Address of the committee appointed by a Republican meeting in the county of Hunterdon

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OF

THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY A REPUBLI-
CAN MEETING IN THE COUNTY OF
. HUNTERDON,

RECOxMMENDING

>EN. ANDREW JACKSON,

OF TENNESSEE,

TO THE PEOPLE OF J^EWJEESEY,

AS

1^13

OF THE

UNITED STATES.

TRENTON, N. JERSEV,

Sept. iSm.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTON.

NEW-SEWLSEY.

INTRODUCTION.

THE distinguished character of Andrew Jackson, could not fail
to attract the attention of his countrymen, in deciding on the preten-
sions of those who are held up as candidates to till the office of
President for the ensuing term of four years.

His probity, honor and disinterestedness, in every private rela-
tion to society, as a citizen : His liberal education, and early acquain-
tance with the institutions and laws of the United States, matured
by experience, and practically exercised by him in the most impor-
tant civil departments of government, executive, judicial and legis-
lative : His devoted attachment to the rights of man, and the liber-
ties of his fellow-citizens, proved by all the publick actions of a
long and useful life: His uniform and constant profession and sup-
port of republican principles, such as Washington maintained : His
great and splendid services in tlie late War, when, at the call of
his country, he saved defenceless citizens, and even entire states,
from savage tomahawks and British bayonets, exalting by a train
of glorious victories the character of citizen-soldiers over European
mercenaries, and shedding immortal lustre upon the American
name, in every quarter of the world : Such high and just preten-
sions as these, let us repeat, could not fail to fix the attention of a
great portion of the American people upon Andrew Jackson, as the
successor of that excellent man who now fills the office of
president of the United States. He, in fact, is nominated for that
high station; and, we believe, in every state where sectional or par-
ty prejudices do not greatly prevail, or, from remote situation and
other circumstances, deception could not be practised upon the peo-
pie by misrepresenting his true character, he stands j^Vs^ in the af-
fections and preference of his countrymen. And whilst other ^zames,
which sud<lenly shone fortti with a factitious glare, are sinking be-
low the horizon — that of Jackson, is steadily and rapidly gaining
the summit of popular elevation. New-Jersey, felt and expressed a
deep interest in this question.

Having no local connection with either candidate, and actuated
by no other ambition but that of promoting the honor and interests
of the nation, her citizens would alone seek to fix their choice upon
the man most endeared to them by his personal qualifications, and
whose publick services and exalted talents most deserved their gra-
titude and confidence. Certainly we may speak for ourselves in this
small section of the state, the county of Hunterdon^ that such were
our feelings and motives.

4

We believe, indeed we know, that it was the sincere desire of tlm
great body of disinterested and impartial men, and republicans of
Hunterdon county, to obtain by calm and dispassionate enquiry and
discussion, correct information, and decide, so far as their voice
couhl avail, in favor of that candidate who appeared to possess such
claims as these.

In this temper of mind, and with such views, the publick senti-
ment in this county, and as we, doubt not it will, ultimately, in
every other, was settling down under a full and delightful convic-
tion, that the pre-eminent merits of Andrew Jackson, entitled hirai
to the support of the people of New -Jersey for the presidential
office.

But on a su<Iden, and from a quarter least to be expected, the
oolumns of a netrspaper hitherto bearing the honest name of •' The
True American,'' and under its former lamented director always
supporting that title, were mischievously employed to sow discord
among the republicans of this county, by branding the friends and
supporters of General Andrew Jackson, as little ()ther than a band
of conspirators or dupes, leagued together for the purpose of over-
turning the republican ascendancy and cbaracter ot New-Jersey.

AjuI this because, in the exercise of iheir undoubted rights and
honest judgments, they preferred Andrew Jackson \.o John Q^ A-
dams, as president of the United '^ tates.

It was deemed necessary, however, in order to give some codn-
tenance to the assertion that Mr. Adams was the republican candi-
date of New- Jersey, to test the fact by resort to a county meeting.
The supporters of JVlr. Adams, therefore, advertise<5 one to be held
for that |)urpose at Hingoe's, in tliis county, on Saturday the 2ist
of August. It is needless to say, that every inducement existed and
every eliort was made to obtain an assemblage which would, in
some degree, verify the extravagant pretensions held up by the pav-
tizans of Mr. Adams, and at the same time justify the (absurd and
slanderous) imputations which had bet^n heaped upon the republi-
can friends of General Jackson in the county of Hunterdon, and
indeed throughout the whole state.

The result is already known to the publick. The meeting deci-
ded, by a great majority, against Mr. Adams: They gave their
voice in favor of General Jackson, and, among other proceedings,
appointed a committee to publish an address to the people of this
county, designed to refute the false aspersions which had been
thrown upon his republican friends and supporters, as al^o, to vindi-
cate his claims to that j)referencc which, in their minds, placed him
far above all his competitors.

It is this duty, which iUai conunittee are now about to fulfil. And
though they feel how inadequate they are under any circumstances,
(and especially within the limited compass which an essay of this na-
ture necessarily prescribes) to do justice to the cause they espouse,
or to accomplish the expectations of the meeting, they nevertheless
sul)mit the following remarks and facts to the candid" consideratioQ
of all who feci aa iateiest in the question.

TO THE FREEMEN AND INDEPENDENT VOTERS OF

HUNTERDON COUNTY.

FELLOW CITIZENS,

IN recommeuding to your choice and support, Andrew Jackson-,
as President of the United States, for the ensuing term, of four
years, we express to you the sincerest convictions of our own minds
that he is worthy of this high office. And was the question to be
decided between him and his competitors by the immediate votes of
his countrymen, greatly indeed, do we deceive ourselves, if it did
not appear be was the chosen man of the People.

We judge not from our own thoughts and feelings alone; they
might, possibly, mislead us, acknowledging, as we do, our enthu-
siastic admiration of his character, and gratitude for his publick
services: — But ours is, also, the common sentiment, wherever he
is truly known, and men's minds are not bewildered by the propa-
gation of idle fears, or deceived by bold and artful fjilsehoods.

Few indeed of us — nr of all who call themselves Americans can,
or should be ignorant of the great and leading claims he has to pub-
lick confidence and publick honors. Yet doubts from mere defect
of knowledge, may exist ; or detraction in the p(.»isoned armour of
party spirit — and urged on by selfish purposes, may invent new
calumnies or retail old ones, to serve the present turn of defamation.
It is the success of such detestable means alone, against which we
would endeavor to guard the minds of our fellow-citizens.

We all know, or have read, that Washington at one time, and
in the midst of his glorious struggles for liberty at the head of the
American army, was charged with treachery, and even well fabri-
cated documents, pretended to be his own letters, were published to
prove by his own hand a traitorous coi^respondence with the enemy :
He was accused at another time of incapacity, want of generalship —
laxity of discipline, extravagant expenditures, and arrogance to his
officers: Gates, the hero of Saratoga, and conquerer of Burgoyne,
with other general officers, and not a few in Congress — were
leagued in a plan to remove him from the command. Need we say
that Washington was innocent, and that his base traducers reaped
the bitter fruit which, sooner or later, falls to the lot of the slander-
er— remorse of conscience and the contempt of the world.

It is within our remembrance, the torrent of crimination which
was poured out upon Jefferson, when he stood a candidate before
the people, three and twenty years ago, for that office which, we
trust, they will shortly confer on the man who most on earth, proba-
bly, he esteems and honors. [^See AppendLv JVo. I.]

His private life was laid bare, and turpitude of the darkest hues

6

and every varied form charged to his account. His political princi-
ples were denounced as taken fT'om tlie profligate doctrines of French
philosophy, misrule, and atheism. He was represented as the ca-
lumniator of Washington, and the deadly foe of Adams, and actua-
ted in all, by the basest envy and ambition. What, indeed — was
he not accused of which could degra«h', the character of man?

These charges, too, were supported in attempts to prove their
Ij-uth, by means as bold as they were false and detestable.

Yet who did not know he was innocent, and that it was party
spirit an.'l personal interests distributing their venom against him by
means of a licentious press, and through other subordinate agents
and channels, which sought to overwhelm him with obloquy, and
turn the people on the side of l>is compe-titor — Arlams !

Even now. not long past, when time and his grateful country had
done full justice to this venerable man, there could be found a wretch
to brand him with tb.e commission of n fraud upon the publick trea-
sury ! His answer and his justilicalion, tho' surely it was unnecessa-
ry, we have under his own hand, and it is complete.

Shall we wonder then, \{ Jlndrew Jackson — is to pass through
this same ordeal of calumny, prepared by malignant hands and
spread among his fellow-citizens, by the agency of the press. —
Presses too, professing a magnanimous impartiality, and called
'^republican."

We had hoped belter things. And deeply regret, on every ac-
count, that a paper, in this county, which should have been devoted
to concord among republicans, as it always had been — is suddenly
transformed, as, by some evil agency, into a consuming firebrand;
destroying itself — and scattering abroad unspeakable mischiefs !

Who does not perceive that cunning insinuation, if not direct alle-
gation, against the qualifications and principles of Andrew Jackson^
has begun its malignant and unmanly office! And as to the republi-
cans of the county, a great proportion of them at least, they are de-
nounced as engaged in dishonorable confederacies, and held up to
scorn and ridicule, Yes, the long tried rppuhlicans of ihU county —
for exercising the rights of opinion and choice, the most undoui)ted
badge of freemen, are described as confederating and amalgamating
themselves with — the Bar, the Military, and Federalists. And this
too — in opposition, it is said, to the ''republican candidate"! As
if Jlndrew Jackson was not a republican candidate, because the bar,
the military, and federalists prefer him : But let us examine these
pretended charges, of weakness, and abandonment of principles,
upon a majority of the repuljlieans of Hunterdon county !

And fj'st it is announced, that tiie members of the IJar. and the
Militavij, ta!ie the lead in his support^ and that Federalists are
found on the side of .Tc/c'^'yojz.

And all these respecta!)le classes of people in New-Jersej'^, are
condemned for their opposition to Mr. Adams — who, somewhat ar-
rogantly, and we think untruly, is said to be the rejJublican can-
didate.

And if these allegations were so, is it a dispara^^ement to the
character and cause of Andrew Jackson, that the Bar, without dis-
crimination of party, (and surely they are much divided on mere
party distinctions) are for him, the candidate we recommend?

There is no exception it seems, "the whole bar is on his side."
We are glad to hear it, so positively asserted. We, as faithful ad-
beients of the democratic party, in New- Jersey, will never ahan-
don Andrew Jackson, even should it be proved that all the members
of the legal profession were in his favor, as president of the United
States. We approve of their choice. It does them honor.

Beside, on a mere question of the general qualitications of any
candidate for this office, their united, unbiased, and deliberate prefe-
rence ought to have, and would have, a just weight.

Undoubtedly republicans, casting their eyes back upon the roll
which records the patriots and actors of the revolution — and who
have gone to their reward, ought to be t!ie last of men to throw an
indiscriminate stain upon the bar. The declaration of independence
and the history of our revolution, should for ever silence such folly
and ingratitude. Look at the signers of that declaration — and think
of the great men of those days, and since, and say, if the bar are en-
emies to liberty? And how many are there now, among the most
distinguished republicans of the present time who are not of that
profession, or translated from it, by the voice of the people, to the
offices they fill? In fact, every candidate for the presidency at this
time before the American nation, not long since, was a member of
the bar.

But, in reality, this meeting believe the assertion, (senseless as it
is,) that the bar is friendly to the election of Andrew Jackson, is
thrown out at random, regardless of its truth or falsehood, with the
disingenuous motive and weak imagination — that enlightened and
reflecting citizens could regulate their choice, on this occasion, by
enquiring — " who the lawyers were for or against?"

Such, nevertheless, is the opinion which some partizans of Mr.
Adams seem to entertain of the understandings of the people of
New- Jersey ! This meeting professes neither to solicit or to repel
this class of their fellow-citizens, alluded to. They will judge for
themselves, as they are well qualified to do; and surely are enti-
tled, without reproach, to exercise the common rights of opinion
and suffrage.

If then, as is insinuated, the bar, hitherto, have not always been
republican in our sense of the term — we shall rejoice to find them
on this occasion, at least, on the side of republicans and the people.
Certain we feel that this rude attack upon their collective body, will
not terrify them, or frighten republicans, into the ranks of Mr.
Adams. It is also announced, in this paper, devoted to Mr. Adams,
that the military, as well as the bar, are for Andrew Jackson.

We believe the fact is so ; and strange indeed, it would appear
to us, were it otherwise.

As to the insulting sneer, which this confession is evidently in-

8

teniled to convey upon the respectable militia, of New- Jersey, we
shall pass it hy with a single remark, thai it would be more prudent
as well as more reasonable if the advocates of Mr. Adams, would
forbear to promote the cause of theii candidate by attempts (as shal-
low as they are offensive) to expose whole bodies of independent
freemen to ridiculf. because they prefer General Jackson. We
make ourselves, however, quite easy about this paper shot showered
upon the militia. It becomes a boy to use it, and for men to dis-
pise it.

But why should the militia prefer Mr. Adams? It would be far
better to point out the error of their attachment to General Jackson,
than attempt to change it by an attack on their motives, or telling
them wilh no little assurance, that they are dupes — and blind in-
struments, working out their own destruction.

As to the fears entertained, or preten»led, that we shall part with
our republicanism, becajUse the members of the bar, the military, and
federalists coincide with us in opinion, on the question between
Jackson and x\daras-^they may be laid aside, unless it can be prov-
ed, that General Jackson is not a republican.

But who are the " military of New-Jersey," which are thus
ranked among the enemies of republicanism, because they intend
to give their voice for Andrew Jackson, as President of the United
States?

Fellow-citizens — they amount to more than forty thousand /ree-
men and citizen soldiers, the defence and pride of their country.
They vote for Mr. Jackson not because he is a military man, but
because he is a beloved- citizen of the United States; because, at
the call of the government, he has rendered to his country, in the
day of her greatest peril, the most signal benefits; leading forward
and directing by his matchless skill, the militia of these states, to
repel foreign invaders, and deliver from the savage Indian, and
still more savage Briton, wives, daughters, children, and fathers,
who had none to help them. They vote for Andrew Jackson, be-
cause he is a profound and practical statesman, long versed in all
affairs of state and government; because he is intimately acquaint-
ed with the character, the feelings, and the interests of the great bo-
dy of 'he people ; because of his disinterestedness, his integrity,
and his amiable qualities as a private citizen ; because he will root
out corruplion and purify the polluted atmosphere of the city of
Washington. They will vote for him, as the political and personal
friend of Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Munroe; because
he has always been a consistent and devoted republican^ possessing
the hearts and affections of his countrymen; and, finally, because
his great talents and splendid actions have rendered the name of an
American illustrious throughout the world, and inspired all foreign
powers with the highest admiration and respect for his own unri-
valled character.

This allegation, that the " military" are joining with the bar and
federalists, for General Jackson, is intended, foolishly, to conciliate

other classes of men, at the expense of casting dislionor and aban.
donraent of republican principle, upon the militia of this state.
Yet what other classes of men will be flattered by degrading she
character of militia oflBcers, or miliiia men.

Believing, as we do, that the candidate recommended by us, in
every light, is worthy of the confidence and preference of his fel-
low-citizens of the militia, we exhort onr brethren, enrolled for the
defence of the country, to adhere to the m>in who, at once, unites the
high qualities of a statesman and citizen with the character and ac-
quirements of an acf^mplished commander. We hope that not one
of them, officer or man, will ever forsake Andrew Jackson. He hag
ennobled their profession, and given to the militia of the Uniied
States, an imperishable renown ! lie has proved that standing ar-
mies are not the best defenders of liberty and their country.

Besides, a president who is commander in chief of the armies and,
in time of war, of the militia of the United States, and entrusted
with the safety of his country in the event of wars, and of (he pre-
paratory defences of the country, in time of peace, to prevent Iheir
occurrence or repel invasion, would seem but Aa//' qualified for his
station without military knowledge.

The want of tbis knowledge in some who have filled that office,
has been grievously felt; and, surely, if it should happen to be
found, in the highest degree, in the candidate we recommend and
not in his competitor, it is an argument in his favor and not an ob-
jection.

Who objected to Washington^ because he was a great military
character; or who to Monroe, because like Jackson, he had fought
bravely and successfully f(U' his country, and comprehended the
great science of military defence ?

No, fellow-citizens, this alarm about raising a J^Iilifary chief to
the presidency, is but a shallow device, of the partizans of Mr.
Adams, to frighten women and children. It is an insult to the un-
derstandings even of ^' the most calm, dispassionate and reflecting
of every party ;'^ all of whom, it is modestly asserted, in the paper
we allude to, are for, John Q. Adams ! But to enquire further into
this objection, that a president is better for his ignorance of milita-
ry affairs.

How is it proved that xVndrew Jackson is only a military
character. The fact is the i*everse. He was bred up in civil em-
ployments : His life has been principally, devoted to them. In his
early years he was distinguished at the bar ; and afterwards pro-
moted to the highest station on the Bench, in the state of Tennessee,
pursuing honorable trade and agricultural engagements, as his chief
business for support. And often representing the state of Tennessee
in its own legislature, and in the senate of the United States, of
which he is now a most distinguished member. His distinguishing
habits were those of industry, temperance, frugality, and social
kindness and generosity.

It was not until the late War with Great Britain, in 1813, at the

B

10

age of fifty four, wlicu at the call of his country, lie quit these fa-
vourito vvitlks, and by the high confidence reposed in his talents^
and his great and well eirned popularity, he drew forth the gallant
militia o; the western states, and led them forward to the encounter
of diJiculiies and dangers, and to victories which have no parallel
in liistory. Ihe history of his own personal sutFerings and generous
sacriiices, are unequalled since the days of Washington. The In-
dian nations, which had joined the English, were subdued, and
Britain itself — humbled by his triumphant arms in the Creek war;
in Florida ; and finally, in their triumphant overthrow, at New-
Orleans : And all Ibis accomplished with means almost of his own
creation, withni liitle more than one year : And this is tlie man who
is held up as only " having capacities essentially military,'' and
pictured forth as nothing but a warrior! As well might Washing-
ton^ and rather, have been stigmatised, with having no title but his
sword, to th'^ Presidency ; for he was a warrior in his youth, and
Biucii of his life was spent in camps.

W^e dismiss this wonderful objection to Andrew Jackson, that he
is a military character, and that i\lr. Adams is not. We rejoice that
he possesses this great superiority and so highly important iii peace,
as well as in war!

But it is asserted, that the Federalists come out for General Jack-
son, with the .^lilitarv and the Bar.

It is not for this meeting, to admit or deny so broad an allega-
tion: We do noiknoio that the fact is as stated; although it is our
anxious wash to find it true. On the contrary we know that many,
and the most undeviatiug Federalists, in New- Jersey, are warm
advocates for Mr. Adams.

But if the fact is so, what then ? Their right to choose for them-
selvj^s, is as sacred as our own; and they will exercise it. They
must, necessarily, choose between republican candidates, and vote
for some one of them. They have no candidate of their own. The
charge o^ combining with them or any others, to overthrow^ the re-
publican cause, is a base falsehood: And we again repeat, if that
great and respectable portion of our fellow-citizens do, in fact,
prefer the candidate we have nominated — we rejoice in it. Are we
to abandon the cause of Andrew Jackson, because his high charac-
ter and merits unite all men in his favor? Are the democratic re-
publicans in New- Jersey, to forego every good work, every just and
honorable pursuit, every well founded "opinion and preference,
whenever it should happen they meet the approl)ation of federal re-
publicans?— Such tenets as these are as absurd as they are perse-
cuting, mischievous and abominable. Shall we not eat or drink, or
su[)port religion, or government, and a thousand other things, be-
cause federalists do the same? The propagators of such doctrine as
this are litter tenants for a mad-house thaniumates of the liberal and
patriotic republican family of Hunterdon.

After all — we believe this is but a part of the weak and disingen-
uous scheme of endeavouring by insinuation — and artifice to impress

11

a belief, that federalists support Andrew Jaolvson, because, he is
one. Tliose who assert this know the falsphdod (if it. Yet Ihey are
not afraid thus to insult the understanding of men, while they court
their confidence and respect.

We now approach, fellow-citizens, a much more important item,
in the exhibition made by Mr. Jldaws^ adherents. U is asserted,
that he is to be ctmsidered the " repul)lican candiihite" in New Jer-
sey. And, moreover, that the friends and supporters of Andrew
Jackson, must be viewed as a combination against the republicau
party.

And why is Mr. Adams, the repuhlican candidate. AVho con-
ferred on him this title ? What exprassion of the publick voice,
what fair and acknowledged convention of the people, have declar-
ed this?

We deny that Mr. ildams is the "Republican Candidate of
JVew-Jersey.'^^ His name is before the people, and by their indepen-
dent votes it will appear, whether he or Andrew Jackson is their
choice. On that simple issue it stands. And all assumptions that
John Q^. Adams, is the '•' republican candidate of New- Jersey,"
rest on nothing but the unsupported assertion of his parlizans,
which are coutrary to the plain fact.

We want better proof of Mr. Adams' popularity in New-Jersey,
than the exaggerated and fanciful accounts got up in his own official
newspaper, at Trenton.

And let us ask — (placing these candidates by the side of each
other, and testing their merits on the ground oi republican charac-
ter and princijdesj which of them is truly entitled to this noble
distinction? We lay out of view the long string oi'foreis^n appoint-
ments, and diplomatic honors, which are hung, glittering upon the
brow of Mr. Adams, to catch the gaze and extort the admiration of
"republicans!" Most of them were received under federal admin-
istrations; and we have yet to learn that they served much beyond
the ordinary uses and purposes of those missions, to reward a vio-
lent partisan, and pay due reverence to the le^^itimates of Europe.
We ask for the fruits of these embassies. What has the United
States to show for the princely fortune received from the publick
treasury — by Mr. Adams, for the\se costly exhibitions in Europe?
It would be more satisfactory for his advocates to tell us, what ac-
tual benefits have resulted to his country from his diplomacy and
residence at foreign courts, than to astonish us with the number of
his appointments and the vast amount of publick money paid to him
for these unknown services. [_See Jlppendix J^o. 2.]

We speak with doubt on this point, l)ut it is said, that gentleman
has received in outfits and salary two hundred thousand dollars.
Looking to the number of his missions, and the ye;;rs he was away,
the sum is not improbable. We might add to this, StiOOO a year for
the last 7 years, that he has lived on the Treasury, as secretary of
state.

Now we admit that Andrew Jackson can show no such proofs of

12

his being a republican, nor tbe rewards of tbem. Much more sub-
stantial an<l better known are his titles to this character.

'J'lien liow else, is Mr. Adams — a republican :

Durins; the lon^ contest of parties for the republican ascendency,
vp to its final triumph in the election of Mr. Jeflerson, an«l for 7 years
afterwards, Mr. Adams was a leading, an, ultra — federalist. He was
a distinguished associate of the Massachusetts Junto, as it was nam-
ed. He was during all that time a co-operator with — Pickering,
Otis, Cabot, and all the other prominent federalists, of New-Eng-
land, in opposition to the republicans, who were struggling for
principles.

We speak not now, of the merit or demerit of these men or their
creeds or actions : We only mention the fact, to put down the pre-
tension of Mr. Adams, to be the exclusive republican candidate of
New-Jersey. Up to 1807 — he was a federalist : i)e had co-opera-
ted in or approved all those measures, which republicans, whether
right or wrong, reprobated. Useless armies and navies, wasteful
expenditure — exclusion of republicans from office. In short, he
might be called a field marshal, in the reiii;n of terror: He approved
— if he did not participate in the enaction, of the alien and sedition
laws, so obnoxious to republicans. Again we repeat, that we have
no motive in alluding to these facts of Mr. Ailams^ political history,
but to repel the arrogant prpfension, of his supporters, that Ae is the
republican candidate, of New-Jersey.

Why he changed his side in 1807, and at the 24th hour came in
to share new honors, new foreign missions, and new outfits and sal-
aries, under the republicans, we do not enquire. It is easy to go to
the other side. But Mr. Adams is not a man to change his princi-
ciples. be they what they may. He would take offence, if he were
charged with it. Can we believe then, that the deep rooted princi-
ples, political principles, of Mr. Adams, (and of his father before
liim)— were suddenly, in 1807. all at once extinguished, and that
he became a republican, of the Jefferson school? No man will cred-
it this, who is not prepared to admit that Mr. Adams possesses no
political principles at all.

We believe, better of him, than to imao;ine any such thing. We
have no doubt his opinions and conduct, as a federalist, were
grounded upon firm conviction of their rectitude, and, it is not we
who intend to dishonor him — by the statement we have made — but
those who now assert he is a republican of 1798. when the great
cause between republicans and federalists was on its trial before the
people, and Jeilerson triumphed over Adams. The truth is, he quit
his friends and violated all personal ties of honorable endurance
with them, in tly-ir fall, to bask in the sun shine of an ascendant par-
ty. But who will assert he quit his [mWiicaX principles, when he
abaniloned and afterwards persecuted his old friends? —

Let us hear no more then that Mr. Adams is the "republican
candidate of New-Jersey." We know not, (in the sense we use the
term aad according to its accepted meaning, as desigiiating the po^

1^

I

litical principles on which Mr. Jefferson came into power) we say,
we know not that he is a democratic republican at all, in any sense
it can be understood.

Who then are about to endanger the security and break up the
hopes of the republican farty in New- Jersey ? Who, by " amalga-
mation," mean to divide the republican parly?

We answer; not those who support Andrew Jackson, but those
who would rashly attempt to confer the presidency on Mr. Adams;
and this sentiment is the prevailing one, among all who remember
the past, and correctly judge of the future. Can the Ethiopian
change his skin, or the Leopard his spots ?

May we not then reverse — this bold and baseless assumption —
that Mr. Adams is the "republican candidate," and truly say, that
the man entitled to that distinction, is Andrew Jackson P He, first
and last, has travelled and laboured with the men who asserted
those principles of policy, which form the creed of republicans —
}Ve do not endanger them, nor the supporters of them, by endea-
voring with all our zeal to advance him to that station which his
merit and services entitle him to, and which we confidently believe
he will attain, if the wishes of the American people can prevail.

We here, fellow-citizens terminate this painful part of our duty;
we mean that which has been imposed upon us, by the unwarranta-
ble and unprovoked attack made upon the friends and supporters
of Andrew Jackson, in the print of this county, devoted to Mr.
Adams. We know these indiscriminate and offensive charges, will
be qualified, and frittere<l away — by pretences, that all republicans,
all the bar, all the military of New- Jersey, and all federalists, were
not included in these sweeping denunciations. It will be prudent
so to appear to repent and conciliate, and we shall rejoice at any
reform, as well for the cause of the republican interest, as for an
innocent family who might suffer for the indiscretions of a heedless
and inexperienced man.

We return with pleasure, to the immediate subject of our address
— to the contemplation of Andrew Jackson. He appears before you
fellow-ci'izens, as the candidate of the People. He stands aloof
from the trammels, as he does from the intrigues and corruptions of
official patronage and official station. He boasts not that his life has
been spent in foreign courts and his fortune drawn from the pub-
lick treasury. No caucus honors have been sought, no factitious
display of his ability in controversial scribbling, distinguish or re-
commend him, although no man in this country excels him, in what-
ever is solid and captivating in literary and argumentative com-
position.

Mr. Adams, gives us daily specimens of his temper as well as
of his tact in writing, and seems never more happy than when he
can find or provoke a newspaper squabble, in order to show off the
won<lers of his pen. Happier for him if they were any proof of his
wisdom or magnanimity. Not so, with General Jackson : He resorts
to no such arts ; but confiding in the discernment; as well as the jus-

14

tice of his fellow-citizens, lie awaits their decision, disdaining^ny
attempt to inliiience it hy methods unworthy of theiii or himself.

The a( (ions of his life and the projierfies of his mind, we are
happy to say, have appeared in a comhined view, from the pen
of his colleague in the Senate of the United States, (Mr. Eaton) not
varnished for the occasion — but exhibited in official documents, or
founded on indubitable information. VVe hope it may be in the pow-
er of every republican, ever,v citizen who seeks for truth to peruse it.

You will find in it, if you can want it, not only the evidence of
his extraordinary talents as a statesman and commander, but of his
social and civil virtues ns a man and a citizen. It will correct too,
in every man's mind, impressions which may have been made, on
particular points by misrepresentation and artful device, or nourish-
ed in honest but undoubted prejudice. It is as untrue as it is unsjen-
ei'ous — to represent him as ujt^rely a '^vi^-di general ; yet that is,
surely, no -iliiijht recommendation, when we contemplate that our
country is to be defen.'led in wars, as well as governed in peace.
Did we not think so when Washin2;ton, was our President? But^
in reality, that forms the least of those qualities, both of his head
and heart, whicii entitle him to the respect and love of Ids country-
men. We may ask you then, such of you at least who are not sa-
tistled, to suf^pend your doubts on any point, and above all, to dis-
regard (until you •* see the whole ground'') garbled statements, dis-
tributed by malignity, or got up to answer the purposes of his po-
litical opponents.

Were we unacquainted with the character of a citizen; if from
distant residence, and the scene of his publick and private pursuits,
his merits and his qualificatiitns could not be distinctly known,
would not reason be satisfied with the united voice an<l opinions of
witnesses to his actions and sentiraetits during a long life?

Could we deceive ourselves, if we were recommending for this
office one of our own citizens. Can JSl'orth Carolina, then, his na-
tive state, or Tennessee, divided from it in 1795, be mistaken iri
General Jackson? Would they recommend or desire him to be the
President of these states, if — he were unlit or unv/orthy. Is not
their character and also their welfare, as much as our own, connec-
ted with this momentous question? And yet Tennessee, with en-
thusiasm, recommends him, and North-Carolina, though divided,
but not on his merit, will give him, we are well assured, a most tri-
umphant mnjorily.

We shall nut eiuiraerate the states, in the immediate vicinity of
the one he resides in, which will support him; they form a great
majoiity. Other states, could we want proof of his merit or popular-
ity, might be mentioned ; we shall only name our sister state of
Pennsylvania. And can we suppose that great ahd republican peo-
ple, who may be called unanimous, would till this station with an
incompetent man?

Looking also, independently of what we know of General Jack,
son, ourselves, t(» the opinions of his political and private frieads*
who can be made to doubt of his uncommou deserts?

15

He has been associalec] in fricndsliip and cloathed by successive
administrations with the hi.s;;hest and most delicate trusts, in times
extremely critical, and under circumstances ot great difficulty. And
all his conduct, upon investigation not merely approvp.d but applau-
ded. Every branch of the goverument, executive und legislative,
have pronounced him a failht'nl servant, and the people, with a«lmi-
ration and gratitude, have confirmed the judgment of tlie constitu-
ted authoritie,?. To say that Andrew Jackson — may not have erred,
would be to raise him above human nature.

Washington himself might err ; and who even amongst those the
people most love and confide in, \vd\G not erred ? But this we will
say, that his mistakes, if any there be, (we know of none) grew
from the circumstances of his situation and are lost in the contem-
plation of his patriotic motives and the supreiue regard he felt for
the safety and honor of his country. A hasty expression, an un-
considered opinion, or a confidential sentiment, ought to condemn
no one. Who, in this world of imperfection, should be judged by
such a test. What would become of Mr. Adams were he to be put
on such a trial? Let his best friends answer this question ?

Mr. Jackson, is neither rash nor ambitious or of a temper to in-
volve his country in destructive wars. On the contrary, he is cool,
thoughtful and cautious in forming his decisions, firm and decisive
in their execution. And if, as his traducers disingenuously and art-
fully endeavor to impress upon tiie ignorant, ids dispositions icere
so inclined, (and what earthly motive, at his tioie of liie and all his
honors at stake, could tempt liim to indulge them,) how could he
execute any such purpose?

Not an appointment can be made, not a dollar be drawn from the
people, not a soldier enlisied — no one act done without the sanction
of his cabinet officers, and the representative bodies of Congress.

The truth is, his manners are polished, dignified and engaging;
his disposition mild, candid and amiable; he is liberal but firm in
his principles as a politician ; in short his whole heart, affections,
and ambition, seek but one great end — tiie happiness of his country
and friends.

But we dismiss, the supposition, such as no man but a deceiver
would suggest, and, we think, none but an idiot would believe, that
General Jackson — is to be feared or rejected, because he has made
himself great in the battles of freedom.

On \\h political character and opinions, as the republican Magis-
trate of a free country, we surely need not dwell. Who ever else
may be of doubtful credit in this respect, Andrew Jackson is above
suspicion.

It is well known, that he is the friend of the present, administra-
tion, and of the present cabinet officers. That he approves of exist-
ing establishments for the protection of the country and has given
to them all his fair support in the Senate of the United States. On
the great national jjolicij of cherishing our own industry and becom-
ing independent of foreign tribute and foreign influence, his opinions
are well known : In business and the transaction of affairs, he is

16

tIilio;ent, firm and incorruptible. He sees to men and things him-
self. The piiblick money will not be squandered on useless embas-
sies, nor distributed in sinecures and projects to obtain partizans
and popularity to his administration. He will not, (his advanced age
precludes the idea,) be tlie can<lidate a second time, and therefore
will have no motive, (even if he could be supposed so profligate) as
to abuse his station, by intrigue and favoritism, to secure a re-elec-
tion. We hope it will be the commencement of a newpractice, and
that, a double term of office may never be heard of again. Its evils
are innumerable.

His advice to Mr. Monroe, in 1810, just before that gentleman
was inaugurated as President, on the course of his administration,
and the friendly and confidential letters which passed between them,
wrll explain his sentiments on the sul)j.'ct of party. Thej' are in
every one's hands. And if any thing could be wanting to manifest
the sound wisdom — the just moderation, and the pure [jatriotism of
General Jad.son, on this head, let those who doubt, peruse his let-
ters. The mad and selfish passions of individuals, have found in
them too much magnanimity — too much of a kind and paternal spirit,
inclined to heal rather than exasperate, the baneful effects, publick
and private, o? party spirit. " Names, he observes, are bubbles, a
president should be at the head of the nation and not of a party.
He should look for talents and patriotism wherever they are found,
and judge men by their fruits and not their empty and hollow pro-
fessions."

Mr. Monroe^ approved and thanked him for these high and pre-
cious proofs of true friendship, conveyed to him by Gen. Jackson,
in language as elegant as the sentiments were wise and elevated.

That his administration would be peculiarly fortunate for his own
reputation, happy for his country, and popular beyond any presi-
dent since the days of Washington, we have not a doubt.

It would be natural for those we address — to ask us to present to
them, some authentic sketch of the general outlines of his character,
pul)lick and private, corroborative of such facts, as we have alluded
to in this address.

A curiosity so laudable, and founded upon motives so reasonable,
we should be most happy to comply with. But we, necessarily, de-
rive our knowledge and convictions from facts of publick notoriety,
or from undoubted private authority. We have embodied, in what
has been said, such information as we believe to be true, and ex-
pressed opinions as sincere as they seem to us important.

Nevertheless, believing it may gratify our fellow citizens to in-
sert here, the following brief /Jor^?'a2Y of General Jackson's charac-
ter, we submit it to their inspection. It is extracted from the '* Rich-
mond Enquirer," a Virginia paper, and drawn up, not by a politi-
cal friend, or even an acquaintance, but the result of an enquiry to
ascertain the truth, by the author of the celebrated letters entitled the
* Crisis.' It was given to the publick, too, long since, soon after the
memorable overthrow of the British army at New- Orleans, on the
8th January, 1815. It is as follows : —

"MAJOR aENEHAL JACKSON.

FUOM THE lllCHMOND EnQUIKEU,

March 181 J.

^'SOME notice of the life and character of General Jackson will
be desirable, at this time, to the readers of your columns. The dis-
tinguished post he at present occupies; the honorable manner in
which he has brought the Creek war to a termination; the unexam-
pled enthusiasm which he has instilled into his army, in defence oi
the nation ; and the confidence which he has every where obtained,
through this vast country, has excited mucii curiosity on the part ol
the public, to become more intimately acquainted with him. The
writer of the * Crisis' will gratify, as ff\r as in his power, this anx-
iety for information concerning a man whose life will constitute, and
lias constituted already, an important epoch, in the history of oui
country. General Andrew Jackson, was, as I am told, born in
North Carolina, where he received a liberal education, and at an
early a£;e commenced the practice of the law. He was esteemed erai
nent in his profession. His speeches at the bar were always consid
ered nervous and admired for the perspicuity of the style : he wa«
pointed out to me, in Knoxville, as an elegant scholar. In earl^
life he was poor, his industry soon made him rich ; generous and
brave in his disposition, he was esteemed by all who knew him—
and his influence soon became extensive; he was elected a membei
of the Tennessee Convention, and had a large share in the forma
tion of the Constitution of tliat state. On the admission of Tennes
see into the Union as a sister state, he was elected to the house o
Representatives, from which he was subsequently transferred b^
the legislature of Tennessee to the Senate of the United States
This last station he occupied until he was appointed a Judge of the
Supreme Court of law and equity of Tennessee, which last namei
oflBce he held for several years. On giving up this appointment
which he filled with honor to himself and advantage to his countr^^
— he turned his attention to the military art and soon rose to tin
rank of Major General of Militia — In the capacity of an officer a
the head of an army, comment is unnecessary; he has appearet
and yet appears covered with glory — the laurels with which he ha
decked his country's standard will bloom for ages: His person re
mains to be noticed. He is tall, thin and spare, but muscular an(
hardy, with an eye quick and penetrating — I have frequently seei
General Jackson^ and such was the im])ression his appearance mad
on my mind, that I have said to myself " he is a man of iron."—
Adversity can make no impression on a bosom braced by such de
cision and firmness as is visible in his face and manners. Let no
the reader conclude from this liiathe is haughty, distant and impe
lions — quite the contrary. It is true he sports not with the feeling
of others, and no one is permitted to wound his with impunity ; bu
then he is gay,comniunicative and liberal, and the more you kno>

9 C

18

liim, tlic move you admire ami indeed love him. To be a patriot, a
soldier aud a gentleman, is suflBcient to secure the inviolable friend-
ship of this highly distinguislied citizen. To the poor he is liberal,
to the unfortunate charitable, to the bumblest private he is mild and
Lender, to the base and disaffected to his country stern and unbend-
ing, and yet just. He is now about fifty-five, but he has a juvenili-
ly^'of appearance that would make him ten years younger. The
Greneral is married, but has no children. If in the field and at the
liead of armies in battles we admire the dauntless soldier; we love
the man who at home, and in retirement, is hospitable and friendly,
and i-n this particular the general is pre-eminently conspicuous."

fS J\''iles' Reg. 46.]

'- .3 -^ nAutJwrof the Crisis:'

To tlie foregoing account, of tliis distinguished citizen, we sub-
oin, the following extract, from an address to the people of Penn-
sylvania, under the signatures of a committee of five gentlemen, of
,he highest character, appointed by the Republican convention,
-vhich convened at Harrisburgh, iu March last.

ANDREW JACKSON.

[Extracts, from the Address, of the Committee of the Harris-
jur^-h Convention, which nominated General Jackson, as Presi-
lent of the U. S. on the 4th of March, (1824) last.]

<< It seems, (says this committee) to be admitted, that if the pre-
ident was elected immediately by the feojple, General Jackson
vould be the successful candidate."

^< For twenty-four years, none but a Secretary of the cabinet has
leen elected to the presidency. We do not object to the distinguish -
d democrats who have holden, or are now contending for this sta-
ion, but we do object to the uninterupted continuance of a secreta-
y dynasty. The period has surely arrived when a president should
le selected from the ranks of the People.

If it has not, how soon will the secretaries claim, by usage ^nd
rescription, the exclusive right of nomination, and from the pow-
rful patronage in their gift, may be but too likely to obtain it. This
rtificial system of cabinet succession to the presidency, is little less
angerous and anti-republican than the hereditary mcmarchies of
iurope. If a link in this chain of successive secretary dynasties be
ot broken now, then may we be fettered by it for ever. Andreiv
ackson comes pure, untrammelled and unpledged, from the bosom
f the people.

The limits of an address will not permit us to sketch his bril-
ant civil and military career. His two elder brothers fell in the
evolution, and Andrew Jackson, the last survivor of his race, at
le early age of fourteen, was wounded aud taken prisoner. His
ibsequent military services it is unnecessary to delineate. — They
•e well known and duly appreciated, by a grateful people.

19

Nor is he less distinguished in civil tlian in military stations. At
a very early age he was appointed Attorney-General of tiie South
West Territory : When that Territory was admitted into the
Union, as the state of Tennessee, he bore an able and distinguished
part in the convention which framed for her tlie most democratic
constitution of the Union. In 1797? he was elected the first Repre-
sentative of Tennessee in Congress, and in 1798, to the Senate of
the United States. As a member of that body, during the trying
period, emphatically called the reign of terror, which preceded the
political revolution of 1800, he was a zealous and efficient oppo-
nent of the federal administration of John Adams. On resigning his
seat in the Senate of the United States, he was chosen Judge of the
Supreme Court of Tennessee, and at the close of his military servi-
ces. Governor of Florida, and is now re-elected to the Senate of the
Union: — He has discharged all these important offices with great
ability, with unsullied integrity; and reckless of hardships and
«f danger, has in every station, whether civil or military, acted with
fearless devotion to his country's service.

The character of no man has been so much misunderstood, as
that of Andrew Jackson. He has been represented as a rash and
desperate military chieftain, regardless of the laws and constitution
of his country. No statement is more unfounded in fact. Andrew
Jackson is firm and decisive in executing his plans, but cautious,
prudent and deliberate in forming them ; and cool and collected in
the hour of danger. If success be any criterion of skill and prudence,
the immortal Washington was not so invariably successful as the
Hero of Orleans. Victory has always perched upon his standard.
If he has ever seemed to be rash or precipitate, it was when his
desperate situation required a resort to energetic measures. He has
always been sent on desperate enterpises, with means almost inad-
equate to success ; compelled to rely on his own energy of character
and the resources of his own mind.

It is at his home we must leave his character as a man ; and to
his fellow-citizens, residing in his vicinity, to all who have visited
his hospitable mansion, the more brilliant halo of military renown is
forgotten in the milder radiance of all his private virtues. His soul
is the residence of all the softer aflTections — the sincere and ardent
friend — to the orphan, the kind and indulgent protector, the aifec-
tionate husband, the practical and professing christian. We have
deliberatehj considered every portion of the above sentence, and ou
the most unquestionable authority, assure our fellow-citizens that it
is strictly true. During his stay at Washington this winter, the
mists that calumny and prejudice had attempted to throw around
his character, have vanished, and he has been known and esteemed
by the assembled wisdom of the nation, no less for talents and ser-
vices as a statesman and soldier, than for his mild and engaging de-
portment.

All the other candidates, however distinguished their political
characters, are unknown to the great body of the people; but in
Andrew Jackson they would reposp unbounded coufidence. No oae

20

|of his com i)eii tors Inis jjerforraed so many important services, nor
jfilled so many distinguislieil stations, both civil and military, with
£;rcatc'r ability in tlie discharge of every duty, and such devoted
fidelity to iiis country. His claims upon the American people, arc
|Second only to those of the illustrious Washington.
j A veteran of the revolution is now about to retire from the Presi-
|dency. Will you refuse to elect as his successor, the last of that
[immortal band of patriots, whom a grateful people can ever elevate
|to that exalted station? Will you erect the cold monument over the
jtomb of departed merit, and refuse to the living the last great debt
pf gratitude the nation can ever pay to revolutionary services? Or
is this but the idle theme of boyish declamation? Has it lost its prac-
tical efficacy, and has ingratitude deadened too soon, the feelings of
American citizens !

Pennsylvania, governed by no local or sectional prejudices;
prompted by nothing but great national considerations. Pennsylva-
;nia the most unobtrusive in her claims f«ir office, without a single
officer in the cabinet or judiciary at Washingtim, now asks the Pre-
,sidency, not for a Pennsylvauian, but for a citizen of Tennessee.
Some of our sister states must yield the pretension of their candi-
dates, and who can ask for such sacrifices, if not the state who has
invariably made them? And for what candidate can they be asked,
if not for Andrew Jackson, who has obtained so many signal tri-
umphs and made so many ss^critices for his country.
j Such is the candidate whom Pennsylvania respectfully presents
to the republican party of the Union, and request their co-operation.
The democratic party should concentrate upon candidates for the
.important stations of President and A^ice-President of the United
States. On whom can they unite with greater houor and advantage
to the country and more assured confidence of success, than on An-
drew Jackson.^' [See Gaz. U. S. March 25, 1824.]
j It would be Ijighly gratifying if we could copy the whole of this
able address of the Harrisburgh convention. Eut we must desist.
I With anxious hopes and fears, fellow-citizens, we now draw to a
conclusion of the task committed to us.

Our hopes are founded on the PEOPLE, our fears spring from
, tbe power which the patronage of office, and the arts of selfish in-
' triguers may oppose to their will. It is a proud distinction however,
that Andrew Jackson — can stand, and does stand upon the rock
of his own great character and splendid services for his country.
\ This is his title, and let him who disputes it, produce a better.
^ It is time, and it is right, that the people (once in 20 years at
I least) should feel and know that the President of the United States, is
th^'ir own peculiar choice. That theij have made him, and that he is
not a Dagon, set up at Washington, for them to fall down and wor-
ship.

We speak with no complaiut, nor disparagement to any one; but
it is a fact, as ominous of danger, as it is degrading to our country,
that candidates for this high office, who once sought to derive their

title to it from the power arul affections of the people, now, of course,
trace their right to official succession : It seems to have liecome
ratiier an appurtenance to the office of a Secretary, than the noble
inheritance of the People/

It is settled at Washington: and the only difference — or dispute
made about it is, which of the Executive Officers at the Capitol
shall continue the Dynasty.

We desire you, fellow-citizens, to reflect, one moment, upon the
intrigues for three years past anioni^ these Official Gentry at Wash-
ington, for this office. They have infected the whole political atmos-
phere— and all but their partizans — cry shame!

The monstrous consequences, arising from this perversion, not
only in disfranchising the people of their rights, but in those corrup-
tions and distraction of publick affairs which flow from it, in tor-
rents, are notorious to all.

The time is favorable to break this circean web. It is poisoning
and strangling our Infant republick. A President, if tiiis is not done,
is only appointed as they appoint a Pope at Rome, in conclave, by
a set of juggling state Cardinals.

It is plain, we think, that, ultimately, the question will lie in the
house of Representatives between Andrew Jackson and Secretary
Adams. We object to the right oi succession, even if no other rea-
son existed. Mr. Adams may be well satisfied with, as he is best
fitted for, the important station he fills. He holds a good pen and
often sharpened. His talents such as they are, will doubtless be
still employed for the government, at a salary of six thousand dol-
lars j^je?' Ann.

A happy opportunity now occurs, in a time of peace and pros-
perity, for the people to resume their rights. And^ as we write, the
cheering intelligence reaches us from every side, that New-Jersey
is declaring *' for Jackson."

Fellow -citizens, the man who, next to Washington, has confer-
red the most signal services and extended most the renown and glo-
ry of his country; who is competent to the highest duties of the of-
fice; and stands unfettered and untainted by official intrigue and
patronage, is now before you, awaiting at your hands that reward
which great and virtuous actions will never fail to receive, if the peo-
ple do not surrender up their right to bestow it, themselves.

By order of the Committee,

NATHAN PRICE, Chairman,

APPENDIX.

NO. I.

[The friendship which exists between these great men, and their co-inci-
dence of opinion on pohtical subjects, admit of abundant proofs. But it
may be pardonable to mention, in a note, a single incidence. In the Autumn
of 1815, a few months — after the memorable defence of JYeiv- Orleans, by
General Jackson, (when, indeed, acclamations of admiration and gratitude
still dwelt on every tongue, and, filled every heart, not dead to its country's
glory,) a splendid entertainment was given to the hero, by the corporation
of the city of Lynchburg, in Virginia. Among those who visited General
Jackson on that occason, (and nearly 300 gentlemen were present,) was
Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Jefferson's toast, at the dinner party, was in the fol-
lowing beautiful terms. " Honor and gratitude to those who have filled the
measure of their country's honor."] 9 Vol, Niles^ 214.

NO. If.

Much is said about the diplomatic offices which have been given to Mr.
Adams, abroad, things of more advantage to himself, than on account of
any benefits, known to be received by the United States.

Andrew Jackson also, migiit, (could he have sold his virtue and con-
science) been a resident Minister at the Mexican Court — with an annual
salary of $9000 a year, for life — besides an outfit of $18000, all drawn
from the hard earnings of his fellow citizens.

Some time in the winter of 1823, last, he was nominated by President
Monroe, Minister to the Mexican Government, and his nomination unani-
mously concurred in by the Senate. No doubtful proof, we think, of the
high estimation entertained by his country, and those best qualified to judge,
of his qualifications to exercise the highest dij)lomatin, civil, functions, and
one of the most delicate and important ofiices of iilat kind, which, in the
ipresent relations of the world, could have been comrnitied to a citizen of
the U. States. Yet he declined this templing and honorable mark of publick
confidence, in his virtue and ability. In coming to this resolution he evinced
equal proof of his superior discernment, and of those noble sentiments of
patriotism disinterestedness, and love of liberty, which have marked his
iconduct in every period of his life. His intuitive mind readily perceived
[what Mr. Monroe, and his cabinet, did not foresee, that the Mexican Go-
vernment, would be shaken to pieces, and Iturbide tumbled from his ill
l^otten station. That it wotdd not only be a useless waste of pubiick money,
jjut prostrate the honor of this country, to send a republican Minister to
jVfexico, to fawn at the feet of the Emperor, Iturbide !

These motives, but especially the last, determined him to reject the prof-

[ered honor. He saw, what did not seem to have occurred lo the President

nd his Council, that to delegate a Minister from the U. States to Mexico,

\. the head of v/hich was an Imperial upstart, a selfmade Legitimate, would

lisgrace the country which sent him.

It would be to despatch a herald, not lo hail a fresh born repuhlick strug-
lling into life and panting for the blessings of confirmed liberty, but to hail
n insolent Usurper, who' had mounted to Imperial power and tyranny, un-

24

dor false pretenses of liberating his countrymen from that very despotism,
which he was riveti'ig upon their necks — in league with a bigotted priest-
hood and a mercenary army.

With such foresight as events have proved, and sentiments so congenial ,
to a heart, ever alive to the great cause of human happiness, and especially
to the honor of his own country, he wrote to Mr. Monroe. After stating
that he had not been consulted on the subject of the appointment, nor had
heard any thing of the intention of die President to make it, until after the
nomination was submitted to the Senate, which entitled him to exercise his •
own judgment on the propriety of the measure, he, on mature reflection, had
come to the following conclusion : " That, in the present revolutionary state
" of Mexico, the appearance of an American minister at that court, with:
^^ credenuah lo the tyrant Iturhide, wou\d carry with it, to the people of).
'' that country, the appearance that the U. States npinoved of his course :>
"Would thereby strengthen the tyrant — and enable him the more firmly to'
" rivet the chains of despotism on the Mexican people, who of right ought to
"be free. The future peace and security of the United States, materially de-,.
" pends upon the Mexicans establishing a government upon the representa- ,\
'■Hive system. These views induce me to (/ec/i'ne the acceptance, determined' j
*' never to permit pecuniary or other considerations, to entice me into a meas-
'•' lire, ivliere the cause of suffering humanity could not be relieved ; and where
" there was no prospect of my rendering any service to my country. ^^ ,

Such were the magnanimous reasons which determined Andrew Jackson,
to forego an outfit and splendid Embassy to a foreign court ! Happy indeed
and honorable for the U. States, if there had been more examples of such,
disinterestedness among his competitors, for the Presidency ! [^Seevol. 24.V
Xiles Reg. p. 230.] j

JAOKBON TICKET.

Agreed on by the Convention of Delegates friendly to the election of
General Andrew Jackson as President of the United Slates, who met at
Trenton, on Wednesday the Isl day of September, 1S24.

PETER WILSON, of Bergen.
JAMES PARKKR, of Middlesex.
ISAAC G. FARLEE, of Hunterdon.
JOHN BEATTY, Jun. of Burlington,
JOSEPH W. SCOTT, of Somerset.
JOSEPH KILLE, of Salem.
JOHN 15UCK, nfCamherland.
DANIEL TLIET, of Sussex.

^CT' Note — The reader is requested, after perusing the whhin address Kj
hand it over to others-, fo that it niav be fullv circxdated in the neighbourhood)

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