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Copyright, 1909, by 
The Suk Dial Classics Co, 

G U3 

The Trow Press, New York 


Two Cooies Received 

APR 24 1809 

CopyriKnt Entry 
Cl'aSS C> XXc. no, 



Addresses, State Papers, and Letters ...... 7 

Life of Cleveland ^^q 

The Story of the Book 452 

Notes on the Text 4g7 

List of Authorities 47g 

Index 485 




[Memorial Tribute to Oscar Folsom, before the 
Erie County Bar Association Meeting, July 
26, 1875.] 

It has been said, " Light sorrows speak, great grief is 
dumb," and the application of this would enforce my silence 
on this occasion. But I cannot go so far, nor let the hoiu* 
pass without adding a tribute of respect and love for my de- 
parted friend. He was my friend in the most sacred and 
complete sense of the term. I have walked with him, talked 
with him, ate with him, and slept with him — was he not my 
friend ? 

I must not, dare not, recall the memories of our long and 
loving friendship. And let not my brethren think it amiss if 
I force back the thoughts which come crowding to my mind. 
I shall speak coldly of my friend; but the most sacred 
tribute of a sad heart, believe me, is unspoken. 

In the course of a life not entirely devoid of startling 
incidents, I can truly say I never was so shocked and over- 
whelmed as when I heard, on Friday night, of the death of 
Oscar Folsom. I had an engagement with him that evening, 
and was momentarily expecting him when I received the in- 
telligence of his injury; and before I reached the scene of 
the accident I was abruptly told of his death ; I shall not at- 
tempt to describe my emotions. Death seemed so foreign to 
this man, and the exuberance of his life was so marked and 
prominent, that the idea of his dying, or his death, seemed 



to me incongruous and out of place. And before I saw him 
dead I found myself reflecting, " How strange he would 
look, dying or dead." 

I had seen him in every other part of the drama of life 
but this, and for this he seemed unfitted. 

His remarkable social qualities won for him the admi- 
ration of all with whom he came in contact, while his great, 
kind heart caused all to love him who knew him well. He 
was remarkably true in his friendships, and having really 
made a friend he " grappled him with hooks of steel." 
Open and frank himself, he opposed deceit and indirection. 
His remarkable humor never had intentional sting; and 
though impulsive and quick, he was always just. In the 
practice of his profession and in the solution of legal ques- 
tions he saw which was right and just, and then expected 
to find the law leading him directly there. 

It is not strange to find joined to a jovial disposition a 
kind and generous heart; but he had, besides these, a broad 
and correct judgment and a wonderful knowledge of men 
and affairs; and the instances are numerous in my experi- 
ence when his strong common sense has aided me easily 
through difficulties. Such was my friend. 

The sadness of his taking off has no alleviation. I shall 
not dwell upon the harrowing circumstances. On Friday 
afternoon Oscar Folsom, in the midday of life, was cher- 
ishing bright anticipations for the future. Among them, he 
had planned a home in an adjoining town, where he cal- 
culated upon much retirement and quiet. He had already 
partially perfected his arrangements, which were soon to 
be fully consummated. Within forty-eight hours he reached 
the town of his anticipated residence. But God had inter- 
vened. The hands of loving friends bore him to a home, 
but not the home he had himself provided. He found peace 
in the home that God provides for the sons of men, and 
quiet — ah! such quiet — in the grave. I know how fleeting 



and how soon forgotten are the lessons taught by such ca- 
lamities. " The gay will laugh, the solemn brow of care plod 
on, and each one as before pursue his favorite phantom." 
But it seems to me that long, long years will intervene be- 
fore pleasant memories of his life will be unmingled with 
the sad admonitions furnished by the death of Oscar Folsom. 
Let us cherish him in loving remembrance, and heed well 
the lessons of his death; and let our tenderest sympathy 
extend to a childless father, a widowed wife, and fatherless 

[Address before City Convention, Buffalo, N. Y., 
October 25, 1881.] 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I am informed that you 
have bestowed upon me the nomination for the office 
of Mayor. It certainly is a great honor to be thought fit 
to be the chief officer of a great and prosperous city like 
ours, having such important and varied interests. I hoped 
that your choice might fall upon some other and more 
worthy member of the city Democracy, for personal and 
private considerations have made the question of acceptance 
on my part a difficult one. But because I am a Democrat, 
and because I think no one has a right, at this time of all 
others, to consult his own inclinations as against the call of 
his party and fellow-citizens, and hoping that I may be of 
use to you in your efforts to inaugurate a better rule in 
municipal affairs, I accept the nomination tendered me. 

I believe that much can be done to relieve our citizens 
from their present load of taxation, and that a more rigid 
scrutiny of all public expenditures will result in a great 
saving to the community. I also believe that some extrava- 
gance in our city government may be corrected without in- 
jury to the public service. 



There is, or there should be, no reason wliy the affairs 
of our city should not be managed with the same care and 
the same economy as private interests. And when we con- 
sider that public officials are the trustees of the people, and 
hold their places and exercise their powers for the bene- 
fit of the peojDle, there should be no higher inducement to a 
faithful and honest discharge of public duty. 

These are very old truths; but I cannot forbear to speak 
in this strain to-day, because I believe the time has come 
when the people loudly demand that these principles shall 
be, sincerely and without mental reservation, adopted as a 
rule of conduct. And I am assured that the result of the 
campaign upon which we enter to-day will demonstrate that 
the citizens of Buffalo will not tolerate the m the party 

that has been unfaithful to public trusts. 

I say these things to a convention of Democrats, because 
I know that the grand old party is honest, and they cannot 
be unwelcome to you. 

Let us, then, in all sincerity, promise the people an im- 
provement in our municipal affairs ; and if the opportunity 
is offered us, as it surely will be, let us faithfully keep that 
promise. By this means, and by this means alone, can our 
success rest upon a firm foundation and our party ascend- 
ency be permanently assured. Our opponents will wage a 
bitter and determined warfare, but with united and hearty 
effort we shall achieve a victory for our entire ticket. 

And at this day, and with my record before you, I trust 
it is unnecessary for me to pledge to you my most earnest 
endeavors to bring about this result; and, if elected to the 
position for which you have nominated me, I shall do my 
whole duty to the party, but none the less, I hope, to the 
citizens of Buffalo. 



[Address at St. Stephens Hall, Buffalo, N. Y., 
December 5, 1881.] 

Ladies and Gentlemen: I desire to acknowledge the honor 
you have conferred upon me by this call to the chair. My 
greatest regret is that I know so little of the conditions that 
have given birth to the Land League. I know, in a gen- 
eral way, that it is designed to secure to Ireland those just 
and natural rights to which Irishmen are entitled. I under- 
stand, also, that these are to be obtained by peaceful meas- 
ures and "'it^iQut doing violence to any just law of the 
land. This uld meet with the support and countenance 
of every man who enjoys the privilege of American citizen- 
ship and lives under American laws. Our sympathy is 
drawn out by a bond of common manhood. We are here 
to-night to welcome an .,>ostle of this cause, one who can, 
from personal experience, recount the scenes of that 
troubled isle; w^.l> can tell us the risks that are taken and 
the pains th'.^ are sutiered by those who lead the van in 
this grea* movement. I congratulate you upon having 
Fathc" Sbcehy wilh -. ou, and I will not delay the pleasure 
of ' s preseiita'tio) - you. 

Inaugural Message as 31 ay or of Buffalo, N. Y., 
January 2, 1882.] 

To the Honorable the Common Council: In presenting to 
you my first official communication, I am by no means un- 
mindful of the fact that I address a body, many of the mem- 
bers of which have had large experience in municipal af- 
fairs; and which is directly charged, more than any other 



instrumentality, with the management of the government of 
the city and the protection of the interests of all the people 
within its limits. This condition of things creates grave 
responsibilities, which, I have no doubt, you fully appreciate. 
It may not be amiss, however, to remind you that our fel- 
low-citizens, just at this time, are particularly watchful of 
those in whose hands they have placed the administration of 
the city government, and demand of them the most watch- 
ful care and conscientious economy. 

We hold the money of the people in our hands to be used 
for their purposes and to further their interests as mem- 
bers of the mimicipality ; and it is quite apparent that when 
any part of the funds 'nch the taxpayers have thus in- 
trusted to us is diverted to other purposes, or when, by de- 
sign or neglect, we allow ■•; gi eater sum to be applied to 
any municipal pu, ;>ose than is ne-'essary, we have, to that 
extent, violated our duty.. There sui'ly is no diiference in 
his duties and obligations, xrhether a person is intrusted 
with the money of one maii or manyy And yet it sometimes 
appears as though the officeLokler ^.ssumes that a different 
rule of fidelity prevails between him ari the taxpayers than 
that which should regulate his con<; vet when, as an indi- 
vidual, he holds the money of his neighbor. 

It seems to me that a successful and faithful administra- 
tion of the government of our city may be u •rxpMsh.ed^ by 
bearing in mind that we are the trustees and a y*^ats of our 
fellow-citizens, holding their funds in sacred trust, ' > be ex- 
pended for their benefit; that we should at all tii'^e-: b^ 
prepared to render an honest account to them touching :'' 
manner of its expenditure, and that the affairs of the cit^ 
should be conducted, as far as possible, upon the same 
principles as a good business man manages his private con- 

I am fully persuaded that in the performance of your 
duties these rules will be observed. And I, perhaps, should 



not do less than to assure your honorable body that, so far 
as it is in my power, I shall be glad to co-operate with you 
in securing the faithful performance of official duty in 
every department of the city government. 

« • • • • • • 

It seems to me that the duties which should be performed 
by this officer [the City Auditor] have been entirely misap- 
prehended. I understand that it has been supposed that he 
does all that is required of him when he tests the correct- 
ness of the extensions and footings of an account presented 
to him, copies the same in a book and audits the same as 
charged, if the extensions and footings are found correct. 
This work is certainly not difficult, and might well be done 
by a lad but slightly acquainted with figures. The charter 
requires that this officer " shall examine and report upon all 
unliquidated claims against the city, before the same shall 
be audited by the common council." Is it not very plain 
that the examination of a claim means something more than 
the footing of the account by which that claim is repre- 
sented .'' And is it not equally plain that the report provided 
for includes more than the approval of all accounts which, 
on their face, appear correct .'' There is no question but that 
he should inquire into the merits of the claims presented to 
him; and he should be fitted to do so by a familiarity with 
the value of the articles and services embodied in the ac- 
counts. In this way he may protect the interests of the 
city; otherwise his services are worse than useless, so far 
as his action is relied upon. 

• •••••• 

I am utterly unable to discover any valid reason why the 
city offices should be closed and the employees released from 
their duties at the early hour in the day which seems now to 
be regarded as the limit of a day's work. I am sure no man 
would think an active private business was well attended to 



if he and all his employees ceased work at four o'clock in 
the afternoon. The salaries paid by the city to its officers 
and their employees entitle it to a fair day's work. Besides, 
these offices are for the transaction of public business; and 
the convenience of all our citizens should be consulted in 
respect to the time during which they should remain open, 

I suggest the passage of an ordinance, prescribing such 
hours for the opening and closing of the city offices as 
sliall subserve the public convenience. 

It would be very desirable if some means could be de- 
vised to stop the practice, so prevalent among our city em- 
ployees, of selling or assigning in advance tlieir claims 
against the city for services to be rendered. The ruinous 
discounts charged and allowed greatly diminish the reward 
of their labors ; in many cases habits of improvidence and 
carelessness are engendered, and in all cases this hawking 
and trafficking in claims against the city presents a humil- 
iating spectacle. 

In conclusion, I desire to disclaim any dictation as to the 
performance of your duties. I recognize fully the fact that 
with you rests the responsibility of all legislation which 
touches the prosperity of the city and the correction of 
abuses. I do not arrogate to myself any great familiarity 
with municipal affairs, nor any superior knowledge of the 
city's needs. I speak to you not only as the chief executive 
officer of the city, but as a citizen proud of its progress and 
commanding position. In this spirit the suggestions herein 
contained are made. If you deem them worthy of consid- 
eration, I shall still be anxious to aid the adoption and en- 
forcement of any measures which you may inaugurate look- 
ing to the advancement of the interests of the city and the 
welfare of its inhabitants. 



[Addreas at St. James' Hall, Buffalo^ at a Mass 
Meeting to Protest against the Treatment 
of American Citizens Imprisoned Abroad, 
April 9, 1882.^ 

Fellow-Citizens: This is the formal mode of address 
on occasions of this kind^ but I think we seldom realize 
fully its meaning, or how valuable a thing it is to be a 

From the earliest civilization, to be a citizen has been to 
be a free man, endowed with certain privileges and advan- 
tages, and entitled to the full protection of the state. The 
defense and protection of the personal rights of its citizens 
have always been the paramoimt and most important duties 
of a free, enlightened government. 

And perhaps no government has this sacred trust more 
in its keeping than this — the best and freest of them all; 
for here the people who are to be protected are the source 
of those powers which they delegate upon the express 
compact that the citizen shall be protected. For this pur- 
pose we choose those who, for the time being, shall man- 
age the machinery which we have set up for our defense 
and safety. 

And this protection adheres to us in all lands and places 
as an incident of citizenship. Let but the weight of a sacri- 
legious hand be put upon this sacred thing, and a great, 
strong government springs to its feet to avenge the wrong. 
Thus it is that a native-born American citizen enjoys his 
birthright. But when, in the westward march of empire, 
this nation was founded and took root, we beckoned to the 
Old World, and invited hither its immigration, and pro- 
vided a mode by which those who sought a home among U3 



might become our fellow-citizens. They came by thousands 
and hundreds of thousands ; they came and 

Hewed the dark old woods away, 
And gave the virgin fields to day; 

they came with strong sinews and brawny arms to aid in the 
growth and progress of a new country ; they came and upon 
our altars laid their fealty and submission ; they came to our 
temples of justice, and under the solemnity of an oath re- 
nounced all allegiance to every other state, potentate, and 
sovereignty, and surrendered to us all the duty pertaining 
to such allegiance. We have accepted their fealty and in- 
vited them to surrender the protection of their native land. 

And what should be given them in return? Manifestly, 
good faith and every dictate of honor demand that we give 
them the same liberty and protection here and elsewhere 
which we vouchsafe to our native-born citizens. And that 
this has been accorded to them is the crowning glory of 
American institutions. 

It needed not the statute, which is now the law of the 
land, declaring that, " all naturalized citizens while in for- 
eign lands are entitled to and shall receive from this gov- 
ernment the same protection of persons and property which 
is accorded to native-born citizens," to voice the policy of 
our nation. 

In all lands where the semblance of liberty is preserved, 
the right of a person arrested to a speedy accusation and 
trial is, or ought to be a fimdamental law, as it is a rule 
of civilization. 

At any rate, we hold it to be so, and this is one of the 
rights which we undertake to guarantee to any native-born 
or naturalized citizen of ours, whether he be imprisoned by 
order of the Czar of Russia or under the pretext of a laAi^ 
administered for the benefit of the landed aristocracy of 



We do not claim to make laws for other countries, but we 
do insist that, whatever those laws may be, they shall, in 
the interests of human freedom and the rights of mankind, 
so far as they involve the liberty of our citizens, be speed- 
ily administered. We have a right to say, and do say, that 
mere suspicion, without examination or trial, is not sufficient 
to justify the long imprisonment of a citizen of America. 
Other nations may permit their citizens to be thus impris- 
oned. Ours will not. And this, in effect, has been solemnly 
declared by statute. 

We have met here to-night to consider this subject, and 
to inquire into the cause and the reasons and the justice of 
the imprisonment of certain of our fellow-citizens now held 
in British prisons without the semblance of a trial o" 
examination. Our law declares that the governrient shall 
act in such cases. But the people are the creators of the 

The undaunted apostle of the Christian religion, impris- 
oned and persecuted, appealing, centuries ago, to the Roman 
law and the rights of Roman citizenship, boldly demanded: 
"Is it lawful for j'ou to scourge a man that is a Roman, 
and uncondemned .'' " 

[Address at the Semi-Centennial of the City of 
Buffalo, July 3, 1882.] 

Ladies and Gentlemen: I ought, perhaps, to be quite 
content on this occasion to assume the part of quiet gratifi- 
cation. But I cannot forbear expressing my satisfaction at 
being allowed to participate in the exercises of the evening, 
and I feel that I must give token of the pleasure I experi- 
ence in gazing with you upon the fair face of our Queen 
City at the age of fifty. I am proud, with you, in con- 



trasting what seem to us the small things of fifty years 
ago, with the beauty, and the greatness, and the importance 
of to-day. The achievements of the past are gained; the 
prosperity of the present we hold with a firm hand; and 
the promise of the future comes to us with no uncertain 
sound. It seems to me to-day that of all men the resident 
of Buffalo should be the proudest to name his home. 

In the history of a city, fifty years but marks the period 
of youth, when all is fresh and joyous. The face is fair, 
the step is light, and the burden of life is carried with a 
song; the future, stretching far ahead, is full of bright an- 
ticipations, and the past, with whatever of struggle and 
disappointment there may have been, seems short, and is 
half forgotten. In this heyday of our city's life, we do well 
to exchange our congratulations, and to revel together in 
the assurances of the happy and prosperous future that 
awaits us. 

And yet I do not deem it wrong to remind myself and 
you that our city, great in its youth, did not suddenly 
spring into existence clad in beauty and in strength. There 
were men fifty years ago, who laid its foundations broad and 
deep; and who, with the care of jealous parents, tended it 
and watched its growth. Those early times were not with- 
out their trials and discouragements ; and we reap to-day the 
fruit of the labors and the perseverance of those pioneers. 
Those were the fathers of the city. Where are they? 
Fifty years added to manhood fill the cup of human life. 
Most have gone to Swell the census of God's city, which 
lies beyond the stream of fate. A few there are who list- 
lesslj' linger upon the bank, and wait to cross, in the shade 
of trees thej' have planted with their own hands. Let us 
tenderly remember the deaJ to-night, and let us renew our 
love and veneration for those who are spared to speak to us 
of the scenes attending our city's birth and infancy. 

And in this, our day of pride and self-gratulation, there 



is, I think, one lesson at least which we may learn from the 
men who have come down to us from a former generation. 

In the day of the infancy of the city which they founded, 
and for many years afterward, the people loved their city 
so well that they would only trust the management of its 
affairs in the strongest and best of hands; and no man in 
those days was so engrossed in his own business but he 
could find some time to devote to public concerns. Read 
the names of the men who held places in this municipality 
fifty years ago, and food for reflection will be found. Is it 
true that the city of to-day, with its large population and 
with its vast and varied interests, needs less and different 
care than it did fifty years ago? 

We boast of our citizenship to-night. But this citizen- 
ship brings with it duties not unlike those we owe our neigh- 
bor and our God. There is no better time than this for 
self-examination. He who deems himself too pure and holy 
to take part in the affairs of his city, will meet the fact that 
better men than he have thought it their duty to do so. 
He who cannot spare a moment, in his greed and selfishness, 
to devote to public concerns, will, perhaps, find a well- 
grounded fear that he may become the prey of public 
plunderers; and he who indolently cares not who adminis- 
ters the government of his city, will find that he is living 
falsely, and in the neglect of his highest duty. 

When our centennial shall be celebrated, what will be 
said of us } I hope it may be said that we built and wrought 
well, and added much to the substantial prosperity of tlie 
city we had in charge. Brick and mortar may make a large 
city, but the encouragement of those things which elevate 
and purify, the exaction of the highest standard of integrity 
in official place, and a constant, active interest on the part 
of the good people in municipal government, are needed to 
make a great city. 

Let it be said of us when only our names and memory 



are left, in the centennial time, that we faithfully adminis- 
tered the trust which we received from our fathers, and re- 
ligiously performed our parts, in our day and generation, 
toward making our city not only prosperous, but truly great. 

[Serenade Speech from Balcony of Buffalo 
Democratic Club upon his Nomination for 
Governor of New Yorkj September 22y 

My Friends: I am sure there will be nothing for me to 
do in the campaign upon which we have just entered that 
will so appeal to my feelings, and about which I will have 
to take so much care, as in addressing you this evening. I 
must be careful what I say, or the recollections of the past 
and the appreciation of your esteem will quite overcome me. 

I can but remember to-night the time when I came among 
you, friendless, unknown, and poor. I can but remember 
how, step by step, by the encouragement of my good fel- 
low-citizens, I have gone on to receive more of their appre- 
ciation than is my due, until I have been honored with more 
distinction, perhaps, than I deserve. The position of Mayor 
of this great and proud city ought to be enough to satisfy 
the most ambitious. The position of Mayor, backed and 
supported as it is by every good citizen, I am sure, should 
satisfy any man, and it would seem almost grasping to wish 
for a higher honor. The promise of the future that is be- 
fore me is somewhat saddened and dimmed by the reflection 
that, if carried out, I should have to leave my good friends 
of Buffalo to enter upon another sphere of activity. 

Bear in mind, gentlemen, that whatever may come in the 
future, the people of Buffalo and all their kindnesses to me 
will ever have the warmest place in a grateful heart. 



The event of to-day is an event which appeals to the locnl 
pride of us all, and I should be too vain to live with — too 
vain to be of any comfort to my friends — if I did not fully 
appreciate the fact that this splendid ovation is not alto- 
gether on account of personal preference. You are here to 
support a cause — a great cause, and while you may fully 
appreciate that a fellow-citizen is to bear aloft the banner 
of Democracy in this campaign, you are to remember that 
he is the standard-bearer in a cause that is dear to the 
people and in which all their interests are involved. You 
are to support it because you struggle for principles the 
ascendency of which will bring happiness, peace, and pros- 
perity to the people. 

It is fitting that the campaign should begin here at these 
club rooms, where, perhaps, more than in any other place, 
my candidacy was started and has been fostered. I wish 
that those valiant old soldiers — call them old men and old 
boys, if you will — were here to-night to enjoy with us the 
fruit of our labors. 

Here we begin ! Let us not believe that because local 
pride and preference urge us on and the prospect looks 
bright — let us not think that the battle is to be won without 
a great struggle. On the one side we are to fight in the 
interest of the people against a power upheld by a National 
Administration, and it will take the strongest effort to shake 
off its vise-like grip. 

Remember that all the means and money at the command 
of the Administration are to be put into play against us. 

Remember that New York is the battle ground of 1884. 

Do not be cajoled into the belief that because we are 
confident here — because my neighbors are enthusiastic in 
my support — that this is going to win the day. Remember 
that this is a large State and one which is regarded as the 
key to an important position. 

Off then with our coats ! We must labor as we never did 



before, and not for personal preferences but for the great 
cause in which we are enlisted. 

[Letter Accepting Nomination for Governor, 
Addressed to Hon. Thomas C. E. Eccle- 
sine. Chairman, Buffalo, N. Y., October 7, 

Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
informing me of my nomination for Governor by the Demo- 
cratic State Convention, lately held at the city of Syracuse. 

I accept the nomination thus tendered to me, and trust 
that, while I am gratefully sensible of the honor conferred, 
I am also properly impressed with the responsibilities which 
it invites. 

The platform of principles adopted by the convention 
meets with m.y hearty approval. The doctrines therein 
enunciated are so distinctly and explicitly stated that their 
amplification seems scarcely necessary. If elected to the 
office for which I have been nominated, I shall endeavor to them upon my administration and make them the 
policy of the State. 

Our citizens for the most part attach themselves to one 
or the other of the great political parties; and, luider or- 
dinary circumstances, they support the nominees of the 
party to which they profess fealty. 

It is quite apparent that under such circumstances the pri- 
mary election or caucus should be surrounded by such safe- 
guards as will secure absolutely free and uncontrolled action. 
Here the people themselves are supposed to speak; here they 
put their hands to the machinery of government, and in this 
place should be found the manifestations of the popular will. 

When by fraud, intimidation, or any other questionable 


practice the voice of the people is here smothered, a direct 
blow is aimed at a most precious right, and one which the 
law should be swift to protect. 

If the primary election is uncontaminated and fairly con- 
ducted, those there chosen to represent the people will go 
forth with the impress of the people's Avill upon them, and 
the benefits and purposes of a truly representative govern- 
ment will be attained. 

Public officers are the servants and agents of the people 
to execute laws which the people have made, and within 
the limits of a constitution which they have established. 

Hence the interference of officials of any degree, and 
whether State or Federal, for the purpose of thwarting or 
controlling the popular wish, should not be tolerated. 

Subordinates in public place should be selected and re- 
tained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used 
to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to 
demand, here, as in cases of private employment, that their 
money be paid to those who will render the best service in 
return, and that the appointment to, and tenure of, such 
places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks 
and assistants in public departments were paid the same 
compensation and required to do the same amount of work 
as those employed in prudently conducted private estab- 
lishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be 
much diminished, and, it seems to me, the cause of civil 
service reform materially aided. 

The system of levying assessments, for partisan purposes, 
on those holding office or place, cannot be too strongly con- 
demned. Through the thin disguise of voluntary contri- 
butions, this is seen to be naked extortion, reducing the 
compensation which should be honestly earned and swell- 
ing a fund used to debauch the people and defeat the 
popular will. 

I am unalterably opposed to the interference by the Leg- 



islature with the government of municipalities. I believe 
in the intelligence of the people when left to an honest 
freedom in their choice, and that when the citizens of any 
section of the State have determined upon the details of a 
local government, they should be left in the undisturbed 
enjoyment of the same. The doctrine of home rule, as I 
understand it, lies at the foundation of republican institu- 
tions, and cannot be too strongly insisted upon. 
/' Corporations are created by the law for certain defined 
purposes, and are restricted in their operations by specific 
limitations. Acting within their legitimate sphere they 
should be protected; but when by combination, or by the 
exercise of unwarranted power, they oppress the people, 
the same authority which created should restrain them and 
protect the rights of the citizen. The law lately passed 
for the purpose of adjusting the relations between the peo- 
ple and corporations should be executed in good faith, with 
an honest design to effectuate its objects and with a due 
regard for the interests involved. 

' The laboring classes constitute the main part of our pop- 
ulation. They should be protected in their efforts peace- 
ably to assert their rights when endangered by aggregated 
capital, and all statutes on this subject should recognize 
the care of the State for honest toil, and be framed with a 
view of improving the condition of the workingman. 

We have so lately had a demonstration of the value of 
our citizen soldiery in time of peril, that it seems to me 
no argument is necessary to prove that it should be main- 
tained in a state of efficiency, so that its usefulness shall 
not be impaired. 

Certain amendments to the constitution of our State, in- 
volving the management of our canals, are to be passed 
upon at the coming election. This subject affects divers 
interests, and, of course, gives rise to opposite opinions. It 
is in the hands of the sovereign people for final settlement; 



and as the question is thus removed from State legislation, 
any statement of my opinion in regard to it, at this time, 
would, I think, be out of place. I am confident that the 
people will intelligently examine the merits of the subject, 
and determine where the preponderance of interest lies. 

The expenditure of money to influence the action of the 
people at the polls, or to secure legislation, is calculated to 
excite the gravest concern. When this pernicious agency 
is successfully employed, a representative form of govern- 
ment becomes a sham, and laws passed under its baleful 
influence cease to protect, but are made the means by whicli 
the rights of the people are sacrificed and the public treas- 
ury despoiled. It is useless and foolish to shut our eyes 
to the fact that this evil exists among us, and the party 
which leads in an honest eiJ'ort to return to better and purer 
methods will receive the confidence of our citizens and se- 
cure their support. It is willful blindness not to see that 
the people care but little for party obligations when they 
are invoked to countenance and sustain fraudulent and cor- 
rupt practices. And it is well, for our country and for 
the purification of politics, that the people, at times fully 
roused to danger, remind tlieir leaders that party methods 
should be something more than a means used to answer the 
purposes of those who profit by political occupation. 

The importance of wise statesmanship in the manage- 
ment of public affairs cannot, I think, be overestimated. I 
am convinced, however, that the perplexities and the mys- 
tery often surrounding the administration of State concerns 
grow, in a great measure, out of an attempt to serve par- 
tisan ends rather than the welfare of the citizen. 

We may, I think, reduce to quite simple elements the 
duty which public servants owe, by constantly bearing in 
mind that they are put in place to protect the rights of the 
people, to answer their needs as they arise, and to expend, 
for their benefit, the money dra-wn from them by taxation. 


I am profoundly conscious that the management of the 
divers interests of a great State is not an easy matter, but 
I believe, if undertaken in the proper spirit, all its real 
difficulties will yield to watchfulness and care. 

[Letter to the New York Civil Service Reform 
Association, Buffalo, N. Y., October 28, 

Gentlemen: In answer to your letter of inquiry, dated 
October 20, 1882, in relation to civil service reform, I 
beg to refer you to my recent letter accepting the nom- 
ination for Governor, in which many of the matters re- 
ferred to in your letter are touched upon, and I assure 
you that the sentiments therein expressed are sincerely and 
honestly entertained, and are stated without any mental 

I have no hesitation in saying that I fully approve of 
the principles embodied in the Pendleton bill relating to 
this subject, and that I should be glad to aid in any prac- 
tical legislation which would give them a place in the man- 
agement of the affairs of the State and of municipalities, 
so far as they can be made applicable thereto. I believe 
that the interests of the people demand that a reform in 
the national and State administrative service should speedily 
become an accomplished fact, and that the public should 
receive honest and faithful service at the hands of well- 
fitted and competent servants. When contests between par- 
ties are waged for the purpose of securing places for pro- 
fessional politicians, of high or low degree, whose only 
recommendation for appointment is their supposed ability 
to do partisan service, the people are apt to be defrauded 
by the displacement of tried and faithful servants, well 



able to perform the duties for which they are paid with the 
people's money, and the substitution of those who are unfit 
and incompetent. In this way, the interests of the party 
may be subserved, but the interests of the people are neg- 
lected and betrayed^^ 

This pernicious system gives rise to an office-holding 
class, who in their partisan zeal, based upon the hope of 
personal advantage, arrogate to themselves an undue and 
mischievous interference with the will of the people in po- 
litical action; this breeds the use of dishonest and repre- 
hensible methods, which frequently result in the servants of 
the people dictating to their masters. If places in the 
public service are worth seeking, they should be the reward 
of merit and well-doing, and the opportunity to secure them 
on that basis should be open to all. Those holding these 
places should be assured that their tenure depends upon 
efficiency and fidelity to their trusts, and they should not 
be allowed to use them for partisan purposes. The money 
they earn they should receive and be allowed to retain, and 
no part of it should be exacted from them by way of polit- 
ical assessments. 

It seems to me that very much or all of what we desire 
in the direction of civil service reform is included in the 
doctrine that the concerns of the State and nation should 
be conducted on business principles, and as nearly as pos- 
sible in the same manner that a prudent citizen conducts 
his private affairs. If this principle is kept constantly in 
mind I believe the details of a plan by which its adoption 
may be secured will, without much difficulty, be suggested. 
You refer especially to mismanagement in schools, asylums, 
and institutions of charity and correction, and to the diffi- 
culty of securing the construction of an additional aqueduct 
in the city of New York. Without being fully acquainted 
in detail with the evils and obstacles surrounding these 
subjects, I believe they may be remedied and removed by 



a due regard to the dictates of humanity and decency and 
the application of the principles to which I have alluded. 

[Letter to his Brother, Rev. William N. Cleve- 
land, Buffalo, N. Y., November 7, 1882.'] 

My Dear Brother: I have just voted. I sit here in the 
mayor's office alone, with the exception of an artist from 
Frank Leslie's Newspaper, who is sketching the office. If 
mother was here I should be writing to her, and I feel as if 
it were time for me to write to someone who will believe 
what I write. 

I have been for some time in the atmosphere of certain 
success, so that I have been sure that I should assume the 
duties of the high office for which I have been named. I 
have tried hard, in the light of this fact, to appreciate prop- 
erly the responsibilities that will rest upon me, and they 
are much, too much underestimated. But the thought that 
has troubled me is, can I well perform my duties, and in 
such a manner as to do some good to the people of the 
State? I know there is room for it, and I know that I am 
honest and sincere in my desire to do well; but the ques- 
tion is whether I know enough to accomplish what I desire. 

The social life which seems to await me has also been a 
subject of much anxious thought. I have a notion that I 
can regulate that very much as I desire; and, if I can, I 
shall spend very little time in the purely ornamental part 
of the office. In point of fact, I will tell you, first of all 
others, the policy I intend to adopt, and that is, to make 
the matter a business engagement between the people of 
the State and myself, in which the obligation on my side is 
to perform the duties assigned me with an eye single to 
the interest of my employers. I shall have no idea of re- 



election, or any higher political preferment in my head, bi:t 
hz very thankful and happy if I can well serve one term 
as the people's Governor. Do you know that if mother 
were alive, I should feel so much safer? I have always 
thought that her prayers had much to do with my success. 
I shall expect you all to help me in that way. Give my 
love to and to , if she is with you, and be- 
lieve me, your aflectionate brother. 

[Address at the Manhattan Club, New York 
City, December 5, i5'5.?.] 

It is not without considerable embarrassment that I 
attempt to say a few words in response to those so weli 
spoken, and to express my thanks for the kindness and 
good will of which this occasion is an evidence. This scene 
and these surroundings are new and strange to me, and, 
notwithstanding all that is calculated to reassure and com- 
fort me in the kindness of your welcome, when I am re- 
minded of the circumstances Avhich give rise to this reunion, 
a sense of grave responsibility weighs upon me and tempers 
every other sentiment. 

We stand to-night in the full glare of a grand and bril- 
liant manifestation ~6f popular will, and in the light of it 
how vain and small appear the tricks of politicians and the 
movements of party machinery. He must be blind who 
cannot see that the people will understand their power and 
are determined to use it when their rights and interests 
are threatened. There should be no skepticism to-night as 
to the strength and perpetuity of our popular government. 
Partisan leaders have learned, too, that the people will not 
unwittingly and blindly follow, and that something more 
than unmeaning devotion to party is necessary to secure 
their allegiance. 



I am quite certain, too, that the late demonstration did 
not spring from any pre-existing love for the party which 
was called to power, nor did the people place the affairs of 
state in our hands to be by them forgotten. They voted 
for themselves and in their own interests. If we retain 
their confidence we must deserve it, and we may be sure 
they will call on us to give an account of our stewardship. 
We shall utterly fail to read aright the signs of the times 
if we are not fully convinced that parties are but the in- 
struments through which the people work their will, and 
that when they become less or more the people desert or 
destroy them. The vanquished have lately learned these 
things, and the victors will act wisely if they profit by the 

I have read and heard much of late touching the great 
responsibility which has been cast upon me, and it is cer- 
tainly predicated upon the fact that my majority was sg 
large as to indicate that many, not members of the party 
to which I am proud to belong, supported me. God knows 
how fully I appreciate the responsibility of the high office 
to which I have been called, and how much I sometimes 
fear that I shall not bear the burden well. It has seemed 
to me, however, that the citizen who has been chosen by 
his fellows to discharge public duties owes no less nor more 
to them, whether he was elected by a small or a large ma- 
jority. In either event, he owes to the people who have 
honored him his best endeavor to protect their rights and 
further their interests. 

But if it is merely intended to remind me that, as a 
member of a party, attached to its principles, and anxious 
for its continued supremacy, my conduct should be such as 
to give hope and confidence to those who are surely with 
us, I have to say that this responsibility should be shared 
by all the members of the party. An administration is only 
successful, in a partisan sense, when it appears to be the 



outgrowth and result of party principles and methods. You 
who lead and others who follow, should all strive to com- 
mend to the people in this, the time of our opportunity, 
not an administration alone, but a party which shall appear 
adequate to their wants and useful to their purposes. 

The time-honored doctrines of the Democratic party art 
dear to me. If honestly applied in their purity I know the 
aJGfairs of the government would be fittingly and honestly 
administered, and I believe that all the wants of the peo- 
ple would be met. They have survived all changes, and 
good and patriotic men have clung to them, through all 
disasters, as the hope of political salvation. Let us hold 
them as a sacred trust, and let us not forget that an intelli- 
gent, reading, and thinking people will look to the party 
which they put in power to supply all their various needs 
and wants. And the party which keeps pace with the de- 
velopment and progress of the time, which keeps in sight 
its landmarks and yet observes those things which are 
in advance, and which will continue true to the people as 
well as to its traditions, will be the dominant party of the 

In conclusion, may I bespeak for myself your kind sup- 
port and consideration? My only aspiration is to perform, 
faithfully, the duties of the office to which the people of 
my State have called me, and I hope and trust that proud 
endeavor will light the way to a successful administration. 

[Address as Governor, at Albany, N. ¥., 
January 1, 1883.] 

Governor Cornell: I am profoundly grateful for your 
pleasant words and kind wishes for my success. You speak 
in full view of labors that are past and duty well performed, 



and no doubt you generously suppose what you have safely 
encountered and overcome, ariH bther may not fear to meet. 

But I cannot be unmindful of the difficulties that beset 
the path upon which I enter, and I shall be quite content 
if, when the end is reached, I may, like you, look back upon 
an official career honorable to myself and useful to the peo- 
ple of the State. 

I cannot forbear at this time also to express my appre- 
ciation of the hearty kindness and consideration with which 
you have, at other times, sought to make easier my per- 
formance of official duty. 

Fellow-Citizens : You have assembled to-day to witness 
the retirement of an officer, tried and trusted, from the 
highest place in the State, and the assumption of its duties 
by one yet to be tried. This ceremony, simple and imos- 
tentatious, as becomes the spirit of our institutions, is yet 
of vast importance to you and all the people of this great 
Commonwealth. The interests now transferred to new 
hands are yours; and the duties here newly assumed should 
be performed for your benefit and your good. This you 
have the right to demand and enforce by the means placed 
in your hands, which you well know how to use; and if 
the public servant should always know that he is jealously 
watched by the people, he surely would be none the less 
faithful to his trust. 

This vigilance on the part of the citizen, and an active 
interest and participation in political concerns, are the safe- 
guards of his rights ; but sluggish indifference to political 
privileges invites the machinations of those who wait to 
betray the people's trust. Thus, when the conduct of pub- 
lic affairs receives your attention, you not only perform 
your duty as citizens, but protect your own best interests. 
While this is true, and while those whom you put in place 
should be held to strict account, their opportunity for use- 


fulness should not be impaired, nor their efforts for good 
thwarted, by unfounded and querulous complaint and 

Let us together, but in our different places, take part in 
the regulation and administration of the government of our 
State, and thus become, not only the keepers of our own 
interests, but contributors to the progress and prosperity 
which will await us. 

I enter upon the discharge of the duties of the office to 
which my fellow-citizens have called me with a profound 
sense of responsibility; but my hope is in the guidance of 
a kind Providence, which I believe will aid an honest de- 
sign; and the forbearance of a just people, which, I trust, 
will recognize a patriotic endeavor. 

[From the First Message to the New York 
Legislature, January 2, 188S.'\ 


The power of the State to exact from the citizen a part 
of his earnings and income for the support of the govern- 
ment, it is obvious, should be exercised with absolute fair- 
ness and justice. When it is not so exercised, the people 
are oppressed. This furnishes the highest and the best 
reason why laws should be enacted and executed which will 
subject all property — as all alike need the protection of the 
State — to an equal share in the burdens of taxation, by 
means of which the government is maintained. And yet it 
is notoriously true that personal property, not less remu- 
nerative than land and real estate, escapes to a very great 
extent the payment of its fair proportion of the expense 
incident to its protection and preservation under the law. 
The people should always be able to recognize, with the 
pride and satisfaction which are the strength of our institu- 


tions, in the conduct of the State, the source of undiscrim- 
inating justice, which can give no pretext for discontent. 

Let us enter upon the discharge of our duties, fully ap- 
preciating our relations to the people, and determined to 
serve them faithfully and well. This involves a jealous 
watch of the public funds, and a refusal to sanction their 
ajopropriation except for public needs. To this end all rni- 
neccssary offices should be abolished, and all employment 
of doubtful benefit discontinued. If to this we add the 
enactment of such wise and well-considered laws as will 
meet the varied wants of our fellow-citizens and increase 
their prosperity, we shall merit and receive the approval 
of those whose representatives we are, and, with the con- 
sciousness of duty well performed, shall leave our impress 
for good on the legislation of the State. . . . 

[Serenade Speech at Albany _, N. Y,, October 
12, 1883.1 

Fellow-Citizens: I am very much gratified by this re- 
membrance of me in the middle of the rejoicing whicli 
to-night gladdens the hearts of the members of the party 
to which I am glad to belong. I do not for a moment 
attribute this demonstration and the compliment of the 
serenade to any other cause than the inclination of my 
party friends, at such a time as this, to congratulate each 
other on this occasion. Official place and public position 
may be laid aside, for a moment, while, as fellow-members 
of a party which has achieved a victory, we mingle our joy 
and exultation. We celebrate to-night a victory in a most 
important field, and a victory which gives us an earnest of 
a much greater yet to come. We look with pride and joy 



to the achievement of our brethren in a sister State, and 
yield to them all the praise and admiration which their 
gallantry and courage claim. 

The first battle in the great campaign of 1884 has been 
fought and won. Ohio in the van calls on us to follow. 
What shall the answer be? The Democracy of New York 
sends back the ringing assurance that we are on the way 
and in a few short days will be at her side, bearing glori- 
ous trophies. This is not an idle boast, full of temporary 
enthusiasm, nor the voice of blind partisan zeal. We shall 
succeed because we deserve success, because the people are 
just, and because we bear high aloft the banner of their 
rights. We know full well the need of watchfulness and 
efi'ort, and we shall not fail to appreciate that neglect and 
slothfulness are a betrayal of our trust. 

I congratulate most sincerely every true Democrat in the 
State of New York that the cause in which he is enlisted is 
so worthy of his best efforts, and that the candidates chosen 
to lead in the contest so well represent his cause. The 
convention which selected, for the Democratic party, the 
men now presented to the people of the State for their 
suffrages had before it other men, any of whom the party 
would have delighted to honor ; but a choice was to be made, 
and that it was well and fairly made I fully believe. The 
charge or insinuation in any quarter that the choice was 
influenced improperly, or determined otherwise than by the 
judgment of those upon whom the responsibility was cast, 
will not deceive and may be safely left to the intelligence 
of the people of the State. 

For myself, I shall claim the privilege of aiding in the 
cause. This cannot be done by fault-finding and cavil. I 
know I can aid by performing the duties of my public trust 
for the benefit of the people, for I am sure that the party 
which does not keep near to them, and the party represen- 
tatives who are not careful of their interests, they will 



repudiate. We seek to put the affairs of the State in the 
hands of men having the full confidence of the party. We 
seek to put in higher places those who have shown fidelity 
to every private and public trust. We present to the peo- 
ple of the State candidates all of whom come accredited 
with the confidence and affection of their neighbors, which 
are the best credentials. Their ability to perform the duties 
of the offices is unquestioned, and, fresh from the people, 
they understand and will care for their wants. 

Believing these things, I am enlisted in their success, 
and I hope that, through the hearty efforts of their party 
friends and by the intelligent action of the voters of the 
State, I may welcome them to share in the administration 
of our State government. 

[Address at Evacuation Day CelehratioUj New 
York, November 26, 1883.~\ 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Chamber of Com- 
merce: My theme is too great for me, and I shall not 
attempt to cover it. The few words I shall speak will be 
upon a topic which makes but one element in the supremacy 
of the State of New York, and I fear that I shall treat of 
that in a very practical and perhaps uninteresting way. 

I am free to confess that I am somewhat embarrassed 
to-night by my surroundings. Not only am I in the pres- 
ence of a distinguished company, but I see about me what 
I suppose to be the guardians of the commerce of the State. 
This word " commerce " soimds very large to me; because, 
whenever I have heard the greatness of a nation or a State 
spoken of, their commerce has been dwelt upon as a chief 
ingredient or factor in such greatness. Here is the gate- 
way of the commerce of our State; and while the uttermost 


corner of our domain has felt and still feels its healthful 
influence, the tribute it has paid in passing this point has 
erected one of the largest cities in the world, and created 
many colossal fortunes. I suppose, of course, I need not 
suggest that other cities and other States are quite willing 
to relieve the city and State of New York of a part or all 
of the commerce thus enjoyed; and I doubt not the danger 
to be ajoprehended from any such competitors has received 
due care and attention. 

I have lately seen a statement, by which it appears that 
for the year ending August SI, 1882, there were sliipped 
from New Orleans to fifteen foreign ports 2, 744,5 81 bush- 
els of wheat and 639,34:2 bushels of corn. This was trans- 
ported in sixty-one steamers and two sailing vessels. But 
for the year ending August 31, 1883, there were shipped 
from the same city to twenty-nine foreign ports 5,529,847 
bushels of Avhcat and 7,1 6 1,1 68 bushels of corn, and this 
was transported in 278 steamers and twenty-four sailing 
vessels. We thus find an increase, during the year speci- 
fied, as follows: Increase in wheat, 2,785,266; increase in 
corn, 6,521,826; increase in number of ports, 14; increase 
in number of vessels, 239. 

I expect there are other dangers to be apprehended from 
other quarters, which may threaten the perpetuity and vol- 
ume of New York commerce. Is there care enough taken 
to have champions of this all-important interest in the halls 
of legislation, and is it there distinctively enough repre- 
sented.'' Bear in mind that you may labor and toil, in tlic 
whirl and excitement of business, to build new warehouses, 
and add to the city's wealth and to your own, but that, 
while you thus build, ignorant, negligent, or corrupt men 
among jcuv lawmakers can easily and stealthily pull down. 
Political duty and selfish interests lead in the same direc- 
tion, and a neglect of this duty will, I believe, bring a sure 



I venture the opinion that the commerce of your port 
should be free from the annoying burdens and taxation to 
which it is now subjected, and yet a law passed by the 
last legislature, as a partial measure of relief, failed in its 
execution, for reasons, perhaps, in one sense commercial in 
their character, but far removed from any relations to the 
commerce of the port. I hasten to disclaim any insinua- 
tion that there are legislators sent from here who are not 
;aithf ul to this great interest ; but I see no reason why 
they should not all be of that kind, nor why the commer- 
cial interests of this great city should not be more regarded 
in their selection. 

The people of the State have lately taken it upon them- 
selves to support the canals from funds raised by taxation, 
thus freeing one branch of commerce from its burden. This 
means much to the farmer, who, by hours of toil, unknown 
to you, exacts from the soil barely sufficient to live and 
educate his children. He deems the advantage of a free 
canal to him indirect and remote ; but this increased taxation 
he must meet. His land and farm buildings cannot be con- 
cealed; and if, by chance, he is able to improve them, his 
betterments are v/ithin the gaze of the tax-gatherer, and 
bring a further increase of taxation. Are your sure that all 
the property of this great metropolis, where fortunes, which 
the farmer vainly works a lifetime to secure, are made and 
lost in a day, meets, with equal fairness, its share of taxa- 
tion? At any rate, cannot the city of New York afiford to 
pay the expense necessary to the maintenance of its port — 
thus securing its commercial supremacy and controlling, 
free from State interference, this interest so directly impor- 
tant to you all. 

We are apt, on such a day as this, to recall with pride 
what has been done within a hundred years to make us 
great, and we are quite sure to appropriate a full share of 
all that has been done in our day and generation. It is 



well, too, that we should deserve the praise of those who 
shall follow us and speak of us a hundred years hence; 
but let us see to it that in our love for our State, and 
in our recognition of every duty which belongs to good 
citizenship, we are not behind those who lived a hundred 
years ago. 

[From the Second Message to the New York 
Legislature, January 1, 188A,~\ 

The action of the Board of Railroad Commissioners in 
requiring the filing of quarterly reports by the railroad 
companies, exhibiting their financial condition, is a most 
important step in advance, and should be abundantly sus- 
tained. It would, in my opinion, be a most valuable protec- 
tion to the people if other large corporations were obliged 
to report to some department their transactions and finan- 
cial condition. 

The State creates these corporations upon the theory that 
some proper thing of benefit can be better done by them 
than by private enterprise, and that the aggregation of the 
funds of many individuals may be thus profitably employed. 
They are launched upon the public v/ith the seal of the 
State, in some sense, upon them. They are permitted to 
repTesent the advantages they possess and the wealth sure 
to follow from admission to membership. In one hand is 
held a charter from the State, and in the other is held their 
preferred stock. 

It is a fact, singular, though well-established, that peo- 
ple will pay their money for stock in a corporation engaged 
in enterprises in which they would refuse to invest if in 
private hands. 

It is a grave question whether the formation of these 



artificial bodies ought not to be checked, or better regu- 
lated, and in some way supervised. 

At any rate, they should always be kept well in hand, 
and the funds of its citizens should be protected by the 
State which has invited their investment. While the stock- 
holders are the owners of the corporate property, notori- 
ously they are oftentimes completely in the power of the 
directors and managers who acquire a majority of the stock 
and by this means perpetuate their control, using the cor- 
porate property and franchises for their benefit and profit, 
regardless of the interests and rights of the minority of 
stockholders. Immense salaries are paid to officers ; trans- 
actions are consummated by which the directors make 
money, while the rank and file among the stockholders 
lose it; the honest investor waits for dividends and the 
directors grow rich. It is suspected, too, that large sums 
are spent under various disguises in efforts to influence leg- 

It is not consistent to claim that the citizen must pro- 
tect himself by refusing to purchase stock. The law con- 
stantly recognizes the fact that people should be defended 
from false representations and from their own folly and 
cupidity. It punishes obtaining goods by false pretenses, 
gambling, and lotteries. 

It is a hollow mockery to direct the owner of a small 
amount of stock in one of these institutions to the courts. 
Under existing statutes, the law's delay, perplexity and 
uncertainty lead but to despair. 

The State should either refuse to allow these corpora- 
tions to exist under its authority or patronage, or acknowl- 
edging their paternity and its responsibility, should provide 
a simple, easy way for its people whose money is invested, 
and the public generally, to discover how the funds of these 
institutions are spent, and how their affairs are conducted. 
It should, at the same time, provide a way by which the 



squandering or misuse of corporate funds would be made 
good to the parties injured thereby. 

This might well be accomplished by requiring corpora- 
tions to iile reports frequently, made out with the utmost 
detail, and which would not allow lobby expenses to be 
hidden under the pretext of legal services and counsel fees, 
accompanied by vouchers and sworn to by the officers mak- 
ing them, showing particularly the debts, liabilities, expen- 
ditures, and property of the corporation. Let this report 
be delivered to some appropriate department or officer, who 
shall audit and examine the same; provide that a false oath 
to such account shall be perjury and make the directors 
liable to refund to the injured stockholders any expendi- 
ture which shall be determined improper by the auditing 

Such requirements might not be favorable to stock specu- 
lation, but they would protect the innocent investors ; they 
might make the management of corporations more trouble- 
some, but this ought not to be considered when the protec- 
tion of the people is the matter in hand. It would prevent 
corporate efforts to influence legislation ; the honestly con- 
ducted and strong corporations would have nothing to fear; 
the badly managed and weak ought to be exposed. 

[Address when presiding' over the New York 
State Bar Association^ Albany, January 8, 

Gentlemen of the Association: At a late hour I was so- 
licited to preside at your meeting. I should certainly have 
felt that I must decline, but for two considerations. I was 
assured that no address would be expected of me, and that 
even a little speech, on assuming the chair, might be 



dispensed with. This disposed of one objection to my 

The other consideration sprang up in my mind when I 
reflected that there would be here an assemblage of my 
professional brethren, and the impulse was irresistible to be 
among them for a time, though necessarily brief, and to 
feel about me the atmosphere from which, for a twelve- 
month, I have been excluded. I beg to assure yovi, gentle- 
men, that in the crowd of official duties which for the past 
year have surrounded me, I have never lost sight of the 
guild to which I am proud to belong, nor have I lost any 
of the love and care for the noble profession I have chosen. 
On the contrary, as I have seen the controlling part which 
the lawyers of the State assume in the enacting of her 
laws, and in all other works that pertain to her progress and 
her welfare, I have apjDreciated more than ever the value and 
usefulness of the legal profession. And, when I have seen 
how generally my professional brethren have been faithful 
to their public trusts, my pride has constantly increased. 

And yet from the outside world I come within the grate- 
ful circle of professional life to say to you that much is to 
be done before the bar of this State will, in all its parts, 
be what we all could wish. We hold honorable places, but 
we hold places of power — if well used, to protect and save 
our fellows; if prostituted and badly used, to betray and 
destroy. It seems to me that a profession so high and 
noble in all the purposes of its existence should be only 
high and noble in all its results. But we know it is not so. 
There is not a member of the bar in this assemblage who 
has not shuddered when he thought of the wicked things 
he had the power to do safely; and he has shuddered again 
when he recalled those, whom he was obliged to call pro- 
fessional brothers, who needed but the motive to do these 
very things. 

An association like this, to be really useful, must be 



something more than a society devoted to the laudation of 
the profession. It should have duties to perform, earnest 
in their nature, and not the less boldly met because they 
are disagreeable. Those who steal our livery to aid them 
in the commission of crime should be detected and exposed; 
and this association, or branches of it, should have watch- 
men on the walls to protect the honor and fair fame of the 
bar of the State. 

Your words are fair, when, in your constitution, you de- 
clare the objects of this association to be " to elevate the 
standard of integrity, honor, and courtesy in the legal pro- 
fession " ; and I have no doubt you have done much in that 
direction; but I hope I may be pardoned for reminding 
you here that frequently, to insure health and vigor, the 
bad, diseased limbs of the tree must be lopped off. 

My thought has carried me further than I intended. Be 
assured I have spoken in no censorious spirit. I congratu- 
late the State Bar Association on all it has done, and for 
one am determined to aid its work as well during my tem- 
porary professional exile as when I shall again gladly min- 
gle in the contests of the bar. 

I Address at the Semi-Centennial of Rochester, 
N. Y., June 10, 188J^.'] 

Having been in the service of the State for nearly 
eighteen months, I feel, like any other loyal and grateful 
servant, that no flight of oratory or grace of diction could, 
if they were within my reach, do justice to the greatness 
and the goodness of my master. I shall not attempt to do 
more than to recall some of the elements which make ours 
a great State, and to suggest the pride which we should 
feel as citizens of this commonwealth. 



The State of New York is not alone a vast area — though 
it includes within its borders more territory than seven of 
the original thirteen States combined, beautifully diversi- 
fied with mountains and valleys, streams and lakes, forests 
and fields, and with farms where the wealth and variety of 
crops tell the storj'^ of fertility and adaptation to the most 
valuable products. 

The State is not alone a busy workshop, with its con- 
tinuous hum of machinery and its army of artisans and 
workmen — though its manufactures exceed in worth, va- 
riety, and volume any other State or Territory, and though 
their value is more than the aggregate produced in ten of 
the original States. 

The State is not alone a pathway of commerce and a 
center of trade — though our waterways and railroads trans- 
port a nation's wealth, and though our metropolis rivals 
the money centers of the world, and is a distributing point 
for all lands. 

The State is not alone an immense aggregation of peo- 
ple — though its population exceeds that of any sister State, 
amounting to more than one-tenth of all the States and 
Territories, and nearly exceeds that of eight of the original 

Nor do all these things combined make up the State that 
we deliglit to call our own. 

Our cities, busy, thrifty, and prosperous, are constantly 
increasing in population and wealth, and in the means to 
ftirnish to their people all that pertains to refinement and 

Our villages, quiet, contented, and orderly, are every- 
where; and by their growth and enterprise give proof of 
proper and economical management. 

Our colleges and seminaries on every hill, and our com- 
mon schools on every hand, are evidences of the faith of 
the people in popular and thorough education. Our nu- 



merous charitable institutions enlist the care of the State 
for the unfortunate poor. Our churches, and the tolerant 
and almost uniA'crsal observance of religious duties by every 
sect and creed, teach obedience to the law and prepare 
our people for good citizenship. Our soldiery, well dis- 
ciplined and equipped, stand ready to defend our homes, 
while they beget a martial spirit and patriotic sentiment. 
A wise and firm administration of the law by our courts 
gives no occasion for disorders and outbreaks that arise 
from the miscarriage of justice. 

Surely we have enough to cause us to congratulate our- 
selves upon the claim we have to State citizenship. And 
yet I cannot forget how much the continuance of all that 
makes us proud to-day depends upon the watchfulness and 
independence of the people and their effective participa- 
tion and interest in State affairs. With a bad government, 
notwithstanding all our advantages, our State will not be 
great. Remember that the government of the State was 
made for the people, and see to it that it be by the people. 
A sturdy independence and a determination to hold the 
public servant to a strict accountability Avill teach him to 
keep well in view the line between the peopleis interests 
and narrow and selfish partisanship; and I am sure that a 
man, after faithful service in official place, reaps no mean 
reward, if, at the end, he shall retire with the confidence 
and affection of a thoughtful and intelligent community, 
still retaining the proud title of a citizen of the Empire 

\^Address at the G. A. JR. Banquet, in Buffalo, 
N. v., July A, 188A.'\ 

I am almost inclined to complain because the sentiment to 
which I am requested to respond is not one which permits 
me to speak at length of the city which, for more than 



twenty-nine years, has been my home. You bid me speak 
of the State, while everything that surrounds me, and all 
that has been done to-day, remind me of other things. I 
cannot fail to remember most vividly, to-night, that exactly 
two years ago I felt that much of the responsibility of a 
certain celebration rested on my shoulders. I suppose there 
were others who did more than I to make the occasion a 
success, but I knov/ that I considered myself an important 
factor, and that when, after weeks of planning and prepara- 
tion, the day came and finally passed, I felt as much re- 
lieved as if the greatest effort of my life had been a com- 
plete success. 

On that day we laid the corner stone of the monument 
which has to-day been unveiled in token of its completion. 
We celebrated, too, the semi-centennial of our city's life. I 
was proud then to be its chief executive, and everything con- 
nected with its interests and prosperity was dear to me. To- 
night I am still proud to be a citizen of Buffalo, and my 
fellow-townsmen cannot, if they will, prevent the affection 
I feel for my city and its people. But my theme is a 
broader one, and one that stirs the heart of every citizen of 
the State. 

The State of New York, in all that is great, is easily the 
leader of all the States. Its history is filled with glorious 
deeds, and its life is bound up with all that makes the na- 
tion great. From the first of the nation's existence our 
State has been the constant and generous contributor to its 
life and growth and vigor. 

But to the exclusion of every other thought to-night, there 
is one passage in the history of the State that crowds upon 
my mind. 

There came a time when discord reached the family circle 
of States, threatening the nation's life. Can we forget how 
wildly New York sprang forward to protect and preserve 
what she had done so much to create and build up. Four 



hundred and fifty thousand men left her borders to stay the 
tide of destruction. 

During the bloody affray which followed, nearly fourteen 
thousand and five hundred of her sons were killed in battle 
or died of wounds. Their bones lie in every State where 
the war for the Union was waged. Add to these nearly 
seventeen thousand and five hundred of her soldiers, who, 
within that sad time, died of disease, and then contemplate 
the pledges of New York's devotion to a united country, 
and the proofs of her faith in the supreme destiny of the 
sisterhood of States. 

And there returned to her thousands of her sons who 
fought and came home laden with the honors of patriotism, 
many of whom still survive, and, like the minstrels of old, 
tell us of heroic deeds and battles won which saved the na- 
tion's life. 

When our monument, which should commemorate the suf- 
ferings and death of their comrades, was begun, the vet- 
erans of New York were here. To-day they come again 
and view complete its fair proportions, Avhich in the years 
to come shall be a token that the jiatriotic dead are not for- 

The State of New York is rich in her soldier dead, and 
she is rich in her veterans of the war. Those who still sur- 
vive, and the members of the Grand Army of the Republic, 
hold in trust for the State the blessed memories which 
connect her with her dead; and these memories Ave know will 
be kept alive and green. 

Long may the State have her veterans of the war; and 
long may she hold them in grateful and chastened remem- 
brance. And as often as her greatness and her grandeur 
are told, let these be called the chief jewels in her crown 



[Serenade Speech in Albany, N. Y., July 10, 

Fellow-Citizens: I cannot but be gratified with this 
kindly greeting. I find that I am fast reaching the point 
where I shall count the people of Albany not merely as 
fellow-citizens, but as townsmen and neighbors. 

On this occasion, I am, of course, aware that you pay no 
compliment to a citizen, and present no personal tribute, but 
that you have come to demonstrate your loyalty and devotion 
to a cause in which you are heartily enlisted. 

The American people are about to exercise, in its high- 
est sense, their power of right and sovereignty. They are 
to call in review before them their public servants and the 
representatives of political parties, and demand of them an 
account of their stewardship. 

Parties may be so long in power, and may become so ar- 
rogant and careless of the interests of the people, as to 
grow heedless of their responsibility to their masters. But 
the time comes, as certainly as death, when the people 
weigh them in the balance. 

The issues to be adjudicated by the nation's great assize 
are made up and are about to be submitted. 

We believe that the people are not receiving at the hands 
of the party which, for nearly twenty-four years, has direct- 
ed the affairs of the nation, the full benefits to which they 
are entitled — of a pure, just, and economical rule — and we 
believe that the ascendency of genuine Democratic princi- 
ples will insure a better government, and greater happiness 
^and prosperity to all the people. 

To reach the sober thought of the nation, and to dis- 
lodge an enemy intrenched behind spoils and patronage, 
involve a struggle, which, if we under-estimate, we invite 



defeat. I am profoundly impressed with the responsibil- 
ity of the part assigned to me in this contest. ISIy heart, 
I know, is in the cause, and I pledge you that no effort of 
mine shall be wanting to secure the victory which I believe 
to be within the achievement of the Democratic hosts. 

Let us, then, enter upon the campaign, now fairly opened, 
each one appreciating well the part he has to perform, 
ready, with solid front, to do battle for better government, 
confidently, courageously, always honorably, and with a 
firm reliance upon the intelligence and patriotism of the 
American people. 

[Besponse to Official Notification at Albany, 
N. Y., July 29, 1884.'] 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: Your 
formal announcement does not, of course, convey to me the 
first information of the result of the convention, lately held 
by the Democracy of the nation. And yet when, as I lis- 
ten to your message, I see about me representatives from all 
parts of the land, of the great party which, claiming to be 
the party of the people, asks them to intrust to it the ad- 
ministration of their government, and when I consider, 
under the influence of the stern reality which present sur- 
roundings create, that I have been chosen to represent the 
plans, purposes, and the policy of the Democratic party, I 
am profoimdly impressed by the solemnity of the occasion 
and by the responsibility of my position. 

Though I gratefully appreciate it, I do not at this mo- 
ment congratulate myself upon the distinguished honor 
which has been conferred upon me, because my mind is full 
of an anxious desire to perform well tlie part which has 
been assigned to me. Nor do I at this moment forget that 



the rights and interests of more than fifty millions of my 
fellow-citizens are involved in our efforts to gain Demo- 
cratic supremacy. This reflection presents to my mind the 
consideration which, more than all others, gives to the action 
of my party, in convention assembled, its most sober and 
serious aspect. 

The party and its representatives which ask to be in- 
trusted, at the hands of the people, with the keeping of all 
that concerns their welfare and their safety, should only 
ask it with the full appreciation of the trust, and with a firm 
resolve to administer it faithfully and well. I am a Demo- 
crat — because I believe that this truth lies at the founda- 
tion of true Democracy. I have kept the faith — because I 
believe, if rightly and fairly administered and applied. 
Democratic doctrines and measures will insure the happi- 
ness, contentment, and prosperity of the people. 

If, in the contest upon which we now enter, we steadfastly 
hold to the underlying principles of our party creed, and 
at all times keep in view the people's good, we shall be 
strong, because we are true to ourselves, and because the 
plain and independent voters of the land will seek, by their 
suffrages, to compass their release from party tyranny 
where there should be submission to the popular will, and 
their protection from party corruption where there should 
be devotion to the people's interests. 

These thoughts lend a consecration to our cause; and 
we go forth, not merely to gain a partisan advantage, but 
pledged to give to those who trust us the utmost benefit of 
a pure and honest administration of national affairs. No 
higher purpose or motive can stimulate us to supreme effort, 
or urge us to continuous and earnest labor and effective 
part}' organization. Let us not fail in this, and we may 
confidently hope to reap the full reward of patriotic services 
well performed. 

I have thus called to mind some simple truths; and, trite 



though they are, it seems to me we do well to dwell upon 
them at this time. 

I shall soon, I hope, signify in the usual manner my ac- 
ceptance of the nomination which has been tendered to me. 
In the meantime, I gladly greet you all as co-workers in a 
noble cause. 

[Letter Accepting Nomination for President, 
Albany, N. Y., August 18, 1884.] 

Gentlemen: I have received your communication, dated 
July 28, 1884, informing me of my nomination to the office 
of President of the United States by the National Demo- 
cratic Convention, lately assembled at Chicago. I accept the 
nomination witli a grateful appreciation of the supreme honor 
conferred and a solemn sense of the responsibility which, in 
its acceptance, I assume. I have carefully considered the 
platform adopted by the convention and cordially approve 
the same. So plain a statement of Democratic faith, and 
the principles upon which that party appeals to the suffrages 
of the people, needs no supplement or explanation. 

It should be remembered that the office of President is 
essentially executive in its nature. The laws enacted by the 
legislative branch of the government, the Chief Executive 
is bound faithfully to enforce. And when the wisdom of 
the political party, which selects one of its members as a 
nominee for that office, has outlined its policy and declared 
its principles, it seems to me that nothing in the character 
of the office or the necessities of the case requires more, from 
the candidate accepting such nomination than the sugges- 
tion of certain well-known truths, so absolutely vital to the 
safety and welfare of the nation that they cannot be too 
often recalled or too seriously enforced. 

We proudly call ours a government by the people. It is 



not such when a class is tolerated which arrogates to itself 
the management of public affairs, seeking to control the 
people, instead of representing them. Parties are the nec- 
essary outgrowths of our institutions; but a government is 
not by the people when one party fastens its control upon 
the country and perpetuates its power by cajoling and be- 
traying the people instead of serving them. A government 
is not by the people when a result which should represent 
the intelligent will of free and thinking men is or can be 
determined b}'^ the shameless corruption of their suffrages. 

When an election to office shall be the selection by the 
voters of one of their number to assume for a time a public 
trust, instead of his dedication to the profession of politics; 
■when the holders of the ballot, quickened by a sense of duty, 
shall avenge truth betrayed and pledges broken, and when 
the suffrage shall be altogether free and uncorrupted, the 
full realization of a government by the people will be at 
hand. And of the means to this end not one would, in my 
judgment, be more effective than an amendment to the 
Constitution disqualifying the President from re-election. 
When we consider the patronage of this great office, the al- 
lurements of power, the temptations to retain public place 
once gained, and, more than all, the availability a party finds 
in an incumbent whom a horde of office-holders, with a zeal 
born of benefits received and fostered by the hope of favors 
yet to come, stand ready to aid with money and trained 
litical service, we recognize in the eligibility of the Presi- 
dent for re-election a most serious danger to that calm, de- 
liberate, and intelligent political action which must char- 
acterize a government by the people. 

A true American sentiment recognizes the dignity of 
labor and the fact that honor lies in honest toil. Contented 
labor is an element of national prosperity. Ability to work 
c'onstitutes the capital and the wage of labor the income 
of a vast number of our population, and this interest should 

OF G R O V E R C L E ^^ E L A N D 

be jealously protected. Our workingmen are not asking un- 
reasonable indulgence, but, as intelligent and manly citi- 
zens, they seek the same consideration which those demand 
mIio have other interests at stake. They should receive their 
full share of the care and attention of those who make and 
execute the laws, to the end that the wants and needs of the 
employers and employed shall alike be subserved and the 
prosperity of the country, the common heritage of both, be 
advanced. As related to this subject, while we should not 
discourage the immigration of those who come to acknowl- 
edge allegiance to our government and add to our citizen 
population, yet, as a means of protection to our working- 
men, a different rule should prevail concerning those who, 
if they come or are brought to our land, do not intend to 
become Americans, but will injuriously compete with those 
justly entitled to our field of labor. 

In a letter accepting the nomination to the office of Gov- 
ernor, nearly two years ago, I made the following state- 
ment, to which I have steadily adhered: 

The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. 
They should be protected in their efforts peaceably to assert their rights 
when endangered by aggregated capital, and all statutes on this subject 
should recognize the care of the State for honest toil, and be framed with 
a view of improving the condition of the workingman. 

A proper regard for the welfare of the workingmen being 
inseparably connected with the integrity of our institutions, 
none of our citizens are more interested than they, in guard- 
ing against any corrupting influences whch seek to pervert 
the beneficent purposes of our government, and none should 
be more watchful of the artful machinations of those who 
allure them to self-inflicted injury. 

In a free country the curtailment of the absolute rights 
of the individual should only be such as is essential to the 
peace and good order of the community. The limit between 

53 ' 


the proper subjects of governmental control and those 
which can be more fittingly left to the moral sense and self- 
imposed restraint of the citizen should be carefully kept in 
view. Thus laws unnecessarily interfering with the habits 
and customs of our peoj^le which are not offensive to the 
moral sentiments of the civilized world, and which are con- 
sistent with good citizenship and the public welfare, are un- 
wise and vexatious. 

The commerce of a nation, to a great extent, determines 
its supremac}'. Cheap and easy transportation sliould there- 
fore be liberally fostered. Within the limits of the Con- 
stitution, the general government should so improve and 
protect its natural water-M^ays as will enable the producers 
of the country to reach a profitable miarket. 

The people pay the wages of the public employees, and 
they are entitled to the fair and honest work which the 
money thus paid should command. It is the duty of those 
intrusted with the management of their affairs to see that 
such public service is forthcoming. The selection and re- 
tention of subordinates in government employment should 
depend upon their ascertained fitness and the value of their 
work, and they should be neither expected nor allowed to 
do questionable party service. The interests of the people 
will be better jsrotected; the estimate of jDublic labor and 
duty will be immensely improved; public employment will 
be open to all who can demonstrate their fitness to enter it; 
the unseemly scramble for place under government, Avith 
the consequent importunity which embitters official life, will 
cease, and the public departments will not be filled with 
those who conceive it to be their first duty to aid the party 
to which they owe their places, instead of rendering patient 
and honest return to the people. 

I believe that the public temper is such that the voters of 
the land are prepared to support the party which gives the 
best promise of administering the government in the hon- 



est, simple, and plain manner which is consistent with its 
character and purposes. They have learned that mystery 
and concealment in the management of tlieir affairs cover 
tricks and betrayal. The statesmanship they require con- 
sists in honesty and frugality, a prompt response to the 
needs of the people as they arise, and a vigilant protection 
of all their varied interests. If I should be called to the 
Chief Magistracy of the nation by the suffrages of my fel- 
low-citizens, I will assume tlie duties of that high office 
with a solemn determination to dedicate every effort to 
the country's good, and with an humble reliance upon the 
favor and sujDport of the Supreme Being, who, I believe, 
will always bless honest human endeavor in the conscien- 
tious discharge of public duty. 

[Address at Newark, N. J., October 2G, 188^.1 

I am here to visit the county and State where I was 
born, in response to the invitation of many political friends 
and a number of those who, as neighbors, remember my 
family, if not me. I do not wish to attempt any false pre- 
tense by declaring that ever since the day when, a very 
small boy, I left the State, I have languished in an enforced 
absence and longed to tread again its soil; and yet I may 
say, without affectation, that though the way of life has led 
me far from the place of my birth, the names of Caldwell 
and Newark and the memories connected with these places 
are as fresh as ever. I have never been disloyal to my na- 
tive State, but have ever kejDt a place warm in my heart for 
the love I cherish for my birthplace. I hope then, that I 
shall not be regarded as a recreant son, but that I may, 
without challenge, lay claim to my place as a born Jersey- 



If you will grant me this I shall not be too modest to as- 
sume to share the pride which you all must feel in the posi- 
tion the State of New Jersey and the County of Essex hold 
in the country to-day. The history of the State dates be- 
3'ond the time when our Union was formed. Its farm- 
lands exceed in average value per acre those of any other 
State, and it easily leads all the States in a number of im- 
portant industries. When we consider the city of Newark, 
we find a municipality ranking as the fourteenth in point 
of population among the cities of the land. It leads every 
other city in three important industries ; it is second in 
another, and third in still another. 

Of course, all these industries necessitate the existence of 
a large laboring population. This force, in my opinion, is 
a further element of strength and greatness in the State; 
no part of the community should be more interested in a 
wise and just administration of their government, none 
should be better informed as to their needs and rights, and 
none should guard more vigilantly against the smooth pre- 
tenses of false friends. 

In common with other citizens they should desire an 
honest and economical administration of public affairs. It 
is quite plain, too, that the people have a right to demand 
that no more money shall be taken from them, directly or 
indirectly, for public use, than is necessary for this purpose. 
Indeed, the right of the government to exact tribute from 
the citizen is limited to its actual necessities, and every 
cent taken from the people beyond that required for their 
protection by the government is no better than robbery. 
We surely must condemn, then, a system which takes from 
the pockets of the people millions of dollars not needed for 
the support of the government, and which tends to the in- 
auguration of corrupt schemes and extravagant expendi- 

The Democratic party has declared that all taxation shall 



be limited by the requirements of an economical govern- 
ment. This is plain and direct, and it distinctly recognized 
the value of labor, and its right to governmental care, when 
it declared that the necessary reduction in taxation, and the 
limitation thereof to the country's needs, should be effected 
without depriving American labor of the ability to compete 
successfully with foreign labor and without injuring the 
interests of our laboring population. At this time, when 
the suffrages of the laboring men are so industriously 
sought, they should, by careful inquiry, discover the party 
pledged to the protection of their interests, and which rec- 
ognizes in their labor something most valuable to the pros- 
perity of the country and primarily entitled to its care and 
protection. An intelligent examination will lead them to the 
exercise of their privileges as citizens in furtherance of 
their interests and the welfare of the country. An unthink- 
ing performance of their duty at the ballot-box will result 
in their injury and betrayal. 

No party and no candidate can have cause to complain 
of the free and intelligent expression of the people's will. 
This expression will be free when uninfluenced by appeals 
to prejudice, or the senseless cry of danger selfishly raised 
by a party that seeks the retention of power and patronage ; 
and it will be intelligent when based upon calm delibera- 
tion and a full appreciation of the duty of good citizenship. 
In a government of the people no party gains to itself all 
the patriotism which the country contains. The perpetuity 
of our institutions and the public welfare surely do not de- 
pend upon unchanging party ascendency, but upon a simple 
businesslike administration of the affairs of government 
and the appreciation by public officers that they are the 
people's servants, not their masters. 



[Address at Bridgeport, Conn., October 30, 

I cannot forbear, at such a time as this, to express the 
pleasure I experience in the sincere and heartfelt welcome 
that the people of New Haven, Bridgeport, and the State 
of Connecticut have accorded me. If this welcome was a 
tribute to me as an individual, I could only express my 
gratitude; but when I find I represent an idea tliat is the 
same with you as with me, it is with a sense of responsi- 
bility that I stand before you. 

The world has not produced so grand a spectacle as a 
nation of freemen determining its own cause. In that po- 
sition you stand to-night. At such a time a leader stands 
in a solemn position, and the plaudits of his hearers can 
only serve to increase the feeling of responsibility — that is, 
if he is a man true to his country and to the best interests 
of her people — which pervades the contest. 

Survey the field of the coming contest. See the forces 
drawn up in array against you from a party strong in num- 
bers, flanked by a vast army of oflice-holders, long in power, 
rich in resources, both of money and influence, but corrupt 
to the core. To-day, they seek to control the religious ele- 
ment of your country; to-morrow, they will endeavor to gain 
the interest of your millionaire magnates for the purpose of 
raising money to carry on their campaign. 

There should be no mistake about this contest. It is an 
attempt to break down the barrier between the people of 
the United States and those that rule them. The people 
are bound down by a class of olBce-holders whose business 
it is to make money out of their positions. If you are to 
go on forever choosing your rulers from this class, what will 
be the end.'' This is a question every one of j^ou can an- 



swer for himself. Because it is the party of the people 
thousands are flocking to our standard, for they love their 
fellow-countrymen and their country more than they do 
their party. 

Let us feel that the people are the rulers of the nation, 
and not the office-holders, whose sole ambition and purpose 
is private gain. Let us also feel that if the people give us 
tlie power of government we hold from the people a sacred 

[Inaugural Address as President^ Washington, 
D. C, March A, 1885. '\ 

Fellow-Citizens : In the presence of this vast assemblage 
of my countrymen I am about to supplement and seal, bj'' 
the oath which I shall take, the manifestation of the will of 
a great and free people. In the exercise of their power anff^ 
right of self-government they have committed to one of 
their fellow-citizens a supreme and sacred trust; and he 
here consecrates himself to their service. " 

This impressive ceremony adds little to the solemn sense 
of responsibility with which I contemplate the duty I owe 
to all the people of the land. Nothing can relieve me from 
anxiety lest by any act of mine their interests may suffer, 
and nothing is needed to strengthen my resolution to en- 
gage every faculty and effort in the promotion of their wel- 

Amid the din of party strife tlie people's choice was 
made; but its attendant circumstances have demonstrated 
anew the strength and safety of a government by the peo- 
ple. In each succeeding year it more clearly appears that 
our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in its 
fearless and faithful application is to be found the surest 
guaranty of good government. 



But the best results in the operation of a government 
wherein every citizen has a share, largelj'^ depend upon a 
proper limitation of purely partisan zeal and effort, and a 
correct appreciation of the time when the heat of the parti- 
san should be merged in the patriotism of the citizen. 

To-day the executive branch of the government is trans- 
ferred to new keeping. But this is still the government of 
all the people, and it should be none the less an object of 
their affectionate solicitude. At this hour the animosities 
of political strife, the bitterness of partisan defeat, and the 
exultation of partisan triumph should be supplanted by an 
ungrudging acquiescence in the popular will, and a sober, 
conscientious concern for the general weal. Moreover, if, 
from this hour, we cheerfully and honestly abandon all sec- 
tional prejudice and distrust, and determine, with manly 
confidence in one another, to work out harmoniously the 
achievements of our national destiny, we shall deserve to 
realize all the benefits which our happy form of government 
can bestow. 

On this auspicious occasion we may well renew the 
pledge of our devotion to the Constitution, which, launched 
by the founders of the republic and consecrated by their 
prayers and patriotic devotion, has for almost a century 
borne the hopes and the aspirations of a great people 
through prosperity and peace, and through the shock of 
foreign conflicts and the perils of domestic strife and vicis- 

By the Father of his Country our Constitution was com- 
mended for adoption as " the result of a spirit of amity 
and mutual concession," In that same spirit it should be 
administered, in order to promote the lasting welfare of the 
country, and to secure the full measure of its priceless ben- 
efits to us and to those who will succeed to the blessings of 
our national life. The large variety of diverse and com- 
peting interests subject to Federal control, persistently 



seeking the recognition of their claims, need give us no fear 
that " the greatest good to the greatest number " will fail 
to be accomplished, if, in the halls of national legislation, 
that spirit of amity and mutual concession shall prevail in 
which the Constitution had its birth. If this involves the 
surrender or postponement of private interests and the 
abandonment of local advantages, compensation will be 
found in the assurance that the common interest is sub- 
served and the general welfare advanced. 

In the discharge of my official duty I shall endeavor to be 
guided by a just and unrestrained construction of the Con- 
stitution, a careful observance of the distinction between the 
powers granted to the Federal government and those re- 
served to the State or to the people, and by a cautious ap- 
preciation of those functions which, by the Constitution and 
laws, have been especially assigned to the executive branch 
of the government. 

But he who takes the oath to-day to preserve, protect, 
and defend the Constitution of the United States only as- 
sumes the solemn obligation which every patriotic citizen, 
on the farm, in the workshop, in the busy marts of trade, 
and everywhere should share with him. The Constitution 
which prescribes his oath, my countrymen, is yours ; the 
government you have chosen him to administer for a time 
is yours; the suffrage which executes the will of freemen is 
yours ; the laws and the entire scheme of our civil rule, from 
tlie town meeting to the State capitals and the national cap- 
ital, are yours. Your every voter as surely as your Chiefs 
Magistrate under the same high sanction, though in a dif-. 
ferent sphere, exercises a public trust. Nor is this all. 
Every citizen owes to the country a vigilant watch and close 
scrutiny of its public servants, and a fair and reasonable 
estimate of their fidelity and usefulness. Thus is the peo- 
ple's will impressed upon the whole framework of our civil 
polity — municipal. State and Federal; and this is the price 



of our liberty and the inspiration of our faith in the re- 

I It is the duty of those serving the people in public place 
closely to limit public expenditures to the actual needs of 
the government economically administered, because this 
bounds the right of the government to exact tribute from 
the earnings of labor or the property of the citizen, and 
because public extravagance begets extravagance among 
the people. We should never be ashamed of the simplicity 
and prudential economies which are best suited to the opera- 
tion of a republican form of government and most compat- 
ible with the mission of the American people. Those who 
are selected for a limited time to manage public affairs are 
still of the people, and may do much by their example to 
encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official 
functions, that plain way of life which among their felloW- 
citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and prosperity. 
^ The genius of our institutions, the needs of our people in 
their home life, and the attention which is demanded for the 
settlement and development of the resources of our vast 
territory, dictate the scrupulous avoidance of any departure 
from that foreign policy commended by the history, the 
traditions, and the prosperity of our republic. It is the 
policy of independence, favored by our position and de- 
fended by our known love of justice and by our power. It 
is the policy of peace suitable to our interests. It is the 
policy of neutrality, rejecting any share in foreign broils 
and ambitions upon other continents, and repelling their in- 

, trusion here. It is the policy of Monroe and of Washington 
and Jefferson: " Peace, commerce, and honest friendship 
with all nations; entangling alliances with none." 

A due regard for the interests and prosperity of all the 
people demands that our finances shall be established upon 
such a sound and sensible basis as shall secure the safety 
and confidence of business interests and make the wage of 



labor sure and steady ; and that our system of revenue shall 
be so adjusted as to relieve the people of unnecessary tax- 
ation, having a due regard to the interests of capital in- 
vested and workingmen employed in American industries, 
and preventing the accumulation of a surplus in the treas- 
ury to tempt extravagance and waste. 

Care for the property of the nation, and for the needs of 
future settlers, requires that the public domain should be 
protected from purloining schemes and unlawful occupation. 

The conscience of the people demands that the Indians 
within our boundaries shall be fairly and honestlj'^ treated 
as wards of the government, and their education and civil- 
ization promoted, with a view to their ultimate citizenship ; 
and that poh'gamy in the Territories, destructive of the 
family relation and offensive to the moral sense of the civil- 
ized world, shall be repressed. 

The laws should be rigidly enforced which prohibit the 
immigration of a servile class to compete with American la- 
bor, with no intention of acquiring citizenship, and bringing 
with them and retaining habits and customs repugnant to 
our civilization. 

/ The people demand reform in the administration of the 
government and the application of business principles to 
public affairs. As a means to this end civil service reform 
should be in good faith enforced. Our citizens have the 
right to protection from the incompetency of public em- 
ployees who hold their places solely as the reward of parti- 
san service, and from the corrupting influence of those who 
promise and the vicious methods of those who expect such 
rewards. And those who worthily seek public employment 
have the right to insist that merit and competency shall be 
recognized instead of party subserviency or the surrender 
yof honest political belief. 

In the administration of a government pledged to do 
equal and exact justice to all men, there should be no pre- 



text for anxiety touching the protection of the freedmen in 
their rights, or their security in the enjoyment of their 
privileges under the Constitution and its amendments. All 
discussion as to their fitnes-s for the place accorded to them 
as American citizens is idle and unprofitable, except as it 
suggests the necessity for tlieir improvement. The fact that 
they are citizens entitles them to all the rights due to that 
relation, and charges them vnth all its duties, obligations, 
and responsibilities. 

These topics and the constant and ever-varying wants of 
an active and enterprising population, may well receive the 
attention and the patriotic endeavor of all who make and 
execute the Federal law. Our duties are practical, and call 
for industrious application, an intelligent perception of the 
claims of public office, and, above all, a firm determination, 
by united action, to secure to all the people of the land the 
full benefits of the best form of government ever vouch- 
safed to man. And let us not trust to human effort alone; 
but humbly acknowledging the power and goodness of Al- 
mighty God, who presides over the destiny of nations, and 
who has at all times been revealed in our country's history, 
let us invoke his aid and his blessing upon our labors. 

{^Proclamation on the Death of General Ulysses 
S. Grant, Washington, D. C, July 28, 

The President cf the United States has just received the 
sad tidings of the death of that illustrious citizen and ex- 
President of the United States, General Ulysses S. Grant, 
at Mount McGregor, in the State of New York, to which 
place he had lately been removed in the endeavor to pro- 
long his life. 



In making this announcement to the people of the 
United States, the President is impressed with the magni- 
tude of the public loss of a great militarj' leader, who was 
in the hour of victory magnanimous ; amid disaster serene 
and self-sustained; who in every station, whether as a sol- 
dier, or as a Chief Magistrate, twice called to power by 
his fellow-countrymen, trod unswervingly the pathway of 
duty, undeterred by doubts, single-minded, and straight- 

The entire country has witnessed with deep emotion his 
prolonged and patient struggle with painful disease, and 
has watched by his couch of suffering with tearful sym- 

The destined end has come at last, and his spirit has re- 
turned to the Creator who sent it forth. 

The great heart of the nation that followed him when 
living with love and pride, bows now in sorrow above him 
dead, tenderly mindful of his virtues, his great patriotic 
services, and of the loss occasioned by his death. 

In testimon}^ of respect to the memory of General Grant, 
it is ordered that the Executive Mansion and the several 
Departments at Washington be draped in mourning for a 
period of thirty days, and that all public business shall on 
the day of the funeral be suspended; and the Secretaries 
of War and of the Navy will cause orders to be issued for 
appropriate military and naval honors to be rendered on 
that day. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-third day of 
July, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-five, 
[l. s.] and of the Independence of the United States the 
one hmidred and tenth. 


[Thanksgiving Proclamation as President of 
the Uiiited States^ Washington^ D. C.j 

November 2, 1885. '\ 

The American people have always abundant cause to be 
thankful to Almighty God, whose watchful care and guid- 
ing hand have been manifested in every stage of their na- 
tional life — guarding and protecting them in time of peril, 
and safely leading them in the hour of darkness and of 

It is fitting and proper that a nation thus favored should, 
on one day in every year, for that purpose especially ap- 
pointed, publicly acknowledge the goodness of God, and re- 
turn thanks to him for all his gracious gifts. 

Therefore I, Grover Cleveland, President of the United 
States of America, do hereby designate and set apart Thurs- 
day, the twenty-sixth day of November instant, as a day of 
public Thanksgiving and Prayer; and do invoke the ob- 
servance of the same by all the people of the land. 

On that day let all secular business be suspended; and 
let the people assemble in their usual places of worship, 
and with prayer and songs of praise devoutly testify their 
gratitude to the Giver of every good and perfect gift for all 
that he has done for us in the year that has passed; for our 
preservation as a nation and for our deliverance from the 
shock and danger of political convulsion; for the blessings 
of peace and for our safety and quiet, while wars and 
rumors of wars have agitated and afflicted other nations of 
the earth ; for our security against the scourge of pestilence, 
which in other lands has claimed its dead by thousands and 
filled the streets with mourners; for plenteous crops which 
reward the labor of the husbandman and increase our na- 
tion's wealth; and for the contentment throughout our 


borders which follows in the train of prosperity and abun- 

And let there also be, on the day thus set apart, a re- 
union of families, sanctified and chastened by tender mem- 
ories and associations, and let the social intercourse of 
friends, with pleasant reminiscence, renew the ties of affec- 
tion and strengthen the bonds of kindly feeling. 

And let us by no means forget, while we give thanks and 
enjoy the comforts which have crowned our lives, that truly 
grateful hearts are inclined to deeds of charity; and that 
a kind and thoughtful remembrance of the poor will double 
the pleasures of our condition, and render our praise and 
thanksgiving more acceptable in the sight of the Lord. 

[^Executive Order on the Death of the Vice- 
President, Washington, D. C, November 
25, 1885.'] 

To the People of the United States: Thomas A. Hen- 
dricks, Vice-President of the United States, died to-day at 
five o'clock p. m., at Indianapolis, and it becomes my 
mournful duty to announce the distressing fact to his fel- 

In respect to the memory and the eminent and varied 
services of this high official and patriotic public servant, 
wliose long career was so full of usefulness and honor to 
his State and to the United States, it is ordered that the 
national flag be displayed at half-mast upon the public 
buildings of the United States ; that the Executive Mansion 
and the several Executive Departments in the city of Wash- 
ington be closed on the day of the funeral, and be draped in 
mourning for the period of thirty days ; that the usual and 
appropriate military and naval honors be rendered, and 



that on all the legations and consulates of the United States 
in foreign countries the national flag shall be displayed at 
half-mast on the reception of this order, and the usual em- 
blems of mourning be adopted for thirty days. 

[From First Annual Message^ Washington, 
D. C, December 8, 1885.'] 

To the Congress of the United States: Your assembling 
is clouded by a sense of public bereavement, caused by the 
recent and sudden death of Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice- 
President of the United States, His distinguished public 
services, his complete integrity and devotion to every duty, 
and his personal virtues will find honorable record in his 
country's history. 

Ample and repeated proofs of the esteem and confidence 
in which he was held by his fellow-countrymen were mani- 
fested by his election to offices of the most important trust 
and highest dignity; and at length, full of years and hon- 
ors, he has been laid at rest amid universal sorrow and bene- 

The Constitution, which requires those chosen to legis- 
late for the people to annually meet in the discharge of 
their solemn trust, also requires the President to give to 
Congress information of the state of the Union and recom- 
mend to their consideration such measures as he shall deem 
necessary and expedient. At the threshold of a compli- 
ance with these constitutional directions it is well for us 
to bear in mind that our usefulness to the people's interests 
will be promoted by a constant appreciation of the scope 
and character of our respective duties as they relate to 
Federal legislation. While the Executive may recommend 
such measures as he shall deem expedient, the responsibility 



for legislative action must and should rest upon those se- 
lected by the people to make their laws. 

Contemplation of the grave and responsible functions as- 
signed to the respecti\e branches of the Government under 
the Constitution will disclose the partitions of power be- 
tween our respective departments and their necessary inde- 
pendence, and also the need for the exercise of all the power 
intrusted to each in that spirit of comity and cooperation 
which is essential to the proper fulfillment of the patriotic 
obligations which rest upon us as faithful servants of the 

The jealous watchfulness of our constituencies, great and 
small, supplements their suffrages, and before the tribunal 
they establish every public servant should be judged. 

It is gratifying to announce that the relations of the 
United States with all foreign powers continue to be 
friendly. Our position after nearly a century of successful 
constitutional government, maintenance of good faith in all 
our engagements, the avoidance of complications with other 
nations, and our consistent and amicable attitude toward the 
strong and weak alike furnish proof of a political dispo-. 
sition which renders professions of good will unnecessary. 
There are no questions of difficulty pending with any fqr- 
eign government. 

An international copyright conference was held at Berne 
in September, on the invitation of the Swiss Government. 
The envoy of the United States attended as a delegate, but 
refrained from committing this Government to the results, 
even by signing the recommendatory protocol adopted. The 
interesting and important subject of international copyright 
has been before you for several years. Action is certainly 
desirable to effect the object in view; and while there may 
be question as to the relative advantage of treating it by 
legislation or by specific treatv, the matured views of the 



Berne conference can not fail to aid your consideration of 
the subject. 

The inadequacy of existing legislation touching citizen- 
ship and naturalization demands your consideration. 

While recognizing the right of expatriation, no statutory 
provision exists providing means for renouncing citizenship 
by an American citizen, native born or naturalized, nor for 
terminating and vacating an improper acquisition of citizen- 
ship. Even a fraudulent decree of naturalization can not 
now be canceled. The privilege and franchise of American 
citizenship should be granted with care, and extended to 
those only who intend in good faith to assume its duties 
and responsibilities when attaining its privileges and bene- 
fits. It should be withheld from those who merely go 
through the forms of naturalization with the intent of es- 
caping the duties of their original allegiance without taking 
upon themselves those of their new status, or who may ac- 
quire the rights of American citizenship for no other than a 
liostile purpose toward their original governments. These 
evils have had many flagrant illustrations. 

I regard with favor the suggestion put forth by one of 
my predecessors that provision be made for a central bureau 
of record of the decrees of naturalization granted by the 
various courts throughout the United States now invested 
with that power. 

The rights which spring from domicile in the United 
States, especially when coupled with a declaration of in- 
tention to become a citizen, are worthy of definition bj'^ stat- 
ute. The stranger coming hither with intent to remain, 
establishing his residence in our midst, contributing to the 
general welfare, and by his voluntary act declaring his pur- 
pose to assume the responsibilities of citizenship, therebj'' 
gains an inchoate status which legislation may propei'ly de- 
fine. The laws of certain States and Territories admits a 



domiciled alien to the local franchise, conferring on him 
the rights of citizenship to a degree which places him in 
the anomalous position of being a citizen of a State and yet 
not of the United States within the purview of Federal and 
international law. 

It is important within the scope of national legislation 
to define this right of alien domicile as distinguished from 
Federal naturalization. 

Past Congresses have had under consideration the advis- 
ability of abolishing the discrimination made by the tariff 
laws in favor of the works of American artists. The odium 
of the policy which subjects to a high rate of duty the 
paintings of foreign artists and exempts the productions of 
American artists residing abroad, and who receive gratui- 
tously advantages and instruction, is visited upon our citi- 
zens engaged in art culture in Europe, and has caused them 
with practical unanimity to favor the abolition of such an 
imgracious distinction; and in tlieir interest, and for otlier 
obvious reasons, I strongly recommend it. 

All must admit the importance of an effective navy to a 
nation lilce ours, having such an extended seacoast to pro- 
tect; and yet we have not a single vessel of war that could 
keep the seas against a first-class vessel of any important 
power. Such a condition ought not longer to continue. 
The nation that can not resist aggression is constantly ex- 
posed to it. Its foreign policy is of necessity weak and 
its negotiations are conducted with disadvantage because it 
is not in condition to enforce the terms dictated by its sense 
of right and justice. 

Inspired, as I am, by the hope, shared by all patriotic 
citizens, that the day is not very far distant when our Navy 
will be such as befits our standing among the nations of 



the earth, and rejoiced at every step that leads in the direc- 
tion of such a consummation, I deem it my duty to espe- 
cially direct the attention of Congress to the close of the 
report of the Secretary of the Navy, in which the humiliat- 
ing weakness of the present organization of his Department 
is exhibited and the startling abuses and waste of its pres- 
ent methods are exposed. The conviction is forced upon 
us with the certainty of mathematical demonstration that 
before we proceed further in the restoration of a Navy 
we need a thoroughly reorganized Navy Department. The 
fact that within seventeen years more than $75,000,000 
have been spent in the construction, repair, equipment, and 
armament of vessels, and the further fact that instead of 
an effective and creditable fleet we have only the discontent 
and apprehension of a nation undefended by war vessels, 
added to the disclosures now made, do not permit us to 
doubt that every attempt to revive our Navy has thus far 
for the most part been misdirected, and all our efforts in 
that direction have been little better than blind gropings 
v^and expensive, aimless follies. 

Unquestionably if we are content with tlie maintenance 
of a Navy Department simply as a shabby ornament to 
the Government, a constant watchfulness may prevent some 
of the scandal and abuse which have found their way into 
our present organization, and its incurable waste may be 
reduced to the minimum. But if we desire to build ships 
for present usefulness instead of naval reminders of the 
days that are past, we must have a Department organized 
for the work, supplied with all the talent and ingenuity our 
country affords, prepared to take advantage of the experi- 
ence of other nations, systematized so that all effort shall 
unite and lead in one direction, and fully imbued with the 
conviction that war vessels, though new, are useless unless 
they combine all that the ingenuity of man has up to tliis 
day brought forth relating to their construction, 



I earnestly commend the portion of the Secretary's re- 
port devoted to this subject to the attention of Congress, 
in the hope that liis suggestions touching the reorganiza- 
tion of his Department may be adopted as the first step 
toward the reconstruction of our Navy. 

In the Territory of Utah the law of the United States 
passed for the suppression of polygamy has been energet- 
ically and faithfully executed during the past year, with 
measurably good results. A number of convictions have 
been secured for unlawful cohabitation, and in some cases 
pleas of guilty have been entered and a slight punishment 
imposed, upon a promise bj^ the accused that they would 
not again offend against the law, nor advise, counsel, aid, 
or abet in any way its violation by others. 

The Utah commissioners express the opinion, based upon 
such information as they are able to obtain, that but few 
polygamous marriages have taken place in the Territory 
during the last year. They further report that while there 
can not be found upon the registration lists of voters the 
name of a man actually guilty of polygamy, and while 
none of that class are holding ofHce, yet at the last election 
in the Territory all the officers elected, except in one county, 
were men who, though not actually living in the practice 
of polygamy, subscribe to the doctrine of polygamous mar- 
riages as a divine revelation and a law unto all higher and 
more binding upon the conscience than any human law, 
local or national. Thus is the strange spectacle presented 
of a community protected by a republican form of govern- 
ment, to which they owe allegiance, sustaining by their 
suffrages a principle and a belief which set at naught that 
obligation of absolute obedience to the law of the land which 
lies at the foundation of republican institutions. 

The strength, the perpetuity, and the destiny of the na- 
tion rest upon our homes, established by the law of God, 



guarded by parental care, regulated by parental authority, 
and sanctified by parental love. 

These are not the homes of polygamy. 

The mothers of our land, who rule the nation as they 
mold the characters and guide the actions of their sons, 
live according to God's holy ordinances, and each, secure 
and happy in the exclusive love of the father of her chil- 
dren, sheds the warm light of true womanhood, unperverted 
and unpolluted, upon all within her pure and wholesome 
family circle. 

These are not the cheerless, crushed, and unwomanly 
mothers of polygamy. 

The fathers of our families are the best citizens of the 
Republic. Wife and children are the sources of patriotism, 
and conjugal and parental affection beget devotion to the 
country. The man who, undefiled with plural marriage, 
is surrounded in his single home with his wife and children 
has a stake in the country which inspires him with respect 
for its lav/s and courage for its defense. 

These are not the fathers of polygamous families. 

There is no feature of this practice or the system which 
sanctions it which is not opposed to all that is of value in 
our institutions. 

There should be no relaxation in the firm but just exe- 
cution of the law now in operation, and I should be glad 
to approve such further discreet legislation as will rid the 
country of this blot upon its fair name. 

Since the people upholding polygamy in our Territories 
are reenforced by immigration from other lands, I recom- 
mend that a law be passed to prevent the importation of 
^Mormons into the country. 

The report of the Civil Service Commission, which will 
be submitted, contains an account of the manner in which 
the civil-service law has been executed during the last year 



and much valuable information on this important sub- 

I am inclined to think that there is no sentiment more 
general in the minds of the people of our country than a 
conviction of the correctness of the principle upon which 
the law enforcing civil-service reform is based. In its pres- 
ent condition the law regulates only a part of the subordi- 
nate public positions throughout the country. It applies 
the test of fitness to applicants for these places by means 
of a competitive examination, and gives large discretion to 
the Commissioners as to the character of the examination 
and many other matters connected with its execution. Thus 
the rules and regulations adopted by the Commission have 
much to do with the practical usefulness of the statute and 
with the results of its application. 

The people may well trust the Commission to execute 
the law with perfect fairness and with as little irritation 
as is possible. But of course no relaxation of the principle 
which underlies it and no weakening of the safeguards 
which surround it can be expected. Experience in its ad- 
ministration will probably suggest amendment of the meth- 
ods of its execution, but I venture to hope that we shall 
never again be remitted to the system which distributes 
public positions purely as rewards for partisan service. 
Doubts may well be entertained whether our Government 
could survive the strain of a continuance of this system, 
which upon every change of Administration inspires an 
immense army of claimants for office to lay siege to the 
patronage of Government, engrossing the time of public 
officers with their importunities, spreading abroad the con- 
tagion of their disappointment, and filling the air with the 
tumult of their discontent. 

The allurements of an immense nimiber of offices and 
places exhibited to the voters of the land, and the promise 
of their bestowal in recognition of partisan activity, debauch 



the suffrage and rob political action of its thoughtful and 
deliberative character. The evil would increase with the 
multiplication of offices consequent upon our extension, and 
the mania for office holding, growing from its indulgence, 
would pervade our population so generally that patriotic 
purpose, the support of principle, the desire for the public 
good, and solicitude for the nation's welfare would be nearly 
banished from the activity of our party contests and cause 
them to degenerate into ignoble, selfish, and disgraceful 
struggles for the possession of office and public place. 

Civil-service reform enforced by law came none too soon 
to check the progress of demoralization. 

One of its effects, not enough regarded, is the freedom 
it brings to the political action of those conservative and 
sober men who, in fear of the confusion and risk attending 
an arbitrary and sudden change in all the public offices 
with a change of party rule, cast their ballots against such 
a chance. 

Parties seem to be necessary, and will long continue to 
exist; nor can it be now denied that there are legitimate 
advantages, not disconnected with office holding, which fol- 
low party supremacy. While partisanship continues bitter 
and pronounced and supplies so much of motive to senti- 
ment and action, it is not fair to hold public officials in 
charge of important trusts responsible for the best results 
in the performance of their duties, and yet insist that they 
shall rely in confidential and important places upon the 
work of those not only opposed to them in political affilia- 
tion, but so steeped in partisan prejudice and rancor that 
they have no loyalty to their chiefs and no desire for their 
success. Civil-service reform does not exact this, nor does 
it require that those in subordinate positions who fail in 
yielding their best service or who are incompetent should 
be retained simply because they are in place. The whining 
of a clerk discharged for indolence or incompetency, who, 



though he gained his place by the worst possible operation 
of the spoils system, suddenly discovers that he is entitled 
to protection under the sanction of civil-service reform, rep- 
resents an idea no less absurd than the clamor of the appli- 
cant who claims the vacant position as his compensation for 
the most questionable party work. 

The civil-service law does not prevent the discharge of 
the indolent or incompetent clerk, but it does prevent sup- 
plying his place with the unfit party worker. Thus in both 
these phases is seen benefit to the public service. And the 
people who desire good government, having secured this 
statute, will not relinquish its benefits v/ithout protest. Nor 
are they unmindful of the fact that its full advantages can 
only be gained through the complete good faith of those hav- 
ing its execution in charge. And this they will insist upon. 

The present condition of the law relating to the succes- 
sion to tlie Presidency in the event of the death, disability, 
or removal of both the President and Vice-President is such 
as to require immediate amendment. This subject has re- 
peatedly been considered by Congress, but no result has 
been reached. The recent lamentable death of the Vice- 
President, and vacancies at the same time in all other offices 
the incumbents of which might immediately exercise the 
functions of the Presidential office, has caused public anx- 
iety and a just demand that a recurrence of such a condi- 
tion of affairs should not be permitted. 

In conclusion I commend to the wise care and thought- 
ful attention of Congress the needs, the welfare, and the 
aspirations of an intelligent and generous nation. To sub- 
ordinate these to the narrow advantages of partisanship or 
the accomplishment of selfish aims is to violate the people's 
trust and betray the people's interests; but an individual 
sense of responsibility on the part of each of us and a 
stern determination to perform our duty well must give us 



place among those who have added in their day and gen- 
eration to the glory and prosperity of our beloved land. 

[Letter to ^Allen G. Tlmrman, Washington^ 
D. C, January 4-j 1886.] 

I aclcnowledge with thanks the receipt of an invitation 
to be present at the annual reunion of the Jackson Club, 
of the city of Columbus, on the evening of the 8th inst. 

My official duties here will prevent my acceptance of 
the invitation so kindly tendered, and I beg to assure the 
Club that the objects and purposes of the reunion, which 
are expressed in the note of the committee, meet with my 
cordial and sincere approval. 

I should be most pleased to be one of those who, on that 
occasion, will congratulate the friends of good government 
on the success of the Democratic party, for I believe that 
the application of the true and pure principles of that 
political faith must result in the welfare of the country. 

It is also proposed, I learn, to consult together as to the 
manner in which the accomplishment of " the greatest good 
to our people " can best be aided and assisted. No higher 
or more sacred mission was ever intrusted to a party or- 
ganization, and I am convinced that it will be honestly and 
faithfully performed by a close sympathy with the people 
in their wants and needs, by a patriotic endeavor to quicken 
their love and devotion for American institutions, and by 
an earnest effort to enlarge their apprehensions and realiza- 
tions of the benefits which the wise and unselfish adminis- 
tration of a free government will secure to them. 



[Executive Order on the Death of General 
Hancock, February 9, 1886.] 

Tidings of the death of Winfield Scott Hancock, the 
senior Major-General of the Army of the United States, 
have just been received, 

A patriotic and valiant defender of his country; an able 
and heroic soldier; a spotless and accomplished gentleman 
— crowned alike with the laurels of military renown and 
the highest tribute of his fellow-countrymen to his worth 
as a citizen — he has gone to his reward. 

It is fitting that every mark of public respect should be 
paid to his memory. Therefore it is now ordered by the 
President that the national flag be displayed at half-mast 
upon all the buildings of the Executive Departments in this 
city until after his fimeral shall have taken place. 


[Special Message Recommending Legislation ^ 
Providing for the Arbitrament of Disputes 
between Laboring Men and Employers, 
Washington, D. C, April 22, 1886. '\ 

To the Senate and the House of Representatives: The 
Constitution imposes upon the President the duty of recom- 
mending to the consideration of Congress from time to time 
such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. 

I am so deeply impressed with the importance of imme- 
diately and thoughtfully meeting the problem which recent 
events and a present condition have thrust upon us, involv- 
ing the settlement by arbitration of disputes arising between 



our laboring men and their employers, that I am constrained 
to recommend to Congress legislation upon this serious and 
pressing subject. 

Under our form of government the value of labor as an 
element of national prosperity should be distinctly recog- 
nized, and the welfare of the laboring man should be re- 
garded as especially entitled to legislative care. In a coun- 
try which offers to all its citizens the highest attainment 
of social and political distinction its workingmen can not 
justly or safely be considered as irrevocably consigned to 
the limits of a class and entitled to no attention and allowed 
no protest against neglect. 

The laboring man bearing in his hand an indispensable 
contribution to our growth and progress, may well insist, 
with manly courage and as a right, upon the same recog- 
nition from those who make our laws as is accorded to 
any other citizen having a valuable interest in charge; and 
his reasonable demands should be met in such a spirit of 
appreciation and fairness as to induce a contented and 
patriotic co-operation in the achievement of a grand na- 
tional destiny. 

While the real interests of labor are not promoted by a 
resort to threats and violent manifestations, and while those 
who, under the pretext of an advocacy of the claims of 
labor, wantonly attack the rights of capital, and for selfish 
purposes or the love of disorder sow seeds of violence and 
discontent, should neither be encouraged nor conciliated, 
all legislation on the subject should be calmly and delib- 
erately undertaken, with no purpose of satisfying unrea- 
sonable demands or gaining partisan advantage. 

The present condition of the relations between labor and 
capital is far from satisfactory. The discontent of the 
employed is due in a large degree to the grasping and 
heedless exactions of employers, and the alleged discrim- 
ination in favor of capital as an object of governmental 



attention. It must also be conceded that the laboring men 
are not always careful to avoid causeless and unjustifiable 

Though the importance o£ a better accord between these 
interests is apparent, it must be borne in mind that any 
effort in that direction by the Federal Government must be 
greatly limited by constitutional restrictions. There are 
many grievances which legislation by Congress can not re- 
dress, and many conditions which can not by such means be 

I am satisfied, however, that something may be done 
under Federal authority to prevent the disturbances which 
so often arise from disputes between employers and the 
employed, and which at times seriously threaten the busi- 
ness interests of the country; and in my opinion the proper 
theory upon which to proceed is that of voluntary arbitra- 
tion as the means of settling these difficulties. 

But I suggest that instead of arbitrators chosen in the 
heat of conflicting claims, and after each dispute shall arise, 
for the purpose of determining tlie same, there be created 
a Commission of Labor, consisting of three members, who 
shall be regular officers of the Government, charged among 
other duties with the consideration and settlement, when 
possible, of all controversies between labor and capital. 
"^ A Commission thus organized would have the advantage 
of being a stable body, and its members, as they gained 
experience, would constantly improve in their ability to deal 
intelligently and usefully with the questions which might 
be submitted to them. If arbitrators are chosen for tem- 
porary service as each case of dispute arises, experience 
and familiarity with much that is involved in the question 
will be lacking, extreme partisanship and bias will be the 
qualifications sought on either side, and frequent complaints 
of unfairness and partiality will be inevitable. The impo- 
sition upon a Federal court of a duty so foreign to the 



judicial function as the selection of an arbitrator in such 
cases, is at least of doubtful propriety. 

The establishment by Federal authority of such a Bureau 
would be a just and sensible recognition of the value of 
labor, and of its right to be represented in the departments 
of the Government. So far as its conciliatory offices shall 
have relation to disturbances which interfered with transit 
and commerce between the States, its existence would be 
justified, under the provisions of the Constitution, which 
gives to Congress the power " to regulate commerce with 
foreign nations and among the several States." And in the 
frequent disputes between the laboring men and their em- 
ployers, of less extent and the consequences of which are 
confined within State limits and threaten domestic violence, 
the interposition of such a Commission might be tendered, 
upon the application of the legislature or executive of a 
State, under the constitutional provision which requires 
the General Government to " protect " each of the States 
" against domestic violence." 

If such a Commission were fairly organized, the risk of 
a loss of popular support and sympathy resulting from a 
refusal to submit to so peaceful an instrumentality would 
constrain both parties to such disputes to invoke its inter- 
ference and abide by its decisions. There would also be 
good reason to hope that the very existence of such an 
agency would invite application to it for advice and comi- 
sel, frequently resulting in the avoidance of contention and 

If the usefulness of such a Commission is doubted because 
it might lack power to enforce its decisions, much encour- 
agement is derived from the conceded good that has been 
accomplished by the railroad commissions which have been 
organized in many of the States, which, having little more 
than advisory powei', have exerted a most salutary influence 
in the settlement of disputes between conflicting interests. 



In July, 1884, by a law of Congress, a Bureau of Labor 
was established and placed in charge of a Commissioner of 
Labor, who is required to " collect information upon the 
subject of labor, its relations to capital, the hours of labor 
and the earnings of laboring men and women, and the 
means of promoting their material, social, intellectual, csnd 
moral prosperity." 

The Commission which I suggest could easily be en- 
grafted upon the Bureau thus already organized, by the 
addition of two more Commissioners and by supplementing 
the duties now imposed upon it by such other powers and 
fimctions as would permit the Commissioners to act as arbi- 
trators when necessary between labor and capital under such 
limitations and upon such occasions as should be deemed 
proper and useful. 

Power should also be distinctly conferred upon this 
Bureau to investigate the causes of all disputes as they 
occur, whether submitted for arbitration or not, so that in- 
formation may always be at hand to aid legislation on the 
subject when necessary and desirable. 

[From the Veto of the Andrew J. White Pen- 
sion Bill J Washington, D. C, 31 ay 8, 1886.'] 

The policy of frequently reversing, by special enactment, 
the decisions of the bureau invested by law with the exam- 
ination of pension claims, fully equipped for such examina- 
tion, and which ought not to be suspected of any lack of 
liberality to our veteran soldiers, is exceedingly question- 
able. It may well be doubted if a committee of Congress 
has a better opportunity than such an agency to judge of 
the merits of these claims. If, however, there is any lack 
of power in the Pension Bureau for a full investigation it 



should be supplied; if the system adopted is inadequate 
to do full justice to claimants, it should be corrected; 
and if there is a want of sympathy and consideration for 
the defenders of our government the bureau should be re- 

The disposition to concede the most generous treatment 
to the disabled, aged, and needy among our veterans ought 
not to be restrained; and it must be admitted that, in some 
cases, justice and equity cannot be done nor the charitable 
tendencies of the government in favor of worthy objects of 
its care indulged under fixed rules. These conditions some- 
times justify a resort to special legislation; but I am con- 
vinced that the interposition by special enactment in the 
granting of pensions should be rare and exceptional. In 
the nature of things, if this is lightly done and upon slight 
occasion, an invitation is offered for the presentation of 
claims to Congress, which, upon their merits, could not sur- 
vive the test of an examination by the Pension Bureau, and 
whose only hope of success depends upon sympathy, often 
misdirected, instead of right and justice. The instrumen- 
tality organized by law for the determination of pension 
claims is thus often overruled and discredited, and there is 
danger that in the end popular prejudice will be created 
against those who are worthily entitled to the bounty of 
the government. 

There have lately been presented to me on the same day, 
for approval, nearly two hundred and forty special bills 
granting and increasing pensions, and restoring to the pen- 
sion list the names of parties which for cause have been 
dropped. To aid Executive duty they were referred to the 
Pension Bureau for examination and report. After a delay 
absolutely necessary they have been returned to me within 
a few hours of the limit constitutionally permitted for Ex- 
ecutive action. Two hundred and thirty-two of these bills 
are thus classified: 



Eighty-one cover cases in which favorable action by the 
Pension Bureau was denied by reason of the insufficiency 
of the testimony filed to prove the facts alleged. 

These bills I have approved on the assumption that the 
claims were meritorious, and that by the passage of the bills 
the government has waived full proof of the facts. 

Twenty-six of the bills cover claims rejected by the Pen- 
sion Bureau, because the evidence produced tended to prove 
that the alleged disability existed before the claimant's en- 
listment; twenty-one cover claims which have been denied 
by such bureau, because the evidence tended to show that 
the disability, though contracted in the service, was not in- 
curred in the line of duty; tliirty-three cover claims Avhich 
have been denied, because the evidence tended to establish 
that the disability originated after the soldier's discharge 
from the army; forty-seven cover claims which have been 
denied, because the general pension laws contain no pro- 
visions under which they could be allowed; and twenty- 
four of the claims have never been presented to the Pension 

\_3Iessage E elating to the Accejjtance and In- 
auguration of tJie Colossal Statue of " Lib- 
ertif Enlightening the World" Washing- 
ton, D. C, Ma2j 11, 1886.1 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : By a joint 
resolution of Congress, approved March 3, 1877, the Presi- 
dent was authorized and directed to accept the colossal 
statue of Liberty Enlightening the World when presented 
by the citizens of the French Republic, and to designate 
and set apart for the erection thereof a suitable site upon 
either Governor's or Bedloe's Island, in the harbor of New 



York, and upon tlie completion thereof to cause the statue 
"to be inaugurated with such ceremonies as will serve. to 
testify the gratitude of our people for this expressive and 
felicitous memorial of the sympathy of the citizens of our 
sister Republic." 

The President was further thereby " authorized to cause 
suitable regulations to be made for its future maintenance 
as a beacon, and for tlie permanent care and preservation 
thereof as a monument of art and the continued good-will 
of the great nation which aided us in our struggle for 

Under the authority of this resolution, on the 4th day of 
July, 1884, tlie minister of the United States to the French 
Republic, by direction of the President of the United States, 
accepted the statue and received a deed of presentation from 
the Franco- American Union, which is now preserved in the 
archives of the Department of State. 

I now transmit to Congress a letter to the Secretary of 
State from Joseph W. Drexel, Esq., chairman of the execu- 
tive committee of " the American committee on the pedestal 
of the great statue of * Liberty Enlightening the World,' " 
dated the 27th of April, 1886, suggesting the propriety of 
the further execution by the President of the joint resolu- 
tion referred to, by prescribing the ceremonies of inaugu- 
ration to be observed upon the complete erection of the 
statue upon its site on Bedloe's Island, in the harbor of 
New York. 

Thursday, the Sd of September, being the anniversary 
of the signing of the treaty of peace of Paris by which th-^ 
independence of these United States was recognized and 
secured, has been suggested by this committee, under whose 
auspices and agencj' the pedestal for the statue has been 
constructed, as an appropriate day for the ceremonies of 

The international character which has been impressed 



upon this work by the joint resolution of 1877, makes it 
incumbent upon Congress to provide means to carry their 
resolution into effect. Therefore I recommend the appro- 
priation of such sum of money as in the judgment of Con- 
gress shall be deemed adequate and proper to defray the 
cost of the inauguration of this statue. 

I have been informed by the committee that certain ex- 
penses have been incurred in the care and custody of the 
statue since it was deposited on Bedloe's Island, and the 
phraseology of the joint resolution providing for " the per- 
manent care and preservation thereof as a monument of 
art," would seem to include the payment by the United 
States of the expense so incurred since the reception of the 
statue in this country. 

The action of the French Government and people in 
relation to the presentation of this statue to the United 
States will, I hope, meet with hearty and responsive action 
upon the part of Congress, in which the Executive will be 
most happy to co-operate. 

[Address at the Virginia State Fair, Richmond , 
October 12, ISSe.'X 

Fellow-Citizens of Virginia: While I thank you most sin- 
cerely for your kind reception and recognize in its hearti- 
ness the hospitality for which the people of Virginia have 
always been distinguished, I am fully aware that your dem- 
onstration of welcome is tendered not to an individual, but 
to an incumbent of an office which crowns the government 
of the United States. The State of Virginia, the INIother 
of Presidents, seven of whose sons have filled that high 
office, to-day greets a President who for the first time meets 
Virginians upon Virginia soil. 



I congratulate myself that my first introduction to the 
people of Virginia occurs at a time when they are sur- 
roimded by the exhibits of the productiveness and pros- 
perity of their State. Whatever there may be in honor in 
her history, and however much of pride there may be in her 
traditions, her true greatness is here exemplified. In our 
sisterhood of States the leading and most commanding place 
must be gained and kept by that commonwealth which, by 
the labor and intelligence of her citizens, can produce the 
most of those things which meet the necessities and desires 
of mankind. 

But the full advantage of that which may be yielded to 
a State by the toil and ingenuity of her people is not meas- 
ured alone by the money value of the products. The efforts 
and the struggles of her farmers and her artisans not only 
create new values in the field of agriculture and in the 
arts and manufactures, but they, at the same time, produce 
rugged, self-reliant, and independent men, and cultivate 
that product which, more than all others, ennobles a State 
— a patriotic, earnest American citizenship. 

This will flourish in every part of the American domain. 
Neither drought nor rain can injure it, for it takes root in 
true hearts, enriched by love of country. There are no new 
varieties in this production. It must be the same wherever 
seen, and its quality is neither sound nor genuine unless it 
grows to deck and beautify an entire and united nation, nor 
unless it supports and sustains the institutions and the gov- 
ernment founded to protect American liberty and happiness. 

The present administration of the government is pledged 
to return for such husbandry not only promises, but actual 
tenders of fairness and justice, with equal protection and 
a full participation in national achievements. If, in the 
past, we have been estranged and the cultivation of Amer- 
ican citizenship has been interrupted, your enthusiastic wel- 
come of to-day demonstrates that there is an end to such 



estrangement, and that the time of suspicion and fear is 
succeeded by an era of faith and confidence. 

In such a kindly atmosphere and beneath such cheering 
skies I greet the people of Virginia as co-laborers in the 
field where grows the love of our united country. 

God grant that in the years to come Virginia — the Old 
Dominion, the Mother of Presidents, she who looked on the 
nation at its birth — may not only increase her trophies of 
growth in agriculture and manufactures, but that she may 
be among the first of all the States in the cultivation of 
true American citizenship. 

\_ Address at the Two Hundred and Fiftieth 
Anniversary of Harvard College^ Novem- 
ber 9, 1886.1 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I find myself to-day in 
a company to which I am much unused, and when I see 
the alumni of the oldest college in the land surrounding in 
their right of sonshija the maternal board at which I am 
but an invited guest, the reflection that for me there exists 
no alma mater gives rise to a feeling of regret, which is 
tempered only by the cordiality of your welcome and your 
reassuring kindness. 

If the fact is recalled that only twelve of my twenty-one 
predecessors in office had the advantage of a collegiate or 
university education, a proof is presented of the democratic 
sense of our people, rather than an argument against the 
supreme value of the best and most liberal education in 
high public positions. There certainly can be no sufficient 
reason for any space or distance between the walks of a 
most classical education and the way that leads to a polit- 
ical place. Any disinclination on the part of the most 



learned and cultured of our citizens to mingle in public 
affairs^ and the consequent abandonment of political activity 
to those who have but little regard for student and scholar 
in politics, are not favorable conditions under a government 
such as ours, and if they have existed to a damaging ex- 
tent, very recent events appear to indicate that the educa- 
tion and conservatism of the land are to be hereafter more 
plainly heard in the expression of the popular will. 

Surely the splendid destiny which awaits a patriotic 
effort in behalf of our country will be sooner reached if 
the best of our thinkers and educated men shall deem it a 
solemn duty of citizenship to engage actively and prac- 
tically in political affairs, and if the force and power of 
their thought and learning shall be willingly or unwillingly 
acknowledged in party management. 

If I am to speak of the President of the United States 
I desire to mention, as the most pleasant and characteristic 
feature of our system of government, the nearness of the 
people to their President and other high officials. A close 
view afforded our citizens of the acts and conduct of those 
to whom they have intrusted their interests, serves as a 
regulator and check upon temptation and pressure in office, 
and is a constant reminder that diligence and faithfulness 
are the measure of public duty; and such a relation be- 
tween President and people ought to leave but little room, 
in popular judgment and conscience, for unjust and false 
accusations and for malicious slanders invented for the pur- 
pose of undermining the people's trust and confidence in 
the administration of their government. 

No public officer should desire to check the utmost free- 
dom of criticism as to all official acts, but every right- 
thinking man must concede that the President of the United 
States should not be put beyond the protection which Amer- 
ican love of fair play and decency accords to every Amer- 
ican citizen. This trait of our national character would not 



encourage, if their extent and tendency were fully appre- 
ciated, the silly, mean, and cowardly lies that every day are 
found in the columns of certain newspapers, which violate 
every instinct of American manliness, and in ghoulish glee 
desecrate every sacred relation of private life. 

There is nothing in the highest office that the American 
people can confer which necessarily makes the President 
altogether selfish, scheming, and untrustworthy. On the 
contrary, the solemn duties which confront him tend to a 
sober sense of responsibility; the trust of the American 
people and an appreciation of their mission among the na- 
tions of the earth should make him a patriotic man, and 
the tales of distress which reach him from the humble and 
lowly, and needy and afflicted in every corner of the land, 
cannot fail to quicken within him every kind impulse and 
tender sensibility. 

After all, it comes to this: The people of the United 
States have one and all a sacred mission to perform, and 
your President, not more surely than any other citizen who 
loves his country, must assume part of the responsibility 
of the demonstration to the world of the success of popular 
government. No man can hide his talent in a napkin, and 
escape the condemnation which his slothfulness deserves, or 
evade the stern sentence which his faithlessness invites. 

Be assured, my friends, that the privilege of this duy, so 
full of improvement, and the cnjojanents of this hour, so 
full of pleasure and cheerful encouragements, will never be 
forgotten; and in parting with you now let me express my 
earnest hope that Harvard's alumni may always honor the 
venerable institution which has honored them, and that no 
man who forgets and neglects his duty to American citizen- 
ship will find his alma mater here. 



[Executive Proclamation on the Death of ex- 
President Chester A. Arthur, Washington, 
D. C, November 18, 1886.^ 

It is my painful duty to announce the death of Chester 
Alan Arthur, lately the President of the United States, 
which occurred after an illness of long duration, at an 
early hour this morning, at his residence in the city of 
New York. 

Mr. Arthur was called to the chair of Chief Magistrate 
of the nation by a tragedy which cast its shadow over the 
entire government. 

His assumption of the grave duties was marked by an 
evident and conscientious sense of his responsibilities, and 
an earnest desire to meet them in a patriotic and benevolent 

With dignity and ability he sustained the important 
duties of his station, and the reputation of his personal 
worth, conspicuous graciousness, and patriotic fidelity will 
long be cherished by his fellow-countrymen. 

[From Second Annual Message, Washington, 
D. C, December 6, 1886.] 

To the Congress of the United States: In discharge of a 
constitutional duty, and following a well-established prece- 
dent in the Executive office, I herewith transmit to the 
Congress at its reassembling certain information concern- 
ing the state of the Union, together with such recommenda- 
tions for legislative consideration as appear necessary and 

The drift of sentiment in civilized communities toward 



full recognition of the rights of property in the creations 
of the human intellect has brought about the adoption by 
many important nations of an international copyright con- 
vention, which was signed at Berne on the 18th of Sep- 
tember, 1885. 

Inasmuch as the Constitution gives to the Congress the 
power " to promote the progress of science and useful arts 
by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the 
exclusive right to their respective writings and discov- 
eries," this Government did not feel warranted in becoming 
a signatory pending the action of Congress upon measures 
of international copyright now before it ; but the right of 
adhesion to the Berne convention hereafter has been re- 
served. I trust the subject will receive at j'our hands the 
attention it deserves, and that the just claims of authors, 
so urgently pressed, will be duly heeded. 

Representations continue to be made to me of the inju- 
rious effect upon American artists studying abroad and hav- 
ing free access to the art collections of foreign countries of 
maintaining a discriminating duty against the introduction 
of the works of their brother artists of other countries, and 
I am induced to repeat my recommendation for the aboli- 
tion of that tax. 

The American people, with a patriotic and grateful re- 
gard for our ex-soldiers, too broad and too sacred to be 
monopolized by any special advocates, are not only willing 
but anxious that equal and exact justice should be done to 
all honest claimants for pensions. In their sight the friend- 
less and destitute soldier, dependent on public charity, if 
otherwise entitled, has precisely the same right to share in 
the provision made for those who fought their country's 
battles as those better able, through friends and influence, 
to push their claims. Every pension that is granted imder 



our present plan upon any other grounds than actual serv- 
ice and injury or disease incurred in such service, and 
every instance of the many in which pensions are in- 
creased on other groimds than the merits of the claim, 
work an injustice to the brave and crippled, but poor 
and friendless, soldier, who is entirely neglected or who 
must be content with the smallest sum allowed under gen- 
eral laws. 

There are far too many neighborhoods in which are found 
glaring cases of inequality of treatment in the matter of 
pensions, and they are largely due to a yielding in the 
Pension Bureau to importunity on the part of those, other 
than the pensioner, who are especially interested, or they 
arise from special acts passed for the benefit of individuals. 

The men who fought side by side should stand side by 
side when they participate in a grateful nation's kind re- 

Every consideration of fairness and justice to our ex- 
soldiers and the protection of the patriotic instinct of our 
citizens from perversion and violation point to the adoption 
of a pension system broad and comprehensive enough to 
cover every contingency, and v/hich shall make unnecessary 
an objectionable volume of special legislation. 

As long as we adhere to the principle of granting pen- 
sions for service, and disability as the result of the service, 
the allowance of pensions should be restricted to cases pre- 
senting these features. 

Every patriotic heart responds to a tender consideration 
for those who, having served their country long and well, 
are reduced to destitution and dependence, not as an inci- 
dent of their service, but with advancing age or through 
sickness or misfortune. We are all tempted by the con- 
templation of such a condition to supply relief, and are 
often impatient of the limitations of public duty. Yield- 
ing to no one in tlie desire to indulge this feeling of con- 



sideration^ I can not rid myself of the conviction that if 
these ex-soldiers are to be relieved they and their cause 
are entitled to the benefit of an enactment under which re- 
lief may be claimed as a right, and that such relief should 
be granted under the sanction of law, not in evasion of it; 
nor should such worthy objects of care, all equally entitled, 
be remitted to the unequal operation of sympathy or the 
tender mercies of social and political influence, with their 
unjust discriminations. 

The discharged soldiers and sailors of the country are 
our fellow-citizens, and interested with us in the passage 
and faithful execution of wholesome laws. They can not 
be swerved from their duty of citizenship by artful appeals 
to their spirit of brotherhood born of common peril and 
suffering, nor will they exact as a test of devotion to their 
welfare a willingness to neglect public duty in their be- 

The relations of labor to capital and of laboring men to 
their employers are of the utmost concern to every patriotic 
citizen. When these are strained and distorted, unjusti- 
fiable claims are apt to be insisted upon by both interests, 
and in the controversy which results the welfare of all and 
the prosperity of the country are jeopardized. Any inter- 
vention of the General Government, within the limits of 
its constitutional authority, to avert such a condition should 
be willingly accorded. 

In a special message transmitted to the Congress at 
its last session I suggested the enlargement of our present 
Labor Bureau and adding to its present functions the power 
of arbitration in cases where differences arise between em- 
ployer and employed. ^Vhen these differences reach such 
a stage as to result in, the interruption of commerce be- 
tween the States, the application of this remedy by the 



General Government might be regarded as entirely within 
its constitutional powers. And I think we might reason- 
ably hope that such arbitrators, if carefully selected and 
if entitled to the confidence of the parties to be affected, 
would be voluntarily called to the settlement of controver- 
sies of less extent and not necessarily within the domain of 
Federal regulation. 

I am of the opinion that this suggestion is worthy the 
attention of the Congress. 

But after all has been done by the passage of laws, 
either Federal or State, to relieve a situation full of solici- 
tude, much more remains to be accomplished by the rein- 
statement and cultivation of a true American sentiment 
which recognizes the equality of American citizenship. 
This, in the light of our traditions and in loyalty to the 
spirit of our institutions, would teach that a hearty co-oper- 
ation on the part of all interests is the surest patli to na- 
tional greatness and the happiness of all our people; that 
capital should, in recognition of the brotherhood of our 
citizenship and in a spirit of American fairness, generously 
accord to labor its just compensation and consideration, and 
that contented labor is capital's best protection and faithful 
ally. It would teach, too, that the diverse situations of our 
people are inseparable from our civilization; that every 
citizen should in his sphere be a contributor to the general 
good; that capital does not necessarily tend to the oppres- 
sion of labor, and that violent disturbances and disorders 
alienate from their promoters true American sympathy and 
kindly feeling. 

/^ The continued operation of the law relating to our civil 
service has added the most convincing proofs of its neces- 
sity and usefulness. It is a fact worthy of note that every 
public officer who has a just idea of his duty to the people 



testifies to the value of this reform. Its staunchest friends 
are found among those who understand it best, and its 
warmest supporters are those who are restrained and pro- 
tected by its requirements. 

The meaning of such restraint and protection is not ap- 
preciated by those who want places under the Government 
regardless of merit and efficiency, nor by those who insist 
that the selection of such places should rest upon a proper, 
credential showing active partisan work. They mean to 
public officers, if not their lives, the only opportunity af- 
forded them to attend to public business, and they mean 
to the good people of the country the better performance 
of the work of their Government. 

It is exceedingly strange that the scope and nature of 
this reform are so little understood and that so many things 
not included within its plan are called by its name. When 
cavil yields more fully to examination, the system will have 
large additions to the number of its friends. 

Our civil-service reform may be imperfect in some of its 
details; it may be misunderstood and opposed; it may not 
always be faithfully applied; its designs may sometimes 
miscarry through mistake or willful intent; it may some- 
times tremble under the assaults of its enemies or languish 
under the misguided zeal of impracticable friends; but if 
the people of this country ever submit to the banishment 
of its underljdng principle from the operation of their 
Government they will abandon the surest guaranty of the 
safety and success of American institutions. I invoke for 
this reform the cheerful and ungrudging support of the 

In conclusion I earnestly invoke such wise action on the 
part of the people's legislators as will subserve the public 
good and demonstrate during the remaining days of the 



Congress as at present organized its ability and inclination 
to so meet the people's needs that it shall be gratefully re- 
membered by an expectant constituency. 

[To a Member of the Cardinal Gibbons Re- 
ception Committee, Washington, D. C, 
January 26, 1887.'] 

My Dear Sir: I have received from you, as one of the 
Committee of the Catholic Club of Philadelphia, an invita- 
tion to attend a banquet to be given by the club, on Tues- 
day evening, February 8, in honor of His Eminence Cardi- 
nal Gibbons. The thoughtfulness which prompted this 
invitation is gratefully appreciated; and I regret that my 
public duties here will prevent its acceptance. I should 
be glad to join in the contemplated expression of respect 
to be tendered to the distinguished head of the Catholic 
Church in the United States, whose personal acquaintance 
I very much enjoy, and who is so worthily entitled to the 
esteem of all his fellow-citizens. 

I thank you for the admirable letter which accompanies 
my invitation, in which you announce as one of the doctrines 
of your club " that a good and exemplary Catholic must 
ex necessitate rei be a good and exemplary citizen," and 
that " the teachings of both human and Divine law thus 
merging in the one word, duty, form the only union of 
Church and State that a civil and religious government can 

I know you will permit me, as a Protestant, to supple- 
ment this noble sentiment by the expression of my convic- 
tion that the same influence and result follow a sincere and 
consistent devotion to the teachings of every religious creed 
which is based upon Divine sanction. 



A wholesome religious faith thus inures to the per- 
petuity, the safety and the prosperity of our Republic, by 
exacting the due observance of civil law, the preservation 
of public order, and a proper regard for the rights of all; 
and thus are its adherents better fitted for good citizenship 
and confirmed in a sure and steadfast patriotism. It seems 
to me, too, that the conception of duty to the State which 
is derived from religious precept involves a sense of per- 
sonal responsibility, which is of the greatest value in the 
operation of the government by the people. It will be a 
fortunate day for our country when every citizen feels that 
he has an ever-present duty to perform to the State which 
he cannot escape from or neglect without being false to his 
religious as well as his civil allegiance. 

Wishing for your club the utmost success in its efforts 
to bring about this result. 

[Letter to George Steele, Esq., President Amer- 
ican Fishery Union, and Others, Gloucester, 
Mass., Washington, D. C, April 7, 1887. '\ 

Gentlemen: I have received your letter lately addressed 
to me, and have given full consideration to the expression 
of the views and wishes therein contained, in relation to 
the existing differences between the governments of Great 
Britain and the United States, growing out of the refusal 
to award to our citizens, engaged in fishing enterprises, 
the privileges to which they are entitled, either under 
treaty stipulations or the guarantees of international comity 
and neighborly concession. 

I sincerely trust the apprehension you express, of un- 
just and unfriendly treatment of American fishermen law- 
fully found in Canadian waters, will not be realized. But 



if such apprehension should prove to be well founded, I 
earnestly hope that no fault or inconsiderate action of any 
of our citizens will in the least weaken the just position 
of our government, or deprive us of the universal sympathy 
and support to which we should be entitled. 

The action of this administration since June, 1885, 
when the fishing articles of the treaty of 1871 were termi- 
nated, under the notification which had two years before 
been given to our government, has been fully disclosed by 
the correspondence between the representatives and the ap- 
propriate departments of the respective governments, with 
which I am apprised by your letter you are entirely famil- 
iar. An examination of this correspondence has doubtless 
satisfied you that in no case have the rights or privileges 
of American fishermen been overlooked or neglected, but' 
that, on the contrary they have been sedulously insisted 
upon and cared for by every means within the control of 
the Executive branch of the government. 

The Act of Congress approved March 3, 1887, author- 
izing a course of retaliation through Executive action, in 
the event of a continuance on the part of the British Amer- 
ican authorities of unfriendly conduct and treaty violations 
affecting American fishermen, has devolved upon the Presi- 
dent of the United States exceedingly grave and solemn 
responsibilities, comprehending highly important conse- 
quences to our national character and dignity, and involv- 
ing extremely valuable commercial intercourse between the 
British Possessions in North America and the people of the 
United States. 

I imderstand the main purpose of your letter is to sug- 
gest that, in case recourse to the retaliatory measures au- 
thorized by this Act should be invited by imjust treatment 
of our fishermen in the future, the object of such retaliation 
might be fully accomplished by " prohibiting Canadian- 
caught fish from entry into the ports of the United States." 



The existing controversy is one in which two nations are 
the parties concerned. The retaliation contemplated by the 
Act of Congress is to be enforced, not to protect solely any 
particular interest, however meritorious or valuable, but to 
maintain the national honor, and thus protect all our peo- 
ple. In this view, the violation of American fishery rights, 
and unjust or unfriendly acts toward a portion of our citi- 
zens engaged in this business, are but the occasion for ac- 
tion, and constitute a national affront which gives birth to 
or may justify retaliation. This measure, once resorted to, 
its effectiveness and value may well depend upon the thor- 
oughness and extent of its application ; and in the per- 
formance of international duties, the enforcement of in- 
ternational rights, and the protection of our citizens, this 
government and the people of the United States must act 
as a unit — all intent upon attaining the best result of re- 
taliation upon the basis of a maintenance of national honor 
and dignity. 

A nation seeking by any means to maintain its honor, 
dignity, and integrity is engaged in protecting the rights of 
its people; and if in such efforts particular interests are 
injured and special advantages forfeited, these things 
should be patriotically borne for the public good. 

An immense volume of population, manufactures, and 
agricultural productions, and the marine tonnage and rail- 
ways to which these have given activity, all largely the re- 
sult of intercourse between the United States and British 
America, and the natural growth of a full half century of 
good neighborhood and friendly communication, form an 
aggregate of material wealth and incidental relations of 
most impressive magnitude. I fully appreciate these 
things, and am not unmindful of the great number of our 
people who are concerned in such vast and diversified in- 

In the performance of the serious duty which the Con- 



gress has imposed upon me, and in the exercise upon just 
occasion of the power conferred imder the Act referred to, 
I shall deem myself bound to inflict no unnecessary damage 
or injury upon any portion of our people; but. I shall, nev- 
ertheless, be unflinchingly guided by a sense of what the 
self-respect and dignity of the nation demand. In the main- 
tenance of these, and in the support of the honor of the 
government, beneath which every citizen may repose in 
safety, no sacrifice of personal or private interests shall be 
considered as against the general welfare. 

I Address at the Unveiling of the Garfield 
Statue, Washington, D. C, May 12, 1887.1 

Fellow-Citizens : In performance of the duty assigned to 
me on this occasion, I hereby accept, on behalf of the 
people of the United States, this completed and beautiful 

Amid the interchange of fraternal greetings between the 
survivors of the Army of the Cumberland and their former 
foes upon the battlefield, and while the Union General and 
the people's President awaited burial, the common grief of 
these magnanimous soldiers and mourning citizens found 
expression in the determination to erect this tribute to 
American greatness; and thus, to-day, in its symmetry and 
beauty, it presents a sign of animosities forgotten, an em- 
blem of a brotherhood redeemed, and a token of a nation 

Monuments and statues multiply throughout the land, 
fittingly illustrative of the love and affection of our grate- 
ful people and commemorating brave and patriotic sacrifices 
in war, fame in peaceful pursuits, or honor in public station. 

But from this day forth there shall stand at our seat of 




government tliis statue of a distinguished citizen who, in his 
life and services, combined all these things and more, which 
challenge admiration in American character — loving tender- 
ness in every domestic relation, bravery on the field of bat- 
tle, fame and distinction in our halls of legislation, and the 
highest honor and dignity in the Chief Magistracy of the 

This stately effigy shall not fail to teach every beholder 
that the source of American greatness is confined to no con- 
dition, nor dependent alone for its growth and development 
upon favorable surroundings. The genius of our national 
life beckons to usefulness and honor those in every sphere, 
and offers the highest preferment to manly ambition and 
sturdy honest effort, chastened and consecrated by patriotic 
hopes and aspirations. As long as this statue stands, let 
it be proudly remembered that to every American citizen the 
way is open to fame and station, until he 

Moving up from high to higher. 

Becomes on Fortune's crowning slope , 

The pillar of a people's hope, 

The center of a World's desire. 

Nor can we forget that it also teaches our people a sad 
and distressing lesson ; and the thoughtful citizen who views 
its fair proportions cannot fail to recall the tragedy of a 
death which brought grief and mourning to every house- 
hold in the land. But, wliile American citizenship stands 
aghast and affrighted that murder and assassination should 
lurk in the midst of a free people and strike down the head 
of their government, a fearless search and the discovery of 
the origin and hiding place of these hateful and iinnatural 
things should be followed by a solemn resolve to purge for- 
ever from our political methods and from the operation of 
our government, the perversions and misconceptions which 
gave birth to passionate and bloody thoughts. 



If, from this hour, our admiration for the bravery and 
nobility of American manhood, and our faith in the possi- 
bilities and opportunities of American citizenship be re- 
newed; if our appreciation of the blessing of a restored 
Union and love for our government be strengthened, and if 
our watchfulness against the dangers of a mad chase after 
partisan spoils be quickened, the dedication of this statue to 
the people of the United States will not be in vain. 

ILetter to John W. Frazier, Secretary of the 
Reunion of Union and ex-Confederate Sol- 
diers held at Gettysburg, July 2y 1887, 
Washington, June 2Ai 1887 J\ 

My Dear Sir: I have received your invitation to attend, 
as a guest of the Philadelphia Brigade, a reunion of ex- 
Confederate soldiers of Pickett's Division who survived 
their terrible charge at Gettysburg, and those of the Union 
Army still living, by whom it was heroically resisted. 

The fraternal meeting of these soldiers upon the battle- 
field where twenty-four years ago, in deadly affray, they 
fiercely sought each other's lives, where they saw their com- 
rades fall, and where aU their thoughts were of vengeance 
and destruction, will illustrate the generous impulse of 
brave men and their honest desire for peace and reconcilia- 

The friendly assault there to be made will be resistless, 
because inspired by American chivalry; and its results will 
be glorious, because conquered hearts will be its trophies of 
success. Thereafter this battlefield will be consecrated by 
a victory which shall presage the end of the bitterness of 
strife, the exposure of the insincerity which conceals hatred 
by professions of kindness, the condemnation of frenzied 



appeals to passion for unworthy purposes, and the beating 
down of all that stands in the way of the destiny of our 
united country. 

While those who fought, and who have so much to for- 
give, lead in the pleasant ways of peace, how wicked appear 
the traffic in sectional hate and the betrayal of patriotic 
sentiment ! 

It surely cannot be wrong to desire the settled quiet 
which lights for our entire country the path to prosperity 
and greatness ; nor need the lessons of the war be forgotten 
and its results jeopardized in the wish for that genuine 
fraternity which insures national pride and glory. 

I should be very glad to accept your invitation and be 
with you at that interesting reunion, but other arrangements 
already made and my official duties here will prevent my 
doing so. 

Hoping that the occasion will be as successful and useful 
as its promoters can desire. 

[Address at the Centennial of Clinton , N, Y., 
July 13, 1887.'] 

I am by no means certain of my standing here among 
those who celebrate the centennial of Clinton's existence as 
a village. My recollections of the place reach backward 
but about thirty-six years, and my residence here covered a 
very brief period. But these recollections are fresh and 
distinct to-day, and pleasant too, though not entirely free 
from somber coloring. 

It was here, in the school at the foot of College Hill, that 
I began my preparation for college life and enjoyed the an- 
ticipation of a collegiate education. We had two teachers 
in our school. One became afterward a judge in Chicago, 



and the other passed through the legal profession to the 
ministry, and within the last two years was living farther 
West. I read a little Latin with two other boys in the class. 
I think I floundered through four books of the zEneid. The 
other boys had nice large modern editions of Virgil, with 
big print and plenty of notes to help one over the hard 
places. Mine was a little old-fashioned copy which my 
father used before me, with no notes, and which was only 
translated by hard knocks. I believe I have forgiven those 
other boys for their persistent refusal to allow me the use 
of the notes in tlieir books. At any rate, they do not seem 
to have been overtaken by any dire retribution, for one of 
them is now a rich and prosperous lawyer in Buffalo, and 
the other is a professor in your college and the orator of 
to-day's celebration. The struggles with ten lines of Vir- 
gil, which at first made up my daily task, are amusing as 
remembered now ; but with them I am also forced to remem- 
ber that, instead of being the beginning of the higher edu- 
cation for which I honestly longed, they occurred near the 
end of my school advantages. This suggests a disappoint- 
ment which no lapse of time can alleviate, and a deprivation 
I have sadly felt with every passing year. 

I remember Benoni Butler and his store. I don't know 
whether he was an habitual poet or not, but I heard him 
recite one poem of his own manufacture which embodied an 
account of a travel to or from Clinton in the early days. 
I can recall but two lines of this poem, as follows: 

Paris Hill next came in sight; 
And there we tarried overnight. 

I remember the next-door neighbors. Doctors Bissell and 
Scollard — and good, kind neighbors they were, too — not 
your cross, crabbed kind who could not bear to see a boy 
about. It always seemed to me that they drove very fine 



horses; and for that reason I thought they must be ex- 
tremely rich. 

I don't know that I should indulge further recollections 
that must seem very little like centennial history; but I 
want to establish as well as I can my right to be here. 
I might speak of the college faculty, who cast such a pleas- 
ing though sober shade of dignity over the place, and who, 
with other educated and substantial citizens, made up the 
best of social life. I was a boy then, and slightly felt the 
atmosphere of this condition; but, nothwithstanding, I be- 
lieve I absorbed a lasting appreciation of the intelligence 
and refinement which made this a delightful home. 

I know that you will bear with me, my friends, if I yield 
to the impulse which the mention of home creates, and speak 
of my own home here, and how through the memories which 
cluster about it I may claim a tender relationship to your 
village. Here it was that our family circle entire, parents 
and children, lived day after day in loving and affectionate 
converse; and here, for the last time, we met around the 
family altar and thanked God that our household was un- 
broken by death or separation. We never met together in 
any other home after leaving this, and Death followed 
closely our departure. And thus it is that, as with advanc- 
ing years I survey the havoc Death has made, and as the 
thoughts of my early home become more sacred, the remem- 
brance of this pleasant spot, so related, is revived and 

I can only add my thanks for the privilege of being 
with you to-day, and wish for the village of Clinton in 
the future a continuation and increase of the blessing of 
the past. 

I am inclined to content myself on this occasion with an 
aclcnowledgment, on behalf of the people of the United 
States, of the compliment which you have paid to the office 
which represents their sovereignty. But such an acknowl- 



edgment suggests an idea which I cannot refrain from 
dwelling upon for a moment. 

That the office of President of the United States does 
represent the sovereignty of sixty millions of free people, 
is, to my mind, a statement full of solemnity; for this 
sovereignty I conceive to be the working out or enforce- 
ment of the divine right of man to govern himself and a 
manifestation of God's plan concerning the human race. 

Though the struggles of political parties to secure the 
incumbency of this office, and the questionable methods 
sometimes resorted to for its possession may not be in keep- 
ing with this idea, and though the deceit practiced to mis- 
lead the people in their choice, and its too frequent influ- 
ence on their suffrage may surprise us, these things should 
never lead us astray in our estimate of this exalted posi- 
tion and its value and dignity. 

And though your fellow-citizen who may be chosen to 
perform for a time the duties of this highest place should 
be badly selected, and though the best attainable results 
may not be reached by his administration, yet the exacting 
watchfulness of the people, freed from the disturbing tur- 
moil of partisan excitement, ought to prevent mischance to 
the office which represents their sovereignty, and should re- 
duce to a minimum the danger of harm to the State. 

I by no means underestimate the importance of the ut- 
most care and circumspection in the selection of the in- 
cumbent. On the contrary, I believe there is no obligation 
of citizenship that demands more thought and conscientious 
deliberation than this. But I am speaking of the citizen's 
duty to the office and its selected incumbent. 

This duty is only performed when, in the interest of the 
entire people, the full exercise of the powers of the Chief 
Magistracy is insisted on, and when, for the people's safety, 
a due regard for the limitations placed upon the office is 
exacted. These things should be enforced by the mani- 



festation of a calm and enlightened public opinion. But 
this should not be simulated by the mad clamor of disap- 
pointed Interest, which, without regard for the general good, 
or allowance for the exercise of official judgment, would de- 
grade the office by forcing compliance with selfish demands. 

If your President should not be of the people and one of^ 
your fellow-citizens, he would be utterly unfit for the posi- 
tion, incapable of understanding the people's wants and/ 
careless of their desires. That he is one of the people im- 
plies that he is subject to human frailty and error. But he 
should be permitted to claim but little toleration for mis- 
takes ; the generosity of his fellow-citizens should alone 
decree how far good intentions should excuse his short- 

Watch well, then, this high office, the most precious pos- 
session of American citizenship. Demand for it the most 
complete devotion on the part of him to whose custody it 
may be intrusted, and protect it not less vigilantly against 
unworthy assaults from without. 

Thus will you perform a sacred duty to yourselves and to 
those who may follow you in the enjoyment of the freest 
institutions which Heaven has ever vouchsafed to man. 

[Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of 
the Y. M. C. A. Building in Buffalo^ Sep- 
tember 7, 1882.] 

Ladies and Gentlemen: I desire to express the sincere 
pleasure and gratification I experience in joining with you 
in the exercises of this afternoon. An event is here marked 
which I deem a most important one, and one well worthy of 
the attention of all good citizens. We, this day, bring into 
a prominent place an institution which, it seems to me, can- 



not fail to impress itself upon our future with the best 

Perhaps a majority of our citizens have heard of the 
Young Men's Christian Association; and perchance the 
name has suggested, in an indefinite way, certain efforts to 
do good and to aid generally in the spread of religious 
teaching. I venture to say, however, that a comparatively 
small part of our community has really known the full ex- 
tent of the work of this Association; and many have 
thought of it as an institution well enough in its way — a 
proper enough outlet for a superabundance of religious en- 
thusiasm — doing, of course, no harm, and perhaps very lit- 
tle good. Some have aided it by their contributions from a 
sense of Christian duty, but more have passed by on the 
other side. 

We have been too much in the habit of regarding insti- 
tutions of this kind as entirely disconnected from any con- 
siderations of municipal growth or prosperity, and have too 
often considered splendid structures, active trade, increas- 
ing commerce, and growing manufactures as the only things 
worthy of our care as public-spirited citizens. A moment's 
reflection reminds us that this is wrong. The citizen is a 
better business man if he is a Christian gentleman, and 
surely business is not the less prosperous and successful if 
conducted on Christian principles. This is an extremely 
practical, and perhaps not a very elevated, view to take of 
the purposes and benefits of the Young Men's Christian As- 
sociation. But I assert that if it did no more than to im- 
press some religious principles upon the business of our city, 
it would be worthy of generous support. And when we 
consider the difference, as a member of the community, be- 
tween the young man who, under the influence of such an 
association, has learned his duty to his fellows and to the 
State, and that one who, subject to no moral restraint, yields 
to temptation and thus becomes vicious and criminal, the im- 



portance of an institution among us which leads our youth 
and young men in the way of morality and good citizenship 
must be freely admitted. 

I have thus only referred to this association as in some 
manner connected with our substantial prosperity. There is 
a higher theme connected with this subject which touches the 
welfare, temporal and spiritual, of the objects of its care. 
Upon this I will not dwell. I cannot, however, pass on 
without invoking the fullest measure of honor and consid- 
eration due to the self-sacrificing and disinterested efforts 
of the men — and women, too — who have labored amid trials 
and discouragements to plant this Association firmly upon a 
sure foundation. We all hope and expect that our city has 
entered upon a course of unprecedented prosperity and 
growth. But to my mind not all the signs about us point 
more surely to real greatness than the event which we here 

Good and pure government lies at the foundation of the 
wealth and progress of every community. 

As the Chief Executive of this proud city, I congratu- 
late all my fellow-citizens that to-day we lay the founda- 
tion stone of an edifice which shall be a beautiful adorn- 
ment, and, what is more important, shall inclose within its 
walls such earnest Christian endeavors as must make easier 
all our efforts to administer, safely and honestly, a good 
municipal government. I commend the Young Men's 
Christian Association to the cheerful and generous support 
of every citizen, and trust that long after the men who have 
wrought so well in establishing these foundations shall have 
surrendered lives well spent, this building shall stand a 
monument of well directed, pious labor, to shed its be- 
nign influence on generations yet to come. 



[Address at the Banquet of the Hibernian 
Society, Philadelphia, Pa., September 17, 


I should hardly think my participation in the centennial 
celebration was satisfactory if I had not the opportunity of 
meeting the representatives of the society which, through its 
antiquity and associations, bears close relations on the events 
of the time we commemorate. That you celebrate this occa- 
sion is a reminder of the fact that in the troublous and 
perilous days of our country those whose names stood upon 
your roll of membership fought for the cause of free gov- 
ernment and for the homes which they had found upon 
our soil. 

No society or corporation, I am sure, has in its charter, 
or in its traditions and history, a better or more valuable 
certificate of its patriotic worth and character than you have, 
and which is found in the words of Washington, who, in 
1782, declared of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, of which 
this association is the successor, that it " has always been 
noted for the firm adherence of its members to the glorious 
cause in which we are engaged." These are priceless words, 
and they render most fitting the part which the members 
of the Hibernian Society are to-day assuming. 

I noticed upon a letter which I have received from your 
secretary that one object of your society is stated to be 
" for the relief of emigrants from Ireland," and this leads 
me to reflect how nearly allied love of country is to a kindly 
humanity, and how naturally such a benevolent purpose of 
this society, as the assistance and relief of your stranger 
and needy emigrants, follows the patriotism in which it had 
its origin. 

Long may the Hibernian Society live and prosper, and 



long may its benevolent and humane work be prosecuted. 
And when another centennial of the Constitution is cele- 
brated, may those who shall then form its membership be 
as fully inspired with the patriotism of its history and tra- 
ditions, and as ready to join in the general felicitation, as 
the men I see about me here. 

{^Address at the Constitution Centennial^ Phila- 
delphia, Pa., September 17 , 1887.] 

I deem it a very great honor and pleasure to participate 
in these impressive exercises. 

Every American citizen should on this centennial day re- 
joice in his citizenship. 

He will not find the cause of his rejoicing in the antiquity 
of his country, for among the nations of the earth his 
stands with the youngest. He will not find it in the glit- 
ter and the pomp that bedeck a monarch and dazzle abject 
and servile subjects, for in his country the people them- 
selves are rulers. He will not find it in the story of bloody 
foreign conquests, for his government has been content to 
care for its own domain and people. 

He should rejoice because the work of framing our Con- 
stitution was completed one hundred years ago to-day, and 
also because, when completed, it established a free gov- 
ernment. He should rejoice because this Constitution and 
government have survived so long, and also because they 
have survived so many blessings and have demonstrated so 
fully the strength and value of popular rule. He should 
rejoice in the wondrous growth and achievements of the 
past one hundred years, and also in the glorious promise of 
the Constitution through centuries to come. 

We shall fail to be duly thankful for all that was done 
for us one hundred years ago, unless we realize the diffi- 



culties of the work then in hand^ and the dangers avoided 
in the task of forming " a more perfect union " between dis- 
jointed and inharmonious States, with interests and opinions 
radically diverse and stubbornly maintained. 

The perplexities of the convention which undertook the 
labor of preparing our Constitution are apparent in these 
earnest words of one of the most illustrious of its members : 

The small progress we have made after four or five weeks of close at- 
tendance and continued reasonings with each other, our different senti- 
ments on almost every question — several of the last producing as many 
noes as yeas — is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the 
human understanding. We, indeed, seem to feel our own want of political 
wisdom, since we have been running about in search of it. We have gone 
back to ancient history for models of government, and examined the 
different forms of those republics which, having been formed with the 
seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist. In this situation 
of this assembly, groping as it were in the dark to find political truth, and 
scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, 
sir, that we have not heretofore once thought of humbly applying to the 
Father of Light to illuminate oiu" understandings? 

And this wise man, proposing to his fellows that the aid 
and blessing of God should be invoked in their extremity, 
declared : 

I have lived, sir, a long time, and the longer I live the more convincing 
proofs I see of the truth that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a 
sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an 
empire can rise without his aid ? We have been assured, sir, in the sacred 
writings that "except the Ijord build the house, they labor in vain that 
build it." I firmly believe this; and I also believe that without his con- 
curring aid we shall succeed in this political building no better than the 
builders of Babel. We shall be divided by our little partial, local inter- 
ests, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a re- 
proach and a byword down to future ages; and, what is worse, mankind 
may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing 
governments by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war, and conquest. 



In the face of all discouragements, the fathers of the re- 
public labored on for four long, weary months, in alternate 
hope and fear, but always with rugged resolve, never fal- 
tering in a sturdy endeavor sanctified by a prophetic sense 
of the value to posterity of their success, and always with 
unflinching faith in the principles which make the founda- 
tion of a government by the people. 

At last their task was done. It is related that upon the 
back of the chair occupied by Washington as the president 
of the Convention a sun was painted, and that as the dele- 
gates were signing the completed Constitution one of them 
said : " I have often and often, in the course of the session, 
and in the solicitude of my hopes and fears as to its issue, 
looked at that sun behind the president without being able 
to tell wliether it was rising or setting. But now at length 
I know that it is a rising and not a setting sun." 

We stand to-day on the spot where this rising sun 
emerged from political night and darkness; and in its OAvn 
bright meridian light we mark its glorious way. Clouds 
have sometimes obscured its rays, and dreadful storms have 
made us fear; but God has held it in its course, and 
through its life-giving warmth has performed his latest 
miracle in the creation of this wondrous land and people. 

As we look down the past century to the origin of our 
Constitution, as we contemplate its trials and its triumphs, 
as we realize how completely the principles upon which it 
is based have met every national peril and every national 
need, how devoutly should we confess, with Franklin, " God 
governs in the affairs of men ; " and how solemn should be 
the reflection that to our hands is committed this ark of the 
people's covenant, and that ours is the duty to shield it from 
impious hands. We receive it sealed with the tests of a 
century. It has been found sufBcient in the past; and in 
all the future years it will be found sufficient, if the Amer- 
ican people are true to their sacred trust. 



Another centennial day will come, and millions yet xm- 
born will inquire concerning our stewardship and the safety 
of their Constitution. God grant that they may find it un- 
impaired; and as we rejoice in the patriotism and devo- 
tion of those who lived a hundred years ago, so may others 
who follow us rejoice in our fidelity and in our jealous love 
for constitutional liberty. 

[Address at the Dinner of the Historical and 
Scientific Societies of. Philadelphia, Pa., 
September 17, 1887.'] 

On such a day as this, and in the atmosphere that now 
surrounds him, I feel that the President of the United 
States should be thoughtfully modest and humble. The 
great office he occupies stands to-day in the presence of its 
maker; and it is especially fitting for this servant of the 
people and creature of the Constitution, amid the impres- 
sive scenes of this centennial occasion, by a rigid self-ex- 
amination to be assured concerning his loyalty and obedi- 
ence to the law of his existence. He will find that the rules 
prescribed for his guidance require for the performance 
of his duty, not the intellect or attainments which would 
raise him far above the feeling and sentiment of the plain 
people of the land, but rather such a knowledge of their 
condition, and sympathy with their wants and needs as will 
bring him near to them. And though he may be almost 
appalled by the weight of his responsibility and the solem- 
nity of his situation, he cannot fail to find comfort and 
encouragement in the success of the fathers of the Consti- 
tution, wrought from their simple, patriotic devotion to the 
rights and interests of the people. Surely he may hope 
that, if reverently invoked, the spirit which gave the Con- 



stitution life, will be sufficient for its successful operation 
and the accomplishment of its beneficent purposes. 

Because they are brought nearest the events and scenes 
which marked the birth of American institutions, the peo- 
ple of Philadelphia should, of all our citizens, be more im- 
bued with the broadest patriotism. The first Continental 
Congress and the Constitutional Convention met here, and 
Philadelphia still has in her keeping Carpenter's Hall, In- 
dependence Hall and its bell, and the grave of Franklin. 

As I look about me and see here represented the societies 
that express so largely the culture of Philadelphia, its love 
of art, its devotion to science, its regard for the broadest 
knowledge, and its studious care for historical research — 
societies some of which antedate the Constitution — I feel 
that I am in notable company. To you is given the duty 
of preserving for your city, for all your fellow-country- 
men, and for mankind, the traditions and the incidents re- 
lated to the freest and best government ever vouchsafed to 
man. It is a sacred trust, and as time leads our government 
further and further from the date of its birth, may you sol- 
emnly remember that a nation exacts of you that these tra- 
ditions and incidents shall never be tarnished nor neglected, 
but that, brightly burnished, they may always be held aloft, 
fastening the gaze of a patriotic people and keeping alive 
their love and reverence for the Constitution 

IFrom Address at the Laying of the Y. M, C. 14, 

Building Corner Stone, Kansas City, Mo., 
October 13, 1887.'] 

In the busy activities of our daily life we are apt to 
neglect instrumentalities which are quietly, but effectually 
doing most important service in molding our national char- 



acter. Among these, and challenging but little notice com- 
pared with their valuable results, are the Young Men's 
Christian Associations scattered throughout our country. 
All will admit thf supreme importance of that honesty and 
fixed principle which rest upon Christian motives and pur- 
poses, and all will acknowledge the sad and increasing 
temptations which beset our young men and lure them to 
their destruction. 

[Letter to the Committee of the New York 
Chamher of Commerce, Washington, D. C, 
November 4. 1887.] 

Gentlemen: I have received your invitation to attend the 
annual banquet of the Chamber of Commerce of the State 
of New York on the evening of the 15th instant. It would 
certainly give me great pleasure to be present on that occa- 
sion and meet those who, to a great extent, have in charge 
the important business interests represented in your asso- 
ciation. I am sure, too, that I should derive profit as well 
as pleasure from such a meeting. 

Those charged by the people with the management of 
their government cannot fail to enhance their usefulness by 
a familiarity with business conditions and intimacy with 
business men, since good government has no more important 
mission than the stimulation and protection of the activities 
of the country. 

This relation between governments and business suggests 
the thought that the members of such associations as yours 
owe to themselves and to all the people of the land a 
thoughtful discharge of their political obligations, guided 
by their practical knowledge of affairs, to the end that there 
may be impressed upon the administration of our govern- 



ment a business character and tendency free from the di- 
version of passion, and unmoved by sudden gusts of excite- 

But the most wholesome purpose of th^ir political action 
will not be accomplished by an insistence upon their exclu- 
sive claims and selfish benefits, regardless of the welfare of 
the people at large. Interdependence is so thoroughly an 
element in our national existence that a patriotic and gen- 
erous heed to the general good sense will best subserve 
every particular interest. 

I regret that my official duties and engagements prevent 
the acceptance of your courteous invitation, and express the 
hope that the banquet may be a most enjoyable and inter- 
esting occasion to those present. 

[From Third Annual Message, Washington, 
D. C, December 6, 1887.] 

To the Congress of the United States: You are con- 
fronted at the threshold of your legislative duties with a 
condition of the national finances which imperatively de- 
mands immediate and careful consideration. 

The amount of money annually exacted, through the op- 
eration of present laws, from the industries and necessities 
of the people largely exceeds the sum necessary to meet th^, 
expenses of the Government. 

When we consider that the theory of our institutions 
guarantees to every citizen the full enjoyment of all the 
fruits of his industry and enterprise, with only such deduc- 
tion as may be his share toward the careful and economical 
maintenance of the Government which protects him, it is 
plain that the exaction of more than this is indefensible 
extortion and a culpable betrayal of American fairness and 



justice. This wrong inflicted upon those who bear the bur- 
den of national taxation, like other wrongs, multiplies a 
brood of evil consequences. The public Treasury, which 
should only exist as a conduit conveying the people's tribute 
to its legitimate objects of expenditure, becomes a hoard- 
ing place for money needlessly withdrawn from trade and 
the people's use, thus crippling our national energies, sus- 
pending our country's development, preventing investment 
in productive enterprise, threatening financial disturbance, 
and inviting schemes of public plunder. 

This condition of our Treasury is not altogether new, and 
it has more than once of late been submitted to the people's 
representatives in the Congress, wlio alone can apply a rem- 
edy. And yet the situation still continues, with aggravated 
incidents, more than ever presaging financial convulsion and 
widespread disaster. 

It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangers 
are not now palpably imminent and apparent. They exist 
none the less certainly, and await the unforeseen and un- 
expected occasion when suddenly they will be precipitated 
upon us. 

• •••••• 

It has been suggested that the present bonded debt might 
be refunded at a less rate of interest and the diflference be- 
tween the old and new security paid in cash, thus finding 
use for the surplus in the Treasury, The success of this 
plan, it is apparent, must depend upon the volition of the 
holders of the present bonds; and it is not entirely certain 
that the inducement which must be offered them would 
result in more financial benefit to the Government than the 
purchase of bonds, while the latter proposition would reduce 
the principal of the debt by actual payment instead of ex- 
tending it. 

The proposition to deposit the money held by the Gov- 
ernment in banks throughout the country for use by the 



people is, it seems to me, exceedingly objectionable in prin- 
ciple, as establishing too close a relationship between the 
operations of the Government Treasury and the business of 
the country and too extensive a commingling of their money, 
thus fostering an unnatural reliance in private business 
upon public funds. If this scheme should be adopted, it 
should only be done as a temporary expedient to meet an 
urgent necessity. Legislative and executive effort should 
generally be in the opposite direction, and should have a 
tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can be safely 
done, the Treasury Department from private enterprise. 

Of course it is not expected that unnecessary and ex- 
travagant appropriations will be made for the purpose of 
avoiding the accumulation of an excess of revenue. Such 
expenditure, besides the demoralization of all just concep- 
tions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a habit of 
reckless improvidence not in the least consistent with the 
mission of our people or the high and beneficent purposes of 
our Government. 

I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the knowledge 
of my countrymen, as well as to the attention of their rep- 
resentatives charged with the responsibility of legislative re- 
lief, the gravity of our financial situation. The failure of 
the Congress heretofore to provide against the dangers 
which it was quite evident the very nature of the difficulty 
must necessarily produce caused a condition of financial dis- 
tress and apprehension since your last adjournment which 
taxed to the utmost all the authority and expedients within 
executive control; and these appear now to be exhausted. 
If disaster results from the continued inaction ©f Congress, 
the responsibility must rest where it belongs. 

Though the situation thus far considered is fraught with 
danger which should be fully realized, and though it pre- 
sents features of wrong to the people as well as peril to 
the country, it is but a result growing out of a perfectly 



palpable and apjDarent cause, constantly reproducing the 
same alarming circumstances — a congested National Treas- 
ury and a depleted monetary condition in the business of 
the country. It need hardly be stated that while the pres- 
ent situation demands a remedy, we can only be saved from 
a like predicament in the future by the removal of its cause. 

Our scheme of taxation, by means of which this needless 
surplus is taken from the people and put into the public 
Treasury, consists of a tariff or duty levied upon importa- 
tions from abroad and internal-revenue taxes levied upon 
the consumption of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. 
It must be conceded that none of the things subjected to 
internal-revenue taxation are, strictly speaking, necessaries. 
There appears to be no just complaint of this taxation by 
the consumers of these articles, and there seems to be noth- 
ing so well able to bear the burden without hardship to 
any portion of the people. 

But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable, and 
illogical source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once 
revised and amended. These laws, as their primary and 
plain effect, raise the price to consumers of all articles im- 
ported and subject to duty by precisely the sum paid for 
such duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures the 
tax paid by those who purchase for use these imported arti- 
cles. !Many of these things, however, are raised or manu- 
factured in our own country, and the duties now levied upon 
foreign goods and products are called protection to these 
home manufactures, because they render it possible for 
those of our people who are manufacturers to make these 
taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that de- 
manded for the imported goods that have paid customs duty. 
So it happens that while comparatively a few use the im- 
ported articles, millions of our people, who never used and 
never saw any of the foreign products, purchase and use 
things of the same kind made in this country, and paid 



therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the 
duty adds to the imported articles. Those who buy imports 
pay the duty charged thereon into the public Treasury, but 
the great majority of our citizens, who buy domestic arti- 
cles of the same class, pay a sum at least approximately 
equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. This refer- 
ence to the operation of our tariff laws is not made by way 
of instruction, but in order that we may be constantly re- 
minded of the manner in which they impose a burden upon 
those who consume domestic products as well as those who 
consume imported articles, and thus create a tax upon all 
our people. 

It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this 
taxation. It must be extensively continued as the source 
of the Government's income; and in a readjustment of our* 
tariff the interests of American labor engaged in manufac- 
ture should be carefully considered, as well as the preser- 
vation of our manufacturers. It may be called protection or 
by any other name, but relief from the hardships and dan- 
gers of our present tariff laws should be devised with es- 
pecial precaution against imperiling the existence of our 
manufacturing interests. But this existence should not 
mean a condition which, without regard to the public wel- 
fare or a national exigency, must always insure the realiza- 
tion of immense profits instead of moderately profitable 
returns. As the volume and diversity of our national activ- 
ities increase, new recruits are added to those who desire 
a continuation of the advantages which they conceive the 
present system of tariff taxation directly affords them. So 
stubbornly have all efforts to reform the present condition 
been resisted by those of our fellow-citizens thus engaged 
that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained 
to a certain extent, that there exists an organized combina- 
tion all along the line to maintain their advantage. 

We are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with 



becoming pride we rejoice in American skill and ingenuity, 
in American energy and enterprise, and in the wonderful 
natural advantages and resources developed by a century's 
national growth. J Yet when an attempt is made to justify 
a scheme which permits a tax to be laid upon every con- 
sumer in the land for the benefit of our manufacturers, 
quite beyond a reasonable demand for governmental regard, 
it suits the purposes of advocacy to call our manufactures 
infant industries still needing the highest and greatest de- 
gree of favor and fostering care that can be wrung from 
Federal legislation. 

It is also said that the increase in the price of domestic 
manufactures. resulting from the present tariff is necessary 
in order that higher wages may be paid to our workingmen 
employed in manufactories than are paid for what is called 
the pauper labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the force 
of an argument which involves the welfare and liberal com- 
pensation of our laboring people. Our labor is honorable in 
the eyes of CA'cry American citizen; and as it lies at the 
foundation of our development and progress, it is entitled, 
without affectation or hypocrisy, to the utmost regard. The 
standard of our laborers' life should not be measured by 
that of any other country less favored, and they are entitled 
to their full share of all our advantages. 

In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer of our 
home manufactures resulting from a duty laid upon im- 
ported articles of the same description, the fact is not over- 
looked that competition among our domestic producers 
sometimes has the effect of keeping the price of their 
products below the highest limit allowed by such duty. But 
it is notorious that this competition is too often strangled 
by combinations quite prevalent at this time, and frequently 
called trusts, which have for their object the regulation of 
the supply and price of commodities made and sold by mem- 



bers of the combination. The people can hardly hope for 
any consideration in the operation of these selfish schemes. 

If, however, in the absence of such combination, a 
healthy and free competition reduces the price of any par- 
ticular dutiable article of home production below the limit 
which it might otherwise reach under our tariff laws, and 
if with such reduced price its manufacture continues to 
thrive, it is entirely evident that one thing has been discov- 
ered which should be carefully scrutinized in an effort to 
reduce taxation. 

The necessity of combination to maintain the price of any 
commodity to the tariff point furnishes proof that someone 
is willing to accept lower prices for such . commodity and 
that such prices are remunerative ; and lower prices pro- 
duced by competition prove the same thing. Thus where 
either of these conditions exists a case would seem to be 
presented for an easy reduction of taxation. 

The considerations which have been presented touching 
our tariff laws are intended only to enforce an earnest rec- 
ommendation that the surplus revenues of the Government 
be prevented by the reduction of our customs duties, and 
at the same time to emphasize a suggestion that in accom- 
plishing this purpose we may discharge a double duty to 
our people by granting to them a measure of relief from 
tariff taxation in quarters where it is most needed and from 
sources where it can be most fairly and justly accorded. 

Nor can the presentation made of such considerations be 
with any degree of fairness regarded as evidence of un- 
friendliness toward our manufacturing interests or of any 
lack of appreciation of their value and importance. 

These interests constitute a leading and most substantial 
element of our national greatness and furnisli the proud 
proof of our country's progress. But if in the emergency 
that presses upon us our manufacturers are asked to sur- 
render something for the public good and to avert disaster, 



their patriotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advan- 
tages already afforded, should lead them to willing co-opera- 
tion. No demand is made that they shall forego all the 
benefits of governmental regard; but they can not fail to 
be admonished of their duty, as well as their enlightened 
self-interest and safety, when they are reminded of the fact 
that financial panic and collapse, to which the present con- 
dition tends, afford no greater shelter or protection to our 
manufactures than to other important enterprises. Oppor- 
tunity for safe, careful, and deliberate reform is now of- 
fered; and none of us should be unmindful of a time when 
an abused and irritated people, heedless of those who have 
resisted timely and reasonable relief, may insist upon a rad- 
ical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs. 

The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of our 
tariff laws is not underestimated. It will require on the 
part of the Congress great labor and care, and especially 
a broad and national contemplation of the subject and a 
patriotic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are 
unreasonable and reckless of the welfare of the entire 

Under our present laws more than 4,000 articles are sub- 
ject to duty. Many of these do not in any way compete 
with our own manufactures, and many are hardly worth 
attention as subjects of revenue. A considerable reduction 
can be made in the aggregate by adding them to the free 
list. '^The taxation of luxuries presents no features of hard- 
ship; but the necessaries of life used and consumed by all 
the people, the duty upon which adds to the cost of living 
in every home, should be greatly cheapened. 

The radical reduction of the duties imposed upon raw 
material used in manufactures, or its free importation, is of 
course an important factor in any effort to reduce the price 
of these necessaries. It would not only relieve them from 
the increased cost caused by the tariff on such material, but 

" 126 


the manufactured product being thus cheapened that part 
of the tariff now laid upon such product, as a compensation 
to our manufacturers for the present price of raw material, 
could be accordingly modified. Such reduction or free im- 
portation would serve besides to largely reduce the revenue. 
It is not apparent how such a change can have any injurious 
effect upon our manufacturers. On the contrary, it would 
appear to give them a better chance in foreign markets 
with the manufacturers of other countries, who cheapen 
their wares by free material. Thus our people might have 
the opportunity of extending their sales beyond the limits 
of home consumption, saving them from the depression, in- 
terruption in business, and loss caused by a glutted domes- 
tic market and affording their employees more certain and 
steady labor, with its resulting quiet and contentment. 

The question thus imperatively presented for solution 
should be approached in a spirit higher than partisanship 
and considered in the light of that regard for patriotic duty 
which should characterize the action of those intrusted with 
the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to de- 
clared party policy and principle is not wanting to urge 
prompt and effective action. Both of the great political 
parties now represented in the Government have by re- 
peated and authoritative declarations condemned the condi- 
tion of our laws which permit the collection from the people 
of unnecessary revenue, and have in the most solemn man- 
ner promised its correction, and neither as citizens nor par- 
tisans are our countrymen in a mood to condone the delib- 
erate violation of these pledges. 

Our progress toward a wise conclusion will not be im- 
proved by dAvelling upon the theories of protection and free 
trade. This savors too much of bandying epithets. It is a 
condition which confronts us, not a theory. Relief from this 
condition may involve a slight reduction of the advantages 
which we award our home productions, but the entire with- 



drawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. The 
question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant, and the persist- 
ent claim made in certain quarters that all the efforts to 
relieve the people from imjust and unnecessary taxation are 
schemes of so-called free traders is mischievous and far re- 
moved from any consideration for the public good. 

The simple and plain duty which we owe the people is 
to reduce taxation to the necessary expenses of an econom- 
ical operation of the Government and to restore to the busi- 
ness of the country the money which we hold in the Treas- 
ury through the perversion of governmental powers. These 
things can and should be done with safety to all our indus- 
tries, without danger to the opportunity for remunerative 
labor which our workingmen need, and with benefit to them 
and all our people by cheapening their means of subsistence 
and increasing the measure of their comforts. 

The Constitution provides that the President " shall from 
time to time give to the Congress information of the state 
of the Union." It has been the custom of the Executive, 
in compliance with this provision, to annually exhibit to the 
Congress, at the opening of its session, the general condi- 
tion of the country, and to detail with some particularity 
the operations of the different Executive Departments. It 
would be especially agreeable to follow this course at the 
present time and to call attention to the valuable accom- 
plishments of these Departments during the last fiscal year; 
but I am so much impressed with the paramount impor- 
tance of the subject to which this communication has thus 
far been devoted that I shall forego the addition of any 
other topic, and only urge upon your immediate consider- 
ation the " state of the Union " as sho\vn in the present 
condition of our Treasury and our general fiscal situation, 
upon Avhich every element of our safety and prosperity 

The reports of the heads of Departments, which will be 



submitted, contain full and explicit information touching 
the transaction of the business intrusted to them and such 
recommendations relating to legislation in the public interest 
as they deem advisable. I ask for these reports and recom- 
mendations the deliberate examination and action of the 
legislative branch of the Government. 

There are other subjects not embraced in the depart- 
mental reports demanding legislative consideration, and 
which I should be glad to submit. Some of them, however, 
have been earnestly presented in previous messages, and 
as to them I beg leave to repeat prior recommendations. 

As the law makes no provision for any report from the 
Department of State, a brief history of the transactions of 
that important Department, together with other matters 
which it may hereafter be deemed essential to commend to 
the attention of the Congress, may furnish the occasion for 
a future communication. 

\_ Address to the Evangelical Alliance, Washing- 
ton, D. C, December 9, 1887.^ 

Mr. President: I am glad to meet so large a delegation 
from the Evangelical Alliance of the United States. I un- 
derstand the purpose of this Alliance to be the application 
of Christian rules of conduct to the problems and exigencies 
of social and political life. 

Such a movement cannot fail to produce the most valuable 
results. All must admit that the reception of the teachings 
of Christianity results in the purest patriotism, in the most 
scrupulous fidelity to public trust, and in the best type of 
citizenship. Those who manage the affairs of government 
are by this means reminded that the law of God demands 
that they should be courageously true to the interests of 



the people, and that the Ruler of the Universe will require 
of them a strict account of their stewardship. The people, 
too, are thus taught that their happiness and welfare will 
be best promoted by a conscientious regard for the interest 
of a common brotherhood, and that the success of a gov- 
ernment by the people depends upon the morality, the jus- 
tice, and the honesty of the people. 

I am especially pleased to know that your efforts are not 
cramped and limited by denominational lines, and that your 
credentials are found in a broad Christian fellowship. Man- 
ifestly, if you seek to teach your countrymen toleration you 
yourselves must be tolerant; if you would teach them lib- 
erality for the opinions of each other, you yourselves must 
be liberal; and if you would teach them unselfish patriotism, 
you yourselves must be unselfish and patriotic. There is 
enough of work in the field you have entered to enlist the 
hearty co-operation of all who believe in the value and effi- 
cacy of Christian teaching and practice. 

Your noble mission, if undertaken in a broad and gener- 
ous spirit, will surely arrest the attention and respectful 
consideration of your fellow-citizens; and your endeavors, 
consecrated by benevolence and patriotic love, must exert a 
powerful influence in the enlightenment and improvement 
of our people, in illustrating the strength and stability of 
our institutions, and in advancing the prosperity and great- 
ness of our beloved land. 

[Letter to William A. Furey, Esq., Washing- 
ton, D. C, Februanj 2, 1888. '\ 

My Dear Sir: I acknowledge with sincere thanks the in- 
vitation extended to me, on behalf of the Kings County 
Democratic Club, to attend a banquet to be given in the 



City of Brooklyn on the 9th instant, in commemoration of 
the birthday of Samuel J. Tilden. 

I indulge, with the utmost pleasure and satisfaction, the 
belief that this invitation is not a mere formal compliment 
tendered to me in fulfillment of customary propriety, but 
that it is an additional evidence of the genuine kindness of 
the people and my political friends of Brooklyn and Kings 
Comity, which has more than once during my public life 
been heartily manifested. 

Entertaining this belief, I know that its expression will 
make it unnecessary for me to assure you that I Avould 
gladly accept your invitation if it were possible. I am not 
only certain that at your banquet I should be among true 
and steadfast friends, but that the occasion and its prevail- 
ing spirit cannot fail to inspire every participant with new 
strength and increased patriotism and courage. 

The birthday of Samuel J. Tilden is fittingly celebrated 
by the Democracy of Kings County, for he found there in 
all his efforts to reform the public service and to reinstate 
his party in the confidence of the American people firm and 
stanch friends, never wavering in their willing and effective 
support. Let these friends now remind all their fellow- 
citizens of the patriotic and useful career of their honored 
and trusted leader, and let everyone professing his political 
faith proclaim the value of his teachings. He taught the 
limitation of Federal power under the Constitution, the 
absolute necessity of public economy, the safety of a sound 
currency, honesty in public place, the responsibility of pub- 
lic servants to the people, care for those who toil with their 
hands, a proper limitation of corporate privileges and a re- 
form in the Civil Service. 

His was true Democracy. It led him to meet boldly 
every public issue as it rose. With his conception of polit- 
ical duty, he thought it never too early and never too late 
to give battle to vicious doctrines and corrupt practices. He 



believed that pure and sound Democracy flourished and 
grew in open, bold, and honest championship of the inter- 
ests of the people, and that it but feebly lived upon deceit, 
false pretenses, and fear. 

And he was right. His success proved him right, and 
proved, too, that the American people appreciate a courage- 
ous struggle in their defense. 

I should certainly join you in recalling the virtues and 
achievements of this illustrious Democrat, on the anniver- 
sary of his birth, if, in the arrangement of the social events 
connected with my official life, an important one had not 
been appointed to take place on the evening of your ban- 
quet. This necessarily detains me here. 

I hope that your celebration will be very successful and 
full of profitable enjoyment. 

ILetter to Mrs. Henry Ward Beecher^ Wash- 
ington, D. C, May 22, 1888.'\ 

My Dear Mrs. Beecher: I have been csked to furnish a 
contribution to a proposed memorial of your late husband. 

While I am by no means certain that anything I might 
prepare would be worthy of a place among the eloquent 
and beautiful tributes which are sure to be presented, this 
request spurs to action my desire and intention to express 
to you, more fully than I have yet done, my sympathy in 
your afiBiction and my appreciation of my own and the coun- 
try's loss in the death of Mr. Beecher. 

More than thirty years ago I repeatedly enjoyed the 
opportunity of hearing him in his own pulpit. His warm 
utterances, and the earnest interest he displayed in the 
practical things related to useful living, the hopes he in- 
spired, and the manner in which he relieved the precepts of 



Christianity from gloom and cheerlessness, made me feel 
that, though a stranger, he was my friend. Many years 
afterward we came to know each other; and since that time 
my belief in his friendship, based upon acquaintance and 
personal contact, has been to me a source of the greatest 

His goodness and kindness of heart, so far as they were 
manifested in his personal life and in his home, are sacred 
to you and to your grief; but, so far as they gave color 
and direction to his teachings and opinions, they are proper 
subjects for gratitude and congratulation on the part of 
every American citizen. They caused him to take the side 
of the common people in every discussion. He loved his 
fellows in their homes ; he re j oiced in their contentment and 
comfort, and sympathized with them in their daily hard- 
ships and trials. As their champion he advocated in all 
things the utmost regulated and wholesome liberty and 
freedom. His sublime faith in the success of popular gov- 
ernment led him to trust the people, and to treat their errors 
and misconceptions with generous toleration. An honorable 
pride in American citizenship, when guided by the teach- 
ings of religion, he believed to be a sure guarantee of a 
splendid national destiny. I never met him without gaining 
something from his broad views and wise reflections. 

Your personal affliction in his death stands alone, in its 
magnitude and depth. But thousands wish that their sense 
of loss might temper your grief, and that they, by sharing 
your sorrow, might lighten it. 

Such kindly assurances, and your realization of the high 
and sacred mission accomplished in your husband's useful 
life, furnish all this world can supply of comfort; but your 
faith and piety will not fail to lead you to a higher and better 
source of consolation. 



[Address before the Northern and Southern 
Presbyterian Assemblies at Philadelphia, 
Pa., May 23, 1888. '\ 

I am very much gratified by the opportunity here afforded 
me to meet the representatives of the Presbyterian Church. 

Surely a man never should lose his interest in the welfare 
of the Church in which he was reared; and yet I will not 
find fault with any of you who deem it a sad confession 
made when I acknowledge that I must recall the days now 
long past, to find my closest relation to the grand and noble 
denomination which you represent. I say this because those 
of us who inherit fealty to our Church, as I did, begin early 
to learn those things which make us Presbyterians all the 
days of our lives ; and thus it is that the rigors of our early 
teaching, by which we are grounded in our lasting alle- 
giance, are especially vivid, and perhaps the best remem- 
bered. The attendance upon church service three times each 
Sunday, and upon Sabbath school during the noon intermis- 
sion, may be irksome enough to a boy of ten or twelve years 
of age to be well fixed in his memory; but I have never 
known a man who regretted these things in the years of his 
maturity. The Shorter Catechism, though thoroughly stud- 
ied and learned, was not, perhaps, at the time perfectly un- 
derstood, and yet, in the stern labors and duties of after 
life, those are not apt to be the worst citizens who were 
early taught : " What is the chief end of man ? " 

Speaking of these things and in the presence of those 
here assembled, the most tender thoughts crowd upon my 
mind — all connected with Presbyterianism and its teachings. 
There are present with me now memories of a kind and 
affectionate father, consecrated to the cause, and called to 
his rest and his reward in the midday of his usefulness; a 



sacred recollection o£ the prayers and pious love of a 
sainted mother, and a family circle hallowed and sanctified 
by the spirit of Presbyterianism. 

I certainly cannot but exj^ress the wish and hope that 
the Presbyterian Church will always be at the front in 
every movement which promises the temporal as well as the 
spiritual advancement of mankind. In the turmoil and the 
bustle of everyday life few men are foolish enough to ignore 
the practical value to our people and our country of the 
Cliurch organizations established among us, and the advan- 
tage of Christian example and teachings. 

The field is vast, and the work sufficient to engage the 
efforts of every sect and denomination ; but I am inclined to 
believe that the Church which is most tolerant and conserva- 
tive, without loss of spiritual strength, will soonest find the 
way to the hearts and affections of the people. While we 
may be pardoned for insisting that our denomination is the 
best, we may, I think, safely concede much that is good to 
all other Churches that seek to make men better. 

I am here to greet the delegates of two General Assem- 
blies of the Presbyterian Church. One is called " North " 
and the other "South." The subject is too deep and in- 
tricate for me ; but I cannot help wondering why this should 
be. These words, so far as they denote separation and 
estrangement, should be obsolete. In the councils of the 
nation, and in the business of the country, they no longer 
mean reproach and antagonism. Even the soldiers who 
fought for the North and for the South are restored to fra- 
ternity and unity. This fraternity and unity are taught 
and enjoined by our Church. When shall she herself be 
united, with all the added strength and usefulness that har- 
monv and union insure? 



[Speech to the Committee on Notification^ 
Washington, D. C, June 26, 1888.] 

Mr, Collins and Gentlemen of the Committee: I cannot 
but be profoundly impressed when I see about me the mes- 
sengers of the national Democracy, bearing its summons to 
duty. The political party to which I owe allegiance both 
honors and commands me. It places in my hand the 
proud standard and bids me bear it high at the front in 
a battle which it wages bravely, because conscious of 
right; confidently, because its trust is in the people, and 
soberly, because it comprehends the obligations which suc- 
cess imposes. 

The message which you bring awakens within me the 
liveliest sense of personal gratitude and satisfaction, and the 
honor which you tender me is, in itself, so great that there 
might well be no room for any other sentiment. And yet 
I cannot rid myself of grave and serious thoughts when I 
remember that party supremacy is not alone involved in 
the conflict which presses upon us, but that we struggle to 
secure and save the cherished institutions, the welfare, and 
happiness of a nation of freemen. 

Familiarity with the great office which I hold has but 
added to my apprehension of its sacred character and the 
consecration demanded of him who assumes its immense re- 
sponsibilities. It is the repository of the people's will and 
power. Within its vision should be the protection and wel- 
fare of the humblest citizen, and with quick ear it should 
catch from the remotest corner of the land the plea of the 
people for justice and for right. For the sake of the peo- 
ple he who holds this office of theirs should resist every 
encroachment upon its legitimate functions, and, for the 
sake of the integrity and usefulness of the office, it should 



be kept near to the people and be administered in full sym- 
pathy with their wants and needs. 

This occasion reminds me most vividly of the scene when, 
four years ago, I received a message from my party similar 
to that which you now deliver. With all that has passed 
since that day, I can truly say that the feeling of awe with 
which I heard the summons then is intensified many fold 
wlien it is repeated now. Four years ago I knew that our 
chief executive office, if not carefully guarded, might drift, 
little by little, away from the people, to whom it belonged, 
and become a perversion of all that it ought to be; but I 
did not know how much its moorings had already been loos- 

I knew four years ago how well devised were the princi- 
ples of true Democracy for the successful operation of a 
government by the people and for the people; but I did 
not know how absolutely necessary their application then 
was for the restoration to the people of their safety and 
prosperity. I knew then that abuses and extravagances had 
crept into the management of public affairs; but I did not 
know their numerous forms, nor the tenacity of their grasp. 
I knew then something of the bitterness of partisan ob- 
struction; but I did not know how bitter, how reckless, and 
how shameless it could be. I knew, too, that the American 
people were patriotic and just; but I did not know how 
grandly they loved their country, nor how noble and gener- 
ous they were. 

I shall not dwell upon the acts and the policy of the 
Administration now drawing to its close. Its record is open 
to every citizen of the land. And yet, I will not be denied 
the privilege of asserting, at this time, that in the exercise 
of the functions of the high trust confided to me I have 
yielded obedience only to the Constitution and the solemn 
obligation of my oath of office. I have done those things 
which, in the light of the understanding God has given me, 



seemed most conducive to the welfare of my countrymen 
and the promotion of good government. I would not, if I 
could, for myself nor for you, avoid a single consequence 
of a fair interpretation of my course. 

It but remains for me to say to you, and through you to 
the Democracy of the Nation, that I accept the nomination 
with which they have honored me, and that I will, in due 
time, signify such acceptance in the usual formal manner. 

[Special Message on the Death of Philip H. 
Sheridan^ Washi7igton, D. C.j August 6, 

To the Senate and House of Representatives : It becomes 
my painful duty to announce to the Congress and to the 
people of the United States the death of Philip H. Sheri- 
dan, General of the Army, which occurred at a late hour 
last night at his summer home, in the State of Massachu- 

The death of this valiant soldier and patriotic son of the 
Republic, though his long illness has been regarded with 
anxiety, has nevertheless shocked the country and caused 
universal grief. 

He had established for himself a strong hold in the hearts 
of his fellow-countrymen, who soon caught the true mean- 
ing and purpose of his soldierly devotion and heroic 

His intrepid courage, his steadfast patriotism, and the 
generosity of his nature inspired with peculiar warmth the 
admiration of all the people. 

Above his grave affection for the man and pride in his 
achievements will struggle for mastery, and too much honor 



can not be accorded to one who was so richly endowed with 
all the qualities which make his death a national loss. 

[Letter to Hon. Patrick A. Collins and Others^ 
Washington, D. C, Septenfiber 8, 1888.'] 

Gentlemen: In addressing to you my formal acceptance 
of the nomination to the Presidency of the United States, 
my thoughts persistently dwell upon the impressive rela- 
tion of such action to the American people, whose confidence 
is thus invited, and to the political party to which I belong, 
just entering upon a contest for continued supremacy. 

The world does not afford a spectacle more sublime than 
is furnished when millions of free and intelligent Amer- 
ican citizens select their Chief Magistrate, and bid one of 
their number to find the highest earthly honor and the full 
measure of public duty in ready submission to their will. 

It follows that a candidate for this high office can never 
forget that, when the turmoil and the strife which attend 
the selection of its incumbent shall be heard no more, there 
must be, in the quiet calm which follows, a complete and 
solemn self-consecration by the people's chosen President 
of every faculty and endeavor to the service of a confiding 
and generous nation of freemen. 

These thoughts are intensified by the light of my expe- 
rience in the Presidential office, which has soberly impressed 
me with the severe responsibilities it imposes, while it has 
quickened my love for American institutions and taught me 
the priceless value of the trust of my countrymen. 

It is of tlie highest importance that those who administer 
our government should jealously protect and maintain the 
rights of American citizens at home and abroad, and should 
strive to achieve for our country her proper place among 



the nations of the earth ; but there is no people whose home 
interests are so great, and whose numerous objects of do- 
mestic concern deserve so much watchfubiess and care. 

Among these are the regulation of a sound financial sys- 
tem suited to our needs, thus securing an efficient agencj' 
of national wealth and general prosperity; the construction 
and equipment of means of defense, to insure our national 
safety and maintain the honor beneath which such national 
safety reposes; the protection of our national domain, still 
stretching beyond the needs of a century's expansion, and 
its preservation for the settler and the pioneer of our mar- 
velous growth ; a sensible and sincere recognition of the 
value of American labor, leading to the scrupulous care and 
just appreciation of the interests of our workingmen; the 
limitation and checking of such monopolistic tendencies and 
schemes as interfere with the advantages and benefits which 
the people may rightly claim; a generous regard and care 
for our surviving soldiers and sailors and for the widows 
and orphans of such as have died, to the end that, while 
the appreciation of their services and sacrifices is quickened, 
the application of their pension fund to improper cases may 
be prevented; protection against a servile immigration, 
which injuriously competes with our laboring men in the 
field of toil, and adds to our population an element ignorant 
of our institutions and laws, impossible of assimilation with 
our people, and dangerous to our peace and welfare ; a strict 
and steadfast adherence to the principles of Civil Service 
Reform and a thorough execution of the laws passed for 
their enforcement, thus permitting to our people the advan- 
tages of business methods in the operation of their gov- 
ernment; the guaranty to our colored citizens of all their 
rights of citizenship, and their just recognition and encour- 
agement in all things pertaining to that relation; a firm, 
patient, and humane Indian policy, so that in peaceful re- 
lations with the government the civilization of the Indian 



may be promoted, with resulting quiet and safety to the 
settlers on our frontiers ; and the curtailment of public ex- 
pense by the introduction of economical methods in every 
department of the government. 

The pledges contained in the platform adopted by the 
late convention of the National Democracy lead to the ad- 
vancement of these objects and insure good government — 
the aspiration of every true American citizen, and the mo- 
tive for every patriotic action and effort. In the conscious- 
ness that much has been done in the direction of good gov- 
ernment by the present administration, and submitting its 
record to the fair inspection of my countrymen, I indorse 
the platform thus presented, with the determination that, 
if I am again called to the Chief Magistracy, there sh^ll be 
a continuance of devoted endeavor to advance the interests 
of the entire country. 

Our scale of Federal taxation and its consequences 
largely engross, at this time, the attention of our citizens, 
and the people are soberly considering the necessity of 
pleasures of relief. 

Our government is the creation of the people, established 
to carry out their designs and accomplish their good. It 
was founded on justice, and was made for a free, intelligent, 
and virtuous people. It is only useful when within their 
control, and only serves them well when regulated and 
guided by their constant touch. It is a free government, 
because it guarantees to every American citizen the unre- 
stricted personal use and enjoyment of all the reward of 
his toil and of all his income, except what may be his fair 
contribution to necessary public expense. Therefore, it is 
not only the right, but the duty, of a free people, in the 
enforcement of this guaranty, to insist that such expense, 
should be strictly limited to the actual public needs. It 
seems perfectly clear that when the government, this in- 
strumentality created and maintained by the people to do 



their bidding, turns upon them, and, through an utter per- 
version of its poAvers, extorts from their labor and capital 
tribute largely in excess of public necessities, the creature 
has rebelled against the creator and the masters are robbed 
by their servants. 

The cost of the government must continue to be met by 
tariff duties collected at our custom houses upon imported 
goods, and by internal revenue taxes assessed upon spir- 
ituous and malt liquors, tobacco, and oleomargarine. 

I suppose it is needless to explain that all these duties 
and assessments are added to the price of the articles upon 
which they are levied, and thus become a tax upon all those 
who buy these articles for use and consumption. I suppose, 
too. it is well understood that the effect of this tariff taxa- 
tion is not limited to the consumers of imported articles, but 
that the duties imposed upon such articles permit a corre- 
sponding increase in price to be laid upon domestic produc- 
tions of the same kind ; which increase, paid by all our peo- 
ple as consumers of home productions and entering every 
American home, constitutes a form of taxation as certain 
and as inevitable as though the amount was annually paid 
into the hand of the tax gatherer. 

These results are inseparable from the plan we have 
adopted for the collection of our revenue by tariff duties. 
They are not mentioned to discredit the system, but by way 
of preface to the statement that every million of dollars col- 
lected at our custom houses for duties upon imported arti- 
cles and paid into the public treasury, represents many 
millions more wh.'ch, though never reaching the national '; 
treasury, are paid by our citizens as the increased cost of: 
\domestic productions resulting from our tariff laws. 

In these circumstances, and in view of this necessary ef- 
fect of the operation of our plan for raising revenue, the 
absolute duty of limiting the rate of tariff charges to the! 
necessities of a fruQ-al and economical administration of the I 



government seems to be perfectly plain. The continuance, 
upon the pretext of meeting public expenditures, of such a 
scale of tariff taxation as draws from the substance of the 
people a sum largely in excess of public needs, is surely 
something which, under a government based upon justice, 
and which finds its strength and usefulness in the faith and 
trust of the people, ought not to be tolerated. 

While the heaviest burdens incident to the necessities of 
the government are imcomplainingly borne, light burdens 
become grievous and intolerable when not justified by such 

Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. 

And yet this is our condition. We are annually collect- 
ing at our custom houses, and by means of our internal 
revenue taxation, many millions in excess of all legitimate 
public needs. As a consequence, there now remains in the 
national treasury a surplus of more than two hundred and 
thirty millions of dollars. 

No better evidence could be furnished that the people 
are exorbitantly taxed. The extent of the superfluous 
burden indicated b}'^ this surplus will be better appreciated 
when it is suggested that such surplus alone represents 
taxation aggregating more than one hundred and eight 
thousand dollars in a county containing fifty thousand 

Taxation has always been the feature of organized gov- 
ernment the hardest to reconcile with the people's ideas of 
freedom and happiness. When presented in a direct form, 
nothing will arouse popular discontent more quickly and 
profoundly than unjust and unnecessary taxation. Our 
farmers, mechanics, laborers, and all our citizens, closely 
scan the slightest increase in the taxes assessed upon their 
lands and other property, and demand good reason for such 
increase. And yet they seem to be expected, in some quar- 
ters, to regard the unnecessary volume of insidious and in- 



direct taxation visited upon them by our present rate of 
tariff duties with indifference, if not with favor. 

The surplus revenue now remaining in the treasury not 
only furnishes conclusive proof of unjust taxation, but its 
existence constitutes a separate and independent menace to 
the prosperity of the people. 

This vast accumulation of idle funds represents that much 
money drawn from the circulating medium of the country 
which is needed in the channels of trade and business. 

It is a great mistake to suppose that the consequences 
which follow the continual withdrawal and hoarding by the 
government of the currency of the people are not of imme- 
diate importance to the mass of our citizens, and only con- 
cern those engaged in large financial transactions. 

In the restless enterprise and activity which free and 
ready money among the people produces is found that 
opportunity for labor and employment, and that impetus 
to business and production, which bring in their train pros- 
perity to our citizens in every station and vocation. New 
ventures, new investments in business and manufacture, the 
construction of new and important works, and the enlarge- 
ment of enterprises already established, depend largely 
upon obtaining money upon easy terms with fair security; 
and all these things are stimulated by an abundant volume 
of circulating medium. Even the harvested grain of the 
farmer remains without a market, unless money is forth- 
coming for its movement and transportation to the sea- 

The first result of a scarcity of money among the people 
is the exaction of severe terms for its use. Increasing dis- 
trust and timidity are followed by a refusal to loan or ad- 
vance on any terms. Investors refuse all risks and decline 
all securities, and in a general fright the money still in the 
hands of the people is persistently hoarded. It is quite 
apparent that when this perfectly natural, if not inevitable, 



stage is reached, depr3ssion in all business and enterprise 
will, as a necessary consequence, lessen the opportunity for 
work and employment, and reduce salaries and the wages of 

Instead, then, of being exempt from the influence and 
effect of an immense surplus lying idle in the national treas- 
ury, our wage-earners, and others who rely upon their 
labor for support, are most of all directly concerned in the 
situation. Others, seeing the approach of danger, may pro- 
vide against it, but it will find those depending upon their 
daily toil for bread unprepared, helpless, and defenseless. 
Such a state of affairs does not present a case of idleness 
resulting from disputes between the laboring man and his 
employer, but it produces an absolute and enforced stoppage 
of employment and wages. 

In reviewing the bad effects of this accumulated surplus 
and the scale of tariff rates by which it is produced, we 
must not overlook the tendency toward gross and scandal- 
ous public extravagance which a congested treasury induces, 
nor the fact that we are maintaining without excuse, in a 
time of profound peace, substantially the rates of tariff 
duties imposed in time of war, when the necessities of the 
government justified the imposition of the weightiest bur- 
dens upon the people. 

Divers plans have been suggested for the return of this 
accumulated surplus to the people and the channels of 
trade. Some of these devices are at variance with all rules 
of good finance; some are delusive, some are absurd, and 
some betray, by their reckless extravagance, the demoraliz- 
ing influence of a great surplus of public money upon the 
judgments of individuals. 

While such efforts should be made as are consistent with 
public duty, and sanctioned by sound judgment, to avoid 
danger by the useful disposition of the surplus now remain- 
ing in the treasury, it is evident that, if its distribution 



were accomplished, another accumulation would soon take 
its place if the constant flow of redundant income was not 
checked at its source by a reform in our present tariff laws. 

We do not propose to deal with these conditions by 
merely attempting to satisfy the people of the truth of 
abstract theories, nor by alone urging their assent to polit- 
ical doctrine. We present to them the propositions that 
they are unjustly treated in the extent of present Federal 
taxation, that, as a result, a condition of extreme danger 
exists, and that it is for them to demand a remedy and that 
defense and safety promised in the guarantees of their free 

We believe that the same means which are adapted to re- 
lieve the treasury of its present surplus and prevent its re- 
currence, should cheapen to our people the cost of supplying 
their daily wants. Both of these objects we seek in part to 
gain by reducing the present tariff rates upon the necessaries 
of life. 

' We fully appreciate the importance to the country of our 
domestic industrial enterprises. In the rectification of exist- 
ing wrongs their maintenance and prosperity should be care- 
fully and in a friendly spirit considered. Even such reliance 
upon present revenue arrangements as has been invited or 
encouraged should be fairly and justly regarded. Abrupt 
and radical changes which might endanger such enterprises, 
and injuriously affect the interests of labor dependent upon 
their success and continuance, are not contemplated or in- 

But we know the cost of our domestic manufactured prod- 
ucts is increased, and their price to the consumer enhanced, 
by the duty imposed upon the raw material used in their 
manufacture. We know that this increased cost prevents 
the sale of our productions at foreign markets in competition 
with those countries which have the advantage of free raw 
material. We know that, confined to a home market, our 



manufacturing operations are curtailed, their demand for 
labor irregular, and the rate of wages paid uncertain. 

We propose, therefore, to stimulate our domestic indus^ 
trial enterprises by freeing from duty the imported raw 
materials which, by the employment of labor, are use^in 
our home manufactures, thus extending the markets for 
their sale and permitting an increased and steady produc- 
tion with the allowance of abundant profits. 

True to the undeviating course of the Democratic party, 
we will not neglect the interests of labor and our working- 
men. In all efforts to remedy existing evils, we will furnish 
no excuse for the loss of employment or the reduction of the 
wage of honest toil. On the contrary, we propose, in any 
adjustment of our revenue laws, to concede such encourage- 
ment and advantage to the employers of domestic labor as 
will easily compensate for any difference that may exist be- 
tween the standard of wages which should be paid to our 
laboring men and the rate allowed in other countries. We 
propose, too, by extending the markets for our manufactur- 
ers to promote the steady employment of labor, while by 
cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life we increase the 
purchasing power of the workingman's wages and add to the 
comforts of his home. 

And before passing from this phase of the question I am 
constrained to express the opinion that, while the interests 
of labor should be always sedulously regarded in any modi- 
fication of our tariff laws, an additional and more direct and 
efficient protection to these interests would be afforded by 
the restriction and prohibition of the immigration or impor- 
tation of laborers from other countries, who swarm upon our 
sliores, having no purpose or intent of becoming our fellow- 
citizens, or acquiring any perjnanent interest in our country, 
but who crowd every field of employment with unintelligent 
labor at wages which ought not to satisfy those who make 
claim to American citizenship. 




The platform adopted by the late National Convention 
of our party contains the following declaration: " Judged 
by Democratic principles, the interests of the people are 
betrayed when by unnecessary taxation trusts and combina- 
tions are permitted and fostered which, while unduly enrich- 
ing the few that combine, rob the body of our citizens by 
depriving them as purchasers of the benefits of natural com- 

Such combinations have always been condemned by the 
Democratic party. The declaration of its National Conven- 
tion is sincerely made, and no member of our party will be 
found excusing the existence or belittling the pernicious re- 
sults of these devices to wrong the people. Under various 
names they have been punished by the common law for hun- 
dreds of years ; and they have lost none of their hateful fea- 
tures because they have assumed the name of trusts, instead 
of conspiracies. 

We believe that these trusts are the natural offspring of a 
market artificially restricted ; that an inordinately high tariff, 
besides furnishing the temptation for their existence, en- 
larges the limit within which they may operate against the 
people, and thus increases the extent of their power for 

With an unalterable hatred of all such schemes, we count 
the checking of their baleful operations among the good 
results promised by revenue reform. 

While we cannot avoid partisan misrepresentation, our 
position upon the question of revenue reform should be so 
plainly stated as to admit of no misunderstanding. 

( We have entered upon no crusade of free trade.. The re- 
form we seek to inaugurate is predicated upon the utmost 
care for established industries and enterprises, a jealous 
regard for the interests of American labor, and a sincere de- 
sire to relieve the country from the injustice and danger 
which threaten evil to all the people of the land. 



We are dealing with no imaginary danger. Its existence 
has been repeatedly confessed by all political parties, and 
pledges of a remedy have been made on all sides. 

Yet, when in the legislative body, where under the Consti- 
tution all remedial measures applicable to this subject must 
originate, the Democratic majority were attempting, with 
extreme moderation, to redeem the pledge common to both 
parties, they were met by determined opposition and obstruc- 
tion; and the minority, refusing to co-operate in the House 
of Representatives, or propose another remedy, have re- 
mitted the redemption of their party pledge to the doubtful 
power of the Senate. 

The people will hardly be deceived by their abandonment 
of the field of legislative action to meet in political conven- 
tion and flippantly declare in their party platform that our 
conservative and careful effort to relieve the situation is de- 
structive to the American system of protection. Nor will 
the people be misled by the appeal to prejudice contained 
in the absurd allegation that we serve the interests of Europe, 
while they will support the interests of America. 

They propose in their platform thus to support the inter- 
ests of our country hj removing the internal revenue tax 
from tobacco and from spirits used in the arts and for me- 
chanical purposes. They declare also that there should be 
such a revision of our tariff laws as shall tend to check the 
importation of such articles as are produced here. Thus, in 
proposing to increase the duties upon such articles to nearly 
or quite a prohibitory point, they confess themselves \villing 
to travel backward in the road of civilization, and to deprive 
our people of the markets for their goods which can only 
be gained and kept by the semblance, at least, of an inter- 
change of business, while they abandon our consumers to the 
unrestrained oppression of the domestic trusts and combina- 
tions which are in the same platform perfunctorily con- 



They propose further to release entirely from import du- 
ties all articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the 
like of which cannot be produced in this country. The plain 
people of the land and the poor, who scarcely use articles of 
any description produced exclusively abroad and not already 
free, will find it difficult to discover where their interests are 
regarded in this proposition. They need in their homes 
cheaper domestic necessaries; and this seems to be entirely 
unprovided for in this proposed scheme to serve the country. 

Small compensation for this neglected need is found in 
the further purpose here announced and covered by the 
declaration, that if, after the changes already mentioned, 
there still remains a larger revenue than is requisite for the 
wants of the government, the entire internal taxation should 
be repealed, " rather than surrender any part of our pro- 
tective system." 

Our people ask relief from the undue and unnecessary 
burden of tariff taxation now resting upon them. They are 
offered instead — free tobacco and free whisky. 

They ask for bread and they are given a stone. 

The implication contained in this party declaration, that 
desperate measures are justified or necessary to save from 
destruction or surrender what is termed our protective sys- 
tem, should confuse no one. The existence of such a system 
is entirely consistent with the regulation of the extent to 
which it should be applied and the correction of its abuses. 

Of covirse, in a coimtry as great as ours, with such a 
wonderful variety of interests, often leading in entirely dif- 
ferent directions, it is difficult, if not impossible, to settle 
upon a perfect tariff plan. But in accomplishing the reform 
we have entered upon, the necessity of which is so obvious, 
I believe we should not be content with a reduction of reve- 
nue involving the prohibition of importations and the re- 
moval of the internal tax upon whisky. It can be better 
and more safely done within the lines of granting actual rc- 



lief to the people in their means of living, and at the same 
time giving an impetus to our domestic enterprises and fur- 
thering our National vrelfare. 

If misrepresentations of our purposes and motives are to 
gain credence and defeat our present effort in this direction, 
there seems to be no reason why every endeavor in the future 
to accomplish revenue reform should not be likevv^ise attacked 
and with like result. And yet no thoughtful man can fail 
to see in the continuance of the present burdens of the peo- 
ple, and the abstraction by the government of the currency 
of the country, inevitable distress and disaster. All danger 
will be averted by timely action. The difficulty of applying 
the remedy will never be less, and the blame should not be 
laid at the door of the Democratic party if it is applied too 

With firm faith in the intelligence and patriotism of our 
coimtrymen, and relying upon the conviction that misrepre- 
sentation will not influence them, prejudice will not cloud 
their understanding and that menace will not intimidate 
them, let us urge the people's interest, and public duty, for 
the vindication of our attempt to inaugurate a righteous and 
beneficent reform. 

[Address as Presiding Officer over Memorial 

Meeting in the Cooper Union, New York 
City, October 9, 1889.'] 

It is peculiarly fit and proper that among the tributes 
paid to the worth and usefulness of Samuel S. Cox the most 
hearty and sincere should flow from the hearts of his Con- 
gressional constituents. These he served faithfully and well; 
and they were honored by the honor of his life. It was as 
their chosen public servant that he gathered fame, and ex- 



hibited to the entire country the strength and the brightness 
of true American statesmanship. It was while he still served 
them that he died. All his fellow-citizens mourn his death, 
and speak in praise of his character and his achievements in 
public life; but his constituents may well feel that the afflic- 
tion of his death is nearer to them than to others, by so much 
that they are entitled to a greater share of pride in all that 
he wrought. 

I should not suit the part allotted to me on this occasion 
if I were to speak at length of the many traits of character 
within my personal knowledge that made your friend and 
mine the wise and efficient legislator, the useful and patriotic 
citizen, and the kind and generous man. These things con- 
stitute a theme upon which his fellow-countrymen love to 
dwell, and they will be presented to you to-night in more 
eloquent terms than I can command. 

I shall not, however, forbear mentioning the fact that your 
representative, in all his public career, and in his relations 
to legislation, was never actuated by a corrupt or selfish 
interest. His zeal was bom of public spirit, and the motive 
of his labor was the public good. 'He was never foimd 
among those who cloak their efforts for personal gain and 
advantage beneath the disguise of disinterested activity for 
V the welfare of the people. 

These are pleasant things for his friends to remember to- 
night, and they are without doubt the things upon which rest 
the greatest share of the honor and respect which his mem- 
ory exacts from his fellow-citizens. 

But while we thus contemplate the value of unselfish pub- 
lic usefulness, we cannot restrain a reflection which has a 
somber coloring. What is the condition of the times when 
we may justly and fairly exalt the memory of a deceased 
public servant because he was true and honest and faithful 
to his trust ? Are we maintaining a safe standard of public 
duty when the existence of these virtues, instead of being 



general, .ire exceptional enough to cause congratulation? 
All public servants should be as true and honest and faithful 
as the man whom we mourn to-night. 

I beg you to take home with you among the reflections 
which this occasion shall awaken, an appreciation of the 
truth that if we are to secure for ourselves all the blessings 
of our free institutions we must better apprehend the inter- 
est we have at stake in their scrupulous maintenance, and 
must exact of those whom we trust in public office a more 
rigid adherence to the demands of public duty. 

I congratulate you and myself upon the fact that we are 
to be addressed to-night by one whose eloquence and ability, 
as well as his warm friendship for Mr. Cox, eminently fit 
him to be the orator of the occasion. 

[From Fourth Annual Message , Washington, 
D. C, December 3, 1888.'] 

To the Congress of the United States: As you assemble 
for the discharge of the duties you have assumed as the rep- 
resentatives of a free and generous people, your meeting is 
marked by an interesting and impressive incident. With 
the expiration of the present session of the Congress the first 
century of our constitutional existence as a nation will be 

Our survival for one hundred years is not sufficient to as- 
sure us that we no longer have dangers to fear in the main- 
tenance, with all its promised blessings, of a government 
founded upon the freedom of the people. The time rather 
admonishes us to soberly inquire whether in the past we 
have always closely kept in the course of safety, and whether 
we have before us a way plain and clear which leads to hap- 
piness and perpetuity. 

When the experiment of our Government was undertaken, 


the chart adopted for our guidance was the Constitution. 
Departure from the lines there laid down is failure. It is 
only by a strict adherence to the direction they indicate and 
by restraint within the limitations they fix that we can fur- 
nish proof to the world of the fitness of the American people 
for self-government. 

The equal and exact justice of which we boast as the un- 
derlying principle of our institutions should not be con- 
fined to the relations of our citizens to each other. The Gov- 
ernment itself is under bond to the American people that in 
the exercise of its functions and powers it will deal with the 
body of our citizens in a manner scrupulously honest and 
fair and absolutely just. It has agreed that American citi- 
zenship shall be the only credential necessary to justify the 
claim of equality before the law, and that no condition in 
life shall give rise to discrimination in the treatment of the 
people by their Government. 

The citizen of our Republic in its early days rigidly in- 
sisted upon full compliance with the letter of this bond, and 
saw stretching out before him a clear field for individual 
endeavor. His tribute to the support of his Government 
was measured by the cost of its economical maintenance, and 
he was secure in the enjoyment of the remaining recom- 
pense of his steady and contented toil. In those days the 
frugality of the people was stamped upon their Govern- 
ment, and was enforced by the free, thoughtful, and intelli- 
gent suffrage of the citizen. Combinations, monopolies, and 
aggregations of capital were either avoided or sternly regu- 
lated and restrained. The pomp and glitter of governments 
less free offered no temptation and presented no delusion to 
the plain people who, side by side, in friendly competition, 
wrought for the ennoblement and dignity of man, for the 
solution of the problem of free government, and for the 
achievement of the grand destiny awaiting the land which 
God had given them. 



A century has passed. Our cities are the abiding places 
of wealth and luxury; our manufactories yield fortunes 
never dreamed of by the fathers of the Republic; our busi- 
ness men are madly striving in the race for riches, and im- 
mense aggregations of capital outrim the imagination in the 
magnitude of their undertakings. 

We view with pride and satisfaction this bright picture 
of our country's growth and prosperity, while only a closer 
scrutiny develops a somber shading. Upon more careful 
inspection we find the wealth and luxury of our cities min- 
gled with poverty and wretchedness and unremunerative 
toil. A crowded and constantly increasing urban popula- 
tion suggests the impoverishment of rural sections and dis- 
content with agricultural pursuits. The farmer's son, not 
satisfied with his father's simple and laborious life, joins 
the eager chase for easily acquired wealth. 

We discover that the fortunes realized by our manufac- 
turers are no longer solely the reward of sturdy industry 
and enlightened foresight, but that they result from the dis- 
criminating favor of the Government and are largely built 
upon undue exactions from the masses of our people. The 
gulf between employers and the employed is constantly wid- 
ening, and classes are rapidly forming, one comprising the 
very rich and powerful, while in another are foimd the toil- 
ing poor. 

As we view the achievements of aggregated capital, we 
discover the existence of trusts, combinations, and monop- 
olies, while the citizen is struggling far in the rear or is 
trampled to death beneath an iron heel. Corporations, which 
should be the carefully restrained creatures of the law and 
the servants of the people, are fast becoming the people's 

Still congratulating ourselves upon the wealth and pros- 
perity of our country and complacently contemplating every 
incident of change inseparable from these conditions, it is 



our duty as patriotic citizens to inquire at the present stage 
of our progress how the bond of the Government made with 
the people has been kept and performed. 

Instead of limiting the tribute drawn from our citizens 
to the necessities of its economical administration, the Gov- 
ernment persists in exacting from the substance of the peo- 
ple millions which, unapplied and useless, lie dormant in 
its Treasury. This flagrant injustice and this breach of 
faith and obligation add to extortion the danger attending 
the diversion of the currency of the country from the legiti- 
mate channels of business. 

Under the same laws by which these results are produced 
the Government permits many millions more to be added to 
the cost of the living of our people and to be taken from 
our consumers, which unreasonably swell the profits of a 
small but powerful minority. 

The people must still be taxed for the support of the Gov- 
ernment under the operation of tariff laws. But to the ex- 
tent that the mass of our citizens are inordinately burdened 
beyond any useful public purpose and for the benefit of a 
favored few, the Government, under pretext of an exercise 
of its taxing power, enters gratuitously into partnership 
with these favorites, to their advantage and to the injury of 
a vast majority of our people. 

This is not equality before the law. 

The existing situation is injurious to the health of our 
entire body politic. It stifles in those for whose benefit it 
is permitted all patriotic love of coimtry, and substitutes 
in its place selfish greed and grasping avarice. Devotion 
to American citizenship for its o^vn sake and for what it 
should accomplish as a motive to our nation's advancement 
and the happiness of all our people is displaced by the 
assumption that the Government, instead of being the em- 
bodiment of equality, is but an instrumentality through which 
especial and individual advantages arc to be gained. 



The arrogance of this assumption is unconcealed. It ap- 
pears in the sordid disregard of all but personal interests, 
in the refusal to abate for the benefit of others one iota of 
selfish advantage, and in combinations to perpetuate such 
advantages through efforts to control legislation and im- 
properly influence the suffrages of the people. 

The grievances of those not included within the circle of 
these beneficiaries, when fully realized, will surely arouse 
irritation and discontent. Our farmers, long suffering and 
patient, struggling in the race of life with the hardest and 
most luiremitting toil, will not fail to see, in spite of mis- 
representations and misleading fallacies, that they are 
obliged to accept such prices for their products as are fixed 
in foreign markets -where they compete with the farmers of 
the world; that their lands are declining in value while 
their debts increase, and that without compensating favor 
they are forced by the action of the Government to pay for 
the benefit of others such enhanced prices for the things 
they need that the scanty returns of the labor fail to furnish 
their support or leave no margin for accumulation. 

Our workingmen, enfranchised from all delusions and no 
longer frightened by the cry that their wages are endangered 
by a just revision of our tariff laws, will reasonably demand 
through such revision steadier employment, cheaper means 
of living in their homes, freedom for themselves and their 
children from the doom of perpetual servitude, and an open 
door to their advancement beyond the limits of a laboring 
class. Others of our citizens, whose comforts and expendi- 
tures are measured by moderate salaries and fixed incomes, 
will insist upon the fairness and justice of cheapening the 
cost of necessaries for themselves and their families. 

When to the selfishness of the beneficiaries of unjust dis- 
crimination under our laws there shall be added the discon- 
tent of -those who suffer from such discrimination, we will 
realize the fact that the beneficent purposes of our Govern- 



ment, dependent upon the patriotism and contentment of 
our people, are endangered. 

Communism is a hateful thing and a menace to peace and 
organized government; but the communism of combined 
wealth and capital, the outgrowth of overweening cupidity 
and selfishness, which insidiously undermines the justice and 
integrity of free institutions, is not less dangerous than the 
communism of oppressed poverty and toil, which, exasper- 
ated by injustice and discontent, attacks with wild disorder 
the citadel of rule. 

He mocks the people who proposes that the Government 
shall protect the rich and that they in turn will care for the 
laboring poor. Any intermediary between the people and 
their Government or the least delegation of the care and pro- 
tection the Government owes to the humblest citizen in the 
land makes the boast of free institutions a glittering delusion 
and the pretended boon of American citizenship a shameless 

A just and sensible revision of our tariff laws should be 
made for the relief of those of our countrymen who suffer 
under present conditions. Such a revision should receive the 
support of all who love that justice and equality due to 
American citizenship; of all who realize that in this justice 
and equality our Government finds its strength and its 
power to protect the citizen and his property; of all who 
believe that the contented competence and comfort of many 
accord better with the spirit of our institutions than colossal 
fortunes unfairly gathered in the hands of a few; of all who 
appreciate that the forbearance and fraternity among our 
people, which recognize the value of every American inter- 
est, are the surest guaranty of our national progress, and 
of all who desire to see the products of American skill and 
ingenuity in every market of the world, with a resulting 
restoration of American commerce. 

The necessity of the reduction of our revenues is so appar- 


cnt as to be generally conceded, but the means by which this 
end shall be accomplished and the sum of direct benefit 
which shall result to our citizens present a controversy of 
the utmost importance. There should be no scheme accepted 
as satisfactory by which the burdens of the people are only 
apparently removed. Extravagant appropriations of publtc 
money, with all their demoralizing consequences, should not 
be tolerated, either as a means of relieving the Treasury of 
its present surplus or as furnishing pretext for resisting a 
proper reduction in tariff rates. Existing evils and injus- 
tice should be honestly recognized, boldly met, and effect- 
ively remedied. There should be no cessation of the strug- 
gle until a plan is perfected, fair and conservative toward 
existing industries, but which will reduce the cost to con- 
sumers of the necessaries of life, while it provides for our 
manufacturers the advantage of freer raw materials and per- 
mits no injury to the interests of American labor. 

The cause for which the battle is waged is comprised 
within lines clearly and distinctly defined. It should never 
be compromised. It is the people's cause. 

It can not be denied that the selfish and private interests 
which are so persistently heard when efforts are made to deal 
in a just and comprehensive manner with our tariff laws are 
related to, if they are not responsible for, the sentiment 
largely prevailing among the people that the General Gov- 
ernment is the fountain of individual and private aid; that 
it may be expected to relieve with paternal care the distress 
of citizens and communities, and that from the fullness of 
its Treasury it should upon the slightest possible pretext of 
promoting the general good, apply public funds to the bene- 
fit of localities and individuals. Nor can it be denied that 
there is a growing assumption that, as against the Govern- 
ment and in favor of private claims and interests, the usual 
rules and limitations of business principles and just deal- 
ing should be waived. 



These ideas have been tinhappily much encouraged by leg- 
islative acquiescence. Relief from contracts made with the 
Government is too easily accorded in favor of the citizen; 
the failure to support claims against the Government by 
proof is often supplied by no better consideration than the 
wealth of the Government and the poverty of the claimant; 
gratuities in the form of pensions are granted upon no other 
real ground than the needy condition of the applicant, or for 
reasons less valid; and large sums are expended for public 
buildings and other improvements upon representations 
scarcely claimed to be related to public needs and necessities. 

The extent to wliicli the consideration of such matters 
subordinate and postpone action upon subjects of great pub- 
lic importance, but involving no special private or partisan 
interest, should arrest attention and lead to reformation. 

A few of the numerous illustrations of this condition may 
be stated. 

The crowded condition of the calendar of the Supreme 
Court, and the delay to suitors and denial of justice result- 
ing therefrom, has been strongly urged upon the attention 
of the Congress, with a plan for the relief of the situation 
approved by those well able to judge of its merits. While 
this subject remains without eifective consideration, many 
laws have been passed providing for the holding of terms 
of inferior courts at places to suit the convenience of local- 
ities, or to lay the foundation of an application for the erec- 
tion of a new public building. 

Repeated recommendations have been submitted for the 
amendment and change of the laws relating to our public 
lands so that their spoliation and diversion to other uses than 
as homes for honest settlers might be prevented. While a 
measure to meet this conceded necessity of reform remains 
awaiting the action of the Congress, many claims to the 
public lands and applications for their donation, in favor of 
States and individuals, have been allowed. 



A plan in aid of Indian management, recommended by 
those well informed as containing valuable features in fur- 
therance of the solution of the Indian problem, has thus far 
failed of legislative sanction, while grants of doubtful ex- 
pediency to railroad corporations, permitting them to pass 
through Indian reservations, have greatly multiplied. 

The propriety and necessity of the erection of one or 
more prisons for the confinement of United States convicts, 
and a post-office building in the national capital, are not dis- 
puted. But these needs yet remain unanswered, while 
scores of public buildings have been erected where their 
necessity for public purposes is not apparent. 

A revision of our pension laws could easily be made which 
would rest upon just principles and provide for every worthy 
applicant. But while our general pension laws remain con- 
fused and imperfect, hundreds of private pension laws are 
annually passed, which are the sources of unjust discrimina- 
tion and popular demoralization. 

Appropriation bills for the support of the Government are 
defaced by items and provisions to meet private ends, and 
it is freely asserted by responsible and experienced parties 
that a bill appropriating money for public internal improve- 
ment would fail to meet with favor unless it contained items 
more for local and private advantage than for public benefit. 

These statements can be much emphasized by an ascer- 
tainment of the proportion of Federal legislation which 
either bears upon its face its private character or which 
upon examination develops such a motive power. 

And yet the people wait and expect from their chosen 
representatives such patriotic action as will advance the 
welfare of the entire country; and this expectation can only 
be answered by the performance of public duty with unselfish 
purpose. Our mission among the nations of the earth and 
our success in accomplishing the work God has given the 
American people to do require of those intrusted with the 



making and execution of our laws perfect devotion, above 
all other things, to the public good. 

This devotion will lead us to strongly resist all impatience 
of constitutional limitations of Federal power and to per- 
sistently check the increasing tendency to extend the scope 
of Federal legislation into the domain of State and local 
jurisdiction upon the plea of subserving the public welfare. 
The preservation of the partitions between proper subjects 
of Federal and local care and regulation is of such impor- 
tance under the Constitution, which is the law of our very 
existence, that no consideration of expediency or sentiment 
should tempt us to enter upon doubtful ground. We have 
imdertaken to discover and proclaim the richest blessings of 
a free government, with the Constitution as our guide. Let 
us follow the way it points out; it will not mislead us. And 
surely no one who has taken upon himself the solemn obliga- 
tion to support and preserve the Constitution can find justifi- 
cation or solace for disloyalty in the excuse that he wan- 
dered and disobeyed in search of a better way to reach the 
public welfare than the Constitution offers. 

What has been said is deemed not inappropriate at a 
time when, from a century's heiglit, we view the way already 
trod by the American people and attempt to discover their 
future path. 

The seventh President of the United States — the soldier 
and statesman and at all times the firm and brave friend of 
the people — in vindication of his course as the protector of 
popular rights and the champion of true American citizen- 
ship, declared: 

The ambition which leads me on is an anxious desire and a fixed 
determination to restore to the people unimpaired the sacred trust they 
have confided to raj^ charge; to heal the wounds of the Constitution and to 
preserve it from further violation; to persuade my countrjmen, so far as I 
may, that it is not in a splendid government supported by powerful 
monopolies and aristocratical establishments that they will find happiness 



or their liberties protection, but in a plain system, void of pomp, protecting 
all and granting favors to none, dispensing its blessings like the dews of 
heaven, unseen and unfelt save in the freshness and beauty they con- 
tribute to produce. It is such a government that the genius of our people 
requires — such an one only under which our States may remain for ages 
to come imited, prosperous, and free. 

I am thoroughly convinced that our general pension laws 
should be revised and adjusted to meet as far as possible, 
in the light of our experience, all meritorious cases. The 
fact that 102 different rates of pensions are paid can not, 
in my opinion, be made consistent with justice to the pen- 
sioners or to the Government; and the numerous private 
pension bills that are passed, predicated upon the imperfec- 
tion of general laws, while they increase in many cases ex- 
isting inequality and injustice, lend additional force to the 
recommendation for a revision of the general laws on this 
sub j ect. 

The laxity of ideas prevailing among a large number of 
our people regarding pensions is becoming every day more 
marked. The principles upon which they should be granted 
are in danger of being altogether ignored, and already pen- 
sions are often claimed because the applicants are as much 
entitled as other successful applicants, rather than upon any 
disability reasonably attributable to military service. If the 
establishment of vicious precedents be continued, if tlie 
granting of pensions be not divorced from partisan and other 
unworthy and irrelevant considerations, and if the honorable 
name of veteran unfairly becomes by these means but an- 
other term for one who constantly clamors for the aid of the 
Government, there is danger that injury will be done to the 
fame and patriotism of many whom our citizens all delight 
to honor, and that a prejudice will be aroused unjust to 
meritorious applicants for pensions. 

The consciousness that I have presented but an imperfect 


statement of the condition of our country and its wants occa- 
sions no fear that anything omitted is not known and apppre- 
ciated by the Congress, upon whom rests the responsibility 
of intelligent legislation in behalf of a great nation and a 
confiding people. 

As public servants we shall do our duty well if we con- 
stantly guard the rectitude of our intentions, maintain unsul- 
lied our love of country, and with unselfish purpose strive 
for the public good. 

ILetter to the Committee of the Massachusetts 
Tariff Reform League, Washington, D. C, 

December 2Jt-, 1888.'] 

Gentlemen: I am exceedingly sorry that I cannot be pres- 
ent at the dinner of the Massachusetts Tariff Reform 
League on the 28th inst. This is not merely a formal and 
common expression of regret ; it truly indicates how much I 
should enjoy meeting the members of your league, and how 
glad I should be to express in person my appreciation of 
their important services in a cause to which I am earnestly 
attached, and to acknowledge at the same time their fre- 
quent and encouraging manifestations of personal friend- 
liness. I know, too, that it would be profitable and advan- 
tageous to be, even for a brief period, within the inspiring 
influence of the atmosphere surrounding patriotic and un- 
selfish men, banded together in the interests of their fellow- 
countrymen, and devoted to the work of tariff reform. 

This reform appears to me to be as far-reaching in its 
purposes as the destiny of our country, and as broad in its 
beneficence as the welfare of our entire people. It is be- 
cause the efforts of its advocates are not discredited by any 
sordid motives that they are able boldly and confidently to 



attack the strongholds of selfishness and greed. Our insti- 
tutions were constructed in purity of purpose and love for 
humanity. Their operation is adjusted to the touch of na- 
tional virtue and patriotism, and their results, under such 
guidance, must be the prosperity and happiness of our 
people; and so long as the advocates of tariff reform appre- 
ciate the sentiments in which our institutions had their ori- 
gin, so long as they apprehend the sources which alone can 
guide their operations, so long as they, in a spirit of true 
patriotism, are consecrated to the service of their country, 
temporary defeat brings no discouragement. It but proves 
the stubbornness of the forces of combined selfishness, and 
discloses how far the people have been led astray and how 
great is the necessity of redoubled efforts in their behalf. 
To lose faith in the intelligence of the people is a surrender 
and an abandonment of the struggle. To arouse their intel- 
ligence, and free it from darkness and delusion, gives assur- 
ance of speedy and complete victory. 

In the track of reform are often found the dead hopes of 
pioneers and the despair of those who fall in the march. 
But there will be neither despair nor dead hopes in the path 
of tariff reform ; nor shall its pioneers fail to reach the 
heights. Holding fast their faith, and rejecting everj'^ 
alluring overture and every deceptive compromise which 
would betray their sacred trust, they themselves shall re- 
gain and restore the patrimony of their countrymen, freed 
from the trespass of grasping encroachment and safely se- 
cured by the genius of American justice and equality. 

[Address at a Reception Given by the Demo- 
cratic Club, New York, April 27, 1889. '\ 

Mr. President: Many incidents of my short residence in 
this good city have served to fill my cup of gratitude, and to 



arouse my appreciation of the kindness and consideration of 
those with whom I have made my home. The hospitality of 
the citizens of New York, for which they have long been 
distinguished, has outdone itself in my welcome. The mem- 
bers of my profession have, upon my return to its activities, 
received me with fraternal greetings, and personal friends 
have not permitted me to feel like a stranger in a strange 

And yet I can truly say to-night that none of these 
things will be more vividly and gratefully remembered than 
the opportunity afforded me by this occasion to greet the 
political friends I see about me. While I believe that no 
man is more susceptible than I to every personal kindness, 
and while I am sure that no one values more his personal 
friendships, it should not be regarded as strange when I say 
that these are not more cherished than my loyalty and attach- 
ment to Democratic faith and my obligation to the cardinal 
principles of its party organization. 

I have been honored by my party far beyond my 
deserts; indeed, no man can deserve its highest honors. 
After six years of public service, I return to you, my party 
friends. Six years have I stood as your representative in 
the State and nation, and now I return again to the 
ranks, more convinced than ever that the cause of true 
Democracy is the cause of the people — their safeguard and 
their hope. 

I come to you with no excuses or apologies, and with no 
confession of disloyalty. It is not given to man to meet the 
various and conflicting views of party duty and policy which 
prevail within an organization where individual opinion is so 
freely tolerated as in the Democratic party. Because these 
views are various and conflicting some of them must be 
wrong, but when they are honestly held and advocated they 
should provoke no bitterness or condemnation. But when 
they are proclaimed merely as a cover and pretext for pcr- 



sonal resentment and disappointment, they should be met by 
the exposure and contempt which they deserve. 

If one charged with party representation, with sincere 
design and purpose keeps the party faith, that should be a 
fulfillment of his party obligation. 

No man can lay down the trust which he has held in be- 
half of a generous and confiding people, and feel that at all 
times he has met, in the best possible way, the requirements 
of his trust; but he is not derelict in duty if he has conscien- 
tiously devoted his effort and his judgment to the people's 

I have deliberately placed in close connection loyalty to 
Democratic principles and devotion to the people's interest, 
for, in my view, they belong together and should mean the 
same thing. 

But, in this day of party feeling and attachment, it is well 
for us to- pause and recall the fact that the only justification 
for the existence of any party is the claim that, in profession 
and intent, its obj ects and its purposes are the promotion of 
the public good and the advancement and the welfare and^ 
prosperity of the entire country. There never was a party 
platform or declaration of principles that did not profess 
these things and make them the foundation of party creed, 
and any body of men that should associate themselves to- 
gether proclaiming openly that their purpose was supremacy 
in the government with the sole intent of distributing offices 
and the spoils of victory among their associates, would be 
treated with ridicule and scorn. Thus we are brought face 
to face with the proposition that parties no more than indi- 
viduals should be untruthful or dishonest. 

Of course in the supremacy of party there are advan- 
tages to its members — and this is not amiss. But when- 
high party aims and professions are lost sight of and aban- 
doned, and the interests of office holding and personal pelf 
are all that remain to inspire party activity, not only is the 



support expected from patriotic people forfeited, but the 
elements of cohesion and of effective and lasting political 
strength are gone. The honest differences of opinion which 
must always exist upon questions of principle and of public 
policy, should be sufficient occasion for the existence of par- 
ties, and should point to the field of their usefulness. The 
study of these questions cannot fail to result in more valu- 
able citizenship and more intelligent and better equipped 

When we seek for the cause of the perpetuity of the 
Democratic party and its survival througli every c?risis and 
emergency, and in the face of all opposition, we find it in 
the fact that its corner stone is laid in devotion to the rights 
of the people and in its sympathy with all things that tend 
to the advancement of their welfare and happiness. Though 
heresy may sometimes have crept into its organization, and 
though party conduct may at times have been influenced by 
the shiftiness which is the habitual device of its opponents, 
there has always remained deeply imbedded in its nature 
and character that spirit of true Americanism and that love 
of popular rights which has made it indestructible in disas- 
ter and defeat, and has constituted it a boon to the country 
in its hour of triumph and supremacy. 

The great founder of our party, as he consecrated himself 
by a solemn oath to the faithful performance of the duties 
of the Presidential office, and as he pledged himself to the 
preservation, protection, and defense of the Constitution, 
after presenting to his assembled countrymen the causes of 
congratulation, found in the condition of our country and the 
character of our people, impressively added : " With all these 
blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and 
prosperous people ? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens : a 
wise and frugal government which shall restrain men from 
injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to 
regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, 



and shall not take from the mouth of labor tlie bread it has 
earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is 
necessary to close the circle of our felicities." 

In the lexicon of true Democracy these words are not obso- 
lete, but they still furnish the inspiration for our efforts and 
an interpretation of our political faith. 

Happily the party creed which we profess is not within 
such narrow lines as that obedience does not permit us to 
move abreast with the advanced thought of the country and 
to meet and test every question and apply a principle to 
every situaiion. 

True Democracy, stanch in its adhesion to fundamental 
doctrine, is at the same time, in a proper sense, progressive. 
It recognizes our growth and our expansion, and the birth of 
new thought and sentiment. It will judge them all by safe 
standards, and in every phase of national development it will 
be prepalfcd to meet as they arise every need of the people 
and every popular want. True Democracy honestly advo- 
cates national brotherhood, to the end that all our country- 
men may aid in the achievement of the grand destiny which 
awaits us as a nation ; and it condemns the pretext of liber- 
ality and harmony which, when partisan advantage is to be 
gained, gives way for inflammatory appeals to sectional hate 
and passion. It insists upon that equality before the law 
which concedes the care and protection of the government to 
simple manhood and citizenship. It does not favor the mul- 
tiplication of offices and salaries merely to make partisans, 
nor use the promise and bestowal of place for the purpose 
of stifling the press and bribing the people. It seeks to 
lighten the burdens of life in every home and to take from 
the citizen for the cost of government the lowest possible 

We know that we have espoused the cause of right and 
j ustice. We know that we have not permitted duty to coun- 
try to wait upon expediency. We know that we have not 



trafficked our principles for success. We know that we have 
not deceived the people with false promises and pretenses. 
And we know that we have not corrupted or betrayed the 
poor with the money of the rich. 

Who shall say that these things promise no reward and 
that triumph shall not follow the enlightened judgment and 
the sober second thought of our countrymen? There are 
to-day no weak, weary, and despondent members of the true 
Democracy, and there should be none. Thoughtful attention 
to political topics is thoroughly aroused. Events day by day 
are leading men to review the reasons for their party affilia- 
tions and the supporters of the principles we profess are con- 
stantly recruited by intelligent, young, and sturdy adherents. 

Let us deserve their confidence, and, shunning all ignoble 
practices, let us remain steadfast to Democratic faith and to 
the cause of our country. If we are true and loyal to these, 
the day of our triumph will surely and quickly come, and 
our victory shall be fairly, nobly won, through the invincible 
spirit of the Democracy. 

[Address ^at the Washington Inauguration Cen- 
tennial^ New York, April SO, 1889.'] 

Wherever human government has been administered in 
tyranny, in despotism, or in oppression, there has been found, 
among the governed, yearning for a freer condition and the 
assertion of man's nobility. These are but the faltering 
steps of human nature in the direction of the freedom which 
is its birthright; and they presage the struggle of men to be- 
come a free people, and thus reach the plane of their highest 
and best aspirations. In this relation, and in their cry for 
freedom, it may be truly said, the voice of the people is the 
voice of God. 

In sublime faith and rugged strength our fathers cried 


out to the world, " We, the people of the United States, in 
order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure 
domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, pro- 
mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty 
to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this 
Constitution for the United State of America," 

Thus " our people," in a day, assumed a place among the 
nations of the earth. Their mission was to teach the fitness 
of man for self-government, and their destiny was to out- 
strip every other people in national achievement and material 

One hundred years have passed. We have announced and 
approved to the world our mission, and made our destiny 

Our churches, our schools and universities, and our benev- 
olent institutions, which beautify every town and hamlet, 
and look out from every hillside, testify to the value our 
people place upon religious teaching, upon advanced educa- 
tion, and upon deeds of charity. That our people are still 
jealous of their individual rights and freedom is proved by 
the fact that no one in place or power has dared openly to 
assail them. The enthusiasm which marks the celebration of 
the centennial of the inauguration of their first Chief Magis- 
trate shows the popular appreciation of the value of the office, 
which, in our plan of government, stands above all others, 
for the sovereignty of the people, and is the repository of 
their trust. 

Surely such a people can be safely trusted with their free 
government; and there need be no fear that they have lost 
the qualities which fit them to be its custodians. If they 
should wander, they will return to duty in good time. If 
they should be misled, they will discover the true landmarks 
none too late for safety ; and if they should even be corrupted 
they will speedily be found seeking with peace-offerings 
their country's holy altar. 



Let us, then, have an abiding faith in " our people." Let 
petulance and discontent with popular action disappear be- 
fore the truth that in any and all circumstances, the will of 
the people, however it may be exercised, is the law of our 
national existence — the arbiter, absolute and unchangeable, 
by which we must abide. Other than existing situations and 
policies can only justify themselves when they may be 
reached hj the spread of political intelligence and the re- 
vival of unselfish and patriotic interest in public affairs. 
Ill-natured complaints of popular incompetency, and self- 
righteous assertions of superiority over the body of the peo- 
ple, are impotent and useless. 

But there is danger, I fear, that the scope of the words 
" our people " and all they import are not always fully 
apprehended. It is only natural that those in the various 
walks of life should see " our people " within the range of 
their own vision, and find j ust about them the interests most 
important and the most worthy the care of the government. 
The rich merchant or capitalist, in the center of wealth and 
enterprise, hardly has a glimpse of the country blacksmith 
at his forge or the farmer in his field; and these, in their 
turn, know but little of the laborers, who crowd our manu- 
factories and inhabit their own world of toil, or of the thou- 
sands who labor in our mines. If representatives of every 
element of our population and industries should be gathered 
together, they would find but little of purely selfish and per- 
sonal interest in common ; and upon a superficial glance but 
little would be seen to denote that only one people was rep- 
resented. Yet, in the spirit of our institutions, all these, so 
separated in station and personal interest, are a common 
brotherhood and are "our people"; all of equal value be- 
fore the law ; all having, by their suffrage, the same voice in 
governmental affairs ; all demanding with equal force protec- 
tion and defense; and all, in their persons and property, 
equally entitled to their government's scrupulous care. 



[Address at the Fellowcraft Cluh, New York, 
May U, 1889.1 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I think I should be glad 
to depart to-night from what I suppose to be the custom here, 
and say a few words to you without the least reference to the 
occupations in which 1 understand the members of this club 
are principally engaged, and without speaking of the news- 
papers and those who make and manage them. But I do not 
see how I am to accomplish these things, because, in the first 
place, the atmosphere is against me, and in the second place, 
the newspaper press and what it does are so interwoven with 
our life that they can hardly be eliminated from the discus- 
sion of any subject. 

I want to speak of American citizenship; and I am 
prompted at the outset to say that I cannot see why, among 
those who have to do with the newspaper press, all things 
that pertain to good citizenship should not have the highest 
place ; and that I never could discover wliy those connected 
with newspapers should not be judged by the same rules as 
are applied to the rest of us, nor why they are not charged 
with certainly as serious duties and responsibilities as other 
citizens. I protest against the theory, which appears to have 
gained some headway in certain quarters, that they are a 
little outside of the mass of ordinary citizens ; and in their 
defense and vindication, I deny the proposition that they de- 
liberately acknowledge fealty and devotion to tlieir newspa- 
pers first and to their country afterward. Of course, if 
crowded, I should be obliged to confess that, in my opinion, 
there are exceptions, and that, occasionally, there are found 
among the editors and managers of newspapers, as every- 
where else, those whose personal resentments, or extreme and 
misguided partisanship, lead them to pitiable conclusions; 



but against these I put the great number who, day by day, 
labor to make our country better and our people more 
thoughtful and intelligent. 

The warmth of my desire to see good American citizen- 
ship more prevalent, and the value of it better appreciated by 
our people, arises in a great degree, I suppose, from my re- 
cent experience in discharging the duties of an office which 
afforded an opportunity of observing the motive power and 
strength of selfish interests in governmental affairs ; and in 
comparison, how weak, if judged by their accomplishments, 
are disinterested love of country and dutiful solicitude for 
the public good. 

Ours is not a government which operates well by its own 
momentum. It is so constructed that it will only yield its 
best results when it feels the constant pressure of the hands 
of the people. This condition suggests the importance of 
patriotism and devotion to the general and public welfare 
in all branches of the government. But this is impossible if 
the representatives of the people in the State or nation look 
no higher than the promotion of personal benefit, or the 
local interests of their immediate constituents, or the accom- 
plishment of some purpose in aid of their own retention in 
place. The man who enters upon a legislative career, having 
charged himself especially or exclusively with the passage 
of measures in which he or his personal supporters are alone 
interested, or with the success of some private enterprise, is 
apt to be false to himself and untrue to his trust. His mind 
is preoccupied to such an extent, and his selfish purposes as- 
sume such large proportions in his sight, that a scheme for a 
new public building for his town or district, or for a bridge 
across a river, or for the right of way for a railroad, or for 
the allowance of a claim against the government, crowds out 
all consideration on his part of great and broad general sub- 
jects. Thus he furnishes no intelligent aid in legislation for 
the public good, and it is fortunate for the people if he does 



not deliver questionable votes in exchange for like favors in 
behalf of his pet scheme or schemes. 

I do not indulge in the statement of an imaginary case. 
And what I have thus presented is but an illustration of the 
perversions that are creeping into every branch of our public 
service. Thoughtful men will not deny that danger lurks in 
the growing tendency of to-day to regard public office as 
something which may be sought and administered for private 
ends, instead of being received and held as a public trust. 

Now I plead for the cultivation of a sentiment among the 
people which will condemn this conduct and these ideas, and 
which will impress upon those who act for and represent us 
in every official capacity the truth that their duty is only 
performed by activity for the public good and by the utmost 
care that the spirit of our institutions suffers no impairment. 

As a stream will not rise above its source, so it is manifest 
that, to reach this better condition, selfishness and listlessness 
among the people themselves must give way to a sincere and 
earnest desire for the preservation and increase of that sen- 
timent of true American citizenship which recognizes in the 
advancement of the entire country something more to be de- 
sired than the direct and immediate attainment of purely 
private ends. 

Here is a field in which all can labor and find plenty to do. 
Those active in the work will have their love of country en- 
livened, and they will not fail to receive encouraging re- 
sponse to their efforts. 

It M'ill be a mistake for us to relax effort because we cannot 
reach the highest point of useful activity, or because we may 
not be able to deal directly with evils in the highest places. 
A good beginning is made when communities and individuals 
are led to appreciate properly the value of public spirit and 
unselfishness in matters connected with their home affairs 
and with the interest of their neighborhoods. The men who 
have learned the lesson of good citizenship, as related to the 



concerns of the school district, the village, or the city, will 
soon strive effectively to impress that lesson upon those who 
have to do with the concerns of the State and of the nation, 

I am sure that we can none of us confidently say that even 
here, in this grand and busy city, there is no room for an 
increase of public spirit, or that too much attention is paid 
to the cultivation of American citizenship. I do not mean to 
say that we are behind in these things, but intend merely to 
intimate that we should as far excel in this direction as we 
do in every other. 

Nor is there the least danger that we shall have among us 
too many reminders that our city is something more than a 
swift-running mill which grinds the grists of fortune, and 
that we have in our history and traditions things well worthy 
of commemoration in palpable and lasting form. Thus the 
project now on foot to build in an appropriate location a 
permanent and beautiful arch, to replace a temporary one 
which added so much to our splendid Centennial display, 
should not be allowed to miscarry. Such a structure will 
lead the minds of our citizens away from sordid things, and 
will suggest to them not only the impressive thoughts con- 
nected with our first President's inauguration, but will con- 
stantly remind them how grandly the event was celebrated 
in this city one hundred years afterward. By such means 
is public spirit fostered, and the way opened for a wider 
prevalence of good citizenship in its highest and broadest 

Let us, on the threshold of a new century, charged as we 
are with the maintenance, in our day and generation, of the 
integrity of our government, pledge ourselves to labor, each 
in his own sphere, for the revival of pure and simple patriot- 
ism and for the increase of that unselfish love of our entire 
country in which our safety lies. 

And now I cannot refrain from suggesting as a closing 
thought that the responsibility of men like those who con- 



stitute the membership of this club, in every part and every 
phase a movement in the direction of public spirit and good 
citizenship, is made apparent when it is conceded that no 
agency can accomplish more in the cause than a free, coura- 
geous, and patriotic press. 

I Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of 
the New Academy of Jledicine^ New York, 
October 2, 1889.] 

The congratulation and the satisfaction which attend this 
hour especially belong to the members of the Academy of 
Medicine. This is as it should be, for the exercises of to-day 
signalize an achievement wrought by their activity and en- 
ergy, and give proof of their devotion and attachment to 
their chosen profession. To the members of this organiza- 
tion the corner stone which we now lay is an honor, for it is 
a monument which marks an important advance in the at- 
tainment of the purpose of the Academy, as declared in its 
constitution : " the promotion of the science and art of medi- 

In these extensive foundations is also found proof of the 
progressive ideas of these earnest men and their constantly 
enlarging estimate of what is necessary to meet the purposes 
to which their energy is directed. I have lately seen a 
pamphlet containing the constitution and by-laws of the 
Academy, with a prefatory note published only three years 
ago. In this note it is declared that, from the inception of 
the Academy, one of its chief objects has been the procure- 
ment of a building or hall where its meetings might be held, 
where a library and museum could be garnered, and where 
the profession could meet on common groimd. The state- 
ment is added with much apparent satisfaction that the 



efforts put forth in this direction have culminated in 
the purchase of a commodious building centrally situ- 
ated, thus " providing a library, hall, and audience room, 
which will, for some time, answer the Academy's wants and 
those of the profession." It is already foimd that the com- 
modious building which, three years ago, was deemed suffi- 
cient headquarters for the usefulness of the Academy, is too 
small and cramped to answer the beneficent purposes of the 
organization, and the erection of a structure three or four 
times as large has been entered upon. It is thus evident that 
the members of the Academy of Medicine, not forgetting the 
mission they have undertaken to promote the science and art 
of medicine, and, seeing broader avenues leading to this 
ob j ect, have promptly, and with an energy which never fails, 
begun their preparations for wider activity and more impor- 
tant results. 

I have spoken of the mission of the Academy. The nobil- 
ity and sacred character of this mission have been often 
dwelt upon. It is an old story, but it will never lose its in- 
terest while humanity is touched with human woe ; while self- 
sacrifice receives the homage of Christian hearts; while the 
sufferings and sorrows of our fellow-men start the tear of 
pity ; nor while their alleviation brings comfort and satisfac- 
tion to the soul of sympathy. 

These reflections easily and naturally lead to the thought 
that the members of the Academy of Medicine are not en- 
titled to the absolute monopoly of congratulation to-day. 
All your fellow-citizens may well claim a share, not only be- 
cause they are interested in the promotion of the science and 
art of medicine, by reason of their liability to accident and 
disease, but because such advance in any profession, as is 
here demonstrated, adds to the glory and renown of our 
common country. I am here to claim for the laymen among 
your fellow-citizens a part of the pride which grows out of 
the progress and achievement of our medical profession. I 



base this claim upon the fact that, in this favored land of 
ours, all interests are so interwoven and all activities lead, or 
should lead, so directly to the accomplishment of our common 
national destiny that none of us can be indifferent to an im- 
portant advance among us in any science or industry. 

I am sure that you are not inclined to ignore the aid you 
have received, in the project you have undertaken, from the 
laymen among your fellows. Nor can you forget that un- 
derlying all that you have done and all that you have re- 
ceived are our free American institutions, which encourage 
and give scope to every worthy effort, and which offer fitting 
rewards for intelligent and well-directed labor in every con- 
dition of life. 

You will not, therefore, I trust, deem it impertinent if I 
remind you that none of us is absolved from the duty of aid- 
ing in the maintenance in complete integrity of these free in- 
stitutions, and that this requires the thoughtful care and 
attention of every citizen. You do much for your country 
when you raise the standard and enlarge the usefulness of 
your profession ; but you do not accomplish all you can, nor 
do you discharge your full duty of citizenship, unless you 
also attempt to better the condition of public affairs and give 
to political topics and movements the benefit of your trained 
thought and well-informed judgment. In this way you assist 
in making safe and sure the foundations upon which must 
rest the success and value of all your professional efforts and 

I hope, when we shall celebrate here the discovery of our 
country, that we may point out on this spot, in your com- 
pleted building, a splendid monument of the progress of our 
medical education, a monument which shall not only prove 
to the stranger that our physicians are proud of their profes- 
sion, but one which shall also be a reminder that those who 
govern within its walls do not forget, in their devotion to the 
science and art of medicine, their other duties of citizenship. 



[Address at the New York Chamber of Com- 
merce Banquet, November 19, 1889.'] 

As I speak of the honorary members of the Chamber of 
Commerce, I shall, first of all, avail myself of the oppor- 
tunity here afforded to express my thanks for the action of 
that body which placed my name upon its roll of honor. It 
is a source of great gratification to me to be thus related, 
though only nominally, to the vast business interests which 
this organization has in its charge and keeping, and I think 
and trust that I do not in the least underestimate the im- 
provement and benefit which may result to me from such 

The business of a country is its life blood; and all who 
are directly or indirectly connected with it, who are ac- 
quainted with its operations and are able to discern the man- 
ner in which it may be benefited or injured, and the causes 
which affect it, should be, for these reasons, better able to 
perform well their duties as citizens. 

Good government is the object of every patriotic aspira- 
tion of our people. But good government is so unlike a 
thing to be gained by dreaming of it, and is something so 
practical and palpable, that it is best judged by business 
tests; and thus the condition of the business of a country is 
properly considered a reliable indicator of the nature of its 
government and the manner in which such government is 

Of course, the conception of business here intended must 
not be confused with the selfish scurry and sordid clutching 
after wealth which we see about us every day — heedless of 
the rights of others and utterly regardless of any obligation 
to aid in the nation's growth and greatness. This is not the 
business of a country; nor should the narrow and circum- 



scribed success of such endeavor be recognized as evidence 
of a beneficent government or of wholesome laws. The ac- 
tive, strong impulse which, starting from important centers, 
steadily permeates the entire land, giving to our tradesmen, 
everywhere, healthy prosperity, to our toilers remunerative 
labor, and to our homes comfort and contentment, consti- 
tute phases of the business of our country which we love to 
recognize as proofs of the value of our free institutions and 
demonstrations of the benign operation of just legislation. 
But when these factors of general thrift and happiness are 
wanting, we may well fear that we are not in the enjoyment 
of all the blessings of good government. 

Since business, properly defined, is thus closely related to 
government, it plainly follows that, if those intrusted with 
public affairs were more identified with men like those form- 
ing the active membership of this Chamber of Commerce, and 
were better informed concerning the interest which such men 
represent, the country would be the gainer. I do not hesi- 
tate to say that we should have more business men in our 
national legislature. If this should be conceded, and the 
question of reaching that result is presented, but two modes 
can be suggested — either to make business men of those 
elected or choose business men in the first instance. The 
latter plan is manifestly the best, and, indeed, the only prac- 
tical one. 

I must confess that, fresh from public employment, as I 
look about me here, I feel like a good judge of valuable 
material, when he sees it in abundance unused and going to 
waste before his eyes. It is well for you to be conversant 
with markets, and you are obliged to study them. But it is 
undeniable that the laws of your country and their execution 
are so related to markets that they, too, are worthy of your 
attention. I know that participation in the public service 
would involve an interruption of your ordinary vocations, 
but is it not your duty to suffer this for the sake of the good 



you can accomplish? Nor is the subject devoid of an in- 
ducement based upon self-interest, for you must agree with 
me that business men upon Congressional committees, or 
upon the floor of Congress, could accomplish much more in 
the direction of their own protection than by periodically 
seeking admission to committee rooms, or awaiting the con- 
venience of legislators who need their instructions. 

I cannot be mistaken when I say that some dangers which 
beset our political life might be avoided or safely met if our 
business men would more actively share in public affairs, 
and that nothing would better befit the character and object 
of your organization than a practical movement in this direc- 

I hasten now to say that I have not forgotten the topic 
with which I started. I am embarrassed in treating of it be- 
cause, in theory, the honorary members are those who have 
rendered useful public service. As the last and least of 
these members I feel that I can do little more than acknowl- 
edge my gratitude for the privilege of being counted with 
the grand men whose names stand above me on the roll — 
the living and the dead. 

There has been much discussion lately concerning the 
disposition which should be made of our ex-Presidents, and 
many plans have been suggested for putting us out of the 
way. I am sure we are very sorry to make so much trouble, 
but I do hope that, whatever conclusion may be reached, the 
recommendation of a Kentucky newspaper editor, to take 
us out and shoot us, will not be adopted. Prior to the 4th 
day of last March I did not appreciate as well as I do now 
the objections to this proceeding, but I have had time to 
reflect upon the subject since and I find excellent reasons 
for opposing this plan. 

If I should be allowed to express myself upon this ques- 
tion I would suggest that the best way to deal vrith your 
troublesome ex-Presidents is to let them alone and give them 



the same chance to earn an honest living that other people 
have. And if for any reason you desire to honor them, it 
cannot be done better than by putting their names upon the 
roll of honorary membership of the New York Chamber of 

[Letter to the Young 31 ens Democratic Club 
at Canton^ O.j New York, November 22, 

Gentlemen : I am pleased with the invitation you extend to 
Mrs. Cleveland and myself to be present at the anniversary 
meeting of the Young Men's Democratic Club on the 5th 
day of December. If the exercises you contemplate and out- 
line in your letter are carried out, all who attend them are 
certainly promised a rare exposition of sound doctrine from 
the eloquent and able speakers you have secured. I am 
sorry that, owing to other engagements, we must be among 
the absent ones. 

The spirit and tone of your letter, so far as it relates to 
the purposes of your club, are very gratifying. The con- 
stantly growing interest manifested by our young men in 
the principles of the Democratic party constitute, in my opin- 
ion, the most reliable hope of their ascendency. If, at any 
time in the past, it has with any truth been said that our 
party did not invite to its standard the enterprising and 
thoughtful young men of the country, to-day such an allega- 
tion shall be disputed. 

And these men, keenly alive to their country's welfare, 
quick to discover the needs of" the present, and ready, in 
the freedom of untrammeled thought, to follow in the path- 
way of good citizenship, can be safely trusted with polit- 
ical responsibilities. I hope your meeting will be very 



[Address at the Banquet of the Merchants' Asso- 
ciation of Boston, December 12, 1889.1 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen t When I see about me this 
gathering of business men and merchants^ I find it impos- 
sible to rid myself of the impressive thought that here is 
represented that factor in civilized life which measures the 
progress of a people, which constitutes the chief care of 
every enlightened government, and which gives to a country 
the privilege of recognized membership in the community 
of nations. 

Our business men cannot, if they would, escape the re- 
sponsibility which this condition casts upon them — a re- 
sponsibilitj' most exacting and invested with the seriousness 
which always results from a just apprehension of man's re- 
lation to his fellow-man and the obligation due from a citi- 
zen to liis government. They can find no pretext for indif- 
ference in the self-complacent claim that under American 
institutions, as in other times and in foreign lands, business 
men and merchants have only gained a recognition of their 
importance and value as it has been forced from a govern- 
ment in which they had no representation and from rulers 
who looked upon their vocation with contempt. They can- 
not absolve themselves from loyal duty to a government 
which has, at all times, invited them to a high place in pub- 
lic counsels and which has always ungrudgingly conceded 
their indispensable value in the growth and progress of our 

These considerations plainly point out your responsibility 
and duty as members of the guild of business and as belong- 
ing to the fellowship of trade. 

But we cannot avoid other reflections leading in the same 
direction and related to you alone — the business men of Bos- 



ton. The scene of your activity is the commercial reiiter 
of a great and ancient commonwealth, rich in patritic tra- 
ditions. It was upon the waters of 3'our harbor Jiat the 
first active and physical defiance and opposition 'were made 
to odious and unfair imperial legislation affecting colonial 
trade; and the first battle by Americans for liberty of the 
person^ and for freedom from unjust and oppressive restraint 
upon business, was fought within sight of your warehouses. 

You have, besides, inherited a tinist which shades with 
sober sentiment your obligation to your country and your 
fellow-citizens. With the birth of American trade there 
arose on the spot merchants of strong sense and enlightened 
enterprise, chiefs among their fellows, independent and 
self-reliant, willing to chance their success upon their own 
effort and foresight, inflexibly honest and intensely jealous 
of their commercial honor. Upon your wharves and in your 
counting rooms they wrought out their well-earned fortunes. 
Their ships were found in every ocean-path, and they made 
their country known in tlie trade transactions of the world. 
Abroad they gained willing confidence and credit by their 
commercial integrity and probity, and at home they were the 
pride of their countrymen. 

These were the old Boston merchants. You, their busi- 
ness heirs and successors, will pardon me if I remind you 
to-night that the commanding influence of these men did not 
rest upon immense fortunes, made in a day; but resulted 
from their well-known honor and scrupulous good faith, 
which led them to concede to all even the uttermost fraction 
of right. Nor did they forget their duties of citizenship. 
They jealously watched the operations of their government, 
and exacted from it only economy and honesty and a just 
measure of care and security for themselves and the inter- 
ests they had in charge. 

The Boston merchant of to-day has not less integrity and 
virtue than his predecessor; but surely we are not called 



upon, by the fear of controversy, to close our eyes to the fact 
that his environment is vastly different. There is among 
our people less of meaning embodied in the sentiment that 
tlie government upon which we have staked all our hopes 
and aspirations, requires, for its successful maintenance, a 
patriotic regard for the aggregate of the happiness and 
prosperity of all our people and a willing consent to a fair 
distribution of the benefits of our free institutions. 

Equal rights and impartial justice are stipulations of the 
compact we have entered into with each other as American 
citizens; and so nicely adjusted is this plan of our political 
association, that favoritism for the sole advantage of any 
section of our membership inevitably results in an encroach- 
ment upon the benefits justly due to others. But these 
things sit so lightly upon the consciences of many that a 
spirit of selfishness is abroad in the land, which has bred 
the habit of clamorous importunity for government aid in 
behalf of special interests — imperfectly disguised under the 
cloak of solicitude for the public good. 

Can we see no contrast between the sturdy self-reliance 
of the Boston merchant in the days that are past, and the 
attitude you are invited to assume as dependents upon the 
favor of the government and beneficiaries under its taxing 
power ? Is there not a difference between the ideas that for- 
merly prevailed concerning the just and wholesome relations 
which should exist between the government and the business 
of the country, and the present tendency toward a govern- 
ment partnership in trade? And was there a hint in for- 
mer days that especial advantages thus once secured, con- 
stituted a vested right which in no event should in the least 
be disturbed.'' 

'"'Political selfishness cheapens in the minds of the people 
their apprehension of the character and functions of the gov- 
ernment; it distorts every conception of the duty of good 
citizenship, and creates an atmosphere in which iniquitous 



purposes and designs lose their odious features. It begins 
when a perverted judgment is won to the theory that polit- 
ical action may be used solely for private gain and advan- 
tage, and when a tender conscience is quieted by the ingen- 
ious argument that such gain and advantage are identical 
with the public welfare. / This stage having been reached, 
and self-interest being now fully aroused, agencies are used 
and practices permitted in the accomplishment of its pur- 
poses, which, seen in the pure light of disinterested patriot- 
ism, are viewed with fear and hatred. The independent 
thought, and free political preference of those whom Fate 
has made dependent upon daily toil for hard-earned bread, 
are strangled and destroyed by intimidation and the fear of 
loss of employment. Vile, unsavory forms rise to the sur- 
face of our agitated political waters, and gleefully antici- 
pate, in the anxiety of selfish interest, their opportunity to 
fatten upon corruption and debauched suffrage. 

This train of thought leads us to consider the imminent 
danger which threatens us from the intimidation and cor- 
ruption of our voters. 

It is too late to temporize with these evils, or to speak 
of them otherwise than in the plainest terms. We are 
spared the labor of proving their existence, for all admit it. 
That they are terribly on the increase all must concede. 

Manifestly, if the motives of all our citizens were un- 
selfish and patriotic, and if they sought in political action 
only their share of the advantage accruing from the advance 
of our country at all points toward her grand destiny, there 
would be no place or occasion for the perversion of our suf- 
frage. Thus the inauguration of the intimidation and cor- 
ruption of our voters may be justly charged to selfish 
schemes seeking success through political action. But these 
evils have been neglected by honest men, disgusted with all 
political endeavor; they have been tolerated by respectable 
men who, in weakness of patriotic sentiment, have regarded 


adl'KESSes and papers 

them r.3 only phases of shrewd political management, and 
they have been actually encouraged by the honors which 
havp been bestowed upon those who boast of their use of 
such agencies in aid of party supremacy. 

Many of us, therefore, may take to ourselves a share of 
blame, when we find confronting us these perils which 
threaten the existence of our free institutions, the preserva- 
tion of our national honor, and the perpetuity of our coun- 
try. The condition annexed to the founding of our govern- 
ment upon the suffrage of the people was that the suffrage 
should be free and pure. We consented to abide by the 
honest preponderance of political opinion, but we did not 
consent that a free vote, expressing the intelligent and 
thoughtful sentiment of the voter, should be balanced by a 
vote of intimidation and fear, or by an unclean, corrupt vote 
disgracefully bought and treacherously sold. 

Let us look with a degree of pity and charity upon those 
who yield to fear and intimidation in the exercise of their 
right of suffrage. Though they ought not thus to yield, we 
cannot forget that, as against their free ballot, they see in 
the scale their continued employment, the comforts of their 
homes, and the maintenance of their families. We need not 
stifle our scorn and contempt for the wretch who basely sells 
his vote, and who for a bribe betrays his trust of citizenship. 
And yet the thought will intrude itself that he but follows, 
in a low and vulgar fashion, the example of those who pro- 
ceed upon the theory that political action may be turned to 
private gain. 

But whether we pity or whether we hate, our betrayal is 
none the less complete; nor will either pity or hate restore 
our birthright. But we know that when political selfish- 
ness is destroyed our dangers will disappear; and though 
the way to its stronghold may be long and weary, we will 
follow it — fighting as we go. There will be no surrender, 
nor will there be desertions from our ranks. Selfishness 



and corruption have not yet achieved a lasting triumph, and 
their bold defiance will but hasten the day of their destruc- 

As we struggle on, and confidently invite a direct con- 
flict with these intrenched foes of our political safety, we 
have not failed to see another hope, which has manifested 
itself to all the honest people of the land. It teaches them 
that though they may not immediately destroy at their 
source the evils which afflict them, they may check their 
malign influence and guard themselves against their bane- 
ful results. It assures them, that, if political virtue and 
rectitude cannot at once be thoroughly restored to the public, 
the activity of baser elements may be discouraged. It in- 
spires them with vigilant watchfulness and a determination 
to prevent as far as possible their treacherous betrayal by 
those who are false to their obligations of citizenship. 

This hope, risen like the Star in the East, has fixed the 
gaze of our patriotic fellow-countrymen; and everywhere — 
in our busy marts of trade and on our .farms, in our cities 
and in our villages, in the dwellings of the rich and in the 
homes of the poor, in our universities and in our workshops, 
in our banking houses and in the ranks of inexorable toil — 
they greet with enthusiastic acclaim the advent of ballot 

There are no leaders in this cause. Those who seem to 
lead the movement are but swept to the front by the surging 
force of patriotic sentiment. It rises far above partisan- 
ship; and only the heedless, the sordid, and the depraved 
refuse to join in the crusade. 

This reform is predicated upon the cool deliberation of 
political selfishness in its endeavor to prostitute our suffrage 
to the purposes of private gain. It is rightly supposed that 
corruption of the voter is entered upon with such business 
calculation that the corrupter will only pay a bribe when 
he has ocular proof that the suffrage he has bargained for 



is cast in his interest. So, too, it is reasonably expected that 
if the employee or laborer is at the time of casting his 
ballot removed from the immediate control of his employer, 
the futility of fear and intimidation will lead to their aban- 

The change demanded by this reform in the formalities 
surrounding the exercise of the privilege of suffrage has 
given rise to real or pretended solicitude for the rights of 
our voters; and the fear has been expressed that inability 
on the part of electors to conform to the requirements of the 
proposed change might produce great inconvenience, and in 
some cases result in disfranchisement. It has even been 
suggested that the inauguration of the new plan might en- 
croach upon constitutional guarantees. 

It will not do to accuse of hostility to the reform all 
those who present these objections; but it is not amiss to 
inspect their ranks for enemies in disguise. Though the 
emergency which is upon us is full of danger, and though 
we sadly need relief, all rights should be scrupulously pre- 
served. But there should be no shuffling, and no frivolous 
objections should be tolerated. When a dwelling is in flames 
we use no set phrase of speech to warn its inmates, and no 
polite and courtly touch to effect their rescue. Experience 
has often demonstrated how quickly obstacles, which seemed 
plausible if not convincing when urged against a measure 
of reform, are dissipated by the test of trial, and how read- 
ily a new order of things adjusts itself to successful use. 

I remember the inauguration of another reform; and I 
have seen it grow and extend, until it has become firmly 
established in our laws and practice. It is to-day our great- 
est safeguard against the complete and disgraceful degrada- 
tion of our public service. It had its enemies, and all of 
them are not yet silenced. Those openly and secretly un- 
friendly said in the beginning that the scheme was imprac- 
ticable and unnecessary; that it created an office-holding 



class; that it established burdensome and delusive tests for 
entry in the public service which should be open to all ; that 
it put in the place of real merit and efficiency, scholastic ac- 
quirements; that it limited the discretion of those charged 
"with the selection of public employees, and that it was un- 
constitutional. But its victory came, — wrought by tlie force 
of enlightened public sentiment, — and upon its trial every 
objection which had been urged against it was completely 

As it has been with civil service reform, so will it be with 
ballot reform, except that the coming victory will be more 
speedily achieved and will be more complete. 

And as the grand old State of Massachusetts was fore- 
most to adopt and demonstrate the practicability and useful- 
ness of civil service reform, so has she been first to adopt a 
thorough scheme of ballot reform and to prove in practice its 
value and the invalidity of the objections made against it. 
We thank Massachusetts to-night for all that she has done 
for these reforms ; and we of New York hope that our Em- 
pire State will soon be keeping step with her sister States 
in the enforcement of an effective and honest measure of 
ballot reform. 

In conclusion let me say that good men have no cause for 
discouragement. Though there are dangers which threaten 
our welfare and safety, the virtue and patriotism of the 
American people are not lost, and we shall find them suffi- 
cient for us. If in too great confidence they slumber, they 
will not always sleep. Let them but be aroused' from leth- 
argy and indifference by tlie consciousness of peril, and they 
will burst the bonds of political selfishness, revive their 
political freedom, and restore the purity of their suffrage. 

Thus will they discharge the sacred trust committed to 
their keeping; thus will they still proudly present to the 
world proof of the value of free institutions; thus will they 
demonstrate the strength and perpetuity of a government by 



the people; thus will they establish American patriotism 
throughout the length and breadth of our land; and thus 
will they preserve for themselves and for posterity their 
God-given inheritance of freedom and justice and peace and 

[Address at the Cornell Alumni Society Meet- 
ing, December 21, 1889.'] 

Mr, President and Gentlemen: I am confident that how- 
ever well a man may think he has computed the factors 
which fix his status among his fellows, and however closely 
he may have inventoried his social assets and the claims he 
may hold to dignity and consideration, an item is quite 
likely now and then to escape his scrutiny. As a result he 
is liable to awaken some morning and find himself, if not 
famous, at least entitled to some distinction or consideration 
which had not before entered into his calculation. 

If I am not the inventor of this weighty proposition I 
may safely claim to be a striking and convincing illustration 
of its truth. 

When a committee having the arrangements for this occa- 
sion in charge came to me with an invitation to be present, 
I listened to their proposition with that placid fortitude 
which one acquires in encounters with those anxious to 
demonstrate their unselfish patriotism by accepting office in 
the Federal service. I confess that the impressive repre- 
sentation made by the committee of the importance of the 
occasion, which in these days I hear so often, had little or 
no effect upon me, and that the thought I was giving to the 
subject was solely directed to determining the manner in 
which I might most courteously announce my declination. 
At this junctijre one of my visitors mentioned the fact that 
I had been the only Governor of the State of New York, 



who, during his incumbency, had attended a meeting of the 
Trustees of Cornell University as ex officio a member of that 

This was an entirely unexpected announcement. I need 
hardly say that conditions changed in an instant, when I 
understood that I had done an important thing, entirely 
proper and creditable, which my gubernatorial predecessors 
had not done. Somewhat puffed up by this newly found su- 
periority, and by the additional importance which I imag- 
ined it gave me, I was ready to acknowledge the character 
of the obligation which was imposed by my relations thus 
established to an important institution of learning, and the 
duty I owed to those who ate and drank in its honor. 

So I came here to insist upon a proper recognition of my 
kinship to you all, and, I fear, with some idea of exploit- 
ing, in rather a patronizing way, my importance in that re- 

But I am entirely cured of all this; for when I see here 
the alumni of Cornell and others connected with her, and 
when I recall the pride which the people of New York have 
in her success and achievements, and when I remember the 
interest and inspiration aroused by my visit to her home 
more than six years ago, I am quite willing to rest the sat- 
isfaction I experience from the privilege of being with you 
to-night, upon the interest which every citizen of our coun- 
try and our State ought to feel in an institution wliich has 
done so much, and which promises so much for the instruc- 
tion and improvement of the people of the nation and the 

As I speak of the nation in its relation to your university, 
I at once encounter a thing which seems not onlj' to underlie 
the establishment of the institution, but which presents a 
feature full of gratification and congratulation. In the grant 
of aid made by the general government, which did so much 
toward the founding of the university, I find it provided 


that tlie institutions which sought the benefit of its benefac- 
tion must " teach such branches of learning as are related 
to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in order to promote 
the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes in 
the several pursuits and professions in life." 

WTaen we consider the relations of the State to the uni- 
versity, we find the charter giving her a corporate existence 
upon the same condition contained in the Federal grant. We 
find, too, that the State guided in her direction the benefits 
of that grant, and at the same time permitted her to extend, 
to additional branches of science and learning, her plan of 
instruction. Nor should we overlook the fact that in her 
charter the State required her several departments of study 
to be open to applicants for admission at the lowest rate of 
expense consistent with her welfare and efficiency, and with- 
out distinction as to rank, class, previous occupation, or 

To my mind these things mean a great deal. They mean 
that both the nation and the State deemed the instruction 
of the people in agriculture and the mechanical arts as a fit 
subject for governmental care. This seems natural enough 
when we consider the broad area of our country, with its 
variety of soil and climate, waiting the magic transformation 
of agriculture, and when we remember that the American 
people surpass all others in ingenuity and mechanical fac- 
ulty. They mean, too, the recognition of the fact that the 
good of the nation and the State is subserved by the educa- 
tion of all the people without distinction of rank or class, 
thus keeping in view the principle, upon which our institu- 
tions rest, that the people are the rulers of the land, and 
that their intelligence and education are the surest safeguards 
of our perpetuity, our prosperity, and our progress. They 
mean, also, that our nation and our State have made an offer 
of educational facilities and have exacted from their bene- 
ficiaries a compensating return of good citizenship. 


These thoughts immediately suggest that those who close 
with this offer and accept its benefits incur an obligation to 
the nation and State which cannot be avoided or compro- 
mised. It is an obligation to realize thoughtfully and care- 
fully the trust they hold as citizens, to interest themselves 
in public questions and to discharge their political duties 
with a patriotic intent and purpose of securing and pro- 
tecting the welfare of their entire country. No man has a 
right to be heedless and listless under the responsibility he 
bears as an American citizen. An educated man has cer- 
tainly no excuse for indifference; and most of all, the man 
is derelict to his obligation who calls your university his 
Alma Mater and yet fails to discharge his full duty of citi- 
zenship. His graduation is proof that he has worthily 
earned the honors which your university can bestow; but, 
wherever he may go and whatever may be his way of life, 
his diploma is evidence that he owes service to the nation. 

Of this service he should at all times be proud. He is 
everywhere, if he is true to his duty, in the ranks of those 
who are engaged in the noble work of aiding to reach its 
grand and ultimate destiny, the best and freest nation the 
world has ever seen. If he retains his allegiance to the 
Empire State of New York, his pride should be enhanced; 
because, if he is faithful to his pledge, he is striving to ad- 
vance the interest of the greatest commonwealth which the 
government of the United States numbers among its jewels. 

Thus in the nation and in the State he wears the badge of 
his obligation to good citizenship placed upon him within 
the walls of Cornell University. Happy and dutiful are her 
graduates, if, for the welfare of their country, for the honor 
of their university, and for the vindication of their own 
rectitude and good faith they respond patriotically to this 

Concerning the debt of affection due from you to the uni- 
versity herself, I hardly need say, in this company, that all 



the alumni of Cornell, wherever in this broad land they may 
be, should love and revere their Alma Mater, beneath whose 
sheltering roof they have been fitted for usefulness and well 
equipped for the conflict of life. Their loyalty to her should 
never fail, and when the student life of their sons makes 
their fathers' names again familiar in the old university and 
upon her rolls, the sons should come to her halls laden with 
a father's devotion to her welfare, and they should be 
spurred to their best endeavor by a father's appreciation of 
her benefits and advantages. 

Let me, in closing, leave the alumni of Cornell University 
the thought that they cannot honor their Alma Mater more, 
nor illustrate her value and usefulness better, than by keep- 
ing alive and active at all times a sober apprehension of 
the duty they owe to " the Nation, the State, and the Uni- 

I Address at the Ninth Annual Meeting of the 
Actors' Fund of America, New York City, 
January 3, 1890.] 

Mr. President, and Ladies and Gentlemen: If my appear- 
ance here to-day serves no other purpose, I hope I may say, 
without offense to anyone, that it illustrates the progress of 
our time in toleration and liberality of sentiment. 

I was reared and taught in the strictest school of Presby- 
terianism. I remember well the precious precepts and exam- 
ples of my early days, and I acknowledge that to them I 
owe every faculty of usefulness I possess, and every just 
apprehension of the duties and obligations of life. But 
though still clinging to these with unabated faith and stead- 
fastness, I meet and congratulate you on this occasion, not 
only without the least vestige of moral compunction, but with 
great pleasure and satisfaction. 



It is not necessary to remind this audience that, whether 
riglit or wrong, such a condition could not alwaj's be antici- 
pated, for the time is within the remembrance of us all 
when, in many quarters of our country, very little good was 
acknowledged to exist in the dramatic profession. We are 
certain there has been a change in the relation your profes- 
sion bears to the people at large; and, while much of this 
change is undoubtedly due to the growth of more liberal 
ideas, it will not do to overlook the fact that you yourselves 
have, by a constant regard to the ethics of your calling, con- 
tributed perhaps in a greater degree to the breaking down of 
old prejudices and misconceptions. At all events, we, as 
laymen, know that we are freer from bigoted intolerance; 
and you, as members of the dramatic profession, must feel 
that you are greatly relieved from unjust suspicions. 

We all see less and less reason why our ministers should 
quote Shakspeare from their pulpits and we be prohibited 
from seeing and hearing his works better interpreted on the 
stage. We see still less consistency in permitting the perusal 
of books of fiction, which only sometimes teach wholesome 
moral lessons, and at the same time prohibiting attendance 
upon the well-regulated and conventional play, where virtue 
is always triumphant and villainy is always circumvented. 

But while I can say that I am not at all perplexed at 
this moment by my Presbyterianism, I cannot claim that ray 
position before such an audience as this is entirely free from 
embarrassment. I have been told by one of my best friends, 
and, at the same time, one of the best actors I ever saw, that 
at a play an audience of actors are critical, but kind and 
patient. This reflection is, of course, reassuring as far as it 
goes. But, since I agreed to meet you here to-day, it has 
often occurred to me that I had no guarantee of your kind- 
ness and patience except at a play; and that perhaps when 
you see your places on the stage occupied by those not of 
your brotherhood, you may still be critical, but neither kind 



nor patient. In these circumstances, I may as well confess 
now and here, that, in strict accordance with the promptings 
of weak and unamiable human nature, I have stifled all mis- 
givings as to what I may inflict upon you — if I have not rid 
myself of anxiety — by the reflection that, however much 
I may fall short of your approbation, I cannot possibly 
take of you excessive reprisals for the dreary speaking and 
acting that have at times been inflicted upon me when some 
of your profession have been upon the stage and I in the 

It is very doubtful whether there is much appropriateness 
in the ideas I have thus far presented, in the light of the fact 
that we have met to review the work of a noble charity ; for, 
though this particular enterprise has its rise within the lim- 
its of the dramatic profession, surely, in the things which 
pertain to the relief of the sick and suffering, and to the aid 
and comfort of the unfortunate and afflicted, all who are 
charitably inclined belong to one fraternity. The sentiment 
of charity arouses all that is worth having in human nature, 
and in its work it weaves the bands which hold mankind in 
gentle kinship. 

I cannot refrain from speaking of one characteristic of tlie 
charity you have in charge, which to me is especially gratify- 
ing. Necessarily, in the administration of many benevolent 
enterprises, the conditions of participation in their benefits 
are so exacting and the investigations practiced are so 
searching and unsparing, that humiliation and sadness often 
accompany relief. It is a most happy arrangement of the 
work of your organization that it is done directly, promptly, 
and without humiliating incidents; that your relief is ex- 
tended to all in any way related to your profession, from 
the highest to the lowest grade; and that they require no 
other certificate than their needy condition. Thus there is 
given to your charitable efforts a sort of cordiality and 
heartiness which makes your assistance doubly welcome. 



I remember well how impressed I was by this feature of 
your charity, when, six or seven years ago, I first knew of 
the existence of your organization, and was urged, as Gov- 
ernor of the State, to attend an entertainment to be given 
for its benefit ; and how it determined me to set aside my ob- 
j actions and accept the invitation wliich was so cordially and 
persuasively presented. I have always felt grateful to those 
who tendered that invitation, not only for the enjoyment 
which the entertainment afforded, but also because I was thus 
introduced to a charity in which I have ever since taken a 
lively interest. You at that time placed my name upon your 
roll of honorary membership, and I am very proud of it — ■ 
all the more so because if not the first, it was among the first, 
there recorded. 

I feel, then, that I am nearly enough related to you and 
your active membership to join in your felicitations upon the 
good you have already accomplished and upon the promise 
of extended usefulness in the future. The record of char- 
itable accomplishments which has been presented by your 
president must be full of satisfaction, and must, of necessity, 
bring home to you the feeling that you have been amply paid 
for all you have done for this beneficent organization, by 
the consciousness that you have in this way aided in alleviat- 
ing the sorrow and the distress of your " forlorn and ship- 
wrecked " brethren. 

The highest and best development of your charity, and 
the most important purpose of your Fund, will be reached 
when you are able to provide a home for those in your pro- 
fession who, through age, sickness, or infirmity, are unfitted 
longer to work and struggle. It must be perfectly apparent 
that in such a retreat, managed and superintended by those 
■who, from professional experience and sympathy, are con- 
versant with the history and peculiar needs of those whom 
it shelters, poverty would lose much of its humiliation, and 
disability need not rob the unfortunate of self-respect. I 



hope the day is not far distant when this important instru- 
mentality will be added to your means of usefulness. 

You will not, I trust, deem it amiss if, in conclusion, I 
present a thought which is apt to be prominent in my mind 
on occasions like this. 

Considering, as I do, the dramatic profession as furnish- 
ing favorable conditions for the development of thoughtful 
men, I am not fully satisfied that its members appreciate, 
as soberly as they ought, their duty to our country. You 
must yourselves confess that the tendency of your occupation 
is somewhat in the direction of isolation, and a separation 
from familiar contact with the ordinary affairs of life. 
These lead not only to your being misunderstood by many 
of your fellow-citizens, but to the loss of the advantage which 
your intelligence might contribute to the common welfare. 
You are patriotic in sentiment, but you are too apt to think 
that you perform your full duty when you do well your 
professional work and when you keep the peace and obey the 
laws. Pardon me if I say to you that all these things, and 
all your readily acknowledged charitable undertakings, will 
not atone for a neglect to discharge your duty as it is related 
to the affairs of your country. This government of ours is 
constructed upon the theory that every thoughtful, intelli- 
gent, and honest citizen will directly interest himself in its 
operation; and imless this is forthcoming, its best objects 
and purposes will not be accomplished. 

As the welfare of your country is dear to you, as you de- 
sire an honest and wise administration of your government, 
and as 3'^our interests and prosperity, in common with those 
of your fellow-citizens, are bound up in the maintenance of 
our free institutions, do not forget that these things can 
only be secured by conscientious political thought and care- 
ful political action. 



\^Address at the Celebration of the Organhation 
of the Supreme Court, February A, 1890.] 

Ladies and Gentlemen : We are accustomed to express, on 
every fit occasion, our reverence for the virtue and patriot- 
ism in which the foundations of our republic were laid, and 
to rejoice in the blessings vouchsafed to us under free in- 
stitutions. Thus we have lately celebrated, with becoming 
enthusiasm, the centennial of the completion of our Consti- 
tution and the inauguration of our first President. 

To-day we have assembled to commemorate an event con- 
nected with our beginning as a people, which, more than any 
other, gave safety and the promise of perpetuity to the 
American plan of government, and which, more than any 
other, happily illustrated the wisdom and enlightened fore- 
sight of those who designed our national structure. 

In the work of creating our nation, the elements of a free 
government were supplied by concessions of sovereign 
States, by surrender of accustomed rights, and by the in- 
spiration of pure and disinterested patriotism. If, from these 
elements, there had not been evolved that feature in our Fed- 
eral system which is our theme to-day, the structure might 
have been fair to look upon and might have presented a 
semblance of solidity and strength; but it would have been 
only a semblance ; and the completed edifice would have had 
within its foundations the infirmity of decay and ruin. 

It must be admitted that it is hardly within the power of 
human language so to compass diverse interests and claims, 
within the lines of a written constitution, as to free it en- 
tirely from disputes of construction; and certainly diverse 
constructions were apt to lurk in the diction of a constitu- 
tion declared by the president of the convention which for- 



mulated it, to be " the resiilt of a spirit of amity and of that 
mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our 
political situation rendered indispensable." 

It is fairly plain and palpable, both from reason and a 
review of events in our history, that without an arbiter to 
determine, finally and conclusively, the rights and duties 
embraced in the language of the Constitution, the union of 
States and the life of the American nation must have been 
precarious and disappointing. ^Indeed, there could hardly 
have been a well-grounded hope that they would long survive 
the interpretation of the national compact by every party 
upon whom it rested, and the insistence of each, to the last 
extremity, upon such an interpretation as would secure cov- 
eted rights and benefits, and absolve from irksome duties 
and obligations. I 

In the creatidn of the world, the earth was without form 
and void, and darkness was upon the face of the deep, until 
God said: " Let there be light, and there was light." 

In the creation of our new nation, our free institutions 
were without the form and symmetry of strength, and the 
darkness of hopelessness brooded over the aspirations of our 
people, until a light in the temple of Justice and Law, gath- 
ered from the Divine fountain of light, illumined the work 
of the fathers of our republic. 

On this centennial day we will devoutly thank Heaven 
for the revelation, to those who formed our government, of 
this source of strength and light, and for the inspiration of 
disinterested patriotism and consecrated devotion which es- 
tablished the tribunal which we to-day commemorate. 

Our fathers had sacrificed much to be free. Above all 
things they desired freedom to be absolutely secured to 
themselves and their posterity. And yet, with all their 
enthusiasm for this sentiment, they were willing to refer to 
the tribunal which they devised all questions arising under 
their newly formed Constitution, affecting the freedom and 



the protection and safety of the citizen. Though bitter ex- 
perience had taught them that the instrumentalities of gov- 
ernment might trespass upon freedom, and though they had 
learned in a hard school the cost of the struggle to wrest 
liberty from the grasp of power, they refused, in the solemn 
work they had in hand, to take counsel of undue fear or dis- 
tracting perturbation; and they calmly and deliberately es- 
tablished, as a function of their government, a check upon 
unauthorized freedom and a restraint upon dangerous lib- 
erty. Their attachment and allegiance to the sovereignty 
of their States were warm and unfaltering; but these did 
not prevent them from contributing a fraction of that sover- 
eignty to the creation of a Court which should guard and 
protect their new nation, and save and perpetuate a govern- 
ment which should, in all time to come, bless an independent 

I deem myself highly honored by the part assigned to me 
in these commemorative exercises. As in eloquent and fit- 
ting terms we shall be led, by those chosen to address us, 
to the contemplation of the history of that august tribunal 
organized one hundred years ago; as the lives and services 
of those who in the past have presided over its councils are 
rehearsed to us; as our love and veneration for our felloAV- 
countrymen who now fill its high and sacred places are 
quickened; and as we are reminded of the manner in which 
our national Court has at all times illustrated the strength 
and beneficence of free institutions, let us be glad in the 
possession of this rich heritage of American citizenship, 
and gratefully appreciate the wisdom and patriotism of those 
who gave to us the Supreme Court of the United States. 



\_Letter to E. Ellery Anderson, Chairman of the 
Reform Club Meeting, New York, Febru- 
ary 10, 1891.1 

Dear Sir: I have this afternoon received your note in- 
viting me to attend to-morrow evening the meeting called 
for the purpose of voicing the opposition of the business 
men of our city to " the free coinage of silver in the United 

I shall not be able to attend and address the meeting as 
you request, but I am glad that the business interests of New 
York are at last to be heard on this subject. It surely can- 
not be necessary for me to make a formal expression of my 
agreement with those who believe that the greatest peril 
would be invited by the adoption of the scheme, embraced in 
the measure now pending in Congress, for the unlimited 
coinage of silver at our mints. 

If we have developed an unexpected capacity for the as- 
similation of a largely increased volume of this currency, and 
even if we have demonstrated the usefulness of such an in- 
crease, these conditions fall far short of insuring us against 
disaster if, in the present situation, we enter upon the dan- 
gerous and reckless experiment of free, unlimited, and inde- 
pendent silver coinage. 

[Letter to Edgar A. Brown, Esq., President of 
the Indiana Tariff Reform League, New 
York, February 15, 1890.] 

My Dear Sir: Though my letters to Democratic and tariff 
reform assemblages have lately been very frequent, I cannot 
deny your request to say a word of encouragement to the 



tariff reformers who will meet at the first annual convention 
of the Indiana Tariff Reform League on the 4th of March. 

I am very much pleased with the plan upon which your 
league seems to be organized. It conveys a suggestion of 
practical work in the field of information and enlighten- 
ment. This, if persistently carried out, cannot fail of suc- 
cess. Of course, we do not approach the American people, 
assuming that they are ignorant or unpatriotic. But we 
know that they are busy people and apt to neglect the study 
of public questions. In the engrossment of their daily avo- 
cations, they are too ready to rely upon the judgment and 
avowed principles of the party with which they have affili- 
ated as guides to their political actions. In this way they 
have become slow to examine for themselves the questions of 
tariff reform. If, in the lights of reasonable and simple 
arguments and of such object-lessons as are being constantly 
placed before them, our people can be induced to investigate 
the subjects, there need be no fear as to their conclusion. 

The Democratic party — as the party of the people, op- 
posed to selfish schemes, which ignore the public good, and 
pledged to the interests of all their countrymen instead of 
furtherance of the interests of the few who seek to pervert 
governmental powers for their enrichment — was never nearer 
to its fundamental principles than it was in its contests for 
tariff reform. 

It certainly adds to the satisfaction with which we labor 
in this cause to be assured that in our efforts we not only 
serve our party, but all the people of the land. 



^Address before the Medical Alumni Association 
of New York City, February 15, 1890.] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I feel that I ought, first of 
all, to acknowledge the courtesy which affords me the oppor- 
tunity of pleasantly meeting this evening so many of the 
medical fraternity. I hasten to follow this by the expression 
of my thanks for the permission to say the few words which 
I suppose are expected of me thus early in the speech-mak- 
ing stage of this entertainment. I recognize in this favor 
the utmost kindness, based, I have no doubt, upon your 
knowledge of physical and mental conditions. You evidently 
know as well as I do that of all congested, distended and 
flatulent conditions, the worst and most painful arise from 
the combination of a stomach full of good things to eat and 
drink, held in uncomfortable solution by an undigested 

I interpret my invitation to be here to-night as a recogni- 
tion of the relationship wliich exists between the professions 
of medicine and law. At any rate I am quite proud in the 
assumption that I am entitled, in a fashion, to represent the 
law side of this professional reunion. 

There are many things which we have in common, and 
many points where we diverge in our professional ways. We, 
with the clergy, enjoy the distinction of belonging to the 
learned professions. This has a pleasant sound and conveys 
to us an idea calculated to inspire the greatest self-satisfac- 
tion and to fill us with a feeling of arrogant superiority. 
These sentiments are, however, at once much tempered, or 
are destroyed, by the reflection that we are all obliged to 
recognize as professional brethren those who demonstrate 
by their conduct that mere membership in our brotherhoods 
■will not, of itself, raise us above the ordinary scale of moral- 



ity, or exalt us above the plane of everyday human nature. 
Neither you nor I can deny that both of our professions have 
at this moment representatives not engaged in active prac- 
tice, but resting in retirement and seclusion within the walls 
of certain penal institutions scattered throughout the land. 
And I will concede, if you will, that there are others now at 
large, in both professions, who are entitled to the same re- 
tirement and seclusion. 

Perhaps, in passing, I might also say with bated breath 
that it is sometimes broadly hinted that even the clergy occa- 
sionally do things which better befit the unregenerate. 

I do not indulge in these reflections for the sake of saying 
unpleasant things, but rather to suggest humility and mod- 
esty, and to introduce the declaration that I am prepared 
now and here to disavow with you the claim of any special 
goodness or greatness for our profession, except such as 
grows out of active sympathy with everything which helps 
and benefits our fellow-men, and except such as result from 
a conscientious and honest discharge of professional duty. 

We occupy common ground in the similarity of the treat- 
ment we receive at the hands of the outside world, and in 
the opportunity we have to make things even with those who 
despitefully use us. 

I have no doubt that it is very funny for people to cari- 
cature doctors as playing into the hands of undertakers, and 
to represent lawyers as being on such good terms with the 
evil one as to preclude the least chance of their salvation. 
Those who indulge in this sort of merriment are well people 
and people who have no lawsuits on hand. They grow very 
serious when their time comes and they grow sick or are 
caught in the meshes of the law. Then they are very re- 
spectful and very appreciative of our skill and learning. If 
sick they would fain have the doctor by their side day and 
night; and if they are troubled with a lawsuit they sit like 
Mordecai at the lawyer's gate and are unwilling that he 



should attend to any business but theirs. They are ready to 
lay their fortunes at our feet and to give and promise all 
things if they can but recover their health or win their suit. 
These are the days in which the lawyer, if he is wise, will 
suggest to his clients the payment of a round retainer or a 
fee in advance. I mention this as indicating a difference at 
this time in our situations in favor of the lawyer which gives 
him a slight advantage over his medical brother. 

When the patient recovers, or the client has succeeded in 
his suit, the old hardihood and impenitence return. The 
patient insists that his strong constitution carried him 
through, and the client declares that he always knew there 
was nothing in the case of his adversary. They haggle over 
our bills and wonder how we can charge so much for so 
little work. 

But sometimes the life or the lawsuit cannot be saved. 
In such a case we must not overlook a difference in our situ- 
ations, with features in favor of the doctor. The defeated 
client is left in a vigorous and active condition, not only 
in the complete enjoyment of his ancient privilege of swear- 
ing at the Court, but also with full capacity to swear at his 
lawyer. The defeated patient, on the contrary, is very 
quiet indeed and can only swear at his doctor if he has left 
his profanity in a phonograph to be ground out by his ex- 

A point of resemblance between us is found in the fact 
that in neither profession do we manage well in treating our 
own cases. Doctors solemnly advise their patients that it 
is dangerous to eat this or drink that, or do many other 
things which make existence pleasant ; and after marking out 
a course for their poor patients which, if followed, robs life 
of all which makes it worth living, they hasten away to 
tempt instant death, according to their own teachings, by 
filling themselves with all the good things and indulgence 
within the reach of their desires. So the lawyer, safe and 



wise when he counsels others, deals so poorh'^ with his OAm 
legal affairs as to have originated the saying that a lawyer 
who tries his own case has a fool for a client ; and it seems 
almost impossible for a lawyer to draw his own will in such 
manner as not to yield a passage through it for a coach 
and four 

Anct'ier point of resemblance between the two profes- 
sions consists in the disposition of the members of both to 
quarrel with each other. I am bound to say, however, that 
a difference is to be noted in this matter in favor of the 
amiability of the Bar. Our quarrels are mostly of the 
Pickwickian sort and strictly in the line of business. They 
keep us in fighting trim and serve a very good purpose in 
impressing our clients with our zeal and devotion to their 
interest. Our asseveration of the rectitude and justice of 
their side of the cause in hand, and our demonstration of 
contempt and indignation for the baseless pretenses of their 
antagonist and for that prostitution of professional effort 
which advocates such pretenses, is a part of our trade. At 
the same time I suppose our clients would suspect us of bad 
faith and disloyalty if they knew how temporary and free 
from bitterness our quarrels are. Of course, I personally 
know but little of the quarrels of doctors, except that they 
are constant and well sustained. I am not to be blamed, 
however, if I share in the common belief of those outside 
of the profession, that you are very belligerent and quarrel 
a great deal for the sake of quarreling. You seem to quar- 
rel in squads, in sections, in schools and in colleges. You 
certainly have not, as we have, the excuse that your warfare 
pleases and exhilarates your patients ; for neither they nor 
anyone else know what you are quarreling about. 

It is extremely pleasant to turn from these things to the 
acknowledgment of certain obligations we, as lawyers, often 
OAve to the medical fraternity. ^\Tien, burdened with a trou- 
blesome case, we feel that the facts are against us ; when we 



languish in the chill darkness of adverse legal principles; 
and when discouragement broods over our efforts, if we can 
bring from afar and inject into our cause some question of 
medical science, our drooping lawsuit immediately becomes 
animated and interesting, for we know that whatever our 
theory may be concerning this medical question, we shall 
find generous and considerate doctors who will support it. 
Of course fully as many will dispute and denounce it; but 
with a jury in the box who have not the slightest idea of 
what the doctors are talking about, neither litigant need feel 

You are not, I trust, unprepared for the distinct expression 
in conclusion, that nothing is more noble or useful than 
worthy membership in our professions. In both are foimd 
that culture and enlightened education which make them 
learned professions ; and in both are found that dignity, in- 
tegrity, and devotion which entitle them to be called honor- 
able professions. Our membership should lead us to acknowl- 
edge the responsibilities to our fellow-men, which our situa- 
tions impose, and our obligation to our country, which we can- 
not innocently evade. May I not suggest that our entire duty 
is not done if we never look beyond our professional routine, 
and if we limit our endeavor to strictly professional labor? 
If our positions give us influence, that influence should be 
exerted in every direction for the good of our fellow-country- 
men. There are also maladies and evils afflicting the body 
politic which require remedies and corrections ; and there are 
suits to be tried before the tribunal of public opinion in which 
the anxious suitors are a free, generous, and confiding people. 



[Address before the Southern Society of New 
York, February 22, 1890, in response to the 
toast " The Birthday of George Washing- 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: It is sometimes said of us 
that we have too few holidays, and this perhaps is true. We 
do not boast the antiquity nor the long history which accu- 
mulates numerous days of national civic observance ; and the 
rush and activity of our people's life are not favorable to that 
conservative and deliberate sentiment which creates and es- 
tablishes holidays. So far as such days might commemorate 
the existence or achievements of some conspicuous personage, 
their infrequency may be largely attributed to our demo- 
cratic spirit and the presumption arising from our institu- 
tions. In this land of ours — owned, possessed, and governed 
by the people — we, in theory at least, demand and expect 
that every man will, in his sphere, be a patriot, and that 
every faculty of greatness and usefulness with which he is 
endowed will be devoted to his country and his fellow-men. 
We have had no dearth of distinguished men, and no better 
heroism has anywhere been seen than here. But they belong 
so naturally to us, that we usually deem them sufficiently 
noticed and commemorated when they are acknowledged as 
contributions to the common fund of our national pride and 

Thus it happens that in this country but two birthdays are 
publicly celebrated. We reverently speak of one as the day 
when the Redeemer of Mankind appeared among men. On 
the other the man was born whose mission it was to redeem 
the American people from bondage and dependence and to 



display to the world the possibility of popular self-govern- 

It would be strange, indeed, if this day should ever be 
neglected by our fellow-countrymen. It would be like a 
nation's blotting out the history which cements its govern- 
mental edifice, or expunging its traditions from which flow 
that patriotic love and devotion of its people which are the 
best guarantees of peaceful rule and popular contentment. 

We certainly need at least one day which shall recall to 
our minds the truth that the price of our country was un- 
selfish labor and sacrifice, that men fought and suffered that 
we might be free, and that love and American brotherhood 
are necessary elements to the full and continued enjoyment 
of American freedom, prosperity, and happiness. 

We are apt to forget these things in our engrossment with 
the activities which attend the development of our country 
and in the impetuous race after wealth which has become a 
characteristic of our people. There is danger that we may 
grow heedless of the fact that our institutions are a precious 
legacy which, for their own sake, should be jealously watched 
and guarded, and there is danger that this condition may in- 
duce selfishness and sordidness, followed by the idea that 
patriotism and morality have no place in statecraft, and that 
a political career may be entered upon like any other trade 
for private profit and advantage. 

This is a frightful departure from the doctrines upon 
which our institutions rest, and surely it is the extreme of 
folly to hope that our scheme of government will effect its 
purpose and intent when every condition of its birth and life 
is neglected. 

Point to your immense fortunes, if you will ; point to your 
national growth and prosperity; boast of the day of practical 
politics, and discard as obsolete all sentiment and all concep- 
tion of morality and patriotism in public life, but do not for 
a moment delude yourselves into the belief that you are navi- 



gating in the safe course marked out by those who launched 
and blessed the Ship of State. 

Is Washington accused even in these days of being a sen- 
timentalist? Listen to the admonition he addressed " as an 
old and affectionate friend " to his fellow-countrymen, whom 
he loved so well and for whom he had labored so long, as he 
retired from their service: 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, 
religion, and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that 
man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these 
great pillars of humian happiness, these firmest props of the duties of 
men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, 
ought to respect and cherish them. 

And all is summed up and applied directly to our situa- 
tion when he adds : 

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of 
popular govermnent. 

When did we outgrow these sentiments? When did we 
advance so far in knowledge above our fathers as safely to 
cast aside these beliefs? Let us be sober and thoughtful, 
and if we find that these things have lost their hold on our 
minds and hearts, let us take soundings, for the rocks are 

We need in our public and private life such pure and 
chastened sentiments as result from the sincere and heartfelt 
observance of days like this, and we need such quickening 
of our patriotism as the sedate contemplation of the life and 
character of Washington creates. 

Most of all, because it includes all, we need a better ap- 
preciation of true American citizenship, I do not mean by 
this, that thoughtless pride of country which is everywhere 
assumed sometimes without sincerity, nor the sordid attach- 
ment born of benefits received or favors expected, but that 



deep and sentimental love for our citizensliip which flows 
from the consciousness that the blessing of Heaven was in- 
voked at its birth ; that it was nurtured in the faith of God ; 
and that it grew strong in the self-denying patriotism of our 
fathers and in their love of mankind. 

Such an apprehension of American citizenship will conse- 
crate us all to the disinterested service of our country and 
incite us to drive from the temple of our liberties the money 
changers and they who buy and sell. 

Washington was the most thorough American that ever 
lived. His sword was draAvn to carve out American citizen- 
ship, and his every act and public service was directed to its 
establishment. He contemptuously spurned the oflfer of 
kingly power, and never faltered in his hope to make most 
honorable the man who could justly call himself an Amer- 

In the most solemn manner he warned his countrymen 
against any attack upon the unity of the government, and 
called upon them to frown indignantly upon any attempt to 
alienate any portion of the country from the rest, or to en- 
feeble the sacred ties that linked together the various parts. 

His admonition reached the climax of its power and force 
when he said: 

Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a 
right to concentrate your affections. The name of "American," which 
belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride 
of patriotism more than any appellation derived from any local discrimi- 

In an evil hour, and amid rage and resentment, the warn- 
ing of Washington was disregarded and the unity of our 
government was attacked. In blood and devastation it was 
saved, and the name of " American," which belonged to all 
of us, was rescued. From the gloom of desolation and 
estrangement all our countrymen were drawn again to their 



places by the mystic bond of American citizenship which, 
for all time to come, shall hold and ennoble them as hearty 
co-workers in accomplishing the national destiny which to 
the day of his death inspired the faith and hope of \Yash- 

As we commemorate his birth to-night, we will invoke 
his precious influence and renew our patriotic and disinter- 
ested love of country. Let us thank God that he has lived, 
and that he has given to us the highest and best example of 
American citizenship. And let us especially be grateful 
that we have this sacred memory, which spanning time, 
vicissitude, and vmhappy alienation, calls us together in sin- 
cere fellowship and brotherly love on " The birthday of 
George Washington." 

I Address to a Meeting for Promoting the Free 
Library Movement, New York, March 6, 

Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen: The few words 
I shall speak on this occasion, I intend rather as a pledge 
of my adherence to the cause in which you are enlisted, than 
an attempt to say anything new or instructive. I gladly 
join, with the enthusiasm of a new convert, in the felicita- 
tions of those who have done noble and effective work in the 
establishment and maintenance in our city of a free circu- 
lating library; and it seems to me they have abundant cause 
for congratulation in a review of the good M'hich has already 
been accomplished through their efforts, and in the contem- 
plation of the further usefulness which awaits their contin- 
ued endeavor. 

In every enlightened country the value of popular educa- 
tion is fully recognized, not only as a direct benefit to its 



recipients, but as an element of strength and safety in or- 
ganized society. Considered in these aspects, it should no- 
where be better appreciated than in this land of free insti- 
tutions, consecrated to the welfare and happiness of its 
citizens, and deriving its sanction and its power from the 
people. Here the character of the people is inevitably im- 
pressed upon the government, and here our public life can 
no more be higher and purer than the life of the people, 
than a stream can rise above its fountain or be purer than 
the spring in which it has its source. '" 

That we have not failed to realize these conditions is 
demonstrated by the establishment of free public schools on 
every side, where children are not only invited but often 
obliged to submit themselves to such instruction as will 
better their situation in life and fit them to take part intel- 
ligently in the conduct of the government. 

Thus in our schools the young are taught to read, and in 
this manner the seed is sown from which we expect a prof- 
itable return to the state, when its beneficiaries shall repay 
the educational advances made to them by an intelligent and ! 
patriotic performance of their social and political duties. 

And yet, if we are to create good citizenship, which is the 
object of popular education, and if we are to insure to the 
country the full benefit of public instruction, we can by no 
means consider the work as completely done in the school- 
room. While the young gathered there are fitting them- 
selves to assume in the future their political obligations, 
there are others upon whom these obligations already rest, 
and who now have the welfare and safety of the country 
in their keeping. Our work is badly done if these are 
neglected. They have passed the school age, and have per- 
haps availed themselves of free instruction ; but they, as well 
as those still in school, should, nevertheless, have within their 
reach the means of further mental improvement and the op- 
portunity of gaining that additional knowledge and informa- 



tion which can only be secured by access to useful and in- 
structive books. 

The husbandman who expects to gain a profitable return 
from his orchards not only carefully tends and cultivates 
the young trees in his nurseries as they grow to maturity, 
but he generously enriches and cares for those already in 
bearing and upon whicli he must rely for ripened fruit. 

Teaching the children of our land to read is but the first 
step in the scheme of creating good citizens by means of free 
instruction. We tesCch the young to read so that, both as 
children and as men and women, they may read. Our teach- 
ing must lead to the habit and the desire of reading, to be 
useful; and only as this result is reached, can the work in 
our free schools be logically supplemented and made val- 

Therefore, the same wise policy and intent which open 
the doors of our free schools to our young also suggest the 
completion of the plan thus entered upon, by placing books 
in the hands of those who, in our schools, have been tauglit 
to read. 

A man or woman who never reads and is abandoned to 
unthinking torpor, or who allows the entire mental life to be 
boimded by the narrow lines of a daily recurring routine of 
effort for mere existence, cannot escape a condition of bar- 
renness of mind which not only causes the decay of individ- 
ual contentment and happiness, but which fails to yield to 
the state its justly expected return of usefulness in valuable 
service and wholesome political action. 

Another branch of this question should not be overlooked. 
It is not only of great importance that our youth and our 
men and women should have the ability, the desire, and the 
opportunity to read, but the kind of books they read is no 
less important. Without guidance and without the invita- 
tion and encouragement to read publications which will im- 
prove as well as interest, there is danger that our people 



will have in their hands books whose influence and tendency 
are of a negative sort, if not positively bad and mischievous. 
Like other good things, the ability and opportunity to read 
may be so used as to defeat their beneficent purposes. 

The boy who greedily devours the vicious tales of imag- 
inary daring and blood-curdling adventure, which in these 
days are far too accessible to the young, will have his brain 
filled with notions of life and standards of manliness which, 
if they do not make him a menace to peace and good order, 
will certainly not tend to make him a useful member of 

The man who devotes himself to the flash literature now 
much too common will, instead of increasing his value as a 
citizen, almost surely degenerate in his ideas of public duty 
and grow dull in his appreciation of the obligations he owes 
his country. 

In both these cases there will be a loss to the state. There 
is danger also that a positive and aggressive injury to the 
community will result ; and such readers will certainly suffer 
deprivation of the happiness and contentment which are the 
fruits of improving study and well-regulated thought. 

So, too, the young woman who seeks recreation and enter- 
tainment in reading silly and frivolous books, often of doubt- 
ful moral tendency, is herself in the way of becoming frivo- 
lous and silly, if not of weak morality. If she escapes this 
latter condition, she is almost certain to become utterly im- 
fitted to bear patiently the burden of self-support, or to as- 
sume the sacred duties of wife and mother. 

Contemplating these truths, no one can doubt the impor- 
tance of securing for those who read, as far as it is in our 
power, facilities for the study and reading of such books as 
will instruct and innocently entertain, and which will, at the 
same time, improve and correct the tastes and desires. 

There is another thought somewhat in advance of those 
already suggested, which should not pass unnoticed. 



As an outgrowth of the inventive and progressive spirit 
of our people, we have among us legions of men, and women 
too, who restlessly desire to increase their knowledge of the 
new forces and agencies, which, at this time, are being con- 
stantly dragged from their lurking-places and subjected to 
the use of man. These earnest inquirers should all be given 
a chance and have put within their reach such books as 
will guide and inspire their efforts. If, by this means, 
the country shall gain to itself a new inventor, or be the 
patron of endeavor which shall add new elements to the 
sum of human happiness and comfort, its intervention will 
be well repaid. 

These considerations, and the fact that many among us 
having the ability and inclination to read are unable to fur- 
nish themselves with profitable and wholesome books, amply 
justify the beneficent mission of our Free Circulating Li- 
brary. Its plan and operation, so exactly adjusted to meet 
a situation which cannot safely be ignored and to wants 
which ought not to be neglected, establish its claim upon 
the encouragement and reasonable aid of the public authori- 
ties and commend it most fully to the support and gener- 
osity of private benefaction. 

The development which this good work has already 
reached in our city has exhibited the broad field yet remain- 
ing untouched, and the inadequacy of present operations. It 
has brought to view also instances of noble individual philan- 
thropy and disinterested private effort and contribution. 

But it certainly seems that the time and money directed 
to this object are confined to a circle of persons far too nar- 
row, and that the public encouragement and aid have been 
greatly disproportioned to private endeavor. 

The city of New York has never shown herself willing to 
be behind other cities in such work as is done by our Free 
Circulating Library, and, while her people are much en- 
grossed in business activity and enterprise, they have never 

* '219 


yet turned away from a cause once demonstrated to them 
to be so worthy and useful as this. 

The demonstration is at hand. Let it be pressed upon our 
fellow-citizens, and let them be shown the practical opera- 
tion of the project you have in hand and the good it has 
accomplished, and the further good of which it is capable 
through their increased liberality, and it will be strange if 
they fail to respond generously to your appeal to put the 
city of New York in the front rank of the cities which have 
recognized the usefulness of free circulating libraries. 

[Letter to J. A. Hill, Esq., Corresponding Sec- 
retary of the Steubenville (O.) Lodge of 
the Farmers' Alliance, New York, March 
2A, 1890.1 

Dear Sir: I have received your letter, accompanied by a 
copy of the declaration of principles of the Farmers' Al- 

I see nothing in this declaration that cannot be fully in- 
dorsed by any man who loves his country, who believes that 
the object of our government should be the freedom, pros- 
perity, and happiness of all our people, and who believes that 
justice and fairness to all are necessary conditions to its 
useful administration. 

It has always seemed to me that the farmers of the coun- 
try were especially interested in an equitable adjustment of 
our tariff system. The indifference they have shown to that 
question, and the ease with which they have been led away 
from a sober consideration of their needs and their rights as 
related to this subject, have excited my surprise. 

Struggle as they may, our farmers must continue to be 
purchasers and consumers of numberless things enhanced 



in cost by tariff regulations. Surely they have the right to 
insist that this cost shall not be increased for the purpose of 
collecting unnecessary revenue or to give imdue advantage 
to domestic manufactures. The plea that our infant in- 
dustries need the protection which thus impoverishes the 
farmer and consumer is, in view of our natural advantages 
and the skill and ingenuity of our people, a hollow pretext. 

Struggle as they may, our farmers cannot escape the con- 
ditions which fix the price of what they produce and sell, ac- 
cording to the rates which prevail in foreign markets flooded 
with the competition of countries enjoying freer exchange of 
trade than we. The plausible presentation of the blessings 
of a home market should not deceive our depressed and 
impoverished agriculturists. There is no home market for 
them which does not take its instructions from the seaboard, 
and the seaboard transmits the word of the foreign markets. 

Because my conviction that there should be a modifica- 
tion of our tariff laws arose principally from an apprecia- 
tion of the wants of the vast army of consumers, compris- 
ing our farmers, our artisans, and our workingmen, and 
because their condition has led me to protest against present 
impositions, I am especially glad to see these sections of 
my fellow-countrymen arousing themselves to the impor- 
tance of tariff reform. 

[Address at the Piano and Organ Manufacture 
ers' Banquet, New York, April 2 A, 1890. '\ 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: The words of the toast to 
which I am to respond may just at this time appear to have 
a somewhat threatening sound. In the midst of unusual 
thought and discussion among our fellow-citizens upon 
economic subjects, the phrase " our American industries " 



is very commonly used; and the furtherance of these in- 
dustries is claimed to be the patriotic purpose of those 
in both political parties who lead in such thought and 

Thus it happens that the announcement of " Our Amer- 
ican Industries/' as a topic of discourse, has almost come to 
be a signal for combat between those not at all loath to fly 
at each other in wordy warfare over the subject of tariff re- 
form. But if there are any persons here who now feel an 
inclination to gird up their loins for the fray, I hasten to 
assure them that, though I have been suspected of having 
some opinions on that question, I am sure that at this par- 
ticular time the toast I have in charge is not loaded, and 
that there will be no explosion. 

And yet, while I think I can keep the peace and mention 
my subject without any warlike sensation, I cannot avoid 
feeling the weight and impediment of another difficulty, 
which is calculated to appall and discourage me. This is 
the vastness of my subject. It embraces the toil of the pio- 
neer in the far West, the most delicate operations of manu- 
facture, the most pronounced triumphs of art, and the most 
startling results of inventive genius. 

How can I compass these things within the limits allotted 
to me on this occasion, and where shall I begin, as I stand 
before this assemblage of American citizens and am con- 
fronted with the ideas which " Our American Industries " 
suggests ? 

I can do little more than to speak of the present condition 
of these industries as indicating the greatest and swiftest 
national growth and advancement the world has ever seen. 
We have only one hundred years of history; but in all that 
time American ingenuity and investigation have been active 
and restless. We have begrudged to Nature everything she 
seeks to hide, and have laid in wait to learn the secret of her 
processes. We have not believed that the greatest advance 



yet reached in mechanical skill and art has exhausted Ameri- 
can invention, and when other nations have started first in 
any field of progress, we have resolutely given chase and 
struggled for the lead. 

We now invite the old nations of Europe to see our steam 
plows turning furrows in wheatfields as large as some of 
their principalities. We astonish them with the number and 
the length of our railroads, and the volume and speed of our 
transportation. With odds against us, for which American 
skill and industry are in no wise to blame, we force our prod- 
ucts and manufactures into their markets. Our Edison 
lighted the Eiffel Tower, and by his display of the wonders 
of electricity lent success to the American exhibits at the 
Paris Exposition. 

It appears that some of our industries suit the people of 
foreign lands so well that they desire to own them ; and daily 
we hear of English syndicates purchasing our manufactur- 
ing establishments. Our people seem to endure this raid 
upon them with wonderful complacency, though we cannot 
forget that, less than two years ago, they were very sol- 
emnly warned against the dangers and seductions of British 

I hope I am not too late in expressing my thanks for the 
privilege of meeting on this occasion an assemblage repre- 
senting one of our industries which, so far as I know, is not 
infected by the wholesale influence of British gold, and 
which embraces only such manufactures as are honestly and 
fairly American. 

This means a great deal ; and I do not envy the American 
citizen who has no pride in what you have accomplished. 
Of course, we do not forget that many wlio have contributed 
to our glory in this direction bear names which betray their 
foreign lineage. But we claim them all as Americans; and 
I believe that you will, in the enthusiasm and vigor of true 
American sentiment and independence, stubbornly hold the 



place which has been won by you and others of your guild, 
under the banner of " A fair field and no favor." 

I have within the last few days received as a gift — perhaps 
suggested by my contemplated presence here — a book en- 
titled " A History of the American Pianoforte," which I 
shall read with much interest. 

In glancing through it my eye fell upon a passage which 
arrested my attention, as furnishing a slight set-off against 
the indebtedness we owe to those of foreign birth among our 
piano and organ manufacturers. I know you will permit me 
to quote it, as evidence of the share our free institutions may 
claim in the success of your industry. The writer, claiming 
priority for the United States for some particular things 
done in the progress of piano manufacturing by two certain 
makers, who, though manufacturing in this country, were, 
as he says, " originally Britons, one English and the other 
evidently Scotch," clinches the argument in our favor, as 
follows : 

Notwithstanding this circumstance, America is entitled to the honor of 
the achievements pointed out, because it is a well demonstrated fact, 
although, perhaps, a subtlety, that the social and governmental institu- 
tions of this country, in so far as they promote mental freedom, have a 
stimulating and immediate influence upon the inventive faculties of per- 
sons brought up in Europe and settling here. 

I cannot forbear, in conclusion, a reference to the manner 
in which your busy manufactories and the salesrooms of your 
wares are related to the love and joy and hopes and sadness 
and grief and the worship of God which sanctify the Ameri- 
can family circle. 

In many a humble home throughout our land, the piano 
has gathered about it the most sacred and tender associations. 
For it, the daughters of the household longed by day and 
prayed in dreams at night. For it fond parents saved and 
economized at every point and planned in loving secrecy. 



For it, a certain Christmas Day, on which the arrival of the 
piano gave a glad surprise, was marked as a red-letter day in 
the annals of the household. 

With its music and with simple song each daughter in her 
turn touched with love the heart of her future husband. 
With it, the sacred hymn and the family prayer are joined in 
chastened memory. With it, closed and silent, are tenderly 
remembered the days of sickness, the time of death, and the 
funeral's solemn hush. 

W^hen the family circle is broken and its members are scat- 
tered, Eappy is the son or daughter who can place among his 
or her household goods the old piano. 

[Letter to F. A. Herwig, President of the Ken- 
sington Reform Club of Philadelpliiaj New 
York, 3Iay 9, 1890.] 

My Dear Sir: I desire through you to thank the Ken- 
sington Reform Club, formerly known as the Workingmen's 
Tariff Reform Association, for the courteous invitation I 
have received to attend a mass meeting on the evening of the 
Sd of June. 

The terms in which the invitation is expressed convince 
me that the question of tariff reform is receiving the atten- 
tion it deserves from those most vitally interested in its just 
and fair solution. I know that, with the feeling now abroad 
in our land and with the intense existence and activity of 
such clubs as yours, the claim, presumptuously made, that 
the people at the last election finally passed upon the subject 
of tariff adjustment will be emphatically denied; that our 
workingmen and our farmers will continue to agitate this 
and all other questions involving their welfare with in- 
creased zeal, and in the light of increased knowledge and 



experience, until they are determined finally and in accord- 
ance with the American sentiment of fair play. 

I use no idle form of words when I say that I regret my 
engagements and professional occupations will not permit me 
to meet the members of your club on the occasion of their 
mass meeting. I hope that those who are fortunate enough 
to participate will find it to their profit, and that the meet- 
ing will in all respects be a great success. 

[Letter to John A. Holman, Indianapolis, Sec- 
retary of the Monument Committee, Mariofi, 
Mass., June 18, 1890.] 

Dear Sir: I acknowledge with thanks the invitation I 
have just received to be present at the unveiling of the 
monument to the memory of the late Thomas A. Hendricks, 
on the 1st day of July next. 

It is useless, I hope, to assure you of the satisfaction it 
would afford me to testify my respect and affection for your 
distinguished fellow-townsman by joining those who will 
gather to honor his memory on the occasion you contemplate. 
His eminent public service, and his faithful discharge of 
many and important official duties, render the commemora- 
tion of his public and private virtues most fitting and proper. 
I sincerely regret that a positive engagement, for the day 
appointed for the unveiling of the monument erected to his 
memory, makes it impossible for me to accept your invi- 



[Letter to Abraham B. Tappan, Grand Sachem 
of the Tammany Society, Marion, Mass., 
June 30, 1890.'] 

Dear Sir: My absence from the city of New York, and 
plans which I have already made, prevent my acceptance of 
the courteous invitation which I have received to attend the 
celebration by the Tammany Society of the one hundred and 
fourteenth anniversary of American independence. 

The celebration contemplated by your ancient and time- 
honored organization will, it seems to me, fall short in the 
impressiveness due to the occasion if it does not persistently 
present and emphasize the idea that the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was the protest of honest and sturdy men against 
the wrongs and oppressions of misgovernment. The reasons 
and justification for their revolt are exhibited in their recital 
of a long list of grievous instances of maladministration. 
They complained that their interests had been so neglected, 
and their rights as lawful subjects so violated, under British 
rule, that they were absolved from further fealty. 

Our fathers, in establishing a new government upon the 
will of the people and consecrated to their care and just 
protection, could not prescribe limitations which would 
deny to political parties its conduct and administration. 
The opportunities and the temptations, thus necessarily 
presented to partisanship, have brought us to a time when 
party control is far too arrogant and bitter, and when, in 
public place, the true interests of the country are too lightly 

In this predicament, those who love their country may well 
remember, with comfort and satisfaction, on Independence 
Day, that the disposition of the American people to revolt 
against maladministration still remains to them, and is the 



badge of their freedom and independence, as well as their 
security for continued prosperity and happiness. 

They will not revolt against their plan of government, for 
its protection and preservation supply every inspiration of 
true Americanism. But because they are free and inde- 
pendent American citizens, they will, as long as their love 
and veneration for their government shall last, revolt against 
the domination of any political party which, intrusted with 
power, sordidly seeks only its continuance, and which, faith- 
lessly violating its plain and simple duty to the people, in- 
sults them with professions of disinterested solicitude while 
it eats out their substance. 

And yet, with all this, we should not in blind security 
deny the existence of danger. The masses of our country- 
men are brave and therefore generous; they are strong and 
therefore confident, and they are honest and therefore im- 
suspecting. Our peril lies in the ease with which they may 
be deluded and cajoled by those who would traffic with their 

No occasion is more opportune than the celebration of the 
one hundred and fourteenth anniversary of American inde- 
pendence to warn the American people of the present neces- 
sity on their part of a vigilant watchfulness of their rights 
and a jealous exaction of honest and imselfish performance 
of public duty. 

[^Address on being Received into Fellowship by 
his Neighbors, at Sandwich, Mass., July 25, 

Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen: More than 
eighteen hundred years ago a lawyer pertly asked the Divine 
Teacher, " And who is my neighbor.'' " The answer given 



to this question is quite familiar to us, and is embodied in 
the parable of the Good Samaritan. I hasten to assure you 
that this parable is here introduced for the lesson it teaches 
rather than for the purpose of suggesting that its incidents 
have any appropriateness to this occasion or its surroundings. 
I see no similarity between my situation and that of the man 
"who went down from Jerusalem to Jericho and fell among 

Whatever unfavorable impression may be prevalent con- 
cerning dog-day politics and politicians, which I left behind 
me, I am convinced that if there were a chapter written about 
the thieves of Cape Cod, it would be as short and as much 
to the point as the chapter on the snakes of Ireland, which 
began and ended in the single sentence, " There are no 
snakes in Ireland." I confess I have occasionally in my 
journeying seen a Levite pass by on the other side, but that 
was before I reached Barnstable County, and at a time when 
I cared but little whether he came on my side of the road 
or the other. But in the parable only one Good Samaritan 
is mentioned as having compassion on the man who went 
down from Jerusalem to Jericho, while the man who came 
down from New York to Cape Cod and Barnstable Coimty 
has been surrounded by them ever since he started. 

I suppose that when you greet me as your neighbor, to- 
day, you have in mind the fact that I have come among you 
to spend at least a large part of each year, and that I intend 
to maintain this sort of residence here as long as the expense 
of farming and fishing enables me, from a slender purse, to 
meet your rate of taxation and the cost of provisions. In the 
meantime I declare my intention to be a good neighbor. No 
quarrels can arise over my line fences, for I have none. I 
keep no chickens, and my cattle do not run at large. I sup- 
pose I have pretty decided political opinions, and I judge 
from the election returns of this county that they are not 
such as have heretofore received the utmost sympathy and 



encouragement in this particular locality. Notwithstanding, 
however, m)-^ positive knowledge that the large majority of 
my new neighbors are in a sad state of delusion politically, I 
shall not quarrel with them on this subject, nor permit my- 
self to become a political scold. I must be peaceful and 
neighborly, even if I see my neighbors go to political de- 
struction before my eyes. Besides, I think there are pru- 
dential reasons why I should, in present circumstances, be 
politically docile. To be sure I have not, like the man who 
started for Jericho, fallen among thieves ; but I know per- 
fectly well that I have politically fallen among those who 
are too many for me, and that only my own peacefulness or 
many conversions to my side in Barnstable County can se- 
cure my immunity from being stripped of my political rai- 
ment and wounded and left half dead, as was the case with 
the man from Jerusalem. While I do not want to tempt 
such a fate, I confess that my political convictions are so 
fixed that I can hardly avoid dwelling upon them even here. 
Some things we can certainly do safely and properly. We 
can be tolerant of one another. We can constantly test our 
political beliefs by the light of patriotism, good citizenship, 
and true Americanism, and we can be brave enough and hon- 
est enough to follow where they lead. We shall thus ele- 
vate our political efforts and find incentives to activity in a 
determination to aid in making our country as great as it 
ought to be, and in securing to ourselves and our fellow- 
countrymen the happiness and prosperity due to all of us 
Tinder a free government by the people. If our political en- 
deavor is thus directed, we shall rid ourselves of the blind- 
ness and bigotry which accept unreasoning party association 
as a sufficient guide to political action, and which count the 
spoils of partisan success the sole object of political strug- 
gle. So, though we may differ in party affiliation, if we 
thoughtfully and sincerely believe and act, we may still be 
the best of neig;hbor3, bound together bj' an unselfish willing- 



ness to forego special advantages which can only be gained 
at the expense of our fellows, and all engage, with hearty co- 
operation, in the achievement of our country's high destiny. 

I am inclined at this point to suggest to you tlie lesson of 
the parable with which I began. It teaches that a neighbor 
is not necessarily one whose residence is near, and that kind- 
ness and consideration make men neighbors. The Samari- 
tan was the neighbor of his robbed and wounded fellow-man, 
not because he lived near him, but because in his need he had 
compassion on him and bound up his wounds and cared for 
him. Indeed, we all know that the worst quarrels often arise 
and the most bitter malice and resentment often rage, among 
those whose homes are adjoining. These are sometimes 
called bad neighbors ; but in my opinion they ought not to be 
called neighbors at all. 

You are by no means to suppose, from what has been said, 
that I in the least fail to appreciate my good fortxme in 
being an almost fully fledged resident of Cape Cod and 
Barnstable County, I prize my home here so much that I 
actually look forward, with trepidation, to the time when I 
shall temporarily leave it, fearing that in my absence some 
envious mortal from a distant and benighted quarter may, 
in some manner, rob me of it. The wonder is that the entire 
American peojDle do not flock hither and attempt to take 
possession of all our domain in true Oklahoma style. Let 
us look for a moment at some of our suburbs and surround- 
ings. We have located Boston just far enough away to be a 
convenient trading-place, and yet not near enough to annoy 
us with its noise and dirt, nor to permit its children to dam- 
age our cranberry bogs. Though we know that the Pilgrims 
landed in Barnstable County, we see fit to maintain Plym- 
outh Rock just far enough outside to serve as a stimulus to 
our patriotism without being bothered by the strangers who 
visit the spot. We keep the waters of Buzzard's Bay clean 
and pure for fishing purposes, and do not propose to have 



our preserve stirred up and contaminated by the inflow of 
other waters through the Cape Cod Canal. 

We pity the deluded men and women who know nothing 
of Barnstable County, and who have doubts regarding the 
fertility and productiveness of our soil. Cape Cod never 
fails to respond to intelligent husbandry, though we do not 
expect immunity from the depression in farming occupations 
which afflicts our agricultural brethren in other localities. 
We make no complaint at such times, for it is easy to beat 
our plow-shares into fishing-hooks, and we know that when 
farming does not pay, neither drouth nor destructive insects 
will prevent the fish from biting. The delightful healthful- 
ness of our climate is so perfect that the practice of medicine 
is the one occupation which never thrives. Recreation in 
every sensible and wholesome variety crowds upon us, and, 
free from vain and distracting care, we enjoy with thank- 
fulness the peace and quietude which here have their abid- 

With a heart full of gratitude for the cordiality and con- 
sideration which you have at all times extended to me, I 
have, with the utmost sincerity, attempted to demonstrate 
my appreciation of all I enjoy among you, and to approve 
myself in your sight as worthy to be admitted to free fellow- 
ship in the Cape Cod community. If more is needed to 
prove my complete devotion to the guild, let me remind you 
of the saying, " A man is known by the company he keeps." 
If he is born and reared amid certain conditions he may, 
from habit and association and without severe condemna- 
tion, be content with them and the companionship which 
they impose, though such companionship be undesirable. 
But when, after mature deliberation and in full view of the 
importance and significance of his choice of neighbors, he 
chooses an abode with complete knowledge of those by whom 
he is to be surrounded, the adage I have quoted should be 
applied to him with the utmost strictness. I have only to 



add that so far as my case is related to the people of Barn- 
stable County, I am entirely content to be thus judged. 

I must remember that you have not only kindly spoken of 
me as your neighbor, but have also referred to me as an 
ex-President. I have never failed to be profoundly sensible 
of the generosity and confidence of my countrymen in mak- 
ing me the recipient of the greatest honor that can be be- 
stowed upon any man; but what I remember most vividly 
in connection with the great office of President is its respon- 
sibilities and the labor and anxiety attending an attempt to 
do the work which the people had intrusted to me. The 
impress made upon the mind and heart of one who stands 
daily face to face with the American people, charged with 
the protection of their rights and the advancement of their 
varied interests, can never be effaced, and scarcely gives 
room for the gratification naturally supposed to attach to 
high and exalted place. I am led to mention in this con- 
nection, as a spur to official labor and as a sign of political 
health, the watchfulness of the people and their exactions 
from their chosen representative to whom they have con- 
fided their highest trust. If they are exacting and critical, 
sometimes almost to the point of injustice, this is better than 
popular heedlessness and indifference concerning the con- 
duct of public servants. 

It has always seemed to me that, beyond the greatness of 
the office and the supreme importance of its duties and re- 
sponsibilities, the most impressive thing connected with the 
Presidency is the fact that after its honor has been relin- 
quished, and after its labor and responsibility are past, we 
simply see that a citizen whom the people had selected from 
their ranks to do their bidding for a time and to be their 
agent in the discharge of public duty, has laid aside the 
honor and the work of the highest office in the world and 
has returned again to the people, to resume at their side 
the ordinary duties which pertain to everyday citizenship. 



Here, he is, or should be, subject to the same rules of 
behavior which apply to his fellow-countrymen, and should 
be accorded the same fair and decent treatment, unless he 
has in some way forfeited it. 

But it must be admitted that our people are by no means 
united in their ideas concerning the place which our ex- 
Presidents ought to occupy, or the disposition which should 
be made of them. Of course the subject would be relieved 
of all uncertainty and embarrassment if every President 
would die at the end of his term. This does not seem, how- 
ever, to meet the views of those who under such an arrange- 
ment would be called on to do the dying; and so some of 
them continue to live, and thus perpetuate the perplexity 
of those who burden themselves with plans for their utiliza- 
tion or disposition. 

A very amusing class among these anxious souls make us 
useful by laying upon our shoulders all sorts of political 
conspiracies. If they are to be believed, we are constantly 
engaged in plotting for our own benefit and advancement, 
and are quite willing, for the sake of reaching our ends, 
not only to destroy the party to which we belong, but to 
subvert popular liberty and utterly uproot our free Ameri- 
can institutions. Others seem of the opinion that we should 
be utilized as orators at county fairs and other occasions 
of all sorts and at all sorts of places. Some think we should 
interfere in every political contest, and should be constantly 
in readiness to express an opinion on every subject of a 
political character that anybody has the ingenuity to suggest. 
Others still regard it as simply dreadful for us to do these 
things, and are greatly disturbed every time an ex-President 
ventures to express an opinion on any subject. Not a few 
appear to think we should simply exist and be blind, deaf, 
and dumb the remainder of our days. 

In the midst of all this a vast majority of the plain Amer- 
ican people are, as usual, sound and sensible. They are self- 



respecting enough and have dignity enough to appreciate 
the fact that their respect and confidence as neighbors is 
something which an ex-President may well covet, and which, 
like any other man, he ought to earn. They will measure 
the regard and consideration due to him by his usefulness 
and worth as a private citizen. They will not agree that the 
fact of his having been President gives him any license 
for bad behavior, nor that it burdens him with an unfavorable 
presumption. These are sentiments which we, on the side 
of the ex-Presidents, will gladly adopt, and these conditions 
we can well afford to accept. In conclusion I desire to ex- 
press the confident opinior, based upon a short experience, 
and supplemented by the kindness which characterizes this 
occasion, that no better place can be found as a retreat for 
ex-Presidents than Barnstable County. They are sure to 
receive here all the Cape Cod hospitality and friendly treat- 
ment they deserve, with a great many other things thrown in. 
From the bottom of my heart I say to you, that while I 
do not mean in the least to detract from the honor arising 
from the incumbency of high official place, nor undervalue 
the designation of ex-President, the pleasure which this occa- 
sion affords me chiefly consists in the cordiality with which 
you have greeted me as your neighbor. 

[Letter to John P. Adams, Brooklyn, N. Y,, 
September 12, 1890.] 

Dear Sir: It seems but a very short time ago that I par- 
ticipated in the laying of the corner stone of the building 
now ready for occupancy, and I recognize in the vigor with 
which it has been pushed to completion the most gratify- 
ing evidence of the zeal and sturdiness of your Democratic 



The Kings County Democracy should certainly be con- 
gratulated upon the possession of such beautiful headquar- 
ters in a building whose name suggests the true Democratic 
faith. In the Thomas Jefferson there should be found no r 
room for counsels in the least regardless of the value of pure 
and honest government, or lacking in sympathy with the 
highest and greatest good of the people. 

I feel that I can wish nothing better for your association 
than that their new home may be long continued to them, 
and that they may take with them there and always main- 
tain those principles of Jeffersonian Democracy, as old as 
the Nation, which, if steadfastly upheld and honestly ap- 
plied, are certain to insure the felicity and prosperity of our 

[Address as Chairman of the Democratic Rati- 
fication Meeting in the Cooper Union, New 
York, October 9, 1891.] 

My Fellow-Citizens : I acknowledge with much satisfac- 
tion the compliment paid me by my selection as your presid- 
ing officer to-night. I am glad to meet an assemblage of my 
fellow-townsmen on an occasion when their thoughts turn 
to the political situation which confronts them and at a time 
when their duty as citizens, as well as members of a grand 
political organization, should be subject to their serious con- 

If I may be indulged a few moments I shall occupy that 
much of your time in presenting some suggestions touching 
the condition and responsibilities of the Democracy to the 
people of the country, and the obligations and duty at this 
jjarticular time of the Democracy of our State. 

The Democratic party has been at all times by profes- 


sion and by tradition, the party of the people. I say by 
profession and tradition, but I by no means intend to hint, 
in the use of this expression, that, in its conduct and action, 
it has failed to justify its profession or been recreant to its 
traditions. It must, however, be admitted that we have had 
our seasons of revival, when the consciousness of what 
true Democracy really means has been especially awakened, 
and when we have been unusually aroused to a lively appre- 
ciation of the aggressiveness and activity which conscience 
exacts of those who profess the Democratic faith, and who 
are thus enlisted in the people's cause. 

We contemplate to-night such a revival and the stupendous 
results which have thus far attended it. In view of these 
things we cannot be honest and sincere and fail to see that a 
stern and inexorable duty is now at our door. 

We saw the money of the people unnecessarily extorted 
from them under the guise of taxation. 

We saw that this was the result of a scheme perpetuated 
for the purpose of exacting tribute from the poor for the 
benefit of the rich. 

We saw, growing out of this scheme, the wholesale de- 
bauchery and corruption of the people whom it impoverished. 

We saw a party, which advocated and defended this 
wrong, gaining and holding power in the government by the 
shameless appeal to selfishness which it invited. 

We saw the people actually burnishing the bonds of mis- 
representation and misconception which held them, and we 
saw sordidness and the perversion of all that constitutes 
good citizenship on every hand, and sturdy Americanism in 
j eopardy. 

We saw a party planning to retain partisan ascendency 
by throttling and destroying the freedom and integrity of 
the suffrage through the most radical and reckless legisla- 

We saw waste and extravagance raiding the public treas- 


ury, and justified in official places, while economy in gov- 
ernment expenditures was ridiculed by those who held in 
trust the people's money. 

We saw the national assemblage of the people's repre- 
sentatives transformed to the mere semblance of a legisla- 
tive assembly, by the brute force of a violently created ma- 
jority and by unprecedented arbitrary rulings, while it was 
jeeringly declared, by those who usurped its functions, to be 
no longer a deliberative body. 

Then it was that the Democratic party, standing forth 
to do determined battle against these abuses, which threat- 
ened the welfare and happiness of the people, called upon 
them to trust it, and promised them that the warfare should 
be relentless and uncompromising. 

As results of the struggle then entered upon, never has 
the resistless force of the awakened thought of our country- 
men been more completely demonstrated, and never has the 
irresistible strength of the principles of Democracy been 
more fully exemplified. From the West and from the East 
came tidings of victory. In the popular branch of the next 
Congress the party which lately impudently arrogated to 
itself the domination of that body, will fill hardly more than 
one-fourth of its seats. Democratic Governors occupy the 
enemy's strongholds in Iowa, Massachusetts, Ohio, Wiscon- 
sin, and Michigan. In Pennsylvania, the election of a 
Democratic Governor presented conclusive proof of Repub- 
lican corruption exposed and Republican dishonesty de- 

But with all these results of a just and fearless Demo- 
cratic policy, our work is not yet completely done; and I 
want to suggest to you that any relaxation of effort within 
the lines established by the National Democracy will be a 
violation of the pledges we gave the people when we invited 
their co-operation and imdertook their cause. 

I do not forget that we are gathered together to ratify 


State nominations, and that we are immediately concerned 
with a State campaign. It seems to me, however, that, while 
national questions of the greatest import are yet unsettled, 
and when we are on the eve of a national campaign in which 
they must be again pressed upon the attention of the voters 
of the country, the Democracy of the great State of New 
York cannot and will not entirely ignore them. If we fail to 
retain ascendency in the Empire State, no matter upon what 
issue it is lost, and no matter how much our opponents may 
seek to avoid great and important topics, it will be claimed 
as the verdict of our people against the principles and plat- 
form of the National Democracy. 

It is evident that if our opponents are permitted to choose 
the line of battle they will avoid all national issues. Thus 
far this is plainly their policy. There is nothing strange in 
this, for they may well calculate that, whatever may be their 
fate in other fields, they have been decisively beaten in the 
discussion of national questions. It can hardly be expected 
that they will come to the field of Waterloo again, unless 
forced to do so. 

I am very far from having any fear of the result of a full 
discussion of the subjects which pertain to State affairs. We 
have an abundance of reasons to furnish why on these issues 
alone we should be further trusted with the State govern- 
ment ; but it does not follow that it is wise to regard matters 
of national concern as entirely foreign to the pending can- 
vass, and especially to follow the enemy in their lead entirely 
away from the issues they most fear and which they have the 
best of reasons to dread. This very fear and dread give in 
this particular case strength and pertinency to the doctrine 
that a party should at all times and in all places be made to 
feel the consequences of their misdeeds as long as they have 
remaining any power for harm and as long as they justify 
and defend their wrongdoing. 

Those who act with us merely because they approve the 


present position of the National Democracy and the reforms 
we have undertaken, and who oppose in national affairs Re- 
publican policy and methods, and who still think the State 
campaign we have in hand has no relation to the principles 
and policy which they approve, are in danger of falling into 
a grave error. Our opponents in the pending canvass, 
though now striving hard to hide their identity in a cloud 
of dust raised by their iteration of irrelevant things, consti- 
tute a large factor in the party which, still far from harm- 
less, seeks to perpetuate all the wrongs and abuses of Repub- 
lican rule in national affairs. Though they may strive to 
appear tame and tractable in a State campaign, they but dis- 
semble to gain a new opportunity for harm. 

In the present condition of affairs it is not to be sup- 
posed that any consistent and thoughtful member of the 
Democratic organization can fail to see it his duty to engage 
enthusiastically and zealously in the support of the ticket 
and platform which represent our party in this campaign. 
They are abundantly worthy and deserving of support on 
their own merits and for their own sake. We seek to place 
at the head of our State government a man of affairs, who, 
in a long business career, has earned the good opinion and 
respect of all his fellows, whose honesty and trustworthiness 
have never been impeached, and who, I am sure, will admin- 
ister the great office, to which he will be called, indepen- 
dently, fearlessly, and for the good of all the people of the 
State. We seek further to secure the Empire State in her 
Democratic steadfastness, and we seek to win a victory which 
shall redeem the pledges we have made to regard constantly 
the interests of the people of the land, and which shall give 
hope and confidence to the National Democracy in the 
struggles yet to come. 

With these incentives and with these purposes in view, I 
cannot believe that any Democrat can be guilty of lukewarm- 
ncss or slothfulness. 


With a party united and zealous; with no avoidance of 
any legitimate issue; with a refusal to be diverted from the 
consideration of great national and State questions to the 
discussion of misleading things; and, with such a presenta- 
tion of the issues involved as will prove our faith in the 
intelligence of the people of the State, the result cannot be 

[Address at the Ratification Meeting, Brooklyn, 
N. v., October 14, 1891.'] 

My Fellow-Citizens : It docs not need' the cordial welcome 
you give me to-night to convince me that I am among friends. 
The good will and attachment of the people and the Democ- 
racy of Kings County have been in times past repeatedly 
manifested toward me and are remembered with constant 
gratitude. There was, therefore, a potent and palpable rea- 
son why I should not decline an invitation to be with you 

Another reason not less strong why I am here is found in 
the fact that this is a gathering of my political friends in the 
interest of the Democratic cause and in token of their hearty 
support of Democratic principles and candidates. In such 
an assemblage I always feel at home. 

My extreme interest in the State campaign now pending 
arises from a conception of its importance, which I do not 
believe is at all exaggerated. The fact that it immediately 
precedes a national campaign in which the vote of New York 
may be a controlling factor, is, of itself, sufficient to enlist 
the activity of every man entitled to claim a place in Demo- 
cratic coimcils. Besides this, the failure on the part of the 
Democracy of the State to emphasize further its support of 
the reforms to which the National Democracy is pledged, we 
must all confess would be a party humiliation. 



There are, however, reasons beyond these, which are close 
at home and have relation to State interests, quite sufficient 
to arouse supreme Democratic efforts. There are dangers 
clearly imminent, and schemes almost unconcealed, which 
affect our State and which can only be avoided and defeated 
by the strong and determined protest of the united Democ- 
racy of New York. 

The party we oppose, resting upon no fundamental prin- 
ciples, sustaining a precarious existence upon distorted sen- 
timent, and depending for success upon the varying currents 
of selfish interests and popular misconception, cannot endure 
the sight of a community which is inclined to withstand its 
blandishments and which refuses to be led away by its mis- 
representations. Thus, in its national management and meth- 
ods it boldly seeks to thwart the intention of voters, if they 
are Democratic, and to stifle the voice of the people, if they 
speak in Democratic tones. I am sure it is not necessary to 
remind you in proof of this of the latest effort of our oppo- 
nents at Washington in this direction, nor to speak of the 
Democratic congratulation which spread throughout the 
land when, by the defeat of the Force Bill, our boasted 
Amei'ican freedom of suffrage was saved and constitutional 
rights preserved through the combined efforts of a Demo- 
cratic Senatorial minority splendidly led and grandly sus- 

Is there a Democrat — nay, is there any man — so dull as 
to suppose that the Republican party in this State is not of 
the same disposition as the party in the nation ? Do not the 
attitude and conduct of its representatives from this State 
in national affairs abundantly prove that the party in New 
York can be implicitly trusted to aid any scheme of this 
sort that promises partisan advantage? If further proof is 
desired that New York Republicans are thoroughly imbued 
with the proclivities that characterize the party in national 
affairs, it is readily found. Under the positive requirements 



of our State Constitution an enumeration of the inhabitants 
of the State should have been made in 1885, and the Sena- 
torial and Assembly districts newly adjusted in accordance 
with such an enumeration. This has not yet been done, 
though our opponents have had a majority in both branches 
of the legislature ever since that year, except that in the last 
session a Democratic majority appeared in the assembly. A 
Republican reason for the neglect of a plain duty in the 
matter of this enumeration is found in the fact that, under 
such a new arrangement, localities which have increased in 
population and at the same time in Democratic voters, would 
be entitled to a larger representation in the legislature than 
they now have, while the existing adjustment is a very com- 
fortable one from a Republican standpoint. In the present 
condition, it is calculated that a Democratic majority in the 
State must reach at least 50,000 in order to give us a major- 
ity in the assembly. In 1885 we elected our State ticket by 
more than 11,000 majority, and yet but 50 Democratic mem- 
bers of assembly were elected, while the defeated party 
elected 78. In 1886 our majority was nearly 8000, but only 
54 Democratic assemblymen were elected, to 74 Republicans. 
In 1887 a Democratic majority on our State ticket of more 
than 17,000 yielded only 56 Democratic assemblymen to 72 
Republican. In 1888, though the State ticket was carried 
by a majority not much less, we had but 49 assemblymen to 
79 for the defeated opposition. In 1889 with a majority 
of over 20,000 on our State ticket we elected but 57 assem- 
blymen, while the defeated party secured 71. In 1890 we 
carried the State on the congressional vote by more than 
75,000 majority, and yet elected but 68 members of assem- 
bly to 60 elected by the party so largely in the minority. 

Whatever may be said about the quarrels between a Dem- 
ocratic Governor and a Republican Legislature over the man- 
ner in which a new enumeration should be made, there is no 
difficulty in finding enough, in Republican disposition and 



practices, to justify the suspicion that any pretext was wel- 
come, to the representatives of that party in the State, that 
would serve to perpetuate the present condition. There is 
no reason to hope for a better and more just representation 
of the political sentiments of the people of the State except 
through a complete dislodgment of those who have long prof- 
ited by this injustice. Its continuance is directly involved 
in the present campaign, for not only a Governor, but a new 
senate and assembly are to be elected. No election will soon 
occur that will afford so good an opportunity to secure to 
our party the share in State legislation to which it is en- 
titled, nor will the Democratic party soon have so good a 
chance to rectify a political wrong. 

By way of further suggesting the importance of this cam- 
paign, I ask you not to forget that a new apportionment of 
representatives in Congress is to be made on the basis ef the 
census just completed, and that it may devolve upon the next 
legislature to readjust the congressional districts of the State. 
Previous to 1883 these districts were so arranged that, 
though in 1880 our opponents carried the State by only about 
twenty-one thousand, they secured twenty congressmen to 
thirteen elected by the Democrats, while in 1882, though 
the Democratic candidate for Governor had a majority of 
more than one hundred and ninety thousand, there were 
elected but twenty-one Democratic congressmen, one being a 
citizen of Brooklyn, elected at large, while the party in the 
minority elected thirteen representatives. The change of 
congressional districts made in 1883, by a Democratic legis- 
lature and approved by a Democratic Governor, may well be 
referred to as an illustration of Democratic fairness. In the 
election of 1884, the first lield under the new arrangement, 
our national ticket carried the State by a small majority, but 
the congressional delegation was equally divided between the 
parties. In both the elections of 1886 and 1888, though the 
Democratic State ticket was elected by moderate majorities, 



our opponents elected nineteen congressmen, while only 
fifteen were secured by the party having the majority of 
votes in the State. It required a Democratic majority in the 
State of 75,000 to secure at the last election only three con- 
gressmen above the number elected by our opponents under 
the former adjustment, when their State ticket had not much 
more than one-fourth of that majority. 

I am far from complaining of the present congressional 
adjustment. On the contrary, I am glad that my party was 
more than just and fair when it had the opportunity. But I 
want to put the inquiry whether, judging from the past con- 
duct of our opponents in such matters, and from what seems 
to be their natural disposition, there is the least chance of 
their dealing fairly by the Democracy of the State if they 
have the control of the next arrangement of congressional 

I purposely refrain from detaining you with the presenta- 
tion of other considerations which impress me with the im- 
portance at this time of Democratic activity, but I cannot 
avoid recalling the fact that I am in an atmosphere where 
the doctrine of home rule has especially flourished, and 
among a community where this Democratic doctrine has been 
vmusually exemplified. Let me remind you that no Demo- 
cratic locality can exist without attracting to it the wistful 
gaze of those who find an adherence to the doctrine of home 
rule and an attachment to the Democratic faith, obstacles to 
the political advantage they seek to gain without scruple as 
to their method of procedure. 

I need not say that the safety of Democracy, in the State 
and here at your home, is only to be preserved by Demo- 
cratic steadfastness. I do not forget how often and how 
effectively you have displayed that steadfastness in the past, 
nor do I forget your service to the State when you contrib- 
uted to places of trust in its government and administration 
the intelligence, fidelity, and ability of your fellow-towns- 



man who soon retires from the chief magistracy of your city; 
and I will stifle my complaint that, in selecting his successor, 
you have recalled a recent and most valuable contribution to 
the cause of Democracj^ in national councils. 

In your relation to the pending canvass, every Democrat 
■who loves his country and his party must acknowledge the 
important service rendered by representatives of Kings 
County in aiding the formulation of a declaration of finan- 
cial principles in the platform which the Democracy presents 
to the voters of the State, which leaves no room to doubt our 
insistance upon sound and honest money for all the people. 

In conclusion, let me assure you that I have absolute con- 
fidence, based upon what you are and what you have done in 
the past, that in the campaign upon which we have entered, 
the Democrats of Kings County will more than ever exhibit 
their devotion to the Democratic cause. 

{^Address before the Business Men's Democratic 
Association in Madison Square Garden, 
New York, October 27, 1891.] 

Fellow-Citizens : I am glad to have the opportunity to be 
present on this occasion, -even though I am able to do but 
little more than speak a word of greeting to the representa- 
tives of our business interests who are here assembled. 

You have heard much, and have doubtless reflected much, 
concerning the important results which depend upon the 
political action of the people of our State at the coming elec- 
tion, and I am glad to believe that the business men of the 
city of New York understand that this political campaign is 
not only important to them in common with all their fellow- 
citizens, but that there are features in it which especially 
concern them. 


It must be confessed that both here and in other parts of 
the country, those engaged in business pursuits have kept too 
much aloof from public affairs and have too generally acted 
upon the theory that neither their duty as citizens nor their 
personal interests required of them any habitual participation 
in political movements. This indifference and inactivity have 
resulted in a loss to our public service, I am firmly of the 
belief that, if a few business men could be substituted for 
professional men in official places, the people "would posi- 
tively gain by the exchange. And it is strange to me that 
our business men have not been quicker to see that their 
neglect of political duty is a constant danger to their per- 
sonal and especial interests. They may labor and plan in 
their counting houses or in their Exchanges, but, in the mean- 
time, laws may be passed by those ignorant of their business 
bearings, which, in their operation, will counteract all this 
labor and defeat all this planning. 

I have expressed the belief that the business men of our 
city are aroused to the fact that there are questions involved 
in the campaign in this State which concern them and their 
welfare in an unusual way. This is indicated by awakened 
interest on every side and by this immense demonstration. 
And it is difficult to see how it could be otherwise. 

The city of New York as the center of all that makes ours 
the Empire State, and as the great heart from which life- 
giving currents flow to all parts of the country, cannot be 
indifferent to the questions, both State and national, which 
have relation to the State campaign now nearly closed. 

Much has been said about the topics which should be dis- 
cussed in the prosecution of this campaign. It has been 
contended that the canvass should be confined to State issues, 
and it has been claimed that national issues should be most 
prominently considered. I conceive the truth to be that both 
are proper subjects of discussion at this time; and, in the 
presence of this assemblage, called together to consider the 



business features of the contest, I am impressed with the fact 
that the best test to employ, by way of discovering the legiti- 
macy of any topic in the pending campaign, is to inquire 
whether it is connected with the good of the country and Avith 
the business of the city and State, and whether it will be at 
all influenced by the results of the canvass. 

Can anyone doubt that the political verdict which the 
people of New York will give in November next, will affect 
her position in the general national engagement which will 
take place one year hence? In this view, the proper adjust- 
ment of the tariff, which concerns so materially not only all 
our people, but the commerce and the business of our city, 
should be discussed. This, and the question of sound cur- 
rency, cannot be separated from the business interests of 
our State; and they should be put before our people now 
for the purpose of inviting their thought and settling their 

Applying this same test, it is entirely plain that an eco- 
nomical administration of State affairs and the numerous 
other subjects having reference to a just, honest, and benefi- 
cent State government are, in a business sense, important and 

On all these questions the New York Democracy is right ; 
and we are willing and anxious to discuss them in any place 
and at any time. 

But our opponents, apparently seeking to avoid the dis- 
cussion of subjects legitimate to the canvass and affecting the 
business of our city and State, and exhibiting such weakness 
and fear as certainly ought not to escape notice, are shrieking 
throughout the State the demerits and dangerous proclivities 
of a certain political organization whose members support 
the principles and candidates of the Democratic party. It 
would be quite easy to show that, even if all they allege 
against this organization were true, the perils our op- 
ponents present to the people are baseless and absurd. 



But it seems to me the argument of such a question belittles 
an important situation. 

Every man knows, or ought to satisfy himself whether the 
principles and policy presented to the people by the Demo- 
cratic party are such as he approves. If they are, certainly 
his duty as a citizen obliges him to indorse them. Every 
man ought to satisfy himself whether the candidates of the 
Democratic party are men of such character and ability that 
he is willing to trust them in the administration of his State 
government. If he believes they are, he should not withhold 
his support from them upon any frivolous and irrelevant 

The exercise of the right of suffrage is a serious business ; 
and a man's vote ought to express his opinion on the ques- 
tions at issue. This it utterly fails to do if the voter listens 
to the ravings of our opponents, and allows his vote merely 
to record the extent to which he has yielded to the mislead- 
ing and cunningly devised appeals to his prejudices, made 
in behalf of a desperate and discredited minority. Such a 
vote does not influence, in the least, the real settlement of any 
of the weighty matters of policy and principle upon which 
the people are called to pronounce judgment. 

If enough such votes should be given to cause a false ver- 
dict in the State, those who should contribute to that result, 
and thus become disloyal to their beliefs, would find every- 
thing but satisfaction in their self-reproach, and in their 
sense of degradation which would follow the imconcealed 
contempt of those partisans who had duped them for the 
purpose of thus gaining a party advantage not otherwise 

In conclusion, I desire to disclaim any fear that the busi- 
ness men of New York can be thus deluded. They will not 
only apprehend the questions at issue, and see their duty and 
interest, in soberly passing upon them without prejudice or 
passion, but they will also appreciate the fact that the ticket 



they are asked by the Democratic party to support ex- 
pressly recognizes them. It is headed by a man of business, 
who is certainly entitled to their confidence, and who is so 
creditable as their representative, that I believe his business 
character has escaped attack during a campaign in which 
every attack having any pretext whatever has been made. I 
will not especially refer by name to the remainder of our 
candidates — some of whom are my old and near friends — 
because I think I ought not to detain you longer than to say 
that they are all entirely worthy of support, and that by the 
triumphant election of every one of them the verdict of the 
people of the State ought to be recorded in favor of good 
government and the advancement of business interests. 

{^Address in Tremont Temple, Boston, Mass., 
October 31, 1891.'] 

My Fellow-Citizens : I should be quite uncomfortable at 
this moment if I supposed you regarded me as a stranger in 
your State, and only concerned as a Democratic spectator 
of the political campaign which stirs the people of this Com- 
monwealth. I hope it is not necessary to remind you that, 
by virtue of a sort of initiation which I have recently under- 
gone, I have a right, to claim a modified membership in the 
citizenship of Massachusetts; and though I am obliged to 
confess a limitation in the extent of this citizenship I am 
somewhat compensated by what seems to me to be its quality. 
So far as I have a residence among you, it is the place where, 
amid quiet and peaceful surroundings, I enjoy that home 
life I so much love, where relaxation from labor and from 
care restores health and vigor, and where recreation, in 
pleasing variety, teaches me the lesson that man's duty and 
mission are not only to do the work which his relations to his 



fellow-men impose upon him, but to api^reciate the things 
"which the goodness of God supplies in nature for man's 
delight. While, therefore, no conditions could cause the least 
abatement in the pride I feel as a fully qualified citizen of 
the great State of New York, I cannot be insensible to the 
fact that my relationship to Massachusetts connects your 
State with the elements in my life which are full of delight- 
ful sentiment and with those enjoyments which enlarge and 
cultivate the heart and soul. 

I have spent to-day at my Massachusetts home, and meet 
you here pursuant to a promise that, on my way out of the 
State, I would look in on this assemblage of those who are 
enlisted in a grand and noble cause. 

It is but natural that my errand to your State, and the in- 
spection of that part of its soil of which I am the self-satis- 
fied owner, should arouse all the Massachusetts feeling to 
which this ownership entitles me, and should intensify that 
interest in the political behavior of the State which rightfully 
belongs to my semi-citizenship. 

My relations to you are, perhaps, too new-fledged to shield 
me from an accusation of affectation if I should dwell, with 
the rapture others might more properly exhibit, upon the 
history, traditions, and achievements of Massachusetts. I 
am sure, however, that I may, with perfect propriety, remind 
3'ou that the people of Massachusetts have in their keeping 
certain precious things which they hold in trust for all their 
countrymen. They can no more appropriate Plymouth Rock 
and Bunker Hill than they can confine within the limits of 
their State the deeds, the example, and the fame of the men 
whom Massachusetts contributed to the public service of the 
Nation in the days when giants lived. 

The influence of your State upon the politics of the coun- 
try has by no means been limited to the actual share she and 
her representative men have taken in governmental manage- 
ment. Her stake in the creation and the development of our 



country took form in its embryonic days ; and this has given 
rise from the beginning to the interested discussion among 
her people of every public question, while the education and 
general information of her population have made such dis- 
cussion intelligent and forceful. Her schools and her insti- 
tutions of learning have sent to all parts of the land young 
and thoughtful men, imbued Vi'ith sentiments and opinions 
not learned in their books, \\lien her feeling has been most 
aroused she has challenged the respect of the country be- 
cause, though uncompromising, she has been habitually just, 
and, though radical, she has been always great. 

I cannot help recalling at this moment that you gave to 
the Senate of the United States the man who is remembered 
by all his countrymen as the best modern embodiment of 
American greatness ; that Webster, though he loved freedom 
and hated slavery, never consented to the infringement of 
constitutional rights, even for the sake of freedom ; that, 
though his love for Massachusetts was his consuming senti- 
ment, he emphatically declared that in the discharge of pub- 
lic duty he would neither regard her especial interests nor 
her desires as against his conception of the general interests 
of the country, and that his patriotism and his love for the 
Union were so great that he constantly sought to check the 
first sign of estrangement among our people. 

I recall the love of Massachusetts for the memory of 
Sumner — the great Senator who unhesitatingly braved Ex- 
ecutive displeasure and party ostracism in loyalty to his 
sense of right; who surprised and alienated a sentiment, 
born of patriotic warmth, by advocating the obliteration of 
the reminders of the triumphs of American soldiers over 
American soldiers ; and who, throughout a long public career, 
illustrated his belief that politics is but the application of 
moral principle to public affairs. 

If, from the contemplation of these lofty precedents, you 
turn to the manner in which the sentiment and feeling of 



Massachusetts have of late been represented in both houses 
of Congress, and if you thus find an unpleasing contrast, it 
is for you to say whether you are satisfied ; but, if this feel- 
ing and sentiment, genuine and unperverted, ought to bear 
the fruits of conciliation and trust among our countrymen, 
the avoidance of unnecessary irritation, and the abandonment 
of schemes which promise no better result than party su- 
premacy through forced and unnatural suffrage, there cer- 
tainly seems to be ground for apprehension that there has 
lately been something awry in your Federal representation. 
At any rate, it seems to me that the people themselves, in the 
State of Massachusetts, are constantly giving proof that they 
are ready and willing, obedient to a generous instinct and for 
the good of the entire country, to aid in building up Amer- 
ican fraternity based upon mutual faith and confidence, and 
in restoring and reviving that unity and heartiness of aim 
and purpose upon which alone our national hope can securely 

We have fallen upon a time when especial interest is 
aroused among our people in subj ccts which seem to be vital 
to the welfare of the country. Our consumers, those of 
moderate means and the poor of tlie land, are too much 
neglected in our national policy; their life is made too hard 
for them, and too much favor is sliown to pampered manu- 
facturers and rich monopolies. A condition of restlessness 
and irritation has grown up throughout the country, born 
of prevailing inequality and unfairness, which threatens an 
attack upon sound currency, and which awakens the fear 
and anxious solicitude of thoughtful and patriotic men ; 
economy in public expenditure has almost become a byword 
and jest; and partisanship in power executes its will by 
methods unprecedented and ruthless. 

I have believed that the Democratic party was right in 
its position on all these subjects; and I am willing to con- 
fess that my belief is confirmed by the verdict of the people 



cf Massachusetts. When I see the old Common-vvealth break 
away from party trammels in aid of right and honesty, when 
I see a majority of her last elected representatives in Con- 
gress chosen to enforce the principles we profess, and when 
I see her put at the head of her State government one of her 
young sons, who stands for these principles in the truest, 
cleanest, and most vigorous way, I am prepared to see, fol- 
lowing the lead of Massachusetts, such a revival of moral 
sentiment in politics as will insure the general acceptance, 
by our countrymen, of the truths we preach. 

Any man who fails to appreciate the immense motive 
power of the conscience of Massachusetts has viewed to 
little purpose the movements which have made their impress 
on our country's history, and which have led our national 
destiny. On the splendid roster of those here enlisted in our 
cause, and among the thousands recorded there who have 
seen beyond party lines the morals of political questions, 
are found the names of Adams and Everett and Andrew 
and Quincy and Garrison and Higginson and Pierce and 
Eliot and Hoar and Codman and Williams — giving proof 
that the people's cause has touched the conscience of Massa- 

The hearts of patriotic men in many States are warmed 
with gratitude for the strong and able young men your 
Commonwealth has contributed to our public life in this 
time of her awakening. 

Again, their eyes are turned to Massachusetts, Young 
and vigorous Americanism has watched with pride and en- 
thusiasm its best representative at the head of your State 
government, and those who love true Democracy have re- 
joiced far and wide that one who embodies their principles 
so truly, and exemplifies them so wisely, has borne himself 
so nobly. They look to the people of ^Massachusetts to recog- 
nize the faithful services of their young Governor and the 
manner in which he has upheld the dignity and honor of 



their State before their countrymen everywhere. They look 
to you, by his election and by the election of all the good 
men and true who, with him, bear the standard of your 
State Democracy, to demonstrate your steadfastness in the 
Democratic cause. Th.ey look to you to give to the national 
Democracy and the cause of the people, which it has in 
charge, the powerful aid of the still awakened conscience of 

Democrats of Massachusetts — men of Massachusetts — 
which shall your response be? 

[Letter to John McConvill, Esq., New York, 
November 11, 1891.] 

Dear Sir: I am a stanch believer in the doctrine of home 
rule, and have not failed to appreciate the labors in the 
cause, of the man whose services you propose to commem- 

For what he accomplished and sought to accomplish for 
home rule, he deserves to be honored by all those who love 
a free and representative government, but his aim and pur- 
poses had their rise so completely in patriotism, and his un- 
selfish love for his countrymen was so conspicuous and dis- 
interested, that the reverence and devotion due to the mem- 
ory of a patriot must always be associated with his name. 

The influence of his example surely ought not to be lost 
upon those who take up his work, to which he so thoroughly 
consecrated all his efforts and aspirations. 



[Address at the Thurman Birthday Banquet, 
Columbus, O.J, November 13, 1890.1 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I follow the promptings 
of a heart full of devotion and veneration, as I tender from 
the Democracy of the great State of New York her tribute 
of affection for the man whom we honor to-night, I am com- 
missioned to claim for my State her full share of the glory 
which has been shed upon the American name and character 
by one whose career and example cannot be pre-empted, and 
whose reno-vvn cannot be limited in ownership to the neigh- 
bors and friends of any locality. We contest every exclusive 
pretension to his fame and greatness, because he is a neigh- 
bor to all the people of the land ; because he is the friend of 
all who love their country; because his career splendidly 
illustrates the best and strongest elements of our national 
character ; and because his example belongs to all his coun- 

It is fitting that those who have faith in our destiny as a 
nation, who believe that there are noble things which belong 
distinctively to our character as a people, and who prize at 
its true worth pure American citizenship, should gather here 
to-night. It is given us to contemplate the highest states- 
manship, the most unyielding and disinterested devotion to 
the interests of the people, and the most valuable achieve- 
ments in the cause of our country's welfare, all of which 
have been stimulated and accomplished through the influence 
and impulse of true, unperverted, sturdy Americanism. We 
rejoice in the example afforded on this occasion of genuine 
American citizenship, revealed to us as a safe and infallible 
interpreter of duty in all the emergencies of a long and 
honorable public career, and as an unfailing guide to use- 
fulness and fame. 



In this presence and in the atmosphere of these reflections, 
we should not miss the lesson they commend to us, nor fail 
to renew our appreciation of the value of this citizenship, 
and revive our apprehension of the sentiments and conditions 
in which it has its rise and growth. 

And first of all we should be profoundly grateful that the 
elements which make up the strength and vigor of American 
citizenship are so naturally related to our situation and are 
so simple. The intrigues of monarchy which taint the indi- 
vidual character of the subject; the splendor which dazzles 
the popular eye and distracts the attention from abuses and 
stifles discontent; the schemes of conquest and selfish ag- 
grandizement which make a selfish people, have no legitimate 
place in our national life. Here the plain people of the land 
are the rulers. Their investiture of power is only accom- 
panied with the conditions that they should love their coun- 
try, that they should jealously guard and protect its inter- 
ests and fair fame, and that all the intelligence with which 
they are endowed should be devoted to an imderstanding of 
its needs and the promotion of its welfare. 

These are the elements of American citizenship, and these 
are the conditions upon which our free institutions were in- 
trusted to our people, in full reliance, at the beginning and 
for all time to come, upon American manhood, consecrated 
by the highest and purest patriotism. 

A comitry, broad and new, to be subdued to the purposes 
of man's existence, and promising vast and independent re- 
sources, and a people intelligently understanding the value 
of a free nation and holding fast to an intense affection for 
its history and its heroes, have had much to do with molding 
our American character and giving it hardihood and vigor. 
But it should never be forgotten that the influence which, 
more than all other things, has made our people safe deposi- 
tories of governmental power, and which has furnished the 
surest guarantee of the strength and perpetuity of the re- 



public, has its source in the American home. Here our 
patriotism is born and entwines itself with the growth of filial 
love, and here our children are taught the story of our 
freedom and independence. But above all, here in the 
bracing and wholesome atmosphere of uncomplaining frugal- 
ity and economy, the mental and moral attributes of our 
people have been firmly knit and invigorated. Never could 
it be said of any country so truly as of ours, that the perma- 
nency of its institutions depends upon its homes. 

I have spoken of frugality and economy as important fac- 
tors in American life. I find no fault with the accumulation 
of wealth, and am glad to see energy and enterprise receive 
their fair reward. But I believe that our government, in its 
natural integrity, is exactly suited to a frugal and economical 
people, and I believe it is safest in the hands of those who 
have been made strong and self-reliant in their citizenship, 
by self-denial and by the surroundings of an enforced econ- 
omy. Thrift and careful watchfulness of expenditure 
among the people tend to secure a thrifty government; and 
cheap and careful living on the part of individuals ought 
to enforce economy in the public expenditures. 

When, therefore, men in high places of trust, charged 
with the responsibility of making and executing our laws, 
not only condemn but flippantly deride cheapness and econ- 
omy within the homes of our people, and when the expendi- 
tures of the government are reckless and wasteful, we may 
be sure that something is wrong with us, and that a condi- 
tion exists which calls for a vigorous and resentful defense 
of Americanism, by every man worthy to be called an 
American citizen. 

•Upon the question of cheapness and economy, whether it 
relates to individuals or to the operations of the government, 
the Democratic party, true to its creed and its traditions, will 
unalterably remain attached to our plain and frugal people. 
They are especially entitled to the watchful care and protec- 



tion of their government; and when they are borne do^vn 
with burdens greater than they can bear, and are made the 
objects of scorn by hard taskmasters, we will not leave their 
side. As the great German Reformer, insisting upon his re- 
ligious convictions, in the presence of his accusers, exclaimed, 
" I can do nought else. Here I stand. God help me," so, 
however much others may mock and deride cheapness and 
the poor and frugal men and women of our land, we will 
stand forth in defense of their simple Americanism, defi- 
antly proclaiming, " We can do nought else. Here we 

Thus, when the question is raised whether our people shall 
have the necessaries of life at a cheaper rate, we are not 
ashamed to confess ourselves " in full sympathy with the de- 
mand for cheaper coats " ; and we are not disturbed by the 
hint that this seems " necessarily to involve a cheaper man 
or woman under the coats." 

When the promoter of a party measure which invades 
every home in the land with higher prices, declares that 
" cheap and nasty go together, and this whole system of 
cheap things is a badge of poverty; for cheap merchandise 
means cheap men, and cheap men mean a cheap country," 
we indignantly repudiate such an interpretation of Ameri- 
can sentiment. 

And when another one, high in party councils, who has 
become notorious as the advocate of a contrivance to per- 
petuate partisan supremacy by outrageous interference with 
the suffrage, announces that the " cry for cheapness is un- 
American," we scornfully reply that his speech does not 
indicate the slightest conception of true Americanism. 

I will not refer to other utterances of like import from 
similar sources. I content myself with recalling the most 
prominent and significant. The wonder is that these things 
were addressed by Americans to Americans. 

What was the occasion of tliese condemnations of cheap- 


ness, and what had honest American men and women done, 
or what were they likely to do, that they should be threat- 
ened with the epithets " cheap/' " nasty," and " im-Ameri- 
can? " 

It is hard to speak patiently as we answer these questions. 
Step by step a vast number of our people had been led on, 
following blindly in the path of party. They had been 
filled with hate and sectional prejudice; they had been ca- 
joled with misrepresentations and false promises; they had 
been corrupted with money and by appeals to their selfish- 
ness. All these things led up to their final betrayal to sat- 
isfy the demands of those who had supplied the fund for 
their corruption. 

This betrayal was palpable; and it was impossible to 
deny or conceal the fact that the pretended relief tendered 
to the people in fulfilment of a promise to lighten the burden 
of their life, made by the party intrusted with the govern- 
ment, was but a scheme to pay the debt incurred by the pur- 
chase of party success, while it further increased the impov- 
erishment of the masses. 

The people were at last aroused and demanded an expla- 
nation. They had been taught for one hundred years that 
in the distribution of benefits their government should be 
administered with equality and justice. They had learned 
that wealth was not indispensable to respectability and that 
it did not entitle its possessors to especial governmental 
favors. Humble men with scanty incomes had been encour- 
aged, by the influence and the spirit of our institutions, to 
practice economy and frugality to the end that they might 
enjoy to the utmost the reward of their toil. The influence 
of the American home was still about them. In their sim- 
plicity they knew nothing of a new dispensation which made 
cheapness disreputable, and they still loved the cheap coats 
of Lincoln and Garfield, and hundreds of their coimtry- 
men whom they held in veneration. And thus these unso- 



phisticated Americans, unconscious of their wrong-doing, de- 
manded the redemption of party pledges and clamored for 
cheapness, in order that they might provide the necessaries 
and comforts of life for themselves and their families at the 
lowest possible cost. 

The leaders of the party, which was caxight in the act of 
robbery and which was arraigned by the people for a viola- 
tion of its trust, were forced by their sad predicament to a 
desperate expedient. To attempt to reverse the current of 
true Americanism and discredit the most honorable senti- 
ments belonging to American manhood, were the disgraceful 
tasks of those who insulted our people by the announcement 
of the doctrine that to desire cheapness was to love nasti- 
ness, and to practice economy and frugality was un-Amer- 

Thus do we plainly see that when the path pointed out 
by patriotisni and American citizenship is forsaken by a 
party in power for schemes of selfishness and for unscrupu- 
lous conspiracies for partisan success, its course inevitably 
leads to unjust favoritism, neglect of the interest of the 
masses, entire perversion of the mission of republican insti- 
tutions, and, in some form, to the most impudent and out- 
rageous insult to true American sentiment. 

It cannot be denied that political events in the past have 
gone far toward encouraging arrogant party assumption. 
Every thoughtful and patriotic man has at times been dis- 
appointed and depressed by the apparent indifference and 
demoralization of the people. 

But such reflections have no place in the felicitations of 
to-night. This is a time when faith in our countrymen 
should he fully re-established. The noise of a recent political 
revolution is still heard throughout the land; the people have 
just demonstrated that there is a point beyond which they 
cannot be led by blind partisanship, and that they are quite 
competent to examine and correctly decide political ques- 



tions concerning their rights and their welfare. They have 
unmercifully resented every attack upon true American 
manhood, and have taught party leaders that, though slow 
to anger, they take terrible revenges when betrayed. They 
permit us to forgive our honored guest for all the cheap 
coats he has ever worn, for they have declared them to be 
in fashion. They have also decreed that the Decalogue has 
a place in our politics, for they enforced the command, 
" Thou shalt not steal," and rendered an emphatic verdict 
against those who have borne false witness. 

Nothing could so well accompany the honors we pay our 
distinguished guest as the celebration on his birthday of the 
victory which has just been achieved in vindication of Amer- 
ican citizenship — for in him we honor the man who has 
best illustrated true American manhood. Our rejoicing 
and his are increased, as we also celebrate to-niglit the tri- 
umph of a Democratic principle for which he fought and 
fell but two short years ago; and to complete our joy and 
his, we are permitted to indulge in true Democratic enthu- 
siasm over the steadfastness and devotion to its creed ex- 
hibited by our party, which, knowing no discouragement, 
has fought to victory in the people's cause. 

"Who can now doubt our countrymen's appreciation of 
that trait, so well illustrated in the character of Allen G. 
Thurman, which prompted him throughout his long career, 
at all times and in all circumstances, and without regard to 
personal consequences, to do the things which his conscience 
and judgment approved, and which seemed to him to be 
in the interests of his country and in accordance with the 
Democratic faith ? Who can now doubt that conscience and 
courage point out the way to public duty? 

If we entertain more solemn thoughts on this occa- 
sion, let them be concerning the responsibility which awaits 
us as our fellow-countrymen place in our keeping their 
hopes and their trust. We shall fail in our obligation to 


OF G R O V E R C L E \^ E L A N D 

them if we stifle conscience and duty by ignoble partisan- 
ship; but we shall meet every patriotic expectation if, in 
all we do, we follow the guidance of true and honest 
Democracy, illumined by the light of genuine American 

[Address at the Chamber of Commerce Banquet, 
New York, November 18, 1890.'] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: This volunteer business I 
did not calculate upon, and I think it would best befit me 
now only to thank you for the kindness which you have ex- 
tended to me. I do not believe it would be fair for me to 
disturb the contentment which ouglit to remain to you after 
the delicious dinner which you have eaten ; and I know that, 
after the oratory and the dinner speeches you have heard, 
it would ill become me to obtrude any random thoughts. I 
do not believe that when people are under the influence of 
sweet music, a boy around the edges ought to be shooting off 
a blunderbuss. 

I shall go home to-night with some confused ideas in my 
mind; you are not to blame for them, but I suppose my con- 
dition and circumstances are to blame. We have heard 
about literature and business, about education and business, 
and about foreign commerce, and a good deal about reci- 
procity ; and that is where my trouble comes in. We have 
been told that it would be a grand thing to have reciprocity 
with Spanish-speaking people. Now, if it is good for Span- 
ish-speaking people, how would it do with the people who 
speak our own language? 

We have heard that our breadstuffs go across the water, 
and that the people need them there. That means a market 
for them, doesn't it .'' I had an idea that a bird in the hand 



is worth two in the bush, and that, perhaps, if you had a 
market, it might be well to cultivate it, instead of trying to 
manufacture another. 

We have heard that England and France have within a 
few days rushed to our rescue in a financial way, prompted 
thereto by the noble sentiment of reciprocity. If they are 
so willing and glad to extend to us the hand of reciprocity 
in financial matters, how would it do to give them a chance 
in commercial and other matters ? 

Now, as I said, these difficulties of mine are entirely attrib- 
utable to my own neglected education, and incidentally and 
indirectly, I think they are attributable to the fact that I 
am only an honorary member of this institution, instead of 
being an active one. This being the case, I have not that 
intimate familiarity with the subject which would probably 
clear up my doubts. 

I have spoken of being an honorary member of this insti- 
tution; and I have prized that distinction very highly in- 
deed, but never more so than to-night, because I see there 
may be at some time a possibility of my attending a banquet 
of the Chamber of Commerce, without being called upon for 
a speech; that I may come here and enjoy the good things 
which you set before me, without that gloomy foreboding 
which an undigested and indigestible speech brings over a 
man. I have almost accomplished it to-night, and as prog- 
ress is the order of the day, I have no doubt but that it 
will be finally arranged to my liking. 

To-night I find myself facing this audience under circum- 
stances which gave me no intimation that I was to make a 
speech. That was a mercy in itself, for I enjoyed my dinner 
before the collapse came. Therefore, as I speak of my asso- 
ciation with this Chamber of Commerce, though my relations 
are not so intimate as to understand all questions whicli are, 
perhaps, easy to you, and though I have not reached that 
stage when I can confidently come here without being called 



upon to make a speech, I am glad to believe that the promise 
is favorable. 

I am very strongl)' tempted to say something in answer 
to some remarks which my friend Depew made, but every- 
body seems to have pitched on to him, and even Mr. Schurz, 
who promised to stand by him, did not do so at all; and 
although he is well able to stand up against any number 
of us, I do not know that I ought to make any reference 
to some things which he has said; and yet, when he spoke 
of the nomination my friend Springer made, I could not 
help but think that perhaps Springer had learned from him 
how to do it. Now, it was a very innocent thing that my 
friend Springer said. It amounted to nothing. But I can 
tell you a circumstance which involves in it modesty, ac- 
countability to the people of the country, and ambition, and, 
Avhen I have done, I think you will agree with me, that per- 
haps Mr. Depew was more to blame before the eyes of the 
people than ]\Ir. Springer was. 

The first time I ever saw Mr. Depew in a public place 
was in Albany. I was then Governor of the State, and we 
had a banquet in commemoration of a certain military com- 
pany, or something of that kind, and I was invited and went. 
I was to make a speech. I prepared myself most elaborate- 
ly, and did the very best I could. Now, mind you, at that 
time I was a quiet, unambitious man, quite content with the 
situation I occupied, and happy with the delusion that I 
was doing something for the good of the State. Mr. Depew 
arose — I shall repeat only what he said — and congratulated 
those present that at last they had elected a Governor who 
could do that most difficult of all things, make an after- 
dinner speech. That made me very happy indeed. He sjjoke 
of some other traits, and of some other things which were 
very complimentary, and he then said, " Gentlemen, I know 
of nothing more proper, I know of nothing more in keeping 
with the services of this gentleman than that the party with 



which he is affiliated should nominate him in the coming 
convention for the highest office in the gift of the people." 
Now, the effect of that on a young man can be easily 
imagined, if not described. And then he went on and said: 
" When that is done, the party with which I am proud to be 
affiliated, I hope, will nominate as his competitor that noble 
citizen, that grand man and statesmen whose name I have 
no doubt rises to the lips of every man here present — 
though it does not to mine." Well, I did not know what to 
make of that then, nor why he did not mention the name 
of the citizen and statesmen, but subsequent events have 
made me rather suspicious that at that moment our friend 
was struck with a fit of extreme modestj'^. Doesn't that 
excuse Mr. Springer? I think so. There was an adminis- 
tration of the Federal Government with which I was con- 
nected, and with which I had something to do — at all events, 
I have been held to an accountability for all its shortcom- 
ings — and I long ago made up my mind, that when the 
opportunity came that I could do it without injuring myself, 
I might, perhaps, have something to say about Mr. Depew's 
candidacy for the Presidency. Now, see the selfishness of 
this thing. See the mean political selfishness of that idea. 
Not so with Mr. Depew. Why, within four weeks, I think, 
in his magnanimity, and in his generous heart, though at 
a festive board, where we are all apt to say kind and gen- 
erous things, he said such complimentary things of me as 
visited upon him, I am informed, the condemnation of mem- 
bers of his party. Indeed, I hear that one enthusiastic 
adherent of his from the West, on account of those compli- 
mentary and courteous things, which he said regardless of 
Presidential consequences, while I was waiting for an oppor- 
tunity when I could say a kind thing of him, without hurting 
myself, wrote to him: " While you have been for years my 
ideal of a man that has Presidential timber in him, and 
while I have been strongly your advocate for that office, after 



seeing what you said of that miserable fellow Cleveland, 
I wouldn't vote for you for poundmaster." 

Now this carries with it an acknowledgment of the kind- 
ness and goodness of Mr. Depew, and also a confession of 
my own disposition, for I confess to you that the time has 
not yet come when I have thought I could safely, and with- 
out harm to myself, launch out on that subject in regard 
to him; but I hope the time will come. I am watching 
for it. 

Now, gentlemen, there seems nothing left to me but to 
thank you again for your hearty recognition of me, and to 
say of the Chamber of Commerce that I sincerely hope that 
it may long exist in the prosperity which has marked it for 
so many years, and that these banquets may constantly in- 
crease in pleasure to those who are fortunate enough to be 
their invited guests. 

^Address at the Jewelers^ Association Animal 
Dinner^ New York, November 21, 1890.'] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: The sentiment assigned to 
me suggests a theme so vast and so animating that I am 
embarrassed in my attemj^t to deal with it. You surely will 
not expect me on this occasion to voice all the thoughts 
and feelings which the mention of " Our Country " inspires. 
If I should do this, I should merely tax your time and 
patience by the expression of reflections which spontaneous- 
ly fill your minds. Besides, if I should launch upon this 
subject in true American style, I know I could not avoid the 
guilt of making a Fourth of July speech late in the month 
of November. 

I hasten to declare that I do not fight shy of my subject 
because I do not love it. On the contrary, I love it so well 



that I am anxious to observe all the proprieties related to it ; 
and I cannot rid myself of the idea that our American eagle 
soars higher and better in the warm days of July than in the 
cool atmosphere of the present season. 

And yet, I am far from believing that at any time and in 
any assemblage of Americans the sentiment " Our Country " 
is not a proper one to propose; though I have sometimes 
thought that it speaks so eloquently for itself that it needs 
no interpreter. There seems absolutely to be no necessity 
for arousing enthusiasm on this topic, and there is not the 
slightest danger that any of us will forget what we have 
accomplished as a nation or what we propose to accomplish, 
or that we will fix too narrow a limit upon the progress, 
development, and greatness of our country. Sometimes 
those who, unfortunately, cannot claim this as their country 
accuse us of dwelling with some exaggeration upon these 
things, but every American is entirely certain that such 
imputations arise from ignorance of our achievements or 
from envy and disappointed rivalry. At any rate, it is a 
habit to glorify our countr^^, and we propose to continue it. 
We all do it without prompting, and we like it. We can 
stand any amount of it without disturbance, and whether 
others like it or not, we know, and we propose to declare 
on every occasion, that America is the finest and the best 
and the greatest countrj' on the face of the globe. That 
proposition is not original with me, but has been a settled 
fact in the American mind for many years. 

Though this might be said to dispose of the subject by a 
short cut, and though I have declined to deal with it in all 
its aspects, the American disposition to glorify our country 
is strong with me; and I am disinclined to abandon my 
allotted sentiment in a manner quite so summary. If I am 
to retain it for a few moments, I know of no better way to 
deal with it than to divide it and consider one branch or 
part of my text, as is sometimes done with a long text in 



the pulpit. I, therefore, propose to say something about 
the word " our " as related to the sentiment, " Our Coun- 

This is " our " country, because the people have estab- 
lished it, because they rule it, because they have developed 
it, because they have fought for it, and because they love it. 
And still each generation of Americans holds it only in trust 
for those who shall come after them, and they are charged 
with the obligation to transmit it as strong as it came to 
their hands. It is not ours to destroy, it is not ours to 
sell, and it is not ours to neglect and injure. It is ours as 
our families are ours, and as our churches and school are 
ours — to protect and defend, to foster and improve. As its 
strength and its fitness to reach its promised destiny depend 
upon its unity, one of our highest duties toward it is to cul- 
tivate and encourage kindliness among our people, to the 
end that all may heartily co-operate in performing the terms 
of our trust. As it exists for -us all, so all should be ac- 
corded an equal share in its benefits. It is so constructed 
that its work is badly done and its operation perverted, 
when special and exclusive advantages are awarded to any 
particular class of our people. If we permit grasping self- 
ishness to influence us in the care of our trust, we are untrue 
to our obligations and our covenants as Americans. 

Our country is " ours " for the purpose of securing 
through its means justice, happiness, and prosperity to all 
—not for the purpose of permitting the selfish and design- 
ing to be enriched at the expense of their confiding fellow- 
countrymen. It is our duty, then, to defend and protect our 
country, while it remains in our hands, from that selfishness 
which, if permitted, will surely undermine it, as clearly as 
it is our duty to defend it against armed enemies. 

Nor are we discharged from our obligations as trustees of 
our country if we merely preserve it in the same condition 
as when we received it. The march of progress and civiliza- 



tion tliroughoiit the world imposes on us the duty of im- 
proving the subject of our trust so that it may be trans- 
mitted to others in such an advanced condition of prosperity 
and growth as shall bear witness to our faithfulness and our 
devotion to its interests. He who hid his talent in a napkin 
and added nothing to it was condemned as unfaithful, when 
called upon to give an account of his stewardship. 

Let us, then, rejoice in the greatness of " Our Coun- 
try " ; but let us remember that it will be our blame if it is 
not made greater ; let us boast of the country which is ours, 
but let our boasting be tempered with the reflection that its 
possession is charged with a sacred trust; let us constantly 
bear in mind that while it is ours to use patriotically and 
transmit to coming generations, our relation to it is made 
more serious by the fact that, in its broadest and most sol- 
emn meaning, our country is something which, as an exam- 
ple and interpreter of freedom, belongs to the world, and 
which, in its blessed mission, belongs to humanity. 

[^Letter to the Young Men's Democratic Asso- 
ciation of Canton, O., New York, Novem- 
ber 25, 1890.1 

Gentlemen: I thank you for the invitation I have just 
received to meet with the members of the Yoimg Men's 
Democratic Club at Canton to rejoice over the late Demo- 
cratic victory. I am sorry to say that it will be impossible 
for me to be present on the occasion you contemplate, but I 
hope that it will be full of enthusiasm and congratulation. 

And yet may I not suggest one sober thought which 
should constantly be in our minds? Our late success is, of 
course, the triumph of Democratic principles, but that suc- 
cess was made possible by the co-operation of many who are 



not to be considered as irrevocably and under all circum- 
stances members of our party. They trusted us and allied 
themselves with us in the late struggle because they saw that 
those with whom they had acted politically were heedless of 
the interests of the country and untrue to the people. 

We have still to convince them that Democracy means 
something more than mere management for party success and 
a partisan distribution of benefits after success. This can 
only be done by insisting that in the conduct of our party, 
principles touching the public welfare shall be placed above 
spoils, and this is the sentiment of the masses of the Demo- 
cratic party to-day. They are disinterested and patriotic, 
and they should not be misrepresented by the tricks of those 
who would not scruple to use the party name for selfish pur- 

I do not say that there is danger of this ; but I am con- 
vinced that our duty to those who have trusted us consists 
in pushing on, continually and vigorously, the principles in 
the advocacy of which we have triumphed, and thus super- 
seding all that is ignoble and unworthy. In this way we 
shall place our party on solid grmmd and confirm the people 
in the hope that we strive for their welfare, and, following 
this course, we shall deserve and achieve further success. 

[Address in Response to tJie Toast, " The Cam- 
paign of Education" Delivered at the Re- 
form Club Dinner, New YorU, December 
23y 1890.] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I suppose I have a correct 
understanding of what is meant by " The Campaign of 
Education." Assuming this to be so, I desire, before going 
further, to acknowledge the valiant services in this campaign 



of the organization whose invitation brings us together to- 
night. I may be permitted, I hope, to make this acknowl- 
edgment as a citizen interested in all that promises the in- 
creased prosperity of the country; and I shall also venture 
to do so as a Democrat who recognizes, in the principle for 
which the campaign has thus far proceeded, a cardinal and 
vital doctrine of Democratic creed. If I thus acknowledge 
the useful services, in a Democratic cause, of any who have 
not claimed long affiliation with my party, I feel that my 
Democratic allegiance is strong enough to survive such an 
indulgence in fairness and decency. I am, too, at all times 
willing that the Democratic party should be enlarged; and, 
as tending in that direction, I am willing to accept and ac- 
knowledge in good faith honest help from any quarter when 
a struggle is pending for the supremacy of Democratic 
principles. Indeed, I have an idea that, in the campaign 
of education, it was deemed important to appeal to the rea- 
son and judgment of the American people, to the end that 
the Democratic party should be reinforced as well as that 
the activity and zeal of those already in our ranks should 
be stimulated. If this be treason in the sight of those who, 
clothed in Democratic uniform, would be glad to stand at 
the entrance of our camp and drive back recruits, I cannot 
help it. I have come here to-night, among other things, to 
rejoice in the numerous accessions we have received in aid 
of Democratic endeavor and to give credit wherever it is due 
for the work of conversion. 

The grand and ultimate object of the campaign of educa- 
tion was the promotion of the welfare of the country and 
the relief of the people from unjust burdens. In aid of 
this purpose and, of course, subordinate and accessory to its 
accomplishment, it became necessary, first of all, to arouse 
the Democratic organization to an apprehension of the fact 
that the campaign involved a Democratic principle, in the 
advocacy of which the party should be active and aggressive. 


Let it be here confessed that we, as a party, had, in these 
latter days, been tempted by the successes our opponents had 
gained solely by temporary shifts and by appeals to preju- 
dice and selfish interests, into paths which avoided too much 
the honest insistence upon definite and clearly defined prin- 
ciple and fundamental Democratic doctrine. To be sure, 
some earnest men in the party could but ill conceal their dis- 
satisfaction with the manner in which cardinal principles 
were relegated to the rear and expediency substituted as the 
hope of success ; but the timid, the heedless, and those who, 
though nominally belonging to the organization, were not 
of the faith, constantly rendered ineffective all attempts to 
restore the party to the firm and solid ground of Democratic 

If these things are confessed, let it also be conceded that 
when the time came and the cries of a suffering people were 
heard, and when, for their relief, a genuine Democratic 
remedy was proposed, the party easily recognized its duty 
and g;ive proof of its unconquerable Democratic instincts. 
As soon as the campaign of education was inaugurated, the 
party was quickly marshaled as of the olden time, aggressive, 
courageous, devoted to its cause and heedless of discourage- 
ment or defeat. Day by day, and hour by hour, expediency 
and time-serving were thrown to the winds. Traitors were 
silenced, camp-followers fell away or joined the scurvy band 
of floaters, while the sturdy Democratic host confidently 
pressed on, bearing aloft the banner of tariff reform. If 
any have wondered in the past at the tenacity and inde- 
structibility of our party, their wonder should cease when, 
in the light of the last three years, it is seen how gloriously it 
springs to the front at the call of duty to the people, and in 
obedience to fhe summons of party loyalty and obligation. 

Thus tJie education of the campaign meant, as related to 
the Democracy, its awakening in response to the signal for 
its relurn to the propagandicm of Democratic doctrine. 



The thoroughly aroused enthusiasm and determination of 
the party, and its allied thousands of good and earnest men, 
drawn from the non-partisan intelligence and honesty of the 
land, saw no obstacle too formidable for attack and no end 
which was not within their reach. In a sublime confidence, 
almost amounting to audacity, they were willing to attempt 
the education of those high in the counsels of the Republican 
party, and those who formulated that party's policy, so far 
as such a thing existed. 

I am afraid, however, that if this task may be considered 
a step in the campaign of education, the word education, 
as applied to those Avho were to be affected, must be con- 
strued as meaning the instillation of such fear and terror in 
the minds of unregenerate men as leads them to flee from 
the wrath to come. 

But even in this unpromising field we are able to report 
progress. No one who remembers the hilarity with which 
the leaders of the Republican party greeted the message of 
tariff reform, and the confidence Avith which they prepared 
to meet and crush the issue presented, can fail to see how 
useful a lesson has been taught them in our campaign of 

Within twent_y-four hours after the submission to Con- 
gress of the question of tariff reform, sundry Senators and 
Representatives belonging to the Rei^ublican party were re- 
ported to have ventilated their partisan exultation jauntily in 
the public press. 

If it be true that a Senator from Nebraska said, " It 
is a big card for the Republicans," this big card cannot 
appear remarkably useful to him now, for his State to- 
day contains a big curiosity in the shape of a Democratic 

If the junior Senator from New York declared that his 
party Avould carry this State by the largest majority ever 
known if they could be given the platform proposed, the 



reply will come when, in a few days, a Democratic colleague 
is placed by his side. 

If a Senator from Maine declared, " It is a good enough 
platform for the Republicans — we want nothing better," how 
is it that he is now so diligently endeavoring to find out the 
meaning of the word Reciprocity? 

If a New Hampshire Senator believed that " the Repub- 
licans want nothing better with which to sweep the coun- 
try," the trouble his State is giving him to-day must lead him 
to suspect there is a mistake somewhere. 

If a Senator from Wisconsin gleefully said he was glad to 
see us " show our hand " lie cannot fail to be convinced, 
when he soon gives place to a real good, sound Democrat, 
that there was, after all, more in the hand than he cared 
to see. 

If the present Speaker of the House sarcastically said, 
" It only shows what fools all the other Presidents have 
been," he may well be excused, since he has lately so thor- 
oughly learned, that, in the sight of the people, infallibility 
is not an attribute always to be found in the Speaker's 

If the Representative from Ohio whose name is associated 
with a bill which has given his party considerable trouble 
of late, said, "If the Democratic party had hired Burchard 
to write a stump speech it could not have suited us better," 
it must be that circumstances leading to his approaching re- 
tirement from public life have suggested a modification of 
his judgment, and caused him to suspect that j\Ir. Burchard 
has at least one formidable competitor. 

As our campaign has proceeded, other unusual symptoms 
have been apparent among those prominent in directing the 
opposition. Some of them have become insubordinate and 
discontented, and at times actually disobedient to party 
orders. Some have left the ship. One shrewd and weather- 
wise navigator has clambered off, and, in a frail bark, with 



the word " Reciprocity " painted on its stern, was last seen 
hovering near, prepared to climb aboard again, or sail away, 
as wind and wave would appear to make most safe. At the 
present stage of the campaign the unwieldy party hulk of 
Bourbon Republicanism is still afloat, but damaged and badly 
leaking. On board, some are still working at the pumps 
against the awful odds of opening seams; many, mutinous 
and discontented, short of provisions and of grog, are loudly 
and angrily disputing as to whether bad seamanship or over- 
loading is the cause of their wretched plight, while accusa- 
tions of guilty responsibility are heard on every side. If, 
from this turbulence, there shall emerge any who, actually 
pricked in conscience, desire a better life, they will be gladly 
welcomed. I cannot, however, keep out of my mind the story 
of the pious deacon who, having, in his efforts to convert a 
bad sinner, become so excited by his incorrigibility that he 
gave him a thorough drubbing, afterward explained and jus- 
tified his course by declaring that he believed he had " wal- 
loped saving grace into an impenitent soul." 

Of course, we do not overlook the fact that before their 
present predicament was reached, and in their first battle 
with us, the enemy gained a victory over tariff reform. This 
is confessed ; and we may here only refer to the methods by 
which that victory was gained for the purpose of saying that 
we tlioroughly understand them, and that if the beneficiaries 
of those methods are satisfied with the condition they have 
wrought, we also are not without compensation. That we 
have cause for satisfaction, even in the remembrance of tem- 
porary defeat, is evidenced by the fact that among those 
who ought to rejoice in success there is quite a general senti- 
ment that " the least said of it the better." 

I have spoken of the campaign of education as it has af- 
fected the two great party organizations. It remains to 
mention another and a more important and gratifying fea- 
ture of its progress. I refer to the manner in which access 



has been gained to the plain people of the land, and the 
submission to their reason and judgment of the objects and 
purposes for which the campaign was undertaken. 

The Democratic party is willing to trust the ordinary in- 
telligence of our people for an understanding of its princi- 
ples. It does not seat itself above the common feelings and 
sympathies of humanity, and in an arrogant assumption of 
superior learning formulate political doctrines suited only to 
those favored with advanced educational opportunities. It 
recognized the fact at the outset of the campaign of educa- 
tion that it was not the ignorance of the people which had 
led them to submit to the evils of bad government, but that 
it was partly owing to the busy activity of their occupa- 
tions, and the consequent neglect of political subjects, and 
partly to the rigidity of their party ties and their unques- 
tioning confidence in party leadership. Having once settled 
upon their political affiliations, they have been wont to turn 
from a watchfulness of public affairs to the daily routine of 
their labor with much virtuous satisfaction in the reflection 
that thej' were not politicians. 

Therefore the labor of their education in the campaign has 
consisted in persuading them to hear us ; to examine the 
theories in party organizations and the ends to which they 
lead; to recall the promises of political leadership and the 
manner in which such promises have been redeemed ; and to 
counsel with us as to the means by which their condition 
could be improved. 

Never was more intelligent, honest, and effective effort 
made in a noble cause than that made by the Democratic 
party and its allies in this work. Our fellow-countrymen 
were approached, not by fabricated extracts from English 
journals and a lying demagogic cry of British gold; not by 
fraudulent pictures of the ruin of American industries if the 
justice of governmental favoritism was questioned; not by a 
false presentation of the impoverishment and distress of our 



laboring men which would follow their independent political 
thought and action ; not by a disgraceful proposition for the 
purchase of their suffrages ; and not by the cruel intimida- 
tion, by selfish employers, of those dependent on them for 
the wages of their toil. 

We have been content to rely upon the intelligence and 
thoughtfulness of the people for the success of our cause. 
We have solicited the most thorough examination of its 
merits. For the purpose of such examination we have put 
before the people plain and honest exposition of the justice 
and beneficence of our principle. This has been done by 
the systematic and industrious distribution of tariff-reform 
literature, by the effective and conscientious arguments of a 
well-informed and imsubsidized press, and by an extensive 
discussion on the platform of the question involved. 

These are the weapons we have used in our campaign of 
education. It is a cause of congratulation to-night that our 
work has been done in a manner so decent, and in its best 
sense so purely American. 

Need I speak of the results of our labors ? This happy 
assemblage, called together " To celebrate the victories 
achieved in the cause of tariff reform," tells the story of our 

We will rejoice to-night, not only in our success and the 
manner of its achievement, but as American citizens we will 
especially rejoice in the proof which our victory affords of 
the intelligence, the integrity, and the patriotism of our fel- 
low-countrymen. We have again learned that, when roused 
to thought and action, they can be trusted to determine 
rightly any questions involving their interests and the wel- 
fare of their country. 

Let us not fail to realize the fact that our work is not 
done. Our enemies are still alive, and have grown desperate. 
Human selfishness is not easily overcome, and the hope of 
private gain at the expense of the masses of our people is not 



yet abandoned. It would be shameful, and a pitiable dis- 
grace, if by over-confidence we should lose the groiund we 
have gained, or if we should fail to push further our advan- 
tage. The result of our labor thus far is, indeed, " a signal 
tribute to the judgment of the American people." In full 
faith in this judgment our work should continue upon the 
lines thus far followed until the enemies of tariff reform are 
driven from their last intrenchment. As the people have 
trusted us, let us, above all things, be true to them. Let 
the light of our campaign be carried into every part of the 
land where it has not been seen; and wliere it has been 
kindled let it be kept brightly burning, still showing the way 
to better days for the people, and disclosing the plans of in- 
sidious foes. 

In the years to come, when we look back with patriotic 
satisfaction upon our participation in the glorious struggle 
for tariff reform and recall its happy termination, it will de- 
light us to remember every incident of discouragement as 
well as of triumph in the i^eople's cause. Then, when we are 
asked to speak of our proudest political endeavor, and to 
give the best illustrations of American intelligence, and to 
pay the highest tribute to the judgment of the American 
people, we will rehearse the history and the grand result of 
" the campaign of education." 

\_Addirss in Response to the Toast: *' The Vrin- 
dples of True Democracy" at the Banquet 
of the Young Mens Democratic Associa- 
tion, Philadelphia, January 8, 1891.~[ 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: As I rise to respond to 
the sentiment which has been assigned to me, I cannot avoid 
the impression made upon ray mind by the announcement of 



the words " True Democracy." I believe them to mean a 
sober conviction or conclusion touching political topics, 
which, formulated into a political belief or creed, inspires 
a patriotic performance of the duties of citizenship. I 
am satisfied that the principles of this belief or creed are 
such as imderlie our free institutions, and that they may be 
urged upon our fellow-countrymen, because, in their purity 
and integrity, they accord with the attachment of our people 
for their government and their country. A creed based upon 
such principles is by no means discredited because illusions 
and perversions temporarily prevent their popular accept- 
ance, any more than it can be irretrievably shipwrecked by 
mistakes made in its name or by its prostitution to ignoble 
purposes. When illusions are dispelled, when misconcep- 
tions are rectified, and when those who guide are consecrated 
to truth and duty, the ark of the people's safety will still be 
discerned in the keeping of those who hold fast to the prin- 
ciples of true democracy. 

These principles are not imcertain nor doubtful. The 
illustrious founder of our party has plainly announced them. 
They have been reasserted and followed by a long line of 
great political leaders, and they are quite familiar. The}^ 
comprise: Equal and exact justice to all men; peace, com- 
merce, and honest friendship with all nations — entangling 
alliance with none ; the support of the State governments in 
all their rights ; the preservation of the general government 
in its whole constitutional vigor; a jealous care of the right 
of election by the people ; absolute acquiescence in the deci- 
sions of the majority; the supremacy of the civil over the 
military authority; economy in the public expenses; the 
honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the 
public faith; the encouragement of agriculture, and com- 
merce as its handmaid, and freedom of religion, freedom of 
the press, and freedom of the person. 

The great President and intrepid Democratic leader whom 


we especially honor to-night, who never relaxed his strict 
adherence to the Democratic faith nor faltered in his defense 
of the rights of the people against all comers, found his 
inspiration and guidance in these principles. On entering 
upon the Presidency he declared his loyalty to them; in his 
long and useful incumbency of that great office he gloriously 
illustrated their value and sufficiency ; and his obedience to 
the doctrines of true Democracy, at all times during his 
public career, permitted him on his retirement to find satis- 
faction in the declaration : " At the moment when I sur- 
render my last public trust, I leave this great people pros- 
perous and happy and in the full enjoyment of liberty and 
peace, and honored and respected by every nation of the 

Parties have come and parties have gone. Even now the 
leaders of the party which faces in opposition the Demo- 
cratic host, listen for the footsteps of that death which de- 
stroys parties false to their trust. 

Touched by thine 
The extortioner's hard hand foregoes the gold 
Wrung from the o'erwom poor. 

Thou, too, dost purge from earth its horrible 
And old idolatries; from the proud fanes. 
Each to his grave, their priests go out, till none 
Is left to teach their worship. 

But there has never been a time, from Jefferson's day to 
the present hour, when our party did not exist, active and 
aggressive and prepared for heroic conflict. Not all who 
have followed the banner have been able by a long train of 
close reasoning to demonstrate, as an abstraction, why 
Democratic principles are best suited to their wants and the 
coxmtry's good; but they have known and felt that as their 
government was established for the people, the principles 
and the men nearest to the people and standing for them 



could be tlie safest trusted. Jackson has been in their eyes 
the incarnation of the things which Jefferson declared. If 
they did not understand all that Jefferson wrote, they saw 
and knew what Jackson did. Those who insisted upon vot- 
ing for Jackson after his death felt sure that, whether their 
candidate was alive or dead, they were voting the ticket of 
true Democracy. The devoted political adherent of Jack- 
son who, after his death, became involved in a dispute as to 
whether his hero had gone to heaven or not, was prompted 
by Democratic instinct when he disposed of the question by 
declaring, " I tell you, sir, that if Andrew Jackson has made 
up his mind to go to heaven you may depend upon it he's 
there." The single Democratic voter in more than one town 
who, year after year, deposited his single Democratic ballot 
undismayed by the number of his misguided opponents, thus 
discharged his political duty with the utmost pride and sat- 
isfaction in his Jacksonian Democracy. 

Democratic steadfastness and enthusiasm, and the satisfac- 
tion arising from our party history and traditions, certainly 
ought not to be discouraged. But it is hardly safe for us be- 
cause we profess the true faith, and can boast of distin- 
guished political ancestry, to rely upon these things as guar- 
antees of our present usefulness as a party organization, or 
to regard their glorification as surely making the way easy 
to the accomplishment of our political mission. 

The Democratic party, by an intelligent study of existing 
conditions, should be prepared to meet all the wants of the 
people as they arise, and to furnish a remedy for every 
threatening evil. We may well be proud of our party 
membership; but we cannot escape the duty which such 
membership imposes upon us, to urge constantly upon our 
fellow-citizens of this day and generation the sufficiency of 
the principles of true Democracy for the protection of their 
rights and the promotion of their welfare and happiness, 
in all their present diverse conditions and surroundings. 



There should, of course, be no suggestion that a departure 
from the time-honored principles of our party is necessary 
to the attainment of these objects. On the contrary, wc 
should constantly congratulate ourselves that our party creed 
is broad enough to meet any emergency that can arise in the 
life of a free nation. 

Thus, when we see the functions of government used to 
enrich a favored few at the expense of the many, and see 
also its inevitable result in the pinching privation of the 
poor and the jDrofuse extravagance of the rich ; and when we 
see in operation an imjust tariff which banishes from many 
humble homes the comforts of life, in order that, in the pal- 
aces of wealth, luxury may more abound, we turn to our 
creed and find that it enjoins " equal and exact justice to all 
men." , Then, if we are well grounded in our political faith, 
we will not be deceived, nor will we permit others to be de- 
ceived, by any plausible pretext or smooth sophistry excus- 
ing the situation. For our answer to them all, we will point 
to the words which condemn such inequality and injustice, 
as we prepare for the encounter with wrong, armed with 
the weapons of true Democracy. 

When we see our farmers in distress, and know that they 
are not paying the penalty of slothfulness and mismanage- 
ment, when we see their long hours of toil so poorly requited 
that the money-lender eats out their substance, while for 
everything they need they pay a tribute to the favorites of 
governmental care, we know that all this is far removed from 
the " encouragement of agriculture " which our creed com- 
mands. We will not violate our political duty by forgetting 
liow well entitled our farmers are to our best efforts for their 
restoration to the independence of a former time and to the 
rewards of better days. 

When we see the extravagance of public expenditure fast 
reaching the point of reckless waste, and the imdeserved 
distribution of public money debauching its recipients, and 



by pernicious example threatening the destruction of the 
love of frugality among our people, we will remember that 
" economy in the public expense " is an important article in 
the true Democratic faith." 

When we see our political adversaries bent upon the pas- 
sage of a Federal law, with the scarcely denied purpose of 
perpetuating partisan supremacy, which invades the States 
with election machinery designed to promote Federal inter- 
ference with the rights of the people in the localities con- 
cerned, discrediting their honesty and fairness, and justly 
arousing their jealousy of centralized power, we will stub- 
bornly resist such a dangerous and revolutionary scheme, in 
obedience to our pledge for " the support of the State gov- 
ernments in all their rights."-. 

Under anti-Democratic encouragement we have seen a 
constantly increasing selfishness attach to our political af- 
fairs. A departure from the sound and safe theory that the 
people should support the government for the sake of the 
benefits resulting to all, has bred a sentiment manifesting 
itself with astounding boldness, that the government may be 
enlisted in the furtherance and advantage of private inter- 
ests, through their willing agents in public place. Such an 
abandonment of the idea of patriotic political action on the 
])art of these interests, has naturally led to an estimate of 
the people's franchise so degrading that it has been openly 
and palpably debauched for the promotion of selfish schemes. 
j\Ioney is invested in the purchase of votes with the deliber- 
ate calculation that it will yield a profitable return in results 
advantageous to the investor. Another crime akin to this 
in motive and design is the intimidation by employers of 
the voters dependent upon them for work and bread. 

Nothing could be more hateful to true and genuine De- 
mocracy than such offenses against our free institutions. In 
several of the States the honest sentiment of the party has 
asserted itself, in the support of every plan proposed for 



the rectification of this terrible wrong. To fail in such sup- 
port would be to violate that principle in the creed of true 
Democracy which commands " a jealous care of the right of 
election by the people/' for certainly no one can claim that 
suffrages purchased or cast under the stress of threat or in- 
timidation represent the right of election by the people. 

Since a free and unpolluted ballot must be conceded as 
absolutely essential to the maintenance of our free institu- 
tions, I may perhaps be permitted to express the hope that 
the State of Pennsylvania will not long remain behind her 
sister States in adopting an effective plan to protect her peo- 
ple's suffrage. In any event the Democracy of the State can 
find no justification in party principle, nor in party tradi- 
tions, nor in a just apprehension of Democratic duty, for 
a failure earnestly to support and advocate ballot reform. 

I have thus far attempted to state some of the principles 
of true Democracy, and their application to present condi- 
tions. Their enduring character and their constant influence 
upon those who profess our faith have also been suggested. 
If I were now asked why they have so endured and why they 
have been invincible, I should reply in tlie words of the sen- 
timent to which I respond: "They are enduring because 
they are right, and invincible because they are just." 

I believe that among our people the ideas which endure, 
and which inspire warm attachment and devotion, are those 
having some elements which appeal to the moral sense. 
When men are satisfied that a principle is morally right, they 
become its adherents for all time. Tliere is sometimes a dis- 
couraging distance between what our fellow-countrymen be- 
lieve and what they do, in such a ease; but their action in 
accordance with their belief may always be confidently ex- 
pected in good time. A government for the people and by 
the people is everlastingly right. As surely as this is true 
so surely is it true that party principles which advocate the 
absolute equality of American manhood, and an equal par- 



ticipation by all the people in the management of their gov- 
ernment, and in the benefit and protection which it affords, 
are also right. Here is common ground where the best 
educated thought and reason may meet the most impulsive 
and instinctive Americanism. It is right that every man 
should enjoy the result of his labor to the fullest extent con- 
sistent with his membership in a civilized community. It is 
right that our government should be but the instrument of 
the people's will, and that its cost should be limited within 
the lines of strict economy. It is right that the influence 
of the government should be known in every humble home as 
the guardian of frugal comfort and content, and a defense 
against unjust exactions, and the unearned tribute persist- 
ently coveted by the selfish and designing. It is right that 
efficiency and honesty in public service should not be sacri- 
ficed to partisan greed; and it is right that the suffrage of 
our people should be pure and free. 

The belief in these propositions, as moral truths, is nearly 
imiversal among our countrymen. We are mistaken if we 
suppose the time is distant when the clouds of selfishness 
and perversion will be dispelled and their conscientious be- 
lief will become the chief motive force in the political action 
of the people. 

I understand all these truths to be included in the prin- 
ciples of true Democracy. If we have not at all times trusted 
as implicitly as we ought to the love our people have for the 
right, in political action, or if we have not always relied 
sufficiently upon the sturdy advocacy of the best things which 
belong to our party faith, these have been temporary aberra- 
tions which have furnished their inevitable warning. 

We are permitted to contemplate to-night the latest demon- 
stration of the people's appreciation of the right, and of the 
acceptance they accord to Democratic doctrine when honestly 
presented. In the campaign which has just closed with such 
glorious results, while party managers were anticipating the 



issue in the light of the continued illusion of the people, the 
people themselves and for themselves were considering the 
question of right and justice. They have spoken, and the 
Democracy of the land rejoice. 

In the signs of the times and in the result of their late 
State campaign, the Democracy of Pennsylvania must find 
hope and inspiration. Nowhere has the sensitiveness of the 
people, on questions involving right and wrong, been better 
illustrated than here. At the head of your State government 
there will soon stand a disciple of true Democracy, elected 
by voters who would have the right and not the wrong when 
their consciences were touched. Though there have existed 
here conditions and influences not altogether favorable to an 
unselfish apprehension of the moral attributes of political 
doctrine, I believe that if these features of the principles of 
true Democracy are persistently advocated, the time will 
speedily come when, as in a day, the patriotic hearts of the 
people of your great Commonwealth will be stirred to the 
support of our cause. : 

It remains to say that, in the midst of our rejoicing and in 
the time of party hope and expectation, we should remember 
that the way of right and justice should be followed as a 
matter of duty and regardless of immediate success. Above 
all things let us not for a moment forget that grave re- 
sponsibilities await the part}^ which the people trust ; and let 
us look for guidance to the principles of true Democracy, 
which " are enduring because they are right, and invincible 
because they are just." 



[Address at a Meeting to Demand New Leg- 
islation Concerning the Adirondack Park^ 
New York, January 2A, 1891.'] 

Mr. President, and Ladies and Gentlemen: I rise to say 
a word in support of the resolutions that have been read. I 
have come here to be instructed as to the progress that has 
been made in a cause to which a few years ago, as Governor 
of your State, I gave considerable attention, and to testify 
to my continued interest in forest preservation. When, as 
Governor, this subject was brought to my mind, I gave it 
careful study, and I was thoroughly satisfied that the de- 
struction of the Adirondack forests was jeopardizing our 
rivers as means of transportation, and that their preserva- 
tion was essential to the health and comfort of future gen- 

It is a most important matter, worthy the attention of 
all. Therefore it was that I recommended to the legislators 
of the State the passage of measures calculated to prohibit 
the further sale of forest lands in the possession of the State, 
and that such lands as we had, together with such as should 
come into our hands for the non-payment of taxes, should be 
preserved for a park. Something of that sort was done or 
attempted through an act providing for a forest commis- 
sion, but the necessary amount of public feeling could not 
then be aroused to accomplish much. 

I have listened with a great deal of interest to the sugges- 
tions which have been made here. To my conservative mind 
many of them seem radical. I have had the same advan- 
tages of observation as some of the previous speakers. I 
am an Adirondacker. I go to the Adirondacks every year. 
I have seen the great waste places and the desolation of 
which ycu have heard; but, ladies and gentlemen, I hava 



been on the edge of another great waste^ on the margin of 
anotlier great wilderness. I refer to the Capitol at Albany. 
Now, make no mistake if you wish to preserve your forests 
from waste, there must be considerable cultivation done up 

But, after all, there is no reason for discouragement. A 
little reminiscence of a previous struggle like this will teach 
you that. There was a suggestion made when I was in 
Albany that an effort should be made to have a reservation 
at Niagara Falls for the purpose of preserving the great 
natural beauty of the place. I must confess that that project 
seemed to nie a rather discouraging one to attempt. I was 
full of sympathy, but not full of hope. Its warmest support- 
ers hardly dared to predict that their hopes would be real- 
ized, yet they were realized, and I will tell you how. 

If we had then gone to the Legislature with a bill asking 
for so much money to buy so much land around the Falls, we 
certainly would have failed. We might have gone there and 
pleaded that we only wanted $1,500,000 until we were black 
in the face, and we would have been answered every time 
that the $1,500,000 we asked for was only an entering 
wedge. Our opponents would have pointed to the Capitol 
Building at Albany and shaken their heads. 

What did we do? We got the Legislature to pass a law 
authorizing an appraisal of the lands we wanted to preserve. 
As good luck would have it, the appraisal amounted to 
just about the amount we said the lands would cost. We had 
continued to win supporters for our proj ect. We then asked 
the State to buy the lands, and, to her credit be it said, she 
did so. 

Our success then was largely due to an argument we may 
use here. We wanted to awaken the people's pride. I used 
to say to people that Niagara Falls was a great natural 
wonder by which we were known throughout the world. 
When you go to Europe, you are asked about Niagara Falls. 



I have never been to Europe, but I take that for granted for 
the sake of argument. When we told people that they began 
to take a sort of personal pride in Niagara. So we must 
make them feel that they have a personal interest in the 
splendid Adirondack region, which will make them demand 
its preservation. I would propose that we have a committee 
of 128 able-bodied citizens, each of whom shall go to Al- 
bany, take a legislator by the ear, and show him the great 
import of the work for which we ask his support. 

The trouble is that the waste of our means of transporta- 
tion is too remote to affect them. They will shrug their 
shoulders and say that the Hudson River will continue to 
flow as long as they live, and future generations — well, per- 
haps future generations can get along without rivers. Tell 
them that the work is essential to the preservation of health, 
and they will answer you that they are healthy enough. 
These arguments are weak to us, but to a member of the 
Legislature, when linked with the question of expense, they 
become strong. 

We must take up the great task before us by easy stages. 
Let us begin on what we already have. Let us demand that 
the State shall preserve the great amount of Adirondack 
lands it now owns. That will not antagonize anybody. Let 
us demand that railroads shall not go in there on public 
lands except upon the consent of the State and the Forest 
Commission. That is but right and cannot antagonize any- 
body. We must not ask that somebody be given a license to 
go into the Adirondack region and blow up all the destruc- 
tive dams, but we can with reason ask the State to see that 
no dam shall exist which is an injury to public lands and 
public forests. 

Let us begin at once to protect what we have. That will 
demonstrate to the people the value of our work. Having 
done that, I believe that securing new lands and finally get- 
ting such a great State Park as we need will be an easy 



matter. Rome was not built in a day. A great Adirondack 
Park cannot be acquired by a single act. 

I believe that we must have the co-operation of those who 
now own Adirondack lands. This is especially true of the 
clubs which have purchased preserves there for sporting pur- 
poses. Their desire to preserve the natural beauty of the 
region is as strong as ours is. If we could get these clubs to 
hold lands adjoining State lands, doing more or less ex- 
changing for State lands, the region under preservation 
would be so much larger. I believe that it would be per- 
fectly feasible to frame a law, agreeable to these clubs, that 
would give the State a right to protect, not a title to, pri- 
vate preserves adjoining a park. 

Don't, then, let us shock our lawmakers, economical at 
least on matters of this kind, by asking for too much at 
once. Don't let us oppose any association, society, or indi- 
vidual that is working on the same line as we are. We need 
all the help we can get. Let us get to work to do something 
now, for, although it may be but an inch of the mile we ulti- 
mately want, we must remember that a little done now is 
worth a great deal in the future. I move the adoption of the 
resolution as offered. 

^Address at the Banquet of the National Asso- 
ciation of Builders, New York, Februari/ 
12, 1891.] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: When American citizens 
are gathered together on occasions like this, and the hour 
of feasting is supplemented by toast and sentiment, it is 
surely fitting that " Our Country " should be prominent 
among the topics proposed for thought and speech. Evi- 
dence is thus furnis)ied of the ever present love and affec- 



tion of our people for their country, prompting them, at all 
times and in all places, to yield to her ready recognition 
and homage. 

The conspicuous place which this sentiment occupies in 
American thought is the result of our relations to the land 
which we possess and to the government under which we 
live. Our vast domain belongs to our people. They have 
fought for it, and have labored hard for its development and 
growth. Our government, too, was fashioned and established 
by and for our people, and is sustained and administered at 
their behest. Subjects of other lands, less free than ours, 
and those who owe obedience to governments further re- 
moved from popular control, may boast of their country, in 
a spirit of natural pride and patriotism and as sharers in its 
splendor and glory. They thus exhibit their submission and 
allegiance and a habitual regard for constituted authority. 
But the enthusiasm Avhich warms our hearts at the mention 
of " Our Country " grows out of our sense of proprietary 
and individual right in American institutions. It is mingled 
with no servile gratitude to any ruler for scant freedom gen- 
erously conceded to us, nor with admiration of monarchical 
pomp and splendor. The words, " Our Country," suggest 
to us not only a broad domain which is ours, but also a gov- 
ernment which is ours, based upon our will, protected and 
guarded by our Ipve and affection, vouchsafing to us freedom 
limited only by our self-imposed restraints, and securing 
to us, as our right, absolute and impartial justice. 

When we consider the extensive growth of our country — 
its cities and villages, and all the physical features which 
contribute so much to give to it a foremost place in the civ- 
ilization of the age — we are bound to acknowledge that the 
builders of our land have had much to do with securing for 
us the commanding position we hold among the nations of 
the earth. It may, indeed, be said that all the nations which 
have ever existed, have, like us, been largely indebted, for 



the grandeur and magnificence of which they could boast, to 
those belonging to the vocation represented in this assembly. 
It will be impossible to find a complete description of any 
country, ancient or modern, which does not mention the size 
and character of its buildings, and its public and private 

I do not intend to do injustice, in the enthusiasm of this 
hour, to any of the trades and occupations which have con- 
tributed to make our country and other countries great. But 
truth and candor exact the confession that the chief among 
these occupations in all times past has been that of the 
builder. He began his work in the early days of created 
things, and has been abroad among the sons of men ever 
since. The builder's advent was signalized by a service to 
mankind of which not another craft can boast. No one has 
the hardihood to deny that the construction of the ark was 
the turning-point in the scheme for the perpetuation of the 
liuman race. The builder's work in that emergency saved 
mankind from a watery grave; and if we suffer at the hands 
of his successors in these modern times, we should allow 
his first job to plead loudly in his behalf. If in these days 
we are vexed by the failure of the builder to observe plans 
and specifications, let us bear in mind that in his first con- 
struction he, fortunately for us, followed them implicitly. 
The gopher wood was fuj*nished, the ark was pitched within 
and without, it was built three hundred cubits long, fifty 
cubits broad, and thirty cubits high ; the window was put 
in, the door was placed in the side, and it had a lower, sec- 
end, and third story. If we are now and then prompted 
almost to profanity, because the builder has not completed 
our house within the time agreed, let us recall with gratitude 
the fact that the ark was fully completed and finished in 
a good and workmanlike manner and actually occupied, 
seven days before the waters of the flood were upon the 
earth. If a feeling like paralysis steals over us when a 



long account for extra work is placed before our affrighted 
ej'^es, let us be reconciled to our fate by the thought that 
there was no charge for extra work in the construction of 
the ark, and that the human race was saved without that 
exasperating incident. 

We sometimes hear things which are calculated to convey 
the impression that there is an irrepressible conflict raging 
between our builders and the rest of our people. If any 
such thing exists, I desire to suggest, in behalf of the build- 
ers, that it m.ay to a great extent arise from the uncertainty 
prevailing among employers concerning their wants and 
what they can afford to have. These are days when the 
free-born and ambitious American citizen does not like to be 
outdone by his neighbor or anyone else. If, as a result of 
this, a man with fifty thousand dollars to spend for a home, 
is determined to have one as good and as extravagant as 
that of another man, who has twice the amount to invest 
for the same purpose, the builder certainly ought not to be 
blamed if he fails to perform that miracle. On the other 
hand, it has sometimes seemed to me that when an honest, 
confiding man applies to a builder for an estimate of the 
cost of a construction which he contemplates, he ought to 
receive more definite and trustworthy figures than those 
frequently submitted to him. I am inclined to think, how- 
ever, that on the whole the relations of the builder with his 
fellow-men have been fairly amicable. If this were not so, 
and if disputes and misunderstandings were ordinary inci- 
dents of building contracts, it is quite apparent that the 
buildings which have been put up in our country would 
have caused enough of quarrels not only to endanger our 
social fabric, but to transfer much of the wealth now in the 
hands of the builders and their patrons to the pockets of 
the members of that peaceful and honest profession to 
which I have the honor to belong. This latter result would 
not be altogether mournful; the legal profession are so 



patriotic, and so easily satisfied, that I am quite certain 
they are contented with existing conditions. 

The National Association of Builders gives promise in 
its declared objects and purposes of much usefulness. It 
recognizes the fact that the relation its members bear to 
vast numbers of our wage-earners furnishes the opportunity 
for them to do an important and beneficent work in the way 
of reconciling differences between employers and employees 
and averting unprofitable and exasperating conflicts. All 
must commend the desire of the organization for the adop- 
tion of effective precautions against accident and injury to 
employees, and for some provision for such as are injured 
or incapacitated for work. And all our people ought espe- 
cially to appreciate the efforts of your association to aid in 
the establishment of trade schools for the education and 
improvement of apprentices. Of course, no one will deny 
that a workman in your vocation, who labors intelligently 
and with some knowledge of the underlying reason for his 
plan of work, does more and better service than one who 
pursues his round of daily toil, unthinkingly, and as a mere 
matter of routine or imitation. Herein is certainly a palpa- 
ble advantage to the workman, to the builder, and to his 
patron. But the value of a trade school education is not 
thus limited. The apprentice not only becomes a better 
workman by means of the education and discipline of such a 
school, but that very process must also tend to make him 
a better citizen. While he learns the things which give 
him an understanding of his work and fit his mind and 
brain to guide his hand, he also stimulates his perception 
of that high service which his country claims of him as a 

For this service he and all of us have placed in our hands 
the suffrage of freemen. It is only faithfully used when its 
exercise represents a full consciousness of the responsibil- 
ities and duties which its possession imposes, and when it 



is guided and controlled by a pure conscience and by 
thoughtful, intelligent, and independent judgment. 

" Neither walls, theaters, porches, nor senseless equipage, 
make states; but men who are able to rely upon themselves." 

As a concluding thought, let me suggest, that though the 
builders of the United States may erect grand and beautiful 
c difices which shall be monuments of their skill and evidences 
of our nation's prosperity, their work is not well done nor 
their duty wholly performed unless, in pursuance of their 
contract of citizenship, they join with all their fellow- 
countrymen in building and finishing in beautiful propor- 
tions, the grandest and most commanding of all earthly 
structures — " Our Country." 

[Address at the Democratic Club, New York, 
April 13, 1891.'] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I desire, first of all, to ex- 
press my thanks to the promoters of this occasion, for the 
pleasure which a place in this goodly company affords me, 
and to congratulate the Democratic Club upon the indica- 
tion of prosperity and enterprise supplied by its ownership 
of this beautiful and commodious house. The maintenance 
of such a center for the cultivation and dissemination of 
true Democratic principles, together with the activity and 
earnestness of members of the club, furnish the most grati- 
fying evidence that those who abide here fully realize the 
value and importance of unremitting political endeavor and 
thorough organization in behalf of true Democracy. 

It seems to me that the atmosphere which pervades this 
place is ill-suited to selfish and ignoble designs ; and I feel 
at this moment that I am surrounded by influences which 
invite patriotic partisanship and disinterested devotion to 



party principles. This sensation is most agreeable — for I 
am glad to be called a partisan if my partisanship is patri- 
otic. If a partisan is correctly defined as " one who is 
violently and passionately devoted to a party or interest," I 
must plead guilty to the charge of being a Democratic par- 
tisan, so long as the Democracy is true to its creed and tra- 
ditions, and so long as conditions exist which, to my under- 
standing, make adherence to its doctrines synonymous with 

It is a glorious thing to belong to a party which has a 
history beginning with the first years of our government, 
and full of achievements interwoven with all that has made 
our country great and kept our people free. It is an inspir- 
ing thing to know that by virtue of our party membership 
we are associated with those who resist the attempt of arro- 
gant political power to interfere with the independence and 
integrity of popular suffrage, who are determined to relieve 
our countrymen from unjust and unnecessary burdens, who 
are intent upon checking extravagance in public expendi- 
tures, and who test party purposes by their usefulness in 
promoting the interests and welfare of all the people of the 

These considerations furnish to those who love their coun- 
try the highest and best incentives to constant and faithful 
effort in the cause of true Democracy. 

We are reminded on this occasion that we not only have 
a proud history and glorious traditions, but that our party 
had an illustrious founder, whose services and teachings 
have done as much to justify and make successful our gov- 
ernment by the people and for the people, as any American 
who ever lived. A claim to such political ancestry is, of 
itself, sufficient to lend honor and pride to membership in 
a party which preserves in their vigor and purity the prin- 
ciples of that Democracy which was established by Thomas 



These principles were not invented for the purpose of 
gaining popular assent for a day, nor only because they 
were useful in the early time of the Republic. They were 
not announced for the purpose of serving personal ambi- 
tions, nor merely for the purpose of catching the suffrages 
of the people. They were laid as deep and broad as the 
truths upon which tlie fabric of our government rested. In 
the spirit of prophecy, they were formulated and declared, 
not only as suited to the experiments of a new government, 
but as sufficient in every struggle and every emergency 
which should beset popular rule, in all times to come and in 
all stages of our country's gro^vth and development. 

The political revolution which accompanied the birth of 
our party was not accomplished while the principles of 
Democracy were kept laid away in a napkin, nor was the 
unanimity of their first acceptance secured by the senseless 
and noisy shouting of partisan bigotry and the refusal to 
receive converts to the faith. No man believed more implic- 
itly in the political instruction of the people than the great 
founder of our party; and the first triumph of Democratic 
jorinciples, under his leadership, was distinctly the result of a 
campaign of education. So, too, in the light of our last great 
victory, no man who desires Democratic success will deny 
the supreme importance of a most thorough and systematic 
presentation to our fellow-citizens of the reasons which sup- 
port the avowed and accepted purposes of our party. Those 
who now sneer at efforts in that direction are our enemies — 
whether they confront us as confessed opponents, or whether 
tliey are traitors skulking within our camp. 

It seems to me that this is peculiarly a time when the 
Democratic party should be mindful of its relations to the 
country, of its responsibilities as the guardian of sacred prin- 
ciples, and of its duty to a confiding people. In the rejoic- 
ing which success permits, let us remember that the mission 
of our party is continued warfare. We cannot accomplish 



what we promise to the people if we allow ourselves to be 
diverted from the perils which are still in our way. Blind- 
ness to danger, and neglect of party organization and disci- 
pline, are invitations to defeat. We cannot win permanent 
and substantial success by putting aside principle and grasp- 
ing after temporary expedients. We shall court disaster if 
we relax industry in commending to the intelligence of our 
countrymen the creed Avhich we profess ; and we tempt humil- 
iating failure and disgrace when Ave encourage or tolerate 
those who, claiming fellowship with us, needlessly and often 
from the worst of motives, seek to stir up strife and sow 
discord in the councils of our party. 

As we celebrate to-night tlie birthday of the father of 
Democracy, let us reinforce our Democratic zeal and enthusi- 
asm and renew our faith and trust in the aroused intelli- 
gence of our countrymen. Let the reflections prompted by 
the surroundings of this occasion, confirm us in the assur- 
ance that we shall patriotically discharge our political duty 
and well maintain our party loyalty, if in all we do as Demo- 
crats we bravely and consistently hold fast to the truths 
which illumine the path laid out by our great guide and 

[xiddress at the Celebration of the Semi-Ccn- 
tennial of the German Young 3Iens Asso- 
ciation, Buffalo, N. Y.J May 11, 1891.] 

Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: I am glad to 
meet here to-night so many old friends and acquaintances, 
and to join them in the felicitations which have called us 
together. At this moment I recall with perfect vividness 
another evening nearly eight years ago, when, in a beau- 
tiful building standing on this spot and then just com- 



pleted, we inaugurated with songs and rejoicing a grand 
national Sangerfest. That was a proud day for Buffalo, and 
a prouder one still for our German fellow-townsmen, who 
then welcomed as their guests a large and notable assem- 
blage from many States, representing their national love 
of music; and, at the same time, were permitted to exhibit 
to their visitors, as a monument of the enterprise and ac- 
tivity of the German Young Men's Association, the grand 
and imposing Music Hall in which their festival of song 
was held. 

The disaster which soon after overtook the association, in- 
volving the destruction of their splendid building, brought 
no discouragement to the members of the organization. To- 
night we meet in another and more magnificent Music Hall, 
built upon the ashes of the first, to celebrate the close of 
fifty years in the life of an association that exhibits to every 
observer the courage and determination which inevitably lead 
to usefulness and success. 

I shall not assume such a familiarity with the career of 
the association as would enable me to present in detail the 
results of its past efforts. In any event it would ill become 
me to enter upon this field, in view of the fact that the able 
and honorable gentleman now at the head of the association 
was also its first president, and for fifty years has watched 
its progress and been devoted to its interests. Surely there 
has seldom been an organization which numbered among its 
members, at the end of half a century, so competent a chron- 
icler of its history and achievements. 

I understand that among the prominent purposes of the 
German Young Men's Association are the propagation and 
promotion of a knowledge of German literature and the cul- 
tivation and encouragement of the best elements of German 

So far as the first of these objects is concerned, I hope I 
may be permitted to say that, while the efforts of the associ- 



ation in the direction mentioned are most praiseworthy and 
patriotic, such an undertaking can by no means be monop- 
olized by any association. The value and importance of 
German literature are too keenly appreciated to be neglected 
in any part of the world, where there are those who seek to 
know the past triumphs of science, poetry, music, and art, 
or where there are those who strive to keep pace with their 
present development and progress. It is not too much to 
say that all nations which make claim to high civilization 
encourage the study of German literature, and that the ex- 
tent to which this study is pursued by a people furnishes a 
standard of their enlightenment. 

On behalf of the American people, I am inclined, also, to 
claim to-night that the German character which the associa- 
tion undertakes to cultivate is so interwoven with all the 
growth and progress of our country that wc have a right 
to include it among the factors which make up a sturdy and 
thrifty Americanism. With our early settlers came the Ger- 
mans. They suited themselves to every condition of our 
new world. Many of them fought for American indepen- 
dence, and many, who in the trade of war came to iight 
against us, afterward settled on our soil, and contributed 
greatly to the hardihood and stubborn endurance which our 
young nation so much needed. 

As years were added to the new republic, the tide of 
German immigration increased in volume. Those who thus 
came to us brought with them a love of liberty which readily 
assimilated them to our institutions, and their natural love 
of order made them good citizens. By their love of music 
and social enjoyments they shed a bright light upon the 
solemn and constant routine of American work, while, at the 
same time, they abundantly proved that reasonable recreation 
was entirely consistent with wholesome and conservative ac- 
cumulation. They were found in every part of our land. 
Among the pioneers of the far West, they struggled against 



discouragements and hardships — counteracting privation by 
frugality, and never for a moment losing sight of the better 
day promised by the future to undaunted courage and per- 
sistent industry. In our cities and towns they were found 
in the front ranks of successful business and trade; and by 
the choice of their fellow-citizens they held public positions 
of trust and influence. Everywhere they illustrated the 
value and the sure reward of economy and steady work. 

Thus, before the American nation had lived one hundred 
years, our German population had grown to millions, and 
constituted an important ingredient in the mass of American 
activity. Then there came a time when the government of 
the country of their adoption was assaulted by rebellious 
hands ; and then our German fellow-citizens had presented 
to them an opportunity to prove the depth and breadth of 
their attachment to the land in which they lived and wrought, 
and to exhibit how completely they had become patriotic 
American citizens. They allowed not a moment for uncer- 
tainty, but flocked by thousands to the standard of the 
Union and bravely devoted themselves to its defense. In 
every battle the German soldiers fought with courage and 
persistence, and died with fortitude. This common bap- 
tism of blood, and this partnership in peril, brought closer 
together every element of our people, and made them all — 
more than ever and in every sense — Americans. This leads 
me to say that any opposing claims to ownership in the val- 
uable traits of German character admit of a fair compromise. 
No one will begrudge the satisfaction to be derived from 
analyzing these elements and establishing their German ori- 
gin; and all will concede that the more they are cultivated 
the more our country will gain. But when all this is done, 
let us call these traits, so far as they are here exhibited, 
American. They have been with us since our beginning; 
they have influenced every day of our country's life; they 
are among the traits which our government was formed to 



foster, and they are essential to our country's safety and 

I hardly think there is any city in the land that should 
appreciate the value of German population better than Buf- 
falo. On every side, within your limits, are seen the evi- 
dences of the thrift of your German fellow-townsmen and 
monuments of their industry and enterprise. No one can 
dispute their contribution to your immense municipal growth, 
and you do well to recognize it in the selection of those 
charged with the administration of your city government. 
Even now there stands at its head, performing his duties ac- 
ceptably to the entire community, one who has won his way 
to the confidence of his fellow-citizens solely by the German- 
American traits of honesty, industry, and economy. I know 
that he will forgive mc for saying that when I knew him 
first, not many years ago, he was occupying an honorable, 
but very humble position, and gave no symptom of his pres- 
ent prominence. I will not dispute the right of anyone to 
call him a German; but I claim the satisfaction of also call- 
ing this old friend of mine a first-rate American. 

In the light of the suggestions I have made, it is a pleas- 
ant thing to learn the significant fact that the membership 
of the German Young Men's Association is quite largely 
made up of those who have no title to German parentage or 

I cannot resist the temptation to introduce here the 
thought that no such association can exist and escape a re- 
sponsibility to our people and our government. Wherever 
our countrymen are gathered together with the professed 
purpose of mutual improvement, or in furtherance of any 
useful object, they ought to do something for their country. 
Its welfare and progress depend so clearly upon what the 
people are taught and what they think that patriotism should 
pervade their every endeavor in the direction of mental or 
social improvement. Our government was made by the peo- 



pie; and by the people it must be constantly watched and 
maintained. Like every other mechanism it requires guid- 
ance and care. Without this, like m.any another mechanism, 
it will not only fail to do its work, but it may injure and 
wound those who stand idly near. We cannot afford, in the 
heedless race for wealth, nor in the absorbing struggle for 
the promotion of selfish ends, to neglect, for a day, our duty 
to our government. 

So, as the members of the German Young Men's Associa- 
tion contemplate the steadfast love of country which be- 
longs to the German character, let them enforce the lesson 
that this sentiment is absolutely essential to the strength 
and vigor of American institutions. If they find that Ger- 
man industry and frugalit}^ lead to national happiness and 
comfort, let them insist that these cliaracteristics be rooted 
in our soil; and if they find that the justice and equality 
which our free institutions promise, and which the Germans 
love, are withheld from them and tlie American people, let 
them demand from the government which they support a 
scrupulous redemption of its pledges. 

As this association crosses the threshold which lies mid- 
way in the first century of its existence, its members may 
well recall Avith pride and congratulation what it has thus 
far done for the promotion of a knowledge of German litera- 
ture and the cultivation of German character; and, as they 
enter upon the second half century of organized effort, tliey 
should be more than ever determined to pursue these pur- 
poses, not only because they may thus keep alive a fond re- 
membrance of the Fatherland, but because they may thus, 
in a higher, better spirit, aid in the cultivation of those sen- 
timents which purify and strengthen a genuine and patriotic 



I Address before the Commercial Club, Provi- 
dence, R. J., June 27, 1891.] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I suppose from the name 
of the organization which extends to us the hospitalities of 
this occasion, that its membership is mainly, at least, made 
up of those engaged in business enterprises, and that its ob- 
ject is the discussion of topics related to the progress and 
development of such enterprises. 

I never attend a gathering of business men, and recall the 
restless activity which they represent, and the strain of brain 
which they willingly bear for the sake of profit and success, 
Avithout wondering that they are content to be so thoroughly 
engrossed in the immediate details of their occupations, as 
often to lead to an habitual neglect of those affairs, which 
though outside of their counting houses, exchanges and man- 
ufactories, have an intimate relation to their prosperity. No 
one can be oblivious to the fact that matters of legislation, 
and the course of governmental policy, are so important to 
the business in which we engage that our individual efforts 
in its prosecution may be easily promoted or thwarted by 
the conduct of those who make and execute our laws. Yet, 
in business circles we find but few men who are willing to 
forego their ordinary work to engage in the business of legis- 
lation. Indeed this unfortunate condition has reached such 
a pass that our business men think. and often speak of poli- 
tics as something quite outside of their interest and duty, 
which, if not actually disreputable, may well be left to those 
who have a taste for it. 

I am by no means unmindful of the spasmodic interfer- 
ence of business interests in politics, spurred on by a selfish 
desire to be aided, especially and exclusively through legisla- 
tive action. Such interference, based upon such motives, is 



more blameworthy than inactivity, because it amounts to an 
attempt to pervert governmental functions — which is worse 
than a neglect of political responsibility. But I speak of a 
heedlessness of the duty resting upon every one of us as 
American citizens, to participate thoughtfully and intelli- 
gently in the general conduct of the government which is 
ours, and which has been left to our management. 

I seek to remind you of the interest which you and all of 
us have as members of our American body politic, in whole- 
some general laws and honest administration. This interest 
is represented by the share to which each of us is entitled, 
in the aggregate of advantage which such laws and such 
administration secure. This interest and this duty are 
surely worth all the attention we can bestow upon them; 
and the penalty of their neglect we shall surely not escape. 
In order that the patriotism and intelligence of the country 
shall prevail in our legislation, the patriotic and intelligent 
men of the country must see to it that they are properly rep- 
resented in our national councils. If they fail in this they 
will be governed by those who simply make a trade of poli- 
tics. If it is well that our legislation be influenced by the 
enlightened and practical business sense of the people, our 
business men must see to it that those they trust are chosen 
as their lawmakers. If thqy are indifferent on the subject, 
the vast interests which so greatly concern them and all 
their fellow-citizens will be left at the mercy of those who 
neither understand them nor care for them; and I do not 
believe these dangers will be effectively averted until they 
are better understood by the people and more thoroughly 

It seems to me that private and special legislation, as it 
at present prevails, is an evil chargeable to a great extent 
to the listlessness and carelessness of the people. 

There is a kind of legislation which, upon its face and 
concededly, is private and special, and which engrosses far 



too much of the time and attention of our lawmakers. The 
people have a right to claim from their representatives their 
best care and attention to the great subjects of legislation in 
which the entire country is interested. This is denied them 
if their representatives take their seats burdened with pri- 
vate bills, in which their immediate neighbors are exclusively 
interested, and which they feel they must be diligent in ad- 
vancing, if they would secure their continuance in public 
life. They are thus led by the exigencies of their situation 
as they view it, not only to the support of private bills of 
questionable propriety, but to the neglect of a study and 
understanding of the important questions involved in gen- 
eral legislation. Nor does the pernicious effect of such spe- 
cial and private legislation stop here. The importance of a 
successful championship of these private bills, measured by 
a standard which ought not for a moment to be recognized, 
seems so vital to those having them in charge that they are 
easily led to barter their votes for measures as bad as theirs 
or worse, in order to secure the support of similarly situated 
colleagues. Thus is inaugurated a system called log-rolling, 
which comes frightfully near actual legislative corruption; 
and thus the people at large lose not only the attention to 
their affairs which is due to them, but are often no better 
than robbed of the money in the public treasury. 

I have hardly done more than to present a very general 
outline of some of the palpably bad accompaniments of 
legislation, confessedly special and private. The details 
might easily be filled in, which would furnish proof of 
the elements of its mischievous character which I have 
pointed out. 

I have not, however, mentioned the aspect of special and 
private legislation which seems to me most pernicious. I 
refer to the habit which it engenders among our people of 
looking to the government for aid in the accomplishment of 
special and individual schemes, and the expectation which it 



creates and fosters, that legislation may be invoked for the 
securing of individual advantages and unearned benefits. 

The relations of our countrymen toward their government 
should be founded upon their love for it as the fountainhead 
of their national life ; their faith in it as the power which 
preserves them a free people; their reverence for it as the 
perfect work of the highest patriotism; their confidence in 
its justice and equality, and their pride in its ownership 
and management. These should furnish at all times sufficient 
motive for a lively interest in public affairs, and should sup- 
ply abundant incentive to popular watchfulness of legisla- 
tive and executive methods. In the light of these considera- 
tions, no thoughtful American can shut his eyes to the truth, 
that when our people regard their government as the source 
of individual benefit and favoritism, and when their interest 
in it is measured by the extent to which they hope to realize 
such benefit and favoritism, our popular government is in 
dangerous hands and its entire perversion is alarmingly im- 

These perils are not alone chargeable to legislation which 
is confessedly special and private. Measures of a general 
character, and apparently proposed for the public good, fre- 
quently originate in selfish calculations, or so completely sub- 
serve in their details selfish plans, that they also tend toward 
the fatal point of sordidness among the people and unjust 
paternalism in the government. No matter what plausible 
pretexts may be advanced for such legislation, if it has in 
it these elements, it ought to be condemned. Neither tlie 
cry of protection to American interests, nor pretended solici- 
tude for the public good, ought to succeed in concealing 
schemes to favor the few at the expense of the many; nor 
should the importance to the country of legislative action 
upon any subject divert us from inquiry concerning the 
selfisli motives and purposes which may be hidden behind 
the proposal of such legislation. 



It is quite time that our business men, and all American 
citizens who love their country, bestir themselves for battle 
against the evil tendencies of private and special legislation, 
"whatever guise it may assume. At this time no more impor- 
tant truth can be presented to the people than that they 
should support their government in love and patriotism, and 
remain unselfishly content with the blessings and advantages 
which our free institutions were established to bestow, with 
justice and equality, upon every citizen throughout the 
length and breadth of our land. 

[Address at the Annual Banquet of the New 
England Society of Brooklyn , N. Y., De- 
cember 21, 1891.'] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: As this is the first time I 
have attended a dinner given by a New England Society, I 
beg to express the gratification it affords me to enter upon 
my new experience in the City of Brooklyn and among 
those whom I have always regarded as especially my friends. 

You are by no means to suppose that my failure hereto- 
fore to be present on occasions like this is accounted for by 
any doubt I have had as to my qualifications for admission. 
From the time the first immigrant of my name landed in 
7\Iassachusetts, down to the day of my advent, all the Clcve- 
lands from whom I claim descent were born in New Eng- 
land. The fact that I first saw the light in the State of 
New Jersey I have never regarded as working a forfeiture 
of any right I may have derived from my New England 
lineage, nor as making me an intruder or merely tolerated 
guest in an assemblage of this kind. I resent, of course, 
with becoming spirit, the imputation that my birth in New 
Jersey constitutes me a foreigner and an alien; and I have 



never been able to see any humor in the suggestion that my 
native State is not within the Union. To my mind the regu- 
larity with which she votes the Democratic ticket entitles 
her to a high rank among the States that are really useful. 
At any rate, I shall always insist that New Jersey is a good 
State to be born in, and I point to the fact that, after an 
absence of more than fifty years, I have returned to find a 
temporary home within her limits as fully demonstrating 
that my very early love for her is not extinguished. 

Assuming that you agree with me that my birth in New 
Jersey has not stamped me with indelible ineligibility, and 
anticipating your demand for affirmative support of my qual- 
ification to mingle with those who celebrate Forefathers' 
Day and sing the praises of the men who first settled in 
New England, I can do no better than to rest my case upon 
the statement that Bean Hill, in the town of Norwich and 
State of Connecticut, was the birthplace of my father. I 
hope that in making this statement I shall not remind you 
of the man who loudly boasted of his patriotic sacrifice in 
defense of his country on the ground that he had permitted 
his wife's relatives to join the army. At anj'^ rate, it seems 
to me that the claim I make is entirely valid, with no em- 
barrassment connected with it, except the admission by infer- 
ence that for some purposes and on some occasions a father's 
birthplace may be of more value to a man than his own. I 
have nothing further to urge on the subject of my eligibility 
except to mention, as something which should be credited to 
me upon my own account, the fact that I have lately demon- 
strated my preference for New England and ray love for 
that section of our country where my ancestors lived and 
died, by establishing a summer home in the State of Massa- 

I think all of us are old enough to remember the prophetic 
words put opposite certain dates in the old almanacs, " About 
these days look out for snow." If almanacs were now made 



up as they used to be, it would not be amiss to set opposite 
the latter days of December, " About these days look out for 
glorification of the Pilgrims." This would be notice to those 
consulting the almanac that a time was foretold when the 
people of the country would be reminded that there were 
Pilgrims who came to New England, and there set in motion 
the forces which created our wondrous nation. 

No one will deny that the Pilgrims to New England were 
well worthy of all that is done or can be done to keep them in 
remembrance. But we cannot recall their history, and what 
they did and established, and what they taught, without also 
recalling that there have been Pilgrims from New England 
who, finding their way to every part of the land, have taken 
with them those habits, opinions, and sentiments which, hav- 
ing an early origin in American soil, shoiild be best suited 
to American life everywhere, and should be the best guaran- 
tees in every situation, of the preservation, in their integrity 
and purity, of American institutions. 

We have heard much of abandoned lands in New England. 
If farms have been abandoned there, we know that larger 
and more productive farms have been developed in newer 
States by the Pilgrims from New England. If the popu- 
lation of New England has suffered a drain, we shall find 
that the vigorous activity lost to her has built up new cities 
and towns on distant and unbroken soil and impressed upon 
these new creations the truest and best features of American 

While all will admit the debt our great country owes to 
New England influences, and while none of us should be un- 
mindful of the benefits to be reasonably expected from the 
maintenance and spread of tliese influences, a thought is sug- 
gested which has furtlier relation to the mission and duty 
of the Pilgrims from New England and their descendants, 
wherever they may be scattered throughout the land. If they 
are at all true to their teachings and their traditions, they 



will naturally illustrate, in a practical way, the value of 
education and moral sentiment in the foundations of social 
life and the value of industry and economy as conditions of 
thrift and contentment. But these Pilgrims and their de- 
scendants and all those who, with sincere enthusiasm, cele- 
brate Forefathers' Day, will fail in the discharge of their 
highest duty if, yielding to the temptation of any un-Amer- 
ican tendency, they neglect to teach persistently that in the 
early days there was, and that there still ought to be, such 
a thing as true and distinctive Americanism, or if they neg- 
lect to give it just interpretation. 

This certainly does not mean that a spirit of narrowness 
or proscription should be encouraged, nor that there should 
be created or kept alive a fear concerning such additions to 
our population from other lands as promise assimilation 
with our conditions and co-operation in our aims and pur- 
poses. It does, however, mean the insistence that every 
transfer of allegiance from another government to our own, 
should signify the taking on at the same time of an aggres- 
sive and affirmative devotion to the spirit of American in- 
stitutions. It means that with us, a love of our government 
for its own sake and for what it is, is an essential factor of 
citizenship, and that it is only made full and complete by 
the adoption of the ideas and habits of thought which un- 
derlie our plan of popular rule. It means that one fills a 
place in our citizenship unworthily who regards it solely as a 
vantage ground where he may fill his purse and better his 
condition. It means that our government is not suited to a 
selfish, sordid people, and that in their hands it is not safe. 

This is a time when there is pressing need for the earnest 
enforcement of these truths ; and occasions like this cannot 
be better improved than by leading us to such self-exami- 
nation and self-correction as shall fit us to illustrate and 
teach the lessons of true Americanism. When we here recall 
the landing of the Pilgrims, let us remember that they not 



only sought " Freedom to worsliip God," but they also 
sought to establish the freedom and liberty of manhood. 
When we dwell upon their stern and sturdy traits, let us 
remember that these nurtured the spirit which achieved 
American independence, and that in such soil alone can its 
fruits ripen to bless our people. When we contemplate 
how completely conscience guided their lives and conduct, 
let us resolve that conscience shall find a place in every 
phase of our citizenship; and when we learn of their solici- 
tude and care for their new-found home, let us acknowledge 
that unselfish love of country can alone show us the path of 
political duty. 

With such preparation as this — leaving no place for the 
ignoble thought that our government can, without perversion, 
hold out unequal rewards and encourage selfish beings — we 
shall teach that this heritage of ours has been confided from 
generation to generation to the patriotic keeping and loving 
care of true Americanism, and that this alone can preserve 
it; to shelter a free and happy people — protecting all, de- 
fending all, and blessing all. 

[Address before the Business Mens Democratic 
Association, New York, Januarif S, 189,^'] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: No one can question the 
propriety of the celebration of this day by the organization 
whose invitation has called us together. Its right to cele- 
brate on this occasion results from the fact that it is an 
organization attached to the doctrines of true Democracy, 
having a membership com}X)sed of business men, who, in a 
disinterested way, devote themselves to honest party work, 
and who labor for the growth and spread of the political 
principles which they profess. 

This anniversary has not gained its place as a festival day 


in the calendar of Democracy by chance or through unmean- 
ing caprice; nor is it observed by the Democratic party 
merely because a battle was fought on the 8th day of Janu- 
ary, many years ago, at New Orleans. That battle in itself 
had no immediate political significance, and, considered solely 
as a military achievement in comparison with many other 
battles fought by Americans both before and since, it need 
not be regarded as an event demanding especial commemora- 

The Democratic zest and enthusiasm of our celebration of 
the day grow out of the fact that the battle of New Orleans 
was won under the generalship of Andrew Jackson. So, 
while the successful general in that battle is not forgotten 
to-night. Democrats, wherever they are assembled throughout 
our land to celebrate the day, are honoring the hero who 
won the battles of Democracy, and are commemorating the 
political courage and steadfastness which were his prominent 

It is well that there are occasions like this where we may 
manifest that love and affection for Andrew Jackson which 
have a place in every Democratic heart. It is needless to 
attempt an explanation of this love and affection. They are 
Democratic instincts. So strong is our conviction that Jack- 
son's Democracy derived its strength and vigor from tlie 
steadfast courage, the honesty of purpose and the sturdy 
persistency which characterized the man, that we willingly 
profess the belief that these same conditions are essential to 
the usefulness and success of the Democratic party in these 
latter days. Thus, wherever party principle or policy may 
lead us, we have constantly before us an unquestioned exam- 
ple of the spirit in which our work should be undertaken. 

It may not be unprofitable for us, at this time, to recall 
some incidents in the career of Andrew Jackson, and note 
their bearing upon the position of our party in its present 
relations to the people. We may thus discover an incentive 



for the cultivation and preservation of that Jacksonian spirit 
vv'hich ouglit to belong to Democratic effort. 

When General Jackson was sent with troops to protect 
our border against disturbers of the peace wliose retreat was 
in the Spanish province of Florida, he notified our govern- 
ment that if it was signified to him that the possession of 
the Floridas would be desirable to the United States, it 
should be forthwith accomplished. He only believed he had 
the assent of his government, but in that belief, and because 
his word had been given, he never rested until his military 
occupation of the territory was complete. 

The Democratic party has lately declared to the people 
that if it was trusted and invested with power, their bur- 
dens of taxation should be lightened, and that a better and 
more just distribution of benefits should be assured to them. 
There is no doubt concerning our commission from the people 
to do this work, and there is no doubt that we have received 
their trust and confidence on the faith of our promises. In 
these circumstances, there is no sign of Jacksonian deter- 
mination and persistency in faltering or hesitating in the 
cause we have undertaken. If we accepted the trust and 
confidence of the people with any other design than to re- 
spond fully to them, we have been dishonored from the be- 
ginning. If we accepted them in good faith, disgrace and 
humiliation await us if we relax our efforts before the prom- 
ised end is reached. 

At New Orleans General Jackson attacked the enemy as 
soon as they landed, and fought against their making the 
least advance. It never occurred to him that by yielding to 
them a foot of ground, or giving them a moment's rest, his 
opportunity to defeat them would be promoted. 

We, who are proud to call ourselves Jacksonian Demo- 
crats have boldly and aggressively attacked a political heresy 
opposed to the best interests of the people and defended by 
an arrogant and unscrupulous party. The fight is still on. 



Who has the hardihood to say that we can lay claim to the 
least Jacksonian spirit if in the struggle we turn our backs 
to the enemy, or lower in the least our colors ? 

President Jackson believed the United States Bank was an 
institution dangerous to the liberties and prosperity of the 
people. Once convinced of this, his determination to destroy 
it closely followed. He early began the attack, utterly re- 
gardless of any considerations of political expediency or 
personal advancement except as they grew out of his faith in 
the people, and giving no place in his calculations for any 
estimate of the difficulty of the undertaking. From the time 
the first blow was struck until the contest ended in his com- 
plete triumph, he allowed nothing to divert him from his 
purpose, and permitted no other issue to divide his energy or 
to be substituted for that on which he was intent. 

The Democratic party of to-day, which conjures witli the 
name of Jackson, has also attacked a monstrous evil, in- 
trenched behind a perversion of governmental power and 
guarded by its selfish beneficiaries. On behalf of those 
among our people long neglected, we have insisted on tariff 
reform and an abandonment of unjust favoritism. We have 
thus adopted an issue great enough to deserve the undivided 
efforts of our party, involving considerations which, we pro- 
fess to believe, lie at the foundation of the justice and fair- 
ness of popular rule. 

I f we are to act upon our declared belief in the power of 
that Jacksonian spirit which Avas the inspiration of our 
party in the days of our great leader, we shall be steadfast 
to the issue we have raised until it is settled and rightly 
settled. The steadfastness we need will not permit a prema- 
ture and distracting search for other and perplexing ques- 
tions, nor will it allow us to be tempted or driven by the 
enemy into new and tangled paths. 

We have given pledges to the people, and they have 
trusted us. Unless wc have outgrown the Democratic spirit 



of Jackson's time, our duty is plain. Our promise was not 
merely to labor in the people's cause until we should tire 
of the effort, or should discover a way which seemed to 
promise easier and quicker party ascendency. The service 
we undertook was not to advise those waiting for better 
days that their cause was hopeless, nor under any pretext 
to suggest a cessation of effort. Our engagement was to 
labor incessantly, bravely, and stubbornly, seeing nothing 
and considering nothing but ultimate success. These pledges 
and promises should be faithfully and honestly kept. Party 
faithlessness is party dishonor. 

Nor is the sacredness of our pledges, and the party dis- 
honor that would follow their violation, all we have to con- 
sider. We cannot trifle with our obligations to the people 
without exposure and disaster. We ourselves have aroused 
a spirit of jealous inquiry and discrimination touching polit- 
ical conduct which cannot be blinded; and the people will 
visit with quick revenge the party which betrays them. 

I hope, then, I may venture to claim in this assemblage 
that, even if there had been but slight encouragement for 
the cause we have espoused, there would still be no justifica- 
tion for timidity and faint-heartedness. But with the suc- 
cess we have already achieved, amounting to a political 
revolution, it seems to me that it would be the height of 
folly, considered purely as a question of party management, 
to relax in the least our determination and persistency. If 
we suspect, anywhere in our counsels, compromising hesita- 
tion or a disposition to divert the unity of party efforts, let 
us be watchful. The least retreat bodes disaster ; cowardice 
is often called conservatism, and an army scattered into sec- 
tions invites defeat. 

We have preached the doctrine that honesty and sincerity 
should be exacted from political parties. Let us not fall 
under the condemnation which awaits on shifty schemes and 
insincere professions. 



I believe our countrymen are prepared to act on principle, 
and in no mood for political maneuvering. They will not 
waste time in studying conundrums, guessing riddles, or 
trying to interpret doubtful phrases. They demand a plain 
and simple statement of political purpose. 

Above all things, political finesse should not lead us to 
forget that, at the end of our plans, we must meet face to 
face at the polls the voters of the land, with ballots in their 
hands, demanding as a condition of their support of our 
party fidelity and undivided devotion to the cause in which 
we have enlisted them. 

If, inspired by the true Jacksonian spirit, we hold to the 
doctrine that party honesty is party duty and party courage 
is party expediency, we shall win a sure and lasting success 
through the deserved support of a discriminating, intelli- 
gent, and thoughtful people. 

lAddress before the Students of the University 
of Michigan, at Ann Arbor, February 22 , 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: Among the few 
holidays which the rush and hurry of American life concede 
to us, surely no one of a secular character is so suggestive 
and impressive as the day we celebrate on this occasion. 
We not only commemorate the birth of the greatest Amer- 
ican who ever lived, but we recall, as inseparably con- 
nected with his career, all the events and incidents which led 
up to the establishment of free institutions in this land of 
ours, and culminated in the erection of our wondrous nation. 

The University of Michigan, therefore, most appropri- 
ately honors herself and does a fitting public service by 
especially providing for such an observance of the day as 



is calculated to turn to the contemplation of patriotic duty 
the thoughts of the young men whom she is soon to send 
out to take places in the ranks of American citizenship, 

I hope it may not be out of place for me to express the 
gratification it affords me as a member of the legal profes- 
sion, to know that the conduct of these exercises has been 
committed to the classes of the Law Department of the 
University. There seems to me to be a propriety in this, 
for I have always thought the influences surrounding the 
practice and study of the law should especially induce a 
patriotic feeling. The business of the profession is re- 
lated to the enforcement and operation of the laws which 
govern our people; and its members, more often than those 
engaged in other occupations, are called to a participation 
in making these laws. Besides, they are constantly brought 
to the study of the fundamental law of the land, and a famil- 
iarity with its history. Such study and familiarity should 
be sufficient of themselves to increase a man's love of coun- 
try; and they certainly cannot fail to arouse his veneration 
for the men who laid the foundations of our nation sure and 
steadfast in a written Constitution, which has been declared, 
by the greatest living English statesmen, to be " the most 
wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain 
and purpose of man." 

Washington had more to do with the formation of the con- 
stitution than our enthusiasm for other phases of the great 
work he did for his country usually makes prominent. He 
fought the battles which cleared the way for it. He best 
knew the need of consolidating under one government the 
colonies he had made free, and he best knew that without 
this coRSclidaticn, a wasting war, the long and severe priva- 
tions and sufferings his countrymen had xmdergone and his 
own devoted labor in the cause of freedom, were practically 
in vain. The beginning of anything like a public sentiment 
looking to the formation of our nation is traceable to his 



efforts. The circular letter he sent to the governors of the 
States, as early as the close of the War of the Revolution, 
contained the germ of the Constitution; and all this was 
recognized by his unanimous choice to preside over the con- 
vention that framed it. His spirit was in and through 
it all. 

But whatever may be said of the argument presented in 
support of the propriety of giving the law classes the man- 
agement of this celebration, it is entirely clear that the Uni- 
versity herself furnishes to all her students a most useful 
lesson when, by decreeing the observance of this day, she 
recognizes the fact that the knowledge of books she imparts 
is not a complete fulfillment of her duty, and concedes that 
the education with which she so well equips her graduates 
for individual success in life and for business and profes- 
sional usefulness, may profitably be supplemented by the 
stimulation of their patriotism, and by the direction of their 
thoughts to subjects relating to their country's welfare. I 
do not know how generally such an observance of Washing- 
ton's birthday, as lias been here established, prevails in our 
other universities and colleges ; but I am convinced that any 
institution of learning in our land which neglects to provide 
for the instructive and improving observance of this day 
within its walls, falls sliort of its attainable measure of use- 
fulness and omits a just and valuable contribution to the 
general good. There is great need of educated men in our 
public life, but it is the need of educated men with patriot- 
ism. The college graduate may be, and frequently is, more 
unpatriotic and less useful in public affairs than the man 
who, with limited education, has spent the years when opin- 
ions are formed in improving contact with the world instead 
of being within college walls and confined to the study of 
books. If it be true, as is often claimed, that the scholar 
in politics is generally a failure, it may well be due to the 
fact that, during his formative period when lasting impres- 



sions are easily received, his intellect alone has been culti- 
vated at the expense of wholesome and well-regulated senti- 

I speak to-day in advocacy of this sentiment. If it is not 
found in extreme and exclusive mental culture, neither is it 
found in the busy marts of trade, nor in the confusion of 
bargaining, nor in the mad rush after wealth. Its home is 
in the soul and memory of man. It has to do with the 
moral sense. It reverences traditions, it loves ideas, it cher- 
ishes the names and the deeds of heroes, and it worships at 
the shrine of patriotism. I plead for it because there is a 
sentiment, which in some features is distinctively American, 
that we should never allow to languish. 

When we are told that we are a practical and common- 
sense people, we are apt to receive the statement with 
approval and applause. We are proud of its truth and natu- 
rally proud because its truth is attributable to the hard work 
we have had to do ever since our birth as a nation, and be- 
cause of the stern labor we still see in our way before we 
reach oux* determined destiny. There is cause to suspect, 
however, that another and less creditable reason for our 
gratification arises from a feeling that there is something 
heroically American in treating with indifference or derision, 
all those things which, in our view, do not directly and pal- 
pably pertain to what we call, with much satisfaction, prac- 
tical affairs, but which, if we were entirely frank, we should 
confess might be called money-getting and the betterment 
of individual condition. Growing out of this feeling, an in- 
creasing disposition is discernible among our people, which 
begrudges to sentiment any time or attention that might be 
given to business and which is apt to crowd out of mind 
any thought not directly related to selfish plans and pur- 

A little reflection ought to convince us that this may be 
carried much too far. It is a mistake to regard sentimenl as 

O AJ 1 


merely something which, if indulged, has a tendency to tempt 
to idle and useless contemplation or retrospection, thus 
weakening in a people the sturdiness of necessary endeavor 
and diluting the capacity for national achievement. 

The elements which make up the sentiment of a people 
should not be counted as amiable weaknesses because they 
are not at all times noisy and turbulent. The gentleness 
and loveliness of woman do not cause us to forget that she 
can inspire man to deeds of greatness and heroism ; that as 
wife she often makes man's career noble and grand, and 
that as mother she builds and fashions in her son the strong 
pillars of a State. So the sentiment of a people which, in 
peace and contentment, decks with flowers the temple of 
their rule, may, in rage and fury, thunder at its foundations. 
Sentiment is the cement which keeps in place the granite 
blocks of governmental power, or the destructive agency 
whose explosion heaps in ruins their scattered fragments. 
The monarch who cares only for his sovereignty and safety, 
leads his subjects to forgetfulness of oppression by a pre- 
tense of love for their traditions; and the ruler who plans 
encroachments upon the liberties of his people, shrewdly pro- 
ceeds under the apparent sanction of their sentiment. Ap- 
peals to sentiment have led nations to bloody wars which have 
destroyed dynasties and changed the lines of imperial terri- 
tory. Such an appeal summoned our fathers to the battle- 
fields where American independence was won, and such an 
appeal has scattered soldiers' graves all over our land, which 
mutely give evidence of the power of our government and the 
perpetuity of our free institutions. 

I have thus far spoken of a people's sentiment as some- 
thing which may exist and be effective under any form of 
government, and in any national condition. But the thought 
naturally follows that, if this sentiment may be so potent in 
countries ruled by a power originating outside of popular 
will, how vital must its ezistence and regulation be among 



our countrymen, wlio rule tlicmsclvcs and make and admin- 
ister their own laws. In lands less free than ours, the con- 
trol of the governed may be more easily maintained if those 
who are set over them see fit to make concession to their 
sentiment; yet, with or without such concession, the strong 
hand of force may still support the power to govern. But 
sentiment is the very life blood of our nation. Our govern- 
ment was conceived amid the thunders that echoed " All men 
are created equal," and it was brought forth while free men 
shouted " We, the people of the United States." The sen- 
timent of our fathers, made up of tlicir patriotic intentions, 
their sincere beliefs, their homely impulses and their noble 
aspirations, entered into the government they established; 
and, unless it is constantly supported and guarded by a sen- 
timent as pure as theirs, our scheme of popular rule will 
fail. Another and a different plan may take its place; but 
this which we hold in sacred trust, as it originated in patriot- 
ism, is only fitted for patriotic and honest uses and purposes, 
and can only be administered in its integrity and intended 
beneficence, by honest and patriotic men. It can no more 
be saved nor faithfully conducted by a selfish, dishonest, 
and corrupt people, than a stream can rise above its source 
or be better and purer than its fountain head. 

None of us can be ignorant of the ideas which constitute 
the sentiment underlying our national structure. We know 
they are a reverent belief in God, a sincere recognition of the 
value and power of moral principle and those qualities of 
heart which make a noble manhood, devotion to xmreserved 
patriotism, love for man's equality, unquestioning trust in 
popular rule, the exaction of civic virtue and honesty, faith 
in the saving quality of universal education, protection of a 
free and unperverted expression of the popular will, and an 
insistence upon a strict accountability of public officers as 
servants of the people. 

These are the elements of American sentiment; and all 



these should be found deeply imbedded m the minds and 
hearts of our countrymen. When any one of them is dis- 
placed, the time has come when a danger signal should be 
raised. Their lack among the people of other nations — how- 
ever great and powerful they may be — can afford us no com- 
fort nor reassurance. We must work out our destiny unaided 
and alone in full view of the truth that nowhere, so directly 
and surely as here, does the destruction or degeneracy of 
the people's sentiment undermine the foundations of govern- 
mental rule. 

Let us not for a moment suppose that we can outgrow our 
dependence upon this sentiment, nor that in any stage of 
national advancement and development it will be less impor- 
tant. As the love of family and kindred remains to bless 
and strengthen a man in all the vicissitudes of his mature 
and busy life, so must our American sentiment remain with 
us as a people — a sure hope and reliance in every phase of 
our country's gro^vth. Nor will it suffice that the factors 
which compose this sentiment have a sluggish existence in 
our minds, as articles of an idle faith which we are willing 
perfunctorily to profess. They must be cultivated as motive 
principles, stimulating us to effort in the cause of good gov- 
ernment, and constantly warning us against the danger and 
dishonor of faithlessness to the sacred cause we have in 
charge and heedlessness of the blessings vouchsafed to us 
and future generations, under our free institutions. 

These considerations emphasize the value which should be 
placed upon every opportunity afforded us for the contempla- 
tion of the pure lives and patriotic services of those who have 
been connected with the controlling incidents of our coun- 
try's history. Such contemplation cannot fail to re-enforce 
and revive the sentiment absolutely essential to useful Amer- 
ican citizenship, nor fail to arouse within us a determination 
that during our stewardship no harm shall come to the polit- 
ical gifts we hold in trust from the fathers of the Republic. 



It is because George Washington completely represented 
all the elements of American sentiment that every incident 
of his life, from his childhood to his death, is worth recall- 
ing — whether it impresses the young with the beauty and 
value of moral traits, or whether it exhibits to the wisest and 
oldest an example of sublime accomplishment and the highest 
possible public service. Even the anecdotes told of his boy- 
hood have their value. I have no sympathy with those who, 
in these latter days, attempt to shake our faith in the au- 
thenticity of these stories, because they are not satisfied with 
the evidence in their support, or because they do not seem to 
accord with the conduct of boys in this generation. It may 
well be, that the stories should stand and the boys of the 
present day be pitied. 

At any rate, these anecdotes have answered an important 
purpose ; and in the present state of the proofs, they should, 
in my opinion, be believed. The cherry tree and hatchet 
incident and its companion declaration that the Father of his 
Country never told a lie, have indelibly fixed upon the mind 
of many a boy the importance of truthfulness. Of all the 
legends containing words of advice and encouragement which 
hung upon the walls of the little district schoolhouse where a 
large share of my education was gained, I remember but one, 
which was in these words : " George Washington had only a 
common school education." 

I will not plead guilty to the charge of dwelling upon the 
little features of a great subject. I hope the day will never 
come when American boys cannot know of some trait or some 
condition in which they may feel that they ought to be or are 
like Washington. I am not afraid to assert that a multitude 
of men can be found in every part of our land, respected for 
their probity and worth, and most useful to the country and 
to their fellow-men, who will confess their indebtedness to 
the story of Washington and his hatchet; and many a man 
has won his way to honor and fame, notwithstanding limited 



school advantages, because he found hope and incentive in 
the high mission Washington accomplished with only a com- 
mon school education. These are not little and trivial things. 
They guide and influence the forces which make the charac- 
ter and sentiment of a great people. 

I should be ashamed of my country, if, in further speak- 
ing of what Washington has done for the sentiment of his 
countrymen, it was necessary to make any excuse for a ref- 
erence to his constant love and fond reverence, as boy and 
man, for his mother. This filial love is an attribute of 
American manhood, a badge which invites our trust and con- 
fidence, and an indispensable element of American greatness. 
A man may compass important enterprises, he may become 
famous, he may win the applause of his fellows, he may even 
do public service and deserve a measure of popular ap- 
proval, but he is not right at heart, and can never be truly 
great, if he forgets his mother. 

In the latest biography of Washington we find the follow- 
ing statement concerning his mother: " That she was affec- 
tionate and loving cannot be doubted, for she retained to the 
last a profound hold upon the reverential devQtion of her 
son ; and yet as he rose steadily to the pinnacle of human 
greatness, she could only say that ' George had been a good 
boy, and she was sure he would do his duty.' " 

I cannot believe that the American people will consider 
themselves called upon to share the deprecatory feeling of 
the biographer, when he writes that the mother of Washing- 
ton could only say of her son that she believed he would be 
faithful to the highest earthly trusts, because he had been 
good; nor that they will regard her words merely as an ami- 
ably tolerated expression of a fond mother. If they are true 
to American sentiment, they will recognize in this language 
the announcement of the important truth that, under our 
institutions and scheme of government, goodness, such as 
Washington's, is the best guarantee for the faithful discharge 



of public duty. They will certainly do well for the country 
and for themselves, if they adopt the standard the intuition 
of this noble woman suggests, as the measure of their trust 
and confidence. It means the exaction of moral principle 
and personal honor and honesty and goodness as indis- 
pensable credentials to political preferment. 

I have referred only incidentally to the immense influ- 
ence and service of Washington in forming our Constitu- 
tion. I shall not dwell upon his lofty patriotism, his skill 
and fortitude as the military commander who gained our 
independence, his inspired wisdom, patriotism, and states- 
manship as first President of the republic, his constant love 
for his countrymen, and his solicitude for their welfare at 
all times. The story has been often told, and is familiar to 
all. If I should repeat it, I should only seek to present 
further and probably unnecessary proof of the fact that 
Washington embodied in his character, and exemplified in 
his career, that American sentiment in which our govern- 
ment had its origin, and which I believe to be a condition 
necessary to our healthful national life. 

I have not assumed to instruct you. I have merely yielded 
to the influence of the occasion ; and attempted to impress 
upon you the importance of cultivating and maintaining true 
American sentiment, suggesting that, as it has been planted 
and rooted in the moral faculties of our countrymen, it can 
only flourish in their love of truth and honesty and virtue 
and goodness. I believe that God has so ordained it for the 
people he has selected for his special favor; and I know that 
the decries of God are never obsolete. 

I beg you, therefore, to take with you, when you go forth 
to assume the obligations of American citizenship, as one of 
the best gifts of your Alma Mater, a strong and abiding 
faith in the value and potency of a good conscience and a 
pure heart. Never yield one iota to those who teach that 
these are weak and childish things, not needed in the strug- 



gle of manhood "vvith the stern realities of life. Interest 
yourselves in public affairs as a duty of citizenship; but do 
not surrender your faith to those who discredit and debase 
politics by scoffing at sentiment and principle, and whose 
political activity consists in attempts to gain popular sup- 
port by cunning devices and shrewd manipulation. You will 
find plenty of these who will smile at your profession of 
faith, and tell you that truth and virtue and honesty and 
goodness were well enough in the old days when Washing- 
ton lived, but are not suited to the present size and develop- 
ment of our country and the progress we have made in the 
art of political management. Be steadfast. The strong and 
sturdy oak still needs the support of its native earth, and, 
as it grows in size and spreading branches, its roots must 
strike deeper in the soil which warmed and fed its first tender 
sprout. You will be told that the people have no longer any 
desire for the things you profess. Be not deceived. The 
people are not dead but sleeping. They will awaken in 
good time, and scourge the money-changers from their sacred 

You may be chosen to public office. Do not shrink from 
it, for holding office is also a duty of citizenship. But do not 
leave your faith behind you. Every public office, small or 
great, is held in trust for your fellow-citizens. They differ 
in importance, in responsibility, and in the labor they impose; 
but the duties of none of them can be well performed if the 
mentorship of a good conscience and pure heart be discarded. 
Of course, other equipment is necessary, but without this 
mentorship all else is insufficient. In times of gravest re- 
sponsibility it will solve your difficulties ; in the most trying 
hour it will lead you out of perplexities, and it will, at all 
times, deliver you from temptation. 

In conclusion, let me remind you that we may all properly 
learn the lesson appropriate to Washington's birthday, if we 
will; and that we shall fortify ourselves against the danger 



of falling short in the discharge of any duty pertaining to 
citizenship, if, being thoroughly imbued with true American 
sentiment and the moral ideas which support it, we are hon- 
estly true to ourselves. 

To thine own self be true, 

And it must follow as the night the day: 

Thou can'st not then be false to any man. 

[Letter to the Hon. Edward S. Bragg, Lake- 
wood, N. J., March 9, 189:2.] 

My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 5th inst. is received. I 
have thought until now that I might continue silent on the 
subject which, under the high sanction of your position as 
my " fellow-Democrat and fellow-citizen," and in your re- 
lation as a true and trusted friend, you present to me. If, in 
answering your questions, I might only consider my personal 
desires and my individual ease and comfort, my response 
would be promptly made, and without the least reservation 
or difficulty. 

But if you are right in supposing that the subject is re- 
lated to a duty I owe to the country and to my party, a con- 
dition exists which makes such private and personal consid- 
erations entirely irrelevant. I cannot, however, refrain frora^ 
declaring to you that my experience in the great office of 
President of the United States has so impressed me with the 
solemnity of the trust, and its awful responsibilities, that I 
cannot bring myself to regard a candidacy for the place as 
something to be won by personal strife and active self-asser? 

I have also an idea that the Presidency is pre-eminently 
the people's office, and I have been sincere in my constant 
advocacy of the effective participation in political affairs on 



the part of all our citizens. Consequently, I believe the 
people should be heard in the choice of their party candi- 
dates, and that they themselves should make nominations as 
directly as is consistent with open, fair, and full party or- 
ganizations and methods. 

I speak of these things solely for the purpose of advising 
you that my conception of the nature of the Presidential 
office, and my conviction that the voters of our party should 
be free in the selection of their candidates, preclude the 
possibility of my leading and pushing a self-seeking canvass 
for the Presidential nomination, even if I had a desire to be 
again a candidate. 

Believing that the complete supremacy of Democratic 
principles means increased national prosperity and the in- 
creased happiness of our people, I am earnestly anxious for 
the success of the party. I am confident success is still 
within our reach, but I believe this is a time for Demo- 
cratic thoughtfulness and deliberation, not only as to candi- 
dates, but concerning party action upon questions of im- 
mense interest to the patriotic and intelligent voters of the 
land, who watch for an assurance of safety as the price of 
their confidence and support. 

^Address at the Opera House, Providence, R. I., 
April 2, 1892.1 

My Fellow-Citizens : I have found it impossible to decline 
the invitation you sent me to meet here to-day the Democracy 
of Rhode Island. I have come to look in the faces of the 
men who have been given the place of honor in the advance 
of the vast army which moves toward the decisive battlefield 
of next November. I have not come to point the way to 
consolation in case of your defeat, but I have come to share 


the enthusiasm which presages victory. I have not come to 
condole with you upon the difficulties which confront you, 
but to suggest that they will only add to the glory of your 
triumph. I have come to remind you that the intrenchments 
of spoils and patronage cannot avail against the valor and 
determination of right; that corruption and bribery cannot 
smother and destroy the aroused conscience of our coun- 
trymen, and that splendid achievements await those who 
bravely, honestly, and stubbornly fight in the people's 

Let us not for a moment miss the inspiration of those 
words, " The People's Cause." They signify the defense 
of the rights of every man, rich or poor, in every corner 
of our land, who, by virtue of simple American manhood, 
lays claim to the promises of our free government, and 
they mean the promotion of the welfare and happiness of the 
humblest American citizen who confidingly invokes the pro- 
tection of just and equal laws. 

The covenant of our Democratic faith, as I understand it, 
exacts constant effort in this cause, and its betrayal I con- 
ceive to be a crime against the creed of true Democracy. 

The struggle in which you are engaged arrests the atten- 
tion of your party brethren in every State; and they pause 
in their preparation for the general engagement, near at 
hand, in which all will be in the field, and look toward 
Rhode Island with hope and trust. They read the legends 
on your banners and they hear your rallying cries, and know 
that your fight is in the people's cause. 

If you should be defeated there will be no discouragement 
in this vast waiting army ; but you will earn their plaudits 
and cover yourselves with glory by winning success. 

Large and bright upon your banners are blazoned the 
words " Tariff Reform " — the shibboleth of true Democracy 
and the test of loyalty to the people's cause. 

Those who oppose tariff reform delude themselves if they 


suppose that it rests wholly upon appeals to selfish consider- 
ations and the promise of advantage, right or wrong; or 
that our only hope of winning depends upon arousing ani- 
mosity between different interests among our people. While 
we do not propose that those whose welfare we champion 
shall be blind to the advantages accruing to them from our 
plan of tariff reform, and while we are determined that 
these advantages shall not be surrendered to the blandish- 
ments of greed and avarice, we still claim nothing that has 
not imderlying it moral sentiment and considerations of 
equity and good conscience. 

Because our case rests upon such foimdations, sordidness 
and selfishness cannot destroy it. The fight for justice and 
right is a clean and comforting one ; and because the Ameri- 
can people love justice and right, ours must be a winning 

" The government of the Union is a government of the 
people; it emanates from them; its powers are granted by 
them, and are to be exercised directly on them and for their 

This is not the language of a political platform. It is a 
declaration of the highest court in the land, whose mandates 
all must obey, and whose definitions all partisans must 

In the light of this exposition of the duty the government 
owes to the people, the Democratic party claims that when, 
through Federal taxation, burdens are laid upon the daily 
life of the people, not necessary for the government's eco- 
nomical administration, and intended, whatever be the pre- 
text, to enrich a few at the expense of the many, the govern- 
mental compact is violated. 

A distinguished Justice of the Supreme Court, with no 
Democratic affiliations, but loved and respected when living 
by every American, and since his death universally lamented, 
has characterized such a proceeding as " none the less a rob- 



bery because it is done under the forms of law and is called 

Let us then appreciate the fact that we not only stand 
upon sure and safe ground when we appeal to honesty and 
morality in our championship of the interests of the masses 
of our people as they are related to tariff taxation, but that 
our mission is invested with the highest patriotism when we 
attempt to preserve from perversion, distortion, and decay 
the justice, equality, and moral integrity which are the con- 
stituent elements of our scheme of popular government. 

Those who believe in tariff reform, for the substantial 
good it will bring to the multitude who are neglected when 
selfish greed is in the ascendency ; those who believe that the 
legitimate motive of our government is to do equal and exact 
justice to all our people, and grant especial privileges to 
none; those who believe that a nation, boasting that its 
foundation is in honesty and conscience, cannot afford to 
discard moral sentiment; and those who would save our in- 
stitutions from the undermining decay of sordidness and 
selfishness, can hardly excuse themselves if they fail to join 
us in the crusade we have undertaken. Certainly our sin- 
cerity cannot be questioned. In the beginning of the strug- 
gle we were not only bitterly opposed by a great party of 
avowed enemies, but were embarrassed by those in our own 
ranks who had become infected with the unwholesome atmos- 
phere our enemies had created. We hesitated not a moment 
boldly to encounter both. We unified our party, not by any 
surrender to the half-hearted among our members, but by 
an honest appeal to Democratic sentiment and conscience. 
We have never lowered our standard. It surely was not 
policy nor expediency that induced us defiantly to carry the 
banner of tariff reform as we went forth to meet a well- 
organized and desperately determined army in the disas- 
trous field of 1888. A time-serving or expediency-hunting 
party would hardly have been found, the day after such a 



crushing defeat, undismayed, defiant, and determined; still 
shouting the old war cry, and anxious to encounter again 
in the people's cause our exultant enemy. We had not long 
to wait. At the Waterloo of 1890, tariiF reform had its vin- 
dication, and principle and steadfast devotion to American 
fairness and good faith gloriously triumphed over plausible 
shiftiness and attempted popular deception. 

The Democratic party still champions the cause which de- 
feat could not induce it to surrender, which no success, short 
or complete accomplishment, can tempt it to neglect. Its 
position has been from the first frankly and fairly stated, 
and no one can honestly be misled concerning it. We invite 
the strictest scrutiny of our conduct in dealing with this sub- 
ject, and we insist that our cause has been open, fair, and 
consistent. I believe this is not now soberly denied in any 

Our opponents, too, have a record on this question. Those 
who still adhere to the doctrine that an important function 
of the government is especially to aid them in their busi- 
ness ; those who only see in the consumers of our land forced 
contributors to artificial benefits permitted by governmental 
favoritism ; those who see in our workingmen only the tools 
with which their shops and manufactories are to be supplied 
at the cheapest possible cost, and those who believe there is 
no moral question involved in the tariff taxation of the peo- 
ple, are probably familiar with this record and abundantly 
satisfied with it. 

It may, however, be profitably reviewed by those who be- 
lieve that integrity and good faith have to do with govern- 
mental operations, and who honestly confess that present 
tariff burdens are not justly and fairly distributed. Such a 
review may also be of interest to those who believe that our 
consumers are entitled to be treated justly and honestly by 
the government, and that the workingman should be allowed 
to feel in his humble home, as he supplies his family's daily 



needs, that his earnings are not unjustly extorted from him 
for the benefit of the favored beneficiaries of unfair tariff 

This, then, is the record : When we began the contest for 
tariff reform it was said by our Republican opponents, in 
the face of our avowals and acts, that we were determined 
on free trade. A long advance was made, in their insincerity 
and impudence, when they accused us of acting in the inter- 
ests of foreigners, and when they more than hinted that we 
had been bought witli British gold. Those who distrusted 
the effectiveness of these senseless appeals insulted the in- 
telligence of our people by claiming that an increase in the 
cost of articles to the consumer caused by the tariff was not 
a tax paid by him, but that it was paid by foreigners who 
sent their goods to our markets. Sectional prejudice was in- 
voked in the most outrageous manner, and the people of the 
North were asked to condemn the measure of tariff reform 
proposed by us because members of Congress from the 
South had supported it. 

These are fair samples of the arguments submitted to the 
American people in the Presidential campaign of 1888. 

It will be observed that the purpose of these amazing 
deliverances was to defeat entirely any reform in the tariff — 
though it had been enacted at a time when the expense of a 
tremendous war justified the exaction of tribute from the 
people which in time of peace became a grievous burden ; 
though it had congested the Federal Treasury with a worse 
than useless surplus, inviting reckless public waste and ex- 
travagance; and though, in many of its features, the only 
purpose of its continuation was the bargaining it permitted 
for party support. 

There were those, however, in the ranks of our opponents 
who recognized the fact that we had so aroused popular at- 
tention to the evils and injustice of such a tariff that it 
might not be safe to rely for success upon a bald opposition 



to its reform. These were the grave and sedate Republican 
statesmen who declared that they never, never, could con- 
sent to subserve the interests of England at the expense of 
their own country, as the wicked Democrats proposed to do, 
and that they felt constrained to insist upon a tariff, protective 
to the point of prohibition, because they devotedly loved our 
workingmen and were determined that their employment 
should be constant and that their wages should never sink to 
the disgusting level of the pauper labor of Europe, but that, 
in view of the fact that the war in which the tariff then exist- 
ing originated had been closed for more than twenty years, 
and in view of the further fact that the public Treasury 
was overburdened, they were willing to readjust the tariff if 
it could only be done by its friends instead of " rebel Briga- 

I will not refer to all the means by which our opponents 
succeeded in that contest. Suffice it to say, they gained com- 
plete possession of the government in every branch, and the 
tariff was reformed by its alleged friends. All must admit, 
however, that either this was not done by the people's 
friends, or that the effort in their behalf sadly miscarried or 
was ungratefully remembered; for a few weeks thereafter, a 
relegation to private life among those occupying seats in 
Congress who had been active in reforming the tariff oc- 
curred, which amounted to a political revolution. These vic- 
tims claimed that our voters failed to indorse their reform of 
the tariff because thej^ did not understand it. It is quite 
probable, however, that if they did not understand it they 
felt it, and that, because it made them xmcomfortable, they 
emphatically said such a reform was not what they wanted. 
At any rate, the consumer has found life harder since this 
reform than before, and if there is a workingman anywhere 
who has had his wages increased by virtue of its operation 
he has not yet made himself kno^vn. Plenty of mills and 
factories have been closed, thousands of men have thus lost 



employment, and we daily hear of reduced wages; but the 
benefits promised from this reform, and its advantage to the 
people, who really need relief, are not apparent. The pro- 
vision it contains permitting reciprocity of trade in certain 
cases, depending on the action of the President, is an admis- 
sion, as far as it goes, against the theory upon -which this 
reform is predicated, and it lamely limps in the direction of 
freer commercial exchanges. If " hypocrisy is the homage 
vice pays to virtue," reciprocity may be called the homage 
prohibitory protection pays to genuine tariff reform. 

The demand in your platform for free raw materials 
ought, it seems to me, to be warmly seconded by the citizens 
of your State. The advantages to the people of Rhode 
Island of such a polic}^ do not seem to be questionable, and I 
am not here to discuss them in detail; but all I have said, 
touching the conduct and record of the Democratic party 
and its opponents in regard to tariff legislation, is in sup- 
port of the proposition that all who desire the special relief 
referred to in your platform, or any other improvement in 
our tariff laws in the general interest of the people, must 
look to the Democratic party for it. The manufacturer who 
sees in free raw materials a reduced cost of his products, 
resulting in an increased consumption and an extension of 
his markets, and a constant activity and return for his in- 
vested capital, can hardly trust the party which first re- 
sisted any reform in the tariff, then juggled with it, and at 
last flatly refused him the relief he still needs. The work- 
ingman who has been deceived by the promise of higher 
wages and better employment, and who now constantly fears 
the closing of manufactories and the loss of work, ought 
certainly to be no longer cajoled by a party whose perform- 
ance has so clearly given the lie to its professions. The con- 
sumer who has trusted to a reformation of the tariff by its 
friends, now that he feels the increased burden of taxation in 
his home, ought to look in another direction for relief. 



If the Democratic party does not give to the State of 
Rhode Island, during the present session of Congress, the 
free raw materials she needs, it will be because a Republi- 
can Senate or Executive thwarts its design. At any rate, 
nothing shall divert us from our purpose to reform the tariff 
in this regard, as well as many others, be the time of its ac- 
complishment near or remote. 

It doubtless would please our adversaries if we could be 
allured from our watch and guard over the cause of tariff 
reform to certain other objects, thus forfeiting the people's 
trust and confidence. The national Democracy will hardly 
gratify this wish and turn its back upon the people's cause, 
to wander after false and unsteady lights in the wilderness 
of doubt and danger. 

Our opponents must, in the coming national canvass, settle 
accounts with us on the issue of tariff reform. It will not do 
for them to say to us that this is an old and determined con- 
tention. The Ten Commandments are thousands of years 
old ; but they and the doctrine of tariff reform will be taught 
and preached until mankind and the Republican party shall 
heed the injunction, " Thou shalt not steal." 

As I leave you, let me say to you that your cause deserves 
success ; and let me express the hope that the close of your 
canvass will bring you no regrets on account of activity re- 
laxed or opportunities lost. Demonstrate to your people the 
merits of your cause, and trust them. Above all things, 
banish every personal feeling of discontent, and let every 
personal consideration be merged in a determination, pervad- 
ing your ranks everywhere, to win a victory. With a cause 
so just, and with activity, vigilance, harmony, and determi- 
nation on the part of Rhode Island's stanch Democracy, I 
believe you will not fail. 



[Address at the National Convention of the 
Democratic League of Clubs, Academy of 
Music, New York, October 4, 1892,] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: It affords me especial 
pleasure to extend to you on this occasion a hearty welcome. 
As a citizen of this proud municipality I am glad to assure 
you that our hospitality is always open and generous. In 
behalf of a community distinguished for its Americanism 
and toleration in all matters of belief and judgment, I know 
I may extend a cordial greeting to those who here represent 
political thoughtfulness and sincerity. 

As an unyielding and consistent believer in Democratic 
principles, I trust I need not hesitate to pledge to the rep- 
resentatives of organized Democracy the good-will and fra- 
ternal sympathy of this Democratic city. Your meeting 
is the council which precedes a decisive battle, and your 
deliberations should be the preparation for stern conflict. 
All your weapons and all your equipments are soon to be 
tested. You have organized and labored and you have 
watched and planned to insure your readiness for the final 
engagement now near at hand. 

This then is no holiday assemblage, but an impressive 
convocation in furtherance of the designs and purposes for 
the accomplishment of which you and those you represent 
are banded together. These designs and purposes, as de- 
clared by your association, are : The preservation of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, the autonomy of the States, 
local self-government and freedom of elections ; opposition 
to the imposition of taxes beyond the necessities of the 
government economically administered, and the promotion 
of economy in all branches of the public service. 

These professions embody the purest patriotism, and the 



loftiest aspirations of American citizenship. Though at all 
times they should suggest to us the strongest obligation to 
political effort, their motive force as incentives to political 
activity and watchfulness, should be irresistible at a time 
when the Constitution is held in light esteem as against the 
accomplishment of selfish purposes, when State boundaries 
are hardly a barrier to centralized power, and when local 
self-government and freedom of elections are the scoff of 
partisanship. Those who subscribe to the creed of this 
association and make any claim to sincerity, can hardly ex- 
cuse themselves for lack of effort, at a time when the neces- 
sities of the Government, economically administered, have 
but little relation to the taxation of the people and when 
extravagance in the public service has become a contagious 

To those who hope for better things this convention of 
Democratic clubs is a bright promise of reform. Unorgan- 
ized good intentions and idle patriotic aspirations cannot 
successfully contend for mastery with the compact forces of 
private interests and greed, nor is the organization always 
the most useful which has the widest extent. The real 
benefit of political organization is found in its nearness to 
the people and in the directness of its action. Of course 
harmony and unity of purpose are absolutely essential. 

In this view your assembling together is most important, 
in so far as it promises this harmony and unity by confer- 
ence and a consideration of methods, and in so far as it 
inspires that zeal and enthusiasm which will make more 
effective your work at home. Therefore, I am sure that I can 
say nothing better in taking my leave of you than to wish 
that your convention may be a most profitable and encour- 
aging one, and that at its conclusion, you may resume your 
places in your home organizations, newly inspired to deter- 
mined and zealous effort in the cause of true Democracy. 



[^Address at the Banquet of the Chamber of 
Commerce, New York, November 15, 1892. ] 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: I am exceedingly gratified 
by the kindness and warmth of your greeting. It does not 
surprise me, however, for I have seen and felt on more than 
one occasion the cordial hospitality and heartiness of those 
who assemble at the annual dinner of our Chamber of Com- 
merce. We all have noticed that many men, when they 
seek to appear especially wise and impressive, speak of 
" our business interests," as something awful and mysteri- 
ous; and even when propositions are under consideration 
their merits fade from the sight of those who consider them, 
whose hair stands on end at the solemn suggestion that " our 
business interests " are lying in wait with numerous vials 
of wrath completely equipped for those who chance to arrive 
at an unaccepted conclusion. 

I am fortunate in being able to state that my relations to 
the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, 
though merely of a complimentary kind, arising from hon- 
orary membership, has so familiarized me with " business 
interests " that I no longer regard these words as meaning a 
bloodthirsty beast, nor do I have constantly before my mind 
those children in the Biblical story who were torn in pieces 
by bears for discussing too much at random the baldness of 
an ancient prophet. 

It is entirely natural that my familiarity with business 
interests, arising from the relation to which I have referred, 
should be of a very pleasant sort, and free from fear and 
trepidation, for the only meetings I have ever attended of 
the Chamber of Commerce, have been precisely such as 
this, when the very best things to eat and drink have been 
exhaustively discussed. I am bound to say that on these 



occasions the dreadful beings representing our business in- 
terests are very human indeed. I know you will not do me 
the very great injustice of supposing that I in the least 
underrate the importance of the commercial and financial 
interests here represented. On the contrary, no one appre- 
ciates more fully than I that, while a proper adjustment of 
all interests should be maintained, you represent those which 
are utterly indispensable to our national growth and pros- 
perity. I do not believe that any other interests should 
be obliged to feed from the crumbs which fall from the 
table of business, nor do I believe that table should be 
robbed of the good things which are honestly and fairly 
there, merely because some other tables are not so well 

It comes to this : We are all interested as Americans in 
a common pursuit. Our purpose is, or ought to be, in our 
several spheres, to add to the general fund of national pros- 
perity. From this fund we are all entitled to draw, perhaps 
not equally, but justly, each receiving a fair portion of 
individual prosperity. Let us avoid trampling on each 
other in our anxiety to be first in the distribution of shares, 
and let us not attempt to appropriate the shares of others. 

As I close I cannot refrain from expressing my thanks 
for the courtesies often extended to me by the organization 
at whose hospitable board I have sat this evening. I beg to 
assure you that though I may not soon meet you again on 
an occasion like this, I shall remember, with peculiar pleas- 
ure, the friends made among your membership, and shall 
never allow myself to be heedless of the affairs you so 
worthily hold in your keeping. 



[Address at the Henry Villard Dinner, New 
York, November 17, 1892.'] 

Mr. Villard and Gentlemen: I find it impossible to rid 
myself at this moment of the conflicting emotions which stir 
within me. I see here assembled good and stanch friends, 
who have labored incessantly and devotedly for the success 
which has crowned Democratic effort in the canvass just 
closed, and I cannot forget how greatly these efforts have 
been characterized by personal attachment and friendship for 
the candidate selected to carry the Democratic banner. This 
awakens a sense of gratitude which it is a great pleasure for 
me to thankfully acknowledge. I confess, too, that I have 
fully shared in the partisan satisfaction which our great vic- 
tory is calculated to arouse in every heart so thoroughly 
Democratic as mine. It is seldom given to any man to con- 
template such a splendid campaign, so masterly arranged in 
his behalf by such good friends, followed by such a stu- 
pendous and complete triumph. 

I should not, perhaps, introduce anything sombre on this 
occasion, but I know you will forgive me when I say that 
every feeling of jubilation, and even my sense of gratitude, 
is so tempered as to be almost entirely obscured by a realiza- 
tion, nearly painful, of the responsibility I have assumed in 
the sight of the American peoj^le. My love of country, my 
attachment to the principles of true Democracy, my appre- 
ciation of the obligation I have entered into with the best 
and most confiding people of the world, and a consciousness 
of my own weakness and imperfections, all conspire to fill 
my mind with sober and oppressing reflection. 

When I consider all that we have to do as a party charged 
with the control of the Government, I feel that our cam- 
paign instead of being concluded is but just begim. What 



shall our performance be of the contract we have made with 
our countrymen, and how well shall we justify the trust 
they have imposed in us? If we see nothing in our victory 
but a license to revel in partisan spoils, we shall fail at 
every point. If we merely profess to enter upon our work, 
and if we make apparent endeavor to do it a cover for 
seeking partisan advantage, we shall invite contempt and 
disgrace. If we attempt to discharge our duty to the peo- 
ple without complete party harmony in patriotic action, we 
shall demonstrate our incompetency. 

I thank God that far above all doubts and misgivings and 
away beyond all difficulties we may constantly see the lights 
of hope and safety. The light we see is the illumination 
from the principles of true, honest and pure Democracy — 
showing the way in all times of danger and leading us 
to the fulfilment of political duty and the redemption of 
all our pledges. The light is kindled in the love of justice, 
and in devotion to the people's rights. It is bright in a 
constant patriotism and in a nation's promise. Let us not 
be misled to our undoing by other lights of false Democracy, 
which may be kindled in broken faith and which, shining 
in h3^pocrisy, will, if followed, lure us to the rocks of failure 
and disgrace. 

If we see stern labor ahead of us, and if difficulties loom 
upon our horizon, let us remember that in the thickest 
weather the mariner watches most anxiously for his true 

Who in our party charged with any responsibility to the 
people has not pledged his devotion to the principles of true 
Democracy; and who among us have made pledges with in- 
tent to deceive ? I have faith in the manliness and truthful- 
ness of the Democratic party. 

My belief in our principles, and my faith in our party, 
constitute my trust that we shall answer the expectations of 
our coimtrymen, and shall raise high aloft the standard of 


OF G R O V E R C L E \' E L A N D 

true Democracy, to fix the gaze for many years to come of a 
prosperous, a happy, and a contented people. 

[Fro7n Address at the Banquet of the Reforin 
Club at Assemhly Rooms, Madison Square 
Garden, New York, December 10, 1892.'] 

The sentiment suggested by this occasion, which should 
dwarf all others, has relation to the responsibility which 
awaits those who now rejoice in victory. If we redeem the 
promises we have made to the voters of our land, the diffi- 
culty of our task can hardly be exaggerated. Conditions 
involving most important interests must be reviewed and 
modified, and perplexing problems menacing our safety must 
be settled, above all, and as the ultimate object of all we do, 
the rights and the welfare of our people in every condition 
in life must be placed upon a more equal plane of opportu- 
nity and advantage. 

I am confident the wisdom of the Democratic party will 
be equal to the emergency; and I base my confidence upon 
the belief that it will be patriotically true to its principles 
and traditions, and will follow the path marked out by true 
American sentiment. We should not enter upon our work 
in the least spirit of resentment nor in heedless disregard 
of the welfare of any portion of our citizens. The mission 
of our party, and the reforms we contemplate, do not in- 
volve the encouragement of jealous animosities nor a de- 
structive discrimination between American interests. 

In order that we may begin with free hands, we should 
vigorously oppose all delusions which have their origin in 
undemocratic teachings or in demagogic attempts to deceive 
the people. Mere catch words, which, if they mean any- 
thing, have no relation to sound policy, and phrases invented 
to please the ear of the victims of a cunning greed ought not 



to stand in our way. Looking beyond all these things, we 
shall find just principles furnishing a vantage ground from 
which we can lay out a safe course of action. 

We should strive to rid ourselves and our countrymen of 
the idea that there is anything shabby or disgraceful in 
economy, whether in public or private life; if extravagance 
in expenditure has prevailed in the past it affords no excuse 
for its continuance ; and -there is no breach of duty so palpa- 
ble as the waste of money held by public servants for the 
people's uses. Our Government was founded in a spirit of 
frugality and economy, and its administration should not de- 
part from those lines. We need no glitter nor show to 
divert our people from turbulent thoughts. We have a more 
substantial guarantee against discontent in a plain and sim- 
ple plan of rule, in which every citizen has a share. In 
order that this should do its perfect work it is essential that 
there should exist among our people a wholesome and disin- 
terested love for their government, for its own sake, and 
because it is a heritage belonging to all. The cultivation of 
such a sentiment is not only a high duty, but an absolute 
necessity to the consummation of the reforms we enter 
upon. We shall utterly and disgracefully fail if we attempt 
these reforms under the influence of petty partisan schem- 
ing or the fear of jeopardizing personal political fortunes. 
They can only be accomplished when unselfish patriotism 
guides the aspirations of our people and regulates the action 
of their chosen servants. 

We who are to be charged with the responsibility of mak- 
ing and executing the laws should begin our preparation for 
the task by a rigid self-examination, and by a self-purga- 
tion from all ignoble and unworthy tendencies threatening 
to enter into our motives and designs. Then may we enjoin 
upon all our countrymen the same duty, and then may we 
hope to perform faithfully and successfully the work in- 
trusted to our hands by a confiding people. 



[^Inaugural Address {Second Presidential Term)^ 
Washington, D. C, March ^, 1893.'] 

My Fellow-Citizens : In obedience to the mandate of my 
countrymen I am about to dedicate myself to their service 
under the sanction of a solemn oath. Deeply moved by the 
expression of confidence and personal attachment which has 
called me to this service, I am sure my gratitude can make 
no better return than the pledge I now give before God 
and these witnesses of unreserved and complete devotion to 
the interests and welfare of those who have honored me. 

I deem it fitting on this occasion, while indicating the 
opinions I hold concerning public questions of present im- 
portance, to also briefly refer to the existence of certain con- 
ditions and tendencies among our people which seem to 
menace the integrity and usefulness of their Government. 

While every American citizen must contemplate with the 
utmost pride and enthusiasm the growth and expansion of 
our country, the sufficiency of our institutions to stand 
against the rudest shocks of violence, the wonderful thrift 
and enterprise of our people, and the demonstrated supe- 
riority of our free government, it behooves us to constantly 
watch for every symptom of insidious infirmity that threat- 
ens our national vigor. 

The strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health 
courts the sternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardi- 
hood of constant labor may still have lurking near his vitals 
the unheeded disease that dooms him to sudden collapse. 

It can not be doubted that our stupendous achievements 
as a people and our country's robust strength have given 
rise to heedlessness of those laws governing our national 
health which we can no more evade than human life can 
escape the laws of God and nature. 



Manifestly nothing is more vital to our supremacy as a 
nation and to the beneficent purposes of our Government 
than a sound and stable currency. Its exposure to degra- 
dation should at once arouse to activity the most enlight- 
ened statesmanship, and the danger of depreciation in the 
purchasing power of the wages paid to toil should furnish 
the strongest incentive to prompt and conservative precau- 

In dealing with our present embarrassing situation as re- 
lated to this subject we will be wise if we temper our con- 
fidence and faith in our national strength and resources with 
the frank concession that even these will not permit us to 
defy with impunity the inexorable laws of finance and trade. 
At the same time, in our efforts to adjust differences of 
opinion we should be free from intolerance or passion, and 
our judgments should be unmoved by alluring phrases and 
unvexed by selfish interests. 

I am confident that such an approach to the subject will 
result in prudent and effective remedial legislation. In the 
meantime, so far as the executive branch of the Government 
can intervene, none of the powers with which it is invested 
will be withheld when their exercise is deemed necessary to 
maintain our national credit or avert financial disaster. 

Closely related to the exaggerated confidence in our coun- 
try's greatness which tend^s to a disregard of the rules of 
national safety, another danger confronts us not less seri- 
ous. I refer to the prevalence of a popular disposition to 
expect from the operation of the Government especial and 
direct individual advantages. 

The verdict of our voters which condemned the injustice 
of maintainmg protection for protection's sake enjoins upon 
the people's servants the duty of exposing and destroying 
the brood of kindred evils which are the unwholesome prog- 
eny of paternalism. This is the bane of republican institu- 
tions and the constant peril of our government by the people. 



It degrades to the purposes of wily craft the plan of rule 
our fathers established and bequeathed to us as an object 
of our love and veneration. It perverts the patriotic senti- 
ments of our countrymen and tempts them to pitiful calcu- 
lation of the sordid gain to be derived from their Govern- 
ment's maintenance. It undermines the self-reliance of our 
people and substitutes in its place dependence upon govern- 
mental favoritism. It stifles the spirit of true Americanism 
and stupefies every ennobling trait of American citizenship. 

The lessons of paternalism ought to be unlearned and the 
better lesson taught that while the people should patriot- 
ically and cheerfully support their Government 4ts functions 
do not include the support of the people. 

The acceptance of this principle leads to a refusal of 
bounties and subsidies, which burden the labor and thrift of 
a portion of our citizens to aid ill-advised or languishing 
enterprises in which they have no concern. It leads also to 
a challenge of wild and reckless pension expenditure, which 
overleaps the bounds of grateful recognition of patriotic 
service and prostitutes to vicious uses the people's prompt 
and generous impulse to aid those disabled in their coun- 
try's defense. 

Every thoughtful American must realize the importance 
of checking at its beginning any tendency in public or pri- 
vate station to regard frugality and economy as virtues 
which we may safely outgrow. The toleration of this idea 
results in the waste of the people's money by their chosen 
servants and encourages prodigality and extravagance in the 
home life of our countrymen. 

Under our scheme of government the waste of public 
money is a crime against the citizen, and the contempt of 
our people for economy and frugality in their personal af- 
fairs deplorably saps the strength and sturdiness of our 
national character. 

It is a plain dictate of honesty and good government that 


public expenditures should be limited by public necessity, 
and that this should be measured by the rules of strict econ- 
omy ; and it is equally clear that frugality among the people 
is the best guaranty of a contented and strong support of 
free institutions. 

One mode of the misappropriation of public funds is 
avoided when appointments to office, instead of being the 
rewards of partisan activity, are awarded to those whose 
efficiency promises a fair return of work for the compensa- 
tion paid to them. To secure the fitness and competency 
of appointees to office and removed from political action the 
demoralizing madness for spoils, civil-service reform has 
found a place in our public policy and laws. The benefits 
already gained through this instrumentality and the further 
usefulness it promises entitled it to the hearty support and 
encouragement of all who desire to see our public service 
well performed or who hope for the elevation of political 
sentiment and the purification of political methods. 

The existence of immense aggregations of kindred enter- 
prises and combinations of business interests formed for the 
purpose of limiting production and fixing prices is incon- 
sistent with the fair field which ought to be open to every 
independent activity. Legitimate strife in business should 
not be superseded by an enforced concession to the demands 
of combinations that have the power to destroy, nor should 
-the people to be served lose the benefit of cheapness which 
usually results from wholesome competition. These aggre- 
gations and combinations frequently constitute conspiracies 
against the interests of the people, and in all their phases 
they are unnatural and opposed to our American sense of- 
fairness. To the extent that they can be reached and re- 
strained by Federal power the General Government should 
relieve our citizens from their interference and exactions. 

Loyalty to the principles upon which our Government 
rests positively demands that the equality before the law 



which it guarantees to every citizen should be justly and in 
good faith conceded in all parts of the land. The enjoyment 
of this right follows the badge of citizenship wherever 
foundj and, unimpaired by race or color, it appeals for recog- 
nition to American manliness and fairness. 

Our relations with the Indians located Avithin our border 
impose upon us responsibilities we can not escape. Human- 
ity and consistency require us to treat them with forbear- 
ance and in our dealings with them to honestly and consid- 
erately regard their rights and interests. Every effort 
should be made to lead them, through the paths of civiliza- 
tion and education, to self-supporting and independent citi- 
zenship. In the meantime, as the nation's wards, they 
should be promptly defended against the cupidity of design- 
ing men and shielded from every influence or temptation that 
retards their advancement. 

The people of the United States have decreed that on this 
day the control of their Government in its legislative and ex- 
ecutive branches shall be given to a political party pledged 
in the most positive terms to the accomplishment of tariff 
reform. They have thus determined in favor of a more just 
and equitable system of Federal taxation. The agents they 
have chosen to carry out their purposes are bound by their 
promises not less than by the command of their masters to 
devote themselves unremittingly to this service. 

While there should be no surrender of principle, our task 
must be undertaken wisely and without heedless vindictive- 
ness. Our mission is not punishment, but the rectification 
of wrong. If in lifting burdens from the daily life of our 
people we reduce inordinate and unequal advantages too 
long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of our return 
to right and justice. If we exact from unwilling minds ac- 
quiescence in the theory of an honest distribution of the fund 
of the governmental beneficence treasured up for all, we but 
insist upon a principle which underlies our free institutions. 



When we tear aside the delusions and misconceptions which 
have blinded our countrymen to their condition under vicious 
tariff laws, we but show them how far they have been led 
away from the paths of contentment and prosperity. When 
we proclaim that the necessity for revenue to support the 
Government furnishes the only justification for taxing the 
people, we announce a truth so plain that its denial would 
seem to indicate the extent to which judgment may be influ- 
enced by familiarity with perversions of the taxing power. 
And when we seek to reinstate the self-confidence and busi- 
ness enterprise of our citizens by discrediting an abject 
dependence upon governmental favor, we strive to stimulate 
those elements of American character which support the 
hope of American achievement. 

Anxiety for the redemption of the pledges which my 
party has made and solicitude for the complete justification 
of the trust the people have reposed in us constrain me to 
remind those with whom I am to cooperate that we can suc- 
ceed in doing the work which has been especially set before 
us only by the most sincere, harmonious, and disinterested 
effort. Even if insuperable obstacles and opposition prevent 
the consummation of our task, we shall hardly be excused; 
and if failure can be traced to our fault or neglect we may 
be sure the people will hold us to a swift and exacting 

The oath I now take to preserve, protect, and defend the 
Constitution of the United States not only impressively de- 
fines the great responsibility I assume, but suggests obedi- 
ence to constitutional commands as the rule by which my 
official conduct must be guided. I shall to the best of my 
ability and within my sphere of duty preserve the Consti- 
tution by loyally protecting every grant of Federal power 
it contains, by defending all its restraints when attacked by 
impatience and restlessness, and by enforcing its limitations 
and reservations in favor of the States and the people. 



Fully impressed M'ith the gravity of the duties that con- 
front me and mindful of my weakness, I should be appalled 
if it were my lot to bear unaided the responsibilities which 
await me. I am, however, saved from discouragement when 
I remember that I shall have the support and the counsel 
and cooperation of wise and patriotic men who will stand at 
my side in Cabinet places or will represent the people in 
their legislative halls. 

I find also much comfort in remembering that my coxmtry- 
men are just and generous and in the assurance that they will 
not condemn those who by sincere devotion to their service 
deserve their forbearance and approval. 

Above all, I know there is a Supreme Being who rules the 
affairs of men and whose goodness and mercy have always 
followed the American people, and I know He will not turn 
from us now if we humbly and reverently seek His power- 
ful aid. 

\_Lettej' to Hon, TV. J. Northen, Washington, 
D. C, September 25, 1893.] 

My Dear Sir: I hardly know how to reply to your letter 
of the 15th inst. It seems to me that I am quite plainly on 
record concerning the financial question. My letter accept- 
ing the nomination to the Presidency when read in connec- 
tion with the message lately sent to the Congress in extraor- 
dinary session appears to me to be very explicit. 'I want a 
currency that is stable and safe in the hands of our people. 
I will not knowingly be implicated in a condition that will 
justly make me in the least degree answerable to any 
laborer or farmer in the United States for a shrinkage in 
the purchasing power of the dollar he has received for a 
f'lll dollar's worth of work, or for a good dollar's worth 



of the product of his toil. I not only want our currency to 
be of such a character that all kinds of dollars will be of 
equal purchasing power at home, but I want it to be of 
such a character as will demonstrate abroad our wisdom 
and good faith, thus placing us upon a firm foundation and 
credit among the nations of the earth. I want our financial 
conditions and the laws relating to our currency safe and 
reassuring, that those who have money will spend and in- 
vest it in business and new enterprises instead of hoarding 
it. You cannot cure fright by calling it foolish and imrea- 
sonable, and you cannot prevent the frightened man from 
hoarding his money. I want good, sound and stable money, 
and a condition of confidence that will keep it in use. 

Within the limits of what I have written, I am a friend 
of silver, but I believe its proper place in our currency can 
only be fixed by a readjustment of our currency legislation 
and the inauguration of a consistent and comprehensive 
financial scheme. I think such a thing can only be entered 
upon profitably and hopefully after the repeal of the law 
which is charged with all our financial woes. In the present 
state of the public mind this law cannot be built upon nor 
patched in such a way as to relieve the situation.^ 'I am 
therefore opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of sil- 
ver by this coxmtry alone and independently, and I am in 
favor of the immediate and unconditional repeal of the pur- 
chasing clause of the so-called Sherman law. 

I confess I am astonished by the opposition in the Senate 
to such prompt action as would relieve the present unfortu- 
nate situation. My daily prayer is that the delay occasioned 
by such opposition may not be the cause of plunging the 
country into deeper depression than I have yet known, and 
that the Democratic party may not be justly held responsible 
for such a catastrophe. 



lFro7?i First Annual Message (Second Presi- 
dential Term), Wasliiiigton, December 4, 


To the Congress of the United States: The constitutional 
duty which requires the President from time to time to give 
to the Congress information of the state of the Union and 
recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall 
judge necessary and expedient is fittingly entered upon by 
commending to the Congress a careful examination of the 
detailed statements and well-supported recommendations 
contained in the reports of the heads of Departments, who 
are chiefly charged with the executive work of the Gov- 
ernment. In an effort to abridge this communication as 
much as is consistent with its purpose I shall supplement 
a brief reference to the contents of these departmental re- 
ports by the mention of such executive business and inci- 
dents as are not embraced therein and by such recommenda- 
tions as appear to be at this particular time appropriate. 

While our foreign relations have not at all times during 
the past year been entirely free from perplexity, no embar- 
rassing situation remains that will not yield to the spirit of 
fairness and love of justice which, joined with consistent 
firmness, characterize a truly American foreign policy. 

It is hardly necessary for me to state that the questions 
arising from our relations with Hawaii have caused serioua 
embarrassment. Just prior to the installation of the present 
Administration the existing Government of Hawaii had been 
suddenly overthrown and a treaty of annexation had been 
negotiated between the Provisional Government of the 
islands and the United States and submitted to the Senate 
for ratification. This treaty I withdrew for examination 



and dispatched Hon. James H. Blount, of Georgia, to 
Honolulu as a special commissioner to make an impartial 
investigation of the circumstances attending the change of 
government and of all the conditions bearing upon the sub- 
ject of the treaty. After a thorough and exhaustive exami- 
nation Mr. Blount submitted to me his report, showing 
beyond all question that the constitutional Government of 
Hawaii had been subverted with the active aid of our rep- 
resentative to that Government and through the intimida- 
tion caused by the presence of an armed naval force of the 
United States, which was landed for that purpose at the 
instance of our minister. Upon the facts developed it seemed 
to me the only honorable course for our Government to pur- 
sue was to undo the wrong that had been done by those rep- 
resenting us and to restore as far as practicable the status 
existing at the time of our forcible intervention. With a 
view of accomplishing this result within the constitutional 
limits of executive power, and recognizing all our obligations 
and responsibilities growing out of any changed conditions 
brouglit about by our unjustifiable interference, our present 
minister at Honolulu has received appropriate instructions 
to that end. Thus far no information of the accomplishment 
of any definite results has been received from him. 

Additional advices are soon expected. When received 
they will be promptly sent to the Congress, together with 
all other information at hand, accompanied by a special Ex- 
ecutive message fully detailing all the facts necessary to a 
complete understanding of the case and presenting a history 
of all the material events leading up to the present situation. 

By a concurrent resolution passed by the Senate Febru- 
ary 14, 1890, and by the House of Representatives on the 
3d of April following the President was requested to " in- 
vite from time to time, as fit occasions may arise, negotia- 
tions with any government with which the United States 
has or may have diplomatic relations, to the end that any 



differences or disputes arising between the two governments 
which can not be adjusted by diplomatic agency may be 
referred to arbitration and be peaceably adjusted by such 
means." April 18, 1890, the International American Con- 
ference of Washington by resolution expressed the wish that 
all controversies between the republics of America and the 
nations of Europe might be settled by arbitration, and rec- 
ommended that the government of each nation represented 
in that conference should commimicate this wish to all 
friendly powers. A favorable response has been received 
from Great Britain in the shape of a resolution adopted by 
Parliament July l6 last, cordially sympathizing with the 
purpose in view and expressing the hope that Her Maj- 
esty's Government will lend ready co-operation to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States upon the basis of the concur- 
rent resolution above quoted. 

It affords me signal pleasure to lay this parliamentary 
resolution before the Congress and to express my sincere 
gratification that the sentiment of two great and kindred 
nations is thus authoritatively manifested in favor of the 
rational and peaceable settlement of international quarrels 
by honorable resort to arbitration. 

Since the passage of the act of March 3, 1 893, authorizing 
the President to raise the grade of our envoys to correspond 
with the rank in which foreign countries accredit their 
agents here. Great Britain, France, Italy, and Germany 
have conferred upon their representatives at this capital the 
title of ambassador, and I have responded by accrediting 
the agents of the United States in those countries with the 
same title. A like elevation of mission is announced by 
Russia, and when made will be similarly met. This step 
fittingly comports with the position the United States hold 
in the family of nations. 

During my former Administration I took occasion to rec- 
ommend a recast of the laws relating to the consular service, 



in order that it might become a more efficient agency in the 
promotion of the interests it was intended to subserve. The 
duties and powers of consuls have been expanded with the 
growing requirements of our foreign trade. Discharging 
important duties affecting our commerce and American citi- 
zens abroad, and in certain countries exercising judicial 
functions, these officers should be men of character, intelli- 
gence, and ability. 

The continued intelligent execution of the civil-service 
law and the increasing approval by the people of its oper- 
ation are most gratifying. The recent extension of its limi- 
tations and regulations to the employees at free-delivery 
post-offices, which has been honestly and promptly accom- 
plished by the Commission, with the hearty co-operation 
of the Postmaster-General, is an immensely important 
advance in the usefulness of the system. 

I am, if possible, more than ever convinced of the incal- 
culable benefits conferred by the civil-service law, not only 
in its effects upon the public service, but also, what is even 
more important, in its effect in elevating the tone of political 
life generally. 

The course of civil-service reform in this country in- 
structively and interestingly illustrates how strong a hold a 
movement gains upon our people which has imderlying it a 
sentiment of justice and right and which at the same time 
promises better administration of their Government. 

The law embodying this reform found its way to our statute 
book more from fear of the popular sentiment existing in 
its favor than from any love for the reform itself on the 
part of legislators, and it has lived and grown and flour- 
ished in spite of the covert as well as open hostility of 
spoilsmen and notwithstanding the querulous impracticabil- 
ity of many self -constituted guardians. Beneath all the 
vagaries and sublimated theories which are attracted to it 



there underlies this reform a sturdy common-sense principle 
not only suited to this mundane sphere, but whose applica- 
tion our people are more and more recognizing to be abso- 
lutely essential to the most successful operation of their 
government, if not to its perpetuity. 

It seems to me to be entirely inconsistent with the char- 
acter of this reform, as well as with its best enforcement, 
to oblige the Commission to rely for clerical assistance upon 
clerks detailed from other Departments. There ought not 
to be such a condition in any Department that clerks hired 
to do work there can be spared to habitually work at an- 
other place, and it does not accord with a sensible view of 
civil-service reform that persons should be employed on the 
theory that tlieir labor is necessary in one Department 
when in point of fact their services are devoted to entirely 
different work in another Department. 

I earnestly urge that the clerks necessary to carry on the 
work of the Commission be regularly put upon its roster 
and that the system of obliging the Commissioners to rely 
upon the services of clerks belonging to other Departments 
be discontinued. This ought not to increase the expense to 
the Government, while it would certainly be more consistent 
and add greatly to the efficiency of the Commission. 

Economy in public expenditure is a duty that can not inno- 
cently be neglected by those intrusted with the control of 
money drawn from the people for public uses. It must be 
confessed that our apparently endless resources, the famil- 
iarity of our people with immense accumulations of wealth, 
the growing sentiment among them that the expenditure of 
public money should in some manner be to their immediate 
and personal advantage, the indirect and almost stealthy 
manner in which a large part of our taxes is exacted, and 
a degenerated sense of official accountability have led to 
growing extravagance in governmental appropriations. 

At this time, when a depleted public Treasury confronts 


ws, when many of our people are engaged in a hard struggle 
for the necessaries of life, and when enforced economy is 
pressing upon the great mass of our countrymen, I desire 
to urge with all the earnestness at my command that Con- 
gressional legislation be so limited by strict economy as to 
exhibit an appreciation of the condition of the Treasury 
and a sympathy with the straitened circumstances of our 

The duty of public economy is also of immense impor- 
tance in its intimate and necessary relation to the task now 
in hand of providing revenue to meet Government expendi- 
tures and yet reducing the people's burden of Federal 
/ After a hard struggle tariff reform is directly before us. 
Nothing so important claims our attention and nothing so 
clearly presents itself as both an opportunity and a duty 
— an opportunity to deserve the gratitude of our fellow- 
citizens and a duty imposed upon us by our oft-repeated 
professions and by the emphatic mandate of the people. 
After full discussion our countrymen have spoken in favor 
of this reform, and they have confided the work of its 
accomplishment to the hands of those who are solemnly 
pledged to it. 

If there is anything in the theory of a representation in 
public places of the people and their desires, if public offi- 
cers are really the servants of the people, and if political 
promises and professions have any binding force, our failure 
to give the relief so long awaited will be sheer recreancy. 
Nothing should intervene to distract our attention or disturb 
our effort until this reform is accomplished by wise and care- 
ful legislation. 

"VMiile we should stanchly adhere to the principle that 
only the necessity of revenue justifies the imposition of tariff 
duties and other Federal taxation and that they should be 
limited by strict economy, we can not close our eyes to the 



fact that conditions have grown up among us which in jus- 
tice and fairness call for discriminating care in the distribu- 
tion of such duties and taxation as the emergencies of our 
Government actually demand. 

Manifestly if we are to aid the people directly through 
tariff reform, one of its most obvious features should be a 
reduction in present tariil' charges upon the necessaries of 
life. The benefits of such a reduction would be palpable 
and substantial, seen and felt by thousands who would be 
better fed and better clothed and better sheltered. These 
gifts should be the willing benefactions of a Government 
whose highest function is the promotion of the welfare of 
the people. 

Not less closely related to our people's prosperity and 
well-being is the removal of restrictions upon the importa- 
tion of the raw materials necessarj'^ to our manufactures. 
The world should be open to our national ingenuity and en- 
terprise. This can not be while Federal legislation through 
the imposition of high tariff forbids to American manufac- 
turers as cheap materials as those used by their competitors. 
It is quite obvious that the enhancement of the price of our 
manufactured products resulting from this policy not only 
confines the market for these products within our own bor- 
ders, to the direct disadvantage of our manufacturers, but 
also increases their cost to our citizens. 

The interests of labor are certainly, though indirectly, 
involved in this feature of our tariff system. The sharp 
competition and active struggle among our manufacturers to 
supply the limited demand for their goods soon fill the nar- 
row market to which they are confined. Then follows a 
suspension of work in mills and factories, a discharge of 
employees, and distress in the homes of our workingmen. 

Even if the often-disproved assertion could be made good 
that a lower rate of wages would result from free raw mate- 
rials and low tariff duties, the intelligence of our workmen 



leads them quickly to discover that their steady employment, 
permitted by free raw materials, is the most important factor 
in their relation to tariff legislation. 

A measure has been prepared by the appropriate Con- 
gressional committee embodying tariff reform on the lines 
lierein suggested, which will be promptly submitted for leg- 
islative action. It is the result of much patriotic and unself- 
ish work, and I believe it deals with its subject consistently 
and as thoroughly as existing conditions permit. 

I am satisfied that the reduced tariff duties provided for 
in the proposed legislation, added to existing internal-reve- 
nue taxation, will in the near future, though perhaps not 
immediately, produce sufficient revenue to meet the needs 
of the Government, 

The committee, after full consideration and to provide 
against a temporary deficiency which may exist before the 
business of the country adjusts itself to the new tariff 
schedules, have wisely embraced in their plan a few addi- 
tional internal-revenue taxes, including a small tax upon 
incomes derived from certain corporate investments. 

These new adjustments are not only absolutely just and 
easily borne, but they have the further merit of being such 
as can be remitted without unfavorable business disturbance 
whenever the necessity of their imposition no longer exists. 

In my great desire for the success of this measure I can 
not restrain the suggestion that its success can only be 
attained by means of unselfish coimsel on the part of the 
friends of tariff reform and as a result of their willingness 
to subordinate personal desires and ambitions to the general 
good. The local interests affected by the proposed reform 
are so numerous and so varied that if all are insisted upon 
the legislation embodying the reforms must inevitably fail. 

In conclusion my intense feeling of responsibility impels 
me to invoke for the manifold interests of a generous and 
confiding people the most scrupulous care and to pledge my 



willing support to every legislative effort for the advance- 
ment of the greatness and prosperity of our beloved country. 

l^From Second Anntial Message {Second Presi- 
dential Term), Washington, D. C, Decem- 
ber 3, 1894.] 

To the Congress of the United States: The assemblage 
within the nation's legislative halls of those charged with 
the duty of making laws for the benefit of a generous and 
free people impressively suggests the exacting obligation 
and inexorable responsibility involved in their task. At the 
threshold of such labor now to be undertaken by the Con- 
gress of the United States, and in the discharge of an ex- 
ecutive duty enjoined by the Constitution, I submit this 
communication, containing a brief statement of the condi- 
tion of our national affairs and recommending such legisla- 
tion as seems to me necessary and expedient. 

The history of our recent dealings with other nations and 
our peaceful relations with them at this time additionally 
demonstrate the advantage of consistently adhering to a firm 
but just foreign policy, free from envious or ambitious 
national schemes and characterized by entire honesty and 

With the advent of a new tariff policy not only calculated 
to relieve the consumers of our land in the cost of their 
daily life, but to invite a better development of American 
thrift and create for us closer and more profitable commer- 
cial relations with the rest of the world, it follows as a log- 
ical and imperative necessity that we should at once remove 
the chief if not the only obstacle which lias so long prevented 
,our participation in the foreign carrying trade of the sea. 



A tariff built upon the theory that it is well to check imports 
and that a home market should bound the industry and effort 
of American producers was fitly supplemented by a refusal 
to allow American registry to vessels built abroad, though 
owned and navigated by our people, thus exhibiting a will- 
ingness to abandon all contest for the advantages of Ameri- 
can transoceanic carriage. Our new tariff policy, built upon 
the theory that it is well to encourage such importations as 
our people need, and that our products and manufactures 
should find markets in every part of the habitable globe, is 
consistently supplemented by the greatest possible liberty to 
our citizens in the ownership and navigation of ships in 
which our products and manufactures may be transported. 
The millions now paid to foreigners for carrying American 
passengers and products across the sea should be turned into 
American hands. Shipbuilding, which has been protected 
to strangulation, should be revived by the prospect of profit- 
able employment for ships when built, and the American 
sailor should be resurrected and again take his place — a 
sturdy and industrious citizen in time of peace and a patri- 
otic and safe defender of American interests in the day of 

The ancient provision of our law denying American regis- 
try to ships built abroad and owned by Americans appears 
in the light of present conditions not only to be a failure 
for good at every point, but to be nearer a relic of barbar- 
ism than anything that exists under the permission of a 
statute of the United States. I earnestly recommend its 
prompt repeal. 



[Address at the Dedication of tJie Mary Wash- 
ington Monument at Fredericksburg, Va., 
May 10, 1894.1 

Governor O'Farrall, Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens : I 
speak for those who are to-day greeted as the official guests 
of Virginia and Fredericksburg, when I return sincere 
thanks for the hearty welcome that has been extended to us 
in behalf of both the State and city. Our appreciation of 
the warmth of your reception is not diminished by the 
thought that in the light of the liighest meaning belonging 
to this occasion there are no guests here. We have assem- 
bled on equal terms to worship at a sacred National shrine. 

Nothing can be more important to those who have as- 
sumed the resjwnsibility of self-government than the cultiva- 
tion and stimulation among themselves of sentiments which 
ennoble and elevate and strengthen humanity. As a clear 
and wholesome stream must have its flow from a pure foun- 
tain head, so must a clean and beneficent popular government 
have its source in pure and morally healthy men. This 
purity and this moral health are in nothing better exempli- 
fied than in a love and reverence for motherhood. The man 
who said he cared not who made a people's laws if he 
could write their songs might have said with more truth 
that he could gauge the strength and honor of a people 
and their fitness for self-government if he knew the depth 
and steadfastness of their love for their mothers. I believe 
that he who thinks it brave and manly to outgrow his care 
and devotion for his mother is, more than he who has no 
music in himself, fit for treason, stratagems and spoils, and 
should not be trusted. 

Let us recall to-day as conclusive proof of the close rela- 
tion between American greatness and a lasting love and rev- 



erence for our mothers the proud declaration of George 
Washington, " All I am I owe to my mother " ; and let us 
not forget that when his glory was greatest, and Avhen the 
plaudits of his countrymen were loudest, he A'alued more 
than these the blessing and approval of his aged mother. 

While these exercises cannot fail to inspire us anew with 
reverence for American motherhood, we will remember that 
we are here to do honor to the woman who gave to our 
Nation its greatest and best citizen, and that we have the 
privilege of participating in the dedication of a monument 
erected by the women of our land in loving and enduring 
testimony to the virtues of the mother of Washington. Let 
us be proud to-day that the nobility of this woman exacted 
from a distinguished foreigner the admission, " If such are 
the matrons of America, rhe may well boast of illustrious 
sons " ; and that Lafayette, who had fought with her son 
for American independence, declared after he had received 
her blessing, " I have seen the only Roman matron living 
at this day." 

Remembering these things, let us leave this place with 
our love of country strengthened, with a higher estimate of 
the value of American citizenship, and with a prayer to 
God that our people may hold fast to the sentiment that 
grows out of a love and reverence for American mother- 

\_ Address at the Masonic Banquet at the Opera 
House, Fredericksburg, Va., May 10, 1894-} 

I am not sure it is my fault, it is certainly my misfortune, 
that I do not belong to the Masonic fraternity. It is an 
order that has done much and magnificent work in the lines 
of excellent and honorable endeavor. But I do belong to 
another, if not a cabalistic order, whose grip is fidelity to the 



interests of American prosperity, and whose password is the 
supremacy of the American idea of popular and patriotic 
free principles and constitutional rights. To this sacred 
organization, with all of its patriotic sj^mbolism, I am proud 
to belong, and I am to-day equally proud to recognize 
those before me as being coadjutors and co-workers. The 
name of this order is the Fraternity of Freemen, devoted 
to the prevalence of the American idea of universal freedom 
and independence. 

{^Address at the Luncheon following the Launch 
of the Steamship " St. Louis," Philadelphiaj 
November 12, 1894.] 

I would not be entirely frank if I did not acknowledge 
the extreme personal satisfaction afforded me by the ref- 
erence j ust made to the part which fell to me, as a high duty 
and privilege, in the great work of creating an American 
Navy, and at the same time stimulating American ship- 

I cannot, however, keep out of mind the feeling that the 
gratification appropriately growing out of this occasion is 
such as must be shared by every patriotic American, and 
that the important event which has just now taken place is 
of such National interest that it is fittingly witnessed by 
the highest officials of our Government. 

We shall fail to realize the full significance of what we 
have seen to-day if we overlook the fact that the causes of 
our congratulation reach beyond actual accomplishment, and 
are not limited to the things already done and within our 
sight. While we may well be proud because we have launched 
the largest and most powerful steamship ever built in the 
Western Hemisphere and, with two exceptions, the largest 



and most powerful in the world, and while we may find rea- 
son for additional pride in the fact that, notwithstanding 
general economic conditions not encouraging to such achieve- 
ments, this great vessel has been built on American plans, 
by American mechanics, and of American materials, we 
must not forget that our greatest cause of congratulation 
is found in the hope and promise these incidents furnish 
of the revival and development of American commerce, and 
the renewed appearance of the American flag in foreign 

I hope I shall not be accused of making a suggestion cal- 
culated to mar the gratification which this occasion inspires 
if I remind you that the ship we have just launched was 
built in fulfillment of conditions imposed in consideration 
of the relaxation of our registry laws, and that the con- 
structive plant and machinery to build this ship " on Amer- 
ican plans, by American mechanics and of American mate- 
rials " originated in the necessity for the building of an 
American navy. 

There should be no more delay in the work of reinstating 
American commerce, not only by the inspiration supplied 
by such events as we have this day witnessed, but by such 
legislation as will set free American mechanical industry 
and excite American enterprise. Commerce is the life-blood 
of a nation, and no country that loses or impoverishes it 
can reach and maintain a commanding position among the 
nations of the earth. Our flag not only tells of our existence, 
but it is a symbol of glorious and patriotic duty to uphold 
our flag, and to follow it and defend it, but it is also glori- 
ous and patriotic to carry our flag to all parts of the world, 
and to extend its defence and protection to American men 
and American property in the ports of every nation. I am 
not able to see why Americans owning ships, navigated by 
Americans and carrying American cargoes, should in any 
case be driven to the protection of a foreign flag, and It 



seems to me tliat the Stars and Stripes entering a port of 
the United States and spread over Americans and American 
property should never be frowned upon and repelled by 
American officials acting under the mandate of our navi- 
gation laws. 

In the interest of a revival of American commerce so much 
needed, and for the honor of our flag, so dear to us all, I 
am willing that the defence of our Government and flag 
shall be accorded to all ships of American ownership, wher- 
ever built. Make our flag a more familiar sight in the 
ocean-carrying trade, and thus remind our citizens that a 
large share of the carrying trade of the world is due them, 
and we need have no fear that our shipbuilders, under laws 
giving them a fair chance, will suffer from foreign com- 
petition. Since my participation in rebuilding our navy 
during a former official term has been so flatteringly re- 
ferred to, I hope it is not amiss for me to say that I shall 
deem myself especially fortunate if in time to come it can 
be said that I have done something during my present in- 
cumbency in aid of the freedom and extension of American 
commerce and the consequent further growth of American 

[Letter to John A. Mason, Esq., read at the 
Annual Banquet of the Democratic Edi- 
torial Association of the State of New 
York, New York City, May 2i, 1895.] 

My Dear Sir: I regret that my official duties oblige me 
to decline the courteous invitation I liave received to attend 
the annual banquet of the Democratic Editorial Association 
on the 24th inst. 

This reunion of Democratic editor^) will, I am sure, be 


an enjoyable occasion to all who participate; but I shall 
be much disappointed if the fellowship and interchange of 
sentiment it will afford do not stimulate the zeal and effort 
of the fraternity there assembled in behalf of the Democratic 
cause and Democratic principles. 

Our party is so much a party of principle, and its proper 
action and usefulness are so dependent upon a constant 
adherence to its doctrines and traditions, that no tendency 
in our ranks to follow the misleading light of a temporary 
popular misapprehension should go unchallenged. Our vic- 
tories have all been won when we have closely followed the 
banner of Democratic principle. We have always been 
punished by defeat when, losing sight of our banner, we 
have yielded to the blandishments of undemocratic ex- 

There is a temptation now vexing the people in different 
sections of the country which assumes the disguise of 
Democratic party principle, inasmuch as it presents a scheme 
which is claimed to be a remedy for agricultural depression 
and such other hardships as afflict our fellow-citizens. 
Thus, because we are the friends of the people and profess 
devotion to their interests, the help of the members of our 
party is invoked in support of a plan to revolutionize the 
monetary condition of the country, and embark upon an 
experiment which is discredited by all reason and experience, 
which invites trouble and disaster in every avenue of labor 
and enterprise, and which must prove destructive to our 
National prestige and character. 

When a campaign is actively on foot to force the free, 
unlimited and independent coinage of silver by the Govern- 
ment at a ratio which will add to our circulation unre- 
strained millions of so-called dollars, intrinsically worth but 
half the amount they purport to represent, with no provision 
or resource to make good the deficiency in value, and when 
it is claimed that such a proposition has any relation to the 



principles of Democracy, it is time for all who may in the 
least degree influence Democratic thought to realize their 

Our party is the party of the people, not because it is 
wafted hither and thither by every sudden wave of popular 
excitement and misconception, but because while it tests 
every proposition by the doctrines which underlie its organ- 
ization, it insists that all interests should be defended in 
the administration of the Government, without especial favor 
or discrimination. 

Our party is the party of the people because in its care 
for the welfare of all our countrymen, it resists dangerous 
schemes born of discontent, advocated by appeals to sec- 
tional or class prejudices, and reinforced by the insidious 
aid of private selfishness and cupidity. 

Above all, our party is the party of the people when it 
recognizes the fact that sound and absolutely safe money 
is the life-blood of our country's streng-th and prosperity, 
and when it teaches that none of our fellow-citizens, rich or 
poor, great or humble, can escape the consequences of a 
degeneration of our currency. 

Democratic care and conservatism dictate that if there 
exists inconvenience and hardship, resulting from the con- 
gestion or imperfect distribution of our circulating medium, 
a remedy should be applied which will avoid the disaster 
that must follow in the train of silver monometallism. 

What I have written has not been prompted by any fear 
that the Democracy of the State of New York wUl ever be 
an accomplice in such an injury to their country as would 
be entailed by the free, unlimited and independent coinage 
of silver; nor do I believe they will ever be so heedless of 
party interests as to support such a movement. I have re- 
ferred to this subject in the belief that nothing more im- 
portant can engage the attention of the American people or 
the National Democracy, and in the conviction that the voice 



of the Democrats of New York through its press, should 
constantly be heard in every State. 

[Third Annual Message {Second Presidential 
Term)y Washington, D. C, December 2, 

To the Congress of the United States: The present assem- 
blage of the legislative branch of our Government occurs at 
a time when the interests of our people and the needs of the 
country give especial prominence to the condition of our 
foreign relations and the exigencies of our national finances. 
The reports of the heads of the several administrative De- 
partments of the Government fully and plainly exhibit what 
has been accomplished within the scope of their respective 
duties and present such recommendations for the betterment 
of our country's condition as patriotic and intelligent labor 
and observation suggest. 

It being apparent that the boundary dispute between 
Great Britain and the Republic of Venezuela concerning the 
limits of British Guiana was approaching an acute stage, a 
definite statement of the interest and policy of the United 
States as regards the controversy seemed to be required both 
on its own account and in view of its relations with the 
friendly powers directly concerned. In July last, therefore, 
a dispatch was addressed to our ambassador at London for 
communication to the British Government in which the atti- 
tude of the United States was fully and distinctly set forth. 
The general conclusions therein reached and formulated are 
in substance that the traditional and established policy of 
this Government is firmly opposed to a forcible increase by 
any European power of its territorial possessions on this 



continent ; that this policy is as well founded in principle as 
it is strongly supported by numerous precedents; that as a 
consequence the United States is bound to protest against 
the enlargement of the area of British Guiana in derogation 
of the rights and against the will of Venezuela; that con- 
sidering the disparity in strength of Great Britain and 
Venezuela the territorial dispute between them can be rea- 
sonably settled only by friendly and impartial arbitration, 
and that the resort to such arbitration should include the 
whole controversy, and is not satisfied if one of the powers 
concerned is permitted to draw an arbitrary line through the 
territory in debate and to declare that it will submit to arbi- 
tration only the portion lying on one side of it. In view of 
these conclusions, the dispatch in question called upon the 
British Government for a definite answer to the question 
whether it would or would not submit the territorial con- 
troversy between itself and Venezuela in its entirety to im- 
partial arbitration. The answer of the British Government 
has not yet been received, but is expected shortly, when 
further communication on the subject will probably be made 
to the Congress. 

The coronation of the Czar of Russia at Moscow in May 
next invites the ceremonial participation of the United 
States, and in accordance with usage and diplomatic pro- 
priety our minister to the imperial court has been directed 
to represent our Government on the occasion. 

Correspondence is on foot touching the practice of Rus- 
sian consuls within the jurisdiction of the United States to 
interrogate citizens as to their race and religious faith, and 
upon ascertainment thereof to deny to Jews authentication 
of passports or legal documents for use in Russia. Inas- 
much as such a proceeding imposes a disability which in the 
case of succession to property in Russia may be found to 
infringe the treaty rights of our citizens, and which is an 



obnoxious invasion of our territorial jurisdiction, it has 
elicited fitting remonstrance, the result of which, it is hoped, 
will remove the cause of complaint. The pending claims of 
sealing vessels of the United States seized in Russian waters 
remain unadjusted. Our recent convention with Russia es- 
tablishing a modus vivendi as to imperial jurisdiction in such 
cases has prevented further difficulty of this nature. 

The Russian Government has welcomed in principle our 
suggestion for a modus vivendi, to embrace Great Britain 
and Japan, looking to the better preservation of seal life in 
the North Pacific and Bering Sea and the extension of the 
protected area defined by the Paris Tribunal to all Pacific 
waters north of the thirty-fifth parallel. It is especially 
noticeable that Russia favors prohibition of the use of fire- 
arms in seal hunting throughout the proposed area and a 
longer closed season for pelagic sealing. 

Cuba is again gravely disturbed. An insurrection in some 
respects more active than the last preceding revolt, which 
continued from 1868 to 1878, now exists in a large part of 
the eastern interior of the island, menacing even some popu- 
lations on the coast. Besides deranging the commercial ex- 
changes of the island, of which our country takes the pre- 
dominant share, this flagrant condition of hostilities, by 
arousing sentimental sympathy and inciting adventurous 
support among our people, has entailed earnest effort on 
the part of this Government to enforce obedience to our 
neutrality laws and to prevent the territory of the United 
States from being abused as a vantage ground from which 
to aid those in arms against Spanish sovereignty. 

Whatever may be the traditional sympathy of our coun- 
trymen as individuals with a people who seem to be strug- 
gling for larger autonomy and greater freedom, deepened, 
as such sympathy naturally must be, in behalf of our neigh- 
bors, yet the plain duty of their Government is to observe in 



good faith the recognized obligation of international rela- 
tionship. The performance of this duty should not be made 
more difficult by a disregard on the part of our citizens of 
the obligations growing out of their allegiance to their coun- 
try, which should restrain them from violating as individ- 
uals the neutrality which the nation of which they are 
members is bound to observe in its relations to friendly sov- 
ereign states. Though neither the warmth of our people's 
sympathy with the Cuban insurgents, nor our loss and mate- 
rial damage consequent upon the futile endeavors thus far 
made to restore peace and order, nor any shock our humane 
sensibilities may have received from the cruelties which 
appear to especially characterize this sanguinary and fiercely 
conducted war, have in the least shaken the determination 
of the Government to honestly fulfill every international 
obligation, yet it is to be earnestly hoped on every ground 
that the devastation of armed conflict may speedily be stayed 
and order and quiet restored to the distracted island, 
bringing in their train the activity and thrift of peaceful 

One notable instance of interference by Spain with pass- 
ing American ships has occurred. On March 8 last the 
Allianca, while bound from Colon to New York, and fol- 
lowing the customary track for vessels near the Cuban 
shore, but outside the 3-mile limit, was fired upon by a 
Spanish gunboat. Protest was promptly made by the United 
States against this act as not being justified by a state of 
war, nor permissible in respect of vessels on the usual paths 
of commerce, nor tolerable in view of the wanton peril occa- 
sioned to innocent life and property. The act was dis- 
avowed, with full expression of regret and assurance of 
nonrecurrence of such just cause of complaint, while the 
offending officer was relieved of his command. Military 
arrests of citizens of the United States in Cuba have occa- 
sioned frequent reclamations. Where held on criminal 



charges their delivery to the ordinary civil jurisdiction for 
trial has been demanded and obtained in conformity with 
treaty provisions, and where merely detained by way of 
military precaution under a proclaimed state of siege, with- 
our formulated accusation, their release or trial has been 
insisted upon. The right of American consular officers in 
the island to prefer protests and demands in such cases 
having been questioned by the insular authority, their en- 
joyment of the privilege stipulated by treaty for the con- 
suls of Germany was claimed under the most-favored- 
nation provision of our own convention and was promptly 

[Special Message on the Venezuela Boundary 
Dispute, Washington, D. C, December 17, 

To the Congress : In my annual message addressed to the 
Congress on the 3d instant I called attention to the pend- 
ing boundary controversy between Great Britain and the 
Republic of Venezuela and recited the substance of a rep- 
resentation made by this Government to Her Britannic Maj- 
esty's Government suggesting reasons why such dispute 
should be submitted to arbitration for settlement and in- 
quiring whether it would be so submitted. 

The answer of the British Government, which was then 
awaited, has since been received, and, together with the dis- 
patch to which it is a reply, is hereto appended. 

Such reply is embodied in two communications addressed 
by the British prime minister to Sir Julian Paimcefote, the 
British ambassador at this capital. It will be seen that 
one of these communications is devoted exclusivelj'^ to obser- 
vations upon the Monroe doctrine, and claims that in the 


OF G R O V E R C L E ^' E L A N D 

present instance a new and strange extension and develop- 
ment of this doctrine is insisted on b}'^ the United States ; 
that the reasons justifying an appeal to the doctrine enun- 
ciated b}' President Monroe are generally inapplicable " to 
the state of things in which we live at the present day," 
and especially inapplicable to a controversy involving the 
boundary line between Great Britain and Venezuela. 

Without attempting extended argument in reply to these 
positions, it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine 
upon which we stand is strong and sound, because its en- 
forcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation 
and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and 
the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of govern- 
ment. It was intended to apply to every stage of our na- 
tional life and can not become obsolete while our Republic 
endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jeal- 
ous anxiety among the Governments of the Old World and 
a subject for our absolute noninterference, none the less is 
an observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to 
our people and their Government. 

Assuming, therefore, that we may properly insist upon 
this doctrine without regard to " the state of things in which 
we live " or any changed conditions here or elsewhere, it is 
not apparent why its application may not be invoked in the 
present controversy. 

If a European power by an extension of its boundaries 
takes possession of the territory of one of our neighboring 
Republics against its will and in derogation of its rights, 
it is difficult to see why to that extent such European power 
does not thereby attempt to extend its system of govern- 
ment to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. 
This is the precise action which President Monroe declared 
to be " dangerous to our peace and safety," and it can make 
no difference whether the European system is extended by 
an advance of frontier or otherwise. 



It is also suggested in the British reply that we should 
not seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dis- 
pute because it does not embody any principle of interna- 
tional law which " is founded on the general consent of 
nations," and that " no statesmen, however eminent, and no 
nation, however powerful, are competent to insert into the 
code of international law a novel principle which was never 
recognized before and which has not since been accepted by 
the government of any other country." 

Practically the principle for which we contend has pecul- 
iar, if not exclusive, relation to the United States. It may 
not have been admitted in so many words to the code of 
international law, but since in international councils every 
nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the en- 
forcement of the JNIonroe doctrine is something we may 
justly claim it has its place in the code of international law 
as certainly and as securely as if it were specifically men- 
tioned; and when the United States is a suitor before the 
high tribunal that administers international law the ques- 
tion to be determined is whether or not we present claims 
which the justice of that code of law can find to be right 
and valid. 

The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those prin- 
ciples of international law which are based upon the theory 
that every nation shall have its rights protected and its just 
claims enforced. 

Of course this Government is entirely confident that under 
the sanction of this doctrine we have clear rights and un- 
doubted claims. Nor is this ignored in the British reply. 
The prime minister, while not admitting that the Monroe 
doctrine is applicable to present conditions, states: 

In declaring that the United States would resist any such enterprise 
if it was contemplated, President Monroe adopted a policy which re- 
ceived the entire sympathy of the English Government of that date. 



He further declares : 

Though the language of President Monroe is directed to the attain- 
ment of objects which most Englishmen would agree to be salutary, it is 
impossible to admit that they have been inscribed by any adequate 
authority in the code of international law. 

Again he says: 

They [Her Majesty's Government] fully concur with the view which 
President Monroe apparently entertained, that any disturbance of the 
existing territorial distribution in that hemisphere by any fresh acquisi- 
tions on the part of any European State would be a highly inexpedient 

In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was 
clear and definite, that it was founded upon substantial con- 
siderations and involved our safety and welfare, that it 
was fully applicable to our present conditions and to the 
state of the world's progress, and that it was directly re- 
lated to the pending controversy, and without any convic- 
tion as to the final merits of the dispute, but anxious to 
learn in a satisfactory and conclusive manner whether Great 
Britain sought under a claim of boundary to extend her 
possessions on this continent without right, or whether she 
merely sought possession of territory fairly included within 
her lines of ownership, this Government proposed to the 
Government of Great Britain a resort to arbitration as the 
proper means of settling the question, to the end that a 
vexatious boimdary dispute between the two contestants 
might be determined and our exact standing and relation in 
respect to the controversy might be made clear. 

It will be seen from the correspondence herewith sub- 
mitted that this proposition has been declined by the British 
Government upon groimds which in the circumstances seem 
to me to be far from satisfactory. It is deeply disappoint- 
ing that such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feel- 
ings toward both nations directly concerned, addressed to 



the sense of justice and to the magnanimity of one of the 
great powers of the world, and touching its relations to one 
comparatively weak and small, should have produced no 
better results. 

The course to be pursued by this Government in view of 
the present condition does not appear to admit of serious 
doubt. Having labored faithfully for many years to in- 
duce Great Britain to submit this dispute to impartial arbi- 
tration, and having been now finally apprised of her refusal 
to do so, nothing remains but to accept the situation, to 
recognize its plain requirements, and deal with it accord- 
ingly. Great Britain's present proposition has never thus 
far been regarded as admissible by Venezuela, though any 
adjustment of the boundary which that country may deem 
for her advantage and may enter into of her own free will 
can not of course be objected to by the United States. 

Assuming, however, that the attitude of Venezuela will 
remain unchanged, the dispute has reached such a stage as 
to make it now incumbent upon the United States to take 
measures to determine with sufficient certainty for its justi- 
fication what is the true divisional line between the Republic 
of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to that end 
should of course be conducted carefully and judicially, and 
due weight should be given to all available evidence, records, 
and facts in support of the claims of both parties. 

In order that such an examination should be prosecuted 
in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest that the 
Congress make an adequate appropriation for the expenses 
of a commission, to be appointed by the Executive, who shall 
make the necessary Investigation and report upon the matter 
with the least possible delay. When such report is made 
and accepted it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the 
United States to resist by every means in its power, as a 
willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appro- 
priation by Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of 



governmental jurisdiction over any territory which after 
investigation we have determined of right belongs to 

In making these recommendations I am fully alive to the 
responsibility incurred and keenly realize all the conse- 
quences that may follow. 

I am, nevertheless, firm in my conviction that while it is 
a grievous thing to contemplate the two great English- 
speaking peoples of the world as being otherwise than 
friendly competitors in the onward march of civilization 
and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts of peace, 
there is no calamity which a great nation can invite which 
equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and 
injustice and the consequent loss of national self-respect 
and honor, beneath which are shielded and defended a peo- 
ple's safety and greatness. 

[Letter to Hon. George TV. Parher read at the 
Annual Shakespeare Commemoration, Bir- 
mingham, Engla7id, April 21, 1896.'] 

Dear Sir: Everything that tends to keep alive the mem- 
ory of Shakespeare and preserves a proper appreciation of 
his work challenges my earnest interest and ajDproval, and 
though I cannot be with you on the occasion you contem- 
plate, I am glad to know that our American people will 
be prominently represented. There is much said and writ- 
ten in these days concerning the relations that should exist, 
bound close by the strongest ties, between English-speaking 
peoples, and concerning the high destiny that awaits them 
in concerted effort. I hope we shall never know the time 
when these ennobling sentiments will be less often expressed 
or in the least lose their potency and influence. Surely if 



English speech supplies the token of united effort for the 
good of mankind and the impulse of an exalted international 
mission, we do well to honor fittingly the name and memory 
of William Shakespeare. 

[From Address delivered at the Su^quicenten- 
nidi of the Founding of the College of 
New Jersey, Princeton, N. J., October 23, 

I hasten to concede the good already accomplished by 
our educated men in purifying and steadying political sen- 
timent; but I hope I may be allowed to intimate my belief 
that their work in these directions Avould be easier and 
more useful if it were less spasmodic and occasional. The 
disposition of our people is such that, while they may be 
inclined to distrust those who only on rare occasions come 
among them from an exclusiveness savoring of assumed 
superiority, they readily listen to those who exhibit a real 
fellowship and a friendly and habitual interest in all that 
concerns the common welfare. Such a condition of intimacy 
would, I believe, not only improve the general political 
atmosphere, but would vastly increase the influence of our 
universities and colleges in their efforts to prevent popular 
delusions or correct them before they reach an acute and 
dangerous stage. I am certain, therefore, that a more con- 
stant and active participation in political affairs on the part 
of our men of education would be of the greatest possible 
value to our country. 

It is exceedingly unfortunate that politics should be re- 
garded in any quarter as an unclean thing, to be avoided 
by those claiming to be educated or respectable. It would 
be strange, indeed, if anything related to the administration 



of our Government or the welfare of our nation should be 
essentially degrading. I believe it is not a superstitious 
sentiment that leads to the conviction that God has watched 
over our National life from its beginning. Who will say that 
the things worthy of God's regard and fostering care are 
unworthy of the touch of the wisest and best of men? 

I would have those sent out by our universities and col- 
leges not only the counsellors of their fellow-countrymen, 
but the tribunes of the people — fully appreciating every 
condition that presses upon their daily life, sympathetic in 
every untoward situation, quick and earnest in every effort 
to advance their happiness and welfare, and prompt and 
sturdy in the defence of all their rights. 

I have but imperfectly expressed the thoughts to which 
I had not been able to deny utterance on an occasion so full 
of glad significance, and so pervaded by the atmosphere of 
patriotic aspiration. Born of these surroundings, the hope 
cannot be vain that the time is at hand when all our coun- 
trymen will more deeply appreciate the blessings of Amer- 
ican citizenship, when their disinterested love of their Gov- 
ernment will be quickened, when fanaticism and passion 
shall be banished from the field of politics, and when all 
our people, discarding every difference of condition or 
opportunity, will be seen under the banner of American 
brotherhood, marching steadily and unfalteringly on toward 
the bright heights of our National destiny. 

[Fourth Annual Message (Second Presidential 
Term), Washington, D. C, December 7, 

To the Congress of ihe United States: As representatives 
of the people in the legislative branch of their Government, 
3'ou have assembled at a time when the strength and excel- 



lence of our free institutions and the fitness of our citizens 
to enjoy popular rule have been again made manifest. A 
political contest involving momentous consequences, fraught 
with feverish apprehension, and creating aggressiveness so 
intense as to approach bitterness and passion has been waged 
throughout our land and determined by the decree of free 
and independent suffrage without disturbance of our tran- 
quillity or the least sign of weakness in our national struc- 

When we consider these incidents and contemplate the 
peaceful obedience and manly submission which have suc- 
ceeded a heated clash of political opinions, we discover 
abundant evidence of a determination on the part of our 
countrymen to abide by every verdict of the popular will 
and to be controlled at all times by an abiding faith in the 
agencies established for the direction of the affairs of their 

Thus our people exhibit a patriotic disposition which en- 
titles them to demand of those who undertake to make and 
execute their laws such faithful and unselfish service in 
their behalf as can only be prompted by a serious apprecia- 
tion of the trust and confidence which the acceptance of 
public duty invites. 

The insurrection in Cuba still continues with all its per- 
plexities. It is difficult to perceive that any progress has 
thus far been made toward the pacification of the island or 
that the situation of affairs as depicted in my last annual 
message has m the least improved. If Spain still holds 
Havana and the seaports and all the considerable towns, the 
insurgents still roam at will over at least two-thirds of the 
inland country. If the determination of Spain to put down 
the insurrection seems but to strengthen with the lapse of 
time and is evinced by her unhesitating devotion of largely 
increased military and naval forces to the task, there is much 



reason to believe that the insurgents have gained in point 
of numbers and character and resources and are none the 
less inflexible in their resolve not to succumb without prac- 
tically securing the great objects for which they took up 
arms. If Spain has not yet reestablislied her authority, 
neither have the insurgents yet made good their title to be 
regarded as an independent state. Indeed, as the contest 
has gone on the pretense that civil government exists on 
the island, except so far as Spain is able to maintain it, 
has been practically abandoned. Spain does keep on foot 
such a government, more or less imperfectly, in the large 
towns and their immediate suburbs ; but that exception being 
made, the entire country is either given over to anarchy or 
is subject to the military occupation of one or the other 
party. It is reported^ indeed, on reliable authority that 
at the demand of the commander in chief of the insurgent 
army the putative Cuban government has now given up all 
attempt to exercise its functions, leaving that government 
confessedly (what there is the best reason for supposing it 
always to have been in fact) a government merely on paper. 

Many Cubans reside in this country, and indirectly pro- 
mote the insurrection through the press, by public meetings, 
by the purchase and shipment of arms, by the raising of 
funds, and by other means which the spirit of our institu- 
tions and the tenor of our laws do not permit to be made 
the subject of criminal prosecutions. Some ofithera, though 
Cubans at heart and in all their feelings and interests, have 
taken out papers as naturalized citizens of the United States 
— a proceeding resorted to with a view to possible protec- 
tion by this Government, and not unnaturally regarded witli 
much indignation by the country of their origin. The in- 
surgents are undoubtedly encouraged and supported by the 
widespread sj'mpathy the people of this country always 
and instinctively feel for every struggle for better and 


freer government, and which, in the case of the more ad- 
venturous and restless elements of our population, leads in 
only too many instances to active and personal participation 
in the contest. The result is that this Government is con- 
stantly called upon to protect American citizens, to claim 
damages for injuries to persons and property, now estimated 
at many millions of dollars, and to ask explanations and 
apologies for the acts of Spanish officials whose zeal for the 
repression of rebellion sometimes blinds them to the im- 
munities belonging to the unoffending citizens of a friendly 
power. It follows from the same causes that the United 
States is compelled to actively police a long line of seacoast 
against unlawful expeditions, the escape of which the utmost 
vigilance will not always suffice to prevent. 

These inevitable entanglements of the United States with 
the rebellion in Cuba, the large American property interests 
affected, and considerations of philanthropy and humanity 
in general have led to a vehement demand in various quar- 
ters for some sort of positive intervention on the part of the 
United States. ^It was at first proposed that belligerent 
rights should be accorded to the insurgents — a proposition 
no longer urged because untimely and in practical operation 
clearly perilous and injurious to our o-\vn interests. It has 
since been and is now sometimes contended that the inde- 
pendence of the insurgents should be recognized; but imper- 
fect and restricted as the Spanish government of the island 
may be, no other exists there, unless the will of the military 
officer in temporary command of a particular district can 
be dignified as a species of government. It is now also sug- 
gested that the United States should buy the island — a sug- 
gestion possibly worthy of consideration if there were any 
evidence of a desire or willingness on the part of Spain to 
entertain such a proposal. It is urged finally that, all other 
methods failing, the existing internecine strife in Cuba 
should be terminated by our intervention, even at the cost 



of a war between the United States and Spain — a war which 
its advocates confidently prophesy could neither be large in 
its proportions nor doubtful in its issue. 

The correctness of this forecast need be neither affirmed 
nor denied. The United States has, nevertheless, a characterT 


to maintain as a nation, which plainly dictates that right and j 
not might should be the rule of its conduct. Further, J 
though the United States is not a nation to which peace is a 
necessity, it is in truth the most pacific of powers and de- 
sires nothing so much as to live in amity with all the world. 
Its own amjjle and diversified domains satisfy all possible 
longings for territory, preclude all dreams of conquest, and 
prevent any casting of covetous eyes upon neighboring re- 
gions, however attractive. That our conduct toward Spain 
and her dominions has constituted no exception to this na- 
tional disposition is made manifest by the course of our 
Government, not only thus far during the present insurrec- 
tion, but during the ten years that followed the rising at 
Yara in 1868. No other great power, it may safely be 
said, under circumstances of similar perplexity, would have 
manifested the same restraint and the same patient en- 
durance. It may also be said that this persistent attitude? 
of the United States toward Spain in connection with Cuba 
unquestionably evinces no slight respect and regard for 
Spain on the part of the American people. They in truth 
do not forget her connection with the discovery of the West- 
ern Hemisphere, nor do they underestimate the great quali- 
ties of the Spanish people nor fail to fully recognize their 
splendid patriotism and their chivalrous devotion to the 
national honor. 

Whatever circumstances may arise, our policy and our in- 
terests would constrain us to object to the acquisition of 
the island or an interference with its control by any other 



It should be added that it can not be reasonably assumed 
that the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States will 
be indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious to accord 
all due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we can not view 
the pending conflict in all its features and properly appre- 
hend our inevitably close relations to it and its possible re- 
sults without considering that by the course of events we 
may be drav/n into such an unusual and unprecedented con- 
dition as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to 
end the contest either alone and in her own way or with our 
friendly cooperation. 

When the inability of Spain to deal successfully with the 
insurrection has become manifest and it is demonstrated that 
her sovereignty is extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its 
rightful existence, and when a hopeless struggle for its re- 
establishment has degenerated into a strife which means 
nothing more than the useless sacrifice of hum^n life and the 
utter destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, 
a situation will be presented in which our obligations to the 
sovereignty of Spain will be superseded by higher obliga- 
tions, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and dis- 
charge. Deferring the choice of ways and methods until 
the time for action arrives, we should make them depend 
upon the precise conditions then existing; and they should 
not be determined upon without giving careful heed to every 
consideration involving our honor and interest or the inter- 
national duty we owe to Spain. Until we face the contin- 
gencies suggested or the situation is by other incidents im- 
peratively changed we should continue in the line of conduct 
heretofore pursued, thus in all circumstances exhibiting our 
obedience to the requirements of public law and our regard 
for the duty enjoined upon us by the position we occupy in 
the family of nations. 

A contemplation of emergencies that may arise should 
plainly lead us to avoid their creation, either through a care- 



less disregard of present duty or even an undue stimulation 
^nd ill-timed expression of feeling. But I have deemed it 
not amiss to remind the Congress that a time may arrive 
when a correct policy and care for our interests, as well as 
a regard for the interests of other nations and their citizens, 
joined by considerations of humanity and a desire to see a 
rich and fertile country intimately related to us saved from 
complete devastation, will constrain our Government to such 
action as will subserve the interests thus involved and at the 
same time promise to Cuba and its inhabitants an oppor- 
tunity to enjoy the blessings of peace. 

The Venezuelan boundary question has ceased to be a mat- 
ter of difference between Great Britain and the United 
States, their respective Governments having agreed upon the 
substantial provisions of a treaty between Great Britain and 
Venezuela submitting the whole controversy to arbitration. 
The provisions of the treaty are so eminently just and fair 
that the assent of Venezuela thereto may confidently be^ 

Negotiations for a treaty of general arbitration for all 
differences between Great Britain and the United States are 
far advanced and promise to reach a successful consumma- 
tion at an early date. 

The civil-service rules as amended during the last year 
provide for a sensible and uniform method of promotion, 
basing eligibility to better positions upon demonstrated effi- 
ciency and faithfulness. The absence of fixed rules on this 
subject has been an infirmity in the system more and more 
apparent as its other benefits have been better appreciated. 

The advantages of civil-service methods in their business 
aspects are too well understood to require argument. Their 
application has become a necessity to the executive work of 
the Government. But those who gain positions through the 



operation of these methods should be made to understand 
that the nonpartisan scheme through which they receive their 
appointments demands from them by way of reciprocity non- 
partisan and faithful performance of duty under every 
Administration and cheerful fidelity to every chief. While 
they should be encouraged to decently exercise their rights 
of citizenship and to support through their suffrages the 
political beliefs they honestly profess, the noisy, pestilent, 
and partisan employee, who loves political turmoil and con- 
tention, or who renders lax and grudging service to an Ad- 
ministration not representing his political views, should be 
promptly and fearlessly dealt with in such a way as to fur- 
nish a warning to others who may be likewise disposed. 

Another topic in which our people rightfully take a deep 
interest may be here briefly considered. I refer to the 
existence of trusts and other huge aggregations of capital 
the object of which is to secure the monopoly of some par- 
ticular branch of trade, industry, or commerce and to stifle 
wliolcsome competition. When these are defended, it is usu- 
ally on the ground that though they increase profits they 
also reduce prices, and thus may benefit the public. It 
must be remembered, however, that a reduction of prices to 
the people is not one of the real objects of these organiza- 
tions, nor is their tendency necessarily in that direction. 
If it occurs in a particular case it is only because it accords 
with the purposes or interests of those managing the scheme. 

Such occasional results fall far short of compensating the 
palpable evils charged to the account of trusts and monop- 
olies. Their tendency is to crush out individual inde- 
pendence and to hinder or prevent the free use of human 
faculties and the full development of human character. 
Through them the farmer, the artisan, and the small trader 
is in danger of dislodgment from the proud position of being 
his own master, watchful of all that touches his country's 


OF G R O V E R C L E \ E L A N D 

prosperity, in which he has an individual lot, and interested 
in all that affects the advantages of business of which he 
is a factoi*, to be relegated to the level of a mere appurte- 
nance to a great machine, with little free will, with no duty 
but that of passive obedience, and with little hope or oppor- 
tunity of rising in the scale of responsible and helpful citi- 

To the instinctive belief that such is the inevitable trend 
of trusts and monopolies is due the widespread and deep- 
seated popular aversion in which they are held and the not 
unreasonable insistence that, whatever may be their inci- 
dental economic advantages, their general effect upon per- 
sonal character, prospects, and usefulness can not be other- 
wise than injurious. 

Though Congress has attempted to deal with this matter 
by legislation, the laws passed for that purpose thus far have 
proved ineffective, not because of any lack of disposition or 
attempt to enforce them, but simpl}^ because the laws them- 
selves as interpreted by the courts do not reach the diffi- 
culty. If the insufficiencies of existing laws can be reme- 
died by further legislation, it should be done. The fact 
must be recognized, however, that all Federal legislation on 
this subject may fall short of its purpose because of inherent 
obstacles and also because of the complex character of our 
governmental system, which, while making the Federal au- 
thority supreme within its sphere, has carefully limited that 
sphere by metes and bounds that can not be transgressed. 
The decision of our highest court on this precise question 
renders it quite doubtful whether the evils of trusts and 
monopolies can be adequately treated through Federal action 
unless they seek directly and purposely to include in their 
objects transportation or intercourse between States or be- 
tween the United States and foreign countries. 

It does not follew, however, that this is the limit of the 
remedy that may be applied. Even though it may be found 



that Federal authority is not broad enough to fully reach 
the case, there can be no doubt of the power of the several 
States to act effectively in the premises, and there should 
be no reason to doubt their willingness to judiciously exer- 
cise such power. 

In concluding this communication its last words shall be 
an appeal to the Congress for the most rigid economy in the 
expenditure of the money it holds in trust for the people. 
'The way to perplexing extravagance is easy, but a return to 
frugality is difficult. When, however, it is considered that 
those who bear the burdens of taxation have no guaranty of 
honest care save in the fidelity of their public servants, the 
duty of all possible retrenchment is plainly manifest. 

When our differences are forgotten and our contests of 
political opinion are no longer remembered, nothing in the 
retrospect of our public service will be as fortunate and 
comforting as the recollection of official duty well performed 
and the memory of a constant devotion to the interests of our 
confiding fellow-countrymen. 

[Message on Arbitration Treaty between United 
States and Great Britain, Washington, 
D. C, January 11, 1897.'] 

To the Senate : I transmit herewith a treaty for the arbi- 
tration of all matters in difference between the United States 
and Great Britain. 

The provisions of the treaty are the result of long and 
patient deliberation and represent concessions made by each 
part for the sake of agreement upon the general scheme. 

Though the result reached may not meet the views of the 
advocates of immediate, unlimited, and irrevocable arbitra- 
tion of all international controversies, it is nevertheless con- 


OF G R O ^^ E R C L E A' E L A N D 

fidently believed that the treaty can not fail to be everywhere 
recognized as making a long step in the right direction and 
as embodying a practical working plan by which disputes 
between the two countries will reach a peaceful adjustment 
as matter of course and in ordinary routine. 

In the initiation of such an important movement it must 
be expected that some of its features will assume a tentative 
character looking to a further advance, and yet it is appar- 
ent that the treaty which has been formulated not only makes 
war between the parties to it a remote possibility, but pre- 
cludes those fears and rumors of war which of themselves 
too often assume the proportions of national disaster. 

It is eminently fitting as well as fortunate that the at- 
tempts to accomplish results so beneficent should be initiated 
by kindred peoples, speaking the same tongue and joined 
together by all the ties of common traditions, common insti- 
tutions, and common aspirations. The experiment of sub- 
stituting civilized methods for brute force as the means of 
settling international questions of right will thus be tried 
under the happiest auspices. Its success ought not to be 
doubtful, and the fact that its ultimate ensuing benefits are 
not likely to be limited to the two countries immediately con- 
cerned should cause it to be promoted all the more eagerly. 
The examples set and the lesson furnished by the success- 
ful operation of this treaty are sure to be felt and taken 
to heart sooner or later by other nations, and will thus mark 
the beginning of a new epoch in civilization. 

Profoundly impressed as I am, therefore, by the promise 
of transcendent good which this treaty affords, I do not 
hesitate to accompany its transmission with an expression 
of my earnest hope that it may commend itself to the favor- 
able consideration of the Senate. 



^rom Address at the Semicentennial Anni- 
versary of the New York Academy of 
Medicine, Carnegie Hall, New York City, 
January 29, 1897. '\ 

We begin by conceding most heartily, and without the 
least reservation, the learning and skill of those now con- 
stituting the medical profession, and the wonderful advance 
that has been made through their untiring labors and inves- 
tigations in the alleviation of human suffering and the sav- 
ing of human life. 

It may be that this seems to you an acknowledgment so 
much your due as to be hardly worth making. You should, 
however, value it because it is sincerely made by those who 
were not born yesterday, but who hold in lasting and tender 
memory the ministrations of the village doctor of fifty years 
ago and are now the living monuments of his faithful care ! 
He, too, alleviated suffering and saved human lif5. We know 
that it was not given to him to see the bright lights that 
now mark the path of medicine and surgery, but you cannot 
convince us that he groped entirely in the dark. We remem- 
ber without abhorrence his ever-ready lancet and the scars 
of his blood-letting found in every household. We endure 
with complacency the recollection of his awful medicine- 
case, containing bottles, powders and pills which, whatever 
might be thought of them now, seemed then to be sufficient 
for all emergencies, to say nothing of the tooth-pulling tools 
and other shiver-breeding instruments sometimes exposed to 
view. If he was ignorant of many of the remedies and 
appliances now in use, he in a large measure supplied the 
deficiency by hard-headed judgment, well-observed experi- 
ence and careful nursing. Besides, it was in his favor that 
he did not have to bother his head with many of the newly 



invented and refined diseases that afflict mankind to-day. 
He had no allotted hours for his patients, but was always 
on duty, and we knew the sound of his gig as it rattled past 
in the night. 

Your ways are better than his ; but we desire you to re- 
gard this admission as all the more valuable because it is 
carved out of our loyalty to our old village doctor, who 
brought us through the diseases of childhood without re- 
lapse; who saved from death our parents and our brothers 
and our sisters in many a hard combat with illness, and who, 
when vanquished and forced to surrender, was present in the 
last scene to close the eyes of his dying patient and sympa- 
thize with those who wept. 

I hasten to say that we do not for a moment suppose that 
advancement in the science of medicine and surgery has 
smothered the faithfulness and tender consideration which 
characterized the practitioner of former days. If we seek 
charitable service to the sick and suffering, a noble appre- 
ciation of obligation to humanity and self-abnegation in the 
discharge of professional duty, we must look for them 
among our physicians and surgeons of to-day. 

[From Address at the Banquet of the Reform 
Club, Hotel Waldorf, New York, April U, 

We are gathered here to-night as patriotic citizens, anx- 
ious to do something toward reinstating prosperity to our 
fellow-countrymen and protecting the fair fame of our 
nation against shame and scandal. On every side we are 
confronted with popular depression and complaint. These 
are largely due to causes of natural and certain recurrence, 
as the inevitable accompaniment of all human endeavor, and 



perhaps they are as largely due to the work of agitators and 
demagogues who have busily sowed the seeds of discontent, 
in order that in the harvest they may reap personal advan- 
tage. Distressing ills, real and imaginary, have been so 
constantly and luridly presented to the minds of honest men 
that they are tempted to accept, without taking counsel of 
reason or judgment, any nostrum cunningly offered as a 
remedy for their low condition. But even so promising a 
field as this has not satisfied the designs of ruthless agi- 
tators. While scattering the seeds of discontent, they have 
also cultivated a growth of sectional and class suspicion and 
distrust which threatens to choke or destroy that fraternal 
feeling which leads to considerate counsel in the day of 
common misfortune, and which is absolutely essential to the 
success of our plan of government. 

The fundamental truth that our free institutions offer 
opportunities to all within their influence for the advance- 
ment and improvement of their condition has been so far 
denied that honest accumulation is called a crime, and the 
necessity and habit of individual effort and struggle, which 
are the mainsprings of sturdy Americanism, are decried as 
unjustifiable burdens, while unwholesome paternalism is pre- 
sented in handsome and inviting garb. Those enlisted in ■ 
this crusade of discontent and passion, proclaiming them- 
selves the friends of the people, exclude from that list all 
their countrymen except those most unfortunate or unrea- 
sonable, and those whom they themselves have made the most 
discontented and credulous. 

These forces and conditions have for years with greater 
or less distinctness hovered about our National life, lacking 
effective organization and concentration, neglected by those 
who deprecated their existence and unheeded even by those 
who partially appreciated their dangerous tendency. In the 
meantime there has laid in wait behind them all an impa- 
tient power, ready to marshal them in effective activity, 



when depression, misfortune, neglect and passion had done 
their work. This power, born of sordid greed and main- 
tained by selfish interest and partisan ambition, has at last 
assumed command, and has largely recruited its waiting 
forces by inflaming those inclined to be patient with talks 
of an ancient crime against their rights to be avenged, by 
encouraging the restless and turbulent with hints of greater 
license, and by offering to the poor as a smooth road to 
wealth, and to those in debt as a plan for easy payment, 
and to those who from any cause are unfortunate and dis- 
couraged, as a remedy for all their ills, the free and unlim- 
ited and independent coinage of silver at the rate of 16 to 1, 
with a depreciated currency and cheap money. 

It was a rude awakening for the negligent and overcon- 
fident, and a day of terror for sober and patriotic men, when 
the bold promoters of this reckless creed captured the organ- 
ization of a powerful political party, and, seizing its banners, 
shouted defiance to the astonished conscience and conserva- 
tism of the country. Hosts of honest men, in blind loyalty, 
gathered behind the party flag they had been accustomed to 
follow, failing to discover that their party legends had been 
effaced. None can forget the doubt and fear of that boister- 
ous and passionate campaign, when the fate of the Nation 
seemed in the balance. The danger of the situation arose 
from the hasty impulse of those whose misfortunes had been 
cruelly played upon, and from the enthusiasm of unquestion- 
ing, thoughtless party fealty. The deliverance came through 
the action of those who saw the trick, and loved the princi- 
ples of their party too well to follow its stolen banners in 
an attack upon those National safeguards which party as 
well as patriotism should at all times defend. 

I do not fear that I sliall be accused of sinister designs, 
unfitted to the atmosphere of this occasion, if I insist that 
the paths of duty and the best hope of safety lie in an 
immediate and earnest attempt to accomplish the rehabil- 



itation and regeneration of the Democratic party and its 
return to the principles of true Democracy. In a large 
part of the country, where financial error is most gen- 
eral, the democratic name can best arouse the political senti- 
ment of the people; and there, as everywhere in our land, 
the people can be trusted to arrive at a correct conclusion if 
they have adequate opportunity for examination and infor- 
mation. Let us devise means to break through tlie influence 
of the mischievous leadership that surrounds them and 
without arrogantly assuming that no wrongs or hardships 
afflict them, and that no ref ortas in their condition are needed, 
let us meet our countrymen face to face in argument and 
counsel. We shall find in every locality able, heroic men, 
willing to struggle against the tide of misconception. Let 
us hold up their hands by organized effort and timely assist- 
ance. Let true Democrats meet the passion and bitterness 
of their former associates who have assumed the leadership 
of anti-Democratic wanderings, with firm expostulations, re- 
minding them that Democratic convictions and Democratic 
conscience cannot be forced to follow false liglits, however 
held aloft; and let us at the same time entreat them in the 
name of honorable political comradeship and in the memory 
of glorious victories won by a united Democracy to turn 
from the way that leads to party defeat and destruction. 

The task is not an easy one, but surelj' it is not hopeless. 
The better we appreciate its magnitude the less will be the 
danger of ineffective and misguided effort. The work has 
already been inaugurated by the creation of an organization, 
founded upon a declaration of Democratic principles so 
sound, so clear and so patriotic, that they should rally to 
their support every true Democrat and sujiply an inspiration 
forbidding defeat. With such a beginning, and with the 
incentive to zealous effort which the transcendent impor- 
tance of our case affords, we should confidently look to the 
approaching dawn when true Democracy, " redeemed, re- 



generated and disenthralled," will bring us peace and Na- 
tional safety. But if relief under the restored flag of true 
Democracy is late in coming, we will not despair, but will 
remember that a just cause is never lost; and on our camp- 
ing ground we will work and wait, with approving con- 
science and constant faith declaring like the sturdy old un- 
recanting German reformers: " Here we stand — we cannot 
do otherwise — God help us ! " 

lFro7n Address on Commemoration Day at 
Princeton University, Princeton, N. J., 
October 2A, 1897. '\ 

Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: In the few 
words I shall speak to-day there will be no attempt to lead 
you into untrodden fields of thought or point out new truths. 
I not only believe that if I should enter upon such an under- 
taking I would be guilty of bold presumption, but it seems 
to me we can quite as profitably improve the time we spend 
together in renewing our acquaintance with some old truths 
and recalling their relationship to human life and effort. In 
following this suggestion we shall manifestly find it easier 
if we start from familiar ground, and take our departure 
from some well-known landmark. With this introduction I 
hope I may be tolerated in the announcement that I propose 
to submit on this occasion some simple reflections concerning 
the self-made man. There has been so much said of him 
at random, and he has been so often presented as an alto- 
gether wonderful being, that it is not strange if there exists 
in some quarters an entire misapprehension of the manner 
of his creation and an exaggerated idea of his nature and 
mission. A romantic and sentimental glamour has envel- 
oped him, magnifying his proportions and causing him to 



appear much larger and in every way greater than other 
men; and the notion seems to be current that his size and 
greatness are the direct results of the frowns of fortune 
which deprived him of educational advantages an,d doomed 
him to travel to success by a road rugged with obstacles 
and difficulties. 

Of course, in this view success is a necessary factor in the 
existence of this self-made man ; for, unless he accomplishes 
something not altogether commonplace and usual, he is 
deemed unworthy of the name. Indeed, it ought not to sur- 
prise us to find that success alone, if reached after a fierce 
struggle with difficulties and disadvantages, should lead by 
familiarity and easy association to a sort of hazy conception 
that these difficulties and disadvantages were not merely in- 
cidents, but positive aids to such success. 

I desire here explicitly and emphatically to express my 
respect and admiration for those who have won honorable 
success in spite of discouraging surroundings, and who have 
made themselves great and useful in their day and generation 
through the sheer force of indomitable will and courage. 
Nothing can be more noble and heroic than their struggles, 
and nothing can be more inspiring and valuable than their 
example and achievements, and whatever may be their meas- 
ure of success, their willingness to undergo hardships to win 
it demonstrates that they have in their nature the fibre and 
lasting qualities that make strong men. But while we thus 
pay a deserved tribute to true manliness, we by no means 
admit the fanciful notion that the difficulties that stood in 
the way of these self-made men were essential to their suc- 
cess. They were obstacles which they overcame, and thus 
won distinction and honor. 

The truth is, the merit of the successful man who has 
struggled with difficulties and disadvantages, must be judged 
by the kind of success he has achieved, b}'^ the use he makes 
of it, and by its effect upon his character and life. If his 



success is clean and wholesome, if he uses it to make his fel- 
lows better and happier, and if he faithfully responds to all 
the obligations of a liberal, public spirited and useful citizen, 
his struggles should add immensely to the honor and con- 
sideration he deserves. If, on the other hand, his success 
is of the grasping, sordid kind ; if he clutches it closely for 
his selfish gratification, and if with success he's bankrupt 
in character, sordidly mean, useless as a citizen, or of evil 
influence in his relations with his fellow-men, his struggles 
should not save him from contempt. Those included in 
either of these classes may, in the ordinary acceptation, be 
termed self-made men ; but it is quite evident that there are 
so-called self-made men not worth the making. Let us ex- 
clude these from further consideration. 

[Letter read at tlie Joseph Jefferson Dinner, 
New York, March 29, 1898.'] 

My Dear Mr. Gilder: I am very sorry that I cannot be 
present on the 29th inst. at the dinner in honor of Mr. Jef- 
ferson, to which you invite me. The honored guest of this 
occasion is amply entitled to the love and respect of his 
countrymen because of the kindly way in which he has 
bestowed his genius and skill among them, for their im- 
provement and amusement; but he is not less entitled to 
their love and respect for the thoroughly American manner 
of his life and for his characteristic triumph over early 
obstacles and difficulties. 

Since I came to know him as a most agreeable neighbor, 
and have thus learned his qualities as a good citizen, a genial 
and thoughtful friend, and a cultivated and refined man, it 
has often seemed to me that those who only admire Mr. 



Jefferson as a rare and accomplished actor miss much that 
should immensely increase their admiration. 

But whether we know him as the actor or the friend, all 
wish that many years may be added to his useful and kindly 

[Letter to A. H. Eastmondj Esq., read at the 
Brooklyn Democratic Club Dinner , Argyle 
Hotel, Brooklyn, N. Y., April 16, 1898.'] 

Dear Sir: I have received your letter asking for a word 
of encouragement and sympathy, to be read at the dinner 
to be given by the Brooklyn Democratic Club, when, as you 
say, it will " proclaim anew its faith in the old Democratic 

I am far from assuming that the repetition of my belief 
that a strict adherence to those principles in their unadulter- 
ated strength and integrity constitutes the best hope for 
National safety, and the only hope for Democratic party 
success, can exert an important influence in present con- 

I am, however, so deeply interested in every effort tend- 
ing toward the restoration of the integrity of our party, and 
its reinstatement in popular confidence, that I cannot refrain 
from expressing the hope that the occasion contemplated by 
your club may usefully contribute to this result. 

The Democratic party has a history too grand, a cause too 
glorious, a mission too exalted, and triumphs too inspiring, 
to permit in this time of promise and confidence its sub- 
mergence beneath a new, strange and un-Democratic combi- 



IFrom Founder's Day Address at the Law- 
renceville School, Lawrenceville , N. J., 
June 21, 1898.] 

American citizenship means more than any other citizen- 
ship — not only because it lives and flourishes beneath the 
protection of the freest and best institutions in the world, 
but because it has the perpetuity and success of those insti- 
tutions absolutely in its keeping and control. Our Govern- 
ment is not and never was in outside proprietorship, which 
could determine or set limits to our right of occupancy. 
American citizenship has built its own habitation, and is the 
tenant of no superior. It must, however, be plainly appar- 
ent that this independence in the enjoyment of privileges 
is not all that is involved in our relations to the Govern- 
ment we proudly call our own. As one who is the owner 
of the house in which he lives cannot look to another 
for its care and preservation, so American citizenship as- 
sumes the responsibility of maintaining, unaltered and unim- 
paired, the Government which shelters it and which has thus 
far been its protection against wind and storm. A just 
apprehension of the seriousness of this responsibility is the 
test of true American citizenship. 

The existence of the highest type of American citizenship 
depends largely, of course, upon the cultivation of the best 
and most patriotic sentiment among our people. It is never- 
theless true that it depends to an equal if not greater degree 
upon a constant steadiness of sound American judgment 
and an uncompromising ability among our citizens to resist 
temptation. The American people are tempted every day 
and every hour to abandon their accustomed way and enter 
upon a course of new and strange adventure. Never before 
in our history have we been beset with temptations so dan- 



gerous as those which now whisper in our ears alluring 
words of conquests and expansion, and point out to us fields 
bright with the glory of war. 

At the outset I beg you never to harbor the thought that 
an active participation in political affairs is inconsistent 
with the largest possible degree of culture and education. 
Do not fail to gain by study and reflection a just appre- 
hension of the purposes and objects for which our Govern- 
ment was established, to the end that you may detect any 
proposed departure from such purposes and objects, and be 
able to form an opinion as to its justification or desirability. 
You will probably be led by your study and reflection to 
the conclusion that our Government was formed for the 
express purpose of creating in a new world a new nation, 
the formation of which should be man's self-government, 
whose safety and prosperity should be secure in its absolute 
freedom from Old World complications, and in its renun- 
ciation of all schemes of foreign conquest, and whose mis- 
sion should be the subjection of civilization and industrial 
occupation of the vast domain on which it has taken root. 

In our present predicament of war we need have no fear 
that American courage in battle will fail to bring us victory. 
But I pray you not to forget that when the clash of arms is 
stilled, and the courage of the soldier has done its work, we 
shall greatly need, in dealing with the problems that will 
then confront us, a steady and uncompromising moral cour- 
age, which, unmoved by clamor and undisturbed by the ex- 
citement of triumph, will demand the things that true Amer- 
ican citizenship decrees to be right and just and safe. 



ILetter to Gustav H. Schwab, Esq., read at the 
Carl Schurz Dinner, Delmonico's, New 
York, March 2, 1899. '\ 

My Dear Sir: I regret exceedingly that I cannot promise 
myself the pleasure of participating in the celebration of 
iMr. Schurz's seventieth birthday. I find that an engage- 
ment which I had hoped might be postponed, will prevent 
my attendance. 

My disappointment is measured by the extreme gratifica- 
tion it would afford me to contribute my testimony to the 
volume that will be presented on the occasion you have 
arranged, in grateful support of Mr. Schurz's usefulness 
and patriotic citizenship. 

His life and career teach lessons that cannot be too often 
or too impressively emphasized. They illustrate the moral 
grandeur of disinterested public service, and the nobility 
of a fearless advocacy of the things that are right and just 
•and safe. It will be a sad day for our country when, in the 
light of such an example, our people refuse to see the best 
statesmanship in steadfast adherence to conscience and hon- 
esty, in storm as well as in sunshine. 

I believe that the most confident hope of tlie permanency 
and continued beneficence of our free institutions rests upon 
the cultivation by those intrusted with public duty, and 
among the ranks of our countrymen, of the trusts which have 
distinguished the man whom you propose to honor. 



[Letter to Rev. G. H. Hepworth, Buzzard's 
Bay, Mass., August 26, 1900.'] 

My Dear Mr. Hepworth: Your letter is received. I am 
quite sure you wrongly estimate the value of any expression 
I might make concerning the political situation. 

Besides, I am by no means free from the perplexity 
which now afflicts thousands of those who love the princi- 
ples of true Democracy, In these circumstances I am not 
inclined to advise others as to their present political duty. 
A crisis has arisen when each man's conscience and in- 
formed patriotic sense should be his guide. 

Inasmuch, therefore, as neither the certainty of my abil- 
ity to rightly advise nor any call of obligation prompts me 
to discuss political conditions, I think I ought to be per- 
mitted, in my retirement to avoid the irritation and abuse 
which my interference at this time would inevitably invite. 

[From Address at the Holland Society Dinner, 
Waldorf-Astoria, New York, January 17, 

The cordial welcome you extend to me is exceedingly 
grateful and comforting, for it gives me a grain of satis- 
faction in the ordeal that confronts me. I am convinced 
that the art of making an after-dinner speech without dis- 
tress is for me a sealed book, and as the years pass I am only 
saved from complete wretchedness in my efforts in that 
direction by the kindness and toleration of those who are 
good enough to listen to me. I cannot resent the charge 
that I am apt to preach a sermon on occasions of this kind; 
for I am afraid this accusation is justified. It has been 



my lot to be much on the sober side of life and to feel the 
pressure of great responsibilities. Besides, I believe it 
sometimes happens that an excess of light-hearted gayety 
creates a condition of popular thought and impulse that 
may profitably be steadied by sedate suggestions and the 
expression of conservative sentiment — even though it may 
be called sermonizing. 

At any rate, I am quite willing to take an humble place 
among the sermonizers, in this time of headlong National 
heedlessness, and to invoke the cultivation and saving grace 
of Dutch conservatism. This is the kind of conservatism 
that counts the cost, but for the sake of principle and 
freedom will disregard the cost ; that lays out a voyage by 
chart and compass and follows chart and compass to the 
end; that loves the liberty and national happiness which 
rest upon tried and sure foundations ; that teaches rever- 
ence for national traditions and encourages the people's 
satisfaction with their country's mission. It is the kind of 
conservatism in which our Constitution had its birth, and 
which has thus far been the source of our Nation's safety 
and strength — the conservatism of justice, of honor, of hon- 
esty, of industry, of frugality and of contented homes. 

[On hearing of the Death of Ex-President 
Harrison, Princeton, N. J., March 13, 1901.1 

I am exceedingly moved by the sad intelligence of Mr. 
Harrison's death, for, notwithstanding the late discourag- 
ing reports for his condition, I hoped his life might yet be 
spared. Not one of our countrymen should for a moment 
fail to realize the services which have been performed in 
their behalf by the distinguished dead. In high public 
office he was guided by patriotism and devotion to duty, 



often at the sacrifice of temporary popularity^ and in pri- 
vate station his influence and example were always in the 
direction of decencj'^ and good citizenship. Such a career 
and the incidents related to it should leave a deep and 
useful impression upon every selection of our national life. 

[From First Lecture on the Venezuela Bound- 
ary Dispute^ Princeton^ N. J., May 27, 

In 1876, thirty-two years after the discontinuance of 
efforts on the part of Great Britain and Venezuela to fix 
by agreement a line which should divide their possessions, 
Venezuela was confronted, upon the renewal of negotiations 
for that purpose, by the following conditions: 

A line proposed by her, founded upon her conception of strict right, 
which her powerful opponent had insisted could not in any way be 
plausibly supported, and which therefore she would in no event accept. 

An indefiniteness in the linaits claimed by Great Britain, so great that 
of two boundary lines indicated or suggested by her one had been plainly 
declared to be "merely a preliminary measure ojjen to future discussion 
between the governments of Great Britain and Venezuela, and the other 
was distinctly claimed to be based upon generous concessions and a 
"desire to avoid all cause of serious controversies between the two 

A controversy growing out of this situation impossible of friendly 
settlement except by such arrangement and accommodation as would 
be satisfactory to Great Britain, or by submission of the dispute to 

A constant danger of such an extension of settlements in the disputed 
territory as would necessarily complicate the situation, and furnish a 
convenient pretext for the refusal of any concession respecting the lands 
containing such settlements. 

A continual profession on the part of Great Britain of her present readi- 
ness to make benevolent concessions, and of her willingness to co-operate 
in a speedy adjustment, while not substantially reducing her pretensions, 
and certainly not attempting in a conspicuous manner to hasten negotia- 
tions to a conclusion. 



A tremendous disparity in power and strength between Venezuela and 
her adversary, which gave her no hope, in case the extremity of force 
or war was reached, or defending her territory or preventing its annexa- 
tion to the possessions of Great Britain. 

It was in 1876 that Venezuela appealed to the United 
States, begging our Government " to give the subject its kind 
consideration and take an interest in having due justice 
done to Venezuela." This appears to be the first communi- 
cation addressed to our Government on the subj ect of a con- 
troversy in which we afterward became very seriously con- 

England alone had treated the territory as part of British 
Guiana; her immense power had enabled her to do this, and 
her own decrees seemed to promise greater advantages as 
against her weak adversary than arbitration could possibly 

The British Government at one time offered a plan of 
arbitration which did not cover the entire disputed terri- 
tory, but never consented to arbitration such as proposed 
by Venezuela, and which would include the entire territory 
in dispute. 

Here [September, 1893] closed a period in this dispute, 
fifty-two years in duration, vexed with agitation, and per- 
turbed by irritating and repeated failures to reach a peace- 
ful adjustment. Instead of progress in the direction of a 
settlement of their boundaries, the contestants could only 
contemplate, as results of their action, increased obstacles 
to fair discussion, intensified feelings of injury, extended 
assertion of title, ruthless appropriation of the territory in 
controversy, and an unhealed breach in diplomatic relations. 



IFrom Second Lecture on the Venezuela Bound- 
ary Dispute, Princeton, N. J., May 28, 

It now [1893] became plainly apparent that a new stage 
had been reached in the progress of our intervention, and 
that the ominous happenings of a few months had hastened 
the day when we were challenged to take our exact bearings, 
lest we should miss the course of honor and national duty. 
The more direct tone that had been given to our dispatches 
concerning the dispute, our more insistent and emphatic sug- 
gestion of arbitration, the serious reference to the subject in 
the President's message, the significant resolution passed by 
Congress earnesth'^ recommending arbitration, all portended 
a growth of conviction on the part of our Government con- 
cerning this controversy, which grew to pronounced disap- 
pointment and anxiety when Great Britain, concurrently 
with these apprising incidents, repeated in direct and posi- 
tive terms her refusal to submit to arbitration except on 
condition that a portion of the disputed territory which 
Venezuela had always claimed to be hers should at the out- 
set be irrevocably conceded to England. 

Recreancy to a principle so fundamentally American as 
the Monroe Doctrine on the part of those charged with the 
administration of our Government was, of course, out of the 
question. Inasmuch, therefore, as all our efforts to avoid 
its assertion had miscarried, there was nothing left for us 
to do, consistently with national honor, but to take the place 
of Venezuela in the controversy, so far as that was necessary 
in vindication of our American doctrine. Our mild and 
amiable proffers of good offices, and the hopes we indulged 



that at last they might be the means of securing to a weak 
sister republic peace and justice, and to ourselves immunity 
from sterner interposition, were not suited to the new emer- 
gency. In our advanced position sympathy for Venezuela 
and solicitude for her distressed condition were no longer 
to be the motive power of our conduct, but were to give way 
to the duty and obligation to protect our own national rights. 

In 1895 Mr. Olney, at the suggestion of the President, 
began, with characteristic energy and vigor, to make prepa- 
ration for the decisive step which it seemed to our Govern- 
ment could not longer be delayed. 

Whatever our beliefs or convictions might be, as derived 
from the examination we had thus far given the case, and 
however strongly we might be persuaded that Great Brit- 
ain's pretensions, if allowed, must result in such European 
colonization as would violate the Monroe doctrine, it would 
nevertheless have been manifestly improper and heedless on 
our part to find conclusively against Great Britain, before 
soliciting her again and in new circumstances to give us an 
opportunity to judge of the merits of her claims through 
her submission of them to arbitration. 

My own surprise and disappointment have arisen more 
from the honest misunderstanding and the dishonest and 
insincere misrepresentation on the part of many of our people 
regarding the motives and purposes of the interference of 
the Government of the United States in this affair. 

I hope there are but few of our fellow-citizens who, in 
their retrospects, do not now acknowledge the good that has 
come to our nation through this episode in our history. It 
has established the Monroe doctrine on lasting foundations 
before the eyes of the world; it has given us a better place 



in the respect and consideration of the people of all nations, 
and especially of Great Britain; it has again confirmed our 
confidence in the overwhelming prevalence among our citi- 
zens of disinterested devotion to American honor, and last, 
but by no means least, it has taught us where to look in the 
ranks of our countrymen for the best patriotism. 

[Address at the McKinley Memorial Services, 
Alexander Hall, Princeton, N. J., Septem- 
ber 13, 1901.'] 

To-day the grave closes over the dead body of the man 
but lately chosen by the people of the United States from 
among their number to represent their nationality, preserve, 
protect and defend their Constitution, to faithfully execute 
the laws ordained for their welfare and to safely hold and 
keep the honor and integrity of the republic. His time of 
service is ended, not by the lapse of time, but by the tragedy 
of assassination. He has passed from the public sight, not 
joyously bearing the garlands and wreaths of his country- 
men's approving acclaim, but amid the sobs and tears of 
a mourning nation. He has gone to his home, not the habi- 
tation of earthly peace and quiet night, with domestic com- 
fort and joy, but to the dark and narrow home appointed 
for all the sons of men and there to rest until the morning 
light of the resurrection shall gleam in the east. 

All our people loved their dead President. His kindly 
nature and lovable traits of character and his amiable con- 
sideration for all about him will long live in the minds and 
hearts of his countrymen. He loved them in return with 
such patriotism and unselfishness that in this hour of their 
grief and humiliation he would say to them: "It is God's 
will; I am content. If there is a lesson in my life or death, 



let it be taught to those who still live and have the destiny of 
their country in their keeping." Let us, then, as our dead 
is buried out of our sight, seek for the lessons and the admo- 
nitions that may be suggested by the life and death which 
constitute our theme. 

First in my thoughts are the lessons to be learned from 
the career of William McKinley by the young men who 
make up the student body of our university. These lessons 
are not obscure or difficult. They teach the value of study 
and mental training, but they teach more impressively 
the road to usefulness and to the only success worth havhig 
will be missed or lost except it is sought and kept by tlie 
light of those qualities of the heart, which it is sometimes 
supposed may safely be neglected or subordinated in uni- 
versity surroundings. This is a great mistake. Study and 
study hard, but never let the thought enter your mind that 
study alone or the greatest possible accumulation of learn- 
ing alone will lead you to the heights of usefulness and 

The man who is universally mourned to-day achieved the 
highest distinction which his great country can confer on any 
man, and he lived a useful life. He was not deficient in 
education, but with all you will hear of his grand career 
and his services to his country and to his fellow-citizens, 
you will not hear that the high plane he reached or what 
he accomplished was due entirely to his education. You will 
instead constantly hear as accounting for his great success 
that he was obedient and affectionate as a son, patriotic and 
faithful as a soldier, honest and upright as a citizen, tender 
and devoted as a husband, and truthful, generous, unselfisli, 
moral and clean in every relation of life. He never thought 
any of those things too weak for his manliness. Make no 
mistake. Here was a most distinguished man, a great man, 
a useful man — who became distinguished, great and usefid 
because he had, and retained unimpaired, qualities of heart 



which I fear university students sometimes feel like keeping 
in the background or abandoning. 

There is' a most serious lesson for all of us in the tragedy 
of our late President's death. The shock of it is so great 
that it is hard at this time to read this lesson calmly. We 
can hardly fail to see, however, behind the bloody deed of 
the assassin, horrible figures and faces from which it will 
not do to turn away. If we are to escape further attack 
upon our peace and security, we must boldly and reso- 
lutely grapple with the monster of anarchy. It is not a 
thing that we can safely leave to be dealt with by party or 
partisanship. ^Nothing can guarantee us against its menace 
except the teaching and the practice of the best citizenship, 
the exposure of the ends and aims of the gospel of discon- 
tent and hatred of social order, and the brave CHactment 
and execution of repressive laws. 

The universities and colleges cannot refuse to join in the 
battle against the tendencies of anarchy. Their help in 
discovering and warring against the relationship between 
the vicious councils and deeds of blood, and their steadying 
influence upon the elements of xinrest, cannot fail to be of 
inestimable value. 

By the memory of our murdered President, let us resolve 
to cultivate and preserve the qualities that made him great 
and useful, and let us determine to meet any call of patriotic 
duty in any time of our country's danger and need. 

[JP'rom Founder's Day Address at the Carnegie 
Institute, Pittsburg, Pa., November 7, 

Ladies and Gentlemen: When I yielded to the persuasive 
request of the founder of the Carnegie Institute and con- 
sented to appear here to day and address you I waived a 



resolution I had deliberately made to do all I could by- 
resisting such persuasion, to bring about my retirement from 
service as a speaker on occasions like this. I found it im- 
possible to escape the conviction that something had been 
done in this city by your founder which demonstrated such 
generosity and such disinterested public spirit that no good 
citizen should refuse to respond when called on to testify 
in recognition and apjjreciation of his noble work. 

A most impressive exhibition is here laid before us of the 
immense accomplishments of patient, persistent work and 
intelligent industrial enterprise; and by their side are seen 
splendid evidences of the free dedication of millions of the 
wealth gained as a reward of such work and enterprise 
to the education, the improvement and the elevation of the 
people without distinction or discrimination. The real 
impressiveness of this exhibition, however, consists in the 
fact that the hands and brain and heart of one man may 
have done substantially all this — ^thus demonstrating how 
surely in this land of ours the greatest material success 
in business follows industry and resolute effort, and at the 
same time suggesting that such success and the accumu- 
lation or possession of a large fortune, create obligations 
of beneficence which ought to be neither forgotten nor 
neglected. In point of fact the career of Andrew Car- 
negie and what he has done for himself and given to others 
constitute a most valuable object lesson, illustrating all the 
opportunities our country profusely offers, the invincibility 
of well-directed endeavors and the meaning of American 
good citizenship. 



lFro7}i Address at the Pierce School of Business, 
Academy of MiLsic^ Philadelphia^ Pa.^ De- 
cember 21, 1901.] 

It is good to start out in life with the idea firmly in one's 
mind that the world owes you a living. Of course, you are 
not to give this the highwayman's meaning nor act upon it 
in a highwayman fashion. Neither should the proposition 
that the Avorld owes you a living be construed as giving 
license for all sorts of sharp practices involving work only 
with the wits and a disregard for the Golden Rule and every 
other precept which maintains and cultivates haman brother- 

There seems to be an inclination in these days to adopt 
the version of the Golden Rule proclaimed by the horse-trad- 
ing, money-lending character portrayed in a late popular 
novel — " Do unto the other fellow the way he'd like to do 
unto you, and do it first." This interpretation of the rule, 
if seriously proposed, would arouse loud and extended pro- 
test, and yet thousands and thousands of those who would 
protest the loudest are daily and hourly acting in precise 
accordance with such interpretation. The true Golden Rule 
lies at the foundation of all that makes life worth living, 
and is the parent of every success worth gaining. 

\_Address at the Augustinian College of St. 
Thomas of Villanova, Philadelphia, Pa., 
Jmie 17, 1902.] 

Mr. President : I desire to express in a few words my ap- 
preciation of the honor just conferred on me by the College 
of St. Thomas of Villanova. It is certainly a great gratifi- 
cation to be deemed worthy of such notice by the governing 



body of an institution of learning within whose walls are 
found in a marked degree opportunities for a thorough, sub- 
stantial and useful education. 

This incident prominently suggests to my mind the im- 
perious edict of education, which forbids the hindrance or 
disturbance of its high mission by religious discrimination, 
social intolerance or any of the barriers that to a greater 
or less extent separate civilized humanity. The republic of 
education is based upon identical aim, equal rights in its 
opportunity and impartiality in the distribution of its re- 
wards and honors. This, it seems to me, is impressively 
illustrated when the severely Catholic College of St. Thomas 
of Villanova bestows its highest honorary degree upon one 
connected with the management and holding an honorary 
degree in the severely Protestant Princeton University. 

The processes of education as they exist in this country 
have, or always should have, in addition to other character- 
istics an especial harmony of purpose and design, as they 
are related to our government; and this should constitute 
between our institutions of learning a bond of close fra- 
ternity. Whatever other objects and purposes may be in- 
volved in educational efforts among us, one of its constant 
and prominent aims should be the cultivation and main- 
tenance of a high standard of American citizenship. When 
we recall the fact that the beneficence of our scheme of gov- 
ernment depends upon the virtue and education of the units 
of our citizenship, it is at once apparent that an important 
and common duty rests upon every agency that undertakes 
the instruction of the youth of our land. 

It will be a sad day for our nation when the force of edu- 
cation and the teachers of moral living shall cease to strive 
in unity to leaven the entire mass of our citizenship, or when 
their influence in that direction shall be divided and circum- 
scribed by religious and sectarian differences. 

I hope I may be allowed to say in conclusion a word to 


you who to-day complete your college course and receive 
from those who have taught and guided you a certificate 
of good scholarship. This is indeed an honorable decora- 
tion and indorsement, and one of which you may well be 
proud. But it means more than this. It involves a solemn 
and exacting trust; and it imparts a pledge on your part 
that the education you may have here received shall neither 
be hid in a napkin nor held tightly to your breast as a means 
of self-glorification and self-enjoyment. Your graduation is 
merely the entrance upon your life's work and your diploma 
may be regarded as only a muniment of title by which you 
are invested by your Alma Mater with the ownership and 
possession of an outfit placed in your hands to the end that 
you may fittingly discharge the service to which you are 
bound. Selfishness in the use of education, and its sordid 
possession as an instrument of self-indulgence, is as sinful 
and should be as strongly resisted as any other form of sel- 
fishness. Some of you will find careers in the duties and 
ministrations of your church ; and I suppose others will enter 
in the busy and bustling arena of worldly activity. But 
whether in the church or in the world, none of you will avoid 
the compact with your fellow men which brings with it a 
grave responsibility to American citizenship — a responsibil- 
ity infinitely more grave and serious as your influence over 
others is increased by your education — or holy calling, and 
more ever present and exacting as you appreciate the obliga- 
tions of the trust you have assumed. 

You may be siwe that you will fail to meet these obliga- 
tions if you are not constantly and solemnly impressed with 
the conviction that your educational advantages are only 
valuable as they better fit you to do your duty to your God, 
to your coimtry and to your fellow men. 



[Address at Alexander Hall, Princeton, N. J., 
October 25, 1902.] 

Great changes have marked the life of the College of 
New Jersey since her second president was inaugurated, 154 
years ago. The infant college has grown to strong and 
beautiful maturity. Her roll of graduates is resplendent 
with great names; her trophies are bright and countless; 
while the hosts of her alumni hedge her about with love 
and devotion tirelessly generous, and with a defending care 
constant and vigilant. And yet to-day she still holds fast 
to her democratic tendencies, as under a new and greater 
name she inaugurates her thirteenth president — again with 
exercises whose external solemnity and decorum tend to 
please even the unlearned^ again with the hope that in her 
university advancement she will meet with due encourage- 
ment from all public spirited and generous minds, and again 
hoping that the lovers of mankind will wish prosperity and 
contribute to her support. 

These inauguration ceremonies can hardly fail to es- 
pecially impress by their sober significance those who as 
trustees of Princeton University are charged with the con- 
trol and management of her affairs. To-day is revived the 
regretful memory of severed ties, which with genuine affec- 
tion and admiration bound them to the president who has 
just retired after long and distinguished service; and to-day 
the comfort they have found in the hopeful promise of con- 
tinued university usefulness and prosjDcrity under a new 
administration is renewed. They realize in the atmosphere 
of this occasion, more actually than on other days, that it is 
a serious thing to be a trustee of Princeton University, and 
they are not unmindful of the admonition here given them, 
to seek with sincere endeavor the path that leads to duty 



and to a just and happy acquittance from the obligations of 
their trust. If in this endeavor they remember that their 
trusteeship cannot arise above the source of its creation, they 
will turn for guidance to the mandates of the deed or grant 
under which they hold. 

My concluding words shall be those of congratulation and 
assurance. How can Princeton's trustees do otherwise than 
to heartily congratulate themselves and the university upon 
the inauguration as her president of one of her sons (Wood- 
row Wilson), whose career has constantly reflected honor 
upon his Alma ]\Iater, and whose notable successes and 
achievements have all been won under the inspiration of the 
true Princeton spirit. Charged by the mandate of the char- 
ter of the College of New Jersey with " the immediate care 
of the education and government of such students as shall be 
sent to and admitted into said college," we are certain that 
the oath by which he binds his conscience will furnish no 
better pledge than his high character and acute moral sense, 
that he will " faithfully and impartially perform the duties 
of his office." Our measure of hope and confidence is more 
completely filled when to all other reassuring conditions is 
happily added his extended experience as one of Princeton's 
most important teachers, and his familiarity with her ideals 
and aspirations. 

It only remains for me to pledge to our newly chosen 
president the united, willing and effective co-operation of the 
trustees of Princeton University in all his labors for her 
prosperity and advancement. His success as president will 
be our joy as trustees, and neither he nor we can desire a 
wider opportunity for pride and satisfaction than the con- 
sciousness that we are sincerely and faithfully laboring 
together to accomplish Princeton's mission, and have appre- 
ciated the high duty and impressive significance of instruct- 
ing the youth of our land in the learned languages, in the 
liberal arts and sciences and in religious truth. 



[From Address at Dedication of the New Home 
of the Chamber of Commerce, New York 
City, November 11, 1902.'] 

It is a curious fact that, although the Chamber of Com- 
merce of the State of New York has sturdily and usefully 
lived for more than a hundred and thirty years, we are cele- 
brating to-day its first possession of a permanent home. 
This circumstance has, however, a meaning and significance 
quite in keeping with the disposition and methods of the 
organization. Its purposes have been practical, and the 
occasions for its useful and beneficial work have been so con- 
stant, that it has been abundantly content to make a career 
and add lustre to its name before providing for itself a local 
habitation ; but no architectural finish and no ornate decora- 
tion befits this beautiful edifice so well as the bright color- 
ing reflected from the splendid achievements proudly borne 
by those who now enter upon its occupancy. 

It need not surprise us if the popular estimate of this 
business organization should fail to take into account all 
that it had done to promote high and patriotic purposes not 
always related, in a narrow sense, to commerce. No asso- 
ciated body of our citizens felt more deeply and effectively 
the throbbing of patriotism and devotion to country when 
our government was threatened by armed rebellion ; its pro- 
test and aid were immediately forthcoming when, afterward, 
an insidious attack was made upon our financial integrity 
through an attempted debasement or our currency; from no 
quarter has a more earnest and insistent demand been heard 
for the adjustment of international disputes by arbitration; 
its espousal of the cause of business education among our 
people has been hearty and practical; it has advocated en- 
larged reciprocity of business relations between nations, and 



the removal of their vexatious hindrances; and last, but by 
no means least, it has promptly and with an open hand re- 
lieved distress and alleviated disaster. 

Such incidents as these illustrate the organization's benefi- 
cent accomplishments in the advancement of civilization and 
in furtherance of the improvement of humanity. This occa- 
sion most palpably and prominently suggests the stupendous 
evolution of the enormous commerce of to-day from the be- 
ginnings of trade, when the brothers of Joseph went down 
into Egypt to buy corn, and since Tyre and Sidon rose and 
fell. From the littleness of trade and barter, limited to 
man's narrow necessities, or often arising from the needs of 
aggressive or subjugating war, there has been developed an 
agency which has not only made the activities of business 
as wide as the world in scope and volume, but which peace- 
fully leads the way to brotherhood among the most distantly 
separated peoples, points out the path of universal civiliza- 
tion, and fixes for the nations of the earth the standard of 
national greatness. 

What I have said must not be understood as in the least 
intimating that commerce should be an altruistic or a benevo- 
lent affair, managed on lines of amiability and concession. 
Such a conception would be absurdly at fault. Commerce is 
born of enterprise, and enterprise in this busy, bustling age, 
is born of struggle and competition. But the struggle and 
competition need not be to the death. Alertness and keen- 
ness in securing business opportunities do not by any means 
import unmindfulness of all else save ruthfulness and 
ravenous snatching. 

I have attempted to suggest how practicable business 
activity can be mingled with enlightenment and social bet- 
terment, and how commercial organizations have already 
woven them together. They are estopped from disclaiming 
their obligation to continue the work. It rests with them 



not only to enlarge and strengthen by increased enterprise 
the fabric they have thus produced, but to make it brighter 
and more beautiful by adding to it a larger infusion of that 
"vvhich touches the welfare of mankind in every moral and 
social phase and condition. 

\_From Address to Southern Educational Asso- 
ciation^ New York City, April 14, 1903.'] 

I have come here to-night as a sincere friend of the negro, 
and I should be very sorry to suppose that my good and reg- 
ular standing in such company needed support at this late 
day either from certificate or confession of faith. Inasmuch, 
however, as there may be some diiferences of thought and 
sentiment among those who profess to be friends of the 
negro, I desire to declare myself as belonging to the ^ooker 
Washington-Tuskegee section of the organization, I believe 
that the days of " Uncle Tom's Cabin " are passed. I be- 
lieve that neither the decree that made the slaves free, nor 
the enactment that suddenly invested them with the rights 
of citizenship any more purged them of their racial and 
slavery-bred imperfections and deficiencies than it changed 
the color of their skins. 

I believe that among the nearly nine millions of negroes 
who have intermixed with our citizenship there is still a 
grievous amount of ignorance, a sad amount of viciousness 
and a tremendous amount of laziness and thriftlessness. I 
believe that these conditions inexorably present to the white 
people of the United States — to each in his environment and 
under the mandate of good citizenship — a problem, which 
neither enlightened self-interest nor the higher motive of 
human sympathy will permit them to put aside. 

I believe our fellow-countrymen in the Southern and late 


slave-holding States, surrounded by about nine-tenths, or 
nearly eight millions, of this entire negro population, and 
who regard their material prosperity, their peace, and even 
the safety of their civilization, interwoven with the negro 
problem, are entitled to our utmost consideration and sym- 
jiathetic fellowship. I am thoroughly convinced that the 
efforts of Booker Washington and the methods of Tuskegee 
Institute point the way to a safe and beneficent solution of 
the vexatious negro problem at the South; and I know that 
the good people at the North, who have aided these efforts 
and methods, have illustrated the highest and best citizen- 
ship and the most Christian and enlightened philanthropy. 

I cannot, however, keep out of my mind to-night the 
thought that, with all we of the North may do, the realiza- 
tion of our hopes for the negro must, after all, mainly de- 
pend, except so far as it rests with the negroes themselves, 
upon the sentiment and conduct of the leading and respon- 
sible white men of the South, and upon the maintenance of 
a kindly and helpful feeling on their part toward those in 
their midst who so much need their aid and encouragement. 

I do not know how it may be with other Northern friends 
of the negro, but I have faith in the honor and sincerity 
of the respectable white people of the South in their rela- 
tions with the negro and his improvement and well being. 
They do not believe in the social equality of the race, and 
they make no false pretence in regard to it. That this does 
not grow out of hatred of the negro is very plain. It seems 
to me that there are abundant sentiment and abundant 
behavior among the Southern whites toward the negro to 
make us doubt the justice of charging this denial of social 
equality to prejudice, as we usually understand the word. 
Perhaps it is born of something so much deeper and more 
imperious than prejudice as to amount to a radical instinct. 
Whatever it is, let us remember that it had condoned the 
negro's share in the humiliation and spoliation of the white 


OF G R V E R C L E ^ E L A N D 

men of the South during the saturnalia of reconstruction 
days, and has allowed a kindly feeling for the negro to 
survive the time when the South was deluged by the peril- 
ous flood of indiscriminate, unintelligent and blighting ne- 
gro suffrage. Whatever it is, let us try to be tolerant and 
considerate of the feelings and even the prejudice or radi- 
cal instinct of our white fellow-countrymen of the South 
who, in the solution of the negro problem must, amid their 
own surroundings, bear the heat of the day and stagger 
under the weight of the white man's burden. 

In summing up the whole matter, there is one thing of 
which we can be absohitely and unreservedly certain. When 
we aid Tuskegee Institute and agencies like it, striving 
for the mental and manual education of the negro at the 
South, we are in every point of view rendering him the 
best possible service. Whatever may be his ultimate des- 
tiny, we are thus helping to fit him for filling his place 
and bearing its responsibilities. We are sowing well in 
the soil at " the bottom of life " tlie seeds of the black 
man's development and usefulness. These seeds will not 
die, but will sprout and grow, and, if it be within the wise 
purposes of God, the hardened surface of no untoward 
sentiment or prejudice can prevent the bursting forth of 
the blade and plant of the negro's appointed opportunity 
into the bright sunlight of a cloudless day. 

^From Address at Dedication of Buildings of 
the Louisiana Purchase Ex position j St. 
Louis, April 30, 1903.'] 

Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: The impres- 
siveness of this occasion is greatly enhanced by reason of 
an atmosphere of prophecy's fulfilment which surrounds it. 

* 425 


The thought is in our minds that we are amid awe-inspiring 
surroundings, where we may see and feel things foretold 
a centurj^ ago. We are here in recognition of the one 
hundredth anniversary of an event which doubled the area 
of the young American nation, and dedicated a new and 
wide domain to American progress and achievement. The 
treaty whose completion we to-day commemorate was itself 
a prophecy of our youthful nation's mighty growth and 
development. At its birth prophets in waiting joyously 
foretold the happiness which its future promised. He who 
was the chief actor for the United States in its negotiation, 
as he signed the perfected instrument, thus declared its 
effect and far-reaching consequence: " The instrument 
which we have just signed will cause no blood to be shed. 
It prejoares ages of happiness for innumerable generations 
of human creatures. The Mississippi and the Missouri 
will see them succeed one another — truly worthy of the 
regard and care of Providence in the bosom of equality 
under just laws — freed from the errors of superstition and 
the scourges of bad government." 

He who represented the nation with whom we negotiated, 
when he afterward gave to the world his account of the 
transaction, declared: " The consequences of the cession of 
Louisiana will extend to the most distant posterity. It 
interests vast regions that will become by their civilization 
and power the rivals of Europe before another century 
commences," and, warmed to enthusiasm by the develop- 
ments already in view, and greater ones promised, he added: 
" Who can contemplate without vivid emotions this spec- 
tacle of the happiness of the present generation and the 
certain pledges of the prosperity of numberless generations 
that will follow .f* At these magnificent prospects the heart 
beats with joy in the breasts of those who were permitted 
to see the dawn of these bright days, and who are assured 
that so many happy passages wiU be accomplished." 



There was anotlier prophet, greater than all — prophet 
and priest — who, higher up the mount than others, heard 
more distinctly the voice of destiny, whose heart and soul 
were full of prophecy, and whose every faculty was tense 
and strong as he wrought for our nation's advancement and 
for the peace and contentment of his fellow-countrymen. 
From the fulness of gratitude and joy he thus wrote to 
one who had assisted in the consummation of this great 
treaty: " For myself and my coimtry, I thank you for the 
aid you have given in it; and I congratulate you on having 
lived to give you these aids in a transaction replete with 
blessings to unborn millions of men, and which will mark 
the face of a portion of the globe as extensive as that which 
now composes the United States of America," and when, 
as President, he gave notice in a message to Congress of 
the actual occupancy by the government of its new acquisi- 
tion, he happily presaged the future, and gave assurance 
of his complete faith and confidence in the beneficent result 
of our nation's extension in these words : 

" On this important acquisition, so favorable to the im- 
mediate interests of our Western citizens, so auspicious to 
the peace and security of the nation in general, which adds 
to our country territories so extensive and fertile, and to 
our citizens new brethren to partake of the blessings of free- 
dom and self-government, I offer to Congress and our 
country my sincere congratulations." 

Our prophets do not live forever. They are not here to 
see how stupendously the growth and development of the 
American nation on the domain newly acquired in their day 
have during a short century outrun their anticipations and 
predictions. Almost within the limits of the territory 
gained by the Louisiana Purchase we have already carved 
out twelve great States — leaving still a large residue, whose 
occupants are even now loudly clamoring for Statehood. 
Instead of the five thousand white settlers who occupied 



this domain in 1803, it now contains fifteen millions of 
industrious, enterprising, intelligent Americans, constitut- 
ing about one-fifth of the population of all our States; 
and these are defiantly contesting for premiership in wealth 
and material success with the oldest of our States, and are 
their equals in every phase of advanced intelligence and 
refined civilization. 

The States which composed the Union when its posses- 
sions were so greatly extended have since that time seen 
the centre of the nation's population carried more than 
five hundred miles westward by the swift and constant 
current of settlement toward this new domain, and the 
citizens of those States have seen flocking thither " new 
brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self- 
government " in multitudes greater than even Jefferson 
would have dared to foretell. 

I shall not enter the field of statistics for the purpose 
of giving details of the development of the territory ac- 
quired under the treaty we commemorate. I have referred 
to such development in some of its general features, by 
way of suggesting how distinctly the century just ended 
gives assurance of a startling and superabundant final ful- 
fillment of the prophecies of its beginning. 

Thus we may well recall in these surroundings the won- 
derful measure of prophecy's fulfillment within the span 
of a short century, the spirit, the patriotism and the civic 
virtue of Americans who lived a hundred years ago, and 
God's overruling of the wrath of man and His devious 
ways for the blessing of our nation. 

We are all proud of our American citizenship. Let us 
leave this place with this feeling stimulated by the senti- 
ments born of this occasion. Let us appreciate more keenly 
than ever how vitally necessary it is to our country's weal 
that every one within its citizenship should be clean minded 



in political aim and aspiration, sincere and honest in his 
conception of our country's mission, and aroused to higher 
and more responsive patriotism by the reflection that it is 
a solemn thing to belong to people favored of God. 

[From Address at Carnegie Hall, New York, 
Mat) 27, 1903.] 

We and all our countrymen protest in the strongest lan- 
guage at our command and vs^ith all the moral force which 
our American citizenship gives us against these murders 
and outrages, and we insist that swift and condign punish- 
ment ought to be visited^ upon their barbarous perpetrators. 
Nor is this all. We will, in a fashion quite American, 
and with an openhandedness always displayed when hu- 
man distress appeals to us, assist the families made headless 
and robbed of support by murder, and those who, wounded 
and terrorized, and in hunger and want, have been driven 
from their homes. 

I know how easily our indignation prompts us to the use 
of strong language; and I know how naturally we are 
tempted to indulge in overdrawn statements and extrava- 
gant demands on such occasions as this; but I am sure 
tliat in our characterization of the crimes we here contem- 
plate, and in expressing our detestation of the criminals, 
we cannot go too far. 

I desire to avoid soimding a discordant note; but yet I 
cannot refrain from the suggestion that the moral effect of 
our protest and the usefulness of this demonstration will 
not be lessened if we require indubitable proof before we 
accuse the government of Russia of guilty complicity in 
the crimes committed within her borders ; and it seems to 
me we may well consider the proper relationship between 



nations before we demand too pronounced interference on 
the part of our own government. 

I do not say that the Russian Government may not, by 
sins of omission or commission, be justly deserving of our 
condemnation; but we should not be swift to assume this, 
when we remember that we ourselves have found it impos- 
sible to prevent mob violence and murderous assaults upon 
the Chinese in Wyoming and the Italians in Louisiana. I 
am distinctly and unequivocally in favor of informing our 
government in unmistakable terms of our indignant and deep 
condemnation of the late outrages upon the Jews in Russia ; 
but I hope that, in obedience to the dictates of American 
conservatism and moderation, which are never long ob- 
scured, we may be even now just and fair, and that we will 
be content to forego perplexing and- extreme demands upon 
our government for violent action. 

Our public servants should hear us speak, but we certainly 
ought to be justified in trusting the care of our national 
honor and duty in the premises, and the enforcement of 
the humane instincts of our people, so far as this may 
be within governmental action, to those charged with the 
responsibilities of managing our public affairs. 

In tlie mean time, let the people of the United States, 
gathered together in such assemblages as this, in every part 
of the land, fearlessly speak to the civilized world protest- 
ing against every pretence of civilization that permits me- 
diaeval persecution, against every bigoted creed that forbids 
religious toleration and freedom of conscience, against all 
false enlightenment that excuses hatred and cruelty toward 
any race of men, and against all spurious forms of govern- 
ment protection that withhold from any human being the 
right to live in safety and toil in peace. 



[Letter to Hon. E. Y. Webb, Princeton, N. J., 

31 arch 2, 1904.] 

Dear Sir: It is a small concern to me that a Mr. Scott 
has seen fit to use my name in a display of his evil pro- 
pensities on the floor of the House of Representatives. 

In answer to your inquiry, however, I have to say of his 
statement that a colored man, C. H. J. Taylor, took luncheon 
with me at the White House, that it is a deliberate fabrica- 
tion out of the whole cloth. 

As far as Mr. Taylor is concerned, I understand, prior to 
his appointment as Registrar of Deeds at Washington, that 
he had served as an assistant in the office of the City Attor- 
ney at Kansas City. His nomination as Registrar was 
confirmed by the Senate, and he served in that place with 
intelligence and efficiency. He has since died. Some peo- 
ple restrain themselves from abusing the dead. 
' My inquiries concerning Mr. Taylor before his appoint- 
ment, my observation of him during his incumbency, and 
the little I have known of him since satisfy me that his 
character is very unjustly attacked in the diatribe of Mr. 

One charge is made against Mr. Taylor by Mr. Scott 
which he doubly clinches with truth when he declares : " He 
was a black negro." I am led, however, to doubt his 
familiarity with his subject when he adds, "as black as 
you ever saw." 



[Letter to Hon. Charles L. Bartlett, Princeton, 
N. J., March 14. 1904.] 

My Dear Mr. Bartlett: I have received a number of 
inquiries similar to yours touching my invitation to Fred 
Douglass to a wedding reception and signing, while Gov- 
ernor of New York, a bill providing for mixed schools. 

I do not suppose that Mr. Thomas E. Watson believed 
or had any reason to believe either of the allegations when 
he made them. At any rate, they are both utterly and 
absolutely false. 

I cannot afford to devote a great deal of time in denying 
such foolish tales. I shall, therefore, attempt to cover 
every phase of the subject once and for all. It so happens 
that I have never in my official position, either when sleep- 
ing or waking, alive or dead, on my head or on my heels, 
dined, lunched, or supped, or invited to a wedding reception 
any colored man, woman, or child. If, however, I have 
decided to do any of these things, neither the fear of Mr.« 
Watson nor any one else would have prevented me. 

When I was Governor a movement was made in the Legis- 
lature to abolish separate colored schools in New York City. 
I opposed the measure and it failed. I do not find that I 
interposed a veto, and have forgotten the course the matter 
took; but I know that whatever I did was in favor of main- 
taining separate colored schools instead of having them 

IFrom Lecture on the Chicago Strike, Prince- 
ton, N. J., May 2, 1904.] 

In the last days of June, 1894, a very determined and 
ugly labor disturbance broke out in the City of Chicago. 
Almost in a niglit it grew to full proportions of malevolence 



and danger. Eioting and violence were its early accom- 
paniments, and it spread so swiftly that within a few days 
it had reached nearly the entire Western and Southwestern 
sections of the country. Railroad transportation was espe- 
cially involved in its attacks. The carriage of United States 
mail was interrupted, Inter-State commerce was obstructed, 
and railroad property was riotously destroyed, Attorney- 
General Olney, in his official report, correctly defined the 
purpose and design of this outbreak in these words: "To 
compel a settlement of disputes between the Pullman Com- 
pany and a portion of its employees, nothing else was medi- 
tated or aimed at than a complete stoppage of all the rail- 
road transportation of the country. State and Inter-State, 
and freight as well as passenger." 

The widespread trouble had its inception in a strike b}'^ 
the employees of the Pullman Palace Car Company, which 
began on the 11th day of May, 1894, and was provoked 
by a reduction of wages. The cause of the Pullman strikers 
was taken up by the American Railway Union, an associa- 
tion designed to include the great mass of unorganized 
railway employees of all classes. Members of the American 
Railway Union refused to handle Pullman cars or trains 
bearing them. At that time three-fourths of the railroad 
mileage of the country was imder contract to use Pullman 

The same railroad companies which had contracted to 
use these Pullman cars upon their lines had contracts with 
the United States Government for the carriage of mails, 
and were, of course, also largely engaged in Inter-State 
commerce. It need hardly be said that of necessity the 
trains which observed the purpose of Intcr-Statc commerce, 
were, as a general rule, those to which the Pullman cars 
were also attached. 

The officers of the railway Union established headquar- 
ters in the City of Chicago, and from there gave directions 



for the maintenance and management of the strike. Reports 
soon came from various quarters that the mails were com- 
pletely obstructed, trains were seized and destroyed, and 
other violent disorders committed. Thereupon the Attorney 
General immediately sent a dispatch to the United States 
District Attorneys instructing them to see that the passage 
of regular trains, carrying United States mails in the usual 
and ordinary way, be not obstructed. 

Wherever there was interference with the mails or re- 
straint of commerce the United States courts were appealed 
to for relief. In Chicago the United States Marshal was 
authorized to employ special deputies and special counsel 
for the Government. 

In a letter to this special counsel, the Attorney General 
in making suggestions concerning legal proceedings, wrote: 
" It has seemed to me that if the rights of the United States 
were vigorously asserted in Chicago, the origin and center 
of the demonstration, the result would be to make it a 
failure everywhere else, and to prevent its spread over the 
entire country." 

The desperate and far-reaching character of this disturb- 
ance was not in the least underestimated by executive offi- 
cials at Washington, and it must be borne in mind that, 
while menacing conditions were moving swiftly and accu- 
mulating at Chicago, like conditions, inspired and supported 
from that central point, existed in many other places within 
the area of the strike's contagion. 

Of course, it was hoped by those charged with the respon- 
sibility of dealing with the situation that a direct assertion 
of authority by the Marshal or a resort to the restraining 
power of the courts would prove sufficient for the emer- 
gency. Notwithstanding, however, an anxious desire to 
avoid measiu'cs more radical, the fact had not been over- 
looked that a contingency might occur which would comj^el 



a resort to military force. The key to dispatches to the 
Federal officers at Chicago from the Attorney General may 
be found in the self-defensive authority of our nation to 
directly overcome resistance to the exercise of the legiti- 
mate and Constitutional functions as related to the trans- 
portation of mails, the operation of Inter-State commerce, 
and the preservation of the property of the United States, 
and in certain constitutional and statutory provisions. It 
was the intention of the Attorney General to suggest in 
these dispatches that immediate and authoritative informa- 
tion should be given to the Washington authorities if a time 
should arrive when under the sanction of general executive 
authority, or the Constitutional provisions, a military force 
would be necessary at the scene of disturbance. 

The strike situation grew rapidly worse. Utter defiance 
of court orders, lawlessness, and rioting culminated in the 
formal request of the United States ^Marshal, suj^ported by 
the Judge and attorneys of the Federal court, for Federal 
troops. This request was at once met by orders to the 
War Department, and soldiers from Fort Sheridan were 
soon on the scene. The dispatch containing the direction 
of this procedure concluded as follows: 

" The mere preservation of peace and good order in the 
city is of course the province of the City and State author- 

An executive proclamation issued by the President call- 
ing upon all to refrain from unlawful obstruction, com- 
binations, and assemblages, together with the wise use of 
, Federal troops and the enforcement of the processes of the 
Federal courts resulting in the arrest of the officers of the 
American Railway Union stopped the rioting, the strike 
ended, and commerce and the mails proceeded unobstructed. 

I hope I have been thus far successful in my effort to 
satisfactorily exhibit the extensive reach and perilous tend- 



ency of the convulsion under consideration, the careful 
promptness which characterized the interference of the 
Government, the constant desire of the National Adminis- 
tration to avoid extreme measures, the careful limitations 
of its interference to purposes which clearly seemed to be 
within its Constitutional competency and duty, and the 
gratifying and important results of its conservative but 
stern activity. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has written the 
concluding words of this history, tragical in many of its 
details, and in every page provoking sober reflection. Nev- 
ertheless, even those most nearly related by executive re- 
sponsibility to the troublous days whose story is told, may 
at this time congratulate themselves that they have had to 
do with the marking out the way and clearing the path, 
now unchangeably established, that shall hereafter guide 
our Nation safely and surely in the exercise of all the 
functions belonging to it which represent the people's trust. 

[From Address at Installation of Dr. John 
Huston Finley as President of the College 
of the City of New York, Carnegie Hall, 
September 29, 1904.] 

It is altogether appropriate that the advantages of a free 
collegiate education offered to the youth of every grade and 
condition in life should be first exhibited in the metropolis 
of our nation. By reason of the cosmopolitan character of 
its population the project has here the widest possible 
scope ; and, as all look to the City of New York for leader- 
ship in the largest enterprises, as well as for the greatest 
generosity in every noble work, its free college, seen from 



every direction, should serve as an example, an inspiration 
to every city in the land. It is well, too, that such an in- 
stitution, founded to educate the poor on entire equality 
^vith the rich, should be supported by the wealth accumu- 
lated in the center of our country's trade and business — 
thus affording a constant denial of the accusations of those 
who seek to teach the tlioughtless that the sport of wealth 
is the oppression of the jjoor. 

I hope it will not be deemed ungracious if I suggest, 
in conclusion, that with all the city's generous appropria- 
tion of money for its free college, the duty the citizens of 
New York owe to it will not be fully met until they give 
absolute proof that in the highest sense " where their treas- 
ure is there will their heart be also." That this free col- 
lege is a New York institution, in which is centered the 
hope and pride of every citizen of New York, will not be 
demonstrated by liberal city appropriations for its support, 
or by the voluntary service of public-spirited citizens to its 
management. In addition to these things there should be 
stimulated in every quarter a growing desire to secure its 
advantages to the end that the youth of New York, from 
every social plane and in every condition of life, shall crowd 
the largest structure that may be built for its use, and there, 
within its walls, the College of the City of New York, with 
all else it may impart, should constantly teach the democ- 
racy of American education. 

[From Address at Carnegie Hall, New York 
City, October 21, 1904.'\ 

A party may indulge in self-congratulation when it has 
effectively defended the people in their daily life from the 
rapacity of trusts and combinations which thrive as private 



enterprise is strangled^ and which grow fat, as, by their 
control of the cost of living, they cause the homes of our 
land to grow lean; but the people will hardly approve the 
vociferous pride which claims that a successful attack upon 
the merger of the stock of certain competing railroads has 
rescued them from their oppressors. 

They will not fail to observe that the huge combinations 
which directly injure them still flourish, and they may 
also recall how the consternation among those implicated 
in such schemes who once feared a general pursuit was qui- 
eted when the soothing assurance reached them that the 
government did not intend to " run amuck." Nor will they 
probably accept the suggestion that repentance or a change 
of heart accounts for the manner by which the threats and 
animosity of many powerful trust magnates have been dis- 
placed by their approval and substantial support of the 
party which seeks to convince the people of its trust- 
destroying proclivities. 

This item of the account will not be passed over without 
a reference to the platform statement that " protection, 
which guards and develops our industries, is a cardinal 
policy of the Republican Party," nor without noting the 
declaration of the candidate standing on this platform that 
the protective tariff policy ought now to be considered as 
definitely established." The question will be asked, Which 
are the American industries that at this time are in need 
of the shelter of such a tariff as that now in force; and is 
there never to be a time when American enterprise, Amer- 
ican ingenuity and American opportunity will free our in- 
dustries from their stage of infancy, and permit American 
aspiration and American self-reliance to cast away the lead- 
ing strings of a " definitely established " protective policy? 

The people know that this policy has given rise to reckless 
greed and to a worship of gain menacing patriotic senti- 
ment and our love for high standards of national greatness, 



and tliey know that at best it lays burdens on the consumers 
of our land. 

With these tendencies and these burdens in mind they will 
ask the party professing its anxiety to restrain or destroy 
harmful combinations why a protective tariff policy should 
be considered definitely established which, in addition to its 
other sins, contributes to a situation that permits a combina- 
tion or monopoly to sell abroad articles of our manufacture 
at lower prices than are exacted from our own citizens at 
home. They will see the sheer wrongfulness of this condi- 
tion so clearly, and they will so firmly believe that in this 
way they are made to bear tariff burdens in order that they 
may be discriminated against in favor of foreign consumers, 
that they will not be satisfied with the assurance that the 
tariff has nothing to do with trusts. 

They will consign such an explanation to the limbo of 
negation, to take its place with the outworn deception that 
the foreign exporter pays our tariff taxes, and with two other 
sadly weak pretences — one that the tariff should be re- 
formed only by its friends, and the other that the party 
which believes that a protective tariff policy ought to be 
considered as definitely established loves reciprocity in 

When the platform boast is made that " in the Philippines 
we have suppressed insurrection, established order and given 
to life and property a security never known there before," 
the confession will be extorted that the insurrection sup- 
pressed was no more than the crushing out of resistance 
to the army of the United States while engaged in the 
subjugation of a people thousands of miles from our shores, 
whom an incident of a war undertaken by us in aid of 
those struggling for liberty and independence in another 
quarter had put within our power; and the people will ask 
under what sanction was this subjugation entered upon by 
a nation pledged to the doctrine that all just powers of 



government are derived from the consent of the governed, 
and they will deny that imperialism and our forcible rule 
of foreign people have any place among the purposes of 
our national life. 

When credit is claimed for securing a route for a long- 
desired interoceanic waterway, it will not be in a carping 
spirit that the people will look at the incidents accompany- 
ing this achievement. They do not undervalue the object 
gained, but they keenly appreciate the importance and value 
of our national honor, our national good name and, above 
all, our national morality. Not even the great worth of the 
thing accomplished will close the eyes of thoughtful Amer- 
icans to the fact that in reaching the result we have ex- 
hibited such international ruthlessness and such selfish in- 
ternational immorality as have lastingly debilitated our repu- 
tation for good faith and established a precedent which, in 
time to come, may be invoked to justify the most startling 
and reprehensible abandonment of the high ideals which 
have made us an example of the best civilization — a people, 
happy as we are intelligently free, strong as we are scrupu- 
lously just, and everywhere trusted and honored as we 
undeviatingly follow in the way of uprightness and rec- 

^Letter to Thomas F. Ryan, Esq., Accepting' 
Trusteeship in the Equitable Life Society, 
Princeton^ N. J., June 12, 1905.1 

I have this morning received your letter asking me to 
act as one of three trustees to hold the stock of the Equitable 
Life Assurance Society, which has lately been acquired by 
you and certain associates, and to use the voting power of 
such stock in the selection of directors of said society. 
After a little reflection, I have determined I ought to accept 



this service. 1 assume this duty upon the express condition 
that, so far as the trustees are to be vested discretion in 
the selection of directors, they are to be absolutely free and 
undisturbed in the exercise of their judgment; and that, so 
far as they are to act formally in voting for the directors 
conceded to policy-holders, a fair and undoubted exjiression 
of policy-holding choice will be forthcoming. 

The very general anxiety aroused by the recent unliappy 
dissensions in the management of the Equitable Society fur- 
nishes proof of the near relationship of our people to life 
insurance. These dissensions have not only injured the fair 
fame of the company immediately affected, but have im- 
paired popular faith and confidence in the security of life 
insurance itself as a provision for those who, in thousands 
of cases, would be otherwise helpless against the afflictive 
visitations of fate. 

The character of this business is such that those who 
manage and direct it are charged with a grave trust for those 
who, necessarily, must rely on their fidelity. In these cir- 
cumstances they have no right to regard the places they 
hold as ornamental, but rather as positions of work and 
duty and watchfulness. Above all things they have no 
right to deal with the interests intrusted to them in such 
a way as to subserve or become confused or complicated 
with their personal transactions or ventures. 

While the hope that I might aid in improving tlie plight 
of the Equitable Society has led me to accept the trustee- 
ship you tender, I cannot rid myself of the belief that what 
has overtaken this company is liable to happen to other 
insurance companies and fiduciary organizations as long as 
lax ideas of responsibility in places of trust are tolerated 
by our people. The high pressure of speculation, the 
madness of inordinate business scheming, and the chances 
taken in new and uncertain enterprises are constantly pres- 
ent temptations, too often successful in leading managers 



and directors away from scru^Dulous loyalty and fidelity to 
the interests of others confided to their care. 

We can better afford to slacken our pace than to abandon 
our old, simple, American standards of honesty; and we 
shall be safer if we regain our old habit of looking at the 
appropriation to personal uses of property and interests 
held in trust, in the same light as other forms of stealing. 

[From Address at Unveiling of the J. Stirling 
Morton Statue at Nebraska City, Neb., 
October 28, 1905.'] 

None of us should go from this place untouched by the 
lesson whicli this statue teaches. Here we should learn 
that character, uncorrupted by the contagion of ignoble 
things and unweakened by the corrosion of sordidness and 
money madness, is the cornerstone of every truly useful life 
and of every genuinely noble achievement. 

We have fallen upon days when our people are more 
than ever turning away from their old faith in the sav- 
ing grace of character and flocking to the worship of 
money-making idols. Daily and hourly, in the light of in- 
vestigation and exposure, characterless lives are seen in 
appalling numbers, without chart or compass, crowded upon 
the rocks and shoals of faithlessness and breach of trust. 
How ill have these wrecked lives exchanged the safe course 
and the harbor of honor and usefulness which character 
and rectitude point out for a wild and headlong rush over 
unknown seas in a consuming search for pelf. 

If our people ever return again to their trust in character 
as a steadying force in our restless enterprise and immense 
material growth, it will be when they take to heart the full 
significance of such a commemoration as this. We memo- 



rialize a man who not only earned the lasting honor of his 
countrymen, but whose life, in all things worthy of high 
endeavor, was abundantly successful. 

As a pioneer, who labored to improve the new country 
of his home, he lived to see it blossom as the rose; as a 
scholar he cultivated his own mental powers and acquired 
knowledge, in order that he might be able to instruct and 
benefit others; as a statesman he left the impress of high 
aspiration upon our citizenship and of usefulness and fidel- 
ity upon our public life, and as the father of tree planting 
he gained the grateful remembrance of the old and the 
young of the present generation and that of generations 
yet miborn. All these things he wrought out through the 
power of a strong, wholesome, patriotic and beautiful char- 

Let those of us who were his fellow citizens and knew 
his life, heed his example, to the end that our work may 
be more unselfish and more loyal to the purposes of God 
and the betterment of our fellow men. 

Let his sons, in whom was centred all his worldly pride, 
remember that the only success that is satisfying and hon- 
orable is that achieved in their father's spirit and high re- 
solve. It is fitting that this monument should recall memo- 
ries that must not die. It is well that it should arouse the 
living to noble endeavor. But to the dead it avails not. 
He has reared his own monument " more durable than 
brass or stone." 

[From Address at Carnegie Hall, New York 
City, November 30, 1905.'] 

We join to-day in " the celebration of the 250th anni- 
versary of the settlement of the Jews in the United States." 
This event created such an important epoch in our coun- 



try's development, and its relationship to our nation's evo- 
lution is so clearly seen in light of present conditions, that 
every thoughtful American citizen must recognize the fit- 
ness and usefulness of its commemoration. To those of 
the Jewish faith it recalls a foothold gained that meant for 
them a home and peaceful security after centuries of home- 
lessness and ruthless persecution. To those of us profess- 
ing a different religious faith it brings to mind the landing 
upon our soil of an element of population whose wonderful 
increase and marked traits of character have added a power- 
ful factor to our national progress and achievement. 

All nationalities have contributed to the composite popu- 
lation of the United States — many of them in greater num- 
ber than the Jews. And yet I believe that it can be safely 
claimed that few, if any, of those contributing nationalities 
have directly and indirectly been more influential in giving 
shape and direction to the Americanism of to-day. 

What our Jewish fellow citizens have done to increase 
the material advancement of the United States is apparent 
on every hand, and must stand confessed. But the best 
and highest Americanism is something more than material- 
istic. Its spirit, which should make it imperishable and 
immortal, exists in its patriotic aspirations and exalting tra- 
ditions. On this higher plane of our nationality and in 
the atmosphere of ennobling sentiment we feel also the 
touch of Jewish relationship. 

If the discovery of America prophesied the coming of 
our nation, and fixed the place of its birth, let us not forget 
that Columbus on his voyage in search of a new world was 
aided in a most important way by Jewish support and 

If tlie people of the United States glory in their free 
institutions, as the crown of man's aspiration for self- 
government, let them not be unmindful of the fact that 
the Jews among us have in their care and keeping the his- 



tory and traditions of an ancient Jewish commonwealth 
astonishingly like our own republic in its democracy and 
underlying intention. 

When we recall the story of the war for our independence 
and rejoice in the indomitable courage and fortitude of our 
revolutionary heroes, we should not fail to remember how 
well the Jews of America performed their part in the strug- 
gle. Nor can we overlook the valuable aid cheerfully con- 
tributed by our Jewish fellow countrymen in every national 
emergency that has since overtaken us. 

We have to-day only to look about us to discover that 
in every phase of present American enterprise and effort the 
Jews of the United States, with unrestricted toleration and 
equality, are making their impress more and more deep and 
permanent upon our citizenship. They accumulate wealth 
without exhibiting or encouraging harmful extravagance and 
business recklessness. They especially care for their poor, 
but they do it sensibly and in a way that avoids pauper- 

On every side are seen monuments of their charitable 
work and evidences of their determination to furnish their 
children and youth equipment for usefulness and self- 

It is time for the unreserved acknowledgment that the 
toleration and equal opportunity accorded to the Jews of 
the United States have been abundantly repaid to us. And 
in making up the accounts let us not omit to put to their 
credit the occasion presented to us through our concession 
to them of toleration and equality of strengthening by 
wholesome exercise the spirit of broadrainded justice and 
consideration, which, as long as we are true to ourselves, 
we must inflexibly pronounce as the distinguishing and 
saving trait of our nationality. 

I know that human prejudice — especially that growing 
out of race or religion — is cruelly inveterate and lasting. 



But^ wherever in the world prejudice against the Jews still 
exists, there can be no place for it among the people of 
the United States, unless they are heedless of good faith, 
government and insensible to every pledge involved in 
their boasted equality of citizenship. 

We celebrate an event in the history of our country 
fraught with important results, deeply concerning us all 
as citizens of the United States. In the spirit of true 
Americanism let us all rejoice in the good which the settle- 
ment we commemorate has brought to the nation in which 
we all find safety and protection; and uninterrupted by 
differences in religious faith, let us, under the guidance 
of the genius of Toleration and Equality, here consecrate 
ourselves more fully than ever to united and devoted labor 
in the field of our common nation's advancement and 

IFrom Address at Centennial Meeting of the 
Medical Society of tJie State of New Torh, 
Albany, January 30, 1906.'] 

For the purpose of our argument, let us divide humanity 
into two sections — one composed of a few doctors, and the 
other embracing the many millions of their actual or pros- 
pective patients. 

I appear for myself and these millions, and I claim at 
the outset that, notwithstanding our large majority, the 
medical section of mankind has in one way or another cur- 
tailed the opportunity of freedom of thought and con- 
siderate hearing, to which we are entitled by the laws of 
nature and of nature's God. We acknowledge that the 
world owes this minority a living. With a generous deli- 
cacy which reaches sublimity, we are, on their account not 



overobedient to the laws of health : and we sometimes pay 
their bills. When sick we submit with more or less 
humility to their orders. If we recover it is only to take 
our place on the waiting list still subject to further advice. 
If we do not recover it is left to us to do the dying. 

We have come to think of ourselves as worthy of confi- 
dence in the treatment of our ailments; and we believe if 
this was accorded to us in greater measure it would be 
better for the treatment and better for us. We do not 
claim that we should be called in consultation in all our 
illnesses, but we would be glad to have a little more explana- 
tion of the things done to us. We do not like to think 
of our doctors as veiled prophets or mysterious attendants, 
shut out from all sick-bed comradeship except through cold 
professional ministrations, and all the time irresponsive to 
our utmost needs of sympathetic assurance. Nor should 
it be considered strange if thousands among us, influenced 
by a sentiment just now astonishingly prevalent, should 
allow themselves to be disturbed by the spectre of a medi- 
cal trust in mystery and like all who are trust affrighted 
should cry out for greater publicity between physician and 

[Fwm Address at Annual Banquet of the Peri- 
odical Publishers' Association^ Atlantic City, 
N. J., May 4. 1906.] 

I don't like the introduction of the chairman. He twitted 
me of my age, and there comes a time in a man's life when 
the reading of the burial service is no joke. I am simply 
here to give you a greeting, and accordingly I extend a 
hearty greeting to the publishers and their guests, and 
wish for them all the happiness and good fortune they 



respectively deserve. You can divide that up as you think 

I hope I may be allowed to gain the better of my mod- 
esty and trespass sufficiently beyond my limit of speech 
to express a thought and a desire which I believe are shared 
by thousands of our countrymen who read the daily news- 
papers as well as the periodicals. We feel that in the 
present circumstances these should in scope and purpose 
be distinctly separated. AVe mean by this that so long as 
our newspapers keep the field they seem to have chosen 
for themselves nothing should tempt our periodicals to 
follow them. We read daily papers in the hope of keeping 
pace with the daily news and for the opportunity they 
furnish for the cultivation of our alertness of judgment 
in attempting to determine the truth and falsity of their 

However good or however bad they may be^ I suppose 
we must abide the daily newspapers as they are. Perhaps 
luider the laws of their environment, the most of them do 
the best they can. 

If, supplementary to the daily news, there is presented 
to us as often as once a week or once a month, a com- 
prehensive view of passing events, with the deliberate 
judicial and helpful suggestions of those who by study and 
experience are fitted to interpret current conditions, no 
thoughtful open-minded citizen who reads need lack either 
valuable information or stimulating instruction. 

I beg to conclude with one other thought touching the 
relation of our periodicals to certain tendencies now dis- 
tinctly apparent in both our private and public life. We 
have fallen upon a time of such unrest and awakening 
that a disposition to tear down, to uproot, seems to prevail 
on every side. This has grown to be a manifestation of 
intense resentment on the part of our people, aroused by 
a situation challenging their love of our good name and 



their devotion to the purposes of our free institutions. I 
believe there is a danger that stands opposite this passion- 
ate temper that should be carefully watched. I refer to 
our liability to forget in the heat of our righteous indigna- 
tion that whatever may be pulled down or uprooted some- 
thing better must be put in its place. 

We cannot act safely or hope for reformatory results 
unless we look beyond the confusion and rubbish and un- 
sightly waste of demolishing activity. The ultimate conse- 
quence of demolition and precisely what should be built and 
planted when the stage of pulling down and uprooting has 
been passed, should be clearly in the minds of those who 
assume to lead in the crusade against existing evils. 

[From Address at the National Conference of 
Charities and Correction, Academy of Mu- 
sic, Philadelphia, Pa., May 9, 1906.'] 

This national conference of charities and correction in 
view of the object it seeks to accomplish, may well be 
described as a general clearing house of charitable and 
benevolent work. Through its constituent agencies it 
touches the individual, and through the betterment of the 
individual it serves the nation. 

As often as the poor and needy are wisely and properly 
fed and clothed, not only is human want and misery 
relieved and God's law of charity obeyed, but the grateful 
sentiment and the renewed interest in life aroused among 
the beneficiaries together with the stimulation of sym- 
pathetic feeling among the benefactors, brings them all 
within a closer brotherhood of good citizenship. 

As often as the sordidness of emploj^ers or the reckless 
selfishness and indifference of parents are routed in the 



battle against the wicked abuses of child labor, not only 
are careless mirth and cheerful health, the gifts of God, 
stolen from childhood, restored to the children of our land, 
but the nation regains the assurance that the embryo citizens 
thus redeemed will in due time be found among its sturdy, 
wholesome and contented supporters. 

As often as sad-faced and forlorn orphans are gladdened 
by tenderness and wisely fostered and cared for, not only 
is the Father of the fatherless well pleased, but our country 
gains by so much as the promise of future thrift and 
usefulness is better than the degradation and vice threat- 
ened by the neglect of evilly surrounded orphans. 

As often as the dependent insane and mentally defective 
are humanely and kindly restrained, not only is the require- 
ment placed upon those who have the least claim to 
charitable disposition fulfilled, and these unfortunates saved 
from the hopelessness of incurability, but society is pro- 
tected against irresponsible tragedy, and the country is 
given the only chance it can have for the improvement and 
restoration of submerged reason to sanity and mental 

As often as those who for transgression of the law have 
become convicted criminals are made to feel that they have 
not been inexorably condemned to lifelong ostracism and 
resentment, and that a kindly hand awaits any effort of 
theirs for self-reformation, not only will those who benevo- 
lently aid and encourage them to be rewarded by an 
approving conscience, but they will save to the state many 
who can serve it well and will protect from those who, 
once disgraced, are easily driven by intolerance and angry 
neglect to a continuance in evil doing. 

My thoughts dwell upon the duty of individual charity. 
In a sense all that is done in discharge of this duty, whether 
done by individuals or through governmental agencies,, 
representing us all, may be said to rest in personal respon- 



sibility and may be traced to one source — a recognition of 
the fact that in the field of charity we are our brothers' 
keepers. The field is so large and the labor so delicate 
that none of us can secure acquittance without personal 
service. It is this element of personal service represented 
in this national conference that gives the occasion its 
greatest importance and significance. 

I have sometimes wondered if those active in charitable 
woj-k fully appreciate how extensively, under the guise 
of charity, schemes are put on foot that are either so 
illegitimately related to it or so unimportant and impracti- 
cable as to abundantly excuse a denial of their appeal for 
aid; and I often fear it is not realized as it should be 
in charitable circles that these schemes are presented so 
constantly and with such importunity and so often prove 
to be unworthy, disappointing or faddish as to perplex and 
discourage those willing to give us sensible and properly 
organized charity. It is thus that quite frequently all 
charitable movements are discredited or prejudiced. 

I hope I will not be misunderstood when I say that 
better assurance to those willing to give to charity, and 
consequently the interests of the cause, seem to be involved 
in the establishment somewhere and under some responsible 
auspices of an agency for the sifting and testing of enter- 
prises claiming to be charitable — to the end that the 
benevolent may have reliable guidance in determining how 
and where they can wisely and usefully give. 



[From Address at First Annual Meeting of the 
Association of Life Insurance Presidents, 
Hotel Belmont, New York City, December 
6, 1907.] 

You who manage life insurance companies cannot afford 
to risk weakness in a single of its threads. Their disin- 
tegration through breaches of good faith, through broken 
promises or through delusive misrepresentation, means a 
loss of strength which no actuarial mystery or managerial 
calculation can repair. Nor can you, with any pretence 
of conscientious susceptibility, overlook the fact that, as 
a direct consequence of this popular conception of life 
insurance and of your responsible connection with its 
management, your fellow citizens, whose confidence you 
have invited, have put upon you a trust, made sacred by 
the pathos of its purposes, and more unescapable in morals 
and good conscience than any that the law can create. 

Of course you do not need the least reminder that life 
insurance has sadly suffered, and still suffers, from a dis- 
location of such ideal accompaniments, and it would be 
folly to avoid the disgraceful fact that this dislocation 
began in faithlessness of those occupying places of the 
greatest influence in life insurance circles and the self- 
invited . discredit and humiliation of some of the largest 
and strongest companies in life insurance leadership. 
Much has been done by way of repairing damages. The 
companies have purged themselves of those directly respon- 
sible for wrongdoing. Economies have been introduced, 
vigor and industry have been stimulated, and an enlarged 
study of the conditions that make for the safest, cleanest 
and best life insurance is more than ever deemed essential. 

The upheaval of investigation which exposed life insur- 


ance abuses in high places has also been followed by the 
avalanche of legislation which inevitably results from vio- 
lently aroused public sentiment. Some of this legislation 
is so palpably remedial and so wisely restrictive that all 
life insurance companies who really desire the reform of 
abuses should welcome it as in aid of their o^vn efforts 
in that direction. Some of it, while more drastic and 
not so plainly necessary, make obedience not impossible, 
and perhaps should be patiently borne. 

But this is not the entire story. Sometimes, when 
uprisings, beginning with a moral awakening, passing from 
stage to stage, reach a hand-to-hand conflict of violence and 
deadly blows, there appears on the scene the noisy adven- 
turer, who seeks leadership in the confusion and clamor 
of the fight, while in his wake others more quiet and 
stealthy, but not less diligent, filch from the wounded and 

Life insurance companies not accused of wrongdoing but 
caught in the storm of virulent and indiscriminate attack 
have, as well as the guilty, failed to find friends in quar- 
ters where they should have found them; and their policy- 
holders, who should have been their allies and defenders, 
have, by thousands, been quite willing to join the ranks 
of their enemies. 

[Letter to Hon. Jolm Fox, read at Jackson Day 
Dinner of the National Democratic Club, 
New York City, January 8, 1908.^ 

My Dear Sir: I very much regret that I am inexorably 
obliged to decline the courteous invitation I have received 
to attend the Jackson Day dinner to be given by the 
National Democratic Club on the 8th. 



I am intensely interested in every effort to revive genu- 
ine and effective Democmtic sentiment and to restore the 
Democratic courage, consistency, and confidence, whose 
necessity to our party's success and usefuhiess has been 
so often demonstrated in the past. It is but natural that 
those who have followed all their lives the Democratic 
standard should longingly desire their party's success ; 
but this success cannot be gained by either shouting our 
party name or attempting undemocratic experiments. 

I am profoundly impressed by the conviction that the 
situation now confronting the people of our land has 
directed their attention more to their relief from conditions 
that alarm and startle them than to the empty satisfaction 
of partisan supremacy. Our country needs conservatism, 
recuperation from nervous prostration, reinstatement of 
constitutional observance, buoyant but none the less safe 
and prudent Americanism; scrupulous care of every person 
and every interest entitled to care, and a " square deal " 
that means exact and honest equality before the law and 
under constitutional guarantee. 

These things are still among the possessions of true 
Democracy, and Democratic patriotism, sincerity and wis- 
dom demand that our party in this time of need should 
unitedly offer them to our countrymen. 

My regret that I must be absent from a Jackson Day 
dinner, where the atmosphere must be so thoroughly Demo- 
cratic, is intensified by my close friendship and admiration 
for the guest whom your club will especially honor on the 
occasion. It would be an unusually and memorable gratifi- 
cation if I could add my tribute of praise to one who 
by nature, by conviction, by clean party service and by 
clear understanding of party doctrine has so well earned 
Democratic confidence and devotion as Morgan J. O'Brien. 



[Letter to the Editor of the New York World, 
Princeton, N. J., 31 arch 14, 1908.1 

[Dear Sir: I have received your letter asking me to make 
a response to the following question: "What is the best 
principle and what is the best policy to give the Democratic 
party new life? " 

As a general proposition I might answer this question 
by saying that in my opinion this could be most surely 
brought about by a return to genuine Democratic doctrine 
and a close adherence to the Democratic policies which in 
times past gave our party success and benefited our people. 

To be more speciMc in my reply, I should say that more 
than ever just at this time the Democratic party should 
display honest and sincere conservatism, a regard for con- 
stitutional limitations and a determination not to be swept 
from our moorings by temporary clamor or spectacular 
exploitation. / 

Our people need rest and peace and reassurance; and 
it will be quite in line with true Democracy and successful 
policy to impress upon our fellow-countrymen the fact that 
Democracy still stands for those things. 



Grover Cleveland was born on March 18, 1837, at Cald- 
well, Essex County, N. J. The first Cleveland to settle 
in this country was Moses Cleveland, who emigrated from 
Ipswich, England, in 1635, and settled at Woburn, Mass. 
William Cleveland, one of his descendants, was a silver- 
smith and watchmaker at Norwich, Conn. 

Dr. Aaron Cleveland was the grandfather of Grover 
Cleveland's grandfather. He was an Episcopal minister at 
Philadelphia, and Benjamin Franklin wrote in eulogistic 
terms of his career in recording his death in the Pennsyl- 
vania Gazette in 1737. Politics and the clerical profession 
seem to have alternately attracted the intellectual repre- 
sentatives of the family. The father of Grover Cleveland 
was the Rev. Richard Talley Cleveland, who was a graduate 
of Yale, and entered the Presbyterian ministry in 1829. 
In the same year he married Anne Neale, who was the 
daughter of a prosperous Baltimore bookseller of Irish 
descent, while her mother, whose maiden name was Real, 
was of German extraction, and a member of the Society of 

Thus Grover Cleveland's ancestors were of English, Irish, 
and German origin. He was christened Stephen Grover 
Cleveland in honor of the Rev. Stephen Grover, the first 
occupant of the parsonage at Caldwell, but the name of 
Stephen was dropped, and he signed his name as Grover 

In 1841 his father accepted a call to Fayetteville, near 
Syracuse, N. Y., and it was there that the future President 
received whatever education the place afforded, and served 
for a short time as a clerk in a country store. The removal 



of the family in 1850 to Clinton, N. Y., gave hira tlie op- 
portunity to enjoy the educational advantages of the local 
academy. When his father died at Holland Patent, Oneida 
County, N. Y., in 1853, he became an assistant teacher in 
the New York Institution of the Blind, in New York City, 
obtaining that position through the influence of his elder 
brother. Rev. William Cleveland, who was a teacher in the 
same institution. 

In 1855, after returning for a short time to Holland 
Patent, where his motlier resided, he started for the West 
in search of employment. While on his way West he 
stopped at Black Rock, now a part of tlie city of Buffalo, 
and his uncle, Lewis F. Allen, who resided there, engaged 
him to assist in the compilation of a volume of the " Amer- 
ican Herd Book." Subsequently, he assisted in the compila- 
tion of several other volumes of this work. 

During the summer of 1855 he secured a position as clerk 
and copyist for the law firm of Rogers, Bowen & Rogers in 
Buffalo at a salary of $4 per week. After he was admitted 
to the bar he became managing clerk for this firm at a 
salary of $600 a year, a part of which he contributed to 
the support of his mother, who died in 1882. From 1863 
to 1866 he was assistant district attorney of Erie County. 
In 1868 he was the Democratic candidate for district attor- 
ney, but was defeated by his friend, Lyman K. Bass, 
who ran for the same office on the Republican ticket. He 
then formed a law partnership with Isaac V. Vanderpoel, 
and in 1869 became a member of the law firm of Lanning, 
Cleveland & Bissell. He continued to practise law with 
marked success till 1870, when he was elected sheriff of 
Erie County. He held that office for three years, and then 
resumed his law practice as a member of the firm of Bass, 
Cleveland & Bissell. After the retirement of Lyman K. 
Bass, owing to failing health, the firm was known as Cleve- 
land & Bissell. 



In 1881 Mr. Cleveland was nominated on the Democratic 
ticket for mayor of Buffalo^ and was elected by the largest 
majority ever given to a candidate in that city. Owing to 
his fearlessness in checking illegal and extravagant appro- 
priations and unwise expenditures he became widely known 
as the " veto mayor." His integrity and ability, of which 
he gave ample evidence as mayor of Buffalo, made him 
known all over the State of New York, and led to his being 
nominated for governor at the Democratic State Convention 
in Syracuse on September 22, 1882, in opposition to the 
Republican candidate, Charles J. Folger, then Secretary of 
the Treasury. At the election in November he received a 
plurality of 192,854' over Mr. Folger. As governor of New 
York he continued to exhibit the same efficiency and to 
apply the same principles of probity that had controlled his 
administration as mayor of Buffalo, thereby attracting at- 
tention from the press and people all over the United 

It was owing to the national reputation he thus acquired 
that he was nominated for the presidency by the Demo- 
cratic National Convention in Cliicago on July 11, 1884. 
James G. Blaine was the Republican candidate. At the 
ensuing election Mr. Cleveland received 219 and Mr. 
Blaine 182 electoral votes. On June 6, 1888, Mr. Cleve- 
land was renominated for the presidency at the National 
Democratic Convention in St. Louis. Benjamin Harrison 
was the Republican candidate. At the November election 
Mr. Cleveland was defeated, as he only received 168 
electoral votes, while 233 were cast for Mr. Harrison. This 
defeat was by no means an indication of his decline in per- 
sonal popularity, as he received 5,540,329 of the popular 
vote, against 5,439,853 votes cast for Mr, Harrison. 

After completing his presidential term, March 4, 1889, 
he resumed the practice of law in New York City. On 
June 11, 1892, he was again placed in nomination for the 



presidency at the National Democratic Convention which 
met in Chicago, receiving more than two-thirds of the votes 
on the first ballot. The November election proved the wis- 
dom of the delegates in deciding on his nomination, as Mr. 
Harrison, who had been renominated by the Republicans, 
only received 145 electoral votes against 277 cast for Mr. 
Cleveland. James B. Weaver, the candidate of the People's 
Party, received 22 electoral votes. It may be noted as a 
remarkable circumstance in connection with this election 
that Mr. Cleveland was the first President to be elected to 
a second term without being elected as his own immediate 

It may also be noted that Mr. Cleveland's marriage, on 
June 2, 1886, to Frances Folsom, daughter of his deceased 
friend and law partner, Oscar Folsom, was the first instance 
of a President becoming a Benedict during his term of 
office. In fact, James Buchanan, the last Democratic Presi- 
dent before the Civil War, and Grover Cleveland were the 
only bachelors elected to the presidency. Mrs. Cleveland, 
who was born in Buffalo in 1864, was one of the youngest 
of the various " ladies " who had hitherto presided at the 
White House. She was the only one to give birth to a child 
in the White House, her daughter, Esther, having been born 
there in 1893. The first child of Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland, 
"Baby" Ruth, was born in 1891, and died in 1906. The 
other children are Marion, Richard, and Francis Grover. 

In the campaign of 1896 Mr. Cleveland supported the 
Palmer and Buckner ticket, as his political views were not 
in accordance with those of William Jennings Bryan, the 
candidate of the other section of the Democratic party. 

After the close of his second term on March 4, 1897, Mr. 
Cleveland took up his residence at Princeton, N. J., spend- 
ing his summers for a number of years at Gray Gables, 
Buzzard's Bay, and in later years at Tamworth, N. H., in 
the White Mountains. During the last ten years of his life 



he delivered public addresses from time to time, including 
two lectures a year for several years at Princeton. In 1897 
he received the degree of LL.D. from Princeton University, 
and was also a trustee of that institution. 

In 1904 he delivered a notable address at the St. Louis 
Purchase Exposition. In the same year he supported Judge 
Alton B. Parker for the Democratic presidential nomina- 
tion. After the memorable investigation of the Equitable 
Life Assurance Society, Mr. Cleveland was made one of the 
trustees to hold the majority of the stock of that cor- 

Mr. Cleveland died on the morning of June 24, 1908, at 
his home in Princeton, with his wife and three physicians 
at his bedside. His children were away at his New England 
summer home. He had been in ill health since the previous 
fall. His grave is in Princeton cemetery alongside of the 
grave of his favorite child, " Baby " Ruth, for whom, it is 
said, he called repeatedly in the delirium of his last illness. 
A number of prominent men have headed a subscription 
fund to erect a Cleveland monument in Princeton. 

The development of Mr. Cleveland as one of the greatest 
factors in American politics between the years 1882 and 
1896 presents a most singular case. He was comparatively 
vmtrained in statesmanship and important public affairs 
when he assumed the office of governor. He was almost 
overwhelmed by the magnitude and difficulties of the office 
of President. To the duties of both offices he addressed him- 
self with unremitting industry, and from the country politi- 
cian he developed to be a statesman who ignored political 
methods, who rose above his party, and who endeared him- 
self to the public by the manner in which he overrode State 
bosses and organization machinery. He was one of the few 
great characters remaining in American politics at the be- 
ginning of the twentieth century, and he won a place for 
himself as one of the great figures in the nation's history. 



He was greatly beloved and admired, irrespective of party 

William H. Taft, afterwards elected to the presidency 
on the Republican ticket, said at the time of Mr. Cleveland's 
death : " He was one of the really great men of the country. 
He was a great man and a great President." 

In the proclamation which he issued on June 24, 1908, 
on hearing of Mr. Cleveland's death. President Roosevelt 
said: " Grover Cleveland, President of the United States 
from 1885 to 1889, and again from 1893 to 1897, died at 
8 :40 o'clock this morning at his home in Princeton, N. J. 
In his death the nation has been deprived of one of its 
greatest citizens. By profession a lawyer, his chief services 
to his country were rendered during a long, varied, and 
honorable career in public life. As mayor of his city, as 
governor of his State, and twice as President, he showed 
signal powers as an administrator, coupled with entire de- 
votion to the country's good, and a courage that quailed 
before no hostility when once he was convinced where his 
duty lay. Since his retirement from the presidency he has 
continued well and faithfully to serve his countrymen by the 
simplicity, dignity, and uprightness of his private life. In 
testimony of the respect in which his memory is held by 
the Government and people of the United States, I do 
hereby direct that the flags of the White House and the 
several departmental buildings be displayed at half mast 
for a period of thirty days, and that suitable military and 
naval honors, under the orders of the Secretaries of War 
and of the Navy, be rendered on the day of the funeral." 



Although Grover Cleveland had the gift of literary ex- 
pression he never posed as a professional author. He was 
essentially a lawyer and statesman, and cared more for 
lucidity of expression than for any rhetorical polish of 
style. Nevertheless, in his political writings and addresses 
he frequently gave utterance to epigrammatic phrases that 
have since been added to the list of standard quotations. 

Most of the addresses collected in the present volume 
were delivered after Mr. Cleveland was elected to the Presi- 
dency, and they were invariably the outcome of careful 
preparation. He knew just what ideas he wished to present 
to the public, and knew also how to present these ideas 
with telling effect. Thus he never made speeches for the 
sake of public applause, but because he believed that he 
had something of importance to communicate. While mak- 
ing no pretension of being an orator, he certainly may be 
classed as an effective public speaker. 

In 1892 Mr. George F. Parker issued an authorized edi- 
tion of " The Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland," 
which were classified under twenty-five chapter headings, 
but there has hitherto been no collection embodying the 
writings and speeches of Mr. Cleveland from 1892 to the 
time of his death. 

In the present collection, the " Addresses, State Papers, 
and Letters " are arranged in chronological sequence, and 
those who desire to read the various utterances or writings 
of Mr. Cleveland on any particular subject, are referred for 
the classification thereof to the index at the end of the 



Those who desire to consult other volumes written by or 
about Mr. Cleveland are referred to the bibliographical list 
of authorities carefully prepared by Mr. A. P. C. Griffin, 
the Chief Bibliographer of the Library of Congress. Ac- 
knowledgment is due to Mr. Griffin and to Mr. Herbert 
Putnam, Librarian of Congress, for their courteous co-opera- 
tion in supplying this bibliography for the present work. 
iSIost of the publications cited in this bibliographical list 
may be found in the larger libraries of the United States. 

The present volume, however, will suffice for those who 
are in search of a representative collection of the " Ad- 
dresses, State Papers, and Letters " of Grover Cleveland. 
It will give the reader a correct conception of the great 
democratic President as reflected both in his public and 
private utterances. It embodies his opinions on all impor- 
tant topics upon which he has written or spoken. 

Especially interesting are the extracts from the annual 
messages he sent to Congress during his occupancy of the 
Presidential chair. These extracts contain his criticisms and 
recommendations on Naturalization, Civil Service reform, 
Taxation, Tariff reform. Capital and Labor, the National 
Finances, and many other subjects of equal importance. It 
would have been manifestly impossible to have given the 
messages complete within the scope of the present volume, 
but care has been taken to select the passages that, in the 
opinion of the editor, would prove of general interest to the 
reading public. 

The exigencies of space also made it prohibitive to give 
all of the speeches in full. Those who desire to peruse the 
portions omitted here from some of the public addresses 
delivered by Mr. Cleveland from the time he was renom- 
inated for the Presidency in 1892 down to the year 1908 
are referred to the annual indexes of the New York Tribune. 
These indexes, under the heading of " Cleveland," give the 
dates when these speeches were delivered, thus enabling the 



reader in most cases to find a full report of them in the 
files of the Tribune and other daily papers. 

The truth of the maxim that " the style is the man " was 
never more in evidence than in the style of Grover Cleve- 
land. The keynote of his writings and speeches was ex- 
pressed in his famous epigram, " Public office is a public 
trust." Again and again he dwells on the necessity for 
patriotic effort, and insists that the welfare of the citizens 
either of a city like Buffalo, of a State like New York, or 
of a great nation like the United States, should be the guid- 
ing principle of the men entrusted with public office. He 
lays particular stress on the duty of public economy and 
private thrift, and insists that every man in office ought to 
apply to every public question the same moral principles 
and the same good judgment and discretion that ought to 
govern men in their private business relations. 

An examination of his speeches, however, will show that 
he does not confine himself to a didactic presentation of his 
ideas. Mr. Cleveland had a keen sense of humor, and knew 
how to wield the sharp weapon of ridicule in exposing the 
unworthy motives of degraded politicians. In his occa- 
sional addresses there are frequent flashes of wit and hu- 
mour, and he was by no means averse to the introduction 
of an apt anecdote or a fimny story to offset any political 
sermonizing he might resort to in the course of an after- 
dinner speech. 

One of his most famous speeches was in response to the 
toast, " The Principles of True Democracy." In this speech 
he defined true democracy to mean a sober conviction or 
conclusion touching political topics, which, formulated into 
a political belief or creed, inspires a patriotic performance 
of the duties of citizenship. The address is a serious and 
statesmanlike effort that was widely circulated in the public 
press as an important presentation of Mr. Cleveland's 
political doctrines. In the course of this address, Mr. Cleve- 



land showed a sentimental vein by quoting poetry, and a 
humorous vein by introducing an anecdote of a confirmed 
Jacksonian Democrat who, becoming involved in a dispute 
as to whether his hero had gone to heaven or not, was 
prompted by Democratic instinct to dispose of the question 
by declaring, " I tell you, sir, that if Andrew Jackson has 
made up his mind to go to heaven, you may depend upon 
it he's there." 

As a rule, however, Mr. Cleveland was too intensely in 
earnest to care much for anything but a straightforward 
presentation of the points at issue, and his writings and 
speeches will prove of signal interest to those who delight 
in the discussion of political topics that affect the welfare 
of our great republic. 

In an after-dinner speech at the Holland Society dinner 
of 1901 Mr. Cleveland said: "I cannot resent the charge 
that I am apt to preach a sermon on occasions of this kind, 
for I am afraid this accusation is justified. It has been 
my lot to be much on the sober side of life and to feel the 
pressure of great responsibilities. Besides, I believe it 
sometimes happens that an excess of light-hearted gayety 
creates a condition of popular thought and impulse that 
may profitably be steadied by sedate suggestions and the 
expression of conservative sentiment — even though it may 
be called sermonizing." 

Mr. Cleveland believed that principle as well as policy 
was to be considered whenever he was called upon to ex- 
press an opinion on any important question. He was re- 
lentless in denouncing the abuse of the taxing power. He 
was constantly exhorting to watchfulness and economy in 
the public service, and was tireless in his efforts to bring 
about civil service reform. 

He seldom lost an opportimity to denounce insolent par- 
tisanship. He was a partisan in the best sense of the word. 
He believed that " party honesty is party expediency," and 



that the adherents of the Democratic party ought at all 
times to be true to the ideals and principles of the loftiest 

His moral courage was one of his most striking charac- 
teristics. After once making up his mind that he was right, 
he had the courage to stick to his conviction. His famous 
Venezuela message is a notable instance of this character- 
istic. The message sent a thrill through the civilized world. 
It read, as most persons thought at the time, like a direct 
invitation to war with Great Britain; but, as a matter of 
fact, by this bold stroke of statesmanship Mr. Cleveland 
prevented war, and established a precedent for the su- 
premacy of the ISfonroe doctrine. 

Grover Cleveland had the highest civic and patriotic 
ideals, which he knew how to expound with a lucidity and 
felicity of style and an epigrammatic vigor of expression 
that entitle his writings and speeches to rank as a most 
valuable contribution to the political literature of his period. 



11 Veto Mayor. It was Mr. Cleveland's vigorous use 
of his veto power against the Common Council of Buffalo 
which first attracted attention to him, at a time when com- 
plaints of jobbery were heard from nearly every city in the 
Eastern States. It was thus he became known as the " Veto 
Mayor," and the capacity shown by him in the administra- 
tion of the city of Buffalo soon convinced the public that 
such rare qualities ought to be given a larger sphere of 

22 Nomination for Governor. On the second day of the 
Democratic State Convention at Syracuse in 1882 Mr. 
Cleveland was nominated on the third ballot for Governor, 
receiving 211 votes out of 382. The Republican nominee 
was Charles J. Folger, then Secretary of the Treasury in 
President Arthur's Cabinet. The election in November was 
one of the most remarkable in the annals of New York. 
Mr. Folger had honorably filled high State and Federal 
offices, and there was no opposition to him personally among 
Republicans, but there was widespread dissatisfaction in the 
party because of a belief that his nomination was accom- 
plished by improper practices in the convention and by the 
interference of the Federal administration. The result was 
the election of Mr. Cleveland by a very large majority, indi- 
cating the extent to which Republicans stayed at home or 
voted the Democratic ticket to rebuke certain phases of party 
management. In a total vote of 9 1 8,894, Cleveland received a 
plurality of 192,854 over Folger, and a majority over all, in- 
cluding Greenback, Prohibition, and scattering, of 151,742. 

26 Civil Service Reform. Mr. Cleveland was one of the 
first to advocate publicly civil-service reform by the adop- 



tion of the merit system, and he was no sooner in office than 
he took steps to put his ideas into practice. He recom- 
mended in his first annual message to the New York Legis- 
lature that a State Civil Service Commission be created, that 
the competitive system be extended to all incorporated 
cities, and that the political assessment of public officers be 
prohibited. His personal efforts aided materially in putting 
these reforms on the statute books. When he became Presi- 
dent he was no less a firm upholder of reform in the making 
of appointments. In 1896 he signed an order adding 44,004 
posts to the civil-service lists, making the total number of 
competitive places 86,932. When he began his first term in 
1885, only 13,000 out of 130,000 appointments were on the 
civil service lists. 

41 Legal Career. Mr. Cleveland laid the foundation of 
his legal acquirements in the law offices of Messrs. Brown 
& Rogers, where he was employed for some time after his 
arrival in Buffalo in 1855. In 1857 he was called to the 
bar. In 1863 he became Assistant District Attorney for 
Erie County, and after the expiration of his term of office 
he became a member of the firm of Laning, Cleveland 
& Folsom. Subsequently he was head of the firm of 
Cleveland, Bissell & Sicard. His success as a lawyer was 
due principally to his grasp of facts and lucidity of state- 

49 Election to the Presidency, 188^.. The Democratic 
National Convention of 1884 was held at Chicago, on July 
1 1th. Grover Cleveland was nominated on the second ballot. 
Of the 820 votes of the whole number of delegates, he re- 
ceived 683, a two-thirds vote being necessary for a nomina- 
tion. James G. Blaine was the nominee of the Republican 
National Convention. After a vigorous campaign Mr. 
Cleveland was elected by a majority of 37 electoral votes. 
In a total popular vote of 10,067,610, Cleveland received 
4,874,986 and Blaine 4,851,981. New York proved to be 



the pivotal State and gave Cleveland a small plurality. 
Its 36 electoral votes thus decided the contest in his favor. 
Cleveland and Hendricks were elected respectively Presi- 
dent and Vice-President by 219 votes aginst 182 for Blaine 
and Logan. Of the 38 States then voting, 20 were carried 
by Cleveland, including New York, Connecticut, New Jer- 
sey, Delaware, Indiana, and Kentucky. 

59 Inaugural Address. When Cleveland entered on his 
first term of the Presidency he had not yet completed his 
forty-eighth year. On March 4, 1885, innumerable crowds 
attended him to the Capitol at Washington, where he took 
the oath of office prescribed by the Constitution. He deliv- 
ered his Inaugural Address from the steps of the Capitol. 
This impressive function had special significance from the 
fact that it symbolized the conclusion of the fierce conflict 
of a generation. From North and South the victors and the 
vanquished met under the leadership of the Democratic 
party, which, largely owing to its historic affiliation with 
the seceding South, had been excluded from office for more 
than twenty years. !Mr. Cleveland took advantage of his 
professional experience as a speaker to adopt a course which 
various political orators who had preceded him in office may 
have thought beneath the dignity of the occasion. Instead 
of a written address, he delivered a brief speech in which 
he expressed his sense of his great responsibilities and his 
faith in a system of " government by the people." 

64< Grant. General U. S. Grant was born at Point 
Pleasant, Ohio, April 27, 1822, and died at Mount Mac- 
Gregor, near Saratoga, N. Y., July 23, 1885. His body 
rests in a magnificent tomb in Riverside Park, New York 
City, overlooking the Hudson River. 

68 First Annual Message. Nearly a third of this mes- 
sage is devoted to a review of the business of the State De- 
partment. The President treats at considerable length 
important questions concerning foreign relations, currency, 



and the revenue^ and civil-service reform. He recommends 
a reorganization of the Federal judiciary, a complete recon- 
struction of the Navy Department, land-law legislation to 
restrict excessive ownership of large areas by single indi- 
viduals, a new Indian policy, and the prohibition of Mor- 
mon immigration. 

78 Thurman. Allen Granbery Thurman was born at 
Lynchburg, Va., November 13, 1813; died at Columbus, 
Ohio, December 12, 1895. He served as United States 
Senator from Ohio, 1869-1881, and was the Democratic 
nominee for vice-president in 1888 on the Cleveland ticket, 
which was defeated by Harrison and Morton. 

79 Hancock. General Winfield Scott Hancock was born 
February 14, 1824, at Montgomery Square, Pa., and died 
at Governor's Island, February 9, 1886. In 1880 he was 
made the Democratic nominee for President, but was de- 
feated by the Republican candidate, James A. Garfield. 

92 Arthur. Chester Alan Arthur was elected Vice- 
President on the Garfield ticket. On the death of President 
Garfield, September 19, 1881, he became the twenty-first 
President of the United States. He was born at Fairfield, 
Vt., October 5, 1830, and died in New York City, Novem- 
ber 18, 1886. 

92 Second Annual Message. The central idea of this 
message is the recognition and enforcement of American 
labor. Devotion to this great object controls the recom- 
mendations regarding traffic and taxation, agriculture and 
the public courts, as well as the suggestions made for legis- 
lation having for its direct purpose the passage of labor- 
protection laws and the adjustment of disputes between the 
workingmen and the emjjloyers. The portions of the mes- 
sage which proved of special interest to the general public 
relate to the reform of the pension system, the reform of 
the civil service, the maintenance of a sound currency, and 
the reduction of taxation. 



119 Third Annual Message. In this message Mr. 
Cleveland made reduction of the tariif the principal topic. 
The message, it was felt, was addressed to the country at 
large in view of the coming election, and produced almost 
as much dismay among the wire-pullers of his own party 
as in the ranks of the Republican protectionists. The mes- 
sage, however, recalled the Democrats to the old principle 
of the party, " taxation for the purpose of revenue only." 
A tariff reduction bill was carried through the House of 
Representatives, with only four Democrats voting in the 
minority, but in the Senate where the Republicans still had 
a majority, a bill was introduced changing the tariff in the 
direction of increased protection. Both schemes were in- 
tended as declarations of policy to influence the coming elec- 
tion. The Republicans, who won the election, were wise 
enough to know that the tariff reform fight was not over, 
and put through the famous McKinley bill in their endeavor 
to give some appearance of symmetry and logical strength 
to their tariff system. 

132 Beecher, Henry Ward Beecher was born at Litch- 
field, Conn., June 24, 1813, and died at Brooklyn, N. Y., 
March 8, 1887. Although he had always been a Republi- 
can, he made campaign speeches in behalf of Mr. Cleveland 
during the Presidential campaign of 1884. 

136 Campaign of 1888. The Democratic National Con- 
vention at St. Louis in June, 1888, nominated Grover Cleve- 
land by acclamation for a second term, an honor of which no 
one except General Grant had been the recipient since the 
second nomination of Jackson. The defeat of James G. 
Blaine in 1884 made the Republicans imwilling to risk their 
cause vmder his leadership a second time. The convention 
finally adopted General Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, as 
the Republican candidate. Mr. Cleveland's position pre- 
vented him from taking any direct part in the campaign. 
General Harrison made ninety-four speeches in the course 



of the campaign, and devoting special attention to his own 
State, succeeded in securing its fifteen electoral votes. The 
victory in Indiana, coupled with the success of the Republi- 
cans in New York, Cleveland's own State, restored the 
Republicans to power. The defection of New York from 
Mr. Cleveland was accounted for in various ways. Some 
attributed it to the discontent of the independents at the 
failure of Mr. Cleveland to carry out their opinions in con- 
nection with civil-service reform. Others attributed the loss 
of New York to the hostility of Tammany Hall. It was 
alleged that Tammany Hall had instructed their supporters 
to vote for General Harrison in exchange for Republican 
votes for certain State offices. The real explanation, how- 
ever, seems to be that the Republicans showed in defence 
of their interests great energy and ability, backed by a 
lavish expenditure of money for campaign purposes, while 
the Democrats were over-confident and lacked organization. 
Of the total electoral vote of 401, Harrison received 233 and 
Cleveland l68. Of the popular vote Cleveland had a plu- 
rality of 98,017, having received 5,538,233 votes against 
5,4'40,2l6 for Harrison. 

138 Sheridan. General Philip H. Sheridan was born at 
Albany, N. Y., March 6, 1831, and died at Nonquitt, Mass., 
August 5, 1888. 

151 Cox. Samuel Sullivan Cox, American statesman, 
humorist, and author, was born at Zanesville, Ohio, Septem- 
ber 30, 1824, and died at New York, September 10, 1889. 
He served many years in Congress, and was for a short time 
the United States Minister to Turkey. He was familiarly 
known as " Sunset " Cox, owing to an exuberant article he 
wrote, entitled " The Great Sunset," and this sobriquet 
stuck to him through his career, as the word " Sunset " 
chanced to correspond with his two initials. 

153 Fourth Annual Message. Outside of the revenue- 
reform argument, the most striking portion of this message 



is that which sharply criticises Congress for permitting the 
consideration of private interests and claims to subordinate 
and postpone action upon subjects of great public impor- 
tance, but involving no special, private, or partisan interest. 
In accordance with the recommendation of this message the 
Mills bill was introduced, which removed duties aggregating 
$50,000,000 per annum. The bill passed the House, but 
was defeated in the Senate. A new tariff bill, known as the 
Wilson bill, was introduced December 19, 1893, during 
Mr. Cleveland's second administration. The bill reduced 
the duties on many articles in the existing schedules. It 
was passed both by the House of Representatives and the 
Senate, and the President allowed it to become a law with- 
out his signature. 

226 Hendricks. Thomas Andrews Hendricks was born 
near Lanesville, Ohio, in 1819, and died on November 25, 
1885. He ran for vice-president on the imsuccessful Tilden 
ticket in 1876, but was elected to that office on the Cleve- 
land ticket in 1884. 

355 First Annual Message (Second Term). The 
President in this message commends the moderate Wilson 
bill and he insists that only the necessity of revenue justifies 
the imposition of tariff duties. Foreign relations are fully 
reviewed, and attention is called to leading questions then 
occupying public attention, with certain recommendations in 
reference to the various departmental reports. 

363 Second Annual Message (Second Term). This 
message gives considerable information on the standing of 
the United States Government and its relations with other 
nations. It also gives a concise presentation of the condi- 
tion of every department of the Government. 

372 Third Annual Message (Second Term). Of this 
message one half is devoted to foreign relations and the 
other half to the national finances. The Cuban question is 
duly considered, but the portion of the message that at- 



tracted wide attention was the position President Cleveland 
took on the Venezuelan boimdary dispute and his emphatic 
endorsement of the Monroe Doctrine that there shall be 
no European encroachment on the American hemisphere. 
This was subsequently still further emphasized in his spe- 
cial message on the Venezuelan question. 

376 Venezuelan Message. The United States had 
striven for some time to get Great Britain and Venezuela 
to arbitrate a boundary dispute, when in July, 1895, matters 
came to a crisis. The Secretary of State, Richard Olney, 
authorized Thomas F. Bayard, the American Ambassador 
to Great Britain, to inform Lord Salisbury that Great 
Britain's occupation of the territory in question would be 
considered by the United States a violation of the Monroe 
Doctrine. In November, Lord Salisbury replied that Great 
Britain did not consider the Monroe Doctrine applicable 
to the case and would not arbitrate. On December 17th, 
President Cleveland sent a message to Congress asking for 
an appropriation to pay the expenses of a commission which 
should determine what action should be taken. In both 
Great Britain and the United States this message was re- 
garded as equivalent to a threat that war would follow the 
insistence by England on the course she had outlined. The 
commission was appointed, but before it was ready to report 
Great Britain and Venezuela agreed to arbitrate. Nearly 
four years later, on January 15, 1899, the tribunal met in 
Paris, and on October 3d of the same year rendered what 
is said to have been a unanimous decision, which, in the 
main, was favorable to the Venezuelan claims. 

381 Parker. Hon. George W. Parker was the American 
Consul, and President of the Birmingham Dramatic and 
Literary Club. The letter from Mr. Cleveland was read at 
the thirty-second annual Shakespeare commemoration of the 
club. The Daily News of London maintained that Mr. 
Cleveland's letter to Consul Parker was written with the 



deliberate intention of facilitating the closing of an unpleas- 
ant episode [the Venezuela boundary dispute] in the rela- 
tions between Great Britain and the United States. The 
Daily News added that it reciprocated the intentions. 

383 Fourth Annual Message (Second Term). The por- 
tion of this message which referred to Cuba received the 
largest measure of attention from the public press, and was 
eagerly read throughout the country. The President gives 
excellent reasons why the United States Government should 
move with caution and wisdom until Spain had shown be- 
yond cavil her inability to cope with the Cuban situation. 

389 Presidential Election of 1892. The majority of 
Democrats were in favor of Grover Cleveland as the Presi- 
dential candidate for 1892 even before the preparations for 
the National Convention at Chicago on June 23d were be- 
gun. Tradition, on the other hand, discouraged the nomi- 
nation of a candidate who had once suffered defeat. This 
consideration, however, had no weight with the mass of the 
delegates, and Cleveland was nominated on the first ballot 
by an overwhelming majority. Benjamin Harrison was 
nominated for a second term by the Republican National 
Convention. Mr. Cleveland was elected by a larger major- 
ity than that which he had secured in 1884. Of the total 
number of electoral votes (444) Cleveland received 277, 
Harrison had 145, and Weaver, the Populist candidate, had 
22. Of the popular vote Cleveland received 5,553,808 votes; 
Harrison 5,180,911; Weaver, 1,035,572; and Wing, the So- 
cialist candidate, 21,145. 

401 Jefferson. Joseph Jefferson, the famous American 
comedian referred to here, was born at Philadelphia, Febru- 
ary 20, 1829, and died at Palm Beach, Florida, April 3, 
1905. Grover Cleveland and Joseph Jefferson were great 
friends and frequent companions on fishing excursions at 
Buzzard's Bay and elsewhere. 

405 Schurz. Carl Schurz, the German-American statcs- 



man, editor, and author, was born at Liblar, near Cologne, 
Prussia, March 2, 1829, and died on May 14, I906. He 
was Secretary of the Interior in the Cabinet of President 
Playes. In the canvasses of 1884, 1888, and 1892 he sup- 
ported Cleveland. 

407 Harrison. Benjamin Harrison, the twenty-third 
President of the United States, was born at North Bend, 
Ohio, August 20, 1833, and died at Indianapolis, March 
13, 1901. 

412 McKinley. William McKinley, the twenty-fifth 
President of the United States, was born at Niles, Ohio, 
January 29, 1843, and was shot by an assassin, Czolgosz, 
while holding a public reception at the Pan-American Expo- 
sition in Buffalo, N. Y., on September 6, 190I. It was 
thought, after the wound had been operated on, that he 
might survive, but the wound proved fatal and he died on 
September 14th. 

416 Doctor of Jurisprudence. On this occasion the 
honorary degree of doctor of jurisprudence was conferred 
for the first time in the United States. The recipient was 
ex-President Cleveland, who had already received the degree 
of LL.D. from Princeton University. The ceremony of con- 
ferring the degree upon Mr. Cleveland was a part of the 
commencement exercises of the college. Archbishop Ryan 

420 Wilson. Woodrow Wilson, the American educator 
and historian, was born at Staunton, Va. He graduated at 
Princeton in 1879- In 1890 he becanae Professor of Juris- 
prudence and Politics at Princeton, and upon the resignation 
of President Patton in June, 1902, Dr. Wilson was elected 
President of Princeton University by the unanimous votes 
of the trustees, and on October 25th he was formally in- 

429 KisJiineff. On April 23, 1903, twenty-five Jews 
were killed and several hundred were wounded, many of 



them fatally, during the anti-Semitic riots at Kishineff in 
Russia, when a number of workmen organized an attack on 
the Jewish inhabitants. The houses of the Jews were 
wrecked, their shops were sacked, and thousands of them 
were made homeless and destitute. 

432 Chicago Strike. The conflict with the American 
Railway Union at Chicago was started by a dispute between 
the Pullman Car Company and their employees. The em- 
ployees struck and their places were filled by others. Then 
the union of railway men, on the advice of their president 
(Debs), took up the question and demanded that the rail- 
ways should boycott the Pullman Company. When this 
edict was not complied with they not only went on strike 
themselves, but stopped the working of the railway lines by 
others. Governor Altgeld, of Illinois, had already attracted 
attention by pardoning some of the individuals who were 
undergoing imprisonment for the Anarchist outrages of 
1880. In this instance he refused to take the necessary 
measures to enable the companies to carry on their business. 
The postmasters in Chicago, as Federal officers, appealed to 
Washington for help to distribute the mails, and Mr. Cleve- 
land at once sent troops to Chicago, which brought about 
the collapse of the strike. In the case of several similar 
conflicts elsewhere the troops of the United States had been 
called in during the summer, but in each of these instances 
they entered the State at the request of the governor. They 
were sent to Chicago, however, not only without Governor 
Altgeld's consent, but against his protest. This dispatch 
of an armed force would have involved a serious constitu- 
tional question if acts had not been passed since I860 which 
authorize the President to send troops into any State where 
he has reason to believe that Federal business is not ade- 
quately protected, or that the lives or property of American 
citizens are exposed to danger which the local authorities 
fail to avert. 



Cleveland, Grover, President United States. 

Fishing and Shooting Sketches. Illustrated by Henry 
S. Watson. New York: The Outing Publishing Com- 
pany, 1906. 209 pp. Frontispiece. Illustrations. 
Plates. 12mo. 

The Independence of the Executive. Boston and New 
York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 190O. 27 pp. 8vo. 

Presidential Problems. New York : The Century Com- 
pany, 1904. 281 pp. Svo. 

Principles and Purposes of our Form of Government 
as set forth in Public Papers of Grover Cleveland. 
Comp. by Francis Gottsberger. New York: G. G. 
Peck, 1892. 187 pp. 8vo. 

The Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland, se- 
lected and edited with an Introduction by George F. 
Parker. Authorized edition. New York: Cassell Pub- 
lishing Company, 1892. 571 pp. Portrait. Svo. 

New York Times. 

The Venezuela Dispute. Prof. McMaster's History of 
the Monroe Doctrine. The President's Message and 
the other Official Documents. New York: The New 
York Times, 1896. 35 pp. Map. Svo. 

United States, Department of State. 

Correspondence in Relation to the Boundary Contro- 



versy between Great Britain and Venezuela, being a 
reprint of Senate Executive Document No. 226, Fif- 
tieth Congress, first session, and Senate Document No. 
31, Fifty-fourth Congress, first session. Washington: 
Government Printing Office, 1896. Map. 8vo. 


A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the 
Presidents, 1789-1897. Published by authority of 
Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 
1896-99. 10 vols. Plates. Portraits. 8vo. Issued 
also as House Miscellaneous Document No. 210, Fifty- 
third Congress, second session. Vol. VIII, Grover 
Cleveland, 1885-1889, pp. 296-852. Vol. IX, Grover 
Cleveland, 1893-1897, pp. 387-801. 

President, 1893-1897 (Cleveland). 

President's Message relating to the Hawaiian Islands. 
December 18, 1893. Accompanied by Commissioner 
Blount's Report, the evidence taken by him at Hono- 
lulu, the instructions given to both Commissioner 
Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence con- 
nected with the affair. Washington: Government Print- 
ing Office, 1893. 684 pp. Map. 8vo. Fifty-third 
Congress, second session. House Executive Docu- 
ment No. 47. 

Biery, James S. 

King Grover. Chronicles of His Reign, according to 
Simonides, the scribe of the tribe of Lechay. First 
book. Allentown, Pa. : Published by the author, 1 894. 
128 pp. 12mo. In scriptural style. 

Boyd, James Penny. 

Biographies of President Grover Cleveland and Hon. 
Allen G. Thurman, with full Proceedings of the St. 
Louis Convention and authorized text of the National 


Platform. Philadelphia: Franklin News Company, 
1888. Portraits. 8vo. 

Men and Issues of '92. A grand national portrait 
gallery, containing photographs of leading men of all 
parties; with a full and fair presentation of the great 
national questions of the day. Also the lives of Repub- 
lican and Democratic candidates for President and 
Vice-President, with national platforms. Philadel- 
phia: Publishers' Union, 1892. 656 pp. Portraits. 8vo. 

Dieck, Herman. 

The Life and Public Services of our Great Reform 
President, Grover Cleveland, to which is added the 
Life and Public Services of Allen G. Thurman. Phila- 
delphia: S. L Bell & Co., 1888. Sdi pp. Illustrations. 
Plates. Portraits. 1 2mo. 

Goodrich, Frederick E. 

The Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland, 
with incidents of his boyhood and an account of his 
rise to eminence in his profession; also containing his 
addresses and official documents as Mayor of the City 
of Buffalo and Governor of the State of New York. 
Portland, Me.: H. Hallett & Co., 1884. 504 pp. 
Plates. Portraits. 12mo. 

Handford, Thomas W. 

Early Life and Public Services of Hon. Grover Cleve- 
land, the fearless and independent Governor of the 
Empire State, and candidate for President of the 
United States, reciting the annals of his successful 
career from obscurity to the eminent position which he 
now holds in the admiration of the people. Also the 
Life of Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, candidate for 
Vice-President. Including a history of the Democratic 
party, and life sketches of prominent Democratic 


statesmen. Together with the platforms of both par- 
ties and a mass of useful political information. Chi- 
cago and New York: Caxton Publishing Company, 
1884. 510 pp. Plates. Portraits. Facsimiles. 12mo. 

Harlow, Louis K. 

At Gray Gables and Walks Along the Shore of Buz- 
zard's Bay. With illustrations from water-colors and 
sketches by L. K. Harlow, and with an historical and 
descriptive sketch of Buzzard's Bay and poems by 
well-known writers illustrative of the scenery. New 
York: R. Tuck & Sons, 1895. 15 pp. Illustrations. 
Plates. 12mo. 

Hensel, William Uhler. 

Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland, twenty- 
second President of the United States, and Democratic 
nominee for re-election, 1888. An introductory sketch 
by the late William Dorsheimer, enlarged and con- 
tinued through the present administrations to the date 
of publication. Together •with a sketch of the Life of 
Allen G. Thurman, ex-United States Senator from 
Ohio and Democratic nominee for Vice-President. An 
accoimt of the Democratic National Convention, St. 
Louis, 1888; statement of Democratic principles, and 
a handbook of useful political information. Phila- 
delphia and Chicago: Hubbard Brothers. Boston: 
Guernsey Publishing Company, 1888. 588 pp. Plates. 
Portraits. 12mo. 

Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland, twenty- 
second President of the United States, and Democratic 
nominee for re-election in 1892. An introductory 
sketch by the late Hon. William Dorsheimer, enlarged 
and continued through his administration, with a state- 
ment of the Democratic principles and a handbook of 


useful political information. Also a sketch of the Life 
and Services of Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson, Vice-Presi- 
dential nominee, by Prof. Charles Morris. Philadel- 
phia: Edgewood Publishing Company, 1892. 556 pp. 
Plates. Portraits. 8vo. 

King, Pendleton. 

Life and Public Services of Grover Cleveland. New 
York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1884. 224 pp. 
Plates. l6mo. 

Kintz, Henry J. 

The Inauguration of Grover Cleveland, the President- 
elect. March 4, 1885. A book for fifty million people. 
Alexandria, Va. [Philadelphia: W. F. Fell & Co., 
Printers], 1885. 159 pp. Plates. Portraits. 12mo. 

Le Fevre, Benjamin. 

Campaign of '84. Biographies of S. Grover Cleve- 
land, the Democratic candidate for President, and 
Thomas A. Hendricks, the Democratic candidate for 
Vice-President, with a description of the leading issues 
and the proceedings of the National Convention, to- 
gether with a history of the political parties of the 
United States, comparisons of platforms on all im- 
portant questions, and political tables for ready refer- 
ence. Philadelphia: Fireside Publishing Company, 
1884. Portraits. 8vo. 

Norton, Charles Benjamin. 

The President and his Cabinet, indicating the progress 
of the government of the United States under the ad- 
ministration of Grover Cleveland. Boston: Cupples & 
Hurd, 1888. 249 pp. Plates. Portraits. 12mo. 

Parker, George Frederick. 

A Life of Grover Cleveland ; with a Sketch of Adlai E. 
Stevenson. New York: Cassell Publishing Company, 
1892. SSS pp. 12mo. 



Perry, Frances M. 

Four Great American Presidents. Garfield, McKinley, 
Cleveland, Roosevelt; a book for American readers. 
New York: J. M. Stradling & Co., 1903. 309 pp. Il- 
lustration s . 1 2 mo. 

Schreiber, Bessie Rhoda. 

An Acrostic to President Grover Cleveland on his In- 
auguration. Containing the names of all the newspa- 
pers in New York State. New York: H. Seibert & 
Brother, Lithographers, 1885. Broadside. Folio. 

Stoddard, William Osborn. 

Grover Cleveland. New York: F. A. Stokes & Brother, 
1888. 263 pp. Frontispiece. Plates. 12mo. 

Watkins, Walter Kendall. 

New England Ancestry of Grover Cleveland, President 
of the United States of America. Privately printed. 
Salem, Mass.: The Salem Press, 1892. 25 pp. Charts. 
Frontispiece. Folio. 

Welch, Deshler. 

Stephen Grover Cleveland. A sketch of his life, to 
which is appended a short account of the Life of 
Thomas Andrews Hendricks. New York: J. W. Lovell 
Company, 1884. 222 pp. Plates. Facsimiles. 12mo. 

Whittle, James Lowry. 

Grover Cleveland. London: Bliss, Sands & Co., 1896. 
240 pp. Portraits. 12mo. 

These histories of the United States covering President 
Cleveland's administration may also be consulted: 

Andrews, E. B. History of the Last Quarter Century in 

the United States, 1870-1895. 
Dewey, D. R, National Problems, 1885-1897. 
» Peck, H. T. Twenty Years of the Republic, 1885-1905. 
Wilson, Woodrow. A History of the American People. 



The usual indexes will guide to the articles about Mr. 
Cleveland as follows: 

Fletcher, W. I. (A. L. A.). Index to General Literature, 
second edition, 1901. Followed by Annual Library In- 
dex, edited by W. I. Fletcher, 1902-1907. 

Poole's Index to Periodical Literature. 

Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature. 



Academy of Medicine, New York, 
address at the laying of the 
corner stone of, 177-179. 

Actors' Home, 199. 

Adams, John P., letter to (Septem- 
ber 12, 1890), 235. 

Addresses: at Albany, N.Y., 31-33, 
34-36, 41-43, 48, 49, 49-51, 446, 
447; at Ann Arbor, Mich., 318- 
329; at Atlantic City, N. J., 447- 
449; at Boston, Mass., 184-192; 
at Brooklyn, N. ¥., 241-246, 
309-313; at BufTalo, N. Y., 9, 10, 
11, 15-17, 17-20, 20-22, 45-47, 
109-111, 299-304; at Cambridge 
Mass. (Harvard University), 89- 
91; at Clinton, N. Y., 105-109; 
at Columbus, Ohio, 256-263; at 
Fredericksburg, Va., 365, 367; at 
Ithaca, N. Y. (Cornell Univer- 
sity), 192-196; at Kansas City, 
Mo., 117, 118; at Lawrenceville, 
N. J., 403, 404; at Nebraska 
City, Neb., 442, 443; at Newark, 
N. J., 55-57; at New York City, 
29-31, 36-39, 151-153, 165-170, 
170-172, 173, 177, 180-183, 196- 
200, 206-210, 211-215, 215-220, 
221-225, 236-241. 246-250. 263- 
267, 267-270, 271-279. 288-291. 
291-296, 313-318, 339, 340, 341, 
342, 343-345, 394, 395, 395-399, 

406, 407, 421-423, 423-425, 429, 
436, 437-440, 443-446, 452-453, 
453, 454; at Philadelphia, Pa., 
112, 113, 113-116, 116, 117, 134, 
135, 279-287, 367-369, 416, 416- 
418, 449-451; at Pittsburgh, Pa., 
414, 415; at Princeton, N. J., 
382, 383, 399-401, 408. 409, 410- 
412, 412-414, 419, 432; at Provi- 
dence, R. I., 305-309, 330-338; 
at Richmond, Va., 87-89; at 
Rochester, N. Y., 43-45; at 
Sandwich, Mass., 228-235; at 
St. Louis, Mo., 425-429; at 
Washington, D. C. 59-64, 102- 
105, 129, 130, 136-138, 201- 
203, 347-353. 

Adirondack Park, address in re- 
gard to, 288-291. 

Agricultural Fair, Richmond, Va., 

Albany, N. Y., addresses at, 31-33, 
34-36, 41-43, 48, 49. 49-51, 
446, 447; needed reforms at the 
Capitol, 289, 290. 

"Allianca" incident, 375. 

Ambassador, conferring the title of, 
on U. S. envoys to Great Britain, 
France, Italy and Germany, 357. 

American artists, unjust discrimi- 
nation in favor of, 71. 

American character, 102. 



American citizens imprisoned 
abroad, protest against the treat- 
ment of, 15-17. 

American citizenship, 214, 256- 
263, 403, 404. 

American commerce, revival of, 

American Fishery Union, letter to 
(April 7, 1885), 99-102. 

American flag, 368, 369. 

American home, 258, 260. 

American industries, 221-225. 

American Jews, celebration of the 
250th anniversary of settlement 
of, 443; as patriots, 445. 

American life, important factors 
in, 257. 

American motherhood, 366. 

American progress and achieve- 
ment within a century, 426. 

American Railway Union, 433. 

American sentiment of fair play, 

Ann Arbor, Mich., address at, 318- 

Auderson, E. Ellery, 204. 

Andrew, John F., 254. 

Arbitration between the republics 
of America and Europe, 357. 

Arbitration of labor disputes, 79- 

Arbitration treaty between the 
United States and Great Britain, 
392, 393. 

Army of the Cumberland, 102. 

Arthur, Chester Alan, executive 
proclamation on the death of ex- 
President (November 18, 1886), 

Assessments for partisan purposes, 

Atlantic City, N. J., address at, 

Ballot reform, necessity of, 188- 

Barnstable County, 229, 230, 232, 
233, 235. 

Bartlett, Charles L., letter to 
(March 14, 1904), 432. 

Bean Hill, 310. 

Bedloe's Island, 87. 

Beecher, Henry Ward, tribute to, 
132, 133. 

Beecher, Mrs. Henry Ward, letter 
to (May 22, 1888), 132, 133. 

Berne, international copyright con- 
ference at, 69. 

Birmingham, England, 381. 

Bissell, Dr., 106. 

Blount, James H., 355. 

Boston, Mass., address at, 184-192. , 

Boston commerce, 185. j 

Boston merchants, 185, 186. ^ 

Boston Tea Party, 185. 

Boyhood. Cleveland's, 105-107. 

Bragg, Edward S., letter to (March 
9, 1892), 329, 330. 

Bridgeport, Conn., address at, 58, 

British Guiana, 372, 373. 

Brooklyn, N. Y., address at, 241- 
246, 309-313. 

Brooklyn Democratic Club, letter 
to (April 16, 1898), 402. 

Brown, Edgar A., 204. 

Buffalo, N. Y., addresses at, 9, 10, 
11, 15-17, 17-20, 20-22, 45-47, 
109-111, 299-304; inaugural 
message as Mayor of (January 2, 
1882), 11-13; position of City 
Auditor in, 13; Sacngerfest, SOO. 



Builders, address at banquet of 
New York National Association 
of, 296. 

Building contracts, 294, 29.'5. 

Building trade, antiquity and im- 
portance of, 293. 

Bunker Hill, 251. 

Business Men's Democratic Associ- 
ation of New York, addresses 
before, 246-250, 313-318. 

Business methods in government, 

Butler, Benoni, 106. 

Buzzards Bay, 231, 406. 

Caldwell, N. J., 55. 

Cambridge, Mass. (Harvard Uni- 
versity), address at, 89-91. 

"Campaign of Education," the, 

Canton, Ohio, letters to the Young 
Men's Democratic Club at 
(November 22, 1889), 183; (No- 
vember 25, 1890), 270, 271. 

Cape Cod, 229, 231, 232, 235. 

Cape Cod Canal, 232. 

Capital and Labor, relations of, 
95, 96. 

Carnegie, Andrew, 414, 415. 

Carnegie Hall, N. Y., address at, 

Carnegie Institute, Pittsburgh, Pa., 

Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, Pa., 

Catholic Club, Philadelphia, Pa., 
98, 99. 

Centennial of Clinton, N. Y., ad- 
dress at the. 105-109. 

Centennial of Constitution, Phila- 

delphia, Pa., address at the, 113- 

Chamber of Commerce of the State 
of New York, letter to the Com- 
mitteeof the (November4, 1887), 
118, 119; address at the dedica- 
tion of the new home of, 421-423. 

Charities and Correction, address 
at the national conference of, 

Charity and charitable work, 449- 

"Cheap merchandise, cheap men, 
cheap country," 258-262. 

Chicago labor disturbances, 432. 

Chicago strike, lecture on (iMay 2, 
1904). 432-436; attitude of Gov- 
ernment in, 434, 435. 

Citizens, duties of, 19, 59. 96. 103, 
110, 113, 184, 180, 188-190, 192. 

Citizenship, American, 96, 173- 
177, 256-263. 

Citizenship and naturalization, 70, 

Ci\'il Ser\ace and Civil Service Re- 
form, 26-28, 74-76, 96, 97, 191, 
358, 359. 

Ci\dl Ser\-ice Commission, report 
of, 74. 

Civil Service Reform Association of 
New York, letter to (October 
28, 1882), 26-28. 

Civil Service rules amended, 389, 

Civil War, the, 46, 47; Germans in, 

Classes, formation of two widely 
opposite, 155. 

Cleveland family, 309. 

Cleveland. Rev. William N., letter 
to (November 7, 1882), 28, 29. 



Clinton, N. Y., address at Cen- 
tennial of, 105-109. 

Codman, Charles R., 254. 

Coinage of silver, 204. 

College of the City of New York, 
address at, 43G, 437. 

Collins, Hon. P. A.. 136, 139. 

Columbus, Ohio, address at, 256- 

Commerce, necessity of freedom of, 
38; reflections on, 422. 

Committee on Notification, address 
before, 136, 137. 

Communism, views on, 158. 

Constitution Centennial, Philadel- 
phia, Pa., address at the, 113-116. 

Consular ser\ace, recast of laws re- 
lating to, 357, 358. 

Continental Congress, 117. 

Co-operation of capital and labor, 

Cooper Union, New York, ad- 
dresses at, 151-153, 236-241. 

Copyright. See International 

Corn, shipments of, from New 
Orleans, 37. 

Cornell Alumni Society, address 
before, 192-196. 

Cornell, Governor, 31. 

Cornell University, address at, 

Coronation of Czar of Russia, 373- 

Corporations, 24; stockholders in, 
40, 41. 

Cox, Samuel S., tribute to, 151-153. 

Cuba, disturbances in, 374, 375; 
insurrection in, and policy as to, 

Cumberland, survivors of the 
Army of the, 102. 

Currency, a stable and safe, 348, 

353; depreciated, 397. 
Czar of Russia, coronation of the, 


Declaration of Independence, 227, 

Democracy, Democratic Party, or 
Democrats, references to, 10, 
35. 50, 56. 57, 78, 132, 147. 151. 
165-170, 205, 206, 237, 241-246, 
246-250, 250-255, 258, 271-279, 
281-287, 296-299, 314-318, 337- 
340, 343-345. 354, 369-372, 395- 
399, 402, 406. 

Democratic Club, New York, ad- 
dress at, 296-299. 

Democratic Editorial Association, 
letter read at banquet of (May 
24, 1895), 369-372. 

Democratic Government. 62, 63. 

Democratic League of Clubs, ad- 
dress at, 339, 340. 

Depew. Chauncey M., 265-267. 

Depreciated currency, 397. 

Diplomatic service, 357. 

Douglass, Fred., 432. 

Dramatic profession. See Actors' 

Drexel, Joseph W., 86. 

Dutch conservatism, 407. 

Eastmond, A. H., 402. 
Economy, public and private, 258, 

et seq. 
Education, relation to politics, 89. 
Educational processes, 417. 
Election frauds, 22, 23. 
Elections, primary, 22, 23. 
Eliot, Charles W., 254. 

I X D E X 

Employers, arbitration of disputes 
between laboring men and, 79- 

Employers, to laboring men, re- 
lations of, 95, 96. 

England, recijirocity with, 264. 

Equitable Life Assurance Society, 
trusteeship, 440. 

Erie County Bar Association meet- 
ing, memorial tribute to Oscar 
Folsom before the. 7-9. 

Evacuation-Day celebration, New 
York, address at, 36-39. 

Evangelical Alliance, address to the 
129, 130. 

Everett, Dr. William, 254. 

Expatriation, right of, 70. 

Ex-Presidents, concerning the dis- 
position of, 182, 183; rights of, 
and popular ideas concerning, 
234, 235. 

Extravagance, public, 297. 

Farmers' Alliance, letter to Steu- 
benville Lodge of the (March 
24, 1890), 220, 221. 

Farmers and the trusts, 390. 

Farmers, position with regard to 
New York canals, 38; effect of 
protective tariff on, 144; their in- 
terest in taxation, 143; move- 
ment of crops, 144; decrease of 
interest In life of, 157. 

Federal system, 201-203. 

Federal taxation, 141, 351. 

Fellowcraft Club, New Y'ork, ad- 
dress before, 173-177. 

Finances, condition of the national, 

Financial policy, 140. 

Finley, Dr. John Huston, 436. 

Fishery disputes, 99-102. 

Folsom, Oscar, memorial tribute 

to, 7-9. 
Foreign policy, 62, 63. 
Foreign relations, perplexity in, 

Founder's Day at Lawrence\'ille 

School, address at, 403, 404. 
Fox, Hon. John, 453. 
France, reciprocity with, 264. 
Franklin, Benjamin, 116, 117. 
Fraudulent and corrupt practices, 

Frazier, John W., 104. 
Fredericksburg, Va., addresses at, 

Free library movement, 215-220. 
Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, 112. 
Frugality in home and government, 

Furey, William A., letter to (Febru- 
ary 2, 1888), 130-132. 

G. A. R. banquet in Buffalo, ad- 
dress at, 45-49. 

Garfield, James A., tribute to, 103. 

Garfield statue, address at the un- 
veiling of the, 102-104. 

Garrison, William Lloyd, 254. 

German- Americans, 299-304. 

German character, 300-302. 

German citizens, 300-304. 

German literature, 300, 301. 

Crerman reformers, 399. 

German Young Men's Association, 
BuiTalo, address at the semi- 
centennial of, 299-304. 

Gettysburg, letter to reunion of 
Union and ex-Confederate sol- 
diers at (June 24, 1887), 104, 



Gibbons, Cardinal, 98; letter to a 
member of the Cardinal Gibbons 
reception committee (January 
26. 1887), 98, 99. 

Gilder, Richard Watson, 401. 

Gloucester, Mass., letter to Ameri- 
can Fishery Union at (April 7, 
1885), 99-102. 

Golden rule, 416. 

Governor, serenade speech at Buf- 
falo upon nomination for, 20- 
22; letter accepting nomination 
for (October 7, 1882), 22-26; 
policy to be adopted as, 28; ad- 
dress as, at Albany, N.Y., 31-33. 

Governorship, letter to his brother, 
on being elected to (November 
7, 1882). 28, 29; address at the 
Manhattan Club, New York, 
after election to. 29-31. 

Grant, Gen. U. S., proclamation on 
the death of (July 23, 1885). 64. 

Great Britain, arbitration treaty. 
392. 393. 

Hancock. Gen. Winfield Scott, 
executive order on the death of 
(February 9, 1886). 79. 

Harrison, Benjamin, tribute to ex- 
President, 407, 408. 

Harvard College, address at the 
two hundred and fiftieth anniver- 
sary of, 89-91. 

Havana, 384. 

Hawaii, treaty and relations with, 
355, 356. 

Hendricks, Thomas A., executive 
order on the death of Vice-Presi- 
dent (November 25, 1885). 67. 
68; monument to. 226. 

Hepworth. Rev. G. H., letter to 

(August 26, 1900). 406. 
Herwig. A.. 225. 
Hibernian Society. Philadelphia, 

Pa., address at the banquet of. 

112. 113. 
Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, 

Hill, J. A., 220. 
Historical and Scientific Societies of 

Philadelphia, Pa., address at the 

dinner of the. 116, 117. 
Hoar, Sherman. 254. 
Holman, John A.. 226. 
Holland Society dinner, address at, 

Home Rule, 255. 

Immigration, views on, 63. 

Inaugural addresses: first to Con- 
gress (March 4, 1885), 59-64; 
second to Congress (March 4, 
1893), 347-352. 

Independence, American, 62, 227. 

Independence Hall. Philadelphia, 
Pa., 117. 

Indian policy. 63. 

Indian problem, 161. 

Indiana Tariff Reform League, 
letter to (February 15, 1890), 
204, 205. 

Indians, relations with the. 351. 

Indianapolis (Hendricks) Monu- 
ment Committee, letter to 
(June 18, 1890), 226. 

Indi\adual rights, 53, 54. 

Industries, American, 221-225. 

Insurance investigation, 452, 453. 

International Anierican conference 
at Washington, D. C, 357. 



International copyright, 69, 70. 
Ithaca, N. Y.. 192. 

Jackson, Andrew, 162, 282, 314- 

Jackson Club, Columbus, Ohio, 

Jackson Day, dinner of the Na- 
tional Democratic Club, letter 

read at, 453, 454. 
Jefferson, Joseph, 401. 
Jefferson, Thomas, 62, 168, 236, 

280, 281, 297. 
Jewelers' Association of New York, 

address before, 267-270. 
Jewish character, 445. 
Jewish charity, 445. 
Jews in Russia, protest against 

murder and persecution of the, 

429, 430. 
Jews in the United States, address 

at the 250th anniversary of the 

settlement of the, 443-446. 

Kansas City, Mo., address at, 117, 

Kensington Reform Club, letter to 
(May 9, 1890), 225. 

Kings County, Democratic Club, 
letter to (February 2, 1888), 130- 
132; Democratic headquarters, 
235; loyal Democracy of, 241, 

Kishineff Massacre, 429, 430. 

Labor, dignity of, 53; the strength 
of a State, 56; protection of, 57, 
163, 190; arbitration of disputes, 

Labor and capital, 80, 81, 95. 96. 

Labor Bureau established, 82, 83; 
enlargement of, 95. 

Laboring men to employers, re- 
lations of, 95, 96. 

Lafayette, Marquis de, 366. 

Land League, Irish, 11. 

Lands, laws relating to public. 1 60. 

Launch of steamship St. Louis, 
address at, 367-369. 

Law, practice of, as an incitement 
to patriotism, 319. 

Lawrence ville, N. J., address at 
403. 404. 

Lecture, first, on the Venezuela 
boundary dispute (May 27, 
1901), 408, 409; second, on the 
Venezuela boundary dispute 
(May 28, 1901), 410-412. 

liCgal profession, importance and 
responsibility of, 41, 42. 

Legislation, unduly influenced, 25. 

Legislative interference with mu- 
nicipalities, 23, 24. 

Ijcslie, P'rank, 28. 

Letters: to Thomas C. E. Ecclesine, 
accepting nomination for Gov- 
ernor, 22-26; to New York Civil 
Ser\ice Reform Association, 26- 
28; to Rev. William N. Cleve- 
land, 28, 29; accepting nomina- 
tion for President, 51-55; to 
Allen G. Thurman, 78; to mem- 
ber of the Cardinal Gibbons re- 
ception committee, 98, 99; to 
George Steele, President Ameri- 
can Fishery Union, 99-102; to 
John W. Frazier, Secretary of 
Reunion of Union and ex-Con- 
federate soldiers, 104, 105; to 
Committee of New York Cham- 
ber of Conunerce, 118, 119; to 
William A. Fvirey, 1.30-132; to 
Mrs. Henry Ward Beecher, 132, 



133; to Hon. Patrick A. Collins 
and others, 139-151; to Com- 
mittee of Massachusetts Tariff 
Reform League, 164, 165; to 
Young Men's Democratic Club 
at Canton, Ohio, 183, 270, 271; 
to Edgar A. Brown, President 
Indiana Tariff Reform League, 
204, 205; to J. A. Hill, Secretary 
Steubenville Lodge of the Farm- 
ers' Alliance, 220, 221; to F. 
A. Herwig, 225, 226; to John 
A. Holman, Secretary of the 
Thomas A. Hendricks Monu- 
ment Committee, 226; to 
Abraham B. Tappan, Grand 
Sachem of the Tammany Society, 
227, 228; to John P. Adams, 
235, 236; to John McConvill, 
255; to Hon. Edward S. Bragg, 
Lakewood, N. J., 329, 330; to 
Hon. W. J. Northen, 353, 354; 
to John A. Mason, 369-372; to 
Hon. (Jeorge W. Parker, 381, 
382; to Richard Watson Gilder, 
401, 402; to A. H. Eastmond, 
402; to Gustav H. Schwab, 405; 
to Rev. G. H. Hepworth, 406; 
to Hon. E. Y. Webb, 431; to 
Hon. Charles L. Bartlett, 432; 
to Thomas F. Ryan, accepting 
trusteeship in Equitable Life 
Society, 440-442; to Hon. John 
Fox, 453, 454; to the editor of 
the New York World, 455. 

" Liberty Enlightening the World," 
message relating to acceptance 
and inauguration of the statue 
of (May 11, 1886), 85-87. 

Libraries, free, 215-220. 

Life-Insurance Presidents, 452. 

Literature, pernicious, 218. 

Log-rolling system, 307. 

Louisiana Purchase Exposition, 
address at dedication of build- 
ings of, 425-428. 

Luther, Martin, 259, 399. 

McCon^dll, John, letter to (Novem- 
ber 11, 1891), 255. 

McKinley memorial services, ad- 
dress at, 412-414. 

McKinley, William, tribute to, 

Manhattan Club, New York City, 
address at the, 29-31. 

Mason, John A., 369. 

Masonic banquet at Fredericks- 
burg, Va., address at, 366, 367. 

Massachusetts, patriotism of, 85; 
leadership in civil service and 
ballot reform, 191, 192; residence 
in, 250; history, tradition, achiev- 
ments, 251; education in, 252; 
independence of party trammels, 
254; Tariff Reform League, 
letter to (December 24, 1888), 
164, 165. 

Mayor of Buffalo, address ac- 
cepting nomination for, 9-10; 
inaugural message as (January 
2, 1882), 11-13. 

Medical Alumni Association of 
New York, address before, 206- 

Medical profession, importance of, 
178, 179; fifty years ago, and to- 
day, 394, 395. 

Merchants' Association of Boston, 
address before, 184-192. 

Misappropriation of public funds, 



Memorial services for President 
McKinley at Princeton, N. J., 

Messages: as Mayor of Buffalo 
(January 2, 1882), 11-14; first, 
to New York Legislature (Janu- 
ary 2, 1883), 33, 34; second, to 
New York Legislature (January 
1, 1884), 39-41; first annual, to 
Congress (December 8, 1885), 
68-78; special, on arbitration of 
labor disputes (April 12, 1887). 
79-83; relating to Statue of 
" Liberty Enlightening the 
World" (May 11, 1886), 85-87; 
second annual, to Congress (De- 
cember 6, 1886), 92-98; third 
annual, to Congress (Decem- 
ber 6, 1887), 119-129; special, on 
death of Gen. Philip H. Sheri- 
dan (August 6, 1888), 138, 139; 
fourth annual to Congress 
(December 3, 1888), 153-164; 
first annual, to Congress (second 
term, December 4, 1893), 355- 
363; second annual, to Congress 
(second term, December 3, 
1894), 363, 364; third annual, to 
Congress (second term, Decem- 
ber 2, 1895), 372-376; special, on 
Venezuela boundary dispute 
(December 17, 1895), 376-381; 
fourth annual, to Congress (sec- 
ond term, December 7, 1896), 
383-392; on arbitration treaty 
(January 11, 1897), 392, 393. 

Michigan, University of, 318. 

Militia, 24. 

Mississippi River, 426. 

Missouri River, 426. 

Monroe doctrine, 62, 376-381. 

Monroe, James, 377. 
Mormons, importation of, 74. 
Morton, J. Stirling, address at un- 
veiling of statue of, 442, 443. 

National Democratic Club of 
New York, letter to (January 8, 
1908), 453, 454. 

National prosperity, 342. 

Naturalization and citizenship, 70, 

Navy, reconstruction of the, 71-73; 
Department, reflections on, 71- 

Nebraska City, Neb., address at 
unveiling of the J. Stirling 
Morton statue, 442, 443. 

Negro problem, 423-425; 431, 432. 

Newark, N. J., address at, 55-57; 
population and industries of, 56. 

New England, love for, 310; farm- 
ing in, 311; principles, 311. 

New England Society of Brooklyn, 
address before, 309-313. 

New Jersey, farming and manu- 
facturing interests of, 56. 

New Orleans, battle of, 314, 315. 

New York, address before Southern 
Society of, 211-215; address at 
College of the City of, 436,437. 

New York Academy of Medicine, 
addresses before, 177-179, 394, 

New York Business Men's Demo- 
cratic Association, addresses 
before, 246-250, 313-318. 

New York Chamber of Commerce, 
letter to (November 4, 1887), 
118, 119; addresses at, 180-183, 
341, 342, 421-423. 

New York City, addresses at, 29- 



31, 36-39, 151-153, 165-170, 
170-172, 173-177, 180-183, 196- 
200, 206-210, 211-215, 215-220, 
221-225, 236-241, 246-250, 263- 
267, 267-270, 271-279, 288-291, 
291-296, 313-318, 339, 340, 341, 
342, 343-345, 394, 395, 395-399, 
406-407, 421-423, 423-425, 429, 
436, 437-440, 443-446, 452-453, 
453, 454; necessity of caring for 
commerce of, 36; Evacuation 
Day celebration, 36-39; im- 
portance of maritime position, 
36, 37; Statue of Liberty, 85-87; 
Washington Inauguration Cen- 
tennial, 170-172; letter read at 
Joseph Jefferson dinner (March 
29, 1898), 401, 402; letter read 
at Carl Schurz dinner (March 2, 
1899), 405; National Democratic 
Club, letter read at the Jackson 
Day dinner (January 8, 1908), 
453, 454. 

New York Civil Service Reform 
Association, letter to (October 
28, 1882), 26-28. 

New York Democratic Club, ad- 
dresses at, 165-170, 296-299. 

New York Democratic Editorial 
Association, letter to (May 24, 
1895), 369-372. 

New York Equitable Life Assur- 
ance Society, letter to (June 12, 
1905), 440-442. 

New York Holland Society, ad- 
dress at, 406, 407. 

New York Legislature, first mes- 
sage to, 33, 34; second message 
to, 39-41. 

New York Reform Club, letter to 
(February 10, 1891), 204; ad- 

dresses before, 271-279, 345, 
346, 395-399. 

New York State, importance of, 
44; population, 44; administra- 
tion of justice, 45; leader of all 
the States, 46; greatness and 
grandeur of, 47. 

New York State Bar Association, 
address before, 41-43. 

New York State Medical Society, 
address at centennial meeting of, 
446, 447. 

New York World, letter to (March 
14, 1908), 455. 

Niagara Falls Park, 289, 290. 

Noah, pioneer in building, 293,294. 

Nomination for Governor, speech 
at Buffalo upon, 20-22; letter 
accepting (October 7, 1882), 22- 

Nomination for President, response 
to official notification of first, 
(July 29, 1884), 49-51; letter 
accepting first, (August 18, 1884) 

Northen, Hon. W. J., letter to 
(September 25, 1893), 353, 354, 

Norwich, Conn., 310. 

Northern and Southern Presbyte- 
rian Assemblies, address before, 
134, 135. 

O'Brien, Morgan J., 454. 

O'Farrall, Governor, 365. 

Officeholders, conscience of, 12, 

Ofiice holding a duty of citizen- 
ship, 328. 

Olney, Richard, 433. 

Organ, the, in American families, 



Organization of Supreme Court, 

Panama Canal, 440. 

Parnell, Charles S., tribute to, 255. 

Partisanship, 26, 27, 29, 76, 296. 

Pauncefote, Sir Julian, 376. 

Pendleton bill. Civil Ser\4ce re- 
form principles in, 26. 

Pension bill, veto of the Andrew 
J. White (May 8, 1886), 83-85. 

Pension bills, reasons for signing 
and for disallowing, 84, 85. 

Pension Bureau, reforms in, 83, 

Pension laws, revision of, 161, 163. 

Pensions, liberality in granting, 
should not be tempered with 
fraud, 83; inexpediency of special 
legislation for, 84; reflections 
concerning, 93-95. 

Periodical I^ublishers' AssociatioQ, 
address at annual banquet of, 

PerpJexity in foreign relations, 355. 

Personal preferences, 21. 

Personal property, laws of taxation 
in regard to, 33. 

Philadelphia, Pa., addresses at, 
112, 113-116, 110, 117, 134, 135, 
279-287, 367-369, 416, 416- 
418, 449-451; letter to Catholic 
Club (January 26, 1887), 98, 99; 
Constitution Centennial, 113- 
116; letter to Kensington Re- 
form Club (May 9, 1890), 225, 

Philadelphia Brigade, 104. 

Philadelphia Young Men's Demo- 
cratic Association, address be- 
fore, 279-287. 

Philippines, suppressed in; 'rrec- 
tion in the, 439, 440. 

Physicians and patients, 44( 447. 

Piano, the, in American fa iite, 
224, 225. 

Piano and Organ Manufac ."crs, 
address at banquet of, 22 i25. 

Pickett's Division, reunion o !04. 

Pierce, Henry L., 254. 

Pierce School of Business, uila- 
delphia, Pa., address at, 4 ;. 

Pilgrim Fathers, 311, 312. 

Pittsburg, Pa., address at 414, 

Plymouth Rock, 231, 251. 

Polygamy, suppression of, in rfah, 
73, 74. 

Presbyterian Assemblies at Phila- 
delphia, address before, 1.34, 

Presbyterianism. 134, 135, '96, 

President, response to offici? not- 
ification of nomination fo . 49- 
51; letter accepting nomi ation 
for (August 18, 1884), .'l-.5^- 
inaugural addresses as, ,■'(-64, 

Presidency, law relating tr the 
succession to the, 77. 

Presidential office, estimate o , i08, 
109, 233-235, 329, 330. 

Press, the, 173, 174, 177, 445 

Primaries, protection of, 22. 

Princeton, N. J., addresses a1 182, 
383, 399-401, 408, 409, 41( -412, 
412-414, 419, 420, 432-43 . 

Princeton Universitj', addre •; on 
Commemoration Day at, 399- 
401; inauguration of Wo<drow 
Wilson as President of, 420. 



Principles of true democracy, 279- 

Proclamation, on the death of 
Gen. U. S. Grant, ex-President, 
64, 65; on the death of Vice- 
President Thomas A. Hendricks, 
67; on the death of Gen. W. S, 
Hancock, 79; on the death of ex- 
President Chester A. Arthur, 92. 

Protection, a cardinal policy of the 
Republican Party, 438. 

Providence, R. I., addresses at, 
305-309, 330-338. 

Public anxiety in regard to the 
succession to the Presidency, 77. 

Public expenditures, 9. 

Public lands, reforms in regard to, 

Public ofBce to be held as a public 
trust, 328. 

"Public officers are the people's 
Servants," 12, 23. 

Public officials considered as the 
trustees of the people, 10. 

Publishers, 447. 

Pulitzer, Joseph, letter to, 455. 

oilman Palace Car Company, 

Quincy, Josiah, 254. 

Railroad commissioners, action of, 
on filing of quarterly reports by 
railroad companies, 39. 

Ratification meeting, Brooklyn, 
N. Y., address at, 241-246. 

Reciprocity, 276. 

Reform Club, New York, letter to 
(February 10, 1891), 204; ad- 
dres.'ies at, 271-279, 345-346, 

Religious teaching, 171. 

Religious toleration, 171. 

Republican Party, protection a 
cardinal policy of the, 438. 

Response to official notification at 
Albany, N. Y., 49-51. 

Revenue, reduction of, 158, 159. 

Rhode Island, address to Democ- 
racy of, 330-338; demand for free 
raw material, 337, 338. 

Richmond, Va., address at, 87- 

Rights and protection of American 
citizens, 15-17. 

Rochester, N. Y., address at semi- 
centennial of, 43-45. 

Roman Catholic Church, 98. 

Rules for conducting municipal 
affairs, 12. 

Russia, coronation of the Czar of, 

Russian Jews, massacre of, 429, 

Ryan, Thomas F., letter to, accept- 
ing trusteeship in Equitable Life 
Society (June 12, 1905), 440- 

Sandwich, Mass., address at, 228- 

St. Louis, Mo., Louisiana Purchase 
Exposition, address at, 425- 

St. Thomas of Villanova, Phila- 
delphia, Pa., address at Augus- 
tine College of, 416, 417. 

Schurz, Carl, 265; dinner to, 

Schwab, Gustav H., 405. 

Scollard, Dr., 106. 

Scott, Congressman, 431. 


fi D- 


12 4 


Self-made man, reflections con- 
cerning the, 399-401. 

Semi-centennial, Buffalo, N. Y., 
address at the, 17-20; Roches- 
ter, N. Y., address at the, 43-45; 
New York Academy of INIedi- 
cine, address at the, 394, 395. 

Serenade speeches at Albany, N. 
Y., 34-36, 48-49. 

Shakespeare Commemoration, Bir- 
mingham, England, letter read 
at (April 21, 1896), 381, 382. 

Shakespeare, William, 197, 381, 

Sheehy, Father, 11. 

Sheridan, Fort, 435. 

Sheridan, Gen. Philip H., tribute 
to, 138, 139. 

Silver, free coinage of, "16 to 1," 

Southern Educational Association, 
address to, 423. 

Southern Society of New York, 
address before, 211-215. 

Spanish-American War, 404. 

Spanish interference with Ameri- 
can ships, 375. 

Spanish-speaking people, reci- 
procity with, 263. 

Stage, influence of the, 197-199. 

State Papers; inaugural message 
as mayor of Buffalo, 11-14; mes- 
sages to New York Legislature, 
33, 34, 39-41; first annual mes- 
sage to Congress, 68-78; special 
message on arbitrament of dis- 
putes between laboring men and 
employers, 79-83; veto of pen- 
sion bill, 83-85; message on ac- 
ceptance of statue of "T.n-.oi-+" 

87; second annual me 
Congress, 92-98; third 
message to Congress, ' 
special message on deatl 
Philip H. Sheridan, l; 
fourth annual message 
gress, 153-164; first ann 
sage to Congress (secon 
355-363; second annu 
sage to Congress (secon 
363, 364; third annual 
to Congress (second 
372-376; special messagi 
nezuela boundary dispui 
381; fourth annual messj 
ond term), 383-392; me; 
arbitration treaty betwa 
ed States and Creat 

Steele, George, letter to ( 
1887), 99-102. 

SteubenWlle, Ohio, letter 
ers' iUliance Lodge 
1890), 220, 221. 

Suffrage, right of, ^ 

Supreme Court 
States, addre.^ 
celebration c .\ 

the, 201-2^ 
on Chicaf 


30, 18i 

Tariff, r 

122; ir 


iarin laws, cuii3nacia.i,.vy..-^ ^- — 

isting. 122-128, 156-160. 
Tariff policy, new, 363, 364. 
Tariff question, 142, et seq. 
Tariff reform, interest of farmers 
in, 142, 143; benefits to labor 
from, 157; advocacy of, 158; ex- 
tent of benefit of, 164; activity in, 
205; advocated by Democratic 
Party, 272; Republican hilarity 
over message on, 274; advocat- 
ing the cause of, 278; the shib- 
boleth of true democracy, 331; 
vindicated in 1890, 334; Repub- 
Ucan ideas of, 335, 336; how the 
people understand, 335, 336; the 
Democratic Party pledged to, 
351; considered in first annual 
message to Congress (second 
term% 360-363. 
Tariff taxation, 141-151. 
taxation, municipal, 9; existing 
scheme of, 122, 156; federal, 141; 
Democratic principle in regard 
"^^o, 315. 
^lor, C. H. J., 431. 
-ksgiving proclamation (No- 
- 2, 1885), 66, 67. 

^rson Building, Brook- 
'5, 236. 

., letter to (Jan- 
birthday ban- 
Ohio, address 


., 54. 
,' 120. 

ifluence and 
e, 145. 
iston, Mass., 

olies, 148, 155, 350, 390 f^O'!. 

Trusts and the artisan, 390. ^ 

Trusts and the farmers, 390. 
Trusts and the small trader, 390. 
Tuskegee Institute, 425. 
Tyre and Sidon, 422. 

Uncle Tom's Cabin, days of, 473 . 
United States Bank, Jackson S po- 
sition in regard to, 316. 
United States Congress. See Mes- ^ ^ 

United States Consuls, 357, -S. 
United States Constitution, (.'«, 6i, 

170, 171, 201, 202, 339, 340. 
United States Constitution Cen- 
tennial, Philadelphia, Pa.. 113- 
United States Navy, rebuilding of, 

71-73. ' ,, 

United States Supreme ^-ouH. 

crowded condition of calendar 

of, 160; address at centennial of "^ 

organization of, 201-203. .' 

United States Treasury, p.^ ^ ' 

functions of, 120. 
University, relations of the E tat . 

the, 194. 
University of Michigan, A;m .Sr- 

bor, address at, 318-329. 
Utah, suppression of polygamy in, ■ 

73, 74. 

Venezuela, boundary dispute, .acute 
stage of, 372, 373; special mes- 
sage on (December 17, 1895). 
376-381; submitted to arbitra- 
"tion, 389; first lecture on (]Ma\ 



27, 1901), 408, 409; second lec- 
ture on (May 28, 1901), 410- 

eto of the Andrew J. White pen- 
sion bill (May 8, ISSR), 83-85. 
,'illard, Henry, dinner, address at, 

^irginia, agriculture in, 87-89. 
^Virginia State Fair, Richmond, 
address at, 87-89. 

^^ashington, D. C, addresses at, 

59-04, 102-105, 129, ISO, 136- 

138, 201-203, 347-353; Inter- 
I national American Conference 

at, 357. 
Washington, Booker T., 423. 
Washington, George, 60, 62, 112, 

115, 176, 201, 211-215, 318- 

Washington, Mary, dedication of 

monimentto, at Fredericksburg, 

Va., 365, 366. 

Washington Inauguration Cen- 
tennial, address at, 170-172. 

Waste of public moneys, 349. 

Watson, Thomas E., 432. 

Webb, E. Y., letter to (March 2, 
1904), 431. 

White, Andrew J., pension bill, 
veto of, 83-85. 

Williams, George Fred., 254. 

Woman, sphere of, 218. 

Workingmen's Tariff Reform As- 
sociation, 225. 

Young INIen's Christian Associa- 
tions, addresses before, 109-111, 
117, 118. 

Young Men's Democratic Asso- 
ciation of Philadelphia, Pa., ad- 
dress before, 279-287. 

Young Men's Democratic Club, 
Canton, Ohio, letters to (No- 
vember 12, 1889), 183; (Novem- 
ber 25, 1890), 270, 271. 


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