened it. As in the original
mission of the twelve (Mark 6, 7), and of the seventy (Luke
10, 1), two were sent together, and the two commissioned
upon this occasion were the same whom we have seen before
so constantly in company. (See above, on ch. 3, 1.) Unto
thetn^ i. e. to the Samaritans, the plural subject latent in the
singular collective name Samaria^ as in v. 5 above. The word
of God^ the new revelation or religion. (See above, on v. 4.)
Ileceived^ not only in the passive sense of hearing, but in the
active sense of believing and obeying. They not only had
the opportunity of being saved through Christ, but they em-
braced it. The position here assigned to Peter, however
honourable and important, is by no means that, of a superior,
much less of a primate.
15. Who, when tliey were come down, prayed for
them, that they might receive the Holy Ghost.
Coming (or having come) doicn, see above, on 3, 1. 7, 15.
The form of expression here employed, or rather the fact here
recorded, shows that this gift was not bestowed, even medi-
ately, by the Apostles, but by God directly, in answer to their
prayers, and sometimes without even that degree of interven-
tion. (See below, on 10, 44.) This by no means favours the
opinion, that the ApostoUcal commission was sent down, sim-
ply because Philip, as a Deacon or Evangelist, could not
impart the Holy Ghost. He certainly could pray for it, nor
is there any intimation that his prayers would have been less
effectual than those of the Apostles. The natural impression
on the reader is, that John and Peter came down with a gen-
eral commission to inspect and regulate, and afterwards report,
and in the mean time to instruct the people ; and that while
engaged in executing this commission, they prayed, etc.
16. For as yet he was fallen upon none of them ;
only they were baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus,
As yet, literally, not yet. the Greek idiom admitting of a
832 ACTS 8, 16. 1^.
double negative for emphasis. Only implies that the two
tilings were expected or accustomed to go together. (See
below, on 9,17.18. 10,47. 19,5.6.) But in this case, the
baptism of water had not been followed by the spiritual bap-
tism of which it was the sign, or rather by the visible witness
of the Spirit which commonly attended it. (See above, on
5, 32.) Into the name^ i. e. into union with him, and subjection
to him, as their Sovereign and their Saviour. (See above, on
V. 12.) Several of the older English versions, and a few
Greek manuscripts, have Christ Jesus^ others Jesus Christy
while the Codex Beza combmes two of these readmgs, Loi'd
Jesus Christ. Fallen is omitted ui the Peshito, and exchanged
for come in the Vulgate and the older Enghsh versions. This
variation must be euphemistical or accidental, as it is not
found in the Greek manuscripts. Fallen denotes the sudden
illapse of a superior power or influence. (See below, on
10, 44. 11, 15.) The expression may be borrov\'ed from
Ezekiel 11, 5, "the Spirit of the Lord fell upon me, and said
unto me. Speak." It is elsewhere in this book applied to
other sudden seizures, both miraculous and natural, as wonder
(10, 10), fear, (19, 17), bhndness (13, 11.) It is evident from
this verse, that the fact which it records was regarded as a
strange one. Were baptized is not the full sense of the Greek
phrase (jSeySaTrrtcr/xeVot v7rT]pxov), which suggests, if it does not
express, the idea, that they still remained baptized and
nothing more. (See above, on 5, 4.)
17. Then laid they their hands on them, and they
received the Holy Ghost.
The obvious connection between this verse and the fifteenth
(v. 16 being clearly parenthetical) shows that the touch of the
Apostles' hands merely symbolized a spiritual gil't which had
been granted in answer to their prayers. (See above, on
6, 6.) The reception of the Holy Ghost here meant is doubt-
less that of his extraordinary influences, either ui the way of
inspiration, or in that of miraculous endowments, or of both
combined, as in the case of the Apostles. That the gifts con-
ferred were not merely moral or internal, but such as could
be verified and brought to the test of observation, is clear
from the efiect Avhich they produced on Simon, as recorded in
the next verse. Received^ in the imperfect tense, might seem
to denote a repetition of the process here described, but that
ACTS 8, 17. 18. 19. 333
the other verb is in the aorist form, and therefore must relate
to a specific time. Tlie imperfect (were receivmg) may possi-
bly have reference to what follows, and denote that this so-
lemnity was still proceeding, when the incident recorded in
the following verse took place. The impression naturally
made by these three verses is, that the baptism of these con-
verts not being followed by the gift of tlie Holy Ghost, as on
the day of Pentecost (11, 17), and probably on subsequent
occasions, although not recorded (4, 4. 5, 14. 6, 7), the Apos-
tles, who had come down to direct the whole proceeding,
made it the subject of specific intercession, and by imposition
of their hands, evinced that their prayers were answered.
18. And when Simon saw, that through layhig on
of the Apostles' hands the Holy Ghost was given, he
offered them money — •
The sentence is completed in the next verse. Wheoi
Shnon saic, Gr. Simon behoklmg (-^eao-a/xevo?, see above, on
1, 11), or according to the latest critics, seeing (tSoV.) Through,
denoting instrumental agency (see above, on 1, 16. 2, 16. 22,
23.43. 3,18.21. 4,16. 25,30. 5,12. 7,25.) The epithet
Holy is omitted by some manuscripts and editors. Was
given, fiterally, is given, the present form bringing u^ the
scene before us, as one actually passing. Money, HteraUy
monies, a plural common in old English, and still retained in
certain forms of business. The Greek word is the plural of
the one used in 4, 37 above, and there explained. Offered,
literally, brought to, as in Matt. 22, 19. Mark 10, 13. Luke
18, 15, often used to signify religious gifts, oblations (as in 7,
42 above), but here in the intermediate sense of an offer
made to men.
19. Saymg, Give me also this power, that on whom-
soever I lay hands, he may receive (the) Holy Ghost.
The sentence is continued from v. 18, and completed. To
me also, not to me as well as others, but to me as well as
yourselves. He asked not merely what he saw them give,
but the power of bestowing it. Power, i. e. moral power,
right, authority, not physical capacity or strength. (See
above, on 1, 7. 5, 4.) Holy Spirit, being without the ar-
ticle, may mean a holy spirit, and imply the want of any
334 ACTS 8, 19. 20.
definite conception as to a personal agent. What precise
meaning he attached to the j^hrase, we have no means of de-
termining. He may have used it merely as he heard it used
by others, without knowing what it meant at all. Up to this
point, the language used implies that both the apostles were
distinctly recognized as acting jointly, and as equal in authori-
ty. They prayed (v. 15), thair hands (v. 17), offered them (v.
18), give ye (v. 19.)
20. But Peter said unto him, Thy money perish
with thee, because thou hast thought that the gift of God
may be purchased with money.
Peter now assumes his usual position as the spokesman.
(See above, on 1, 15. 2, 14. 38. 3, 6. 4, 8. 5, 3. 9, 29.) Various
attempts have been made to explain away the seeming impre-
cation in this verse. Some understand the words to mean,
' let thy money remain with thee for thy ruin ' (compare Dan.
5, 17), which is neither perfectly grammatical nor any relief of
the supposed difficulty. Others explain it as a mere predic-
tion of the necessary consequence or tendency of that which
he w^as doing. But the true solution seems to be, that Peter
spoke by direct divine authority, and also that the wish
is to be qualified by the exhortation in v. 22. As if he had
said, ' Perish, if you will not repent.' The first money is not
the word so rendered, in the other clause and in v. 18 above,
but the one employed in 7, 16, and strictly meaning silver^ a
usage perfectly coincident with that of the French argent.
Perish with thee^ literally, vnth thee he for ruin (or unto per-
dition^ Hast thought^ or more exactly, didst think, i. e. just
now, when he made his proposition. The gift of God, else-
where called the gift of the Holy Ghost (see above, on 2, 38,
and below, on 10, 45.) The very terms imply gratuity, the
Greek noun being used in the accusative (Swpcav) as an adverb
corresponding to the Latin gratis. (See Matt. 10, 8. John
15,25. Rom. 3, 24. 2 Cor. 11, V. Gal. 2, 21. 2 Thess. 3, 8. Rev.
21, 6. 22, 17.) The sin and folly of the sorcerer's offer lay not
merely in the thought of bribmg God, but in that of purchas-
ing what, from its very nature, could be only a free gift.
With money, literally, through, by means of, as in v. 18.
Money, literally, monies, as in the same verse. (The Syriac
version here has worldly wealth, or riches of the world.) May
Repurchased is a single word in Greek, and the last one in the
ACTS 8, 20. 21. 335
sentence. It is infinitive in form (Krao-^at), but ambiguous m
meaning, as it may be either active or passive. The latter
sense, though common only in the later writers, is found in
the Attic Greek of Thucydicles and Euripides. The active
meaning seems to be forbidden here by the construction,
' thou hast thought to obtain,' which, though correct enough
in English, is not so good Greek as the passive sense, ' hast
thought the gift of God to be obtained.' It is only by a figure
of speech that simony^ a term derived from this man's name,
has been applied to the sale and purchase of ecclesiastical
office, which, however heinous it may be, is something very
diflferent from offering to buy and sell the Holy Ghost.
21. Tlioii liast neither part nor lot in this matter,
for thy heart is not right in the sight of God.
I^ot content with repelling his base offer, the Apostle now
reveals to him his spiritual state, no doubt by special revela-
tion and immediate divine authority. TIiok, hast neither^
literally, there is not to thee. Part and lot are substantially
equivalent, the first denoting any share or portion (see below,
on 16, 12), the second one determined or assigned by lot (see
above, on 1, 17. 25.) In this matter, literally, m this word^
and so translated by the Vulgate and its English copyists.
The immediate English versions, older than King James's,
all have business. Modern philologists, however, question
whether this sense of the Greek words (Adyos and prjjxa), which
the old interpreters supposed to be derived from a peculiar
usage of the Hebrew (^^'7), ever occurs in the New Testament
at all. (See above, on 5, 32.) In Luke 4, 36, the common
version is correct, namely, loord, meaning word of command,
and in Luke 2, 15, "this thing which is come to pass" means
really " this word (or divine declaration) which has been ful-
filled." So too in 15, 6, below, "this matter" properly de-
notes this question, or this point of doctrine. Accordingly,
some understand it here as meaning, this {new) doctri7ie (or
religion)., a sense at least as old as the Peshito {in thisfaith)^
and much more natural than that adopted by some modern
writers, in this speech (or speaking)., with allusion to the gift
of tongues, as one of those which Simon wished to buy the
power of bestowing, but which is not mentioned in the text or
context. Right., iTterally, straight, an epithet applied both to
336 ACTS 8, 21. 22.
pliysical and moral qualities. (See below, on 9, 11, and 13,
10.) Before God^ i. e. in his estimation (see above, on 4, 19.
7, 46), with a tacit reference, as some suppose, to Philip's
error ; but see above, on 4, 13.
22. Repent, therefore, of this thy wickedness, and
pray God, if perhaps the thought of thine heart may be
forgiven thee.
The exhortation to repent shows that the case was not en-
tirely desperate, while at the same time it qualifies the terrible
denunciation in v. 20. Therefore^ because otherwise you can
have no part in this salvation. Of this, literally, from (away
from) this, implpng not mere sorrow but conversion. WtcJc-
edness, hterally, badness, the most general expression of that
idea in the language, once apphed even to mere physical evil
(Matt. 6, 34), sometimes used in the specific sense of malice or
malignity (e. g. Tit. 3, 3), but here most probably in that of
moral evil, sin, depravity. This may either mean this specific
act of sin, which he had just committed, or this depravity of
thine, which thou hast just revealed to us. Pray God, or re-
taining the original construction, asli, beseech of God. (The
oldest reading seems to be, the Lord.) If perhaps is exactly
the expression used in Mark 11, 13, and in both places con-
strued with the future, if perhaps the thought of thy heart
shall (or will) be forgiven, or remitted, the verb corresponding
to the noun employed in 2, 38, and there explained (see also
5, 31.) If perhaps (Wiclif, if paradmnture) is a much more
correct translation than Tyndale's (that the thought, &c.,)
copied as usual by Cranmer, and also in the Geneva Bible, but
with a qualifying phrase {if it be possible^ Some suppose the
doubt imphed in these words to be only a doubt of his repent-
ance, to which others object that it would not then be placed
between his prayer and his forgiveness, and refer it rather to
his having possibly committed the unpardonable sin. The
thought of thy heart, not merely thy opinion but thy purpose,
the fruit not only of a darkened mind but of corrupt affection.
It includes his false behef as to the gift af God, and his pre-
sumptuous effort to obtain it for himself, in a way at once un-
lawful and impossible. The specific idea of an evil thought or
purpose is suggested by the context.
ACTS 8, 23. 337
23. For I perceive that thou art in (the) gall of
bitterness, and (in the) bond of iniquity.
As Simon had already been baptized (v. 13), the exhorta-
tion to repent might have seemed to have respect to this par
ticular transgression, as a single act of disobedience. But the
words of the Apostle show that the whole work of repentance
and conversion was yet to be performed. The original order
of the sentence is for in the gall of bitterness and bond of
iniquity I see thee being. Gall of bitterness^ like gall ana
wormwood (Deut. 29, 17), seems to mean an intense bitter,
and this to be put for poison (see Job 20, 14), from some
natural association, or j^erhaps from an opinion, which we find
in Pliny, that the venom of serpents resides in their gall. The
idea of moral corruption is conveyed by a kindred figure, root
of bitterness (Heb. 12, 15.) Bond of iniquity^ is by some
translated bundle of unrighteousness^ and instead of being in
(ovra eis), being for (as in 7, 21. 53), i. e. being a mere bundle
of unrighteousness, as Shakspeare says, " the lunatic, the lover,
and the j^oet, are of imagination all compact^'' i. e. entirely
and exclusively made up of it. The older and more usual in-
terpretation gives the first noun the sense of bond or bondage,
and the preposition {di)^ its usual and proper sense of into^
as if he had said, ' thou art (fallen into and remainest) in the
bondage of unrighteousness.' Both figures, then, and especial-
ly the last, suggest the idea of a permanent and long continued
state, and cannot therefore be applied to a relapse or fall fi'om
grace afler his baptism. There is, however, ^Ul a third inter-
pretation, of more recent date than either of the others, which
applies these difficult expressions, not exclusively to Simon's
own condition at the time when they were uttered, but to his
future influence on others. ' I see thee (by the light of my
prophetic inspu'ation) being or becoming (ovra 6ts, compare
the Hebrew b nin) gaU of bitterness (i. e. a source of misery,
or a deadly poison) and a bond (bond of union, see Eph. 4, 3.
Col. 2, 19. 3, 14) of iniquity (a centre of corrupting influence
to others.)' Whether this be regarded as a natural or even
an admissible construction of the words or not, it is certainly
entitled to the praise of ingenuity, and also of a singular agree-
ment with the subsequent career and influence of Simon, as
preserved in the traditions of the church. In any case, he is
described by the Apostle, either expressly or by impHcation,
as an extremely wicked man, who could be saved from con-
VOL. I. — 15
338 ACTS 8, 23. 24.
dign ruin only by repentance and conversion or return cc
God.
24. Then answered Simon and said, Pray ye to the
Lord for me, that none of these tilings which ye have
spoken come upon me.
Then^ as in vs. 5, 13, lY. Answered^ literally, answering.
Ye is emphatic. ' Pray yourselves ; do you pray for me.'
The things which ye have spoJcen seems to be a euphemistical
periphrasis for the perdition threatened in v. 20. The plural
form may represent the fuhiess or variety of evils which he
understood to be included in that pregnant term. For come
upon r/ze, Tyndale and his followers gratuitously use the word
fall^ which they seemed to avoid in its proper place. (See
above, on v. 16.) This request may have been prompted by
mere dread of punishment, or it may be regarded as a proof
of his comphance with the exhortation to repent. What be-
came of Simon, we are not informed, as the narrative ends
abruptly here. Tradition represents him as having persevered
in his iniquity, and classes him among the heresiarchs of the
apostolic age. Some regard him as the founder of the Si-
monians of the second century, who held a mixture of Je^visb
and Samaritan opinions, with certain oriental theosophic no-
tions ; while others deny all connection, even in the names
From ten to twenty years after these events, we meet Tvith a
Simon in Josephus, who describes him as a sorcerer from Cy-
prus, employed bv Felix to seduce the affections of the Jewess
Drusilla. (See below, on 24, 24.) The identity of name, and
similarity of character, would leave no doubt that this was
Simon Magus, but for a statement of Justin Martyi', that the
latter was by birth a Samaritan. This is entitled to the more
weight as Simon was himself a native of that country, and as
he designates the town of Gitton or Gitta as the birth-place
of Simon, which by some has been identified with Citium in
Cyprus. Justin goes on to say, however, that he afterwards
removed to Rome, where he was worshipped as a god, and
had a column dedicated to him. By a curious coincidence, a
fragment has been excavated there in modern times, inscribed
to an Etruscan deity {Sononi JSanco), which some suppose to
be a part of Justin's column, and as he was mistaken upon this
point, they infer that his statement is entitled to no weight
whatever. The decision of this question seems to be at once
ACTS S, 24.25.26. 339
nnimportant and impossible. The only certain trace of Simon
in history is the use of the word simony^ which has been
already mentioned. (See above, on v. 19.)
25. And they, when they had testified and
preached the word of the Lord, returned to Jerusalem,
and preached the gospel in many villages of the Sa-
maritans.
The preaching of the gospel among the Samaritans was not
confined to the city where it had begun, but extended to
many of the smaller towns, through which the Apostles passed
on their return. For villages^ Tyndale has cities^ Geneva
toio?is, Wiclif coujitries. They^ i. e. Peter and John. When
they had,, hterally, having testified. Here again the apostoli-
cal preaching is described as testimony (see above, on 2, 40.)
Preached is repeated only in the Enghsh. The first of the
two Greek verbs literally means talking,, speaking, as in 3, 24.
4, 1. 17. 20. 29. 4, 31. 5, 20. 40. 6, 10. The other verb, trans-
lated 2yreached the gospel,, is the one employed above, in vs. 4,
12, and denoting the commmiication of glad tidings; but in-
stead of governing the subject of the preachmg, as it does
there and in 5, 42, it is construed here Tvith the places where
they preached {evangelizing the villages) a construction which
has been retained in modern Engfish. (See below, on'14, 15.
21. 16, 10.) Returned,, is one of Luke's favourite Greek
expressions (see above, on 1, 12.) Both this and the last verb
have the form of the unperfect tense in several of the oldest
manuscripts, which may imply a similar connection with the
following verse to that between vs. 17 and 18. The sense will
then be, that while Peter and John were thus employed,
Philip received his new commission.
26. And the Angel of the Lord spake unto Philip,
saying. Arise, and go toward the south, unto the way
that goeth down from Jerusalem imto Gaza, which is
desert.
An angel of the Lord (see above, on 5, 19) cannot without
absurdity be^ resolved into a suggestion of Philip's own mind.
Although it is not said that an angel appeared (see below, on
12, 23), a personal agency, exterior to himself is even more
340 ACTS 8, 26.
explicitly referred to here, than in v. 29 below. The command
appears to have been given in Samaria. If it were said to
have been given in a dream, arise might be understood to
mean, arise from sleep or out of bed. (Compare Matt. 2, 13.
14. 20, 21, where the verb, however, strictly means to awalce.)
In the absence of any such intunation, it seems rather to
mean, address yourself to action (see above, on 1, 15. 5, 17
C, 9.) Go^ go away^ journey, travel (see above, on 1, 10. 11
25. 5,20.41.) Toward, see below, on 27, 12, and compare
Phil. 3, 14. The south, literally, mid-day, i. e. the place of
the sun at noon. (Precisely similar, in etymology and usage,
is the German Jiz^^a^.) He is not required to go to Jeru-
salem, but to get upon the road leading thence to Gaza.
Going down, see above, on v. 5. Gaza is one of the oldest
places mentioned in the Bible. It first occurs in Gen. 1, 19,
as a frontier town of the Canaanites ; in later history, as the
southernmost of the five cities of the Philistines, to whom it
really belonged, even after it was formally assigned to Judah
(Josh. 15, 47. Judg. 1, 18.) It was the scene of one of Sam-
son's most remarkable exploits (Judges 16, 3.) It was be-
sieged by Alexander the Great, and destroyed by Alexander
Jannseus, rebuilt by the Koman General Gabinius, and given
by Augustus to Herod, after Avhose death it was attached to
the province of Syria. Which is desert, literally, this is desert,
forming an independent clause or sentence, but connected in
,the closest manner with what goes before. The demonstrative
pronoun may refer grammatically either to the city or the
road. According to some ancient writers, there was a new
Gaza, distinct from the ruins of the old, destroyed by Alex-
ander, and the words in question were intended to direct
Philip to the latter, as if he had said, -that is, the desert one.'
But besides the want of satisfactory evidence in favour of the
fact alleged, why should the places be distinguished here,
unless they were so far apart, that different roads led to them
from Jerusalem, in which case their identity would be de-
stroyed. One ingenious modern writer understands the
words as a remark of the historian, in reference to the town
itself having been again destroyed durmg the Jewish war ;
but this would make the date of composition later than we
have any other reason for believing it. For these or other
reasons, most interpreters suppose the clause to be descrij^tive
of the road, as Arrian speaks of a road desert for want of
U^ater, The words may then have been intended to guide
ACTS 8, 20. 'r<. 341
Philip to the least frequented of the ro.ids which appear to
have existed between these two places, or added by the wnter
(as in John 6, 10), to bring the scene more vividly before the
reader. But according to Greek usage, the article is indis-
pensable in distinguishing between two objects. Of those
who refer it to the road, some suppose it to be indicated as a
proper place for meditation, others as a sort of type or symbol
of spiritual desolation, like the desert in Isai. 40, 3. Matt. 3, 3.
But perhaps the simplest and most natural interpretation of
the words is that which understands them as implying, that
there was something strange in the command, r.nd in the inci-
dent which folio v/ed its execution. As if Luke had said, ' an
angel sent him to the road between Jerusalem and Gaza,
which might well have seemed a singular direction, since it is
a desert road, in which he was not likelv to encounter travel-
lers, much less to meet with such an adventure as did there
befall him.' Any of these exegetical hypotheses is far more
probable than that of a gloss or spurious addition to the text,
the origin of which would be as unaccountable as it is desti-
tute of all external evidence, the words ii^ question bemg
found apparently in all Greek manuscripts without exception.
27. And he arose and went, and behold, a man of
Ethiopia, an eUnuch of great authority, under Candace,
queen of the Ethiopians, who had the charge of all her
treasure, and had come to Jerusalem for to worship —
The sentence is comjoleted in the next verse. We have
here disclosed the purpose of the strange command recorded
in V. 26. According to a very common scriptural usage,
Philip's obedience is stated in the terms of the command
itself, he arose and icent. Behold^ as usual, denotes some-
thing unexpected (see above, on 1, 10. 2, 1. 5, 9. 25, 28. V, 56),
and is peculiarly appropriate here, because the mission was
itself a strange one. As if it had been said, ' he obeyed the
angelic order, unaccountable as it appeared, and though the
road, to which he was directed, was a desert one, he soon
saw whom he had been sent to meet.' A man of Ethiopia^
more exactly an Ethiopian man^ or still more closely, a rnan^
an Ethiopian. (See above, on 1, 11. 16. 2, 5. 14. 22. 29. 37.
3,12.14. 5,35. Y, 2.) Ethiopia is the Greek name corre-
sponding to the Cush of the Old Testament, but less extcn-
342 ACTS 8, 27. 28.
sive, being restricted to the country watered by the Nile;
south of Egypt, corresponding to the ISTubia of modern
geography, with the adjacent parts of Abyssinia. JEumich
originally means a chamberlain^ and is so translated here by
Tyndale and Cranmer. Its secondary meaning is derived
from the oriental practice of employing emasculated men as
guardians of the harem. The wider meaning of the term,
which is found in the Septuagint version of Gen. 37, 36. 39,
seems to be required in the case before us by the prohibitory
law of Deut. 23, 1 (2.) His office then would be the same
with that held by Blastus in the court or family of Herod
Agrippa (see below, on 12, 20.) In early times, offices of
state were not so carefully distinguished as at present from
those of the royal household. Of great authority^ literally,
a dynast oy potentate^ a term applied to princes (Luke 1, 52)
and to God himself (1 Tim. 6, 15), but here denoting one in
power, and especially in office, under a sovereign, as the word
is also used by Xenophon and Plutarch. The plural is ap-
plied in the Septuagint version to the " house of Pharaoh "
(Gen. 50, 4.) Candace^ a common or hereditary title of the
queens who for many years succeeded one another in the
island of Meroe, belonging to the ancient Ethiopia, as we
learn from Strabo, Dio Cassius, and Phny. Had the charge
of all her treasure^ literally, was over it, a phrase correspond-
ing to the Hebrew title, over the house or palace (Isai. 22, 15),
and to the kindred Greek phrase, oijer the hed-chamher (see
below, on 12, 20.) Both offices may have been united in this
person, if eunuch has the wider sense above suggested. By
a curious coincidence, the chamberlain of London, and some
other cities, is the treasurer. Treasure is here used to trans-
late a word said to be of Persian origin, and specially applied
to royal treasure. (Thus Quintus Curtius says, I^ecuniain
regiam gazam Persae vocant ; and Cornelius Nepos describes
the office here in question by the title, grazae regiae custos.)
And had come, more exactly, icho had come. To worship is,
in Greek, not an infinitive but a future participle, which occurs
again in 24, 11 below (compare John 12, ^0.) It is evident
from this that he was either a Hellenist or foreign Jew by
birth, or a proselyte from heathenism to the Jews' religion.
28. Was returning, and, sitting in his cliariot, read
Esaias the Prophet.
ACTS 6, 28. 29. 348
The sentence is completed from the verse preceding. Me-
turning^ a favourite Greek verb of Luke's (see above, on v.
25, and on 1, 12.) Was returning represents exactly the form
of the original, which is the same as in v. 13 above. As he was
no doubt returning to his own country by the way of Egypt,
his first stage or journey was from Jerusalem to Gaza. In
(literally, on) his chariot implies, in this connection, an equi-
page suited to his rank, including, no doubt, one or more
attendants (see below, on v. 38.) Head^ in the imperfect
tense, was reading^ i. e. at the time when JPhilip first caught
sight of him. That this was in compliance with a Jewish
maxun, extant in the Talmud, is not half so probable as that
he was induced to search the Scriptures by what he had seen
and heard while at Jerusalem. Was reading^ probably aloud,
which some regard as the precise sense of the Greek verb,
and which is certainly its meaning m such places as 13, 27.
15, 21 below (compare 2 Cor. 3, 15. 1 Thess. 5, 27.) That the
Ethiopian was attended, as the great men of that day often
were, both on journeys and at home, by an anagnost or
reader, is a perfectly gratuitous assumption, without any thing
to countenance it in the text or context. JEJsaias, the Greek
form of Isaiah, or rather of the Hebrew (^n^^ir*^), from which
both forms depart so mi^.ch, that it would have been better to
use one exclusively in the translation of both Testaments.
(See above, on 7, 45.) The projyhet, not necessarily by way
of eminence, but the well-kno^^^i prophet of that name, unply-
ing the existence of hh writings, and their general reception
as a part of the Old Testament canon. Some interpreters
assume that he was reading the original, and then infer from,
this assumption, that he was a Hebrew (see above, on 6, 1) ;
but it is far more probable that he was reading it m Greek, as
the Septuagint version had its origin in Egjqjt, through which
country he had passed and w o-s about to pass again, and was
in common us*i among the Jews there, even in their sjTia-
gogue service.
29. Then the Spirit £aid unto PMip, Go near, and
join thyself to this chariot.
It is evident that PhiUp was to be gradually apprised
of W'hat he had to do on tliis remarkable occasion. An auo:el
sends him to a desert road ; he there sees a chariot ; -wliich
he is now required to join. The Spirit of this verse, and the
344 ACTS 8, 29. 30.
angel of v. 26, although coincident, are not identical, the
Spirit bemg the divine authority or power, of which the
angel Avas the instrument or agent. (See above, on 5, 19.
V, 30. 35. 38. 53.) Go near^ literally, go to^ the idea being not
that of mere approach, but of actual arrival and immediate
contact. (See below, on 9, 1.) Join thyself is not a mere
tautology, but expresses something more, to wit, the act of
sticking to the chariot, not losing sight of it or leaving it,
until the divine purpose was accomplished. (For the usage
of the Greek verb, simple and compound, see above, on 5, 13,
and below, on 9, 26. 10, 28. 17, 34.)
30. And Philip ran thither to him, and heard him
read the Prophet Esaias, and said, Understandest thou
what thou readest ?
In obedience to this order, the authority of which he
seems not to have questioned for a moment, Avhatever may
have been the mode of the divine communication, Philip takes
the first step towards its execution, by hastening to place him-
self within the stranger's reach, and listening to him as he
read aloud. Han thither is the Geneva version ; Tyndale and
Cranmer render more exactly, ran to {hi7n.) Ileard him
read (Wicl. more hterally, reading^ the Prophet Isaiah, and
a passage so peculiarly imj^ortant and obscure, that it prompted
the abrupt inquiry, with which he accosted the traveller.
The form of the original interrogation (upa ye) seems to antici-
pate a negative answer ; as if he had said, ' you surely do not
know what you are reading,' perhaps with some allusion to
the rapidity or seeming nonchalance, with which the Ethiopian
pronounced the passage. The verb translated read is a com-
pound form of that translated know, so that their combination
(ytvcoo-Kcis a dvaytvtoo-Kct?) gives a point to the original, which
cannot be retained in any version. It is worthy of remark,
as one of the resemblances in language between Luke and
that Apostle, under whose hifluence an uniform tradition
represents him as having composed both his books, that Paul
has the very same lusus verhoriini in 2 Cor. 3, 2, (ytvcoo-Ko/Ao^
Kol dvayiV(j)(TKOfjL€vr}) known and read of all men. It is not
necessary to suppose, that Phihp listened for some time before
accosting him, but that just as he came up to him, he heard
enough of what he read to know that it was in a certain pas-
sage of Isaiah.
ACTS 8, 31. 32. 33. 345
31. And he said, How can 1, except some man
should guide me ? And he desired Philip that he
would come up and sit with him.
The EiiRiich's question may contain a gentle intimation
that he thought the tone of the inquiry unbecoming or un-
reasonable. As if he had said, ' How can you expect a
stranger without aid to comprehend what puzzles your most
icarned doctors?' Some mcm^ some one, somebody; see
above, on 2,45. 4,35. Guide me^ a figure for instruction,
used by Christ himself (see Matt. 15, 14. Luke 6, 39. John
16, 13, and compare Matt. 23, 16. 24. Rom. 2, 19.) The spe-
cific reference in all these cases is to the guidance of the
blind. How can If has a peculiar form in the original
(ttcus av Svvaiixrjv), which, according to the nice distinctions of
the Greek idiom, expresses in a high degree the speaker's
doubt, if not as to the absolute intrinsic possibility, at least
as to the actual and present practicability of the thing in
question. ' What reason have you to suppose me capable of
understanding it without assistance ? ' Besides the modest
self-depreciation of this answer, it implies a suspicion, if no
more, that the stranger who thus suddenly accosted him was
just such a guide and helper as he needed. This feeling he
expressed still more clearly by inviting Philip to ascend the
chariot. Desired^ literally, called for, invited (as in 28, 20), or
entreated (as in 16, 39.) This, Avhich would have been an act
of hospitable kindness, in any case whatever, to a solitary tra-
veller on foot in that secluded road (v. 26), derives a higher
character and meaning from the few words which had pre-
viously passed between them, and becomes expressive, not of
mere compassion or a wish for company, but also for instruc-
tion in the word of God.
32. The place of the Scripture which he read was
this, He was led as a sheep to the slaughter, and like
a lamb dumb before, his shearer, so opened he not his
mouth. 33. In his humiliation his judgment was
taken away, and who shall declare his generation ? for
his life is taken from the earth.
Th e particular context oy passage {^e.pio^ of the Scripture^
which the Ethiopian Avas reading when Philip interrupted
him, is still extant in Isaiah 53, 7. 8. It is quoted by Luke, as
VOL. I. — 15*
346 A C T S 8, 83. 34.
it was no doubt read, in the Septuagint version, with a few
unimportant verbal variations from the common text, such as
the present participle for the aorist, the insertion of his before
generation^ etc. The second sentence quoted is among the
most disputed and obscure in the Old Testament ; but all that
is necessary to the understanding of the narrative is what all
interpreters admit, that like the verse before it, it describes
the sufferings of an innocent and unresisting victim. Nothing
here depends on the precise sense of the words, because they
are quoted, not as the part which particularly exercised the
Eunuch's mind, but as that which he happened to be reading
aloud when Philip joined him ; and also because, as after-
wards appears, the question that perplexed him was not in
reference to the sense of these words, but in reference to their
subject, or the person of whom they were written. The solu-
tion of this question would not be promoted in the least by
the most complete enumeration of the senses, which have
been put upon the words themselves by different interpreters ;
because, on any exegetical hypothesis whatever, it might
still be asked, to whom they were intended to apply. (Some
account of the different interpretations may be found in the
writer's notes upon the passage of Isaiah.)
34. And the Eunuch answered Philip and said, I
pray thee, of whom speaketh the Prophet this, of him-
self, or of some other man ?
This is a further answer to the question, with which Philip
had begun the conversation (see above, on v. 30.) The an-
swer is indeed itself a question, but this mode of reply is very
frequent in the dialect of Scripture and of common life. At
all events, there can be no sufficient ground for the jejune in-
terpretation of ansicered as pleonastic, or in other words, as
meaning nothing. The whole tendency of thorough and con-
sistent exposition is to reduce the number of factitious and
imaginary pleonasms. The Eunuch's question is an interest-
ing one, as exhibiting, not only his own state of mind, but
that of the contemporary Jews, the status qumstionis of the
controversy then existing, as to the subject of this signal
prophecy. Without attempting to determine whether all the
views proposed by later writers, and recorded in the workg
upon Isaiah, had been broached so early, it is clear that one
of the most plausible was known, or had at least occurred to
ACTS 8, 34. 35 347
this inquirer, althougli far more probably suggested by his
intercourse with Jewish doctors, and perhaps with Christians,
at Jerusalem. This was the doctrine, here proposed as an
alternative, that Isaiah was speaking of himself, not as a pri-
vate individual but as a prophet, or a representative of all the
prophets as a class. This doctrine w^hich, in one form or
another, has found many advocates in later times, is here
suggested, either as the only other known to the speaker, or
as the only one entitled to be brought into comparison with
the old and still prevailing application of the words to the
Messiah, which probably would never have been called in
question, if it had not become necessary as a means of com-
bating the claims of Jesus. Perhaps this ingenious evasion
had been recently invented or discovered, and the Ethiopian
had heard the passage thus expounded at Jerusalem, but
could not fully acquiesce in this interpretation. It was pro-
bably in this state of uncertainty respecting it, that he was
reading it agam when Philip first accosted him, and frankly
owned his incapacity to solve the doubt, without assistance
from some other quarter. He little dreamed, as we may well
suppose, that such assistance was at hand, expressly fur-
nished by an Angel (v. 26) and the Holy Spirit (v. 29.) There
are no doubt many other cases, in which such help has been
afforded no less opportunely, though without the same ex-
traordinary circumstances.
35. Then Philip opened his mouth, and began at
the same scripture, and preached unto him Jesus.
That the subject which engrossed the Eunuch's mind was
not the exact sense of the verses quoted from Isaiah, is fur-
thermore apparent from the fact that Philip, instead of dwell-
ing upon that one passage, merely used it as the starting-point
or text of a discourse on the Messiahship of Jesus. The idea
of a regular discourse, as distinguished from a simple conversa-
tion, is suggested by the otherwise unmeaning statement, that
he opened his mouthy i. e. began to speak with continuity and
some formality of method. The wide scope of his argument
is shown by his simply beginning from this scripture^ i. e. the
one which had been the occasion of his speaking at all. The
subject and spirit of his sermon are denoted by the phrase
inadequately YQx\diQXQ.di^ preached unto him Jesus. The defect
lies in failing to convey the full force of the verb, which, from
348 ACTS 8, 35.36.
its very form and derivation, must suggest to every reader
of the Greek, the joyous and exhilarating nature of the truths
taught, as good news or glad tidings of salvation, an idea not
by any means inseparable from the simple act of preaching,
either in its first sense of proclaiming, or in its secondary
sense of exhortation and religious teaching. (See above, on
V. 25.) This idea, so distinctly legible m the original, has
been retained by some translations, e. g. in the Rhemish, with
its usual violation of the English idiom {evangelized unto him
Jesus) ^ and by Luther {preaclied to Khn the evangel of Jesus.)
There is also a meaning in the name itself, of which we are
continually tempted to lose sight, by the inveterate habit of
regarding it as a mere i^ersonal designation, no more dis-
tinctive or significant than those in common use among our-
selves ; whereas Jesus., as we have often had occasion to
observe, was designed from the beginning to be, not a mere
convenience like a label or a number, but a pregnant descrip-
tion of him to whom it was applied, before his birth, by an
angel, as the Saviour of his people from their sins. (See
above, on vs. 12. 16.) That he was such a Saviour, and the
very one predicted in the Hebrew Scriptures, w^as the doc-
trine now propounded and established in Philip's exegetical
and argumentative discourse to his companion.
36. And as they went on their way, they came
unto a certain water ; and the Eunuch said, See (here
is) water ; what *doth hinder me to be baptized ?
The efiect of Philip's discourse is indirectly but expres-
sively suggested by a little incident, recorded without com
ment and with perfect simplicity. The road, as we have seen
above (v. 26), v/as desert, running probably along or through
a dry and barren tract. Of this w^e are reminded by the
statement, not that they went their vmy^ whichi would be say-
ing httle, but that they were travelUyig, along the (same) road^
when their attention was awakened by their coming, not to a
certain loater^ which might seem to mean a well known lake
or stream, of which the region seems to have been wholly
destitute, but, as the Greek words properly denote, to some
water., the indefinite expression, hke that in 5, 2, suggesting
naturally the idea of a small degree or quantity. The sudden
and perhaps unexpected sight of this slight interruption to
th* dryness of the road, at once suggested to the Eunuch's
ACTS 8, 36.37. 340
mind the thought of baptism, and without deliberation or
delay, he seems to have proposed it. See, lo, behold, {here
is) water, where it might least have been expected. (See
above, on v. 27.) The consecution of the clauses seems to
show that he considered nothing but the want of water as
a reason for delaying the profession of his faith. There could
not be a stronger or more beautiful expression of the strength
of his convictions or of Philip's argument by which it was
effected. The readiness with which the Ethiopian made this
proposition has been supposed by some to imply a previous
familiarity mth proselyte baptism as a Jewish practice. But
besides the historical uncertainty which overhangs this custom,
and the high authorities by which it is denied, it seems scarcely
natural that one who had already been baptized at his recep-
tion into Judaism, should expect, as a matter of course, to be
baptized again, when convinced of the Messiahship of Jesus ;
unless indeed he knew that this rite was an essential one, pre-
scribed by Christ, himself; and if he did know this, there can
be no need of resorting to the dubious assumption of a Jewish
baptism, to explain vrhat is as well or rather better under-
stood without it. Tlie most obvious and natural solution is,
that Philip's argumentative discourse included and perhaps
wound up with an explicit statement of the way in which new
converts must profess their faith and be received into the
church, and that the Eunuch, as the strongest possible expres-
sion of assent, proposed to do what he had just been told he
must do, and for which the outward means were providen-
tially presented, at the very moment when they could be used.
37. And Philip said, If thou behevest with all
thine heart, thou mayest. And he ansAvered and said,
I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God.
This verse is excluded from the text by the latest critics,
because wanting in several of the oldest manuscripts and
versions, while in many copies which contain it, there is a
diversity of form, both in the words themselves and in their
order, which is commonly considered a suspicious circum-
stance. The interpolation is accounted for, as an attempt to
guard against the practice of precipitate admission to the
church, in favour of which this verse might with some plausi-
bility have been alleged. But on the other hand, it may be
argued that the verse, though genuine, was afterwards omit-
S50 ACTS 8, 37.38.
ted, as unfriendly to the practice of delaying baptism, which
had become common, if not prevalent, before the end of the
third century. It is moreover found in many manuscripts,
including some of the most ancient, and is quoted as a part
of this context, not only by Cyprian but by Irenseus. It is
therefore one of those cases, in which the external testimony
may be looked upon as very nearly balanced, and in which it
is the safest course to let the scale of the received text and
traditional behef preponderate. At the same time, let it be
observed that even if the verse should be expunged, there
would be nothing taken from the text that is not easily sup-
plied from other places, and indeed implied in what imme-
diately precedes and follows ; not only in the act of baptism,
but in the proposal of the Eunuch, as explained above, and
really involving just such a profession of his faith in Jesus,
as Philip, in the verse before us, more exphcitly requires.
38. And he commanded the chariot to stand still,
and they went down both into the water, both Philip
and the Eunuch, and he baptized him.
The expression in the first clause shows that he was not
driving it himself, but, as might have been expected from his
rank, was accompanied by one or more domestics. That they
went down i7ito the icatei\ can prove nothing as to its extent
or depth. Without insisting, as some writers have done, that
the Greek phrase (ets to vSwp) may mean nothing more than
to the water's edge, its stronger sense is fully satisfied, if we
suppose that they stood in it, which in any language would
be naturally expressed by saying, they went into it. That the
phrase does not necessarily imply submersion, is moreover
clear from the consideration, that such an inference would
prove too much for those who draw it, namely, that the bap-
tizer must himself be totally immersed. For not only is there
no distinction made, but it is twice said expressly, in two dif-
ferent forms, as if to preclude all doubt and ambiguity,
that both {afxcpoTepoi) went down into the water^ both (o re)
Philip mid the JEiinuch. If the verb and preposition neces-
sarily imply immersion, they imply it equally in either case.
If they do not necessarily imply it in the one, there can be no
such necessary implication in the other. This is not used as
an argument to prove that there was no immersion here, but
simply to prevent an unfair use of the expression, as conclu-
ACTS 8, 38. 39. 351
sively proving that there was. The same negative effect may
be promoted by a simple illustration from analogy. Suppose
them to have stopped for a similar yet altogether different
purpose, one requiring no complete immersion, such as that
of washing the face or hands. How could this have been
more conveniently accomphshed, especially by orientals, travel-
ling either barefoot or in sandals, than by simply standing in
the water ; and how could it be otherwise expressed by the
historian, without gratuitous minuteness or circumlocution,
than by saying just what Luke says here, that they stopped
the chariot and " both went down into the water." All that
is contended for is this, that terms which might be naturally
used in cases where there is no immersion at all, cannot pos-
sibly be made to prove, in any one case, that there was im-
mersion. To the very different question, in what character,
or by what right, Philip administered the ordinance, the nar-
rative itself affords no certain answer. All that it is necessary
to insist upon, according to the principle just stated, is that it
cannot be sho^^Ti to have been done by Philip as a deacon,
and as a necessary function of that office. This negative
position may be fully justified by the existence of alternative
hypotheses, either of which, to say the least, is as probable as
that just mentioned. The fact that Philip is described below
(21, 8), not only as "one of the Seven" (named in 6, 5), but
first and most distinctively as " the Evangelist," if not enough
to prove that he baptized in this capacity, is certainly sufficient
to rebut the proof that he baptized as a Deacon. The lapse
of time between the case before us and the place where he is
called an Evangelist, creates no difficulty, since, as we have
seen above (on v. 5), his previous labours in Samaria were
precisely such as we should look for in this class of ministers,
whether the title be explained to mean a Missionary, or a
Preacher clothed with temporary and extraordinary powers.
(See below, on 21, 8.) These two questions have been here
discussed at some length, fOr the purpose of exemplifying an
important principle, to wit, that while we have no right to
draw positive conclusions, in defence of our own usages and
doctrines, from passages admitting of a different interpre-
tation, we are equally bound to resist all similar abuses, and
to see, so far as in us Hes, that others do not handle the word
of God deceitfully (2 Cor. 4, 2.)
39. And when they were come up out of the water,
352 ACTS 8, 39.
the Spirit of the Lord caught away Philip, that the
Eunuch saw him no more, and he went on his way re-
joicing. ^
The first words of this verse correspond to those used in
the one before it, and must be explained accordingly. If im-
mersion is described in one case, so is emersion in the other,
but mth equal reference, as before, to both the persons. If,
on the other hand, they icent down into the icater^ only so far
as to stand in it, then their coining up out of the water
means no more than that they ceased to stand there, whether
the up and down have reference to the bank or to the chariot.
The Spirit of the Lord cannot possibly mean less than a spe-
cial divine influence exerted upon Philip's movements ; nor is
there any good ground for denying that it means a divine
person. (See above, on 1, 5, and compare v. 29.) Caught
away is often applied elsewhere to corporeal seizure (John 6,
15. 10, 12. Acts 23, 10. 1 Th. 4, 17. Rev. 12, 5), though some-
times mth a figurative application (Matt. 11,12. 13, 19. John
10, 28. 29. Jude 23), and in one case with unquestionable
reference to a supernatural or spiritual rapture, " whether in
the body or out of the bo^y," he who experienced it could
not tell (2 Cor. 12, 2. 4.) But it is never applied elsewhere to
mere mental mipulse, and has therefore been most commonly
here understood of a miraculous removal of Philip from the
place where he had just baptized the Eunuch, and of course
from the sight of the Eunuch himself. Some deny, however,
that the words necessarily denote more than the hurrying of
Phihp away by a divine communication, without any miracu-
lous disappearance or passage through the air. That the
Eunuch saws hhn no 7nore^ is Tyndale's inexact construction,
implying that the reason of his seeing him no more was his
having been miraculously snatched away ; whereas the mean-
ing of the Greek is, and the Eunuch saio him no more^ for
another reason, stated in the next clause. And he went^
another inexact translation from the same source, the correct
one being, for he went. The reason, therefore, given in the
text for Philip's being seen no more by the Eunuch, is not
the Spirit's catching him away, but the Eunuch's going on his
way rejoicing. The sequence thus suggested by the Greek
words or a close translation is, that the Spirit hurried Philip
from the spot, and the Eunuch saw him no more, neither
searching nor waiting for him, but proceeding on his own
ACTS 8, 39. 40. 353
way homeward, too much absorbed in the joy of his conver-
sion to think even of the instrument by whom it was effected.
For a similar effect of an analogous cause, though not the
same precisely, see above, on 1, 11. 12. In the case before
us, the miraculous vanishing of Philip, if affirmed, must not
be made to rest on an inexact translation.
40. But Philip was found at Azotus ; and passing
through, he preached in ?ill the cities, till he came to
Cesarea.
No stress is to be laid upon the Jnit^ Avhich is the usual
continuative particle (8e), and might as Yv'ell have been trans-
lated and, as it is in vs. 30, 31, 34, 36, 37, 39. Was found
seems certainly to favour the conclusion that the separation
between Philip and the Eunuch was produced in some extra-
ordinary vv'ay. Those who deny this understand it to mean
merely that he icas there, or loas present there, for which the
usual equivalent in Hebrew is the passive of the verb to find.
This analogy, however, is scarcely sufficient to explain the
use of an expression so significant in this connection. And
even if we take it in the stronger sense of being next seen in
Azotus, this at once suggests that he had reached that place
in some extraordmary manner. There is therefore a pre-
sumption, although not conclusive evidence, in favour of this
ancient and most prevalent interpretation. Azotus is the
Greek or Latin form of Ashdod, one of the five capitals of
the Philistines (Josh. 13, 3. 1 Sam. 51, 6. 4), belonging nomi-
nally to the tribe of Judah (Josh. 15.47.) It is still in ex-
istence as an unimportant village, mider the slightly altered
name of Esdud. Here Philip seems to have resumed his mis-
sionary labours, either because, as some suppose, he was trans-
ported thither through the air, or because the country be-
tween Ashdod and the place where he had left the Eunuch
was a wilderness, affording no opportunity of preachhig.
Passing through, or coming through, is rendered in the older
English versions (Tyndale, Cranmer, and Geneva), and he
loalked throughout the country, i. e. the country between
Azotus and Cesarea. This last is not the Cesarea mentioned
in the Gospels (Matt. 16, 12. Mark 8, 27), but an ancient sea-
port on the Mediterranean, formerly called Straton's Tower,
rebuilt and beautified by Herod the Great, and named by him
in honour of Augustus. Josephus calls it one of the great
354 ' ACTS 8, 40.
towns of Palestine, chiefly inhabited by Greeks. It was here
the Roman governors resided after Judea had been taken
from the Herods and annexed to Syria. (See below, on
9, 30.) To this important city Philip's course was now di-
rected, at the end of a missionary tour, the length of which
we have no means of determining. We only know that
passing through (the intervening country) he preached in all
the cities^ or retainmg the original expression, he evangelized
them all, by publishing the good news of salvation. That
Cesarea now became his permanent abode, or at least the
centre of his operations, although not expressly stated, is ex-
tremely probable, because in the only other place where he
is again mentioned, he is not only still at Cesarea, but sur-
rounded by a family of adult children. (See below, on 21, 8; 9.)
CHAPTER IX.
This division of the text contains two narratives, both relating
to the spread of the church after the martyrdom of Stephen,
but entirely distinct from one another, and rather parallel
than successive. The first (1-30) records the conversion of
Saul, his early ministry, and subsequent return to his own
country; the second (31-43) a visitation of the churches in
Judea by Petei", during which he performed two signal mira-
cles at Lydda and Joppa. These accounts, though thrown
into a single chapter, are not to be read as one continued nar-
rative, but rather as the record of two independent radiations
from a common centre ; the historian, at the close of the first,
reverting to the point from which he had set out, to wit, the
death of Stephen, the ensuing persecution, and the consequent
dispersion of the church from Jerusalem in various directions.
While the two parts of this chapter must be thus distin-
guished, the second (31-43) is connected, in the closest man-
ner, with the narrative contained in Chapter 10, and in the
first eighteen verses of Chapter 11, the subject of which nar-
rative is the conversion of Cornelius, or rather the reception
of the first Gentile convert into the church, without first
passing through the vestibule of Judaism. To this import^^nt
ACTS 9, 1. 355
portion of the apostolical history, the latter part of the chap-
ter now before us is directly introductory. A due regard to
this relation of the chapters will not only show how inju-
dicious the division often is, but aid the reader in obtaining a
clear view of the historian's design and method, which may
otherwise seem dark and doubtful.
1. And Saul, yet breathing out threatenings and
slaughter against the disciples of the Lord, went unto
the High Priest —
Yet or still connects what follows with the statement in
8, 1, to which point the narrative goes back, so that whaf in-
tervenes may possibly have happened at the same time with
the events about to be recorded. As if he had said, ' While
Philip was thus occupied, Paul was still persecuting the disci-
ples.' (See above, on 8, 4, and below, on v. 31.) Breathing
out, or more exactly, hreathi7ig in, inhaling, i. e. as some ex-
plain it, living in an atmosphere of rage and murder ; or, ac-
cording to others, simply breathing, as the verb often means
in classic Greek, the idea of expiration being then implied,
though not expressed, with an allusion to the panting or snort-
ing of wild beasts, or to flowers breathing odour. The Peshito
renders the word/w??, and some critics suppose a correspond-
mg Greek word, not unlike in form, to be the correct reading
(e/xTrA-ews for e/^Tn/ecoi/.) But no such change is either author-
ized or needed, as the coihmon text conveys a strong and
suitable, though somewhat indefinite idea, namely, that of
passionate excitement outwardly exhibited in word and deed,
i. e. by ' threatening, (not threatenings, as in all the Enghsh
versions) and murder, either actual or meditated and intended.
The disciples of the Lord, those who acknowledged the au-
thority of Christ as their Master, in the twofold sense of an
instructor and a sovereign. Went, literally, going, of his
own accord, a strong proof of his sincerity and zeal. To the
Sigh Priest, the acknowledged head and representative of
the theocracy, particularly since the abohtion or suspension
of the prophetical and regal offices in Israel. Who was High
Priest at this time, can only be conjectured, as the time itself
is far from being certain, the opinions of interpreters ranging
through a period of ten years (from A. D. 31 to 41.) This
uncertainty, however, has no more efiect npon the clearness
of the history than the similar question with respect to the
356 ACTS 9, 1. 2.
nativity of Christ. Caiaphas, under whom our Lord was put
to death, appears to have remained in office till the Passover
of the year 37, when he was removed by Yitellius, the Pro-
consul of Syria, to whose province Judea was attached, and
his place filled, first by Jonathan, and after a few weeks by
Theophilus (see above, on 1, 1) who held it till he was dis-
placed by Agrippa, A. D. 41. Both these were sons, as Caia-
phas was son-in-law, of Ananus or Annas. One of them is
probably the High Priest to whom Paul went on this occasion,
as recorded here and afterwards acknowledged by himself,
v/ith an appeal to the High Priest and Elders, as witnesses of
what he said. (See below, on 22, 5.)
2. And desired of him letters to Damascus, to the
synagogues, that if he found any of this way, whether
they v/ere men or women, he might bring them bound
unto Jerusalem.
The sentence is completed from the first verse. Desired^
literally, asJced^ but in the middle voice, meaning asked for
himself or as a favour, showing his forAvardness and zeal in
persecution. (See above, on 3, 14. 7, 46.) Ofhim^ literally,
from him^ not in his private but official capacity. Letters,
lilce the Latin literae^ may mean a single letter ; but this con-
struction is unnecessary, as synagogues is in the plural. With
respect to these bodies, see above, on 6, 9. Those in foreign
parts had probably more of a distmct organization. The
power of the High Priest over these societies was merely
moral and ecclesiastical, but not on that account less real,
as we may learn from that of the Pope in many Christian
countries. Damascus is perhaps the oldest city in the world,
being mentioned in the history of Abraham (Gen. 14, 15. 15, 2.)
It was afterwards the capital of a kingdom, v>^hich appears to
have been raised up as a rival and a scourge to that of the
ten tribes, with which it was destroyed by the Ass}a-ians.
(1 Kings 11, 23-25. 2 Kings 16, 9.) The city, however, still
retained its importance, and is flourishmg to this day. It is
finely situated in a fertile plain, betvv^een the mountain-chains
of Libanus and Anti-Libanus, at a point where several of
the great caravan routes come together. The JeT\dsl> popu-
lation of the place was very large, Josephus saying that ten
thousand Jews were massacred there at one time under Nero.
ACTS 9, 2.3.4. * 357
The gospel may have been carried thither after the day of Pen-
tecost or the death of Stephen. If he found any seems to
imply a doubt, but according to Greek usage may mean,
whomsoever he there found. Of this loay^ hterally, of the
icay^ i. e. the new way of life and way of salvation. (See
above, on 5, 41.) The original expression is, of this way
heing^ which last word is omitted in the Enghsh versions or
connected with what follows, ichether they loere men or women
But the Greek construction is, of this way being., both m,en
and women. (See above, on 8, 3. 12.) Bound., either liter-
ally tied, chained, or metaphorically, under arrest, in custody.
In the absence of any reason to the contrary, the first is enti-
tled to the preference. This commission seems to unply the
connivance of the Roman government, so that the same con-
spiracy of Jews and Gentiles, which put Christ to death, (4,
27) pursued his followers even into foreign j)arts.
3. And as he journeyed, he came near Damascus, and
suddenly there shined romid about him a light from
heaven.
As he journeyed^ literally, in the journeying., in the very
act of going forward. He came near., literally, it happened
(came to pass) that he drew near, or approached. The omis-
sion of the first verb is confined to the authorized version ;
the older ones have chanced., fortuned., or befell. Shined., or
more exactly, flashed around him., the Greek verb being
properly applied to lightning. It is not, however, a mere
flash of lightning that is here described, but a continued
light from heaven, illuminating the place for some time. A
light., or more simply and emphatically, light., without the ar-
ticle. From heaven not only indicates the apparent or
visible direction, but implies the supernatural or celestial
source of the illumination. (See above, on 2, 2.)
4. And he fell to the earth, and heard a voice say-
ing unto him, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ?
The impression on the sense of sight is followed by one
upon the sense of hearing. Fell., literally, /ai^w?^ or having
fallen. Saul is here written in the proper Hebrew form,
which agrees exactly with the statement elsewhere, that the
v^oice addressed him in the Hebrew tongue (see above, on 7,
358 • ACTS 9, 4.5.
58, and below, on 26, 14.) The repetition of the name adds
solemnity and earnestness. (Compare Luke 10. 41. 13, 25.
22, 31.)
5. And he said, Who art thou, Lord ? And the
Lord said, I am Jesus, whom thou persecutest. It is
hard for thee to kick against the pricks.
Lord^ not S>h\ which would, in this connection, be incon-
gruous. He seems to have some suspicion of the truth, or at
least to be aware that he is m communication with some su-
perhuman being. The Lord^ i. e. the person whom he had
thus addressed, and who was really the Lord Jesus Christ.
I am Jesus (that Jesus) whom thou persecutes^ or art perse-
cuting. He thus identifies himself with his people, not as an
aggregate body merely, but as individuals, according to the
principle which he had formerly laid down, when teaching his
disciples how they might indulge their feelings of attachment
to him, even in his absence. " Liasmuch as ye have done it
unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it
unto me." (Matt. 25, 40.) The situation here described may
be compared to that of Balaam, when the Angel of the Lord
said, " I have come out to withstand thee, because thy way is
perverse before me." (Numb. 22, 32.) There is also a re-
semblance to the incident recorded in John 18, 4-6, where our
Saviour says to those who came forth to arrest hun, " Whom
seek ye ? They answered him, Jesus of Nazareth. Jesus
saith unto them, I am he. As soon as he had said unto them,
I am he, they went backward and fell to the ground." Com-
mon to both scenes, although not in the same order, is the
sudden and violent prostration, and the solemn recognition
of the Saviour's person. It is hard for thee to hick against
the pricks^ is found in no Greek manuscript at this place, but
in several old versions, and is now commonly agreed to be an
interpolation from 26, 14 below. It owes its origin, no doubt,
to the practice of the ancient copyists, in making parallel pas-
sages complete each other. Nothing of course is lost by its
exclusion from the verse before us, into which it seems to
have been first introduced by Erasmus. The clause itself is a
proverbial one, of frequent occurrence in the Greek and Latin
classics, being found in Pindar, ^schylus, Euripides, Plautus,
and Terence. Hard., not difficult but painful, dangerous ;
not hard to do, but hard to bear. Pricks., i. e. sharp points.
ACTS 9, 5. 6. 1, 359
specially applied to the stings of insects, and to the goads or
pointed staves employed in driving. The idea meant to be
conveyed is not merely that of vain resistance to the irre-
sistible, but that of a resistance which incurs new injury or
suffering. ' Cease thy vain resistance to my will and power,
which can only render thee worse and thy condition more
deplorable.' The sentence has no bearing on the doctrine of
irresistible grace. It was not grace which Saul had been
resisting, but authority and evidence. The first effect of
grace was to subdue him.
6. And he, trembling and astonished, said, Lord,
what wilt thou have me to do ? And the Lord said
nnto him, Arise, and go into the city, and it shall be
told thee what thou must do.
In all Greek manuscripts this verse begins with the word
arise^ and is a direct continuation of the previous address. The
case is different, however, from that of the supposed inter-
I3olation in v. 5. There, the insertion of the words can be ac-
counted for, by assimilation to another passage. Here, the
inserted words are such as occur nowhere else, which makes it
harder to account for their insertion, unless they existed in the
oldest copies, now no longer extant. Their genuineness is
also favoured by their appropriateness or congruity, and the
absence of any thing to cause suspicion of a later forgery. The
effect produced on Saul himself {trembling and astonished)
is just what might have been expected, and the question put
into his mouth [Lord^ what wilt thou have me to do f ) has
been a formula of pious resignation and devotion for a course
of ages. On the other hand, the absence of the words in aU
Greek copies, and their various forms in versions and quota-
tions, have led some of the most cautious critics to regard
them as a paraphrastic gloss.
7. And the men which journeyed with him stood
speechless, hearing a voice but seeing no man.
Tliose journeying with him^ his fellow-travellers, perhaps
a caravan which he had joined, but possibly soldiers or officers
of justice, who attended him to aid in the execution of his
commission. JStood, i. e. stood still, stopped, as opposed to
gomg forward, not to sitting down or lying prostrate. (See
360 - ACTS 9, 7. 8. 9.
below, on 26, 14.) If we give the verb its strict pluperfect
sense (see above, on 1, 10), the idea is that they had stopped
or stood still when they saw the light, although they after-
wards fell prostrate. Speechless^ a word used in the classics
to denote those deaf and dumb. (See the Septuagint version
of Isaiah 56, 10, and compare that of Prov. 17, 28.) iVb man^
no one, nobody ; see above, on 4, 35.
8. And Saul arose from the earth, and when his
eyes were opened, he saw no man ; but they led him
by the hand and brought him into Damascus.
The first indication of a moral change is that afforded by
Saul's childlike obedience to the voice of his new master.
Arose^. or more exactly, was aroused or raised, implying
passive rather than active obedience, and perhaps that he was
in a kind of trance or waking-dream, but not ^hat the inci-
dents recorded were imaginary ; for they were witnessed by
others as well as by himself. When his eyes icere opened
does not mean merely, after he had opened them, but even
when his eyes were open. Saw no one^ does not mean merely,
as in V. 7, that the speaker was invisible, but that Saul could
see no one whatever, being blind. Led him by the hand
is one compound verb in Greek, which might be rendered
hand-led (compare calf -made in 7, 41), and is used by Anacreon
and other classics, with particular reference to blindness. They
led may either be indefinitely construed as equivalent to the
passive form in 22, 11, oi referred to the men of the preceding
verse, who are expressly represented as the agents, in the
parallel account just cited. Into Damascus may imply
proximity ; but see the same phrase in v. 2 above. Local tra-
dition still identifies the scene of this transaction at a bridge
not far from the city. The contrast between Saul's designed
and actual entrance into Damascus, though susceptible of
very high rhetorical embellishment, is left by the historian,
with characteristic moderation and simplicity, to the imagi-
nation of the reader.
9. And he was three days without sight, and neither
did eat nor drink.
The physical effect of this event was to be neither perma-
nent nor momentary. He was not merely dazzled for an
ACTS 9, 9. 10. 3C1
instant, nor was he blinded for the rest of life ; but he was
three days without sight (literally, 7iot seeing.) Ate not
neither drank., expresses total abstinence ; nor is there any
reason for extenuating the expression. According to the
Jewish mode of computation, the three days may either have
been three whole days, or one whole day and portions of two
others. The fast or abstinence itself has been variously un-
derstood, as a natural expression of Saul's penitence and
grief; or as a medicinal appliance for the restoration of his
sight ; or as the spontaneous effect ot his abstraction from
his ordmary thoughts and occupations, and his absorption in
che care of his salvation. (See below, on 27, 21. 33.) Three
days some suppose to have been chosen, m allusion to the
nistory of Jonah, or to our Saviour's burial. (See Jon. 1, 17.
Matt. 12, 39. 40.)
10. And there was a certain disciple at Damascns,
named Ananias, and to him said the Lord in a vision,
Ananias. And he said. Behold, I (am here). Lord.
As a ncAV character is here introduced, the first words
might be translated now there was. A disciple., i. e. of Christ,
a believer, a converted Jew, as we know from ch. 22, 12. A
certain disciple., see above, on 5, 1. In Damascus., where he
may have taken refuge from the persecution at Jerusalem
(8, 1), as it is not probable that all who fled remained within
the limits of the Holy Land. It is equally possible, however,
that he may have been a native of Damascus, or a Jew re-
siding there, but present in the Holy City on the day of Pen-
tecost ; or afterwards converted by the agency of some one
who had witnessed the effusion of the Holy Spirit, or been
driven into exile on the death of Stephen. He is not here
mentioned as the sole disciple in Damascus ; and we know
from V. 14 below, that there were others. Named (literally,
hy name) Ananias., precisely as in 5, 1. (See also, 23, 2. 24,
1.) The Lord., i. e. the Lord Jesus, as in v. 5. In a vision.,
either in the wide sense of a revelation, a divine communica-
tion, or in the strict sense of a divine or preternatural appear-
ance. (See below, v. 12, and compare 7,31. 10, 3. 17. 19. 11, 5.
12, 9. 16, 9. 10. 18, 9.) Said in a vision does not necessarily
imply that there was only a verbal revelation, but rather that
the words were uttered by a visible speaker. Behold me
(Wicl. lo, I) is a close translation of the usual response iu
VOL. I. — 16
362 ACTS 9, 10.11.
Hebrew to a call by name, equivalent to saying see me^ but
usually rendered in the English Bible, Behold I am here (aa
in Gen. 22, 1. 27), but sometimes simply, here am I (as in
Gen. 22, 11), although the idea thus omitted is the one really
expressed, that of presence being only impUed. When^ ad-
dressed to a superior, this formula suggests the accessory idea
of readiness for service, or of promptness to obey.
11. And the Lord (said) unto him, Arise and go
into the street called Straight, and inquire in the
house of Judas for one called Saul of Tarsus ; for be-
hold, he prayeth.
The particle at the beginning is the same as ui v. 10, and
might here be rendered so or then. . There is no need of
assuming a grannnatical ellipsis of the verb said. It is
rather an abbreviated formula, Hke the names prefixed to the
parts in a dramatic dialogue. Arising go is not an unmean-
ing pleonasm, but either a command to address himself to
action (see above, on 8, 26. 27), or still more probably, a
literal command to stand up or arise, i. e. from sleep or out of
bed, if the vision was a dream, as in many other cases. Aris
ing go^ go away, depart, implying not mere motion, but entire
change of place. (See above, on 1, 10. 11. 25. 5, 20. 41. 8, 26.
27. 36. 39. 9, 3.) Street^ a Greek word corresponding to the
Latin vicus^ and denotmg properly a lane or alley, as opposed
to a wide street or broad way. (See above, on 5, 15.) This
is the only street named in the New Testament, and by a cu
rious coincidence, if nothing more, Damascus stUl exhibits
what is rare in oriental towns, a long straight street, running
through its whole length from east to west, and probably
marking the direction of the one to which Ananias was com-
missioned. Inquire^ literally, seek^^ as m all the older English
versions. The house is more definite than the original, which
strictly means a house of Judas., i. e. a house belonging to
one Judas, who seems to be referred to as a person quite un-
known to Ananias, although some consider it more probable
that Judas was a Christian or converted Jew. It is no less
robable, however, that he was an old friend or acquaintance,
or his house one of public entertainment, or that Saul had
made arrangements to reside with him before his actual
arrival. Judas, Jude, or Judah^ being a national name, was
ACTS 9, 11. 12. 363
still more common than Ananias^ there bemg four of that
name mentioned in this book, besides several others in the
Gospels. (See 1, 13. 5, 37. 15, 32, and compare Matt. 1, 2. 3.
Luke 3, 26. 30. Mark 6, 3. John 6, VI. 14, 22.) One called
Saul of Tarsus^ literally, Saul by name^ a Tarsean^ i. e. a
Tarsean named Saul. Tarsus^ the capital of Cilicia, the south-
eastern province of Asia Minor, described by Xenophon as
a great and flourishing city, and by Strabo as a seat of science
equal or superior to Alexandria and Athens. Even allowing
this to be extravagant, the truth wliich it exaggerates must
be sufficient to evince that Paul's advantages or opportunities
of early education were among the best afforded by the Ro-
man Empire or Augustan Age, and to explain the frequent
indications, in Ms writings and discourses, of familiarity with
classical literature. Behold^ or lo^ as usual, introduces some-
thing strange and unexpected. lie prayeth (or is praying)
is not given as a proof that he would now be found at home ;
but either means that he was asking for the very thing about
to be bestowed; or is descriptive of conversion, as in modern
phrase a convert is often represented as a praying man. After
his three days' struggle he begins to pray, which shows that
he is ripe for restoration to his eyesight, and admission to the
church by Christian baptism.
12. And hath seen m a vision a man named Ana-
nias coming in and putting his hand on him, that he
might receive his sight.
Some make this the beginning of a new sentence, contain-
ing a remark of the historian, that while Ananias was receiv-
ing this command, Saul saw it executed in a vision. But the
only natural interpretation is the obvious and common one,
which makes this a direct continuation of the reason given m
the end of the preceding verse, why he should go in search
of Saul ; for lo he prayeth^ and hath seen in vision a man
nayned (literally, by name) Ananias. The whole vision being
supernatural, the name could be as readily suggested as the
rest. How often, in our ordinary dreams, do we seem to be
aware, not only of a person's looks, but of his name and char-
acter. This expression seems to decide the question, whether
Saul and Ananias were before acquainted ; for if that had
been the case, the natural expression would be, and hath seen
thee^ not a m.an named AnaniaSy which can only me(\n, with-
364 ACTS 9, 12. 13
out a forced construction, that he saw a man whom he had
never seen before, but whom he knew at once to be named
Ananias. The coincidence of two distmct communications,
at or near the same time, and for the same purpose, but to
different persons, while it served to prepare them for a subse-
quent meetmg, tended also to preclude the supposition of an
accident or mere imagination, Avhich, though possible in one
case, could not well occur in two, without a supernatural oc-
casion and direction. Another instance of the same thing is
afforded by the visions of Peter and Oornehus in the follow-
ing chapter.
13. Then Ananias answered, Lord, I have heard
by many of this man, how much evil he hath done to
thy saints at Jerusalem.
It is a curious thought of Chrysostora, that this commis-
sion was intrusted to one otherwise unknown, that there
might be no pretext for assertmg Paul's apostleship to be de-
pendent upon human teaching. This obscurity of Ananias
makes it more surprising that, instead of catching at the
offered honour, he declined it, or at least suggested difficul-
ties which might serve as an excuse for doing so. It is
worthy of remark how often this kind of resistance, on the
part of God's most honoured instruments, occurs in Scripture.
The most striking instances are those of Moses (Ex. 3, 11. 13.
4, 1. 10. 13) and Jeremiah (1, 6.) The motive of refusal, in
the case before us, has been variously understood to be the
fear of personal injury from Saul, which is absurd, since he
had just been described to him as blind and praying ; or in-
dignation and a wounded sense of justice, that this cruel per-
secutor should be made the object of divine compassion, and
himself the channel of communication (compare Jon. 4, 1-11) ;
or, more probably than either, incredulity, a real incapacity
to credit what he heard, or to beheve that such a change was
possible. Thus understood, the spirit of his answer is not, as
an old Greek commentator paraphrases it — 'See to whom
thou art betraying me ; I fear lest he take me to Jerusalem ;
why dost thou put me in the lion's mouth ? '-^but rather,
' Can it be that this arch-bigot and fanatic is approachable by
me on such an errand ? ' As in other cases of the same
kind, the resistance shows a childhke candor and simplicity,
as weU as confidential intercourse between the servant and
ACTS 9, 13. 14. 365
tne master. By many^ literally, from many^ i. e. many years,
as some explain it, which, according to Greek usage, means,
for many years (or for a long time) past. But the obvious
construction supplies men or 2^ersons^ as the sources of his in-
formation. This implies an interval of some length since the
begiiming of the persecution, and a considerable emigration
of the exiles to Damascus, unless we suppose Ananias to have
heard the news from others, or in other places. Of (about,
concerning) this mem is perhaps contemptuous. (See above,
on 4, 10. 6, 14. 7, 40.) How much evil^ literally, how many
(or how great) evils. See above, on 2, 39. 3, 22. 24. 4, G. 23,
28. 34. 5, 36. 37.) He hath done^ or adhering to the strict
sense of the aorist, he did^ i. e. before he came here. 8aints^
or holy ones, is here used for the first time to describe
discij)les or beUevers. It is still disputed which of the two
leading senses of the Greek word, and the corresponding
Hebrew one, is the original, and which the secondary mean-
ing, intrinsically j^ure and free from taint, or separated, set
apart to sacred uses. But in both these senses it may be ap-
plied to Christians ; as a consecrated or peculiar people, and
as such required to bo personally holy, or as actually sancti-
fied, at least in part. Thus Christ himself is called " the Holy
One of God" (Mark 1, 24), "whom the Father hath sanctified
and sent into the world" (John 10, 36.) Thus too his follow-
ers are called "the sanctified" (20, 32) and "saints," not only
here and in vs. 32. 41 below, but in the formal titles or origi-
nal mscriptions of several apostolical ej^istles (Rom. 1, 7.
1 Cor. 1, 2. 2 Cor. 1, 1. Eph 1, 1. Phil. 1, 1. Col. 1, 1.) The
derisive use of the word " saints " by irreligious men, as an
ironical description of believers, rests on the false idea that
it involves a claim to perfect holiness ; whereas, even giving it
the strongest sense, as an expression of intrinsic quality, it is
descriptive, not of what God's people claim to be already, but
of what they ought to be, and hope to be hereafter.
14. And here he hath authority from the chief
priests, to bind all that call on thy name.
And (even) here, in Syria, in Damascus, in this foreign city.
This seems to be expressive of surprise at Saul's far-reaching
zeal, which could not be content to spend itself at home.
(See below, on 26, 11.) The Greek adverb (wSe) in classical
usage has the sense of so or thus, but the local sense of here
366 ACTS 9, 14. 15.
is common in the later writers, and found by some philologistg
even in Herodotus and Homer. Authority^ delegated right
and power ; se^- above, on 8, 19. Chief priests^ see above, on
4, 23. 5, 24. To Vmd^ arrest, imprison ; see above, on v. 2.
All that call on thy name^ not those who are called (or call
themselves) by thy name, which would be otherwise ex
pressed, as in ch. 15, IV below ; but those who invoke thee,
call ujDon thee for help and protection, and recognize thee as
an object of worship. This is the true sense of the phrase in
Greek as well as Hebrew, and may be distinctly traced in the
usage of both Testaments. (See above, on 2, 21. 7, 59, and
compare the Septuagint version of Gen. 13, 4. Deut. 32, 3.
Ps. 98, 6. Joel 2, 32.) In answer to the question, how Ananias
knew the fact here stated, some suppose that he had learned
it from the Christians of Jerusalem, to whom the plans of so
fanatical an enemy could scarcely be unknown. Others object
that there Avas not sufficient time or frequency of intercourse
between Damascus and Jerusalem, to render such communi-
cation possible ; but this is mere conjecture. It is no less
probable, however, and perhaps the simplest supposition, that
the object of Saul's journey was divulged by his companions,
especially if they were associated with him m his work of
persecution, but unable or unwilling to pursue it after the
defection of their leader.
15. But the Lord said unto him, Go thy way, for
he is a chosen vessel unto me, to bear my name before
the Gentiles, and kings, and the children of Israel.
His objection is entirely disregarded, and the command
emphatically repeated. Go thy vmy (in modern English, go
away) is another form of the same verb that is used above in
V. 11. 'Go where I have sent thee, without doubt or appre-
hension ; for this man, hitherto known only as a persecutor
of my people, is a chosen instrument or vessel, by whom and
in whom my name and doctrine are to be conveyed and up-
held, in the presence of nations and their kings, as well as of
the chosen people.' Chosen vessel^ literally, vessel of choice
(compare Rom. 9, 21-23. 2 Cor. 4, 7. 2 Tim. 2, 20. 21.) This
idiom, although more common in Hebrew, is also found in
classic Greek. The original noun {a-Kevo^) corresponds both
to instrument and vessel^ or rather to utensil^ or implement^
including both. Unto me, not only chosen by me, but pre*
■ ACTS 9, 15. 16. 867
pared for me and devoted to me. To hear^ carry, the same
verb that is used above in 3, 2, and below in 15, 10. 21, 35, in
all which cases it means not only to convey, but to support or
hold up, both which ideas are appropriate in this figurative
application. Saul was chosen and commissioned, not only to
diffuse but to maintain the gospel. The idea of exalting,
glorifying, here assumed by some, is not expressed by the
Greek verb, but may be considered as implied in this connec-
tion. JBefore nations^ or according to the latest critics,
before both (re) natio7is and kings^ indefinitely spoken of as
two great ranks or classes, before whom Saul was to act the
dangerous but honourable part assigned him, as the " Apostle
of the Gentiles" (Rom. 11, 13), by way of eminence, but not
exclusively, a qualification here suggested by the last words
of the verse, and (also before) the children of Israel^ con-
sidered as the ancient church or chosen people. As to the
fulfilment of this promise, see below on vs. 20-22. 13, 46. 25,
23. 26,32. 27,24.28,17. Rom. 11, 13. 15,16. Gal. 2, 8. 2
Tim. 4, 16. 17.
16. For I will show him how great things he must
suffer for my name's sake.
The for has reference to something intermediate, implied
but not expressed. Some suppose it to be ' fear not,' or ' fear
nothing further at his hands ;' but see above, on v. 13. The
connecting thought may be, ' nor is he to be merely active in
my service, but passive also.' The persecuting days of Saul
were over, and the tables were now turned. He who had
hitherto made others sufier for the truth, was now to suffer
for it in his turn. There is an exquisite mixture of severity
and tenderness in tliis disclosure ; of severity in sentencing
this " chosen vessel " to endure as well as labour ; of tender-
ness in intimating that this purpose, though explicitly declared
to Ananias, was to be more gradually made known to the
suflerer himself I will show him is in Greek a most expres
sive phrase, meaning, I will partly show him, or begin to show
him, I am giving him a glimpse of what he is to suffer. The
pronoun has more emj)hasis in the original, and may perhaps
mean, I and not thou, i. e. do thy part, as it has been assigned
to thee, and I will do mine, by disclosing to him what he is to
suffer. How great (Genev. how inany) things seems to be
an allusion to how great (or how inany) evils in v. 13, although
363 ACTS 9, 16. 17.
the antithesis is obscured in English by the needless variation'
of the version. The sense may then be, 'Think no more how
much suffering he has caused, for I am now about to show him
how much he is to suffer in his turn.' For my nmne^ for the sake
of that religion and that master, whom he lately persecuted,
even unto death (see above, on v. 2, and below, on 22, 4.) All
this was to be shown to Saul, not merely m a providential way
or by experience, but by prophetic intimations, such as those
recorded in 20, 23 and 21, 11. (See also 1 Cor. 15,30-32.
2 Cor. 1, 8-10. 4, 8-12. 6, 5. 11, 23-28. 12, 10.)
17. And Ananias went his way, and entered into
the house, and putting Ins hands on him, said. Brother
Saul, the Lord, even Jesus that appeared unto thee in
the way as thou earnest, hath sent ine, that thou
miizhtest receive thy sight, and be filled with the Holy
Ghost.
Bemg satisfied by the divine assurance that the persecutor
of the new religion had himself embraced it, Ananias now ac-
cepts and executes his singular commission. ^Vent his icay^
i. e. went aioay^ the strict translation of the Greek verb, which
is not the same as that in v. 16. Another compound form of
the same simple verb is that translated entered. Then went
away Ananias and went in. The Jiouse^ i. e. the house of
Judas, spoken of in v. 11, and therefore definitely mentioned
here, as something already known to the reader. This implies
that he had prcAdously sought for it, as commanded in v. 11.
I^nposing upon him the hands^ as the Apostles did in Samaria,
but with a solemn declaration of the authority by which he
did it. Brother Saul^ in Greek (and Wichf 's version) Said
(my) brother^ by which address he recognizes him, not only
as a fellow man, but as a fellow Jew, and, at least prospec-
tively, a fellow Christian. The Lord hath sent me ; this was
his commission. The Lord., as in vs. 10. 11. 13. 15. It is
here explamed by Ananias hunself, as meaning the Lord Jesus,
that very Jesus who had appeared to (or been seen by) him
(see above, on 2, 3. 7, 2. 26. 30. 35.) As thou camest^ lite-
rally, which thou camest^ i. e. to Damascus. (See above, on
V. 3.) Appeared., i. e. as some explain it, revealed himself,
declared his will, communicated with thee ; w'hile others re-
gard it as a proof, that Saul saw the person of Christ, as w^ell
as heard his voice (v. 4). It is said indeed that he saw no one ;
ACTS 9, 17. 18. 369
but this might mean that Christ had vanished ; or rather, that
after Saul arose, he could see no one, havmg lost his sight.
That Paul did literally see Christ after his ascension, he affirms
himself in one of his e^^istles (1 Cor. 15, 8), Avhere the context
relates, not merely to divine communications, but to actual
appearances of the Lord's body. And if Paul saw him only
once, it was most probably at this tune ; so that the strict in-
terpretation of the words of Ananias {the one seen hy thee) is,
on the whole, entitled to the preference. The design of hia
commission is described as twofold, outward and inward,
bodily and spiritual. The physical effect was to be the restora-
tion of sight. The Greek verb primarily means to look up
(as in 22, 13 below, and m Matt. 14, 19. Mark 6, 41. 7, 34. 8,
24. 16,4. Luke 9, 16), but is used by Xenophon in the sense of
opening the eyes again, and by Herodotus and Plato in that
of recovering the sight, which is its common usage in the
Gospels, even in speaking of one born blind (John 9, 11. 15.
18.) The other effect was, that he might be Jllled loith the
Holy Ghost, a stronger expression than receive the Holy
Ghost (John 20, 22. Acts 8, 15. 17. 19; compare 2, 4. 4, 8.31.
6, 3. 5. 7. 55.) It is therefore the more worthy of remark,
that the instrumental agency employed was the imposition of
the hands of one whom we do not even know to have been a
deacon or evangehst like Philip, much less an apostle. This
makes it still less probable that Peter and John were sent
down to Samaria simply because Philip could not give the
Holy Spirit (see above, on 8, 15-17.) That gift was so pecu-
liarly divine, that the external medium was comparatively un-
important.
18. And immediately there fell from his eyes as it
had been scales, and he received sight forthwith, and
arose and was baptized.
The declaration of the purpose for which Ananias came is
followed by the record of its instantaneous accomplishment,
which, with the express divine command, shuts out the
idea of a natvu-al cure. As it had been (literally as if, see
above, on 2, 3. 6, 15) is understood by some to mean, that
Saul's sensations were like those which would have been pro-
duced by the falling of scales from his eyes ; but as it is ex-
pressly said that something fell, the only question is whether
it vas scales or somethhig like scales ; and this is a point of no
VOL. I. — 16*
370 ACTS 9, 18. 19.
importauce. The Greek word is applied, not only to the scale*
of fish but to egg-shells, and the rind or husk of plants, and
even to metallic flakes or laminae. Heceived sights saw again,
or looked up, as in v. 17. Forthwith^ on the spot, the same
word that is used above, in 3, 1. 5, 10. Only the bodily effect
is explicitly recorded ; but the other is imphed, so that few
readers probably observe the omission. As Saul had no
doubt been looking forward to the restoration of his sight, as a
final attestation of the truth or reahty of what he had expe-
rienced, and consequently of the divine favour towards him
and divine will respecting him, it put an end to his suspense,
and Hsmg (from his previous prostration and inaction) he was
baptized, a sign both of his initiation into the Christian church,
and of that spiritual renovation, without which mere external
membership must be for ever worse than unavailing.
19. And when lie had received meat he was
strengthened. Then was Saul certain days with the
disciples which were at Damascus.
As Saul's preternatural condition was now ended, he was
once more dependent upon natural and ordinary means for his
subsistence. To mark this transition, we are told expressly
that he broke his fast, and taking (or having taken) food, was
strengthened, or retaining the active form of the original, he-
came (or grew) strong. Then (or and, so, but) Saul was (or
literally, haid became, implying change of character, as well
as of relations) with the disciples, i. e. avowedly a member of
their body. He did not simply continue with them, but be-
came something to them that he had not been before. This
implies, not only that there were disciples there besides Ana-
nias (see above, on vs. 2. 14), but also the existence of an or-
ganized body, of which Paul now publicly avowed himself a
member, and became, as stated in the next verse, a zealous
and successful minister. Certain days, in modern English
some days, an indefinite expression, suggestive of a smaller
rather than a greater number. Some, however, understand
it as including the three years preceding his return to Jerusa-
lem after his conversion (Gal. 1, 1 8), while others introduce them
between vs. 19. 20, or under the many days of v. 23, or after
V. 25. This variation shows that the narrative itself does not
contain sufficient data for the solution of the question, which
ACTS 9, 19. 20. 21. 371
may for that very reason be regarded as more curious than
important.
20. And straightway he preached Christ in the
synagogues, that he is the Son of God.
Straighticay (or immediately^ as the same word is trans-
lated in V. 18), i. e. without ceremonious delay or human m-
struction, but as soon as he had been baptized and reheved of
his bodily infirmity. This verse relates not to the end but the
beginning of the " certain days." In the synagogues^ imply-
ing a plurality, as in v. 2 ; but see above, on 6, 9. This fact
and the license given, even to strangers, to address the people
(see below, on 13, 15), made the synagogues important means
of access, not to the Jews alone, but to the more devout and
serious Gentiles, who were often present at the Jewish wor-
ship, and appear to have regarded it with great curiosity, and
often with an interest still deeper. Preached^ in its primary
sense, proclaimed or heralded, an idea not conveyed exactly
by the first word, on account of its ofiicial and professional as-
sociations. The imperfect tense in Greek implies repeated or
continued acts. He did not merely preach once, but was
wont, accustomed, used to preach. Christ (the Messiah) was
the subject of his preachmg, and the doctrine which he taught
was, that the promised Prophet, Priest, and King of Israel,
foretold in the Old Testament, was to be a divine person.
The reading adopted by tlie latest critics {Jesus for Christ)
only makes the doctrine more specific by applying it, not
merely to the office, but to the person, of the true Messiah.
The Son of God^ i. e. a partaker of his nature, a divine being.
Some give the phrase a lower sense, as merely meaning the
Messiah ; but this confounds it with the Son of 3Ian (see
above, on 7, 56), and the subject of the sentence with its pre-
dicate.
21. But all that heard (him) were amazed and said.
Is not this he that destroyed them which called on this
name in Jerusalem, and came hither for that intent,
that he might bring them bound unto the chief priests ?
And amazed (2, 7. 12. 8, 13) were all those hearing^ the
natural effect of a change so sudden and complete. And said,
as Chrysostom observes, not to Saul himself, whom they were
372 ACTS 9, 21.22.
afraid or ashamed to question, but to themselves or one an
other. The interrogation (is not this) implies a wonder rising
almost to incredulity, as if they had said, ' No, this surely can-
not be the same.' Destroyed^ literally, wasted^ desolated, Hke
an enemy in war, a different word from that in 8, 3, but the
same with that twice used by Paul himself, in speaking of
this very subject. (See Gal. 1, 13. 23, where the English
version needlessly employs two different verbs in translating
vhe same Greek one.) Those invohing this name^ i. e. in their
prayers or worship, which had now become a distinctive mark,
and therefore an expressive designation, of all believers or dis-
ciples. (See above, on 2, 21. V, 59. 9, 14.) And hither^ to
Damascus; see above, on v. 14. Came^ or according to the
common text, had come^ i. e. before this amazing change, im-
plymg that he had abandoned his design. For that hitent^
literally, for this^ i. e. for this same purpose ; an aggravating
circumstance before alluded to, that Saul, not satisfied with
persecuting the church at home, had volunteered to persecute
it in Damascus. (See above, on v. 2, and below, on 26. 11.)
Bounds as in vs. 2. 14.) To the chief priests^ i. e. to their bar
or judgment-seat, before the Sanhedrim, of which they were
the leadhig members. (See above, on 4, 23. 5, 24. 9, 14.)
22. But Saul increased the more in strength, and
confounded the Jcavs which dwelt at Damascus, proving
that this is very Christ.
The more, in EngHsh, means that this effect was promoted
by the very wonder just described ; but the original expres-
sion simply means 5^^7^ more, (as in 5, 14), i.e. the more
he preached the greater was his power and success. Increased
in strength, literally, was strengthened or ^nade poicerfid, a
favourite verb of Paul's. (See Rom. 4, 20. Eph. 6, 10. Phil.
4, 13. 1 Tim. 1, 12. 2 Tim. 2, 1. Heb. 11, 34, and compare the
uncompounded form in Col. 1, 11.) He increased not only in
the strength of his convictions, but m the force of his defence
and in the power of his persuasion. By some this clause is
jcangely understood as an allusion to Saul's sojourn in Arabia,
*i6 a time of intellectual and spiritual discipline, designed to
strengthen him for after service. Tliis would never have oc-
curred to any reader, but for the supposed necessity of find
ag some allusion to that sojourn in this context, and the difii-
vMilty of determining at what point it shall be inserted (sco
ACTS 9, 22. 23. 24. 378
above, on v. 19.) But without admitting ignorance on Luke's
part, as to so important an event ia the Apostle's hfe, the
two accounts are perfectly consistent ; and although, the one
before us would suggest to no mind the idea of his absence
from Damascus, it contams nothing in the least at variance
with that idea when suggested otherwise. All that is here
expressed, however, relates directly to the time when he re-
sided there, and makes a strong impression, not only of his dili-
gence and courage hi his new vocation, but of his success. It
was not merely wonder that his public appearance in behalf
of Christ excited. All were amazed (v. 21), and the Jews were
confounded^ a verb j^roperly expressive of mixture by pouring
together, but metaphorically applied to mental confusion, ming-
ling and bewildering the thoughts, so as to prevent all clear
perception and conclusive reasoning. Proving^ literally, put-
ting together or combining, i. e. various proofs and arguments,
or prophecies with their fulfilment. The Greek verb is con-
fined to Luke and Paul, who employ it in several diflferent
shades of meaning (see below, 16, 10. 19,33. 1 Cor. 2, 16),
besides the primary and strict one (Eph. 4, 16. Col. 2, 2. 19.)
Very Christy in Greek simply the Christ.
23. And after that many clays were fulfilled, the
Jews took counsel to kill him.
As days enough were filled^ or being filled, an indefinite
expression, which appears to be deliberately chosen, as best
adapted to convey the knowledge which was meant to be im-
parted, and which no speculation or conjecture can make more
determinate. (See above, on 7, 23. 30, and compare 2, 1, and
Luke 9, 51.) Took counsel, or consulted, deliberated, plotted
together. The idea of concert and collusion is expressed by
the compound form; the simple verb occurs above, in 5, 33,
followed by the one here rendered kill, and there slay. (See,
also, 2, 23. 5, 36. 7, 28.)
24. But their laying await was known of Saul, and
they watched the gates day and night to kill him.
But, as in vs. 21. 22, or aiid, as in v. 23. Laying aioait^
in some editions laying icait, in modern Enghsh lying in
wait. The simple meaning of the Greek, however, is conspi-
racy or plot. (Compare the kindred verb in v. 23.) Known
574 ACTS 9, 24. 25.
of Saul^ i. e. known by him, or made known to him (see
below, on 23, 16), either by report or by divine communica-
tion. They loatched^ or more exactly, they were iDatching^ i. e.
when the incident recorded in the next verse happened. As
if he had said, ' while they were actually watching the gates
of the city, to seize him as he went out, he escaped in another
way.' Day and nighty not necessarily for many days and
nights, perhaps for only one. It may mean simply that
they watched the gates a whole day and night to seize
him. We learn from the Apostle's own account in one
of his epistles (2 Cor. 11, 32), that it was "the governor (or
ethnarch) under (literally, of) King Aretas (that) kept
(guarded or garrisoned) the city (of the Damascenes, a phrase
omitted in King James's Bible, though expressed in all the
older English versions) wishing to seize me." The only con-
temporary Aretas known to history is a kuig of Arabia Pe-
traea, resident at Petra, whose daughter had been repudiated
by Herod Antipas, for the sake of his niece and sister-in-law,
Herodias (Matt. 14, 3. Mark 6, 17. Luke 3, 19.) This led to
a war, in which Herod was defeated and his anny destroyed.
Vitellius, then governor of Syria, was ordered by Tiberius to
help him ; but while on his way to Petra, he received news of
the emperor's death, and retired into winter quarters. It may
have been during this inaction of the Roman forces, that Are-
tas gained possession of Damascus. This is at least more
probable than that his deputy or viceroy simply happened to
be there at the time; or that this ethnarch was a Jewish
magistrate, appointed or confirmed by the Arabian king ; or,
most improbable of all, that Areta in Corinthians is the name
of the ethnarch himself, ' Areta the ethnarch of the king,' i. e.
of the Roman Emperor. The two accoimts are perfectly con-
sistent, and together teach us, that the agency of this Arabian
chieftain in forbidding Saul's escape was instigated, if not pur-
chased, by the Jews of Damascus.
25. Then the disciples took him by night, and let
(him) down by the wall in a basket.
Then^ as in vs. 13, 19. The disciples^ or followers of
Christ, who seem to be again referred to, both as numerous
and as acting in concert or association. Some of them were
no doubt Saul's own converts. Took him^ taking him, or
having taken him, hy night relating equally to both words, a
ACTS 9, 25. 26.27. 375
construction not so obvious in English. Taking may be a
pleonastic expression, common in all languages, or may imply
that some constraint was used by the disciples. J?y ^^^ wall^
i. e. through the wall of the city, the strict sense of the Greek
expressions (8ia rov rd^ovi)^ which are also used by Paul him-
self (2 Cor. 11, 32), with the additional circumstance, that he
was let down through a window, i. e. through the window of
a house upon the city wall. (See Josh. 2, 15, where the Sep-
tuagint version has the same Greek word for window.) The
words translated basket in the parallel accounts are diflferent,
though no doubt interchangeable. By a curious coincidence,
a similar diversity exists in the history of our Saviour's miracu-
lously feeding the four and five thousand ; the.w^ord for basket
being different in all these cases. (See Matt. 16, 9. 10, and
compare the parallel passages.)
26. And when Saul was come to Jerusalem, he as-
sayed to join himself to the disciples ; but they were all
afraid of him, and believed not that he was a disciple.
Being come^ or having arrived, the same verb that is used
in 5, 21, and there explained. Assayed^ tried, endeavoured,
implying that he failed in his attempt. To join himself^ the
same verb as in 5, 13. To the clisci2yles, as a body, as a church,
not merely to their families or persons. All feared him^ not
believing that he is a disci2:)le, thmkmg it impossible that he,
who had so lately persecuted Christ in his disciples, should
now be himself a convert. See above, on v. 13, and for the
present tense {he is) on 7, 35. All may either mean all the
individuals to whom he applied, or express the unanimous
action of the church as such. This implies that Paul had not
been constantly in public view smce his conversion, and fa^
vours the opinion, that the greater part of the three years
since that event had been passed in Arabia, and even there
perhaps in retirement rather than in public labour.
27. But Barnabas took him and brought him to
the Apostles, and declared unto them how he had seen
the Ijord in the way, and that he had spoken to him,
and how he had preached boldly at Damascus in the
name of Jesus .
376 ACTS 9, 27.
From this embarrassing and mortifying situation Saul is
freed by Barnabas, with, whom the history has previously
made us acquainted, as one of the earliest and most signal in-
stances of hberality in the infant church. (See above, on 4,
36. 37.) The same Cyprian Levite, whose conduct was before
contrasted with the selfish ambition and hypocrisy of Ananias,
is here seen acting a no less noble part in behalf of this sus-
pected, not to sa) rejected convert. Though not affirmed, it
seems to be implied, that they had no previous acquaintance
with each other. Took him^ either literally by the hand (as
in 23, 19. Mark 8, 23. Heb. 8, 9), or metaphorically, under his
protection (as in Heb. 2, 16), or more probably than either, in
his company, along with him, as when one friend takes an-
other, to present or introduce him to a third, which is exactly
the idea here. To the Ai^ostles^ not to the disciples, or pro-
miscuous body of believers, by whom he had alreadv been re-
pelled, but to the twelve, who had both the official right and
the spuitual gift to determine his true character, and who, it
should seem, had not yet been consulted, although some sup-
pose them to have joined or acquiesced m Saul's rejection,
until satisfied by Barnabas that he was a true convert. De-
clared (related, or detailed historically) to them, (not merely
that but) how (i. e. in what manner, under what circumstan-
ces, including those of time and place) in the road (by the
way, on his journey to Damascus), he saw the Lord (i. e. the
Lord Jesus Christ, as in v. 17 above), and that (not how, as
in the other case, but simply that) he talked to him (i. e. the
Lord to Saul.) This was enough to settle the whole ques-
tion. He to whom the ascended and exalted Saviour had ap-
peared and spoken was fit company for any man. But more
than this ; the man thus signally distinguished by recei\Tng the
Lord's personal instructions, had proved faithful to his trust
by manfully obeying them. In Damascus, in the very city
whither he was going with authority to seize all believers,
whether men or women (see above, on v. 2.) Preached
boldly, or spoke freely, the verb corresponding to the noun
used above in 2, 29. 4, 13. 29. 31, and there explained. Di the
name of Jesus, as his disciple, by his authority, and in asser-
tion of his claims as the Messiah. (See above, on vs. 14. 15.
16. 21.) The two reasons for receiving Saul, suggested by
this narrative of Barnabas, were, first, his miraculous conver
sion, and secondly, his ministerial fidelity ; the one attested
by the visible form and audible voice of his ascended Lord ;
ACTS 9, 27. 28. 29. 377
the other by his public, plain, and fearless proclamation of
that Lord, as his own Sovereign and Redeemer.
28. And he was with them, coining in and going
out, at Jerusalem.
In consequence of this interposition, Saul was recognized
by the Apostles, and m deference to their authority no doubt
oy the disciples also, as a convert and a minister, in which ca-
pacity he teas (or continued) with them, not merely as a guest
or a companion, but associated wdth them and taking part in
their official labours. Coming in and going out, literally,
going in and going out, a phrase synonymous though not
identical with that employed m 1., 21 {came in and came oiU)
and there explained. In Jerusalem seems to be added, to re-
move all ambiguity and prevent the reader's taking this as a
continuation of w^hat Barnabas related of Saul's labours at
Damascus, whereas it is Luke's record of his labours at Jeru-
salem.
29. And he spake boldly in the name of the Lord
Jesus, and disputed against the Grecians; but they
went about to slay him.
Spake boldly (Hterally, speaJdng freely) is identical in
Greek with the ^j>reacAec7 boldly of v. 27, and describes Saul as
doing at Jerusalem precisely w^hat he had done at Damascus.
The construction of the words here is ambiguous, some manu-
scripts and printed copies joining them immediately with what
precedes — ' going in and going out at Jerusalem, and preach-
ing boldly in the name of Jesus.' Others make them the be-
ginning of another verse — ' and preaching boldly in the name
of Jesus, he both talked and disputed with the Grecians.'
JBoth iji), not only discoursed in a didactic way, but reasoned
and disputed. Against, hterally, to or at, not in their ab-
sence or behind their backs, but in their presence, to their
face. The Grecians, Hellenists, or foreign Jews (see above,
on 6, 1, and below, on 11, 20), of w^hom Saul w^as himself one ;
the same class, and possibly some of the same persons, with
whom Stephen had contended (6, 9), and by w^hom he was de-
stroyed. A sunilar effect was now produced upon them by
the arguments of Saul. They weiit about, an old English
phrase meaning sought, attempted, which is also used in tho
378 ACTS 9, 29. 30. 31.
authorized version of John 7, 19, Rom. 10, 3, to express a
verb which means to seek ; whereas the one employed here
means to take in hand or undertake^ and is confined m the
New Testament to Luke. (See below, on 19, 13, and com-
pare Luke 1, 1.) To slay him^ the same verb that is trans-
lated kill hini^ in v. 23.
30. Whicli when the brethren knew, they brought
hun down to Cesarea, and sent him forth to Tarsus.
JBut the brethren knoioing (or discovering it), brought him
down^ &c. Which and when are both supplied by the trans-
lators. The brethren^ followers of Christ, behevers in the new
religion, called the disciples in v. 25. It is worthy of remark
how promptly and unitedly the brethren or disciples acted in
both cases, not as individuals, but as a body, no doubt accus-
tomed thus to act in concert. Brought him down^ the usual
expression in describing motion from the inland to the sea-
coast, or in any direction from the Holy City. (See above,
on 7, 15. 8, 15. 26.) Cesarea here is not, as some suppose,
Cesarea PhiUppi, near the sources of the Jordan, but the sea-
port of that name, where PhiUp was left at the close of the
last chapter. (See above, on 8, 40.) Sent him forth or off^
or still more exactly, sent him out away^ a favourite expres-
sion of our author (see above, on 7, 12, and below, on 11, 22.
12, 11. 13, 26. 17, 14. 22, 21, and compare Luke 1, 53. 2, 10.
11), the only other writer who employs it being Paul (Gal. 4,
4. 6.) It imphes great distance, and is here applied no doubt
to a voyage by sea. Tarsus^ his native j^lace, to which the
history thus brings him back and for the present leaves him.
(See above, on v. 11, and below, on 11, 25.)
31. Then had the churches rest throughout all
Judea and Galilee and Samaria, and were edified, and
walking in the fear of the Lord, and in the comfort of
the Holy Ghost, were multipUed.
This is marked in some editions of the text, and explained
by some interpreters, as the conclusion of the narrative of
Paul's conversion, and as meaning that in consequence of
that event, the churches of Palestine enjoyed repose from
persecution, and an opportunity as well of outward as of in-
ward growth. But Paul was not the only persecutor; nor
ACTS 9, 31. 379
could his conversion, especially if it were the only case, imme-
diately give peace to all the churches, or save himself from
being persecuted afterwards. (See Gal. 5, 11. Rom. 15, 31.)
Besides, his new commission seems to have been limited to
foreign cities (see above, on v. 2, and below, on 26, 11), and
its termination could not therefore have afforded peace to
all the churches of the Holy Land. This erroneous view
of the connection has arisen partly from the use of the
word rest, implying previous suffering or disturbance, to
translate a word which is always rendered peace, except in
this book (see above, on V, 26, and below, on 24, 2) ; and
partly from" the use of the word then, to represent a phrase
which properly means so then, and marks the resumption
of a narrative before interrupted. (See above, on 8, 4. 25.)
The point to which the writer here reverts is no doubt
the dispersion consequent upon the death of Stephen. The
verse is then introductory to a new subject, Peter's visitation
of the churches after the first force of the persecution had
been spent. ISTotwithstanding all that they suffered, the
churches of Palestine were now highly prosperous. It is not
necessarily implied that persecution had entirely ceased, nor
need we assiuue a reference to the profanation of the temple
by Caligula, as a reason for its ceasing. All that is here re-
corded is the growth and prosperity of the Jewish-Christian
churches. What really implies that they were not now
persecuted, is that Peter could be absent from Jerusalem.
(See above, on 8, 1.) Edified, i. e. built up, a favourite figure
in the New Testament, not foi^ mere numerical increase and
outward organization, but for internal growth and spiritual
IDrogress (1 Cor. 8, 1. 10. 10.23. 14,4.17. 1 Thess. 5, H.)
Walking, not merely in the sense of living, habitually acting,
but in that of advancing, making progress. The fear of the
Lord, the spirit and practice of the true religion, with special
reference to fear in the restricted sense. Consolation, exhor-
tation, or instruction (see above, on 4, 36.) The Phemish
version {repletiished with the consolation of the Holy Ghost),
though not incompatible with classical usage, is at variance
with that of the Hellenistic Greek, according to which the verb
here used means only to multiply, in the active or passive
sense. The construction is ambiguous, as we may either read,
by the consolation of the Holy Ghost were multiplied, or, as
in the common version, walking in the fear of the Lord and
the consolation of the Holy Ghost, were multiplied. The es«
Bential meaning is the same in either case.
380 ACTS 9, 32. 33. 34.
32. And it came to pass, as Peter passed througli-
out all (quarters), lie came down also to the saints which
dwelt at Lydda.
During this auspicious period of prosperity and growth in
the infant churches of the Holy Land, an incident occurred,
or came to pass, which was closely connected with subsequent
events of great importance. This was a general visitation of
the churches by the Apostle Peter, in the course of which,
passing through all, i. e. through all parts of the country ; or
through all its cities ; or through all the places where the
church had been established ; or, as some supply" the ellipsis,
through (i. e. among) all the saints, believers, or disciples in
the Holy Land. (Compare the similar expressions used by
Paul in 20, 25, and Rom. 15, 28.) Li the course of this official
journey, he came doimi (see above, on 8, 15. 26), not only to
a multitude of other places not here named, but also to the
saints (see above, on v. 13) inhahiting Lydda. This was the
Ziod of the Old Testament, built or rebuilt after the return
from Babylon (1 Chron. 8, 12. Ezr. 2, 33. Neh. 7, 37. 11, 35),
and afterwards known by the Greek name of Diospolis. Here
Richard Coeur-de-Lion built a church to St. George, the ruins
of which are said to be still visible.
33. And there he found a certain man named
Eneas, which had kept his bed eight years, and was
sick of the palsy.
Found, or met with, unexpectedly, as seems to be sug-
gested by the use of this expression. The Greek form of the
name (JEneas) has led some to the conclusion, that the suf-
ferer, who had kept his bed (literally, lying doion upon a bed
or couch) since or for (literally, from, see above, on v. 13)
eight years, was a Gentile ; while others, with more reason
although not conclusively, infer from the previous mention of
the saints, that he was certainly a Christian. A^id vms sick
of the palsy, literally, who was paralyzed or paralytic. (See
above, on 8, 7, and compare Luke 5, 18. 24.)
34. And Peter saith unto him, Eneas, Jesus Christ
maketh thee whole ; arise and make thy bed.
Calling him by name, in oi'der to secure his attention and
ACTS 9, 34. 35. 381
identify the object of address, the Apostle solemnly assures
him that he is already healed, and that the power by which
the miracle was wrought is that of Jesus Christ. He does
not even name himself as the instrumental cause, or invoke the
name of Christ (as in 3, 6), but expressly represents him as
the efficient and immediate agent. Maketh thee lohole^ or
more emphatically and yet more exactly, Jesus Christ is heal-
ing thee^ now, at this moment, even while I speak. This form
of expression shows, in the clearest manner, the Apostle's full
persuasion of the truth of what he says, which is also sug-
gested by the following command. Arise, stand up, an act
which a moment sooner would have been impossible, and the
failure to perform which now would have covered Peter with
confusion, and exposed him to contempt, if not to punishment,
as an impostor. Make thy bed, literally, spread for thyself,
which some have strangely understood of spreading a table or
providing food; out which refers to the spreading of his
couch, or the arrangement of the bed-clothes, both which, in
the East, are comparatively simple operations. The command
does not refer to future practice — ' henceforth make thy own
bed, and no longer be dependent on the help of others ' — ^but
to an immediate act, affording proof of his entire restoration,
by performinof, on the spot and in a moment, what for eight
years he had not been able even to attempt. If he had not
done it, how pitiable would have been the attitude of the
Apostle ! How complete the refutation of his claims to repre-
sent a divine person, by whose power the cure had been ef-
fected ! But he was not to be thus disgraced. The success
of the experiment was instantaneous, as appears from the con-
cise but most expressive statement, that the paralytic instantly
arose, and no doubt made his bed, as he was ordered.
35. And all that dwelt in Lydda and Saron saw
him, and turned to the Lord.
There was nothing secret, either in the previous condition
of this man, or in the change which he experienced. In both
states he was a familiar object. All saw him, not once for all,
or at the moment of the cure, but often, or from time to time.
This statement comprehends, not merely the inhabitants of
Lydda, where Eneas lived, and where the miracle was
wrought, but those of the whole tract or region, here de-
scribed by its ancient name of Saron (Sharon), meaning ori-
382 ACTS 9, 35. 36.
ginally any plain, "but specially applied to that along the Medi-
terranean coast between Cesar ea and Joppa, once so famous
for its fertility that it is sometimes joined mth Lebanon and
Carmel, as a proverbial type or emblem of luxuriant vegeta-
tion. (See Isai. 33, 9. 35, 2. 65, 10, and compare 1 Chr. 27,
29.) And turned (literally, loere turned) to the Lord^ is not
the statement of an additional event, unconnected with the
miracle except by chronological succession. Nor does it
quahfy the all of the preceding clause, and mean that all whc
had already been converted saw him after he was healed ; for
the verb is not in the pluperfect tense, and the sight of the re-
stored paralytic could not well have been confined to the dis-
ciples ; an objection only partially removed by saying that,
although they could not be the only witnesses, they might be
the only ones appealed to by a Christian writer. Besides, the
terms here used are descriptive of new converts, which is the
uniform and constant sense of turning to God, or to the Lord
(Jesus Christ), the first form being chiefly usecj of Gentile and
the last of Jewish converts. (Compare 15, 19. 20. 21, with
11, 21. 2 Cor. 15, 3. 16.) The true sense, therefore, is that the
healing of Eneas was the occasion of a general conversion to
the new religion in that part of the country. ' They saw the
miracle and turned to God.' This is, no doubt, a reastm for
this one case being singled out from many of the same kind
and particularly stated, not because it was intrinsically more
important, but because it was connected with this progress of
the truth, and with other great events about to be recorded.
36. Now there was at Joppa a certain disciple
named Tabitlia, which by interpretation is called Dor-
cas : this woman was full of good works and almsdeeds
which she did.
The healing of Eneas was connected with another miracle,
which led to similar results in that part of Judea, and imme-
diately prepared the way for Peter's memorable visit to Cesa-
rea, described in the next chapter. Now^ not a particle of
time but of narration ; see above, on v. 10. Joppa^ the Greek
form of the Hebrew Japho (Josh. 19, 46. 2 Chr. 2, 16. Ezr.
3, 7. Jon. 1, 3) and the Arabic Jaffa^ in all which names the
initial letter is a "vowel or a semivowel nearly equivalent to
our y at the beginning of a word, although pronounced in
ACTS 9, 36. 37. 383
English as a double consonant. The place so called is a sea-
port on the Mediterranean coast of Palestine, described by
Plmy as extremely ancient, and in Scripture as the point where
materials were landed for the building both of the first and
second temple (2 Chr. 2, 16. Ezr. 3, 1.) The harbour was a
bad one, but the best upon the coast, until Herod the Great
made an artificial port at Cesar ea. (See above, on v. 30 and
8, 40.) Hence Joppa was conspicuous in history for ages, as
well as for the changes w^hich it underw^ent, havmg been re-
peatedly demolished and rebuilt. Since the first Crusade, it
has been the landing place for Christian pilgrims, and visited
by almost every traveller in the East. It was sacked by Na-
poleon m 1797, and witnessed the famous massacre of prison-
ers. The Hebrew name means beautiful, and probably al-
ludes to its appearance at a distance. It occurs in the New
Testament only in this narrative. (See below, vs. 38. 42. 43.
10, 5. 8. 23. 32. 11, 5. 13.) Here Peter was commissioned to
perform a miracle still greater than the one at Lydda. The
subject of it is described as a female convert or disciple. Ac-
cording to the custom of the age and country (see above, on
1, 13. 23. 4, 36), she had two names, one Greek {Dorcas) and
the other Aramaic {Tabitha), both denoting a gazelle or ante-
lope. The double name may possibly imply a mixed popula-
tion, w^hich is quite as probable in Joppa as in Cesarea, where
we know from Josephus that it did exist. (See above, on 8,
40.) If'ull of (or abounding in) good works, an expression
sometimes signifying virtuous or pious acts in general, and
sometimes acts of charity and kindness in particular. (See
above, on 4, 9, and compare Rom. 2, 7. 13, 3. 2 Cor. 9, 8.
1 Tim. 5, 10. 3, 17.) The latter meaning is required here by
the specific statement following. Alms-deeds, or ahns, as the
same word is translated in 3, 2. 3 above. Did, in the imper-
fect tense, used to do, habitually practised.
37. And it came to pass in those days that she was
sick and died, whom, when they had washed, they laid
her in an upper chamber.
In the life of this exemplary person a remarkable event oc-
curred, or came to pass, in those days, i. e. during Peter's
residence at Lydda. Having sicPened (or been sick) she died,
Whe7i they had icashed, literally, having washed. The form
of the Greek word is masculine and plural, and describes the
384 ACTS 9.37.38.39.
agents in the most general way ■without regard to sex. The
masculine is thus generically used, not only in Hebrew, bat in
the best Greek writers, a striking instance being found in
Xenophon. In an upper room^ see above, on 1, 13. The
Greek phrase may possibly here mean, up stairs^ or in the
upper story.
38. And forasmuch as Lydda was nigh to Joppa,
and the disciples had heard that Peter was there, they
sent unto him two men, desiring (him) that he would
Qot delay to come to them.
Lydda being near to Joppa^ to Tvdt, ten or twelve miles, on
the highway to Jerusalem. The disciples (of Christ), still act-.
mg as a body (see above, on v. 30.) Had heard^ literally,
having heard^ as the report of the first miracle had spread
throughout the plain of Sharon (see above, on v. 35,) There^
literally, in it^ i. e. Lydda. Desiring^ exhorting, or entreat-
ing (see above, on 2. 40. 8, 31.) . Woidd not delay ^ literally,
not to delay^ hesitate, or put off coming, applied in classic
Greek especially to hesitation caused by fear or sloth. In-
stead of the infinitive to delay ^ the oldest manuscripts, fol-
lowed by the Vulgate, have the second person, do not delay.
To come^ literally, to come (or pass) through^ i. e. through the
intervening space (see above, on v. 32, and on 8, 4. 40.) To
ihem^ as far as to them (see above, on 1, 8.)
39. Then Peter arose and went with them. When
he was come, they brought him into the upper cham-
ber ; and all the widows stood by him, weeping and
showing (the) coats and garments which Dorcas made,
while she was with them.
Then^ as in vs. 19. 25. Arose^ put himself in motion, or
addressed himself to action. (See above, on 5, 17.34. 8, 26.
9,11.) Went loith them^ whether simply to console the
mourners, or -^vith the expectation of restoring her to life, the
narrative does not inform us. There is no such objection to
the supposition of a previous divme communication, as there
was in relation to the death of Ananias. (See above, on 5, 5.)
When he was come they brought him^ literally, lohom being
come they brought (or led) up into the upper chamber^ men-
ACTS 9, 39. 40. 3S5
tioned in v. 37, where the body was laid out. All the widoios
may mean those of Joppa, as a class, having charge of the sick,
like the deaconesses of the apostohcal churches (compare
1 Tim. 5, 9. 16) ; or the widows for whom Dorcas had pro-
vided by her charities (see above, on 6, 1, and compare 1 Tim.
5, 16. James 1, 27.) In the latter case, the garments shown
were those which they then wore ; in the former, those which
she had left for distribution. Coats and garments^ or accord-
ing to the strict sense of the Greek words, under and upper
garments (see above, on 7, 58), the tunic and robe or gown,
which still constitute the oriental costume of both sexes.
Which^ literally, as many as, but not necessarily denoting all
(see above, on vs. 13. 16, and 4, 34.) Made, in the imperfect
tense, which may either mean she used to make them, or was
actually making them, when seized with her last illness.
While she was with them, literally, with them bemg (i. e. when
she still lived.)
40. But Peter put (tliem) all forth, and kneeled down
and prayed, and turning (him) to the body, said, Tabi-
tha, arise. And she opened her eyes ; and when she
saw Peter, she sat up.
In imitation of his Master at the house of Jairus (Matt. 9,
25. Luke 8, 51), where Peter was one of the three suffered
to attend him, the Apostle now excludes all the rest from the
chamber of death, and kneeling down {jjlacing the Icnees, as
in 7, 60), invokes the divine interposition, thus again, but in
another form, acknowledging his own part in the whole trans-
action to be merely instrumental. (See above, on 3, 6. 16. 4,
10.) Then, instead of saying, as he did to Eneas (v. 34),
" Jesus Christ is healing thee," he turns to the corpse and ad-
dresses it directly, in an authoritative tone, commanding the
dead woman, by her Aramaic name, and no doubt ui the
Aramaic language of the country (see above, on 1, 19), to
arise from the place where she was lying. Taming, in the
primary corporeal sense, as distinguished from the metaphori-
cal or moral, which occurs above in v. 35. Presumj)tuous or
mad as this command might well have seemed, it is immedi-
ately obeyed, by a succession of acts showing the return of
life. When she o2:)ened her eyes, which had been so long
closed in death, they rested upon Peter, whom she no doubt
saw to be a stranger and alone in the apartment. Roused by
VOL. I. — 17
886 ACTS 9, 40.41.42.
this unexpected sight, she finally sat up, thereby evincing the
completeness of the miracle, and her own entire resuscitation.
Nothing could be more natural and simple, or at the same
time more graphic, than this narrative.
41. And he gave her (his) hand, and lifted her up,
and when he had called the saints and widows, he pre-
sented her alive.
Having described the acts of the resuscitated woman, Luke
describes those of Peter after her revival. Gave her his hand
and lifted her up^ not because she was too weak to rise with-
out help or to stand alone, for the recovery, in all such cases,
was complete and instantaneous ; but rather in the way of
welcome or congratulation. Gave his hand^ implying that
she took it, and was not therefore altogether passive. He
then calls in the witnesses whom he had before excluded
(v. 40), the saints (behevers or disciples) in general, and the
widows, previously mentioned (v. 39) as cliief mourners, in
particular. To these he no'w 2y>^^sents her living^ the same ex-
pression that is used in 1, 3, and there explained. The whole
account suggests the idea of dehberation and composure, as
opposed to that of hurry and excitement on the part of Peter,
or of possible delusion on the part of the spectators.
42. And it was known throughout all Joppa ; and
many believed in the Lord.
As in the other case at Lydda (v. 35), the historian now
records the effect of this great miracle, first stating its pubU-
city and notoriety. It became known (see above, on 1, 19,
and below, on 19, 17) throughout (see above, on v. 31, and
below, on 10, 37) allJoppa. This circumstance is introduced,
not merely for its own sake, or to show the certainty of the
event, but also for the purpose of suggesting an important
providential end which it promoted. Many believed in the
Lord^ or rather on him, the Greek preposition suggesting the
idea of rehance or dependence, as in 1, 17 above, and 15, 31. 22,
19 below. (Compare Rom. 4, 24.) It also denotes motion to-
wards an object, and thus suggests the idea of conversion, as
involved in that of faith, or inseparable from it. The Lord,
i. e. the Lord Jesus Christ, as the wider sense of God would
here be too indefinite. (See above, on v. 35.)
ACTS 9, 43. 387
43. And it came to pass, that he tarried many days
in Joppa, with one Simon a tanner.
Having shown how Peter came to be in Joppa at all, the
narrative now explains how he happened to be still there,
when the incidents recorded in the tenth chapter came to pass.
Though suddenly brought thither in a great emergency, he
had determined or consented, for some reason which is not ex.
plained, to stay there. It came to pass (or happened) may
imply, that this was not his expectation or original intention ;
that he did not mean to stay there, yet it so happened or
turned out. Many days^ literally, days enough^ as in v. 23.
5, 37. 8, 11. A strong impression of exactness and personal
knowledge of the facts related, is made by the writer's intro-
duction of an otherwise unimportant circumstance, to wit, the
very house where Peter lodged at Joppa. With^ in Greek a
preposition which, when construed with the dative or accusa-
tive, denotes juxtaposition, by or alongside of (see above, on
4, 35. 37. 5, 2. 10. 7, 58, and compare Luke 9, 47.) In its more
figurative use, it is applied especially to eating with a person
(Luke 11, 37. 19, 17), or to lodging with him (see below, on
10, 6. 18, 3. 20. 21, 7. 8. 16, and compare John 1, 40. 4, 4.)
The Apostle's host on this occasion was a namesake of his own,
but distinguished by his occupation as a currier or tanner,
which was regarded by the Jews as an imclean one, from
which some have needlessly inferred, that Peter was already
free from Jewish prejudice; while others argue, still more
gratuitously, that he and his office were held in little honour
by the people of Joppa.
CHAPTEK X.
Tnis chapter is entirely occuj^ied with one great subject, the
first reception of converted Gentiles to the Church, without
passing through the intermediate state of Judaism. To this
narrative, 9,31-43 is an introduction, and 11, 1-18 an appen-
dix. The narrative itself describes the providential means, by
which the representatives of the Gentile world on one hand.
388 ACTS 10, 1.
and the chosen instrument of their reception on the other
were prepared for their respective parts in this transactioi).
These means consisted of two visions or divine communica*
tions, one to Cornelius, assuring him that God had purposes
of mercy towards him, and directing him to seek an interview
with Peter (1-8) ; the other to Peter himself, informing him
that the old partition between Jews and Gentiles was now
broken down, and directing him to meet the advances of Cor-
nelius (9-20.) In obedience to this order, he accompanies the
messengers to Cesarea (21-24), and, after correcting the cen-
turion's error as to his own person (25-26), avows the change
which he had recently experienced (27-29), receives a formal
statement of the message to Cornelius (30-33), and preaches
Christ, as the Judge and Saviour both of Jews and Gentiles
(34-43.) While he is speaking, the new converts are bap-
tized with the Holy Ghost, and then with water (34-47), after
which Peter still continues with them, no doubt to instruct
them in the doctrines and duties of their new religion (48.)
1. There was a certain man in Cesarea called Cor-
nelius, a centurion of the band called the Italian
(band) —
The beginning of this narrative is less abrupt in Greek,
where the usual continuative particle (Se) connects it closely
with what goes before. Those who regard it as the com-
mencement of an entirely new subject, overlook the bearmg
of the miracles recorded at the close of the ninth chapter on
the history that follows. It was while Peter was still resident
at Joppa, and therefore easily accessible from Cesarea, that
the incidents recorded in this chapter happened. Cornelius^
a familiar but honourable name iu Latin, being that of a dis-
tinguished Roman family. A centurion was strictly the com-
mander of a hundred men ; but the title was apphed, with some
degree of latitude, to those who led the subdivisions of a le-
gion. The hand here probably means such a subdivision.
The Italian^ probably so called because composed of Romans,
although stationed in the East, as the European officers and
soldiers in India are distinguished from the native troops or
sepoys. The Italian legion^ spoken of by Tacitus, v,^as subse-
quently organized by Nero, and would not have bcien desig-
nated by the term here iised (o-Tretpa.) The same phrase is
employed by Anian, and an old inscription mentions " the
ACTS 10, 1. 2. 3. 389
cohort of Italian volunteers whicli is in Syria." The main
facts here are the country, the profession, the rank, and the
residence of the man who was to represent Gentile Christian-
ity, in its first encounter, so to speak, with the Jewish type or
aspect of the same reUgion.
2. A devout man, and one that feared God with
all his house, which gave much alms to the people, and
prayed to God alway.
His character and previous religious history. Devout^
pious, reverent, not merely in the heathen sense, but as the
fruit of divine grace. Feared God^ i. e. the one true God, as
opposed to the many gods of heathenism. With all his house,
or household ; not alone, or merely in his otvti person, but as
the teacher and example of those dependent on him. Which
gave much cdms, or rather, lyractising 7nany charities, not
merely to the poor in general, but to the people, i. e. the chosen
people, the children of Israel, among whom he lived and from
whom he had learned the true religion. Praying to God, or
asking of God, i. e. lookuig to Jehovah, or the God of Israel,
and not to idols, for the supply of his necessities in general,
and for spiritual guidance in particular. This is not the de-
scription of a proSelyte, m any technical or formal sense, but
of a Gentile whom divine grace had prepared for the imme-
diate reception of the Gospel, -without passing through the in-
termediate state of Judaism, although long familiar with it,
and indebted to it for such knowledge of the word of God as
he possessed.
3. He saw in a vision, evidently, about the ninrn
hour of the day, an angel of God, coming in to him, and
saying unto him, Cornelius !
The means used to bring this representative of the Gentile
world into contact with the new religion. Saw is construed
directly with a man in v. 1. by the latest critics, who omit the
verb in that verse, and make one long sentence of the three,
* A certain man in Cesarea, named Cornelius, a centurion <fec.
devout and fearing God &c saw.' In a vision^
not a dream, wliich Avould be otherwise expressed (as in Matt.
2, lo. } Q. 22), but a supernatural communication, addressed not
S90 ACTS 10, 3.4.
merely to the mind, but to the senses. (See above, on 7, 31.
9, 10. 12.) Evidently^ clearly, certainly, not doubtfully or
dimly. About (literally, as if^ i. e. as if it were) the ninth
hour (after sunrise, see above, on 2, 15), not far from three
o'clock m the afternoon. The object thus and then seen was
a7i angel of God^ a messenger sent by him from the other
world, belonging to a race of superhuman spirits, but no doubt
clothed in human form. The popular idea of winged angels
is derived from the cherubim (Ex. 25, 20) and seraphim (Isai.
6, 2), but is never suggested by any of the narratives of angelic
visits to this world and its inhabitants. Coming in to hini^
into his house and presence, like an ordinary visitor, and ad-
dressing him familiarly by name.
4. And when he looked on him, he was afraid, and
said, AVhat is it, Lord ? And he said unto him, Thy
prayers and thine ahns are come up for a memorial be-
fore God.
Gazing (intently looking) at him, and becoming fearful^
not afraid of personal injury, but awe-struck at the presence
of a superhuman being, which must have been betrayed by
somethmg in the stranger's aspect. What is (it) f i. e. what
is the occasion of your coming ? Prayers and alms, the two
kinds of religious service previously mentioned, as the proofs
of the centurion's devout regard to the divine will and the
true religion. Come up, ascended, in allusion to the v:ii;o'ir
of the ancient offerings. For a memorial, to remind God, as
it were, of the offerer's existence and necessities ; another
allusion to the ceremonial law, in which this name is given to
apart of the burnt-offering. (See Lev. 2, 2. Num. 5, 21.) Be-
fore God, not merely in his judgment or his estimation, as in
8, 21, but in his presence, in the place where he manifests his
glory. Intrinsic merit or efficacy is no more ascribed in these
words to the good works of Cornehus than to the oblations
from which the figure or comparison is taken. It was not as
a reward of what Cornelius had thus done, that the Lord now
favoured and distinguished him; but this distinguishing favour
was itself the cause of those devotional and charitable habits,
which had been recognized in heaven as being what they were,
not meritorious claims to the divine blessing, but experimental
proofe that it had been bestowed.
ACTS 10, 5. 0. 7. 391
5. And now send men to Joppa, and call for (one)
Simon, whose surname is Peter :
As this vision was not intended merely to astonish or to
please Cornelius, but to prepare for his reception into the
Church, the angelic assurance of the divine favour is imme-
diately succeeded by directions as to his own duty. A7id
91010, since God has purposes of mercy towards thee, send to
(or i7ito) Joppa, where Peter had been left at the close of the
last chapter (9, 43.) Men, and by implication, chosen men, or
men fit for such a service (see below, on v. V.) Call for, lite-
rally, send for, a compound form of the preceding verb. 07ie
before Simon is supplied by the translators. Both names are
given to identify the person.
6. He lodgeth with one Simon a tanner, whose
house is by the sea side : he shall tell thee what thou
oughtest to do.
Minute directions how he should find Peter. Lodgeth
with, or is entertained by ; for it may have been a case of
Christian hospitality. A tanner, see above, on 9, 43. To
whom there is a house by the sea, perhaps on account of his
occupation, and perhaps at a distance from the town, as the
Mishna requires in the case of such employments.
7. And when the angel which spake unto Cornelius
was departed, he called two of his household servants,
and a devout soldier of them that waited on him con-
tinually.
As soon as the vision is concluded, he takes the necessary
measures to obey the order which he had received, employ-
ing for this purpose three of his own household, two domes
tics, or, as the word originally means, two members of his
family, and a military servant, who was his constant personal
attendant, as, in some modern armies, officers are waited on
by soldiers. This man is described as like his master or com-
mander in religious character, and therefore peculiarly well
fitted for the service now assigned to him. Although not af-
firmed, it seems to be implied, that the other two messengei-s
were Iike-mindoi ; so that wo have here the interesting case
392 ACTS 10, 8. 9. 10.
of a whole Gentile household, brought by intercourse with
Jews, and by the grace of God, to the very threshold of the
true religion.
8. And when lie liad declared all (these) things
unto them, he sent them to Joppa.
Such being their character, he does not send them blind-
fold, but states the whole case to them. Declared^ expounded,
or detailed, the verb from which exegesis is derived, but spe-
cially applied in Greek to historical narration. (See below,
on 15,12.14. 21,19, and compare Luke 24,35.) All these
things^ including the \ision, the divine command, and the ex-
pected revelation.
9. On the morrow, as they went on their journey,
and drew nigh unto the city, Peter went up upon the
house-top to pray, about the sixth hour :
While the centurion's messengers are on their way, the
other part of this providential scheme is set in motion, by the
vision of Peter, answering to that of Cornelius. Ori the mGr-
row^ or the next day, after they set out. They journeying^ or
moving onwards, and approaehing (or heing 7iear) to the city (or
town of Joppa.) Tlie house^ or, as some editions read, the house-
top^ the flat roof, to which the word {Sojixa) is apphed in later
Greek, while its English derivative {dome) denotes a j)eculiar
kind of roof, and that not a flat one. To p/ray^ a frequent use
of the oriental roof, on account of its elevation and retirement.
The sixth hour after sunrise, one of the three stated hours of
prayer. (See above, on 2, 15.)
10. And he became very hungry, and would have
eaten ; but while they made ready, he fell into a trance,
Peter is prepared, in mmd and body, for the extraordinary
revelation which awaits him. Woidd have eaten^ literally,
wished to taste {food)-, an expression used in classic Greek,
even of a full meal. While they made ready ^ literally, they
fveparing, They^ i. e. his friends, the people of the house, a
form of expression famihar to the dialect of common life.
Preparing^ either his noon-day meal, or in anticipation of it,
and at his request. He fell into a trance^ in Greek, there fell
ACTS 10, 10. 11. 12. 393
on him, an ecstasy^ a preternatural, abnormal state of mind,
preparing liim for the reception of the vision. (Compare the
corresponding verl) in 2, V. 8, 9. 11, 13.) Mil on him, by a
sudden influence or illapse from above, produced by a supe-
rior power. (See below, on v. 44.)
11. And saw heaven opened, and a certain vessel
descending unto liim, as it had been a great sheet, knit
at the four corners, and let down to the earth :
The vision itself corresponds to his bodily condition.
While his thoughts are running upon food, it is exhibited in
great abundance and variety, but in an extraordinary manner,
showing that somethmg was intended, very different from the
satisfaction of the appetite, or even the relief of an unusual
hunger. A^id saw, or rather, and beholds, surveys, implying
something strange and striking in the object of vision. (See
above, on 3, 16. 4, 13. 8, 13. 9, 7.) Heaven opened, as in V, 56,
exceiDt that the number here is singular, not plural. Sheet,
sail, or cloth, the Greek word denoting the material rather
than the shape. Knit, literally, tied, bound, fastened. Cor-
7iers, hterally, beginnioigs, but in Greek used also to denote
extremities or ends. It may here mean the ends of chains or
cords by which the sheet seemed to be fastened to something
above, or the ends of the sheet itself, which must then be con-
ceived as gathered up and tied, so as to be capable of holding
its contents.
12. Wherein were all manner of fourfooted beasts
of the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping things, and
fowls of the air.
Tlie contents vv^ere as surprising as the vessel, comprehend-
ing all kinds of animals — beasts, birds, and creeping things —
including therefore both the two great classes, which the Law
of Moses and the Je^^dsh practice recognized, the Clean and
Unclean. (See Lev. xi. and Deut. xiv.) This is the grand
idea meant to be conveyed, and it was therefore as indifferent
to Peter as it ought to be to us, into how many classes a
zoologist would have divided them, or what might be the
strictly scientific apphcation of the terms, qiiadrupeds of the
earth, beasts, reptiles, and birds of heaven, or of the air. (See
Gen. 1, 20.) The distinctive names might have been more
numerous or less so, more precise or less so, without varying
VOL. I. — 17*
594 ACTS 10, 12. 13. 14.
the essential fact, that the vessel seen by Peter in his trance
or vision, contained all manner (i. e. all kinds) of animals,
both clean and unclean. Wild beasts is a correct translation
of a single Greek word, which is usually so applied.
13. And there came a voice to him, Rise, Peter ;
kill and eat.
Still more surprising than what Peter saw was what he
heard. A voice came^ literally, became, i. e. became audible,
to him, not merely heard by him, but addressed to him. The
voice may have proceeded from the open vessel, but more
probably from the open heaven (v. 11.) Mise (literally,
rising) may imply that he was on his knees, or lying down, or
sitting. It may also be, however, a command to rouse him-
self from a previous condition of inaction or repose. (See
above, on 9, 6. 11. 18.) Kill is in Greek a verb denoting sa-
crificial slaying, or the act of killing with a reference to some
religious purpose. The use of this significant expression,
which is not to be diluted or explained away without neces-
sity, shows that the following command {and eat) refers not
merely to the satisfaction of the appetite, but to those ceremo-
nial restrictions, under which the law of Moses placed the
Jews, both in their worship and in their daily use of necessary
food. As if the voice had said, ' From among these animals
select thy offering or thy food, without regard to the distinc-
tion between clean and unclean.'
14. But Peter said, Not so, Lord; for I have never
eaten any thing that is common or miclean.
Peter responds to this command as any conscientious Jew
or Jewish Christian would have done, by representing it as
inconsistent with the whole previous tenor of his life. I^ot
so, not at all, by no means. The emphasis and positiveness
of this refusal is in curious contrast with the title of respect
which follows, and which can scarcely be translated Sir in this
connection, but must imply that he regarded the voice as that
of a superhuman if not a divine speaker. (See above, on 9,
5. 6.) Even such authority was not immediately sufficient to
break the force of prejudice and habit. The thought to be
BuppUed between the clauses is, ' I cannot do it now, because
I never did before.' I have never eaten (more exactly, never
ACTS 10, 14. 15. 395
did eat) any thing (literally, all or evwy) i. e. all that came
to hand, without discrunmation. The reference is not to any
personal peculiarity, but to that restrictive law of food, which
constituted one of the most striking points of difference be-
tween Jew and Gentile, and one of the most operative means
of separation, as it does to this day. Common^ not appropri-
ated, set apart, or consecrated, which some regard as the ori-
ginal or primary sense of Ao/y. (See above, on 9, 13.) Others
make the essential idea to be that of purity, the opposite of
which is also here expressed {wiclean.) Taken together,
therefore, they exhaust the idea of unholy or profane, which
was present to the mind of the Apostle. The general fact
which he affirms is that he had always lived as a strict Jew,
and therefore separate from other people. The particular sign
of this seclusion here referred to — the distinction of food —
served, at the same time, as a type or emblem of a moral dif-
ference, the Gentiles being to the Jews, in this respect, what
unclean animals were to the clean.
15. And the voice (spake) unto him again the second
time, What God hath cleansed, (that) call not thou com-
mon.
The voice^ or more exactly, a voice, implying that the
speaker still remained invisible. Agahi, a second^ (time), an
emphatic reduphcation, which seems intended to make the
parts in this dramatic dialogue as distmct as possible. The
same effect is promoted by the suppression of the verb (said) ;
see above, on 9, 11. The literal translation of the last clause
is. What {thhigs) God hath purified do thou, not render com-
mon, or treat as such, a phrase representing one Greek verb
{koivov), which has no equivalent in English, unless we coin for
the occasion some such form as communify. The two verba
in this clause correspond to the two adjectives in Peter's an-
swer. Gall not common is a version justified by the analogy
of certain causatives in Hebrew, which are used in a declara-
tive sensfe, and in a ceremonial apphcation. (E. g. to purify,
1. e. to pronounce pure ; to pollute, i. e. to pronounce polluted,
Lev. 13, 3. 6. 8. 11.) But the proper causative sense of making
common or unclean is not only appropriate, but much more
pointed. * What God has haUowed do not thou attempt to
unhallow.' This reply of the unseen speaker to Peter's true
but proud profession of Levitical fidehty and strictness must
396 ACTS 10, 15. 16. 17.
have been surprising and at first confounding. Instead of re.
cognizing his pretensions to the praise of ceremonial perfeo>
tion, the person, whose authority he had just acknowledged
by addressing him as Lord, denies the truth and value of the
distinction altogether. It is not a mere precaution against
error in the application of the ceremonial principle, but an ab-
rogation of the principle itself. Peter is not simply put upon
his guard against the error of regarding as imclean, according
to the Jewish standard, what was really, according to that
standard, clean. He is warned against the far worse error of
continuing to recognize that standard as itself obligatory, after
it had ceased to be so. Hitherto there had been a distinction
between clean and unclean, both in meats and persons. Hence-
forth there could be none ; for what had been unclean for ages
by divine authority was now pronounced clean by the same ;
and what had thus been constituted clean could not be ren-
dered common by the exercise of any human power or au-
thority.
16. This was done tlirice, and the vessel was re-
ceived up again into heaven.
This^ i. e. the whole scene, including sights and sounds,
the \dsion and the dialogue. Was done^ happened, came to
pass ; the same verb that is used with voice in v. 13. Thrice
is in Greek a peculiar idiomatic phrase (ctti rpts), the nearest
approach to which in Enghsh is, for three times, or on three
occasions. An analogous though different expression is, to
the number of three. Received up^ or taken back, or both,
which seems to be the meaning of the same verb in the first
sentence of the book. (See above, on 1, 1.) This repetition
of the revelation, no doubt in precisely the same form, may
have been intended partly to impress it on the memory, but
chiefly to preclude the suspicion of its being a mere dream or
fancy. Again^ or according to the oldest manuscripts and
latest editors, immediately^ the former having probably been
introduced, by assimilation, from 11, 10. (See above, on 9, 5.)
17. Now while Peter doubted in himself what this
nsion which he had seen should mean, behold, the men
which were sent from Comehus had made inquiry for
Simon's house, and stood before the gate.
ACTS 10, 17. 18. 19. 397
ITow is the particle translated but in v. 14, and not trans-
lated at all in vs. 16,19. While, literally, as ; see above, on 1, 10.
5, 24. V, 23. 8, 36. 9, 23. 10, 7. Doubted, was perplexed, or
at a loss, the same verb that is used above, 2, 12, and there ex-
plained. (See also, on 5, 24.) Should mean, or more exactly,
what it was, or might he. (See above, on 5, 24, where a simi
lar though not the same expression is employed.) Behold, lite-
rally, and behold, a form of expression foreign from our idiom,
but common in Hebrew and in Hellenistic Greek. (See
above, on 1, 10. 8, 27.) Which were sent, literally, those sent,
or the (men) sent. From Cornelius, not merely by him, but
away from him, implying that he remained at home. Had
made inquiry, literally, having asked ov inquired. (See above,
on 1, 6. 5, 27, where another compound of the same verb is
employed.) Perhaps the flill force of the one here used is,
having ascertained or found out by inquiry. Before the
gate, or at the porch or vestibule, the front side of an oriental
house, through which is the entrance to the open court with-
m. (See below, on 12, 14. 14, 13.)
18. And called, and asked whether Simon, which
was surnamed Peter, were lodged there.
And called, literally, callbig or having called, i. e. as some
explain it, having called some one out to them ; but the abso-
lute sense of calling, i. e. raising the voice, shouting, as a sub-
stitute for knocking, rmging, and the like, gives an equally
good meaning and is equally agreeable to usage, while it
makes the syntax simpler, by assuming no grammatical elhpsis
of the object. Ashed, in the imperfect tense, were asking, at
that very moment. The Greek verb is not the same with that
in the preceding verse, but one employed above in 4, 7, and
below in v. 29. 21, 33. 23, 19. 20. 23, 34. The form of the
interrogation is the same as in 1, 6, and gives the very words
of the inquirers, (tell us) if Simon, the (one) sur named Peter.,
lodges (or is lodged) here. (See above, on v. 6.)
19. While Peter thought on the vision, the Spirit
said unto him, Behold, three men seek thee.
Peter pondering (revolvmg, or turning it over in his mind^
which last is the etymological import of the Greek verb) about
(concerning, as to) the vision (the extraordinary sig]]t which
398 ACTS 10, 19. 20.21.
he had just seen), the Spirit (i. e. the Divine or Holy Spirit,
see above, on 8, 29) saitl to him^ Behold (or lo^ implying
something unexpected and surprising, see above, on 1, 10. 2,
7. 5, 9. 25. 28. 7, 56. 8, 27. 36. 9, 10. 11), three me?i are seeking
(asking or inquiring for) thee. This coincidence of time, be-
tween Peter's anxious meditations and the inquiries of the
men from Cesarea, brings the two parts of the providential
scheme into conjunction and co-operation.
20. Arise therefore, and get thee down, and go
with them, doubting nothing ; for I have sent them.
JBut arise (not therefore, which is never so expressed in
Greek), i. e. while they are seeking thee, do thou, on thy part,
stand up (from thy sitting or recumbent posture ; or arouse
thyself, address thyself to action, see above, on v. 13), and go
down (of which get thee doion is an old English equivalent),
and depart (set off or journey, see above, on 9, 3. 11. 15. 31)
with them, doubting nothing, i. e. as to nothing, asking neither
who nor what they are. The Greek verb, in its active form,
means first to separate or sever ; then to distinguish or dis-
criminate ; and then to determine or decide. (See belew, on
15, 9, and compare 1 Cor. 4, 7. Matt. 16, 3. 1 Cor. 11, 29. 31.
14, 29.) The middle means to differ, either with others, i. e.
\o dispute, or with one's self, i. e. to hesitate and waver. (See
below, on 11, 2, and compare Jude 9 with Matt. 21, 21. Mark
11,23. Rom. 4,20. 14,23. James 1,6. 2,4.) Either the
second or the last of these is here appropriate — ' not at all
hesitating so to do ' — or, ' not distinguishing without a dif-
ference, making no gratuitous, invidious distinction between
Jew and Gentile.' The latter seems entitled to the preference,
as involving an allusion to the heavenly lesson he had just re-
ceived. For I have sent them, not immediately, but through
the Angel (v. 6) and Cornelius (v. 8.)
21. Then Peter went down to the men which were
sent unto him from Cornehus, and sa d, Behold, I am
he whom ye seek \ what is the cause wherefore ye are
come?
Then (and, but, or so) Peter descending (going down
stairs from the flat roof where he saw the vision) to the men
ACTS 10, 21. 22. 899
(still standing in the porch or at the front door), said^ Beholdy
(i. e. see me, here I am, as in 9, 10), Z mn he whom ye seek
(or after whom ye are inquiring, compare John 18, 4-8.)
What (is) the cause (reason or occasion) wherefore (i. e. for
or on account of which) ye are coine^ (or more exactly, ye
are present, ye are here.) Peter, as Chrysostom observes,
shows that he had no thought of concealing himself from them,
by first making himself known and then inquirmg why they
sought him. It is characteristic of the man and the apostle
that he aflects no knowledge which he did not possess, and
notmthstanding the two divine communications which had
just been made to him, aclmowledges his ignorance of what
had not been thus revealed. The words, sent from Cornelms^
are wanting in the oldest manuscripts and versions, and sup-
posed by modern critics to have been inserted from a lection-
ary or collection of lessons to be used in public worship, into
which they had been introduced to make the narrative intel-
ligible and complete.
22. And they said, Cornelius the centurion, a just
man, and one that feareth God, and of good report
among all the nation of the Jews, was warned from
God by a holy angel to send for thee into his house,
and to hear words of thee.
The centurion should be a centurion^ as in Greek, referring
to a person not yet known to Peter, but intended to be made
known by this very description. The definite form is the less
appropriate, as there were many Roman officers of this rank
in the Holy Land. (See below, on 21, 32. 22, 25. 23, 17. 23.
24, 23. 27, 1, and compare Matt. 8, 5. 27, 54. Mark 15, 44.)
For devout or pious in v. 2, we have here the more generic
term, just or righteous (see above, on 3, 14. 4, 19. 7, 52.)
Fearing God^ literally, the God^ i. e. the true God, or the God
of Israel (see above, on v. 2.) Of good report among ^ or
more exactly, testified (attested, certified, to be such as they
had just described him, not only by his countrymen and
fellow Gentiles, but) hy all the nation (or the whole nation)
of the Jews, a natural hyperbole denotmg all the Jews of
Cesarea, or more indefinitely, Jews in general, as distinguished
from the Gentiles. War7ied from God, the same verb that ia
used in Matt. 2, 12. 22. Heb. 8, 5. 11, 7. 12, 25, and originally
400 ACTS 10, 22. 23.
meaning to transact bnsiness, more particularly money-matters^
then, to negociate or confer on state affairs ; and then, to give
an answer after such negociation, in which last sense it is used
by Demosthenes and Xenophon. By a still further elevation
and restriction of the meaning, it is applied to the responses
of the oracles, and in the Scriptures to divine communications,
more especially those made to individuals. The sense of warn-
ing is required by the context in Matthew and Hebrews ; but
in this place it may either have the general sense of a divine
communication or mstruction, or the more specific one of a
divine response, i. e. to the prayers of Cornelius for diviue di-
rection. (See above, on v. 2, and for a very different use of
the same verb, below, on 11, 26.) From God is supphed by
the translators as really included in the meaning of the verb.
By a holy (i. e. an unfallen) angel^ as distinguished from " the
devil and his angels" (Matt. 25, 41. 2 Cor. 11, 14. 12, 7. Rev.
12, 19.) To seyidfor thee^ not to come in person, which may
be stated as a reason for the absence of Cornelius. A7id to
hear words of thee (i. e. from thee, spoken by thee), an addi-
tion to the narrative in v. 6, the last clause in the common
text of that verse being omitted by the oldest manuscripts
and latest critics, as an imauthorized assimilation to 9, 6. (See
above, on 9, 5.)
23. Then called lie them in and lodged (them.)
And on the morrow, Peter went away with them, and
certain brethren from Joppa accompanied, him.
Then, or rather, therefore, i. e. because they came on such
an errand. Called them (more exactly, calling, or hamng
called them) in, which does not necessarily imply that they
were stiU without and he v>^ithin the house ; for it may mean
inviting them (in whicji sense Aristophanes employs the same
verb), not to cross the threshold merely, but to take up their
abode there for the night. Lodged them, or rather, e7iter'
tained them, including all the rites of hospitality, which may
be also meant in vs. 6 and 18. On the morroic, or the next
day after their arrival, as the same phrase in the ninth verse
means the day after they left Cesarea. We^it away, hterally,
went out, i. e. from the house and from the city. Certain
hrethren, literally, some of the brethren, i. e. disciples or con-
verted Jews (see below, ou v. 45), whose names and number
«re not given here, although the latter is recorded in 11, 12
ACTS 10, 23. 24. 25. 401
below. From Joppa^ not merely belonging to it, although
that idea is of course suggested, but coming from it upon this
occasion. We are not told whether Peter took them with
him by divine command ; or as a wise precaution, the utility
of which appears from the next chapter (see below, on 11, 12) ;
or merely as companions and friends, their use as witnesses
then forming no part of his own plan, though it did of God's.
Wiclif adds expressly, that they he (i. e. might be) witnesses
to Peter. But their errand may have been still more impor-
tant. (See below, on v. 46.)
24. And the morrow after, tliey entered into Ce-
sarea ; and Cornelius waited for them, and had called
together his kinsmen and near friends.
The morrow^ the next day after leaving Joppa, which was
thirty miles from Cesarea. Cornelius loas waiting for them,
perhaps implying that they were longer on the way than he
expected. It may mean, however, nothing more than his
anxiety to meet with Peter. Saving called together, not
merely to do honour to his visitor, but for their own instruc-
tion, his kinsmen, from which some infer that Cesarea was his
native place, or at least that he had formed intimate connec-
tions in the country. Near friends, in the older English ver-
sions special friends, and in Greek necessary friends, which
may either denote natural relations, not dependent on the will
of the parties, or the closest intimacy, making their society
essential to his comfort or his happiness. The main fact is the
same in either case, to wit, that the centurion had gathered
his most intimate acquaintances and friends, to share in the
divine communication, which he expected to receive through
Peter. As this would hardly have been done without some
preparation or predisposition upon their part, it would seem to
imply a previous work of grace among these Gentiles, leading
them to Christ, even before they came in contact with his
gospel or his ministers.
25. And as Peter was coming in, Cornelius met
him, and fell down at his feet, and worshipped (him.)
And as it came to p)CLSS. that Peter entered, i. e. just as
Peter entered, Cornelius, meeting him {diRd) falling at thefeei
(of Peter), worshipped. Having been directed by an Angel
402 ACTS ^0, 25.26. 27.
to send for the Apostle, with a promise of divine conmrnnica
tions from him, it is not surprising that Cornelius should have
supposed him to be more than a mere man, or even a divine
person. His feelings were perhaps the same as if he had been
honoured with a visit from our Lord himself, while yet on
earth. How could he be expected, without previous uistruc-
tion, to distinguish so exactly between the Apostle and hvi
Master, as both appeared in human form, and both exerted
superhuman power ? This seems more natural and satisfac-
tory than to suppose that this Roman soldier simply meant to
do obeisance in the oriental manner, which was not in com-
mon use among the Jews themselves, much less among the
Romans.
26. But Peter took him up, saying, Stand up, I
myself also am a man.
Took Mm up^ literally, raised him^ i. e. from his prostrate
attitude. Some have understood Peter's words as meaning,
' I am a man, as you are, although of another nation, and I
claim no right to such profound veneration, even from a Gen-
tile.' But how can we imagine that Cornelius, who had long-
teen well acquainted with the Jews, at least in Cesarea, could
be so overwhelmed by the appearance of another Jew from
Joppa ? The obvious meaning of the answer is, ' I am a mere
man like yourself, and therefore not an object of religious
worship.' (Compare the similar expressions in Rev. 22, 9.)
It has been well observed that Christ himself never disclaimed
his title to such honours, although often offered. (See Matt.
8, 2. 9, 18. 14, 33. 15, 25. 20, 20. 28, 9. lY. John 9, 38.)
27. And as he talked with him, he went in, and
found many that were come together.
Conversing with him^ not in the restricted modern sense
of talking, but in the Latin and old Enghsh one of keeping
company, associating, holding intercourse, which is the only
classical usage of the Greek verb in its simple form, and in
the single instance of the compound which is cited in the lexi-
cons. The sense of talking is moreover less appropriate, as it
implies that something passed in conversation between Peter
and Cornelius which is not recorded. This, though not im-
possible, would mar the beauty and completeness of the narra-
ACTS 10, 27. 28. 403
tive, -vrhicli seem at least in part dependent on the fact that
we have here, upon divine authority, just what was said and
done by all the parties to this great transaction. The ensuing
dialogue would lose much of its interest, if preceded by an-
other, of which we know nothing. Both the context, there-
fore, and Greek usage are in favour of interpreting the clause
to mean, that Peter entered with Cornelius, showing by his
whole demeanour, not excluding what he said, that he felt no
scruple in associating with him upon equal terms. The last
clause discloses the additional circumstance, that the friends
of Cornelius, mentioned in v. 24, were numerous. It may
also be implied, that Peter was surprised to find so many
gathered to receive him.
28. And he said unto them, Ye know how that it
is an unlawful (thing) for a man that is a Jew to keep
company or come unto one of another nation ; but
God hath shewed me that I should not call any (man)
common or unclean.
He appeals to their own experimental knowledge of the
hindrances to social iutercourse between the Jews and Gen-
tiles any where, but more particularly in Judea. Ye Jcnow^
or more emphatically, know well, know for certain, or are
well aware, which is the usage of this Greek verb in the
classics, although less distinctly marked in the New Testa-
ment, where it frequently occurs, especially in this book. (See
below, on 15, 1. 18, 25. 19, 15. 25. 20, 18. 22, 19. 24, 10. 26,
3. 26.) How that it is an unlawful thing is an awkward
version of a very simj)le phrase, hoio unlawful it is, or still
more simply, that it is unlawful. The Greek adjective is used
but twice in the New Testament, and in both instances by
Peter (1 Pet. 4, 3.) According to its etymology and classical
usage, it denotes what is contrary to ancient custom or pre-
scription (^e/At?), rather than to positive enactment (vo/xos) ;
and this agrees exactly with the case before us, where the pro-
hibition does not rest upon the letter of the law, but either
on its spirit, as interpreted in later times, or on some tradi-
tional addition to it. A man, a Jew, i. e. a Jewish man, a
man who is a Jew. (See above, on 8, 27.) The use of both
terms is not pleonastic, but equivalent to saying 'for any
man, that is (or at least) for any Jew.' To keep company^
404 ACTS 10, 28. 29.
literally, to stick fast, to adhere, a figure for the most familiar,
Intimate association. (See above, on 5, 13. 8,29, and below,
on 17, 34.) Or (even) to approach^ to come to (i. e. into the
society of) any alien, foreigner, here pnt, perhaps through
courtesy, for a Gentile, an alien both in race and religion.
(Compare the Septuagint version of Isai. 2, 6. 61, 5.) Although
the terms immediately preceding this are properly expressive
of association or companionship in general, the whole connec-
i^ion gives them a specific appHcation to domestic intercourse,
and more especially to that of the table, or participation in the
same food. This has always been avoided by the Jews, even
to the present time, as necessarily endangering the violation
of their dietetic laws, at least when they are the recipients
and not the givers of the entertainment. This practice, grow-
ing out of the provisions of the law respecting clean and un-
clean meats, was so connected with the common intercourse
and courtesies of life, that Peter's hearers upon this occasiour
must have been all famihar with it, and could therefore imder-
stand his meaning, even when conveyed in general expressions.
This removes the objection that the Jews had never practised
such entire seclusion from the Gentiles as the strict interpre-
tation of the words would naturally indicate. Some conjec-
ture not improbably that these words were immediately occa-
sioned by the sight of the provision which Cornelius had
made for the refreshment of his visitors. £ut, literally, and
(not 8e but /cat), ' Ye know that, and I know this, for God,
etc' Shewed me, not merely told or taught me, but caused
me to see it, in the strictest sense, i. e. revealed it by a vision.
That I should not call, a needless deviation from the form
of the origuial, which is, no man commo7i or uncUan to cally
except that man m Greek emphatically ends the sentence.
As if he had said, ' no one so to call, who is a man, a human
being, a partaker of our common nature.'
29. Therefore came I (unto you) without gainsaying,
as soon as I was sent for. I ask therefore for what in-
tent ye have sent for me ?
For which (reason), i. e. because he had received this reve-
lation in correction of his error, I came (hither, or to yon, is
implied, but not expressed in the original) loithoict gainsay-
ing (contradiction or refusal.) This last idea is expressed in
Greek by one word, a compounded adverb, similar in form
ACTS 10, 29. 30. 405
and usage to our imdeniahly^ but having here the active sense
of undenyi7igly. The statement of this reason for his prompt
compliance shows that the true meaning of his vision had not
been withheld from Peter till he came to Cesarea, but was
probably imparted to him, in relief of his solicitous perplexity,
just when he heard the voice of the three messengers inquir-
ing for him. (See above, on vs. 17. 18.) The communication
of the Spirit then made, as to the arrival and the errand of
the meii from Cesarea, was most probably accompanied by a
disclosure, perhaps less explicit, but not less convincing, of the
truth intended to be taught by the symbolical spectacle, which
he had just seen, and upon which he was still musing. As
soon as Iioas sent for ^ though substantially correct, is stronger
than the Greek, which is a simple passive particij^le, meaning
having been (or being) sent for. I ask then^ or therefore^
not the particle used in the first clause, but that employed
above in v. 23. Having given the recent revelation as a rea-
son for his coming without hesitation or delay, he now gives
this promptness as a reason for demanding further information,
or rather a formal and authoritative statement of what he
must have heard already from the messengers. For what
word (^oy<i>), not thing or matter (see above, on 8, 21), but
cause or reason (see below, on 18, 14, and compare Matt.
5, 32.) This use of the Greek word is not a Hebraism, being
found in Herodotus, Xenophon, and Plato. Ye sent for me^
the active form of the same verb, of which we have the
passive participle in the first clause. (See above, on vs. 5, 22,
and below, on 11, 13. 24, 24. 26. 25, 3.)
30. And Cornelius said, Four days ago I was fasting
until this hour ; and at the ninth hour I prayed in my
house, and behold, a man stood before me in bright
clothing —
Cornelius now repeats the narrative contained in vs. 3-6,
with a few unimportant variations. Four days ago^ literally,
from the fourth day, which has been variously understood,
as meaning that Cornelius had been fasting four days when he
saw the vision ; or that he had been fasting four days when
these words were spoken ; or that he had been fasting from
the morning till the ninth hour of the fourth day previous.
N'o one of these ideas is explicitly conveyed by the expression,
406 ACTS 10, 30. 31. 32.
which is certainly anomalous ; but that adopted by the Eng
lish version is in itself more natural than either of the others.
The essential meaning, upon any of these suppositions, is the
same, to wit, that the centurion's prayers were accompanied
by fiisting, which not only proved the earnestness of his de-
votion, but rendered him less liable to be deceived by false
appearances or mere imaginations. It might also serve to
show his conformity to Jewish usages, not only in respect to
listing, but to stated hours of prayer. (See above, on 2, 15.
3, 1. 5, 7. 10, 9.) This was important only as a proof of the
sincerity with which he had abandoned heathenism and begun
to seek the one true God. In ray {oicn) house^ in retu-ement,
at home, as distinguished from all public places of resort, and
showing that the prayers and fasting mentioned were of the
private and unostentatious kind described and recommended
by our Saviour (Matt. 6, 5. 6. 16. 17.) The centurion's account
of the angelic visitation is entirely consistent ^vith the one in
V. 3, although somewhat different in form. What Luke calls
an angel, Cornelius caUs a man, because in human form,
whether merely apparent, or belonging to a real body, worn
for the occasion and then laid aside, perhaps dissolved. An
additional circumstance here mentioned is the bright, effulgent
dress, probably the same with the white rajment of the two
men upon Olivet (see above, on 1, 10.) This may be regarded
in both cases as an emanation or reflection of the divine glory
(see above, on 7, 2), with which these messengers from heaven
were invested, as a proof of their legation and a source of
awe to the beholders.
31. 32. And said, Cornelius, thy prayer is heard,
and thine ahns are had in remembrance in the sight
of God. Send therefore to Joppa, and call hither
Simon, whose surname is Peter : he is lodged in the
house of (one) Simon a tanner, by the sea-side ; who,
when he cometh, shall speak unto thee.
Omitting the preliminary statement in v. 3, he gives the
substance of the Angel's words as there recorded, with
some freedom as to mere form and expression. While the
simple phrase, Aai-e heen rememhered^ takes the place of the
more figurative one there employed, the prayers and alms are
here diWded and construed each with a distinct verb. The
ACTS 10, 32. 33. 40Y
singular form (prayer) may have immediate reference to his
prayer on that particular occasion, which was no doubt for
divine illumination and a clearer knowledge of the true reh-
gion. It may also, however, be referred, as a collective, to
the whole series of his previous petitions, and as therefore
equivalent to the plural (prayers) m v. 4. In the sight of God
is perfectly identical in Greek with before God in the fourth
verse. Then or therefore answers to the and now of the
fifth verse, and expresses still more strongly the connection
between God's purposes of mercy towards Comehus and the
revelations to be made by Peter. Send is here used abso-
lutely without men^ which is sufficiently imphed. Call hither^
call away, or call back, are the usual senses of the Greek verb,
a different one from that in v. 5, which properly means send
for. In the House of Sirnon^ HteraUy, in a house (to wit,
that) of Sirno7i, takes the place of the less definite expres-
sion icith one (or a certain) Simon^ m the sixth verse. When
he cometh, hterally, being come, arrived, or being near you,
with you (see above, on 5, 21.) Wiff speak (or talk) to thee^
not iu general merely, but with special reference to the ques-
tions which then occupied his mind, as to the worship of the
true God and the method of salvation.
33. Immediately therefore I sent to thee ; and thou
hast well done that thou art come. Xow therefore are
we all here present before God, to hear all things that
are commanded thee of God.
Immediately^ or as the Greek word etymologically signifies,
from that same (moment.) (See below, on 11, 11. 21, 32. 23,
30, and compare Mark 6, 25. Phil. 2, 23.) Then^ or therefore^
as iu V. 32, i. e. because of this divine command and promise.
And thou, or thou too ((r6 re), hast been prompt as well as L
(See above, on 1, 1. S, 13. 5, 14. 8, 3S. 9. 15.) ^7^^ tctU
done^ didst well, i e. right, or as in duty bound, but with an
implied acknowledgment of Idndness also, giving to these
words a pleasing tone of courtesy and friendliness, as well as
of solemnity and reverence. uVbic tlien (or therefore)^ i. e. after
aU that we have both experienced, and in these strange
and solemn circumstances. We aU (or aU of us) are present
before God, i. e. under his omniscient eye and providential
guidance, and with our thoughts and expectations fixed upon
408 ACTS 10, 33.34.
him, to hear all the {things)^ without exception or invidious
distinction, ordered (or commanded) thee by God. It is remark-
able how clearly and explicitly Cornelius, t^\dce in this short
sentence, distinguishes the man whom he at first had wor-
shipped (v. 25), and to whom he still looked up as an inspired
instructor, from the divine authority by which he was com-
missioned. It was not before Peter (although several of the
oldest manuscripts have thee instead of God) that they con-
sidered themselves now assembled, but before his Master ; it
was not Peter's own views and opinions that they waited and
desired to hear, but liis inspired mstructions and communica-
tions, whatever they might prove to be, even all the things
enjoined upon him, or entrusted to him, as a messenger from
God. His claim to be such does not seem to have been ques-
tioned by Cornelius for a moment, because amply attested by
the angelic message to himself. Both these divine communi-
cations carried with them their own evidence, excluding all
doubt as to their infallible authority, on the part of those to
whom they were addressed.
34. Then Peter opened (his) mouth, and said, Of a
truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons — ■
Opening his mouth suggests the idea of a regular dis-
course, as distinguished from a simple conversation. (See
above, on 8, 35.) Of a truths really, certainly, qualifies the
proposition, rather than the preface or preamble, to which it
is immediately attached. (See above, on 4, 27.) I perceive.
or rather, seize, grasp, apprehend, comprehend, something un-
known or imperfectly understood before. (See above, on 4,
13, and below, on 25, 25.) Hespecter of persons^ is a single
word in Greek, which, with the cognate forms, respect of per-
S071S, and to respect persons^ is of Hebrew origin, and relates
to judicial partiality, or the preference of one party to another,
upon other grounds than those of right and justice. The
same thing is repeatedly denied of God in Scripture (Deut.
10, 17. 2 Sam. 14, 14. 2 Chron. 19, 7. 1 Pet. 1, 17), and
prohibited to man (Lev. 19, 15. Deut. 1, 17. 16, 19. James 2,
1. 9.) What is here denied is not a sovereign and discrimi-
nating choice, but one founded on mere national distinctions.
' I now at length understand that although God bestows his
favours as he will, he does not mean to limit them hereafter,
as of old, to any one race or people.'
ACTS 10, 35. 36. 37. 409
35. But in every nation he that feareth him, and
worketh righteousness, is accepted with him.
This verse has sometimes been abused, to prove that the
Knowledge of the Gospel is not necessary to tlie salvation of
the heathen ; whereas it merely teaches that this knowledge
is attainable by them, as well as others. The essential mean-
ing is that whatever is acceptable to God in one race is ac-
ceptable in any other. Feareth God and worketh righteous-
ness are not meritorious conditions or prerequisites to the expe-
rience of divine grace, but its fruits and evidences. He who
possesses and exhibits these may know that God accej^ts him,
whatever his descent or country, Peter is not expounding
the divine mode of dealing with the heathen, but confessing
and renouncing his own error in regarding the precedence of
his own race as perpetual. As if he had said, ' Now I see
that we have no right to require more than God himself; if
he is satisfied with piety and good works in a Gentile, we are
bound to be contented with the same.'
36. The word which (God) sent unto the children
of Israel, preaching peace by Jesus Christ — he is Lord
of all —
The construction of the first clause is exceedingly obscure
and has been variously explained. The icord is an accusative
in Greek and may be governed either by a preposition under-
stood, {as to) the word which God sent ; or by the preceding
verb, I (now) perceive (or apprehend) the viiordichich God sent ;
or by the following verb, the word lohich God sent to the chil-
dren of Israel ye know. The first, if not the most grammati-
cally regular, is much the simplest ; but the general sense re-
mains the same, on any of these suppositions, and may thus be
paraphrased. ' As to the word or doctrine of salvation (13, 26),
which God has sent in the first instance to his ancient people,
its joyful news of peace and reconciliation cannot be designed
for them alone, since Jesus Christ, through whom it is pro-
claimed, is Lord of .all men, not of the Jews only.' (Compare
Rom. 3, 29. 10, 12.)
37. That word (I say) ye know, which was pub-
VOL. I. — 18
410 ACTS 10, 37.38.
lished throughout all Judea, and began from Galilee,
after the baptism which John preached —
' Ye know yourselves the word of which I speak, the one
that has become (known) throughout all Judea.' Word
(prjfjia) may be simply synonymous with word (Xdyov) in v. 36,
or may be meant to vary the expression, so as to render it in-
telligible to the Gentile hearers. As if he had said, ' by Avord
I mean the new religion of which you must have heard as
something talked of or rei3orted throughout all Judea.' To
the commencement of this process he assigns two limits, tem-
poral and local. It began in Galilee (see Luke 23, 49), and
folloAved the ministry of John, here called the baptism which
he preached (see above, on 1, 22.) Both these facts are spoken
of, as well known to the hearers, who indeed could hardly faD
to know them, living as they did at the seat of Roman power
in Judea.
38. How God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the
Holy Ghost and with power, who went about doing
good, and healing all that were oppressed of the devil ;
for God was with him.
(Ye Jcnow) Jesus the (mem) from Nazareth, koto God
anointed Mm. Even in addressing Gentiles, he employs pe-
culiar Jewish forms of speech, but such as must have been fa-
miliar to them, from their intercourse with Jews, and from
attendance at the synagogues. In describing the great subject
of the Gospel, Pet«r uses the popular description of our Lord,
derisive in its origm, but now become a title of honour. (See
above, on 2, 22.) Anointed him., endowed him with extraor-
dinary spiritual gifts for the performance of his mediatorial
functions, and thus consecrated him to his great offices as the
Messiah. With the Holy Ghost and power., i. e. with the
power of the Holy Ghost, or with power as a necessary conse-
quence of this endowment. (See above, on 1, 8, and compare
the combmations in 6,3. 11,24. 13,52. John 4,23. 6,63.
1 Pet. 4, 14.) The extraordinary powers wliich our Lord pos-
essed, are here referred to as notorious to all residing in the
ountry, whether Jews or Gentiles. Another fact, assumed as
equally familiar, is the use which he made of these divine en-
dowments. He did not use them for his own advantage, or in
ACTS 10, 38. 39. 411
vengeance on his enemies. He went about^ literally, went
through (life), or through (the country), or among (the people),
doing good^ not merely doing right, but doing favours, show-
ing mercy. One particular form of his beneficence is specified,
as that most universally appreciated, and most likely to be
heard of at a distance. Healing all those oppressed, overmas-
tered, tyrannically treated, by the Devil. This name, which
occurs but twice in Acts (see below, on 13, 10), originally
means a slanderer or false accuser, and is specially applied to
Satan, as the great adversary of our race. (See above, on 5,
3, and below, on 6, 18.) The reference here may be specially,
but not exclusively, to demoniacal possession, since disease in
general is elsewhere ascribed to Satanic influence (see Luke
13, 16.) For God was icith him, both in a providential sense,
appropriate to any prophet or apostle, and in a personal es-
sential sense, ap23ropriate to Christ alone. The same double
sense belongs to the Hebrew name Immanuel or God loith us
(Isai. 7, 14. Matt. 1, 24.) This ambiguous expression was pe-
culiarly adapted to the audience whom Peter was addressmg,
none of whom would have denied that God was with Jesus in
the lower sense, and all of whom were to be taught that God
was with him in the higher.
39. And we are wdtnesses of all things which he
did, both in the land of the Jews, and in Jerusalem ;
whom they slew and hanged on a tree :
To Cornelius and his fellows these things were known only
by report ; but Peter and the body of Apostles wliich he repre^
sented were eye-witnesses, ordained by Christ himself to pub-
lish and attest them. All things lohich he did, i. e. in public
or oflicially (see above, on 1, 1.) These are divided locally
into two classes, what he did in Jerusalem, and what he did in
the rest of Judea, which may here denote either the province
or the whole country. (See above, on 1, 8.) The last clause
should have been connected, in the division of the verses, with
the next, as both together present the favourite contrast be-
tween Christ's treatment at the hands of God and man. (See
above, on 2, 23. 24. 3, 15. 4, 10. 5, 30.)
40. Him God raised up the third day, and shewed
him openly —
412 ACTS 10, 40,41.
The first clause belongs to the antithesis already men*
tioned, and might therefore have been added to the foregoing
verse, while the last clause is connected in the closest manner
with what follows ; so that this verse might have been dis-
pensed with, in the conventional division of the text. Ilim^
literally, this (one), or (this man.) liaised up, literally,
awakened (i. e. from the sleep of death, see above, on 7, GO),
or aroused (from its inaction), which are the senses of this
Greek verb in the classics. (See above, on 3, 15. 4, 10. 5, 30.)
Shewed him openly is not a version but a paraphrase. The
strict translation is, and gave him ( i. e. caused or suffered
him) to he (or to become) visible (apparent, manifest.) This
last word occurs only here and in Rom. 10, 20. The obvious
meaning of the clause is, that our Saviour was not merely said
to have arisen from the dead, but was distinctly seen alive by
others.
41. Not to all tlie people, but unto witnesses chosen
before of God, (even) to us, who did eat and drink with
him after he rose from the dead.
The Apostle here anticipates and answers an objection,
which has often since been made to the New Testament ac-
count of Christ's resurrection, namely, that he did not publicly
appear when risen, but was said to have been seen only by the
narrow circle of his friends and followers. This was sufiicient
to establish the fact, which most men must believe, after all,
upon the testimony of a few. It was also well adapted to ex-
ercise the faith of true behevers who were not eye-witnesses,
and more in keeping with the dignity and glory of the risen
Saviour, which would now have been degraded by the same
promiscuous and unreserved association with men, that was
necessary to his previous ministry. The very fact that no such
public recognition of his person is recorded, though at first
it might have seemed to detract from the evidence of his
resurrection, now serves to enhance it, by showing how
free the witnesses of this event were from a disposition to
exaggerate, or make their case stronger than it was in
fact. N'ot to all the people, i, e. to the Jews, as the word
usually means in this book (see above, on 2, 47. 3, 9. 4, 2.
5, 20. 6, 12. 7, 17. 10, 2.) The oftice of attestmg this event
had been entrusted to a select few, who neither could bo
deceived nor had a motive for deceiving others ; who were
ACTS 10, 41.42. 413
not self-constituted or selected after the event, but previously
chosen by divine authority ; whose knowledge of the fact
was not obtained by hearsay, or at second hand, or founded
on a few short distant glimpses, but derived from intimate
although not constant intercourse with Christ in j^rivate
after his resurrection. Chosen before^ a compound verb in
Greek, used in the same sense by Demosthenes and Plato.
The primitive or simple verb means to vote by stretching out
or lifting up the hand, and then more generally to elect. This
verb and the one employed in 1, 17, are combined by Plato
to express the two modes of appointment to office, by vote
and by lot. Before^ i. e. before the resurrection, the event to
be attested. {£jve7i) to us, his immediate folloAvers, in whose
name I now address you. Ate and dranli, i. e. partook of the
same meals, or, as we should say, sat at the same table. The
words are not to be severally understood but jointly, as de-
noting the most intimate companionship, and therefore the
most perfect opportunity of knowing or discovering the truth.
There is no difficulty, therefore, arismg from, the fact that
his drinking with them is not separately mentioned (Luke
24, 30. 43. John 21, 13), much less any reason for connecting
Ihe last words {cifter his rising from the dead) with the pre-
ceding verse, and reading all that intervenes as a parenthesis.
We who ate and drank with him is not a natural description
of his followers and friends in general ; whereas their eating
and drinking with him after his resurrection made them com-
petent witnesses to that event.
42. And he commanded us to preach unto the
people, and to testify that it is he which was ordahied
of God (to be) the Judge of quick and dead.
Commanded us, or peremptorily required us (see above,
on 1, 4. 4, 18. 5, 28. 40), not leaving it to our discretion, but
making it a part of our official duty. To preach, i. e. j)roclaim,
publicly announce, as heralds did. See above, on 8, 5. 9, 20,
and compare the cognate noun as used by Paul and Peter
(1 Tim. 2, 7. 2 Tim. 1, 11. 2 Pet. 2, 5.) 7b testify/, a Greek
verb technically used in Attic law to signify rebutting proof
or testimony, but in the New Testament a mere emphatic or
intensive form of the common verb meaning to bear Avitness.
(See above, on 2, 40. 8, 25.) It may here suggest the acces-
sory ideas of mcessant, thorough, and explicit testimony, or
414 ACTS 10, 42.43.
to use the ancient English formula, the act of speaking tht
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. What is
chiefly remarkable in tliis verse is that Peter, in addressing
these Gentiles, renders prominent our Lord's judicial charac-
ter and oflice, just as Paul did long after in addressing those
at Athens (see below, on 17, 31.) This coincidence would
seem to show that to this class of inquirers that particular
aspect of Christ's dignity and power was peculiarly important.
He is the 07ie designated^ marked out or defined (see above,
on 2, 23.) {2h he or as) the judge of quick (i. e. living) and
dead^ not in the spiritual sense of saints and sinners, but in
the literal one of all generations, past, present and to come.
(Compare Rom. 14, 9. 2 Tim. 4, 1. 1 Pet. 4, 5.)
43. To him give all the prophets witness, that
through his name whosoever believeth in him shall re-
ceive remission of sins.
As the Gentile hearers, although previously ignorant of
Christianity, had probably some knowledge of the Jewish
scriptures, Peter closes by a general appeal to these as like-
wise testifying of Christ, not merely as a judge but as a
saviour. To him^ to this same man w^hom the Jcavs had slain
by hanging on a tree (v. 39), all the xyrophets testify^ i. e. the
whole drill of the prophetic scriptures is m this direction.
(See above, on 3, 24.) The caviUing objection that this is not
literally true of every prophet in the Hebrew^ canon, is scarcely
more unreasonable than the effort to refute it by the citation
of particular predictions. Instead of fortifying the Apostle's
declaration, this enfeebles it, by quoting but a small part of
what he referred to, which was not a few detached expres-
sions in the Prophets technically so called, but the whole tenor
of the w^hole Old Testament, as a prospective or prophetic
revelation. By a beautiful and striking change, the view of
Jesus as a judge, which had been just before presented, is ex-
changed, at the very close of the discourse, for that of a re-
deemer. "What the whole body of prophetic scripture teaches,
is not merely that he has been designated as the final judge
of quick and dead, which could only excite terror and despair,
but also that remission of sins (see above, on 2, 38. 5, 31) may
be obtained through his name, not merely by professing it, but
by means of all that it denotes (sec above, on 2, 38. 3, 16. 4,
ACTS 10, 43.44.45. 415
12. 6, 28. 40. 8, 12. 9, 27), by every one believing in him, i. e.
trusting and relying on him.
44. While Peter yet spake these words, the Holy
Ghost fell on all them which heard the word.
Peter still speaJcing^ before he had finished what he meant
to say, and therefore unexpectedly to him, and of course with-
out his agency or intervention. These words might be re-
ferred to the whole discourse (vs. 34-43), but are more nat-
urally understood of what immediately precedes (v. 43.) He
was still uttering the last words recorded in the context.
Fell wpon^ descended from above, implying suddenness and
superhuman origin. The Holy Ghost may here denote the
influence exerted, the effect produced by the oj)eration of the
divine agent ; but as the personal meaning is the usual and
proper one, it seems best to retain it, and to understand the
words as a strong figure for immediate action on a lower or
inferior object. (See above, on 1, 5. 8, 16, and compare the
use of the same figure in v. 10 above.) All those hearing
may be strictly understood, as including a fresh spiritual influ-
ence, even upon those who had before received the Spirit, not
excepting Peter himself (as in 2, 4. 4, 8. 31. 6, 5. 7, 55) ; or as a
relative expression, hke that in vs. 39. 43 (see above, on 1, 1),
meaning all whom it concerned, not all who actually heard,
but all whom Peter was addressmg, i. e. Cornelius and his
company. The word may either be synonymous with these
words in the first clause (though the nouns are different in
Greek), or signify the whole speech, as distinguished from its
last words, there referred to. This sudden illapse of the Holy
Spirit without previous baptism or imposition of hands (as in
8, 17 above, and 19, 5. 6. below), was probably intended to con-
firm the impression made by Peter's vision (see above, on v.
28), and to justify him in administering baptism without pre-
vious circumcision. (See below, on v. 47.)
45. And thev of the circumcision which beheved
were astonished, as many as came with Peter, because
that on the Gentiles also was poured out the gift of
the Holy Ghost.
Were amazed, the same verb that is used above in 8, 9. 11.
13, and there explained. The faithful, in the strict sense, i. e.
416 ACTS 10, 45.46.
full of faith^ "believers, converts. The English word is still
sometimes so used when believers are collectively referred to
but its usual sense is full of faith, i. e. fidelity (which is the
meaning of the word in the phrases " good " or " bad faith,"
"keeping faith," etc.) This is also the predominant New
Testament usage (see 1 Tim. 1, 12. Col. 4, 9. 1 Pet. 5. 12. 1
John 1, 9) ; but there are also clear examples of the other
(see below, on 16, 1, and compare John 20, 27. Gal. 3, 9. 2
Cor. 6, 15. Tit. 1, 6.) These believers are here more partic-
ularly described as being of (i. e. belonging to, or derived
from) the circumcision (i. e. the religion, of which it was the
badge or the distinctive rite ; compare the use of baptism in
1, 22 above.) The whole phrase therefore means converted
Jews, as all the followers of Christ had hitherto been. As
ma7iy as came with Peter, from Jojjpa to Cesarea upon this
occasion (see above, on v. 23.) In addition to the reasons
there suggested for his bringing them, may now be added, as
perhaps the chief, that they were meant to serve as chosen
representatives of Jewish Christianity, and as such to bring it
into contact with the Gentile form of that religion, represented
by Cornelius and his company. The junction between these
two branches of the church was not consummated, either
objectively or subjectively, i. e. in point of fact or in the judg-
ment of these Jews, until they witnessed the astonishing event
recorded here. Also, as well as on themselves, or on the
Jews. The Gentiles, literally, the nations, i. e. all besides the
Jews. This vast body was adequately represented by the
small number present, because the principle established, even
in a single case, extended equally to every other. Between
these two representative bodies stood the great Apostle, who,
though specially devoted to "the circumcision" (Gal. 2, 7. 8),
was commissioned, for important reasons, to admit the first
Gentile converts to the church directly, without passing
through the vestibule or outer court of Judaism.
46. Por they heard them speak with tongues, and
magnify God. Then answered Peter —
There was no room for doubt as to the fact that the Spirit
nad been given, as there might have been in the case of mere
internal, spiritual changes. These were likewise wrought, as
in every case of genuine conversion ; but besides these, there
were other gifts imparted, which were cognizable by the
senses, and thus served as incontrovertible proofs of what had
ACTS 10, 46. 47. 417
taken place. (See above, on 8, 17. 18.) The one here men-
tioned is the gilt of tongues, the same with that described in
2, 4, notwithstanding the omission of the epithet there used
{other) ^ which, so far from implying a difference between the
cases, is a mere abbreviation, tacitly referring to the more
complete description previously given. Here again it seem
still more evident than in the other case, that the gift of
tongues v>^as not intended merely as a practical convenience,
but as a miraculous token of God's presence, and a type of the
reconciliation between Jew and Gentile, whose alienation had
for ages been secured and symbohzed by difference of lan-
guage. They did not merely hear them say they had re-
ceived the Holy Spirit ; they heard them (actually) speaJcing
with tongues (i. e. in foreign languages), not unintelligibly or
at random, but like the disciples on the day of Pentecost, in
praise of God (see above, on 2, 11.) What is there called
speaking the wonderful (or mighty) loorhs of God^ is here
more concisely expressed, magnifying God^ i. e. setting forth
his greatness. Hence this occasion has been not unjustly
styled the Gentile Pentecost.* Then^ in the strict sense, al-
ter witnessing this great event, Peter ansioered^ to the praises
of the Gentile converts, or to the wondering exclamations of
the Jewish brethren, or to the voice of God, so audible in
what had just occurred. Any of these suppositions is more
natural than that of an unmeaning pleonasm. (See above,
on 3, 12. 5, 8.)
47. Can any man forbid water, that these should
not be baptized, which have received the Holy Ghost
as well as we ?
The form of interrogation here used (with /a^ti) is equiva-
lent to a strong negation. ' Surely no one will now venture
to forbid, etc' (Compare Matt. 7, 16. Mark4, 21. Luke 6, 37.
John 4, 49.) The same verb which, applied to persons, means
forbid^ when applied to things, is better rendered by loith-
hold^ as in Luke 6, 29, where to take is supplied by the trans-
lators. Water, or more exactly, the icater (answering to the
Sph'it) i. e. the baptismal water, or the water necessary for
the purpose. Although nothing can be proved from this ex-
* CoUigi etiam potest ex hoc loco, non tantum necessitati datas fuisse
linguas, ubi evangelium exteris et divers: idiomatis liominibus pi-aedicanduni
erat, sed etiam in oruamentum ipsius evangelii et decus. — Calvin.
VOL. I.— 1 8*
418 ACTS 10, 47. 48.
pression, it is certainly more natural in reference to the bring*
ing in of water, than to the act of going to it. Which have
received^ being such as have received, the same form of the
relative with that in V, 53. 9, 35, and there explained. The
reason here assigned is, that they who had received the bap-
tism of the Spirit must certainly be fit for that of water. Why
should the sign be withheld from those who were possessed
of the thing signified ? If God was willing to accept them as
converted GentUes, why should man insist upon their coming
forward as converted Jews ? As icell (even as, or just as)
ice, i. e. you and I, addressing those who came with him from
Joppa ; or we the disciples of Christ in general, i. e. such as
had received the Holy Ghost. This is an argument ad homi-
nem, equivalent to asking. What higher evidence have you
and I, that God has chosen us and given us his Holy Spirit,
than the evidence afforded by this company of Gentiles ?
48. And he commanded them to be baptized in
the name of the Lord. Then prayed they him to tarry
certain days.
The sign might have seemed to be superfluous after the
gift of the thing signified ; but baptism is a sealing and initi-
atory no less than a typical ordinance, and is rendered neces-
sary, not by utilitarian reasons, but by express divine com-
mand. It can scarcely be a mere fortuitous coincidence, that
Peter, Paul, and Christ himself, should aU have left this rite
to be administered by others. " Jesus himself baptized not,
but his disciples " (John 4, 2.) "I thank God that I baptized
none of you, save Crispus, etc." (1 Cor. 1, 14.) " Christ sent
me not to baptize, but to j^reach the gospel" (ib. v. 17.) As
none of these expressions can be intended to detract from
the value and importance of the rite in question, they
may best be explained as warning us against the error of
exalting this part of the Christian system to a disproportion-
ate importance, which may be just as superstitious as the
eucharistical corruptions of popery, or the hierarchical- ex-
cesses of prelacy. One idolatrous extravagance cannot be
corrected by another. The true corrective is to keep all parts
of the revealed system, both of faith and practice, in their
proper place. In the name of the Lord, i. e. of the Lord
Jesus Christ, as several of the oldest mamjscripts expressly
add. This, though it may be no part of the true text, is un-
ACTS 10, 48. 419
doubtedly the true sense, as a baptism simply in the name of
God woidd be without either meaning or analogy. The idea
meant to be conveyed is that of Christian hajyiism^ as distin-
guished from all others or from none, and not the formula
employed in the administration, which was no doubt that pre-
scribed by Christ himself. (Compare Matt. 28, 19, and see
above, on 2, 38.) In his name^ by his authority, professing
faith in him, vowing obedience to him, and entering into
union with liim. Then^ when they had been baptized accord
ingly, they prayed (literally asked) him to tarry (or, as the
compoimd Greek verb strictly means, to stay on, or stay over,
remain longer than he had intended) certain (literally, some^
or as the older English versions render it, a few) days. Thia
request, expressive of their hospitable feeUugs and desire of
instruction, was no doubt complied with.
CHAPTER XI.
Here again the connection of the history is obscured by the
division of the chapters, that before us comprehending two
entirely distinct subjects, under the form of a continued nar-
rative. The first part is the sequel of the story of Cornehus
(1-18) ; the second an account of the introduction of the
Gospel into Antioch, after the disj^ersion on the death of Ste-
phen (19-30.) The former of these narratives contains Peter's
statement and defence of his own conduct in receivmg Gentile
converts to the Church, without circumcision or other con-
formity to the ceremonial law. Besides a brief accoimt of
the objection made to his proceedings at Jerusalem (1-3), we
have what seems to be a ftill report of his defence, consisting
of a plain historical recital of the facts, for the most j^art in
the same form as before, but with some variations and
additions (4-15), winding up with an appeal to the authority
of Christ and God, as having definitively settled the whole
question (16-17), in which conclusion all the brethren, in-
cluding those who had at first objected, seem to have cor
dially acquiesced (18.) The remainder of the chapter is filled
with an account of a fourth great radiation fii-om Jerusalem,
420 ACTS 11, 1.
collateral to those described in the three foregoing chapters,
and terminating in the capital of Syria, which was to become,
in due subordination to Jerusalem, the metropolis or mother-
church of Gentile Christianity. The principal particulars in-
cluded in this narrative are the first extension of the church
to Antioch and its success there (19-21) ; the mission of Bar-
nabas, with a commission from the mother-church (22-24) ;
his reunion with Saul, and their joint labours for a year at
Antioch (25-26) ; the origin of the Christian name (26) ; the
prophecy of Agabus (27-28) ; and the mission of Barnabas
and Saul to Judea (29-30), during which the events described
in the next chapter took place at Jerusalem, and from which,
at the close of 'that chapter, they return to Antioch (12, 25.)
1. And the Apostles and brethren that were in
Judea heard that the Gentiles had also received the
word of God.
Then (8e) heard the Apostles and the brethren (to wit)
those being in Judea. It was not to be expected that these
singular occurrences at Cesarea could long remain unknown
to the churches in Judea, which were all composed of Jewish
converts, many of them zealous for the law. (See below, on
21, 20.) Heard^ received intelhgence, either by common
fame or by official information. The AiJostles^ who were
therefore still residing, either in the Holy City, or with
some of the affiliated churches in Judea, and perhaps engaged
in visiting them in rotation, after the example of Peter (see
above, on 9, 31.) The brethren^ i. e. the disciples or believers
as in 1, 15, and often elsewhere ; or, in a more restricted
sense, the officers and teachers of the churches here referred
to. Neither these nor the Apostles are said to have formed
or expressed any judgment in relation to the course pursued
by Peter, until his return recorded in the next verse. The
Gentiles., or the nations., represented by Cornelius and his
household, whose reception settled the whole question (see
above, on 10, 45.) The word of God., the gospel, the new
religion, as a revelation or divine communication. Received.,
i. e. obtained it, or were favoured with it ; and more actively,
accepted it, acknowledged it as true, and assented to its terms
of pardon and salvation. Their own reception to the church,
though not expressed, is necessarily implied.
ACTS 11, 2.3.4. 421
2. And when Peter was come np to Jerusalem,
they that were of the circumcision contended with him,
We7it up, i. e. from Cesarea ; see above, on 9, 30. Co?!-
tended, literally, differed with him ; see above, on 10, 20.
There is no allusion here to a judicial charge, but only to
colloquial or private disputation. With him is literally to
him, at him, implying that their objections were addressed
directly to him, having been apparently reserved till his ar-
rival. They of the circumcision means essentially the same
thing as in 10, 45, namely, Jemsh converts or converted
Jews, but with the accessory notion, here suggested by the
context, of a circumcision-party, or of such as not only had
been circumcised, but looked on circumcision as a duty not to
be dispensed with.
3. Saying, Thou wentest in to men uncircumcised,
and didst eat with them.
The substance of their charges is now given, as in many
other cases, in the form of a direct address to Peter. Not
that these very words were uttered upon any one occasion ;
but what they said on various occasions might be thus summed
up. The charge expressly made is that of going into the so-
ciety of the uncircumcised and eating with them. This, as
we know from Peter's own lips, was considered by the Jew?
unlawful. It may seem surprising that this lower and more
trivial offence against the Jewish usage should be specified,
when Peter had been guilty of one far more heinous in the
estimation of these Jewish Christians, namely, that of bajD-
tizing those who never had been circmncised. The argument
suggested is a fortiori. If mere association with the Gentiles
was unlawful, how much more their admission to the ordi-
nance of baptism. Or the words of this verse may be looked
upon as the beginning of their accusation, the first charge in
their indictment. As if they had said. You have acted im-
worthily of your profession and your obligations as an IsraeUte ;
for, in the first place, you went into the company of Gen-
tiles, and by eating with them either broke, or ran the i isk
of breaking, one of our most sacred prece2)ts.
4. But Peter rehearsed (the matter) from the bo-
422 ACTS 11, 4-10.
ginning, and expounded (it) by order unto tlieni;
saving —
Peter's defence against this accusation consisted in a bare
historical recital of the facts, with a concluding question,
showing how they bore upon the point at issue. His narra-
tive, though brief, was a complete one. He began at the be
ginning, and expounded or set forth the facts in order, i. e. in
the order of their actual occurrence. The Greek word here
used (xa^e^s) is peculiar to Luke, who applies it to time, sue
cession, motion, and arrangement. (See above, on 3, 24, and
below,- on 18, 23, and compare Luke 1, 3. 8, 13.) Nothing
can less resemble a forensic or judicial vindication than this
simple statement, although recorded with the same sort of
technical formality, that leads to similar repetitions in the
records of our courts and legislative bodies. (See above, on
10, 30.) The variations in this form of the narrative from
those preceding, although unessential, are not unworthy of
attention, as indicative of conscious accuracy in the writer,
with a certain fi-eedom from restraint, as to the mere form of
expression or minute details.
5-10. I was in the city of Joppa praying : and in
a trance I saw a vision, a certain vessel descend, as
it had been a great sheet, let down from heaven by
four corners, and it came even to me ; upon the
which when I had fastened mine eyes, I considered,
and saw fourfooted beasts of the earth, and vnld beasts,
and creeping things, and fowls of the air. And I
heard a voice saying unto me. Arise, Peter, slay and
eat. But I said. Not so. Lord ; for nothing common
or unclean hath at any time entered into my mouth.
But the voice answered me again from heaven. What
God hath cleansed, (that) call not thou common. And
this was done three times ; and all were drawn up
again into heaven.
The mmute particulars of time and place are here omitted
with the circumstance of hunger predisposing him to such a
vision. The words ecstasy (or trance) and sight ( or vision) are
ACTS 11, 5-10. 11. 12. 13. 423
repeated here. Bound {ov fastened) is omitted. Instead of
simply let down on the earthy we have the more specific form,
it came as far as me^ or reached to me. From this we learn
that it was not a distant but a near -view that he had of the
descending vessel, into which, we are here told, he gazed in-
tently and inspected the contents, and saw that they consisted
of the various kinds of animals, described precisely as they
were in 10, 12. In his answer to the voice which sum-
moned Imn. to slay and eat, there is a slight variation as to
form, not substance. I never did eat is exchanged for never
came into my mouth. For received up,^ we have here the more
expressive phrase, was drawn up.
11. 12. And behold, immediately there were three
men already come unto the house where I was, sent
from Cesarea unto me. And the Spirit bade me go
with them, nothing doubting. ]\Ioreover these six
brethren accompanied me, and we entered into the
man's house.
JBehold^ as usual, denotes surprise at something unex-
pected. Stood at or over^ near or hy^ this idea bemg sug-
gested both by the compound verb and by the separate prepo-
sition. Nothing doubting or hesitating^ differing mth myself,
or perhaps distinguishing without a difference, by needless
scruples. (See above, on v. 2, and on 10, 20.) Six brethren —
tliese^ here present. Thus we learn the number of the men
who went with him to Cesarea, and the fact that they accom-
panied him also to Jerusalem, perhaps as witnesses on this oc-
casion. And ice came into the house of the mem. This defi-
nite expression, as Cornelius is not previously mentioned in
this context, either shows that we have only an abridged sum-
mary of Peter's speech and not his very words, or else must
be referred to the prevailing rumours, in which the centurion
was no doubt a conspicuous figure. As if he had said : we
came into the house of the man, of whom yon have all heard
so much. Or the allusion may be to the charge in v. 3, and
the collective or indefinite expression there used. And ice came
into the house of the man^ T\ith whom (and his associates) you
now accuse me of having eaten and kept company.
13. 14. And he shewed us how he had seen an
424 ACTS 11, 13. 14. 15.
angel in his house, which stood and said unto him,
Send men to Joppa, and call for Simon, whose surname
is Peter, who shall tell thee words, whereby thou and
all thy house shall be saved.
Here again, the definite expression [the anget) is not to be
neglected, or gratuitously treated as indefinite, but considered
as implying previous acquaintance with the story, on the part
of those who were now hearing it. This shows that Petei
was repeating these details, not simply, or at all, for informa-
tion, but for argument. The same thing, indicated in the
same way, has already been observed in Stephen's speech be-
fore the council, where the leading incidents of Jewish his-
tory are recapitulated, not as something new to such an au-
dience, but as familiar premises from which he was about to
draw an unexpected conclusion. See above, on ch. 7. In his
house^ or in his own house^ not abroad, or in a strange place,
where he might have been more easily deceived, but at home,
in private, and with every safeguard and assurance agamst
error or illusion. The word men is omitted in some criti-
cal editions, as a probable amendment of the text by assimi-
lation to 10, 5. Standing^ or still more exactly, stationed^ as
the participle here used has a passive form, although equiva-
lent in usage to an active one. Send^ away^ a stronger
expression than the one employed in ch. 10, 5, and ety-
mologically unconnected with the one that follows. By
lohich^ hterally, i7i which^ i. e. in the hearing, or rather m the
doing of which. The words which Peter was to speak were
not merely doctrinal or theoretical, but practical, preceptive^
and imperative. They were to tell him what to do, and in
the doing of it he was to be saved, in the highest and most
comprehensive sense, that of deliverance from all the evils of
his previous condition. Aoid all thy house or household^ who
had been before described as sharers in his fear of God (see
above, on ch. 10, 2), and no doubt in his prayers and alms and
longing for salvation. To them, as well as to himself, it
pleased God that the words of Peter should be savingly ef-
fectual.
15. And as I began to speak, the Holy Ghost fell
on them, as on us at the beginning.
It is remarkable that Peter here gives no account whatever
ACTS 11, 15. 16. 425
of Ms own discourse at Cesarea, because it was not one of the
facts on which he chose to rest his vindication. It was not
what he said, but what God did, that furnished his apology.
In consequence of this characteristic reticency, the account
before us, taken by itself, would naturally leave the impres-
sion, that the illapse of the Spirit took place before Peteir
had said any thing. And yet the narrative is perfectly con-
sistent Avith the one in the preceding chapter. Began should
neither be explained away as a pleonasm or unmeanmg super-
lluity, nor interpreted too strictly, as implying that he had
just begun, or scarcely begun, but understood more freely as
denoting after he began, without determming how long. The
nearest approach that can be made in English to the form of
the original is, in my heginning^ i. e. as, when, or after I be-
gan. There is a double preposition in the next clause, as in
V. 11, the verb itself meaning to fall on. The figure of falling,
as in 10, 10, denotes an influence or impulse from above,
i. e. from a superior power. It is also worthy of remark that
in this baptism of the Spirit, the act described is that of pour-
ing, not of plunging or inmiersing. The Holy Spirit is
expressed in the original very emphatically and precisely, the
Spirit^ the Holy ( One^ The words as also {wa-n-ep Kai) mean
as really^ and as evidently^ as on us, i. e. on the Apostles and
first converts on the day of Pentecost. This is here called the
heginning of the Christian dispensation or the Christian
Church, which dates from the effusion of the Holy Ghost at
that time, corresponding to the organization of the Mosaic
church by the Theophany and giving of the Law at Sinai, which
Pentecost, according to a highly probable tradition of the
Jews, was partly instituted to commemorate. (See above, on
2, 1.) The Greek phrase (eV dpx?f) is the same with that at the
beginning of John's Gospel, and of the Septuagint version of
Genesis. In itself it is indefinite or relative, and simply means
at first. The terminus a quo must be determined by the con-
text. The beginning here meant can be only that of the entire
series of events, connected with the re -organization of the
Church.
i.6. Then remembered I the word of the Lord,
how that he said, John indeed baptized with water ;
but ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost.
The reference is probably to Chi'ist's last interview with
426 ACTS 11, 16. 17. 18.
the Apostles (see above, on 1, 5, and compare Luke 22, 61.)
John indeed (/xeV), a concession ; it is true, the type has come,
but not the antitype. These are constantly spoken of, as ex-
actly corresponding. The associations in the minds of men
with one of these would govern their associations with the
other. If they were accustomed to think of the baptismal
Spirit as poured out or down, they w^ould naturally look for
such effusion or affusion in the case of the baptismal water.
With the Holy Ghost ^ not hi holy S2nrit. (See above, on 1, 5.)
17. Forasmuch then as God gave tliem the hke
gift as (he did) unto us, who beheved on the Lord
Jesus Clirist, what was I, that I could withstand God?
This is the argumentative part of the discourse, or the con-
clusion to which all the foregoing statements had been tend-
ing. The sum of all is, it was God himself who had deter-
mined the question. The illative particle (ow) at the beginning
has respect to the precedmg narrative. ' Since then it is evi-
dent from w^hat I have related, that the question was deter-
mined by divine authority, and wholly independently of me,
nay, in total opposition to my previous opinions and desires, I
leave it to yourselves whether I could have done othermse,
and whether I am justly hable to censure.' The like gift^
literally, the equal gift^ i. e. the same. Wlio believed^ hterally,
having believed. This may agree either with them or ws, or
both. To them <is to us^ both having believed alike. The
position of the pronoun in the last clause gives it a peculiar
emphasis. I-^who was (I) (that I should be) able to forbid
Godf (Compare Ex. 3, 11.) To forbid or hinder God from
doing as he pleased, which would be impious if possible, be-
comes absurd fi'om its impossibility. The argument amounts
to a reductio ad absurdum.
18. When they heard these things, they held their
peace, and glorified God, saying, Then hath God also
to the Gentiles granted repentance unto life.
The effect of Peter's argument appears to have been in-
stantaneous and complete. They who heard it acquiesced^
not merely held their peace, or ceased to speak upon the sub.
ject, but were satisfied, relinquished the position they had
taken, and assented to the doctrine and the practice which
ACTS 11, 18. 19. 427
they had so strongly censured. It might denote mere cessa-
tion from dispute, without conviction or a change of mind, as
in Luke 14, 3 (4), where the stronger sense is inadmissible, and
where, as here, the silence was produced by an unanswerable
question. But that idea is precluded here by the additional
statement, that they glorified God and said, /So then (it is true
after all, unlikely as it seemed beforehand, that) even to the
Gentiles (or to the Gentiles also), God has given repentance
unto life (or that repentance which is necessary to salvation.)
To the Gentiles also, i. e. as well as to the Jews, and as di-
rectly, without any intermediate or preparatory process, in
the one case more than in the other. These expressions, all
implying joy at the event, determine the quiescence of the
Jewish Christians after Peter's speech to have been acquies-
cence in his theory and practice, with respect to Gentile
converts.
19. Now they which were scattered abroad upon
the persecution that arose about Stephen travelled as
far as Phenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch, preaching the
word to none but unto the Jews only.
Noic, or so then ; see above, on 9. 31. The point to which
the author goes back, both in this and in the other cases, is
the death of Stephen, the ensuing persecution, and the conse-
quent dispersion. As this disaster had been overruled for the
extension of the Gospel to Samaria and other quarters, so it
was made to have the same effect in this case. Upon the per-
secution, literally, /rom the affliction (or distress), not merely
after it in point of time, or from it in the sense of springing
from it, but with a distinct allusion to their fleeing and escap-
ing from it. About Stephen has been variously understood
to mean over his body, after his death, during his time.
(Vulg. sub Stephana; but the translator probably read
o-Te<^avov, which is found in some Greek MSS.) and 07i ac-
count of him or for his sake, wliich la«t is the most natural.
Tixwelled, literally, passed through (the intervening country.)
As far as indicates the limit of their mission, but without
excluding intermediate places. Phenice is the Greek name,
and Phenicia the Latin, of the narrow tract of sea-coast
north of Palestine, including Tyre and Sidon, and famous
in the ancient world for its extensive maritime commerce.
Cyprus is the ancient and modern name of the large and
.428 ACTS 11, 19.20.
fertile island off the coast of Palestine and Asia Minor,
noted of old for the wealth and luxury of its inhabitants.
Antiooh^ the capital of Syria, built by Seleucus Nicator on the
south side of the Orontes, fifteen miles from its mouth, and
named m honour of of his father Antiochus. If what is here
recorded took place after the conversion of Cornelius, which
is very doubtful, that event was probably imknown to these
fii'st missionaries to Phenicia, Syria, and Cyprus.
20. And some of them were men of Cyprus and
Cyrene, which, when they were come to Antioch, spake
unto the Grecians, preaching the Lord Jesus.
There are two important questions in relation to this verse,
one critical or textual, the other more grammatical and exe-
getical. The first is, whether the true text is Greeks {eWrjyas)
or Grecians (eXXy/vto-ras), Gentiles or foreign (Greek-speaking)
Jews. (See above, on 6, 1. 9, 29.) The manuscript evidence,
though dubious aud meagre, is in favour of the latter reading,
which is that of the textus rece2:>tus. But the other has been
commonly adopted, in the ancient versions and by modern
critics, chiefly on internal evidence, namely, the supposed im-
probability, that Luke would have recorded, as something
new or strange, the fact that these dispersed believers
preached the Gospel to the Hellenists as well as to the He-
brews, when it had been preached to both from the beginning
(see above, on 2, 5. 6, 1. 9, 29) ; whereas their preacliing to
the heathen Greeks was really a new thing, especially if pre-
vious to the conversion of Cornelius, or at least without the
knowledge of that great event. This reading (eXX-qvas) is
moreover found in two of the most ancient copies (A. D.), and
is supposed to be required by the antithesis between indeed
(/xcV) in V. 19, and but (Se) in v. 20. This last, however, is an
argument of no weight, as the particle in v. 19 is not the sim-
ple one, so commonly opposed to 8e, but the compound one
(fjL€v ow), answering to so then, and employed in the resumi>
tions of a narrative. (See above, on 8, 4. 9, 31.) To the
manuscript authorities it may be answered, that the reading in
one of them (D) is not origmal, but introduced by a later
(though still ancient) hand ; and that the other (A) has the
same reading in 9, 29, where it is imiversally allowed to be er-
roneous. The remaining argument in favour of this reading
rests on the assumption, that the writer must be stating some-
ACTS 11, 20. 21. 429
thing new or strange. But why may he not be simply under-
stood as saying, that when the refugees arrived at Antioch,
such of their number as were Hellenists or foreign Jews
preached to the Jews of their otvti class whom they found
ther§, as the Hebrew or native exiles had done on the way to
their OAvn countrymen ? The sense obtained by this inter-
pretation is so good in itself, and so consistent with the con-
text, that there seems to be no need of any emendation. The
other reading is preferred, however, by the great majority of
critics and interpreters, who understand this as another in-
stance of the Gospel being preached among the Gentiles, en-
tirely independent of the one recorded in the preceding chap-
ter. Of those who thus explain the last clause of the verse
before us, some understand the first clause as relating to the
Jews mentioned at the close of v. 19. The sense wdll then be
that, although the exUes from Jerusalem, referred to in the
first clause of v. 19, preached exclusively to Jews, their Jewish
converts were more hberal or fearless, and extended their in-
structions to the Gentiles also. A more natural and usual
construction refers some of them to the exiles themselves, and
understands them to have either changed their method of pro-
ceeding when they got to Antioch, or to have difiered from
the first among themselves, some preaching only to the Jews,
and others to the Gentiles hkewise. All these questions are
precluded by retaining the received text (eAAryvto-ras), and sup-
posing the essential fact recorded here to be that the first mis-
sionaries from Jerusalem in this du'cction preached exclusively
to Jews, the Hebrews to the native and the Hellenists to the
foreign class. The only serious objection to this view of the
passage, over and above those which have been already set
aside, is that it then contains no explicit mention of the first
extension of the Gospel to the Greeks of Antioch, which is
however necessarily impHed in the existence of the church
there, and its subsequent relation to the whole field of Gentile
Christianity.
21. And the hand of the Lord was with them : and
a great number beheved, and turned unto the Lord.
The hand of the Lord, i. e. the manifest exertion of his
power. The expression is an oriental and especially a Hebrew
one. Precisely the same words occur in reference to John the
Baptist (Luke 1,66.) Very similar terms are applied to hu-
430 ACTS 11, 21. 22.
man influence in the Septimgint version of 1 Kings 17,22
(compare 2 Kings 14, 19.) The cognate figure of the Lord^s
arm is employed by Isaiah (53, 1) and quoted by John (12,
38.) The power here meant is a spiritual power acting
through the truth as propounded in the Gospel and tending
to conviction and conversion, but not exclusive of miraculous
ttestations, which are primarily meant by the same figure in
4, 30. It is a curious illustration of the way in which the
liCxt was often unintentionally falsified, that three Greek mss.
add to this clause the words " to heal iJiera^'' evidently bor-
rowed, by an error of judgment, or perhaps unconsciously,
from Luke 5, 17. With them of course means with these
preachers to the Gentiles, who are the subject both of the
preceding and ensuing context. The manifestation of the di-
vine power was a formal approbation of their having preached
directly to the Gentiles, and a warrant for continuing to do
so. The Lord^ to whom the converts turned, was God as
manifested in his Son. One ms. has turned to the Lord Jesus.
Much is here coupled with a noun of multitude, where oui
idiom requires great. (Compare Mark 5, 24. John 6, 2. Acts
14, 1. 17, 4. Matt. 9, 37.) The conversion of Cornelius, whether
first in time or not, was meant to be the type of all accessions
from the Gentile world ; but it was not necessary to this end
that it should be superior, or even equal, to the case before
us, in the multitude of converts.
22. Then tidings of these things came unto the
ears of the church which was in Jerusalem ; and they
sent forth Barnabas, that he should go as far as An-
tioch.
These proceedings at Antioch, like those at Cesarea, could
not long remain unknown to the mother-church in Jerusalem,
which, partly from its seniority, partly from its local situation,
and partly from its connection with the Apostles, still con-
tinued to be the centre of mfluence to the Christian world
Tidmgs^ literally, the word^ not the gospel as in v. 1, but the
report or news. Of these things^ or rather, concerning them.,
i. e. the Gentile converts and their teachers. Came unto
(literally, was heard into) the ears, a Hebrew idiom. T/ie
(one) in Jerusalem is added to explain and specify the abso-
lute expression, the church, which, though not inapplicable in
ACTS 11, 22. 23. 431
an emphatic sense, as we have seen, might not be universally
intelligible. The representation of the body of believers in
Jerusalem as one church is the more remarkable in this case,
because it not only individualizes but personifies that body,
speaking of its ears, etc. l7ito the ears does not imply a
secret communication, as in Matt. 10, 27 (compare Luke
9, 44), where that idea is suggested by the context, and espe-
cially by the antithesis. Their hearing of them is supposed
by some to exclude the idea of their hearing /rom them ; but
the two are scarcely incompatible. The plural verb {they
sent) refers to the collective term (chwch) preceding. The
Apostles are not expressly mentioned, as in ch. 8, 14, which
some regard a^ an important difference between the cases.
But the church at Jerusalem included the Apostles who
were there, as we shall see below (on 15, 2.) Another sup-
posed difference is, that the person sent was not in this case
an apostle. The high-church Anglican divines maintam that
he was ; but Archbishop Sumner merely says he was " con-
sidered as an apostle," and Alford admits that he was not one
" in any distinctive sense." Barnabas may have been selected
as a Hellenist or Greek Jew, and even as a Cyprian, as some
of the first preachers of the gospel at Antioch were from that
country. He may also have been chosen as a " son of exhor-
tation" (see above, on 4, 36), and as such well qualified to do
precisely what he did on his arrival, as recorded in the next
verse. There was also reference no doubt to the moral and
spiritual qualities there mentioned. He was not commis-
sioned merely to Antioch, but to pass through (the inter-
vening country) as far as (or until he came to) Aiitioch,
plainly implying that he was to preach the gospel by the way
as well as after his arrival. (See above, on 8, 4. 25, 40. 9, 32.)
23. Who, when he came, and had seen the grace
of God, was glad, and exhorted them all, that with
purpose of heart they would cleave unto the Lord.
Having arrived (or got there), not merely finished his
journey from Jerusalem, but executed his commission by the
way. Seeing the grace of God, i. e. the manifest effects of an
immediate divine influence in the conversion of the Gentiles.
The idea of benevolence or favour is essential to the definition
of divine grace, but is not the promment idea here. Some
late interpreters regard it as implied in Luke's expressions,
432 ACTS 11, 23. 24.
that the effect upon the mind of Barnabas was unexpected
both by him and those who sent him ; that he went rather for
the pm-pose of correcting and controlUng than approving and
rejoicing in the work ah-eady going on in Antioch, but found
the evidence too strong to be resisted, and with true Chris-
tian candor heartily rejoiced in what he saw ; and instead of
recommending any other method of procedure, simiAy exhorted
all (who had beheved or been converted) with purpose of
heart, including the ideas of sincerity and constancy or perse-
verance, to cleave or adhere, to stand hy or continue with, the
Lord, in whom they had beheved, without the slightest refer-
ence to the ceremonial law, as a necessary preparation for the
gospel.
24. For lie was a good man, and full of the Holy
Ghost and of faith ; and much people was added unto
the Lord.
The connection between this verse and the context has
been variously understood. Some suppose it merely to assign
a reason for the choice of Barnabas as a commissioner to An-
tioch. But this requires the preceding verse to be explained
as a parenthesis, and makes the causal particle {because) de-
pendent on a verb in v. 22 ; both which constructions are un-
natural. Another explanation makes the particle dependent
on the verb (exhorted) in v. 23, and suj^poses this verse to
assign the reason for the diligence of Barnabas in preaching.
Intermediate between these, and more satisfactory than either,
is the supposition that this verse is to be construed more di-
rectly with the verb was glad (or rejoiced), and assigns a
reason for what might have appeared strange without it,
namely, that Barnabas, instead of findmg fault or doubting
the reality of what he saw, rejoiced or loas rejoiced, the form
of the original verb being passive. This would seem to con-
firm the supposition that the actual effect was somewhat dif-
ferent from what had been expected, and required explanation.
He acknowledged what he saw to be the work of God, and as
such a subject of rejoicing, because he was a good man.
There are two ways of explaining this description. One gives
to good its widest sense as the oj^posite of bad, and as a gen-
eral expression for moral excellence. The other makes it
more specific and exj)ressive of a distinct quality — not re-
ligious zeal as some imagine — but benevolence and gentleness
ACTS 11, 24.25. 488
of disposition, the negation of that envious malignity, or even
that censorious asperity, which would have led him to suspect
or question what he saw without sufficient reason. As these
two senses are entirely consistent, one being really included
in the other, it is not at all improbable that both were meant
to be suggested, one as the primary, the other as the secondary
sense of the expression. The connection of the clauses may
be either that Barnabas was not only of a good natural dispo-
sition, but also under special divine influence ; or that the
very goodness here ascribed to him was not a natural endow-
ment, but a fruit of the spirit and effect of faith. Full of the
Holy Spirit does not always denote inspiration, but may
signify the sanctifying influence exerted upon all believers.
The last clause seems descriptive of the effects produced by
the preaching of Barnabas himself, in continuation of that
previous work which caused his joy. As to the form of ex-
pression, see above, on 2, 41. 47. 5, 14.
25. Then departed Barnabas to Tarsus, for to seek
Saul:
If Barnabas took this step on his own motion and respon-
sibility, his motives may be readily conjectured. It is easy to
conceive that as soon as he was satisfied that God had called
him to this field of labour, he would think of Saul of Tarsus
as a suitable assistant. He could not have forgotten his mi-
raculous conversion and his introduction to the Apostles by
Barnabas himself (9, 27), the zeal with which he had opposed
the Hellenists or Greek Jews (9, 29) at Jerusalem, and the
proofs which he had given of superior wisdom and of dia-
lectic skni in the defence of the new doctrine. He may also
have known something of Saul's designation as Apostle to the
Gentiles in a vision at Jerusalem (see below, on 22, 21.) All
these are probable suggestions, on the supposition that Saul's
call to Antioch was a simple call from Barnabas himself. But
there are reasons for beheving that it came to him from higher
authority, even in the church, than that of his intended fellow-
labourer. It is highly improbable that Barnabas, not claiming
apostolical authority, and acting himself under a commission
from Jerusalem, would imdertake, upon his own responsibiUty,
to share this delegated power with another. It is also worthy
of remark, that when the mother-church, upon a similar oc-
casion, sent a commission to Samaria (ch. 8, 14), it was not
VOL. I. — 19
434 ACTS 11, 26.
only one of apostoliGal rank, but composed of two persons, in
accordance with our Saviour's constant practice (Matt. 21, 1.
Mark 6, 7. 11, 1. 14, 13. Luke 10, 1. 19, 29.) This makes it
singular, to say the least, that in the case before us, Barnabas
was sent alone. Both these apparent difficulties are removed
by the assumption, that Saul was really included in the apos-
tolical commission, but not mentioned in the narrative, because
he was absent from Jerusalem, and therefore was not actually
sent with Barnabas, who was aathorized however to associate
Saul with him, as soon as he had satisfied himself that what
was going on at Antioch was a genuine work of grace. This
supposition also supersedes the necessity of assuming a written
correspondence between Barnabas and his superiors or con-
stituents, before he went in search of Saul ; though it does
not materially impair the force of Calvin's observation,
that the character of Barnabas is set in an amiable light by
the alacrity with which he called in the assistance of a person,
whom he must have kno^m to be his own superior, as well
in fact as in the divine purpose. One of the latest writers
cites, as a parallel from modern history, the conduct of Farel
with respect to Calvin himself. How long Saul had been in
Tarsus smce he left Jerusalem (9,30), can only be conjec-
tured, as the ablest writers differ -widely in their estimate,
ranging from nine years to one, or even to six months. How
Saul had spent tliis interval, is equally uncertain. Some sup-
pose that he had been studying Greek hterature and philoso-
phy, in the cultivation of which Strabo represents Tarsus as
surpassing even Alexandria and Athens (see above, on 9, 11) ;
or meditating on the state of the Gentiles and the greatness
of the work which lay before him ; or enduring some part of
that painful discipline described by himself to the Corinthians
(2 Cor. 11,23-27.) The only conjecture which has any his-
torical foundation is, that during this interval those churches
of Cilicia were planted, which are afterwards referred to, as
already in existence (15, 23. 41), and to wliich the Apos-
tle's declaration (Rom. 15, 20) may have been intended to
apply. This supposition, while it fills a chasm in the history
without forced or gratuitous assumptions, is moreover recom
mended by its perfect agreement with the energetic charactei
and active habits of the great Apostle. The verb translatec
66^6^, in the only other place where it occurs (Luke 2, 44), de
notes a diligent and anxious search, and may here suggest
that Barnabas was doubtful where he should find Saul, audi
ACTS 11, 25.26. 435
went to look him up^ a phrase etymologically corresponding
to the compound Greek verb. The idea that he had con-
cealed himself, like Saul in the Old Testament, is quite gratu-
itous. The only natural assumption is, that he was not in Tarsus,
and that Barnabas was under the necessity of seeking him.
The same idea is suggested by the next phrase, ham7ig found
him^ which would seem to be unmeaning or superfluous, if he
found him without search ; and perhaps by the statement that
he brought (or led) him into Antioch^ in a sort of friendly
triumph or compulsion. As to Paul's motive in compljdng,
the necessity of ascertaining it is superseded by the double
authoiity to which he yielded, that of God himself and of the
mother-church. And yet it still remains true, as observed
by Chrysostom, that in going to Antioch, he went to a wider
field of labour, and with higher hopes of usefulness.
26. And when he had found him, he brought him
unto Antioch. And it came to pass, that a whole year
they assembled themselves with the church, and taught
much people. And the disciples were called Chris-
tians first in Antioch.
It came to pass^ as here used, is nearly equivalent, in
modern English, to the phrase, ' it was (or is) a fact.' The
Greek verb governs all the others in the sentence, so that tho
connection of the clauses is much closer than in English. As
if he had said, several things happened now at Antioch, such
as the ministry of Barnabas and Saul, and the application of
a nevv^ name to the disciples. The first thing that is thus said
to have come to pass or taken place, is that Barnabas and
Saul, for" a whole year, were brought together m the church.
As the same Greek verb is used m the Septuagmt version to
translate a Hebrew one denoting hospitable entertamment, or
the act of taking strangers m or home, some give it that
sense here, as well as in Matt. 25, 35. 38. 43. ' They were en-
tertained a whole year by the church.' But there is nothing
in the context to suggest that meaning, as there is in all the
other cases. Others understand it to denote the act of meet-
ing or encountering the enemies of the nev/ religion. (See
Matt. 22, 34. 27, 37, and compare Rev. 16, 14. 16. 20, 8.) But
in all the other instances of this use, the enemies are ex})ressly
iU'}ntioned. The best sense therefore, though expressed in an
436 ACTS 11, 26.
unusual manner, is that they met (or assembled) in (and with)
the church, for worship and instruction. (See Matt. 13, 2, and
compare Matt.22, 10.) The effect was that they taught much
people, or more exactly, a sufficient crowd, implying that their
hearers were not only numerous, but of various classes and
descriptions. (See above, on 1, 15. 5, 37.) Taught does not
of itself imply conviction or conversion, although these en-
sued in many cases, but the communication of a knowledge
of the true religion, as a necessary means to that result. The
other thing that came to pass was the use of the name Chris-
tian. The connection of the clauses, which is very faintly in-
dicated in our version, is expressed too strongly in some others,
e. g. whence (Luther) so that (Vulgate) they were named
Christians. The labours of the missionaries and the rise of
this new name are not here spoken of as wholly unconnected,
nor as sustaining a causal relation, but as coincident in time
and place. It was during this year of missionary labour that
the name was first applied. The disci^yles, i. e. as some under-
stand it, they who were previously called disciples ; but the
new name did not necessarily supersede the old one. Were
called is not a passive verb in Greek, but the active form of
the one used above in 10, 22, and there explained. It does
not here mean to be named by God or by themselves ; for
then the name would have occurred more frequently ; where-
as it is used only twice besides, and both times as a term em-
ployed by enemies or strangers. (See below, on 26, 28, and
compare 1 Pet. 4, 16.) It means here (as in Rom. 7, 3), that
they were so called by others ; not by the Jews, for they
would thereby have conceded the Messiahship of Jesus ; nor
by Greeks, for they would probably have used another ter-
mination (as La 1, 11. 10, 1) ; but by Romans, as the form is
Latin, like Herodians (Matt. 22, 16. Mark 3, 6. 12, 13), and
many others found in the contemporary classics (such as
JPompeiani, Mariani, Yitelliani) The name may possibly
bave been derisive in its origin, like others which have after-
wards been gloried in as titles of nobility (e. g. Huguenots,
Puritans, Pietists, Methodists.) All that it properly denotes,
however, is that they were followers of Christ, whether those
who first applied the name knew that it denoted the Messiah
of the Jews, or regarded it merely as the personal name of a
ringleader. Thus Suetonius says that Claudius expeUed the
Jews from Rome, on account of their frequent insurrections,
prompted by one Chrestus {assidue tumidtuaiites Chresto im
ACTS 11, 26. 21. 28. 487
pulsore) This may be a mere mistake for Christo^ or the
real name of some well-knoT\m Jew at Rome. The form
Chrestus would be more familiar to the Greeks, and more
significant than Christus ; and we find that Justin Martyr,
and some other early writers, actually use that form and play
upon its meaning {good) as descriptive both of Christ and
Christianity. The fact recorded in this clause is one of the
three grounds, on which Chrysostom claimed for Antioch the
rank of a metropohs or mother-church.
27. And in these days came prophets from Jeru-
salem unto Antioch.
In these days may be either an indefinite expression (see
above, on 1, 15. 6, 1), denoting merely a time subsequent to
that of the events just mentioned ; or a specific one, denoting
the whole year spent by Barnabas and Saul in Antioch (v. 26,)
which last is the opinion of the ablest modern writer on the
chronology of Acts. Came^ or more exactly, caone down^
the usual expression for departure from Jerusalem. (See
above, on 8, 5. 15, 26. 9, 32.) The particular Greek verb here
used is one of Luke's peculiar terms, being used by him fifteen
times, and only once besides in the New Testament (James
3, 15.) Prophets^ inspired teachers or expounders of the
divine will. The prediction of futurity was only one of the
prophetic functions, but the one exercised on this occasion.
That the Prophets spoken of in the New Testament were the
Seventy Disciples (Luke 10, 1), or the Presbyters of the Apos-
toHcal Church, is not only a gratuitous assumption, but at
variance with the temporary office of the Seventy, who are
mentioned only in a single passage, and with the language ol
V. 30 below. The visit of these prophets has been variously
explained, as a second mission, siniilar to that recorded in vs.
19-21 ; or as a reinforcement of inspired teachers, to relieve
and aid those who were there already ; or as a proof of con
stant intercourse between the two mother-churches ; or as
a special mission sent to warn the church at Antioch of the
coming famine, and secure its contributions to the poor saints
at Jerusalem (Rom. 15, 26.)
28. And there stood up one of them, named Agabus,
and signified by the Spirit that there should be great
438 ACTS 11, 28.
dearth throughout all the world ; which came to pass
in the days of Claudius Cesar.
Stood up^ or arose, implying that he spoke in public, and
with some formality. (See above, on 1, 15. 5, 34.) One of
them^ or from (among) them^ as they sat in the assembly.
Named Agabus, literally, Agabus by name (see above, on
5, 1. 34. 8, 9. 9, 10. 11,12. 33, 36. 10, 1.) Agahus seems to be
a Hebrew name, with a Greek or Latin termination, perhaps
the same with that m Ezra 2, 45. 46. Xeh. V, 48. This man is
mentioned only here and in 21, 10 below, where he reappears
as a prophet in the strict sense. Signified^ a verb repeatedly
employed by John in reference to disclosures of the future,
and for the most part with an implication of obscurity or mys-
tery. (See John 12, 33. 18, 32. 21, 19. Rev. 1, 1.) By the
S2?hit, i. e. by the aid or at the instance of the Holy Spirit.
It is more usual to represent the Holy Ghost as speaking by
the Prophet, i. e. through him, by his instrumental agency.
(See above, on 1, 16.) Shmdd be^ was to be, or was about to
be, the same verb that is used aLore in 3, 3. 5, 35, and there
explained. Great dearth^ a great hunger, famine, scarcity of
food. (See above, on 7, 11.) Throughout all the icorld^ liter-
ally, 071 (or over) the whole inhabited (earth.) This phrase,
though strictly universal in its import, is often used in a re-
Btricted sense. The Greeks, in their pecuhar pride of race,
a]^phed it to their own country ; the Romans, in Hke manner,
to the empire. A similar restriction of the term by Jews to
Palestine would be perfectly analogous, though it may not be
demonstrable in usage. If this sense were admissible, the pro-
phecy of Agabus might be said to have been ftilfilled in the
fourth, fifth, and sixth years of Claudius, during which many died
of famine at Jerusalem, as related by Josephus, Eusebius, and
Orosius. There had been a previous scarcity at Rome itself,
in the first and second years of this reign, to relieve which
Claudius opened roads and a new harbour, and caused a
medal with a corn-measure to be struck in memory of the
event, as stated by Suetonius. In the ninth year of the same
reign, Eusebius records a great famine which prevailed in
Greece. In the eleventh, Rome was ^dsited again by scarcity,
in consequence of which the emperor was pelted by the peo-
ple, as we learn from Tacitus and Suetonius. All these were
local famines ; but as they succeeded one another so rapidly,
they may be considered as together constituting one contin'
ACTS 11, 28.29. 439
uous progressive famine, and correctly represented as a great
dearth which came upon the whole empire (or the whole
known world) under (or in the tune of) Claudius. Cesar is
omitted in several of the oldest manuscripts and versions, and
rejected by the latest editors as spurious.
29. Then the disciples, eveiy man according to liis
ability, determined to send relief unto the brethi-en
vdiich dwelt in Judea —
The effect of this prediction shows the intimate relation
which existed between the affiliated churches and Jerusalem
the mother of them all (Gal. 4, 26.) The original construc-
tion is, atul of the discijyles as any one icas prospered^ tliey
determined each of them ^ etc. The disciples are of course the
Christians of Antioch. As^ in proportion as ; see above, on
7, 17. TTas prospered or successful, an expression not sug-
gestive of great wealth, but rather of sufficiency or compe-
tency to reheve the wants of others. The same idea is ex-
pressed by Plato almost in the same words {Ka& oa-ov eiiropa.
Tts.) The same rule or measure is prescribed by Paul in
1 Cor. 16, 2. Determine means originally to divide or bound ;
then to define bounds ; then to define any thing ; and lastly
to determine or decide. It is used in the New Testament
only by Luke and Paul, and elsewhere construed with a noun
in the accusative (see below, on 17, 26. 31, and compare Heb.
4, 7), or as a passive participle (see above, on 2, 23. 10, 42,
and compare Rom. 1, 4.) This is the only case in wliich it
governs another verb in the infinitive. J5^ach or every with a
plural verb is no miusual construction. (See above, on 2, 6,
and compare Matt. IS, 35. John 16, 32.) Relief or mort; ex-
actly, for sei^ice (or administration)^ i. e. charitable distri-
bution, a frequent sense of the Greek noun (2 Cor. 8, 4. 9, 1.
12) and its corresponding verb (Heb. 6, 10.) If the famine
was to be a general one, how could the church at Antioch re-
lieve that at Jerusalem ? Their undertaking so to do implies
either a great difference of wealth, or an earlier visitation in
Judea, or an entire exemption of the Sp'ian capital, or all these
circumstances in conjunction. The churches of Judea seem
to have been always poor, because, as some suppose, originally
gathered from the humbler classes (but see above, on 6, 7,
and compare Matt. 27, 57) ; or because, as others think, im-
poverished by the community of goods (but see above, on
440 ACTS 11, 29.30.
2, 44. 45. 4. 32.) In this case the necessity is represented aa
arising from a special and a temporary cause. The motive
of the church at Antioch, however, was not mere natural
benevolence, or even Christian charity, but a sense of fihal
obUgation to the mother church, analogous to that which
led the Jews of the Diaspora, although beyond the reach of
all coercion, to contribute largely to the treasury of the tem-
ple. (See Mark 12, 41. 43. Luke 21, 1. John 8, 20, and com-
pare Rom. 15, 25-27. 1 Cor. 16, 1-4. 2 Cor. 8, 1-15. 9. 1-15.)
30. Whicli also they did, and sent it to the elders
by the hands of Barnabas and Saul.
The purpose thus formed was promptly carried into exe-
cution. The affection of these Christians towards the mother
church was shown not merely in their words but in their
deeds. Which refers to the determination mentioned in v.
29. Z>id is in direct antithesis to determined. Also is em-
phatic, not only said but also did. The subject of the verb is
of course the plural noun disciples. There is nothing to
restrict it, though the act was probably performed by the
church officers, (the elders) sending to the elders. These are
by some understood to mean the elders of the Jews, or their
hereditary chiefs and representatives under the Patriarchal
system, who are so often mentioned in the Gospels as well as
the Old Testament, and in the book before us (see above, on
4, 5. 8. 23. 6, 12, and below, on 23, 14. 24, 1. 25, 15.) This
supposes the donation from the church at Antioch to have
been intended not for the Christians of Judea in particular, but
for any who might need it ; and the same wide scope is as-
sumed to have existed in Paul's later collections. (See below,
on 24, \1.) Another explanation is that these were Chris-
tians, but still elders of the Jews by hereditary right. It is
commonly agreed, howcA^er, that the reference is to office-
bearers in the Church ; some say the Apostles, because Peter
and John describe themselves as Presbyters or Elders (1 Pet.
5, 1. 2 John 1. 3 John 1) ; others, the Bishops of Judea, w^ho
were to distribute the donation in their dioceses ; others, the
Seventy Disciples, whom they identify with the first Christian
Presbyters, inferring their perpetual or permanent commission
from the words of Christ in Luke 10, 19. This would cer-
tainly account for the extraordinary fact that, while the insti-
tution of the Apostleship and the Diaconate is giv*H\ in th^
ACTS 11, 30. 441
history, the Presbyterate or Eldership, considered as an
office in the Christian Church, is here mentioned for the first
time, and that only in an incidental manner. But this omis-
sion admits of a still more satisfactory solution, because not
requiring any dubious assumption as to the commission of the
Seventy Disciples. This solution is, that the office of Pres-
byter or Elder was the only permanent, essential office of the
Jewish Church, and as such was retained under the new or-
ganization, without any formal institution, and therefore
without any distinct mention in the history, such as we find
afterwards in reference to the organization of the Gentile
churches, where the office had no previous existence, and must
therefore be created by the act of ordination (see below, on
14, 23.) This is a much more probable account of the insti-
tution of the Christian Eldership than that which derives it
from the constitution of the Jewish Synagogue, which was
itself probably of later date, and, as a separate organization,
without divine authority. (See above, on 6, 9.) By the
hands^ literally, the hancl^ a common figure, more especially
in Hebrew, for mediation, intervention, instrumental agency.
(Compare the similar expression m Gal. 3, 19.) They did not
merely avail themselves of the return of Barnabas and Saul
at the expiration of their year of labour (see above, on v. 26),
but appointed them expressly to this service, as we learn from
12, 25 below. The appointment shows the light in which
these two men were regarded by the church of Antioch, and
also the importance which they attached to the commission
itself. It is worthy of remark that the highest qualifications
were required in those who were entrusted with the charities
of the church in apostolic times. As to the precedence here
and afterwards assigned to Barnabas, see below, on 13, 1. 9.
CHAPTER Xn.
During the visit of Barnabas and Saul to the churches of
Judea, a new persecution of the Christians at Jerusalem was
begun by Herod Agrippa, the first of the name. The history
3f this persecution is recorded in the chapter now before us
VOL. I. — 19*
442 ACTS 12, 1.
(1-19), with a supplementary account of Herod's death
(20-24), and the return of Barnabas and Saul to Antioch (25.)
The particulars belonging to the first head are the commence-
ment of the persecution (1), the death of James (2), the arrest
of Peter (3), his imprisonment (4), and the intercession of the
church for him (5), his miraculous release (6-11), his appear-
ance at the house of Mary (12-16), and departure fromi Jeru-
salem (17), the search for him and execution of the guards
(18-19.) Under the second, we have Herod's last visit to
Cesarea (19), his negotiation with the Tyrians and Sidonians
(20), his public address to them (21), the blasphemous ap-
plause bestowed upon it (22), and his death by a judicial
stroke (23) ; after which, or m the mean time, the church pros-
pered (24), and the deputies from Antioch returned to those
who sent them (25.)
1. Now about that time, Herod the king stretched
forth (his) hands, to vex certain of the church.
This chapter is connected with the one before it in the
closest manner, not only by the usual continuative particle,
now {and or hut)^ but by the phrase, about (or at) that time^
which, although in itself indefinite, is here determined by the
context to mean at the time of the official visit to Judea men-
tioned at the close of the last chai^ter. (See above, on 11, 30.)
It is nowhere said that Barnabas and Saul were in Jerusalem at
all, and as their errand was " to the brethren dwelling in Ju-
dea " (11, 29), some suppose them to have been deterred from
visiting the Holy City by the very persecution here described ;
while others, mth as much or as little probability, assume that
they were witnesses of what is here recorded, and were even
present at the meeting mentioned in v. 12 below. Herod the
king^ not the one so called in Matt. 2, 1. 3, nor the one so
called in Mark 6, 14, but the nephew of the latter and the
grandson of the former, and descended through his mother
from the Maccabees or Hasmonean kings of Judah. He was
brought up at Rome with the royal princes, Caligula and
Claudius, by whom, on their accession to the throne, ho was
gradually repossessed of the dominions of his grandfather,
Herod the Great. He bore the name of the famous Agrippa,
which Luke applies, however, only to his son (see below, on
25, 13), while he calls the father simply by his family name,
Keroct Notwithstandmg his heathen education, he pro-
ACTS 12, 1.2. 443
fessed to be a zealous Jew, perhaps less from conviction than
from policy (see below, on v. 3.) Josephus, the historian,
describes him as a mild and liberal but ambitious prince,
which, with due allowance for the flattery involved in the de-
scription, is by no means irreconcileable with what is here
recorded. Stretched forth his hands^ or more exactly, laid
his hands on^ an expression often used by Luke, and alway
in the sense of seizure or arrest. (See above, on 4, 3. 5, 18
and below, on 21, 27, and compare Luke 20, 19. 21, 12.) The
marginal translation in the English Bible {began) is still less
exact. To vex^ an English word now chiefly used of petty
annoyances, but in the translation of the Bible having a much
stronger sense. (See for example Num. 20, 15. Judges 16,
16. 2 Chr. 15, 6. Job 19, 2. Ps. 2, 5. Isai. 63, 10. Matt. 15, 22.)
The Greek verb here used strictly means to make had^ and is
once applied to moral influence (see below, on 14, 2), but com-
monly to persecution or oppression (see above, on 7, 6. 19, and
below, on 18, 10, and compare 1 Pet. 3, 13.) Certain of the
churchy or more exactly, some of those from (i. e. belonging
to) the church. (See above, on 10, 23, and compare 10, 45.
11, 2.) It is worthy of remark, that the Christians of Judea,
or at least those of Jerusalem, are still described as consti-
tuting one church. (See above, on 2, 47. 5, 11. 8, 1. 3. 11, 22.)
2. And he killed James the brother of John \d\h
the sword.
Killed^ despatched, or made away with (see above, on 2,
23.* 5, 33. 7, 28. 9, 23. 29. 10, 39.) James^ the son of Zebedee,
one of our Saviour's earliest followers and most confidential
friends (see above, on 1, 13), never mentioned in the Gospels
but with John, as whose brother he is here described, because
of John's celebrity in later times. With the sword^ most
probably by decapitation. This martyrdom may be regarded
as the fulfilment of Christ's words in Matt. 20, 23. John's
sufierings were less acute but more protracted. It is remarka-
ble that, so far as we know, one of these mseparable brothers
was the first, and one the last, that died of the Apostles. This
verse may be either a specification of the one before it (some
of the church, among whom was James the brother of Jolm),
or an additional fact, forming a kind of climax (not only some
obscure members of the church, but one of the most eminent
Apostles.)
444 ACTS 12, 3.4.
3. And because he saw it pleased the Jews, he pro-
ceeded further to take Peter also. Then were the days
of unleavened bread.
Because he saw, literally, seeing or having seen. Pleased,
literally, is pleasiiig or acceptable. The present tense calls up
he scene as actually passing. (See above, on Y, 25. 9, 26.)
The Jews, not merely the rulers, but the people, whose feelings
towards the church had undergone a great change since the
time referred to in 2, 47. 5, 13, during which interval indeed
the previous persecution had occurred. (See 6, 12. 8, 1.)
The motive here assigned was not necessarily the primary or
only one. It rather seems to be implied that, having killed
James for another purpose, he perceived that he had thereby
pleased the Jews. This he may have done while gratifying
some ambitious or malignant passion of his own. Proceeded
further, literally, added, a Hebrew idiom, which Luke uses
elsewhere. (Compare Luke 19, 11 and 20, 11.) To take^t^Q
up, seize, arrest. (See above, on 1, 16.) Whatever may have
been the motive for destroying James, Peter was probably
selected as the most conspicuous and best known of our Lord's
disciples. It can scarcely be regarded as fortuitous, that
Herod should have laid his hands on two of Christ's three most
intimate and confidential friends and followers. The specifica-
tion of the time when this arrest took place is a strong thougb
incidental proof of authenticity. The^i, not the adverb of
time, but the continuative particle, translated and in v. 2, and
now in v. 1. The days of unleavened bread (Luther and Tyn-
dale, sweet bread ; Wiclif, therf loaves ; Rhemish version
azymes), i. e. the festival week following the Passover, during
which the use of leaven was forbidden in the Law. * (See Ex.
12, 18. 27. Deut. 16, 3. 8, and compare Matt. 26, 17. Mark 14,
1. 12. Luke 22, 1. 7.) This festival began on the fourteenth
day of the month Nisan, corresponding partly to our March
and April. (See below, on 20, 6.)
4. And when he had apprehended him, he put
(^him) in prison, and dehvered (him) to four quaternions
of soldiers, to keep him, intending after Easter to bring
aim forth to the people.
Whom havinq also seized (or apprehended.) The Greek
ACTS 12, 4. 446
verb LS a Doric form of one whicli means to press or squeeze,
but in the Hellenistic usage, to lay hold of, to hold fast. It is
applied by John to the taking of beasts and fishes (John 21,
3. 10. Rev. 19, 20), but still more frequently to forcible arrest
or seizure (John 7, 30. 32. 44. 8, 20. 10, 39. 11, 57.) Put into
prison^ or confinement; see above, on 5,19.22.25. 8,3.)
And delivered^ literally, delivering^ committing, or entrusting,
which is not a mere specification of the preceding phrase
(' whom he put into prison by delivering ' etc.), but an addi-
tional distinct act, showing the unusual precautions taken to
secure a captive so important (' whom he not only put into
prison, but delivered ' &c.) Four quaternions is not a mere
periphrasis for sixteen^ as the Peshito renders it, but a tech-
nical expression borrowed from the Roman discipline or art
of war, in w^hich the night was divided into four watches
(see above, on 2, 15), and each of these entrusted to four sol-
diers, who succeeded or relieved each other every three hours.
These details are found, not only in the Jewish writer Philo,
but in ancient military works, such as those of Polybius in
Greek and Yegetius in Latin. In the case before us, four
armed men appear to have been constantly employed, two in
the cell and two before the door, to watch one unarmed and
defenceless prisoner. To Jceep^ i. e. to watch or guard, a
stronger sense than that attached to the word Jcee2^ in modern
English. Intending^ literally, vyishing or desiring^ but with
the accessory notion of a plan or purjDose. (See above, on 5,
28. 33, and for the usage of the cognate noun, on 2, 23. 4, 28.
5, 38.) After Easter^ a singular confusion of the Christian
with the Jewish festival, transcribed into King James's version
from the older ones of Tyndale, Cranmer, and Geneva, while
Wichf and the Rhemish Version go to the opposite extreme
of retaining the original without translation {after pask or
pasche.) There is no imagmable reason why it should not be
translated here, as in every other place where it occurs, by
its exact equivalent, the Passover, (See Matt. 26, 2. Mark
14,1. Luke 2,41. John 2,13. 1 Cor. 5,7. Heb. 11, 28, and
more than twenty other instances, to wliich the one before us
is the sole exception.) The word properly denotes the sacri-
^fice and supper on the fourteenth day of Msan, but is here
used, as in several of the places just referred to, for the whole
festival, described in the preceding verse as the days of un-
leavened bread. To bring himforth^ literally, up}^ as we speak
of bringing a man up before a court or magistrate. (Compare
446 ACTS 12, 4.5.
Luke 22, 66.) The Greek verb frequently occurs in Acts, but
almost always as a nautical or sea-phrase (see below, on 13, 13,
and compare 7, 41. 9, 39. 16, 34.) To the people^ not as
judges, but as spectators, in some great assembly, either for
amusement, or to witness Peter's execution. (Compare the
case of Samson, Judg. 16, 25.) Herod's motive for postponing
this exposure of his prisoner may have been some scruple of
his own, or a regard to the religious feelings of the people
whom he wished to please, or quite as probably because he
knew that durmg the paschal week their minds would be en-
grossed with its ceremonies and festivities, and therefore less
fit to appreciate the treat which he proposed to give them.
5. Peter therefore was kept in prison ; but prayer
was made without ceasing of the church unto God for
him.
Therefore^ or rather so then^ the same compound particle
(/xei/ ovv) which w^e have had repeatedly before in this book, to
denote the pauses and resumptions of the narrative, (See
above, on 1,6. 2,41. 5 41. 8,4.25. 9,31, 11,19.) Kep%\n
the same strong sense explained above (on v. 4), though the
verb is not the same, but one employed by Matthew (27, 36.
54. 28, 4) in the same sense, whereas in John it always means
either to preserve or to observe. (See John 2, 10. 8, 51, and
passim.) This is not a mere reiteration of a fact already
stated, as the imperfect form of the Greek verb is equivalent
to the modern phrase, vias being Jcept^ i. e. when something
else took place, recorded in the next clause. There too, the
literal translation is, loas being niade^ the clauses forming an
antithesis. While he was watched, they were praying. With-
out ceasing is a paraphrase of one Greek word, and that an
adjective qualifying prayer^ and originally meaning tight or
strained, but in its figurative usage corresponding to intense^
i. e. when applied to prayer, " instant and earnest," as it is
well explained in the margin of the English Bible. Of (i. e.
by) the church, still regarded as one body, however numerous
its members or its subdivisions. (See above, on v. 1, and be-
low, on V. 12.) To God^ not to man, not to Herod, whom
they might have hoped to influence in some way. For him
concerning him, in his behalf; not merely for his libera-
tion, but for a happy issue to this trial, both to htm and to
the cause f:>r which he suffered. (See below, on vs. 15, 16.)
ACTS 12, 6. 7. 447
6. And when Herod would have brought him forth/
the same night Peter was sleeping between two sol-
diers, bound with two chains, and the keepers before
the door kept the prison.
Would have brought^ or more exactly, was about to bring.
Herod's plan was on the very eve of its accomplishment. 7h
bring forth (or forward) is the true sense of the verb here
used, a kindred form to that in v. 4, and in this book always
applied to prisoners. (See below, on 16, 30. 25, 26.) The
same nighty or {in) that {very) nighty the one preceding the
day fixed for Peter's public aj^pearance. His sleeping proba-
bly, but not necessarily, implies composure and serenity.
Bound with tioo chains^ to the arms of the two soldiers, a
method of confinement spoken of by other ancient writers,
especially by Seneca {eadeni catena et custodiam et militem
copulat) and Josephus, who describes this very Herod or
Agrippa as having been so secured by order of Tiberius.
And the Iceepers^ or the keepers also (re), i. e. the two remain-
ing men of the quaternion (see above, on v. 4.) Keepers^ in
the strong sense of guards or watchers. Before the door^
either the main entrance to the prison (see below, on v. 10),
or the door of the particular ward, cell, or dungeon, in which
Peter lay. Kept^ in the imperfect tense, were keeping^ guard-
ing, watching. The correspondence of the verb and noun is
lost in the translation, unless we read, the gaolers kept the gaol,
7. And, behold, the angel of the Lord came upon
(him), and a light shined in the prison, and he smote
Peter on the side, and raised him up, saying. Arise'' up
quickly ; and his chains fell off from (his) hands.
Behold^ as usual, prepares the mind for something unex-
pected; see above, on 11, 11. The angel (or an a7igeT) of the
Lord ; see above, on 5, 19. Ga'iue upon him^ or stood over
him; see above, on 4,1. 6,12. 10,17. 11,11, (Wicl. stood
nigh. Tynd. was there present. Rhem. stood in presence^ A
lights or simply light without the article ; see above, on 9, 3.
This light may have proceeded from the Angel, as a super-
natural and heavenly efiulgence ; or it may have been a sepa-
rate LHumination, intended to facilitate the prisoner's escape.
In the prison^ literally, in the house or dwelling^ a term used
448 ACTS 12, 7. 8.9.
•in Attic Greek, by a peculiar superstition, instead of the un-
lucky word which distinctly denotes prison. This singular
usage is affirmed by Plutarch, and exemplified by Thucydides
and Demosthenes. And smote (hterally, smiting) Peter^s
side, or pleura, a term still used in anatomy. As the Greek
verb elsewhere means to strike with violence, so as even to
wound or kill (see Matt. 26, 31. 51. Luke 22, 49. 50), we have
neither right nor reason to give it, in this one place, the di-
luted sense of striking gently. liaised him, up, or rather
roused him, the idea being not merely that ol lifting (as in 3,
7) but of awakening from sleep, in which sease the verb is
metaphorically used of resurrection or resuscitation. (See
above, on 3, 15. 4, 10. 5. 30. 10, 40.) Arise (or stand up)
quickly (or in haste.) His chains^ literally, the chains, as the
pronoim in Greek is not repeated. Fell off from (or, as the
original expression strictly means, fell out of) his hands, as
if he had been holding and not merely wearing them.
8. And the angel said unto him, Gird thyself, and
bind on thy sandals ; and so he did. And he saith
unto him, Cast thy garment about thee, and follow me.
Gird thyself, or, according to the text adopted by the
latest critics, gird (thy clothes) around (thee). Bind on
(literally, hind under) thy sandals, which covered the sole of
the foot only. (For the use of the corresponding noun, see
above, on V, 33.) And he did so marks a stage or pause in the
proceeding. And he says to him, a second time, again, cast
about or throw around (thee) thy (upper or outer) garment
(see above, on 7, 58.) And (now that thou art fully prepared)
folloio me. This command to dress himself completely and
dehberately, may have been intended both to show him the
reahty of what he witnessed and to assure him of immediate
liberation. This is perfectly consistent with the call to arise
quickly. Hesitation in arising would have argued unbelieving
doubts; undue haste in departure unbelieving fears. Both
were sufficiently precluded by the summons to stand uj) at
once, and by the subsequent instructions to resume every ar-
ticle of dress which he had laid aside, before he left the prison,
9. And he went out, and followed him ; and wist
ACTS 12, 9. 10. 449
not tliat it was linie which was done by the angel, but
thought he saw a vision.
And going (or coming) otit, he (Peter) folloioed (or woj^
following) him (the Angel), and (as he did so) knew not (was
not certain) that it is (as if present to the writer or the reader,
see above, on V, 25) true (i. e. real, not imaginary), the (thing)
done hy (or happened, come to pass, by means of) the Angel.
But (although uncertain as to this point) he (rather) thought
he saw (or seemed to see) a vision (a miraculous sight or ideal
spectacle), such as he had lately seen in Joppa (10, 11. 12.)
That Peter should have been inclined to this conclusion, after
what he had so recently experienced, was certainly most
natural.
10. When they were past the first and the second
ward, they came unto the iron gate that leadeth unto
the city, which opened to them of his own accord;
and they went out, and passed on (through) one street,
and forthwith the angel departed from him.
And having past (or come througJi) a first and second
ward^ or subdivision of the prison, which is much more natural
than to understand it of a first and second guai'd or watch.
The iron gate is spoken of as something well known, or perhaps
as something usual in prisons. Leadmg into the city from
the interior of the prison, but not necessarily from without the
walls. There is nothing, therefore, to be learnt here as to the
position of the prison, with respect to which there have been
various conjectures. Of his (in modern English, its) own ac-
cord opened (was opened) to them (i. e. for them, or before
them) to afibrd them passage. Coming out^ at the iron door,
and therefore fi'om the whole enclosure of the prison. Passed
on^ came forward or proceeded. Through is supplied by the
translators. Street^ the same Greek word that is used above
in 9, 11, and there explained. One street^ i. e. probably the
length of one. The reference may be either to a particular
street, or to a customary measure like our square, block, etc.
Forthwith^ as soon as they had gone this distance. Departed
is in Greek the converse of the verb employed in v. 7, a rela-
oion which can only be expressed in English by some such com-
bination as " appeared " and " disappeared."
450 ACTS 12, 11. 12.
11. And when Peter was come to himself, he said,
Now I know of a surety, that the Lord hath sent his
angel, and hath delivered me out of the hand of Herod,
and (from) all the expectation of the people of the
Jews.
Coming to himself is not the same phrase that is so trans
lated in Luke 15, 17, but one that properly means, hei7ig (or
beginning to be) in himself i. e. in his natural or normal state,
as opposed to the perplexity and doubt described in v. 9. Of
a surety^ truly, really, or certainly, the adverb corresponding
to the adjective in v. 9. Sent^ or more emphatically, se7it out,
sent away, implying distance (see above, on 7, 12. 9, 30. 11,
22.) Delivered is a cognate form in Greek to that translated
killed in V. 2 ; an analogous antithesis to that already noticed
(on V. 10.) While one apostle was put to death, the other
\vas put at liberty. The hand^ power or possession. Expec-
tation, that v/hich they expected, namely his exposure and
most probably his execution. (See above, on v. 4.) All the
expectation, the worst that he had reason to anticipate with
dread, and they with pleasure. The people of the Jews, the
Jewish people, not merely individuals, but the w^hole commu-
nity, which seems to have acted with great unanimity, as well
in showing favour as in manifesting hatred. (See above, on
2,47. 4,21. 5,20. 6,12.)
12. And when he had considered (the thing), he
came to the house of Mary the mother of John, whose
surname was Mark, where many were gathered to-
gether praying.
When he had considered the thing answ^ers to one word in
Greek which means considering (i. e. where he was, or where
he would be likely to find Christian friends assembled) ; or
being aware (of his position, and the place where he was stand-
ing) ; or being conscious (in a state of consciousness, as op-
posed to an ecstatic one.) This last is nearly synonymous
with being iii (or coming to) himself in the preceding verse.
For the usage of the Greek verb, see above, on 5, 2, and be-
low, on 14, 6, and compare 1 Cor. 4, 4. Game to, or up>07i,
perhaps implying that he did so unexpectedly. Mary (or
Miriam) being one of the most common Jewish names, the
ACTS 12, 12. 13. 451
person here meant is distingnished by the mention of her son,
who was no doubt therefore well knoAvn. John being also an
extremely common name, the son is distinguished in like man-
ner by a Latin surname {3farciis)^ which, according to the
custom of the age, was added to his Hebrew one. (See nbove,
on 1, 23. 9, 36, and below, on 13, 1. 9.) This Johii Marie is no
doubt the same who is mentioned in v. 25, and reappears in
13, 13. 15, 37-39. He is also supposed to be the same whom
Peter calls his son (1 Pet. 5, 13), i. e. his spiritual son or con-
vert ; whom Paul names in three of his epistles as his fellow-
labourer (see Col. 4, 10. 2 Tim. 4, 11. Philem. 24) ; and to whom
an old and uniform tradition ascribes the composition of the
second gospel. The house of Mary^ i. e. the house where she
was living ; but whether as a lodger or an owner we are not
told, and are therefore not at liberty to use this as a proof that
individual property was not abolished by the community of
goods described in 2, 44. 4, 32, although this negative conclu-
sion is highly probable for other reasons. Many were gath-
ered (or crowded)^ perhaps according to custom, but more pro-
bably in reference to this emergency. (See above, on v. 5.)
13. And as Peter knocked at the door of the gate,
a damsel came to hearken, named Rhoda.
And Peter knocking^ or, according to the latest critics, he
hnocking. The door of the gate^ or rather of the porch^ the
front or street-door. Several of the older English versions
have, the entry-door. (See above, on 10, 17.) A damsel^ maid,
or girl, perhaps a member of the family, but most probably a
servant, as the Greek word is clearly so used elsewhere (see
below, on 16, 16, and compare Luke 12, 45. Gal. 4, 22), and as
female servants seem to have performed this office, even in
great houses (see Matt. 26, 69. Mark 14, 66. 69. Luke 22, 56.
John 18, 17.) Came, literally, came to (it, or to the door)
from within. To listen, or as the margin of the English Bible
less exactly renders it, to ask who loas there. The expression
here might seem to have respect to some particular emergency
or danger, were it not used in the classics to denote the ordi-
nary act of attending or answering the door. Two of the
verbs here used (knock and come to) are combined by Lucian,
and two (knock and listen) by Xenophon. A similar Latin
phrase is used by Plautus (fores ausctdtato.) Named (lite-
rally, hy name) Hhoda^ or rather HhodCf as the name is Greek,
452 ACTS 12, 13. 14. 15.
not Latin, and the latter form is given even in the Vulgate.
The name denotes a rose-bush, not a rose, as sometimes stated,
which m Greek is a related but distinct form {rhodon.) Simi-
lar names, derived from j^lants or flowers, are Tamar (palm),
Hadassah (myrtle), and JSusatitia (lily.) For others borrowed
from the animal kingdom, see above, on 9, 36. The preserva-
tion of this beautiful but unimportant name in the history be-
fore us is a slight but striking proof of authenticity.
14. And when she knew Peter's voice, she opened
not the gate for gladness, but ran in and told how
Peter stood before the gate.
And recognizing Peter's voice^ which may imply that he
was in the habit of resorting to the house, if not (as Matthew
Henry says) that she had often heard him preach and pray.
This incident resembles that m Matt. 26, 73. Mark 14, 70, ex-
cepting that in that case it was not his voice, but his provin-
cial dialect, that made him known. (For the meaning of the
Greek verb here used, see above, on 3, 10. 4, 13. 9, 30.) For
gladness^ or from joy ^ a lifelike incident, analogous to those in
Gen. 45,26. Luke 24,41. Told how^ or reported that (com-
pare the use of the same verb m 4, 23. 5, 22. 25. 11, 13 above,
and in V. 17 below.) The gate^ twice mentioned in this verse,
is properly the porch or front part of the building, as before
explained (on v. 13 and 10, 17.)
15. And they said unto her, Thou art mad. But
she constantly affirmed that it was even so. Then said
they, It is his angel.
They^ i. e. the people of the house, as in 10, 10, or rather
those w^ho happened to be there assembled (see above, on vs.
5. 12.) Thou art mad^ thou raA^est, corresponds to one Greek
word, which is applied, in precisely the same sense, to Christ
himself, and to Paul (26, 24. John 10, 20.) It is here a
strong exj)ression of their incredulity. Constantly (or confi-
dently, steadfastly) affirmed^ is also a single word in Greek,
often used, in the same sense, by Plato and the Attic oratoi's.
That it was even so, literally, so (or thus) to have, i. e. to have
itself, to be, the same Greek idiom that occurs above in 7, 1.
Then, the same word that is translated and, but, in the two
preceding clauses. His angel, i. e., as some understand it, his
ACTS 12, 15. 16. 453
messenger^ a messenger from Peter. This is the original
meaning of the Greek word, and occurs in a few places (Matt.
11, 10. Luke 7, 24. 9, 52. James 2, 5.) But this idea would
have been expressed more naturally by the phrase, a messenger
from him, or one sent by him. Besides, a message from Peter,
guarded as he was, would have been scarcely less surprising
than his personal appearance. Most interpreters, therefore,
are agreed that angel has here its usual and higher sense, in
which it has repeatedly occurred before. (See above, on vs.
7. 8. 9. 10. 11, and on 5, 19. 6, 15. 7, 30. 35. 38. 53. 8, 26. 10,
3. 7. 22. 11, 13.) Some understand by his angel a preter-
natural apparition, supposed in the superstitions of some coun-
tries to announce the death of the person represented. It
is a very ancient notion, that this text confirms the doctrine
elsewhere taught, that every person has his guardian angel.
But no such thing is really suggested, either here or in Gen.
48, 16. Ps. 34, 7. Eccl. 5, 6. Matt. 18, 10. Heb. 1, 14. The
doctrine of angelic guardianship is clearly taught in Scripture,
but not that of a particular angel guardmg every individual.
Even if this were the meaning of the words before us, it
would only show that the primitive Christians were not wholly
free from superstition. But the words necessarily denote no
more than the mission of an angel, which was not more in-
credible in this case than in that recorded just before in this
same chapter. (See above, on vs. 7-10.)
16. But Peter continued knocking, and when they
had opened (the door), and saw him, they were as-
tonished.
Continued is in Greek an emphatic compound, and might
be translated, still continued or continued on. Having opened
they saw him^ may refer, as before, to the people of the house,
or still more probably, to the assembled Christians, who would
naturally come out in a body, on receiving the glad news of
his arrival. Were astonished^ the same verb employed above
in 2, 7. 12. 8, 9. 11. 13. 9, 21. 10, 45. Their wonder has been
sometimes represented as a proof of weak faith, since they
could not believe the very thing for which they had been
praying. But their prayers may not have been exclusively
for Peter's liberation (see above, on vs. 5. 12) ; or they may,
to use a natural and common phrase, have thought the tidings
454 ACTS 12, 16. 17.
too good to be true. (Compare the case of Ananias, in 9,
13. 14.)
17. But he, beckoning unto them with the hand to
hold their peace, declared unto them how the Lord
had brought him out of the prison. And he said, Go
show these things unto James, and to the brethren.
And he departed, and went into another place.
JBeckoning^ literally, shaking doicn (or downwards)^ a verb
found only in this book of the New Testament, and always of
the hand, as a preliminary gesture used by public speakers to
secure attention. (See below, on 13, 16. 19, 33. 21, 40.) To
hold their peace^ or to be silent, is in Greek a single word.
The clause may have reference, either to the ordinary noise
of conversation, or more probably to the unusual expression
of their joy at Peter's liberation. Declared^ or as the Greek
verb primarily signifies, Ud the tcay through the m.atter, or
went thi'ough it in the form of a circumstantial narrative.
For another instance of the same verb and the same construc-
tion with how (see above, on 9, 27.) The Lord^ i. e. God, or
more specifically the Lord Jesus Chiist (see above, on 1, 24.
2,36. 9,27.35.42. 10,36.48. 11,21.23.24), by the agency
or intervention of his angel. And he said^ or, and said,
which would make the following clause a command of the
Lord to Peter, (Iteport to James and to the brethren tJiese
things), which he was now executing. But no such command
Ls mentioned in the previous context, and to most interpreters
and readers it has always seemed more natural to understand
the words as those addi'essed by Peter himself to the Chris-
tians gathered at the house of Mary. As James the son of
Zebedee had been already put to death (see above, on v. 2),
and the only other person of that name who has been previ-
ously mentioned in this history is James the son of Alpheus
(see above, on 1, 13), the reference must be to him, imless
some reason to the contrary should be suggested by the sub-
sequent history (see below, on 15, 13.) He may be particu-
larly named here as the only other Apostle then in Jerusalem,
or as the one to whom the care of the church there had been
Bpecially entrusted, or on whom it was now to be devolved by
Peter. And he departed might, on the hypothesis already
mentioned, be supposed to refer to the disappearance of the
ACTS 12, 17. 18. 455
angel (see above, on v. 10.) But the literal translation {going
OKt) is less ajDpropriate to that event, and the words have been
almost universally apphed to Peter's own departure from the
house of Mary, or the city of Jerusalem. Wetit., or more em-
phatically, went away^ departed, journeyed (see above, on 1,
10.11.25. 5,20.41. 8,26.27.36.37. 9,3.11.15.31.10,20.)
The use of this word seems to show that the clause has refer-
ence, not to his concealment in some other quarter of the
Holy City, but to his departure from it. This agrees well
with the fact, that he appears no more there as a resident
apostle, but only as a member of the Apostolical Council,
which he may have come expressly to attend. (See below,
on 15, 7.) To what other place he now removed there is
nothing in the text or context to determine. Several names
have been suo:gested by conjecture, such as Cesarea (see the
next verse), Antioch (see Gal. 2, 11), and Rome, in order to
sustain the tradition that Peter was for many years the bishop
of the church there, a tradition inconsistent with the absolute
silence of Paul respecting him, in writing to and fi-om Rome.
18. Now as soon as it was day, there was no small
stir among the soldiers, what was become of Peter.
And (it) being (or becoming) day. Small is in Greek the
singular number of the word iov few (see below, on 17. 4. 12.)
Stir^ commotion, tumult. The same word is apphed by Luke
to a popular disturbance or riot (see below, on 19, 23), and a
kindred form by Mark (13, 8) to the same object, and by
John (5, 4) to a physical commotion of the waters. It here
expresses the confusion and excitement naturally caused by
the escape of an important prisoner, especially among those
to whose keeping he had been committed. (See above, on 5^
22-25.) As no discovery was made till daybreak, when
the guard would be relieved, Peter was probably dehvered
durmg the last or morning- watch. (See above, on v. 4, and
on 1, 15.) Among (or iyi) the soldiers^ of the four quaternions,
to whom the king dehvered Peter for safe keeping. (See
above, on v. 4.) The thought to be supphed between the
clauses is * to know,' ' to discover,' or the hke. WJmt was
becm^ie of Peter^ hterally, what tJien Peter had become. Tliis
has been strictly understood by some, as implying that the
soldiers suspected or beUeved him to have been transformed
by magic into some other form, and thus to have escaped.
456 ACTS 12, 18. 19.
This idea might have been sincerely entertained by heathen
soldiers, such as Herod's guards perhaps were ; or it might'
have been invented as a cloak for what appeared to be
their own neglect of duty. But the Greek words probably
mean no more than our version has expressed, a kind of indi-
rect inquiry, what had befallen or become of Peter. The
form of the original, though foreign from our idiom, agrees
almost exactly with the French mode of expressing the same
thing (ce que JPierre serait devenu.)
19. And when Herod had sought for him, and
found him not, he examined the keepers, and com-
manded that (they) should be put to death. And he
went down from Judea to Cesarea, and (there) abode.
Having sought for him^ and not finding him^ having ex-
amined the guards^ he commanded^ etc. Examined^ judicially,
a verb used only by Luke and Paul (see above, on 4, 9.)
That they should he put to death^ literally, to be led away^
sometimes without reference to judicial process (see below^,
on 23, 17. 24, V, and compare Luke 13, 15. Matt T, 13) ; some-
times meaning to the bar, or the j^resence of a magistrate (as in
Matt. 26, 57. 27, 2. Mark 14, 53. 15, 16. John 18, 3) ; sometimes
to prison or a place of safety (see below, on 23, 10, and compare
Mark 14, 44) ; sometimes to execution (as in Matt, 27, 31.
Luke 23, 26. John 19, 16.) This last is a favourite euphem-
ism in the classics (see above, on v. 7), as when Pliny writes
to Trajan, of the Christians who refused at his tribunal to
deny Christ, "those persisting I ordered to be led away"
{perseverantes ducijussi.) This is not to be regarded as an
act of extraordinary cruelty in Herod, but as a simple apph-
cation of the Roman military law, with which he was famiUar.
It is not necessarily imphed that the miraculous deliverance
of Peter was known either .to the king or to the guards ; but
as the latter could give no account of his escape, there seemed
to be no doubt that they must either have connived at it, or
slept upon their post, a capital offence in Roman soldiers.
(See below, on 16, 27, and compare Matt. 28, 14.) The last
clause is referred by some to Peter ; but this construction, al-
though not impossible, has never seemed so natural to most
interpreters and readers, as that which understands the words
of Herod. From Judea^ i. e. from the inland or interior, ^^o
ACTS 12, 19. 20. 467
Cesarea^ which was on the sea-coast, and also near the north-
ern lunit of the provmce. (See above, on 8, 40. 9, 30. 10, 1.)
As this had been the residence of the Roman procurators, so
It now was of Agrippa (see below, on 23, 35.) Abode^ not
necessarily for the same time, but spent the time there before
his death. The same Greek verb is elsewhere rendered tarried
(see below, on 25, 6, and compare John 3, 22), co7itinued (see
below, on 15, 35, and compare John 11, 54), and in one case
simply had been (see below, on 25, 14), but most frequently as
here (see below, on 14, 3. 28. 16, 12. 20, 6.) Josephus tells
us that Agrippa went to Cesarea for the purpose of celebrating
games in honour of the emperor, which, though not here men-
tioned, is entirely consistent with the narrative before us.
20. And Herod was liiglily displeased with them
of Tyre and Sidon ; but they came with one accord
to him, and, having made Blastus the king's chamber-
lain their friend, des-ired peace, because their country
was nourished by the king's (country.)
Highly displeased^ literally, icarring in mind^ i. e. as the
margin of our Bible renders it, bearing a hostile mind, but
not, as it is there added, intending war ; for this the Romans
would not have permitted between two of their dependents.
The same objection lies, with stiU more force, against the ex-
planation, furiously fighting^ although justified by classical
usage. Them of Tyre and Sidon^ Hterally, the Tyrians and
Sidonians^ the people of the two great cities of Phenicia (see
above, on 1 1, 19), from whose foreign trade the country derived
all its wealth, being itself a narrow strip of sea-coast, without
any rich interior, and dependent even for the most indispen-
sable supplies upon its neighbours, and especially on Palestine,
a mutual relation which appears to have existed from the time
of Solomon, and is expressly mentioned by Ezekiel in his
vivid picture of the trade of Tyre. (See 1 Kings 5. 11. Ezra
3, 7. Ezek. 27, IV.) On this account it was their wisest policy
to live on good terms with Agrippa, who was now the sove-
reign of all Palestine, and may have been disposed to look
upon Tyre and Sidon as commercial rivals of the new port
which his grandfather had created at Straton's Tower, now
called Cesarea. (See above, on 8, 40. 10, 1.) This temper
he could easily indulge by checking the communication,
VOL. I. — 20
458 ACTS 12, 20. 21.
and especially the export of provisions to Phenicia. With
one accord^ unanimously, by agreement, which may possibly
imply that they had been at variance among themselves, but
now united in a measure equally important to both cities, and
indeed to the whole country. Came (or more exactly loere
present) to him^ i. e. came into his presence, sought an audi-
ence. This they did not directly, but through Blastus^ the
hinges chambeTlain^ or as it is more literally rendered in the
margin, that was over the king^s bed-chamber. In ancient courts,
as well as in some modern ones, domestic officers controlled
the sovereign, and if not his ministers of state, were really
his confidential counsellors. (See above, on 8, 27.) Having
made him their friend^ literally, having persuaded him^ per-
haps by bribes, but no less probably by arguments, showing
that the interests of Herod coincided with their own. (See
above, on 5, 40, and compare Matt. 28, 14. Gal. 1, 10.) De-
sired peace^ or rather asked it for themselves, which is the full
force of the middle voice, as here used. (See above, on 3, 14.
7, 46. 9, 2.) Peace^ not merely as oj^posed to war, but to
alienation, rivalry, or conflicting interests. Because their
country^ literally, for (or on accoimt of) their conntry being
nourished^ i. e. supplied with food, no doubt in exchange for
the proceeds of their foreign trade. The Mng^s country^
literally, the royal^ agreeing with country (or territory) under-
stood, or repeated from the clause immediately preceding.
They probably embraced the opportunity, afforded by Agrip-
pa's public or official visit to a seaport, to negociate this re-
conciliation.
21. And upon a set day, Herod, arrayed in royal
apparel, sat upon his throne, and made an oration unto
them.
A set day^ i. e. one fixed or appointed for the purpose.
We learn from Josephus, that it was the second day of Herod's
games, or public shows, in honour of his friend and patron,
Claudius, perhaps with reference to his safe return from
Britain, which about this time he had reduced to its allegiance
as a Roman province. Herod may have reserved his an-
swer to the Tyrians and Sidonians for this pubHc occasion,
from vanity and fondness for display, which were his charac-
teristic foibles. Arrayed in, or ratier, having put on, which
Is the true force of the middle voice, as in Luke 1 2, 22. (Com-
ACTS 12, 21. 22. 469
pare the active, Luke 15, 22, and the figurative use, Luke 24,
49.) Royal apparel^ or a royal dress, the Greek word denot-
ing not a single garment, but the whole costume. (See above,
on 1,10. 10, 30.) Josephus describes it more particularly as
a dress of silver, that is, richly adorned with silver lace and
embroidery, or actually made of sUver tissue. This circum-
stance is also characteristic of Agrippa's vanity. 8at^ literally
mdhamng sat (down), or assumed his seat. Throne is else-
where Yendered judgme?it-seat (see below, on 18, 12. 16, 17.
25,6. 10,17, and compare Matt. 27,19. John 19, 13. Rom.
14, 10. 2 Cor. 5. 10.) The Greek word originally means a
step or footstep, of which we have one instance in the book
before us (see above, on 7, 5) ; then a ste2:> or platforin, any
place ascended to by steps, such as the rostrum or tribunal
of a magistrate, the upper seats of theatres, etc. This last
agrees well T\dth the statement of Josephus, that the meeting
here described was in the theatre at Cesarea, and with the
general Greek practice as described by Valerius Maximus
{Legati in theatimm, ut est consuetudo Graeciae, introducti.)
Made an oration, or harangued the people, as the Greek word
properly denotes. To them, i. e. to the Phenician envoys, who
were no doubt formally addressed, although the speech was
really intended for the people. K this were not the case, the
statement in v. 20 would be quite irrelevant and superfluous.
22. And the people gave a shout, (saying, It is) the
voice of a god, and not of a man.
The people, not the word so rendered in vs. 4, 11 above,
and often elsewhere, and most commonly denoting the cliosen
people or the Jewish cliurch, but one of rarer use in the New
Testament and only in the book before us, but employed in
Attic Greek to signify the people in their corporate capacity,
the sovereign people of the Greek republics, more especially
when actually gathered for despatch of business. (See below,
on 17,5. 19,30.33.) So here, it denotes not the populace
or mob, but the assembled people, called together by author-
ity^ and in the presence of their civil ruler. Gave a shout,
literally, cried or called to (him), i. e. responded to, applauded
what he said, by their shouts and acclamations. (See below,
on 22, 24, and compare Luke 23, 21.) The remaining nine
words of the version correspond to five in Greek, and might
Lave been expressed by five in EngUsh, God's voice and not
460 ACTS 12, 22. 23.
marl's^ whicli is moreover the original collocation of the sen-
tence. It is not a proposition, but an exclamation, an expres-
sion of pretended admiration, perhaps begun by the Pheni-
cian envoys, in acknowledgment of Herod's favourable answer
to their prayer (v. 20.) No Jew could join in such a cry
without being guilty of blasphemy ; but probably the meeting
was entirely composed of Gentiles, being held in a Roman
amphitheatre, to celebrate a heathen festival. Josephus states
the words of the people in a more diffuse and feeble form :
" Be propitious ! If until now we reverenced thee as a man,
yet henceforth we acknowledge thee superior to mortal na-
ture." He also represents the acclamation as called forth by
the reflection of the rising sun from Herod's silver robe ; but
this is far less natural and likely than the statement in the
text, which may however serve to complete that of Jo-
sephus.
23. And immediately the angel of the Lord smote
him, because he gave not God the glory ; and he was
eaten of worms, and gave up the ghost.
Immediately^ or on the spot, the same word that is so
translated in 3, 7, but in 5, 10 straighticay^ and in 9, \d> forth-
with. The angel (or an angel) of the Lord^ is not a figure
for disease as sent by him, nor does it here denote a visible
appearance, but an instantaneous physical effect produced by
the instrumental agency of a personal messenger from heaven,
sent forth for the purpose. (Compare Ex. 12, 21. 2 Kings 19,
35. 2 Sam. 24, 16. 2 Chr. 32, 21. John 1, 52. 5, 4.) Josephus
says that Herod saw an owl perched upon a cord above his
head, which he remembered to have seen before when impri-
soned by Tiberius, and to have been assured by some one, that
although it was immediately a favourable omen, yet if it ever
reappeared, he might expect to die within five days ; and ac-
cordingly he represents him to have lingered five days in
agonizing inward pains. This is not inconsistent with Luke's
narrative, which only says that he was smitten, not that he
expired, immediately or on the spot. Gave not God the glory.,
or more exactly, glory to God. (Compare Luke 17, 18. John
9, 24. Rom. 4, 20. Rev. 4, 13. 14, 7. 16, 9, in all which cases
the article is wanting, while in Rev. 19, 7 it is expressed.) The
meaning is not that he failed to thank God for his eloquencCf
of which he probably had none, but that he allowed divmo
ACTS 12, 23. 24. 25. 461
honours to be rendered to himself, or as Josephus phrases it,
" did not rebuke them, and repel the impious adulation." H%
icas eaten ofioorms^ literally, being (or becoming) loorm-eaten^
an epithet apphed by Theophrastus to decayed wood, but ac-
cording to its et}Tnology referring to the worm which feeds
upon dead bodies. (Compare Mark 9, 44. 46. 48.) A similar
death is said to have befallen Antiochus Epiphanes, Herod the
Great, and other ancient persecutors of God's people. That
Joseplms speaks only of mtense pains in the bowels, while
Luke says he was devoured by worms, may arise from the
natural desire of the former to spare the memory of Herod
and the feehngs of his children, or from Luke's professional
exactness as a j^hysician, or from both combined. That Luke,
on the other hand, says nothing of the owl, shows his freedom
from all fabulous admixtures and embellishments, even such
as a Josephus thought it worth while to record. Gave up
the gJwst, or more exactly, expired^ i. e. breathed out (his life
or soul.) See above, on 5, 5. 10. This event took place, ac-
cording to Josephus, in the fifty-fourth year of Agrippa's age,
and the fourth of his reign, during the last three years of Avhich
he ruled the whole of Palestine. The date assigned to Herod's
death by the chronologers is the first of August, A. D. 44.
24. But the word of God grew and multiplied.
But^ i. e. notwithstanding Herod's persecution ; or and^ i. e.
after it had died with him. The Greek word is the usual con-
tiuuative particle (Se) and not necessarily more emphatic here
than in the beginning of the next verse, where it is translated
aiid. Perhaps the connection which it indicates is this, that
in the mean time, while these changes, whether prosperous or
adverse, were occurring, the true rehgion was advancing.
TJie word of God^ i. e. the Gospel or the Christian revelation,
here put by a natural metonymy for the cause or enterprise
of which it was the basis, or rather for the body of believers
who embraced it, and of which it might be hterally said, that
it increased (or greio) both in extent and power, and was mid
tiplied^ i. e. received continual accessions to the number of its
members. (Compare the similar expressions in 6, 7 above, and
19, 20 below.)
25. And Barnabas and Saul returned from Jeru-
462 ACTS 12, 25.
salem, when they had fulfilled (their) ministry, and
look with them John, whose surname was Mark.
JBarnabas and Saul, who were previously mentioned last
in 11, 30, as having been dei^nted by the church at Antioch,
to bear its contributions to the brethren dwelling in Judea, in
anticipation of the coming famine. The connection between
that verse and the one before us makes it highly probable, if
not entirely certain, that the mtervening narrative records
events which took place during this official visit to Judea.
Whether they were in the Holy City during Herod's perse-
cution, is disputed, some inferring that they were, because
they are here said to have returned from Jerusalem ; while
others explain this as meaning, that although Barnabas and Saul
had been durmg these occurrences in other places of Judea,
they returned from Jerusalem, i. e. they came there before
going home, or made that their last point of departure.
There is nothing in the text or context to decide this ques-
tion, which is happily of little moment. Hamng fulfilled the
ministry (or service,) or more precisely, the administratio7i,
charitable distribution or communication, which had been
committed to their trust. (See above, on 11, 27. 30.) Barna-
bas and Said is still the order of the names, and so continues,
until the pubUc recognition or appearance of the latter in the
character of an Apostle. (See below, on 13, 1. 9.) Af^d
tooh loith them (literally, taMng loith theon also) John the
{one) likewise called (or surnamed) Marh, who had been
previously mentioned, ^\^th his mother Mary in v. 12 above,
and reappears in 13, 5. 13, as the companion of these men
on their first foreign mission, thus imparting to the nar-
rative a character of oneness and coherence, very far re-
moved from that of accidental fragments, independent docu-
ments, or desultory anecdotes. With this return of Barnabas
and Saul to Antioch may be said to terminate one great divi-
sion of the book, containing the history of the planting of the
church among the Jews, its first extension to the Gentiles,
and the institution of a secondary source or centre, from
which light was to be difi'used throughout the empire, as re-
corded ii> the following chapters.
END OF VOL. 1.
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