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ADDRESS

DELIVERED BEFORE THE

INHABITANTS OF GRAFTON,

FIRST CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY

OF THAT TOWN, ,»., .

BY WILLIAM BRIGHAM.

BOSTON :
PUBLISHED BY LIGHT ^ HORTON,

Samuel Harris, Printer.

1835.

ADDRESS.

The occasion which has brought us together is one of no
ordinary interest. A century has now closed since this town
was vested with the rights and privileges of a municipal
corporation ; — a period interestmg to us not only because it
forms an era in the history of the town, but because it ip
filled with momentous events, which have inscribed on every-
thing about us, in letters too legible to be mistaken, the great
and universal law of change. During this period, three
generations have lived and passed away. The places which
knew them, know them no more. But their works remain,
and on which side soever we turn, present us with memorials
of their industry, patriotism and virtue. With these genera-
tions, the present is connected by bonds stronger than those
of consanguinity. We owe them a debt of gratitude ; and
we would acknowledge our obligations by cherishing their
virtues, and by sustaining and improving the inheritance
they have left us. What more fitting occasion than the
present day aff"ords, could the people of this town have, for
showing their respect for their ancestors, and learning the
lessons which their history inculcates 7 When do reflections
connected with their history crowd so thickly on the mind ?
When do we feel so strong, and such an almost irresistible
impulse to turn from the present, and call up to view scenes
over which time has thrown a veil ? There is but one sub-
ject appropriate to the occasion ; and that is — a consideration

of some of the events connected with the history of this town.
To this subject, then, I would invite your attention.

This town is a portion of a large territory, formerly called
the Nipmuck countrij. The limits of this country were not
very well defined, but probably included all the southern part
of the county of Worcester, a few of the adjoining towns in
the state of Connecticut, and westward to the Connecticut
river. Like most of New England when first visited by the
English, its population was very sparse. It had been wasted
away by pestilence, or by the fatal incursions of the fierce
and warlike Maquas. Its inhabitants possessed a milder and
less warlike character than most of the neighboring tribes,
and were accordingly brought into subjection to them.
What was the nature of this subjection, or in what relation
they stood to these tribes, it is now difficult to state with
much accuracy. It is known, however, that they paid them
tribute ; and perhaps this, in time of peace, was the only
acknowledgement of servitude required. The first mention
made of this country is by Gov. Winthrop, who, with a
number of others, made an excursion up Charles river in
January, 1632. After they had gone up about fifteen milfes,
he says, they ascended a very high rock,* ' where they might
see all over Neipnett, and a very high hill due west.' No
white man probably ever set foot on its soil till the autumn
of 1635, Avhen it was traversed by a company of English,f
consisting of sixty persons, who, thinking themselves strait-
ened for land about Massachusetts Bay, had determined thus
early to emigrate to the more fertile banks of the Connecticut.
What portion of the Nipmuck coiuitry they crossed, is not
known : but as their destined point Avas at Wethersfield, is it
improbable that they crossed this town, and that here, two
liundred years ago, that small company of emigrants, under
the broad canopy of heaven, invoked the blessing of God on
their arduous enterprize 7

No other notice is taken of the Nipmucks or their country,
imtil the bene\"olent project of converting the Indians to

* Winthrop's Journal, p. G9. t Ibid. p. 171.

Christianity was undertaken. This was in 1646. Stronig
hopes were then entertained of its success. Among those
who were wilhng to devote their time, wealth and talents to
this cause, none were more conspicuous than John Ehot,
known in his own day as the apostle to the Indians. He
commenced his benevolent labors among the Indians at Na-
tick, with whom the Nipmucks had a friendly and constant
intercourse, and by that means they were probably first in-
duced to attend his preaching. In an account of his success,
written to the Corporation of London in 1649, he says, ' that
a Nipnet sachem hath submitted himself to the Lord, and
much desires one of our chief ones to live with him and
those that are with him.'* In another account,! written in
1651, he says, ' there is a great country lying between Con-
nectacott and the Massachusetts, called Nipnet, where there be
many Indians dispersed, many of whom have sent to our
Indians, desiring that some may be sent unto them to teach
them to pray to God.' Soon after this, Eliot probably came
to this town ; for in 1654, he had met with such success, that
the General Court, on his petition, set it apart for the use of
the Indians. The design of this was, as appears from Eliot's
petition, to prevent any conflicting claims between the Eng-
lish and Indians, and to preserve to the latter the quiet and
undisturbed enjoyment of lands which they and their fathers
had held from time immemorial, but over which the state
claimed jurisdiction. From that time, for a number of years,
Eliot frequently visited this town, and made such progress in
his benevolent labors, that in 1671 he formed an Indian
church here, the second of the kind in Massachusetts. J

No Indian town gave stronger assurances of success than
this, at that time. Hassanamesitt, as it was then called, had
become the central point of civilization and Christianity to
the whole Nipmuck country. A school was here established,
where the Bible was read and studied in the Indian lan-

* The Light appearing more and more to the perfect Day, &c. p. 29.
f Strength out of Weakness, &c. p. 8. X See Appendix, A.

guage. Young men were there educated, and sent into the
neighboring towns to preach the gospel. A regular government
was created, and the forms of law strictly observed. The
population of the town was small, yet by reason of their con-
stant intercourse with their neiglibors, a large number of the
natives enjoyed the benefits of this school, and before the
year 1674, se\ren new towns of ' praying Indians,' as they
were termed, were formed in this neighborhood, most of
which were furnished with teachers from this place. The
chief ruler of the whole Nipmuck country, Wattascompanum,
had his residence here, and from this place issued his orders
and decrees to his subjects. A writer of that day calls him
* a grave and pious man,' and from some examples given of
the exercise of his authority, there is no doubt that he admin-
istered his government with efficiency, if not with liberality.

In 1674, Eliot, with another devoted friend to the Indians,
Maj. Daniel Gookin, again visited all the ' praying Indians'
of the Nipmuck country, the latter of whom wrote an account
of them. He describes this town with much greater particu-
larity than Hubbard, who called it ' a place up into the
woods beyond Medfield and Mendon.' Gookin says,* ' the
name, Hassanamesitt, signifieth a place of small stones. It
lieth about thirty-eight miles from Boston, west southerly,
and is about two miles eastward of Nipmuck river,f and near
imto the old road way to Connecticut. It hath not above
twelve families ; and so according to our computation, about
sixty souls : but is capable to receive some hundreds, as gen-
erally the other villages are, if it shall please God to multiply
them. The dimensions of this town is four miles square,
and so about eight thousand acres of land. This village is
not inferior unto any of the Indian plantations for rich land
and plenty of meadow, being well tempered and watered.
It produceth plenty of corn, grain and fruit : for there are
several good orchards in this place. It is an apt place for
keeping of cattle and swine ; in which respect this people are
the best stored of any Indian town of their size. Their ruler

* Hist. Coll. vol. i. t Blackstone river.

is named Anaweakin • a sober and discreet man. Their
teacher's name is TackuppawiUin, his brother; a pious and
able man, and apt to teach. Their aged father, whose
name I remember not, is a grave and sober Christian, and
deacon of the church. They have a brother, that lives in
the town, called James, that was bred among the English,
and employed as a pressman in printing the Indian Bible,
who can read well, and as I take it write also. The father,
mother, brothers and their wives, are all reputed pious per-
sons. Here they have a meeting house for the worship of
God after the English fashion of building, and two or three
other houses after the same mode, but they fancy not greatly
to live in them. Their way of living is by husbandry, and
keeping cattle and swine : wherein they do as well or rather
better than any other Indians, but are yet very far short of
the English both in diligence and providence. There are in
full communion in the church and living in town about six-
teen men and women, and about thirty baptized persons;
but there are several others, members of this church, that live
in other places. This is a hopeful plantation.'

From this account, it appears that these Indians had made
great progress in civilization ; but the strong hopes entertained
by their constant and ardent friends, Eliot and Gookin, were
never realized. This was a period of their greatest pros-
perity, and the prospects, now so bright and so cheering to
the heart of the philanthropist, Avere soon to be darkened. A
reverse of fortune Avas to follow, and the gloomy tidings of a
declension from the true faith, were soon to succeed the joyful
news of the anticipated success of this benevolent enterprise.
In the following year, the war with Philip commenced. At
first, this appeared to be confined to his own tribe, but it soon
after extended to other tribes, and at length imited most of
the Indians of New England in a war of extermination with
the English. The prophetic eye of Philip had seen that the
extension of the power of the English would be fatal to the
red men : he knew the advantages that civilization and the
arts would afford them, and was sensible that unless some
check was given to their progress, the Indians would soon be

driven from the land of their fathers. His apprehensions?
were well founded, and the bloody contest he waged, only-
hastened the period when the power of the red man ceased
to be felt, and his name to be feared.

At the commencement of hostilities, no fears were enter-
tained of the Christian Indians ; and accordingly, a company
of them, consisting of fifty-two soldiers, was raised and
marched, under the command of Capt. Isaac Johnson, ta
Mount Hope, July 6, 1675. A part of this company was
taken from this town. While in the service, it is said they
conducted faithfully ; and in one instance, had their counsel
been followed, there is a probability that Philip would not
then have escaped from his country. The first symptoms of
disaffection among the Nipmucks, appeared in the massacre
at Mendon, a few days subsequent to Philip's escape ; and
as he was probably among them about that time, there is no
doubt it was done at his suggestion. Immediately after this,
Edward Hutchinson was appointed a commissioner to treat
Avith the Nipmucks, who, under the escort of Capt. Wheeler
and twenty-five men, marched through their country, as far
as Brookfield, where they were attacked by the Indians, and
seven of them killed. The remainder soon returned without
accomplishing the object of their mission.

After this, much of the confidence heretofore reposed in
the Christian Indians was lost. Doubts of their fidelity were
constantly increasing. One after another favored the cause
of Philip, and openly avowed his hostility to the English.
In the latter part of August, the Council, judging it necessary
both for the safety of the English and the Indians in amity
with them, to restrain their intercourse with the enemy,
ordered that all the friendly Indians of the Nipmuck country
should be confined at Hassanamesitt, where they were direct-
ed to build their wigwams in as compact a manner as possi-
ble, and in a way best adapted to their own defence.
They were not permitted to travel more than one mile
from their wigwams, except in company with an English-
man, and if they were found beyond these limits they
were liable to be regarded as enemies to the English,

and punished accordingly. They were further directed to
entertain no strange Indians, nor to receive any portion of
their phinder, but on all occasions to make known to the
English appointed to reside among them, the designs of the
enemy, as they came to their knowledge. To give this order
still greater force, every person was authorized to imprison
or to kill any Indian found travelling abroad contrary to its
provisions.

The Indians of the neighboring towns having been gather-
ed at Hassanamesitt, it was thought expedient to deprive the
enemy of the means of sustenance, which their deserted corn-
fields would afford the ensuing winter. Accordingly, about
the first of September, Capt. Gorham with one hundred men,
was sent into the Xipmuck country for this purpose. He
was directed to destroy the corn of the enemy, and preserve
that of the friendly Indians. This order he disregarded : and
by laying waste the cornfields of both indiscriminately, he
no doubt did much to produce the alienation, which soon
after appeared among a great majority of the Indians at Has-
sanamesitt.*

About the beginning of November, intelligence was received
from two Indian spies, James Speen and Job Kattenenatt,
then residents at Hassanamesitt, that about three hundred of
the enemy had been there, and persuaded or compelled up-
wards of two hundred of the Christian Indians to go away
and join them in their war against the English. There is no
doubt that many of them went away Avillingly, when it was
found necessary to take a stand, and openly avow their
friendship or enmity. The alternative was presented them ;
neutrality could no longer be permitted : and to one or the
other of the contending parties, they must look for protection.
They knew not the issue of the contest : they had felt the
power of the English : they beheld their encroachments on
their land ; some of them had been falsely accused and im-
prisoned ; and their friends had been put to death or sold into
slavery. Under these circumstances, protection from the

* Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indians.

Englisli was doubtful, and we cannot wonder that they
should have preferred to support the cause of their kmdred.
and their ancient allies. Gookin has very properly remarked,
that ' if Englishmen, and good Christians too, had been in
their case under like temptations, possibly they might have
done as they did.'

Upon the receipt of this intelligence, two companies, one
commanded by Capt. Daniel Henchman, and the other by
Capt. Joseph Sill, were sent to this town. Capt. Sill took
with him five friendly Natick Indians for guides. When
they arrived here, they saw the fires of the enemy, and soon
fell in with seven Indians, leading an English boy whom
they had made captive a few days before at Marlborough.*
As soon as they perceived the English, they fled, and left the
captive boy behind, who subsequently was restored in safety
to his friends. None other of the enemy being found here,
the two companies marched to Packachoage.f hoping to find
the enemy there. Upon their approach the Indians fled, and
the English took lodgings in their wigwams, which they said
afforded them ' good shelter.' They here found upwards of
one hundred bushels of corn lately gathered, besides a large
quantity still standing in the fields. The next morning, hav-
ing searched for the enemy in vain, they returned. On their
way, an incident occurred, which is thus related by Gookin.
He says, ' that when they had gone about two miles, Capt.
Henchman, missing as he apprehended, his letter-case, where-
in his writings and orders were, sent back two Englishmen
and one of the Indian guides, on horseback, to see if it could
be found in the wigwam where he lodged. The Indian led
the way for these messengers, and on ascending a steep hill,
at the top whereof stood the wigwam, as soon as ever he
discovered it, being not above six rods distance, he saw two
Indian enemies standing at the wigwam door, newly come
out. and four more sitting at the fire in the house. At which
sight he hastened himself, and looking back, called earnestly,

* Hubbard's Narrative, p. 31. Gookin's MS. Hist,
t Partly in Worcester and partly in Ward.

as if many men were behind coming np the hill, to hasten
away and encompass the enemy. One of the enemy there-
upon presented his gun at our Indian, but the gun missing
fire, (probably the moist rainy weather had put it out of case,)
they all came out and ran away as fast as they could, sus-
pecting that the English forces were at hand. Thomas and
his comrades, having thus prudently scared away the enemy,
thought it seasonable also to ride back again as fast as they
could, to their company ; and indeed there was good reason
for it ; because Thomas, the Indian, had only a pistol ; one of
the Englishmen, a young man, had no gun ; and the third
had a gun, but the flint was lost ; so that they were in ill
case to defend themselves, or offend the enemy. They got
back safe, and their captain in the interim, searching dili-
gently, had found his letter-case.'

The two companies then separated ; and in a few days
after, Capt. Henchman with a small part)^, made an attack
in the night upon some Indians in this town, while in their
wigwam.* He supposed their number to have been about
forty. They fought with desperation, and killed two of his
men, a private and his lieutenant. The night being dark, it
was impossible to tell what injury was done the enemy ; yet
he expresses an opinion that several of them were killed, and
supposes that their bodies were carried away and secreted
by their friends. On the following morning he discovered
the heads of his two men, who had fallen in the attack,
placed on crotched poles before the wigwam, and facing each
other.

During the remainder of Philip's war, but little notice is
taken of the Indians of this town. Some remained firm
friends of the English through the whole of this desperate
striiggle. Others joined the enemy for a while, and then be-
came again reconciled to the English, and gave them valua-
ble information of the designs and operations of Philip. Others
were afterwards taken fighting with the enemy, and Avere

* Gookin's MS. Hist. Hubbard's Narrative, p. 45.

punished accordingly. Among these, was Wattascompannm,
the chief ruler of the Nipmucks, through whose influence
many of the Christian Indians were induced to join the
enemy. He was taken, and executed at Boston in the fol-
lowing June. Others, at the close of the war, fled to the
Indians at Canada ; and from their knowledge of the country,
afforded them great aid in their subsequent wars with the
English. The whole settlement, which but two years before
was so full of promise, was now broken up and deserted.

A number of years elapsed after the war, before the few
remaining proprietors of Hassanamesitt returned to make it a
permanent residence. Most of them lived with the Natick
Indians, and came here occasionally only, for the purpose of
planting corn and making cider. In 169S, five families^ had
returned, and among these was James Printer, who was dis-
tinguished for -his agency in printing the Indian Bible, as
well as for his great intelligence and stern integrity. To
these families he acted as teacher, and undoubtedly was a
very eflicient and useful one. This number probably re-
mained about the same until the town was sold to the
English. t Their connection with the Natick Indians was
intimate, and their intercourse frequent. They no longer
had a church or a regular school ; yet from their constant
communication with the English, they made some progress
in civilization, and were enabled to acquire a livelihood by
the cultivation of the soil. In the subsequent wars with the
Eastern Indians in 1722 and 172.5, two or three of them en-
listed, and did the English an essential service.

In 1681, the General Court appointed commissioners to
examine the claims of the several Indians to the Nipmuck
country. They reported that they found them litigious
among themselves, and willing to claim the whole. They
thought, however, that for a reasonable sum their several
claims could be extinguished. And subsequently, the same
commissioners, having been authorized to treat with them

* Report of Commissioners, Hist. Coll. vol. X. i See Appendix, B.

for that purpose, purchased a large tract of land south of the
Blackstone river, about fifty miles long and twenty wide, for
the sum of fifty pounds, and a coat ! The deeds of convey-
ance were signed by forty-nine persons.

The Indians remained the sole proprietors of this town
until 1718, when Elisha Johnson was permitted to purchase
a tract of land, on condition that he would build and support
a bridge over each branch of the Blackstone river. These
bridges were built and supported by him until 1737, when
they were assumed by the proprietors, and afterwards by the
town, and he was discharged from his obligation. Other
persons, from time to time, were permitted to purchase land ;
so that in 172S, nine English families had already settled
here. A road was laid across the town to Sutton in 1723.
A purchase of the entire town was not attempted till May,
1724, when a number of persons, principally inhabitants of
Marlborough, Sudbury, Concord and Stow, presented a peti-
tion to the General Court for that purpose. This petition
was referred to a committee, who were instructed to repair
to this town, consult the Indians, and ascertain the value of
the land. They afterwards reported that the Indians were
willing to sell all such lands as they did not cultivate, and
that they thought the place ' capable of being made a small
town or village.' No further action was had on this petition
until the following December session, when the House of
Representatives granted the prayer of the petitioners with
certain restrictions. The Council, thinking that the price
required to be given for the purchase was insufficient, refused
to concur. In the following May, the petitioners again appear-
ed before the General Court. They set forth the importance
of making an English settlement here — the advantage to the
Indians in having preaching and a school — and expressed a
hopc:;^ that ' they and the Indian proprietors might in process
of time become a small town, and be in a capacity to support
a gospel minister.' Another committee of review was ap-
pointed, who subsequently reported that they had carefully
examined the town, and estimated its value at £2500, with
the restrictions proposed. They said, that ' one half of the
2

land is good, but very stony ; and the other half pitch pine
and shrub plain.' This report was accepted ; and in Decem-
ber 1727, the petitioners had leave to purchase the lands
under the following restrictions. They were to pay to trus-
tees, for the use of the Indians, the sum of £2500 ; ' to make
a settlement in the town of forty English families, either
themselves or children ; each of whom should build a good
habitable house, and break up and fence at least four acres
of land within three years ; to build and finish a decent
meetinghouse for the reception of both English and Indians ;
to separate twenty acres of land for the school forever ; and
build and finish a suitable schoolhouse, in which should
be received and taught the Indian as well as English chil-
dren ; to maintain and support a minister and schoolmaster
among them, and all without charge to the Indians.' Each
of the Indians was to have an equal division of the land
with the other proprietors, and also one hundred acres, to be
appropriated to them and their heirs forever.

This proposition was accepted by the petitioners, who, to
the number of forty, purchased the town on the 19th of
March, 1728. The deed of conveyance was signed by eight
persons,* each of whom performed this act by making his
mark. A meeting of the proprietors was soon after called.
and measures adopted for laying out the land and making
settlements. The first division was into eighty lots of upland,
of forty acres each, making proper allowance lor quality.
To these was added an equal number of lots of meadow, and
the whole were then drawn for by the proprietors. In the
following November, a second division was made of thirty
acres to each. During this year, a number of settlements
were made, consisting principally of the children of the pro-
prietors ; the common was laid out ; the meetinghouse con-
tracted for, and a site for a mill agreed upoji. Another
division of land was made a few years after ; but it wr-^s'not
all appropriated till about twenty-five years ago.

:ee Appendix, C.

The course pursued by the proprietors shows that they
held their land, particularly the low swamp land, at a most
extravagant estimate. They were continually haunted with
fears, that they should not have land enough ; and that the
time would soon come, when no more could be obtained. It
was, therefore, an object with all to get as much within their
grasp as possible ; and he who had the most meadow or
swamp land, thought he had the best farm, and gloried in
the idea that he should be able to leave so valuable an in-
heritance to his children. Nor did they place a less value
on their wood. The very first year of the settlement, when
the place was comparatively a wilderness, a committee was
appointed to prevent the cutting of wood and timber on the
common lands, as though their value would thereby be
diminished, or the interests of the proprietors injured !

The meetinghouse was built in 1730, and the schoolhouse
in the following year. Settlements continued to increase,
and the marks of industry and civilization to become more
apparent. The proprietors, and the other English families,
acted in concert in support of the ministry and school. No
action was had to obtain the privileges of a township till
1734, when a committee was chosen to prepare and present
a petition to the General Court for that purpose. This peti-
tion was signed by all but two or three of the inhabitants of
the place, and was presented on the 15th of April in the
following year. It does not appear that the petitioners
selected the name of the town. They asked merely for town
privileges, and were willing to leave so unimportant a matter
as a name to the General Court. On the same day that the
petition was presented, permission Avas granted to bring in a
bill, which passed its several readings in the House of Repre-
sentatives, and was sent to the Council. It soon passed that
body, and on the 18th of April, O. S., was signed by
Gov. Belcher, in presence of both branches of the General
Court.

We now come to the period when this place became a
town under its present name. The act of incorporation put
the inhabitants under the same obligations to support school-

ing and preaching free of charge to the Indians, as the origi-
nal proprietors had been. No transfer of property, however,
was made by the proprietors to the town till four years after,
when they conveyed all their interest in the roads, bridges,
common, &c., on condition that the town would discharge
them from their obligations to the trustees for the Indians.
This they agreed to do ; but by some unaccountable neglect,
no bond was given for that purpose till 1773.

From this time nothing of pecidiar importance occurred in
the civil history of the town for a number of years. It con-
tinued gradually to increase in wealth and population. The
enterprising character of its inhabitants, united with an un-
tiring industry, soon erected for them convenient dwellings,
and brought into view on every side cultivated fields. Each
one enjoyed to the fullest extent the benefit of his labors,
and seemed almost to realize his fondest hope — that of being
the owner of a large and well cultivated farm. The people
were no longer contented merely with the necessaries, but
began to seek for the luxuries of life. The log hut disap-
peared ; and the spacious fire-place, and the almost fathom-
less oven, were found in every man's habitation.

This state of prosperity continued till the beginning of the
French war. The sufferings and privations endured in this
war seem to have been forgotten in the brilliant results of the
Revolution. The honor due to the men who then made
every sacrifice to maintain our country's rights, has never
been awarded. We have been accustomed to bestow it all
on those who were the more immediate agents in obtain-
ing our independence, and have not remembered that the
French war was the school in which the heroes of the Revo-
hition were educated ; and that without the preparatory dis-
cipline which it afforded, independence could not then have
been obtained. We do but an act of justice when we say,
that to no men are we more indebted for our present institu-
tions, than to those who in that war met the enemy on the
borders of Canada, and there suffered not only the evils inci-
dent to long and dangerous campaigns, but all the horrors of
Indian barbarity. No men ever possessed a more dauntless

character, or pressed onward to the contest with a more
patriotic ardor.

America was the prize for which the two great European
powers were contending, and the principal battle ground was
on our northern frontiers. To the people of New England it
was not a war of conquest, but of self-preservation ; and in
order to protect their homes and firesides, they were com-
pelled to go into the Avilderness of the north, and resist the
enemy in every step of his progress. In this war, Massa-
chusetts took a conspicuous part ; and at different times, had
in the service a large proportion of her able-bodied men, of
whom no portion of the state furnished a greater number
according to its population, than the county of Worcester.
During the whole of this war, and in every campaign in
New England, several of the inhabitants of this town were
engaged in the service. When the news of the approach of
the enemy on Fort William Henry arrived, a company was
immediately raised here for its relief Thirty-six of this
company belonged to this town, and the remainder principally
to Upton. They were commanded by Capt. James Whipple,
and marched on the 16th of August, 1757 ; but previous to
this time, that fort had surrendered, and many of our coun-
trymen had fallen victims to the cruelty and treachery of the
enemy. In the following year, twenty-three more were in
the service; and in 17.59, nineteen were engaged in the West-
ward Expedition, and in the one for the invasion of Canada
under General Amherst. The Vv^hole number of persons be-
longing to this town, who died in the Avar, either from disease
or were killed in battle, from 1753 to 1762, was eighty,* and
this, too, out of a population that did not exceed seven hun-
dred and fifty ! Seldom do the calamities of war fall so
heavily as this ; and still more seldom are soldiers compelled
to suffer the hardships which those engaged in this war en-
dured. Tlicy suffered not merely the fatigue of long and
tedious marches, and the attacks of a treacherous and savage

* Sec Appendix, D.
2*

enemy, but the pangs of hunger : and were often compelled
to eat the most loathsome food to preserve an existence.*
The story of their sufferings and fortitude, if it were all told,
would overtax human credulity. It cannot he fully de-
scribed. They traversed the wilderness of Vermont, pene-
trated the wilds of Oswego, drove back the enemy from
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and carried the war even to
the heights of Quebec, and there expelled him from his last
strong citadel. Would you form any just conception of the
arduous character of these enterprises 7 Go back in imagina-
tion to the period when they were undertaken. Stand upon
the banks of Lakes George and Champlain, and view the
principal battle fields ; examine the spot where Fort William
Henry stood ; travel over the Plains of Abraham ; perceive
the obstacles to be overcome, the enemy to be met, and the
dangers to be encountered ; and you will be able to form
some idea of the courage and fortitude which they required.
To you, as well as to the country, these battle fields are con-
secrated ground: for they contain v/ithin their bosom the
dust, not only of patriots and soldiers, but of your own towns-
men and kindred.

Some will undoubtedly be surprised to learn that negro
slavery, now justly regarded with so much odium, ever ex-
isted in this town. Yet such is the fact. At what time
slaves were first brought here is not known: but in 1756, six
of the eighty-eight slaves, of sixteen years of age and up-
wards, then belonging to the county of Worcester, were
owned by persons resident here. As this Avas the period
when slaves were the most numerous in Massachusetts, it is
probable that this number did not afterwards increase. Two
or three of these slaves went into the service in the French
war ; and one of them acted as trumpeter, in which art he is
said to have excelled.

After the close of the French war, another period of pros-
perity followed. This town, like the rest of j\ew England,

* See Appendix, E.

gradually recovered from the shock it then received. Canada
was conquered, and peace was established. The fears which
had so long been entertained from that quarter ceased to be
felt ; and the whole people appeared to enjoy a security that
they had never before realized. Their attention was again
turned to the cultivation of the soil, and the developement of
their own resources. Agriculture increased ; manufactures
received a new impulse ; and commerce again revived. But
in this period of repose, they did not forget the art of war.
The new race of soldiers, then growing up, imbibed the mili-
tary spirit, which constant war had so long cherished. This
was but an armistice, during Avhich the people recovered
from former losses and misfortunes, and made preparations
for the emergency, soon to arrive, when they were to meet in
deadly conflict with those, whom before they had called
upon for aid and protection.

The course pursued by the British government towards
the colonies, produced a strong and universal feeling of dis-
content ; and the early and manly resistance of the people of
Boston to aggression, met with the approbation of the people
throughout the Province. In the great contest, which severed
this country from the British dominions, the people of this
town were not idle spectators, but felt in it a strong and deep
interest. The losses and sufferings endured in the French
war were still fresh in their memories ; yet this did not serve
to abate their spirit, but made them more tenacious of their
rights, and caused them to place a higher value on their
privileges. A letter having been received from the Commit-
tee of Correspondence in Boston, requesting an expression of
opinion, a meeting of this town was called Feb. 1, 1773, at
which it was unanimously resolved, that they would defend
their rights at all hazards ; that they would not suifer their
property to be taken from them in an unconstitutional man-
ner, and that they were ready to co-operate with tlieir breth-
ren in Boston and other places, in any measures to obtain a
redress of grievances. In the following year, they gave more
conclusive proofs of patriotic devotion than mere resolu-
tions. They purchased gunpowder, bullets, and other muni-

tions of war. A field piece was obtained ; and other prepars*
lions were made in anticipation of the struggle soon to follow^
During the same year, the collectors of taxes were directed
to pay none of their receipts into the Province treasury, and
the assessors were indemnified for refusing to assess the
Province tax. Measures were taken to promote domestic
manufactures, and thereby remove one cause of dependence
on Great Britain ; and also to provide clothing for any sol-
diers that might be called into the service of the country.
When the fated cargoes of tea arrived, the people here felt
the common aversion to that then odious plant. A town
meeting was called, at which it was resolved that ' any indi-
vidual, or body of men, that shall encourage, aid or assist in
importing or receiving such teas, while subject to a duty,
the sole purpose of which is to raise money to appropriate to
any sordid measure, or any use whatever contrary to our
just rights of distributing our own property, wherewith God
and nature hath made us free, can but be viewed as criminal
to our country.' They also resolved ' that they v/ould join
their sister towns and colonies in this cause, so that they
might be instrumental, under God, of handing down that
liberty, Avhich had so long been kept inviolate, and preserved
by their ancestors.'

About noon of the 19th of April, 177.5, intelligence was
received, that the British forces were on the march to Con-
cord, to destroy our military stores in that place. This was
the first call for open action, and it was readily obeyed. The
people at once gathered to the Common, and before the setting
of the sun, two companies, consisting of nearly one hundred
men, were on the march to Cambridge, where they arrived on
the following morning. These companies comprised almost
the whole efiicient male population of the town, and con-
tained within their ranks, the youth and the man of years.
To those of us who have never witnessed the horrors of war,
it is hardly possible to realize even in imagination, the scene
which their departure presented. The whole strength of the
town went out to war, and left behind none but the young,
the feeble and the aged. The fields were deserted — domestic

circles broken up — and the places of industry abandoned.
The beat of the drum, and the blast of the trumpet, however
inspiring they may have been to the courageous soldier,
brought terror to the heart of many a mother, who, though
she had bid her son go out and fight the battles of his country,
could not forget the dangers to which he was exposed, nor
repress her anxious fears, that the calamities of war would
befall him. The scene was not yet fully developed, but was
wrapt in the mysteries of the future. On one side was vic-
tory and freedom ; on the other, defeat and slavery. Some-
times despondency became predominant ; at others, hope : but
at all times, a patriotic ardor gave strength to their hands, and
courage to their hearts ; and let come what would, they were
determined to maintain their rights, and preserve their inheri-
tance unimpaired.

When these companies arrived at Cambridge, the fatal blow
had been struck, which eventually led to independence.
Blood had been shed in defence of American liberty at Con-
cord and Lexington : and the enemy had then retired to the
capital. The first business of the American troops, which
were then flowing in from every quarter, was to form a more
perfect organization, and to erect fortifications. In this em-
ployment, they were engaged several weeks, when, no imme-
diate danger from the enemy being apprehended, a large pro-
portion of them returned home.

From this time till the close of the war, several of the
inhabitants of this town were constantly in the service. Some
of them were in almost every battle and campaign in the
northern section of the country ; and at one time, no less than
twenty were in the army at New York. Many of them fell
victims, either in battle, or by disease, caused by suffering
and privation. Some of the sick returned home, and spread
pestilence among the people. This was the case in 1776,
when a greater mortality occurred than in any one year since
the settlement of the town, the whole number of deaths being
fifty-seven.* Not a year passed, in which contributions in

* See Appendix, F.

clothing and provisions for the army were not made, — and
made, too, with a hberahty that but few towns of the size sur-
passed. In 17S0, the grants of the town for the use of the
army, amounted to £95,500 of the depreciated currency,*
which, though very low at that time, made a sum, that pressed
heavily on the people, and took from them their entire income.

After the close of the Avar, when an attempt was made to
restore to the tories the property that the government had
confiscated, and to permit them again to return to the state,
the people of this town instructed their representative to the
General Court, ' not to give his assent to any act, which shall
give the most trifling compensation or restitution to those
who adhered to Great Britain, or to permit them ever to return
and live in this state.'

Among the events of the Revolution, none afford stronger
evidence of the wisdom and patriotism of the people of Mas-
sachusetts, than the constitution of government which they
adopted in 1780. A period of revolution is not propitious to
tlie formation of civil government, and to us it is a matter of
surprise, that one should have been framed and ratified with
so few imperfections. It was adopted with a degree of una-
nimity, that could hardly have been expected. Yet like all
other civil governments, it had its opponents, and at the pres-
ent time, after an experience of fifty-five years, it is a matter
of some curiosity, if not of utility, to examine their objections.
A meeting was held in this town, June 5, 1780, for the pur-
pose of considering the Constitution, which was taken up, ex-
amined, and voted on, article by article. To the first article
of the Bill of Rights, there was no objection. To the second,
a small majority was opposed, because ' they thought their
duty should not be included in the declaration of their rights.'
The vote on the third article, which required all to support
public worship, and which has lately been expunged, was
nineteen in the affirmative, and forty-three in the negative.
They objected to it, because ' it restricted them in the free

See Appendix, G,

exercise of their religion, and might be so construed as to
affect their rights of conscience.' The twelfth article, which
secured to the citizens the right of trial by jury, was opposed
by a large majority, because it did not provide that the jurors
should be chosen, as they had been heretofore, and that their
usual number should be preserved. Sixteen voted in the
affirmative, and twenty-seven in the negative, on the article
relating to the Judicial officers. They objected to it, because
they thought they ought to be chosen annually, and should
have no salary secured to them for a longer term than one
year.

Objections were made to other portions of the constitution,
such as having two branches of the Legislature — permitting
sixty to constitute a quorum in the House of Representatives,
and providing for so large a number of senators and council-
lors. The provision, which relates to the representation in
the popular branch of the government, received but one ap-
proving vote. Tlie principle, which they would support as
one of equality, was to allow each town to send one repre-
sentative to the General Court, and none more than three.
But few at the present day, even the most tenacious in favor
of the corporate rights of towns, would support a principle so
manifestly unequal and unjust.

We should have supposed, that the settlement of the civil
government, and the restoration of peace, together with the
blessings of independence, would have secured to the people
prosperity and happiness. But this was not the case. The
comitry has hardly witnessed a darker period than in the
latter days of the old Confederation. It was loaded with debt,
and its energies were completely exhausted. For a time, it
seemed as though independence would prove a curse, rather
than a blessing. The currency depreciated, industry was
paralyzed, and property sacrificed. The Confederation be-
came powerless, and the confidence of the people in the integ-
rity of their rulers, began to be impaired. So strong had the
spirit of discontent become in the county of Worcester, that in
1786, it collected and arrayed its forces in opposition to the
government, and for a time, threatened to impede its opera-

tions. As to the expediency or propriety of ' Shay's Rebellion^'
the people of this town were divided ; thongh a majority of
them favored his canse, and some took up arms for his sup-
port. The instructions given to Col. Luke Drury, who rep-
resented the town in the General Court, in the following year,
probably express the views of the ' Shay's men,' and the
grievances which they then felt. He was directed to use his
utmost exertions to ' obtain a general pardon for all that aided,
or assisted, or have taken up arms in what the Governor and
General Court styled rebellion, and that all disqualifications
on that account, be removed, and that all damages for un-
just imprisonment and warrants, be made good — that the
government troops be disbanded, and that the utmost severity
of the law be executed on any, who shall commit murder, or
harm or destroy any property,— that the General Court be
removed out of Boston, to some convenient place in the coun-
try,— that all licenses be granted by the Select men of the
several towns ; that authority should be given them to settle
the estates of deceased persons, — that all deeds should be re-
corded in the town, where the land lay, — that the Court of
Common Pleas, and the General Sessions of the Peace be
abolished, — that manufactures in this countr}^ be encouraged,
— and that the act suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus, be
immediately repealed.'

To some of these instructions, particularly those relating to
the general pardon, and the disbanding of the troops, eighteen
of the legal voters of the town objected, and entered their
dissent upon the records. The prudent course pursued by
the government in this unfortunate rebellion, soon disarmed
the malcontents, and satisfied all, that forcible resistance to
the constitutional authorities, was not a proper mode for ob-
taining a redress of grievances. There remained, however,
for a long period, some latent sparks of discontent, which,
from time to time, became visible ; and this was, undoubtedly,
among the chief causes, which induced a large majority of
the people of this town, as well as of the county of Worcester,
to vote against the adoption of the Constitution of the United
States. The vote of this county in the Convention of 1788,

upon this question, Avas seven in the affirmative, and forty-
three in the negative.

This town, like most of New England, has ever regarded
the education of youth as of primary importance. When it
was laid out, a tract of land was set apart for the support of
a school. This land was sold in 1783 ; and the proceeds
formed a fund, which is still held for that purpose. Before
1737, the school was kept in one place only, and that the
centre of the town. During this year, it was agreed to have
it kept in five places ; and for a number of years after, there
was but one schoolmaster, who moved about from place to
place, shedding hght and dispensing knowledge, according to
the wants and convenience of all. The present system of
school districts was established in 1785 ; and its utility has
become more apparent as the population has increased, and
the means of education are enlarged. In 1739, the appro-
priation for the school was £40, old tenor. This, when
compared with the appropriation of the present year,* ap-
pears a small sum. But when we consider that all the ex-
penses of the school, except for the services of the instructor,
were paid by contribution, we shall see that even so small a
sum as this would do much towards promoting a knowledge
of ' reading, writing and cyphering,' — almost the only
branches of education that the wisest pedagogue of the day
taught.

The support of the ministry was regarded as of paramount
importance to the early proprietors. To diffuse the blessings
of Christianity, was one of the alleged reasons for the purchase
of the town ; and the course which they pursued proves that
in this they were sincere. Among their first acts was the
selection of a spot for the meeting house. This they intended
to have been in the centre of the town ; but upon a survey, it
was found that that was an unsuitable situation, it being on
the declivity of the hill northeasterly of the common. The
spot where the old meeting house stood was accordingly

$1200,

selected. In 1730, a preacher was engaged for several
months ; but it was not till the foUoAving year, that one was
settled by ordination. Previous to the selection of a candi-
date, a day of fasting was appointed, and several ministers of
the neighboring towns were invited to take part in the ser-
vices, and to advise Avith the inhabitants as to the proper
person to be selected. The choice at length fell upon Mr.
Solomon Prentice, who at this time was a resident of Cam-
bridge, and had graduated at that college four years before.
He was ordained on the 29th of December, and was then
twenty-six years of age. On the day previous to his ordina-
tion a church was formed, consisting of twenty persons.
The covenant to which they assented was of a highly liberal
and catholic character. It was then used in some other Con-
gregational churches, though it is believed not to have been
the most common. Among the solemn obligations which it
enjoined, was one ' to use the Holy Scriptures as their Plat-
form, whereby they might discern the mind and will of
Christ, and not the new found inventions of men.'

The society lived in great harmony with each other, and
with their minister, for a number of years. His salary was
small ; and, like most of the ministers of that day, he was
compelled to devote a portion of his time to agriculture, in
order to obtain a livelihood. This he did cheerfully ; and at
the same time, did not neglect his parochial duties. The
first appearance of discord was in 1743; a period strongly
marked in the ecclesiastical history of New England. This
was about the beginning of a strong religious excitement,
which continued a number of years, and extended throughout
this and some of the adjoining states. A spirit was soon
found in most of the cliurches and societies wholly incom-
patible with their harmony. A large portion of the clerical
talent was turned into the channel of religious controversy;
and a difference of opinion upon the doctrines of religion
was then formed, which has continued to the present day.
Those who advocated the new doctrines, were known by the
name of Nein Li^Jits ; a name wiiich they themselves took,
for the purpose of indicating tliercby their supposed superior

religions knowledge. This class of persons was never very
numerous in this town, though they were encouraged by the
minister, at whose invitation Whitefield came and preached
to his congregation. He was strongly opposed by a large
majority of the people. Owing to this difference of religious
sentiment, an ecclesiastical council was convened in 1744,
for the purpose of making a reconciliation. Their efforts
were for a time successful ; but the animosity and bitterness
of religious controversy soon appeared anew, and finally re-
sulted in the dismissal of Mr. Prentice, July 10, 1747.

Most of. the objections made to Mr. Prentice, and which
led to a dissolution of his connection with the society, were
of a very trivial character. The real cause was undoubtedly
his attachment to the doctrines of Whitefield and the revival-
ists, though the chief ostensible one was his non-conformity
with the recommendation of a former council, upon some
matters of church government. To this charge, he frankly
acknowledged himself guilty ; and said, that he never intend-
ed to comply with that recommendation, for ' it was contrary
to the light of his own conscience.' In his letter, addressed
to the ecclesiastical council, convened at the time of his dis-
missal, he speaks in a very feeling manner of his services during
a sixteen years' ministry : of the troubles with which he and
his society were afflicted, and of his efforts to restore harmony
and peace. He expresses a hope that the society and church
may again prosper, and entreats them ' to take prudent care
of his character and reputation hereafter.'

In 1749, the church adopted as a rule of discipline, the
platform proposed by the several synods, which sat at Cam-
bridge in 1648, 1662 and 1679, with some few exceptions,
one of which was the requiring ruling elders to constitute a
church. About twenty- five years after, that platform was
adopted without any quahfication.

The town was without a minister after Mr. Prentice was
dismissed, till June 6, 1750; at which time the ordination of
Mr. Aaron Hutchinson took place. His ministry continued
twenty-two years; during most of which time, he was a
very acceptable and useful preacher. He was reputed a

man of learning, and published two or three sermons,* which
bear testimony to his talents and worth. He was graduated
at Yale College in 1747, and at a subsequent period received
degrees from several other literary institutions. His classical
attainments were far above those of most of the neighboring
clergy ; and his house became a general resort for those who
sought a liberal education. His memory was so perfect, that
he often said, if the New Testament were lost he could re-
write it. In his social intercourse he was distinguished for
his eccentricities ; and even at the present day, many anec-
dotes are remembered and told of him. The causes which
led to his dismissal, are not now very apparent. The disaf-
fection probably arose from personal dislike, and not from
anything which affected his moral character.

In 1770, an important change took place in the singing in
church. Previous to this, the New England version of
Psalms and Hymns had been used. These were read, line
by line, by one of the deacons ; another set the tune, and the
whole congregation joined. The same mode of singing was
practised in most of our towns ; and in them a like revolution
took place about the same time. This venerable version,
which had long been used as a part of the religious services
in the New England churches, could no longer withstand the
spirit of innovation. It was compelled to give way to the
more appropriate version of Watts, all of which was then
adopted except the second book of his hymns. This was
rejected on account of its supposed unscriptural character.
The change, however, was not. made without opposition ;
and for a time, many of the elderly part of the society could
not be reconciled to it. To the old psalms and hymns, they
felt a strong attachment, and with them were connected some
of their fondest associations. They had been accustomed to
them from their youth, and to lay them aside was like dis-
carding an old and w^ell tried friend. The psalmody of
modern times, however harmonious to the ears of the young,

See Appendix, H.

struck no chord of unison in their hearts ; it excited no feel-
ings of devotion ; but on the other hand, seemed hke a profa-
nation of the temple of the Most High.

On the 19th of October, 1774, Mr. Daniel Grosvenor was
ordained in place of Mr. Hutchinson. Previous to this time,
there had been but one established religious society in town ;
though for a number of years there had been several dissent-
ers. Among these dissenters, was a strange and fanatical
sect, known as the ' Live Forevers,' who pretended to be-
lieve that they were exempt from the universal law of mor-
tality. Death soon put an end to their delusions, and their
existence as a sect terminated. During this year, the
present Baptist society was formed, which was then composed
of persons from this and the neighboring towns. Soon after,
the Shakers began to hold public meetings here, which were
resorted to by their friends from the vicinity. They con-
tinued, hoAvever, as a society, but a few years, and were
broken up by the removal of some of their leaders to other
places.

From this time till within a few years, no other religious
society was formed. Mr. Grosvenor continued minister of
the Congregational society till 1787, when he was dismissed.
During the early part of his ministry he was exceedingly
popular, on account of the interest he manifested in the revo-
lutionary cause. He left his pulpit, and marched with his
musket, in the company of minute men that went to Cam-
bridge on the 19th of April. He was succeeded in his pasto-
ral office by Rev. John Miles, who was ordained in 1796.
Since that period, the changes that have taken place in the
religious societies, and in the ecclesiastical history of the
town, are too familiar to all to require any recapitulation.
The present is not a proper time to review them. To us,
they are hardly a matter of history ; others will give them a
faithful and impartial examination, and we need not fear
that they will be regarded as their importance demands.

In the remarks which have been made, some of the more
important subjects connected with the history of tliis town
have been adverted to. Time would permit nothing more.
3*

We have seen that most of them have not an exclusit^ely
local character, but are connected with the great events in
the history of the whole country ; and in order duly to esti-
mate their importance, we must go beyond this limited circle,
and inquire into the causes which have produced, during the
last two centuries, so wonderful a change in our country,
and given it in its infancy the strength of maturity. The
efforts made here to convert the Indians to Christianity were
connected with the benevolent projects of the age. The first
settlement of the town was but another step in the progress
of civilization — another flowing of the tide, which has been
continually pressing onward, and driving back the original
proprietors of the soil. The patriotic spirit evinced here
during the French and Revolutionary wars, was the same
spirit that pervaded the whole of New England. And the
greatest honor that this or any other town can have from these
events, is in the generous support it has given to all the
measures which have created and sustained the free and
prosperous institutions it is our fortune to enjoy.

In reviewing the past, nothing strikes us so forcibly as the

change which has taken place since this town was first

known to the English. We have seen that Eliot, nearly two

hundred 3'ears ago, came here, and first preached the gospel

to the Indians. That race, then free and conscious of their

rightful possession of the soil, had no suspicion that the day

of their extinction was so near at hand ; — that their council

fires would so soon cease to burn : — that the forests through

which they roamed would disappear, and that their hunting

and fishing places would be occupied by the habitations and

improvements of the white man. The land of their fathers

they fondly hoped to leave an inheritance to their children.

The groves that had sheltered them from the burning sun

and the driving storm, they thought would remain forever.

The birds that made every tree vocal with their harmony,

they believed would never cease their song. But in these

anticipations they were mistaken. Two centuries have

passed — and they have vanished.

^he first settlers of this country had but a faint conception
bf its future greatness; and but few, probably, ever enter-
tained the idea that it would so soon, if ever, be separated
from the mother state. They made no calculations for a
growth so rapid, nor for changes so unprecedented. The
great improvements in the sciences and arts formed no items
in their estimate. They expected that settlements would be
extended, and that population would increase, yet they never
dreamed, that within two centuries thirteen millions of people
would be scattered over this extensive country, and all live
too, under one government. They knew comparatively noth-
ing of the resources of the country, — its fertile soil, its in-
valuable mines, and its mighty rivers. They had other
objects in view of infinitely greater importance. They did
not come here dazzled with the prospect of a boundless coun-
try, or with the hope of being the founders of a mighty
empire. Their highest ambition and fondest hopes were in
the establishment of a free government, and in securing to
themselves and their children the full enjoyment of their
religion. It was with this design that they left their homes
and sought an inhospitable wilderness. It was this holy
purpose that enabled them to triumph over persecution, to
endure the inclement skies, to meet the raging elements and
the savage foe, and finally to establish, sustain, and transmit,
the institutions we now enjoy.

'Ay, call it holy ground,
The soil where first they trod !
They have left unstained what there they found —
Freedom to worshij) God.'

An incorrect estimate of the future growth of the country
is apparent in every period of our history ; and it is doubtful
now whether any of us can form just conceptions of its des-
tined greatness. When the county of Worcester was incor-
porated, in 1731, doubts were expressed whether it could ever
support a sufTicicnt population to authorize the establishment
of a County Court. No one then imagined that it would ever
contain one seventh i)art of the whole population of the state,

or that beautiful villages, distinguished for manufacturing
and mechanic enterprize, would grow up on every portion of
its extensive territory. The first English proprietors of this
town, in their petition to the General Court for leave to pur-
chase, represent it as ' a place capable, in process of time,
of becoming a small town.' Had they been told, that a hun-
dred years would hardly have elapsed before it would contain
a population of three thousand * — that convenient dwellings
and busy workshops would cover its hills and fill its valleys —
that the hum of machinery would mingle with the roar of
every waterfall — that upon the borders of that common which
they set apart for ' a meeting house, training field, and bury-
ing place,' three spacious and beautiful churches with tower-
ing spires would be erected — that the waters of the Black-
stone would be made navigable by a canal, through which
boats laden with merchandize would come from tide waters
even to its source — and that across the northern section of the
town iron rails would be laid, over which would pass, with
the rapidity of the wind, a wonderful machine, belching forth
fire and smoke, and moving by an internal power, dragging
in its train car after car, and load after load, and never
tiring, — they would have regarded it as an idle tale — a dream
of the visionary, and belonging rather to the regions of en-
chantment than of reality.

But reality is more than all this : and were they to awaken
from their repose into life again, how few of the scenes of a
century ago would they witness ! The same beautiful hills
and deep valleys remain ; the same springs gush from the
earth ; the same rocks rest on their eternal foundations ; the
same sun sheds light and heat ; the same stars twinkle in the
firmament ; the same clouds flit along the sky ; the same
streams unite their Avaters and roll on to the ocean : but alJ
else is changed ! The work of revolution is apparent, not
only in government, but in manners, fashions and employ-
ments ; in the comforts and conveniences of life, and in the
opinions and character of the people.

See Appendix, I.

The character of the history of the past century cannot
fail to excite a deep interest in every reflecting mind. Never
was there a period so distinguished for events, that have pro-
duced such permanent effects on the character and condition
of mankind. Previous to its commencement, but httle pro-
gress had been made in pohtical and rehgious hberty. The
whole power and influence of Europe were on the side of
legitimacy. A large proportion of those, who advocated the
broad principles of human rights, had been compelled to
remain in silence at home, or had been driven from their
country. It was only on this side of the Atlantic, that these
principles were fully sustained and their influence felt. Yet
the colonies were then feeble, their population was scattered,
and their influence hardly extended beyond their own bor-
ders. They were not then as noAv, united under one com-
mon government, and could not speak the sentiments of a
great and growing nation. But they did not remain in
silence. The voice of the advocates of freedom was heard
in all the colonial assemblies. The first principles of govern-
ment were there discussed, and the rights of all maintained.
It was in schools like these, that were educated those dis-
tinguished men, wlio were ever ready to resist tyranny in
every form and under every guise, whether it came from a
Charles, a James, or a George ; it was here, that the people
learned the first principles of free government, and were
encouraged and strengthened in their support.

The history of our country is full of instruction ; and the
young man, who would make himself useful to his genera-
tion, would do well to learn its lessons. He will there per-
ceive that the great cause of liberty has been more than once
sustained by an early and manly resistance to invasion : that
the glorious inheritance we now enjoy was not acquired by
supineness and neglect, and that it can be preserved only by
constant care and arduous labor. He will there find more
than Spartan valor and Roman virtue. Every page is
adorned with some bright name, and every line bears marks
of patriotic devotion. Whether he read of the sufferings of
the Pilgrims — of the struggles of the early settlers in main-

existence — their trials in the Indian wars — the
hostile aggressions of the French, and the unexampled courage
of the colonists in repelling them — or of the patriotic spirit of
the Revolution — he will find all full of evidence of an entire
devotion to the cause of countr3^

It is peculiarly important at the present time, that our
history be read and studied. The season of danger is not
yet over. We should learn from the past the true sources of
our prosperity, and endeavor to preserve them. The tide of
innovation is rolling onward with a fearful rapidity, and
tliere is great danger that we shall lose sight of the beacon
lights that our past history presents. The most striking
characteristic of the present age is its revolutionary spirit ; —
a spirit that is not satisfied with overturning governments,
crumbling thrones to the dust, and destroying institutions
venerable with the age of centuries — but seeks for change in
ever^^thing — and in its work of dissolution, gathering strength
and acquiring a rabidness, would even subvert the physical
laws of the universe, and make them subservient to its
eternal fluctuations. This spirit cannot be repressed ; and it
ought not to be : for when properly directed, it is to society
what a propitious breeze is to a well managed vessel on the
bosom of the ocean, giving it an onward progress ; but when
mis-directed, our mstitutions can no more withstand it, than
can the trees of the mountains the blasts of the tornado.
Instruction from the past will afford us our surest protection.
The fathers of American liberty knew well the means by
which it could be preserved : they laid broad its foundations,
and watched with the most scrupulous care, and resisted
every violation of their chartered rights. They knew the
force of precedent, and would not tolerate a violation of their
constitution of government, even if it produced no immediate
injury. ' They judged of an evil in government,' as Burke
said, ' not by the pressure of the grievance, but by the
badness of the principle. They augured mis-government at a
distance, and snuffed the approach of tyranny in every
tainted breeze.' They appeared to be sensible that to a cer-
tain extent they were forming society anew, and that what

they did would affect the remotest generations. No one can
read of the great sacrifices that have been made, and the
sufferings which have been endured, to estabhsh and protect
our institutions, and not feel a stronger love for them, and a
determination to make renewed efforts in their support. Let
the young men learn the origin of this republic ; — let them
perceive the toils and troubles endured by its founders —
their ardent patriotism — their love of learning — their rever-
ence for religion — their fortitude in trial — their unbending
integrity and indomitable courage, — and they cannot but feel
their obligation to preserve the inheritance transmitted to
them. Their free and generous hearts will be warmed with
grateful and patriotic emotions; a love of liberty will be
cherished — an attachment to our institutions strengthened —
and the republic will be preserved.

The institutions we now enjoy, we hold not as our own,
but in trust for others. We have a right to use, but not to
destroy them. We are bound to transmit them not only
unimpaired, but improved. Our faith is pledged, and it must
not be violated. We will never be so dishonored, so unwor-
thy of our trust, so ungrateful to our benefactors. The
pledge, which our fathers gave us, was sealed with their
blood. The sacrifices which they made, Avere not for them-
selves, but for us and those who shall come after us. They
fought the battles of freedom, and we must preserve the
fruits of their victories. It was their fortune to acquire
laurels in war ; let it be ours, to deserve them in peace. They
established schools, ' to the end,' as they said, ' that learning
may not be buried in the graves of their fathers.' Let us
cherish and improve the same system, to the end, that liberty
may not be buried in the graves of our fathers. Ours is a no
less arduous task. A struggle is continually going on : and if
we would be successful, our exertions must never be relaxed.
If we are true to ourselves and to our country, the beautiful
prospect before us will continue to present still brigliter and
brighter visions.

What will be the character and condition of those who
shall stand here and fill our places one hundred years hence,

we would not attempt to predict. The changes and events
of the last century have baffled all expectation ; and can we
hope that they will be less important in the century to
come 7 The signs of the times indicate an onward progi'ess ;
the population of the country is increasing beyond all former
precedent ; the mechanical arts are becoming more extended ;
the means of diffusing knowledge are continually enlarging ;
science is advancing ; and may we not hope that the moral
and intellectual character of the people is improving '? An
experiment is now in operation, on the result of which de-
pends the dearest hopes of mankind. The time is not far
distant when our country will contain a population of one
hundred millions, who will speak one language, read the
same books, and, we trust, live under the same and a free
government. The names of the patriots and philanthropists
of former days — the founders of the republic — will then be
held in grateful remembrance. Memorials of their worth will
appear in the whole social system ; and though dead, yet
will they live in the improved character and condition of
society, possessing a power on earth that will be as lasting as
the earth itself He who shall then stand here, will speak
of a prosperous country and equal laws. He will review its
rapid increase in population, in arts, and in public improve-
ments ; and when he perceives its immense extent, its inex-
haustible resources, its flourishing institutions, and its happy
government, he will acknowledge the debt due to former
generations, and will feel still stronger obligations to make
every exertion to transmit these blessings to others. But if
these beautiful prospects are darkened — if these hopes are
blasted — if our government is overthrown, and our country
rent among hostile factions, — let it be through the fault of
others, and not of us. Let our resolve be made ; and standing,
as we do, on the verge of two centuries, let us declare it to
be — a faithful performance of our obligations to past geiiera-
iiotis, and our duty to the future.

•

APPENDIX

Eliot wrote an account of the gathering of this church, and sent it to
the Coi-poration of London, to be printed, as he states in a letter dated
1673, and published in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, vol. 10,
1st series. It was probably never published.

In 17^5 the number of Indian proprietors of Hassanamesitt was thirty-
two, viz. : — George Misco and wife ; Ami Printer and wife ; Moses Printer,
wife and family, seven ; Andrew Abraham and family, eight ; Peter Muck-
amug (in right of Sarah Robbms, his mother) and family, three ; Joshua
Misco and wife ; Ami Printer Jr. and family, four; Abimelich David, (in
right of his wife and family) three ; and Peter Lawi-ence (in right of Mis-
sanano.) — General Court Records, vol. 12, p. 228.

In 1765 there were fourteen Indians in town. This number gradually
diminished ; but it was not till about ten years ago that the ' last of the
Nipmucks' ceased to exist. They received their yearly income from
their fund in the month of May, at which time they usually had a joyous
holiday. Blankets, psalters and psalm books, were distributed among them,
as well as money. In 1830 there were fourteen of a mixed Indian and
negro race, which still hold some of the Indian lands, and receive the
benefit of the small remaining fund.

The following are the names of the Indians who signed this deed of
conveyance, viz. : — Ami Printer, Andrew Abraham, Moses Printer, Ami
Printer, Jr., Peter Muckamug and wife. Christian Misco, and Joshua
4

38,

Misco. The grantees were, James Watson, Benjamin Willarcl, Joseph
Willard, Joseph Rice, Jonathan Morse, David Harrington, Samuel Biglo,
Samuel Stow, Zerruhabel Eager, Samuel Brigham, John Sherman, John
Warren, Nathan Brigliam, Sen., Charles Brigham, Jeremiah Barstow,
Elizabeth Harrington, Samuel Chandler, John Hunt, Joseph Merriam,
Eleazer Flagg, Jacob Taylor, Ebenezer Wheeler, Joseph Barrett, Benja-
min Barrett, Sanmel Hall, Smion Gates, Nath. Hapgood, Phineas Rice,
Simon Gates, Jr., John Collier, William Rogers, William Rogers, Jr.,
Jona. Rice, Richard Taylor, John Jones, Jonas Houghton, John Davis,
Thomas Weeks, Thomas Pratt, and Nathl. Wilder. This deed is record-
ed witli the Suffolk Deeds, lib. 42, folio 207.

This statement is made on the authorit)^ of a veiy aged friend lately
deceased, and also that of a manuscript record kept at the tmie by Mrs.
Wheeler, in which the followmg entry is made, viz. : — ' 29th May, 1762,
then there had died, and been killed in the war, from Oct. 1753 to the
date hereof, of Grafton people fourscore persons.'

One of the most arduous enterprises undertaken during the French
war, was that of the famous Major Rogers, with his Rangers, against the
Indian town of St. Francis. This town is situated near the St. Lawrence,
about middle way between Montreal and Quebec, and was inliabited by a
tribe of savages which had long been in the interest of the French, and
had done great injury to the English. • The English thought that the
entu-e destruction of this tovm. was necessary for then- safetj\ And
accordingly a secret expedition was planned by JMajor Rogers for this
purpose. He left Crown Point Sept. 13, 1759, with two hundred men,
and went down the Lake in boats to Missisquey bay, where it became
necessary to leave his boats m order to avoid detection, and travel the
remainder of the way by land. Previous to this, about fifty of his pai*ty
had returned, on account of sickness. Their boats, with most of their
provisions, were here secreted ; and two men were left with them to give
notice if they Avere discovered by the enemy. Major Rogers with his
paity had not gone far, before he was informed by one of these men that
the French and Indians had discovered their boats, and were probably in
pursuit of them. The only chance of escape was in going forward in
their expedition as fast as possible, and then returning to their Fort
through the back country. The passage through the countiy was very
difficult, as appears by the Journal of INlajor Rogei*s, which he kept at the
time. He says — ' We marched nine days through wet sunken ground :

the water was most of the way near a foot deep, it being a spruce bog.
When we encamped at night, we had no way to secure ourselves from
the water but by cutting the boughs of trees, and with them jerecting a
kind of hammocks. We commonly began our march a little before day,
and continued it till after dark at night.' On the twenty-second day after
their departure from Crown Point, at about 8 o'clock m the CA^euing, they
arrived m sight of the town of St. Francis. The party then consisted of
142 men. Major Rogers, with one or two others, left the maui company
and went to reconnoitre the to^A^i. They found the Indians in a high
frolic or dance, and accordingly returned and prepared for an attack,
which was made on the following morning just before sunrise. The
whole towTi was burnt, and about two hundred Indians were killed, and
about twenty of their women and children taken prisoners. Most of
these they afterwards let go. They also re-took five English captives, and
discovered with these Indians nearly six hundred scalps of the English.

After this, having ascertained that about 300 of the French and Indians
were within four miles of them, they hastened back through the wilder-
ness, by the way of Charlestown, No. 4, N. H., then a frontier town of
the English settlements. They had no provisions, except a little that they
obtained at St. Francis. They marched in a body about eight days ; but
thinking they would be more likely to obtain enough to presence an
existence, they separated into small companies, agreehig to meet again at
Amonsook river, about 60 miles above No. 4, where they expected pro-
visions would have been sent them from the Fort. While travelling
through the woods, they were compelled to eat groundnuts, and lily
roots ; and at last, roasted their shoes and powder homs, and used them
for food. Some of them fell into the hands of the enemy, and were killed ;
others died of hunger and disease ; and but a mere remnant of these
courageous men returned to tell the tale of their sufferings. Ebenezer
Wheeler, Jr., an inhabitant of this town, and then only 18 years of age,
was one of this party ; and having become so feeble as to be unable to
walk by reason of hunger, he was left by his companions, and died upon
a lonely mountain in Vermont.— /See Rogers^s Journal, p. 145.

The average number of deaths in town per annum from 1773 to 1793,
was 15. The largest number in any one year, was in 1776 — the whole num-
ber being 57 ; and the smallest number was in 1793, when there was only
four.

At this tune, a pound of beef cost thirty shillings of the depreciated
currency.

In 1767, Mr. Hutchinson published a sermon, entitled * Valour for the
Truth,' which elicited a reply from Dr. Tucker of Newbury, and a con-
troversy thereupon ensued, which at the time was much distinguished.

The population of the town in 1764, was 763 ; in 1810, 946 ; in 1820,
1154; in 1830, 1889; and in April, 1835, 3036.

THE NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY
REFERENCE DEPARTMENT

This book is under no circumstances to "be
taken from the Building

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Full text of "An address delivered before the inhabitants of Grafton : on the first centennial anniversary of that town, April 29, 1835"

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