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Xv a meeting of the Administration Central Committer, in tin'. 
town of Salem, in April last, a Standing Committee was appointed 
*o address their fe.U0w-citi7.en3 at large on the various subjects 
brought into discussion during the Presidential canvass, and to aid 
6i disusing correct information among the body of the people. 

This Standing Committee, fellow-citizens, now has the honor ta 
address you. Unwilling to add to the excitement already too preva- 
lent in the public mind, by connecting the presidential question with 
our State elections, we purposely abstained from addressing you until 
those elections were over. By adopting this course, we conceived a 
better opportunity would be afforded you of conferring your suffrage* 
en merit, independent of party, and the still more important advan- 
tage attained of securing for the Presidential election your undivided 

In performing the duty to which we have been called, we shall ad- 
dress your understandings, and not your passions. We shall ad- 
vance no assertions but what are fonnded on facts indisputably esta- 
blished; and so far as the limits of our address will permit, we shall 
refer you to the documents and authorities on which we rely. We 
jmnll invoke, a dispassionate attention to your own interests, as india 
fplublv connected and identified with those of a great nation of repub- 
lican freemen, and ask. you to confer your suffrages and repose your 
•onfidence, where experience has demonstrated that vou may do »» 
with safety. 

In relation to the controversy now pending bcfjrc the American 
people, there is one fact so universal and omnipresent to our feeling* 
and senses, that neither the art nor the bobbins of oar* adversaries 
«an gainsay or resist it: — we mean the universal prosperity and hap- 
piness of the people. This state of things alone, which existed with 
out alloy, until the recent incendiary proceedings in the South, 
(which we shall have occasion to notice) to a rational and reflecting 
mind, would be an ample refutation of nine tenths of the charges 
urged against those, who for the last three years have administered 
the government. It is a good general rule to judge of the adminis- 
tration of a government from the condition of the people. "If we 
•ee them obedient to the laws, prosperous in their industry, r<>r> 
tented at home and respected abroad, ire. max) reasonably prthumt 
that their affairs are conducted bv men of experience, abilities, and 
virtue." If this principle, which has the sanction of a great name, 
be applied tothcgeneral condition of the United States, how trium- 
phant will be the vindication of our rulers! In what favored e<iun- 
tsyoragc, among what people, ancient or modsrn, shall we t»carci» 

^ -** 


for that degree of prosperity and happiness which the people of the 
United States at this time possess in full fruition? Is it not a little 
remarkable, does it not present the most singular of all contradic- 
tions, that when the general felicity of our condition is the constant 
theme of congratulation at home and admiration abroad, that the 
cry of rottenness and corruption is resounding through the land? As 
inhabitants of the West, do we not enjoy our full share of the public 
prosperity? We appeal to you, citizens of Indiana! Although cer- 
tain political doctors are constantly feeling your pulse, talking about 
symptoms, prognosticating decay and dissolution, and prescribing 
their nauseous medicines, we fearlessly ask you, does not the life- 
blood of health and vigour freely circulate from the heart of our body 
politic through the arteries, to the remotest vein in the system? 
What can be the object of these kind doctors in thus urging upon a 
man in full health their doses and prescriptions? We leave this for 
you to determine. 

In the mean time we seriously invite you to take a retrospect of 
your condition from the dawning of your infant settlements, from 
those trying times when the war-whoop and tomahawk beset your 
path to the present period of general tranquillity and improvement- 
Have we not been regularly progressive? Is not Indiana more flour- 
ishing now than ever? "Where is the incubus that has fastened itself 
upon the body politic to stiile its respiration and impede its growth? 
"What corner of our happy territory has the foul fiend of corruption 
contaminated with his poisonous touch? Alas, fellow.citizens, these 
arc the dreams of moon-struck patriots, or the selfish bowlings of 
political quacks! Ail is tranquil and prosperous in Indiana. For the 
last three years especially, the march of improvement has been uni- 
formly progressive. Our land debt, which once threatened to involve 
our families in impoverishment and ruin, has by the mild operation of 
a beneficent government, been extinguished, and by the recommen- 
dation of our present chief magistrate every cent of money which 
the settler or purchaser of public lands may have forfeited, has been 
restored to him, and he is now enabled to receive for his forfeited 
money its full value in land at the Congress minimum price. This 
single act of the government, which was effected by the agency and 
interposition of Mr. Adams, is estimated to be worth to our citizens 
at least one hundred thousand dollars. 

During these same three years, all the internal improvements that 
have e\ m- been made or projected in Indiana have taken place. We al- 
lude to trie continuation of the Cumberland road through our State • 
the extensive grants of land for the Michigan road and Wabash canal; 
and the employment for successive seasons of two corps of Engineers 
to ascertain the. facilities and locate the channels of future canals. 
In addition to all these, the President has signed a law of the last 
session of Congress regulating the tariff, which promises, by discou- 
raging and sujppressing British manufactures and British capital, to 
do more than ever has been done to promote a home market for our 
citizens, to raise the price of our corn, beef, flour, whiskey, &e. to 
develope the resources of our country, and to make us personally, as 
we have long been politically, independent of our ancient step-mothtr 


All these facts exist, — all these blessings are enjoyed, — yel stity 
we hear the cry of bargain and corruption! darn with tin- adminis- 
tration! Yes, fellow-citizens, it is too true! Party spiril is excited 
and fanned by every effort that ambition and disappointment can 
make. But from what quarter does the cry comer Who are the 
men that raise these notes of discord that disturb the general har- 
mony? Do they originate among the honest and respectable yei> 
manry of Indiana? [s the husbandman who cultivates his farm and 
lives on the honest product of his labor, dissatisfied with the govern- 
ment that protects him? Is the grateful settler on public lands, 
whose freehold and home have been secured to him by the liberality 
of the administration, disgusted with his benefactor? Oh no! tbra 
MT proceeds from disappointed aspirants, from hungry and ravenous 
office-seekers! from men who more than three years ago. before the 
administration had performed a single public act, declared, "they 
should be put down though they were as pure as the angels that stand 
around the throne of God." Yes, fellow-cit'r/.ens, these are the men 
who reiterate the cry of bargain, men who have bargained and com- 
bined with eacli other to put down the administration right or wrung. 
Of this bargain and combination you have had abundant evidence in 
the unceasing malediction of our best and most distinguished public 
men, in the constant and systematic plan of perverting and misrepre- 
senting the character and conduct of our chief magistrate, and in the 
malignant and unparalleled persecution of the Secretary of State. As 
to evidence of any other bargain, we have never seen it. Our adver- 
saries have been challenged and defied to produce it. They have 
wholly failed — and the only evidence of this party catch-word "bar- 
gain", consists in the just and faithful administration of the govern- 
ment. If such be the result of bargains among our public men; if 
they will bargain with each other to do- their duty, to promote our in- 
terests, to advance the cause of domestic industry and internal im- 
provement, and we get the benefit of the contract, God forbid that 
we should object to any such bargain! 

From what other quarter has this denunciation, not only of the 
President, but of the government at large, originated? And where 
does it now rage with malignant fury? Not among the grain-growing 
states — not among the immense majority of our fellow-( iti/.ens where 
free labour is encouraged and rewarded. No, fellow-citizens, it 
springs from the avaricious nabob of the South: from the owner of 
some fifties or hundreds of human beings, who is maddened to des- 
peration at the encouragement of manufactures and of whits labor. 
who fears that by the growth and prosperity of freemen, the value it 
slaves may be depreciated, and who seems willing to raise the stand- 
ard of rebellion and civil war, to keep up the price-, ot his crops and 
his negroes! 

You were told in the administration address of January last, that 
the people of the South were deliberately opposed to that policwanil 
those interests which you-have uniformly regarded as essential to 
your prosperity, and you were cautioned against supporting a man (or 
the Presidency who was, and is, mainly relied upon by the slave- 
holders of theSouth as their champion, to break down, not simply 

.Adams and £Uj, but the whole system o( potter whittb has Ji* k* 
object the independence of our country, and the growth and ad- 
vancement of the west. We then referred you to the def.-larfttion* 
of Gov. Giles of Virginia, and the resolution's of the legislature of" 
South Carolina declaring all Tariff laws for the protection of domes- 
tic manufactures, and all appropriations for internal improvements 
to be unconstitutional. Yet we never dreamed of the extent, or the 
violence which this Southern opposition has recently assumed. Wet 
never imagined that members of Congress, that Governors and Judg- 
es could be found who would advocate resistance to the laws of the 
union, and because they were out-voted by the people's representa- 
tives constitutionally assembled,madly threaten todissolve the unicn. 
"We never expected in our day to hear a member of Congress pro- 
claim to his constituents, that because they failed in shaping a vot« 
uf the national representatives agreeably to their wishes, that, "they 
were tenfold more insulted, more injured, more disgraced and eon- 
icmned by the majority of Congress,, than our forefathers were at th« 
breaking out of the Revolution; that the people of the South wtw 
represented in theory but not in fact.''' 9 

For fear we should be suspected of exaggerating the language and 
proceedings of our Southern brethren in reference to the tariff, we 
f hall here give you copious extracts of said proceedings, copied from 
their own papers, and published in Niles* Register. 

Extract from an address of sundry citizens of Colleton district, to the peopk of 
the State of South Carolina. — From Tsiles' Register, June 28. 

"What course is left to us to pursue? Our northern and western brethren 
are not, cannot, be ignorant of the operation of the system they advocate, or of 
the powers they claim for the general government. They full well know, h«~ 
«ause like us they must feel, that it lifts them to prosperity, while it sinks us 
into ruin. "We have done by words all that words can do. To talk more must 
be a dullard's refuge. 

"What course is left to us to pursue' If we have the common pride of mew,, 
er the determination of freemen, we must rfsisf the imposition of this tariff. 
We stand committed. To be stationary is impossible. We must either retro- 
grade in dishonor and in shame, and receive the contempt and scorn of our bre> 
ihren, superadded to our wrongs, and their system of oppression, strengthened 
by our toleration; or we must, "by opposing, endihem." To the very Inst vote 
in CongTess, we have kept this drc anted alternative from our minds, still cling»- 
ingtothe vain hope, that some kindred feeling, some sense of constitutional jus- 
tice, some spirit of forbearance and compromise, such as influenced our father* 
when acting together, and the trainers of the constitution, would rescue tre 
from this bitter emergency. But it has come, and we may not shriuk in moot- 
ing it. 

•'In advising an attitude of open resistance to the laws of the. union, we deem 
it due to the occasion, and that we may not be misunderstood, distinctly, but 
briefly to state without argument, our constitutional faith. For it is not enough 
that imposts laid for the protection of domestic manufactures are oppressive 
and transfer in their operation millions of our property to northern capitalists. 
If we have given our bond, let them take our blood. Those who resist thes« 
imposts, must deem them unconstitutional, and the principle in abandoned by 
the payment of one cent, as much as ten million*." 

Extracts from the Georgia Journal: 

"These then are the blessings of the 'American Svstem,' in only one pfU* ; *»- 
vlar branch of it. Well might Col. Ilayne say of it, that 'it would grind <mk 
people to the dust; — and >5r. McDufBe, that i't is l cn abominable nkeme^fla- 
galised p.\i>tJer' — 'es;up$n<foufBcketnc of imposture and delusion.' " 

The •time paper nays — "A writer in Ch« Gh.irleston Courier aieerts, tha'. ^t 
f Iicnfion has b*eu mudu to the Governor of South Carolina to convene the le- 
gislatuit o{ that '■•.ate; and ii is pretty plainly intimated, thai the purpose of the 
meeting i* to take measures preparatory to a setession vf tht ttu.'a from tin uw'on, 
in consequence of the pussugt of tin tariff bit." 

Another paper says: — 

" I he object of ev&y agriculturalist should be in the fr*t place tn devise moms 
fvr the destruction of the manufac uring mania- If any plan capable of bring 
adopted by a state legislature suggests itselfj the public should be put in pos- 
BessiojQ of it." 

In the "Southron," a paper printed in Millegeville, Ga. vre find 
tlio following remarks. After alluding to the passage of the uriff 
bill, and calling it the '.'accursed chain to bind Was' victims to the 
•ilol mammon j" "a detestable badge of slavery and degradation*' &«. 

the editor goes on to say: 

"We must now turn ourselves to other m^rtns nnd other defences, constitu- 
tional indeed, but at the same time with a spirit, pushing 1 resistance to the very 
bounds of the constitution. Let there be a wail raised between them and u*< 
and let ussny unto them as Abraham said unto Lot: 

"Let there be no strife, 1 pray thee, between thee and me, and between thy 
herdsmen and my herdsmen: for we be brethren. Is not the whole land befon» 
thee' Separate thyself; I pray thee, from rac; if thou wilt take the left hand, 
then 1 will go to the right, or if thou depart to the right hand, then 1 will go 
to the left.'' 

1 et us lay upon ourselves the injunction which God, through Moset, laid 
en the Israelites: 

"And thou shrilt gather all the spoil of it : ".to the midst of th^ street thereof, 
and shalt burn with fire the city and all the spoil thereof; and thwe shxilelurv* 
nought of t/u cursed thing to thine hand." 

Let us govern ourselves by the advice of the Apostle: 

"Touch not, taste not, handle not, the unclean thing which is the : r*," 

And for this purpose we would recommend Ihnt a congress ct?Femble from nil 
t'te stales opposed to a protective turijf, in order to advise and recommend to the 
different legislatures and people, such meassures, consistent with the constitu- 
tion, as may seem best calculated to protect them from the operation of the tariff 
hill, and prevent tht introduction and iise rf the tariffed articles, in their respective 

The "Columbia (S. C.) Telescope,-' contains an article signed 
"Molo," probably the production of Dr. Cooper, which has the fol- 
lowing admirable scheme of operation: 

"Let tlie legislatures of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 
and Alabama, proldbit the introduction of horses, mules, hogs, be«f, catthi, 
bacon and ba;rK' n g, and what advantages will Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana, 
derive from the tariff" bill, commensurate with the loss of our markets for their 
sMrplus of such articles? Let us prohibit the introduction of whiskey, flour, 
heef, cheese, Sec. and how will New l'trrk and Pennsylvania be compensated 
l»y the tariff', for the loss of* our custom ' and those last states would be more. 
deeply affected, should the southern states lay a municipal tax, amounting to 
prohibition, o;i all stock in trade, consisting of goods, wares, or merchandize* 
the produce of those states. Lit r<s not br told thai such prohibitions cannot be 
laid. Most of the states have, at some time, prohibited the introduction of 
slaves under seVere penalties: and many of the states have cicn stopped the 
transit of such property. A very slight alteration of our law regulating ped- 
lars, would effectually control the horse, hog, mule, cattle, bagg ngarirl b e m 
trade of the. west: Should some' such mc««ures as we have proposed, be udop* 
•il b\ the states of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, G< oi-pn, find Ala- 
bama, and other etatc* tat orablc tafrc* I and «^atc light*, we hav* no dbub*. 


but New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, rnd Indiana, would find il to 
their interest to procure the repeal of municipal prohibitions, by a repeal of all 
protecting duties laid by Congress — and ive know they will do what their interest 
dictates. That those measures may be effectual, it is important that the states 
concerned should act in concert, and mutually support each other; and this can 
be accomplished by the assembling of an anti-turiff congress." 

The Sot-th. The most bitter things are still said of, and done in opposition 
to the tariff in South Carolina, and among other violent proceedings had at Co- 
jumbia, on the night of the 30th lilt, the tar. ft' bill, together with the effigies of 
Messrs. Clay, Webster, Everett, Matthew Carey, Taylor of N.York, and Malla- 
ry, were burnt amid a large concourse of spectators. — Niks Beg. July 19, 1828. 

Extract from Mr. McBuffie's speech, delivered at Columbia, S. C. 

"There was no hope, (Mr. McDufiie said,) of a change in the system. Two 
thirds of Congress, actuated by selfish, ambitious, and avaricious motives, were 
determined to pursue their course, reckless of all consequences, and totally re 
gardless of the ruin of that portion of the union which produced more than 
two-thirds of the exports of the whole country. Indeed some, he believed, 
pursued the measure with redoubled zeal, because they hoped in their hearts 
that that would be the end of it. There was no colony on the face of the 
earth, that were not better situated than we weie. We were ten-fold more 
insulted, more injured, more disgraced and contemned, by the majority of 
Congress than our forefathers were by the ministers of Great Britain at the 
breaking out of the Revolution; for the truth of which assertion, he refered to 
one venerable living monument of those times, then before him (Col. Thomas 
Tavlor.) He said, the people of the South, although represented in Congress 
in theory, were not so mfarl,- but were actually in a worse situation than they 
would be, if they had not even the appearance of it. Our representation in 
that body at present is precisely that suggested by the British Government at 
the beginning of the Revolution, and which was rejected with scorn and indig- 
nation by Franklin, Adams, Hancock, and other noble patriots of that day. 
These great men said, and they said wisely, that the proposition was a mere 
mockery*. Tor what could it avail this country to have a representation of sixty 
members in the British parliament consisting of five hundred members prede- 
termined upon a course of legislative hostilities against ns> Mr. McDufiie said, 
it was more than obvious tiiat such a representation could have conduced to 
no other end, than that of exasperating the spirit of hostility and oppression 
already existing, by the irritation which the opposition of this inefficient mi- 
nority, might, from time to time, be irif sistably provoked to set up. The truth 
of this, sa'id Mr. McDufiie, was manifested by the very fact that if our repre- 
sentatives in congress dared to confront and refute the folly and wickedness oi 
our enemies, it made them as eager again to subdue and annihilate us. Il was 
for the southern people to determine how long they would bear this, and in what 
manner they would resist it; but he was sure it would have been better for the 
south if they had no representatives this last winter at Washington. It would 
have been better for their representatives to have quit the capitol, and have come 
home; for remaining there was only bearding and provoking the lion. He was 
sure that if an angel had come down from heaven, that no truth, no argument, even 
from his bps,would have prevailed with a set of men despr rately bent on their own 
aggrandizement — upon the ruin of the south. They had the power, and power 
never heard argument. To reason with a tyrant was but to provoke his wrath 
and draw down his vengeance. What could sixty memhers from the south do'.' 
They would have been silent, and thereby supplicate the fell foe, by their meek- 
ness', but it became impossible any longer to listen to the insults heaped upon 
us, as they thus portioned off' our wealth among the majority; and at last, 
when human nature could no longer suffer in silence, our complaints were styled 
insolence and threats. It was to this dreadful extremity that our national coun- 
cils had come." 

Mr. McUuffie spoke nearly two hours, and it is impossible for us to describe 
the deep feeling with which his speech was received. Shouts and applause 

ftaquHitly interrupted the speaker. He ended by hoping that the citizens of 
\>ulh Carolina would appear on tin U.'i of July, clothed in homespun, the manu- 
facture of the south.— Nilcs Ileg. July 19. 

You here find George McDuffie chairman of the committee of 
ways and means — a leading member of the house, and sworn friend 
of General Jackson — publicly assorting that 4, the people of the south 
are tenfold more insulted, more injured, more disgraced, and more 
tontemtied, than were our forefathers by Great Britain, at the break- 
ing out of the Revolution." What is this, fellow citizens, more or 
less than an invitation to resist the authority of the Union, and set 
up for themselves! Mark, we entreat you, another of his asser- 
tions: "The south is represented in theory, but not in fact." 

It is an old proverb, and a very just one, that those who live in 
glass houses should not throw stones. The. gentlemen of the south 
have always manifested great sensibility and irritation, whenever 
their representation has been alluded to; particularly, if any politi- 
cal reasoner has been blunt and candid enough to speak of it as ex- 
travagant and overcharged; as being more numerous than on prin- 
ciples of justice and equality they were entitled to. But here is a 
congressman from the south, who boldly throws down the glove, and 
challenges the nation to redress the wrongs of his countrymen, or 
civil war will be the consequence. Two years ago the same gentle- 
man was enlisted heart and soul, in an effort to change the constitu- 
tion of the United States. lie now declares the South to be repre- 
sented in theory but not in fact. These bold and extravagant de- 
clarations, proceeding from a public source, and stamped as K-were 
with official authority, will be regarded as a sufficient justification for 
examining the correctness of Mr. McDuffie's assertions. And fel- 
low-citizens, what will be your feelings of. indignation against this 
incendiary of the South, when you find that this man, who has thus 
thrown a fire-brand into the sacred temple of our union, is a Repre- 
sentative of a State which has at this very moment four representa- 
tives on the floor of Congress more than her white population would 
authorize? By the census of 1820, South Carolina had a sdave pop- 
ulation of 265.000 souls. The constitution of the United States 
contains a provision which this very state and her southern sisters 
insisted upon inserting in that instrument as an indispensable condi- 
tion of their uniting in the federal compact, by which 66,666 slaves 
became and were politically equivalent to -10,000 free whites. And 
yet this man complains of n&t being represented! There are now, 
fellow-citizens, on the floor of Congress, twenty-four representatives 
who are created and hold their seats entirely and exclusively in con- 
sequence of the live stock or black property held in these United 
States. Does it belong to these men, tb charge us. who have conce- 
ded to them this extravagant privilege, with not allowing them tl 
rights? After giving them a surplus weight in the councils <>f '!;< 
nation equal to the whole of Pennsylvania, and greater than all the 
states aorta of the Ohio combined, is there any justice or decency 
in their complaints? Is it for them to threaten to tear down the con- 
stitution? anil when fairly out-voted, the 24 surplus representatn ! 
to the contrary notwithstanding, to threaten us with civil war? 

Wlmt wottkl this great Southern Patriot, tlii* a«ao»der of dier.on- 
tfitution, have us dp, to a^commodata his notions of actual repre^ 
sentation? A representation of three-fifth* of the slaves is merely 
u theortiicai.' f He Would of course have his negro property set on x 
level wiih white freemen, and allowed a full vote, man for man. If 
that should not be sufficient to enable him to out-vote the grain grow* 
tug states, he will be reduced to the necessity of proposing another 
amendment to the constitution, by which the vote of. the slave-holder 
in Congress shall count two, while that of a non-slaveholder counts 
only one ! 

But suppose the major part of the population of the South disap- 

firove, as we trust in God they do, of the outrageous and treasonable 
anguage of Mr. McDuffic and the Colleton district; still the coolest 
and most moderate of them, with Mr. Crawford at their head, are 
publicly pledged to put down the tariff. They denounce it as un- 
constitutional; they proscribe it as unjust; they are resorting to eve- 
ry expedient to deter or drive us from a system of policy which w« 
regard as vitally essential to our prosperity. Meetings are called 
fh various parts of the country- resolutions are proposed and adopt- 
ed with great unanimity, to withhold from us their trade, to lay pro- 
hibitory taxes on the mules, horses, hogs, and cattle of the west, and 
some of their flaming patriots are so charitable and courteous a9 to 
proclaim in their meetings, that "the Iienip of Kentucky is bcttar 
fitted to make cravats for the Kentuckians, than covers for their cot- 
ton." Yet these are. the men whom it is seriously proposed we 
should unite with heart ami hand in making a President. These 
are the men who publicly proclaim that the election of General Jack- 
son as President of the United States, would be the greatest blessing 
and benefaction they could desire or possess! 

Yes, fellow-citizens, it becomes you to engrave deeply in your me- 
mories, that, the sworn enemies pf the Tariff and Internal Improve- 
ments, the Hamilton*, the McDuffies, the Gileses, of the South, are 
all leagued together in a general conspiracy to pull down the present 
administration, and to plant the standard of Jackson upon its ruins! 
Such are the principles, and such the conduct of the leading poli- 
ticians of the South. Let us leave them for a few moments, and 
take a glance at Tennessee. Let us enquire what are her feeling* 
and wishes, and what have been her votes in relation to the tariff 
and internal improvements? Let us ask, what probability is afford- 
ed, what rational prospect is presented to us if we unite with her 
in making a President, that these cardinal interests of ours, will 
be fostered and protected? 

"We shewed you last January, by extracts from the Journals of 
Congress, that she had uniformly voted with the South against every 
tariff law that had for its object the encouragement of domestic man- 
ufactures; and that her votes against the woollens bill were unani- 
mous. But one solitary vote of General Jackson in favor of the tariff 
in 1824, is claimed by his friends aB demonstration unanswerable, 
that he is, at least in principle, on our side of these weighty questions; 
and perhaps the desire of convincing Indiana, Ohio, and Kentucky, 
tkhut Tennessee would go hand in hand with us in making a Presi- 


dent, may have induced lier to vote with us on ithe latetarMK I'.v 
•K-tly t!,c contrary; no such good news for us. Every vote lromTen> 
n'essee in the House of Representatives was given against the hue 
thrift". Whilst Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana* Illinois*, and Missouri* 
%verf unanimous for it, Tennessee \yn& unanimous against it. is 
not this - , fellow -citizens-, a fresh demonstration of what we told yoa 
last January, that Tennessee* notwithstanding n< raphieal po- 

sition, i ■■■, in her feelings, her wishes, her habits-, and her votes* in 
■strict alliance with the South? 

Sri far, then, as the prominent friends of one of the candidates fur 
the Presidency Tfcave disclosed their feelings and views of policy, 
they are directly at war with your sense of your own interests* This 
single feet, fastened and rivetted upon, us by reiterated demonswa- 
tion, is of itself sufficient to induce reasonable find prudent men to 
pause, and seriously inquire, whether they do not. wantonly risque 
their beat interests by uniting with their open and avowed enemies 
in electing a chief magistral - : 

Surely, fellow-citi/m.-. it is unnecessary to inform you thai man- 
kind lOVfethoir friends and hate their enemies. Of this prevailing 
trait in the hit-man character, no mm has afforded more convincing 
evidence than Gen. J&< ks-,i;. Hence w>> entertain no doubt that if 
a large majority of nis friends and supporters are anti-tariff* and anti- 
improvement in their politics, such will be the character of his ad- 
ministration. What think you of the motives of the leading politi- 
cians of the South in supporting General Jackson? Personal attach- 
ment? Men of srnse in electing a President look beyond this con- 
sideration, which by the law of necessity is limited to a small circle 
of individuals. No! the Southern gentlemen care no more for Gen. 
Jackson personally, than they do for Mr. Adams. They however 
regard the one as an instrument for promoting their personal aggran- 
dizement or sectional policy, whilst from the other they have little 
to hope or expect on these heads. The men of the South act con- 
sistently with their views (erroneoos we believe them) of their own 
interests. But what shall we say of the fool-hardiness of western 
?ne«, who, with all the preceding facts staring them in the face, per- 
sist in supporting Gen. Jackson on the ground and expectation oi his 
continuing the policy of the present administration? To call itgiv- 
ing up a certainty for an uncertainty, to say that is it throwing aw a y 
the substance to grasp at the shadow, are but feeble and inadequate 
expressions of the stupidity and folly of such conduct. 

In the preceding remarks, we have assumed the fact, or rather wr'J 
have not disturbed the supposition, that Mr. Adams and Gen; Jacr. > 
son were candidate* for the Presidency, wath equal pretension!: .>'i 
the score of merit, talents, and capacity, to administer the govern- 
ment. Whether this be a fact, or even a remote approximation fo it 
is for you, fellow-citizeus, to judge; and we presume your minds, 
like ours, will be influenced by evidence. 

When a man asks of his countrymen the high office of presiding 
over a nation of freemen, when he aspires to the loftiest station that 
man can occupy or men bestow, it is not only natural and proper, but 
itis the imperative duty of the constituent of this high office to es 



ine with unsparing scrutiny his character and qualifications. The 
vessel of stale, freighted with the destinies of millions of freemen, 
must not and cannot be committed to any other than a pilot of con- 
summate skill, experience, and integrity. To take a commander of 
such a vessel, on such a voyage upon trust, without a rigorous inves- 
tigation of capacity and integrity, would indicate a degree of mad- 
ne-s and folly, for which we hive no name. 

Does the office ef President of the United States call for talents 
of the highest order, for extensive political and diplomatic acquire- 
ments, for long experience in public affairs, for habits of industry, 
for" coolness, patience, and equanimity, for a disciplined temper, for 
devoted patriotism, for unblemished morals? Which of the candi- 
dates answers this description? A brief history of their respective 
lives will enable r ; s to judge* 

Mr. Adams has been in the public service of his country for a pe- 
riod of thirty-five years. Selected at the early age of 07 by the Fa- 
ther of his country, who was pre-eminently distinguished for his 
judgment of men, he was appointed ambassador to Holland, and 
had the good fortune to realize the high expectations, and to enjoy 
the entire confidence of Gen. Washington, who, in 1796, appointed 
him Minister to Lisbon. So strong was the interest which General 
Washington felt in retaining Mr. John Q. Adams in the service, that 
after bis father, the elder Adams, had been elected to the Presiden- 
cy, Gen. Washington addressed him a letter, expressing "a hope 
that no over delicacy on his part would operate to withhold from his 
son merited promotion," adding "that in his opinion he was the most 
"valuablapublic man we then had abroad in the service of the coun- 
try." He was afterwards appointed minister to Berlin. In 1802, 
he returned home, and in 1803, he was elected to the Senate of the 
United States, the duties of which station he discharged until the 
spring of 1808, when his constituents disapproving of the vote he 
had given in favor of the Embargo, he resigned his seat for the ex- 
press purpose of giving them an opportunity to elect a successor who 
could represent their feelings without doing violence to his own sense 
of duty. Id 1809 Mr. Madison appointed him minister to Russia? 
and in'iSIS he was associated with Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard to 
negotiate a peace with Great Britain. He was afterwards appoint- 
ed Minister to Loudon, where he continued until 1817, when Mr 
Monroe, with the approbation of Gen. Jackson, appointed him Sec- 
retary of State, the arduous duties of which office he discharged 
With narivalled ability for eight years. For the last three years ind 
^ half, he has been our chief magistrate. In all these, various em 
ployments, he has uniformly met and answered the high expectations 
of his country, and completely justified the confidence reposed in 
him five and thirty years ago by the Father of his Country. The first 
charge of official misconduct or aegtect of duty is yet to be estab- 
lished against ivm. He is the avowed friend and patron of the Ame- 
rica!' System. He has been tried and not found wanting. 

Gen.' Jackson is about the same age of Mr. Adams, and has been 
first and last pretty extensively engaged in public life. There is 
however this difference between "them-* that the employment in which 


Gan. Jackson has obtained any d< gree of reputation has been i.iUUa* 
rij and not ct'vtV. "He was, like Air. Adams, bried to I - hi 

of the law, a profession best calculated to improve the fa< 
which civil employments require. But (he history of his public 
in these employments, is told in a few lines on a single page of his 
Biography.-('SteeJ57ctffln's life of Jackson.) He filled successively 
for very short period $, the office of Member of the Tennessee State 
Convention, Representative and Senator in Congress, Judge of the 
Supreme Court in Tennessee, and Senator again in Congress. H< 
•was ample opportunity for distinction, if he possessed the talent, 
taste, and application suited to civil eminence. But he resigned 
three of these stations, and passed through them all, acknowledging 
his unfitness in two instances, manifestly feeling it in all, and leaving 
no trace behind which stamps his qualifications above mediocrity." 

But we beg pardon for seeming to hurry over the civil career of 
General Jackson. We must retrace our steps. There, was one vote 
given by the General while a representative in Congress, which dis- 
tinguishes him, and ought to be remembered. General Washington 
was about retiring from the Presidency. He had composed and pub- 
lished his farewell address, a legacy rich in those principles and pa- 
ternal counsels, on which depend the dearest interests of the coun- 
try, indeed its very existence. The house of representatives, anx- 
ious to express their gratitude for his services, their veneration for 
his character, and respect for his administration, drew up an address, 
in which was the following clause: "May you long enjoy that liber- 
ty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be dear: 
may your own virtues and a nation's prayers obtain the happiest sun- 
shine for the decline of your days, and the choicest of future bless- 
ings. For our country's sake, for the sake of republican liberty, it is 


successors, and thus after being the ornament and safeguard to the 
present age, becc-.u the patrimony of our descendants''' A motion 
to strike out this clause from the address was made and supported 
by Mr. Giles of Virginia, and Mr. Livingston of N. York, now of 
Louisiana, two devoted frieads of Gen. Jackson. The motion was 
lost by a large majority, eleven members only voting to strike it out. 
Among these we find inscribed the name of Andrew Jackson, who 
thus declared his disapprobation of the measures of Washington, 
and his wish that his example might not be followed by succeeding 
Presidents. Fellow-citizens, are you prepared to make this man 
the successor of the immortal Washington? 

It is with great reluctance that we enter upon a scrutiny of the 
life and conduct of General Jackson. We are well aware that for 
his military services^ he merits, as he has received, a .copious tribute 
of the nation's gratitude. We have on all occasions liberally ac- 
corded him the meed of honor .due to meritorious and successful ef- 
forts in repelling the enemies of his country. The laurels won by 
him and his brave, companions on the 8ih of January, might have 
bloomed ami flourished in perpetual verdure, had he not sought to 
entwine them with the cipic wreath, winch alone befits the brow of 
*Jie accomplished statesman. He has asked at our hands more than 


we can afford to give* He has asked ///atf which justice to ourselvw * 
demands we should inquire whether lie be worthy to recite." 

Duty then, stern duty, compels us to declare, that the military 
achievements of Gen. Jackson have been so tarnished by acts of in- 
subordination, tyranny and oppression, as to have made it a nice 
and questionable point, whether we should admire the hero or detest 
the man. It has been an invariable practice with him to carry the 
exercise of power to the extreme verge of constitutionality and le- 
gality, and where legal power was wanting, he has ne-ver hesitated 
to assume it. For acts of insubordination, we refer you to his re- 
peated refusals to obey the orders of the President of the U. States, 
issued through the Secretary of War, and to his famous general or- 
ders, issued at Nashville in April, 1817, in which he forbids his offi- 
cers and troops from obeying the orders of their government unless 
the orders come through him. For acts of tyranny, we need only 
refer to his treatment of Mr. Louaillier, a Member of the legislature 
of Louisiana, and of Judges Hall and Lewis, wherein he plainly 
manifested a determination to set the civil authority at defiance, and 
to establish a military Dictatorship.-(See Dallas' official letter. 

In proof of insolence and a domineering, brow-b»ating temper* 
bevond all parallel, we cite you to his letter to Gov. Rabun of Ga. 
"Fee*, *<>, as Governor of a State, within my military district,, 
have no right to give a military order whiht I am in the field:" and 
his still more intemperate and indecent language to Mr. Fromentin, 
a U. S. Judge in Florida. For acts of cruelty, we refer you to the 
execution of John Woods and the six<militia men, who died the vic- 
tims of the reckless iatumperance or the gross ignorance of their 
Commanding General. 

But, fellow-citizens, time and space would fail us to enumerate 
all the acts of arbitrary conduct in office, which have planted in our 
minds the irreTocable conviction, that General Jackson belongs to a 
filass of men, who feel power, mid forget right. If these things be 
done in the green tree, what shall be done in the dry? If we volun- 
tarily lodge power in hands that have so often abused it, then indeed 
do we deserve to be the victims of tyranny and misrule. Did there 
exist no other evidence against the General, than what has been ex- 
hibited by liis public and official conduct, we should feel bound to de- 
cide, like the patriotic people of Louisiana, who recently, on the 
very theatre of his glory, on the spot where the battle of N. Orleans 
opened to him the temple of immortality, by their votes declared, 
that, comparing his good deeds with his bad, setting his virtues in one 
scale and his vices in the other, the latter far outweighed the former. 

But unfortunately for the General, the volume of his history con- 
tains several pages that either never were seen by Mr. Senator Ea- 
ton his biographer, or which he took the liberty to suppress: pages 
which implicate him deeply as a citizen, patriot, and man. We do 
not allude to gambling or horse racing, nor even to tavern Draw Is and 
duels, in which, unless history and Senator Benton be false, he has 
played a conspicuous part. We mean to state that Gen. Jackson is 
publicly charged, in his own state, by respectable and responsible 
^•'lirfvvith having been a dealer in human ilesh, for the purposes of 


speculation, in other words, with having been a Ntgro trailer, and a| 
having been an associate aiul accomplice of the notorious Aaron- 
BvbkI Felloe -citizens, these are qo trifling charges; nor are we 
trifling with vou, when we state most solemnly, that we have seen 
evidence that convinces us that the charges are true. In order that 
you may have an opportunity id' understanding these charges and the 
evidence on which they rest, we shall present you with a brief sum- 
mary of each of them, and refer you to the evidence in our Appen- 

The charge of Negro, trading is made by Dr. Boyd McNairy, in 
the Nashville Whig of July IB, and by Col. Andrew Erwin in the 
same paper of August 2, and supported by the letters of Horace 
Green, one of the partners in the speculation, and Mr. Robt Weak- 
ly, and one letter and one memorandum, both in the hand writing pi 
Gen. Jackson; by all which it appears, that on the l&th of May 
1811, Joseph Coleman, Horace Green, and Andrew Jackson, enter- 
ed into articles of agreement with R. Apperson for the purchase of 
Negroes to the amount of gl0,050. The terms of payment were, 
§2,050 in hand, g-4,000 at the expiration of six and g>4,000 more at 
the expiration of twelve months. Dr. McNairy and Col. Erwin 
are among the most respectable citizens of the state of Tennessee. 
(See appendix.) It is further in proof that these Negroes were taken 
to the lower country and part of them sold, but the speculation not 
turning out as profitable as was expected, Gen. Jackson bought out 
his partners, went down to Natchez, and brought back the unsold Ne- 
groes to Tennessee. Evidence has also been published in the same 
papers, shewing one or two other v speculations by the General in the 
same detestable traffic ! 

The charge of Bnrrism is founded on and supported by the fal- 
lowing statement of facts. In December 1837, Judge Williams of 
Tennessee wrote to Mr. Kerr of Virginia a letter, of which the fol- 
lowing is an extract: 

"My dear sir: — It is madness to think of Jackson for President of 
the United States. This Burr matter 1 cannot be mistaken about — 
my eyes and ears are my witnesses. He, Jackson, offered me a 
commission of Captain in Burr's army, or told me I could get one, if 
I would accept it." 

This letter to Mr. Kerr excited some attention in Virginia, and* 
friend of Gen. Jack jon wrote to him informing him of the fact; upon 
which Gen. Jackson on the 23d of February 1828, addressed a let- 
ter to Judge Williams, (for which see Appendix) inquiring if it were 
true that he the Judge had given the sanction of his name to what he 
the General pronounced a base calumny, and demanding a prompt 
and frank reply. This letter appears to have been sent by a special 
messenger, all the way to Sparta, a distance of one hundred and odd 
miles from the General's residence; and from the tone and style of 
the letter, Gen. Jackson evidently anticipated an answer that would 
be satisfactory. On the 27th of* February, four days only after tl ( 
date of the General's letter, Judge Williams replied to him, affii m 
ing most positively that he, the General had told him (Williams] that 
he eould, if he would accept it, obtain a commission ot Captain is 


Burr's army, and he made other statements going t« shew that Jack- 
son Was concerned with Burr.-^ee Appendix. 

Now, notwithstanding Gen. Jackson was so eager to obtain the 
ans\> er of Judge Williams as to send Iris nephew specially a hundred 
miles : Sparta for that purpose, thereby shewing his own view of 
the importance of the charge, yet on the receipt of the Judge's an- 
swer, he tiainen 1 perfectly quiet for upwards of six mom lis! It is 
now past the middle of September, and no effort has been made to 
contradh statement of Judge Williams. On the contrary, abun- 

dant evidence has appeared tlia ; : Jackson was concerned with Burr in 
forwarding his expedition, that he advanced money for him, endors- 
ed his bills, was his agent in purchasing boats and provisions, and in 
seeking to enlist men to accompany him down the Cumberland-(See 
Appendix.) The General himself hate sworn, and the affidavit is of 
record in the state of Mississippi, that Burr was indebted to him up- 
wards of 8500 for monies advanced and paid on his account. Gen. 
Coffee also made an affidavit to the same effect. 

Now, fellow-citizens, we request you to mark the responses made 
to these accusations, and to notice particularly the manner in which; 
■they have been met. To the charge of Negro trading the down- 
right lie is first given. Afterwards finding that the f.icts proved are 
too strong to tolerate a denial of the charge, the act is justified "be- 
cause Gen. Jackson was only a security, and it is the duty of a secu- 
rity to take all measures to protect himself." Just so it is in refer- 
ence to Burr's business": the lie is first given to every assertion con- 
necting Gen. Jackson and Aaron Burr in the remotest manner. Gen,. 
Jackson himself pronounces the charge of 1 his connection with Burr 
a base calumny. But finding the facts m support of this calumnious 
charge multiplying^ finding witness after witness and letter after let- 
te ■, risingin judgment against him, his friends resort to the plea of 
justification, and plead the General's ignorance of Burr's bad inten- 
tions, and ins supposition that the government had sanctioned his 

Thfe latter is a lame and clumsy excuse for a man who had been a 
Repre 1 senttftive>and Senator in Congress and Judge of the Supreme 
Court in his own State. Did not Gen. Jackson know that the gov- 
ernment of the United States had no power to sanction the ambitious 
schemes of Mr. Burr or any other daringunprineipled projector? 

We are however triumphantly veftred to Gen. Jackson's letter to 
G ■;->. Ctaiboijneof Nov. 12, 180G; in which letter the General warns 
"Gm . C. against Wilkinson, but says not a word of Burr. If Jack- 
son really wished to act like a patriot, and warn the Governor of his 
real danger, why not mention the head of the conspiracy at once, 
why name one of the subordinate agents and leave the head unnoticed? 
To shew that this attempt to exculpate Jackson fails, we have only 
•to ferhark that there is the most convincing testimony to prove, that 
more than a month after this letter to Gov. Claiborne was written, 
Burr wks an inmate at Gen. Jackson's house, that he left there after 
the 20th December, 1806, and was accompanied on his expedition by 
8t< kelv D. Hays, a nephew of Gen. Jackson. Js it likely that Gen. 
Jackson would have suffered his nephew, a youth of 17, to embark 


his fortunes with Burr, six weeks after lie had denounced this 
Burr to Gov. Claiborne? 

Some men have been so uncharitable as to d< clare then belief that 
Gen. Jackson's letters to Mr. Jefferson and Gov. Claiborne were 
written with a view to his own eventual security, •■ .-.■ Burr's 
schemes should fail. Whether the y were or >not. end 

to say. But for fearso ne men may be so unreasonable a uJ • s trava> 
gant as to imitate the General himself, a d hazard a bold swee] 
denial of the charge of connection or asso< iation with Burr, we will 
just advert to the correspondence between Gen. Jackson and Gen, 
Adair, as published in the Lexington Reporter in 1817. tnthat cor- 
respondence, Gen.- Jackson himself, with move spite than prudence, 
had cast in Gen. Adair's teeth the charge of I '.• i n ass i • d 

with Burr! Gen. Adair in his reply observes: ik JV}utt\ ver were^the 
■intentions of ( ol. Burr, I neitker organised troops, nor did I supqr- 
in lend the building of boats jor him, nor did I write co \fidenticd let- 
ters, recommending; him to my friends, nor '.id 1 think >'■• necessary, 
after his failure teas universally known, to sate myself by twining 


Why, we would ask, do Jackson and his friends tell two stoi 
on this subject!? Why do they in one breath pronounce the ch 
of connection with Burr a base calumny, and in/he next excuse and 
justify it? Truth is simple and uniform. Eithefflie General was con- 
nected with Burr, or he was not. If he was, why not openly avow 
it and assign the reason? Why call those who say he was. calumnia- 
tors? If he was not, then Gen. Coffee and Gen. Jackson himself 
have both written and sworn what is false! 

We have thus, in the discharge of a painful but necessary duty, 
exhibited to you our views of the real character of Gen. Jackson 
We have shewn you that his character, his temper, and his conduct, 
furnish but indifferent vouchers far the mild and impartial exercise 
of power. We have shewn you that his public life is disfigured and 
deformed by intemperate proceedings, by violations and insults of 
the civil authority, by tyranny and usurpation on the one hand, and 
insubordination on the other. We have shewn you that his private 
character is stained with speculations in the flesh and blood of his 
fellow-beings, and stamped with the strongest suspicions of having 
entertained designs unfriendly to the union. Admit for a moment 
with his friend?, that his subsequent good conduct has justified and 
redeemed his character, stdl will you choose for your chief magis- 
trate a man who is justly obnoxious to odious charges, and whose ; u 
rity has been soiled by imputations which either of you would efel 
dishonorable to have fastened up<<n you by one half the proof that 
exists against the General. The private character of oui President 
ought not only to be pure, but above suspicion* 

Dn the other hand, we have shewn you the public life and private 
character of Mri Adams. We cannot say -if him, nor of any other 
public man, that he is without enemies. He has an abundance of 
them; not on account of his own errors or foibles Simply, but he is 
held responsible for the faults and mistakes of Irii father. But 
neigh them all in the scales with the acknowledged vices and faults 


Oi' General Jacksoa, and we fearlessly ask you, which will prepon- 
derate? When did Mr. Adams ever feel power and forget rhdit? 
When was his ear ever closed against the voice of mercy and com- 
passion? When were his hands ever stained with a detestable traffic 
in the persons and lives of his fellow creatures? When was he the 
host, the agent, the friend, and associate, of a suspected traitor? 
Wheti was it his boast and pride that he could look on blood and car- 
nage with composure? 

But look fur a moment at the policy of Mr. Adams, under whisli 
we now thrive and flourish, and the policy of a large majority of the 
friends of Gen. Jackson! Do you wish th# heated partisans of the 
South to obtain power, and thus inHict a vital wound on your inte- 
rests? They already refuse to trade with you. They say they mint 
buy your horses, your cattle, and your hogs ! They threaten to 
drive you from your opinions, to coerce you into their measures, b\ 
taxing you into anti-tariff notions; and they most charitably oiler to 
convert your hemp into straight jackets and tight collars, "for your 
special benefit. They are now fortunately in the minority! What 
think you these kind hearted people will do when they mount the 
ladder of power, witli a man at their head who can look on blood and 
carnage with composure? Already is McDufiie singled out as the 
Jackson Secretary of State! Already is the South chuckling in an- 
ticipation of the downfall of Henry Clay and the American System? 
Yes, fellow-citizens, whilst they are burning your first patriots and 
statesmen in effigy, and threatening you with civil war in case you 
do not yield to their insolent demands, they impudently rely upon 
your gullibility, and expect you to unite with them in voting for a 

Great pains are taken by the friends of the General, in boasting of 
their numbers, to proclaim victory by anticipation. Rut, feliovv- 
citizens, be not deceived. Their cause is sinkin*. The Hero is 
losing ground in his own state. His character has been probed, and 
found tainted to the core. Hundreds and thousands are leaving the 
Military Chieftain, to rally round the civil guardian of the laws, our 
peaceful and virtuous President. There is no earthly doubt of Mr. 
Adams receiving the united votes of the six New-England States, 51 
in number, 24 votes in New York, the whole of New Jersey and 
Delaware, nine votes in Maryland, the whole of Ohio, Kentucky, 
and Louisiana, making in all one hundred and thirty voted! If you 
do your duty, fellow-citizens, you will give him five more, which 
will secure his election. But we are speaking far within bounds. 
We have not mentioned Pennsylvania, of the vote of which in our 
favour there is a strong and increasing probability, which will give 
us a clear majority of -27 votes! 

But, fellow-citizens, let the anticipations and prognostications of 
politicians be what they may, you have a vital interest at stake, and 
are bound by every principle of honor and patriotism, to discharge 
the solemn duty you owe your country, by conferring your suffrages 
on an honest, enlightened, and experienced statesman. The nations 
of the earth are eazing with interest on the manner iu which vou ex- 
•■rcise your sovereign power. They are zealously scanning t»e 

ntnrtiptes that regulate the Wstuwment of tour iufij ages. Wilti 
imnt of them, the contest between the civil utid military pOWe*: ha* 
i*sulted in the triumph of the hitler ami the downfall of the former. 
At this very moment Europe herself is the armed advocate lor the 
'supremacy of military power! Beware how you suffer them to im- 
bibe an opinion that your vkwa on this vitally important subject co- 
incide v.ifh their own. Shew them by your conduct, shew the in 
bv vour votes that ours is a government of Laws, of Religion, of 
Morals, and of Peace, and that to obtain the highest boon in the 
aft of enlightened freemen a man must exhibit othe* (|«aUficftfa«ai 

NO. 1. 
Fnn Sfile* 1 Register of Alfeiut 16A. 

T«« fnlWiwinr beautiful scheme of operations lias been projected, and 
.ai™ Sh cub /through the Charleston "Mercury." We gif e rt as 
tSS^&SuA^ preparation of a large collection of like article. 
«1> ch we ntend to record, and defy the presentation ot any paper published 
faStf clar o the Hartford 'convention, even in the writings of the "Boston 
nVbel" more hostile to Republican principles and the Union than this extract 
from the "Mercury" on behalf of the ntuim of South Carolina. 

-But when we'resist, let us resist as becomes men and freemen; not eaeh 
•«e iftttTowo *av, and without head or concert. But let our state legislature, 
« a state cm, -enion, after the matuvest deliberation, take measure,, and u. 
SrlwUraesendon to the United States government its onmaTWi. Let 
5J" hcre'bc dUtinclli fold, that cither the general government must «** 
iS^JSmSam o inordinate power, or the Male must recede from the comput 
{nTs offi h; government resolutely penbtfP the scheme ot subverts -our 
«n« snouiu iwig fonndat ons. let the ewernor be directed. 

laws, and be indemnified for disobedience to federal authoi.ties. All Mis in y 
be done without the spilling of one crop of blood! 

-There will be no necessity for firing a gun. Let 1 e Vn.ted S a .. 5 jam 

officers of the general government, »£•£*»• ^J^SlSS and the U . 
ehivalric Habtrskam of Savannah, ^ U,C ^v ro, Id not do oIIk rwwc! Ever, 
States, will throw up their commons, rhey •"J*** ~ g^ „; tuated Rn « 
man will rally round the state standard and e^ "**'• ™ ^ us! Bv wo h 
^pressed, will join that standard, and make «^W££J2 on a ibjert 


ral government, see the injustice of our cause; and bv a timelv change of ru- 
lers, congress may be probably brought to its senses, the constitution explain 
ed and expounded anew, the union preserved, and tbe sovereignty of the 
states and civil liberty hereafter placed on such an immoveable basis, as never 
again to be endangered by similar acts of folly and wickedness of congress! ! ! 

(The above is taken from Niles' Register of the 16th August.) 

Toasts drunk at Charleston, on the 28th June, the anniversary 
of the battle of Fort Sullivan: 

By Major J. Hamilton, jun. (the member of congress) — The event which we 
commemorate . — The first decisive victory of the American revolution — a proud 
memorial of what South Carolina was — and a cheering token of what she will 
be, whenever called upon to defend her rights, her interests, and her honor. 

By C. C. Pinkney— The battle of the 28th of June.and the tariff" of June 28 
—Let iVew-England beware how she imitates the old. 

By Win. Carson— 1 he 30th June— The day on which forbearance and pati- 
ence cease to be virtuous. 

By Henry Rutledge— The Rattlesnake of the south : Caveant Monith warned 
by its rattle, let the foe beware. 

By the Orator— The hemp of Kentucky— better suited for cravats for Ken- 
iuekians and tarifrites, than for the covering of South Carolina cotton. 

(Taken from Niles' Register of July 26th. 

NO. II. 

Extract from a letter, addressed by Col. Andrew Ervvin, to Gen. Jacks*>n t 
published in the Banner and Whig at Nashville, August 2, 1823. 

"And now, sir, it remains for me to redeem the pledge I have given to the 
public, to prove you a negro trader, if you dare to deny it. I consider the pub- 
lication of the 30th May and 11th June, in the Republican, as intended to be a 
flat denial on your part, of the charge, particularly the latter publication — and 
both evidently by your authority. It is manifest indeed you do not wish it to 
be believed. It has been pronoiuiced by your supporters, a calumny seriously 
implicating your character, and has even been called by your printers, under 
the impulse of a too hasty zeal, "an infamous falsehood." Yet, when a state- 
ment is made by those same printers, on your own authority, of the circum- 
stances of one transaction of the kind.enough— more than enough — is admitted, 
completely to sustain the charge. This has been already shown in the very 
conclusive and unanswerable letter of Doctor M'Nairy, which neither you nor 
any of your partisans have even attempted to controvert. But before I proceed 
with any further comments on your own admission, I will lay before you and 
the public, a little evidence on the subject, derived from another source. A 
purchase of negioes is acknowledged to have been made, in 1811, by the firm 
of Coleman, Greene and Jackson. The members of this firm were, Joseph 
Coleman, Horace Greene and yourself. I will, in the first place, present you 
with a statement of your partner, Mr. Horace Greene, who, you know, was in 
Nashville a few days since, and was seen and conversed with by a number of your 
warmest partisans. Why they did not procure from him an account of the trans- 
action, will be readily seen on the perusal of the following letter. 

Nashville, 18/ It July, 1828. 
SIR — Your note enquiring of me information in relation to some negroes in 
which Gen. Jackson wax concerned, I have received. To give a correct view .t' 
the transaction, as } understood it, I must connect it with another. In the latter 
part of the year 1810 Captain Joseph Coleman proposed to me to join him in 
the purchase of some cotton and tobacco of a Mr. Bennet Smith, to which I as- 
P'Jntci. He stated to me that Mr. Smith would require security, which he could 


procure. Some short time after this understanding with Capt. Coleman, he in- 
formed that Mr. Smith would take- no other security than General Jacksen, 
and that General Jackson would be such, but that he' must be placed in the light 
of a I\1RTNEH, in order that he might have a controlling power if he thought 
it necessary. The cotton and tobacco were accordingly purchased, and taken 
by me to New-Orleans. I placed them in the hands of Gray and Ta\ lor, then 
commission merchants of that place, for sale as.the property of Coleman, Greene 
and Jackson. The article of cotton being somewhat depressed at the time, I 
was advised by them to ship it round to Philadelphia. 1 left it with them, and 
instructed them to do so for our benefit and returned to this place. 

After my return in May, 1811, we purchased a number of negroes of a Mr. 
Epperson, for which we were to pay a part in hand— I paid one third, and un- 
derstood the balance was paid by Captain Coleman and Gen. Jackson. The ne- 
groes were taken by me to Natchez for .sale, and a part of them sold. In the. 
month of December (I think) of the same year, 1 received letters from Cen. 
Jackson, (which letters at this time are mislaid) advis'npme he had purchased 
out Captain Coleman in both these transactions, and offering to sell out to me at 
cost by securing him, or to buy me oat, and refund to me the advances which I 
had made. 1 thought proper to sell. In relation to the purchase of the ne- 
groes,althoug-h I had no understanding to the effect from either Captain Cole- 
man or General Jackson, I thought it probable he stood in the some situation as 
in the purchase of the cotton and tobacco, from the circumstance, as I then be- 
lieved, it was his credit ivhich enabled us t» make the purchase. Captain Coleman 
made the negotiation, and I made the selection. The negroes were, at the 
time of the transaction, at Captain Coleman's plantation, near this place, and I 
do not recollect that he saw them before they descended the river. 

I am, respectfully, HOKACE GRRENE. 

Tt seems then from this statement, that a partnership was formed in the year 
1810, between yourself, Joseph Coleman, and Horace Greene. You was' ap- 
plied to, in the first place, it is true to become a security, but you insisted on be- 
ing placed in the light of a partner. A firm was therefore constituted under the 
style of "Coleman, Greene and Jackson," and in the Springof 1811, a purchase 
■was made by the firm, with \ our assent, (for your printers admit that the con- 
tract with Epperson was signed by yourself, as well as by the other partners) 
for the purchase of negroes, to the amount often thousand dollars. One third 
of that portion of the purchase money which was required in advance, Mr. 
Creene expressly tells us, was paid by him, and the other two thirds, he under- 
stood, were paid by Cantain Coleman and General Jackson. Now sir, let us 
see what you yourself say, as to the payment of these two thirds. The follow- 
ing' is an exact copy of a memorandum, in your own hand writing, which, in 
connexion with the above statement of Mr. Greene, leaves no room for the 
slightest doubt, as to the nature of this transaction. 

"A. Jackson amount of proportion of cash for negroes bot. of Hichard Epper- 
son, £929 45. J. Coleman is to pay the note in Hank for interest on purchase 
of cotton from R. Smith, for $613 39, and the sum of S19H, which he is to pav, 
and the sum of *125 for boat makes up his proportion. A. Jackson has paid 
for Keel-boat $50. To Capt. Wetherall discount, this 20th of November, 1811, 
on the bill remitted VV. Jackson and Co. on James Jackson and Co. % 14 51; and 
also islG oi>. note endorsed by J. H. Smith. NOTR— provisions furnished cot- 
ton boat 500 lbs, pork &. flower, and meal, in all >\7 M." 

The above is in your hand writing. Uui sir, without dwelling longer on this 
point, I will call your attention, and that of the American people to the follow- 
ing letter from a gentlemen whose high standing is well known to tin ritums 
of Tennessee-ra gentleman not only above reproach in private life, but distin- 
guished for his public services in the legislature of the state, and the Congress 
ol the nation. 

-..'■. Lackland, June Whtl 

Vol. Andrew. F.rwin, 

S»h,— Inan«wer to yourtetter, addressed to.roeofth* 26th ult. nasi Bfiftqufp 
relative to what knowlvxlge I have respecting Gen. Andrew J.ulson'a b 

Km* ne'tfnr ninoea for profit, and his bringing n*gro« &»» KMeh«r~i» «..« 
Sr 1811 or 12, I understood that a Mr. Horace Greene took from Nashville * 
m.mber of negroes to Natchez, for sale, and that those negroe* were tmvrvperh, 
rf Sic late Joseph Coleman, of Nashville, 6*1. *&**> Jack** *d wd Hon,,.. 
Green- (yet I do not know this' of my own knowledge.) borne time after, f 
hnrd Gen Jackson say he went to Natchcv, or spmewhere m that country and 
had bro-rht sa id negroes back to; and ahont that time, a Mr. Dm* 
more, S V. States agent for the Choctaw nation of Indian, was m tne habit 
ofstopping all persons travelling through s*id nation with a negro or negroes 
Zhn ■ not a Dassnort The General observed, that he had taken no passport. 
«ul on he lrmn?he was to pa* the agency, that he armed two of hi* mji res, 
IZenexroZen, and put them in front of his negroes and gave ^m orders /, 
FICH'FthEIR WAY, if necessary. He fnrther observed, hataf«endhad 
11 ' , to his hand, the night before, or that morning, a good rife that when he 



stance, to the best of my now recollection- 

lam, sir, yours respectfully, «• w #♦•****< »• 

ffin?Sd pXSvrif ad transactions could be brought to light, of so. 

erB I l wm n nowS" „r attention to .he folding extract from a letter written by 
vol. to a genlnan on business (not in b,»k) and dated Hermitage, March 
20th, 1812. ... . * , . 

"Havimrto attend Wilson circuit court, it will not be in my power to be »u 
rtJSff&^St I am very much engaged toa^ange my busmess, *> 
that I can leave home on Uietrip nutf my ncgr^/or aofc 

Th- letter containing the above sentence is in your own hand writing and it 
Signed ANDREW JACKSON. . ^ some rf ^ 

i-^lnottiwblenr^tocoge^^tf^ Greene and 

same negroes P**"!** t^no her station. It is enough to show, at 
inv^thJvoIiSUAes^'to speak treely at that time of your being 

1 * - _~.-.. rt *."!-!.• 


tually engagtd in negro traffic. 

NO. If. 


The following letters are published by Dr. Boyd McNairy in the 
Nashville Banner and Whig of August lbth, 1828. 
GeaeralJackson to Judge Williams. 

Hekmitaof., FbBRruiT 23, 1H*8- 
MR- Having received a letter from a high minded, honorable gentleman of 
vftni^bof™ truth ,nd knows ho £» «*£— * £ g* \fc fe£ 

invention, I hear, accusing you of being concerned ill Burr » con.-p.rac. 


•m the author.!., of a Judge Nathaniel Wiltaa* *f *•* **> J^JJJ^ 

that this Jud« Williams writes, when u yuuttf man, h* applied u» J«h '»»"»■ 
iudw i liScnhM license M * l*wycr, that you did so, but recommended to 
CTa. ou Conceived him to be >U of promise, to push his fortune by jo,n- 
S. J,, we. then in von,- house, promising he would do so, to 
St n a comn^ion us captain in Hun's army. This -tory , m| t he round- 
fVorn the Sams Delegates; who have returned home, notwithstanding the; 
S£htto knoS that >ou was the first person to put Governm ' Chiboyrnc on fat, 
e j ml against the schemes of Burr. } l , v "'',1,,, 

* The records of the country contradict this statement, »>t >B well known that 
, re \Sed mv appointment of Judge before Col. Burr ever was m the state of 
T 7nTssee. ' I cannot, then, for one moment permit W*«**™JSl 
^,m elevated as you are. to a seat on the judicial bench 01 Tennessee, couia 
SS vo „r au hoV. v to such an unfoundedWhood: Duty to myself as well 
S E to vou, therefore, require that I should, Without delay j£»* £° * 
this libel upon my character, so that you may at once declare whether you arc 
or are not the author of this calumny, before 1 expose ill such. 

tarn, and ha-. <• been, well advised of a eecre combmat.o ol i e nd 
wicked few in Tennessee, whose object is to slander me, but, unt.l now, I 

do I now believe that you, who must be so wed satisfied of ^"^S 
contained in the postscript of the letter referred to above as "&£****£ 
tuae of mv conduct since your acquaintance, wrth me, could be ^^to virtue 
Uto truth as to have originated and put in crculat.on so ^*^^7 
With this impression I send J. W. D. S. Donelson to you With this comniuni- 
Wt^havbg no doubt as an honorable man, that you wiD send me u trunk 

aUU P 7.J P cop?^nod) ANDREW JACKSON. 

The Hon Nath. Williams, 

Judge of the Circuit Courts of Tennessee, 

Judge miliums' reply to General Jackson. ' 

Sl'AIlTA, V»b. 27, lOZtJ. 

•\fter coming from Gen. Jackson's letter to me, the report as stated in his 

^^ank^dlny ever having written the letter spoken of by the gen- 
tic," who wrote Vou from Washington, but I did write a letter to a relation 
of mine at that tune in Richmond, The letter, if seen, would show that 
was designed as a confidential one. 1 do not, at this time, recollect accurately 
"Setter did contain; I believe though, I can remember a part ,f not he 
whole of what I ink-nded at the time; una 1 Will state it, as it is but just that 
what has been by my means privately circulated, should be publicly avowed 
under the necessities of the case. . , __„___ 

Some time after Burr had passed Nashville once or twice, to the £m emm- 
try before Mr. Jefferson's proclamation, m riding from (.en. Jackson ■ hou*o 
toKashvule, Gen. Jackson,' in reference to that conspiracy, or what was after- 
wards called by others a conspiracy, said tome, «tMt I could, d I would ac 
cei't it, obtain a commission ot captain." . 

Afterwards during the setting of the County Court of gunner at a time 
mhSSSn Anderson told me that either Burt or Adair orboth d *£*£ 
I Gen Jackson's house, in a room of a tavern then kept ^EdnWnd rutoher, 
Ren. Jackson saidtome-l think Judge Stewart was in .1 e ro - » 

lice srentlemen, vou will find that a . v,s,on of tne Lmted States has taiten 
decp g rOOt- Ton Will find that a number of the senate, and a number oi the 
members of "the house of representatives are deeply "^ he «"X^l"> 

lam not certain that the above was untamed in my private letter to »^ 
Nathaniel Kerr; but as I have made these statements privately, It - but )OV 

tten. JacktoTmay be assured (the p* iccnbal que*** Kflde) n. RWCM kel 


more bound to Gen. Jackson than myself, for the great honor conferred by him 
on Khy country. 


Gen. Andrew Jackson. 

Dr. McNairy then proceeds to remark as follows: 
"Without undertaking to say, how far the above affords evidence or reason- 
able cause for suspicion of an improper connexion between Gen. Jackson and 
Aaron Burr,I will now proceed to convince the public, that rny allusion to the 
knowledge < f certain transactions, the disclosure of which might not have 
been desirable at this critical period, was not, a3 has been asserted, entirely 
gratuitous and unfounded. In order to do this, I will merely furnish, at this 
moment, copies of two letters, the originals c f which, in the Jiand writing of 
General Andrew Jackson, are in my possession, and may be inspected by any 
g-ntleman of either party, who may wish to examine them, and who will call 
on me for that purpose. 

Copy of a letter from Gen. Andrew Jackson, dated 

Hkryitage, Sept. 25, 1806. 
Col. Purr is with me, he arrived last night — 1 would be happy you would call 
and see the Col. before you return — say to the Gen. O that I shall expect to see 
him here on to morrow with you — Would it not be well for us to do something 
as a mark ot attentionto the Col. Jfe has always and is still a true and trusty 
friend to Tennessee — If Gen. Robertson is with you when you receive this Be 
good enough t. say to him, that Col. Burr is in the country — I know that Gc :i 
R. will be happy in joining in any thing — that will tend to show a mark of re 
spect to the worthy visitant. With due Esteem. 


Copy of another letter from the same. 
Dear Friend — I send you live hundred dollars. It appears to me I said J 
would send you 1000 dollars, But when I came to myself I found there were 
appropriations made that I knew nothing of. This I learnt at the store, and 
Two Journeys to perform, and expences to be born that my recollection did 
not serve me with at the moment — Tomorrow when you come up arrangements 
shall be made, so as to accommodate as far as I can — My dear sir, do not tail to 
come up tomorrow, at ten o'clock I will meet you at my house — The Boats \ 
think you said live in number and some Pork you would furnish — these must 
be done against the 20th of December next but more of this tomorroy — You 
must set out in a verry few days, I will furnish the needful! — The cash now 
sent is in pait for the boates — the ballance on delivery — Either in bank bills or 
a Draft o.i New-Orleans the 3000 dollars being all the cash that can be furnish- 
ed, this must be appropriated to the best Possible advantage — and to the last 
shilling will be put in your way if you can furnish Boats and Pork except so 
much as will meet the engagements already entered into, — 1 send you twenty 
20 dollar bills and ten 10 dollar bills — which I wish safe to hand, and beg of 
you not to fail coining up tomorrqw — I wish to start a messenger on monday 
a ixt — 

Health and respect ANDREW JACKSON. 

I have no intention nor disposition tc* comment on these letters. They have 
been drawn from me by the pertinaceons and reiterated abuse of Gen. Jack- 
s >n's partisans, and I leave them, in c»nnexion with other circumstances, to bt- 
considered and judged of by the American people. 

89 W 


>% /\-i^.\ Ajssik-o /.c^:^ 

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