^^/-^^l^^CytaZcc^ C^^tZ7,
Glass LliO
Book___ ^ILJI
OF THE
REPUBLICAN GENERAL COMMITTEE
OF
OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF NEW-YORK,
FRIENDLY TO THE ELECTION
OF
GEN. ANDREW JACKSON
TO THE PRESIDENCY,
TO
THE REPUBLICAN ELECTORS
OF THE
STATE OF NEW- YORK.
•TEREOTYfED BT JAMEH CONNER, NEW-YORK.
' lSrciB==¥ovfet
ALEXAJ^DER MNG, Jr. PRINTER,
106 BEEKMAN-STREET.
1828.
Esse
ADDRESS
TO THE PEOPLE OF NEW-YORK.
The Republican Representatives of the various counties
of this great State, acting under a deep sense of duty to their
Constituents, a becoming respect for a long established
usage of the party, and an anxious regard for the true in-
terests of our common country, having with great unani-
mity recommended to the electors of New-York, for the
office of President of the United States, their illustrious fellow-
citizen GEN. ANDREW JACKSON, and having now re-
tired to their respective homes, the time has arrived when it
becomes every friend of our Republican Institutions to be
actively employed in the support and advancement of a cause
which involves high and vital principles. Upon the eve of
the mighty conflict in which we are soon to engage, the
Republican Committee of Young Men of the City of New-
York, impressed with the momentous consequences which
hang upon its issue, feel themselves called to make a solemn
appeal to their brethren of the Republican family, with a
view of arousing all the energies of the party in defence of
those principles, which have been the subject heretofore of
many an anxious struggle, and for the preservation of which
no toils can be too heavy, no sacrifices too great. Our
strength is in the spirit and intelligence of the American
People. By the aid of these, we have triumphed in times
that are past — in these we repose our confident hope for the
future.
The contest to which we summon you is not a mere dis-
pute about men. Were it so, it would be unworthy of our
own dignity, and an unwarrantable interference with your
rightful predilections, thus to address you. The question
which now agitates the union is one which involves more
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important considerations. It concerns the national policy,
the purity of our government, the vigour, and, it may be,
the existence, of our invaluable institutions. Are our hiffh-
est destinies then at stake, and can any friend of his country
be an inactive spectator 1 The most powerful inducements
conspire to incite us to exertion. We are contending in the
cause of freedom and the Constitution. The foundations of
our Liberty, which no human strength can shake, are gra-
dually becoming undermined. Tiie illustrious Jefferson, and
a host of patriots, who have finished their services upon
earth, and now " rest from their labours," are looking down
upon us, tlieir descendants, to whom they transmitted, at their
departure, the richest legacy that man could bequeath, in
those pure principles of government which have guided our
country for years in a path of unequalled prosperity and pro-
mise. To us they have committed the precious palladium
of that country's freedom. We are urged by our duty to
them, to ourselves, and to posterity, to show ourselves worthy
of the sacred trust.
Let a solemn regard to these considerations operate upon
your minds and influence your conduct at the approaching
Presidential election. You are called upon to choose be-
tween two candidates for that high and important office, both
of whom have been long before the public. We earnestly
in\ite you to lend us your attention, while we pursue a candid
and temperate investigation of tlieir respective claims to the
confidence of their fellow-citizens, and the support, more
especially, of the Republican party. In conducting this ex-
amination, while we, on our part, disclaim every motive ex-
cept a sincere regard for the preservation of our Republi-
can institutions, we entreat you, on yours, to lay aside all
prepossession, which may interfere with correct judgment, or
close the mind against honest conviction.
We speak the language, we are persuaded, of a very large
proportion of the Republican party, when we say, that the
present administration has neverpossessed,and has never me-
rited, the confidence of the great body of the American Peo-
ple. We do not assert that Mr. Adams was unconstitutionally
elected, so far as more form was concerned — but we do can-
( ^ )
dklly and deliberately declare our settled conviction, that his
election was in violation of the spirit of that sacred instru-
ment. We know that Gen. Jackson received a plurality of
the electoral votes ; and we are satisfied that Mr. Adams
did not receive the free and unbiassed sulfrages of the Con-
gressional Representatives of a majority of the States. The
extraordinary, and otherwise unaccountable, conduct of Mr.
Clay — the reserve and mystery which marked his demean-
our almost to the day of election, and kept the public notori-
ously in doubt what part he intended to act — his sudden tran-
sition from beiiig the enemy and public reviler of Mr. Adams
to become his advocate and supporter, and this in direct op-
position to the known will of his Constituents, and the instruc-
tion of their representatives in the Legislature — his accept-
ance, under such peculiar circumstances, of the highest office
in the Cabinet — his inconsistency in declaring the elevation
of the Secretary of State to the Presidency to be a "safe
precedent," which he had, not long before, in reference to
this very case, pronounced to be a dangerous one — liis own
declarations at various times, which cannot otherwise be re-
conciled— and, above all, the numerous and repeated confes-
sions of his colleagues and friends : — all unite to form a mass
of testimony, which an unprejudiced mind can hardly resist.
Upon the investigation, which recently took place before the
Legislature of Kentucky, a series of facts was exhibited in
testimony utterly incompatible with his innocence. It was
there distinctly proved, that several of the Representatives
from that State, who voted for Mr. Adams, acknowledged,
and endeavoured to justify their conduct to their constituents
by the acknowledgment, that they supported him in order
to obtain for Mr. Clay the Secretaryship of State ; and that
they had ascertained that this appointment might be depend-
ed on as the result of his election. It remains for them to
say, from whom the fact could have been ascertained, except
from Mr. Adams himself. It was also proved, that Mr. Clay,
just before setting out for the seat of government in the fall
of 1824, endeavoured to prevent any instruction from the
Legislature ; declaring that he was uncommitted, and that
there wn<: no obstaclp to his voting for Gen. .Jackson, whom
(6 )
he had invited to travel in company with him to Washington :
while he himself has affirmed, that he had previously an-
nounced his intention of voting for Mr. Adams. It was fur-
ther shown, that Mr. Clay, in the year 1823, had paid One
Hundred Dollars out of his own pocket, towards the publica-
tion of a pamphlet, which was written for the purpose of
showing Mr. Adams's hostility to the West, and his attempt
to barter away the navigation of the Mississippi during the ne-
gotiations at Ghent. It was proved, that Mr. Blair, a confi-
dential friend of Mr. Clay, had declared, before the election,
that, if Mr. Adams were successful, Mr. Clay would be Se-
cretary of State, and that he obtained his information by
a private letter from Washington; which letter, circumstances
rendered air ost certain, was written by Mr. Clay himself.
Upon being called before the Legislature to give testimony,
he absolutely refused to ansv.'er ; and declared, that he would
rather go to prison than submit to be questioned upon the
subject of this communication. It cannot have been forgot-
ten, that, after Mr. Adams had replied to the letter of Mr.
Russell, charging him with the design of conceding to Great
Britain, in the Treaty of Ghent, the right of navigating the
Mississippi, Mr. Clay published a card, in which he accused
Mr. Adams of making erroneous statements upon this subject
in his answer, and pledging himself to expose them — that
the publication of this card was followed by a challenge from
Mr. Adams to produce the exposure — but that, while the
public were looking for the opening of the controversy, the
opposing chami)ions suddenly became reconciled, and their
weapons were sheathed. It is well known that Mr. Adams
received at his election the votes of Illinois and Missouri.
These States had each but one representative in Congress,
and their suffrages were also given in direct opposition to the
will of the People, for whom they professed to be acting.
The electors of these three States have since proclaimed
their sentiments, with a tone of thunder, in the ears of the
men who, on this important occasion, were deaf to their
voice. But several of those, whom their constituents cast
off, the administration took up ; and more than one of them
have received lucrntive olTices under government, as a reward
(^ )
IDr their ll'eacliery. Cook, who disposed of tlie vote of Illi-
nois, was sent upon a secret embassy to Cuba ; and Scott,
who was unfaithful to the people of Missouri, was rewarded
with the appointment of a collector of the Land Office.
Bwt independently of these facts, how stands the case ?
Mr. Adams unquestionably obtained the Presidency by the
influence of Mr. Clay. The latter undoubtedly knew, that
the acceptance of office from a President of his own creation,
under such circumstances, would throw suspicion upon his
integrity. A high-minded man, conscious of his innocence,
would have disdained the empty splendour of an office, which
could only be acquired at the expense of his character.
Free from guilt, he would have sought also to be above
suspicion. The conduct of Mr. Clay was regulated by other
principles, and an unsullied reputation he no longer enjoys.
That Mr. Adams was ever a sincere convert to the Re
publican party we do not believe. In April, 1806, he presided
at a Federal meeting m Boston. In 1807, the State of
Massachusetts, which he then represented in the Senate of the
United States, became democratic. In the same year, he
deserted his party, upon the pretence that they were treating
with Canada for a dismemberment of the Union — a charge
which, however just it might have been at a period long
subsequent to the time of which we speak, was then a gross
aspersion of his political friends. No man had been better
acquainted with the politics of the country than he. The
policy of Mr. Jefferson had been uniform, and by none more
uniformly and bitterly opposed than by him. He could have
received no new light upon the subject. He did not even
pretend that the administration had changed its course. No
extraordinary crisis of events existed: and yet, all of a sudden,
he was transformed, from a relentless opponent, mto a most
zealous supporter of the then predominant party. The ex-
planation is obvious. He was no longer entrusted with office
by the general government, and his own State had left him.
His ambition overcame his principle. He joined the Rcpubli-
can party, to crush it if he could, and to rise with it if he could
not. In an unfortunate hour, it received and cherished him ;
and his viper sting is now turned against the bosom of his
(8)
]:»eiiefcictor. He had no sooner assumed his new station in
the Republican ranks, than he sought to recommend himself
to his adopted friends, by an act of fanatical zeal. Mr. Jef-
ferson proposed to Congress the passage of an act declaring
an Embargo. This grave Senator, who, a few days before,
had refused to the Administration the smallest share of his
confidence, then arose in his place, and used this remarkable
language — " The President has recommended the measure
" on ills high responsibility. / would not consider — / would
" i\ot deliberate — / would act. Doubtless, the President pos-
" sesses such further information as will justify the measure.''^
Thus forgetful of his duty to his constituents and to his coun-
try, and disregardhig the sacred trust committed by the Con-
stitution to the body of which he was a member, he endea-
voured to lull suspicion, and evince the sincerity of his con-
version, by urging the adoption of an important measure
upon the mere recommendation of the executive, without the
necessary information, without examination, and even with-
out deliberation. To those who have observed the character
of the man through liis long and diversified political course,
it will be no matter of surprise to hear, that, within twenty
days after the passage of the Act, he moved the appoint-
ment of a Committee to consider the propriety of its repeal.
His motion was rejected by an almost Ufianimous voice.
To those who were advocates of the war of 1812 — who
saw, in its origin, the last resort of a peaceable people, driven
to arms by a long course of insult and oppression, with no
alternative left them but disgraceful submission — who hailed
with pride, in its progress, those many triumphs by sea and
by land, which shed a lustre over American bravery — who
witnessed, in its conclusion, the character of our country
elevated in the eyes of the w^orld, and our happy confedera-
tion more firmly knit together — to all those, (and among
them is to be found every genuine Republican,) we present,
without comment, an extract of a letter, which was written
by Mr. Adams, during the negotiation at Ghent, and address-
ed to the American Consul at St. Petersburgh. These are
his words, (and a volume could not better exhibit the cha-
racter and sentiments of the man)—" Divided among our-
(9)-
^'Selves, more inpassiom than interest, with half the nation
*' SOLD by their prejudices and their ignorance to our enemy^
^*With a FEEBLE AND PENURIOUS GOVERNMENT, With five
"■^ frigates for a navy, and scarcely five effi,cient regiments
'■'■for an army, how can it be expected that we should resist
*' the mass of force, luhich that gigantic power has collected
'< to CRUSH us AT A BLOW 1"
Yet the author of this letter is now President of the United
States. And what have been tlie fruits of his administration?
We call, in the name of the People, we call upon its friends
and supporters, wliere ever they may be : We call upon the
admiuislration itself, and those who are fattening upon its
bounty, to point out to us one important measure of their
adoption, which has ledomided to the honour or advantage
of the country. But our call will not, for it cannot, be an-
swered. Would that we could stop here ! Happy would it be
for the Nation, if its rulers possessed even the negative merit
of having done nothing to advance its interest. But even to
this praise, poor as it would be, they are not entitled. No
sooner was Mr. Adams seated in the Presidential chair, than
he threw off his disguise, and appeared in his true character.
He declared, in 1806, that the only way of destroying the
Republican party was by uniting with it : and he was not
long in verifying the declaration of Josiah Quincy, that those
who fell with the first Adams, had risen v/ith the second.
From the moment of liis obtaining the office, he has been
surrounded and influenced by Federalists ; and the very men
whom, upon his pretended conversion in 1807, he denoimced
as traitors to their country, have again become his bosom
friends and confidential counsellors. Whether it be in fulfil-
ment of a pledge, as there is too much reason to believe, or
merely the effect of a revival of old partialities, certain it is,
that, in the distribution of offices, the federal party has not
been forgotten.
He has ^disregarded ar.d trampled under foot the rights
of the separate States, upon the preservation of which, abovft
all things else, our liberties depend ; and, following up the
monarchical views of his father and instructor, he hns done
2
nil in tijs power to strengthen and consolidate the general
government.
He has warned the Representatives of the People against
suffering themselves to be " palsied by the will of their Con-
stituents ;" and has asserted the power of the Executive to
create missions, without the consent of the Senate.
By his neglect of duty, by the injudicious appointment of
a minister to England, and by a conceited fondness for
diplomacy, he has lost our colonial trade.
By the most unjustifiable and relentless persecution of the
spirited and gallant Porter, he has driven from the service of
our country that brave defender of her flag.
He has wasted the public money, and brought ridicule
upon the nation, by his Quixotic and abortive mission to Pa-
nama.
He has left our country for a long time past unrepresented
at the Court of St. James', save by an inexperienced youth,
from a strong desire, which it is believed he cherished but
feared at last to gratify, of giving that important appoint-
ment, after the rising of Congress, to a distinguished and
favourite Federalist.
He has tamely submitted to insult and depredation from
the petty government of Brazil, and has indirectly censured
the Minister, who, to save the honour of his country, de-
manded liis passports, and left the kingdom.
Thus meek and patient under foreign injury, he, whose
duty it is to watch over and soothe, with paternal care, the
grievances and complaints which must sometimes, of neces-
sity, spring up in our great political family, has goaded one
of our sister States almost to desperation under her supposed
wrongs ; and, instead of using argument and persuasion, has
assumed a frowning aspect and warlike attitude, and has
threatened to invade her territory with the military force of
the Union.
While, with his vision fixed upon the clouds, he has gravely
recommended to Congress the erection of « light-houses of
the skies," he has overlooked, in his last message, the more
importaRt but less elevated subject of tKp tariff, which, while
( 11 )
it agitated the wliole country from Maine to Georgia, and,
from its decided character and extensive operation, must
necessarily be productive of great good or great evil, was
passed over in extraordinary silence, by him, to whom the
nation properly looked for instruction and advice, and who is
bound by the Constitution and his oath of office to " give to
Congress information of the state of the Union," and to « re-
commend to their consideration such measures as he sliall
judge necessary and expedient."
We have seen economy neglected, and executive patron-
age increased — the public money squandered upon useless
officers, and with selfish views, until the national expendi-
ture has already exceeded, by nearly seven millions of dol-
lars, the expenses of the same period of Mr. Monroe's ad-
ministration. The contingent fund, for which the President is
particularly accountable, exliibits, for the same space of time,
an increase of Three Hundred Thousand Dollars — and
the " secret service''* money, which, during the last three
years of Mr. Monroe's term, amounted to but Forty Thousand
Dollars, and which, for four or five of Mr. Jefferson's ad-
ministration, was altogether uncalled for, already amounts,
for the first three years of Mr. Adams's term, to One Hun-
dred AND Ten Thousand Dollars : while the expenditures
of the last year exceed the income, by the sum of Nine
Hundred Thousand Dollars.
We have seen the President himself, and the members of
his Cabinet, deserting their posts, and scouring the country
upon electioneering excursions ; bending tlieir exertions first
to one State, and then to another ; kindling a feverish ex-
citement, by every plan which their ingenuity could contrive ;
disturbing the peace of the community, and interfering, in
the most shameless manner, with the sentiments and elec-
tive rights of the People.
We have seen Mr. Adams, upon one of these occasions,
forgetting the magnanimity of the American People, exult,
in barbarous and unfeeling triumph, over the grave of a gal-
lant enemy — and this, in a manner scarcely less ludicrous,
than the sentiments he exrressed were shocking tf fie
feelings of humanity^ / .
( 1^ )
We have seen the lirst officer of the Cabinet cliallenge to
mortal combat a member of the Senate, who liad dared to
express his political opinions with an unpleasant freedom
upon the floor of Congress — thus insulting the feelings of a
free and christian People, and carrying the recollection back
to the horrible days of the French Revolution, when political
animosity could only be appeased by human blood.
But we close this painful detail of error and misconduct.
The mind of the Republican patriot, as he listens to the
gloomy recital, reverts to the golden days, when a Jeffer^
son and a Madison presided over the Councils of the Na-
tion ; and he sighs over the departed glories of his country.
But he does not despond. He knows that there is a re-
deeming spirit in the People : and he casts his eye to the
Hermitage at the West, where he beholds, in dignified re-
tirement, the man of their choice, who, neither seeking nor
refusing office, is soon to come forth at their call, to restore
the faded honours of his country, and to renew the triumphs
of his party.
But this man is a " Military Chieftain," The key-note was
sounded by his arch-enemy at Washington, and the strain
has been taken up and prolonged by his more humble oppor
nents from one end of the Union to the other. Is it meant
J)y this, that his elevation to the Presidency will place the
country in danger of having its liberties supplanted by a mili-
tary despotism 1 The idea is an absurdity. Grant that he
has the disposition, where are the ineans ? Are they to be
found in a standing army of six thousand men 1 Mr. Clay
himself, in his speech on the direct tax in the year 1816, ridi-
culed this opinion, and declared, that " unless gentlemen
♦' were afraid of spectres, it was utterly impossible that any
"danger could be apprehended from Ten Thousand men
*' dispersed on a frontier of many thousand miles." Where
then is the force with which Gen. Jackson is to subjugate
and enslave ten miUions of people ? It must be raised and
paid by the People themselves through their representa-
tives. And aie the American People come to this pass, that
they will quietly lay their heads upon the block, and furnish the
executioner with the axe to strike the fatal blow 1 The sup-
( 1^ )
j>oskion is a base libel upon the spirit of intelligence and love
of freedom wliich characterize our countrymen. And yet,
without it, the apprehension of danger from military usurpa-
tion must ever be chimerical. Our Constitution, with its
checks and guards, possesses a self-preserving power ; which,
although it may be frittered away by gradual encroachments
from pretended friends, is proof against the ambitious attacks
of open enemies. There is infinitely more to fear from lati-
tude of construction, than from military violence. ^
But is Gen. Jackson a "military chieftain," in the only
sense of the term, which, under any circumstances, could
miply danger from the character 1 Has he been bred in a
camp 1 Has his life been military 1 Does he belong to a body
of men possessing a distinct and different interest from the
mass of the community 1 Happily for our country, such a
character is here almost unknown. We have no standing
army which is worth the name. Every soldier is a citizen,
and every citizen may be said to be a- soldier. With the ex-
ception of a few hundred men, who are enlisted for a term
of years, to garrison our forts, the militia of the United States
are their only soldiers. And who are the mihtia but the Peo-
ple themselves 1
Seven or eight years at most of Gen. Jackson's life have
been spent in the army. It is doubtless true that he has
been a distinguished military commander. His services in
this capacity a grateful nation will never forget. The man^
whose bosom does not swell with pride at the recollection of
his brilliant exploits, possesses not an American heart. The
history of our country will be a monument to his fame, more
enduring than the triumphal arch, and will perpetuate to the
latest generation the memory of his deeds. And who were
the chief partners of his glory "? The volunteers and militia
of the West — his fellow-citizens and neighbours. And where
are they now 1 and where is their commander 1 Do they stand
with arms in their hands, prepared to destroy the liberties of
their country ? No. Both they and he, like Washington and
Cincinnatus, have returned to their farms, and mingled long
since with the mass of citizens.
But suppose Jackson to possess the power, has he ever evinced
(14)
the disposition of an usurper ? The man wlio, in the vigour
of his days — at the head of an army flushed with victory
and devoted to his person — amidst a people amazed at his
successes and enthusiastic in his praise — could throw off his
military character, and; in citizen's attire, subject himself
patiently to the unjust condemnation and punishment of a
civil tribunal, and venture his personal safety in defending
the Judge, who pronounced sentence, from the fury of an
exasperated populace — is he, when drawn forth from his re-
tirement by the solicitation of his countrymen — in time of
profound peace — in the decline of life — without an army at
his command, and without the means of raising one — to
conquer and enslave the People, whose gratitude and esteem
have bestowed upon him the highest mark of their confi-
dence 1 We leave it to the candour and common sense of the
community to answer the question.
It is repeatedly asked, " Why will you elevate a man to the
Presidency solely on account of military services and mili-
tary talents'?" The question is as uncandid, as it is easy of
answer. The friends of Gen. Jackson have never asserted
that his military achievements, however glorious, or his mili-
tary genius, however great, are sufificient of themselves to
entitle him to the office. They do, however, contend, that
to exclude him from civil appointments, as his enemies would
do, on account of the services which he has rendered to his
country in the field, would be a most odious and impolitic
proscription. They do contend, that, when eminent civil
qualifications are added to splendid military services, the
man, in whom they are united, possesses a double claim to
the support of his fellow-citizens. And they are prepared
to show that this union exists in the person of Gen. Jackson.
When this objection is made, we shall never cease to recur
to the example of WASHINGTON, whose character and
usefulness, he must be bold indeed who dares to assail. The
principle upon which our opponents proceed, could not but
have excluded him, and preferred the elder Adams. The
latter, like his son, was a learned man, an experienced states-
man and diplomatist. Washington, like Jackson, was a
"military chieftain," and much less experienced than !ie in
( 15 )
civil affaiiij. Bui the discernment of our fathers, unseduced
by artificial si)lendour, knew well how little the value of the
diamond depends upon its polish. Undeceived by the sound
of learning aiid diplomacy, they saw, and prized, in the Hero
of Monmouth and Yorktown, those intrinsic and substantial
qualities, which their sons appreciate in the Hero of New-
Orleans ; qualities which fit a man equally for civil, as for
military, rule : strong native sense — correct and discrimina-
ting judgment — wisdom in contrivance, and promptness and
firmness in execution — a knowledge of mankind, and un-
bending integrity. Were Jackson destitute of civil qualifica-
tions, and dangerous as his enemies represent him, think you
for a moment that he would receive the support of many of
the first men of the country^ men, whose patriotism and
talents none will dispute, and who cannot be ignorant of
his character — of such men as Macon, and Berrien, and
Tazewell, and Van Beuren, and Hayne, and Crawford, and
the late lamented Clinton 1 and that, too, when they had the
whole Union before them for a choice 1
Listen to the opinion of Mr. Crawford, as expressed in a
letter, written a few weeks since to a political friend of Gen.
Jackson — " I think with you, that the People have deter-
" mined who should be President, and I should be the last
*' 7nan in the United States who would wish to unsettle that
" determination ; for I am one of the People, and approve their
" choice.^'' To another friend of the General he says — " You
«' do me justice in supposing I am with you, in the struggle
" 710W making in relation to the Presidential election: though
" I am informed, by letters from Washington, that I have
" written a letter to Mr. Clay, approving of Mr, Adams's ad-
" ministration. But, I am confident, his name is mentioned
" but once in the letter ; and then, onli/ to say, that he is
" destined to undergo the fate that hcftl his father.''^
Hearken to the honest sentiments of Henry Clay, uttered
in one of his speeches, in reference to him, whose elevation
to the Presidency he now contemplates with more horror
than "2i;ar," ''pestilence,'" or "/az/i/we."— "Towards that dis-
"tinguished Captain, who has shed so much glory on our
" country, whose renown constitutes so great a portion of its
( 16 )
«' moral properly, I never had, I never can have, any other
"FEELINGS, THAN THOSE OF THE MOST PROFOUND RESPECT
•'AND OF THE UTMOST KINDNESS."
Hear the unprejudiced opinion of Mr. Adams himself, as
expressed in 1822, in one of his official letters, written during
our controversy with Spain, in which he vindicated the con-
duct of Gen. Jackson while Governor of Florida. — " In pass-
*' ing unnoticed this and other mere invectives against an
** officer, WHOSE SERVICES TO THIS NATION ENTITLE HIM TO
"THEIR HIGHEST REWARDS, AND WHOSE WHOLE CAREER HAS
*' BEEN SIGNALIZED BY THE PUREST INTENTIONS AND THE MOST
"ELEVATED PURPOSES, I wish to be undcrstood as abstaining
*=from observations, which, however justified by the occasion,
*« could but add to the unpleasantness of the discussion."
Hear him agaui in his reply to the Committee which was
appointed by the House of Representatives to inform him of
his election to the Presidency — " It has been my fortune to
"be placed, by the divisions of sentiment prevailing among
"our countrymen on this occasion, in competition friendly
*« and honourable, with three of my fellow-citizens, all justly
" enjoying, in eminent degrees, the public favour ; and of
" whose WORTH, TALENTS AND SERVICES, no One cntcrtaijis a
" higher and more respectful sense than myself The names
" of two of them were, in the ftilfilment of the provisions of
" the Constitution, presented to the selection of the House,
"in concurrence with my own — names, closely associated
«« with the glory of the nation, and one of them, further re-
** commended by a larger minority of the electoral suffrages
" than mine."
We are told that Gen. Jackson is rash — of ungovernable
temper — and that he has trampled under foot the laws and
constitution of his country. A tyrannical disposition in
his private intercourse is utterly irreconcilable with the ex-
traordinary admiration and love which are entertained for him
in his own State and neighbourhood, among those who can-
not be ignorant of his character ; and with the known attach-
ment to his person, which prevails, in a most striking degree,
among those who have ever been under his command. But his
opponents, disregarding this infaHil)lo testimony to his private
woiili, and poiiuing to his public life, refer us in confirmation
of their assertion to his conduct at New-Orleans. To this
scene of liis triumph we gladly bear them company ; but
with impressions, and for purposes, widely different from
theirs. Rarely has any man been placed in a situation of
greater difficulty, and never was difficulty more gloriously
overcome. An enemy, formidable by number and discipline,
was hovering upon the coast. The City of New-Orleans,
which was, doubtless, to be the object of attack, was in the
most defenceless condition — without fortifications, without
arms, without soldiers. The inhabitants were overwhelmed
with terror, and well nigh sunk in despair. Made up of
heterogeneous materials, the country was occupied by
a disaffected population ; and the city, as the Gover-
nor himself declared, was filled " with spies and traitors."
Jackson arrived, and, in a few days, the whole aspect of
tilings was changed. Cool and undismayed amidst the thou-
sand difficulties which surrounded him, he assumed, without
a moment's hesitation, the fearful responsibility of defending,
at all hazards, the great key of the Western country ; and an-
nounced his firm determination to save the city, or perish in
the last ditch. The disaffected were silenced. The timid,
inspired with courage, buckled on their armour, and has-
tened to the field. All the resources of the country were
brought into active operation. His own private fortune was
pledged to provide means of defence. The unprotected city
became a warlike camp, and every citizen a soldier. The
enemy had scarcely landed, when they were attacked by an
inferior force, and beaten in the open field. The decision
of the commanding General was equalled by his prudence.
Instead of rashly following up the victory he had gained, he
retired towards the city, and, having carefully selected the
most favourable ground, he made use of the time he had gain-
ed by this important check, in throwing up those lines of en-
trenchment, behind which he calmly awaited the arrival of
liis expected reinforcements and the advance of the enemy.
It is needless to mention by what almost superhuman exer-
tion this last hope of the city was raised — how for four days
and nights, everv hour, as it passed, found him wakeful at
< 18 )
some point of the line, animating his men, and urging on
their labours : — how wise and cautious, and yet how speedy,
were all his arrangements — how brilliant and decisive was
the result. Who can paint the mingled horrors and glories
of that day 1 All united in honouring the hero, whose pru-
dence and skill had rendered the raw militia and volunteers
of the West superior to the veteran troops of the peninsula,
and, in the triumphant defeat of her ruthless invaders, had
" filled the measure of his country's glory." One tide of
applause rolled its uninterrupted course from Louisiana to
Maine. Instead of censuring him for his rashness, the whole
country joined, with one consent, in praising him for his cool-
ness and presence of mind. Instead of condemning him for
his ungovernable temper, they agreed in admiring that ex-
traordinary reflection and self-command, which induced him,
out of a tender regard for the lives of liis men, and in pur-
suance of a strictly defensive policy, to restrain his eager
troops from pursuing the routed enemy. Then the nation
spoke m the honesty of their hearts. But when the enthu-
siasm excited by his wonderful exploits had in some mea-
sure subsided, envy, which ever attends upon greatness as
its shadow, commenced its dark operations at undermining his
character. Then it was remembered, that, in order to the
defence of New-Orleans, martial law had been declared, the
deliberations of the Legislature for a time suspended, and a
judge arrested. — If the first measure were justifiable, then
those which followed must be conceded by all to have been
indispensable. It would have been w^orse than useless to pro-
nounce martial law, and not to enforce it. The propriety of
declaring it had been discussed in the presence of the Judge,
without liis making a single objection. If its existence were
essential, then he who attempted to defeat its regulations,
more especially after an acquiescence in its expediency, was
very properly arrested, and sent without the limits of the
camp. No further restraint was attempted to be put upon
his person. The Judge himself, bending to the necessity of
the time, had, in direct violation of law, discharged, without
bail or recognizance, a number of persons indicted for capi-
tal offences When, then, he opposed the course wliich the
( ^'-^ )
commanding General tliought fit to pursue, he was guilty
of the obvious inconsistency of denying the influence of that
reason, in the case of another, the sufficiency of which he
had acknowledged in liis own. — The Legislature of Louisiana
had been for some time meditating the destruction of all Gen.
Jackson's plans of defence, by proposing terms of capitula-
tion to the enemy. Had the officer, to whom the general
government committed the defence of the district, quietly
permitted this unconstitutional exercise of power, he would
have been guilty of the grossest neglect of his duty, and ren-
dered himself liable to the severest censure. As the least
objectionable, and yet the most effectual, means of prevent-
ing the fatal consequences which would result from the
adoption of the contemplated measure, without interfering
in any manner with their discussions, he directed the Gover-
nor to place a guard before the Hall ; and, in case such a re-
solution should be passed^ to prevent the members from leav
ing the chamber in which they sat. The Governor, mistaking,
or purposely disobeying the order, excluded them from the
Hall. That the precaution, intended by the General, waSj
under the circumstances, just and necessary, no one, we
think, can honestly deny ; as to the rest, the responsibility i^
with the Governor — not with him. — But for the adoption of
the decisive course, for which Gen. Jackson has been so
much reviled, no human exertion could have saved the city.
New-Orleans must inevitably have fallen : and with it, in all
probability, the whole AVestern country. The case was an
extraordinary one, and required extraordinary sacrifices^
The Legislature, impelled by existing necessity, had set the
example, by assuming a power which did not belong to them,
and declaring an embargo upon the vessels in port. The
firmness and decision of Jackson were equal to the emer-
gency. He had already pledged his estate for the defence
of the city — He now put in jeopardy his character as a citizen,
and his reputation as a soldier. And what earthly induce-
ment had he to stand the fearful hazard, but that which has
always been the prevailing guide of his conduct — the public
good ? The Governor (as we have before observed) had in-
formed him, and liis own experience had afforded a lament-
( 20 )
able eonlhniation of the report, that the city was filled with
spies and traitors. The population was a mixed and discor-
dant mass of Frenchmen, Spaniards, native Louisianians,
and Americans; — some, disposed to receive the enemy with
open arms — others, lukewarm and indifferent as to the issue
— with scarce any attachment to the government, and none
to one another. Every day the enemy were made acquaint-
ed with wliat was passing in the city, and in the army. Even
the Legislature itself was tainted with disaffection, and
meditating a surrender. The constitutional authorities
were at an immense distance. The property, the libert)^
and the lives, of thousands of his fellow-citizens, were en-
trusted to his protection, and imposed upon him an awful
responsibility. The whole prospect was shrouded in dark-
ness, save only one path, upon which a beam of hope still
rested. This course he determined, at whatsoever hazard,
to pursue. He summoned all the energies of his great soul,
and resolved, for a short time, to suspend constitutional forms,
for the preservation of constitutional rights. He included
the city and its environs within the limits of his camp. Never
were his greatness of mind and superiority to ordinary men
more strikingly exhibited, than in this decisive act. The re-
sult was worthy of the sacrifice. The government of his
Ccun-try, whose Constitution had been violated, approved of
his conduct ; and signalized its approbation by a vote of
thanks, and a medal. The city of New-Orleans — the oppressed
city, for whose grievances so many of our citizens, at a dis-
tance of hundreds of miles, after a lapse of thirteen years,
feel fresh emotions of sympathy, as the election approaches —
hailed him as her deliverer, and showered upon his head her
thanks and honours ; and now enjoys the pride and satisfac-
'.ion of having her name enrolled among those of his warm-
est supporters.
Driven from this ground of objection, the opponents of
ften. Jackson fly to the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambris-
ler. But, unfortunately for them, the man whom they most
admire, before rivalry or jealousy had stepped in to warp his
judgment or influence his feelings, produced an able and
complete vindication of the hero from this unfounded charge.
( 21 )
He has conclusively shown that this act, which was founded
in principles of self-preservation, was justified by the law of
nations, and required by the policy of civil society. These
men had cut themselves off" from the civilized world, to asso-
ciate with savages for purposes of plunder and profit. They
had stimulated the Indians to make w^ar upon our frontiers,
and to commit the most shocking cruelty, at the bare men-
tion of which the heart sickens, and the blood chills in the
veins. Wherever these monsters came, desolation marked
their path. The sound of the deadly rifle, as it singled out
its victim, often broke the noontide stillness of the forest,
and often was its midnight scenery lighted by the blaze of the
burning cabin. The terrified mother, waked from her slum-
ber by the hideous yell, drew her babe more closely to her
beating bosom, and aw^aited, in breathless despair, the ap-
proach of those inhuman invaders, against w^hom neither age
nor sex afforded the least protection. Whole families, with-
out discrimination, were tomahawked and scalped. Unof-
fending infants, wliile they instinctively stretched out their
little hands as if imploring mercy, were seized by their legs,
and their brains dashed out, within sight of their distracted
parents. The whole frontier w^as made a scene of inde-
scribable suffering. Mr. Adams, in the defence above alluded
to, after recounting some of the inhuman acts w^hich the
savages had committed, thus expresses his feelings and opi-
nions. « Contending with such enemies, although humanity
<' revolts at entire retaliation upon them, and spares the lives of
" the feeble and defenceless women and children, yet Mercy
" herself surrenders to retributive Justice the lives of their
" leading warriors takenin arms—and still more the lives of
*' the foreign white incendiaries, who, disowned by their own
"governments, and disowning their own natures, degrade
" themselves beneath the savage character, by voluntarily
*' descending to its level. Is not this the dictate of common
''sense? Is it not the usage of legitimate warfare? Is it not
" consonant to the soundest authorities of naHonal law ?"
He further declares, that " as accomplices of the savages,
««and, sinning against their better knowledge, worse than
*' savages, General Jack?:on, possessed of their persons and
( 22 )
" of the proof of their guilt, might, by the lawful and ordhiarv
"^'usages of war, have hung them both without the formality
" of a trial." These men were taken prisoners ; one of them
actually in arms, and leading on a corps of Indians. Al-
though, as you have heard from Mr. Adams, they might
have been lawfully hung without a trial. Gen. Jackson gave
them the benefit of a respectable Court of Inquiry. The
authority of this court, like that of a jiu'y under our civil laws,
was confined to a determination of the guilt or innocence of
the prisoners ; and did not extend, as in the case of a Court
Martial, to the punishment of the offence. This was the pe-
culiar provhice of the commanding General. Notwithstand-
ing this defect of power, they not only pronounced the pri-
soners guilty, but unanimously awarded against them a sen-
tence of death. After the court had been legally dissolved,
the members again assembled, without the shadow of autho-
rity, and revoking their sentence of death against Ambrister,
the more flagrant offender of the two, they substituted in its
place the punishment of whipping. Gen. Jackson was not
so insensible to his character as an officer, or so indifferent to
his duty, as to sanction, by submission, so unauthorized, so
irregular, and so unreasonable a proceeding. The blood of
the murdered inhabitants of the frontier, and the safety of
those who survived, called, with an imperative voice, for the
exemplary punishment of these outlaws, who stood before
him, without excuse, and reeking with the gore of innocent
families. He exercised his authority with a becoming firm-
ness, and the offenders were executed. Quiet and security
were restored to the settlements upon our border. The
British government, whose subjects these men had been,
after a parliamentary inquiry into their case, made no com-
plaint, but acquiesced in the justice of their fate. Yet the
recklessness of party spirit, in our own country, in order to
subserve temporary purposes, has dared to hold up to the
American community these atrocious murderers, red with
the blood of American citizens, as objects of commiseration ;
and to stigmatize the author of their punishment as himself
a murderer.
Another charge brought against General Jackson, is his
( 23 )
having, at two different periods, invaded Florida, while it
formed a part of the territories of Spain, a nation with which
the United States were then at peace. The first invasion
was in 1814, and the second in 1818. Tliey were made un-
der similar circumstances, and with the same view, and are
justifiable upon the same grounds. No person, at all ac-
quainted with the law of nations, can be ignorant, that neutral
rights are inviolable only so long as strict neutrality is ob-
served. Besides being subject to this general and invariable
principle, the Spanish government had contracted a parti-
cular obligation, by the terms of a treaty entered into with
the United States in the year 1795, by which they had en-
gaged to prevent, by force if necessary, all excesses by the
Indians within their territories. In 1814 the seventh military
district was entrusted to the defence of Gen. Jackson; its pro-
tection at the period spoken of involved a tremendous re-
sponsibility. The expected descent of a powerful force upon
New-Orleans spread consternation through the country.
All eyes were turned to General Jackson and his small band
of followers, as the only hope amid threatening dangers. At
this crisis a British detachment was landed in Florida. The
Britisli flag was seen flying upon a Spanish fort. Pensacola
was made a place of rendezvous by our enemies. There
munitions of war were collected, soldiers disciplined, the
hostile Indians assembled, armed, protected, and fed. Thence
an infamous proclamation was issued by the British com-
mander, caUing upon the inhabitants of Louisiana and Ken-
tucky to become traitors to their country. Thence an attack
was finally made upon an American fort, which was bravely
and successfully defended, but at the expense of the lives
of many gallant soldiers. It had now become obvious that
this hold of the enemy must be broken up, or New-Orleans
must be lost. Gen. Jackson's conduct, instead of exhibiting
the rashness with which he has been charged, was charac-
terized by eminent prudence and forbearance. He had com-
municated all the facts to his own government, and request-
ed their direction — but no direction came. He had repeatedly
remonstrated with the Spanish Governor — but his remon-
strances were disregarded. A crisis had arrived whic.^i re-
( 24 )
quired immediate action. The defence of his district called
imperatively for the adoption of a decisive course. It was
justified by the law of self-preservation ; and with the reso-
lution of a great mind, it was adopted. The British were
expelled — the Indians dispersed — and New-Orleans was
eventually saved. We have said that Gen. Jackson sought
direction in vain from our own government. It afterwards
appeared that a letter, authorizing a descent upon Florida,
was written by the Secretary at War, in July ; but, from
some unaccountable cause, was not received until the 17th
of January following. It has the effect, however, of show-
ing, that the judgment of the Secretary, as to the expediency
of the measure, under the circumstances of the case, coin-
cided with that of Jackson. Had the commanding General
shrunk from this step, had he longer hesitated, in all human
probability the city would have been captured and pillaged
— its female inhabitants would have become a prey to the
brutal lust of the soldiery — the country would have been
overrun by desolating invaders. The occupation of Pensa-
cola and St. Marks in 1818 took place under a similar neces-
sity, and rests for its justification upon the same principles.
The Spanish authorities in these places had become accessory
to those heart-rending cruelties, which, characterized by all
the horrors of savage warfare, had bathed the frontier settle-
ments in the commingled blood of their men, women, and
children. Our barbarous enemies, and their more barbarous
instigators, had been received, entertained, and encouraged
by the Spanish officers ; and were permitted to make the
Spanish territory a depository and a market for their plun-
der. It is an error prevalent among the friends as well
as the opponents of Gen. Jackson, to suppose that, in entering
the Spanish territory, he was governed solely by his own
judgment of the necessity of the case. This is not true.
Previously to his taking the field, our army in that quarter
was commanded by Gen. Gaines. This officer received an
order from the War Department, dated on the 16th of De-
cember, 1817, containing the following direction : "Should
"the Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparation for
" their outrages and depredations on the citizens of the United
( ^'5 )
« Stales, it is the wish of the President, that you consider
*< yourself at liberty to march across the Florida linCy and
" attack them within its limits" Very shortly afterward, Gen.
Jackson was ordered to take the command ; and was inform-
ed by the Secretary at War, under date of December 26th,
1817, that the government had been made acquainted with
" the increasing display of hostile intentions by the Seminole-
« Indians," and that Gen. Gaines had been " directed to
"penetrate from Amelia Island through Florida to the Semi-
" nole towns."" The Secretary then instructs the commanding
General, " with this view," to " concentrate" his " force," and
to adopt the necessary measures to terminate the conflict.
Jackson was influenced, then, in this case, not by his owft
opinion, but the opinion of the government — he acted, not
upon his own discretion, but under orders from the Depart-
ment of War — and cannot, upon any principle of justice, be
held responsible for a course, which was pursued in obedience
to superior authority. This ground of justification is com-
plete and immoveable. But had it no existence, the conduct
of Gen. Jackson, in this respect, would not be justly liable to
censure. Upon this subject, however, let us be silent, while
Mr. Adams speaks. His opinions, although expressed in
immediate reference to the invasion of 1818, are equally
applicable to that of 1814. We quote from the letter ad-
dressed by him, as Secretary of State, to the American Min-
ister at the Court of Spain, in the year 1818. Speaking of the
papers produced on the trial of Arbuthnot before the Court
of Inquiry, he says — " You will find these papers in the printed
"newspaper enclosed, and in the proceedings of the Court
"Martial, and will point them out to the Spanish govern-
" ment, riot only as decisive proofs of the unexampled com-
'■'■pliances of the Spanish Officers in Florida to foreign intru-
" sive agents and instigators of Indian hostilities against the
" United States, but as placing beyond a doubt that par licipa-
'•^tion of this hostile spirit my-tHe Commandant of St.
" Marks, which Gen. Jackson so Justly complains of, and of
" which we have so well founded a right to demand, the pun-
'■'■ ishment." In another part of the same letter he says —
" This exposition of tlur origin, the causes, and the charactei'
4
( 26 )
"of the War with tlie Seminole Indians and part of the
" Creeks, combined with M<Gregor's mock patriots and
""Nicholl's negroes, wliich necessarily led out troops into
" Florida, and gave rise to all those incidents, of which Mr.
*' Pizarro so vehemently complains, will, it is hoped, enable
*' you to present other and sounder views of the subject to
" his Catholic Majesty's government. It will enable you to
" shew, that the occupation of Pensacola and St. Marks was
" occasioned neither by a spirit of hostility to Spain, nor with
*' a view to extort prematurely the province from her pos-
" session — that it was rendered ticcessary, by the neglect of
" Spain to perform her engagements of restraining the
" Indians from hostilities against the United States, and by
"the culpable countenance, encouragement, and assistance
" given to these Indians, in their hostilities, by the Spanish
" Governor and Commandant at those places." " Finally, in
*' restoring Pensacola and St. Marks to Spain, the President
" gives the most signal proofs of his confidence, that, here-
" after, her engagement to restrain, by force, the Indians of
« Florida from all hostilities against the United States, will be
" effectually fulfilled." " If the necessity of self defence
<* should again compel the United States to take possession of
«« the Spanish forts and places in Florida, declare, with the
" candour and frankness that becomes us, that another un-
« conditional restoration of them must not be expected.'^'* We
cite these opinions of Mr. Adams as entirely conclusive of the
question, so far as respects his own supporters. If Gen.
Jackson be guilty of this charge, then the person who re-
fused satisfaction or apology to the injured government of
Spain, and defended and justified the acts of which they com-
plained, has become of necessity an accessory to the guilt —
as clearly so, as the man who utters a counterfeit bill, know-
ing it to be forged, becomes a virtual participator of the ori-
ginal offence. But we have not yet done with the subject.
In the letter above referred to, we find the sentiments of Mr.
Monroe, then President of the United States ; which are thus
detailed by Mr. Adams—" The President will neither inflict
^'punishment, nor pass a censure, upon Gen. Jackson, for
»■• that conduct, the motives for which were founded in the
( 27 )
'•PUREST PATRIOTISM, of t/te necessity foi' which he had the
*^most immediate and effectual means of forming a JiMig-
«' ment, and the vindication of which is written in every page
^^ of the law ofnaiions, as well as in the first law of nature —
" self defence. He thinks it, on the contrary, due to the
"justice which the United States have a right to demand
" of the Spanish government, that inquiry sliall be instituted
" into the conduct of Don Jose Masot, Governor of Pensaco-
" la, and of Don Francisco C. Luenzo, Commandant at St.
"Marks; and a suitable punishment inflicted on them, for
"having, in defiance and violation of the engagements of
"Spain with the United States, aided and assisted those
" hordes of Savages in those very hostilities against the
" United States." We cannot better close tliis part of the
defence, than by inserting a note, addressed to Gen. Jackson
by the venerated Jefferson ; containing, not only an opinion
of his proceedings in the Seminole War, but an expression of
sentiment in relation also to the general character of the
man, who has been so bitterly reviled by many of those who
profess to have been brought up in the school of this great
founder of Republicanism. " Thomas Jefferson returns his
" thanks to Gen. Jackson for the copy lie has been so good as
" to send him, of the vmdication of the proceedings of the Semi-
" nole War. If doubts on those proceedings have existed in
" candid minds, this able vindication can scarcely fail to remove
" them. In addition to what had before been laid before the
" public, it brings forward some new views and new facts of
" great weight. On the whole, he cannot doubt but that the
^^ gratitude of his country for former achievements, inll be
^^ fortified by those new proof s of the salutary energies of
" THEIR GREAT BENEFACTOR. Hc salutcs thc Geiicral, ivith
" assurances of his constant and affectionate attachment and
" esteem.''^ After reading this cordial and unequivocal testimo-
nial of approbation from so distinguished a man, who can
place the least confidence in the accusations of the enemies
of Jackson I No one knew him better than Mr. Jefferson. He
had seen him by his side in the great contest for popular
rights, during the Presidency of the elder Adams — he had
been long familiar with his principles — he had been an eye-
witness of his condiici, during the most tryhig period in our
political history. Where has there been found a more acute
discerner of human character — a purer patriot — a more
sincere man ? And. yet, he approves of the measures of
Jackson, and expresses for him a warm and " affectionate
attachment and esteem." On another occasion, in a conver-
sation with a friend who complained of some of Jackson's
proceedings, he zealously vindicated and entirely justified his
coiiduct as Governor of Florida, and his measures at New-
Orleans ; and with a manner strikingly emphatic, he made
this memorable declaration — " be assured, sir, that Jackson
" has more of the Roman in him — more of that devoted
" feelhig, which, in the love of country, forgets self, than any
" man now living." When this illustrious statesman was
made acquainted with the sentiments avowed by Mr.
Adams in his first message to Congress, he shuddered for the
security of our free institutions, and uttered the most gloomy
apprehensions. He thought he heard the knell of state
rights sounding in that document, and saw, in sad prospect, a
consolidated government about to rise upon their grave.
What disciple of his — nay, what American patriot, can reflect,
unmoved, upon the scene Mliich was exhibited, when the
venerable author of the Declaration of our Independence,
sinking under the weight of years, casting his view back over
the long course of an eventful life, which had witnessed the
great struggles that had given birth to our Repul)lican insti-
tutions, and Jiad subsequently restored them to their original
purity ; and looking forward, with fearful apprehension, lest
all those struggles should have been in vahi ; a gleam of hope
lighted up his countenance, while, as he thought upon his
favourite people, with his eyes raised towards Heaven, and
with the impressiveness of a departing prophet upon his lips,
he pronounced Jackson to be " almost the last hope'^ of his
beloved country.
The imputation of misconduct while Governor of Florida,
like most of the accusations preferred against Gen. Jackson,
is founded upon misrepresentation. There is no reasoning
required to show the strict propriety of his treatment of Cal-
lava. Nothing is necessary, but a plain statement of the
( 29 )
particulars of the transaction ; and the inference may be
safely left to the understanding of the community. The
treaty, by which Florida was ceded to the United States, pro-
vided, that all the public records, which related to private
property, should be surrendered to the new authorities. Cal-
lava, the former Spanish Governor, but who was now a
private citizen, retained in his possession, contrary to the pro-
visions of the treaty, awd in violation of every rule of justice
and humanity, the documents which were necessary to sub-
stantiate the title of a family of female orphan children to a
large estate, which had been left to them by will. He was
summoned before the Governor, as the highest judicial officer
of the territory, and ordered to deliver up these important
papers. He obstinately refused to obey this decree ; and,
by the exercise of a power which is inherent in every judicial
tribunal, he was imprisoned for a contempt of the authority
of the Court. Judge Fromentin, under a mistaken concep-
tion of his power, interposed a writ of habeas corpus — a pro-
cess which, at that time, was totally unauthorized within the
territory, and which, of course, was properly disregarded.
The papers were seized — the property in question was secured
to its rightful owners — and the fraudulent ex-Governor was
shortly afterwards released. Upon this statement of facts,
there cannot, we conceive, be two opinions. It was a struggle
between justice and fraud : in Avhich the former, under the
resolute administration of Jackson, could not fail to triumph.
This transaction was also approved by the government, and
conclusively vindicated by Mr. Adams.
The adversaries of Jackson, as unwearied in their efforts
to destroy his popularity, as they are unscrupulous about the
means of accomplishing their purpose, have lately discovered
a new ground of complaint, in his refusal to pardon the six
militia-men, who were condemned to death at Mobile in 1814.
The most extraordinary exertions have been made to extite
the feeUngs of the community upon this subject also, by a
total and most illiberal misrepresentation of the facts of the
case. A mere statement of the truth, as it has lately been
made to appear by public documents, upon a full investigation
jof the complaint inthcHouse of Representatives of theUnited
( 30 )
States, will afford a complete justification of the commanding
officer, on this occasion, in the eyes of every candid man.
It appears, by the muster-roll of the regiment, and by a letter
of Governor Blount, of Tennessee, to the Secretary at War,
that these men were called into service expressly for the term
of six months, commencing on the 20th of June, and termi-
nating on the 20th of December, 1814. An act of Congress
provides, that the militia, wiien called into actual service,
shall be subject to the rules and articles of war. One of
these articles declares, that the crime of which these men
were found guilty, shall be punished by death, or such other
penalty as by a Court-Martial shall be inflicted. The persons
in question, with about two hundred others, were charged
with mutiny, and with exciting mutiny in the army, pre-
viously to and upon the 19th day of September; a period at
which, if they had been detailed for three months only, tkey
would not have been entitled to a discharge. After a delibe-
rate and full investigation of these charges by the Court, they
were found guilty. The punishment of death was awarded
by the Court : but all, except the six ringleaders, were re-
commended to mercy ; and were pardoned, or but slightly
punished. These six, whose guilt was of the blackest die,
and one of whom, by the name of Harris, had actually carried
about the camp a subscription paper, to obtain the signa-
tures of those who would agree to desert, were left to the
sentence of the Court; and were executed accordingly.
We have thus given a plain inivarnished detail of the facts,
" established by the clearest proof ; and we appeal to every
honest man in the community, be he friend or foe, whether,
if he had been placed in similar circumstances, his conduct
W'ould not have been the same as that complained of in Gen.
Jackson. Numbers of men were executed during the late
war with Great Britain, for the same offence, under the orders
of Harrison, Brown, M'Arthur, and the various officers who,
at different times, and in different places, were at the head of
our armies; but upon the subject of these, not a murmur is
heard : nor would there have been in relation to those six
offenders, had not Gen. Jackson been brought forward as a
candidate for the Presidency. In all ages, nnd in all countries.
( 31 )
the crime of nmtiiiy has been considered of the most heinous
nature, and worthy of death. It strikes at the root of ail military
subordination — it endangers the safety of whole countries,
and the lives of whole armies — it is a ^iolation of that alle-
giance, which is due from the citizen to his government for
the protection he receives, without which civil polity cannot
exist — it is an offence the more unpardonable, from its being,
in almost all cases, and from its nature, deliberately com-
mitted. Had Gen. Jackson, from motives of false compassion,
in disregard of his duty, and of the rules of wholesome disci-
pline, extended a pardon to these atrocious offenders, the very
men, who now complain of his severity, would have been the
first to censure him for his weakness, and would have had
it in their power to present a much stronger case before an
intelligent community. Obvious as the reason and necessity
of this enforcement of military subordination must be, to the
mind of every man possessed of the least reflection, we will
not pass by the opportunity which it affords, of again referring
to the example of the illustrious chieftain of our Revolution,
who, in the year 1781, when a partial revolt of the Jersey
troops took place at Pompton in that state, caused the two
principal actors to be executed upon the spot ; and hesitated
not, in the succeeding year, to suppress a contemplated mu-
tiny in the Connecticut line, by consigning the ringleaders to
a similar fate.
After this explanation and defence of the conduct of Gen.
Jackson, in relation to the six militia-men, we need only ob-
serve, with respect to the execution of Woods, which is also
made a subject of accusation, that this man deserted, and
was pardoned — that, within a few days after, he again de-
serted, and that a pardon was again offered him, upon the
condition of his promising future good conduct — that he re-
jected the offer, defied the Court-Martial and the commanding
General, and died with mutiny upon his tongue.
We are aware of but one remaimng charge, which is worthy
of notice, in this defence of the conduct of Gen. Jackson. It
is said by his adversaries, that, in the year 1819, he waited in
the ante-chamber of the Senate of the United States, on the
last evening of the session, for the purpose of doing violence
( 32 )
to the person of one of the Senators; from tlie commission of
which, he was restrained by Commodore Decatur. It will
surely be sufficient for any candid inquirer after the truth to
know, that tliis charge was made after tire death of Commo-.
dore Decatur, and without citing any responsible authority ;
and that the particulars were, for the first time, pretended to
be given to the public in a newspaper paragraph, by John
Binns, the editor of the Democratic Press of Philadelphia: a
man, to whom, we think, we do no injustice, when we express
our conviction, that any ingenuous member of his own party
would be mortified to have it thought, that he gave credit to a
statement solely upon his authority. It was clearly per-
ceived, that, according to every principle of reason and
justice, it was incumbent upon the party preferring so foul an
accusation, to bring forward some proof to substantiate it:
and ,Mr. Tyler and Mr. Tazewell, of Virginia, were subse-
quently referred to, as having been informed of the fact by
Com. Decatur; but both these gentlemen, upon being ap-
plied to, denied that they ever heard from the Commodore a
syllable upon the subject. Gen. Call, now a resident of Flo-
rida, was the only person living at the time the complaint was
made, who was said to have been present on the occasion,
but he was never called upon by the accusing party, to com-
municate his knowledge of the transaction. These three
distinguished men were known to be strenuous supporters of
Gen. Jackson for the Presidency — a fact which, taken in
connection with their high character, was nearly conclusive
as to their disbelief of so heinous a charge. Under these
circumstances, in the absence of all proof to support the
accusation, and with the strongest presumption existing
against its correctness. Gen. Jackson himself was appealed
to ; and solemnly declared, that he was not once in the Senate
chamber or ante-chamber during the year spoken of — an
assertion which, if false, might certainly be contradicted by
many witnesses, and for the truth of which he referred to
Gen. Call, who, at the time alluded to, was his aid and almost
constant attendant, and who was said by the complaining party
to have been present at the altercation. He further declared,
that not a harsh word ever passed between himself and Com.
( S3)
Decatur, during the wiiole course of their acquaintance. Since
this statement was made by Gen. Jackson, Gen. Call, becoming
apprised of the controversy "througli the medium of the
newspapers," has voluntarily stepped forward, and set the
whole matter for ever at rest. Witli the best means of knowing
the truth, he pronounces the accusation to be "a/i unqualified
tissue of falsehood and misrepresentation ;'"' and confirms, in
every particular, the answer wliich was given by Gen. Jackson
Jiimself. But we vdll present the testimony of this witness in.
Ills own words, by quoting fi-om a letter written by him, and
dated at Taliahasse, December 23d, 1827. In this letter he
says — "I accompanied General Jackson to Washington City,
'Mn the year 1819, during the memorable Seminole debate.
"I usually attended liim wherever he went; and to the best
"of my recollection and belief, he was not in the Senate
" Chamber, or in the ante-room of the Senate, at any time
''during his visit. I remember frequently to have heard him
"invited by the members to visit the Senate while in session,
"and always heard him decline doing so, from motives of
"delicacy, as his official conduct was at that time a subject of
"investigation before that body. On the last evening of the
'■'session of the Senate, ! remember distinctly that I was not
"171 the ante-room of the Senate, and am equally confident
^'that Gen. Jackson was not there. While at Washington, I
'•v.-itnessed, vs'ith the highest gratification, many interviews
"between Gen. Jackson and Com. Decatur. The cordiality
"of feeling, and the respectful deportment of those gentlemen
"towards each other, was such as might have been expected
"from the chivalry and generosity of their dispositions. What
"man of common understanding can believe for a moment,
" that an angry controversy could have taken place between
"Gen. Jackson and Com. Decatur, in the ante-chamber of the
" Senate, without its being immediately known to the public ;
"and yet I, as the aid.-de-camp of Gen. Jackson, though said to
" have been present on the occasion, never heard of the occur-
"rence, until informed of it through the medium of the news-
"papers.'^ The authors and propagators of this accusation,
unsupported by a single particle of evidence, and with their
own witnesses testifying directly against them, stand con-
(34)
victed, before the tribunal of public judgmeiit,'of the most
odious and deliberate falsehood.
Having thus discharged the unpleasant duty of discussing,
and, we humbly trust, of satisfactorily refuting, all the objec-
tions urged against the elevation of Gen. Jackson to the
Presidency, which are calculated to have the least weight
with any serious mind ; we proceed to the more agreeable
task, of submitting to our Republican fellow-citizens, the va-
rious reasons by which we are influenced in supporting him
for that distinguished office. But, before we enter upon this
part of the subject, we cannot refrain from expressing the deep
mortification and regret which we experience, as American
Citizens, jealous of the honour of our country in the eyes of
foreign nations, at the illiberal course wliich many of our op-
ponents have chosen to pursue, in order to destroy the pre-
tensions of this eminent individual to an office, the competition
for which, it is the pride of our Constitution to proclaim, as
open to all. It might have been hoped, that respectability of
character, at least, would have been conceded to him, who
has received so many proofs of the admiration and gratitude
of his countrymen, and who, but a few years since, obtained
a plurality of their suffrages for the very distinguished station,
for which he is now a candidate. It might have been hoped,
that, after every public and every private act of his own life
had been rigidly scrutinized and vilely slandered, his accusers
would have stopped upon the threshold of that sanctuary, into
which it has ever been considered ungenerous and unmanly
to intrude. But such hopes, if indulged, were vain. The
vocabulary has been searched for epithets the most foul and
calumnious, with which to vilify and denounce the man, who
was honoured by the confidence and esteem of Washington,
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. He has been pronounced
a murderer, an adulterer, a traitor, a slanderer, a fool. Even
the most delicate relations of his domestic life have been vio-
lated ; and the jiious and amiable partner of his bosom has
been dragged forth to the public gaze, as a vile harlot. The
commonest acts of his most private intercourse have been
"basely and wantonly misrepresented ; and the grossest for-
geries have been resorted to, for the purpose of blackening his
(35)
reputation. All this he has endured with a meek and digni-
fied patience. Conscious of his own innocence, secure of the
public trust and esteem, and relying upon the intelligence
and honesty of tlie great mass of the People, he cultivates
his farm in retirement, and smiles at tlio impotent and shame-
less efforts of his adversaries. The confidence of this exalted
patriot is not misplaced. Envy and jealousy may rage
around him, but vain is all their fury. It is his good fortune
to be elevated far beyond their reach. The envenomed
shafts, which, with ineffectual aim, are directed at his charac-
ter, expend their force in air, only to descend upon the heads
of his assailants. Washington and Jefferson, like him,
were reviled. Sustained by the strength of an enlightened
and virtuous people, like them, he shall not fail eventually ta
triumph.
Gen. Jackson is one of the few rejnaining soldiers of the
Revolution. The love of liberty, and of his country, which
has shed so brilliant a lustre over the meridian of his life,
dawned brightly upon his early youth. At the tender age
of fourteen, he v.'as fontid in arms, defending the rights of
man against British oppression ; and, to this day, he bears
upon his person the honourable memorial of a wound, re-
ceived in the great struggle for American freedom. In all
human probability, he is the last of that venerable band,
upon whom you will have it in your pov/er to bestow the
highest of earthly honours. And is it nothing to have bled
In the achievement of National Independence 1 Revolutionary
fathers ! the small remnant whom time has spared ! we ap-
peal to you — to you, who retain in lively remembrance the
toils, and dangers, and sacrifices of that eventful period, we
appeal — is it nothing to you, that he, who is now a candidate
for your suffrages, shared with you in the labours, and suffer-
ings, and glories of that memorable contest 1 Children of the
heroes of the Revolution ! is it nothing to yoi/, that Jackson
was an associate of the venerable " band of brothers," who
bore " the heat and burden" of that momentous day, and
from whom, you deem it the proudest of all titles to have
derived your descent ? To all those who now enjoy the rich
fruits of Independence, we appeal, and ask — is it nothing tQ
( 3,6 ;
ypii^ that JacksDU shed his yoiilhful blood, to purchase for
you that bright inheritance, with wliicli the wealth of the In-
dies would be poverty in comparison ? We know the answer
of every generous bosom. While our liberty endures, we
have constantly before our eyes an impressive memorial of
the debt of gratitude which is due to those fearless patriots,
who, in the face of death, declared themselves and their
descendants free.
Thus honourably commenced the career of Jackson.
Since that time, and within the memory of most of us,
it was our fate to become involved in a second War,
for the preservation of those rights which were acquired
in the first. It was then that a powerful nation, not con-
tent with directing against us, by sea and by land, the suffi-
ciently dreadful means of legitimate warfare, let loose upon
our South Western frontier all the horrors of savage bar-
barity. Who then stepped forward to stay its murderous
ravages 1 It was Jackson. Quitting the peaceful cultivation
of his farm, and leaving to others the field where glory was
to be won by open fight with civilized combatants, he plunged
into the depths of the Wilderness. Here, amid the gloomy
and trackless waste,with the heavens for his covering and the
ground for his bed, he submitted to privations and sufferings
almost beyond human endurance. His course was obstructed
by the mountain torrent, and the lowland marsh — the rugged
steep, and the icy river. Hunger and thirst, cold and we\^
mutiny among his men, and ill health in his own person, con-
spired to discourage his advance. But his was a spirit not
to be broken by pliysical suffering. His energy and ardour
rose with his difficuUies. With courage and fortitude, worthy
of a Roman, he stood aloft, a tower of encouragement to his
followers, and of terror to his enemies. The frontier inhabi-
tants received him with transport, as their deliverer from the
jaws of a horrible death. The almost total extermination
of tlieir savage invaders, brought back peace and security,
once more, to their rude dwellings. — The most gloomy pe-
riod of our contest with Great Britain now arrived. The
conflict, which had been hitherto marked by many brilliant
successes, shedding glor^upon the American arms, had been
( 37 )
aiteiided by its reverses too. The government had been
forced, not only to contend with an external foe, but to en-
counter also the virulent opposition of a powerful minority
at home. Peace had been suddenly concluded among the
JVutions of Europe ; and a large army, well disciplined, and
practised in fight, who had followed their renowned leader to
victory, until tliey bore the proud name of the " Invincibles
of Wellington," had just been deprived of employment in
the great continental war, and a considerable body of them
were known to be on their way to America. A feeling of
apprehension, increased by the dark forebodings of the op-
ponents of the Administration, spread, like a dark cloud, over
the face of the community. Even the moral courage of
Mr. Adams was now overcome : and his heart sunk within
him for very fear, while his terrified vision called up before
him, " the mass of force" which the " gigantic power" of
Great Britain had " collected, to crush us at a blow." But,
suddenly, light broke in upon the darkness. The formidable
force had landed near New-Orleans, confident of success ;
and, with '-beauty and booty" for their watchword, threaten-
ing fury and desolation to the devoted city. They had been
met and conquered. The bodies of three thousand of then:
number strewed the battle-field. Their leader was slain :
and the remainder of the army was driven from our soil.
Jackson was there, with his brave volunteers. He had never
desponded. When all around was consternation and dismay,
this was his memorable language — " Our watcliword is Vic-
»' tory or Death — our country must and shall be defended —
" We W'ill enjoy our liberty, or perish in the last ditch." It
was a noble resolution, and )iobly was it kept ! After the
lapse of a few years, we find this indefatigable man, instead
of reposing upon the laurels he had acquired, agam braving
the hardsliips of an Indian War upon the frontier, and again
successful. No one can deny, that he has « done the State
some service" — but he is a « Military Chieftain' —and so,
say his enemies, he is disqualified for civil office. Detestable
doctrine ! that would thus disfranchise a failliful servant of
the public, because he has done too much for his country!
Jackson is a man of iv-flexible integrity. It is remarkable
( 38)
that, amid the torrents of abuse which have been poured
upon him from every quarter by his poUtical opponents, un-
til they have left him little better than a fiend, his stern
honesty has never been questioned. Corruption trembles at
his name. And never, since the organization of our srovern-
ment, was the firm exercise of this quality more called for,
than at the present period. A superfluity of offices, unlaw-
ful exactions, and a profuse expenditure of the public money,
are evils which call aloud for correction. That great abuses
have been suffered to creep into the bureaux of the different
departments at Washington, no one, at all acquainted with
the state of tilings there, can deny. And never will these
abuses cease, while the line of " safe precedent" is followed,
and the President taken from the cabinet. Never will they
cease to exist, until the people shall place at the head of af-
fairs, a man taken directly from their own bosom, possessed
of discernment to discover the corruption which prevails, of
perseverance to ferret it out from all its secret recesses, and
of firmness to destroy it, when brought to light. And who is
better fitted for this task than Jackson 1 Already is his eleva-
tion anticipated, and his terrible scrutiny dreaded, by the
swarm of officers at Washington. Already they see " the
hand-writing upon the wall;" and, like Belshazzar of old, as
they read their fate, their "thoughts are troubled" — their
" knees smite together." Many an arrow have they dis-
charged from their ambush near the capitol, against the
object of their terror — but his well tried character has been
his shield, and the love of the people his impregnable
rampart.
But Jackson is recommended to the support of his fellow-
citizens, not more by his integrity, than by his capacity. He
possesses, in an extraordinary degree, that native strength of
mind, that practical common sense, that power and discrimi-
nation of judgment, which, for all useful purposes, are more
valuable than all the acquired learning of a sage. He is
remarkable for his knowledge of human nature, and an intui-
tive penetration into the characters and motives of men. He,
has a mind fertile in resources — great promptness of de<iision,
when required — and inflexible firmness in the discharf^e of
(39 )
his duties. These are the very qualities by which General
Washington was recommended, and the very qualities in
which Mr. Adams is deficient. Accordingly, it has been the
uniform policy of his supporters to keep them as much as
possible out of view. While advocating the cause of their
favourite candidate, they do not contrast his correctness of
judgment, his knowledge of mankind, or his steadiness of
purpose, with the same qualities in Gen. Jackson. If they
did, stubborn facts would contradict them. If they talked of ,
his judgment, a series of indiscretions would stare them in the
face. True judgment consists in selecting useful objects of
exertion, and in the proper adaptation of means to secure the
ends in view. Here, they would be reminded of his choice
of Secretary of State ; which, even if Mr. Clay were perfectly
iimocent of the charges made against him, was, to say the
least of it, under the circumstances of the case, an inexpedi-
ent measure, and set the country in a blaze. They would be
reminded of the Panama Mission : which consisted in sending
Ministers at great expense to a Congress, which could never
be found, and- at which, if it had existed, they could have
been of no earthly use to our country. They would be re-
minded of the loss of the Colonial trade ; which, by proper
measures adopted in time, might undoubtedly have been
secured — of the degrading comparison which he has insti-
tuted between the gallant officers of our navy, and those of
other maritime nations — of his design to interfere with the
religious opinions of the Catholics of South America — and so,
of many other senseless projects, and unnecessary failures,
which, with the absence of one single important object effect-
ed, either for the good of the nation, or their own popularity,
prove the present to be, either a most unfortunate and ill-
fated, or else a most feeble and ill-judging admniistration.
Did his friends boast of his knowledge of mankind, they
would be met in the very teeth by his Ebony and Topaz
toast, and the explanatory speech that followed it ; which,
instead of answering the purpo.se for which they were in-
tended, of increasing his favour with the people, and remov-
ing the impression created by his letter to Leavett Harris,
accomplished neither the one thing nor the other, but, on the
( 40)
contrary, excited the ridicule of liis opponents, and the in-
dignation and disgust of many even of his friends. They
would be met by liis harsh exasperation of the Governor of
Georgia, which well nigh threw the country into the horrors
of a civil war — by his rash and ungentlemanly persecution of
the chivalrous Porter, whose wounded feelings compelled
him to leave the service of his country — ^by his selection of a
man broken down by the infirmities of age, as our Minister
at the Court of St. James, at a crisis wliich called for vigorous
exertion — and by his numerous appointments to office, which
have been evidently made with a view of strengthening
his cause, but which, in almost every instance, have had the
effect of alienating his friends, without conciliating liis ene-
mies. Were his advocates to praise him for his steadiness of
purpose, they could not conceal from the pubUc, the notorious
fact, that the present administration has been characterized by
vacillation and inconsistency — that they have trimmed their
sails to every appearance of a breeze, from whatever quarter
it was expected ; whilst, with their repeated veering, they have
evidently been carried backward instead of forward, and are at
this moment drifting, with friglitful rapidity, upon a lee shore.
These are all vulnerable points in Mr. Adams's character. His
friends know it, and keep them in the shade. They talk, in
swelling strains, of his learning, and diplomatic skill. That he
possesses diplomatic experience we do not deny : but his diplo-
matic skill is subject of serious question. He has been so
often and so boldly pronounced a great diplomatist, that
many have taken it for granted that the assertion must be
true. But let us not be led away by mere sound. Where
are the proofs of his skill 1 What benefit has the country thus
far derived from his diplomatic talents 1 We call upon his
supporters to answer these questions. We know that in ne-
gotiating tlie treaty for the purchase of the Florida?, from
neglect or oversight in one instance, and from a gross ignor-
ance of the Constitution of Spain in another, he failed to effect
one important object, which he fancied he had rendered
secure ; and has left the title of the Ihiited States and their
grantees, to immense tracts of land in that territory, extreme^
ly doubtful, if not clearly invalid. We know that, in negotia-
(41 )
1
ting tlic treaty of Giio»\t, lie endeavoured to barter the naviga-
tion of the Mississippi for an unniiportant interest in the
fisheries ; from which he was restrained by his colleagues.
We know that he lost the Colonial trade ; which, at his own
request, was left to his negotiation ; when, by the passage
of an act of Congress, it might have been retained. We
know that our government has been insulted, the property of
our citizens illegally seized, and our seamen imprisoned, by
the insignificant state of Brazil ; and that no satisfaction has
been obtained ; but that both the insult and the injury have
been quietly submitted to.
That Mr. Adams is possessed of learning too we are willing
to admit. We are not ignorant that he has received a college
education — that he has been a professor of rhetoric — that he
can round a period, dress out a figure, and exhibit in his
writing many of the graces of classical composition. He
may bo a philosopher, a la\vyer, an elegant scholar, and a
poet too, forsooth, (we know he wrote doggrel verses upon
Mr. Jefferson,) and yet the nation maybe little better off for all
these endowments and accomplishments. That he is learned
we are willing to admit : but his wisdom we take leave to
question, and again call for proof. It is not displayed in his
public measures, as we have already seen. Where else are
we to look for it 1 It may exist ; but, if so, it has remained thus
far in a latent state. We confess our attachment to the
homely doctrine, thus happily expressed by the great Englis
poet : —
That not to know of thinffs remote
" From use, obscure and subtle, but to know
'• That which before us lies in daily life,
'• Is the prime wis-dom."
Tliis wisdom we believe that Gen. Jackson possesses in an
eminent degree — and that he is destitute of that useful and
practical learning, which is necessary to qualify him for the
Presidency of the union, we utterly deny. Were he ignorant
and illiterate as his enemies represent him, it is an absurdity
to suppose that he would have been elevated to the first
offices in his own State, and in the Union ; or that he could
have filled those offices even with respectability. After a
(42)
previous course of study, he was regularly admitted to the bar
of North Carolina ; whence he removed to Tennessee, Be-
fore he had attained the age of twenty-six years, he was ap-
pointed by Gen. Wasliington, Attorney General of the terri-
tory. At the age of twenty-nine, he was chosen a member
of the Convention, to frame a Constitution for the State. Du-
ring the same year, he was elected a representative to Con-
gress. In 1797, when only thirty years of age, he was ap-
pointed a Senator of tire United States. Two years afterward,
he was made a Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, and
remained in that office for six years. In 1814, he was ap-
pointed by Mr. Madison to negotiate a treaty with the Indians.
By I^Ir. Monroe he was created Governor of Florida ; was
offered the Secretaryship at War ; and, subsequently, an em-
bassy to Mexico. He has since been, a second time, one of
the Senators of the United States from Tennessee. Few
men can exliibit more numerous and striking proofs of pubhc
confidence ; especially when it is considered, that they were
so many acts of homage paid to merit, and all conferred
without solicitation or request. In the whole course of his
service, in the various offices which he consented to accept, no
man can adduce a single complaint of his want of integrity
or ability, by the authority from which the appointment em-
anated : whether it be his constituents in Tennessee, the Le-
gislature of that State, or the general government. On the
contrary, he has received from them all, at various times, the
most flattering marks of their esteem and approbation. Not-
withstanding these facts, it has been lately discovered, if the
friends of the present administration are to be believed, that
he can neither write grammatically, nor spell : but that, both
in syntax and orthography, he is decidedly inferior to an or-
dinary school-boy of twelve years of age. This is too heavy
a tax upon public credulity. The attempt at imposition is as
senseless, as the charge is mahcious, and the evidence dis-
graceful The preposterous accusation was endeavom-ed to
be sustained by the basest forgery ; which, if it had not been
obvious in itself, could not fail to be detected by means of the
many public documents, and the thousand private letters,
\yhich hav2 >:i.-a5 from his pen in the course of a long and
( 43 )
active life, and which have accordingly sprung up, in all parts
of the country, for public inspection, to fasten upon his as-
sailants the double charge of slander a!id forgery. Is it not
equally futile to suppose, as liis enemies assert, that he has
had a literary friend ever at his elbow, to prepare Iiis most
private and confidential communications — or, if he had, tliat
he should himself defeat this elaborate scheme of deception,
by waving this assistance in two or three instances, and those
the very communications which would be most likely to meet
the public eye 1
But we owe an apology to the feelings and intelligence
of the conununity, for having dwelt so long upon a
charge wiiicli is repugnant to the common sense of every
man in society. The truth is, that the productions of Gen.
Jackson are not only connect in point of grammar and or-
thography, but are marked by a manly and nervous style,
strikingly characteristic of their author. Not to mention
other instances, his farewell address to his troops at New-
Orleans, and his replies to the various addresses which were
made to him upon his re-visiting the scene of Ms glory at the
commencement of Uie present year, will bear a safe compari-
son with any similar productions from the pen of Mr, Adams.
In addressing Republicans, we trust that we present no
unimportant claim of Gen. Jackson to their support, when
we say, that he has been, ever since the formation of the
party, an uniform Republican. He has been always fo"Bnd
upon the side of the People, from the day when he poured
out his youthful blood for their Independence, tlirough the
disastrous period of the Alien and Sedition laws, up to the
present time, when a grateful country is seeking to confer
upon him a glorious reward for all his services, by elevating
him to the proud pinnacle of human honour. Viewed in ihis
light, what a shining contrast docs his character present,
when opposed to that of Jolm Quincy Adams. ^Viio dare
assert that Mr. Adams has been an uniform Republican? Had
he been a cdnsislent Federalist, he would be entitled to some
respect as a politician : but even this praise he forfeited, by
his pretended apostacy from that party in 1807. Amidat all
the fulsome eulogiums which have been lavished upon rim
by his political adherents, (for personal adherents he never
had, and never will have while the laws of repulsion continue
to exist,) no one of them has been bold enough to rank
steadiness of principle among his commendable qualities. The
high-toned federal spirit, which was lighted at the parental
fire in his youth, and wliich burned with an almost monarchical
flame in the essays of Publicola, although for many years it
was carefully smothered, was never extinguished in liis bo-
som ; and has again blazed forth, with all its " original bright-
ness," in his first Presidential message. The snake was
" scotched, not killed ;" and is now entwining its venomous
folds around every branch of the government. The doctrines
avowed in the document referred to, are ult^-federal ; and
evince a determination to establish a powerful, a magnificent,
and "a costly general government, at the expense of the in-
dividual sovereignties which compose the confederation. If
these doctrines have not been followed up to thekr full extent,
the thanks are due, not to the forbearance of the President,
but to the salutary restraint imposed upon him by the ap-
proaching popular election. It should never be forgotten,
that the present administration has not yet been seen in its
worst character. Let the dread of popular resentment be
removed by a re-election, and all its terrors will then be un-
folded. Then will come the redemption of pledges, the pro-
motion of favourites, the creation of new offices, extravagant
expenditures, misconstructions of the Constitution, invasions
of State rights, arbitrary assertions of power, and all the
train of evils attendant upon a sumptuous and high-handed
government. Then will come the second " Reign of Ter-
ror." We doubt not the Vessel of State will survive the
storm : but she that set out in stately trim, with streamers
and pennons flying, will be returned to her owners weather-
beaten, and strained in every seam.
Fellow Republicans^
We have now laid before you our views in relation to the
existing political controversy. We again entreat you to give
them a candid consideration. We should not have discharged
our duty, had we not animadverted, with freedom, upon the
( 45 )
public character and public acts of Mr. Adams. Although
strongly urged by feelings, which are natural to the human
breast, to retaliate upon our adversaries for the abusive and
unmerited attacks, which, without shame and without provo-
cation, they have seen fit to makeupon the jori-ua^e transactions
and relations of a great and good man ; and though abundant
materials presented themselves to our hands, and seemed to
invite us to the task ; we have thought it more magnanimous
in ourselves, more worthy of the noble minded personage
whose caufee we have espoused, and more respectful to the
feelings of a generous community, to desist from the inquiry,
and to leave the personal failings of our political opponent, to
the secret retribution of his own conscience. If it be thought
that, at any time in the course of this address, an undue degree
of warmth has been exhibited, we trust it will be imputed, not
to malevolence of spirit, but to a generous indignation, at wit-
nessing the conduct and course of an administration, whose
origin and progress we strongly disapprove ; and to an
unaffected regret, at seeing the Republican party, once so
powerful, laid prostrate, for a time, at the feet of its opponents,
by the ungrateful treachery of pretended friends.
Fellow Republicans,
With these feelings, we exhort you to vigilance. The
power which has been obtained by hypocrisy and corruption,
can only be preserved by intrigue and deception. Every
artifice has been employed, and will continue to be used, for
the purpose of blinding your eyes to your own interests,
and the character of the present coalition. Their cause can
never be truly yours. Yet, they have endeavoured to persuade
you, that their usurpation of the government has been coun-
tenanced by those, in whom you justly repose your highest
confidence. You have been told that Mr. Crawford was their
supporter. But his sentiments you have heard. They have
sought to make you believe, that they possessed the sanction
of the venerable ex-Presidefts,* Madison and Monroe; and
have endeavoured to keep this fraud alive, by nominating
those gentlemen as Electors for the State of Virginia, and
^elavinsr, for several weeks to inform then: of the nomination.
{ 46 )
Bht tiiis bubble liiis also burst. Those distinguished men
couldnot be induced to prostitute their well-earned reputation,
to secui-e the continuance of a dynasty, so anti-republican in
its inception and proorress. Bk watchful, and there is
notliiaiT to fear from these attempts at imposition. You are
too enlightened to be again deceived, and too virtuous to be
ever seduced. Once more we call upon you to arouse in your
strength, and recover the ground you have lost. It is not yet
too late. Adversaries and false friends have announced your
dissolution: but in this they either deceive themselves, op
seelc to deceive others. Your glory is obscured, but not
extingaished. Your sun is eclipsed, but it is only by a passing
cloud. Be active, and your foes shall soon perceive, that
they have roused the sleeping lion. The party is not dissolved.
The noble superstructure was not erected upon the perishing
politics of a day, nor upon the transient popularity of a favourite
individual. Its foundations were laid in those solid principles,
wliich have an enduring nature ; which are co-existent with
our government ; and which can only fail, when the glorious
fabric of our liberty, raised, under Providence, by the toils and
sufferings of our fathers, and consecrated by the blood of
martyrs in the cause of freedom, shall become a heap of ruins.
Do you ask what those principles are 1 Contrast the first
Presidential message of Mr. Jefferson ^^^th that of Mr. Adams,
and you can no longer doubt. Compare the measures of the
present Administration with those of Mr. Jefferson, and those
principles will stand in bold relief. If we have not fallen short
of our design, we have already presented them to you in this
address.
Fellow Republicans of the State of Kew~York,
Much, very much, in the api)roac]fu)g struggle, will depend
upon yon. Upon you the eyes of the whole Union are ear-
nestly fixed. He, who has intruded himself into the chief-
magistracy of the Union, looks with anxiety to you, as those
by whom his doom is to be pro^^ounced. The sound of that
portentous voice, which issued from New-York in 1800, still
vibrates on his ear. He feels that an Administration, which
lias not the favour of the people, cannot endure. He heard
(47 )
the knell of his political death in the result of the last Con-
gressional election. But he is resolved not to surrender
without a struggle. The most desperate efforts have been
made, and are still makmg, in various parts of the Union, to
avert his destiny. His footsteps have been seen even among
^yourselves. A casual excitement, which originated in com-
passion for the fate of an unfortunate individual, and which had
nothing political in its nature, has been kept alive and
cherished by the most unhallowed means, and sought to be
made subservient to party purposes. Money has been ex-
pended, appointments have been made, and every contrivance,
which the ingenuity of man could devise, has been used to
attach you to the present Administration. But all has been
in vain. You came forward in your strength at the late elec-
tion, and spread consternation and terror through all the do-
mains of the coalition. The tlurone of the usurper shook as
with an earthquake. One effort more, and it will tumble into
ruin. Do not rest in a false security. You are contending
with a crafty and vigilant foe. Do not be satisfied with a bare
victory. The enemy must be routed and dispersed. It is
only in this way that you can be secured from the danger of
subsequent attack. Look around you^ and see who your ad-
versaries are. Look at th^ metropolis of your state. Who
are the friends of the Administration there 1 Are they the old,
consistent members of your party, who stood by their country
in her days of trial? No ! You observe among them men of
all sorts and opinions, ranged under the same parti-coloured
flag, and headed by whom ? by the famous Dartmoor Agent,
and the Secretary of the Hartford Convention. How
must the Republicans of New-York have degenerated from
the spirit of former times, if they can consent, Avithout scruple
and without shame, to be conducted to defeat, or even to
victory, by leaders such as these ! We conjure you by all
that you most highly value — by your remembrance of the
past, and your hope for the future — by the achievements of
your fathers, and the welfiire of your posterity — by the glo-
rious destinies of our country, and the inestimable principles
of our party — by tlie Constitution, and the freedom it secures —
that you steadfastly resist, and resolutely put down, the en-
( 48 )
croachments which are making upon the rights of the people.
Union and activity will ensure your success. The followers
of Jackson have been once betrayed, but they have never
been defeated. Marshal all your forces then — unfurl the
banners of the Republican party — and let the campaign com-
mence. Our opponents are already in the political field.
Our cause is the cause of Freedom and the Constitution.
Our watchword is "JACKSON AND VICTORY."
AARON O. DAYTON,
. WILLIAM H. BUNN,
CHARLES L. LIVINGSTON,
JOHN HILLYER,
ISAAC DYCKMAN,
JOHN HARRIS,
ABRAHAM V. WILLIAMS,
ELIJAH J. ROBERTS,
JACOB S. BOGERT,
ALEXANDER MING, Jun.
ABRAHAM LE FOY,
JOHN COX,
CHARLES J. DODGE,
EDWARD M. MURDEN,
Corresponding Committee.
JOHN MONTGOMERY, Chairman.
RICHARD GRANT, Jun. Secretary.
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