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ADDRE88 


TO  TUE 


PEOPLE  OP  COIVI^ECTICUT, 


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ADOPTED  AT  THE 


STATE  CO:\VE]^TIO]V, 


l^ELD  AT  MIDDLETOWN 


AUGUST  7,  18'2'8. 


■'^^mrrm'^t^ 


WITS   THE   PEOCEEDIWGS   OF   THE    COlfVENT'lOlf. 


HARTFORt)  : 
IdtrST'ED  KVt>  FOB  SAtE   AT   THE   TIMES   OJ-yiCK    BT  J.  SrjSSELt,. 


v/ 


€D 


PROCEEDINGS 

^  OF   THE 

^  STATE  COXVEJ^TIOIIC. 

O  The  ttiembers  of   the  Convention   assembled   at  the  Court 

f^  HoUse.in  Middletown,  on  Thursday  the  7th  day  of  August  inst. 
fi  at  11  o'clock,  A.  M.— The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  An- 
^  drew  Pratt,  Esq.  of  Berlin,  and  was  organized  by  electing  the 
jg  Hon.  Ingoldsby  W  Crawford,  of  Union,  President,  and  Wil- 
q^  LiAM  H.  Jones,  Esq.  of  New  Haven,  and  L.  T.  Pease,  Esq.  of 
Enfield,  Secretaries. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Phelps,  of  Hartford, 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  two  members  from  each  county 
be  appointed  to  consider,  and  report,  what  business  it  is  expedi- 
ent should  be  acted  upon  by  the  Convention,  and  the  mode  of 
proceeding,  to  carry  the  same  into  effect. 

On  which  resolution  the  following  gentlemen  were  appointed 
—Messrs.  N.  A.  Phelps,  Samuel  Hart,  William  H.  Ellis,  William 
Todd,  Jirah  Isham,  Elisha  Haley,  Robert  Fairchild,  Stepheri 
Wheeler,  Andrew  T  Judson,  Bela  P.  Spalding,  Ansel  Sterling, 
R.  R.  Hinman,  Wm.  Van  Deursen,  Gideon  Higgins,  Carlos 
Chapman,  and  Cephas  Brigham 

This  committee  made  a  report,  and  recommended  the  adoption 
of  the  following  resolutions,  which  were  severally  read  and  pas- 
sed. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  expedient  to  nominate  eight  persons,  one 
from  each  county,  as  candidates  for  Electors  of  President  and 
Vice  President  of  the  United  States  ;  and  that  this  nomination 
be  made  by  the  delegates  from  the  several  counties,  and  by  them 
be  reported  to  the  convention. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  one  from  a  county,  be  appointed 
to  draft  and  report  resolutions  to  be  adopted  by  the  convention  ; 
and  another  committee  of  the  same  number,  to  report  an  address 
to  the  people  of  this  state. 

Resolved,  That  a  Central  Committee  of  Correspondence,  con- 
sisting of  five  persons,  te  appointed  ;  and  also  a  committee,  for 
each  county,  consisting  of  three  persons. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  not  expedient  to  make,  at  the  present  time, 
a  nomination  for  state  officers,  but  that,  after  the  other  sub- 
jects shall  have  been  disposed  of,  this  convention  be  adjourned  to 
meet  at  this  place  on  the  EIGHTH  DAY  of  January  next,  at  11 
o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates 
for  the  offices  of  Governor,  Lieutenant  Governor,  Treasurer,  Sec- 
retary, State  Senators,  and  Members  of  Congress, — or  of  adopting 
such  other  measures,  relative  to  making  out  a  nomination  for  State 
Senators,  and  Members  of  Congress,  as  the  convention  may  then 
deem  expedient ; — and  that  those  towns  which  are  not  at  present 
represented  in  Convention,  be  invited  to  send  delegates  to  thesaid 
adjourned  Convention,  and  also  to  frll  such  vacancies  as  may  oc- 
ow  m  ihe  present  delegation. 


The  following  gentlemen  were  announced  from  the  Chair,  a§ 
Oommittees  on  the  foregoing  resolutions,  viz. 
■    To  prepare  and  report  an  A ddr ess.-r— Messrs.  John  M.  Niles, 
vharles  Chapman,  J.  Isham,  A.  S.  Jones,  A.  T.  Judson,  P.  Smith, 
A.  A   Loomis,  and  L.  Eaton. 

To  prepare  and  report  Resolutions. — Messrs.  J.  Collins,  T.  G. 
Woodward,  Wm.  T.  Williams,  O.  Beardslee,  J.  W.  White,  L. 
Phelps,  J.  Stewart  and  Carlos  Chapma^n. 

The  Convention  was  then  adjourned  to  meet  at  3  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon. 

Pursuant  to  adjournment  the  Convention  assembled  at  3 
b'clock. 

The  President  announced  the  appointment  of  the  following 
named  gentlemen  as  a  central  committe  of  correspondence,  viz. 
Messrs.  John  M.  Niles,  Nathan  Starr,  Charles  Chapman,  Caleb 
Pond  and  Stephen  B.  Goodwin. 

The  respective  chairmen  of  the  meetings,  composed  of  the 
members  of  the  several  counties,  reported  the  following  nomin- 
ations of  committees  of  correspondence  for  each  county,  which 
were  agreed  to,  viz. 

For  the  county  of  Hartford,  Gideon  Welles,  L.  T.  Pease, 
Jesse  Goodrich. 

,  New  Haven. — Henry  Lines,    John   Andrews,  Nathaniel  K- 
Landon. 

New  London. — William  T.  Williams,  Stephen  Tracy,  Am- 
herst D  Scovill. 

Fairfield. — Obadiah  Beardsley,  Stephen  Wheeler,  Edward 
Taylor 

WiNDHAfti. — Andrew  T.  Judson,  Joel  W.  White,  Thomas 
Clark. 

Litchfield. — Abijah  C.  Peet,  R.  R.  Hinnian,  Elisha  A.  Mor- 
gan. 

Middlesex. — Ira  Lee,  Gideon  Higgins,  William  Van  Deursen. 

Tolland. — Luther  Eaton,  Chauncey  Burgess,  Carlos  Chap* 
man. 

The  Delegates  from  the  several  Counties  reported  the  follow* 
ing  nomination  of  candidates  for  ELECTORS/or  President  and 
^ice  President,  of  the  United  States,  which  was  accepted. 

NOAH  A.  Pi^ELPS,        Hartford    Countv. 
WILLIAM  TODD,         New  Haven     •'  " 
JOHNP.TROTT,  New  London  '• 

HENRY  SHERWOOD    Fairfield 
DAVID  BOLLES,  Windham, 

JOHN  WELCH,  Litchfield         '• 

JOHN  STEWART,  2d,  Middlesex       " 
INGOLDSBY  W.CRAWFORD,  Tolland 
The  committee  appointed  to  report  resolutions,  reported  the  fol- 
l6wing  which  were  read  and  adopted. 

Resolved,  That  we  believe  ANDREW  JACKSON  to  be  emi- 
nently qualified  for  the  chief  executive  magistrate  of  the  republic; 
Rn^  that,  from  the  fexalted  opinion  y/e  entertain  of  his  public  ser4 


vices,  his  talents,  integrity,  and-  unrivalled  patriotism,  as  well  as 
from  lespect  to  the  popular  voice  spontaneously  expressed  in  his 
favor,  we  approve  of  his  nomination  to  that  high  office  aud  re- 
commend him  to  the  support  of  the  electors  of  Connecticut  as  a 
safe  depository  of  power  in  a  free  state. 

Resolved,  That  duly  appreciating  the  talents,  patriotism  and 
public  services  of  JOHN  C.  CALHOUN,  and  believing  him  to 
nave  been  able,  honest  and  faithful  to  the  Constitution,  in  dis- 
charging the  responsible  duties  of  the  office  he  now  fills  with 
equal  honor  to  himself  and  advantage  to  the  public  interest,  we 
recommend  him  to  the  electors  of  this  state  as  deserving  of  their 
support  for  the  office  of  Vice  President  of  the  United  States. 

John  xM  Niles,  from  the  Committee  appointed  for  that  purpose, 
deported  an  ADDRESS  to  the  people  of  this  State,  which  was 
tead  and  adopted   by  the  Convention,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

On  motion  of  Gen.  Isham,  of  New  London, 

Resolved  That  the  thanks  of  the  Convention  be  given  to  the 
President,  for  the  able  and  dignified  manner  with  which  he  has 
presided  over  its  deliberations  this  day. 

The  Convention  was  then  adjourned  to  meet  at  the  same  place, 
on  the  eighth  day  of  January    next,  at  1 1  o'clock,  A.  M. 

L  W.  CRAWFORD,  President. 
W.  H.  JONES,      )    c-      .     • 
L.  T.  PEASE.       j   ^''^'<^i^'''<^''- 


ADDRESS 

TO    THE 

PEOPLE  OF  co:n^necticut* 

Fellow  Citizens  : 

This  Convention,  called  togetlier  by  the  voluntary  act  of  a  large  por- 
tion of  their  fellow  citizens,  to  consider  the  great  question  which  now  >igil- 
atesthe  public  mind — a  question,  viewed  in  its  various  aspects,  of  no  ordi- 
nary importance,  have  made  out  an  electoral  ticket  friendly  to  the  election 
of  £ndfew  Jackson,  for  President,  and  Jalm  C.  Calhoun  for  Vice  Presideni, 
which  they  respectfully  recommend  to  the  support  of  the  electors  of  this 
state.  The  gentlemen  composing  this  ticket,  are  loo  well  known  to  their 
fellow  citizens,  and  have  too  long  enjoyed  a  full  share  of  public  confidence 
to  require  any  commendation.  We  will  not  institute  a  comparison  of  their 
personal  and  political  claims  to  the  suffrages  of  the  electors,  with  those  of 
the  gentlemen  nominated  for  the  same  office  by  the  legislative  caucus  in 
May  last,  at  New-Haven.  Few,  il  is  believed,  svill  witholdfrom  them  their 
support,  unless  induced  to  do  it,  fi'ona  considerations  connected  with  the 
political  controversy  which  now  claims  so  large  a  share  of  public  attention, 
throughout  the  union.  The  fate  of  this  ticket,  we  are  sensible,  must  depend 
on  the  prevailing  sentiments  of  our  citizens,  regarding  the  national  question. 
On  this  ground  it  must  stand  or  fall  ;  and  so  far  from  wishing  to  rest  il  upon 
any  other,  vye  concede,  that  our  leading  object  in  pressing  it  on  the  atten- 
tion of  the  electors,  is  the  support  of  principles  involved  in  the  opposition 
to  the  national  administration  :  a  secondary  object  is  the  hope  of  promo- 
ting a  salutary  improvement  in  the  political  concerns  of  this  stSte. 

With  these  explicit  declarations  of  our  objects,  we  invite  the  patient  and 
candid  attention  of  our  fellow  citizens  to  an  exposition  of  the  views  of  this 
Convention  respecting  iheci. 


'hie  national  ooniroversy  which  now  en^rosiea  so  large  a  siiare'  of  publiC' 
altenlion,  not  only  excites  deep  feelings,  but  involves  important  principles  ; 
so  that  the  itnmediale  result  of  it, be  it  as  it  may, is  of  little  moment. compar- 
ed with  what  may,  and  probably  will  be,  its  ultimate  consequences.  It 
opens  a  wide  field  of  investigation,  and  embraces  vast  details  of  facts,  so 
that  we  shall  not  be  able,  without  exlendi:ig  this  address  to  unreasonable 
length,  to  examine  it  in  all  its  hearings  ;  and  this  is  the  less  necessary,  as  the 
subject  has  been  so  fully  &,  ably  investigated  in  the  numerous  addresses,  and 
publications  which  this  controversy  has  called  forth.  Had  these  found  their 
way  to  the  understandings  of  tiiij  citizens  of  this  slate  generally,  it  might  not 
be  necessary  for  us  to  say  any  thing  on  a  subject  which  has  engaged  the  at- 
tention of  our  best  political  writers,  and  been  so  often  and  ably  discussed. 
It  has  become  a  beaten  patii,  and  we  are  aware  that  little  can  be  added  to 
what  has  already  been  said  ;  but  the  increasing  importance  in  which  this  en- 
grossing subject  is  held,  fully  sustains  the  interest  ivhich  it  at  first  excited  : 
the  more  it  is  investigated  the  bettc  it  is  understood;  the  more  intense  is  the 
desire  to  become  thoroughly  acquainted  with  its  merits  This  is  a  fact  high- 
ly honourable  to  the  iateibgence  of  our  population  It  shows  that  the  people 
are  aware  of  their  political  iniporlance,  and  awakr*  to  their  rights — that  the 
agitation  of  important  political  question3,arouses  a  spirit  of  enquiry  pervading 
aU  classes  of  the  community,  fc  which  can  hardly  fail  of  resulting  in  a  gener- 
ally correct  understanding  of  their  merits.  What  can  be  a  more  interesting 
or  sublime  spectacle,  than  to  behold  a  nation  of  freemen  engaged  in  the  free 
and  open  examination  of  the  conduct  of  their  public  servants,  in  discussitig 
important  political  questions,  and  deciding  on  the  tendency  of  principles  ; 
in  exercising  a  jealous  care  over  popular  elections  and  exhibiting  a  just  alarm 
at  any  coalition  to  controul  them,  or  a  reasonable  suspicion  of  fraud, intrigue 
^  managementjto  impair  their  fairness  or  freedom,  &.  fix  upon  them  the  stamp 
of  corruption.  This,  it  is  true,  is  the  bright  side  of  the  picture  ;  the  dark 
one,  is  the  venality,  servility  and  coriuption  ofthe  press,  a  reckless  disre- 
gard of  truth,  and  low  and  foul  aspersions  of  private  character.  But  these 
abuses,  however  glaring  they  may  be,  no  more  permanently  corrupt  the 
stream  of  popular  feeling,  than  the  shower  corrupts  the  river  of  pure  water, 
by  washing  into  it  the  dirt  upon  its  borders.  The  mud  and  filth  soon  settle 
to  th«  bottom,  and  the  stream  purifies  itself  again  :  so  the  current  of  public 
opinion,  so  far  as  it  is  defiled  by  extraneous  matter,  falsehood  and  calum- 
ny, soon  becomes  pure,  and  remains  a  wholesome  element. 

Having  full  confidence  in  public  opinion  as  an  element  of  governmenl, 
and  in  the  intelligence  of  the  people  to  protect  themselves  from  dangerous 
falsehoods  and  impositions,  we  view  with  satisfaction  the  mind  of  the  na- 
tion brought  into  the  arena  of  politics,  canvassing  the  merits  and  demerits 
ofthe  rulers  ofthe  republic,  and  discussing  the  soundness  and  tendency  of 
principles.  Those  who  are  alarmed  at  this  spirit,  and  wish  to  destroy  it,  to 
avoid  its  abuses,  exhibit  a  want  of  confidence  in  the  people  for  self  govern- 
aietit.  All  such  shonld  be  distrusted  as  dangerous  men  in  a  republic.  The 
tribunal  of  popular  opinion,  is,  in  this  country,  paramount  to  all  others  ;  it  is 
that  to  which  all  public  functionaries,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  must 
submit,  and  by  which  every  administralion  must  stand  or  fall.  It  is  to  this 
tribunal  that  tlie  oupi;nents  ofthe  present  administration  have  appealed; 
they  only  desire  that  the  merits  ofthe  controversy  should  be  examined  and 
they  will  cheerfully  submit  to  the  decision. 

The  people  ofthe  United  States  are  now  divided  into  two  parties,  one  of 
which  supports  the  administration,  the  other  is  opposed  to  it,  and  in  general 
advocates  the  election  of  Andrew  Jackson  This  is  no  new  state  of  parties, 
nor  is  it  to  be  regarded  as  evidence  that  the  controversy  is  a  personal  one 
only.  Wherever  parties  have  existed,  which  is  only  in  ffee  states,  they  have 
always  been  essentially  connected  with  the  executive  bianch  ofthe  govern- 
ment, which  has  been  either  the  cause  or  the  object  of  them,  and  commonly 
both. 

Parties  in  England  have  been  based  on  this  principle  since  the  days  of  the 
Stewarts,  one  contending  for  the  power,  prerogatives,  patronage  and  influ- 
ence of  the  crown  ;  and  the  other  to  limit  and  restrain  that  power  and  influ- 
ence,— and  to  maintain  the  privileges  of  parliament  and  the  liberties  of  the 
people.  Their  struggles  have  been  attended  with  alternate  success ;— the 
popular  party  prevailed  against  the  first  Charles  5  but  in  the  contest  which 
followed  the  restoration  of  his  son,  the  royaler  executive  party   was  com 


rt 


piefely  successful  and  the  constitution  received  a  shock  whicii  changed  llie 
nature  of  the  government.  The  charters  of  the  corporations  were  abroga- 
ted and  the  borough-mongering  system  of  representation  introduced,  which 
destroyed  the  independence  of  parliament.  From  this  period  the  constitu- 
tion has  been  gradually  changing  ;  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown  diminished, 
and  its  patronage  and  influence  increased  to  such  an  extent,  as  to  have  in- 
troduced a  legal  system  of  corruption,  and  to  have  entirely  changed  the 
substance  of  the  constitution,  whilst  its  form  issdll  maintained. 

The  British  government  is  a  striking  instance  of  the  danger  to  be  appre- 
hended from  an  increase  of  executive  influence,  and  is  a  solemn  warning  to 
us  to  guard  against  its  extension,  as  the  secret  poison,  which  when  infused 
Into  our  political  system,  will  "  palsy  the  will  of  its  constituents,"  and  pol- 
lute the  very  fountains  of  our  liberties.  The  present  contest  has  an  imporf- 
ant  beariig  on  this  question  ;  the  advocates  of  a  strong  executive,  and  oJ 
giving  the  greatest  scope  to  his  power  and  influence,  are  generally  on  the 
side  of  the  administration. — The  contest  being  essentially  between  the  gov- 
(jrnment  on  one  part,  and  a  majority  of  (he  people  on  (he  other  ;  to  enable 
the  administration  to  fuslain  itself,  the  utmost  efforts  have  been  made,  and 
are  still  making,  to  give  greater  scope  to  executive  influence,  and  enlarge 
the  circle  of  its  action  ;  to  effect  which,  all  the  resources  of  sophistry  have 
been  called  forth  ; — the  constitution  has  been  wrung,  twisted  and  tortured, 
to  give  a  meaning  to  its  language,  diflferent  from  its  plain  and  obvious  im- 
port, and  to  make  it  speak  where  it  is  silent.  The  novel  powers  engrafted 
on  the  constitution,  all  tend  to  augment  the  influence  of  the  president.  'J'he 
modern  doctrine  respecting  internal  improvements,  is  enlarging  the  sphere 
of  its  action,  as  well  as  the  extensive  system  of  fortifications; — these,  con- 
curing  with  the  various  unavoidable  causes  of  augmentation  of  patronage, 
the  increase  of  the  army  and  navy  establishments,  including  the  military  a- 
cademy,  the  amount  of  public  revenue  and  the  expenses  of  every  depart- 
ment of  government,  the  extension  of  foreign  intercourse,  the  multiplication 
of  offices,  at  home  and  abroad,  '.he  accessions  to  the  public  printing — are 
calculated  to  swell  the  influence  of  the  executive  to  a  great  and  alarming 
extent,  and  exalt  its  patronage  above  the  will  of  the  people. 

Is  there  nothing  to  be  apprehended  from  a  constant  increase  of  this  influ- 
ence .'  May  it  not  here,  as  it  has  in  England,  entirely  change  the  spirit  and 
substance  of  the  government,  whilst  its  form  remains:  The  power  of  the 
president  cannot  under  any  circumstances  become  dangerous  ;  but  may  not 
his  influence  ?  If  the  influence  of  the  King,  has  changed  the  British  consti- 
tution, may  not  executive  influence  produce  the  same  result  here  f  The 
more  extensive  and  formidable  this  influence  becomes,  when  legitimately 
exercised,  the  stronger  is  its  tendency  to  corruption.  Where  this  influence 
is  extensive,  it  almost  necessarily  becomes  corrupt,  as  the  executive  chief 
and  his  assiiciates,  j/o/j^josed  by  the  people,  will  attempt  to  sustain  tbenir 
selves  by  the  patronage  of  government.  This  we  apprehend  is  the  true  chai> 
acter  of  the  present  controversy  in  the  United  States.  It  is  a  struggle  be- 
tween all  the  combined  influences  of  the  executive  powen,  aided  by  all  (he 
coalitions  and  allies  it  is  capable  of  rallying  round  it,  by  a  corrupt  use  of  its 
immense  patronage,  and  the  discretionary  funds  of  the  treasury,  on  the  one 
part,  and  the  people  on  the  other.  Hence  the  importance  of  the  present 
contest. 

There  are  two  ways  in  whici;  executive  influence  is  dangerous  to  the  con* 
stitution  and  the  liberties  of  the  people  ;  the  first  is,  where  it  is  exerted  in 
the  election  of  president,  and  the  second,  where  its  exercise  is  in  maintaining 
an  administration  against  the  will  of  the  people  ; — in  both  instances  it  is  ex- 
erted in  opposing  the  popular  Toiee.  When  the  first  case  happens— whea 
the  presidency  is  disposed  of  by  mortgaging  its  patronage,  it  becomes  neces- 
sary to.  make  use  of  the  same  means  to  sustain  the  administration  which 
brought  it  into  existence  ;  for  where  an  administration  comes  into  power, 
against  the  will  of  a  majority  of  the  people,  it  will  always  lolloiv,  that  it  must 
be  supported  in  opposition  to  that  will,if  supported  atall.  Such  we  bel«eve,& 
shall  offer  some  remarks  to  sh*ew,is  the  character  h  condition  of  the  present 
adaiiaistratioh.  ^ut  before  entering  on  this  inquiry,  we  wish  to  call  yoar  at» 
tentionto  one  consideration  suggested  by  these  views.  All  will  admit  that 
the  executive  power  is  liable  to  be  abused,  and  that  it  is  desirable  to  guard  a^ 
-^inst  this  abuse  as  for  as  possible  How  can  this  be  done  ?  There  appear? 
;o  h9  fcnl  crt»a  wav,  consistent  wUh  leaving  the  ptesi()en*  In  tURljos^flssioD  of 


his  present  autliorUy,  \yiiicli  is  (o  'irnii  liis eligibility  to  one  term.  This  cirft 
not  be  accomplished  "ilhonl  an  amendment  ol  the  constitution  ;  but  until 
that  is  effected  and  as  preparatory  to  it,  let  the  precedent  which  has  been 
established,  be  overruled,  and  no  president  hereafter  elected  but  once.  Un- 
der the  present  practi'-e,  !  he  first  four  years  of  every  new  administration,  is 
spent  in  electioneering,  to  the  netjiect  of  the  public  interest,  the  waste  of  the 
public  funds,  and  the  corruption  ot  the  spirit  of  our  free  institutions.  This 
is  an  evil  that  requires  corroclion,  and  there  can  be  no  hardship  in  beginning 
with  Mr.Adams,as  the  man  who  was  not  the  choice  of  the  nation,  &.  who  be- 
ing elected  under  circumstances,  as  all  will  admit  of  suspicions  of  unfairness, 
if  not  corruption,  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  one  term,  (f  the  president  was 
eligible  (or  one  term  only,  he  could  have  no  motive  , unless  he  aimed  at  a  sub- 
version of  the  constitution,  to  abuse  his  trust;  but  he  would  have  the 
strongest  inducement  to  consult  the  public  good,  and  to  administer  the  gov- 
ernment in  the  spirit  of  that  instrument,  and  truly  "  with  an  eye  to  the 
Strictest  economy."  If  parties  prevailed,  regarding  his  successor,  he  would 
stand  aloof  from  both,  instead  of  being  as  he  now  is,  the  head  and  leader 
of  one  of  them.  If  the  secretary  of  state,  or  other  officers  of  llie  cabinet, 
filiould  become  candidates  for  th*'  executive  chair,  the  president  would 
check  their  ambition,  so  far  at  least,  as  to  prevent  their  prostituting  their 
high  offices  to  the  advancement  of  their  personal  interests  and  that  of  their 
party.  This  salutary  reform  in  the  federal  system  has  the  sanction  of  the  re- 
commendation of  the  late  Governor  Clinton,  in  his  last  official  message,  and 
is  more  strongly  urged  on  the  attention  of  ihe  patriot,  by  the  existing  dis- 
orders. Can  any  one  suppose,  that  the  present  controversy  could  exist,  was 
not  \hegoiernmfnt  a  parly  to  it  ?  It  is  clear  that  it  could  not;  it  is  the  re- 
sistance which  the  patronage  and  influence  of  the  executive  government 
oppose  to  the  will  ol  a  aiajority  of  the  nation,  which  sustains  the  present 
conflict.  All  then,  who  wish  to  check  the  extension  of  executive  influence 
and  guard  against  its  corruption,  and  to  maintain  the  freedom  of  elections, 
must  be  in  favor  of  establishing  a  new  and  better  precedent — that  the  presi- 
dent hold  the  office  but  one  term,  and  for  this  reason,  will  not  support  the 
re-election  of  Mr.  Adams,  even  if  they  have  no  particular  objection  to  his 
administration. 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  because  most  of  his  predecessors  were  elected  Ihe 
second  time,  that  it  will  be  a  [tiiblic  censure  on  Mr.    Adams,  not  to  re-elect 
him.     The  evils  and  the    dangers  of  the  practice  have  not  before  been  de- 
veloped ;  ar.  evil  from  a  different  source,   was  discovered  at  the  election  of 
Mr.  Jefi'erson,  which  came  near  defeating  the  will  of  the  people,  and  a  rem- 
edy was    immediately   applied,  although  it   required  an  amendment  of  the 
constitution.     Whenever  an   evil  is  discovered    in    (he  practice  of  govern- 
ment, the   people   should  be  bold  and  prompt  to  correct  it.     If  the  respect 
due  to  Mr.  Adams,  is  to    prevent  the   correction  of  a  dangerous  precedent, 
the  same  reason  will  apply  to  his  successor,  and  with  more  force,  so  that  the 
consequence  will  be,  the  evil  can  never  be  removed.     Whilst  public   officers 
should  be  treated  with  justice,  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten,  that  offices  are 
not  created  for  th«  incumbents,  but  for  the  public  good  ;  and   it  should  be 
particularly  borne  in  mind,  by  every  freeman  in  the  union,  that  no  man  has 
any  claims. io  the  presidency,  whatever  may  be  his  talents,  and  services — the 
incumbent  no  more  than  any  other  individual      It  is  deeply  to  be  deprecated 
that  there  should  he  under  any  circumstances,  a  prevailing  sentiment  to  dis- 
regard pritieiples,  and  even  the  public  interest,  froaj  a  mistaken  or  interested 
attachment  tp  men. 

There  is  another  consideration,  closely  connected  with  the  one  just  no- 
ticed, which  deserves  attention.  The  re-election  of  Mr.  Adams  will  confirm 
another  precedent  which  Mr.  Clay  now  calls  a  "safe"'  one,  but  which  he 
once  thought  so  dangerous  as  Jo  oppo-se  an  insuperable  objection  to  a  can- 
didate, whatever  might  be  his  pretensions.  The  same  party  which  supports 
Mr.  Adams,  advocates  Mr.  Clay  as  his  successor ;  and  its  success  will  great- 
ly strengthen  the  "  safe  precedent"  of  electing  the  secretary  of  State  lor 
the  presidency,  and  virtually  invest  the  president  with  the  power  of  appoint- 
ing bis  successor.  The  alarming  nature  of  thw  practice,  is  greatly  increased 
vben  the  election  is  brought  into  the  House  of  Representatives  ;  (wo  of  the 
candidates  (and  those  having  a  min^or  support  would  be  most  tpmpled  to  do 
it)  have  onlpr  to  unite  their  interests  anij  mends,and  to  "have  it  understood"  , 
tfcal  \l  one  i?  eletsftd  pT9tsid«pt..,tbe  ©tfier  is  tote  Sefctrtary  of  State»pp<?.. 


\ic\ng  in  the  line  of  -'safe  precedent/'  is  to  be  Lis  successor.    Sucli  has  beei? 
flie  tendency  of  this  practice  that  it  seenos  to  have  had  a  pernicious  inflii- 
rnce  aliroad,  and  already  to  be  regarded  as  a  part  of  our   political  system. 
Bdivar,  tiie  poitjilar  leader  of  the  South  American  Revolution,  ha;  engraft- 
ed into  the  nonstiliition,  which    he  proposed  for  Bolivia,  the  principle  that 
llie   spcrelary  of  slate  appointed    by  the    president,  is  to  be   bis  successor, 
ntit]    refers  to  the  United   States   for  an  examf)le  of  the  correctness  of  the 
principle.     JNo  one  has  taken  a  more  decided  stand  against,  what  he  nowr 
rails  a  safe  precedent,  than  Henry  Clay.     In  a  series  of  numbers  published 
ip  the  Argus,  at   Frankfort,  Kentucky,  in  1822,  supposed  to  be  written  by 
himself,  and   evidently  approved  of  by  him,  as  they  were  intended  for  his 
li'^nefii,  there  is  the  following  language  applied  to  the  National  Intelligencer. 
'•  They  may  prefer  that  the  prescribed  line  of  legitimacy  according  to  which, 
the  lieir  apjwrenl  should  be  translated  from  the  department  of  slate  to  the 
palace,  be  pressrved  unbroken  and  entire,  hut  they  ought  to  remember  that 
liic  practice  of  Rome,  by  which  ihe  Cajsars  themselves,  to  secure  that  tranf 
<]uility  whifh  the  editors  of  the  Intelligencer  so  much  desire,  provided  be- 
fore hand  for  the  imperial  suecsssion,  has  not  j'et  been  ingrafted  on  our  con= 
stilution."     The  Reporter,  edited  by  a  nephew  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  entirely  de- 
voted to  his   interest,  published  similar  sentiments,  of  which  we  extract  a 
,  single  paragraph.  ".VIr.  Adams  is  designated  by  the  president  and  his  presses 
as  the  heir  apparent,  the  next  successor  to  the  presidency.     Since  the  princi- 
ple was  introduced,  there   has  been  a   rapid  degeneracy  in  Ihe  chief  magis- 
trate, and  the  prospect  of  still  greater  degeneracy,  is  strong  and  alarming. — 
Admit  the   people  should  acquiesce  in  the  presidential  appointment  of  Mr. 
Adams  to  that  high  office  ;  who  will  again  be  chosen  as  his  successor  •"  Will 
it  be  Josiali  Quincy,  H.G.  Olis,orRufus  King  ?     An  ar!«/oc»'a<  at  least,  if  not 
n  TRAITOR  will  he  our  portion  !"     This  kinsman  of  the  secretary  of  state, 
then  little  thought  that  Ihe  arislocrat  and  Irailor  who  would  be  placed  in  the 
line  of  succession  to  Mr.  Adams,    would    be   HENRY  CLAY.      In  the  cir- 
cular of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  in  Ohio,  signed  by  Joseph  Vance,  since  be- 
come an  advocate  for  Ihe  "  safe  precedent"  of  Ihe  succession  of  the  secre- 
tary of  state,  Mr.  Clay's  election  is  advocated  distinctly  on  the  ground  of 
breaking  up  that  dangerous  practice.     "To  selecl   one  of  the  Secretarie.'s 
(for  President )  was  to  continue  the  same  influence  in  office,  which  virtually 
would  he  a  departure  from  the  maxim  that  rotation  in  office  is  essential  lo 
the  public  ;  for  lo  change  the  man  and  retain  the  influence  would  be  fo  re- 
pose upon   the   shadow  and  abandon  Ihe  substance.     These  considerations 
liave   induced   many  to  adopt  the  opmion,  that  no  member  of  the  present 
cabinet,  ought  to  be  selected  to  succeed  Mr.  Munroe,  and  this  determination 
is  formed  without  any  disrespect  to  the  talents  or  characters  of  Ihe  incum= 
bents  themselves."     If  Mr.   Clay  was  withdrawn  it  is  said  "  it  would  place 
in  the  presidential  chair,  one  of  the  present    cabinet  ;  an  event  ichichil  was 
the  first  object  of  the  friends  of  .IV.  Clay  to  prevent^  not  in  reference  to  the 
v\en,  but  the  principle." 

Can  any  one  wish  lor  stronger  objections  against  this  cabinet  succession, 
than  is  furnished  by  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends  ?  It  is  the  main  ground  on 
\(  Iiich  he  distinctly  rested  his  own  claims  to  the  presidency.  Yet  he  now 
rails  it  a  "safe  precedent."  What  can  be  thought  of  a  man  who  is  guilty 
of  such  palpable  inconsistency?  But  whether  he  and  his  friends  were  sin- 
cere in  Iheir  apprehensions  from  this  dangurous  practice  or  not,  their  objec- 
tions and  reasons  against  it,  are  entitled  to  the  same  respect.  And  if  there 
was  danger  then,  from  a  cabinet  succession,  is  there  not  much  more  now, 
when  a  coalition  has  been  witnessed  by  means  of  which,  the  secretary  of 
state  first  made  the  president,  and  the  latter  then  made  the  secretary  and 
plared  him  in  the  line  of  "  safe  precedents,"  and  "  next  in  succession  to  the 
presidency." 

An  effort  is  now  making  fhroughoo*  the  Union,  to  put  an  end  to  (his  dan- 
gerous practice,  this  cabinet  succession,  by  electing  a  popular  candidate^ 
who  is  not  a  member  of  the  cabinet.  But  if  it  fail— if  the  influence  of  Ih© 
government  is  sufficient  to  oppose  the  will  of  the  people,  this  safe  precedept 
will  again  prevail,  and  Mr  Clay,  the  "  next  in  succession,"  will  be  presi- 
dent after  Mr  Adams.  And  if  an  opposition  to  this  cabinet  jsucces- 
Bion,  to  thre  influence  of  (he  governmenr,  cannot  be  successfully 
made  with  such  a  man  as  General  Jack«on,  with  his  distinguishecl 
lUiblic  Eervjew?.  acknowledged  patriotisjU  and  efttenslve  pex^obal  populaiity, 

2 


10 

it  will  be'fn  Vain  to  attempt  it  iiereafter.  Tlie  people  may  as'  well  suoreu- 
der  the  right  of  eleciiiig  tlie  president  at  onee,  and  acquifisco  in  a  "  safe 
precedent"  which  establisiies  a  line  of  succession  to  the  throne. 

Fellow  Citizens. — The  considerations  hitherto  urged  on  your  attention  and 
which  we  believe  to  possess  great  weight,  iiave  no  connection  with  the  ori- 
gin and  conduct  of  the  present  administration,  nor  with  the  services,  chair- 
acter,  and  qualifications  of  tlie  rival  candidates,  for  the  cliief  magistracy. — 
We  think  there  are  sufficient  reasons  founded  entirely  in  the  support  of  prin- 
ciples, essential  to  the  freedom  of  election — the  preservation  of  the  spirit 
and  substance  of  the  constitution,  and  to  the  restriction  of  executive  influ 
ence,  which  imperiously  oppose  the  re-election  of  the  pres&nt  incumbent. 
But  we  must  beseech  your  indulgence,  whilst  we  briefly  examine  the  inter- 
esting topics  above  alluded  to.  The  present  is  an  important  crisis,  and  c^n 
hardly  fail  of  marking  an  era  in  our  civil  hstory.  The  spirit  of  the  nation 
is  roused,  great  excitement  prevails  throughout  the  union,  the  press  teems 
with  political  discussions,  the  public  mind  is  agitated, and  with  many,  appre- 
hensions prevail  tor  the  safety  of  the  constitution,  and  the  liberties  of  the 
people.  Where  are  we  to  look  for  the  cause  of  these  disorders  ?  Is  it  in 
the  depravity  of  public  opinion  ?  No  one  has  dared  to  assert  this.  Is  it  in 
the  licentiousness  of  the  press  .-'  this  doubtless  has  increased  the  evil,  but  ii 
cannot  be  the  source  of  it,  as  that  has  always  been  as  much  exposed  to  a- 
buses  as  it  is  at  present.  Where  then  shall  we  look  for  the  causes  of  these 
peculiar  excitements .'  The  friends  of  the  administration  attempt  to  account 
for  them,  as  being  the  effect  of  a  powerful  combination,  formed  against  the 
executive  administration  forfaetious  purposes.  If  this  is  correct,  then  it  fol- 
lows that  any  administration  can  be  overthrown  by  an  unpiincipled  combi- 
nation against  it,  elthough  "conducting  itself  in  the  true  spirit  of  the  con- 
stitution, and  doing  no  act  which  it  should  be'unwiiliug  the  whole  world 
should  witness."  To  declare  that  an  administration,  so  conducting  itself, 
can  be  written  down  by  falsehood  and  defamation,  is  to  attack  tbo  founda- 
tions of  our  political  system  ;  is  to  declare  that  the  peoi)Ie  have  not  sutti- 
cient  intelligence  or  integrity  for  self  government.  But  does  our  civil  his- 
tory warrant  this  sweeping  assertion  ?  Was  there  not  a  powerful  com- 
bination, against  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  ?  but  it  was  not 
written  dowji.  He  says  he  deemed  it  "  not  uninteresting  to  the  world,  that 
the  experiment  should  be  fairly  and  fully  made,  whether  a  government 
conducting  itself  in  the  true  spirit  of  the  constitution,  with  zeal  and  purity, 
and  doing  no  act  which  it  would  be  unwilling  the  whole  world  should  wit- 
ness, can  be  written  down  by  falsehood  and  defamation.  The  experiment 
has  been  tried,  you  have  witnessed  the  scene,  our  fellow  citizens  have  look- 
ed on  cool  and  collected,  they  saw  the  latent  source  from  which  the  outra- 
ges proceeded,  they  gathered  round  their  public  functionaries,  and  when  the 
constitution  called  them  to  the  decision,  by  their  suflVage  they  pronounced 
their  verdict  honorable  to  those  who  had  served  them,  and  consolatory  to 
the  friend  of  man  who  believes  he  may  be  entrusted  with  his  own  affairs." 

Such  was  the  result  of  one  combination  to  write  down  an  administration 
conducting  itself  in  the  true  spirit  of  the  constitution.  The  attempt  to  write 
down  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madison,  although  favored  by  war  and  na- 
tional calamities,  was  equally  unsuccessful.  To  maintain  that  the  people 
can  be  so  deceived  as  to  oppose  an  administration  which  is  as  "  pure  as  an- 
gels,'' and  without  any  legitimate  cause  or  object,  is  a  libel  on  the  intelli- 
gence and  good  sense  of  the  nation. 

We  must  look  to  other  reasons  for  the  opposition  to  the  present  adminis- 
tration than  a  combination  against  it.  The  people,  or  a  majority  of  them  be- 
lieve that  there  was  something  wrong  in  the  presidential  election,  that  it  whs 
an  outrage  on  their  rights.  This  opinion  is  not  perhaps  with  many,  the  re> 
suit  of  a  minute  examination  into  the  facts ;  but  it  is  a  conclusion  drawn 
from  the  very  nature  and  complexion  of  the  case,  and  all  the  publications  of 
all  the  presses  "  by  authority"  in  the  Union,  aided  by  all  the  patronage  and 
influence  of  the  government,  cannot  remove  this  opinion. 

This  transaction  has  been  so  often  and  so  fally  investigated,  that  we  do 
not  intend  to  go  into  an  examination  of  it.  We  have  no  doubt  of  the  cor- 
ruption of  the  parties — the  proof  is  irresistahle.  If  there  was  a  doubt  before, 
the  letter  of  M.".  Clay  to  Mr.  Blair,  recently  disclosed  by  Atnos  Kendall,  has 
removed  that  doubt;  and  rivittedthe  charge  of  the  'bargain,'  by  direct  and 
^siii,^-*  proof, -uqdferffis  own  ffand.    Iniiiis  letffer,  d^ted  the  filh  pf  Jao 


].l 

iS-2o,  Mr.  Clay  \v)i<.e3  as  fyllows :  '-A  friend  «f  Mr.  Adams  cQmes  to  nua  wifij 
(ears  in  his  eyes,  and  eays  ;  sir,  Mr.  Adams  has  always  had  the  greatest  re- 
spect for  you,  and  the  highest  admiration  of  your  talents.  There  is  no  station 
to  tr/iich  yoH  are  not  equal.  You  tvert  undoubiediy  the  second  choice  of  jyeiv- 
Englarid;  and  I  pray  you  to  consider  whether  the  public  good  and  your 
FUTURE  INTEREST,  t/o  jiol  dislinclty  point  to  you  the  course  whichyou  ought  to 
pursue."  This  language,  however  cautious  and  guarded,  cannot  be  misunder- 
stood ;  it  will  admit  of  but  one  interpretation.  A  friend  of  Mr.  Adams  calls 
on  Mr.  Clay  in  distress,  and  tells  him,  that  it  is  obviously  for  his  future  in- 
terest to  support  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams;  and  to  satisfy  Mr.  Clay  of  thi.s, 
he  states  two  facts — the  first  is,  that  Mr.  Adams  has  the  greatest  respect  for 
31r.  Clay,  the  highest  admiration  of  his  talents,  and  considers  h\m  fit  for  any 
station.  What  is  Mr.  Clay  to  understand  by  this  ?  Is  it  not  that,  if  Mr.  Ad- 
ams becomes  president,  he  will  appoint  Mr.  Clay  to  'any  station'  he  may  de- 
sire in  the  gift  of  the  executive  ?  It  it  did  not  mean  this,  how  was  Mr.  Clay's 
'future  interest'  to  be  promoted  by  voting  for  Mr.  Adams  .''  The  other  fact 
plated  by  this  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  to  convince  Mr.  Clay,  that  it  would  be 
for  his  "  future  interest"  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams  is,  that  he,  Mr.  Clay,  was 
"  undoubtedly  the  second  choice  of  New-Engleuid."  Why  was  this  fact 
suggested  to  Mr.  Clay  r  it  had  no  connection  with  the  election  about  to 
take  place  ;  nor  even  with  "  how  (he  cabinet  was  to  be  filled.''  The  an- 
swer is  obvious.  It  was  to  induce  Mr.  Clay  to  believe,  that  he  then  stood 
high  in  the  public  estimation,  in  New-England,  and  that  by  uniting  with  Mr. 
Adan.s  and  his  friends,  he  might  rely  on  the  support  of  New-England,  as  the 
successor  of  Mr.  Adams.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  the  "  bargain"  was  ait>re 
extensive  than  lias  generally  been  supposed  ;  the  proposition  by  this  triend 
of  Mr.  Adams,  to  Mr.  Clay,  was  not  only  that  he  should  have  "  any  station" 
he  might  desire,  but  he  was  assured  of  the  support  of  New-England,  as  the 
successor  of  Mr.  Adams.  This  was  the  proposition  ; — let  U3  see  whether  it 
wasacceeded  to.  .Mr.  Clay  farther  says  to  his  fiiend  Blair:  "My  friends  en- 
tertain the  belief,  that  their  kind  wishes  towards  me,  will  in  the  end  be  more 
likely  to  be  accomplished  by  so  bestowing  their  votes.'  The  first  extract 
from"  this  letter,  contiiius  what  Mr.  Clay  himself  says,  was  the  proposition, 
coming  from  a  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  this  extract  shews  the  light  in  which 
Uiis  proposal  was  received  by  Mr  Clay  and  h  is  friends.  He  says,  they 
acceded  to  the  proposal;  they  thought  "  their  kind  wishes  towards  him 
would  be  best  accomplished  by  so  bestowing  their  votes  :"  that  is,  by  vo- 
ting for  Mr.  Adams  Mr.  Clay  then  informs  Mr.  Blair,  that  Mr.  White,  the 
represeiilative  in  congress  from  his  district,  "  is  inclined  to  concur  with  us, 
in  these  sfiitiments  ;  '  but  requests  him  to  write  to  him,  to  "  strengthen  his 
Iticlinalions.  '  Here  Mr.  Clay  admits,  that  he  and  some  of  his  friends  had 
•'  coaciirrcu"  in  the  p'.'f  posal,  and  the  object  of  this  letter  was  to  have  Mr. 
Blair  persuade  Mr.  White  to  concur  also,  so  as  to  obtain  a  majority  of  the 
delegation  of  Kentucky.  In  this  confidential  letter,  we  have  a  full  develope, 
and  direct  and  irrefragable  proof  of  the  "bargain,"  from  which  Mr.  Clay 
can  no  more  escape,  than  he  can  escape  from  his  own  conscience. 

But,  after  all  that  has  beer,  disclosed,  after  this  letter  from  Mr.  Clay 
expressly  unfolding  the  terms  and  the  consideration  of  the  contract,  if  there 
are  any  who  still  doubt  the  existence  of  an  actual  "bargain"  between  Mr. 
Adams  and  Mr.  Clay,  must  not  even  such  admit,  that  the  circumstances  of 
the  election  were  calculated  to  excite  distrust  of  its  fairness,  and  to  occa- 
sion strong  suspicions  in  the  minds  of  a  people  jealous  of  their  rights.  And 
was  not  this  known  to  the  gailty  parties  to  this  unprincipled  contract.'  It 
IS  clear  that  it  was,  for  Mr.  Kremer's  letter  was  published  before  the 
election  took  place,  and  ihe  indignant  and  impious  card,  which  that  letter 
brought  out  from  Mr.  Clay,  evinced  his  sense  of  the  light  in  which  his  eondiivt 
would  be  tiewed.  The  parties,  if  not  actually  corrupt,  voluntarily  and  with 
tlieir  eyes  open,  placed  themselves  in  a  situ«tion,  which  they  knew  would 
expose  them  to  the  suspicion  of  corrupt  practices,  &  that,  not  for  the  public 
interest,  but  for  their  own  benetit.  Yet  after  having  done  this,  and  received 
the  reward  which  followed  it,  they  complain  that  they  are  exposed  to  m- 
/Jiciom  of  a  want  of  integrity.  There  have  been  instances,  where  individ- 
uals entirely  innocent,  have,  by  a  concurrence  of  circumstances,  been  ex- 
posed to  a  strong  suspicion  of  committing  a  crime  ;  one  recently  occurred  in 
in  the  city  of  New  York;  aod  where  such  a  case  happens  wit&out  any  fault 
oi  the  person,  itpi;esents  the  strongest  cltrims  to  pttblic  sympatty.    Butif  thfs 


i-2 


iinturiunate  man  had  voluntarily,  with  a  fj|i  knowledge  of  the  coiiseii'jence?. 
and  with  a  view  lo  his  own  benefi!,  exposed  himself  to  the  strongest  suspi- 
cion of  forgery,  who  would  have  pitied  him  ?  This,  in  the  most  favoraliie 
view  o/  his  conduct,  is  precisely  the  condition  of  Henry  Ciity  ; — he  volua- 
tarily,  for  the  sake  of  the  reward,  exjiosed  himself  lo  the  susjiiuion  of  a  coi- 
rupt  coalition  ;  and  because  these  sus[)icions  are  visited  upon  iiim,  he  whiiiea 
and  complains  bitterly,  and  in  the  aiijjuish  of  his  soul  "  invokes  war,  pesti- 
lence and  famine"  oil  his  country,  rather  than  that  these  well  founded  sus- 
picions should  drive  him  into  private  life. 

When  our  fathers  first  opposed  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  British  niiu- 
islry,  the  great  Chatham  in  parliafiient  made  u;e  of  the  following  language, 
"I  rejoice  that  the  Americans  have  resisted  ;  if  they  had  not,  (wo  and  a 
half  million  of  freemen,  reduced  to  slavery,  would  be  dangerous  to  the  lib- 
erties of  England."  And  ought  riot  every  patriot  to  rejoice,  that  the  people 
bave  resisted  the  first  dangerous  coalition  to  controulihe  election  of  presi- 
dent; that  their  jealousy  has  been  roused,  at  a  disregard  of  the  public  will. 
If  they  had  not,  if  the  people  had  tamely  submilled  to  such  an  outrage,  we 
should  dispair  of  the  republic. 

However  much  this  subject  may  be  controverted,  there  are  two  things 
connected  with  Ibis  Election,  too  apparent  lo  leave  room  for  even  a  doubt  ; 
the  first, that  there  was  an  acluil  union  or  coalition  between  Mr.  Adams  and 
Mr.  Clay  and  their  friends  and  adherents,  and  that  this  controlled  tiie  event 
of  the  election—and  the  second,  thai  the  known  iciU  of  the  m!ij;)rity  of  the 
people,and  of  the  States  was  violated,as  well  as  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution. 
Tffe  truth  of  the  latter  is  evinced  not  only  by  the  number  of  Electoral  votes 
respectively  received  by  Mr.  A.  and  Gen.  J.,  but  more  fully  by  ihe  popular 
votes  given  for  the  electors.  The  following  brief  statement  will  demon- 
strate this.  In  the  states  of  Main,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecli- 
cut, New-Hampshire,  Virginia,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  North  Carolina 
and  Maryland,  in  all  of  which  the  Electors  were  chosen  by  the  people,  Mr. 
Adams  received  83,767  voles,  and  General  Jackson  received  84,884— Mr. 
Crawford  44,976,  and  Mr.  Clay  2,081  In  the  Slates  of  Ohio.Kentucky,  Ala- 
bama, Indiana,  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  Illinois  and  Missouri,  the  votes  were 
for  Mr  Adams  21,555,  for  General  Jackson  68,067,  Mr.  Clav,  43,867,  Mr. 
Crawfoid  2,339.  These  numbers  are  taken  from  returns  published  ir.  the 
newspapers  at  the  lime.  They  give  lo  Mr.  Adams  an  agiiregate  num- 
ber of  popular  votes  of  105,332,  and  to  General  Jackson  152,951,  makii  g 
Jackson's  majority  over  Mr.  Adams  47,629  and  over  Mr.  Ad-uns  and  Clay 
both,  nearly  1000.  In  addition  to  these  facts,  it  was  notorious,  that  in  the 
states  of  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Missouri  and  Illinois,  which  voted  in  Congres.s  for 
Mr  Adams,  General  Jackson  was  the  second  choice  of  the  people.  Mr.  Clay 
excepting  in  Illinois,  having  been  the  first.  It  is  clear  therefore,  that  the 
will  of  the  people  was  flagrantly  disregarded  in  the  election  ofMr.  Adams, 
anditisequally  evident  that  this  was  effected  by  a  coalition  between  him 
*r  u  •  ""^^  ^'*^'  ^^'  *'*^'''  ™"t"3l  aggrandizement  That  there  was  a  union 
of  their  Influence  and  friends,  has  not  been  denied  ;  this  union  still  contin- 
ues, and  to  deny  its  existence,  would  be  as  absurd  as  to  deny  that  the  sun 
shines  at  noon  day.  It  is  this  union  which  brought  Ihe  administration  into 
power,  and  it  is  this  compact  which  now  sustains  it.  What  support  would 
Mr.  Adams  now  receive  in  Kentucky  was  it  not  for  his  co-partnership  with 
Mr.  Clay.  He  did  not  receive  a  vote  there  at  the  last  election  ;  he  had  no 
parlythere,  was  the  lowest  of  all  Ih6  candidates,  and  was  particularly  de- 
nounced by  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends,  as  the  '  heir  apparent,'  the  enemy  of 
the  west  and  the  Federal  Candidate.  It  is  clear  that  Mr.  Adams  of  himself, 
could  expect  no  support  whatever  in  Kentucky,  and  that  the  votes  which 
Uiat  state  may  give  to  him,  will  in  reality  be  bestowed  on  Henry  Clay.— 
J  his  was  equally  true  of  the  voles  cfthat  statein  Congress,  and  Mr.  While 
and  several  others  of  its  delegation  had  the  candor  to  admit,  that  in  voting 
tor  Mr.  Adams  they  considered  they  were  voting  for  Henry  Clay— and  in 
Ohio  and  m  several  of  the  other  Western  States,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  uni- 
ted with  the  small  parly  originally  in  favor  of  Mr.  Adams,  constitute  the 
administration  party. 

Vet  in  the  face  of  these  living  facts,  the  coalition,  between  the  president 
and  secretary  of  stale,  is  denied.  If  these  facts  are  not  proof  of  a  coalition 
—It  a  union  of  their  respective  friends  and  influence  for  their  mutual  bene- 
« }  1&r4he  election  of  Mr.  Adama  as  president,  and  to  secure  to  Mr.   Clay, 


iiie  uriice  u:  secretary  ol  state,  and  ci>iiliiiuf  liitn  in  tiie  line  ul  sale  prece' 
dents  as  cabinet  succeiscr — if  tlieir  I'utiiiiioii  tsui'tions,  in  a  coimnoii  caiistj 
are  nut  proof ofa  coalilioii,  of  a  uoinpietH  [lolitical  co-partnerslii)',  we  know 
not  wliat  could  be.  Does  .Mr.  Adams  fill  the  pnisiJeiitiKi  cliair -■  By  no 
means;  like  llie  lijroiie  of  the  Caisars,  it  is  tilJed  liy  two  executive  cbiefs, 
Adams  and  Clay.  It  is  a  joint  rcigo.  willi  (he  rigiit  of  succession  in  (he  lat- 
ter. For  wliat  is  tlie  grtai  slru2;»lL',  now  g)ing  on  in  Kf  nliicky  .'  Is  ii  for 
Mr.  Adams  .''  nolliing  can  be  further  from  tlietrulli;  llie  (riends  of  tiie  admin- 
istration do  not  even  pretend  lliis  ;  tliey  admit  ihai  tht-'y  are  sup;'orlin:<  Mr. 
Clay.  Bui  liow  can  they  be  supporting  .Mr.  Clay,  unless  there  is  a  politico! 
co-partnership  betweeji  him  ana  Mr.  Adams,  which  secures  to  him  ut  letts', 
an  tfjiiil  share  of  the  comjiany  projicrty.  Legally,  the  secretary  hidds  his 
olfice  during  ihc  pleasure  of  tiie  presided  ;  he  can  be  removed  at  any  time  ; 
why  then  should  the  friends  of  Clay  feel  so  much  inteiest  in  supporting  this 
admiiiisiration,  when  they  adusit  they  care  nothing  for  .Mr.  Adams  .'  It  is 
because  they  know  that  Clay  is  the  largest  stockholder  in  the  administra- 
tion, by  original  purchase  ;  liiat  ho  has  a  deeper  inteiest  in  it,  thr.n  Mr.  Ad- 
ams, as  he  is  sure  of  the  office  of  secretary  uf  sliile,  and  nearly  cerlain  of 
being  president,  aftrr  Mr.  A.  if  the  administiation  party  succeed  Does  any 
one  supjiose,  that  Mr.  Adams  d.^re  remove  Mr.  Clay  ?  It  would  be  an  act 
of  political  suicide  !  It  would  be  a  dissolution  of  liie  partnershiji,  and  imme- 
diately overthrow  the  admiijisiri-tion.  To  deny  the  existence  if  this  coaii- 
lion,  is  to  reject  the  evideuce  of  the  senses;  is  to  deny  that  .Mr.  A.  is  presi- 
dent, and  Mr.  Clay  secretary  of  state.  As  well,  and  with  as  much  truth 
might  It  be  denied,  when  two  persons  had  put  all  their  propeity  into  joint 
sloik  in  trade,  and  were  carrying  on  business  for  their  common  benefit, 
each  giving  his  whole  attention  to  the  joint  concern,  that  there  was  a  part- 
nership between  them.  The  cases  are  precisely  parallel.  It  is  a  [)olilioal 
co-parlnership  ;  each  of  the  contracting  parties,  has  put  in  his  whole  capital. 
.Mr.  Adams  the  East,  and  Mr.  Clay  the  West.  If  liie  administration  parly 
succeed,  IVlr.  Adams  will  not  be  elected  president  ;  but  it  will  be  an  eleciioij 
of  the  FiBM  OF  .VDAJis  AND  CLAY  ;  in  every  respect,  except  merely  as  (o  the 
forms  of  liie  constitution,  Mr.  Clay  will  be  as  much  elected  as  Mr.  Adams.— 
Let  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams,  therefore  in  this  stale,  remnniier,  that  in 
voting  for  him  they  also  vole  for  Henry  Clay,  notouly  ashis  Auccessor,  but 
as  iiis  associate  and  partner  in  the  office  during  the  term. 

Such  are  the  terms,  on  wiiich  Mr.  Adams  consented  to  become  president. 
He  knew  that  he  could  not  oblain  it,  without  llie  aid  of  .VIr.  Clay,  and  that 
he  could  not  retain  it,  without  his  assistance  ;  it  is  therefore  a  joint  trust. — ■ 
If  the  people  of  the  West,  in  sn|iporting  the  administration,  consider  that 
they  are  virtually  voting  for  Mr  Clay,  let  not  New-England  be  unmindful, 
that  in  aiding  '.he  re-election  of  Mi.  Adams,  they  are  assisting  to  place 
tiieir  destinies  in  the  hands  ofa  man  who  impiously  invokes  "war,  pestileno 
and  famine"  on  his  country,  as  a  lesser  evil  than  the  loss  of  his  election— 
the  man  who  deliberately  plotted  the  destruction  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  who 
has  caused  more  slanders  to  be  published  against  him,  and  for  some  of 
which  be  has  paid  the  expense  himself,  than  all  that  have  emanated  from 
the  presses  in  opposition  to  this  adiniuistration. 

What  high-minded  and  honorable  man,  would  have  accepted  the  execu- 
tive trust,  on  these  conditions  ?  To  be  indebted  for  it,  to  a  personal  and  po- 
litical enemy,  a  man  who,  in  "  open  day  and  secret  night"  had  attempted 
to  blast  his  reputation  !  There  has  been  but  one  other  instance  of  an  elec- 
tion by  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  how  different  was  the  conduct  of 
the  successful  candidate,  on  that  memorable  occasion.  Mr.  Bayard,  who 
held  then,  as  Messrs.  Cook  and  Scolt  did  now,  the  vote  of  a  slate  in  hi3 
hands,  having  voted  thirty  six  times  for  Aaron  Burr,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, stating  that  if  he  would  satisfy  him  on  certain  specified  points,  as  to 
what  his  administration  would  be,  the  presidential  contest  would  be  ended 
in  one  hour.  These  points  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  question  ;  '  how  the 
cabinet  was  to  be  filled,'  but  related  to  principles.  The  reply  was  worthy 
of  it3«author,  and  of  the  occasion.  It  was,  that  he  would  enter  ihe  presi- 
dential'chair,  untrammelled,  free  from  all  stipulations  or  compromises— or 
remain  a  private  citizen.  '.Vhen  the  great  Chatham,  was  opposed  in  the 
ministry,  and  out  voted  on  his  proposition  for  a  declaration  of  war  against 
Spain,  he  declared,  he  would  not  be  responsible  for  measures  he  could  not 
direct,  and  immediately  resigned.    How  different  is  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Ad- 


ems.  1-Ie  sought  a  jjost  vviiich  he  could  not  obtain,  and  wliicli  he  cannot, 
preserve  without  the  aid  of  an  enemy  and  rival,  and  consents  to  be  respon- 
sible for  racHSures  which  he  does  not  direct.  It  is  notorious,  that  most  at 
the  measures  of  the  administration  are  Mr.  Clay's,  and  that  he  disposes  of 
nil  the  appointments;  and  hence  it  is,  that  New  England  is  so  entirely  neg- 
lected, and  that  the  friends  of  the  secretary  in  the  west,  have  been  so  am- 
ply rewarded.  Ought  such  a  coalition  as  Ihis  to  be  countenanced  .■'  Is  it  not 
directly  subversive  of  the  freedom  of  elections,  by  opposing  the  regular  ac- 
tion of  the  public  will  .''  If  this  example  is  suffered  to  succeed,  will  it  not 
encourage  other  competitors  for  the  chief  magistracy,  who  like  Mr.  Clay, 
bad  "  rather  lose  their  beads  than  their  election,"  when  they  find  that  they 
cannot  carry  iheir  points  singly,  to  unite  their  interests,  seize  upon  the  gov- 
ernment, and  divide  the  spoil  between  them  and  (heir  adherents  ?  If  this  can 
be  done  by  two  chiefs,  it  may  by  three  or  more.  We  are  not  slating  an  ima- 
ginary case.  T!ie  commencement  of  the  triumvirates  in  Rome,  was  the  eca 
of  the  subversion  of  the  constitution  and  the  overthrow  of  the  republic. 

What  should  we  expect  wouid^  ne  the  conduct  and  spirit  of  such  an  ad- 
ministration ?  Precisely  what  has  been  witnessed  ;  and  what  as  naturally 
flows  from  the  origin  and  character  of  it,  as  any  results  follow  their  knowii 
causes.  The  situation  of  the  two  executive  chiefs,  U  similar  to  that  of  an 
usurper  or  a  sovereign,  who  has  reached  his  throne  by  "  indirect  and  crook- 
ed ways,"  and  is  sensible  that  there  is  a  flaw  in  his  title.  His  first  and  main 
exertions,  are  directed,  to  secure  his  ill-gotten  power.  In  times  of  violence, 
this  was  done  by  taking  off  by  poison  the  legal  heir,  and  his  adherents  by 
civil  war  and  the  scaffold  ;  but  in  modern  times,  acts  of  settlement,  declara- 
tions and  sham  elections  are  resorted  to,  to  prop  up  a  defective  title.  The 
patronage  of  the  government  and^he  funds  of  the  nation,  are  used  wilhout 
restraint  to  make  partisans  and  buy  up  "  golden  opinions,"  whilst  the  inter- 
ests of  the  nation  are  neglected,  or  treated  as  a  subordinate  concern. 

This  is  no  bad  description  of  the  conduct  and  spirit  of  the  present  ddmin- 
istration.  It  must  he  admitted  by  its  friends,  that  if  not  in  fault,  it  has  been 
extremely  unfortunate.  What  has  it  done  within  the  scope  of  its  legitimate 
objects.''  By  what  measure,  or  what  leading  policy,  is  it  distinguished  .' — 
Where  are  its  merits  to  be  found.'  Is  it  in  the  internal  adniinistralion,  or 
the  conducting  of  our  foreign  relations  ?  As  to  the  first,  there  is  no  meas- 
ure, and  no  important  law,  which  can  be  claimed  l)y  the  executive  admin- 
islration.  The  tariff,  be  it  good  or  bad,  cannot  be,  for  it  was  not  recommen- 
ded by  the  president.  Mr.  .Adams  is  said  by  his  eulogists  to  be  a  practiced 
statesman,  and  a  great  diplomatist  ;  this  may  be,  but  it  is  undeniable,  that 
such  egregious  neglect  and  blunders  in  our  foreign  negotiations,  never  oc- 
curred beiore,  during  any  administration.  There  was  no  difficulty  on  thie 
subject;  our  relations  were  friendly  with  all  powers,  and  our  commeice, 
uninterrupted,  when  Mr.  Adams  took  the  helm  of  affairs.  There  were  no 
wars  in  Europe,  no  questions  as  to  neutral  rights,  no  collisions  with  billigcr- 
ents  which  had  embarrassed  former  administrations.  What  now  is  our  situ- 
ation .''  we  have  lost  the  trade  with  the  British  and  French  West  India  Islands 
and  become  involved  in  serious  difficulties  with  the  Emperor  of  Brazil. 

The  loss  of  the  British  West  India  Trade,  vvortb  live  millions  annually, 
and  principally  to  the  eastern  states,  was  the  result  of  the  greatest  negli- 
gence and  folly  imaginable.  During  several  years  of  negotiation,  the  Brit- 
ish government  had  repeatedly  prriposed  the  terms,  and  the  only  terms  on 
which  they  would  permit  us  to  trade  with  their  West  India  Colonies. — 
These  terms,  our  government  did  not  accede  to.  After  waiting  some  time 
tor  the  renewal  of  the  negotiation,  which  had  been  promised  on  our  part,  an 
act  of  Parliament  was  passed,  offering  the  trade  on  the  same  terms,  but  pro- 
viding that  those  nations  who  should  not  comply  with  those  terms,  so  as  to 
bring  themselves  within  the  act,  within  a  specified  time,  should  be  denied 
all  commercial  intercourse  with  these  colonies.  In  this  stage  of  (he  busi- 
ness Gen.  Smith,  a  member  of  the  Senate,  from  Maryland,  a  very  intelligent 
man  in  commercial  concerns,  introduced  a  bill  to  meet  the  provisions  of  the 
British  act  of  parliament,  and  secure  the  West  India  Trade. 

This  bill  was  opposed  by  the  administration  members,  who  then  were 
a  majority,  on  the  suggestion  of  the  cabinet,  on  the  ground  that  the 
president  preferred  to  arrange  the  matter  by  negotiation  — The  bill  was  lost, 
and  the  subject  neglected  ;  for  some  time,  we  had  no  Minister  in  England  ; 
at  heogth  Mr.  Rufus  King  wns  appointed,  and  sent  out,  wil^Qiit  T[tstTncli(>ns. 


and  no  steps  were  <aken  by  oitr  government  ;  Uie  lime  was  suffered  to  ex- 
[iire,  (lie  act  ot  the  parliament  to  go  into  operation  against  us,  and  the  co- 
lonial trade  to  be  lost.  That  it  was  an  objf^ct  lo  have  secured  (he  trade  on 
the  terms  offered,  the  administration  have  admitted,  for  after  it  was  too 
late,  thev  sent  out  Mr.  Gallatin  with  instructions  to  open  the  negotiation  on 
the  precise  terms  the  British  had  offered,  first  by  negotiation  and  then  by  act 
of  parliament.  In  our  difficulties  with  Brazil,  tlie  government  have  shown 
about  the  same  alten'ion  and  wisdom.  Our  vessels  were  captured — our 
flag  iiisullod,  and  our  seamen  imprisoned,  under  the  most  flimsey  pretences. 
Mr.  Raguet  our  Charge  de'Affairs,  remonstrated  repeatedly,  and  at  length 
their  outrages  became  so  great,  he  withdrew  from  the  government.  The 
president,  and  secrelary  of  state,  instead  of  acting  with  the  spirit  ivhich 
the  occasion  required,  attacked  .Mr.  Raguet,  justified  (be  Brp.ziiian  govern-'. 
nienl,  and  appointed  another  agent.  The  consequence  of  :;'!•'?-■  ';.  .•  ?r.'^.i. 
and  spiritless  conduct,  was  to  encourage  a  re()etition  of  oulr.i^e  ;  ant'  ihe. 
administration  were  compelled  at  last,  to  send  out  a  naval  force  to  protect 
oiiF  commerce. 

Our  diplomatic  cabinet,  have  likewise  displayed  great  tore-sight  and  wis- 
dom, ill  conducting  our  relations  with  the  Spanish  republics  in  ihe  South. — 
Tliey  sent  out  Mr.  Sargeant  lo  a  Congress  at  Panama,  Tacubaya,  or  some- 
wliere  else,  which  he  could  not  find  ;  and  this  they  insisted  on  doing,  with- 
out the  concurrence  of  congress ;  although  its  object,  was  political,  and  not 
commercial,  and  was  wholly  at  war  with  the  established  policy  of  this 
country,  to  maintain  no  other  tlian  commercial  relations  witli  any  for- 
eign power.  But  as  the  anibsissador  could  not  find  the  congress,  no  en- 
tangling alliances  were  formed,  and  no  other  evil  resulted  from  the  mission, 
than  an  expense  of  about  ^30,000,  and  Mr  Sargeant  returned  to  Philadel- 
phia in  season  to  canvass  for  member  of  congress,  and  was  elected.  Mr. 
Rochester  who  was  appointed  secretary  of  legation  to  this  unknown  mission, 
remained  at  home  about  oi!e  year  after  his  appointment,  receiving  pay  at 
the  rate  of  §4,500  per  annum  ;  ai\d  during  this  period  he  was  set  up  by  the 
administration,  for  governor  of  the  state  of  New-York,  but  failed. — Since 
then,  he  has  been  despatched  as  charge  de'aff  lirs  to  Guatemala,  but  was  as 
unsuccessful  as  he  and  Mv.  Sargeant  were  before  ;  he  cocld  not  find  the  des- 
tination of  his  mission,  or  found  it  in  such  a  state,  that  he  could  not  stay. — 
He  accordingly  returned,  having  for  these  important  diplomatic  services, 
received  about  ^20,000  of  the  people's  money.  This  however  was  not  ioslj 
much  of  it  undoubtedly,  has  been  spent  in  electioneering  for  the  adminfs- 
fration,  which  was  the  principal  object  of  these  important  missions. 

Such  has  been  the  successful  results  of  the  diplomatic  concerns  of  the  ad- 
ministration. 

What  is  the  cause  of  these  disgraceful  failures,  and  the  entire  neglect  of 
the  interests  of  the  people  at  home  and  abroad  .'     It  is  apparent.       Messrs. 
Adams  and  Clay  have  been  taking  care  of  their  own  concerns.     They  have 
lieen  settling  up  the  claims  growing  out  of  the  bargain,   and    attempting  to 
secure  themselves  in  their  situation.    Mr.  Clay  has  been  travelling  long  and 
slow  journies  for  his  health,  and  electioneering  for  his  conscience  ;  making 
barbecue-dinner  speeches,    and  writing  pamphlets.      He  has  had  to  pay  for 
services  performed,  and  to  purchase    others  ;    to  reward  old  partisans  and 
buy  op  new  ones.     He   has  had  to    defend   himself  against  a  '  responsible 
accuser' — to  brand  that  accuser  as  a  '  military  chieftain,'  and   to  visit  eve- 
ry town  and  hamlet  in  the  union,  to  warn  his  countrymen  against  the  dan- 
gers of  military  rule,  and  the  enthusiasm  for  mere  military  renown.     In  ad- 
dition to  all  this,  he  has  had    to  attend  to  his  prayers.      He    has    invoked 
"  war,  pestilence  and  famine"  upon    his   country      In  fine,  the  firm  have 
had  to  carry  on  an  offensive  and  defensive   war.      They  have  had  to  hire 
partisan  troops,  lo  reward  and  stimulate  their  friends,  ami  to  assail  their  en- 
emies— and  all  this  has  been  done  "  with  an  eye  to  the  strictest  economy." 
They  have  not,  it  is  true,  attempted  to  remove  by  poison  or    assassination, 
the  man  whom  they  know  has  the  legitimate  title  to  the  power  they  possess. 
They  have  not  attempted  to   murder  General  Jackson,  but  they  have    at- 
tempted to  murder  his  reputation,  which  is  nearly  the  same  thing.     These 
operations  Jiave  required  time,  talents  and  attention.      They  have  required 
two  things  more — funds  and  the  utmost  stretch  of  executive  patronage  aotf 
sofltifince. 


16 

Nitwllli'tandins;  tliif  admninfralion,  n?  ^"0  liave  already  observed,  is 
marked  hy  no  important  niensiire,  and  Ity  no  leading  poliny  as  it  respects 
the  legitimate  olijecis  n(  gnvernmoni,  still  it  will  he  long  distinguished.  It 
will  he  known  fts  llie  elefitioncerinij  cabinet,  and  the  first  administration 
which  has  introduced  «  general  system  of  corruption  ;  nnd  Henry  Clay  will 
attain  to  the  honor  of  heing  called  the  Walpole  of  America,  who  reduced 
to  practice  the  maxim  that  "  evtry  man  lias  his  price."  To  accomplish 
tiiese  j>iirposes,  one  of  the  tirst  ohjects  to  which  the  executive  influence 
was  directed,  was  the  press.  Itwas  nalurai  that  an  administration,  sensible 
that  it  did  not  enj  >y  tin  confiience  of  the  nation,  and  conscious  of  the  cor< 
ruption  of  its  origin,  should  dread  the  influence  of  a  free  and  indeper:dent 
press.  They  seemed  from  the  outset,  to  have  been  sensible,  (hat  imiess  the 
press  could  be  overawed  or  corrupted,  they  could  not  sustain  themselves  in 
power.  Hence,  for  this  purpose,  tiie  most  unprecedented  eft'orts  have  beeo 
rande  by  the  tittnosi  streicii  ot  executive  patronage,  which  even  the  laws 
could  not  rtistraiti.  This  work  has  been  entrusted  to  Mr  Clay,  who,  acting 
on  the  sentiment  '  that  he  had  rather  lose  his  head  than  his  election,'  and 
that  "  war,  pestilence  atul  faTiine"  would  be  a  blessing,  compared  to  a  de- 
feat, began  by  declaring  that  he  would  iiave  no  neutra's.  The  printing  of 
the  laws  was  taken  from  the  oldest  and  most  respectable  papers  in  the  un- 
ion, because  they  could  tiot  conscientiously  afford  an  active  support  to  the 
administration,  althougli  they  did  not  tlien  oppose  it,  and  was  bestowed 
upon  some  of  the  most  ah^mdoned  and  profligate  p'^pers  in  the  country.  Not 
satisfied  with  the  patrona.o'e  «hich  the  publication  ot  the  laws  gives  to  the 
secretary  of  state,  which  authorises  him  to  designate  seventy-two  papers 
for  this  purpose,  inaeuuity  has  been  tortured,  to  devise  other  means  to  re- 
ward the  pafl,  and  stimulate  the  future  zeal  of  the  presses,  devoted  to  the 
coalition.  Tiie  patronage  at  the  seat  of  govern ?nent,  always  great,  has  been 
so  amplified,  as  to  subsidise  the  whole  editorial  corps  at  the  metropolis, 
with  one  exception.  As  an  illustration  o*"  the  extent  of  this  patronage,  and 
li»e  expense  attending  i',  vve  will  mention  O'.-ie  item  only.  Tiie  publication 
of  a  notice  to  the  exiles  of  St.  Domingo,  of  the  convention  between  the 
government  of  that  island  and  the  government  of  France,  was  attended 
with  an  expense  of  more  than  four  thousand  dollars,  bestowed  upon  presses, 
every  one  of  which  is  the  most  servile  and  devoted  instrument  of  the  coali- 
tion. 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  principal  object  of  the  administration, 
in  buying  up  presses,  has  been  to  defend  its  measures,  and  repel  the  assaults 
laadf  upon  it.  Ff  this  had  been  the  main  object,  their  conduct  would  have 
J)een  less  flagitious  than  it  is  ;  but  it  was  far  diflfereut.  They  wished  to  op- 
ginise  an  editorial  corps  of  mercenaries  to  wage  offensive  war  against 
Gen.  Jackson  and  his  friends.  Like  an  able  commander,  Mr.  Cla}'  has  at- 
tempted to  '  carry  the  war  into  Africa,'  and  to  assail  the  enemy  in  his  own 
camp.  The  word  lias  been  given  and  the  attack  made,  with  a  malignity,  vi- 
olence and  recklessness  of  truth,  which  has  astonished  reflecting  men  of 
both  parlies.  The  vocabulary  of  billingsgate  has  been  exhausted,  to  find 
epithets  of  reproach,  adapted  to  characterize  a  military  chieftain.  He  has 
been  compared  to  .Vlarius,  Sylla,  Cromwell  and  Bonaparte.  He  has  been 
stigmatized  as  a  military  tyrant,  a  contemner  of  the  laws,  a  violator  of  the 
libertiesof  his  fellow  citizens — charged  with  raising  the  military  above  the 
civil  authority,  in  time  of  peace — with  cruelty  and  bloodshed,  with  wanton 
massacres,  with  putting  prisoners  to  death  in  cold  blood,  with  imprisoning 
judges  and  dispersing  the  legislature  of  a  state  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
without  cause.  And  to  cap  the  climax  of  his  bloody  deeds,  he  has  been 
charged  with  a  crime  almost  too  horrible  to  name  -. — with  the  wilful  and  de- 
liberate murt/er  of  his  fellow-citizens.  The  very  fountains  of  calunjny  have 
been  broken  up,  and  their  pestiferous  streams  diverted  over  the  land,  not  lo 
fertilize,  but  to  blight  unto  death  every  germ  of  truth  which  had  sprung  up 
in  the  soil  of  the  public  mind.  Not  contented  with  so  foully  slandering 
bi*  public  services  and  character,  his  private  virtues,  his  fire-side,  and  his 
domestic  relations  have  afforded  no  sanctuary  against  a  malevolence  which 
would  rest  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  bis  life.  Is  there  an  American 
whose  blood  does  not  boil  at  the  bare  recital  of  these  atrocious  calumnies  ? 
This  is  but  a  faint  picture  of  the*  alarming  efl'ectt  of  eseciitive  Influence  ia 
corrupting  the  press.    Vl^iS'  jt  b?  said  (bat  the  adjpinistratioB  is  not  rasj^a- 


17 

sible  far  these  shndflrs  ?  They  have  been  snggRsled  and  propagated  by  tte 
very  naners  which  are  the  organs  of  the  gnveriitijent,  which  print  "  bv  au- 
thority "  '       :       r  '    ., 

The  patrona2;e  and  funds  of  the  nation  I.ave  not    on!y  bean   brougFit    into 
r<»qiiisition,    lo   rorrnpt   and    cnrjtroi  the  press,    but  to  bny  up  and    reward 
partis  tns,  and  thus  corrupt  public  opinion.     For  this  purpose,  executive  in- 
fluence has    been    earned    to  an  extent  hitherto    unicnown  in  this  country, 
and  which  is  truly  alarmin*.     Mr.  Clay  is  said  to    have    remarked  to  Gene- 
ral Floyd,  "  Give  me  patronage  and  I  will  make  myself  popular."     Wheth- 
er he  has  expressed    this  sentiment  or  not,    it  is   certain  he  has  acted  on  it. 
To  examine  parlienlar  ca«cs,  would  greatly  exceed  our  limits  ;  but  we  can- 
not forbear  referring  to   one    of  the  most    during— that    of  the  unfortunate 
Dinii'l  P.  Cook.     Mr.  Cook  had  given  the  vote   of  Illinois  against  the  will 
of  liis  constitu^>nt^•.  and  in  consequence,  lost  his  election.       Broken  hearted 
and  Wasting  in  health  and  spirits,  he  applied  for  his  reward.       He  asked  for 
the  mission    to    Colombia,    but    that  was   p!f»d^ed  to  a  friend  of  Mr.  Clay, 
In  this  difemma,  Mr.  Cook  is  ofiV-red  and  arsepls  a  secret  agency  to  the  isU 
and  of   Cuba,  although   ignorant   of  the   Spanish  lrtng!iac;e,    atid  too  much 
iuipHired  in  his  health  to  discharge   any  active  duties.       Taking  with  him  e 
list  of  instructions  from  Mr.  Clay,    which  would  have   required    a  well  and 
Bctive  man  a    year  to    have    fulfilled,   he  sails    from  New  York  the  last   of 
April,  and  arrives  home  the  last  of  May,  or  first  of  June,    having  slopped  at 
C;iha  on  his  voyage.     Foi  this  service,    Mr.  Cook  had  advanced  to   him  fif- 
teen hundred  dollars,  and  Mr.  Clay  says  his  account  is  not  yet  settled.      If 
any  thin?  could  add    to    the    extraordinary  nature    of  this    transaction,    ii 
would  he  llip  manner  of  its  disclosure.      The  committee  on    retrenchment 
wrote  to  Mr.  Clav,  elating  that  they  were   informed  that   there  had  been  a 
secret  agency  to  Cuba,  and  requesting  information  on  the  subject.       He  re- 
plied, thai  he  would  neither  f'e/jf/  nor  adrnrf  their  statement  ;  but  added,  that 
if  the  committee  would   consent,  *o  receive  a  confidenlinl    communication, 
he  was  authorised  by  the  presid.^i  t  to  say  that  one  shoiild  be  furnished.    In 
what    light  does   this  exhibit   the  president  and   secretarj',    shrinking  with 
conscious  guilt    from  the  scrutiny  of  the  representatives  of  the  people,   and 
attempting  to  cover  their  conduct,    under  a   cnvfidential  communicntion  ? 
Tliere  can  be  no  stronger  evidence  of  the  extraordinary  and  nnwarrnnte- 
ble  nature  of  this  transaction,  than  is  furnished  by  the  administration  tFiebi- 
selves.     The  w^hole  proceeding  was  kept  a  profound  secret,   and    po' record 
made  of  the  mission,  or  of  the  disbursements  attending  it,  according  to  (he 
t'sual  course  of  business.     We  need  not  enquire,   what  serrices  this  secret 
agent    performed  I — what    benefit    he   rendered    his  country  ;     but  we  Rsk 
whether  the  conduct  of  the  government  in  throwing  the  mantle   of  secresy 
and  darkness  over  the  transaction,  and  in  attempting  to  stifle  it  in  the  breast's 
'of  the  committee  by  a  conjidenlinl  communication,   is  not  conclusive  evi- 
dence  that  they  kneuD  it  would  not  besrthe  light  ?  That  they  wprs  censible 
it  was  only  a  mode  of    rewarding    Mr  Cook  for  his  presidential    "ote,  and 
tijai  upon  its  very  face  it  bore  the  stamp  of  corruption  ? 

The  cases  of  John  H.  Pleasants.  John  A.  King,  William  B.  Eochcsfer, 
Thomas  L.  McKenney,  George  Watkins,  and  numerous  others,  are  of  i  sim- 
ilar character.  Some  idea  of  the  extent  and  alarming  natnre  of  thi?  rooni- 
ed  influence  nf(he  government,  may  be  formed  from  the  fact,  (hat  in  the 
department  of  state  alone,  nearly  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  are  yearly 
expended  at  the  discretion  of  the  secretary  of  state,  and  that  secretary, 
Henry  Clay,  whose  maxim  is  "  give  me  patronage  and  T  will  make  myself 
popular."  What  use  would  a  man  make  of  such  a  fund,  who  acts  on  tb* 
principle '  that  he  bad  rather  lose  his  head  than  his  election  ?' 

Tiie  sum  of  five  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty-eight  dollars  p'}\d  John 
A.  King,  for  his  services  as  charge  d'  affairs,  for  sixty-two  days,  is  not  only 
enormous  in  amount,  but  directly  in  viol.ition  of  law  The  act  of  Congress 
of  1810  fixes  the  salary  of  charge  d'nffairs,  at  four  thousand  five  hundred 
dollars,  and  an  outfit  not  exceeding  thiit  amoant.  on  his  ^oingfrom,  the  Uni- 
ted Stales.  But  the  same  act  provider,  that  to  entitle  the  person  to  that 
compensation,  he  roast  be  appointed  by  tha  ysresident,  with  the  concent  of 
the  senate.  But  Mr.  King  was  not  appointed  by  the  president,  charge  d  'af 
fairs  ;  he  was  only  named  by  his  father.  There  were  two  ohjectfons  to  his 
receiving  this  money,  the  first  that  he  did  not  '■gofrornlthe  United  Slate.*.l(hnt 
was  »n  EhgUud,  ac  pccreta/y  of  jegatjoo  whcvn  appoinlBd,)  which  the  \4vt 

-    •    •  .5 


18 

demands,  to  entitle  bim  to  tbe  oulGt  of  four  tfaousand  fiva  hundred  dollars 
that  was  paid  him  ;  and  secondly,  he  was  not  appointed  bg  the  president, 
which  the  act  requires,  to  have  entitled  him  to  either  an  outfit  or  compensa- 
tion as  charge  des  affairs.  On  both  of  these  grounds  the  payment  was  ob- 
viously illegal  :  the  case  is  too  clear  to  admit  even  of  a  doubt. 

Mr.  M'Kenney,  whilst  receiving  1700  dollars  per  annum,  as  a  clerk  in  the 
Indian  sub-department,  in  1827,  was  sent  on  a  tonr  to  tbe  Indians  at  Green 
Bay,  and  from  thence,  went  to  St.  Louis,  and  returned  through  Mississippi, 
Alabama  and  Georgia,  to  Washington.  He  charged  eight  dollars  per  day, 
and  eight  dollars  for  every  twenty  miles.,  for  his  espences,  including  a  jour- 
ney from  Green  Bay,  by  the  direct  route  back  to  Washington,  which  he  did 
not  make.  This,  in  imitation  of  Mr.  Adams,  was  a  constructive  journey. — 
During  this  time,  he  was  receiving  his  salary  as  clerk 

The  effect  of  these  monied  electioneering  operations,  is  evinced  in  the 
national  expenditures.  According  to  a  statement  of  the  Hon.  J.  S.  Barbonr, 
a  distitguished  member  of  Congress,  the  expenditures  of  .the  three  last 
years  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration  and  the  three  first  of  Mr.  Adams' 
were  as  follows : — 

Mr.  Monroe's  administration  -        -  -         ;g24,a22,459 

Mr.  Adams'  administration,        ...  .      33,507,767 


Difference,        ^8,685,308 

Thus  it  appears,  that  the  expenses  of  the  government  have  increased  un- 
der this  economical  administration,  more  than  eight  and  a  half  million  of 
dollars.  The  expenses  of  messengers  for  bearing  despatches,  are,  for  the 
three  last  years  of  Mr  Monroe's  administration,  ^6,827;  tor  the  three  first 
of  Mr.  Adams',  ^18,886,  being  an  increase  of  more  than  twelve  thousand 
dollars,  or,  of  nearly  three  to  one. 

We  need  not  inquire  what  are  the  constitutional  principles  of  an  admin- 
istration which  came  into  power  by  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  spirit  and 
substance  of  our  national  charter.  The  constitution  in  their  hands  is  but  a 
rope  of  wax  ;  to-day  it  is  stretched,  to-morrow  relaxed  ;  at  one  time,  they 
are,  or  pretend  to  be,  the  advocates  of  a  strict  construction,  then  of  impli- 
ed powers,  and  the  most  latitudenarian  principles;  the  constitution  is  warp- 
ed to  suit  their  selfish  and  ambitious  purposes,  and  if  not  rescued  from  their 
hands,  little  more  than  its  form  will  remain. 

Here  we  might  stop,  having  gone  through  with  the  argument  so  far  as  is 
material,  to  form  a  verdict  on  the  great  question  now  pending,  whether  this 
administration  is  deserving  of  public  confidence.  And  let  it  not  be  forgotten, 
that  this  is  the  true  ground  of  the  present  controversy.  The  advocates  of 
Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay,  however,  have,  with  much  dexterity,  attempted 
to  divert  the  attention  of  the  public,  from  the  real  questiou,  to  a  false  issue, 
respecting  the  relative  qualifications  of  Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jackson. — 
Supposing  it  was  admitted,  that  Gen.  Jackson's  qualifications  were  not  sui- 
table for  president,  would  that  prove  that  this  administration  was  deserving 
of  support .''  Or,  suppose  the  country  was  to  be  visited  with  so  great  a  ca- 
lamity as  his  death,  would  that  restore  Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay  to  the  pub- 
lic confidence  ?  They  wish  to  have  the  contest  considered  as  between  them 
and  Gen.  Jackson  ;  but  the  public  do  not  so  regard  it ;  it  is  a  controversy 
between  them  and  the  people,  whose  rights  they  have  violated,  whose  con- 
fidence they  have  abused,  and  whose  interests  they  have  betrayed.  Gen. 
Jackson  is  not  a  party  to  the  contest,  he  is  only  an'instrument  ia  the  bands 
of  the  people. 

We  do  not  fear,  however,  to  meet  them  on  their  own  ground,  and  to  have 
the  decision  turn  on  the  question,  which  of  the  two  candidates  is  the  safest 
depository  of  power  in  a  free  state  ?  The  partisans  of  Mr.  Adams  represei.;t 
him  as  possessed  of  transcendant  talents,  profound  learning,  and  great  ex- 
perience ;  as  a  deep  and  wise  politician,  and  the  first  statesman  of  the  age, 
•f  "iotj  the  first  America  has  ever  produced:  They  also  talk  of  his  long  and 
distinguished  public  services,  and  the  patriotic  devotion  of  a  whole  life  to 
the  interests  ot  his  country.  But  what  facts  do  they  offer  in  support  of  these 
extravagant  pretensions !  We  have  long  and  anxiously  looked  for  them, 
but  have  never  been  able  to  discover  any.  The  reputation  of  Mr.  Adams 
is  one  of  those  mysterious  things,  which  sometijnes  occur  ;  no  one  oai  tell 
from  whence  it  sprung,  or  of  what  it  consists.  We  know  of  no  way  of  ac- 
conntrng  fof  it,  unless  it  is,  by  reference  to  the  practice  of  those  "ySuvoessfiii 


19 

;:r.'.° '  lur  acq^uiriiig  popularity'  and  power,  which  "  no  vulgar  democrat  can 
attain."  That  Mr.  Adams  has  learning,  we  admit ;  that  he  has  talents  of  a 
cerlain  description,  we  are  not  disposed  to  deny ;  that  he  has  had  experi- 
ence, W8  do  not  controvert ;  but  that  he  is  a  wise  man,  or  a  profound  states- 
man— that  he  j>ossesses  a  sound  judfjment,  or  even  an  eminent  portion  of 
common  sense  ;  tliat  be  is  a  good  judge  of  human  nature,  has  a  just  estimate 
of  mankind,  or  is  well  acquainted  with  the  practical  and  common  concerns 
and  interests  of  his  countrymen,  we  have  yet  to  learn.  But,  when  we  are 
reminded  of  his  patriotism,  his  disinterested  and  important  public  services, 
his  political  integrity,  and  his  republican  principles,  we  must  express  our 
total  dissent.  JNcver,  perhaps,  was  there  a  greater  popular  delusion,  than 
!iiat  respecting  the  character  and  services  of  John  Quincy  Adams.  A  maa 
may  be  learned,  and  possess  superior  talents  of  a  certain  kind  ;  and  not  be 
a  great  statesman,  nor  a  wise  man,  and  much  less  an  honest  man.  There 
are  numerous  examples  of  this.  Air.  Addison  has  left  the  brightest  name  ia 
Knglish  literature  ;  yet  he  could  not  discharge  the  duties  of  under  secretary 
of  state,  and  was  obliged  to  resign,  for  incapacity. 

Mo  one  deserves  the  reputation  of  a  profound  statesman,  unless  he  has 
performed  great  actions  or  developed  wise  plans  of  government,  deep  and 
just  viesvs  of  national  policy,  or  important  measures  for  securing  the  rights 
and  promoting  the  interests  of  his  country.  What  plans,  what  measures, 
or  even  what  laws,  having  an  important  influence  on  the  institutions,  the 
liberties,  or  the  interests  of  this  country,  has  Mr.  Adams  originated? — we 
know  of  none  ;  his  friends  can  refer  to  none  ;  we  have  looked  into  his  ad- 
ministration,and  do  not  find  them  there.  What  great  actions  has  he  per- 
formed P  when  was  he  distinguished  in  debate  P  what  important  measure 
owes  its  success  to  his  support .-'  He  has  no  claims  to  the  reputation  of  a 
great  statesman.  Where  are  we  to  look  for  his  wisdom  as  a  man,  or  evea 
superior  common  sense  ?  Is  it  in  his  letter  on  etiquette,  his  "fustian"  ora- 
tion, or  his  Ebony  and  Topaz  toast  ?  These  and  other  instances  that  might 
be  named,  show  a  want  of  good  sense. 

We  will  now  brietly  examine  the  public  services  and  political  character 
of  Mr.  Adams,  as  these  are  most  essential  to  the  objects  of  our  inquiries.-He 
was  brought  ap  at  the  feet  of  Gamaliel,  and  educated  in  part  at  the  public 
expense  :  it  was  natural,  perhaps  creditable  to  him,  that  he  should  adopt  the 
principles  of  his  father.  This  however,  he  and  his  friends  deny  ;  they  would 
it  seems,  have  it  believed,  that  he  was  stcretly  opposed  to  his  father's  ad- 
ministration. What  truth  there  is  in  this  pretension,  we  shall  soon  see  ;  and 
whether,  if  true,  it  would  do  more  credit  to  his  principles  than  dishonourto 
his  heart,  we  leave  for  his  friends  to  determine. 

(The  first  developement  of  the  principles  of  John  Q.  Adams  will  determine 
whether,  as  his  friends  now  say, '  he  was  educated  in  the  school  of  Jefferson, 
the  patriarch  and  founder  of  the  republican  party.'  The  first  effort  of  his 
pen  was  a  series  of  numbers  in  reply  to  a  popular  political  work,  called  the 
"  Rights  of  Man."  In  these  numbers,  signed  Publicola,  he  advances 
opinions  utterly  at  war  with  the  principles  of  popular  government,  and 
our  free  institutions.  He  defends  the  game  laws  of  England,  as  just  and 
necessary,  which  even  many  of  the  nobility  in  that  country  do  not  de- 
fend ;  and  he  maintains,  that  the  ;)eo/3/e  of  England  have  no  right  whatever, 
to  alter,  amend,  or  improve  their  constitution  for  their  own  benefit.  "The 
people  of  England''  he  says,  "have  delegated  their  whole  power  to  the  King, 
Lords,  and  Commons,  even  the  power  of  altering  the  constitution  itself;" 
and  insists,  that  "all  power  ought  to  be  delegated  for  their  benefit."  In  these 
essays  he  treats  Mr.  Jefferson  with  great  disrespect ;  and  alludes  to  turn  as 
the  "  Islam  of  democracy." 

Such  were  the  sentiments  which  this  young  democratic  champion,  as  be 
now  claims  lo  have  been,  was  publishing  in  the  newspapers  of  the  day,  and 
so  agreeable  were  they  to  the  views  and  the  vanity  of  his  father,  that  he  said 
"  the  democrats  had  more  fear  of  his  son's  pen,  than  of  all  Washington's 
administration."  This  star  of  the  east  rose  rapidly  in  the  political  horizon  ; 
at  the  age  of  about  twenty  seven,  he  was  translated  from  a  young  attorney 
without  business,  into  a  foreign  minister.  This  is  the  commencement  of 
his  important  public  services.  He  was  resident  minister  in  the  Netherlands 
three  years,  and  did  nothing.  From  thence  he  was  rerooved  to  the  court 
of  Berlin,  where  he  renewed  the  treaty  between  that  power  and  the  United 
State*,  first  negotiated  by  Franklia  and  Jefferson  j  but  at  his  particular  na- 


2(J 

quest,  the  impoiiaMl  article  which  disavowpd  liie  hnvlulness  ot  fnivateei- 
ing  in  lime  of  wsr,  was  left  out,  wiiich  frustrated  the  humane  purposes  uf 
Franklin  and  .(eft'erson.  litis  couatiluies  the  whole  of  bis  services  durini^ 
this  Oiission,  except  writing  his  "  Letters  on  Silesia,"  which  tiie  London 
Quarterly  Review,  a  ministerial  publication,  says,  evince  "feelings  towards 
bis  native  country,  which  more  reaemble  the  loyal  ariqnie.-cence  of  a  sub- 
ject, than  the  personal  interest  and  ardour  of  a  republicrto."  On  his  return 
from  Europe,  in  1802,  he  was  immediately  taken  up  by  the  federalists  as  ■? 
candidate  for  congress  in  opposition  to  Doctor  Eiislis,  but  he  did  not  suc- 
ceed. The  next  year  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  senate  of  Massachu- 
setts, which  was  the  first,  and  only  otfice  ht^  ever  received  froai  the  hands 
otihe  people.  Both  branches  ot  the  legislature  were  at  this  lime  federal; 
ana  so  high  did  Mr.  Adams  stand  in  their  estimation,  that  the  same  year  he 
was  elected  into  the  Senate  of  the  United  Sta'es  with  Timothy  Pickering. — 
Here  he  voted  with  the  federal  minority,  on  every  party  qneslion,  many  of 
which  were  of  deep  interest,  particularly  those  reiiardirigilie  Louisiana  treaty, 
the  amendment  ot  the  constitution,  until  April  jSUG,  about  the  period  it  was 
supposed  the  republicans  bad  gained  the  ascendancy  in  Mass^ciiusetts,  when 
for  the  first  time,  he  voted  with  the  republican  majority.  It  being  ascertained, 
however,  that  the  federalists  hall  succeeded  in  the  election,  Mr.  Adams'  at- 
tachments to  his  old  principles  and  friends  returned,  and  continued  wiilj 
increased  ardour  another  year,  until  the  complete  Iriuniph  of  the  republi- 
cans in  Massachusetts,  coaviaced  hiia  that  the  leatiiug  federalists  were 
traitors  to  their  country. 

The  next  session  of  congress,  no  parly  question  arose.  Mr.  Adams  hav- 
ing returned,  in  March  1807,  presided  at  a  federal  caucus,  which  nominated 
Caleb  Strong,  for  governor.  From  his  return  from  Europe  in  18t  2,  to 
March  1807,  he  had  not  only  acted  wilii  the  federal  parly  at  home  and  in 
congress,  but  was  regarded  as  the  leader  of  the  parly  in  Massachusetts,  ami 
had  received  the  highest  office  in  their  gift.  At  this  time,  he  wrote  a  poeti- 
cal effusion  in  the  Monthly  Anthology,  ridiculintj  Mr.  .Jetlersjii  and  Joel 
Barlow,  with  chaste  and  beautiful  allusions  to  "Carter's  Mountain  "and 
"  Dusky  bally  !"  In  the  face  of  these  public  and  nolorious  fncis,  Mr.  Adams 
has  repeatedly  asserted  that  he  was  always  a  republican,  friendly  to  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  possessed  of  his  confidence  He  says,  "  I  never  gave  a  vole 
in  boslility  to  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  ;  in  disregard  of  republican 
principles,  or  in  aversion  to  republican  patriots."  Did  the  federalists  of 
Massachusetts,  when  they  voted  for  Mr.  Adams  tor  congress,  in  opposition 
to  that  republican  and  revolutionary  patriot,  Ihe  late  Gov.  Euslis,  and  when 
they  voted  for  him  for  slate  senator,  suppose,  that  he  would  support  republi- 
can principles,  and  republican  patriots.''  Or  did  the  federal  legislature  of 
that  stale,  when  they  appointed  him  to  a  seat  in  the  senate  of  Ihe  United 
States, suppose  he  would  "  never  give  a  vote  in  hostility  to  Mr.  Jefferson's 
adicinistralion  '.' 

The  election  in  Massachusetts  in  April,  1807,  resulted  in  the  complete 
triumph  of  tne  republican  party.  This  event  appears  to  have  had  a  marvel- 
oas  and  aiost  wonderful  operation  on  the  'illustrious  house  of  Braintree,' 
both  father  and  son.  It  was  soon  after  this,  that  J.  Q  Adams  is  said  to  have 
made  the  declaration  to  Mr.  Towflsend,  'that  the  only  way  to  overthrow  de- 
mocracy, was  to  join  the  party,  and  to  hurry  it  on  to  such  excesses  as  would 
open  the  ayes  of  Ihe  people,  and  lead  to  a  better  form  of  government.'  Ihe 
effects  of  (ha  republican  triumph  in  Massachusetts  upon  the  house  of  Brain- 
tree,  were  gradually  developed.  The  session  of  congress  commenced  in 
Dei!.  1807,  and  on  the  ]8lh  of  that  month,  Mr.  Jefferson  recommended  the 
embargo.  Mr.  Adams,  the  federal  senator,  from  Ihe  then  republican  stale 
of  MassacliQsetts,  becomes  its  most  zealous  advocate.  He  opposed  a  posl- 
pODecziaiit,  and  even  a  delay  for  one  day,  and  supported  its  immediate  adop- 
tion by  the  following  language.  "  The  president  has  recommended  the 
measure  on  his  high  responsibility  ;  I  w^ould  not  consider,  I  woold  not  de- 
llbcrale,  I  would  act.  Dou'olless  the  president  possesses  such  further  in- 
forir.ation  as  will  justify  the  measure." 

Such  was  the  newly  awakened  zeal  of  Mr.  Adams,  that  it  hurried  him  in- 
to the  support  of  so  important  and  novel  a  measure,  materially  affecting  the 
inlsrestsof  bis  own  stale,  without  deliberation,  and  upon  the  supposition 
that  the  president  had  sufficient  information  to  justify  it.    Many  republicans, 


Iiowe.ver,  wished  Co  lielilieiate,  and  some  ojiiiDseJ  il..  (U'  v\  jkmjj  was 
(ieoige  Ciinloii  Hiid  Win.  H-  Crawfui-d.  Ttiis  Wtis  a  iiiosl  sudden  anij|  uiac- 
vetluus  conversion  lo  the  doctrints  «(  the  "  Islam  wt  DeinociHcy."  Afte' 
this  open  adhesion,  Mr.  Adams  ilisuiosed  to  Mr.  J^lieisi  n  and  Mr.  Giles,  tlie 
reasons  uf  his  conduct,  which  were,  that  lie  had  discovered  (he  leading  ted- 
eralists  were  desperate  factionisis,  and  enterlainetl  treasonaljie  phins,  extenO- 
ing  to  H  dissolution  of  the  Union.  He  claimed  to  he  actuhttd  entirely  by 
patriotic  motives,  and  desired  no  office. 

At  the  next  election,  in  tiie  spring  of  18i;8,  the  federalists  again  succeeded 
in  Mrtssachiisetis,  and  Mr.  Lloyd  was  elected  senntor  in  the  place  of  Mr. 
Adams.  After  failing  to  get  re-elected,  lie  resigned  his  seat  in  the  senate 
for  the  remainder  of  iiis  term,  which  was  only  a  part  of  a  year.  This  is  the 
immense  sacritice  he  made  hy  uniting  hicnself  with  the  republicans,  for 
which  he  has  heeii  rewarded  oy  the  most  honorable  and  lucrative  appoint 
tnenis  in  the  gift  of  the  executive,  and,  linslly,  with  the  presidency  ;  and  his 
friends  now  very  modestly  demacd,  that,  to  satisfy  ins  desires,  he  ought  to 
be  made  president  another  term. 

In  llie  course  of  the  year,  tlie  republicans  were  desirous  of  seltii'^ 
lip  Mr.  Adams  for  their  gubernatoiial  candidate,  on  which  sulject,  the  views 
ot  boih  father  and  son  are  disclosed  in  a  letter  of  the  former,  to  Mr  Cun- 
ningham He  slates  several  reasons  ill  opposition  to  it,  butltie  last  and 
principal  one  is,  that  it  would  produce  an  "  eternal  separation  helweeti 
./ohn  Q.  Adams  and  the  federalists,  particularly  that  class  constituting  the 
absolute  oligarchy  "  Although  he  had  joined  the  deruocrats,  he  did  not 
with  to  be  separated  from  that  oligarchy.  He  was  deeply  disaiipointed, 
that  he  did  not  obtain  the  office  of  secretary  of  state  under  Mi .  Madison  ; 
hut  he  succeeded  in  getting  a  mission  to  Russia,  and  "  Aristides  was  ban- 
ished because  he  was  too  just." 

Previous  to  tins,  John  Adams,  had  commenced  a  series  of  letters  in  t'ue 
Boston  Patriot,  in  which  he  attempted  to  prove,  'hat  he  was  opposed  to  his 
own  administration,  and  to  make  Hamilton  and  Pickering  the  scape-goats 
of  all  its  sins;  ilie  design  of  which  evidently  was,  to  co-operate  with  bis 
son  ill  conciliating  the  favour  of  the  repuitlicans,  to  advance  the  interest  oi 
the  new  convert  to  democracy.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Cii/mingham,  he  ex- 
plains his  object  in  these  publications  ;  he  says,  "  J  am  determined  to  throw 
olV  the  intolerable  load  of  obloijuy  which  has  heen  casi  upon  me,  or  perish 
in  the  atteinjit."  Mr  Adams'  public  life,  from  this  period  is  familiar  with 
fveryoive.  From  Russia  he  was  translated  to  Ghent,  and  from  thence  to 
England,  and  to  the  department  of  state.  The  public  have  seen,  the  estima- 
tion in  which  Mr.  Clay  held  the  part  he  acted  in  the  negotiations  at  Ghent. 
He  charged  iiim  with  being  ignorant  of  ihe  interests  of  the  west,  or  of  dis- 
regarding them  ;  with  advocating  a  narrow  and  seltish  policy  ;  an  attrocious 
project,  of  attempting  to  bartur  away  the  wives  and  the  children  of  tlie  west, 
for  a  mess  of  codfish.  Whilst  secretary  of  state,  his  two  most  important 
acts  were  the  negotiation  of  the  Florida  ireaty,  nnd  his  delence  of  General 
Jackson.  The  latter,  he  and  his  friends  seem  now  to  disavow  :  he  probably 
has  changed  his  opinion  on  that  subject,  as  he  has  often  found  it  convenient 
to  do  on  others.  In  the  Florida  negotiation,  he  was  overreai'.hed  by  Don  Onis, 
and  lost  the  right  of  soil  in  extensive  grants  of  land,  comprising  a  considera- 
ble portion  of  the  territory.  Mr.  I'lay  treated  this  as  a  disgraceful  "traffic 
of  territory  ;"  he  said  much  better  terms  miiiht  have  been  obtained,  aud  at- 
tempted in  congress  to  procure  a  vote  of  censure  on  the  negotiation.  Mr. 
A.  himself,  in  his  letter  to  our  minister  in  Spain,  admits  that  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  were    "  far  within  the  instructions  of  Don  Onis." 

We  have  now  gone  throngh  with  a  brief  notice  of  the  public  life 
of  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams.  For  these  important  services,  he  has  received 
nearly  FOUR  HUNDRED  THOUSAND  DOLLARS  For  two  years 
services  during  the  war,  he  received,  according  to  an  ofScial  docu- 
ment, wiiich  went  through  his  hands,  while  secretary  of  state,  62,644  dol- 
lars. At  this  very  time  he  was  writing  from  Ghent,  to  Leavitt  Harris  at  St. 
Petersburgh,  and  charging iiis  government  with  being  "  weak  and  penuri- 
oud."  Justice  teqiiires  us  to  add,  however,  that  this  docoment  is  fall  of  er- 
rors, and  it  is  possible  that  Ihe  double  salary  which  it  allows  Mr.  Adams  as 
minister  to  Russia  and  at  Ghent,  (or  the  period  of  one  year  and  ten  months, 
may  be  inuorrect.  If  so,  then  ne  received  lor  two  years  42,345  dollars.. — 
His  ctic^rgtfs  tvere  ^onnous  beyond  all  former  example,  and  many  of  (hem 


22 

directly  and  obvi.msly  ooiiliaiy  to  law.  For  his  expenses  tbiee  months  at 
Ghent,  he  charged  3,062  dollars.  Mr.  Munroe  sent  him  9O0O  dollars,  as  an 
outtil  on  his  mission  from  St.  Petersburgh  to  GlienI;  but  congress  afterwards 
allowed  only  4,500  for  his  outfit  Mr.  Monroe  informed  bim  of  this,  and  re- 
quested him  to  credit  the  government  the  4,5uO.  This  he  refused  to  do, 
and  wrole  back  an  indign  .nt  and  insolent  lettei,  staling,  that  for  congress 
to  reclaim  that  money  of  bim,  (receivt;d  contrary  to  law)  would  be  as  great 
an  outrage  as  to  confiscate  \\\%  private  properly.  He  charged  and  received 
nearly  1600  dollars  for  the  expenses  Of  a  journey  from  Ghent  back  lo  St. 
Petersburgh.  which  he  never  performed;  but,  on  the  contrary,  went  from 
Ghent  lo  England,  on  a  mission,  for  which  he  received  18,0U0  dollars  for 
outtil  and  one  years'  salary. 

Such  have  beeu  the  important  and  dis'mleresled  public  services  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams for  which  he  now  claims  to  be  president  another  term,  that  he  may  re- 
ceive another  100,000  dollars.  Here  permit  us  to  ask,  what  benefit  he  has 
conferred  on  his  country,  or  what  services  he  has  rendered,  which  any 
man  of  respectable  talents,  with  the  same  experience,  could  not  have  per- 
formed .'  We  need  not  ask  what  sacrifices  he  has  made,  v\  hat  responsibil- 
ities he  has  assumed,  or  what  patriotism  he  has  displayed  !  Where  shall  we 
look  for  these  public  viitues  .^  Are  they  to  be  found  in  his  filching  enor- 
mous sums  fr<>m  his  government,  at  a  period  of  war  and  pecuniary  embar- 
rassment, and  then  branding  that  government  as '/JCMun'ous  .''  or  in  conlem- 
plaling,  as  he  did  in  his  letter  to  Harris,  without  any  anxiety  or  concerUj 
that  his  "  feeble  and  penurious  country"  would  be  subdued  by  its  gigantic 
enemy  .' 

A  review  of  the  public  life  of  Mr.  Adams,  marking  its  various  politiciil 
phases,  instead  of  the  patriot,  the  enlightened  statesman,  the  consistent 
and  honest  politician,  exhibits  only  the  disgusting  picture  of  the  time-ser- 
ver, the  apostate,  and  the  political  hypocrite,  who  has  been  true  to  no  par- 
ty, faithful  to  no  cause  ;  who  has  adhered  lo  no  principle,  maintained  no 
lixed  character;  who  has  been  deaf  to  the  calls  of  patriotism,  and  insensi- 
ble to  the  wrongs  of  his  country  ;  who  has  joined  all  parties,  and  betrayed 
all  he  has  joined  ;  who  has  sacrificed  his  friends,  bargained  with  his  ene- 
mies, and  in  his  struggles  for  power  and  self-aggrandizement,  has  trampled 
under  foot  the  constitution  of  his  country  ;  who,  during  his  long  career,  has 
been  consistent  and  faithful  only  in  one  thing,  the  advauctment  of  his  own 
interest. 

Let  us  contrast  litis  character  with  that  of  the  Farmer  of  Tennessee,  the 
Cincinnatus  of  America.  Never  was  there  two  men  who  in  all  the  poijits  of 
their  characters  were  more  directly  opposed.  One,  born  a  prince,  brought 
up  in  foreign  courts,  in  his  early  youlh  was  warmed  into  public  life  in  the 
sunshine  of  favoritism  :  the  other,  of  humble  origin,  without  friends,  or  the 
means  i>r  advantages  of  early  education,  struggling  with  innumerable  ditS- 
culties,  educated  himself,  acquired  a  profession,  and  under  all  these  dis- 
couragements, by  his  industry,  his  exertions,  and  the  energies  of  a  powerful 
mind,  raised  himself  into  notice,  established  a  professional  reputation,  ac- 
quired the  confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens,  of  hi3  own  stale,  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  of  the  nation. 

An  attempt  is  mado  by  the  partisans  of  the  administration,  to  persuade 
the  public,  that  General  Jackson  has  had  no  experience  in  civil  ad'airs,  and 
has  noacquiremtthts  or  capacity  for  them.  He  is  branded  as  a  mere  "  mil- 
itary chieftain,"  and  is  even  charged  with  being  so  illiterate  that  he  cannot 
write  his  name.  Do  the  authors  of  these  slanders  mean  to  insult  the  Amer- 
ican people,  by  treating  them  like  credulous  children  .'  What  can  be  more 
preposterous  !  Nothing,  certainly,  unless  it  is  the  crimes  charged  upon  him 
by  the  same  pensioned  slanderers.  Can  a  man,  who,  for  a  lon^  course  of 
years,  has  been  honored  with  the  most  important  offices,  both  civil  and 
knilit&rjr,  in  his  own  state,  and  under  the  national  government,  and  who  has 
discharged  their  various^and  respcnsi<jle  duties  with  satisfaction  to  the  pub- 
lic, and  credit  to  himself,  be  entirely  illiterate  .'  I  he  pretension  is  too  ri- 
diculous to  deserve  a  refutation.  It  might  with  as  much  truth  and  reason 
be  asserted,  that  he  was  an  idiot,  aud  that  evdry  thing  which  is  altribated 
to  bim,   bad  been  performed  by  others. 

Can  it  be  denied  that  Andrew  Jackson  has  held  numerous  important  offi- 
ces'.''..This  isnot  attempted.  But  i:  is  denied  that  be  discharged  the  duties 
of  his  civil  offices  with  ability,;or  satisfactorily.    There  is  ("he  strongest  pos- 


23 


«^le  evidence  Ibat  lliis  is  not  so.  If  lie  iiad'nof  satisfied  his  conslifuents, 
would  thpy  have  re-elerted  him  ?  would  they  have  elevated  him  from  one 
trosi  to  another,  more  honorable  and  responsible  ?  If  the  government  was 
dissatisfied,  would  he  have  been  continued,  for  a  length  of  time,  during  dif- 
ferent administrations,  in  its  employment,  in  various  difficult  and  responsi- 
ble stations  ? 

We  repel  the  charge,  that  General  Jiickson  has  had  no  civil  experience 
and  displayed  no  capacity  for  civil  affairs.  His  experience  in  civil  trusts 
has  been  more  diversified,  and  much  more  useful  and  important  in  qualify- 
in*'  a  man  for  the  ruler  of  a  free  people,  than  that  of  Mr.  Adams.  He  has 
held  the  office  of  District  Attorney  to  the  United  States,  received  from  the 
hand  of  Washington  ;  he  was  a  member  of  the  convention  which  formed 
the  constitution  of  Tennessee:  a  memf)erof  the  state  legislature  ;  a  judge 
of  the  supreme  court  of  the  State  ;  a  member  of  congress  ;  twice  a  mem- 
member  of  the  senate  of  the  United  States  ;  commissioner  to  negotiate  sev- 
eral Indian  treaties  ;  and  governor  of  Florida.  These  numerous  and  im- 
portant trusts,  comprise  a  vastly  wider  range  of  experience,  than  has  fallen 
to  the  lot  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  offices  of  the  latter  have  been  nearly  «!l  of 
n  diplomatic  character;  one  year  in  the  senate  of  Massachusetts,  and  four 
or  five  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  is  all  his  experience  in  legislation  ; 
he  hai  had  none  in  the  judiciary,  and  little  or  no  professional  employment. 
In  all  these  civil  trusts,  the  experience  of  Gen.  Jackson  greatly  exceeds  that 
of  Mr.  Adams. 

But  it  is  said  Jackson  has  not  distinguished  himself  in  any  of  his  civil  offi- 
ces. If  this  was  so,  it  is  equally  true  of  his  rival,  as  we  have  already  shown. 
But  we  deny  its  truth.  He  has  not,  it  is  admitted,  been  distinguished  by 
long  speeches  ;  neither  has  George  Washington,  Thomas  Jefferson,  or 
George  Clinton  !  But,  like  them,  he  has  been  distinguished  for  sound- 
ness of  judgment,  integrity  of  character,  for  his  uniform  republican  prin- 
ciples, and  the  unshaken  firmness  of  his  purposes.  As  well  might  it  be  said, 
that  Washington  and  Jefl^"erson  were  not  qualified  for  the  civil  duties  of  the 
chief  magistracy,  because  they  were  not  distinguished  as  speakers,  as  to  as- 
sert this  of  Andrew  Jackson.  Indeed,  this  was  once  said  of  both  of 
Ihem. 

We  need  not  examine  the  military  services  of  general  Jackson  ;  tbey  re- 
ceived at  the  time,  the  thanks  of  the  national  representation,  as  well  as  the 
applause  and  gratitude  of  the  whole  country  ;  they  have  commanded  the 
attention  of  nations,  and  will  be  the  theme  of  admiration  of  posterity. 
Their  importance,  even  the  baseness  and  malignity  of  a  pensioned  and  prof- 
ligate press,  has  not  dared  to  assail.  These  services,  not  only  place  him  in 
the  first  rank  of  military  commanders,  but  exalt  him  equally  high,  as  a  pal- 
riot.  He  made  immense  sacrifices,  and  assumed  responsibilities,  which 
none  but  a  patriot  would  liave  assumed  ;  he  pledged  his  whole  |)roperfy, 
he  hazarded  his  life,  and  what  was  dearer  than  life,  his  reputation,  for  the 
salvation  of  New  Orleans,  and  the  whole  valley  of  the  Mississippi.  All 
were  staked  on  the  issue  of  the  contest ;  if  it  had  failed,  such  were  the 
bold,  responsible  measures  he  had  adopted,  his  own  ruin  would  have  been 
as  inevitable,  as  the  capture  of  the  city  he  was  defending.  This  was  a  6h- 
play  of  that  Roman  spirit  of  which  Mr.  Jefftrson  speaks,  that  "  forgets  self 
in  the  public  interest." 

It  is  conceded  that  his  military  talents  are  of  the  highest  order ;  whilst  it 
is  denied  tliat  he  has  any  capacity  for  civil  rule,  or  any  intelligence  or  Jeai  u- 
jug  whatever.  But  does  not  even  a  'military  chieftain'  require  science?  Is 
not  war  an  extensive  and  diversified  science  .'  and  can  its  operations  be 
conducted  successfully,  without  a  knowledge  of  it  ?  Furthermore,  does  it 
not  require,  to  form  an  able  and  successful  leader  of  armies,  a  combinatiou 
of  rare  and  distinguished  talents,  which  are  seldom  found  united  in  the  same 
individual  ?  This  is  fully  established  by  history.  So  rare  are  such  charac- 
ters, that  there  has  hardly  been  one  in  an  age.  Ho'.v  many  Marlboroughs 
has  England  furnished .'  There  never  was  a  "  military  chieftain"  who  had 
nut /aZcn<s  sufficieat  for  civil  rule.  Such  men  may  want  patriotism,  they 
may  want  integrity  ;  but  they  never  wanted  capacity  for  civil  government. 
But,  in  the  military  career  of  Jackson,  his  stern  Boman  integrity  is  equally 
conspicuous  with  his  talents.  We  will  notice  one  iqslance  of  his  patriotism, 
no!  connected  with  his  military  life,     V/hen  Mr,  Munroe  was  president. 


-4  .  \X^' 


stui  Mr.  Ad(im«.  secretary  of  ?fn1f»,  General  Jarksnn  wa«  ofF'ro'l  Utf  ?.p- 
pointinenf  of  ministpr  to  Mexico.  His  r^ply  should  be  jriven  in  his  own 
words  ;  he  snys — "  From  the  rpvolutionRry  movements  in  Mexico,  (lie  ap- 
jK-arsnre  of  an  Americnn  envoy,  with  credentials  to  the  tyrani  Itiirhide, 
inifrht  add  to  his  strength,  and  thereby  aid  in  rivitin»»  the  chaina  of  dejpo- 
fi«in  upon  hi.s  coiintrv,  which  of  right  ought  to  he  free.  T.>  l>e  the  Instrn- 
meni  of  Ivrannv,  however  innocent,  on  my  pari,  J  conid  not  re(;oncile  lo 
mv  feelings.  With  these  views,  and  other  reas'ins,  which  If  have  commu- 
nicated to  Mr.  Monroe,  I  have  declined  accepting  the  mi-sion  lo  Mexico." 
Is  thi«  the  language  or  the  conduct  of  a  "  military  chieftain,''  of  an  arhitra- 
rv  tyrant,  or  is  it  a  siihlime  instance  of  pafrioiis  ■,  the  spot\tane(ins  olTspring 
of  that  Roman  spirit  which  "  fjrgt't^  self,  in  tiie  love  of  country  " 

The  b»se  slanders  which  have  been  circulated    in  the   "  kefinfl  presses'' 
of  the    administration,  relative  lo  the  execution  of  fiie   "six  militia  men," 
and  other  military  evr;ts,  charging  Oen.   .Tackson,  with  the  hiifhest  crimes, 
are,   if  possible,  more   wicked   and  absurd,  than  the  charges  of  his  want  of 
cnpacity  and  learning,  suftic.ient  to  write  his  name.     These  transactions  tork 
place  foiirteen  years  ago  ;  they  were,    from  the  very  nature  nf  iliem,  open 
and  public,  before  the  face  of  the  whole  army,   and  the  eyes  of  tlie  whole 
country.     The  most  flagrant  of  these  charges  were  not  known  nor  heard  of 
at  the  lime  the  events  are  said  to  have  happened  ;  and  those  that  were  known, 
were  publicly  examined   and    approved    by   the  president,  by  congress,  and 
by  Mr.  Adams  himself,  as  secretary  of  stale      The  people  also,  when  a!!  the 
fdds  were  fresh  in  their  minds,   expressed  tiieir  verdict  of  {approval.     They 
were  entirely  put  at  rest  ;  and  Gen.  Jackson  was  retained  at  tlie  jiead  of  the 
army,  ofl'ered  a  foreign  mission,  nnd  finally  retired    from  all  his  public  em- 
ployments, with  the  approba'ion  of  the  government,  end  Ihe   gr.itilude  and 
benedictions  of  his  fellow  citizens      But   afler   the  lapse  of  twelve  or  tour- 
teen  ye»rs,  he  being  the  candidate  of  llie  people,  and  standing  in   the  way 
of  Mr.  Adams,  a  flagitious  attempt  is  made  by  fabrication,  by  forgeries,  by 
mutilating  public  documents,  by  ransacking  the  very  graves  of  Ihe  dead,  lo 
fix  the  stigma    of  n  Ij;rnn1  and  murderer  on  the  man  "  whose  whole  career" 
in  the  language  of  Mr.  Adams   himself  "  has  been  signalized  by  the  purest 
intentions  and  the  most  exalted  piirjioses  ;    and   vviios(»  spfvices  lo  hiscoun- 
Ipy  entitle  liim  to  its  highest  REVVAKDS"     This  spirit  is  of  a  character  with 
that  which  dragged  the  bnnes    of  Bradshaw  from  his  grave  ;  which  brought 
Sidney  lo  the  block  ;  which,  in  its  slnigglcs  i'^r  power,  imprecates  curses  on 
its  counIiy,8nd  which  would  "  annihilate  heaven  and  earth,  rather  than  fail 
in  can-yin'g  its  point."    These  slanders  are  similar  both  in  atrticity  and  nbsur^ 
dity,   to   those  once  circulated  for  a  similar  purpose,  against    Ihe  illustrious 
Jefferson.     Who  now  is  willing  lo  admit,  that  he    was  one  of  Ihe  credulous, 
tvho  believed  those    improljable    tales,   those  infamous  calumnies  of  a  now 
vefierated  patriot  .'  and  who,  fen,  or  even  two  yearshence  will  he  willing  to 
,admit  that  he  was  one  of  the  deluded,  who  believed  these  equally  wicked, 
eqwally  absurd  and  improbable  fictions  designed  for  the  unhallowed  purjiose 
'of  blastiugthe  well  earned  reputation  of  a  palriol,  scarcely  less  distinguished, 
scarcely  less  venerated  by  a  large  majority  of  his  grateful  countrymen. 

Fei.i.ow  Citizens!  We  have  now  presented  to  you,  our  views  of  the 
present  controversy,  in  many  of  its  bearings ;  the  importance  of  Ihe  sub- 
ject, we  hope  will  be  an  apology  for  (he  length  to  which  they  Iiave  been  ex- 
tended. It  is  a  contest  for  principle,  to  vindicate  the  violated  riglits  of  the 
people,  to  rescue  the  constitution  from  the  rude  grasp  of  those  who  regard 
only  its /orni,  (o  discoiinlenance  political  intrigue  ond  bargaining,  to  sweep 
away  the  leeches  from  Ihe  national  treasury,  and  lo  restore  to  its  regular  ac- 
tion Ihe  public  will.  The  spirit  of  the  nation  is  roused,  it  can  no  longer  be 
stifled  by  executive  influence;  lis  march  is  like  an  army  with  banners  ;  in 
the  south,  in  the  west,  in  the  middle  states,  and  even  in  New  England,  llic 
public  feeling  is  becoming  strong  and  deep.  In  Connecticut,  thougb  (he 
seed  time  was  late,  th'e  harvest  will  be  sure  ;  thousands,  who  a  few  months 
since,  were  strong  for  the  administration,  now  begin  to  doubt  ;  thousands 
who  doubted,  now  are  confirmed  in  the  cause  of  the  people's  candidate, 
who  seems  destined  a  second  tims  to  be  »n  instrument  in  the  hands  of  a 
wise  proviJence,  for  preserving  the  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country. 

INGOLDSBYIV.  CRAWFORD,  Presideift 


rsEi!si™^''is-"-"^- 


Z:^'